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A 




SatbaiU iSoIIege l^ibrars 



BRIGHT LEaACJY. 

Docendantii nf Henir Brlglit. jr. , nhn died Ht Water. 
Inwn, Mii«.,In i6S6. areenStLecTlD hold Kholinhlpt In 
Ilmrvird OillcgE. eitabliihed in iSSn under the will of 

JONATHAN BROWN BRIGHT 
ot Wilthmn. Man., with one half the income o\ thia 

I*B»7- Such -.-.--■-- 

eliRibfe to the 



tn the I-ihr 



endnnta fail 

SI'S 






uu,JM.M' 



AM 



•^.. 




A LOST CHAPTER 



IN 



American History 



BT PHILIP H. SMITH 



I LLIT8TKATED 



"Hm heVntd Aoiduin land, the knd of EYaageliDe." (LoogMlow.) 

**L0C tbow who wonM penectite or profcribe for opiiuoB'b sike, and 
Bmil bf poUttoU ezrlasioo the ri^ht to worthip Ood in tba form bj whUk 
bft who wonhipi, chooMt ; who would, if let alooe, Join in tbt boDl at 
«dk of tbow who, Uke the Acadiana, chtfith the faith of tbdr «hildhooA 
and anoeaton» lei them mwl the itory of the Acadian Eiika» and bevtM 
o< tbt mre rttribatioo of liiitory.** (Memoin Penn. HiiL Botimj.) 



PAWLINO N. Y. 

PVBUtBID BT THB AUTHOB 
1884 



I <r ^ Lf . Ivw^ ■ ^7 ^ 



Entered acoording to Act of Congress, in the year 1884, by 

PHILIP H, SMITH, 
In the 0£oe of the Librarian of Congress, D. 0. 



PREFACE 



The story of ETangeline, from its tender pathos, its toacb* 
iag sppeals to the deeper emotions of the soul, and the sin* 
gularly romantic historical episode on which the poem ii 
based, has ewer been, to the writer of this Tolume, a work of 
interest. A longing to behold the land of those Acadian 
Exiles, *^ who had aforetime dwelt by the Basin of Minasi'* 
imperceptibly grew up, which was at length gratified : the 
memory of the brief sojourn in the ^Acadian Land,** wiU 
erer remain among his most highly treasured reooUectiona. 

Then came a desire to know more of that aflUcted peopl% 
and of the facts attending their expulsion from the soil of 
their ancestors. The author was surprised that this ehap* 
ter of American annals had been passed orer in almost ai> 
tar silence by nearly every American historian, and that tha 
only books treating of the subject at any length, with a sin* 
gle exception, were a few old and rare Tolumea, many of 
which were scarcely to be had at any price, and none of 
them accessible to the general reader. This suggested tha 
{{reparation of these pagea to meet the demand of thoaa 
who might, like himself, feel prompted U> pamsa the detaiia 
of this sad passage in the world's history. 

Itt af* fK yfn p^**^'** fl r %h^ task* the ft'l^^5^^ wishaa lo alala 



* ACADIA 

fbMi he has made free use of ooiemporaiy history, not oi^y 
as to facts, but likewise incorporaiing portions of the text^ 
when such a course seemed preferable. Upwards of fifty 
aathorites hare been laid under contribution, and it is his 
own fault if some of the best portions in each haye not been 
enlled. To mention each of them by name would unneoes- 
sarfly burden these pages, and he hopes this acknowledg- 
ment will be considered sufficient without a pedantic dis- 
play of marginal notes. 

The typographical work was done in a *^ country office^** 
with afifty-pouiid font of type and an old Liberty job presSi 
the stereotyping being executed with home-made apparatus, 
af tor a process dereloped from personal experiment. The 
illustrations, also by himself, whatever may be their artist- 
ic worth, are believed to faithfully represent the subjects 
they are designed to elucidate, which, after all, must be ad- 
mitted to be the prime and legitimate purpose of illustration. 
The author feels at liberty to make this statement out of jus- 
tice to himself, inasmuch as the book must of necessity com* 
pete, in an overcrowded market, with other books that have 
not only received the careful manipulation of half a score of 
artisans, skilled in as many distinct trades, but also have 
engaged in their manufacture complicated machinery to the 
mlue of thousands of dollars. 

Thus much touching the mechanical and literary exeen* 
lion of the work. As to the historical data given in the 
book, and the conclusions drawn therefrom, the author ex* 
pacts, and furthermore, cordially invites the most search- 
ing criticisms, as he is well aware the subject involves na- 
tional pride and prejudice, and all are entitied to a hearing. 



▲ot 



Whfti he giTes m faeU are taken from what he beUerea to 
be reliable sources, and be has onlj stated his honest oon* 
fietions, wbererer the blame may falL 

Another departure is, the Yolnme is put on the market 
without the imprint of an influential publishing house to 
giTe it currency among the people. The writer beUerea 
the subject to be one that will introduce the book, and 
prefers to control its sale himself; and trusts that the mod- 
esty of his pretensions will prompt the trade to extend a 
friendly hand. 

Could be be assured that the reader, under whose ey* 
this book may chance to fall, may deriTC as much enjoj* 
ment in its perusal as he has had in the collection of the 
materials and subsequent compilation, then the pen will be 
laid down with the feeling that the labor has not been p«|w 
formed in Tain. And should it cause one sympathetio heart 
to pause in the midst of the bustle of the present and drop 
a tear of compassion to the memory of the poor exileSi 
BOW gone from earth and almost forgotten, then the re^ 
ompense will be still greater. 

With these explanations the Tolume is sent out into the 
world to buffet with the waves of competition and prejo* 
dice, to ride out the storm in safety, or be swallowed up 
as many a more meritorious book has been before^ 

Pawling, Feb. 1st, 1884. 



CONTENTS. 



IscTBODvtoosr - • - • • 11 

PllELIMIXlBt^^fiCOURSl • - • - 17 

Earlt Explorations • - - • 24 

Attciipt« at Colonization - - • 8S 

Pkemanent Settlemknt - - - • 40 

Tub La Tours ----- 56 

From Grand-Fontaine to Menneval - • 88 

Tillebon on tub St. John - • • 96 

Fall op Pobt Kotal .... XOS 

Tboubles op the Fbencb - - 114 

Captubb op LunscoiTRo .... ^29 

Retubino tub Oath .... X4S 

Fall op BEAUitBJot'B • • . • 153 

PRBLmiNABY TO EXPULSION ... 157 

EXPITLSION OP THB FbENCH NbUTBALS • • 188 

Tbb Fbbnch Neutbals in Penxstltaxia - 228 

•* •* u u Massachubetti - . 242 

Ajtpaibs in Acadia .... 250 

DomrPALL OP French Rule ui Ambkioa - • 26S 

Ejkiush Occupation .... 276 

Tbb FisBBmiBs . . . • • 818 

Lbobnds - . . • • 822 

Appendix •...•» 3Q7 



INTRODUCTION. 



Where it Acediat 

It it not down on the mepe. Like the eimple end indiie* 
Irioas jeomenry which comprised its inhshitentSy its reoord 
is to be searched after in the dim annals of the past W«« 
U not that a poet has attuned its story to Terse, and ther^ 
by caosed thousands of hearts to throb with emotions of 
mingled pity and indignation, and so rendered it immortal, 
it might have remained in oblinon. Who has not heard 
of ETangeline f Her name is a household word orer the eiT- 
flized world, for the translations of the poem are legion, so 
well adapted is it to stir the deepest sentiments of the sooL 
To put the question differently. Where was Acadia t 

When Fnmce first acquired dominion in the New Worid 
she gSTe to her newly acquired territory the beautiful name^ 
L^AeadUy or in its anglidzed form, Acadia. By the trealy 
of Utrecht, in 1718, that powei^made OTer to the Queen of 
England all *^ Acadia comprised within its andoit boimda* 
riea." These territorial limits became afterward a great nap 
laonal question, the French claiming that Acadia comprised 
only the peninsula now known as Nora Scotia, while the Eng> 
lish maintained it included the surrounding islands and 
Boefa of the mainland now called New Brunswick. Greal 
Britain had previously undertaken to establish a Soottaah 
Barony in the same territory, giring to the country its 

of No?a Seoiia. or New Scotland. ItwUlaa- 



12 

swer oar purpose best to make these terms mterdiangeable 
in the snoceeding chapters. 

Nora Seotia is bounded on the northwest by New Bnins- 
wiek and the Bay of Fondy, north by the Ghilf of St Law* 
renee and the Northumberland Stnits, and on the other 
sides by the Atlantic It has an area of 18,670 square 
miles, or about double that of the State of New Hampshire. 
The form of the peninsula has been compared to that of a 
mitten, the thumb being the isthmus joining it to New 
Brunswick. No part of Nora Seotia is more than thirty 
miles from the sea. A belt of nigged rocks stretches along 
the whole southern shore, and by the Bay of Fundy coast 
The inland is rich in minerals, weU-wooded, and in many 
partSy exceedingly fertile. 

That long line of rocky coast forming the southern bound- 
ary of Nora Scotia is not unfrequently broken into shapes 
of picturesque boldness. Sometimes the rocks erect a dark 
and perpendicular wall, against which the storms of the At- 
lantic hare beaten for ages. At other times, the ocean, pen- 
etrating far inland, forms interior seas, around which dus- 
ter the cabins of the fishermen, each with its fish-flakes and 
its fishing boat moored near at hand. These bays resemble 
In their general features the Norwegian fjords, and give 
food and occupation to the peasantry ; and except when ag- 
itated by storms, suggest naught but fertility and peaoa 

There comes a change when the tempest breaks over the 
■ea, and the billows dash impetuously among the shoals. The 
stoutest heart shrinks in awe at the display of Divine pow- 
er, and happy is the bark that can find a safe harbor when 
old Ocean is once fully roused. The landsman shudders as 
the gun comes booming over the water from the vessel in 
distress, calling for the help that too often is unavailable ; 
and when morning breaks, and the storm has passed, naught 
but a broken hull and a few shattered spars are left to tell 
the tale. Notwithstanding that lighthouses shed 



IKTBODOCTIOM ]] 

(riendlj beams from eTery juttiDg headland i and cireii% 
bell boaia, fog trumpets and whistling baojs warn the anxiooi 
sailor when the fogs hide the lights, and life-boats, manned 
bj sturdy arms, are ready to brare the dangers of the deep 
to aid the shipwrecked mariner; — in short, after all thai 
human skill can devise, or humanity suggest, for lessening 
the dangers to shipping, these iron-bound coasts and their 
insatiate shoals continue to demand and receive many a hol- 
ocaust of hun)an victims. 

But little is known of Nova Sootia by the average Ameri* 
can, and that little is closely associated with ideas of a 
sinister kind. **Ou<;ht to be banished to Nova Scotia I* 
** Wish it was in Halifax ! ** are mild forms of anathemas to 
which we htfve been accustomed from childhood. But this 
terriiory has a just claim on the heart of every citizen of our 
republic 

Hundreds of brave New Englanders lie sleeping beneath 
the greensward on Point Rochiort, beneath the once frown- 
ing battlements of Louisbourg, who lost their lives in the 
early struggles for the possession of that fortress. The 
Acadian seas are literally strewn with the wrecks of vessels 
sent out from New England ports, the fatei of whose crews 
will never be revealed until the sea yields up its dead. The 
shores of Bedford Basin arc hallowed to the memory as the 
sepulchre of uiiiny a lievolutionary hero, who perished there 
in captivity. It has a place in history as the refuge of 
thousands of American Loyalists, who were there given 
new homes by the King in whose interest they suffered ban- 
ishment We have already referred to the expatriated Aca- 
dians, who were violently torn from thence, and scattered 
throughout the English colonies on the Continent It is al- 
so the domain of the hsheries, which subject has long been 
a question of national issue between the two great powers 
of England and the United States, and which is soon to 
come before the people for further Adjudication or arbitm* 



14 AGADU 

ment It seems almost incredible that the dtizens of our 
country should manifest so little interest in a land whose 
Tarying fortunes have ever been so closely lussooiated with 
our own. 

It is emphatically a land of romance. The annals of the 
early adventurers need not the gilding of fiction to invest 
them with interest. Its history is made up of bloody strife, 
startling events, and singular experiences. It has been the 
scene of military victories by sea and land which have illu- 
minated, in tiirn, the cities of France, England, and the 
United States; and its soil has drank some of the noblest 
blood of those great nations. It is here that the demon of 
religious intolerance has been most rampant, and fratricidal 
war exerted its most baneful influenca Here, too, par- 
ticularly in remote French settlements, superstition holds 
powerful sway. The headlands of the coast are haunted 
with the lost spirits of the victims of the numberless wrecks 
strewn among the rocks ; weird lights flicker about the seas 
on wild and stormy nights ; strange voices inhabit the air, 
and foreboding signs appear in the sky ; while the spectral 
feuX'/oUetSy and the dreaded loupa-garoua, prowl about the 
country on the watch for souls. It is here that the passion 
for the finding of hidden treasures has the strongest hold 
on the people; — the fact that the French Neutrals buried 
much of their treasure at their extirpation, being a pre- 
disposing cause. 

In marked contrast are the works of Nature as disclosed 
in this comer of the world. In the proper season, one may 
ride for fifty miles in the Annapolis Valley under the con- 
tinuous shade of apple orchards in full bloom. No lovelier 
spot is there in the wide world, no happier blending of wa- 
ter, plain and mountain, than at Grand Pre, on the shores 
of the Basin of Minas. And yet, within a few hours' ride, 
are the waters wherein the current from the Gulf of Mexico 
and the flow from the Biver and Gulf of St. Lawrence, im- 



niTBODix)noH U 

pings tb«ir mooMDioiiflfloodBagunti mA oth«ri wbara th» 
iesbarg roeks in the w»v68» and the eea-fog hmngt orer the 
deep, imperilling the neTigmtion, and tending manj a weary 
mariner to his long home. 

The tides, which here surpaae thoee of any other quarter 
of the globe, are among the most wonderful features of 
Nature's exhibit Sajs a writer: ^'At the head of Cobe- 
quid Baj, the flood- tide is preceded by an inmiense tidal 
ware, or *bore,* which, at spring tides, is sometimes six 
feet high. At low water, nearly sixty square miles of sand, 
shingle and mud flats are laid bare ; tbe flood rises more 
rapidly than the water can advance, and the result is the 
formation of a splendid ware more than four miles long^ 
which rolls over the flats and quicksands in a sheet of foam, 
and with the roar of thunder, washing away, or burying up 
STerything before it. Vessels lying with their broadsides to 
Uie bore are rolled over, — their masts are broken, and they 
ire left half buried in the shingle : the skill of the pilot is, 
bowerer, equal to this danger, and accidents seldom occur.** 

It may be said, that few places offer greater inducements 
to the summer tourist or to the sportsman, than do the seas 
and mountains of this Acadian land. The woods are full 
oi game, and the waters abound in fish ; one may traTerse 
m boats, almost every portion of the country; and the plaee 
only to be better known to attract the thousands of reet- 
from abroad. 

In the present work no pretensions are made to a full and 
•xhauative treatise of the subject It is believed, however, 
that the more salient points have been touched upon, and 
sofBctent given to shed light on a subject that has long re> 
mained in obscurity. Though the scope includes the entire 
period succeeding the discovery of Acadia, the expulsion of 
the French Neutrals is designedly made a leading feature of 
the volume. In this, as in the other portions, the author 
has drawn his materials from the most reliable sources^ 



16 A04DI4 

HaUbnrtoD, a standard aaihority in Nova Sootiay referring 
to the absence from the pablic records of that Provincey of 
the official docoments covering the period of the forced ex- 
tirpation of these people, gives it as his belief that they 
have been purposely abstracted, with the view to cover np 
the traces of the deed ; and he wrote more than half a cen- 
tury aga Since then the records have been filled ap by 
copies obtained from the state paper office in England, and 
from those at Quebec, primarily obtained from the archivee 
at Paris. Of these the author has availed himself in the 
present compilation. Extracts are given originally procured 
from Winslow's letter book; the journals of the Colonial 
Assemblies, and other trustworthy sources, have likewise 
been freely utilized. The papers of the French Neutrals 
having been forcibly taken from them, they cannot be heard 
in their own behalf, except as they have told the story of 
their sufferings in two memorials, one to the King of Great 
Britain, and the other to the Pennsylvania Assembly, cop- 
ies of which may be found in the Appendix of this volume. 
The reader can compare the declarations therein contained 
with the accounts taken from English sources given in 
the body of the work, and then, in the light of aU these 
facts, judge for himself whether the despoiling of fifteen 
thousand pastoral people of their farms and firesides, and 
the dispersion of most of them in indigence among a peo- 
ple aliens in language and religion, was "a justifiable and 
necessary measure." 



rUELIMlXARY DISCOCnSE. 



To tbe loTcr of romance as well as to the stadent of 
itable historr, no quarter of the world is more rich in inter- 
est than Acadia— a land which has been poeticallj immor- 
talized as **The Land of Evangeline.** \\liether we tim 
to the misty era of the early ^^ Sea RoTcm of the North,** 
the records of whoso voyageM seem Uke quaint, legendary 
tales, or to the later historical epoch, when the rirgin soil 
was enriched with the blood of Ko-calleil civilized nations in 
their eager strife for its possession ; or whether we contem- 
plate the Kteni and pitiless aspect of Nature as exhibited in 
the war of the elements raging in fierce grandeur about 
tl&o rock-bound coasts, or Bur%*oy her in her milder moods as 
displayed in su;my seas and glowing landscapes, — in aP 
there is that which holds the student s2>elM>onnd to the sto- 
ry of this enchanted land. 

Previous to the <lis4*overies of Columbus, the coontiy 
boyonJ thv tra^kle^s him was a fruitful themo of visionary 
•peculation aiul traditionary ta!e. Plaio*s imaginary island 
cf Atlantixi opposite tho Straits of Gibraltar, was by many 
Lc.ioveil to actually exist. Much was caid and written c3 
tho fabolous Island of St Brandan,* which for a long while 



*'llic iurxLiUtuHi of the Ouuirim fin<*i«d thfj bohftld m 
bistiil 1)411,; far to ihm wcstvanl, Tuublf uolv at intrrvsb sod la p«rfMI|f 
mnoc niaUor. Tboy aeoi wvenil cxpciLttaoi* but cwy 



18 AOABIA 

baunted the imaginations of the people of the Canaries: 
and even the speculative " Island of Seven Cities '*t was giv- 
en a place on the charts of the learned geographers of the 
time. 

That the Norse mariners visited parts of Acadia centuries 
before the ei*a of Columbus* discoveries, is a fact well authen- 
ticated. Original manuscripts of the voyages of these 8ea- 
Yikings have been carefully preserved in Iceland. They 
were first published at Copenhagen in 1837, with a Danish 
and a Latin translation. Within the whole range of the lit- 
eratiire of discovery and adventure, no writings can be 
found that bear better evidence of authenticity. 



reach it proved futile. Still so many had testified to leeing it^ and so 
nearly did their testimony agree as to its form and position, that its ex- 
istence was believed in, and it was put down on their maps. Traditions 
were told of some tempest-tossed mariners having at one time landed up- 
on the island, but were forced to return to their ship by reason of a 'liarsh 
wind which arose;** in an instant they lost sight of the Iw^d, and conld not 
again find it, nor did they afterwards hear of the two sailors that had 
been abandoned in the woods. On another occasion it was said a vessel 
toached at tiiis mysterious island, and anchored in a beautiful harbor al 
the month of a mountain ravine. A number of sailors landed and wan- 
dered about in various direction.^. Seeing night approaching, those on 
board signalled for their return to the ship; scarcely were they on board 
when a whirlwind came down the ravine with such violence as to cany 
the vessel out to sea. They never saw more of this inhospitable island. 

t A popular tradition concerning the ocean, in which seven bishops flee- 
ing from Spain at the time of the Koorish conquest^ landed on an un- 
known island in the midst of the Atlantic Ocean, burnt their ships to pre* 
vent the desertion of their followers, and abandoned themselves to their 
ftite. H^re they founded seven dties. According to common report 
some sea-fa)nng men presented themselves before King Henry, of Portugal, 
stating they had landed upon this island, the dust of which they found to 
be one-half gold— hoping to secure a reward for their intelligence. They 
were ordered to return immediately and procure further information, but 
the seamen, fearing their falsehood would be discovered, made their es- 
cape, and nothing mote was heard of them. 



It 

In the je§r 861, Iceland was discoTered b j a None RoT«r 
named Nadodd, and soon became a place of great interest i 
in two or three centuries we find its people had become em* 
inent among the Norse communities for their intellectual 
culture, and for their daring and skill in navigation. 

^^ Eirek the Red *' occupied a prominent place as one of 
the early mariuers. The Norse narrative introduces Eirek's 
TO}age of discovery as follows : ** There was a man of nc^ 
ble family named Thorwold. He and his sou Eirek, sur- 
named the Red, were obliged to th*e from Jo^lir (in the south* 
west pai t of Norway), bci*auM\ in some feud which arosei 
they committed a houiifide. They went to Icelaud, which 
at that time was colouized." Thorwuld died soon after, and 
the restless spirit of Eirek at leugth iuvulviug him in an* 
other feud in Iceland, he was a second time guilty of tak* 
iug the life of a fellow bein<^. The narrative* continues i 
*^ Having been condemned by the court, ho resolved to leave 
Icelaud. His vessel being prepared, and everything in 
rea.liness, Eirek's partisans in the quarrel accompanied him 
some distance. Ho told them ho was going in search of 
the land Guuniborn had seen when driven by a storm into 
the Western Ocean, promising to return if his seaich proved 
successful. Embarking from the western side of Icelandy 
Eirek steered boldly for the west. At length he saw land» 
and called the place Midjokul. Then coasting along tha 
ahore in a southerly direction, ho sought a place more suit* 
able for settlement He spent the winter on a part of tha 
coast which he named * Eirek's ln'.and.* A satisfactory wiU 
nation for his colony having been found, he remained there 
two years.** The country discovered and colonized bj 
Eirek was Greenland. 

Eirek returned to Iceland, and as a result of his repre* 
aentations of the newly discovered country, ^* tweuty-fiva 
ahipa,** filled with emigrants and stores, returned with hua 
to Greenland. This happened, says the chromcie, *'fifUtB 




jears before the Ghrisficit i» 
U^on wu introdaoed into Ic&- 
Uhd," or fifteen yean prsvi- 
onfl to 1000 A. D. Biani, ■ 

chief nuu uoong these oolon- 
ists, was KbBent in K'omj 
^ when th^ Bailed froorlettsiid. 
On hifl return be deeidad to 
follow and join the colony ; 
and alttiODgh Bei(£er he nor 
hia companions had ever seen Greenland, or sailed the 
Greenland Sea, he boldly embarked, and made one of the 
most remarkable and fearful voyages on record. Itmoatbe 
borne in mind that the "ship" of thoEe early times, with 
Us quaint proportions and " dragon prow," was so onsea- 
w<niby, that, in this day of advanced nautical skill, it woold 
be deemed an act of sheer madnesa to essay an ocean voy- 
age in so frail a veasel. 

On leaving Iceland they s^ed three days with a fair 
wind; then arose a storm of northeasterly winds, accompa- 
nied by veiy cloudy thick weather. For many days they 
were driven before this storm, into trackless 
and unknown waters. At length tht* weath- 
er cleared, and they could see the sky.^ 
They sailed west another day, and saw land* 
different from any they had formerly known, 
for it "wuB not very mountainous." Biami 
said this could not ba (Greenland. They put 
about and steered in a northeasterly direc- 
tion two days more. Again they saw land 
which was low and level. Biami thought 
this could not be Greenland. For thraa 
more days they sailed in the same directioOt 
and came to a land that was " mountainous 
and covered with ice." This {ffoved to be an island around 




rUUMUABt DIKOnUI SI 

which th«7 a&Ued. Steering north thvj nulod fonr daj^ 

tod Bgmiti (liiwoTersd land, which proved to be GreenlMid. 

Thaj wen on the aouthem coast u(«r 

tho u«w HtUemeiit. It is manifest 

that the first land Biaroi saw waa 

Cftpa Cod ;* the neit waa the iiortb- 

tm part of Not« Scotia; and the 

island around which tbcy coasted 

was Newfoundland. Tbia vujage 

was made fi*o liiimtred v.ara earlier 

than the fint voyage of Columbus. 

The period of tbfse adventuri-s w&i 
during tbe dark ages, at a tiuio wbeo 

ignorance and supcrstitiQii brooded orer the novlJ like the 
demon of nigbt. But little was known a^nong tlie nations 
of Europe of the Tovages of the Nonemeu ; and that little 
•eems to have been regarded as "dim, ti-aditioiiury tali'* of 
old Sea-Kioga," aud only aei-red to devpen a sense of tbs 
mystery of tbe great unknown beyond tlie hpu. 

Centuries passed away. Gradua'ly li^- li^'lil of intelU- 
genre began to be ahrd abrt-ad anion;; liio b'liigbttHl na- 
tions Slowly but surely the worM was being preptuW for 
m great evflitt which the guiding baud of FroTidtnce w»s 
DOW to bring about. 

On the 4th of March, 1493. a Tesael Bou^bt Hhe^ter in tlw 
port of Zjiat>on. Her coming was uniieraUUd ; her seaniMl 
W» we«ry and weather-wuni ; her i>ai!>i bad HufTeied Um 
•trsin and shock of tivrce ti>mj>est!i: yet that frail, leaky 
lark waa the bearer of tidiuga that wt-rn to work great so> 
dsl and political changes among tbe nalions of the earth.— 

"TfaHa Mtt; Kavlgaba* Rbt* >1m eoantry Ihrr hwt itiib-.nvrtid the 
«■■•<< "HeUnlaad.'' nqr an ■apiiMol tn hare crwtnl (lM><iUru«ad 
laww it Newport. Cwtain tt )■ the I ndubi had ao tradition olitocciglB 



fl2 MuanA 

It was the caravel of Columbus, returned from his first voy- 
age of dlscoyer J. 

The triumphal reception of Columbus by the sovereigns 
under whose patronage he had sailed, and the agitation pro« 
dueed throughout Europe by the report of his discoveries^ 
are facts in history too well known to need repetition here. 
Learned men, appreciating what was sure to follow, '* ex« 
Qlted over the fact they were living in an age marked by 
such an event as the discovery of a New World." Kings 
and Emperors, anxious to extend their power, or to add to 
their wealth, became eager patrons of explorers ; daring ad- 
venturers, anxious to distinguish themselves by some im- 
portant discovery, or seeking to open up some channel of 
sudden wealth, undertook expeditions into unknown seas ; 
while not a few, assuming a more religious view of the mat« 
ter, went among the newly discovered people for the pur* 
pose of converting them to the Christian religion. For up« 
wards of half a century the miuds of kings and subjects 
were occupied with this all-absorbing topic. And now the 
'^ vaunted wisdom of antiquity began to pale as the light of 
dbcovery broke in upon them,*' scattering to the winds their 
learned theoiies and hypotheses of the wide waste of wa- 
ters. Says Humboldt — '* The fifteenth century forms a 
transition epoch, belonging at once to the middle ages and 
to the commencement of modern times. It is the epoch of 
the greatest discoveries in geographical space ; and to the 
inhabitants of Europe it doubled the works of creation, 
while it offered to the intellect new and powerful incite- 
ments to the improvement of the natural sciences.** 

Men of broken fortunes, and restless spirits of every 
dass, could now find employment befitting their ambition. 
Not since the crusades had an event been so opportune.^ 
The golden lure was held out to them, and many clutched 
at the proffered bait The love of conquest became a rul- 
ing passion : — Cortez, a soldier of inferior rank, suddenly 



23 

foond himtelf fired with an ambition which reqoired Um 
blood of a million of natife Hexicana to aatiaf j. Surety it 
was an unlock j day for the raoea of the new world when the 
eye of Europeans first oi>ened upon it 

Aa the Tast wealth and resources of the newly-discoTered 
land came to be better known, bitter riTalries sprang up be- 
tween the European powers for its possession. The relig- 
ious disseusiouH then raging throughout Christendom add- 
ed fuel to the fires of national discord and jealousy. It waa 
under these conditions of political and civil commotion thai 
the Acadia of American Uistorv had itn birth ; and as it not 
unfreciuently happens in medical practice, the pain is expe- 
rienced in one part, while the disease that causes the pain ia 
to be sought for elsewhere, so we may read, in the suffer- 
ings of hapless, helpless Acadia, the varied changea in tbs 
political phases of the Old World. 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS. 



THE OABOTCU 



A few years subsequent to the first voyage of Columbus, 
the Cabots were taking a prominent part in nautical achieve- 
ments. They were natives of Venice, and of renowned skill 
in maritime pursuits. They sailed under British colors, 
and were duly authorized, as their commission read, '*to 
discover and possess the isles, regions, and provinces, of 
the heathen and infidels." In the spring of 1498, the ship 
Matthew, in company with three or four smaller vessels, all 
displaying the proud flag of England, left Bristol and steered 
westward. They bore John Cabot and his son Sebastian, 
who, with their followers were essaying the passage of the 
North Atlantic. On the 24th of June they discovered the 
main land of America, which they named JPrima Vista.-^ 
The same day they saw an island opposite, which they called 
St. John, from the day of discovery. Here they found the 
inhabitants clothed with skins, and they fought with darts, 
bows and arrows : three of these natives they carried off to 
England. But meagre records of the voyage have been 
handed down, yet there are good reasons for supposing the 
lands discovered to be the main land of Labrador, and the 
island of Newfoundland. They describe the country as 
sterile and uncultivated, with no fruit. White bears, and 
stags of unusual hight, were numerous. The waters were 
full of fish, especially of the kind called by the natives baa-^ 
aUeoSf which poetical name has since degenerated into sim- 



EAKLT EXPLORATIOVB U 

pie ^eod.^ Proceeding northward they encooniered tboM 
terront to naTi^ators of northern waters — icoberga. Be- 
coming alarmed, they turned helm, and coasteil nouthward 
aa far a8 Florida. The voya^^t'B of the Cabota gave to Great 
Britain her claim to the New World. 

OASPAB DE COBTBAL. 

Two years later [1500] Caspar de Corteal, a Portiigueaa 
naTigator, sailing from the port of Lisbon, touched at the 
coast of Labrador, which he named Ttrrt Verde. He sur- 
paased the English in disregarding the rights of the abo- 
rigines—capturing fifty-seven of them, which he afterward 
sold as slaTCs in £uro]>e. Tlie country from whence theae 
unfortunates were taken is described as abounding in im- 
menae pines, fit for masts, which would proTe the land 
could not have been far to the north. It was thickly peo- 
pled ; the natiTes used hatchets and arrowheads of stone ; 
they lived in rudely constructed huts, were dad with the 
akina of wild animals, and were a well-made and robuat 
race. This description might well apply to the Indians of 
Acadia. Encourageil by the success attending his first un- 
dertaking, Corteal set out in the following year for anotli- 
«r cargo of timber and slaves. But neither himself nor any 
of hia crew were ever heard of more. His brother Michael 
de Corteal fitted out two ships and went in search of him, 
and he, too, shared the fate of his relative. *^ The avenging 
apirit OTerwhelmed them un the trackless deep, and they 
were never permitted to again see the shores they had pol- 
luted with the curse of human trai&o.** 



Nearly a quarter of a century elapsed when the King of 
Franca determined on sending an expedition to discover 
new worlda for him, imitating the example of the crowned 
heads of England, Spain, and Portugal, who, during 



iiine, had been adding to their possessions **bj right of dis- 
covery." Disregardful of the authority of Pope Alexander 
to bestow all newly-discovered lands on Spain and Porta* 
galy the French monarch fitted out the ship, Dolphin^ with 
a crew of fifty men and provisions for eight months, and 
sent it under command of Yerazzani on the 17th of Janua* 
ry, 1524 The expedition touched at North Carolina, sailed 
northward as far as the 60th degree of north latitude— oi 
that of Newfoundland, — and gave to the country its third 
appellation — ** New France." Yerazzani made a subsequent 
voyage from which he never returned. Of his fate nothing 
certain is known ; but there is an old French tradition to 
the effect that he landed near the present town of Cape Bre- 
ton, an the island of that name, and attempted to found a 
fortified settlement. But being suddenly attacked and 
overpowered by the Indians, himself and his entire command 
were put to death in a cruel manner. Says Bancroft — ^'Ye- 
razzani advanced the knowledge of the country, and gave 
to France some claim to an extensive temtory on the pre> 
text of discovery." 

Previous to the expedition of Yerazzani, France appears 
to have taken little national interest in the New World.— 
Hitherto every French vessel that bad visited America came 
on a commercial errand only, and the trade of that people 
in the foreign products of fish and peltries was considers* 
ble. We may except the instance of Baron de Lery, who» 
in 1518, attempted to found a settlement under French pat- 
ronage in Acadia. The Baron was a man of courage and 
lofty aspirations : with a company of colonists, and stores 
necessary to commence life in a new country, he embarked 
in the enterprise ; but unfavorable weather, and other sd- 
verse incidents, caused the project to miscarry. 

With the last expedition of Yerazzani, French interest in 
America again declined. For a number of years that war- 



lAXLT ttfMMUnOVft "41 



ptopte luid iooiigb to oeeupy Umot atliiittoii i| 
K% kogtb the adTiflen of the Freneh King urged 
opoo him the advaDtages of founding a oolonj in AmerieiL 
and auggealed that the moet appropriate place to colonise 
would be the nearest northeastern region, inasmuch as na* 
Ibe Baeqne and Nonnan barks had for twentj years fre> 
quented Acadian waters in quest of fish. An expedition 
vas determined on, a knowledge of which coming to the 
Kings of Spain and Portugal, those potentates entered a 
protect against it as an encroachment on their territorial 
rights. The French King answered sarcastically, ^I should 
Hka to see that clauBC in Adam*8 will that gives to then) 
alone so vast au inberitage ! " The grand admiral of France 
gaTC command of the expedition to Jacques Cartier, of St 
ICalo, a reputed skillful mariner and hardy seaman. 

Cartier sailed from St Malo, a seaport of Brittany, in 
the spring of 1534, with two vessels, neither of which ex* 
eeedsd sixty tons burden, and whose united crews amount* 
ad to but one hundred and twenty-two men. During thia 
Ua first voyage, Cartier made no important discoveries. 
The more salient points of the Laurentian Qulf were already 
wall known to his countrymen , who habitually fished in 
iheja waters ; but ho wa.s the first to carefully examine the 
''arid and desolate sea-margin of Labrador." He came up 
the Newfoundland coast, and entered the Qulf of St Law* 
fwioe by the Strait of Bellisle. 

Skirting along the western coast of Newfoundland as fsr 
ia Gape St Qeorge, he then sailed northwest and on the 
lOth of June aune in sight of the coast of Acadia. The first 
lead seen by Cartier is now known as Point Escuminac.— 
Osrtier thus reoorda his impressions : ** We went that day 
aalinrn in four places to see the goodly and sweet-smelling 
tbai were there. We found them to be cedars, ew^ 
pines, white ehns, ashes, willows, with many sorU of 
to us unknown, but without any fruit The grounds 



28 ACADIA • 

where no wood is are very fair and alLfnll of peason, white 
and red gooseberries, strawberries, blackberries, and wilj 
com like unto rye, which seemeth to have been sown ap^ 
plowed. The country is of better temperature tha^ otb^ 
that can be seen, and very hot. There are many thrushegi 
stock-doves, and other birds $ in short, there wanteth noth- 
ing but good harbors." 

He says of Newfoundland : ^' If the soil were as good as 
the harbors are it were a great commodity, but it is not tO 
be called New Land, but stones and wild crags, and a pla00 
fit for wild beasts, for in all the North Island I did not 866 
a caii; load of good earth. Yet I went on shore in ma^j 
places. In short, I believe this is the laud QoA allotted to 
Cain." 

Cartier entered a spacious basin which he named Bay of 
Chaleurs, on account of the extreme heat at the tima — . 
Landing on its coast he took formal possession of the ter- 
ritory in the name of the French ^ng [Fran- 
cis I], setting up a cross thirty feet high aod 
suspending thereon a shield bearing the 
fleur-de-lis, and an inscription, as emblematic 
of the new sovereignty of France in America. 
This typical act of incorporating the territory 
into the empire of France was ingeniously 
performed so as to appear to the natives as a 
ABsis oF^^cE religious ceremony. The old chief seems to 
have had his suspicions aroused that something more than 
worship was intended, and visited the ship to remonstrate 
with Cartier. He was assured that tjtxe cross was erected 
merely to serve as a lfmdmar)c to guide the white visitoni 
to the entrance of the harbor on their next voyage. Ob 
leaving the shores of the Gaspe, as this land was called by 
the Indians, Cartier carried off two sons of 'the chief, whom 
be decoyed on board. As the season was now far advanced. 




lABLT IZPLOmATIOVB 29 



he determiDed on retomiiig to France, and tat tafl in time 
to aroid the aotumnal Btorins which jearlj Tiait the coaiL 

The favorable report given by Cartier eneouraged tba 
French to further attempts ; accordingly another expedition 
was fitted up and placed under his command. Conforming 
to the prevailing custom of the daj, Cartier repaired with 
hia men in solemn procesKion to the cathedral of St MalOi 
wheio the blessing of Htaven wa^ invoked in aid of their en- 
terpiise. Thib religious sc^rvice concluded, and the fare- 
wells spoken, for his crews were mainly composed of the 
liQsbands and sons of St. Mf.lo, they repaired to the ships. 
The nquaJrun, consist iiig of three vessels, having on board 
110 hands and provihions for tierce monthn, departed with a 
favoring brc*eze from the poit of St. Malo in May, 1535. 
Cartier, as CHi)tain General, lioiKtcd his pennant on the Ia 
Gran**e Iltrtnine^ a vesnel of little iiioro than 100 tons bur- 
den. Several peisouH of geutle blood accompanied the ex- 
pedition as volunteers. Unfavorable weather was soon ex- 
pel ience J; the passage pi oved tedious, and adverse winds 
•epaiated the vessels. Caitier liad provided for this emer^ 
gency by appointing a lemh zvous on an island between 
Labrador and Newfoundland, which they all at length 
reached safely. 

After a biief season of rest, they put to sea. Sailing 
about among the numerous islands on St. Lawrence day 
they ^entered the bay forming the embouchure of the no- 
Ue river now bearing that na je.'* This stieaiu for a i>or- 
tion of ita course at the mouth, has a wild and tia.ldeuing 
aspect The numerous rocky points obstructing its course, 
the dense ff*gs, the furious blasts that ply over its )>osom, 
the eddying and whuling of the t;dei among the nuiner- 
Otta ialeta, are well calculated to appal the spirit oi th j voy- 
ageur. Paaaing up the rivtr, the adveutuieis entereil the 
deep and gloomy Saguenay,* but were prevented from ex- 

'Tb* fcyirnay ii not pn^x^y a river. li is a trtOMiidoQi 



so 

ploring it by the lateness of the season. Early in Septem 
ber. they reached an island abounding in hazel bushes, to 
which in consequence they gave the name Isle aux Cou- 
dres. The river, ''so vast and sombre in its lower expanse^ 
now became a graceful and silvery stream." 

Cavtier began to look about him for a good harbor in 
which to pass the winter, and decided upon one at the mouth 
of the river now known as the St. Charles. Close at hand 
was the Huron town of Stadacona. This Indian village 
was situated on a high bluff whioh projected far into the 
river, and so nairowed its passage that it was forced into a 
rapid curi'ent. To this passage the Indians had given the 
name of Kepec, which name, slightly modified, has since 
been bestowed on a more pretentious modern city that has 
sprung up oil the site of the Indian town, a city that has 
become illustrious in the history of the American Continent. 

" Quebec needs not the gilding of romance to invest it 
with interest. The rock upon which it stands will not be 
more enduring than the fame of the achievements that have 
been there enacted. Where stood the fragile huts of the 
simple Algonquins, there have arisen parapeted walls, bat- 



deft for sixty miles through the heart of a mountain wilderness. Every 
faing is hard, naked, stem, silent Dark gray cliffs rise from the pitch* 
bhck water; firs of gloomy green are rooted in their crevices and fringe 
their sunmiits; loftier ranges of a dull indigo hue show themselves in the 
background, and over all bends a pale, northern sky. The water beneath 
lis was black as night, and the only life in all that savage soHtude was, 
now and then, the back of a white porpoise, in some of the deeper coves. 
The river is a reproduction of the fiords of the Norwegian coast 

(Bayard Taylor.) 
Sunlight and clear sky are out of place over its black waters. Any- 
thing which recalls the hfe and suiile of nature is not in unison with the 
huge, naked cUffs, raw^ cold and silent as the tombs. It is with a sense 
of relief that the tourist emerges from its sullen gloom, and look back 
upon it as a kind of vault,— Nature's sai'cophagus, where life or souid 
ueems never to have entered. (London Times.) 



I4BLT EEtUmkTtOm 



tknimto and fortifications,— emblems of military prowaw, 
For a century and a half this was the seat of the capital of 
the French Empire in America, whose authority extended 
from the stem and rocky coasts of Labrador to the delta at 
the mouth of the Mississippi. Its name has been ominous of 
bloodshed ; and it has successively been the scene of tri- 
umjtlis which illuminated every city in the great nations of 
Unit<Kl States, Great Bntain and France. From it bloody 
edicts went forth which gave over the border settlements 
of New England into the hundn of the merciless savage, and 
his htiil more merciless white-coadjutor, and which shiouded 
her % illages in mourning. On this barren roi*k was achieved 
the famouH victory which gave the vast territory of Cauaduf 
to the British crown.*' 

Cartit-r still pushed on, impatient to reach Ilochelaga, the 
site of the present city of Montreal. He found there an In- 
dian town of about tifly wooden dwellings, begirt with a 
triple enclosure of a circular form, and palisaded. lio re- 
quested to be taken to a mountain top a mile distant ; en- 
chant td with the view from this lofty peak, he gave to the 
hill itself the name Mount UoyaK — words which ha\e since 
been moditieil ihto Montreal, and b<H.*ome the appellation 
of the fair city on its southern declivity. The s piudron re- 
turned down tbe river and occupied the place selected for 
winter quarters. Scur>y broke out among the comjtauy; 
the cold became intense, and increased day by day ; out of 
more than one hundred men composing the three vessels* 
crews, for some time not more than three or four men were 
free from disease. Too weak to o|>en a ^'rave for the dead 
the survivors yet able to cia>>l about deposited the bmlies 
onder the snow. At len;;th, after tw€*ntv-live of their num- 
ber had iK-iifthed, aud when mobt of the others were appsr- 

tTtMaaUivn mtimatwl to Cniticr of a Ck>IlecU«iO of wi^natu^ furlhsr 
op sUcAm vlucb won cUkd Knnnahi. from mluch word the cimiitnr ytv!b» 
•bijr dsnv«d Us 



82 AOADIA 

enily at death's door, a native told them of a remedy which 
was resorted to with the effect of cunng every ailing French- 
man within a few days. When spring returned, Cartier set 
sail for France, signalizing his leave-taking by an act ol 
treachery. Inviting the King and three or four of the prin- 
cipal chiefs on board, he imprisoned them and carried them 
to France. The lamentations of the Indians were of no 
avail, and none of the expatriated savages ever saw their 
native soil again. 

While he was still at Quebec a number of London mer- 
chants sent out two vessels on a trading voyage to the 
coast of America. They spent some time in Acadian waters, 
but found the natives so shy that they were unable to trade 
with them. Coming short of provisions, they for a time 
subsisted on herbs and roots ; at last they were reduced to 
the extremity of casting lots to see who should die to afford 
sustenance for the remainder. At this critical moment a 
French vessel appealed, laden with provisions. This they 
immediately seized, and appropriating its cargo, thus pro- 
vided for their wants. France and England being then at 
peace, the Frenchmen complained of the outrage to the Eng- 
lish sovereign, Henry VIIL The King, on learning the 
great straits to which his countrymen had been reduced, 
forgave them the offense, and generously compensated the 
Frenchmen out of his own private purse. The failure of 
Cartier to discover gold (that great desideratum), and the 
Bufferings his men had undergone^ together with the fo- 
ment in which he found his native country on account of 
religious dissensions, caused the project of colonizing the 
new world to be temporarily abandoned. The very exist- 
ence of Canada seems to have been ignored. 

Not until the year 1541 was public attention again turned 
toward Acadia. The anticipated profits of the traffic in pel- 
try and the fisheries were sufficient to induce many to brave 
{he dangers of the deep and the rigors of a northern winter; 



I4ILT IZPLOmATIOSt M 

aoeordinglj in thai year another ezpediiion waa prap a rad 
t^ King IVanda, who beatowed the ehief command on Bo- 
berral, making him hia lieoieoant and noeroj in c^^nmAm^ 
Oartiar was appointed Captain-Qeneral of the fleet The 
kiter without waiting for hia superior who waa detained* 
aei out with fiTe ships early in the summer of 1641; aaeend- 
ing the St Lawrence he oaat anchor at Quebec which ha 
had left five years prerioualy. Notwithstanding hia ad of 
treachery toward the natirea, he was allowed to remain in 
peace through the winter; but in the spring, their man- 
ner being changed, he knew they only waited an oppor- 
tunity to attack him, and he embarked hia coloniata to ra> 
turn home. He act aail for France at the same time Bober- 
▼al was learing there with three ahipa, with two hundred 
eoloniata on board. Bobenral had been prerented from 
joining Gartier the year before. The two squadrons met at 
St Johna, Newfoundland. Cartier was commanded by hia 
auperior to return with him to Canada: but he, having 
had enough of Canada experience, weighed anchor undor 
oorer of night and departed for France. Robenral proceed- 
ed to Canada, took possession of Cartier's forta, and thera 
apent the winter, having first dispatched two vessels to 
France, to inform the King of his arrival, and requeating 
that proviaiona be sent him the next year. The aeurvy 
broke out, and not having the remedy used by Cartier, fifty 
of the coloniata died before spring. 

The chronicle informs us, that during the winter *H>na 
man waa hanged for theft, several others were put in irona, 
and many ware whipped, by which means they hved in qui- 
et** The next spring Boberval made an exploration into 
the interior, during which one of hia veasels sunk and eight 
of hia man ware drowned. During the aummer he return- 
ed to France with what remained of his colony. In 1S49 
Boberval organised another expedition, and again aet aail 
lor ^^"^^f^ aorompanied by hia brother Achille and a band 

2 e 



H 



erf bnre adTflntnren. Their fate is ona <^ (h« Bsorets of 
the sea Canada bad reaaoD to lament the event, for the 
loBB of that expedition retarded the settlement of the oooa- 
tr; for more than half a c^tur;. 




ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATiOU, 



For a period of about forty years soooeediiig the ill* 
■tarred expedition of Rober^al, the colonization of Aeadia 
wai not attempted. This period was fully occupied by the 
Tarions European powers in conflicts with each other, and 
in the more sanguinary domestic wars of religion. 

It must not be supposed there was no intercourse dnriag 
this period between the old world and the new. The Nos^ 
auuis, the Basques, the Bretons and others, ** continued to 
Ash for cod, and join in the pursuit of whales that frequeni* 
ed the embouchure of the St Lawrence and the neighbor* 
ing waters.** In 1578, one hundred and fifty-scTcn French 
?sssals repaired to Newfoundland alone, in addition to the 
vassals of other nationalities. These hardy fishermen were 
eootinnally widening the limits of narigation. Another im- 
portant branch of industry, the traffic in peltries, began to 
grow up, and proved to be nearly as profitable as the deep> 
sea fishing. Their Tcssels ascended the St Lawrence, and 
dotted the picturesque rivers and bays of Acadia. Boi 
these expeditions were planned and executed by private en- 
terprise, and therefore possessed none of the interest and 
importance of national ventures. 

FiHgland was the first to break this period of inaction. 
She came late into the field, yet it was her province, in tha 
end, to eclipse all others in the race for territory in the new 
workL In UU^ Sir Humphry Qilberli brother of Sir 



86 AOADIA 

Walter Haleigh, set out to found a colony under British 
patronage, with a fleet of £ve vessels. Two hundred and 
sixty men accompanied tbe expedition, including many car- 
penters, shipwrights, masons and blacksmiths. Nothing 
seems to have been omitted that was thought necessaxy to 
the success of the entei*prise. 

The little fleet had been but two days at sea, when the 
largest vessel turned back on account of a contagious dis- 
ease which had broken out among its crew.* After a foggy 
and disagreeable passage, the remainder of the fleet reached 
Newfoundland in safety toward the close of July. The first 
sight of this desolate coast, — a bleak stretch of lofty rock 
looming through a dense fog — was disheartening to the 
storm-tossed mai'iners. They soon reached the harbor of 
St John, where they were charmed with the fresh green 
foliage, bright flowers, and an abundance of berry-bearing 
bushes. Here they found thirty-six ships of yarious na- 
tions, with whom they exchanged civilities. Gilbert at once 
landed and took formal possession in the name of the 
Queen, amid a salvo of ordnance from the shipping in the 
harbor. The summer was spent in examining the creeks 
and bays, noting the soundings, and surveying the coasts 
at great risk of destruction. Evidences of rich mineral de- 
posits were found, which contributed much to the satisfac- 
tion of the crew. One night toward the close of August, 
there were signs of an approaching storm. It was after- 
ward remembered, that '4ike the swan that singeth before 
her death, they in the DeligfU continued in the sounding 
of di'ums and trumpets and flfes, also the winding of cor- 
nets and hautboys, and in tbe end of their jollity, left with 
the battel], and the ringing of doleful bells." Soon after, 
the storm broke upon them. The Delight^ the largest of 
the vessels, struck and went down among the breakers off 



*Some say it was a case of deeeztioii. 



ATTBMlTft At OOLOHXZATIOlf 37 

Cape Breton, in full view of the othcru, who were ooable to 
render any help. A Urge store of proyinonsy and Gilbertfa 
papens were lost The Golden Jlind and the /Squirrel nar> 
rowly escaped, and were now left alone. The weather con* 
tinned boisterous: the rigora of winter had set in early; 
provisions ran short ; and Gilbert found himself with no al- 
ternative but to abandon his explorations and return to 
England. But he spoke hopefully of future expeditions to 
Newfoundland, and did his best to cheer the drooping spir> 
its of liis men. Gilbert shifted his Aug to the tSquirrel^ a 
mere boat of ten tons burden, against the entreaties of 
those in the other vessel. Shortly after, the sky became 
dark and threatening. The sailors declaied they heard 
strange voices in the air, and beheld fearful shapes flitting 
around the ships. When in Mid-Atlantic a severe gala 
arose, and destruction appealed inevitable. The tSquirrtl 
labored heavily, and several times in the afternoon of tho 
9th September, was near cast away. Gilbert, sitting abaft 
with a book in his hand, as often as the Golden Hind cama 
within hearing, cried out — '' We are as near Heaven by sea 
as by land! ^ At midnight the lights of the Squirrel went 
oat : — the elements had swallowed up both her and her 
hapless crew. The Golden Hind survived the storm, and 
bore the tidings of the disastrous fate of the expedition to 
England. 

At length, France having obtained a respite from her ex- 
liaostive wars, and her King [Ueury IVJ fiiiuly ebtablished 
on his throne, the spirit of adventure bt^gau to revive, and 
attention was again directed to the New World. Too 
strong arm of the government was no doubt called in requi* 
sition the sooner on account of difBcultisi between rival 
traders, who carried their animosities so far as to burn each 
other^s barges or coasting vessels. The nephews of Car^ 
tier, believing that they were entitled to some consideration 
on account of the services of their iUustrious relative, asked 



88 ACADIA 

for a renewal of the privilege accorded to him. Letter^ 
patent were granted them in 1588 ; but as soon as the mer- 
chants of St. Malo were apprised of this, which amounted 
to a prohibition on all other traders, they lodged an appeal 
before the privy council, and obtained a revocation of the 
grant. This did not serve then: purpose, however, for a 
third competitor arose, in the person of the Marquis de La 
Boche, who obtained a royal confirmation of himself as 
** lieutenant-general," or viceroy of Canada, Acadia and the 
lands adjoining. The Marquis was authorized to impress 
any ships or any mariner in the ports of France, that he 
might think needful for his expedition: he was empowered 
to levy troops, declare war, build towns, promulgate laws 
and execute them, to concede lands with feudal privileges, 
and regulate colonial trade at discretion. No trader, there- 
fore, dare set up against this monopoly. 

La Roche set sail in that year taking with him forty- 
eight convicts from the French prisons. Fearing that his 
people might desert him, he landed them on Sable Island, 
a barren sand-bank one hundred and twenty miles to the 
south and east of Nova Scotia, while he went to find a suit- 
able place for a settlement. He visited Acadia and was re- 
turning for his colonists when he was caught in a tempest, 
and was driven before it, in ten or twelve days' time, to the 
French coast. Scarcely had he set his foot in France when 
he was thrown into prison, and not until five yeois after- 
ward was he able to apprise the King of the result of his 
voyage. King Henry, compassionating the condition of the- 
unfortunates on Sable Island, dispatched the pilot of La 
Boche to learn their fate. That island which is of crescent- 
like configuration, arid and of rude aspect, bears no trees 
nor fruit; its only vegetation is sea-matweed, growing 
around a lake in the centre, and in places along the shore. 
When the pilot arrived he found their condition truly de- 
plorable. Of the whole band, forty-eight in number, only 



ATTIMf ft AT OOLOVIEATIOV 9 

(wdTe ranAined. Left to their own discretion thej became 
otter! V lawless; evil passions being in the ascendant, each 
man*s hand was turned against his neighbor, and manj were 
bonibly murdered. Ill-supplied bodily wants will fame the 
fiercest passions ; and the Kurrivin;^ few had latterly led a 
more tjanquil life. A vessel had been wrecked on the 
breakers abounding on the shores of the desolate isle ; of 
the wood that had driven afdion* they had constructed huts. 
Their food had conhisted chiefly of the flesh of a few do- 
mestic animals which they had found *on the island, of a 
•pedes that had probably been left there by Baron de Lery 
more than eighty year** before. Their clothing was com- 
posed of the hkins of seals they had captured. The King 
desired to have them presented lieforo him accoutred just 
aa they had been found. Their hair and heard wan in wild 
disorder, and their countenrnces had assumed an cxpres* 
sion unlike that of civilized man. Tlr* King so commis- 
erated their condition that he ^iv<* vwU fifty crown k, ant) 
promised oblivion to all the evil det^^tln they had committed 
aforetime. La Roclir*. who had «Mubarkod Iuh whole fortune 
in the enteiprwe, lost tin* whole of it in s icr? ling miMf*>r- 
tunr-H through its iiibti umeutality, and died of a biukea 

htart 



PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. 



We are now arriye'd at a period we may designate as tlia 
permanent colonization of Acadia. Settlements had been 
established in Floiida for nearly a quarter of a century, and 
blood had already been shed for possession of that territo- 
ry ; Holland had founded the New Netherlands ; England 
had established a foothold in Jamestown ; France had di- 
rected her attention toward Canada and Acadia; in a 
word, it seemed that every nation in Europe was ready 
to cross swords with her neighbor over the division of ter- 
ritory in America. 

Pont-Grav£, a rich merchant of St. Malo, formed a plan 
of securing a monopoly of the fur trade in Acadia. His first 
step was to obtain a royal grant of all the powers and priv- 
ileges of La Roche; the next, to cause a trading society to 
be formed of the leading merchants of Rouen. Under their 
patronage an expedition was fitted out and sent to America 
in command of Samuel Champlain. With three barks of 
twelve to fifteen tons burden, that navigator set sail in 1603, 
and safely arrived in Acadian waters. The King was so 
well pleased with the account Champlain gave of the voy- 
age on his return that he promised royal aid. 

Another expedition was determined on, and four ships 
were manned and victualled for the enterprise. The chief 
command was given to De Monts, a placeman at the French 
court, and distin^^uished as ever zealous for the honor of 
his country. Both Huguenots and Catholics were to ao^ 



41 

oompMiy the ihipt, the former being allowed full freedom 
fai tbcir religious worship, but not to take a part in ni^ 
five proeeljiing, — the pririlege of conrerting the heathen 
being ezolusiTelj reserved to the Catholic priests. Two of 
the ressels were to commence the traffic for the company ai 
Tadousae, thence to range the whole seaboard of New 
France, and seize all ressels trading in violation of the roy- 
al prohibition. The two remaining vessels, having on board 
a few emigrants, were to seek some favorable locality and 
form a settlement 

De Monts sailed from Havre-de-Ghrice in liarch, 1604, 
and stood for Acadia, which he preferred to Canada on ao- 
ooont of its milder climate, the variety of its sea-fiith, the 
abundance of harbors accessible at all times of the year, 
and the friendly character of the natives. De Monts came 
upon the coast near La H^ve, now Halifax. In the first 
harbor he entered he seized and confiscated a vessel which 
be found violating his monopoly, perpetuating the memory 
of the event by naming the port after the master of the cap- 
tured vessel — Port Rossignol. Cruising westward, he en- 
lered another harbor which he named Port Mouton in hon- 
or of another victim — that of an unfortunate sheep which 
faU overboard. De Monts, becoming alarmed at the delay 
of the vessel that was to bring out provisions for the win- 
tent out exploring parties along the coast ; the ship 
happily discovered near Canso, and her stores brought 
to Um by aid of the Indians ; he then ordered her captain 
to proeeed to Tadousao in aid of the colony there. 

De Monte oontinnad to coast to the westward around Cape 
Salle, and entered the Bay of Fnndy * which be called, "^la 
Baie Frangaistt.** He next entered St Mary's Bay; finding 
it a pleasant eoontry, be advanced and sent out exploring 
parties. On board ship was a priest named Aubrey, who 



^VomI 4# U B«i« on oM Pnoeh mApa 



42 ACADIA 

went on shore with the company as was his custom. When 
about to return to the ship, he could not be found; thej 
fired guns to attract his attention, but were forced to return 
without him. Cannons were fired from the vessel to guide 
him in case he were near, and for four days they searched 
the woods without avail. Then a suspicion was ttfdUded in 
the minds of the friends of the missing man, that BOtnething 
was wrong. One of the party in company with AMlStef was 
a Protestant, and their voices had been heard in high dis- 
pute on religious matters while in the woods, and it was 
feared violence had been done him. To the credit of the 
company be it said, no action was taken against the suspect- 
ed party, and with sad hearts they sailed out of St. Mary's 
Bay. Skirting along the coast they discovered a narrow 
channel leading into a capacious basin, around Which were 
modest slopes cleft with deep water-courses, and bordered 
with verdant meadows. This was Annapolis Basin. The spa- 
ciousness and security of the harbor caused them to nam^ 
it Port Boyal. A large stream flowed into the basin from 
the eastward, up which they sailed fifteen leagues, as far as 
the boats would go, and named it Eiver de TEsquille, from 
a fish of that name with which it abounded. 

M. de Poutrincourt, a gentleman of Picardies who accom- 
panied the expedition, was so well pleased with the beauty 
of Port Eoyal and its surroundings, that he obtained a 
grant of it from De Monts, which grant was afterward con« 
firmed by the King. 

Leaving Port Boyal, they pursued their way further to 
the east. Soon coming in sight of Cape Chignecto, they 
called it the ''Cape of Two Bays,'' because it separated 
Chignecto Bay from the Basin of Miuaa. To the lofty 
island which lies off the cape they gave the nan^ of Island 
ITaut, on ^count of its great elevation* They landed on 
its solitary, .beach, which to this day is seldom profaned by 
ihefoot ofmaUy and climbed to its summit^ where tlie;^ 



4t 

found a spring of water. They next Bailed eastward until 
they discovered the river by which the Indians reached the 
Basin of Minas from Tracadie, Miramichi, and other parta 
of the Oulf of St Lawrence. Champlain seems unfavorar 
bly impressed with the forbidding aspect of the rock-bound 
ooaHtti. 

Crossing the Bay of (Tliignecto, the voyageurs came to a 
spacious bay with three islands and a rock^ two bearing a 
league to the eastward, the othrr at the mouth of a river, 
the largest and deepest they had yet seen. This they named 
the lliver St John, ou account of the day it was discovered* 
By the Indians it was called Ouangondy, signifying a high- 
way. Cliaiuplain, the historian of the expedition, describee 
the River St. John that the falls being passed* the river en- 
larged to a league in certain pla(*es, and that there wore 
three islands, near which then* wore a great quantity of 
meadows and handsome woods, such as oaks, beei'heii, but* 
temuts, and vines of wild grapes. The inhabitants went 
to Tadousac, on the great liiver St Lawrence, and had to 
pass but little land to reach the place. 

Leaving the St. John, they sailed to the weet and caine 
in eight of four islands now called "The Wolves,'* but which 
he named IsUs au Margos^ from the great number of birds 
be found on them. He presently found himself sailing 
among islands, many of them very beautiful, and contain* 
ing numerous harbors, situated in a cut d^ sac; the waters 
abounded in fish. 

The season being far spent De Monts fixed upon an island 
at the mouth of the St Croix River as the most suitabls 
place to commence a settlement He immediately began 
the erection of suitable buildings, in the meantime dispatch- 
ing one of his vessels to St Uarys Bay to examine soms 
ores. lbs atteutioo of the sailors was attracted one d^ to 
lbs aignai of a white handkerchief attached to a stiok and 
vavad bj a person on shore; immediatelj landing thsf 



44 AOADXJL 

were overjoyed on finding the missing Aubrey, who had 
been absent seventeen days, subsisting on berries and rootf . 
He had strayed from his companions, and being unable to 
retrace his steps, he wandered he knew not ^diiuier. 

De Monts built his fort at the end of the Island ; outside 
of this were the barracks. Within the fort was the resi- 
dence of De Monts fitted up with ^ fair carpentry work ;" 
dose at hand were the dwellings of his officers. A covered 
gallery, for exercise during bad weather, a storehouse, a 
large brick oven, and a chapel, completed the structures for 
the use of the colony. " Nearly two hundred years after- 
ward, the stone foundations of these buildings were broiU^t 
to light. Five distinct piles of ruins were discover^ op 
the north end of the island, and the manner in whiah tibe 
work had been done showed the builders intended the fori 
should be a permanent one."*^ 

"While the colonists were thus occupied, Foutrincourt took 
his departure for France : he went for the purpose of re- 
moving his family to the home he had choseii at Port Itoj- 
al, and to bear a message to the King that his subjects had 
at last founded a colony in Acadia. 

Scarcely had they completed their labors before the rig- 
ors of winter burst upon them in all their fury. The colp- 
nists were appalled at the depth of the snows, and the futj 
of the blasts ; the river became a black and chilly tid^ ma 
the cold was more severe than they had ever before experi- 
enced. De Monts had not chosen the position wisely, there 
being no wood near. Before spring thirty-six of his people 
died of scurvy.t 

•Haimey. 

f Gbamplain describes this disease as follows: — During the wintsr a 
eertain disease broke oafe among many of our people, ealled the diraase 
of the ooontry, otherwise the scurry, as I have since heard learned men 
lay. It originated in the month cjt inose who have a )arga amanot oi 
flM>by and saperflnons flesh, (causing a bad pntrefisctioD,^ iHildi fiureai^ 



45 

On the reiom of tpriDg, De ModU armed hie piimeoe» 
end Uldng the remnant of coloniete on board, hastened to 
quit the island. They sailed southward as far as Cape Cod } 
not finding a more eligible place for settlement, thej turned 
helm and steered for Acadian waters, where thej met with 
an expedition just arrived from France, with fresh supplies 
and forty emigrants for the colony. This accession stimu- 
lated their drooping spirits, and they at once set out for 
Port RoyaL On their way they stopped at the solitary 
island which had been the scene of so much suffering, and 
where so many of their companions lay buried. Before 
tearing, some of the colonists sowed grain on the island i 
on visiting the place years later, they found and reaped a 
heavy crop of rye. '* A solitary lightbouhe now warns the 
mariner to avoid its bleak and inhospitable shores.** 

The site chosen for settlement at Port Royal was oppo- 
site Goat Island, on the Granule side of the basin, about 
■iz miles from the present town of Annapolis. The position 
wae admirably a(la])ted to the purpose. The ground gent- 
ly sloped from the bariV ; the long line of hills iu the rear 
warded off the bleak north winds ; timber of the best qual- 
ity was abundant ; the fisheries were close at hand ; there 



Si to such so eitmt that they csd wareelj Uk« aoythiog, ddIcm it is al- 
meti, liqaid. The teeth ti»ooD>e quite Ioom, and they csio be citractvd by 
Iba ftiHcen without cauiin); any paio. The tuperduity of thia dcah r^ 
qviria to be cut awny. aud thin caa«ea a Tiolent tlt^csliu^ frutu U>c nurtatb. 
Tbej are afterward aeized with g^eat poiu io the kv* aiui mnu%, « luch 
•wall up and beoome Ter}* hard, all marked as if biUeu by d<«\ aud thry 
arc imabU to waUi from ooDtractiou of the uenrea, ac» that Utcy hjiv« do 
•trength laft, and suffer the imwt iutolerable pain. Tli<nk* ha\f* .U-4» |«uiia 
la the loina. the stouiach and lutrHtiocs. a very bad oiMiv;ki. mini nliorineaa 
of breath; in abort, they are io such a !4.»te that the greater piut uf iLimm 
•eiioil with the oQiopbunt can neither raiM« dot move theiiM-h«> stid if 
Ibey atteuipt to ataod erect they fall down setuirlrMa, m> that of M'%«-iity« 
aiaa of m^ fhirty-Ave died, and more than twenty baraly cBcu|H.<d itt«Ui. 



M AOADU 

were mai'sh lands of inezliaustible richness; the blimate 
here was milder tban in most of the peninsula ; — ^in short, 
nothing was wanting that Nature could bestow to render 
the location desirable. 

The colonists once more set to work. Dwellings were 
erected, storehouses built, and a small palisaded fort was 
constructed, as a means of defense against an enemy. And 
here the first water-mill was put up, an expedient that 
saved the colonists a great amount of the severest labor. 

As soon as this work was fairly inaugurated, De Monts 
departed for France to provide for the provisioning of the 
new settlement, leaving Fontgrave in command during his 
absence. He left them under very auspicious drcumstanoea 
and anticipated a speedy return with the needed stores. — 
The natives were pacific through the virinter, and provided 
the colonists with an abundance of fresh meaty and opened 
a biisk trade with them in peltries. The settlers were free 
from epidemic during the whole season. 

On return of spring [1606] Fontgrave, not yet satisfied, 
resolved to find a warmer climate for his colony. He fitted 
out a barque and set sail for Cape Cod. Tvdce was he driv- 
en back to Foii Boyal by stress of weather; at the last ai> 
tempt the little vessel was injured at the mouth of the har- 
bor, and permanently disabled. Fontgrave set to work to 
build another ; in the meantime the season waned, and De 
Monts did not arrive from France. On the 25th of July, 
Fontgrave left Fort Koyal in his new vessel, leaving two 
men in charge of the stores, and, with the hope of falling in 
with some fishing vessel, coasted along as far as Canso, 
sailing through the Fetite Fassage, between Long Island 
and the Main. At this time De Monts was hastening to the 
aid of Fort Boyal in the JonaSy and happening to pass out- 
side of Long Island, the vessels missed each other. De 
Monts had been detained in France by some unforeseen cir- 
cumstance, but finally succeeded in setting out with a fresh 



47 

supply of prorimonB and men, Pootrincoart aooompanjing 
him. PonigraT^ feU in with a shallop left on the Canso 
coast by De Monts^ and received information that the Jo- 
na$ had arrived. He retraced his course wi{h ail haste, 
and on the Slet of July, rejoined his companions at Port 
Royal In honor of the event Poutrincoort opened a hogs- 
bead of iiine, and the night was spent in ?Ui»/*Ht»T)niiftn rer- 
elry. 

Although the season was far adTaneed* they sowed yeg^ 
tables and grain. Most of the colonists would have been 
oontent to remain, but De Monts wanted to make another 
eifort further south. Accordingly Poutrincourt set Kail on 
the 28th of .August in search of another location in which 
to Ax their settlement On the same day the Joruu put to 
■ea with De Monts and Fontgrar^, who were to return to 
Fkanoe. Poutrincourt*s voyage began with difficulties, and 
ended in disaster. After being twice tamed back by storms, 
he coasted as far as Cape Cod : here his vessel was damaged 
among the shoala Some of his men who went ashore, came 
in collision with the natires, who here appeared to be of a 
MTage, warlike disposition. Poutrincourt ordered his men 
on board ; but five of them who neglected to obey, were sur- 
prised, two killed outright and others wounded — two mor- 
tally. A party were si*nt on shore, and the slain were buried, 
and a cross ere<*ted over their graves. The Indians soon 
appeared, tore down the cross and dug up the bodies. Poo* 
liincourt replaced the cross and boilie^ and bore away for 
Port Royal, where they arrived on the 14th of November. 

The following winter was 8]>ent in comfort and cheerful- 
aess. They made an arrangements for eai^h colonint to be- 
eome steward and caterer for the day in hin turn ; it became 
fk point of honor with each one, as his day of providing came, 
io have the table well servei^ with game, which he procured 
from the forest or else purchase d of the Indians. In conse- 
queoce they fared sumptuously all winter. Painful to re* 



<kS AOADIA 

oord, though bread and game were abundant, their wine be- 
gan to fall short, — ^the festive Frenchmen were reduced 
from three quarts a man, daily, to an inconsiderable pint. 

The Micmacs were their constant visitors through the 
winter. Memberton, chief of all the dans from Oasp£ to 
Cape Sable, was a frequent guest. He recollected thd vis- 
it of Cartier to the Bay of Ghaleurs over sixty years before. 
In the spring the work of improvement was renewed. The 
fisheries were prosecuted vigorously, and all available Uli^d 
was prepared for receiving seed, and fortune seemed to 
smile on the little colony. 

One morning in May the Indians brought in word that a 
vessel was moving up the Basin. Foutrincourt set out in 
his shallop to meet her; — she proved to be a small bfir^iit 
from the J'onas, then lying at Canso. She brought the d^^ 
heartening intelligence that the company of merchants Wa|[ 
broken up, and that no further supplies were to be furnished 
the colony. Nothing now remained but to leave Port Boy* 
al, where so much had been expended to no purpose. Fou- 
trincourt determined to take visible tokens of the excellen- 
cies of Acadia back to France with him ; to do so he n^ust 
stay until corn was ripe. Not to sacrifice t};e ia^rests of 
the merchants at whose charge the vessel had been sent to 
take the colonists back to France, he employed the barque 
in the meantime in trading with the Indians at St. John 
and St. Croix, and at Minas. 

A war having broken out between the Indians of Acadia 
and the tribes west of the Fenobscot, the whole availably 
force of the Micmacs was called into requisition. Fort 
Boyal was the rendezvous, and early in the summer Mem- 
berton took his departure for Saco with four hundred war<f 
Ciors. This savage pageant, warlike, novel and imposing, 
Ufreatly interested the whites; as the flotilla swept past thil 
settlement the Frenchmen's guns thundered forth a grand 
salute which reverberated fai* and wide over the water — by 



49 

way of cbeeriog their ludian friends on to Tictorj. Tha 
PAiDce of the western tribea was defeated; a civil war broke 
oat among his now divided people ; pestilence followed i 
some tribes were exterminated and others were greatly r»» 
duced : such ^aa the tragic end of this great sarage war, 
aud Meoiberton returned triuiuplant to Port Royal bef(Mr« 
the culoLists left. 

Ihegiam ha\ing ripened, Poutrincourt set sail on the 
11th of August. He left Memberton ten hogsheads of meal 
and all the ntunding grain, enjoining the Indians to sow 
mo. e iu the spring. The natives appeared aincerely grieved 
at the departure of the colonists, manifesting the intensity 
of their feeliogs even to tears. 

Poutrincourt promptly waited on the French Monarchf 
shoniing him Bpecimeiui of wheat, barley and oats grown in 
Acaiia : also live living wild geese hatched near Port RoyaL 
The King was much p.casei with the specimens, and urged 
Poutrincourt to contmue the settlement He ratified thm 
grant of Port Rojal made him by De Monts, and desired 
liim to procuie the borvices of the Jesuits in converting the 
Indians, aud ofTeied two thousand livres for their support. 
Two years subsequent, Champdore visited Port Royal, and 
found the grain growing finely and the buildings ail in good 
order ; he was received by Memberton and his people with 
demonstrations of welcome. 

Poutrincourt was detained in France much longer than 
be anticipated : ho did not vinit Port Royal until June, 1610^ 
This time he brou^tit with him a Catholic priest named 
Joa^e Flesche, who prosecuted the work of converting th« 
|nd ^^»*^ At Port Koyal twenty-five were baptized — Mem- 
berton being one of the number. This great iSachem waa 
so full of seal that ho ofTttred to make war on ail who should 
refuse to become Chnstmns : this savored too much of the 
Mohammedan system of conversion, and was declined.— 
Poutrincourt, who was somewhat of a eonnoissewr in moak^ 



50 AOAVtA 

composed tunes for the hymns and chants used by the Id^ 
dian converts in the ceremonies of the church. A band of 
novel worshipers they were, celebrating in their rude church 
tiie solemn rites, with manners yet untamed. 

Poutrincourt had sent his son to France for supplies ear- 
ly in July, and also to carry the news of the conversion of 
!the natives, with instructions to return in four months. 
'Winter having set in, and the expected succor not arriving, 
ithe colonists became seiiously alarmed ; but their experience 
In Acadian life enabled them to depend on their own exertions 
for supplies sufficient to ward off starvation. Biencourfc 
bad presented himself at the French coui*t, and was desired 
by the Queen to take two Jesuit missionaries, Fathers Bi- 
ard and Massd, with him on his return, the ladies of the 
court providing liberally for the voyage. Biencourt's ves- 
sel was to sail from Dieppe in October, but some Hugue- 
not traders who had an interest with Biencourt refused to 
allow any Jesuits to go in the vessel. To this he was 
obliged to submit : Madame de Guercheville, a lady of the 
court, collected money sufficient to buy out the traders, and 
the missionaries were allowed to embark. 

Biencourt, with a company of thirty-six persons, and m 
small craft of but sixty tons burden, essayed a winter voy* 
age across the stormy Atlantic. They sailed in January, 
1611, but were soon forced to take shelter in an English 
harbor. The voyage lasted four months : at one time they 
were in great danger from icebergs ; they reached Port Boy* 
al late in May. 

Much of the stores that were to supply the colony had 
been exhausted on the voyage, and they were forced to seek 
provisions elsewhere. A temporary supply having been ob- 
tained of some fishing vessels at the Island of Grand Me- 
nan, Poutrincourt set sail for Franco, leaving Port Boyal 
in command of his son. The colony consisted of twen^ 
two persons, including the Jesuit Missionaries. Father 



«1 

Uiftsi^ took up his abode in the Hicmac Tillage at the 
mouth of the St. John ; Father Biard united himself with 
Indians at Port Royal, accompaujing Biencourt on his oo» 
lasional trips to points along the Bay of Fundy. 

About this time, the chief, Memberton, being near hit 
end, a dispute arose between the Jesuit piiests and Bien- 
court as to Lis p!ace of burial Biencourt wanted him to 
be buried among his own people, agreeably to a promise be 
had made the dying chief; the Jesuits insisted he should be 
buried in consecrated ground. Biencourt curtly told them 
they might consecmte the Indian burial ground, but he 
should see that Membertou*s ret^ueHt was carried out The 
old chief consented to be buried with the Christiana, and 
he was accordingly interred in the burial ground at Port 
RovaL 

Meanwhile the colonists were getting short of provi^ 
ions ; but late in January [IG12] a vessel arrived with sup* 
plies, sent out by an arrangement Poutrincourt had made 
with Madame de Guercheville, who had exerted herself 
strenuously to promote the mission of the Jesuits. This 
lady was likely to become an ally that would fain be his 
own master ; it being her ambition to form a spiritual des- 
potism in Acadia, in which the Jesuits were to be the rul- 
ers, and herself the patroness. All of Acadia except Port 
Royal belonged to I>e Monts ; having obtained a release of 
his rights, and a grant from the King for herself, she de- 
pended on Poutriucourt*8 necessities to force him to relin- 
quish his portion. The latter did not return to Port Rojw 
al, but sent a ressel in charge of Simon Imbert, a serrant 
in whom he had entire confidence. Madame de Guerehe- 
^iUe sent another Jesuit named Du Thet, in the guise of a 
passenger, but really as a spy in her interest. Soon after 
their aniraL serious difTerences arose between the priests 
and the colonists. It is said that Biencourt was actually 

by ths Jesuit phesia; he uoolij ittCotnied 



52 ACADIA 

them, that boweTor high their spiritual authority might bew 
he was their ruler on earth, and that he would be obeyed 
by all in the colony, even to the point of compelling obedi* 
ence with the lash. Biard and Mass^ who appeared sin- 
cerely desirous of converting the savages, were suffered to 
remain in the colony ; but Dn Thet, whom Bienoourt bus* 
pected of not coming out as a missionary, and who was all 
the while creating dissensions, was sent back to France.— 
Thus was Port Royal once more brought to a tranquil 
state.^ 

Bienoourt now set to work to prevent the influence of the 
Jesuits from becoming predominant in the colony : this de- 
termined the Lady de GuercbeviUe to establish there a col- 
ony of her own. At Honfleur she fitted out a vessel of one 
hundred tons burden, and gave the command to M. de La 
Saussaye, with forty-eight persons and provisions for one 
year, — the Jesuit Fathers Du Thet and Quantin accompany- 
ing the expedition. The vessel was better provided with 
stores and implements than any previously sent to Acadia i 
carrying horses, goats for milk, tents and munitions of war. 
She wrote a letter commanding that Fathers Biard and 
MasE^ be allowed to leave Fort Royal. 

The vessel sailed in March, 1613, reaching Cape La Hdva 
in May, where they held high mass, and erected a ci'oss 
with the arms of Marchioness de Guercheville as a symbol 
that they held possession of the country for her. They 
next visited Port Royal ; taking Fathers Biard and Massft 
on board, tbey stood for Peutagoet. When ofif Grand Me- 
nan, a thick fog arose which lasted ten days: ^hen they 
put into a harbor on the east side of Desert Island. This 
they chose as a site for a settlement, naming the town St. 
Sau\ eur. All were speedily engaged in dealing \ j ground. 
La Saussaye was advised by the piincipal colonists to build 



53 

A •DfBeiant fortificmtion before proeeediog to cnltiTaie the 
•oil : he merelj rmised a small palisaded structure, and was 
perforce little prepared to meet the storm that was about 
io fall upon the unsuspectiDg little colonj. 

A fleet of Teasels from Virginia, convojed bj an armed 
Teasel under command of Ca;>tain Samuel Argali, came into 
Acadian waters for fish. Learning there was a French set- 
tlement in Mount Deseii Harbor, with a ressel, he resolrad 
to attack. All the French were ashore except ten men who 
did not understand the working of the ship. At the second 
diiMiharge of Argall's musketry, Du Thet fell back moiiidlj 
wounded : four others were seriously injured, and two men 
jumped overboard and were drowned. Argall proceeded 
io the new settlement on the shore« and informed them tbej 
were on English territory, and that they must remove. He 
■aid to La SSaussaye if he could prove he was acting under 
eommission from tlie Crown of France, he would treat them 
tenderly. La Saussaye could not show his coiumission, as 
it was among the papers which Argall had abstracted from 
the ahip's chest while plundering the captured vessel Ar- 
gall now assumed a very haughty tone,— cidled them a set 
of freebooters and pirates — and to bhow hin authoiity, car- 
ried away fifteen of the colony in chains to Virginia, mag- 
nanimously allowing the remainder to take a shallop and go 
in search of some French fishing vessel in which to return 
io France. 

Argall arrived in Virginia, with his bound French cap- 
tives. His perfidious theft of La Saussaye s cotumisbion 
was likely to cause his piisoners to be executed as pu*stes| 
to save them he produced the filched document: but thiS| 
while it saved the lives of one set of Frenchmen, ruined tlis 
rssi of AcadiiL Argall was furnished fiith two armed ves* 
sels, and set sail on a mission to destroy all the French set- 
Uemenis in Acadia. He was accom|)auied by Fathers i;iard 
mtd Qoantin. Argall first visited St. Sauveur, where he dm» 



5# MXULDUt 

I 

stroyed the cross the Jesuits had set up, and erected anoUHf 
er in its place with the name of the British King on it; theil 
filing the buildings he sailed for St. Croix Island, wherd he 
destroyed a quantity of salt stored there by fishermen. TELi 
then crossed to Port Boyal, pDoted, it is said, by an Indian | 
but some suspected, and it was generally believed, that Fa* 
tber Biard did this favor. 

Arrived at Port Royal, the fort was found to be without an 
occupant — all the people were at work in the fields, fiVd 
miles distant. The first intimation the poor Frenchmen hsA 
of the presence of strangers, was the smoke of their bunfr 
ing dwellings. Argall proceeded to destroy the fort, to* 
gether with a great quantity of goods stored vnthin it, and 
even effaced with a pick, the arms of France and the named 
of De Monts and other Acadian pioneers, engraved on A 
stone in the inteiior. He is said to have spared the mills 
and barns up the river, only because he did not know they 
were there. The piratical Argall, having completed the de* 
struction of the colony, depaited for Virginia, having, by 
the act, rendered bis name notorious in American annals;^ 
The despoiled inhabitants quitted the place, some taking 
refuge in the woods around with the Indians, and others 
emigrating to a distant settlement on the river St. Lawrence!^ 

History says, that while the destruction waa going oit^ 
Biencourt made his appearance, and requested a confeiencd^ 
The parties met in a meadow ; Biard endeavored to persuade 
the colonists to abandon the country and take shelter witll 
the invaders. The advice was received badly. Biencourt 
proposed a division of the trade of thecountry ; Argall would 
not accede to this — ^his mission was to dispossess the French^ 
and nothing short of that would suffice. "When Argall left 
Port Boyal, that settlement, on which more than 100,000 
crowns had been expended, lay in ashes; — ^a place mord 
desolate than the most di*eary desert could have been. N<) 
more wanton desti*uction could be imagined, perpetrated iit 



8KTTLKMEXT U 

m time of petce, — the only claim tbat England coald laj to 
the territory being, that the Cabotii, more than a canturj 
before^ bad touched Romewhere upon these shorts while 
aailing under Briti -ih authority. No reuionstrance erer camo 
from Fmnce for this piratical outrage — that i>ower erident- 
Ij preferring to recoguize the colony in the light of a pri- 
Tate Tenture, and not giviug the afTuir the importance of a 
national issue. 

Poutrincourt, trbo attributed all his misfortunes to the 
Jesuits, took no further part in the aff.iins of Acadia ; he was 
killed soon after the ereuts just related, in the military ser- 
rice of the King. 

Bieucourt never returned to Franco, but maintained him* 
self and a few faithful companions the rest of his life in 
Acadia; sometimes living with the savages, and at other 
times residing near Port Royal. Of his aiventurous life 
in the remote Acadian wilds, but little has come down to us 
in history. Doubtless were it written, it would rival the 
nuMit romantic production of fiction. 



THE LA TOUBS. 



Although the destraciion of Fort Boyal by Argall iras 
complete, it does not appear that many of the inhabitants 
returned to France. In 1619, two French trading compa- 
nies were formed ; one to carry on a shore fishery with a 
rendezvous at Miscou on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the 
other a trade in furs with a depot at the mouth of the Riv- 
er St. John. To provide for the religious wants of the ad« 
venturers, three Becollet missionaries were sent; through 
iheir instrumentality many of the natives were induced to 
embrace the Christian religion. During all this time th« 
English continued to assert their right to Acadia by reason 
of the discovery by the Cabots a century before, and wero 
fain to consider the French as interlopers. 

At the court of King James was a Scottish gentleman. 
Sir William Alexander, standing high in royal favor, to 
g^hom was granted iu September, 1621, a piece of territory 
Including the whole of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and 
the Gaspe peninsula, to be held at a quit-rent of one penny 
Scots per year, to be paid on the soil of Nova Scotia on the 
festival of the Nativity of Christ, if demanded. The pro- 
prietor was endowed with enormous powers for the gov* 
enuncnt of his territory, the creation of titles and officerSi 
and the maintenance of fortifications and fleets. 

In pursuance of his broad plans, in 1622 Alexander fitted 
out a vessel, and sent it to his new dominions. It was late 



THX LA TOUBS 57 

in the teaion when it retched Newfoundland, where the win* 
ter was fpent The following spring the expedition sailed 
to Cape Sable, where some time was occupied on the coast I 
finding the French in full possession, it returned to Scot- 
land. 

In 1625, Alexander obtained a confirmation of his title to 
Acadia ; and to expedite its settlement, an order of Baronets 
was createiL This, it was thought, would promote emigra- 
tion bj the introduction of the English custom of landed es- 
tates into the new territory: probably that result would have 
been accomplished, had the plan been vigorously carried out. 

While this efTort at the colonization of Aoadia by English 
subjects was going on. Cardinal Richelieu formed a htrong 
company to accomplish a similar purpoHo under French 
patronage, to which was given the title of the Compa- 
Dy of New France. By the terms of the charter, Richelieu 
was bound to settle 200 persons the first year, and at the 
and of fifteen years the number to be augmented to 4000— 
every settler to be of French birth, and a Catholic. The 
French monarch gave the company two vessels of war, with 
armsand munitions : the wealth and standing of the members 
of the company seemed to insure success. Twelve of tba 
settlers received |>atents of Nobility ; the company were 
granted free entry into France of everything produced in 
Acadia, — thus having a monopoly of the fur trade, hunt- 
ing and shore fishery : and were clothed with the power of 
declaring peace or war. Thus were two powerful compa- 
nies fitted out by two European nations, who were destined 
to prey upon each other in the Acailian land« War between 
England and France having broken out, this circumstance 
was highly faTorable to the strife of the colonists. 

It is at this period of Acadian history that the name of 
La Tour comes into notice — a name associated with stirring 
and romantic incident, and occupying a prominent place in 
the annals of the country. Claude La Tour, the elder, was 



68 AOADIA 

m French Huguenot, who had lost the greater part of hit ' 
estate in the civil war. He was what might be termed a 
broken down nobleman ; and not having means to preserve 
the style of living to which his family had been accustomed, 
his attention was diverted to the new world. He came to 
Acadia in 1609, accompanied by his son Charles, who was 
then twelve years old. He was engaged in trading when 
the settlement at Port Hoyal was broken up by Argall: he 
was afterward dispossessed, by the Plymouth Colony, of a 
fort which he had erected at the mouth of the Pembocet. 

Charles La Tour, the son, allied himself to Biencourt, 
and was made his Lieutenant ; and in 1623, when he was 
twenty-six years old, he was bequeathed Biencourt's rights 
at Port Boyal, and thus became his successor. He mariied 
a Huguenot lady, who afterward became the most remark* 
able character in Acadian history. Charles had removed 
from Port Koyal soon after his marriage, and had built a 
fort at what is now Port La Tour, near Cape Sable. His 
quick perception showed him that, in the war that had brok* 
en out, the French were in danger of losing their title to 
the territory; to provide against such an occurrence, his 
father sailed for France to obtain arms and ammunition. 
On the voyage back with the supplies, several of the vessels' 
were captured by a British squadron in command of Sir 
David lurk, and Claude La Tour was sent to England as a 
prisoner of war. Kirk took possession of Port Boyal, left 
a few men in charge of the works, and gave orders to pre- 
pai'e for the reception of a colony in the spring. Out of 
the fleet coming to the aid of Charles La Tour, eighteen ves- 
sels were captured, together with one hundred and thirty- 
five pieces of ordnance, and a vast quantity of ammunition- 
When tidings reached him of the disaster to the fleet, he 
summoned all the French in Acadia into his fort. 

In the meantime the elder La Tour, being designedly 
treated with especial favor at the English court which held 



Sir voois flV 

him priflonar, uid, moreoyer* forgetful of Imdj Ln Tomv 
who laj sleeping in her lowly grave at Roohelle, became en* 
amored of a Protestant lady, whom he married, and so fell 
awaj from his allegiance to his natire country. He became 
interested in Sir William Alexander, and was created a Bar- 
onet of NoTa Scotia, — ^his son Charles receiving the same 
honor. The two La Tours were granted a tract of territo« 
ry from Yarmouth to Lunenburg, fifteen leagues inland 
toward the north, the land to be held under the Crown of 
Scotland. They were invosted with power of building forte 
and towns^ together with the rights of Admiralty over the 
whole coast For this munificent gift the elder La Tour 
undertook to plant a colony of Scotch in .\cadia, and also 
to obtain pos:iession of his 60u*s fort at St. Louia for the 
King of Great Britain. 

He accordingly set Kail in 1030, with two vessels well pro* 
▼idod, and lauding at Fort La Tour, waited on his hod* 
Notwith-Htaiidiug all the persuasions the father could ofteTf 
with promises of wealth and the favor of the Crown of Great 
Britain, the sou couKl not be seiluced from his allegiance to 
France, and boldly declared himself incapable of betraying 
the confidence reposed in him. Overwhelmed with morti* 
fieatiou, the elder La Tour retirevl on board ship, where be 
addressed him a letter setting forth the advantages that 
would accrue to both ; ho next attempted to intimidate by 
menaces, in all of which he was diAregarded: driven to dee* 
peration, he disembarked soldiers and a number of seamen, 
and attempted to carry the fort by assault. His attack 
reeeivod by the son with spirit, and he was driven back 
loss; the next day he directed another assault, with 
no better success. La Tour urged a third attempt but in 
this his intention was thwarted by the commanding officer, 
who would not permit any more men to be sacrificed. 

Claude La Tour was now in a bod plight lie was a trait* 
€1 lahiscoantry; he had broken his promise to the Eoglisli I 



60 ACADIA 

he had nowhere to turn for comfort or snceor. He told his 
wife he had counted on introducing her to a life of luxorj 
and ease in Acadia, but found himself instead, reduced to 
beggary, and offered to release her and allow her to return 
to her family ; she refused to desert him at his misfortune^ 
perfeniDg to share with him his trials and troubles Ha 
finally took up his abode at Port Boyal, where a colony com- 
posed chiefly of natives of Scotland had been established 
by a son of Sir William Alexander, who had built a fort 
on the Granville shore opposite Goat Island, on the site of 
the French works destroyed by Argall. Little is known of 
the colony, and that little is a record of misfortunes. Thirty 
out of seventy colonists died the first vnnter : the arrival of 
La Tour's vessels revived their drooping spirits, 

Quebec having been captured by the English forces, the 
French determined to regain that stronghold, and also to 
strengthen the defenses of what possessions still remained 
to them in Ameiica. Two vessels were fitted out with sup- 
plies, arms, and ammunition, and arrived safely after a long 
and stormy passage. Captain Marot, who had command of 
the expedition, brought the younger La Tour a letter from 
his patrons, enjoining him to remain steadfast in the King's 
cause, and expressing the confidence of the company in his 
patriotism ; also informing him that the vessels with the 
arms and ammunition were at his service. Charles La Tour 
induced his father to come from Port Eoyal and live near 
him, — ^building a house for his accommodation near the 
walls of the fort. The older La Tour brought information 
that the Port Royal colonists intended to make an attack on 
Fort La Tour. This information led to the evacuation of 
tt^ut fortress and the building of another strong fort at the 
mouth of the St. John, which would serve the double pur* 
pofte of repelling the attacks of the English in that direc- 
tion, and command the peltry trade of the Indians of the 
vast wilderness extending to the River St. Lawrence. Artit 



UL Touts 01 

lo«n were promptly oonTeyed to the spot snd the work com* 
meneed ; but the summer was so fsr sdranced that littte 
ooold be sccompliahed that season. 

Bj treatj of St Germam-en-Lajre» in March 1G32, Acadia 
was formallj restored to France, the intention being thai 
the Scotch fort at Port Rojal should be destroyed. This 
measure led to considerable trouble in Acadia, and was the 
fruitful cause of much bloodshed. 

Agreeably to the treaty, France proceeded to resume poa* 
session of those portions of her Acadian prorinces that had 
been seized by the English. The company of New France^ 
Strong in numbers and influence, were to spare neither 
dioney nor paius ; an expedition was fitted out, and Isaao 
de Baxilly was selected as commander. lie was to receire 
4 Tessel, the L^Esperance en Dieu^ free and in sailing order^ 
urmed with guns and swivels, powder and shot, and tea 
ibousand livras in money, in consideration of which he en- 
gaged to put the company of New France in possession ol 
Port Royal without further charges. He agreed, also, to fit 
out an armed pinnace of not less that 100 tons burden, to 
carry out the Capuchin friars, and such a number of meo 
as the company should judge to be proper. He received • 
commission of tlie King authorizing him to cause the Scotch 
and other subjects of Great Britain to withdraw from 
Quebec, Port Royal, and Cape Breton. He held letters 
patent from the King of Great Britain for the restitution of 
Port Royal to the French, and an oi der from King Charles 
Id his subjects in Port Royal for the abandonment of the 
place : also a letter from Sir William Alexander to the com- 
Siandant at Port Royal to the same cfT* ct Razilly took out 
with him a number of peasants and artizaiiK : also Charuisey, 
a hfc-long enemy to Charles La Tour, ai;d Nicolas Denys, 
who afterward became the historian of AcaJia. 

port Iloyal was promptly surrendered by the Scotch Com' 
maiider. Most of the Scotch families were glad to retuis 



62 AOADIA 

Co their native land : those remaining became absorbed in {ha 
French population in the course of a generation. 

De Eazilly did not settle at Port Boyaly but after taking 
formal possession went to Le H5ve. This location had long 
been known to the French fishermen ; it was an admirable 
place to carry on the shore fishery ; the harbor was spacious, 
safe, and easy of access. De BaziUy's fort was erected aft 
the head of La H^ve harbor on its western side, on a little 
hillock of three or four acres ; it was a small, unpretending, 
palisaded enclosure, with a bastion at each comer. This 
fort constituted a kind of trading house, around which the 
houses of the colonists might cluster, and in which the peo- 
ple might seek refuge in time of danger. DeRaziUyy in the 
first year, brought out forty colonists from France, who 
settled on the rocky land surrounding Le H^ye.* 

Wetk as was the colony at Le H^ve, it was strong enough 
to create great apprehensions in the New England Colonies. 
Governor Winthrop, in his diary, related how he called the 
chief men to Boston to devise what could be done for the 
safety of New England. The completion of the fort in 
Boston, a plantation and fort at Natascott, and a plantation 
at Agawam, was ordered. 

A party of Frenchmen came to Penobscot where the Flj« 
mouth colonies had erected a trading house, pretending they, 
had just arrived from sea, that they had lost their reckon-> 
ing, and wanted to keel up their vessel and repair her^ 
The people were mostly absent ; the French, seeing their 
opportunity, resolved to help themselves to the contents of 
the trading house ; they overpowered the four men in charge 
and loaded their vessel with the pilfered goods. Then set^ 
ting the guards at liberty, they told them to inform their 
master on his return that some gentlemen of the Isle of 
Bh5 had been thera It is highly probable that Claude La 



*Now oooapied by the town of Halifaii 



Tcmr WM at the bemd of this maaranding party, to rdm- 
bone himself for bia loss at Penobscot when it was taken 
brom bim bj the Englisb.* 

ItMiile returning with the plunder of Penobscot, the French 
fen in with an Ruglish shallop, in command of Dixj Bull, 
and robbed him of his goods. Bull was so much discour- 
•ged by his failure in getting an honest living, that he de- 
termined to turn pirate himself. Gathering together nearly 
a score of other vagabond Englishmen, and seizing some 
boats, be rifled the fort at Pemaquid, and plundered the 
settlers. He was chased away by a hastily organized forcsi 
and a bark was fitted out with twenty men to capture him, 
which returned unsuccessful after a two months* cruisa 
This man Bull was the first pirate history mentions as l>eing 
cm the coast of New England. 

Another collision between the French and English 
tiers oocuiTed the following year, in which La Tour 
sessed a company at Machias, wbere they had established 
a trading house, killed two men, and took prisoners threa 
of the guard over it ; the prisoners and captured goods ha 
carried off to the La Tour fort at Cape Sable. He further 
told them if he caught them trading to the east of Pemaquid 
be would seize them and their vessels as lawful prizes to tha 
King of France. One of the English asked to see La 
Tour's commission ; ho informed the <iuestioner his word 
was a sufficient commixsion where he had strength to over> 
come his enemies ; when that failed, he would show him 
bis commission. 

The claim of the French was again enforced in the follow* 
iog year [1G35]. De Kazilly sent a vessel to Penobscot 
under command of his Lieut, Charnisey by name. The 
trading post at Penobscot which had been despoiled by tha 
Jtaoch a few years previous was still kept up by the Ply- 



64 ACADIA 

mouth colony, but was little capable of defence. Charniaey 
seized all the goods in the trading house there; he gaT4 
the men their liberty, but showed them his commission 
from the French commander at La Hdve to remove all Um 
English as far south as Pemaquid. He bade them tell theil 
people he would return next year with ships and men, an4 
remove the whole colony as far south as the 40th degree of 
North Latitude. He then coolly proceeded to occupy the 
trading post and strengthen its defenses, a caution which 
served him to good purpose as subsequent events proved. 

When the news of this violent proceeding reached the 
Plymouth colonists, their rage knew no bounds. After due 
deliberation they entered into a contract with a private in« 
dividual, Mr. Girling, owner of a sailing vessel the Ore<U 
Hope, — who undertook, for a payment of two hundred 
pounds, to drive the French out of Penobscot, the Ply« 
mouth colony to aid him with a bark and about twenty-five 
men. The French, eighteen in number, were so strongly 
intrenched, that after expending most of his powder and 
shot in an ineffectual cannonade, Girling was obliged to 
send to Boston for assistance, leaving the Cheat Hope to 
maintain the blockade. 

The General Com*t having assembled at Boston, the ipat- 
ter was brought before it in due form ; a diversity of senti* 
ment prevailed as to the measures it were best to adopt.-— 
Mutual jealousies and misunderstandings pervaded the 
council, and the conference fell through without arriving at 
any decision. Girling's ship was soon withdrawn, and the 
French were left in undisturbed possession of the mouth of 
the Penobscot for several years. 

The last grant of importance made by the Company of 
New France was to Charles de La Tour,-^that of the fort 
and habitation of La Tour on the Biver St. John, with landa 
adjacent. This fort was destined, in after years, to be tba 
theatre of the most stirring events in Acadian history. 



TSB LA Toums 65 

In 1676, Iraac de Razilljr died in the midst of flans for 
the colonization of Acudia. The joung colony soon became 
merged in di&seuRions ; instea.l of en^u^ing in the work of 
providing for their wuntn uuil improving tlu-ir suiroundingty 
tbejT separated into contending faction:!, and can led on their 
quoiTeia with the u.o.^t bitter animosity. As a legitimata 
result, after forty \e.iis Im.i elapsed, scarcely a family had 
been added to the popa.ation of Acadia: during all this pe- 
riod New Eng.and, b.ing more uhited in senameut, was 
rapidij iucreo^ug in wta th and popu'.aticn. 

After the death of Ivuziily, it wou.d 8i*em that Chamisej 
was permitted* by tho rightful heirs, to enter into posses- 
■ioii of his ebtates, though the deid of tiansf cr uas not 
giren until some }eais laier. One of his fii'st acts was to 
take possession of Port Koyol, erect a new fort there, and 
ramoTe thither a portion of the colonists at La H6ve. He 
added to their number twenty families emigrating from 
Ftonce. Charles La Tour was occupying the fort at the 
mouth of the St John Iliver, and his father Claude Lft 
Tour was holding the fortification at Port La Tour. A feud 
grew up between La Tour and Chain isey, exceeding in bit* 
teroeaa and diieful consequences the warfaie preriouslj 
mentioned, against their English nei;^hbois: as contentions 
between kindred are apt to be of the most hosiile kind. 

The site of La Tour s fort was on the west bank of the St» 
John, at ite mouth, on a gentle rise of ground commanding 
the bay and rirer. On the we^t sido of tho harbor, opposite 
Kevy Island, remains of earthworks may yet be seen, mark- 
ing the locations of tho bastions of the fort* Traces of it| 
boweTtr, are rapidly disappeming,— the rapidly growing 
town of Carleton having already utilized most of its site. 
The fort was one hundred and forty feet square, compha* 

*lbs author wis tbown thsM markio(r> in tb« tamm«*r of 1880 through 

oC Hr. 4. HaoiMj, the gvutlemAiily rt^UUeat hntohoa, wbe 

Boch sUmlioti to facts ia AosAhui hmon. 
8 • 



06 A(nij>u 

ing fonr bastions, and was enclosed by palisades, according 
to the prevailing custom of those early times. It was strongs 
ly built of stone, and contained two houses, a diapel, mag* 
azine, and stables for cattle. Twenty cannon composed ihd 
heavy ordnance of the fort. In this savage retreat lived 
Charles La Tour, affecting a style and show of military 
power emulating the baronetcies of the old world* The 
woods, the sea and the streams, furnished an abundance of 
the choicest viands, and the yearly ship brought such luza^^ 
ries and necessities as the new country did not afford. A 
course of military drill was kept up, both as a display and 
as a means of self-preservation, — in addition to which, trad- 
ing with the Indians gave employment to the men. Sur- 
rounded by dense woods of fir and larch, full of howling 
beasts and wild natives, within sound and yet secure from 
attack ; but more suspicious of their white neighbors across 
the foggy Bay of Fundy : — the seasons came and went in 
their accustomed rounds : doubtless no ruler was evermore 
absolute in his authority, or more careless of what was tran- 
spiring in the outer world. Hunters and trappers, both 
white and Indian, frequented the fort, to dispose of their 
peltries and procure the necessities of life. Many an even- 
ing was spent in the midst of a vigorous northern winter, 
by the roaring fire-places, by the wild fellows of the forest, 
smoking their pipes, telling of fights with the red man, of 
encounters with roaming beasts and other dangers of the 
woods. Romantic and wild must such a life have been-— as 
nearly the realization of the di-eam of an adventurer as could 
well be surmised. Lady La Tour must have led c^ lonely 
life, with no society but that of her husband and obUdren. 
Once a year the ship came in — the only tie that bound her 
to her native land — and brought her news from homOi and 
awakened memories of her native clime. 

La Tour and Charnisey each held a commission as Liei;^* 
timant from the King of JFranc^ : both had large territoriea 



VMM 1.4 TOUBS C7 

tnd were engaged in the same trade. To eomplioate mat- 
tersy Chamisev** fort at Port Rojal was in the tract grant- 
ed to La Tour, while La Tour*s fort at St John was in the 
iimiU of land under pfovemuient of Chamisey, and alao 
commanded the whole of the St John River territorj^-a 
tract rich in furs and abounding in fish. It was not on* 
natural that CharniHej should make an effort to dispo<-'-^«H 
bis rival ; his ^hi attempt was bj diplomacy before the 
court of France. Ho succeeded so well at the French capi- 
tal, that before La Tour was aware of what Chaniisey had 
been doing, he received an order from the King to embark 
immediately for France to answer hundry serious charges 
against him. A letter was sent by the King directing Char- 
nisey, in case La Tour failed to obey the order, to seize hia 
person and make an inventory of his effects. To accom* 
plish this he was empowered to exerci.se all the means at hia 
disposal, and to put La Tour*s fort in the haud.n of })er8ona 
well disposed to do the King^s service. By one fell stroke^ 
without being allowed the privilege of defense. La Tour 
was to be robbed of his posHesHioni«, and sent a prisoner to 
Prance. Not long after this he was still farther degraded 
by having his commission of Governor revoked — a commia- 
siou he had held with credit for half a score of years. 

A vessel was sent to Ai^adia bearini? these letters to La 
Tour, and was intended by the King to convey La Tour a 
prisoner to France. The latter, not without reaJton, aver* 
rod that these papers were obtained from the King through 
misrepresentation; and though by refusing to olM*y the 
royal mandate he was aware he made himself liable to a 
charge of treason, he boldly declined giving up his property. 
His fort at St John was in such a htate of defense that 
Chamiaey dare not attack ; the vessel was sent back with« 
out its prisoner. 

La Tour had maintained himself in Acadia, by his energy 
«Dd tactaloos^ for mai^ years; ho waa of a cast of mind to 



G8 ACADIA 

maintain himself as long as be had power to do so. Legal 
documents, usuallj so all-powerful, were not much feared 
where there was no force to back them. Chamisej knew 
he could not dispossess his rival without aid from France^ 
and soon returned to tbat country to make another effort 
against him. 

La Tour was well aware that Chamisej had powerful 
friends at Court — and further that he was an accomplished 
diplomatist. He began therefore to prepare for the strug- 
gle that he knew was sure to come. He had openly defied 
the authority of the King, and he must expect the conse- 
quences of his disobedience, unless he could devise means 
of escap& He determined to seek help from his neighbors 
of New England, with whom he was then on good terms, 
and in November, 1641, sent as messenger a Huguenot 
named Rochette to Boston to confer with them. Bochette 
proposed a treaty between Massachusetts Bay and La Tour. 
Governor Winthrop informs us the treaty was to embrace 
three points : 

1. — Free commerce. 

2. — Assistance against Chamisey, with whom La Tour 
had wai*. 

3. — That La Tour might make return of goods out of 
England through the merchants of Boston. 

The first condition was immediately granted ; the other 
two were rejected because Bochette brought with hira no 
letters or commission from La Tour, and, therefore, no evi- 
dence had been cfifered of his official capacity. Bochette 
was courteously entertained by the people of Boston duiing 
his stay. 

In October of the followin;;!^ year, La Tour sent his lieu- 
tenant to Boston witli a shallop and fourteen men. This 
time he bore letters from La Tour to Governor Winthrop, 
highly complimenting his Governorship, and requesting the 



TBB LA TOUBS 69 

people of New England to assist liim against his enemy, 
Cbarniiiej. These Frenchmen were grandly entertained by 
the Bostonians ; the best of feelings sprang up between 
ihem^-e?en the Cathohc Frencii attended the Protestant 
churches — but no measures were taken to grant the assist- 
ance asked for. 

L« Tour*s lieutenant, while in Boston, formed an ac- 
quaintance with the uHnhint'*, and proposed the opening 
up of a tiade. In conformity therewith the merchants sent 
a pinnace to Fort La Tour, laden with goods. This was 
the beginning of a tiade with them which lasted as long as 
Lq Tour remained in Aca lia. IjH Tour sent a letter to Got« 
emor Winthrop, thanking him for the courteous manner in 
which his lieutenant had buLMi treated. On the way back 
the vessel stop])ed at Pema juid. Here La Tour*s mei»sen* 
gers met with Charnisev — the latter gentleman told them 
the letter was fiom a rebel. He sent a printed copy of the 
order for La Tour*s aivest to Governor Wjnthrop, and 
threatened, if the merchants of Boston sent more vessels to 
trade with La Tour, he would seize them as lawful prizes. 

This order of arrest was the result of Charnisey*s last 
Toyago to France. He had succeeded in securing title to 
laige territories in Aiudia, on which title he luul borrowed 
Urge sums to enable him to carry on war against La Tour, 
He was now determined on one great effort, and had secur- 
ed means to employ fi\e ships and a force of tive hundred 
Armed men in this bitter feud. 

In the meantime La Tour was not idle. He dispatched 
Bochette to France to obtain aid. His cause was espoused 
with ardor by the Rochellois, wiu> determined on going to 
his rescue. They fitted out a largo armed vessel, the **<//em- 
€fU«** loaded her with ammunition and other supplies, pr.tou 
IxMMrd ODD hundred armed Kochellois, and sent her with all 
speed to Ls Toui *s fort Thus was civil war in Acsdia fed 
OD both sides from France — swords being shaped at Bo- 



70 AOADIA 

chelle and at Paris with Vhich to carry on this fratricidal 
strife. Clouds of fate, dark and ominous, brooded over the 
future of La Tour, yet he continued to maintain the stmg* 
gle with courage unabated. 

Early in June, 1643, an armed vessel suddenly appeared 
in the harbor of Boston. Scarcely was. her presence noted 
until she had passed Castle Island and she had thundered 
forth a salute which echoed long and loud over the little 
Puritan town. There was no response^— the Governor's 
garrison being withdrawn. A boat filled with armed men 
was seen to leave the ships side, and was rapidly rowed to 
Governors Islands landing at Gov. Wintbrop's garden. The 
boat was there met by the Governor and his two sons, who 
found the passengers to be La Tour and a party of his fol- 
lowers, come to solicit aid. 

Eaily in the spring Chamisey had appeared before Fort 
La Tour with several vessels of war and five hundred men. 
Unable to car/y the works by assault, blockade was resort- 
ed to, until such time as the necessities of the garrison 
should force a capitulation. In a few weeks the Clement 
appeared off St. John harbor, with men and supplies for La 
Tour, but was unable to enter on account of the blockade. 
Under cover of night La Tour stole out of the fort and 
boarding the Clement, crowded sail for Boston, where he 
arrived after a speedy passage. 

Gov. Wintbrop hastily called together such of the Mag« 
istrates as were at hand, and gave La Tour a formal heaiing 
before them. The papers of the Clement showed La Tour 
was still styled "her majesty^s lieutenant general in Ameiica,^* 
which was regarded as an offset to the order for his arrest 
showed by Charnisey. He was informed by the Governor 
and Council, that while no aid could bo openly granted 
without the advice of the other mcmbei^ of the Govern- 
ment, he was at liberty to hire such men and ships as were 
in Boston. The Boston merchants were aware that their 



TMB Lk TOOBt 7t 

lisde woald be injured bj the destmction of La Tour, end 
tbe Utter found no difficultj in Becuring the assiMtance he 
vanted. He hiied four vessels of the firm of Gibbons & 
Hawkins, the Seabridg^^ Philip and Mary^ Increase^ and 
the Greyhound^ together with fifty-two men and thirtj- 
eight pieces of ordnance ; enlinted ninetj-two men to aug- 
ment the force on board Lis ressc*], provided all with arms 
and supplies, and was about to set sail with his flotilla for 
Acadia, when a new danger beset him. 

Bj the aiticles of agreement, the ships were not required 
to undertake any oflfeusive operations. It was stipulated 
they were to go as near f*urt La Tour as they could con- 
veniently ride at Huchor, and join with the Clement in the 
defense of themselves or La Tour, in case Charuisey should 
assault, or oppose their approach to the fort Any addi- 
tional assistance was to be a subject of further ne^^^otiation, 
the a^ent of the Boston owners accompanying Uie cxi)edi- 
tion for the purpose. Doubtless the wily PVenchmau sur- 
mised, that in ca:!>e of open hoslilities, the heat of the strife 
would cause theni to forget the precise terms of the agree* 
meut, and indace them to join with him in annihilating the 
enemy. The news soon h])rtad, however, that NViutiirop 
had formed an alhunce wiih the French ra[)i8t, and many 
letters of warning and dtprtcutiou were sboweiei u[)on the 
Governor. Seveial ministers referred to the matter from 
their pulpitK, and even went so far as to prophesy that the 
■tieeU of their town would yet run red with blood, in con- 
sequence of this alliance with La Tour, and public senti- 
ment ran so high that it seemed the expedition would be 
brok«n up altogether. In the mid^«t of this clamor. Gov. 
W'uithrop called another council, to ^hom he stated the 
condition of aflfairs, which haJ been grossly misrepresent- 
ed, and the question was fully discussed. 

The Puiitans regarded the Old Testament as their guide. 
One party claimed, by the examples of Jehoshaphat, Jonas 



72 AGADIA 

and Amaziab, tbat it was wrong for righteous persons to 
sociate with the ungodly in any way. The other side con- 
tended that the censure applied only to the particular cases 
in which it was given, and were not general in application; 
otherwise it would be unlawful to help a wicked man in any 
case. The latter party seems to have had the best of the 
argument, and the expedition was allowed to proceed. 

La Tour bore away from the port of Boston about the 
middle of July, having made a host of friends during bis 
stay. He made all speed for Acadia, and there was reftson 
for haste, for duiing this entu*e period Charnisey had cut off 
all supplies from La Tour's fort, supposing his enemy to be 
within. 

When La Tour*s fleet of five ships came in sight off St. 
John, Charnisey's vessels were lying alongside Partridge 
Island. Suspecting the true state of affairs, Charnisey did 
not care to measure strength with the allied powers, but * 
stood straight for Fort Royal, and running his vessels 
aground, he and his men betook themselves to the shore, 
where they proceeded to put the mill in a state of defense. 
The enemy pursued; Captain Hawkins sent an officer 
on shore bearing an apologetic letter explaining the pres- 
ence of the New Englanders. Charnisey refused to receive 
it because it was not addressed to him as Lieutenant of Aca- 
dia. When the messenger returned, he reported great ter- 
ror among the French, the friars included, and all were do- 
ing their best to put themselves in a position of defense. 

La Tour urged Hawkins to send a force ashore and attack 
the mill ; this the latter declined to do ; if any of the New 
Englanders chose to go of their own accord, he would do 
nothing to prevent it. About thirty Bostonians availed 
themselves of the permission, and the united forces marched 
to the attack of Charnisey at his improvised fortress. After 
a sharp engagement, during which the besieged suffered the 
loss of three men killed and one taken prisoner, and three 



THB 1.4 TOUBS 7S 

of La Tour^B men were wounded^ Chamisej was driven from 
the mill. The New Englanders escaped without the lose of 
a iriui. 

The allied forces now returned to Fort La Tour, where 
we mtLj conjecture their rirtory was duly celebrated. Dur- 
ing the period they were lying there, a pinnace belonging 
to Charntsey was captureJ« having on board four hunlred 
moose hides and a like number of skins of the beaver. This 
was a rare prize ; the booty was divided between the New 
England owners and crews, and La Tour. Hawkins was 
evidently willing to rob Cliarnisey, if not to fight him. La 
Tour I'aid off the ves.^els and cicws that had been hired, 
and the New Eng!anders reached home in thirty-seven days 
from the time they had left Boston, in high spiritn, without 
tlie loKA of a man or nhip. The good Puritan elders were 
shocked at the piratical seizure of the French pinna *e, and 
dairoeJ the expedition had done too much or tco little ;^- 
ihey ought either to have remained neutral in the war, or 
else taken measures to effectually crush out the rival of La 
Tour. 

Cbamisey, not dishearteneil, commenced the erection of 
a new fort at Port Royal,* and returned to France for fur- 
ther aid. He there heard of the arrival of I^ady La Tour, 
who had sailed for F^rance to further her husband's interests 
and procure supplies. Charuisey obtained an order for her 
arr«st on the ground that she was e<|ually a traitor to the 
King with her husband ; before the order could be executed 
she fled to England. Here she soon made many warm 
friends, and found means to freight a shi;> with supplies in 
London, and to forewarn her husband of the danger ho was 
Id from the efforts of Chamisey. 

For many weeks La Tour, almost desparing, waited by 



* I Minmf that Cbarnhcyt old fort wmt oo ihf site of Cb«iopkiD*t fbri 
9pftMi»m Goat IftUod, anil UmU tbe oew fort was built oo tba tkov romad 
of ABDSpolfta (Haasay.) 



T4 ACADIA 

the Eiyer St John for the return of hie wifa He finally 
sailed for Boston where he made known to Endicott his 
difficulties. A meeting of the magistrates was called ; a few 
were unwilliog to operate in favor of La Tour, and the rest 
would not act without the consent of all ; La Tour was forc- 
ed to return without the coveted assistance. All the New 
Englanders did was to send a letter of remonstrance to 
Charnisey. La Tour left Boston early in September, hav- 
ing spent two months to very little purpose. He boarded 
his vessel on tiaining day, and all the training bands were 
made guard for him to the ship's boat ; as he sailed out of 
the hai*bor the English vessels saluted him. He was accom* 
panied by a Boston vessel laden with provisions for Si. 
John. La Tour happening to delay on the way, by that 
means narrowly escaped capture by an armed vessel that 
Charnisey had sent to cruise the Bay of Fundy on the watch 
for him ; but which, on the supposition he had escaped, had 
put into port. 

Scai'cely had the pennants of La Tour's vessels sank be* 
low the distant hoiizon, before a vessel displaying English 
colors came into Boston Haibor. Among her passengers 
were Roger "Wil'inuis and Lady La Tour. This notable 
lady had left England six months before together with sup- 
plies on boai'd this vessel, with a destination at Fort La 
Tour. The master had spent some time trading on the 
coast; it was September when they reached Cape Sable; as 
the vessel was entering the Bay of Fundy it was captured 
by an ai*med ship in the employ of Charnisey. It was found 
necessary to secrete Lady La Tour and her party, and to con- 
ceal the identity of the vessel — the master pretending she 
was bound dii'ect for Boston. Chai*nisey, little suspecting 
the valuable prize he had in his possession, let them go» 
contenting himself with sending a message to the Governor 
of Massachusetts expressing a desire to be on good terms 
with that cf.Jony. The vessel was therefore forced to change 



TWB MA VOUlf 



tlM dettination of her Toyage to Botion. This chioge in 
fhm Tovage, added to onreaBonable delay, waa made tba 
baaia of an action at Uw brought by Liady La Tour for dam- 
agea. She was awarded two thousand pounds; seizing fhm 
cargo of the ship, she, with the money thus acquired, hired 
three resaels to take the cargo and herself home, where aha 
safely arrired after an absence of more than a year. 

>Vhen Charnisey was apprized of Lady La Tour's safe 
arrival at her fort, and her friendly treatment at Boston^ his 
rage knew no bounds. He directed an insulting letter to 
Goremor Eiidicott, accuhing him of dealing with a lack of 
houor ; threatening him with the dire vengeance of the King 
of Franre. Churn isey soon displayed his vindicative spinl 
in a procacal way ; a small vessel sent out from Boston with 




1 AUTUILMtk: IttLANU 



supplies for Fort La Tour was captured, and the crew all 
turned loose upon Partridge Island, in deep snow, without 
fire, or searcely a shelter, where tliey were kept close pris* 
oners ten davs. ClinrniHey then ^iive them an old shnllop 
in which to return home ; after stripping them of inont of 
their cluth(*s, iiimI u lowm;; them neither gun nor eoinpasa, 
they were sulTeied to depart for Boston, which they at last 
reached in sorry plight 

The New Englanders were highly incense<l at this out* 
rage. The Puritan Governor dispatched a messen^^er in a 
Tassel to Cliarnisey bearing a h-tter full of spint; he said 
bis people meant to do right, and fearetl not the King of 
Charnisey told the mef^sen^cr he would return no 



n AOADIA 

Answer, and would not permit him to enter the fort — lodg- 
ing him without the gate. He, however, dined with him 
every day to show the messenger it was only as the bearer 
of Endicott^s letter that he disowned him. Finally he ixi- 
dited a letter to Gov. Endicott, couched in high language, 
requiring satisfaction for the burning of his mill by the New 
England auxiliaries of La Tour two years previous, and 
threatening vengeance in case his demands were not met. 

At the time the crew of the Boston vessel were fighting 
cold and hunger at Partiidge Island, two friars hailed Char- 
nisey's ships from the mainland and desired to be taken on 
board. They came from Fort La Tour, and had been turn- 
ed out for showing signs of disaffection. Had Lady £ia 
Tour hung them instead, the sequel to this story might have^ 
been different. They told Chamisey that was the time for 
him to attack; that La Tour was absent, the fort rotten, 
with only fifty men to guard it, and susceptible of an easy 
reduction. On their representations Chamisey drew up his 
armament, ranged the vessels in front of the fort, and open- 
ed a brisk cannonade. The fire was returned with siich 
vigor that Chamisey was obliged to warp his vessel behind 
a point of land out of range, and lost twenty men killed and 
thirteen wounded. This was in February, 1645. 

In April of the same year Chamisey made another attack 
from the land side. La Tour was still absent — ^his mission 
to New England to secure aid had proved fmitless, and he 
could not reach home on account of armed cruisers waiting 
to capture him. Three days and nights the attack contin- 
ued ; the heroic lady commandant was resolved to hold out 
to the last ; the defense was so well conducted that the be> 
siegers were forced to draw ofif with loss. Treachery accom- 
plished what heroism could not. Chamisey found means 
to bribe a Swiss sentry while the garrison were at prayerSi 
who allowed the enemy to approach the fort without giving 
the alarm, and who were scaling the walls before the besieged 



THB L4 TOUBS 77 

wer« awmre of the atUck. Bat even then the heroiem of 
Lady La Toor repulsed them, and Cbamisej lost twelre 
men killed and many woiinded, while fighting within the 
fort Chamisej now proposed terms of capitulation ; Ladj 
La Tour, despairing of successful resistance, accepted, and 
the besiegers were giren possession. 

Ko sooner did Charnisej find himself master of the place 
than he disclosed all the banenesH of his character. On pre- 
tense that he lud been deceived, he caused all the gammon 
to be hung but one, whom he spared on condition that he 
should be the executioner of his comrades. Ladj La Tour 
•Gffered the indignity of being forced to be present at tiie 
execution with a rope about h«fr nec-k, by way of showing 
that he considered her as deser^-iug of hanging as weie the 
others, but that her life was spared only by his gracious 
forbearance. 

This broke the spirit of this remarkable lady ; she surrir- 
ed the fall of the fort only about three weeks, when she was 
laid to re^t on the banks of bt John. This noble wife and 
mother left behind a httle rhild which was sent to France i 
but as no further mention is made of it, the supposition is 
that it died young.* 

The booty taken by Chamisey in La Tour*s fort amount* 
•d to more than £10,000. This loss ruined La Tour; and 
Chamisey had become so much iuvolved by the expense of 
the war, that he could not hope to liquidate his own indebt* 
•dnesa. Thus were both men ruined by a useless and fool- 
iah war against one another, when both otherwise might 
hare become wealthy. 

La Tour was in Boston when the news of the reduction 
of his fort and the death of his wife reached him. Being 
by natuie of a hopeful spiiit, he wa^ not the man to yield 
to misfoitune; his address procured friends wherever he 

*liaiiasj* 



t8 



AOADU 



wesit ; in his greatest straits he never wanted for money to 
supply his immediate necessities. He applied to Sir David 
Kiik, Governor of Ne\yfoundland, who expressed a willing- 
ness to render the required aid, but whose promises were 
not fulfilled: towaids Siring the merchants of Boston fit- 
ted him out with supplies for a trading voyage to the east- 
ward. 

In the summer of 1646, we hear of La Tour in Quebec, 
where ho was received with marked honors. The guns of 
the citadel thundered forth a salute ; the gaiTison was drawn 
up to receive him in a manner worthy of one of high rank ; 
the whole populace turned out to behold the man of whom 
they had heard so much ; in short, the civic and military 
vied witn each other in their expressions of hospitahty and 
respect. How stranf;o and unaccountab!e are the workings 
of human passion and prejudice, as exemplified in the treat- 
ment La Tour at various times received from his country- 
men ; — at one time we behold him hunted down as an oat- 
law, at another he is entertained in the style of a prince-^ 
all under the laws of the same Empire. 

Charnisey had now nearly attained the summit of his am- 
bition. He had driven his rival out of the country; he was 
received with the favors and smiles of royalty at home ; a 
ireuty had been definitely settled with the colony of Massa- 
chuHetts ; and he now was the undisputed monai'ch of an 
extent of territory half the size of France. He built mills, 
dyked the marshes, constructed vessels to carry on his com- 
merce ; — thus were his dominions daily growing in sti'ength 
and opulence. 

One conquest more, however, was necessary before his 
thu'st for power could be satisfied. Nicolas Denys, a friend 
and intimate associate of Chaixisey, had been appointed 
" Governor of the whole coast of the Golf of St. Lawrence, 
and the islands adjacent," and it was to dispossess him of 
thin teiritory that Charnisey now turned his attention. He 



THB L4 TOUBS 79 

tiied out a fleet, and dispatching it against his old friend 
Denvfs seizel a!l of his forts, c*apture(l hin goods, broke up 
Lin ti>hiiig ehtubiishinents, and ruined his settlers. Past 
(lieiiiUhip avaiicil nothing with the cold-heartod and rapa- 
cious conqueror. 

Charnihey \ius at length Tanquisbed bj a foo he could 
not hubdue. In IC'O, he met a rioleut death by ilrowning 
in Port Koyal Kiver. Neither history nor tradition gives 
any particulars of the event further than is given in these 
few woids. Wbfthcr the occiirronco was prenicHlitatcd on 
his part, or that of some one he hud deeply wronged, or was 
the le-iult of accident, will perbaps ever remain u mystery. 
He had, in bis life, bet*n hard and cruel, incapable of pit.', 
and de^titute of remorse for his treachery toward the heroic 
Lady La Tour. Though mated with such high favor when 
at the French court, his influence tbere did not survive him 
a single day; — indeed, it was said there was not a friend to 
ba found in all France who would 8])eak for him. Denya, 
his cotf mporary, speaks only of his rapacity, cruelty, and 
tyranny. 

News of Cbarnis«'y's death having reached I^a Tour, the 
latter lost no time in sailing for France. A living man has 
food cban'j«* of Miccess when confront<»vl by a dea 1 rival, 
and tio it pro\ed in this case. La Tour s|>eeilily sc^ciiriHl an 
act^uittal of the charges ugamst biin, ami obtained u new 
commission Mith additional ri^^btM: and thus with character 
cleared, and emlowed with tht* fullest i>owers a soverrign 
eou!d bestow, be once more rt'tuincd absolute monarch ul 
Acadia. 

La Tour took possession of his old fort at the mouth of 
the St John, the widow of Chamisey meanwhile remaining 
with her children at Port Royal. That lady beginning to 
Tiew with alarm La Tour*s pretentions to the country, enter 
ad into an agieen«ent with the Duke de Vendome^a reputed 
•on of Henry IV, who for a consideration was to aid her in 



60 ACADIA 

recovering her possessionB. This agreement having reeeir- 
ed the sanction of letters patent from the goyemmeni of 
France, the skies of La Tour's prosperity began to be dark* 
ened by portents of a coming tempest. The matter was 
righted without the shedding of blood bj a mutual agree- 
ment between the principals in the quarrel ; that is to say^ 
La Tour married the widow of Chamisey, and united their 
varied interests into one. Articles of agreement were drawn 
up with great minuteness of detail, and the marriage was 
solemnized in the presence of many august vritnesses. La 
Tour had now passed his fiftieth year, and no doubt rejoiced 
at the prospect of peace, in which, however, he was doomed 
to further disappointment 

This advei*se fortune was embodied in the person of Le 
Borgne, a merchant of Bochelle, who had obtained judg* 
ment in the courts against Chamisey for money advanced 
him, to the amount of 160,000 Hvres, and who had come out 
to Acaclia to take possession of Chamisey's estate, which 
ho understood cmbr&ced all of Acadia. 

LaBorgne began operations by plundering the settlementa 
on the Laurentian Gulf belonging to Nicolas Denys, as 
CLarnisey had done before him, capturing vessels and car- 
goes, and taking Denys and his men prisoners. They cama 
by way of La H6ve, where they burned all the buildingSi 
not sx^aving even the chapel. Denys was placed in a dun* 
geou at Port Royal, but was afterwards liberated, when ha 
retuiTicd to France ; he was in due time restored to his 
rights, and eventually to his possessions, on the Qulf of St» 
Lawrence, froni which he had twice been ruthlessly torn. 

Le Borgne's success in this warlike exploit emboldened 
him to undertake another — no less than the capture of Fort 
La Tour. This he attempted to do by strategy, but a shal* 
lop having seci'etly left Port Royal with information of Lo 
Bor(.))c'8 intentions, the enterprise failed. Before the was 
could be carried further an English fleet appeared upon tho 



TBI LA Touma 81 

• *f ne« aod botb La Toar and Le Borgne capiiolaied to iba 
•u| ( lior force of the eoemj. 

1 be si'izure of Acadia was welcome Dews to the New Eng- 
liiMi« IIS wbo bad looked with a.arm at the growth of a ri- 
VI iM^iouy in the uew world. Cromwell seems to have jua- 
tide^l tbe act, aud a govei iimeot was organized for the coo- 
ti'i of affaiis in tbe uew ti-nitoiial ai-quisition. It was 
ttiiAii(;ed that wbosoeTer traded with thecolonj should paj 
tfii>'.*^h for tbe pii\i!ege to support the garrison; Hassa- 
r«.iiH« Its wmi askeil to enforce the law, and assist the Eog* 
l.».i in Acadia if uccessitj required. 

La Tour resolved on one more grand effort to retriera 
Lis fortunes. Hastening to England he laid his cause ba- 
fori* Cromwell, hbowing bow, as co-grantee and heir of hia 
fstlier, be wsh c-i.tillcd to large pobsessions in Acadia by 
giautof the Briti<«b Crown through Sir William Alexander; 
bii* well kuowu plausibility and address secured for him a 
iiiumpbaut succeiis. Tbe Acadian diplomat, having asso* 
ciated with bim ThoumH Temple and William Crowna, and 
aecurcd a largo griiiit of tcriitorj, next sold out his interest 
to bis partncrti, piobablj fearing tbe dissensions that would 
aooner or later occur. He evidently regarded a title of ao 
estate in Acadia as vcrj precarious property, so much in 
dutpute, and so frt-quentiy changing masters. La Tour 
lived about tbiiteen ycnrs after this, dying at the ripe age 
of 72, and was buried in tbe beloved Acadian land which 
had been bis home from bis boyhood. 

Temple was made Governor of tbe forts at St. John and 
Penobscot, and cumiuiuced tbo expenditures of large sums 
of money in improvements. In tbe meantime, tbe home 
goverbmeut having been changed. Temple waa in danger 
o( losing bis till.*. He was ob.iged to compromise with a 
Irvncbman named Thomas Elliot, by an annual payment of 
aix hundred pounds. He found it necessary also to return 

to England to defend his interests, one Captain Breedon 

t 



faaviDg been appointed Qovernor in hia pl»ce. In Jnlj, 1667* 
the famoua treat; of Breda was signed, b; which instmmeni 
England ceded to France all the province of AcadiiL Temple 
was ordered to delivei* up Pentagoet, St John, Fort Rojal, 
Cape Sable and La Hive, to the person appointed to recoiva 
them. After some delay the forts were formally deliver- 
ed np — Chevalier de Grand-fontaine having been conunist 
noned by Louis XIV to receive them. A careful inventtoy 
of the forts and their contents was taken, evidently with a 
view of establishing a claim for indemnity in Temple's be- 
half. He estimated his expenditures in Acadia at £16,000^ 
bat neither he nor his heirs were able to recover any part 
of this vast sum from the Ci-own of England. 



tt 



PBOII GEAND FONTAINE TO MENNEVAH 



At Iba time Grand-rntaina bad establiabed bimaelf on the 
Penobacot Ibere were lesa tliao fiva-bundred wbite people 
liTiog iD all Acadia. Tbou<?b nearlj tbree-fourtba of a can* 
tunr bad elapaed aince De Moots formed tbe firat aattlemeni 
at St Croix laland, tbe time bad been ao follj occupied in 
attending to tb(>ir quarrela amon;;^ tbemaelvea, and ao much 
property waated in tbe wara witb tbeir Engliab neigbborii 
that the real intereata of the Prorince were neglected. The 
prime motiTe that actuated tbe promotera of colonization* 
was thirst for gold. Accounts of tbe Tast quantitiea of the 
precious metals that tbe cruel and rapacious S^ianiarda irare 
acquiring in Mexico and Peru, were being induatrioualj ctiw 
calated throughout Europe with favorable exaggerations : 
a country that did not abound in gold was apt to be consid- 
ered worthless. Acadia, notwithstanding all tbe wealth of 
ber natural resources, came under tbe unirersal ban, and 
capitalists were unwilling to take the trouble and risk un- 
)€aa. the prospect of sudden wealth was held out to tbem. 
Bedies, the goTcmment of tbe colony was continually r^ 
▼crting from one power to the other ; plunder and pillage 
\ as the order of the day; the resources of the soil had nol 
bei*n developed, nor were the locations far settlement at all 
times wisely chosen ; the governors appointed to look after 
the veufare of tbe coloDiata, were more apt to look after 



84 AOADIA 

their own interests to the detriment of the publie ; in a 
word, so many were the disadvantages, that we oeaae to 
woDder the growth of Acadia was so slow. The brief sot- 
ereigntj granted to Grand-fontaine, was not without the 
difficulties that usually beset the rulers of Acadia. The 
enci'oachments of his English neighbors, the jealousies of 
his French associates in Acadia, and the machinations of 
enemies at home, kept him fully occupied. During his ad- 
ministration a few colonists repaired to ChignectOy ''where 
an enormous area of marsh land awaited but the care of maa 
to yield its riches,*' A few years later Fiere Theriot^ Claud 
and Antoine Landry and K^o^ Le Blano began settlement 
at Miuas, which finally grew to be the most rich and popa* 
lous in Acadia. 

In 1673 Grand-fontaine was succeeded by Ghambly. 
Duiing the summer of the following year; as Chambly with 
his garrison of thirty men were at their usual duties about 
the fort at Penobscot, they were startled by the appearance 
of a Dutch war vessel on the river. Louis XIV was then 
at war with Holland, and while his generals were winning 
glory for him in Europe, the Dutch thought they might aid 
in the cause by attacking the French in America. The ves- 
sel was heavily armed and carried a force of one hundred 
and ten men ; after a brief combat, during which several ol 
the garrison were killed, Chambly capitulated. The French 
fort at Jemseg, on the St. John River, likewise was taken by 
the Horauder, who made no effort to hold on to the forts so 
eassiiy captuied, but was content with plundering them oi 
their valuables. The French made no further attempt to 
occupy the fort at Penobscot, and it was suffered to fal] ^ 
into decay. 

In the summer of 1676 the Dutch again visited Penobscot 
and undertook to restore and garrison the fort. The French 
were too weak to offer resistance ; but the English, unwil« 
ling to see a Dutch colony established on their northern boi> 



VBOM OKAjrD-yoaTAISn TO MmriTAL 85 

«lfra, dUpatcbeil two or three Tessels from Boston, and tbe 
iuraders were dnven off. The English quittel (he p'ace as 
HOOD as tbev had dispossessed the Dutch, uot caring to main* 
tain a garrison there. 

Pentagoet, as thin fort was nftorward caVe 1, was not suf- 
fered to remain tenantloss. Jiaron do .St Castin, ati In liaa 
chieftain of French birth and education, imm:'d at^ v i>c- 
rupicd it witli his kiiva;:^^ subjects. This man iiguve.l 'ar^e* 
Ij in the events transpiring in Acadia and the a Ijacent New 
England provinces. HiK character and disposition has b-*en 
made the subject of much adverse criticism, and also of com* 
mendatioD, by vaiious histoiians who have wri;tt*n of him. 
He maiTied among the Indians (>ome say he had but one wife), 
and according to ^ood authoiitie.s he was always frlcniUy to 
the English, and used his iudiience to kee;> th) sava^ei at 
peace. Other authorities, entitled to eq.ia! cied nwvi per* 
hapi, arer he lived a life of licentiousness among tho In* 
dians, and that he incited them to acts of plunder and ra- 
pine against the English settlements, and tliat ho even went 
eo far as to diiect the ha\a>^es in person, in their maraud* 
ing incursions. SuflSce it to nay, t*iat ato.ie time the name 
of Baron St. Castiu was a tenor throu^^'hout New En;^dand« 
and be received the credit of planning a.l tho Indian massa- 
€iee that desolated the country. Was the community star- 
tled with the tidings of another frontier village laid wa-ite 
bj the midnight torch, and women and children touiaha^k* 
ed and 8cal|>edT — **The Baron St Castiu *** was hurled from 
•verj tongue with bitter execrationa 



*Tbs Bsroa St Ctstiii, s native of Oberon mmoo^ the Pyrftien. hsT- 
lag liv«d amocig tbe Mvage* for above U^uty yr.irs t% loi»kcsl upm by 
m thmr tnteUr god. H« luarf led auioug tUetu aftrr tlicir f A^ttm, 
p ttftfis d thm for«iU of Aaulu to tbe Pyrenian >IoTtnt.utw tbal en* 
pMS tbs pket of bin OAtivtiy. Tb« Niviiget nuule biui tbmr f:m| 
or Wider, and by dtgrecA be ba% worked bimiell into »uch a fortaa% 
«Mck say asa b«l be woald bave oiade tocb aee of, as to dfmv oel d 



86 AOADIA 

Lanveigait, writing to Father La Chasse, says of the sons 
of the Baron : — *' The insolence of the Messrs. de St Castin 
has come to be so excessive, that they no longer set bounds 
to it, in their conduct towards me or before God. The 
elder, who does not care to marry, and not satisfied with 
spreading corruption through the whole village, in addition 
to that, now makes a business of selling brandy, openly, in 
company with his nephew, the son of M. de Bellisle. They 
have been the means of one man being drowned already on 
account of it, and are like to be the destruction of many 
others. The younger of the Messrs. de St. Castin never 
comes to the village without getting drunk in public, and 
putting the whole village in an uproar/* 

Mrs. Williams, in her excellent work on the Neutral 
French, pictures the home of Baron St. Castin as the abode 
of refinement which is in ill keeping with the sinister char- 
acter imputed to him by the English. As to his constancy, 
she goes on to say, one fact aloue should set this matter at 
rest. The Baron had immense possessions in Fi-ance, and 
many connections there, and bis son by the daughter of 
Madocawando, chief of the Tarratine tribe, had no difficulty 
in establishing his claim to his father^s title and estates. 
He must, too, have been united to this woman by the lites 
of the Catholic Church, to make his claim good. It was 
known that he usually had a missionary of that denomina- 
tion in his house. 

In 1721 a son of Baion St. Castin was decoyed on board 



(be emixitry above two or three hundred thousand crowns, which he haa 
now ill his pocket, in good diy gold. But all the use he makes of it is to 
buy up <(oo<ls for presents to his fellow savages, who upon their return 
f rf>ni hunting, present him with beaver skins to treble their value. The 
GovcrnDr-Genernl of Canada keeps in with him, and the Governor of 
Kew England is afraid of hiuL He has several daughters, who are aU of 
them married very handsomely to Frenchmen. He has never changed 
Lis wife, by which means ho intended to give the savages to nnderstoiult 
Uiifc Qod does not love inooustaut folks. (La Hontan. ) 



wmom mtJLMthwourkam to mnBTAL 87 

n English tmmI in tb« harbor at Pentagoet, taken to Boa- 
ton and cast into prison. This proceeding was the occasion 
of much unfavorable comment in Massachosetis. Tha 
charge against him was, that he was present with the Ib> 
dians at Arrowsic* dressed in a splendid French nniform. 
His case was made the subject of legislative action ; a oom- 
mittee being appointed, he so well satisfied them that wrong 
had been done him, that thej reported favorably to his dia* 
charge. In replj to interrogatories he said: ^I received 
no orders from the Governor of Canada to be present at Ar- 
rowaic. I have alwajs lived with mj kindred and people.— 
Mj mother was an Abenukis — I was in authority over them. 
I should not have been true to mj trusts if I had neglected 
to be present at a meeting wherein their interests were con* 
cerned. Mj uniform is required bj mj position, which is 
that of a Lieutenant under the French King. I have tha 
highest friendship for the English. Mj disposition is to 
prevent m j pc'oplo from doing them mischief ; and m j efforts 
ahall be to influence them to keep peace.** 

In 167G Chambly left Acadia, and La Yilliere, M. Perrok 
and Meuneval succesjiivelj exercised the functions of Qover- 
nor of the province, the latter coming into power in April, 
1C87. The following year was signalized by the descent of 
a New England force upon Acadian soil, which opened tha 
way for au Indian war that brou^'ht ruin and dc8o!ation to 
many a frontier village, and wanted many precious lives. 

Andioiw having become royal governor of New England 
nnder a commiiiston from James II, he formed the rvoolo* 
iion to seize upon Penobscot. Setting sail, his frigate an* 
chored oppoaite Ca>»tiu*8 residence, and a lieutenant waa 
aent aahore to infonn the Baron that Andross wisiied to saa 
liim on board his vessel. St Cat>tin declined the interview, 
and with his family fled to the woods, leaving most of their 
bouaehold effects to the mercy of the enemy. Androaa 
landed and robbed his dwelling, and returned to Pemaquid 



88 ACADIA 

with his booty ; but, as before stated, tho resnli showed it 
to be a costly prize. 

The IcdisDS commenced hostilities the following Angnsfi 
probably urged on by St. Castin, though no doubt having 
grieyances of their own to redress. Andross marched 
against them with a large force, but the savages entirely 
eluded him. Before he could take the field again in tho 
Spring of 168^, owing to political changes in Europe, he 
was removed from office. Fi-ance and England being at 
war this made an excuse for renewed hostilities between 
their subjects in the New World. Frontenac had been re- 
appointed Governor of Canada, and from his stronghold at 
Quebec, he was to direct operations on a grand scale ; New 
England and New York were to be ravaged, and the Protest 
tant population driven from the soil. 

The war was renewed in June, 1689, by the destruction 
of Dover, New Hampshire, when Major Waldron and twenty- 
two others were killed and twenty-nine taken captive. The 
venerable Major was then eighty years of age, and was tor- 
tured to death as a retribution* for an act of treachery he 
bad been guilty of some twelve years previous, and which 
doubtless caused the spilling of much innocent blood. Dur- 
ing King Philip's war the Major was in command of the 
militia at Dover. About four hundred Indians were en- 
camped there, with whom Waldron had made peace. Two 
companies of soldiers aniving soon after, the Major pro- 
posed a sham fight between the Indians and whites ; he in- 
duced the savages to fire the first volley which was no sooner 
done than they were surrounded by the soldiers and the 
whole of them made prisoueis. Two hundred were taken 
to Boston, where seven or eight were hanged, and the rest 
sold into slavery. 



*The time had now arrived to satisfy their vengeance. Seating the 
(Ad man in a chair, on a table, they tauntingly asked, ** Who is going to. 



The dettmction of DoTer was speedily followed bj the 
fnatsacre at Saco, and later still bj that at Pemac|uid. New 
Fn^rland was aroused bj these repeated attacks. A larga 
force of Tolunteers was sent into the field, and thecommaod 
piven to Major Church, mho had won reputation in King 
rhi!ip*8 war. Nothing of importance was accomp.ished 
that jear. 

The war between the French and English in America 
rpened earlj in 1690. Three expeditions were planned 
lender the direction of Fronteuac, which were sent against 
New York, New Hampshire and Maine ; the war parties 
t>eing foimf'd, respectirelj, at Montreal, Three Rivers, and 
Quebec The V outreal force consisted of upwards of one 
hundred men, about ha7 of whom were Indians. The lead* 
< rs were Frenchmen, and Albanj the destined point of at- 
tack ; but when, afK r a terrible winter jouruej through the 
wilderness, they reached its Ticinitv, the savages objected, 
and Schenectady was invested instead. ^^Phis vdlage, which 
contained eight houses, they reached Feb. 18, in the evening. 
The peop!e were found asleep, not having pointed any aeoti* 
Dels, though advised to be on the watch preTiously. Thej 
did not believe that Canadians, loaded with arms and pny 
▼iatons, would traverse for hundreds of miles the anowy 
wilds at such a season — an increilulity which cost thea 
dear ! The French, — after reconnoitering the place, which 
bad a four-sided pa'.isade J enc!o3ure, with ten gates, — enter- 
ad the latter noiseleHsly, amid a snow-fall, about 11 r. x, and 
invested all the houses. These men, with frozen locks and 
burning eje, and vengeance in their Learts, reseuibleil the 
terrible jhantoms described by the Scandinavian berda. A 



JadfsthsredoMai oow?" Amid whoops and Jcera, tbcy ilil bb 
i wi pptd bis can, and commiltcd other cnseltiei Qpoo hit per%«. tiU teial 
Irmd kfli of blood, bit own twor J was held under him, which tiaupMeotd 
btobo4]r. 



90 ACJLDIA 



more grial j phmniom, the King of tenrora himiftlf, it was 
vho now entered at the portals of the silent streets of Sche- 
nectadT, the indwellers of which were about to be awakened 
from their last sleep. Orders were giren nnderbreath, and, 
each soldier moffiing the rattling of his arms as agreed on, 
the fata! sign was giren, ani ererv door forced with hatch- 
ets.*' * The inhabitants thus canght bj surprise could offer 
no resistance. Two houses onlj were spared: one because 
a wounded French officer lay there ; the other was left out 
of regard to Mr. Sander, whose wife had kindly treated in 
past times seme French prisoners. Sixty persons were 
killed, including ten women and twelve children ; and twenty 
seven were led captive to Canada. Many in the darkness 
and confusion escaped the massacre only to perish by a more 
lingeiing death from exposure : some who fled to Albany 
lost their limbs from frost. The victors canied away a 
quantity of plunder, but on their v. ay back were pursued by 
a party of Mohawks, and a number of them were killed and 
taken. 

The Three Elvers expedition consisted of about fifty 
French and Indians. After a two mont'as* journey through 
the trackless wilderness, the party attacked Berwick on the 
morning of the 2Sth of ^farcb, before tiaybreak. Thirty- 
four persons were killed, over fifty taken prisoners, the 
buildings were set on fire, and the return march was begun. 
One hundred and forty men were bastLy collected from the 
neighboring towns, and the retreating party were pursued 
as far as Wooster Kiver, where the enemy made a stand and 
checked the pursuit until nightfall, and then made good 
their escape. 

The thiid war party left Quebec on the 28th of January, 
composed of fifty French, and seventy Abenakis Indians. 
On the Kennebec they fell in with the Three Rivers party t 



FBOM OlAVP-fOIITADni TO MmBTAL 91 

tbair force was augmented by a number of Kennebec In* 
diana and others from St John and Penobsoot, until the 
partj numbered about five hundred men. 

Falmouth was attacked on the 26lh of Mar, and all the peo- 
ple who were unable to reach the fortified houses were slain* 
During the following night tbe inhabitants retired to Fort 
Lojal, where there was a small gan iscn under Captain Davis. 
A regular siege was made against the fort, and alter a brave 
defence of four da JH, Davis was foiced to suireuder. The 
terms promised quarter to the inmates of Fort Lioya! and a 
guard to the next English town; but no sooner was the fort 
given up than the piace was turned oTei* to pillage. About 
one bundled, men, women, and childien, were murdered in 
cold blood, and Captain Davis, with three or four otherSi 
was carried off captive to Quebec. Ihe furt was destroy* 
ed, and the dead bodits of the ui;fui innate people were 
allowed to lie uuburied, mingled with the asues of their 
homes. All that summer their uiangled corpses remained ex* 
posed to the eienienls, aud sup}) led the wiid animals of the 
forest with ghastly feasts for m;i:iy a ni^iit*s hideous reveL 
In October, Major Churcn, then on un expedition to the east- 
ward, gathered their bones togetlier and buried them. 

These acts of all ocity by ti.e savages, auU*d and led oq 
bj the Fieuch, was doubtless lueasuiably done in reprisal 
for the massacre at Lachine tho year pievious, which was 
Attributed to EogUsh instigation. Though not a parti 
alrictly speaking, of the subject of this volume, a biief det* 
cription of that tisgio event %vill lea J to a better understand* 
ing of the state of affaiis at that tiaic : we are the more in* 
dined to give it from the fact the massacre of Lachine ii 
Bot c'ten referred to by the autiiois of American histoiics. 

The French in Acadia and Canavia on the one hand, and 
tbe English colonists on the other, were engaged in a ter* 
rible strife, the object of each beiug the total subjugation of 
the oppoaang party. To further their interests both ai* 



02 AOADU 

tempted to win over the various wandering Indian tribes as 
allies. In tbis the French, through the influence of their 
priests, showed the better diplomacy. But the Iroquois, a 
strong and warlike confederacy occupying the central por- 
tion of what is now the State of New York, manifested m 
strong friendship for the En^^Iisli, and this preference was 
destined to be shown in a distinctive manner. 

The Governor of Canada, the Marquis de Denonville, had 
been positively informed that an inroad by the Iroquois on 
bis territory had been arranged ; but as no precursive signs 
of it appeared to the general eye, and as the Jesuit priestsi 
expressed their disbelief in such an occurrence, no defensivs 
preparations weie made. The summer of 16S3 was well ad« 
vanced, ** when the storm, long pent up, suddenly fell on 
the beautiful Island of Montreal, the garden of Canadft. 
During the night of the 5th of August, amid a storm of hail 
and ruin, 1400 Iroquois traversed the Lake St. Louis, and 
disembarked on the upper strand of the Island. Before day* 
break tlao invaders had taken theii* station at Lachine, in* 
vestiug every house within u radius of several leagues. The 
inmates were buried in sleep, — soon to be the dreamless 
sleep that knows no waking for too many of them. The 
Iroquois only waited the signal from their leaders to fall on* 
It is given. In short space the windows and doors of the 
dwellings are driven in; the sleepers dragged from their 
beds ; men, women, and children, all struggling in the hands 
of their butchers. Such houses as the savages cannot force 
their way into they fire ; and as the flames reach those witlv* 
in, they are driven forth to meet death at the threshold^ 
from beings who know no pity : they even forced parents to 
throw their children into the flames. Two hundred person! 
were burned alive; others died under prolonged tortureS| 
while many were reserved to perish similarly at a future 
time.'* 

While these events were transpiring, it must not be snp 



FBox nxuKD-roRTAm TO MmntwfAL 9B 

potted tbo New Eo^^Iand people were idle. EztenaiTe pre- 
pArmtionH were goiu^ on in MaMiachuiietis spurred on by re- 
ports of tbeiie re^ entf^l outragres of the French and Indiana, 
haTic^ no less an object in view tban the reduction of both 
Poit Royal and Quebec, the two stiongholds of the French 
in America. 

The Port Eojal expedition sailed from Boston on the 9th 
of Maj« 1690. It oonnisted of a 40 gun fn;^te, a ship of 
16 guuR« and a thiid of 8, with transports for the conrey- 
aDce of 700 men. The command was «;iTen to Sir William 
Phipi s,* a native of Maine. On the 19th of the Karne month 
the guard at the entrance of Port Horal Tasiu discoTered 
the hostile fleet, and fired ofT a mortar to a'.arm the pejple 
at the fort. Duiiugthe night the guard reached the fori 
and repoited the liumber of th<« enemy. MenneTa\ per* 
oeiTing that an attack was intended, fired a (*annon to call 
the pevple to Lis assistance ; only tliree r€*s]:onded to the 
•ummous. The ganison ^as ^maI],the works were in poor 
condition and mobt of the cannon weie dismounted. Men« 



*Phipps WM bom in IGoO, at FcmAqnid. At tim ftc:« of eiRbtam be 
wss ftppreiitioeil to tKlup-caqx-uttT; At t}im{HraU«tn of bw iii<lrnturf% 
hs bniU m vcmw»1 whirb h«^ him«««lf njivi(;at#(L He tint brought his luuiie 
lalo promincDoe by rauun^ a quaotujr of trnmure from a Spaui^u irr«\]L 
Be bad hma pcovuird with tiit^ wnxtmmrj ftppantuH bj tb« (fovi-mur ai 
JflBsioa to imim tb« c^ir^ of tbt f rr^at^ ** Al^:er lUmt^ " n«tir th« iHiand ai 
QqpBiiiola; and barm;* fur a loof; Um^ loQt^bt the obj<vi (»f bia voja^js 
Mararvrf ai rocka called '*Tb« ikulenk" waa abooi to abandon the 
mmth, -wb^n, as ona of tba boata waa rrtumini; to tb« »bip, a aaa-faathar 
wss ob t f ta d growmfc oat of a rock. An Indian direr waa sent to faCcb 
il m^ wbo saw tsrcral i^ns Irini; at tba bottom of tba s«a. (in the ae^ 
eed dsBiisnf tba Indian raised a mass of Kilvcr; and Thippa carriad away 
etsr tbifly-two tons of silTer buUion, bnides a qoantjty of foIJ, paarls 
eed Jcwak, orcr which the btUowa bad be«n rulUiig for mora than half a 
SMitnij Wbao tba naw charter of MaaMchosctU waa crmntMl, ba was 
IMda Giyfcmor; being a man of baaty tcmpar, ba waa aamuitm^l to Eau- 
knd loanaaer a ofaarKS of aaaault; ba diad while th«r% and waa boriad ia 
Ihe atenh fl< 8t Ifaiy, ^TahMsOL 



M 

neval was adrised to remoye his garriaon and stores up tha 
river ; the brigantine lying at hand, was brought near the 
fort and the soldiers commenced loading her with provisions 
and ammunition. While this was going on, two priests^ 
Petit and Trouve — arrived, and they indaced Menneval to 
change his plan. They persuaded him he would only in* 
crease his difficulties by abandoning his fort, and thai ha 
might make an advantageous capitulation. Accordingly, tha 
following day, as the New England fleet appeai*ed in Port 
Boyal Basin, Phipps sent his trumpeter to summon the 
garrison to surrender. Menneval detained him and sent 
Petit to arrange terms of capitulation. Sir William demands 
ed an unconditional surrender. This was peremptorily re- 
fused by the Priest, who proposed the following articles of 
capitulation: — 1st, That the soldiers with their arms and 
baggage, should be transported to France, in a vessel to be 
provided by the English. 2nd, That the inhabitants should 
be maintained in peaceable possession of their properties, 
and that the honor of the women should bo preserved. Sd, 
That they should be permitted to enjoy the free exercise of 
their religion, and that the property of the church should be 
protected. 

Sir William agreed to these conditions, but refused to 
commit them to writing, stating as a reason that his word 
as a General was better than any document whatever. Men- 
neval was obliged to content himself with this assurance^ 
and the keys of the fortress were given up. Upon exami* 
nation the English were surprised at the weakness of the 
place, and regretted giving such favorable terms. A slight 
misunderstanding occurring, Phipps used it as a pretext to 
annul the conditions ; he disarmed the soldiers and impris- 
oned them in the church ; he confined Menneval in bis own 
house and robbed him of his money and effects, and gave 
up the place to general pillage, from which neither the Priests 
nor the Church were exempted. He sent a force to reduce 



FBOM OlAVP-fOllTAXn TO MoinnrAL M 

Im HdTe and Chedabucto, where a qoantit j of goods belong- 
ing to the fiahiiig eoDi|)anj were taken ; from thence it pro- 
ceeded to Isles Ferce'and Bonarenture, where the crews 
sacked and burned all the houses and destroyed the chorcheai 
firing 150 p.unbhota through the picture of St Peter. The 
losses the French incurred thiough Fhipps* expedition ex- 
ceeded fiftj thousand crowns. 



•TbtB miimU oC Um Perot Bock ootera about two mam^ end is dirid- 
•d lalo two grmi distiicti, od« of which if inhahitfd by tho giilla, and the 
eormonuiti dwell on tbo other. If either of theee tresptM oo the oCherli 
terr ito ry (which ocean every llftcco mioiitei, at least), a battle eonici^ 
Qat abriU criea of bandredt or thooMmdi of btrdt rend the atr, great cknids 
ef eoobatanti boter oret the plateau, and peace ia only reatored by the 
istraat of the invader. When the conflict ia between lar^e flocka. it is a 
Sana worthy of doae notice, and tometimea becomea highly cidtinf^ 

llaoy yaan aj^ the Rock was ascended by two flahermen, and the way 
oaea being foond, scores of men clambered op by ropea and earned awaj 
the eggs and yoong birda, finding the older ones ao tame that they had to 
ba lifted off the nesta This vast aviary woold hava been depopolalad 
loBf ere thia, bat that the Perea magistrates passed a law fbrbidding the 
of the Bock. 



M 



ncval was advised to n ■.. 
rivcir; IliH brigantin«» 1;. 
fort and tho Koldi^-rs • 
and aiiiiiiiinitioji. W.. 
Pntit and Trouvu — :s'.r 
chaii;:fo his plan, 'i !]• y per^ 
cnniHf) hiH difliiMj't •^^ :■ 
ini;;ht make an adv.-n t : 
fc»llowin^ day, as ii«€- 
]{(>yal BtiMn, Vhii \ 
|*iirriHOM t(i Biiri(:i . 
J*i'lil. to anan;;c terms <^^ 
Vi\ an lUK'oiiiiitiouai si!'*^- 
fusi'il by the i*ries>l, wL. 
rapil Illation : — 1st, Tbf* 
bH^{;agi% sluuild bti tr?*"^ 
providrd by (hi' Enfrlis' 
bo nuiintaini'd in pea> ' 
and Unit tlu> houor of ♦'' 
That they^h(nlM be ▼*** 
Ihrir rohj^ion, aud Liip/ 
|U*ntivtrd. 



^ S. JOHN. 



.a the last chapter, and 

helpless Acadians 

a French ship, the 

_^ ^^^ i^xir. She had on board 

;:agvf2. a brother of Menne- 

4S the head of thn In- 

..^o. -iv^^*:!! out fifty stand of 

-f^ec**"'^**^' *^^ * quantity of pree- 

-ab«:s^ been told the story 

jtbT*:-*^^ the English were 

^-^ i: zliej heard of his ar- 

'^ w-ts*-*- ^-*- -is best plan was 




^»» 



Sn- Wi'.liiiiu :»..-;.••••' " ^ upi> •i'-i *vc-?7 ^^® o^^ fort at 
conunil thi ni : - »v .n-rr- ** ^* JvIil', and sailsi ap 



an :i iiiMuiu; \v;i: ;**♦• 
and tho Ut xs ■ i i*^ • *' 

lb 

r.jituMi ihi- ] j; 

uusiuuU'rs'ii'.i ;^ '•#»■ 

a'.uuil thi' i\ "I'lUi 

**ut»d ihtMn !: liitt t 

hvn;so uiui 

.■.^» tl'.i' j»'.i 

".or I ho K"i: ircli 



im 



cr :l;e gjois enuustsd 
A -4^ * ••*.'•* -^^ follow in a few 




It* 



^, >;»j*l vrie- :wo **rirati(y 
:^Ck^ :-* fcr:, lis crewa 
c -t- 4^^ ■-* place. X€*r 
4^ ^Jj'^j*--* *:ie* ±eT burned 
j^ :«% 1^? :** :walTe h^^ses, 



* ■) III 



^p^ %3N*ui :-^7 ^i« s^i; up 




VILLEBOX 0:f THE fT. JOBV 9? 

g.ithr^r, iiic\u«ling the Cnion and bcr cargo, the ^^piratical 

In thin iMiiei^'cncy Villebon acted with rigor and discre- 
tion. liHviiij^ cullected the Iiuliaiis, he told them of the 
«A tiiie of tht) (TcBeutii iuteuded for them, exhorted them 
t>» 1) ' fai:hfui to the Frciuh King, and promit^ to embark 
f<'! Fian<*e ut < iko, and would return again in the Spring 
\Kiiu bt-tti-r I res«nts than those be bad lost To this thej 
ic] ii<?d that Onauthio (the name they had given to the King 
o. 1 luniv), having alrcaily supplied them with ammunition, 
th«'y weie perfectly sutislied, and that they were more griev- 
€*d for the loss of the vessel and stores on his account, than 
for tho presents destined for them ; and promised that dur* 
in^ his absence they would give a good account of the EIng- 
liiih. 

At this time a squadron was fitted out against Quebec, 
consiftting of thirty-five sail, and Sir Wm. Phipps was nouii* 
cated to command the ex])edition. Two thousand militi*> 
men embarked in it The spirit and euteq)nse of which 
this expedition was the result, was remarkable, and its war* 
like array made the Bostonians exultant : the wildest hopes 
were entertained of what it was capable of accompUshing. 
The Boston land exi>edition under Winthrop, which was to 
await the arrival of Thipps in middle Laurentian waters af- 
icr the expected capture of Quebec, arrived at Lake (fforgo 
and encamped on its picturehcpie banks : the plan of o|HTa- 
lions being for the two fon en to ascend conjointly to ^lon* 
tr«al. But an epidemic broke 4»iit among Winthrop's haa- 
tily raised corps, which hp<yMli!y kpr«'ad to his savage allies, 
and there being, too, a lack of canot*ii in whu-h to transport 
the men, there was no alternative but to beat a retreat 

The Bo&tonian fleet appeared in sight of Quebec on the 
morning of the 16th of October. Sir William Phipps aeni 
an ofl&cer ond flag with a summons to surrend<T. ** lie waa 
met on the shore, and led blindiold through the dtjt bj a 



98 AOADU 

long and devious course to the castle ; the men on duty 
taking care to make as much clangor with their weapons aa 
possible." M. de Frontenac returned the following for an- 
swer: ^^Tell your master that the mouths of my cannon will 
forthwith bear my answer to the summons he has sent me.** 
The batteries of the lower town soon opened on the fleet. 
Some of the flrst shots brought down the flag of Phipps' 
own vessel, which was flshed up by the French, and after- 
ward suspended to the ceiling of the Quebec cathedral, as a 
trophy, and there remained until that ediflce was consumed, 
during the siege of 1759. Fhipps bombarded the place for 
several days, but not making satisfactory progress, he raised 
the siege and returned to Boston. On the return voyage 
one vessel was wrecked on the desolate coast of Anticosti, 
where most of the crew, who afterwards reached the shore^ 
died of cold and hunger ;* other vessels foundered at aea. 
Both belligerents had suffered heavily, and neither had lost 
or gained a foot of territory. Both sides suffered a two-fold 
loss — the countries lost the labor of the men who formed the 
armies, and were heavily taxed to pay the expenses of the 
war. Privateers were making remunerative captures of mer> 
chant vessels on the high seas, and families on the frontier 
were obliged to take refuge in the towns to escape from their 
savage enemies. Such were the circumstances in which the 
campaign closed. While these dark clouds hung threaten* 
ingly over the early colonists, the English were guilty of an 
act of treacherous folly, a deed which the emissaries of France 
were not slow to make use of to influence the minds of the 
Indians, already prejudiced against their English neighbors. 
Captain Chubb, commander at Pemaquid, had arranged with 
the Penobscot tribe for an exchange of prisoners. The In- 

*Only five of this boat's crew sTirvived the winter on the island. Af> 
ter the ioe broke up these brave fellows started in a row boat for BostoDy 
900 miles distant, and after a passage of forty-two days they readied their 
homee in safety. 



TiLLiDox ov TU «r. jom M 

diADt were indaced to give up fire English prisoneri to him, 
end he proniiHoJ to eend to Boston for the five thej desired 
in return. With this arrangement they appeared to be 
pleased, and Chubb proposed a conference in sight of the 
fort It was agreed that nine of the Euglish and nine In- 
dians should meet unarmed at the place selected. The latter, 
being considerably under the influence of Chubb*s liquor, 
did not observe that a party of soldiers had surrounded them 
Dor were they aware that the nine Kn^-lishmen had pistols 
concealed about their pert>ons. At a ^iveu signal the Indi- 
ans were attacked, four of them killed and three made pris- 
oners, only two escaping. It is ueedh'ss to enlarge upon 
the character of the transaction, which v\ its consequences 
wrought lasting injury to the English; lur the story of the 
treachery of Chubb, with all such instances, was told at the 
camp fires of every tribe from Ca]>e Breton to Lake Superior. 
At this period the English set up a claim to the territory 
of Acadia, and und^r tlie new charter of Massachusetts, liad 
it annexed to that colony. By way of maintaining a juris- 
dictioD over the country, they sent out an English ship of 
war to intercept the annual supply that Villebon was in the 
habit of receiving from France, at his fort on the St John. 
This ship, the «So«v-€/, sailed from Boston with orders to 
cruise off St John s harbor, and await the French vessel. 
The frigate appeared in due time, and a severe engagement 
•naoed, in which the iSorrtl was beaten off, and the French 
landed their stores in triumph. The tSorrtl^ reinforced by 
tha frigate Ne%eport, and another vessel, was sent upon the 
same service the following year. While lying in the harbor 
of St John, D*IberviUe, the Gofemor of Quebec, arrived with 
two men of war. The vessels immediately engaged, and the 
Ntwpari surrenderc<.L The others escaped under cover of 
a fog. Strengthened by this prize, D*Ibt*rvillo and Villebon 
pcoeaedod to Penobscot whore they wore joined by Baroo 
6t Oasiin and two hundred i'tnobscot Indians, and the aug* 



lUO AOADZA 

mented force immediately invested Pemaquid. The gani* 
son at that place, alarmed at this formidable array of force, 
and fearful of the consequences of falling into the hands of 
the savages, after a resistance, surrendered on promises of 
protection. On entering the fort the Indians discovered 
one of their people in irons, and so exasperated were they at 
the account he gave of his sufferings, that they fell upon the 
English and murdered several before D'lberville could take 
measures to prevent them. A fleet was inmiediately sent 
out from Boston to intercept the French, but they had de- 
molished the fort that had cost so much, and were already 
in full retreat. 

New England at once determined upon measures of re- 
taliation, and a force of five hundred men, under command 
of Captain Church, was sent from Boston into Acadia. He 
sailed direct for Beaubassin, which has since received the 
name of Cumberland. The terrified inhabitants, as usual, 
abandoned their houses and fled to the woods on the first ap- 
proach of the enemy. During the pursuit. Bourgeois, one of 
the most respected Acadians, surrendered, and demanded 
protection for himself and family, which was granted. Bour- 
geois was desired to give notice to his countrymen that all 
who should return would be well received. Many of them 
were induced to return, but no sooner had they assembled 
than they were ordered to ''join the force of Captain Church 
in pursuit of the savages/' On their refusing to comply, 
their houses were burned, their dikes broken down, their 
cattle and sheep destroyed, and their effects plundered by 
the soldiers. Charlevoix informs us that '* Bourgeois pro- 
duced a proclamation of Sir William Phipps, in which as- 
surance of protection was given to the inhabitants so long 
as they remained faithful subjects to King William, and that 
Church being made acquainted with it, had ordered their 
property to be respected ; but that while he and his officers 
were being entertained by Bom*geois, the soldiers, who were 



mXlBOX ox TEB ST. JOBV 101 

diipened among the inbabitants, condacted tbemselTes at 
if ihej bad been in a conquered country." He albo adds 
**tbat tnanj of the people, diHtru»tin^ bis promiftes, refused 
to surrender, and tliat it was furtuimie tbej did so, for an 
order of Frontinac, tbe GoTernor of Canada, baring been 
soon after discovered posted up in the chapel, the English 
treated them as rebels, — net fire to the church, and reduced 
to ashes the few houses they had previously spared." , It is 
difficult to conceive what provocation these simple Acadians 
bad giTen to merit such harsh treatment — thus stripped of 
home and the Lecfssaries of life, on the verge, too, of an Ao* 
adian winter ; or how thoy could be termed rebels, when^ 
within less than a century, they had changed masters no less 
than fourteen times. 

During the return voyage to Massachusetts, Church was 
met bj a reinforcement under Hawthorne, and the expedi* 
iioo was turned back to besiege Viilebou^s fort at Nash waak, 
on the St John. The attiwk, which might have been suo- 
essaful had it been atteniptoi a month before, was doomed 
to failure. Villcl>on had industi iously added to his forces, 
unproved and strengthened the defenses of the place, and 
was prepared for the affray. On the IGth of October Vill»> 
bon heard tlmt the English were in force below ; and on the 
saening before the enemy's ships hove in sight, he address- 
•d the garrison in stining terms, and encouraged them to 
rsaiMi to the last Early in the morning the English made 
Uieir appearance, and c«>iumenced the erection of a battery 
oo iho south side of the river opposite the fort A lively 
cannonade soon commenced, which was only ended by the 
approach of night. ViUebon prevented the English from 
lighting fires by discharges of grai>e, and they suffered much 
from cold. The cannonade was continued through the fol- 
lowing daj» and at night the English lighted fires over a 
larg«axtenl of ground and decamped under cover of the 
No ODS has been able to explain the cause of so 



101 



xe&btk 



feeble an effort, wUcb m%y have been owing to dissenriOBS 
between Church and Hawthorne. With this ended the war 
generally known as King Williain'B War, which lasted from 
1690 to 169& By the treaty of Byewick, Acadia was ottM 
more restored to I'ronce. 




FALL OF POUT ROYAL. 



The Peace of Rjswick was scarcely proclaimed, ere the 
French nmniffsted their intention to make themAelves sola 
njo-stem of the fishery, and to exclude the English from any 
I'^art of the territory to the eastward of the Kennebec. In 
|nir!iuance of the^e claimR, Villebon sent a message to the 
Governor of ^fliHSj|chu8etts to the f«»Uo\viiig purport: — **I 
am expre^Hly ordert-il hy hin Majesty to maintain the bounds 
between New Kii;^'lan4l and us whi(*h are from Kennebec 
River to its moiitli, !e:ivin;^ tli<* coinse of the rirer free to 
both nations, and I d* kIi c that you will no longer consider 
the Indians there your bubjects. I am informeil thst yoa 
bare dirers tishciincn on the coast, and that you permit 
jour people to trade in tlie French ports. You may reei 
assured, idr, that I shall seize all the English, who shall be 
found fishing or trsibng there, for you cannot be ignorant 
iLat it is plainly prohibited by the treaty between the two 
erowna, a copy of which you, yourself, forwarded to me. 
Mooaieur de Bonaventure has alno sent you some of your 
tahiug Tessels which he has taken, and acquainted you that 
if they presume to trade on the coast he shall consider them 
•i lawful prizes." 

Id the year 1700 the French government decided to aban- 
don the forta on the St John, but before the order could be 
carried into effect Villebon died. He was succeeded by Vil« 
kas^ who waa the following jrear relieved of his oommaad 



104 ACADIA 

by M. de Brouillon, fonnerly Oovemor of Placentia. This 
last named governor commenced his administration with a 
great show of zeal and activity, demoHshed the fort at the 
mouth of the St. John River, recommended the fort at Port 
Boyal to be built of stone, advocated the erection of a re- 
doubt at the entrance of the Basin, besides proposing other 
plans for the better establishment of the French authority 
in Acadia. Wliat is now known as Queen Anne's War was 
begun in 1702, otherwise called the war of the Spanish suo- 
cession, which involved many of the leading nations of 
Europe. England and France could not remain long at war 
without their respective colonies in America finding a pre- 
text to open hostilities with one another. Brouillon was 
accused of encouraging pu-acies against the English ship- 
ping, — ^La H^ve being made the headquarters of the free- 
booters, — and of using the proceeds in instigating the na- 
tives to acts of hostility against the people of New England. 
An armament was fitted out in Boston, comprising three 
men-of-war and fourteen transports, having on board 550 
soldiers, under command of Colonel Church, for the purpose, 
as Haliburton puts it, ''of ravaging the French settlements in 
Nova Scotia!" The instructions given to Church by the 
Massachusetts authorities, after authorizing him to take 
command of the force destined for Nova Scotia, direct him 
** to have prayers on ship daily, to sanctify the Sabbath, and 
to forbid all profane swearing and drunkenness." The next 
article authorizes him to bum, plunder, destroy, and get 
spoil wherever he could effect a landing. The Puritan 
fathers also offered a bounty of one hundi*ed pounds for each 
male Indian over twelve years of age, if scalped : one hun- 
dred and five pounds if taken prisoner ; fifty pounds for each 
woman and child scalped, and fifty pounds when brought 
in alive!* 



*Tbo degree of rctlnemeui which characterized these early wars, ii 
further inustroted in the following: "Villien, at one time Governor of 



FALL OF POftT AOf AL 105 

Cliurch first sailed up the river Penobscot, where he took 
a itu (liber of prisoners, among them the daughter of Baron St 
CaNau and her children. From thence the boats proceeded 
up the Passatuaquoddy, destroying the settlements and per- 
pi-tiMting seYeial acts of outiu^o upon the unoffending in- 
hMbitantsi. Here the expedition was divided — the men-of- 
wm steering for Port Royal, and the whale boats for ^finas 
(now Hoi ton). At the Utter place the inhabitants offered 
stotiie resistance, and the English thereupon totally destroy* 
chI the populous village, plundered the inhabitants, broke 
duuu the dikes, made several pt isomers, and joined themaia 
force in the harbor of Port Koyal. After some ineffectual 
alt -uipts to carry the place, the project was abandoned. 
Church e\idently having little taste for hard fighting, and 
ko bore away to Chigiiecto, which country he had ravaged 
eight veal's before, and whose reduction involved less mill- 
taiy force. Here he burned twenty houses, killed one huo* 
dred and twenty horned cattle, and did the unfortunate in- 
liabiiantsall the harm in his power. Then he returned to 
IV^ston to receive the thanks of the Legislature for his ser- 
Yictfa. 

An incident illustrating the character of these expeditions 
is given ir ('Lurch's own words, in his dispatch to the Gov« 
eroor. A t'*i>all island on PaHsama(|Uoddy Bay was invaded 
by the fot«*«'*i under Col. Church, at night There was no 
ren.stance, the inhabitants all gave up. ^But, looking over 
H htt.e run, I saw something look black just by me : stopped 
and hc-ard a talking; stepped over and saw a little hut or 
vigwaiD, with a crowd of ]>eoplo round about it, which was 
eontrary to my former directions. I asked them what they 
were doing f They replied, there were some of the enemj 
in a house, and would not come out I asked what house t 



AomLs, ytwmatt^ to Frootcnsc, the (ioverDor of CaowUi, a ttiing ef 
EngUi^ Mslps;— s ftae pr ws n i for uiie French {esUvnuui to btttov ap» 



106 AOADU 

They said, 'a bark house.* I hastily bid ihem pull it down, 
and knock them on the he€uij never euking whether they 
were French or Indians, they being all enemies alike to me,^ 

There were some in Boston who did not approre of the 
acts of the Squaw-killer, for his historian says, ''after Church 
came home, some evil-minded person did their endeaT^ra to 
injure him for taking away life unlawfully." 

In the year 1704 an expedition from Canada, consisting of 
French and Indians, under Major Bouville, attacked Deer- 
iield, on the Connecticut Biver, applied the torch, killed 
forty of the inhabitants, and carried one hundred and twelTa 
away io the wilderness. Among the captives was Rev. John 
Williams, the village pastor, whose little daughter, after a 
long residence with the Indians, became attached to them, 
and married a Mohawk Chief. The minister's wife, and 
some others, who were not able to travel as rapidly as suit* 
ed the Indians, were killed. On his arrival at Canada, Mr. 
Williams was treated with respect by the French, and was 
afterward ransomed and allowed to return home. The chief 
object of the attack on Deerfield seems to have been to carry 
off the bell that hung in Williams' Church. That bell was 
pui'chased, the previous yeai% for the Church of Saut St. 
Louis, at Caughwanaga, near ]\[ontreal. The vessel in which 
it was brought over from Havre was captured by a Now 
England privateer, and the bell was ^^urchased for the Deer- 
field meeting-house. Father Nicholas, of Caughwanaga, 
accompanied the expedition, and the bell was carried in tri* 
vniph to its original destination, where it still remains. 

Brouillon, the Acadian Governor, went to France in 1704, 
and Bonaventuro was left in command. Brouillon's time 
io France seems to have been occupied in justifying his own 
conduct whilo m Acadia, and in making accusations againsi 
others. Ho set out on bis return late in the following sum- 
mer, but died on board ship off the haibor of Chebucto 
His body was committed to the deep, but his heart was car- 



WKXX or fOST BOf AL lOf 

riad to Port Bojal, where it was interred with military hon^ 
on. Sueh was the hatred with which this man was beld^ 
that it was said of him ^the public were unable to conceal 
their joj at his loss."* 

In 1706, M. de Subercase was appointed OoTemor of Ac- 
adia, and arrired at Port BojaL He proved the opposite 
in character, to Brouillon, and was much belored ; for the 
first time, in many a long year, harmony reigned in the 
colony. Says Hannay: *^The ponderous Tolumes which 
contain the correspondence from Acadia at that period* 
afford a curious illustration of the condition of a small 
community, isolated from the rest of the world, outside of 
the great movementH of the ago, and whose main business 
seems to hare been to plot against and slander cfach other. 
The French minister, who had charge of Acadian affairs, re- 
ceiTcd letters from governor.H, jutlfjes, (»fricers, priestn and 
prirate citizens, and there is Bcuicely a letter from the time 
of Menneval to that of Subercase, which is not filled with 
complaints of the conduct of othtrn. One of the mo^t com- 
mon con)]>laint8 against the (iovern<n'K of Aca<lia, was that 

Ihey traded secretly with the English But no class of 

men in Acadia had more charges perferred against them 

than the priests No doubt a false real fre(|uently led 

them to mingle in temitoral affairs with which they had no 
concern, but every oiie will d«'sire to In^lieve that their con- 
duct was generally excifj|)lary, and that they had the real 
interests of the people at heart.** 

There was gieat activity at this time among the privateers, 
both French and English, and the number of prisoners on 
aaeh side became burdensome. Frequent Toya;:i*s were 
made between Boston and Port Royal for the exchange of 
iriaoDers: it was surmised Uiat this was made a pretext for 
carrying on an ui<fawful trade with the enemy. Even Got- 
enor Dudlcr did not escape being accused of implicatioDy 
bat was axonctatcd by the Legislature. 



108 AOADU 

• 

Governor Dudley now determined to show his zeal for the 
interests of New England by a strong effort for the capture 
of Port Royal, and with it all Acadia. Massachusetts had 
long coveted this beautiful country, and therefore procured 
the assent of the parent government to raise a force suffi- 
cient for the conquest, also a pledge that if conquered, it 
should never again be ceded to France. 

Accordingly, in 1707, one thousand men were raised in 
Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island, and the 
chief command given to Colonel March ; and on the 17th of 
May of that year, they arrived before Port Royal, under 
convoy of two men-of-war. Subercase proved himself an 
active and efficient officer, and so disposed the forces under 
his command as to check the English in evei*y attack. In 
this he was assisted by a son of Baron St. Castin, who was 
there to command the Indians. The siege was abandoned 
lifter it had lasted eleven days, during which no perceptible 
progress had been made. 

Col. March wi'ote from Canso of the failure of the expe- 
dition, tidings of which had already reached Massachusetts. 
Gov. Dudley was determined that another e£fort should be 
made before so fine a body of troops should be allowed to 
disperse. He ordered that no soldier should land from the 
transports under pain of death; and sending March one 
tmndi'ed new recruits, with three commissioners to super- 
vise the conduct of the expedition, directed an immediate 
return to Port RoyaL The place was the second time in- 
vested on the 20th of August. The English <' unfortunately 
fell into several ambuscades, in which they suffered severe- 
ly ;** a violent epidemic disorder broke out among them, and 
;t was determined in general council, to make good their re- 
1 reat before they wore so weakened as to render embarka- 
tion a matter of difficulty. On the 1st of September the 
New England troops embarked, and sailed away from Port 
Royal, where they twice met with such a mortifying want of 



FAZX OF POST Boru. 109 

Bat, M the sequel wiU ihow, the wtrlike ipirit of 
the Puritan fathers was still undaunted. 

During the year 1709, Captain Vetch, who had been fr^ 
quentljT to Acadia on trading voyages, went to EngUnd to 
solicit the aid of the parent gOYernment in reducing thai 
]nt>Yince. He returned home with the assurance that a 
fleet would be sent out to co-operate with the colonies in 
an expedition against Quebec, and bore a command from 
Her Majesty, Queen Anne, that they should enlist troope 
for that purpose. Fife regiments were to be sent out from 
England, with a squadron of ships, to be joined by twelve 
hundred colonists at Boston, — the united forces to proceed 
against Quebec ; an additional force of fifteen hundred men 
were to march by way of the lakes and attack Montreal 
The latter force advanced to the place of rendezvous on 
Lake Cham plain, and the Now England troops were assem- 
bled at Boston at the appointed time, but the promised Eng« 
lish fleet did not appear. The vessels had been put in read* 
ness, and the Britiith regulars were on the point of embark- 
ing, when the exigencies of the European war diverted 
the troops to another destination. Great was the disap- 
pointment to the Colouitits, and the necessary expensea 
of the proposed expedition bore heavily upon the impov* 
•rished state of their finances. 

Another expedition was resolved upon the following year, 
having for its object the reduction of Port Royal, which 
was deemed a more feasible enterprise than the capture of 
Quebec. Accordingly, on the 18th of September, a squad- 
ron of four men-of-war, and tweuty-uine transports, set sail 
from Boston under command of Col. Nicholson, arriving at 
P<nrt Royal on the 24th of the same month. 

The troops consisted of one regiment of Marines from 
Europe, and four regiments of Provincials raided in New 
England, but commissioned by the Queen, and armed at tha 
royal expense. At the entrance of the harbor of Port Roy- 



110 AOADZA 

•1 one of the transports was wrecked, and twentj-eix men, 
with all the stores on board, were lost. The English forces 
were landed without opposition. Subercase, the GrOTemoFf 
had but two hundred and sixty effectual men, and most of 
these he was afraid to trust out of the fort, lest they should 
desert to the English. As Col. Nicholson was marching up 
toward the fort, several soldiers were shot by the inhabit- 
ants from behind fences ; and for several days, while pre- 
liminaries to the siege were being made, the French contin- 
ued to thi'ow shot and shell from the fort 

On the 29th, Subercase sent out a flag of trace, praying 
that the ladies of the fort might leave to a place of greater 
safety. By the 1st of October, three batteries were opened 
within one hundred yards of the fort. The English contin- 
ued to work in their trenches, though severely cannonaded 
by the French, until the evening of the 10th, when they be- 
gan to flie bombs, two of which fell into the fort. Daring 
the night flf ty of the inhabitants and several soldiers desert- 
ed : those remaining presented a petition to Subercase, ask- 
ing him to surrender. He resolved to call a council of bis 
officers to consider what should be done. "A council of war 
never flghts ; ^^ a cessation of arms was agreed upon, and 
the terms of capitulation soon settled. On the 18th of 
October the articles were signed, surrendering the fort to 
Her Majesty, Queen Anne of Great Britain. Th e garrison 
were permitted to march out with their arms and baggage, 
with drums beating and colors flying, and were to be pro- 
vided with transportation to Kochelle, in France. The 
officers were allowed to take with them all their effects ; the 
Canadians had leave to retire to Canada ; the furniture and 
ornaments of the chapel were to be respected, and the in- 
habitants within cannon shot of the fort were to be protect- 
ed. This article was probably intended to protect those of 
Ihe people who had lired upon the English on their ap- 
proach to the fort, and afterward became the subject of con- 



rA&t« or fomt mtal 111 

•idermble eontrorersj. The English lost only fifteen men 
in their expedition, beside the twentj-six who were wrecked 
on the transport. Col. Nicholson left a garrison of two 
hundred and fifty volunte^^rs, under the command of Col. 
Tetchy who had been appointed Goremor of that country, 
and returned with the fleet and army to Boston, where he 
arrived on the 26th of October. Thus was the tri-color of 
France torn from the fortress of Port Roval, above which it 
had wared for mort) than a century, but over which it was 
destined never more to float as an emblem of autliority. 
The expense incurred by New England amounted to £23,- 
000, whirh was afterward reimbursed bv Parliament. 

The easy success of the Enji^^lish forces at Port Royal 
caused an <;xpedition to be titled out against Canada. Fif- 
teen hundred colonial troops, exclusive of a large body of 
Indians, were placed under command of Colonel Nicholson, 
who was to march against Montreal. At the same time an 
English fleet, comprising fifteen men-of-war, and forty trans* 
porta containing 5,000 veteran soldiers, under Admiral Walk* 
STy was to operate against Quebec. During a terrible Au- 
gust storm, while they were ascending the Gulf of St I^aw- 
rence, the fleet drove down on the Egg Islands. The frig- 
ates were saved from the shoals, but several transports were 
wreeked with 1,500 men on board, and 900 brave fellows, 
who had passed scathless through the ivanguinary battles of 
Blenheim and liamillies, |>erished miserably on the desolate 
shores of the St. Lawrence. This disaster was the cause of 
the total failure of the expedition.* 



* TIm Frmck iLipn* wbkh Ti<it«r1 Um Mlaixb tooo after, f oaod tbs 
of dglit vrveU, uid Um botli«« of ncmrW lhr«<t* thoiHuid dnnriMd 
King aloug the ■bor«. Tlif*y rtvtigmzcHl wbuU cnoifMuiim of ths 
Qsicii'i GismK diitiiigimbcd by tb^ir ml oaabi; mn»\ «wTrf»l SoiiCcb fam* 
llki, UDOog than «evra women, all clMpniK tmch oUirr* htauW The 
WnoA ci^ooy onaM bat reoopiiz« a PmTuWnc* which w»tr)M«l «bic«* 
Ib4j ovtr its |«tiMwatioii, and which, doc ■atitflod with roKmng U from 



112 ACADIA 

Colonel Yeich sent a deputation to Yandrieo], Goremor 
of Canada, with the message ''that if he did notreefcrain the 
savages under his control from farther incursions into New 
England, the English would take revenge for erery aei of 
hositility committed by them upon the defenseless Acadiana 
now in their power.** The French (Governor returned an- 
swer — ''if these threats were put in execution, nothing* 
should prevent him from delivering up ereiy En^^ish pris- 
oner into the hands of the Indians." 

The court of France at last began to awaken to a sense of 
the real value of the province they had lost. The King 
could not find a person willing to take charge of an expedi- 
tion for its recovery. Yandrieul had appointed Baron Si. 
Castin* to the command of the Indians of Nova Scotia, with 
instructions to preserve their loyalty to the French King 
as far as possible. This personage raised a considerable 
body of Indians, and had successfully attacked an y^nglli^h 
party in what is now New Brunswick, and was marching to 
the attack of Port Boyal. The commanding British officers 
at Fort Boyal, took three priests and five of the principal 
inhabitants and shut them up as hostages, proclaiming thai 
"upon the least insurrectionary movement, he would execute 
these innocent persons in 'retaliation.** As an additional 
measure of safety, he undertook to force the dispersed in- 
habitants to swear aUegiance to the English. This was 
peculiarly distasteful to the French Acadians, and they re- 
solved not to submit A body of sixty men was sent out 
under Captain Pigeon, to enforce this regulation, and re- 
duce the disaffected to obedience. They had not proceeded 
far when they were surprised by a body of Indians, who 



the greatest danger it had yet ran, had enriched it with the spoils of an 
enemy whom it had not the pains to oonqner; henoe th^ rendered him 
most heartfelt thanks. (Charlevoix.) 

•This was the Baron's half-breed son. 



F4LL 07 rOBT BOTAL llS 

^killed the fort major, the eDgineer, and all the boat^s crew, 

and took from thirty to forty English prisoners. The scene 

of this disaster is almost twelve miles from the fort, ou the 

road to Halifax, and is still called Bloody Creek. The suo- 

ciss of this tempted the inhabitants to tike up arms, and 

fire liundred of them, with as many Indians under St Caa* 

tin, rmlKulird themselves to attack the fort.** Bu6 not har* 

ing an efficient officer to take chief command, they had to 

aVandon the inteipriftc and disperse. On the 11th of April, 

1713, the treaty of Utucht ^as signed, and France and 

England were once more at |Mace. By this treaty it waa 

stipulated that '*a]l Nova Si'otia, or Acadia, comprehended 

within its ancient boundaries, as also the city of Port Royal, 

now called Annapolis,** bo yielded and made over to the 

Qoeen of Great Biitain and to her ciown forever. 

b 



TEOUBLES OP THE FRENCH. 



By the treaty of Utrecht, Acadia and Newfoundland vera 
ceded to England, — France retaining Cape Breton, Prince 
Edward's and other islands in the St Lawrence Golf. The 
way was thus left clear for France to erect other military 
establishments by way of retaining practical control of the 
fisheries of those waters, — an opportunity of which she was 
not slow to avail herself in the founding of a great fortress 
on the shores of English Harbor, on the island of Cape Bre- 
ton, which afterward became the widely-famed and potent 
Louisbourg • 

The population of ^'Acaiia*' at this time was in aU about 
two thousand five hundred souls. It was composed, al- 
most exclusively, of French who were strict adherents to the 
Roman Catholic faith. By the stem decrees of war, military 
domination had passed into the hands of a foreign power, 
and the French of Nova Scotia beheld a fortress in their 
very midst, that had been built by French capital, now gar- 
risoned with English soldiers, to whom they must bow sub- 
missively, and aid in their support. This was at that peri- 
od of the world's history when the sanguinary wars of re- 
ligion were fiercely raging, and when the bitter jealousies 
and antagonisms of the contending factions were at their 
hight. Both Romanist and Protestant professed to believe 
that they would do God service by destroying all who would 
not g^ve assent to their form of religion — which contributed 



TB017BI.EH or TBI rilXCH 118 

•a incresMd nuioor to the contest We luiTe, then, a Pro^ 
«itADt Englifth garrison holding military domioation bj eon* 
quest OTer a French Catholic subjugated people; that there 
should be a lack of unity of feeling and interest, and a 
mutual distrust and hatred of one another, is not strange. 

Though nominally the subject b of Great Britain, the Aca- 
dians could not be expected to forget the land of their 
fathers. A continued intercourse was kept up between An* 
uapolis, Minas, Chignecto, and the adjacent settlements,— 
eai'h locality having its Popitth priest, who was largely en- 
tiufted uith the guidance of thi-ir teuii)oral affairs. 

The influence tliiit th<*se priests exercised over the simple 
Acadiaus is admitted to havo been very great. They acted 
under orders from a central power at Quebec ; but a full 
cognizance of the nature of the instructions that enmnated 
fi-om the CatLeiial of Notre Dame was nerer giTen to the 
outside world. Our information is derived mostly from 
English sources, poisoned with a jealousy of conflicting inter- 
enUi, and prejuiliced by a belief in Papist i>erfidiousnesi. 
There is abundant evidence that some of the charges againnt 
the priests were well founded; and the Euglish seem to 
have adopted the principle that the guilty in part, were as a 
natural se^juence, guilty of the who.e. The mihtaken seal 
and slioit sight edness of such of the clergy a.H, for^^ftful of 
their higher calling, stoo] ed to iiisti^^ato measures against 
the English, only \vi ought injury and linal ruin on the peo* 
pie for whom they plotted. 

A short time subsequent to the signing of the treaty of 
Utrecht, Queen Anne wrote to Nicholson, then Governor of 
Nova Scotia, as follows : — 

*^^liereaa our good brother the most Christian King, 
hath, at our desiie, le.eased fioni uu]>iiHoniuent on Utard 
bis galley, such of his subjects m* Ufit« detained tiieie on 
aoeount of tlieur profeshing thv i'lotestant ieiigii»n ; \Va 
wiiliug to show by somo maik of our fa\or lowarda 



116 AOADIA 

his subjects how kind we take his compliaiioe therein, hare 
therefore thought fit hereby to signify our will and pleasure 
to you, that you permit such of them as have any lands or 
tenements in the places under our government in Acadia 
and Newfoundland that have been or are to be yielded to 
us by virtue of the late Treaty of Peace, and are willing to 
continue our subjects, to retain and enjoy their said landa 
and tenements without any molestation, as fully and freely 
as other of our subjects do, or may possess their lands or 
estates, or to sell the same if they shall rather choose to re- 
move elsewhere. And for so doing this shall be your war- 
rant.'' 

When Port Boyal was taken it was stipulated that such 
as Hved within a league of the fort should remain upon their 
estates two years, on taking the oath of allegiance. By the 
treaty of Utrecht the subjects of the King of France were to 
«< have liberty to remove themselves within a year to any 
other place, with all their movable effects. But those who 
are willing to remain, and to be subject to the King of Great 
Britain, are to enjoy the free exercise of their rehgion aiy 
cording to the usage of the Church of Bome, as far as the 
laws ot Great Britain do allow the same." 

In 1714 Governor Nicholson proposed to the Acadians 
either to become subjects of the British Crown, or remove 
in compliance with the terms of the treaty. Upon every ap» 
plication that was made to them for that purpose they firm- 
ly refused to take the oath of allegiance. They however ex« 
pressed their readiness to accept an oath that would not re- 
quire them to take up arms either against the King of Engi 
land or France, or against the Indians. 

The following is from Paul Mascerene to British Lords 
of Trade: ^'Canso Island has been found so convenient 
and advantageous for catching and curing codfish, that ol 
late it has been the resort of numbers of th^ English, as it 
was of French before the seizure made by Captain Smart. 
This stroke was so grievous to the French, who were con* 



TBouBLn OF TSB nuuioa 117 

ccrned in this loss, that seeing that ihej could not obtain 
Ibe satisfaction tbej demanded, tbej bare been at work all 
this spring, and incited the Indians to assemble at Canso 
and to surprise the English who were securely fishing there^ 
and having killed and wounded some, drove the rest off the 
se^ By means of this hurry and confusion whilst the In- 
dians were plundering the dry goods, the French were rob- 
bing the fish and transporting it away, till tho I^nglisb, bar* 
ing recovered themselves, sent after them, and ^<'izcl1 several 
of their shallops laden with English fish and other plunder, 
and made the robbers piiHoners.'* 

Governor Phillips, residing at Annapolis, writing to Board 
of Trade, complains ** that the French councils tend toward 
exciting the Indians into a general war, but that the ludiani 
(who are not without cunning) cannot be brought to a deo- 
laration of war because the French cannot opeuly join them 
and are determined to defer it to another opportunity.** 

On Sunday, the 23th of September, 1726, Lieutenant* 
Governor Armstrong met a deputation of the inhabitants of 
Annapolis at the Flag Bastion. His Honor, the Lieutenant* 
Governor, *'told them he was glad to tiee them, and hoped 
Ibey bad so far considered their own and their children*i 
future advantages, that they were come with a full resolu* 

tion to take the oath of fidelity like good subjects 

Whereupon, at the request of some of the inbabitants, a 
French translation of the oath required to be taken wan read 
to them. Upon which, some of them desired that a clause 
whereby they may not be obliged to carry arms, migbt be 
imerted. The Governor told them that they had no reason 
to fear any such thing as that, it being contrary to the laws 
of Great Britain, that a Roman Catholic hhould fM»rve in the 
army. His Majesty having so many faithful Protestant 
subjects first to provide for, and that all Hih Majesty re- 
quired of theta was to be faithful subjects, not to jom with 
a^j aoeoij, but for their own intereat to disoovor all trait' 



118 AOADU 

orouB and evil designs, plots and conspiracies^ anywise found 
against His Majesty's subjects and goyemment, and sa 
peaceably and quietly to enjoy and improve their estates. 
But they upon the motion made as aforesaid still refusing, 
and desiring the same clause, goveiiied by the advice of 
the Council granted the same to be writ upon the margin 
of the French translation in order to get them over by de- 
grees. Whereupon they took and subscribed the same both 
in French and English." * We may add that this paper did 
not receive the approval of the Secretary of State, and the 
act of Armstrong was annulled ; and also the singular fact 
that neither the original document nor a copy of it can be 
found. In consequence of this exemption they were after- 
wards known as the '' Neutral French." 

Governor Ai'mstrong subsequently sent Captain Bennett 
to Minas and Ensign Phillips to Beaubassin, two of the 
principal settlements, to administer oaths to the inhabitants. 
*'They are both returned," he says in his report to the Sec- 
retary of State, *'with the said inhabitants' answers and res- 
olutions not to take any oath but to their Notre Bon Hoy 
de France^ as they express it." 

Enough has been said to show the causes at work, which 
were, in a quarter of a century, to end in the utter overthrow 
of the French people in Acadia ; — the distrust of the Eng- 
lish in the protestations of innocence on the part of the 
French, and the determination ofthe latter not to subscribe 
to any oath binding themselves to take up arms against their 
own country and kindred • 

One of the most singular accusations brought against 
the French at that time was, that *' they had told the Indi- 
ans the English were the people who crucified our Savior.'^ 
This story was current throughout New England at that 



*Nova Scotia Archives. 
tOar good King of France. 



TBOUBLm Of THK FISXCH itt 

dftjy tnd tbe cruelties of the IndiADS often attiibated to it. 
Haliburton claims there is nothing to support each a charge. 
About this tiiue there i'xihtcd on the banks of the Kenn^ 
bee a beautiful Indian village named Norridgwock. An 
age<l missionary resided among them, who had been their 
teacher for a ])eiiod of forty years. The Tillage contained 
a chapeU and was defended by a rude fortification. Thia 
Romanist was highly accomplished, and his life literally one 
long martyrdom ; being a correspondent and friend of the 
GoTcmor of Canada, the English beliered he might be the 
instigator of hostilities of the Indians. Under this impres- 
aion ihey fitted out a force from Massachu-setts, consisting 
of upwards of two-hundred men, with orders to attack the 
Tillage. This foict* arrived at Norridgwock, completely tak* 
ing the Indians by surprise. Charlevoix relates that the 
Priest Kalle, thou«^h unprepared, was • unintimidated, and 
showed hinisf If ut unce in front, in hopes of diverting the 
attention of the eni-niy to himself and saving his beloved 
flock by the voluntary offering of his own life. As soon as 
he was seen he wan saluted with a great shout and a shower 
of bul!(-ti<, and fell to;;ether with seven Indians who had 
nihhed out of tlx'ir U-iiiA to defend him with their bodies. 
When the puihuit l.ad ceased, the Indians returned to find 
their Missionary iUnd at the foot of the village cross, his 
body perforated \\\lh balls his scalp taken, his skull broken 
with blows of Lati-lu'ts his mouth tilled uithmutl, the bones 
of his legs broken and otherwiso mangled. The Indians 
buried him on the site of the i Impel,* that editico having 
been hewn down with its crucifix, and whatever else the as* 
•ailants considered em blench of iiLjitry. They ha«l likewise 
destroyed the buildings and pillaged the encampment. Now 
btorath its ruins, was interred the body of him who had the 



*Tbr bcli of I utLcr ILillr * little cluiprl e»CAp«!d, aod is lUU 
la tbs CMbio«t iif if< -viltiin C'<.U^^«, Miuue. 



120 AOADU 

evening before celebrated the rites of his religion within its 
walls. **The death of Balle caused great rejoicing in Maa- 
sachusettSy and when Harmon^ who was senior in command 
carried the scalps of his yictims to Boston — ^this string of 
bloody trophies, including the scalps of women and children 
and an aged priest — ^he was received as if he had been some 
great general, fresh from the field of victory.** 

A certain Captain John Lovewell, emulous of Ebrmon*8 
fame as a taker of scalps, and with a patriotism fired by the 
large bounty offered by Massachusetts for that kind of ar- 
ticle, gathered a band of volunteers, and commenced scalp- 
hunting on the borders of New Hampshira They killed 
one Indian for whose scalp the company received £100. He 
started next year with forty men, surprised ten Indians by 
their camp fire at Salmon Falls, whose scalps netted £1000. 
In a subsequent fight he lost his own scalp, as did thirty- 
four of his men.* 

Meanwhile the administration of Lieutenant-Governor 
Armstrong, at Annapolis Eoyal, was meeting with oppos- 
ition. At a council held at his house in September, 1727» 
at which time the inhabitants were ordered to assemble to 
take the oath, au answer was read, but not being subscribed, 
'^it was returned to the three deputies who presented it, 
who were ordered to attend at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, 
together with the inhabitants, and then adjourned the board 
to that time. .... The Deputies being 

admitted, again presented the aforesaid paper subscribed 
by almost seventy of the inhabitants. 
The Board resolved that the said paper is insolent, re- 
bellious, and highly disrespectful to his Majesty's authori- 
ty and government, that his Honor would please to tender 
the oaths to the inhabitants, and in case of refusal to com- 
mit the leaders to prison. It was '' ordered that the three 

* Hannay. 



^ 



TUOUBLEH OF TBZ Fr^XCU 121 

dej utieft, for their couteinpt and disrespect to bis Maje«tj*t 
Coverninent and Authority, W couiinittc'd to prison, aud thai 
the other iiihahiinntH for having refused the oathK shall b# 
d*l)itnd f:oin fishin«f i:po i the British coasts until his Maj- 
18 v*8 further pleasuie shall bj known concerning them. 

G *\ernor PhiiiipH obtained an oath from the people of 
Ant apolis River in the winter of 1730. of which the Lords 
of '1 raile complained as not Lavin;; been explicit enough.* 

Guv. Arnihtiong wiiies from Annapilis Roval to the Duks 
of Newcastle: **I tmi sorry this Proviuc? should l>e in such 
a ] <K)r couiiition ns it is really in, after having been so long 
Oh upwards of twentv-one vear.s (which mav be said ima;nn« 
sjy only) under the PIn;;!ish government; for the inhabit- 
ants here being all Fiench and Roman Catholics, are more 
subject to our neighbors of Quebec and Cape Breton than 
to his Majesty, who^e j^oveinment by all th^ir proceeding! 
(notwithstanding of their Outli of Fidelity) thej seem to de- 
spise, being entirely governed by their most insolent priests, 
who. for the most pai t come and go at pleasure, pretending 
for their sanction the treaty of Utrecht, without talpng the 
least notice of this Qjvernment, in spite of all endeavors 
UH<d to the contrarv. I must also inform your Grace thai 
the Indians aie employed in the affiir, and use for an argu- 
ment tlmt although the English conquereil Annapolis, thej 
never did Miuas, and other parts of the Province, and in 
conse(|uence of such arguments instilled into them, thej 
have actually robbed the gentlemen of the Colliery bj 
Chickencctua, destroyed their house and magazine built 
thetr, through pretense of a rent due them for the land and 



*Tlis foOoviag v** *he fonn of tb« oath : ** J« promHa ct Jiir» Ria* 
eettmcDt to Foi ds Cbrctieo qoe Je ftermi eatierviDeot (Vlck, H Obnnl 
Vnumctftt Sa Mji}c»U Ls Roy G«orK^ Ir Srcond* qoi Je rcommii |mm r Le 
8uM«f«ia SetgDcur ds L'Accadio ou NoQvtUe Eo oie. Aituu I>i«q ae 
fhattaAkU." 



122 ACADIA 

liberty of digging; being advised, as I am informed, bj 
Goyemor St. Ovid, that if tbej permit sucb designs of the 
Englisb to succeed, that the Province will be entirely lost.** 

Also a letter from the same at a later date: *?oar Grace 
will be informed how high the French Government carriep 
her pretensions over their Priests' obedience, and the people 
of the Province, being Papists, are absolutely governed by 
their influence. How dangerous this may prove, in time, to 
his Majesty's authority and the peace of the Province I know 
not, without we could have missionaries from some place in« 
dependent of that crown, but this will prove a considerable 
expense which the French King bears at present with alac- 
rity for very political reasons. It is most certain there is not 
a missionary neither among the French nor Indians who 
has n*fc a pension from that crown." 

Still another source of trouble to the Acadian Governors 
seems to have arisen, the nature of which will be seen by 
the following extract of a letter from Paul Mascarene, now 
Governor at Annapolis, to the Secretary of State : — 

" The increase of the French inhabitants calls for some 
fresh instructions how to dispose of tbem. They have divid- 
ed the lands they were in possession of, and which his Maj- 
esty was pleased to allow them on their taking the oaths of 
allegiance, and now they apply for new grants, which the 
Governor did not think himself authorized to favor them 
with, as his Majesty's instructions on that head prescribe 
the grant of unappropriated lands to Protestant subjects 
only. This delay has occasioned several of the inhabitants 
to settle themselves on the skirts of this Province, pretty 
far distant from this place, notwithstanding proclamations 
and orders to the contrary have been often repeated, and it 
has not been thought advisable hitherto to dispossess them 
by force. If they are debarred from new possessions they 
must live here miserably and consequently be troublesome^ 
or else they will continue to possess new tracts contrary to 
orders, or they must be made to withdraw to the neighbor- 
ing French colonies of Cape Breton or Canada." 



awTMEwwoNm 12t 

Another oomplAint GoTemor Mascmren« has to mmke ii 
Udd in the followinp^ letter to Des EnaltTes, parish priefttat 
AnnapollB for many rears : '* You mention the spiritual to 
be to connected with the temporal as sometimes not to be 
dirided. This proposition recjuires some explanation. . • • • 
Cnder pretence of this connection the missionaries hare 
often usurped the power to make themselves sovereign judges 
and arbiters of all causes amongst the people. For exam* 
pie : A parishioner complains to the priest that his neigh* 
bor owes him, and the priest examines the neighbor in the 
way of a confession. Tbe man denies his owing. The 
piiest doth not Ktop where he should, but examines wit- 
nesses, and then decides in a judicial manner and condemns 
the paity to make restitution ; and to oblige him tiiereunto 
refuses to adniinibter the baciaiLent by which mians the 
man is in a woful case, and must rather submit to bd de* 
pnvcd of bin goods than to incur damnation, as he believeii 
by not r«*c«-iving ab?«olution from the prient. Consider how 
this tends to render all civil judiraturu useless." 

In 1742 It was publicly ordt^rt^d thai **no liomish priest of 
any degree or denomination shall presume to exercise any ^ » 
of their ecclasiastical jurisdiction within this his Majesty*! 
Province." 

The French Acadians in their objections to taking the oath ;. 
of allegiance, gavea> a reason that they were afraid of the 
savages, unless the Kngli.-^h had a lorc4* at hand able to pro- 
tect them. This reason has been scoOe I at by sdiuo h.Htor* 
ical writers, as a hpccious sort of argument, that IS.ooo peo- 
ple should be ovei-awed by a few hundred Indians; us<»iTU 
ing that this fear was the work of the French leailt'rs, who 
Wished to preserre the loyalty of the .\cadians to the King 
of France. The condition of tiiese |>oor inhabitants was in« 
deed truly deplorable, whose feai s aud int4'rests were con* 
linually worked upon by both the French aud Kngludi 
Tbe following will go to show whether the feara 



/ 



124 ACAHIA 

of the inbabitants, as to tbe acts of tbe Indians were ttiey to 
take tbe oatb, were groundless or not. It is a copy of an 
order to tbe inhabitants of Minas and vicinity (Grand Pri 
of Longfellow) by M. Du Yivier, Captain under Da Quesnal» 
commandant at Louisbourg ; — 

'^ Tbe inhabitants of Minas are ordered to acknowledge 
the obedience they owe to the King of France, and in con- 
sequence ai*e called upon for the following supplies: the 
polish of Grand Pre, eight horses and two men to drive them, 
that of the Ivivcr Canard, eight horses and two men to drive 
them : that of Piziquid, twelve horses and three men to 
di'ivo thcui ; as also the powder boms possessed by the said 
inhabitants, one only being reserved for each house. The 
whole of the above must be brought to me at 10 o^clock on 
Saturday morning, at the French flag which I have had 
hoisted, and under ^vhicb the deputies from the said parishes 
shall be assembled to pledge fidelity for themselves and all 
the inhabitants of the neighborhood who shall not be called 
away from the labors of the harvest. All those for whom 
the jjledgc of lldelity shall be given will be held fully res- 
ponsible for said pledge, and those who would conti'avene 
ilie present order sliali be punished as rebellious subjects, 
and delivered into the hands of savages as enemies of the 
State, as we cannot refuse the demand which the savages 
make for all those who will not submit themselves. We 
enjoin also upon the inhabitants who have acknowledged 
their submission to the King of France to acquaint ua 
promptly with the names of all who wish to screen them- 
/tclves from the said obedience, in order that faithful sub- 
jects shall not suffer from any incmsions which the savages 
may make." 

The following is the reply of the deputies to the order: 

To M, De Ganne :— 

We, the undersigned humbly representing the inhabit- 
ants of Minas, Biver Canard, Piziquid, and the sun*ounding 
livers, beg that you will be pleased to consider, that whilo 
there would be no difficulty, by virtue of the strong foroa 



TBOUBLBS or TBB nuuroH 125 

which Tuu eommaod, in suppljin^ jounielf with the c|\iaQ- 
iitj of grain and meat tou and Du Viyier have ordered, il 
would be quite impossible for as to furnish the quantity 
YOU douiand, or even a smaller, since the hanrest has not 
been so good as we hoped it would be, without placing 
ountelves in great peril. We hope gentlemen that you wifl 
not plunge us and our families into a state of total loss; 
and that this consideration will cause you to withdraw your 
aaTages and troops from our districts. We live under a 
mild and tranquil government, and we have all good reason 
to be faithful to it 

Your very obedient senranta, 

Jacques Li Buuic, and otbera. 

Uinas, October 10th, 1744. 

I am willing, gentlemen, out of regard for you to eoin* 
ply with your demand. 

Dm OAm. 
( « tober, 13tb, 1741. 

By a letter of the same date, Oovemor Mascarene writes 
to the deputies, highly commendatory of the action of the 
peop'e of Mina-s anil vicinity, for remaining ^tme to the 
allegiance which they owe to the King of Oreat Britain, 
their legitimate Sovt-teign, notwithstanding the efforts which 
have been made to cause them to disregard it** The peo* 
pie of Cbigcecto appear to have behaved with leaa loyalty, 
and raicivad the following menacing notice: 

Deputies of Chignocto : — 

I Mud yon those lines to inform you that I am in a po- 
sition to esacttt^ what I have so often said would happen to 
jott if you failed in the allegiance you owed to his Bhtannio 
^j#KtT. If you wiah therefore to avoid the danger which 
threaif na you, do as the other d**partments have done — send 
joor deputies, give an account of your conduct, and show 
ilio suhmiesiftn to which your oath of allegiance to the gov- 



U6 AOADIA 

cmmeDt of the King of Great Biitain binds joil Li tfaat 
case you shall still have in me a friend and senrant. 

P. Masoarerx. 

The above instrument will be better understood after a 
few explanatory words. In March, 1744, France made a 
declaration of war against England. News of this eyent 
did not reach Boston until June ; but intelligence was con- 
veyed to Cape Breton much earlier, by a fast sailing yessel 
dispatched for that purpose. M. Du Quesnai, the Goyem* 
or of the Island, had received instructions not to attempt 
the capture of auy post in Nova Scotia until further orders, 
under the apprehension that such expeditions might alarm 
the neighboiing English colonies, and cause them to retali- 
ate on Louisbourg, theu unfinished and unsufficiently gani- 
Boned. 

Du Quesnai was well aware that the English posts of Can- 
so and Annapolis were in a ruinous condition and poorly 
garrisoned, and was firm in the belief that there were four 
thousand French Acadian s ready to tiirow off the English 
yoke; he made up his mind to strike a sudden blow upon 
the unsuspectin<<^ English before they would have time to 
prepare for defense, and then trust to the effect of a bril- 
hant victory of French arms to allay the censures of his gov- 
criiineiit for his disobedience. He found an active and zeal- 
ous partisan in the person of Du Vivier, a great-grandson 
of Chai'les La Tour, to whom he gave command of the ex- 
pedition. The armament consisted of two sloops and sev- 
eral smaller vessels, with eight guns and other small arms, 
with about two hundred and fifty men. At Canso they 
were joined by two hundred Indians, which place was im- 
mediately invested. Captain Heron, the English command- 
ant, having only one company of men in garrison, and de- 
piived of the assistance of the man-of-war belonging to the 
station, with no better defense than a log block-house built 



TBouujn or tbb wmehom llf 

long before by the fishermen, wm forced to capitnUieu Tb« 
garriflou of eighty brave men therefore surrendered, the eon* 
ditions being that they should be taken to Louisbourg^ 
and at the expiration of a year sent either to Boston or to 
England. Du Vivier burned down the blook-hoase, and re* 
turned with his plunder and prinonera to Louisbourg. 

Had Du ViTier marched immediately upon Annapolis, thai 
place must inevitably have fallen. The ramparts had been 
suffered to fall into the fosses and cattle passed and repass- 
ed them at pliasure. The ^^ar^is()n, which had been reduc- 
ed at the |)eac€\ und subbetjueutly weakened by a detach- 
ment sent to CaiiKO, did not exceed eighty men capable of 
doing duty. Not yet aware of what had taken place in 
Europe, the English were not a little astonished to see, early 
in June, a hostile force of St John and Cape Sable Indians^ 
to the number of three hundred, ansembled before the walls 
of the fort, demanding a siirrendcr of the place. They were 
auder control of La Loutrc*, a Fr«*nch ])nest, who has the 
name of being the most detenu iiied enemy to British power 
that ever came to Acadia. With him was young Bellislei 
a son of Aiuuitutia St. Cast in. 

La Loutre inlonncd the Governor that a reinforcement of 
regular troops \%as ilHily «xpicted from Louit<l)our;^% but 
that after blood was hpiIUd it wuuKl be iiitlicult to n-stiain 
the fury of the IndiauH. He advised an immriiiate huiren- 
der, in which ca.se humane treatment and prt>t<'c:ion wrre 
promised; otheiwise the ;;arrison must expect aiuiinueiiiate 
storm of the place on ariival of the soldiers, and probable 
massacre at the hands of the sava^e^i, if defeated. The re- 
ply was ^it would be soon enough to surrender when tha 
Armaments of which he spoke liad anived.'* 

La Loutre*s Indians, growing weary of waiting for tha 
promised assistance from Louisbourg, withdraw to Minan, 
having burned some English houses in tha ueighborhiH>d 
and tlolta aomo cattia. 




-A liMMM;t *. 

y'«#v Tat .ia^ TiJir*?iiuij^ m .innxooiis 

^•y V, M^^ r^^n «<vw»iiag:7:srLf srr.i2ai5s: for 

Ntr^r* M«4^iiRr49^ A^A^yvl^rl^^fi ?>^^ 2i-:tfii of 
w«(« /I'M V/ ftr^ ^y>r«4iii!t of toe Frecca Ar>iTTan% 
/4«r# #tA40i//Afi f*v# AO wLung aid to Um 




Cil^TUBE OP LOUISBOUna 



The eaptore of Louisboorg was platitied, and tbe 
can it d forward, bj the merest norices in war, under cir* 
cumatances aufarorable in the extreme ; and the attempt^ 
all things considered, would have been pronounced foolhar- 
dj and rackleas bj the best military minds. The coiopleta 
success of the enterprise, where there were so many contin- 
gencies either of which would have proved fatal to the pro> 
ject, effected at so small a loss and in so brief a period, has 
caused the taking of Louisbourg, the *' Dunkirk of America,** 
to be rated as among the most remarkable military triumphs 
on record. 

At this period the New England colonists were suffering 
severely from priTsteers sailing under French colors. These 
vessels were sent out from the port of Louisbourg; to 
which place they likewise retreated when pursued, or to dis- 
pose of their booty. li was, therefore, a matter of dire 
exigency on the part of the colonists that this naval statioo 
should be broken up,*-a measure that would result in driv- 
ing French privateers from American watem. The captive 
garrison of Canso, which had been sent home from Louis- 
bourg, conveyed information to the Governor of Massachu- 
setts thai induced him to determine on an attempt against 
thai place. 

This bated French fortress was situated on a bay on the 

totttbem coasi of the Island of Cape Breton. Its gloomj 
6 i 



130 A0ADI4 

walls gave shelter to the Jesuit; the crafty aboriginal, with 
his belt of scalps, fresh from his English victims, found a 
secure asylum there ; and the gay soldier of France could 
here plot and scheme and draw supplies with which to carry 
on the war. Over the parapet was opened to the breezes 
the flaunting tri-color of France, waving a defiance against 
her competitor for the possession of the New World. 

Over thirty millions of livres had been drawn from the 
French royal treasury, aud expended on the fortifications of 
Louisbourg ; and numerous cargoes of building stone were 
sent hither from France. For a quarter of a century had 
the government devoted its energy to the completion of the 
fortress ; and now its sombre walls, *' whose towers rose 
like giants above the northern seas,'* menaced the authority 
of the military rival of France. The town was more than two 
miles in circuit, and was surrounded by a rampart t>f stone 
from thirty to thirty-six feet high, and a ditch in front eighty 
feet wide. There were six bastions and eight batteries, con- 
taining embrasures for one hundred cannon, and eight mor- 
tals. Two additional batteries — one at the entrance of the 
harbor and the other on a high cliff' opposite — contiibuted 
to the strength of the place. The citadel was in the gorge 
of the King's Bastion. In the centre of the town were the 
stately stone church, the nunnery, and the hospital of Si. 
Jean de Dieu. The streets crossed each other at right an- 
gles, and communicated with the wharves by five gates in 
the wall next the haibor. The houses were constructed, 
partly of wood and partly of stone or biick, and partook of 
the general substantial appearance of the place. 

Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, must be accredited 
as the originator of the grand scheme for the reduction of 
this almost impregnable fortress. In the autumn succeed- 
ing the capture of Canso [1744], Shirley had wiitten to the 
British ministry, making known his plans and soliciting as- 
sistance : he conjectured that by surprising the place early 



CArruEc or LoiritBouma 181 

in th« tpring before their succors bad arrived from Franoai 
it would fall bofore a determined attack. Without waiting 
m replj from Great Britain, Shirlej communicated his pro- 
ject to the general court, under an oath of secrecj. The 
■cheme appeared so wild and visionary to most of the mem- 
bers, that it was rojectei ; but a petition fortuitously arriv- 
ing from the merchants of Boston, Salem and Marblehead, 
complaining of the great injuries thoy had received from the 
privateers harboring at Louisbourg, Shirley was enabled to 
have the vote reconsidered, which was fiually carried by a 
mojority of one voice. Circulars were immediately adihais- 
cd to the colonics as far south a9 Pennsylvania, requesting 
their assistance, and that an embargo be laid on all their 
I>ortJi. All excused themselves from taking a part in so des- 
iderate a venture, except Connecticut, New Hampshire and 
Rhode Island. The latter State missed its share in the 
|:lory of the affair, ho\^e/er, by the tardy arrival of the three 
Lundrcd soldieri it had unde; taken to contribute. 

Four thousand and seventy troops were enlisted, rictaal- 
cd and eq aippeJ, in two months* time, and early in March 
thik force was assembled in Boston, ready to embark. Of 
this uuuiber ^lastac'msctts coutiibuted three thousand two 
Lundiod autl fifty men, Connecticut tlve hundred and six* 
tdc:i, and New Hampshire three hundred and four. The 
four oo!onto:i furnished thirteen armed vessels carrying in 
all two hundred cannon. New York contributed artdlerv. 
and Penniylvania sent provisions, in aid of the project 
Governor Shirley applied to Commo lore Warren, comman- 
der of the fleet on the West India Station, soliciting his as- 
aiktaiica and co-operation : that command«*r declined to act 
oa the grounds of having no orders from England, and that 
the eipeiitiou was wholly a Provincial affair, undertaken 
miihoat the assent, and perhaps without the knowledge, of 
lli« Xiniatry. This was a severe dniappointment to Shirlej, 
lHit» ouocsttliiig the inf oimatiou from the troops, on the 4tb 



182 AOADXA 

• 

of April the whole were embarked, and the expedition bone 
away for Cansa 

The command of the armament was giyen to William Fej^ 
perell, a Militia ColoneL of Mame, a man of agreeable man- 
ners and unblemished character, and very popular through- 
out New England. 

This remarkable enterprise partook greatly of the naiore 
of a religious crusada In waging war against these Fii* 
pists, the ProTincials thought they were doing Gk>d service. 
George Whitefield, one of the founders of Methodism, was 
then in New England, animating the people with his impas- 
sioned eloquence, and to him they applied for a motto to in- 
scribe on the banner of the expedition. Whitefield selected 
the following: "iVi7 desperandum Chriato duce^'' — ^We des- 
pair of nothing Christ being onr leader. A chaplain of one 
of the regiments carried on his shoulders a hatchet, with 
which, he proclaimed, it was his intention to destroy the 
images in the Papist chapels. Previous to sailing, religious 
ser\'ice8 were held in all of the churches throughout New 
England, invoking the blessing of the Almighty on the un- 
dertaking, and committing to His keeping their fathers and 
brothers who were embarked in the hazardous enterprise. 
The whole affair was inaugurated in a manner so extraordi- 
nary, and rested so much on fortune for its success, that in 
no way can we explain their action other than that they be* 
lieve'd the God of Battles would signally bless an undertak- 
ing, having His own glory for its prime object Not one of 
those composing the expedition, from the highest to the 
lowest, knew how to conduct a siege, and few had ever heard 
a '^ cannon fired in anger ;^' yet they abounded in the wild- 
est enthusiasm, and even went so far as to enter into pre- 
liminaries for celebrating a tiiumphal return. 

Providence smiled on them from the start. They arriyod 
at Canso, the place of rendezvous, early in April. The en- 
tire coast of Cape Breton was secmely blocked by a barrier 



OAFTUBB OF LOUmOUBO 133 

c r floating ice : it was certain no intimation of the intended 
Attack had been rt^eived at Louisbourg. A richly laden 
lesael from Martinique, thus earlj bound with supplies for 
the fortress, fell an easj Tictim to the ProTincials. A few 
dajs later, four war Tessels were descried far out at sea.— 
All was in a tumult and alarm, and the vessels in the har- 
bor were got ready for action. As the strangers drew near, 
the broad pennant of Commodore AVan^en was made outy 
firing at the mast-head of the Superb^ the flag-ship of the 
squadron. Warren, subsequent to his refusal to Shirlej, 
had received orders from England to proceed directly to 
North America, and concert measures for his Majesty's ser- 
vice, lieaming from a fisherman that the fleet had sailed 
from Boston, he made all haste to join it at Canso. A con- 
ference was held with Pepperell, and it was arranged that 
Warren should cruise in front of Louisbourg, and intercept 
all Teasels going there. Here he was joined in the cooria 
of a few weeks by six more British war ships which hap- 
pened on the coast, when he found himself iu command of 
a formidable fleet of four ships of the line and six frigates. 
Other precautional measures were taken, which were so 
effsetaal that, when on the 30th of April, the New England 
flotilla arrived n. (labarus Bay, they were so entirely un* 
expected that great consternation prevailed in the fortress 
and town. Cannon were fired, bells were rung, and dismay 
was exhibited in every movement in the hostile camp. 

Tha French sent oat a detachment to obstruct an attempt 
of the Engliah to land, but Pep|>erell deceived them by a 
elercr mse, and landeU his men higher up the bay, who 
drove the French party into Louisbourg. That day the 
yw|rlUii landed two thousand men, and daring the follow- 
ing, tbo remainder safely reached the ahore. Under cover 
of darkoeea, Colonel Taughan, of New Hampshire, made a 
eitcuii of the works, to the rear of the Royal Battery north 
of the dty i letting fire to the storehouaee behind iU tilled 



184 AOADIA 

with pitch and tar, the solphuroas smoke so frightened the 
gai-rison, who thought the whole English force was npon 
them, that they fled after first spiking their guns. This bat- 
tery was immediately occupied, and its thirty cannon tam- 
ed on the town with terrible effect, within which almost 
every shot lodged, several falling into the roof of the cita- 
del. The troops were employed for fourteen sucoessiye 
nights in drawing cannon from the landing place to the 
camps, through a morass. The soldiers constructed sledg* 
es, as the ground was too soft to permit the use of wheels, 
and, with straps on their shoulders, dragged the ponderous 
guns along, sinking to their knees in the mud. This work 
could be done only in the night or in foggy weather, the 
place being in full view of the town and within reach of ita 
guns. By the close of that month the besiegers had complet- 
ed a line of trenches, erected five fascine batteries mounted 
with sixteen cannon and several mortars; which had destroy- 
ed the western gate of the city and made an evident impres- 
sion on its circular battery. Five unsuccessful attacks were 
made upon the fortiticatious on the island, in which the as- 
sailants lost a number of men ; a safer plan of silencing it 
was carried out of erecting a battery on Light-House Point, 
which enfiladed the Island Battery, rendering it untenable. 
In the meantime, the Vigilant^ a French seventy-four gun 
ship, unaware of the presence of an enemy, had sailed into 
the very jaws of Warren's fleet. The prize was laden with 
a great quantity of military stores, and Ave hundred and 
sixty men. This capture proved very opportune to the al- 
lied forces, as it not only added to the English naval pow- 
er, but furnished them with a variety of supplies of which 
they had been very deficient. 

Commodore WaiTen proposed conveying information of 
this event to the Governor of the fort, and inducing the cap- 
tive commander of the Vigilant to certify it himself. Some 
of the English prisoners, it was alleged, had been treated 



OAPTUU OF LOUItBOUBO U6 

with mfmiij ; the French Mtrqais was reqaattod to Titit 
Ui« Tarious ships oo the statioo, and if satisfied with the 
treatment of his countrymen in the hands of the English* 
io addrcKs a letter to Governor Da Chambon, entreating 
dmilar usage for those whom the fortunes of war had thrown 
into his hands. To this he readily consented, and the fol- 
lowing letter was sent by a flag of truce into Looisboorg 
next day: 

**0n board the Viffiiant^ a prisoner, Jane 18th, 1745; 

[TrmntUtioo.] 

"Herewith I send you. Sir, the copy of a letter, written to 
me by Mr. Warren, Coinmaudcr of the fU|uadron, who in- 
forms me that the French have treated some Englixh pris- 
oners with cruelty and inhumanity. I can scarcely beiieve 
it, since it is the intention of the Kin£^, our master, that they 
ahoald be well treated on every occasion. You are to know 
that on the 30th of May, I \vai> taken by the ik|uadron as I 
was about to enter your harbor, and it is Httin<^ you should 
be informed that the Captains and officers treat us not as 
prisoners, but as their good friends, and take a very partic- 
ular care that niy oflict rs and equipage should want for 
oothin^- To me it seems just you should treat them in the 
•ame manner, and see that they bo punished who act other- 
wise, and ofi'cr any insult to tliose whom you make prison- 
era. Yours, ^c, 

Dt La Maisox Fosti. 

To Da Chambon, 

Qovemor of LouLibourg. 

As Warren surmise*!, thi^ intelli^em-e had the eflfect of 
inducing the French to ctusi hr the |.r.>piiety of a surren- 
der. The French garris.n w<Te mntiriou>, and could not 
be trusted outside the fort. The erection of a battery on 
Light House CUfT, together with the preparations which 
wi^e making for a combined assault by sea and land, brought 
matters to a crisis: negotiations were opened, and on the 
IGlh of June, the fortress of Louisburg capitulated. UpOD 



186 AOLDlk 

entering the works, the stoutest hearts were appalled at 
Tiewing its strength, and the terrible slaughter which must 
have befallen the English had they attempted to carry the 
place by assault. The garrison, numbering 650 yeteraa 
troops, 1310 militia, the crew of the Vigilant^ and the prin- 
cipal inhabitants of the town, in all upwards of four thou- 
sand persons, engaged they would not bear arms for twelve 
months against Great Britain or her allies, and being em- 
barked on board of fourteen cartel ships, were transported 
to Rochfort. 

A swift sailing ship carried the news to Boston of the glo- 
rious triumph the sons of New England had won, and well 
might they rejoice, for history records no parallel. That a 
band of untrained artisans and husbandmen, working after 
a plan of operations drawn up by a lawyer, and commanded 
by a merchant, should capture a fortress it had taken thir- 
ty years to build, and defended by veteran troops, was so 
wonderful as to astonish all Europe. Boston and London, 
and all the chief cities of England and America were iUumi- 
nated. The battenes of the London Tower fired salutes, 
and King George II made Pepperell a bai'onet, and War- 
ren a rear-admiral. Pepperell attributed his success, not to 
his artillery or Warren's line-of-battle ships, but to the 
prayers of New England, daily arising from every village 
in behalf of the absent army. 

It is remarkable that a train of fortuitous circumstances 
should have succeeded one another, any one of which, had 
it been otherwise, would have brought disaster on the ex- 
pedition. The garrison of the place had been so mutinous 
that the Governor could not trust them to make a sortie, 
otherwise he might have repeatedly surprised and broken 
up the English camp. The French were in want both of 
provisions and stores, and those sent to them had been cap- 
tured at the mouth of the harbor by the hostile fleet. The 
French could form no idea of tbe number of their assail- 



OAPTumi 07 Loumouio 187 

ants, and the English prisonerst as if bj a preeoneertad on* 
dersianding, represented the number infinitelj greater than 
it was. During the fortj-nire days that the mege lasted, 
the weather was rcmaikably fine ; but the daj succeeding 
the surrender it became foul, the rain falling incessantly for 
ten days, during which time fifteen hundred of the Prorin- 
dals were attacked with dyi^entery. Had the soldiers been 
stationed in the trenches, and exposed to the rains, the mor- 
tality would have been fearful. At the time the transports 
sailed from Boston there was no prospect of aid from tha 
navy ; but circumstances provideutially brought together 
eveij Britihh filap of war then on the Atnencan Continent 
and Islands, to which, if ^e add the captured French res* 
selR, a formidable fleet was the result. But these circum- 
atanoes must not be construed as lessening the meiit of tha 
man who planned, or of the soldiery whose valor was re- 
warded by so si^'iial a victory. 

The capture of Louisbourg, while it added lustre to tha 
military fame of England, at the same time sa'oused all tha 
warlike potencies of the French. Indeed, so g^est were tha 
preparations iiinixediately entered into by France to regain 
possession of lior American stronghold, and to strike a blow 
at her English rival by the destruction of her New England 
colonies, that it seemed the sovereignty of Gieat Britain 
in the New World would be annihilated. 

Early the following sea.son [1746], the Duke D*AnviIle was 
sent out with an anuament consisting of forty ships of war, 
fifty-nine transports, and thirty-five hundred men, together 
with forty thousand muskets for the use of the Fieuch and 
Indians in Canada. D*Anville was ordered to retake and dia- 
mantla Louisbourg; thence to proceed against Annapolia, 
which be was to recapture and garrison ; he wan next di- 
rected to destroy Boston^ ravage the whole American coast, 
and pay a risit to tha Weat Indies. Thua it will b«* sean 
thai tha Britiah Coloniea in America, by their zeal«>ua par* 



188 ACADIA 

tidpation in tbe movement that led to the fall of Louis* 
bourg, had diverted the vengeance of France upon their 
own heads ; and they were likely to be put to the necessity 
of coping alone with this formidable French armada, Eng- 
land having given notice of her inability or indisposition to 
famish either men or vessels to assist her colonies at this 
critical juncture. Though alarmed at the prospect, the 
New Englanders were not dismayed ; and the most yigor- 
0U6 measures were adopted by way of averting the portent- 
ous calamity. 

A dire fatality seemed to hang over the fortunes of the 
Duke D^Anville from the time he cleared the coast of France. 
His passage across the Atlantic, though at the mildest sea- 
son of the year, was protracted and perilous in the extreme. 
When within less than a thousand miles of Nova Scotia, be 
ordered one of his ships that had been disabled to be burned. 
On the Ist of September he experienced a terrible gale off 
Sable Island, where he lost a transport and £b*e-ship. Here 
the Ardent and the MarSy both of sixty-four guns, being 
much injured, put back for Brest, and were captured on the 
coast of France, and the A IcidCy having sustained serious 
damages, bore away for the West Indies. After a passage 
of more than ninety days he reached Cbebucto (Halifax) 
Harbor with tbe Henomme and three transports. Four 
ships of war that he had previously sent as convoy to Hlis- 
paniola, with orders to immediately return to Nova Scotia, 
were absent He was so disturbed at the disappointment 
the failure of this exjiedition would occasion in France, 
that his health was greatly affected ; he died suddenly t&o 
fourth day after his arrival, some say of apoplexy — the £ng* 
lish claim of poison. The same day Vice- Admiral D'Estour- 
nelle arrived in the harbor with four additional ships of the 
line. Other ships and frigates having been either destroyed 
or sent back, a proposition was made before a council of 
war to return to France. The Vice-Admiral's spirits wore 



oppraeecd to raeh a degree thai he wis thrown into a fertf 
and attacked with delirium, during which he imagined him* 
edf a prisoner : he lan himself through the body with hie 
•word, causing instant death. An attack on Annapolis haT« 
ing been agreed upon, it was found necessary to await the 
arriTal of such of the ressels as had outlired the storm, and 
were daily coming into port; and also tojand the men, who 
were suffering terribly from a scorbutic fever resulting from 
their long confiuement on shipboard. Since the time they 
had left France, they had lost 1,270 men, and the rest were 
•o sickly that thoy were unable to undergo the least fatigue. 
They were therefore landed on the southern shore of i#ed- 
ford Basin, and furnished with fresh provisions from the 
Acadian diMtiict. 

The squadron from the West Indies, that had been pr»« 
▼iously detached from the fleet as convoy, which, it was ex« 
pected, would co-uporate with them, bad been on the coast, 
but D*AnvilIe*8 fleet not airiving at the appointed time, it 
had put back to France. The Canadian troo])8, that had 
come to act in concert with the fleet, having waited beyond 
the speciticd tinte, had commenced their return maich to 
Quebec. Still, the Fiench were determined to invest An« 
napolis, and a detachment of regulars was sent to MinaSy 
there to hold its«lf in readiness to march for Annapolis as 
noon as the fleet ^houlil leave Chebucto. No time was fixed 
for their departure, for the mortality among the people con- 
tinued ; they h:id buried over a thoustmd men on tiio shoi*es 
of Bedford l>a>in hince the formation of the cn(*anij>meut. 
Their allies, the Mimiac Indians took the itifectinn, which 
qiread with such ahirming rapidity that one third uf their 
number, it has been computed, fell victims to the Hcourge. 

A Tssael bound from Boston to Loui!»bourg, having been 
captured with the mails, a communication was found from 
OoTemor Shirley, with the information that Admiral Le*- 
iotk^ with a fleet of eighteen sail, had been ordered to tha 



140 ACADU 

North American station, and might be hourly expected. An 
ea|)res8 was dispatched to inform M. de Bamsay, who hadak 
ready invested Annapolis, that the fleet would immediately 
sail thither. Three of the vessels were sent home with the 
Indians ; the rest of the fleet numbering thirty-seven sail, 
put to sea and bore away for Annapolis. 

They were doomed to a combination of disasters that had 
continued to befall them ever since the armament had left 
France. When off Cape Sable, they encountered another 
of those teiTif^c storms, which so weakened and dispersed 
the vessels that tbey returned to Europe. Tidings of the 
fieeL*s first disaster having reached France by some of the 
returned vessels, two men-of-war were immediately sent out 
to join the fleet, with orders to take and hold Annapolis at 
all hazai*ds ; but the fleet had sailed three days before their 
aiTival on the coast. M. de Eamsay, who had encamped 
before Annapolis, retii*ed to Chebucto, where he placed his 
men in winter quartei*s, in readiness to operate with anoth- 
er French squadi'on which was to be sent out the following 
spiing. 

The armament of the Duke D'AnviUe, which had excited 
such high expectations in France, and which had struck 
such terror throughout the English colonies, by a train of 
fortuitous circumstances as marked as those contributing 
to the fall of Ijouisbourg, was doomed to utter failure. One 
half of the vessels were lost or disabled, and more than one 
half the tioops died from disease, without having had an 
opportunity of measuring strength with the enemy. These 
COD tinned disasters to the French were regai'ded by the 
people of New England as special interpositions of Provi- 
dence in their favor. Public thanksgivings were everywhere 
offered ; towns were illuminated ; and no one doubted the 
right of the English to the whole of Acadia. 

Though the fleet had left the coast, Ramsay still remained 
on the Peninsula, which caused Mascarene much uneasiness 



OATtVME or LOUUBODBfl 141 

last the French iiolclierj, aided bj the Acadians and Indiana, 
ahoald attack Annapolis. GoTornor Ma<((*arene wrote (v- 
qoanUj to MaAnachuHc^tta, noting the extrcmelj hazardona 
poaition of the English in Acadia, and soliciting help. He 
expreaaed it aa his opinion that a reinfon*<*mcnt of one thoa« 
sand troops would be sufficient to dislodge the enemy from 
Acadian soil. He also suggested, as a politio maneuTer, 
by quartering the soldiers atuong the inhabitants, thay 
woald consume all the proTisiona, and so leave the country 
destitute of the means of supporting an invading enemy: 
and further, tliat their presence and intercourse among tba 
Acadian French uould hare a good effect in confirming 
them in their allegiance.* 

These representations had the def^igned effect: Maasa- 
ehoaetts sent fire hundred men, Rhode Island three hon* 
dred, and New Hampshire two hundred, for this servicei 
The contingent from lihode Island was shipwrecked near 
Martha*8 Vineyard ; the armed vessels of New Hampshirs 
went aa f or as Annapolis, but immediately returned to Ports- 
mouth ; and the troops from Massachusetts, not being abla 
to reach Minas by water on account of the inclemency of 
the weather, weie landed on the 4th day of December, on 
the ahore of the Day of Fundy. Each man waa fumiahad 
with fourteen days* piovisions, ami the party made a winter 
Journey to Minan, thiough the snow and the interminable 
foraats, and in eight days* time th(*y reached Giand Tie in 
safety* though having sufft-rcd much from cold and fatigue. 

This detachment Mas quartered for the winter in the vil- 
lage of Otand Pte. Supposing tho ri^or of the season and 
Iba difficulty of threading the pathle^ woods to guarantee 



M sKaun c dots aol seem to naka provistoo for Um Acadiaot 9tlm 
fonl mpplici vert CQO«iiiD«il bj Um toklim ; dot it it cn«y to ms 
htm sucb • yknh %ta u> opcrMto iu iuaciuiiig iIm Iotc oI tb« Aca/dtum te 
Uie «o«qacrois of Uwtr cotitito'- 



lis ACADIA 

them immuDity from attack, the English neglected to take 
proper precautionary measures, and distributed their forces 
in a careless manner. The French were soon apprised of 
this, and on the 8kh of January a detachment from Cliig- 
necto, under De Yilliers,* marched against the English at 
Minas. The distance between the two points by the ordi- 
nary route was less than a hundred miles. But the Basin 
was impassable for canoes on account of the floating ica 
De Yilliers was therefore obliged to make a long detour 
around its shores ; and when his soldiers came to a riTer 
they were obliged to follow up its coui-se above the influence 
of the tide before a crossing could be effected. While the 
French were toiling on through the dark flr forests, making 
their way on snow shoes and dragging their provisions on 
sledges, bivouacking at night on the snow with no roof but 
the sky, and mercury far below zero, the English were in 
their comfortable quarters at Grand Pre, living in fancied 
security. Some of the inhabitants told them the French 
were coming, but they gave no credit to the report 

Eighteen days of weary toil among the passes of theCobe- 
quid mouutains, and along the storm-beaten banks of the 
Shubenacadia, brought the assailants to Gaspereau. Cross- 
ing the bridge over the creek, the detachment halted and 
pai'took of refreshments ; then the force, numberiug six 
hundred, was divided into small parties, and the attack was 
made about three o'clock in the morning. A fearful snow 
storm had been raging for twenty- four hours, until the snow 
was four feet in depth, and the air was still full of falling 
flakes, which hid the advancing column from the scntinelsi 
until they had been sui*prised and bayoneted. De Yilliers 
was joined by some Acadians at Piziquid CNVindsor), and was 
informed by them of the exact position of the English. They 



* The EDglish officer who fought against Qeorge Washington ot the 
capitnlatioxi of Fort Necessity in 1754. 



OArrumB or LoinsBoinMi liS 

were quartered in twenty- four bouses, from which the 
French pt^ple had retired when rumors of the invasion b^ 
gan to be received. De Villiers resolved to attack ten of 
them in which the principal officers resided, and crush them 
bj an overpoweiing forco : — ^judg^og that the rest would fall 
an easy prej when the leaders were disposed of. TheEng* 
lish leaped out of their beds and fought desperately for their 
lives ; but their assailants outnumbered them, and they were 
undressed, and many of them unarmed. A terrible slaugh- 
ter Has the result Colonel Noble was killed ti^^htiug in his 
shijt, and with him fell four officers and seventy soldiers; 
sixty more of the English were wounded and nearly seventy 
made prisoners. A number of the English still remained, 
who coIle(*ted in a body under Captain Morris, and made a 
gallant stand. They were unpro\idedwith snow-shoes, and 
were impeded in their movements by the dc*ptb of the snow. 
They made an effort to cut their way to their vo:isel and 
pruvisionH, which attempt proved unsuccessfuL At noon a 
^uspeubi()n <»f arujs was agreed upon, and a capitulation 
afterward ariunged in the following terms: — 1st, they were 
to maich oflf to Annapolis, with arms bhouKlered, drums 
beating and colors flung, thioiigh u hme of the enemy with 
rented firelocks. — 'Jad, ihvy were to bfaUowt^ 1 six day V pro- 
visions, with a pound of powder and a jao^^nition of l>:ill to 
each man. — 3J, they wrro not to canv .inns a:^ai:i>i the 
French in the country bordeiing on the Uasm of Min:iH and 
Chignecto for hi\ months. The French lostiri this iin -iiivd 
atr«fe was only sivtn killed and fourt€*i>u woui;Ji*J, l*.ii De 
Vii*ier8 was among the latter. SuL<h, duiiht.t-^s, a;e the 
variable fortunt.-* of war : yet the w holesalo siaUj^hter of un- 
armed, helpleb.n men, just awakened from their slurubers. 
Las none of the heroic qualities of a fair fight in the lield of 
battle. 

In the meantime Jonquiero had returned to France with 
the rtmoant of D*Auville*s fleet. By great exeruons he had 



144 ACADIA 

caused another expedition to be fitted oat to operate against 
Nova Scotia, comprising thirty-eight sail, laden with soldiers 
and ordnance stores, which was put under his command. 
The sailing of the French fleet had been watched bj their 
English rivals ; a formidable armament under the British 
flag set out in chase, and forced an engagement off Cape 
Finisterre, on the Sd of May, 1747. After a well contested 
battle the French struck their colors ; seven of their ships 
were captured, and almost five thousand soldiers taken pris- 
oners. It is estimated that France lost by this catastrophe 
a million and a half of livres. This destroyed all hopes that 
Ramsey had entertained to reduce Nova Scotia, fiat this 
war was about to draw to a close. On the 7th of October 
^ terms of peace were concluded between France and England, 
Nknown as the ^Treaty of Aiz-la-Chapelle.'* By its stipula- 
tions the people of New England were not a little chagrin- 
ed to see the fortress of Louisbourg, that had cost them so 
much blood and treasure to secure, again pass into the hands 
of the French. It mattered not though fully a thousand of 
brave New Englandera lay moldering under the patch of 
dark green-sward, in the old burying ground on Point Boch- 
fort, who had sacrificed their lives to wrench it from French 
domination. '' Though no monument marks the spot, yet 
the waves of the restless ocean, in calm or in storm, sing an 
everlasting requiem over the graves of the departed heroes.** 
The restoration of Louisbourg has been pronounced an act 
of extreme folly, in view of its aggressiveness towards 
American commerce, and the fact that the peace was not 
likely to be lasting. Says Macaulay — *' the peace was, as 
regai'ds Europe, nothing but a truce; it was not even a 
truce in other quarters of the globe." 



BEFUSINO THE OATH. 



Nearly half a century had elapsed sinoe the Eng^lish, by 
the treaty of Utrecht, had come in possession of Nova Sco- 
tia ; yet they had not succeeded in founding a single English 
■ettlement, nor had they added to the number of English 
•peaking people in the Province. The French Acadians on 
the contrary had gone on increasing and •preadin<^ them- 
aelves orer the land, until their numbers were treble what 
they were when the country came under the Bhti8h flag. 
Lake Pharaoh of old, who, dismayed at the increase of the la- 
raelitea, was terribly perplexed how to dispose of them, tha 
Oovemor of Acadia was at a loss what to do with the French 
Kentrala. The garrison at AnnapoliH were dependent on 
the French for supplies, and would have nothing to live* up- 
on were the latter driven from the territory ; and, further- 
more, would have to garrii»ou a country without a iK>pula- 
tion in it Besides, it was stipulated by an English iuw that 
all unoccupied lands in the Province should be rc^'rved to 
English settlers; the French had therefore divided and sub- 
divided their farms to accommodate the increasing number 
of families, until this was no longer practicable. The Oov- 
emor did not like to see the law violated by French families 
aettliog on unoccupied lands ; he was also anxious to exempt 
Iba French from the miseries attendant upon overcrowding, 
and escape the embarraasment of providing therefor. 

Another source of annoyance was that the Acadiana^ in* 



146 AOADIA 

secure in their rights and possessions, when they 

any coin for produce sold to the garrison, would not allow 

it to come into circulation ; keeping it by them,* as was 

supposed, for use in case they were driven from their pes* 

sessions. 

Heretofore the government of the Province of Nova Sco* 
tia had been administered by the commander of the garri- 
son at Annapolis, the province being thought too poor to 
support any additional expense ; but in 1749, Hon. Edward 
Comwallis was appointed to be Governor-in-chief of Nova 
Scotia. He amved at Chebucto harbor during the sommer, 
where he established the first permanent English colony, com- 
prising two thousand and five hundred persons, naming it 
Halifax out of compliment to the Lord then at the head of 
the Board of Trade. The colonists comprised a large num- 
ber of disbanded officers, soldiers and sailors. Halifax was 
henceforth the seat of government of the Province, while 
Annapolis, which had been the center of power, was to take 
a secondary pai't in the history of the country. 

We will now endeavor to follow, with a frank and open 
candor, the course of events of the next fifteen years that 
culminated in the utter ruin of eighteen thousand pastoral 
French people. We will bring forward the authenticated 
facts bearing upon this part of our subject, and give both 
sides a fair and impartial hearing. The prejudices of race 
and religion are now happily lessened ; the scenes were en- 
acted so long ago that no fears need be entertained of of- 

"* Numbers buried their coin, nearly always, if tradition may be be- 
lieved, in stoDO crocks. They then prepared charts in cypher, pointing 
out ibo location of the hidden treasure. The French inhabitants, at the 
time of their expatriation, were driven away so suddenly, that numbers of 
them had no time to secure it There are many stories current among 
the people in various localities, of Frenchmen returning to their former 
habitations, and by means of charts, mineral rods, and forms of divina- 
tion known only to the initiated, seoaring and carrying away quantities of 
the hidden coin. 



finding the potteritj of the chief actors in the melancholy 
drams : and, furthermore, belicTin^ that the people of Eng- 
Und, France aud America, ore at this late dutH willing to 
aasume their full slmre of cul))ability in rontiibutiug to the 
sufferings of this unfortunate people, — we are arrived at s 
time when the matter maj be treated with entire frepdom, 
without the hazard of meeting with undue bi^ifotry and pre- 
judgment We may premise that the succeeding ext roots 
are compiled, with few exceptions, from English sources, 
and maj naturally bo expected to have a bias in favor of 
the cause of Great Britain. When parties are convirted bj 
witnesses supposed to bt* in their interest, the proof isslwajs 
deemed the more conclusive. The French people cannot 
be hoard in their own behtdf, as their papers were taken 
from them at the time of their forced extirpation. If thej 
had anj record of their sufiferiugs and wrongs, it will ever 
remain a sealed book. 

One of the very tirst acts of Governor Comwallis on es- 
lablinhing his government at Halifax, was to issue a decls- 
ration to the ^'French subjects of his Majesty, King George, 
inhabiting Nora Scotia,*' wnich contains the following charge 
against them, bearing date of July 14, 1749: 

^I do hereby declare in his Majesty*s name, that his Maj* 
Mty, although fully Hensible that the many indulgences 
whtch he and his royal predicessois have* shown to thHiuud 
inhabitants in allowing them the entiiely free exerri^o of 
their religion, and the quiet and peat'ciible possession of 
their lauds, have not met with a dutiful return, but on the 
eontrary divers of the said inhabitants have openly al>ettod 
or privately assisted his Majesty *s enemies in their attempts, 
by furnishing them with ipuirters, provisions and intelli- 
gsnoe, and concealing their desi^^'ns from his Majesty *s Ifov* 
STDor, insomuch that the enemy more than once appeartni 
undsr the walls of Annapolis Koyal before the garrison had 
any ootios of their being within the Province: yet his Msj- 
•stj, bsing daairous of showmg further marks of his royal 



148 AOADIA 

grace in hopes to induce the inhabitants to become for the 
future true and loyal subjects, is graciously pleased to al* 
low that the said inhabitants shall continue in the free ezer* 
dse of their religion, as far as the laws of Great Britain do 
allow the same, as also the peaceable possession of such 
as are under their cultivation : Proyided, that the said in- 
habitants do, within three months from the date of this de- 
daratioD, take the Oath of Allegiance appointed to be taken 
by the laws of Great Britain, . . and I do strictly charge 
and forbid all persons whatever, from possessing themselTeB 
of any cultivated land within this Province without a grant 
for the same under the seal of this Province ; also that no 
person whatever do export out of this Province any com or 
cattle without especial leave for that purpose." 

In answer to the charge contained in the above^ that the 
French openly abetted with the enemies of King C^rge^ 
we append the following extittct from a letter written by 
Gk)vernor Mascarene, dated at Annapolis Boyal, in which he 
says, referring to Du Yivier's campaign : 

** To the breaking the French measures, the timely buo> 
cors received from Massachusetts, and our JFVeneh Inhath 
Uants refusing to take up arms against us, we owe our 
preservation. The first had prepared a force that in the 
opinion of all, considering the ill condition of the fort, we 
should not have been able to resist ; by the second, our men 
were eased in constant duty the many ruinous places in our 
ramparts required to attend ; and if the inhabitants had tak- 
en up arms they might have brought three or four thousand 
men against us, who would have kept us on still harder du* 
ty, and by keeping the enemy for a longer time about as, 
made it impossible to repair breaches or get our firewood." 

The charge of the English had been that the French in- 
habitants were ripe for revolt, and only needed the presence 
of a French force in the country when they would flock to 
its standard. The above declaration of Mascarene would 
seem to refute this charge, as also the following which ap- 
peal's on the records, relative to Du Yivier^s behavior towards 



BtrOtniO THB 04TS 149 

tha iDbabitanU of Minaa and Tiziquid, thai it waa **jwj 
barah ;** thai the Freucb soldiera *' comin*^' in the night aent 
mou to every houae whilht they were buiieJ in sleep, and 
threatened to put any to death that should stir out or come 
Dear the [English] fort ; that tlicy had been ordered to f ur- 
niab weekly a certain quantity of cattle, to bring their carta 
and teams, the orders being most of them on pain of death.** 

At the first Council held by the new government at Hali- 
fax, — which for want of better accommodation was held on 
board of a vessel in the harbor,— -on July 14th, three French 
deputies, representing Uivcr Canard, Grand Pie and Pixi* 
quid, called to pay their respects. They weie furnished 
with copies of the above declaration, and of the oath that 
was to be given to the inhabitants, and were commanded to 
return within a fortnight and report the resolutions of their 
aeTeral departments. They were ordered to aend to the 
other French settlenients to let them know His Excellency 
desired to see their deputies as soon as possible. 

In obedience to the orders of Comwailis, ten deputies ar* 
rived at Halifax on the 20th, representing the settleuientiiof 
Annapolis, Grand Pre, River Canard, Piziquid, Cobequid, 
Chignecto and She|>ody, who delivered a written answer to 
his Excellency the Governor, which contained a request that 
they might be permitted to have priests, and enjoy the free 
and public exercise of religion : and demanded an exemption 
from bearing arms in time of war. The Council were of 
opinira that they might be allowe<l the free extTcise of their 
rabgion, provided that no priest shall prvHunie to ofTiciate 
without first obtaining a license, and taking the Oath of Al- 
legiance to hia Majt'hty. AVith re;;ard to exemption from 
bearing anna it was the unanimous opinion no exemption 
should be granted them, but they must be told peiemp- 
lofily thai they muat take the Oath of Allegiance as offered 
for that hia Maji sty would allow none to |)ossess 
in hia tcrritorieM \%hos«* allegiance could not bo count* 



\ USk\ 



150 ACADIA 

ed on in ease of need. It was decided to send persons to 
the French districts to administer the oath to the inhabit- 
ants, and such as would continue in the possession of their 
lands must take the oath before the 26th of October, which 
would be the last day allowed them. 

The next day the deputies were called before the Council, 
and a declaration embodying the above decisions read to 
them, and a copy given to each for their several districts. 
The deputies asked provided they had a mind to evacuate 
their lands, if they could have leave to sell their lands and 
\ efifects, and were told they could not be allowed to sell or 
carry off anything. The deputies then asked leave to retom 
and consult with the inhabitants, upon which they were 
warned that all who should not before the 26th of October 
have taken the Oath of Allegiance, would forfeit all their po^ 
\8essions and rights in this Province. They then asked leave 
BO go to the French Governors and see what conditions 
jmight be offered them, and were told that " whoever should 
/leave the Province without first taking the Oath of Allegiance, 
should immediately forfeit all their rights." The priests of 
the several settlements were at the same time ordered to 
repair to Halifax as soon as possible. 

On the 6th of September, deputies from the French dis- 
tricts appeared before the Governor at Halifax, with a letter 
containing their answer, signed by one thousand persons. 
After acknowledging with thanks the many kindnesses and 
privileges they had received from the government, this letter 
goes on to say ; " We believe if his Majesty had beeninform- 
ed of our conduct towards his government, he would not 
propose to us an oath, which, if taken, would at any moment 
expose our lives to great peril from the savage nations, who 
have reproached us in a strange manner, as to the oath we 
have taken to his Majesty. This one binding us still more 
strictly, we should assuredly become the victims of their 
barbarous cruelty. The inhabitants, over the whole extent 



BBrUSnO THB 0418 151 

of eomitry, h%r% retolved not to take the OAtb required of 
us ; but if your Excellencj will gntDi ue our old oath which 
WM giTen UB at Minas, by Mr. Richard Phillips, with an ez- 
emptiou for ourselves and for our heirs from taking up arms, 
we will accept it But if your Excellencj is not disposed to 
grant us what we take the liberty of asking, we are resoWed, 
erery one of us, to leave the country. We take the liberty 
to beg your Excellency to tell us whether or not his Majesty 

has annulled the oath given us by Phillips We hope 

jour Excellency will allow yourself to be moved by our 
miseries, and we, on our part, will exert ourselves to the 
ntmost in praying to God for the preservation of joor per- 
•on.** 

Excellencj made the following answer : 



** We have cause to be much astonifihed at jonr condaet 
This is the third time vou have come hero, and vou donoth- 
ing but repeat the same story. To-day you present us a 
letter signed by a thousand persons, in which you declare 
openly thut you will bo the subject of his Britannic Majesty 
on such and such conditions. It appears to me you think 
yourselves indei>endcnt to any government, and you wish to 
treat with the Kin<; a» if you w«'re so. 

**But you ou;;ht to know, that from the end of the year 
atipulated in the treaty of Utrecht, for the* evacuation of the 
country, those who chose to remain in the Province became 
at once the subjects of Great Britain. The treaty declares 
them s.ich ; the Kin;^' of Franco (i«v!art's, in the treaty, that 
all the French who ^liall remain in this I'rovinc \ shall be 
the subjects of his [BiitinhJ Majenty. 

''It would be contrary to conuti-ju s*>nru*, alno, to suppose 
that one can remain in a province, and po.sse!»s hous<>s and 
lands there, without being subject to the sovereign of that 

Kvmce. You de<*eive yourarlves if you think you are at 
rty to choose whetlier you will bv tho subjects of the 
King or no. From the year 1714, that no longer depended 
Vpoo you. From that moment you L>€C4une subject to the 
laws of Oreat Britain. . • • • You ought to have taken the OaCh 
€f Allegiaoce to your King the moment you were rec|uu^ 
lo do aa Yoo tell me that General Philiips grauted you 



162 AOADU 

the resenratioiiB joirdemand ; and I tell you that the general 
who granted you such reseryations did not do his duty; 
and also that this oath has never in the slightest degree 
lessened your obligations to act always as a subject ought 
to act. 

'' You allow yourself to be led astray by people who find 
to their interest to lead you astray. They have made you 
imagine it is only joui oath which binds you to the English. 
They deceive you. It is not the oath which a King adUnin- 
isters to his subjects that makes them subjects. The oath 
supposes they are so already. The oath is nothing but a 
very sacred bond of fidelity of those who take it. It is only 
out of pity to your situation, and to joui inexperience in 
the affairs of government, that we condescend to reason 
with you ; otherwise the question would not be reasonings 
but commanding and being obeyed " 

Grovemor Comwallis wrote to the Board of Trade: *'Tho 
French deputies have been here this week ; they came as they 
said with their final answer. Your Lordships will see . from 
the enclosed copy of their letter, that they are resolved to 
retire rather than take the oath. As I am sure they will not 
leave their habitations this season, 'when the letter was read 
to the council in their presence, I made them answer with- 
out changing any of my former declaration, or saying one 
word about it. My view is to make them useful as possible 
to his IVIajesty while they do stay. If, afterwards, they are 
still obstinate, I shall receive in the spring his Majesty's fur- 
ther instructions from your Lordships." 

In the foregoing papers we have a plain statement of the 
questions at issue, and the position of the two parties, nei* 
ther being disposed to yield ground to the other. The neu- 
trals were firm in their determination not to take the pre- 
scribed oath without immunity from bearing arms, alleging 
as an excuse, their fear of the savages; though doubtless 
another reason was, that, in the unsettled state of the coun- 
try, they did not know how soon they might be called upon 



Binmnro tbb <uth 158 

to take Mrms against their own countrynien. The EngUih 
Ooremment, on the other hand« was as determined that thej 
■hould take an unqualified oatli, and gradually drew the re- 
atrainta of power more closely, until the expulsion of tba 
French from the territory. 

While these erents were tranKpiring, other troubles wera 
engendering, nil of which boded no good to the hopelesa 
Acadians. The terms of the treaty of Utrecht were not suf* 
ficiently ex]>licit, and war was likely to break out at any 
moment between the two powers over a professed misunder- 
standing. The French affected to beliere the term '* Aci^ 
dia** includeil only the i>eninsula, while the British sida 
were for including territory to the north of the Bay of Fundj. 
This made the govern men t at Halifax all the more anxioua 
to get the numerous Acadian French bound in some way to 
the British cause, and it was an ec|ually potent reason for 
the Acadians not to commit themselves. The Governor of 
Canada had sent detachments of soldiers to take possession 
of the St John River, and also to dispute the title of the 
English at Chignecto, and prevent their settling there. 

In September, Captain Hanfield was detached from Anna- 
polis with orders to occupy Minas and to establish himself 
lie built a block-house at Grand I're. This was IchAim] upon 
with disfavor: a party of thrc^ huiiflred Indians attacked 
the place in December, but were foiled in the attempt ; they i^^^ 

succeeded, however, in capturing Lieutenant Hamilton and 
eighteen men who were surprised without the fort Eleven 
of the inhabitants of Fiziquid were with the savages when 
the attack was made, and Captain Gorliam was sent up to 
aeiae the rebellious inhabitants and confine them for trial; 
bot they had (led for Chignecto. 

At thia period in our history, the priest, La Loatre, fig* 
oraa quite conspicoously. Aa early as 1740 we find him act* 
ing as a missionary among the Micmac Indiana He waa a 
moat determined enemy to the British authority in Acadia^ 



154 ACADIA 

and an effective emissary and correspondent of the French 
government in Quebec. In 1745 we hear of him heading a 
body of Abenaqui Indians in an attack on Annapolis Royal.* 
Large sums of money, fire-arms, ammunition and other sup- 
plies, were furnished him from time to time, for distribu- 
tion among the French and Indians. His principal resi- 
dence was at Ghignecto, from which point he could readily 
communicate with the different French settlements on the 
penin sula. He held the office of Ticar-Oeneral in Acadia, un- 
der the Bishop of Quebec. By means of this office he ob- 
tained an influence over the Acadian priests, who became 
his agents in controlling the French and Indians of the 
province. He is charged with still farther departing from 
the sacred functions of his office by engaging in trade, by 
means of which he added to his coffers. The support he 
received from the Governor of Canada enabled him to hold 
his position, regardless of advice of his clerical superiors, 
and remonstrances of the British authorities. La Loatre*s 
plan of operations with the Acadians, one which he pursued 
vigorously from first to last, was to threaten them with the 
vengeance of the savages if they submitted to the English, 
and to refuse the sacrament to all who refused to obey his 
commands. He was charged with inciting the Indians to 
hostilities at the early settlement of Halifax, and encourag- 
ing their attacks upon stragglers and those without the 
limits of the fort getting fire-wood. 

With all these ill-omened influences at work, it is not a 
matter of surprise that the new government at Halifax re- 
garded with suspicion all persons of French descent, and in- 
terpreted all occurrences to their disadvantage. But one 
fails to see the justice of laying the acts of a few renegade 
Frenchmen at the doors of thousands of law-abiding popu- 
lation, any more than pronouncing a whole community guil- 



* See pages 164-5. 



no4m IM 

tj when a burglary haa been coinmiiied in their midat: or 
the eqaitj of the claim that the machinations of the Papist 
La Loutre, reflected the sentiment of the whole Afiadian 
people, 
llie f oUowing ia characteristic of the time : 

•fTo Capt. Stlva^xus Cobb: — 

Haring certain information that La Lontre, a French 
Priest at Chignecto, is the author of all the disturbances the 
Indians have mado in this Provinci^, and that he directs and 
instructs them, and provides them from Canada with armai 
ammunition, and ev€»ry thing necessaiy for their purpose,— « 
You are hereby ordered to apprehend the said pnest La 
Loutro wherever he may be found, that he may answer the 
crimes laid to his charge. 

** As all the inhabitants of Chignecto, through his instiga* 
tion, have harbored and assisted the Indiaiin, and have never 
given the least intelligence to this gDveriiiut-nt, you are here> 
by ordered to Keize as many of the inhabitants as you can, 
or in case they quit their housen upon your approach, you 
are to siize and bccuie as many of their wives and children 
as you think proper, and deliver them to the tirst English 
fort you shall coine to, to remain as hostages of their better 
behavior. You will likewise seaich their nouses for papers* 
arms or ammuniiion and warlike stores of any kind, wlucii yoa 
will take or destroy. 

**GiTen under my hand and seal at Halifax, Jan. 13, 1749. 

E. C0E3rWA.LUS. 

Early in the season of 1750, Governor Cornwallis determ* 
ined to erect a block-house at Chignc>cto, where the most re> 
bellious of the French were residing, and near where the 
bated La Loutre had made his residence. Major Lawrence 
waa entrusted with the work; taking with him four bun* 
dred aoldiera, they marched to Minas, from whence they 
embarked for Chignecto. There on the south side of the 
Ifiiaeguaah, which the French claimed to be the boundary 
€f Aeadia, was a settlement of one hundred and forty houaea. 



>. 



/ 



166 AOADIA 

This Tillage was situated upon one of the most fertile spots 
in all Acadia. Its people, haying had early notice that th« 
English were coming, were persuaded to abandon their 
homes, and with their cattle and movables, to cross the Mia- 
seguash, and come under the French authority on the nixp- 
ihem bank. La Loutre was the chief prompter in this 
moyement; and to make the step irrevocable, he ordered his 
Indians to set fire to the village ; every dwelling was speed- 
ily consumed, not exceptmg the chapel. This act of wanton 
devastation committed on the French people by a pijest of 
their own country and faith, comes well authenticated, 
otherwise it could hardly be believed. Over a thousand 
persons were embraced in this forced emigration ; and the 
number was increased at a later period. About eight hun- 
dred Acadians took refuge on the site of Charlottetowu, P. 
E. L, during the summer, and were fed on rations furnished 
from Quebec. There they lived miserably, like Indians in 
the woods. Others were scattered in different parts of the 
country. These poor refugees lived for several years within 
sight of the fields that had been their own, rather than re- 
turn to them on condition of taking the Oath of Allegiance 
to the Crown of England ; or we might more fitly say, "they 
were restrained by the influence of a wicked priest who em- 
ployed savages to overawe and coerce them." These were 
afterwards known in history as the " Deserted French In- 
habitants." Lawrence did not build the fort, as the with- 
drawal of the French south of the Misseguash rendered it 
unnecessary, and so he marched back to Minas. 

In April, 1750, deputies from River Canard, Grand Pr6 
and Fiziquid, anived at Halifax, desiring leave to evacuate 
the Province and cairy off their effects. Governor Com- 
wallis returned them the following answer: 



''I am not ignorant of the fact that since my arrival in 
this Province, evei^ means has been employed to alienate 



mimSSO TMB OATH 157 



the hemrU of the I- rench subjects of hin Britannie 
I kDow that great advaiitagee bare been ttromieed jou ela*- 
wherOy and that jou haTe been made to believe your relig* 
ion waa in danger. Threats haTe been rettorted to in order 
to induce you to remove into French Territory. The nav* 
ages are made use of to molest you. The savages are to 
cut the throats of all who persist in remaining in their na- 
tive country, attached to their own interests, and faithful 
to the government By the manner in which this scheme 
has been carried out, you will judge of the character of the 
directors and of their designs. You will iudge whether 
those deserve your confidence who sacrifice their own hon* 
or, the honor of their sovereign, and of their nation, to lead 
you to your ruin. You know that certain officers and mia- 
sionanes, who came from Canada to Chi^necto last autumn^ 
have been the cause of all our troubles duiing the winter. 
Their entrance into this Province, and their Htay here, are 
directly contrary to the treaties which exist between the two 
crowns. Their conduct has been horrible, without honor, 
probity, or conscience, anil such as they dare not acknowU 
edge themselves. They are doing everything by under* 
band dealings, and by uieuiis of the savages, whom they 
disown in the end. It uas these who iudui-Oil the Indians 
of the River St. John to join with the Micmacs, the day 
after a solemn treat v. Thev induced the Miomacs to com- 
mence their outiages, and iurninhed them witli everything 
for their viar. i: luiiily, since tlie peace, they have bet*u en- 
gaged in intrigues and enterpnseh for which an houcMt man 
would have blushed e\eu during the war. These same gen- 
tlemen are doing their best to cause you to leave the country 
and to txansfer yourselves to French territory. They hava 
endeavoted to give you yrtry false ideas which you will not 
fail to declare to us. Their aim is to embroil you with tha 
government. • • • • 

** After having passed the winter in the Province and com- 
inenced to piepaie the lands in the spring, it is ridiculous 
to come and tell me that you will not sow, having resolved 
to withdraw. My liieuds }ou must go and sow your lands 
in oruer that they may be left lu that couditiou in uhich 
they ought to b« at this beasiui. Without that }ou wid 
have nuright to expect the leaiit favor from the government. 
\^ban you have done your duty in this reapect, 1 wiiJ 



158 AOAOIA 

give you a more predse reply to your request. In the 
meantime, as it is my determination to act always in good 
faith with you and not to flatter you with vain hopes, I will 
now let you know my sentiments on two important articles. 
I declare to you frankly that according to our laws nobody 
can possess lands or houses in the Province, who shall refuse 
to take the Oath of Allegiance to the King when required 
to do so. As to those who shall leave the Province, the or* 
der of no government permits them to take with them their 
cfTects. Ail their goods are confiscated to the King. I have 
just issued my orders to the effect that all shall be arrested 
and brought back who ai*e found carrying off such effects." 

Towards the close of May, the French Neutrals having 
sown their lands, deputies from Annapolis, Grand Pre, Biv* 
er Canard and Piziquid, again waited on the Governor at 
Halifax, soliciting permission to leave the Province. The 
following is a portion of a letter given by him in reply: 



''My friends, the moment that you declared it your 
to leave and submit yourselves to another government, our 
determination was to hinder nobody from following what he 
imagined to be to his interest. We know that a forced ser* 
vice is worth nothing, and that a subject compelled to be 
so against his will is not far from being an enemy. We 
frankly confess, however, that your determination to leave 
gives us pain. 

" We are well aware of your industry and your temper- 
ance, and that you are not addicted to any vice or debauch- 
ery. This Province is your coun'i'y ; you and your fathers 
iiavo cultivated it ; naturally you ought to enjoy the fruits 
of your labor. Sixcb was the design of the King our Mas- 
ter. You knovr ttiat we have followed his orders. You 
know that we have done everything to secure to you not 
only the occupation of your lands, but the ownership of 
tlicm forever. 

'' We have given you also every possible assurance of the 
enjoyment of your religion. When we arrived here we ex- 
pected that nothing would give you so much pleasure as 
the determination of his Majesty to settle this Province. 



LdWhllM TBB OATH 159 



t 



Certainlj nothing more odTantageons to you could tak« 
place. You possess the only cultivatod lands in the ProT- 
ince; thej produce grain and nourish cattle sufficient for 
the whole colony. It is you who have had all the advant- 
ages fur a long time. In nhort, we flattered ourselves tliat 
we could make you the ha)>|)i<'St people in the world. . . . 
Wo must not complain of all the inhabitantH. We know 
Tery well there are ill-diKposed, and mischievous persons 
among you who corrupt the others. Your inexpeiience and 
your ignorance of the afTairs of government, and your habit 
of following the counsels of those who have not your real 
mterests at heart, make it an easy matter to seduce you. 
In your petition you ask for a general leave In or- 
der to effect this, we should have to notify all the couiiuaud* 
era of his Majesty's ships and troops to allow every one to 
pass and repass, which would cause the greatest confusiou. 
The Province would be open to all sorts of jM^ople, to stiau* 
gers, and even to savages. . . . The only manner in which 
you can withdraw from this Province is that all persons 
wishing to leave shall provide thenmt*lves with our own pass- 
port, and we declare that nothing shall prevent us from giv- 
ing passports to all thost' wiio usi^ for them, the moment that 
peace and tiautpiillity are rcV stublished in the Province. 

^ in the presi'Ut state of the Province we are surprised 
that you thought of askin*^ tor such leave. You know that 
the savages are asfteiiibit*d ut Chigni*i*to, furninhed with ev* 
erything and proti*cti*d by a Krenoh detachment. You know 
you wdi have to pius thcM* French delachmeuts and su\a;^es, 
and that they compel th«* inhabitants who go there to take 
up arms. I am to piehumu \ou pay no attention to this. 
It is a demand I can by no means grant** 

**And as we are not ignorant of the* bad consequences of 
those assemblies, whert* olten the mo:>t iionent p(*oplu are 
led ssuay by some sedit4>>us pci.souH, we positively loibid, 
fur the future, all asseiub.irs of the inhabitant.**, except for 
some important business, wneu they shall have the pcrmis* 
aion of the commander and when he or some one fv>r him bholl 
be present. I recommend 3'ou to remain quatiy in 3 our 
aetUeineulay occupied about your own affous, until we snail 
the pieaent disturbances settle^" 

Though the foregoing u couched ..i verjr piaoaible laa* 



160 ACADIA 

guage — the language a father would use toward a son whom 
he loved — it is difficult to reconcile the yarious orders ema- 
nating from the Halifax government. At one time the 
French Neutrals are told to take the unqualified Oath of 
Allegiance, or accept the alternative of leaving the country 
without the privilege of selling their property or taking 
with them their effects ; and when they come to ask per- 
mission to leave on the latter ruinous conditions, they are 
plainly told they cannot be permitted to leave the country. 
The English, as they themselves declare, were averse to hav- 
ing the twenty thousand Acadians join their enemies in 
Canada and elsewhere — the threat therefore that they most 
take the oath or leave the colony could not have been*made 
in good faith. Those who are disposed to condemn the 
course of the Acadians in not accepting so many blessings 
as promised by Governor Comwallis, by so easy a matter 
as subscribing to an oath, and so secure all that earth could 
give, have but to imagine the condition of the Acadians had 
they subscribed to the oath, in case the Province again re- 
verted to French domination, as it was, to all appearance 
likely to do at any time. With Papist priests and Canadian 
Governors on one hand, and the English on the other, the 
poor Acadian French, distrusted by both, with ruin staring 
them in the face, military quartered among them, property 
taken by force by fiiend and foe alike, — their condition 
was truly deplorable. 

The following letter from La Loutre addressed to If. 
Bigot,* Commissary of New France, dated Bay Verte Aug* 

*SeYeu miles from Quebec are the ruins of a mansion, consisting of 
gables and division-wall, in thick masonry, with a deep cellar, outside of 
which nre heaps of debris, over which grow alders and UIbgb. This chft* 
tcau wns occupied by the last Boyal Intendant, M. Bigot, a dissolute and 
licentious French satrap, who stole $2,000,000 from the treasury. The 
legend tells us that Bigot used this building for a hunting lodge and pkoa 
of revels, and that once, while pursuing a bear among the hills, he got 
lofit, and was guided back to the chateau by a lovely Algonquin maidea 



15th. 1750, not only shows the powers exercised by thAt 
worldly piiesU but likewise exhibits the coudition of the 
fmnofilies of the Neutrals at this period. Tbe letter was found 
on a captured sloop taken from the French bj tba British 
sbipv 7 Wo/: 

^ I send jou the ship London* M. de Bonarentore is to 
write to JOU by this opportunity to ask you for proviRions, 
not being able to get any from Louisbourg for the subsist- 
ence of the refugee families. If the four vessels that yoa 
promised us had arrived, we would have sent some flour 
to Isle St Jean (Prince Edward Island); but for the pres- 
ent we cannot do so. We have here a great many people to 
support, and in the autumn we shall have an increase of 
more than sixty families from Beaubassin, and the rivera 
which are beyond our chiims, who have not sown at all, in 
order to withdraw to our territories. 

^ The inhabitants of Cobequid are to decide as soon aa 
th<*y hear from France. They will make the number one 
hundred families. Perhaps we shall have some from Minaa 
if they can escape. You see that we require provisions; 
and it would be exposing these families to pensh, not to be 

in a coudition to help th^ni The Canabas who were 

un the Chebucto road have seized the letters of the English 
who were writing to Minas and Port IloyaL I will have 
them sent to you by the first courier. 

*^ It all our savages were Frenchmen we should not be 
eaibarrassed : but the wretches get tired, and will perhaps 
«««ve us ui our greatest need. They are getting tired at nut 
i.faiiiig from France ; and it is very sui pricing thent are no 
!ttt« ri« for us, although a vensel has arrived at Louisbourg 

ha%ing three hundred soldiers on board We are waiting 

here only for news from France to decide u{>ou our course. 

Gov. Cornwallis and his Council, having decided the ereo- 
lion of a fort at Chignecto a necessity for the proper guard- 



vboB be iMd met in tbe forest She muAinctl in tliia boiMing a loog 

tjoM, in a laxniiom bondotr, and wis vtmud fRMjucutly hy the Intend- 

aat : hot one night nhe wm iMMMnatcd by ■oiu« nnkuuwn |ieni>D. cithct 

H Biflol*s wife or her own moUicr, to avenge tbe dsthfinig to ber thbsb 
6 k 



IDS uusu 

lag of their interoBts on the Pfliiinsata, lieat-CoL Lairrence 
waa sent there in September, with a Btrong force to erect 
ona The French and Indians opposed their landing, bnt 
were driven off after a sharp sldrmiah. A short difitance 
Bonth of the Misaeguasb, opposite Fort Beansejonr, on m 
considerable elevation, Lawrence commenced the erection of 
a picketed fort, and a block-house, which he named after hin^ 
Bell Though the two crowns were tben at peace, here were 
two fortifications on opposite sides of the Uissegoasli, 
manned by soldiers of different nationalities, between which 
■omothing nrj similar to a state of warfare existed. 




FALL OF BEAUSEJOUa 



An has been before iDtiinaied, the campaign againai Nova 
Scotia waa undertaken at the expenae and under the author- 
ity of the Biitihh Ciown. The troops, however, w#fie drawn 
fi<»fn aiiiong the colonists of New England, and aclM under 
their own officers. Lieutenant-Colouel Moncton held the 
c tnimand of the expedition, but the soldiers from Masaa* 
chusetts, consisting of two battalions, of which Governor 
Shirlejr was Colonel, were led bj Lieutenant-Colonel John 
Winalow of Muishtield. Haliburton says of Wmsiow thai 
he was **a gentleman of one of Uie most ancient and honor* 
able iamiliea in the Province, who held a commission of 
Major-Oeneral in the Militiii, and whose influence was ao 
great aa to effect the raising of two thousand men in about 
twu moutha, to servo for tlie term of one year if so long re* 
quirod.** 

The fleet, with about two thousand men on board, aei 
aail from Boston on the 20th of May, and in five days reached 
Annapolis. Then taking on board about three Ikuudred of 
Warburton*8 regiment, and a small train of artillery, they 
bore away for Chiguecto, where they arrived on the 2nd of 
June, and the following day the troops landed and encamp- 
ed around Fort Lawrence. Vergor, then in command ai 
Fort Beauaejour, called in all his available forces, aendtog 
an order to Ibe Aradians to come to his asaiaUnce — thiet 



164 iLOAOIA 

bundred of whom obeyed under compulsiozL* On tbe 4tb 
of ibat montb tbe New England troops were set in motion. 
Tbe first resistance was met at Pont a Buot, a few miles east 
of Beausejonr, where was a blook-bonse and a strong breast- 
work of timber. A spirited attack was made on tbis place, 
and tbe Frencb wei'e driven out of tbe works after an hour's 
bard figbting; following up tbeir advantage, tbe English 
pressed upon tbe block-bouse, wbicb was soon abandoned 
and set on fire, tbe enemy seeking tbe cover of Fort Beaa- 
sejour. From tbe block-bouse Colonel Moncton advanced 
to witbin balf a league of tbe Frencb fortress, and invested 
tbat place witb bis little army. As tbe Frencb retired tbey 
set fire to all the bouses between Font a Buot and Beause- 
jonr, to tbe number of sixty, and before night all were in 
ruins, not even excepting the church. For more than a 
week the English were employed in getting their cannon 
over the river, cutting a road through the woods, and loca- 
ting a battery on the high groimd behind tbe fort. Tbe 
French in the meantime had been actively employed in 
strengthening the place. On the 13th the guns opened on 
Fort Bcausejour; the following day they fired small aheUa 
from trenches dug within seven bundled feet of the walls. 
Vergor had been expecting help from Louisbourg, to which 
place he had sent for assistance when first hearing of Mono* 
ton's approach : he was doomed to disappointment — tho 
commander at Louisbourg sending word he could give bim 
no men as he was himself threatened with an English squad* 
ron. Many of the Acadians deserted ; the rest asked per* 
mission to retii'e, which was refused. On the 16th, a large 
sheJl rolled into one of the casemates, killing an English 
prisoner by the name of Hay, and three French officem. 



^IlanoAy states, the Acadian French were wiUing to take up 
agaiufit the Enghsh, and that this protesting against aiding th^ French 
was only a subterfuge, in case the refugees afterward feU into yn giialf 
power. He gives no authority for the statement, however. 



WALL or BBAUSEJOCB lU 

Tb« MOD* day Vergor sent an officer to Moncion for a toi- 
peoiion of hostilities ; ' terms of surrender were agreed upon 
and the same erening the English entered tlie fort. 

The terms of capitulation granted by the victorious New 
England General were — that the soldiers should go out of 
the garrison bearing their arms ; that they should be giTen 
a passage by rea to Louisbourg ; and they agi eed not to bear 
arms in America for six months. The Acadians, who had 
been forced to take up arms on pain of death, were par- 
doned.* 

^ In the ereningy Vergor gare a supper, at which the oS* 
€ers of both armies were present : but there was one well* 
known face absent from the board. The Abbe La Loutr% 
seeing no clause in (he terms of capitulation that would 
cover his case, had withdrawn from the fort just before tba 
English entered it His career, as an agitator and political 
incendiary, was ended. The result of all his schemes had 
been simply his own ruin, and that of the cause for which 
be bad labored. As in his disguise, and concealed by the 
shadows of the evening, he wended his way toward the 
Dorthem wilderness, an outcast and a fugitive, it may poa- 
sibly have occurred to him that his political mission was a 
mistake; that he would have done better had he taken the 
advice of his Bishop, and attended to the duties of his office 
m a missionary priest . . . When he got to Quebec, after 



*8o8SjtHAimAj. Ilinot wyi it WM **ttipnUUed that they ■boald be 
lift in the Mine ■itoAtioo that tbry were in when the anuj arhTcd, and 
Bo4 be pciiiiab««l fur what they bad done af trrwmnU ** This we beUeve lo 
be ths only inaUooe in which a convdermble body of the NeatnU Freooh 
iver found in arms ^^«**«^ the £ii$(li»h : and, as the above autkioritiii 
tb«y wer* parWi**'* Yet the KnKh&h were wont to justify their 
emal mtmoxm oi aspatnatini; the whole French people from their 
mudty , mainly oo the ground of tluA act. It it diAcult to peroeave the 
JiMlloe d eoodemning the three hundred for an offmse that had beeo 
; moeh laai the e(|aity of conudering a whole natioo goilty d 
llMt WM oommittad by a few t«]y. 



166 AOA.DIA 

m fatiguing joomej through the wildemeBS, he met .with a 
cold reception from the Governor/ and was bitterly re- 
proached by the Bishop for his underical conduct.*^ 

Colonel Moncton, after putting a garrison in the captur- 
ed fortress and changing its name to Fort Cumberland, in 
honor of the Hoyal Duke who had won the victory at CoUo- 
den, next marched against Bay Verte on theGulf of St. Law- 
rence. He promptly reduced that place, where he found m 
large quantity of provisions, ammunition and stores of all 
kinds, that being the port from which these articles were sup- 
plied to the French. He likewise disarmed the Acadian ref- 
ugees in that vicinity, numbering about fifteen hundred. 
The fortifications at St John harbor, a few days later, which 
bad but just been raised, were blown up and destroyed ai 
the approach of the English. During all these operations 
the New England troops lost only about twenty men killed, 
and the same number wounded. The French forts on the 
Peninsula having been reduced and French power broken, 
the expedition was at liberty to proceed with the busineai 
of removing the French from the territory. 



PRELIMINARY TO EXPULSION. 



''The jear 1755 commenced with preparationB for dis- 
lodpng the French from their encroachmenta.** So wrote 
Haliburton. He might have written, the jear commenced 
with preparationA for forcibly removing the French from 
the toil that had been theirs bj inheritance for four saccea- 
Qve generations, extending over more than a century and a 
quarter of peaceable possession. 

** Perhaps,'* sajs another historian,* '* those who examine 
the whole matter impai tiallv, in the hgbt of all the facta, 
will come to the conclusion that it would have been a real 
cause for shame had the Acadians been permitted longer to 
misuse the clemency of the government, to plot againai 
Bhtiiih power,t and to obstruct the settlement of the ProT- 
boe by loyal subjecta.**) 



'HiuuMy. 

t Qovonior Muesrene writes to tlM Duke of Newcaitle in 174S, titer 
riy Ihirty jt^n of Engluh rule in Acji^lm» **The freqaeot nunon we 
hav« bad of war being d«cUrvd u^nst France, havo imt ha jet nuklesny 
eltenUiao in tb« temper of tUe iubabitante of thi% rrorinoe. who sppesr 
ai a good dJepontion of kreping to tbeir ooth of Fidelitj. ** 



{A dtedesore of the notiTCM of tbe Eni^luih in given by Lswrenne in s 
letter to tbe Boerd of Tnde, Oct 18. 173o. in whicb he edmovlfilgee tbe 
lelkyviag : ** At toon as tbe Freocb are gone, I ahall ue my bmt codeav- 
BS Id eneoorage people to eome from tbe Continent to lettle their landic 
■riims ao oee rl Jntbispoinfc wibePsoonbeinaoottdi t iop of eopp^J^ag 



IGd A.CADU 

In '*WalsL*H Appeal,*' whiere the author speaks of Win- 
8low*8 campaign against Nova Scotia, we find these words-* 
** This officer, General Winslow, of an exceptionable and 
elevated character, left upon record the expression of his 
disgust and horror in submitting to act the part which was 
imposed upon him by the British authority. I transcribe 
some of the shocking details from Minof^ Extolling one's 
character and condemning his acts as shocking, all in the 
same breath! 

Entick, a writer of no mean authority, whose account is 
the principal one through which the affair is circu mstan tially 
^« known to the readers of English history, speaks in this 

wise: — 

'^ General Lawrence pursued his success, and was obliged 
to use much severity, to extirpate the French and Indians, 
who refused to conform to the laws of Great Britain, or to 
swear allegiance to our sovereign, and had engaged to join 
the French troops in the spring, expected to arrive from old 
France, as early as possible on that coast or at Louisbourg i 
some of whom, with ammunition, stores, &c., fell into the 
hands of our cruisers off Cape Breton. General Lawrence 
did not only pursue those dangerous inhabitants with fire 
and sword, laying the country waste, burning their dwell- 
ings, and carrying off their stock ; but he thought it expe- 
dient for his Majesty's service to transport the French Neu- 
trals, so as entirely to extirpate a people, that only waited 
an opportunity to join the enemy. This measure was very 
commendable. But the execution of it was not quite so 
prudent. The method taken by the General to secure the 



ooxBelves with provisioiis, and I hope in time to be able to strike off Urn 
great expense of victualling the troops. This was one of the happy effects 
I proposed to myself from driving the Frenoh off the isthmus ; and the 
additional droumstance of the inhabitants evacuating the ooxmtiy will, 1 
flatter myself, greatly hasten this event, as it furnishes us with a laiga 
qiuaitity of good land ready for immediate cultivation. '* 



FBIUMIKAAT TO EXFULOOV 169 

from this |)€8t, wa-i to JiRtributo them, in number 
about aeren thousand^ aiiion^ tho Biitish Coloiiie.i, in that 
rigorous season of winter, alrnont naked and without monej 
or effects to help th»-inselvi'rt." 

Wliile Entick makes a rninlid statoint'nt of the violent pro- 
cedure of the Enj^Hsh a^'ainst th«' Nftitnils, wo cannot fail 
to observe how a«lroitjy he intiodiiocs the ex])ns-ion "dan- 
gerous ii habitants/* ** wiio only wanted an o]>portunity to 
Join the c;ie!i;y/** "post>/* ai.d such like epithfts, by way of 
jubtifyiug the act, AVe leave the rtador who, in the forego- 
ing pageH, has had the hanic kouiccs of information put be- 
fore him, to jud<;o ^^h<•tlu•r th«>s<? expressions are deserved. 
The documents copied, as bef«)ie stated are most of them 
from Kngli.^h authors fioni an Knj^'li>h stand joint, and we 
should expect would be colored to favor the Engli.Nh if color- 
ed at all, still less is it Lkely they would favor tho French 
more than facts will wairant. All the papers and docu- 
ments in possession of the Acadians were taken from them 
at the time of their expulsion or previous thereto; as few 
or none of thrm have ever come to li^^ht, we have the right 
to presume they were puiposeiy destroyed — as the law- 
breaker undert;ik»s to cover up all traces of his guilt, with 
the Tiewof esca^'iii;.; censure for his acts. 

The historian, Miuot, speaking of the French Neutrals, 
tajB, their character and situation were so peculiar as '*to 
distioguish them from almost every other community that 
has suffered under the scourge of war. They were the 
descendants of those French inhabitants of Nova Scoti% 
wbo, after the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, by which the Pror- 
Isoe was ceded to England, were permitted to hold their 




* This Mine OoTTLor Lswmoa. in s letter written the yrai \n m^ UMm 
Id tbs Locili of Tnd«» mj% : ** I beUere that s very Urg« port uC the ui- 
Iiiil4^^y>t« vonkl fabcnii to sny trrma nUher thiui taks np snns on mikbm 
r yhith iiitici ii thi mnrr trnthful ? 



170 AOADU 

lands, on condition of making, a declaration of allegiance to 
their new sovereigD, which acknowledgment of fidelity was 
given under an express stipulation that they and their pos- 
terity should not be required to bear arms, either against 
their Indian neighbors or trans- Atlantic countrymen. This 
contract was at several periods revived, and renewed to their 
children ; and such was the notoriety of the compact, that 
for half a century, they bore the name, and with some ex- 
ceptions, maintained the character, of Neutrals.'' 

We next quote from a declai^ation of the French Neutrals 
themselves, on this point, who were living in exile in Penn- 
sylvania at the time it was made, and who had petitioned 
King George of Great Britain to take cognizance of their 
Bufferings : 

*' It is a matter of certainty, (and within the compass of 
some of our memories,) that in the year 1730, General Phil- 
lips, the Governor of Nova Scotia, did in your Majesty's 
name confirm to us, and all the inhabitants of the whole ex- 
tent of the Bay of Minas and rivers thereunto belongingi 
the free and entire possession of those lands we were then 
possessed of, which by grants from the former French Gov- 
ernment we held to us and our heirs forever, on paying the 
customary quit-rents, &c. And on condition we should be- 
have with due submission and fidelity to your Majesty, 
agreeably to the oath which was then administered to us, 
which is as follows: "We sincerely promise and swear by 
the faith of a Christian, that we shall be entuely faithful, 
and will truly submit ourselves to his Majesty, King George, 
whom we acknowledge as sovereign Lord of New Scotland 
or Arcadia: so God help us." And at the same time the 
said Phillips did, in like manner, promise the said French in- 
habitants in your Majesty's name, that they should have 
the true exercise of their religion and be exempted from 
bearing arms and from being employed in war either against 
the French or Indians : Under the sanction of this solemn 



PmCIJIIINABT TO KXPULSIOV 171 

engigeiDODt wo held our lands, made further purchases, and 
annuallj paying our quit-rents, and we had the greatest 
reason to ronchide that joor Majesty did not disapproTe of 
the above a^'rccincnt.** 

That thin charge was nerer denied may be taken as an 
evidence of the truth of the assevi^ration. The British 
ministry made no effort to explain, or contradict the allega- 
tion. 

GoTemor Lawrence writes to Secretary of State Not. 80, 
1755 : ^ The people .... were by us commonly called 
the Deserted French Inhabitantssbecau.so they were univers- 
ally, as well as the other inhabitants, thi* dcscendaDts of thoso 
French left in Xova Scotia at the treaty of Utreclit ; and had 
taken the Oath of Allegiance to his ^lajesty in tho time of 
General ri.illip.s* government, with the rt^trce of not bear- 
ing arms ! '' 

We prefer that the me!ancho!y story of the French Neu- 
trals shall be told by those who were bist acquainted with 
their circuin^'tancoa \\\\\ were livin;^' arnoii«; them. We shall 
therefore draw !ar^a*Iy from tho d'>cumeuts of that period. 
Governor H«>p8on, who surceoded Coruwa'.lis in .Vupj., 1752, 
thus writis to the Lords of Tra.le under date of the 10th day 
of December : 

**I should be gisd to have your Lordships' opinion as 
early in tho spring as possible, concerning tho oaths I am to 
tender to the Ficnch inhabitants. .... Mr. Comwallis can 
inform you how diuicult, if not imposnible, it may be to force 
such a thing upon them, and what ill consequences may at- 
tend it As they ap|>ear to bo better disposed than they 
Lave been, and 1 ho|>«; will sti.l amend an'l in a long course 
of time become Ic-i:! Si-rupulous, I beg to kLow in tli^* spring 
how far his Maje^ty would a^^provo m;* Hiii*n<*e fi t .in head 
till a more con*, .nient opportunity. Mr. i'oinwalliH can in- 
form jou how us«ffal and necesaaiy thcbe people aio to ua. 



172 AOADIA 

how impossible it is to do withont them, or to replacse ihem 
even if we had other settlers to put in their places, and at 
the same time will acquaint you how obstinate they have 
always been when the oaths have been offered.'' 

Governor Hopson seems to have counseled a mild and for- 
bearing deportment towards the French people. He direct- 
ed his soldiers to take nothing from them by force, or set 
any price upon the goods but what they themselves agreed 
to ; that upon all occasions they were to be treated as his 
Majesty's subjects, to whom the laws of the country were 
open, to protect as well as to punish. 

The considerate demeanor of Governor Hopson, thus 
shown toward the French inhabitants, would seem to have 
had its effects if we can judge from a letter written by him 
to the Lords of Trade the following July. After some pre* 
liminary remarks in relation to the state of the Province, he 
goes on to say: 

" As the almost continual war we have with the Indiana 
prevents our mixing any English settlers among these in* 
habitants, or instituting any sort of civil jurisdiction among 
them, they have hitherto been left open to the insinuations 
and evil practices of French piiests and other emissaries 
that are sent amongst them from Canada and the French 
fort at Beausejour, who have at all times been endeavoring 
to prejudice them against an English government, and to 
r)ersuade them that the country they live in will shortly 
:all into the hands of the French either by negotiations or 
by force of arms. Though these doctrines would not fail ol 
their desired effect with so ignorant and so bigoted a peo- 
ple, yet no event happening in all this time towards the ac- 
complishment of their predictions, the inhabitants began to 
suspect they were deceived, and even some few of those who 
had deserted their lands returned a^ain into the ProvinceJ 
and I have been privately informed that the inhabitants went 
BO far as to hold consultation whether they should not throw! 
themselves under the protection of the English government! 
and become subjects to all intents and purposes; but therel 
arose a very considerable objection to this step, which waaj 



PEKUmif ABT TO EXPULOOV 178 

that AS thej lired on famiR very remote from one tnotner, 
and of course are not rapublo of resisting anykindof enemj, 
the French might ht^nd the Indians amon^ tbrmand distress 
them to sr.ch a doj^ieo that they would not be able to re- 
main on their faini^. which apprehension th(*y wor4* hoon 
confirmed in by the arrival of the Abbe La Loutro at Bay 
Verte, where be has jut»t now asseiubltd the Indians.** 

About the middle of Sc])tcmber, 1753, the French inhabit- 
ants sent a petition to Governor Hopson, beg^ng that the 
missionaries might l>e exempted from taking the Oath of 
Allegiance. They said tli»"y h'^po.l hin Excellency would 
grant that favor, inasmuch as w hen they took the oath, it 
was on condition they should be allowed the free exercise 
of their religion, and a suflicit^nt number of miiiiHters to |)er- 
form the services. If this oatii were re.piire»l of the mission- 
aries they would not remain among the people. They said 
the priest Daudin **who 1ms lately come hither for the 
purpose of instructing us, has determined to return should 
this oath be required of him.'* The Governor and Council, 
on consideration, were of the belief that the French author- 
ities bad ordered the priests not to take any oath, which 
would have the efTcct of depriving the Neutrals of theur 
priests, and so induce them to quit the Province; it was 
thought best therefore to grant the petition. 

Two weeks later Governor Hop>on received a petition 
from the Deserted French Inhabitants, those who had vol- 
untarily left their Acadian faiius and were supplied with 
rations by the French Government. In this petition they 
slated their reason for leaving their property '* was the new 
oath which his Excellency Mr. Cornwailis wished to exact 
from us, desiring to break and revoke the one gmnted to us 
m the 11th of October, 1727, by Gov. Armstrong.** Hav- 
\Bg learned that if wilUng to return they would bu gran toil 
iba same favors as were given them by Armstr a ^\ tli«y 
proposed to negotiate with the English with that vnd n\ 



174 ACADIA 

yiew. They were williog to acc^t of the oath as foIIowB: 

*^ Je promets et jure siDc^rement que je serai fid&le a La 
llajest5 le Boi George Second et a ses saccesseurs. Diea 
me soit en aide." 

[I sincerely promise and swear that I will be faithful to 
his Majesty King George the Second and to his successors 
So help me God.] 

The Deserted French also desired the following artides^ 
which they claim were granted them by Governor PhillipSi 
on which conditions they were willing to return to their 
farms : — That they be exempted from taking up arms against 
any one whatever, and not be forced to act as pilots ; that 
they shall be free to sell their effects and withdraw from the 
Province at any time : and that they have the full enjoy- 
ment of their religion with as many priests as they desira* 

The Council decided to tender them the oath in these 
words : " Je— — Promets et Jure sinc6remont que Je send 
fidele, et que Je porterai une Loyonte pai*faite vers Sa Maj* 
este le Boi George Second. 

Ainsi que Dieu me Soit en Aide." 

and that such of the inhabitants as shall on or before the 
20th day of November next take the foregoing oath, shall 
be admitted to return to a peaceable possession of their 
lands at Chignecto, shall enjoy the free exercise of their re* 
ligion, and be accorded all the privileges grouted them by 
the treaty of Utrecht. 



*The Deserted French Inhabitants, in a memorial for a renewal of 
their privileges to Oovemor Hopson in 1753, mokes the charge of lack of 
fidelity on the part of the English in these words : "We hoi)e that these 
articles will be granted ns by your Excellency, and even ratified by the 
Court of England, eo that those who may succeed your Excellency shall 
not make the pretext that Gomwallis made in saying that (Governor Phil- 
lips had no authority from the Court of England for the oath he granted 
ns.- 



PBILnmUBT TO IXPULIIOV 178 

In Jooe of the following jemr the French Deserted Inhab- 
itants made answer that unless thej could be assured that 
thej would not be required to bear arms, thej oould not 
possiblj think of returning to their possessions. 

Governor Hopson was succeeded by Governor Lawrence ; 
the reader cannot fail to note the cbaii;^'e in the tone of the 
letters sent to the home government relative to the French 
Neutrals. Lawrence proved himself the sort of ruler that 
was needed to cairy out the haish measures of the jear 
1735 to a successful issue. Wiiting to the Ijords of Trade 
he complains of the '* many inconveniences he has long la- 
bored under from their obstinacy, ticachery, partiality to 
their own countrymen, and their ingratitude for the favor, 
indulgence and protection, they have at all times so undo- 
•etvedly receive! from his Majesty*s Government." 

Just how much ** protection " the Fiench InhabitantH 
weie the ungrateful recipients of may be learncJ by a letter 
from Governor Hopson to the Lords of Trade of a previous 
date, in which he t-avs — **Kxclusivo of the iliiUcuItv that at- 
teuds marching after Indians in a country like this, I asHure 
your Lordship that the troops are so ilivule^l in kr"!»ii:;; the 
different post* at CLigrecto, Annapul.H Iwtnal, M.n.i-, I'izi- 
quid, LunenKurgh, Daiti;;oulh. Geor^'c's I- ai.J, I «-. Siick- 
Tilieand Ilalifni, that I have not at present a di ta' . iiicni 
to ppaie frcm hence even 14 on the most uigent occasion.** 

GoTemor Laurence continues: 



** Your Lordships well know tliey have always affecteil a 
neutrality, and as it has been ^'eneuilly iniu^^MiiMl li«*re. thai 
the mildnesis of the English G«>verntu*'nt uouM hy d*-;.'ret*<t 
have tixed them in our interest, no violent iiieas.ir«H have 
•ver been taken with them. Hut this lenitv han not h.id the 
laast (;OOil effect ; on the coiitrury, I believe they have at 
present laid aside all tbou^'ht^ of taking the out Is v > unta* 
nlyt and great numbern of tliem are at prcHtnt ;,'one to 
Beisusejour to work for the French, in order to diue U4it tha 



J 



176 AOASIA 

water at the settlement they were going to make <m the 
north side of the Bay of Fondy, notwithstanding they were 
refused passes which they applied for to go thither. And 
upon their complaining they could get no work of the Eng* 
lish, they were acquainted that as many as would come to 
Halifax should be employed, though, in reality I had no 
employment for them, but I proposed to order them to 
widen the road to Shubenacadia, as I very well knew if I 
could get them once here it would put ofif their journey to 
Beausejour, and would be no expense to the government, as 
I was sure they would refuse the work for fear of disoblig- 
ing the Indians. But as they did not come, I have, by ad- 
vice of the Council, issued a proclamation, ordering them 
to return forthwith to the lands, as they should answer the 
contrary at their peril. They have not for a long time 
brought anything to our moi'kets, but on the other hand 
have canied eveiythiDg to the French and Indians whom 
they have always assisted with provisions, quaiters, and in- 
teliigence, and indeed while they remain without taking the 
oaths to his Majesty (which they will never do till they are 
forced) and have iuceudiary French priests among them, 
there are no hopes of amendment As they possess the best 
and largest tracts of land in this Province, it cannot be set- 
tied [by the En^jlish] with any effect while they remain in 
this situation, and though I wou^d be veiy far from attempt- 
ing such a btep without your Lordship's approbation, yet I 
cannot help being of opinion that it would be much better, 
if thev rciuso the oathii, that tiiev were awav. 

"The only ill consequence that can attend their going, 
would be t..t:ir taking arms and joining with the Indians to 
distress our settlements, as tney aie numerous and our 
troops much divided; though indeed I believe that a very 
large part of the inhabitants w ould submit to any terms 
ratber than take up arms on either side ; but that is only 
my conjecture, and not singly to be depended upon in so 
ci'itical a circumstance. However if your Lordships should 
be of opinion that we are not sufiicieutly established to take 
so important a step, we could prevent many inconveniences 
by building a fort, or a few block-houses, on Shubenacadia 
liivcr. . . . 

^*The Chignecto inhabitants have repeated their applica- 
tion for re-aomission to their lands, but wei*e acquainted it 



pixuMiVAmr TO xxpulhov 177 

were useless to think of it without an absolute compliance 
on tb< ir part. I was priTatcly infoi-nieil that at their return 
they were in a vorr ill humor with I>a Loutics and with the 
French CVnimaniittiit. and that they repnseiitfHl totheuithe 
bardbhi]>s they lal>or«*d undtr in not being Hufiercd to accept 
the pro|K>HaU of the Knglish in a loinonHtranoe that I am 
told was little short of mutiny/* 

The aboTe letter would seem to be a fair statement of the 
true situation. Firnt, the French were in pohseHsion of the 
riehest lauds and the Kn<^'liKh could not nettle until the 
French were driven out ; second, it wan feared that the 
French, if expelled, would join the enemies of the country, 
and endanger the English colonies ; and Lawrence admits in 
the concluding paragraph, that the French Acadiaus were 
well disposed, but proTonted from sweaiing alle^'iance by ( 
the threats of La Loutre. 

The following is among the documents of the period now 
under consideration : 



^The bearers hereof being in all twenty-fife persons are 
jost arriTed here from Louisbourg from whence they made 
their eMcape to avoid starving. Some of th< m were former- 
ly inhabitantri of thin country, and are nearly related to old 
fjibracior : they have all taken the oaths : the colonel denires 
you would treat them kindly, order them to be victualled, 
to hav4? tools given them, and laud laid out for them where 
jou tihall see most convenient Wm. Cottuuix.' 



»t 



On the 17th of Septemb<*r, Governor Laurence issueil a 
proclamation, forbidding the «*\(>ortatioii of com from the 
Province, ^ under a {)enalty of Hfty pound.s and a forfeiture 
of the com so shipped, one half to the informer, the other 
to the use and supi^ort of his Majestj*s government** 

The reasons given in the ** order book ** for the com art 

are, first, to pi event the supplying of corn to the Indians 

and th<ir abettors who reside on the north side of the Bey 

I 



178 ACADU 

of Ftmdy ; and second, for the better supply of the Halifax 
market, which had hitherto been obliged to furnish itself 
from other colonies?, notwithstanding the great quantities of 
grain produced at Minas, Piziquid and Canard, and which 
has hitherto been transported to Beausejour and St. John*8 
River. The inhabitants were not ''constrained to sell to 
any particular person or at any fixed price ; all that is insist- 
ed on is their supplying the Halifax market before they think 
of sending corn anywhere else. Their desiring to sell their 
grain to Mr. Dyson and refusing it to Mr. Mauger for the 
same money appears very extraordinary." 

This statement does not fully accord with the instructions 
of Governor Lawrence to Captain Murray; — "You are not 
to bai'gain with this people for their payment, but furnish 
them with certificates, which will entitle them at Halifax to 
receive such payments as shall be thought reasonable, and 
assuring them if they do not immediately comply, the next 
courier will bring an order for their execution." Murray is 
the same who complained of the insolence and want of re- 
spect shown towards him by the French messengers who 
waited upon him. He was in command of a handfrd of 
men at Fort Edward (now Windsor), and like other up- 
start despots, laboriiig under an abiding sense of his own 
importance, clothed with absolute authority over life and 
property, and t^ecure in the fact that Fi-encb evidence would 
not be received against him, he was not likely to be at a loss 
for a pretext to display his authority. 

Trouble having aiisen at Fort Edward, Piziquid, the in- 
habitants having refused to bring wood to the fort. Captain 
Murray, in command of the English force there, took Dau- 
din, a priest and four other prisoners, and sent them under 
guard to Halifax. Daudin, who was charged with being the 
cause of the trquble, "having created much discontent 
among the inhabitants, those who were very quiet and obe- 
dient in his absence," was ordered to leave the country i 



fmiUMlXART TO EZrULUOV 179 

while the other Frenchmen *•* were seTerely reprimanded and 
exhorted to return immediately and biin^ in the wood as 
had been ordered, which duty if they uc*;.'lccted auy longer 
to perform thoy would certainly buffei imiilary execution.** 

Early in October of that year, tho Gu\cinor acquainted 
the Council that us Dcbcrted ricnch families were arrived 
at Halifax, and desired to be pernutted to return to their 
lauds. They declaied that they were so tenitied by the 
threats that La Loutre had used, and his declaring the great 
dihtresses thc^y would be reduced to if they remained un- 
der the dominion of the English, that they retired and had 
been set down on the Ihlaiid of C ape Bret.'U, wlu're thej 
had remained ever bince ; but that the land teing so very 
bail' they were utterly incu]'uble of bUp|)oitn)g then* families, 
and had obtained consent of the Ciovei iior of Louisbourg to 
return. They further declared that if the Council would 
])ermit them to enjoy their former muds, that tuey weio wdl- 
iug to take the oath, and that their future behavior should 
be unexceptionable. 

The Council were of opinion that the return of these De- 
serted French famihes, and their voluntarily takui;^ the oath 
without any reservation, would have* a giioil effi ct ; they 
therefore granted them peuuinMon to leturn to their |>oa-> 
sessions, and alloued the most needy among t!i«*m provis- 
iiins for the winter. 

Thoma.s Pichon, a young medical student of MarM'illes, 
was, sub&equent to 1753, a commit^^aly of storts for tha 
French forces at Ik^ausejour. He furni.'^lied tho English 
with all poshible information of thu priest I^ Loutre, and 
the state of the garrison at Deausejour, until the fall of tliat 
place in 1755. l*ichon was ostensibly made prisoner with 
the rest of tho garrison ; when appaiently on parole at Hal- 
ifax, ha made intimacy with the French officers of rank d^ 
iaioed there, and reported their plans and conversations to 
tba Halifax goTemmeot, for which information ho waa paid. 



180 ACADIA 

In 1758 he went to London, where he redded np to the time 
of his death. We give a portion of a commonication from 
him to Captain Scott : 

** Daudin^s affair is causing a good deal of noise. On San- 
day Moses * preached a most violent sermon, in which he 
singularly accommodated the British nation, and concluded 
by saying offensive things to the refugees, whose crimes are, 
in his estimation, the sole cause of the detention of a holy 
man. He afterwards represented to them what they — the 
refugees — ^had to expect from the English. That when they 
return to the other side, they will have neither priests nor 
sacraments, but will die like miserable wretches. The ve- 
hemence, or rather the petulance ^ith which he preached, 
exhausted him to such an extent that he had to go at it t^ce. 
He then told these refugees to appear, after mass, at the 
Commandant's, who had a letter from the General of Cana- 
da for them. The refugees did not come, however. Do 
Yergor, (the Comuiandant at Fort Beausejour,) sent a ser^ 
geant twice to summon them ; a score of them ai'rivedin the 
fort. As they seemed in no hucry to enter, the impatient 
commander went to his door and called them himself, and in 
order to induce them to enter more i*apidly, he threatened 
to put them in irons, and spoke to them in the harshest 
manner. 

"The tendency of the letter is to urge them to stay with 
the Freuch and to establish themselves. It promises them 
various assistance. This letter, as you can well imagine, 
had been prepared at the instance of Moses himself. These 
poor people retii'ed without compliment. Moses was pres- 
ent and played the part of Aaron — ^he was spokesman. De 
Vergor stutters. . . . 

" On the 2l8t of last month, eighty-three of the refugees 
sent two of their deputies to carry their petition to the Gov- 



•Fiohon speaks of La Loatre alwajs by the name of M< 



pmxT,nn!f ABT to wxrutmcm 181 

«nior of Canada^ askiDg for authority to return to the r old 
potsessions, siDce we cannot give them land on thin side 
suitable for cultivation ; and stating that thosi* which are 
offered them are in places disputed by the Kn^liiih ; — that 
thej are not released from the oath which they have taken 
to the King of Great Britain ; and that if taken among the 
French, they are threatened with being punished as crimi- 
naia. ... In the meantime, Afoses declai*ed at the altar, to 
the refugees who signed the rc<}ue8t, that if they did not 
come to his house and retract what they had done, and ef* 
face their marks with their spittle, they should have no par- 
adise to look forward to, nor sacraments to go to. Tht*re 
are several who have not dared to refuse act|uiescence in 
such strong acd powerful reasons.'' 

Pichon craftily observes of the above letter that some of 
the French complain the English know what is going on at 
Fort BeauMJour — little surmising that he, their trunted sec- 
retary, is the informant. 

It will be seen to what extremities the poor refugees were 
reduced. On one hand threatened with the vengeance of 
the savages, and denied the sacraments and hopes of future 
bliss in case they returned into Kng.ish territory ; on the oth- 
er, the absolute certainty of being executed as traitors if 
found with the French in case of declaration of war between 
France and England. 

We append a |)etition of the inhabitants of Cobequid to 
those of Beaubassin, which is among the papers furnished 
bj Pichon : 

** While we were in the enjoyment of peace, Lieut Gorham 
came with sixty men to John Kobt*i t*ii. He came steal thilj 
and at night, and carried off our pastor and four deputies. 
He read his instructions, by whicu he is ordered to seize up* 
on all the guns found m our houM's, and conhei|ueniiy to 
redooe as to a condition similar to that of the li i»h. Gar* 
has returned to John Hubert's. He has pitched hie 
ip tb«re» and eipecta his brother with a hundired men. 



18S kOAJOA 

^He is preparing to establish there a block-house and a 
email fort, in order to obstruct the roads and prevent the 
departure of the inhabitants. There is no doubt that the 
Enghsh, early in the spring, will place vessels to guard the 
passage of the entrance. Thus we see ourselves on the veiy 
brink of ruin, exposed to bQ carried off, and transported to 
the English islands, and to lose our religion. 

'* Under these unhappy circumstances, we have recourse 
to your charity; and we earnestly ask you to assist us in 
getting out of the hands of the EngUsh, and in withdraw- 
ing ourselves to French territory, where we can enjoy the 
exercise of our religion. We ask you to strike a blow ; and 
after we have driven Gorham from our parish, we will all 
go for our brothers at Piziquid, Grand Pre and Port Boyal, 
who will join us for the purpose of delivering themselvea 
from the slavery with which they are threatened. We do 
not seek to make war. If the country belongs to the Eng- 
lish, we will give it up to them ; but as we are the masters 
of our own persons, we wish absolutely to leave it 

**It is your brothers who ask you for help; and we think 
that the charity, religion, and union that have always exist- 
ed between us, will constrain you to come aud rescue us. 
We are waiting for you : you know that the time is hurry- 
ing on, and we beg you to send us a prompt reply. 

**This is what I have been requested to write to you, gen- 
tlemen, in faith of which I have signed the present petition. 

"J. L. La Loutbs." 

Among Pichon's papers is also a petition of the Acadian 
inhabitants to the King of France, imploring his protection, 
stating their grievances against the English government, 
and asking grants of French territory adjoining Acadia. 

The Lords of Trade wrote to Governor Lawrence under 
date of October, 1754; they say: ^^As to the inhabitants of 
the district of Chignecto, who axe actually gone over to the 
French at Beausejour, if the Chief Justice should be of opin- 
ion that by refusing to take the oaths without a reserve, or 
by deserting their settlements to join the French, they havo 
forfeited their title to their lands, we could wish that prop- 
er measures were pursued for carrying such forfeiture int^ 



PBILIXIXADT TO KXPULSIOir Itt 

•xeeaikm hj legal prooess, to the end jou might grant them 
to anj persons desirous of settling there, where we appre- 
hend a settlement would be of great utility, if it could, in 
the present state of things, be effected ; and as Mr. Shirlej * 
has hinted in a letter to the Earl of Halifax that there is a 
probability of getting a considerable number of people from 
New Eugland to settle, you would do well to consult him 
upon it ; but it appears to us that every idea of an English 
settlement at this place would be absurd, but upon a suppo- 
sition that the Freach forts Beauscjour, Bay Verte, &c, aru 
debtroye^, the Indians forced from their hettleuieuts, aud 
the French driyeii t y 8i*ek nuch an asylum as th<*y can dud 
in the barren islands of Cape Breton and St. John, and in 
Canada." 

In the foregoing we hare documentary proof tbat the 
Lords of Trade, tho Goreruor of Acaiia and tlii; Governor 
of MaH6Ai*huHettH, Wi*re dLscassiiig tho feasibility of dispos- 
sessing tho French Aradians of their valuable land.s \iith 
the avowed purpose of settling English colonists thereon. 
Thin is in the faco of the assertion of some historians that 
no such motive was entertained by those who took part in 
the removal of the French, f 

We have beforo adverted to the character of Abbe La 



* Govenkor Shirley of MxuMachaieCti^ 

tllAiiDAy, in hi< work on .KnuIiA, iui}-s : "Fmich wntcn say tho .Vo»- 
wrre exjtcUeil brcouw* tho t^'^'^'^ly Kni;h«h ooloniot't lookrd npno 
dkrir fuir fann» with oiivrtoiiM fvt-H, and t^uit thf );f>)<n)inrut «im inflo- 
derd by tiicsie penmuA. A moro tlU^mut untruth uvwz was tnU. T1m» 
aaxirly of tho p>vrrum<rnt that th« AcadunH «houM rruuuu uq thrir Uuxli 
ttud bceooiA ({uuil «iub|ectjft wAii f xtrcnie. To ctttci thttw objects tli« fgon* 
tminnit ooiuentni to honuhiiUuns and ooucauonii which uuly incmMc^d 
lb* mmipiiioe ot th« Acadmnii. Kreo after th« faU of iicauarjour ihr j 
Bight have remaiiwd oo th«ir Uuuli witboat molcrtatioD, if thry had hnH 
lied to tako an onooiyhtioQal Oath ctf AHagiano* to tb« Britiah 



184 AOADIA 



Lontre; — ^we append the following additional testimony 
from DO less an authority than the Bishop of Quebec That 
high church dignitary wrote La Loutre the following cans* 
tic letter : 



** You have at last, my dear sir, got into the very trouble 
which I foresaw, and which I predicted not long ago. The 
refugees could not fail to get into trouble sooner or later, 
and to charge you with being the cause of their misfortunes. 
It will be the same with those of the Island of St. John 
wheneyer the war breaks out. They will be exposed to the 
English, ravaged without ceasing, and will throw the blame 
upon you. The court thought it necessary to facilitate their 
departure from their lands, but that is not the concern of 
our profession. It was my opinion that we should neither 
say anything against the course pursued, nor anything to 
induce it. t reminded you, a long time ago, that a priest 
ought not to meddle with temporal affairs, and that if ho 
did so, he would always create enemies, and cause his peo- 
ple to be discontented. 

*' I am now persuaded that the General and all France 
will not approve oi the return of the refugees to their lands. 
. . . But is it right for you to refuse tiie sacraments, to 
threaten that they shall be deprived of the services of a 

?riest, and that the savages shall treat them as enemies t 
wish them conscientiously to abandon the lands they pos- 
sessed under English rule ; but is it well proved that they 
cannot conscientiously return to them, seduso perveraUmis 

'^Onthe northern bank of the Misseguash, less than a 
mile from the river, which now forms the boundary of two 
Provinces, the Intercolonial Railway winds around a remark- 
able hill, which rising suddenly from the marsh, runs back 
in a high narrow ridge towards the northeast. The traveler, 
as he gazes listlessly at the landscape, suddenly has his at- 
tention fixed by the sight of a ruined magazine, and the i*am- 
parts and embrasures of an ancient fortress, and tiirns to 
bis guide book to disoovor what this may be. These wast* 



ntKUMI!f ART TO EXFULSIOV 181 

tsg iNittlemeiit:}, which now seem ro much oni of place io 
the midst of a quiet pastoral nceue, have a fiatMer historj 
than ahnost anv other piece of ^onnd in Acadifu for thej 
represent the last effiirt of France to hold on toa p'>rtiou 
of that Province, which was onro all her own, which she 
seemed to valuo ho little when it^ posHossion was secure, jet 
which she fought so hard to 6ave. This ruin is all thai 
reaains of tho once potent and dreaded Beausejour.*' * 

Io addition thereto, the French had a Hmall fort at Baj 
Veiie, on the Gulf sido of the isthmus, called Fort Gaspe- 
reau, which thev used as a depot for supplies coniin*; to 
Beausejour from Louishoiir^^ and Qu^'bec. At Pont a I>i:ot, 
between Forts Gaspereau and Beausejour, they built a block- 
house, in which was a gairison of thirty men ; and thero were 
guards at Shepody, and other points on the north shore of 
the Baj of Fundy, thus making a complete chain of foitifi- 
catiODS from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the River St 
John, where was a detachment of eighty men. Beausejour 
eould thus be reinforced either by way of St John or the 
Gulf, without the English in Acadia having any knowledge 
of it Here La Louti e (stablished his headquarters ; and 
it was here that he ri.>nimitti-d another deed which added to 
the odium with wljich he was r«*garded. 

The soldiers of Beausejour and Lawrence, the two hos- 
tile forts on either bide of the Misseguash, were accustomed 
to meet between the two Mith flags of tiuce, when one de- 
sired to communicate with the other. J^a Loutro (hessed 
an Indian in French uniform, and sent hira with a white flag 
ID the direction of Fort Lawrence. 1 he flag was noticed, 
and Captain How went out to meet it. When he hail near- 
Ij reached the pretended French officer, a party of Indians 
who bad been lying in ambush flred a Tolley directly at 
How, killing him instantly. Cornwallis characterized 



1S6 ACADIA 

as '^an instance of treachery and barbarity not paralleled 
in history." 

During this time the English were excessively annoyed 
by the attacks of the Indians of the Peninsula, who fell up- 
on the inhabitants in the night, or surprised small parties 
of the settlers who had ventured too far from the forts.— 
This checked the settlement of the country by making it 
impossible for the settler to strike out into the wilderness 
and make a home for himself. As it was generally believed 
the savages were prompted by French emissaries, the court 
of France was apprised of the condition of affairs. That 
power, not yet being in a position for open rupture, prom- 
ised to send positive orders to the Governor of Canada, to 
prevent all causes of complaint for the future, — a promise^ 
which, if the French court fulfilled, was not as fully obeyed. 
At the same time, supplies of men and military stores were 
being sent to Louisbourg, and to Quebec, until both places 
became a source of alaim to the English. 

One of the early laws of the Halifax Government was to 
the effect that no debts contracted in England, or in any of 
the colonies, prior to the settlement of Halifax, or to the 
arrival of the debtor, should be recoverable in any court of 
judicature in the Province. The design was to attract emi- 
gi*ants; it may be supposed that the dishonest sought 
this asylum for insolveut debtors as well as the unfor- 
tunate. That the grade of public morality was none of the 
highest, is shown by a very extraordinary order of Govern- 
or Cornwallis, which, after reciting that the dead were fol- 
lowed to the grave by neither relatives, friends, nor neigh- 
bors, and that it was difficult to procure the assistance even 
of " earners," directed the Justices of the Peace, upon the 
death of a settler, to summon twelve persons from the vi^i 
cinity of the last place of abode of deceased, to attend the 
funeral and carry his corpse to the grave ; and as a penalty 
for not complying with the orders, directions were given to 



jamt 



fmELniiNAiiT TO KxruLaioM 187 

strike oot the name of anj deliuquent from the meea books 
of the place, and to withdraw from him the allowance and 
support of the Government. 

The joar 17/m was memorable in events on the American 
Continent No less than four graud expeditions were plan- 
ned against the French by Oreat Britain and her Colonibts 
in America. The uiaioh of General Braddock on Fort Da 
Quesne, and its sanguinary defeat, is familiar in its details 
to every school-boy. A second was organized to proceed 
against Fort Niagara, com])osed of Colonial Regulars and 
Indians, but which got no farther than Oswego, owing to a 
delay in starting : the attempt against Niagara went no far^ 
ther that year. A third expedition against Crown Point by 
the Provincials inflicted a bloody defeat on the French un« 
der Dieskau, but failed to attain the object for which it was 
placed in the field. But the fourth, the exi>edition against 
Acadia, succeeded only too well. This incursion, aided and 
abetted, and paid for by England, consummated by New 
England troops, under a Massachusetts commander bred 
in a Puritan atmosplure, in thi; name of religion, was con- 
dacted in so hearties'^ a manner, that as th()ii«^'h by common 
consent, the repoi ts uf details ha\ <• been pui p<iS'jly destroyed, 
and historians have p4>seJ uv. r it wit'.i o:i!y a:i allusion, 
it oxiable to record the shaair • * th*- trai. action. 



EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH NEUTRALS. 



We ox>en the chapter by allowiDg this simple people to tell 
the story of their suffering and wrongs in the following me- 
morial to Goyemor Lawrence, under date of Jane lOth, 
1755, previous to the fall of Beausejour, and other French 
reverses on the Peninsula. We mention this, as otherwise 
it might be said they were disheai'tened, and came to sue 
for peace only after having lost all hope. We ask the can- 
did reader to peruse the document carefully, and to judge 
for himself whether the stiictures put upon it by the Gov- 
ernor and Council are just, or otherwise. 

"We, the inhabitants of Minas, Piziquid, and the River 
Canard, take the liberty of approaching your Excellency for 
the purpose of testifying our sense of the care which the 
Government exercises over us. It appears. Sir, that your 
Excellency doubts the sincerity with which we have prom- 
ised to be faithful to his Britannic Majesty. 

" We most humbly beg your Excellency to consider our 
past conduct. You will see, that, very far from violating 
the oath we have taken, we have maintained it in' its entire- 
ty, in spite of the solicitations and the dieadf ul threats of 
another power. We still entertain. Sir, the same pure and 
sincere disposition to prove, under any circumstances, our 
unshaken fidelity to hid Majesty, provided that his Majesty 
shall allow us the same liberty that he has granted us.— 
We earnestly beg your Excellency to have the goodness to 
inform us of his Majesty*s intentions on this subjeot, and 
to give U8 assurances on his part. 



ExrDLnoir of tbi pkihcb kxutbals 189 

• 

^ Permit as, if you pleaRe, Sir, to make known the annoj* 
incr circuiofitanrefi in which we are placed, to the prcjurlice 
of the traoquillity we ou^ht to enjoy, rnder pretext that 
me are tmnKportin^ our corn and j*rovisionH to Boausojour 
anil the River St Jolin, we are no lonprer permit t**il to car^ 
rr the least quantity of com by water from one place to an- 
other. We be^' ycnir Excellency to l)0 usf<ur<*(l that w#» ner- 
er tranKported j^rovinions to Beausejour, or to the River St. 
John. If some refu<fec inhabitantn at thia point have been 
aeizedf with cattle, wi* are not on that account, bv any nieana 
ffuilty, inasmuch an the cattle l>elon^ed to them as private 
indiriduala, and tin y were diivinf^ them to their re8|>e<'tive 
habitations. A« to ourRelveH, Sir, ue have never offended in 
that respet-t ; consequently we ou^dit not, in our opinion, to 
be punihhed ; on the contrary, we hojw* that your Kxcellency 
will l>e pleased to restore to us the hamo lib«*rty that we en- 
joyed formerly, in gi\ing us the use of our canoeK. either to 
transport our provisions from one river to th** oth*r. or for 
the purpose of fishing;; thereby providing for our livelihood* 
This permission has never been taken from uh except at the 
present time. We ho])e. Sir, that you will In; i'I* ased to re- 
aiore it, especially in consideiation of the iiiimb«*r of poor 
inhabitant!! who would be very ;.'!ad to ^up|•olt their fami- 
liaa with the fish that they would be able to catch. More- 
over, our [^uns, which we ngard an our own personal projv 
artj. have been taken from uh, notwith«itandin^ the fact tliey 
are abaolutelj nei*e»(Hary to us, either to defend our cattle 
which are attacked by wild beasts, or for the protection of 
our children, or of ourselves. Any inhabitant who may 
hare his oxen in the woods and i\ho may neeil thi-m f«ir 
purpoaea of labor would not dare to ex|>ose himself in go- 
tog for them without being prepared to defend himself. 

•*It is certain. Sir, that since the sava;;es have ceasetl fre- 
quenting our parts, the wild beasts have greatly iucnasiHl, 
and that our c*attle are devourcni bv them almoht every tiav. 
Bettidtrs, the aruis which have b4*eu taken from us art* but a 
feeb.e guarantee* of our lidt lity. It is not the gun which an 
inhabitant poMiesses that will indi.ce lum to re\f>lt, nor the 
plication of the same gun that \%ill n.alxfhim m«>re faithful; 
Dui bia couacieuce alone mujtt induce him to iimintaiu hia 
oaUi. An order haa appeared in >«>ur KxcfUencyV name, 
givan at >*ort Edward, Juno 4th, 1733, lU thu lihth year of 



190 Aomu 

his Majesty^B reign, by which we are oommanded to carry 
guns, pistols, &c.« to Fort Edward. It appears to ns, Sir, 
Uiat it would be dangerous for us to execute that order, be- 
fore representing to you the danger to which this order e 
poses us. The savages may come and threaten and plund 
us, reproaching us for having furnished arms to kill thefS* 
We hope. Sir, that you will be pleased, on the contrary, to 
order that those taken from us be restored to us. By so 
doing, you will afford us the means of preserving both our- 
selves and our cattle. 

**' In the last place, we ore grieved. Sir, at seeing ourselves 
declared guilty without being aware that we have disobeyed. 
One of our inhabitants of the Biver Canard, named Pierre 
Melan^on, was seized and arrested in charge of his boat, 
before having heard any order forbidding that sort* of trans- 
port. We beg your Excellency, on this subject, to have the 
goodness to make known to us your good pleasure before 
confiscating our property and consideiing us in fault. This 
is the favor we expect from your Exoelleucy's kindness, and 
we hope that you will do us the justice to believe that very 
far from violating our promises, we will maintain them, as- 
Buiing you that we are ai-e very respectfully, &c. 

[Signed by twenty-five of said Inhabitants.] 

Also a second memorial, dated June 24th, containing the 
following: "All the inhabitants of Minas, Piziquid and the 
Kiver Canard, beg your Excellency to believe that if, in the 
petition which they have had the honor to present to your 
Excellency, there shall be found any error or want of neglect 
towards the government, it is entirely contrary to their in- 
tention; and that in this case the inhabitants who have 
signed it, are not more guilty than the others." 

The Council voted unanimously "That the memorial of 
the 10th of June is highly arrogant and insidious, an insult 
upon his Majesty's authority, and government, and deserved 
the highest resentment, and that if the Memorialists had not 
submitted themselves by their subsequent memorial, they 
ought to have been severely punished for their presump-r 
tion." 



nroLnoH of thb niHCB vkutbals 191 



^'Tbe LienteDant-OoTenior at ibo same time 
tlio Council thai Captain Murray bad informed him that for 
tome time before the dcliverj of the first of the said memo* 
rials, the French had behaved with greater submission and 
obedience to tho orders of government than usual and had 
already delivered to liim a considerable number of their fire- 
anus; but that at the delivery of the said memorial they 
treated him with great indf cency and insolence, which gave 
him strong suH|iidou8 thut they had obtained some intelli- 
gence which we were then ignorant of, and which the Lieu- 
teuant-Govemor conceived might most probably be a report 
that had about that time been spread amongst them of a 
French fleet being then in the Bay of Fuudy, it being very 
notorious that the said French inhabitants hare always dis- 
covered an insolent and inimical disposition towards his 
Majesty's government when they hare had the least hope 
of assistance from France.*' 

What the precise character of this *' great indecency and 
insolence** of behavior^ was which the delegates showed 
towards Captain Murray, we are not informed. As the same 
charge is made again»t them by the Council, of their memorial 
of the lOlh of June, (it may bo with equal justice,) we will 
lay before the rt-uiUr the reasons the Council gave for such 
accusation. It ajtpears the signers of the document had 
been ordered to Halifax, fifteen of whom responded; they 
m*ere brought in before the Council, the memorial read to 
them, when *Uhey were severely reprimanded for their au- 
dacity in subsciibing and presenting t:o impertinent a pa* 
per.** We have the document now before uh, and can our- 
•eWes judge of the truthfulness of their charge. If in this 
instance we do not find the accusation fully sustained by 
the facts, we may infer that the charges a^^ainst the Neu* 
trals in other respects are equally unfoundeii on fart, iiow 
•rer we will let the council proceed with its omn juntitica- 
tion. ^In order to show them [the Neutrals J the falai- 



192 Acyu)ii 

tj as well as impudence of their memorial,^ it was ordered 
to be read by paragraph, remarks being made bj the Lien* 
tenant-Governor. It was observed in answer to this para* 
graph of their memorial of the 10th of June— 

^That they were affected with the proceedings of the Q(yt'» 
einment toward them/' 

that they had been always treated with the greatest len< 
ity, had enjoyed more privileges than the English subjects^ 
had been indulged in the free exercise of their religion with 
full liberty to consult their priests, had been protected in 
their trade and fishery, and had been for many years per- 
laitted to possess their lands (part of the best in the Prov- 
ince) although they had not yet complied with the terms on 
which the lands were gi*anted, by taking the Oath of Alle- 
giance to the Crown. They were then asked whether they 
could produce an instance that any privilege was denied to 
them, or that any hai'dships were ever imposed upon them 
by the Government. '* They acknowledged the justice and 
lenity of the Government."* 

"They desire that their past conduct might be considered.** 

It was remarked to them "that their past conduct was 
considered, and that the government were sorry to say their 
conduct had been undutif ul and very ungrateful for the len- 
ity shown to them. That they had no returns of loyalty to 
the Crown, ox respect to his Majesty's government in the 
Province. That they had discovered a constant disposition 
to assist his Majesty's enemies, and to distress his subjects. 
That they had not only furnished the enemy with provi- 



*That the French depntieB were actnated by fear in making this i^ 
jdy is quite evident The memorial was bronght for the ezpreesed par- 
pose of complaining of instances ** where privileges ^xeie denied them.** 



gavinom aw tmm wmmmom vnjTBALt 198 

noD8 and Ammanition, but bad refused to supply tbe inbab> 
itoDtSy or government, witb provisions, and wben tbej did 
supplj, thej bave exacted tbree times tbe price for wbicb 
tbey were sold at otber markets. Tbat tbej bad been idle 
and indolent on tbeir lands, bad neglected busbandrj, and 
tbe cultivation of tbe soil, and bad been of no use to tbe 
Province either in Husbandry, trade or fisbery, but bad 
been ratber an obstruction to tbe King's 'intentions in tbe 
settlement** Tbej were then asked whether tbej could 
mention a single instance of sei*vice to the government, ** to 
wbicb tbej were incapable of making any replj.*' 
Upon reading this paragraph, — 

^It seems tbat jour Ezcellencj is doubtful of tbe sincerity 
of tboM who have promised fidelitj, that tbej bad been 
so far from breaking their oath, that thej bad keut it ia 
spite of tenif jiug menaces from another power,*^ 

tbej were asked '*Wbat gave them occasion to suppose 
tbat the government was doubtful of tbeir sinceritjf* and 
were told tbat ** it argued a consciousness in them of insin- 
eeritj and want of attachment to the interests of bis Majea* 
tj and bis government Tbat as to their taking arms, tbej 
[tbe French] bad often argued that the Indians would an- 
Boj them if thej did not assist them, and tbat bj taking 
tbeir arms by act of Government, it was put out of the pow* 
«r of the Indians to threaten or force them to their assist- 
ance. Tbat thej bad assisted the King*s enemies, and ap- 
peared too readj to join witb another power f contrai j to 



* A« if the takJDg sway of their tn&i, snd depriTing tb«m of Uictr 
aois was aol a tnflWvni reotoo. 



t At the ttme of the French oecQpstkm of Mines fai 174i, th« inhshit- 

eato of thst pbice mraiohiiliicd a CuptAtn of i&fsotrj itnacr Do VmcY 

tethkcicct: ** Wo hve nndrr a miid and Inmqail sovtmneoL and wp 

luve all fBod naaoa lo he faithful to it We hop% tbcnfur^ thst yoa 
7 HI 



the allogiance they were bound by their oath to his Majei^.* 
In answer to this paragiaph, — 

'^TVe are now in the same disposition, the purest and ain- 
cerest, to prove in every circumstance, fidelity to his 
Majesty, in the same manner that we have done, provid* 
ed that his Majesty will leave us the same libei*ties whioh 
lie has granted us.*' 

■ 

thoy were told that ''it was hoped they would hereafter give 
proofs of more sincere and pure dispositions of mind, in tho 
pi*actice of fidelity to his Majesty, and that they would for- 
bear to act in the manner they have done, in obstructing tho 
settlement of tho Province, by assisting the Indians and 
French to the distress and annoyance of many of his Maj* 
osty's subjects, and to tho loss of the lives of several of the 
English inhabitants. That it was not the language of Brit- 
ish subjects to talk of terms with the Crown, to capitulate 
about their fidelity and allegiance, and that it was insolent 
to insert a proviso, that they would prove their fidelity, 
provided that his Majesty would give them liberties. All 
Lis Majesty's subjects are protected in the enjoyment of ev- 
ery liberty while they continue loyal and faithful to th« 
Crown ; and when they become false and disloyal thej for- 
feit that protection." 

They were told in answer to the paragraph where 

** They desu*e their canoes for carrying their provisions from 
one river to another, and for theii- fishery," 



will have the goodness not to separate us from it " Governor Mascarene 
ftcknowledged to Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, that the safety of 
Aimn[)oUs during D\x Vivier's attempt at the reduction of that place in 
1741, was in great measure owing to the ''French inhabiti^its refosing to 
take up arms against us. " These assertions do not accord well with tho 
declaration of Governor Lawrence. This, too, was during the time of a 
French invasion of the territory, a circiunstance which would be likely to 
fan into flame the least spark of a spirit of iusunccliort had such been 
(ouud in the hearta of the French Neutrals. 



waavtMnom of tsb fBnca viutbals 1116 



thai **theT wanted their eanoes for carryiiig prorimons to 
the enemy, and not for their own use in the fishery ; that» 
tj !i ;aw of tliu Trovince, all persons are restrained from 
canjing provisions from one port to another, and every Tes- 
te], canoo or bark found with provisions is forfeited, and a 
pcralty is inflicted on the owners.** 
They were laid in answer to the following paragraph, 

** Tlicy petition for their gunn ns part of their goods, that 
thfV luav bo restored to defend their rattle from wild 
beasts, and to preserve themselves and their children, 
that since the Indixms have quitted thoir quartei'S, Um 
\\ ild beasts are greatly increased," 

that ^ guns are no part of their goods, as they have no right 
to keep aims, and they are subject to penalties if arms are 
found m their houses. That upon the order from Captain 
Hiuray, many of the inhabitants voluntaiily brought in their 
anus, and none of them pretended that they wanted them 
for the defense of their cattle against the wild beasts, and 
that the wild beasts had not increased since their arms wera 
surrendered* That they had some secret inducement, at 
that time, for presuming to demand their arms as a part of 
their goods aud their ri^ht, und that they had flattered 
themselves of being supported in their insolence to the Go?- 
•nimcnt, on a report tbat some French ships of war wera 
in the Bay of Fundy. That this daring attempt plainly dis- 
covered the falsehoods of their professions of tidelity to the 
King, and their readiness has been visible upon e\cry inti* 
Biation of force or assistance from Fiance, to insult his Maj- 
esty's Government, and to join with his enemies, contrary 
to their oath of fidelity.** 

Upon reading this paragraph, — 

^Besides, the arms we carry are a feeble surety of oor fidel* 
ity. It is not the gun that an inhabitant possesses whieh 
will lead him to revolt* nor the depriving him of that 



196 AOADIA 

gnn that will make him more faithful, but his consdenoo 
alone ought to engage him to maintain his oath," 

they were asked, ^What excuse they could make for their 
presumption in this paragraph, and treating the gorem* 
ment with such indignity and contempt as to expound to 
them the nature of fidelity, and to prescribe what would 
be the security proper to be relied on by the goyemment 
for their sincerity t " The deputies were then informed they 
had a fair opportunity to manifest the reality of their obe- 
dience by immediately subscribing to the Oath of Allegi- 
ance. They answered *^ they had not come prepared to an- 
swer the Council on that bead." The Council replied that 
the same thing had often been proposed to them duiing the 
six years past, that they knew the sentiment of the inhabit- 
ants, and had determined this point with regard to them- 
selves before now. The deputies asked that they might go 
and consult with the people as they desired to act with the 
rest, and were told they ^* would not be permitted to return 
for any such purpose, but that it was expected from them 
to declare on the spot^' Permissiou was given them to de» 
lay an answer until the following moriiing. In the mean- 
time the *^ Council after consideration were of opinion that 
directions should be given to Captain Mun*ay to order the 
French inhabitants forthwith to choose and send to Halifax, 
new deputies with the general resolution of the said inhab- 
itants in regard to taking the oath, and that none of them 
should for the future be admitted to take it after having 
once refused to do so, but that effectual measures ought to 
be taken to remove such Recusants out of the Province.'^ 

^The deputies were then called in again, and having been 
informed of this Resolution, offered to take the oa^ but 
were informed that as there was no reason to hope their 
compliance proceeded from an honest frame of mind, and 
could be esteemed only the effect of compulsion and foroe^ 
imd is contraiy to an Act of Parliament wliei'cby persons 



KXTtTLUOM OF TBI rREKCB HIUTB4LS 197 

who bare refused to take the oatlis cannot aftorwarils be 
permitted to take tbcm* but are considered as Pt^plsh Recu- 
sants; therefore tbej would not now be indulged with such 
permistdon. And they were thereupon ordered into contine- 
menf* 

It does not appear that the men thus sumroarilj impris- 
oned were proTcn guiltj of "assdsting the King*8 eneuiios,** 
or ^refusing to supply the goTemnient with proviiiious^** 
nor CTcn that thej were individually char^^'cd with the of- 
fence; neither did the Council make any but a general accu* 
sation of a **con8tant diRposition to distresis** the Kn^^lish 
subjects, and ** obstruct the intentions of the King/* with- 
out deigning to support the charge with a single instance 
circumstantiany proven, or even as.^erted. 

We quote from Haiinay on this t ^pic: "The presoncei 
north of the Misseguash, of fourteen Imiidre 1 i^l!li^ita^tl^ 
rendered desperate by their misfortuiii.s ui>^l -^'(^ bv a Frent h 
regular officer, and reinforced by a lar^e band of In^lians, 
afforded ground for the most serious alarm. The iuiiabit- 
ants of the settlements at Minas and Annapolis wtrc known 
to be in active sympathy aiid corre8|>ond"i!cu with the^e 
'Deaeited French Inhabiiants/ as they were termed. With 
eo&summate bypocrasy these 'descried* Fronrhmcn, who 
liad claimed and professed to be neutrals, got themselves 
«nro]!cd for the defense of Deausejour, under threatening 
orders which they themselves invited. With e-;Lial hy|>oc» 
rasy, the French of lianas and Annapolis unpi-meht'i the 
English Governor with honeyed wunls, vvhne they were 
plotting in 8eci*et with the enemies of English j ower.*— > 
With so many concealed enemies in the heait of the Prov- 



*Tbe MBM writsr tltewbcr* mjt, tL« artioo of th« Prvrtc-t Krvoch 
wm doe to tbt Inflocne* of La Ixkiu« ; «nt1 Ut^ qa«t:on nii^Ui b# wikett 
mih&n is bis ■atborttj ia r^^ud to their "cooinmnMif h.^iMKTA^)" « 
\rm inviting throitniiog orders; or tlMt thm other lababitaatB 
*plottiaf in storat with tbt cneouet of EngUab povtr. " 



198 AOADU 

ioce, and so large a number of open enemies op its bordersy 
the position of the English colonists was far from secure. 
And surely thej deserved some consideration at the bandd 
of their own government, and some measure of protection 
against those who sought to destroy them.** 

Haliburton, who might be expected to favor the British 
side of the question^ says ** the orders against the French 
population directing the surrender of their arms and the giv- 
ing up of their boats were complied with in a manner which 
might certainly have convinced the government that they 
had no serious intention of an insurrection.** He attrib- 
utes the sanguinary action of the government to religious 
prejudices, and to the hatred with which the English at thai 
time regarded all Frenchmen. He further says the action 
of the government was not always such as would conciliate 
affection, and cited as an instance when Captain Man*ay in- 
formed the people at Piziquid that if they did not furnish 
his detachments with fuel their houses would be used for 
that purpose ; or if they failed to furnish timber for the re- 
pairs of Fort Edward, they should certainly suffer military 
execution. 

As has already been stated, the entire line of forts and 
the northern border of Nova Scotia had fallen into the hands 
of the English, some of them having garrisons left in them 
to prevent communication between the French of Can&da 
and Acadia. The French refugees at Chignecto had been 
disarmed; the Priest La Loutre had fled to Canada, and 
gave no further trouble : Yergor and other leaders were pris- 
oners of war ; the Indians had mostly left the Province, and 
the Neutrals about Minas and Annapolis had delivered up 
their arms, and appeared as peaceably inclined as at any 
time during their forty years sojourn under British rule^ 
the English colonists were daily becoming stronger in num- 
bers, and in short, every indication about the Peninsula was 
favorable to the government Under these circomstanoes 



MXTtJuaon or thk r;iK!ccH xrirraAUi 

it is hard to ezplain, in the light of the pretaDt oenturj, tha 
•xtreme measures decided on bj the Goremor and Coancil, 
aHsuited bj Admirals Boscawen and Mostjn, conTcned at 
Halifax, Julj l.'Stb, 1755— ^no less a measure than the erictioQ 
of the whole French population of Acadia, and their diaper* 
tion among aliens in a strange land. 

By the end of Julj, answer had been recoired from all the 
French settlements, to the effect that they would take no 
new oath I and ^as it had been dotennined before to send 
all the French inhabitants out of the Province if they re- 
fused to take the oath, nothing now remained to be consid- 
ered but what measures were necessary to send them away, 
and where they should be sent. After mature considera- 
tion, it was unanimously agreed that, to prerent as mueh 
as possible their attempting to return and moltst the set- 
tlers that may be set down on their lands, it would bo most 
proper to send them to be distributed among the several 
eolonies on the Continent, and that a sufficient number of 
▼essels should t>e hired with all possible expedition for that 
purpose.** 

Governor Lawrence's instructions to the vai ious military 
forces designed to carry the resolutions of the goremment 
into execution, were, to keep the measui i'h a> secret an pos- 
sible, **as well to prevent their attempt: ing to esca|>o to car- 
ry^off their cattle;** and the bott(*r to t-ffect this, **you will 
endeavor to fall u|)on some strata;;em to get the men, both 
old and young (e^ipecially the iuavis of families) mto your 
power and detain them until the t.'*anHporti nhall arrive, so 
that they may be ready to be shippe.l off ; for when thiii is 
done, it is not mucii to be fearcil that thi* women and chil* 
dren will attempt to go away and cirry c/ff the cattle. But, 
lest they should, it will not only b« proper to secure all the 
boats and feasels you can lay your hands upon, but also to 
tend out ;vrties to all suspected roa^ls and phices from time 
iu lime,aotliej mi^ therein be interoepted.** Ue also or* 



200 ACADU 

ders that the inhabitants will not ^' be allowed to carry away 
the least thing but their ready money and household f umi- 
tuie." 

And again: ^^As there may be a deal of difficulty in se- 
curing them, you will, to prevent this as much as possible, 
destroy all the villages on the north and northwest side of 
the isthmus, that lie at any distance from the Fort of Beau- 
sejour, and use every other method to distress, as much as 
can be, those who may attempt to conceal themselves in the 
woods. . . • • I would have you give paiiicular orders 
for entirely destroying and demolishing the villages of Je> 
diacke, Eamsach, &c., and everything they find about these 
quarters, from which any sort of support or assistifoce may 
be had by an enemy." 

To gi'atify a laudable curiosity that is likely to arise re- 
specting the social condition of this people on whose heads 
a calamity, unparalleled in history, is about to fall, and 
against whom such direful schemes are being concocted, we 
will draw at some length from the historian Haliburton, 
who not only was a resident of the territory, but who bad 
known and conversed with eye-witnesses of the sad event. 

'^Hunting and fishing, which had formerly been the delight 
of the colony, and might have still supplied it with subsist- 
ence, had no attraction for a simple and quiet people, and 
gave way to agriculture, which had been established in the 
marshes and low lands, by repelling with dikes the sea and 
rivers which had covered these plains. These grounds 
yielded fifty to one, at first, and afterward fifteen or twen- 
ty for one, at least ; wheat and oats succeeded best in them, 
but they likewise produced rye, barley, and maize. There 
were also potatoes in great plenty, the use of which was be- 
come common, at the same time these immense meadowa 
were covered with flocks. They computed as many as six- 
ty thousand head of horned cattle : and most families had 
several horses, though the tillage was carried on by ozea. 



KxruLSioH or thb fbench xkutbals 231 

Tbi»ir habitations, which wero of wood, w^r^ i^tn-nirW con- 
Tenirnt, ami furnished as nratlv bh sub- t:tT!'i:i] fanneiV houa> 
et in P^urope. They reared a (^rcat duil of poultry of all 
kindSy which made a variety in the ir food, at once who!e- 
BOine and plentiful, llieir ordinary drink was beer and ci* 
der, to which thej sonu times uddrd rum. Their unual 
c^othinp;^ was in f'eiieral the ]uoduc»» of th'*ir own dux, i»r of 
tlie fl 'rccH c»f t'u»r own slio 'p ; with the^e they nmd*^ com- 
mon Imen^* an 1 c ar-f cl-ttlis. If anv of them had anv de- 
sire for aiti-lon of ;icat r luxury, th(»y procarevl them from 
Ani:apo]iH or Loui'*b.)ur;7, and •^ave in exchange, corn, cat- 
tle, or furn. The Neutral French had nothing else to give 
their neighbors*, and made still fewer exchan;;es among 
themselves : because each .^epaiofte family was able, and had 
been accubtomed, to provide for its own wants. They ther*- 
foie knew nothing of paper currency, which was so com- 
mon throughout the rest of North America. Even the small 
quantity of gold and hilver which had bL^eu introduced into 
the Colony, did not inspire that activity in which its chief 
value consists. Thtir n^anners wore of course extremely 
simple. There was seldom a cause, either civil or criminal, 
of importance enoup;h to be caviied before the Court of Ju- 
dicature, estab'.ifthed at Anna]:o'.is. Whatever little diflft-r- 
ences arose from time to time among them were amicably 
adjusted by their ciders. AH their public acts wero drawn 
bj their pastors, who had likewise the keeping of their 
wills ; for which, and their religious services, the inhabit- 
ants paid a twenty-seventh part of their harvest, which was 
always sufficient to afford more means than there were ob» 
jecta of i^enerosity. 

** Bcal misery was wholly unknown, and benevolence an- 
tidpated the demands of poverty. Every misfortune waa 
relieved, aa it were, before it could be felt^ without ostent*- 
tion on the one band, and without meanness on the other. 
li waa, in Uiort, a society of brethren ; every individual at 



802 JLCJLhlL 

which was equally ready to give, and to receive, what he 
thought the common right of mankind. So perfect a har- 
mony naturally prevented all those connections of gallantry 
which ai*e so often fatal to the peace of families. An ill^ 
gitimate child was almost unknown in the settlements. — 
This evil was prevented by early marriages, for no one 
passed his youth in a state of celibacy. As soon as a young 
man anived at a proper age, the community built him a 
house, broke up the lands about it, and supplied him with 
all the necessaries of life for a twelve-month. There he re- 
ceived the partner whom he had chosen, who brought him 
her portion in flocks. This new family grew and prospered 
like the others. In 1755, all together made a population of 
eighteen thousand souls.** 

** Tradition is fresh and positive in the various parts of 
the United States where they were afterwards located, re- 
specting their guileless, peaceable and scrupulous charac* 
ter; and the descendants of those, whose long-cherished and 
endeaiing local attachment induced them to return to the 
land of their nativity, still deserve the name of a mild, fru- 
gal, and pious people." 

The execution of this unusual and general sentence, says 
Haliburton, was allotted cbieflv to tlie New England forces. 
The Acadians were kept entirely ignorant of their destiny, 
agreeably to instructions from Governor Lawrence, until 
the moment of their captivitj, and were overawed, or al- 
lured, to labor at the gathering in of their haiTest, which 
was secretly allotted to the use of their conquerors. 

The orders from Lawrence to Captain Murray, who was 
first on the station, directed that if these peoplo behaved 
amiss, they should be punished at his discretion; and if any 
attempts were made to molest the troops, he should take 
an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth ; and, in short, 
life for life, from the neai-est neighbor where the mischief 
should be performed. To hunt these peoplo into captivity 



szruijuox or tri riKxca xkutbals M3 

a measare us inipracticmble as cruel ; and an it waa not 
to be BU|>po8cd they would Toluntarilj surrcii.V r tlj^Tnf?«»'' #»^ 
as priaonera, their aubjugation became a matter of great ilif- 
ficultj. At a coiiHultatioD held between Colonel Winalow 
and Captain 3Iurraj, it waa agreed that a proclamation 
aboold be isaued at the different aett!ementa, requiring the 
attendance of the people, at the respective poata on the 
tame day ; which proclamation should be so ambiguous in 
its nature, that the object for which they were to assemble 
oould not be discovered ; and so peremptory in its terms, 
as to insure implicit obedience. That which was addressed 
to the people in the limits now comprised in King's Coun* 
ty, waa as followa : 

•*To the inhabitants of the Diatrict of Grand Pri. Minaa, 
River ( aiiaid, &c., aa well ancient, aa young men and lada; 

Whereas hi« Excerencr, the Governor, has instructed ua 
of hia lato resolution r«*^j>ertins^ the matter proj>osed to the 
inhabitanta« and Ii.ih ordrrrd ua to communirate the name in 
p«'raon, hia Kxcellcncy, being deftiroua that c-ach of them 
biiou'.d be aatisfied oi hia Majesty *8 intentions, which he 
bai alfo oideied ua to communicate to yon. audi an thfy 
have been given to him: We therefore order and atrictly 
enjoin by these pre<(enta. all of the inhabitants as well of 
the alxtve named i>i>tiii*t an of ail the other I^iatncts both 
old and young nn n, an \«eli as a'.l the la«lM of t**n yeaia of 
age, to utteml ut t:ie I'l.iireh ui Grun^l l*je, on Fruiuy, thu 
5th inhtunt, at thr^e of tiie clo/k in the aftfinoon, tiiut y\e 
may iuii'uit t'> th* ni what we are (»r«IiTevl to mniinun.rate 
to them; declanrj;,' tliHt i:o i xcuh** wiii be ad:nitt<>l <»n any 
pretena« whttlc\f;, on j u.n of forfeiting gootU a:ui chalte.si, 
lu default ol itai thiaie. G»vt.u at Giuttu i'lu, «a bcptem- 
bar, 1755, and l^llih year ol hia 31ajei»ty'.s rc.,,u. 

^JOUX WlXSLOW.** 

¥rbile the three days are passing before the memorabla 
Mh airiTes — a term but too short for the unsuspecting Ac»- 
diana — lei us glance at the oonespoudenco of the conn* 



SBU4 ACADU 

manders of the several districts who are engaged in this 
work of capturing a whole people, and see what motivei 
prompt, and what thoughts inspire them. 

Grand Pre, 30th August, 1755. 

To GovEBNOB Lawbencb: 

I am favored with your Excellency's letters, which Cap- 
tain HiluiTay was so good as to be the bearer of, and with 
whom I have consulted as to the duty proposed ; and as the 
com is now all down, the weather being such, has preven- 
ted the inhabitants from housing it, it is his opinion and 
mine, that your Excellency's orders should not be made pub- 
lic until Ii\iday; and which day we propose to put them in 
execution. We had picquetted in the camp before the re- 
ceipt of your Excellency's letter, and I imagine it is so far 
from giving surpiise to the inhabitants, as to their being de- 
tained, that they look upon it as a settled point, that we are 
to remain with tliem all winter ; and as this duty is of no ex- 
pense to Government, I cannot but flatter myself your Ex- 
cellency will approve of the matter, as lifty men to remain 
will be better in present cu'cumstances, than one hundred 
without this protection, and the other part of the troops 
put on duty abroad. . . . Although it is a disagieeablo 
part of the duty we ai*e put upon, I am sensible it is a nec- 
essary one, and shall endeavor strictly to obey your Excel- 
lency's orders, to do anything in me to remove the neigh- 
bors about me to a better country ; as to poor 1^'ather L% 
Blanc, I shall, with your Excellency's permission, send him 
to my own place. I am, &c., 

John WmsLow. 

23d August 

This morning Capt Adams and party returned from their 
march to the liiver Canai'd, and reported it was a fine coun- 
try and full of inhabitants, a beautiful church, abundance 
of the good of this world, and provisions of all kinds Uk 
great plenty. Capt Holby ordered with Ave officei-s and 
fifty privates to visit the village Molanson on the iiiver*Gaa- 
pereau, and Capt. Osgood, with the like number of of&cert 
and men, to reconnoitre the country in the fiont, or to thd 



IXrULSXOV OF THB FBSHCH VBimuUi 205 

southward of our encampment, both of which parties re- 
turned in the evening, and gave each account that it was a 
fine country. 

J0H5 WlirSLOWy 

Lieut CoL Commanding. 

This ** fine country, with its beautiful church, and abund* 
anee of the good of this world,'* woh, in loss thau a fortnight, 
to be laid waste bj fire and pillage, and depopulated, by or- 
der of Winslow. 

Fort Cumberland. 24th August, 1755. 

DsAB Sib: — I embrace this o])portuuity with pleasure, to 
let you know that tht'se leave nie and all friends, as I hop« 
they mill find you lu ^^ood health, and we rejoice to hear of 
your ftafe arrival at Minus, and aiu well pleaded that jou are 
provided with ho good quartet u for yourself and soldiers, 
and as you have taken possession of the friar*s house, hope 
you wiil execute the ofhce of priesL I am tiled of your ab- 
sence, and long for nothing more than to be with you; here 
is Capt. Proby and ci<:ht transports, arrived last Wednesday i 
Cspt. Ta^gait ainved this morning, and a sloop from New 
York with provisions for the troops; the news has not yel 
come on shore; our troops remain in good health, and long 
to follow Tou. Yours, «kc., PiiBiff.a. 

To CoL Winslow, commanding at Minaa. 

Camp at Cumberland, 5th Sept, 175& 

DsAB Sib : — I received your favor from Captain Nicholsi 
of the 23d August, and rejiice to hear that the lines are fal- 
len to you in {pleasant lamis, and that you havo a goodly 
betitage. I underbtand you are surrounded by the good 
things of this world, and having a sanctified place for your 
habitation, hope you will be prej.aied for the en;oynientH of 
anothei : we aie mouldering away our time in yourab^ience, 
which bas rendered this pjace to me worse thau a prison ; 
we have only this to comfort us, that we are as nigb to 
bea\eu as you are at Minas, and since >%e aie denu^u our 
good things in this world, doubt not we saall be iisppy m 
the next. . . • Your auicere friend, 

Jcdbpub Pbbibli. 

To CoL Winalowy commanding at Minaa. 




t06 40AOU 

Fort Edward, 175S. 

I was out yesterday at the Tillages, all the people were 
quiet and busy at the harvest ; if this day keeps fair, all will 
be in here into their barns. I hope to-morrow will crown 
all our wishes. I am most truly, &c., 

A* Muiuux 

We will not burden these pages with more of this sicken- 
ing religious cant Such profesdons of piety made by men p 
engaged in the work they were in, appears to be little short 
of sacrilega / 

The reader has noted, in the above letters, the evident 
anxiety on the part of the English for the people to com* 
plete their harvest before the day decreed for them to a8> 
semble. The purpose of the commanders was, that the 
troops could the more readily plunder, and more effectually 
destroy what they could not carry away ; the instructions 
of Governor Lavnrence being for the country to be so com- 
pletely devastated that, should any of the French escape 
from the soldiers, they would not be able to subsist in it.* 

The erer memorable 5th of September arrired in due 
time. The '^beautiful countiy '' was all aglow that morning 
as only a September sun in that clear northern atmosphere 
could render it. The work of the harvest is over — the unit- 
ed efforts of the whole populace (for women and children 
wrought in the fields in that primitive pastoral communi- 
ty) sufficing in a few days to secure the season*s yield : the 
produce of a yearns industry is safely gathered into over- 



*The following is among the iDstractions to Major Hanfield, tinder 
date of August 11th, 1755 : ** You will xise all the means proper and neoes- 
sary for collecting the people together so as to get them on board. If yoa 
find that fail means \^ill not do with them, you must proceed by the mosi 
vigorons measures possible, not only in compelling them to embark, but 
in depriving those who shall escape of all means of shelter or support, by 
burning their hoa<$es, ami destroying everything that may afford them tha 
means of subsistence in the country." 



KOVtMUm OF TBI FBBVCH VKUTBAUi 207 

flowiDg barns and granaries. Little do the reomanrj sas> 
poet, as thej gather round the ample board, that it is tha 
last time thej will be permitted to meet as united families. 
Yet it is apparent that something unusual is occiming : is 
it a day of some religious festira), or are the people to join 
in a public joyous celebration of the iiigatheiing of the sea- 
son's bountiful harvest T The male members go out of hun* 
dreds of happy homes in obedience to the stem military 
order couTening the inhabitants for the purpose of commu* 
nicating **hi8 Majesty*8 intentions*^ concerning them. The 
riiiing ground on which stands the church is soon teeming 
with the country folk. Some come on foot, ^^^g^y i^d in 
groups; others, particularly the older men, are coureyed 
thither in carts: all are neatly clad in subntantial home- 
spun, with counteiuuices that betoken a peaceable and law- 
abiding population. 

The church was a large edifice, sufficient for the needs of 
that extensive parish. It was sacred to the hearts of this 
simple people ; it was the place where, at the stated gath- 
erings of the populace, the Vfueiable Father LcBiano was 
wont to break to them the bread of life; it was the scena 
of their christenings, the solemnization of their marriages, 
and above all, hallowed to the recollection of the last ritea 
in memorr of deceased loved ones. 

m 

Promptly at the hour (tho Neutrals had felt the iron heel 
of military desp'»tism too long not to bo punctual), four 
hundred and ci^'hteen able-bodied men weio as^ontb cd at 
the church in Itrand Pie. 'Iheso bcin;; indii.'ci tj I'nter 
the church, and a guard having be.-n '-tat; *nL\l at tin* do.^r. 
Colonel Winslow placed hini>eif, with hid ofUjets, in the 
eentre, and addressed them ai follows : 



'LXVE3r : — I have received from his Exc"!!rncv, Oot« 
cmor Ijiwr€*nce, th*» King*'* c >in:nis-kion, winrh I h.i\o in my 
band; and by hit orders vou ar<» convened to^'ctUt-r t > mau- 



308 ACADIA 

ifest to you, his Majesty's final resolution to the French in- 
habitants of this his Province of Nora Scotia ; who, for al- 
most half a century, have had more indulgence granted 
them than any of his subjects in any part of his dominions; 
what use you have made of it you yourselves best know.— 
The part of duty I am now upon, though necessary, is very 
disagreeable to my natural make and temper, as I know it 
must be grievous to you, who are of the same species ; but 
it is not my business to animadvert, but to obey such orders 
as I receive, and therefore, without hesitation, shall deliver 
you his Majesty's orders and instructions, namely — ^that 
your lands and tenements, cattle of all kinds and live-stock 
of all sorts, are forfeited to the Crown : with all other your 
effects, saving your money and household goods, and yoo 
yourselves to be removed from this his Province. 

*' Thus it is peremptorily his Majesty's orders, that the 
whole French inhabitants of these Districts be removed ; 
and I am, through his Majesty's goodness, directed to al- 
low you liberty to carry off your money and household 
goods, as many as you can without discommoding the ves* 
aels you go in. I shall do everything in my power that all 
these goods be secured to you, and that you are not mo- 
lested in carrying them off; and also that whole families 
shall go in the same vessel,* and make this remove, which 
I am sensible must make you a gi*eat deal of trouble, as easy 
as his Majesty's service will admit ; and hope that, in what- 
ever part of the world you may fall, you may be faithful 
subjects, a peaceable and happy people. I must also inform 
you, that it is his Majesty s x^leasure that you remain in se- 
curity under the inspection and direction of the troops I 
have the honor to command. " 

And he then declared them the King's prisoners. 



* A promise which, whatever may have been the intentioiis of Wina^ 
low in making it, was most shamef nlly and inhumanly broken. Says 
Mrs. Williams: "By what sophism Colonel Winslow recQnciled this de* 
ception, not to say abominable falsehood, to his couscienco, history does 
not say. But his friends have said for him that if he was engaged in a 
cruel undertaking, yet his honor was untarnished, and doing what he did 
at the command of his sovereign, imphed no want of humanly in him; 
that he was an officer whose honor could not be impeached.** 



tXFULtlOV OF TBI FEmeB VEOnklA 209 

The whole number of persons finally eollectiKl at Grand 
Pr&, savs Halihurton, amounted to four hundrtnl and eif btj- 
three men, and three hundred and thirty-seven women* heads 
of families ; their fions and daughters to the number of ftTd 
hundretl and twenty-seren of Uio former, and fire hundred 
and seventy-six of the latter ; making in all one thousand 
nine hundred and twenty-three souls. 

Their stOi*k consisted of one thounand two hundred and 
tixty-nine oxen« one thousand fire hundred and fifty-seTeo 
eows, five thousand and seven young cattle, foar hundred 
and ninety-three horses, nearly nine thousand aheep, and 
upwards of four thousand hogs. This enumeration shows 
the thriftiness of the population, who were rich in all thai 
added to worldly enjoyment 

As some of the wretched inhabitants fled to the woods, 
all possible measures were adopted to force them back to 
captivity. The country was laid waste to prevent theif 
subsistence. In the district of Minas alone, the soldisrSy by 
order of Winslow, set fire to two hundred and fifty private 
dwellings, two hunJreJ and seventy-six bams, eleven millSy 
one church, and other buildings to the number of one buD- 
dred and fifty-five;— over five hundred buildings in all, eoci> 
fftiTt'Pg all the grain and household eflfects (not set apart for 
their captors) of the Acadians, reduced to ashea in a single 
district! 

It was thought the people who had temporarily escaped 
capture, wvt^ld return and deliver themselves into the hands 
of the Engh-^a, rather than attempt to rom^u in a country 
where was no hhelter nor proviKions for Ki;Hten:\ .•*«. Hav- 
ing been deprived of their arms, they were at the mercy of 
the enemy, and many were reduced to such a condition of 
despair, that they surrendered themselves up. A few were 
yet hiding in the wooilii ; in order to foice them to teims, 
CoL Winslow issued anothtr order, surpassing in cruelty 
his former one» if possible, which wss to the eflfect that, ** it 



no AOADXA 

within a specified time the absent ones were not deliTered 
iip, military execution would be immediately yisited a][K>n 
Ihe next of Idn.'' In short, says Haliburton, so operative 
were the terrors that surrounded them, that of twenty-four 
jfouQg men who deserted from a transport, twenty-two were 
glad to return of themselyes, the others being shot by sen- 
tinels ; and one of their friends, believed to have been ac- 
cessory to their escape, was carried on shore to behold the 
destruction of his house and effects, which were burned in 
kia presence, as a punishment for his temerity and his per- 
fidious aid to his comrades. 

In the execution of these orders for firing the dwellings, 
no provision was made for the sick and infirm ; the edict 
was iu«»xOirable, though the removal of the invalid from a 
dwelling should prove fatal. A number of them, more fee- 
ble than the others, did die from exposure to the night air 
and okilliug winds* while waiting on shore during the delay 
atl^udiu^ the embarkation : their bodies were hastily buried 
ia the sand by the 



The prisoners confined in the church expressed the great- 
est iH^Ui't^rn at having incurred his Majesty's displeasure, 
and in a petition addressed to Colonel Winslow, entreated 
Uim to dotain a pait of them as sureties for the appearance 
of the rest who wore desirous of visiting their families, and 
iK>nsoling them in their distress and misfortunes. To com- 
ply with this request of holding a few as hostages for the 
Hurrender of the whole body, was deemed inconsistent with 
his instructions ; but permission was given them to choose 
ten for the Disti'ict of Minas, and ten for Canard, to whom 
leave of absence was granted for one day; and on whose re- 
turn, another similar number was indulged in like manner. 

The unfortunate captives bore their confinement, and re- 
ceived their sentence with a fortitude and resignation alto- 
gether unexpected ; but when the hour of embarkation ar- 



:0V OF VMM WWMMCm HKUTBAL8 211 

riTed, in which thej were to leare the Und of their natiTity 
forever, — to part with their families and frienda with lit- 
tle hope of ever again meeting, and to be dispersed among 
strangers, whose language, customs an<1 religion, were op- 
posed to their own, — then it was that the weakness of hu- 
man nature prevailed, and thej were overpowered with the 
sense of their miseries. 

Ilefore giving particulars of the embarkation, let us turn 
once more to the written evidences of this dark transaction 
left by those participating in the terrible deed. In Wins- 
low's letter book, to which source we are already indebted, 
are the following : 

^* The French ])eople not having with them any prorisionsi 
and many of them pleading hunger, begged for bread; on 
which I gave them, and orderetl that for the future, they 
be supplied from their respec^tive families. Thus endeil the 
memorable fifth day of September, a day of great fatigue 
and trouble. 

JOHX WlXSZiOW. 

Fort Edward, 8th Sept., 1715. 

DsAB Sib: — I received your favor, and am extremely 
pleased that things are so clever at Grand Pre, and that 
the jK)or deviU are so resigTi»»d ; here they are more patient 
than I could have expectetl for iH^rsons so ciroumstaiiced, 
and what still sur]>riseH me, quite unconcerned. When I 
think of those at .\nnapoIis I upp-ar ov*>r thoughtful of 
summoning them in; I am afraid there will be some diffi- 
culty in getting them to;;ethf*r; you know our s<iItiH-ni hata 
.them, and if they can but tinrl a pretext to kill the lu they 
will. I am really glad to think vuur camp is si) well secur- 
sd (as the French said at least a giMxl pri.siui for inhabitants). 
I long much to see the poor \% retches enibaii^ed and our 
affaurs a little settled, and then I will do mybe»f the pleas- 
or* of maeting you and drinking their good voyage, J^c, ka 

Yours, &c 

▲. MoaaAf. 
To Colonel John Winalow. 



212 ACADIA 

Fort Edward, 5th September, 1755. 

Dkab Sib: — ^I have succeeded finely, and have got 183 
men into my possession. I believe there are but very few 
left, excepting their sick. I am hopeful you have had equal- 
ly as good luck, should be glad you would send me trans- 
r)rts as soon as possible, for you know our fort is but small ; 
should also esteem it a favour, if you could also send me 
an officer and thirty men more, as I shall be obliged to send 
to some distant rivers, where they are not all come yet.^ 
Your answer as soon as possible, will greatly oblige your 
most humble servant, 

A. MUBBAT. 

P. S. — ^I have sent Father Le Blanc's son to you, to go 
with his father, as you have taken him under your protec- 
tion. At the nearest computation, it will require 360 
tons of shipping, which I think at the least computation too 
small; therefore I believe 400 tons will be better, — since 
writing the above, two of the transports have arrived. 

A. MuBBAT. 

To Col. Winslow, Commanding 
HiR Majesty's forces at Grand Pre. 

Qovemor Lawrence gave the following instructions relat- 
ing to their embarkation: 

''You must collect the inhabitants together, either by strat- 
agem or force, not paying the least attention to any remon- 
strance or memorial from any inhabitant whatever, who may 
be desirous of staying behind, but embark every person u 

gossible, according to instructions herewith sent. The in* 
abitants and their bedding must at all events be embarked; 
and if afterwards there is room for other articles, suffer 
them to carry what they conveniently can. Upon arrival of 
the vessels, as many of the inhabitants as can be collected 
by any means, particularly the heads of families and young 
men, aie to be shipped on board of them at the rate of two 
persons to a ton, tonnage of the vessels to be obtained from 
the masters. . . . You will order five pounds of fiour and 
one pound of pork to be delivered to each person so shipped, 
to last for seven days. 

''And you will make it a particular injunction to the said 



nruLtioii OF m fsdoh iiiutbals 218 

mmticn to be as oareful and watcbfal as poisible during 
the whole course of the passage, to prevent the paasengert 
from making an j attempt to seize upon the ressel, by allow- 
ing only a small number to be upon the decks at a time and 
using all other necessary precautions to prevent the bad 
consequences of such attempts ; and that th^ be partica* 
larly careful that the inhabitants have carried no arms or 
other offenaiTe weapons on board with them. 

Of the Teasels appointed to rendezvous in the Basin of 
Minas, there were *'to be sent to North Carolina, such a 
number as will transport five hundred persons; to Vir^ 
ginia, such a number as will transport one thousand per^ 
sons, and to Maryland, such a nuiul>er as will transport 
Bve hundred persons, or in proportion, if the number to be 
shipped off should exceed two thousand persons.** 

Of the transports assembled in Annapolis Basin, thera 
were ordered *'to be sent to Philadelphia, such a number 
aa will transport three hundred persons ; to New York suf- 
Beient to transport two hundred, to Connecticut sufficient 
to transport three hundred, and to Boston such a number 
of Tessels as will trans{x>rt two hundred persons, or rather 
more in pro|K>rtion to Connecticut, shcAild the number to 
be shipped off exceed one thousand persona'* Governor 
Lawrence estimates the number of French in the Province 
whom he proposed to forcibly remove, to be nearly seven 
thousand. 

Tha Acadian peasanta incarceratetl in the chapel, aa has 
already been stated, bore their captivity with remarkable for* 
titude. Not surmising that such extreme measures ware 
contemplated by the English, they had been unwarily decoyed 
and captured, without even a show of resistance.* During 
the first night of their confinement, their families remained 



*OsnMra, in hk **LT1atiine Do CuisdA,** Mym a body of aoldtan^ 
yUmto kept in thm bsckgruaod, came fonnurd sad mrnNUidsd ths baikW 
m the vasivpcctiog French entcrtd it 



214 kOLDUL 

at home in aDxions solicitude at their continued absence.— 
A number of strange vessels had been noticed in the Basin^ 
and the fact added to their forebodings. At the first break 
of morning some messengers arrived, and soon the intelli- 
gence spread to the farthest settlement. It is not possible for 
the pen to portray the emotions that must have arisen in 
the bosoms of these poor Acadians at such an announce- 
ment as met them on that morning. In times of distress, 
there is consolation in rendering mutual advice and assist- 
ance: in this instance the tender wives and helpless chil- 
dren were obliged to act without the advice of their natural 
protectors. 

During the few days intervening between the memorable 
5th and the day of embarkation, events were transpiring of 
the gravest import to the French people. Bands of soldiers 
were scouring the country in pursuit of fugitives — ^not hesi- 
tating forcibly to enter the dwellings of the people whenever 
a suspicion of a lurking Frenchman, or even caprice, in- 
clined them so to do. At one time the community would 
be thrown into a high state of excitement over the report 
that another of the hunted Acadians — some loved husband or 
brother — had been captured, killed, or brought in severely 
wounded ; at another time a family would be given so many 
hours in which to deliver up an absent member, under a 
threat of military execution on the nearest of kin, in case 
of failure to comply ; all this conspired to spread conster- 
nation among the peasantry, every family bowing under the 
weight of its own affliction. 

Then came the order to fire the buildings. Squads of 
soldiers were detailed for the pui^ose, and the incendiary 
torch was conveyed to the remotest hamlet. The custom 
of the French Acadians was, as that of their descendants 
is still, to construct their houses a few rods apart along the 
same street, while their farms extend far back into the conn* 
try. Thus the fanning communities were nestled in small 



EkTVLBOa OF THB WWEMCM nWUTMALB S15 

fillagat, and their todftl procIiTitias lad them to epoDd maeh 
of their time at each other*8 housea. The soldiera met with 
no reaiatance, for only women and children were there.— 
Hardlj had the inhabitants a notice of their intentions era 
the whole Tillage was crackling with pitiless flamea. The ap* 
peala for mercy were receired by the soldiers with derision. 
The sick and feeble were removed to the open air ; sach of 
their Tsluables aa the females, assisted by the children* could 
the more readily carry, were taken to a place of safety ; on 
ercry side rose cries indicative of terror, or imploring help i 
mothers ran frantically about in search of their children, 
while a few stood wringing their hands in mute anguish at 
their overwhelming misfortunes. 

Night settled down over that once beautiful and popu- 
lous parish before the horrid work warf completed. The 
flames from hundreds of burning builihngs soon communi* 
cated to the woods; the very LiavenH were aglow with a 
baleful light, and tbe air was thick with smoke aud flying 
cinders for miles around. Tbe domesticated animals bel- 
lowed and ran wildly about ; and it is said that tbe tumult 
was conveyed even to the wild beas^ts uf the forest, so great 
was the cotiflagiution. Can this be tbe work of man*s 
handt — man that was created in the image of hiH Maker? 
How must tbe hearts of men accustomed to war be steeled 
to bear unmoved such an exhibition of woe aud devastation ! 

The four hundred French peasants immured in the chap- 
el, could see the light of the burning dwrliings reflected on 
the distant clouds; at times they coulil <iiAtiiiguish the 
roai'ing of the flames, and the scream!) of the affrighted wo- 
men and children. Tliere were weil-to-do farmers in that 
church who beheld the accumulations of a life-time perinh- 
Ing in the general conflagration ; fathcrn were there, whose 
little ones were mingling somewhere in the dreadful tumult* 
whether aafe from harm, or whether in need of the strength 
of a lathar*s lore to protect — ^they would have given all to 



216 ACADIA 

know. Of tidings of their fate, both on that eventful night 
and during their subsequent life, many a heart-broken fath- 
er was forever kept in ignorance I 

But the scenes there enacted will ever remain, in a great 
measure, hidden from the knowledge of men.* We have no 
written evidence that any act of cruelty was perpetrated by 
the soldiers beyond what the nature of their work demand- 
ed ; but the French could not, and the EngUsh would not, 
bear testimony were such the fact. When we consider the 
instructions of Governor Lawrence to ^^ distress them as 
much as possible,'' and also the hatred which the soldiers 
bore towards eveiything connected with Papacy, — in short, 
where soldiers had both license and inclination, the teach- 
ing of past history will justify a suspicion there may have 
been more sickening scenes than history has put on record. 

There have been instances, in the annals of the past, in 
which a country has been desolated, in times of actual war, 
and where the inhabitants were found in arms; but we de- 
fy all past history to produce a parallel case, in which an 
unarmed and peaceable people have suffered to such an ex- 
tent as did the French Neutrals of Acadia at the hands of 
the New England troops. 



* It is very remarkable, savs Halibnrton, that there are no traces ci 
this important event, to be found among the records in the Secretaryll 
Office at Halifax. I could not discover, that the correspondence had been 
preserved, or that the orders, returns, and memorials had ever been filed 
there. In the letter-book of Governor Lawrence, which is still extant) 
no communication to the Board of Trade Ls entered, from the 24th De* 
eember, 1754 to the 5th August, 1756, if we except a conmion victualling 
return. The particulars of this affair seem to have been carefully con* 
cealed, although it is not now easy to assign the reason, unless the par^ 
ties were, as in truth they well might be, ashamed of the transaction. 1 
have, therefore, had much difficulty in ascertaining the facts. Thi 
marginal note in Minot*s history of Massachusetts having referred to tht 
Manuscript Journal of Colonel Winslow, I traced that book to the Libia^ 
ry of the Mass. Hist Society in Boston. 



ExrxfLMion OP the nxxcm VEvrmuM 217 

The 10th of September, 1755, was the day fixed apon for 
the departure of the people at Minas. IVcparations having 
been coiupleteJ, the priftoners were drawn up six deep, and 
the joung men, one hundred and sixty -one in number, wert 
ordered to go tinit on boar<l the vensels. Thi8 they instant- 
ly and peremptorily refuHcd to do, declaring they would not 
leave their jnrenth; but expr€*}^Hed a willingneHs to comply 
with the order, provided they were permitteil to emlmrk 
with their familieii. TIuh nHjueRt wan immediately rejected, 
and the troopH were ordered to fix bayonets and advance 
toward the ))risonerH, a movement which had the effect of 
proiiucing olx-dience on the part of the young men, who 
forthwith commenced their march. 

Tho road from the chapel to the shore, just one n)ile ill 
length, was crowded with women and children, who, on 
their knees, greeted them as they passed with their tean 
and their blessings, while the prisoners advanced with slow 
and reluctant steps, weeping, ))raying, and singing hymna. 
This detachment waH followed by the seniors, who passed 
through the bame scene of sorrow and distress. In this 
thinner was the whole male population of the DiHtrict of 
Minaa put on board the five triin.sports, stationed in ths 
River OasiKTcau, each vessel b<*ing guarded by six non- 
con tmiasioncHl officers an<l eighty privates. As soon as th« 
other Tessels arrived, their nives and children followed, and 
tho whole were placed on lK>ard. 

Th« haate with which these measun*s were carried into 
«zecutioD, continues Haliburton, from whom we draw large- 
Ij^ did not admit of tho>e preparations for th«*ir comfort, 
wbiebv if unmerited by their di>!o\nlty, wt-ro at least due in 
pity to the aeTehty of their | unishni* nt. ** Wives were torn 
from their hasbands,** and mothers, while it was **too latu, 
iaw tbmr children left on the land, extending their arms 
with wildest entreaiief.** But the hurry, the confusion and 
tiXcitemsnt connected with the embarkation had scmroslj 



218 AOADIA 

subsided, when the Proyincials were appalled at the work 
of their own hands. The noyelty and peculiarity of their 
situation could not but force itself upon the attention of 
even the unreflecting soldiery of Acadia: stationed in the 
midst of a beautiful and fertile country, they suddenly found 
themselves without a foe to subdue, and without a popula- 
tion to protect. The volumes of smoke which the half- 
expiring embers emitted, while they marked the site of the 
peasant's humble cottage, bore testimony to the extent of 
the work of destruction. For several successive evenings 
the cattle assembled round the smoldering ruins, as if in 
anxious expectation of the return of their masters; while all 
the night long the faithful watch-dogs of the Neutrals howled 
over the scene of desolation, and mourned alike the hand 
that had fed, and the house that had sheltered them. 

Five years after these events, some emigrants from Coi^ 
necticut* were persuaded by the Colonial authorities to em- 
igrate to this spot They mention the scene of desolation 
that met their view, as defying all efforts at description. 
The ground was then whitened with the bleaching bones of 
the famished flocks and herds of the Neutrals, being actual- 
ly fouud in heaps in slieltered places bordering the adjacent 
woods; the bhu-kenod ruins of their habitations still disfig- 
ured the landscape on every hand ; and even portions of the 
carts that conveyed the Neutrals and their effects to the 
place of embarkation, were still moldering on the shorea 
But the most moving spectacle was some human beings who 
had been hid in the woods, and had not tasted bread for fiv€ 
years. In the famished and forlorn condition they were in, 
it was with difliculty they could be lured from their retreat i 
but at length the friendly behavior of the new settlers pre- 
vailed against the overwhelming fear they had of the Eng- 
lish. 



Mi& £%U \Viniiiiitt. 



nruLtioii OF TSB Fmca vnrnuij S19 

OoTimor Lawrenoe furnished tba master of each of the 
Irsnsports contsining the Neutrals, with a circular letter di- 
rected to the Goremor of the colony to which the Tessel, 
with its liring cargo, was destined. As this letter contains 
the OoTemor's vindication of his act of extirpating a people, 
it is given entire. 

**Tbe success that has attended his Majesty's arms in driv- 
ing the French from the encroachments they had made in 
this Province, furnished me with a favorable opportunity of 
reducing the French inhabitants of this colony to a proper 
obedience to his Majesty's govemmenU or forcing them to 
quit the country. These inhabitants were permitted to re- 
aiain in quiet possession of their lands upon condition they 
should take the oath of allepance to the King within one 
year after the treaty of Utrecht, by which this Province was 
ceded to Great Britain ; with this condition they have ever 
refused to comply, without having at tbo Hame time from the 
Governor an assurance in writing that they nhould not be 
called upon to bear arms in defense of the Province; and 
with this General PhillipH did comply, of which step his Maj- 
catv ditiapproved : anil the inhabitants pretending therefrom 
to be in a state of Neutrality betwc^en his Maietity and his 
•ncmies, have continually furnished the French and Indians 
with intelligence, quarters, provisions and assihtance in an- 
noying the government ; and while one part have abetted 
iho French encroach mints by their treachery, the other have 
countenanced them by op<*n rebellion, and three hundred of 
them wore actually found m arms in the French Fori at 
Bcausojour when it surrendered.* 

** Notwithstanding all theu* former bad behavior, as his 
Hajesty was plea^'d to allow me to extend still further his 
Boyal grace to such as would return to their duty, I offered 
each of them as had not been openly in arms against as, a 



O ovocBot Lawrcaoe docs not teein to tuuna any tpiciflo ioslaaov ia 
the inbabitanU were fooiid gmlty in buTing **AbettMl thm Fraoch 
by their Cieaobcry.** bat only prefen m sencfml ebarse 
Umid. He sIk> eiim tba anding of thrM hoDdrHl N«atimk ia 
•I BmmMJant m a leasoii for expelling the whole of then troii the 
afUv the E^liah had ^(raed to panloB the 



920 ACADU 

continuance of the possession of their lands, if they would 
take the oath of allegiance, unqualified \vith any reservation 
whatever ; but this they have most audaciously as well as 
unanimously refused, and if they would presume to do this 
when there is a large fleet of ships of war in the harbor, and 
a considerable land force in the Province, what might we 
not expect from them when the approaching winter deprives 
us of the former, and when the troops which are only hired 
from New England occasionally and for a small time, have 
returned home. 

*'As by this behavior the inhabitants have forfeited aU 
title to their lands and any further favor from the govern- 
ment, I called together his Majesty's Council, at which the 
Hon. Yice-Admii'al Boscawen and Kear-Admiral Mostyn as- 
sisted, to consider by what means we could with the great- 
est security and effect rid ourselves of a set of people who 
would forever have been an obsti*uction to the intention of 
settling this colony and that it was now from their refusal 
of the oath absolutely inciunbont on us to remove. 

'^As their numbers amount to near seven thousand per- 
sons, the driving them off with leave to go whither they 
pleased would doubtless have strengthened Canada with so 
considerable a number of inhabitants, and as they have no 
Cioarcd laud to give thcni at present, such as are able to 
boar arms might have been immediately employed in annoy- 
iiig this and the neighboring colonies. To prevent such an 
inconvenience it was judged a necessary and the only prac- 
ticuible measure to divide them among the Colonies where 
they may be of some use, as most of them are healthy, 
strong people ; and as they cannot easily collect themselves 
together again it will be out of their power to do any mis- 
chief, and they may become profitable and it is possible, in 
time, faithful subjects. 

^' As this step was indispensably necessary to the securi- 
ty of this colony upon whose preservation from French en- 
croachments the prosperity of North Ameiica is esteemed* 
in a great measure dependent, I have not the least reason to 
doubt of Your Excellency's concurrence, and that you will 
receive the inhabitants I now send you and dispose of them 
in such a manner as may best answer our design in prevent* 
ing their reunion." 



LXrULSI03C OF tUt, FBOCH NlUTllLS tti 

T«t another indignity was offer^ the broken-hearted 
French. They had all along plead lobe alluwed the luinia* 
trationa of their prioHts — prizing that privi!c>ge as the high* 
eat boon that could bo granted. Wo find t\u* following in a 
letter of Governor Lawn'ni-e to Board of Trade: ** Ah the 
three Frf*nch priests, Clx vt-reui], Daudiu and Le Muire, were 
of no further use in this province after the renioTal of the 
French inhabitants. Admiral Bo^cuwen has bet* n so good 
as to take thorn on board of his fleet and is to give them a 
pasaage to England.** We now leave the exiles of Grand 
Pre, stowed away in over-crowded vchsoIh, tem]>est-t08t and 
despairing, family ties broken, bound to dihtant lands they 
knew not of, while we turn to the events transpiring in oth« 
cr parts of Acadia. 

The English diil not meet with like HuccesM at other pointa, 
in their scheme to take a nation captive. At Cumberland, 
the inhabitants ^ere sus])icioiis of something wrong, and 
fl«d to the woods on the approach of the troops. This did 
not preTent the burning of their dwellings; the English lost 
twenty-nine men in an attempt to burn a papist chapel. Wa 
will let Speak man, the officer in command, tell hia own story. 

Camp Cumberland* 5th September, 1755. 

I am Borry my firnt letter should be the bearer of such 
melancholy news, tt.s tlie defeat of a port of a detachmeui 
aent out under 31ujor Frye, who saileil from this place with 
Captain Brentnal, ni\helf and Mr.Kndicott, Dr. March and 
Lieutenant Billings, and two hundred men. to burn the 
buildings at Shepody, Pi/iquid and ^lemrauicook. and after 
having buined one hundred and ei;^hty-one buddings at 
Bhepody, we sailed on the 3J instant. .\ft«*r sailing up Pet- 
iicoUiac river, and butneil on both hides the* nver ail the 
moiniDg, about one o'clock C*oi(»n«'l Fr\e ordered Captain 
Adams to come to anchor, and land hin men oppoittte tna 
luaaf^house, in order to bum a smali village be.ow it, siid 
join Mr. Eudicott and Lieut. Billings with sixty men. Ac- 
cordingly I and Dr. Match went on shore witii a party, bul 



S22 ACADIA 

by reason of the difficalij of landing, was obliged to mardi 
with twenty men, ten of which Dr. March took with hinii 
though contrary to orders, and went to the village in order 
to bum the mess-house. When Mr. Endicott's party joined 
him, and before they could get the mess-house on fire, they 
were beset by above three hundred IiYench and Indians, and 
our men, being straggling about, were soon defeated. Dr. 
March and five or six privates certainly killed ; we had eley- 
en more wouoded, among whom is Lieutenant Billings, who 
is badly wounded, having received a shot thi*ough his left 
arm, and another through his body, which is looked upon 
as dangerous. I was in a small village adjoining, and had 
set file to the houses just as I heard the attack, and repaired 
to the marsh and joined them, but before I got there the 
most of the men had left their officers, and with difficoltj 
it was we got Mr. Billings away ; our powder was wet, and 
little of it ; no water and but two days* provisions, obliged 
OS to return without proceeding any farther, after burning 
two hundi'ed and fifty-thi'ee buildings with a large qoantitj 
of wheat and flax. The people here are much concerned for 
fear of your party meeting the same fate, being in the heart 
of a numerous and devilish crew, which I pray Gk>d avert 

Thomas SpxAuur. 
To the Hon. John Winslow, 
Commander at Minas. 



At Annapolis the proclamation was disobeyed ; the inhab- 
itants were apprehensive that some harm was intended them, 
and lilvo tliose at Cumberland, had taken refuge in the neigh- 
boring woods. When the ships arrived to convey them 
from their country, a party of soldiers was sent on shore to 
bring them in, who found all the houses deserted. Hali* 
burton says he was told by an eye-witness of the occurrence, 
that the houses and barns on the Annapolis Biver were 
burned. He also speaks of a woman living at the time thai 
he wrote of Nova Scotia, who was with her parents whea 
they delivered themselves up to the Commandant at Annap* 
olis, and who gave a most affecting narrative of their suffer* 
ings and the dangers to which they were exposed. Himger, 



iXFULiioH or TBI nnca vnmuj 228 

fatigue, and distress, finally compelled many of them to re- 
turn and surrender themselves prisoners ; some retired deep- 
er into the depths of the forest, where thej encamped with 
the Indians ; while others wandered throu<:;;h the trackless 
woods to Chij^necto, and so escaped into Cauatla. 

It would appear that no misfortune was too great for 
this people to endure. While war and pillage had been go- 
ing on around them for nearly half a century, their peculiar 
situation had enabled them to avoid taking part on either 
aide. As a result, they had rapidly increased in wealth and 
numbers, through the benign influences of a life of industry 
and peace : now a sad change had come over their fortunes. 
Though the people bad eluded the English soldiery, they 
saw their bams destroyed^ their crops of grain and flax con- 
sumed, their houses burned and provisions wasted ; they 
foond themselves reducc^l to the alternative of a winter 
journey into Canada, a life among the Indians, or the on- 
certain fate of prisoners among a i)eople, aliens in customs 
and in religion. An adverse fate seemed to await them, no 
matter which course they might choose. The sufferings of 
the women and children, ill-provided with clothing and pro- 
▼iaiona, exposed to the autumnal storms and the |)erils of a 
life in the wilderness, were said to defy desciiption. 

General Winslow remained some time in the Province af- 
ter the sailing of the expatriated Acadians. Various apolo- 
gies have been ofi'fred for his share in the cruel business. 
It is claimed he was a soldier, whose dutv in to obev the or- 
der of his superior. He, by an artifice, had eutra]>ped over 
f«)ur hundreil unarmed ]>euHants, against whom, as i:;i]ividu- 
als, no charge was preferred ; when these were helplessly 
within his power, he threatened them with military execu* 
lion unless others, who had so far eluded his grasp, were 
immediately forthcoming ; and lastly, he had violated his 
**word of honor as a soldier,** for he had pledged **thal 
whole families should go in the same Teasel.** Doubtleaa 



224 ACADU 

he thought himself entitled to, and expected, consideratioiD 
at the hands of the authorities of the Province, for the pari 
he had acted. On the contrary, his subsequent sojourn 
there was embittered by the ungrateful treatment he re- 
ceived from Oovemor Lawrence, who made no scruple to 
transfer troops from his command to recruit the Halifax 
garrison. Winslow^s expostulations were treated with cool 
contempt ; and in his journal he prophesied *' it will be the 
last New England force ever marched into Nova Scotia to 
defend their rights." 

As a portion of the several cargoes of the expatriated peo- 
ple of Grand Pre were consigned to Boston, the home of 
Winslow, he must have been frequently reminded of his 
work, as he beheld, in his daily walks, the mute sufferings 
of the exiles as they dragged out their hopeless, helpless 
existence. Tradition says that temporary shelter was pre- 
pared for them on Boston Common, where they were recip- 
ients of such charity as chance threw in their way. Dis- 
ease and want put a speedy end to the unhappy lives of 
many : others became gradually absorbed into the surround* 
ing population. 

Winslow lived to the age of seventy-three, his death oo» 
ourring a short time previous to the War of the Revolution. 
It is worthy of remark that Winslow's family were among 
the refugees that were forced to flee to Nova Scotia — the 
soil from whence their ancestor had assisted in driving out 
the Neutrals a quarter of a century before ; whii^ desgppd- 
ant of the exiled Acadians, General Sulliva^^^Htne^Pdis- 
tinguished patriot, ^1^ w 

History is replete with instances of the readiness of man, 
in every degree of enlightenment, to lay down his life in 
defense of his right to worship God as he chooses : — ^the 
Neutrals were denied the services of their priests, when such 
deprivation meant, according to the light of their faith, the 
loss of their hope of happiness in the world to comeii 



£XrUL8X0!C OP TBI PftKXCH VtUTtAtt 2S5 

W1:cn a single houAebold has been strippeil of slialier and 
effe<'t8 by a Kuclden unaToidable calainitj, the occaHion is 
one that calls forth the Hvnipathy of the whole commuuitj. 
Here we have hundreds of Trench exileH, who had lost all, 
by a couiroon calamity, in obedience to the command of 
those in authority. 

Many a mother has clasped her babe mure closely to her 
breast as she lias recalled the circuniHtauccs, yet fresh in 
the mind of cTery reader, of those anxious i)arcuts, who, for 
so many long years hare been wearily searching for their 
kidiiap{^ boy, until their fortune is spent, and their fore- 
beads hare become wrinkleil with the living sorrow : the fata 
of those parents but illustrates tlie experience of those of tha 
Meutials, who pai^sed thur lives in searching for members 
of their families which had been puipusely scattered to pra> 
Tcnt their reunion. 

Tha banishment from one*s country has ayer baan ad- 
judged ona of the most severe penalties known in juris* 
prudanca : this, and the other extremes of human misery, 
iba poor exiled Acadians huflfered, by the voluntary aota of 
men difTering only in lan«;uago and religion. 

Wa will append a few opinions from standard historical 
authoriiies, and close the chapter. The timt is from B«ll*t 
translation of Garneau : 

British agentb treated them with the greatest rigor; tha 
tribu.<ala, by flagrant violations of the law, by systematio 
^i» fft|fcU of justice, had become, for the people, objects of 
ieiTor and hatred. The pettu.>i jurk- in -office became m 
daapoi for them. ** If you fail to supply my men with fuel, * 
aaid m certain Captain Murray, *'I will demolish your houses 
and make firewood of them/* **If you don*t take the oath 
of fidelity,*' added Governor Hobaon, **I will batter your 
Tillages with my cannon.** Nothing could tempt the honors 
able minds of Acsdians to tsko an oath of fealty to aliensi 
lepugasat to their consdenoes; an oath which, it was and 



226 ACADIA 

is the opinion of many, Britain had no right to exact. The 
Acadians were not British subjects, for they had not sworn 
fidelity: therefore they were not liable to be treated as reb- 
els ; neither ought they to be considered prisoners of war 
or rightly be transportable to France, since, during half a 
century, they had been left in possession of their lands on 
the sioi^e condition of remaining neutraL But numerous 
adventurers, greedy incomers, looked upon their fair farms 
with covetous eyes. Smoldering cupidity soon burst into 
flame. Reasons of state polity were soon called in to justi- 
fy the total expulsion of the Acadians from Nova Scotia — 
Although the far greater number of them had done no act 
which could be construed into a breach of neutrality, yet, 
in the horrible catastrophe preparing for them, the inno- 
cent and the guilty were to be involved in a common perdi- 
tion. 

In '^Walsh's AppeaP' we find the following: Seven thou- 
sand of the obnoxious community were torn from their rus- 
tic homes, and transported in a way worthy of being com- 
pared with the ^'middle passage." . . No proof has ever 
been produced, — none exists, to support the charges which 
Entick prefers against the sufferers — of having engaged to 
join the French troops, and refused absolutely to take the 
oath of allegiance to the British sovereign. On the other 
hand, their own allegations, as he reports them, and which 
gives them strong titles to respect, are upheld by the tenor 
of the official declarations of the British authorities in Nova 
Scotia, who pleaded, httle more in substance, than the pos- 
itive orders of their government, and a supposed overruling 
necessity, as regarded the more secure dominion of that ter- 
ritory. Their descendants received universally from them 
the same tale of injustice and woe. It is consigned in the 
petition which they transmitted from Pennsylvania to the 
King of Great Britain, and which bears intiinsic evidence, 
too strong to be resisted by a feeling and unprejudiced read- 



nruLHOH OF tbx pesxch MianmALM 

er, of the truth of all the details.* To complete the hinto- 
ry I ought to adil, that no attention whatever was paid to 
their prater either for imiuoJiato redress, or a judicial 
hcniinp:. 

SuvH Ha'ihurton: Upon an impnriia! review of the trans- 
actionH of th<* pciio.l, it must he admitted that the^tranHpor* 
tation of the Ara liaim to distant colonies with all the marks 
of i;:nonnny and guilt peculiar to convicts, was cruel: and 
although Kuch a conclusion could not then be drawn, vet 
sul'scquent evrnts have disclosed that their expulsion was 
unnecessary. It ^et-ms totally irreconcilable with the idem 
of justice cntertainf'd at this day, that those who are not in* 
Tolved in the guilt hhall paiticipate in the punishment; or 
that a whole commuinty shall Buflfer for the misconduct of 
m part It is, doubtless, a stain on the Provincial CoudcUsi 
and we shall nut attempt to justify that which all good men 
have agreed to condemn. 



*Tb« TtnAer is referred to this petition, tak^n from the draught in Ihs 
haiidwiiliug ol IkneMt, commcacing od pa^e 300 of this Tolomc 



THE PEENCH NEXJTRALS IN PENNSYLVANIA. 



On the 19th and 20th of November, 1755, three vessels 
appeared in the Delaware, and dropped anchor beloTr Phil- 
adelphia. They were the Hannah^ the I%ree I^Hends^ and 
the Swariy — the same vessels that, over two months before, 
had received their living cargoes at the Port Boyallanding 
in the Basin of Annapolis. One of them, say the newspa- 
pers of the day, came up to town but was immediately or- 
dered back. Governor Morris, it seems, was thrown into a 
terrible alarm, and on the day the first cargo of them ar- 
rived, he wrote to Governor Shirley: 

**Two vessels are arrived here with upwards of three 
hundred Neutral French from Nova Scotia, whom Gx)vemor 
Lawrence has sent to remain in this Province, and I am at 
a very great loss to know what to do with them. The peo- 
ple here, as there is no military force of any kind, are very 
uneasy at the thought of having a number of enemies scat- 
tered in the very bowels of the country, who may go off 
from time to time with iutelligence, and join their country- 
men now employed against us, or foment some intestine 
commotion in conjunction with the Irish and German Cath- 
olics, in this and the neighboring Province. I, therefore^ 
must beg j'our particular instructions in what manner I may 
best dispose of these people, as i am desirous of doing any 
thing that may contribute to his Majesty's service. I have^ 
in the meantime, put a guard out of the recruiting parties 



TBX PBJUCCH XIUTBALS IX FIXXSTLTAHlA 229 

DOW in touD, ou board of each vessel, and ordered IheM 
KeiitraU to be supplied with provisions, which must bo ai 
the expense of the Crown« as I have no Provincial money in 
my hands ; for this service I have prevailed on Capt. Mor« 
hs, who is recruiting here for Colonel Dunbar*s regiiueuty 
to postpone sending off his recruits till I could hear from 
jou upon the head, which I hope to do by the return of the 
posf 

Governor Morris found at least one man who shared hia 
misgivings touching this untoward visit of the exiles. This 
was Jonathan Belcher, Chief Magistrate of New Jersey, fath* 
ther of Jonathan Belcher, Chief Justice of Nova Scotia, and 
member of the Council of that Province, who had, by liia 
stem opinion that they were ** rebels** and ** recusants,** 
fixed the doom of that people. The elder Belcher writes 
Uorria as follows : 

'^I am truly surprised how it could ever enter the thoughts 
of those who had the ordering of the French Neutrals, or 
rmtber traitors and rebels to the Crown of Great Britain, to 
direct any of them into these Provinces, where we have al* 
ready too great a number of foreigners for our own good 
and safety. I think they should have been transported di* 
recUy to old France, and I entirely coincide with your hon* 
or that these people would readily join with the Irish P»- 
piata, Ac., to the ruin and tle^tructlon of the King*s Colo* 
niea, and should any attempt to land here [P!lizabethtown]| 
I ahould think, in duty to the Kin^ and to hin good i>eopie 
under my care, to do all in my power to cruhh an attempt.** 

History does not record that a cargo of French Neutrals 
ever received in Nei» Jersey ! 

The bitter struggle between Protestantism and Roman* 
which had convulsed the Old World, and deluged it 
with the most noble blood of Uie time ; the numerous and 
sanguinary wars between the Georges and the Louises ta 
KuropSy and which were ahared by their rsspecii? s foloniss 



230 



ACADIA 



in America; and finally, the actual association of French 
Papists and savages on the frontiers of the English settle- 
ments, and who were at this time advancing in victorious' 
aiTaj within three hundred miles of Philadelphia, had so af- 
fected the minds of the Protestant English colonists, that 
they looked upon Indians and Trench Papists alike, vrith a 
feeling of horror. A gentleman of Philadelphia gave but a 
mild expression of the public sentiment when he wrote,— 
<<May God be pleased to give us success against all our 
copper-colored cannibals and French savages, equally cruel 
and perfidious in their natures." 

A short time before the arrival of the exiles, the following 
was published in the Philadelphia papers, under date of 
Halifax: **A few days since, three Frenchmen were taken 
up and imprisoned on suspicion of having poisoned some- 
wells in this neighborhood. They are not tried yet, and 
it's imagined if they are convicted thereof, they will have 
but a few hours to live after they are once condemned*" 

The manifest hatred and prejudgment exhibited in thia 
brief paragraph, while it argues the poor fellows stood but 
a poor chance whether guilty or innocent, as plainly shows 
the condition of public sentiment at that time. Were it 
not that these accounts are fully substantiated by incontro- 
yei'tible evidence, they could scarcely be credited, so strange- 
ly do they sound since national prejudice and religious in- 
tolerance have been dissipated before the light of knowl* 
edge and the benign influence of the Gospel. 

It appears more incredible : and unaccountable still from 
the fact that a complete reversion of public sentiment in 
this particular occurred in less than a quarter of a century* 
Washington had scarcely appeared in the Eevolutionary 
camp at Boston, when he found preparations beiog made 
for burning the Pope in effigy. His memorable order of 
November 5th had the effect of putting an end to the cus» 
tom of ''insulting the religion" of brethren and co-worker8» 



TSff FAIXCH STkUTRALS III FOnnTLTAXU S81 

• 

When the French fleet arrived at Newport, Rhode lelaDdt 
to aid the cause of the colouists, the Legislature made ail 
haste to repeal a law od her sUtute-book forbidding a Ro- 
man Catholic to put foot upon heir soil under pain of death. 
At Boston, a funeral procession traversed Uie streets, with 
a crucifix at its head and priests solemnly chanting; whi!o 
the selectmen of Puritan Boston joined in the oe'reinonv, 
giving this public mark of respect to the faith of their al- 
Uea. 

On the 24th of November, Qovernor Morris made the ar- 
rival of the Neutrals the subject of a special message to the 
Assembly, informing them ho tlid not think it safe to per- 
mit them to land ; but that a contagious disease having bro- 
ken out on board ship, some of them were sent on shore on 
Prorince Island. 

In the minutes of the Assembly of that Province, the fol- 
lowing entry is made : ** Antony Benezet, attending with- 
outy was called in and informed the House that he had, at 
the request of some of the members, visited the French Neu- 
trals now on board sundry vessels in the river, near the city, 
and found that they were in great need of blankets, shirts, 
stockings, and other necessaries; and he then withdrew, 
(whereupon) Resolved, That this House will allow such rea- 
•onable expenses as the said Denezet may be put to in fur- 
nishing the Neutral French now in the Province.** 

Thus we have no less evideuctt thau a Li'gislative record, 
that the poor exiles of Nova Scotia were HufTc-raig for the 
nacesaaries of life, who had not known before what want 
was ; that their continued cloiu* confinement had caused an 
alarming disease to break out on their ven.sels,* demanding 
instant removal, but the Governor of the Province was 



*Tba Neatnk wert k^pC on Umrd from tlM> midUe of Sqjtamber to the 
of Kovriubtr, aoi far ih<»rt of three moothft, with a mrm^ftr diii cC 
park ukil door, withooi cw ooet being pennitted to pot fool on teadi 



230 



ACAMA 



in America; and final!}', (lie iv':. 
PapistH and savages on the fionti' 
nients, and who were at this ti!Vi< 
array within three hundred niiU-^ • 
fected the minds of the Protest 
they looked upon Indiaim aiul ' ■ 
feeling of horror. A gentlema/- 
mild expression of the public ^• 
"May God be pleased to givo 
copper-colored cannibals smd Vi 
and perfidious in their nutuii- 

A short time before the iir»"'* ' 
was published in the I'Lilo<: 
Halifax: "A few days siiut . 
up and imprisoned on sns}*. 
wells in this neighbor!) oo'.i 
it*8 imagined if they are io 
but a few hours to livp afit 

The manifest hatred au • 
brief paragraph, whilr> it .. 
a poor chance wheth"!* .. 
the condition of p*>l' ' 
not that these aof-..-: 
yertible evidciKM , *i'- 
ly do they somul si'i 
tolerance have ho*^-- 
edge and the In-ui' * 

It appears int»»r' • ^^ 
the fact that a *"^* ^ 

this pai'ticular "(v; 
Washington lt:i«? 
camp at Boston 
for burning t^^■ 
Kovember 5ti. h- 
torn of "insuliif*"^ 



.-lies from a 

.- :beir re- 

&•? :o be let 

_:'i:er Bonny, 

•;i-^t; Widow 

. . sickly ; Wid- 

irgest orphan 

^ i-L. Jren of Paul 

.^j. 1 girl with an 

. . "jlish child ; Jo- 

- -iJtram, sickly, 

. x.i sickly; Peter 

-,... i:2iself and wife 

■:— foung, &c." In 

^^— ..' the intensity of 

^ :vc-viihstauding the 

« -t -eir arrival in Phil- 

^. _r-r9 than one half ol 




^^ ^T times show there 
, ^ rts to ameliorate the 
^ . hereditary national 
^ :_-: tv"* 3:5sert themselves 
^ _..::: fit V, and work in 
«•• .irzz. in Quaker garb, 
^ '-^-ach race, who though 
-MB.r::::en like themselves, 
"^j^i^-.-r'yhia, came from the 
i, ..iSI^nos of Grand Pre; 
:s of Philadelpliia, by 
did not in the least 
ii^jir««r» of William Penn for 
as benevolence. The 
u ste Aisembly, were con- 




TBI FBIXCH !rinTB4Lll IK FKIHrSTLTAHU 28S 



•^'^mrd to sny— •• BlesFed bo Go<l that it was our lot to h% 
•«ul to Pennsylvania, wheio our wants liave been relieTed« 
*^^ Wo Fiave, in ev(*ry respect, been treated with Christiaii 
■>ci^«rvt>leiic(» ai;<l cl.arity." 

*lie AKHt-niblv was s])ccial1y convoked early in February, 
* '^G, ami on tin* 11th, attention was directed to the Neutrals 
"y % {X'tition froMi on<» of their number, Jean Baptistu Ga- 
*«rm. Thirt doi'uiucnt contained a statement of the causes 
^liirh led to their exile, an expression of gratitude for the 
*^ndiies8 shown them, and a protestation of a passive loya]« 
*y (no fine had a ri;;ht to expect more) to the British Crown. 
So modest were thfv that it oontain**«l no prayer for sperifio 
••sihtanre. A bill was passed for the relic:', or, as its rath- 
er am hi;;uouH title expressed it, for **ilnpersln^" the in- 
habitants through the counties, which ]>e.*uii«^ a law on the 
6th of March. l»y the proiisions of this act the Acadians 
were to be distiibiited throughout the Province, in onler 
•*to give them an oi>porlunity of exeicisinjj their own labor 
and industry." They were to be provided for at the ]>ublio 
expense, while nothin<; like a separation of families is hint- 
ed at. 

The French Neutrals exhibited what had been termed a 
ipeciee of ** contumacy,*' thouf^h they claimed they were only 
aas«*rtin(^ their ju«t rif^dits, whit-h contributed not a little to 
their sufTfrinj^s. They thought that by refusing to work 
they would force their rc'cognition as prisoners of war, and 
AS KUch, be entitled to be ex('han;;e«l or sent back to Franrt*. 
This attempt failed in the objeet the Aeadians had in virw, 
and made the duty of kindness and protertion on the part 
of their benefactors not an ea'^y one : many were unwilling 
to help themseives. They were cfTerfd Ian«1, and imple- 
iseuts to cultivate, and cows to stock it with ; but these they 
refused to accept, as they could by no means agree to set* 
lie there. 

One cannot read the memorials of those people withoul 



©• 



S84 AOADIA 

being deeply moved with their passionate longings for theii 
beloved Acadia, and their pathetic appeals to be restored to 
liberty, or at least transported to France. " We humbly 
pray," say they to the Assembly, "that you would extend 
your goodness so far as to give us leave to depart from 
hence, or be pleased to send us to our nation, or anywhere 
to join our country-people ; but if you cannot grant us these 
favors, we desire that provision may be made for our sub- 
sistence so long as we are detained here.* If this, our hum- 
ble request, should be refused, and our wives and children 
be suffered to peiish before our eyes, how grievous will this 
be! — had we not better have died in our native landl'* 

On the meeting of the Assembly in October, 1756, there 
is a sad revelation on its records of the sufferings of these 
poor people, — made, too, not by them, but by one of the 
Commissioners appointed to take care of them. Disease 
and death had been busy among their number. Many had 
died of small-pox ; and but for the offices of a kindly char- 
ity, many more would have perished miserably. The over- 
seers of the rural townships refused to receive them — ^they 
were literally the dependants of the Quaker City. The prej- 
'Udice entertained at that day against those of another re- 
ligion, prevented the employment of such of the Neutrals 
as were willing to work; and the petition saj's, "many ol 
them have had neither bread nor meat for many weeks to- 
gether, and been necessitated to pilfer and steal for the sup* 
port of life." 



* Those who woald jastify the forced removal of the Acadions, and 
their retention among a strange people, would do well to explain why tho 
principle laid down in this memorial is not founded in equity. They had 
committed no overt act making them amenable to the civil law, and, oon« 
sequently, could be held only as prisoners of war, and as such were enti- 
tled, by the laws of war, to be maintained at the expense of the govern- 
ment so holding them; if they were not prisoners of war, then on what 
grounds were they denied the Uberty to depart^ agreeably to their request? 



TSB nMXCH XKUTSALS Uf POmTLTAXU tU 

The aimple Acadian farmem, who, a short jear ago, in 
their once Lappj and secluded homes dwolt in ease and were 
surrounded with plenty, were beooining mendicant pilferers 
in the streets of Pbiladel])hia. Who can contemplate ths 
contrast unmored t 

This ap])eal resulted in the passsf^e of an Act for binding 
ont and settling such of the luhabitauts of Nova Scotia as 
are under age, and for maintainiu<; the old, sick, and maim- 
ed, at the charge of the Province. It was of this measure— 
the coinpulsorv binding out of the chilibren to learn trades— 
that the cxi'.eri must loud.y complained, and the most elab- 
orate renjonstrance that is tu be found on the records, was 
induced by this law. The key-note of this appeal, was as 
before, a praytT for delivfiance from captivity; — a prayer 
that wai destined to be answered by the death-angel alone. 

In the spring of IT.'}?, Pennsylvania wan honored by the 
presence of the new Coniinander-in-Cliief, the Eail of Lou* 
don. His was the first (*oronet that ever shone on this dis- 
tant and hlniple land. Doubtless there were festivities and 
rejoicing's when ho came; but ail this while the poor Neu* 
trals were pining away in misery — not the less real be- 
cause self-inflicted. Say the legislative records — the au* 
thoriticH were instructed by the a'^sembly to act for their 
rehef, ** so as to prevent their periHhing fiom want** 

This Lord Loudon reiuaine.l only a few ihiys in Philadel* 
phia. yet long enough to show by his acts that his hi^'h )h>- 
sition did not prevent his jiai tukini; of the I i^'oiry of the 
period, and to exercise his elevated faiirti<>n in otlu'v in hea|>* 
ing a new indignity on the Neutrals. He f jund it neces- 
sary to ascertain the exact nuinbf*r of KdHS'i (*utho!ics in 
the Province, so that the terrible datigt-r i'ro.u this sourcs 
might be provided a^^ainst. The fullu\^iii^ uiiiWci, rt turned 
to Loudon by the piiest, is found among the Colonial Reo* 
ords: 



TBI FBCCCB XIUTAADS IX FSVSrtTLVAlIU 237 

• 

Spie of ComwalHs >^nd afterwards of GoTemor Lawrence, 
woo he teliH me bad behaved well both in ci^in;if ncconnts 
of what these people were doiojif and in bringing them in- 
iellii^ence of the situation and strength of the French forta, 
and in particular of Beausejour ; by thiR naan I learnt there 
were five principal leading men amon;^ them who stir up all 
the disturbance these people make in Pennsilvania. and who 
persuade them to go and join the enerov. and who prcTent 
them from submitting to any regulation roaile in the ooun* 
try, or to allow their children to be put to work. 

^On finding this to be the cat»e, I thought it necessary 
for me to prevent, as far as I |>osRibly could, such a juno- 
lion to the enemy : on which I fieoured these fire ringleaders 
and put them on board Captain TalkinghanrH ship, in order 
to his carrying them to England* to bo (liR]K>si*d of as his 
Majesty's Kervants shall think proper; but I mtiKt inform 
you that if they are tinned loose they will directly return 
and continue to raise all the disturbance in their power, 
therefore it appears to me that the safest way of kt^pioff 
them would be to employ them as sailors on board ships d 
war. 

LouixnL* 

«• The Bight Hon. William PitL" 

On the strength of a report (the truth of which he took 
so legal pains to ascertain) that they caused all the disturb- 
ance, and had, moreover, committed the indignity of memo* 
rialiaing Loudon in French, that potentate thought the cir- 
eomstance sufficient to warrant their condfMnnation, unheard^ 
to a prison on boaid bhips of war. It is quite pobsible that 
the men thus exiled — whoHu fate is not known — may ha?e 
been the leaders, the s]>eakers, and the writ* rs for the ex* 
flea ; for, after they were sent away, there is no record of any 
further remonstrance on the part of the French Neutrals.— 
They dwindled away in uncomplaining misery — {ensionera 
on charity. They are seldom referred to in pubho docti* 
oienta. . « 

The following is among the records of the Assembly, on- 
der date of February, 1761 : 



238 AOASU 

'^ We, the committee appointed to examine into the stato 
of tbe French Neutrals, . . do report — 

''That the late extraordinary expenses charged by the 
overseers of the poor, have been occasioned by iiie general 
sickness which prevailed amongst them, in common with 
other inhabitants, during the last fall and part of the win- 
ter ; thia,, added to the ordinary expenses of supporting the 
indigent widows, orphans, aged and decrepid persons, have 
greatly enlarged the accounts of this year. They have like- 
wise a number of children, who by the late acts of the As- 
Bembly, ought to have been bound out to service, but their 
parents have always opposed the execution of these laws, 
on account of their religion ; many of these children, when 
in health, require no assistance from the public; but in 
time of sickness, from the poverty of their parents, become 
objects of charity, and must perish without it. 

'' Your committe called together a number of their chief 
men, and acquainting them with the dissatisfaction of the 
House on finding the public expense so much increased by 
their opposition to those laws, which were. framed with re- 
gard to them, and tending immediately to their ease and 
benefit, and assured them that, unless they could propose 
a method more agreeable to themselves for lightening the 
public burden, their children would be taken from them, 
and placed in such families as could maintain them, and 
some effectual method taken to prevent the ill effects of 
idleness in their young people. 

"They answered, with appearance of great concern, they 
were very sorry to find themselves so expensive to the good 
people of this Province; reminded us of the late general 
sickness as the principal cause of it, which they hoped might 
not occur again during their continuance here ; that in ex- 
pectation of lessening this expense, and of obtaining some 
restitution for the loss of their estates, they had petitioned 
the King of Great Britain,* and humbly remonstrated to 
bis Majesty the state of their peculiar sufferings, and as the 
Governor had been so kind as to transmit and recommend 
their said petition and remonstrance, they doubted not but 
the King would be so gracious as to grant a part of their 
country, sufficient for their families to settlo on, where they 



*See copy of this doooment beginning on page 367. 



TMM Finoa XI^UTEALS III TEKUSthfAJOk 239 

flatter ibemselvet they should enjoy more benlth, and, free 
from the appK^heoRion of their ohildrefi bein;;^ edunitrd in 
families whoHe religious sentiments are ho difTfreui from 
th<iri. In the meantime they pray the indulgence of the 
go\ernment in Hi;(r«'riii^ tlieiu to letaiu their ehihiren, ui 
ih»'y f.ud, by exj eiieme, that those few who are in Prot- 
e>tatit fannhcH, hoou btTome e^^tranr^ed and alieimted from 
their I aients; and* thoii^di anxious to return to Nova Scotia, 
the%* be;; to be f^ent to ohi Irunce, or anywhere, rather than 
part >%uh tlieir children: and they promise to iuriteand en- 
couva«4e all their youn;^ people, to be industiioiLs m actjuir- 
ing a competency fur their own and thtir parents* suhnist- 
ence, that they may not give occasion for complaints here- 
after. How lar they may succeed in this, or their applica- 
tion to the crown« is very uncertain. We aie of opinion 
that nothing short of putting in execution the law, which 
ciirecta the Overseers of the i'oor to bind out iheir child: en, 
will so effectually lessen tiiin e\]>enr>v, unless tin* Go\eruor, 
with the concurrence of the Ci-niHianderinChicf of tl^ 
KiDg*s forces, shall think tit to cc)ni]Ky with their request 
and tiansport them out of this Pro\ nue. 

^NeverthelettS, your Cominittee being moved with com- 
paaaiou for these unhappy people, do rtcomniend them to 
the couMileratiou of the liousc, as we hope that no grt .; 
mconvcnience can aiise from the continuance of the public 
chanty towards then for a few montns longer: and tiiiuk 
it just to observe, that there are anion ^'St tnem numbers of 
inUustrious lauoimg men, who huvu bi en, duung tne late 
acaicity of laborua, of gic-at bei\ice in the uei^bborhuud ot 
the city.'* 

** The application to the Crown ** referred to in the above, 
met with no response from the British authorities. When 
the a^^ent of the Province of Massachusetts represented to 
GrenviUe, the British Minister, that his most Christian Maj- 
eatj, looking upon the Aca.iians as of the number of those 
who bad been his most faitiiful subjects, had signified his 
willingness to order transports for conveying them to France 
(rom the British Provinces, Greuvillo immediately replied, 
** That cannot be — that is contrary to our acta of naviga- 



240 40ADU 

tion — ^how can the French Court send ships to onr colonies t*' 
as though the law, for once, could not be made to conform 
to the dictates of humanity ! Louis XY, touched by the ap- 
peals sent him by the Neutrals transported to Louisianai 
made oyertures in vain, through his ministers to those of 
Great Britain, to be permitted to send his ships to conv^ 
them to France. 

One more record, and one only, is to be found in the As> 
sembly Journal of Pennsylvania, and that one tells a sad 
tale. It is dated January 4th, 1766 : 

*^ A petition from John Hiil, of the city of Philadelphiai 
joiner, was presented to the house and read, setting forth 
that the petitioner has been employed fi'om time to time to 
1 lovide coffins for the French Neutrals who have died in 
and about this city, and has had his accounts regularly al- 
Iqwed and paid by the Government until lately ; that he is 
informed by the gentlemen commissionei's, who used to pay 
him, that they have no public money in their hands for the 
pavmeuts of such debts; that he has made sixteen coffins 
since their last settlement, without any countermand of his 
former order ; he therefore prays the House to make such 
provisions for his materials and labor in the premises as to 
them shall seem meet. Ordered to lie on the table." 

^Vith this coffin-maker's memorial, so suggestive of the 
terrible sufferings and mournful end of the French exiles, 
the authentic history of this people in Pennsylvania ends. 
In the Annals of Watson we iind it stated that "for a long 
time the remnant of the Neutrals occupied a row of frame 
huts on the north side of Pine Street, between Fifth and 
Sixth ; and these ruined houses, known as the Neutral Huts, 
are remembered distinctly by persons now living." What 
at last became of these poor creatures, is not easy to deter- 
mine; their very names have perished from among men I 
It appears from the official records that there was expend- 
ed 1 or the rehef of the exiles by the Pennsylvania legislators 



nu ntcfCB inrnuB ur mnCTLTiau 



241 



ft mini not leu tlutn $25,000, tttelnuTs of tb» unount douU- 
•d bj piivKta b«oa'»ct)OD — ftlwBTi libtfral in PLiladolphiiL 

What ft iLrftDge conUmst doea this wd atorjr bftftr U> tb« 
Oftxt visit of tb« Ki'SDcb to PbUadelphift, when the; cftinft 
■ft welcome ftuiiliarin I Though leu tban a acora of jeara 
bad |Mued, French ■oldiera and French prieita went about 
the btiMts, no longer regarded with fear and dUtruat,* and 
the 1, we tniet, the; walked acrou the Pottors' Field, and 
looknl at the moldering remains of the Neutral Hata, and 
trac^ out the crumbling mounds marking the grave* of 
tbrir ODce kappv, but now sadl; lamaotad eoootiTmas, the 
eailad Acadiaoa 1 



[•231. ft 




THE FRENCH NEUTRALS IN MASSACHUSETTS. 



Boston, 1756. 

Messrs. Apthorp & Hancock to Samuel Harris, Dr. 

To Hire of Sloop Seaflower, Samuel Harris, Mas- 
ter, Chaiier'd by Capt Alex. Murray for Bring- 
ing off the French Lihabitants from Minas to 
the Province of the Massachusetts, 81 Tuns, 
from 29 th Sept to 1 Dec is 2 months 2 days : 
at £43 4 pr. month, £89 5 6 

Governor Lawrence employed the Boston firm of Apthorp 
A Hancock as agents in settling with the owners of the ves- 
sels engaged to transport the Acadians : the above is a copy 
of a bill which sei*ves to mark one of the steps of the trans- 
action. Transported at a ^ven amount per head, with a 
stated allowance of pork and flour per week, two Neutrals 
to every ton burden — a treatment savoring: of no more con- 
sideration than if they had been dumb animals — such were 
the conditions attending the expulsion of the French Aca- 
dians. Such ships were hired as could be had cheapest-* 
old hulks or otherwise — which were selected without any 
consideration for the comfort and safety of the cargo. On* 
ly a few of the prisoners were allowed on deck at one time 
for fear of a mutiny ; the crowding of so great a number ol 
people in close holds, subject to all the miseries of a tedioud 
ocean voyage, wrought great changes among the captives* 
Death brought rest to many sufferers within a short iimei 



rsK nuDfCH VKUTR-iLs IX MAtsAcnottm 843 

and their bodies were committed to the waves of the rolling 
oc( so, without so much as obsenriog one of the solemn ritaa 
of Christian burial. 

When tliG Bhi|iH containing the exiles arrived in Boston, 
the authoiitics would not permit them to Inml for Fovcnil 
dayn. Here, as in Philadelphia, a Human Catholic was held 
ms one of the worst of foes to society. There was likelihood, 
too, thpt they would become n churp^e to the public, and it 
Wdh sonic time before the Massachusetts authorities could 
bring themselves to decide on turnin<; a thousand of tliese 
cHstures loose on Fociciy." The sufTeiing of the captivea 
detained on board the yc'-^3''» i, is said to have l>een dreadfuL 
On*f Hutchinson, (afteiwaid Governor of Massachusetts,) 
who visited them on boaid, wiote an arcount of a case pe- 
culiarly uistie.'^sing. He found a woman in a dying stata 
from the foul atmosphere and uncomfortable quarters, bat 
the regulations did not admit of her removal. Three small 
children were with her, re(juii*ing a mother*s care. To save 
her life, Hutchinson had her conveyed to a house on shore, 
contrary to orden*, at his own risk, where the poor widow 
was made comfoi I able. But disease had wrought too great 
havoc in her frai.^e to admit of recovery; she wasted awaj 
and left her little ones without a protector : but just before 
ahe died she bef>-ought her benefactor '* to ask the Governor, 
in the name of their common Savior, to let her children 
remain in the place where she died. " 

The Neutrals were finally permitted to land, and tempo- 
rary quarters were fitted up for them on Boston Common; 
they were afterward distrihuaul to the different towna At 
first the Acadians set up the claim they were prisoner! of 
trar, and refused to work, but subsequently became an in* 
dustrious element 

There was one great difficulty attending their employ* 
nent, however, and that was the prejudice of the people 
againat the admission of a papist into their fimiliw Boom 



B44 AOADU 

designing emplojers, too, would refose to pay the exiles for 
work performed, trusting to this prejudice to bear them out 
in the wrong. One account is recorded where two grown- 
up sons were refused their wages, which amounted to fifteen 
'*joe8y** and were barbarously beaten when they asked for 
their dues, one having his eye put out. Another instance 
occurred at Plymouth where a boy had been dragged off to 
sea by an unfeeling Captain, and the parents, upon remon- 
strating, were cruelly beaten. That there is some ground 
for believing the truth of these allegations appears evident 
from the fact that the Government of Massachusetts at once 
enacted laws with severe penalties for defrauding these per- 
secuted people. 

One large family of Neutrals was sent to Wilmington. — 
They represented that they were placed in a ruined houses 
without doors or vrindows, in an inclement season of the 
year. The mother, who was sick, was obliged to have her 
bed moved to leeward every time it rained. They had no 
fuel, were denied oxen to get any, and were not allowed to 
back it from the woods, A small amount of provisions was 
supplied, and they were told to earn the rest. The man 
complained of the water comiDg in upon his floor, and "ev- 
ery thing afloat ; " he was told to '* build a boat, then, and 
sail about in it!'* 

The Neutrals here do not appear to have been received 
with the considerate kindness their brethren were so fortu- 
nate to experience in Philadelphia. They were not permit- 
ted to go from one town to another, and if taken without a 
passport from two selectmen, they were to be imprisoned 
five days, or whipped ten lashes, or perhaps both. By this 
treatment, as useless as it was cruel, members of families 
were kept separated from their friends and from each other. 
The meager records of those times show that numerous pe- 
titions were sent, and advertisements were constantly dr* 
culated, to find lost relatives: — ^it being a feature peculiar 



ni fbhicb veutrals ix MAMACHUttrrt 34fi 

to their case, that tbej were left in the most distressing 
doubt as to the fate of those nearest and dearest to thecn. 

In the niiiUt of so much distrust and fanaticism, the un- 
welcome Gallo-Acadians were subjected to the mo^^t ri^d 
auiTeillance ; there was no deed so dark but they were be- 
lieved to be capable of performing ; and every specien of 
crime committed in the vicinity, the i>erpetratoi*s of which 
were unknown, was attributed with one consent to the pa- 
pists. A petition from one town on the coast usks to have 
the Neutrals *' removed to the interior, as they liad a pow- 
der-house there, and was afraid they would blow them up.** 
The student of human nature finds in thi> a'lotlier illustra- 
tion of the power that education and pr«-judit'e exert over 
the judgment of men. The Acadians thcniHflves rcffr to 
this view enteitained toward them by the Knglisli — that of 
being addicted to pillage and other warlike ex])Ioits. In 
one of their memorials they aJvance as a reason that thej 
could not have possessed the belligerent characteristics at* 
iributed to them, from the fuct that it was the absence of 
these qualities that enabled the English to obtain such un- 
limited power over them ; otherwise, several thousand Aca- 
dians never would have submitted to a handful of Engliah 
■oldiera. 

8aj8 Mrs. Williams — ** We cannot help remarking, whOa 
looking over the bills of expenses of that date, presented to 
the Government of Massachusetts, that however they might 
have suffered for fooil, lodging and clothing, it appears they 
did not lack for medicina There was a bill of one Dr. Trow- 
bridge, of Marshfield, for visiting nine French Neutrals, and 
administering nine vomits, one hundred and twenty-one pow- 
ders, and eight blisters I ** 

The French Neutrals were greatly anperatiiioua, and gaTe 
•loee attention to the ^ signs of the times.* A blight fell 
upon the grain in the ear throughout New England ; this 
tim Heutrala attributed to the judgmenta of God for their 



246 ACADIA 

own fields wantonly laid waste. '* And tbe earthquake, which 
▼isited this continent only a few weeks after their arrival^ 
the most severe ever known here, and which so shook the 
town of Boston as to ring tbe bells and throw down chim- 
neys, was regarded by them ^'as the voice of a Gk)d who had 
not forgotten them." 

New York, Connecticat, Maryland, Virginia, North Care* 
Una, South Carolina, Georgia and even Louisiana, each re- 
ceived a complement of the Acadian Neutrals. Wherever 
they went they exhibited similar characteristics, were sup- 
ported as public paupers, having lost all incentive for any 
mode of industiy, and pleading, in tbe most pathetic tones 
to be restored to Acadia, or to old France. In Louisiana 
they founded a canton to which they gave tbe ever dear 
name of Acadia. From thence tbey memorialized the French 
Crown, and that monarch, commiserating their condition, 
requested but was denied permission, on tbe part of the 
British Government, to send vessels for Dheir transportation 
to their mother country. Notwithstanding this, some of the 
Acadians did reach France, and '^ their descendants now in- 
habit two flourishing communes wherein tbe peaceful habi- 
tudes and rustic peculiarities of their race ai'e still recogniz- 
able amoDg the verdant oases which dot the moorlands of 
Gascony." 

Some of tbe exiles went as far as French Guiana: "and 
certain Frenchmen, banished themselves to Sinnamari, found 
there, in 1798, an Acadian family whose members received 
them hospitably; saying, *You are welcome! Our ances- 
tors were expelled from their country, even as you are now. 
Tbey taught us to succor the unfortunate. So come into 
our cabin, and let us have tbe pleasure of rendering you 
such consolation therein as we have to bestow.' " 

Count D'Estaing when Governor of Hispaniola, commis- 
erated this people in their misfortunes, and invited them 
to his Island, setting apart a particular district to their use. 



TBS mkXCU XkUTBALB IS MAMiCMUmil 147 

L eoDfdderabln colony availed tbemsalfei of the Coant^t of* 
far; but neither tbej nor their kind benefactor had taken 
Into conaidAration the danger attending a change of abode 
to a tropical climate. The result was that a pestilence 
broke out among them even before they could prepare 
themselves dwellings. A large number of tbo inhabitants 
died there* and the rest were forced to emigrate to a differ- 
ent climate. Their kind benefartor, the Count, on learning 
of their shocking mortality, went to viiiit their settlement 
He found them in the most pitiable plight, crawling un* 
der the bushes, to screen themselves from the tonid sun, 
and lying down to die. A number found means to return 
to Nova Scotia; here they encamped in the wilderness, and 
it is believed many perished from Lardsbips and exposure. 

It appears from the records yet extant, that vessels con* 
tinned to arnve at Boston, with now quotas of the exiles, 
until the MassachnHr^lts goverziment put a stop to the pro- 
ceeding. The Euglitih t»o(i!idry were continually scouring 
Acadia, hunting the French Irom their hiding places in the 
mountains, and sending them off to Bohton by the ship- 
load as fast as collected. 

The mortality among the exiles sent to Georgia, South 
Carolina, and other southern ports, wa^ creator than among 
those sent to the northern colonies, o\\ ing to the great dif- 
fttieuco in climate. In July. 17o(i, reven boats containing 
about ninety of the«c people ci a^tt d along nhore from Geor- 
gia and the Caroiinan. ani put into a harbor m the liouthera 
ttart of 3Iassaohuu«*ttH. U«\-i'iving here H'>:n'» ten)]>orarv re- 
lief, they sailed along the coast until they were stopped at 
Boston, where five of the party found and were restored to 
their families. Governor Lawrence, hearing of the circum- 
atance, immediately sent a ciicular to each of the Goremora 
on the Continent, stating he had been informed that soma 
td the transported inhabitants were coasting from colony to 
oolony on their return to Nova Sootia, and as '* their succiit 



248 AGADIA 

in this enterprise woold not only frustrate the design of 
this government in sending them away at so prodigious an 
expense, but would greatly endanger the safety of the Prov- 
ince, especially at this juncture, I think it my indispensable 
duty to entreat your Excellency to use your endeavors 
to prevent the accomplishment of so pernicious an under- 
taking by destroying their vessels. ** 

It would seem that the Lords of Trade unwittingly com* 
mitted themselves adverse to the means resorted to in this 
forced extirpation, as will be seen by the clause at the dose 
of the following sentence, from a letter written to Governor 
Lawrence in 1757: "As to the conduct of the southern col- 
onies in permitting those who were removed to coast along 
from one Province to another in order that they might gel 
back to Nova Scotia, nothing can have been more absurd 
and blamable, and had not the Governors of New York and 
Massachusetts Bay prudently stopped them, there is no 
attempt, however desperate and cruel, which might not 
have been expected from persons exasperated as they mtisi 
have been ioith the treatment they had met toith.^ 

Could a course of persistent memorializing have availed 
the distressed Acadians, they might have had some hope of 
a mitigation of their sentence. Petitions were successively 
sent to the Governors of the Provinces on the Continent, to 
the governor of Canada and to the Crowns of England and 
France ; but their prayers failed of their purpose, and in 
many instances were treated with contempt. The poor ex- 
iles do not appear to have been welcomed anywhere, not 
even by their own countrymen ; they were outcasts, feared 
and despised wherever they ttirned tLeir steps. We close 
this chapter by an extract of a letter from the Board of Trade 
to Governor Lawrence. England iittd received a batch of 
the Neutrals, and the complaining fione of the letter shows 
the spirit in which the receipt of the invoice was considered* 
It may be premised that although the navigation laws pre- 



Tffll FKLMCB VeimULS XV XAMAOHVtim S49 

Tented the puDctilious Briton from allowing French ressele 
to take off the Acadians from the colonies, these scruples 
were somehow set aside when the Neutrals became a burden 
to England, and means were speedily found to restore them 
to France. The extract reads : 

^Notwithstanding what you saj in joor letter of the Ac*> 
dians being received in the several Provinces to which thej 
were sent, We must inform jou that several hundred of 
them have since been sent over hero from Virginia, and sev- 
eral from South Carolina, and that his Majesty has given 
orders to the Lords of Admiralty, to direct tbe Commission 
for Sick and Hurt Seamen to secure and maintain them.**«> 
Tbej further express themselves as ** extremely anxious till 
we hear what occurs to you with respect to tbe setllemeoi 
of those lands, which appears to us to bo an object of th« 
nimoat importance.'' 



AFFAIRS IN ACADIA. 



It was in a great measure owing to the effective eoopera* 
tion of the New England troops that the Acadians were expar 
iriated from their homes and possessions ; it was to the New 
England Colonies that the larger share of that afflicted 
people were sent to be quartered upon the inhabitants.^* 
The Massachusetts authorities did not favor being burdened 
with the expense of such a host of public paupers for the 
benefit of another Province, ^nd the subject became one of 
shai*p controversy. The Council directed Gov. Phipps to 
inform Governor Lawrence that Massachusetts '^received 
them in expectation of being indemnified from all charges 
that might arise upon their account." Gov. Phipps writes: 
*'I would therefore desire of your Excellency that you 
would give orders for defraying all such charges as may 
ba incurred by the receiving of those inhabitants already 
arrived; and as we are informed that more of these French 
inhabitants may be sent hither I make no doubt but that 
you will give orders respecting the charges that may arise 
by this government's receiving and disposing of them also." 

One cause that rendered the people of Massachusetts still 
more sensitive on this point was, that some of the Neutrals, 
returning from Georgia and the Carolinas, had found their 
way back to Boston, as already mentioned, and were added 
to the complement of that colony. " What appeared pretty 
extiaordinary was, that these people had been furnished 



▲ITAtlS in AOADIA 351 

with pMsporU from the Ctovarnon of (Seorgus South C«r« 
olioA aDd New York.** 

Ck>T. Shirley seems to hare Tolunteered bis serrices to qui* 
•i the apprehensions of the New Englanders on this point 
He first obsenres to the Council that thej themselves 
thought the expatriation of the Acadians was a necessarj 
measure — thus inferring they were in a manner responsible 
for the consequences. He then adds; **I beliefe Governar 
Lawrence had no apprehension that it would occasion anj 
considerable charge to this Province, or that it would be a 
disagreeable thing to have those people sent here: I am 
sorrj that it is likely to prove so burdensome : I have it not 
in my |x>wer to support tbein at the charge of the Crown . 
You have a great cieal of encouragement to depend on it 
that his Majesty will not suffer any unreanonable burthen to 
lie upon any of bis colonies: I will make full representation 
of the state of this affair and in such a manner as I hope 
you will receive a favorable answer ; and I shall be ready to 
Join with you in proper measures to enable and induce tbisa 
parsons to provide for their own support and that of their 
families." 

We have already referred to the occasional bad feeling ex- 
hibited between the New England soldiers and the Halifax 
regiments, and the coiupiaiut of Gen. Wiuslow of the arbi- 
trary acts of Governor I^wrence in tranHft^rring the coloni* 
al troops and refusing to let them return avvorJing to the 
iarms of their enlistment. The effect of these oatra;;iii of 
aathority now became apparent. Governor Liiwrence com- 
plains to Shirley of ** the bad succesn of our othcei s in their 
recruiting upon the Continent;** that the New England 
troops still in the Province [February 1756] were rianior- 
log so loudly to be dismissed that be was ** inclined to think 
they were put upon it by some of their officers ; ** and, fur- 
ther, he was fearful he could not preserve the acqoisitions 
mada laat year on tha aorth aide of the Bay of Fundy, and 



252 AOAOXA 

that the whole Province would be continually subject to 
French inroads. Shirley proffers his assurances to the Now 
England people, by way of encouraging new enlistments, in 
these words: "You may depend on it that the engagements 
made to the soldiers in order to encourage them to enlist 
shall be fully complied with." 

A number of the Acadians having taken refuge among 
the bays and islands near Cape Sable, Governor Lawrence 
issued to Major Prebble *Hhe necessary orders" for him 
to call at the Cape on his way home with the returning New 
England regiments which had been detained through the 
winter, and convey the inhabitants to Boston. Governor 
Lawrence in a letter to Shirley, says; '*I flatter myself the 
Goveiiiment of Massachusetts Bay will not find it inconven- 
ient to receive such of these inhabitants as the Major may 
be able to carry away with him." The "necessary orders" 
read thus; "Seize as many of the inhabitants as possible^ 
and cany them with you to Boston, where you will deliver 
them to his Excellency, Governor Shirley, with a letter 
you will receive with this order. You are, at all events, 
to burn and destroy the houses of the said inhabitants, 
confiEcate their cattle and utensils of all kinds, and make a 
distribution of them to the troops under your command as 
a reward for the performance of this service, and to destroy 
such things as cannot be conveniently carried off." 

This wretched remnant of Acadians at Cape Sable had 
found means to escape from the English, and by great la« 
bor had built huts, and provided themselves with necessa^ 
ries sufficient to enable them to subsist through the winter. 
To the credit of Major Prebble, be it said, he did not sed 
fit to obey the order. 

Some time subsequent [Sept. 15, 1758], the people of 
Cape Sable sent a memorial to the " Honorable Council lA 
Boston," asking their protection, and that they might be 
permitted to remain where they were; or if that could not 



knUMB Ul AOAOU 25tt 

be granted, they ask:i to be taken to New England. They 
were willing to paj taxes and to help maintain the war 
•;;aiu8t France. They Raid they were in all about forty fam- 
iiief, conaitting of about one hundred and fifty souIh. They 
conclude this petition with, -^Dear Sirs, Do for us what 
lays in your power to settle us here and we will be your 
faithful subjects till death.** The Council of Massachusetts 
did not see fit to grant the petition. 

These people, having been reduced to the greatest ax* 
tremities, in 1759 sent a deputation to Governor Lawrence 
with teruiS of Hurrender. Accordingly, armed vessels were 
sent to Cspe Sable« and one hundred and fifty persons were 
taken on board, and «roiiveyed to George*s Island in Halifax 
Harbor, from which place they were afterward sent to Eng- 
land. Of their subsequent disposal, history is silent, but 
the supposition is they were permitted to return to Franceb 

In December, 17.i9, the Governor submitted to the Coun* 
dl at Halifax, a letter from CoL Frye, the commanding of- 
fieer at Fort CumYjerland, stating that a number of French 
Aeadiana had come to the fort i nler a flag of truce as dep- 
otiea for one hundred <irid ninety French people, residing in 
the departments of Petiieodtai* utid Memramcook, with pro- 
posals to surrender theui^rlves. The petitioners said thej 
were in a miserable condition for want of provisions, not 
bsTing more among them than could, by the most prudent 
use, keep over two-thirds of them alive till spring; and 
b#gged of Col. Frye to allow them some, otherwise they 
must all starve. The Colonel wrote, he agreed the French 
should send bixty -three of their number to winter at Fort 
Cumberland, and that the remainder might come out of 
their obscure habitations into the French houses remaining 
al Petatcodiac and Memramcook Rivers, where they should 
live in peace till spring. CoL Frye mentioned that a few 
days later a delegation arrived from the neighborhood of 
Ukamichit with aimilar proposals. The result ui in the 



254 AOADU 

Coloners own words: ^'I agreed that tbej should send two 
hundred and fifty of their people to winter here ; and upon 
their informing me that they had twelve yessels in their 
custody, that were taken on the coast of Ganso the summer 
past, I ordered the remainder of them to come vrith their 
effects in those vessels to Bay Vcrte, as soon in the spring 
as navigation opened. They seemed well satisfied and prom* 
ised to come, but were afiaid they should not be able to get 
their vessels all off (they were all driven on shore by the 
late terrible storm), but would bring all they could. • . • . 
It pretty evidently appears that early in the spring there 
will be at this place and Bay Yerte about nine hundred soals, 
to be dispbsed of as your Excellency shall see fit." 

In January following, his Excellency communicated a let- 
ter he had received from Gen. Amherst, advising that the 

« 

French inhabitants from St John River be sent to Europe 
as prisoners of war. The advice of the Council was asked 
as to the expediency of sending not only these, but those 
who had delivered themselves up at Fort Cumberland, on 
board of transports to France. The Council *' were of opin- 
ion that such a measure would be extremely proper and 
seemed to be absolutely necessary, in order to facilitate the 
settlement of the evacuated lands by the persons who are 
coming from the Continent for that purpose, who otherwise 
would be always liable to be obsti'ucted in their progress 
by the incursions of these French inhabitants." 

Belcher writes to the home government in January of 
1762 : "I have the honor to inform you that a very consid- 
erable body of Acadians, having withdrawn their allegiance 
from his Majesty, and retired to the northern part of this 
Proviuce in the Gulf of the River St. Lawrence, and there 
having taken up arms, and by means of small vessels hav- 
ing infested the navigation of that river, I thought it my 
duty to check and prevent further progi-esS of such gi*eat 
mischiefs. ... I gave directions for equipping two small 



ATTJitBS m 40ADU 355 

vessels, on board of which Captain McKenzie, with some of 
the troops, proceeded about the end of October to the place 
of their rendezvous, where he surprised seven hundred and 
eightT*seven persons, including men, women and children. 
Of this number ho brought away three hundred and thirty- 
five, as many as he could in that lato season of the year re- 
move, and the remainder have promised to come in when it 
shall be thought proper or convenient to request it.** 

The fact that piracies on English shipping in the Gulf 
had been perpetrated, coupled with the circumstancH that 
some French Acadian settlei-s were located somewhere on 
the adjacent shores, was thought sufHcient, such was the 
state of public sentiment, to make the oue re8T>ou«»ible for 
the other, without the trouble of direct proof, and without 
granting the accused the privilege of being heard in their 
own defense. 

The French Neutrals remaining iu the country found 
themselves despoiled of their lands, their property burned 
or carrieil ofT, and themselves hunted* with remorseless rig* 
or among the mountain fastnesHCs. It is not much to be 
wondered at that the AradiauH, seeing themselves treated in 
violation of the laws of war, justice or humanity, should se« 
fit to make reprisals on the English. Governor Lawrence 
writes of tlie French inhabitants and Indians, that '*by ly- 
ing in wait in the roads where our parlies pass and re^tass, 
have found opportunities of killing and Bcal])ing some of 
our people." 

Gencial Murray, then Governor of Cana^la, writes, in ITGl^ 
to Eolcher, in relation to the neUlmg of the Acatlian Neu- 
trals in Nova Scotia, thus: **The measure does not ap|>ear 



*Sftji Gcvemor LaTrrence in a letter to the Board of Trad*—**! am 
la bopet, vb^D t)i« troopH orileml frinn Irebol fthftU arrive, tt vtll be 
•lort in my |iowrr tlmti it hiUifito has liero. to buut tbrm out of their 
liirkiBa itUccM, ami poatibly to drive tbeui eottrely out of the pematQlA*** 



256 ACADU 

to me 80 eligible, as the very spot must renew to them, in 
all succeeding generations, the miseries the present one has 
endured, and will perhaps alienate forever their affections 
from its government however just and equitable it may be." 
Early in the summer of 1762, M. de Tourney, having es- 
caped frem Brest with four ships and a bomb-ketch, arrived 
at the Bay of Bulls, Newfoundland, where he made prizes 
of English vessels, destroyed the stages and implements of 
fishery of the inhabitants along the coast, and captured the 
unimportant town of St. John. The English of Nova Sco. 
tia were thrown into a state of terrible alarm at the intelli- 
gence of this petty triumph, and were momentarily in ex- 
pectation of a similar visitation. A general insurrection of 
the savages and of the few Acadians in the Province, waa 
confidently looked for, as auxiliary to the anticipated at- 
tack of the French fleet The Council of Nova Scotia made 
a formal address to Governor Belcher,* in which they laid ' 
down six reasons why the French should be removed out of 
the Province, in effect as follows: 

1. From the insolence of the Indians and the threaten- 
ing of the French, there is the highest reason to believe that 
the designs of the enemy were more extensive than what 
was caiTied to a successful issue. 

2. That such prisoners as could have escaped wq;uld un- 
doubtedly have taken arms with the enemy had the latter 
appeared on the coast. 

3. That these people, seeing the English daily in posses* 
sion of the lands forfeited and formerly occupied by them- 
selves, will forever regret their loss, and will take favorable 
opportunity to regain them. 



* Jouatbnn Belcher succeeded Goyemor Lawrence on the death of the 
latter in 17C0. Lawrence did not live to witness the benefits it was an^ 
r-iciputod would accrue to the English from the success of the scheme of 
foroibly extirpating fifteen thousand French inhabitants from the soil of 
tiieir fincestors, which he labored so strenuously to accomplish. 



AFFAIBS Dl 40A0t4 267 

4. That their religion, wherein thej demontiraia the 
hifrhest bigotry, must make them in their hearts enemies io 
a Lritisb gOTerninent, however mild and beneficent 

5. That bfing born and bred amon^ the saTa;;^es, con* 
oerted with them bj in term arris j^e, profeflbing the same riw 
ligion, th«'y never fail to iuculcate in them a spirit of dislike 
to Engiuh heretics; and who maj eanilj prevail upon the 
Indians to break i>eace and to chase awaj the £ngiish set- 
tlers from their habitations. 

6. That these French Neutrals, as thej are now collected 
together, sre at present a heavv charge upon the [Enghftbl 
inhabitants, who aie ob.iged to mount guard e\ery third 
day and Light in their turns, to prevent tiie eu^ape of pris- 



These six distinct charges, of which all but the latter were 
mere assumption, were formally considered by t)i«* Council ; 
it is not to be wondered at, tliat where such evidence was 
deemed relevant, where the accusers sIro sat as judges, and 
where the judges would reap a bent fit bjr a verdict against 
the accused, the poor Neutrals would have little chance of 
escaping condemnation, however innocent thej might have 
been. ^ These, Mr, and msnv more cogent reasons which 
might be enforced, and which will natuiallj occur to jou,** 
ai^ the Council in their aiidrfss, ''we humbljr submit to 
Toor consideration, and we flatter ourselves you will give 
the necessary ordern that tLc^o Fremh pnsoneiJi may be re> 
moved out of the Province." 

The recorils of the Council st Halifax, under date of 26th 
July, 1762, read thus: **The Council do unanimotisly advise 
and recommend, in the most earncnt manner, for the safety 
and fecurity of this Province and its new kettlemonts, thai 
the Governor would be please J to take the s|)eeiiiest meth- 
od to collect and traniipott the haid Acadians otit of thie 
Province: and do further advice, that as the Province of the 
ifaaMichusetts is nearest a:ljarcnt, that the Goverr. >r would 
be pleased to caune them to b<* transported to thai Province 
with all eonveiueoi dispatch.'' 9 



258 kCLDJA 

Accordingly an embargo was laid on all the shipping, and 
martial law declaied throughout the Province. The militia 
were ordered to collect the resident Acadians and bring 
them in to Halifax. Governor Belcher declared he put little 
confidence in the Acadians who had taken the oath, as *'* their 
wants and terrors only reduced them to it ;"* and he applied 
to Major-General Amherst, who held the command of the 
English army in Ameiica, and who was then in New York^ 
''for such means as may be sufficient to ward offany threat- 
eniug danger." 

General Amherst does not seem to have shared in the 
fears of Belcher. He had written to the Governor but a 
few days before, that if the removal of the remaining Aca- 
dians could add to either the security or the advantage of 
the Province of Nova Scotia, he would be the first to advise 
their expulsion : he did not see that they could have any 
thing to fear from these Acadians, but that great advantages 
might be reaped in employing them properly. 

General Amherst writes Governor Belcher from New 
York, under date of August 30, 1762: 



"Sir: By an express from Boston I was last night favored 
with vour letter of the 12th inst., and at the same time 
learn that five transports, with Acadians, were arrived at 
that place. 

"Although I can't help thinking that these people might 
Lave been kept in proper subjection while the troops re- 
juained in Nova Scotia, yet I am £;lad you have taken meas- 
ures for removing them ;....! doubt not but you have 
wrote to Governor Bernard concerning them, but I shall by 
return of express, desire be be pleased to dispose of the 
Acadians in such a manner as he judges best, in the Prov- 
ince of Massachusetts Bay, where they must remain for the 
present, taking care to separate them as much as possible, 

* Historians who have attempted to justify the expnlsion of the Acadi- 
ans, have set forth the claim, that had the French taken the Oath of Al- 
legiance they might have retained possession of their lands. 



AWWklWB » ACADU 269 

to prevent their doing any mischief, as well as returning to 
their old \ abitiitioiiH. 

**I cotiai )iu\e wibhed that those who inhabited the back 
pait of the Pioviiice had been bent to Canada, a^vreeab^e to 
Governor Muirii}*b requenL . . . 1 am peisauded that nei* 
ther the AcadiuijH, Canadians, nor Indians, had any kuowl- 
cd- 



'^ti of the intentions of the enemy who have been landed 
Newfoundland." 



By the foregoing it will be seen that the resolution of the 
Ooverument at Halifax^ relative to transporting the Acadi- 
aus, had been carried out The vessels containing this un- 
fortunate |>eople arrived in Bo.ston Harbor in due time, and 
were ordered to lie under the guns of Castle WiUiam until 
the General Assembly could take action in the premisest 
The dispatches from the Governor of Nova Scotia were pro- 
duced before that body, who, instead of admitting the pria- 
oners into the Province as requested, required Governor 
Bernard on no account to permit them to land, and become^ 
as their predecessors had b.*en, a charge to the public. A 
re|)ort of these proceedings was transinitted to General Am- 
herst, but before a reply could be received the Aaaemblj 
was prorogued. Mashachusctts had received no compensa- 
tion lor the expenses alrea^iy iucuired on behalf of the Neu- 
trals, and was not inclined lonjer to indulge Nova Scotia 
by quarteri*ig this additional number on her colonists.* 
Nothing therefore remained but for the trans|>ox ts to return 
with their passengers to Halifax; and the Bostonians bad 
the satisfaction of seeing the vessels setting all sail for 
Nova Scotia waters be fox e any further orders could be ra- 
caived concerning them. 

Governor Belcher characterized the means made use of bj 
Uassachusetts in sending back the Acadians as ** precipitate,** 
and complained loudly of the persuasion brought to bear 



* Sal^qiMotly thk debt wm pakl by Parlisaeak 



260 ACADIA 

with Captain Brooks induciDg him " to return with the Aca- 
dians back into this Proyince, to the great danger thereof 
and the distress of all the inhabit ants. By all which man- 
agement, the public has incurred a very considerable and 
fruitless expense, and Sir Jeffrey Amherst's intention for the 
disposal of those prisoners has, for the present, been entire- 
ly baffled, and his expectations disappointed." 

The Lords of Trade, in a resolution touching the com- 
plaint of Governor Belcher against the Massachusetts CSolo- 
ny, conveyed a mild but unmistakable reprool ^ Their 
Lordships," so reads their record, *' could not but be of 
opinion, that however expedient it might have been to have 
removed them at a time when the enterprises of the enemy 
threatened danger to the Province, and it was weakened by 
the employment of great part of the troops stationed there 
upon another service, yet as that danger is now over and 
hostilities between the two nations have ceased, it was nei-> 
ther necessary nor politic to remove them, as they nught by 
a proper disposition, promote the interest of the colony, 
and be made useful members of society, agreeable to what 
appeals to be the sentiments of General Amherst in hie 
letter to the Governor." 

In March, 1764, the number of Acadians remaining in the 
Province of Nova Scotia, was four hundi'ed and five families^ 
or neaily eighteen hundred souls, besides three hundred on 
Prince Edwai'd Island. In December of that year ''six 
hundred Neutrals departed for the French West Indies, 
where they were to settle on lands unfit for the sugar-cane, 
and although they had certain accounts that the climate had 
been fatal to the lives of several of their countrymen, who 
had goue there lately from Georgia and Carolina, their res- 
olution was not to be shaken. Thus we are in the way of 
being relieved from these people who have been the bane of 



* Governor Wilmoti sacoeasor to Governor Belcheb 



AFTAIBS IX ACADU S81 

• 

the Prorince, and the terror of its 8ett!enQentB.** This 
would leaTo but about fifteen hundred Acadian French with- 
in the Province of Nova Scotia in 1762, out of a po)Mi!ation 
of ncarlj eighteen thousand in 1755, previouR to tl. • first 
expulsion from Acadian soi*. 

We are pleased to add that the suggestion of the Lo \1s 
of Trade, to absorb into the population the remnant of 
French Neutrals within the Province, was finally, bjr s!ow 
degrees, carried into effect In 17G3, a resolution was tak- 
en, having the sanction of the Governor of Quebec and No- 
va Scotia, to remove all the remaining Acadians int) some 
distant district of Canada. Happi'y that meaHure was nev* 
er put into execution. Althouc*h th? .\cidtiin element helps 
•well the population, the French are poculiarlva distinctive 
people, preserving the customs and the language of their 
forefathers, even when surrounded with modern innovations; 
seldom intermarrying with their English or German neigh- 
bors, and living apart in French hamlets, from which the 
outer world is excluded. A brief history of the Madawaska 
eeitlement is here appended, with which our notice of the 
Freoeb Neutrals, except as spoken of incidentally, musl 



The Madawaska settlement is a range of clearing at least 
iixij miles in length, vrith the town of Madawaska as the 
CMiter, occupying a favorable position at the confluence of 
the Si. John and Madawaska liivera. This settlement con- 
tains upwards of eight thousand inhabitants, half of them 
living within the State of Maine. Surrounding Madawae- 
km is an immense and trackless forest which ** covers an e]u 
tent eeren times that of the famous Black Forest of Germn- 
ttj at its largest expanse in modem times. The States of 
Bbode Island, Connecticut, and Delaware could be lost io> 
gsthor in this forest, and still leave about each a margin of 
wijdemsas suficiently vride to make the exploration witli* 
€sil a oompase a work of desperate adfentore.* 



262 ACADIA 

The people of this settlement are descended from the 
French colonists who lived on the shores of the Bay of 
Fundy and the Basin of Minas, who fled from the Ang^lo- 
American troops under Moncton and Winslow, and took 
refuge in the forest. A portion of them fled up the Biyer 
St John to the present site of Frederickton, where they 
founded the village of St. Anne. Here among the rich 
meadows, bordered with groves of stately elms and other 
forest trees, the Minas and Port Boyal refugees established 
themselves once more, and began to reap the benefits of 
well-directed industry, on a soil as fertile as any the sun ever 
shone upon. Seventeen years passed over the smiling Til- 
lage of St Anne — then came another evil day for the French 
who had aforetime **dwelt by the Basin of Minas.** 

In 1784 came the American Loyalists into the Province ; 
themselves exiles from their homes, and who, as their fore- 
fathers had done, drove away the unhappy French from 
their farms and firesides ; in the following year the Governor 
of the Province, Sir Guy Carleton of Bevolutionary fame^ 
established the capital here, in view of the attractive natural 
features of the place.* 

Provoked beyond endurance, the Acadians a second time 
set out in search of a home. They plunged into the depths 
of the forest, and evidently thought they would go far enough 
to escape being again molested. The traveler over the 
route at the present day will wonder how the families man- 
aged to traverse the many weary miles to their destination. 
Where was then an unbroken wilderness, now pretty villag- 
es dot the landscape, and cultivated fields meet the view. 
In the names of the settlements and the ancestry of their peo- 
ple the history of the British Flag can be traced. A few 
miles above Frederickton is the rural paiish of Kingscleai^ 



* Nearly opposite is the mouth of the Nashwaak Biver, whose valley 
was settled by disbanded soldiers of the old Black Watch [42d HighLmcU 



kWWAiMM Dl AOADU 363 

teiiled in 1784 by the 2d BatUHon of New Jersey LoyiOirtt. 
Farther on ia the parish of Prince William, originally set- 
tled by the King*s dragoons, and now occupied by their 
descendants; also the hilly uplands of the parish of Queena- 
bory, which were settled by the Queen^s Rangers after the 
ReTolutiouary war; while beyond Woodstock are districts 
peopled by tbe descendants of the West India Rangers and 
New Brunswick Fencibles. 

The tourist next passes the Grand Falls, and afterwards 
enters the Acadian -French settlements and farming districts. 
The rich tracts of intervale along the rivers in this locality, 
were sufficient to attract the Acadian refugees, and here they 
once more began to caiTe out a subiiiatcuco from the wilder- 
Deas. A traveler writes: '*It was pleasant to drive along 
the wide, flat intervale forming the Madawa&ka Valley ; to 
see the rich crops of oats, backwheat and potatoes, and the 
comfortable houses of tbe inhabitants; also the river, on 
whidi an occasional boat, laden with stores for the lumber- 
ers, with the help of stout borse.s toiled against the current 
towards the rarely-vihited headwaters of the tributary 
streams, where the virgin forests still stand unconscious of 
the ax.*' This district ia studded with Roman Catholio 
chapels,* from whence, each morning and evening, ara 



*A cnrvmty in tbU placo (niicnntimi. n few niilrs b^low tbe moil 
•ODthem fall outbe nvei) 14 a ruilt) ("ntltoitc church, nhicli U mu] to 
liave been built by the Jt>»uit Mi«">ki:} ms v\ ^i\n\% t f a l.niulml yraru 
•ga It occapin the center of .i ui:i^*-> Uivi:. *\\in x nUd ly a cla«^t<r oi 
VOCkl-cro« uetl hilli, atuX ct>in:it.i> is a hn«* i>t« >[h ct, nuC t it!y ot the .Ni^u»> 
oaj, but also of a ikpaciuu^ li.i>, «..:•» \khich thrre eniptits a Loble ixiouD- 
tain ttrcau, novr kiiov^u n% ( i.ir« '.:t.iiii iaxr. lu the belfry of thn Ten- 
crmbU church lui?^ a chaitnnMl U;i. i^ith an iiiM-nption upon it which 
Cbc l«imiO({ of Cmimia (itith ail it« I«-.(ii;«tl and nniuiniberrd prinOii) hat 
jtC been abia to tnukbte or cxikjuu-I. Hut ^reat as is tha ui^^ery ol 
IM inacnptiou. it i% less ui}>:ertou% tu uij min«l than ara tba motnai o| 
tba Uomuh (Church in plnutiug tha cruM lu the remoicst euracn olths 
«nrib aa UA liM iiai;hUc»t of ciika. (Cbarks Lanman ) 



'264 ACADIA 

beard tbe matin and yesper bells, in that far off land. As 
occasional roadside shrine, in the shape of a wooden crosa, 
erected at the intersection of roads, and surrounded by vo- 
tive offerings, before which the peasantry, as they pass, al- 
ways stop to cross themselves and offer a short invocation 
to the pati'on saint in whose honor the shrine is set up, is 
another evidence of the devotedness of a people to the re- 
ligion of their fathers. 

Another peculiarity of these settlements, — and exclusive- 
ly a French custom, whose people are wont to live in ham- 
lets rather than apart like the average American or English 
fai*mer, — ^is the naiTow farms of the Acadians. The dwel- 
lings of a farming community are in clusters on two sides of 
a village street, while the farms, only a few rods in width, 
run far back into the country. The following is a picture 
of a Madawaska home : 

**The whole aspect of the farm was that of metcarie in 
Normandy ; the outer doors of the house gaudily painted, 
the panels of a different color from the frame, — :the larger 
open, uncarpeted room, with its bare, shining floor, — tlie 
lasses at the spinning-wheel, — the French costumes and ap- 
pearance of Madame and her sons and daughters, — all car- 
tied me back to the other side of the Atlantic^ 



DOWNFALL OF FRENCH RULB IN AMERICA. 



lo January, 1757, Lord Loudon arrived in Boston, c!othad 
with ilie chief command of the armj in Araeriea. He called 
to^f ther hia military council. Governor Lawren^'ft of Nova 
Scotia being present and allowed a voice in the consulta- 
tion. In the measures proposed for the overthrow of the 
French in America, it was decided not to attempt a complete 
reduction at once; but bv coucf*Dtrating all their force at 
one point, win their way gradually on French tenitorj. 
The capture of Louihbourg was adjudged the first enter* 
prise to be attempted, and Halifax was fixed upon as the 
place of rendezvous for the fieet and army destined for the 
work of demolition. In July of that year Admiral Holbome 
arrived at Halifax with a powerful fieet, having on board 
five thousand land troops under command of Viscount 
Howe; here the force was augmented by Lord Loudon in 
penion« with six thousand infantry from New York. Some 
•mall vessels were sent out as scouts to reconnoitre the eo* 
emj, which brought back the unwelcome news that a large 
fleet of French ships of war and transports were riding safe 
at anchor in the harbor of LooiKbour*^. Though many were 
of opinion that the number of the ent* my was greatly over* 
rated, the intelligence occasioned extraordinary floctuations 
in the Council of War. While the counsels for prosecuting 
the expedition with v.gor and the ooanter proposition to give 



266 ACADIA 

it up entirely, were being urged with Yebemencey a packet 
bound from Louisbourg to France was captured by an £og- 
lisb cruiser stationed at New-Foundland; on board of this 
▼essel were found letters by which it appeared that there were 
in Louisbourg, six thousand regular troops, three thousand 
resident soldiers, and thirteen hundred Indians, seYenteen 
ships of the line and three fngates being moored in the bar* 
bor; that the place was well supplied with provisions and 
all kinds of military stores, and that the enemy wished for 
nothing more than to be attacked. The commanders at 
Halifax were fully conscious of the futility of attempting a 
reduction of Louisbourg under those circumstances, and also 
how fatal an unsuccessful attempt would be to British in- 
terests in America : it was resolved to postpone the attack un- 
til some more convenient opportunity.- Admiral Holbome 
determined on taking a look at the enemy, however, and on 
the 20th of August be appeared before Louisbourg harbor 
with fifteen ships of the line, four frigates and five ships. 
The French Admiral at once made signal to unmoor, mis- 
taking the display of English shipping as a challenge to a 
combat outside: Holborne^s intention being simply to recon- 
noitre, and not deeming himself strong enough to cope with 
so formidable an adversary, he sailed back to Halifax. A 
few weeks afterwards, having been joined in the meantime 
by four additional ships of war, Aduiiial Holborne returned 
to Louisbourg, determined to risk a naval engagement with 
the enemy ; the French Admiral, La Motle, was in no humor 
to fight this time, unsupported by the guns of the fort — 
probably deeming the issue too great to warrant, volunta- 
rily, his yielding any advantage. 

The English squadron continued cruising before Louis- 
bourg until the 25th, when a terrible storm broke upon 
them. In twelve hours the whole fleet were driven within 
two miles of the breakers on the rock-bound coast of Cape 
Breton, and total destruction seemed inevitable; providen- 



DOWVFALL or rtXHCB BULB III ^iCTt^^ 267 



UbDj the wiud veered in time to permit the vessels to 
cai>e with a single exception. Eleven ships were dismasted, 
others throw their cargoes overboard, half of the wrecked 
vessel's crew were lost, and the whole fleet returned to 
Enf^laud in a shattered condition. 

This unsucceBsful expetiition ap^inst Loaisbooig, bj 
drawing so many troops and valuable officers awaj from the 
Continent, left the frontiers of the Colonies in an exposed 
situation : the French, seizing their opportunity had taken 
full posseMiion of Lake Cham plain and Lake George, and 
likewise of all the territory west of the Alleghany Mount* 
ains. But the appointment of Mr. Pitt to the Premiership 
inspired now hopes in all parties at home and in America. 
Immediately on assiuning the duties of that office he wrote 
a circular letter to the Colonies, assurin<;f them of a deter* 
mination on his part of sending out an immense armament 
early in the season, and calling upon them to co'Jper* 
ate with him with as large levies of Provincial troops aa 
they could raise. The latter were ready to take the field 
early in May, previous to which Admiral Boscawen had ar> 
rived at Halifax with a formidable fleet, and a powerful ar* 
my under General Amherst 

The combined forces, with the ma;rnificent array of one 
hundred and fifty sail, and fourteen thonitand men, put to 
sea, and on the 2d of June, 17.18, anchored in GabaruH Bay, 
about seven miles to the westward of Louisbourg. The 
place was garrisoned by twenty-five huiulied re^^ular troops 
and thrM hundred mi'.itia, under Clievalier Driicor: they 
were afterwards reinforced by three hundred and fifty Cana- 
dians and Indians. Six French shipA and five frigates 
guarded the harbor, three of which were nunk at the entrance 
to obstruct the passage of the English vessels. 

Six days elapsed before the violence of the surf admitted 
of an attemf t to embark. On the seventh the order wai 
given to effect a landing. The troops were distributed ia 



f68 ACADIA 

three diTisions, the better to accomplish their pnrpose. The 
right and center under command of Gk>Ternor Lawrence and 
General Whitmore, were directed to make a show of land- 
ing, to engage the attention of the French, while the real at- 
tempt was made in another qaarter by the left diyision un- 
der Genei*al Wolfe. The French reserred their fire antQ the 
boats had nearly reached the shore, when they opened up- 
on them with a murderous discharge of grape and musket- 
ry ; this had the effect, aided by the surf which was now high, 
to overset some of the boats, and create a temporary oon- 
atemation among the Fnglish. But the spirit and exampk 
of General Wolfe inspired his men to a heroic effort, and 
the beach was gained at the creek of Cormoran, not without 
aevcre loss: and the French were compelled to take sheltei 
in the town. 

The stores and ai*tillery having with great difficulty been 
landed. General Wolfe was detached with two thousand men 
to take possession of Light House Point, an important post 
from which the shipping in the harbor and the town might 
be greatly annoyed. On his approach the French aban- 
doned the place ; the English put several strong batteries 
there, and by the 25th, had effectually silenced the Island 
battery, which was directly opposed to it The besieged 
had tried the effect of several sallies on the assailants, but 
to little purpose ; while the English were making alow and 
eautious approaches to the fortress. 

Two of the French fleet had eluded the vigilance of the 
blockading ship and escaped ; a thu*d, on making a similar 
attempt, was captured. About a month afterward, one of 
the largest of the French ships blew up ; the explosion hav« 
ing communicated the fire to two other vessels, all were eon- 
iumed to the water's edge. Admiral Boscawen, following 
up these reverses of the enemy, sent six hundred men in 
boats to make an attempt on the two ships of the line yet 
remaining of the French fleet in the Basin, — the I^rudenU 



DowxFALL or fajkacu uvle ik America 269 

rentj-four, and the BUnfaUant^ a dxtj-four gun ship. 
The former, whicb bad been run aground to escape capturei 
was desirojed ; tbe latter was towed past tbe batteries in 
thampb, tbe Englisb losing but seTen men killed and nine 
wounded. Tbis gallant exploit put tbe Englisb in posses- 
sion of tbe barbor. In tbe meantime screial breacbes bad 
been made in tbe works by tbe continual cannonade, so tlio 
place was no longer considered defensible. Tbe Ooremor 
offered to capitulate on conditions wbicb were rejected bj 
tbe Englisb, wbo belieied tbej were in a waj to enforce 
tbeir own terms. Admiral BoKca\ien demanded tbat tbe 
gmrrison sbould surrender tbemselyes prisoners of war, or 
aoatain an assault by sea and land ; to tbese conditions, ba* 
miiiating as tbey were, tbe French were obliged to submit 
Tbe terms stipulated tbat tbe garrison were to be conveyed 
prisoners of war to England ; tbat tbe provisions and mill* 
tary stores in tbe Islands of Cape Breton and St Jobn b# 
dilivered over to tbe EnglLib; and tbat tbe mercbanta and 
clarka who bad not carried arms, be sent to France. 

On the 27tb of July, tbree companies of Grenadiers took 
possession of the Dauphin Gate, and Gen. Wbitmore was 
dsUcbed into tbe fortress to see tbe garrison lay down tbeir 
arms and deliver up their colors on the esplanade, and to 
post tbe necessary guards within tbe town. Thus at tbe 
expense of about four hundred men, in killed and wounded, 
the Englisb obtained possession of tbe important Island of 
Caps Breton and tbe strong fortress of Louisbourg, con* 
taining two hundred and thirty-one pieces of cannon, eight* 
mortal s, and a considerable quautity of provisious and 
stores. The lo»s of tbis fortress was the more se* 
▼srsly felt by tbe French King, as it was accompanied by 
tbs destruction of so many line-of- battle ships and frigatea. 

The inteliigenco of this brilliant victory to tbe Biitish flag 
was conveyed to Knglaod by a swift-sailing vensel din* 
patobsd for that purpose, and which likswiss oooreyed 



2270 AGADIA 

eleven pairs of colors taken from the I^^encb. These colors 
were, by order of his Majesty, carried in pompous parade 
from the Palace of Kensington to St. Paurs Cathedral, es- 
corted by detachments of Horse and Foot Guards, with 
kettle-drums and trumpets, where the captive flags were de- 
posited as trophies, under a discharge of cannon and other 
demonstrative expressions of triumph and exultation. 

Some vessels were sent to take possession of the Island 
of St. John, [Prince Edward Island,] which, from its po- 
sition in the Gulf of St Lawrence^ and the fertility of its 
soil, had since the beginning of the war supplied Quebec 
with a considerable quantity of provisions. It was likewise 
the asylum to which the French Neutrals of Annapolis had 
fled three years previous, And the retreat from whence they 
and their Indian allies used to make their irruptions into 
Nova Scotia. Over four thousand French inhabitants sub- 
mitted and brought in their arms. In the Governor's quar- 
ters were found several English scalps tnat had been brought 
in by the Indians, who had been awarded by the French a 
certain premium on every scalp. The Island was found to 
be well stocked with cattle, and some of the farmers raised 
each twelve hundred bushels of corn every year for the Que- 
bec market. 

Previous to the fall of Louiabourg the cause of the French 
in America began to wane ; her decline after that event was 
rapid. After an ill-judged but gallant assault upon Ticon- 
deroga, in which Ambercrombie was defeated with the loss 
of two thousaud men, be dispatched Colonel Bradstreet with 
ft force against Frontenac,* by way of Oswego and Lake 
Ontaiio. The capture of this was easily effected, in which 
were found sixty pieces of cannon, and an immense quantitj^ 
of stores. Bradstreet lost very few men in action ; but a 
terrible disorder broke out in camp which proved fatal to 



* Kingston, Upper Oonndiw 



DOWVFAIX OF FBBIiai BULB IV AKHIOA 371 

fire banflrecl of the gallant little army. On their retnm they 
built a fort on tlie site of Rome, N. Y., to which thej gave 
the name of Fort Stanwix. 

The reduction of Fort du Quesne was soon afterward ao- 
cotiiplisbed by the forces under General Forbes, who in coi> 
plimcnt to the Premier under whose auspices these opera- 
iionti weie conducted, gave it the name of Pittsburg. 

Blajur General Amherst had now [1759] succeeded to the 
command of the army in North America ; he signalized his 
appointment by the bold project of attempting the entire 
conquest of Cana la. His plan was to send three powerful 
armies into the country by iliff.*rent routes and simultane* 
onsly attack all tbe strotigholdn of the French. The cap- 
tuieof Quebec, the reduction of Niagara, and the investment 
of Ticondcroga and Crown Point, by the several divisions of 
the army, were coniplotely successful. Blilitary men l:avt 
condemned this p!an am subject to many casualties which 
might have ft ust rated its exc/uti-^n and endangered thf» safe- 
ty of each division of the army, but circumstances were pro- 
pitious to tht3 Huccr>sf of the Knglinh arms. 

The division sent a^'oinst (juebec was commanded by 
General Wolfe, and consisted of e'ght thousand troops un- 
der convoy of twent}-two line-of- battle shipn, ai:d a like 
number of fii;ral«*s and smsller vessel?. An un»4iii*c •■i'^ful 
attack on the rrepch, .luly 3Kt, rrsnlted in a lo-s of fire 
bundled of tlie K')v:"i^h trooj s. At the b'';jinnin^ of Sep- 
teniler, n^ Wolfe lay m his tfnt prostr.ite fro:n fev»T, b:\>ugijt 
on bv cx<'esvivo lab r a^i 1 ove: -.irixietv, he rali»d a i*.»i!ic:I 
of mur; on the k '^^i^eslioii of Town^^eutl, it wa^ di* I'd to 
make u fe "r.iid att#*iupt by Fcainp: tho hi'^hts of Ahr.ilja'n* 
and OKsaiiin;: the to\\n on its weaVest File. Wolfe heaitilr 
<Ujdor>cd the plan, and he nroso fiom his sick-b^'d to !ea.l 
ihea>>a4)It \\i person. Th*.* Enjjlish weie encamp ed at Mont* 
moreoci, below the town: on the 13th the camp was br«»keD 
lip, the soldiers cmbarLed on board several veasols of the 



272 4CADIA 

fleet, and at eyeniog ascended seyeral miles above the eity* 
Leaving tbe sbips at midnight, they embarked in flat-boats^ 
and with muffled oars dropped silently down stream, arriv- 
ing opposite the mouth of a ravine a mile and a half from 
the city, at which point they effected a landing. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Howe led the van up the ravine at dawn, 
in the face of a sharp fire from the guard above; he waa 
closely followed by his genei*als and the remainder of the 
troops, with artillery; at sunrise the entire army stood in 
battle aixay on the Plains of Abraham. 

The surprise of Montcalm at this sudden appearance of a 
hostile army before the city at its most vulnerable point, 
was only equaled by his fears for the safety of the place. 
He was already out-generaled, — nothing now remained but 
to fip^ht as a soldier. He brought his army across the St 
Charles Kiver, and by nine o'clock the French were drawn 
up in line of battle between the British troops and the city. 

The moment was big with interest to the two great powers 
of Europe ; this battle was to determine the supremacy of 
%he fleur-de-lis, or , the hunner Mid cross of St. George, on 
the American Continent. Montcalm, with 7,500 well-trained 
soldiers, colifronted 4,800 British regulars under Wolfe. 
Both generals were young men, enjoying the full confidence 
of tbe soldiers, ranking among the highest of the militai*y 
chieftains of Europe, and each ambitious to signalize the day 
by a grand victory for his respective King. The scene was 
beautifully grand — the quiet landscape, the rolling river, 
the spii'es and tin roofs of the city, the evolutions of the 
tioops, all lighted up by the rays of the morning sun, and 
enlivened by the blare of trumpets, the roll of drums and 
the strains of martial music. Yet the beautiful scene waa 
in a moment to be changed. The ominous roll of musketry, 
the smoke of battle, the angered voices of the combatants, 
and the gi'oans of the wounded and dying, were to succeed 
this scene of earthly magnificence. 



DOWVrALL or FEEHCB ftULB IX AMCEICA 27S 

MonUsJm led the attack. The French came on witb 
their wonted impetuosity. The opposing ranks of the Eng- 
lis!) atcol wilh arms at rest as if on parade, motionless 
Oiilj ss Viey closed up the ghustly gaps after receiving each 
▼oiler,— then as calmly awaiting the next Nearer and 
nearer came the platoons of the French ; deadlier the stream 
of leaden fite that rained against the living wall ; yet not a 
British soldier Tacated his post only as Lis life went out, 
when his comiaden silently and mechanically closed up the 
bleach, and presented the same unbroken front of scarlet- 
coatetl yeterans. The ranks of the Englinh were fast melt- 
ing away before the murderous fire ; f uHy one- fourth of their 
number had alieady fallen, yet not a shot had been leturned, 
not a tittle of the bliictc-st military discipline ha«l been vio- 
latfd; — they stood culm'.y awaiting the oider to tire. 

The piactical eye of Wolfe now saw the oppoitune mo- 
ment had arrived. The French were witbiu foity yaids of 
Uie Biitish lines, and sti.l advancing. The necessary or- 
deia were given. P>ery gun along the whole line was 
brought into position with all the coolness and precision of 
a review parade, as if the ^ hole were one great machine, 
moving obediently to the touch of the engineer. A flarn^ 
of fire belched forth ftoiu LuniliedHof blacl^-thrciated bairela 
as though from a sin;:!e p^un : the French line was carried 
forward by its own uiiiinentiini a few paces, then reeled, 
and it hceiued the whole riiiik had fallen. Wheu the smoka 
from the volley had cleared awuy, what a scene of carnage 
wait there disclosed! Bcfoio the French could recover, 
AVoife gave the older to charge; in a few momenta the 
French were fiving iu irtiy duection, lea\ing the Biitish 
masters of the tield. England, throagli the valor of the he- 
roio Woife, Lad won a tight to ai»bert her supiemai'y over 
Die «ioil of America. 

Wolfe and M'>ntca!m were both fatally wounded on iba 
field of battle, and tho coacludiiig iDOvtaienta of iba eoo- 



874 ACADU 

flict were carried on by their officers. As the eyes of Wolfe 
wore closing in death, his well-trained ear detected shoats 
of victory. ''The French give way everywhere,'* said aa 
officer in response to his inquiry. '^Then/' said he, ''I die 
contented.' With one more effort — ^the last order he waa 
to give, the last word he was to speak — ^he said; '' Tell CoL 
Burton to march Webb's regiment with all speed to St 
Charles Biver, to cut off the retreat," and immediately ex- 
pired. 

Montcalm, on receiving his mortal wound, was carried in- 
to the city; and when told that he must die, he said, ''So 
much the better ; I shall then be spared the mortification of 
seeing the surrender of Quebec." 

Great was the enthusiasm displayed by the English peo- 
ple everywhere, on the overthrow of French domination on 
American soil. Illuminations, patriotic addresses, and pub- 
lic rejoicings were given in every town throughout England, 
except the little Kentish village of Westerham, where lived 
the widowed mother of Wolfe, who now mourned the death 
of an only son. 

It may be that other mothers have felt the pangs of sep- 
aration from a heart's idol as poignantly as did this widow, 
but we doubt if a mother's grief was ever before shared 
with such unauimity by a whole nation, or that a hero's death 
was ever more gratifying to the heart of the true soldier 
than was that of Wolfe expiring amid the salvos of artillery, 
the shouts of victory, and assured of the blessings of the 
English-speaking people of two Continents. 

Wolfe's remains were embalmed and sent to England. 
They were landed at Plymouth with the highest honors, 
uiiuute guns were iired, the flags hoisted at half-mast, and 
an escort with ai'ms reversed received the coffin on the shore. 
They were then conveyed to Greenwich, and buried beside 
Ihose of his father who had died but a few months befora 

The remains of his brave competitor, Montcalm, still re- 



BowiWAU. or rancx stiu i« iimiu tTI 

poas Is the Umilins Convent at Qa>b«e,* in an •xcaratieo 
ID it! wa\] made bj » shell during th« action in which h* 
loat his life. Tha Frvnch and Engliiih miilents of tha citj 
have erected k monument on the baltle-ficid, daditttod to 
the linked momoij of Wolfe uid Uontcalnt. 



■ICsBkdB^skall Is oanfnllT pnMrred ni 




EXGLTSH OCCUPATION. 



VMU) tl)o fall of Quebec and other French rGTcrs^9, Uie 
Eu^lisli became complete roasters of a territory whidi had 
been a soin-co of bitter stnfe for upwards of two centuries, 
and a definite treaty was signed at Paris between France and 
England on the 10th of February, 1763. 

The English deemed it inexpedient to maintain a costly 
gamson at Louisbourg ; and as its capture at any future 
perioil by the Ficiich might endanger the safety of Nova 
Scotia., the Brili;?h crown determined on its reduction. Ao* 
cording] y, a company of sappers and miners had been senti 
who, in Ibo space of six months, at an immense expenditure 
of money and labor, reduced the fortifications to a heap of 
rubbish bj means of mines, judiciously exploded. The walls 
and glnci? were leveled with the ditch, and nothing was left 
standinf^ but the piivate houses, which had been badly torn 
and shattcied during the siege, together with the hospital 
and a banack capable of holding three hundred men.* At 
the present time neither roof nor spire remains, — no street, 
convent, church, nor barrack. **The green turf covers all— 



* Much of the boilding-stone composlDg this fortress, so it is nid, vn 
transported hither from France. At its redaction, considerable of thit 
material was conveyed to distant parts. Some of the pablic buildings is 
pft]ifft^, nnd many of the stone edifices in the varioas cities along the 
Kew Engbind coast as for as Boston, contain portions of this once powe^ 
f nl fortress. 



I1I0U8H OCCUPATIOV S7T 

•fen tbe fouudations of iLe Lcubcs are buried. It is a city 
without an inhabitant Dismounted cannon, brokf n bajo* 
Dftn, gun-locks, bhot and Rhel), cc«iTodcd and conoding, in 
silence and detiolation, with i:o hignn of life Tihible upon 
ihe«e war-like battleinrots except th«' fl^'cka of sheep, — those 
aie the only relics of once poweiful Louisbourg.** 

Sais a recent writer, ** With the Tu aty of Paris, the his- 
tory of Acadia ends.** In our opinion the record would be 
quite incomplete, did we not ihclude the bubsequent for* 
tunes of the many Acadians who eventually returned to the 
country, if not to the Koil, from whence they were expatiia- 
ied; or failed to mention the ciicuniEtances attending the 
re-peopling of the vast amount of fertile lauds vacated by 
the dispossessed French farmers. 

The local government at Halifax went vigorously to work 
to insure tbe tranquility of the Province, and to induce em- 
igration from the Continent In 17G1 there arrived from 
Boston six vessels, having on board two hundred settlers^ 
and four schooners from Rhode Island with half that num- 
ber; New Loudon furnished one hundred emigrants, and 
Plymouth one hundred and eighty, making in all five hun- 
dred and eighty souls. Two hundred persons arrived from 
tbe north of Ireland about the same time, followed by ad- 
▼entnrers from other places : these early emigrants laid the 
foandations of those beautiful townships which line tbe 
shores of the Bay of Fundy and Basin of ^^liiia.*!. 

His Majesty^s ministers, soon after the removal of tbe 
French, exprebsed a wit»h that their cultivated lands should 
be reserved for military settlers; but Governor Lawrence, 
who bad been bred to the profession of arms, and was well 
soquainted mith the habits of soldiers, prevailed upon tbe 
Government to relinquish the design at that time. Law- 
rence's objections were, that besides their transportation, 
such settlers mu^t bo furnished with provisions for one year, 
with materials and tools for building, implements of hu^ 



278 AOADU 

bandrjy and cattle to stock their lands; for soldiers, who 
have nothiDg of their own to set out with, will necessarily 
be in want of everything at the beginning. According to 
his ideas of the military, they are the least qualified, from 
their occupation as soldiers, of any class of men to estab- 
lish a new country, where they must encounter difficulties 
with which they are altogether unacquainted. He further* 
asserted that every soldier that had come into that Prov- 
ince had either quitted it or become a dramseller. 

These remonstrances bad the desired effect, and those 
valuable reserves were thrown open to an industrious 
elass, whose occupation had always been the cultivation of 
the soil. The great distance of Nova Scotia from the New 
England colonies, the expense of moving families thither, 
the opposition of friends and fear of the Indians, tended 
greatly to check the tide of emigi'ation to that Province, of 
which such glowing accounts had been given. However, on 
the 12th of December, 1760, Governor Belcher wrote the 
Board of Trade : *' I have the satisfaction to acquaint your 
Lordships that the towDEhips of Horton, ComwaUis and 
Falmouth, are so well established that everything bears a 
hopeful appearance ; as soon as these townships were laid 
out by the surveyor, palisaded forts were erected in each of 
them, with room to secure all the inhabitants. After the 
necessary business, the proper season coming on, they were 
employed in gathering hay for the winter." About this 
time they put some corn and roots into the gi'ound. The 
late Governor *' having made a progress into these settle- 
ments," after having regulated several matters, the repair of 
the dikes was bis first cara For this purpose the inhabit- 
ants, with their cattle and carriages, at their own expense, 
were joined with some of the Provincial troops and Acadi- 
an s, who were best acquainted with works of this kind. 

The next public improvement was the making of a road 
from Halifax to these settlements. All the troops that 



ivoLiui occuP4Ti<ni 379 

eonld be spared from duty were employed on this work.— » 
The pagrage between tbese i)oints was very difficult at that 
time, on account of dense swamps and broken bridges. * 
The greater part of the expense attending the labor, wrote 
OoTemor Belcher, will be defrayed *'out of a sum of money 
appropriated from a seizure of molasses.** 

Many of the people were in good circumstances, baring 
transported themselves and their effects at their own ex- 
pense ; as for the poorer class, there was provision made for 
them until the following August. In the township of Liv- 
erpool, cays the Governor, *Mhey are now employed in 
building three vessels for the fishery, have laid in bay for 
the winter fodder of their cattle, and have raised a consid- 
erable quantity of roots, and erected a grist and saw mill. 
They have sixteen sail of fishing schooners, and although 
some of them came late in the season, they have cured near 
five hundred quintals of fish. In regard to the townships 
of Granville and Annapolin, about thirty proprietors are set- 
tled in each ; as they came late in the } ear, they did not 
bring all their families, but are preparing against their ar- 
rival in the spring The perfect etitablisbment of 

the settlements depends, in a very great degree, in the re- 
pairs of the dikes, for the security of the iiiarsh lands from 
whence the sup2)ort of the inlmbitants will become easy and 



• Dr. M'Gr^Ror, on* of tbr i-nrlv rr«"%liyti nr.n prrarh^m «*nl ovrr fnmi 
SeoUaml into tlui rnivmc*'. tlm*«I<*H<ril«i» «•!.«» <'f thfM* l.rj«U:»-« : "<>ir«T 
IB npn(;ht piir, cm ttirb t*u\o of tin- rj\«r. i»«r«' I * -l thi»«- 1 •!)>• U>.:^ «t 
Iftt firrlj fiTf frrt 1- n" !N>n.<« tn « it<-iMl tift«*x. f> • *. l*}i>iiil tli*- \,vt <i9 
Um hvfr, iht other «'Uil citru'lu.^ tlnrty ft t «'ti th* Lmid. .iitil iMvin^ 
hmry lof^ Inid iirnMi il.tiii mar ihr ciul. t»i fiT«rli«iAn«v any mri^bt tLnl 
Biil^t be on the bndi^. Tl:«* Imdr U*c* nr^ cAltA l*iitiiif uu. 1 tr<^ (4h- 
m lof(B «rrc Iflul with thrir ru<K n^tiii}; <>u tLe inx^rr i-txb of tlw Imi- 
aMnt«« (If tern fert from tli«* \n*T\ UWiir^ Ci** iiitir\ul »|mc«l llio roiiml 
of the apiwr kurfucv of thr I«jk \(iui hc«u A«a> by tLe ax. and tbu% ths 
Vn^ VM Ikuubcd with uinr lun^ lo^gL Spans of niiMCy or 
At9d fait «rr BMido in thm way.'* 



280 ACADIA 

plentiful. I humbly conceive that the dikes maybeputfiitQ 
very good condition if, with your Lordship's approbation, 
one hundred of the French inhabitants may be employed in 
different parts of the Province to assist and instruct in theiz 
repairs, the new settlers having come from a country in 
in which such works are not needed.'* 

In the summer of 1761, thirty families from the Province 
of Massachusetts landed in Onslow, at ihp head of Cobe- 
quid Bay. They brought with them twenty head of homed 
cattle, eight horses and seventy sheep ; but their stock of 
provisions was altogether inadequate to their wants, and was 
consumed in six months. From this circumstance they were 
reduced to great privations. During the second year iha 
government supplied them with Indian corn, and they add- 
ed to their food supply by fishing and hunting. On their 
arriyal they found the country laid waste to prevent the re- 
turn of the Acadians, but five hundred and seventy acres of 
marsh land were still under dike ; and about forty acres of 
upland around the ruined houses, which were partially over- 
grown with shrubs, were cleared. Remains of the French 
roads, which were confined to the marshes, are visible to 
this day. Near the sites of their buildings are found farm- 
ing implements and kitchen utensils, which they had buried 
in the earth under the hope of being permitted some day 
to return to their possessions. 

At this time New Brunswick was included in Nova Scotia, 
and denominated the County of Sunbury. The extreme 
fertility of the intervales of New Brunswick had attracted 
the attention of the British officers who had been stationed 
in the country. Some of them procured extensive grants of 
territory; among them General Gage, a large tract at the 
head of the Long Beach, St. John Biver ; Col. Spry, a large 
grant near Jemseg; Col. Maugers, a grant at Maugers 
Island ; and Major Dight secured title to five thousand acres 
since known as the Ten Lots in Sheffield. It was unfortun- 



naun occttfatiov 281 

ataly the case then ai now, that favorites of those io power, 
aod moneyed speculators, secure monopolies to the detri* 
ment of the masses and the consequent hindrance of nation* 
al prosperity. 

In 1763, the firm of Simons, Hazen & White, established 
tbemselTes at St. John Harbor, and a Scotchman named 
John Anderson selected the flat of Frederickton for his farm 
and trading post Several families from the Porishc^s of 
Bowler, Andover and Boxford^ near Boston, emigrated to 
the Rirer St. John during tliat and the following reason, in 
a couple of packet s!oo|'s, of about forty tons burden each, 
and commanded by Captains Newman and Howe. The for* 
mer came first with the emigrants, and the latter became an 
annual trader to the River, bis sloop being the only means 
of communication between the pilgiims and their native 
land. 

There were small, detached French ri^ages located, al 
that time, in the rich intervale ; but the uncougeniality of 
their English neighbors, no doubt, was the cause of their 
migrating farther into the wilderness. The New England 
•ettleis commenced clearing the soil and preparing for the 
first crop ; they were delighted with the rapid growth and 
favorable prospect, when an early frost put an end to their 
hopes for that year. Before relief arrived, the next season, 
they suffered much for want of food. 

These emigrants Lad taken the precaution to obtain a 
grant of land from the Gu^eiLmint at Halifax, securing 
five hundred acres to each man of a family. Thvy w(*re de« 
airous of settling near together, and each bharing m the rich 
intervale on the hvcr bank; they th«>u-f(>ie hud out their 
lota ten chains in iiidth, and exttndmg back live hundred 
and fifty chains [nearly seven milebj, making eight faims to 

A mile in breadth on the river.* 

^^^^^^^^^^ 



K2 AOADU 

The resettlement of the country under English patnm* 
age continued very slow until the outbreak of the Beyo- 
lution, when the population was augmented by the arrival 
of Tory refugees from the revolting colonies, styled in the 
Canadian Provinces "United Empire Loyalists;** who, to 
the number of twenty thousand, with their effects, sought 
here a home. Many of these were among the "first fami- 
lies " in the country from whence they had fled, and proved 
a valuable accession to the Province, by elevating the sodcJ 
standing of the community, and adding a valuable element 
io the industrial population. 

Scarce twenty yeai's agone, we saw a whole people at 
French descent violently ezpatnated from this soil by the 
joint efforts of native and colonial Britons, on the asserted 
ground of the inimical tendencies of their bigoted religion 
and Papist priesthood. Now we behold a violent rupture 
between the English colonies and their mother country, and 
between the colonists themselves ; and some of the latter, 
in their turn expatriated, are forced to seek an asylum in 
the land from which they had helped to drive away the 
French. 

The strange perversities of the human mind, and the 
marked effect that self-interest exerts over one's opinions 
and prejudices, were never more apparent than as exhib- 
ited in the march of the events of which we wiite. "When 
an excuse was wanting to drive the French from their ter- 
ritoi-y in America, the British Ministry, the Council at Hal- 
ifax, and the Colonial Governments, each openly denounced 
that people as "equally cruel and perfidious as their savage 
allies." In 1774, both England and the colonies were anx» 
ious to secure the services of the French Catholics of Can* 
ada in the conflict then impending between them. The 
British Ministry restored to them their ancient civil pro* 
cedure, together with the full ecclesiastical jurisdiction per- 
taining to the Papist priesthood: this was done with the 



EXOLin OOOUFATIOH 

▼iew of oondlUtiDg the priests, and by that means win orer 
the common people to their interests. On the other hand, 
although a law was at that time on the statute-book of 
Bhode Island, making it a penal offence for a Roman Cath* 
olic to set foot on her soil, the colonies sent a mossage to 
iheir neighbors of Canada, in which they said ; ^ We are too 
well acquainted with the liberality of sentiment distinguish- 
ing your nation, to imagine that difference of religion will 
prejudice you against a hearty amity with ua.** * 

Count d*£staing, of the coi>]>eratiug French fleet eraiting 
on the American seaboard in 1778, vainly tried to influenoe 
his Canadian fellow-countrymen, by calling to remembrance 
the natural ties which bound them to the race they sprang 
from. The reproachful saying of Lafayette to the Cana* 
dian officers imprisoned at Boston for taking up arms in the 
royalist cause, is a matter of history : ** What ! you elect 
to fight, in order to maintain your subordination as colo- 
nista, instead of accepting and rindicating the independence 
which has been offered you ! Remain then, ever the slaves 
ye now are 1 ** The British Ministry proved themselves the 
better diplomatistd,and, by granting privileges to the French 
Catholic element, greatly to the prejudice of the English 
Protestant population, who were of less importance to 
Great Britain in point of numbers, permanently secured to 
the Crown of England the powerful dominion of Canada. 



*Tb« following, from tba " Lkwb uid Rew>lrni of MMnachoMttii fkj,* 
li appmpQt to tb« subject Tb« paper henn date of [Vcniftrr 12. 1C9G ; 
aflrr a prauuble tbowiD^ thiU tb« Uw van intruilcil tf» nlat» a '*i;n«-ruiit 
inouiiTnuc&cc.** and ai a maaaore of "puthc tafHT.** it mub: **!)# il 
fmm^mA .... Thai frocn aod after the secuud day of Jaunary ont an* 
fwwig ^ Done ci th0 Frrnch nation be |icnuitte«l to ri-«i*lr or bc> m anj ol 
lb* acapoft or frontier towna in thin |>n>vitK», but fturh t** •hall \m bopoaail 
bj tba Governor and Conncil; nor ahull anj of mu«I nit.'m krrp abo|K or 
satrcva anj manual trwle in any of the towns at tht« \ : o% mrr. wiihoel 
IIm appcobatioQ of tba Belectmen, on pain of lm|vi!«antu*'nt. and to Mi 
ia pitimm natal ralaeted bj ctdm d Ooveroov and CounoiL" 



SM ACADIA 

Throughout the Canadian Proyinees, as in the reyolted 
colonies^ sentiment was divided as regarded allegiance to 
Great Biitain. The young colony of Massachusetts emi- 
grants on the hanks of the St. John endorsed the action of 
the Whigs, and set on foot a campaign and siege against 
their English neighbors of Fort Cumberland, who, it ap« 
pears, had as heartily espoused the cause of George the 
Third. The historian Hatheway thus describes what he is 
p eased to term the '* quixotic " campaign against Fort Cnm« 
berland : — 

*' Without artillery, without a commissioned officer a1 
their head, or an ordioaiy knowledge of such an undertak- 
ing, they commenced their march, while the greater part ot 
their company were as ignorant of the nature of such an 
undertaking as they were of the justice of i^ They at 
length ariived in the neighborhood of the fort, and soon 
made known the nature of their visit by a bold demand of 
an immediate surrender ; and having contrived to forward 
an exaggerated account of their numerical strength and* 
resources, they caused the garrison to close their gates and 
prepare for the siege or assault, notwithstanding the effeo- 
tive troops of the fort were more than double the number 
of the besiegers. Unfortunately at this juncture a vessel 
Lad anived off the fort, loaded with provisions for the 
troops. A sergeant with a few men had gone on board as 
u guard until time and tide should favor the unloading.^- 
Our invading heroes now conceived the bold design (since 
there seemed little prospect of caiTying the fort) of captur- 
ing this vessel. They accordingly, when the tide had run 
out of the hai'bor and left the vessel sitting on the mud flat, 
marched alongside of her in a dark night, ordered a ladder 
to be let down to help them on board, threatening to bum 
i\iem in case of resistance. This order was obeyed and 
they took their prize without opposition. Had one shot 
been flred, the fort would have taken the alarm and recap* 



noLua oocuFATiox 385 

lured her the next momiog, instead of having the chagrin 
to aee her sail away next day a prize to the foe, without a 
eniiser on the coast to pursue her. This vessel was taken 
lo Machias and sold by the captors, who it is presumed made 
a fair dividend of the prize money.** 

The same authority says : ^* At the conclusion of the peae# 
of 1783, there was a great influx of emigrants to this ProT* 
inoe, chiefly of the American Loyalists, disbanded soldiers and 
ofBccrSy nearly all of whom drew land from the government. 
Some remained and occupied their lands during the two 
years in which the government allowed them rations ; othere 
left and returned to the United States, and some continued 
permanent and useful settlers. This gave a new impultie to 
the infant coiony, enhanced the value of property of all de- 
scriptions, made a ready and sure market for a surplus prod* 
ace, and caused money to circulate and capitalists to under^ 
lake business. But a disbanded soldiery seldom makes the 
beet settlers. Too much of the dissipated customs of the 
army, with the usual attendant intemperance, proved for a 
lime a great drawback and hindrance to those benefits which 
might otherwise have resulted from the change.** 

The Province of New Brunswick had been erected, and 
was so named in honor of the Duke of Brunswick, one ol 
Ibe petty Geiman princes, from whom England had en- 
gaged the sixteen thousand Hessian troops which she em- 
ployed in the War of the Ilevolution. Ttiree thousand per* 
eons from Nantucket ariived at the River St. John in the 
spring succeeding the declaration of peace. Many uf these 
were men who served in the ranks of tLe L<>; n ists duiing 
the war ; twelve hundred more from the Mimi* p see f«>uowed 
daring the autumn of the same year. The hutt^^x ngn of 
ibeae settlers are described as severe. They had prwious* 
ly enjoyed all the comforts which a couutry subdued and 
cu^^vated by the endurance and industiy of tbeir forefatb* 
era afforded, and they were forced to encounter all the hoi^ 



286 AOADU 

rors of an approaching winter, without houses to shelter 
them, amid the wilds of New Brunswick. Their sufferings 
have heen described in a pamphlet published by a resident 
of the Province. He says the difficulties to which the first 
settlers were exposed, for a long time continued almost in- 
surmountable On their amyal, they found a few hovels 
where St. John is now built, the adjacent country exhibit- 
ing a most desolate aspect, which was peculiarly discourag- 
ing to people who had just left their homes in the beautiful 
and cultivated parts of the United States. The country all 
about was a continued wilderness, uninhabited and untrod- 
den, except by savages and wild beasts ; and scarcely had 
they begun to construct their cabins, when they w^e sur- 
piised by the rigors of the untried dimate, their habifcations 
being enveloped in snow before they were tenable. The 
climate at that period, from some cause, was far more se* 
vere than at present, and they were frequently put to the 
greatest straits for food and clothing to preserve their ex- 
istence. A few roots were all that tender mothers could at 
times procure to allay the importunate calls of their children 
for food. Sir Guy Carletou had ordered their provisions at 
the expense of the government, for the first year ; but, as the 
country was little cultivated at that time, food could scai'ce- 
ly be procured on auy terms. Frequently bad these settlers 
to go from fifty to one hundred miles with hand-sieds or 
toboggans, through wild woods or on the ice, forced to sleep 
in the opeu air, and make tbeir way on snow-shoes, to pro- 
cure a supply for their famishing families. The privations 
and suftei ings of thebe people almost exceeded belief. The 
want of food and clotliiiig in a wild country was not easily 
supplied. Frequent iy in the piercing cold of winter, some 
of the family were obliged to remain up at night to keep fire 
in their huts to piotect the others from freezing. Some of 
the more destitute families made use of boards to supply 
the want of bedding. Many of these Loyahsts weie in the 



ncousB ocoupATiov 987 

prima of life when tbey emigrated into the coantnr, and 
moKt of tbem bad jouog families. To establish these, thej 
wore out tbeir liTOs in toil and povertj, and bj their uiire- 
mittiog exertions subdued the wilderuess, and coTered the 
face of the country with habitations, Tillages^ and towns. 

Among the early strttlers of St John after the close of the 
war, was the notorious Benedict Arnold and family. He 
•ceois to baTe been hated eTen in St. John ; and many local 
instances of meanness are jet told of him while a resident 
there. Arnold engaged in trade and navigation, and owned 
the first Teasel built in St. John. He obtained it of the 
builder, who was unable to procure the necesiiary sails and 
rigging, and who unfoitunately came into Amold*s power» 
by fraud. He lired in a house built by himself at the cor* 
Btr of King and Canterbury Streets ; his store was in an« 
other quarter, near the comer of Main aiid Charlotte Stieetat 
he dealt in ship-furnishing {;oods. 

When Benedict Arnold returned to England he was the 
lather of seven children. His tirst wife biTe him Benedict, 
Bichard and Henry. The elder was an officer of artillery 
in Biiti^h serxice, acd died }ourg while btationed in tho 
"West Indies. The children by his second Uiania;;e were 
Jamea, Edward, Gt or^'t* and Sophia. James was tue only 
one born in the United htatf ««. at:d was a child at the time 
of Arnold's treason; lie «iitci(<{ the Bntish army and rose 
to the rank of Colonel of Kn^itii'<*r^. H** wa<«t stutioni* i at 
Beimuca for awhile. tLt-n was tiait-ftrud to lla.ifsx« where 
he wa*i in command of the env;.ne-i!i of Nt*w J>raiiH-*\;ck 
and Nora Scotia. Duiing thin ]>eiiod L« v.MleJ ^;. Juijn, 
and on going into the hoUAc built by his father in King 
Stieet, wept like a child. He married a Mi^s Goodi.ca of 
the Is.e of AVight. 

Benedict An*o.<i and swter Hannah were the only unea 
leit of a family ot bix chi.caeu at tue time of the r.e\Oi^ajn; 
aiie adhered to him through all hia guilty aueer. She ia 



€< ihiiMiii, and 
m 1808L Arnold 




at tibs^n of foty- 



Arnold, 

m wuL bm rmrtMlrrtmH wwm wt thm ^imm mi Am Batiah oecap^ 
Kim of FUftUpoa^ ISTi; ow «f Ibft n^SB^ bdles of that 
cbcj, and a great fiBvonfia v& tiba Bdtidi olBeera. The 
joaB^wodhELjaaaM Mqor Aaifc^ bj hit poliaiied mannerBi 
and sopaKiar adixrcsa^ had attiactcd her admirafcioOy with 

to ba CA BftoHlB teraa. After the 
r. is waa tibts aha bfcaiaa acquainted with 
IWn€iiirt AmrkA with whoaa aha af t e taaid contracted matw 
riaga. Tan ^aart^, a Saw York Lomfial, ndaiea being al 
Wcsonxassff Abbej aooaa jeara after the war. While there 
be saw Bwttf^ftrt Arnold, and a ladr with him ha aoppoeed 
to be hia wxfie^ The two stood bef oca the cenotaph of An> 
dre» deixberateij (erasing the monmaental inscription of 
the tale of his own infiaaiT. What Arnold's tbooghta were^ 
wben bis act of treacbaj came np before him, or hers, at 
tills reminder of the ;imimelj end of ho* former lover, can 
be ozIt surmised. Tan Shaack relatea that he tamed from 
the scene in disgnsl. 

The (own of Shelbxmxe, on an inlet on the sooth eastern 
coast of NoTs ScotzA. is noticeable to the student of Ameri- 
can historj, from its haricg been the residence of Beyerly 
Robinson. wi;h whom Arnold was quartered at the time he 
was negotiating the surrender of West Point, and whoee 
former dwelling vet stands among the mountains of Putnam 
Coud:t, N. Y^ within Tiew of the ruined fortifications of 
Fort Putnam. After the surrender of ComwalHs, a hon* 
dred and twenty Lojalists from New York, beads of fami- 
bea, associated tbemselres for the purpose of emigrating to 
Nora Scotia. The number was subsequently increased to 



IMLm OOODFATIOV W 



four bimdred tnd teTeoty-ontt beads of finilit, who 
dinded into sixteen compsaies with s cspiain and two liao- 
icnants appointed for each. The ssTeral companies were 
each proTided with one transport for its conTejance, two 
for the removal of its hesTj baggage, and a schooner to car- 
ry horses. The associates were furnished with forty pieces 
of cannon and a proportionate quantity of ammunition and 
military stores, and were accompanied by a commissary, en* 
gineer and a number of carpenters, who were supplied with 
all kinds of tools and implements uece&sary for the formap 
tion of a settlemeLt upon a large scale. PreTious to their 
dopaiture a Board was constituted, of which BoTcrly Rob- 
inson, Esq., was appointed Prehident, whose duty it was to 
apportion a pecuniary donation of GoTemmeut among th* 
most meritoiious of the settlers. 

The associates and their families sailed from New York 
harbor on the 27th of April, 1783, iu a fleet of eighteen 
aquare-rigged tessels, and several sloops and schoonerSi 
supported by two ships of wsr. Choosing a situstion, a 
town was laid out, consisting of five parallel streets, sixty 
feet wide, int«rt»4H*ted bv others at right angles. Temporary 
huts were erected for the families, and the ground cleared 
away fur the site of the town. The Iwoseway lliver swarmed 
with salmon and gah)*r<tiu, and the liaibor uas filled with 
cod, halibut, lobster and hhiil-ii^h. in July the erection of 
aubstuntial houses was eoiumcnced. The following month 
Governor I'arr visited the pluco and couffricd u{)on it a 
name by dt inking prosperity l) tiu* town of >Sh*lhurnf. A 
complete inundation of tlrtin;^' Li'Mkii-^i.t poured iuto the 
half-built town duiiiig the auttunn, and tuv limits of the 
growing city had to bt* en.aigrd. Within a year the |>o)»u- 
Utiou of bhelhuine nached twelve or fouttt*eu thousand. 
But the town hud no buek country to supply and bt) en- 
riched by; and ti^o coloniHts, Iuo^tIy of the wfalthi«*r class 

from the cities, would not engage in the fisherieo. The 

10 « 



■MUn OOOUFATIOV Ml 

In 1795, the MarooDB Again appcmred in arms, and swooped 
down from their mountain faBtuesses, carrying destnicUon 
and alarm all OTer the ialand. Thej established their head- 
quarters at a place called the ^ Cockpit," a deep rallej sur- 
rounded bj steep precipices and mountains of a prodigious 
hight, in the caves of which thej had placed their women 
and children, and deposited their ammunition. From this 
secure retreat, they sent out small parties of their ableai 
joung men, who prowled about the country, gathering ap 
proTisiona, and applying the midnight torch to unprotected 
dwellings, and murdering in cold blood, such of the white 
people as came into their hands, without regard to age or 
•ex. The Earl of Belcarras and General Walpole proceed- 
ed against them with a body of troops, but so great were 
the difflcnltiee enooontered, that they nearly despaired of 
•objngating this people. The Cockpit oould be reached od- 
ly by a path down a steep rock, one hundred and fifty feel 
in almost perpendicular deeoent This obetaole the lf»- 
ffoons surmounted without difficulty. Habituated to em- 
ploy their naked feet with singular efTect in elimbing up 
trees and precipices, they had acquired a dexterity, whieh, 
to the British troops, was wholly inimitable. The great 
lack of the Maroons in this impregnable retreat, was a full 
supply of water. For a time their thirst was assuaged by a 
aubstitute for natural springs furnished by a species of pine 
growing ii^ the pit; this finally faileil them, but it is not 
known what the issue might have been, had nut an unusual 
and cruel measure been resorted to by way of enforcing sub- 
jugation. 

The British Commissioners who went to Uavanna for a^ 
•iatance, arrived at Moutego Bay with forty (Jhtustur$^ or 
Spanish hunters, (chiefly people of color.) and one hundred 
and twenty Spanish dogs. A great pro|>ortion of these an* 
imals were not regularly trained, so that the fugitives whoai 
ihitij overtook had no chance to escape being torn in pieoet 



IK AflABU 

bj them. These Spanish Chasseurs had bonnd ih^nselTev 
^to go to the Island of Jamaica, taking each three dogs for 
Che hunting and seizing of negroes; that when arrived, and 
informed of the situation of the runaway or rebellious ne- 
groes, we oblige ourselYes to practice erery means that maj 
be necessary to pursue, and to apprehend with our dogs,, 
said rebellious negroes.** Thus the authorities may be said 
literally to have let loose *^ the dogs of war " against the pro- 
scribed Maroons. 

This harsh measure had the effect of bringing about a 
truce : terrified and humbled, the insurgents sued for peace ^ 
six hundred of the Trelawney Maroons were put on board 
three transports at Bluefields, in Jamaica, and in six weeks 
were safely landed in Halif at. They had been provided with 
all manner of necessaries and acconmiodations at sea, and 
provision made for their subsistence after reaching land : 
the sum of £25,000 bad been furnished by the Jamaica Leg- 
islature for the purpose. 

On their arrival at Halifax Harbor, his Highness, Prince 
Edward, then in the country, was greatly anxious to see a 
people who had for months successfully resisted a greatly 
superior force of British troops. The Prince, on going on 
board tbe Dover, found a detachment of British Regulars 
drawn up on tbe quarter-deck, their arms rested and music 
playing. Tbe Maroon men, in a uniform dress, were ar- 
ranged in lines on each side tbe whole length ^f the ship, 
and tbe women and cbildien forwai'd, dressed clean and 
neat. Accustomed to view lines of men with a verv dis* 
criminating eye, tbe just proportions of tbeir limbs did noj 
escape tbe notice of tbe Prince. 

It being midsummer, temporary bouses were erected, 
and otbers bircd for tbem, and tbe Governor allotted tha 
barns of bis farm for tbe same purpose. Tbey were em- 
ployed on tbe fortifications of Halifax : the Maroon Bastion 
was erected and designated a monument of their active in 



niOLUH OCCUFATlOll S9t 

dnstry. Id a wdrd, this dremdfal baDditU were consiclered 
m greet eoquintion to the country. It was not long before 
this people showed signs of discontent ; those who were in- 
•tmmental in their transportation began to hare fears thej 
might ha?e naade a mistake ; in 1800 thej were reembarked 
at Hft^i^*, and sent to Sierra Leone. Thus ended the set- 
tlement of Maroons in Nova Scotia, after an expenditure of 
£46,000 on the part of the Island of Jamaica, and a rtrj 
great outlay by Great Britain. 

At the conclusion of the war of 1812, a large body of es- 
caped slaves were permitted to take refuge on board the 
British squadron, blockading the Chesapeake and southern 
harbors, and were afterwards landed at Halifax. Thev had 
imbibed the theory that liberty consisted in total exemption 
from labor; and unaccustomed to provide for their own 
wants, they eked out an existence by cultivating small gar- 
dens through the summer, and subsisting on rations allowed 
tbam by government during the winter. In the neighbor- 
hood of Halifax are settlements composed wholly of blacks^ 
who experience during the rigorous season all the miserj 
Incident to improvidence. The following is a pen picture: 

^In a few minutes we saw a big house perched on a bone 
of granite, and presently another cabin came in view. Then 
other scare-crow edifices wheeled in sight as we drove along i 
nil forlorn, all patched with mud, all {>erchod on barren 
knoUs, high up, like ragged redoubts of |>ovcrty, armed at 
erery window with a formidable artillery of old hats, rolls 
of ragiy quilts, carpets, and indescribable bundles, or bar- 
ricaded with boards to keep out the sunshine. The people 
tiving here are descendants of escaped slaves from the Uni- 
ted States. They are a miserable lot; they won*t work, 
and they shiver it out here as well as they can. But in the 
ctrmwberry seasou th*-v make a little money.** 

In 1S21, ninety of thi*iM* people were ocmveyed by permit* 
d fOTemmenti in chartered vessels, to 



SM ' yamk 

The traveler of the present day, seated in one of the oom-^ 
fortable coaches of the Inter-colonial Railway en route for 
Halifax, on leaving Valley Station in the city of St John^ 
and passing rapidly out through Marsh Valley, will soon 
see the broad waters of Eennebecasis Bay opening on the 
left. The ever-changing and picturesque scenery of New 
Brunswick engages the attention of the tourist, and he speed-^ 
ily finds himself amid the pleasant rural scenes of the fa* 
mous farm-lands of Sussex Vale. This tract was settled by 
the military corps of New Jersey Loyalists, [mostly Gter- 
mans,] of Revolutionary fame ; their descendants now oo-^ 
cupy the dwellings and till the lands donated to their fath-^ 
ers by the King of Great Britain. "Good roads, excellent 
crops, comfoi*table houses, commodious churches, well- 
taught schools, an intelligent and industrious people, all in 
the midst of scenery beautifully varied with hill and valley^ 
mountain and meadow, forest and flood," are among the 
characteristics ascribed to Sussex Vale. 

A ride of two hours more brings the traveler into the val- 
ley of the Petitcodiac River : the quaint houses and barns- 
betoken the inhabitants to be of German origin ; history as* 
serts their ancestors were German Loyalists from Pennsyl* 
vania. The pretty village of Moncton is at the head of nav« 
igation on the Petitcodiac, and its name perpetuates the 
memory of one of the early conquerors of the country. The 
visitor must not omit to stop here, to see the great "bore,** 
or tide-wave, of the Bay of Fundy. At the beginning of 
flood-tide a wall of water, from four to six feet high, sweepa 
up the river, and in the space of six hours the stream risea 
over seventy feet. 

The Halifax train runs out to the northeast from Mono* 
ton, but after a stretch of a few miles, deflects to the south* 
east into the Memramcook Valley. Hei*e the tourist finds 
himself in the midst of rural farm scenes, peopled with a 
peasantry having the unmistakable impress of a French 



BVOUfll OOOOPATIOH tM 

origin I ha U told these are the deeoeodante of th« 
Acadian Neutrals, beariog the family names of LeBlanOt 
Helan^D, and others equally historic — A walk of a few 
minutes in the leading streets of Boston or New York will 
rereal palaces of oliTs-colored sandstone, quarried from 
among the fir-clad mountains bordering the Memramoook 
Bi?er. 

At SackTille the train crosses the Tantramar RiTer— « 
name corrupted from a French word signifying ^ a thunder* 
ing noise,*' and suggested by the noise and fury of the rush* 
ing tide ; thence the course is laid out on the wide Tantra* 
mar Marsh, the dread of winter travelers and the bane of 
railway managers, whose trains are often blockaded on these 
plains during the snow-storms of winter. To the north* 
east is Cape Tormentine, *'the great headland which forms 
the eastern extremity of New Brunswick within the Oulf,* 
a same likewise suggested by the fury of the relentless sea. 
It is from a point on this Cape that the winter mail-serrice 
is eondncted between New Brunswick and Prince Edward 
Island; where the mails, passengers and baggage are salv 
jeeted to an exciting and {>erilous transit in ice-boats aeross 
the Northumberland Strait 

These pretty hamlets, nestled in the picturesque TalleTai 
DOW the abode of a contented and well- to-do people, sur- 
coonded with quiet, pastoral scenes, are in strong contrast 
with the deeds enacted there little moro than a century ago» 
when tha French Neutrals were hunted like wild beasts 
among these mountains, when the midnight sky was illo- 
mined by the flames of their burning dwelliogs, and neither 
agei sex, nor infirmity senred to moTe the heart of the ooo* 
qoeror in eompassion. 

ne tract of country comprised in the townships of Tro- 
to, Onslow, Londonderry, and Economy, is unsurpassed l^ 
any in the Prorince for richness of soil^ The bay, washing 
its shores for upwards of sixty miles, is easily nsTigated^-^ 



396 A^'APTA 

• 

On the opposiie side of the Basin is the indenture made bj 
the Shubenacadie, with its fif tj-f eet flood-tide, its current of 
eight miles an hour and its banks containing inexhausti- 
ble treasures of gypsum, limestone, and freestone. 

The first settlers of Tmro, under Biitish domination, 
were from New Hampshire, from a stock originally hailing 
from Ireland. They comprised part of a volunteer force 
sent out by that colony ; having seen the country, they were 
so well pleased that they returned with their families and 
settled as soon as they were disbanded. At first they lived 
onder great terror of the Indians, and a stockaded fort was 
their resort at night for a long time. When they first came, 
Ihey found two barns to be the only French buildings re- 
maining : this circumstance was the occasion of a part of 
the township being called ** Old Barns," or ** Bam Yillage." 
Remnants of French orchards are still to be found in the 
neighborhood. 

This part of the Province attracted the early French set- 
tlers in large numbers. Some idea of the former popula- 
tion of Londonderry may be formed by the size of the Gith- 
olic chapel, which was one hundred feet long and forty feet 
wide. This spacious building, together with the dwelling 
houses, was destroyed by the Provincial troops on the dis- 
persion of the Acadians in 1755. 

The rich dike land bordering the Hiver Misseguash, and 
the border line between the Provinces of Nova Scotia and 
New Brunswick, is occupied by the descendants of the Aca- 
dians, New England emigrants, and the posterity of a few 
families from the north of Ireland. Here stood the two 
rival forts of Beausejour and Lawrence, separated by the 
little stream. Many traditional anecdotes of the siege of 
the foimer fort have been handed doWn to the present gen- 
eration. It is said that while preparations were making for 
the attack, parties of the French and English would meet at 
the river and indulge in some good-natured banter as to the 



of Lojiliscs from Wcstckcster, Sew York. Ik m 
ibtj wen ^xxrweUd thither bj the mpilarity of ths 
lo that from whkh thcj emigrated. Ths — ^'•'■^»*^ ns m- 
jndieioas: from the expoeed rtnarirm of the top of the Co- 
beijiikl Mofmteinm, thej are oiTeLoped m fiamfniai CaQa of 
mum in, winter, and inco o f cni eaeed by heB;f7 filla of nam 
insomoMr. 

A gnmi of aix thoaaand acrca on tibe ao uth f i a eoaai of 
the Got of Caoao, waa made aboot the jear 1786 to a €oaa> 
pany of fifty Loyaliata, who had joined the Bcitxdi troopa 
at St. Angostine, and embari[ed with them for thia l^ov- 

fDOG. They were hmded at theGathdein theantomnyaiid 
anfbred terribly from the unexpected aei ei ity of the win* 
ter. The differenee between raising indigo and tobaeeo on 
the natural sarannahs of Florida, and raising polatoea oa 
■oil from which they had first to remore the Nora Seotiaa 
forest, was so great as to discourage them ; the adjoining 
fisheries promising a less laboriooa meana of sapport* thej 
were induced to embark to a great extent in maritime piir» 
suits. 

Windsor, on the rirer Avon,* is a place of interest from 
the fact that it is the principal port from which gypsum is 
shipped, a fertilizer held in high esteem by the fanners of 



* The tourist who passes from Grand Pre to Windsor daring the >uniii 
of low tide, will sympathize with the trsTeler who says* "the Avon would 
haye been a charming river if there had been a drop of water in it I 
never knew before how much water adds to a river. I think it would be 
confusing to dwell by a river that runs first one way and then the others 
and then vanishes altogether." Another description rons thns: **Th» 
tide was ont, leaving the red river-bottom entirely bare. After an ab» 
sence of an hour or more, I loitered back, when to my surprise there W9% 
a river like the Hndson at Catskill, mDning up with a powerfol earrent 
The high wharf, npon which but a short time before I had stood »^ 
sorveyed the unsightly fields of mud, was now up to its middle in the 
deep and whirling stream. " 



fbe United SUies. This fonil orop« oai mhow% ihm toil ill 
numy pUces in Windsors on the northern aide of the Si. 
Croix it rises into a high, murml precipice for scTersl milee^ 
|t is accompanied and sometimes intermingled with lime- 
itone, for which it has a strong affinity, the one being a car* 
bonale and the other a sulphate of lime. The ground in 
which it occurs is often much broken, abounding in circular 
cavities known in local parlance as '* kettle holes,** in which 
tbare hare sometimes been found the bones of animals and 
the skeletons of Indians who had fallen into these caTems 
and could not extricate themselves. Oypsum is seldom 
found in an unbroken strata; large veins of loam are scat* 
iered through the rocks, also red and blue clay with layera 
of lime. It is quarried by the aid of gunpowder, and brok* 
en into suitable sizes for exportation by the pick -axe. 

The township of Comwaliii was settled by emigrants froBS 
Connecticut, who arri? ed in June, 1760, and took possessioa 
of the lands formerly owned by the French Neutrala. Thej 
met with a few straggling families of these people, who had 
escaped from the soldiers at the time of the forced removal 
of their countrymen, and who, afraid of sharing the sama 
late, bad not ventured to till the land, or to appear in tha 
open country. The cleared lanils everywhere skirted tha 
flMadows, and on all of them were found the ruins of tha 
houses that had been burned by the Provincials under CoL 
mnslow five years before. There were likewise small gar- 
dens encircled by cherry trees and currant bushes, and amall 
orchards or rather clumps of apple trees. Groups of wil« 
lows, ** those never-failing appendages of an .\cadian settle* 
meat,** bore silent testimony of an exiled rac««. 

Am the Indians were both numerous aiitl unfriendly, and 
some fears prevailed that the few remaining French would 
asolest the new occupants of the confiscated farms, stock* 
aded honaea were erected for the general d ef en s e 

Tha townahip of Lunenburg was peopled by emigranii 



•30U ACADIA 

from Gkrmanj, and is the oldest settlemeoty next to Hali* 
fax, formed under English patronaga In 1750, ih« Iiorda 
of Trade of Great Britain caused a proclamation to be post- 
^ up in the several populous towns of Oermanj, offering 
inducements to settle in Nora Scotia. That year one hun- 
dred and fifty Germans and Swiss were induced to sell their 
^ects and embark for Halifax. The rocky coast, the inter- 
minable forest, and the sterility of the soil, impressed the 
adventurers unfavorably. By the year 1753, the number 
had been increased to upwards of sixteen hundred persons^ 
when a new settlement was determined on, in a valley be- 
tween two round, green hills, at the head of a beautiful bay, 
to which they gave the name of Lunenburg. As the In- 
dians were very numerous, and exceedingly hostile, mur- 
dering every man who ventured alone into the woods, nine 
block-bouses were built, and the settlement enclosed with a 
fence of palisades, or timbers sharpened at the points, and 
firmly set in the ground. 

While the hardships and dangers incident to their situa- 
tion had discouraged the settlers and soured their tempers^ 
a report was industriously circulated among them that they 
bad been defrauded of a large part of the provisions and 
stores destined for their use, through the dishonesty of 
some of the officials. As they bad all been supplied with 
fire-arms, they resolved to redress their own grievances ; the 
-civil authority was quickly overpowered, and nearly the 
whole of the settlers were in a state of open rebellion. A 
fitrong military force was sent from Halifax to quell the in- 
subordination. Two of the ring-leaders having been shot, 
the insurgents submitted; four hundred and fifty fire-locks 
were surrendered and deposited in the King's stores, and 
the people returned to their respective employments. In 
1754 supplies of cattle were received from the agents of the 
government, and the following year this stock was augment- 
ed by some of the confiscated property of the Acadians. 



noum ooouPAnov 801 

After Um •zpultioii of the latUr from the territory, a ptrty 
of men merched through the woods from Luoenbarg to tho 
Betin of Hidm, and collected and droTe off upwards of one 
baodred and twenty bead of horned cattle, and a number 
of horaea. After infinite labor thej only ^succeeded in con* 
ducting to Lunenburg sixty oxen and cows, as the rest of 
the cattle and all the horses died during the journey of fa- 
tigue and hunger. The inhabitants had been supplied with 
prorisions at the public expense until June 1754, when the 
allowance was withheld, except from the aged and infirm* 
In consequence of the depredations of the savages, GoTer* 
nor Lawrence offered a reward, bv proclamation, of £30 for 
•Tery male Indian prisoner and £2.3 for his scalp, with a 
proportionate reward for each woman and child, or scalp. 
The premiums were wholly unattainablo by these foreign- 
ers, who were ignorant of the surrounding woodn, and whoy 
if they chanced to diKCOTcr Indian tracen, too often found, 
to their cost, that these tracks were made to lead them iu« 
to ambush. This state of warfare continued till the peoiro 
of 1760, over a term of seven jeartt, during which there uaa 
an increase in the population of only seven souls. Fi « m 
that time until the commencement of the Revolution, Lu« 
nenburg steadily advanced in wealth and population ; but 
during that war it nut uith repeated rever^ct^ in the ca{>* 
lure of its vesHeU and the plunder of the nettle menL In Ju* 
iy, 1782, six nail of Anieiican privateers ariivtd at I«i:nen« 
burg, under comnmnd of Capt. Stoddar^l, and nii;* tv n.eu 
were lan<l<Hl and the place HurpriM-d. llu\iii^; tukf-n a oimk- 
boUHC defendi'd by Cojonel Cm i;;ht<in with a io?.>. cf tLrre 
men kilic*d, the asmiilantM plundeied the town, buintd sev- 
eral liouKeH, and carried away or ii« stroyetl propiriy to the 
Talue of £12,000. Upon thnat* nin;; to i);itn the to%\u, the 
inhabitants executed a bond for itn lan^oiu in the sum of 
X1,0U0. During the continuanre of the war they were in 
constant liread of a similar visiU 



802 AOADU 

With the war of 1812, American priTateers were again on 
tbe coast. The former wooden fortifications of Lunenburg 
baying been suffered to decay, four new block-bouses were 
erected. In June, 1813, two men-of-war were seen c h asi ng 
an armed schooner into Mahone Bay. The alarm guns in 
the block-houses and outposts were immediately fired, and 
the militia of the country hastily assembled at the sum- 
mons. The movements of the vessels were carefully ob- 
aenred until sundown, when they came to anchor. Boata 
were then hoisted out of the ships and manned, and aeni 
in pursuit of the schooner, but before they reached her a 
dreadful explosion took places and an immense ekmd of 
amoke was seen issuing from her ruins. Darknasi now 
came on, and the people of Lunenburg lay upon their anna 
all night, not knowing whether a friendly or a hostilo f oree 
waa in the harbor. Tbe next day a boat arriTed with six 
American prisoners, all dreadfully mutilated, moat of iriiom 
were obliged to undergo some immediate amputation. The 
two ships of war were under English colors, and had ehaaed 
the American priTateer, Teaser^ into the Bay. One of the 
officers of the privateer, who was an English deserter, know- 
ing the fate that awaited him if captured, and failing to in- 
spire the crew with his own feeling of desperate resistance, 
deliberately set fire to the magazine, killing ninety-four of 
the one hundred men on board of her, including himself. 

Students of American history will recollect the celebrated 
cavalry of Tarleton, the hero of Waxhaw, North Carolina, 
in the Be volution. This arm of the British service, known 
throughout the South as Tarleton's Legion, at the close of 
the war were pensioned for their services with a grant of 
land in Nova Scotia by King George III. They selected a 
site at the head of Mouton Harbor, on the southern coast 
of the Province at its western extremity, and began the 
foundation of a town which they called Guysboro, after the 
Christian name of the Governor of Canada, Sir Guy Carle- 



nouni oooQFATKni 801 

toiw They looii perceiTed they bad Mieetod iDJadieioiiBlyt 
the toil being stoDj and barren, with little in faror of tha 
location except a good harbor. Thej had erected a few 
houaea» still thej determined on abandoning the place; 
while making preparations for removing their effects, a fire 
broke out, consaming the town to ashes; the measure of 
their calamities was filled up bj the total loss of their lira- 
atockt furniture and wearing appareL A more complete da- 
atmction than that which overtook the Teterans of Wazhaw 
cannot well be imagined; and had not a King*s ship been 
dispatched from Halifax with provisions for their reUa( 
thej must ineritablj have perished from famine. Most of 
theas aufferers bj the conflagration removed to the eaaterm 
part of the Provinoe, where thej founded another settle* 
meotv naming that likewise. On jsboro. 

The township of Tarmouth, at the western extremitj of 
Nora Scotia, contains no less than eightj lakes: to a bird 
fljing overhead it must seem like a patch-work of blue and 
gresn, in which the blue predominates^ Thej are nearljaU 
eonnected with the Tuaket River, and are generallj small, 
inegular in ahape, and surrounded with stunted timber. In 
Ibe picturesque Argjle Baj adjoining are the beautiful 
groopa of Tusket Isles; **Like most other collections of 
islands on this continent, they are popularlj supposed to be 
865 in number, though they do not claim to possess an in* 
torcalarj islet hke that on Lake George [New York], which 
appears only every fourth year.** The Tuskets vary in siae 
from Morris Island, three luilen in length, to the smallest 
tuft^rowiieil rock, resembling a little basket of overgreena, 
floating ou the water. The scenery of Argyle Bay is ex* 
Irciuclj benutiful of its kind :— cottages embowered in the 
forests of lir and Kpruce, and the masts of small fishing vee- 
aols peeping up from eviTv little cove, with innumerable 
islands and |>eniniiulas enclosing the blue sea in er^ry di- 
reetion; while beyond, amid the scenerj of the Tuskel 

r 



904 ACADU 

Lakes, are the Blae Mountains, the paradise of the mooafr 

and trout. 

Among these narrow passes, hundreds of Aeadians took 
refuge during the persecutions of 1755-60, and seTer- 
al settlements were formed bj them here. .The remains of 
a flourishing one existed up to a recent period at the head 
of the Chegoggin Marsh, and the apple trees, stona walls, 
and cellars on Ghebogue River are said to be relics of the 
aame people. But even the solitude and seclusion of thi» 
spot did not save them from the pursuit of their enemies. 
A Bntish frigate was sent down to hunt them out. A small 
boat was dispatched at the mouth of the Tusket River, and, 
guided by native pilots, ascended the stream and its chain 
of lakes, to invest this asylum. The invaders had advanced 
to within a mile of the village, and were arrived at a nar- 
row place where the river is contracted to twenty or thiiiy 
yards in width. Here the pass is overarched by the branch- 
es of the sombre pine, enveloping the stream in shade ; un- 
der the umbrageous foliage, an ambuscade had been formed 
by the fugitives, and the unsuspecting crew, surprised un- 
der the very muzzle of their assailants* guns, received a fa- 
tal dischai'ge of musketry which destroyed the entire party. 
This sanguinary triumph only served to render the fate of 
the Aeadians more certEun, and they were at last compelled 
to fly. Some escaped to the woods and affiliated with the 
Indians, never afterward returning to the haunts or habits 
of the white man ; but the greater part were captured, and 
transported with their families to New England. After 
many yeai's they were permitted to return, and the Aeadi- 
ans of Clare, Eel Brook, and Pubnico are chiefly the descend- 
ants of these people. 

In 1761, a few families from Massachusetts were attract- 
ed to Nova Scotia by the rich alluvial t>f Chebogue Marsh, 
and the valuable fisheries adjacent. The greater part of 
them settled at the head of the marsh, on the site of » 



XlKiLIBB OOCVPAnOV SOS 

Fr«iidi Tillage, and in moat inatancaa thaj areeUd thafar 
booaaa on the callara which had been dog by their prade- 
eaaaora. Haring carried them to a atate of completion af« 
fording a tolerable shelter, the new aettlera eaaayed the aeri- 
ooa taak of paaaing their first winter in the dreary and lone- 
ly apot of which they had taken possession. They had 
brought with them two horaea, aix oxen, and a number of 
cows and calvea; the horses they immediately aent back aa 
naelsaa incnmbranoea. Orer half the cattle died of hunger 
and expoaore, and the rest were killed for food. The win- 
ter waa terrible in ita aererity ; snow lay on the groand four 
montha to a depth of four feet An accident baring befall- 
eo the veaael on which they were totally dependant for sup- 
plies, they were reduced to the most pitiable condition for 
want of proTisions. For a long time they were without 
bread, potatoea, or any substitute; a few actually periahed 
from want of suitable nutriment. Six families, terrified and 
diaheartened, returned home by the first opportunity; tba 
remainder, being joined by other emigranta from the flah* 
ing towna of New England, effected a permanspt ssttla 
menu 

TU ISLAXn OF CAYB BaXTOS. 

The laland of Cape Breton, formerly denominated by ila 
French masters, L'Isle Royal, has been termed the key to 
Ibe Oulf of St Lawrence, from the fact that it commanda 
all aceeas from the Atlantic, except by the circuitous route 
of the straits of Bellisle, round the uortbem extremity of 
Newfoundland. Nearly one third of (he auperfidal area of 
the ialand ia corered with water, being divided into two nat- 
ural though continuous divisions by the Great and Little 
Braa d*Or Channela, and the inland aea known aa Braa d*Or 
Lake. The land ia well adapted to cultivation, and the tim* 
ber ia of good aiae except near the margin of the eliflbv 



806 ACADIA 

where is osnally a growth of spraoe and other erergreenSy 
aU mdining landwards from the fury of the Atlantic stonns. 
The beaatj of the bays, the densely wooded shoresy the rich 
veins of coal, limestone, and gypsom cropping out alcmg 
the coast of these inland waters, gives them a just title to 
the ^ Arm of Qold." It is said that in some localities gyp- 
som may be quarried from the cliffs, broken up and thrown 
directly on the vessel moored at the base; and in others, 
as North Sydney, coal is delivered from the mines by let- 
ting it fall directly from the rail cars into the vessel's hold. 

Gonununication between the different towns is easily 
carried on by sailing vessels, no part of the island being 
more than ten miles from navigation, yet containing about 
the same area as New Hampshire. 

The Gut of Canso,* the thoroughfare of all the trade to 
and from the Gulf of St. Lawrence, separating the Island of 
Cape Breton from the peninsula of Nova Scotia, is about 
fifteen miles long, and one mile wide. The scenery of this 
strait is spoken of by travelers as surpassing anything else 
of the kind in America, and it has been poetically styled the ' 
'^ Golden Qsie of the St Lawrence Gulf." There is a very 
strong current here. The tide seldom runs at a less rate 
than from four to five miles an hour, but no tabulated cal- 
endar of the Canso tides can be made on account of the great 
influence of winds upon them. It is not unusual for the 
stream of the strait to run one way for several days in suc- 
cession. A southerly gale, by accelerating the ebb of the 
St Lawrence, causes the water to flow through towards the 
Gulf ; while a northwest wind will force a current into the 
.Atlantic until the level of the water is restored. 

Cape Breton was settled by Scotch and Irish emigrantsy 
French Acadians, and a number of Loyalists from the Unit- 



*From the Spanish word Ganso, signifying a goose^ a name given to 
it on Mooont of the immeniie nomben of geese formerly f oond Umnu 



nauai ooovfatioii MT 

^ SUUc Orer twenty-fiTe thousand Sooioh emignnU 
liA?e Mitled on this island, and it will probably STer ba a 
Scottish land. After the dispersion of the Highland clans 
and the final pacification of Northern Scotland, the ebief- 
taiiis and nobles found it more profitable to derote their es- 
tates to cattle-raising, than to maintain the old tenantry 
system. So thousands of poor tenant farmers were expelled 
from their ancient homes to make room for deer-parks and 
sheep-farms among the glens. Driren from their holdings, 
the poor Highlanders took refuge in the New World, thou- 
sands of miles from their early associations and the church* 
yard where lay the bones of their fathers ; on a foreign shore, 
amid strange scenes they built new homes, and have become 
a well-to-do people. The selfish policy of the powerful no- 
bles depopulated whole districts of the Highlands. 

The northern part of the island is mountainous, and the 
shores bleak and inhospitable. The northeast storms of 
November and December hurry many a ressel on to this 
rocky coast, where, if the crow effect a landing, they wan- 
der in ignorance of the course to be taken until their limbs 
ars frozen, and the only records left of their distress are 
tbeir bones whitening on the shore. Sometimes they reach 
tta settlements to the southward, only with the loss of their 
hands or feet from frost bite. 

The shore from Cape St Lawrence to Cape North, tha 
two northern extremities of the island, preseotsperpendicu- 
lar difis which descend into the sea without a beach bor- 
der, against which the sea dashes with terrific Tiolenoe. — 
Some of the mountains exceed tweWe hundred feet in hight, 
on which the ice and snow of winter form glaciers, whose 
debris is often seen in the Talleys. Ten miles to seaward 
from Cape North lies the fatal St Paal, a barren and rocky 
isle, whose grim, precipitous shores have been the nnmarksd 
gratra of thousands. Washing anx>ng its rocks ars to ba 
ihm booaa of ita nctims, and numbers of auaalfa a»> 



808 AOADU 

ebon lie aronndy under the water, the only remaining 
tiges of ships there dashed to pieces. Thus placed in the 
great entrance of the Golf, where perplexing fogs and nyi- 
able currents conspire to hnrry the unsuspecting mariner 
against the rocks, ^ the fatal shock at once precipitates ship» 
crew, and cargo, to the depths below.** The Acadiang of 
Oheticamp used to visit St. Paul Island erery spring, to ae* 
cure the valuable part of cargoes which the sea threw up on 
its shores. 

To the south and east of Cape North, that ^ watchtower 
of the Ckdf, beneath the brow of which all must pass thai 
approach or depart from the great St. Lawrence,** is Aspy 
Bay. The settlers here are gathered around the lagunes, 
or as they call them, barrcuoU. These people are farmer- 
fishermen. Their farms extend along the rivers and sur- 
round the head of the bay. Here the northeast storms of 
the Atlantic have swept up a fine sand, forming a beautiful 
beach. Coins, to a large amount, are thrown up from the 
ocean, — ^the cargo of some vessel with specie foundered there. 

The rivers fiowing into the Bras d'Or are, in general, 
streams of one hundred feet in width, and peculiarly errat- 
ic in their course. They are usually obstructed at their 
mouths by low marshy islands, overhung with the dark fo- 
liage of the hemlock and spruce. The water is wont to be 
sluggish, the surface disfigured by huge roots and branches 
of fallen trees, brought down by the spring freshets, and 
there water-logged and sunk, to the no small peril, in a 
dark night, of the frail birch-bark canoes of the Indiana. 
Remains of gigantic animals are found in the vicinity of the 
Bras d'Or. Thigh bones six feet in length have been dla> 
covered in the bottom of the lake. In the bed of a tribu- 
tary river an extraordinary skull was discovered Of what- 
ever nature these colossal creatures may have been that an* 
ciently tenanted the wilds or the waters of Cape Breton^ 
their race is now utterly extinct* 



i 



mOLIlB OOOOPAYIOV 80t 

WiniflT hwU from the beginniDg of NoTember to tlM «nd 
«f April Th« ioe in the harbor of Sydney seldom hreeh 
up nntfl the middle of the latter month, and for two months 
following the ooast is subject to the Tisitations of drift ice 
from the Ghilf of St Lawrence, — a great impediment both 
to navigation and vegetation. Few winters pass without a 
depression of the mercury to twenty degrees below zero^ 
and sometimes to thirty. The country is also subject to 
great and sudden changes of temperature^thaws of a week*s 
duration often occurring in mid-winter. It is this that 
prores so destructire to plants not indigenous to the cli- 
mate, rather than the severity of the cold. During a bright 
forenoon in spring, the mercury rises to summer heat, and 
has been noticed at ninety-six; the land thus heated, hav* 
ing communicated its temperature to the atmosphere causes 
a to ascend, producing a current from seaward, which drivea 
the mssflinr of loose ice into the harbors: the presence of the 
ioe brings the adjacent shores rapidly down to the freesing 
point 

A terrible gale swept the Oulf of St Lawrence in August, 
1873, wrecking hundreds of vessels. The storm attained iU 
greatest force around the Island of Cape Breton ; it lasted 
only a few hours, but wsm fearfully destructive in its effectSi 
and strewed all the neighboring coasts with drowned mari- 
nsra. Over sixty sail from the New England harbor of 
Gloucester alone, wore included among the lout The storm 
has since been known as The Lord*» Day Qale, from the 
day on which it commenced. The morning dawned 
and clear, and 

** Wm nerer s OloooMUr iJdpper there 
Bel thought trdoog. with m right good tu% 
T6 MO for homo from 8t. Imrnnom Bigr** 



Towards noon the breexe freshened, and at nigfatfaU* tha 
alorm was beating upon the Gulf in all its fuiy. Bol 



810 AOiDu 

"Hie bedtime bells in Glouceeter town 

That Sabbath night rang soft and dear; 
The sailors' children laid them down, — 

Dear Lord ! their sweet prayers couldst thou hear? 
'Tis said that gently blew the winds ; 
The good-wives, throngih the seaward blinds, 

Looked down the bay and had no fear." 

NEWFOUNDLAND. 

The Island of Newfoundland, called HeUuland by Vt» 
early Norse navigators, is of triangular configuration, Witii 
bold and rocky shores springing directly out of the AUan^ 
tic It is located on the ocean highway from England to 
New York ; its area is considerable more than that of Ire- 
land, while its coast line is double that of the AClan& 
States. It is separated from the bleak and barren coasts of 
Labrador by the narrow Strait of Bellisle, and is washefl 
by the waters of the Laurentian Gulf on the west. It is th^ 
home of the cod and seal fishers, whose rude huts and fiah* 
flakes line the shores of its deeply indented bays. These 
flakes are frames constructed of poles, on which are spread 
codfish, dressed and salted, to be dried in the sun. Many 
parts of the narrow line of coast are literally roofed over 
with these stages during the season, imparting a peculiar 
odor to the atmosphere. In March or April, almost all the 
men go out in fleets to meet the ice that floats down from 
the northern regions, to kill the seals that come down on it 
Later their boats dot the seas in the pursuit of cod ; while 
the women remain at home to plant and tend the little gar- 
dens, and dry the fish. 

In the vicinity of St. John and other considerable towns^ 
the superb villas of merchants and business men now and 
then peep out from among the dark fir woods. The brae- 
iDg atmosphere, the clear blue skies, the matchless sea- 
views, studded with islets and gay with white-winged ves* 
eels, together with the pretty pastoral scenery of the 



MMQLUB OOCUPATIOJI Sll 



try hmck of the Mttlemeiita, — sach woald be a peradiie bol 
for the long NewfoundlAncl winter. 

The island hae been termed a land of fog, — bat this feature 
is more cbaracterietic of the fishing banks, from which it is 
separated by a strip of deep water fifty miles in width.— 
Throughout the spring, summer, and fall, the fog rarely 
lifts from these banks, and a slow rain almost incessantly 
falls. Not unfrequently these fogs are so dense that ob« 
jecU within sixty feet are totally inrisible, at whioh timee 
the fishing Tessels at anchor are apt to be run down by the 
great Atlantic steamers. The proximity of icebergs which 
often ground on the banks, is indicated by the intense cold 
they send through even a midsummer day, and by the white 
glare in the air, and the roar of breakers on their sides. 
Fogs are comparatively rare ashore : the mists which enrel* 
op the banks, to the great peril of navigators, roll up, day 
by day, a huge white sea-wall, to within a mile or two 
of the coast, while within the harbor all is sunshine.— 
8ilTery ribands mark the courses of riTers that take their 
rise in lakes among mountains far in the interior, where the 
foot of drilixed man has never trod ; and, stretching through 
miles of stunted forest of fir and spruce — the home of the 
bear and cariboo — and dashing down precipices, at last find 
their way to the Atlantic. Owing to the influence of the 
Oulf Stream, frost docs Uiu come till late in October, and 
in early fall it is an excee<Ungly pleasant lan<l for the hunt* 
er. In 1822, an a^lventurous Scotchman crossed the intt»* 
rior, and his description of the natural |>arks, over which 
roamed herds of reindeer, should have attracted sportsmen. 
Fish are abundant, and trout will take ^ fly from a line held 
orer them from the hand. 

Bayard Taylor says of the Day of Bulls : •* The village is 
built around the head of the harbor; the hills behind it 
have been cleared and turned into fields of grass and bar* 
Isj. The place with its wooden church, its fish-flakes along 



812 A(UI)I4 

the water, its two or three large storehonses, its yeDow 
fielda of late hay, and the dark dwarfish woods behind, re* 
minded me of a view on one of the Norwegian fjords.'' 

Icebergs are seen off the east shore^at almost aU seasons^ 
and dense fogs are often illomined by the white glare which 
precedes them. Field-ice is also common during the sum- 
mery but is easily avoided by the warning of the ^ice-blink. ** 

The natives met with on the discovery of Newfoundland 
were Esquimaux, — ^men of stalwart frame and fierce dispo- 
sition. Their complexion was a dark red, and they were 
renowned for their courage in battle. From the first, they 
were the implacable enemies of the whites. The Micmao 
Indians of Nova Scotia and these red Indians had carried on 
a war of extermination long before the advent of Europe- 
ans ; each landing on the other's coast, scalping tl^e men, 
and carrying the women into slavery. The rifle and bayo- 
net of the white man finally overcame the valor of these 
fierce natives; abandoning the coasts they fled into the al- 
most impregnable forests of the interior. Sometimes, 2h the 
long winter nights, they crept out from their fastnesses, uid 
visited some lone hamlet with a terrible vengeance. The 
settlers, in turn, hunted them like wolves, and they were so 
reduced in numbers that they seldom ventured to appear ; 
it was known that a few lingered, but were almost forgotten. 

The winter of 1830 was unusually severe and prolonged. 
Towards spring a settler was cutting timber at some dis- 
tance from one of the remote villages, when two gaunt fig- 
ures crept out of the bush, and with sad cries and painful 
gestures implored help. The settler, terrified at their hag- 
gard looks and uncouth appearance, seized his gun and 
shot the foremost ; the other tossed his lean arms wildly in- 
to the air, and the woods rang with his despairing shriek as 
he rushed away. Since that time none of the race have been 
seen on the island; and it is believed the last of them per- 
ished from the severity of the winter. 



THB FISHEBIS& 



Strttehad along the Adantio nda of Nora Sootta, Gtpa 
Brtlon and Nawfoandland, are nomerous tracia of ahaUow 
aaai or ■abmarina fields, where the depth of the water Tariea 
Crom aixteen to aixtj fathoms. The bottoma are chiefly 
aandt ahingle and ahella, and are believed to be the sammita 
of sabmerged mountains. These so-called ^ banks** ara 
swept bj that powerfol Atlantic current caUed the Oulf 
Stream, and owe their changes and perhaps their f ormatioDt 
io ita action. The Oulf Stream is a mid-ooean rirer pouring 
out of the Oulf of Mexico, at a temperature several degrees 
higher than that of the ocean at the equator, and falling 
only to eighty degrees when in the vicinity of the Qrand 
BanksL This stream is of an indigo blue, with boundaries 
sharply defined against the light green of the seas through 
which it passes,* and is the home of multitudes of fishi 
while the many indentures of the adjacent ahores, commit 
nicating with hundreds of fresh- water streams, by furnishing 
favorable ground for spawning and abundance of rich ezuvuv 
on which to feed, render the locality still more favorable as 
Ibe resort of the finny tribes. 

Early in April the herring rush in from the AUanti* 



*Tbii cbsass it to soddai thai vImb s ahlp ii sraHta^ Chi Um^ 
dropped tb» MOM inrtsBi tnm hm how 
of thiit J degiMi^ 




814 AOIDU 

towards the shores in dense shoals. Ood, haddock andpoU 
lock follow them, and feed upon the flanks of the advance 
armies: these. in turn are pursued by sharks and other fish 
of prey, and it is not until the harmless tribes enter the liv- 
eM and estuaries that they obtain respite from their Tora- 
eious enemies. Here they are assailed by every device thai 
man can invent for their capture, before their rear is fairly 
safe from attack by the hungry tribes of the deep ; and had 
not Ood created them with wonderful powers of reprodno- 
tion, nothing short of annihilation could result. Fattened 
by the exuvisa of the creeks and bays, they supply not only 
the wants of the farmer-flshermen along the coasts, bat fur- 
nish the great fish marts of the world; and they are no- 
where else found so varied in kind and so abundant in 
quantity. Even during the coldest days of winter the shore- 
man can live upon this cheap luxury taken from the water 
within sight of his cabin window. Not unfrequently the 
fish are taken in such numbers that the farmer drives his 
team to the shore and loads his wagon from the ^'haul," 
while quantities of the dead and dying fish are left to be 
washed away by the next tide.* 

The revenue from this source was one of the chief causes 
of the early broDe between the French and English in Aca- 
dia. After the treaty of Paris, when France renounced her 
claim to the western empire, England and her colonies main- 
ly shared the fisheries between them. Among the vexed 



^ The seal fishery is still prosecnied with profit in the Golf of 8t 
Lawrence and on the coast of Newfoundland. When the Enropeans firsl 
began to freqnent Ganso as a fishing station, walms were qniie abund- 
imt, and their teeth, which equal the ivory of the elephant^ formed a tal« 
liable article of trada When the ice-fields became dosed, these aaifartitTf 
would sometimes land and sport on the snow. They were attaaked bj 
bands of fishermen with spears, and such havoo was made among them 
Oiat they finally disappeared. At North Cape their bonee are still foud 
in the forest 



818 

questions out of which grew the War of the Berolotion, this 
•abject WM a fruitful source of disagreement ; and one of 
tlie first measures of the mother country to bring the colo- 
nists into obedience^ was to deprire them of their right in 
Acadian fisheries. 

During that war, the colonies neglected this branch of in- 
dustry, the New EIngland mariners having engaged in ths 
less sure but more alluring business of priTateering. The 
treaty of peace of 1783, provided ""that the people of the 
United States shall continue to enjoy unmolested the right 
io take fish of every kind on the Orand Bank and all other 
banks of Newfoundland ; also in the Gulf of St. Lawrence^ 
and at all other places in the sea where the inhabitants of 
both countries used at any time to fish ; and also that the 
inhabitants of the United States shall hate liberty to take 
fish of every kind on such parts of the coast of Newfound- 
land as British fishermen shall use, and also on the coasts, 
bays, and creeks of all other of his Britannic llajesty*s do- 
Bsinions in America.** Previous to this the New England 
colonial governments had granted bounties and certain im- 
munities to the projMffty and persons engaged in the fish- 
eries, to which fa^t may be ascribed much of the interesi 
of their hardy seamen in this lucrative branch of industry. 

This question continued to be the subject of various dis- 
putes and arraDgcments between the United States and 
Qrsat Britain. The letter claimed at the Treaty of Ghent, 
that the war of 1812 annulled the original treaty of 17H8, 
and the question was left oi>en until 1818, when s conven- 
tion granted the United States the right to Ash in the deep 
sea, and to dry and cure on the British coasts ; that power 
rsooundng all claim to fish within three miles of shore, bul 
retaining the pririlege of entering any harbor to get wood, 
obtain ahelter, and repair damages. This sgreement did 
not end the diHpute. The British Crown claimed that bj 
the convention of 1818, ^American dtisens were excluded 



AOADU 

from fishing within three nules of the coast of British Amer- 
10% and that the presoribed distance is to be measured from 
the headhinds or extreme points of land next the sea of the 
coast, or of the entrance of the bays, and not from the inte- 
rior of such bays or indents of the coast." This interpreta- 
tion by the legal authorities of the Grown would dose the 
Bay of Ghaleurs, the Bay of Fundy and the St. Lawrence 
Gxdf to American fishermen — ^to which the United States 
authorities were not inclined to submit. 

An English writer claims, that that part of the treaty 
which permitted the Americans to enter the harbors in dis- 
tress, or for fuel and water, was made a complete loophole 
for CTasion. *^While one part of the crew," says he, ^are 
filling a water cask, the remainder are collecting bait, fish- 
ing, or clearing decks of the oSal so pernicious to the fisher- 
ies. I was informed of a vessel that carried two bowsprits, 
one for sea sendee, and another which had been sprung, for 
in-shore work. With the latter, the skipper could enter any 
of the harbors by night or by day." We transcribe other 
assertions from the same authority,* giving the British view 
of this vexed question, taking the privilege of condensing 
where it can be done without injury to the sense. 

'^ Early in the spring fleets are sent out from the New 
England States, destined for the coasts of the British Prov- 
inces. They are well supplied with provisions, salt, empty 
casks, seines, nets, twines, hooks, jigs, bait-mills, and every 
article required. Of this craft there are two kinds, the 
real flsherman and the ' speculator in fish.' The latter car- 
ry pork, flour, molasses, tobacco, gin, and almost every ar- 
ticle required by the provincial fisherman. These vessels 
are soon 'out of water,' or 'spring a mast,' and then they 
are steered into the nearest harbor, where a barter traffic if 
immediately commenced. Fish are taken in payment of 

*GeBner. 



317 

Aimrirmn goods, which, being daij (ree» are giTco io the 
fiahemutfi at a much lower price than ihoee obtained frmn 
the home merchant ; and the Teseel departs in time io keep 
elear of the rerenae ofBoer, leaTing the butts and flakes of 
the shoremen Ashless.** 

** A Tsry elerer old sea Captain told me that he *onee ran 
into St llary's. Tidings of mj doings had got oui^ and oo 
the night of mj arriTal, a revenue cutter came to anchor 
right alongside of ma I could not get awaj, as the wind 
blowed a stiffer right into the harbor. All at once I had it. 
I sent ashore and borrowed two young calves from one of 
mj old customers, and lifted them on deck. I dressed two 
of mj Nantucket bojs in women*8 dothetf topping them off 
with a pair of bonoets sent in my ressel as a Tenture. By 
the first peep of day I sent them to washing shirts, and as 
I seed the crew of the cutter about to move, I went in my 
little boat and axed the people of the cruiser if they would 
give me a bit of canvas to mend my mainsail, and sure 
enough they gave me a fairish piece. There we all lay till 
twelve o'clock, my women washing and drying clothes, and 
our calves bleating like mad for their mothers. The wind 
came round, the cutter got under weigh, and as she round* 
ed past us the captain hailed, and asked if I would sell one 
of the calves. I told him they were a particular breed, and 
not for sale. The captain annwered he thought that remark 
would apply to our whole crew. And when I saw that his 
pb was turned the right way, I made a low bow to him, sent 
my calves on shore, turned my washerwomen into boys 
again, and finished the trade of the Peggy Ann.* 

^In another instance, * it was stark calm, and as the fog 
cleared up a little I saw I was in the very jaws of a ship of 
war, and I gave up all for lost ; however, as they were low* 
ering their jolly-boat to board me, I skulled off to them in 
my little punt, and asked the people in the ship if they 
knowed what was good for the measles. I eoold hear then 



S18 AtAVu 

laugh from stem to eiem ; and a big fat man they eaUedUie 
doetor, told me to keep my patients warm, and giTe them 
hot drinka. It was enough; they took oare not to ooma 
nearer the Peggy Ann that time.' " 

More than half a century passed away, marked by Tarioas 
disputes and treaties, when, finally, the Treaty of Wash- 
ington was signed. This instrument stipulated that the 
fisheries of both countries should be thrown open redpro- 
caUy. England soon complained that the privileges grant- 
ed were greater than those accorded her in return, and it 
was finaUy agreed to refer the matter to a commission com- 
posed of three members: — one from the United States, one 
from Great Britain, and a third to be named by the Emper- 
or of Austria. After a delay of nearly six years tl^e com- 
mission was organized, the three arbitrators being DeForse, 
Sir A. T. Gait, and ex-Judge Kellogg, of Massachusetts. — 
Judge Foster, assisted by R BL Dana, Jr., and others, had 
charge of the American sida The interests of Canada were 
mainly confided to Mr. Doutre, an eminent lawyer of Mon- 
treal 

The British case was divided into two parts — Canada, and 
Newfoundland. It held, in effect, that fishing in American 
waters was worthless, claiming an award of $12,000,000 for 
the use by the Americans of the Canadian inshore fisheries 
for twelve years — the period covered by the treaty — and 
$2,280,000 for the use of the Newfoundland fisheries. The 
Americans denied substantially these claims. The commis- 
sion awarded Great Britain $5,500,000, to be paid within 
the year. The treaty expires by stipulation in 1885. 



LEGENDS 



It ii not withoai tom^ degree of eolicitade thai we ap- 
pend this portion of the book, not lo much from a saipi- 
don thai ii ii out of place in authentic history, as from tb* 
fear its purpose maj be misunderstood. 

Closelj associated with the ererj-daj life of a pastoral 
people is always to be found a deal of folk-lore, to which 
their customs, their religion, and their surroundings gi?e a 
coloring. The traditions of a country are generally found- 
ed on actual occurrences, and reflect, with singular fidelity, 
the social and intellectual condition of its people ; and, more- 
OTcr, these traditionary tales often constitute the only data 
at the conunand of the antiquarian to aid in determining 
important historical questions. These legends were picked 
up at the country firesides during a sojourn in this myste- 
lioun. and romantic region; and the effort has been made 
to render them preeentable, at the same time ginag an in- 
sight into the peculiar customs of the early Acadian pias 
antry, and also a description of the more salient features ta 
the natural phenomena of this tide-swept, storm-beaten, 
fog-bound land of ice and ttnows. This is done with the 
design of aiding the student of history to a better undsr- 
• standing of the strictiy authentic portions of this Tolume, 
at the same time they may serve to draw the attention of 

the superficial reader. 
We should not omit a faTorable mention of the gamilooa 

litUe Frenchman, Pierre, who was most profoundly T«rsed 

ta the hidden lore of this mysterious land, and whom we oo- 

casionally employed in the capacity of cicerone^ to whose 

kind oflkee the reader is indi'bted for much contained in tb^ 

succeeding chapters. 

11 



THE CHXTBCH OF GRAND FSB^ 



Daring one of our evening rambles about Gkand "Pti, 
we came upon a number of liollows partially filled with 
earth and debris, and overgrown with a rank growth of 
weeds and bushes. These excavations are to be met with 
in great numbers' along the banks of the Canard and Coni- 
waUis riTers, and in the valley of the Glaspereau, and mark 
the cellars on which stood the thatched dweUings of the 
peaceful Acadians, that were burned by order of Colonel 
SVinslow. The shades of the northern twilight began to 
deepen, casting spectral shadows among a group of French 
willows, which, transported from far France more than a 
century ago, yet sadly waved their few scattered branches 
over the despoiled home of the hand that had planted them. 
Whose children had played under their shade, or what their 
fat-e, is only a matter of conjecture ; but we do know that 
virtue, coutentment and domestic happiness reigned in those* 
Acadian homes, and that the fondest and dearest hopes of 
thousands were, in one short hour, broken in sunder. I 
had not noticed the absence of Pierre, until I heard hin^ 
calling to me from a neighboring field. On coming up I 
found him intently observing some faintly marked ridges in 
the verdant clover. " Some Acadian relic I " I said to myself, 
wondering what new romance was about to be unraveled. 

^^Here," said he after a moment's pause, ^'here's the very 



•pot where stood the church of Orand Pri, in whidi the 
French were imprisoned and their fate announced to them.* 

On a cloeer inspection I found we were atanding in a 
•mall rectangle marked hj a alight rise of earth at the four 
ndea, and which cTidentlj had been the site of a building 
of tome sort. Not wishing to manifest aiij doubt as to the 
correctness of the iuforiuation, I said in(|uihuglj, **I baTS 
understood the site of that church was at the end of that 
row of willows yonder, where jou see that charred stump.** 

"I know,** said Pierre, *'some saj it stood there, but you 
•ee they are mistakru. My grandfather, who ran into the 
woods and did not leave the country, pointed out this as the 
place. He used to say, that the bell of the church was 
buried, just before the English came, in a vault built of 
stone, and covered with earth. The vault was walled up in 
two parts; into one of tLese they put the U*ll, and the oth- 
er was for the church treasure. You r^ee timi s then were 
just a bit uncertain, and most of the |>eoplf had buried their 
•peoia My grandfather suiil that for a time previous, thepeo> 
pie fre(}ueutly hiiird nt range noises in the air, and saw un* 
usual sights in the sky at night, and they thought theae 
things were the forerunners of some great evil" 

^Then the bell lies buried here yet," said I. 

^Oh, there you are luiKtaken,'* replivd Pierre. "Some 
believe that the lx*ll and the church tri^anurv wore dug up 
and carried away by roblH*rs. A great many yearn ago a 
strange vessel was observ'oil in the Hasin of Minas, and a 
party of men were seen to h«vo it about midnight and come 
ashore here. Before ilaybri^ a terrible st^irm arose, and 
the next morning nothing was seen of the ship. Some 
thought that during the night, while the wmd was blowing 
loudest, they heard sounds of a church bell, but little was 
thought of it, until they observed the earth had been dia> 
torbed ; and a piece of wood was picked up near this plaos^ 
of a ahape sometimes used to support a ball in a toww. 



3M A04DU 

From theie dreumstanees tbey were led to surmise tbsi 
robbers had found out where the vault was, and carried awqr 
what they wanted. But the strangers were probably lost 
in the storm, as the wreck of an unknown vessel was found 
by some fishermen a day or two subsequently at the foot of 
Cape Blomidon. You see they couldn't carry off that bell, 
and the priest's robes and things that belonged to the 
church, that is, those who hadn't any right to, and the heavy 
gale that night was raised up to defeat their plans." 

*« Then the bell is in the bottom of Mines Basin," inter* 
rupted I. 

^*My grandfather was one who didn't believe this story,, 
but claimed the contents of the vault were put on board a 
vessel bound to the Gaspe coast, and were intended for a 
chapel at a village of some Acadians who had taken refuge 
there; but the ship was lost within sight of land, and every 
soul on board perished. It is said the captain and crew 
had seized the treasure, and divided it among themselvee, 
and were not permitted to land with their ill-gotten wealth. 
And they say that bell is sometimes beard, even to this very 
day, on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, during heavy storms." 

** And you really believe this you are telling me," said L 

"It^s what others have told me, and I have no reason to 
believe it is not true," he replied. ** Have you never heard of 
Captain Pierey, who was caught in such a terrible storm on 
the Gulf, that he would never go to sea again f Well, may 
be you'd like to hear the story t " 

^^By all means," I answered. ** But let's sit down under 
this clump of buckthorn, and hand me that ulster. The air 
b chilly with the damp from the meadows, and we will wait 
for the moon to Hght us home." 



▲ HTSTEBT OF THE GASPE OOAST. 



A MimiiMr night on the Latireniian waUn I Th# aky ia 
ntplandent with the northern oonstellations, that twinkto 
•nd glow with a brilliancy unknown in lower latitudes, and 
eirery star mirrored in the Tast deep beneath. Scarce a rip- 
ple morea the surface of the sea, and oolj the measured 
beaTe erer present in the St Lawrence Gulf, serres to dia> 
pel the illnsion that the Dauphine is floating in mid-air. 
Passengers and crew are gathered on deck, the greater pofw 
tion in that listless attitude one assumes when the mind ia 
far awaj. Everyone seems to have forgotten the Gaspi 
yooth« whose apparent Terdancy had made him the object 
of disparagement the whole day; and eren Mother Bnuh 
aaod, who was usually either complaining of the present, or 
borrowing trouble of the future, for once is strangely ai- 



I was reclining at full length, lulled by the unusual quiel 
into that delicious, half-dreamy state, in which {last and 
pf«ssBl seem blended together. The sailn of the lJauphin4 
bong useless from her yards ; the sailors moved about with 
s soisaless tread ; eTerything on board comported with the 
uwooted hush and stillness that cliaracterized the el«»menta. 

While I was thus reposing, I suddenly became conscious 
of an unusual sound. Was it fancy, or did something tan- 
gible really affect my outward senses t Presently I heard 
the sound repeated, but in scarcely audible tones, not a»» 



826 AOiozA 

like the notes of a distant church belL I assumed an ap- 
right posture, and gazed about me. Once more the mellow 
cadence was borne upon the night air, this time with more 
distinctness than before. I abruptly broke the silence with — 

«<Hark ! Did you hear that bellt "* 

A number thought they did hear something ; others sog* 
geeted I had been dreaming, and were inclmed to raise a 
laugh at my expense. The Captain, noting the sudden re> 
newal of conversation, now came up to see what was going 
on. 

^' The gentleman insists that he just now heard a chapel 
bell ringing for vespers," exclaimed one of the passengers,, 
pointing to me. 

*^ Listen a moment and be convinced,** said I, beginning to 
get not a little piqued ; ''the sound seemed to come from 
that direction,** and I indicated the Labrador coast. 

All now assumed an attitude of listening — some I suspect- 
ed, from their mock gravity, more bent on mischief than in 
expectation of hearing the bell. The suspense was becom- 
ing irksome ; but suddenly all were startled, when from over 
the sea came the distinct notes of a bell, several strokes fol- 
lowing each other in regular succession, then ceasing, 

Terhaps it's the bell of some convent on shore,'* said 
one, addressing the Captain. 

''That can hardly be,** answered that officer; "we*re at 
least two hundred miles from the coast of Labrador, and the 
sound seems to come from that direction.** 

"It*s the bell of doom,*' growled an old sailor, Tarpaulin 
Jack, who was lazily smoking his pipe as he leaned over the 
taffrail, peering in the direction from whei^ce the BOtmd 
came. 

"I knowed sumthin* was sure to happen,** chimed in 
Mother Brussaud. "I told my folks so before I left, but 
they only laughed. A loup-garou screamed around our 
house one night not long ago, and only last night I dreamed 



of Main* a pale Um Ugbl on tbo wal«rt** and tha old worn- 
an draw a amall erodfix from her boeom* and began deToalp 
\j to implore the interpoaiiion of the good St Anne to pro- 
teeihar. 

** Wbaierer it ia» weVe rapidly nearing ii^** eaid the Gep- 
Uin after a paoae ; 'Mon't joo see the etrokea are beoom- 
ing more distinct each timet *' 

The truth of the Captain's obserration was apparent*— 
the tones of the bell were momentarily becoming loader, 
and the caose, whatever it might be, waa rapidly omning 
nearer. The Captain now called for his night-glass, bot 
was unable to detect any unusual object ** Here, Leopold,** 
turning to a sailor at his side — '*you haTS the sharpest eyea 
of any on the ship, take this and tell us what you can seeu" 

*'I see some white object, like the sails of a TesseL Hold 
onl I have got the thing to m focus. Til be blowed if it 
sin't a packet under full sail, and she pitches and rooks aa 
though in a heaTy sea.'* 

^Take the glass once more and tell oa her coarse,* said 
the Captain. 

** Nearly due west, sir,** said the sailor : and in a moment 
flsore he added, — **and as hure us I*m alive, they have got 
a bell rigged to the mast-head, that rinpt at each pitch of 
the Tease). That's a queer craft and no mistake." 

** Port the helm two points," said the Captain to the man 
st the wheel. ** I aiu going to run down thst ship ; I have 
nerer yet steered aloof from anythiog that Hosts in these 
waters, and I am going to find out what it all means.^ 
What more can you make out, Leopold t ** 

** Nothing, nothing— ouly they seem to be having a stonn 
sll to themselves. I can see the white cape of the wavea 
sll about their ship, and I can see sailors skurrying about 
Ibe decks and in the riggin', as though their lives de- 
pended on it She*s a clumsy craft, sir, like they used to 
boild a hundred years aga I can see a woman all in whilst 



89B. A0AOIA 

and die looki to be wringing her heads. I doii*l like ihe 
lodcB of them ei all, eirl" 

"< Lower the long boat,'* thimdered the 0^)tein. <<Who*ll 
Tolunteer to board that yessel'^'*' Then as he receiTed no 
imm^^^*^ answer, he continaed — ** TU go myself. VfiO. any 
of yon go alongt Are yon afraid to follow met " 

**Tm not afraid of anything in the shape of flesh and 
blood, Oaptain,** said an old sailor, coming forward, **aad 
rUgo with you anywhere; but I don't like the looks of that 
'ere yessel. Every one of them sailors are spooks, and that's 
the TaurmefUe^ stove on the rooks near here over a hun- 
dred years ago, and every man on board drowned. Fve 
heard strange stories, Captain, about that ship, and Td 
rather give her a wide berth/' 

Eager listeners now crowded round the old sailor, to hear 
more about the phantom ship. Tradition said that the 
Frenoh people at Gtrand Pre buried the bell and the treas- 
ure of the church just previous to its burning by the Eng- 
lish. The vault was subsequently opened, and the con- 
tents put on board the Tourmente for tran8poi*tation to a 
Catholic chapel on the Qaspe coast ; but the captain forci- 
bly seized the treasure and divided it between himself and 
the crew. This was done contrary to the earnest protesta- 
tions of a Catholic priest, who pronounced a curse upon aU 
who participated in the affair. This priest left the ship at 
the other side of the Gulf, and the vessel proceeded. But 
before she reached her destination, yet within sight of peo- 
ple living on the coast, a terrible storm arose, which dashed 
the ship against the rocks, and not a soul survived to tell 
of the catastrophe. Sailors tell of meeting with the spec- 
tral vessel and its skeleton crew, always in the teeth of a 
terrible gale, who are obliged, by reason of the curse pro- 
nounced against them, to sail up and down the gulf, until 
the bell is restored to its rightful owners. It's an ill omen 
to hear the ringing of a bell on these waters, previous to i^ 



•tom, and the fiahiog eraf i freqaratiog Umm ptrto ragaid 
s laaMiDg with that mjatariooa aail aa tomathing to ba 
Sfoidad. 

^ Why, I am aura there are no indioattona of a atona Jaal 
now/' obaenred the Captain, anzioua to allaj the feara that 
were arising among the paaaengers at the auperatitiona no- 
iknia of the old sailor. And, in obedience to the genend 
wiah, he did not pursue further hia purpoaa of boarding tha 
atrange ship. 

Nearer and nearer came the phantom Teaael, till the white 
aaila were risible to the naked eye. As the relatire poaitioo 
of the two Teasels changed, the binnacle lamp of the strang- 
er waa brought into view, that threw a pale light over the 
aurrounding objecta. Her sails were bellied as if in the 
face of a heary gala Then the skeleton shapes could be 
aeen moring sbout as though in the execution of orders.-* 
The rocking end pitching of the ressel, the swinging of 
ropes and blocks, the dashing of the wsTes against her side^ 
and the white foam at her prow, — all this was plainly via* 
ible, yet unaccompanied by any sound, sare the clanging of 
the bell at the mast-head. This was the more singular, aa 
our own Teasel was still becalmed, the breeze hardly sulBo- 
tag to keep the Iktuphine's head in her course. 

On came the spectral Teesel, crossing our bows so closely 
aa to allow the blue binnacle light to flicker full in our fa> 
asa. The female figure in white appeared as a young girl, 
in the attitude of despair. The old legend says she was a 
paaaenger on board the ill-fated 7'oumtenU, and was lost 
with the crew, in sight of her lover on shore. The latter, 
maddened at the sight of her strugghng in the wster, plunged 
into the breakers and perished with her. PWerything about 
the decks of the strange ship, the dress of the unearthly 
araw and the cut of the saila, was of a faahion pertaining to 
tba reign of the Qeorgea. 

Scarcely had the apparition passed, whan a strange op* 



880 AOkDJA 

preBsiTeness in the air became manifest; and before the 
passengers and crew had I'ecovered from their surprise, they 
were startled by an exclamation from the mat§ : — tiie barom- 
eter had suddenly fallen, an alarming indication that a vio- 
lent gale was at hand. 

Instantly all was activity on board the Dauphine. The 
hoarse orders of the mate, the answers of the sailors, the 
creaking of blocks, aU betokeued how imminent the danger 
was thought to be, and that brave men were doing their ut- 
most to prepare for it. Before any one was really aware of 
it, the sky had become overcast, and a thick darkness set- 
tled over the vessel ; — a darkness broken only by the phos- 
phorescent gleaming on the water, and a mere spark far to 
the west, the binnacle light of the retreating phantom ship. 
The very elements seemed to be conspiring. The stoutest 
hearts beat more quickly. The Captain forgot to intersperse 
his orders with the usual oaths. The sailors no longer in- 
dulged in their coarse jokes ; and the human voice had sucb 
an unusual sound in the rarefied atmosphere, that no words 
were spoken save those necessary to the working of the ship. 
Passengers dung to one another, and many embraced with 
the thought they had looked their last upon the green earth. 
Soon all preparations were made ; and the officers and crew, 
having done all that human hands could do for the safe^ 
of those on board, awaited the coming of the tempest. 

^^Hold fast your lines and be ready, every man at his 
post," said the chief officer in solemn, measured tones, 
^ there^s no knowing from which direction the gale will first 
strike us. God help we may not be driven toward land, for 
if—" 

All at once the whole sky seemed rent from horizon to 
horizon by a terrible flash of lightning. It was the most 
blinding flash I ever remember to have seen ; the whole sur- 
face of the sea seemed ablaze with the horrid glare ; and so 
frightfully vivid had been the momentary gleam, that it was 



LfOtXDt SSI 

■ome lime before the power of tbe ^jre wm reeiored Then 
followed e solemn, hollow peal of thunder, utterly inaignifi* 
euii compared with the flash, which seemed so mysterious 
as still furthor to depress the spirits of all. 

**I don*t like the looks of this thing,** said the man at the 
wheel, rubbing his ejes. By this time most of the paiwen- 
gars had sought their berths. The crew had been told 
that none would be allowed to go below that night, but 
were to remain at their posts ready for any emergency. All 
aboTC was literally black with a ponderous darkness, which 
rendered all the more marked the green and blue of the 
phosphorescent gleaming of the water about the tbsssL 
While watching the play of the weird and flickering lights 
as they darted and dipped about the ripples, resolring 
ihemselTce into strange and fanciful figures, I was blinded 
by another flash of lightning, accompanied with an instan* 
taneous report of thunder. Masts, spars, and Tcssel seemed 
all on fire ; I thought I heard a cry, and knew thai we were 
struck, but in what part of the ship I could not telL The 
mate who also heard the cry, now came forward and inquired 
if any one was hurt Wliile he was speaking a confused 
roar was heard in the distance, which momentarily increased 
untfl it resembled the rush of a cataract, and every one 
knew it was coming. 

''Helm hard aport ! ** was heard in tones not to be mis* 
understood. ** Quick, now.** 

**Aye, aye, sir/* came the answer. Then followed the 
ersaking of the rudderpost; slowly, and all feared too slow* 
ly, the good ship answered to her helm. Then came anotb 
er blinding fla«h, a louder peal of thunder, and a gust struck 
the Teasel that almoet took the masts bodily out of her* 
AU this occurred iu such rapid succession that nothing could 
be said or done till it was past 

''If that*s only a feeler, there'll be business for us wbss 
tlie storm settles down in earnest,** said Tarpaulin Jack. 



Meantime the vessel had been brought to her course. A 
man was sent to assist the one at the wheel; while the oih- 
«rs stood by for a sudden call. The second charge of this 
storm's outriders was not long in waiting. It struck the 
ship with still more violence than the former one. AU were 
in momentary expectation of hearing the snapping of a mast 
or the giving way of a sail, but the staunch vessel bore it 
well, and tore through the water like a race-horse. 

*' We're beading towards the nearest land," said the Oap- 
tain ; if the gale continues long at this rate, nothing short 
of a miracle can keep us off the Gaspe reefs. Do you see 
ihatt" — and he pointed directly astern. 

The sea was one mass of foam and surging billows, and 
the phosphorescent glow everywhere present, enabled one 
to see in any direction. Directly in the rear of us was a 
black cloud, while beneath this cloud, and in contact with 
the white-crested waves, was a dull luminous mist of a red- 
dish hue. It was this that the Captain had noticed. A 
new sound now reached us — the roar accompanying this neb- 
ulous cloud : as it came up it fairly howled about our ears. 
This bellowing of the wind is something one never hears ex- 
cept at sea. It differs from the roar of the winter's blast as 
it rushes down the mountain and sweeps along the valley ; 
it seems endowed with a fiendish propensity, that delights 
in wreck and ruin, and whose sole mission is to destroy. — 
Its shriek among the shrouds is a sound never to be forgot- 
ten, and sets at nought all description. A two-fold strength 
seemed added to the force of the gale, and the hardiest sail- 
or was obliged to turn his back to the wind, and hold on by 
main strength to whatever was at hand to keep from being 
blown into the sea. 

Once all was given up for lost. — A heavy wave buried the 
vessel and knocked the men from the wheel ; before she 
could be righted another billow struck her at a disadvant- 
age ; fortunately, the helm was put down, and the ship an- 



•wwiug' It pftwptlyt di0 wm bfoogfat iMit of inuBiBMit dftii* 
gv. TIm men wore now la«hed to tbo wIimI to profMl • 
repetition of eooh a ontaetrophe. 

In this w«7 peaeed the hours till sfltr micbiight But 
little ehsDge was noticeable; the gale was soaroely abated i 
the laboring and straining of the noble ship began to tell 
on her strength ; she groaned andibl j as wsts after wav* 
passed OTer her, and the practiced ears of the sailors knew 
aha could not bear it much longer. 

Shortly after midnight, daring a temporary Inll in the 
tempest, a shriek broke upon the air; in a few moments it 
was repeated. Was it from the sea or sky, or did it come 
from some part of the shipT What could it meant **iio 
below, Leopold, and see if all is right.** 

The sailor made his way with difficulty along the slippery 
deck, being twice washed from his feet and jammed against 
the mast with so much force as to knock the wind out of 
him ; after repeated trials he at length reached the gang* 
way, and disappeared down the ladder. 

Presently we heard him calling for the Captain, who pro* 
seeded to the gangway, directing me to follow. At the fool 
stood Leopold, with a lantern in his hand, and his face the 
▼ery picture of terror. Without uttering a word he led us 
directly to the berth occupietl by Mother Brussaud, when 
what a sight met our gaze! There lay the old womaB« 
holding in one hand the crucifix, with both arms extended 
as if for help, with her eyes turned upward in her head an« 
to nothing but the whites were visible, stone dead ! A dark 
streak passed down the face and along the left arm of the 
unfortunate woman, the quick work of the lightning*8 flash. 
Her forebodings had this time been realized. She had eri* 
dently been dead some hours, and if so, what was that cry 
just heard t At this moment an unusual moTement was 
beard on deck* and we hurried up to see what new danger 



t84 AOiKA 

« What 18 ihat bright light to the west, rir," 8aid a saflor 
to the Captain who reached the deck during one of the brief 
Inlls of the storm, *< are we nearing the landt " 

^< That comes from the binnacle of the ship the spooks are 
sailing in,'* answered another tar. 

Presently the voice of the Captain was heard — ^<Is there 
any one on board that's acquainted with this coast f In 
half an hour we'll be among the breakers 1 " 

For several minutes no one answered. The Captain r^ 
peated the question — ''Does any among you know this 
coast t " Still no answer cama Every individual on board 
knew their situation was almost hopeless, and all shrank 
from assuming any responsibility in such a dire extremity. 
It was a time of terrible suspense. They were being driv- 
en forward with frightful rapidity, every moment bearing 
them nearer to what seemed inevitable destruction. All at 
once a voice rang out dear above the roar of the storm and 
seething of the billows — 

"I do, sir!" 

There was something in that voice that revived hope in 
every breast. " Well, come forward, and let's know who and 
what you are," shouted the Captain. But when the GaspS 
youth, Ettrinee, came up, a murmur of disapprobation ran 
through the crew. Even the Captain could not help par- 
taking of the general sentiment ; but as he turned the light 
of the lamp full on the youth, a look of surprise lighted up 
the features of that officer. 

The young man was no longer the diffident and hesitat- 
ing youth of the day before. Every line of his countenance 
was animated, the figure erect, the voice strong and manly, 
and he stood the scrutiny of the Captain with a grace that 
evinced a consciousness of his own powers. 

" Well, who are you, and what do you know about it,** 
said the Captain in as gruff a voice as he could assume. 

*' I was born within a league of where thigf vessel is likely 



LfOBSIM S8S 

io strike, and know eTerj cot« and reef within twenty 
mQes.** ThiB wo uttered with a freedom and decision thai 
at onoe made friends of the crew. 

** How do jou know, young man, where this ship is going 
to strike, when there are no lighthouHes within fifty miles 
of here, and the night is so thick you can almost cut it with 
a knife. You can*t see a cliff before you can touch it with 
your hand, and the thing is utterly imponsible unless yoa 
are in league with those imps yonder in that ghost of a 
ship." This was spoken in a way that was intended to an* 
nihilate the lad ; but he annwen'd without changing a fea- 
ture, or abating a whit of his aniiimtion — 
** YoQ see that light just ahead t " 
^ Yes, and it*s the binnacle lamp of the spooks.** 
""So be it," said the boy. '« To follow directly in the 
path of that light is your only chance. The phantom ship 
is heading direct for Shelter Cove, to be dashed in pieosa 
against a sunken rock at the mouth of the channel, at the 
Tery spot where the real vesm^l wati wTecked OTer a hundred 
years ago The ghost of the umiden^s loTer will be await- 
ing her on the cliff wnth a H{>ectro bonfire, that lights up tha 
sea for a great distance. By the aid of that Ught, and by 
noting where the phantom ship diHapi)eani, one ac<|uainted 
with the channel may ))Ottsib]y bring hiH Hhip into the har* 
bor.'* Then as if noticin*' evidences of incretlulitv un the 
part of his hearers, he cDiitiuued: *' Once a year, at each an- 
niTersary of the wre<*k, tliis whule scene is guue through ^ 
I have seTeral times gone down to tlie Ix^uoh to bee the bon* 
fire, and the ghoHt of the young man hpiinging from the 
cliff to join the maid ! '* 

*^And do you suppose you can pilot this Tetuiel into the 
channel you speak oft H4H?t)llect, young man, tnis is a ter* 
rible storm, and many lives are dependent on the safety of 
tba ahip. Are you willing to take the risk if I see tit to giva 
JOU the authority! " 



8S6 AOAPU 



**I do not besitaie to take the risk oq one tanditiofn/* re* 
■ponded the youth. 

^^Name it,'* said the Captain. 

^*I will assume the responsibility on condition thftt I can 
have the entire controL It's your only chance. If the ship 
behayes well, and the sails hold, I think we can bring bar 
safely through. You will have to decide pretty soon, as I 
can abready hear the sound of breakers ahead," said the boy. 

A hurried consultation of the officers was held ; the idea 
of trusting their lives to a perfect stranger, and who was to 
be guided in his course by lights and signs not of earth, ap- 
peared a purpose too wild and visionary to be entertained. 
However, the Captain favored the plan, and as there seemed 
to be no better coarse, a reluctant consent was given. 

*^Go ahead, lad, and let's see what you can do," said the 
Captain in the presence of the officers. 

*^ First I want the mizzen stay-sail bent to its place." 

« Why, madman!" said the mate, ^'the ship has all the 
sails she can stagger under now ; and would you have her 
blown clear out of water t Besides, no sailors could bend 
a sail of that size in the teeth of such a blast I " 

'^Give the lad the trumpet," said the Captain ; *'I see he 
has the stuff in him, and I believe he knows what he's about. 
If the spooks will have the kindness to light us into the 
harbor, I for one won^t object. Give the lad the trumpet, 
and let's see what comes of it ! " This command the mate 
surlily obeyed, and dropped away muttering to himself. 

But the youth, not apparently noticing the demeanor of 
that officer, caught up the instrument, and began to give tfie 
orders so rapidly and intelligently, as to excite the a^JEKU^ 
tion of all, not excepting the mate. The sail Was l^^iit to 
its place with a promptness that was remarkable-^the d*^w 
evidently imbibing the spirit of the youthful sailor, for such 
he had already proved himself. The Captain, meanwhile^ 
was clapping his hands, so pleased was he at the masterly 



LioiKmi 887 

naDDer of its aceompIiMhiueut As soon as the Dauphins 
felt tbe force of this additiousl ouitss, she fairlj leaped 
from ware to wave ; all looked to see the sail torn to shreds, 
or the masts shaken out of their sockets. 

''She^s as staunch a ship as erer was afloat, and shell do 
ber best to get out of this scrape,** sang out the Captain, as 
■oon as he perceived she would bear the strain. 

**! want two of the motit ex|)erienced helmsmen at the 
wheel, and jour betit leadsman forward* Now eTerj man 
at his post and be ready at the word/* 

The orders were quickly obeyed and all hands were look* 
ing towards the phantom ship ; presently a flash was seen, 
as though a cannon hsd been fired, though no report was 
beard : this was followed by another and another at regular 
intervals. 

** The spooks are signaling for help,** explained the youth. 
Almost immediately a light was seen to break out on the 
summit of a cliff — a imllid, unnatural brightness, yet suf- 
fident to illuminate the sea for miles. By its aid the end- 
less lines of breakers could be seen on all sides, only a tor- 
tuous, dark line between the crests marked the course of 
the channeL 

Presently the spectral ship was seen to Htagger ; her prow 
shot upward, and then the vessel settled slowly down stem 
foremost, aiid was engulfed in the waves. Not a sound ao- 
oom|ianied the catastrophe, only the mournful cadence of 
the bell, still pendant at the niaiit-head, which kept its se- 
pulchral tolling until it disappeareil from sight And now 
the figure of the girl in white a[)[>eareil on the boiUng surf, 
easting up her arms wildly, as if imploring help; an out- 
burst from the crew of the Dauphine followed, as from the 
summit of the cliff the form of a man iippoared in the act of 
leaping into the sea: the twain wore seen for a moment, 
elasped in each other*s arms, and then sank from sight 

Inelsntlj. ship, erew and tea were enveloped in alosoal 



^838 40ADIA 

Cimmeriao darkneas. Captain and crew stood spell-bonnd, 
as if doubting the evidence of their senses. . Not so with the 
youth, however ; for while the others had been wholly oo- 
cupied with the apparition, his practiced eye had been tak- 
ing in the location of the channel ; and no sooner had the 
light disappeared than the sharp tones of the trumpet were 
again heard ringing above the roar of the tempest. The 
orders came rapidly, and were executed as promptly. 

'* Breakers ahead,^' shouted the lookout forward. 

*' Breakers on the lee bow," sang out another. 

** Hadn't you better take soundings,'^ cried the captain. 

^^Not yet," answered the youth; and at the same breath 
issuing the necessary commands to the helmsmen and those 
si the braces, the dreaded reef was soon left astern. 

On went the vessel, plunging heavily into the darkness. 
The compass remained unnoticed in its box ; the line with 
the deep-sea lead was yet coiled in the hands of the leads- 
man; everything depended on the voice of the stranger 
youth, whom many of the sailors began to suspect as some 
being more than human, sent by their patron saint to bring 
about their deliverance. They saw, by the occasional flash- 
es of lightning, they were close in shore, and could make 
out the dismal, sullen dashing of the waves against the base 
of the cliffs. 

"Helm hard a-port,"— came forth from the trumpet, and 
every one knew a critical moment had arrived. The rud- 
der-post turned in its socket not a moment too soon, for as 
the vessel wore round, a flash of lightning revealed a rock 
which seemed to have arisen directly out of the sea, against 
which the yard arms almost grazed as the ship was brought 
about. Thus passed the moments away, — ^moments which 
seemed lengthened into hours to that anxious crew. Re- 
peatedly was the staunch craft afterwards brought out of 
perils quite as imminent, the youthful pilot proving him- 
self, thus far, equal to every emergency. 



''I see/ laid the captain, who was oontinuallj giring ut- 
terance to words of encouragement* — ** I see how the lad 
manages it; he is guided by the racket of the rips, and the 
sounds upon the iihore. A quick ear is worth eTerjthing in 
such an emergency. We*ll be out of this, yet, you may take 
my word for if 

** Now,** said the youth, after a few minutes had elapsed* 
'*now comes the critical moment of all. We must wear the 
ship about so as to enter that opening in the line of break- 
erb on the lef L If there should be a favoring lull in the 
temi>e8t for only the briefest period, we way yet make the 
port in safety, otherwise all we hare yet done avails us noth- 
ing. 

All now awaited the crisis in breathless anxiety. They 
were near the point where the Tessel must veer her course, 
or be driven to speedy destruction ; whilu to maneuver ex- 
cept during the lulls was to capsize her. God help there 
may be a favoring coincidence! 

The ship was now almost abreast the opening, but the 
tempi^st acted aii though understanding their purpose, and 
was determined to thwart iL A moment more and it will 
be too late ! 

Just as all hope was dying out, the wind ceased its forj^ 
as though in obedience to a guiding hand. The orders were 
given ; the ship seemed to realize her peril, for she sprang 
to her new course with a celerity that was surprising. A 
few moments and her prow shot into the narrow opening, 
and as a wild shout of the crew went up at their miraca- 
lous deliverance, the good ship rode gayly into the gently 
heaving current of the harbor. 



8FIBIT OAHP. 



The day had been ezcessiTely warm. By the aid of onr 
paddles alone, we had measured more than a score of miles 
aince dawn. We took time to pause and oast a fly in the 
deep shade of a fir-clad rock, and were rewarded with a num- 
ber of the speckled beauties. The rifle of Pierre had brought 
down a brace of grouse at one of our landings for water; 
and we were cheered with the prospect of a supper ^*fit for 
the King." 

We were stopping a few days, Pierre and I, amid the 
matchless scenery of the lakes among the Blue Mountains — 
that paradise of the hunter and angler. Early in the morn- 
ing we passed an Indian village. It was composed of some 
dozen wigwams, situated on a small island, in a natural 
meadow, bordered by a grove of sugar maples. The wigwams 
were built in the Indian fashion, circular in form, with oval 
tops, and covered with bark. The entrances were low, and 
they looked as though a person could not stand upright in 
them. The squaws and pappooses were dodging in and 
out, and otherwise manifesting a coyness of disposition, 
mingled with a curiosity to behold us. The men appeared 
to be absent on a hunting expedition. We noticed among 
them a number of pretty girls, with unmistakable signs of 
white blood in their veins, dressed in good taste, and chat- 
tering in French. There is a melancholy interest attached 
to them, as they are the descendants of wretched Anfti^jftyt 



S4] 

■iotli«n» who« to atoape * wona faU, threw thaniMlfM into 
the arms of MTaget. It ia hard to conceiTe, at tba p raa e n t 
time, of the extremitj to which a white woman muat be re- 
duced to drive her to such an alternative. These feinalea 
are adepts at managing an oar. Standing ap in their boata» 
with a large straw hat confined to the head with a narrow 
blaek string passing from the crown under the ehin, the 
kurge brim standing out straight, thej are odd figures 
enough. They will shoot a canoe over a rapid with inimi- 
table dexterity, and with as much ease as a boy will manage 
a wheelbarrow. 

The sun yet wanted some hours to setting when oar ca» 
noe shot into a lake of unprecedented beauty. Islands ol 
erery imaginable contour rose up within it Here a single 
rock crowned with a solitary tuft of evergreen, stood side by 
nde with its more assuming neighbor, bristling with clumps 
of fir, shaggy with UMnta^ and fragrant with resinous bal* 
sams. There was a htill larger island, with groves of m*> 
pie, beech and birches, with natural meadows luxuriant with 
native grasses, and glowing with i>atche8 of wild flowers— 
the familiar haunt of the fallow deer. Now and then a peb- 
bly beach held out a tempting lure to embark. Quiet, syl* 
Tan scenes opened up as we coasted along ; while frequent- 
ly our boat grazed over patches of water-hlies, arrowheads 
and other ai^uatic plants, or glided under the shade of ^mo^ 
ay banks ^ overhung with the dark foliap^o of the hemlock. 

Beneath us were myriads of the tinny tribes, as we knew 
by the splash and ripples tliey made as they leaped to catch 
the unwary fly ; we could see di*«r quietly feeding on the 
lily-pads, and overhead wheeled flocks of wild watar-fowL 
''Here,** exclaimed I, **here are the fabled Indian Gardens^ 
and here will I pitch my tent in the wilderneas.** 

While leisurely floating along, we came in eight of a plal 
of greensward, shaded by a grove of immense oaks, lookmg 
ao cool and delicious, and withal so inviting, that I ii 



;i42 40ADIA 

tarily uttered an exclamation of Burprise, and announced a 
determination to bivouac there for the night. I thought I 
detected an expression in Pierre that wtfs unfavorable to my 
plan, but so enthusiastic was I, that I did not stop to con- 
sult him, otherwise I might never have told the following 
story. In a few moments the keel of our boat grated on 
the soft and yielding sand ; stepping on the beach we lifted 
the frail craft from the water, putting it down beside one of 
the druidical trunks. Leaving Pierre to prepare supper, I 
set out to reconnoiter. 

A little brook ran down the outer circle of the groyet 
the clearness of the water, and the mossy banks along which 
it flowed, struck my eye at once, and I prepared to caat my 
fly. With varying fortune I ascended the stream a consid- 
erable distance, until it led me into what had once been a 
clearing. It was considerably overgrown with underbrofih, 
but there were several gnarled apple trees, and remains of 
cellars ; and a further exploration revealed a little cemetery 
containing a number of graves, on one of which was a stone 
cross, overgrown with moss, and beaten with the storms of 
many winters. This, as I have since learned, is but a sam- 
ple of what may be seen in many of the out-of-way places- 
in the Province. They are the relics of the fleeing Acadi* 
ans, who, in the memorable years of 1755-60, took refuge 
in these mountains to escape from the English who were re> 
morselessly hunting them from the territory, — grim me> 
mentoes of the sufTeriugs of a sadly afflicted people 1 

It was near sundown when I returned. My faithful 
guide had dressed the grouse aad had them spitted on long 
sticks stuck into the ground. The trout had been rolled in 
flour and were broiling on thin, flat stones laid on the coals. 
The odor of the coffee was cheering, and Pierre had pre- 
pared a surprise for me in the shape of a dessert of the wild 
hemes which studded the rich vegetable mould over which 
we walked. 



LtOSXM S4S 

TIm ttirt had eooM onl m w ftoklMd oar repast Wa 
ehoae a choice bit of ground, eoUecUd tome brauche* of a 
retinouB fir for fuel, and trimmed tpmoe branches enoogb 
to make an elastic bed sereral inches in depth. The smoke 
of the camp-fire drove awaj the mosquitoes ; and, wrapped 
in our blankets, with the blaze lighting up the overhead 
foliage from beneath, until it glowed like a golden fret- work 
against the dark moasj trunks and tangled copf)«, we com- 
mitted ourselres to the god of slumber, testifying to the 
correctness of the observation that there is no oompleter 
comfort than a seat by the camp-fire, — no sweeter rest than 
when the boughs of tha forest are both our bed and oar 
canopy. 

I know not how long I had been sleeping, when I was 
aroused by the strange movements of the dog. As I looked 
from under the blanket, he was sitting upon his haunchea» 
his nose pointed toward a little cove bordered with aldersp 
uttering low whiuings not unlike the moanings of a human 
being, and occasionally breaking into a howl that gave rise 
to strange forebodings as they fell upon the ear in the silenoa 
of that lonely camp. 

** Be still. Carlo,** said I, surmising the dog had heard 
the stealthy tread of some wild animal lurking in the boab- 
as. But the dog would not be stilL Just then the guides 
who had been awakened by the noise, pointed towards tha 
little cove and abruptly exclaimed — 

"« See there!" 

I looked as he indicated^ and saw what made my blood 
cordle! There, not twenty feet from where we had beeo 
aleeping, were two figures in human form, a male and fa- 
male, in the act of launching a canoe. That they were not 
real persons was evident, as we could see objects through 
tham as through mist, and their movements were of that 
airy sort that sets at naught the laws of gravitation. They 
apparently in great haste, frequently looking baek aa 



I 



844 AOiDXA 

if in fear of being followed. They seemed nofc to notice our 
proximity ; and, as soon as they were seated in their canoe, 
paddled swiftly out into the lake, and disappeared among 
the numerous islands. 

^ We're on enchanted ground," exclaimed I, some time af- 
ter our strange visitants had departed, *^and this explains 
your reluctance to pitch our camp here. Why didn't yoa 
tell me that lost spirits haunted this spot, and that we were 
likely to have visitors around our camp-fire other than thoee 
of flesh and blood t" 

^I confess I didn't like the idea of stopping here, but I 
knew you would only laugh at me. I saw something one 
night, some years ago, when encamped in this very place, 
with no companion but my dog, something I never dared 
tell of," answered the guide. *'I jumped into my boat and 
was miles away before morning, and I never visited the spot 
again until to-day. The dog, there, knows that something 
IS around here that ought not to be; see, how he trembles 1 
Say, Carlo, what's the matter, heyt" — and the noble beast, 
thus appealed to, came up to the guide, and, in his dog lan- 
guage, craved protection in the most piteous manner. 

"I saw indications of an old settlement just back of our 
camp ; were those spirit voyageurs that we just now saw, 
in any way associated with the tenants of those forgotten 
graves I stumbled over, and who for some cause are obliged 
to revisit the scenes of their active life? They certainly did 
not seem like Indians/' exclaimed I, half meditatively. 

"Yes," said the guide, "at least I have heard old hunters 
say so. The story has been told many a time but I can't 
say how much truth there is in it." 

"I'm too wide awake for sleep," I exclaimed, "and who 
knows but what our visitors will be back again pretty soon. 
I propose, in that case, to scrape a closer acquaintance. In 
the meantime, let's have the story. I dare say it's a bloody 
adventure, or it wouKln t be necessary for those fellows to 



LioncDs Stf 

l«aT« the quiet of their f^ves, and rericit the haimte ol 



At that moment a piercing cry went up from the foreal 
on the further shore of the lake, endinp^ in a prolonged howl 
that echoed and reverberated among the wooda, and then 
died awaj. **It*8 some hungry panther that*8 got a anifl 
of our supper/* Haid Pierre. ** I heard him early in the ere- 
ning, and I think he*s working round this way. Maybe 
he*ll pay us a risit before morning/* With these words the 
guide threw a fresh lot of fuel on the coals, and immediate* 
ly the blaza caught among the dry branches, roaring and 
leaping up, and Mending the Hparks high above the tre<*-topa. 
The huge oak trunks looked like grim Hentioels in the flick- 
ering fire-light, and we almost ex|>ected to see the dusky 
forms of Indian warriors of old start up in the surrouudmg 
darkness, disturbed at our intrusion of their domains.-— 
While reposing at full length, gazing up at the canopy of 
leavea glowing overhead, and shrouding everything outside 
our fire-light in darkness, the following tale was told me. 

It was during that stormy period when the French in* 
habitants of Nova Scotia were being forcibly driven from 
their homes, that a number of families at Annapolis Royal, 
bearing of the fate of their country-men at Grand Pre and 
Windsor, collected such of their goods as they could con- 
veniently carry away, together with a portion of their stock, 
and fled to tht* mountains. It was with the grtnitent diffi- 
culty they ma<le thrir way through the woods. Kx|K>sedto 
the September storniH of that latitude, with no shelter even 
at night, the more f«*fble among them soon died. A mother, 
with a sick babe st her breast, would toil on as beat she 
oould ; the New KngUnd troops wen* in cloMe pursuit, and 
no delay could be iiimle ; giving the little darling one last 
aoibrace as its spirit took flight, bho would hastily couMga 
its body to the new-inade gisve, and in one nhoi t hour wouid 
agaui join m the march. 



846 AOADIA 

The route taken by the refugees could be followed by the 
newly-covered mounds, and the carcasses of the cattle and 
horses that were continually giving out, and were left to 
their fate. It seemed as though the wild beasts for miles 
around had formed themselves into a rear detachment; and 
the nights were made hideous with their bowlings as they 
quarreled and fought over the remains of some poor cow or 
faithful horse that could go no farther. The fierce itTiifnii1« . 
became so bold that they even menaced the camps ; no one 
dare stir out alone after nightfall, outside the light of their 
fires, for fear of being devoured. What rendered their sit* 
nation still more helpless, they had no weapons for defenae^ 
their guns having been taken from them some time before^ 
by order of the English Gk>vemor. 

In the midst of these difficulties, pursued by wild beasts 
and their still more implacable human foes, this band of 
refugees at length succeeded in reaching the vicinity of these 
lakes. At that time a powerful band of Micmac Indians 
had put up their wigwams in this grove, who, taking the 
fleeing Acadians under their protection, sent out a body of 
warriors and intercepted a detachment of English soldiers 
that had penetrated to within a short distance of this spoL 

The French refugees, believing themselves safe from fur- 
ther pursuit, commenced a settlement, the remains of which 
I had accidentally discovered the day before. By the help 
of the Indians, temporary log huts were erected ; a supply 
of fish was caught and dried for winter use ; com was fur- 
nished by the Indians and game supplied the balance of the 
food. Later, some of the young men visited Annapolis 
Royal, where they had the good fortune to secure a quanti- 
ty of grain and flax that had escaped the general destruc- 
tion, and safely drove back a few head of cattle. By de- 
grees tbey made themselves comfortable houses ; the next 
season they set out apple orchards, currant bushes and oth- 
er fruits : gradually clearing away the forest, in the course 



M7 

of a few yean their condition was made tolerable— at aoj 
rate they were free. 

Among this community wae a beautiful girl, who, agree- 
ably to the rustom of the AcadianR, had been early betrothed 
to the youth of her choice. Their nuptials were to be cel- 
ebrated at the next feetival of St. Anne. In the ezdtemeni 
of their hasty de[>arture, the absence of her lover was nol 
noticed ; it was not known whether he was killed or ban- 
ished, or was with some other company of refugees. 

Rachel did not take to her loss kindly ; she brooded over 
his absence ; her cheek became pale, and her step less buoy- 
ant In her grief she would not listen to the words of lore 
from other young men, — her Joseph was uppermost in her 
thoughts. 

It chanced that a young Indian brare, noticing the -maid 
had no lo? er, sought her to grace his own wigwam. The 
young Indian's father was chief of the tribe, and he had 
proved himself the friend of the white peoplar This chief 
espoused the suit of his son. 

^The white Si|uaw has no love among the pale faces,** 
argued the dusky chieftain, *Met her keep the wigwam ol 
one of my braves.** 

The maid was inexorable ; white and red lovers were alike 
spurned from Ler. She seemed to cling to the hope thai 
her affianced would vet seek hor out. At length the rhief aa- 
sumed a haughty uiicn. Had not her people often received 
favors at his bands and were they not in his power T 

This appeal touched the girl on a tender chord. What 
was Ufa to her now T Yes, she would l>e the bride of the 
young brave; she would yield herself a sacrifice for her 
people. 

Great were the preparations for the nuptials — worthy tba 
marriage of a prince, and heir to the kingly sceptre. The 
young brave had embraced the Catholic belief, and had re* 
eeived the rite of baptism ; the ceremony was to be solemniaed 



M8 AOADIA 

in accordance with that faith. The little ohapel had beea 
decorated expressly for the occasion, and the good Father, 
arrayed in gown and maniple, was engaged in his prepara- 
tory devotions in the chancel. Just outside the door, by 
the Hght of a huge bonfire, a party of young men and maid- 
ens, the young friends of Bachel, were dancing on the green. 
A Httle beyond, another fire had been kindled, and about 
this the young Indian warriors were celebrating their wed- 
ding feast. Grotesque and wild were the scenes there 
transpiring, — ^gross paganism, untutored superstition, and 
the solemn forms of religious rites, intermingled I 

Just then a stranger entered BacheFs cottage, and asked 
to see her alone. They were no sooner together than the 
visitor threw off his disguise, and the maiden was clasped 
in the arms of her long-absent lover. A few words sufficed 
-to tell his story. 

He had been taken by the New England forces, and, 
with two hundred other captives, confined on board a ves- 
sel of Httle more than sixty tons burden. They were kept 
in the close hold, only a few being allowed on deck at one 
time, for fear they might attempt to take the vessel from 
their captors. With no other food than a small allowance oi 
flour and pork, they endured a three-month's voyage to the 
city of Philadelphia. Their physical sufferings, great aa 
they were in theii* crowded state, were not to be compared 
with the mental anguish at being separated from friends, it 
having pleased the English conquerors, for some unex- 
plained cause, to add the breaking of family ties to the hor- 
rors of this cruel extirpation. One mother on board had 
but one of her four children with her. Of the fate of the 
other three, or of the subsequent fortunes of the husband 
and father, she never afterward had the shghtest trace.~« 
And yet hers was but the common experience. 

Many of the sufferers died on the passage. The clothing 
of the siu'vivors became so worn as scarcely to cover theuL 



LEOKXIM 



819 



An epidemic, too, broke out on shipboerd, jnti before reeeb- 
ing port; but sucb was the borrgr of the authoritiee there 
against the Papiata, that it was aeTeral daja before they 
were permitted to remove from the infected atmosphere of 
the ahip. 

At Philadelphia, Joseph had found opportunity to join 
a number of his countrymen in some open boats, in which 
they proposed to return to their native land. At Boston 
they were stopped by the patriotic Governor, and their 
boats destroyed. From thence be had traveled on foot and 
in canoes through the forents of Maine and New Brunswick, 
nntil he reached the vicinity of his former home. In all his 
wanderingH his purpose had been to find tidings of liachel, 
but he had sought in vain. After he had ni*arly given up all 
hope, he heard of this settlement in the mountains, and had 
arrived just as the object of his fond(*8t atTt^ctions wan about 
throwing herself away on a savage I But, now that he had re* 
turned, nothing should again part them. 

Calling the family together the situation was made known. 
The Indian brave would not voluntarily give up his bride, 
and they knew the haughty chief would treat such a proposal 
as a disgrace to his tribe, and deserving of his vengeanee. 
Their only plan was to ily. Their chance of eeca|)e was 
small indeed, but they would rather die than be separated. 

Their preparations were Hoon msile, and silently and 
cretly they fled into the dark forest, and reached their 
Doe moored at the little cove at our feet In the meantime, 
the ceremonials had reached the point at which the bride 
was to come forth, and tire young girls, dressed in white, 
with garlands about their heads, came to conduct Rachel to 
the chapel. The father by sundry pretexts, delayed the 
proc e edings until the suspicious and anger of the old chief 
were roused, when threats of instant vengeance drvw from 
the a(;;oTii7<*d father the fat*t that she had deil with her for- 
lover. 



SSO AOADIA 

Sncli • mftrk of ignominy as this to be oast on his 
the son ^ a proud Indian chief— was not to be bome. The 
order for immediate pursuit is giveni the festitities oease^ 
and dusky warriors are threading the forest in ereiy direc- 
tion for tiie fugitives. Certain death, and possibly worse 
torture, will follow their captura 

A wild shout announced the lovers had been discovered. 
The hearts of the parents sank as these sounds resounded 
through the moonlit forest ; the anguish of the mother dur- 
ing the succeeding moments, while the issue of the pursuit 
was unknown, and the wild uproar rose and sank on the 
night air, was intense, defying description, 

Joseph and Rachel were far out on the kke. The girl 
was quick with the paddle, and their canoe was rapidly 
speeding to the opposite shore. A sense of their situation 
lent supernatural strength to their arms, and they plied their 
oars as only those can who race for life. 

The canoes of the savages were already in the water, and 
a score of brawny forms were urging them forward in dose 
pursuit, while the lake echoed with terrific yells. 

For awhile, the lovers managed to elude their pursuers, 
and successfully baffled every attempt at captura Their 
strength, now, was beginning to flag under the intense and 
long continued strain. Gradually they had been nearing 
the outlet of the lake ; the lovers thought if they could but 
reach the shadow of yonder island, they might make good 
their escape down the river. They soon came into the in- 
fluence of the current of the stream, and had the satisfac- 
tion of perceiving their boat was being impelled rapidly for- 
ward, as they hoped, to a place of safety. 

A loud shout announced they had been discovered ; and 
the canoes of the savages poured into the river, and weife 
gaining so fast on the fugitives that the foremost was nearly 
up to their boat. Twice had Joseph picked up his gun to 
Bhoot, but Kacbel remonstrated by telling him it would on- 



sn 

ly mak% their oondition wona in cftsa they were afterwarde 
overUken ; and in any erent, the earagee would be oertaiD 
to riaii retribution on her parents. 

The lovers now ghwe up all hope. They threw down their 
paddles, and, falling into each other^s arms, allowed their 
«anoe to drift. They noted not the speed at which they 
were going, and were in momentary expectation of being 
orertaken. It wan not until some moments had elapsed thai 
they became aware the sarages had stopped pursuit-— 
The intensity of their emotions had prevented their dlTin- 
ing the cause until a turn in the river brought the roar of 
the falls full upon their ears. 

Under other circumstances, the sound would hare terrified 
them ; as it was they looked upon death in this form as a 
providential interposition. Should they try to avoid going 
over the falls, as tboy might ntill do, it would only prolong 
their livt'S to givo the angr}* Ravages a itisuce to put them 
to death by slow torture. *'Ijot me but die in your arms," 
said the maid, ** and I am content " Not a paddle was lift- 
ed to avert the danger. ** May the Lord bless father, and 
mother, and httle sister ^laud,** were the last words she ot- 
tered. Locked in a Inst embrace, they drew near the fatal 
brink — took their lant lortk of earth — and the boat, with the 
lover and maid. diHapi»<'ared from night forever! 

At each anniverKary of the ev^nt, at a (*ertain hour of the 
night, two ghostly fonnn come to this littN* rovi*, launch 
their canoe and i>adille into the lake. Tlieir artiouH indi* 
rate great haste an«l anxiety; tlu-ir canno fli>at<t awhile 
among the iHlandn and panHes into the ri\er. .\ii they ni*ar 
the rapids they drop their padtlles, enibraee each other, and 
disappear over the brink. This is done three nij;hts in suo- 
cession; then they are allowe<l a period of repose. 

"Pierre," said L after thin narration, **I pro|H>!»e to lie in 
wait to-morrow na|;ht, and if this lover and his maid pay us 
nnolhe. \isit, I am gomg to see whether they are of rea] 



ra AOIDIA 

fledi and blood, or whether it's only a fancy of our farains.''^ 
Then, having piled a fresh quantity of fuel on the fire, we 
onoe more rolled our blankets about us and fell asleep. 

It was about the bewitching hour of twelve of the night 
following, that Pierre and I took our places in our skif^ 
and moored it at the foot of the little cove where our strange 
visitors were to embark^ leaving the dog, Carlo, to look af- 
ter the camp. **This is a strange vigil we are keeping,** I 
remarked, ** watching for the spirits of- the departed to re- 
visit the earth I Here we've been waiting a full hour, and I 
think they intend to disappoint us. What's the matter^ 
Carlo, what do you see f " 

The dog had again set up his moaning as on the previous 
night, and his eyes seemed immovably fixed on the cove be- 
fore us. Though we could see nothing unusual, the supe- 
rior instincts of the dog enabled him to perceive that some- 
thing out of the common order was prowling about our 
camp. A quick exclamation from the guide startled me. 

There, not twenty feet away, two figures were in the act 
of launching a canoe. They exhibited the same undue haste 
as on the night before; seating themselves, they dipped 
their paddles into the water, and before we had recovered 
from our surprise, they were several yards into the lake. 

" Pierre," I exclaimed, " let's overtake them, or smash an 
oar,"^— and we bent to our work. Now gliding under the 
shadow of a wooded island, then darting across an open 
channel; now close at hand, and the next moment rods 
away, — sped the phantom boat and its ghostly crew. Our 
light skiflf fairly quivered with the powerful strokes of our 
oars, given with the impulse that strong excitement lent us. 
After a half hour's hard pulling, we were fain to admit we 
were losers in the race, and very soon we lost sight of them 
altogether. We were on the point of returning to camp, 
when the guide, pointing in the direction of the outlet of 
the lake, exclaimed — 



^Tbere thej are, in the rifer ! ** 

••QiTe w»yl Pierre," I fairly yelled, "give w»yl Well iet 
whether rernl bone and sinew is not a match for anything 
thai floats in these waters;** and sure enough, a few rapid 
strokes with all the force we could oxert, brought us close 
to the strangers. I had dropped my paddle, and, turning 
partly around in my seat, wan preparing to clutch at the oo- 
cupants of the canoe, when my arm wan arrested by a cry of 
terror from the guide. 

So intent had we been on the pursuit, that neither had 
noticed our proximity to the falls, until we were already 
being urged forward by that powerful suction that sweeps 
everything OTer the brink. Pierre had dincovcred this, and 
though he said not an intelligible word, I comprehended 
the meaning of his cry. I instantly grasped my oar; the 
next moment we were doing our utmost to force the boat 
out of the channel toward the shore. Life and death were 
in the balance, and for a time, we neither gained nor lost in 
our battle with the ruthless current If oar and row-lock 
w<*re taxi*d befort\ it was nothing to the fight we then made 
for life. At last it was evident we had discovered our dai^ 
gcr too late. 

**It*s no use!** exclaimed my companion, and his tones 
showed that he fully realized the danger we were in, *' we*ft 
got to go OTer them falls! *' 

The roar of the cataract became momentarily more die* 
tanct, and trees and other objects on shore were darling by 
with incredible swiftness. Our faces cut the spray as 
a knife, while the rapid motion of the boiling current 
fast becoming more and more perceptible. Nearer and 
Dearer we drew to the brink ; I felt that Pierre was guid- 
ing the boat to wiiore the water was smoothest--eTen at thai 
moment not resignmg all hope ; next I saw the yawning 
abyss below mo ; then came a sense of falling, down, doi 

and iben I lost consctouani 

12 



854 AOiDU 

When I came to myself, Pierre was bending oyer me. Hie 
had anaccoantably gained the shore at the bottom of the 
falls, and had it not been for his strong arm, I should not 
this winter evening have been writing this story. We sat 
down on the river bank, in our dripping garments, and min- 
utes elapsed before either said a word. The wildness of 
the place, the dim moonlight, the roar of the falls, and the 
well-nigh fatal ending of our adventure, for a time overpow- 
ed us. I first broke the silence. 

"I wonder if any person ever went over those falls before 
to-night, and came out alive and unhurt t" 

** Not that I ever heard of," said Fieixe, *^and all the world 
wouldn't tempt me to go through with that again." Then 
we threaded our way back to camp. 

'< Where's the dog," said I, as we came within the circle 
of light thrown out by the expiring camp-fire, and the faith- 
ful animal was nowhere to be seen. " I never knew him to 
desert a camp before, when it was left in his charge. How, 
what's thist Bring along one of those blazing pine knots, 
Pierre ! " 

There lay our faithful dog, covered in blood, and his flesh 
literally torn in shreds. He was yet alive, and a look of in- 
telligent recognition beamed from his eyes as we bent over 
him. And I actually thought the noble animal tried to tell 
us what had happened to him while we were absent He 
expired shortly in great agony ; and his death caused a pang 
in our hearts, akin to that one experiences at the loss of a 
brother. 

**It's aloup-garou that did that T'ain't none of your 
common wild varmints ; come, we musn't stay here I " And 
the strong man, whose face never blanched in his repeated 
encounters with the bear and the panther, trembled with 
fear as he spoke. "I tell you we've got to get out of this,** 
and he began to gather up our traps. I perceived it would 
be of no uae to object. 



LIOUTM 865 

** It will never do to kave Carlo onbgried,'* eaid I, for I 
could not free roy mind from the idea thai I was lomehow 
culpablj renpoDsible for his death. ** Carlo met his death at 
bis post of duty, and he is at least deserving of Christian 
burial, beyond the reach of those hungry panthers.** 

We soon found a cleft in a rock, in which we tenderly 
laid the body of our faithful hound, and walled up the open- 
ing with a few heavy stones; then hastily picking up our 
camp-equipage — our rifles were in the river at the bottom 
of the falls — and taking each a brand from the camp-fire, we 
bade adieu to Spirit Camp. Wo had not gone many yards, 
when a terrific cry broke upon the night Looking over 
our shoulders towards our late camp, from which diiection 
the sound seemed to come, wo saw a strange light among 
the trees, which I attributed to a reviving of the embers of 
our fire. But Pierre accounted for it differently. 

** There's the loups-garous, coming together at our camp^ 
Ii*8 lucky for us we got away when we did.'* • 



POFULAB BEUEFSi 



It was on one of those fine northern Acadian twilights 
in the month of June — St. John s Eve, by the calendar — thai 
Pierre and I were strolling by the river bank, inhaling the 
fragrance that was borne up from the apple trees in foU 
Uoom, and enjoying the cooling sea breeze that was blow* 
ing o£F the bay. 

** What are those bonfires that I see, Pierre, at Tarioos 
points along the river f " 

^* Those are St. John's Eve fires,** answered the goida 

Upon further enquiry in relation to the fires, I learned 
that they pertained to a custom formerly prevalent here, but 
which is fast dyiog out. The people build a pile of fragrant 
boughs outside the church, and as darkness sets iu, the 
priest appears, recites the prayers, blesses the wood, and 
sets it on fire in the presence of the congregation. The 
lesser ones were signal fires, by which neighbors, living 
miles apart, report to each other. If all is well, a bright 
fire is lighted and kept burning ; if sickness has visited the 
family, the fire fiickers and dies out ; if death, then the pile 
suddenly bursts into flame, and is as suddenly extinguished. 
For some time we watched the fires — some burning bright- 
ly, others slowly expiring, or quickly disappearing — and 
pictured to our imagination the varied experiences of joy 
and sorrow portrayed by this singularly impressive '^fire- 
languaga*' 



LIOEKM 857 

The sojoiimer ftmonf? theee remote French hainletfl will 
meet with the same manners, custoroa and moflca of drcMW 
that prcvailcil among their anceRtofH a hun^irt^l ream ago. 
Their devototlne»8 to the fornjH 4)f wortthip of thinr fore- 
fathers, and tlu'ir firm faith in the miraculous cvrntn aa- 
cribeil to the intercession of th(-ir pntron saints, are among 
the most distinct if e traits of tho Acadian deHCtiidauts : in 
short, the religious fervor of the French habitant has over been 
a national characteristic. On April 11, 1782, saja the chron- 
icle, darkoeas prevai]e<l on the Saguenav River, the heavens 
mourning for the death of a Jesuit, Father Jean Baptiste 
Labrosse, who died at Tadouaac on that day. Father L*- 
broaae was a native of Poitou. He arrived at Quebec in 
1754, and for neatly thirty years preached the gospel to 
white men and Indians along the St. Lawrence and down 
in the wilda of Acadia. On the night of hia death he waa 
at the house of an officer of the trading-post at Tadouaac, 
and, although nearly seventy years old, appeared to be aa 
strong and hearty as a man of forty. He was tall and robust, 
and hia long white hair and saintly face made him look er- 
ary inch an apostle. At nine k m. he rose, and in aolemn 
tones told his friends that the hour of his death was at hand. 
At midnight he sbould die, and the church bell at Tadouaao 
would announce the news to bis Indian children, who were 
camped there for tne spring trade in peltries and to all the 
OulL He bade the company farewell, charging them, as 
he left the house, to go to lleauxCoudres and bring Father 
Compain, the cure, to give hia body Christian aepulture. 
The party aat in silence, listening for the bella, which on 
the stroke of midnight began to toll The Tillage was 
aroQsed, and the people hurried to the chapel, and there 
before the altar, lay the old Jeauit, dead. They watched 
by the corpae until daylight, when the post officer ordered 
four men to take a canoe and go to De-aux-Coudrea A 
fearful storm was raging in the Qnlf, and ice floes alaosl 



868 AOADIA 

ehokod the wide expanse of water. ^Fear noti" said the 
olBieer to the fishermen; ** Father Labrosse wiU protect 
yon.** They launched the canoe, and great was their sor* 
prise to find that, while the tempest howled and the wavea 
and the ice seethed like a caldron on each side of themi a 
peaceful channel was formed by some invisible hand for 
their craft. They reached He-aux-Condres— over sixty miles 
as the crow flies, from Tadousac — without accident Fa* 
ther Gompain was standing on the cliff, and, as they neared 
the shore, he cried out, "Father Labrosse is dead, and you 
have come to take me to Tadousac to bury him ! " How 
did he know this? The night previous he was sitting alone 
in his house, reading his breviary, when suddenly the bell 
in the church (dedicated to St. Louis) began to tolL He 
ran down to the church, but the doors were locked, and 
when he opened them he found no one within, and still the 
passing bell was tolling. As he approached the altar, Fa> 
ther Gompain heard a voice saying, "Father Labrosse is 
dead. This boll announces his departure. To-morrow do 
thou stand at the lower end of the island and await the ar- 
rival of a canoe from Tadousac. Return with it and give 
him burial" And at all the mission posts where Father 
Labrosse had preached — Chicoutimi, Tile Verte, Trois- 
Pistoles, Rimouski, and along the Baie-des-Chaleurs — the 
bells, of their own accord, rang out the death of the old 
Jesuit at the same hour. And for many a year, whenever 
the Indians of Saguenay visited Tadousac, they made a 
pilgrimage to bis grave, and whispered to the dead within 
through a hole in the slab of the vault, believing that he 
would lay their petitions before God. 

Perhaps,^' said Pierre, after a silence of some minutes, 
you have never heard of the strange lights of the river. 
La Magdelainel You won't find a sailor, bom in these 
parts, who would be caught there alone at night for all the 
world. There are pale blue hghts and green lights play* 






t59 

ing on the waUr, and the moti doleful criM m hmrd thtr% 
■Qoh M jou don*t care to hear bat once. Tbej are not 
like the lighU jou tee here, and no one knows what thej 
are, but are supposed to be the troubled spirits of men who 
have been drowned among the rocks.** 

The folk lore of the inhabitantu of the Oaspi coast is dis- 
tinctive in its features. The phosphorescent glow of the 
water is attributed to supernatural agency, and the moan- 
ing of the surf among the hollow caTerns at the base of the 
Kca wall, is thought to be the Toice of the murderer, eon* 
ilemned to expiate his crime on the Terj spot tbat witnessed 
its commission ; for it is well known that the Oaspi wreck- 
its hsTe not always contented themselres with robbery and 
pillage, but have sometimes sought concealment by making 
way with Tictims — convinced that the tomb reveaU no se* 
crets. It was on these chores Ihat \Valker*s fleet encoun- 
tered that tenific August gale. Says the chronicle: 

On the 30tb of July, 1711, Sir Hovenden Walker, in 
oommand of a formidable armada, consisting of men-of-war 
and transports carrying troops, sailed from Nantasket Roads 
for Quebec, for the purpose of cspturiog that post, and 
aTsnging the repulse of Sir William Phipi)s in 1690. Paradis, 
master on a Rochelle gunboat that had been captured by the 
British frigate Chester, was put on board the flagship, Ed- 
gar, as pilot, for he knew the St Lawrence well. A dense 
fog settled down upon the fleet after it left Gss] e Bay; and 
at ten p. m. on August 22d, ^ we found ourselves** writes Ad* 
miral Walker, in his Journal, **upon the North Shore* 
amongst rocks and islands, at least fifteen leagues farther 
than the log gave, when the whole fleet had like to have been 
lost But by Ood*s good providence all the men-of-war, 
though with extreme hazard and difficulty, escaped Eight 
transports were cast away, and almost nine hundred men 
lost'* The beach of Egg Island and the Labrador ahore 
hard by were strewn with bodies. Two companies of Onarda 



S60 AOAJDUL 

who had fought under Marlborough in the Low OountrieB, 
were identified among the dead by their scarlet trappings. 
Mother Juchereau, in the Hotel Dieu, records in her diaiy 
that a salTage expedition, fitted out at Quebec, found two 
thousand corpses on Egg Island. Some said the French 
pilot had willfully wrecked the fleet. The clergy held that 
it was the work of the Blessed Virgin, and the name of the 
church of Notre Dame de la Yictoire in the Lower Town, 
where Phipps's repulse was annually celebrated, was changed 
to Notre Dame des Yictoires, to commemorate both occa- 
sions. But while the habitants doubted not the power or 
the beneficence of the Blessed Virgin, they ascribed the im- 
mediate causation of the wreck to Jean Pierre Lavallee of 
St. Frangois. When it became known at Quebec that Queen 
Anne was fitting out the expedition, he bade the people be 
of good heart. When the news of the disaster reached Que- 
bec, he said that Sir Hovendon had not drained his cup of 
bitterness ; and sure enough, while the Admiral was on his 
way to London to report the disaster, the Edgar, seventy 
^ns, blew up at Portsmouth, and all on board, 470 souls, 
perished. 

"But what are those smaller lights I see, Pierre, d^own on 
the island, that keep moving about as if carried in the hand; 
are they the torches of the eel fish erst" 

"No; they are the lamps of the money diggers," was the 
reply. 

"Money diggers!'* said I, "who are theyt" 

"Why, to be sure, that's a regular business in these parts," 
said Pierre. " A great many of the Neutrals buried their spe- 
cie before they were carried ofif, and it's not an unusual 
thing to find buried money. Those fellows down there are 
searching for some of Capt. Kidd's treasures, which, it is 
said, were hid somewhere near Dead Man's Cove. The place 
is so named, because Capt. Eidd killed one of his men and 
buried him with the money to guard it" 



Ml 

^ What, a dead man guarding monejl ** said I, ** what good 
eonld a dead man do towards protecting the treasure, please 
UUmer 

^Wh J,** answered be, surprised at mj incrednlitj, **ril tell 
jou what happened one night over at the foot of that hill 
you see yonder. Three men were digging for a pot of 
Spanish dollars, that a fortune-teller said was buried there. 
They worked like beavers for three ni^'bts, when, about one 
o'clock of the third ni^ht, their Hbovels struck something 
they found to be the lid of a stone crock. They lifted up 
the cover, and there, sure euougfli, were the Hhmiug piecen, 
filling the crock clear up to the top. The night was clear 
and calm, without a cloud to be Been. Wliile they were 
digging a little deeper so as to take out crock and all. the 
ahovel struck a human skull And such a flohb of lightning 
and peal of thunder as then came forth they never saw or 
heard before. The wind, too, began to blow a hurricane, 
and overset their lantern and blew out the light, at the same 
lime knocking over the man who held it This so beared 
them that they took to their heela On coming back the 
next morning, they could see where the crock had been tak- 
en out, but Raw nothing of it or the money. That crock 
was put there by pirates, and was guarded by the man they 
killed and buried with it, anil bo msile it lighten and thun- 
der to keep them from carrying off the mouev.** 

**Jm there no way to exorcise the spirit of the watcher^ 
•o as to get at the treasure t ** enquireii L 

** Yes, there are some that know how, or at least pretend 
they da They say, if one of the party that s digging gets 
killed, then the spell is broken ; but they don*t often try 
that plan. The usual way is for the company to take with 
them one who understands how to manage the watcher ko 
as to get at the money.** 

^But you say they of tan do find money buried abool 

ret- 



^YeBf that is where the money is buried alone. Wa oftcD 
hear of Frenchmen coming bade who go to digging, and 
nearly always find money. They have charts and mineral 
rods with them, to show where to dig. Tve heard say they 
sometimes haare Spanish needles, but I neyer saw one. The 
needles are much better than the rods, for they tell specie 
from ore, and the rods do not. Some years ago two French* 
men came to my father's and asked to stay all night. We 
offered them a nice bed in the house, but in spite of all we 
could say and do, they would sleep in the bam. The next 
morning early we went out, when nothing was to be seen of 
the Frenchmen. But we picked up two Spanish dollars 
that they dropped on the floor. This set us to looking, 
and we found that the plate over the great doors had bean 
hollowed out, and a board nicely fitted as a cover ; in this 
hollow the money had been secreted for years. I once heard 
of a company that engaged with a land-holder on Gampo- 
bello Island, to dig for buried money, agreeing to pay him 
a certain part of all the money they found. The first sum- 
mer they worked several months without success; the next 
season they came again, and again went away empty-handed. 
Not yet discouraged, they went to work again the third 
summer. One day the owner thought he would go down 
to where they were digging, and was surprised to find no 
one there. They had all deserted the place, taking their 
tools with them. Upon examination he discovered they had 
found the money, and had secretly made off with it with* 
out paying him his share." 

^' I presume you have numerous instances among you, of 
people becoming suddenly rich, who have luckily hit upon 
the hiding place of buried treasure," said I. 

** Yes, but they oftener get rich from stripping wrecks af* 
ter a storm ; but that's a business that can't be followed 
like it used to be. That house you see beyond those trees, 
why, its owner got rich in a single night, but he never would 



My bow he eune by the moaej. FU wa|^ I wooldn*! Uk# 
it and have thai mmo** oonid e ii o e to earry with m% m long 
as I lifecL Fto a Blind to tell you the story of a tea cap- 
tain who made lota of money i he afterward got found oat 
and had to leare the country. It hae already been in prints 
but then it*s none the worse for that It is one of the 
bloody stories of Sable Island, about which so many are 
told." 

Sable Island, rendered memorable by reason of numbsr- 
less melancholy shipwrecks, lies directly in the track of Tea- 
sels bound to or from Europe. Lying low in the water, par- 
tially clad with bent grass, it is not easily distinguished from 
the deep green of the surrounding sea. Its surface and 
eontour is continually undergoing a change, from the com- 
bined action of wind and waTe : — the spot where the first 
superintendent dwelt is now more than three miles in the 
sea, and three fathoms of water break upon it Those who 
hare not personally mtnessed the effect of a storm upon this 
lonely isle in mid-ocean, can form no adequateldea of its hoi^ 
rors. The rcTerberated thunder of the sea when it strikes this 
attenuated line of sand, on a front of thirty miles, is truly 
appalling ; and the ribration of the island under its mighty 
pressure, seems to indicate that it will separate and be borne 
away into the ocean. 

The whole of the south end is covered with timber, which 
has been torn from wrecks and driven on shore by the no- 
leoee of the sea. At the two extremities are dangerous bars : 
the northwest bar sixteen miles long and a mile and a half 
in width, over the whole of which the lea breaks in bad 
weather ; that on the northeast of equal width and twenty* 
eight miles long, which, in storms, forms one continuous line 
of breakers. 

Herds of wild horses roam over the island, a few of whi^ 
are taken erery year and sent to Hslifai, Years ago it sup* 
ported hundreds of wild hogs — the progeny, no doobli of 



36A AOADU 

swine east ashore from some wrecked vessel ; these aQ per- 
ished daring an unusuallj severe winter. It has not been 
thought advisable to renew this species of stock, in view of 
the fact that not only have human bodies formed an artide 
of their food, but many living persons, weak and helpless 
from cold and exposure, have often escaped from wrecks on- 
ly to be devoured alive by these fierce brutes. 

A boat runs once a year between the island and Halifai, 
chartered by the Canadian government to carry provisions 
and stores to the lighthouse people and patrols, and bring 
away people who may have been wrecked there daring the 
previous year. As many as three hundred people have been 
on the island at one time— cast upon those lonely sands by 
marine disaster. It was found necessary to bring into requi- 
sition the strong arm of the government to protect the 
wrecks from persons who went there for the purpose of 
plunderiog ; — ^it was made a criminal ofifense with a penalty of 
six years* imprisonment, to be found voluntarily residing on 
the island without a license. 

*^ Should any one be visiting the island now, he might 
first discern, at a few miles distance, a half-dozen low hum- 
mocks on the horizon. On his approach these gradually re- 
solve themselves into hills fiiDged by breakers, next the 
white sea-beach with its continued surf, — the sand-hills, part 
naked, part waving in grass of deep sea green, unfold them- 
ilelves, — while here and there along the wild beach lie the 
ribs of unlucky traders half buried in the shifting sand. — 
The first thing the visitor does is to mount the flag-staff 
and scan the scene. The ocean bounds him everywhere. 
On the foreground the outpost men are seen galloping their 
rough ponies into headquarters, recalled by the flag flying 
over his head. The West-end house of refuge, with bread 
and matches, firewood and kettle, and also with its flag-stafi^ 
occupies an adjoining hill* Every sandy peak or grassy 
knoll with a dead man's name or an old ship's tradition:-^ 



865 

Troii*8 Core, Baker's Hill, French Oardent,— trftditionft- 
ty fpot where the poor conncts expiated their social crimet— 
the little burjing-ground consecrated to the repose of many 
a sei^tossed limb, — and at Tarious points down the lake, 
other lookout stations, each with its house of refuge and 
flag-staff, complete the riew.** 

Some less than a century ago, this lone waif of the ocean 
was much resorted to by fiHhcrmcn. With the increase of 
commerce came a corresponding increase of wrecks ; it was 
at this period that the cupidity of men of infamous charao* 
tar was excited, and numbers of pirates and wreckers infest* 
ed the island. Few who survived shipwreck and escaped to 
its inhospitable HhorcH, ever lived to bear their story to the 
mainland. Soon dark stories were being circulated of hor* 
rible deeds there committed, and Sable Island became an 
ill-omened name. Many an adventurer embarked on a dan* 
destine voyage, and returned not long after to exhibit untold 
wealth. Here, secure from the reach of the law, and pro- 
tected by the very elements that brought the unfortunate 
wrecks into their power, these human ghouls plied their 
calling with immense success. 

Many years ago the Amelia Transport was wrecked oo 
these shores. The vessel conveyed some members of the 
royal family, and was represented as having on board con- 
•iderable treasure. The talk got abroad that the passen* 
gers and crew fell into the hands of pirates, and all that ee* 
caped drowning were murdered. Captain Torrens was sent 
to enquire into the truth of the reports, and he too suffered 
■hipwreck on the coast, escaping with only a part of his 
crew. While looking about the island he came to a shanty 
known as the ** smoky hut** His d<^ l>egan to growl and 
bark as though he saw something in the hut ; on looking 
within, he beheld a lady clad in white, all wet and dripping 
is if she had just been rolled ashore in the surf. The C^ 
tain spoke to her: abe answered not a word bot held op 



S66 AOADIA 

the bleeding stump of her fore-finger. He ran for fhe flnr« 
geon's chesty and went up to her to bind up her wound ; but 
fihe slipped past him and ran out of the door, the Captain 
following and begging her to stop. She kept on running 
until she came to a lake in the center of the island, when 
she dove head foremost into it. So he walked slowly back; 
and coming near the hut, he saw the same lady again with- 
in, holding up her finger as before. 

Looking awhile at her pale, wet face, the Captain thought 
be recognized her features as one whom he supposed to be 
di'owned on the Transport, and he began to question her. 

^*Is that you, Lady Copelandt '' said ha The lady bowed 
^* Yes," and then held up her finger. 

''And the pirates murdered you to get that ring!" Once 
more the lady bowed " Yes," again holding up the bleeding 
stump. Then the Captain swore he would hunt the villains 
out, and return the ring to her family. This seemed to 
please her, for she smiled, and disappeared into the lake as 
before. 

The Captain was good as his word. He tracked one of 
the most noted pirates down to the coast of Labrador, made 
the acquaintance of bis wife and family, and without excit- 
ing any suspicion as to bis purpose, learned that the dia- 
mond ring bad been left at a watchmaker's shop in Halifax 
to be sold. He went to Halifax, purchased the ring, and 
sent it home to the lady's friends, as he had promised to do. 



APPENDIX. 



McKsm. Apthorp & Ilancock to Francis Pcirej, Dr« 
To bire of Sloop Kan^^cr, ixiVHelf master, from 
20th AuguHt 1755 to the 30th January, 
1756, incluiling 10 days for hia return, ia 
6 months 10 days, at £-18 10 8 p. month. £258 IG 10 
Pilott GOa. pr. month. IG 



274 IG 10 



To cash pel. for provinions at !^larylaud, to supply 
208 French persona, after the pio\iHiona 
reed, from ^Ir. Saul wero expended vizt. 
Flour 59 8 2 at 14a. £41 16 8 

Bread 20 22 at IHs. 18 3 8 

Beef 12 1 9 at 20$. 12 6 3 

Pork 6 1 19 at 20s. G 8 4 

Wood 3 Cord at 148. 2 2 

pd. Horse hire di cx|>cn8ea to go to the 

Governor when sent for 4 



84 IG 11 
Deduct 20 p. cent 16 19 3 



67 IT 8 



To the passages of 81 persons more than the 

Complement, of 2 to ton at 4a. 6d. 18 4 • 

Fiascu PnmiT. £360 19 

[The aboTs is a tnithfol transcripi of a bill, copied from 
the Nora Scotia Archifea, which relates to the transport** 
tioo of tbo Neatrol French from the ProTinceu We gi? e ii 



868 AOADU 

a place here as it seems to confirm the assertion made by 
the Neutrals that thej were crowded mto lue vessels in a 
cruel and barbarous manner. The sloop. Banger, as 6!iown 
in the bill, had on board 208 persons, which was bl more 
than her complement of 2 persons to a ton. Deducting the 
81, we find her allotted complement to be 127, which would 
make the Banger to be a smaU sloop of little more than 
fdxty tons burden. By directions of Goyemor Lawrence, 
(hey were to be confined in the holds of the vessels, lest 
they should seize an opportunity to overpower the crew. 
Those who are familiar with the measurement of vessels 
will readily understand whether the dictates of humanity 
were consulted in this forced embarkation of the sufferers^ 
or whether the fearful mortality, which in a few weeks re- 
duced their numbers to one-half, was more than might 
liave been expected.] 



R7ITI05 or THZ mcXTTBALS TO THE 1150 07 OUUT BmiTAIK. 



To Lin most exccIlcDt MajcsiT, King of Great BriUiOt fta^ 

The* liuml)!o petition of bis subjects, tbo late French in* 
babitatilH of Nova Scotia, fornieily settled on the Bay of 
Mil as, and rivers thereunto b<-lon^Mn^ : nuw rehidin^' in the 
Province of IVnnsylvAnia, on l>ebalf of tbeniM'lves and the 
rest of the late inbabitantH of the said bay, and also of those 
formeily settled on the BiTer of Anna|>olis Royal, whereto- 
e?er dibpersed. May it please your Majesty, 

It is not in our power bufiiciently to trace back the con- 
ditions u|>on which our ancestors first settled in Nora Sco- 
tia, under the protection of your Majesty*s predecessors, ae 
the greatest part of our elders who were acquainted with 
these transactions are dead ; but more es|)ecially because 
our papeiY, which contained oor contracts, records* dic^ 
were, by violence, taken from us some time before the un- 
happy catastrophe which has been the occasion of the ca- 
lauiities we are now under; but we always understood the 
foundation thereof to be from un aj;ri*enient made between 
Tour Majesty's commanders in Nova Scotia, and our fore- 
fathers, about the year 1713, whereby they were permitted 
to remain in possension of their lands, under an oath of fi* 
delity to the British gOTernment, with an exemption from 
bearing arms, and the allowance of the free exercise of their 
religion. 

It is a matter of certainty, (and within the compass of 
some of our memoriet*,) that in the year 1730, General Phil- 
lips, the GoTernor of Nova Scotia, did, in your Majesty *a 
name, confirm unto uk and all the inhabitants of the whole 
extent of the Bay of Mines and nfers thereunto belonging* 



870 

the free and entire poesession of those lands we were then 
possessed of; which bj grants from the former French gov* 
emment, we held to ns and our heirs forever, on paying the 
cnstomary quit-rents, &c. And on condition that we should 
behave with due submission and fidelity to your Majesty, 
agreeable to the oath which was then administered to us^ 
which is as follows, viz. : 

*'We sincerely promise and swear, by the faith of a Chris- 
tian, that we shall be entirely faithful, and will truly sub- 
mit ourselves to his Majesty King George, whom we ac- 
knowledge as Sovereign Lord of New Scotland, or Acadia; 
so God help us." 

And at the same time, the said General Phillips did, in 
like manner, promise the said Frencb inhabitants, in your 
Majesty^s name, ^'That they should have the true exercise of 
their religion, and be exempted from bearing arms, and 
from being employed in war, either against the French or 
Indians." Under the sanction of this solemn engagement 
we held our lands, made further purchases, annually pay- 
ing our quit-rents, &c. ; and we had the greatest reason to 
conclude, that your Majesty did not disapprove of the above 
agreement : and that our conduct continued, during a long 
course of years, to be such as recommended us to your gra- 
cious protection, and to the regard of the Governor of New 
England, appears from a printed declaration, made seven- 
teen years after this time, by his Excellency William Shir- 
ley, Governor of New England, which was published and 
dispersed in our country, some originals of which have es- 
caped from the general destruction of most of our papers, 
pai't of which is as follows : 

By his Majesty's command, 

A declaration of William Shirley, Esq., Captain-General 
find Governor-in-Chief, in and over his Majesty^s Province 
of Massachusetts Bay, &c. 

To his Majesty's subjects, the French inhabitants of No- 
va Scotia : Whereas, upon being informed that a report 
had been propagated among the French inhabitants of his 
Province of Nova Scotia, that there was an intention to re- 
move them from their settlements in that Province, I did, 
by my declaration, dated 16th September, 1746, signify to 
them that the same was groundless, and that I was, on the 
contrary, persuaded that His Majesty would be graciously 



m 

plMsed to ezUDd his royml proieoUoDv to all •oeh of ibMH 
as should oontiuue in their fidelity and allegiance to Ydokf 
and in no wise abet or hold correfipondence with the eoa- 
mies of his crown ; and therein assured thotn, that I would 
make a favorable representation of thi*ir state and circum- 
stances to His Majesity, and did accordingly traiismit a rep- 
resentation thereof to be laid before hiui, and have there- 
upon received his royal plc^sHure, touching his aforesaid sub- 
jects in Nova Scotia, with his express couiuiauds to signify 
the same to them in his name: Now, by virtae thereof, and 
in obedience to said orders, I do hereby deeUre, id his Maj- 
esty *ri name, that there is not the least fouiulation fur auj 
appiehensions of his Majesty's intt-nJing tj leiuova thoui, 
tno hsid inliabitants of Nova Sc jtia, ftoui thnr haiil huttlo- 
nients and habitations within the haul I'lovince; but that, 
on the contiary, il is liiK Majestv's n'M)a;ti>>u to pr.«tet*taud 
inaiiitaiu all huch of them a.s have aaluica to und shall con- 
tinue in thiir duty and aile;^iauce to him, in the quiet and 
peac4Mib!o possrshion of their ivspiHtive habitalioub and set* 
tlemehts, and in the enjoyment ol their ri^utsuudpiivUogea 
as his subjects «^^*« ^^c. 

Dated at Bo.«»ton, Oct. 21st, 1747. 

Autl this is farther continued by a letter, dated 29th of 
June in the same year, wrote to our deputies by Mr. Ma4l> 
careue, chief commander in Nova Scutia, which refers to 
Governor *Shirle>*s tiist declaration, of which wo have % 
copy, legally authenticated, part of which is as follows, via.! 

^ As to the fear you say you labor under, on account of 
being threatened to be made to evacuate the country, yoQ 
have in possession his Excellency William Shirley's printed 
letter, whereby you may be made easy in that respect: JOQ 
are sensible of the promise I have made to vou, the cffecta 
of which you have already felt, thai I woula piotect you so 
long as, by your good conduct auil tidelity to the Crown of 
Great Britain, you would enable mo to do ao, which prom- 
ise I do again lepeat to you.'* 

Near the time of the publication of the before-mentioned 
declaration, it was rec^uired that our deputies should, on b^ 
half of all the people, renew the oatu formerjy taken to 
General rhiilips, which was done without any mention of 
bearing arms — and we can with truth aay* that we are doI 
■eoaibie of any alteration in our diapoaitioo or coBduet^ auMO 



872 



ttuA time, bat ihai we always eoniiniied to retaia s gnAdvl 
r^ard to your Majesty and your gOTemment, notwitfastand* 
ing which, we hsTe found oorselTes sarroonded with diffi- 
ealties unknown to us before. Your Majesty determined 
lo fortify our Province and settle Halifax; whi^ the French 
looking upon with jealoasy, they made frequent incursions 
through our country, in order to annoy that settlement, 
whereby we came exposed fo many straits and hardships ; 

Jet, from the obligations we were under, from the oath we 
ad taken, we were never under any doubt, but that it was 
our indispensable doty and interest, to remain true to your 
government and our oath of fidelity, hoping that in time 
those difficulties would be removed, and we should see peace 
ftnd tranquillity restored : and if, from the change of affairs 
in Nova Scotia your Majesty had thought it not consistent 
with the safety of your said Pro?ince, to let us remain there 
upon the terms promised us by your Governors, in your 
Majesty *s name, we should doubtless have acquiesced with 
any other reasonble proposal which might have been made 
to us, consistent with the safety of our aged parents, and 
tender wives and children : and we are persuaded, if that 
bad been the case, wherever we had retired, we should have 
held ourselves under the strongest obligations of gratitude^ 
from a thankful remembrance of the happiness we had en- 
joyed under your Majesty's administration and gracious pro- 
tection. About the same time of the settlement of Halifax, 
General Comwallis, Governor of Nova Scotia, did require 
that we should take the oath of allegiance without the ex- 
emption before allowed us, of not bearing arms ; but this 
we absolutely refused, as being an infringement of the prin* 
cipal condition upon wiiicb our forefathers agreed to settle 
under the Biitish government 

And we acquainted Governor Comwallis, that if your 
Majesty was not willing to continue that exemption to us, 
we desired liberty to evacuate the country, proposing to 
settle on the Island of St John, [now known as Prince Ed- 
ward Island.] where the French Government was willing to 
let us have land ; which proposal he at that time refused to 
consent to, but told us he would acquaint your Majesty 
therewith, and return to us an answer. But we never re> 
ceived an answer, nor was any proposal of that made to us 
until we were made prisoners* 



ATrtMDix STS 



After the eettlement of Halifax, we saffered maDj abu 
mnd inftultB from jour Majciitv*s enemies, more enpecialij 
from the Indiaim in the interest of the Frrnch, by whom 
our cattle w^re killed, our houses pillaf^ed, aud many of us 
personally nbused aud put in ft ar of our liwt^ utul home 
«Ten carried away piisouc-rs towards Canada, hololy on oc- 
eount of our resolution steadily to maintain our oath of ti- 
delitj to the English GoTernment : particulaily iteuu Le 
Blanc (our public notary), was taKeii prisoner by the Indians 
when actually traveling in your Majesty's service, his house 

Eillaged, and himself carried to the French fort, from whence 
e did not recover his liberty, but with gnat difficulty, af- 
ter four years captivity. 

We were hkewise obliged to comply with the demand of 
the enemy, made for provision, cattle, &c., upon pain of 
military execution, which ^e had reason to believe the Got- 
erument was made sensible was not an act of choice on our 
part, but of neceesity, as those in authority appeared to 
take in good part the representations we always made to 
them after anything of that nature had happened. 

Notwithstanding the many difficulties we thus latiored 
QDd«-r, yet we dare ap|>eal to the several Governors, both at 
Halifax and Annapolis Itoyal, for testimonies of our being 
alwa\s uady and willing to obey their orders, and give all 
the assistance m our jxiwer, either in furnishing provisions 
and material K, or malung roads, building forts. Au.\, agree- 
able to your ^lajcbty's oi ders, and our oath of tidelity, when- 
soever cmlled U|xjn, or required thereunto. 

It was also our constant care to give notice to your ulaj* 
«aty*s commanders, of the danger tht*y from time to tuna 
have been ex£>osed to by the enemy's tioops, aud had the m* 
telligence we gave been always att^-iuicd to, many lives might 
have been spared, particularly in the uniisppy affair wmoh 
befell Major Noble and his brother at Oiand Fie; when 
they, with great. numbers of their men, were cut ofi' by tha 
enemy, not^iithstanding the frequent advices we had given 
them of the danger they were in ; aud yet we have Dean 
very unjustly accused, as partiea in that massacre. 

And although me have been thus anxiously concerned, to 
manifeat our ndelity in these several respects, yet it has t>eeii 
falsely insinuated, that it had been our general practice to 
abet and support your Majesty's enemicat but we tniat thai 



874 Mmmk 

tour UajeRiy wOl not soffer saspioionB and aficiiBationi to 
be receiTed as proofs sufficient to redace some thousands of 
innocent people, from the most happy situation to a state 
of the greatest distress and misery I No, this was far from 
our thoughts ; we esteemed our situation so happy as by 
no means to desire a chang& We have always desired, and 
again desire that we may be permitted to answer our accus- 
ers in a judicial way. In the meantime permit us, Sir, here 
solemnly to declare, that these accusations are utterly false 
and gi'oundless, so far as they concern us as a coUectiTe 
body of people. It hath been always our desire to live as 
our fathers have done, as faithful subjects under your Maj- 
esty*s royal protectioD, with an unfeigned resolution to 
maintain our oath of fidelity to the utmost of our power. 
Yet it cannot be expected, but that amongst us, as well aa 
amongst other people, there have been some weak and false> 
hearted persons, susceptible of being bribed by the enemy 
so as to break the oath of fidelity. Twelve of these were 
outlawed in Governor Shiiiey^s proclamation before men- 
tioned; but it will be found that the number of such false- 
hearted men amongst us were very few, oonsideiipg our 
situation, the number of our inhabitants, and how we stood 
circumstanced in several respects; and it may easily be 
made appear, that it was the constant care of our deputies 
to prevent and put a stop to such wicked conduct, when it 
came to their knowledge. 

We understood that the aid granted to the French by the 
inhabitants of Cbignecto, has been used as an argument to 
accelerate our ruin; but we trust that your Majesty will not 
permit the innocent to be involved with the guilty ; no con- 
sequence can be justly diawn, that, because those people 
yielded to the threats and persuasions of the enemy, we 
should do the same. They were situated so far from Hali- 
fax, as to be in a great measure out of the protection of the 
English Goveruiuent, which was not our case; we were sep- 
arated from them by sixty miles of uncultivated land, and 
had no other connection with them, than what is usual with 
neighbors at such a distance; and we can truly say, we 
looked on their defection from your Majesty's interest with 
great pain and anxiety. Nevertheless, not long before our 
being made prisoners, the house in which we kept our con* 
tracts, records, deeds, &c., was invested with an armed forces 



•76 

Mid aD our p^mtb Tiolenily earned away, none of whieh 
hafe to thia day been retained to 0% whereby we are in a 
great measare depriTed of meani of makiDg oar innoemiey 
aod jaetoeee of oar complain ta appear in their trae light 

Upon oar aending a remonttrance to the OoTemor and 
Couneilf of the Tiolence that had been offered as by the 
aeiaare of our papers, and the groundless fears the Govern- 
ment appeared to be under on our account, by their taking 
away our amis, no answer was returned to us; but those 
who had signed the reiuonstrftnce, and some time after six- 
ty more, in all about eighty of our elders, were summoned 
to appear before the Governor and Council, which they im« 
mediately complied with ; and it was required of them that 
they should taice the oath of sllc'giance, without the exemp- 
tion, which, during a course of near fifty years, had been 
granted to us and to our fathers, of not being obliged to 
bear arms, and which was the principal condition upon which 
our ancofftors agreed to remain in Nova Scotia, when the 
rest of the French inliabitautH evacuated the country : which, 
as it was contrary to our iucUnation and judgment, wo 
thought ourselves engaged in duty absolutely to refuse. 
Nevertheh^ss, wo freely offered and would gladly have re- 
newed, our oath of tidelity, but this was not accepted of, 
and we were all immediately made prisonerH, and were told 
by the Governor, that our etitates, both real and personal* 
were forfeited for your Majestj s use. As to those who re> 
maincd at home, they were summoned to appear before tha 
Commanders in the forts, which, we showing some fear to 
comply with, on the account of the seizure of our papers^ 
and imprisonment of so many of our elders, we had the 

greatest assurance given us, that there was no other design, 
ut to make us renew our former oath of fidelity : yet as 
soon as we were within the fort, the same judgment was 
paas^ on us, as had been passed on our brethren at Hali- 
fax, and we were also made prisoners. 

Thus, notwithstanding the solemn grants made to our 
fathers by (teu«ral l'hiUii>s, and the declaiatiou made by 
Governor Shirley and 3ir. Mancarene, in >our Majesty's 
name, that it wan your Majesty's resolution to protect ami 
maintain all such of us as should continue in their duty and 
allegiance to your Majesty, in the quiet and |>eaceabl« poe* 
of theu- settlementsi and the enjoyment of ail tnair 



376 



AOkDlA 



righto aDd priTilegeSy •• joor Majest/s sabjects; we foand 
otmelTes at onoe depilT^ of our estates and liberties^ with- 
out any jadidal process, or even without any aoensers ap* 
pearing against us, and this solely grounded on TnistoVen 
jealonsies and false suspicions that we are inclinable to 
to take part with your Majesty's enemies. But we again 
declare that that accusation is groundless : it was always 
our fixed resolution to maintain, to the utmost of our pow- 
er, the oath of fidelity which we had taken, not only from a 
sense of indispensable duty, but also because we were weQ 
satisfied with our situation under your liajesty^s GoTcm- 
ment and protection, and did not think it could be bettered 
by any change which could be proposed to us. It has also 
been falsely insinuated that we held the opinion that we 
might be absolved from our oath so as to break it with im- 
punity ; but this we likewise solemnly declare to be a false 
accusation, and which we plainly evinced, by our exposing 
ourselyes to so great losses and sufferings, rather thim take 
the oath proposed to the Gh>yemor and Council, because we 
Apprehended we could not in conscience comply therewith. 

Thus we, our ancient parento and grand parents, (men of 
great integrity and approved fidelity to your Majesty,) and 
our innocent wives and children, became the unhappy vio- 
iims to those groundless fears: we were transported into 
the English (Colonies, and this was done in so much hasten 
and with so little regard to our necessities and the tender- 
est ties of nature, that from the most social enjoyments and 
affluent circumstaDces, many found themselves destitute of 
the necessaries of life: parents were separated from chil- 
dren, and husbands from wives, some of whom have not to 
this day met again ; and we were so crowded in the trans- 
port vessels, that we had not room even for all our bodies 
to lay down at once, and consequently were prevented from 
carrying with us proper necessaries, especially for the sup- 
port and comfort of the aged and weak, many of whom 
quickly ended their misery with their lives. And even those 
amongst us who had suffered deeply from your Majesty's 
enemies, on account of their attachment to your Majesty'i 
Government, were equally involved in the common calami- 
ty, of which Bene Le Blanc, the notary public before men- 
tioned, is a remarkable instance. He was seized, confined, 
and brought away among the rest of the people, and hU 



family^ eansUiing of twenty children^ and abc>%U ans Aiu^ 
dred andfiJXy grand ehUdrtn^ toere scattered in different 
CoionuSf MO that he was put on shore at New York^ wit/i 
only his wife and two youngest children^ in an infirm sUit* 
of health, from whence he joined three more of his childrea 
at Philadelphia, where he died without anj more notice be* 
ing taken of him than any of ua, notwithstanding hit many 
years* labor and deep sufferings for jour Majeetj*s senrice. 

The miseries we have since endured are scarce sufficiently 
to be expressed^ being reduced for a livelihood to toil and 
hard labor in a southern dime, so disagreeable to our con- 
stitutions, that most of us have been prevented, by sickness, 
from procuring the necessary subsistence for our families ; 
and therefore are threatened with that which we esteem the 
greatest aggravation of all our sufferings, even of having 
our children forced from us, and bound out to strangers, 
and exposed to contagious distempers unknown in our na- 
tive country. 

This, compared with the afSuence and ease we enjoyed, 
shows our condition to be extremely wretched. We have 
already seen in this Province of Pennsylvania two hundred 
and fifty of our people, which is more than half the number 
thai were landed here, perish through misery and various 
diieases In this great distress and misery, we have, under 
Ood, none but your Majesty to look to with hopes of relief 
and redress: We therefore hereby implore your gracious 
protection, and request you may be pleased to let the jus- 
tice of our complamts be truly and impartially enquired in- 
to, and that your Majesty would please to grant us such 
relief, as in your Justice and clemencv you wdl think our 
«ase requires, and we shall hold ourselves bound to pray. 

[This memorial had not the effect of procuring them any 
redress, and they were left to undergo their punishment in 
•zile, and to mingle with the population among whom they 
were diatributed, in the hope that in time, tiieir language, 
predilectiona, and even the recollection of their origin, would 
be lost amidst the mass of English people^ with whom they 
were incorporated.* — Ilalidurton.'} 



fisspMtU^teol 



bif <m the Anmbfy of the Brofmee of Tmamg/lmak^ 
hj jMia Beptifl 4ihirr^i oneof theenUpeoplaL 



Iboot the jeer 1718» when AniMyaKe Bojel wm tak» 
from the FraDdi» oor lUhors being Uien aelttad an file Biij 
of Fundi, upon flie sonendar of thet cu unii y to tte Sqg^ 
Bah, bed, hj nrtee of the iraety of XTtndE^ e jmr mnlad 
iheni to remote with Qieir effs^ ; bat not beug wKiC to 
lone the finiite of ao many jeais Umnt, thqr ffboee nOflr to 
lemain thara^ and beooane the anbjeeta of Great Britmn, eat 
oMiditiop that thej might be eie mp ted £ram beainig anna 
i^ainat nanea (moat of them hanng near rfiatioaa and 
flaanda amonaat the Kre a eh, whidi tiiaj aqght hove dt^ 
alrofad with UMir own bandar bad tiiaj nnBBimted to beir 
arma againat them> This req;neat fh&w alwaja undentood 
to be granted, on their taking the OaOi of Fidelity to bar 
late Ifajeatj, Queen Anne; iHiidi Oeth of Fideiitj waa If 
na, about 27 years ago, renewed to his Majesty, Cog 
George, by General Philipso,* who then allowed us an ex* 
emption from bearing arms against France; which exemp» 
tion, till lately, (that we were told to the contrary) we lU- 
ways thought was approTcd by the King. Our Oath of Fi> 
dehty, we that are now brought into this ProTince, as well 
as those of our community that are carried into neighboring 
proTincea, hare always inTiolably obsored, and haTe, on aU 
oecasiona, been willing to affoixL all the assistanoe in our 
power to his Majesty's Gk>Temors in erecting forts, wwVing 
roads, bridges, Ac, and proTiding proTisions for his Majea- 
ty's senrioe, as can be testified by the sereral gOTcraors and 
officers that haTe commanded in his l^jealy's Pforinoe of 
NoTa Sootia; and this, notwithstanding the repeated edIio> 



«Sm pp. U7. U& 



!•> 



nd ■>■■!■• whidh v« Imm ^, 

mor« or kM» raflTflnd from ttw IVnA tad iDdwBi of Cm- 
ttdft ott Uuil aeecMnit puiifliikriy About lio jmh ago, nhia 
no n«oeh md Id^mm cmbo to oar — tHoownti» intiodmf 
to attadc Anmpolfa Rorml, wbkh, had tiMir intMitkxi mo- 
oooded, would hmw% ouido them nuutcn of aO Nom Sootia, 
it being the only place of stTHigth then in that Prorinet^ 
tbej eameetly solicited us to join with, and aid them there- 
in : bat we persisting in oar reeolution to abide true to oar 
Oath of Fidelity, and abeolately refusing to gife them any 
•asistaneeyt they gave orer thsir intention, and retamed Id 
Canada And about seven years past, at the settJing td 
Halifax* a body of 150 Indians came amongst aa» forced 
some of as from our habitations, and by threats and blows 
would have coinpelled us to assist them in way-laying and 
destroying the Eoglisb then employed in erecting forts in 
different parts of the country ; but poeitirely refusing, they 
left as, alter baring abused us, and made great havoc of oar 
cattle, &C. I myself was six weeks before I wholly reeor* 
ered of the blows received at that time Almost number- 
leas are the instances which might be given of the abosea 
and loases we have undergone from the French Indiana, on 
account of our steady adherence to our Oath of Fidelity i 
and yet, notwithstanding oor strict observance thereof, we 
have not been able to prerent the grievous calamity which 
ia now come upon us, and which we ^>prehend to be in 
great measure owing to the unhappy situation and condoet 
of some of our people settled at Chignecto, at the bottom 
of the Bay of Fundi, where the French, about four years 
ago, erected a fort ; those of our people who were settled 
near it, after having had many of their settlements burnt bj 
the French, being too far from Halifax and Port Boyal to 
oxpect suficient assistance from the English, were obliged, 
as we believe, more through compulsion and fear than in* 
elination, to join with and assist the French ; which also 
appears from the Articles of Capitulation agreed on between 
Colonel Monckton and the French Commander, at the d^ 
Kvery of the said fort to the English, which is exactly in the 
following words: 

**With regard to the Acadians, as they have been foroed 



*8eepp^ IKISI fSee fM-oous on p|]^ 1<7, 16iL Itl 



480 AOADXA 

to take up arms on pain of death, they shall be pardoned 
for the part thej have been taking."* 

Notwithstanding this, as these people's conduct had giv* 
en just umbrage to the GoTemment, and created suspicions 
to the prejudice of our whole community, we were sum* 
moned to appear before the Gk>vemor and Council at Hali- 
fax, where we were required to take the Oath of Allegiance^ 
without any exception, which we could not comply with, be- 
cause, as that Government is at present situat^ we appre- 
hend wo should have been obliged to take up arms ; but 
were still willing to take the Oath of Fidelity, and giro the 
strongest assurances of continuing peaceable and faithful 
to his Britannic Majesty, with that exception. But this, in 
the present situation of affairs, not being satisfactory, we 
were made prisoners, and our estates, both real and person- 
al, forfeited for the King's use ; and vessels being provided, 
we were some time after sent off, with most of our families, 
and dispersed among the English Colonies. The hurry and 
confusion in which we were embai*ked was an aggravating 
circumstance attending our misfortunes ; for thereby many, 
who had lived in affluence, found themselves deprived of ev- 
ery necessary and many families were separated, parents 
from children, and children from parents.! Yet blessed he 
God that it was our lot to be sent to Pennsylvania, where 
our wants have been relieved, and we have in every respect 
been received with Christian benevolence and charity. And 
let me add, that notwithstandlDg the suspicions and fears 
which many are possessed of on our account, as though we 
were a dangerous people, who make little scruple of breaking 
our Oaths, time will manifest that we are not such a people : 
No, the uuhappy situation which we ore now in, is a plain 
evidence that this is a false charge, tending to aggravate 
the misfortunes of an already too unhappy people; for, had 
WQ entertained such pernicious sentiments, we might easily 
have prevented our lalhng into the melancholy circumstan- 
ces wo aie now in, viz. : deprived of our substance, banished 
from our native country, and reduced to live by cboiity in a 
strange land ; and this lor refusing to take an Oath, which 
Chri3iianity absolutely forbids us to violate, had we once 
taken it, and yet an Oath which we could not comply with, 

'See pp. 164 165. fSee pp. 207, 208. 



witbont beiog exposed to plunge our twords in the bretete 
of our friends and relations. We shall, howerer, as wo 
hare hitherto done, submit to what, in the present situation 
ofjfafTairs, maj seem necessary, and with patience and resig* 
nation bear whatever God, in the course of his Providence, 
shall suffer to come upon us. We shall also think it our 
duty to seek and promote the peace of the country into 
which we are transported, and inviolably keep the Oath of 
Fidelity that we have taken to his gracious Majesty, King 
George, whom wo firmly believe, when fully acquainted with 
our faithfulness and sufferings, will commiserate our unhap- 
py condition, and order that some compensation be made to 
US for our losses. And may the Almighty abundantly bless 
bis Honor, the Governor, the honorable Assembly of the 
Province, and the good people of Philadelphia, whose sym« 
pathy, benevolence and Chiistian charity, have been, and 
still are, greatly manifested and extended toward us, a poor 
distressed and afliicted people^ is the sincere and earneal 
prayer ol 

Jon Baptistb Qaxxbil 



THB EHIX 



y.^ 



ID 
>}T 

HFl OR 

Hf.tURl ilii L.\-/I DATl MA.Mi'tO 
BELOW SON RtCElPI Oh OVERDUE 
NOTICES DOf-S NOT EXEMPT THE 
t»OHROWER l-ROM OVERDUE FEES 

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SEP 2 6 19^