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Full text of "Abridgment Of The History Of India"



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I HAVE HEEN ADVISED that an Abridgment of the 
History of India which has been in use by the students 
of the University of Calcutta for eight years would be 
welcome to them, and I have endeavoured to compress 
the substance of the three volumes into one, which, 
.iKhmigh scanty in detail, will suffice to give them a 
view of the salient events of the different periods. 

The space allotted to the Mahomedan period has 
been abbreviated to make room for a fuller narrative 
of the progress of British power, in which the Queen's 
Indian subjects are more particularly interested. This 
will not be considered a matter of regret, as Elphin- 
stone's classical and standard History of India, which 
treats exclusively of the Musulman dynasties, is in- 
cluded in the student's curriculum of study. 

The present abridgment has been brought down to 
the close of the administration of the East India 
Company, and the annexation of the empire of India to 
the crown of Great Britain, which forms one of the 
most important epochs in Indian history. A brief 
notice of events from that date to the death of Lord 
Mayo has been added. 

Since the publication of the original work a new 
system of spelling Indian names, designated the trans- 
literal, lias been introchiced in India, which in some 


cases differs so materially from that which has hitherto 
been in vogue, that it is not easy to identify the places 
or persons. I have adhered to the old form of ortho- 
graphy, as the student may have occasion to refer to 
the records and despatches of Government, to Parlia- 
mentary papers, to previous histories, and to current 
English journals, in which it has been, and continues 
to be, used. There are some cases in which names 
have been variously spelled by different writers, but the 
diversities are neither important nor embarrassing. 
On the principle of preferring general usage to philo- 
logical nicety, I have in every such instance collated 
diverse authors, and, to the best of my ability, made 
choice of that mode which appeared to have the pre- 
ponderance. For the convenience of the native student, 
the two forms of spelling are placed in juxtaposition in 
the following table. 


LONDON: October, 1873. 


MR MARSHMAN did not long survive the publication of this 
Abridgment of his * History of India.' He died in London, July 
1877, and India lost in him a zealous worker, and a conscien- 
tious and faithful historian. During a long life his efforts were 
unceasingly directed to promote her interests, and the welfare 
of her people ; and lie held it his proudest title to be called "the 
Friend of India." In the present edition the summary of im- 
portant events, from the death of Lord Mayo in 1872 to the 
close of the year 1891, has been briefly clnonicled by a member 
of the author's family. 

LONDON, April 1893. 








Bed n ore 

Bed nor 



Beejanu^er . 


A boo 




Abul F.izil . 

Abul Fazl 

Beema . 


Afzool Khan. 

Afzul Khan 

Begum . 







An rued . 

An mad 

Bellary . 


Ahmedabad . 


Beloch . 




Belochistan . 


Ajeet . 

A lit 

Beloli . 


Ajmere . 




Ahverdy . 


Beyas . 




Alhwal . 


Bhawut))ore . 




Bliocm . . 












Bhurtpore . 

B hart pur 



Biana . 


Amboor . 


Bithoor . 


Ameor . 








Amrut . 


Booddlnsm . 


An^ha . 




Anund . . 








Arpaum . . 




Arracan . 




Aseei rurli 


l>.i^* 1,1 . 


Asof Khan . 

A sat Khan 

|{h l'i!^ , . 






AuruiiK:ih:id . 


Bulbun . 






Aylah . 











Bar mah 

Bsiber . 


liuxar . 


Baboo . 




Bagdad . . 


Byram . 






Bah inin co 


Caehar . 


Baioe Rao 

Hail lino 

Calicut . 




Cahpli . 






Bandoo . 
Bapoo . 


Gal pee . 
Cam bay 


Ba reel ore 


Cambuksh . 




Camran . 


Beder . 







1 |{ \N-I.I I 1 1LV1, 







Carrical . 






Gawilgurh . 

. Gawilgath 



G6riah . 

. Gheriah 



Ghauts . 

. Ghats 

Chanderee . 


Ghazee . 

. Ghazi 



Ghazeeporc . 

. Ghazipur 

Cheetoo . 
Chenab . 


Ghillio . 
Gholam . 

. Khilii 
. Ghulam 

Cheyt Sing . 

Chait Singh 

Ghoro . 

. Ghor 



Ghuzni . 

. Ghazni 



Gingee . 

. Gingi 

Choule . 



. Godavari 

Ohoute . 


Gogra .. 

. Ghoghra 



Gohud . 

. Gohad 



Gohur . 

. Gauhar 

Chunar . 


Golab . 

. Gulab 


Chan d & 


. Golkandah 




. Gumsur 


r* i - ., r :i 

Gooptu . 

. Gupta 


< V..I 


. Ghurka 

Chutter . 


Gtooroo . 

. Guru 

Coirabatoor . 


Goruckpore . 

. Gorakhpur 





Coles . 




Coorg . 


Oiiiiiciiilhur . 


Corah . 


(i\llll (>! 

. Guntur 

Cosaim . 




Cossim bazar . 

K.LShii'nn'/ai 1 


. Gwahar 




, Gay a 



liafiz Ruhmut 

. Haiiz RaUniat. 


Kan an] 

Hajce . 

. Hah 

Curumnassa . 


Hamed . 

. Hanmid 

Cutch . 


Hejira . 

. Hijrah 

Cuttack . 


Hornu . 

. Himu 

Daniel . 


Herat . 

. Harat 

l)aood Khan . 

Baud Kh&n 

Hmdee . 

. Hindi 

I)eccan . 


Hindoo . 

. Hindu 

Deeg . 


Hindoo Coosh 

. Hindu Kush 



Hindostan . 

. Hindustan 




. Hu^h 



Hooscn Ah . 

. Husian Ah 

Dewan . 


Host mil gubad 

. ULusliatiKabad 




. Humayuti 




. II , i, -..i- 

Dhriturastu . 


Hnshun Gunga 

. II, -! i.:.-. 

Pinf,' < SliiLT 

Dtnilip SniRh 


. Ifust niapiiiM 

Dhyan . 


Hy<lerabad . 

. M.Liduabad 



Hydpr All 

. HaidarAli 

Dilero . 


Indore . 

. Indor 



Irrawaddy . 

. I raw Adi 

Doondhoo Punt 

Dhandu Pant 

Jain . 

. Jain a 



Jaulna . 

. Jalna 

Doorjun Sal . 

Durjan S&l 


. Jat 

Dooryudhun . 




Povvlut . 


Jehangeer . 

. Jah&tigir 



Jolian Lodi . 

. Jahan Lodi 



Jellalabad . 

. Jal4tabad 

Dushuruthu . 



. JnlAl-ud-diM 

Eldoze . 


Jenghis Khan 

(Minngi? Khan 

Ellichporo . 



. Jeswant 

Emam^urh . 


Jeyporc . 

. Jaipur 



Jey Sing 

. JHI Singh 

Ferokshere . 

Farrukh Siyar 

Jhelum . 

. Jholam 

Feroze . 




Ferozopore . 




Firman . 

Fai man 

Juggut Sett 

, Jagat Set 




. Jallandar 

Fntteh Khan 



. Jammu 



Jumna . 

. Jnmnah 















Katrnandoo . 






Muck wan pore 


Khelat . 




Khizir . 



Mahabharat . 

Kbojah . 


Muhanudee . 


Khoond . 


Mulbar . 

Mai bar 







Muneuporo . 




Munoo . 


Khyber . 


Musulman . 




M ultra . 
Mysore . 

Maisur or Mysoi 

Kirkee . 


Nabob . 


Kistna . 




Koh-l-noor . 





K bumbo 





Nanuk . 


Koorooksh< 1 ru 


Narrain . 


Kootub . 


Nazir Jung . 

Nasir Jang 

Korygaum . 


Nepaul . 


Kshetriyus . 






Noor Jell an . 

Nur Jahdn 

Kulyan . 






Nundu . 








Nuzeeb-ood-do\\ - 


Kootub . 


lah . 

Lahore . 


Omar . 








Omrah . 



Loli am 

Ooch . 





TTdai pur 


Lakh 11 au 

Oody Sing 

Udai Smgb 

Lucknowtce . 


Oojem . 


Lueksmunu . 






Pal ghaut 



Mali mud 








Muhammad an 

Paniam . 





Pan i pat 



Patans . 


Mama Sahib 

Mama Saheb 



Man gal ore 

Man gal or 

Portal) Sni^c . 

Prntab Singh 

Maw u lees 

I\l a wall s 



Meeanmeer . 






PI assy . 




Poona . 


Meer Jaffler . 




Meer Joomla 

Mir Jam la 

Pooroe . 


Meerun . 

Ml ran 



Meerut . 


Pooroosram . 

Purasu Rama 

M chid pore . 
M elown 

Mali id pur 

Poorundur . 

l > iirandhar 



Pun dor pore . 

Pan d bar pur 

Mowar . 

Mai war 

Punjab . 


Mednapore . 



Parwandm ra 

Mogul . 


Pritheo . 










Moolraj . 






Rajpootana . 


Morad . 











Ramraj . 




Ramu . 


Sooruj Mull . 

Surai Mall 

Rnmi S;.ivJ'. . 

Ran* Sanga 



Kll IL-,., -II 




Ravee . 



w Sivadas rao bhau 



Suddoosain . 




Sufdor . 


Rezia . 




Rhotas . 


Surat . 

Sau rash tra 



Sutlej . 


Rohilcund . 




Roopur . 


Suttee . 


Rughoojoe . 






K-.i'/ I > :"ir 

JtangU tMiiirli 

Talhkotta . 


ba auui . 




Sahoo . 


Tamul . 


Salabut Jung 

Salabat Jung 

Tanjore . 


Salbye . 


Tanna . 




Taptee . 








Tartar . 


Saugor . 


Tellicherry . 






Savendoorg . 


Teraee . . 






Seeta . 


Tinnevelly . 


Seetabuldee . 


Tippoo . 


Seeva . 


Tirhoot . 


Selim . 


ToderMull . 

Todar Mall 

Seljuks . 






Tokajce . 


Seoraj . 




Setts . 


Toulsee-bye . 


Sevajee . 


Toombudra . 


Shah Alum . 

Shah Al am 

Travancore . 


Shahee . 
Shahjee . 
Shah Jehan . 

Shah Jahan 

Trimbukjee Pan^ 

- Trunbakji 

Shahpooree . 




Shariar . 


Ugin-Kools . 


Shastur . 






Urjoon . 


Sheah . 


Vedic . 


Sheiks . 


Vellore . 


Shore . 



V. nk&ji 

Shirjee . 


Vikru m aditj'U 





Sikkini . 


Vizier . . 


Smde . 


Warungul . 




Wassil . 


Siprce . 




Sircars . 

Ci rears 

Wiswas . . 


Sirlund . 


Wurda . 


Sirjee Angengaurr 

Sir ji Angengaon 







Solunan . 


Yoodistheer . 


Soobah . 


Zabita . 




Zeman . 


Sooder . 












Boundaries and divisions i.f India 
Early history and chronology 
The AbmiKines , the Aryans 
UC. Rise ol Brahnnmsm 
1400 Thu Muhabharut; the Pandoos 

and the Kooroos 

The battle of Kouroo Ksl.c tin . 
1200 Kingdoms of Ujodhyu .md Mi- 

tlnla ... . 

Events recorded in the Rmiayun 
Conquest of Ceylon by Itamu 
900 The code of Munoo 


593 Birth ot Hooddhu .... 

Doctrines of Booddhism 
641 His death and his relics 
521 Invasion of India by Darius 
3-7 Invasion of Alcxandei the Great 
Battle of the Jhelum with Porns 
He turns back from the Bey as . 
321 Death of Alexander the Gnat . 

Kingdom of Mugudu . 
3J5 Chundiajfooptu founds the 

Mauryan dynasty 
He repels the invasion of Seleucus 
300 Great prosperity of the dynasty 
260 Asoka, its greatest pi mee 

Extent of his kn ir-ifii , his edicts 
He establish) s Booddhism . 
220 Death of Asoka .... 
18Sl)>iuust\ of the Suugas ; their 


The, Ugm-Kools revive Brahmin- 

Prevalence of Booddhism in the 

seventh century A.I). 
57 Rise of the Andhra dy musty . 
Vikrum-adityu; tho Augustan 

age of Sanscrit Ittcratmo . 
Bengal and its capital Gour 
Adisoor founds the Sen dynasty . 
Cashmere conquered by the Gun- 


Dyi rt^ty of the Shahs in Surat . 15 
Displaced by the Hnllablns . . 15 


tenth centuries of the Christian 





First settlement of the Deccan 

the Dravidian .... 



The Pand\as and the Cholas 



The Mahrattas and tho Ooriyas . 




473 The Kesari dj nasty m Onssa 





5('0 Birth of Mahomed and spread of 




711 Mahomed ben Coss>im invades 


Raipootana and is expelled 
872 The Samanides established in 



Khoiasan and Afghanistan 



Aluptmreeri establishes the king- 





97i Succeeded by Suhuktugeen . 



iU7 Mahmood of Giiuzni 


1001 He entires in twelve expeditions 





1001 To Naparcote and Thanesur 



HH7 To Cunou^o and Mutirn. 



102t Plunder ot Somnath 



10.JO Mahmood's death and character. 
1186 Extinction of Ghuzni . 





ThedMiasty ot GHORE . . 2.1 
Mahomed Ghory the real founder 

of Mahomedan power in India 24 

State of the Hindoo kingdoms . 24 

The virtues of Bhoie Raj . . 24 
j 11M Prithee raj defeats Mahomed Ghory 25 

13 I ll 93 Mahomed crushes the Hindoos at 

14 ! Tirann 26 

It ' 1 194 Conquest of Bengal and Behar . 26 

J I20t Demolition of Hindoo nower . 27 

14 ' 1200 Death and character of Mahomed 27 





1206 Kootub-ood-deen establishes the 

SLAVE dynasty . .27 

1219 Invasion of Jenghis Khan , 28 

1219 Conquests of Altumsh . . 28 

1286 Reign of Sultana Rezia . . 28 

1166 Reign of Bulburi . .29 

1288 Succession of the GHILJIB line . 30 

',:'. >;!' IK '. . ' .' '.' .30 
1295 Alla-ood-deen mounts the throne 30 
1298 His struggles with the Moguls . 31 
1309 Malik Kafoor ravages the Deccan 31 
1316 Alla-ood-deen's misfortunes and 

death 32 

Extent of his conquests . . 32 
1321 Five years of anarchy . .32 


Origin of the TOGHLTJK dynasty 33 
1321 Ghazee Toghluk's accession . 33 
1325 Mahmeti I <* i. , 's wild projects 34 
18 10 Dismemberment of the empire . 34 
1340 Hindoo kingdom at Beejanuger . 34 
1351 Feroze Toghluk's magnilicent 

buildings 35 

His great canal . . . .35 
1388 His death at the age of ninety . 35 
1394 Universal anarchy ; rise of four 

independent kingdoms . . :;6 
IP- T\. v,i' -i, ot Malwa . . .36 

1 >><>.,/ i; ii 36 

Candesh 86 

1394 Jounpore ,i6 

139H Invasion of Timur . . . .36 
1411 The STUD dynasty ... 37 
1450 The last monarch resigns his 

throne to Beloh-Lodi . . 38 
The LODI dynasty at constant war 

with Jounpore . . . .38 
T> H. ... < ;::!,. 
iliiiMi i *' I- : 'i : J ., - 

pore 38 

1478 It is reanriexed to Delhi . . 38 
1488 Beloh Lodi's conquest . . . 38 
D17 Ibrahim third ai id la^t king ; uni- 
versal revolt . . . .39 

1396 Kingdom of Guzerat established 39 
1411 Ahmed Shxh's constant wars . 39 
1459 Mahomed Shah's illustrious reign 

ot fifty years ; his navy . . 40 
1526 Bahadoor Shall conquers Malwa 40 
1535 Killed, as supposedly the Portu- 
guese 40 

1572 Axbar annexes the kingdom to 

the empire 40 

1401 Dilawur G- i. cri-iY ! iMV.u-i 40 
1*35 Mahomed (i: j> ';;- U 
throne, his reign passed in inces- 
sant wars 41 

1482 His son As, : -i's- sarf" > . . 41 
1531 The kiiifi'i . !. \, ! .T..II . i . .41 
1500 Rana Sanga the most powerful of 

the Rajpoot princes . .42 

1847 Rise of the BAHMINEE kingdom 

in the Deccan . . . .42 

Constant wars with the Hindoo 

kingdoms of Telingana and 

Beejanuger . . . .42 

1397 The splendid reign of Feroze . 42 

A i>. PACK 

1 482 The kingdom crumbles to pieces . 43 
Five independent kingdoms 
created out of it . . . .43 

1489 Adil Shahee dynasty remains in- 

dependent 197 years; capital 
Beejapore 43 

1490 Nizam Shahee dynasty j indepen- 

dent 150 years ; capital Ahmed- 
nugur 43 

148ilmad Shahee dynasty; capital 

Berar ; independent HO years . 44 

1512 Kootub Shahee dynasty ; inde- 
pendent 173 years; capital Gol- 
conda . .... 44 

1498 Small stato at Beder ; period of 

its extinction uncertain . . 44 


Mogul dynasty . . 44 

Early career of Baber . .45 

1519 First irruption into India . . 45 

1526 Fifth irruption ; conquers Ibra- 

him Lodi at Paniput, and 
mounts the throne ... 45 
State of India at the time . . 46 

1527 Baber totally defeats the Raj- 

poots 46 

152^ Recovers Oude and Behar . . 46 

I,j30 His death and character . . 46 

lo.'>0 Humayoon succeeds him . . 47 

5.J4 He conquers and loses Guzerat . 47 

Early career of Sliere Shah . . 48 

1540 Defeats Humayoon, and mounts 

the throne 48 

1542 Humayoon flies to Candahar . 48 
1545 The live years of Shore Shah's 
reign the most brilliant period 
of Indian history . . .49 

1553 Empire lost to his family . . 60 

Humayoon's adventures abroad . 60 

1656 Recovers the throne and dies . 50 

1656 Akbar mounts the throne . . 50 

1550 He'nu defeated at Paniput . . 61 
1656 Akbwr's great minister, Byram, 

his arrogance and tall . . 61 

Akbar's conflict with his satra) B 52 

1568 His power fully established. . 63 
His matrimonial alliances with 

Rajpoot princesses ... 63 

1672 Conquest of Guzerat ... 54 

1576 Conquest of Bengal . . 54 

1578 Conquest of Orissa ... 56 

Sketi h of its previous history . 56 

1560 City of Gour depopulated . . 56 

1586 Conquest of Cashmere . . . 56 

Akbar's army annihilated in the 

passes of Afghanistan . . 57 

J592 Annexation of Sinde ... 57 

1694 Recovery of Candahar ... 57 


Akbar's views on the Deccan . 59 

State of the Deccan ... 57 
1336 The great Hi <!> n < : uicliy of 

Beejanuger * -i HI .1 .1 ." .58 

Its magnitude and power . . 58 
1565 Confederacy of the Mahomedan 

princes of the Deccau against it 6P 




1665 Extinguished at the battle of 

Tallikotta 59 

1595 Deplorable state of the Deccan . 59 
1595 Akbar invades the Deeean . . 59 
1595 Siege of Ahmednugur - heroism 

of Chan (1 Sultana ... 59 
1000 Capture of Ahmednugur . . 00 
1605 Death and character of Akbar . 61 
His admirable institutions; his 

heterodoxy ; his toleration . 61 
His revenue settlement; splen- 
dour of his court and pro- 
gresses 62 



1605 Accession of Jeliair. r eer . . 63 

Antecedents of Noor Jehan . . 64 

1611 Marriage with Johangeer . . 64 

1612 Malek Amber defeats the im- 

perial armies in the Deecan , his 

great talents .... 65 

1614 Shah Jehan conquers Oodvpore . 65 

1615 Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to 

the court of Delhi . . . 65 

1620 Shnh Jehan in the Decean . . 66 

1622 Persecuted by Noor Jehan . . 66 

1625 Mohabet diiven into revolt by 

her 67 

1626 Ho seizes the emperor . . 67 
1620 Noor Jehan rescues him . . 68 

1627 Death of Jehanireer ... 68 


1627 Accession of Shah Jehan . . OS 
State of the three Mahomedan 

powers in the Deccan . . 09 

1628 Rebellion of Jehan Lodi . . 6' 
10.^7 Ahinednugur extinguished . 70 
1637 Beejapore rendered tributary . 70 
1637 Oandahar recovered . . .70 

Hxpedition to Balk h ... 71 
1047 Persians recover Cnndahar . . 71 
Aurungzcbe fails to regain it . 71 
He renews the war in the Dec- 
can 71 

1656 He plunders Hyderabad . . 71 

1657 Recalled to Delhi . . .72 
1657 Shah Jehan's dangerous illness; 

his four sons intrigue for the 
succession , their character . 73 

1657 Dara defeats Soojah . . .7:5 

1658 Aurungzebo defeats Dara; de- 

poses hit father, and n (.us t- li, * 

ihroi.e 7V 

Character of Shah Jehan ; mag- 
nificence of Ins biuidmits and 
his court; his enormous wealth 74 

1660 Aurungzebe putts his brothers to 

death 75 

J662 His dangerous illness and re- 
covery 75 

1663 Meer Joomla's expedition to As- 

gam 76 



Rise and progress of the Mai ratta 

power 7t> 

1620 Origin 'i 1 p irr"-.- of Shahjee; 

his -i; nr:<-' K, the soubh . 77 
1627 Birth of Sevajee, the founder of 

Mahratta power . . 77 

1046 His daring ad ventures . . . 78 
16*9 His acquisitions of territory . 78 
1657 Intercourse with Aurungzebe . 79 
1659 Treacherously murders Afzool 

Khan ... . . 79 

1662 His possessions at the age of 

thirty-five 80 

1661 Baffles the imperial generals . 80 

1064 Plunders Surat .... 81 

1 065 Origin of the chout . . .82 
K3G5 Proceeds to Delhi ; is confined 

and escapes 82 

1668 Revises his institutions . . . 83 

1672 \gain defeats tho emperor's gene- 

rals 83 

1673 Aurungzebe defeated in the Khy- 

ber 83 

1677 He renews the persecution of the 

Hindoos 84 

1077 Alienation and revolt of the Raj- 
poots 85 

1 674 Sevajee assumes royalty . . 86 
1676 His expedition to the Carnatic . 85 
1680 His death and character . . 86 


1683 Aurungzehe marches to the Dec- 

can with a magnificent army . 87 

1684 Disastrous march to the Concan . 88 
1(386 TV -i L-.iO . * Heejapore . . 88 

I i i 1 - 1 ;! hi) 'Magnificence of the 
edifices of Beejapore ... 89 

1687 Aurungzebe extinguishes Golcon- 

da 89 

The Deccan a scene of anarchy . 89 

1080 Sambajee succeeds Sevajee , . 90 

1689 His vicious leign and tragic 

death 90 

1689 Collapse of the Mahratta power; 
the court retreats to the Car- 
natic 91 

Comiiimvii of the Mogul and 
Muhinttii sir .ict . . .91 

169S Siege of (lingee f\>r nine . \ears . 92 

1701 Aurungzcbe's marvellous activity 

at the age of eightv . . .92 
Treats with the Mahrattas . 93 

1707 Retreats in disgrace towards Del- 
hi ami dies at Ahinednugur . 93 
His character 94 

1707 Hahadoor Shah emperor . . 94 
1700 Discord among the Mahrattas . 94 

1708 Daood Khan, the Emperor's lieu- 

tenant, wants them the chout 
of tho Dccciiu . . . .35 
Origin of the Sikh common- 
wealth; Naiiuk; Gooroo Go- 

vind f5 

1712 BahadoorShah drives li.esr chief- 
tain Bandoo to the In .s, ai.ti 
dies 9C 




1713 Jehander Shah emperor , murder- 
ed by Ferokshere ... 96 

1713 Ferokshere mounts the throne 

under the galling yoke of the 

Syuds 96 

.714 Rise of the Nizam .... 90 

1714 Ballajee Wishwanath revives the 

vigour of the Mahrattas . . 96 
1717 His independence aekn< >wledged . 97 

1717 The ch<>ut confirmed . . .97 

1718 Ferokshere murdered . . .98 

1719 Mahomed Shall emperor . . s8 

1720 Relieved fromthe tyranny of the 

Syuds 98 

17:20 Saadut AH soobndar of Oude . 9.) 
1724 Nizam-ool-moolk establishes an 
independent power in the Dec- 
can 99 

1720 Ballajee Wishwanath establishes 

the power of the Peshwas . . 99 
1720 Succeeded by Bajee Rao . 9!> 

1730 Rise of the Gaickwar family . 101 
1730 And of the Sindia family . .101 
1730 And of the family of Holkar . 101 
1732 Baiee Rao's conquests on the 

Jumna 102 | 

1734 Acquires possession of Malwa 102 
1734 Ilis demands on the emperor 102 

1737 He inarches to the gates of Delhi 10'5 
1788 Defeats the Nizai-j. . . . 103 

Early career of Nadir Shah . . 101 

1738 He crosses the Indus and defeats 

the emperor . . . .104 

1739 Sacks Delhi and returns with 

thirty-two croi es of rupees . 103 
State of India at -his invasion . 105 


Rise and progress of the Portu- 
guese ...... 

1486 Bartholomew Dias first doubles 
the Cape ..... 

1497 Vasco (te Gama discovers India by 
the Cape; lands at Calicut on 
the Mai abar coast . . . 

1500 Second Portuguese expedition 

1502 The third under Vasco de Gama. 

1506 \" . "i ts the combined 

I . Guzeratee fleets . 

1508 Albuquerque appointed viceioy: 
he founds Goa . . . . 

1508 Extends the Portuguese power 
over 12,000 miles of coast, and 
:rii:\es 1'ieir, paramount in the 
K.'U-t- in *.:i- . . . . 

1515 Ungratefully dismissed and dies. 

1517 P ..--i... ov,i Ceylon . . 
A- i :i" M i- 1 1 China . . 

1537 They defeat the Turkish and Gu- 

zeratee fleets . . . . 

1570 Resist the attack of the wholeMa- 

homedan power in the- Deccan 

for nine months with success . 

1538 Establish themselves in Bengal . 
1596 Rise of the Dutch power and de- 

cay of the Portuguese . . 




109 ; 



r o 




Rise of the French power . . 112 
1674 Martin founds Pondicherry . . 112 
1076 It is captured by the Dutch and 

restored ..... 112 
1719 French East India Company re- 

organised . . . . 112 
1735 Dumas the governor raises the 

first sepoy army . . . .113 

1740 Obliges the Mahiattas to retire . 113 
1710 Dupleix enriches Chandernagore .lit 

1741 Is appointed governor of Pondi- 

c'u'iry ...... 114 

1745 Laboimlonnais arrives with a 

large armament .... 115 
174.") 1-irf.t engagement in the Indian 
SCHS between an English and 
French fleet ..... 115 
17t<' Labourdonnais captures Madras . 116 

1746 Nabob of the Carnatic attacks the 

French and is utterly defeated . 117 
Consequences of this first en- 

counter ..... 117 
174S Admiral Boscawen besieges Pon- 

dicherry without result . .117 

1748 Peace of Aix-la-Clvipelle restores 

Madras to the Company . . 117 


1749 Madras Government invade Tan- 

jore .... .118 

Ambition of Dupleix . . 118 

1748 Death of Xi/-- i . > -MI --'.k . . 119 

1749 Dupleix ?i- ** M< /MI! r his 

* become soobadar 

. 119 

1749 Bussy defeats the nabob of the 

Carnatic ... .119 

Mahomed Ah supported as nabob 

by the English . . . .119 
Chunda Sahib supported as na- 

bob by the, French . . .119 

1750 Naxir Jung soobmlar - .120 
Hr is defeated by Bussy and shot 

by the nabob of Cmldapa . 121 

1750 Mozuffer Jung soobadar ; is shot 

by the nabob of Kurnool . . 121 

1751 Bussy makes Salabut Jung soo- 

b'idrir ..... . 121 

1751 Siege and defence of Trichino- 

poly ...... 122 

17.")1 Clivo's defence of A rcot. . ,123 
1754 Dupleix superseded and recalled . 124 
1764 Disgraceful treatment of him . 125 
1764 Greatness of his character . . 125 
1754 Convention between the French 

and English ..... 125 


1751 Bussy seats Salabut Jung in his 

capital ...... 126 

1751 He defeats the Mahrattas . .120 
175- Ghazee-ood-deen poisoned by his 

stepmother ..... 127 

1753 Bussy acquires the Northern 

Sircars ...... 127 

17 r >6 Salabut Jung dismisses him . 12S 
1756 He completely recovers his power 129 
1758 Lally, governor of Poi.dicherry . 1 SO 


4.D. I'AOE 

1758 He ruins Bussy's power . . 1 '>o , 
1768 Lally besieges Madras . . . 130 

1759 Obliged to retire . . . .131 
1759 Indecisive action of the fleets . 131 
1759 French defeated by Sir Eyre 

Coote at Wandewash . . .131 
1761 Pondicherry captured and de- 
molished 132 

1763 Trial and ex< cutiou of Laliy at 

Paris ... . . 132 


1747 Ahmed Shah Abdalee invades In- 

dia and is defeated . . .133 

1748 Death of Mahomed Shall, empe- 

ror of Del hi 133 

Succeeded by his son Ahmed, Na- 
bob of Omle appoint ( d vizier . 133 

1764 Ghazee-ood-deen blinds Ahmed 

and raises Aluiugeer to the 
throne 1'U 

1756 The Abdalee again invades India 

and sacks Delhi: leaves the 
Punjab under Ins son Tnmir . 131 

1757 Ghazee-ood-deen invites the Mali- 

rat tas to drive hmi out . . 1 >4 

1758 Raghoha captures Delhi and 

marches to the Indus . . I'M 

1758 Poshwa extorts large concessions 

of teintory from the Nizam . 135 
17C9 Alahrattasat the zenith of their 
power .... 

1759 Tho Abdalee's last invasion . 
1759 He defeats Sindia and Holkar . 
1700 Peshwa puN forth the whole 

strength of the Mahratta com- 
mon wealth to meet him . . ISO 
1761 Total delcat of tho Alahrattaa at 

Pamput . . . I,i7 


1600 The E.ist India Company . . 138 

1601 Charter granted by Queen Eliza- 

beth 138 

1611 Thev dispatch vessels to Surat . 13S 
I OK) Sir Thomas Roe's emb.issy . . 18 
t620 Air. Broughton cures the eiupe- 
ro^'s * . ins pri- 

vilege . .139 

1639 Madras founded .... 139 
1662 Bombay acquired by the Com 


1683 The Company aim at p Htical 
power in Bengal ; its disastrous 

result 140 

1690 Job Chamock founds Calcutta . 141 
1695 Permission to foitify it . . 142 
1693 Establishment of a rival Com- 
pany 142 

1702 Union of the two Companies . 14't 
1702 Moorshcd Kooly Khan dewan of 

Bengal 143 

1715 Embassy to Delhi for permission 
to purchase thirty-eight vil- 
lages near Calcutta . . . 144 
1710 Mr. Hamilton cures the emperor 

and obtains permission . .144 
1717 Moorshed Kooly Khan frustrates 

it . .'.... 144 

A.D. 1'AGE 

17J5 His admirable administration ot 

twenty-five years . . .144 

1725 R( venues of Bengal . . .141 

1725 His sonSujah-ood-deen succeeds 

him 145 

1739 He is Miceeeded by Serefraz Khan . 145 


1741 Ahverd> Khan supplants him at 

Delhi by bribery. . . .145 

1742 Mahrattas invade Bengal and 

plunder Moorshedabad . .145 
1712 The English surround Calcutta 

\\ ith the Mahratta Ditch . , 146 
1751 Ahverd> cedes Onssa to the Mah- 
rattas, and pays the chout of 

Bengal 146 

1756 His death 146 

1750 Suraj-ood-dowlah succeeds him . 146 
1750 He marches against Calcutta . 147 
1756 Its defenceless state ; Nabob cap- 

tuies it 147 

1738 Trairedy of the Black Hole . .148 

1756 The Com pany expelled from Ben- 

ir,il 148 

1755 Cine captures the port of Ghe- 

ruh 140 

17")7 He recaptures Calcutta . .149 

1757 He defeats the Nabob at Dum- 

dum 150 

1757 He captures Chandernagi>re . 150 
1757 Confideracy against the Nabob 
by his ministers, joined by 

dive 150 

1757 Battle of Pliwsy; Nabob is de- 
feated and flies .... 151 
1757 Deception of Omichund . . 151 
1757 Clive makes Meer Jnffier Nabob. 152 
1757 Suraj-ood-dowlah brought back 
and killed by Meerun, Meer 
Jaflier's son 153 

. 139 



1757 AH finhur, the emperor's son. in- 
vades Bengal and is obliged to 

retreat 153 

1759 Meer Jaffier invites the Dutch 
from Java to countrbalance 
Clivo 154 

1759 Tho Dutch army defeated at 

Chi 1 1 sui ah 154 

17M Clive returns to England . .154 
17608eomi invasion of Ali-Gohur, 

military operations at Pntna . 155 

1760 Mr. Vnns'ittait succeeds Clive . 155 
1760 Piofligae^ of the Council in Cal- 
cutta . ... 156 

17iQThey depose Meer Ja flier and 

mak i Meer Cossim Nabob. . 156 

1762 His vigorous administration . 158 
17(53 Disputes about the transit duties 157 

1763 He seizes every European in Ben- 

gal . .... 158 

1763 The Council take the field ; he is 
defeated, and ma^sactcs48 Eng- 
lish gentlemen and 100 soldiers . 15 C 




1763 Meer Jaffler igain nabob . .159 

1765 His death 159 

1765 Base conduct of the Council . 159 

1764 First Sepo\ IMM: in \ . . .159 

1764 Battle of Km r; Naboo of Oude 

totally defeated .... 160 

1765 Olive created a peer j sent out to 

retrieve the Company's affairs . 160 
1765 He mediatizes the Nabob of Moor- 

shedabad 161 

1765 Restores Oude to the Nabob . 1GI 
1765 His arrangement with the em- 
peror 161 

1765 He acquires the Dewanee . .161 

1765 Congratulates the Directors on 

the extent of their povc-MOhs. lfi> 

1766 Quells the mutm\ o! the Euro- 

pean officers .... 163 

1767 His eminent success; his un- 

grateful tr!Lt .cut .11 r-.ifland . 164 
1774 Hi, (l.-uth . . 161 


Transactions at Madras and Bom- 
bay 164 

1762 Misrule of Mahomed All . . 1H5 

1763 Spoliation of Tanjore . . . 105 

1765 The Northern Sircars granted to 

the Company by the emperor . 165 

1766 Madras Council basely agree to 

pay tribute for them to the 

Nizam 166 

Rise and progress of Hyder Ah . 160 
1749 His first repute at Deonhully . 166 
1761 At sixty is master of Mysore . 167 
1763 Acquires Bednoro and its wealth 167 

1765 Is defeated by the Mahrattas . 167 

1766 Annexes Malabar . . . .168 

1767 Madras Council join the Nizam 
* and the Mahrattas against 

him 168 

1767 The Nizam joins him against the 

English 168 

1767 General Smith twice defeats the 

confederates . . . .168 

1767 The Nizam reduced to extremity 1H9 

1768 J)!-t:- <<'' :r:u-V i -i,l- .1 i>. ':. 

lit Mr. I' i ,.- .- : r< fMi-:rvi 169 

1768 Mailra- ir \< , . i .1: the lowest 

p.t -i, ..rd-kTi.:i" i. . . . 170 

1769 Hyder dictates peace under the 

walls of Madras . . . ,171 

1770 The Council engage to assist him 

in his wars 171 

1770 He attacks the Mahrattas; is de- 
feated at Milgota, and besieged 
for flve weeks .... 171 

1772 Madras Government refuse him 
succour, and ho loses much 
territory 172 

1769 Mahratta expedition to Hindo- 

stan 172 

1772 Transactions in Rohilcund . 17-i 

1772 Anomaly of the Government in 
India 173 

1772 Great embarrassmentat the India 

house 174 

*77<J Interference of Parliament; the 

Regulating Act . . 171 



Early career of Hastings . . 175 

1772 Appointed Governor of Bengal . 176 

1773 Abolishes the double government 

of Olive, introduces great re- 
forms, makes anew settlement, 
removes the, treasury to Cal- 
cutta . . ... 176 
1773 Unhappy treaty with the Nabob 

of Oude 176 

1773 Embarks in the Rohilla war . 177 

1774 New Government in Calcutta . 177 
1774 Hastings Governor-General; his 

counsellor 177 

1774 They bully him ; their unjust 

treatment of the Nabob of Oude 178 

1775 They supersede Hastings' author- 

ity 178 

1775 Gross charges against him . .170 
1775 Execution of Nunkoomar . .179 

1775 Hastings tenders his resignation, 

and then recills it ... ISO 

1776 Directors appoint Ins successor . 1>0 

1777 Confusion in Calcutta by this 

event 181 

1777 Death of Sir John Clavering . 181 
17^0 After six years' contest, Hastings 
fights a duel with Mr. Francis, 
who is wounded and goes home 181 


Progress of Mahratta affairs . LSI 
1772 The Peshwa Naravun Rao as- 
sassinated; Rfudioba ascends 
the throne 182 

1774 Widow of Nnrayun delivered of 

a posthumous child, and a re- 
gency formed .... 182 

1775 Baghoba negotiates with the 

Bombay authorities . . . 182 
1775 Treaty or Surat results in war . 183 
1775 Mahrattas defeated at Arras . 18.1 
".? TI ' . . . " troay 184 

. -'.I I , '- .'. .' Poona 184 

1777 French adventurer at" Poona . 185 
177H Eevolution at Poona, first in 

favour of Raghoba, and then 
against him . . . .185 

1778 Expedition fi 'MS Ho":! 1 i\l P"'iai 

disgraceful e >..\ ; i ..: " \\ ur- 

gaum 186 

1778 General Goddard's expedition 

from the Jumna to Bombay 187 

1780 Brilliant capture of Gwahor . 188 

1781 Complete defeat of Sindia . . 188 

1770 General confederacy against the 

Company . . . . .189 

M 'Tun ,: ru'" .it U-m i kV . 189 

1780 HIM: ,-<' r,i..i;i Nurp n . 18U 

1781 COM- . in I)-,U<T wi' 1 ! S:: din . lift 


Transactions at Madras 1771-1780 191 

1771 Proceedings against Tanjoro . Itn 
1774 Paul B'-nfleid'n deium.d . . 192 
1776 The (' u til arrest Lord Pigot . 19? 




1779 Hastings reverses their trans- 
actions regarding the Gutitoor 

Sircar 193 

Progress of Hyder AH 1773-1780 193 

1 779 War between France and England 194 

1780 Hyder joins the confederacy . 194 
1780 He bursts on the Carnatic . .191 
1780 Destruction of Colonel Baillie's 

force 195 

1780 Hastings's energetic efforts . 196 


1781 Sir Eyre Coote proceeds to Ma- 
dras and thrice defeats Hyder . 197 

1781 Lord Macartney Governor of Ma- 
dras 198 

1781 Negapatam and Trincomalee con- 

quered from the Dutch . . 198 

1782 Arrival of a French armament . 199 
1782 Four naval actions . . .199 
1782 Great famine at Madras . . 200 
1782 Death of Hyder Ali 7th December 201 

1782 Succeeded by Tippoo . . .201 

1783 Supineness of General Stuart . 201 
1783 He besieges Bussy at Cuddalore 202 
1783 Peace between France and Eng- 
land 202 

1783 Tippoo invests Mangalore . . 203 
1783 Colonel Fullerton's successful ex- 
pedition towards Serin gapatam 203 

1 784 Treaty of peace at Mangalore with 
Tippoo by the Madras Council 




Proceedings in Bengal . . .205 
1774 Encroachments of the Supreme 

Court 205 

1779 The Cossijurah case . . .206 

1779 Hasting stops their proceedings 206 

1780 Sir Elijah Impey, chief judge of 

the Sudder 206 

1780 Hastings's proceedings regarding 

Cheyt Sing . . . .207 

1781 His extreme danger at Benares 208 

1781 Cheyt Sing raises an army and 

is defeated 208 

1782 Plunder of the Begums of Oude . 209 

1783 Hastings, worried by the Direc- 

tors, resigns . . . ,209 

1785 Embarks for England . . .210 

1786 Impeached of high crimes and 

misdemeanours by the House 
of Commons . . . .210 

1795 His acquittal 211 

His character 211 

1782 Reports of two Committees of the 

House of Commons . . . 212 

1783 Mr. Fox's India Bill . . .212 

1784 Mr. Pitt's India Bill . . .213 
1784 Nabob of Arcot's debts . . 214 
1784 Mr. Dundas's extraordinary pro- 
ceedings regarding them . . 214 

1805 Fabrication of fresh loans for 32 

crores of rupees . . . .214 



1785 Mr. Macpherson, officiating Go- 

vern or-General; his economical 
reforms 215 

1786 Lord Cornwallis Governor-Gene- 

ral 216 

1786 Advantages of his position . .216 
1786 He stems the current of jobbing, 

peculation, and fraud . . 217 
1786 His proceedings regarding Oude 217 

1788 Demands the surrender of the 

Guntoor Sircar . . . .218 

1789 His imprudent letter to the 

Nizam 218 

1789 Tippoo attacks the raja of Travan- 

core, the ally of the Company . 219 

1790 Lord Cornwall's alliances with 

the Nizam and the Peshwa 
against Tippoo . . . .220 

1790 Genera] Medows' first campaign ; 

abortive 220 

1791 Second campaign ; Lord Corn- 

wallis beats Tippoo ; obliged to 
return for want of provisions . 221 

1791 Dilatory proceedings of the allies 222 

1792 Third campaign ; peace dictated 

under the walls of the capital . 223 
1792 Tippoo surrenders half his do- 
minions 223 

1792 Remarks on the campaign . . 224 


Lord Cornwallis's revenue re- 
forms 226 

1793 History and nature of the Perma- 

nent Settlement . . . .226 
1793 Reconstruction of the judicial 

establishments . . . .228 
1793 The Cornwallis Code . . .228 
1793 Exclusion of natives from the 

public service .... 228 
1793 War between France and Eng- 
land ; capture of Pondicherry 229 

1793 Lord Cornwallis returns to Eng- 

land 229 

1784 Progress of Sindia's power . . 229 
17^5 He demands the ctouttor Bengal, 

and fleeces the Rajpoots . . 280 
1788 Delhi plundered and the emperor 

deprived of sight by Gholam 

Khadir 230 

1791 General de Boigne raises a Sepoy 

army for Sindia ; he defeats the 
Rajpoots 231 

1792 Sindia proceeds to Poona where 

he becomes paramount . . 232 

1794 His death 232 

1793 The Company's charter renewed 

for twenty years . . . 283 


1793 Sir John Shore Governor-General 233 

1794 Mahratta designs on the Nizam 234 

1794 Sir John Shore's feeble policy . 234 

1795 All the Mahratta princes march 

against tho Nizam . , .286 



A.D. PAGE ! 

1795 He is routed at Kurdla and 

obliged to pay three crores . 235 

1795 The Peshwa dest i oys himself . 236 
1797 Three years of anarchy at Poona ; 

Bajee Rao the last of the 
Peshwas 2'56 

1796 Second mutiny of the European 

officers 236 

1796 Sir John Shore quails before it, 

and is superseded . . . 237 

1797 Lord Cornwallis sworn in as Go- 

vernor-General . . . . 2V7 
1797 The ministry concede the de- 
mands of the officers and he 
throws up the appointment . 237 

1797 Sir John Shore's proceedings at 

Lucknow 2.J8 

1798 He embarks for England . . 239 



1798 Lord Wellesley Governor-General 

State of India on his arrival 
1 70S IT ;., il- .- - * i )o ; the 

1798 Embarrassments of Lord Wel- 
lesley ; he breaks up the system 
of isolation : his negotiations 
with tho native princes . .-'42 

1798 New treaty with the Nizam . . 2 12 

1798 Proposed treaty with the Peshw.t 

rejected by him .... 243 

1798 Extinction of the French force 

at Hyderabad . . . .245 

1798 Bonaparte lands in Egypt . 2 1 1 
*::" ' n - -vith Tippoo .214 
!"... M ' ' . / from .Madras ^45 

1799 Tippoo attacks the Bombay army 

and is defeated . . . . 2 15 
17'99 Defeat of Tippoo at M ilavelly . 2r, 
1799 Senngapatam captured ; extinc- 
tion of Hyder's dynasty . . 216 
1799 Remarks on the campaign . . '2 17 
1799 Consequent security of the 

Deccan 2 17 

1799 Restoration of the old family of 

Mysore .... 2 18 


1800 The Nizara cedes territory and 

forms a subsidiary alliance . 2 itt 

1800 State of the Carnatic . . . 250 
Clandestine and hostile corn s- 

pondence of the Nabobs with 
Tippoo 2:,1 

1801 The Nabob mediatized and the 

Carnatio becomes a British 
province . . . . .251 

1800 Captain Malcolm's embassy to 

Persia 202 

1800 Expedition to the Red Sea . . 252 

1802 Peace of Amiens ; Bonaparte 

sends a grand armament to 
Pondicherry .... 253 

1800 Demand on the Nabob of ide . 264 

1801 He makes a new treaty and cedes 

half his territories . . 255 

A.B. PAG! 

1800 J'-'.-il * -.M :. :! of the College of 

1 U . run .... 25* 

1798 Encouragement ifivon by Lord 

Wellesley to Free Trade . . 257 

1801 Disputes between him and the 

Court ...... 257 

1802 He tenders his resignation . . 268 
1802 Is requested to remain another 

year ; its consequences . . 250 


1800 Death of Nana Kurnaveso at 

Poona ami its effect . . . 

Histoiy of thi- Holkar family . 

1795 Death of Avlah b>; her exem- 
plary and vigorous administra- 
tion ...... 

1795 Early iareer of Joswunt Rao 
Holkar ..... 

1800 Rise and progress of Amcor Khan 

1801 .Joins Holkar; their depredations 
1801 H-tlkar ravages Smdia's terri- 

tories ...... 

1801 Simlia defeats Holkar, and de- 

spoils Imlorc .... 

1802 Holkar marches on Poona and 

defeats the Peshwa and Sintlia 

1802 The Peshwa takes refuse at Has- 

sein ...... 

182 He signs tho treaty of Bassein . 

18o,> Siudia and tho raja of Nairpons 
take umbrage and resolve on 
war ...... 

1803 General We!l sley invest e<l uith 

full powers in the Deccan . 

1803 Lord Wellesley's vigorous propa- 






1803 Grind military organization of 

Lord Wellesley .... 2i>' 
1803 General \Vellesley captures Ah- 

ISO.HJecisive h.iltlf of Ass>e . . 
18U.J Siii<ha lostN all hin posbessions in 

tho Deccan ..... 

His strong position in ihmlostnn 

1803 Geru ral Lake captures All)gurh 

1803 His victory before- Delhi . . 

1803 Outers Delhi and resfoies the 

rojal I an nly . . . 

1803 Gains the battle of Lasuairo . 
180.J General Wellesley defeats the raja 

of Nagpoie at Argauni . . 
1HO.J Treaty of Dcogaum with him . 
1M03 Humiliation of Sindia , si^nsthe 

treaty of Sujce Anj^ngaum . 
1803 The war which produced th' so 

brilliant results lasts only flvo 

months . . . . . 

1803 Treaties, O f alliance \vith tho 

princes of Hindostan . . . 


180iHolkar's wildriess and his en- 

croachments .... 

180 i Lord Wellesley declares \\ ar . 



26 > 





A.D. 1'AGL 

1804 Colonel Monson imprudently 

inarches into his territories . 272 
1804 HJH ignominious retreat to Agra . 272 
18(H Holkar advances to Muttra . . 27-'t 
180* He besieges Delhi, but is repulsed 

by Colonel Ochterlony . . 273 

1804 Lays watte the Company's terri- 

tories and is pursued by Gtone- 

ral Lake 274 

18(H His armv defeated at Peog . 274 

Ib05 .Sieire of Bhurtpore; its disastrous 

failure* 274 

1805 Hostile attitude of Sindia and his 

conlcdi rates . . . 275 

Ih05 Their movements .... 270 

1805 Lord \VeIlenley superseded by 

I ord Corn wall is .... 276 

1806 Character ol his administration . 277 
180S Attempt to impeach him . .278 

Thnty years alter the Director 
pass the hiuhest eulogiuni on 
him 27H 


i$K-IION I. 

I SOS Lord Coniwalhs a second tune 

IHOr. Kc\erses I/ord A\ elle,iley's policy . 

1S05 Expires at (.hazecpore 

1805 Sir (ieorgc Barlow succeeds him, 

and n(ioptM Ins line o! policy 
1805 Lord Lak- chases Holkar into the 

Punjab . 
1805 Sir f.eorne Barlow mak<s great 

eoneeAbions to Smdm and Hol- 

kar .... 
1H<5 Je\ pore and Boon d v c abandoned 

to tin 1 nnages of Holkar . 
180ri Anarchy often years through the 

reversal of Lord \Vcllele>"s 

poltcv . .... 

1H07 Desolation of Ra)pootana 
ISM Sir (forge's- vigorous policy at 

Hyderabad and Pooim 
IHOtt Rrstmation of tin- finances 
ISOflTho Vellore Mutiny 
isort Cause of the mutiny 
ISOG Recall of Lord William lieu- 

tmck from Madras 
IHOO Mutiny visited on the millen- 

aries ...... 

1807 Sir George Barlow's appointment 

a.s Governor-General cancelled 

by the Ministry . . . . 


1807 Lord Minto Governor-General . 288 

1807 Anarchy in Bundlocund , viKor- 

ous policy of Lord Mm to . . 200 
Karly curetir of ttunjci't Sing in 

the Punjab ..... 2tM) 
1800 His encroachments across the 

Sutlej ...... 290 

1808 Appeal of the chiefa to Govern- 

ment against him . . . '.U 

I 1808 Mr. Metcalfe sent on a mission to 

Lahore 291 

1808 Runjeet Smjc ordered to retire . 292 
i 1808 His reluctant submission . . 29:j 

1SO.J Mr. Klphinstone'sembaAsv to Ca- 

i bul 29M 

I 1809 T I ].r vesni,,n vo . . . .294 
! 1808 Li. i" .- -M-M of French influ- 
j ence. in Persia . . . .294 

1808 Sir Marford Jones sent as envoy 

from the Crown to Teheran'; 
he concludes a treaty . .291 

1809 Lord Minto bonds Colonel Mal- 

colm envoy on the part of the 
Company 295 


1809 Ameer Khan invades Naitpore 
and Lord Minto M-nds aid to 
the ra?a 296 

1807 Sir (i Barlow Governor of Ma- 
dras 297 

1809 Third mutiny of the European 

officers 297 

18U9 It is inflamed by his intemp r- 
Jtnee and quelled by his firm- 
ness 299 

1810 ReeaJl of Sir George Bnrlow . 299 
180l Suppn x.um of piracy amon^ the 

Arabs .... . 300 

Depredations of French pnva- 
ti'i> (or llfteen je.irs in the 
east* ri seas . ... 301 

1810 Capture of the Mauritius and 

Bourbon . . 301 


1811 Expedition to Java . . .802 

1811 Capture of Fort Cornells and con- 

quest of the island . . . 803 

1812 Lord Minto superseded on the 

pressure of the Pi '.< R-s.i ' 304 
Connection of the I 1 lisnvii *,;. 

the, Mahratta princes . . . ,'W4 

Their leaders 3*5 

Thnr system of plunder . . J>03 

1811 They plunder to the pate* of Nag- 

pore . . H06 

1812 Their first inroad into the Com- 

pany's territories . . . 806 
1818 Lord Mm to's vigorous represen- 
tations to the Court of Direc- 
tors 3<X 

Character of his administration . 307 
1*12 Negotiations for the new Charter 307 

1813 Demand of free trade by the ma- 

nufacturers and merchants of 
England 301 

1813 Opposed by the Court of Direc- 
tors 308 

1813 They bring forward witnesses to 

support their monopoly . . $09 

1M \ The question of Indian missions . 809 

IMS India thrown open to the enter- 
prise of the nation, and to the 
labours of missionaries . Sift 




1813 Marquis of Hastings Governor- 
General 810 

1813 Stale of India <m liis arrival . . 311 

1813 Do-cnpli- in ofNopiml . . .311 
Rise and progress of the Goork- 

has 311 

Their encroachments . . . 312 
1818 Lord Minto proposes a confer- 
ence 812 

1814 L ". If 1 ,- i'- demands the 

. . . the usurped dis- 
tricts 312 

1814 The Goorkhas determine on war 

the extent of their forces . 313 

1814 Lord Hastings obtains a loan from 

the Nabob of Oude . . . 313 

1814 Plan of the campaign . . . 314 

1814 Total failure of three divisions . 314 

1814 Disastrous effect of these re- 

verses on the native mind . . 315 

1815 Successful operations of General 

Ochterlony 316 

1815 The Nepaul cabinet sues for 

peace, but refuses to ratify the 
treaty 317 

1816 Second campaign of General 

Ochterlony, and conclusion of 
peace 317 


The Psitanb mid Piiiilarws ratiw 

Central India . . . . 318 i 
1814 Lord Hastings's earnest represen- 
tations to the court . . .318 

1814 Pr- p M C\ -A", ai tv A .\\\ Bhopal . 319 

1815 Mfiii- a: I'Ofiia Irimbukjee 

Danglia 320 

1S15 Guiiirorihiir ShaM r<v iii minister 
of the Ga.kuar ir.ii'dered by 
him and he is placed in con- 
finement 321 

1815 Lord Hastings's renewed repre- 

sentations regarding the Pin 
darees 321 

1816 They plunder the British district 

of Guntoor 322 

l*:rt S.,. - . ;."". , w Lt-iN.'iKp !< 322 
I?-!' 1 I' 1 :, i-i ii V wuh Jeypore, 

rejected by the raja . . . 323 
1816 The Court of Directors forbid 
any operations against the Pin- 
darees, and afterwards sanction 
them 323 

1816 Greatest expedition of the Pin- 

darees 324 

1817 Resolution to exterminate them 324 
1817 Sindia promises to co-operate in 

this work 325 

1817 Hostility of Bajee Rao . . . 325 
1817 Heavy penalty inflicted on him . 325 
Anarchy in Holkar's court, from 
his death in 1811 to 1817 ; domi- 
nation of the soldiery . . 320 



1817 Lord Hastings revives the policy 

T. -nl \v, IW.o.v, and fori.H 

H...I.I <*i suit lit IK I'jimo prn.rs JJ27 
1817 Peshwa forms a confederacy 

against the Company . . 328 
1817 Great extent of Lord Hastings's 

military preparations . . 328 
1817 Sindia signs a new treaty . . 329 
1817 Ameer Khan's power dissolved . 329 
1817 Peshwa breaks out ; attacks Mr. 

Elphmstone, is totally defeated; 

his power extinguished . . 380 

1817 Raja of \aiEpon> bn i nk.s out ; at- 

tacks tin- Iti-o'.'icr.ri , totally 
defeated at Seetabuldeo . . 331 

1818 He is deposed and escapes . . 33'J 

1817 Holkar's army defeated at Mehid- 

pore 383 

1818 Pursuit and eitinction of the Pin- 

darees 384 

1818 Magnitude and results of the 

campaign 335 

1818 Victory of Korygaum . . . 885 

1818 The Peshwa surrenders ; sent to 

Bithoor 336 

1819 Capture of remaining forts . . 886 


1819 Mr. Canning's ungracious speech 

in the Commons .... 337 
Unworthy treatment of Lord 

Hastings by the Directors . 337 
1818 IT- < .mrf.-i :..!... . . 338 
1818 I: - ,: .". ;i I ".- |M.s . . 389 
1816 Disturbances in Cuttaok . . 339 
Financial prosperity and territo- 
rial increase .... 340 
Affairs at Hyderabad; the con- 
tingent 841 

Administration of Chundoo lall . 342 
1818 Loans mado by Palmer & Co. . 842 

1820 Sir VV. Rurabold joins the firm . 343 

1821 Sir C. Metcalfe's remonstrance 

about** 1 1 i i''V"'i !ik-x . . 34ft 

1822 The loans paid ulf . . . .844 

1823 Lord Hastings returns to Eng- 

land 344 

1823 Chaiv i. : 'i a-li:. !-iM rut M 344 

1824 His :: : .. : M l:ir h ,:ia Il-'MM- 345 


1823 Lord AmherstGovernor-General 346 

1823 Mr. Adam, while officiating, per- 

secutes the press . . . 846 
182* Ruin of Mr. Burkmtth.im . . 347 
1822 Progress of the Burmese from 1811 

to 1822 847 

1822 The king demands the cession 

of eastern Bengal . . .347 

1828 Origin of the Hurrneso war . . 848 

ijfc \ini- if :.< iii (if I'M 1 'n:i.| aiiin .849 

!> l.SiUM.fch. <-!':ii.>iinr.ii!:.<"ii . .840 

1824 The army paralysed At Rangoon 

by disease JJ5C 




1825 Conquest of Assam and Aracan . 360 
1825 Second campaign and negotia- 
tions for peace .... 351 
*826 Treaty of Yandaboo ; territorial 

cessions 352 

1824 Sepoy mutiny at Barrackpore . 353 

1825 Bhurtpore; usurpation of Door- 

jun Sal 354 

IR.Vi ^n K<- ai*d capture of Bhurtpore 356 
Ih28 FH.H.HCIHI results of Lord Am- 

herst'b administration . . 356 


1828 Lord William Bentinck Gover- 
nor-General . . . .357 
1828 Reduction of allowances . . 8f7 
1S28 The half batta order . . .358 
18.28 Examination of rent-free tenure* 36'.) 

1831 Insurrection of Teetoo Meer . 360 

1832 The Cole Insurrection . . .360 
1H.J2 Annexation of Caolmr . . . Ml 
1834 Conquest and annexation of Coorg o62 

Lord W. Bentmck's non-inter- 
vention policy .... 362 
18.JO Mi-conduct of the Mysore raja . 303 

1832 The management of the country 

assumed by Lord W. Bcntinck '*63 

1834 Misgovern men t of Joudpore . 36i 

1 8.J5 Complications at Jey pore . .365 

M -rf. i. r. :.e- l in Oude . . 365 

llnk!:i. M-u: 11 . . . .366 

1833 The Directors authorize Lord 

William to assume the govern- 
ment of Oude . . . .366 
Conquests of Runjeet Sing . . 367 
His French officers . . . 367 
1823 His confliets with the Afghans . 368 
1827 His intercourse with Loid Am- 

hcrst 368 

1830 The present of the dray-horses . 369 
1ft. 1 Resources of Bunjoet Sing . .369 

1831 Meeting with Lord W. Bentinck 

at Rooptir 370 

1832 Lord W. Bentmck's treaty with 

Sinde . .... 371 


1831 Lord W. Bentinck's administra- 
tive reforms . . 371 
1831 The judicial courts . 372 
1831 Revenue settlement . 373 
1831 Employment of natives . 373 

1829 Abolition of suttee . 37* 

1830 Suppression of thuggee . 37 rt 
1830 Steam communication . 377 
1833 Education ; triumph of English 379 
1835 The Medical College . . 379 
1835 Financial results of his adminis- 
tration '80 

1835 Character of his administration . 380 
1833 The Charter and its arrangements 381 
1835 The govern or- generalship in dis- 
pute 382 

18S5 The new tr- ve: ::: f Agra . 383 
1835 Sir 0. Meteaifo governor-general 

ad tntcritn 383 


1835 He establishes the liberty of the 

press 883 

1836 Displeasure of the Court of Direc- 

tors; he retires from the ser- 
vice 384 


1836 Lord Auckland, Governor-Gene- 

ral 386 

1&34 Shah Soojah invades Afghanistan 385 
1835 Runjeet Sing's desigi s on Si.nie 385 
18'i5 He seizes on Peshawur . . . 385 

18.16 Dost Mahomed appeals to Lord 

Auckland 386 

1837 Russian influence in Persia . 387 

18.17 Persian expedition to Herat . 388 
1837 Lord Auckland proceeds to Simla, 

his cabinet of secretaries . .389 
1837 Captain Burnes's mission to Cabul 389 

1837 Russian envoy arrives at Cabul . 390 

1838 Captain Burnes obliged to retire 391 
1838 Expedition to depose Dost Ma- 

homed and place Shah Soojah 
on the throne .... 891 

18>8 Expedition universally con- 
demned 892 

1&H8 Exertions of Lieut. Pottinger at 

Herat .... .898 

1838 Siege of Herat raised and the 

Persians retire .... 394 


1 888 Meeting of Runjeet Sing and Lord 

A mherst 395 

1&J8 The army of the Indus . . 395 
1K.19 Coercion of the Ameers of Sindo . 396 

1889 Advance of thoarrny to Candahar 397 
18.S9 Capture of Ghuzni . . .397 
1M<9 Dost Mahomed flies ; Shah Soojah 

enters Cabul . . . .898 
1839 Determination to occupy Afgha- 
nistan 399 

1M-0 Honours bestowed . . .899 
1839 Death and character of Runjeet 

Sing 400 

1H40R..1- :., : , '.'':. !s . !.- s K. 1 \n 400 
1H40 li . a:: -. i; , ,).; ,/i: i i h 1 ., .( 

failure 401 

1839 The Bala Hissar given up to the 

Shah's zenana . . . .402 

1840 Unpopularity of the English . 402 
1840 Movements of Dost Mahomed; 

he surrenders to the envoy . 403 


1840 Major Todd envoy at Herat ; ob- 
liged to retire . . 404 

1840 General Nott and Major Rawlin- 

son at Candahar . . . 40 f 

1841 Universal spirit of discontent in 

Afghanistan ... .401 
1841 Court of Directors advise retire- 




ment ; Loitl Auckland resists 
it, and orders retrenchment 406 

1841 Outbreak of the revolt , the 

passes closed . . . .407 

1841 Insurrection in Cabul ; Sir. A. 

Burnes murdered . . . 4<>8 

1841 Utter incapacity of General El- 

phinstone 409 

1841 Progress of tho revolt ; daily dis- 
asters 410 

1841 Brigadier Shelton's perverse ob- 
stinacy 411 

1841 Last engagement; the army 

cooped up in the cantonments 411 


184lAkbar Khan assumes the com- 
mand 412 

1841 Negotiations with the enemy ; 
starvation in the encampment 

1841 Disgraceful treaty of the llth De- 
cember; arrogance of the Af- 

1841 Treaty violated 

1841 The envoy envciglod and mur- 

1841 Major Pottmger assumes the com- 

mand; makes a new treaty, 
which is violated 

1842 The army 4,500 btrongwith 11.000 

camp followers begin its 1. 1 1 e at 
1842 It is entirely annihilated, with 
the exception of one officer and 
120 hostages and prisoners 
1842 Depression of Lord Auckland 
1842 Want of energy in the Com- 
mander-in-chief .... 
1842 Close of Lord Auckland's melan- 
choly reign 

412 I 




1842 Lord Ellenborough Governor- 

1842 General Pollock arrives at the 
Khyber with reinforcements . 

1812 He reaches Jellalabad . 

1841 General Sale with his column 

reaches Jellalabad from Cabul 
and fortifies it 

1842 Akbar Khan blockades it . 

1843 He is totally defeated . 

1842 '.--..: ' T ,. ",' V , 

. . V .j : i. 1 * . 


1842 Lord JY i-b- ir- 

1842 Shah boojan muruereu ai i^aoui . 

1842 Condition of the hostages and tho 

1842 They are sent to the Hindoo 

1842 Akbar Khan defeated at Tezoen . 

1842 General Pollock enters Cabul . 

1842 General Nott on his march to 
Cabul blows up the fortifica- 
tions of Ghuzni .... 




1842 Energv of Major Pottinger, arid 

rescue of the prisoners . . 42& 
1842 Destruction of Istahff, and of the 

Cabul bazaar . . . .429 
1842 The armies return to India . . 42U 
1842 Lord Ellenborough's extn ordi- 

nary proclamations . . . 430 
1842 The grand meeting at Feroze- 

pore ...... 430 

1842 Conduct of the Ameers of Sinde, 

18iiM2 ...... 431 

1842 New tic.ity proposed by Colonel 

Outnm ..... 432 
1842 Sir Chailes Napier arrives with 

full military and diplomatic 

powers ...... 432 

184! His violent ami unjust condiK t 

towards the Araeet s . . .433 

1842 He, compels them to assemble at 

a conference at Hyderabad . 4:*4 

1812 Exaspeiation of the chiefs, the 

people, and the soldiery. . 431 

1S43 Battle of Meeanee; total defeat 

of the Beloches . , . .485 
IRft B.ittlenf Duppa .... W5 
lSJ3Lord Ellenborough annexes 

Sindtj ...... 43,') 


1814 Mutiny of the native regiments . 
1N4.J State of affairs at Gwahor . 

1843 Insubordination of the armv . 

1813 ConfuMim in the Administration . 
18 U Lord Ellenbon ugh's umstorly 

minute on tho subject . . 
1843 He demands security for the 

safety of tho frontier . , . 
1843 He proceeds in person to the 

capital with th< army . . 

1843 Battles of Maharajpore and Pun- 

mar ...... 

1844 New arrangements for tho king- 

dom ...... 

1844 Lord Ellenborough recalled by 

tho Court of Directors . . 
1844 His improvements . . . 







1844fLord Hanlinge Governor-Gene- 

ral, his antecedents . . 412 
Series of revolutions in tho Pun 
jab after the death of Runjeet 441 

18-13 Insubordination of the army 444 

1814 The army overawes tho Govern 
ment and plunders Golab Sing 
and Moolraj ..... 445 

1845 Ranee Jhindun regent; LallSing 

minister; Tcj Sing general . 445 

18-15 English troop* massed on the 

frontier ..... 440 

ISto Raneo and the ministers launch 
the Khalsa army on the British 
territories ..... 44*1 

184560,000 Sikh soldiers and 40,000 
well-armed followers cross the 
Sutlej ...... 416 

1845 Sir John Lit tier's critical position 

at Feroeepore . . 447 




1845 Battle of Moodkee , . . .4-17 
1845 Battlo of Forozcbhuhur . . .449, 

1845 The whole Sikli force recrosses 

tho Sutlej 1";0 j 

1 846 Battle cTAlhwal . . . .450, 
184*3 Decisive battle of Sobraon . .461 
18W Tho Punjab prostrated ; Lahore 

occupied by tho British army . 152 
l-fc- 1 T - - incuts of Sir 

il ,-. .... 153 
1840 His settlement of the Punjab . 45 5 
181(5 A second settlement in Decem- 
ber r.t 

18tii Reduction of tho Company's 

army 455 

Me.isiiros of improvement 1814 

to 18-17 4$r> 

1848 Lord Hatdinge retires fr m the 

Government . . . 457 


country dKarmod , slavery, da- 
coity, and thuggee put down . 471 
Roads, canals, and other improve- 
ments, and their result 

1852 Oppiethi\e conduct ot the Bur- 

Sun ION I. 

1848 Loid Dnlhousie <;ovcinor-<ine- 

ral ....... 

18V* Moolraj revolts at Mooltan and 

murders two olfled-M . 
1818 Inactivity of the Conimaiid< i -in- 

Chief ' ..... 
1848 Lieutenant Edwardt x defeat M 

Moolraj t\Mce, and shuts him 

up in Mooltin .... 
1818 A column dtspitclu d to lux sup- 

port under (i.-neral Whish 
18t8 The General invests Mooltaii 
ISlSShcre SIIIK revolts and joins 

Moolraj . . . . . 
18W The General waits three months 

for reinforcements 
184* Spread of tho r volt 
1H4S Shore Sing joins his father Chut - 

ter Sniir and collects a lartre 

nrmv ... . . 

1848 Lord OoiiKh takes the field, 

strength of his armv, engage- 

ment at llaiiuui^is'iir 
ISVS KiiK!Kement of Sadoolaporo 
ISkH Hnt ish ai my inactive for MX 

Werks ...... 

1810 Calamitous battle at CluUian- 

wallsv ..... 
1840 It entaila the recall of Lord 

1840 Appointment of Sir Charles Na- 
pier . ..... 


1848 SieKo of Aha. Il an renewed . . 4ff> 
184'.) Captured after a fearful resist- 
ance, 4M 

1849 Victory of (iiwrat . . .40,8 
1849 Sikh army diNHi-lved . . . 4^8 
184U The Punjab annexed . . .469 

Lord D:vlhouMe'> arrangements 

for its Government . . .470 
The, bonier tribes curbed; tho 

. 472 

. 472 

1852 Sixty pun frigate sent to demand 

icdres**, which is refused . .473 

1853 Loid Dalhousic organises tho 

Burmese expedition ill person. 474 
18511 Pffru confiscated .... 475 


\nnexatioii jiolicy attributed to 
Lord JDalhousie, its origin 111 

1841 476 

1848 Case of Satara. referred to the 

Court of Directors . . .477 
184i The> refuse the r sanction to 
the n^'ht of adoption; they lay 
down the lau on the subject . 477 
is"* \ CaM> of the raja of Na^pore . . 478 
is.'V Principality <>1 Jhansi annexed . 478 
1S5; Title and di^intK s of the Nabob 

of the Cainatic extuifruish<d . 479 
is:..; Settlement of the Nizam's debts 
ami of the im of the Contin- 
gent 480 


Chrome misrule m Oudo . . 480 
1^51 (Colonel Meeman's report on (hide 481 
lH5"i (Jei,>r;il <>utr4im's repot t . . 482 
Lord Dalhousic's minute . . 482 
iSftfl Annexation of Oude . . . 48-i 
ls5< Loid Duliiousie'Nnnlitarv reforms 4W 
185.'l He < xtahlithcs a low and uniform 

p<stairo i84 

1S51 The (iaiws Canal . . . 48i 
1V>3 His minute on railroads . . 485 
^5 1 J He establishes the electric tele- 
graph 4^6 

KM Character of his administration . 4*>7 
S^The new charttr . . . .489 

cnArn:u xv. 


lvS5' I^ord Canning *i'n< rnor-Gk'neral 489 
150> Disaffection in Oudo . . . 4W 
lST,(v Discontent at Delhi . . .491 
185i5 State of the native army . .491 
1857 The greased cartridges *. . .492 
Terror and indignation of the 

sepoys 403 

,, 1'aucitv of European troops . 4M 
,, Conspiracy for a general revolt . 44>4 
Outbnist at Mecrut, May 10 . 4!>5 
,. Ma,sH.u-re of the Europeans . . 1U5 
llebelhon at Delhi ; proclamation 

of the emperor .... 4^6 
Pioceediiigs at Lahore; the 

Sepovs tlisarmcd . . . 497 
,. Active measures at other stations 

in the Punjab . . . .499 
,1 Proposal to abandon reatu^ur .4?? 





1857 Sir Henry Lawrence at Lucknow 600 
General revolt of Sepoys in Oude 500 
Death of Sir Henry Lawrence . 501 
,, State of the Cawnpore garrison .601 
Massacre of Europeans at the 

Ghaut . . 502 

,, Colonel Neill at Benares . 503 
Massacre of officers at Allahabad, 

and plunder of the town . . 504 
,. General Havelock arrives at Alla- 
habad 505 

He repeatedly defeats the Sepoys 505 
JJana Sahib murders 200 Euro- 
pean women and children . 505 
Havelock advances twice to the 

relief of Lucknow, and retires 507 
Lucknow relieved by Outram and 

Havelock .... 508 


1857 Death of Generals Anson and 

Bernard .... 508 
? , T " " ' 500 

rence to send reinforcements 
from the Punjab . . 510 
,, Assault and capture of Delhi . 510 
The king banished to Bunnah . 511 
Result of the capture of Delhi .511 
Relief of Agra . . .511 
Sir Colin Campbell relieves Luck- 
now 612 

Death of General Havelock .512 
Disaster of General Wmdham 512 

1858 Campaign against the mutineers 

m Central India . . .514 
Capture of Gwalior by the rebels, 

and its recovery . . . 615 


1868 The Dooab cleared of rebels . 616 
Sir C Campbell captui es Lucknow 517 
Lord Canning confiscates the land 

in Oude . . 517 

Extinction of the mutiny . .518 
Causes of the mutiny . . .520 
Extinction of the East India 

Company . . 521 

f| The Crown assumes the Govern- 
ment of India . . . .521 
The Queen's proclamation . . 622 


18 9 Remodelling of the Supreme 
Council, and appointment of 
Legislative councils at the three 
presidencies . . . .623 

The Punjab regiments embark for 

China 623 

Extinction of the Company's 

European army and navy . 523 

., Indigo riots in Bengal . . .524 
1860 Finances of India, Mr. Wilson 

financial member of Council . 525 


1800 The penal code passed ; and the 
code of civil and criminal pro- 
cedure 625 

,, Now airangement with the Nizam 625 

1861 Supreme and Sudder courta 

united .... 625 

1862 Death of Lord Canning . .626 
,, Lord El^m Governor-General . 626 

1863 His death . . 626 
Distu) bances on Afghan frontiei . 626 

1864 Sir John Lawrence Governor- 

General . . . 527 

,, Wealth poured into India by the 

export of cotton . . . 627 

1865 Failiue of the Bank of Bombay 527 
The Bootaa Wai .... 5'27 
,, The tenancy question . . 5'28 

1866 The famine m Orissa . . .528 

1867 Mysore lestored to the native 

family . ... 529 

1868 Sir J. Lawrence's Afghan policy . 52l> 
,, His minute on canals . . . 52 ( J 
,, Lord Mayo Governor - General , 

his Afghan policy; his state 
railways . . . 5MO 

1872 His death . . 530 
,, Lord Northbrook Governor-Gen- 
eral . . . 530 

Russian progress in Central Asia 63 o 

1873 Their occupation of Khiva . . 6IJO 
,, Agreement between English and 

Russian Governments . 631 

,, Precautions against threatened 

famine 631 

1874 Failure of two crops , and public 

works begun to employ sufferers 531 
Unsettled state of Afghanistan . 532 
,, Corrupt government of Gaikwar 
of Bdioda, attempt to poison 
the Resident ... 532 

1875 Hts trial and deposition . 532 
,, Lord Hobart Goveinor of Mad 

ras; Inn death . 532 

Lord Lytton Governor-General 533 
,, Prim e of Wales viMt* lu<i id, 63.; 

1876 Invests native princes with Star 

of India f>3:', 

1877 The Queen assumes the title ot 

Empress of India 5'i l 

,, Another famine , great loss of 

hie 584 

,, Death of Jung BahaJoor ot Ne- 

paul . .... 536 

,, Expedition against the Jowakis . 535 

1878 Native soldiers sent to Malta . 535 
,, Russian Embassy at Cabul . . 535 
,, English Embassy turned back at 

Ali Musjid ; and war declared 
against the Ameer . . . 535 
,, Captui e of Ah Musjid and Can- 

dahar . . . . 63 

1879 Death of Shore Ali ; succession of 

hm son Yakoob Khun . . 53<5 
,, Treaty concluded at Gandamuk . 636 
Major Cavagnan unpointed Envoy f>36 

,, Hia murder 537 

M Occupation of Cabul, and leposi- 

tion of Yakoob Khan . . 537 




1880 Wall Mohammed appointed mili- 

tary governor of Cabul . . 537 

Two candidates for the throne of 

Afghanistan . . . .537 

Shore Ali declared ruler of Can- 

duhar . . 538 

,, Disaffection shown by Bengal 
soldiers in Candahar at their 
long absence fiom India; 
marched back to India; at 
Ahmed Khel opposed by 10,000 
insurgents, whom they finally 
repulsed . . . 538 

Change of Ministry in England; 
intention to evacuate Afghan- 
istan 538 

Abdul Rahman pi oelaimed Ameer 

of Northern Afghanistan . . 539 

,, Ajoob Khan advances towaid j 
Candahar with a large body of 
troops .... 530 

Battle of Maiwand, and defeat ol 

the Butish . . . .539 

,, Genera) Roberts starts to raise 

the sie^o of Candahar . .539 

His celebrated niaich on Canda- 
liar , the abandonment of the 
biege ; attack on A\oobs po- 
sition ; hin whole loice com- 
pletely routed .... 640 

1881 British troops withdrawn from 

the Khurrani Valley aii'l Khyber 
Pass; Candahar and the sur- 
rounding country e\aeuated; 
and the fortified post-, made 
over to Abdul Rahman . . 540 

,, Financial blundering , discontent 
felt in India at Wing saddled 
with the hea\\ cost ot the \\ar 641 
1879 Government puichase the Last 

Indian Hallway . 541 

,, Enactment that a reitam propor- 
tion of natms might be ap- 
pointed to tho covenanted ('ml 
Service by the Indian Govern- 
ment ... . Ml 

,, Depredations of the Nagas ; their 

tinal subjugation . . .541 

,, Chastisement of the Wa/ins .542 

1881 First, imperial census taken . 542 
,, Anarch v in Upper Burmah . 542 
,, Ayoob Khan a^am occupies Can- 
dahar ; totally o\ci thrown by 
Abdul Rahman . . . 512 

,, Natuie of Lord Ripon's adminis- 

tration 54:1 

1882 Despatch of an Indian contingent 

to take pait in Lord Wolseley's 
expedition to Egypt . . .543 

1883 Death of ^ir Salar Jung . . 543 
Arrival of H II. H the Duke of 

Connnught in India . 643 

,, Introduction of tlie Ilbcrt Bill , 

its nature , causes an outbieak 

of race feeling and animosity ; 

finally withdrawn . . 544 

,, Border laids on the North-West 

Frontier; completion of the 

bridge over tho Indus at Attock 644 

18bi Merv occupied by the Russians; 
their encroachments on Persia 
and Afghanistan ; appointment 
of a Commission to mark the 
Afghan boundary . . . 545 

The Russians push forward the 
Jollifications of Merv and 
.Saiakhs, continue to mass 
1 1 oops at Askabad and Sarakhs ; 
and finally advance into Afghan 
u intory ..... 545 
18S, r j A< tion fought between the Rus- 
sians and Afghans ; the hitter 
totally defeated; Penjdeh an- 
i exed by Russia . . . 640 

,, Ex< itement cieat.< d in India and 
England by the Penjdeh in- 
cident , preparations for war 
made , England's warlike atti- 
tude and the Ameer's firmness 
cause the Russians to assume a 
more pacific tone . . .546 

,, Renew al of negotiations for the 
delimitation of the Afghan 
frontier ; its final adjustment 546 

,, Meeting between Abdul Rahman 
and Lord DuflTerm, and its re- 
Milts .... -547 

,, Misgovernment of King Theebaw 
in Uppei Burmah ; a British 
foi ce sent against him 547 

,, He surrenders ; he and his family 
sent to Rangoon, and Upper 
Bu rni ah annexed to the British 
Empire . . 547 

18S6 Distnibed state of Upper Burmah 548 

,, Fortress of Gwahor restored to 

Smdia . ... 548 

,, Fall in the value of the rupee, and 

its consequences . . 548 

1S87 Celebration of the Queen's Jubi- 
lee . . 649 

,, First meeting of the "National 

Congress" . . 549 

1888 Abdul Kahman's strong rule in 

Afghanistan , . 549 

M Disputes between tho Imperial 
Government and Tibet respect- 
ing Sikkun ; an Imperial force 
sent to compel the cession of 
Lintftu . .549 

,, Negotiations entered into with 
China, the suzerain of the 
llamas ; a treaty finally con- 
cluded . .550 
,, National Congiess held at Alla- 
habad , . 550 
Resignation of Lord Dufferm .550 
,, Created Marquis of Dufferm and 
AN a in recognition of his dis- 
tinguished serxice* . , . 650 

1889 Two expeditions to the Chin- 

Lushai countiy . . 660 

Abdication of the Maharajah of 

Cashmere .... 660 

,, The i ail way on the North- West 

Frontier completed . . 651 

1S90 Tho Khojak Tunnel, 12,600 feet 

long, finished . . . .661 




-1890 Frontier defences pushed on ; and 
the harbours of Bombay, Cal- 
cutta, Karachi, and Rangoon 
fortified .... 551 

The Indian ~ , < u 1 Bombay 

visited bv M 1$ > >l 551 

Visit of H.R.H tne late Duke of 
Clarence to India ; and resigna- 
tion of the Duke of Connaught 
as Commander-in-Chief of the 
Bombay army . . . .551 
1891 The tribes of the Black Mountains 
subdued , aggressiveness of the 
Russians 551 

,, Disturbance in Mampur ; the 
ruler, or "Jubraj," to be de- 
posed 552 


1891 Force sent to arrest him, but he 

escapes 662 

Under pretence of a parley, Mr 
Qumton, Mr Grimwood, and 
four Bi itish officers barbarously 
murdeied 552 

,, The Residency attacked by the 
Jubraj's troops, and the British 
compelled to retreat . . 552 

,, The leadeis of the levolt aft 01- 
wards taken prisoners ; the 
Jubraj and a general executed ; 
others transported for life . 152 

,, Lieutenant Grant receives the 

Victoria Cross and his inajonty 558 

,, Imperial census ; increase of pop- 
ulation 553 





INDIA is bounded on the north and the east by the Himalaya 
mountains, on the west by the Indus, and on the south by 
the sea. Its length from Cashmere- to Cane ,. , . 

*-+ ' t.if* % -1 i i i / -rr Boundaries 

Comonn is 1900 miles ; its breadth irom Kurra- amidivudons 

oheein Sinde to Sudha in Assam, 1500 miles. oflndm - 
The superficial area is 1,287,000 miles, and the popula- 
tion under British and native rule is now estimated at 
240,000,000. It is crossed from east to west by the Vindhya 
chain of mountains, at the base of which flows the Nerbudda. 
The country to the north of this river is generally desig- 
nated Hindostan, and that to the south the Deccan. 
Hindustan is composed of the basin of the Indus on one 
side, and of the Ganges on the other, with the great sandy 
desert on the west, and an elevated tract now called 
Central India. The Decean has on its northern boundary 
a chain of mountains running parallel with the Vindhya, 
to the south of which stretches a table-land of triangular 
form, terminating at Cape Cornorin, with the western 
ghauts on the western coast, and the eastern ghauts, of 
minor altitude, on the opposite coast. Between, the ghauts 
and the sea lies a narrow belt of land which runs round 
the whole peninsula. 

India has no authentic historical records before the era of 



the Mahomedans. The notices of the earliest period can 
Earl histo on ^ ^ g^ eane ^ from the two great epics, which 
and chrono- were composed ten or twelve centuries after the 
logy. events which they celebrate, and are so overlaid 

with the vagaries of an oriental imagination that it is diffi- 
cult to extract a few grains of truth from a vast mass of 
fable. Between the era of the Muhabharut and the 
Ramayun and the arrival of the Musulmans, the rise and 
fall of dynasties is to be traced exclusively from coins and 
inscriptions, through the researches of antiquarians, whose 
conjectures differ so widely from each other that their 
theories cannot as yet be accepted with implicit confidence. 
The chronology of the Hindoos consists of astronomical 
periods, and the successive ages of the world are made to 
correspond with the conjunctions of the heavenly bodies, 
and are divided into four periods. The first, or sutyu joog, 
is therefore, said to have extended to 1,728,000 years ; the 
second, or treta joog, to 1,296,000 ; the third, or divapw 
joog, to 864,000 ; and the fourth, or Jculee joog, is predicted 
to last 432,000 years ; of which 4500 have already expired. 
The periods of the first three joogs may therefore be dis- 
niissed as altogether imaginary, while the commencement 
of the fourth, or present age, corresponding, as it does to a 
certain extent, with the authenticated eras of other nations, 
is entitled to greater consideration. 

Of the original inhabitants of India there is not the 
faintest record. To distinguish them from their Aryan 
Theabori- conquerors it is usual to designate them Tura- 
ttJe^Aryan n i ans > wno came from across the Indus. By 
invasion. Hindoo writers they are described as rakshusus, 
usoors, pisaches, hobgoblins and monsters, and it is there- 
fore natural to suppose that they must have offered a stern 
resistance to the invaders. Some of them doubtless made 
their submission, and it is conjectured that they may have 
formed the basis of the soodra, or servile caste, which was 
probably recruited also from the issue of intercourse with 
the victors. But the great body of them retreated to the 
forests of the Sone, the Nerbudda, and the Muhanudee, 
and to the hills of Sirgooja and Chota Nagpore, and they 
are identified with the Bheels, the Meenas, the Coles, the 
Santals, the Gonds, and other tribes. In those inacces- 
sible fastnesses they have continued to maintain their 
primitive barbarism of habits, their language, and their 
crude religious observances, with little change amidst the 
revolutions which have convulsed India for thirty centuries. 


At the present time they are supposed to number 12,000,000. 
The * fair complexioned Aryans,' the ancestors of the present 
Hindoo communities, are believed to have emigrated in a 
remote age from some undefined region in Central Asia, 
from which other tribes swarmed westward, and spreading 
over Europe, laid the foundation of its present nationalities. 
The only notices we obtain of them are derived from the 
Vedus, the most ancient and sacred of the Hindoo writings, 
and more especially from the Rig Vedu, which, however, 
consists chiefly of the hymns and invocations which were 
traditionally handed down. From them we gather that 
the original Aryans crossed the Hindoo Coosh and the 
Indus in search of a settlement, bringing with them their 
own language, the Sanscrit, and settled in the Punjab, the 
cradle of Hindooism. They were devoted to pastoral and 
^'j tml \ ." >"'^ pursuits, worshipped Indra, the god of the 
firmament, as the sovereign of the gods, and inferior deities 
as the personification of the powers of nature. They do 
not appear to have had either idols or temples, and there 
was no distinction of castes. 

The age of the Vedus was succeeded by what has been 
termed the heroic age, when the Aryans extended their 
conquests beyond the narrow limits of the Punjab, Rfeeof Brah- 
and, expanding to the south and the east, estab- minism. 
lished kingdoms at Hustinapore, at Oude, and at Mithila, 
under two dynasties, which are distinguished as the solar 
and lunar races. It is to this period that the memorable 
events celebrated in the Muhabharut and the Ramayun 
belong. The Aryan conquerors were of the military caste 
of kshetriyus, and the brahmins served them as sacrificial 
priests. It has been conjectured that this age of conquest 
and progression was favourable to the growth of brahmin- 
ism, and that to it belongs the large pantheon of gods 
which came into vogue, the institution of caste, and the 
introduction of animal sacrifices. The brahmins gradually 
advanced their pretensions to a divine origin, and to divine 
authority, and at length brought the kshetriyus under 
their yoke, and assumed not only supremacy over rajas and 
princes, like Pope Hildebrand, but represented even the 
deities of the Vedic Aryans as subordinate to them. 

Of the events of the heroic age, only two have been res- 
cued from oblivion, in the immortal epics of the Muha- 
bharut and the Ramayun. These are, the great The Huh*. 
war of the two branches of the lunar race, and wuurut. 
the expedition of Ramu, a sovereign of the solar race to 

B 2 


the Deccan and Ceylon. The scene of warfare in the 
Muhabharut lies in the neighbourhood of -Delhi, while the 
kingdom of Ramu lay farther south, and it ' is natural to 
conclude that the one preceded the other in point of time. 
B. C . The story of the Muhabharut runs thus: The city of 
1400 Hustinapore, about sixty miles distant from Delhi, was 
governed by the king Pandoo, who in a hunting excursion 
woundeol two deer with his arrows, on which they as- 
sumed their natural shape, and sprang up as a brahmin 
and his wife. The brahmin inflicted a curse on him, of 
which he died soon after, leaving five sons, who were 
designated the Pandoos. The blind brother of Pandoo, 
Dhriturastu, was then placed on the throne, and his wife 
gave birth to a progeny of sons, who are called the 
Kooroos. The cousins were educated together in the 
royal palace, but a feeling of jealousy arose between Yoo- 
disteer, the eldest of the Pandoos, and Dooryudhun, the 
eldest of the Kooroos, which resulted in the banish- 
ment of the former to a city, usually identified with Alla- 
habad. There the Kooroos still plotted the destruction of 
their relatives, and they were fain to escape to the jungle. 
At this period the raja of Punchalu, which cannot, however, 
be identified, allowed his daughter Drupudee to perform 
the swuywriburu, that is, to make choice of a husband for 
herself; and he proclaimed a great tournament, not differ- 
ing greatly from the tournaments of the middle ages in 
Europe. A pole was fixed in the ground, on the top of 
which was placed a goldeu fish, and beneath it a revolving 
wheel, and it was proclaimed that whoever succeeded in 
directing the arrow through the wheel and piercing the 
eye of the fish, should win the queen of beauty. The plain 
was covered with the pavilions of noble and princely suitors 
and their splendid equipages and retinue ; and, among 
them appeared the five Pandoos, in the hutnble guise of 
brahmins. One of them, Urjoon, with his bow of * celestial 
virtue/ pierced the eye of the fish, and Drupudee threw the 
garland round his neck and led him away. Her father, 
however, considered himself disgraced by an ignoble 
alliance with a brahmin, but was overjoyed when he dis- 
covered that the victor was of the noble race of the kshe- 
triyus. In accordance with the practice of polyandry 
which appears to have been prevalent at the time, she be- 
came the wife at once of the five brothers. 

The Pandoos returned to Hustinapore in triumph, 
and the blind old king offered to divide his kingdom 


between them and his own family, and they proceeded to 
the site of the present Delhi, and having over- The battle o! 
come the aboriginal inhabitants erected the Kooroo 
city of Indruprustha. They were successful in 
extending their territory and popular in governing it, and 
Yoodistheer, in the pride of his heart, determined to offer a 
royal sacrifice, as an assertion of his supremacy. Dooryu- 
dhun, the eldest son of the king, envious of the glory ac- 
quired by his cousin, invited him to a gambling match, 
the ruling passion and the vice of the kshetriyus. In an 
evil hour Yoodistheer accepted tho challenge, and staked in 
succession, his kingdom, his brothers, himself, and his wife, 
and lost them all. The condition of the game was that the 
losing party should go into exile in the country for twelve 
years and for one year in the city. The Pandoos submitted 
to this injunction, and having wandered the prescribed 
period in the forest, visiting the hermitages of the holy 
sages, determined to demand the restoration of their share 
of the kingdom. Dooryudhun haughtily refused their 
request^ and they resolved to assert their right by arms. 
The contest was one between cousins for the possession of a 
quantity of land, which, since their capitals lay within sixty 
miles of each, must have been of very limited extent, but 
the poet has given loose to his imagination, and princes from 
the remotest parts of India, from regions then unknown to 
the Aryans, are brought upon the field, and the number 
said to have been engaged exceeds in number all the 
present inhabitants of the globe ; the chariots and ele- 
phants are reckoned by millions ; the plain overflows with 
rivers of blood, and whole armies are destroyed by a single 
talismanic weapon. The battle doubtless formed one of 
the most memorable events of that early period of society, 
and it was preserved in tradition and commemorated in 
ballads, and, a thousand years after, elaborated into an 
epic poem of a hundred thousand couplets, by the illustrious 
Vyasu. The conflict, which is said to have raged for eigh- 
teen days, ended in the triumph of the Pandoos. Yoodis- 
theer was installed raja at Hustinapore, and celebrated his 
victory by the proud sacrifice of the horse, the emblem of 
universal sovereignty. He and his brothers and their 
common wife eventually assumed the character of devotees, 
and disappeared in the Himalaya. The real hero of the 
Mnhabharut was Krishnu, the son of a cowherd, who 
established his kingdom at Dwarka, on the western coast, 
married 16,000 wives, and was slain at the fountain of the 


lotas by the irrepressible Bheels. He was deified after 
his death, and placed second, in the Hindoo triad of the 
brahminical theogony, which was not completely organised 
till centuries after the events of the Muhabharut. The 
object of the epic was to identify him, when his worship 
was introduced, with those transactions which were among 
the most r cherished recollections of the Aryan race, as an 
incarnation of the deity. 

Between the events commemorated in the Muhabharut 
and the Ramayun the Aryans would appear to have burst 
The the boundary of their original settlement and ex- 

Ramayun. tended their conquests to the south and the east, 
B.O. and to have established two kingdoms, the one at Uyodhyu, 
i20( or Oude, and the other at Mithila, both designated by way 
of distinction the solar race. The order of events in the 
Ramayun may be thus epitomized : Ramu, the hero of the 
poem and an incarnation of the deity, was the eldest of 
the four sons of Dushuruthu, the king of Oude. Junuka, 
the sovereign of the neighbouring kingdom of Mithila, had 
a beautiful daughter, Seeta, whom he promised to bestow 
on the prince who could bend the bow with which the god 
Seeva had destroyed the other gods, and which was pre- 
served as an heirloom in the royal armoury. Ramu broke 
the bow in the midst and won the princess. The marriage 
ceremony was performed by the raja himself, and not by 
the priests. Eamu returned to Oude, and was ap- 
pointed heir apparent ; but the raja's second wife, who had 
gained his affection by her beauty, was anxious to obtain 
the throne for her own son, Bharutu, and persuaded her 
uxorious husband to consent to the banishment of E/amu. 
On the morning fixed for his installation he was con- 
strained to quit the royal palace with his wife and his 
brother Lukshmunu, and he proceeded into the forest, from 
hermitage to hermitage, and terminated his wanderings at 
Nassik on the Godavery, where he erected a hut. The 
sister of Ravunu, the king of Lunka, or Ceylon, called also 
Taprobane, or the island of Ravunu, passing by the bower, 
was struck with the beauty of Ramu, and endeavoured to 
prevail on him to desert Seeta, and marry her. Her offers 
were rejected with scorn, when she rushed upon Seeta and 
threatened to devour her, on which Lukshmunu, at the 
request of Ramu, cut off her ears and nose. She returned 
to Ceylon, and in revenge for the injury she had sustained, 
persuaded her brother to carry off the lovely Seeta. Ra- 
vunu, described as a monster with ten heads and twenty^ 


arms, assumed the form of a mendicant and appeared before 
the hermitage, and having caused his brother to take the 
form of a deer, and decoy the two brothers after him, seized 
upon Seeta and carried her off through the air in his 
chariot to Ceylon. Ramn having discovered the place of 
her concealment, assembled an army of the wild inhabitants 
of the south, probably the aborigines, poetically described as 
bears and monkeys, under their sovereign Soogreevu, and 
his general Hunooman, subsequently deified as the great 
baboon, and proceeded to the island. He spanned the 
straits between it and the continent with a bridge, and 
after many severe conflicts recovered Seeta and slew 
Eavunu. But as she had resided in the palace of 
Bavunu she was required to submit to the ordeal of fire to 
testify her purity, and the poet affirms that after she had 
ascended the pile, the three hundred and thirty millions of 
gods assembled in the heavens to behold the scene, and the 
god of fire arose from the flames, and bearing Seeta on his 
knees presented her to her husband. They returned in 
triumph to Oude, and Bamu was installed raja. The epic 
is so intermingled at every turn with the grotesque fancies 
of mythology, and the agency is so constantly described as 
supernatural, that it is difficult to extract from it the 
germs of historical truth on which it was based. But it 
appears clear that it indicates the first expedition of the 
Aryans to the Deccan, that the southern division of it was 
still peopled with the aboripiin x and that the island of 
Ceylon was the seat of a higher civilisation, probably 
wafted from Egypt. It led to no permanent conquest, as 
the army of monkeys and bears which aided Ramu, after 
accompanying him in triumph to his capital, returned to 
their forests, and we hear no more of them on the page 
of history till they had been transformed into orthodox 
Hindoos. It must not be forgotten that the poem was 
composed ten centuries after the events it celebrates, when 
brahminism was consolidated into a dominant system, 
which it was intended to support* 

Next to the Vedus, the Code of Munoo is the most im- B.C. 
portant of the Hindoo shasters. It embodies the ancient 900 
religious traditions, to which additions were made Muno(K 
from century to century, and which were col- 
leoted, as it is said, by Vyasu. It gives us the constitution 
of a Hindoo commonwealth when the brahmins had com- 
pletely superseded the ancient authority of the ksbetriyus 


and established religious depotism in the state such as no 
priesthood has ever enjoyed. The ancient and simple worship 
of the Vedus was supplanted by an elaborate system of 
ceremonies and by animal sacrifices. Ramu, Krishnn, 
and other gods, who subsequently became popular, are not 
mentioned with reverence or with disapprobation. There 
is no intimation of regular orders, or of the immolation 
of widows. Brahmins eat beef and flesh of all kinds, 
and intermarry with women of inferior castes, and various 
other practices are permitted which would at the present 
day entail excommunication. The style is less rugged 
than that of the Vedus, but not so polished as that of the 
epics ; and the date of its compilation is generally fixed at 
900 B.C. 



THE next event of importance in the ancient history of 
India is the appearance of Booddhu, or Sakhya Moonee, as 
Booddhu ^ e rea * reformer of religion and morals. He 
was born of a princely Aryan family of kshetriyu 
parents in the year 598 B.C. Ho resided with his own 
family till his twenty-eighth year, when, disgusted with 
the decay of religion and the spread of superstition, he 
retired from society and passed many years in constructing 
his system of religion and philosophy. He repudiated the 
entire system of caste, and thus rendered his doctrines 
acceptable to those who had suffered from it, while it made 
the brahmins his irreconcilable enemies. He rejected the 
whole pantheon of the Hindoos, and endeavoured to bring 
back his countrymen to the simplicity of the Vedus. The 
priesthood, instead of being an hereditary caste, was re- 
cruited from the various ranks of society, and bonnd by a 
vow of celibacy, and required to relinquish the pleasures of 
sense. He obtained many disciples before his death, which 
is fixed at 543 B.C., but it was not till two centuries later 
that booddhism became the religion of the state. The 
preservation and worship of relics was one of the distin- 
guishing features of his creed. Eight cities are said to 
have contended for his remains, and the dispute was at 
length settled by distributing them in various provinces 


The most sacred of these relics was the tooth, which was 
at length assigned to Orissa, and magnificently enshrined 
on the spot where subsequently arose the Hindoo temple 
of Jugernath, and it remained there, with some interrup- 
tions, for nearly a thousand years. 

The first authentic record we possess of any invasion of ^ 
India is that of Darius, king of Persia, who was seated on 521 
the throne 521 B.C., and extended his conquests invasion ol 
from the Grecian Sea to the Indus. Upon a re- Dariu* 
port of the wealth of the country from his admiral, Scylax, 
who constructed a fleet on the higher portion of that river 
and sailed down to the sea, he despatched an expedition to 
India and annexed several of its provinces to his great 
empire. The extent of his conquests it is impossible to 
trace, but his Indian possessions must have been of no 
small magnitude since they were considered more valuable 
than any other satrapy, and are said to have furnished one- 
third of the revenues of the empire, and were paid in gold. 

Two centuries after, Alexander the Great, the greatest 
military and political genius of antiquity, if not of any age, 
subverted the Persian empire, and sweeping Invftglonof 
through its provinces in Central Asia, took pos- Alexander 
session of Afghanistan. He advanced through theQreat ' 
its terrific defiles, and encountered the same stern resist- 
ance from its wild highlanders which, for more than 
twenty centuries they have opposed to every intruder. 327 
He crossed the Indus, as generally supposed, at Attock, 
and entered the Punjab, where he received the submission 
of one of its princes, and was hospitably entertained by 
another. But Porus, whose dominions stretched east* 
ward to the Jhelum, offered a more determined resistance 
to his arms than he had experienced since he lefb Macedonia ; 
and, by a singular coincidence, it was in the same region 
that the English, twenty-two centuries later, met with a 
more formidable opposition than they had encountered 
throughout the conquest of India for a century. The 
chivalry of Porus fought with the same gallantry as the 
troops of the Khalsa, but they could not withstand the 
veterans of Alexander, and, after an engagement as obsti- 
nate as Ferozeshuhur or Sobraon, that high-minded prince 
gracefully submitted to the superiority of his conqueror, 
and was treated by him with his habitual generosity. 
Alexander now heard of the great Gangetic kingdom of 
Mugudu, the king of which, it was reported, could bring 
80,000 cavalry, and 600,000 infantry, and 9,000 elephants 


into the field, and he became impatient to plant his ensigns 
on the battlements of its splendid capital, Palibothra. But 
on reaching the banks of the Beyas, his troops, worn out 
with the fatigues and wounds of eight campaigns, refused 
to advance any farther. He employed menace and flattery 
by turns, but nothing could shake their resolution, and he 
was obliged to make that river the term of his conquests. 
He caused a flotilla to be constructed on the Indus, and 
transported his army down to the sea-coast, not, however, 
without serious opposition from the Malli, the inhabitants 
of Mooltan. He had fully resolved to return to India with 
a body of fresh troops, but he died of fever caught in the 
B.C. marshes of Babylon at the early age of thirty-two. His 
324 name does not appear in any Hindoo record, which only 
shows their imperfect character, but it is a household word 
in Central Asia, and his fame was widely diffused through 
India by the Mahomedans, among whom ho is esteemed one 
of the first of heroes, and it was carried far and wide with 
the stream of their conquests, and the distant islander of 
Sumatra and Java may be found extolling the exploits of 
the mighty Secunder. 

The most important kingdom at this period in Hindostan 
was that of Mugudu, designated by the Greek historians 
The Mug- ^at ^ tne i >ras "> ^ ne capital of which was Pali- 
domof bothra, supposed to be the modern Patna. It 
Mugudu. was p ro kably founded about the sixth century 
before our era, by a colony of Tartars, or Scythians, de- 
1 nominated the Takshuk or Nagas, the serpent dynasty, so 
called from the worship of snakes which they introduced, 
and which has never been eradicated. About the time of 
the Macedonian invasion, the throne was occupied by 
Nundu. He was assassinated by his minister, Ghundra- 
gooptu called by the Greek historians, Sandracottus a 
man of ignoble birth but of extraordinary genius, Who had 
measured swords with Alexander the Great under Porus, 
and who now seized the throne and established the 
Mauryan dynasty. The empire of Alexander after his 
death was partitioned among his marshals, and the pro- 
vince of Babylon, in which was included his eastern pos- 
sessions, fell to the lot of Seleucus, one of the ablest and 
most enterprising of them. He determined to carry out 
the ambitious projects of his master, and advanced with a 
large army into the Gangetic provinces, where he was 
opposed by Chundra-gooptu with the whole strength of 
Mugudu. According to the Greek historians he was vie* 


torio'is, but it is difficult to reconcile this assertion with 
the fact recorded by themselves, that Seleucus concluded a 
treaty with him and ceded all his conquests east of the 
Indus for an annual tribute of fifty elephants. Mega- 
sthenes, an eminent philosopher, was appointed his repre- 
sentative at the court of Palibothra, and it is from the 
fragments of his writings which have come down to us 
that we gather any knowledge of the state of northern 
India at that period. It is said to have been divided into 
a hundred and twenty principalities. Chundra-gooptu was 
succeeded by his son Mitra-gooptu, a man of the same large 
and liberal views as his father, and it was under their 
enlightened administration that the country attained its B.C. 
highest prosperity. Highways were constructed from the 300 
capital to the Indus, in one direction, and in the other to 
Broach, then the great emporium on the western coast, 
with caravanseras at convenient intervals. Their dominion 
extended to the sea-coast at Ganjarn on the west, around 
the bay to Aracan on the east. They gave especial en- 
couragement to commerce, and their subjects embarked in 
maritime enterprises, crossed the bay of Bengal, and 
founded colonies in Java and the other islands of the 
Archipelago, into which they introduced the Hindoo religion 
and the Pali language, the classical variety of the Sanscrit. 
Asoka, the grandson of Chundra-gooptu, who ascended 
the throne 260 B.C., stands forth as the most distinguished 
prince of this period, the glory of the Mauryan Aaoka 
dynasty. His dominions extended from Orissa 
to the Indus, and included provinces both in the Deccan 26* 
and in Afghanistan. The boundaries of this great kingdom 
were marked by stone columns, many of which are still 
extant. His edicts were engraved on the face of rocks, 
and on Zate, or pillars, in various localities from the bay of 
Bengal to the Himalaya and Peshawur ; and a permanent 
record has thus been preserved of the great events of his 
reign. He established courts of justice, and abolished the 
punishment of death. He promoted the progress of civili- 
sation, and gave a new impulse to commerce. Breaking 
through the isolation of the brahminical system which 
still continues after the lapse of more than twenty cen- 
turies to fetter the native mind he established a friendly 
intercourse with Greece and Egypt, and it is to this 
connection that we trace the introduction of stone 
architecture and of sculpture into India, which was totally 
unknown before his time. Some of the temples were 


excavated in the rock, and others erected on the plain, 
Of these, the most magnificent is the shrine at Sanchi, 
commenced in 225 B.C. Asoka embraced the booddhist 
creed, and made it the religion of the state. A great 
booddhist synod was held soon after, and religious mis- 
sions were despatched to Tibet, China, Cambodia, Siam 
and Ceylon, and the creed was extensively diffused beyond 
the limits of India. He died in 226 B.C., after a reign of 
thirty-seven years, and with him sank the grandeur of the 
dynasty, which has the peculiar merit of having produced 
three illustrious princes in succession. It was succeeded 
in 188 B.C. by the dynasty of the Sungas, which, though of 
limited duration, was distinguished by the erection of 
another series of booddhist temples and monasteries. 

The establishment of booddhism as the religion of the 
state, deprived the brahminical hierarchy of their ascend- 
The trgni ancy. The Hindoo annalists assert that ignorance 
Kooia. an( j infidelity had overspread the land ; the 
sacred books were trampled under foot, and mankind had 
no refuge from the monstrous brood of booddhists. The 
holy sages, dwelling on Mount Aboo, carried their com- 
plaints to 'the father of creation, who was floating on a 
hydra in the sea of curds. He commanded them to return 
to the sacred mount and recreate the race of the kshetri- 
yus, whom their own champion Pooroosram had formerly 
annihilated. The fountain of fire was purified by water 
fpm the Ganges, and each of the four gods who accom- 
panied them formed an image, and cast it into the fire, 
upon which there sprang up the four men who afterwards 
became the founders of Rajpoot greatness. They were 
sent forth to combat the monsters, who were slain in great 
numbers ; but as they fell on the ground, fresh demons 
arose, when the gods stopped the 1 renewal of the race by 
drinking up the blood. This allegory, independent of the 
flattery it is intended to convey to the royal houses of 
Bajpootana, evidently points to some political revolution, 
which checked the progress of booddhism and restored 
to a certain degree the power of the brahmins. But booddh- 
ism continued for more than ten centuries to divide the 
allegiance of princes and people at different eras and in 
different provinces, with the creed of Munoo, and from time 
to time we have notices of booddhist sovereigns who 
brought all the resources of the state to the support of their 
About the year 629 A.D.,Huen-tsang, a Chinese booddhist 


travelled through the continent of India, in order to 
visit its various shrines. In his travels, which have been 
preserved in the Chinese language, he states that while he 
found the creed in a state of decay in some provinces, he 

found it flourishing and dominant in Cunoucre, in ~ 

\* i TVT i ^ o j. A i_ I J.T Prevalence 

Muguclu, in Malwa and in burat. About the ofBooddh- 

eighth century of our era, the booddhists appear ism> 
to have been subjected to a more implacable proscription 
than they had experienced for many centuries by Shunkur 
Acharjya, a brahmin reformer ; and from that time they 
decayed rapidly, and they entirely disappear from India 
soon after the invasion of the Mahomedans, while they 
increased and multiplied in the Indo-Chinese nations and 
in China, and the creed is at the present time professed by 
a larger number than the votaries of Hindooism. 

About the year 56 B.C. the Andhra dynasty obtained 
possession of the throne of Mugudu, and nourished till 436 
A.D. Their dominion extended into the Deccan, TheAndra 
with Warn n trul for their capital, and Oojeih as dynasty, 
the great metropolis of their power in the north. The 
founder of the dynasty, Vikrum-aditya, was the most illus- 
trious and powerful monarch of the age; his memory BtC , 
continues to be cherished with profound veneration, and 67 
the era he established is still current. He was a muni- 
ficent patron of literature, and encouraged the resort of 
the learned to his court from all parts of India by princely 
donations. The classic writers of that Augustan age have 
exhausted the resources of flattery in his praise ; indeed, 
the extravagance of their panegyrics has induced some 
Indian antiquarians to regard him as a myth. Some of 
the most exquisite productions in the Sanscrit language 
were compiled under his auspices. It was about this 
period, a century or so before the Christian era, 
that India appears to have attained its greatest ^^Jf^^a, 
literary eminence, and the highest stage of civili- crit litera- 
sation it has ever reached. At a time when the ture * 
western colony from the cradle of tho Aryan race, which 
is supposed to have migrated to Europe and formed the 
aborigines of Great Britain and Gaul, of Germany and 
Scandinavia, was sunk in barbarism, the eastern stream of 
colonists, in India, had cultivated the science of law, of 
grammar, of astronomy, and of algebra, and had dived into 
the subtleties of philosophy and metaphysics. They had 
made their classic language, the Sanscrit, the most perfect 
and refined medium for the communication of thought, and 


enriched it with poetry, wliicli has enchanted every succeed- 
ing generation. But with all this high cultivation, they 
neglected one of the most important branches of human 
Neglect of knowledge, that of history. The Pooranus, of 
fcistory. which the earliest is placed in 800 A.D,, are the 
only treatises which pretend to anything like an historical 
character ; but they furnish us with little beyond a barren 
record of royal races and rulers, none of which, however, 
can be implicitly depended upon. The most laborious 
researches of antiquarians have only resulted in deducing 
from half-defaced coins and servile inscriptions a chrono- 
logical series of dynasties and princes, with here and there 
a fact, of little interest, and of no practical utility to the 
student of history. It is idle for him to fancy that he has 
gained much, if any, valuable knowledge when he has 
simply loaded his memory with an empty catalogue of 
genealogies. Yet the ten centuries preceding the arrival 
of the Mahomedans present little else, and a cursory 
glance at the date and locality of successive dynasties is 
all that the student can desire. 

Eastward of the Andhra dominions lay the great kingdom 
of Bengal, containing the estuary of the Gangetic valley, 
Ten oen- with the ancient and magnificent city of Gour, 
annals or Lncknoutee for its capital. It was governed, 
Bengal. first by the booddhist dynasty of Pal, and then 
by the Hindoo dynasty of Sen. While booddhism was the 
j&eligion of the state, Hindooism fell into decay, and 
Adisoor, the founder of the Sen family, sent to Cunouge, the 
sanctuary of the Hindoo creed, for five sound and pure 
brahmins, who became the ancestors of the present brah- 
minical communities of Bengal. They were accompanied 
by five attendants, from whom the kayusts, or writer 
caste, the second in dignity, are descended. The Sen 
dynasty was on the throne when the Mahomedans in 1192 
A.D. conquered the country. Shortly before the Christian 
Cashmere: era ^^shmere was invaded by a tribe of Tartars, 
the Gun- which was displaced by a dynasty of Gundurvus. 
dumi*. They were booddhists, and under a long suc- 
cession of kings, contributed the most celebrated structures 
to the architecture of India. They appear to have en- 
joyed extensive dominion, as some of their grandest edi- 
fices were erected on the Kistna in the Deccan. They are 
said to have invaded Ceylou, but their succession cannot 
be traced beyond 622 A.D. 

In the first century before the Christian era, Nahapan 


established the dynasty of the Shahs in Surat, on the 
western coast. They are supposed either to have The shaha 
been a Parthian tribe, who invaded India through of Snrafc - 
Sinde, or Persians of the Sassanian race. They adopted 
the creed of Booddhu, and to the founder is attributed 
the excavation and the construction of the wonderful cave 
temple of Karlee between Bombay and Poona. They 
were conquered about 318 by the Bullabhis, who are like- 
wise designated the Gooptus, and who would appear to 
have extended their power over a large portion of northern 
India. The second monarch of the line is said to have 
overrun Ceylon, but no traces of them are to be found 
after 525. 

During this period of ten centuries, northern India was 
parcelled out among various dynasties, of whom Mr. 
Elphinstone, in his valuable history, enumerates Vano 
no fewer than eleven : Mugudu, Cunouge, Mithila, kingdoms of 
Benares, Delhi, Ajmere, Mewar, Jeypore, JjJ ern 
fossulmere, Sinde and Cashmere. Of the 
princes of these kingdoms some claimed the dignity of 
Muhwaj-adheeraj, or emperor of India; but however ex- 
tensive may have been their conquests, it is much to be 
doubted whether any of them ever succeeded in * bringing 
all India under one umbrella,' as the Moguls and the Eng- 
lish have since done. Regal vanity doubtless induced some 
of them to assume the appellation of ' Lords Paramount* 
on their coins and inscriptions, but on examining the most 
accurate list of the claimants to that lofty title, that of Mr. 
FtTtT'ifMii . we find that in the brief space of two hundred 
and forty-three years no fewer than ten monarchs arro- 
gated it to themselves in Malwa,, in Cunouge, in Surat, and 
even in the obscure state of Kulyan in the Deccan ; and in 
some cases there is only a period of twenty years given for 
the acquisition of this universal sovereignty. 

The early history of the Deccan is involved in even 
greater obscurity than that of Hindostan. At the period 
of the expedition of Ramu the inhabitants in the The 
lower Deccan are described as bears and *><cn. 
monkeys ; but at the extreme south of the peninsula, as he 
approached Ceylon, he entered the continental possessions 
of its king, Ravunu, and came in contact with a higher 
civilisation than that of the Aryans. At a subsequent 
period some suppose nine or ten centuries before the 
Christian era we find even the land of the bears and the 
monkey s peopled with a civilised race, which is commonly 


supposed to have entered India through Sinde and spread 
over the Deccan, To distin^niish them from the Aryan colo- 
nists of Hindostan they are generally designated Dravidian, 
and their language, the Tamul, attained a high state of cul- 
its superior ^ ure ) an d was enriched with a noble litera ture and 
literature, that by some of the servile class long before the 
Sanscrit, with which it has no affinity, had attained perfec- 
tion. Surrounded on all sides, except the north, by the 
sea, a constant intercourse was maintained with Greece 
and Egypt, and this may have contributed to the early 
civilisation of the peninsula. The most ancient and au- 
thentic history of the Deccan records the existence of two 
dynasties, that of the Pandyas, which was first in point of 
time, and that of the Cholas, which was the most power- 
Pandyaaand fill. The capital of the Pandyas, after two re- 
Choias. movals, was fixed at Madura, and its. dominion 
lay along the Malabar coast. The kingdom of the Cholas, 
which some identify with Corornandel, was founded by an 
emigrant from Hindostan who i^tott^ud. litii^WfMi^pMl 
Canchi, or Conjeveram, and eventually removed it to 
Teiingana Tanjore. Of the history of Telingana, no reliable 
and records are extant, but about the eleventh 

ukya8 ' century the Belial dynasty obtained paramount 
power in this division of the country. Another dynasty 
also rose to distinction in the north of the Deccan, deno- 
minated the Chalukyas, and their capital was eventually 
established at Kulyan, in the territory now ".<",>:.' UT to 
the Nizam. In their inscriptions they claim to have 
brought under subjection the Cholas and Pandyas in the 
south, and the Andliras of Warungul in the north, and 
there is reason to believe that for some time they may have 
been without a rival in the Deccan. The dynasty sub- 
sisted till 1182 A.D., when it was subverted by the Jadows 
of Deoghur, the modern Dowlutabad. Of the Mahrattas 
_ M . m on the western coast only two facts can be 
rattasaad traced, the existence of Tagara, a great empo- 
the Oorfyas. r j um j n ^he time of the Romans, and of Salivahun, 
the king of some unknown province, who was a bitter 
persecutor of the booddhists, and who is remembered only 
by his era, which prevails throughout the Deccan. Of 
Orissa nothing is known before the introduction ofbooddh- 
ism, except 1;hat the country was a marsh, and the people 
* barbarous and as black as crows/ The tooth of Booddnu, 
the most sacred of his relics, was, in the distribution of his 
remains, allotted to this kingdom, and his creed appears 


to have predominated in it for ten centuries, during which 
the rocks were studded with shrines and monasteries. It 
was subjected to various invasions by sea and land, and on 
one occasion the precious tooth was conveyed for safety to 
Ceylon, of which it has ever since been, in one sense, the 
palladium. The Kesari dynasty superseded the booddhist 
monarchs in 473, and established the supremacy of Hin- A.n 
dooism, of which they were the ardent devotees. They en- 478 
joyed power for more than six centuries, which seem to 
have been passed in little else but in building temples and 
founding religious communities. The country was covered 
with settlements of brahmins, of whom ten thousand were 
introduced from Cunouge. Bhoobaneshur became the 
ecclesiastical metropolis of Orissa, and was crowded with 
seven thousand temples, in honour of Seeva, less than a 
tenth of which remain, but they are sufficient to attest 
the zeal and the taste of that religious dynasty. 





A.D. MAHOMED was born at Mecca, in Arabia, A.D. 569, and at 

5 <*9 the age of forty announced himself as a prophet commis- 

. __ sioned by the Almighty to convert the human race 

Iu86 Ot uLBr .- . " r> it t - - * * A . < . . .. 

homedan to the true faith ^^pgH|MMHttBMB* 
power. jj e obtained many proselytes in his native land 
by his genius and eloquence, and, having raised an army of 
Arabs to subjugate the surrounding nations to hia creed 
and his power, commenced that career of conquest which 
was pursued by his successors with unexampled vigour and 
rapidity. Province after province and kingdom after king- 
dom succumbed to them, and before the close of a century 
they had conquered Egypt, Syria, Northern Africa, and a 
part of Spain. Persia was prostrate before them, and they 
were advancing towards Cabul. A few years after the 
death of Mahomed, the Caliph Omar founded Bussora, at 

705 the estuary of the Tigris, and his generals were enabled 
to to make descents upon Sinde and Belooohistan by sea, 

715 Under the Caliph Walid, between 705 and 715 A.D., that 
province was entirely subjugated, and the banner of the 
orescent was planted on the turrets of Mooltan. About 
the same period the Mahomedans advanced into Central 
Asia, and overran the country north of the Oxus. The 
general of the Caliph, Mahomed ben Cossim, likewise con- 

711 quered the kingdom of Guzerat, and eventually advanced 
to Chittore, the capital of Rajpootana, when the gallant 
young Bappa placed himself at the head of the Rajpoot 
forces, and expelled the invader. On his return from the 
field he was raised to the throne, and founded the present 
royal family of Oodypore. The Rajpoot annals record 
"in the days of Khoraan, the grandson of Bappa, 


Chittore was again invaded by Mahomed, the governor of 
Khorasan, when the other princes in the north hastened 
to his assistance; and a very patriotic description is 
given of the different tribes which composed the northern 
chivalry on this occasion. With their aid Khoman was 
enabled to defeat the invader, with whom he is said to 
have fonght twenty-four battles. The Mahomedans were 
thus expelled from all the territory they had been en- 
deavouring to acquire for a century and a half, and it was ^ 
not till three centuries after their first invasion that they 75$ 
succeeded in making a permanent lodgment in India. 

The opulent regions of Khorasan and Transoxania, which 
had been conquered by the Caliphs in the first century of 
theHejira the Mahomedan era, which dates from The dynaaty 
the flight of Mahomed from Mecca to Medina * &fcu*ni. 
continued under their government for about a hundred and 
eighty years ; but after the death of the renowned Haroun- 
al-rashid, the contemporary and friend of Charlemagne, 
"the central authority began to decay, and the governors of 
provinces to assume independence. Ismael Samani, a 
Tartar, seized upon Khorasan, Transoxania, and Afghan- 
istan, in 872, and fixed his capital at Bokhara, where his 
dynasty usually designated that of the Samanides 
continued to reign for about a hundred and twenty years. 
The fifth prince in descent had a Turkish slave, Aluptugeen, 
a man of courage and good sense, who rose to be governor 
of Khorasan. On the death of his patron he was consulted 
about the choice of a successor, and having voted against 
the son of the deceased king who was, however, raised to 
the throne by the other chiefs he was deprived of his post 
and retreated with a band of trusty followers to Ghuzni, in 
the heart of the Soliman mountains, where he succeeded in 
establishing his independence. He had purchased a slave 
of the name of Subuktugeen in Tartary, in whom he dis- 
covered great powers of mind, and whom he raised to the 
highest offices. He stepped into the throne on the death 
of his sovereign, A.D. 976. ' 

The establishment of a powerful kingdom under a vigor- 
ous monarch in the vicinity of the Indus created no little 
alarm in the mind of Jeypal, the Hindoo sovereign Hindoog at . 
of the Punjab, and he led a large army across the tacksubuk- 
river, and attacked Subuktugeen at Lughman in tugeen * 
the Cabul passes. On the eve of the engagement a violent 
storm of wind, rain, and thunder swept down the valley, 
alarmed the superstitious soldiers of Jeypal to such 
c 2 


a degree that he was constrained to sue for an accommoda- 
tion, which was not granted without the promise of a heavy 
payment ; but on hearing that his opponent had been obliged 
to march to the westward to repel an invasion, he refused to 
fulfil his engagement, and imprisoned the king's messengers. 
Subuktugeen, having disposed of his enemies, marched 
down to the Indus to avenge this perfidy. Jeypal succeeded 
in enlisting the aid of the rajas of Delhi, Ajmere, Callinger, 
and Cunouge, and advanced across the Indus with an im- 
mense force, but was again defeated, and the authority of 
Ghuzni was established up to the banks of the Indus. 

A.D. Subuktugeen died in 997, and was succeeded at first by 

097 his son Ismael, and a few months after by his second son, 

the renowned Mahmood of Ghuzni. From his 

GhSSi? 1 o early youth he had accompanied his father on his 

Htoexjidi- various expeditions, and acquired a passion for 

ans * war and great military experience. He ascended 

the throne at the age of thirty, and became impatient to 

% enlarge his dominions, and contemplated with delight the 
glory of extending the triumphs of his creed in the un- 
trodden plains of India. He began his crusade against 

1001 the Hindoos in 1001, and conducted no fewer than twelve 
expeditions, of more or less importance, against them. He 
left Ghuzni in August. Jeypal crossed the Indus a third 
time, and in the neighbourhood of Peshawur was again 
defeated and captured. He was generously released, but 
Designed the throne to his son Anungpal, and sought death 
on a funeral pyre to which he had himself set fire. Pass- 
ing over several minor expeditions, we come to the fourth, 
which was directed against Anungpal, who had instigated 
a revolt against Mahmood in Mooltan, in conjunction with 
six of the most powerful rajas of the north. The Hindoos 
again took the fatal resolution of crossing the Indus, and 
were a fourth time defeated with the loss of 20,000 men. 
The next expedition was a mere plundering excursion to 
Nagarcote, a place of peculiar sanctity, and so strongly forti- 
fied as to have been made the depository of the wealth of 
the neighbouring princes. The stronghold was easily cap- 
tared, and despoiled according to the Mahomedan histo- 
rians of 700 maunds of gold and silver plate, 200 maunds 
of pure gold ingots, 2,000 maunds of unwrought silver, 
and twenty maunds of jewels. The sixth expedition was 
directed against Thanesur, one of the most ancient and 
wealthy shrines in India, Anungpal implored Mahmood 
to spare it, but he made the characteristic reply that the 


extermination of idolatry was his mission, and that his re- 
ward in paradise would be measured by his success in 
accomplishing it. All the costly images and shrines, the 
accumulation of centuries, together with 200,000 captives, 
were transported to Ghuzni, which began to wear the ap- 
pearance of a Hindoo colony. 

After several minor expeditions Mahmood determined to AJ>. 
penetrate to the heart of Hindostan, and to plant his 1017 
standard on the banks of the Ganges. With an B3n)edlfclon 
army, it is said, of 20,000 foot and 100,000 horse, to Ctmoug* 
attracted chiefly from Central Asia by the love and Multrft ' 
of adventure and the lure of plunder, he burst suddenly 
on the city of Cunouge, which had been for centuries the 
citadel of Hindooism. The descriptions given of the mag- 
nificence of the city and the splendour of the court, both by 
Hindoo and Mahomedau writers, stagger our belief, more 
especially when we consider the limited extent of the king- 
dom. The array of the state is said to have consisted of 
80,000 men in" armour, 30,000 horsemen, and 500,000 
infantry ; yet the raja made his submission after a short 
and feeble resistance. Mahmood left it uninjured, and 
turned his footsteps to the great ecclesiastical city of Muttra, 
the birthplace and sanctuary of the deified hero Krishnu, 
filled with shrines, blazing with jewelry. For twenty days 
the city and the temples were given up to plunder, and 
the idols were melted down or demolished. Some of the 
temples were spared for their great solidity or their surpass- 
ing beauty. " Here are a thousand edifices," wrote the con- 
queror, " as firm as the creed of the faithful, most of them 
" of marble, besides innumerable temples. Such another 
u city could not be constructed under two centuries.*' 

Passing over two expeditious of lesser moment, we come 1024 
to the last and most celebrated, the capture of the shrine 
of Somnath, the most wealthy and the most re- Edition 
nowned on the continent of India. At the period to Somnath. 
of an eclipse, it is said to have been resorted to by 200,000 
pilgrims. The image was daily bathed with water brought 
from the Ganges, 1,000 miles distant. The establishment 
consisted of 2,000 brahmins, 300 barbers to shave the 
devotees, 200 musicians, and 300 courtezans. To reach 
the temple Mahmood had a painful march of 350 miles 
across the desert. The raja retreated to the fortified 
temple, and the defenders on the first attack withdrew to 
the inner sanctuary, and prostrated themselves before the 
idol to implore its help. The neighbouring chiefs hastened 


with large forces to the defence of the shrine, and Mahmood 
was so severely pressed by them that he, in his turn, pros- 
trated himself on the ground to invoke divine assistance ; 
and then, springing into the saddle, cheered on his troops 
to victory. After 5,000 Hindoos had fallen under their 
sahres, Mahmood entered the temple and was struck with 
astonishment at its grandeur. The lofty roof was supported 
by fifty-six columns, elaborately carved, and studded with 
jewels. The shrine was illuminated by a single lamp, sus- 
pended by a golden chain, the lustre of which was reflected 
from the numerous precious stones embossed in the walls. 
The image, five yards in height, one half of which was 
buried in the earth, faced the entrance, and Mahmood 
ordered it to be demolished, when the priests threw them- 
selves at his feet and offered an immense ransom for it, 
but he replied that he had rather be known as the de- 
stroyer than the seller of idols. Then, lifting up his mace, 
he aimed a blow at it, and the figure, which was hollow, 
burst asunder, and poured a larger treasure at his feet 
than the brahmins had offered for its ransom. The wealth 
obtained on this occasion exceeded any he had acquired in 
his previous expeditions, and the mind is bewildered with 
the enumeration of the treasures and jewels which he 
carried back. The sandal-wood gates were sent as a trophy 
to his capital where they remained for eight centuries, 
till they were brought back in a triumphal procession to 
' india by a Christian ruler. 

He retired to Ghuzni after a toilsome and perilous march 
through the desert, and died in the sixtieth year of his age. 
aJ>. Death and ^ wo ^ avs Before kis death ^ e caused the most 
1030 character of costly of his treasures to be displayed before his 
Mahmood. eyes, and is said to have shed tears at the 
thought of leaving them. Mahmood 'was not only the 
greatest conqueror, but the grandest sovereign of the age. 
He extended his dominions from the sea of Aral to the 
Persian Gulf, and from the mountains of Kurdestan to the 
banks of the Sutlege, and the order which reigned through 
these vast territories gave abundant proof of his genius 
for civil administration. His court was the most mag. 
nifioent in Asia, and few princes have ever surpassed him 
in the munificent encouragement of letters. He founded 
and richly endowed a university at his capital, which 
was adorned with a greater assemblage of literary genius 
than any other monarch in Asia has ever been able to collect. 
His taste for architecture was developed after he had seen 



THE dynasty of Ghore, which succeeded that of Ghuzni, 
was founded by Eis-ood-doen, a native of Afghanistan, 
who entered the service of Musaood, the king . ta {tb 
of Ghuzni, and obtained the hand of his daughter House It * 
together with the principality of Ghore. His Ghore - 
son was married to Byram, the last sultan of Ghuzni, who 
put him to death on the occasion of some family quarrel. 
The brother of the deceased prince, Seif-ood-deen, took up 
arms to revenge his death, and Byram was obliged to 
fly, but he returned soon after with a larger force, and 
conquered his opponent, whom he butchered with studied 
ignominy. Alla-ood-deen, his brother, vowed a bitter 
revenge, and a battle was fought under the walls of 
Ghuzni, when Byram was defeated and fled to Lahore, but 
perished on the route. AJla-ood-deen then proceeded to 
wreak his vengeance on the city of Ghuzni, which had 
become the grandest in Asm, and gave it up for three, 


the grand edifices of Cunouge and of Muttra, of Thanesur 
and Somnath, and his capital, which at the beginning of 
his reign was a collection of hovels, was ornamented with 
mosqnes, porches, fountains, aqueducts, and palaces. 

The dynasty of Ghuzni may be said to have reigned, though 
it did not flourish, for a hundred and fifty- six years after the 
death of Mahmood, inasmuch as it was notdispos- p-^..-^ 
sessed of its last territories before 11 86. During close of the ng(j 
this period, the attention of its princes was so in- fy n ^ 
cessantly distracted by the political and mili- 
tary movements of Central Asia, and more especially by 
the aggressions of the Seljuks, as to leave them little 
leisure for the affairs of India. It would be idle to en- 
cumber the attention of the reader with the revolutions 
beyond the Indus, which have no bearing upon the 
interests of India, or with the catalogue of the sovereigns 
engaged in them. The provinces of Lahore and Mooltan 
were permanently annexed to the throne of Ghuzni, though 
more than one effort was made by the Hindoo princes to 
drive the Mahomedans across the Indus. 


and, according to some authors, for seven days, to indis- 
criminate slauirlner, flame, and devastation. The superb 
monuments of the kings of Ghnzni were levelled with the 
ground, and the palaces of the nobles sacked and demo- 
lished. This savage vengeance has fixed an indelible 
stigma on his memory, and he h branded by Mahomedan 
" historians as ' the incendiary of the world/ He was suc- 
Gheias-ood. ceeded in 1156 by an amiable and imbecile 
A.D. deen * youth, who was murdered within a twelve- 

1168 month, when Gheias-ood-deen was raised to the throne, 
and associated his brother Shahab-ood-deen, the renowned 
Mahomed Ghory, with him in the government, the most 
important functions of which were left in his hands. The 
harmony which subsisted between the two brothers for 
forty-five years, and the exemplary loyalty which Maho- 
med, though in possession of the real power of the state, 
continued to manifest towards his brother in an age of 
universal violence, deserve especial commemoration. 

Mahomed Ghory was the real founder of Mahomedan 
power in India, and it may be serviceable to glance at the 
State of the C(m( lition of the Hindoo thrones north of the Ner- 
Hindoo budda on the eve of their extinction. The king- 
kingdoms. ^ om Q c unoil g e had passed under the authority 
of the Rathore tribe of E/ajpoots. The kings of Benares 
who professed the booddhist creed had become extinct, 
fj.nd the principality had been divided between the rulers 
*df Cunouge and Bengal. Bengal was independent under the 
dynasty of the Sens. Guzerat was governed by the 
Bhagilas, and the powerful kingdom of Ajmere by the 
Chohans. The last King of Delhi, Prithee raj, was of the 
Tomara tribe, and he had adopted his grandson, the raja 
of Ajmere, and bestowed his daughter on him. With 
the chief of Guzerat for his ally, the king of Cunouge was 
engaged in mortal conflict with the king of Delhi, with 
whom were associated the rajas of Chittore and Ajmere. 
The arrogant raja of Cunouge had, moreover, determined to 
celebrate the sacrifice of the horse, the emblem of universal 
sovereignty, and this vainglorious assumption was re- 
sented by half the powers of Hindostan, which was thus 
divided into two hostile camps, with its rulers engaged in 
deadly hostilities, when the Mahomedan invader was thun- 
dering at its gates. On the threshold of this great 
revolution we pause for a moment to notice the virtues of 
Bhoie*' Bhojfe-raj, the last of the great Hindoo sove- 
' reigns of India. He was of the ancient and 


time-honoured tribe of the Pruinuras, who still continued 
to rule, but with diminished splendour, the kingdom of 
Oojein. Seated on the throne of Vikrum-aditya, he resolved 
to emulate him in the encouragement of literature. His 
memory is consecrated by the gratitude of posterity, and 
his reign has been immortalised by the genius of poetry. 

Mahomed Ghory turned his attention to India with all A.D. 
the vigour of a young dynasty. In 1176 he took the 1176 
province of Ooch, at the junction of the rivers of Mahomed 
the Punjab and the Indus. Two years later he Ghory. 
was defeated in his attempt on Guzerat. He subsequently 
overran Sinde, and took possession of the two pro- 
vinces of Mooltan and the Punjab, which alone had 
remained to the house of Ghuzni, which thus became 
extinct. Having no longer any Mahomedan rival within 
the Indus, his entire force was brought to bear on the 
great Hindoo monarchies. At this period there was little 
trace of the invasion of Mali mood ; the prosperity of the 
country was renewed, and it teemed with wealth and 
abounded in temples; but the year li 93 brought a tern- 
pest of desolation which completely overwhelmed the 
Hindoo power in the north. Prithee raj, the gallant but 
ilinuirlirlc.-i king of Delhi, though he had wasted his 
strength in his struggle with the raja of Cunouge and his 
associates, was still able to bring a force of 200,000 horse 
into the field with a proportionate number of foot. The two 
armies joined battle at Tirauri, not far from Thanesur, 
the battle-field of Hindostan, when the king of Ghore was 
completely defeated, and was happy to escape with the 
wreck of his army across the Indus. 

Having recruited his army with Turks, Tartars, and 
Afghans, he recrossed the Indus to wipe out his disgrace. 
The Hindoos met him on their old and, as they Defeatof the 
considered it, fortunate ground, with an aug- Hindoos, 
men ted force of infantry and cavalry ; 150 chiefs rallied 
round the standard of Delhi, and the king sent an 
arrogant message to Mahomed, granting him permission to 
retire without molestation. He replied, with apparent 
humility, that he was merely his brother's lieutenant, to 
whom he would refer their message, and the moderation of 
this reply was interpreted as a symptom of weakness. 
The Caggar flowed between the two armies, and Mahomed, 
after having in vain endeavoured to surprise the Hindoos 
by crossing it during itie night, feigned a retreat, which 
drew the enemy in confusion after him, when he charged 


them with 12,000 chosen horse, and, as the historian re* 
lates, " this prodigious army, once shaken, like a great 
" building, tottered to its fall, and was lost in its own rains." 
The raja of Chittore fell, gallantly fighting at the head of 
his Rajpoot cavalry. The king of Delhi was taken 
prisoner, and butchered in cold blood. Mahomed then 
proceeded to Ajmere, where he stained his reputation by 
the massacre of several thousands of his captives. Ma- 
homed returned to Ghuzni laden with plunder, leaving one 
of his slaves, Kootub-ood-deen, who had risen to eminence 
4.D. by his talent, to continue his conquests. He captured 
1193 Meerut and Coel, and eventually Delhi, which now became 
the seat of Mahomedan power in India. The kings of 
Cunouge and Guzerat, who had looked on with malicious 
delight while the Mahomedans smote down their Hindoo 
opponents, had no long respite themselves. Mahomed 
J 194 returned to India the next year with a powerful force, and 
defeated Jey-chunder, the Rathore raja of Cunouge, on the 
banks of the Jumna, and captured Benares, where he 
demolished a thousand temples. Upon this reverse, the 
whole tribe of Rathores emigrated in a body to Rajpoo- 
tana, and established the kingdom of Marwar, and the 
ancient city of Cunouge, which had seen the days of 
Ramu sank to insignificance. Kootub-ood-deen lost no 
Bengal and time in despatching one of his slaves, Bukhtyar 
^Behar. Q-hiljie, to conquer Behar, which offered no re- 
sistance. That officer then advanced to Bengal, which was 
under the rule of Lukshmunu Sen, eighty years of age, who 
usually held his court at Nuddea. He appears to have 
made no preparations for the defence of the country, and 
was surprised at a meal, and fled for refuge to Jugernath. 
It is particularly worthy of note, that while the heroic 
Rajpoots, the kings of Delhi and Cunouge, and other princes 
in the north-west, offered a noble resistance to the Ma- 
homedans, Bengal fell, without the slightest effort for its 
independence. It remained under Mahomedan rule for 
five centuries and a half, till it was transferred to a 
European government by the issue of a single battle, which 
cost the conquerors only seventy men. Bukhtyar deli- 
vered up Nuddea to plunder, and then seized on uour, the 
ancient capital. He subsequently invaded Bootan and 
Assam, but was gallantly repulsed by the highlanders, and 
died of chagrin on his return to Bengal. *r 

During these transactions Mahomed marched against 
the king of Kharizm, the modern Khiva, and, though at 


first victorious, experienced so crushing a defeat that it was x.. 
with difficulty he made his way back toGhuzni, Death of 120* 
the gates of which were shut against him by the Mahomed - 
governor. Eevolts at the same time broke out in India on 
the news of his reverses. He succeeded eventually in 
restoring his authority, and was returning to his capital, 
when he was murdered on the banks of the Indus by & 
band of Gukkers, who stole unperceived into his tent and 120$ 
revenged the loss of a relative in the late war. He 
governed the kingdom forty-nine years, forty-five in con- 
junction with his brother, and four after his death. His 
military operations in India were on a larger scale, and 
their result was more permanent than those of Mahmood 
of Ghuzni. Mahmood attacked the most opulent towns 
and temples and carried their wealth to Ghuzni. It was a 
sudden tornado of spoliation, and when it had passed over, 
the sovereigns recovered their power, and the country re- 
sumed its prosperity. But Mahomed of Ghore in the 
course of ten years completely demolished the Hindoo 
power, and at the period of his death northern India, from 
the Himalaya to the Nerbudda, with the exception of Mai wa, 
had come under a permanent Mahomedan government. The 
treasure left by Mahomed is stated at e. sum which exceeds 
belief, more particularly the five mannds of jewels. He had 
no children, and his nephew was proclaimed throughout 
his dominions, and ruled them for six years. On his death 
there was a general scramble for power between the 
governors of the different provinces, and in 1215 Ghuzni 121$ 
was taken by the king of Kharizm, and the dynasty of 
Ghore disappears from the page of history. 

Kootub-ood-deen, to whose management Mahomed had 
confided his Indian conquests, was invested with the fall 
sovereignty of them by his successor, and as- rheslav6 
sumed the insignia of royalty at Lahore in dynasty. 
1206, from which year the real foundation of f^ 1 *" 00 ^ 
Mahomedan power in India is usually dated. 
The dynasty which he founded is known in history as that 
of the slave kings, He made one expedition across the 
Indus and overcame Eldoze, another of the slaves of 
Mahomed, who had caused himself to be crowned at 
Ghuzni, and claimed the submission of Kootub. Kootub 
himself was soon after defeated and returned to India, and 
from that time forward contented himself with the do- 
minions he possessed there. To commemorate the cap- 
ture of Delhi, he commenced the magnificent Kootub- 


Minar in that city, which was completed by his successor. 
A.D. He died in 1210, after an independent reign of five years. 
1210 While Central Asia was the scene of convulsion created 
by the ambition of its different rulers, and more especially 
Jenghte by the violence of Mahomed the turbulent king 
1219 Khan. o f Kharizm, its polity was entirely subverted by 
the memorable irruption of Jenghiz Khan. He was the 
petty chief of fche Moguls, a tribe of nomadic Tartars, 
roaming with their flocks and herds on the north of the 
great wall of China. By the age of forty he had es- 
tablished his authority over all the tribes, and burst with 
resistless force on China, and, after sacking ninety 
cities, obliged the emperor to cede the provinces north of 
the Yellow River. With an army of 700,000 men he then 
poured down on the Mahomedan principalities of Central 
Asia, and defeated Mahomed of Kharizm, who is said to 
have left 160,000 dead on the field. From the Caspian 
sea to the banks of the Indus, the whole region for more 
than a thousand miles was laid waste with fire and 
sword. This tide of desolation which swept over the 
country was the greatest calamity which has ever be- 
fallen the family of man. Although Jenghiz Khan did not 
invade India, he gave a predominant influence to the 
Moguls, who, after the lapse of three centuries, were led 
across the Indus by Baber, and placed on the throne of 

Kootub was succeeded by his son Aram, who was de- 
throned within a year, and Altumsh, his slave and son-in- 
law, was raised to supreme authority, which he 
during the 118 enjoyed for twenty-five years. He was occupied 
siaye in reducing to subjection the few districts which 

1226 dynasty. gtm rerflailie(i j n fa e ^ands of the Hindoos, in 
1236 curbing his subordinate governors, and consolidating the 
new empire. He reduced the strong fortresses of Bin- 
thimbore in Rajpootana, of Gwalior, and of Mandoo. He 
captured Oojein, the venerable capital of Vikrum-adityu, 
and destroyed his magnificent temple of Muhakal, and 
sent the images to Delhi to be mutilated and placed as 
steps of his great mosque. He was succeeded by his son, 
who was deposed within six months for his vices, and his 
sister Rezia was raised to the throne. " She was," says the 
historian, " endowed with every princely virtue, and those 
1280 "who scrutinised her actions most severely could find in her 
"nofaultbutthat she was a woman." She managed theaffaira 
of the empire frith singular talent, revised the laws, appeared 


daily on the throne in the habit of a Sultan, and gave 
audience to all comers. But an Abyssinian slave had 
gained her favour and was appointed to the command of 
the army ; the nobility were aggrieved, insurrections 
broke out, and she took the field against the rebels, but 
was taken prisoner and put to death after a reign of three 
years and a half. The two succeeding reigns were without 
events, and occupied only six years, when Nazir-ood-deen, 
a grandson of Altumsh, mounted the throne. The reign of 
this quiet and studious monarch extended to twenty years. 
He was remarkable for the simplicity of his habits, his 
frugality, and continence, and for the royal Mahomedan 
virtue of transcribing the Koran. The merit of all the im- 
portant events of his reign belongs to his great minister, 
Bulbun, the Turkish slave and son-in-law of Altnmsh. 
Throughout this reign the provinces contiguous to the 
Indus were constantly subjected to the ravages of the 
Moguls whom Jenghiz Khan had established in Central 
Asia, and twenty-five of the princes whom they had ex- 
pelled were hospitably entertained at the court of Delhi. 
He died without issue, and was succeeded by his minister, 
Balbun, the greatest statesman in the annals of the slave 
dynasty. He was a prince of great energy and ability, but 1266 
is represented by some historians as a monster of cruelty, 
by others as a model of perfection. During an insurrection 
in Merut he is said to have put 100,000 to death, 
and the rebellion in Bengal was punished with such 
extreme severity as to constrain the ministers of religion 
to interpose their influence to stay the savage execution of 
women and children. On the other hand, he set an 
example of the most rigid abstemiousness, and punished 
immorality with great rigour. His court was maintained 
on a scale of great magnificence, and adorned with the 
presence of men of literary genius, whom he attracted by 
his munificence ; but he made it a rule to employ no 
Hindoos in the public service. His accomplished son, 
Prince Mahomed, the idol of the age, was sent to repel a 
renewed invasion of the Moguls. They were defeated, 1279 
but the illustrious youth fell in the field, and with him 
perished the hopes of the dynasty. Bulbun was succeeded 
by one of his grandsons, Who was speedily superseded by 
another, and on his falling a victim to his debaucheries, a 
struggle for power arose between the Tartar mercenaries 
and the Afghan Ghiljies. The Tartars were cut to pieces, 
and the dynasty, which began in 1205 with the slav* 


Kutab, terminated in 1288, within three years of the death 
of the slave Bulbun. 

The victorious Ghiljie, Feroze, then in his seventieth 
year, mounted the throne, and assumed the title of Jellal- 
A.D. Dynasty of ood-deen. The dynasty, which lasted only thirty 
1288 ftto Ghiijies. years, was rendered memorable by the extension 
of Mahomedan power over the Deccan. The reign of 
Jellal-ood-deen was marked, except in one instance, by an 
injudicious lenity, which relaxed the whole frame of go- 
vernment ; the governors withheld their tribute, and the 
roads were infested with banditti. In the fifth year of his 
reign, his nephew, Alla-ood-deeu, a man of great energy, 
violent ambition, and no scruples of conscience, projected 
a marauding expedition to the south. Avoiding all com- 
munication with his uncle, he swept down across the 
Nerbudda with a body of 8,000 chosen horse, and suddenly 
presented himself before the fortress of Dowlutabad. 
Neither the king nor any of the neighbouring Hindoo 
princes were prepared for resistance, and the town with all 

1294 its treasures fell a prey to the invader. The audacity of 
this adventure struck terror into the chiefs on the line, 
and before they were prepared to encounter him he was 
enabled to return, on the twenty-fifth day, without any 
interruption. This expedition revealed the wealth and 
the weakness of the Deccan to the Mahomed an s, and 

,* paved the way for its subjugation. The aged emperor, 
then in his seventy-seventh year, was delighted to find his 
nephew return in safety, laden with plunder and covered 
with glory. His ministers endeavoured to put him on his 

1295 guard against the ambitious designs of his nephew, but 
the over-confident monarch was induced to cross the 
Ganges to welcome him, and at the first interview was 
treacherously assassinated by men placed in ambush in the 

Alla-ood-deen hastened to Delhi, and put the two sons 
of his uncle to death and imprisoned their mother ; but he 
Aiia-ood- endeavoured to efface the memory of these atro- 
dw 1 ' cities by the just exercise of the power he had 
so nefariously acquired, and by the exhibition of games and 
festivities ; he was never able, however, to suppress his ar- 
bitrary temper, and his reign, though long and glorious, was 
always disturbed by conspiracies. He was ignorant of letters 
when he ascended the throne, but he applied successfully 
to study, and surrounded himself with learned men, in 
wh6se society he took great pleasure. His government 


was stern and inflexible, but not unsnitod to the exigencies 
of the time. The military operations of his reign, which 
extended to twenty- seven years, were divided between the 
north and south of India. Early in his reign he finally A .D. 
conquered Ghizerat, which had assumed independence, and 1297 
two years after obtained possession of the fortress of 
Rinthimbore and then of Chittore, which brought the 
Rajpoots " under the yoke of obedience." His territories 
to the north-west of Delhi were constantly disturbed by 
the inroads of the Moguls from Central Asia, and in 1298 
Kutlugh Khan marched down from the Indus with an 
army of 200,000 men upon Delhi, which was crowded with 
fugitives till famine began to stare them in the face, when 1298 
Alla-ood-deen marched out and dispersed this vast host. 
The invasion was twice repeated, and as often repelled, 
and the emperor, to deter these inveterate enemies by a 
severe example, caused the heads of all his male prisoners 
to be struck off and erected into a pillar at Delhi. 

His first expedition to the Deccan, when seated on the 
throne, was directed against Warungul, the ancient 
capital of Telmgana, but it was not successful. EnrtMtoiu 
Three years later, a larger army was sent under to the 
the command of Malik Kafoor, a eunuch, once Deccan - 
the slave, but now the favourite general of the emperor, 
and the object of envy to the nobles of the court. He 
overran the Mahratta country and recovered Dowlutabad, 
which had revolted. In the previous expedition against 130$ 
Guzerat, the wife of the raja had fallen into the hands of 
the victors and was placed in the imperial harem, where her 
singular beauty and her talents excited the admiration of 
the emperor. She had borne a daughter to her former 
husband, whose attractions were said to be equal to her own, 
and the generals were ordered diligently to seek her out. 
She was unexpectedly discovered and conveyed to Delhi, 
where she made such an impression on the king's son that 
he married her; at so early a period do we find inter- 
marriages between the Mahomedans and the Hindoos in 1309 
vogue. In 1309, Kafoor ravaged the north of Telingana, 
and conquered Warungul. The next year he was sent 
with a large army down to the Carnatic, and reached the 
capital after a march of three months. The raja was 
defeated and made prisoner, and with him ended the 
Belial dynasty of the Deccan. Kafoor then ravaged the 
eastern provinces along the Coromandel coast down to the 
extreme limit of the peninsula, and, as a memorial of his 


victories erected a mosque on the island of Ramisseram, 
between the continent and the island of Ceylon, contiguous 
to the magnificent temple erected ages before in honour of 
Seeta, the wife of the hero of the Ramayun. The value of 
the plunder he acquired in these expeditions was calculated 
by historians deemed sober, at a hundred crores of rupees. 
In the decline of life Alla-ood-deen exhibited an in- 

J312 fatuated attachment to Kafoor, whose depravity equalled 
Extinction ^ s talents, and a spirit of discontent spread 
of the throughout the provinces. His strength, both 

fyrty t of body and mind, was impaired by constant in- 
dulgence, and the empire, which had been sus- 
tained by his energy, fell into a state of anarchy. Guzerat, 
Chittore, and Deoghur deserted their allegiance, and he sank 

1316 into the grave under a cloud of misfortunes. His con- 
quests were greater than had ever been achieved before in 
India ; his internal administration was eminently successful, 
and the wealth and prosperity of the country were in- 
creased. His death became the signal for revolutions. 
The infamous Kafoor seized upon the regency and put out 
the eyes of the two sons of his benefactor. Tho nobles of 
the court, however, caused him to be put to death, and 
placed the deceased emperor's third son upon the throne, 
who lost no time in putting the instruments of his eleva- 
tion to death, and extinguishing the sight of his youngest 
brother. He reconquered some of the provinces which 
haa revolted, but on his return to the capital gave him- 
self up to the most degrading vices, while his favourite, 
Khosroo, a converted Hindoo, undertook an expedition to 
the Deccan and ravaged the maritime province of Malabar, 
which Kafoor had spared. Khosroo returned to Delhi 
laden with booty, assassinated his master, and usurped the 
throne, and then proceeded to massacre the royal family ; 
but Ghazee Toghluk, the governor of the Punjab, marched 
on Delhi with the veteran troops of the marches, disciplined 

1321 by constant conflicts with the Moguls, and put an end to 
the reign and life of the monster. 




GUAZEE TOGHLUK was desirous of placing some scion of the 
royal house upon the throne, but the family had been ex- 
terminated during the recent convulsions, and Ghazee 
he yielded to the wishes of the nobles and Togbiuk. 
people to accept it himself. His father was originally a 
slave of the emperor Bulburi, but raised himself to high 
honour by his abilities. Has reign, which lasted only four 
years, was as commendable as his accession had been 
blameless. Bengal had prospered for forty years under 
the viceroyalty of Kurrah, the bun of the omperor Bulbun, 
and as charges had been brought against him, Ghazee 
Toghluk investigated them in person, and, finding them 
groundless, confirmed him in the government ; and the 
native historian illustrates the mutations of fortune at this 
period by the remark that it was the son of the father's 
slave who granted the royal umbrella to his son. An ex- 
pedition was sent into Telingana ; the capital, Warungul, 
was captured, and the Hindoo dynasty which had flourished 
there for two centuries and a half became extinct. Jona 
Khan, the son of the emperor, on his return from this 
campaign, gave an entertainment to his father in a magnifi- 
cent pavilion which fell unexpectedly, but not accidentally, 
and crushed him to death. 

Jona Khan, who ascended the throne and assumed the 
title of Mahomed Toghluk, is one of the most extraordinary 
characters in the Mahomedan history of India M . 
a singular compound of opposite qualities. 
He was the most accomplished sovereign of 
the age, skilled in every science, and versed even in Greek 
philosophy; the liberal patron of learning, temperate to the 
verge of asceticism, and distinguished in the field by his 
gallantry and military skill. But all these virtues were 
neutralised by such perversity of disposition and such 
paroxysms of tyranny as to render him the object of general 
execration. It was the intoxication of absolute power which 
led him to acts bordering on insanity. He began his reign 
by completing the reduction of the Deccan ; he extended 
the limits of the empire beyond any of his predecessors, and 
brought the remotest districts into as good order as those 


around Delhi; yet, before his death the whole of the 
Expedition Deccan was lost to the crown by his follies. He 
to Persia. assembled a large army for the conquest of 

JL.D. Persia, but, after exhausting his resources, the troops de- 

1325 sorted for want of pay, and became the terror of his own 
subjects. To replenish his treasury he resolved to march 
into China, and levy contributions in that remote region, 
but the army of 100,000 men which he sent across the 
snowy range, after encountering incredible hardships, was 
all but exterminated by the Chinese and the exasperated 
highlanders, and the few who escaped to tell the tale were 
butchered by his own orders. Hearing that the Chinese 
had a paper currency in use, he determined to introduce it 
into his dominions, to the ruin of thousands and the 
general derangement of commerce. His exactions drove 
the husbandmen into the woods, and filled the country with 
banditti. By way of revenge he surrounded a large tract 
of territory with his troops, and driving the wretched in- 
habitants into the centre, slaughtered tliem with all the 

1838 change of brutality of a battue. In 1338 he took the field 
capital. against his nephew, who had been driven into 
revolt, and the young prince was captured and flayed alive. 
On reaching Deoghur, he was so enchanted with the beauty 
of the situation and the mildness of the climate, that he 
resolved to make it the capital of the empire, and changed 
its name to Dowlutabad. He then ordered the inhabitants 
of Delhi to migrate to it, and thousands of men, women, 
and children were constrained to travel a distance of eight 
hundred miles ; but he planted the road with full-grown 
trees. The project of transplanting the metropolis failed, 
but not till it had inflicted incalculable misery on the 
people. At the same time, as if to mock the calamities of 
his subjects, he erected a splendid mausoleum over the 
grave of a decayed tooth. 

These caprices and oppressions produced the usual har- 
vest of insurrections. The Afghans crossed the Indus and 
Dismember- rava g e ^ ^ ne Punjab, and when they retired the 
mentoftne" Gukkers completed the desolation of the pro- 

1840 oap* 1 *' vince. Bengal revolted, and remained independent 
for two centuries. Two fugitives from Telingana esta- 
blished a Hindoo kingdom near the Toombudra, with 
Beejanuger for its capital. About the same time a de- 
scendant of the royal house of Telingana founded an in- 
dependent principality at Golconda ; and these two Hindoo 

1344 powers maintained a vigorous struggle for many years 
with the Mahomedan kingdoms which arose in the Deccan. 


A still more important revolution wrested the n-uinini!iir 
provinces south of the ISTerbudda from the sceptre of 
Delhi. A large body of Moguls who had settled in Guzerat 
raised the standard of revolt. The emperor proceeded 
against them with his usual vigour, gave up the cities of 
Surat and Cambay to plunder, and desolated the province 
as if it had been the possession of an enemy. The Moguls 
fled to the Deccan, and being joined by those whom the 
emperor's oppressions had exasperated, took possession of 
Dowlutabad, where they proclaimed Ishmael Khan, an 
Afghan, king, and, after one reverse, established a new 
monarchy, known in history as the Bahminee kingdom. 
Mahomed Toghluk died in Sinde after a reign of twenty-one ^^ 
years, leaving the throne of Delhi dispossessed of the whole 1351 
of the Deccan and of the province of Bengal. 

Mahomed Toghluk was succeeded by his son Feroze, 
whose reign extended to thirty- seven years, and though 
mild and beneficent, was by no means brilliant. F z T 
He discouraged luxury by his own example, re- ghiukandhis 
pealed vexatious taxes, and abolished torture and successor8 ' 
mutilation. His ruling passion was architecture ; and the 
Mahomedan historian records with pride the erection of 
forty ^mosques, thirty colleges, twenty palaces, a hundred 
hospitals, a hundred public baths, a hundred and fifty 
bridges, and two hundred towns. But the noblest memorial 
of his reign was the canal he constructed between the 
source of the Ganges and the Sutlege, which bears his 
name, and keeps it fragrant in the recollection of posterity. 
After a reign of thirty- four years he abdicated the throne 
in favour of his son Mahomed Toghluk the second ; who 
gave himself up to indulgence, and constrained his father 1388 
to resume his power, but at the age of ninety, he resigned 
the sceptre to his grandson. During the next ten years 
the throne was occupied by four princes, two of whom held 
authority in the capital at the same time and for three 
years waged incessant war with each other. Hindostan 
fell a prey to anarchy ; four independent kingdoms were 1394 
carved out of the imperial dominions, and nothing remained 
to the crown of Delhi but the districts immediately around 
the capital. 

These kingdoms were all founded by the Mahomedan 
viceroys ; no effort was made by the Hindoos to take ad- 
vantage of the confusion of the times, and re- _, . , 

P, . , ,, / , . f. Fonrinde- 

gam their supremacy, and the ancient chiefs of pendent 
Kajpootana were the only depository of Hindoo 


power in Hmdostan. Of these kingdoms two, Malwa and 
Guzerat, rose to great power and eminence ; while the two 
others, Candesh and Jounpore, were of minor weight and 
more limited duration. Dilawur Khan of Ghore, the 

^D. viceroy of Malwa, who assumed independence, established 

1401 his capital at Mandoo, fifteen miles north of the Nerbudda. 
Mozuffer Khan, a Rajpoot converted to Mahomedanism, 
and like all converts, more especially in India, a virulent 
persecutor of his former creed, was sent by one of the 
feeble successors of Eeroze Toghluk to supersede the sus- 
pected governor of Guzerat, and, seeing no power at Delhi 

1396 to enforce obedience, threw off the yoke of allegiance. The 
viceroy of Candesh, which consists of the lower valley of 
the Taptee, followed his example, and formed a matri- 
monial alliance with the new king of Guzerat. Still nearer 
the capital, Khoja Jehan the vizier of Mahomed Toghluk the 
third, availed himself of the weakness of the throne, and 
" assumed the royal umbrella," in Jounpore. The empire 

1894 of Delhi, distracted by these revolts, aud shorn of its fairest 
provinces, fell an easy prey to the ruthless invader who 
was now advancing to despoil it of its wealth. 

The Ameer Timur, or Tamerlane, was born in the 
neighbourhood of Samarcand, of a Turki family which had 

1398 been in the service of Jenghiz Khan. His lot was 

ur * cast at a period when the decay of vigour in the 
governments in the east offered the fairest opportunity of 
conquest to any daring adventurer. He was raised to the 
throne of Samarcand at the age of thirty-four, and in a few 
years prostrated every throne which stood in the way of 
his ambition, and became at once the scourge of Asia and 
the terror of Europe. He led the hordes of Tartary to the 
conquest of Persia, Khorasan and Transoxiana, of Mesopo- 
tamia and Georgia, and brought a portion of Russia and 
Siberia under subjection. Having mastered the whole of 
Central Asia, he sent his grandson to invade India, but as he 
met with more opposition than was expected, Timur him- 
self crossed the Indus at Attock, September 12, 1398, with 
ninety-two squadrons of horse, and advanced to Bhutnere, 
which was surrendered by the inhabitants on terms ; but, 
by one of those mistakes which seemed always to occur in 
his capitulations, they were put to the sword and the town 
burnt to the ground. Villages and towns were abandoned 
as he advanced, but on his arrival at Delhi, he found 
himself encumbered with prisoners, and, according to the 
statement of the historians, which were doubtless ex* 


aggerated, he caused 100,000 men to be massacred in cold 
blood. A. battle was fought under the walls of the capital, 
between the veterans of Timur and the effeminate soldiers 
of the empire. The emperor Mahomed Toghluk the third 
was defeated and fled to Guzerat, and Timur entered the 
city and caused himself to be proclaimed emperor. Dis- 
putes, as might have been expected, arose between the 
citizens and his ferocious soldiers, and the whole of the 
Mogul army was let loose on the devoted city. The inhabit- 
ants sold their lives dearly, but their valour was quenched 
in their blood. The scenes of horror defy all description ; 
entire streets were choked up with the dying and the 
dead. For five days Timur remained a tranquil spectator 
of the plunder and conflagration of the city, while he cele- 
brated his victory by a magnificent feast. Having glutted 
his revenge and satiated his cupidity he proceeded " to offer 
" up to the divine Majesty his humble tribute of grateful 
" praise for his success, in the noble mosque of polished 
" marble, erected by Feroze on the banks of the Jumna." 
This whirlwind of desolation lasted six months, and Timur A . D . 
recrossed the Indus in March 1399. Mahomed Toghluk re- 1399 
turned to Delhi after the departure of Timur, and continued 
to exercise a precarious authority for twelve years, when 
Khizir Khan, the governor of the Punjab, marched to 
Delhi, and extinguished the dynasty of the Toghluks, after 
it had subsisted ninety-one years. 

The dynasty established by Khizir Khan which lasted 1414 
only thirty-six years, is designated in Indian history the 
dynasty of the Syuds, as they claimed descent Dynasty of 
from the Prophet. The founder professed to be **Sy*. 
only the lieutenant of Timur, who had bestowed the 
government of the Punjab on him, and caused money to be 
coined and prayers to be read in his name. His adminis- 
tration, which was extended to nine years, was beneficial 
to the distracted provinces, but, with the exception of his 
own province, he recovered none of the revolted districts. 1421 
His son, Mobarik, was assassinated after a reign of 
thirteen years, in which no event of importance requires 
to be noted. Syud Mahomed who succeeded him left the 
throne to his son Alla-ood-deen, during whose feeble reign 
the territory annexed to the crown was still farther re- 
duced till at length it extended twelve miles from Delhi on 
one side and only one in another. In 1450 Beloli Lodi 1450 
marched down to Delhi, and the emperor resigned the 
empty honours of royalty to him without a sigh, and re- 


tired on a pension to Budaon where he passed the re- 
maining twenty-eight years of his life in cultivating his 

The grandfather of Beloli Lodi, the founder of this 
dynasty, was an Afghan, of the tribe of Lodi, or Lohance, 
The dynasty engaged in the transport of merchandize, in 
of Lodi. which he had amassed a fortune. He repaired to 
the court of Feroze Toghluk, and gradually rose to the 
government of Mooltan. He was not content with the 
4.D. narrow limits to which the imperial domains had been 
1391 reduced, but his chief object was the conquest of Jounpore, 
The king- which had become independent in 1394 by the 
domof revolt of Khoja Jehan. The Jounpore dynasty 
re * nourished for eighty-two years, under six sove- 
reigns, the most illustrious of whom, Ibrahim, occupied the 
throne for one half that period. Under his beneficent rule 
the country reached the summit of prosperity. Learned men 
from all parts of Asia were invited to his court, which 
was esteemed the most polished and illustrious in India. 
His capital was adorned with superb and massive edifices, 
the remains of which still excite our admiration. Not 
merely was it the rival of Delhi in magnificence, but the 
strength of the kingdom was so pre-eminent that the 
struggle between the emperor and the king was prolonged 
with varied success for twenty-eight years, during which 
Delhi was twice besieged by the arms of Jounpore. 
4 MI<Miliiic- were occasionally suspended by a hollow truce, 
H78 but they came to a final issue in 1478, when the last of the 
4 'kings of the east," as the dynasty was termed, fled to 
Bengal, and the kingdom was reannexed to the dominions 
of Delhi. Beloli Lodi succeeded in extending the terri- 
tories of the crown from the Jumna to the Himalaya, and 
from the Indus to Benares ; and after a reign of thirty- 
eight years bequeathed the throne to his son Secunder, 
who added Baber to his conquests. But his administra- 
tion, though otherwise just and equitable, was marked by 
the oppression of the Hindoos, whose pilgrimages he pro- 
hibited, and whose temples he demolished in every direc- 
517 tion, erecting mosques with the materials. In 1517, 
Ibrahim, the third and the last of the line, succeeded to the 
crown, and alienated his nobles by his arrogance and 
hauteur to such a degree that his reign of nine years was a 
constant succession of revolts, which broke out in Behar, 
in Jounpore and in the Punjab, where the governor opened 
negotiations with Behar for the invasion of India. The 


emperor's own brother joined him at CabuL The success 
which attended the expedition of the Mogul will be nar- 
rated in a subsequent chapter. Having thus reached the 
threshold of the period when the imperial throne was 
transferred to the last Mahomedan dynasty, under which 
it was gradually restored to its integrity, we turn back to 
the progress of events in Hindostan and in the Deccan 
when it was first dismembered. 

Candesh became independent about the year 1399, and A.D, 
was not reannexed to the empire till the reign of Akbar, 1399 
two centuries after. It was a small principality, Candegh 
of no note in history, remarkable only for the 
fertility of its soil, and the prosperity of its people ; it was, 
moreover, always considered subordinate to its more 
powerful neighbour Guzerat. The independence Guzerat 
of Guzerat was established in 1396 by Mozufler * 1396 

Shah, and a succession of thirteen princes governed it for 
165 years, till it expired in 1561. At the period of the 
revolt the province was of limited extent, consisting of the 
land lying between the mountains and the sea, but it was 
enlarged by successive acquisitions. The great figure it 
makes in history is owing to the energy and ability of its 
princes, the first of whom Mozufler, the sou of a Rajpoot 
convert, was constantly at war with the king of Malwa, or 
with the raja of Edur, the most powerful Hindoo princi- 
pality in the north. His son Ahmed Shah reigned thirty- Hll 
eight years, and was likewise incessantly engaged in hosti- 
lities with his neighbours, but he brought the country into 
good order, and built the town of Ahmedabad, which he 
made his capital, and adorned with such a profusion of 
magnificent mosques, caravanseras, and palaces, as to lead 
the Mahomedan historians to pronounce it the handsomest 
city in the world. The next two reigns, which extended to 
sixteen years, were occupied chiefly with struggles with 
Koombho, who was then building up a great Hindoo 
power in Rajpootana. Mahomed Shah, who ascended the 
throne at the age of fourteen, shed a lustre on it for a 1459 
period of more than half a century. The European 
travellers who visited his court formed the most extrava- 
gant conceptions of his power, and asserted that a portion 
of his daily food consisted of mortal poisons with which 
his system became so impregnated that if a fly sat on him 
it fell down dead. He was the original of the picture 
drawn by the British poet of the prince of Cambay, * whose 
food was asp, and basilisk, and toad.' But even without 


the power of digesting poisons he was a most puissant 
prince. He captured Gernar, a Hindoo fortress renowned 
for its antiquity and its strength. He overran Cutch, de- 
feated an army of Belooches, and annexed Sinde to his 
dominions. But the distinguishing feature of his reign 
was the navy he constructed, and the numerous naval 
expeditions which he undertook. He cleared the coast of 
pirates, who are said to have fought twenty battles before 
they were subdued. His memorable conflict with the 
A.D. Portuguese will be narrated in a future chapter. He was 
l ^H succeeded by his son, Mozuffer the second, whose reign of 
fourteen years consisted of constant (wr^nicr,* against 
Malwa, and the renowned E/ana Sanga of Rajpootana. 

The rapid disappearance of two of his sons, in a single 
1526 year, opened the throne to his third son, Bahadoor Shah, 
Bahadoor wno subdued the hereditary foe of his dynasty, 
shah. the Hindoo prince of Edur, and compelled the 

kings of Berar, Ahmednugur and Candesh to do him homage. 
His next exploit led to a more splendid result. The king 
of Malwa having provoked his hostility, he marched 
against him in conjunction with his ally, Hana Sanga, cap- 
tured both his capital and his person, and annexed the 

1534 kingdom to his own territories. Soon after, the brother 
of the last emperor of Delhi of the Lodi family, which had 
been dispossessed by the Mogul Baber, sought an asylum 
at the court of Guzerat, and Bahadoor Shah supplied him 
with the means of raising an army, which was however 
defeated. Humayoon, then emperor of Delhi, incensed at 
this proceeding, marched down to Guzerat, expelled Baha- 
door, and took possession of the kingdom. But he was 
soon after recalled to defend his own throne against Shere 
Khan; dissensions broke out among his generals, and 
Bahadoor was enabled to recover his throne. After a 
reign of ten years he was drowned in the harbour of Diu, 

1535 as he left the vessel of the Portuguese admiral. The next 
sovereign was distracted for sixteen years by the factions 
of his chiefs. Two pageants were set up in succession by the 
courtiers, but they eventually partitioned the kingdom 
among themselves. At length, after nearly twenty years 
of convulsions, Akbar put an end to this state of anarchy 
by annexing the kingdom to the throne of Delhi, after it 

1572 had been alienated a hundred and seventy-six years 

Malwa became independent in 1401, under Dilawur 

Ghore, who bequeathed the throne four years 

1401 Malwa ' after to his son Hoosein Ghore. His reign of 


twenty-five years was passed in incessant wars with his 
neighbours. His son was. assassinated by his minister, A.D. 
Mahomed Khan Ghiljie, who mounted the throne, and 1435 
during a period of forty-seven years proved himself the 
ablest of the kings of Malwa. He appears to have had 
the unobstructed range of northern India, as we find him 
besieging Delhi, and establishing his son as governor of 
Ajrnere. It was recorded of him that 'the tent was his 
house, and the battle-field his resting place.' His son, 
Gheias-ood-deen, mounted the throne in 1482, and, having H82 
invited his courtiers to a splendid entertainment, informed 
them that he had passed thirty-four years of his life in the 
field, fighting by the side of his gallant father, and that he 
was resolved to spend the remainder of his days in peace 
and enjoyment ; while therefore he retained the royal 
dignity, he should leave the management of public affairs to 
his son. The youth was proclaimed vizier, and the king 
retired to his seraglio, which he had stocked with 15,000 
of the most beautiful women he could procure. In this 
female court the pomp and parade of royalty was strictly 
maintained. The royal body-guard consisted of 500 Turki 
maidens, arrayed in male attire, and of 500 Abyssinian 
maidens. Strange to say, he was allowed to retain this 
pageantry for eighteen years, without any attempt at 
rebellion. His son succeeded him in 1500 and his reign 
of twelve years was marked only by cruelty and sensuality. 
Mahmood, the last king, was assailed by the Rajpoots, 
and rescued by Bahadoor Shah, king of Guzerat ; but he 
was incapable of gratitude, and attacked his benefactor, 
who marched down to his capital in conjunction with the 13J 
Rajpoots, and extinguished the kingdom after a hundred 
and thirty years of independence. 

At the period of the first invasion of the Mahomedans in 
1001 , the Rajpoots appear to have been in possession of all 
the governments in northern India ; but, although R . tan<u 
they succumbed to the conquerors, they continued a P 
to maintain a spirit of independence under their respective 
chieftains in the table-land of Rajpootana, in the centre of 
Hindostan. The most important of these chiefs was the 
rana of Oodypore, in his capital of Chittore. At the 
beginning of the sixteenth century the throne was filled 
by Rana Sanga, whose genius and valour raised it to the 
height of power. His army consisted of 80,000 horse and 
500 war elephants ; and seven rajas of superior rank and 
more than a hundred of inferior note attended his stirrup into 


the field. The chiefs next in importance, the rajas of Jey- 
pore and Joudpore, or Marwar, served under his banner, 
and he was the acknowledged head of the Rajpoot tribes. 
The national historian dwells with pride on the eighteen 
battles he fought with Ghizerat and Malwa. His genius 
consolidated the power of that gallant and chivalrous race, 
and prepared it for the resistance which it was soon to offer 
to the Moguls, which, if it had been successful, would 
doubtless have restored the sovereignty of Hindostan to the 

It has been stated that the oppressions of Mahomed 
Toghluk led to the establishment of an independent Ma- 

Aj). The Bah- homedan government in the Deccan, by Hussun 

1347 minee " Gunga, an Afghan, in 1347. Out of gratitude 
dynasty. ^ ]^ g ]=i n d oo patron, he took the additional 
title of Bahminee, by which the dynasty is known in 
history, and extended his authority over all the territories 
belonging to the crown of Delhi south of the Nerbudda, 
with the exception of those included in the two Hindoo 
kingdoms of Beejanuger and Telingana. His son, who 

1358 succeeded him in 1358, commenced hia reign by attacking 
the king of Telingana, from whom he obtained the sur- 
render of a throne, which, with the jewels he added to it, 
was valued at four crores. In a drunken revel he offered 
an insult to the king of Beejanuger, who attacked the 
town of Moodgul, and put the inhabitants to the sword. 
Mahomed, the king, swore that food and sleep should be 
unlawful to him till he had propitiated the martyrs of 
Moodgul by the slaughter of 100,000 infidels. He entered 
the raja's territories, and ravaged them without mercy ; 
and having, as he supposed, completed his vow, granted 
him honourable terms, and on his return devoted his 
attention to the improvement of his country. After a 
reign of seventeen years he left the crown to his son, but 
he was murdered by his uncle. Eeroze, the son of the 

1397 assassin, mounted the throne in 1397, and his reign, 
together with that of his brother, which extended over 
thirty-seven years, are considered the palmy days of the 
dynasty. He made twenty-four campaigns, and carried 
fire and sword through the length and breadth of the 
Carnatic. At the same time, he was an eminent patron of 
literature. He likewise established a mercantile marine, 
and instructed his commanders to bring the most learned 
men and the handsomest women from every port they 
visited. His seraglio is said to have contained beauties 


from thirteen different countries, and the historians affirm 
that he was able to converse with each one in her own 
tongue. He likewise made a point of copying sixteen 
pages of the Koran daily. Towards the close of his reign 
he attacked the raja of Beejanuger, and was totally de- 
feated, when the triumphant Hindoos retaliated on him 
for the destruction of their temples, by the demolition of 
his mosques. His brother, Ahmed Shah, in his turn 
defeated the Hindoos, and pursued them with unrelenting 
severity from day to day, not pausing till the number of 
the slain was reported to have reached 20,000. We pass 
on to the last monarch of the dynasty. Mahomed Shah, 
who was placed on the throne at the age of nine, was 
affectionately nurtured by his minister Mahomed Gawan, A.D 
the most eminent general and statesman of the age, through 1463 
whose energetic efforts the kingdom reached its greatest 
limits, and was extended from the Malabar to the Coromandel 
coast, and from the Nerbudda to the Kistna. His in- 
ternal administration was equally successful, and the 
prosperity of the country rose to its highest measure. 
The envious courtiers succeeded, however, in alienating 
the king from the man to whom he was under these obli- 
gations, and in a fit of drunken revelry, he ordered him to 
be put to death. Gawan was then in his seventy-eighth 
year, and he knelt down with his face towards Mecca, and 
received the fatal blow. Though he had held high office 
under five kings, he died in graceful poverty. The king 
himself became a prey to remorse, and died within a 
twelve month. It is unnecessary to pursue the history of 
this dynasty ; Mahomed Shah, his son, ascended the throne 
in 1482, and lived on, though he cannot be said to have H82 
reigned, for thirty-seven years. The kingdom crumbled 
away as governor after governor revolted, and was at 
length resolved into five independent sovereignties. 

1. Adil Shah, the adopted son of Mahomed Gawan, H89 
founded the kingdom of Beejapore and the Adil Shahee 
dynasty in 1489, which retained its independence mve lnde> 

for one hundred and ninety-seven years, until it pendent 
was absorbed by Aurungzebe in 1686. kingdoms. 

2. Hussun Bheiry, who instigated the murder of Ma- 1490 
homed Gawan, was executed by order of his master, and 

his son Ahmed Nizam raised the standard of revolt in 
1487, at Ahmednugur, where he established the Nizam 
Shahee dynasty, which continued for one hundred and fifty 
years, till it was subverted by Shah Jehan in 1637. 


A.D. 3. Imad-ool-moolk made himself independent at Berar 

U84 in 1484, and commenced the Imad Shahee dynasty, which 
was extinguished at the end of ninety years by the king of 
Ahmednugur in 1574. 

4. Koolee Kootub, a Turkoman, who rose to be governor 
1512 of Golconda, established his independence there in 1512, 

under the name of the Kootub Shahee dynasty, which sub- 
sisted for a hundred and seventy five years, and was ex- 
tinguished by Aurungzebe in 1687. 

5. Ahmed Bereed, who was appointed minister on tho 
1498 murder of Mahomed Gawan, gradually absorbed all the 

power of the state, and erected what remained of its do- 
mains into an independent state at Beder. It was of 
limited extent, and the period of its extinction is uncertain. 
This partition of the Deccan among five independent 
sovereigns who were constantly at war with each other, or 
with the Hindoo monarch s, subjected the wretched country 
to perpetual desolation ; but there can be little advantage 
to the reader in wading through a long succession of sieges 
and battles, and encumbering the memory with a string of 
names and dates of no interest. The salient events of this 
long period of anarchy will come up in the history of the 
Mogul empire, in which they were eventually absorbed 
after more than a century and a half of conflict. 



1526 IN the month of April 1526 Sultan Baber captured Delhi, 
and established the Mogul dynasty, which continued to 
The Mogul flourish with only one interruption, and with 
dynasty. increasing lustre, for a hundred and eighty years, 
under a succession, unprecedented in Indian history, of six 
sovereigns, distinguished by their gallantry in the field, 
and, with one exception, by their ability in the cabinet. 

Baber, the sixth in descent from Tiraur, was the son 
of Sheikh Mirza, the ruler of Ferghana on the upper 
saber's early Jaxartes. His mother was a descendant of Jen- 
career. ghiz Khan, and he inherited the spirit of enter- 
prize which distinguished both his renowned ancestors, 
and at the early age of fifteen commenced that adventurous 
career which he pursued without intermission for thirty- 


five years. His first campaign was directed against the 
city of Samarcand, the capital of Tinmr and the metropolis 
of Transoxiana, but though he captured it three times, he 
was as often expelled from it. For eight years he was 
engaged in a series of perilous and romantic enterprizes, 
and experienced vicissitudes of fortune which would have 
crushed an ordinary mortal, but which only seemed to give 
fresh vigour to his buoyant spirit. In the year 1504, see- 
ing little prospect of success in his native province, he 
seized the city of Cabul, of which he retained posses- 
sion for twenty-two years, incessantly employed in defend- 
ing or cnl.n-Lrinur his dominions. His greatest peril arose 
from the progress of the Uzbeks, a tribe of ferocious Turks 
and Tartars, then swarming from their native hive, whose 
leader, Sharbek, had swept the posterity of Timur from 
Khorasan and Transoxiana. In his march towards the 
Indus the Uzbek captured Candahar, and threatened 
Cabul, and would probably have extinguished the hopes 
and the ambition of Baber had he not been recalled to 
resist the hostility of Ishmael Shah, who had recently 
founded the dynasty of the Sophis in Persia. The Uzbek 
chief was routed and slain, but the footing which his tribe 
obtained in Transoxiana they retain with vigour to this 
day. Baber, who had again occupied Samarcand, and had 
been again expelled from it, now turned his attention to 
India, where the imbecility and the unpopularity of the 
emperor, Ibrahim Lodi, offered an allurement too Baber in 
strong for a descendant of Timur to resist. He ^^ 
was invited to invade it by men of influence who had been 
alienated from the emperor by his oppressions, and more 
particularly by his own brother, who sought refuge at 
Cabul. In the course of five years, commencing with 1519 
he made five irruptions across the Indus, with alternate 
success and disappointment. In 1526 ho undertook his last 
and crowning expedition, withii' a.-:- ;. i. -I \v < il'i :: 12,000 
men, but, though a heterogeneous mixture of mercenaries, 
they were all veterans, disciplined in many fields. The des- 
tiny of India was decided on the field of Panipnt, where the 
emperor Ibrahim encountered him with, it is said, 100,000 ]^- 
troops arid 1000 elephants, and was totally discomfited and 1526 
fell. Delhi opened her gates to the conqueror, and in May 
1526 he vaulted into the vacant throne. But Delhi had 
long ceased to be the capital and the mistress of state of 
India. The great Mahomedan empire which, in lndt * 
fcho early days of Mahomed Toghluk, embraced the whole 
continent, had been broken up a century and a half before 


by his extravagances, and the victory of Baber only gave 
mm possession of the districts to the north-west of the 
capital, and a strip of territory extending along the banks 
of the Jumna down to Agra. The various provinces were 
in the hands of independent rulers. In the southern 
extremity of 'India the great Hindoo monarchy of Beeja- 
nuger was lord of the ascendant. Farther north lay 
another Hindoo principality, and the territories of the 
five kingdoms recently formed on the dissolution of the 
Bahrain ee monarchy. Guzerat was governed by a wild 
youth who had recently absorbed Malwa. Bengal, in- 
cluding Behar, was ruled by an Afghan king. Orissa was 
still in possession of its ancient Hindoo dynasty, and in 
northern India Bana Sanga had consolidated Hindoo 
sovereignty in Raj poo tan a, and was at this time the most 
powerful ruler north of the Nerbudda. 

Bana Sanga, elated by the success he had recently ob- 
tained over the king of Malwa in conjunction with the 
Baber'svic king of Guzerat, espoused the cause of the 
tory over the dethroned family of Lodi. All the Bajpoot 
Rajpoots. princes ranged themselves under his banner, 
and he advanced with 100,000 men, the flower of the 
A.D. Bajpoot chivalry, to drive Baber back across the Indus. In 

1527 the first engagement at Biana, Baber experienced a very 
disastrous defeat : some of his officers and men deserted 
their colours, others went over to the enemy, and all 
were disheartened, but he did not allow himself to despair. 
He states, in his interesting memoirs, that he repented of 
his sins, and determined to reform his life, that he for- 
swore the use of wine, melted down his silver and gold 
goblets, and determined to live like a true Moosu Iman and 
cultivate his beard. His enthusiasm reanimated his troops, 
and in the engagement to which he led them, he obtained 
a splendid victory which completely crippled and humbled 

1528 the Bajpoot power. The next year he attacked and 
mastered Chanderee, a Bajpoot fortress hitherto deemed 
impregnable ; and in the succeeding year recovered Oude 
and northern Behar, and chastised the king of Bengal. 
But his constitution, which had been impaired by early 
indulgences, was worn out by these exertions in an uncon- 

1530 genial climate, and he died at Agra in 1530, at the age of 
was ^terred at Cabul, in a beautiful 

His death 

andcharac- spot he had selected for his grave, the simple and 

*** chaste monument erected over which has con- 

tinued, to attract the admiration of three centuries. No 


Mahomedan prince in India is held in higher estimation 
than Baber. His career exhibited all that romantic spirit 
of adventure of which nations are always proud. His 
personal courage bordered on rashness ; his activity appears 
fabulous ; for thirty-eight years, as he records, he had never 
kept the feast of Ramzan twice in the same place. But he 
was rather a valorous soldier than a great general, and 
lost almost as many battles as he won, but he never lost 
heart, and was as buoyant after a defeat as after a victory. 
Amidst all the bustle of war he found leisure for the culti- 
vation of literature, and his poetry has been not a little 
admired. There is no Indian prince with whose individual 
character and tastes and feelings we are so familiar ; and 
this is owing to his interesting autobiography, in which 
he records his transgressions with so much candour, and 
his repentance with so much sincerity, and his friendships 
with such warmth, that the reader is led involuntarily to 
regard him as a personal friend. A . D . 

Humayoon succeeded his father in 1530, at the age of 1630 
twenty-six, and the first act of his reign displayed the 
weakness of his character. His brother Camran, 
the governor of Cabul and Candahar, refused to umayo011 - 
acknowledge his authority, but he resigned those provinces 
to him adding thereto the Punjab and thus deprived 
himself of the means of recruiting his army with the hardy 
mountaineers of Afghanistan, and, as Saber's veterans 
died out, was obliged to depend on those whom he could 
enlist from his half-subdued subjects in India. In the 
third year of his reign he was involved in hostilities with 
Bahadoor Shah, the wild king of Ghizerat, who had fur- 
nished the dethroned family of Lodi with the means of 1684 
assailing him. Bahadoor was defeated, and obliged to take 
refuge at the land's-cnd of Diu, and the whole province 
was occupied by the Mogul troops. Humayoon then pro- 
ceeded against Chumpanere, a fortress likewise considered 
impregnable, but with 300 troops he climbed a perpen- 
dicular rock by means of spikes driven into it, and cap- 
tured it at once. He was immediately after recalled to 
Agra to arrest the progress of Shere Khan, but was defeated 
and expelled from India after a reign of ten years, and a 
new dynasty mounted the throne. 

Shere Khan was an Afghan of noble parentage, born 
at Sasseram, in Behar, where his father held a 
jageer under the governor. He enlisted as a Dynasty of 
private soldier under the revolted viceroy of sfc^shah. 


Jounpore, but cultivated his mind with great assiduity 
and educated himself for a future career of ambition. A 
long series of adventures, ended in his obtaining posses- 

A.D. sion of Behar, and invading Bengal, and it was to oppose 
1535 his alarming progress that Humayoon was recalled from 
Guzerat. He marched down upon him, but wasted six 
months in fhe siege of Chunar, which was at length cap- 
tured by the powerful artillery of Humayoon manned by 
Portuguese gunners and directed by Roomy Khan, a Turk 
of Constantinople, whom he had brought with him from 
Guzerat. Meanwhile Shere Khan had defeated the king 
of Bengal and captured Gour, but not deeming himself 
sufficiently strong to resist the imperial troops he retired 
to the mountain region of Behar and deposited his family 
and his treasures in the stronger fortress of Bhotas. 

1538 The emperor took possession of Gour, but when the rains 
set in, the delta of the Ganges became a sheet of water, 
and his army was isolated aud decimated by sickness and 
desertion. Shere Khan then issued from his fastnesses, 
took possession of Behar and Benares, recovered Chunar, 
and pushed his detachments up to Cunouge. Humayoon 
was obliged to retreat towards his capital, but was inter- 
cepted and defeated, and Shere Khan assumed the im- 
Defeatof perial title. Humayoon at length reached Agra 
Humayoon. after his defeat, and employed eight months in 
n-cniitinir his force, while his rival was employed in 
organising the provinces he had conquered. The two 
armies met at Cunouge, where the emperor experienced a 
second and more fatal defeat, and fled first to Delhi, and 

7540 then to Lahore ; thus at the end of fourteen years, the 
power which the energy and perseverance of Baber had 
established was subverted, and scarcely a vestige of Mogul 
sovereignty remained in India, while the throne of Delhi 
reverted to the Afghans. Humayoon fled to Sinde and 
was engaged for eighteen months in fruitless negotiations 
with its chiefs. He then threw himself on the kindness of 
the Rajpoot prince of Marwar, but was rudely repulsed 
from his court and pursued with an armed force by his son. 
The wretched emperor, after suffering incredible hardships 
in crossing the desert, at length succeeded in reaching 
Amercote with only seven mounted attendants ; and there 
his queen, who had nobly shared with him the torments of 
the journey, gave birth to a son, afterwards the illustrious 

1542 Akbar. After another series of reverses, he quitted India 
and repaired to Candahar. 


Leaving Humayoon across the Indus, we turn to the A.D. 
career of Shore Shah, who mounted the throne and esta- 1540 
blished a new dynasty, which however did not ghew gj^ 
last more than sixteen years. In 1542 he con- 
quered the province of Malwa, and reduced the great 
fortress of Raiseen, of boundless antiquity. Here his repu- 
tation was tarnished by the only stain ever attached to it. 
The garrison capitulated on terms, but the Mahomedan 
doctors assured him that, according to the doctrines of the 
Koran, no faith was to be kept with unbelievers, aud they 
were slain to a man. In 1544 he invaded Marwar, which was 1544 
defended by 50,000 Rajpoots, and he was exposed to such 
peril, that, in allusion to the barrenness of the country, he 
exclaimed that "he had nearly lost the empire for a 
"handful of millet/' Soon after, the capture of Chittore 
placed Raj poo tana at his feet, and he then proceeded to 
attack Call i nirer, an ancient and strong fort in Bundlecund, 
but was killed by the explosion of a magazine. The five 
years of his reign form the most brilliant period in native 1545 
history. He was equally qualified for the duties of war 
and of peace a consummate general, and a liberal and 
enlightened statesman. Though incessantly engaged in the 
field, he reformed every branch of the civil administration ; 
and of his institutions it is sufficient to say that they 
became the model of those of Akbar. He constructed a 
grand trunk road, lined with trees, from Bengal to the 
banks of the Indus, erected caravanseries, and excavated 
wells for the convenience of travellers ; he was, moreover, 
the first prince to establish a mounted post. His second 
son Selim, after quelling a dangerous rebellion, was enabled 
to enjoy the throne in peace for nine years, indulging his 
hereditary taste for architecture. It was the profligacy of 
his brother and successor, known in history as Adili, which 
at length extinguished this short-lived dynasty. Having 
exhausted the treasury, he began to resume the estates of 
his Patan nobles, who went one by one into rebellion, and 
established five independent authorities, and nothing was 1544 
at length left to the crown but the districts immediately 
around Delhi. 

To turn to the career of Humayoon. He proceeded from 
India to Candahar, but was driven from it by the hostility of 
his brother, and constrained to seek refuge at the Restoration 
court of Persia, where he was subject to all the mor- f Hum*, 
tifications a capricious despot could inflict. He was yoon * 
even constrained to undergo the indignity of putting on the 


*& Kuzzilbash, or red cap of the Persians, andit was " proclaimed 

1544 b va triumphal flourish from the king's band." After re- 
peated importunity, he was furnished with 14,000 horse for 
the conquest of Afghanistan, but only on condition of 
ceding the frontier provinces to the king. Candahar was cap- 
tured after a siege of five months, and made over to the 
Persian prince who had accompanied him to receive posses- 
sion of it. On his death Humayoon put a large portion 
of the Persian garrison to the sword an act of perfidy which 
has left an indelible blot on his memory. He then marched 
to Cabul, and after various severe struggles succeeded in 

1553 wresting it from his brothers, one of whom he deprived of 
sight, with excruciating torture. The increasing confusion 
in India led him to make a bold stroke to recover his 
throne. He crossed the Indus and encountered the for- 
midable army of Secunder Soor, who had seized the 
Punjab on the dissolution of the imperial authority, and 
gained a complete victory. It was in this battle that the 
young Akbar earned his spurs. Humayoon hastened to 
Delhi, and remounted the throne which he had lost fifteen 

1555 ye& rs before, but was not destined to enjoy it long. Six 
months afterwards, while descending the steps of his 
library, he heard the muezzin's call to prayer, and, as 
usual, stopped to repeat the creed, and then sat down ; but 
on endeavouring to rise, the staff on which he leaned 
slipped over the polished steps, and he fell headlong over 

1150 the parapet, and expired within four days, in the forty- 
ninth year of his age, and, including the period of his 
exile, the twenty- sixth year of his reign. 

Akbar, the piide and ornament of the Mogul dynasty, 
was only thirteen years and three months of age when he 
Akbar's was called to the throne, which he adorned by his 
early years, genius for fifty years. He was contemporary with 
Queen Elizabeth, his reign having begun two years before, 
and ended two years after hers. The administration was 
managed during his minority by Byram Khan, a Turko- 
man, the companion of Humayoon in all the vicissitudes of 
his career, and an eminent statesman and general, but 
austere, arrogant, and exceptionally bigoted. Hemu, one of 
the greatest commanders of the age, and, though a Hindoo, 
most loyal to the deposed emperor Adili, on hearing 
of the death of Humayoon, deposited his master at Chunar, 
and moved up to the capital with 100,000 men. Agra and 
Delhi opened their gates to him, and the ministers of 
entreated him to abandon India, and retire to 


Afghanistan ; but 6 jram advised an immediate and vigo- 
rous attack, and Akbar supported his opinion. The two 
armies met at Paniput, and the destiny of India was again ^^ 
decided on that memorable field. Hemu was completely 1556 
defeated, and conducted bleeding into the presence of the 
young monarch. Byram urged him to secure the religious 
merit of slaying an infidel, but he refused to imbrue his 
hands in the blood of a gallant and now helpless foe, 
and Byram struck off the head of the captive with one stroke 
of his scimitar. It was the military talent and the energy 
of Byram which had seated the Moguls again on the 
throne, and maintained Akbar 's power ; but the minister 
had grown too big for a subject, and for four years after 
his accession Akbar felt himself to be a cipher in his own 
court. Such bondage was intolerable to a high-spirited 
prince, and, at the age of eighteen, he resolved to emanci- 
pate himself from it. While out, therefore, on a hunting 
party, he suddenly returned to Delhi without his minister, 
and issued a proclamation, announcing that he had taken 
the government into his own hands, and that no orders 
were to be obeyed which did not issue from himself. 
Byram felt that his power was waning, and retired to 
Nagore, giving out that he was going on pilgrimage to 
Mecca, not without the hope of being reinstated, but 
Akbar sent him a message dismissing him from all his 
offices. He immediately went into revolt, and having raised 
an army, attempted an invasion of the Punjab, but was 
defeated and captured. As he entered the royal pre- 
sence with his turban humbly cast around his neck, and 
threw himself at the feet of the prince he had cherished 
from the cradle, Akbar hastened to raise him, seated hi 
on his right hand, and, after investing him with a robe of 
honour, offered him his choice of any post in the empire. 
He preferred a retreat to Mecca, but was assassinated on 
the route by an Afghan, whose father he had put to 

Akbar was now his own master at the age of eighteen. 
Born amidst hardships, and trained up in adversity, he was 
beset with difficulties which would have broken a Akbart 
spirit of less energy. Of all the Mahomedan difficult!*, 
dynasties which had ruled India, that of the Moguls was 
the weakest. It was not connected with any large and 
powerful tribe beyond the Indus, ready to advance and 
support the ascendency of its fellow-countrymen in India. 
His army was a collection of mercenaries drawr to his 



standard from the various countries of Central Asia by the 
1660 hope of plunder. His officers were a band of adventurers 
1567 k? 1111 ^ * k" 21 by n to 08 f hereditary loyalty, and more 


disposed to carve ont principalities for themselves than to 

build up a Mogul empire. Before he could attempt to 
recover the dominions of the crown, it was necessary for 
him to establish his authority over his own chiefs, and for 
seven years he was engaged in crushing their revolts. In 
the first year of his reign, his territories were confined to 
the Punjab and the districts around Agra and Delhi, but he 
gradually recovered Ajmere, Gwalior and Oude. The son of 
the late emperor Adili made an attempt to recover his throne; 
he was defeated by Zeman Shah, but the general, despising 
the youth of his sovereign, withheld the royal share of 
the booty, and Akbar was obliged to take the field against 
him. Adam Khan, another general, was sent to expel the 
Afghans from Malwa ; but, after defeating them, kept the 
fruits of the victory to himself. Akbar marched against 
him, but consented to accept his submission, and he re- 
quited this lenity by stabbing the vizier while at prayer 
in a chamber adjoining that occupied by the emperor, who 
thereupon ordered him to be thrown headlong into the 
Jumna. Soon after, Abdoolla Khan, a haughty Uzbek, 
who had been received with a host of his countrymen into 
the Mogul service, "withdrew his neck from the yoke of 
" obedience," but Akbar came down upon him with prompti- 
*tude, and constrained him to fly to Guzerat. Great dis- 
satisfaction was thereby created among the Uzbek officers, 
and a treasonable confederacy was organised in the 
army. One of their number, Asof Jah, was sent to sub- 
jugate the little Hindoo principality of Gurra, on the 
Nerbudda, near Jubbulpore, then governed by the Princess 
Doorgawutee, who was no less renowned for her valour 
than for her beauty. She commanded her army in person, 
and maintained the conflict with a noble heroism, till she 
1504 received a wound in her eye. The troops, missing her 
presence, began to give way, when, to avoid falling into 
the hands of the enemy, she seized the stiletto of the 
elephant driver, and plunged it into her bosom. Her 
martial exploits are still a favourite theme with the bards 
of the Deccan. The principality was conquered by Asof 
Jah, but he appropriated the largest share of the rich 
booty to his own use, and then joined the confederacy, 
which now embraced the most considerable of Akbar'g 
generals. His danger was extreme ; it was no less than a 


struggle for the throne, and the question at issue was, 
whether the empire should be Uzbek or Mogul. Qeneral 
His detachments were repeatedly defeated, but Uzbek oon- 
he maintained the conflict with . "' : ' reso- P frw V' 
lution for two years. At this critical juncture he was 
obliged to quit the pursuit of the Uzbeks, in consequence of 
the revolt of his brother, to whom he had entrusted the 
government of the Punjab. It was at once crushed, but 
on his return to the south he found that the revolted 
generals had taken possession of Allahabad and Oude, and 
were preparing to march on the capital. Though the 
rains had set in, when military operations are usually 
suspended in India, he did not hesitate to take the field 
against them, and, by his promptitude and vigour, suc- 
ceeded at length in breaking up the confederacy. He had 
now subdued all his adversaries by his valour, or his 
clemency, and, at the age of twenty- five, he had the happi- 
ness of seeing his authority completely established over all 
the revolted provinces. 

With a spirit of liberality foreign to preceding conquerors, 
Baber determined to strengthen his throne by matrimonial 
alliances with the Hindoos, Humayoon had Matrimonial 
espoused the .daughter of the raja of Jeypore. J^htS 
Akbar had likewise married two Rajpoot prin- Rajpoots, 
cesses, and his son had followed his example. Offices of 
great dignity and responsibility were conferred on these 
Hindoo princes, and they took a pride in these imperial 
alliances. But the orthodox house of Chittore, wrapped up 
in its religious exclusiveness and hauteur, disdained every 
such connection, and excommunicated those who had 
adopted them. The raja had given encouragement to the 
king of Malwa, and Akbar was determined to Attack of 
chastise him. The throne was at the time Cbittore. 
occupied by Oody Sing, the degenerate son of the illus- 
trious Bana Sunga. He took refuge in the hills on the 
approach of the Mogul troops, and left the defence of his 
capital to Jeymul, the Rajpoot chief of Bednore, esteemed A.D. 
by his countrymen the bravest of the brave. The siege 1561 
was protracted by his skill and valour, but he was killed 
by a bolt from the bow of Akbar. His death deprived the 
garrison of all confidence, and they devoted themselves to 
death with the accustomed solemnities. The women threw 
themselves on the funeral pyre of the chief, and the men 
rushed recklessly on the weapons of the Moguls, and 
perished to the number of 8,000. 


Akbar's next enterprise was of greater magnitude. 
The kingdom of Guzerat, enlarged by the conquests of 
Conquest of Bahadoor Shah, had been a prey to faction 
Guaerat. Q^QQ hj s death in 1537, and four weak and 
profligate princes had occupied the throne in thirty-five 
years. Etimad Khan, once a Hindoo slave, who managed 
the government for Mozuffer the third, seeing no other 
mode of terminating the distractions of the country, in- 
vited Akbar to take possession of it, and he proceeded to 
A.D. Patun, where that feeble monarch resigned the sceptre to 

1572 him, and Guzerat was again annexed to the crown of Delhi, 
after two centuries and a half of independence. But no 
sooner had he returned to his capital with the bulk of his 
army, than a turbulent chief of the name of Mirza raised a 
new revolt, and the imperial general was reduced to 
extremities. The rains had set in, but Akbar was ready 
for action at all seasons. He immediately despatched 2,000 
cavalry, and followed them with 300 of his own guards, 
marching 450 miles in nine days. The promptitude of his 

1573 movements confounded the rebels, and the subjugation of 
the province was rendered complete. 

The attention of Akbar had been directed to Bengal 
while he was engaged in Guzerat. Under the successor 
tayades ^ ^here Shah, the Afghan governor of the pro- 
Bengal, vince assumed independence, and four kings of 
his line reigned in Bengal during a period of thirty years, 
The last was assassinated soon after he ascended the throne, 
which was then seized by Soliman, an illustrious Afghan, 
who determined on the conquest of Orissa, which was 
effected by his general, Kala-pahar. Soliman died in 1573, 
and was succeeded by Daood Khan, a debaucbee and a 
coward, who, considering himself a match for Akbar, ven- 
tured to attack a fort above Ghazeepore. Akbar ordered 
an army down for the conquest of the kingdom, and the 
king retired to Orissa, where he encountered the Mogul 
army, and was defeated, but was allowed to retain the 
kingdom as a feudatory. The next year, on the withdrawal 
of the imperial troops, he revolted, and was defeated. He 
fell in the action, and with him terminated the last line *of 
1576 the Afghan kings of Bengal, which they had held for a 
period of two hundred and thirty-six years. The Mogul 
officers seized the jageers of the discomfited Afghans, but 
on being summoned to account for the revenues, and to pro- 
duce the roll of the troops they were bound to maintain, 
they rose in a body, and 30,000 of Akbar's finest cavalry 


appeared in arms against him. The new conquest was lost 
for a time, and the spirit of disaffection was spreading 
through Oude. In this emergency the emperor, finding 
it impossible to trust the fidelity of his Mogul officers, sent 
an army of Rajpoots under the celebrated raja, Toder Mull, 
to reduce the province. He succeeded in giving a severe 
blow to the insurgents, but the war was protracted and the 
Afghans of Orissa took advantage of the confusion, and 
recovered their footing in the southern districts of Bengal. 
The great Rajpoot, raja Man Sing, was then despatched to 
quell this formidable insurrection, but it was not before 
the year 1592, after a dozen engagements and sixteen years 1592 
of conflict, that the authority of the emperor was fully 
established in this province. 

Two years after the conquest of Bengal, the kingdom of 
Orissa was added to the Mogul empire. Orissa had for 1578 
twenty centuries been considered the Holy Land conquest of 
of India, and the region of pilgrimage under Orissa ' 
three successive creeds. For more than seven centuries it 
was the depository of the sacred tooth of Booddha, until 
that relic was removed to Ceylon. Then came the 
Hindoo dynasty of the Kesaris, who covered it with 
thousands of temples in honour of Seeva. This was 
succeeded by the dynasty of the Gunga-bungsas, who are 
believed to have come from the Gangetic province, and who 
assumed the title of Lords of the Elephant. Their do- 
minions covered 40,000 square miles, and extended from 
the banks of the Hooghly to the banks of the Godavery. 
They gave the ascendency to the worship of Vishnoo, and 
although Jugernath, a form of that god, makes his first 
appearance in that land of religious merit early in the 
fourth century, it was under the auspices of this dynasty 
that the ' Lord of the World ' attained that supreme homage 
throughout the continent which he still maintains. The 
first sovereign of the Hue was fourteen years in erecting 
the magnificent temple at Pooree, and the resources of the 
state were exhausted by a succession of princes, in ecclesi- 
astical endowments and the support of brahmins. Inroads 
were occasionally made by the Mahomedan rulers of Bengal, 
but the Hindoo princes of Orissa continued to maintain 
their independence with great vigour till the death, in 
1532, of the last able monarch of the Gangetic dynasty, 
which was followed by a period of anarchy for twenty-four 
years, when Soliman, the king of Bengal, sent his general, 
Kala-pahar, to invade it. He was a brahmin by birth, but 


had embraced the religion of the Prophet to obtain the 
hand of a princess of Gour, and became the unrelenting 
oppressor of his former creed. He defeated the raja, and 
with him ended the independence of this ancient and re- 
nowned kingdom. Kala-pahar persecuted the brahmins 
and confiscated the religious endowments which had accu- 
mulated during twenty generations of devout monarchs. 
He destroyed the idols and pulled down the temples to 
erect mosques with the materials, and he dug up the image 
of Jngernath from the Chilka lake, into which it had been 
thrown for safety, and conveying it to the banks of the 
Hooghly, committed it to the flames. According to popular 
rumour, the arms and legs of the idols dropped off at the 
sound of his kettledrums. Upon the conquest of Bengal, 
the king Daood took refuge in Orissa, and was pursued by 
the generals of Akbar, and after more than one revolt, was 
slain, and Orissa became a province of the Mogul empire, 
A.D. A short time previous to this invasion of Bengal by 
I860 Akbar, the ancient city of Gour, the metropolis of Bengal, 
The city was depopulated and abandoned. It was admir- 
of Gour. ably situated on the confines of Bengal and Behar 
for the government of both provinces. It had been the 
capital of a hundred kings, who adorned it, more especially 
those of the Mahomedan creed, with massive and superb 
edifices. It extended along the banks of the river, and 
t was defended from its encroachments by a stone embank- 
ment, said to have been fifteen miles in length. This 
magnificent city, the abode of wealth and luxury, was 
suddenly prostrated by some pestilence which has never 
been explained, and has since been the abode of wild hogs 
and tigers. 

The next event of importance in the reign of Akbar was 
1586 the conquest of Cashmere, by his brother-in-law, the raja 
Conquest of of Jeypore. The king, on his submission, was 
Oft-hmepe * enrolled among the nobles of the court, and this 
noble valley, considered the paradise of Asia, which enjoys 
" a delicious climate, and exhibits in the midst of snowy 
"summits a scene of continual verdure," became the summer 
residence of Akbar and his successors. The effort to curb the 
Highlanders between the Indus and the passes into Afghan- 
istan, which was next undertaken, proved a more arduous 
task. These wild mountaineers had been for ages the 
plague of every ruler of the province. They regarded it 
as their hereditary vocation to plunder travellers passing 
through the defiles, and to levy black mail on the industry of 


the valleys. Akbar sent a strong army under the raja of Jey- 
pore to subjugate them, but it was assailed in the passes and 
annihilated; and the Mahoraedan historian records The 
that of 40,000 horse and foot, scarcely a man re- Kh y bewe8 ' 
turned. Such wholesale destruction would appear incredible, 
if we had not witnessed a repetition of it, in the same scenes, 
Tinder the British Government in 1841. The rajas Toder 
Mull and "Miii:- -jiiir imposed some restraint on their vio- 
lence by the establishment of military posts which cut off 
their supplies from the plains ; but they were as trouble- 
some as ever a century after in the reign of Aurungzebe. 
Soon after, Akbar proceeded to the conquest of Sinde, and 
reannexed Candahar to the crown; and thus, sindeand 
after a series of conflicts which extended over Cand*har. 
twenty-five years, he found himself at length undisputed 
master of his hereditary dominions across the Indus, and 
of all the territories north of the Nerbudda which had 
ever belonged to the imperial throne, and it only remained 
for him to extend his authority over the Deccan. A 
brief notice of the progress of events in that division of 
India during the sixteenth century will be a suitable 
introduction to the expedition which the emperor now 



IT has boen stated in a previous chapter that five inde- 
pendent kingdoms Beejapore, Ahmednugur, Golconda, 
feeder, and Berar arose on the ruins of the Bah- 
minee kingdom. Beder rarely appears on the 
page of history, and Berar which was never of 
much weight in the politics of the Deccan, was ccntnry ' 
absorbed by Ahmednugur in 1572. The attention of the 
kings of Golconda was chiefly directed to the subjugation 
of the various Hindoo principalities which lay on its 
eastern frontier, and stretched along the Coromandel coast 
from Oriasa southward. It appears also to have gradually 
absorbed the Hindoo state of Telingana, with its capital 
at Warunfful, which had assumed independence on the fall 
of the Bahminee kingdom. Beejapore and Ahme-inugur, 


which bordered cm each other, were engaged in constant 
hostility. Within the circle of their territories was in- 
cluded the region inhabited by the Mahrattas, which had 
formerly belonged to the Hindoo kingdom of Deoghur, 
conquered by Alla-ood-deen in 1295 ; and the origin and 
growth of their importance is to be attributed primarily to 
the training they received in the constant warfare of these 
princes. During the sixteenth century the armies of these 
two Mahomedan states were constantly recruited by 
Mahratta soldiers, sometimes to the extent of 20,000. 
There was not as yet any bond of national unity among 
them, and they sold their mercenary swords to the highest 
bidder, without caring whether their own countrymen 
might not be fighting in the opposite ranks. 

But the great event of that century was the extinction of 
Hindoo power in the Deccan. To the south of the Kistna 
Beqja- lay the great Hindoo monarchy of Beejanuger, 
nnger. established in 1336, which had maintained a per- 
petual conflict with the Bahminee dynasty, and subsequent- 
ly with the kingdoms which arose on its decay. In the 
early period of the sixteenth century Beejanuger had 
attained its greatest extent and power. It was enriched by 
maritime commerce ; and all the Hindoo chiefs south of the 
Kistna below which the Mahomedans had no footing 
were completely under its control, even where they were 
not under its government. No single state was able to 
cope with it. The reigning raja, Ram-raj, had recently 
wrested several districts from Beejapore ; he had overrun 
Golconda, laid siege to the capital, and exacted large 
concessions from the king. The four Mahomedan kings 
Beder still existed felt the necessity of restraining the 
growth of his power, and, suspending their mutual jealous- 
ies, formed a quadruple alliance against him. It was 
nothing less than a conflict between the Hindoos and the 
Mahomedans for the supremacy of the Deccan. Although 
Ram-raja called up all the strength of his Hindoo feuda- 
tories from the south down to its extreme limits, the 
enumeration of his host by Perishta appears fabulous. 
His younger brother is said to have commanded a wing of 
the army consisting of 20,000 cavalry, 100,000 foot, and 500 
elephants. His second brother had another wing of equal 
strength, while the raja himself led the flower of the army. 
The confederate force was likewise prodigious, and included 
20,000 elephants and 600 pieces of artillery of all calibre. 
Thjj' important battle, known in history as that of Talli- 


kotta, which lies at a short distance from the Kistna, was A.D. 
fought on the 25th January, 1565, and it resulted in the 1564 
total defeat of the raja, and the slaughter, as the Mahom- 
edan historians boast, of 100,000 infidels. The raja, 
seventy years of age, was beheaded in cold blood, and his 
head was preserved as a trophy at Beejapore, and annually 
exhibited on the anniversary of his death. The Hindoo 
power in the south was irretrievably broken, but dissensions 
among the victors enabled the brother of the raja to retain 
a fraction of his territory, and to establish his court event- 
ually at Chundergiree, which has been rendered memorable 
in the history of British India as the town, where, seventy 
years after the battle of Tallikotta, the descendant of the 
raja granted the East India Company the first foot of land 
they ever possessed in India, and on which they erected 
the factory of Madras. 

At the period of Akbar's invasion of the Deccan, the 
three Mahomedan princes were those of Beejapore, Gol- 
conda, and Ahmednugur. This expedition was, Akb ^ 
doubtless, dictated by the " lust of territorial views on 
" aggrandisement ;' ' but, if it had been completely tbe Deccan - 
successful, it would have been an unquestionable blessing 
to the country. Nothing could be more deplorable than 
the condition of the Deccan at this period. Its various 
kings had no occupation but war, aggressive war without 
even the excuse of provocation. Scarcely a year passed in 
which villages were not desolated, and the fair fruits of 
industry blasted by their mutual hostilities ; and the sub- 
stitution of a single authority, even though despotic, was 
a real godsend. On the death of Boorhan Nizam Shah, 
the king of Ahmednugur, four factions arose in the state, 
the most powerful of which sent an invitation to Akbar, 
which he accepted at once ; but, before the force which he 
despatched could reach the capital, another revolution 
placed the government in the hands of Chand Chand 
Sultana, the aunt of the minor raja. This cele- smtana of 
brated woman, the favourite heroine of the ^JJ?" 
Deccan, and the subject of a hundred ballads, 
determined to defend the city to the last extremity. The 
Moguls had constructed three mines, two of which she 
countermined ; the third blew up, leaving a large opening 
in the wall, and her officers prepared to desert the defence. 
The sultana flew to the spot fully armed, with a drawn 
sword in her hand, and a veil over her face. Combustibles 
of every description were thrown into the breach, and so 


heavy a fire was directed upon it, that the assailants were 
constrained to retire. It is a popular and cherished tra- 
dition that, when the shot was exhausted, she charged the 
guns with copper, then with silver, and lastly with gold. 
Her allies were now approaching, and the Mogul camp was 
The sultana straitened for provisions. Morad, the son of 
AJ>. oedes 33erar * Akbar, offered to retire upon the cession of Berar, 
1596 and the sultana, who placed little confidence in her own 
troops, reluctantly accepted these terms. Within a year the 
kings of Ahmednugur, Golconda, and Beejapore formed a 
league to drive the Moguls out of the Deccan, and brought 
60,000 troops into the field. An action was fought at 
Soniput, which lasted two days without any decisive result. 
Discord broke out among the Mogul officers, and Akbar, 

1599 who had resided for fourteen years near the Indus, felt the 
necessity of proceeding to the Deccan in person. He 
advanced to the Nerbudda, and sent his son Morad to lay 
siege to Ahmednugur. The government of Chand Sultana 
was in a more disturbed state than ever, and, seeing defence 
hopeless, she felt the necessity of negotiating a peace with 
the Moguls, when the soldiery, instigated by her enemies, 
Her tragic burst into her chamber, and put her to death, 
deatk. The city was stormed and plundered, and the 

1600 young king and the royal family were sent prisoners to 
Gwalior ; but the kingdom was not incorporated with the 
Mfcgul territories till thirty-seven years later. 

This was the last political event of any importance in the 

1601 reign of Akbar, who returned to the capital in 1601. The 
Last four last four years of his life were embittered by the 
SrtJIrt misconduct of his eldest son Selim, a violent and 
itfe. vindictive prince, and the slave of wine. He took 
up arms against his father, but was conciliated by a grant of 
the provinces of Bengal and Orissa. He had contracted an 
inveterate dislike of Abul Fazil, one of the most illustrious 
and esteemed of the emperor's officers, equally eminent as 
a general, a statesman, and a historian, to whose classic pen 
his reign is indebted, in no small degree, for its lasting 
renown. Selim caused him to be assassinated by a zemin- 
dar of Bundlecund. In September 1605, Akbar began to 
feel the approach of death. The profligacy of Selim had 
induced a influential body of courtiers to contemplate the 
elevation of a younger son to the throne, but Akbar 
assembled them around his dying couch, and in their pre- 
sence ordered Selim to gird his own scimitar to his side, 
a* a token of the bequest of the empire. Then, addressing 


the assembled oznrahs, he asked forgiveness for whatever 
offence he might have given them, and, after repeating toe 
Moslem confession of faith, expired in the odonr Death of 
of sanctity, though he had lived the life of a &**** ^^ 
heretic. He died at the age of sixty-three, after a reign of 1605 
forty-nine years. 

Akbar is described as " a strongly built and handsome 
"man, with an agreeable expression of countenance, and 
" very captivating manners." He was not only the character 
pride of the Mogul dynasty, but incomparably the of Akbar ' 
greatest of all the Mahometan rulers of India. Few of these 
princes have ever exhibited greater military talent or per- 
sonal courage. He never fought a battle which he did not 
win, or besiege a town which he did not take. Yet he had 
no passion for war ; and he had no sooner turned the tide 
of victory by his skill and energy, than he left his com- 
manders to complete the work, and hastened back to the 
more i-oniri iiinl labours of the cabinet. The glory of his 
reign rests not so much on the extent of his conquests, as 
on the admirable institutions by which they were consoli- 
dated and improved. In the early part of his career he 
was a devout follower of the Prophet, and, at one time, 
contemplated a pilgrimage to his tomb, the earnest longing 
of every Mahomedan. But, about the twenty-fifth year of 
his reign, he began to entertain latitudinarian views. Re- 
jecting all prophets, priests, and ceremonies, he professed 
to take simple reason as his guide. The formula of his 
creed seems to have been : u There is no god but God, and 
" Akbar is his Caliph.'* Yet with all his scepticism, he was 
not without a touch of superstition, of which he afforded 
an instance by the awe and veneration with which he adored 
the image of Jesus Christ and the Virgin, when shown to 
him by the Roman Catholic missionaries. The tendency of 
his measures was to discourage Mahornedanism. He changed 
the era of the Hegira ; he restrained the study of Arabic, 
and of Mahomedan theology, and wounded the dearest pre- 
judices of the faithful by prohibiting the beard, though it 
was enjoined by the Koran. Nothing but the ascendency 
of his character, and his brilliant success in war and in 
peace, could have preserved his throne amidst the discon- 
tents occasioned by these heterodox proceedings. Amidst 
a people with whom the persecution of infidels was regarded 
as a sacred duty, he adopted the principle, not only of 
religious toleration, but of religious equality, and deter- 
mined to rest the strength of his throne upon the attach- 


ment of all his subjects. He secured the loyalty of I/he 
Hindoos by inviting them to share the highest civil offices 
and military commands with those of his own creed. He 
abolished the jezzia, the odious capitation tax inflicted on 
unbelievers, rescinded the pilgrim tax, sanctioned the 
marriage of Hindoo widows, and positively prohibited 

Under the supervision of the Hindoo raja, Toder Mull, 
the great financier of the age, he remodelled the whole 
His revenue revenue system of The empire, and thus brought 
settlement. fa maturity the great plans which Shere Shah 
in his brief reign of five years had inaugurated. The 
lands were measured according to a uniform standard, and 
divided into three classes according to their character and 
fertility. The demand of the state was fixed, generally, at 
one-third the produce, and then commuted into money. 
The settlement was made with the ryots, to the exclusion 
of all middle-men, and all arbitrary cesses were abolished. 
The whole empire was divided into fifteen provinces or 
soobahs, each of which was placed under the authority of a 
soobadar. Ho was entrusted with full powers, civil, military 
and financial, and assisted by a military commander and 
finance minister, who were accountable to him, though nomi- 
nated by the crown. Akbar's military system was the least 
perfect of the departments of the state, and was enfeebled by 
paying the commanders for their men by the head, which 
created an irresistible temptation to present false musters, 
and to fill the ranks with vagabonds. The same organisa- 
tion which pervaded the state establishments was intro- 
duced into every division of the court, and the whole was 
regulated, to the minutest detail, by the emperor himself. 
Every department was maintained upon a scale of imperial 
Splendour of magnificence, of which there had been no exam- 
his court. pi e gince the establishment of the Mahomedan 
power in India. During his progress through the country 
his camp was a moving city, and the eye was dazzled by 
the splendid tents of his ministers and officers, and more 
especially by the royal tents, blazing with ornaments and 
surmounted with gilt cupolas. A taste for literature was 
diffused through his court. Translations were made under 
his directions from the Hindoo classics, and his accom- 
plished courtier, Fiezi. was directed to make a correct 
version of the Evangelists. 




ON the death of Akbar, Selim stepped into the throne and 
assumed the title of Jehangeer, the Conqueror of the World. 
The great empire to which he succeeded was in a Accession of 
state of profound tranquillity, not disturbed by Jehan e ecr - 
any insubordination among the public officers nor by foreign 
aggression . His first measures were judicious and ben e volent. 
He confirmed most of his father's ministers in their posts, 
remitted some vexatious taxes which had survived his 
father's reforms, and made arrangements for giving easy 
access to the complaints of his subjects. He likewise re- 
placed the Mahomedan creed on the coin, and manifested 
a superstitious obedience to the precepts of the Koran. 
But the quiet of the realm was speedily interrupted by the 
rebellion of his son, Khosroo, to whom he had always ex- 1606 
hibited a feeling of strong antipathy. The unhappy youth 
fled to the Punjab, and collected a force of 10,000 men, 
but was pursued and captured, when the emperor exhibited 
the brutality of his disposition by causing 700 of his 
adherents to be impaled alive, while Khosroo was de- 
liberately carried along the line to witness their agonies. 

The event which exercised the greatest influence on the 
reign of Jehangeer was his marriage with Noor Jehan, 
contracted in the sixth year of his reign. This Noor Jchan 
celebrated princess was the daughter of a Persian 
noble, who had been reduced to poverty, and, following the 
current stream of emigration, proceeded to India to repair 
his fortunes. During the journey his wife gave birth to a 
daughter, under very distressing circumstances. A mer- 
chant, who happened to be travelling on the same route, 
offered them timely assistance, and conveyed them in his 
own train to the capital. He took the father into his 
service, and eventually introduced him to the Court of 


Akbar, where he rose to considerable eminence. As the 
daughter grew up, she received all the accomplishments 
which the metropolis of the empire could provide, and 
attracted admiration by her exquisite beauty and elegance. 
In the harem of Akbar, which she visited with her mother, 
she excited the passion of prince Selim ; but as she had 
been already betrothed to a young and gallant Persian 
noble, who had acquired the title of Shore Afghan, from 
having killed a tiger in single combat, the marriage was 
completed by the orders of the emperor, and a jageer in 
the distant province of Burdwan was bestowed on him, to 
withdraw his wife from the capital. But Jehangeer had no 
sooner mounted the throne than he determined to remove 
every obstacle to the gratification of his wishes, and the 
noble Persian perished in an affray which was not believed 
to be accidental. His lovely widow was conveyed to the 
capital, and the emperor offered to share his throne with 
her ; but she rejected his advances witli such disdain as to 
disgust Jehangeer, and she was consigned to neglect in 
the harem. Reflection served to convince her of her folly, 
j^ and she contrived to throw herself in his way and to re- 
1611 kindle his passion. The nuptials were celebrated with ex- 
Her mar- traordinary pomp, and she was clothed with 
riagewith honours such as no princess had ever enjoyed 
before in India. Her name was associated with 
tlje emperor's on the coin, and announced in these graceful 
terms : " By order of Jehangeer, gold acquired a hundred- 
" fold value by the name of Noor Jehan." Her talents for 
business were not inferior to her personal charms, and her 
influence was beneficial in softening the emperor's dispo- 
sition, and producing that reformation in his habits which 
marked the early years of his reign. Her taste imparted 
grace to the splendour of the court, while, at the same 
time, she curtailed its extravagance. Her brother was 
raised to high office, and her father placed at the head of 
the administration, which he managed with great ability. 

The capture of Ahmednugur and the murder of Chand 
Sultana did not ensure the conquest of the kingdom. A 
kinsman of the late king was placed on the throne by 
Malik Amber, the chief of the Abyssinian nobles of the 
court* He holds the foremost rank in the history of the 
1610 Deccan monarchies as a statesman and general of surpass- 
ing ability. He took entire charge of the administration, 
and maintained the sinking fortunes of the state for many 
years with singular energy. Planting himself on the 


borders of the Deccan, he repeatedly drove the Moguls 
across the Nerbudda. Two powerful armies were sent by 
Jehangeer into the Deccan ; one was completely baffled by 
Malik's peculiar mode of warfare, and obliged to retreat, 
and the other was too disheartened by this event to advance A>D . 
far. His artillery, which was obtained from the Portuguese 1612 
in his ports, was greatly superior to that of the imperial 
army. He availed himself, moreover, of the contingents of 
the Mahratta chieftains, which served to foster and to ma- 
ture their military power, and it was under his banner that 
Shahjee, the father of Sevajee, laid the foundation of the 
greatness of his family. Malik Amber had no natural 
passion for military enterprises, though his success in the 
field has seldom been surpassed. It was his attention to 
the duties of peace on which his renown rests, and his 
revenue settlements rival those of the raja Toder Mull. 
Jehangeer's failure in the Deccan was counter- subjugation 
balanced by his success in Rajpootana. Pertab of o^yP ^- 
Sing, the rana of Oodypore, who is still idolized by his 
countrymen for the heroism with which he repelled the 
Moguls and eventually regained the provinces they had 
conquered, was succeeded by his son Ornrah, who, though 
equally valliant, was not equally fortunate. He was attack- 
ed by Shah Jehan, the favourite and the gallant son of 
Jehangeer, and obliged to acknowledge his fealty to the 
empire. The independence of Oodypore, which had been 
maintained for eight centuries, was virtually extinguished, 1614 
for although Shah Jehan, himself of Rajpoot blood on the 
mother's side, generously restored the territories he had 
conquered to the fallen rana, it was only as the vassal of 
the emperor of Delhi. 

The tenth year of the reign of Jehangeer was rendered 
memorable by the arrival of Sir Thomas Roe, as the 
ambassador of James I., to solicit privileges sir Thomas 1616 
for the East India Company. The result of his Roe - 
embassy will be stated in its place hereafter. Here it may 
be sufficient to remark that he was fascinated with the 
oriental magnificence of the court, which completely eclipsed 
the tinsel pomp of his own master ; but he saw little 
comfort among the people, who were ground down by 
extortion. The emperor dispensed justice daily in person, 
but retired in the evening to his cups, which he seldom 
quitted before his reason was obscured. The different 
governments were farmed out; the courtiers were uni- 
versally corrupt, and military discipline was relaxed. There 


was a large influx of Europeans at the court ; one of the 
emperor's nephews had embraced Christianity, and the 
emperor himself had an image of Christ in his rosary. 
A<1)> Shah Jehan, the emperor's gallant son, who was married 
1615 to the niece of Noor Jehan was now declared heir apparent, 
shah Jehan, an ^ sen ^ ^ n ^ ne following year to invade the 
heir Deccan. The prosperity of Malik Amber had 

apparen crea ted a feeling of envy at the court, and he 
was still farther weakened by the desertion of the king 
of Beejapore. He was constrained, therefore, to cede to 
Shah Jehan the fortress of Ahmednngur, as well as all 
the conquests he had made from the Moguls. Within four 
years he renewed the war, and drove the imperial troops 
across the Taptee. Shah Jehan was again selected to 

1620 command the army, and the usual success attended his 
arms. Malik Amber was deserted by his own officers, 
and obliged to purchase peace by a large sacrifice of territory 
and treasure. 

Just at this juncture Khosroo, the brother of Shah Jehan, 

1621 died, and his own misfortunes began. Noor Jehan had be- 
intrigues of stowed her daughter by Shere Afghan on Shahriar, 
Noor Jehan. ^ e youngest son of the emperor, and, in the 
hope of retaining her power under his weak administration, 
determined to secure the reversion of the throne for him 
To remove Shah Jehan out of the way, she persuaded 

"vjehangeer to employ his great military talents in recovering 
Candahar from the Persians, who had recently conquered 
it. Shah Jehan was fully aware of the danger of quitting 
India, and began to stipulate for securities. His request 
was pronounced treasonable; all his jageers were confiscated, 

1622 and he was driven into revolt, and Mohabet, the inosb 
eminent of the imperial commanders, was directed to pro- 
ceed against him. After a partial and indecisive action 
in Rajpootana, Shah Jehan injudiciously retreated to the 
Deccan, where he arrived with the loss of his prestige. 
Malik Amber and the kings of Beejapore and Golconda 
refused him any assistance ; his own troops began to desert 
his standard, and he retired to Telingana. On reaching 

1624 Masulipatam, he marched along the coast up to Bengal, 
and, having taken possession of that province as well as of 
Behar, advanced towards Allahabad. Mohabet, who had 
lost sight of him, on hearing of his progress, hastened from 
the south to the banks of the Ganges, and Shah Jehan was 
obliged a second time to fly to the Deccan, but was pursued 
with such vigour that, seeing his fortunes desperate, he 


sought reconciliation with his father, for which he was 
obliged to give his two sons as hostages. 

A new scene now opens in this drama. Mohahet, the j^ 
greatest subject in the empire, and the prime favourite 1624 
of the emperor, manifested no disposition to NoorJehan . g 
second the wishes of Noor Jehan, and raise her persecution 
son-in-law, a prince devoid of energy or ability, of Mohabet 
to the throne, and she resolved on his destruction. A charge 
of embezzlement during his last expedition was trumped 
up against him, and he was summoned to the court to 
answer it. He came, but with a body of 5,000 Rajpoots. 
He had recently betrothed his daughter to a young noble- 
man, without having first obtained the usual consent of the 
emperor. Jehangeer summoned the youth into his pre- 
sence, and, in a fit of brutal rage, ordered him to be stripped 
naked and scourged with thorns before the courtiers. Moha- 
bet perceived that his ruin was determined on, and resolved 
to strike the first blow. The emperor was then on his way 
to Cabul, and was encamped on the Hydaspes, which the 
army crossed in the morning on a bridge. The emperor 
had not recovered from the debauch of the previous night, 
and remained behind with a slender guard, when Moliabet 
proceeded to his tent, and seized his person. 
Seeing himself helpless, he submitted to mount seizes the 
an elephant, together with his cupbearer and his em P eror - 
goblet, and to proceed to Mohabet's tent. 

Noor Jehan crossed the river in disguise the next morn- 
ing, and joined the army which she led to the rescue of the 
emperor; but the Rajpoots had broken down the Noor Jehan 
bridge, and she advanced at the head of her troops rescues him. 
to a ford which had been discovered, mounted on a large 
elephant, and fully armed. The struggle was long and 
deadly. In spite of all her efforts, her troops were precipi- 
tated into the stream by the shower of balls, rockets, and 
arrows which Mohabet's Rajpoots <l:-, v h, r i v r'H from their 
vantage ground. Her elephant was assailed with particular 
violence, and of the numerous missiles aimed at her, one at 
length struck the infant son of her daughter, whom she 
carried in her lap. The ford became a scene of universal 
confusion. The elephant driver was killed, and the elephant 
was wounded and borne down the stream back to the 
opposite bank. Her female attendants hastened to the spot, 
and found the howda, or seat, covered with blood, and the 
empress employed in binding up the wound of the infant. 
Noor Jehan yielded to necessity, and joined the emperor 

F 2 


in his captivity, and affected to be reconciled to Mohabet, 
who had assumed the command of the army, and marched 
on to Cabul. There the fertile genius of the empress was 
employed in cajoling Mohabet and throwing him off his 
A.D. guard, while, by a series of skilful manoeuvres, she gradually, 

1626 and without observation, assembled a body of troops. See- 
ing his position becoming daily less secure, Mohabet was 
led to make her offers of submission. She agreed to con- 
done his revolt on condition that he should proceed in 
pursuit of Shah Jelian, who had fled to Sinde. Mohabet 
dreaded a reign of weakness under Shahriar, and resolved 
to join Shah Jehan ; and Noor Jehan, on hearing of this 
defection, ordered him to be hunted through the empire, 
and set a price on his head. But all her plans of ambition 
were at once extinguished by the death of the emperor. 
After his liberation, he proceeded from Cabul to Cashmere, 
but his constitution was exhausted by a life of indulgence ; 
Death of he was seized with a violent fit of asthma, and died 
Jehangeer. on ^ g wav to Lahore, on the 28th October, 1627, 

1627 in the sixtieth year of his age, and the twenty-second 
of his reign. He was contemporary with James the First of 
England. Not only were their reigns of the same duration, 
but there was a remarkable similarity in their characters. 
They were both equally weak and contemptible, both the 
slaves of favourites and drink ; and by a singular coinci- 
dence, they both launched a royal decree against the use of 
tobacco, then recently introduced into England and India, 
and in both cases with equal success. 



1627 ON the death of Jehangeer, Asof Khan, one of the chief 
ministers of the cabinet, the brother of Noor Jehan, though 
Accession of ne owed his position to her influence, determined, 
Shah Jehan. from a patriotic motive, to support Shah Jehan, 
and invited him to the capital, while at the same time he 
placed the empress under restraint. Her power expired 
with the death of her husband, and she retired from the 
world upon an annuity of twenty lacs a year, and passed 
tte remaining twenty years of her life in cherishing his 


memory. Shah Jehan was proclaimed emperor at Agra, 
and rewarded the instruments of his elevation Asof Khan 
and Mohabet with offices of the highest dignity. His 
reign was distinguished by a passion for magnificence, A>1> 
which was developed on the very first anniversary of his 1627 
accession, when he was weighed against silver and gold 
and precious substances ; vessels filled with jewels were 
waved over his head from the superstitious notion of 
averting misfortune and then scattered on the floor for a 
general scramble. The expense of this festival was com- 
puted at a crore and a half of rupees. 

The first ten years of his reign were occupied with 
military operations in the Deccan. The genius of Malik 
Amber had restored much of its former splendour Warg i n the 
to the kingdom of Ahraednugur, but he had Deccan. 
recently died at the age of eighty, and the country was 
distracted by factions. The king of Beejapore, Ibrahim 
Adil Shah, renowned for the grandeur of his buildings, 
had died about the same time, bequeathing to his successor 
a flourishing country and an army, reported, not without 
exaggeration, at 80,000 horse and upwards of 200,000 
infantry, sufficiently powerful to cope for years with the 
whole strength of the Mogul empire. The king of Gol- 
conda was employed in extending his authority over his 
Hindoo neighbours to the east and the south. These three 
Deccan monarchies had recovered their former limits, and 
of all the conquests made by Akbar nothing remained 
to the crown of Delhi but the eastern portion of Candesh 
and Berar. The war in the Deccan on which Shah Jehan 
entered in the second year of his reign, was occasioned by 
the revolt of Jehan Lodi, an Afghan adventurer of low birth, 1628 
but great courage ami enterprise, who had commanded the 
imperial troops in the Deccan, out was disliked and mis- 
trusted by the emperor. Suspecting some sinister designs 
on his part, he marched out of his palace at Agra at the 
head of 2,000 of his veteran Afghans, with his kettledrums 
beating a note of defiance, and fought his way to the 
Deccan, where he was joined by many adherents, and 
supported by the king of Ahmednugur. The revolt 
became so serious that Shah Jehan ordered three armies 
into the field and proceeded in person to the Deccan. The 
king of Ahmednugur was defeated. Jehan Lodi sought 
aid of the king of Beejapore and was refused, and he then 
endeavoured to make his way to Afghanistan, but was 
brought to bay in Bundleeand, where he fell pierced with 


wounds, after having performed prodigies of valour at 
the head, of 400 men who adhered to his fortunes to the 

Moorteza Nizam, of Ahmednugur, after his defeat, had 
fallen out with his minister Futteh Khan, the son and 
Extinction r 8tlccessor f Malik Amher, and imprisoned him, 
of Anmed- but, when threatened with disorder and ruin on 
nugur. a -Q gi^e^ restored him to power. The ungrateful 

A.D. Abyssinian rewarded his kindness by putting him and his 

1630 chief adherents to death, and then, after placing an infant 
on the throne, offered his submission to the emperor. But 
Shahjee, the Mahratta chief, who had risen to great import- 
ance under Malik Amber, found himself strong enough to 
set up a new pretender to the throne, and obtained posses- 
sion of the greater portion of the country. The Deccan 
was thus as far from being subjugated as ever, and Shah 
Jehan deemed it necessary to undertake another expedition 

1637 in person. Shahjee was driven from Ahmednugur, and 
the whole force of the empire was brought to bear on 
Beejapore, the king of which had made common cause 
with Ahmednugur, and now maintained a struggle of five 
years with the imperial gsnerals. To baffle their efforts, he 
created a desert for more than twenty miles round his capi- 
tal, destroying every particle of food and every vestige of 
forage. Both parties became at length weary of this war, 
, and listened to terms of accommodation. The result of 
this conflict of eight years may be thus briefly summed up : 
the kingdom of Ahmednugur was extinguished, after a 
century and a half of independence ; a portion of it was 
ceded to Beejapore for a tribute of twenty lacs a year, 
and the remainder absorbed in the Mogul dominions, 
while the king of Golconda consented to pay an annual 

1637 Shah Jehan was soon after gladdened by the recovery 
of Candahar. Ali Merdan, the governor under the Persians, 
Candahar was ( ^ ven ^ n ^ revolt by the tyranny of his 
and Ail sovereign, and made over the town and terri- 
Merdan. ^ orv ^ o fa e jyfoguig. He was taken into the ser- 
vice of Shah Jehan, and employed in many military 
expeditions beyond the Indus, but his fame rests on the 
public works he constructed in India, and more especially, 
on the noble canal near Delhi, which still preserves the 
grateful remembrance of his name. After several years of 
repose, the emperor determined to prosecute the dormant 
claims of his family on the distant regions of Balkh and 


Budukshan, and he proceeded to Cabul. AH Merdan and 
Morad, the emperor's son, reduced Balkh, but it was im- 
mediately after overrun by the Uzbeks. Raja Juggut Sing 
was then sent with 14,000 Rajpoots, and they manifested their 
loyalty to a just and tolerant government by crossing the 
Indus, in spite of their Hindoo prejudices, traversing the 
lofty passes of the Hindoo Coosh, constructing redoubts by 
their own labour the raja himself taking an axe like the 
rest and encountering the fiery valour of the Uzbeks in 
that snowy region. Aurungzebe, the emperor's third son, 
was subsequently sent there, but, after gaining a great victory 
was obliged to retreat in the depth of winter, and with the 
loss of the greater part of his army ; after which the em- 
peror had the moral courage to relinquish this ill-advised 

Two years after, the king of Persia, marched down on A.D. 
Candahar, and recaptured it, and Aurungzebe was directed 1647 
to recover it, but was obliged to retire after having in vain 
besieged it four months ; a second expedition led by him, 
and a third by his brother Dara, were equally unsuccessful. 
These failures were followed by two years of tranquillity, 1653 
during which Shah Jehan completed the revenue settle- to 
ment of the possessions he had acquired in the Deccan. 

The year 1655 marks an important era in the history of 
Mahomedan India ; the renewal of the war in the Deccan, 
which continued for fifty years to exhaust the Renewalof 
resources of the Mogul empire, and hastened its the war in 
downfall. During the eighteen years of peace theDeccan - 
which followed the treaty made with Ibrahim Adil Shah, 
the king of Beejapore, he had devoted his attention to the 
construction of those splendid palaces, mausoleums, and 
mosques by which his reign was distinguished, and to the 
conquest of the petty Hindoo chiefs in the south. The 
king of Golconda had punctually paid his subsidy, and 
manifested every disposition to cultivate the favour of the 
emperor. The Deccan was tranquil, but in an evil hour 
Aurungzebe was appointed viceroy, and resolved to efface 
the disgrace of his repulse from Candahar by the subjuga- 
tion of its two remaining kingdoms. An unexpected event 
gave him the desired pretext. Meer Joomla, born of indi- 
gent parents at Ispahan, had repaired to Golconda, and 
amassed prodigious wealth in commerce and maritime 
Bnterprises. He was taken into the service of the king, 
and, having risen to the office of vizier by his extraordinary 
talents, led the armies to the southern provinces of the 


Beccan, and established the royal authority over many of 
the Hindoo chieftains. While absent on one of these ex- 
peditions his son incurred the displeasure of the king, and 
Meer Joomla, unable to obtain any consideration from him, 
determined to throw himself on th'e protection of the 

Aurungzebe was but too happy to take up the quarrel ; 
and, with the permission of his father, sent a haughty 
Aurung- mandate to the king to grant redress to the 
zebe's pro- youth, to which the king replied by placing him 
^Deccan. m confinement and confiscating all the estates 
of the family. Shah Jehan ordered his son to 
enforce compliance with his command by the sword, 
and he advanced to Hyderabad, now become the capital of 
the kingdom, with the most friendly assurances. The king 
was preparing a magnificent entertainment for his recep- 
tion, when he was treacherously attacked and obliged to 
seek refuge in the hill fort of Golconda. Hyderabad was 
plundered and half burnt, and the king was constrained to 
submit to the humiliating terms imposed on him of bestow- 
ing his daughter on one of Aurungzebe's sons with a rich 
A.D. dowry, and paying a crore of rupees as the first instalment 

1656 of an annual tribute; but the emperor, who had a con- 
science, remitted a considerable portion of it. Aurungzebe 
now prepared for a wanton attack on Beejapore. A pretext 
was found in the assertion that the youth who had recently 
Succeeded to the throne was not the real issue of the late king, 
and that to the emperor belonged the right of deciding the 
succession. Aurungzebe suddenly burst upon the territory 
His attack while the bulk of the army was absent in the 
on Beeja- Carnatic ; two important forts were captured, 
pore * and the capital was invested. The king was 
obliged to sue for peace on reasonable terms, which were 
peremptorily refused, and the extinction of the dynasty 
appeared inevitable, when an event occurred in the north 
which gave it a respite of thirty years. News came posting 
down to the Deccan that Shah Jehan was at the point of 
death, and that the contest for the empire had begun ; and 

1657 Aurungzebe was obliged to hasten to the capital to look 
after his own interests. 

Shah Jehan had four sons. Dara, the eldest, had been 
declared his heir and entrusted with a share of the 
BhahJehan'8 government. He possessed great talents for 
sons. government, and an air of regal dignity ; he was 

brave and frank, but haughty and rash. Soojah, the second, 


though addicted to pleasure, had been accustomed to civil 
and military command from his youth, and was at this 
time viceroy of Bengal, which he had governed with no little 
ability and success for twenty years. Aurungzebe, the third, 
was the ablest and most ambitious, as well as the most 
subtle of the family. Morad, the youngest, though bold 
and generous, was little better than a sot. Dara was a 
freethinker of Akbar's school. Aurungzebe was a fierce 
bigot, and courted the suffrage of the orthodox by repro- 
bating the infidelity of Dara. The claims of primogeniture 
had always been vague and feeble in the Mogul dynasty, 
and were, moreover, always subordinate to the power of 
the sword. When therefore four brothers, each with an 
army at his command, aspired to the throne, a conflict was 

Soojah was the first in the field, and advanced from A .D. 
Bengal towards Delhi. Morad, the viceroy of Guzerat, seized 1657 
the public treasury and assumed the title of Soojah takea 
emperor. Aurung/plx 4 extorted a large sum thefiel<i ' 
from the king of Beejapore, and moved northward to unite 
his fortunes with Morad, whom, with his usual craft, he 
succeeded in cozening. He saluted him as emperor, and 
congratulated him on his new dynasty, declaring that, as 
for himself, he was anxious to renounce the vanities of the 
world, and proceed on j '/ '\.\ \.: to Mecca, as soon as he 
had succeeded in releasing his father from the thraldom of 
the godless Dara. Morad was so simple as to give credit 
to these professions, and their united armies advanced to 
the capital. Dara prepared to meet both attacks, and sent 
raja Jey Sing, of Jeypore, and his own son, to Dara de- 
oppose Soojah, and raja Jeswunt Sing to encoun- feats Soo ^ h - 
ter Aurungzebe. The selection of two Hindoo generals to 
command the armies which were to decide the fortunes of 
the Mogul throne affords the strongest evidence of the 
principle of fidelity which the generous policy of Akbar 
and his two successors had inspired in the Hindoo mindj 
At this juncture, Shah Jehan recovered his health, and 
endeavoured to resume his authority ; but it was too late. 
Soojah was defeated and obliged to fly to Bengal, shah Jehan's 
and, the year after, was pursued by Meer Joomla, recover y' 
and obliged to seek refuge in Aracan, where he was basely 
murdered, together with the whole of his family. Aurung- 
zebe defeated the Rajpoot raja at Oojein, and then advanced 
to Agra, where Dara met him with a superior army, but, 
contrary to the wise advice of his father, hazaraed an 


A.D. engagement in which he was completely overpowered, and 
1658 fle3. Three days after, Aurungzebe entered the capital in 
Shah Jehan triumph, deposed his father, and mounted the 
deposed, throne. 

The character of Shah Jehan is thus described by his 
native biographer : " Akbar was pre-eminent as a warrior 
Character of " an( l a lawgiver ; Sh ah Jehan for the incomparable 
Shah Jehan. "order and arrangement of his finances, and the 
" internal administration of the empire. But although the 
" pomp of his court and his state establishments were such 
" as had never been seen before in India, there was no in- 
" crease of taxation, and no embarrassment to the treasury." 
By the general consent of historians, the country enjoyed 
greater prosperity during his reign than under any pre- 
vious reign, and it has therefore been characterised 
as the golden era of the Mogul dynasty. This is to be 
attributed to that respite from the ravages of war which 
afforded scope for the pursuits of industry ; for though en- 
gaged in foreign wars, his own dominions enjoyed unin- 
terrupted repose. He was the most magnificent prince of 
the house of Baber ; but in nothing was the splendour of 
his tastes more visible than in the buildings he erected. 
He contributed to the grandeur of many of the cities of 
India by the construction of noble palaces. It was he who 
founded the new city of Delhi, in which his castellated 
palace, with its spacious courts, and marble halls, and 
gilded domes, was the object of universal eulogy. Of 
that palace, the noblest ornament was the far-famed pea- 
cock throne, blazing with emeralds, rubies, and diamonds, 
the value of which was estimated by one of the European 
jewellers of his court at six crores of rupees. To him also 
the country was indebted for the immaculate Taj Mehal, the 
mausoleum of his queen, the gem of India, and the admira- 
tion of the world. But all his establishments were 
managed with such vigilance and care, that after defraying 
the cost of his numerous expeditions, he left in his treasury, 
according to his native biographer, a sum not short of 
twenty-four crores of rupees, though the annual income 
of the empire did not exceed thirty. 

Aurungzebe having thus obtained possession of the 
capital and the treasury, threw off the mask. He no 
Aurungzebe longer talked of renouncing the world and 
gjpgjesp* becoming a pilgrim, but assumed all the powers 
***' of government, and took the title of Alumgeer, 
the Lord of the World. His father was placed in 


honourable captivity in his own palace, where he was 
treated with the greatest respect, and survived his depo- 
sition seven years ; but Aurungzebe did not consider his 
throne secure while there remained any member of his A.D. 
family to disturb it. Morad was invited to an entertain. 1658 
ment, and allowed to drink himself into a state of helpless- 
ness, when he was taken up and conveyed to the fort of 
Agra. Soojah was chased by Meer Joomla out of India. 
Dara fled to Lahore, but was driven from thence to 
Guzerat, where he obtained aid from the governor, and was 1660 
enabled to advance against the emperor, but was defeated, 
and sought refuge with the raja of Jun, whom he had 
formerly laid under great obligations. That ungrateful 
chief, however, betrayed him to his vindictive brother, who 
paraded him on a sorry elephant through the streets of 
Delhi, where he had recently been beloved as a master. 
A conclave of Mahomedan doctors was convened, who 
gratified the emperor's wishes by "! " : * .-him to death 
as an apostate from the creed of the Prophet. His body 
was exhibited to the populace on an elephant, and his head 
was cut oflf and carried to Aurungzebe. His son, Soliman, 
was betrayed by the raja of Cashmere, and, like his 
father, was paraded through the streets of the capital, but 
with his hands bound in gilded fetters; and his noble bearing 
and his deep calamity are said to have moved the spectators 
to tears. He and his youDger brother, together with a son 
of Morad, were consigned to death in the dungeons of 
Gwalior. Morad himself, after a mock trial for some exe- 
cution he was said to have ordered when viceroy of 
Guzerat, was likewise put to death. 

Aurungzebe had thus in the space of three years secured, 
to all appearance, the stability of his power by the con- 
finement of his father, and the destruction of his brothers 
and their families, when his own life was threatened by a 
dangerous attack of illness, and his court was filled with 
intrigues while he lay helpless on his couch. One 
party espoused the cause of his eldest son, Muazzim, 
and another that of Akbar, his brother, while the rajah 
Jeswunt Rao advanced from Rajpootana and Mohabet 
from Cabul, to liberate and reinstate Shah Jehau. But 
Aurungzebe, having passed the crisis of the disease, 
summoned the officers of his court to renew their alle- 
giance to him, and his recovery dissolved all these disloyal 1662 

A short time previous to the illness of the emperor, 


Meer Joomla, who had been appointed governor of Bengal, 
Meer Joomla assembled a large army and proceeded up the 
in Assam. Brumhapooter, for the conquest of Assam, and 
eventually of China. The capital was reduced without diffi- 
culty, but the rains set in with extraordinary violence ; the 
river rose beyond its usual limits, and the whole country 
A.D. was flooded. The supplies of the army were cut off, and a 
1663 pestilence completed its disasters, while Meer Joomla waa 
obliged to retreat, and was pursued by the exasperated 
Assamese. He returned to Dacca in disgrace, and died there 
at a very advanced age, leaving behind him the reputation 
of the ablest statesman and general of that age of action. 
In the letter of condolence which the emperor sent to his 
son, on whom he conferred all his father's honours, he said, 
" You have lost a father, and T, the greatest and most dan- 
" gerous of my friends." After the recovery of Aurungzebe, 
it became necessary for him to send an army to check the 
devastations of the Mahrattas ; and the reader's attention 
must now be called to the origin and progress of this 
nation, which rose to dominion on the ruins of the Mogul 
empire, and for more than a century swayed the destinies 
of India. 



THE country inhabited by the Mahrattas, designated in 
the Hindoo shasters, Muharastra, is generally considered to 
Else of tbe extend from the Wurda on the east to the sea 
Mahrattas. coas t O n the west, and from the Satppora range 
on the north down to a line drawn due east from Goa. The 
salient feature of the country is the Syhadree mountains, 
called the gliauts, which traverse it from north to south at 
a distance of from thirty to fifty miles from the sea-, and 
which rise to the height of 4,000 or 5,000 feet above its level. 
The strip of land along the sea coast is called the Concan. 
The inhabitants are of diminutive stature, and present a 
strong contrast to the noble figure of the Rajpoot, but they 
are sturdy, laborious, and persevering, and distinguished 
for cunning. " The Rajpoot is the most worthy antagonist, 
" the Mahratta the most formidable enemy, ' ' This mountain 
region was difficult of access, and its salient points were 


strengthened by fortifications. For centuries the Mahrattas 
had been known as plodding accountants and managers of 
villages and districts, and it was not till the sixteenth cen- 
tury that they came to be noticed as soldiers. Their country 
was comprised within the territories of Beejapore and 
Ahmednugur, and the two kings, who were incessantly 
at war with each other, or with their neighbours, were 
happy to employ the Mahratta chiefs in raising levies of 
their hardy countrymen, each one commanding his own 
body of free lances. It was the wars which raged for a 
century in the Deccan which cradled their military prowess, 
and no small portion of the national aristocracy trace their 
origin to the distinction gained in these conflicts and the 
lands they acquired ; but it was chiefly under Malik Am- 
ber that they made the most rapid strides to military 
and political importance. A community of village clerks 
and husbandmen was transformed into a nation of warriors, 
and it only required a master spirit to raise them to 
empire. Such a spirit appeared in Sevajee. 

Mallojee Bhonslay was a man of ignoble rank, but a 
valiant captain of horse in the service of the king of 
Ahmednugur at tho beginning of the seventeenth origin of 
century, and obtained from the venal court the shahjee. 
jageers of Poona, Sopa and some other districts. His son 
Shahjee inherited the jageers on his death in 1C20, and A<D . 
augmented his military force and his importance by a close 162C 
alliance with Malik Amber. Nine years after he joined 
the revolt of Jehan Lodi, already mentioned, but deserted 
his cause when it began to wane, and went over to tho 
Moguls, by whom he was rewarded with the title of a com- 
mander of 5,000, and the confirmation of his jageer. Soon 
after he again changed sides, and on the capture of the 
young king was sufficiently strong to set up a pretender and 
obtain possession of all the districts of the kingdom, from 
the sea to the capital. After a warfare of three years with 
the imperial troops, he was driven out of the country, and 
having obtained an asylum at the court of Beejapore, was 
entrusted with an expedition to the Carnatic. His success 
"was rewarded with the extensive jageers in the vicinity of 
Bangalore, which he had conquered, and he formed the 
design of establishing an independent Hindoo kingdom in 
the extreme south of the peninsula, resigning his Poona 
jageer to his son Sevajee. 

Sevajee, the founder of the Mahratta empire, was born 1627 
in 1627, and his father having taken a second wife was 


placed under the tutelage of Dadajee Punt, a Brahmin, 
who, in conformity with the national usage in a corn- 
Birth and m unity in which all the chiefs were illiterate, 
early life of managed the affairs of the estate. Sevajee, who 
Seyajee. wag never ah\Q to read or write, became expert in 
the use of the weapons required in the hills, and in all manly 
exercises, and an accomplished horseman. He likewise 
grew up a devout and rigid Hindoo, with a profound venera- 
tion for brahmins and a cordial hatred of mahomedans. 
His young imagination was kindled by the recital of the 
AJ>t national epics, and he longed to emulate the exploits cele- 
1643 brated in them. At the age of sixteen, he formed an asso- 
ciation of youths of wild and lawless habits, with whom he 
engaged in hunting or marauding expeditions, and thus 
became familiar with every path and defile in the hills. 
Having trained the inhabitants of his native glens, the 
Mawulees, to arms and discipline, he commenced his career 
1646 of ambition at the age of nineteen by capturing the hill 
Captures the fortress of Torna, and the next year erected the 
fortofToma fort of Raj gurh, which became his headquarters. 
These proceedings roused the attention of the king of 
Beejapore, and Shahjee, to whom the jageer belonged, was 
called to account for them. He remonstrated with Dadajee 
Punt, the guardian of his son, who entreated Sevajee to 
desist from a course which must inevitably bring destruc- 
tion on the family ; but the old man perceived that the pur- 
pose of his pupil was not to be shaken, and, worn out with 
age, disease, and anxiety, sunk into the grave ; but just 
before his death is said to have sent to Sevajee, and advised 
him to prosecute his schemes of independence, to protect 
brahmins, kine, and husbandmen, and to preserve the 
Hindoo temples from violation. 

Sevajee immediately took possession of the jageer, and 

1648 with the treasure which had been accumulated by his guar- 
Scvajee's ac- dian, augmented his force, and within two years 
qniflitions, extended his authority over thirty miles of terri- 
tory, attacked a convoy of royal treasure and carried off 
three lacs of pagodas to his eyrie in the mountains. The 
audacity of these and similar proceedings roused the indig- 
nation of the Beejapore monarch, who seized the father 
Shahjee, and threatened him with death. Sevajee, then 
twenty- two, entered into a negotiation with the emperor Shah 

1649 Jehan on his father 's behalf, which is believed to have saved 
him from a cruel death, though he was detained for four years 
at Beejapore, till the increasing disorders in the Camatio 


induced the king to release him and send him back to his 
government. During the period of his father's detention, 
Sevajee discreetly abstained from farther encroachments, 
but renewed them on his release, and by an act of base 
treachery, which has inflicted a deep stain on his memory, 
caused two chieftains of Jowlee to be assassinated. 

While Aurungzebe was engaged in hostilities with 
Beejapore, Sevajee professed himself a devoted servant of 
the throne of Delhi, and obtained a confirmation Hisinter- 
of his title to the lands he had wrested from the course with 
empire. But no sooner had the prince set his face urungze 
towards Delhi to secure the crown, than the Mahratta chief 
began to ravage the Mogul territories. To extend his A.D. 
operations to a more distant sphere, he likewise organised 1657 
that corps of light horse which afterwards became the 
scourge of India. At the same time, he took a body of 
mahomedans into his service, but placed them under 
Mahratta officers. The success of Aurungzebe' s efforts to 
obtain the throne gave just alarm to Sevajee, and he sent 
an envoy to Delhi to excuse his incursions and to conciliate 
the emperor, and offered to protect the Mogul interests in 
the Concan if they were intrusted to his charge. Aurung- 
zebe considered that the security of these possessions in 
the Deccan was likely to be promoted by encouraging tfie 
Mahratta adventurer, and consented to his occupation of that 
maritime province ; but in his attempt to take possession 
of it, Sevajee experienced the first reverse he had ever 
u stained. 

The court of Beejapore was at length roused to the 
danger of these incessant encroachments, which had been 1669 
inori n.-.inir in audacity for fourteen years, and sent Aiooizban 
Afzool Khan with a body of 12,000 horse and "sinated. 
foot and a powerful artillery to suppress them. He was a 
vain and conceited nobleman, and Sevajee determined to 
destroy him by treachery. He professed a humble sub- 
mission to the king, and offered to surrender all the ter- 
ritories he had usurped if he were allowed to hope for 
forgiveness. Afzool Khan was thrown off his guard by 
this flattery, and agreed to give a meeting to Sevajee with 
only a single attendant. Sevajee performed his religious 
devotions with great fervour, and advanced with all 
humility to the interview, and while in the act of em- 
bracing Afzool, plunged a concealed weapon into his bowels, 
and despatched him with his dagger. The troops of the 
murdered general were suddenly surrounded by a body of 


Mahrattas placed in ambush, and routed with che loss of 
all their equipments. The success of this stratagem, not- 
withstanding the atrocity of the deed, obtained /the admira- 
tion of his countrymen beyond many of his otter exploits, 
and the weapon was carefully preserved as an heirloom in 
the family/ Sevajee followed up his victory by plundering 
the country to the very gates of the capital. The king then 
took the field in person, and recovered many of the forts 
and much of the territory be had lost. The war was pro- 
tracted for two years with varied success, but generally in 
favour of the Mahrattas. A reconciliation was at length 
effected, and a treaty concluded through the mediation of 
Shahjee, who paid a visit to his son after an absence of 
twenty years. He congratulated him on the progress he 
had made towards the establishment of a Hindoo power, 
A>D . and encouraged him to persevere in the course he had 

1662 begun. At this period, Sevajee, then in his thirty-fifth 
year, was in possession of the whole coast of the Concan, 
extending four degrees of latitude, and of the ghauts from 
the Beema to the Wurda. His army, consisting of 50,000 
foot and 7,000 horse, was' out of all proportion to his 
territories and his resources, but he was incessantly en- 
gaged in war, and made war support itself by his exactions. 

Sevajee being now at peace with Beejapore, let loose his 

1663 predatory bands on the Mogul possessions, and swept the 
shaistaKhan country to the suburbs of Aurungabad. The 
attacks Se- emperor appointed his own maternal uncle, 
vajee. Shaista Khan, to the viceroyalty of the Deccan, 
with orders to reduce Sevajee to submission. He captured 
Poona, and took up his residence in the house in which 
Sevajee had passed his childhood, and the Mahratta chief 
conceived the design of assassinating the Mogul general in 
his bed. He got up a marriage procession, and entered the 
town in disguise with thirty followers, and proceeding un- 
perceived to the palace, suddenly attacked its inmates. 
The viceroy escaped the assault with the loss of two 
fingers, but his guards were cut down. Sevajee, baffied in 
his project, returned to his encampment amidst a blaze of 
torches. This daring exploit was so completely in har- 
mony with the national character as to be viewed with 
greater exultation than some of his most famous victories. 

1664 The operations of Sevajee were now extended to a bolder 
enterprise. A hundred and fifty miles from Poona lay the 
Attack of c ^y ^ Surat, the greatest emporium of commerce 

on the western coast, and two of the firms in the 


town were considered the most wealthy merchants in the 
world at the time. It was, moreover, the chief port to 
which devout Mahomedans resorted from all parts of India 
to embark on .-^.jr: 1 '::: u- to Mecca. Sevajee suddenly 
appeared before it with 4,000 of his newly raised cavalry, 
and after plundering it leisurely for six days, returned to A>Dt 
his capital. He met with no resistance except from the 1664 
European factories. Sir George Oxenden, the English 
chief, defended the property of the East India Company, 
and likewise of the natives under his protection, with such 
valour and success as to extort the applause of Aurungzebe. 
It is worthy of note that this was the first occasion on 
which European soldiers caine into collision with native 
troops, and that the result filled both Hindoos and 
Mahomedans with astonishment. 

On his return from this expedition, Sevajee heard of the 
death of his father at the age of seventy, and immediately 
assumed the title of rajn, and struck the coin in his own 
name. Finding that his power would not be Sevajee 
complete unless he could obtain the command of {j^*** a 
the sea, he had been employed for some time in 
constructing a navy, and while his troops were employed 
in ravaging the Mogul territories on land, his fleet was 
engaged in capturing the Mogul vessels bound to the Red 
Sea arid exacting heavy ransom from the opulent pilgrims. 
In February, 16G5, he secretly drew together a fleet con- 
sisting of cighty-oight vessels and embarked with 4,000 
troops to Barcelore, then a great trade mart on the Malabar 
coast, where he ol>f uincd large booty, and returned to his capi- 
tal before it was known that he had left it. On his return, he 
found that a large Mogul army commanded by 
the renowned Rajpoot raja Jeysing, and the ^tackedby 
general Dilere Khan, had entered his territories. JeysinK and 
Aurungzebe, an intense bigot, had felt greater DllereKhan ' 
indignation against Sevajee for obstructing the progress of 
the devout pilgrims than for any of his audacious assump- 
tions of power, and the largest force yet sent against him 
now entered his territories, and reduced him to such straits 
that he was constrained to have recourse to negotiations. 
They resulted in the memorable "Convention of Poorundur," 166ft 
in which it was stipulated that he should restore all the 
forts and districts he had taken from the Moguls with the 
exception of twelve, which he was to retain as a jageer, and 
that his son Sambajee should hold rank as a noble in the 
command of 5,000 men. But he dexterously inserted a 


clause in the treaty granting him, in lieu of certain 
pretended claims on the old Nizam Shahee state, assign- 
ments of a fourth and a tenth of the revenue, termed by 
origin of the him the Ghout and SurdeslwnooJcee, of certain 
chout. districts above the ghauts, the charge of collecting 
which Ire took on himself. So eager was he to obtain the 
imperial authority for this grant, that he offered a sum of 
forty lacs of pagodas for it, and intimated his intention of 
visiting the emperor at Delhi, and " his desire to kiss the 
" royal threshold. ' ' This is the first mention of the celebrated 
claim of chout, which the Mahrattas marched throughout 
India to enforce. In the communication which Aurungzebe 
addressed him on this occasion, no allusion was made to 
this claim, the insidious tendency, or even the import, of 
which the imperial cabinet could not comprehend, and 
bevajee assumed that the principle was tacitly conceded. 

Sevajee had now entered the service of the Moguls and 

lost no time in marching with 10,000 horse and foot against 

A<1X Sevajee at Beejapore, though his half-brother commanded 

1 665 Delhi ^ e Mahratta contingent in its services. Aurung- 
zebe was gratified with his success and invited him to 
court, to which he repaired with an escort of 1,500 troops. 
But he found himself regarded by the emperor in the light 
of a troublesome captain of banditti, whom it was politic to 
humour, and he was presented at the durbar with nobles of 
the third rank. He left the " presence " with ill-concealed 
indignation, and is said to have wept and fainted away. 
It became the object of the emperor to prevent his leaving 
Delhi, and his residence was beleagured, but he contrived 
to elude the vigilance of his guards and made his escape 
in a hamper, and reached Rajgurh in the disguise of a 

1666 pilgrim, with his face smeared with ashes. The Rajpoot 
commander in the Deccan was not insensible to the influ- 
ence of money, and Sevajee was thus enabled through him 
to make his peace with Aurungzebe, who acknowledged 
his title of raja and even made some addition to his jageer. 
Having now a season of greater leisure than he had yet 
enjoyed, he spent the years 1668 and 1669 in revising and 
Revision of completing the internal arrangements of his 
his inatdtu- government, and nothing gives us a higher idea 

n8 ' ^ k* 8 genius than to find a rough soldier, who 

1669 was tina W e * rea< i or write, and who had for twenty 
years been employed in predatory warfare, establishing a 
form of government and a system of civil polity so well 
suited to the consolidation of a great kingdom. His military 


prpnTiiatior. which was equally distinguished for its rigid 
discipline and its strict economy, was admirably adapted to 
the creation of a new and predominant power in India. 

This was also the most prosperous period of Aurungzebe's ^ 
long reign. The empire was at peace ; the emperor was 1666 
held in the highest esteem throughout the Tranquillity to 
Mahomedan world, and received complimentary of Hmdoa- 1670 
missions from the Scheriff of Mecca, the Khan tan * 
of the Uzbeks, the king of Abyssinia, and the Shah of 
Persia. But his restless ambition again kindled the flames 
of war, which continued to rage, without the intermission 
of a single year, during the remaining thirty- seven years of 
his reign, and consumed the vitals of the empire. Finding 
it impossible to inveigle Sevajee into his power, war with 
he issued the most peremptory orders to pursue Sevajee. 
him to the death. Sevajee prepared for the conflict with 
unflinching resolution. He opened the campaign by the 
capture of two important fortresses, and, with an army of 
14,000 men, again plundered Surat, where the Company's 
factors once more covered themselves with renown by their 
military energy. Ho overran the province of Candesh, and 
for the first time levied the chout on a Mogul province : in 
this instance it was simply black mail. Aurungzebe was 
dissatisfied with the inactivity of his general, and sent 
Mohabet with an army of 40,000 against Sevajee, who met 
his opponents for the first time in the open field and gained 
a complete victory, which elevated the crest of the Mahrat- 
tas, and not a little disheartened the Mogul generals. 

The turbulent Khyberees and Eusufzies in Afghanistan, 
the hereditary enemies of order and peace, had again broken 
out and defeated the Mogul general in the passes 
subsequently rendered memorable by the annihi- 
lation of a British army. The emperor deter- 
mined to undertake the subjugation of these bereeiand 
incorrigible highlanders in person, and led his utnaramoe8 
army as far as Hussun Abdal, where he left the expedition 1573 
to his son, who was obliged to content himself with the 
nominal submission of the tribes, after a bootless warfare 
of two years. On his return to Delhi Aurungzebe found 
himself involved in an unexpected and formidable difficulty. 
Such is the nature of the natives of India, that the peace 
of the country is liable to be broken any day by the most 
insignificant cause : the shape of a turban, or the make of 
a cartridge. On this occasion it was the violence of a single 
police officer, who insulted a sect of Hindoo fanatics called 



A.D. Sutnaramees. Their excitement created an e'nieute, and the 

1676 6meute grew into a revolt. The devotees assembled in 
thousands, and being joined by some disaffected zemindars, 
defeated the troops sent against them, and obtained posses- 
sion of the two provinces of Agra and Ajmere ; a general 
revolt, therefore, appeared imminent. They gave out that 
they possessed the magic power of resisting bullets, and 
the imperial troops naturally shrank from an encounter 
with them, till Aurungzebe wrote out texts of the Koran 
with his own hand, and attached them to his standards, 
when the confidence of his troops was revived and the 
rebellion quelled. 

Akbar and his two successors had adopted the wise and 
generous policy of granting the Hindoos religious liberty 
Reyiyai of an d equality, and they served the state as zeal- 
persecution, ously and faithfully as the Mahomedans, even 
when employed against their own countrymen. The same 
principle appears to have prevailed in some degree during 
the early period of Aurungzebe's reign, and he had formed 
two family alliances with Rajpoot princes ; but his defeat 
in the Khyber, and the revolt of the fanatics, appear to 
have embittered his temper, and roused a feeling of bigoted 
animosity. No pains or penalties were inflicted on the 
Hindoos for the profession of their creed, but they were 
made to feel that they lay under the ban of the ruling 
power of the empire. Aurungzebe ordered that no Hindoos 
should in future be employed in the public service, and 

1677 he reimposed the odious poll-tax, thejezzia, on infidels. 
His measures, however disguised, breathed the spirit of 
intolerance. The Hindoo temples in Bengal, and even in 
the holy city of Benares, were demolished, and mosques 
erected on the sites, and the images used as steps. These 
bigoted proceedings produced a feeling of disaffection in 
Bevoit of the every province, but it was only in Bajpootana 
Bajpoots. that they created political disturbance. Jeswunt 
Sing, the faithful Bajpoot general of the emperor, had died 
in Oabul, and as his widow and family passed through 

1677 Delhi, Aurungzebe surrounded their encampment with 
troops, intending to detain them as hostages. They were 
rescued by the contrivance of Jeswunt Sing's minister, 
and conveyed to Joudpore ; but this ungenerous treatment 
of the family of a devoted servant roused the indignation 
of the high-spirited Bajpoots, and the country was speedily 
in a blaze. Aurungzebe lost no time in marching into it, 

1679 and obliged the rana of Oodypore to make his submission ; 


but on a second revolt, he summoned troops from every 
direction, and let them loose on the unhappy country. 
The Joudpore territory was laid waste, villages were de- A.D. 
stroyed, families carried into slavery, and the inhabitants 
made to feel the extremities of war. The Rajpoots retaliated 
by plundering the mosques and burning the Koran in Malwa. 
The alienation of the various tribes was complete. Afber 
this period they were often at peace with the empire, and 
furnished their contingents of troops, whom Aurungzebe 
was happy to employ as a counterpoise to his Mahomedan 
soldiers; but that cordial loyalty to the Mogul throne 
which had for a century made them its most reliable 
champions, was extinct. It was during these disturbances 
that the emperor's son Akbar went over to the Rajpoots, 
and was encouraged by them to assume the title and func- 
tions of royalty, and to march with an army of 70,000 men 
against his father ; but he was defeated, and fled to the 

To return to Sevajee. He took advantage of the absence 
of Aurungzebe in the Khyber, and the death of the king 
of Beejapore, to annex the whole of the Concan, 
and likewise of a considerable tract above the 
ghauts. He had long struck the coin in his own 
name, and he now determined to proclaim his independence, 
and to assume all the ensigns of royalty and the pomp of a 
Mahomedan potentate. After many religious solemnities, 1674 
on the 6th June, 1674, he was enthroned at his capital, 
Rajgurh, and announced himself as the " ornament of the 
'* Kshetriyu race, and lord of the royal umbrella." He was 
weighed against gold, which was distributed amongst the 
brahmins, who found to their chagrin that he only weighed 
ten stone. Two years after he undertook one of Hiaexpedi . 
the most extraordinary expeditions on Mahratta tion to the 
record, with the object of recovering his father's Deccan * 
jageer in the distant south from his brother. Having 
concluded an armistice with the Mogul general who had 
charge of the operations against him, by a large douceur, 
he marched to Golconda with an army of 30,000 foot and 
40,000 horse, and extorted a large supply of money and 
artillery from the king, together with an engagement to 
cover his territories during his absence, on condition of 
receiving half his acquisitions in land and money. He 
then proceeded to pay his devotions at the shrine HI* 
of Purwuttum. Naked, and covered with ashes, *wtwn. 
he assumed the character of a devotee, and after having, 


for nine days, committed various acts of superstitious folly, 
which at one time led his officers to doubt his sanity, he 
resumed the command of his army, which he had sent for- 
ward in advance. He swept past Madras, then an unnoticed 
factory, and captured fort after fort, not excepting even the 
redoubted fortress of Gingee (pronounced Jinjee) " tenable 
"by ten men against an army," and at Trivadey, 600 miles 
from his own territory, met his brother Vencajee. He held 
possession of Tanjore, and the other jageers bequeathed to 
him by his father, and refused to share them with his 
brother, who thereupon occupied them by force, and sent 
A.D. his horse to ravage the Camatic. The dispute between the 

1678 brothers terminated in a compromise, by which Vencajee 
was to retain the jageer, paying half the revenues to Sevajee, 
while he was to keep possession of all the conquests he had 
made from Beejapore. He reached Rajgurh after an absence 
of eighteen months, but no portion of his conquests or of 
his plunder did he think of surrendering to the king of 

The next year Aurungzebo sent a formidable army to 

1679 besiege Beejapore, and the regent, during the minority 
Anrun ebe ^ Q king, invoked the aid of Sevajee, who laid 
attacks waste the Mogul territories between the Beema 
Beejapore. an( j ^9 Q o fa veT y^ an( j subjected the town of 
Aurungabad to plunder for three days. Meanwhile, his son 

* Sambajee, who had been placed in durance by his father 
for an attempt to violate the wife of a brahmin, made his 
escape, and went over to the Mogul general, and was re- 
ceived with open arms ; but Aurungzebe ordered him to be 
sent as a prisoner to his father's camp. Sevajee renewed his 
exertions for the relief of Beejapore upon a fresh concession 
of territory ; but in the midst of these events, all his plans 
of ambition were demolished by his death, which happened 
Deathami atRajgurh,on the 5th April, 1680, in the fifty-third 
character of year of his age. Aurungzebe did not conceal his 

1680 s* 66 - satisfaction at the death of his formidable oppo- 
nent, but he did full justice to his genius. " He was,' 1 
he said, " a great captain, and the only one who has had 
" the magnanimity to raise a new kingdom, while I have 
" been endeavouring to destroy the ancient sovereignties of 
" India ; my armies have been employed against him for 
" nineteen years, and, nevertheless, his state has been always 
" increasing." That state, at his death, comprised a terri- 
tory 400 miles in length and 120 in breadth. It was 
created by his own genius, and consolidated by a com- 


nmnion of habits, language, and religion among his country- 
men. He is one of the greatest characters in the native 
history of India, greater even than Hyder Ali and Rtinjeet 
Sing, who subsequently trod the same path of ambition 
and conquest. He did more than simply found a kingdom; 
he laid the foundation of a power which survived the decay 
of his own family, and he kindled a national spirit of 
enthusiasm which in a few years made the Mahrattas the 
arbiters of the destiny of India. 



AURUNOZEBE having now in a great measure subdued the 
opposition of the llajpoot tribes, determined to bring the 
whole strength of the empire to bear on the sub- Anrungzebe 
jugation of the Deccan. It was a wanton and proceeds to 
iniquitous aggression, and, by a righteous retribu- the Deccan * 
tion, recoiled on himself, and led to the downfall of his 
dynasty. In the year 1683 he quitted Delhi, which he was A.D. 
destined never to see again, with an army of unexampled 1683 
magnitude. The finest cavalry was assembled from the 
countries beyond and within the Indus, supported by a 
large and well-equipped body of infantry, and several 
hundred pieces of artillery, under European officers. A 
long train of elephants, intended both for war and equipage, 
and a superb stud of horses accompanied the camp. There 
was, moreover, a largo menagerie of tigers and leopards, 
of hawks and hounds without number. The camp, which 
resembled a large moving city, was supplied with every 
luxury the ago and country could provide. The canvas 
walls which surrounded the emperor's personal tents were 
twelve hundred yards in circumference, and they contained 
halls of audience, courts, cabinets, mosques, oratories, and 
baths, all adorned with the richest silks and velvet and 
cloth of gold. There is no record of such extravagant 
luxuriousness in any modern encampment. Yet, amidst all 
this grandeur, the personal habits and expenditure of the 
emperor exhibited the frugality of a hermit. With this 
unwieldy army Aurungzebe advanced to Aurung- invasion of 
abad, and, by a strange infatuation, signalised 


his arrival in the Deccan by ordering the hateful Jezzia to 
A.D. be imposed on the whole Hindoo population. His first 

1684 expedition was disastrous. His son Muazzim was sent to 
lay waste the Concan with 40,000 cavalry ; the little 
forage that was to be found in the rocks and thickets of 
that wild' region was speedily destroyed; the Mahratta 
cruisers intercepted the supplies sent from the Mogul ports ; 
the Mahratta light horse blocked up the passes, and pre- 
vented the approach of provisions ; and the wreck of this 
noble army, exhausted by hunger and pestilence, was 
happy to find shelter under the walls of Ahmednugur. 

Aurungzebe then sent his son to attack Beejapore, and in 

this the last year of its national existence, the king and 

his troops defended their independence with 

B^?e 0f exemplary courage. They cut off the supplies 

1685 and Goi- o f the Mogul army, intercepted its communi- 
conda * cations, and obliged it to retire. On the failure 
of this expedition the emperor turned his force against 
Golconda, the king of which had formed an alliance with 
the Mahratfcas. His chief minister was a Hindoo of singular 
ability, and had equipped an army of 70,000 men for the 
defence of the country ; but the employment of an infidel 
gave offence to the bigoted Mahomedan courtiers. The 
minister was murdered, and Ibrahim Khan, the general, 
treacherously went over to the enemy with a large portion 
of the army. The helpless king sought refuge in the fort 
of Golconda-, the capital, Hyderabad, was plundered for 
three days by the Mogul soldiers, whom their commander 
was unable to restrain, and the treasure which Aurungzebe 
had destined for his own coffers was, to his great chagrin, 
partitioned among them. The king was obliged to sue for 

1686 peace, which was not granted him without the promise of 
two crores of rupees. 

Aurungzebe now brought his whole strength to bear upon 
Beejapore. The lofty walls of the city were of hewn stone 
six miles in circumference, with a deep moat and 
8 re f a double rampart. The artillery was, as it had 
and Goi- always been, superior to that of the Moguls, and 
conda. ^ e em p eror was constrained to turn the siege into 
a blockade. The garrison was reduced to a state of starva- 
tion and obliged to capitulate ; and on the 15th October 
Beejapore was blotted out of the roll of Indian kingdoms, 
after an independent career of a hundred and fifty years. 
This Adil Shahee dynasty employed its resources in^ works 
of utility or magnificence which were without a rival in 


India. The majestic ruins of the palaces in the citadel, and 
of the mosques and tombs in the city, after two centuries of 
decay in an Indian climate, still attract the admiration of 
the traveller. " The chief feature in the scene is the 
4 mausoleum of Mahomed Adil Shah, the dome of which, 
1 like the dome of St. Peter's, fills the eye from every point 
'of view, and though entirely devoid of ornament, it 

* enormous dimensions and austere simplicity invest it with 

* an air of melancholy grandeur, which harmonises with the 

* wreck and desolation around it. One is at a loss in seeing 
' these ruins, to conjecture how so small a state could have 
4 maintained such a capital." The fate of Golconda was not 

long delayed. Aurungzebe, with his usual craft, advanced 
into the country on pretence of a piljrini'iur to the tomb of 
a saint, and extracted from the fears of the monarch all his 
treasure, even to the jewels of the seraglio, and then 
charged him with the crime of having employed a 
brahmin for his minister and formed an alliance with the 
infidel Mahrattas. The prince, though addicted to pleasure, 
defended his capital with a heroism worthy his ancestors, 
but it was at length taken, though only by an act of trea- 
chery, and the royal house of Kootub Shah became extinct, LJ)t 
after a brilliant career of a hundred and seventy years. 1087 

The ambition of Aurungzebe was now consummated. 
His power was extended over regions which had never 
submitted to the sovereignty of the Mahomedans, confusion in 
and after seven centuries, the whole of India did the Deccan. 
unequivocally acknowledge the supremacy of a Lord Para- 
mount. The year 1688 was the culiiiir.niiiiLr point of Moslem 
grandeur, and likewise of its decay. The misfortunes of 
Aurungzebe commenced with the fall of Golconda. The 1688 
governments which had maintained public order in the 
Deccan had disappeared, and no system of equal vigour was 
established in their stead. The public authority had been 
maintained in the extinct states by a force of 200,000 men; 
the Mogul force on their subjugation did not exceed 34,000. 
The disbanded soldiery either joined the predatory bands 
of the Mahrattas, or enlisted under disaffected chiefs. 
There was no vital energy at the head-quarters of the 
emperor. Oppressions were multiplied, and no redress 
could be obtained. The Deccan became a scene of general 
confusion, and presented a constant succession of con- 
spiracies and revolts which consumed the spirit of the 
Mogul army, and the strength of the empire. 

Sevajeo's son Sambajec, succeeded to the throne after much 1681 


intrigue and opposition, and at first exhibited considerable 
Sambajee's vigour and method, but it was not long before he 
criSS SSath ave wav to *k f eroc % f h* 8 natural disposition. 
He had none of his father's qualifications except 
his ardent bravery. He put his widow to death, and im- 
prisoned his brother Raja Earn ; he threw the ministers into 
irons, and beheaded those who opposed his wishes, and 
proceeded so far as to execute a brahmin. These atrocities 
alienated the great men who had contributed to build up 

A..D. the Mahratta power. Sambajee rendered himself still 

1681 farther an object of general contempt by his infatuated 
attachment to a favourite, Kuloosha, a Cunouge brahmin, a 
man totally unfitted for the conduct of public affairs, which 
was entrusted to him. In the early period of his reign he 

1684 took an active share in driving Prince Muazzim out of the 
Concan. He was engaged for several years in endeavouring 
to reduce the power of the P . . . but without success, 
and was incessantly in conflict with the forces of Aurungzebe. 
He formed an alliance with the king of Golconda, and, to 
create a diversion in his favour, plundered the cities of 
Boorhanpore and Broach, and likewise despatched bodies of 
Mahratta horse to the relief of the capital, but they acted 
without vigour. In fact, under his inefficient rule, the 
discipline introduced by Sevajee had been relaxed and the 
morale of the army deteriorated. On the extinction of tho 
*two Mahomedan powers of Beejapore and Golconda, 
Aurungzebe directed his whole attention to the reduction of 
his remaining opponent, and fort after fort was captured, 
while Sambajee abandoned public business, and resigned 

1688 himself to sloth and pleasure. One of the emperor's 
generals, at length, succeeded in surprising him after a 
night's revel, and he was conveyed on a camel to the 
imperial presence. The emperor at first deemed it politic 
to spare his life to secure the surrender of the Mahratta 

1688 fortresses, and asked him to turn Mahomedan. " Not if 
"you would give me your daughter in marriage," was his 
reply, pouring at the same time a torrent of abuse on the 
Prophet. Aurungzebe ordered his tongue to be cut out, 
deprived him of his sight, and consigned him to death 
with excruciating torture. He had occupied the throne 
for nine years, amidst the contempt of his subjects, but 

1689 his tragic death excited emotions of pity amongst them, 
and gave a keener edge to their detestation of the Maho- 

The Mahrattas were now exposed to the whole power of 


the Mogul empire under the immediate eye of the emperor, 
whose personal reputation, together with the 
grandeur of his establishments, and the prestige ^^Court 
of the imperial throne, filled them with a feeling retires to 
of awe, and they bent to the storm. The cabinet Gmgoe * 
elected Shao, the infant son of Sambajee, to succeed him, 
and appointed his uncle, Raja Ram, regent. Of the great 
kingdom founded by Sevajee, there was only a mere 
vestige left in the north, and it was resolved to preserve 
the embers of Mahratta power by emi^nitiujr to the south. 
Raja Ram and twenty-five chiefs made their way in dis- 
guise to the Mahratta jageers in Tanjoro with many ro- 
mantic adventures carefully preserved in the ballads of the 
nation, and established the Mahratta court at Gingee. 
The regent soon after despatched two of his ablest generals 
with a largo force, which was increased in its progress, to 
desolate the Mogul territories in the north, and they ex- 
tended their ravages up to Satara, where Ram-chundur was 
left in charge of the Mahratta interests. He devised a new 
plan for molesting the Moguls. Among the Mali- Ne\v exac- 
rattaa the thirst for plunder was always the j^JJj^JJijJ 
strongest national passion ; indeed, the only word 
for " victory " was " the plunder of the enemy." To this 
predatory spirit he gave an extraordinary impulse, as well 
as a systematic direction, by conferring the right to levy 
the " cliout " and the " tenth " for the state treasury on any 
Mahratta chieftain who could bring his followers into tho 
field, and allowing them to appropriate the new exaction he 
invented of gJiaus dana, or food and forage money, to their 
own use, Under this new impetus, every mountain glen 1692 
and valley poured forth its tenants, and Aurungzebe, 
instead of having the army of a single responsible chief to 
deal with, had a hundred-headed hydra on his hands. 

Tho imperial army was ill-fitted to contend with this 
new swarm of assailants. Its silken commanders were 
not the iron generals of Akhar, and they vied with o^^gon 
each other only in the display of extravagance, of the Mogul 
The spread of effeminate luxury had eaten up tho JJttaarmiw. 
spirit of enterprise, and there was nothing they 
desired so little as the sight of an enemy. There was a 
total relaxation of discipline. The stipend of the com- 
manders was regulated by the number of their men, and 
not only was it never honestly maintained, but the ranks 
were filled up with miserable recruits, totally unable to 
oope with the Mahratta Boldiers, accustomed to hard fare 


A.D. and harder work. " The horse without a saddle," astheariny 

1692 was aptly described, " was rode by a man without clothes ; 
" footmen inured to the same travail, and bearing all kinds 
" of arms, trooped with the horse ; spare horses accompanied 
" them to bring off the booty and relieve the wounded or 
" weary. All gathered their daily provision as they passed. 
" No pursuit could reach their march. In conflict their 
" onset fell wherever they chose, and was relinquished even 
" in the instant of charge. Whole districts were in flames 
" before their approach was known, as a terror to others to 
" redeem the ravage." 

The rallying point of the Mahrattas at this time was 
the fort of Gingee, the siege of which lasted as long as the 
Siege of siege of Troy. Zoolfikar Khan, the ablest of the 
Gingee, Mogul generals, was sent against it, but he was 
too often in collusion with the Mahratta chiefs. It was 
during the languor of the siege that Suntajee, the Mah- 
ratta general, having defeated the imperial forces in the 

1697 north, and augmented his army, appeared before it with 
20,000 horse. The besieging army was besieged in its turn, 
and Cam-buksh, the son of the emperor, the Rominal 
commander-iii-chief at the time, was driven to conclude a 
humiliating convention. It was disallowed by Aurungzebe, 
who recalled his son and sent Zoolfikar Khan, a third time 
to command the army, but as he was again in communica- 
tion with the garrison, the siege was protracted till the 
emperor threatened him with degradation if it was not 
successful. The fort was then assailed in earnest, and fell, 
but Zoolfikar connived at the escape of Raja Ram, who 

1898 made his way to his native mountains, and selected Satara 
as the capital of the Mahratta power. He was able in time 
to collect a larger army than Sevajee had commanded, and 
he proceeded to collect what he termed the " Mahratta 
dues " with vigour, and the settlement of the Deccan was 
as distant as ever. 

To meet the increasing boldness of the Mahrattas, 

1699 Aurungzebe separated his army into two divisions, one to 
Plans of be employed in protecting the open country, 
Aurungzebe. the other in capturing forts. The first he en- 
trusted to Zoolfikar, who repeatedly defeated the Mahrat- 
tas, but was unable to reduce their strength, and they 
always appeared more buoyant afler a defeat than his own 
troops after a victory. Aurungzebe reserved to himself the 
siege of the forts, in which he \vas incessantly employed 

1701 for fiye years. It is impossible to withhold our admira- 


tion of the spirit of perseverance exhibited by this octo- 
genarian prince during these campaigns in which he was 
subjected to every variety of privations. Amidst all these 
harassing operations his vigour was never impaired. All 
the military movements in every part of the Deccan, in 
Afghanistan, in Mooltan, and at Agra were directed by 
the instructions ho issued while in the field. With indefa- 
tigable industry he superintended all the details of adminis- 
tration throughout the empire, and not even a petty officer 
was appointed at Cabul without his sanction. But all his 
energy was unable to cope with the difficulties which were 
accumulating around him. The Rajpoots were again in 
open hostility, and other tribes, emboldened by his continued 
absence, began to manifest a spirit of insubordination. The 
treasury was exhausted by a war of twenty-five years* A.D. 
duration, and the emperor was tormented with incessant W* 
demands for money, which he was unable to meet. The 
Mahrattas became more aggressive than ever, and in every 
direction around his camp, north and south, east and west, 
nothing was seen but the devastation of the country and 
the sack of villages. In these deplorable circumstances he 
made overtures to the Mahrattas, and offered them He treats 
a legal title to the chout and the tenth of the re- with the 
venues of the Deccan, but they rose in their de- Mahrattaa - 
mands, as might have been expected, and the negotiations 
weifo thus broken off. The imperial camp began to retire 
to Ahmednugur closely followed by the Mahrattas, who 1706 
plundered up to its very precincts, and converted the re- 
treat into an ignominious flight. Twenty years before 
Aurungzobe had marched from his capital in all the pride 
and pomp of war ; he was now returning to it in a state of 
humiliation, with the wreck of a broken army, pursued by 
a victorious foe, and he expired at Ahmed mi- ^ deatjl 1707 
gur on the 27th February, 1707. ** 

Of ail the princes of the house of Baber, Aurungzebe 
is the greatest object of admiration to the native historians, 
and his name is invested even among Europeans Remarks on 
with an indefinite idea of grandeur, but the illusion ^ rcign * 
vanishes on a close inspection of his biography. Few cha- 
racters in Indian history, whether amongst its Mahomedan 
or English rulers, have been more overrated. The merit of 
his personal bravery, his civil administration, and of his 
attention to business will bo fully admitted, but for twenty- 
five years he persisted in a war of intolerance and aggres- 
sion, though he must have been aware that it was sapping 


the foundations of the empire. He had no heart and no 
friend ; he was crafty and suspicious, and often cruel ; he 
mistrusted all his officers, and they repaid him by pre- 
carious loyalty. Notwithstanding his manifest abilities, 
the rapid decay of the empire dates from his reign, 
and may; in some measure be traced to his personal 

On the death of Aurungzebe, his son, prince Azim, came in 

to the encampment, caused himself to be proclaimed emperor, 

Bahadoor and marched towards the capital. At the same 

A.T>. Shah time, the eldest son, Prince Muazzim, who had 

1707 been nominated heir to the empire, was hastening to Delhi. 
The armies met in the neighbourhood of Agra, and Prince 
Azim was defeated and fell in action. Prince Akbar was 
a fugitive in Persia, and the remaining son of Aurungzebe, 
Cam-buksh, who was assembling troops in the Deccan, was 
defeated by Zoolfikar Khan, with the aid of a Mahratta 
contingent, and there ceased to be any rival to the throne 
which Prince Muazzim ascended at the age of sixty. seven, 
with the title of Bahadoor Shah. 

The Mahrattas were unable to take advantage of these 
distractions by their internal dissensions. Raja Ram, the 
1700 pjg^pj regent, died soon after his return to Satara, and 
among the the government was administered for seven years 
Mahrattas. by fo is w {^ ow Tara Bye, in the name of her own 
"*son. The lineal heir, Shao, the son of Sambajee, was a 
captive in the Mogul encampment, but treated with great 
kindness. Prince Azim, when starting for the capital, had 
released him, and afforded him the means of asserting 
his rights, on condition of his doing homage to the Mogul 
throne. Tara Bye proclaimed him an impostor, and 
collected an army to resist his claims, but he obtained pos- 
session of Satara and in 1708 assumed the functions of 
royalty. In this family contest, the Mahratta sirdars 
espoused opposite sides, and drew their swords on each 
other. In the course of five years the son of Tara Bye 
died ; her minister superseded her authority and placed 
another son of Raja Ram on the throne of Kolapore, which 
became the capital of the junior branch of Sevajee's family, 
and the rival of Satara. Bahadoor conferred the viceroyalty 

1708 Biyai house of the Deccan on Zoolfikar, the chief instrument 
of Kolapore. o f ^{ s elevation, and as his presence was required 
at court, the administration was left in the hands of Daood 
Khan, a noble Patan, famous throughout the Deccan for hui 
matchless daring and his love of strong drink, of whom 


it is recorded that when he visited Madras, Mr. Pitt, the 
father of the first Lord Chatham, the governor, gave him a 
grand entertainment in the council chamber, and that the A.I>. 
Patan. " pledged the chief largely in cordial waters and 
"French brandy, amidst a discharge of cannon." By 
the desire of his master, he granted to the Mahratta the 
concession of the cJwut on the six soobahs of the Deccan, 
which Aurungzebe in his extremity had offered them, and 
this arrangement, though made by a subordinate authority, 
kept them quiet to the end of the reign. The tranquillity 
of Rajpootana was secured by the same spirit of conciliation 
and concession to its three principal chiefs of Oodypore, 
Jeypore, and Joudpore. 

The emperor was now called to encounter a new 
enemy in the north the Sikhs. About the end of the 
fifteenth century, Nanuk, the founder of their m 

v -x A \ L i\ j. i x- j The Sikhs. 

religious community, taught that devotion was due 

to God alone, that all forms were immaterial, and that 
the worship of the Hindoo and the Moslem was equally 
acceptable to the Deity. The sect increased in numbers, 
but was fiercely persecuted by the bigoted Mahomedan 
rulers, who massacred their pontiff the year after the death 
of Akbar. In 1675, Gooroo Govind, the tenth spiritual 
successor of Nanuk, conceived the idea of forming the Sikhs 
into a military as well as a religious commonwealth. He 
abolished all distinction of caste, but required every member 
of the society to be pledged as a soldier from his birth or 
his initiation, and to wear a peculiar dress and to cultivate 
his beard. He inculcated reverence for brahmins and 
prohibited the slaughter of cows. This union of martial 
and religious enthusiasm rendered the Sikhs a formidable 
body, and they had to maintain an arduous struggle with 
the Hohomedaus, who captured the strongholds of the 
Gooroo, murdered his mother and sisters, and mutilated, 
** , ..:' ; - \ or dispersed his followers. Still the sect grew 
and multiplied, and towards the close of Aurungzebe's 
reign, under a formidable chief of the name of Bandoo, 
extended its depredations to the vicinity of Delhi. 1710 
Bahadoor Shah took the field against them and drove them 
back to the hills. 

On his return from this expedition he died at Lahore, 
after a brief reign of five years, at the age of DeRthof 
seventy-two. His death was followed by the usual hadoor shah 
scramble for power among his four sons, three of 
whom were defeated and killed. The survivor 


mounted the throne with the title of Jehander Shah, and 
put all the members of the royal family within his reach to 
death ; he resigned himself to the influence of a dancing 
girl, and indulged in the most degrading vices. His career 
A.D. was cut short by his nephew, Ferokshere, the viceroy of 
*713 Bengal, who inarched up to Delhi, and deposed and mur- 
dered the wretched emperor, as well as the noble but crafty 

Ferokshere, the most contemptible, as yet, of the princes 
ot his line, mounted the throne, and for six years disgraced 
it by his vices, his weakness, and his cowardice. 
610 ere * He owed his elevation to two brothers descended 
from the Prophet, and thence denominated the Syuds. 
Abdoolla, the eldest, was appointed vizier, and his brother, 
Hoosen Ali, commander-in-chief, but the emperor held 
them in detestation, and his reign was little else than a 
series of machinations to destroy them. Hoosen Ali was 
sent against the Rajpoot raja of Joudpore in the hope 
that the expedition would prove fatal to him ; but he 
concluded an honourable peace with the prince and induced 
him to give the hand of one of his daughters to the emperor. 
The nuptials, which were celebrated with great splendour, 
were rendered memorable by an incident which will be 
noticed in a subsequent chapter. 

, The office of viceroy of the Deccan had been bestowed 
6n Ghazee-ood-deen. The family haxl emigrated from Tar- 
Nizam-ooi- tary to seek its fortunes in India, and he had risen 
mooik. to distinction in the service of Aurungzebe, who 
granted him the title of Cheen Killich Khan, to which was 
now added that of Nizam- ool-moolk. He was a statesman 
of great ability and experience, but of still greater subtilty. 
During the seventeen months in which he held the office of 
viceroy he fomented the dissensions between the houses of 
Kolapore and Satara. Shao had been brought up in all 
the luxury of a Mahomedan seraglio, and was fonder 
of hunting, hawking, and fishing than of the business of the 
state. The Mahratta commonwealth was falling into a 
Baiiajee state of anarchy, when the genius of Ballajee Wish- 
wishwanath. wa nath placed the party of Shao in the as- 
cendant, and rekindled the smouldering energies of the 
nation. Ballajee, a brahmin, was originally a simple vil- 
lage accountant, but rose through various gradations of 
office till he became a power in the state, and was ap- 
pointed Peshwa, or primo minister. It was to his energy 
that the rapid expansion of the Mahratta power is to be 


attributed, and be may justly be regarded as the second 
founder of its greatness. 

With the view of separating the two brothers, the Syuds, 
from each other, Ferokshere displaced Nizam- ool-moolk, and 
appointed Hoosen Ali viceroy of the Deccan. At H . 
the same time he sent secret instructions to the re- 
nowned Daood Khan to oiler him the most strenuous oppo- 
sition, and he rushed at once into the field, and attacked 
him with such impetuosity as to disperse his army like a 
flock of sheep ; but in the moment of victory he was killed A>D * 
by a cannon ball, and the fortune of the day was changed. 
His devoted wife, a Hindoo princess, stabbed herself on 
hearing of his death. Hoosen Ali, flushed with his suc- 
cess, took the field against the Mahrattas, whose depreda- 
tions had never ceased, but was completely defeated. In 
these circumstances, distracted by Mahratta encroachments 
on the one hand, and on the other by the hostility and in- 
trigues of the emperor, he entered into negotiations with 
Ballajee Wisbwanath which resulted in a conven- His c^c^. 
tion as disgraceful to the Mogul throne, as it was sionstotht 
fortunate for the Mahratta state. Shao was Mfthrattas - 
acknowledged as an independent M>\< n '/ over all the 
dominions which had belonged to Sevajee. The chout and *^ 
the tenth of the revenues of the six soobahs in the Deccan, 
which were valued at eighteen crores their assumed pro- 
duct in their most palmy state were conferred on him, 
together with the tributary provinces of Tanjore, Mysore, 
and Trichinopoly, on condition that he should furnish a con- 
tingent of 15,000 troops, and be responsible for the peace of the 
Deccan. This was the largest stride to power the Mahrattas 
had yet achieved. They were furnished with a large and per- 
manent income by these RnHigimicnts on districts : " * . 
from the Nerbudda to Cape Comorin, and from the Malabar 
to the Coromandol coast, the collection of which gave them 
a right of constant and vexatious interference with the inter- 
nal adininstration of every province. An army of Mahratta 
officers, chiefly brahmins, was planted throughout the 
country with indefinite powers of exaction for the state, 
which they did not fail to turn also to their own profit. 

Perokshore was advised to disallow the convention, and 
the breach between him and the Syuds became wider. 
Abdoolla called up his brother, who hastened to &<&& <>f 
the capital, accompanied by 10,000 Mahrattas fferoksho*. 
under Ballajee, and entered it without opposition. Tho 
emperor made the most abject submission, but was dragged 



from the interior of the zenana, where he had taken refuge, 
and assassinated. Two puppets were then placed on the 
throne, but they disappeared in a few months by disease or 
poison, and a grandson of Bahadoor Shah was raised to 
m9 Accession of *^ e imperial dignity, and assumed the title of 
17 Mahomed 'Mahomed Shah, the last who deserved the name 
of emperor of India. Weak and despicable as 
Ferokshere had been, his tragic death created a feeling ot 
compassion throughout the country. The popular indigna- 
tion against the Syuds was increased, and they found them- 
selves the mark of universal execration ; but the great 
object of their alarm was Nizam- ool-moolk, who, though ho 
had been united with them in opposition to Ferokshere, was 
now alienated from their cause. He marched across the 
Nerbudda with a large force into the Deccan, where he had 
many adherents both among the Mahrattas and the 
Mahomedaiis, defeated two armies sent against him, and re- 
mained master of his position. Meanwhile, Mahomed Shah 
was fretting under the yoke of the Syuds, and, under the dis- 
creet guidance of his mother, formed a confederacy among 
his nobles to relieve himself from it. Distracted by the 
difficulties which accumulated around them, they resolved 
that Hoosen Ali should march against Nizam-ool-moolk, 
taking the emperor with him, while Abdoolla remained at 
1720 Delhi to look after their common interests. Five days after 
* the march commenced, a savage Calmuk, instigated by the 
Htissun Ali confederacy, approached the palankeen of Hussun 
assassinated. J\i^ under the pretence of presenting a petition, 
and stabbed him to the heart. In the conflict which en- 
sued the partizans of the emperor were victorious, and he 
returned to Delhi. Abdoolla, whose energy rose with his 
danger, set up a new emperor and marched against Baha- 
door Shah, but was defeated and captured, though his life 
was spared in consideration of his sacred lineage. 



MAHOMED SHAH entered Delhi with great pomp, a free 
1720 monarch a twelvemonth after he had ascended the 
pwjeedin a throne ; but his reign, though long, was marked 
<rf Mahomed by the tokens of rapid decay. The canker worm 
Sh-llm was at the root of the august Mogul throne, and 


every year disclosed its ravages. He abolished the odious 
jezzia, and bestowed high appointments on the rajas 
of Jeypore and Joudpore ; but the rana of Oodypore, 
wrapped up in his orthodox dignity, refused all intercourse 
with the court and sank into obscurity. Saadut Ali, a 
Khorasan merchant, who had taken an active QJ^^ 
share in the recent proceedings, was appointed Saadut AM, 
soobadar of Oude, and laid the foundation of the ^ { j darof 
royal dignity, which was extinguished in 1856. 
The office of vizier was reserved for Nizam-ool-moolk, who 
repaired to the capital, but found the emperor immersed 
in pleasure, and so indifferent to the interests of the state 
as to have given the custody of the imperial signet to a 
favourite mistress. He endeavoured to rouse him Ntzam-ooi. 
to a sense of his responsibilities at a time when moolk - 
the empire was crumbling around him, but the emperor 
rejected all advice, and joined his dissolute companions in 
turning to ridicule the antiquated habits and solemn de- 
meanour of the venerable statesman, then in his seventy- 1723 
fifth year. Disgusted with the profligacy of the court, and 
despairing of any reform, he threw up his office and re- 
turned to his government in the Deccan. The emperor 
loaded him with honours on his departure, but instigated the 
local governor at Hyderabad to resist his authority ; but he 
was defeated and slain, and the Nizam fixed on that city, 
the capital of the Kootub Sahee dynasty, as the seat of his 1724 
government, and from this period may be dated the origin 
of the kingdom of the Nizam. 

Ballajee had accompanied Hoosen Ali with his troops 
to Delhi, but made his submission to Mahomed Shah, and 
obtained from him a confirmation of the grants 
which had been made by the Syud Hoosen, and wtewlSath'a 
returned to Satara with these precious muniments, acquisitions 
fourteen in number, and died soon after. The anddeftth - 
political arrangements he made before his death established 1721 
the predominant authority of the eight brahmins who 
formed the cabinet, and it was likewise extended throughout 
the interior, by means of the brahmin agents employed to 
collect "Mahratta dues.'* He was succeeded by Ids son Bajee 
Rao, who had been bred a soldier and a states- Bajee Rao 
man, and "united the enterprise, vigour, and w^his 
" hardihood of a Mahratta chief with the polished m<mjmen *- 
"manners and address of a Concan brahmin." The interest 
of the succeeding twenty years in the history of India 
centres in the intrigues, the alliances, and the conflicts of 



the Mahratta statesman at Satara, and the crafty old Tartar, 
Nizam-ool-moolk, at Hyderabad, who made peace and war 
without any reference to the authority of the emperor at 
Delhi. Bajee Rao felt that unless employment could be 
found abroad for the large body of predatory horse who 
formed the sinews of the Mahratta power, they would be 
employed in hatching mischief at home. Fully aware of 
the weakness of the empire, he urged on his master, Shao, 
** to strike the trunk of the withering tree ; the branches 
A.D. " must fall off of themselves. Now is our time to drive 
1724 n strangers from the land of the Hindoos. By directing our 
"efforts to Hindostan the Mahratta flag shall float, in 
" your reign, from the Kistna to the Attock." But Shao 
had been bred in the luxuriance of a Mogul seraglio, and 
Bajee Rao, finding his ardour ill-seconded by his effeminate 
sovereign, was constrained to act for himself; and thus the 
house of the Peshwa waxed stronger, and the house of 
Sevajee weaker. 

Nizam-ool moolk, while vizier, had appointed his uncle, 
Hamed Khan, governor of Guzerat, in opposition to the 
Affairs of court, and Sur-booland Khan was sent to expel 
Guzerat. hi m . Hamed defeated him with the aid of two 
Mahratta commanders, whom he had rewarded with a 
grant of the chout and the tenth of the revenues of the 
province. Bajee Rao took advantage of this discord to 
* send Sindia, Holkar, and Puar, of Dhar, to levy contribu- 
tions in Malwa, while he himself proceeded on the same 
errand to Seringapatam in the south. Alarmed 
Stwn n8 by the increasing audacity of the Mahrattas, 
Koiaporeand Nizam-ool-moolk endeavoured to renew the dis- 
sensions of the rival houses of Kolapore and 
Satara. They were at issue for their respective shares of 
the assignments granted to the Peshwa on the revenues of 
the six soobahs of the Deccan ; and the Nizam, as the repre- 
sentative of the emperor, called on them to substantiate 
their claims before him. Bajee Rao, indignant at this 
attempt to interfere in the domestic affairs of the Mahratta 
commonwealth, assembled an army and marched against 
him, and though the Nizam was supported by a large body of 
727 Mahrattas, he was driven into a position which constrained 
him to enter upon negotiations. The Peshwa, having his 
eye upon the course of proceedings in Guzerat, granted him 
favourable terms. Sur-booland had succeeded in establish- 
ing his authority in that province, and the Peshwa was 
negotiating with him to obtain for himself the grant of the 


clwut and the lentil which Hamed Khan had granted to 
the two Mahratta generals. To expedite the bargain he 
sent his brother to ravage the country, and the Mogul 
governor was obliged to purchase peace by conceding his 
demands. While Bajee Rao was thus engaged, Sambajee, 
the ruler of Kolapore, crossed the Wurda and laid waste 
the territories of Shao. He was defeated, and obliged to 
sign an acknowledgment of his cousin's right to the whole 
of the Mahratta dominions, with the exception of a small A.D. 
tract of country around Kolapore, to which this branch of * 730 
Sevajee's family was to be confined. The principality still 
exists, while the kingdom of the elder branch has been 
absorbed in the British Empire. The Nizam now found a 
new instrument of mischief in Dhabaray, the Mahratta 
commander-in-chief, who was mortified to find that the 
prize of the chout and other dues he had obtained from 
Hamed in Guzerat, had been carried off by the Peshwa. 
Under the instigation of the Nizam, he proceeded with an 
army of 33,000 men towards Satara, on the pretence of re- 
leasing his master, Shao, from the tyranny of Bajee Rao, but 1731 
he was defeated, and fell in action. The Mahratta interests 
in Guzerat were then entrusted to Peelajee Gaikwar, 
whose immediate ancestor was a cowherd, and whose 
descendants still occupy the throne of Baroda. 

To this period also belongs the rise of the families of 
Holkar and Sindia, destined to play an important part in 
the subsequent politics of India, and whose Rise of 
descendants continue to wear the crowns they ^{JcM-* 1 "* 
acquired. Mulhar Rao Holkar was the son of a 
herdsman who exchanged the crook for the sword, and by 
his daring courage recommended himself to Bajee Rao, by 
whom he was entrusted with the very agreeable charge of 
levying contributions in eighty-four villages in Malwa. 
Ranojee Sindia was of the caste of husbandmen, and 
entered the service of Ballajee as a menial, but was intro- 
duced into his body-guard, and became one of the foremost 
of the Mahratta chieftains in that age of enterprise. Like 
Holkar, ho was sent to establish the Mahratta authority in 
Malwa, and these u^i^mmMii- became the nucleus of their 
future dominions 

After the defeat of Dhabaray, the Nizam was, to a certain 
extent, at the mercy of Bajee Rao, but they both perceived 
that it would be for their common interest to 
come to an understanding, and they entered into 
a secret compact, which stipulated that the 


^^ Nizam's territories should not be molested, while Bajee Rao 

1731 should be at liberty to plunder the Mogul territories in the 
north. He accordingly crossed the Nerbudda, and laid 
waste the province of Malwa. The imperial governor was at 
the time employed in coercing a refractory chief in Bundle- 
cnnd, who called in the aid of Bajee Rao, and rewarded 
his services by the cession of a third of the province of 

1732 Jhansi, and thus the Mahratta standard was for the first 
time planted on the banks of the Jumna. The government 
of Malwa was then bestowed on the Rajpoot raja Jeysing, 
whose reign was rendered illustrious by the patronage of 
science, the erection of the beautiful city of Jeypore, with 
its palaces, halls, and temples, and its noble observatory. 
The profession of a common faith promoted a friendly 

1734 intercourse between him and Bajee Rao, the result of which 
was the surrender of the province to the Mahratta, with 
the tacit concurrence of the helpless emperor. 

These multiplied concessions only served, as might have 
been expected, to inflame the ambition and to increase the 
Hia increased demands of the Peshwa. Great as were the 
demands. resources of the Mahratta commonwealth, the 
larger portion of the revenues was absorbed by the differ- 
ent feudatories, and only a fraction reached the treasury at 
Satara. The magnitude of Bajee Rao's operations had in- 
volved him in debt ; his troops were clamorous for pay, 
" and the discipline of the army necessarily suffered by these 
arrears. He demanded of the imperial court a confirma- 
tion of the assignments granted by Sur-booland Khan on 
the revenues of Guzerat, of the rights he had acquired 

1736 in Bundlecund, and the absolute cession of the rich pro- 
vince of Malwa. The feeble cabinet at Delhi endeavoured 
to pacify him by minor grants, which only led him to in- 
crease his claims, and he proceeded to demand the cession 
of all the country south of the Chumbul, together with the 
holy cities of Muttra, Benares, and Allahabad. To quicken 
the apprehensions of the emperor, he sent Holkar to 
plunder the Dooab, the province lying between the Jumna 
and the Ganges, but he was driven back by Saadut AH, the 
soobadar of Oude. This was magnified into a great vic- 
tory, and it was reported that the Mahrattas had been 
obliged to retire. " I was compelled," said Bajee Rao, " to 

1737 " tell the emperor the truth, and to prove to him that I was 
" still in Hindostan, and to show him flames and the Mah- 
" rattas at the gates of his capital." He therefore took the 
~ " "L in person, and marching at the rate of forty miles a 


day, suddenly presented himself before the gates of Delhi 
The consternation in the capital may be readily conceived ; A.D. 
but the object of Bajee Rao was not to sack the city, but 1737 
to intimidate the emperor into concessions, and circum- 
stances rendered it advisable for him to retreat to Satara. 

The Mahrattas now appeared to be paramount in India, 
and the Nizam was considered the only man who could 
save the empire from extinction. He listened Defeatofthe 
to the overtures of the emperor and proceeded to Nizam by 
Delhi, where he was invested with full powers B^ 681 ^ 
to call out all the resources of the state ; but they were re- 
duced to so low a point that the army under his personal 
command could only be completed to 30,000 men, with 
which he returned to the south. Bajee Rao crossed the 
Nerbudda with 80,000 men. Owing, perhaps to his great 
age ninety-three perhaps to over confidence in the great 
superiority of his artillery, the Nizam entrenched himself 
near Bhopal. Bajeo Rao adopted the national system of 
warfare, laid waste the country, intercepted all supplies, 
attacked every detachment which ventured beyond the 
lines, and on the twenty-fifth day of the siege obliged the 
Nizam to sign a lr:i:,r.i,uii ;.: treaty, granting him the sove- 
reignty of Malwa and the territories up to the Cbumbul, 
and engaging to use his influence to obtain from the im- 
perial treasury the sum of half a crore of rupees, which he 
had not ceased to demand ; but that treasure was to find a 
very different destination. 

It was in the midst of these distractions that Nadir Shah 
appeared on the banks of the Indus, and India was visited 
with another of those tempests of desolation to Nadirghah 
which it had been repeatedly subject for some 
centuries. The Persian dynasty of the Sofis, which had 
occupied the throne for nearly two centuries, was sub- 
verted in 1720 by the Ghiljies, the most powerful 
tribe in Afghanistan. Shah Hossen, the last of that 
royal line, was besieged by them in his capital, Ispahan, 
then in the height of its prosperity, and after enduring 
for six months the extremities of misery and starva- 
tion, went out with his court in deep mourning to the 
Afghan camp, and surrendered his crown to Mahmood, 
the Afghan chief. He died at the end of two years, and 
was succeeded by his son Asruf. Nadir Shah, the greatest 
general Persia has produced, was the son of a shopherd of 
Khorasan, and commenced his career by collecting a band 
of freebooters. Finding himself, at length, at the head of a 


powerful army, lie freed his native province from the 
Afghans, and then constrained the Ghiljie monarch to 

A.D. resign all his father's conquests in Persia. He raised 

1729 Thamasp, the son of the dethroned Sofi king, to the throne ; 
but after expelling the Turks and the Russians from the 
provinces they had conquered, deposed Thamasp and be- 

!731 stowed the nominal sovereignty on his infant son, while he 
himself assumed the title of king, upon the importunity, as 
it was affirmed, of 100,000 nobles, soldiers, and peasants 

1736 whom he had assembled on a vast plain To find employ- 
ment for his troops and to gratify his own ambition and 
avarice, he carried his arms into Afghanistan, and resolved 
to re-annex Candahar to the Persian throne. While engaged 
in the siege of that town he sent a messenger to Delhi to 
demand the surrender of some of his fugitive subjects, 
but, owing to the distraction of the times, the claim was 

1738 r.c::1(vt- "I. A second messenger was murdered at Jellala- 
bad. The Government of India had from time immemorial 
paid an annual subsidy to the wild highlanders who oc- 
cupied the passes between Cabul and Peshawur, and the 
imperial cabinet doubtless trusted to their power to arrest 
the progress of Nadir. The payment of this black mail 
had, however, been for some time withheld, and they 
opened the gates of India to the Persian monarch, who 
crossed the Indus with 65,000 of his veteran troops and 
dVerran the Punjab before the court of Delhi was aware 
of his approach. 

The emperor Mahomed Shah marched to Kurnal to 
meet this invasion, but experienced a fatal defeat, and pro- 
Ca f ceeding to the Persian camp, threw himself on 
Delhi, and the compassion of the conqueror. The object of 
massacre. Nadir Shah was treasure and not conquest, and it is 
affirmed that he was prepared to retire on the payment of 
two crores of rupees ; but Saadut AH, the soobadar of Oude, 
having some cause of offence with the emperor, represented 
to the Persian that this was a very inadequate ransom for 
so rich an empire, and that his own province alone could 
afford this sum. Nadir resolved, therefore, to levy exactions 
tinder his own eye. He entered Delhi in March, and on the 

1739 succeeding day a thousand of his soldiers were massacred 
upon a report of his death. He went out to restore order, 
but was assailed with missiles, and ono of his chiefs was 
killed by his side, upon which he issued orders for a general 
massacre. For many hours the metropolis presented a 
scon* of rapine, lust, and carnage, and 8,000 are said to 


have fallen victims to his infuriated soldiery. Yet so com- 
plete was the discipline he had established that every 
sword was sheathed as soon as he issued the order. He 
took possession of all the imperial treasures, including the 
peacock throne ; plundered the nobles, and caused every 
house to bo sacked, sparing no cruelty to extort confessions 
of wealth. From the disloyal Saadut AH he exacted the 
full tale of two crores, and the traitor terminated his exist- 
ence by poison. The governors of other provinces were not 
spared ; and Nadir Shah, after having thus subjected the 
capital and the country for fifty- eight days to spoliation, 
and feeling satisfied that he had exhausted the wealth of 
the empire, prepared to retire with an accumulation of 
thirty-two crores of rupees. He restored Mahomed Shah 
to the throne, but annexed all the provinces west of the 
Indus to the crown of Persia. On his departure he issued 
a proclamation to the princes of India, stating that he was 
now proceeding to the conquest of other regions, but that 
if any report of their having revolted from " his dear 
"brother, Mahomed Shah," reached his ears, lie would return 
and blot their names out of the book of creation. 

The Mogul power, which had been in a slate of rapid 
decay since the death of Aurungzebe, received its death 
blow from the invasion of Nadir Shah, and the state of 
sack of the capital. The empire was breaking up India, 
into fragments, and the authority and the prestige of the 
throne was irrecoverably gone. The various provinces 
yielded only a nominal homage to the crown. All its 
possessions beyond the Indus were permanently alienated. 
In the extreme south of the peninsula the Mogul 
sovereignty was a matter of history. The Nabob of the 
Carnatic acknowledged no superior. The rest of the 
Deccan was shared between the Nizam and the Malirattas. 
In the provinces of Guzerat and Malwa, the power of the 
Poshwa was already predominant. The allegiance of the 
princes of Rajpootana was very vacillating. The viceroys 
of Oude and Bengal, the richest provinces of India, 
Acknowledged tho emperor as their suzerain, but yielded 
him no obedience. Even in tho vicinity of the capital, new 
chiefs were, as tho native historian remarks, " beating the 
" drum of independence." The house of Baber had accom- 
plished the usual cycle of Indian dynasties, which seldom 
exceeded two centuries, and its sceptre was now to pass 
into the hands of a company of European merchants, with 
the sea, and not Central Asin, for the base of its enterprise. 


Having thus readied the period when the Mogul throne 
ceased to exercise any influence on the politics of India, 
we turn to the progress of the European settlements on 
the continent, and to the history of the East India 
Company, which began its career with a factory, and 
closed it by transferring the Empire of India to the Crown 
of England. 



FOR five centuries the tide of Mahomedan invasion had 
rolled across the Indus from Central Asia, and spread from 
north to south. A new era now dawns upon us, ushered 
in by the appearance of a European fleet, and the progress 
is, henceforth, from south to north. The Mahomedan s 
entered India in the spirit of conquest ; the Europeans 
*came in search of trade. The productions of the East 
had, from time immemorial, been a great object of desire 
to the inhabitants of the West, who had been accus- 
tomed to obtain them through many circuitous channels. 
In the middle ages the trade had enriched the republics 
of Venice and Genoa, and a general anxiety was created to 
obtain direct access to India. During the fifteenth century 
the spirit of maritime adventure was strongly developed in 
Europe, and more especially in the small but spirited king- 
dom of Portugal, in which great progress had been made 
in the science of naval architecture. This spirit was warmly 
encouraged by its sovereigns, who fitted out a succession of 
expeditions, and gradually advanced along the coast of 
Africa, making fresh discoveries in each voyage. At length, 
John II. sent three vessels, under the command of Bartho- 
lomew Dias, to discover the southern limit of the African 
continent. He was the first navigator to double the Cape, 
A D where the tempestuous weather he encountered led him to 
i486 Dtacovery designate it " The Cape of Storms " ; but his 
of uwCape. delighted sovereign, hoping to reach India by 


this route, more appropriately called it the Cape of Good 
Hope. Soon after, Christopher Columbus, the enterprising 
Genoese sailor, convinced that India was to be discovered 
by sailing west, offered his services to king John, but they 
were not accepted, and he proceeded on his adventurous 
expedition under the auspices of the king of Spain, and 
the continent of America was discovered in 1492. 

Eleven years elapsed after Dias had rounded the Cape 
before any attempt was made to improve the discovery. 
King John was succeeded by Emanuel, who entered on the 
field of enterprise with great ardour, and in 1497 fitted 
out three vessels in the hope of finding a way to India 
from the Cape. The little fleet, consisting of vessels of 
small tonnage, was entrusted to Vasco de Gama, who A.D, 
quitted Lisbon, after the performance of religious solem- 149 7 
nities, on the 8th July, 1497, amidst the acclamations of 
the king, the court, and the people. Having reached the 
Cape in safety, he launched out boldly into the unexplored 
Indian Ocean, where, while traversing three thousand miles, 
nothing but the sea and the sky was visible for twenty -three 
days. He sighted the Malabar coast in May, Discovery 
1498, and brought his enterprise to a glorious <* India - 
issue as he cast anchor off the town of Calicut. It lay 1498 
in that portion of the Deccan which the Mahomedan arms 
had not reached, and belonged to a Hindoo prince styled 
the Zamorin, who gave the Portuguese commander an 
honourable reception, and at once granted him the privi- 
lege of trade in his dominions. But the commerce of the 
Malabar coast, with its fifty harbours, had hitherto been 
monopolised by the traders from Egypt and Arabia, who 
felt no little jealousy at the arrival of these interlopers, 
and having gained over his minister, persuaded the 
Zamorin that the Portuguese were not the merchants they 
represented themselves to* be, but pirates who had escaped 
from their own country, and had now come to infest the 
eastern seas. The feelings of the prince were at once 
changed to hostility, and Vasco, after a residence of several 
months on the coast, seeing little hope of an amicable 
intercourse, set sail on his return. He entered the Tagus, 
after an absence of twenty-six months, on the 29th of 1499 
August, 1499, in regal pomp, and received the homage of the 
court and the people, who crowded to the beach to admire 
the vessels which had performed this wonderful voyage. 
It was six years and a half after Columbus had astounded 
the nations of Enrone bv the rHsnovarv of tho New World- 


that Vasco increased their amazement by announcing the 
discovery by sea of the way to India, the region of fabu- 
lous wealth. 

The king of Portugal lost no time in following up the 
enterprise, and immediately fitted out an expedition, which 
Second ex- consisted of thirteen ships and 1,200 men, the 
Cab^ 11 "" command of which was given, not to Vasco, but 
to Cabral, who was, however, well qualified for 
the undertaking. He was accompanied by eight friars, 
and directed to carry fire and sword into every province 
A.D. which would not receive their teaching. After launching 
1500 into the Atlantic, his fleet was driven, in 1500, by the 
violence of the wind, to the coast of South America, where 
he discovered, and took possession of, Brazil, which has 
ever since remained an appanage of Portugal. On the 13th 
of September he anchored off Calicut, and having restored 
the hostages who had been taken away by Vasco, was 
graciously received by the Zamorin, and obtained per- 
mission to erect a factory. But the Mahomedan traders 
effectually prevented his obtaining any cargoes, and he 
seized one of their richest vessels, and having transferred 
its contents to his own ships, set it on fire. A n attack was 
immediately made on his factory, and fifty men were 
killed. Cabral resented it by capturing and burning ten 
other vessels, after he had taken possession of their cargoes. 
He then cannonaded the town from his fleet, and sailed to 
the neighbouring port of Cochin, where he formed an 
alliance with the chief, a dependent of the Zamorin, and 
returned to Lisbon. 

The disasters which Cabral had encountered induced the 
officers of state to advise the abandonment of these enter- 
Second prises, but the king was ambitious of founding an 
voyage of oriental empire, and having obtained a bull 
from the Pope conferring on him the sovereignty 
of all the countries visited by his fleets in the East, heassumed 
the title of *' Lord of the navigation, conquest, and commerce 
" of Ethiopia, Persia, Arabia, and India." A third expedi- 
tion, consisting of fifteen vessels, was fitted out and entrusted 
to Vasco de Gama, who, on his arrival at Calicut, de- 
1502 manded reparation for the insult offered to Cabral, which 
was peremptorily refused, and he set the town on fire. lie 
then proceeded to the friendly port of Cochin,, where he 
left Pacheco with a handful of men to protect the Portu- 
guese factory, and unaccountably set sail for Europe. The 
Zamorin of Calicut marched to the attack of Cochin foi 


having harboured the Portuguese, and invested the fac- 
tory, but though his troops exceeded those of Pacheco 
by fifty to one, they were ignominiously defeated, and the 
superiority of European to Asiatic soldiers, which has ever 
since been maintained, was now for the first time ex- 
hibited, and the foundation was laid for European as- 
cendancy in India. A.D. 

In 1505, the king of Portugal sent out Almeyda with 1505 
the grand title of viceroy of India, though he did not 
possess a foot of land in it. Almeyda had to en- 
counter a new and more formidable opponent. mey a * 
The Venetians, who had hitherto monopolised the lucrative 
trade of India, regarded with a jealous eye the attempts of the 
Portuguese to divert it into a new channel round the Cape. 
The bulk of the commerce which had made their island the 
queen of the Adriatic and the envy of Europe, was con- 
veyed through Egypt, where they enjoyed a paramount 
influence, and they prevailed on the Sultan to send a fleet 
down the Red Sea to sweep the interlopers from the coast 
of India, and assisted him with naval materials from their 
forests in Dalmatin. The king of the maritime province 
of Guzerat was equally alarmed at the growing power of 
the Portuguese on the sea, aud sent his ships to co-operate 
with the Egyptian fleet. They came up with a portion of 
the Portuguese fleet in the harbour of Choul, and defeated 
it. Young Almeyda was killed in the action ; his father 
determined to avenge his death, and, finding that Dabul, 
one of the greatest commercial marts on the coast, had 
taken part \\ith the Egyptian fleet, reduced it to ashes, 
with great slaughter. Ho then proceeded in Naval 
search of the combined fleets, and found them actions 
anchored in the harbour of Diu, and obtained a splendid 160g 
victory over them; but he stained his reputation by the 
massacre of his prisoners to avenge the death of his son. 

He had been previously superseded by Albuquerque, sent 
out by the court of Lisbon to take charge of the Portu- 
guese interests in India. He was a man of great Aibu- 
enterprise and boundless ambition. He attacked querqne. 
the town of Calicut, but lost a fourth of his force in the 
assault. He came to the conclusion that, instead of these 
desultory attacks in which the Portuguese had hitherto 
been engaged, it would be more advisable to make a per- 
manent establishment on that coast, in some port and town 
which would afford a safe harbour for their ships, and 
oecomo the citadel of their power. He fixed on Goa, on 


the coast of Canara, situated on an island twenty-three 
miles in circumference, and one of the most valuable ports 
on that coast. It thus became the metropolis of the Por- 
tuguese dominions in India, and every effort made from time 
to time to capture it by the native princes proved unavailing. 
He now assumed the position of an eastern prince, and 
received embassies with oriental pomp. He proceeded to 
the remote provinces in the Malay archipelago, where he 
established his authority, and carried his commercial enter- 
prises to Siam, Java, and Sumatra. His efforts were next 
directed to the west, and he obtained possession of Ormuz, 
the great emporium of the Persian Gulf. The genius of Albu- 
querque had thus in the course of nine years built up a great 
European power in the East. He appeared rather to eschew 
than to court territorial possessions, but his power throughout 
the eastern seas was irresistible, and his authority was su- 
preme along 12,000 miles of coast, on which he had planted 
thirty factories, many of which were fortified. But his last 
days were clouded by the ingratitude of his country. In the 
midst of his triumphs he was superseded by the intrigues 
A.D. of the court ; the reverse broke his heart, and he died 

1516 as he entered the harbour of Goa. He was interred in the 
great settlement which he had established, amidst the re- 
grets of Europeans and natives, by whom he was equally 

' During the whole of the sixteenth century the maritime 

power of the Portuguese continued to be the most formid- 

able in the eastern hemisphere, and the terror of 

guese Sx. " every state on the sea-board. They took possession 

1517 teenth cen- o f the Island of Ceylon, and in 1517 proceeded to 

China, and established the first European factory, 
1531 at Macao, in the Celestial Empire. In 1531 they equipped 
an armament of 400 vessels, with an army of 22,000 men, of 
whom 3,600 were Europeans, and captured Diu, which, 
1537 though lost for a time, was regained. In 1537 the king 
of Guzerat implored the Grand Seigneur to assist him in 
freeing India from the presence of the infidels, and a large 
fleet, with 7,000 Turkish soldiers on board, was fitted out at 
Suez, and being joined by the Guzerat army, 20,000 strong, 
laid close siege to Diu. Sylviera, the commander, had only 
600 men for its defence, but he sustained the siege, amidst 
the deepest privations, with European gallantry, for eight 
months. The assailants, driven to despair, were obliged 
to withdraw, and the fame of the foreigners who had baffled 
the united forces of the Sultan of Turkey and the king of 


Guzerat was diffused through India, The most memorable 
event in the annals of Portuguese India was the combina- 
tion formed for their expulsion by the kings of Ahmed- ADt 
nugur and Beejapore and the Zamorin of Calicut. The 1570 
siege of Goa, which they undertook, lasted ten months, but 
was at length abandoned after the confederates had lost 
12,000 men. The king of Bengal, pressed by Shere Sing, 
in 1538 sent an embassy to Goa to implore the aid of the 1538 
Portuguese Governor- General, who despatched nine armed 
vessels with troops to his assistance. This was the first 
introduction of Europeans into the valley of the Ganges. 
The Portuguese established a factory at a place called the 
Gola, or granary, subsequently designated Hooghly, and 
completely drew off the trade of the province from the 
neighbouring town of Satgang, which had been the great 
mercantile emporium of Bengal for fifteen centuries. The 
factory grew to be a flourishing town, adorned with nu- 
merous churches, and so strongly fortified, that when the 
Moguls subsequently attacked it with three armies, they 
were unable to carry it by storm, but were constrained to 
have recourse to mines. 

At the beginning of the seventeenth century, when the 
greatness of the Portuguese had reached its zenith, they 
were encountered, and eventually supplanted by a 
European rival. The Dutch, having thrown off DuSsh and* 
the yoke of Spain, entered upon a career of mari- decay of the 
time enterprise with extraordinary ardour. In 1596 nguese * 
they sent an expedition round the Cape to the eastern islands, 1596 
which returned laden with spices and other valuable com- 
modities, and gave so great a stimulus to the spirit of com- 
merce that, within five years, forty vessels, of from four to 
six hundred tons burden, were embarked in the trade. 
They gradually wrested the spice islands and Malacca and 
the island of Ceylon from the Portuguese, but not without 
many a -:i: j 1 :' 1 :} conflict. An expedition, undertaken 
jointly by the king of Persia and the East India Company, 
deprived the Portuguese of Ormuz, and within a century 
and a half of the arrival of Vasco de Gama there remained 
nothing to the crown of Portugal of its eastern possessions 
but Goa, Mozambique, and Macao in China. The com- 
merce of the Dutch lay chiefly with the eastern archipelago; 
on the continent of India they never possessed more than 
a few factories. 



THE great advantages which the trade of India had con- 
ferred on the Portuguese and Dutch inspired the French 
The French with a desire to participate in it, and several 
East India attempts were made to acquire a commercial 
Company. footing in the East Curing the first half of the 
seventeenth century, but without success. At length, the 
great minister, Colbert, who had created the French navy 
and harbours, took up the matter, and established the 
French East India Company. Its first enterprise was 
directed to the island of Madagascar, but it was abandoned, 
owing to the unhealthiness of the climate and the hostility 
of the natives, and the Company took possession of the 

AJ). uninhabited island of Bourbon and of the larger island of 

167* the Mauritius in its vicinity. In April, 1674, Martin, the 
earliest of the French colonists, and a man of remarkable 
energy, having obtained a grant of land on the Coromandel 
coast from the native prince, laid the foundation of the 
Erection of town of Pondicherry, which he was permitted to 
Pondicherry. fortify. Three years later it was threatened by 

1676Sevajee in his southern expedition, which has been noticed 
in a previous chapter, but was saved by the tact of Martin. 
War broke out at length between Holland and France, and 
the Dutch, envious of the prosperity of Pondicherry, sent 
a fleet of nineteen vessels against it. Martin was obliged 
to capitulate, and all hope of establishing French power on 
that coast appeared to wither away. The Dutch improved 
the fortifications and rendered it one of the strongest 
fortresses in India, but four years after were obliged to 
restore it by the treaty of Ryswick. Martin, with his 
usual energy, strengthened the works, and attracted native 
settlers by his honest dealings and his conciliatory man- 
ners ; and on the spot which he had occupied thirty-two 
years before with six European settlers, there had grown 
up at the period of his death a noble town with 40,000 
inhabitants. The charter of the Company was cancelled 

1719 in 1719, and it was absorbed in the schemes of Law, of 
Mississippi notoriety. On the collapse of his project, the 
Company was re- organised as a commercial association ; 
the town gradually recovered its prosperity, which had 
beep affected by the extinction of the Company, and was 


embellished by the taste of its governors, who also rivalled 
the native princes in the state they now assumed. A.D. 

M. Dumas was appointed governor of Pondi cherry in 1735 
1735. He nnited great energy of character with, what is 
so rarely found among Europeans in India, a Dumas, go- 
genial disposition, which in an eminent degree vcmorof 
conciliated both the native princes and the people. on c erry * 
Rughoojee Bhonslay, the raja of Berar, poured down with 
50,000 Mahratta troops, and Dost Ali, who had become 
nabob of the Carnatic amidst the confusion of the times, en- 
deavoured to arrest his progress, but was signally defeated 
and fell in battle. His son, Sufder Jung, and his son-in- 
law, Chunda Sahib, prevailed on M. Dumas to grant them 
and their families and property an asylum at Pondicherry, 
the strongest fortress on the coast. He received them in 
princely state, surrounded by his horse and foot guards, and 
they and their cortege entered the gates of the town 
under a royal salute. Soon after Sufder Ali made his 
peace with the Mahrattas, upon an engagement to pay a 
crore of rupees, and was installed nabob of the Carnatio 
without any reference to the emperor, or even to his repre- 
sentative in the Deccan, Nizam-ool-moolk. His family was 
withdrawn from Pondicherry, but the family and the 
wealth of Chunda Sahib remained under the protection of 
the French ramparts. Rughoojee Bhonslay, disappointed of 
this treasure, sent a force of 16,000 men to demand the 
payment of sixty lacs of rupees and the surrender of 
Chunda Sahib's family. Dumas had organised a body of 
1,200 Europeans and 4,000 or 5,000 native troops the 
germ of a sepoy army and he received the envoy with 
courtesy, and after showing him over his military stores 
and equipments, and drawing up his force, desired him to 
assure his master that so long as a single Frenchman was 
left there would be no surrender. The resolute character 
of Dumas, and the resources of the garrison, made a deep 1740 
impression on the Mahratta prince, but it was French cor- 
dials rather than French bayonets that carried the day. M. 
Dumas sent by the envoy a present of French liqueurs to 
Rughoojee, who gave them to his wife, and she was so 
delighted with them as to insist on a further supply. The 
desire to gratify her, combined, doubtless, with a Kughoojee 
reluctance to risk an assault on a fortress of Bhonsiay. 
European strength, led to a negotiation which ended in 
the retreat of the Mahrattas. M. Dumas was congratulated 
by the native princes of India on his successful resistance 


of the redoubted Mahrattas, and the emperor conferred on 
him and his successors the title of nabob, and the rank of 
a commander of 4,500 horse. 

Dumas was succeeded by Dapleix, a man of extraordinary 
genius, and one of the most illustrious statesmen in the 
Energy of annals of French India. He had acquired a 
Dupleix. large fortune in trade before he was appointed 
Intendant- of Chandernagore, on the banks of the Hooghly, 
where a French factory had been established in 1676. It 
had never flourished, while the English factory at Calcutta 
had been rising in wealth and importance, but the creative 
genius of Dupleix in the course of ten years made it ono of 
the most opulent European factories in Bengal. At the 
period of his assuming the charge of the town not more 
than half-a-dozen small coasting craft were to be seen at the 
landing-place; before his departure seventy vessels were 
engaged in trade to Yeddo, to Mocha, to Bussorah, and 
to China. He established agencies in the great marts in 
the interior, and his transactions were extended to Thibet. 
He surrounded the town with fortifications, and assisted 

^.D. in the erection of two thousand houses. He was appointed 

1741 to the government of Pondicherry in October, 1741, and 
well knowing that in the East the pomp of state is always 
an element of political strength, made such a display of 
magnificence, and exacted such deference as an officer of 
the Mogul Empire, as to dazzle the princes and people of 
the Deccan, and to augment the reputation of French 
* power. His first attention was given to the improvement 
of the fortifications, but before they were completed he 
was informed by the Directors of his company that 
war between France and England was imminent; and, 
moreover, that they would be unable to supply him with 

1 746 money, ships, or soldiers. At the same time he learned 
that a large naval squadron was ready to sail from Eng- 
War between la n d, while he could only muster 436 European 
France and troops, and had only a single vessel of war at his 
** * disposal. In this emergency he determined to 
invoke the aid of the native princes whose friendship his 
predecessors had assiduously cultivated, and to solicit 
Anwar- ood-deen, who had been appointed nabob of the 
Carnatic by Nizam-ool-moolk, to lay an injunction on the 

1745 governor of Madras to abstain from any aggression on the 
French settlement. The governor considered it prudent 
to obey the order. The anxieties of Dupleix were likewise 
relieved by the arrival of Labourdonnais with a powerful 


French fleet. This officer, a man of singular enterprise, 
had been for several years governor of the Mauritius and- 
Bourbon, and had raised the islands by his energy and 
ability to a state of the greatest prosperity. He found the 
greater part of the Mauritius on his arrival covered with 
an almost impenetrable jungle, and inhabited by a sparse 
and indolent population. He created magazines and 
arsenals, barracks and fortifications ; he erected mills, quays, 
and aqueducts, and gave the settlement that importance in 
the operations of his nation, which it maintained for nearly 
seventy years ; but the value of all his noble qualities was 
impaired by his pride and arrogance. The two fleets were 
not long before they came to an engagement. 

The conflict between the French and the English in 
India, which began with this naval battle in 1746, forms an 
important era in its modern history. Hitherto, Result of 
the European settlements dotted around the the conflict. 
Malabar and Coromandel coasts, content with the peaceful 
pursuits of commerce, had taken no share and little interest 
in the revolutions of power in the interior, and in the rise 
and fall of states. Down to the present time, moreover, 
while the French and English nations were often at war in 
Europe, during seventy years their Indian settlements lay 
peaceably side by side. But the scene was now changed. 
The governors of the two Companies embarked in a struggle 
for supremacy, embodied native troops and imported 
rogimontH from Europe, directing their attention more 
to the operations of war than of commerce, and, in more 
than one instance, fighting to the death in India after 
peace had been restored in Europe. They formed alliances 
and were drawn into conflicts with the native princes, which 
served to demonstrate the vast superiority of European 
soldiers over native troops, and this led to the rapid acqui- 
sition of political influence in the country, and, by an 
inevitable consequence, to the possession of territory. 
Within the brief period of eleven years after the two 
European powers had fired tho first shot at each other, the 
French had acquired the undisputed authority of a territory 
in the south, containing a population of thirty-five 
millions, and in the north the English had the supreme 
command of provinces exceeding in area and population 
the whole of Great Britain. 

The two fleets met in July, 1746. The action was inde- 1741 
cisive, but the English admiral, on the plea that one of his 
ships stood in need of repairs, sailed away to the south 

i 2 


and left Madras, which lie had been sent out to protect, 
Capture of at the mercy of the French. The little hamlet 
Madras. on wn ich the British ensign was planted in 1639, 
had in the course of a century expanded into a town with a 
native population of between one and two hundred thousand. 
The fortifications of Madras, which had never been very 
substantial, were now dilapidated, and of the small garrison 
of two hundred Europeans few had ever seen a shot fired. 
Against this defenceless town Labourdonnais advanced with 
a large fleet, 1,100 European troops, and 800 native sepoys 
SEPT an< i Africans. The President, after a decent resistance, 
21 ST, surrendered it, and Labourdonnais held it at ransom for a 
1746 sum of about sixty lacs of rupees; but Dupleix asserted that as 
long as the English held possession of the settlement, Pondi- 
cherry could not be expected to flourish, and he was deter- 
mined to extinguish all English interests on the coast. 
The violent altercations which arose between these two able 
but inflexible men may be readily imagined. Meanwhile, 
the monsoon set in with exceptional violence, and the French 
fleet suffered to such an extent as to oblige Labourdonnais 
to return to the islands to refit. Dupleix immediately an- 
nulled the convention he had made with the president of 
Madras, and conveyed all the European officers prisoners to 
Pondicherry. Labourdonnais retired to France, where he 
was followed by the accusations of Dupleix and of the 
enemies he had made, and was thrown into the Bastile, where 
he lingered for three years, and, though released when the 
1753 charges against him were disproved, died of a broken heart. 
On the approach of the French armament, the president of 
Madras, in his turn, had appealed to the nabob of the Carna- 
Battie of ^ c > as Dupleix had done, and prevailed on him to 
st Thoma. prohibit any attack on the town. Dupleix, how- 
ever, found little difficulty in persuading him to withdraw 
the injunction by promising to make over the settlement 
to him when it was captured, but after he had obtained pos- 
session of it it appeared too valuable a prize to be relin- 
quished. The nabob was irritated beyond measure, and 
asked who were these foreigners that they should thus set 
him at defiance, with a handful of European and native 
troops not equal to a twentieth of his own army ? His 
son was sent with 10,000 men to drive the French from 
Madras, but half a dozen rapid discharges of cannon 
bewildered them, and they retired more quickly than they 
had advanced. Dupleix, on hearing of the investment of the 
town, despatched a reinforcement consisting of 230 Euro- 


peans and 700 sepoys. The son of the nabob marched to # O T 
meet the detachment, and came up with it at St. Thome*, 4m, 
about four miles from Madras. The commander, Paradis, !746 
though without guns, assaulted the enemy with such vigour 
that the young nabob, who was mounted on a lofty elephant, 
and carried the royal ensign, was the first to fly from the 
field. He was followed precipitately by the whole body of 
10,000 men, who never paused till they were almost in 
sight of Arcot. This engagement, although small in com- 
parison with others, may be considered one of the most 
important and decisive battles in India. For the first time 
it gave the European settlers confidence in their own 
strength, and took all conceit of fighting out of the native 
princes. It taught the Europeans to disregard the disparity 
of numbers, however great, and dissolved the spell which 
had hitherto held them in abject subjection to the 
native powers. 

The success of the French induced the nabob at once to 
change sides. The only possession left to the English on 
the coast was Fort St. David, and Dupleixsent an siegeofpon- 1746 
expedition n:..i>. -' U ; but it was defended by the ate he "7^ 
earliest ofo 1 ::- I: -iifui heroes, Major Stringer Lawrence, and 
the French were obliged to retire, after four unsuccessful 
assaults. Soon after, admiral Boscawen arrived off the 
coast with a large fleet and a large reinforcement of troops, 
and it was determined to retaliate on the French by the cap- 
ture of Pond i cherry. The admiral unhappily determined to 
take the conduct of the siege on himself, but being altogether 
ignorant of military science and impatient of advice, he 1748 
was subject to an ignominious failure. After having in- 
vested it for fifty days with the largest European force, little 
short of 4,000 men, which had ever yet been assembled in 
India, he was obliged to raise the siege, but not before 
he had lost one-fourth of his troops. Dupleix lost no time 
in trumpeting his success throughout India, and he received 1748 
congratulations from the nabob at Arcot, from the Nizam 
at Hyderabad, and even from the emperor at Delhi. Imme- 
diately after this event, the peace of Aix la Chapelle 
restored Madras to the English, and Dupleix had the mor- 
tification of seeing his hated rivals reinstated in all their 1749 



IT might have heen expected that the English and the 
French wonld now sheathe their swords and return to the 
English in- pursuits of commerce ; but, as the great historian, 
y^eTan- Orme, remarks, "The two nations having a 
30re * " large body of troops at their disposal, and being 

" no longer authorised to fight with each other, took the 
" resolution of employing their armies in the contests of 
u native princes, the English with great indiscretion, the 
" French with the utmost ambition." The English were 
the first to set the example ; they were anxious to obtain 
an accession of territory on the coast, and they accepted 
the offer of Sahoojee, who had been deposed from the 
government of Tanjore, to cede the town and district of 
A>D> Devicotta, at the mouth of the Coleroon, if they would 
1749 restore him to the throne. A force of about 1,500 men was 
accordingly sent under Major Lawrence, who obtained pos- 
session of the town, after a long and clumsy siege the 
first the English were engaged in. But he found the cause 
of Sahoojee hopelessly unpopular, and returned to Madras, 
and persuaded the president to come to an accommodation 
with Pertab Sing, the prince then on the throne. 
Dupleix, however, aimed at a higher object than the ac- 
quisition of an insignificant town and a few miles of terri- 
Ambition of tory on the coast. He had seen a single battalion, 
Dnpieix. consisting only in part of Europeans, disperse a 
native army, of ten times its number, like a flock of sheep. 
The rise of this new military power filled the minds of the 
native princes with awe ; and Dupleix determined to avail 
himself of their rivalries, and the fermentation of the times, 
to erect a French empire in India. Chunda Sahib, the 
most enterprising prince in the Deccan, had been deprived 
of the important town of Trichinopoly by the Mahrattas, 
and carried away prisoner to Satara, where he languished 
for seven years. He was exceedingly popular throughout 
the Oarnatic, and Dupleix conceived that his ambitious plans 
would be promoted by making him the nabob, in the room 
of Anwar-ood-deen, whose government was greatly dis- 
liked. He therefore obtained his liberation by the payment 
of a ransom of seven lacs of rupees ; and Chunda Sahib 
speedily collected a body of 6,000 men, and advanced 


towards the borders of the Carnatic. Just at this period, 
Nizam-ool-moolk, the soobadar of the Deccan, Deathof 
and the founder of the kingdom of Hyderabad, Nizam-ooi- 
died at a patriarchal age, and the affairs of the moolk ' 
Deccan were thrown into a state of confusion which greatly 
facilitated the ambitious projects of the French governor. 
Of the five sons of the Nizam, Nazir Jung, though often in 
revolt against his father, happened to be with him at the 
hour of death, and having obtained possession of the trea- 
sury and bought over the chiefs in the army and the state, 
proclaimed himself soobadar. But there was a grandson 
of the Nizam, Mozuffer Jung, the son of his daughter, 
whom he had destined for the succession, and in whose 
favour he had obtained a firman from the emperor of Delhi. 
He lost no time in collecting an army to assert his claim 
to the throne, and was joined by Chunda Sahib, to whom he 
promised the nabobship of the Carnatic. The French at 
once embarked in the cause, and a force was despatched to 
his aid under the command of Bussy, the ablest officer in 
the French service. The confederates encountered the 
army of Anwar-ood-deen at Amboor ; he was completely 
defeated, and fell in action, and his son, Mahomed Deftth of 
Ali, fled to Trichinopoly, where the treasures of Anwar-ood. ' 
the state were deposited. Mozuffer marched the een ' 
next day to Arcot, and assumed the state and title of soo- 
badar of the Deccan, and conferred the government of the 
Carnatic on Chunda Sahib. They then proceeded to Pon- 
di cherry, where Dupleix received them with an ostentatious 
display of oriental pomp, and was rewarded by the grant of 
eighty-one villages. 

Mahomed Ali, finding that he could not hold Trichinopoly 
against the victors, sought the aid of the president of 
Madras, who sent a small detachment of 120 men Kn ligh (md 
to support him. It was a feeble movement, but it Mahomed 
had the important effect of engaging the English Ali * 
in the cause of Mahomed Ali, which from that time forward 
they considered themselves bound in honour to support, 
under every vicissitude, as a counterpoise to French in- 
fluence. Meanwhile, Nazir Jung assembled an army of 
300,000 men, of whom one-half were cavalry, with 800 1750 
pieces of cannon, and marched in search of the confede- 
rates. At Valdaur, about fifteen miles from Pon- Nftzir Jung 
dicherry, he was joined by Major Lawrence with in the Car- 
600 Europeans, while Dupleix augmented the 
contingent with Mozuffer to 2,000 bayonets. But on the 


eve of the engagement, thirteen of the French officers re. 
fused to fight ; the force became demoralised, and nothing 
could stop its precipitate flight to Pondicherry. Chunda 
Sahib joined in the retreat, but Mozuffer determined to 
throw himself on the mercy of his uncle, who took an oath 
to protect him, and then loaded him with irons. Nazir 
Jung, now undisputed master of the Deccan, appointed 
Mahomed Ali nabob of the Carnatic. All Dupleix s plans 
were apparently demolished by this blow, but never did 
the fertility of his genius appear more conspicuous than on 
this occasion. He sent envoys to treat with Nazir Jung, 
and they discovered that his three Patan feudatories of 
Kurnool, Cuddapa, and Savanoor, wore displeased at his 
proceeding, and prepared to revolt. Dupleix opened a cor- 
respondence with them, and, at the same time, to intimidate 
the soobadar into a compliance with his terms, sent an 
expedition to Masulipatam, and occupied the town and 
district. He attacked and defeated the force of Mahomed 
AJi, the remnant of which sought refuge in the renowned 
Capture of ^ or ^ f Gingee. It was immediately besieged by 
Gingeeby Bussy, and within twenty-four hours of his 
nssy ' appearance before it, the French colours were 
flying on its ramparts, though the armies of Aurungzebe 
had besieged it for nine years. It was the first instance in 
which a European force had attacked a fortress considered 
impregnable, and its success spread a feeling of dismay 
through the Deccan, and created the conviction that 
nothing could withstand European valour. 

Nazir Jung, astounded by these proceedings, hastened to 
concede all Dupleix' s demands that the town and district 
of Masulipatam should be made over to him, Mozuffer Jung 
released, and Chunda Sahib installed nabob of the Car- 
natic. The soobadar concluded a treaty on these terms 
with Dupleix, but Dupleix had previously come to an under- 
standing with the three mutinous Patan nabobs, and had 
directed Bussy to attack the army of the soobadar as soon 
as he received a requisition from them. Bussy was igno- 
rant of the settlement which Dupleix had made with Nazir 
Jung when he was called upon to assail him by the Patan 
chiefs. He accordingly marched with 800 Europeans an<J 
3,000 sepoys, and ten guns, against the soobadar's army, 
which he found stretched over eighteen miles of ground, 
Buwy de- an( l obtained a complete victory. " Never," re- 
Nailr mar ks t^ e historian of these events, " since the 
" days of Cortes and Pizarro did RO small a force 


" decide the fate of so great a sovereignty." As the 
nabobs were moving off to join the French, Nazir Jung 
rode up to them with burning indignation, and engaged in-a 
hand to hand struggle with the nabob of Cuddapa, 
whom he upbraided with his treachery. The nabob lodged 
two balls in the heart of his unfortunate master, and 
having cut off his head, presented it to Mozuffer Jung. 

Mozuffer Jung, then confined in the camp, whom Nazir 
Jung had ordered to be decapitated if the day went against 
him, was proclaimed soobadar of the Deccan, Moznffer 
and proceeded in company with Chunda Sahib to Jung uoo- 
Pondichorry to express his obligations to Dupleix, badar ' 
and to make a suitable return for his aid. Dupleix, 
arrayed in the gorgeous robes of an imperial noble, received 
him with oriental magnificence. A splendid tent was erected, 
and in the presence of the native chivalry of the Deccan, 
Dupleix invested him with the office of soobadar, and, 
having paid homage to him, received the title of governor 
of all the country lying between the Kistna and Cape 
Comorin. Dupleix then presented Chunda Sahib to the 
soobadar, and requested that the real sovereignty and 
emoluments of the Carnatie might be granted to him. Mo- 
zuffer Jung was extremely anxious to return to the capital, 
and requested Dupleix to allow a French force to accompany 
him, and Bussy was sent with 300 Europeans and 3,000 
disciplined sepoys. The encampment broke up from Pon- _.. 
dicherry on the 7th of January, but within three weeks the 
turbulent Patan nabobs who had conspired against Nazir 
Jung, entered into a conspiracy against his successor. Their 
troops were speedily dispersed by Bussy ; but Mozuffer Jung, 
rejecting all advice, insisted on pursuing them aud was 
struck dead by the javelin of the nabob of Kurnool. The 
camp was thrown into wild con fusion, but Bussy 's g, . 
presence of mind never forsook him. He imme- Jung eooba- 
diately assembled the officers and ministers, and, dar * 
with the ascendancy ho had gained, prevailed on them to 
assent to his proposal of raising Salabut Jung, the brother of 
Nazir Jung, to the vacant dignity, and he was drawn from 
confinement to rule over thirty-five millions of subjects. The 
camp then moved forward, and in due course reached Aurun- 
gabad, then the capital of the Nizam. Dupleix had now 
attained the summit of his ambition, and the power of the 
French had reached its zenith. Tho soobadar reigned over 
the northern division of the Deccan, but it was virtually 
ruled by a French general, whose authority was supremo. 


In the south, all the country south of the Eastna was under 
the sway of Dupleix and all its resources were entirely sub- 
servient to his interests. 

We turn to the proceedings in the Carnatic, where the 
French and English were employed for four years in 
career of attempts to obtain possession of Trichinopoly, 
ciive. which they both considered essential to the control 

of the country. It was held by Mahomed AH, with the 
aid of a small body of English troops, and Dupleix, in 
conjunction with Chunda Sahib, sent a strong detachment 
under Law, the nephew of the famous South Sea financier, 
to expel them. It was on this occasion that the military 
genius of Olive, the founder of the British empire in India, 
was first developed. The son of a private country gentle- 
man, he came out to India in 1744, in the civil service of the 
East India Company. Two years after, he was in Madras 
when it surrendered to Labourdonnais, and made his escape 
to Fort St. David, where he exchanged the pen for the sword 
and took part in the defence of the fort. He was present 
at the abortive siege of Pondicherry by admiral Boscawen, 

1748 and in the assault on Devicotta, where he attracted the 
admiration of Major Lawrence. He was attached to the 
force which the president of Madras, Mr. Saunders, 

1749 despatched to the relief of the besieged garrison of 
Trichinopoly, and he perceived, by the instinct of his military 
genius, that it must fall unless some diversion could be 

1751 cheated in its favour. He returned to Madras, and advised 
Mr. Saunders to sanction an expedition against Arcot, the 
capital of the Carnatic, which he was convinced would 
have the effect of drawing off a considerable portion of 
Chunda Sahib's army for its defence. The president, 
who, happily, appreciated his merits, entrusted the enter- 
prise to his direction, and he marched with 200 Europeans 
and 300 sepoys, and eight officers, of whom one half were 
in the mercantile service and six had never been in action. 
They were allowed to enter the town, and, as Clive had 
calculated, Chunda Sahib withdrew 10,000 men to recover 
it. The fort was a mile in circumference, defended by a 
low and lightly built parapet and by towers, of which 
several were in a state of decay, and the ditch was dry 
and choked up. From the day of its occupation, Clive had 
been incessantly occupied in repairing the fortifications. 
175) OUve , s During the siege, one of his officers had been 
defence of killed and two wounded, and another had 
Axcot * returned to Madras. The troops fit for duty were 


reduced to 120 Europeans and 200 sepoys, but with this 
handful of men he sustained for seven weeks the incessant 
assault of Chunda Sahib's force, aided by 150 French 
soldiers. The last assault lasted eighteen hours, after 
which Clive had the unspeakable gratification of seeing the 
enemy strike their tents and retire in despair. " Thus," 
says Orme, " ended this memorable siege, maintained for 
" fifty days under every disadvantage of situation and force 
" by a handful of men in their first campaign, with a spirit 

* worthy of the most veteran troops, and conducted by the 
' young commander with indefatigable activity, unshaken 
' confidence, and undaunted courage, and notwithstanding 

* he had at this time neither read books nor conversed 

* with men capable of giving him much instruction in the 
4 military art, all the resources he employed in the defence 
'of Arcot were such as were indicated by the greatest 

masters of the art." Truly did the great statesman, 
William Pitt, designate him the heaven-born general. 

On his return from Arcot, Clive was employed in a 
variety of enterprises, in which he distinguished himself by 
the same energy and talent. After the French had op^^^^ 
besieged Trichinopoly in vain for a twelvemonth, Trichi- 
theywere driven into a position which obliged the ^P 01 ^ .D. 
commander, Law, to surrender at discretion with all his 1762 
troops, stores, and ammunition. In the early part of the 
siego, Mahomed AH had called in the aid of the great 
Mahratta general, Morari Rao, of the regent of Mysore, 
and of the troops of the raja of Tanjore. Chunda Sahib, 
reduced to extremity by the surrender of his French allies, 
sought an asylum with the Tanjore general, who caused 
him to be assassinated at the instigation of Mahomed Ali ; 
and that prince, as barbarous as he was cowardly and 
perfidious, after feasting his eyes with the sight of his 
murdered rival, caused his head to be cut off and bound 1762 
to the neck of a camel and paraded five times round the 
walls of the city. Unknown to Major Lawrence, he had 
promised to make over the fortress of Trichinopoly, which 
it was important for the English to hold, to the Tanjore 
general. Disgusted with this baseness, Major Lawrence 
withdrew to Madras, leaving a body of European troops to 
hold the citadel. Mahomed Ali refused to fulfil the bargain, 
and the Tanjore troops joined the French in the siege, 
which Dupleix lost no time in renewing. The operations 
in and around it continued with little interruption for two 
years ; but even the fascinating pages of Orme are no* 


sufficient to induce the reader to wade through the 
narrative of the marches and counter- marches, the suc- 
cesses and the discomfiture, which marked these dreary 
campaigns. Suffice it to state that the French were three 
times worsted by the superior tactics of Major Lawrence, 
and that on one occasion the English sustained a memor- 
able defeat^ and that their native allies consequently 
deserted them. Dupleix at length, proposed the appoint- 
ment of commissioners to treat of an accommodation, but 
the English agents, Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Palk who 
had divested himself of his holy orders to enter the Civil 
Service defeated the object by insisting, as an indispensable 
preliminary, that Mahomed AH should be acknowledged 
nabob of the Carnatic. To these terms, Dupleix, to whom 
the soobadar had granted the control of the Carnatic 
affairs, could not be expected to agree, and the operations 
A.D. of war were resumed, and continued with varied success 
1754 till the 1st of August, 1754, when Dupleix was suddenly 
superseded by the arrival of Ms successor, and all his 
schemes of ambition were at once subverted. 

The French and English had been tearing each other to 
pieces in India, while the mother countries were at peace 
Fail of i n Europe. The two Companies had been 
Dupielx. straining their energies and wasting their re- 
sources in the cause of native princes whose fidelity was 
always doubtful. Their attention had been withdrawn from 
the counting-house to the field. They were both anxious, 
especially the English East India Company, to terminate 
this anomalous state of things, which the president at 
Madras attributed primarily, and not without justice, to the 
ambition of Dupleix. There was an influential minority at 
the French Board hostile to him, and they were strengthened 
by the disasters of the campaign of 1753. The cabinet of 
St. James, moreover, sent over a strong remonstrance to 
the French ministry, and supported it by the despatch of 
an entire regiment and four ships of war, under Admiral 
Watson, and the Directory in Paris was thus induced to take 
up the question in earnest, and they sent out Godeheu, a 
member of their own body, with absolute authority over all 
the French settlements in the East Indies. He had already 
been in their service in India, and had always lived on the* 
most friendly terms with Dupleix, but being a man of base 
and treacherous disposition, solicited permission to send him 
home in irons at the time when he was making fulsome pro- 
testations of cordiality. Ou his arrival at Pondicherry he 


spared no pains 1x3 degrade and ruin him. The public accounts 
showed that twenty-five lacs of rupees were due to him for 
sums he had advanced to carry on the Government, from 
the fortune he had acquired before he assumed office, but 
Godeheu refused to allow these accounts to he audited. 
Dupleix had been in the habit of assisting the native allies 
with advances from his own purse on the security of cer- 
tain districts, but Godeheu seized the districts, and farmed 
them out for the benefit of the Company. Dupleix, dis- 
honoured and beggared, quitted the ncene of his glory on 
the 14th October, 1754. On his arrival in Paris he was 1754 
at first received with some show of distinction, but as soon 
as the Directors were assured that all differences had been 
adjusted in India, they treated him with hostility, and for ten 
years, to the day of his death, refused even to look into his 
accounts. He was pursued by creditors who had advanced 
money to Government on his security, and during the last 
three months of his life his house was in the hands of bailiffs. 
Three days before his death ho wrote in his diary, " I 
" have sacrificed my youth and my fortune to enrich my 
" country. I am treated as the vilest of mankind." Thus 
perished the second victim of the ingratitude of the French 
East India Company. Of those illustrious men who have 1754 
established European supremacy in India, Dupleix stands 
among the foremost. He was the pioneer of European 
conquest. It was he who taught the way to govern native 
states by a handful of civil functionaries and a small body 
of European troops, and it was he who created a sepoy army. 
No Indian statesman has ever exhibited a more fertile 
political genius, and it is not improbable that, if he had 
remained in power in India for two or three years, with 
the two thousand European troops brought out by Godeheu, 
he would, in conjunction with Bussy, have made the French 
as complete masters of the Deccan as the English became 
of Bengal and Behar two years after, 

Godehou and Mr. Saunders, tho commissioner on the 
part of the East India Company, agreed upon an immediate 
suspension of arms, and concluded a convention 
which provided that the territories of the two between 
Companies should eventually be of equal value 5^2^ 
when the convention was ratified in Europe. Ma- 
homed AH was confirmed as nabob of the Carnatic. The 
treaty was most disastrous to the French. It gave up all they 
had been contending for ; the nabobship of the Carnatic, 
the Northern Sircars, their allies, their influence, and their 


honour. Both parties bound themselves for ever u to 
" renounce all Moorish government and dignity," and 
never to interfere in the affairs of the native princes. The 
ink, however, was scarcely dry before the treaty was 
given to the winds. The English despatched a force to 
subdue the districts of Madura and Tinnevelly for their 
nabob, and the French sent a detachment to seize Terriore. 
^ D , But the prospects of peace were at once dissipated by the 
1756 proclamation of war between France and England in 1756, 
and hostilities were prosecuted with greater fury than ever 
for five years. 



To turn to the brilliant career of Bussy in the north of the 
Deccan : In military genius he stands on a level with Olive, 
Busay at ^ u ^ was greatly his superior in the art of political 
the capital, organisation. For several years he had been in 
association with natives of distinction, and had obtained 
a thorough knowledge of the native character. He also 
acquired the tact of managing them by the exercise of that 
wise accommodation to their feelings and habits, in which 
tlie French have always been more successful than the 
English. Having elevated Salabut Jung to the throne, lie 
JUNJB conducted him in triumph to his capital ; but his elder 
29TH, brother, Ghazee-ood-deen, who held a high position in the 
1 ^51 court of Delhi, had obtained a patent of appointment to 
the soobadaree of the Deccan, and, having gained over the 
Mahrattas by the promise of a large section of territory, 
commenced his march to the south. His ally, the Peshwa, 
with 40,000 horse, advanced to encounter Salabut Jung, 
laying the country waste on his march. Bussy, with his 
handful of Europeans and 2,000 sepoys, and eight or ten 
field pieces, received the shock of the Mahratta cavalry, 
who came thundering down upon him in full speed with 
shouts of triumph. He awaited their approach with per. 
feet coolness, and then poured volleys of grape with great 
1761 rapidity into their ranks, and in a few moments they 
Be defeat* turned round and fled in disorder. This was the 
the Peshwa. first time the Mahratta horse, the terror of th6 
Deccan, had encountered a European force in the field, and 


the result of the conflict increased the power and influence 
of Bussy in no ordinary degree. He followed up his suc- 
cess with great spirit, and vigorously pursued the Peshwa 
within twenty miles of Poona, and constrained him to 
sue for an accommodation. Moan while, Ghazee-ood- 
deen was advancing from the north with 150,000 men. 
The army of Salabut Jung was mutinous for want of pay, 
and Bussy wisely advised him to conciliate the Peshwa by 
ceding the territory west of Berar from the Taptee to 
Godavery, which had been promised by Ghazec-ood-deen, 
and which, being iu a remote corner of his dominions, it 
would not l)e easy to protect. There was living at the time 
at Aurungabad, where Ghazee-ood-deen's army was en- 
camped, one of the widows of Nizam-ool-moolk, to whom 
she had borne one son, Nizam Ali, and it was her earnest 
desire to seat him on the throne of the Deccan. To 
remove Ghazee-ood-deen out of the way, she invited him 
to a feast and urged him to partake of a par- MunJer of 
ticular dish, which she had prepared, she said, Gimee-ood. 
with her own bands. It was poisoned, and he 
died the same night, and his troops immediately dispersed. 
The ascendancy which Bussy had acquired at the court 
of the soobadar had raised him many enemies, and the 
minister, though under great obligations to him, The North- 
began to plot his destruction. At the beginning ern 8ircaw ' 
of 17W he was obliged to resort to tlie sea- coast for the 175! 
restoration of his health, and the treacherous minister, 
having dispersed his European forces in small bodies over 
tho country, and withheld their pay, entered into a hostile 
correspondence with the president of Madras, One of his 
letters fell into tho bauds of Bussy, who felt that his cause 
was lost unless ho could regain his influence, and though still 
labouring under disease, determined to make an imme- 
diate effort to baffle his enemies. He directed the detach- 
ments which had been scattered to assemble near Hydera- 
bad, and, iiiiirvliir.ir 500 miles to Aurungabad, unexpectedly 
presented himself at the court with 4,500 men, Europeans and 
natives. Not only was his ascendancy restored, but he was 
enabled to obtain from tho fears of the soobadar and his 
ministers a grant of tho four Northern Sircars for the main- 
tenance of his force. They lay on the Coromandel coast, pro- 
tected by a chain of hills running parallel with the sea, 
stretching about 450 miles along the coast, and from 80 to 
100 miles inland. They contained many important towns, 
admirably adapted by the bounty of Providence and the 


industry of the inhabitants to sustain a lucrative com- 
merce, and already yielded a revenue of half a crore of 
rupees. " These territories," remarked the great historian, 
" rendered the French master of the greatest dominion, 
" both in extent and value, that had ever been possessed in 
" Hindostan by Europeans, not excepting the Portuguese 
" when at the height of their prosperity." 

On his return from the coast, Bussy found the soobadar 
resolved on an expedition to Mysore 3 in conjunction with 
AtDi Bussy'a the Mahrattas, to extort whatever sums, under 
1754 trials. ^ ne pretence of tribute, could be obtained, and 

Bussy was informed that he " must attend the stirrup of 
" his sovereign." But the regent of Mysore was in alliance 
with the French authorities at Pondicherry, and had sent 
the flower of his army to co-operate with them in the siege of 
Trichinopoly. Bussy was placed in a serious dilemma, from 
which he was relieved only by his extraordinary tact. He ac- 
companied the soobadar' s army with 500 European troops, 
and assumed the command of the expedition. He moved 
forward with such rapidity as to astound the Mysore regent 
and dispose him to agree to terms, and, assuming the cha- 
racter of a mediator, prevailed on the soobadar to accept 
of fifty-six lacs of rupees, to realise which he was obliged 
to despoil the females of their jewels and the temples of 
their wealth. Soon after, Bussy, joined by a Mahratta 
1750 force and the army of the Nizam, was sent against the 
rebellious nabob of Savanoor, and was enabled to bring him 
to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Nizam ; but his 
ever vigilant enemies misrepresented his proceedings to the 
Nizam, and induced that silly prince to dismiss him 
summarily, while he was yet in the south-west several hun- 
dred miles distant from the capital, and from his own re- 
sources. Bussy received the order of dismissal with his 
Dismissal of usual imperturbability. After crossing the Kistna, 
Bussy. finding his ammunition running short, he turned 
out of his way to Hyderabad, and took up a position at 
Charmal, which he fortified. His ungrateful master, 
whom he had raised from a prison to a throne, summoned 
every tributary and dependent to his standard, and for two 
months assailed the encampment of his benefactor, who 
defended himself with his usual skill his sepoys had 
deserted him and was at length released from danger by 
the fortunate arrival of reinforcements from the coast. 
Salabut Jung was in a fever of alarm, and sued humbly for 
a reconciliation, and within three months of his dismissal 


the authority of Bnssy was more firmly established than ever. 
The zemindars in the Northern Sircars took Bossy's 
advantage of this season of embarrassment to triam P h - A.D. 
revolt, and Bussy was obliged to give five months of un- 1766 
remitting attention to the settlement of the province. The 
incidental effect of these events on the fortunes of the Eng- 
glish in India deserves particular notice. It was during 
this period that Olive re-captured Calcutta, as will be here- 
after related, and defeated the nabob, who sent an 
urgent request to Bussy to advance to his aid in Bengal. 
But he was detained by the necessity of regaining his 
power in his own province, and when the pacification of 
the province was complete, and he was prepared to move 
up through Orissa with a powerful body of troops, he heard 
to his mortification that Chandernagore had already BUT- 
rendered. His presence in Bengal before that event might 
have given a different turn to the battle of Plassy. 

Dining the absence of Bussy on the coast, the impotent 1756 
Salabut Jung was threatened with ruin by his profligate min- 
ister, who had seized the fortress of Dowlutabad, B 
and placed the authority of the state in the hands iieveasi- 
of one of the Nizam's brothers. The crown was but Jung> 
falling from his head, and the country was threatened with 
convulsions, when Bussy started from the coast with his 
army, and, traversing a region never yet trodden by 
Europeans, reached Auruiigabad, a distance of four hundred 
miles, in twenty-one days. His presence extinguished these 
conspiracies as if by the wand of a magician. The minister 
was killed in a tumult created by his own devices ; Nizam 
AH fled, and Dowlutabad was recovered by a coup de main, 
and the French head- quarters were fixed in an impregnable 
position. BuHsy had now been for seven years the arbiter 
of the Dcccan. He had placed the interests of Prance on 
a foundation not to be shaken by any ordinary contin- 
gency, and they were as substantially established in the 1756 
Houth of India as those of England were in the north 
by the victory of Plassy ; and it seemed as if the empire of 
India would bo divided between these two European 
nations. But it was otherwise ordained ; the power of the 
one was destined to become permanent and expansive, that 
of the other was extinguished by the folly of one man. 
Lally arrived in India in 1758 aa governor of the French 1768 
possessions, and partly from caprice and partly Recall of 
from envy, ordered Bussy to quit the scene of hia Bu *y 
triumphs and return to Pondicherry with all his force. 



Bussy considered obedience the first duty of a soldier, and, 
to the inconceivable surprise of the native princes, both 
Hindoo and Mahomedan, who trembled at the sound of his 
name, at once retired from the Deccan at the period of his 
greatest strength, and the sun of French prosperity in 
India set not to rise again. 

Lally, a-' member of an Irish Roman Catholic family, 
which retired to France on the flight of James II., 
j^j _ had from his early youth, and for forty years, 
siege of been trained in arms. His military reputation 
Madras * stood so high that when war broke out between 
France and England in 1756, he was considered the fittest 
man to command the large armament the French ministry 
was sending to India to establish French power. He was 
A.D. accompanied by the scions of the most illustrious families 
1 768 in France. He landed at Pondicherry in April, 1758, and 
marched at once against the English factory at St. David's, 
which was surrendered within a month. The time was pecu- 
liarly favourable for the expulsion of the English from the 
Deccan. Madras was unfortified, its European force and 
its fleet were in Bengal, and the French commanded the 
sea and were paramount on land. Lally was bent on 
attacking Madras without delay, but he was basely thwarted 
by the admiral, who refused the aid of his ships, and by the 
council of Pondicherry, who would not afford him any 
pecuniary assistance. Seven years before this time the rajah 
of Tanjore, pressed by the demands of Mozuffer Jung and 
Chunda Sahib, had given them a bond for fifty- six lacs of 
rupees, which was considered valueless, and made over to 
Dupleix. As a last resource, Lally resolved to supply his 
military chest by demanding payment of this bond. With 
the largest European and native force which had ever till 
then taken the field, he hurried on to Tanjore ; on his route 
he levied forced contributions, and blew six brahmins from 
the guns. The town was besieged for a fortnight, and a 
practical breach had been made when an English fleet 
appeared on the coast, and threatened Carical, the French 
depdt ; Lally, who had only twenty cartridges left for each 
man and two days' provisions, raised the siege and retired. 
On his return to Pondicherry, he prevailed on the council 
to grant him some aid towards the siege of Madras, which 
1768 W as the object nearest his heart, and in November advanced 
to it with an army of 2,000 European foot and 300 Euro- 
a of pean cavalry, the first ever seen in India, besides 
a large force of sepoys. The garrison of the fort 


consisted of 1,758 Europeans and 2,200 natives, but they 
were under the command of the veteran Lawrence, who 
was supported by thirteen officers trained under his own 
eye. The siege was prosecuted for two months with great 
vigour, and a breach was at length effected, but, at the last 
moment, the refusal of his officers to second him defeated 
Lally's plans, and the appearance of an English fleet in the 
roads obliged him to raise the siege and retire. niaed. 
Misfortunes thickened upon him. The Northern 
Sircars were occupied by a force despatched from Calcutta 
by Clive, under the gallant Colonel Forde, and Salabut 
Jung, having no longer anything to hope or fear from the 
French, threw himself into the arms of the English, and 
bound himself by treaty never to allow a French force to 
enter his service. 

Lally returned to Pondicherry, with his army, officers as 
well as men, in a state of insubordination. But his 
hopes were raised by the arrival of a powerful Navi 
fleet consisting of eleven vessels, the smallest of en ffaement. 
which carried fifty guns ; the English squadron was scarcely 
less powerful. In the engagement which ensued both 1759 
parties were crippled, but neither of them beaten. The 
French admiral, however, diMvtranliiig the entreaties and 
even the menaces of the authorities at Pondicherry, sailed 
away with his whole fleet to the Islo of France, leaving the 
command of the sea with the English. The French troops 
mutinied for their pay, which was ten months in arrear, 
and marched out of Pondicherry towards Madras, but were 
induced to return by the discharge of a portion of it. 
Lally, determined to bring on an engagement, marched on 
Wandewash, and captured the town and laid siege to the 
fort. The English force under Colonel Coote, an officer 
second in ability only to Clive, came up for its Fronch 
relief. The result was a pitched battle, known defeated at 
as the battle of Wandewash, one of the most Wandewash. 
severely contested and most decisive which had as yet been 
fought in India, in which the French, after prodigies of 
valour, sustained a signal defeat. It was the last struggle 
for empire between the French and English on the plains 
of India, and it demolished the hopes of establishing a 
French power. Lally fell back on Pondicherry, where he 
encountered nothing but intrigue and sedition from those 
who ought to have been unanimous in sustaining the 
national honour at this crisis. " From this time," he said, 
" without money, without ships, without even provisions, 



"Pondicherry might be given up for lost." Coote, in the 
IL.D. meantime, drove the French from all the towns and posi- 

1760 tions they held in the Carnatic, and prepared for the siege 
siege of of Pondicherry, when the folly of the Court of 
Pondicherry. Directors had well-nigh marred it, by sending 
out orders to supersede him by the Honourable Colonel 
Monson, the second in command. In the first independent 
enterprise of Colonel Monson, his success was so equivocal 
as to present an ill-omen of his efforts, but he was disabled 
by a severe wound, and Colonel Coote was prevailed on by 
the council of Madras to resume the command. The town 
was subject to a strict blockade during the rains, and vigor- 
ously besieged as soon as they ceased. Lally was thwarted 
at every turn by the civil functionaries who detested 
him, and in whom every spark of honesty and loyalty was 
extinct ; but he maintained a long and energetic defence 
with a spirit and courage which elicited the applause of his 
English opponents, and he did not surrender the town until 
he was reduced to two days' provisions. As the victors 

1761 marched into it, their feelings were deeply excited by the 
skeleton figures to which the noble forms of the two gallant 
Capture of regiments Lally had brought out with him were 
Pondicherry. reduced by months of fatigue and famine. The 
French Court of Directors had sent instructions to Lally 
to erase the English settlements from the land. The 
despatch had fallen into the hands of the English Directors, 
iind, by their orders, Pondicherry was levelled with the 
ground, and not a roof loft of that noble colony. The war 
which, with a brief interval, the two nations had waged 
for fifteen years, terminated in the extinction of the French 
power. The ambitious hope of establishing a French 
empire in India, which had equally animated Labourdonnais 
and Dupleix, Bussy and Lally, was extinguished. Their 
settlements were, indeed, restored at the peace of Paris in 
1763, but they never recovered their political position in 
India. Lally returned to Paris and was thrown into the 
Bastile, where he lingered for three years. He was then 
Fate of brought to trial, denied the assistance of counsel, 
^^y* and condemned to death for having betrayed the 
interests of the king and the company. He was drawn 
on a dung cart to the scaffold and beheaded, the third 
illustrions victim of the ingratitude of his country in 
fifteen years. 




To return to the events in the native states, from the 
invasion of Nadir Shah in 1739, to the battle of Paniput 
in 1761. The atrocities perpetrated by Nadir 4^^ 
Shah on his return to Persia, for eight years, shah 
were at length terminated by his assassination. Abdalee - 
But a new and more formidable foe to India arose on his 
death in the person of Ahmed Shah, the chief of the 
tribe of Abdalee Afghans, who was proclaimed king at 
Candahar before the close of the year, and became supreme 
in the regions beyond the Indus. Encouraged by the 
success of Nadir Shah, whom he had accompanied in his 
expedition, ho turned his attention to India and occupied 
the province of Lahore, and advanced to Sirhind, where he 
was defeated by prince Ahmed, the son of the emperor of 
Delhi, who obliged him to recross the Indus. Hiafint 
Mahomed Shah, the emperor, after a reign of toVMlon - 
more than thirty years, during which the imperial throne 
had been steadily becoming weaker, died in 1748, and was 
succeeded by his son Ahmed, who appointed the nabob of 
Oude his vizier. Alarmed by the growing power of the 
Rohillas, who had taken advantage of the invasion and of the 
confusion of the times to enlarge their power in B/ohil- 
cund, the Vizier attacked them and was defeated, and his 
province overrun, when he had recourse to the humiliating 
and dangerous expedient of calling in the Mahratta chiefs 
Holkar and Sindia, by whose aid he chased the Bohillas 
back to their hills. To gratify their avarice, he authorised 
them to plunder the conquered territory, which did not 
recover from the effect of their ravages for many years. 

Ahmed Shah, having recruited his force, again occupied 
the Punjab and Mooltan, and sent an envoy to Delhi to 1761 
demand the formal cession of them. The emperor, H(ft 8ftwmd 
under the influence of a profligate eunuch, com- and turd 
plied with the request. The Vizier, then absent toTMlon - 
in the pursuit of the Rohillas, hastened to Delhi, but being 
too late to prevent the surrender of the provinces, invited 
the eunuch to a banquet and caused him to be assassinated. 
The emperor was exasperated by this outrage, and enlisted 
the services of Ghazee-ood-deen, the grandson of Nizam- 


ool-moolk and the son of the prince who was poisoned by 
his mother-in-law. This brought on a civil war between the 
emperor and the Vizier, and for six months the capital 
was deluged with blood. Ghazee-ood-deen then called to 
his assistance Holkar's mercenaries, and the Vizier, unable 
to cope with them, consented to an accommodation*, and 
was allowed to retain possession of Oude and Allahabad, 
which were now finally alienated from the empire. The 
emperor, unable to bear the arrogance of Ghazee-ood-deen, 
marched out of his capital to oppose him while he was 
engaged in the siege of Bhurtpore, but was defeated and 
made prisoner, when the monster deprived him and his 
At0< mother of sight, and raised one of the princes of the blood 
1754 to the throne, with the title of Alumgeer the second. 
He then proceeded to the Punjab and expelled the 
Alumgeer II. lieutenants of Ahmed Shah, who no sooner 
Emperor. heard of the insult than he hastened to avenge 
it, and having recovered the Punjab, advanced to Delhi. 
Ghazee-ood-deen made the most abject submissions, and 
was forgiven, but the Abdalee was determined to obtain a 
pecuniary indemnity, and gave the city up to plunder. For 
many days the atrocities of Nadir Shah's time were 
repeated, and the wretched inhabitants were a second time 
1756 subject to the insolence and rapacity of a brutal soldiery. 
Soon after, several thousand unoffending devotees were 
sacrificed in the holy city of Muttra at the time of a 
religious festival. A pestilence which presently broke out 
in his camp obliged him to recross the Indus. He left 
his son Timur in charge of the Punjab, and at the par- 
ticular request of the emperor, placed the Rohilla chief 

1767 Nujeeb-ood-dowlah in command of the imperial army to 
protect him from the designs of Ghazee-ood-deen. 

That abandoned minister immediately called the Mah- 
rattas to his aid, and Rughoonath Rao, more commonly 
Mahratta known in history as Raghoba, advanced and cap- 
grandeur, tared Delhi after a siege of a month, and then 
proceeding to the Punjab, drove the force of Timur back 

1768 into Afghanistan and planted the Mahratta standard for 
the first time on the banks of the Indus. He returned to 
Poona, after having conferred the government of the 
province on a Mahratta officer. The Peshwa bad, mean- 
while, been intriguing for the possession of Ahmednugur, 
the most important city south of the Nerbudda, and at 
length obtained it by treachery. This aggression brought 
on hostilities with Salabut Jung and his brother "Nasdr 


Jung, who had been reconciled. They had no longer the sup- 
port of Bussy's genius or his troops, and even Ibrahim Khan, 
the ablest of Bussy's native generals, had been dismissed, 
and gone over with a powerful and well-served artillery to Aa>4 
the Peshwa. The Nizam was reduced to such straits as to 1758 
be obliged to agree to whatever terms the Peshwa might 
dictate, and obliged to surrender four of the most important 
fortresses in the Deccan, to confirm the possession of 
Ahmednugur, and to make over districts yielding fifty-six 
lacs of rupees, which reduced the Mogul possessions in the 
Deccan to a very narrow circle. The power of the Mahrattas 
was now at its zenith ; it was acknowledged equally on 
the banks of the Indus and of the Coleroon, and it was pre- 
dominant both in Hindostan and in the Deccan. The vast 
resources of the commonwealth were wielded by one chief ^^ 
and directed to one object, and they began to talk proudly 
of establishing Hindoo sovereignty throughout the con- 
tinent of India. 

Raghoba had left Holkar and Sindia to support the 
Mahratta interests in the north, and to despoil Rohilcund, 
of which Sindia had laid waste thirteen hundred ^ e Abda- 
villages in the course of a month, but he was lc * 8 fourth 
soon after driven across the Jumna by the nabob 
Vizier. Just at this juncture the north of India was 1769 
astounded by the report that Ahmed Shah Abdalee had 
crossed the Indus a fourth time in September, with a large 
army, to recover and extend his possessions. During his 
advance, Ghazeo-ood-cleen, dreading an interview between 
the Abdaleo and the emperor Ahmed Shah, whom he had 
blinded, put him to death, and placed an unknown youth 
on the throne, who was, however, never acknowledged. 
Holkar and Sindia were in command of 30,000 horse, bnt 
they were widely separated from each other, and the 
Abdalee determined to attack them before they could form 
a junction. Sindia was overpowered, and lost Defeat of 
two- thirds of his army. Holkar was routed with sln jl[* and 
great carnage. The news of these reverses only 
served to inflame the ardour of the Peshwa and his cabinet, 17# 
and it was resolved at Poona to make one grand and decisive 
effort to complete the conquest of India. The command of 
the force destined to this object was entrusted to Sudaseo 
Rao Bhow, commonly known as tho Bhow, the cousin of the 
Peshwa, a general who had soon much service and was not 
wanting in courage and energy, bnt rash and impetuous, and 
filled with an overweening conceit of his own abilities. 


A.D, The army which now moved up to encounter Ahmed 
1760 Shah was the largest with which the Mahrattas had ever 
The battle taken the field. Its gorgeous equipments 
of Panipnt. formed a strong contrast with that of the humble 
and hardy mountaineers of Sevajee. The Mahrattas had 
already begun to assume the pomp of Mahomedan princes 
The spacious and lofty tents of the chiefs were lined with 
silks and brocades, and surmounted with glittering orna- 
ments. The finest horses richly caparisoned, and a train of 
elephants with gaudy housings, accompanied the army. The 
wealth which had been accumulated during half a century 
of plunder was ostentatiously displayed; and cloth of gold 
was the dress of the officers. The military chest was furnished 
with two crores of rupees. Every Mahratta commander 
throughout the country was summoned to attend the 
stirrup of the Bhow, and the whole of the Mahratta 
cavalry marched under the national standard. It waa 
considered the cause of the Hindoos as opposed to that of 
the Mahomedans, and the army was therefore joined in its 
progress by numerous auxiliaries, more especially from 
Bajpootana. Sooruj Mull, the Jaut chieftain, brought np a 
contingent of 30,000 men. The army was, however, encum- 
bered with two hundred pieces of cannon, and Soornj Mull 
wisely advised the Bhow to leave them at Gwalior or at 
Jhansi, and resort to the national system of warfare, 
cutting off the supplies, and harassing tho detachments of 
the enemy ; but this sage counsel was hnnerhtily rejected, 
and the Jaut withdrew from the camp in disgust, together 
with some of the Rajpoot chieftains. The Bhow entered 
Delhi and defaced the palaces, tombs, and shrines which 
had been spared by the Persian and Afghan invader. The 
1761 two armies met on the field of Paniput, where for the 
third time the fate of India was to be decided. That of 
the Mahrattas consisted of 55,000 cavalry in regular pay, 
15,000 predatory horse, and 15,000 infantry, who had been 
trained under Bussy, and were now commanded by his ablest 
native general. The Mahomedan force numbered about 
80,000 chosen troops, besides irregulars almost as numerous, 
with seventy pieces of cannon. After a succession of desultory 
engagements, some of them, however, of considerable 
magnitude, the Mahrattas formed an entrenched camp, in 
which, including camp followers, a body little short of 
300,000 was collected. Within a short time this vast 
multitude began to be straitened for provisions. Cooped up 
in a blockaded encampment, amidst dead and dying 


animals, and surrounded by famishing soldiers, the officers 
demanded to be led out against the enemy. The battle 
began before daybreak on the 7th of January, and the 
Mahratta chiefs nobly sustained their national reputation ; 
but about two hours after noon Wiswas Rao, the son of 
the Peshwa, was mortally wounded, and Sudaseo Rao 
Bhow fled from the field, and the army became irretrievably 
disorganised. No quarter was asked or given, and the 
slaughter was prodigious. Not one-fourth of the troops 
escaped with their lives, and it was calculated that from 
the opening of the campaign to its close the number of 
casualties, including cainp followers, fell little short of 
200,000. Seldom has a defeat been more com- prodigious 
pleto or disastrous. There were few families fcnghter. 
throughout the Mahratta empire which had not to mourn 
the loss of some relative. The Peshwa died of a broken 
heart, and his government never recovered its vigour and 
integrity. All the Mahratta conquests north of the 
Nerbudda were lost, and though they were subsequently 
recovered, it was under separate chieftains, with individual 
interests, which weakened their allegiance to the central 
authority. The Abdalee having thus shivered the Hindoo 
power, turned his back on India, and never interfered 
again in its affairs. The Mogul throne may be i^ceton 
said to have expired with the battle of Paniput. th(> Mogul 
Its territory was broken up into separate and emp ' A.D. 
independent principalities ; the claimant to the throne 1761 
was wandering about Behar with a band of mercenaries ; 
and the nation which was destined to establish a new 
empire, and, in oriental phrase, to i bring the various 
" tribes of India under one umbrella," had already laid 
the foundation of its power in the valley of the Ganges. 
To the rise and progress of the English Government we 
now turn. 



THE wraith which Portugal had acquired in the sixteenth 
century by the trade to the east raised an earnest desire 
in England to obtain a share of it ; and Drake, The Bast 
Cavendish, and other navigators were impelled ^ n(1Ift 
by the spirit of maritime enterprise, which Queen ompany ' 
Elizabeth fostered, to undertake voyages of discovery in 


A.D. the eastern seas. In 1583 Fitch and three other adven- 

1583 ttirers traversed the length and breadth of the unknown 
continent of India, and the acconnts they brought home of 
the opulence of its various kingdoms, and the grandeur of 
the cities, opened up the vision of a lucrative commerce to 
the English nation. The ardour of enterprise was, how- 
ever, damped by the unsuccessful issue of a voyage of three 
years undertaken by Captain Lancaster, but it was re- 
vived by the report of the first mercantile expedition of 
the Dutch, which had resulted in a rich return. An 
association was accordingly formed in London, consisting 

1600 o f merchants, ironmongers, clothiers, and other men of 
" substance," who subscribed the sum of 30,133, for the 
purpose of opening a trade to the Bast. The next year 
Queen Elizabeth granted them a charter of incorporation, 
under the title of the " East India Company,'* which for 
a hundred and fifty years confined itself to commercial 
pursuits, and then took up arms in defence of its factories, 
and impelled by the normal law of progression, became 
master of the continent of India. 

The first attention of the Company was drawn to the 
spice islands in the eastern archipelago, in which the 
it first Dutch were endeavouring to supersede the Portu- 
enterprises. guese. The chief object of the India trade at 
that period was to obtain spices, pepper, cloves, and nut- 
megs, in return for the exports from England of iron, tin, 
le&d, cloth, cutlery, glass, quicksilver, and Muscovy hides. 

HOI The first expedition sailed from Torbay in April, 1601. 
Eight voyages were undertaken in the next ten years, 
which yielded a profit of more than a hundred and fifty 
per cent. A portion of this return was obtained by piracy 
on their European rivals, which all the maritime nations at 
that period considered a legitimate source of gain. In 
1611 the Company despatched vessels to Surat, then the 
great emporium of trade on the western coast of India ; 
but the Portuguese were determined to repel the interlopers, 
and planted a squadron of armed vessels at the mouth of 
the Taptee. In the several encounters which ensued, the 
Portuguese were invariably discomfited, and as they were 
universally dreaded by the natives for their oppressions, 
the reputation of the English rose high, and they obtained 

U1S permission to establish factories at Surat, Ahmedabad, and 
other towns. These privileges were confirmed by the 
emperor Jehangeer. 

Soon after, the Company prevailed on James I. to send 


Sir Thomas Roe as his ambassador to the court of Delhi, A.D. 
where he met with a distinguished reception sir T. Roe's 161 * 
And obtained further privileges for the Company, embassy. 
The Company also succeeded in wresting Ormus from the 
Portuguese, and obtained a commercial footing in the 
Persian Gulf, but it never proved to be of any value. In 
1620 the Company's agents for the first time visited the 162 
valley of the Ganges, and set up a factory at Patna ; but 
it was through the patriotism of Mr. Boughton, ^ Bough- 
one of their surgeons, that they obtained per- *******- 

i ill* -r> t mi tereeteaneBS. 

mission to settle in Bengal. The emperor was 
at the time in the Deccan, and his daughter being taken 
seriously ill, he sent to the Company's factory at Surat to 
request the services of an able physician. Mr. Boughton 
was despatched to the camp, and effected a cure ; and being 
requested to name his own reward, asked permission to 
establish factories in Bengal, which was at once granted. 
Two years after, the emperor's second son, who had been 
appointed viceroy of Bengal, established his court at 
Rajmahal. One of the ladies of the seraglio was attacked 
with disease, and the services of Mr. Boughton were again 
solicited, and ho again declined any personal remunera- 
tion, but obtained permission for his masters to plant fac- 
tories at Hooghly and Balasore. 

The first factory of the Company on the Coromandel 
coast was opened at Masuhpatam and then transferred to 
Armegaum ; but as the trade did not flourish, the Madraa 
superintendent accepted the invitation of the raja 
of Chundergiree, the last representative of the Hindoo 
kingdom of Bcejanuger, to settle in his territories, and a 
plot of ground was accepted at Madraspatam, one of the 
most inconvenient places for trade on the Coromandel 
coast, on which the Company erected a fort, called, after the 1639 
patron saint of England, Fort St. George, around which 
arose the city of Madras. Surat continued to be the port of 
the Company on the western coast till 1062, when, on the 
marriage of Charles II. to the Infanta Catherine, Bambfty< 
the daughter of the king of Portugal, he 
bestowed the port of Bombay as her dowry, and the 1662 
Crown, finding it more expensive than profitable, made 
it over to the Company, who removed their chief establish- 
ments to it. The annals of the Company for a period of 
forty years in Bengal are barren of events. They enjoyed 
great prosperity, and their trade flourished to such an 
extent that it was erected into a separate Presidency, but 


the simple men of the counter in Dowgate were at length 
seized with a fit of political ambition, which brought 
them to the verge of rain. 

The Court of Directors had obtained admiralty jurisdic- 
tion from the Crown, with liberty to seize all interlopers. 
The Com- The profits of the Company had, as usual, led to 
amSitioii ^ e es t a blishraent f a new an ^ rival Company 
in London, which it was deemed advisable to root 
out. The agent of the old Company, with the view of ex- 
eluding them from Bengal, had sought permission of the 
Mogul viceroy to erect a fortification at the mouth of the 
river, but he resented their application by increasing the 
duty on their exports, in violation of the firman granted by 
the emperor. Such impositions which had frequently been 
made before, had been eluded by a discreet distribution 
of presents, but on the present occasion the Company 
assumed a high tone, and determined to seek redress by 
engaging in hostilities with the Mogul empire, then in the 
1685 zen ^ of its power. With the permission of the Crown, 
they sent out admiral Nicholson with twelve ships of war, 
carrying 200 guns and 1,000 soldiers, to seize and fortify 
Chittagong, to demand the cession of the neighbouring 
territory, and to establish a mint. But these ambitious 
prospects were destined to a severe disappointment. The 
fleet was dispersed in a storm, and a portion of it sailed to 
Hooghly where the advanced-guard of 400 men had 
already arrived from Madras. The appearance of this 
formidable armament induced the nabob to seek an 
accommodation, when three intoxicated sailors reeled into 
the bazaar, and fell out with the police. Both parties were 
Battle at reinforced, and a regular engagement ensued, 
Hooghly. which resulted in the defeat of the Moguls. 
The admiral set the town on fire, and burnt down five 
hundred houses. Job Charnock, the chief of the Com- 
pany's factory, dreading an attack from the nabob's troops, 
moved down with all his establishment to the village of 
Chuttanutty, and then to the island of Ingelee, a swamp 
in the Soonderbun, where half his people perished of 
jungle fever. He was relieved from this embarassing 
position by the appearance of an envoy from the nabob 
with proposals of peace. The Court of Directors, who 
were determined to carry their views by force, had directed 
their chief at Bombay to blockade Surat, which was the 
pilgrim port on the western coast, and the departure of 


devout Mahometans to the shrine of the Prophet was at 
once stopped. Aurungzebe's fanaticism over- stoppage of 
came his pride, and, in order to open the road to pUgninage. 
Mecca, he condescended to seek accommodation with the 
infidels who had blocked it up. A treaty was accordingly 
concluded, and Charnock returned to Chuttanutty, but not 
to remain there. The Court of Directors, hearing of the 
proceedings at Hooghly, determined to prosecute the war A.D. 
with increased vigour, and despatched Captain Heath with 1688 
several vessels of war to Bengal. On his arrival, he dis- 
allowed the treaty and commenced warlike operations, 
and embarking the whole of the Company's property and 
officers on fifteen vessels, proceeded to Balasore, which he 
burnt, and then crossed over to Chittagong. Its fortifi- 
cations were stronger than he had expected, and he sailed 
to Madras, where he landed all the Company's establish- 
ments. Aurungzebe, incensed at these renewed aggressions, 
ordered all the English factories in every part Bengal 
of India to be confiscated, and nothing remained of abandoned, 
the Company's possessions except the fortified towns of 
Madras and Bombay. Sir John Child, the governor of 
Bombay, sent two gentlemen to the emperor's encamp, 
ment at Beejaporo to treat for a reconciliation. Aurungzebe 
by the recent conquest of Beejapore had extended his 
power over the whole of India ; but though it was 
irresistible on the land, the English were masters of the sea, 
and they blockaded the Mogul ports, and both obstructed the 
pilgrimage, and destroyed the trade of the Moguls. Nor 
was he insensible to the loss his subjects sustained by the 
suspension of the English trade, which was calculated at a 
croro of rupees a year, and he agreed " to overlook their 
u offences," and restore their factories. The nabob of 
Bengal, who was favourable to them, lost no time in 
acquainting Mr. Charnock at Madras with the emperor's 
wishes, and beseeching him to return to Bengal. He 
landed at Chuttanutty on the 24th of August, 1690, and 1690 
in the i oijrl.b.:ir!n r village of Calcutta laid the Foundation 
foundation of the future metropolis of British * Calcutta. 
India. This spasm of ambition did not last more than 
five years, and for half a century afterwards the servants 
of the Company were instructed to consider themselves 
" the representatives of a body of merchants, and to live 
" and act accordingly." 

The Company having now a settlement of their own in 


4.D. Bengal, were anxious to place it, like Madras and Bombay, 
1695 in a state of defence ; but it was contrary to the policy 
Erection of ^ ^he Mogul empire to permit the multiplica- 
Frt tion of such fortifications. The forts at the two 

""* other Presidencies had been erected before the 
authority of the Moguls was extended over the territory 
in which they were situated. The nabob of Bengal refused 
the permission which the governor had sought, but in 
1695 the zemindar of Burdvvan revolted, and in conjunc- 
tion with Behim Khan, the chief of the Orissa Afghans, 
plundered Hooghly, and threatened the foreign settlements. 
The danger to which they were exposed was strongly re- 
presented to the nabob, who was bewildered by the 
rebellion, and he desired the agents of the Companies, in 
general terms, to provide for their own security. Im- 
mediately every hand was set to work, night and day, to 
raise the fortifications, by the Dutch at Chinsurah, the 
French at Chandernagore, and the English at Calcutta. 
In compliment to the reigning monarch the fortress was 
designated Fort William. 

The Company was now threatened by a more formidable 
opponent in London. The dazzling profits of the India 
Rival com- trade had drawn forth a multitude of competi. 
P* 1168 ' tors, but they succeeded in obtaining a renewal 
1693 of their charter from the Crown in 1693. A few months 
after, however, the House of Commons passed a resolution 
to'the effect, " that it is the right of all Englishmen to trade 
" to the East Indies unless prohibited by Act of Parlia- 
" ment." This gave fresh animation to those who wert 
eager to share in the trade, and they petitioned Parlia- 
ment for a charter, backed by the tempting offer of a loan 
of two millions to the treasury at eight per cent., and it 
was accepted. The old Company had not been able to offer 
more than a third of the sum, and they were ordered to 
wind up their affairs in three years. But the rivalry of the 
Disastrous two Companies was found, even in the first year, 
results. ^0 be fatal to the public interests. Their compe- 
tition enhanced the price of produce in every market in 
India, and created a scarcity. The native officers, courted 
by two parties, fleeced them in turn, and oppressed both, 
and the money which should have been laid out in invest- 
ments was squandered in bribes, to the extent of seven lacy 
of rupees. At Surat, the agents of the old Company were 
seized by the agents of their rivals, dragged through the 
streets and delivered to the Mogul authorities of the town 


as disturbers of the public peace. The nation became A.D. 
at length sensible of the disastrous results of this conten- 1701 
tion, and in 1702 the two Companies were amalgamated 
under the title of the " United Company of Merchants 
44 trading to the East." Their former privileges 
were granted by the Crown ; the new charter ** 

was sanctioned likewise by Parliament, and the strength of 
union inspired them with greater animation in the prosecu- 
tion of their commerce. The fortifications of Calcutta 
were silently but diligently improved, and gave confidence 
to the native merchants, who came there in large numbers, 
and it became one of the most flourishing settlements in 
the province. But the history of it from this time to the 
battle of Plassy, for more than fifty years, and more espe- 
cially during the viceroyalty of Moorshed Kooly Khan and 
his successor, is only a register of the extortions of the 
Mogul government, and the contrivances of the president 
to evade them. It is an unvaried tale of insolence and 
plunder on the one part, and humiliating submission on the 
other, which was at length avenged by the battle of 
Plassy. 1702 

In the year in which the Companies were united, Moor- 
shed Kooly Khan was appointed dewan, or financial 
admiiiiatrator, of Bengal. He was the son of a Moorahed- 
poor brahmin in the Deccan, and was purchased Kooty-Khan. 
and circumcised by an Ispahan merchant. On the death 
of his master, he obtained service with the dewan of 
Berar, and by his financial ability attracted the notice of 
Aurungzebe, who appointed him dewan of Bengal in 1702. 
He was soon after invested with the soobadaree, or vice- 
royalty of the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and 
Orissa, and removed the capital to the new city of Moor- 
shedabad, which he founded and called after his own name. 
He was aware that the prosperity of Bengal was greatly 
promoted by its maritime trade, and gave every encourage- 
ment to the Mogul and Arab merchants, but regarded the 
fortified factories of the foreign companies, and more 
especially that of the English, with great jealousy, and 
when firmly seated in power, trampled under foot the 
privileges obtained from the emperor by the English Com- 
pany. He imposed heavy taxes on the trade of the 
Company, which they had no means of evading except by 
the ofler of exorbitant bribes. 

The president in Calcutta determined, therefore, to 171$ 
appeal to the emperor, and despatched an embassy to 


Delhi with presents so costly as to make the Court of 
Embassy to Directors wince. Moorshed Kooly used all his in- 
DeiM. fluence at court to defeat an application directed 
against his own interest and authority, and would doubt- 
less have succeeded in baffling it but for an unexpected 
event. The emperor Ferokshere was betrothed to a 
Rajpoot princess, but the nuptials were postponed in con- 
sequence of a sharp attack of disease, which the royal 
physicians were unable to subdue. On the advice of one 
of the ministers, who was favourable to the English, Mr. 
Hamilton, the surgeon of the mission, was called in, and 
effected a cure. He was required by the grateful emperor to 
name his own recompense, and, imitating the noble patriotism 
of Mr. Boughton, only asked that the emperor would grant 
the privileges the embassy had been sent to solicit, the 
chief of which was permission to purchase thirty- eight 
villages adjacent to Calcutta. Many objections were raised 
to this concession by the representatives of the Bengal vice- 
roy, but it was at length conceded. The possession of 
these villages, extending ten miles on each side of the river, 
would have given the Company the complete control of the 

AtDg maritime trade of the province, and Moorshed Kooly 

1717 threatened the zemindars with his vengeance if they 
parted with a single inch of land. The firman became a 
mere piece of waste paper. 

Moorshed Kooly Khan is one of the greatest names in 

1702 the Mahomedan history of India. He was as eminent a 
to Adminiatra- financier as Toder Mull. He caused an accurate 

1725 tion of survey to be made of the lands, and revised the as- 
Mooraned. '. -, i t i . i , 111 

sessment ; he divided the province into chuklas, 

or districts, and appointed officers over each to collect the 
rents, who became rich and powerful zemindars, and as 
the office, as usual, became hereditary, assumed the title 
and the state of rajas. Of these rajas, only one in Burd- 
wan retains his zemindaree unimpaired at the present 
time. The Mahomedan officers were regarded as sieves, 
which retained nothing ; the Hindoo officers as sponges, 
which could be squeezed when saturated with plunder, and 
they were accordingly employed in the collections, to the 
entire exclusion, except in one instance, of the professors 
of the creed of the Prophet. The revenues of Bengal 
were a little in excess of a crore and a quarter of rupees, of 
which one-third was reserved for the expenses of the 
Government, and a crore regularly transmitted to the 
imperial treasury, the viceroy invariably accompanying 


the procession which conveyed the tribute in person, the first 
march out of Moorshedabad. Though severe in the exac- 
tion of revenue, he was eminently just in his administra- 
tion, constant to one wife, frugal in his domestic habits, 
and exemplary in his charities. Under his administration 
the prosperity of the country was abundantly increased. A . D . 
He died in 17*25, and was succeeded by his son-in-law, 17M 
Soojah-ood-deen, a Turkoman noble from Khorasan, who 
retained his post in spite of the intrigues at the imperial 
court, chiefly through the punctual transmission of the 
tribute. He was succeeded in 1739 by his son, Serefraz 1739 
Khan, at the time when Nadir Shah was plundering Delhi, 
and as the dictate of prudence, the nabob ordered the coin 
to be struck and prayers to be read in his name. 



WITHIN a twelvemonth Aliverdy Khan, a native of Tur- 
kistan who had been entrusted with the government of 
Behar, succeeded, by largo bribes and larger Aiiverdy 
promises to the venal ministers of the emperor Khan - 
Mahomed Shah in obtaining the office of viceroy, and 
marched against Serefraz, who was defeated and slain. 174] 
Aliverdy had been employed for twenty years in public 
affairs, and was eminently fitted by his talents to adorn the 
position he had clandestinely obtained, and it was through 
his energy that Bengal was saved from becoming a Mah- 
ratta province. While Rnghoojee Bhonslay was employed 
in the Carnatic, as narrated in the last chapter, one of his 
generals, Bhaskur Punt, entered Bengal and laid waste 
the whole country west of the Bhagruttee, from Mahratta 
Cuttack to Rajmahal. A division of his array lnvaalon ' 1743 
suddenly appeared before Moorshedabad and plundered the 
suburbs and extorted two crores and a half of rupees from 
the Setts, the most opulent bankers in Hindostan. The 
Mahratta commander then moved down upon Hooghly, 
which he plundered, and the wretched inhabitants crowded 
for shelter into the foreign settlements. The president at 
Calcutta sought permission of the viceroy to surround the 
settlement with an entrenchment, which was readily 
granted, and the work was prosecuted with vigour, but sus* 



pended on the retirement of the enemy and never com- 
AJ>. Mahratta pleted. This was the celebrated Mahratta Bitch, 
1742 Difcch - which, though it has disappeared like the old 
wall of London, long continued to mark the municipal 
boundaries of the town, and to give its citizens the sou- 
briquet of the " inhabitants of the Ditch." 

The Mahrattas, though invariably defeated, renewed their 
ravages from year to year. The recollection of these 
^^ devastations was not effaced for several genera- 
ceded to the tions from the memory of the inhabitants in the 
Mahrattas. wes tern districts, and the invasion of the Bur- 
gees the name by which the Mahrattas were called 
continued, even in tho present century, to be an object 
of horror. Wearied out with the conflict of ten years, which 
ruined the country and exhausted tho revenue, Aliverdy, 
then in his seventy-fifth year, agreed to pay the raja of 
Berar the cliout on the revenues of Bengal, and to cede 
the province of Orissa to him. The nabobs of Bengal con- 
1751 tinned, however, to retain the name of Orissa as one of the 
three soobahs under their rule, though nothing was left ot 
it to them but a small territory north of the Subunreka. 
Aliverdy devoted the remaining five years of his vice- 
royalty to repairing the ravages of this Limiting warfare, 
1756 and died in April, 1756, at the age of eighty. Tho very next 
year the sovereignty of the three provinces passed from 
the Turkoman Mahomedans to the English, and became the 
basis of the British empire in India. 

Aliverdy Khan bequeathed the government to his favourite 
grandson Suraj-ood-dowlah, a youth of twenty, who had 
1756 suraj-ood- already become the object of universal dread and 
dowiah. abhorrence for his caprices and cruelty. He had 
long evinced particular animosity towards the English, and 
the Court of Directors had specially enjoined the presi- 
dent to place Calcutta in a state of defence. The factory 
was reported to be very rich, and the young tyrant 
had marked it out for early spoliation, but an unexpected 
event hastened his movements. Before he came to 
power he had despoiled the Hindoo governor of Dacca, 
and placed him in confinement. His son Kissendas, 
anxious to place his family and treasures in a state of 
security, under pretence of a pilgrimage to Jugernath, 
proceeded with a largo retinue to Calcutta, whore ho 
received a cordial welcome from the president, Mr. Drake. 
Immediately on the death of the old nabob, Suraj-ood- 
dowlah peremptorily demanded the surrender of Kissendas 


with all his wealth. It was followed by a second communi- 
cation, ordering him to demolish the fortifications which it 
was reported he had erected at Calcutta. Mr. Drake replied 
that he had only put the ramparts facing the river in repair, 
in the prospect of a war with Franco, but he refused to 
give up the refugee to whom he had given protection. The 
young soobadar was at this time marching into Purneah to 
coerce the refractory governor, his cousin ; but euraged at 
this opposition to his wishes, he ordered his army to turn 
back and march directly down to Calcutta. 

The town was ill-prepared for such an assault. During A . D< 
fifty years of peace the defences had been neglected, and 1766 
warehouses had been built up to the ramparts, capture of 
The attention which the French had always Calcutta. 
paid to the fortification of their settlements formed a 
singular contrast to the indifference manifested by the 
Engli.-h : and Chaiulcrna^ore was at this time so thoroughly 
defensible that it would have bafHed all the attacks of any 
native army. After the capture of Madras by Labour- 
donnais, the Court of Directors had sent out orders to 
strengthen the works, and these orders were repeated with 
increased importunity as the health of the old viceroy 
declined. But their servants in Calcutta were too busily 
intent on amassing fortunes to heed these injunctions, and 
their infatuation down to the latest moment was exceeded 
only by their cowardice when the crisis came. The militia 
was not embodied, and the powder furnished by a fraudulent 
contractor was deficient both in quality and in quantity. 
There were only 174 men in garrison, not ten of whom had 
ever seen a shot fired, and the besiegers were 50,000 in 
number. Yet, against these odds, Clive would have made 
as noble and successful a defence as he did at Arcot; but 
the governor was Drake, and the commandant Minchin. 
The nabob's army sat down before it on the 17th June ; 1756 
the town was occupied the next day, and the day after, it 
was determined to send the women and children on board 
the vessels anchored off the fort. As soon, however, as the 
watergato was opened, there was an indiscriminate rush 
to the boats, many of which were capsized. The enemy 
sent some " fire arrows" at the ships, which did no damage 
at all, but the commanders immediately weighed anchor 
and dropped down the river two miles. Two boats alone 
remained at the stairs, and Mr. Drake, without leaving 
any instructions, quietly slipped into one of them ; he was 
followed by the military commander, and they rowed dowp 



*.. to the ships. As soon as this base desertion of their posts 
17 66 became known, and calmness had been restored, Mr. 
Holwell was unanimously placed in command, and it was 
resolved to defend the fort to the last extremity. It held 
out for forty-eight hours, during which signals were made 
day and night to the vessels anchored below, and they 
might have come up with perfect ease and safety and have 
rescued the whole of the gallant garrison, but not a vessel 
moved. On the 21st the enemy renewed the attack with 
redoubled vigour : more than half the force was killed or 
wounded, and the European soldiers broke into the liquor 
stores and became unfit for duty. Mr. Holwell was obliged 
to agree to a parley, during which the nabob's soldiers 
treacherously rushed into the fort and obtained possession 
of it. Search was immediately made for treasure, but 
only five lacs of rupees were found in the vaults, and the 
nabob's indignation knew no bounds. 

The nabob retired about dusk to his encampment. The 
European prisoners were collected together in a veranda, 
The Black while the native officers went in search of some 
Hole. building in which they might be lodged for the 

night, but none could be found, and they were desired to 
move into an adjoining chamber, which had been used as 
the lock-up room of the garrison. It was not twenty feet 
square, with only a single window, and, however suitable 
for the confinement of a few refractory soldiers, was death 
to the hundred and forty-six persons now thrust into it, in 
one of the hottest months of the most sultry season of the 
year. The wretched prisoners soon became frantic with 
suffocating heat and intolerable thirst, and called upon the 
sentries to fire upon them and put them out of their misery. 
They sank one by one in the arms of death, and when the 
door was opened in the morning, only twenty-three were 
dragged out alive, the most ghastly of forms. This is the 
tragedy of the Black Hole, which has fixed an indelible 
mark of infamy on the name of Suraj-ood-dowlah. Yet so 
little did it appear an extraordinary occurrence that it 
excited no attention in the native community, and is not 
even mentioned by the great Mahomedan historian of the 
period. The nabob returned to Moorshedabad and con- 
fiscated all the property of the Company at the out 
Extinction ^ actor ^ es an< * ^ey ,were as completely expelled 
of the n from Bengal as they had been seventy years 
Comply' before in the reign of Aurungzebe. 
1757 But the time of retribution was not distant. The Court 


of Directors had regarded the progress of Bussy in the 
Deccan with a feeling of great jealousy, and deter- 
mined to contract an alliance with the Peshwa to 
arrest it. Clive, who had been received with dis- 
tinguished honour by the Company and the ministry, was 
sent for this purpose to Bombay with a considerable force, 
but on his arrival found the president and his council 
inflexibly averse to embark in so perilous an enterprise. 
Admiral Watson happening to arrive at the same time 
with his fleet from Madras, it was determined to employ 
the powerful armament thus assembled in rooting out the 
piratical chief Angria on that coast. His power had become 
so formidable, and his audacity had increased to such an ex- 
tent, that in the previous year his corsairs had overpowered 
three Dutch ships of war, respectively, of fifty, thirty-six, and 
eighteen guns, the two largest of which they burnt. The 
English fleet and army proceeded against Geriah, his 
capital, and within an hour after the attack began, the 
whole pirate fleet was in a blaze. In the arsenal were 
found two hundred pieces of cannon, with a very large 
store of ammunition, and twelve lacs of rupees, which the 
captors, with very commendable wisdom, distributed among 
themselves without ceremony. The admiral and Clive then 
returned to Madras, whore information had just been re- 
ceived of the sack of Calcutta ; and although a strong 
party in the council was still bent on a conflict with Bussy, 
the majority came to the conclusion that it was their first 
duty to retrieve the affairs of their masters in Bengal. 
An expedition was accordingly fitted out and entrusted to 
the genius of Clive, who sailed from Madras with admiral 
Watson's fleet, on which were embarked 900 Europeans 
and 1,500 sepoys. 

They entered the Hooghly, and on the 15th December 1756 
reached Fulta, where they found the dastardly Drake and 
his iVYr.v fiiLri ! :\ o- in the ships on which they had capture of 
taken refuge in Juno. A little higher up the Calcutta, 
river there was a small fortification at Budge Budge, held 
by the Hindoo general of the nabob, who had been left in 
cnarge of the army. It was attacked by Clive, and a ball 
happening to pass too close to the commander's turban, he 
hastened back to Calcutta. Not deeming himself, however, 
safe there, he fled to Moorshedabad, leaving 500 men to 
defend the fort, which was delivered up to Clive on the 2nd 1757 
January, when the Company's standard was again hoisted on 
its ramparts. The nabob tad persuaded himself that tho 


English would never again enter his dominions, and he was 
filled with indignation when he heard of their audacity. 
He refused to listen to any overture from Olive, and thus 
marched down in haste with an army of 40,000 men. 
Finding a contest inevitable, Olive determined to take the 
initiative, jand long before dawn on the 5th February 
marched out with his entire force, augmented by 600 
marines, and assaulted the nabob's encampment. Towards 
sunrise a February fog bewildered the troops and 
weakened the strength of the attack, but the Nabob, who 
had never been under fire before, and had moreover seen 
Battle at many of his officers fall around him, hastened 
Dumdnm. to make overtures of peace, and a treaty was con- 
cluded on the 9th February. All the former privileges of 
the Company were restored, and permission was given 
to establish a mint and to fortify Calcutta. Information 
had soon after been received of the declaration of war 
between England and France. The French settlement of 
Chandernagore, twenty miles above Calcutta, was garri- 
soned with 700 Europeans, besides a largo body of native 
troops, and Bussy was encamped with a victorious army at 
a distance of only four hundred miles in the Northern 
Sircars. The nabob had no sooner signed the treaty than 
he importuned Bussy to march up to Bengal and expel the 
English. Olive felt that the junction of the two French 
/orces would compromise the position of the Company, and 
he determined to attack Ch.'iiulri'nniroro before it could be 
effected. He attacked it by land while admiral Watson bom- 
barded it with his fleet, and the town was surrendered upon 
Capture of honourable terms after a very gallant resistance 
Cfcanderna- o f nine days. When the capture had been 
gore ' effected, Olive remarked, " We cannot stop here," 

and his prediction has been verified by a century of pro- 
gress which has carried us beyond the Indus. 

Meanwhile, the violence and the atrocities of the nabot 
1757 continued to augment the disgust of his ministers and offi- 
Confederacy cers. Every day produced some new act of 
at the capital, oppression, and in May, Meer Jaffier, the military 
paymaster and general, and the brother-in-law of Ali- 
verdy Khan, entered into a combination with other officers 
of state, and the all-powerful bankers, the Setts, to super- 
sede him. There was at Moorshedabad at the time one 
Omichund, who had settled in Calcutta about forty years 
before, and amassed immense wealth by contracts with the 
Company, and who maintained the state of a prince. He ac. 


companied the nabob to the capital after the battle of the 
9th February, constantly attended the durbar, and obtained 
such influence in the public councils as to render it advis- 
able for the confederates to take him into their confidence. A>1 >. 
Olive was invited to join the league with magnificent offers 176? 
for the Company ; and as he was convinced that "there could 
4t be neither peace nor security while such a monster as the 
"nabob reigned," he entered readily into their plans. A 
secret treaty was concluded, stipulating that the English 
should instal Meer Jaffier, and that ho should pay a crore 
and three-quarters of rupees to make good their losses. 
Omichund got scent of the treaty and threatened to dis- 
close the transaction to the nabob which would have led 
to the immediate massacre of the whole party unless an 
additional article was inserted guaranteeing to him a dona- 
tion of thirty lacs, and a commission of five per cent, on 
all the payments. Clive on hearing of this outrageous 
demand came to the conclusion that " art and policy were 
44 warrantable to defeat the plans of such a villain," and he 
drew up a fictitious treaty on red paper, in which his 
demand was provided for, while the real treaty, authenti- 
cated by the seals of the confederates, contained no such 
stipulation. He is said to have died within a year raving 
mad, but this statement is utterly unfounded. This is the 
only act in the bold and arduous career of Clive which 
does not admit of vindication, though he himself always 
defended it, and declared that he was ready to do it a 
hundred times over. 

Clivo marched from Chandernagore on the 13th June 
with 900 Europeans, consisting partly of the 39th Regi- 
ment of foot, who still carry on their colours Battle of 
44 Primus in Indis," 2,100 natives, and ten pieces Hasay. 
of cannon. Ho marched up to Cutwa, where he called a 
council of war, which voted against any farther advance ; but 
immediately after he resolved to carry out the enterprise, and 
on the night of the 22nd moved on to the grove of Plassy. 
The nabob's army, consisting of 50,000 horse and foot, was 
encamped in its immediate vicinity. Meer Jaffier had taken 
an oath to join Clivo before or during the engagement, but 
he did not make his appearance, and was evidently waiting 
the result of events. On the memorable 23rd of June the 175? 
nabob's troops moved down on the small band of English 
troops, and Clivo advanced to the attack. The enemy with- 
drew their artillery; Meer Mudun, the general-in- chief, was 
mortally wounded and expired in the presence of the nabob. 


who was unable to control his terror, but mounted a swift 
camel and fled at the top of his speed with 2,000 horse, and 
did not pause till he reached Moorshedabad. His army 
immediately dispersed, and this battle, which decided the 
fate of Bengal and Behar, and eventually of India, was 
gained with the loss of only seventy-two killed and wounded. 
As soon as tne victory declared in favour of Olive, Meer 
Jaffier advanced with his troops to congratulate him, and to 
obtain the fruits of it. Suraj-ood-dowlah on reaching the 
capital found himself deserted by all his courtiers, and 
after a day of gloomy reflections, descended in disguise from 
a window in the palace with a favourite eunuch and a con- 
cubine, and embarked in a boat in the hope of overtaking 
M. Law, a French officer, whom Bussy had sent up with 
a small force. He proceeded up the river and landing at 
Rajmahal to prepare a meal, entered the hut of a religious 
mendicant, whose ears he had ordered to be cut off the 
preceding year. He was ! <''.* ! 1 and made over to those 
who were in pursuit of him, and conveyed back to Moor- 
shedabad, eight days after he had quitted it. Meerun, the 
son of Meer Jaffier, immediately caused him to bo put to 
death, and his mangled remains were paraded the next day 
through the city and buried in tho tomb of his grandfather. 
A . D . Olive entered Moorshedabad on the 29th of June, and 
1757 proceeded to the palace, where the great officers of state 
cuveat were assembled, and having conducted Meer 

" to the throne, saluted him as soobadar of 
Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. The change in the 
position of the English in the course of a twelvemonth 
appears more like a scene in a fairy tale than in sober his- 
tory. In June, 1756, Calcutta had been sacked and burnt, 
and the Company extirpated. In June, 1757, they had 
not only recovered the seat of their commerce and ex- 
tinguished their European rivals, but defeated and dethroned 
the nabob, and disposed of the sovereignty of a country 
larger and more populous than England. Of the treasures 
at Moorshedabad more than two crores were made over to 
the conquerors, and the first instalment of eighty lacs was 
conveyed in a triumphant procession to Calcutta, along the 
road where, a twelvemonth before, Suraj-ood-dowlah had 
marched back to his capital with the plunder of Calcutta. 
For the Company Clive reserved only the fee simple of 600 
yards of land around the Mahratta Ditch, and the zemin- 
daree rights of the districts south of Calcutta. For himself, 
he rejected the magnificent offers of the opulent noblea who 


were anxious to secure his favour, and contented himself 
with a gift of sixteen lacs from Meer Jaffier. When his 
services were afterwards forgotten, and be was upbraided 
in the House of Commons with his rapacity, he replied 
indignantly " When I recollect entering the treasury of 
u Moorshedabad, with heaps of gold and silver to the right 
" hand and to the left, and these crowned with jewels, I 
" stand astonished at my own moderation." Intelligence 
of the loss of Calcutta was eleven months in reaching Eng- 
land, and seven weeks after the Directors heard of its re- 
covery and of the brilliant results of the battle of Plassy. 
Seventy years before they had sent admiral Nicholson 
with a powerful armament to establish them as a political 
power in Bengal, but so completely had they dismissed all 
the dreams of ambition, that with the richest provinces of 
India at their feet, the only satisfaction they expressed was 
that their factors would now be able to provide investments 
for two years without drawing upon them. 




THE emperor of Delhi was at this time a puppet in the hands 1757 
of his unprincipled minister, Ghazee-ood-deen, and his eldest 
son and heir, AH Gohur, had succeeded in making i nvng j on O f 
his escape from the capital, and raising the im- ^u Oohar. 
pe rial standard. India was swarming with military adven- 
turers ready to take service under any chief, and the prince 
found no difficulty in collecting an army of 40,000 men, 
and, being joined by the nabob Vizier of Onde, invaded 
Behar, and appeared before the city of Patna. Clive lost 
no time in ,nix:i':i ihif to its defence, and the prince retired 
in all hasto on his approach. During his flight he was 
reduced to such distress as to throw himself on the con- 
sideration of Clive, and the heir and descendant of Ak- 175 
bar and Aurungzebo was happy to receive a donation of 
eight thousand rupees to relieve his necessities. 

The influence which Clive necessarily exercised in the 


A.D. government of Bengal from his character and position 

1759 Battle at tended to lessen the importance of Meer Jaffier, 
Chinsurah. an d his court and family could not fail to re- 
member with chagrin that the foreigners who now over- 
shadowed the throne had only three years before approached 
it as suppliants. The nabob, looking about for the means 
of counterbalancing Olive's ascendancy, began to intrigue 
with the Dutch at Chinsurah. The governor of Java, 
moreover, viewed with no friendly eye the superior ad- 
vantages which the English had acquired in Bengal, and in 
the hope of fishing up some prize in the troubled waters of 
the province, fell in with the projects of the nabob, and 
despatched a fleet of seven vessels with 700 Europeans and 
800 well-trained Malay sepoys to Chinsurah. Clive was 
resolved not to tolerate any rival European influence in 
Bengal, and, although the two nations were at peace, seized 
the vessels, and directed Colonel Forde to intercept the 
progress of the troops. That officer shrank from the 
responsibility of attacking the soldiers of a friendly power, 
and requested a written authority from his chief. Clive 
was sitting at cards when the Colonel's letter was placed 
in his hands, and sent a reply in pencil on the back of one 
of them " Fight them immediately. I will send you the 
" order in council to-morrow." The Dutch force was 
attacked and defeated as it approached Chinsurah. Im- 
mediately after the action, the nabob's son appeared in 
sight with an army of 7,000 men who were to have joined 
the Dutch if the fortune of the day had gone against the 
English. Clive exacted from the Dutch the expense of the 
expedition sent to defeat their plans, and having sent a 
haughty and defiant despatch to the Court of Directors, 
from whom he had long been estranged, embarked for 
England on the 25th of February, 1760. 

1760 At the period of Ciive's departure, the prince Ali Gohur 
was advancing a second time to the invasion of Behar. 
Scoond On his route, he heard of the assassination of the 
invasion of emperor, his father, by Ghazee-ood-deen, and 
AU aohur. assil med the imperial dignity under the title of 
Shah Alum. The nabob Vizier joined his force in the 
hope of adding Behar to his possessions, and they moved 
down upon Patna. Colonel Calliaud, one of the great 
soldiers trained under Lawrence and Clive, marched up to 
the defence of the town, together with 15,000 of the 
nabob's troops under his son Meerun, and the imperial 
force was completely routed. The emperor, having received 


a promise \ assistance from the Mahrattas, marched down 
through the hills in the hope of surprising Moorshedabad. 1760 
Colonel Calliaud followed him without loss of time, and the 
two armies confronted each other about thirty miles from 
the city; but the emperor hearing no tidings of his 
Mahratta auxiliaries, broke up his encampment and 
marched back to Patna, to which he laid close siege for 
nine days. All hope of prolonging the defence was fading 
away when Captain Kriox, who had been despatched in 
haste by Colonel Calliaud, was seen approaching the walls 
with a handful of troops. He had performed the march 
from Moorshedabad to Patna, under the burning heat of 
a Bengal sun, in the extraordinary space of thirteen days, 
marching himself on foot to encourage his men. The next 
day he attacked the emperor's camp, and completely de- 
feated him and dispersed his entire force. The nabob of 
Purneah, who had been intriguing 1 with him, now threw off 
the mask and immediately advanced to his aid with 12,000 
men and thirty pieces of cannon. To the utter amazement 
of the natives, Captain Knox inarched out with a battalion 
of sepoys, 200 Europeans, a squadron of cavalry, and five 
field pieces, and, after a conflict of six hours, completely 
routed the nabob. The native historian dwells with ad- 
miration upon the conflict, and describes the breathless 
anxiety with which the inhabitants of Patna crowded on 
the walls watching the exit of this gallant little band, and 
the delight with which they were welcomed back, covered 
with dust and sweat. This was another of those . . 

, ... . . , , Gallantry of 

daring exploits which in our early career Captain 

established the prestige- of our arms and con- Knox * 
tributed to give us the empire of India. Colonel Calliaud 
and Meerun arrived after the engagement ; Meerun was 
struck dead by a thunderbolt as he lay in his tent, and the 
country was rid of a monster, in whose cabinet was found 
a list of three hundred men of note whom he had destined 
to destruction. 

Clivo had become so completely identified with the ex- 
istence of British power in Bengal that it seemed to the 
public officers as if the soul had departed from Mr . Vft n- 
the Government on his retirement. He was sue- Mttart 
ceeded by Mr. Vansittart, a man of great probity, 
but without any strength of character. He belonged to the 
Madras service, and the appointment was resented by the 
members of the Bengal council, who set themselves to 
thwart him on every occasion. To increase the confusion 


which bewildered his weak mind, three of the elder mem- 
bers of council who had signed the contumacious letter of 
Olive to the Court of Directors were peremptorily dis- 
missed by them, and their places were filled, on the rule of 
rotation, by men of violent passions, who regarded Mr. 
Vansittart with a feeling of hatred, and he was constantly 
outvoted in council. The death of Meerun increased the 
complication. Notwithstanding his profligacy, his vigour 
had been the main stay of his father's government, and on 
his death the administration fell into a state of complete 
anarchy. The troops besieged the palace for their arrears, 
and Meer Jaffier sent his son-in-law, Meer Cossim, to 
Calcutta to obtain pecuniary assistance from the council, 
but the treasure obtained at Moorshedabad had been dissi- 
pated, and there was scarcely a rupee in the treasury. It 
was vain to expect any farther supplies from the nabob, and 
the council determined to depose him and to elevate Meer 
Cossim to the throne, on his promising to reward his 
A . D> benefactors with twenty lacs of rupees, to make good all 
1760 arrears, and to transfer three rich districts in lower Bengal 
Meer Cossim to the Company. Mr. Yansittart proceeded to 
nabob. Moorshedabad with a military force to persuade 
the nabob to resign the Government, and the old man was 
obliged, though not without the greatest reluctance, to 
yield, and retire to Calcutta. Meer Cossim met the 
difficulties of his position with great skill and energy. He 
curtailed the extravagance of the court establishments; 
he obliged the public officers to disgorge their plunder ; he 
revised the land assessments, and added a crore of rupees 
a year to his rent-roll. He faithfully discharged all his 
obligations to the Company and to the members of the 
council, but the great object he set before himself was to 
emancipate himself from their control, and to become the 
soobadar in reality, and not in name only. He removed 
the seat of government from Moorshedabad to Monghyr, 
three hundred miles from Calcutta, and strengthened the 
works of that important fortress. In the course of three 
years he created a force of 15,000 cavalry and 25,000 
infantry ; he established a large arsenal, he manufactured 
firelocks, and cast cannon, and had made great progress 
in consolidating his power, when a storm was raised by 
the unprincipled conduct of the council board in Calcutta, 
which in a few months swept him from the throne. 

From time immemorial a large proportion of the public 
1762 revenue had been derived from the duties levied on the 


transport of goods through the country. Under the firman ^ 
of the emperor, the merchandise of the Company Thetranait 1762 
intended for export by sea was allowed to pass *** 
free, under a dustuk, or pass, signed by the president. The 
battle of Plassy transferred all power to the Company, and 
their servants immediately embarked on the inland trade 
of the country, and claimed a similar exemption for their 
private investments. The native merchants, in order to 
pass their own cargoes duty free, adopted the plan of pur- 
chasing passes from the civilians, and the boys in the 
service were thus enabled to realise two or three thousand 
rupees a month. The country traders, moreover, fre- 
quently hoisted the English flag ; and as it was deemed in- 
dispensable to maintain its immunity, Company's sepoys 
nrere sent to release their boats whenever they were seized 
by the nabob's officers. The trade of the country was para- 
lysed, and its peace destroyed, and the two ruling powers 
were brought into a state of perilous antagonism. These 
encroachments, which were rare during Clive's administra- 
tion, increased to an alarming extent on his departure. In 
order to remedy these disorders Mr. Vansittart proceeded 
to Monghyr, and concluded a convention with the nabob, 
which provided that the trade of the Company's servants 
should pay nine per cent., though that of his own subjects 
was often weighted with twenty-five per cent. On his 
return to Calcutta he found the members of council indig- 
nant at this unauthorised concession, and resolved not to 
pay more than two and a half per cent., and that only on 
the article of salt. The nabob then determined to put all 1763 
parties on an equality, and abolished all transit duties 
throughout the provinces. The council voted this measure 
a crime, and demanded, as a matter of right from one whom 
they had raised to authority, that the native traders should 
be subject to the usual duties, while their own flag was 
exempt. This flagitious demand was indignantly resisted 
by the only two honest men in the council, Mr. Vansittart 
and Mr. Hastings. 

The Company's factory at Patna was unfortunately at 
this time under the charge of Mr. Ellis, the war with 
most inveterate of Meer Cossim's opponents, and Me e r Csi m 
the most violent and unscrupulous of the civilians. He 
was resolved to bring about a change in the government, 
and, in a time of peace, suddenly seized on the city of 
Patna with a handful of European troops. The native 
commandant, on hearing that the soldiers were rendered 


incapable by drink, retnrned to the town and recaptured it, 
and Mr. Ellis and his officers, who had proceeded np the 
river, were overtaken and brought back prisoners. Meer 
Cossim was no sooner informed of this wanton aggression 
than he ordered every Englishman in the province to be 
seized. Both, parties now prepared for war. The nabob 
augmented his army, and invited the fugitive emperor and 
the Vizier of Oude, who was hankering after Berar, to join 
his forces. The English army, consisting of 650 Europeans, 
1,200 sepoys, and a troop of native cavalry, opened the 
campaign on the 2nd July, although the rains, the season 
ijh of military inaction, had just set in. The nabob's advanced 
763 guard at Cutwa was defeated. With the army stationed 
at Geriah to dispute the advance of the British force, there 
was a long and arduous battle of four hours, and never had 
native troops fought with greater resolution and valour 
than the newly- raised battalions of the nabob ; but nothing 
conld withstand the spirit of the English soldiers. The 
nabob's army abandoned its guns and encampment and 
fled. Early in November tho English commandant carried 
the fortified entrenchment at Oodwa-nulla, and the nabob 
fled to Patna, after having ordered all his European 
prisoners to be put to death. His own native officers in- 
dignantly refused to imbrue their hands in tho blood of 
brave and unarmed men ; they were soldiers, they said, and 
not executioners. But Raymond, subsequently known as 
Sumroo, a name of infamy, who had been a sergeant in the 
French army, and was now in the employ of the nabob, 
offered his services, and, proceeding to the house where the 
Massacre of prisoners were confined, poured in volley on 
Europeans, volley through the Venetian windows, till forty- 
eight English gentlemen, and a hundred English soldiers, 
lay lifeless on the floor. The campaign was completed in 
four months by the capture of Patna and the flight of Meer 
Cossim to Oude, where the nabob Vizier did not scruple to 
despoil him of his property. 

On the breaking out of the war with Meer Cossim, the 
Council determined to place Meer Jaffier again on 
again * er the throne, but the old man, seventy-two years 
nabob. o f a g 6j an( j scarcely able to move for the leprosy, 
was previously required to confirm the grant of the three 
districts already mentioned to the Company, to concede the 
flagrant exemption from the transit duties in which the war 
had originated, and to make further donations to the civil 
and military officers. But in a few months, the govern- 


ment having a large army to maintain in the field, found 
itself on the verge of bankruptcy, which was not to be won- 
dered at, considering that peculation was universal, from 
the highest to the lowest official. Meer Jaffier was therefore 
brought down to Calcutta to concert the means of replen- 
ishing tl asury. The members of council demanded a 

payment of five lacs of rupees a month for the public 
service as long as the war lasted, and they insisted on a 
donation at first of ten lacs, and eventually of fifty lacs, for 
themselves, for what they had the effrontery to term 
" compensation for losses.*' These harassing importunities, A D> 
combined with age and disease, served to hasten his end, 176$ 
and on his return to Moorshedabad he expired in Death of 

January, 17C5. Meer Jaffler. 

The making of nabobs had for the last eight years been 
the most lucrative occupation of the senior civil and 
military officers of the Company, and the fourth Hla ^ 
occasion which now arose was not to be neglected, nabob. 
The Court of Directors, exasperated by the iniquities of 
their servants, had peremptorily ordered them to execute 
covenants to abstain from the receipt of presents from the 
natives of the country. But these injunctions were given 
to the winds, and, with the covenants on the council table, 
the son of Meer Jaffier was obliged to become responsible 
for the payment of twenty lacs of rupees to the members of 
the council board before he was allowed to succeed him. 
The conduct of these men for five years after the retirement 
of Clive was marked by a degree of profligacy of which it 
would not be easy to find a parallel in any age or country. 
Fortunes of vast amount were acquired by the most 
nefarious means in the shortest period; every idea of 
common morality was treated with sovereign contempt, 
while luxury, corruption, and debauchery pervaded every 
rank, and threatened the dissolution of government. 

Six months after the close of the war with Meer Cossim, 
the nabob Vizier determined to take advantage of the 
confusion of the times to acquire possession of the province 
of Behar, and inarched down upon Patna with a large but 
ill-trained force, accompanied by the fugitive emperor and 
the disinherited nabob of Bengal. The attack was unsuc- 
cessful, and he withdrew his encampment to Buxar. 
Meanwhile Major Munro, who had assumed the command of 
the army, found the sepoys in a state of flagrant Mutiny of 
mutiny, and demanding increased pay and large foeSepoya. 1764 
gratuities. With undaunted resolution the Major resolved 


to subdue this spirit of revolt at once, and twenty- four of 
the ringleaders were arraigned before a court martial, con- 
sisting of native officers, and condemned to death. Twenty 
of them were blown away from the guns, and the discipline 
of the army was restored. This was the first of that series 
of mutinies which have broken out from time to time among 
the sepoys, and which in less than a century culminated in 
the dissolution of the whole army of the Bengal Presi- 
dency. At the close of the rains, the Major did not 
hesitate to lead this army, so recently in a state of in- 
OCT, subordination, to Buxar, where the nabob Vizier had been 
23ED, encamped for several months. His army, coMMxting of 
Battle of 50,000 troops, was completely routed, with the 
Buxar. i O ss of his entire camp and a hundred and thirty 
guns. The victory of Buxar was an important supplement 
to the victory of Plassy. It demolished the only indepen- 
dent power in the north of India, and it loft the Company 
masters of the entire valley of the Ganges from the Hima- 
laya to the sea. The Vizier fled to Bareilly, and offered to 
redeem his forfeited kingdom by the payment of half a 
crore of rupees to the Company and the army, and a large 
douceur to the commandant, but the negotiation came 
to nothing. Immediately after tho victory, the emperor 
joined the English camp, and began to negotiate for a share 
of the territories of his late ally, the nabob Vizier, and tho 
council was contemplating a division of them between him 
and the Company, when Clive made his appearance in 

On his return to England in 17GO, Clive was received 
1760 with great distinction by the king and his great minister, 
Olive's ^" r * -P^t, who pronounced him " a heaven- 
second ap- " born general," and he was honoured with an 
pointment. Irish peora g e< But the Court of Directors, 
in which his enemies were predominant, treated him not 
only with malevolence, but with injustice, and he was 
obliged to file a bill in equity to recover an annuity which 
Meer Jaffier had settled upon him, and which they had un- 
gratefully sequestered. The war with Meer Cossim, the 
massacre of the Europeans, and the total disorganisa- 
tion of the government, had dissipated the golden dreams 
of prosperity in which the Company had been indulging. 
The Proprietors began to tremble for their dividends, and 
they constrained the Directors, to their infinite reluctance, 
1765 to send Clive out to retrieve their affairs. He landed at 
Calcutta on the 3rd of May, 1765, and found the whole 


service steeped in corruption, and felt himself justified in as- 
serting that " there were not five men of principle to be found 
" in it." His first duty was to enforce the signature of the 
covenants the India House had prescribed to abolish the 
receipt of presents. The corrupt officials questioned his 
right to make such a demand, but he reduced them to 
silence by declaring that he would dismiss every one who 
refused to sign them, and send him back to England ; and 
they found it prudent to submit to his iron will. Having 
thus, in the course of seven weeks fully established his 
authority in the Government, Olive proceeded to the upper 
provinces to dispose of the imperial questions Arrange. A - D> 
which awaited his decision. To prevent another menfc w ^h 1766 
rising like that of Meer Cossim, he took away 
the power of the sword from the nabob of Moorshedabad, 
and assigned him out of the revenues of the province the sum 
of fifty-three lacs for the expenses of his court and the ad- 
ministration of justice. The young nabob exclaimed with 
delight, " Thank God, I shall now have as many dancing- 
" girls as I like." The Vizier of Oude had forfeited Witb the 
his kingdom by the result of the war he had vizier 
wantonly waged against the Company ; but Olive, of Oude * 
who was indisposed to the enlargement of the Company's 
territories, determined to restore it to him, with the excep- 
tion of the two districts of Corah and Allahabad, which he 
reserved for the emperor, who was now a dependant on the 
bounty of the English. Olive treated the vagrant with the 
prince with much consideration, and assigned em P eror - 
him an annual payment of twenty-five lacs of rupees from 
the revenues of the country, in addition to the product of 
the districts. Looking back on the cession of Oude with the 
light of a century of experience, we are enabled to per- 
ceive that it was anything but judicious; and that if Clive 
had at that period annexed it, and given it the benefit 
of a British administration, as in the case of Bengal and 
Behar, he would have conferred a boon on the population, 
and benefited the Company's government. 

The emperor had repeatedly offered the Company the 
Dewanee, that is, the revenues of the three provinces, and 
Clive now took occasion to solicit the official Th e 
grant of it. Orissa was still considered one of Dewanee. 
them, although all but one district in the north belonged 
to the Mahrattas. This act was completed on the 12th of 
August, 17G5, a memorable day in the political and con- 
stitutional history of British India. As a substitute for a 


throne two dining-tables were put together in Olive's tent, 
with a chair on them, and covered with embroidery. The em- 
peror took his seat, and transferred the government of 
twenty-five millions of people and a revenue of three crores 
to Lord Olive, as the representative of the East India 
Company. The Mahomedan historian of this period, 
scandalized by the simplicity of this great transaction, ex- 
claims with indignation that " a business of so much 
" importance, which at other times would have required 
" the sending of wise ministers and able envoys, was done 
** and finished in less time than would have been taken up 
u in the sale of a jackass. ' ' What will appear scarcely less re- 
AD Extension of mar ^ a ^ e ^ 8 ^ ne expansion of Olive's sentiments. 

1765 Olive's On taking leave of the Court of Directors in 
views. 1764, he assured them that nothing but extreme 
necessity ought to induce them to extend their views of 
territorial acquisition beyond the three districts ceded 
to them by Meer Cossim. Before sixteen months had 
elapsed, he congratulated them on having become the 
sovereigns of three kingdoms ; yet, with this demonstration 
of the vanity of all such resolutions, he again ventured to 
circumscribe the British empire in India, and after ac- 
quiring the Dewanee, declared that " to extend our 
" possessions beyond the Curumnassa," the north-west 
boundary of the three soobahs, " would bo a scheme so 
"^xtravagantly ambitious that no Government in its senses 
" would dream of it." Not more than eighty-four years 
after this solemn denunciation, our boundary had crossed 
the Indus and was extended to the Khyber Pass. 

This transaction was scarcely completed when the new 
empire, which Olive assured the Directors that " all the 
Mutiny of " princes of Hindostan could not deprive us of 

1766 the Euro- " for many years," was shaken to its foundation 
peano cers. ^ ^ e mutiny of the European officers. They 
had been accustomed to an extra allowance, called batta, 
when in the field, which the gratitude of Meer Jaffier had 
doubled when he was first raised to the throne, and, as it 
was not withdrawn when they were in cantonments, they 
considered it a permanent right. When the Court of 
Directors became responsible for the finances of the country, 
they found that the military expenses swallowed up its 
resources, and they ordered this extravagant allowance to 
cease ; but the timid Council was deterred by the imperious- 
ness of the officers from executing their orders. The duty 
of reduction was imposed on Olive as he left England, and 


on his arrival be announced that the double batta was to 
cease on the 1st of January, 176G. The officers im- 
mediately formed a confederacy to resist the order, and it 
was agreed that two hundred of them should resign their 
commissions on the same day, and, as an army of 50,000 
Mahrattas was advancing to invade Behar, they felt con- 
fident that the Government would be obliged to retain their 
services on their own terms. 

But they had to deal with a man of inflexible resolution, 
who declared that he must see the bayonets levelled at his 
throat before he would yield to their demands. cu\e'a A - D> 

He directed the commandants to accept the resig- inflexibility. !768 
nation of every officer, and to send him under arrest to Cal- 
cutta. He ordered up officers and cadets from Madras ; 
he engaged the services of others in the settlement, and 
proceeded with those who remained faithful, to the head- 
quarters of the army, arrested the ringleaders, and ordered 
them to bo tried by court-martial. In the course of a 
fortnight this formidable conspiracy was quashed by his 
undaunted firmness. He was fully aware, however, that all 
the officers of Government had a real grievance in the 
preposterous policy of the Court of Directors, who 
limited their allowances to a pittance on which it was not 
possible to live, and forbad all engagement in trade, while 
they were surrounded with wealth, which their official 
position enabled them to grasp with ease. He therefore esta- 
blished a Society for conducting a traffic in salt, on the 
principle of a monopoly, the profits of which, after a large 
reservation for their masters in Leaderihall Street, were to 
be proportionately divided among their servants, civil, 
military, medical, and ecclesiastical. But it was speedily 
suppressed by the Directors, who substituted for it a com- 
mission of two and a half per cent, on the gross revenue 
of the province. 

After a residence of twenty-two months in India, Clive 
was driven home by an acute attack of disease. It has 
fallen to the lot of few men to exercise so im- cure in 
portant and so permanent an influence on the Bn * land - 176 ' 
course of human affairs. He not only made the Company 
sovereigns of a country larger than England, with a 
revenue of imperial magnitude, but he laid the foundation 
of an empire in the east with an irrepressible element of 
expansion. Still more, he established the supremacy of 
Europe in Asia, which has ever since been growing more 
complete, and is never likely to be shaken. His reception 


in England corresponded, at first, with his eminent merits, 
but the tables were soon turned against him. His great- 
ness excited envy and censure. He had made many 
enemies in India by his stern probity and resolution, and 
they purchased India stock that they might wreak their 
vengeance on him. One Sullivan, a Director, who possessed 
great power at the India House, pursued him with inveterate 
malignity, and the Court of Directors, who had always 
been hostile to him, now manifested their feelings by re- 
storing to the service those whom he had cashiered for 
peculation or mutiny. The king's ministers joined the hue 
AD and cry. The Attorney- General proposed to confiscate all 

1773 the donations he had received from native princes. In 
Parliament his conduct was stigmatised as a " moss of the 
" most unheard of villanies and corruption." But the 
feeling of the House revolted from the proposal which was 
made to fix a brand of infamy on him, and substituted for 
it a resolution that he had rendered great and meritorious 
Death of services to his country. But his lofty spirit 

1774 OUveg could ill brook the treatment to which he had 
been subject, and, iinder the pressure of physical and 
mental suffering, he put a period to his existence. 

The next five years of administration were a disgrace to 

1767 Five years the national character. No sooner was the strong 

to of anarchy arm o f Olive removed, than the whole system of 

1772 . , ngtt * Government was paralysed by the rapacity of the 

Company's servants. The covenants they had signed were 

treated as waste paper, and they plunged into the inland 

trade of the country, and prosecuted it with the strength 

of their official authority. The Council had not the power 

and still less the inclination to restrain these abuses. The 

nefarious charges of commissaries, contractors and engineers 

drained the treasury. Every man who was permitted to 

make out a bill against the state made a fortune. Theso 

evils were indefinitely aggravated by the memorable famine 

of 1770, which swept away one-third of the population of 

the lower provinces. 



HAVING thus narrated the progress of events in the Gangetic 
valley, we turn to the transactions in the Deccan during 
Affairs at ^ s period, and to the intrigues, perfidy, and 
hostilities in which the Mahrattas, the Nizam, 


and Hyder Ali, were incessantly involved. The extinction 
of the* French power in 1761 placed the prote*ge* of the 
English, Mahomed Ali, in the position of nabob of the 
Carnatic. Among the native princes of the time he was dis- 
tinguished by his imbecility and his unscrupulousness. His 
army was a mere rabble, and the Company's Government 
found itself encumbered with the expense of defending a 
territory of 50,000 square miles without the command of 
its revenues. The country had been without any settled 
government for twenty years; it had been despoiled by 
successive invasions, and it was now administered by a 
court piofligate and wasteful, supported by loans raised at 
Madras on usurious interest, which impaired the conduct of 
strength of those who borrowed them, and the Mahomed 
morals of those who provided them. The 
governor of Madras was constrained to make a demand 
of fifty lacs from the nabob to discharge the obligations 
incurred in seating him on the throne ; but his treasury 
was empty, and he proposed to him to obtain funds from the 
spoliation of several chiefs, and more particularly spoliation of 1733 
of the raja of Tanjore, from whom a contribution Tan ) TC - 
of twenty -four lacs in four instalments was extorted. The 
peace of Paris restored to the French all the possessions 
thev had held in India, and provided, moreover, that 
Mahomed Ali should be acknowledged by both parties 
nabob of the Carnatic, and Salabut Jung Peace of 
soobadar of the Deccan. He had been deposed Paria ** M 

eighteen mouths before by his brother Nizam Ali, who, on 
hearing that his right 1o the throne had been acknowledged 
by these two great powers, caused him to be assassinated. 

On the memorable 12th of August, 1705, Clive obtained 
from the emperor, at the same time with the Dewanee, a 
firman releasing the nabob of the Carnatic from all 
dependence on the Nizam, and a grant of the Northern 1766 
northern Sircars to the Company. These districts Sircare - 
on the Coromandel coast had furnished Bussy with the 
sinews of war, but, on his departure, had been wrested from 
the French by Colonel Forde. Nizam Ali was not disposed 
to submit to the alienation of this province, and on hearing 
that an English force was marching down to occupy it, 
threatened to send his army and exterminate it. The 
government of Madras was at this time in the hands of 
Mr. Palk, who had gone to India as one of the Company's 
chaplains but renounced his orders, went into the civil service, 
in which he amassed a noble fortune, and on his return to 


England obtained a baronetcy. The feeble Council of the 
Presidency directed the commander to suspend all military 
operations and proceed to Hyderabad to negotiate a treaty ; 

A ,D. and on the 12th November, 1766, he concluded the humili- 

1766 ating convention which provided that the Company should 
Disgraceful hold ^ ne northern Sircars, which had been con- 
Madras? f ^ erre( i on them by the supreme authority in India, 
as vassals of the contemptible soobadar of the 
Deccan, paying a tribute of seven lacs of rupees a year. 
But the Madras Presidency went further, and involved the 
Company in the intricate web of Deccan politics, by 
agreeing to furnish the Nizam with two battalions of infantry 
and six pieces of cannon, " to settle everything right and 
" proper in the affairs of his highness* government," well 
knowing that his immediate object was to employ them in 
attacking Hyder Ali. 

The rise and progress of this extraordinary chief, one 
of the three men who during the last two centuries have 
Bise and risen from obscurity to be the founders of great 
progress of kingdoms in India, will now demand the reader 's 
attention. Mysore was one of the provinces of 
the Hindoo empire of Beejanugor, extinguished in 1564, and 
fell to the lot of a family of Hindoo princes, who gradually 
enlarged their territories, and, though repeatedly invaded 
by t the Mahrattas, maintained their independence for two 
centuries, till they wero dethroned by Hyder Ali. His family 
emigrated from the Punjab, and his father raised himself to 
the post of head-constable and obtained the command of a 

1702 His birth sma ll body of troops. Hyder was born about the 
year 1702, and remained without distinction for 
forty-seven years. It was not before 1749, during the 
struggles of the French and English for power in the 
Deccan, that he attracted the attention of the regent of 
His first Mysore at the siege of Deonhully, and was pro- 

17*9 distinction, moted to an important command. This brief 
epitome affords no space for narrating the progress of his 
career ; and it is sufficient to notice that he augmented his 
resources by false masters, and by his incomparable tact 
and duplicity gradually absorbed the chief authority in the 
state. Having at length acquired the absolute command of 
the army, he constrained the feeble raja to resign the sceptre 
to him and to retire into private life on an annuity, which 

1761 was soon after curtailed. He was a brave soldier, a bold and 
skilful general, and a brilliant administrator. Like Sevajee 
and Runjeet Sing, he was unable to read or write, and it may 


be questioned whether either of them could have passed the 
modern test of talent in a competitive examination, but 
they could all three create empires and govern them. 
Hyder became master of Mysore at the age of sixty, and 
devoted himself for twenty years to the aggrandisement of 
his power at the expense of his neighbours. Within two 
years he extended his authority up to the Kistna, and AD 
overran the territory of Bednore on the summit Acquires 1768 
of the western ghauts, which overlooks the Bednore - 
maritime province of Canara. The capital, then esteemed 
the most wealthy city in the Deccan, fell without a struggle, 
and Hyder always attributed his subsequent prosperity to 
the treasure he obtained in it. He had previously cast off the 
title of Hyder Naik, or constable, and assumed the dignity 
of Hyder Ali Khan Bahadoor, and he now introduced 
a style of greater splendour and etiquette into his court. 

The Peshwa, Ballajee Rao, died of a broken heart on 
hearing of the fatal battle of Paniput, and was succeeded 
by his son Mnhdoo Rao, then eighteen years of warbe- 
age. The Nizam determined to take advantage jJJJJ^jiJjjL 175] 
of the weakness of the Mahrattas, to recover the the Nizam 
districts his predecessor had been obliged to cede andH y der ' 
to them in their palmy days, and having formed an alliance 
with Bhonslay, raja of Nagpore, marched upon Poona, which 1761 
he plundered and partially burnt. Raghoba, the uncle of the 
Peshwa, retaliated by laying Hyderabad under contribu- 
tions, and the two armies met on the banks of the Godavery. 
Before the battle, Raghoba had managed to buy off the raja 
of Nagpore by the promise of lands valued at thirty-two lacs 
a year, and on the eve of the battle he accordingly deserted 
the Nizam, who was defeated with great slaughter. But 
as the Mahrattas were incensed at the raja for joining the 
Nizam, and the Nizam was annoyed by his desertion at a cri- 1765 
tical moment, they united their forces, invaded his kingdom, 
and stripped him of the greater portion of the territory he 
had acquired by his perfidy. 

Mysore had hitherto been regarded by the Mahrattas as 
a reserve field for plunder when there happened to be no 
other marauding expedition on hand, but the Mahrattas 
rapid rise of a new power under Hyder Ali, with **** 
an army of 20,000 horse and 40,000 foot, one half Hy * 
of which consisted of well-disciplined battalions, aroused 
the alarm and the indignation of the Poona cabinet, and it 
was determined to chastise his audacity. An army waa 
accordingly despatched into the country, and Hyder was 


brought for the first time into contact with the Mahrattas, 
and suffered a signal defeat. The next year the Peshwa 
again took the field, and the Mysore army was a second 
time defeated, with the loss of 10,000 men, and Hyder 
considered himself fortunate in being relieved from the 
Repeated Mahrattas by restoring the greater portion of the 
l ^ 65 n'der * districts he had usurped, and paying an indemnity 
y ' of thirty-two lacs of rupees. To compensate for 
these losses he invaded the maritime province of Malabar, 
which had never been subjugated by the Mahomedan arms. 
The gallant Nairs, or military chieftains, offered a noble 
resistance, but the whole province was nevertheless 
occupied, and the Mysore flag was planted on the towers of 
Calicut, the chief of which was still designated the Zamorin, 
as in the days of Albuquerque, two centuries and a half 
before. From these schemes of conquest Hyder was 
recalled to defend his own dominions and to resist a 
confederacy of the Mahrattas and the Nizam, into which 

1766 the Company was unwillingly drawn by the fatal article in 
the treaty of the 12th November, 1766, which bound the 
Madras Government to assist the Nizam with an auxiliary 
force. He now claimed the fulfilment of this engagement, 
and, in an evil hour, Colonel Smith was sent with an army 
to co-operate with him and the Mahrattas in coercing 

1 767 Hyder. The Mahrattas forestalled the Nizam, and crossing 
the*Kistna in January, let loose their predatory horse on 
Hyder's northern dominions, and constrained him to 
purchase their retreat by the payment of thirty lacs of 

Colonel Smith, on his arrival in the Nizam's camp, found 
that he was basely n'lr-^ini r -r with Hyder for a joint attack 
Operations on ^ e Etagi 18 * 1 army, and he withdrew with the 
ofhe bulk of his force to defend the frontier of the 

force? 1 Carnatic. The bargain with Hyder was completed 
by an engagement on the part of the Nizam to fall 
on the British force on receiving an immediate payment of 
twenty lacs of rupees and a promise of six lacs of annual 
tribute. The confederate armies numbered 42,000 cavalry 
and 28,000 infantry, with a hundred guns, while the British 
force did not exceed 1,030 sabres and 5,800 bayonets, with 
Col Smith s * x t een guns. With this disproportionate force 
1707 defeats Colonel Smith twice defeated the allies and 
federates. captured sixty- four pieces of cannon. During 
these operations Hyder's eldest son Tippoo, then 
seventeen years of age, suddenly advanced to Madras with 


a body of 5,000 horse, and plundered the country houses of 
the Madras gentry, and the members of Government only es- 
caped being captured by the eagerness of the Mysore troops 
for plunder. In the meantime, the Government of Bengal 
sent an expedition by sea under Colonel Peach, to create a 
diversion in the Nizam's territories. He landed on the 
coast, carried everything before him, and advanced The jj^^., 
to Warungul, within eighty miles of Hyderabad, territoriee 
and the Nizam deserted Hyder, and hastened to afctacked 
make his peace with the English. 

The affairs of the Nizam were now in a desperate con- 
dition. He had been defeated in two engagements ; his 
northern territories were occupied and his capital Disgraceful 
was threatened ; and the Madras President, Mr. Jj^jjjjj 1 
Palk, might have dictated his own terms. It 
might have been expected that he would, at least, have 
declared the former treaty annulled by the monstrous 
perfidy of the Nizam ; but, after several weeks of negotiation, 
he concluded another treaty, the most disgraceful which had 
ever sullied the annals of the Company. It confirmed the 
dishonourable onpiircnii'iii to pay tribute for the northern 
Sircars, which had been granted by the imperial firman 
" to the Company, their heirs and descendants for ever and 
" ever, free, exempt and safe from all demands of the 
" imperial dewanee office and the imperial court," and it 
postponed the possession of the Guntoor Sircar till the death 
of the Nizam's brother, Basalut Jung, to whom he had 
illegally assigned it. Hyder Ali, who had been a sovereign 
prince for seven years, was contemptuously described in 
the treaty as Hyder Naik, or constable, a rebel and a 
usurper, and it was stipulated that the English Government 
should wrest the Carnatic Balaghaut, the table- land of 
Mysore, from him, and hold it as a fief of the Nizam on the 
payment of seven lacs a year, and likewise pay chout for it 
to the Mahrattas, who were no parties to the treaty. To 
crown their folly the Madras Council again involved their 
masters in all the intrigues and dangers of Deccan politics, 
by engaging to assist the Nizam, the most treacherous 
prince in that ago of perfidy, with two battalions of sepoys 
and six pieces of artillery whenever he should require 
them. The treaty was reprobated by the Court of Directors, 
who remarked, " We cannot take a view of your conduct 
" from the commencement of your negotiations for the 
" Sircars, without the strongest disapprobation, and when 
" wo see the opulent fortunes acquired by our servants since 


" that period, it gives but too much weight to the public 
" opinion that this rage for negotiations, treaties and 
" alliances, has private advantage for its object more than 
" the public good." A truer verdict was never pronounced 
in Leadenhall Street. During this disgraceful decade the 
Madras Presidency was sunk in peculation and profligacy 
as deeply as that of Bengal, with the additional vice of 
official poltroonery, 

Hyder, who was fully cognizant of this treaty which 
4>D> treated him as an usurper, and bound the English Govern- 
1768 War with ment to dismember his dominions, saw that he 
Hyder. j^d now fa ma intain a struggle for his political 
existence, and he prepared for the conflict. An expedition 
from the Bombay Presidency had destroyed a portion of his 
fleet and captured some of his towns on the Malabar coast ; 
but he speedily recovered them, and returned to prosecute 
the war in his eastern districts. In the management of the 
war into which the Madras Council had so wantonly 
plunged, they exhibited the same spirit of infatuation as in 
their negotiations. Two "field deputies" were sent to 
control the movements of the force, and the supply of the 
commissariat was entrusted to the imbecile nabob of the 
Carnatic, who disappointed the Government, as a matter of 
course. But notwithstanding every disadvantage, Colonel 
Smith overran half Hyder' s territories and captured some 
of his principal fortresses. Under the dread of a simul- 
taneous invasion of the Mahrattas, Hyder deemed it prudent 
to bend to circumstances, and offered to cede the Bararnahal 
and to pay down ten lacs of rupees ; but the President, 

1768 col. Smith's inflated by recent successes, advanced the most 
success. extravagant and inadmissible demands, and 
Hyder prepared for a mortal struggle. Colonel Smith, 
who had remonstrated with the Council on the folly of their 
proposals, was recalled to Madras, and the tide now began 
to turn against the Company. The siege of Bangalore was 
raised, and Hyder, with his usual energy and rapidity, 
recovered all the forts he had lost ; descended into the Bara- 
mahal, and turned south to Tanjore, and having exacted 
four lacs of rupees from the raja, moved up northwards 
towards Madras. The consternation of the community may 
be readily conceived. It was now the turn of the bewildered 
Hyder Council to sue for an accommodation, but after a 

1769 dictates fruitless negotiation, they obtained an armistice of 
peace ' only twelve days when they had asked for forty. 
Hyder resumed his course of desolation. He drew Colonel 


Smith, ttho had been reinstated in his command, to a 
distance of one hundred and forty miles from Madras, and 
determined to bring the war to a termination by dictating 
peace nnder its walls. Placing himself at the head of 
6,000 of his best cavalry he marched a hundred and thirty 
miles in three days and a half, and suddenly making his 
appearance at St. Thome, about four miles from Madias, 
demanded that an order should be sent to stop the pursuit of 
Colonel Smith, who was following him with the greatest 
rapidity, and that the President, Mr. Du Pre, who had 
succeeded Mr. Paik, might be sent to his camp to treat 
with him. Hyder was master of the situation and dictated A.D. 
his own terms. A treaty was concluded on the 3rd April, 1769 
the salient points of which were a mutual restitution of 
conquests, and an alliance offensive and defensive. Hyder 
was to be assisted by a British contingent if he was attacked 
by any of the powers in the Deccan, and for the third 
time did the Madras Council involve the Company in the 
ever shifting and perilous politics of the Deccan. Thus 
ended the second Mysore war, with the loss of all the 
acquisitions which had been made and all the treasure 
which had been expended, and above all, of the prestige of 
the English arms. 

Hyder Ali, having settled his dispute with the Madras 1770 
Government, and obtained the promise of its support, with- 
held the payments due to the Mahrattas and H d 
invaded their territories. The Peshwa assembled and the 
a large army with the determination to subjugate ^^f 8 * 
Mysore. Hyder's forts were rapidly reduced and 
his districts laid waste, and he was induced to make 
overtures of peace ; but as the Peshwa demanded a crore of 
rupees the negotiation was broken off. Hyder then 
advanced with 35,000 men and forty guns to Milgota, 
where ho found himself entrapped into a false position. 
After sustaining an incessant cannonade for eight days he 1771 
commenced a stealthy retreat by night to ~ ' . , 
twenty-two miles distant. It was, however, discovered, 
and the Mahrattas assaulted the fugitive army with great 
vigour, and it was saved from annihilation only by their 
eagerness for plunder. Hyder's capital was besieged for 
five weeks, and he importuned the President of Madras for 
that assistance which he was bound to afford by the recent 
treaty. The President and Council considered it of vital 
consequence for the honour and the interests of the Com- 
pany to support him, but they were overruled by the 


interference of Sir John Lindsay, whom the prime minister, 
deluded bj the representation of the nabob of the Carnatic, 
had, by an act of incredible folly, sent out as the king's 
representative to his court. The authority of the Company's 
Government was at once superseded by that of the Crown, 
and the profligate nabob not only set the Madras Council at 
defiance, but induced Sir John to insist on an alliance with 
the Mahrattas. Hyder Ali, deprived of Biitish support, was 
reduced to extremities, and obliged to purchase peace by 
the payment of thirty-six lacs of rupees and submitting to an 
AD annual tribute of fourteen lacs, and making a 

1772 5 y toStorj! cession of territory which reduced the kingdom 
of Mysore to smaller limits than it comprised at 
the beginning of the century. He never forgave or forgot 
this desertion, and ten years later exacted a fearful penalty. 
Eight years after the Mahrattas had been expelled from 
Hindostan by the battle of Paniput, the Peshwa equipped 
Mahratta an arm y ^ 50,000 horse and a large body of 
jyg 9 expedition infantry, with a numerous artillery, to recover 
to^Hindo- their footing, and renew their spoliations. The 
first operations of this force were directed against 
the Rajpoots, from whom they exacted ten lacs of rupees ; 
and then against the Jauts, who agreed to pay them sixty- 
five lacs ; after which they overran the districts of the 
1770 Rohillas, and ravaged the whole of the Dooab, or country 
lying, bet ween the Jumna and the Ganges, and returned to 
Delhi before the rains. The emperor, after the arrange- 
ment made with Lord Clive in 1765, had continued to 
reside at Allahabad, in the tranquil enjoyment of the 
annuity settled on him, and of the revenues of Corah and 
Allahabad, while the districts around Delhi still attached to 
the Crown were administered by Nujeeb-ood-dowlah, and, 
on his death, by his son Zabita Khan. The emperor was 
naturally desirous of mounting the throne of his ancestors 
and establishing his court in the ancient capital. The 
Mahrattas were equally desirous of seating him on it, and 
obtaining the important influence of his name. In spite of 
the advice of the Council in Calcutta, who warned him of 
the danger of such a movement, he threw himself into 
their arms, and was by them installed on the 25th 

The next year the Mahrattas again overran Bohilcund, 
and the Bohilla chiefs were driven to solicit the aid of the 
Vizier of Oude. There are few transactions involved in 
greater obscurity than the negotiations between the Mah- 


rattas, the Rohillas, and the Vizier, on this memorable oc- 
casion. It would appear that the Mahrattas offered to retire 
on receiving forty lacs of rupees, or a bond for Negotiation! 
that amount from the Rohilla chiefs, but guaran- wtththe 
teed by the Vizier himself. The Vizier endorsed 
the bond, and received an instalment of five lacs from Hafiz 
Ruhmut, the Rohilla chief, but neglected to pay any 
portion of it to the Mahrattas. Meanwhile, the Mahrattas 
offered to cancel the demand on the Rohillas if they would 
join in an attack on Oude, receiving half the conquered 
territories ; but they refused to listen to the proposal, and 
cast in their lot with the nabob Vizier. Several detach- 
ments of Mahrattas laid waste a portion of Rohilcund, 
but they were held in check by the combined force of 
the Rohillas, of the Vizier, and of the English brigade 
sent to protect the country. The Peshwa Mahdoo Rao, 
meanwhile, died at Poona, and his successor planned an 
expedition to the Carnafcic, and recalled the whole of the 
Mahratta force from Hindostan, and they quitted it laden 1773 
with the booty of three campaigns. At the close of the 
previous year the emperor, unable any longer to support 
the arrogance and rapacity of the Mahrattas, met them in 
the field, but his army was completely defeated, and he was 
obliged to open the gates of Delhi to their hostile battalions, 
and submit to all their demands. 

The British Government in India at this period presented 
a singular anomaly. Tho agents of a London trading 
Company had acquired the sovereignty of pro- Reform of 
vinces larger and more populous than England. theOovern- 
They were making war and peace, putting up and men ' 
pulling down thrones, and disposing of princely revenues. 
Their servants in India, with salaries of three and four 
hundred rupees a month, were coming home, year after 
year, with colossal fortunes, and setting up establishments 
which cast the ancient aristocracy into the shade. The 
Indian nabobs, as they were called, were exposed on the 
stage and avoided in society, from the impression that their 
sudden and enormous wealth had been acquired by injustice 
and oppression. Tho machinery of the Government at 
home had been constructed for the management of com- 
merce, and was ill suited for the administration of an 
empire. The posts in India which afforded the means of 
amassing these ambitious fortunes were at the disposal of 
the Directors, who were elected by the votes of the Pro- 
prietors. A vote was consequently considered so valuable 


that in 1771 the ship's husbands, then a wealthy and power- 
fdl body, bought fifteen lacs of rupees of stock to create 
three hundred votes. The India House became a scene of 
jobbery and corruption never seen in England before. The 
A.I). Indian Government was equally fetid in London and in 

1771 Calcutta. A general cry was raised for Parliamentary 
investigation, which was redoubled by the financial em- 
barrassments of the Company. The frauds of their servants 
in India had exhausted their treasury. With an annual 
revenue of two crores and a half of rupees, they owed more 
than a crore and a quarter in England, and a crore in 
Calcutta. It was in these circumstances of impending 
bankruptcy that the Court of Proprietors voted themselves 
a dividend at the rate of twelve and a half per cent. The 
Court of Directors borrowed of the bank of England as 
long as the bank would lend, and then solicited a loan of a 
million from the English exchequer, to prevent the doors of 
the India House from being closed. The ministers referred 
them to Parliament, which was consequently convened 

1772 earlier than usual. A select Committee was appointed to 
collect evidence, when the scenes of violence and iniquity by 
which the British name had been disgraced in India were, 
for the first time, laid bare to the nation, and Parliament 
determined at once to take the regulation of Indian affairs 
into its own hands. The Company protested against this 
invasion of their chartered rights, but the universal odium 
they had incurred throughout the country placed them at 
the mercy of the ministry. The vicious constitution of 
their corporation was reformed. The Directors were to be 
chosen for four years instead of one; the votes of the 
Proprietors were to be limited to four, whatever amount of 

1773 Regulating stock they might hold ; and twelve hundred of the 
Act proprietors were disfranchised at a stroke. The 
governor of Bengal was appointed Govern or- General upon 
two lacs and a half a year, with a Council consisting of four, 
on one lac each, and a Supreme Court was to be established 
in Calcutta on the model of the courts of Westminster, 
with a Chief Justice and three puisne judges. The Act, 
which was designated the " ]?<"_* u^iiinir Act," purified the 
home administration, but it shook the British power in 
India to its foundation. 





WARREN HASTINGS was appointed in the Act the first 
Governor- General of India. He had landed in Calcutta as 
a writer on the Company's establishment in 1750, 
and was employed for the first seven years in Hastings's 
appraising silks and muslins and copying invoices. early career 


The great events which followed the battle of Plassy 
afforded the first opportunity of developing his talents, and 
he was selected by Colonel Clive to represent the Govern- 
ment at the durbar of Moorshedabad, then the most 
important of subordinate offices in the service. Three 
years after he came by rotation into the Council board, and 
offered a strenuous resistance to those profligate measures 
of his colleagues which brought on the war with Meer 
Cossim. He returned to England after fifteen years' 1755 
service comparatively poor, while Mr. Vansittart, who 
sailed in the same ship with him, \vas reported to have 
taken home little short of fifty lacs. After a residence of 
several years in England the Court of Directors restored 
him to their service, and appointed him second member of 
Council at Madras, where ho exhibited such zeal and ability 
as to be selected to take charge of the Government of 
Bengal. Hastings found the administration in a Governor of 
state of complete anarchy. The double Govern- Bcn ? al - 
ment established by Clive, which was considered a master- 
piece ol' policy, had turned out to be the curse of the 
country. The management of the revenue, which embraced 
the most important functions of Government, was in the 
hands of natives, acting under the venal court of the 
nabob, though nominally under the control of the English 
Resident, and they were practically without any control 
whatever. The people were oppressed by the native 
functionaries and zemindars, who enriched themselves at 
the expense of the state. Supervisors were appointed in 
17C9 to check these abuses, but they knew nothing of the 
language or of the people, or of the value of the lands, and 
became mere tools in the hands of their rapacious banians, 
or head officials. The Court of Directors determined 
therefore " to stand forth aa Duan," as they termed it, and 


to take on themselves the collection and management of the 
revenues through the agency of their own European 
eervants. To Hastings was committed the arduous duty of 
carrying out this difficult policy, and he entered upon it 
with his accustomed resolution. A. new revenue settlement 
was formed under the immediate direction of members of 
the Council. The charge of civil and criminal jurisprudence 
was committed to the covenanted servants of the Company, 
*- D * His vigorous and the treasury was removed from Moorshedabad 
1773 reforms. to Calcutta, which became from that time forward 
the capital of Bengal. Without the aid of a lawyer, he 
drew up a simple code of regulations for the courts he had 
established, which exhibited in a remarkable degree the 
versatility of his talents. All these organic changes were 
completed in the brief space of six months. 

The first military operations of Hastings's administration 
exercised unhappily a very inauspicious influence on his 
reputation. The Vizier had long eagerly coveted the 
The Eohiiia possession of Rohilcund, and the Mahrattas had 
war no sooner returned to their own country, as 

already stated, than he importuned Hastings to assist him 
in seizing it, with the offer of forty lacs of rupees, as well as 
a subsidy of more than two lacs of rupees a month for the 
pay of the troops employed in the service. He represented 
that the Bohillas had offered to pay him forty lacs to 
deliver them from the Mahrattas, that they had been 
expelled by his army, aided by a brigade of Company's 
troops, and that the Bohilla chiefs now repudiated the 
obligation. The Vizier's tempting offer was made at a time 
when the Court of Directors, overwhelmed with debt and 
disgrace, were importuning the Council by every vessel for 
remittances. The treasury at Calcutta was not only empty, 
but more than a crore of rupees in debt. The nabob wanted 
territory and Hastings wanted money, and he persuaded 
his conscience that the statements of the Vizier were true, 
and that the ingratitude of the Bohillas merited punishment, 
more especially as this act of retributive justice would like- 
wise promote the interests of the Company. 

Hastings proceeded to Benares and concluded a treaty 
with the nabob to that effect, and at the same time restored 
Treaty with ^ ^ m ^ ne ^ wo districts of Corah and Allahabad, 
nabob. which Clive had taken from him and made over 
to the emperor, and which the emperor had transferred under 
compulsion to the Mahrattas. For this grant the treasury 
was enriched by a further payment of fifty lacs. The nabob 


Vizier, having secured the aid of an English force, demanded 
of the Rohilla chief the balance of the bond, of which only five 
lacs had been paid. Hafiz Buhmut offered to make good 
whatever the Vizier had actually paid to the Mahrattas, 
though they had left the country by orders from Poona and 
riot through any exertions on his part; but as nothing had 
been paid them, the offer was treated with contempt. The 
Rohilla chief, seeing the storm ready to burst, offered to 
compromise the claim, but the perfidious Vizier raised his 
demand to two crores. The Rohillas determined, therefore, 
to defend themselves to the last extremity, and brought A D 
40,000 troops into the field, but they were Roiniias 1774 
defeated and dispersed, and the brave Hafiz defeated. 
Ruhmut fell with three of his sons. The Vizier re- 
mained beyond the reach of fire, but as soon as the battle was 
decided let his troops loose to plunder. " We have the 
" honour of the day," exclaimed the English commandant, 
" and these banditti the profit of it." This transaction is 
one of tho few stains on the bright and honourable career 
of Hastings. It is doubtless true that tho Rohillas, who had 
recently occupied the country, were, like all other Afghan 
tribes in Hindustan and the Dcccan, dangerous and formid- 
able neighbours, and might at any time have joined the 
Mahrattas and overrun Oude, which the Company's Govern- 
ment was bound to defend, but the war unquestionably 
originated in the rapacity of the Vizier and also in the 
necessities of the treasury in Calcutta. The assertion that 
half a million of people were driven across the Ganges, and 
that " the country became a howling wilderness," was an 
oriental figure of speech. 

Six months after the conquest of the Rohillas, the four 
judges of the Supreme Court, and the three new councillors, 
landed in Calcutta, and the new Government was Now 
proclaimed on tho 20th November. Of the Government 1774 
councillors, Colonel Monson was a scion of nobility 
and had served on the Coast ; General Clavoring was the 
personal favourite of the king, and all powerful with the 
prime minister ; and Mr. Francis, the reputed author of 
Junws, was equally distinguished by his talents and his 
malignity. They came out with the impression that the 
Government was a compound of tyranny and corruption, 
and that Hastings was a monster of iniquity whom it 
was the duty of virtuous men to oppose in every mode. At 
the first' meeting of Council in which Hastings presided as 
Governor-General, they outvoted him, and at once divested 


him of all power in the Government. They proceeded to 
recall Mr. Middleton, whom Hastings had placed as the 
Company's representative at Lucknow, and sent Mr. 
Bristow one of their friends to occupy the post, thereby 
proclaiming the extinction of Hastings^ authority through- 
out Hindostan. They ordered the officer in command in 
Oude peremptorily to withdraw the brigade, and to demand 
the payment of all arrears from the Vizier within a 
fortnight, and thus compromised the safety of Oude, and the 
faith of the British Government. 

During these transactions the Vizier died, upon which 
Mr. Francis declared that every engagement between the 

Company's Government and that of Oude was 

m*5 conduct thereby cancelled, except that which referred to 

towards the payment of arrears. Mr. Francis accordingly 

constrained his son to enter into a new treaty, 
and though he had denounced Hastings for " letting out 
"British troops for hire to the Vizier," not only repeated 
the bargain, but increased the hire of the troops. He 
likewise obliged the Vizier to cede to the Company the 
province of Benares, valued at twenty-two lacs a year. 
The deceased Vizier had accumulated two crores of 
treasure, which were buried in the vaults of the zenana. 
His widow and his mother, historically known as the 
" begums," claimed the whole of this property under the 
terms of a will, which, however, was never produced. The 
Vizier was under heavy obligations to the Company, and the 
troops, 100,000 in number, were twelve months in arrear. 
The treasure was state property and answerable in the 
first instance for its debts, but Mr. Bristow constrained the 
Vizier to affix his seal to a deed assigning three-fourths of 
it to the princesses, under the guarantee of the Govern- 
ment in Calcutta. The troops mutinied for pay, and it 
was reported that 20,000 were slaughtered, but the state 
was preserved from a revolution by the presence of the 
Company's brigade. 

As soon as it became known that Hastings's authority 

was extinct, and that the surest mode of obtaining the 

. , favour of those who were now in the seat of power 

Accusations . . . . , . * 

1775 against was to bring accusations against him, a swarm of 
Hastings. informers hastened to Calcutta and filled the 
antechambers of his opponents. Charges of every variety 
were rapidly manufactured and eagerly welcomed, and the 
triumvirate placed it on the minutes of Council " that there 
" appeared to be no species of peculation from which the 


" Honourable the Governor- General had thought it reason- 
" able to abstain, and by which he had amassed a fortune 
" of forty lacs of rupees in two years . " The most important 
and memorable of these charges was that brought forward 
by Nunkoomar. He was by birth a brahmin, who had 
taken an active part in public affairs at Moorshedabad and 
Calcutta, and had accumulated a crore of rupees by intrigue 
and treachery. He had been repeatedly denounced to 
the Council by the Court of Directors for his knavery. On 
this occasion he came forward and offered to impeach 
Hastings of having received a bribe of three lacs and a half 
from Munee begum, who had been appointed by him to 
superintend the nabob's household. 

The hostile councillors proposed to confront him with the 
Govern or- General in the Council chamber, but Hastings 
asserted that he knew what was due to the Hastings^ A.D. 
character and dignity of the head of the Govern- dignified 1775 
ment, and would not preside at the board to be 
criminated by the dregs of society. He dissolved the 
sitting and retired, when his opponents placed General 
Clavering in the chair, and called in Nunkoomar, who 
descanted on the venality of Hastings, and produced a 
letter from Munee begum, which testified to the payment 
of the douceur. The Council immediately voted that the 
Governor- General had clandestinely and illegally received 
the sum of three lacs and a half, and should be called upon 
to refund it to the treasury. The begum denied all know- 
ledge of the letter ; the best Persian experts pronounced 
the signature a forgery, but the seal appeared to be genuine, 
and the mystery was not cleared up till, after Nunkoomar's 
death, facsimiles of the seals of every eminent character in 
the state were found in his cabinet. For the vindication of 
his own character Hastings now hrouo-ht an action for con- 
spiracy in the Supreme Court against .Nunkoomar and 
several others. The judges admitted the charge, and held 
him to bail. 

Eight weeks after the commencement of this suit, a 
native merchant in Calcutta brought an action for forgery 
against Nunkoomar. It had been instituted m . , _, 

11 j i 11 i T -xr Trial and 

originally in the old mayors court, and Nun- execution of 1774 
koomar was committed to prison, but released Nunkoomar - 
through the intervention of Hastings. On the establishment 
of the Supreme Court this suit, together with all others 
then pending, was transferred to its files. The forgery was 
established by the clearest evidence, before a jury consisting 

x 2 


of the most respectable European residents in Calcutta, and 
he was found guilty and hung in the most conspicuous 
portion of the town. This transaction was long considered 
the culminating crime of Hastings's administration. It was 
asserted in high quarters that the brahmin was murdered 
by Hastings through the forma of law, and that the execu- 
tion was designed to stifle all further accusations. But 
time, the vindicator of truth, has dispelled the clouds of 
prejudice. The coincidence of the charge of Hastings 
against Nunkoomar and of the native against Nunkoomar 
was purely accidental. There has never been a particle of 
evidence to connect Hastings with the forgery suit, and his 
own assertion that he had neither prompted nor encouraged 
it must be considered conclusive. The sentence, however 
conformable to the sanguinary laws of England at the time, 
was essentially iniquitous. The crime was not capital by 
the law of India, nor in the opinion of the native community, 
and it was committed before the Supreme Court brought 
the weight of English law to press on India. The odium 
of the deed is divided between the judges of the Supreme 
Court and the triumvirate who, possessed of supreme power, 
declined to suspend the execution of the sentence pending 
a reference to England, which they must have known 
would have saved his life. 

The Court of Directors, to whom both parties had 
appealed against each other, passed a vote of censure on 
Hastings, but it was overruled by the Court of Proprietors, 
who entertained an exalted opinion of his merits. During 
Hastings ^ ne height of the conflict in Calcutta, Hastings, 
A..D. tenders his worried by the opposition and insults of his oppo- 
1776 iwtfgnation. nen ^ j m( J i nstruc t ec i fog agent in London to tender 
his resignation, but two or three months later, having re- 
covered the tone of his mind, revoked the authority. The 
agent, however, seeing the strength of the current against 
Hastings both in Leadenhall Street and Downing Street, 
took upon himself to intimate to the Court of Directors 
that he was authorised to offer his patron's retirement from 
office. Then ensued several months of violent disputes in 
the Court between Hastings' s friends and enemies, which 
resulted in a resolution by the majority that he had 
positively resigned his post, although his letters revoking 
his first instructions were before them, and they proceeded 
to fill up the vacancy. The intelligence of these transac- 
tions created a serious convulsion in Calcutta. General 
Clavering, the senior member of council, determined to 


take possession of the Government, and was sworn in by 
his colleagues as Governor- General ; but Hastings, who 
repudiated the fact of his resignation, refused to give up 
the keys of the fort or of the treasury, and issued his com- 
mands to all civil and military officers to obey no orders but 
his own. The dispute was drifting into hostilities, Vio]once and 
which must have been fatal to the public interests, death of 
when Hastings brought it to a safe issue by gen.ciaver- 
offering to refer the question to the arbitrament 
of the judges of the Supreme Court, who, after long and 
anxious deliberation, continued till four in the morning, 
decided that any assumption of authority by Sir John 
Clavering would be illegal. He died shortly after, and Hast- 
ings recovered his authority for a time by his own casting 
vote ; but he was systematically opposed by Mr. 
Francis upon every question, political, military, between 
and administrative. The contest ended, ac- ^^{j 1 ^ 8 . 
cording to the barbarous practice of the period, 
in a duel, in which Mr. Francis was wounded, and soon 
after returned to England. 



To resume the thread of affairs in the Mahratta common- 
wealth, the constitution of which was passing through 

great and important changes. The four chiefs _ _ 

T i TT 11 n r? ! 1^1 p Progress of 

Sindia and Holkar, the Gaikwar and the raja of Mahratta 

Nagpore originally the generals of the Peshwa, Q ^ QiK - 
were outgrowing his authority, and developing into inde- 
pendent princes, and enjoyed two-thirds of the Mahratta 
revenues. The military force of the state, consisting of 
100,000 splendid cavalry, with a proportionate strength of 
foot and artillery, was no longer under the single control of 
the Peshwa ; a large portion of it acted under the command 
of these princes, each one of whom had his own individual 
interests to pursue. The young Peshwa, Mahdoo Rao, 
little inferior to any of his race in the cabinet or in the 
field, died in November, and was succeeded by his younger 17751 
brother, Narrain Rao, who recalled the troops from the 
banks of the Ganges, as already stated. After a brief 
reign of nine months he was assassinated, as the Mahrattas 
universally believed, by the orders of his uncle Raghoba, a 


brave soldier, but an inveterate intriguer, always imprudent 
A,D. Eaghoba an( * never fortunate. He took possession of the 

1773 assassinates vacant tbrone, and at once plunged into hostili- 

es wa. ^ eg ^.^ ^ e Nizam, and constrained bim to 
make a large cession of territory, wbicb, bowever, by an 
act of infatuation, be restored to bim. He tben proceeded 
against Hyddr, from wbom be obtained notbing but empty 
promises. From these southern expeditions be was recalled 
to tbe seat of government by a formidable confederacy 
raised against him by the leading ministers at Poona. 
They bad received intimation that the widow of the 
deceased Pesbwa was about to become a mother, and they 
conveyed her for security to a hill fortress, taking the precau- 
tion of sending with her a number of brahmin females in the 
same condition, to meet tbe contingency of her giving birth 
to a daughter. The widow was confined of a son, who was 

1774 installed as the Pesbwa Mabdoo Rao the second, and a 
regency was formed to conduct tbe Government. Raghoba 
Kaghoba's hastened towards Poona, and with tbe aid of 
movements. Morari Rao of Gooty, tbe greatest Mabratta 
general of tbe age, who had measured swords with Law- 
rence and Olive, inflicted a crushing defeat on tbe army of 
the regency ; but, instead of following up bis victory by 
advancing at once upon the capital, and taking advantage 
of the consternation which prevailed, he turned off to 
Bporhanpore, and moved across the Nerbudda. There he 
was joined by Sindia and Holkar, as they returned from 
Bobilcund, and advanced into Guzerat to secure the aid of 
the Gaikwar's troops. 

Raghoba now opened negotiations with tbe President of 

Bombay, and made an offer of money and territory, in 

return for military support, which was eagerly 

nutates embraced. The Company, whose possessions had 

1775 with Bom- been confined for a century to Bombay, had 
ay * always coveted the acquisition of the harbour of 

Bassein, and the island of Salsette, separated from it by a 
narrow channel. The President offered to assist Raghoba 
with a body of troops, on his providing funds for their 
maintenance, and ceding these coveted possessions in per- 
petuity to the Company; but he could not bring himself to 
alienate tbe island and tbe harbour, wbicb tbe Mabrattas 
prized tbe more highly as they had been wrested from a 

1739 European power, tbe Portuguese, about thirty years before. 
An engagement was nevertheless concluded with bim, and 
a British force of 1,500 men sent to bis aid. While tbe 


negotiation was pending, the Bombay authorities received 
information that a large armament was about to be sent 
from Goa to recover Bassein and Salsette, and as they con- 
sidered that the Portuguese were likely to be more trouble- 
some neighbours than the Mahrattas, proceeded to take A.D. 
summary possession of them. Meanwhile, the regency at *774 
Poona having succeeded, by large offers, in detaching 
Sindia and Holkar from the cause of Raghoba, sent a large 
force to attack him. He was routed at Wassud, and fled 
with 1,000 horse to the encampment of Colonel Keating, 
who had by this time reached Surat with the Bombay de- 

A treaty was then presented for his acceptance, which 1775 
stipulated that the Bombay Government should furnish him 
with a body of 8,000 troops to reinstate him as Peshwa, on 
condition of his coding territory of the annual value of 
nineteen lacs of rupees, making an immediate payment of 
eighteen lacs, and irrevocably ceding Salsette and Bassein; 
and he could no longer continue to refuse this demand. It 
was this treaty, called the treaty of Surat, which Treaty of 
involved the Company in the first Mahratta war, Surat - 
and it was concluded without the knowledge of Hast- 
ings and the Supreme Council. The Bombay authorities 
having thus embarked in a war with the regency, Battle of 1775 
ordered Colonel Keating to march down on Poona. Arras. 
He found the Mahratta army strongly posted at Arras, and it 
was on this field that the English and Mahratta forces met 
for the first time since the gentlemen of the factory of 
Surat had gallantly repulsed Sevajoe in 1669. The dis- 
proportion of the armies was as ten to one, but the 
Mahratta generals sustained a signal defeat and fled pre- 
cipitately across the Nerbudda, after having thrown their 
guns into it. The Gaikwar, who had hitherto held aloof, 
now hastened to join Raghobn, and promised to furnish 
him with a large supply of money and to secure to the 
Company a share of the revenues of Broach. The Mahratta 
fleet was simultaneously crippled by the English commo- 
dore. The campaign had been prosperous beyond the 
highest expectation, and the insignificant Presidency of 
Bombay had obtained territory of the value of twenty-four 
lacs a year. The Poona regency was tottering, and the 
Nizam had been emboldened by their weakness to exact a 
considerable cession of territory. 

These brilliant prospects were marred by the folly and 
perversity of Mr. Francis and his associates. They 


pronounced the treaty impolitic, dangerous, and unjust, and 
L D. Folly of the a ^ ove a ^ unauthorised by the Supreme Council, 
775 Supreme which had been invested with the control of the 
Council. minor Presidencies, and they sent peremptory 
orders to annul the treaty and recall the army from the field. 
Hastings equally disapproved of the treaty, but took a 
statesman's view of their position, and affirmed that as the 
Company's Government was actually involved in war, it 
should be prosecuted with vigour, and concluded as speedily 
as possible. At the same time the majority in Council 
deputed Colonel Upton to Poona to disavow the proceedings 
of the Bombay Government, and to open negotiations 
with the regency. It was in vain the Bombay autho- 
rities remonstrated on the imprudence of destroying 
their influence, and withdrawing the victorious troops 
from the field, and the disgrace of violating a solemn 

Colonel Upton, on his arrival at Poona, found the astute 
ministers determined tp take advantage of these divided 

7fl Col. Upton councils. The^ extolled to the skies " the wisdom 
at Poona. o f the great governor of Calcutta, who had 
" ordered peace to be concluded ;" but when the Colonel 
proposed that Salsette and Bassein should be guaranteed to 
the Company, they assumed an arrogant tone, and demanded 
the immediate surrender of Raghoba, and the restoration of 
all the territory the Company had recently acquired. The 
insolent demands of the regency roused the indignation of 
Mr. Francis and his colleagues, and they determined to 
support Raghoba ; the troops were again ordered to take the 
field, and a supply of treasure was despatched to Bombay. But 
the regency, after a little more bluster, came to terms with 
Treaty of Colonel Upton, and the treaty of Poorundur was 

1776 Poorundur. concluded, which stipulated that Raghoba should 
disband his army, and retire to the banks of the Godavery, 
that all the territorial acquisitions of the Company should 
be relinquished with the exception of Salsette, which 
11 might be retained if the Governor- General desired it," and 
that twelve lacs of rupees should be paid for the expenses 
of the war " by way of favour." Considering that all the 
advantages of the late campaign had been on the side of 
the English, the Bombay President was justified in pro- 
nouncing the treaty " highly injurious to the interests and 
"reputation of the Company." It was a flagrant breach 
of faith with Raghoba ; it shook the confidence of the native 

*" : princes in the engagements of our Government, and it 


inflated the regency with an. undue sense of its power, 
which led to future difficulties. 

Four months after the signature of the treaty, a despatch 
was received from the Court of Directors approving of the 
treaty of Surat, directing that the territories Decision of A.D. 
ceded by Raghoba shonld be retained, and that the court of 1773 
the other Presidencies should assist in supporting 
him. The Bombay Council, smarting under the indignity 
which had been inflicted on them, gave the treaty of 
Poorundur to the winds, invited Raghoba to Bombay, and 
settled a monthly allowance on him. The Poona regency 
raved at this violation of the treaty, bnt their strength was 
weakened by discord between the aged premier Succaram 
Bapoo and his younger associate Nana Fnrnavese. To 
increase the complication of affairs at Poona, a French 
adventurer, of the name of St. Lubin, anived 
there in March, and announced himself as the 
envoy of the king of France, then on the eve of a war with 
England. He was authorised, he said, to offer the regency 
the support of 2,500 Europeans, and equipments for 10,000 
sepoys, as well as officers to discipline and command them. 
Nana Furnavese affected to believe in his mission, and made 
over to him the harbour of Choul, only twenty-three miles 
from Bombay, for the reception of the troops. 

Soon after another despatch was received from the Court, 
rogrof iiiiLr the sacrifices made by the treaty of 
Poorundur, and stating that while the Directors 
were determined to adhere to it, if any attempt 
were made to evade any of its provisions, the lrec re ' 
Bombay Government should be at liberty to renew the 
alliance with Raghoba. The President found little difficulty 
in discovering infractions of a treaty which the Mahrattas 
never intended to respect, and prepared to espouse the 
cause of Raghoba. These movements were quickened by a 
revolution in the cabinet at Poona which placed the 1778 
partisans of Raghoba in the ascendant, and an envoy was 
sent to Bombay to request tho President to conduct him to 
the capital with a military force. Within a few months a 
counter-revolution placed Nana Furnavese in power, and 
extinguished the party of Raghoba, but the Bombay Council 
were determined not to abandon him. Their passions were 
enlisted in his cause, which they identified with their own ho- 
nour; and, without adequate preparation, without alliances, 
without even a commander in whom they had any confi- 
dence, they determined to launch a handful of men against 


the whole strength of the Mahratta empire. Nana Furna- 
vese prepared to meet the coming storm, increased his 
army, provisioned his forts, and refitted his fleet. 

A new treaty was now made with Raghoba, which 
differed little from that of Surat. An army of 4,000 men, 
*& Expedition of whom 600 were Europeans, was sent to capture 
1778 toPoona. the Mahratta capital, under Colonel Egerton, an 
officer utterly unfit for the charge. Encumbered with 
19,000 bullocks, besides other cattle, the army moved at 
the rate of two miles a day, while the forces of the enemy 
were accumulating around it. Colonel Egerton resigned 
the command to Colonel Cockburn, but the responsibility 
of all movements lay with Colonel Carnac, who had been 
sent as civil commissioner with the force. On reaching 
Tullygaum, which had been burnt, a report was spread that 
the Mahrattas intended also to burn Chinchore, and even the 
capital itself. Colonel Carnac was seized with a panic, and 
though only eighteen miles from Poona, with eighteen 
days' provisions in the camp, determined, in the first 
instance, to open a negotiation with the regency, and then 
to retreat. Without waiting for the result of the negotia- 
tion, he threw his heavy guns into a pond, and commenced 
his retreat, hotly pursued by the enemy. On the evening 
Co v nti ^ ^ e l^^h January the army encamped at 
1779 of War- Wurgaum. The Mahrattas brought up their 
gaum. guns during the night, and assailed the camp 

with great vigour in the morning. The bewildered Carnac 
declared that even a retreat was now impossible and made 
overtures to Nana Furnavese, who demanded the surrender 
of Raghoba before he would listen to terms. The commis- 
sioner would have complied with the demand had ho not 
saved them from this infamy by delivering himself up to 
Sindia, and, under the auspices of that chief, the British 
army was rescued from destruction by a convention which 
sacrificed all the acquisitions obtained since ] 773, and for the 
first time obliged the British Government to give hostages 
to a victorious enemy. The Court of Directors lost no time 
in dismissing Colonels Egerton, Cockburn, and Carnac 
from their service. Bombay was now at the mercy of the 
Mahrattas, and its preservation depended on the arrival of 
General Goddard's expedition from Hindostan. 

Hastings, who had recovered his ascendancy in Council, 
gave his sanction to the proposal of the Bombay Council to 
support Raghoba, and resolved likewise to send an expedi- 
tion from Bengal across the continent, to frustrate the 


intrigues of the French at Poona, and to strengthen the A D 
Bombay Presidency. The force consisted of Q^^Jj.g 1778 
between 4,000 and 5,000 men, and was destined expedition. 
to march from the banks of the Jumna to Bombay, through 
1,000 miles of unknown country occupied by chiefs who were 
far more likely to be hostile than friendly. It was pi onounced 
by Mr. Dundas, the India minister, one of " the frantic mill- 
" tary exploits of Hastings," but it was through such frantic 
exploits that British power and prestige had been estab- 
lished in India by a handful of foreigners. It was conducted 
by General Goddard, one of the most illustrious names in 
the history of British India. So strict was the discipline 
which he maintained, so punctual his payments, and so con- 
ciliatory his intercourse with the chiefs and people on the 
route, that they cheerfully supplied him with all his 
requisitions. The raja of Bhopal particularly distinguished 
himself by his generous hospitality, though threatened with 
the vengeance of the Mahratta regency. On reaching 
Boorhanpore the general heard of the misfortunes of the 
Bombay force, and turned out of his route to Surat, by 
which he avoided an encounter with a body of 20,000 
horse sent from Poona to intercept him. 

The timely arrival of General Goddard on the western 
coast, and the eclat of this celebrated expedition, proved 
the salvation of the Bombay Presidency, and re- 
stored the reputation of the British arms. The QoddanTs 177$ 
convention of Wurgaum was equally repudiated continued 
by the Bombay Government and by Hastings, succes8 * 
who directed General Goddard to open a fresh negotiation 
with the regency on tho basis of the treaty of Poorundur. 
In the mean time Sindia connived at the escape of Raghoba, 
who repaired to Surat, where he was honourably entertained 
by General Goddard, and received an allowance of half a 
lac of rupees a month. The reception granted to him gave 
mortal offence to the regency, who determined to join the 
confederacy which had just been formed against the Com- 
pany, and in reply to the General's categorical demand 
of a reply to his proposal, informed him that the sur- 
render of Raghoba, and the restoration of Salsette, were 
the indispensable preliminaries of any treaty ; he therefore 
dismissed their vakeels and prepared for war. At the same 
time he concluded a treaty, offensive and defensive, with 
the Gaikwar, which provided that he should join the 
Euglish camp with 3,000 horse, and receive possession of 
all the Peshwa's territories north of the Myhee, and make 


over certain districts south of it to the Company. On the 
a.o. 10th February General Goddard captured the noble city of 

1779 Ahmedabad, the modern capital of Guzerat, and, having 
dispersed an army of 20,000 horse with which Sindia 
and Holkar were advancing to attack him, encamped for the 
season on the banks of the Nerbudda. 

The success which meanwhile attended our arms in the 
north-west of Hindostan was equally brilliant. Hastings 
Capture of sent a force of 2,400 infantry, with cavalry and 
Gwalior. artillery, under the command of Major Popham, 
one of the most enterprising officers in the service, to 
protect the little principality of Gohud, sixty miles south- 
east of Agra, from the encroachments of Sindia. He 
marched in February, and after having captured Lahar, 

1780 without a battering- train, by the sheer gallantry of his 
men, proceeded to the celebrated fortress of Gwalior, on the 
summit of a stupendous rock scarped almost entirely round, 
and deemed throughout India impregnable. Sir Byre Coote, 
the veteran hero of the Carnatic, then General in chief in 
Bengal, pronounced the attempt to capture it an act of 
madness, but Popham had set his heart on the " glorious 
" object," as he called it, and lay about the fort for two 
months silently maturing his plans. On the night of the 
3rd of August, under the guidance of Captain Bruce, twenty 
European soldiers and two companies of sepoys, led by four 
officers, applied their scaling ladders to the successive 
stages of rock and battlements ; the bewildered garrison 
made a feeble resistance; and at daybreak, without the loss 
of a single man, the British ensign was waving over the 
ramparts. The report of this achievement resounded 
through India, and served to wipe out the disgrace of the 
" infamous convention " of Wurgaum, as Hastings always 
designated it, and which he said it was worth millions to 
obliterate. Major Camac, who succeeded Major Popham, 
brought up an additional force, and not only invaded 
Sindia' s possessions in Malwa, but threatened his capital, 
Defeat of an< l he was obliged to quit Poona to attend to the 

' 8 Sindia. defence of his own dominions. Major Camac, 
who was no soldier, allowed himself to be surrounded by 
the more numerous army of Sindia. His camp was reduced 
to a state of starvation, and he would have been obliged to 
surrender had not Captain Bruce, who had distinguished 
himself at Gwalior, made a vigorous attack on Sindia's 
camp during the night. The surprise was complete, and 
he lost elephants, horses, baggage, and men, but, above all, 


his reputation, while the crest of his rival, Holkar, was 
elevated by a successful attack on General Goddard. 

Towards the close of 1779 Hastings received intimation 
of a general confederacy * -p 1 , 1 ' -1 by the Nizam to ex- 
tinguish the power of the Company, which Confederac A.D. 
embraced all the princes of India with the excep- againat^e 7 1779 
tion of the Gaikwar. A simultaneous attack was En s lish - 
to be made on all the Presidencies. Hyder was to invade 
Madras ; the attack of Bombay was assigned to Sindia, 
Holkar, and the regency ; while the raja of Nagpore was to 
enter Bengal through his province of Cuttack. England was 
at the same time at war with the French, and they were 
intriguing at Poona. Never had the Company been 
menaced with such peril, and it required the extraordinary 
genius of Hastings to avert it. Hyder was the first in the 
field, and burst upon the Carnatic, as will be hereafter 
narrated. Bombay was left to its own resources, and the 
governor, Mr. Hornby, proved equal to the emergency. 
The gallant Colonel Hartley had cleared the Concan of the 
Mahrattas, but it was again invaded by Nana Furnavese, 
and he had to sustain for two days the assault of 20,000 
Mahratta horse with only 2,000 exhausted troops, and 600 
sick in his camp. On the third day the Mahratta general 
was killed, and the army became dispirited and retired. 
General Goddard ascended the ghauts with a large force, 
in the hope of capturing Poona, but he was incessantly 
assailed by the Mahrattas, and, being vigorously attacked by 
Holkar with 125,000 troops, was obliged to retreat to Bom- 1781 
bay with the loss of 450 of his troops the only reverse he 
experienced in his victorious career. 

The raja of Nagpore, in accordance with the compact, sent 
his son Chimnajee with 30,000 troops to Cuttack, but he 
was lukewarm in the cause of the allies, and Nagpore de- 
loitered seven months on the road. On reaching taohetifrom 1780 
the province he found himself straitened for theleague - 
funds, and he accepted the offer of sixteen lacs of rupees 
which Hastings made him on condition of his w ' * . .' u - 
from the confederacy. Hastings was thus enabled to buy 
off the most formidable member of the league, and to save 
Bengal from the horrors of predatory warfare. To relievo 
Madras from the pressure of Hyder's army, Hastings 
resolved to send a detachment of Bengal troops ; but as the 
sepoys had recently broken into revolt, and murdered their 
officers, to avoid a sea voyage, he adopted the bold plan of 
sending them by land seven hundred miles along the coast, 


AD through, unknown and probably hostile provinces. This 
1781 wa s another of the " frantic military exploits of Hastings," 
but it effectually overawed the native chiefs and augmented 
our prestige. The raja of Nagpore, on the receipt of the 
money, agreed to send 2,000 horse to co-operate with this 
expedition, which Colonel Pearce conveyed to Madras in 

After his defeat by Major Camac, Sindia perceived that 
with a victorious enemy in the heart of his dominions he 
had everything to lose by connnnin-j: a conflict 
which might end in driving him across the 
Nerbudda and destroying his influence in the 
Mahratta commonwealth. He accordingly made overtures 
to the British commandant which Hastings was but too 

1781 happy to accept. They resulted in a treaty, signed on the 
13th October, by which all the territories of Sindia west of 
the Jumna were restored to him, and he agreed to negotiate 
a peace between the Company and the regency at Poona ; 
and, at all events, to remain neuter. Hastings' s anxiety for 
peace with the Mahratta s was quickened by the arrival of a 
French armament on the Coast, which he feared might 
result in the extirpation of our nation from the Carnatic. 
To bring the war with the Mahrattas to a close, he was 
ready to sacrifice every foot of ground which had been gained 
from them, not excepting even the harbour of Bassein. 

A,fter a succession of disappointments the treaty ot 
Salbye was at length completed on the 17th May through 
Treaty of the mediation of Sindia, who undertook to 

1782 Salbye. guarantee the settlement, and thus acquired 
additional consequence among the Mahratta chiefs. All 
the territory acquired by the Company since the treaty of 
Poorundur was relinquished, and it was stipulated that 
Hyder AH should be required to restore all his conquests in 
the Carnatic and to release his prisoners within three 
months, on pain of being treated as an enemy by the 
regency. Nana Furnavese, after having accepted the 
treaty, delayed the ratification of it for six months, while he 
endeavoured to make advantageous terms with Hyder for 
repudiating it. Hastings's impatience for the completion 
of this pacification was raised to fever heat by the receipt 
on the 5th December of a copy of the resolution of the 
House of Commons, to the effect that he had acted contrary 
to the honour and policy of the nation, and that it was the 
duty of the Court of Directors to remove him from the 
head of affairs. The promulgation of this vote throughout 


India would not only have prevented the ratification of the 
treaty, but paralysed the authority of Government in A.IX 
every court ; but on the 7th the death of Hyder dispersed 1782 
thu cloud of anxiety, and Nana Furnavese immediately 
ailixed the Peshwa's seal to the treaty. The peace thus 
concluded with the Mahratta powers continued unbroken 
for twenty years. 



WE revert now to the progress of events at the Madras 
Presidency and in the south of India. The little Hindoo 
kingdom of Tanjore had been in *t great measure nooeedmgs 1771 
exempt from the ravages of war during the ttt Tanjore. 
hostilities with Hyder, which terminated in the peace 
dictated by him under the walls of Madras. Mahomed AH, 
the nabob of the Carnatic, now came forward and im- 
portuned the Madras Council to assist him in plundering 
the raja, as former nabobs had done. The demands of the 
nabob were exorbitant, but, after a little virtuous reluc- 
tance, the President sent an army into the country. The 
Tanjorines offered a spirited defence, but a breach was at 
length effected in the fortifications, when the nabob's second 
son, without consulting the English commander, who 
had been dragged into this unholy crusade, signed a treaty 
with the raja after having extorted an engagement to pay 
fifty lacs of rupees In less than two jcars he again 
demanded the assistance of the Madras Council to extermi- 
nate the raja, on the plea that a fifth of the payment was 
still due, and that he had been in communication with 
Hyder AH and the Mahratta-s. The President was fully 
aware that to meet the extortion he had been under the 
necessity of pledging his crown jewels and even his princi- 
pality to the Dutch at Negapatam, instead of to the 
English at Madras but was base enough to resolve on his 
ruin. An array was despatched in September ; the raja was 
deposed and the principality made over to the unprincipled 
nabob. The Court of Directors, indignant at i) ir<?ct on* 1774 
this infamous proceeding, expelled the President, restore the 
Mr. Wynch, from the service and peremptorily ^ 
ordered the country to be restored to the raja. Lord Pigot, 
who had been in the Madras civil service forty years and 
amassed a fortune of forty lacs of rupees, obtained an Irish 


peerage on his return to England, and was now sent out as 
governor of Madras ; and, though offered a bribe of sixty 
lacs of rupees by the nabob to prevent the execution of the 
Court's orders, proceeded in person to Tanjore and seated 
the raja on his ancestral throne. 

The restoration was no sooner proclaimed than Paul 
Benfield, a Madras civilian, caine forward and advanced a 
^P: Paul claim on the revenues. Nothing can more clearly 

Benfield. demonstrate the total demoralisation of the Com- 
pany's service at Madras at that period than the fact that 
this man, who came to India without a farthing, and whose 
salary had never exceeded three hundred rupees a month, 
should not consider it preposterous to assert that for money 
lent to the nabob he had assignments on the revenues of 
Tanjore of sixteen lacs, and for money lent to individuals he 
had assignments on the present crop of more than seven 
lacs. After long deliberation, the Council rejected his 
claim ; but as they and other members of the civil service 
were creditors, real or fictitious, of the nabob to the extent 
of a crore and a half of rupees, they perceived that they 
were thereby impairing their own claims and the question 
was reconsidered. Lord Pigot and his friends strenuously 
resisted these nefarious proceedings, but a majority of seven 
to five voted that the assignments made to Benfield were 
valid. The breach in the council became wider. Lord Pigot 
Lordj'igot suspended two of the members, and placed Sir 
1776 confined. Robert Fletcher, the Com mander-in- Chief, under 
arrest, and the majority retaliated by placing the governor 
himself in confinement and seizing the Government. The 
Court of Directors ordered that he should be restored to his 
position and then resign the service. Seven of the members 
of Council were dismissed, and Sir Thomas Rumbold, 
who had been in the public service in Bengal, was placed at 
the head of the Government, but neither was his administra- 
tion smooth, and it ended in his recall. 

Basalut Jung, who held tlie Guntoor Sircar as a fief of 
his brother the Nizam, had taken a small French force into 
Gnntoor his service, but had acceded to the request of the 
1779 sircar. Madras Government to receive a British detach- 
ment in its stead, and to make over the Sircar for its support. 
The treaty was no sooner signed than it was leased for 
ten years to the nabob Mahomed Ali, that is, to his 
creditors, and a key was thus furnished to the transaction. 
Mr. Holland was deputed to Hyderabad to explain it to the 
Nizam, who expressed no little resentment at this inde- 


pendent negotiation with one of his feudatories, and this 
interference with the affairs of his family. But when 
Mr. Holland proceeded farther to request, on the part of the 
Madras Government, that the sum of seven lacs which was 
paid as tribute for the Northern Sircars should be remitted, 
his indignation knew no bounds, and he charged the 
Madras authorities with a flagrant breach of faith. It was 
under the influence of thir; feeling of irritation that he set A>IX 
himself to organize the general league for the expulsion of 1779 
the English previously alluded to. Hastings on hearing 
of these proceedings immediately superseded the authority 
of the Madras Government at the Nizam's Court, and 
assured him that the intentions of the British Government 
were honourable and pacific ; that the Sircar should not be 
occupied, and that the annual tribute should be paid up as 
soon as possible. By these assurances Hastings was enabled 
to neutralize the Nizam in the contest for existence which 
was now impending. 

The second war with Hyder Ali commenced in 1780, but 
before entering on the narrative of it, a review of his pre- 
vious progress for eight years appears necessary. Progress O f 
It has been stated that the crushing defeat he HvderAH, 

J j. T\f 1 i. J J 1 1773-1780. 

experienced at Milgota reduced his possessions 
within a very narrow compass, but the confusion created at 
Poona by the murder of the Peshwa enabled him to recover 
his position. In November he subjugated the principality 1773 
of 0~?rg, which offered a noble resistance and was subjected 
to extraordinary barbarity. He promised the sum of five 
rupees for each head, and distributed the reward in person, 
and seven hundred heads were piled up before he ordered 
the carnage to cease. The next year he reconquered the 
districts of which the Mahrattas had dispossessed him, and 1774 
strengthened his authority in Malabar. Alarmed by these 
incessant encroachments, and by the support he afforded to 
Raghoba, the regency at Poona formed an alliance against 
him with the Nizam, and the combined armies took the field 
in 1776; but the generals were corrupted by the gold of 1773 
Hyder, the expedition proved abortive, and his power was 
extended up to the banks of the Kistna. Notwithstanding 
the refusal of the Madras Government to afford him aid, iii 
accordance with the treaty, under the sinister influence of 
Mahomed Ali and Sir John Lindsay, he renewed the appli- 
cation, to enable him to meet the continued hostility of the 
Mahrattas. Ho asked only for a supply of stores and arms, 
and a small body of troops, for which he was prepared to 


make a suitable return in money, but the Madras Council, 
who were still controlled by the nabob, resisted every over- 
ture and turned him into an irreconcilable enemy. 

Information was soon after received of the commencement 
of war between France and England, and Pondicherry, 

H*79 war with which had been completely rebuilt, was captured 
France. after a gallant resistance of ten days, fn an- 
nouncing this success to Hyder, the governor of Madras 
intimated that it was his intention to send an expedition 
against the French settlement at Mahe, a small port on the 
Capture of Malabar coast, through which Hyder had been 
Mahe. j n ^Q habit for three years of receiving supplies 
and recruits from Europe. He replied that he should sup- 
port the French garrison with all his strength, and retaliate 
any attack by invading the Carnatic ; the place was never- 
theless attacked and taken, though his colours were hoisted 
side by side with those of his French allies. While Hyder 's 
feelings were in this state of irritation, an envoy arrived 
from Poona to request that, as he had the same reason as 
the regency to complain of the perfidy of the English, he 
would join the general confederacy which had been formed to 
expel them from India. The regency promised an amicable 
adjustment of all differences, the relinquishment of the 
chout, and a confirmation of his right to all the territories 
he had acquired up to the Kistna. Their proposal was 
accepted with avidity. 

* Preparations were now made on the largest scale. Hyder, 
in his seventy- eighth year, superintended every arrange- 
Hyder ment in person, and by the end of June had 

1780 bursts on the equipped the most efficient force ever collected 

Carnatic. *r _ . 

under the banner of a native prince. It con- 
sisted of 90,000 horse and foot, a large proportion of which 
had been trained under European officers. His artillery 
consisted of a hundred guns, directed also by European 
skill and science, and his commissariat had been admirably 
organised by the Hindoo Poornea, one of the ablest of his 
officers. While this portentous cloud was advancing 
towards Madras, the Government was buried in a fatal 
security, and the Commander-in-Chief declared that there 
was not the slightest cause for apprehension, but this illusion 
was speedily dispelled. Hyder, having completed his pre- 
parations, and proclaimed a jehad, or holy crusade, in every 
mosque and temple in Mysore, burst on the Carnatic on the 
20th of July, and his progress was marked by the blaze of 
villages and towns, and the desolation of the country. He 


appeared determined to exhaust all the resources of cruelty 
which his ferocious nature could suggest. The wretched 
inhabitants were driven with their flocks and families to 
Mysore, and those who lingered were mutilated. All the 
forts, except four, held by English lieutenants, were sur- 
rendered by the venal or dastardly officers of the nabob. 

The Madras army did not exceed 8,000, of which number 
2,500 were under Colonel Baillie in Guntoor, and it was 
not till clouds of smoke were seen in every direc- March O f 
tion from St. Thomas's Mount, nine miles from Madras 
Madras, that orders were issued to take the field. army ' 
Sir Hector Munro moved out to Conjeveram to relieve 
Arcot, which contained the few military stores the nabob 
possessed, and which Hyder had besieged. Colonel Baillie 
was ordered to join Sir Hector with expedition, but he 
halted on the banks of the Cortilla when it was fordable, 
and the next day it was swelled by the rains, and continued 
impassable for ten days. Hyder Ali sent Tippoo with the 
flower of his army to prevent the junction, and an action was 
foughton the 6th September, in which Tippoo was so severely 
handled that he informed his father that no impression 
could be made on the English force without reinforcements, 
while Colonel Baillie informed the general that it was no 
longer in his power to join him at Conjeveram. Instead of 
proceeding at once with his whole force, Sir Hector simply 
detached Colonel Fletcher with 1,100 men to reinforce 
Colonel Baillie. So great was the dread which Hyder 
entertained of British prowess, that he had determined, in 
case of a junction of the two forces, to raise the siege of 
Arcot and retire. Colonel Fletcher and Colonel Baillie 
moved forward till the evening of the 9th, and a short 
march would have completed their union with the main 
body, but by an act of incredible fatuity Colonel Baillie 
ordered his men to lie on their arms for the night. Hyder 
Ali, seeing no preparation for any movement on the part of 
Sir Hector, brought his whole force up against Colonel 
Baillie. He planted his guns during the night with great 
skill, and on the morning of the 10th September the 1750 
encampment was enveloped by the whole Mysore army. 
The troops fought like heroes, and the European p e feat oc 
force, when reduced to 800, still demanded to be Baiiiie. 
led against the enemy ; but Colonel Baillie refused to 
sacrifice the lives of these brave men, and held out a flag 
of truce, when Hvder's soldiers rushed on them and would 
have butchered tne whole body but for the interference of 

o 2 


the French officers. Of eighty-six officers, seventy were 
killed or wounded, and the whole army, with all its stores, 
baggage, and equipments, was irretrievably lost. Had the 
Commander-in- Chief moved up when the cannonade was 
first heard, Hyder, attacked on both sides, must have 
suffered a severe defeat ; but the dastardly Munro threw his 
heavy guns into the great tank or pond at Conjeveram, 
destroyed his stores, and retreated in haste and disorder 
to Madras, hotly pursued by the enemy. 

A vessel was immediately despatched to Calcutta with 

information of the disaster. To the embarrassment of a 

Energy of war with the Mahrattas was now added that of a 

Hastings. war W ^} T Hyder, which had opened with the 

greatest disgrace the English arms had as yet suffered in 

India ; but never did the genius and resolution of Hastings 

appear more conspicuous than on this occasion. " All my 

' hopes," he wrote, " of aggrandizing the British name and 

4 enlarging the interests of the Company have given instant 

' place to the more urgent call to support the existence of 

* both in the Carnatic ; nor did I hesitate one minute to 

* abandon my own views for such an object." He sus- 
pended Whitehill, the officiating governor of Madras who 
had refused to restore the Guntoor Sircar ; he despatched 
every soldier that could be spared, together with fifteen lacs 
of rupees, for the exclusive use of the army, not to be 
fjngered by the civilians ; and the whole expedition was 
equipped and embarked within three weeks. The veteran 

Sir Eyre Coote, who had extinguished the French 
proceed* to power on the Coast twenty years before, con- 
1780 Madras * sented to take the command, and retrieve the 
honour of the Company amidst the scenes of his early 
triumphs. Hastings also adopted the hazardous expedient 
of stopping the Company's investment and devoting the 
funds to the expedition ; but even this resource was found 
insufficient, and he was obliged, for the first time in bin 
administration, to have recourse to a loan. 




SIR EYRE COOTE arrived at Madras, eight weeks after the A.D. 
disaster of Colonel Baillie, but found the equipment of the 1781 
army so wretched, and the difficulty of obtaining Difficulties 
supplies in a country swept by hostile cavalry ofCoote ' 
so great, that it was ten weeks before he could make any 
movement. But his arrival raised the drooping spirits of 
Madras, and checked the career of Hyder, who, instead of 
driving the English, as he had hoped, into the sea, found 
himself confronted by his old opponent. Hyder had ob- 
tained possession of Arcot through the treachery of the 
nabob's brahmin commandant, and was engaged in be- 
sieging Wandewash, which was defended by Lieutenant Flint 
with the same gallantry whie,h had been displayed by Clive 
at Arcot. The hostile armies remained inactive for four 
months ; the English for want of provisions, and Hyder 
from a dread of encountering them. Coote then attacked 
the fortified temple of Chillumbrum, but was repulsed, 
and Hyder was emboldened to risk a general en- Battle of 
gagement, and marching a hundred miles in two Porto NoT0 ' 
days and a half, attacked the P]nglish on the 1st of July at 1781 
Porto Novo; but after an engagement of six hours' duration, 
was totally deteated, with the loss of 10,000 men, while 
the casualties on the side of Coote did not ex- ofPollilore 
ceed 300. The Bengal brigade was conducted 
along the coast by Colonel Pearce with admirable skill, and 
without a single accident, and ho reached Pulicat in July. 
Hyder detached Tippoo to intercept it, and Coote marched 
150 miles to form a junction with it, which ho effected on 
the 2nd of Aligns!.. Hyder had brought up the whole of his 
army to oppose his return, and taken up his position on the 
field where, exactly a twelvemonth before, Colonel Baillie's 
army had been exterminated, which the astrologers assured 
him was a lucky spot ami a lucky day. The result of the 
battle, was doubtful, and both parties claimed the vic- 
tory by firing a salute. In the month of September there 
was a third engagement at Solingur, in which Qf g^g^ 
Hyder was completely defeated, with the loss of 
5,000 men, while only 100 fell on the side of the English, 


Soon after the army retired into cantonments for the 
season at Madras, after a campaign in which all Hyder's 
plans were baffled by the superior strategy of Coote, and 
Coote's movements were crippled for want of supplies and 

In the brief period of seven years, two governors of 
Madras had been dismissed by the Court of Directors; 
one had been suspended by Hastings, and a fourth deposed 
by his own Council. The Presidency was demoralized to 
the core by corrupt transactions with the nabob, and the 
Court of "Directors resolved to place the government in 
the hands of one who was free from all local associations, 
and untainted by the general corruption. Their choice 
A D Lord fell on Lord Macartney, an Irish peer of great 

1781 ^ernor^ political experience and dignified character. He 
of Madras, reached Madras in June, with the first intelli- 
gence of the war between Holland and England. Hyder 
lost no time in forming an alliance with the Dutch on the 
basis of mutual co-operation against the English. Their 
principal settlement on the Coromandel coast was Negapa- 
tam, 160 miles south of Madras, garrisoned by an army of 
6,500 men. Contrary to the advice of Sir Eyre Coote, 
Lord Macartney equipped an expedition from Tanjore and 
Madras, which was confided to Sir Hector Munro, and 

1781 Capture of greatly strengthened by the marines and seamen. 
Negapatam. ^he settlement was captured in November, and 
found to contain a large quantity of military stores be- 
sides two valuable investments. Two months after, Trin- 
comalee, the noblest harbour in Ceylon, was also captured 
from the Dutch. But, notwithstanding the successes of 
the year, the pressure of the war was severely felt on the 
finances of Madras. All the revenues of the Carnatic, 
which ought to have been available for its defence, were 
absorbed by the nabob and his rapacious creditors, and 
the Government was at length constrained to assume the 
entire control of the province, reserving one-sixth for the 

Colonel Braithwaite had been despatched to protect Tan- 
jore from the ravages of Tippoo, with a detachment of 2,000 

1782 Colonel men, almost all, sepoys. The treachery of his 
Braithwaite. g a ia e s betrayed him into a position where he 
came unexpectedly on Tippoo's army of 20,000 horse and 
20,000 infantry and twenty guns ; for twenty-eight hours 
his force maintained the unequal contest without flinching, 
but was at length overpowered. "The annals of war," 


says the historian Mill, " can seldom exhibit a parallel to 
" the firmness and perseverance of this little army." This 
disaster was counterbalanced on the opposite coast by a 
sortie under Major Abingdon from Tellicherry, where he 
had been besieged for eighteen months, and the capture 
of 1,200 prisoners with sixty pieces of cannon. Hyder's de- A.D. 
Hydor began now to give way to despondency ; B P ndenc y 1782 
his French allies had not made their appearance; Hastings 
had succeeded in detaching Sindia, the Nizam, and the 
raja of Nagpore from the grand confederacy, and the Pesh- 
wa now threatened to combine with the English, and 
wrest from him all the territories he had gained between 
the Kistna and the Toombudra. He lamented to his 
minister his folly in having plunged into a war with the 
Company. " The defeat of many Braithwaites and many 
" Baillies," he said, " will not crush them. I may ruin 
" their resources by land, but I cannot dry np the sea, and 
" I must be exhausted by a war in which I gain nothing 
" by fighting." The western coast he considered the 
weakest part of his dominions, and he determined to con- 
centrate his efforts in that direction. He had issued 
orders to blow up the fortifications of Arcot, and to lay 
waste the Carnatic, without leaving a vestige of human 
habitation, when these gloomy forebodings were dissi- 
pated by the arrival of the French armament. 

The French fleet was commanded by Suflrein, one of the 
greatest admirals Franco has produced. He met Admiral 
Hughes returning from the capture of Trinco- Nara i 
malee, and an engagement ensued which proved action*- 1781 
indecisive. Suffroin thei. proceeded to Porto Novo, and 
landed 2,000 French soldiers and 1,000 disciplined Africans. 
In June, Sir Eyre Coote attempted the capture of Arnee, 
Hyder's chief dep6t in the south, but after an indecisive 
action under its walls, Hyder succeeded in rescuing his 
treasure and his stores. Two other actions were in the 
meantime fought between the fleets without any practical 
result, and SufFrcin having refitted his ships, sailed to the 
south. Lord Macartney had received intelligence that 
a second French force had arrived at Galle, and he began 
to tremble for Trmcomalee and Negapatam. He entreated 
Admiral Hughes to hasten to the defence of Trincomalee ; 
but he was jealous of interference, and sluggish in his 
movements, and on entering the harbour found that the 
place had capitulated four days before. The fleets now 
came again in contact, but the result was again indecisive. 


A.D. This was the fourth naval action of the year, which was 

1782 distinguished as much by the activity of the fleets as by 
the inefficient operations of the army. 

Admiral Hughes on his return to Madras announced his 
intention of proceeding to Bombay to refit his vessels after 
Admiral ^ our severe actions. The governor represented the 
Hughes goes desperate condition to which the affairs of the 
to Bombay. Q om p anv WO uld be reduced on his departure, with 
Hyder master of the Carnatic, Bussy daily expected with 
large reinforcements, and the French masters of the sea and 
intercepting the supplies of grain on which Madras depended 

1782 for its subsistence. But he was deaf to every remonstrance, 
and set sail on the 15th of October. That same night the 
monsoon set in with a terrific gale ; the shore was strewed 
for miles with wrecks ; the largest vessels went down at 
their anchors, and a hundred coasting craft laden with rice 
were irrecoverably lost. Four days after Admiral Bickerton 
arrived in the roads from England, with a considerable fleet ; 
and having landed 4,000 troops, resisted all the importunity 
of the Government to remain for the protection of the coast, 
and insisted on putting to sea to join his commander. 
Madras was now subject to all the horrors of famine. The 
ravages of Hydcr had driven the wretched inhabitants into 
the town for shelter and subsistence, and for some time the 
deaths amounted to 1,500 a week. Sir Eyre Coote's shattered 
constitution required him to retire to Bengal, and the mon- 
sdbn suspended all military operations. 

Soon after the defeat of the Mysore army at Tellicherry 
in February, Colonel Humberstone, who succeeded to the com* 

1782 Deat fc<rf mand, marched into the heart of Mysore, and sat 
Hyder. down before Palghaut, one of the strongest fort- 
resses Hyder possessed, but the Bombay Council ordered him 
peremptorily to retire. Hyder lost no time in sending 
Tippoo with a contingent of French troops to repel this in- 
vasion, which might have penetrated to his capital. He 
came up with the retiring force at Paniani, and assaulted it 
in four columns, but was driven back with great loss, when 
he determined to turn the attack into a blockade, while 
waiting for his heavy guns. But on the 12th of December 
the whole of his army was seen to strike its tents, and march 
off to the eastern coast. A dromedary express had arrived 
the preceding evening with despatches announcing that 
" the ever- victorious spirit of Hyder, " to use the language 
of his native biographer, " had taken its flight to Paradise." 
Worn out by the fatigues of war, and suffering from ft 


cancer in his back, he sunk on the 7th of December, at the A .D. 
age of eighty, leaving behind him the reputation of one of 1783 
the ablest, most enterprising, and most successful princes 
in the modern history of India. 

An Asiatic army deprived of its head always becomes a 
scene of confusion and intrigue. On this occasion the 
danger was increased by the absence of Hyder's concealment 
successor, four hundred miles away ; but it was of w* death - 
averted by the consummate prudence of Poornea, the ablest 
of his ministers. The death of Hyder was carefully con- 
cealed ; his body was embalmed and sent to Si rini^ipiiturn, 
like a chest of valuable plunder. All orders continued to be 
issued in his name, and his closed palankeen with the usual 
retinue moved out at the usual hour from the canvas 
enclosure of his tent. Tippoo, on his arrival in the camp, 
gratified the troops by a liberal donation, and entered upon 
the possession of a kingdom with a treasure of three crores 
of rupees and jewels of countless value, and an army of 
100,000 men in a high state of efficiency. But the fatality 
which had blighted the Madras Presidency for fifteen years 
still seemed to pursue it. The departure of Sir Eyre Coote 
placed the army under the command of General Stuart, 
who was perverse, insubordinate, and incapable. Lord 
Macartney urged him to take advantage of the consterna- 
tion in Hyder's camp when his death was known, but he 
affected to disbelieve the report, and the golden opportunity 
of striking a decisive blow was lost. With a nobler army 
and a more ample commissariat than Sir Eyre Coote had 
ever possessed, he allowed sixty days to pass without any 
effort. The anxiety which this inactivity created was 

happily relieved by the sudden departure of ^ w _ 1 

nv f j-i- -i j. mi i Obstinacy of 

Tippoo for the opposite coast. The alarming m- General 
telligence he received of the progress made by the stuart 
British force there induced him, without waiting for the 
arrival of Bussy, then hourly expected, to break up his en- 
campment and proceed in person to avert the danger. 

Bussy landed at Cuddalore on the 10th April, and found 
himself at the head of 2,300 Europeans and 5,000 sepoys ; 
but he found also to his mortification that Tippoo Bugg ftnd 
had left only 3,500 troops to co-operate with him. stuart at 
General Stuart-, having no longer any excuse for Cuddalore 
delay, began his march towards Cuddalore with a fine 
park of artillery, and an army of 14,500 men, of whom 
8,000 were Europeans. Nothing was wanting to the 
efficiency of this army- the largest ever yet assembled at 


the Madras Presidency bat a commander ; and the troops 
were looking with intense eagerness for their beloved old 
chief to lead them again to victory ; but Sir Byre Ooote, 
who had been persuaded by Hastings to retnrn to Madras, 
died three days after he had landed. The expedition now 
moved on to Cuddalore at the rate of three miles a day, 
*- D - and the town was invested on the 7th June. On the 13th 
1 783 ]3 US8 y made a sally, which resulted in a general action, 
and he was defeated, with the loss of thirteen gnns ; but 
the victory was dearly purchased with the loss on the 
side of the English of 68 officers and 920 European soldiers. 
On the same day Suffrein made his appearance in the 
offing, and the two fleets came to an engagement, which 
flras as indecisive as the former which had preceded it. Ad- 
miral Hughes proceeded to Madras to refit, and Suffrein 
reinforced Bussy with 2,400 marines and soldiers. On 
the 25th June, Bussy made a sortie, and was repulsed with 
heavy loss. But General Stuart, who had been peddling 
abont Cuddalore for three weeks, had made no progress 
in the siege, while his force was daily wasting away from 
sickness, fatigue, and wounds ; and Bussy was waiting 
for the maturity of his errors to strike a decisive blow, 
which would have resulted, there can be little doubt, in the 
disgrace and retreat of the English army, and possibly also 
in the investment and capture of Madras. From this 
danger the Company was happily saved by the arrival of 
17 g 5 intelligence that peace had been concluded between France 
and England. Hostilities at once ceased, and Tippoo was 
deprived of all the aid of the French troops. General 
Stuart on his arrival at Madras was placed under arrest by 
Lord Macartney and sent to England. It was he who had 
arrested Lord Pigot with great treachery ; and the facetious 
remark of the nabob's second son on this occasion is not 
unworthy of record : " General Stuart catch one lord, and 
" one lord catch General Stuart ! 

The abrupt departure of Tippoo to the Western coast 
was occasioned by the success of an expedition sent by the 
Expedition Bombay Government against his possessions in 
rn> n that quarter. On hearing of the death of Hyder, 
Bombay. General Matthews was despatched, contrary to 
his own better judgment, to seize Bednore on the table- 
land of Mysore. The ascent of the ghauts, which had 
been fortified at every point, presented the most formidable 
obstacles, but they were surmounted by the gallantry of 
the 42nd Highlanders. When, however, the army arrived 


in front of the fortress, it was unexpectedly and uncon- 
ditionally surrendered. The Mysore commander, who was 
a favourite with Hyder, but hated by his son, had obtained A D 
the sightof a letter from him to one of the officers at Bednore, 1733 
containing an order to deprive him of his command, and, 
if necessary, to put him to death ; and he made over the 
fortress to the general. After obtaining possession of it, 
ho relaxed his vigilance, and allowed his men to disperse 
over the country in search of plunder. Tippoo hastened 
to recover it, and it was surrendered only when it had be- 
come a heap of ruins. Tippoo then descended to the siege 
of Mangalore, which forms one of the most memorable 
events of the war. The garrison, commanded by the 
valorous Colonel Campbell of the 42nd TT^l.lsi' <!<>. con- 
sisted of 700 Europeans and about 2,000 native sepoys, 
while the investing force numbered 100,000 men with 100 
guns. The privations sustained by the garrison have 
seldom been exceeded. The place was defended for nine 
months with unsurpassed fortitude, and did not Fail of 
capitulate till the defenders were reduced to 850 Man ^ lore - 
mere skeletons. 

While Tippoo was wasting his strength and his reputa- 
tion on this siege, which cost him half his army, the 
Madras Government sent a force of 13,500 men rx)lonel 
across the Peninsula into the heart of the Mysore Fniiarton's 1783 
territory, under the command of another of the 8Ucce8S 
Company's great soldiers, Colonel Fullarton, who would in 
all probability have brought the war to a speedy and success- 
ful issue, if he had not been thwarted by the folly of 
the Madras authorities. After having captured the re- 
nowned fort of Pal ghaut and the important city of Coim- 
batoor, he was on the point of inarch inir on tho capital, 
while the Mysore army was employed at Mar.g.'ilore, when 
he received orders to suspend all operations, and to restore 
the districts lie had occupied. Lord Macartney, contrary 
to the express orders of Hastings, had opened negotiations 
with Tippoo, at the very time when the Peshwa, in ac- 
cordance with the stipulations of the treaty of Salbye, was 
threatening him with 1i'-::!.:i. s if he did not come to an 
accommodation with tho English. The governor of 
Madras had even offered of his own accord a suspension 
of arms till the reply was received, and the progress of 
Colonel Fullarton was according arrested. Lord Macartney 
*as so ignorant of the native character as not to be aware 


that a proposal of negotiation is more likely to render it 
abortive than successful 

Tippoo treated the proposal with silent contempt for three 
months, and then sent one of his most astute officers to 
Folly of the cozen the Madras authorities, and they were ac- 
Go^Sn- tually persuaded to despatch two commissioners 
ment. to his camp at Mangalore. Tippoo was thus 

enabled to represent in every durbar that the British 
Government had sent two officers of rank from Madras to 
sue for peace. Disputes arose between the envoy of Tippoo 
and the commissioners which were referred to Madras ; and 
the Council, after reviewing their position, ordered Colonel 
Fullarton to relinquish all his conquests and retire, instead 
of directing him to push on to Seringapatam with his vic- 
torious army, and bring the war to a successful issue. 
Hastings, with his profound knowledge of the native charac- 
ter, reprobated the negotiation through these commissioners, 
and maintained that it ought to have been committed to 
Colonel Fullarton, and dictated under the walls of the 
capital ; but he was now powerless. The Court of Directors 
had recently renewed the condemnation of his proceedings, 
and the members of his Council had consequently deserted 
him; the conduct of the negotiations was therefore left 
to the Madras authorities, who fully maintained on this 
occasion their traditionary characteristic of imbecility. 

If he commissioners were marched leisurely through the 
country, detained at every stage, and subjected to constant 
Treatment ^dignity. On the fall of Mangalore they were 
of the com- admitted into the Mysore camp and insulted by 
miesioners. foe erection of gibbets in front of their tents. 
The treaty, based on a mutual restitution of conquests, was 
at length signed. All that could be said of it was that it 
A.D. Treaty of was not more disgraceful than those which the 
1784 Mangalore. g Ove rnor and Council of Madras had been in- 
variably making for fifteen years. It was equally injurious 
to the reputation of the Company and inimical to the in- 
terests of peace, and it entailed the necessity of another 
conflict to correct the arrogance with which it inspired 
Tippoo, and to which he gave expression in the following 
announcement: "The English commissioners stood with 
" their heads uncovered and the treaty in their hands for 
" two hours, using every form of flattery and supplication 
" to induce compliance. The vakeels of Poona and Hyder- 
*' abad united in the most abject entreaties, and his majesty, 
" the shadow of God, was at length softened into assent." 




To RESUME the thread of events in Bengal. The Supreme A.D. 
Court, established in Calcutta in 1774, was intended to 1774 
protect the natives from the oppression of 
Europeans, and to give the Europeans the supreme 
blessing of their own laws. The judges were Courfc * 
commissioned to administer every branch of English law, 
and were invested with all the prerogatives of the King's 
Bench. Parliament had thus, in its wisdom or ignorance, 
established two independent powers in this new conquest, 
without deeming it necessary to define the limits of their 
respective authority, and a collision between them became 
inevitable. The first stroke fell upon the zemindars. 
They had been accustomed to use coercion in the collec- 
tion of their rents from the ryots, who had seldom paid 
them without it. The Supreme Court was no sooner 
established than it began to issue writs against them at 
the suit of any ryot who was persuaded to sue It8 et *- 
them under the instigation of the attorneys who ments" 
spread themselves over the country. They were dragged 
down to the Court in Calcutta, and sent to gaol if they 
were unwilling or unable to furnish bail. Even when the 
arrest was pronounced to have been illegal, they received 
no compensation for the expense and indignity to which 
they had been subject. 

A feeling of dismay spread over the country, such as had 
not been felt for thirty years, since the invasion of the 
Mahrattas. The arrest and humiliation of the i nrev enue 
zemindars destroyed their credit and authority, matters, 
and enabled the ryots to evade the payment of their rent 
with impunity. If the defaulters were subjected to con- 
finement, the attorneys advised them to apply to the court 
for a writ of habeas corpus, when they were brought down 
to Calcutta and '":'< I..: 1 .* -1 The zemindars pleaded these 
proceedings as an excuse for withholding payment of their 
dues to government, and its resources, which were then 
dependent solely on the land revenue, were pieced in 
extreme peril. 
The criminal judicature of the country, which embraced 


the police of thirty millions of people, had been entrusted tc 
Tn criminal the nabob of Moorshedabad and to his judicial and 
judicature, executive officers ; but the judges of the Supreme 
Court declared that he was a phantom, a mere man of 
straw, without any right to the exercise of any authority 
whatever, and in one instance they issued a process of 
contempt against his Highness. They affirmed that the 
orders of the Provincial Courts established by Government, 
were of no more value than if they had been issued by the 
king of the fairies. They denied that the East India 
Company itself had any authority in India, beyond that of 
an ordinary commercial association, and affirmed that the 
Governor- General in Council was subject to their jurisdic- 
tion, and that it would be penal for him or any public 
officer to disobey any process they might issue. The 
judges doubtless acted conscientiously, but the whole 
fabric of Government was, nevertheless, shaken to its 
foundation, and the country was threatened with universal 

1779 The aggression of the Court reached its climax in the 
Cossijurah case. A native brought an action against the 
The Cossi- r aja, living at a distance from Calcutta, and not 
jurahcaae. subject to the Court, and two sheriff's officers 
were sent with a body of eighty men armed with muskets 
and swords to execute the writ of the Court, and bring him 
up to Calcutta. They invaded his zenana and packed up 
his idols, but he escaped their vigilance. Hastings con- 
sidered that it was time to vindicate the authority of 
Government, and afford protection to its subjects ; and 
ordered the party to be intercepted on their return, and 
liberated on their arrival in Calcutta. To prevent the 
recurrence of such visitations, he issued a proclamation to 
landholders of every degree to consider themselves exempt 
from the jurisdiction of the Supremo Court unless they had 
especially bound themselves to submit to it. The Court 
then issued a process against the Governor- General and the 
Council, which they treated with the contempt it deserved. 
Petitions were addressed to Parliament both by the 
native and the European community, praying for redress, 
Appoint- but three years elapsed before it was granted. In 
B e im 0f Slr ^ e meant e Hastings provided a more imme- 
*** diate remedy by offering the post of chief judge 
in the Sudder Court, the Company's court of final appeal, 
to the Chief Justice, upon a salary of 7,000 rupees a month. 
He accepted the office, but declined ary remuneration. All 


the encroachments of the Crown Court ceased at once. 
The appointment was severely censured in Leadenhall 
Street and in Parliament, and Sir Elijah Impey was 
recalled and impeached, but honourably acquitted. The 
arrangement proved to be in a high degree beneficial to the 
interests of the country. Hastings had recently remodelled 
the judicial system, and though he placed over the civil 
courts the best men the service could furnish, they were 
necessarily without any judicial experience; and the Chief 
Justice, a lawyer of great eminence, was thus enabled to 
give form and consistency to their proceedings. With 
this object he drew up a code of regulations, clear and 
concise, and adapted to the simplicity of native habits, 
and it has formed the basis of subsequent legislation. 

The pecuniary difficulties of this period were greater 
than had been felt for seven years. There was war with 
Hyder AH then ravaging the Carnatic, war with Che fc ^ 
the Mahrattas, and war with the French and y g ' 
with the Dutch. The entire expense of all military opera- 
tions fell on the treasury of Bengal the only Presidency 
which paid. Heavy loans had been contracted ; the credit 
of Government was low, and Hastings was obliged to cast 
about him for some exceptional source of relief. By the 
political constitution of India, a feudatory was always liable 
to a demand for extraordinary aid to meet the exigencies 
of his superior lord. The grandfather of Cheyt Sing, the 
raja of Benares, had, in the confusion of the times, suc- 
ceeded in carving out a little principality for himself, 
which he held of the Vizier of Oudo, and which Mr. Francis 
had constrained the Vizier to transfer to the Company, 
giving the raja a suwnud, or deed, which fixed his annual 
payment at twenty- two lacs of rupees. Hastings now made 
a demand on Cheyt Sing of five lacs of rupees and a body 
of 2,000 horso to assist in protecting Behar. The Hastings 
requisition was strictly constitutional, and the requisition, 
raja paid it for some time, but at length endeavoured to 
evade farther payment on the plea of poverty. Hastings 
was assured that he had amassed a crore and a half, which 
was to a great extent true, and he construed his reluc- 
tance into a crime, and determined, as he said, " to make 
" him pay largely for his pardon, to exact a severe vengeance 
"for his delinquency, and to draw from his guilt the A3) 
"means of relief to the Company's distresses." Hastings 1780 
had occasion to visit Benares, and the raja, anxious to 
avert his displeasure, met him on the way, and offered 


A.D. him twenty lacs, but he raised his demand to fifty lacs. On 
1781 reaching the city, Hastings transmitted him a statement 
of his offences, and placed him under arrest by sending 
the two companies of sepoys he had brought with him 
to mount guard on his palace. The populace rose on 
them, and, as* they had brought no ammunition, massacred 
them all, as well as their officers. 

During this enieute the raja escaped across the river, 
but the situation of the Governor- General was perilous in 
the extreme. His native force was annihilated. He was 
Escape ot *& a city renowned for its turbulence, and in the 
the raja. midst of an infuriated mob ; ^nd he and the thirty 
gentlemen with him had only their own swords to trust 
to. Happily, the multitude, instead of attacking Hastings 
in his defenceless state, hastened across the river to join 
the raja. The whole province was soon in a state of revolt, 
but Hastings never lost his self-possession ; and it was at 
this critical period that he continued and completed the 
negotiations with Sindia which issued in the treaty of 
Salbye, with as much calmness as if he had been residing 
in his own garden-house in Calcutta. Equally remarkable 
was the confidence manifested by Sindia in the destinies of 
the Company, by affixing his seal to it under such circum- 
stances. Troops arrived rapidly from various quarters ; 
but Hastings, not considering his position tenable, made 
hid escape by night through a window, and rowed down to 

The raja collected an army of 20,000 men, but it was 
repeatedly defeated, and his last fortress, Bidgegiirh, in 
The raja which his treasure was deposited, was surrendered 
subdued. by hi s begums. Major Popham, the commander, 
1781 took advantage of an incautious expression in one of Hast- 
ings's letters, and divided the whole of the prize money, 
forty lacs of rupees, at once, among the officers and men, to 
the infinite annoyance of Hastings, who had been calculat- 
ing on the receipt of it to relieve his pecuniary embarrass- 
ments. This is one of those transactions in the career of 
Hastings for which it would bo difficult to offer any pallia- 
tion. Cheyt Sing was contumacious in having hesitated to 
afford the necessary aid to his suzerain in a great public 
emergency ; but the imposition of a fine of fifty lacs for de- 
murring to the payment of a tenth of that sum was a vin- 
dictive proceeding, and has always been considered a blot 
on his administration. 

The loss of the raja's treasure was a source of deep 


anxiety to Hastings. There were 60,000 troops in the field, 
and the treasury was empty. The arrears which Plunder of 
were due from the Vizier, however, amounted to a tbe Begums, 
crore and a half of rupees, and Hastings looked to this 
source for relief, when the Vizier waited on him at Chunar, 
and informed him that his own funds were exhausted, and 
that it was no longer possible for him to maintain the English 
troops employed in protecting his territories. He then 
alluded to the treasures of the begums, and requested per- 
mission of the Governor-General to take possession of them 
and thus discharge his obligations to the Company. At the 
same time it was asserted, but on the worthless testimony 
of Colonel Han nay, that the begums had abetted the re- 
bellion, as it was officially termed, of Cheyt Sing, and sup- 
plied him with troops and money. Hastings, under the 
severe pressure of circumstances, persuaded himself that 
" the begums had made war on the Company,'* and he 1732 
yielded to the earnest solicitations of the Vizier, and autho- 
rised the spoliation of the princesses. Seventy-five lacs of 
rupees were extracted from their vaults, and transmitted 
to Calcutta, but not before the two eunuchs, their 
ministers, had been subject to torture. For this act of 
atrocity, HaMingh is no farther responsible than as it might 
be considered the result of his own injustice. To this 
treasure the begums had no legitimate title; it was the 
property of the state and answerable tor its obligations, 
but six years before, their right to it had been acknowledged 
under the seal of the Government in Calcutta, which ought 
to have been considered sacred. Hastings was so little 
conscious of the turpitude of this transaction that he 
ridiculed the eensure which "men of virtue " might cast on 
it. But posterity has vindicated the principles of public 
morality, and although Hastings had no personal interest 
in the transaction, but was led into it by a mistaken loyalty 
to the interests of the Company, it has been the subject of 
general censure. 

These proceedings were severely condemned by the Court 1783 
of Directors, and the members of his Council thereupon 
united in opposition to him, and he justly com- _,. 

, . T ,1 f i M i i 11 11 J Close of 

plained that while he was he Id personally ruspon- Hastings' 
sible for the safety of India, his degradation had ^ imstrn ' 
been proclaimed in every native court, and in the 
Council he had only a single vote. In a letter of the 20th 
March to the Directors, after alluding to the patience and 
temper with which he had submitted to the indignities heaped 


4.D. on him during his long service, he announced his determina- 
1784 tion to retire from the Government. He proceeded to Luck- 
now, and in compliance with the injunctions of the Court of 
Directors restored the jageers which had been sequestered 
to the begums, adjusted all accounts with the Vizier, and 
then withdrew the Resident. On his return to Calcutta 
he addressed valedictory letters to the princes and chiefs of 
India, by all of whom he was held in the highest esteem, 

1785 and embarked for England in February. 

From the king and queen Hastings met with a gracious 
reception, and even the Court of Directors greeted him 
with a courteous address. With one exception, 
mentof the ministry likewise evinced a very friendly dis- 
Hastings. position towards him, and Mr. Dundas, who had 
moved the vote of censure upon him in the House of 
Commons, in terms exceptionally virulent, now pronounced 
him the " Saviour of India." But Mr. Pitt, the prime 
minister, was strongly biassed against him, and while ap- 
plauding his genius and his success refused to advise the 
king to confer any mark of distinction upon him. Burke, 
who had made Indian politics his especial study for many 
years, had contracted a feeling akin to personal animosity 
towards him, and aided by the local knowledge and the 
unmatched rancour of Mr. Francis, who had obtained a 
seat in Parliament, denounced his conduct in the House of 

1786 Commons. The House was induced to vote his impeach- 
ment at the bar of the House of Lords on twenty- two 
charges. Of these only three were of any serious import; 
the Rohilla war, the treatment of Cheyt Sing, and the 
spoliation of the begums ; the rest were the mere litter 
of Mr. Francis's * j 1 -'^ ^v. The trial commenced on 

1788 the 13th February, I < so, und presented the most august spec- 
tacle which had been witnessed in England since tho trial 
of the bishops, a century before. The queen, the prin- 
cesses, the Prince of Wales and his royal brothers, and the 
peers in their ermine proceeded in state to Westminster 
Hall to witness the opening of the proceedings. But the 
most memorable scene in this great drama was the galaxy 
of genius in the seats appropriated to tho managers of tho 
House, Fox and Burke, and Sheridan and Grey, and 
Windham, names of imperishable renown in the annals of 
the country. In the presence of this illustrious assembly 
Warren Hastings, who had given law to the princes and 
people throughout the continent of India, was arraigned 
as a culprit. The management of the trial was left with 


the Whigs, who conducted it with ability which has never 
been surpassed, and in a spirit of animosity which has 
seldom been equalled. They applied to him the epithets 
of thief, tyrant, robber, cheat, swindler, sharper, captain 
general of iniquity and spider of hell; and then expressed 
their regret that the English language did not afford terms 
more adequate to the enormity of his offences. The trial 
dragged on for seven years, and ended in Ins complete and 
honourable acquittal, but it cost him ten lacs of rupees, A.D. 
and reduced him to poverty. 1796 

The most severe censor of his administration, the philo- 
sophic historian Mill, admits that " he was beyond all 
" question the most eminent of the chief rulers _. 

it i j.i n i j Character 

"whom the Company ever employed, nor is of 
" there any one of them who would not have sue- Hastin s - 
4i cumbed under the difficulties he had to encounter." Cen- 
surable as some of his acts undoubtedly were, the grandeur 
of his career is by many considered as casting his offences 
into the shade, and one of the most eminent statesman of 
the day asserted that " though he was not blameless, if 
" there was a bald place on his head, it ought to be covered 
11 with laurel." While the king and his ministers were 
losing an empire in the west, he was building up another 
in the east. The authority of the Company was limited 
to the valley of the Ganges when he assumed the 
government. He was anxious to avoid territorial ac- 
quisitions and, indeed, he made none but it was the 
object of his ambition to extend the influence of the Com- 
pany to every court in India, and to render it the paramount 
power on the continent ; and this object he fully accom- 
plished, in the midst of unexampled difficulties. At the 
time of his retirement the Company was recognised as the 
most substantial and important power in India, whose favour 
was courted and whose hostility was dreaded equally by 
Tippoo, the Nizam, and the five Mahratta princes. No 
British ruler, moreover, has ever secured to an equal 
extent, not merely the homage but the warm attachment 
of the people under his government, by whom, after the 
lapse of a century, the name of " Hustin Sahib " is still 
pronounced with a feeling of veneration. 

In February 1781, the petitions of the inhabitants 
of Calcutta against the encroachments of the Supreme 
Court were presented to the House and Reports of 
referred to a select committee, of which Mr. Committeea ' 
Burke was the life and soul, and which presented 

p 2 


twelve able reports. On the receipt of intelligence of 
A.D. Hyder Ali's irruption into the Carnatic, a secret com- 

1782 m ittee was appointed, of which Mr. Dundas was chairman. 
On the presentation of the report, he denounced the conduct 
of Hastings and the governors of Madras and Bombay, and 
moved the recall of Hastings from Bengal, and Hornby 
from Bombay, for having acted in a manner IVJHILTI nut to 
the honour and policy of the nation, and brought calamities 
on India, and enormous expenses on the Company. The 
House voted the recall of TTjiMinj^, and the Court of 
Directors responded to it ; but the Court of Proprietors, 
which, at this time, comprised men of higher standing and 
of greater eminence than the superior Court, passed a vote 
of thanks to Hastings for his eminent services. The 
pecuniary embarrassment occasioned by the expensive wars 
waged in India constrained the Company to apply to 
Parliament for the loan of a crore of rupees, which was 
not refused, but it weakened still farther their position, 
which had been seriously damaged by the unfavourable 
reports of the two committees, and there was a general 
outcry for remodelling the Government of India. 

Mr. Fox, then at the head of the coalition ministry, 
accordingly introduced his famous India bill, which had 

1783 FOX'S India been drafted by his colleague Mr. Burke. It 
Bill. provided that all the powers ot Government 
saould be transferred for four years from the Company to 
a Board consisting of seven Commissioners, to bo nomi- 
nated in the first instance by Parliament, and subsequently 
by the Crown, while the trade was to be managed by nine 
assistant Directors. The patronage of the India House 
was at the time estimated at two crores of rupees a year, 
and it was maintained that the transfer of it to the minis- 
try would be fatal to the constitution. The Court of 
Directors, threatened with extinction, filled the town 
with complaints of the violation of chartered rights, and 
inflamed the public mind by a caricature representing 
Mr. Fox as Carlo Khan, mounted on an elephant and 
assailing the India House ; but the bill passed the House 
of Commons by a majority of two to one. Tho king 
had been persuaded that it would take the crown from 
his head and place it on the brows of Mr. Fox, arid by the 
exercise of an unconstitutional influence, he induced the 
House of Lords to throw it out, and he lost no time in 
dismissing the ministry. 

Mr. Pitt, then in his twenty-fourth year, was placed at 


tho head of the new administration, and brought in 4^ 
another India bill, which provided for the appoint- Pitt's India 1784 
inent of a Board of Commissioners by the Crown, Blll< 
with power "to check, superintend, and control all the 
"acts, operations and concerns," connected with the civil 
and military government and revenues of India. A secret 
committee, consisting of the chairman, deputy chairman, 
and the senior member of the Court of Directors was to 
act in subordination to the Commissioners, and control all 
correspondence of any importance ; and twenty-one of the 
Directors were thus excluded from all influence in the 
administration of India. Mr. Fox's bill annihilated the 
Company, but, under Mr. Pitt's bill they retained their 
golden patronage and their social position and the trap- 
pings of dignity, but the substantial power of Government 
vas transferred to the Crown. The Proprietors, who had 
recently set the House of Commons at defiance in the 
matter of Hastings' recall, were restricted from interfering 
with any of the decisions of the Board of Commissioners, 
usually denominated the Board of Control, and, though 
they retained the empty privilege of debate, were reduced 
to a state of political insignificance. It was, moreover, 
resolved that " to pursue schemes of conquest and acqui- 
" sition of territory \\aa contrary to the wish, the honour, 
"and the policy of the British nation ;" but this renewed 
attempt to slop tho growth of the British empire in India 
only afforded another exemplification of the vanity of 
human wishes. 

Mr. Dun-das was appointed President of the Board of 178ft 
Control, and one of the first questions which came before 
him related to the debts of the nabob of Arcot. Tho Nabob 
For many years he had been living on loans ob- of Arcot's 

i i i i *i i. j debts. 

tamed at an exorbitant premium and usurious 
interest, for which he gave assignments on the districts of 
the Carnatic. When his court was removed from Arcot 
to Madras, the town became the focus of intrigue and 
fraud All classes, both in and out of tho service, not ex- 
cepting the members of Council, embarked in the traffic of 
loans, which became the shortest road to fortune. Every- 
one was eager to obtain access to the pagoda-tree, as it 
was called, then in full bloom. Hastings, on taking over 
the revenues of tho Camatic to support the war with 
Hyder, \vas anxious to deal summarily with this incubus 
on its resources, and proposed to deduct a fourth from the 
principal, to consolidate it with tho interest to a fixed date, 


and pay oiFthe amount by instalments. But the creditors 
would not listen to any proposal to cut the tree down, 

Mr. Pitt's India bill made provision for the investiga- 
tion of these claims preparatory to their liquidation, and 
Mr.Dundas's the Court of Directors entered on the duty with 
A.D. nary^ro 1 -" great alacrity, but Mr. Dundas removed the case 

1784 coedings. out of their hands, and determined to pay off the 
debts without enquiry. The princes of India had already 
discovered that the most effectual mode of counteracting 
the Government of India, both in England and abroad, 
was to subsidize members of Parliament. The nabob of 
Arcot adopted this expedient on a inatriiificcMii scale. Paul 
Benfield was sent to London with large funds, established 
an office in Westminster for the purchase of boroughs, and 
in the general election of 1783, made no fewer than eight 
members of Parliament, whose votes were placed at the 
disposal of the ministry. It was to this Parliamentary 
influence that the anomalous proceedings of Mr. Dundas were 
generally attributed, by which Paul Benfield secured the 
undisturbed enjoyment of a sum little short of sixty lacs 
of rupees. The heaviest class of the loans was fixed, with 
interest, at two crores and a quarter, but it cost the Com- 
pany five crores before it was paid off. 

Mr. Fox's Indian Bill made it penal for any servant of 
the Company, civil or military, to engage in money transac- 
Fabrication tions with any native prince, but no such clause 
ofnewioans. was inserted in Mr. Pitt's bill, and the nabob 
and his friends embarked in the fabrication of fresh loans 
while the liquidation of the old loans was in progress, and 
on the payment of the last pagoda brought forward new 
1806 demands, to the incredible amount of thirty crores of 
rupees. Parliament was now resolved that they should be 
subject to a severe scrutiny, and a board of Commissioners 
was appointed at Madras to investigate them, and another 
board in London to receive appeals. Their labours 
extended over fifty years, and cost India a crore of rupees, 
but they reduced the claims from thirty-two crores of 
rupees to about two and a half. Mr. Dundas's proceedings 
Revenues of regarding the revenues of the Carnatic were 

1785 theCarnatic. equally disastrous. The nabob had received a 
larger income from them while they wore under the 
management of the Company than when administered 
by his own officers, but those officers and his creditors 
lost the opportunity of plunder, and induced him to 
become importunate for the restoration of the country. 


Contrary to the advice of the Court of Directors, Mr. 
Dundas ordered the districts to be given back to the nabob, 
that is, to his creditors, who began again to reap a rich 
harvest, while the Madras Presidency, with an army seven 
months in arrears, was reduced to a state bordering on 




ON the departure of Hasting^, Mr. Mocpherson, the senior A.D 
member of Council succeeded temporarily to the Govern- !785 
ment. lie had originally gone out to India as Mr. Mac- 
purser of one of the Company's vessels, but Pi, 6 , 1 ? 01 , 1 
attached himself to the nabob of the Carnatic Governor- 
and returned to England as Ins agent, and General - 
through the influence of the Duke of Grafton, who highly 
appreciated his abilities, was appointed to the Madras 
civil service, from which he was subsequently promoted 
to the Bengal Council. The great merit of his brief 
administration, which lasted only twenty-two months, lay 
in his economical reforms which resulted in the laudable 
reduction of a crore and a half of animal expenditure. 

The Government of the Company's possessions since the 
battle of Piassy had hitherto been given to one of the 
officers on their own establishment in India, ^^ Corn 
but it was found that whatever advantage \\aiiis 1786 

might be derived from his local knowledge and Q^raiT 
experience was counterbalanced by the trammels 
of local associations, and the difficulty of exercising 
a due control over those who had once been his equals. 
The ministry determined, therefore, to select for the office 
of Governor- General a nobleman of high character, un- 
fettered by any Indian ties of friendship or relationship. Lord 
Macartney, the governor of Madras, was chosen for the ap- 
pointment, but he disgusted Mr. Dundas by endeavouring 
to make terms with the ministry, and Lord Cornwallis was 


A.D. nominated in his stead, and lie assumed charge of the 
1786 Government in September, 1786. And thus, by the 
singular caprice of events, the man who had surrendered a 
British army to Washington at Tork Town, which entailed 
the loss of America, was appointed to govern India, while 
the man who had saved India under the most arduous 
circumstances was subjected to a prosecution for high 
crimes and misdemeanours. 

The Government of Lord Cornwallis commenced under 
the most auspicious circumstances. Hastings's adminis- 
tration had been crippled by the chronic oppo- 
ofcorn? 868 sition of the home authorities at the India House 
waiiia's and Downing Street. Lord Cornwallis enjoyed 
pos ion. ^ e entire confidence of Mr. Pitt, and of the 
Board of Control, to which the Directors were subordinate, 
and of which his friend Mr. Dundas was President. The 
office of Commander-in- Chief was likewise united with that 
of Governor- General, and Lord Cornwallis was thus enabled 
to control all the military arrangements and expenditure. 
Hastings had only a single voice in the Council, while his 
successor was invested with the power of overruling the 
votes of his colleagues whenever he deemed it necessary. 
The Court of Directors had been in the habit of nominating 
their friends and relatives to the most lucrative appoint- 
ments in India, and the influence of this independent 
connection greatly fettered the authority of government, 
and fostered and protected abuses. Hastings had protested 
against it, but he had not sufficient official strength to secure 
success ; Lord Cornwallis, on the other hand, was strong 
in the support of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas, and threatened 
to resign the Government unless it was discontinued ; 
It is not, therefore, a matter of surprise that the arrival of 
Lord Cornwallis should have quenched the spirit of faction 
and intrigue, a,nd given a higher tone to the Government. 

The first three years of his administration were occupied 
1786 in the reform of abuses, which were to be traced mainly to 

* T . n w the vicious and traditional policy of the Court of 
1789 Lord Corn- r\- t n - it i * i n 

' Directors of giving small salaries, and allowing 

^definite perquisites. The salaries came from 
their own treasury, but the perquisites from 
the pockets of the people. Every man, as Lord Corn- 
wallis remarked, who returned to England rich was deemed a 
rogue, and every man who went home poor a fool. 
He found the system of peculation in full vigour. The 
treasurer was lending the public funds at twelve per cent. 


The Commander-in- Chief had given two of his favourites 
the lucrative commission of raising two regiments, but 
while they drew full allowances for the men, the regiments 
existed only on paper. The collectors of the land revenue, 
who were also armed with the power of magistrates, 
monopolised the trade of the district under fictitious names, 
and amassed fortunes. The post of political Resident at the 
court of the raja of Benares was considered worth four lacs 
of rupees a year, while the salary attached to it did not 
exceed a thousand rupees a month. 

Lord Cornwallis set himself to the task of reforming 
these abuses with unflinching vigour. He hunted out 
frauds in every corner, put a period to jobbing Lonl Corn . ? 
agencies, and exorbitant contracts. He refused waiiis'^stem 
to allow men of power and influence at home to g ur * 
quarter their friends and kindred, and sometimes their 
victims at the gambling- table, on Indian appointments, and 
he had the courage to decline the recommendations of the 
Prince of Wales, "who," he wrote, ** wab always pressing 
"some infamous and unjustifiable job upon him;" but it 
was not till he had convinced the Court of Directors of the 
truth which Clive and Hastings had in vain pressed on 
them, that u it was not good economy to put men into 
" places of the greatest confidence, where they have it in 
" their power to make fortunes in a few mouths, without 
" giving them adequate salaries," that the purification of 
the public service became practicable. It has continued to 
improve ever since, nui'A iil.-!J: -1'n^ the growth of the 
empire, and the Indian service now presents an example 
of administrative integrity which has seldom, if ever, been 

The Vizier lost no time in renewing the request he 1786 
had not ceased for years to make, to be relieved from 
the expense of the Company's troops stationed The affairs 
in his dominions for their protection, but the of Oude * 
rapid increase of Sindia's encroachments in Hindostan, 
and the growing power of the Sikhs, convinced Lord Corn- 
wallis that the troops could not be withdrawn without 
great risk, but he reduced the charge by one third. The 
Vizier was likewise delivered from the pressure of the 
European harpies, who, under the predominance of British 
influence, had long been preying on him, one of whom, 
Colonel Hannay, had amassed a fortune of thirty lacs in 
a few years. Ho likewise conferred an inestimable boon 
on him by peremptorily refusing to recognise the claims of 


any of his private creditors, whether European or native, 
and thus saved him from the fate of the nabob of Arcot. 
But he did not fail to remonstrate with him, though in 
vain, on the abuses of his administration. The only con- 
cern of the Vizier was to obtain the means of personal 
gratification, " and hence the zemindar was allowed to 
squeeze the ryot and the ministers to squeeze the zemin- 
dar, and he squeezed the ministers and public officers when 
they were sufficiently gorged with plunder, and squan- 
dered the money in boundless dissipation. 

By the treaty with the Nizam, the Gruntoor Sircar was 
assigned to the Company after the death of his broth erBasalut 
TheGnntoor Jung. He died in 1782, but the Nizam steadily 
Sircar - evaded the surrender of it, and Lord Cornwallis, 
A.U. when taking leaveof the Directors, was directed peremptorily 
*788 to demand it. In 1788, he drew a body of troops to the 
frontier, and instructed the Eesident to claim the full 
execution of the treaty. To his great surprise, the Nizam 
at once acceded to his wishes, but he also expressed his 
confidence that the Company's Government would with 
equal alacrity fulfil the obligations to which they were 
bound by the other articles of the treaty ; which were, to 
assist him with two battalions of troops, and six pieces of 
artillery whenever he should require their services, and 
to reduce and transfer to him the province of the Camatio 
Baltigliuut. then usurped by Hyder Naik. With his usual 
duplicity he despatched an envoy simultaneously to Tippoo 
to propose an alliance for the extirpation of the English. 
Tippoo readily embraced the proposal, and demanded tho 
hand of one of the Hyderabad princesses, but the Tartar 
blood of the son of Cheen Killich boiled at the idea of a 
matrimonial alliance with the son of a naik, or head con- 
stable, and the negotiation was broken off. 

Lord Cornwallis was disconcerted by this manoeuvre. 
Since the unfortunate treaty of 1768, the Company's 
Lord Corn- Government had twice acknowledged Hyder and 
pradent lm " Tippoo as the lawful sovereigns of this pro- 
letter, vince, and to furnish the Nizam with the English 
brigade he desired would lead to dangerous complications ; 
on the other hand, it was important to prevent his throw- 
ing himself into the arms of Tippoo. To meet the diffi- 
1789 culty, Lord Cornwallis addressed an official letter to him, 
engaging to transfer the province if it should come into 
the possession of the Company with the aid of his troops, 
and likewise to furnish him with tho brigade on condition 


that it should not be employed against any of the allies of the 
Company, a list of whom, which did not include the name A .D. 
of Tippoo, was subjoined. Tippoo was naturally irritated 1789 
to find that the dismemberment of his dominions was 
within the contemplation of the Governor- General, and that 
he was prepared to place a "British force at the disposal of 
the Nizam, with liberty to employ it against him. That 
this communication was highly injudicious will not be 
questioned ; but it is idle to attribute the war with Tippoo 
six months after to its influence, inasmuch as he had fitted 
out an expedition against the raja of Tra van core six 
months before the date of it. 

The little principality of Travancorc, at the southern ex- 
tremity of the Malabar coast, had been placed under British 
protection by the treaty of Mangalore. Tippoo, 
who had long coveted the possession of it, had been ^nd\he ie 
for some time assembling an army to invade it. and Madras 

,1 -it ii i i / -i i i i Government. 

the raja, to strengthen his delences, had purchased 
two towns in the neighbourhood of the Dutch. Tippoo 
demanded the surrender of them on the plea that they 
belonged to his vassal, the raja of Cochin. The raja 
appealed to Lord Cornwallis, who directed the authorities 
at Madras to inform both him and Tippoo that if the Dutch 
had really held independent and unreserved possession of 
these places, the raja was to be supported in retaining 
them. Mr. Holland, the governor of Madras, more unprin- 
cipled than any of his predecessors, not only withheld this 
communication from Tippoo, but endeavoured to extort a 
lac of pagodas for himself from the raja as the condition 
of supporting him. The army on the Coast was likewise 
kept in an inefficient state, and the pay of the troops was 
allowed to fall into ai rears, while, in direct violation of the 
orders of Lord Cornwallis, the public revenues were appro- 
priated to the payment of the creditors of the nabob, of 
whom he was one of the principal. Tippoo suddenly 
attacked the " lines of Travancorc," as they were termed, 1789 
the defensive wall the raja had erected and was re- 
pulsed with the loss of 2,000 men, upon which he ordered 
up a battering train from Soringtipatam, and reinforcements 
from every quarter. This wanton attack of an ally was an 
unequivocal declaration of war against the Company, but 
Holland proposed a pacific adjustment of the question to 
Tippoo, and soon after deserted his post and embarked 
Tor England. 
Lord Cornwallis considered it essential to our honour to 


defend an ally, and to take up the gauntlet which Tippoo 
Lord Corn- na ^- thrown down. It was not a time for potter* 
waUis's ing over Acts of Parliament, and he proceeded at 
ancea. once ^ ^^ alliances, offensive and defensive, to 
A.D. the two native powers in the Deccan, the Nizam and the 
1700 Peshwa, whicli their hatred and dread of Tippoo led them to 
accept with great alacrity. A tripartite treaty was concluded 
which provided that they should simultaneously attack 
Tippoo's dominions, and join the British army with 10,000 
horse, if required, for whose services they were to be reim- 
bursed, and that the Mysore territories and forts conquered 
by their united arms should be equally divided among them. 
General Medows, an officer of r. --V *.v 1 -. : i -,- 1 ability, had 
arrived at Madras as governor and Commander in Chief, 
and Lord Cornwallis entrusted the conduct of the 
Iowa's campaign to him. The deficiency of the corn- 
abortive missariat, owing to the profligate neglect of 
campa gn. jjoiian^ retarded the departure of the army for 
several months, but the General was enabled to murch from 
Trichinopoly on the 26th of May, at the head of a force of 
15,000 men. Coimbatoor was captured in July, and Palghat 
1790 and Dindigul, both deemed impregnable, in September, but 
the force was injudiciously separated, and Tippoo, by a 
masterly movement, interposed between the divisions, one 
of which suffered heavy loss both in men and guns. When 
the war became inevitable Lord Cornwallis adopted the 
bold plan of Hastings, and despatched a large expedition to 
Madras along the coast where we had no allies ; and, not- 
withstanding the able dispositions of Tippoo to prevent its 
junction with the Madras army, it was effected without a 
conflict. Tippoo then proceeded southward, closely fol- 
lowed by General Medows, but these marches and counter- 
marches, which were without result, subjected the troops 
to severe fatigue, and weakened their confidence in the 
General. The campaign proved abortive, and Lord Corn- 
wallis determined to take the command of the army into 
his own hands. 

He arrived at Madras on the 12th December and made 
the most vigorous preparations to take the field. Meanwhile, 
Second Tippoo proceeded to the north, and having ravaged 
campaign. ^ ne Carnatic, marched south to Pondicherry, and 
despatched a mission to Paris, to Louis XVI., soliciting the 
aid of 6,000 troops, for whom he would make suitable pro- 
vision. The unhappy king was then in the vortex of the 
Revolution, and replied : " This resembles the affair of 


" America, of which I never think without regret. My 
" youth was taken advantage of at that time, and we are 
* suffering for it now ; the lesson is too severe to be for- 
14 gotten." The army was assembled at Vellore, on the 
llth February, and inarched without any opposition to A.D. 
Bangalore, which capitulated on the 21st, but not before 1791 
Tippoo had succeeded, by forced inarcLes, in removing hia 
seraglio and his treasure. The Nizam's contingent of 
10,000 horse was assembled at Hyderabad in the preceding 
year, but did not enter Tippoo's dominions till it was 
certain that he had marched southward, and that there 
was no risk of encountering him. In 1791, they hastened 
to join Lord Cornwallis's camp as soon as they heard 
that Bangalore had capitulated ; but there was neither 
discipline nor valour in their ranks, and the flaunting 
cavaliers were unable to protect their own foraging parties, 
and soon ceased to move beyond the English pickets. 
Lord Cornwallis was now in full march on Seringapatam, 
and Tippoo determined to try the result of a battle. It 
was fought at Arikera, and he sustained a total Battle of 
defeat. From the summit of the hill, where the Arikera. 
last shot was fired, the eastern face of the capital greeted 
the eyes of the victors ; but here, to their deep chagrin, 
the campaign terminated. For several weeks the army 
had been suffering the extremity of want. The stores, 
scanty when the army began its march, were rapidly ex- 
hausted ; Tippoo's light horse intercepted all supplies, and 
created a desert round the camp. On the 20th May the 
artillery officers reported that the bullocks were reduced 
to such a state that they could no longer drag the heavy 
guns, and Lord Cornwallis was convinced that the safety 
of the army depended on an immediate retreat. General 
Abercromby, who had been sent with a force from Bombay 
to cooperate with Lord Cornwallis from the western coast, 
had arrived within forty miles of the capital, but was 
directed on the 21st May to destroy a portion of his siege 
guns and bury the rest and retire to the coast. The next 
day Lord Cornwallis destroyed his own battering train and 
began his melancholy return to Madras. 

By the coalition treaty, signed on the 1st June, theregency 
at Poona engaged to furnish 10,000 troops to operate against 
Tippoo, but the minister, Nairn Purnavese, still TheMah- 
allowed his envoys to remain at the court, in the rattft army, 
hope which he did not conceal that, at the eleventh 
hour, Tippoo might be induced to purchase his neutrality by 


a concession of territory. When this expectation vanished 
and the Mahratta force took the field, it became evident 
that the primary object of the Nana was to use the British 
artillery in recovering the fortresses which Tippoo had 
wrested from the Mahrattas, and six months were occupied 
in the siege ; of Dharwar. Hence, in the first campaign 
of 1790, the Peshwa's force rendered no assistance what- 
ever. In the ciinipiiiizn of 1791 it joined the army of 
Lord Cornwallis only on the first day of the retreat. If 
he had received any intimation of its approach, the result 
of the campaign might have been different; but his intelli- 
gence department wa$ deplorable, while Tippoo's admirable 
establishment of scouts intercepted all communication. The 
bazaar of the Mahratta army, rich with the spoils of India, 
presented a singular contrast to the poverty of the English 
camp, and the provisions they brought, though sold at an 
exorbitant price, proved a seasonable relief to the famishing 
English soldiers. The Mahratta sirdars, who had been 
enriching themselves by pillage from the day they took 
the field, set up a plea of poverty, and demanded an. 
advance of fourteen lacs of rupees, which Lord Cornwallis 
was constrained to make to prevent the transfer of their 
alliance to Tippoo. It was on this occasion that he followed 
the example of Hastings, and took the funds provided for 
the Company's investment out of the holds of their ships. 

Qn his return to Madras Lord Cornwallis employed the 
A.D. army in the conquest of the Baramahal and the capture of 
^ 91 Preparations ^ ne fortresses with which the country was 
for the third studded. Nothing filled the native princes with 
campaign, g^^ awe O f ^ e military power of the Company, 
as the ease and rapidity with which such forts as Kist- 
naghery, Nundidroog, Savandroog, and others that were 
deemed impregnable, were captured, while they considered 
themselves fortunate if forts of inferior strength were 
1792 taken after a siege of six months. Early in January Lord 
Cornwallis took the field with a convoy surpassing in 
magnitude anything which had been seen before, and which 
led Tippoo to exclaim : " It is not what I see of the 
" resources of the English that I dread, as what I do not 
" see." The army consisted of 22,000 men and eight \-six 
field pieces and siege guns. It was augmented, but by no 
means strengthened, by about 8,000 of the Nizam's troops, 
more showy than serviceable, and a small contingent of 
Mah ratta horse. On the 5th February the whole force reached 
a position which commanded a view of Seringapatam, 



situated on an island of the Cauvery, protected by three 1791 
lines of defence mounting three hundred guns, and sur- 
rounded by a hedge of thorny plants absolutely impervious 
to man or beast. Tippoo's army was encamped on the 
northern bank of the stream, in a strongly fortifird position, 
which Lord Cornwallis reconnoitred on the 6th, and 
determined to storm the same night. The generals of the 
allies were lost in astonishment when they heard that the 
English commander had gone out " like an ordinary 
" captain," in a dark night without guns, to assail these 
formidable lines The conflict, which was carried on 
throughout the night, terminated in the capture of all 
Tippoo's redoubts, and the establishment of the British 
force in the island itself. Soon after Lord Cornwallis was 
strengthened by the junction of General Abercromby's 
force of 6,000 men from Bombay, and the operations were 
pushed on with such vigour that Tippoo was assured by 
his principal officers that no dependence could any longer 
be placed on his troops, and that he had nothing left but 
submission. Threatened as he was with the loss of his 
kingdom ho accepted the severe terms dictated by Lord 
Cornwallis : that he should surrender half his dominions, 
pay a war indemnity of three crores, and give up two of 
his sons as hostages. The generals of the Peshvva and the 
Nizam left the negotiations entirely with the English 
plenipotentiary ; but after they had been completed, the 
Mahratta commander put in a demand of sixty lacs for 
himself and the Nizam's general, as a "reasonable remuner- 
" ation for their labours in the negotiations," but consented 
to its reduction by one half. From documents found at 
Seringapatamwhenit wascaptured six years later, it appears 
that the generals of both the allies were all the : ! i- , : t:;!^ ,1 
in a clandestine correspondence with Tippoo, tue pertidious 
object of which was happily defeated by the prompt move- 
ments of Lord Cornwallis and the early completion of the 
treaty. The coalition treaty provided that the territories 
and fortresses conquered by their united exertions should 
be equally divided among the three signatories. The 
Mahrattas had given no assistance in the war ; indeed, 
their main body did not join the English camp until a 
fortnight after the treaty had been signed. The Nizam's 
force had done nothing but consume food and forage ; but 
Lord Cornwallis determined to adhere with scrupulous 
fidelity to the original compact, and made over a third of 
the indemnity, as well as of the territory, to each of his 


A.D. confederates, annexing only one third, of the annual value 
1792 of forty lacs of rupees, to the Company's territories. 

This was the first acquisition of territory after it had 
been resolved to prevent it by Act of Parliament. Mr. 
Pitt, when introducing his Bill in 1784, stated 
the^wth 1 that hi s fi^ an d principal object was to prevent 
of the em- the "governor of Bengal from being ambitious, 
, p e * and bent on conquest ; but, though the dread of 

territorial expansion was the bugbear of the day, and 
continued to haunt the India House and Downing Street 
till we had absorbed all India, the tendency of our policy 
for twenty years had lain in an opposite direction. Clive 
had given back the kingdom of Oude in 1765, when it was 
forfeited by the issue of the war, and he denounced 
any attempt to extend our dominions beyond the Curum- 
nussa. Hastings was at one time prepared to relin- 
quish the Northern Sircars ; Lord Cornwallis, soon after he 
assumed the Government expressed his wish to withdraw 
from the Malabar coast, and reduce Bombay to the posi- 
tion of a factory ; and Lord Shelburn, when prime 
minister in 1782. proposed to abandon Madras, and give 
up everything but Bengal and Bombay. If the size of the 
Indian empire had depended on the wishes or the policy 
of the public authorities of the day, it would have been 
comprised within very narrow limits. 

The increase of the Company's dominions in India, which 
was reprobated by the Court of Directors, by Parliament 
Cause of the an( l by the ministry, arose from the progress of 
growth. circumstances over which none of those authori- 
ties had any control. From time immemorial, aggression 
had been the vital principle of all native states. Twenty- 
five centuries before, the father of Hindoo legislation had 
placed conquest among the foremost of royal virtues. 
" What the king has not got," said Munoo, "let him 
" strive to gain by military strength ;" and it was a precept 
never disregarded. The Mahomedans adopted this stand- 
ing rule, not only in reference to infidel princes, but to 
those of their own creed. Every new dynasty proceeded 
to attack and appropriate the dominions of its neighbours. 
During the oiiflilcrm!- century, the political cauldron in 
India had been seething with more than ordinary violence. 
The four chief powers of the period, Tippoo, the Nizam, 
the Peshwa and Sindia, who, had been established within 
the previous sixty years, were maintained in vigour by 
the impulse of aggressiveness. Scarcely a year had passed 


without an invasion of the rights of some prince in Hindo- AiD> 
stan or the Deccan. It was in this state of things that the 1793 
Company appeared on the scene, and took up arms for the 
defence of their factories, and by the superior discipline and 
valour of their troops became a first-rate military power, and 
consequently an object of jealousy and dread to the belli- 
gerent princes of India. It was the restlessness and en- 
croachment of the native princes, and not the ambition of 
English rulers, that gave rise to nearly all the wars in 
which they were engaged. The slightest symptom of 
weakness, and too frequently the appearance of moderation, 
became the signal for hostility ; and when the aggression 
was subdued it appeared the dictate of prudence to prevent 
the repetition of it by reducing the resources of the ag- 
gressor, and depriving him of some portion of his territory. 
And thus has the British empire in India been gradually 
extended by a mysterious and inexorable necessity, which 
has overpowered not only the opposition of the India 
House and the ministry, and the denunciations of English 
patriots, but the omnipotence of Parliament. The House 
of Commons ratified all the proceedings of Lord Corn- 
wallis, not excepting oven the acquisition of territory, 
and the king conferred on him the dignity of a marquis. 
The precedent has been scrupulously followed over since, 
and every Governor-General who has enlarged the British 
dominions in India has received the thanks of Parliament 
and been decorated with honours by the Crown. 



THE brilliant success of the Mysore war reflected great 
credit on Lord Cornwallis ; but the permanent reputation 
of his administration rests on his revenue and R evem ie 
judicial reforms. The changes which had been reforms. 
so repeatedly made in the revenue lUTimLvmrr.i-i during the 
thirty years of our rule were found to have been equally 
detrimental to the welfare of the ryots and the interests 
of the state, and Lord Cornwallis, soon after his arrival, 
affirmed that .-. ' , and internal commerce were in a 
state of rapid decay, and that no class appeared to flourish 



but the money-lenders. The Court of Directors felt the 
necessity of adopting some decisive policy to arrest the pro- 
gress of ruin, and accordingly framed their memorable letter 
A.D. of the 12th April , the salient points of which were, that the 
1786 settlement should be made with the old zemindars, and not 
with farmers or with temporary renters, on the ground of 
fiscal expediency, and not as a matter of right, and for a 
period of ten years, and eventually, if it was found to work 
well, in perpetuity. Lord Cornwallis employed three years 
in endeavouring to acquire information on the subject to 
serve as the basis of a settlement. The fee simple of the 
land had always been considered as belonging to the 
sovereign, but the Court of Directors, acting on a generous 
and enlightened policy, determined to confer it on the 
zemindars, and thus give them a permanent interest in the 
soil. The land thus became real property, and a large and 
opulent class of landholders was thereby created. The 
relationship between the zemindar arid the ryot was an 
important question, and involved in great perplexity, which 
has not yet been removed. The zemindar had always 
squeezed out of the ryot every farthing that could be 
realised, leaving him little beyond a rag and a hovel. 
Mr. Shore, who superintended the settlement, the ablest 
revenue officer in India, was of opinion that some decisive 
provision should be made to ensure an equitable adjust- 
ment of the demands of the zemindar, but, unfortunately, 
the regulations passed to protect the ryot from extortion 
were indefinite and inadequate. He was, indeed, permitted 
to resort to law, but to expect that a poor cultivator could 
appeal to the courts against a rich and powerful landlord 
was an absurdity. This defect was unquestionably a blot 
in the settlement, which, in other respects, was benevolent, 
if not beneficent. 

After the settlement had been completed, the important 
question arose whether it should be decennial or permanent. 
1792 The raa Lord Cornwallis maintained that a fixed and un- 
nent setSe- alterable settlement was the only panacea for the 
ment. evils which afflicted the country, and the only 

protection from the still greater ruin which threatened it, 
and that the grant of this boon would give the zemindars 
an irresistible inducement to promote the cultivation of the 
land and the welfare of the ryots. On the other hand, 
Mr. Shore, who was far better acquainted with the subject 
than the Governor- General, opposed with equal tenacity the 
proposal to make the settlement irrevocable. He argued 


that the Government had only the roughest estimate of 
the capabilities of the land and of the collections, that the 
land revenue formed the bone and muscle of the public 
resources, and that it was preposterous to fix the revenue 
for ever without any definition of the boundaries of estates, 
and when a third of Bengal was a jungle. As to the 
public spirit of the zemindars which a permanent settle- 
ment was expected to foster, he justly remarked that the 
whole zemindary system was a mere conflict of extortion 
on the one part and resistance on the other, and that it 
was vain to hope for any improvement. The question was 
referred to Leaderihall Street, and some of the Directors, 
influenced partly by their own local experience in India 
and partly by Mr. Shore's opinion, proposed to make it 
decennial. It was then placed before the Board of Control, 
and Mr. Pitt, who had studied Indian subjects as no prime 
minister has ever studied them since, closely investigated 
it for a week in conjunction with Mr. Dundas and Mr. 
Charles Grant, and came to the determination to make the 
settlement permanent, and it was prppiuliratrd at Calcutta 
on the 22nd March, 1 703. It was the boldest and most impor- 
tant administrative measure the Company had ever ventured 
upon. Under its operation cultivation has been extended, 
and the opulence of the provinces has been augmented ; the 
zemindars, and those who have acquired interests in the 
land under them, have grown wealthy, and the comfort 
of the cultivators has, perhaps, been promoted. But it is 
now universally felt that the permanent character given to 
it was an egregious blunder, and that a term of fifty years, 
if not of a shorter period, would have equally promoted the 
object in view. No margin was allowed to meet the in- 
evitable increase of expenditure which would bo required 
for the defence of the country, or for the improvement of 
it by the institutions of civilisation. The Government has, 
however, continued for a period of eighty years to maintain 
the settlement to the very letter with scrupulous fidelity 
under every emergency, and has thus exhibited an example 
of good faith heretofore unknown in India. 

The administration of Lord Cornwallis was likewise 
distinguished by a radical change in the fiscal and judicial 
branches. The control of the revenue was con- CMl ftnd 
centrated in a board in Calcutta. A civil court criminal 
was established in each district and in the prin- C0urt8< 
cipal cities, presided over by a covenanted servant of the 
Company. Four courts of appeal were erected at Calcutta, 
u 2 


. D . Dacca, Moorshedabad, and Patna, from whose decisions an 
1793 appeal lay to the sudder or chief court at the Presidency, 
composed of the Governor- General and the members of 
Council. The judges of the four courts of appeal were to 
proceed on circuit twice a year to administer criminal 
justice and --to hold jail deliveries. The district judges 
were likewise invested with magisterial powers, and 
authorised to pass sentence in trivial matters, and to 
commit delinquents for trial before the judges of circuit. 
Within circles of about twenty miles a native officer, called a 
daroga, was appointed to arrest offenders on written charges, 
and to take security, not only for his appearance, but also 
for that of the witnesses, before the magistrate. For more 

_ _ than ten years the simple rules for the adminis- 
Thecode. ... '. , . n r , ~. ^,.. , T 

tration ot justice drawn up by Sir Elijah Impey 

had been the manual of the courts. Lord Cornwallis 
determined that all the regulations affecting the rights, 
the property, and the persons of the subjects of Govern- 
ment should be embodied in a code, and translated into 
Bengalee and Persian. Mr. George Barlow, a civilian of 
mark, but without any legal education, was entrusted with 
the charge of drawing up the new code, and he expanded 
the ordinances of Sir Elijah into a bulky folio of regula- 
tions, but without improving them. This volume of laws, 
however valuable as a monument of British philanthropy, 
w&s little suited to the habits or wants of a people accus- 
tomed to prompt and simple justice. The course of pro- 
cedure was loaded with formalities, and, combined with the 
multiplication of technical rules, tended to defeat the object 
in view. Every suit became a game of chess ; "justice," 
as the natives observed, " was made sour by delay," and 
equity was smothered by legal processes. To crown the 
grievance, the business of the courts was transacted in a 
language the Persian equally foreign to the judges, the 
suitors, and the witnesses. 

The wisdom and judgment manifested in Lord Corn- 
wallis's various institutions have always been freely ac- 
1793 Jmowledged, but they were deformed by one great and 
Exclusion of radical blemish. From the days of Akbar all 
natiyes. civil and military offices, even those of the highest 
grade, had, with occasional exceptions, been open to all 
the natives of the country ; and, in the early days of 
Hastings, some of the most important offices in the state 
had been enjoyed by natives of merit or influence. Lord 
Cornwallis pronounced the natives unworthy of trust, and 
considered that the administration in every department 


ought to be conducted by the Company's covenanted ser- 
vants, some three hundred in number, to the entire exclusion 
of native agency, with the exception of thedaroga on twenty- 
five rupees a month, and a moonsiff to try petty civil suits, 
to be paid by a commission on them ; in other words, by the 
encouragement of litigation. Every prospect of honourable 
ambition was thus closed at once against the natives of the 
country, and the fatal effects of this ostracism were speedily 
visible in the inefficiency of the whole system of govern- 

The only other event of any note in the year 1793 was 
the capture of Pondicherry on the declaration of war 
between France and England at the outbreak of Captureof 
the Revolution. Lord Oornwallis embarked for rondi- 
England in October, after a memorable reign of cherry> 
seven years, during which period he had contributed to 
the purity and vigour of the power created by the daring 
of Olive, aud consolidated by the genius of Hastings. The 
dignity of his character, and his firmness and integrity, com- 
bined with his calmness and moderation, conciliated and 
swayed the native princes, aud commanded the cheerful 
obedience of the European servants. 

The treaty of Sal bye, which Sindia had concluded with 
Hastings in 1782 on the part of the Peshwa, gave him an 
elevated position in the Mahratta commonwealth, progrcwof 
He was no longer the mere feudatory of Poona, Sindia. 
but an independent chief, and an ally of the British Go- 
vernment, and he determined to push his schemes of 
ambition in llmdostan, for which circumstances were 
peculiarly favourable. The imbecile emperor was a mere 
puppet in the hands of his minister, Afrasiab Khan, who 
invited Siudia, in his master's name, to assist in demolish- 
ing the power of his rival, Mahomed Beg, and he accord- 
ingly advanced with a large army to Agra, where he had 
an interview with the emperor. Soon after Afrasiab was 
assassinated, and Sindia became master of the situation, 
and was appointed the executive minister of the empire, 
with the command of tho imperial troops. The districts 
of Agra and Delhi were assigned for their support, and he 
was thus put in possession of the Doab, the province 
lying between the Jumna and the Ganges, and its great 
resources. Intoxicated with this success, he preferred a 
demand for the chout of Bengal, which was indignantly 
rejected by Mr. Macpherson, the officiating Governor- 1784 
General. He then proceeded to demand the arrears of 


tribute, which he stated at sixty lacs of rupees, from the 
Rajpoots at the gates of Jeypore. The greater portion of 
the amount was paid, but, on his demanding the balance, 
the Rajpoots made common cause to resist him. In the 
battle which ensued, he was deserted by Mahomed Beg, 
and by the -whole of the imperial troops, who took over 
A.D. eighty pieces of cannon to the enemy. He was discomfited 

1787 and fled from the field, and in his extremity entreated 
Nana Furnavese, the head of the regency at Poona, to aid 
him in supporting the Mahratta authority in Hindostan. 
The Nana was jealous of his growing power, but despatched 
troops under Holkar, although rather with the object of 
watching his movements than of supporting them. 

Mahomed Bee: fell in the battle, but his place 
Ishmael Bear. i* * t t i T-IIT-* i 

^ was supplied by his nephew, Ishmael Beg, who 

laid siege to Agra, on the part of the Rajpoots, and was 
joined by Gholam Khadir, a Rohilcund jageerdar, and his 
free lances. Sindia advanced to raise the siege, but was again 
completely defeated in a battle fought on the 24th April. 
Gholam Khadir was recalled to defend his own jageer from 
the encroachments of the Sikhs, now rising into power, and 
Sindia took advantage of his absence to attack Ishmael Beg, 

1788 who was defeated, and escaped from the field by the swift- 
ness of his horse. He joined Gholam, and the united 
chiefs advanced to Delhi, of which Gholam obtained pos- 
sgssion, and his licentious soldiery were let loose on the 
imperial city, which was subjected for two months to such 
scenes of violence, rapine and barbarity, as were said to be 
" almost without example in the annals of the world." 
The ladies of the seraglio were exposed and dishonoured, 

1788 and some of them starved to death, and the unhappy 
monarch, plundered and dethroned, was deprived of sight 
by this monster of cruelty. Ishmael Beg turned with 
horror from these atrocities, and accepted service with 
Sindia, who proceeded to Delhi, reseated the emperor with 
great pomp on his throne, and made every effort to alle- 
viate his sorrows. Gholam Khadir fled on his approach, 
but was captured, and deliberately hacked to pieces. The 
turbulent Ishmael Beg did not long remain faithful to 
Sindia, but again joined the Rajpoots, whom Sindia de- 

1790 feated at Patun in 1790, and the next year at Mairta. 
The success of both these engagements was due chiefly to 

1791 the disciplined battalions of the Count de Boigne, a native 
of Savoy, an officer of distinguished ability and great 
military experience, who had come out to India in search of 


employment, and entered the service of Sindia, and in- 
duced him to create a sepoy corps on the model of the 
Company's army. De Boigne raised and organised a large 
force, disciplined by European officers, the majority of 
whom were natives of France. It was eventually aug- 
mented to 18,000 regular infantry, 6,000 irregulars, 2,000 
irregular horse and 600 Persian cavalry, with 200 pieces 
of artillery. This formidable force rendered Sindia the 
paramount native power in Hindostan, and the most im- 
portant member of the Mahratta body. 

Sindia offered to join the alliance against Tippoo, 
promoted by Lord Cornwallis, on condition that the Com- 
pany's Government should guarantee all the pos- sindia at 
sessions he had acquired in Hindostan, and Pona. 
furnish him with two battalions of troops, similar to those 
granted to the Nizam. These proposals were considered 
inadmissible, and he declined to become a party to the 
treaty of Poona. That he might, however, be in a position 
to take advantage of circumstances in the war in which the 
princes of the Deccan were about to be engaged with Tippoo, 
he proceeded with an army to the Mahratta capital, greatly 
to the annoyance of N"ana Furnavese, who dreaded his 
ambitious designs. He had obtained from the impotent 
emperor the title of Vakeel-i-Mootluk, or regent of the 
Mogul empire, for the Peshwa, and for himself the office of 
hereditary deputy, and he gave out as the pretext for the 
journey that he was proceeding to the Mahratta capital 
to invest the Peshwa with this dignity. The Nan a and 
the ministers could not view without disgust the acceptance 
of honours by the head of the Mahratta power from the 
puppet of an emperor, but their opposition was unavailing. 
Sindia had gained a complete ascendency over the young 
Peshwa by his cheerful and genial demeanour, which 
formed a strong contrast to the stern and morose bearing 
of the prime minister, Nana Furnavese. Sindia had, more- 
over, brought a variety of rarities for him from Hindostan, 
and studied to make arrangements for his amusement. The 
ceremony was imposing beyond anything which had been 
seen at Poona. A grand suite of tents was pitched Imogtituro 
in the vicinity of the city, a throne was placed of the 179J 
to represent that of the Great Mogul, on which Peshwa * 
the patent and the insignia were deposited. The Peshwa, 
surrounded by his whole court and the representatives of 
foreign powers, approached the throne and made his 
obeisance, and then retiring to another tent was invested 


with the gorgeous robes of the office, and returned to 
Poona with such pomp and grandeur as the inhabitants 
had never before witnessed. Sindia and Nana Furnavese, 
though plotting each others' destruction, maintained an 
outward appearance of civility, but their armies could not 
be restrained from hostility in Hindostan. The forces of 
Holkar and' Sindia were jointly engaged in levying tribute 
from the Rajpoots, but they quarrelled about the division 
of the spoil. Sindia's commander, De Boigne, with 20,000 
horse and 9,000 infantry, attacked Holkar' s army, con- 
sisting of 80,000 men, including four battalions disci- 
plined by his French general. Holkar was completely 
A.D, defeated, and the four regiments were all but annihilated, 
1792 only one European ofDtvr < MM j i; * the carnage. This victory 
rendered Sindia the first power among the Mahrattas, 
and deepened the apprehensions of his rival Nana Furna- 

1794 Death of vese ^ u ^ was re ^ eve( ^ ^ rom a ^ anxiety by the 
Mahdajee unexpected death of Sindia, on the Itith February. 
Sindia. -p or thirty-five years he may be said to have 
passed his life in his camp, devoting his time and energies 
to the improvement of his army and the increase of his pos- 
sessions. From his father he received a small principality, 
and he bequeathed to his son a kingdom, extending from 
the Sutlege to Allahabad, and including two-thirds of 
Malwa, and some of the fairest provinces in the Deccan, 
and the most efficient military force in India. 

The period for which their exclusive privileges had been 
granted to the Company expired in 1793, and the Court of 

1793 The new Directors applied to Parliament for the renewal 
Charter. o f them. But new commercial and manufacturing 
interests had been springing up in England with great 
vigour, and petitions poured into the House from Liverpool, 
Glasgow, Bristol, Manchester, and other seats of industry 
and enterprise, protesting against the exclusion of the 
country from any share in the trade of India. The India 
House met these representations by the bold assertion that 
it was essential to the national interests that the Company 
should be the sole agents for conducting the commerce 
and the government of India. The ministry found the 
existing state of things exceedingly comfortable, inasmuch 
as Indian affairs were, on all essential questions, under 
their control. Lord Cornwallis had placed the finances of 
India in a flourishing condition, and Mr. Dundas, the 
India minister, asked the House with an air of triumph, 
whether they were prepared to interrupt this tide of 


prosperity and the growing commerce of India for a mere 
theory. His arguments were received with blind con- 
fidence in a House in which free trade was considered the 
inevitable road to ruin ; and the monopoly of the Company 
was renewed for twenty years, although, to meet the 
clamours of the merchants, the Company were directed to 
allot 3,000 tons a year for their private trade. An effort 
was made by Mr. Wilberforce to obtain permission for 
missionaries and schoolmasters to proceed to India and 
give instruction, religious and secular, to the natives who 
might desire it, but it was resisted by the ministry, the Court 
of Directors, and the old Indians. The charter of 1793 was a 
faithful mirror of the views of an age in which it was con- 
sidered that the introduction of free trade and European 
settlers, of schoolmasters and missionaries, would be fatal 
to the British power in India. 


LORD COKNWALLIS was succeeded by Sir John Shore, one of 
the ablest of the Company's servants, and the author of 
the permanent settlement. In a letter to Mr. Sirjohn 
Dundas on the subject of appointing his successor, store's A,D. 
Lord Cornwallis had said that " nobody but a a ' lt <* edente - 1793 
" person who had never been in the service, and who was 
" essentially unconnected with its members, who was of a 
"rank far ^ur; M- -::' his associates in the government, 
" and who had the full support of the ministry at home, 
" was competent for the office of Governor- General." This 
letter, however, did not reach England till after the 
selection of Sir John Shore had been made, at the instance 
of Mr. Pitt, who was favourably impressed with the in- 
dustry, the candour, and the ability exhibited by him in 
reference to the revenue settlement. He entered on his 
duties on the 28th October, 1793. 

The first question which arose to try the mettle of the 
new Governor- General was connected with the politics of 
the Deccan . After the termination of the war The guaran- 
with Tippoo, Lord Cornwallis, anxious to secure tee treaty, 
permanent peace to the Deccan, submitted to the two 
native princes who were parties to the tripartite treaty of 


1790 the draft of a " treaty of mutual guarantee," which 
would have established a balance of power in the Deccan, 
and guarded the rights of the princes from mutual aggres- 
sion. The Nizam, as being the weakest, agreed to it with 
alacrity ; but the Mahrattas had a long account against 
him which .it was not their policy to close, and which they 
intended to settle by the sword, and they therefore, declined 
Rejected by an y engagement which would interfere with the 
A - D - the Mah- designs they formed against him. After twelve 

1793 rattas. mon ths of fruitless discussion, Lord Cornwallis 
was obliged to abandon all hope of securing the concurrence 
of the Poona regency. Sindia had been the most strenuous 
opponent of the guarantee treaty, and his death seemed to 
present a favourable opportunity for renewing the negotia- 
tion, and making a vigorous effort to preserve the tran- 
quillity of the Deccan, then menaced by the Mahrattas. 
They fully anticipated some decisive interference on the 
part of the Company's Government, such as they knew 
Lord Cornwallis would have undertaken. But they soon 
perceived that the sceptre was now in feeble hands, and 

1794 they hastened their preparations when they found that Sir 
John Shore had resolved to limit his intervention to ** good 
" offices." The Nizam, who advanced counter claims of 
even greater amount than those of the Mahrattas, imme- 
diately claimed the fulfilment of the treaty of 1790 ; but 
ir John lacked the spirit of his predecessor. He had a 
morbid dread of offending the Mahratta powers, and he 
paid a servile homage to the Act of Parliament which dis- 
countenanced native alliances, though Lord Cornwallis 
had driven his coach through it, and he resolved to remain 
neuter in the impending struggle. It is, however, due to 
his memory to state that this decision was evidently in- 
fluenced, to a considerable extent, by the incompetency of the 
Commanders-in-Chief at all the Presidencies, with none of 
whom could he venture to undertake hostilities. 

To assemble a Mahratta army when there was any hope 
of plunder had never presented any difficulty. On this 
Expedition ccas i n the young Peshwa, having determined 
against the to take the field in person, summoned his feuda- 
Nizam. tories of every degree, and it proved to be the last 
time they were ever assembled together under the national 
standard. Sindia, Holkar, the raja of Nagpore, the Gaikwar, 
and the southern jageerdars, each furnished a quota, and 
the whole force numbered 130,000 horse and foot, with 
150 guns, while the army of the Nizam amounted to about 


110,000. The Nizam had engaged a French officer of the 
name of Raymond to discipline two battalions, which 
were increased to twenty-three when the struggle with 
the Mahrattas appeared inevitable. In the ranks of 
Sindia were likewise 10,000 men commanded by Perron, 
and 2,000 with Holkar, nnder Dudrenec ; and the most 
efficient soldiers on each side were under the command of 
natives of France. 

The two armies met on the 12th March, a little in advance 
of the village of Kurdla, which has given its name to this 
decisive battle. The advanced guard of the Nizam Battle of A.D. 
put to flight one large division of the Mahralta Kurdla. J-Q^ 
infantry, but the whole of the Nizam's cavalry broke and 
fled when it was assailed by the French force. Raymond's 
infantry had, however, obtained considerable advantage over 
Perron's, and there was some prospect of his ultimate 
success, when he was peremptorily ordered by his master 
to withdraw from the field. The Nizam had taken his 
zenana with him, and his favourite sultana, terrified by the 
roar of the cannon, insisted upon his retiring beyond its 
reach. The dotard yielded to her importunities, and the 
whole army retreated in wild confusion, although scarcely 
two hundred men had fallen in both armies. The Nizam 
took refuge in Kurdla, and within two days was obliged 
to sign a humiliating treaty, making cessions of territory 
of the value of thirty-five lacs a year, paying the sum of 
three crores of rupees, and delivering up his minister, the 
only able man at his court, to the Peshwa. The two 
battalions of Company's troops in his service were not 
permitted by Sir John Shore to assist him during the 
battle ; and on his return to Hyderabad he dismissed them 
in disgust, and ordered Raymond to use avery exertion to 
augment and discipline his sepoys, and assigned districts for 
their support. The power and influence in the Nizam's 
councils which Lord Cornwallis had secured for the 
Company, were thus transferred to the French. 

The battle of Kurdla completely prostrated the Nizam, 
and the Mahrattas would doubtless have returned to com- 
plete his humiliation, but for the unexpected Death of the 
death of the Peshwa, and the confusion which it reshwa. 
occasioned. Nairn Furnavese had, with occasional inter- 
missions, enjoyed the chief control inMahratta affairs duiing 
his minority ; but though the Peshwa was now of age, 
he was still kept in a state of galling tutelage, which at 
length became insupportable, and on the 25th October he 1796 


threw himself from a terrace in his palace, and expired 
two days after, bequeathing the crown to his cousin Bajee 
Rao, the son of the once famous Raghoba, who was then 
held in durance by Nana Furnavese. Then ensued a sceno 
of intrigue and anarchy, which lasted more than three years, 
and which 'has scarcely a parallel in the native history of 
India. After a variety of convulsions, the fortunes of the 
Nana were reduced to the lowest ebb, but retrieved by his 
extraordinary genius. " The vigour of his judgment," 
observes the historian of the Mahrattas, " the fertility of 
" his resources, the extent of his influence, and the com- 
" bination of instruments he called into action, surprised 
" all India, and from his European contemporaries pro- 
" cared him the title of the Mahratta Machiavelli." He 
proposed to restore to the Nizam the territory which had 
been wrested from him, and to remit the balance remaining 
due, and having thus gained his assistance, as well as that 
A.D. of Sindia and Holkar, marched in triumph to Poona, 

1796 where he seated Bajee Rao on the throne, and regained 
his own power as prime minister. But Bajee Rao, the 
most perfidious of native princes, incited Sindia to destroy 
him, and he was treacherously seized at a banquet and 

1797 sent prisoner to Ahmednugur. The Peshwa then made 
arrangements for the assassination of Sindia, but his 
courage failed him at the last moment, and he exhibited 
f<5r the first time that indecision of character which marked 
all his future career. 

Mr. Dundas had announced his opinion that India could 
only be retained by a large European army, that the pro- 
Mutiny of portion of European to native troops should be as 
European one to three, and that the whole force should be 
officers. placed* under the Crown, and " act in concert 
" with the general strength of the empire/' The scheme 
of amalgamation which Lord Cornwallis had drawn up 

1794 was not altogether approved by the Board of Control, or the 
Court of Directors, and Mr. Dundas undertook to draw up 
a second. But the European officers of the Company, who 
were opposed to any nrrinlLrrmrmtion. were already in a state 
of mutiny, and Sir John Shore found, on assuming the 
Government, that he had to deal with the insubordination 
of a whole army. The officers repressed their resentment 
while they awaited the arrival of Mr. Dundas's regulations, 
but their patience was exhausted by delay. On Ohrist- 

1795 mas ^y Sir John convened the Council, and informed 
them that delegates had been elected from each regiment 


to form an executive board, and that every regiment bad 
bound itself to protect their persons and make good their 
losses. The terms which this board was to demand from 
the Government were, that the native regiments should 
not be reduced, or the European regiments increased, 
beyond a certain limit, and that all allowances which had 
been granted to the army at any time should be restored. 
If these conditions were not accepted, they were prepared 
to seize the Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief, 
and to take possession of the Government. 

The Council was thunderstruck by this announcement. 
It was a crisis similar to that which the undaunted spirit 
of Clive had quelled in two months, thirty years Submi8Bion 
before ; but there was no Clive at Calcutta, of the 
Orders were sent to Madras and the Cape for e vernmenfc - 
troops, and the admiral was desired to bring up his fleet, 
and even De Boigne was asked for a regiment of Sindia's 
cavalry. The Commander-in-Chief went to Cawnpore, and 
by his courteous manners soothed the feelings of the 
officers, but it was the firmness of the artillery that 
stemmed the tide of mutiny. The long- expected regula- 
tions of Mr. Dundas arrived in May 1796, and disgusted 
all parties. The Governor- General himself described them 
as a mass of confusion. The flame of revolt blazed forth 
afresh in tlu army, and remonstrances poured in upon the 
bewildered Government. Sir John Shore, in writing to 
the Court of Directors, stated that the pressure was so 
severe that ho had been obliged to give way. The regula- 
tions were modified and concessions made which exceeded 
even tho expectations of the army. The intelligence of this 
submission tilled the ministry with such alarm that it was 
resolved to supersede Sir John Shore forthwith, and Lord 
Cornwallis was importuned to proceed to India, if only for 
twelve months, and restore order. He was accordingly 
sworn in as Governor- General on the 1st February, and the 
appointment was duly notified at all the Presidencies. But 
the mutineers had a representative body of oflicers sitting 
in London, and, incredible as it may appear, the Court of 
Directors and the Board of Control, after having recalled 
Sir John Shore for his weakness, entered into negotiations 
with them and made concession after concession, and silenced 
one of tho ringleaders by a lucrative post at the India 
House. An order was passed in reference to the mutiny 
which Lord Cornwallis described as " milk and water/' 
*nd he threw up the appointment in disgust. 


The last act of Sir John Shore's administration was 
marked by as much vigour as those preceding it had been 
Onde signalised by feebleness. The Vizier of Oude 

was a man of good disposition, but spoiled by 
the enjoyment of absolute power, and vitiated by the 
fools, knaves and sycophants who composed his court. 
The Government was completely effete, and but for the 
protection of British bayonets, the country would have 
been absorbed by the Mahrattas or the Sikhs. Before his 
departure from India, Sir John Shore visited Lucknow 
and endeavoured to impress on the Vizier the necessity of 
reforming the abuses of the administration ; but what- 
ever favourable impression he might have produced in 
the morning was effaced in the evening when the prince 
was surrounded by buffoons and parasites, or stupefied 
Death of the with opium. Six weeks after Sir John's return 
nabob. to Calcutta, he sank into the grave, exhausted 
by indulgence, and the succession of Vizier Ali, whom 
he had acknowledged as his son, was sanctioned by the 
Government of India. 

Information was received soon after that his birth was 

spurious and his character atrocious, and Sir John returned 

A.D. to Lucknow to ascertain the truth, when he ob- 

1797 er * tained evidence that he was riot even the illegiti- 
mate son of the late Vizier, but the offspring of a man of 
the lowest caste, and likewise that his pr. ifligsiry had created 
a feeling of universal disgust. Sir John was convinced 
that he had been accessory to an act of injustice, and as 
the late ruler had left no legitimate issue, he conferred the 
throne on his brother, then residing at Benares. He was 
required on being installed, to sign a new treaty, by which 
the defence of the country was entrusted to a body of 
10,000 British troops, for whom an annual subsidy of 
seventy-five lacs of rupees was allotted, that the native 
army of the state should not exceed 35,000 troops, that the 
Saadut Ali fortress of Allahabad, the key of the north-west 

1798 Nabob. provinces, should be made over to the Company, 
and the Vizier eschew all foreign negotiations. During 
these arrangements, Sir John Shore was encamped with 
a small force near the town of Lucknow, and exposed to 
eminent danger from the violence of Vizier Ali,and the bands 
of desperate men in his pay, under the command of a reck- 
less adventurer, who had 300 pieces of cannon, and openly 
talked of assassinating the Governor- General. The fear- 
lessness which he exhibited in this perilous position, ai? 


well as the resolution and justice of his proceedings, 
created general admiration in India, and the Court of Direc- 
tors applauded the " great temper, ability and firmness he 
" had displayed on this occasion. " The arrival of the Vizier 
with a large force from Benares rescued him from danger, 
and on his return to Calcutta he embarked for England, A.D. 
and was raised to the peerage as Lord Teignmouth. 179( 



SIR JOHN SHORE was succeeded by Lord Mornington, sub- 1799 
sequently created Marquis Wellesley, then in his thirty, 
eighth year, under whose vigorous rule the power i^ 
of the Company was rendered paramount through- Wellesley . 
ont India. At the Board of Control, where he had occupied 
a seat for four years, he had acquired a comprehensive 
knowledge of Indian affairs, and he moreover enjoyed the 
advantage of Mr. Pitt's personal friendship and the confi- 
dence of Mr. Dun das. He called at the Capo on his way 
to India, and had the good fortune to meet there Lord 
Macartney and Lord Hobart, both of whom had been 
governors of Madras, as well as Major Kirkpatrick, formerly 
resident at Sindia's court, and more recently at Hyderabad, 
and obtained from their communications the most important 
information regarding the views and the position of the 
various princes in India. 

At the commencement of this important epoch, it may 
bo useful to glance at the state of India. After the 
humiliation of Tippoo Sultan, Lord Cornwallis en- state of 
deavoured to establish a balance of power in the India ' 
Deccan. But there never had been any real balance of 
power in India, and aggression and rapine had been the only 
principle of action among its princes. Wars were com- 
menced and prosecuted without any semblance of justice, 
and restrained only by the power of resistance. Eighteen 
months after the departure of Lord Cornwallis, the battle 


of Kurdla prostrated the power of the Nizam ; the Peshwa 
was reduced to extremity by the encroachments of Sindia ; 
and even the appearance of a balance of power in the 
Deccan was irretrievably lost. The Government of Calcutta 
had become an object of derision in all the native courts, 
and a prolongation of Sir John Shore's nerveless adminis- 
tration would have entailed very serious calamities. In 
the south, Tippoo was brooding over his misfortunes, and 
husbanding his resources to retrieve them. Though de- 
prived of half his dominions, he was still able to maintain 
a powerful army in full efficiency. The Nizam had aug- 
mented the battalions under Raymond to 14,000, men and 
the French, who were animated by the national hatred of 
England which then prevailed in France, exercised a 
paramount authority in the state. Sindia was supreme at 
Poona and at Delhi, and enjoyed all the influence and 
authority still attached to the imperial throne. His terri- 
tories in the Deccan extended to the Toombudra, and 
skirted the frontiers of the Nizam and the Peshwa, while in 
Hindostan it extended to the Sutlege, and abutted on the 
dominions of the Yizier and of the Company. The French 
battalions, raised and disciplined by Do Boigne, had been 
augmented to 40,000 men, in no way inferior to the Com- 
pany's sepoy army, with 450 guns, and fortresses, arsenals, 
foundries, depots, and all the appliances of war. Lord 
Ccfrnwallis had bequeathed to his successor a surplus 
revenue of a crore and eighty lacs of rupees a year, but 
it had dwindled into a deficit, and the Company's credit 
was so low that the treasury could not raise a loan under 
12 per cent. 

Lord Wellesley landed in Calcutta on the 17th May, and 
within three weeks was startled by the receipt of a pro- 
A "* The Mauri- c l ama tion issued by the governor of the Mauritius, 
1798 tins pro- stating that envoys had arrived from Tippoo 
ciamation. g u it an w ith despatches for the Government in 
Paris, proposing an alliance offensive and defensive, and 
requesting the aid of a body of troops to assist him in 
expelling the English from India. Soon after it was 
announced that a French frigate had landed 150 men, 
including officers, from the Mauritius at Mangnlore, on 
the Malabar coast, who had proceeded to Seringapatam 
and entered the Mysore service. Lord Wellesley de- 
termined to anticipate the hostile movements of Tippoo, 
and directed General Harris, the officiating governor of 
Madras, to assemble the Coast army -for an immediate 


march on Seringapatam, and called on the Nizam and 
the Peshwa, the signataries of the treaty of 1790, to 
furnish their quota of troops in accordance with its twelfth 

The Presidency of Madras was thunderstruck with thi# 
venturous project. They had a morbid dread of the 
Mysore power, which had dictated peace under Dismay at 
the walls of Madras, and annihilated Baillio's Madras, 
force, and ravaged the Carnatic ; and they conjured up 
the memory of all the disasters which had for twenty 
years attended their wars with Hyder and Tippoo. The 
entire disposable force of the Presidency did not exceed 
8,000 men, and they were destitute both of draft cattle 
and commissariat stores ; and far, they said, from being in 
a condition to march on Tippoo's capital, the force was 
not equal to the defence of the Company's territories, if he 
should invade them. On the other hand, the Mysore ruler 
could muster 60,000 troops, a large portion of whom con- 
sisted of the celebrated Mysore horse; his infantry was in 
part disciplined by French officers; he possessed a hundred 
and forty-four field-pieces, a rocket brigade, a long train of 
elephants, an ample supply of draft and carriage cattle, 
and a splendid commissariat. In these circumstances 
Lord Wellesley found it impossible to strike an immediate 
blow, but he issued peremptory orders for the speedy 
equipment of the army, and he met the remonstrances 
addressed to him in his own imperious style, by threatening 
with his severest displeasure " those who presumed to 
" thwart him, and arrogated to themselves the power of 
" jjoxtT 11 .!!.'- the empire committed to his charge." 

The state of affairs at Hyderabad demanded Lord 
Wellesley's earliest attention. The troops, to the number 
of 14,000, disciplined and commanded by French ^^ Wftllfts 
officers, presented a serious difficulty. They ley's embar- 
could not be taken into the field as a portion of rassmentfl - 
the Nizam's contingent, without the risk of their joining 
the Sultan, with whose French officers they were in con- 
stant correspondence ; while to leave them behind without 
an adequate force to watch them, was equally perilous. 
At this critical juncture, moreover, Lord Wellesley received 
a communication from Zeman Shah, announcing his 
intention to cross the Indus and enter Hiiulostan, and 
asking the Biitish Government to assist him in driving the 
Mahrattas back into the Deccan. He was the grandson 
of Ahmed Shah Abdalee, who had astounded India by his 


victory at Paniput forty years before ; and the prospect of 
another Abdalee invasion created a universal feeling of 
excitement, if not of alarm. Thus beset with embarrass- 
ments in the north and in the south, Lord Wellesley 
resolved boldly to carry out his policy of alliances with the 
native princes on his own responsibility, without waiting 
for the sanction of the Court of Directors or the ministry. 
He found that the Company had not augmented their 
security by curtailing their influence, but had drifted into 
a position in which it was less perilous to advance than to 
stand still. He determined to break up that policy of 
isolation which had been erroneously considered the safe- 
guard of British power, and within three months after he 
had taken the chair at the Council board, negotiations 
were opened throughout the continent, and every durbar 
was electrified by the revival of that energy which recalled 
the days of Hastings and Cornwallis. 

A.D. Lord Wellesley found it necessary to dispose of the 
1798 French force at Hyderabad before he took the field against 
Negotiations Tippoo. The great minister of the Nizam, Meer 
atHyder- Alum otherwise called Musheei-ool-Moolk 
abad. on k e i n g released from Poona and resuming his 

office, was alarmed at the power which the French officers 
had obtained in the state, and was disgusted with their arro- 
gance. He lost no time in proposing to Sir John Shore to 
substitute an English subsidiary force for the French 
battalions ; but Sir John had not the nerve for so bold a 
proceeding. Lord Wellesley eagerly embraced the proposal, 
and made an offer to protect the state from all unjust 
claims in every quarter with a body of 6,000 troops, to be 
subsidised by the Nizam, on condition that the French 
corps should be dismissed, and the settlement of all disputes 
with the Mahrattas referred to the British Government, 
The Nizam manifested great reluctance to contract an 
alliance which he could never shake off, with so irresistible 
a power as the Company, but his minister persuaded him 
that it was better to repose under the protection of a 
power governed by the principles of honour, than to be 
perpetually exposed to the avarice of the Mahrattas and 
the ambition of Tippoo. 

In the preceding year the Peshwa solicited the aid of a 
British force to protect him from the encroachments of 

Sindia, but it was declined by Sir John Shore, 
aiimnce He then concluded an alliance with the Nizam, 
Polhwa! an( * ce( *ed territory of the annual value of eight 

lacs of rupees as the price of his assistance. 


Sindia revenged himself by releasing Nana Furnavese, 
whom he held in confinement, and inviting Tippoo to join 
him in an attack on the Nizam. These manoeuvres led to 
a temporary reconciliation between Sindia and the Peshwa, 
and it was at this juncture that the proposal of a subsidiary 
alliance, which included the reference of all claims on the 
Nizam to the arbitrament of the British Government, was 
renewed. The Peshwa was too astute not to perceive that 
such an alliance involved the extinction of his political 
importance, and it is not to be wondered at that he, in 
common with the other princes of India, with whom 
independence had a charm, the value of which was en- 
hanced by its risks, should have been indisposed to resign it. 
But the Peshwa assured the Resident that he would faith- 
fully observe the conditions of the tripartite treaty in the 
approaching war with Tippoo, and a large Mahratta force 
was ostensibly ordered into the field. 

To give effect to the treaty with the Nizam, troops were 
despatched to Hyderabad ; but at the last moment he 
evinced an invincible reluctance to place himsolf Estinctlon 
in a state of helpless and ir retrievable dependence ofthePrench 
on a superior power, and he fled to the fortress force ' 
of Golconda. The Resident was obliged to assume a high 
tone and to assure the minister that his master would be 
held responsible for this breach of faith. He was at length 
convinced that there was more danger in endeavouring to 
evade the engagement than in fulfilling it, and a proclama- 
tion was issued dismissing the French officers, and releasing 
the sepoys from the obligation of obedience to them. 
Officers and men were thrown into a state of confusion 
and dismay by this unexpected order Raymond was no 
longer at Hyderabad but the British force was moved 
into a position which completely commanded the French 
encampment and placed their nmirtt/inos at its mercy. In 
this helpless state, the officers sent to inform the Resident 
that they were ready to place themselves under his pro- 
tection ; but the men, to whom large arrears were due, 
rose in a body and placed the officers in confinement, and 
it was not without great difficulty they found refuge in the 
English camp. Captain Malcolm, a young and ambitious 
officer, then rising into notice, succeeded in quelling the 
excitement by the payment of their arrears ; and before the 
evening this large body of disciplined troops, possessed of 
a powerful train of artillery and well-stored arsenals, was 
disarmed without the loss of a single life. This great 


achievement, the first act of the new Government, filled 
the native princes, who were calculating on the decay of 
the Company's power, with amazement, while the ability 
with which it was planned, and the promptitude with 
which it was executed, diffused a spirit of confidence 
throughout the civil and military services which con- 
tributed in no small degree to the success of Lord Welles- 
ley's plans. 
A.D. On the 8th October, Lord Wellesley received information 

1798 that Bonaparte had landed in Egypt, on his way to the East 
and he reiterated his orders to press forward the organisa- 
tion of the Madras army, which he promised to strengthen 
by the addition of 3,000 volunteer sepoys from Bengal, 
and with the 33rd Foot, under the command of Colonel 
Wellesley, afterwards the l)uke of Wellington. On hear- 
ing that the disbandment of the French force at Hyderabad 
n . had been completed, he addressed his first letter 

Communica- r . ' . . 

tion with to Tippoo, upbraiding him with his embassy to 
Tlppoo. fa Q M aTir itius, and the connection he had formed 
with the inveterate enemies of the British nation, " which 
" must subvert the foundations of friendship subsisting 
" between him and the Company." He proposed to de- 
pute Major Do vet on to his court, to propound a plan calcu- 
lated to remove all doubt and suspicion. To infuse vigour 
into these arrangements he resolved to proceed in person 
to Madras, where he landed on the last day of the year, 
and assumed the control of all political and military move- 
ments, leaving the local administration in the hands of the 

Tippoo' s reply was altogether evasive. He asserted 

1799 Tippoo's fa^ the vessel which had gone to the Mauritius 
replies. was se nt by a mercantile tribe, and that " the 
" French, who were full of vice and deceit, had put about 
" sinister reports to ruffle the minds of the two Sircars." 
He declined the proposed conference with Major Doveton 
as superfluous, " inasmuch as his friendship and regard 
" for the English were perfectly apparent." At this very 
time, however, he was despatching one of his French 
officers to the Directory in Paris, to solicit 10,000 troops, 
to be employed at his expense in expelling the English ; 
and he was likewise inviting Zeman Shah to join him in 
prosecuting a holy war against the infidels and polytheists. 
" Please God," he wrote, " the English shall become 
" food for the unrelenting sword of the pious warriors." 
Lord Wellesley addressed another letter to him on the 9th 


January, demanding a reply in twenty- four hours, to which 
Tippoo, after a considerable delay, replied that he was going 
on a hunting excursion, as was his wont, and that Major 
Doveton might be despatched after him. 

Every moment now became precious. The capital, 
Seringapatam, was the heart of Tippoo's power, his principal 
granary, and his only arsenal. Owing to the rise progress of 
of the Cauvery around the island on which it the army, 
was built, it was impregnable from June to November, and 
it was necessary to reduce it before the rains set in. After 
waiting in vain for a definite reply, Lord Wellesley ordered 
the army to take the field. It was the largest and the 
most complete in point of equipment and discipline which 
had ever yet assembled under the Company's colours. It 
consisted of 20,802 men, of whom 6,000 were Europeans, 
with a battering train of forty guns, and sixty-four field- 
pieces and howitzers, and 10,000 of the Nizam's cavalry, as 
well as the Hyderabad subsidiary force, which, under 
the command of Colonel Wellesley and Captain Malcolm, 
had become a most efficient auxiliary. The entire army was 
commanded by General Harris, whose personal knowledge 
of the route was of great value. Tippoo, leaving his 
generals to watch the movements of the general at Madras, 
proceeded with the flower of his army to the ^ 
Malabar Coast to oppose the Bombay force march- the Malabar 
ing on his capital. Coast. 

On the 5th March, Tippoo unexpectedly appeared before its 
advanced guard. General Stuart, the commandant, with 
the main body, was ten miles in the rear, and it fell to 
the gallant General Hartley a name of high renown on 
that coast to meet the shock. His little force, and more 
especially the battalions under Colonel Montresor, bore the 
assault of the whole of Tippoo's force for six hours with 
the most determined resolution, but as they were reduced 
to their last cartridge the general happily came up and 
decided the fate of the day. Tippoo retreated through the 
wood with the loss of 2,000 men, and six days after 
marched off in an opposite direction to resist the advance 
of General Harris, whose army stood on the table land of 
Bangalore on the 15th March. Contrary to the advice of 
his most experienced officers and his French commander, 
Tippoo fixed on Malavelly as the field for disputing the 
progress of the British army, and the battle ended Battle of 
in his complete discomfiture on the 27th March. Maiaveily. 
He felt certain that General Harris would pursue the 


northern route to the capital as Lord Cornwallis had done, 
and he had taken the precaution to lay it waste, not leav- 
ing a particle of food or forage. But the general moved 
down in an opposite direction, and crossed the Cauvery 
at the hitherto unknown ford of Sosilla, without any 
interruption. Nothing could exceed the rage and dismay 
of Tippoo when he discovered that all his plans were frus- 
trated by this strategy, and he called a meeting of his 
officers, and asked their advice with tears in his eyes ; they 
declared that they would make one last and desperate 
effort for the defence of the capital and the kingdom, and, 
if unsuccessful, die with him. 

Seringapatam was invested on the 6th April, and the siege 
was pushed on with such vigour that Tippoo was induced 
Thesie e ^ P r P se a conference. General Harris informed 
him that the only terms on which he was autho- 
rised to treat were the cession of half his territories, the 
payment of a war indemnity of two crores, and the delivery 
of four of his sons and four of his chief officers as hostages. 
These terms were rejected by the Sultan. On the 4th May 
A.D. the breach was reported practicable, and the troops were led 
1799 to the storm by General Baird, a distinguished officer, 
who had been immured in the dungeons of the fort for four 
years, in irons, by Hyder and Tippoo. He ascended the 
parapet at one in the afternoon, and exhibited his noble 
figure in the view of both forces, and then, drawing his 
sword, desired his men to follow him, and show themselves 
worthy the name of British soldiers. A small and select 
band of Tippoo's soldiers met the forlorn hope in the 
breach, the greater portion of whom on either side fell in 
the desperate struggle. The works were defended with 
great valour, more especially in the gateway where Tippoo 
had taken his station, and where he fell covered with 
wounds. The fortress was captured, and, as his remains 
were conveyed through the city, the inhabitants prostrated 
themselves before his bier, and accompanied it to the 
superb monument of Hyder, where he was interred with 
the imposing rites of Mahomedan burial, and the honours 
of a European military funeral. 

Thus fell the capital of Mysore, though garrisoned by 

20,000 troops, and defended by 287 pieces of cannon, and 

. abundantly supplied with provisions and military 

stores. It was the opinion of Lord Wellesley, 

and of the best military authorities in the camp, that, 

considering the strength of its fortifications, and the diffi- 


culty of approaching it, a thousand French troops under 
an able commander might have rendered it impregnable. 
But thrr- i: g h , 4 the siege, and indeed throughout the 
campaign, Tippoo had failed to exhibit either wisdom or 
energy. He rejected the advice of his most experienced 
officers, and listened only to the flatteries of youths and 
parasites, and the predictions of astrologers. During the 
line of march General Harris was so heavily encumbered 
with his ponderous siege train and endless impediments, 
that his progress was restricted to five miles a day, and it was 
a miracle that he was not constrained, like Lord Cornwallis, 
to turn back for want of provisions. There were numerous 
occasions on which an active and skilful enemy might have 
impeded his march till the rains set in, and rendered the 
campaign abortive ; but all these opportunities were 
neglected by Tippoo in a spirit of infatuation. The success 
of the army was owing to a combination of boldness and 
courage, and good fortune. Tippoo was forty-six years of 
age at the time of his death. He possessed none of his 
father's abilities for peace or war. He was a compound 
of tyranny and caprice, of superstition and bigotry, and 
likewise an atrocious persecutor. In the opinion of his 
own subjects, Hyder was born to create an empire, and 
Tippoo to lose it. 

For half a century the Deccaii had been the scene of 
convulsions, and tho groat source of anxiety and expense 
to the Court of Directors, whoso possessions, security of 
even in the intervals of peace, had always been the Deocan. 
insecure. Lord Wei lesley terminated this state of jeopardy. 
Within a twelvemonth after he landed in Calcutta, he had 
extinguished the French force and influence at Hyderabad, 
and obtained the command of all the resources of the 
Nizam. He had subverted the kingdom of Mysore, and 
established the authority of the Company, without a rival, 
in the Deccan, on so solid a basis that it has never since 
been menaced. The capture of Seringapatam in less than 
a month resounded through the continent of India, and 
the extinction of one of its substantial powers struck terror 
into the L Tarts of its princes, and exalted the prestige of 
the Company's Government. These advantages were not, 
however, obtained without a violation of those solemn 
injunctions which the wisdom of Parliament, of the minis- 
try, and of tho India House had periodically repeated to 
restrain the growth of British power in India, and hence, 
in writing to Mr. Pitt, Lord Wellesley said, "I suppose 


A.D. y OU w iH either hang me, or magnificently honour me for 

1799 u mv <j ee( i s j n either case, I shall be gratified, for an 

" English gallows is better than an Indian throne." He was 

magnificently honoured by the king with a step in the 

peerage, and by Parliament with its thanks. 

The issue of the war had placed the whole of the Mysore 
dominions at'the disposal of the Governor- General, and he 
New Mysore exercised the rights of conquest with great wis- 
kingdom. ^ om an( j moderation. He resolved to make over 
a portion of it to the family of its ancient and disinherited 
princes, though they had passed out of all recollection, and 
were living in abject poverty and humiliation. A child 
five years of age was drawn from a cottage and seated on 
a throne, with a revenue of fifty lacs of rupees a year. 
The kingdom was bestowed on him as a free gift, and it 
was emphatically declared to be personal and not dynastic. 
Every allusion to heirs and successors was therefore 
distinctly eliminated. Indeed, Lord Wellesley did not hesi- 
tate to affirm that the territories placed under the nominal 
sovereignty of the raja whom he created, constituted an 
integral portion of our own dominions, and they were 
treated in this light for more than sixty years. 

The remaining territories were thus partitioned. Dis- 
tricts of the annual value of about thirty lacs, were allotted 
The remain- ^ ^ e Company, but charged with the payment of 
ing terri- about eight lacs a year to the families of Hyder 
torifs. an( j Tippoo, and territory valued at about twenty- 

four lacs was transferred to the Nizam. The Peshwa 
was not overlooked. He had not only violated his engage- 
ment by taking no part in the campaign, but, with his 
usual duplicity, had received envoys from Tippoo, and 
accepted a gratuity of thirteen lacs of rupees from him, 
and concerted a scheme for attacking the dominions of the 
Nizam while his army was employed in the siege of 
Seringapatam. But Lord Wellesley overlooked this dupli- 
city, and offered him out of the spoils of Mysore districts 
yielding ten lacs of rupees, on condition of his excluding the 
French from his dominions, and admitting the mediation 
of the British Government in the questions still in dispute 
with the Nizam. The offer was rejected, and the reserved 
territory was divided between tho Company and the Nizam. 

The personal property captured at Seringapatam rather 
exceeded a croro of rupees and Lord Wellesley took on 
Prize himself the responsibility of anticipating, as he 

money. gai^ the assent of the Crown, and the sanction 


of the Directors, and directed the immediate distribution 
of it among the troops the third instance in which prize 
money had been, not unwisely, divided in India, without 
waiting for dilatory orders from England. The Court of 
Directors manifested their sense of Lord Wellesley's merits 
by offering him ten lacs from the proceeds of the captured 
stores ; but his high sense of honour induced him to 
decline it, upon which they settled an annuity of half a lac 
of rupees a year on him. To complete this narrative of 
the last Mysore war, it only remains to be stated that a 
daring adventurer, Dhondia Waug, collected together a 
body of Tippoo's disbanded cavalry and proceeded north- 
ward, ii1iiHdrrir.tr towns and villages. Success brought A.D. 
crowds to his standard, and the peace of the Deccan was I80fl 
seriously menaced. At length, Colonel Wellesley set out in 
pursuit of him with four regiments of cavalry, and after 
chasing him for four months without any relaxation, at 
length brought him to bay, and he was killed, and his army 
broken up. 



THE refusal of the Peshwa to refer the settlement of his 
demands on the Ni/am to the arbitration of the British 
Government, pointed out to his able minister ce^^of 
the treatment he might expect from Mahratta terntoiyby 
rapacity, and he was anxious to secure his master t10 lzam * 
against it. He proposed, therefore, to Lord Wellesley that 
the subsidiary force should be augmented and territory 
allotted for its support in lieu of the monthly payment 
then made in money. The proposition was, on a variety of 
considerations, welcome to the Governor- General, and the 
arrangement was speedily completed. The force was 
increased to eight battalions, and districts yielding sixty- 
three lacs a year were made over in perpetual sovereignty 
to the Company, under the stipulation that the British 180 
Government should guarantee all the remaining territories 
of the Nizam from every attack. The districts thus trans- 
ferred consisted simply of those which had been assigned to 
him from the Mysore territory in the wars of 1792 and 
1798. The transaction was mutually advantageous. It 


extended the Company's territories to the Kistna, and it 
relieved the Nizam of all further apprehension from his 
hereditary and insatiable enemies and that without the 
alienation of any portion of his patrimonial kingdom. It 
is true, that by resigning the defence of his dominions and 
the royal prerogative of conducting negotiations with 
foreign princes, he lost his political independence ; but, on 
the other hand, he secured the continuance of his royal 
dynasty. Every other throne in the Deccan has been swept 
away, while the descendant of the Tartar, Cheen Killich 
Khan, still continues to hold his regal court at Hyderabad. 
About the same time the raja of the little principality of 
Tanjore Tanjore was mediatised. His debts to the Com- 
A.D. mediatised - pany were cancelled on the resignation of his 
1800 territory, out of the revenues of which he received four lacs 
a year, and a fifth of its improved resources. 

By the treaty concluded with the nabob, Mahomed AH, 
by Lord Cornwallis in 1792, certain districts were hypothe- 
state of the catecl for the support of the Company's troops who 
Carnatic. defended the country. That prince, who had been 
placed on the throne by the Madras Government in the days 
of Clive and Coote and had occupied it for fifty years, died 
1795 in 1795. His son Oomdut-ool-omrah was surrounded, as 
his father had been, by a legion of rapacious Europeans, 
many of them in the public service, who fed his extrava- 
gance by advances at exorbitant interest, and, contrary to 
Sie stipulations of the treaty, received assignments on the 
districts pledged for the support of the troops. The loans 
thus furnished the nabob with the means of paying his 
instalments to the Government of Madras with punctuality, 
but they served also to increase his embarrassments, 
though the crisis was for a time postponed. At the par- 
ticular request of the Court of Directors, Lord Hobart, 
the governor of Madras, proposed to the nabob to transfer 
the districts to the Company in lieu of the pecuniary pay- 
ment, and offered him as an inducement, to relinquish debts 
due to the Government, to the extent of a crore of rupees. 
But though the arrangement would have been highly 
beneficial to the nabob, it was not to the interest of his 
creditors, who held him at their mercy, to resign the lands 
which they subjected to rack rent, and the proposal was 
rejected. Lord Hobart then proposed to resort to force, 
on the ground that as the nabob had violated the treaty of 
1792 by granting these assignments, it was no longer 
binding on the Company ; but Sir John Shore peremptorily 


refused his concurrence. The correspondence thereupon 
became acrimonious, and the matter was referred to Leaden- 
hall Street, and Lord Hobart was recalled. The Lord 
Court, however, requested Lord Welleslcy to Hobart's A.D. 
call at Madras on his way to Calcutta, and recall< 1798 
make another effort to obtain the sanction of the nabob to 
the surrender of the districts, which were in a state of rapid 
decay, as a substitute for the payment he was bound to 
make ; but, under the sinister influence of the harpies 
around him, the proposal was again spurned. 

The nabob was bound by treaty " not to enter into any 
" negotiation or political correspondence with any Euro- 
" pean or native power without the consent of clandest { ne 
" the Company." But on the capture of Seringa- corres- 
patam, it was discovered that both the late and P ndenoe - 
the present nabob had been engaged in a clandestine cor- 
respondence with Tippoo by means of a cypher, which was 
found ; and that they had made important communications 
to him, inimical to the interests of the Company. The 
fact of this intrigue was established by the clearest 
oral and documental evidence, to the satisfaction of the 
Governor- General, the governor of Madras, the Court of 
Directors, and the Hoard of Control ; and Lord Wellesley 
came to the conclusion that " they had not only violated 
" the treaty, but placed themselves in the position of 
"enemies of the Company, by endeavouring to establish a 
" unity of interests with their most inveterate foe." The 
obligations of the treaty were considered to be extinct, and 
it was resolved to deprive the family of the government of 
the Carnatic, reserving a suitable portion of the revenue 
for its support. But when the period for action arrived, 
the nabob was on his death-bed. On his death his reputed 
son, whom ho had nominated his successor, was made 
acquainted with the evidence of his father's and his grand- 
father's treacherous correspondence with Tippoo, and in- 
formed that all claim on the consideration of Government 
was forfeited. His succession to the throne was no longer 
a matter of right, but of favour, and would be conceded 
only on condition of his making over the Carnatic to the 
Company, with the reservation of a suitable provision for 
the maintenance of his court and family. He refused to 
accept the title on these terms, and it was granted The nabob 
to a cousin, of whoso legitimate birth there was mediatlsed 
no question. The nabob was mediatised, and the Carnatic 
became a British province. The territories obtained from 


Mysore and the Nizam, from the nabobs of the Carnatic 
and Tanjore, may be said to have created the Madras 
Presidency. Of the population, which, according to the 
latest census, amounted to twenty-two millions, eighteen 
are inhabiting the districts which Lord Wellesley annexed 
to it. 

While Zeman Shah was advancing into Hindostan, 
Lord Wellesley despatched a native envoy to the king of 
A.D. Embassy to Persia to induce him to threaten his hereditary 
1800 Persla - dominions in Central Asia, and constrain him to 
retire from India. The agent urged that the Shah was a 
Soonee, and had grievously oppressed the Sheahs, the 
ruling sect in Persia, and that it would be an acceptable 
service to God and man to arrest the progress of so 
heterodox a prince. The pious monarch swallowed the 
bait, and instigated Mahomed Shah to invade the territories 
of his brother Zeman Shah, who was obliged to recross 
the Indus in haste. But Lord Wellesley farther deemed it 
advisable to send a more imposing embassy to the court of 
Ispahan " to establish British influence in Central Asia, 
" and prevent the periodical disquietude of an invasion by 
" Zeman Shah, with his horde of Turks and Tartars, 
" Usbecks and Afghans." The officer selected for this 
duty was Captain Malcolm, who was eminently qualified 
for it by his thorough knowledge of the oriental character 
and weaknesses, and his acquaintance with eastern lan- 
guages, as well as his admirable tact and invariable good 
humour. The embassy was equipped in a style of mag- 
nificence intended to dazzle the oriental imagination, and 
to inspire the Persian court with a due sense of the power 
and majesty of the British empire in the east. The result, 
which had been in a great measure anticipated by the 
native agent, was not commensurate with its cost, which 
made the Court of Directors wince ; but it secured the 
object of establishing British influence in Persia, at least 
for a time. 

Lord Wellesley could not consider India safe while a 
French army held possession of Egypt ; and he proposed 

Expedition to send a force from India to 

to the Bed support the army which he felt confident they 
Sea< would despatch, to co-operate with the Turkish 

1800 Government in expelling it. After long delay the necessary 
orders were received from Downing Street, and an army 
consisting of 4,000 European troops and 5,000 volunteei 
sepoys, was sent up the Red Sea under General Baird, 


with the animating remark of the Governor- General, " that 
" a more worthy sequel to the storm of Seringapatam 
" could not be presented to his genius and valour." The 
troops landed at Cosseir, in the Red Sea, and after traversing 
120 miles of arid and pathless desert to the Nile, en- 
camped, on the 27th August, on the shores of the Mediter- 
ranean ; but the report of its approach, combined with the 
energy of the commander from England, had induced the 
French general to capitulate before General Baird's arrival. 
The history of India abounds with romantic achievements, 
but no incident can be more impressive than the appearance 
of sepoys from the banks of the Ganges, in the land of the 
Pharaohs, marching in the footsteps of Caesar to encounter 
the veterans of his modern prototype. 

Within a month of the surrender of the French army in 
Egypt, the preliminaries of peace between France and 
England were signed by the former Governor- peaccof 
General, Lord Cornwallis, at Amiens. The Court Amiens. igo2 
of Directors immediately issued orders for their military 
establishments to be reduced, but Lord Wellesley, with 
great forethought, wisely suspended the execution of them. 
The treaty of Amiens was no sooner ratified than Bonaparte 
despatched a large armament to Pondicherry, which the 
treaty had restored, consisting of six vessels of war, a large 
military stall', and 1,400 European troops, under the 
command of M. Leger, who was designated, in his patent, 
" Captain-General of the French establishments east of 
" the Cape." It was to be followed by a second squadron of 
equal magnitude. For three years it had been the great 
aim of Lord Wellesley to eradicate French influence from 
India, and as he had now succeeded in excluding it from the 
Deccan, he could not regard the re-establishment of a 
powerful French settlement on the Coroinandel coast with- 
out a feeling of anxiety. He felt that all the relations of 
Government with the native states would be at once 
deranged, and the seeds of a more arduous conflict than 
the last planted in the soil of India, ever fruitful in 
revolutions. The order to restore Pondicherry was re- 
iterated from Downing Street, but, by an act of unexampled 
Audacity, Lord Wellesley directed Lord Clive, the governor 
of Madras, to inform the French admiral on his arrival 
that he had resolved to postpone the restitution of the 
French settlements till he could communicate with the 
ministry in England. The French fleet returned to the 
Mauritius, and the recommencement of hostilities in 


Europe saved India from the danger to which it wonld 
have been exposed if the continuance of peace had enabled 
Bonaparte to give full scope to his designs. 

On the approach of Zeman Shah to the Indus, Lord 
Wellesley, well-knowing that the kingdom of Oude would 
Demand on ^ one of the early objects of spoliation, requested 
the nabob Sir James Craig, the commandant, to communi- 
of Oude. ca ^ e ^ y{ ews on Q G defence of it. He replied 
that the rabble of troops maintained by the Vizier was not 
simply useless, but actually dangerous ; and that if he 
were required to take the field against the Shah, he could 
not leave them behind with safety. The Court of Directors 
had stated that the British force, 13,000 in number, was too 
weak for the protection of the country, more especially since 
Sindiahad planted an army of more than 30,000 disciplined 
troops, commanded by European officers, on its frontier, 
watching an opportunity of springing on its opulent 
districts. The existing treaty had allotted a subsidy of 
seventy-six iacs of rupees a year for the payment of this 
force, and also provided for its augmentation, if necessary. 
A.D. Lord Wellesley now pressed on the Vizier the absolute 
1800 necessity of disbanding his disorderly soldiers, and devoting 
the fifty lacs of rupees thereby saved to the support of a 
larger British force. 

This reform would have placed the military power of 
the kingdom absolutely in the hands of the Company; to 
Discussions *^is the nabob manifested an invincible repug- 
withtne nance, and he proposed to abdicate in favour 
nabob. Q f ^ &Q ^ & ^ ^ Q retire into private life with the 
treasure he had accumulated. Lord Wellesley stated that he 
was prepared to sanction his retirement provided he took 
up his residence in the British dominions, and vested the 
government of the kingdom permanently in the hands of 
the Company, but could not permit him to withdraw the 
treasure which belonged to the state. The nabob imme- 
diately withdrew his abdication, and Lord Wellesloy ex- 
pressed great indignation at his insincerity and duplicity, 
as he termed it, and charged him with having made a 
proposal, which was from the first illusory, in order to 
defeat the reform of his military establishment, which was 
imperatively required. Several regiments were ordered to 
march into the Oude territory, and the nabob was directed 
to provide for their maintenance. He remonstrated in 
earnest language, but Lord Wellesley returned his com- 
munication, which he said was deficient in the respect due to 


the first British authority in India. The proceedings began 
to assume a very vexatious appearance. The Dep^^ f\ 
Vizier continued to exhibit a spirit of passive of Mr. H. 
resistance, and Lord Wellesley's correspondence Wellesle y- 
was marked by increasing hauteur ; but he was desirous, if 
possible, to avoid the appearance of a compulsory cession 
of the districts, and despatched his own brother and private 
secretary, Mr. Henry Wellesley, afterwards Lord Cowley, 
to overcome his repugnance ; but the nabob continued in- 
flexible, and persisted in asserting that it would inflict an 
indelible stain on bis reputation throughout India to 
deprive one of its royal houses of such a dominion. 

The Resident at length brought the discussion to an issue 
by ordering the intendants of the districts selected for the 
support of the British force to transfer their col- Newtreftt 
lections and their allegiance to the Company, with the 
The nabob deemed it vain any longer to contend nabob> 
with such negotiators, and on the 12th November, signed a 1801 
treaty which made over to the Company in perpetual sove- 
reignty districts yielding one orore and thirty-five lacs of 
rupees. The security which this transfer of military power 
gave to the possessions of the nabob as well as of the 
Company will admit of no question. A British army, fully 
adequate to the defence of the country, was substituted for 
the wretched troops of the nabob, always an object of more 
dread to their masters than to their enemies ; a valuable 
addition was made to the strength and resources of the 
Company, and a large population was rescued from oppres- 
sion. But of all the transactions of Lord Wellesley's ad- 
ministration, this acquisition of territory by the process of 
compulsion has been the most censured. For any justifica- 
tion of it we must look to the position of the country. The 
throne of Oude was upheld by British bayonets alone, and 
the dynasty would hare ceased to exist in a twelvemonth, 
if they had been withdrawn. Under the perpetual menace 
of a Mahratta invasion, it was necessary that a large and 
efficient force should be maintained there ; but it was not 
possible for the Company to support such a force with only 
one- third of the revenues. The settlement of the provinces 
thus ceded by the Vizier was entrusted to a commission, 
consisting of members of the civil service, with Mr. Henry 
Wellesley as president, but ho received no additional allow 
ance. Their labours were completed within a year; the 
Court of Directors, however, lost no time in denouncing 
this appointment, though temporary, as "a virtual super- 


" cession of the just rights of the civil service," and drafted 
a despatch, peremptorily ordering Mr. Wellesley to be dis- 
missed ; but the President of the Board of Control drew his 
fatal pen across it. At the same time they expressed their 
cordial approbation of the terms of the treaty, which, 
among other merits, created thirty new appointments for 
their favourite service. 

Lord Wellesley unhappily approved and maintained the 
erroneous policy initiated by Lord Cornwallis of excluding 
The College na ^ ves f r m any share in the government of 
of Fort the country, and working it exclusively by the 
William. European agency of the covenanted servants ; but 
he determined to qualify them for their important duties 

HJOO k v a suitable education. The civil service was originally a 
mercantile staff, and India continued to be treated more in 
the light of a factory than of an empire. The public ser- 
vants rose, as they had done a century before, through the 
grades of writer, factor, and junior and senior merchants, 
and though they were required to perform the functions of 
magistrates and judges, of secretaries of state and ambas- 
sadors, it was deemed sufficient, if, before they left England, 
they were initiated into the mysteries of the counting- 
house, and understood botok-keeping by double-entry. Of the 
laws and institutions, and even the language of the people, 
they were not required to know anything. Lord Wellesley 
w^s resolved to remove this glaring anomaly by founding 
a college in Calcutta, in which their European education 
should be completed, and they should acquire a knowledge 
of the laws, literature, and language of the natives. 

Like all Lord Wellesley 's plans, the institution was pro- 
jected upon a scale of imperial magnificence ; and it was, 
moreover, erected without so much as consulting 
tegran enr. ^ e Court of Directors, and they passed a pereuip- 

1802 tory order for its immediate abolition, Lord Wellesley was 
mortified beyond measure by this subversion of one of his 
most cherished schemes, which exposed him to the contempt 
of India, and he gave vent to his feelings in a passionate 
appeal to his friends in the ministry, and entreated them to 
save from extinction an institution he deemed invaluable 
which indeed, he regarded with greater pride than the 
conquest of Mysore. On receiving the orders from Leaden- 
hall Street, he passed a resolution abolishing the college, 
with the sullen remark that it was done " as an act of 
" necessary submission to the controlling authority of the 
" Court; " but in a second resolution he allowed eighteen 


months for the gradual abolition of it ; and in the meantime 
the Court of Directors, under the pressure of the andreduc- 
Board of Control, consented to the continuance tion * 
of it on a reduced scale. 

At the renewal of the charter in 1793 the ministry en- A .B. 
deavoured to silence the clamours of the merchants and 1793 
manufacturers ot England, as already stated, by p ma te 
ohliging the Court of Directors to allot them :j,000 trade - 
tons of freight annually, but this concession was found in- 
adequate to the demand. The commerce of India was, in 
(act, bursting the bonds of the monopoly > which, however 
serviceable it might have been during the infancy of our 
connection with India, was altogether unsuited to an age 
of development. The trade of Calcutta had been rapidly 
expanding, and was forcing itself into the continental 
markets, in foreign vessels provided with cargoes by English 
capital. Ju 17W the exports in vessels under the nags of 
America, of Portugal, and of Denmark, had exceeded a 
crore and a half of rupees. 

Shipbuilding had likewise made threat progress in 1799 
Calcutta dining the previous ten years, and Lord Wellesley, to 
finding 10,000 tons of India-built shipping in the port on 1801 
his arrival, chartered a large portion of it for the use of 
the pri\ate merchants. In his letter to the Court of 
Directors on the subject, lie *aul that it would be 
equally unjust and impolitic to extend any facili- ^fi^n 1 
ties to British merchants which would sacrifice Weiiesiey's 
or ha/nrd the Company's rights and privileges, 
and that the conunri rial indulgence he had granted extended 
only to such arhclrs of Indian produce and manufacture as 
were necessarily excluded from the Company's investments. 
Mr. Dundas, who entertained the same liberal views as 
Lord Wellesley, was anxious to authorise the Government 
of India to license India-built shipping " to bring home 
" that which the means and capital of the Company were 
" unable to embrace." But at the India House the dread of 
interlopers was still in undiniinished vigour. Though the 
cream of the India trade was still to be assured to the 
Company, the Directors would not permit others to obtain 
the dregs. The proceedings of Lord Wellesley were em- 
phatically reprobated ; he lost caste irretrievably in Leaden- 
hall Street, and the treatment ho experienced from the 
Directors during the last three years of his Indian career 
was scarcely less rancorous than that which had embittered 
the life of Warren Hastings. Notwithstanding the remon- 



strance of the minister, they passed a direct vote of censure 
on the commercial policy he had patronised. 
A..D. As soon as the arrangements in Oude were completed, 
1802 Lord Wellesley tendered his resignation, assigning to "his 
Resi ation ' ' H noiira ble Masters," as he termed them, no 
of Lord other reason than the full accomplishment of his 
Weiiesicy. plans for the security and prosperity of the 
empire. To the prime minister, however, he unburdened 
his mind, and informed him that the real cause of his retire- 
ment was the invariable hostility of the Court and the 
withdrawal of their confidence. They had peremptorily 
ordered the reduction of the military establishments, while 
he considered it, in the existing circumstances of the 
empire, essential to its security to maintain them in full 
vigour. They had cut down the stipends he considered 
advisable at the close of the war, and had selected for 
especial censure and retrenchment, the allowances granted 
by the Madras Government to his brother General 
Wellesley to meet the cost of his important and expensive 
command in Mysore ; this he considered "the most direct, 
" marked, and disgusting indignity which could be devised." 
They had abrogated the power vested in the Governor- 
General in Council by Parliament of enforcing his orders 
on the minor Presidencies, though they might happen to 
supersede the injunctions of the Court, and they had de- 
strtoyed the authority of the Supreme Government over them 
by reversing this regulation. They had wantonly dis- 
placed officers of the highest ability and experience who 
enjoyed the full confidence of the Governor- General, and, 
contrary to law, had forced their own nominees into offices 
of emolument, for which, moreover, they were totally unfit. 
Lord Wellesley vigorously remonstrated against this 
practice. " If the Government of India," he said, " was thus 
The causes " to be thwarted in every subordinate depart- 
of it. " ment, deprived of all local influence, and 

" counteracted in every local detail by a remote authority 
" interfering in the nomination of every public servant, it 
" would be impossible to conduct the government under 
'* such disgraceful chains." Lord Castlereagh, the President 
of the Board of Control, was anxious to retain the services 
of Lord Wellesley, and placed his letter to the premier in 
the hands of the chairman at the India House. He did 
not disguise from him the great dissatisfaction and jealousy 
felt by the Company with regard to certain of Lord Welles- 
ley's measures, and, more especially to the employment of 


Mr. Henry Wellesley. He bad, in fact, wounded them on A.D 
the two points on which they were most sensitive their 
monopoly and their patronage. But Lord Castlereagh was 
assured that the Court were not unmindful of his eminent 
services, and would request him. to postpone his departure 
to the 1st January 1804 ; little <ln , lining of the momentous 
consequences of this resolution. Be tore that date, the 
Mahratta power was prostrate, and the map of India recon- 




THE extinction of the kingdom of Mysore, and the complete 
control established over the Nizam, left the British Govern- 
ment without any antagonist but the Mahrattas, Deat . h of 
and the two rival powers now confronted each Nana Fur- 
other. The offer of a subsidiary alliance to the navesc - 
Peshwa, made by Lord Wellesley in 1799, which would have 
introduced the thin end of the wedge of British ascendancy 
was rejected under the advice of Nana Furiiavese. That 
great statesman closed his chequered career in March, 1800. J800 
For more than a quarter of a century he had been the 
mainspring of every movement in the Mahratta commonv 
wealth, which he had regulated by the strength of his cha- 
racter and the wisdom of his measures, not less than by 
his humanity, veracity and honesty of purpose, virtues 
which were not usually found among his own countrymen. 
" With him," wrote the Resident at Poona, " departed all 
" the wisdom and moderation of the Mahratta Government." 
His death left Sindia without a competitor at Poona, where 
he exercised supreme authority, and it was not without 
delight that the Peshwa contemplated the rising power of 
his rival, Jeswunt Rao Holkar. 

Mulhar Rao Holkar, who raised himself from the con- 
dition of a shepherd to the dignity of a prince, arid esta- 
blished one of the five Mahratta powers, died at The Holkar 
the age of severity-six, after a brilliant career of famil y- 
forty years. His only son died soon after, leaving a widow, 
Aylah bye, and a son and daughter. The son died in 1766, 1761 
and his mother, a woman of extraordinary talent and 
energy, resisted the importunity of the chieftains to adopt 



a son and retire into private life. She resolved to undertake 
the government of the state herself, and selected Tokajee 
Holkar, one of the same tribe, though not of her kindred, 
to command the army. Through his singular moderation 
and the commanding genius of the bye, this perilous ar- 
rangement, which placed the military power in the hands 
of a distinguished soldier, while the civil government was 
administered by a female, was perpetuated without jealousy 
for thirty years. She sat daily in durbar and gave audi- 
ences without a veil, and dispensed justice in person. She 
laid herself out to promote the welfare of the country by 
the encouragement of trade and agriculture, and raised 
Indore from the obscurity of a village to the rank of a 
capital. She acquired the respect of foreign princes by the 
weight and dignity of her character, and in an age of 
universal violence was enabled to maintain the security of 
her dominions. She was the purest and most exemplary 
of rulers, and she added one more name to the roll of those 
illustrious females who have adorned the native history of 
India by their talents and virtues. 

A.D. She died in 1795, and Tokajee two years later, and the 

1795 reign of anarchy began, and continued without abatement, 

Bari move * r twenty years. Mulhar Rao, the son of Tokajee, 

mente of V assumed the command of the army and the go- 

gwnnt vernment of the state, but he was attacked and 

' * killed by Sindia, who was thus enabled to reduce 
the rival house of Holkar to a state of complete subordina- 
tion. Jeswunt Rao, the illegitimate son of Tokajee, fled 
from the field to Nagpore, but the raja, anxious to con- 
ciliate Sindia, placed him in confinement, but he contrived 
at length to make his escape, and took refuge at Dhar, 
which, under the same hostile influence, he was obliged to 
quit, with seven mounted followers and about a hundred 
and twenty ragged half- armed infantry. He determined 
now to trust his fortunes to his sword, and giving himself 
out as the champion of his nephew, the young son of his 
brother Mulhar, called upon all the adherents of the house 
of Holkar to rally round him and resist the encroachments 
of Sindia; and the freebooters who swarmed in Central 
India flocked to his standard. 

Jeswunt Rao was soon after joined by Ameer Khan, a 
Rohilla adventurer, about twenty-five years of age, together 
Ameer with a large body of free lances, and for eighteen 
Khan. months they spread desolation through the 
districts lying on the Nerbudda, but were at length 


obliged to separate when the field of plunder was ex- A.D. 
hausted. Ameer Khan proceeded eastward to the opulent 18 
town of Saugor, where lie subjected the inhabitants to 
every species of outrage, and acquired immense booty. 
Nothing gives us a clearer view of the anarchy and 
wretchedness of Hindostau at this period than the ease 
with which Jeswunt Rao was able, in the space of two 
years, to collect under his standard, by the hope of 
plunder, a force of 70,000 Pindarees and Bheels, Afghans 
and Mahrattas. With this force Holkar entered Malwa, 
and the country was half ruined before Sindia could come 
to its rescue from Poona. To expel Holkar he despatched 
two bodies of his troops, one of which, though commanded 
by Eui'opeans, was obliged to lay down its arms, and the A>n> 
other was attacked with such vigour that of its eleven 1801 
European officers seven fell in action and three were 
wounded. The city of Oojein, Sindia's capital, was saved 
from indiscriminate plunder, by submitting to a contribution 
of fifteen lacs. At Poona, Bajee Rao, relieved from the 
presence of Sindia, subjected his feudatories to extortion 
and his people to oppression, which led to the appearance 
of numerous bodies of brigands, one of which, Wittojee, 
the brother of Jeswunt Rao, was constrained to join. 
He was captured and sentenced to be trampled to death 
by an infuriated elephant, while Bajee Rao sat in the bal- 
cony of the palace to enjoy the yells of the expiring youth, 
Jeswunt vowed sharp vengeance, and it was not long 
before he found an opportunity of executing it. 

Sindia, having ordered Shirjee Rao, his father-in-law, 1801 
and the greatest miscreant of Central India, to join his 
camp, proceeded in pursuit of Holkar, who was sindiade- 
totally defeated on the 14th October. The wretch featsHoikar. 
entered the capital, Indore, and gave it up to plunder. 
The noblest edifices in the city, which had been erected 
and adorned by Aylah bye, were reduced to ashes. Those 
who were possessed of property were tortured to reveal it, 
and the wells were choked up with the bodies of females 
who destroyed themselves to escape dishonour. Holkar 
was not long in recovering the blow. His daring spirit 
was exactly suited to the temper of the age, and his stan- 
dard was speedily crowded with recruits, with whom he 
proceeded to the north, plundering every town and village 
in his progress, and to the horror of his lawless, but 
superstitious soldiery, not sparing even the shrines of the 
gods. He then laid waste the province of Candesh, and 


moved down on Poona, and the Pesliwa began to tremblo 
for his safety. Lord Wellesley had not ceased to renew 
the offer of the subsidiary alliance when there appeared any 
prospect of success. The negotiation fluctuated with the 
Peshwa's hopes and fears, and when Sindia, who had 
earnestly dissuaded him from accepting it, sent ten batta- 
lions of infantry and a large body of cavalry to protect 
him from the assault of Holkar, it came to an abrupt ter- 

Holkar continued to advance to Poona, and the dismayed 
Peshwa made him the most abject offers, but they were 
Battle of haughtily rejected. The combined army of 
Poona. Sindia and the Peshwa encamped in the vicinity 
of the capital, consisted of 84,000 horse and foot. Sindia's 
force comprised ten battalions under the command of Col. 
Dawes, while Holkar had fourteen battalions, disciplined 
and commanded by European officers. The battle of Poona, 
A.D. which was long and obstinately contested, ended in the 
1802 complete victory of Holkar, who captured the whole of 
the baggage, stores and encampment of the allies. The 
Peshwa, who had kept out of the reach of fire, fled precipi- 
tately to the sea coast, where he obtained the accommoda- 
tion of a British vessel from the governor of Bombay and 
embarked for Bassein, which he reached on the 6th December. 
Holkar entered the capital and placed the Peshwa's ille- 
gitimate brother, Amrut Rao, on the throne, after exacting 
the promise of an immediate payment of two crores, and 
territory yielding another crore, as well as the command of 
the army and the control of the state. After two months 
of singular moderation he gave up the capital to pillage. 
Bajee Rao, now became eager for the alliance as affording 
him the only chance of regaining his crown, and on the last 
The treaty of day of December, he signed the memorable treaty 
Bassein. o f Bassein, by which he agreed to entertain a 
1802 b o dy O f C,000 English troops, and a suitable complement 
of artillery, and to assign districts yielding twenty-six lacs 
for their support, to entertain no Europeans in his service, 
and to refer all his claims upon the Nizam and the Gaik- 
war to the arbitration of the Governor-General. The 
treaty likewise guaranteed the southern jageerdars in the 
enjoyment of their ancient rights. 

The treaty of Bassein, viewed in connection with its 
consequences, forms one of the most important events in 
Kemarkson ^ ne history of British India. Although the 
the treaty, authority of the Peshwa had long ceased to 


possess its former importance in the Mahratta counsels, 
he was still regarded by the other chiefs as the centre of 
their national unity, and the recognised chief of the 
Mahratta commonwealth, and the extinction of his inde- 
pendence essentially weakened its power. It has been 
the subject- of warm controversy, but the sound judg- 
ment of the Duke of Wellington, then General Wellesley, 
based upon his extensive Indian experience, may be con- 
sidered conclusive. " The treaty of Bassein," he asserted, 
" and the measures adopted in consequence of it, afforded 
" the best prospect of preserving the peace of India, and 
" to have adopted any other measure would have rendered 
" war with Holkar nearly certain, and war with the whole 
" Mahratta, nation more than probable." This opinion has 
been fully confirmed by posterity. War with the Mahratta 
powers was inevitable ; the treaty may have hastened it, 
but it must not be forgotten that it likewise deprived them 
of all the resources of the Peshwa's Government. 

The establishment of the Company's paramount A - B 
authority at the Mahratta capital gave great umbrage to 180S 
Sindia and to the raja of Nagpore. The former Umbra of 
found all his ambitious projects in the Deccnn Bmdm and 
defeated, and exclaimed : " The treaty takes the i ^** porc 
" turban from my head." The Nagpore raja was at 
once deprived of the hopes he and his ancestors had 
cherished of some day obtaining the office of Peshwa. 
The two chiefs immediately entered into a confederacy to 
obstruct the objects of the treaty, and Bajee Rao himself 
had no sooner signed it, than he despatched an envoy to 
solicit their aid to frustrate it. Holkar, whose plans were 
thwarted by this masterly stroke of policy, agreed to join 
the coalition on condition that the domains of his family 
should bo restored to him ; but, although he was reinstated 
in them, he no sooner perceived Sindia involved in hos- 
tilities with the British Government, than he let loose his 
own f.ii!ii-h!i'(r hordes on his possessions in Malwa. 

Lord \\ rill -!i-\, who had early information of this coali- 
tion, informed Sindia and the raja of Nagpore that he was 
desirous of maintaining friendly relations with Lord Wcllea . 
them unimpaired, but would resist to the full ie> military 
extent of his power any attempt to interfere movemcnta 
with the treaty. To be prepared for every contingency, 
he ordered the whole of the Hyderabad subsidiary force, 
and 6,000 of the Nizam's own infantry, and 0,000 horse, 
under Colonel Stephenson, up to the frontier. General 


Wellesley likewise marched up 600 miles in the same 
direction with the Mysore contingent, 8,000 infantry, 
1,700 cavalry, and 2,000 of the celebrated Mysore horse, 
under an able native commander. The southern jageerdars 
were induced by the influence which General Wellesley 
had obtained over them, to join him with 10,<'00 troops. 
Amrut Rao, whom Holkar had left in command at Poona, 
had declared his determination to reduce it to ashes when 
he could no longer hold it ; but the city was saved by the 
energy of General Wellesley, who made a forced march of 
D sixty miles in thirty-two hours to rescue it. Soon after 
1803 Bajee Rao quitted Bassein, and on the 13th May, the day 
which had been selected by his astrologers, entered Poona, 
accompanied by British bayonets, and ascended the throne 
under a British salute. 

The designs of Sindia became daily more evident. He 
marched down with a large force from Oojein to form a 
Dcvelo junction with the raja of Nagpore, who moved up 
ment of to meet him with a large force on the 17th April, 
ajjjjjj^ Both princes informed the Resident that it was 
their intention to proceed to Poona " to adjust the 
" government of the Peshwa." He assured them that any 
such movement would be considered an act of hostility, 
and involve the most serious consequences. Various com- 
munications were intercepted in different directions, which 
placed then* warlike designs beyond doubt ; and, on the 
23rd May, therefore, Colonel Close, the Resident at Sindia's 
court, was instructed to demand a categorical explanation 
of his intentions, when he replied that, with regard to the 
negotiations on foot, he could give no decisive answer till 
he had seen the raja of Nagpore, then encamped about 
forty miles distant, " when you shall be informed whether 
" there is to be war or peace." Lord Wellesley considered 
this announcement not merely an insult to the British 
Government, but an unequivocal menace of hostility on the 
part of both princes, who had planted their armies on the 
frontiers of the two allies, the Nizam and the Peshwa, 
whom the Government were bound to defend. The com- 
plication of affairs at this juncture was increased by the 
arrival of the French armament, already mentioned, at 
Pondicherry, which Sindia announced to all the Mahratta 
princes as the reinforcement of an ally. The confederates 
continued to prolong the discussions for two months, while 
they were employed in pressing Holkar to join them. 
During this period of suspense, the perfidious Peshwa con- 


tinned to importune Sindia to avoid any concession, but 
advance at once to Poona " to settle affairs." He obstructed 
the progress of supplies, and lost no opportunity of embar- 
rassing the Government. 

Time was now invaluable, but no reply could be received 
to any reference to Calcutta under six weeks, and Lord 
Wellesley, therefore, ventured to take upon him- Dple ation 
self tho responsibility, for which ho was after- of powers to 
wards captiously censured, of vesting full powers, ^eifesiey. 
civil, military, and diplomatic, in reference to 
the conduct of Mahratta affairs in the Deccan, in General 
Wellesley, and at the same time furnished him with a 
clear exposition of his views of policy. - The general re- 
ceived this commission on the 18th July, and lost no time in 
calling on the allied chiefs to demonstrate the sincerity 1 
of the pacific declarations they were making, by with- 
drawing their forces from a position, not necessary for the 
security of their own territories, but menacing equally to the 
Nizam, the Company, and the Peshwa. A week of 
frivolous and fruitless discussion then ensued, during 
which Sindia had the simplicity to say that they were not 
prepared to determine on any movement, as the negotiation 
with Holkar was not yet complete. Wearied with these 
studied delays, General Wellesley gave them twenty-four 
hours for their ultimatum, when they proposed that the 
British armies should retire to their cantonments at Bom- 
bay, Madras, and Seringapatam, while their forces fell back 
forty miles to Boorhanpore. To this General Wellesley 
replied : "I offered you peace on terms of equality, and 
" honourable to all parties : you have chosen war, and are 
" answerable for all consequences." On tho 3rd August the 
British Resident withdrew from Sindia' s camp, and the 
Mahratta war of 1803 commenced. 



LOKD WELLESLEY, finding a war with Sindia and the raja 
of Nagp re inevitable, determined to strike a decisive blow 
at their power, simultaneously, in every quarter preparationi 
of India. In the grand combinations of this for war. 
campaign he was his own war minister, and never undei 


the Company's rule had the resources of Government been 
drawn forth upon a scale of such magnitude and applied 
with such promptitude and effect. In the Deccan the ad- 
vanced force under General Wellesley of about 9,000 men, 
and of Colonel Stephenson, consisting of about 8,000, was 
appointed to operate against the main armies of the con- 
federates. In the north 10,500 troops were assembled 
under General Lake, to attack Sindia's possessions in Hin- 
dostan, which were defended by his French battalions ; and a 
force of 3,500 was allotted for the invasion of Bundlecund. 
On the western coast an army of 7,300 men was organised 
to dispossess Sindia of his possessions in Guzerat, while 
5,200 men were to occupy the province of Cuttack, be- 
longing to the raja of Nagpore, on the eastern coast. The 
whole force of about 43,500 men was animated by that tradi- 
tionary spirit of enterprise and enthusiasm which had created 
the British empire in India, and which, on this occasion, was 
heightened by unbounded confidence in the statesman at 
the head of the Government. The armies of the con- 
federates were computed at 100,000, of whom one half 
consisted of cavalry, with a superb train of artillery of 
many hundred pieces. 

As soon as the Resident had quitted Sindia's camp, 
General Wellesley opened the campaign by the capture of 
Ca tiive *ke 8 ^ ron S fortress of Ahmcdnugur, Sindia's great 
A D. o*Ahmed- arsenal and depot in the Deccan, and by taking 
i803 nugur. possession of all his districts south of the Goda- 
very. Meanwhile the confederates spent three weeks in 
marching and countermarching, apparently without any 
definite object. General Wellesley, misled by his guides, 
was unexpectedly brought, after a march of twenty-six 
miles, to a position from which ho could behold Sindia's 
encampment, consisting of 50,000 men and 100 guns, 
stretched out before him, and he resolved to bring on an 
immediate action without waiting for the junction of 
Battle of Colonel Stephenson's force. The handful of 
ABsye. British troops which had to encounter this for- 

midable array at Assye, did not exceed 4,500. The Mah- 
ratta infantry was entrenched behind formidable batteries, 
which the General had particularly enjoined the officer 
commanding the advance not to assail in front, but he 
charged up to the muzzle of the guns ; the carnage was 
appalling, but the indomitable courage and energy of the 
troops, more especially the 74th, bore down all opposition, 
and Sindia's splendid infantry, standing by the guns to 


the last, was at length overpowered and dispersed. The A.D. 
victory was the most complete which had ever crowned the 
Company's arms in India, but it was dearly purchased by 
the loss of one-third of its numbers. Sindia lost 12,000 
men and all his guns, ammunition, and camp equipage. 
His army was a complete wreck, and he retreated with a 
small body of horse to the Taptee. Colonel Stephenson 
was sent in pursuit of him, and captured the flourishing 
town of Boorhanpore and the strong fortress of Aseergurh. 
Meanwhile all Sindia' s districts in Guzerat were occupied, 
and nothing remained to him but his possessions in 

This valuable territory had been enlarged and con- 
solidated by the indefatigable exertions of the late Mali, 
dajee Sindia, and chiefly through the army raised Rindm . s pog. 
and disciplined by the Count de Boigne, on w^ionsin 
whose retirement to France the command de- in Ostan * 
volved on General Perron. Dowlnt Rao, since his acces- 
sion to his uncle's throne in 171)4, had continued to reside 
at Poona that he might maintain a paramount influence in 
the Mali rat ta councils, and the administration of these 
provinces in the north devolved on the general, who con- 
ducted it with groat ability and moderation. He had 
succeeded in extending the control of Sindia over the 
Rajpoots, and was rapidly stretching it over the Sikhs up 
to the banks of the Sutlej. His advanced posts approached 
the Indus in one direction and Allahabad m the other, and 
the territory under his control yielded a revenue of two 
crores of rupees. His army consisted of 28,000 foot, not 
inferior in any respect to the Company's sepoy army, with 
5,000 cavalry and 140 guns. The jeopardy to which the 
interests of the Company were continually exposed by the 
presence of this powerful force, entirely under French 
influence, along the whole of the north-west frontier was 
but too apparent, and Lord Wellesley considered it an 
object of the highest importance to extinguish it. Happily 
for the accomplishment of his wishes Sindia's Mahratta 
officers entertained such jealousy of the extraordinary 
power granted to a foreigner that he considered his position 
no longer tenable, and was contemplating his retirement 
when the war broke out. 

General Lake had been entrusted with the same plenary 
powers in Hindostan which had been confided to General 
Wellesley in the Deccan. He opened the cam- capture of 
paign by advancing against General Perron's 


encampment, but he withdrew his army 15,000 strong with- 
out firing a shot, upon which General Lake laid siege to 
Allygurh, the great arsenal and dep6t of Sindia in Hin- 
dostan. It had been fortified with extraordinary skill by 

A.D. French officers, but it was captured by a coup de main, 

1803 through the irresistible gallantry of the 76th Highlanders. 
The number of guns captured amounted to 281. Shortly 
after, Perron having learnt that his enemies at Sindia's 
court had procured an order for his dismissal, obtained 
permission to pass through the British camp on his way to 
Lucknow, and was received with the distinction due to his 
rank and his talents. General Lake then advanced from 
Allygurh towards Delhi, and within sight of its minarets 
encountered the French force under General Bourquin, 
19,000 in number. The battle was severely contested, but 
the British infantry, led again by the 76th Highlanders, 
and by the Commander-in- Chief in person, advanced calmly 
amidst a storm of grape and chain shot, and charged with 
the bayonet ; the ranks of the enemy reeled, and then 
broke up in confusion. 

Three days after the engagement, General Bourquin 
and three of his officers delivered up their swords to 
The troops General Lake. The city of Delhi was imme- 
enter Delhi, diately evacuated by Sindia's troops, and the 
British standard was hoisted upon its battlements. The 
emperor, though a prisoner and sightless, was still con- 
sidered the fountain of honour by Hindoos and Mahomed- 
ans, and a patent of nobility under the imperial seal waa 
as highly prized in the remotest provinces of the Deccan 
as it had been in the days of Aurungzebe. " General 

1803 " Lake," in the magniloquent proclamation of Lord 
15th Wellesley, "was ushered into the royal presence, and 

Sept. found the unfortunate and venerable emperor, oppressed 

* by the accumulated calamities of old age and degraded 
4 authority, extreme poverty and loss of sight, seated 
4 under a small tattered canopy, the remnant of his royal 

* state, with every external appearance of the misery of 
" his condition." Lord Wellesley made a noble provision 
for his support, and then formed the judicious resolution 
of removing him and the royal family from the dangerous 
associations of Delhi, and proposed Monghyr for his 
future residence ; but the emperor clung with such tenacity 
to the spot which had been for six centuries the capital of 
Mahomedan power that the Governor- General was reluct- 
antly constrained to relinquish the design. For this 


generous but imprudent act the Government was required A . D . 
to pay a fearful penalty half a century later. 1803 

Leaving Colonel Ochterlony in command at Delhi, 
General Lake marched down to Agra, which capitulated 
after a protracted siege, when the treasure found Battle of 
in it, about twenty-eight lacs of rupees, was Laswaree. 
promptly and prudently distributed among the officers and 
men, " in anticipation of the approval of the home autho- 
" rities." On the outbreak of the war Sindia had sent 
fifteen of his French battalions across the Nerbudda to 
protect his possessions in Hmdostan. They were con- 
sidered the flower of his army, and were usually called the 
" Deccan Invincibles," and nobly did they sustain the 
reputation they had gained. Including the fugitives from 
Delhi they formed a body of 13,000 horse and foot, with 
72 pieces of cannon, under native commanders. General 
Lake came up with their encampment at Laswaree on the 
1st November, and they fought as native soldiers had 
never fought before when they had no European officers to 
animate them. They were at length overpowered, but not 
till one-half of their number, as reported, lay on the field 
killed or wounded. The general himself conducted all the 
movements, and impetuously led the charge in person, more 
to the credit of his gallantry than of his military talent. 
Though a dashing soldier and adored by his men, he was 
a very indifferent general, but the flagrant errors of the 
day were covered as they have since been on more than 
one occasion by the chivalrous valour of the men at the 
sacrifice of their lives. 

Alarmed by the reverses he had sustained, Sindia made 
overtures which resulted in an armistice, and General 
Wellesley was now enabled to turn his whole 
attention to the raja of Nagpore, whom he had JjJS|! 
been closely following. On the 28th November he submission 
came up with his whole army at Argaum, and ftgpore - 
obtained a complete victory. The fortress of Ga \\ilirm-h 
surrendered in the middle of December, and General 
Wellesley prepared to march upon Nagpore, which must 
have at once capitulated. The province of Cuttack had 
also been occupied by a British army without a single 
casualty. The raja, reduced to extremities by these rapid 
reverses, and trembling for his capital and his throne, 
hastened to sue for peace, and the treaty of Deogaum was 
negotiated and concluded in two days by Mr. Mount- 
Stuart Elphinstone on the 18th December. Cuttack was 


A,D. annexed to the Company's territories, and the uninterrupted 
1803 communication between Calcutta and Madras, which the 
Court of Directors had coveted for many years, and for 
which they were at one time prepared to pay a large 
sum, was established. The opulent province of Berar was 
made over to our ally the Nizam, though during the 
campaign his officers had behaved with more than ordinary 
perfidy. The raja likewise engaged to refer all his differ- 
ences with the Nizam and the Peshwa to the arbitrament 
of the British Government. These cessions of territory, 
which comprised some of his most valuable districts, re- 
duced him to the position of a secondary power in India. 

Sindia could no longer hesitate to accept the severe 
terms dictated by the Governor- General. His French 
Submission battalions, the bulwark of his power, were anni- 
of Sindia. hilated. His territories in the Deccan, in Guzerat 
and in Hindostan, the rich patrimony bequoathed to him 
by his uncle, had been wrested from him, and nothing lay 
before him but the extinction of his power. He yielded to 
necessity within a fortnight after the raja of Nagpore had 
agreed to the treaty of Deogaum, and signed the treaty of 
Sirjee Anjengaum. He was obliged to cede all his terri- 
tories lying between the Ganges and the Dooab, and those 
north of the principalities of Jeypore and Joudpore, the 
fortress and territory of Ahmednugur in 1 the Deccan, and 
Broach and its dependencies in Guzerat/ He relinquished 
all 'claims on the Peshwa, the Nizam, and the Gaikwar, 
and acknowledged the independence of the rajas and feu- 
datories in Hindostan with whom Lord Wellesley had 
recently concluded treaties. The war which produced 
these great results was scarcely of five months duration, 
and it was concluded before it was known in Leadenhall 
Street that it had commenced. Ahmednugur with its 
territory was made ovfr to the Peshwa, and the wealthy 
districts in Hindostan were united with those which had 
been acquired from the Vizier of Onde, to form a separate 
Treati of province now known as the North West Presi- 
aiiiancoin dency. Having thus reduced the Mahratta 
the north, power in Hindostan, Lord Wellesley was anxious 
to prevent the renewal of it by establishing a barrier 
between the possessions of Sindia, north of the Nerbudda 
and those of the Company, and General Lake was in- 
structed to conclude treaties of alliance with the Jaut 
prince of Bhurtpore, and the princes of Jeypore, Joudpore, 
Machery, Boondee and Gohud, who were thereby absolved 


from all allegiance to the Mahratta powers, and relieved A.D, 
from all dread of their encroachments. 180 

The genius of Lord Wellesley had thus, in the course of 
five years, reorganized the political condition of India, and 
placed his masters on the pinnacle of power. The Com- 
pany had now become the absolute sovereigns of the most 
valuable portion of the continent, the protector of the 
states not included within its possessions, and the umpire 
in the disputes of all. Its authority was established on a 
more solid basis than that of Akbar or Aurungzebe. The 
reputation and splendour of Lord Wellesley 's administration 
had now reached its culmination, and the disasters which 
clouded the remainder of his Indian career were owing en- 
tirely to the blunders of the Commander-in- Chief, though 
his Government was necessarily saddled with the obloquy of 



DURING the war with Sindia and the raja of Nagpore, Hoi- 1804 
kar, instead of uniting his forces with theirs, sought more 
profitable employment for them in predatory ex- Hoikar's 
cursions into Hindostan. On the conclusion of proceedings, 
the peace he marched upon the wealthy town of Muhesur, 
where he was reported to have obtained a crore of rupees, 
by which he was enabled to take into his pay the soldiers 
whom Sindia and the raja of Nagpore bad disbanded. 
His army was thus augmented to 60,000 horse, and 15,000 
foot, a force far exceeding his requirements or his resources, 
and which could only be maintained by plunder. He was 
assured by the Governor- General and General Wellesley 
that, as long as he abstained from invading the dominions 
of the Company or of ttunr allies, no attempt should be 
made to interfere with his movements. But repose w-as in- 
compatible with his condition ; his fortune was in his 
saddle, and his reckless disposition led him to throw 
himself on the British buckler. In March he demanded 
of General Wellesley the cession of certain districts in the 
Deccan which he affirmed had once belonged to his family, 
and he sent to General Lake to demand the rlwut as the 
inalienable right of the Mahrattas, and threatened u if his 
u demands were not complied with, that countries many 


A.D. " hundred miles in extent should be plundered, and ealami- 
1804 ties fall 011 many hundred thousand human beings by a 
" continued war, in which his armies would overwhelm 
" them like waves of the sea." These insolent menaces 
were followed up by an inroad into the territories of tho 
British ally, the raja of Jeypore. 

Lord Wellesley felt that there could be no prosperity or 
even peace in Central India while this large predatory 
War with horde continued to roam through it under this 
Hoikar. rampant chief, and that an army of observation 
would be found to be far more costly th in an army of action ; 
and on the 16th April directed Generals Wellesley and Lake 
to take the field against him. General Lake moved into the 
Jeypore territory, and chased him out of it. General Wel- 
lesley then in the Deccan urged him to continue the pursuit 
without pause, and assured him that if it was prosecuted 
with vigour, the war would be over in a fortnight. By an 
act of incomprehensive fatuity, General Lake rejected this 
advice, withdrew his army into cantonments, and sent 
Colonel Monson with a weak force to follow Hoikar. 
Lord Wellesley strenuously urged him either to recall the 
brigade or to strengthen it, but General Lake did neither. 
Colonel Monson was as remarkable for his personal bravery 
as for his professional incompetence. With a detachment 
feeble in numbers, and not supported by a single Euro- 
pean soldier, with only about 2,500 worthless irregular 
horse, he advanced into the heart of Holkar's territory 
to encounter a force ten times its number, and commanded 
by the most daring soldier of the day ; and he neglected to 
make any provision for supplies, or for crossing the 
various streams which would become unfordable in two or 
three weeks. 

1804 On the 7th July Colonel Monson recei ved the alarming in- 
telligence that Hoikar had called up his whole force and 
nei was raarc hi n g upon him, and that Colonel 
Monson's Murray, whom General Wellesley had ordered 
retreat. U p f rom Guzerat to support him, had fallen back. 
The provisions in his camp were only equal to two days' 
consumption, and he deemed it necessary to make an 
immediate retreat. Whenever the troops stood at bay, 
Hoikar, notwithstanding the immense superiority of his 
force, sustained a repulse. At Rampoora Colonel Monson 
was reinforced by two battalions sent to his aid by 
General Lake, and was well supplied with provisions ; 
but he unaccountably lingered there twenty-four days, 


daring which time Holkar never once ventured to attack A.D. 
him. He then recommenced his retreat, which soon 1804 
hecame a disgraceful rout, and the last sepoy straggled 
into Agra fifty days after he had begun to retire. Twenty- 
three years before Colonel Carnac had, with equal indiscre- 
tion, marched into the heart of Smdia's territories, and 
found himself in the same predicament JLS Colonel Monson; 
yet, by the Vi- expedient of a bold and aggressive 
movement, ^ ,- \ is completely defeated, and lost guns, 
ammunition, encampment, and reputation. But for the 
imbecility of the commander, the same 'triumph would 
have crowned the valour of the troops under Colonel 
Monson, and Lord Wellesley would not have had to lament 
the lo^s of live battalions of infantry and six companies of 
artillery. This was the most signal disgrace the Com- 
pany's arms had sustained since 1 the destruction of Colonel 
13aillie's detachment by Hyd< r, and it was commemorated 
in ribald son^s in the bazaars throughout the continent. 
The raja of B hurt pore, who was the first to seek the 
alliance of the Government in the flood-tide of success in 
1803, was the first, to desert them when the tide appeared 
to be ebbing. 

Flushed with success, Holkar advanced to Muttra with 
an army estimated at ( 0,OU() men, and General Lake, with 
his usual energy, rapidly assembled his regiments n ikar be- 
to meet this unexpected inroad. Meanwhile, sieges Delhi. 
Holkar planned the daring project of seizing the city of 
Delhi and obtaining possession of the person of the 
emperor, and of the influence still attached to his name. 
Leaving his cavalry to engage the attention of General 
Lake, he suddenly appeared before the gates of the city 
on the 7th October. It was ten miles m circumference, 1804 
defended only by dilapidated walls and ruined ramparts, 
and tilled with a mixed and unruly population. The 
garrison was too weak to admit of reliefs, and provisions 
were served to the troops on the battlements ; but Colonel 
Ochterlony, with a spirit worthy of Clive, defended it for 
nine days against the utmost efforts of the enemy, 20,000 
strung, with 100 pieces of artillery. Holkar at length 
drew olfhis force in despair, and sending back his infantry 
and guns into the territory of his new ally, the raja of Bhurt- 
pore, set out with his cavalry to lay waste the Company's 
districts in the Doab. 

General Lake left his infantry under General Fraser, to 


watch Holkar's battalions, and started in pursuit of him 
Pursuit of with six regiments of cavalry, European and 
Hoikar. native, and his horse artillery, giving him no 
rest night or day. Hoikar generally contrived to keep 
twenty or thirty miles ahead of him, ravaging the defence- 
less villages as he swept along ; but, after a forced march 
of fifty miles in twenty-four hours, the general succeeded 
A.D. in overtaking him at dawn, at Futtygurh, on the 17th 
1804 November. The enemy's horses were at picket, and the 
men asleep beside them in apparent security, when several 
rounds of grape announced the arrival of their pursuers. 
Hoikar sprang on his horse, and galloped off with a few 
troopers, leaving the rest of the troops to shift for 
themselves, and they were dispersed and cut up in all 
directions. He hastened back to rejoin his infantry, but 
found on recrossing the Jumna, that they had suffered an 
irreparable defeat. General Frazer with a force of (j, 000 
men had attacked his army consisting of fourteen battalions 
Battle of f foot* a large body of horse and 160 guns, 
E^g- and obtained a decisive victory, capturing more 

than half his artillery ; but the victory was dearly pur- 
chased by the loss of the general. During the engage- 
ment, a destructive fire was opened on the British force 
from the fortress of Deeg, belonging to the raja of Bhurt- 
pore, which was immediately invested and captured. 

The fortunes of Hoikar were now at the lowest ebb. 
General Jones, who had succeeded the incompetent Colonel 
Siege of Murray, had captured all his forts in Maiwa, and 
Bhurtpore. marched up, unmolested, to General Lake's 
encampment. The largo host with which he had 
proudly appeared on the banks of the Jumna only four 
months before had disappeared, and the annihilation of his 
power appeared inevitable, when every a-1 \antncro was 
thrown away by the fatal resolution of General Lake to 
invest Bhur+pore. The town was eight miles in circum- 
ference, surrounded by the invulnerable bulwark of a mud 
wall of great height and thickness, protected by numerous 
bastions and by a broad and deep ditch, filled with water, 
and defended by 8,000 of the raja's troops and the rem- 
nant of Holkar's infantry. General Lake turned a deaf 
ear to all advice, and without a sufficient siege train, or an 
engineer officer of any experience, without even making a 
reconnaissance, commenced the siege with breathless im- 
petuosity. Four consecutive attacks were made upon it 
during fifteen weeks, which entailed the unprecedented 


loss of 8,200 in killed and wounded, of whom 103 were A.D. 
officers. The siege was abandoned on the 21st April ; 1804 
but the raja, who had severely felt the loss of all the 
revenues of his districts and the exactions of Holkar, 
sought an accommodation with the Government, and a 
treaty was soon after concluded on condition of his con- 
tributing twenty lacs of rupees in four instalments towards 
the expenses of the war. But this issue of the campaign 
did not cover the disgrace of our failure, the remembrance 
of which was perpetuated even in the reinote districts of 
the Deccan by rude delineations of British soldiers hurled 
from the battlements of Bhurtpore. 

This pacification was hastened by the hostile attitude of 
Sinclia. By the treaty of Sirjee Anjenganm, he had agreed 
to relinquish all claim on the rajas with whom 
Lord YVellesley had concluded treaties. But, tuUeof 
when the list was presented to him four months Slndia - 
after, he was exasperated to find the name of the rana of 
Gohud included in it, and also thefort of Gwalior. He scouted 
the idea of considering the rana, whose territories he had 
absorbed twenty years before, as an independent prince, or 
of making over to him the fortress of Gwalior, which he 
valued not merely for its strength, but as a personal gift 
from the emperor. General Wellesley affirmed that Sindia 
had subscribed the treaty with the distinct understanding 
that the fort and territory should remain with him, and it 
was in ignorance of this agreement that Lord Wellesley 
had resolved to consider Gohud as an independent princi- 
pality. General Wellesley said, " that he would sacrifice 
" it, and every other frontier town ten times over, to 
" preserve our credit for good faith." Major Malcolm, the 
envoy at Sindia's court, was equally urgent, but Lord 
Wellesley, who was entirely in the wrong, imperiously 
persisted in his resolution, and Sindia was obliged to 
submit, but the loss continued to rankle in his bosom. 

The disastrous retreat of Colonel Monson and the 
failure of the siege of Bhurtpore, produced a profound 
sensation throughout Jlindostan. The victors of confederacy 
Assyo had been chased by Holkar up to the against QO- 
walls of Agra. The captors of Gwalior had vcrnm t 
been baffled before a mud fort in the plains, and an im- 
pression was created that the Company's good fortune was 
on the wane. A hostile confederacy was secretly formed, 
which included Sindia, Holkar, Ameer Khan, and the 
raja of Bhurtpore; and Sindia ventured to attack our allies 


A.D. and to invade Sangor. At the instance of his Danister, 
1805 Sirjee Rao, the encampment of Mr. Jenkins, the Resident, 
was plundered, and he was placed under restraint. Sindia 
moreover assembled an army of 40,000 men, and moved 
on towards Blmrtpore, with the intention, he said, of 
:. <roii,i:i' LT a peace between the raja and the British 
Government. Lord Wellesley conld not fail to feel acutely 
the insult which such a proposal implied, but ho and his 
brother were anxious to avoid a rupture with Sindia at 
this time. The morale of the army was low, and the 
north-west frontier was defenceless. The Resident dis- 
suaded Sindia from crossing the Chumbul towards Bhurt- 
pore, assuring him that it would inevitably result in a war, 
and advised him to return to his own capital ; but he said 
his funds were exhausted, and General Wellesley assured 
Lord Wellesley that he was really impoverished by his late 
losses, and under the advice of the General an advance of 
money was made to him from the treasury, on which he 
retraced his steps to Subulgurh. 

He was joined soon after by Ameer Khan and Holkar, 
with about 3,000 of the cavalry which yet adhered to his 
Movements standard. The confederates pressed Sindia for 
of the con- money, but his exchequer was exhausted, and he 
federates. g ave them permission to despoil his general, 
Ambajee Anglia, who had amassed two crores in his 
service, and Shirjeo Rao, Sindia' s father-in-law, extorted 
fifty lacs of rupees from him by torture. The atrocities of 
this miscreant constrained Sindia to discard him, and 
Ambajee having been appointed in his stead, broke up the 
alliance between his master and Holkar and Ameer Khan, 
and the path was thus opened for an accommodation 
with the British Government. Sindia had nothing to 
expect, but everything to lose, by a struggle with the 
Company, and he was sincerely desirous of the restoration 
of concord. Lord Wellesley was equally anxious for the 
re-establishment of a good understanding, that he might 
reduce the burdens of the state. He had determined to 
restore Gohud and Gwalior, as a matter of policy, and 
another month or six weeks would have brought about an 
Supersedure arQ i ca ^ c adjustment of all differences, and placed 
of Lord the tranquillity of India on a solid basis ; but, 

1805 Wellesley. Qn th ^^ July he w&g 8uperseded by tf ie 

arrival of Lord Cornwall] s, and his whole scheme of policy 
was at once subverted. 

The administration of Lord Wellesley is the most 


memorable in the annals of the Company. He found the A.D, 
empire beset with perils in every quarter; he Remarks on 18 * 
bequeathed it to his successor in a state of com- his adminis- 
plete security, with the prestige of our power tratlou - 
higher than it had ever stood. He annihilated the French 
force at Hyderabad, demolished the kingdom of Mysore, 
and became master of the Deccan. He extinguished the 
more formidable battalions of French troops in the employ 
of Smdia, and turned his possessions in Hindostan into a 
British province. He paralysed beyond redemption the 
great Mahratta sovereigns; he doubled the territories and 
lesourees of the Company ; he exhibited a special genius 
for creating and consolidating an empire, and he would 
rank as the greatest of the Go\ernors-General if he had not 
been preceded by Warren Hastings and followed by Lord 
Dalhousie. He was resolved to quench those internecine 
contests among the princes of India which, for a century 
since the death of Aurung/ebe, had turned its fairest pro- 
\inccs into a desert. He felt as his brother the Duke of 
Wellington, then General Welle.sley, happily expressed it, 
* k that no permanent system of policy could be adopted to 
" protect the weak against the strong, and to keep the 
*' princes for any length of time in their relatn e positions, 
" and the whole body in peace, without the establishment 
" of one power winch, by the superiority of its strength 
" and its military system and resources, should obtain a 
" preponderating 1 influence for the protection of all." The 
Company was to be this preponderating pover, but the 
Company was still a commercial body, with an instinctive 
dread of military operations, which interrupted its invest- 
ments and disturbed its balance-sheet. The mercantile 
spirit was still in the ascendant in Leaden hall- street, 
whereas Lord Wellesley maintained that " as long as the 
" Company represented the sovereign executive authority 
" in this vast empire, its duties of sovereignty must be 
" paramount to mercantile interests." These antagonistic 
views created a strong feeling of antipathy towards him at 
the India House. Parliament, moreover, had thought, tit 
to interdict all increase of territory and all alliances with 
native princes without the sanction of t he Court of Directors, 
and they hoped under the shadow of this injunction to 
continue at peace v\ith the native princes, and to pursue 
their mercantile enterprises without any impediment. But, 
in defiance of this rule, Lord Wellesley had been engaged in 
wars from Cape Comorin to the Sutlej, had broken the power 


A.D. of prince after prince, and loaded the Company with the 
1805 responsibility of governing one half and controlling the 
other half of India. The vastness of his schemes, and the 
audacity of his aspirations, confounded them ; and even 
his friend Lord Castlereagh, the President of the Board of 
Control, regarded with a feeling of anxiety the vast extent 
of our dominion and our responsibilities, The announce- 
ment of the war with Holkar, however inevitable, filled 
up the measure of his delinquencies, and completed the 
dismay of the India authorities in Leadenhall- street and 
at the Board of Control ; and it was resolved to supersede 
him, and " to bring back things to the state the legislature 
" had prescribed in 1792 ;" in other words, to put the 
political clock back a dozen years. 

On the return of Lord Wellesloy to England, an attempt 
was made to subject him to an impeachment. A Mr. 
Attempt at P au ll> originally a tailor, had gone out to India 
impeach- as an adventurer, and having amassed a for- 
ment> tune in the hot-house of corruption at Lucknow, 

obtained a seat in Parliament, and brought articles of 
charge against Lord Wcllesley ot high crimes and mis- 
demeanours which were dropped on the dissolution ; and 
Paull having failed to obtain a seat at the election, put a 
period to his life. Lord Folkstone subsequently renewed 
the charge, but the resolution of censure which he pro- 
pos%d was negatived by 182 to 31. On the other hand, 
the vindictive Court of Proprietors passed a vote of con- 
demnation by 928 to 195. But thirty years later, when 
truth had triumphed over passion and prejudice, the Court 
of Directors took occasion, on the publication of his 
despatches, to assure him by a unanimous resolution, " that 
" in their judgment he had been animated throughout his 
" administration by an ardent zeal to promote the well- 
Applause of " being of India, and to uphold the interest and 
the Court of " honour of the British empire; and that they 
rs. u looked back to the eventful and brilliant period 
*' of his administration with feelings common to their 
" countrymen." They voted him a grant of 20,OOOZ. and 
ordered his statue to be placed in the India House as a 
recognition of his services. 





LORD CoRNWAr/Lis was Mr. Pitt's invariable refuge in every 
Indian difficulty. When the Company's possessions were 
considered to be in danger from the proceedings T . n 

c ixr TT A ' Tin ii i Lord Corn- 

of Warren Hastings, Lord Cornwallis was sent ^aih>s brief 
out to restore their security. When again, in 5"ith. nd 
1797, Sir John Shore's weakness had brought on 
the mutiny of the officers which threatened the dissolution 
of Government, he was entreated to go out, if only for a 
year ; and now he was importuned a third time in 1805 
to undertake the office of Governor- General, and save the 
empire from the ruin with which it was supposed to be 
threatened through Lord Wcllesley's ambition. His con- 
stitution was exhausted by thirty years of labour in 
America, in India and in Ireland, but he would not refuse 
what he considered the call of duty, and he landed at Cal- 
cutta on the 30th June, with the linger of death visibly 
upon him. Within twenty-four hours Lord Wellesley had 
the mortification to learn that his whole system of policy 
was to be immediately demolished. Lord Cornwallis lost 
no time in announcing that it was his object to restore the 
native princes to a condition of " vigour, efficiency, and 
" independent interest," and to remove the impression of 
our design to establish British control over every Indian 
power. He was resolved, in fact, to steer the vessel of the 
state in 1805 by the cphemeris of 1793. 

He immediately proceeded up the country by water, and 
on the 19th September sent a despatch to Lord Lake de- 
fining the policy he intended to pursue. He Lord0orn 
proposed to restore all Holkar's family domains Avaihs's 
when he manifested a reasonable disposition; P IIC >- 
to give up Gohud and Gwalior to Sindia, and even to 
waive the demand which had been made by Lord Wellesley 


of the release of the Resident, Mr. Jenkins, whom 
Siudia detained in honourable bondage, if it was found to 
be an obstacle to a reconciliation with that chief; to abro- 
gate the treaty with Jeypore ; to remove the emperor and 
his family to some town near Calcutta, and to restore 
Delhi to the Mahrattas . to dissolve all the alliances con- 
cluded with the princes north of the Chumbul, and to 
compensate them for the loss of our protection from the 
territories we had acquired beyond the Jumna, which was 
to be our future boundary. Before this letter could reach 
Lord Lake, Lord Cornwallis was in his grave. It wa^ 
dictated to his secretary at a time when he was in such 
a state of mental and physical debility, that it may be 
questioned whether he fully comprehended the scope and 

tr< A 4.1, consequences of this abrupt and fundamental 
Hisneatn. PT TT , i , /~n 

change ot policy. He was put on shore at dha- 

A.D. zeepore, where he expired on the 5th October He had 
1805 no fa e g en i us o f Hastings or of Lord Wcllesley, and his 
merits as a Governor- General have been over-rated, but 
none of the rulers of British India have ever more richly 
earned the esteem and confidence of Europeans and natives 
by his sterling integrity, his straightforward and manly 
character, and the spirit of justice and moderation which 
regulated all his actions. 

Sir George Barlow, the senior member of Council, suc- 
ceeded temporarily to the office of Govern or- (J en eral He 
had presided for many years over some of the 
low and ins most important offices m the state, in winch he 
P Uc y- had acquired a rich fund of experience. He had 

been extolled for his official aptitude and ability by three 
successive Governors-General, and though the ministry had 
wisely resolved never again to place any local officer at 
the head of the Government, they hail yielded to the 
recommendation of Lord Wellesley, and given him the, 
reversion of the highest office. But Sir George was simply 
a first-rate civilian, eminently qualified for every subor- 
dinate department, but destitute of that patrician dignity 
and that elevation of mind which the management of the 
empire required. While he continued under ihe influence 
of Lord Wellesley's master spirit, he cordially adopted his 
large and comprehensive policy, and became so closely 
identified with it that he lost the prospect of succeeding 
him when that policy was discarded at the India House. 
This fact was communicated to him by Lord Cornwallis, 
and may not have been without its influence in converting 
him to the opposite line of policy, of which he now became 


the unflinching advocate. Ho hastened to inform Lord A.D, 
Lake that it was Inn intention to dissolve all our alliances 
with the native princes, to relinquish all right to interfere 
in their affairs, and to withdraw from all connection with 
any state beyond the Jurnna. Lord Wellesley proposed 
to rest the security of our dominion on the establishment 
of general tranquillity under our supremacy. Sir George 
considered that our position would be equally secure if 
the native states were allowed to tear one another to pieces, 
and were thus deprued of all leisure to attack us This 
despicable policy was aptly described by Mr. Metealfe, sub- 
sequently Governor-General ml nttcriv), as "disgrace with- 
" out compensation, treaties without security, and peace 
" without tranquillity " 

Sindia was as anxious to avoid a second collision with 
the Government of Calculi. i a> the Governor-General him- 
self, and an envoy was sent to the head-quartei s p<. a rewitii 
of Lord Lake, then about to start in pursuit of Smdia. 
Holkar. A treaty \\as eoneliuh d on the 'Jolh December, 
by which Gohud and Gwalior were restored to him, and it 
was stipulated that the Chumbiil should be the boundary 
of the tuo states, and that the British Government should 
enter into no treaties with the rajas of Oodypore, Joudpore, 
and oilier chiefs whom lie claimed as his feudatories. 
Northern India swarmed with military adventurers, con- 
sisting of the fragments of the armies disbanded by Sindia 
and the raja of Nngpore, and of the irregulars whom our 
Government had dismissed ; hence Holkar, notwithstanding 
his reverses, was able to collect a body of 12,000 horse and 
J>,000 foot, whom it was important to disperse Lord Lake 
set off in pursuit of him at, the head of his cavalry and 
light infantry, and a "Hritish army was, for the first time, 
conducted to the banks of the Sutlej by the general who 
had been the first to camp on the Jumna. On crossing 
the Sutlej Lord Lake was brought into communication 
with Runjeet Sing, the young chieftain of twenty-four, then 
employed in laying the inundation of a new kingdom in 
the Punjab; and on the banks of the Beyas (the ancient 
Hydaspes) concluded a, treaty with him by which he en- 
gaged to afford no further assistance to Holkar, and to 
oblige him to evacuate the Punjab forthwith. Holkar, 
now a helpless fugitive, was pursued to the holy city of 
Umritsir, and sent an envoy humbly to sue for peace, 
which he was ready to accept on any terms. 

Under the positive instructions of Sir George Barlow, 


A.D. the draft of a treaty was presented to him which provided 
1805 Dis acefui ^ or ^ s com pl e ^ e reinstatement in power, the 
treaty with restoration of all the territories which had be- 
Hoikar. Jonged to his family, and the relinquishraeiit of 
all interference with the chiefs whom he claimed as his 
dependents. He was required to relinquish all right to 
R/ampoora, and all claim on Boondee, to entertain no 
Europeans in his service, to return to Hindostan by a 
prescribed route, and to abstain from, injuring the terri- 
tories of the Company or their allies. To Hoikar, whose 
fortunes were now desperate, these proposals appeared like 
a godsend, but their incredible leniency convinced him 
that they could only be dictated by fear, and his envoy 
returned with a demand for eighteen additional districts in 
Hindostan, and liberty to levy contributions on Jeypore, 
both of which were peremptorily refused. Fresh difficul- 
ties were started by his envoys, till Lord Lake threatened 
to recommence the pursuit, when the ratified treaty was 
at once produced. But Sir George Barlow was displeased 
with the terms of the treaty both with Sindia and Hoikar. 
He considered that to fix the Mahratta boundary on the 
banks of the Chumbul, might imply a pledge to protect 
the princes beyond it from their rapacity ; and he there- 
fore added declaratory articles withdrawing British pro- 
tection from every state to the west of the Jumna. Ram- 
poora* was voluntarily surrendered to him, arid he fired a 
royal salute on the occasion, declaring at the same time 
that " the English were great rascals, and never to be 
" trusted." The raja of Boondee had the strongest claims 
on the gratitude of the Company as a constant and faithful 
ally, and as having two years before afforded shelter and 
aid to Colonel Monson in his retreat, in spite of the 
menaces of Hoikar. Lord Lake made a strenuous effort to 
save him, but Sir George was deaf to every remonstrance, 
and cancelled the article in the treaty which protected 
him from the rapacity and revenge of Hoikar. 

The course pursued toward Jeypore was yet more dis- 
graceful. The raja was tho first to accede to Lord 
The raja of Wellesley's system of subsidiary alliances, but he 
Jeypore. wavered in his fidelity when Colonel Monson was 
flying before Hoikar, and Lord Wellesley informed Lord 
Cornwallis that this defection had cancelled his claim to 
our alliance. In the following year Hoikar entered his 
territories and claimed his assistance against the Company, 
but Lord Lake assured him that the boon of our protection 


would be restored to him if he resisted the advances of A.D. 
that chief, and in this hope he afforded cordial and efficient 1806 
aid to our detachments proceeding in pursuit of him. 
Lord Cornwallis, who was the soul of honour, said that 
any promise Lord Lake had given to the raja should be 
held sacred. Sir George Barlow, however, refused to ac- 
knowledge any such obligation, and as Holkar entered the 
Jeypore territory, bent on plunder and revenge, informed 
him that the protection of Government was withdrawn for 
the breach of his engagement during Colonel Monson's 
retreat. Lord Lake, indignant at the contempt with wliieh 
his expostulations were treated and the degradation of the 
national character, threw up all his political functions. 

Holkar was bound by the treaty to return to Hindostan 
by a prescribed route, arid to abstain from all ,i.n. '< -'! 
on the territories of the Company or their allies. ApKn*sion 
But to save the iield allowances Sir George of llolkftr - 
Barlow directed Lord Lake to hasten out of the Punjab ; 
and Jlolkar no sooner found him across the Sutlej than 
he let loose Ins predatory bands on the districts of the 
Punjab; nor was there any article of the treaty which he 
did not violate with audacity. He halted for a month in 
the Jeypore territory, and, seeing the British support with- 
drawn from the raja, extorted eighteen lacs of rupees from 
him, and then inarched down to w T reak Ins vengeance on 
Boondee. This disastrous termination of the Mahratta 
war sowed the seeds of a, more momentous contest. The 
wisdom of Lord Wellesle^'s policy was simply vindicated 
by the twelve years of anarchy which followed the sub- 
version of it; while the adoption of a neutral policy and oi 
a system of isolation fostered the growth of a new pre- 
datory power, which it eventually required an army ol 
100,000 men to extinguish. 

It was not long before the evils of this policy of non- 
interference became visible. The rana of Oodypore was 
regarded as the " sun of Hindoo glory," and an Desolation of 
alliance with his family as the summit of social Rajpootnna. 
distinction. The beautiful daughter of the reigning prince 
had been betrothed to the raja of Joudpore, and on his 
premature death was claimed by his successor ; but her 
hand was given to the raja of Jcypore. The rivals 
appealed to arms, and 100,000 men, consisting not only of 
Rajpoots, but of Sindia's Main-atlas and Ameer Khan's 
Patans, were brought into the field. In February 1807 
Lhe raja of Joudpore sustained a crushing defeat, but soon 


A.D. after succeeded in detaching Ameer Khan from his ally, 

1807 the raja of Jeypore, by the promise of half a crore of 
rupees, and the plains of .ley pore wore laid waste by him. 
The rana of Oodypore, who had taken no part in the war 
of which his daughter was the innocent cause, was not- 
withstanding subjected to plunder by Siudia and Ameer 
Khan, and in his extremity supplicated the Governor- 
General for protection, offering to make over half his terri- 
tories for the defence of the remainder. Raj poo tana was 
bleeding at every pore, and its princes, the rajas of Joudpore 
and Jeypore, the rana of Oodypore as well as Zalirn Sing, 
the renowned regent of Kotah, invoked the aid of British 
authority, and represented that there had always been in 

1807 India some supreme power to which the weak looked for 
protection from the ambition and rapacity of the powerful. 
The Company, they said, had now succeeded to this 
position, and were bound to fulfil the responsibilities 
attached to it. The ]\IaUrattas and the Patan^, who were 
now spreading desolation through the country, could offer 
no resistance to the British arms, and the Governor- General 
had only to speak the word, and peace and tranquillity 
would be restored. But any such interference was contrary 
to the prevailing policy of the India House ; the request of 
the rana of Oodypore wa^ refused, and lie was obliged to 
come to a compromise with Ameer Khan and assign him a 
fourth of his dominions to preserve the rest from rapine, 
and likewise to submit to the indignity of exchanging 
turbans with the Patan freebooter. 

The great blot in Sir George Barlow's administration 
was the abandonment of Rajpootana, but he earned no 
H dcrabad ^tle (;1 ' (i dit for the resolution with which he 
maintained the peace of the Deccan. Meer Alum, 
the able minister of the Nizam, had become obnoxious to 
his master by his steady support of the British alliance, 
and was obliged to take refuge at the Residency to escape 
assassination. The Nizam then proceeded to open nego- 
tiations with Sindia and Ameer Khan, and to assemble 
troops with the undisguised intention of dissolving all 
connection with the Company's Government. Sir George 

1806 Barlow "felt that the dissolution of the alliance would 

* subvert the very foundation of British power and ascend- 
1 ency in the political scale in India. The position we 
1 abandoned at Hyderabad would be immediately occupied 
1 by our enemies, and the result would be universal 

* turbulence and distrust." On this occasion therefore lit 


did not hesitate to discard the principle of neutrality, A.D. 
and to order the Nizain to restore Meor Alum to his post, 180C 
and submit to a more direct interference of the Resident 
in the management of his affairs. Equally meritorious 
were his proceedings at Poona. The Court of Th 
Directors considered the treaty of Hassem the 
source? of multiplied embarrassments, and were desirous of 
withdrawing from Mahratta politics, and allowing- ihc 
Peshvvato resume his position as the head of the Mahratta 
commonwealth. Sir George resisted with energy every 
effort to modify the treaty, and had the courage to state to 
his masters that, while he desired to manifest every attention 
to then 1 wishes, there 4 was a higher obligation imposed on 
him, that of maintaining the supremacy of British rule, 
which would be compromised by any deviation from the 
policy established by Lord Wellesley at Poona. 

The state of the ii nances demanded the early attention 
of Sir George The pecuniary difficulties of the Company 
had always arisen from the wars in which they 

v i i 11 rm i i- The finances. 

had been involved. I here was no elasticity in a 
revenue derived almost exclusively from the land, and any 
extraordinary demand on the treasury could only be met 
by having recourse to loans. With the return of peace 
and the alleviation of the military pressure, the finances, 
with one exception, had recovered their spring. The 
extensive military operations of Lord Wellesley had aug- 
mented the public debt and brought on one of the inter- 
mittent fevers of alarm at the India House. It was over- 
looked that our wars in India had generally terminated in 
an accession of territory and revenue which speedily over- 
balanced the encumbrance they had entailed. Thus, in 
Lord Wellesley 's administration the increase of the debt 
amounted to about eight crorcs and a half of rupees, and 
the permanent increase of revenue to about seven crores. 
By the cessation of war and the reduction of the regiments 
of irregulars, the deficit which had appalled Leadenhall- 
stroet was converted into a surplus, which, with little 
fluctuation, remained steady for twenty years. 

In the month of July the Government was astounded 180(1 
by the massacre of European officers and soldiers by the 
native sepoys in the fort of Vellore It was situ- The Veiiore 
ated eighty-eight miles west of Madras, and only mutiny. 
forty from the frontier of Mysore, hud been selected, con- 
trary to the wise judgment of the Court of Directors, for 
the residence of Tippoo's family, and it was speedily filled 


A.D. with 1,800 of their adherents and 3,000 emigrants from 
1806 Mysore. The European troops in the garrison consisted of 
about 370 men, and the sepoys numbered about 1,500, 
many of whom were Mahomedans who had been in the 
service of Tippoo. At 3 o'clock in the morning of the 10th 
July the sepoys suddenly assaulted the European barracks, 
and poured m volley after volley through the Venetian blinds, 
till eighty of the soldiers had been killed and ninety-one 
wounded. They then proceeded to the residence of the 
officers, of whom thirteen fell victims to their treachery. 
During the massacre an active communication was kept 
up between the mutineers and the palace of the Mysore 
princes, many of whose followers were conspicuous in the 
scene. Provisions were also sent out to the sepoys, and 
the royal ensign of Mysore was hoisted amidst the shouts 
of the crowd. The remaining Europeans held their posi- 
tion till they were rescued by the gallantry of Colonel 
Gillespie, who was in garrison at Arcot, eight miles distant, 
and who, on hearing of the outbreak, started without a mo- 
ment's delay with a portion of the 19th Dragoons and 
his galloper guns, and arrived in time to rescue the 

The searching investigation which was made revealed 
the cause of the mutiny. The new Commander-in- Chief, 
Cause of the Sir John Cradock, soon after his arrival ob- 
mutiny. tained permission of the governor, Lord William 
Bflntinck, to codify the military regulations, but upon the 
express condition that no rules should be added without 
the permission of Government. Unknown to the governor, 
the adjutant- general took on himself to introduce several 
innovations which interfered with the religious prejudices of 
the sepoys. But that which gave them peculiar offence 
was the new form prescribed for the turban, which bore 
some resemblance to a European hat, an object of general 
antipathy to the natives. A report was industriously 
spread through their ranks by the Mahomedans, who led 
the hostile movement, that the new turban was the pre- 
cursor of an attempt to force them to become Christians ; 
and the panic-stricken and exasperated sepoys wero thug 
stirred up to mutiny and massacre. The Court of Director? 
were overwhelmed by the news of this catastrophe, and 
in that wild and vindictive spirit which terror inspires, 
instantly recalled the governor and the Commander-in- 
Chief before a single line of explanation had been received 
from either. Lord William Bentinck remonstrated against 


the gross injustice of punishing him as an accomplice in A.I 
measures with which he had no farther connection than to 180 
obviate their evil consequences. The Court, in their reply, 
bore testimony to his uprightness, disinterestedness, zeal 
and respect for the system of the Company, but also 
remarked that, " as the misfortune which happened under 
" his administration placed his fate under the government 
" of public events and opinions which the Court could not 
" control, so it was not in their power to alter the effect of 
" them." 

OP the panic created by the mutiny at the Council board 
in Calcutta, the unoffending 1 missionaries were made the 
victims. In 1793, Mr. Carey had proceeded to The ^ a 
Bengal to establish a Christian Mission, and gation of 
laboured with much zeal but little success for Chrihtlanit 7- 
seven years in the Malda district. In 1799, Mr. Marshman 
and Mr. Ward proceeded to join him, and, being without a 
licence, were ordered to quit the country the day after 
their arrival, but obtained an asylum at the Danish settle- 
ment of Serampore and wore taken under the protection 
of the Danish crown. There they were joined by Mr. A.D, 
Carey, and established a fraternity which, under the 1 ^ < 
designation of the " Serampore Missionaries,'* has attained jgQ ( 
historical distinction as that of the pioneers of Christian 
civilisation in Hindustan. They opened the first schools 
for the gratuitous instruction of native children ; they set 
up printing-presses and prepared founts of type in the 
various Indian characteis; they compiled grammars of 
the Bengalee, Sanscrit and other languages, into which 
they translated the Sacred Scriptures. They gave their 
chief attention to the cultivation and improvement of the 
Bengalee language, and published the first prose works 
which had appeared in it, and laid the foundation of that 
vernacular literature which has since obtained a large 
development. They, and the converts who had joined 
them, were tacitly permitted to itinerate in the districts of 
Bengal, and met with considerable success in the propaga- 
tion of Christianity. But missionary efforts had always 
been viewed with mistrust by the Court of Directors and 
by their servants in India, on the ground that they might 
disturb the prejudices of the natives and create disaffection. 
The mutiny at Vellore was hastily ascribed to an inter- 
ference with the religious prejudices of the Madras sepoys, 
and Sir George Barlow, under the influence of alarm, 
considered it necessary peremptorily to interdict the 


M.D. labours of the Serampore Missionaries. The Vellore panic 
IK)6 gradually died out, and the restrictions imposed on them 
were allowed to fall into abeyance. 

The Court of Directors had always been anxious to have 
the highest office in India left open to their own servants, 
Su rsession an ^ ^ G great zeal which Sir George Barlow 
ofSirGeorge had manifested in carrying out their non-inter- 
Bariow. vention policy recommended him to them as the 
permanent successor of Lord Cornwallis. The death of 
Mr. Pitt and the dissolution of his ministry introduced the 
Whigs to Downing-street, and within twenty-four hours of 
their accession to power they were called upon to make pro- 
vision for the Governor-Generalship. The President of the 
Board of Control, new to office, agreed as a temporary 
measure to the nomination of the Court, and Sir George 
Barlow's commission was made out and signed ; but ten 
days after the ministry announced that they had selected 
Lord Laudordale for the office. The Court of Directors 
strenuously resisted the appointment, not only as an 
abrupt and contemptuous rejection of their nominee, but 
likewise on personal grounds. His ostentatious admira- 
tion of the French revolution, which led him to drop his 
aristocratic title, might have been forgiven ; bat he had 
rendered himself obnoxious to them by his advocacy of 
Fox's India Bill, and, more recently, by his support of 
Lord Wellesley's free-trade policy. The Directors refused 
to sanction the appointment, and the ministry retaliated 
by cancelling the nomination of Sir George Barlow The 
controversy between them was carried on for many weeks 
with great acrimony, but was at length terminated by the 
nomination of Lord Minto, the President of the Board of 



A.D. LORD MINTO had been engaged for many years in the 
administration of public affairs. As Sir Gilbert Elliot he 

was one of the maunders nominated by the 
LordMmto ,-.- c ~ , h , . ,, . / 

governor- House or Commons to conduct the impeachment 

general. o f Warren Hastings, and the prosecution of Sir 
Elijah Impey was committed to his especial charge. He 


was subsequently minister plenipotentiary at Vienna, and 
had been for twelve months President of the Board of 
Control, where he obtained an insight into the machinery 
and character of the Indian Government. He was an 
accomplished scholar, a statesman of clear perceptions and 
sound judgment ; mild and moderate in his views, yet 
without any deficiency of firmness, and distinguished 
above his predecessors for his singular urbanity. He was 
accepted by the Directors with the understanding that he 
should eschew the policy of Lord Wellesley, and tread in 
the footsteps of Lord Cornwallis and Sir George Barlow. 
His first act in India was an act of clemency. On his 
arrival at Madras he found GOO of the Vellore mutineers 
awaiting their sentence. The Supreme Government had 
sentenced them to transportation beyond sea, a punishment 
equivalent to death, but Lord Minto adopted the more 
lenient course of expelling them from the service, and 
declaring them incapable of re-enlistment. 

On reaching Calcutta, his attention was immediately 
called to the state of anarchy into which the feeble policy 
of his predecessor had plunged the province of Anarchy in 
Bimdleeund. The country was overrun by Bundiecund. 
military adventurers who lived only by plunder, and 150 
castles were held by as many chieftains who were per- 
petually at feud with each other. The inhabitants, a bold 
and independent race, were, moreover, disgusted with the 
stringency of the judicial and revenue systems we had 
introduced, and deserted their \ illag^s, and too often 
joined the banditti with which the country swarmed. The 
two strongest forts in the province, Callinger and Ajygurh, 
were held by chiefs who bid defiance to the British Go- 
vernment. Lord Lake considered the possession of these 
fortresses essential to the tranquillity of the country, and 
urged Sir George Barlow to reduce them, but he con- 
sidered that. " a certain extent of dominion, power and 
" revenue would be cheaply sacrificed for security and 
" tranquillity in a more contracted circle." The sacrifice 
was made 1 , but the security was farther off than ever. 
The two chiefs who had seized the forts, together with 
some of the most notorious leaders of banditti, received a 
legal title to the lands they had usurped, with permission 
to settle their quarrels among themselves by the sword. 

Within five weeks after Lord Minto had assumed the 
Government he recorded his opinion that " it was essential 
" not only to the preservation of political influence over 



" the chiefs of Bundlecund, but to the dignity and repu- 
_. " tation of the British Government, to interfere 

Vigorous .. n . ! . f i -i i i 

policy of for the suppression ot intestine disorder. 

LordMinto. rp^ B i m ^ e announcement that the British 
Government was determined to enforce its full authority 
through the province was found sufficient to induce the 
numerous chiefs to make their submission, and to engage 
to refer every dispute to its decision. The renowned 
fortress of Callinger, which had baffled all the efforts of 
Mahmood of Glmzni eight centuries before, and which the 
Peshwa's general had recently besieged two years without 
success, was surrendered after an arduous struggle. The 
fortress of Ajygurh was likewise mastered, and peace and 
prosperity were restored to Bundlecund. 

The difficulty of maintaining the principle of non- 
interference was again demonstrated before Lord Minto 
Career of ^ ac ^ keen a J eafr I n dia, in reference to the 
Runjeet proceedings of Runjeet Sing, whose career now 
mg> claims attention. On the retirement of the 

Abdalee after the battle of Paniput, the Punjab became the 
scene of confusion, and the semi-military, semi-religious 
community of the Sikhs was enabled to enlarge and con- 
solidate its power. It was divided into fraternities or 
misils, the chief of each of which was the leader in the 
field and the umpire in time of peace. Clmrnit Sing, the 
bead of one of them, commenced a series of encroachments 
on his neighbour--, and his son Maha Sing pursued the 

1792 same course of ambition. He died in 17D2, leaving an 
only son, Runjeet Sing, who at the early age of seventeen 
commenced that career of conquest which resulted even- 
tually in the establishment of a power as great as that of 
Sevajee or Hyder Ali. 

Runjeet obtained possession of the city of Lahore, the 
ancient seat of authority m the Punjab, and succeeded in 
His en- Jib-'i'h : f the various Sikh misils. By the year 

1806 croa^hments 1806 his dominions were extended to the banks 
inSirhmd. ^ ^ g^^ an( j j ic cagt ft w i sn f u i eye on the 

province of Sirhind, lying beyond that river, and occupied 
by about twenty independent Sikh chieftains. They had 
been obliged to bend to the authority of Sindia when 
General Perron established his power over the province, 
and on the extinction of Mahratta rule in that region 
transferred their allegiance to the British Government, 
and considered themselves subject to the sovereignty of 
the Company, and entitled to its protection. Runjeet 


Sing proceeded with his usual caution, and by inducing A.D. 
one or two of the chiefs to invite his intervention for the 180) 
settlement of their differences, obtained a pretext for enter- 
ing Sirhind with an army. On his return from one of 
these expeditions in 1807, he levied contributions indis- 
criminately in every direction, seized upon forts and lands 
and carried off all the cannon which he could lay his 
hands upon. 

These repeated inroads iilled the Sikh chieftains with 1808 
alarm, and in March, 1808, a deputation proceeded to 
Delhi to implore the protection of the British A alof 
Government, whose vassals the envoys stated theSikh 
they had always considered themselves since the c V eram^t G " 
downfall of Sindia's power. Runjcet was anxious 
to discover the views of the Governor-General in reference 
to this appeal, and addressed a letter to him expressing his 
wish to cultivate friendly relations with the Company, and 
adding, " the country on this side the Jumna except the 
" stations occupied by you is mine ; let it remain so." 
This bold demand of the province of Sirhind brought up 
the important question whether an energetic and ambitious 
chieftain, who had in ton years erected a largo kingdom 
upon the ruin of a dozen princes, should be allowed to 
plant his army, composed of the finest soldiers in India, 
within a few miles of our frontier, and Lord Minto boldly 
assumed the responsibility of taking the Sikh states of 
Sirhind under British protection, and shutting up Runjeet 
Sing in the Punjab. 

The treaty of Tilsit, concluded in 1807 between the 
emperor of Russia and Napoleon, was supposed to include 
certain secret articles intended to ailb?d facilities Mission to 
for the invasion of India by the French. It was Lahore, 
determined, therefore, by the ministry to anticipate the 
designs of the French emperor, and to block up his path 
by forming defensive alliances with the rulers of the inter- 
mediate kingdoms of Peisia, Afghanistan, and the Punjab. 
The most diilicult of these negotiations, that with Runjeet 
Sing, was entrusted by Lord Minto to Mr. Metcalfe, a 
young civilian of high promise, who had been trained up 
in the school, and, indeed, under the eye of Lord Wellesley. 
He was sent to Lahore to accomplish two objects which 
appeared mutually irreconcilable to frustrate Runjeet 
Sing's passionate desire of annexing the province of 
Sirhind, and to obtain his co-operation to prevent the 
entrance of a French army into our territories. Mr, 


A.D. Metcalfe was treated \\ itli feeling of suspicion and hostility, 
and when he was at length permitted to propound the 
object of his mission was given to understand that, although 
Runjeet Sing did not object to the proposed treaty, in 
which, however, he had less interest than the Company, 
it must recognise his sovereignty over all the Sikh states 
beyond the Sutlej. Mr. Metcalfe replied that he had no 
instructions to make this concession ; but while the nego- 
tiation was in progress, Runjeet Sing broke up his cam}) 
at Kussoor, crossed the Sutlej a third time, and for three 
months swept through the province, plundering the various 
chiefs, and compelling them to acknowledge his authority. 
Lord Minto resolved to lose no time in arresting his 
Rtmjeet progress, and, if necessary, to have recourse to 
ordered to arms. Napoleon, moreover, had begun to be en- 
retire ' tangled in the affairs of Spain, and all idea of 

invading India, even if it had ever been seriously enter- 
tained, was abandoned. Having, therefore, no longer any- 
thing to ask of Runjeet Sing, Lord Minto w;is enabled to 
assume a bolder tone, and to resolve on making a military 
demonstration. The Commander- in- Chief was directed 
to hold a force in readiness to advance to the banks of the 
Sutlej, and a letter was addressed to the Sikh ruler 
informing him that by the issue of the war with the 
Mahrattas the Company had succeeded to the power and 
the rights they had exercised in the north of Hindostan. 
The Sikh states in Sirhind were now under British pro- 
tection, and the Maharaja must withdraw from the districts 
of which he had taken possession in his late raid, and con- 
fine his future operations to the right bank of the Sutlej. 
Runjeet Sing, on his return from the expedition across the 
river, hastened to Umritsur to exchange the toils of the 
field for the enjoyments of the harem. Like Hyder Ali, he 
was the slave of sensual indulgence when not absorbed in 
the excitement of war. On the evening of his arrival Mr. 
Metcalfe waited on him to present the Governor- General's 
letter, but he exclaimed that the evening was to be devoted 
to mirth and pleasure, and called for the dancing- girls, and 
then for the strong potations to which he was accustomed, 
and before midnight was reduced to a state of unconscious- 

1808 The letter delivered by Mr. Metcalfo remained for several 
weeks unnoticed, and on the 22nd December he demanded 
an audience of Runjeet Sing, and announced that a British 
army was about to take the field, and would sweep his 


garrisons from Sirhind. He bore the communication for 
some time with composure, but unable at length to control 
his feelings, rushed out of the room, vaulted into the 
saddle, and galloped about the courtyard with frantic 
vehemence, while his ministers continued the discussion 
witli Mr. Metcalfe. Two months were again wasted in 
studied delays and constant postponement, but R un]ee t 
Mr. Metcalfe continued with unflinching firmness feing** sub- 
to insist on the complete evacuation of Sirhind. mi880n> 
Runjeet Sing was constrained to submit, and on the 25th A.D. 
April aflixed his seal to a treaty which provided that the * 09 
British Government should not interfere with his territory 
or subjects, and that he should abstain from any con- 
nection with the states under British protection. The 
treaty consisted of fifteen lines, and is one of the shortest 
on record. In the range of our Indian history there are 
few incidents of more romantic interest than the arrest of 
this haughty prince in the full career of success by a youth 
of twenty- four. On the retirement of the British army a 
garrison was left at Loodiana, which became our frontier 
station in the north-west, and the British ensign which 
Lord Wellesley had planted on the Jumna was six years 
after erected on the Sutlej by Lord Minto. 

The embassy to Cabul was fitted out on a scale of mag- 1808 
nificence intended to impress tlio Afghan court with an 
idea of the power and grandeur of the present Embassy to 
rulers of India, and was entrusted to Mr. Mount Oabui. 
Stuart Elplnnstone, one of Lord Wcllcsley's school of 
statesmen. The sovereign of Afghanistan, Shah Soojah, 
the brother of Zeman Shah who invaded India in the days 
of Lord Wellesley, gave the mission a cordial reception, 
but his cabinet did not fail to remark that its object 
appeared to be more in the interests of the Company than 
of Afghanistan. They said they had nothing to apprehend 
from the French, and were desirous of ascertaining what 
offers they were prepared to make before a definite reply 
was given. While the negotiation was in progress, the 
expedition which Shah Soojnh had imprudently sent to 
subjugate Cashmere was completely defeated. His rival 
brother had obtained possession of Cabul and Candahar, 
and was advancing on Peshawur. Shah Soojah, whose army 
was annihilated and whoso treasury was empty, earnestly 
solicited pecuniary aid from the Government of India, and 
Mr. Elphinstone advised a grant of ten lacs of rupees, which 
would have enabled him to recruit his force and regain hii 


power ; and it might possibly have saved the Government 
the many crores of rupees spent thirty years after to reseat 
him on the throne. But the dread of a French invasion 
had died out, and it was 110 longer considered necessary to 
conciliate tfye ruler who held the gate of India, as CabuJ 
was then deemed. The request was refused; Shah Soojah 

A.D. was defeated by his brother and fled to India and became 

1810 a pensioner on the Company's bounty. 

The third mission to counteract the designs of the French 
was sent to Persia. The king had wantonly involved 
Affairs of himself in a war with Russia and lost some of his 
Persia. most valuable provinces. He applied for aid to 
the emperor Napoleon, who sent General Gardanne as his 
representative to Teheran, -with a large military staff and a 
body of engineers to make surveys, and military officers to 
discipline the Persian troops. A treaty was concluded 
which provided that a French army marching through 
Persia should be furnished with supplies and joined by a 
Persian force ; that the island of Karrack, in the Persian 
gulf, thirty-three miles from Bushire, should be ceded to 
France, and that all Englishmen should be excluded from 
the country, if the emperor desired it. The British ministry, 
who considered the French embassy the precursor of a 
French army, were determined to counteract these hostile 
movements by sending an ambassador to the Court, and 
Lord Minto and General Wellesley united in recommending 
English ^ na ^ Colonel Malcolm, who was eminently quah- 
embassy to fied for the duty by his skill in oriental diplomacy 
e eran. an( ^ languages, and by the popularity he had 
acquired in his first embassy, should be again sent from 
Calcutta ; but the ministry considered that a representative 
of the Crown would be likely to carry more weight than an 
envoy from the Company, and they selected Sir Harford 
Jones, who had been consul at Bushire, for the office, and 

J808 he landed at Bombay in April. But Lord Minto, on his 
arrival in Calcutta, was resolved to despatch Colonel 
Malcolm as the representative of the Government of India, 
and Sir Harford Jones was desired to tarry at Bombay till 
the result of his mission was known. On reaching Persia 
Colonel Malcolm, overlooking the paramount influence the 
French minister had acquired at tho Court, assumed a 
dictatorial tone, and was forbidden to advance farther than 
Sheraz, where he was desired to place himself in commu- 
nication with the king's son. Colonel Malcolm took 
imbfage at this proceeding, abandoned the mission, and, 


returning to the coast, embarked with his suite for Calcutta. 
Sir Harford Jones was then directed by Lord Minto to 
proceed with his mission. 

Ten days after this order had been despatched, Colonel 
Malcolm arrived in Calcutta, bn-ail,' ir vengeance against 
the Persian court, and persuaded Lord Minto Succcsgof 
that the only effectual mode of counteracting the sir Harford 
influence of the French was to make a military Jones * 
demonstration, and arrangements were made forthwith to 
despatch an armament to occupy the island of Karrack. 
Repeated and peremptory orders were likewise sent to Sir 
Harford Jones to quit Persia, under the threat of disavow- 
ing his mission and dishonouring his bills ; but before they 
could reach him ho had accomplished his object and 
concluded a treaty with the kiug. The French embassy 
was dismissed, and the Persian envoy at Paris recalled. 
Lord Minto felt that Sir Harford had been fully accre- 
dited by the Crown, and that the national faith was 
pledged to his engagements, and he accordingly ratified 
the treaty. He felt, however, that the rank and estima- 
tion of the Government of India had been compromised in 
the eyes of Asia by the mission from the Crown, and he 
considered it among the first of his duties "to transmit to 
u his successor unimpaired the powers, prerogatives and 
" dignities of the Indian empire in its relations to sur- 
" rounding nations as entire and unsullied as they were 
" committed to his hands." 

Another embassy was imprudently fitted out in the most 
costly style, to eclipse the mission of the Crown, and en- 
trusted to Colonel Malcolm, in order that " he Colonel Mal 
" might lift the Company's Government to its coim'sae- 
u own height and to the station which belonged ^, ein ~ 
" to it." He was welcomed by the king and 
courtiers with great cordiality, but in the royal presence 1809 
stood the ambassador of the Crown, " whose face the 
" Indian Government had spared no pains to blacken in 
" the eyes of the Persian court." There was every pros- 
pect of an unseemly and dangerous collision. The Persian 
courtiers, finding two rival envoys contending for their 
favours, were preparing to playoff the one against the other, 
in the hope of a golden shower of presents. But the good 
sense of Sir Harford and of the colonel smoothed down 
asperities and defeated the intrigues and cupidity of the 
court, and the English ministry soon after recalled both 
envoys, and appointed Sir Gore Ouseley minister from 


the King of England to the Shah of Persia. The cost of 
Colonel Malcolm's mission was twenty-two lacs, and that 
of Sir Harford Jones, which was also saddled on the Com- 
pany, did not fall short of sixteen lacs. 



A.D. WITHIN four mouths of the signature of the treaty with 
1809 Runjeet Sing another occasion arose to test the possibility 
Ameer Khan ^ raa i n ^ a i nm g the policy of neutrality. The free- 
andNag- hooter Ameer Khan, having within ten years 
pore. created a principality which yielded a revenue 

of fifteen lacs of rupees a year, was recognised as the 
head of the Patans in Central India, and aspired to the 
rank of a prince. His army, however, was too large for 
his resources, and, after having drained Rajpootana, he 
was obliged to seek for plunder in a more distant sphere, 
and selected Nagpore for his next operations. Under 
pretence of asserting certain fictitious claims of Holkar on 
the raja, he poured down across the Nerbudda with 40,000 
horse and 24,000 Pindarees. The raja was simply an ally 
of the Company, and had no claim to their protection ; but 
Lord Minto did not hesitate to affirm that " an interfering 
and ambitious Mussulman chief at the head of a numerous 
* army should not be allowed to establish his authority on 
the ruins of the raja's dominions over territories con- 
tiguous to those of the Nizam likewise a Mahomcdan 
1 with whom projects might be formed inimical to our 
1 interests." 

The raja had not solicited our assistance, but two armies 
were ordered into the field to protect his territories. The 

. _ Nagpore general, however, twice succeeded in 
Ameer Knan Y * -r^i 1,1 . i n i 

repulsed repulsing Ameer Knan, but he returned a third 

crashed. ^ mc and blockaded the raja's army in Chaura- 
gurh, while his Pindarees desolated the country. 
The British divisions were now closing upon him, and 
Colonel Close took possession of his capital and his torn- 
lories, and the extinction of his power appeared inevitable, 
when the troops were unexpectedly recalled, from the 
apprehension felt by Lord Minto that the farther prosecu- 
tion of hostilities might lead to complications displeasing 


to the Court of Directors. He was allowed to recruit his A -v* 
strength, and Central India was left for seven years more at 
his mercy. But the tide appeared to be turning at the India 
House against this neutral policy, and the Directors not only 
questioned the wisdom of the moderation Lord Minto had 
exercised towards him, but went so far as to advise the con- 
clusion of a subsidiary alliance with the raja of Nagpore. 

Sir George Barlow was appointed to succeed Lord William 
Bentinck at Madras. During the twenty months he had 
filled the office of Governor-General he had SlrGeore 
alienated society by his cold and repulsive Bariowat 
manners, and the absence of all genial feeling in Madms - 
the intercourse of life. He was never able to obtain that 
personal influence which is essential to the successful 
administration of public affairs, more particularly in India. 
The submission he exacted to his will, which in Lord 
Wellesley was regarded as the natural absolutism of a 
great mind, was in him resented as the vulgar despotism 
of power. At Madras he, became unpopular by his arbi- 
trary and unjust proceedings, as well as by the lofty 
assumption of official dignity, and by isolating himself in 
a small coterie of officials and confidants. But it was the 
mutiny of the army which fixed a lasting stain on his 

This was the third time* in the course of half a century 
that the Company's Government had been shaken to its 
foundation by the insubordination of their Euro- .. .. , 

rr mi 1 1 Mutiny Of 

pean officers. J he invidious distinction between European 
the pay of officers in Bengal and Madras, and offlcer8 * 
the monopoly of all posts of command by the officers 
of the royal army, had created a feeling of discontent 
among the officers of the Madras army, which was un- 
happily fomented by the bearing of the Commander-in- 
Cliief, Major-General Macdowall. The Court of Directors 
had refused him the seat, in Council, which, with its liberal 
allowances, had always been attached to his oflice, and he 
did not care to conceal the exasperation of his feelings from 
the officers under him. 

Since the conclusion of the war in 1805, the Court of 
Directors had been importunate for retrenchments, and 
had threatened u to take the priming knife into .. ... . 

it ji i -i / ,1 / i i >, , Abolition of 

their own hands it they found any hesitation the tent 
on the part of the Madras Government. Among ntrftct - 
the plans of economy which had been contemplated by 
Lord William Bentinck and Sir Johu Cradock was the 


A - D - abolition of the tent contract, which had given the officers 
commanding regiments a fixed monthly allowance to 
provide the men with tent equipage, whether in the field 
or in cantonments. The Quartermaster- General was 
ordered by, the governor in Council to report on the 
question, and he stated that the nature of the contract was 
found by experience to place the interests of the com- 
manding officers in opposition to their duty. They took 
fire at this remark, and called on the Commander-in- Chief 
to bring him to a court-martial for having aspersed their 
characters as officers and gentlemen. Tho Quartermaster- 
General was placed under arrest, and appealed to the 
governor, and the Commander- in- Chief was directed to 
release him. But, while yielding to this authority, lie 
issued a general order of extraordinary virulence, protest- 
ing against the interference of Government and denoun- 
cing the conduct of the Quartermaster in having resorted 
to the civil power in defiance of the officer at the head of 
the army. Sir George Barlow, instead of treating the 
order with contempt as an ebullition of passion on the 
part of the general, who was on the eve of quitting the 
service, issued a counter order equally intemperate, charg- 
ing him with inflammatory language. Major Bowles, the 
Deputy Adjutant-General, who had signed the order 
OJncially, was suspended ; his cause was immediately taken 
up as that of a martyr , addresses commending his conduct 
poured in upon him, and subscriptions were raised to com- 
pensate the loss of his allowances. 

Three months passed after the departure of the Com- 
mander-in-Chief, who was lost at sea, and the ferment had 
General begun to subside, when Sir George Barlow blew 
mutiny. the dying embers into a flame. In the height of 
the excitement a memorial of grievances had heen drawn 
up to the Governor- General, though not transmitted ; but on 
the 1st May Sir George Barlow issued an order suspend- 
ing four officers of rank and distinguished reputation, and 
removing eight others from their commands, on the ground 
of their having signed the memorial, which had been 
surreptitiously communicated to him. The whole army 
was immediately in a blaze. A hundred and fifty-eight 
officers of the Jaulna and Hyderabad divisions signed a 
flagitious address to Government, demanding the restoration 
of the officers, in order " to prevent the horrors of civil war 
" and the ultimate loss of a large portion of the Company's 
44 possessions in India." The Company's European regi- 


ment at Masulipatam placed the commanding officer in A.D. 
arrest, and concerted a plan for joining the Jaulnah and 1809 
Hyderabad divisions, and marching to Madras and seizing 
the Government. 

Sir George Barlow had thus by his intemperance and 
indiscretion goaded the army into revolt, and brought on a 
portentous crisis; but in dealing with the mutiny p irmnesg0 f 
he exhibited such undaunted resolution as almost sir George 
to make amends for having caused it. Colonel 
Malcolm and other oiliecrs of high standing and great 
experience, advised him to bond to necessity and recall 
the obnoxious order of the 1st May ; but he resolved to 
vindicate the public authority at all hazards. He called 1810 
upon all the otticers in the army to sign a pledge to obey 
the orders of Government on pain of removal from their 
regiments. The sepoys and their native officers generally 
remained faithful to their salt, and there was no collision 
except at Seringapatam, where the native regimeuts under 
disaffected oiliecrs refused to submit, and were lived upon 
by the royal troops, and a hundred and fifty killed and 
wounded. The vigorous proceedings of Sir George con- 
founded the ollicers, and induced them to pause on the 
brink of a, rebellion against their king and their country. 
Lord Mmto, moreo\er, had announced his intention to 
proceed at once to Madras, and the general confidence 
reposed in his justice and moderation promoted the return 
of the oflicers to a sen^e of duty. 

The Hyderabad brigade, which had been the first to 
mutiny, \\as the foremost to repent. Its example was 
followed by the other brigades and regiments; The mutiny 
the seditious garrison of Serin gapat am sur- extin- 
rendered. that fortress, ami a, profound calm ^ 81(H - 
succeeded the storm which had threatened to overturn 
the Government. On his arrival at Madras Lord Miuto 
issued a general order reprobating the conduct of the 
officers, but, likewise expressing his anxiety for the wel- 
fare arid the reputation of the army in kind and concili- 
atory language. He granted a general amnesty to all but 
twenty-one o Hirers, who wore either cashiered or dismissed; 
but they were all eventually restored to the service, and in 
the great Mahratta and Pimlaree war, se\en years later, 
had an opportunity of effacing the stain on their character 
by their pal hi i! in and devotion. The mutiny was the 
subject of long and acrimonious debates flt the India 
House, which terminated in Sir George Barlow's recall. 


It was in connection with his administration that Mr. 

Edmonstone, who had served under two civilian and three 

Mr Edmon- no ^ e Governors-General, and who, after filling 

stone on the the highest subordinate office in India, became 

oSSSShip. ^ e Nestor of Leadenhall-street, said, that " he 

" was averse to selecting Governors from among 

those who had belonged to the service, and that a person 

of eminence and distinction proceeding from England to 

fill that office, if duly qualified by talent and character, 

carried with him a greater degree of influence, and 

inspired more respect than an individual who had been 

known in a subordinate capacity." 

A.D. The suppression of piracy in the eastern hemisphere 
1809 fg faQ especial vocation of the English nation ; and the 
Suppression attention of Lord Minto was imperatively called, 
of piracy. a t this time, to this duty. The Arabs, who were 
the bravest soldiers and the most hardy seamen in the 
east, were also the most notorious pirates. The chief 
tribe on the sea coast, the Joasmis, had recently embraced 
Wahabee tenets, and added the fierceness of fanaticism to 
their national valour ; and the only alternative they offered 
to their captives was the profession of Mali omedani sin or 
death. Their single-masted vessels, manned with about 
150 men, sailed in squadrons, and it was rarely that any 
native craft was able to escape their pursuit. Hitherto 
they had prudently abstained from molesting English 
vessels, but they became emboldened by the inactivity of 
the Company's cruisers, which were forbidden to interfere 
with them, and they had recently captured a large 
merchantman, and cut the throats of all the Europeans on 
board and thrown them into the sea with the pious 
ejaculation, "Alia Akbar! great is God!" Lord Mirito was 
determined to root out these buccaneers, and sent a power- 
ful armament against their chief stronghold, Ras-al-Kaima. 
It was defended with Arab obstinacy and carried by 
British gallantry. The port, with all the valuable mer- 
chandise in it the accumulation of numerous piratical 
expeditions together with a large fleet of pirate vessels, 
was delivered to the flames, and piracy was for a time 
suppressed in these waters. 

The possession of the Mauritius and of Bourbon by the 

French in the bay of Bengal exposed British commerce in 

Depredations ^ e eastern seas to the constant depredation of the 

from the privateers fitted out in them. The losses BUS- 

anrit ; ius - tained by the merchants of Calcutta from the 


commcncemont of the war with France in 1703 to the year A.D. 
1808 were calculated at between three and four crores of 1810 
rupees. By an act of incomprehensible folly, the ministry 
in England had not only neglected to send an expedition 
against them, while they were; capturing every island in 
the West Indies, but had positively interdicted any effort on 
the part of the Indian Government to reduce them. The 
French cruisers consequently continued to prey on British 
trade, and to sweep the seas from Madagascar to Java. 
With six ships of the line and sixteen frigates on the 
Indian station, six vessels sailing from Calcutta, valued at 
thirty lacs of rupees, had been captured by French cruisers 
in as many weeks. A memorial was at length transmitted 
by the mercantile community to the ministry, complaining 
of the insecurity of commerce and the supincness of the 
navy, and the Governor-General and the Admiral were 
instructed to take decisive measures for the protection of 
trade. That object, it was supposed, would be attained 
by blockading the Mauritius; but six of the Company's 
magnificent Indiamcn, \alued at more than half a crore of 
rupees, were captured by French frigates winch sailed out 
of the port, and returned to it in triumph with their prizes, 
in the teeth of the blockade An expedition was then sent, 
in the first instance, to the- island of Bourbon, which was 
captured with a slender effort ; hut tins achievement was 
overbalanced by a series of unexampled disasters at sea, 
which were justly attributed to the ignorance and mis- 
management of the naval department. Three English 
frigates were captured, and three set on tiro by the French 
squadron, which maintained its national honour in these 
seas as nobly as SulVrem in the days of Warren Hastings. 
Meanwhile, fjord Minto was assembling an armament of 
overwhelming force, consisting of one 74 gun ship 
and thirteen frigates, besides sloops and gunboats, and a 
land force of 11,000 men, which comprised 0,300 European 
bayonets, and 2,000 seamen and marines, and four volunteer 
regiments. To oppose this force the French general could 
only muster 2,000 European soldiers, and a body of half- 
disciplined African slaves, and, unwilling to sacrifice the 
lives of bravo men in a hopeless contest, he surrendered 1810 
the island on fair and equitable terms. 




A.D. THE subjugation of Holland by the emperor Napoleon 
1811 placed the Dutch settlements in the east at his command, 
Expedition an( l ne spared no pains to complete the defences 
to Java. of the most important of them, the island of 
Java. He despatched large reinforcements under an officer 
in whom he had confidence, General Daendels, who 
repaired the old fortifications and erected new and more 
formidable works in the vicinity of the capital, Hutavia. 
From some unexplained cause he was superseded by 
General Jaensens, who had surrendered the Cape to the 
English squadron four years before. The emperor at his 
final audience reminded him of this disaster, and said : 
" Sir, remember that a French general does not allow 
" himself to be captured a second time." Lord Minto, 
having obtained the permission of the Court of Directors 
to proceed against the island, summoned to his counsels 
Mr. afterwards Sir Stamford Raffles, a member of the 
government of Penan g, who had acquired a knowledge of 
the condition, the policy, and the language of the various 
tribes in the eastern archipelago superior to that of every 
other European at the time. The expedition consisted of 
90 sail, on which were embarked 0,000 European troops, 
and about the same number of sepoys, and was the largest 
European armament which had ever traversed the eastern 
seas. Lord Minto determined to accompany it as a 
volunteer, leading the way in the "Modesto" frigate, 
commanded by his son, and the whole fleet anchored in 
the bay of Batavia without a single accident on the 4th 
August. The entire body of troops under the command of 
General Jaensens amounted to 17,000, of whom 13,000 
were concentrated for the defence of Fort Cornells, which 
was strong from its natural position, and had been rendered, 
as was supposed, impregnable by science. It was an 
entrenched camp between two streams, one of which was 
not fordable, and the other was defended by strong 
bastions and ramparts. The entire circumference of the 
encampment was five miles, and it was protected by ?00 
pieces of cannon. 


Sir Samuel Ahinuty, the General-in-Chief, determined A.D, 
at first to assail it by regular approaches, but the attempt 1813 
was found to be all but impracticable under a Ca tnreof 
tropical sun, and must have been abandoned FortCor? 
when, on the setting in of the rains, the malaria nch8 ' 
of the Batavian marshes prostrated the army. It was 
resolved, therefore, to carry it by a coup de mam, which 
brought into play the daring spirit of Colonel Gillespie, of 
Vellore renown, to whom the enterprise was committed. 
His column marched soon after midnight on the 26th 
August, and came upon the first redoubt as the day 
dawned, and carried it at the point of the Imonet. The 
impetuous valour of his troops mastered the other redoubts 
in succession, till he found himself in front of the enemy's 
reserve and of a large body of cavalry posted with power- 
ful artillery in front of the barracks. Having drive?) them 
from this position, the Colonel placed himself at the head 
of the dragoons and horse artillery, and pursued them for 
ten miles till ho had completed the disorganisation of the 
whole army. Ja\a. was won in a single morning, and by 
the efforts of a single officer. The loss of the French in 
the field was severe, and (>,000 of their troops, chiefly 
Europeans, wore made prisoners ; but the victory cost 
the inuulers 000 in killed and wounded, of whom eighty- 
five were officers. The Court of Directors had given 
instructions that on the capture of the island the fortifica- 
tions should be demolished, and the arms and ammunition 
distributed among the natives, and the island evacuated. 
But Lord Minto ^as not disposed to put weapons into the 
hands of the natives, and abandon the colonists without 
arms or fortresses to their vindictive passions, and consign 
this noble island to the reign of barbarism. He deter- 
mined to retain it, and committed the government of it to 
Mr. Raffles, under whose wise and liberal administration it 
continued to flourish for several years. 

Lord Minto returned to Calcutta in 1812, and imme- 1812 
diately after learned that he had been superseded in the 
Government. The usual term of office was con- supersession 
flidered to extend to soven years, and Lord Minto of ix>ni 
had intimated to the Court of Directors his wish 
to be relieved earl} in 1814; but the Prince Regent was 
anxious to bestow this lucrative post on the- favor rite of 
the day, the Karl of Moira, who had recently failed in his 
attempt to form a ministry. Under the dictation of the 
Board of Control, the Court of Directors were obliged to 


pass a resolution for the immediate termination of Lord 

Minto' s administration. Circumstances detained Lord 

Moira in England longer than he expected, and Lord 

Minto did not quit India till within three or four months 

of the time , he had fixed for his departure ; but the in- 

fliction of this indignity on a Governor- General whose 

government had been without a failure, and who had given 

A.D. universal satisfaction, reflected equal discredit on the 

1812 servile ministry and on their royal master. 

On the return of Lord Minto from Java, it became 
necessary for the first time to order troops into the field 
ThePinda- ^ repel the inroads of the Pindarees. The 
* earliest trace of these freebooters is to be found 

in the struggles between Aurungzebe and the Mahrattas, 
whose armies they accompanied into the field. After the 
Peshwa had delegated the charge of ' i.'ul.'r'i'nir !!: 
Mahratta power in Hindostan to his lieutei ,- -, >::vi ,i ai <l 
Holkar, the Pindarees nominally ranged them selves under 
their standards, and were designated Sindia Shahee and 
Holkar Shahee Pindarees, but they were not allowed to 
pitch their tents within the Mahratta encampment. Those 
chiefs found it useful to attach to the^r armies a body of 
freebooters who required no pay, and were content with 
an unlimited license of plunder, and were always ready to 
complete the work of destruction. The Pindarees found 
tneir account in establishing a connection, although in- 
direct, with established governments, to whom they might 
look for protection in case of emergency. But this re- 
lationship did not restrain the Pindarees from plundering the 
districts of their patrons when it suited their interests, nor 
did it prevent the Mahratta princes from seizing the Pinda- 
ree leaders after their return from a successful foray, 
and obliging them to give up a portion of their plunder. 

The withdrawal of British protection from Central India 
opened a wide field for plunder, and increased the strength 
Pindareo an( i audacity of the Pindarees. Two of the 
leaders chiefs in the suite of Sindia offered their services 
to the nabob of Bhopal to plunder the territories of Nag- 
pore ; and, when their offer was declined, proceeded to 
Nagpore, and were readily engaged by the raja to ravage 
the dominions of Bhopal. On their return the raja did 
not scruple to break up their encampment and despoil 
them of the rich booty they had acquired. Of the two 
leaders, one took refuge with Sindia, and his two sons 
Dost Mahomed and Wassil Mahomed collected and or- 


ganised his scattered followers. The other died in con- A.D. 
fine m ent, when the leadership devolved on Cheetoo, who 1812 
had been purchased when a child, during a famine, and 
regularly trained to the Pindaree profession. His superior 
abilities and daring spirit raised him to the head of the 
troop, and he was rewarded for his services to Sindia by 
the title of nabob arid a jageer. Ho fixed his head-quarters 
at Nimar, amidst the wild fastnesses of the region lying 
between the Nerbudda and the Vindya range. Kureem 
Khan another Pindaree leader of note was a Rohilla, who 
in the progress of events obtained a title and an assign- 
ment of lands from Smdia ; but, as he continued to en- 
croach upon the Mali rat ta territories, Sindia determined to 
crush his rising power, aid treacherously seized him at a 
friendly entertainment. He was placed in confinement for 
four years, and not liberated without the payment of six 
lacs of rupees. On obtaining his liberty the Pindarees 
flocked to his standard in greater numbers than ever. 
Cheetoo, also was induced to join him, and an alliance was 
formed with Ameer Khan, then in the spring tide of his 
career. Their united bands did not fall short of 60,000 
horse, and from the palaee to the cottage every mind was 
filled with consternation by this portentous assemblage of 
banditti in Central Asia. Happily the union was short- 
lived. Cheetoo, who had always felt the hostility of a rival 
to Kureem Khan, was prevailed upon to desert him, when 
his camp was assailed and broken up by Sindia. 

These were the acknowledged leaders of the Pindarees, 
to whoso encampment the minor chiefs repaired when the 
season arrived for their annual expeditions. Their system of 
ranks were recruited by miscreants expelled from plunder, 
society, and men pursued by their creditors, as well as by 
men weary of peaceful occupation, and eager for excite- 
ment. The Pindaree standard was generally raised at the 
Dussera, or autumnal festival, towards the end of October, 
when the rains had subsided, and the rivers became ford- 
able. Leaders of experience and acknowledged courage 
were selected, who took the command of bodies of 4,000 or 
5,000 men, all mounted, and armed with spears of from 
four to six yards in length. They were not encumbered 
with either tents or baggage, and they obtained supplies 
for themselves and their horses from the villages they 
plundered on the line of march. Neither were they em- 
barrassed with any prejudices of caste, or compunctions of 
conscience, and the history of their career is not relieved 


by a single generous or chivalrous act. They frequently 
moved at the rate of forty or fifty miles a day, and as they 
were unable to remain long in one spot, the greatest de- 
spatch was used to complete the plunder of the village ; and 
tortures which almost exceed belief were inflicted on men 
and women to hasten the discovery of property. Their 
progress throughout the country was indicated by a stream 
of desolation, for what they could not carry off they de- 

For several years their depredations had been confined 
to the neighbourhood of the JSTerbudda aud the frontiers of 
Attack on ^ e P esnwa > the Nizam and the raja of Nagpore ; 
British but, as these districts became exhausted, they 
territories. were obliged to enlarge the sphere of their expe- 
ditions, and on one occasion swept through 400 miles of 
country south of the Nerbudda, and returned without 
molestation, laden with plunder. The Dussora of 1811 
was celebrated by a congregation of 25,000 Pindaree horse, 
and a detachment of 5,000 plundered up to the gates of 
Nagpore, and burnt down one of its suburbs. The next 
A.D. year a large body under Dost Mahomed plundered the 
V812 British district of Mirzapore, and boldly proceeded down 
towards Gya, within seventy miles of Patna, levying 
heavy contributions in this new and untrodden field, and 
then disappeared up the source of the Soane, before a 
^British soldier could overtake them. This was their first 
invasion of British territory, and, coupled with the period- 
ical devastation of the native states, induced Lord Minto 
to entreat the Directors to consider whether " it was 
" expedient to observe a strict neutrality amidst these scenes 
" of disorder and outrage, or to listen to the voice of 
" suffering humanity and interfere for the protection of 
" the weak and defenceless states who implored our assist- 
" ance against the ravages of the Pindarees and the 
" Patans." Before he quitted the Government he ad- 
dressed a second letter to the Directors, pointing out that 
the augmented numbers, the improved organisation, and 
the increasing audacity of the Pindarees, rendered the 
adoption of an extensive system of measures for their 
suppression, a matter of pressing importance. 

Lord Minto' s administration has never been sufficiently 

appreciated, perhaps from the circumstance of its inter- 

vening between the more active and brilliant 

Character of careers of Lord Wellesley and Lord Hastings, 

Lord Minto ^ it ghould not be fatten t h a t his hands 

were tied by the ruling policy of the India House, 


which he altogether reprobated. He assured the Court of A.D, 
Directors that " no extent of concession or territorial res- 1812 
" titution on our part would have the effect of establishing 
* any real and effective balance of power or forbearance on 
" the part of other states, when the means of aggrandise- 
u ment should be placed in their hands ; " and that " the 
" expectation of augmenting our security by diminishing 
" our power and political ascendancy on the continent of 
" India was utterly vain." He remarked, " that with the 
" native princes, war, rapine, and conquest constituted an 
u avowed principle of action, a just and legitimate pursuit, 
u and the chief source of public glory ; sanctioned and even 
" recommended by the ordinances of religion, and prose- 
" cuted without the semblance or pretext of justice, and 
" with a savage disregard of every obligation of humanity 
" and public faith, and restrained only by the power of 
" resistance." By these and similar representations he 
prepared the Court of Directors to abandon the absurd 
policy of non-intervention, and to assume that supremacy 
on the continent which was irrevocably established by his 
successor; but ho did not hesitate to vindicate the para- 
mount authority of the British Government on many 
occasions, in Travancoie, in Naupo-re, in Bundlecund, and 
in Sirhind ; and to his administration belongs the merit 
of having swept every hostile and piratical flag from the 
Indian seas, and established the predominance of British 
power on the ocean, though In; was forbidden to do so on 

The period \\as now approaching when the question of 1809 
renewing the Company's commercial monopoly was to to 
come before Parliament. In the preliminary Ne otiations 1812 
discussions between the ministry and Leadenhall for g anew DS 
Street, the Court of Directors assumed a lofty charter - 
tone, and made extravagant demands, which they were 
obliged gradually to withdraw ; but they continued to 
insist on the renewal of the charter in all its integrity. 
The President of the Board of Control, however, informed 
them that the ministry had made up their minds no longer 
to exclude the merchants of England from the trade of 
India. The points at issue between the Company and 
the Cabinet appeared at length to bo reduced to the 
question of opening the outports of England to the enter- 
prise of private merchants, and on this point the Court of 
Directors determined to take their stand. They affirmed 
that any diversion of the trade from London 4 to the out- 


ports would break up large and important establishments, 
and throw thousands out of bread ; would increase smug- 
gling beyond the possibility of control ; would entail the 
ruin of the China trade, and reduce the value of the 
Company's stock ; would paralyse their power in India, 
and compromise the happiness of its inhabitants ; and not 
only impair the interests of Great Britain in Asia, but 
imperil the British constitution. 

The ministry, however, were not appalled by these 
terrific spectres, which the genius of monopoly had con- 
Op sition J ure( ^ U P> but informed the Directors that if the 
of theVjoiirt extension of commercial privileges to the rest of 
of Directors. fa Q nation would render it impossible for them 
to continue the government of India, some other agency 
might be provided for that object, consistent with the 
interests of the public and the integrity of the constitution. 
But the Directors and the Proprietors refused any con- 
cession, and expressed their confidence that Parliament 
would not consent to gratify a few interested speculators 
by abolishing a commercial system which had existed for 
two centuries, and was fortified by a score of Acts of Parlia- 
ment. On the other hand, the claim of the Company to a 
continuance of their monopoly encountered a strenuous 
opposition throughout the country. In the twenty years 
which had elapsed since the previous charter, manufactures 
And commerce had been developed beyond all former 
example, and the merchants and millowners demanded 
the right of an unrestricted trade with India, from their 
respective ports, and in their own vessels, with such 
unanimity and vigour, that the ministry felt it impossible 
A.D. to re8 i s t the national voice. On the 22nd March the 
1813 President of the Board of Control brought forward the 
ministerial propositions, that the Government of India 
should be continued for twenty years longer in the hands 
of the Company, with liberty to continue to prosecute 
their trade, but that the whole nation should be allowed 
to participate in it ; that the Company should enjoy the 
exclusive trade to China, and that the restrictions on the 
resort of Europeans to the country should be relaxed so as 
to amount to a virtual abolition. 

These propositions were violently opposed by the 
Directors and Proprietors, and they petitioned Parliament 
Witnesses of ^ or ^ eave ^ bring forward witnesses to support 
the Direo- their claims. The first witness was the venerable 
* rs ' Warren Hastings, then in his eightieth year 


Twenty-six years before he bad been arraigned by the A.D. 
House of Commons at the bar of the House of Lords for 1813 
high crimes and misdemeanours. He had outlived the 
passions and prejudices of that age, and the whole House 
rose as he entered and paid a spontaneous homage to his 
exalted character and his eminent services. But his views 
of Indian policy belonged to that remote period when he 
was laying the foundation of the empire ; he could not 
realise the change of circumstances in England and in 
India, and was opposed to all innovations. The evidence 
of Lord Teignmouth, of Mr. Charles Grant, of Colonel 
Malcolm and Colonel Munro, and indeed of all the witnesses 
marshalled by the India House, ran in the same groove. 
They maintained that the climate of India and the habits 
and prejudices of the natives precluded the hope of any 
increased consumption of British manufactures ; that the 
trade of India had reached its utmost limit, and that it 
could bo conducted to advantage only through the agency 
of the Company ; that the free admission of Europeans 
would lead to colonisation, and to the oppression of the 
natives, and the loss of India. But all the authorities and 
all the evidence the Court of Directors could muster, 
proved of no avail. The House yielded to the voice of the 
nation, and opened India to the commercial enterprise of 
all England. 

Reference has been made in a previous chapter to the 
restrictions imposed on the Seramporo missionaries by Sir 
George Barlow during the panic created by the The mission- 
Vellore mutiny, which were removed on his ry question, 
arrival by Lord Minto. But- on his return from Java, 
without the remotest appearance of any political necessity, 
he was induced to adopt stringent measures against the 
missionary enterprise, and to order eight missionaries, the 
majority of whom had recently arrived, peremptorily to 
quit the country. The hostility of the Court of Directors 
to missions and to education hail all the inveteracy of 
traditional prejudice, and it became necessary to take 
advantage of tin* Charter discussions to apply for the 
interposition of Parliament. The question was entrusted 
to Mr. Wilberlorce, who, in a speech distinguished for its 
eloquence, entreated the House to grant permission to 
place the truths of Christianity before the natives of India 
for their voluntary acceptance. But the India House and 
its witnesses, with some exceptions, were as virulently 
opposed to this concession as to that of free trade, and 


reprobated the admission of missionary and mercantile 
agents with equal vehemence. But the voice of the 
country was raised with more than ordinary urianimity 
against the monstrous proposition that the only religion 
to be proscribed in India should be that of its rulers. The 
House was, inundated with petitions from every corner, and 
from all classes and denominations, and the clause giving 
missionaries the same access to India as merchants was 
passed by large majorities. 




THE Earl of Moira, subsequently created Marquis of 
Hastings, took the oaths and his seat in Council on the 
4th October. He was of the mature age of n'fty- 
Hastings nine, a nobleman of Norman lineage, with a tall 
governor- and commanding figure, and distinguished by 
enerai. ^. g p a ^ c j an bearing. He entered the army at 
the age of seventeen, and served seven years in the war of 
independence in America. His life had been subsequently 
passed in connection with important public affairs, and he 
brought to his high office a large fund of experience, a 
clear and sound judgment, and great decision of character, 
together with the equivocal honour of being the personal 
friend of the Prince Regent. In his place in Parliament 
he had denounced Lord Wellesley's wars and his ambitious 
policy of establishing British supremacy throughout India ; 
but this opinion was reversed as soon as he had taken a 
survey of the position and prospects of the Indian empire ; 
and before he had been many months in India he recorded 
his impression that " our object in India ought to be to 
" render the British Government paramount in effect, if 
" not declaredly so ... and to oblige the other states to 
" perform the two great feudatory duties of supporting 
" our rule with all their forces, and submitting their 
" mutual differences to our arbitration." 


Lord Hastings found his eastern throne no bed of roses. A.D. 
The non-intervention policy which the authorities in 1813 
Leadenhall street considered the perfection of state of 
political wisdom, and the native princes an iua. 
obvious token of pusillanimity had brought on a contempt 
of our power, and sown the seeds of new wars. The 
violence of Holkar had ended in insanity ; his government lost 
its strength, and Ameer Khan stepped in and became at 
once the prop of the throne and the curse of the country. 
The troops of Sindia had been incessantly employed in 
jiLTgrandising his power by encroachments oil his neigh- 
bours. The Peshwa had been husbanding his resources 
for the first opportunity of shaking off British control. 
The Pmdaree freebooters were spreading desolation through 
a region 500 miles in length and 400 in breadth ; and on 
the northern frontier of Bengal and Behar a new power 
had arisen and invaded our districts, and hung like a dark 
cloud on the mountains of Nepaul. The Company's army, 
which had been subject to large reductions in a spirit of 
unwise economy, was found to bo inadequate to the defence 
of our frontier, and the treasury was empty. 

The first and immediate difficulty of Lord Hastings arose 
out of the encroachments of the Nepaulcsc or Goorkhas. The 
valley of Nopaul is embosomed in the Himalaya, Description 
and bounded on the north by some of its loftiest of Nepaul. 
and most majestic peaks, and on the south by its first and 
lowest range. That range is skirted by a magnificent 
forest, from eight to ten miles in depth, which presents an 
unbroken series of gigantic trees ; no breatli of wind 
readies the interior, which is littered with rank and 
decay od vegetation ; no animal ventures into it, and no 
sound of a bird is heard in its recesses. An open plain, 
called the terace, stretches along tho south of the forest, 
about 500 miles in length and 20 in breadth. The soil is 
watered by the streams which descend from the mountains, 
and, when cultivated, pi*oduces tho most luxuriant crops, 
but during the greater part of the year is as pestilential as 
the Pontine marshes. 

About tho middle of the fourteenth century, various 
colonists of Rajpoots entered the country and subdued the 

aboriginal Newars, and in the course of time _. . 
j i ^ A -T- A i j. j. RIso and 

were ranged under three tribes. About ten progress of 

years after the battle of Plassy, Prithee Narrain, 2^2*" 
the chief of tho tribe of Goorkhas, having sub- 
dued all the other chiefs, established a new dynasty, with 


A.D. Katmandhoo for its capital. His descendant, an infant, 
1806 was placed on the throne in 1805, and Bheem Sen formed 
a council of regency under his own presidency. The 
impulse of conquest which the founder had given to the 
nation continued in undiminished vigour. An expedition 
was sent to Lassa, and the living type of Booddha was 
subject to the humiliation of paying tribute to his Hindoo 
conqueror. But the emperor of China, the secular head 
of Booddhism, avenged the insult by invading Nepaul and 
obliging the Nepaulese to send an embassy with tribute to 
Pekin every three years. The cabinet of Katmandhoo then 
pushed their conquests eastward to Sikkim, and westward 
to the mountainous region of the higher Sutlej, where Umur 
Sing, their renowned general, came in contact with the 
rising power of Runjeet Sing, but was recalled from the 
siege of Kote Kangra to the defence of his own country 
from the assaults of the British Government. 

During the twenty-five years preceding the war we treat 
of, the Goorkhas had come down into the plains and 
Their en- usurped more than 200 British villages, arid 
croachments the subjects of the Company were exposed to 
territory? continual aggression along the whole line of their 
frontier. At length they had the presumption to 
seize upon the districts of Bootwul and Scoraj in Goruck- 
pore, which the Vizier of Oude had transferred to Lord 
Wellesley in 1802. Lord Minto was anxious, if possible, 
to avoid a resort to arms, and proposed a conference with 
the Nepaul ministry, which resulted in demonstrating that 
they had not the shadow of a right to them. Accordingly, 

1813 in June, he demanded the immediate restitution of them, and 
intimated that, in case of refusal, the Government would 
be obliged to have recourse to force ; but the Nepaul 
cabinet distinctly refused to evacuate them. Their reply 
did nob reach Calcutta till after the arrival of Lord 
Hastings, and, upon a careful examination of all the docu- 
ments, he deemed it indispensable to make a categorical 
demand that they should be surrendered within twenty- 
five days. The period expired without any communication 
from Katmandhoo, and he ordered the magistrate of Goruck- 
pore to expel the Goorkha officers 

1814 Lord Hastings's letter created a profound sensation at 
Katmandhoo, and convinced the regent that the dispute 
,, about these border lands was rapidly merging 

Goorkhas . , . . , i , i - ? 

resolve on into a question of peace or war with the British 
Wftr> power. A national council was convened to 


discuss the question, when Umur Sing said that his life A.. 
had been passed amidst the hardships of war, and he was 
not ignorant of its risks, but he deprecated a war with the 
British Government, and affirmed that the lands were not 
worth the hazard. u We have hitherto," he said, " been 
u hunting deer, but if we engage in this war we bhall have 
*' to hunt tigers." But the regent and his party were bent 
on war, and determined to demand the surrender of the 
whole of the country north of the Ganges, and, as if to 
render hostilities inevitable, sent a detachment down to 
Bootwnl, and put the police officer and eighteen of his men 
to death. The Goorkhas had thrown down the gauntlet, 
and Lord Hustings had no alternative but to take it up, 
promptly, without waiting for the result of a reference to 
Leadeiihall Street. This defiance of the British power 
seemed an act of incredible temerity on the part of the 
Goorkhas. Their whole army did not exceed 12,000, and 
it was scattered over a long line of frontier, and their 
largest gun was only a four-pounder ; but uninterrupted 
success for many years had infused a feeling of confidence 
into their minds. Their real strength consisted in the 
impracticable nature of their country, and in our entire igno- 
rance of its localities. 

Lord Hastings found himself dragged into an arduous 
conflict with an empty exchequer. On all former occasions 
the Government had resorted to a loan, but this L UC know 
was difficult, if not altogether impracticable, at a loai1 
time when their promissory notes were at a discount of nine 
and ten per cent., and money was worth twelve per 
cent, in the market. In this dilemma he cast his eye 
on the hoards of the Vizier, amounting to seven crores 
of rupees. That prince was anxious to be relieved 
from the imperious interference of the Resident} in the 
affairs of his government and of his court, and Lord 
Hastings had expressed a wish to afford him relief 
from this annoyance; on hearing, therefore, of the em- 
barrassment of the Government, he resolved to evince hivS 
gratitude by offering a donation of a crore of rupees. He 
died while Lord Hastings was on his way to Lucknow, 
where the offer was renewed by his son and successor. 
Lord Hastings agreed to accept it as a loan to the Com- 
pany, bearing interest, though he could not receive it as a 
gratuity ; but he gained little by the aid thus afforded him. 
Of the old loan at eight per cent., which the Government 
was cnriuiAniirintr to convert into a six per cent, stock, 
about half a crore of rupees was still unredeemed j and 


the Vice-President in Council, without any intimation to 
the Governor- General, employed half the sum obtained at 
Lucknow in paying it off. This act of folly deprived Lord 
Hastings of the sinews of war, and would have produced a 
disastrous effect on the campaign if he had not submitted 
to the humiliation of soliciting a second crore, which was 
not, however, given without much reluctance. 

With regard to the plan of the campaign, Lord Hastings 
considered it impolitic to confine his operations to the 
Plan of the simple defence of a line of frontier several 
campaign, hundred miles in extent, which it would be found 
impracticable to guard effectually against an energetic 
and rapacious enemy. He felt that our military reputation 
could be sustained only by a bold and successful assault 
on the strongest of the Goorkha positions. Ho accordingly 
planned four expeditions on four points : the western on 
the Sutlej, the eastern on the capital, and two others on 
intermediate points. The division under General Gillespie, 
who had gained a high reputation at Velloro and in Java, 
was the first in the field, 3,500 strong, and advanced 
toward the Dhoon valley ; during his progress he came 
upon a small fort at Kalunga, held by 600 Goorkhas. 
Lord Hastings had warned him against any attempt to 
storm works which should be reduced by artillery, but, 
with the reckless daring of his character, he determined to 
carry it by assault, and as he rushed up to the gate to 
encourage his men who were ,'., "\ :> ,1 by the murderous 
fire of the Goorkhas, he was shot through the heart. A 
retreat was immediately sounded, but not before twenty 
officers and 240 rank and file lay killed or wounded. 
1814 A month was lost in waiting for heavy ordnance from 
Delhi ; but after the breach was reported practicable, the 
Failure of assau ^ was repulsed, with another loss of 680 
three of the men. Three days of incessant shelling rendered the 
divisions. ^ QQ ^ un t e uable, and the bravo Goorkha comman- 
der made his escape with only seventy survivors. The 
reputation of the division was not restored by General 
Martindell, on whom the command devolved, who allowed 
himself, with an army of 5,000 sepoys and 1,000 Europeans, 
to be held at bay by 2,300 Goorkhas. The division under 
General J. S. Wood, which was appointed to penotrato 
Nepaul through Palpa, was paralysed by similar incapacity, 
and an army of 4,500 British soldiers, European and native, 
was not found to be a match for 1,200 of the Nepaul force. 
The chief reliance of Lord Hastings was placed on the 


division of General Marley, 8,000 strong, destined to march A.D. 
directly on the capital, only 100 miles from our frontier; 
but he surpassed the others in imbecility. Two detach- 
ments were sent east and west without any precautions, 
and were fiercely assailed by the enemy. The sepoys fled, 
but the officers fell fighting with their usual valour, and 
guns, stores, and ammunition were captured by the enemy. 
The wretched general made a retrograde movement, and, 
though reinforced by two European regiments, could not 
be persuaded to enter the forest ; and one morning, at early 
dawn, mounted his horse, and, without even delegating 
the command to any officer, galloped back to the canton- 
ments at Dinapore. General George Wood, who succeeded 
him, was equally devoid of spirit, and the services of the 
division were lost. 

This was the first campaign, since the Company took up 
arms in India, in which their troops outnumbered those of 
the enemy. Our non-success was owing entirely Effect of 
to the exceptional incompetence of the generals, these re- 

r i TT j 111- j , i verses. 

Lord Hastings regarded his position with ex- 
treme anxiety, and, in his diary, stated that if we were to 
be foiled in this struggle, it would be the first step to the 
subversion of our power. These reverses were diligently 
promulgated throughout India, and revived the dormant 
hopes of the native princes, who began to make military 
demonstrations. Under the auspices of the Peshwa, who 
sent envoys to all the courts in India, not omitting even 
the Pindarecs, a secret treaty of mutual support was con- 
cluded against the British Government. The army of 
Sindia was organised on our frontier. Ameer Khan, with 
25,000 horse and foot, took up a position within twelve 
marches of our territories. Runjeet Sing marched 20,000 
men to the fords of the Sutlej, and 20,000 Pindarees stood 
ready for any opportunity of mischief. To meet this 
emergency, Lord Hastings ordered up the whole of the 
disposable force of the Madras army to the frontier of the 
Deccan, and raised additional regiments of infantry, en- 
listed irregular horse, and increased the strength of the 
army to 80,000. But the Company's iklaly or good fortune, 
as the natives observed, was still in the ascendant. Run- 
jeet Sing was recalled by a threatened inroad of the 
Afghans. Sindia's two commanders, after long discord, 
attacked each other; the Pindaree leaders quarrelled 
among themselves ; Ameer Khan found more immediate 
employment in the plunder of Joudpore, and the cloud 


was completely dispelled by the brilliant success of General 


A.D. The division of this general was appointed to dislodge 
1816 the Goorkhas from the territories they had acquired on 

Operations ^ ne higher Sutlej, where Umur Sing was in 

of General command, and the ablest of the Goorkha generals 

Ochterlony. wag ^.^ againgt the ab]est of tbe English Com* 

manders. The scene of operation was a wild and rugged 
region, presenting successive ranges of mountains rising 
one above another to the lofty peaks of the Himalaya, 
broken by deep glens and covered with thick forests. The 
general had formed a correct estimate of the bold character 
of his opponent and of the advantage ho enjoyed in his 
position, and pursued his object by cautious but steady 
advances. He opened the campaign by the capture of the 
important fortress of Nalagurh, after a bombardment of 
thirty hours, with the loss of only one European soldier. 
During the next five months the valour of the British 
troops was matched by the gallantry of the Goorkhas, and 
the skill of British engineers was repeatedly foiled by the 
tact and resolution of their opponents. The service was 
the most arduous in which the Company's army had ever 
been engaged. At an elevation of more than 5,000 feet 
above the level of the sea, at the most inclement season of 
the year, amidst falls of snow often of two days continuance, 
the pioneers were employed in blasting rocks and opening 
roads for the eighteen-pound ers, and day after day the 
men and the elephants were employed in dragging them 
up those alpine heights ; but the energy of the general, and 
the exhilarating character of the warfare, diffused a feeling 
of enthusiasm throughout the army. By a series of bold 
and skilful manoeuvres every height was at length sur- 
mounted and every fortress captured but that of Malown. 
Before General Ochterlony reached it, Lord Hastings had 
despatched some irregular corps raised by Colonel Gardner, 
an officer of great merit who had been in the Mahratta 
service, to occupy the province of Almora. That gallant 
officer and his new levies speedily cleared it of the 
Goorkhas, and effectually cut off Umur Sing's communica- 
tion with the capital, and deprived him of all hope of 
reinforcements. The Goorkha officers entreated him 
to make conditions with the general, but the stern old 
chief spurned their advice, and they passed over to the 
English camp. He retired into the citadel with 200 men, 
but when the batteries were about to open upon it he 


hesitated to sacrifice in a forlorn conflict the lives of the 
brave men who had nobly adhered to him to the last, and 
accepted the terms offered by his generous foe, who, in 
consideration of the skill, bravery, and fidelity with which 
he had defended the country, allowed him to march ont 
frith his arms and colours and personal property. 

The discomfiture of their ablest general, and the loss of 
their most valuable acquisition, took away from the 
regency all confidence in their fastnesses, and ^0^ 
induced them to sue for peace. Commissioners Goorkha 
came down to Segowlee and signed a treaty calnpaign * 
on the 2nd December, under an engagement to deliver the AJX 
ratification of it within fifteen days, and a royal salute was 
fired in Calcutta in honour of the peace. But the ratifica- 
tion was never sent. Umur Sing and his son had in the 
meantime arrived at Katmandhoo, and successfully urged 
the regency to continue the war and to dispute every inch 
of ground. Another campaign became inevitable, and 
Lord Hastings had to assemble an army with all speed to 
strike a blow at the capital before the rains commenced. 
A force of 20,000 men was collected on the frontier, and 
placed under the command of General Ochterlony, who 
advanced with his usual caution and promptitude. Finding 
the Goorkha works in the first pass unassailable, he deter- 
mined to turn the flank of the enemy, and on the night of 
the 14th February marched in dead silence through a 1816 
narrow ravine, where twenty men might have arrested a 
whole army. The force bivouacked for two days and 
nights without food or shelter, awaiting the arrival of the 
second detachment, and then advanced to Muck wan pore, 
within fifty miles of Katmandhoo, where the Goorkha army 
sustained a signal defeat. The regency lost all conceit of 
fighting ; the treaty duly ratified, was sent down in hot 
haste, and peace was concluded on the 2nd March on 
terms -! -V.v'y moderate. The Goorkhas were not only 
the most valiant but the most humane foes we had ever 
encountered in India, and they also proved to be the most 
faithful to their engagements. Unlike ether treaties with 
Indian princes, this of 1816 has never been infringed ; and 
instead of taking advantage of our embarrassments during 
the mutiny of 1857, they sent a large force to assist in 
quelling it, 




THE policy of Lord Wellesley had been steadily repudiated 
by the Court of Directors, but its wisdom, was amply 
Fatans and vindicated by the misery which followed its 
pindaree*. abandonment, and by the desolation of Central 
India for ten years by the Patans and the Piridarees. 
Ameer Khan, tlie Patan, had established a regular govern- 
ment, but the predatory element was always predominant 
in it. His army was estimated at 10,000 foot and 15,000 
horse, with a powerful artillery, and as it was his plan to 
levy contributions from princes and states, he marched 
about with all the appliances for the siege of towns. The 
object of the Pindarees was universal and indiscriminate 
plunder, and they swept through the country with a 
degree of rapidity which rendered it impossible; to calculate 
their movements, and baffled all pursuit. On his arrival, 
Lord Hastings found 50,000 Patans and Pindarees in the 
heart of India subsisting by plunder, and extending their 
ravages over an area as large as England. 
A.D. One of his earliest acts was to point out to the Court of 

1814 Directors, in language more emphatic than that of Lord 

Minto, the increasing danger of this predatory 
5o!fto e the" power. He asserted that India could not prosper 
Court of until the Government " became the head of a 

" league embracing every power in India, and 
" was placed in a position to direct its entire strength 
" against the disturbers of the public peace." But this 
course of policy was systematically opposed by the two 
members of his Council. Mr. Edmonstone combined 
official talent of a high order with long experience, bat 
lacked the endowments of a statesman, and clung to the 
retrograde policy of Sir George Barlow. Mr. Dowdeswell 
had all the narrowmindedness of Sir George without a 
tithe of his ability. In reply to Lord Hastings's represen- 

1815 ^ a ^i n j ^ ne Court, still clinging to the non-interveiition 
policy, forbad him to engage " in plans of general con- 
" federacy or of offensive operations against the Pindarees, 
" either with a view to their utter extirpation, or in 
** anticipation of expected danger." They enjoined him to 


undertake nothing that could embroil them with Sindia, 
and to make no change in the existing system of political 
relations ; to maintain the course of policy pursued by Sir 
George Barlow, to reduce the strength of the army, and 
practise a rigid economy. 

Before this communication reached Calcutta, Lord Hast- A.D. 
ings, in the hope of preventing the Pindarees from crossing 1814 
the Nerbudda, had entered into negotiations for v 
a subsidiary alliance with the raja of Nagpore, native 
which the Court had sanctioned five or six years alUance8 - 
before, but the raja persisted in resisting the proposal. 
Lord Hastings then proposed a similar alliance with 
Bhopal, Nvith the view of holding the Pindarees in check. 
Bhopal was a small principality in Mahva, in the valley of 
the Nerbudda, lying between the British territories and 
the head-quarters of the Pindarees. The prince was the 
only chief in Central India who gave any support to the 
expedition of General Goddard in 1778, and the testi- 
monials granted by him on that occasion arc still carefully 
preserved in the archives of that noble house. In 1813, 
Sindia and the raja of Nagpore formed a confederacy to 
absorb its territories, and brought a force of 60,000 men 
against its renowned minister, Vizier Mahomed, which 
besieged the capital successively for two years. He 
implored the interference of the British Government, and 
Lord Hastings considered that in the existing circum- 
stances of Central India, it was of no little importance to 
protect a state situated like Bhopal from extinction, and 
the two Mahratta powers were informed that it was under 1813 
the protection of the Company. The raja of Nagpore, 
after some hesitation, withdrew his army, but Sindia 
assumed a lofty tone it was at the time of the three 
failures in the Nepaul war and declared that Bhopal was 
one of his dependencies, with which the Government was 
debarred from interfering by Sir George Barlow's treaty of 
1805. But the vigorous preparations made by Lord 
Hastings to enforce his requisition, and more especially 
the success of General Ochterlony, staggered him ; his two 
generals attacked each other under the walls of Bhopal, 
and the siego was raised. But the projected alliance with 
Bhopal fell to the ground. 

Bajee Rao, the Peshwa, was about this time brought 
into conflict with the Government, which eventually ended 
in his ruin. He had none of the talents for Affairs at 
government which had viisiii.guislu'd his pve- 


decessors, and rested the success of his schemes on in- 
trigue and perfidy. He was the slave of avarice and 
superstition ; he had accumulated five crores of rupees in 
ten years, but he was lavish in his gifts to temples and 
brahmins, and his time was passed in constant pilgrimages 
from shrine to shrine. His efforts to seize on the estates 
of the great feudatories of the Mahratta empire, denomi- 
nated the " southern J . _- -, 1 :-." many of them of greater 
antiquity than his own house, had been defeated by the 
interposition of the Resident, and increased his disaffection, 
igjg About the year 1813, one Trimbukjee Danglia, who was 
oritri'iully in the spy department, entered his service, and 
by his intelligence and energy, and not less by pandering 
to his vices, obtained a complete ascenda icy over his mind. 
So great was the servile devotion he manifested to his 
master that he assured Mr. Elphinstone, the Resident, that 
he was ready to kill a cow at his bidding. Towards the 
English Government he always manifested an implacable 
hostility, and was incessantly urging the Peshwa to shake 
off their alliance and assert his position as the head of the 
Mahratta power. 

The Peshwa had claims on the Gaikwar extending back 
for half a century, which, with interest, amounted to little 
Claims on short of three crores. The Gaikwar advanced 
theftaikwar. counter claims of scarcely less amount, and he 

1814 deputed his chief minister, Gungadhur Shastree, to Poona, 
to adjust them ; but he would not venture into the city 
without the guarantee of the Resident. His reception was 
ungracious, and he was so completely baffled by evasions, 
that he determined to return to Baroda, upon which Trim, 
bukjee changed his tactics, and spared no pains to gain 
him over to the interests of his master, who promised to 
bestow the hand of his sister-in-law on his son. The 
Shastree was thus induced to compromise the Gaikwar 
claims, without his concurrence or that of the Resident, for 
land yielding about seven lacs of rupees a year. An aus- 
picious day was selected by the astrologers for the nuptials, 
and splendid preparations made for it; but the Shastree, 
hearing that his master repudiated the treaty, requested 
that the marriage might bo suspended. Tho Peshwa 
considered this an unpardonable insult, which could be 
expiated only with his blood. 

The Shastree was accordingly induced to accompany the 

1815 Peshwa on his -nPirriMri..*' to Punderpore, though warned 
of his 'danger, and, soon after bis arrival there, yielded 


to the importunities of Trimbukjee to pay his devotions 
at the shrine after dusk. On his return he Aflsassinft _ 
was waylaid and assassinated. The murder of tionofthe 
a brahmin of the highest rank and learned in shasfcree - 
the shasters, in a holy city, at a period of pilgrimage, 
and in the immediate precincts of the temple, filled the 
Mahratta community with horror. But the victim was 
also the minister of an ally of the Company, arid had 
proceeded to the court at Poona under a safe conduct. The 
Resident took up the case with promptitude and vigour, and 
having traced the murder to the agency of Trumbukjee, 
called on the Pcshwa to deliver him up. The demand was 
resolutely resisted, and the Peshwa began to levy troops 
and determined to raise his standard, although unable to 
obtain the promise of assistance he solicited from the other 
Mahratta powers ; but Mr. Elphinstone had taken the 
precaution of calling up troops to the capital. Bajee 
Rao's constitutional cowardice mastered every other feel- 
ing, arid he surrendered his favourite on condition that his 
life should be spared. He was placed in confinement in 
the fort of Tanna, when he fully confessed the assassina- 
tion, but declared that he had not acted without his master's 

Lord Hastings returned to Calcutta at the close of 1815, 
and placed on the records of Council an elaborate minute 
pointing out. in stronger language than he had 
yet used the increasing danger arising from the iiW second 
growth of the Pmdaree power, and, in order to 
suppress it, proposing a general system of alliances 
under the guarantee of the Company, a revision of our 
relations with the native powers, and a new settlement of 
the Mahratta dominions. It is two colleagues opposed the 
proposal and it was sent on to the India House with their 
dissent. While it was on its way to England, the necessity 
of some immediate effort was rendered more imperative 
by their increasing audacity. The duasera festival, when 
the plan of the winter campaign was usually organized, 18U 
was celebrated in the autumn of 1815 at Nimar, the head- 
quarters of Cheetoo, the chief leader, by a larger collection 
of Pindarees than had been assembled on any previous 
occasion, and their operations were especially directed 
against the territories of the Company and of the Nfaam. 
A body of 8,000 crossed the "Norbudda in October, and 
swept through his provinces as far south as the Kistna, 
and returned so richly laden with booty that merchants 


were invited from all quarters to purchase it. This extra- 
ordinary success attracted fresh crowds to their standard, 
and a body of 23,000 crossed the Nerbudda in February. 
One large division poured down on the northern Sircars, 
sacked the civil station of Guntoor on the Coromandel 
coast, and for ten days plundered the adjacent villages 
with perfect impunity. Troops were immediately des- 
patched from Calcutta by sea, but the Pindarees had 
disappeared before their arrival, and it would have been as 
vain to follow them as to pursue a flight of locusts. It was 
found on investigation that during this raid 330 villages 
had been plundered, and many of them burnt ; 500 persons 
had been wounded ; 182 put to death, and 3,000 sub- 
jected to torture, while the loss of property was estimated 
at twenty-five lacs of rupees. 

This expedition demonstrated the importance of obtain- 
ing the co-operation of the raja of Nagpore, through whose 
1816 subsidiary territories the Pindarees had passed, but the raja 
alliance with still continued to resist every proposal of a sub- 
Nagpore. s idi ar y alliance. He died on the 22nd March, 
and was succeeded by his son Pcrsajee, who was blind, 
palsied, and a confirmed idiot. His nephew, subsequently 
known as Appa Sahib, was acknowledged as regent, but 
was vigorously opposed by the intrigues of the court and 
the zenana, and threw himself upon the British Government, 
and offered at once to conclude the proposed alliance. A 
treaty was accordingly signed on the 29th May, which 
provided that a body of 6,000 infantry, a regiment of 
cavalry, and a suitable proportion of artillery, should be 
subsidized by the Nagpore state, and that the raja should 
not contract any foreign alliances, and refer all differences 
with other powers to the arbitration of the Governor- 
General. Lord Hastings was thus enabled to place on 
record that in two months he had been able to effect 
what had been fruitlessly laboured at for twelve years, and 
he now considered it certain that the Pindarees would 
not be able again to cross the Nerbudda, A despatch was 
soon after received from the India House revoking the 
permission formerly given to contract such an alliance, 
but it arrived too late to do any mischief. 

The Court of Directors had in 1813 sanctioned the 
renewal of the protective treaty with Jeypore which Sir 
Proposed George Barlow had torn up. Ameer Khan and 
aiiiancewith his freebooters having drained Joudpore, fell 
Jeypore. U p O n this state, and laid siege to the capital. 


The raja despatched an envoy to Mr. Metcalfe, the Resident 
at Delhi, to implore the protection of the Government, 
and Lord Hastings, having regained his authority in 
Council by the accession of Mr. Seton who voted with 
him, resolved to avail himself of the warrant of the Court, 
and to conclude the alliance. Two divisions of troops, 
each 9,000 strong, were ordered into the field to expel the 
Patans from Jeypore, and to meet the hostility of Sindia 
or Holkar, who, having once subjected the country to 
plunder, considered that they had established a right over it. 
The four subsidiary armies of the Peshwa, the Nizam, the 
Gaikwar, and the raja of Nagpore were ordered forward, 
but the raja of Jeypore had no intention to fetter himself 
with any such connection, and, in the true spirit of oriental 
policy, was negotiating with Ameer Khan, whom he 
induced eventually to raise the siege by threatening to sign 
the treaty, and thus bring down the weight of the British 
armies upon him. 

Mr. George Canning, one of the most brilliant of English 
statesmen, who was appointed President of the Board 1816 
of Control in June 1816, was immediately pegp^^ 
called upon to take into consideration Lord from Eng- 
Hastings's proposal to form a general system of land * 
alliances with a view to the extirpation of the Pindaree 
power. New as he was to the Government, it is no 
matter of surprise that he should have been unwilling to 
assume the responsibility of so fundamental a change in 
the policy of the empire, more especially when it was 
opposed by the councillors in Calcutta, and by those who 
might be considered his constitutional advisers in Leaden- 
hall Street. Lord Hastings was, therefore, informed that 
the Court of Directors were unwilling to incur the risk of 
a general war for the uncertain purpose of rooting out the 
Pindarees, and that they would not sanction any extended 
military and political combinations for that purpose. They 
suggested that the Government might possibly enter into 
negotiations with some of tho Pindaree leaders, or treat 
with the men to deliver up their chiefs. This advice 
kindled the indignation of Lord Hastings. The suggestion 
of the Court to engage one portion of the Pindaree con- 
federation to destroy another, he attributed to the culpable 
negligence of the Government of India to point out the 
brutal and atrocious character of these wretches. But 
immediately after the transmission of this despatch from 
the India flouse, Mr. Canning received information of the 



A.D. irruption of the Pindarees into the Northern Sircars, and 
1816 the atrocities they had committed. His views were at 
once changed, and another despatch was sent under his 
directions, which stated : " We think it due to your Lord- 
* ship not to lose an instant in conveying to you an explicit 
assurance of our approval of any measures you may have 
authorised or undertaken, not only for repelling invasion 
but for pursuing and chastising the invaders. We can 
no longer abstain from a vigorous exertion of military 
power in vindication of the British name and in defence 
; of subjects who look to us for protection. . . . Any 
connection of Sindia or Holkar with the Pindarees 
; against us or our allies, known, though not avowed, 
1 would place them in a state of direct hostility to us." 

Lord Hastings was confident that the Nagpore subsi- 
1816 diary f rce planted on the banks of the Nerbudda would 
.17 _. , effec tuallypre vent the Pindarees from crossing it, 

* Pindaree , , J l , n ,. . , . . } 

campaign but he was painfully disappointed. As the period 
of 1816-17. O f ke annual swarming approached, Colonel 
Walker moved up to the Nerbudda with the whole body, 
n n mix "! ri f j: 6,000 men, but they were found unequal to the 
protection of a line a hundred and fifty miles in extent. 
The Pindaree detachments pushed across between his 
posts, and a large body dashed down on the British district 
of Kimedy, and burnt a portion of the town of Ganjam, 
and but for the accidental arrival of Company's troops to 
quell an insurrection in Orissa, would have laid the whole 
province under contribution. Other bodies plundered the 
territories of Nagpore and Hyderabad. The expeditions of 
181617 were the boldest they had undertaken, and the 
success which attended them gave rise to serious considera- 
tions. With the Nagpore subsidiary force guarding the 
Nerbudda, 23,000 Pindarees had crossed it. With 82,000 
British troops, besides the Poona brigade and the Nizam's 
contingent distributed over the country, they had rushed 
through the peninsula and ravaged both coasts. It was 
felt that the cost of these defensive measures exceeded the 
largest calculation of the cost of a campaign to exterminate 
the freebooters. It was therefore unanimously resolved in 
Council to abandon the resolution which had been adopted 
to abstain from any system of offensive operations till the 
sanction of the home authorities could be received, and to 
adopt vigorous measures against them without delay. 

Intimation of this determination to extinguish the 
Pindarees was immediately conveyed to Sindia, and ho was 


requested to cooperate in carrying it into execution, but 
they had agents at his court, and warm parti- Bindla , g 
zans amongst his ministers, who endeavoured determina- 
te persuade him that his own security would be tl<n ' 
impaired if ho sanctioned the extirpation of these valuable 
auxiliaries, who were ready at any time to flock to his 
standard, and who required no pay. The agents of the 
Pindarees boasted that they would outdo the exploits of 
Jesvvunt Rao Holkar, and that 50,000 of their body would 
carry lire and sword to Calcutta. But Sindia was not to 
be misled by this gasconade ; he had not forgotten Assye, 
the Company had recently triumphed in Nepal, they had 
secured the resources of Nagpore, and the Government in 
Calcutta was again animated with the spirit of Lord 
Wellesley, and lie promised his co-operation. 

During these negotiations at Gwahor events of great 
importance transpired at Poona. Trimbukjee effected his 
escape from Tanna, and though i he Peshwa mani- Hostility of 
fested unusual cordiality towards the Resident for BajeeRao. 
some time, there v\as the clearest evidence that he was en- 
gaged in correspondence with Holkar,and Sindia, and Ameer 
Khan, and the Pindarees, for a simultaneous rising against 
the Government. Under the direct ion of Trimbukjee, he 
hastened the enlistment of troops, collected draft cattle, 
augmented his artillery, provisioned Lis forts, and deposited 
his jewels and treasure in the strongest of them. In 1817 
April, Mr. Klphinstone presented a note to him upbraiding 
him with the hostile movements he v%as abetting, and 
declaring that the good understanding between the Govern- 
ment and him was at an end. At the same time, he pe- 
remptorily demanded the surrender of Trimbukjee, and the 
delivery of three forts as security, and he supported these 
representations by ordering up troops to Poona. The 
Peshwa's brave general Gokla urged a bold appeal to arms, 
but he had not the spirit to adopt this advice. The forts 
were surrendered, and a reward offered for the apprehension 
of Trimbukjee. 

On the eve of his comprehensive operations against the 
Pindarees, Lord Hastings deemed it necessary to exact 
greater securities from this perfidious prince. nc 
Mr. Elphinstono was desired to present him with penalty in. 
the draft of a treaty which required him to dismiss f}^ 1 on 
the agents of foreign princes accredited to his 
court, to refer all matters in dispute with them to the 
arbitrament of the British Government, to renounce all his 


4.D. rights in Saugor and Bundlecund, and, in lieu of the con- 
i817 tingent of 5,000 horse and 3,000 foot he was bound to 
furnish, to cede territory yielding twenty- four lacs a year. 
His ministers endeavoured to mitigate the severity of these 
penalties, and they affirmed that we appeared to exact a 
greater degree of fidelity to engagements than any native 
prince was able to observe. The treaty was nevertheless 
signed on the 13th June. When the intelligence of these 
arrangements and of this large addition to the Company's 
territories reached England, Mr. Canning remarked that 
this transaction sufficiently proved " the irrepressible 
" tendency of our Indian power to enlarge its bounds, and 
" to augment its preponderance, in spite of the most pe- 

* remptory injunctions of forbearance from home, and the 
4 most scrupulous obedience of them in India. These 
' measures were considered an unwelcome though justifiable 
' exception to the general rule of our policy ; only the oc- 

* currence of these exceptions had been unfortunately too 
1 frequent." Before this despatch had left the India House, 

the Peshwa was a fugitive, and his kingdom a British pro- 

On the death of Holkar in 1811, Toolsee bye, the favourite 
of his harem young, beautiful, and fascinating in her 
Hoikar's address, with great talent for business, but violent 
to Court. an d vindictive, resolved to conduct the govern- 
ment as regent. Ameer Khan exercised a preponderating 
influence in the state, by means of his lieutenant and his 
battalions when he was absent plundering Rajpootana. lie 
was considered the head of the Patan faction. Tantia joge, a 
brahmin and a merchant, accepted the oflice of prune 
minister, and was the leader of the Mahratta party. The 
troops of the state were frequently mutinous for pay, when 
districts were assigned to the commandant, who fleeced the 
people without mercy, and sacked open villages, and 
cannonaded walled towns. There was no power in the 
state stronger than that of the military, and the govern- 
ment was in a state of anarchy. It was at this period, in 
the autumn of 1817, that the agents of Bajee Rao arrived 
in the camp to promote the confederacy he was forming 
against the Government of India. 




THE disorganisation of Central India had now reached its A.D. 
climax. The number of armed men who lived by violence 
fell little short of 100,000, and there was no L()1(1Hast . 
native potentate with the power, or even the dis- w-'a new 
position, to restore peace and security. On the P llc y* 
8th July, Lord Hastings proceeded to the upper provinces 
to reduce this chaos to order. He felt that the only mode 
of dealing effectually with the Pindarees was to assail them 
in their haunts, and hunt them through the country till 
their organisation was completely broken up. He felt, 
likewise, that, to prevent the revival of such a confederacy, 
it w r as necessary to resettle Central India, to define the 
boundaries of each principality, and to prevent mutual 
encroachments by the establishment of our paramount 
power ; in short, to restore and complete the system of policy 
devised by Lord Wellesley twelve years before. But the 
President of the Board of Control, the Court of Directors, 
and Ins own Council, were equally opposed to any such 
general federation under our supremacy. In his progress 
up the country, he therefore communicated to the Council 
his intention to take upon himself the sole responsibility of 
deviating from the views of the home authorities, and 
carrying out the general system of alliances he had deter- 
mined to form. 

The resolution was executed with promptitude and 
vigour. The chiefs of Malw r a and Rajpootana were in- 
formed that the neutral policy had ceased, and Treatleg f 
that the Government was prepared to admit alliance with 
them to protective alliances. The intelligence pJ^J^ 
was received with exultation throughout those 
provinces, and the Residency of Delhi was speedily crowded 
with the agents of nineteen of the princes of Central 
India. The first to enter into the circle of alliances was 
the venerable and virtuous Zalim Sing, the regent of 
Kotah. Then came the youthful and accomplished nabob 
of Bhopal, who eagerly embraced the alliance his father 
had refused. The raja of Boondee, ungenerously aban- 
doned to tho mercies of Holkar by Sir George Barlow, 


was now taken again under British protection. The raja 
of Joudpore, brought to the brink of ruin by the rapacity of 
the Mahrattas and Patans, eagerly accepted an offer which 
released him from all further anxiety. Even the proud 
house of Oodypore, which had never acknowledged the 
supremacy of Mogul or Mahratta, now submitted to the 
supremacy of the Company; and lastly, the raja of Jeypore, 
seeing every other prince bending the knee to the ruling 
power in India, came into the system of alliances. Within 
four months, Mr. Metcalfe, the Resident at Delhi, to whom 
the management of these negotiations was committed, 
concluded the treaties of alliance with all these princes 
upon the principle of u subordinate co-operation and ac- 
" knowledged supremacy," 

The military operations on which Lord Hastings entered 
1817 were up 011 a larger scale even than those of Lord Welles- 
Extent of ^ ev ' anc ^ em braced the whole extent of country 
military pre- from the Kistna to the Ganges, and from Cawn- 
parations. pore to Q uzerat< The armies of the three Presi- 
dencies were called out, and, including irregulars and the 
contingents of native princes, the entire force amounted to 
116,000 infantry and cavalry, and 300 guns. Tlio magni- 
tude of this array was out of all proportion to the simple 
object of exterminating bands of marauders who never 
stood an attack ; but Lord Hastings was not ignorant that 
the extinction of the Pindarees was opposed to the wishes 
and the interests of the chief native powers, and that the 
ever perfidious Peshwa was endeavouring to unite them in 
a confederacy against the Government ; his preparations 
were, therefore, intended to provide for any adverse move- 
ments on their part. Happily, the powers of Governor- 
General and Commander-in-Chief were united in his 
person, and all the arrangements, political and military, 
were regulated by the same undivided authority. The 
veteran soldier of sixty -five took the field in person. The 
plan of the campaign provided that four divisions should 
advance from the Deccan, under the orders of Sir Thomas 
Hyslop, the Madras Commander-in-Chief, and four from 
the north-west, and converge on the camps of the Pinda- 

In the north it was necessary to place a check on the 
dubious intentions of Sindia and Ameer Khan. Sindia 
Treaty with na< ^ a ^ n ce agreed to the proposal to co-operate 
Sindia. i n attacking the Pindarees, but rumours had 
been diffused through his army that Bajeo Rao was about 


to raise the national standard and assail the Company, and 
his troops were eager to join in the warfare ; he himself 
also had accepted twenty- five lacs of rupees from the A.D. 
Peshwa. On the 10th October, a note wa,s delivered to 181 ? 
him, stating that as he had excited the Pindarees to attack 
the Company's territories, and had subsequently afforded 
them an asylum on their return, the Governor- General 
considered the treaty of 1805 abrogated, and was about to 
enter into alliances with the chiefs of Malwa and Raj poo- 
tan a, which that treaty had interdicted. He was now 
required to manliest his sincerity by pl.icing his troops at 
the disposal of the British Government, and admitting a 
garrison into the fortresses of Hindia and Aseergurh. To 
quicken his decision, Lord Hastings took the field on the 
16th October, and having crossed the Jumna marched 
directly towards Gwalior. By this manoeuvre Sindia's 
communications with the Peshwa and the Pmdarees, and 
even with the bulk of his own army then encamped in his 
southern districts, was cut off, and lie was isolated in his 
capital with only 8,000 troops. He signed the treaty on 
the approach of Lord Hastings, and saved his kingdom 
from the fate which overtook the other Mahratta powers. 
While the camp lay in the vicinity of Gwalior it was 
desolated by a visitation of cholera, little, if at all, known 
previously in India, which reduced the strength of the 
force, including camp followers, to the extent of nearly 
20,000 men. At the height of the disease, Lord Hastings 
gave instructions to his staff that if he himself should fall a 
victim to it, his body was to be silently buried in his tent, 
lest his death should discourage the troops, and em- 
bolden Sindia to attack the encampment in its prostrate 

Ameer Khan was at this juncture scarcely less important 131 
a chieftain than Sindia. His army consisted of fifty-two 
battalions with an efficient cavalry, and a hundred Ameer 
and fifty guns. It was as necessary to break up Khan, 
the Patan as the Pindaree force, and Lord Hastings did 
not hesitate to compass that object by offering to confirm 
him in tho sovereignty of the districts ho held belonging 
to the Holkar state, on tho condition of his disbanding his 
force, and surrendering his guns at a valuation. He 
wavered at first, but on hearing of tho extinction of the 
power of Bajee Rao and Appa Sahib, he accepted the 
proposal and became an acknowledged feudatory prince, 
with a territorial revenue of fifteen lacs a year. 


The advance of one division from Hindostan and two 
from the Deccan towards the head- quarters of the Pinda- 
A D Outbreak of ree s, became the signal for the explosion of the 
1817 the Peshwa. pl o t which the Pesliwa had organized among the 
Mahratta powers against the Company. He himself broke 
out on the 5th November, the raja of Nagpore on the 26th, 
and Holkar's army on the 16th December. After the 
signature of the treaty of the 5th June, he went on pil- 
grimage to Pundurpore, and soon after received a visit 
from Sir John Malcolm. The credulous general allowed 
himself to be so completely cajoled by the craft of the 
Peshwa into the belief of his cordial attachment to the 
British Government, that he advised him to increase the 
strength of his army. Under his advice, moreover, 
General Smith's army was allowed to quit Poona, and the 
cautionary fortresses were restored. Bajee Rao now 
redoubled his preparations for war. From his private 
hoards he advanced a crore to Gokla his commander, to 
increase his levies and to provision his forts. He likewise 
spared no pains to conciliate the southern jageerdars with 
whom he had always been at issue, and endeavoured to 
seduce the sepoys from their allegiance by large bribes, 
but without success. He even laid a plan to assassinate 
Mr. Elphinstone, but it was discountenanced by Gokla. 
He returned to Poona in the beginning of October, and 
it became daily more and more evident throughout the 
" month that a conflict was inevitable. Mr. Elphinstone, 
therefore, fell back two miles to a more defensible position 
at Kirkee, and called up a European regiment from 
Bombay, but, even with this addition, the British force 
collected for his protection did riot exceed 3,000, while the 
Mahratta army numbered 18,000. 

The Peshwa was confident that Sindia and Ameer Khan 
had already taken the field in accordance with their en- 
Battieof gagements, and that their example would be 
Kirkee. immediately followed by Holkar and the raja of 
Nagpore ; and on the 5th November he plunged into hosti- 
lities, but it was on this very day that Sindia signed the 
treaty which neutralized his power. Towards noon ho 
sent an arrogant message to Mr. Elphinstone, propounding 
the terms on which he would consent to remain on terms 
of friendship with the Government. While his messenger 
was on the way back, the plain was covered with masses 
of cavalry, and a stream of soldiers issued from every 
avenue of the city. Mr. Elphinstone wisely advised the 


commanding officer, Colonel Burr, to take the offensive ; 
and that veteran, though labouring under a disease which 
soon after proved mortal, boldly charged into that vast 
host, and obtained a signal victory with the loss of only 
eighty-six men in killed and wounded. The battle of 
Kirkee was one of the most brilliant in the annals of 
British India, and inasmuch as it annihilated the kingdom 
of the Peshwas was albo one of the most decisive. General 
Smith, hastened back to Poona ; but, although the Peshwa 
had been reinforced by the troops of the southern jageer- 
dars, he declined another engagement; and on the 17th 
November, leaving liis camp standing, decamped south- 
ward with his army. Poona surrendered to the General, 
and thus ingloriously fell the power of the Peshwa one 
hundred years after it had been established by his great 
grandfather, Bullajeo Wishwanath. 

Appa Sahib, the regent of Nagpore, continued on friendly 
terms with the Resident for several months after the 
conclusion of the subsidiary alliance, but. on the Affairs nt j 
1st February the imbecile raja Persajee was swore, 
found strangled in his hod, and subsequent enquiries fixed 
the guilt on Appa Sahib, who immediately mounted the 
throne. From that time forward there was a marked 
change in Ins conduct, and he exhibited an anxiety to 
relieve himself from the state of dependence in which the 
alliance had placed him. He entered cordially into the 
hostile views of the Peshwa, and bestowed a dress of 
honour on the Pindaree leader, Cheetoo, who visited his 
court to claim his aid. The Peshwa, then flying before 
the British troops, conferred on him the title of Commander- 
in-Chief of the iMahratta empire, and on the 24th November, 
notwithstanding the remonstrance of the Resident, he pro- 
ceeded to his camp to be invested with the insignia, and 
this was immediately followed by an attack on the Resi- 
dency. It was situated on two hills called the Seetabuldee, 
the one lower than the other, in the immediate vicinity ot 
the city. The force consisted of about 1,500 men, with 
four six-pounders, 'i ho raja's army mustered 18,000, of 
whom 4,000 were Arabs, the bravest soldiers in the Deccan, 
and thirty-six guns. Tl :-. ' .: the night the Mahratta 
artillery played on the : .!-, i . ;: ^ngth a tmnbiil exploded, 
and in the confusion of the moment the Arabs charged up 
the smaller hill and captured the guns, and turned them 
upon the larger hill. The whole of the raja's army now began 
to close upon the encampment in all directions, and to 


A.D. prepare for a general assault. The ammunition at the 

1817 Residency was running short; one-fourth of the little 
force, which included fourteen officers, was either killed 
or wounded, and its total annihilation appeared inevit- 
able, when the fortune of the day was changed by the 
gallantry of Captain Fitzgerald, commanding the three 
troops of Bengal cavalry. Contrary to the impassioned 
protest of his faint-hearted commander, he rushed upon the 
main body of the enemy's horse with irresistible fury, and 
captured two guns, which he turned r.pon them. The sight 
of this gallant exploit roused the enthusiasm of the jaded 
troops on the upper hill, who had been eighteen hours in- 
cessantly fighting, and officers and men plunged down the 
hill, fell upon the infantry, and chased it like a flock of sheep. 

Reinforcements poured into Nagpore from all quarters, 
and Mr. Jenkins, the Resident, dictated his own terms to 
Deposition of the raja. He was required to disband his troops, 
Appa Sahib, surrender his guns, and repair to the Residency, 
and acknowledge the forfeiture of his kingdom ; these 
terms were accepted. Lord Hastings had determined to 
punish the atrocious perlidy of Appa Sahib by depriving 
him of the throne ; but finding that Mr. Jenkins had 
engaged to restore his royal dignity, he agreed to uphold 
the engagement, and the raja resumed his authority on the 

1818 8th January. But within a short time he offered the 
Peshwa, then flying before his pursuers, an asylum in his 

dominions, and prepared to join his camp himself. He 
was also detected in exciting the forest tribes to insurrection 
and impeding the surrender of his rorts ; and Lord 
Hastings ordered him to be deposed and sent to the holy 
city of Benares, with an allowance of two lacs a year ; 
but he saved the Company's exchequer this burden by 
corrupting his guards on the line of march, and effecting 
his escape. The next of kin was placed on the throne, and 
the administration during his minority was placed in the 
hands of Mr. Jenkins, under whom the country enjoyed 
twelve years of unexampled prosperity. 

Lord Hastings had made the offer of a treaty to Tool- 
see bye, the regent of the Holkar state, and she had re- 
Conflictwith sponded to it by sending a private communication 
Holkar. to the Resident at Delhi, offering to place thr 
young prince and the state under British protection. All 
the substantial power of the state was, however, in the 
hands of the military chiefs, and as soon as it was known 
that the Peshwa had risen in arras they resolved to march 


down and join his standard. The regent and the ministers 
were suspected of a leaning to a British alliance, and the 
officers placed the chief minister under restraint, and, on 
the evening of the 20th December, conveyed the bye to 
the banks of the Sipree and struck off her head, and threw 
her body into the stream. The army, 20,000 strong, then 
marched down to join the Peshwa, and in their progress 
found the British force, which was in pursuit of the 
Pindaree leader Chectoo, encamped at Mehidpore, where a 
decisive engagement was fought on the 21st December. 
The Mali rait a army was posted with great skill on the 
banks of the Sipree, its left defended by an angle of the 
stream, and its right by a deep morass, and the front pro- 
tected by a formidable battery of seventy guns. The main 
feature of the action was the rash step of crossing a difficult 
river by a single ferry in the face of strong entrenchments, 
and rushing forward to seizo the guns which had silenced 
the light field pieces of the English army. The sepoys 
were mowed down by the enemy's cannon, but continued 
to advance wilh unshaken steadiness, and at length suc- 
ceeded in capturing the batteries, though not without the 
loss of 77H in killed and wounded. The movements of the 
day were directed by Sir John Malcolm, who was less of a 
general than of a diplomatist; with bettor strategy the 
same result, might have been obtained with less slaughter. 
Holkar's entire camp, with all his guns and military stores, 
fell to the victors, and the po^er of the state was irre- 
coverably broken. A treaty ^vas soon after concluded, and 
cessions of territory were made to the Company, to Zalim 
Sing of Kotah, to Ameer Khan, and to his lieutenant, 
\\hirh reduced the kingdom to two-thirds of its former 

During (he rainy season of 1817 tlie Pindarecs were 
encamped to the number of 2J>,000 under the three leaders 
Cheetoo, Kureem Khan, and Wassil Mahomed. o pcrftt j ong 
They were not ignorant of the measures in pro- nrainstthe 
gress to extirpate them, and they implored aid lmarees - 
of the M ah rat t a princes, but. they had enough to do to 
protect themselves, and the different bodies of the Pindarees 
were obliged to disperse as the British detachments advanced 
upon them. Sindia, indeed, invited Kureem Khan and 
Wnssil Mahomed to Gwalior, but Lord Hastings imme- 
diately took up a position which prevented their advance. 
They then turned off to the west, where they were inter- 
cepted by General Donkin, who captured Kureem Khan's 


elephants, kettle-drums, standards, and family. The two 
leaders burnt their tents and fled southward with about 
4,000 of their best horsemen, and their followers were cut 
up by the British troops and the exasperated villagers 
whom they had subjected to plunder. The chiefs were so 
hotly pursued that they were constrained at length to 
surrender at discretion, and one of them was settled on a 
small estate in the province of Ghazepore ; the other was 
placed under surveillance, and put a period to his life by 
poison, The most renowned of the leaders, Cheetoo, was 
pursued by Sir John Malcolm; his bivouac was repeatedly 
beaten up, and he wandered about for a twelvemonth with 
a handful of followers who gradually deserted him, and 
being at last separated by hunger from his son and his last 
companion, plunged into a jungle infested with tigers. 
After a diligent search his horse was discovered grazing 
saddled and bridled, and not far off the mangled remains 
of this renowned freebooter who had recently ridden forth 
at the head of 20,000 men. 

These military and political operations are equally 
remarkable for the rapidity with which they were executed 
Besuitoftho an( l f r ^ ne completeness of their result. In the 
campaign, middle of October 181 7, the Mahrattas, Pindarees, 
AtD> and Patans, presented an array of more than 150,000 horse 
1817 and foot, and 500 cannon, prepared to try conclusions with 
the British Government. In the course of four months 
this formidable armament was utterly broken up. The 
power of Sindia was paralysed ; the army of Holkar 
existed only in name ; the Peshwa was a fugitive ; the 
Patan force of Ameer Khan was disbanded, and the Pin- 
darees had disappeared ; the Mahratta commonwealth was 
irretrievably dissolved, and every military organisation 
within the Sutlej was extinguished, with the exception of that 
of Sindia which ceased to be formidable. The effect of the 
campaign, moreover, was to subjugate not only the native 
armies but the native mind, and to convince both princes 
and people that the sceptre of India was now definitely 
transferred to a foreign power. To the chiefs who lost 
their independence, and with it that feeling of dignity 
which was sometimes the parent of royal virtues, the 
change was a calamity, but to the community at large it 
was an unquestionable blessing. General tranquillity took 
the place of universal violence under the guarantee of a 
power willing and able to maintain it. A feeling of sub- 
stantial security was diffused through Central India, and its 


inhabitants sought the means of subsistence and distinction 
by cultivating the arts of peace and not by war and rapine. 
The settlement of India in 1818 was, moreover, built on so 
sound and solid a foundation that it has required fewer 
modifications than so great a political structure might 
have been expected to need. Having thus extinguished 
all opposition, Lord Hastings proclaimed the universal 
sovereignty of the Company throughout the continent, and 
declared that the Indus was to all intents and purposes the 
boundary of their dominion. 

Bajce Rao began his retreat southward on the 28th A.D. 
November, arid on passing Satara caused the raja and his 181 ? 
family, the descendants of Sevajee, to be brought Battle of 
into his camp. Finding himself closely pursued Korygaum. 
by General Smith, he turned northward towards Poona. 
Colonel Burr, the commandant, immediately called down 
to his support the detachment left at Seroor, under 
Captain Stanton, consisting of one battalion of infantry 
and 300 irregular horse. He commenced his march at 
eight in the evening, and reached the village of Korygaum, 
sixteen miles from Poona, at ten the next morning, when, 
to his surprise, he perceived the whole army of the Peshwa, 
25,000 strong, encamped on the opposite bank of the river. 
The Mahratta troops were immediately sent across 
against this handful of soldiers exhausted by a fatiguing 
march through the night, and destitute both of provisions 
and water, but the officers and men met the shock with 
invincible resolution. The engagement was kept up 
throughout the day, and every inch of ground in the Jan. I 
village was disputed with desperate valour, but it ended 1818 
in the discomfiture and retreat of the Mahrattas. The 
most remarkable feature of this brilliant engagement lay 
in the fact that the sepoys were without any European 
support except twenty-four artillery men, of whom twenty 
were killed and wounded. Of eight oflicers engaged, three 
were wounded and two killed ; the total loss amounted to 

On leaving Korygaum the Peshwa again marched south- 
ward, always keeping ahead of his pursuers, but he was 
suddenly overtaken at Ashtec, and, after re- _ .. , 

, . J , . ! n T , ' ,, . , . . Pursuit and 

pnadmir his general uokla tor allowing him to sum-ndorof 
be surprised, quitted his palankeen and mounted th Peshw *- 
his horse and tied, leaving the general to cover his retreat. 
Stung with the reproaches of his master, and determined 
not to survive the day, he placed himself at the head of 


300 horse and rushed on the British cavalry, and, after 
receiving three pistol shots and three sabre cuts, expired 
on the field of honour, the last and one of the noblest of 
the great Mahratta commanders. The raja of Satara was 
rescued at Ashtee. The Peshwa, hunted out of the 
Deccan, moved again to the north, crossed the Taptee, and 
advanced to the Nerbudda, but the fords were guarded 
and the different divisions of the army were closing upon 
him, when, seeing no chance of escape, he appealed to the 
weakness of Sir John Malcolm, calling him "his oldest 
" and best friend." Strange to say, he was admitted to an 
interview, when he so thoroughly cajoled him by his 
flatteries, that at a time when his fortunes were desperate 
and he must have surrendered at discretion, the imprudent 
general engaged to allow him eight lacs a year, and made 
other concessions equally unwise and preposterous. Lord 
Hastings, who had destined him an allowance of only two 
lacs, was not a little mortified at the prodigality of these 
terms, but felt himself bound in honour to ratify them. 
A proclamation had been previously issued announcing 
that the Peshwa and his family were for ever excluded 
from the throne. A small portion of the territory, yielding 
about fifteen lacs of rupees a year, was then erected into 
a separate principality and bestowed on the descendant of 
Sevajee, and the remainder was incorporated in tho Com- 
pany's territories. The Peshwa was conducted to Bithoor, 
* near Cawnpore, where he lived long enough to receive two 
crores and a half of rupees from the treasury in Calcutta. 

1818 The country which had been the scene of warfare, was 
studded with forts which held out for some time after the 
Capture of submission of the princes. They were garri- 
forts. soned in general by Arab mercenaries, whose 
services were valued not only for their courage and fidelity, 
but as a counterpoise to the native soldiery, among whom 
a spirit of insubordination was traditionary. The capture 
of the fort of Talneir was marked by the untoward 
circumstance of the massacre of 300 of the garrison in hot 
blood, owing to a misunderstanding, and by the unjust 
execution of the commandant, which tarnished tho laurels 
of Sir Thomas Hislop. At length the only fort which had 

1819 not submitted was AM i i:'i: i \ for the surrender of which 
Sindia had given an official order on the commandant, but 
he had private orders not to deliver it, and it was not 
captured till a battery of more than sixty guns had played 
on it for a fortnight. 




MR CANNING moved the usual vote of thanks to Lord Hastings A.D. 
and to the army in the House of Commons ; bat he qualified 
his eulogy by stating that the House and the Homo pro- 
country were in the habit of appreciating the oeedm ^ s - 
triumphs of our armies in India with great jealousy ; that, 
almost uniformly successful as our military operations had 
been in that part of the world, they had almost as uniformly 
been considered questionable m point of justice ; that the 
termination of a war in India, however glorious, was 
seldom contemplated with unmixed satisfaction, and that 
the increase of our territories was ascribed by sober reflec- 
tion and impartial philosophy to a spirit of systematic 
encroachment and ambition. These considerations, he said, 
were not necessarily applicable to the Mahratta and Pin- 
daree war, but the House was to understand that the 
vote was intended merely as a tribute to the military 
conduct of the campaign, and not, in any sense as a 
sanction of the policy of the war. In the same captious 
spirit the Court of Directors, while duly appreciating 1 "the 
" foresight, promptitude, and vigour with which Lord 
"Hastings had dispersed the gathering elements of a 
" hostile conspiracy," recorded their deep regret that any 
circumstances should have led to an increase of territory. 
Lord Hastings had lost caste at the India House, and its 
official communications to him were scarcely less acrimo- 
nious than those which had been addressed to Clive, to 
Warren Hastings, and to Lord Wellesley. The despatch 
written on receiving information of the brilliant termina- 
tion of tho campaign was loaded with petulant and 
frivolous animadversions, and " not mitigated," as Lord 
Hastings observed, "by the slightest indication of satis- 
"faction at the fortunate issue of the military exertions." 
They censured him for diMvgarding their orders regarding 
the reduction of the army, though they had undoubted 
evidence thai, under existing circumstances, on the eve 
of a great and inevitable conflict, to have carried them 
out would have been fatal to the interests of the empire. 
In anticipation of extensive military operations he had, 



remodelled the Quarter- master- General' s department, and 
he was censured by the Court for not having previously 
obtained their sanction, while they pressed on him the 
appointment of one of their own nominees to the post, 
of whom Lord Hastings remarked in his correspondence, 
that it would be difficult to find in the whole army a 
field officer more signally unfit for the post. In the same 
spirit of antagonism, the honours so richly earned by the 
heroes of Kirkee, and Seetabuldee, and Korygaum, were 
withheld from them. 

The pacification and final settlement of India would 
have been a sufficient distinction for any administration, 
Encourage- but l<ord Hastings established a higher claim to 
mentof public gratitude, by the < ucoiira'/cnuMn which 
education. ^ e wag ^ e ^^ ^ ^ Q ^ t k e m t e llectual im- 
provement of the natives. The India House had hitherto 
acted upon the principle that any attempt to enlighten the 
A.D. people would create political aspirations which might 
1818 endanger their power, and lead to its subversion. Lord 
Hastings repudiated this policy, and in one of his public 
addresses stated that " it would be treason against British 
" sentiment to imagine that it ever could be the principle 
" of this Government to perpetuate ignorance in order to 
" secure paltry and dishonest advantages over the blindness 
"of the multitude." These enlightened views gave an 
immediate and powerful impulse to the cause of education. 
Lady Hastings had already set an example by establishing 
a school at Barrackpore Park, and compiling treatises for 
the scholars. Schools also sprang up in the districts 
around Calcutta through the agency of the missionaries, 
and were fostered by a liberal donation from Government. 
Some of the most wealthy and influential native gentlemen 
in the metropolis raised large subscriptions, and esta- 
blished the Hindoo College for the education of their 
children and relatives in the English language and Euro- 
pean science. All the efforts which have since been made 
with constantly increasing vigour, to impart knowledge to 
the native community, date from this period. 

Emboldened by tins liberal policy and the success of Lord 
Hastings, the Serampore Missionaries, on the 31st May 1818, 

T A TT issued the first native newspaper, entitled the 
Lord Hast- tl ^ -^ ,, -,... r r > i , -IT 

ings and feumacnar Durpun, or Mirror of Intelligence, 

the Press. rj^ig attempt to rouse the native mind from its 
torpidity, by the stimulus of a public journal, created great 
alarm among the leading men in the Government, but Lord 


Hastings afforded every encouragement to it ; he manifested 
the same spirit of liberality towards the English Press, and, 
notwithstanding the violent opposition of the members of 
his Council, removed the censorship which had been im- 
posed by Lord Wellesley during the anarchy of war. In 
deference, however, to the despotic sensibilities of the 
governing class, he imposed severe restrictions on the 
editors v. ii 1 : the subjects and the personages which 
were to be exempted from remark, but the exceptions 
soon fell into abeyance. In vindication of his policy, he AJ) . 
stated, in reply to an address from Madras, " that he was 1818 
" in the habit of considering the freedom of publication 
" as the natural right of his follow subjects, to be narrowed 
" only by special and urgent cause assigned ;" and, further, 
that " it was salutary for supreme authority, even when its 
"intentions were most pure, to look to the control of 
"public opinion." This heterodox doctrine gave mortal 
offence at the India House, and a despatch was immediately 
drafted, reprobating the abolition of the censorship, and 
directing that it should be immediately reimposed, but 
the despatch was suppressed by Mr. Canning. 

In the year 1810 the peaceful province of Orissa became 1816 
the scene of disturbances. On the acquisition of the 
country in 1803, a s\\arm of Bengalee baboos _. 

^ ,/..',., T r Disturb- 

flocked into it, and obtained possession ot every ancesat 
oilicial post of influence, and by their knowledge Cuttack - 
of the mysteries of civil and fiscal legislation were enabled 
to take ad \nntage of the simplicity of the people, and to 
deprive them of their lands. The province was also over- 
assessed, the zemindars were improvident, and half the 
estates were brought to the hammer, and bought up by the 
Bengalee officials in the courts, often at a nominal price. 
To add to the wretchedness of the province, the salt 
monopoly was introduced, and the cost of this necessary of 
life was increased sixfold in a country where the sea 
furnished it spontaneously. Under this accumulation of 
misery, the people sold all they possessed, and then their 
wives and children, and finally took to the jungle. The 
country being thus ripe for revolt, one Jugbundoo, the 
hereditary commander of the old Hindoo dynasty, raised 
the standard of rebellion and collected about 3,000 men, 
with whom ho plundered the civil station of Khoorda, and 
repulsed two detachments of sepoys. This success aug- 
mented Jiis force, and he took possession of the town of 
Pooree, and burnt down the European residences, but the 



Collector escaped with his treasury to Cuttack. The 
triumph of the insurgents was, however, short, and they 
were dispersed by the troops winch poured into the pro- 
vince. The people were assured that their grievances 
would be redressed if they were peaceably represented to 
Government, and they at once submitted to its authority. 
A special Commissioner was appointed to the charge of the 
province, the most notorious of the rapacious officials were 
punished, and the assessment was reduced by 40 per cent. 
Its tranquillity has never since been interrupted, and 
another proof has been afforded that, with a moderate 
assessment and congenial institutions, and an equitable 
and speedy administration of justice, few countries are 
more easy to govern than India, even under the sceptre of 

The financial results of Lord Hastings's administration 

were auspicious. Notwithstanding the war of eighteen 

mouths' duration in the mountains of Nepaul, and 

1822 amUerri- * nc employment in the field of eight armies dur- 

toriaiin- incr the Pindaree and Mahratta campaign, the 

crease , , n r r> > 

treasury was at no period in so prosperous a con- 
dition as at the close of his government. The state bonds, 
which were at a discount, of 12 per cent, on his arrival, 
were at 14 per cent, premium at his departure. The debt 
had indeed increased four crores and a half, but the cash 
balances in the various treasuries exceeded by five crores 
the amount when he landed. The permanent revenue had 
increased by six crores, and the permanent expenditure 
by four, leaving a clear surplus of two crores of rupees ; 
the year 1822 may therefore be considered the palmy 
period of Indian finance. Lord Hastings entered upon the 
Pindaree campaign with the confident expectation that tho 
pacification of the continent would be effected without 
adding a foot to the Company's territories, but " the irre- 
" pressible tendency of our Indian power to enlarge its 
" boundary," which Mr. Canning had lamented, was fatal 
to this hope. The unprovoked aggression and complete 
overthrow of the Mahratta powers placed their territories 
at his disposal. He restored the larger portion of their 
dominions to Holkar and to the raja of Nagporo, but he 
considered that the annexation of the whole of Bajee Rao's 
kingdom the territory of Satara excepted was forced on 
him "by the imperious necessity of guarding against the 
" speedy renewal of a treachery so rooted in its nature as 
"to admit of no other prevention." It was annexed to 


the Bombay Presidency, and the management of it en- 
trusted to one of the ablest of the Company's statesmen, 
Mr. Mount Stuart Elpliinstone. The utter indifference 
manifested by Parliament to Indian affairs throughout 
Lord Hastings's administration afforded a singular contrast 
to the active and energetic movements of the Government 
in India. Mr. Dundas had introduced the practice of an 
annual budget, tl at Parliament might be reminded, at least 
once a year, of the existence of the Indian empire. But 
so utterly lukewarm had Parliament become to its affairs, A.D. 
that Mr. Canning, the President of the Board, stated to the 1816 
House that u the Indian budget was always considered a dull ^> 
" and disagreeable subject, and the practice of making 
" budget speeches had therefore been discontinued. The 
"time and attention of the House was quite as much occu- 
" pied without thrown g away a day in the discussion of a 
" subject which was sure to drive gentlemen away from it." 
During the five years of his tenuie of office, the only occa- 
sion on which he touched on the subject of India in the 
House, except when moving thanks to Lord Hastings, was 
in reference to a bill for legalizing Scotch marriages there. 
Yet it was in this period of neglect that the great revolu- 
tion in Lord Hastings's administration was consummated, 
that twenty-eight actions \\ere fought, and a hundred nd 
twenty forts captured, and the sovereignty of Great Britain 
proclaimed throughout the continent of India. 

One of the la^t acts of Lord Hastings had reference to 
Hyderabad. Mcer Alum, who had managed the affairs of 
the state with consummate talent for thirty years, i Ty( ] era i )!M j 
died in 180H, when, after an irritating discussion and chun- 
with Lord Minto, Moneer-ool-moolk, whom the dooLftll< 
Resident described as both a coward and a fool, was 
appointed minister, while all the substantial power in the 
state was given to Chuudoo Lall, a Hindoo of great ability, 
experience and energy. The Court of Directors interdicted 
all interference with the internal administration of Hydera- 
bad, and directed the Resident to confine his attention to 
the reform of the contingent of 6,000 foot and 0,000 horse, 
which the Nizam was obliged by the treaty of 1800 to 
furnish in time* of war. These levies, which were a mere 
rabble, were converted by the strenuous exertions of the 
Resident into an efficient force, disciplined and commanded 
by officers drawn from the Company's army, with which it 
was soon able to vie in military spirit and qualifications. 
As the force was entirely at the disposal of Chundoo Lall, 


he was not disposed to check its profuse expenditure. It 
was not only over- officered, but the officers were overpaid. 
It became a source of valuable patronage to the Resident, 
and, however beneficial in time of war, was, in a season of 
peace, little more than a magnificent job. 

A . D . The administration of Chundoo Lall was, with some 
1809 intervals of repose, the scourge of the country for thirty- 
|ft n Administra. five y ears - Ii} was upheld by British power, 
tionofChun- but not controlled by British honesty ; nothing 
doo ail. flourished but corruption ; judicial decrees could 
be obtained only for money ; the land was farmed out to 
the highest bidder, and the farmer had the power of life 
and death ; the utmost farthing was wrung from the 
wretched peasant, hundreds of villages were deserted, and, 
in the absence of cultivation, food rose to fam>ne prices. 
The wealth thus obtained was expended by Chundoo Lall in 
fortifying his position. He erected a noble palace for the 
Resident and fitted it up with the most costly furniture 
from Bond street ; he bribed the courtiers, and subsidized 
the zenana, and secured the favour of the Nizam by 
indulging his royal passion for hoarding. Mr. Metcalfe 
was appointed Resident in November 1820, and, on sur- 
veying the state of the country, resolved on a vigorous 
reform. Some of his political assistants, and some of the 
officers of the contingent were placed in charge of districts ; 
* a lenient assessment was made, and the current of oppression 
checked. Security was at once established ; villages were 
repeopled, cultivation was resumed, and rents were col- 
lected without a military force. 

Mr. Metcalfe had not, however, been long at Hyderabad 
without perceiving that every prospect of improvement was 
Palmer endangered by the transactions of Palmer and 
ana Co. c a w ith the state. Mr. William Palmer had 
established a banking-house at Hyderabad in 1814, and 
soon after became connected with Chundoo Lall, and began 
to make advances to the Ni/am's treasury. The express 
sanction of the Government of India to such transactions 
was required by Act of Parliament ; and, with tLe con- 
sent of the Council, and in accordance with the opinion 
of the Advocate-General, Lord Hastings gave his assent to 
them, and loans were acconlir.^h made from time to time, 
but at twenty-five per cent, interest. In 1820, the firm was 
joined by Sir W. Rumbold, who had married a ward of 
Lord Hastings, whom he regarded with paternal fondness. 
In an evil hour, he wrote to Sir William, " The partners 


" speculate that your being one of the firm will interest me 
u in the welfare of the house. It is a fair and honest qon- 
elusion. The amount of advantage which the countenance 

" of Government may bestow must be uncertain, as I 
" apprehend it would ilow principally from the opinion the 
" natives would entertain of the respect likely to be paid 
" by their own Government to an establishment known to 
" stand well with the supreme Government." This com- 
munication was widely circulated by Sir William, and 
placed the house on a firm footing at Hyderabad, and there 
was a constant stream of loans, at exorbitant interest, to the 
Ni/am, and fresh ;i--i>.r!i'n< i.i* of territory as security for 

Mr. Metcalfe could not fail to observe that Palmer and 
Co. were becoming a dangerous power in the state, that 
the public revenues were passing into their hands, Mr Met 
and that the government of the Nizam was caife's ropre- 
prostrate before them. He ventured at length 8cntation3 - 
to communicate his views on the subject to Lord Hastings, 
but found that his mind had been prepossessed, and his 
feelings worked on hy the corresponvlence of the Rumbold 
family; and his representations were resented. Chundoo Lall 
had been put up by the firm to solicit the sanction of the 
Governor-General in Council to a loan of sixty lacs, for the 
professed object of paying up tho public establishments, of 
repaying debts due to native brokers, and making advances 
to the ryots. Lord Hastings considered these to be legiti- 
mate objects, anil gave his casting vote to the proposal. 
But Mr. Metcnlfe learnt on his arrival that only a fraction 
of this loan had found its way to the Nizam's treasury; 
that tho sum of eight Iocs was a bonus to the members of the 
firm, and that the remainder consisted of sums advanced, 
or said to have been advanced, to the Nizam's minister 
without the consent of the Government in Calcutta, whose 
sanction was thus surreptitiously obtained to these loans. 
This transaction was too gross to admit of any palliation, 
and it was severely censured both by Lord Hastings and 
the members of Council. By compound interest at twenty- 
five per cent , Palmer and Co. swelled their demand on the 
Nizam to a crore of rupees, and the Government, anxious 
to put a peremptory stop to these transactions, determined 
that the whole debt should be at once "" .1 -with 

the exception of tho clandestine bonus. By the dis- 
graceful treaty of 1768, the Madras Government had 
engaged to pay the Nizam an annual tribute of seven lacs 


for the Northern Sircars, and the payment had been 
P anc ^ ua ^y made for half a century. It was now capitalized, 
and the Nizam was released from the grasp of the firm, 
which became insolvent within twelve months. 

The antipathy of the Court of Directors which was 
repeatedly manifested towards Lord Hastings by their 
Thankaof captious criticisms, their reluctant praise, and 
House*** their eager censure, became more violent after 
he had given freedom to the press, and par- 
ticularly so after Sir W. Rumbold had joined the Hyder- 
abad firm, and they issued peremptory orders to revoke 
the licence which Government had given to the firm. 
Their despatch implied a mistrust of his motives in that 
transaction, arid exhibited a determination to identify him 
with all their obnoxious proceedings. Indignant at these 
insinnations, and at the offensive tone of their despatches 
he sent in his resignation, on the ground that he had lost 
their confidence. They assured him that he was entirely 
mistaken, and voted him their thanks for "the unremitting 
" zeal and eminent ability with which, during a period of 
" nine years, he had administered the government of British 
" India with such high credit to himself and advantage to 
" the interests of the Company." The Proprietors eagerly 
concurred inthisopinion,and desired the Directors to convey 
to him " the expression of their admiration, gratitude, and 
" applause." He embarked for England on the 1st of 
January, 1823. 

In the grand work which Lord Hastings accomplished of 
consolidating the British empire, and, as the natives 
Estimate of ex P rosse( l it, "bringing all India under one 
his admims- " umbrella,'' he exhibited talent of the highest 
tration. order, though he may not stand on the same 
level of political genius with Warren Hastings or Lord 
Wellesley. His administration was made grateful to the 
inhabitants of theMahomedan capital of India by restoring 
the canal which had been dry for sixty years, and giving 
them the blessing of pure water without a water cess. The 
improvement of Calcutta, devised by Lord WeUesley but 
which he was unable to complete in the last year of his 
government, was accomplished by Lord Hastings. The 
ventilation and the health of the town were promoted by 
opening a street through the centre sixty feet wide, and lay- 
ing out squares with reservoirs of water ; while the foreshore 
of the river, which was a disgraceful cesspool, was adorned 
with a noble embankment worthy of the " city of palaces." 


No Governor-General ever laboured more assiduously 
in the performance of his duty. Though approaching the 
age of seventy, he was at his desk at four in the morning ; 
and in the fervid climate of Bengal, which is now con- 
sidered insupport able since the means of escaping from it 
ha,ve been multiplied, he worked for seven years at the 
rate of seven and eight hours a day without a hill station 
to resort to, or even a soa-going steamer at his command. 

Within two years of his return to Europe, Mr. Douglas 
Kinnaird brought forward a proposal in the Court of 
Proprietors to make him a pecuniary gran < be- Polntoat 
iitting the greatness of his services. It served the iiuiui 
to disclose the strong current of rancour which Housc> 
underlay the crust of ollicial compliment embodied in the 
tribute of " admiration, gratitude, and applause," winch 
that Court had recently voted. The motion was met by an 
amendment, calling for all the papers connected with the 
transactions at Hyderabad. They occupied a thousand 
foolscap pages, and gave rise to a debate which, having all 
the relish of personality, was prolonged for six days, at the 
end of which time, Mr. Astell, the chairman of the Court 
of Directors, moved as an amendment to the original 
motion that, "while admitting that there was no ground 
" for imputing corrupt motives to the late Governor- 
" General, the Court of Proprietors records its approbation 
** of all the despatches scut out by the Court of Directors." 
These despatches, four in number, charged Lord TT:Mi t;>, 
among other misdemeanours, with having lent the Com- 
pany's credit to the transactions at Hyderabad for the 
sole benefit of Messrs. Palmer and Co., with proc< ( dings 
which were without a parallel in the history of the East 
India Company, and with assuming to elude all check and 
control. The approbation of these despatches was, neces- 
sarily, the severest condemnation which could be passed 
on him, but the vote was carried by a majority of 212. 
Thus did the East India Company dismiss the man who 
had raised them to tin; pinnacle of greatness with the 
verdict that he was simply "not guilty of having acted 
*' from corrupt motives." But the Company, princely 
beyond all other rulers in their munificence, were not 
superior to the influence of vulgar prejudices, and they 
now added another name to the roll of illustrious men 
Clive, and Warren Hastings, and Lord Wellcsley whom 
they rewarded with ingratitude. Lord Hastings died at 
Malta on the 24th August, 1827, and in the succeeding 


year the India House endeavoured to make some atone- 
ment for the vote of censure, and placed 20,OOOZ. at the 
disposal of his family. 




ON the receipt of Lord Hastings' s resignation, the post of 
Governor- General was accepted by Mi 1 . Canning, the late 
MX Cannin P res ^ en ^ f the Board of Control, but, on the 
Governor- GVQ of embarkation, the death of Lord London- 
General, derry led to his appointment as foreign Secretary 
of State. Two candidates then appeared for this splendid 
office; Lord William Bentinck, who had been unjustly 
removed from Madras by the Court of Directors in tho 
height of tho Vellore panic, and who was pre-eminently 
qualified for it; and Lord Atnlierst, whose claim rested on 
his embassy to Pekin, and the exemplary fortitude with 
Lo . which he had borne the arrogance of the Court. 

1823 Amher8fc The preference was given to him, and he landed 
GeSS"" at Calcutta on the 1st August. During the 

interregnum, the government devolved on Mr. 
John Adam, the senior member of Council, a meritorious 
Mr Ad m on< i cer f considerable ability and experience, but 

totally disqualified for the highest post in tho 
empire by the strength of his local partialities and preju- 
dices. His brief administration of seven months is now 
remembered only by his persecution of the press. Mr. 
Buckingham had come out to Calcutta in 1818, and 
established the " Calcutta Journal," the ablest newspaper 
which had till then appeared in India. He availed himself 
of the freedom granted to the press by Lord Hastings, and 
commented on public measures with a degree of freedom 
which was considered politically dangerous. But the great 
offence of the journal consisted in the poignancy with which 
a little knot of wits in the service ridiculed the weaknesses 


and follies of some of tlie loading members of the Govern- A .D. 
ment. They had been nursed in the lap of despotism, and 1823 
resented the sarcasms of the press. Mr. Adam had sys- 
tematically opposed Lord Hastings's liberality to the press, 
and only waited for his departure to reverse it. Soon 
after taking office, therefore, he passed a stringent regu- 
lation which completely extinguished all freedom; and 
as Mr. Buckingham, instead of bending to the storm, 
which was too violent to last, continued to write with 
uninitigai* d severity, he was banished from the country 
and ruined. 

Lord Amherst had no sooner assumed the government 
than lie found himself:' invohed in hostile discussions 
with the Burmese, which, in the course of five RISC of the 
months, resulted in a declaration of war. The Burmese. 
ultra-Gaugetic kingdom of Burmah lies to the east of 
Bengal, from which it is separated by hills and forests, 
inhabited by various tribes of barbarians. Four }ears 1761 
after the battle of Plassy, Alompra, a man of obscure birth, 
but cast in the same mould as Hjder AH and Runjeet 
Sing, who had began his career vuth a hundred followers, 
established a, new dynasty at Ava Aggression and con- 
quest became an usual the element of this new power. 
The province of Teuasserirn was wrested from the Siamese, 
and the principality of Arraean, which was separated from 
the Company's territories only by the Tcck Naaf, was 
annexed. More than 30,000 of its inhabitants were driven 
by the oppression of the Burmese officials to take refuge 
in the neighbouring distiicts of Chittagoiig, where they 
were settled on waste lands. The Burmese authorities 
repeatedly demanded their extradition, but the Governor- 
General steadily refused to deliver them up to a Govern- 
ment proverbial for its cruelty. The king of Ava, 
exasperated by our firmness, at length sent a rescript to 
Lord Hastings, demanding tho surrender of the whole of 
eastern Bengal. "Those districts," he said, "do not belong 
" to India they are ours; if you continue to retain them, 
" we will come and destroy your country.' Lord Hastings 
treated the letter as a forgery, and enclosed it to the king. 
The course of aggression was continued without cessation, 
and in 1822, Maha Bundoola, the national hero, reduced 1822 
tho kingdom of Assam, which abutted on the Company's 
district of Rnngpore, and then the principality of Munee- 
pore, at no great distance from our eastern frontier. The 
dynasty of Alompra had thus, in sixty years, established 


its authority over territories 800 miles in extent, stretching 
from the confines of Bengal to those of China. The uni- 
form success of every enterprise had filled the Burmese 
court with an overweening conceit of its strength, and the 
evident indisposition of the English Government to engage 
in war with them inspired the whole nation with a desire 
to try conclusions with it in the field. 
A.D. The immediate cause of the war was an arrogant demand 

1823 made by the Burmese governor of Arracan for the sur- 
Originof render of the little island of Shahpooree, lying 
the war. afc tlie es t uar y o f the Teek tfaaf, on which a 
small guard had been posted. The Governor- General 
proposed a joint commission to investigate the question of 
right, to which the Burmese replied by sending 1,000 men 
who put a portion of the feeble detachment to the sword, 
and hoisted the Burmese flag. Lord Amh erst immediately 
sent a force to dislodge them, and addressed a letter to 
the king stating that, however desirous he might be of 
remaining at peace, he must resort to force if such insults 
were repeated. The court of Ava was now confirmed in 
the conviction that the English dreaded an encounter with 
their troops, and Maha Bundoola was despatched with a 
large army to Arracan, with orders to expel them from 
Bengal, and to send the Govern or- General to Ava bound 
in the golden fetters which he took with him. Lord 

* Amherst, finding that every effort to maintain peace? only 
served to increase the arrogance of the Burmese, issued a 
declaration of war in February. 

The Burmese were the most contemptible enemy with 

1824 whom the British arms had come in contact. Their army 
Arrange- was a wretched half-armed rabble, without either 
mentsof valour or discipline. Their weapons were simply 
campaign, swords and pikes of an inferior description, with 
a few muskets, and their chief defence lay in the, admirable 
skill and rapidity with which they were able to construct 
stockades. At the commencement of the war the 
Government in Calcutta was profoundly ignorant of the 
resources, the military force, or even the topography of 
Burmah, and for the planning of the campaign depended on 
the advice of Captain Canning, who had acquired some 
knowledge of the country. He represented that the 
occupation of "Rangoon, the great port of the Irrawaddy, 
would paralyze the Burmese authorities, and ttufc pro- 
visions and draft cattle, as well as the means of building a 
flotilla to navigate the rivers, might be obtained in abun- 


dance. The expedition was assembled in the spacious 
harbour of Port Cornwallis, in the largest of the Andaman 
islands, and consisted of about 11,000 troops, European and 
native, under the command of Sir Archibald Campbell, 
who had served with distinction under the Duke in Spain. 
The fleet of transports was convoyed by three vessels of 
war, and by the Diana, a little steamer recently built in 
Calcutta, the first ever floated in eastern waters. The 
campaign opened inauspiciously. The defence of the 
frontier at Cluttagong had been left to a small and inade- 
quate force, and a weak detachment of 300 native infantry, 
under Captain Noton, with some local levies, held a post 
on the extreme boundary, a hundred miles from the 
nearest support. Maha Bundoola came down upon this 
little band with an army estimated at more than 10,000 
men. The levies fled at the first onset, the sepoys main- 
tained the conflict gallantly for three days with little food 
or rest, and were then constrained to retreat, and of the 
officers five were killed and three wounded. 

The expedition arrived oil' Rangoon on the 12th of May, A.D. 
to the inexpressible surprise of the Burmese, who had never 1824 
dreamt that the English, whom Bundoola had TUP army at 
been sent to expel from Bengal, wouli venture Nan^oon. 
to attack them in their own territories. The only defence 
of the town consisted of a teak stoekade, with a battery of 
indifferent guns, which was silenced by the first broadside 
from the ///$V//. The troops landed without opposition, 
but found the town deserted. The Governor had ordered 
the whole population, men, women, and children, to retire 
into the jungles with their provisions and cattle, and the 
order was implicitly obeyed. The British encampment was 
isolated; all local supplies were cutoff, all hope of advanc- 
ing to the capital, either by land or water, was extinguished, 
and Sir Archibald was obliged to confine his attention to 
the shelter of the troops during the rains. Within a week 
after the occupation of the town, they set in with extreme 
violence, the country around became a swamp, and malaria 
brought disease 1 and death into the camp. The want of 
wholesome food rendered the condition of the troops still 
more deplorable. There was no lack of cattle around the 
town, which would have amply supplied their wants, but 
the Government in Calcutta had forbidden the commander 
to touch them, in deference to the Boodhist prejudices of the 
Burmese, and the European soldiers were condemned to 
starvation, that the cows might live. The army became 


dependent on supplies from Calcutta, then proverbial for 
the dishonesty of its contractors ; the meat was putrescent, 
and the maggoty biscuits crumbled under the touch. 
The troops were left in this state of destitution for five 
months, owing to the culpable neglect of the commissariat 
department ; and it was only through the prompt and inde- 
fatigable exertions of Sir Thomas Munro, the governor of 
Madras, that the army was preserved from annihilation ; 
but the unhealthiness of the climate and the want of whole- 
some nourishment filled the hospitals, and of a body of 
11,000 scarcely 3,000 remained fit for duty. 
A.D. At the beginning of 1825, General Richards occupied the 
1826 province of Assam without resistance. Under the advice 
, , of the Communder-in- Chief, two expeditions were 

Conquest of , , . . -r i i i i , i 

Assam and also organized to enter JJurmah by land, the one 
Aracan. from the north through Cachar and Muneepore ; 
the other, through Arracan, but both of them proved abor- 
tive. The Cachar force under Colonel Shuldham, 7,000 
strong, was enabled to advance by the road which the 
pioneers had opened with infinite labour to a position 
within ninety miles of Muneepore, but the country beyond 
it consisted of an unbroken succession of abrupt hills 
clothed to the summit with impenetrable forests, and dales 
rendered impassable by .j 1 .. 1 !--!! ':< The rains set in early, 
and as it was deemed impossible to transport the stores and 
artillery, and the appliances of civilized warfare through 
these impediments, the expedition was given up. The 
Arracan force was still more unfortunate. The commander, 
Colonel Morrison, was a king's officer of good repute, but 
he had a contempt for the officers of the Company's service 
who were acquainted with the nature of the country, and 
the peculiarities of Indian warfare, and rejected their advice. 
The army \sas three months marching 250 miles along the 
coast, and did not reach the capital of Arracan till it was 
too late to make any further advance. One-fourth of the 
force likewise fell victims to the climate, and two-thirds of 
the remainder were in hospitals. As an .'/! body, 
indeed, the army had ceased to exist ; and on one occasion, 
when a wing of a regiment was ordered on parade, only 
one soldier appeared to answer to his name. 

The king of Ava at length determined to collect the 

strength of his kingdom for one vigorous effort to expel 

Second ^ ne invaders, and Mali a Bundoola was sent down 

1824 campaign, with 60,000 men to Rangoon, and arrived in front 

of the British encampment on the 1st December. Within 


a few hours, it was enveloped by stockades, which appeared 
to spring up one after another in rapid succession as if by 
the wand of an enchanter. But the Burmese, though skilful 
in fortifying their position, were unable to stand the shock of 
the British battalions, and, after sustaining two defeats, re- 
tired to Donabew, forty miles higher up the river. Sir 
Archibald Campbell, after having been idly encamped for 
nine months at Rangoon, and lost two months of the 
second season of operations, at length moved up towards 
the capital on the 13th February, in two columns, the one 1525 
by land under his personal command ; the other by the 
river under Brigadier Cotton. On coming abreast of 
Donabew, the Brigadier found that all the resources of 
the Burmese engineers had been employed in strengthening 
the fortifications, which stretched a mile along the bank, and 
were garrisoned by 12,000 men and 150 guns, such as they 
were. In his assault on the place, he was vigorously re- 
pulsed, and, as ho had unwisely left one of his regiments in 
the rear, pronounced his force unequal to the capture of the 
place. Sir Archibald, who was considerably in advance, felt 
it necessary to retrace his stops to reinforce Brigadier 
Cotton, and another montli was thus sacrificed. On the 
1st April, a shower of shells and roekets was poured down 
on the fortified town of Donabow, and the next morning 1825 
the whole of the Burmese army was observed to be in full 
retreat. On the preceding night Bundoola had been killed 
by the bursting of a shell, and with him expired the courage 
and spirit of the troops. No iurther resistance was offered to 
the expedition, and Prome was occupied without firing a 
shot; but as the rains were approaching, the campaign, which 
had lasted only ten weeks, during which the army had 
advanced 150 miles, was brought to a termination. 

The general proposed to stop at Prome and act on the 
defensive, though the extraordinary expenses of the war 
amounted to a lac of rupees a day ; but Lord Negotiations 
Amherst insisted on an immediate march to the for peace, 
capital as soon as the season permitted. At the same time, 
he urged the general to welcome any disposition the 
Burmese might evince for peace, and, the more effectually 
to secure it, associated the naval commander and Mr. 
Robertson, a Bengal civilian, in a commission with him, 
with Mr. Ross Mangles as secretary. The king, on being 
informed that the general was authorised to treat, sent 
envoys to ascertain the terms, who were informed that 
their master would be required to abstain from all inter- 


^ Dt ference with Cachar or Assam, to recognise the indepen- 

1825 dence of Mnnipore, to cede the provinces of Arracan and 
Tenasserim, to liberate all his prisoners, and pay two crores 
as a war indemnity. These terms the king rejected with 
great indignation, and a Burmese army of 40,000 men was 
sent down to Prome, but it was signally defeated and 
closely pursued. The negotiations were then resumed by 
the Burmese envoys, who waived every objection to the 
cession of territory, but withstood the pecuniary payment, 
on the score of poverty, with such importunity that the 
Commissioners were induced to curtail it by one ha-lf, and 
the treaty was signed on this basis on the 3rd January, 
and the ratification ot it promised on the 18th, but it never 
came. The intermediate period had been employed in the 
fortification of Melown, opposite the British encampment. 
It was attacked on the 10th; all the guns, stores, and 
ammunition were captured, the camp was delivered to the 
flames, and the army resumed its march to the capital. 

The king began now to tremble for his throne, and 
released two of his European prisoners, whom he sent to 
Final en- reopen the negotiations. They were informed 
gagement that no severer terms would be exacted in cori- 
and peace. se q ue nce of their perfidious conduct at Melown, 
but that a fourth of the indemnity must be paid clown at 
once. While the envoys were, however, on their return to 
Ava, the king determined to make one last effort to avert 
this humiliation, though he could not muster more than 
16,000 troops. Sir Archibald had only 1,300 left under 
his command, but of these 900 were Europeans. The 
Burmese force was completely routed, and fled in disorder 
to the capital with the news of its own disgrace, ami the 
English army advanced to Yandahoo, within forty miles of 
Ava. The king lost no time in sending ihe two American 
missionaries whom he had held for two years in cruel 
captivity, together with two of his own ministers, to accept 
whatever terms the Commissioners might dictate. They 
brought with them the first instalment of the indemnity, 
as well as the Europeaii captives, and the treaty was signed 

1 826 on the 24th February on the terms which had been pre- 
viously proposed, with the addition that a British repre- 
sentative should reside at the court. Thus ended the first 
war the Company had waged beyond the limits of India, 
and it was also the most expensive in which they had as 
yet been engaged, and the least recuperative. It absorbed 
thirteen crores of rupees, and the return consisted of three 
thinly inhabited and impoverished provinces. 


The Burmese war gave rise to another sepoy mutiny. A .D 
The native regiments from Bengal, owing to religious ob- 1821 
jections to a voyage by sea were directed to march Mntin 
down to Aracan along the coast. The disaster 
at Ramoo had diffused through the army a dread of the 
Burmese soldiers, who were represented as magicians, and 
the service was regarded with great antipathy. The 
Bengal sepoys had been accustomed to provide from 
their own pay for the transport of their baggage, but the 
public demand for draught cattle had exhausted the 
supply and doubled the price. The 47th regiment at 
Barrackpore, ono of those warned for service, presented a 
respectful memorial setting forth the extreme difficulty of 
procuring the means of conveyance. The military chiefs, 
instead of I.M \i-iijjr r./ this just and reasonable represen- 
tation, treated it as a token of contumacy, and the men 
were told that they were to expect no assistance from 
Government. Discontent ripened into insubordination; 
excited meetings were' held in the cantonments; the 
sepoys rose in their demands and pledged one another not 
to march without a supply of cattle, and also an increase 
of pay. The Coimnander-in-Chief resolved to crush the 
spirit of mutiny by foree, and two regiments of Europeans, 
the Governor-! leneral's body guard, and a detachment of 
horse artillery \vtre marched to Banackpore and drawn 
up unperceived in the vicinity of the parade ground. The 
47th was paraded and ordered to march forthwith, or to 
ground arms. The men Mood still in a state of mute be- 
wilderment, resolved not to yield, but making no attempt 
at resistance. A volley was discharged on them by the 
horse, artillery, when they flung down their arms with a 
piercing shriek, and fled in dismay. 'The lOuropean troops 
then tired on thorn, and the body-guard sabred the fugi- 
tives. The slaughter on the ground and in the line of 
pursuit was very severe. The rinn leaders \\ere tried by 
court-martial and executed, and others were sent to work 
on the roads in irons. A court of enquiry was held which 
came to the decision that <% the mutiny was an ebullition 
" of despair at being compelled to inarch without the means 
" of doing so." When the corps had reached a state of 
positive mutiny, there was no alternative but military 
execution, hut the Commandcr-in-Chief incurred a heavy 
responsibility by treating their legitimate representations 
with scorn. 

Runjeet Sing, the Jnnt chief of Bhurtpore, who had 
A A 


baffled Lord Lake in 1805, was succeeded by his son in 
ore 1823 on whose death without issue the princi- 
pality devolved on his brother. He applied to 
Sir David Ochterlony, the Resident at Delhi to recognise 
his son, a child of six years, as his successor, and he received 
investiture under the express orders of the Government. 
About a twelvemonth after, on the death of his father, he 
was placed on the throne under the guardianship of his ma- 
ternal uncle. Before a month had elapsed Doorjun Sal, the 
nephew of the deceased raja, a wild and impetuous youth, 
put the regent to death, placed his cousin in confinement, 
and seized on the Government. Sir David, acting on his 
own responsibility, issued a proclamation calling upon all 
the Jauts to rally round their lawful sovereign, and 
ordered a force of 10,000 men and 100 guns into the field 
to support his rights and vindicate the authority of the 
Company's Government. Lord Arnherst disapproved of 
this proceeding and considered it imprudent while engaged 
in a conflict witli the Burmese to embark in a new war, 
and to incur the ribk of a second failure before Bhurtpore. 
A.D. A disposition had for some time existed in high quarters in 
1825 Calcutta to remove the veteran Resident from his post, and 
in the hope of provoking his voluntary resignation the 
views of Government commanding him to recall his pro- 
clamation and to countermand the troops were communi- 
cated to him in a very imperious tone. He replied with 
great, and perhaps undue, warmth, and having given effect 
to the orders of Government, tendered his resignation. 
This ungenerous treatment broke his heart. He felt him- 
self disgraced in the eyes of the native princes and of the 
public service, and retiring to Meernt died within two 
months, after an illustrious career of half a century. Ho 
was one of the brightest ornaments of the Company's 
service, equally eminent in the cabinet and in the tield, a 
man born for high command and fitted to strengthen the 
power and sustain the dignity of Great Britain in India. 

While the army was assembling, Doorjun Sal mani- 
fested a spirit of humble submission and professed to bo 
Procee'iingu satisfied with the regency, but as soon as tlio 
in Council, troops were countermanded, he assumed a 
higher tone and claimed the throne for himself, and pre- 
vailed on the chiefs of his tribe to support his pretensions. 
The little success wo had obtained in the Burmese war, 
had, as on all similar occasions, affected our prestige, and 
the latent feeling of disaffection to the rule of foreigners 


began again to manifest; itself in the native community. A.D. 
The cause of Doorjun Sal became popular when it was '825 
known that he intended to enter the lists with the 
Company's Government. Rajpoots, Jauts, Mahrattas, 
Afghans, and not a few of our native subjects crowded to 
his standard, and an army of 25,000 men was speedily 
collected for the defence of the place. All the members of 
Council concurred in opinion that in these circumstances 
we were bound in honour and policy to support the cause 
of the youth we had invested with the purple against the 
usurper, but Lord Amherst still continued to hesitate. 
Happily Sir Charles Metcalfe arrived at Calcutta at this 
juncture on his way to Delhi as the successor of Sir 
David, and in a masterly minute pointed out that as the 
paramount state in India, we could not be indifferent 
spectators of anarchy therein without ultimately giving 
up the country again to the pillage and confusion from 
which wo had rescued it; that a vigorous exercise of our 
power would be likely to brinu bark the minds of men to 
a proper tone, and that the capture ofBhurtpore, if effected 
in a glorious manner, would do us more honour by re- 
moving the hitherto unfaded impression created by our 
former failure than any other event that could be con- 
ceived. Lord Amherst gracefully surrendered his opinion 
to that of Sir Charles, and it was resolved, if remonstrance 
with Doorjun failed, to resort to arms. 

To the astonishment of the princes of India v\ho believed 
that the Bmmc^e war had absorbed nil the resources of 
Government, an army of *JO,000 men with 100 ouptureof 
heavy ordnance and mortars suddenly sprung Wmrtpore. 
up in the midst of them. Throughout India it was re- 
membered that Hhurtporo was the only fortress which the 
British Goveinment had besieged and failed to capture, and 
the eyes of all India were fixed upon the second siege, not 
perhaps, without a latent hope that it might be as unsuccess- 
ful as the first. The head-quarters of Lord Combermerc, 
the Comm an dor-in- Chief, were established before it on the 
10th December. Thirty-six mortars and forty -eight pieces 
of heavy ordnance played upon the mud walls for many 
days without making any impression or creating a prac- 
ticable breach. A great mine was at length completed, 
and charged with 10,000 pounds of powder. The ex- 
plosion took place on the 18th January, and seemed to 
ahake the foundations of the earth, while enormous massett 
of hardened earth and blocks of timber, mingled with 

A A 2 


^D. heads, legs and arms, were sent flying into the air, and 

1826 the sky was darkened with volumes of smoke and dust. 
Of the usurper's army, 6,000 were said to have fallen 
during the siege and the casualties on the side of the English 
were about 1,000. Doorjun Sal endeavoured to make 
his escape, but was captured and sent to join the assem- 
blage of disinherited princes at 13emires, where ho passed 
twenty-five years on an allowance of 500 rupees a month. 
The boy raja was then placed on the throne by Sir Charles 
Metcalfe and Lord Comberrnere, but the laurels of Bhurt- 
pore were tarnished by the rapacity of the military autho- 
rities. The siege was undertaken to expel a usurper, and 
restore the lawful prince to his rights, but the whole of 
tho state jewels and treasure was seized by the victors to 
the extent of forty-eight lacs of rupees, and divided among 
themselves as prize-money, Lord Combermere appropriat- 
ing six lacs to himself. The proud walls which had bid 
defiance to the hero of Delhi and Laswareo were levelled 
with the ground. Tho captuie of the fort produced a 
profound sensation, as Sir Charles Metcalfe had predicted, 
throughout India; and, combined with the submission o( 
Burrnah, dissolved the sanguine hopes of the disaffected, 
and restored the prestige of the Company Lord Amherst 
was advanced to the dignity of an earl, not of Bhurtpore, 
his brightest achievement, but of Aracan, the most disas- 
trous of his expeditions. 

1823 The financial result of his administration was calamitous, 
to The wealth left in the treasury by Lord Hastings was 

l ^ 2 8 _. dissipated, the annual surplus turned into a 

Finances. j n -, \ i r , f l . ! . 

deficit, and an addition of ten crores made to 

the public debt. On his arrival, and while- new to the 
country and the community, he was led by the superior 
officers of Government to continue those truculent pro- 
The ress ceedings against the press which they had origi- 
nated ; but it was not long before ho adopted a 
more generous policy, and on his departure wan compli- 
mented by the journals in Calcutta " on the liberality and 
" even Tnagn.mimiU with which ho had tolerated the free 
u expression of public opinion on his own individual 
" measures, when he had the power to silence them with a 
44 stroke of his pen " He embarked for England in Feb- 
ruary, and Mr. Buttcrvvorth Bay ley, the senior member of 
Council, assumed charge of tho Government. 




THE stigma unjustly inflicted on Lord William Bcntinck's 
character by his abrupt removal from the Government of 
Madras in 1800, AMIS at length effaced by his Lord 
appointment to the oilice of Governor-General. Wiiham 
He was sworn in at the India House in July cntmc 
1827, while his relative, Mr. Canning, who had promoted 
his nomination, was prime minister ; but his lamented * 
death soon after brought into power those who had opposed 
his elevation, and Lord William Bentinck suspended his 
departure till lie was assured that the new ministry did 
not object to his appointment ; hence lie did not reach 
Calcutta before the 4th July, 182. With his advent . 
commenced a new and beneficent era in the history of the 
Company, marked by a bold and energetic improvement 
in the institutions of the state, although his administration 
did not open under favourable circumstances Reduction of 
The Burmese war had not only saddled the alliances. 
treasury with an additional debt of ten crores, but created 
an annual deficit of a crore of rupees, and Lord William 1828 
Bentinck was constrained to enter upon the unpopular 
duty of retrenchment. Two committees were appointed to 
investigate the increase of expenditure, and to suggest the 
means of curtailing it. The sweeping reductions which 
the Court of Directors had already made in the strength of 
the army, left little for the military committee to suggest, 
except the diminution of individual allowances, though 
they were in no case excessive, and, in many cases, in- 
adequate. The civil deportment afforded a more legitimate 
field for revision ; some offices were abolished, a few were 
doubled up, and the income of others was curtailed; but the 
total reductions did not affect the aggregate allowances of 
the service to a greater extent than six per cent. It was 
still the best paid service in the world, in the enjoyment of 
an annual income of ninety lacs, which divided, as it was, 
among 416 officers, gave each of the members an average 
allowance of 20,000 rupees a year ; but even the moderate 
contraction of allowances suggested by the committee and 
adopted by Lord William Bentinck, subjected him to 
indignities which severely taxed his habitual equanimity. 


Of these economical measures, none excited so much 
bitterness of feeling as the half batta order. Soon after 
The half the beginning of the century the supplementary 
batta order, allowance of full batta was granted to the officers 
when in cantonments in the lower provinces. The Court 
of Directors objected to the arrangement, and directed 
Lord Hastings, and subsequently Lord Amherst, to reduce 
the amount by one half, but they referred the order back 
to England for reconsideration, Avhen it was repeated in a 
more peremptory tone. The latest despatch reached Calcutta 
soon after the arrival of Lord William, and iu obedience to 
4.0. the Court's orders, he issued a notification in November, 
1828 reducing the allowance one half at all stations within 400 
miles of Calcutta. The order raised a flame in the army 
which at one time created the apprehension of a fourth 
European mutiny. One officer went so far as to assert 
that if an enemy were to make his appearance in the field, 
he did not believe there was a single officer who would 
give the order to march, or a single regiment which would 
obey it. The insults inflicted on the Governor- General by 
the officers of the army rivalled those of the civil service,, 
and were more severe than any of his predecessors had 
ever experienced. Lord Comberniere, the Cornrnander-in- 
Chief, prevented the organisation of representative com- 
mittees, as in the mutiny of 1700, but he did not hesitate 
to pronounce the order unjust ; and the Court of Directors 
declared that they would have superseded him if he had 
not resigned the service. Lord William Bentinck also 
considered the order unnecessary, unjust, and impolitic, 
but he felt +hat it was beyond his power to suspend the 
execution of it after the Court of Directors had, for the 
third time, insisted upon ifs being carried into e fleet, with- 
out assuming that the Government in Calcutta was the 
supreme power in the empire. The Court of Directors 
denounced the tone of the memorials presented to them by 
the officers as subversive of all military discipline 1 , nnd, 
with the full concurrence of the Duke of Wellington, 
signified their determination to enforce the order nt all 
hazards; indeed, considering the pa^s at which matters 
had arrived, they had no other alternative. But the 
reduction was an egregious blunder; and it appears strange 
that so astute a body as the Directors should have risked 
the attachment and confidence of their army for a paltry 
saving of less than two lacs a year; and it is still more 
surprising that for the thirty years in which they continued 


to administer the Government, they had not the magna- 
nimity to rescind the order, even as a graceful acknowledg- 
ment of the services subsequently performed by the army 
in twenty hard-fought battles. 

The native princes had always been in the habit of 
making grants of land to individuals and to ecclesiastical 
establishments free from the payment of rent. Rent free 
Some of those religious endowments and grants tenures, 
to charities were held sacred by superstitious chiefs, but in 
numerous instances they were resumed, both in the Deccan 
and in Hindustan, on each succession to the throne, and 
sometimes during the same reign. Jn the contusion eieated 
by the dissolution of the Mogul power, tins royal pre- 
rogative was usurped by the governors of proMiices. On 
assuming the management of the revenue the Government 
in Calcutta announced that all grants made previous to 
1705 should be deemed valid; but, as there was no register 
of them, the rajas zemindais, farmeis, and revenue oflicers, 
set to work to fabricate and antedate new deeds, and it was 
subsequently asserted that a tenth of the land revenues had 
thus been alienated from the state during the infancy of 
our (lovernment. The revenue settlement of Lord Corn- 
wallis reserved the right of resuming these tenures when 
their validity had been investigated and disallowed. The 
overworked collector to whom the duty of the im estimation 
was committed, found himself thwarted nt every step by 
his own mercenary officers, who were in the pay of the 
occupant H, he became lukewarm in the woik, and it was 
noeessarv either to abandon the pursuit of this lost revenue, 
or to adopt more effectual measures to recover it. Three ** D * 
weeks before the arrival of Lord William Bentinck, a 
regulation \\as passed, appointing commissioners selected 
from the ablest men in the service, to hear and finally to 
determine appeals regaiding these tenures from the 
decisions of the collectors, who were thus stimulated into 
groat or activity. Those energetic proceedings gave great 
oif'cnoe to those affected by them, who pleaded, and not 
without reason, that the difficulty of substantiating their 
claims had increased with the lapse of time, that many 
documents had disappeared by the ehYcfs of the climate 
and the ravages of white ants, and that lands which might 
have been fraudulently obtained several generations back, 
had since been bought bond fdv at high prices. Though 
the holders wexe in no coses dispossessed, but simply 
required to pay rent to the state, the assessment of their 


lands brought great unpopularity on the Government. 
The legal machinery of investigation cost about eighty laca 
of rupees, and the increase of revenue amounted to about 
thirty lacs a year. 

The political and military events of Lord William 
Bentinck's administration were of minor importance com- 
ThpCoie P are ^ with those of previous and subsequent 
insnrrec- periods, when thrones and dynasties were over- 
tion. thrown, and the map of India was reconstructed. 
The Cole Jnsurrection however, involved operations of 
some magnitude. The Coles, Dangars, Santals, and other 
tribes in the south-west of Bengal who are believed to have 
been the aborigines of the country, generally retained 
their independence, except where it had been encroached 
upon by Rajpoot zemindars, who endeavoured to improve 
their receipts by substituting a more industrious class ol 
cultivators for these lazy barbarians. The introduction of 
these men created a strong feeling of discontent, which was 
A.D. augmented by the insolence and rapacity of the Bengal 
1832 officials who flocked into the province. In 1832, the Coles 
rose in large numbers, laid waste the fields of the zemin- 
dars, burnt down their villages, and put more than a 
thousand of their men to death, before it was possible to 
assemble troops. Armed as they were only with bows 
and arrows and axes, they were easily overcome, and there 
was much unnecessary slaughter. In the I'oijl-liouriii'jr 
district it became necessary to send four rpjrimonU into the 
field before the insurrection was trodden out. The rising 
was not however without benefit to the people. It induced 
Lord William Bentinck to relieve them from the incubus of 
the Company's code and judicial institutions, and to turn 
the district into a non-regulation province, and placo it 
under the especial control of a commissioner. 

Another insurrection occurred within fifteen miles of 
Government House in Calcutta. Syud Ahmed, a Mahome- 
insurrection ^ an re ^ ormer an d fanatic, whose name will come 
of Teetoo np again hereafter, collected numerous followers 
Meer. j n j ower Bengal, and more particularly in the 

suburban district of Baraset. Their bigoted intolerance to 
those of their own creed, whom they deemed heterodox, and 
their hostility to Hindoo heretics created a feeling of 
general animosity, and some of the Hindoo zemindars 
inflicted heavy penalties on them. They appealed to the 
magistrates, but the dilatoriuoss of judicial forms exhausted 
their patience; and, under the guidance of one Teetoo 


Meer, a Mahomedan mendicant, they proclaimed a jehad, 
or religious war. They defiled a temple with the blood of 
a cow, and forced its flesh down the throats of the brah- 
mins, and then proceeded to burn down villages and facto- 
ries, and to erect stockades. In the peaceful province of 
Bengal, which had not seen the smoke of an enemy's 
camp for more than severity years, it was found necessary 
to call out two jvifi 1 riii- of infantry and a body of horse, 
and some guns. Their stockade, in which they defended 
themselves for an hour, was captured, and the insurrection 
was quenched in their blood. 

The administration of the most pacific of Governors- 
General could not escape the " inevitable tendency' 1 of the 
empire to enlarge its boundary, but the addition 

, f, ,** . , . . y 7 . . , n . . Annexation 

to the Company s dominions during the adminis- O f Cacnar 
tration of Lord William Bentinck was so and Coorp - 
insignificant as to escape observation and censure. The AtD , 
chief of the little principality of Cachar in the hills to the 1835 
north-east of Bengal was murdered in 1832, and amidst 
the anarchy which ensued the people implored the pro- 
tectorate of the British Government which Lord William 
Bentinck did not hesitate to extend to them. This un- 
noticed nook in the great empire has since acquired a 
commercial value by the expenditure of a crore of rupees 
of private capital in tea plantations, for which its position 
and soil are highly favourable. The principality of Coorg 
lies on the Malabar coast between Mysore and the sea, 
and comprises an area of about 1,500 square miles, no 
portion of which is less than 3,000 feet above the level of 
the sea. Its chivalrous raja had defended it with so 
much gallantry against the overwhelming force of Tippoo 
as to gain the applause of Lord Cornwallis, and also of Lord 
Wellesley, from whom he received a splendid sword, 
which was preserved with pride among the heir-looms of 
the family. But his successor in 1820 exhibited an 
example of tyranny and cruelty rarely exceeded by the 
most atrocious of native princes. On coming to the throne 
he put to death all who had thwarted his views, and to 
prevent the possibility of being superseded directed all his 
kinsmen to be taken into the jungles and decapitated. He 
never scrupled to take the life of any who became ob- 
noxious to him. He likewise manifested a peculiar hatred of 
the British Government, and as he strictly interdicted the 
entry of any Englishmen into the province, his atrocities 
were concealed from observation. In 1832, however, his 


sister and her husband escaped for their lives, and revealed 
his barbarities to the Resident in Mysore, who proceeded 
to his capital and endeavoured, but in vain, to bring him 
to reason. He addressed letters of extraordinary insolence 
to the governor of Madras, and even to the Governor- 
General, while he organized his little force to resist the 
British authorities. Lord William Bcntmck, finding him 
deaf t@ every remonstrance, resolved to treat him as a 
public enemy, and issued a proclamation recounting his 
A..D. cruelties, and announcing that he had ceased to reign. 
1834 A force of 6,000 men entered the country in four divisions, 
in different directions, and after penetrating its intricate 
and perilous defiles, planted the British standard oil 
the ramparts of the capital, Mercara, in April 1832. The 
country was at once annexed to the Company's territories, 
and has now been covered with coffee plantations by British 

The political policy of Lord William Bontinck was at 
first regulated by that principle of non-intervention in the 
Non-inter- internal affairs of native states which was still in 
Te uc n favour in Leadenhall Street. In his minute on 
1)0 cy " the Bhurtpore crisis, in 182G, Sir Charles Metcalfb 

had placed on record that " having become the paramount 
" power in India we were the supreme guardians of general 
" law, tranquillity and right." The Court of Directors 
lost no time in repudiating this doctrine, and laid positive 
and repeated injunctions on the Government of India to 
* abstain from all interference with the native princes 
boyond what was necessary to secure the punctual pay- 
ment of their respective tributes. The Government was 
thus placed in the invidious position of a strong and in- 
exorable creditor instead of a beneficent guardian of peace. 
Lord William, however, frequently found it impossible to 
avoid interposing his imperial authority to frustrate the 
projects of usurpation, to repress internal anarchy, and to 
promote harmony between prince and people. His political 
policy, therefore, presents the appearance of vacillation, 
and is certainly the least satisfactory portion of his ad- 

On the construction of the kingdom of Mysore, the 
administration was placed in the hands of the renowned 
brahmin Poornea, the great minister of Hyder 
AH and Tippoo, and his authority was supported 
ment. j^ ne i nv aluable assistance of some of the most 

experienced of the Company's officers. The country 


flourished, and, in the course of ten years, a surplus of two 
crores was accumulated in the treasury ; but the raja, 
under the influence of his minions and his flatterers pro- 
claimed his majority, when he attained his sixteenth year, 
dismissed Poornea, and took the administration into his own 
hands. The Resident reported that he was utterly unfitted 
for the government by the weakness of his character and 
his entire subservience to the influence of favourites. The 
administration steadily deteriorated for twenty years ; all 
the accumulations of Poornea were dissipated ; the go- 
vernment became venal and corrupt; the highest offices 
were put up to salo ; crown lands were alienated, and the 
subjects were crushed by new and grievous taxation. The A.D, 
people at length took up arms, and in 1830 one half the 1831 
kingdom was in a state of insurrection. Adventurers from 
all parts joined the insurgents, and the peace of the Deccan, 
not excepting the Company's territories, was placed in 
extreme jeopardy. It became necessary to send a large 
force into the field; but at the same iimo a friendly pro- 
clamation was issued, inviting the people to come in peace- 
ably and represent their grievances to the British officers, 
with the assurance that they would be redressed if they 
were found to be real. The natives had full confidence 
in them, and the insurrection died out. 

The Governor-General then informed the raja that, 1332 
though tranquillity was for the present restored, he could 
not allow the name and the influence of the M cmcnt 
British Government to be identified with these of Mysore 
acts of misrule ; and that, in order to prevent fcakcn over * 
their recurrence, and to save the Mysore state from ruin, 
he deemed it necessary to place the entire administration 
of the country in the hands of British officers, paying over 
to the raja, in accordance with the terms of the treaty, 
about four lacs a year and a fifth of the net revenue, which, 
under more honest ,v,:i.:i . \'--;:ld be equal to about 
a lac and a half inoM 1 I. :: \V:' i nn Ben thick was soon 
after led to believe from the report of the court of enquiry 
he had appointed, that the grievances had been somewhat 
overstated, and he proposed to retain in perpetuity only a 
sufficient portion of the territory to meet the subsidy, and 
to restore the remainder to the raja, on the simple condi- 
tion that the Government should be at liberty to resume 
this portion if it appeared necessary for the public benefit. 
The Court of Directors, however, who had entirely ap- 
proved of all his proceedings, refused to sanction this 


proposal, and asserted that the assumption of the whole 
country was justified by the treaty, and essential to the 
welfare of the people. 

The non-intervention policy was peculiarly unfortunate 
for the two Rajpoot states of Joudpore and Jeypore, 

_ , where the turbulent habits of the feudal nobility 

Joudpore. 11, i , , n , 

rendered the interposition of a paramount power 

indispensable to the public tranquillity. Man Sing, the 
raja of Joudpore, had been deposed by his chiefs before 
the Pindaree war on the ground of his insanity, real or 
feigned, but had recovered his power if not his reason in 
1821, and began to wreak his vengeance on them. They 
appealed to the Government in Calcutta, but without 
success, and then brought an army of 7,000 men against 
the capital. The raja appealed in his turn to Lord William 
Bentinck, who felt the necessity of interposing his autho- 
rity to prevent the kindling of war in Rajpootana, and the 
Resident was ordered to restore concord between the 
parties, which he e flee ted with a stroke of his pen. 
But the insane violence of the raja broke out again ; he 
AiDi not only oppressed his subjects, but gave encouragement 
834 to the robber tribes of the desert, and refused to apprehend 
Thugs, or to surrender malefactors. A large army was or- 
dered to Joudpore to bring him to reason. The Rah tores, 
the designation of the tribe, were accustomed to boast in 
their ballads of " the hundred thousand swords " with 
which they had supported the throne of Akbar ; but the 
* Joudpore envoy now enquired what occasion there could 
be for an army when a single messenger would have been 
sufficient to convey the commands of the Governor- General. 
Every demand was at once conceded. 

During the minority of the raja of Jeypore, his mother 
acted as regent, and resigned herself to the counsels of one 
Je Jotaram, a banker. The haughty barons ex- 

pelled him from the post of minister, and installed 
one of their own body, Byree Sal ; but the regent ranee 
obtained the permission of Sir David Ochterkmy to recall 
him. The nobles resented this proceeding, and a civil 
war appeared inevitable, when Sir C. Metcalfe, who had 
succeeded Sir David, proceeded to Jeypore, and convened 
a general meeting of the chiefs, and gathered from their 
discussions that the majority of them were favourable to 
the queen mother, when he confirmed her authority, with 
leave to choose her owii minister. Jotaram became again 
the head of the administration, but the revenues were 


misappropriated, the troops unpaid, and the nobles pur- 
sued with vindictiveness. An appeal was made to Lord 
William Bentinck to terminate the disorders of the state 
by the supreme authority of the Company's Government, 
but he declined to interfere. Soon after the ranee died, 
and her death was speedily followed by that of her son, 
not without suspicion of poison, and the general indigna- 
tion against Jotaram became so intense that he retired 
from the capital, and levied an army. Lord William Ben- 
tint'k had by this time quitted the Government, and his 
successor accepted the guardianship of the infant heir, A>D> 
and despatched a political agent to the capital, who was 1835 
just in time to prevent a battle between the party of the 
exasperated nobles and of the banker. An attempt was 
made to massacre the agent; he was attacked and wounded 
as he left the durbar and barely escaped with his life, but 
his assistant fell nnder the swords of the assassins. To 
prevent the recurrence of this anarchy, a more stringent 
control was established over the affairs of the court. 

In 1818 Lord Hastings assumed the prerogative of con- 
ferring the title of an independent king upon the nabob 
Vizier of Oiule, which released him from the Affairs of 
necessity of doing homage to any member of the Onde - 
imperial family who happened to reside at Lucknow, even 
in the most indigent circumstances. The king who was 
seated on the throne during Lord William Bentinck's 
administration, had been brought up in the zenana, and his 
ideas were puerile and effeminate, and his life was devoted 
to indulgence. The resident, Sir Herbert Maddock, repre- 
sented the country to be in a state of abject wretchedness ; 
there was no security for life and property, and scarcely a 
day passed in which an attack was not made on the forts 
of the zemindars, who seldom paid their rents without 
compulsion. Lord William himself travelled through the 
country, and saw nothing but desolation and decay. He 
considered that, as we protected the king from the indig- 
nation of his oppressed people, it was our boundcn duty to 
protect the inhabitants from the abuses of the Government. 1831 
In a communication to the king in 1831, he insisted on the 
adoption of reforms, and distinctly assured him that if he 
continued to withhold them the entire Uian:iu r enu'ni of the 
country would be taken out of his hands, and a sufficient 
annuity assigned to him for the support of his royal family 
and court. 

In anticipation of this remonstrance, the king recalled 


Hakim Menhdy, whom lie had dismissed, and reappointed 
Hakim h* m prmie minister. This extraordinary man, 
Menhdy. the son of a Persian gentleman at Shiraj, had 
emigrated to India in search of political employment and 
entered the service of Oude, in which ho rapidly rose to 
distinction. He identified the prosperity of his adopted 
country with his own happiness, and devoted his splendid 
talents,to the improvement of the administration, though 
thwarted at every step by the vices of his sovereign. Lord 
William Bentinck pronounced him one of the ablest men 
in India, and as a revenue administrator unsurpassed 
by any officer, European or native. He had gradually 
amassed a princely fortune, which he expended with more 
than princely liberality ; and there was no portion of 
Hindostan which had not experienced his generosity. 
On assuming the Government he introduced important 
reforms, and had the courage to retrench the profligate 
expenditure of the zenana, and to curtail the allowances 
of the parasites of the court. But he was too radical a 
reformer for the meridian of Oude, and as Lord William 
Bentinck hesitated to support his authority against the 
wishes of the king, who was offended, he said, because he 
had not spoken with sufficient respect of his mother, and 
A.D. had insulted the portrait of his father, he resigned his 
t#32 post and retired into the British territories. In refer- 
ence to the condition of Oude, the Court of Directors had 
justly remarked that, "it was the British Government 
which, by a systematic suppression of all attempts at 
resistance, had prolonged the misrule which became 
permanent when the shori iyrhMil!u i *i and rapacity of n 
semi-barbarous Government was armed with the military 
strength of a civilised one." In reply to Lord William's 
representation of the miserable condition of the country, 
the Court of Directors authorized him at once to assume 
the government, if circumstances should appear to render 
it necessary. Lord William, who was on the eve of leav- 
ing India, communicated the substance of these instruc- 
1834 tions to the king, intimating that the execution of them 
would be suspended in the hope of his adopting the 
necessary reforms. But the reforms never came, and the 
orders were carried into execution twenty years after. 

The 'interview of Lord William Bentinck with Runjeet 
Sing is one of the most remarkable events in his adminis- 
Progress of tration ; but, before alluding to it, it is necessary 
^imjeet ^ o continue the narrative of his progress after 


the check he received from Mr. Metcalfe in 1809. Con- 
quest was the one object of his life, and his attention 
was directed solely to the improvement of his army and the 
accumulation of treasure, to the comparative neglect of 
the civil administration. At the close of the rains his 
army was assembled for some expedition with the regu- 
larity of the seasons. This incessant warfare was exactly 
suited to the martial character of the Sikh population, 
whom it furnished with congenial occupation and with the 
means of acquiring distinction and wealth. The prospect 
of glory and plunder were the two chief elements of their 
fidelity to their chief. He commenced the formation of 
battalions on the model of the Company's army, and by 
incessant attention to their drill, which he superintended 
in person, eonverted his raw troops into an efficient force, 
which he provided with an admirable artillery. 

After the subjugation of all the independent Sikh chief- 
tains in the Punjab, he entered into a convention with 
Futteh Khan, the vizier of Cabul, for a joint n^ wn- 
expedition to Cashmere; but the vizier antici- u uc<J ts. 
pated his movements, and, having obtained possession of A D 
the province by his o>vn unaided efforts, refused to resign 1817 
any portion of it to llunjeet, who requited him by the 
surreptitious seizure of Attock on the Indus, during his 
absence. This led to a battle, in which Futteh Khan was 
defeated, and the Sikh authority was permanently extended 
to the banks of the river. In 181 H llunjeet Sing obtained pos- 
session of the province of Mooltan, and taking advantage 
of the murder of Futteh Khan, the vizier, whose talents igis 
and energy had alone kept the Afghan monarchy from 
dissolution, seized upon IVshawur, the capital of eastern 
Afghanistan, but was speedily driven from it. This dis- 
appointment was, however, compensated soon after by the 
acquisition of Cashmere, and two years later of the Derajat, 1819 
a strip of territory about 300 miles in length, lying on the 
right bank of the Indus, and - r 1 i- : down to the confines 
of Sinde. 

In March 1822, Colonels Allard and Ventura, two 1822 
of the French officers of the army of Napoleon who had 
left Europe on the restoration of the Bourbons Arnvrtlof 
and obtained employment in Persia, made their Fn-nch 
way to Lahore and, after some hesitation, were offlt%cnj - 
received into the service of Runjcet Sing. The Sikh 
soldiery, previously distinguished by their courage, their 
national enthusiasm, and their religious animation, received 


from these officers and from Generals Court and Avitabile, 
who followed them, the benefit of European tactics and 
discipline, and became more effective and formidable than 
the battalions which De Boigne had raised for Sindia, and 
Raymond for the Nizam. 

In March 1823 Runjeot Sing proceeded with an army of 
23,000 men to establish his authority in Peshawar, but 
A D Battle of * the Ensufzie Highlanders proclaimed a religious 
1828 Noushera. war against the infidel Sikhs, and 5,000 of 
them rushed down from their mountains and completely 
defeated them. Fresh troops were brought up, and Run- 
jeet eventually remained master of the field, and sacked 
Peshawur. This battle is memorable from the fact that a 
body of mountaineers, wild with religious enthusiasm, 
succeeded in baffling the efforts of four times their number 
of well trained and disciplined troops. The province was 
left in the hands of Yar Mahomed, the hostile brother of 
the ruler of Cabul, on condition of his paying tribute. 
Four years after, the peace of the country was disturbed by 
Syud Ahmed, a Mahomedan fanatic, who had been a petty 
cavalry officer in the service of Ameer Khan, the Patan 
freebooter, and on the dissolution of his army, turned 
religious reformer, pretended to have visions from heaven, 
and succeeded in raising a flame of fanaticism among his 
co-religionists. Reference has already been made to 3iis 
visit to Calcutta, from whence he proceeded to Mecca, the 
fountain of Mahomedan enthusiasm, and returning to India 
with more excited feelings, entered Afghanistan, where he 
proclaimed a holy war against the infidels, and raised the 
green flag of Islam, but was defeated by Ruujcet Sing's 
1830 disciplined troops, and obliged to fly. He returned in 
1880, and obtained possession of the province of Peshawur. 
Elated with his success, he proclaimed himself Caliph, and 
struck coin in the name of "Ahmed the first, the Defender 
" of the Faith," but bis assumption and his arbitrary pro- 
ceedings disgusted his followers, who expelled him from 
the province, and he was overtaken by the Sikh troops and 
put to death in May 1831. 

In 1827 Lord Amherst took up his residence at the 
sanitarium of Simla, which lies within 150 miles of Lahore, 
. , 4 and Runieet Sing embraced the opportunity of 

Lord Am- -,. Y i , .. .,? 

hcrstand sending him a complimentary mission, with a 
Runjeet. magnificent tent of shawls for the king of Eng- 
land which he presented on his return. Runjeet Sing had 
an extraordinary passion for horses, and Lord Ellen- 


borough, then President of the Board of Control, determined 
to present him in return for the shawl tent with a team 
of English dray-horses. The Indus was at the time not 
much better known than in the days of Alexander the 
Great ; and instead of despatching the cattle by the ordi- 
nary route through Bengal and Hiiidostan, Lord Ellen- 
borough resolved that they should be sent up the Indus, 
with the view of exploring the river, and, if possible, 
forming friendly relations with the chiefs on its banks. 
On the arrival of the horses at Bombay, Sir John Malcolm, 
the governor, selected Lieutenant afterwards Sir Alex- 
ander Burnes to conduct the mission. At the mouth of 
the Indus he entered the territory of Sinde, the Ameers of 
which had always treated the English agents with hostility ; 
and, as they considered his arrival an event of evil omen, 
subjected him to great indignity, and twice constrained him 
to retire from the country. They were induced at length to 
grant him the means of transport, and he reached the 
confines of the Punjab, through which he was escorted 
with great pomp, and at the court was received with great 
courtesy. When the letter from Lord Ellenborough was 
presented to liunjcct Sing, a royal salute was fired from each 
of sixty pieces of cannon, and Lieutenant Burnes was treated m 
with distinguished honour as long as he remained at the jgjjj 
court. He then proceeded to Simla where Lord William 
Bentinck was residing, and submitted to him the result 
of his researches regarding the commerce, politics, and 
military resources of Smde and the other states on the 
Indus. He was directed to return to Bombay through 
Afghanistan, Balkh, and Bokhara. 

The power of Runjeet Sing had been steadily increasing 
for twenty years. Including tho contingents of his jageer- 

dars, his arrny consisted of 80,000 men, animated _ 

.,,,, J T ' . n . Resources of 

with the success ot a dozen <,.: j a .;n-. and in iiunjcet 

part disciplined and commanded by European Smg< 
officers. His artillery consisted of 376 guns and an equal 
number of swivels. His annual revenue was estimated 
at two crores and a half, and tho vaults of his treasury 
contained ten crores. Though unable to read or write, he 
fully comprehended the papers in Persian, Punjabee, and 
Pushtoo, read to him by his able secretaries, who were in 
attendance upon him day and night, and to whom he 
dictated replies. But, though he had reached the summit 
of power ho never arrogated the title of an independent 
sovereign, but was content to be considered simply as the 

B B 


head of the Khalsa or Sikh commonwealth, a name 
regarded with a feeling of superstitious devotion by the 
chiefs and soldiers. He considered it a matter- of import- 
ance to secure for his throne and dynasty the strength 
which a close alliance with the British Government could 
not fail to impart ; and Lord William Bentinck, on his side, 
deemed it politic to demonstrate to the princes of India, 
who 15egan to regard the progress of a native power under 
Runjeet Sing with hope, that a feeling of cordiality 
existed between the two states ; and a meeting was ac- 
cordingly arranged to be hold at Roopur, on the banks of 
the Sutlej. 

This assembly was the most brilliant in which the repre- 
sentative of the Company had ever taken a part. Lord 
Meeting at William Bentinck, like Lord Cornwallis, was dis- 
Raopur. tinguishcd for the simplicity of his habits, and 
his dislike of the pageantry of power ; but he considered it 
important to give eclat to this political meeting in the eyes 
A D of India by tlie grandeur of its display. He descended 
1831* from Simlah to Roopur on the 22nd October, and Runjeet 
Sing arrived at the opposite bank of the river three days 
after with a magnificent court, and 10,000 of his bestf horse 
and 6,000 select infantry. The next day he crossed the 
river on a bridge of boats, preceded and followed by his 
chiefs mounted on elephants decked in gorgeous housings, 
while a body of 4,000 horse whom he had brought with 
him by way of caution, formed the wings of the procession. 
Presents of every variety and of the most costly description 
had been collected by the Governor-Gcnoral from all parts 
of India, sufficient to efface the memory of the dray-horses. 
Runjeet Sing scrutinized every article with the curiosity 
of a child, and saw it carefully packed up and delivered to 
his master of the jewel office. The following day the 
Governor- General returned the visit ; the scene was one ot 
extraordinary splendour ; the Sikh encampment exceeded 
in magnificence anything which had been seen in India 
since the days of Aurungzebe, and realised the highest 
conceptions of oriental grandeur. 

The frank manners of Runjeet Sing, his free enquiries and 
lively conversation, gave an air of ease to ceremonials 
which were usually stately and stiff. He called up and 
paraded his favourite horses before Lord William Bentinck, 
and recounted their names and virtues with much anima- 
tion. In their company was also brought up one of the 
dray-horses, as if to contrast his huge and shaggy legs 
with their elegant limbs. A week was passed in displays, 


entertainments, and reviews, recalling to mind the days of 
Mogul magnificence, and the parties separated with a 
mutual appreciation of each other* s power. 

Runjeet Sing had long been eager to add Sinde to his 
dominions, and to obtain possession of Shikarpore, a com- 
mercial mart on the right bank of the Indus, of Treaty with 
such magnitude and importance that the bills of Sinde. 
its bankers passed current from Calcutta to Astrakhan. A . D . 
During the meeting he sounded the secretaries on the 183i 
subject of a joint expedition, hinting that, according to 
Lieutenant Burncs, the treasury contained twenty crores, 
and that the army was very feeble. But Lord William 
Bentinck had already deputed Colonel Pottinger to en- 
deavour to conclude a commercial treaty with the Ameers. 
They were o\r ""1 : : cr'y reluctant to form any connection at 
all with the Company, lest the factory should, as elsewhere, 
grow into a fortress. They yielded at length to the 
importanity of the Colonel, but in the treaty of commerce 
they signed caused it to be stipulated " that the contract- 
" ing parties should never look with an eye of covetousness 
" on the possessions of each other." Within eleven years 
Sinde was a British province. 



THE lustre of Lord William Bentinck's administration is 
derived from his bold and enlightened reforms, his 
intrepid philanthropy, and his efforts to pro- Administra- 
mote material progress, in which he far sur- tiv *<>& 
passed all his predecessors. For thirty years the local 
government had been engaged, with no encouragement 
from England, in o-iulM'Oiinir British supremacy and con- 
solidating the empire, and it remained to endow it with 
improved and beneficial institutions. No substantial effort 
had been made since the day of Lord Cornwallis to improve 
them, and they had become in a great measure effete. For 
the work of reformation Lord William Bentinck was 
particularly qualified, by the clearness of his views, his 
freedom from traditional prejudices, and his inflexible 
resolution. His administration therefore forms one of the 
great landmarks in the history of British India. 

B B 2 


The current of civil justice was blocked up by the 
provincial courts, which Lord William Bentinck described 
A.D. The pro- as " resting places for those members of the service 
*831 ^nojfti " w ho were deemed fit for no higher responsi- 
court!J ' " bilities." "With some exceptions, the judicial 
character of the judges was contemptible, while their dis- 
cordant judgments in appeal only served to bewilder the 
judges of the courts suboidinate to them. With regard to 
criminal justice, their agency was a national grievance. 
The judges went on circuit to hold sessions and gaol 
delivery twice a year, and the accused were kept in con- 
finement for months before they were brought to trial, 
while the prosecutors and witnesses were detained through- 
out this period at their own expense. Under such circum- 
stances, it is of course no matter of surprise that the daroga 
who came down to institute enquiries was considered by the 
natives "the messenger of death," and that the conceal- 
ment of crime became the one object of solicitude through- 
out the country. 

Lord William earned the gratitude of the country by 
abolishing a class of tribunals which combined three of 
the worst vices of law delay, expense, and uncertainty. 
The duties of the session were transferred to the judge of 
the district, who was to hold a gaol delivery every month. 
A separate Sudder, or chief court, was also established in 
the North- West provinces, and the natives of Delhi were no 
longer obliged to travel a thousand miles to Calcutta to pro- 
secute an appeal. A corresponding boon was also conferred 
on these provinces by the erection of a board of revenue at 
Allahabad, which placed the control of the revenue of twenty- 
three millions of people in the midst of them. The value 
of these improvements was incalculably enhanced by con- 
ferring on the natives the great blessing of the use of their 
own vernacular tongue in all the courts, civil, fiscal, and 
criminal, to which they were amenable, in lieu of the 
Persian, which had been adopted from the Mahomedans to 
whom it was familiar, whereas in the British courts it was 
foreign equally to the parties, the witnesses, and the 

One of the greatest transactions of Lord William 
Bentinek's administration was the revenue settlement of 
Revenue the North- West provinces. On the acquisition of 
settlement the latest of these provinces by Lord Wellesley, 
j *^ p in 1 804, he promised them a permanent settlement 
at the end of ten years, if it was approved of by 


the Court of Directors. The Court repudiated the engage- 
ment, and ordered it to be limited to five years ; but so brief 
a term was fatal to all agricultural improvement. A 
landholder considered it an act of folly to lay out money 
in the improvement of his land when he knew that this would 
only serve to increase his assessment in two or three years ; 
and as the period of revision approached, wellswere filled up, 
and cultivation was neglected. An effort was made to 
grapple with this largo question in 1822, but the celebrated 
regulation of that year was too complicated in its details to 
be worked by the limited agency at the disposal of 
Government, arid at the end of ten years the settlement 
had scarcely begun. Lord William Bentinck was resolved 
to remove the opprobrium of this neglect from the 
administration, and made a tour through the provinces, 
discussing the question in all its bearings with the revenue 
officers in each district, and with the revenue board at 
Allahabad; and on his return to the Presidency issued the 
ri'LT-l .' ! for the new settlement in 1833. It possessed 
the great merit of simplicity, and dispensed with many of 
the elaborate enquiries required by the former regulation. 
The lands were minutely surveyed and classified accord- 
ing to their quality, and an accurate measurement of 
them wan placed on record, by which a prolific source of 
discord and litigation was cut off, and the assessment was 
then fixed for thirty years by the collector, after a free and 
friendly communication with the people on the spot. The 
general management of these large operations was entrusted 
to Mr. Robert Bird, the ablest financial officer since the 
days of Sir John Shore. His knowledge of the intricacies 
of land tenure in the North- West provinces was greater than 
that of any other man in the service, and he was moreover 
endowed with that indomitable energy and that sternness 
of purpose which enabled him to complete the settlement of 
72,000 square miles, affecting the vital interests of twenty- 
three millions of people, in the course of ten years. He was 
allowed to select his own assistants, and the honour of 
l.Jk 1 * ' .: 'rved under him was considered as conferring a 
<i :.< .. for life. 

The measure which above all others has endeared the 
memory of Lord William Bentinck to the natives of India, 
was the access he gave them to the public service. Employment 
Their exclusion from every office except the lowest of natives, 
and worst paid was the cardinal error of Lord Cornwallis's 
administration. Such ostracism of a wholo people, who 


A.D. had from time immemorial been accustomed to the manage- 
1831 n-ent of public affairs in every department, was without a 
parallel in history. The grandsons of the Gauls who 
resisted Caesar became Roman senators ; the grandsons of 
tbe Rajpoots who opposed Baber, and well-nigh nipped his 
enterprise in the bud at Biana, were employed by his 
illustrious grandson in the government of provinces and 
the c'bmmand of armies, and shed their blood for him on 
the shores of the Bay of Bengal and the banks of the Oxus, 
and rewarded his confidence with unshaken loyalty to his 
throne, even when it was shaken by the treachery of his 
Mahomedan satraps. But wherever the Company's sove- 
reignty was extended, every office of the least value was 
bestowed exclusively on their own European and covenanted 
servants ; and the natives of the country, however capable, 
were at once excluded from all share in the government of 
their own country, one of the most honourable aspirations 
of humanity. Lord William Ben thick was deeply impressed 
with the viciousness of this policy, and determined " to 
" throw open the door of distinction to the natives, and to 
u grant them a full participation in all the honours and 
" emoluments of the state." This liberal policy was 
ushered in by the regulations of 1831, which completely 
reconstructed the legal establishment