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AN
ACCOUNT OF THE VISIT
OF THE
FRENCH FRIGATE L'ARTEMISE,
TO THE
SANDWICH ISLANDS;
jfVL.it, i§39.
onolulu:
1839.
.y.i
•^/^;
We the undersigned officers of the United States
East India Squadron, having1 upon our arrival at this
place, heard various rumors in relation and derogato-
ry to, the American Mission at these islands, feel it
to be due, not only to the missionaries themselves,
but to the cause of truth and justice, that the most
unqualified testimony should be given in the case; and
do therefore order one thousand copies of the annexed
article and correspondence to be printed for gratuitous
distribution, as being the most effectual mode of set-
tling this agitated question in the minds of an intelli-
gent and liberal public.
Being most decidedly of opinion that the persons
composing the Protestant mission of these islands are
American citizens, and, as such, entitled to the pro-
tection which our Government has never withheld;
and with unwavering confidence in the justice which
has ever characterized it, we rest assured that any in-
sult offered to this unoffending class will be promptly
redressed.
It is readily admitted that there may be in the ope-
ration of this, as in all other systems in which falli-
ble man has any agency, some objectionable peculia-
rities; still, as a system, it is deemed comparative-
ly unexceptionable, and believed to have been pursu-
ed in strict accordance with the professed principles
of the Society which it represents; and it would seem
that the salutary influence exerted by the mission on
the native population, ought to commend it to the con-
(iv)
fidence and kind feelings of all interested in the dis-
semination of good principles.
GEO. A. MAGRUDER, Lieutenant.
ANDREW H. FOOT, Lieutenant.
JOHN W. TURK, Lieutenant.
THOMAS TURNER, Lieutenant.
JAS. S. PALMER, Lieutenant.
EDWD. R. THOMSON, Lieutenant.
AUGUSTUS H. KILTY, Lieutenant.
GEO. B. MINOR, Lieutenant.
JOHN HASLETT, Surgeon of the Fleet.
JOHN A. LOCKWOOD, Surgeon.
DANGERFIELD FAUNTLEROY, Purser.
FITCH W. TAYLOR, Chaplain.
ROBERT B. PEGRAM, Master.
JOSEPH BEALE, Jlst. Surgeon.
J. HENSHAW BELCHER, Prof. Math's.
ALEXR. G. PENDLETON, Prof . Math's.
Honolulu, Oahu, November 1st, 1839.
AN ACCOUNT
OF THE TRANSACTIONS CONNECTED WITH THE VISIT
OF THE L'ARTEMISE;
Remarks on the Manifesto; — Treatment of the Missionaries ,
and the Correspondence between the Missionaries and
Commodore Read.
By Samuel K. Castle, Honolulu.
. The French Frigate l'Artemise, Captain C. La-
place, arrived in the roads off Honolulu, Oahu, July
9, 1839. Capt. L. came commissioned by his govern-
ment to adjust its difficulties with that of the Sand-
wich Islands.
On the afternoon of the same day, the U. S. Con-
sul issued the following official notice, viz: —
"United States Consulate, \
Sandwich Islands, July 9, 1839. 5
To the Citizens of the United States .
resident at the Sandwich Islands;
I am officially informed by the commandant of the French Frigate l'Arte-
mise that satisfaction is demanded by him for the offences of this govern-
ment against that of France; and that unless such satisfaction shall be pre-
viously granted hostilities will be commenced on the twelfth, by the force
under his command.
In case of war, I am desired, under his kind favor, to profler to all Ameri-
can citizens, excepting the Protestant clergy, an asylum and protection on
board the Frigate.
(Signed,) P. A. BR1NSMADE."
Also under date of the 10th, the following addressed
to the mission: —
"U. States Consulate, >
Sandwich Islands, July 10, 1S39. $
To Mr. Levi Chamberlain, agent of
the secular affairs of the American
Mission of the Sandwich Islands;
Sir: — I have just received official communications from the commander
of the French Frigate recently arrived of the possibility of hostilities being
commenced by the force under his command against this government and
people, and I feel it my duty to apprise you as an American citizen residing
within my Consular district of the position in which that communication
places you and those associated with you under the patronage of the Am.
Board of Com. for Foreign Missions. On the other side you will please find
copy of a translation of the document which you will please use far your infor-
mation, and -with the understanding that its publication in print will not be
authorized by me.
I am, Sir, with entire respect, your most Obt. Sent.
(Signed,) P. A. BRINSMADE,"
(2)
Captain Laplace's Communication to the Consul.
[Copy of translation.]
"Monsieur i.e Consul: — Some difficulties have taken place between
Ihe king of the Sandwich Islands and France.
The Manifesto, a copy of which I have the honor of addressing to you as
llie representative of a nation friendly with mine, will explain to you
what have occasioned them. They are such that if this chief does not, give
me the just satisfaction which I demand, hostilities will commence the 13th,
at noon.
Under these circumstances I consider I ought Monsieur le Consul to in-
form you, that I offer to your compatriots asylum and protection in the Fri-
gate 1'Artemise should they apprehend any danger on the part of the na-
tives for themselves or their property.
I do not however include in this class the individuals, who, although born
it is said in the United States, make a part of the Protestant clergy of the
chief of this archipelago, direct his counsels, influence his conduct, and are
the true authors of the insults given by him to France.
For me they compose a part of the native population and must undergo
the unhappy consequences of a war which they shall have brought on this
country.
Accept, Monsieur le Consul, the assurance of the very distinguished con-
siderations of your devoted servant,
(Signed,) C LAPLACE.
Post Capt. Coin, the 1'Artemise."
The members of the Mission at Honolulu held a
meeting on the 11th, and in view of probable hostili-
ties and the peculiar danger to which they considered
themselves and families exposed from the exception
in the Consul's notice should hostilities occur, thought
proper to apply to the American Consul for protection
as American citizens.
Accordingly one of their number was appointed to
draft a letter expressive of their wishes and reported
the following, viz: —
"To P. A. Brinsmade, Esq.
U. States Consul;
S i u : — We learn from your official communication to the American cit-
izens at this place, that the commander of (he French Frigate, now in the
roads, having demanded of the authorities of this nation satisfaction for al-
leged offences against, the French nation, threatens speedy hostilities:]! case
his terms are not complied with; and that in that cnse he offers asylum and
protection ou board his ship to rill American citizens except Protealant Cler-
gymen.
We regard Ourselves as proscribed by llu's exception, our persons, our
lives our families, and a considerable amount of property of three chartered
societies in the United States, the Am. P. C. V. M, Am. Bib. Society, and
(o)
iho Am. Tract "'ociety — exposed to violence without our having lit any
way violated our duty or forfeited our protection as American citizens, or in
any way either secretly or openly having offered any insult or injury to the
great j enlightened, powerful and deservedly respected nation of the French,
We therefore respectfully solicit the protection of the United States for
ourselves and our associates throughout our mission, forty unoffending citi-
zens of the United States and their families^ and request you to take such
measures and such means as may seem to you proper and within your reach,
for the security of our just rights as citizens of our common country, to which
we are bound by a thousand ties though separated by thousands of miles*
and which, we are happy to say, is now on terms of amity with France.
Very respectfully, }*our fellow citizens
and obedient Servants,
Levi Chamberlain, H.Bingham,
A. S. Cooke, C. Forbes,
II. O. Knapp, G. P. Judd,
H. Dimond, S. N. Castle,
R. Tinker, W. Richards,
Lowell Smith."
To this communication the following answer was
received: —
" United States Consulate, >
Sandwich Islands, July 12, 1839. 5
To Mr. Levi Chamberlain and
others of the Am. Missionaries
at the Sand. Islds.
Gentlemen: — Your communication of yesterday soliciting the protec-
tion of the United States for yourselves and associates throughout the mis-
sion against the intended aggression upon your American rights on the part
of the French naval force, now lying off this harbor, has been received at
this consulate.
In reply I can only say that my Consulate, established by the authority
of the United States and acknowledged by this government, is under the
protection of the American flag. Within its office and enclosure I offer you
such asylum and protection as it may afford by its neutral position in rela-
tion to the nations whose differences are in progress of adjustment. I am
offered from the authorities of this country all the means of defence which
I may deem necessary.
I am, Gentlemen, with entire respect,
Your most Obt. Servant,
(Signed,) P^ A. BRINSMADE,
U. S. Consul."
Upon the receipt of this communication Mr. Cham-
berlain in behalf of the members of the Mission at the
station made the following communication to the U.
S. Consul: —
(4)
"To P. A. Brmsmade, Esq. Honolulu, July 12, 1&J0.
U. S. Consul;
Dear Sir: — I have just received yoiir official communication in reply to
an application of the members of the Sandwich Islands Mission resident in
Honolulu, asking protection from your government in case of hostilities be-
ing commenced on the Sandwich Islands nation by the national armed ves-
sel of France j l'Artemise now off this pdrt.
You very kindly offer such asylum and protection as your consulate may
afford by its neutral position in relation to the nations whose difficulties are
in progress of adjustment*
In accepting this offer of protection from our national representative, I beg
to inquire, whether in case of hostilities we can claim the protection of the
American government as its citizens, should we be found elsewhere than in
the enclosure of the American Consulate, and what protection can be pro-
mised to the life and property of the Missionaries of the American B. C. F.
M. residing in places remote from Honolulu and on other islands in case of
hostilities being extended through the group.
I am, Sir, very respectfully,
in behalf of the American Missionaries
at Honolulu i
Your friend and Obt. Servants
(Signed,) LEVI CHAMBERLAIN,
To which the following answer was received: —
"United States Consulate, \
Sandwich Islands, July 12, 1839. J
To Mr. Levi Chamberlain, Agent for
the Secular affairs of the Am. Miss.
to the Sandwich Islands ;
"Sir: — Yours of present date is this moment to hand. In reply to the en-
quiries proposed by you, I feel no hesitation to say, that in the appropriate
pursuit of the objects contemplated by your mission, you are each entitled
to the protection of the government of the United States, equally with any
other American citizen; and that the passports and certificates of citizen*
ship holdenby the several members of the mission are deserving of respect,
and that their validity will be vindicated if wantonly violated.
In case of hostilities being extended through the group, I know not that
other or better "protection can be promised to the life and property of
the Missionaries of the American B. C. F. M., residing in places remote from
Honolulu and other islands," than an unimpaired testimony to their citizen-
ship, under the broad seal of the United States.
I am, Sir, very respectfully,
Your most Obt. Servant,
(Signed,) P. A. BRINSMADE."
Baring this period of suspense and anxiety to all,
the feelings and proceedings of the foreign residents,
will be best understood by the following extracts from
the Sandwich Island Gazette of July 20, 1839:—
(5)
"At a meeting of the foreign residents at Honolulu, Wednesday morning*
July 10th, 1839,'at 11 o'clock A.M.
S. Reynolds, Esq. chosen Chairman,
C. R.Smith, Secretary.
A letter from Capt. Laplace of His Majesty ihe King of the Fiench's Frig-
ate J'Aifemisc, to tier B. M. Consul was read by the chairman.
It was then resolved, That a committee of seven be chosen to act as
may be required by ihe present, state of affairs.
Resolved, That Messrs. Charles Brewer, Wm. Hooper, George Pelly,
|'m. French, John C. Jones, John Meek and Stephen Reynolds, be ap-
pointed as the said committee.
Resolved, That the said committee do make all such arrangements and
enquiries as the exigencies of the present crisis may demand.
Resolved, That the meeting adjO urn until called by the committee.
The above committee agreed to meet at the House of Wm. French, Esq.
at half past seven o'clock this evening.
Wednesday evening at half past seven o'clock.
July 10th, 1839, at the house of Wm. French, Esq.
The Committee met accoiding to appointment, Stephen Reynolds, Esq. in
the chair.
Voted, That this committee be called the Committee of Vigilance of For-
eign Residents at Oahu.
Voted, That this committee consider itself empowered to act as a Stand-
ing Committee of Vigilance until dissolved by a voteof a majority of the for-
eign residents.
Voted, That a letter be addressed to the Captain of the French Frigate
for the purpose of ascertaining what arms or assistance he can afford, or what
co-operation may be e:\pected from him in the event of hostilities taking
place. And that a sub-committee of three be appointed to prepare a letter.
George Pelly, William Hooper, and John C. Jones, Esqrs, were appointed
as a sub-committee.
Voted, That a sub-committee of three, be appointed to address a letter to
the governor and authorities of this island; to inquire, in what light they
will consider the foreign residents, in case of hostilities, whether as enemies
or friends, whether they will afford protection to their persons and property,
and in what way, or whether they will be left to their own resources; Ste-
phen Reynolds, Charles Brewer and Win. Hooper, Esqrs. were then appoint-
ed as the sub-committee.
Voted, That a sub-committee of two be appointed, to present a paper to
the different foreign residents for their signature that the signers of that pa-
per pledge themselves to co-operate with each other for mutual defence if
necessary; that the sub-committee at the same time ascertain what arms,
powder and ammunition can be furnished by each individual: and that the
sub-committee likewise, secure the two brass guns belonging to Mr. H. Zup-
plien, and have cartridges and ammunition provided for them. Captain
John Meek and Wm. French, Esqrs, were then appointed as the si,b-eom-
mittee.
Voted, That in case of emergency, the Seamen's Chapel be a place of
rendez.vous for the foreign residents; that the bell be tolled incessantly and
a Flag either British or American displayed in the daytime or lights shown
thereon from the tower at night. And that any member of the Committee
of Vigilance may toll or cause to be tolled the bell when necessary.
2
(6)
Voted, That each member of the committee be furnished with a copy of
the proceedings of this evening as soon as possible.
Voted, That the committee adjourn until to-morrow at 10 o'clock A.M.
at the store of Mr. French, and examine and approve the letters prepared by
the sub-committees, and then adjourn until half past seven o'clock in the
evening at the house of Mr. French. «
Thursday Morning, July 11th, 1839, at the store of Wm. French at 10 o'-
clock A. M.
The committee met according to appointment and having examined and
approved the letters prepared by the sub-committees, to the French Cap-
tain and the authorities of the islands; the said letters were dispatched to
their destination, and the committee adjourned Lotil evening."
Copy.
"To Captain C. Laplace, 11th July, 1S39.
His Majesty the King of the French's Ship l'Artemise.
Sir: — We the undersigned Committee of Vigilance deputed by the for-
eign residents at this place, to concert measures for the security of the per-
sons and property of the foreign residents, pending the unhappy differences
between the government of France and the authorities here, take the liber-
ty of this address.
The Committee clearly foresee that in the event of actual hostilities com-
mencing, their persons and properly will be placed in imminent danger, and
what will be more calamitous, from the unhappy circumstanees'of the for-
eign residents not being in possession of arms and ammunition sufficient
to make their most energetic efforts for defence, against the evil disposed ef-
fective.
The Committee have with a view to supply the deficiency in arms and
ammunition taken the liberty to make an appeal to you at this perilous
moment with a request that you will inform the committee if you should be
able and disposed, in case of a declaration of war, previous to the actual
commencement of hostilities, to supply the committee with arms, ammuni-
tion and accoutrements, and likewise the number and description of such
arms, etc. in case you think it expedient to comply with the committee's re-
quest.
Ifthe committee's application meets your approbation, the arms required
would probably not exceed fifty muskets, one hundred pistols and fifty cut-
lasses, as many of the foreign residents are already possessed of the necessa-
ry arms and accoutrements.
We have the honor to remain with highest consideration, Sir,
Your Obliged Svts.
Signed,
C. Brewer, J. C. Jones,
Wm. Hooper, Geo. Pelly,
Stephen Reynolds, J, 3'Ieek.
Wm. French,
Copy.
"To Her Excellency Kekaulnohi, and the authorities of Oahii: —
At a meeting of the foreign residents held July 10th, it was resolved that
a committee be appointed to take into consideration what measures shall
m.
be recommended to insure the safety of the foreign community in case of
hostilities being commenced between (his government and that of Trance.
The subscribers, composing that committee, take the liberty to request
you will make known to the foreign residents, through us, the feelings which
this government entertain towards them, and whether they can depend on
your assistance in any measures which may seem advisable to take, in order
to protect their lives and x^roperty irom any attacks on the part of the na-
tive population who may break through the restrictions which we believe
your authority will impose.
The committee have every confidence that this government will pursue
such a course as will render it unnecessary for the force now off the harbor
to proceed to extremities, but if such a calamity shall threaten us, we wish
in harmony with the constituted authorities of the place to be prepared to
defend ourselves and property against the aggressions of a lawless multi-
tude.
We remain with sentiments of respect,
Signed, Your most Obt. Svts.
C. Brewer, J. 6. Jones,
Wm. Hooper, Geo. Pklly,
Stephen Reynolds, J. Meek.
Wm. French,
Thursday evening, July 11th, 1839, at the house of Wm. French, Esq.
half past seven o'clock.
The Committee met according to adjournment, S. Reynolds, Esq. in the
chair.
Mr. Hooper of the sub-committee, appointed to prepare a letter to the au-
thorities of the island, presented the answer which was read.
Translation.
Honolulu, July 11th, 1839.
To Messrs. Jno. Meek, Geo. Pelly, John C. Jones, C. Brewer, W. Hoop-
er and Wm. French.
Gentlemen : —
I have received your communication and hasten to express to you the sen-
timents entertained by the chiefs at this place in regard to foreign residents.
It is proper that we should protect the subjects of other lands; and be to
them instead of their own rulers, inasmuch as this is enjoined upon us, to
contribute according to our ability to the safety of their subjects, resident at
these Islands. And were there no stipulations to this effect, I would have
you understand that it is my mind and pleasure to do it. I have therefore
sent a herald through the streets to command the people to keep quiet, to
avoid all disorder; especially within the enclosures of the foreigners.
I am happy to comply with any reasonable plan which you may meditate
for the safety of the persons and property of all the foreigners residing here.
While I live you shall lack nothing which will promote your peace; but
should I be taken away, it will devolve on my friends to protect you. Should
evil approach you from the sea, I have no power over that, nor strength to
assist you. If any vnischevious natives should plunder from you, I give them
into your hands during these days to determine their demerit, and when our
perplexity is past, 1 will see to it that they are justly punished.
Affectionately yours,
Signed, Kekauluohi.
(8)
Mr. Jones of the sub-committee, appointed to prepare a letter to the Cap-
lam of the l'Artemise, presented the answer received, which was read.
Translation.
Gentlemen: —
I hasten to reply to the letter which you have done me the honor of wri-
ting to me, and I am so much the more pleased with the means you have
adopted to defend your families and property against the violence to which
the natives might be moved, in case I should consider myself compelled to
commence hostilities against the government of the Sandwich Islands, that
they diminish the sensative fear, which I had felt in this regard concerning
the security of so many respectable persons, whose interests are as dear to
me as are those of my compatriots, hence have I prepared forces sufficient-
ly strong that in giving a dreadful blow, the French shall be the masters and
the protectors of the town at the same time; so that pillagers being subject
to the just punishment which I have commanded the principal of the expe-
dition to inflict instantaneously upon them, will not be afforded time to com-
mit any considerable depredations.
I am sensible, gentlemen, how much the aid of so many brave English
and Americans would secure still more the success of my arms; but unhap-
pily, to my regret, I am unable to furnish them with the means of defence
which they want; for all my men are to be employed in the attack on the
town and the defence of the Frigate; therefore I cannot possibly dispose of
any of the guns Dr swords of which our armament is composed.
Accept, gentlemen, the expression of my regret for not being able to com-
ply with your wishes, that of my thanks for the noble and loyal manner by
which you contribute to the happy event of a negotiation in which the
French government has respect only to the advantage of all civilized nations,
and to believe the sentiments of the very distinguished considerations with
which,
I have the honor to be your devoted servant,
Post Captain Comt. the l'Artemise,
(Signed,) C. Laplace.
Mr. French of the sub-committee appointed to obtain the signatures of the
foreign residents etc. reported that about 130 had already signed and that
probably about 200 names would be obtained.
Voted, That the sub-committee be exonerated from further duties.
Voted, That a chief director with four assistants be appointed, with pow-
er to organize the foreign residents as a force for mutual protection, and to
make such other arrangements as may be necessary.
George Pelly, Esq. appointed Chief Director.
<^apt. John Meek,")
John C. Jones, « Assistants.
Wm. French, j
Chs. Brewer, Esqrs. J
Voted, That a full statement of the proceedings of this committee be rea-
dy for the inspection of the foreign residents, at the house of the Chairman,
and that due notice be given tliem thereof; and that they be requested to
conform to such regulations as the Director and assistants may think pro-
per.
Voted, That the committee adjourn until such time and place as the Chair-
man shall deem expedient to assemble them.
(9)
Voted, That these proceedings be published in the S. I. Gazette as soon
as convenient. . ' . „.
Stephen Reynolds, Chairman.
C. R. Smith, Secretary.
Further particulars in relation to this transaction
will be learned from an account of the visit of the
l'Artemise to these islands by Mr. Jarves, a gentle-
man in no way connected with the mission, published
in the July number of the Hawaiian Spectator, for
1839.* It will be observed that it contains the treaty
entered into by this government with Capt. Laplace,
in behalf of France, with such thoughts as would
be likely to suggest themselves to every reflecting
mind.
Having given a cursory view of the late transac-
tions, we shall proceed to make some remarks on the
Manifesto, on the treatment of the Missionaries, and
on remarks in the Sandwich Island Gazette.
By "the excessive indulgence which the French
government has extended towards them for several
years," we shall be led to the conclusion that the "ill
treatment," complained of has run parallel with the
"indulgence," is of the same duration and of several
years standing. The particular instances of ill treat-
ment are not pointed out in the Manifesto, but we
may safely presume that the transactions of this gov-
ernment in the case of M. Bachelot are the ones par-
ticularly alluded to. In order to be able to judge
whether in their transactions with M. Bachelot this
government was guilty of any aggression upon France
in the person of one of its subjects; or whether it did
any thing which it is not conceded that independent
sovereignties have a right to do, it will be necessary
to look at some of the facts in the case.
M. Bachelot with Mr. Short, an English subject,
arrived at Honolulu on the 7th day of July. 1827, as
Apostolic Prefect of the Sandwich Islands, and a teach-
er of the Roman Catholic faith. So soon as this
was known to the government they "immediately or-
dered them on board the vessel in which they came,
and laid their injunction upon the master to take them
away. This injunction he positively refused to obey
*See Appendix.
(10)
asserting- that as they had not paid for their passage
he would take thern no further."
They remained, notwithstanding- the orders of the
authorities to the contrary, until the government fit-
ted out a vessel and finally sent them away on the
24 day of December, 1831. The reasons given by
the government for sending them away will be found
in the following from the S. I. Gazette of Nov. 24,
1838.
"This is our reason for sending away the Frenchmen. In the first place
the chiefs never assented to their dwelling at Oahu, and when they turned
away some of our people to stand opposed to us, then we said to them, 're-
turn to the country whence ye came.'
At seven different times we gave them that order, and again in speaking
to them we said, 'Go away, ye Frenchmen, we allow you three months to
n-et ready;' but they did not go during the three months but remained eight
months, saying, 'We have no vessel to return in;' therefore we put them on
board our own vessel to carry them to a place where the service is like their
own.
Because their doings were different from ours, and because we cannot agree,
therefore we send away these men.
(Signed,) KAAHUMANU."
Oahu, Dec. 7, 1831.
J\tr. Sumner's Commission.
"I, Kauikeaouli, king of the Sandwich Islands, and Kaahumanu, and Ku-
akini, governor of Oahu, do hereby commission William Sumner command-
er of the Brig Waverly, now lying in Oahu, to receive on board two French
gentlemen and their goods or whatever they may have to bring on board,
and to proceed to California, and land them safe on shore, with every thing
belonging to them, where they may subsist, and then to return back to the
Sandwich Islands.
(Signed,) KAUIKEAOULI, (L. S.)
KAAHUMANU,
Oahu, Nov. 5, 1831. GOV. KUAKINI."
The second time they (Messrs. B. and S.) arrived
from California in the brigantine Clementine, on the
18th day of April, 1837. They landed before their ar-
rival was certainly known to the authorities. "But
after such knowledge was confirmed, the Governor
ordered such of their effects as had not been sent on
shore to be retained en board the vessel, nor were
they suffered to be taken from the vessel until it was
made to appear that they consisted principally of
clothinsr which needed to be washed." The govern-
(11)
meat ordered them on board, and ordered the Cap-
tain and Mr. DYidoit the owner, to receive them on
board, before any part of the cargo except the deck
load, consisting of horses, was discharged. These
orders were disregarded, the vessel was fitting for sea
and nearly ready when a peremptory order was re-
ceived from the king to have the men put on board
without delay.
"In pursuance of these positive orders an officer of
the police with three or four subalterns proceeded to
the residence of the missionaries concerned, and told
them that the orders of the king were for them' to go
at once on board.
After waiting upon them with great kindness for
several hours without the least violence being used
or offered to the last, they attended the officer to the
wharf. Before, however, stepping into the boat to
which they were civilly pointed, one of them said to
the officer, 'Touch us, touch us' — which was repeat-
ed several times both by the, missionary and the sur-
rounding natives or other bye standers; when to avoid
importunity perhaps he brushed his hand over the
arm of each and afforded instant satisfaction to the
missionaries, who without further hesitation, step-
ped into the boat and were taken along side the ves-
sel."
The foregoing we believe are the prominent facts
of the transactions between the Sandwich Islands
government and M, Bachelot.
Whether the government by their refusal to allow
him to reside in their territories, or by the measures
taken to prevent it, did any thing which an independ-
ent sovereignty might not of right do, or any thing
which might justly give umbrage to France, we leave
to those who are better versed in international law
than we are to judge. We have always supposed
however that the legitimate executive of a nation
sustained a relation to the governed similar to that
which the head of a family sustains towards his house-
hold. It is his duty to watch over ifs best interests
as the parent watches over the interests of his chil-
dren. The parent possesses the natural and civil
rights to say what strangers he will receive into his
(12)
family, or whether any; so it seems to vis any govern-
ment has a right to say whether foreigners may set-
tle in its territories.
The parent, although bound to seek the best inter-
est of his family, has no right to control their con-
sciences; neither have governments any right to con-
trol the consciences of their subjects. This political
and natural right of independent nations with respect
to foreigners, has been acknowledged in theory and
adopted in practice, (where it has not been abridged
by treaty,) from time immemorial. It is the same
principle upon which the French government refused
to allow the distinguished philanthropist John How-
ard, to visit the Lazaretto at Marsailles, (when ap-
plied to for that purpose by the British Ambassador,)
while in pursuit of the praiseworthy object for which
lie spent the most of his life, viz: the relief of human
woe by the amelioration of the condition of the pri-
soner— at the same time threatening him with im-
prisonment in the Bastile, should he make the at-
tempt and be discovered. For this they assigned no
reason nor did England require any, upon the princi-
ple, no doubt, that France had a right to reject whom
she would.
The Am. B. C. F. M. have by their practice ac-
knowledged this right in all their operations, which
will be seen bv the following extract from the Mis-
sionary Herald, Vol. XXXIV. p. 279: —
"There is no doubt a distinction to be observed between the rights of an
individual as a citizen and his rights as a foreigner. His freedom to act may
be much greater in the one case than in the other. Asa citizen he might claim
as a right what as a foreigner he must ask as a favor. A citizen of the Uni-
ted States, for instance, who is a minister of the gospel, has a right which no
man can gain-say, to preach the gospel in any and every part of our repub-
lic, and a native preacher in the Sandwich Islands would have a similar right
in his own country. And still it masr be true that the government of the
Sandwich Islands may lawfully refuse permission to the American minister
to settle, or preach or labor in any manner at the Sandwich Islands. That
government, and any other, may have an unqestionable right to deny to
the stranger what it would not without the violation of natural rights deny
to the subject. At any rate, we have asked permission to reside, from the
Sandwich Islands government, lor each successive company of missionries,
which the Board has sent, to those islands, and with the expectation of abid-
ing by the decision. So we have always done by the Tndian tribes of our
own country. So we have done in Africa. Such has been our usage in In-
dia, and for a course of years we sent no more missionaries to Ceylon* mere"
5y because it was forbidden by the government of the island,"
To the Am. Board several eminent legal gentlemen
are attached, who would be likely to know what were
the acknowledged rights of independent nations with
respect to foreigners. In accordance with these princi-
ples were the opinions of two intelligent foreigners
of distinction, expressed to (he writer.
In support of the opinions here expressed I shall
make one or two quotations from writers on interna-
tional law. Vattell says, page 231 :— -
"The Sovereign may forbid the entrance of his territory either in gener-
al, to every stranger, or in a particular case, or to certain persons, or ort
account of certain affairs, according as he shall find it most for the advant-
age of the state. There is nothing in all this that does not flow from the
rights of the domain and the empire. Every one is obliged to pay a respect
to the prohibition, and he who dares to violate it incurs the penalty de-
creed to lender it effectual. But the prohibition ought td be known as
well as the penalty annexed to the disobedience. Those who are ignorant
of it Ought to be informed when they make their appearance in order
to enter the cbunby." — "The sovereign has a right tb forbid all for-
eigners to pass through or enter his dominions whether by land or sea; with-
out express permission first obtained, even if such passage or entry should
not be prejudicial to the state. N6w-a-days, however, no power in Europe
refuses in time of peace to grant such permission to the subjects of another
power, nor is it even necessary fdr Such subject to ask permission to enter a
state and bring their property into it, Thus then the liberty tof entry and
passage may be considered as generally established between the powers of
Europe, and it is particularly so among the states of the German Empire.
But as this liberty ought not to become prejudicial to the state, every power
has reserved to itself the right, first, to be informed of the name and quality
of every foreigner that arrives; and to this end, passports taken at the place
from whence a foreigner comes Ought to be regarded as authentic, provided
they have been granted by persons having authority to grant them, such as
so vereigris; magistrates, or foreign ministers. Second, each state has a right
to keep at a distance all suspicious persons. Third, each state has a right
to forbid the entry of foreigners Or foreign merchandises of a certain discrip-
tion for a time or forever, as circumstances may require;. Fourth; the liberty
ef entry and passage extends to individuals only." — American Edition of
the new Edinburgh Encyclopedia, Vol. lllh. Page 759.
In view of the preceding, the' question arises, Hag
this government in its transactions with M. Bachelot
transcended its power or exercised any prerogative
which, as an independent sovereignty belonging td
the family of nations, it might not, agreeable to the
principles here laid down, lawfully exercise? W2
(14)
cannot see that it has, unless it may be by some in-
formality in its proceedings. Again, Has it manifest-
ed a spirit of exclusiveness apparently hostile to the
French? We have never heard that in ordinary ca-
ses it has not treated French subjects with all the
respect that was due to the subjects of a powerful
nation, or extended to them that hospitality, or that
protection according to its power, which is due to all,
and which, for aught we have heard, has been re-
ceived by the subjects of France in common with
those of Britain, the United States, and all other na-
tions whose business or pleasure has brought them
to these shores. Has this government then been
guilty of an aggression upon the rights of the French
nation, and is it justly obnoxious to the charge of ill
treatment brought against it in the Manifesto? As
we before said, we leave it to those better skilled in
law than we are, to judge.
The next charge in the Manifesto is a violation of
treaty. We are not informed in what particular act
this violation consisted, but suppose there is no doubt
that the refusaj of this government to allow M. Mai-
gret to land from the Europa, in the fall of 1837, is
the specific act to which allusion is made. ftl. Mai-
gret, a Catholic clergyman and French subject, arri-
ved at these islands in the ship Europa, Nov. 2, 1837.
The government refused to allow him to land, unless
lie wouldgive security that he would leave within
some given period, and not endeavor to propagate his
faith whilst he remained. This he was either una-
ble or unwilling to do; consequently his disembarkn--
tion-was not allowed, and he left with M. Bachelot
on the 23rd, in the schooner Honolulu. The treaty
which was supposed to be violated by this transac-
tion was one that was entered into with this govern-
ment by Capt. Petit Thouars of the Frigate La Ve-
nus, and of which the following is a copy: —
Translation.
Honolulu, Sandwich Isles, July 24, 1837.
Treaty between the. Ring of the French, Louis' Philippe I. represented by
the Captain A. J)n Petit Thouars, and the King of the Sandwich Isl-
and's, Kamehameha III.
There shall he perpetual peace and amity between the French and (lie in-
habitants of 1 ho Sandwich Isles.
(15)
The French shall go and come freely in all (lie states jvhich compose llie
got eminent of the Sandwich isle;;.
They shall be received, and protected there, and shall enjoy the same ad-
vantages which the subjects of the most favored nation enjoy.
Subjects of the king of the Sandwich isles shall equally come into France,
shall be received and protected there as the nms! favored foreigners.
(Signed,) Kamehameha III.
A. Dv Petit Thouaks.
Captain Commander of the French frigate La Venus.
It would seem that the rejection of M. Maigret by
tHis government, was an infraction of the letter ot
the treaty according to the natural interpretation of
the language used, because he did not come and go
freely. But he did come and go as freely as any sub-
ject of the most favored nation would have done un-
der similar circumstances.
Vattell says, p. 317: —
"Every interpretation that leads to an absurdity ought to be rejected, or
in other words, we should not give to any piece a sense from which follows
any thing absurd, but to interpret it in such a manner as to avoid an absur-
dity."
Now to suppose that the right of fi-ee entry and
passage was designed to be extended to all, without*1
respect to character, would be to give the treaty an
interpretation, which would lead to an absurdity. If
free entry was granted and protection extended to all
of any nation, without respect to character, such na-
tions could plant convict colonies in these islands, and
they might be filled with the refuse of any or all na-
tions with whom they had treaties, and there would
be no redress.* Who would say that this was not an
absurdity, and in nowise contemplated by either of
the contracting parties?
We have no reason to suppose that Com. Du Petit
Thouars, who negotiated the treaty in behalf of
France, wished it to be construed in such a manner
as to force upon this government, against their will,
teachers of the Catholic faith. Else why did he not
seek to have the obligation which he had given to
the government, that M. Bachelot should leave, an-
nulled? All that he probably sought to secure was
to place the subjects of France upon the same foot-
ing as those of the most favored nation in their in-
(16)
tercourse with these islands. We here insert the
document alluded to.
Translation.
Honolulu, July 21,1837.
The undersigned Captain of the ship, commander of the French Frigate
La Venus promises in the name af M. Bachelot that he will seize the first fa-
vorable opportunity which offers to quit these islands to go either to Manil-
la, Lima, Valparaiso or any civilized part of the world, and in case such an
ojie is not presented, on the arrival of the first French man-of-war which vis-
its these islands, he shall be received on board. In. the meantime M. Ba-
chelot shall not preach.
r A, DU PETIT THQUARS.
Post Capt. Commander,
French frigate La Venus,
With the facts and documents before them, the
public will judge how far the government were wor-
thy of chastisement for their delinquency in this
transaction. If they have violated the treaty, it was
rather a mistake than an intention to commit an ag-
gression; and in the whole transaction they relied
chiefly upon the opinion of an intelligent foreign gen-
tleman, who wag at the islands a little previous to the
transaction. We do not understand that he advised;
them, but that he kindly expressed his opinion of the
course it would be proper to pursue.
The next charge which we shall notice is, that to
tarnish the Catholic religion with the name of "idola-
try was to offer an insult to France and to its sove-,
yeign,'*
That to call the Roman Catholic religion idolatrous
should be considered a national insult offered to
France, is a doctrine as extraordinary as it is new in
^hia enlightened age. If it was carried into general
practice, France would at once find herself involved
|n war with every Protestant government on earth,
and every country in which Protestantism predo--
minates, as all or nearly all Protestants from the days
o,f John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, Wickliff of Eng-.
}and, Luther of Germany, Calvin of France, and oth-,
e-r- prominent reformers of that age down to the pre-
sent day, have agreed in callingthe use of images as it
exists in the Roman Catholic church, Idolatry. Dr.
§Q0)tt^ one of the most approved, writers of the esta-
. (tl)
Wished church of England calls it so, in numerous
instances in his commentary on the Bible. And eve-
ry intelligent Protectant and Catholic knows that
Protestants view the subject in this light. Does
France consider such an expression of their opinions
by Protestants an indignity offered to her, which she
is called upon to avenge and which would justify her
in waging war with Great Britain, Holland, Prussia,
Denmark, Sweden, a majority of the German States,
and the United States, as well as others? Does she
shut the mouths of her own numerous Protestant sub-
jects for using their liberty of speech in publishing
freely their religious sentiments? Certainly not; and
we suspect had Captain Laplace been as well ac-
quainted with the writings and theology of Protes-
tants, as we doubt not he is with his profession, he
never would have introduced the extraordinary charge
that to tarnish Catholicism "with the name of idola-.
try," "was to offer an insult to France and to its sove--
reign." v
We know that when the crusades were preached
against the Waldenses and Albigenses of Toulouse
and other parts of the south of France, and during
the reign of Louis XIV. when the protestants were
dragooned and driven from the kingdom by thousands,,
(although it was through their influence that he re-
ceived his crown,) also during the early stages of the
reformation when the famous massacre of St. Bartho-
lomew took place, (in which 70,000 are supposed to
have been slain in one night,) such an expression of
sentiments would probably have been visited upon
him who dared to utter them, by speedy and signal
vengeance, if the power had not been wanting; but
we supposed such days had gone by.
The next and last charge brought against the gov-
ernment which we shall notice is a violation of the
laws of nations in the exercise of intolerance and per-
secution, with the assertion that toleration is the
usage of all civilized nations-
No w we object to the statement that every civU
lized nation does "permit in its territory the free toler-
ation of all religions," as being at variance with fact.
The writer saw it stated in some public journal, tha,fc
(18)
a British subject was in prison in Portugal, for an at-
tempt to circulate the Bible, but was about to be re-
leased upon the intercession of the British Ambassa-
dor. We shall here introduce some exlracts from
public journals to prove the truth of our assertion.
"The correspondent of the Commercial Advertiser, writing from Paris,
Dee. 5th, furnishes the following sketches: —
The good King of Holland is Busily engaged in persecuting some of the
best subjects that he has, because they wish to serve God according to the
dictate of their own consciences, while Frederic William of Prussia has been
lately handling in a very rough and altogether unjust manner the old Arch
Bishop of Cologne. How greatly it is to" be regretted that the powers that
•be in this part of the world cannot or will not learn what liberty of conscience
is. At the same time the king of Sardinia is endeavoring to kindle again
the flames of religious persecution in his petty dominions. The few Protest-
ants who are still in the Mountains of Piedmont, the remains of the Walden-
ses, seem doomed to be extirpated, if indeed any thing can destroy that mar-
tyr people. Even the French and English can hardly live in the frontier city of
Nice, because forsooth it has been lately discovered that they sometimes
have given copies of the Bible and religious tracts to people who desire to ob-
tain them." — New York Observe?', No:l(u.
"When I consider that I can scarcely name an individual in Cadiz, (true
there is one exception,) be he native or foreign, who would co-operate with
me in distributing the bread of life contained in the holy scriptures, and that
on the contrary an individual engaged in that pious act has of lute actually
been held up as a subject for proscription and persecution by the Bishop of
the city, when I consider that the authorized agent of the London Bible So-
ciety at Madrid has only a short time since been imprisoned, it requires no
small degree of moral if not physical courage to place ourselves against the
stream of Romish bigotry and authorised intolerance." — T.ottei from a gen-
tleman in Cadiz to the Cor. Sec. of the Am. Bib. Soc. June 27, 1SS8. New
York Observer, No. SOI.
"The Papal government of the Philippine Islands will not permit our la-
bors, and the Dutch rulers of Netherlands, India, have taken the extraordina-
ry ground for a Protestant Christian government, of shutting put the mis-
sionaries of all Christian nations except their own from every part of their
dominions save Batavia, and the Island of Borneo.
It is only under English power that we find full toleration and protection
for all; but their authority in the Indian archipelago is limited to a very small
territory." — Rev. R. Anderson, in New York Observer, No. 809.
Italy. Tract distribution punished.
"Paris, Oct, 30. — Sometime since a Protestant minister M. Pache Pergeret
of Merges was arrested at the Baths of of Aix in Savoy for the dist ribution of
religious tracts. Notwithstanding bail was offered to any amount for his
appearance lie was detained in prison. At length he lias been brought to
trial before the senate at Chamber;; and condemned to a year's -mrui. onn.cnt
(19)
and to pay costs of suit with a fine of 100 golden scuddi (each worth from 89
io 100 francs according to locality.) The account of this infamous proceed-
ing adds that the penalty would have been more severe had it not been for the
intercession of persons of high rank, coupled with the fact that this respectable
minister was brought-up by the same pastor and Protestant Professor as the
present king of Sardinia. — Neio York Observer, No. 812.
"Religious Processions in France. The correctional police tribunal of
Amiens have just condemned three young men to twelve days imprisonment
for not taking olf their hats upon the passing of a religious procession, under
the plea that this ollenee came under the head of disturbing the free exercise
of the religious rites of the country." — Gaztlte de France, quoted by the
N. Y. Mercury of Nov. 2, 1837.
"From the Baltimore Literary and Religious Magazine.
Papal decree of '1837, against Infant Schools. The congregation of the
Supreme Inquisition have addressed the following circular to all the Bishops
of the states of the church. We copy it from the Italian Journals.
"Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord; — The supreme congregation knew
that exertions were making to introduce into (he Pontiticial states, the schools
called, "Free Schools," orsales de asyle, for children of both sexes, and that
books containing a little form ofinstruction had been printed and circulated
which are not edifed in the truly catholic spirit which ought to preside in the
formation of the first ideas of the mind and the first feelings of the heart.
My colleagues the eminent Inquisitors General having given attention to
this interesting subject have thought that it would be a thing full of danger,
to say nothing more, to permit the introduction of the said Infant Schools in
the Ppntificial states. They have therefore thought proper to forbid them,
and to communicate this determination to all the Bishops. This step has
been fully approved by His Holiness. Your most holy and Reverend I. o;d-
ship, in case any person shall endeavor to establish in your diocese schools
on the plan of Infant Schools, will employ all your zeal and caic to prevent
their formation.
I respectfully kiss the hand of your Lordship, and remain,
your most devoted servant,
(Signed,) Cardinal, Odeschalohi.
— Rome, August 10, 1837."— N. Y. EvangJ, 444.
"Persecuted Lutherans. — The N. Y. Star gives extracts from C en nan
papers which mention the arrival at Berlin of a number of emigrants all rigid
Lutherans, formerly composing the congregation of the Rev. Mr. Schirhel,
against both whom and his flock the military were turned out.- They were
bound to Hamburgh thence to America, where they had been preceded by
agents to purchase land as they are not without resources. They emigrate
to preserve the true taith, and in this feature resemble the pilgrims of old,
who left England and then Holland to come to this country to preserve the
liberty of conscience." — N. Y, Evangelist, 443.
We see by the foregoing- extracts that toleration is
not the usage of all civilized nations; and we shall
now introduce a quotation to show that it is not re-
Quired by the written precept of international law.
Vattell says, page J218: —
"It is then certain that no one can interfere in opposition to the will of a
nation in its religious affairs, without violating its right and doing it an inju-
ry. But it is an office of humanity to labor by mild and lawful means to
persuade a nation to receive a religion that is believed to be the only one that
is true and salutary. Missionaries may be sent to instruct the people, and
this care is altogether conformable to the attention which every nation owes
to the perfection and happiness of others; but it must be observed that not
to do any injury to the rights Of a sovereign the missionaries ought to abstain
from preaching clandestinely, Or without his permission; a new doctrine to
his people. He may refuse to allow them the liberty of discharging their
foffice', and if he orders them to leave his dominions they ought to obey. They
have need of afvery express order from the King of kings for disobeying law-
fully a sovereign, who commands according to the extent of his power; and the
princewho shallnot be convinced of this extraordinary order of the deity will do
ho more than exert his authority by punishing a missionary for disobedience."
—"Again, when a religion is persecuted in one country the foreign nations
who profess it may intercede fortheir brethren; but this is all they can law-
fully do unless persecution be carried to an intolerable excess. Then indeed
it becomes a case of manifest tyranny in which all nations are permitted to
succor an unhappy people. A regard to their own safety may also author-
ize them' to undertake the defence Of the persecuted; A king Of France re-
plied to the Ambassador, who solicited bird to sutler his reformed subjects
to live in peace, that he was niaster in his kingdom. But the Protestant sove-
reigns who saw a conspiracy of all the Catholics Obstinately bent on their
destruction were also masters with respect to the succoring men who
might strengthen their party and help thorn to preserve themselves fiOm the
ruin with which they were threatened; " — Vattell, 219; 220;
By the foregoing we see that by the laws of nations
toleration is neither demanded by the preceptor adopt-
ed in the* practice of civilized nations; that it is not
the universal usage of civilized nations as stated in
the Manifesto, and that a departure from this prac-
tice is no violation of international law; aud that by
such departure the government of the Sandwich Isl-
ands have committed no aggression upon the rights
of other nations, and are not justly answerable to
them. We see that intolerance and persecution do
exist to a considerable extent in several of the civil-
ized nations of Europe and their dependencies Spain?
Portugal and Italy are obnoxious to this Charge; and
in the Dutch Dominions, Prussia, and even France,
free toleration in the fullest sense of the word is un-
known; and perhaps so of some others. In France
we believe that no religious test is required as a qual
( 21 )
iftcaliou for office, that a man's faith forms no barrier
to his rising to the highest offices of government, and
that it is the wise and humane policy of government
to grant free toleration to ail religions, and we are
glad to be able to say that one at least of her bright-
est ornaments and most talented statesmen, (M. Qui*
/,ot minister of public instructions,) is a Protestant
deeply interested in the circulation of the scriptures
through France in the vernacular tongue. We know
iiot but there maybe others, we hope there are. But
whilst such is the just policy of government, still the
Roman faith predominates, and so great is its pre-
dominance in some departments, that even the legal
tribunals, urged onward by the irresistable tide of
public opinion, are led to condemn people to imprison-
ment for not taking off their hats upon the passing of
"a religious procession under the absurd plea, "that
this offence came under the head of disturbing the
free exercise of the religious rites of the country;"
and thus the just intentions of her liberal policy are
not fully realized. Our remarks on this subject are
not made to justify the Sandwich Islands govern-
ment, in any intolerance or persecution which it may
have exercised. We deeply regret that such a charge
may be justly brought against it, and we would no
sooner justify or vindicate the Sandwich Islands gov-
ernment for intolerance and persecution, than we
would the liberal and enlightened governments of
Europe. We are utterly opposed both to the princi-
ple and the practice, wherever it may be found. Our
sentiments are for universal, full and free toleration,
on all subjects of conscience. If however any apolo-
gy could be found for intolerance and persecution, it
would most certainly be for that people just emerging
from a state of rude barbarism, and not for those na-
tions who had enjoyed the light of religion and sci-
ence for ages. Our object is to show that the Sand-
wich Islands government, in a departure from a libe-
ral and tolerant administration of its domestic affairs,
has not violated the precepts of international law.,
and that its practice has not varied from that of civil-
ized nations.
We here insert facts in relation to the persecution^
4
( 22 f
(which have been collected with care and are believ-
ed to be correct,) that the public may be able to judge
for themselves whether it has been carried to such an
"intolerable excess," as to render such interference as
has taken place justifiable.
It is proper here to say that the king issued orders
on the 17th of June, 22 days previous to the arrival
of the l'Artemise, that no further punishment should
l)e inflicted, that the chiefs should confine themselves
to the use of moral suasion in their efforts to reclaim
the Roman Catholic proselytes, and if any were coir-
fined or laboring, they should be set at liberty. If
any suffered after this, it was without his knowledge
or consent.
Statistics in relation to the persecution of the Catholics.
Thirteen men and fifteen women have at different
times been punished for the practice and propagation
of the Roman Catholic religion. The usual punish-
ment has been a short imprisonment and labor for a
period of about four months. Several recanted and
were discharged before the term of punishment ex-
pired.
One man and his wife Were imprisoned at nighty
and made to perform the office of scavengers to the
fort during the day for the period of more than a*
year.
Another rhan fof two or three months suffered the
Same punishment. They were then with several
others placed on land, under a head man, where they
were employed somewhat on the terms of common
serfs, but more severe, for more than a year.
The kind of labor usually performed by this class"
Of prisoners has been making stone-wall and cutting-
stone by the men on the sea shore, making mats by
the women, and labor on land. None have ever
wrought on the road; many moi'6 have been called up'
and conversed with and discharged without punish-
ment. We cannot learn that any corporeal punish-
ment has at any time been inflicted by order of gov-
ernment.
We cannot but feel deeply pained that such occur-
fences as the above should ever have taken place, ana
if in other respects than the exercise of the Romish
faith the sufferers were good subjects and this govern?
inent had persisted in such a course after expostula^
tion, then we conceive foreign interference would
have been justifiable; but we have already shown that
previous to the arrival of the l'Artemise the exercise
of Roman Catholic worship had ceased tp be penal,
and consequently, no necessity for interference exist?
ed in the case.
We now propose to offer some remarks on the clause
jn the Manifesto, "Misled by perfidious counsellors,"
and again, "led on by bad counsellors."
Who these perfidious counsellors are is made plain
by the last clause of Captain Laplace's communica-
tion to the American Consul, already inserted. We
see by that, that they are the Protestant clergy of
members of the American Mission. Here then are
forty American citizens scattered through all the
^Sandwich Islands, pursuing peaceably their avoca-
tions, with protections from their government, charged
with the violation of their neutrality as American cit-
izens by acts of hostility to the French government,
and without a hearing publicly condemned by an offi-
cer of the French navy, their possessions exposed to
plunder, and their families to violence and death.
The particular acts as far as we can infer from the
general charge of directing- the counsels, influencing
the government, and being the true authors of the in-
sults charged upon this government by France, must,
be those which have been considered in the preceding
pages, viz: sending away M. Bachelot;^ — rejecting
M. Maigret; — tarnishing the Catholic religion with
the name of idolatry; — persecution and intolerance.
In regard to the two first, the missionaries individu-
ally or collectively never gave any advice upon the
subject at all, either for or against the measures. They
doubtless had their opinions upon the subject and if
they were asked of any one, they were doubtless free-
ly expressed; but probably the majority never had
their opinions upon the subject inquired into. Most
likely all would have doubted the good policy of .sen.fi*
(24)
ingaway Mess. B. and S., as this government was so
impotent. But were she ever so powerful some would
have doubted the moral right, unless their instruc-
tions led to seditious practices, in which case all good
citizens and friends of order and civil government
must have agreed that the step was proper; probably
none of them would have doubted the civil right
agreeable to the usages of nations. But we wish it
to be distinctly understood that they claim the right,
inviolable and inalienable to think, speak, and write
their opinions freely upon whatever subject they
choose, amenable only to the laws for the abuse of
that right. It is not because they had not the right,
that the many and grievous charges brought against
them have remained unnotieed. It is because their
work was too important, and their time too valuable
tube spent in refuting charges which have generally
been so virulent as to carry their refutation along
with them, to every candid mind.
To the second charge, we suppose that the mission-
aries have taught, that the w7orship of images, whe-
ther in the Catholic church or out of it, is idolatry, if
they have taught any thing about it.
The writer for himself is not aware that lie has said
any thing special upon the subject of idolatry in the
Catholic church, but he most certainly believes it, nor
has proscription, with the declaration that to publish
such a sentiment is to offer an insult to France, in the
least tended to convince him that it is incorrect. Such
an argument, addressed to the fears, may eompel but
cannot convince; and he deems it quite as unsound
when applied to American citizens, with proscription
and a man-of-war to back it up, as when applied to
the subjects of the Sandwich Islands government,
backed up by the fear of labor and imprisonment.
Neither can he see any more reason why France
should take exception at his speaking his mind, than
that England and every other Protestant country
should take umbrage because French and all other
Cal holies denounce them as heretics.
To the fourth charge of intolerance and persecu-
tion, we have already said that the missionaries were
jn favor of toleration, full and free, every where, in all
(25)
matters of conscience; as for persecution they are and
always have heen it's decided enemies; they have nev-
er sanctioned it in any manner, and most deeply re-
gret its ever having' existed in these islands. Most,
of them were strangers to the fact. It was known to
have the decided disapprobation of all, and when by
any means it reached the ears of any it was made the
subject of earnest remonstrance. They do indeed de-
precate the entrance of Catholicism into these islands,
because they believe it to be a deadly error, but at
the same time they believe that the only proper wea-
pon with which to fight error, is the word of God — -
the Sword of the Spirit,
These then are the grounds upon which their con-
demnation has gone forth, they plead guilty only as
far as expressed in the foregoing. But they are not
called upon to plead at all, or allowed the opportuni-
ty, or even so much as to hear the crimes wherewith
they are charged, until they see them registered in
the sentence. Had they all been guilty, condemna-
tion without trial would have been most unjust. Had
there been a possibility that one was innocent, the in-
justice would have been aggravated. But whilst
there was a probability that not one could be convic-
ted upon credible testimony, with a fair and impartial
trial, the act becomes one of the most glaring acts of
injustice of which we have any knowledge.
Had they violated their neutrality they should have
been indicted and tried; and if convicted have suffer-
ed the penalty for a violation of neutrality, according-
to the degree of guilt. Had they been taken by the
French on hostile ground with arms in their hands,
not in actual war, they had still been entitled to trial,
before they could properly have, been detained as
prisoners of war. But their being publicly proscribed,
as they were, was to point them out as criminals
whose death would give satisfaction.
We will now look at the probabilities of their guilt.
Of the proscribed, twenty-seven had not come to the
islands at the time M. Bachelot was first sent away,
and four more had been here but a few months; fifteen
and their families and two single ladies arrived but a,
few days previous to his being put on board the Clem*
(26)
entine, -strangers to both foreigners and natives, and
unacquainted with the language. In a few weeks
they were dispersed over the islands. M. Maigret
arrived Nov. 2nd, and the intelligence that he was ex-
pecting to come arrived but a few days previous.
From the circumstances of most of the mission, they
could not have been informed previously to his arri-
val that he was expected, and as little was said about
the transaction at the time, many of theml doubtless
were uninformed altogether upon the subject. One
such the writer has conversed with, who, till the
present excitement, had not heard of the transaction.
With these facts before them the public are left to
judge how far a large number at least can be obnox-
ious to the charge so indiscriminately brought against
the missionaries by the French commander, and upon
which he proceeds officially to proscribe, and in the
probable event of war to deliver them and their fami-
lies up to its calamities.
In relation to. this affair we extract the following!
from the Sandwich Island Gazette, of July 2T, 1839: —
"We cannot believe it possible that Capt. Laplace would have indentified
the Protestant clergy at the Sandwich Islands with the native population
as the enemies of France without the most, positive proof of that fact. If he
had any doubt on the subject, he never Mould have permitted that accusa-
tion to have made part of his Manifesto. He did (convinced as he was)
.what he will be justified in having done by the laws qf nations and by numer-
,ous similar examples already upon the pag-es-of history."
'We cannot well conceive what degree of evidence
would be necessary to justify an officer of any govern-
ment to condemn and as far as in him lies give up to
.execution a whqle community of the subjects of any
other government on terms of peace and amity with
Iris own, unheard and without trial. Let this usage
generally prevail and no foreigner could feel or could
be safe in a foreign land. For instance, let a French
subject sojourn at the Society Islands; Great Britain
for some alleged offence declares war with the Socie-
ty Islands, she sends a man-of war to obtain redress,
and the Captain declares that the Frenchman has
been the cause ofthe offence, and points him and his
family out as peculiar objects of vengeance; he enjoys
(21 )
hot the Benefit of trial. Would France refuse to no-
tice his wrongs because forsooth a British Captain has
seen fit, upon his mere arbitrary will, to say the French -
ilian hag caused the trouble. No; and such a proce-
dure would be an oiitrage upon the laws of nations.
Even the goods of neutrals found in an enemy's coun-
try are to be respected as far as practicable in a state
of war, when once proved to belong to a. neutral.
How much more then the person of a neutral, until
proved guilty of aiding the enemy.
We are sorry that the descendant of a British or
American freeman can be found so fallen as to defend
such unjustifiable conduct. He must have forgotten
those great bulwarks of British liberty secured by our
fathers for themselves and posterity upon which Bri-
tish and American law is built -r- the magna charta
which secures trial by jury to all, whatever be their
crimes; writ of habeas corpus, and liberty of the press;
that the French also grant trial by jury. For his be-
nefit and that of all who have forgotten that freemen
have rights, and are dreaming that we live in by-
gone ages, when men were permitted to wear their
heads merely by the sufferance and kindness of some
despot, we will make some quotations which will help
to remind them that we live in an age of laws. -
And first; the habeas corpus, which was finally es-
tablished in the 30th year of Charles II., is a writ is-
suing from the Court of the King's Bench, by which
"The officer or keeper is required within six hours td deliver to the prisoner
on his demand a copy of the warrant of his commitment, under the penalty
of £100 and being disabled to hold his offiee. In the next place, no person
once delivered by a writ of habeas corpus shall be recommitted for the same1
Offence under the penalty of £500 sterling. Every person committed for
treason or felony shall, if he require it, in the first week of the next term or
the first day of the next session be indicted in that term or session, or else ad-_
mitted to bail. Tf acquitted or not indicted he shall be discharged. Any of
the 12 Judges or the Lord Chancellor refusing a writ of habeas corpus shall
forfeit £500. Tii the last place, no subject of England shall be sent prisoner
to Scotland, Ireland, Jersey.; Guernsey or any other place beyond the seas,'
under penalty to the party committing and to all who assist or advise, of for-
feiting £500, to be recovered with treble costs, being disabled from holding
any office, being imprisoned for life, forfeiting his whole estate for life, and
being incapable of the king's pardon.
Such is the nature of the habeas corpus, a morst invaluable security for the
personal liberty of the subject, a security which is enjoyed under no gov-
ernment on the face of the earth but our own/'— "The only exception t&
(28)
(he general liberty of the subject under the British government is the p6w-
cr of impressing seamen by the king's commission for the supply of the
navy."
"Another of the highest privileges of the British subject is the trial of all
crimes by jury."
This is of Saxon origin and of ancient date, Was
partially secured in the ninth year of Henry III. but
more firmly in A. D. 1215. in the reign of king John,
when lie could no longer avoid it without the proba-
ble loss of his crown.
"At Runny mede between Staines and Windsor, a spot which will be
deemed sacred to the latest posterity, solemn conference was held between
John and the assembled barons of England, when, after a very short debate
the king signed and sealed that great charter which is at tins day the founda-
tion and bulwark of English liberty, Magna Charta." [This was con-
firmed by Edward I. A. D. 1283.]
One clause in this instrument reads thus: — *-
"No free man shall be taken or imprisoned, or dispossed of his free tene-
ments or liberties, or outlawed or banished, or any way hurt or injured, un-
less by the legal judgement of his peers or by the law of the land." — "The
preliminaries to tiial are different in England and Scotland. The number of
jurors are different; 12 in England and 15 in Scotland. Unanimity of opinion
is required in the former. A majority of voices is decisive in the latter. In
both modes of trial it is the privilege of the criminal to be judged by the
impartial verdict of his peers The prisoner has even a share in the choice
of his jury, for the law has allowed him the right of challenging or object-
ing to such as he may think exceptionable."
"In England the prisoner may challenge peremptorily, that is without
shewing any cause, twenty jurors successively. The witnesses upon the
trial deliver their evidence in presence of the prisoner, who is allowed to
question them and to produce witnesses in his own behalf. In cases of trea-
son the accused person may challenge successively thirty-five jurors, he may
have two counsels to assist him on his trial, and no treason, unless actual
attempt upon the life of the king, can be prosecuted after three years from
the offence."
"The opinions of the judges in summing up the evidence have no weight
but such as the jury choose to give them, and their verdict ought to proceed
Entirely on their own belief and conviction. Lord Chief Justice Hale, has in
his History of the Common Law of England, summed up in a very few woid3
the duty and powers of a jury.''' -—"The jury in their recess are to consider
their evidence^ to weigh the credibility of witnesses, and force and efficacy
of their testimonies; they are not bound to the rules of civil law to have two
witnesses to prove every fact, unless it be in cases of treason; nor to reject
one witness because he is single, or always to believe two witnesses, if the
probability of the fact does upon other circumstances encounter them. It
limy fall out that a jury upon their own knowledge may know a thing to be
♦ik>e which a witness has sworn tc be true, or may know a witness to be in*
(29)
competent or incredible though .nothing be objected against him, and may
give their verdict accordingly,!"
"The effect of the verdict of a jury is final and positive. If the prisoner is
acquitted be is instantly set at liberty, and cannot on any pretence be tried
again for the same crime. If found guilty the judge must pronounce sen-
tence according to law. But (his law must contain a positive enactment
with regard to the special crime which was brought before the jury, for in
crimes no constructive extension of laws can be admitted.
"The spirit of out laws considers the impunity of an offender as a very
small matter in comparison with the dangers that would result from such ex-
tension.
"The last particular I shall take notice of and what is in fact the guardian
■of the British constitution is, the liberty of the pre**.'"
"To supply the unavoidable deficiency of all legislative provisions, to pre-
vent, the silent deviations of magistrates from their duty, (transgressions the
more dangerous that r:o punishment can reach them,) and to be a constant
check upon the minutest departments of the constitution as a pendulum re-
gulates the equable motions of all the wheels of a clock, there is one power
in the British government whose exertions are constant and unremitting, a
just regulator of the whole parts of that nice and complicated machine.
This is the power which every individual has of expressing his opinion of the
whole conduct of government without reserve by woid or writing, a power
which is so regulated, however, as to secure all the benefit of the the ancient
censorship without its mischiefs. The censorial tribunal at Rome was enr
tirely arbitrary which repressed all freedom of judgement in the public, or
at least rendered it of no consequence, since the regulation of government
was supremely lodged iu the breasts of a few men with whom that judge-
ment could have no eilect. But a British subject has the right of free judge-
ment on all public measures, of remonstrating to his governors, of carrying
his complaint and his appeil to the public by means of the press, of submit-
ting to the general opinion the views and principles -of these governors ex-
pressed in parliament, and thus by openly examining and scrutinizing their
whole conduct to furnish the most powerful restraint against every degree
of malversation. It is peculiar to the British government that there is no
person so high in administration as not to feel the weight of public opinion.
"The loss of popular favor to a statesman will furnish such opposition to
his measures as to gall and embitter every hour of his life. Even the taunts,
the curses or the hissings of the vulgar there is no man whatever that can
long support with any degree of tranquillity, and when he considers that
not only his present fane is at stake hut also his memoiy, to the latest pos-
terity, by means of the press, he will soon find that he is irresistibly and most
powerfully restrained within the bounds of his duty.
Upon these bases are raised the laws of the United
States, and such are the great palladiums of British
liberty which have been rearing for ages by the
watchful jealousy of British freemen; and these the
Gazette would aid in sweeping away, by justifying the
arbitray condemnation of freemen without trial. Is
there danger, in allowing an extensive construction
of criminal law, so great that a whole nation would
5
(30)
prefer that the guilty should go unpunished? And is
there no danger in such a precedent as this? What
would the writ of habeas corpus and liberty of the
press be worth, once take away the right of trial?
There is no crime so great, and no circumstances so
peculiar that it may injustice be denied.
American citizens taken in Canada in arms against
the British government, were not denied it, nor trial
by jury; and there are none but despots and barbari-
ans who do deny it; and wo be to the man who may
have this sacred right torn from him, or trampled up-
on with impunity. He has no further security for life
or property.
Will it be inquired, "What has British law to do
with this subject?" We reply, much. It is based
upon the inviolability of human rights; these rights
cannot be alienated by a change of place or circum-
stances. They are universal and inalienable, and
where they are not enjoyed, it is because despotism
reigns. What are the laws of nations but rules of
action to secure the equal distribution or administra-
tion of justice in the community of nations, and be-
tween the subjects of different governments; and
which of the nations would wish to establish the rule
by precedent or otherwise, that a subject might upon
his own authority, declare the weaker subjects of
neighboring nations guilty of arfy crime he might
choose to bring against them, and without trial or
hearing and with impunity condemn them to whatever
punishment he might see fit to inflict? If the princi-
ple is sound in national intercourse, it is sound and
may properly be introduced between subjects of the
same government. We think even the Gazette would
not advocate its introduction into any community
where its own personal interests would be likely to
be affected by it.
We will here insert a passage from the Gazette of
July 1, 1837, probably by the same writer, by way of
commentary on the preceding quotation.
"We wish, however, to be distinctly unrlersfoofl that we disavow in toto,
the right of this government to banish in the first place these men without
trial or accusation."
(31 )
Now about whom are these remarks made? About
foreigners, Catholic clergymen, whom the govern-
ment without any injury to life or limb, chose to deny
the privilege of settling in their territories and propa-
gating their faith, because it was their choice that it
should not be propagated. It seems, then, that the
writer was shocked at the thought of their being re-
jected without first being tried; and yet he now sup-
poses that all civilized governments will justify, not
the rejection without injury, but the absolute proscrip-
tion and condemnation of forty freemen, with their fa-
milies, to fire and sword without trial ! ! Great indeed
must have been the change in his views ! The wheels
of time with him must have had a very rapid retrograde
motion; for in the short space of two years, he seems
to have been carried back centuries, and imbibed the
spirit of those ages of darkness and despotism, when
men were condemned and executed without trial or
even accusation, and whose enormities are only re-
membered with horror, as they are recorded on the
pages of history and held up for a beacon to others to
beware. Or perhaps the change has not been as great
in his views as one would be led to suppose. Perhaps
it was not the principle of impartial trial's not being
extended to all, which excited his sensibilities; but
that it should not be extended to particular persons,
who thought and felt as he did. If, then, the two
Catholic missionaries had been in the place of forty
Protestants, condemnation without trial would have
been justifiable; but if the forty Protestants were
changed into two Romanists, it would have been
shocking to humanity, and they would have had his
warmest sympathies.
We are told that the conduct of Capt. L. will be
justified "by numerous similar examples already on
the pages of history." The writer has not pointed out
any of the numerous similar examples, but we know
of no enormity so great but a precedent may be found
for it on the pages of history. The pages of history
teem with the record of crime, injustice, usurpation,
cruelty, and the violation of natural and civil rights,
by tyrants; and we doubt not that amongst them ma-
ny might be found bearing some analogy, if not very
( 22 )
similar to the present case. We think the following
analagous in many respects: —
A wicked counsellor of a Persian monarch by false
accusation obtained a decree to be issued, that all the
Jews throughout his vast dominions should be slain.
Thus a numerous and useful class of his subjects were
without trial decreed to execution. — So, throughout
all the islands of this kingdom, the missionaries were
condemned to suffer the calamities of war without a
hearing. Such acts of tyranny were peculiar fea-
tures of ancient despotisms, more especially those of
oriental countries. But, happily, such examples are
not frequent in modern European history, and as the
darkness of past ages has rolled away they have be-
come less and less so; and no European power has
for many years past been accustomed to condemn in-
dividuals not found in arms in .time of war, (and not
often then when there is no resistance,) much more
whole communities belonging to a neutral and friend-
ly nation, without trial. ' Turkey, we know, forms an
exception to the onward march of civilization in Eu-
ropean nations, and thousands of heads have there
found their way into the Bosphorus without their
owners ever being permitted to answer to the crimes
laid to their charge, and the executioner is often the
person who announces to thern the charge brought
against them, if announced at all, when he calls to
perform the functions of his office; but we doubt if
even there, the sultan has dared to make such free-
use of the heads of the subjects of a friendly govern-
ment very often, and we hope it will be long before
the civilized world will search for such examples to
justify similar conduct. The Gazette says: —
"We have heard that, the members of the Protestant mission feel indig-
nant at the exception that was made to them by Capt. Laplace •in the protec-
tion he offered to the foreign residents at Oahn, and in consequence that
fhey intend making a protest and forwarding it to the government of (he
United States.
We hope they will not be so unwise as to resort, <o a measure so ridiculous
in order to substantiate their innocence, such a document would meet but
a poor reception at the city of Washington. If they have been wronged, in
the spirit of Christianity let them bear it with meekness. All the proof that
they can produce from native testimony that they have not been the advis -
ers of this people in their acts of persecution against Ihc Catholics will avail
(23)
nothing. By the disinterested and enlightened of other nations it will receive'
ho credence. By their lives and conduct hereafter they will alone be ena-
bled to convince the vvoild if they have been misjudged without re.vson or
censured without cause."
The members of the Protestant mission do feel that
injustice was done them, and that they have reason
to complain of the exception made by Captain La-
place. They are aware that Capt. Laplace was un-
der no obligation to extend the offer of protection to
them or any other foreigner, nor would they have
asked protection at his hands, or accepted it had it
been offered; but as he publicly extended this pretec-
tion to all with the before named exception, it would
have had all the effect of a public proscription, and
such virtually it was. But lie did something more
than to make this exception. He adjudged their
case, condemned them upon exparte testimony,
and publicly declared them the enemies of France,
without hearing or trial, or in any way specifying
to them in what their crimes consisted, any further
than what they might infer from the very general
charges of "insidious counsellors," etc.
The missionaries know that they have a perfect
right both civil and moral to protest if they choose,
and it is doubtless their duty to remonstrate against
lawless injustice. Paid appealed unto Caesar, and
the Savior when unjustly smit ten remonstrated against
the injustice: '*If I have spoken evil, bear witness
of the evil; but if well, why smitest thou me?" As
to the reception of their protest at Washington, should
they see fit to make one, they have no especial con-
cern. They have no evidence that the U. States gov-
ernment does not regard the welfare of its citizens
wherever they may be, nor that it is indifferent, when
that great, bulwark of the personal liberty of ks sub-
jects, a trial by jury, is torn away from them. As to
the measure's being "ridiculous," they know of no
other earthly shelterfrom injustice than an appeal to
their country; and they can conceive of no other rea-
son why they should have received protections from
their government, than simply the security of rights
belonging to them as American citizens. 'If then it is
ridiculous to appeal from. injustice, it was ridiculous to
(34)
grant them protections, as they could be no possible
security against it. To suppose that it would be "un-
wise and ridiculous" for the missionaries to appeal
to the government of their country, would be to im-
peach its justice; inasmuch as it presupposes that the
government would sanction an outrage committed
upon its subjects without inquiry or investigation.
Not long since M. De l^a Fluchelle, the French Vice
Consul at New York, procured warrants for the ar-
rest of two men alledged deserters from the French
marine. But instead of bringing them before the
American courts for examination, they were carried
on board the frigate Didon, which sailed immediately
for France. A warrant was issued for his arrest. He
surrendered himself to the authorities, and was ad-
mitted to bail in the sum. of five thousand dollars.
A few months since two American citizens were
murdered on the coast of Sumatra, and a frigate was
immediately despatched thither to make inquiries and
obtain redress.
The first of these examples shows that Americans
have some regard to human rights, that they are not
entirely indifferent to any one's being deprived of trial,
and condemned without a hearing; — that even the
accredited officer of a foreign government may not
deprive his own countrymen of this invaluable safe-
guard to liberty with impunity within their jurisdic-
tion. How then can it be supposed that they will al-
low forty of their fellow citizens, natural born citizens,
representing nine or ten States and three-fourths of
the population of the United States, to have this in-
justice extended to them without deigning to inquire
wherefore.
We learn from the last example that American citi-
zenship is designed to be of some value as a protec-
tion; that it is required to be respected; that her pro-
tections are not granted in vain, and that if they are
violated she will demand the reason. The missiona-
ries wish no war to be waged and no lives to be sacri-
ficed on their account: sooner would they submit not
only to have their rights violated as they have been,
but to have that violence consummated by the destruc-
tion of their lives, as it was likely to be in the recent
(35)
events. But they do seek protection from future law-
less injustice, and these examples are given to show
that the U. States government and people are not so
recreant to justice as the writer seems to suppose
them to be — that they do regard theright of trial as of
inestimable value, and are not indifferent to the viola-
tion of the rights of American citizens in foreign lands;
that there is not evidence sufficient to render them
obnoxious to this charge, which they certainly would
be were they so regardless of injustice done to their
subjects and fellow citizens as to render it "ridiculous"
to remonstrate against it with the hope of redress —
and therefore it may not be as "ridiculous and un-
wise" to protest against the violation of those rights
and pray for protection, as he seems to suppose.
As to the exhortation to meekness and forbearance,
we acknowledge them to be cardinal and precious
virtues, but there is a limit beyond which even for-
bearance may not go, or injuries be silently submitted
to without danger to the community. If a man jeo-
pardizes my life frequently and I have no evidence of
his repentance, it becomes my duty to report him to
the magistrate as a dangerous man to the community.
By a longer forbearance I jeopardize the public peace
and safety, and, hence, it becomes my duty to report
him.
We are told that native testimony will not. be re-
ceived in substantiation of the mission's innocence by
the disinterested and enlightened of other nations.
What will the disinterested and enlightened of other
nations think of condemning freemen without any
hearing or trial at all? The law supposes every man
innocent until he is proved guilty, and the mission
cannot believe it necessary to produce testimony of
any kind to substantiate their innocence until some
has been presented to the disinterested and enlighten-
ed of other nations to prove their guilt. We imagine
from the very nature of the case that it would be
found exceedingly difficult to prove a man guilty of
directing the councils of a nation whilst he was yet
a schoolboy many thousands of miles distant, or even
had he just landed on their shores, a stranger to them
and their language, which was the case of many of
(3G)
the proscribed. No; these transactions are not for
enlightened and just men, nor for enlightened ages.
They are well adapted to the ignorance and tyranny
of the darkest of the dark agesof Europe before the
people had learned their rights or begun to assert
them.
The transaction is too dark for even this half civil-
ized and isolated corner of the earth; for even here
it is not customary or lawful to condemn the most
common native to suffer the lightest penalty of the
law, without some form of trial.
We will now introduce an extract from the Gazette
of May 27, 1837, probably from the same pen.
"Can it be supposed that the violence and cruelty which has been extend-
ed towavds'a subject' of chivalrous Franee? when it shall reach the ears of
her monarch, will be permitted to rest for a moment unavenged? Can it be
credited that the injury and wrong- which has been indicted on a citizen of
the U. Stales when it shall be known in the council chambers of her legis-
lators will repose there for an hour, till .the most ample and exemplary
satisfaction shall be obtained."
We cannot forbear contrasting the above with the
language used in the present case. Why does not
the writer exhort the injured French subject and Ame-
rican citizen, to that meekness and forbearance under
injuries, which he now urges upon the Protestant
mission? Why does he not suppose the same virtue
is as necessaay in the former case as in the latter?
Why does he suppose that chivalrous France will not
for a moment permit the rights of one of her subjects
to be invaded without speedy vengeance being visited
upon the aggressor; or why suppose that the United
States, when an alledged aggression upon the pro-
perty of one of her citizens shall be made known in
her council chambers, will not suffer herself to rest
until exemplary vengeance shall be obtained; and yet
that forty American citizens, whose dearest rights
have been wantonly trampled upon, will be pursuing
an unwise and ridiculous course, by appealing- to
their country for a redress of their wrongs? Is it be-
cause the rights of one French missionary are more
sacred than the rights of foriy American missiona-
ries, with wives and children dependent on them for
support? Is it because the property of one American
(37)
citizen is of more value than the lives of forty others
and their families, or is his property of more value
than that of the Am. Board, Am. Bible, and Am,
Tract Societies?
Is the American Protestant missionary the only
person who is outlawed? and may no rights but
his be trampled upon without the hope of redress?
Is the welfare of his family less clear to him; and
are those rights which he received with his native
air, less sacred than those of the American- merchant,
or the French missionary? No; he feels the welfare
of his family to be as dear to him. and his rights as
sacred as those of others, nor does he deem it more
ridiculous and unwise to appeal from injustice, or
remonstrate against it. Will it be said by any, that
the mission or clergy were not all intended? If this
was the fact why were not the guilty singled out?
Who ever heard of a judge passing sentence of death
upon a body of criminals, without naming them, and
then saying that he intended to sentence but a part
to death? How would the executioner know where
to begin, or on whom to inflict the penalty? Not so
do judges pass sentence, or the proper authority
grant reprieves. When Boston and the surrounding-
country had taken up arms, in the early stages of
the American revolution, a proclamation was issued
offering free pardon to al] who would lay down their
arms and return to their allegiance, except John
, Hancock and Saml. Mams. So in Canada — of six-
teen state prisoners sentenced to death, thirteen had
their punishment commuted, whilst with Chandler,
Wait and JVPLeod, the law was left to take its course.
Also in another instance the royal pardon was ex-^
tended to fifty-three, whilst Charles Durand was left to
suffer. But it is unnecessary to multiply examples to
prove what is self-evident. It is universal practice and
according to the dictates of common sense, to name
the criminal when sentence is passed; and we should
not have made these remarks, considering the con^
trary position an absurdity, had we not heard that
the. assertion has been made that all the missionaries
were not intended in the, exception made by Capt.
Laplace. If this was true, why were not the guilty
0
(38)
named;5 Where was the security of the innocent and
their families? There "was none! No one who bore
the name of missionary, had any security from the
dangers of war, If it had come.
And even had the act of proscription extended to
but one individual, and that one considered guilty by
the public, still it would have been most illegal and
unjust to have refused him a hearing.
We cannot but consider the whole transaction as
an extraordinary and unjustifiable outrage; for had
the missionaries been wholly or in part guilty, justice
demanded that they should have been permitted to
meet their accusers face to face, and understand the
crimes wherewith they were charged.
We shall now insert a letter addressed to Capt. L.
by several of the foreign residents of Honolulu, from
the Sandwich Island Mirror, Auff. 15th..
To Post Captain C. Laplace,
Commanding- the King of the French's Frigate 1'Ailcmise,-
Honolulu Roads, Oahu.
Sir: — We the -undersigned in behalf of ourselves and fellow cifizensr
take the earliest opportunity alter the termination .of the unpleasant differ-
ences, between the government of France and this country, to convey to-
you out deep feelings of gratitude an,d esteem/ for the considerate and gener-
ous offer of an asylum for our persons and property, in the event of your
rinding it necessary to commence actual hostilities against this country;
although by your firmness and energy, affairs have been brought to a satis-
factory settlement without an actual appeal to arms, and we had therefore
so occasion to avail ourselves of your friendly offer; we beg to assure you,
' that we equally appreciate and honor the nobleness which in the midst of
the many complicated considerations and engagements, as must necessarily
occupy your attention on the eve of commencing hostilities, that you did
not for a moment lose sight of the means of safety for our defenceless families
and ourselves, but offered a secure refuge on board your gallant Frigate the
I'Artemise,to all -who feared for their persons or property, and vveie not
identified with the enemies of France.
We have great pleasure in hearing that all differences are satisfactorily
arranged, between the government of France and this country; as firm
friends to independence and liberty of conscience, and haters of persecution,
we hail your arrival at these Islands, as the most glorious epoch in their
history since their discovery." We are willing to hope, that the horrifying
realities of persecution and torture for conscience sake, will by your firm-
ness and justice have been forever crushed, never again to. show its Hydra
head, and that the simple and confiding children of nature in these islands
(so long deluded by designing and interested counsellors) will see the neces-
sity, of immediately retracing their steps, and taking the manly and nobly
disinierested example, you have set. them fortheir guide, that ihe blessings
( 39 ;
of freedom, peace and prosperity may be henceforward the increasing
portion of these hitherto deluded people.
We feel much gratifiqaton in bearing our. humble testimony }o the high
discipline and urbanity exhibited by all your gaHant' officers and men, when
visiting our shores through the whole of this trying crisis.
We much regret that your limited stay at this place, obliges us to make
this early farewell; we again tender you our warmest wishes, for your safe
-arrival in your native country, after so long an absence, in good health ; w e
heg to assure you that your beautiful Frigate, the 1'Artemise, her gallant
Captain, officers and crew will always be remembered here with feelings
of no common admiration and interest.
Be assured, Sir, of the high consideration and respect with which
we subscribe ourselves,
Four obliged and grateful servants,
J. C. Jones, Geo. Pelly,
Wh. French, S. Reynolds,
J. Meek, C. BkeVejb
Honolulu, Oahu, 37th July, PSSR
We have but few remarks to make upon this docu-
ment. What particularly arrested our attention, was
the example here held up for imitation. The history
of Capt. L.'s proceedings will show what kind of an
example this is. An example, we think, fit only for
-despots to set of to follow — an example indeed of the
condemnation of a whole community without trial!
"Blessing's of freedom and peace." (!) Freedom to
the tyrant to do what he likes with impunity! freedom
to bring the sword, the fire, and the spoiler to your
dwellings, without fear of retribution! From such
freedom and peace "we pray to be delivered, and that
the world may. A prevalence of such examples and
such freedom, if allowed, would soon carry terror to
every bosom, and spread the pall of death over all
-civil liberty. We never expected to see such exam-
ples held up for imitation by British and American
freemen, whose ancestors, at so much labor and cost,
had secured to themselves and their posterity, those
invaluable safe-guards to personal freedom — trial by
jury, the writ of habeas corpus, and liberty of the
press !
We will only remark, in conclusion of this part of
our subject, that had the French commander seen fit
to adopt the ulterior measure, we cannot persuade
ourselves that the American Consul, who is set for the
protection of the rights and interests of American
(-10)
•citizens, or even private American citizens, however
much they might differ in sentiment from the mis-
sionaries, could have allowed them and their fami-
lies to be given up to the calamities of War without
first remonstrating against such an act of lawless in-
justice; lawless because all enlightened nations al-
lowJthe accused to meet their accusers face to face,
and be tried for their lives. Fearful would be the
precedent of this summary mode of condemnation
and execution; and who could say that his turn would
not next come, should he happen to differ in senti-
inent from those who, for the time being, wielded the
power! As in the present case, the accused might
first be informed of the crimes laid to their charge,
in the mandate which had already gone forth for their
execution. But until we have some evidence to the
(contrary, we must avow our belief that the transaction
of which we complain was entirely unauthorized by
His Majesty the King of the French; or at least, that
were a true statement of the case laid before him, he
would not give the least countenance or sanction to
Such Conduct.
The Sandwich Islands Gazette claims the merit ol
having aided by its humble efforts, in bringing about
the transactions which have been the subject of re-
mark, and whoever peruses its columns must admit
the justice of its claim; for so far' as -its publications
have had any influence at all, they have been well
adapted to to secure just such results. It has been
the vehicle through which the most ungenerous cen-
sures have been heaped upon, and charges brought
against the government under whose protection for-
eigners enjoy more privileges of freedom from taxation,
duties on goods, and other immunities, than they
would do in any civilized portion of the world; and
which censures would not be tolerated by more than
tone or two of the civilized nations of Europe.
(See remarks of Pacificus, in the Gazette of May
8ft, 1837.)
**Mr. Ducloit, perceiving that two of the guns at the fort were loaded and
pointed towards his vessel, with the slow matches burning, unwilling to con-
ty@fta a-gainst such unequal force, anxious to ^prevent the eflusion of blood..
(41)
iroemg the murderous intentions of the natives, very proper!}- hauled dowfi
the English ensign which was flying at mast-head." etc.
And again, an American in the Gazette of July 1st,
1837.
"Mr. Dudoit fearing that should resistance be made, (seeing the warlike
preparations of the natives,") etc. ,
Every person acquainted with the location of the
fort and harbor, knows that it would be utterly impos-
sible for any one to tell, by the sense of sight, from
the harbor, whether a gun placed on the fort was
shotted or not.
But what shall we say when Mr. D. so readily
reads their "murderous intentions'?" We must conclude
that his perceptions are of quite a supernatural or-
der, as it is not given to ordinary men to read the
thoughts and intents of the heart — any farther than
they develop themselves in words and actions. We
shall be better able to judge of the justice of the
charge brought against the government in the pres-
ent case, when we are informed that no guns were
loaded, no matches burning, no murderous intentions
entertained, and no warlike preparations made. As
to the direction of the guns, we cannot doubt its be-
ing correct, for every one knows that the permanent
direction of the guns on the west end of the fort is
towards the harbor, consequently some must have
pointed towards his vessel, unless they had been
turned around and made to point inward.
Through its columns many and grievous charges
have been brought against the missionaries, and
abuse freely heaped upon them. They have been
charged with many if not all the imperfections of gov-
ernment, and its abuses, whilst they hazard nothing
in saying, that they feel far more deeply interested
in the liberality, purity and perfection of the govern-
ment, than do their accusers They have been char-
ged as the authors of persecution, and other charges
£00 numerous to be mentioned: We can only refer
to a few :—
(42)
"Our Gazette is open to free discussion, ye! we see no attempt to throw
ofFthe stigmas which have been reflected through it upon the conduct of the
mission."
"Who justified the inhuman banishment and subsequent imprisonment, of
Mess. Bachelot and Short? Who urged the afterwards expulsion of the
former divine at a moment when he was worn down with sickness, emacia-
ted in person and enfeebled in mind. We answer the missionaries; and
who, it may be asked, were the ostensible authors of that man's death more
properly we may say, murder.
We hesitate, not to accuse the missionaries of being the great first cause
of all these persecutions; all these acts of inhumanity; all these unjustifiable
deeds, which have been perpetrated by the natives of these islands, and we
challenge them, if they dare to deny it, should they attempt it, we are ready
to adduce damning proofs to authenticate what we have asserted."
(See communication concerning Mr. Concle,No. 51,
Vol. s.) :'«".
The missionaries of the London Missionary hocie-
ty at the South Sea Islands, have also participated in
the abuse poured through the columns of the Ga-
vette.
" It has been used to bring obloquy upon the charac-
ter of Capt. Jones, by the following declaration of
one of its writers, in No. 40, Vol. 3: —
" The visit of Com. Ap Catesby Jones at Oahu, in the year 1826, in the
United St<ites ship Peacock, tended more to injure the morals of the na-
tives vf Honolulu, than all others who have ever visited these islands
during my residence here."
The Mirror, its successor, brands as enemies in the
camp, who need to be watched, men who dare to
•have the independence to think and speak for them-
selves, if their thoughts and words run in a different
channel from the contributors to its columns. We
will not attempt to enumerate further, but refer to
the Gazette for the proof of our assertion as toils
contents, and the justice of its claims in being instru-
mental in bringing 'about the perpetration of one of
the greatest acts of injustice which blot the pages of
modern history. We do not, however, covet the pre-
eminence which it has by such means obtained, and
in. which it glories.
It has from time to time loudly proclaimed freedom
o[ speech, and liberty of the press; and those who
( 43 )
peruse its columns will judge how faithfuly this liberty
has been used in the manner above stated. But only
reverse the case; let a disinterested stranger, who
has no connection with the mission or government,
but who has the impartiality to see ana the independ-
ence to publish the unjust and partial proceedings of
any man or set of men, which are true in the spirit
if not in the exact letter used in the desription, do
so, and there is an immediate excitement. It is de-
clared by individuals, that personal and national in-
sult has been offered, and immediate satisfaction is
demanded. We refer to the account of the visit of
the l'Artemise by Mr. Jarves.
No foreigner or native, who knows anything of the
affair, we presume, doubts in his own mind that what-
ever language may have been used, it was the fear of
tiie consequences of a refusal only which induced the
government to consent to the treaty made with Capt.
Laplace, by which was granted the importation of
wine and brandy nearly duty free, (5 per cent.,) and
the trial of French subjects by a jury chosen only
from among foreigners, by the. French Consul. To
the oiher articles they doubtless willingly and cheer-
fully assented.
Is this then the freedom of speech and liberty of
the press which is advocated? Freedom to speak
against and attempt to blacken, the characters of mis-
sionaries and the government, whilst the first time
the truth is held up by a disinterested- and impartial
person, if it reflects hishonor upon any course of con-
duct, individual or official, immediate satisfaction is
demanded therefor. Are the Protestant missionaries
the only persons whose characters may be aspersed,
and the Sandwich Islands government the only gov-
ernnment whose measures may be assailed with im-
punity? We leave the public to judge whether the
statement of Mr. Jarves, in relation to the manner in
which the late French commercial treaty was obtained,
or the statement of Mr. Dudoit in relation to the in-
tended hostility of the S. I. government towards an
unarmed vessel and crew, reflect the greatest dishon-
or upon the parties concerned.
(44)
We shall now make some, further extracts from the
Gazette.
"It is a fact that the members of Catholic faith are now permitted to
enjoy in these islands all the privileges granted to Protestants. It is a fact
thvt this toleration is granted in opposition to every advice given by the
Protestant missionaries, and despite of all their influence, all their power,
all their prayers, and all their anathemas. It has been obtained through the
intercession of a powerful potentate, and will be secured by the strong arm
of the same monarch."
We should not have noticed this clause had it not
been for the statement in the latter part. The views
of the mission upon the subject of toleration have
been definitely stated; and these aspersions are only
a counterpart of all the rest, and worthy the source
whence they eminated. In relation to the last clause,
we have already stated that the king gave orders
that all punishment for Catholicworshipshould cease,
(22 days before the arrival of PArtemise.) Whatever
may have influenced him to relax his measures it cer-
tainly was not the l'Artemise, as we are informed in
the Gazette. In commenting^on the treaty the Ga-
zette says:—
"The sixth article prevents the prohibition of the import into this country
of French produce, in particular wines and brandy. The introduction again
into these isles of the latter article seems to have alarmed the advocates of
tetotaltsm who have already began to predict utter ruin to this nation. We
advise them however to keep cool themselves by taking more copious draughts
of their own favorite beverage, and if they wish to reclaim the drunkard
or to stay the improper use of the ardents, let them do it by moral persua-
sion and not by misapplied force.
Captain Laplace was perfectly justifiable in insisting that the wines and
brandies of France should not be prohibited; those constitute the principal
articles of French produce, and the interest of that country requires that
every country should be open to receive them. Let the United States for
instance prevent the importation of French brandy, and what would be the
consequence.
A retaliation on the part of France by excluding the cotton, the rice, the
tobacco of America, perhaps a non-intercourse botween the two countries
and possibly the cause of war."
We agree with the Gazette that the treaty was in-
sisted on, but we would ask what right Capt. Laplace
had to insist that a sovereign and independent nation
should enter into a treaty, the terms of which" were
(45)
decidedly against its interests as it supposed and to
which it was evidently unwilling to subscribe.
We are told that he did right because it was for the
interests of France. But had the Sandwich Islands
no interests to consult in the matter? Or does it be-
come the duty of all nations to consult French inter-
ests however destructive it may be to their own, and
is France the only nation that has a right to consult
her own interests? Or does this principle of duty and
right apply only to those nations which are not able
to cope with France? hence are obliged to submit to
any terms she may please to impose. If the govern-
ment consented to the above articles of its own free
will, where was the necessity of insisting upon it. The
fact that it had just enacted a law prohibiting the im-
portation of spirits and levying a duty on wine is suf-
ficient to show that it did not do it freely.
But we will see what are the rights of nations re-
specting commerce, according to the theory of inter-
national law. Says a writer: —
"As long as there is no treaty existing every state retains its natural
rights to lay on such commerce whatever restriction it pleases.
A nation is then, fully authorized, first, to prohibit the entry or export-
ation of certain merchandises. Second, to institute customs and augment
them at pleasure. Third, to prescribe the manner in which commerce with-
in its dominions shall be carried on. Fourth, to point out the places where
it shall be carried on, or to exempt it from certain parts of its dominions.
Fifth, to exercise freely its sovereign power over the foreigners living in its
territories. Sixth, to make whatever distinctions between the nations
with whom it trades, it may find conducive to its interests." — Ency. Vol.
U3 p. 761.
It might be very convenient for the U. States to
possess Central America, if a ship canal, or rail road
could be constructed from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
as her commerce in the Pacific is very valuable, and
for every vessel engaged in it would save two long
and perilous voyages around the Cape; but should
she insist very hard upen a cession of the territory,
because it was for her interests whilst the existing
government was unwilling to grant it, we doubt not
both Great Britain and France would have something
to say as to the right, and justly too. To insist then
upon a nation's accedinsr to the terms of a treaty
7
(46)
against its own free and voluntary will, or to urge it
iri any way, so as to render the fear of worse conse-
quences from a refusal the prevailing motive of ac-
cession, unless it be done as a just punishment for
crime, is an aggression upon the natural rights of a
nation, and a violation of international law. The
same writer says: —
"For a covenant to be obligatory five things are necessarily supposed.
First, that the parties have power to consent. Second, that they have con-
sented. Third, that they have consented freely. Fourth, that the consent
be mutual, and Fifth, that the execution be possible.
Upon the third head he remarks:—
"The consent must have been a voluntary act of each contracting party.
What has been extorted by physical necessity is not obligatory, because
the party has not consented. What has been extorted by moral necessity,
that is by the fear of a greater evil, is obligatory, if the violence employed
by the other party was just; but if it was unjust, the obligation ceases
through default of title in him who wants to acquire the right.
However, the liberty, security, and independence of nations could not
subsist, if in default of a superior judge, and in default of a right to judge in
their own cause, they did not acknowledge as just (with respect to external
effects) all violence employed by each other. Therefore the plea of fear
cannot be opposed to the validity of treaties between nation and nation
except at most in cases where the injustice of the violence employed is so
manifest as not to leave the least doubt."
With these quotations and remarks we leave the
public to judge whether Capt. Laplace was right in
insisting upon "a measure which it was the settled con-
victions of this government would be injurious to its
best interests, merely because it might, or probably
would, be beneficial to France.
It must be remembered that the terms of the treaty
could not be insisted upon as any part of the punish-
ment for the alledged aggressions, for the full penalty
for these had been paid, — "perpetual" "peace,]' de-
clared and the government treated with, as an inde-
pendent nation on terms of amity with France. To
the remarks in relation to the United States I have
only to say that every intelligent man well knows
that in her negotiations with foreign powers, she
had always sought her own interests, whether this
has been done by prohibitions, by tarif, or allowing
(47)
the importation of merchandise dutyfree, it lias been
her object, and she feels that she has the right to adopt
either course, or all, and this is true of every civilized
nation. In many instances her own interests would
doubtless, be best advanced by consulting the interests
of others, as reciprocity in commence is promotive of
the general interests of all nations.
Our principal quotations in the foregoing remarks
from the Gazette are from the last No. of the third
volume, and we do not know that previously any mis-
sionary has noticed its aspersions for reasons before
named; and with one more quotation from the edi-
tors farewell address we shall bid it adieu.
"The majority of those around us we believe tacitly approve of our exer-
tions to expose error, but dare not openly avow it, we are all of us more or
less the slaves to popularity,' and those who have the boldness to step for-
ward in defence of the rights of man, we think are entitled at least to the
thanks of community, and will no doubt eventually receive the benediction
of all but priest-ridden dupes and fanatics.'"
In conclusion of these remarks, which have been
protracted to a much greater length than we intended,
we will say that all the representations of the trans-
actions which have gone to the French government
and in which they deem themselves aggrieved have
been exparte, and if the Sandwich Island Gazette is
any criterion by which to judge of the character of
those representations, we do not wonder that they
deem themselves insulted, nor in this light can we
think the penalty inflicted a severe one. But had
they received a fair and impartial account of all the
transactions, in the case, we apprehend the results
would have been very different. In such case had
we received visits from their men-of-war, it would on-
ly have been upon embassies of peace.
The quotations in the preceding remarks from Vat-
tell, are from the Philadelphia edition, 1829. — The
writer is alone responsible for this article. Fie felt
that the cause of truth and justice demanded that
something should be said upon the foregoing subjects,
at the present time. This must be his excuse for ap-
pearing before the public.
CORRESPONDENCE.
On the 9th of October the United States East In-
dia Squadron, consisting of the Frigate Columbia,
Commodore Read, commanding the squadron, and
the Sloop of war John Adams, Captain Wyman, ar-
rived at Honolulu from Macao, and sailed again for
the United States on the 4th of November.
During the stay of the Squadron, the following
correspondence took place: —
No. 1.
The Missionaries at Honolulu to Commodore Read.
Honolulu, October 16, 1839.
Sir: — Presuming that you are already aware of an attempt to deprive
us of our rights as American citizens, and to make us liable to the ravages
of war upon the nation for its alledged offences, as tho' we were a part oi
the native population of the Sandwich Islands; and considering ourselves as
having been virtually proscribed as the enemies of France by the command-
ing officer of the French Frigate PArtemise lately at this port, and charged
with crimes in a manner likely to prejudice the public mind against us, both
as citizens, and as the representatives of an intelligent, respectable and phi-
lanthropic chartered Society in the United States — the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions — we owe it to ourselves as citizens, to
the community we represent, and to the government whose protection we
claim, that we avail ourselves of the earliest opportunity to ask an inves-
tigation of the question, whether by any act or acts of ours, or by our in-
structions, or influence, or general course of life, since the visit of Capt.
Jones, in the U. S. Sloop of war Peacock to these shores, we have lost our
American citizenship, or forfeited the protection of the United States.
Taking it for granted, frcm your high station and the objects of your pur-
suits, that the interests of no class of American citizens whom you may meet
in your course, if in any way exposed to suffer unjustly, can be willingly
overlooked by you, we solicit your kind attention to this subject, and request
that you will do us the favor to examine the above questions yourself, and,
should you prefer it, associate with you a number of your commissioned of-
(50)
ficers, or if that should seem to you objectionable, you will consent to ap-
point from your Squadron a committee or court of inquiry, consiting of
Captain VVyman and as large a number of commissioned officers as can pos-
sibly be spared for that purpose.
While we maintain that we are not the authors or dictators of any of
the penal laws of this country, or of the punishments inflicted on offenders;
that we have not held and do not hold any civil office under this government,
we are willing to submit the question whether the mission as a body, or as
individuals, are in any way the authors or the blamable cause of the perse-
cutions which have at different times e.Nisted here.
Wc have the honor to be, very respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
H.Bingham, G. P. Jtjdd,
Lowell Smith, A. S. Cooke,
Levi Chamberlain, H. O. Knapp,
Edwin Locke, H. Dimond.
To Geo. C. Read, Esq., Commanding
the U. S. East India Squadron, Hono-
lulu Roads, Sandwich Islands.
No. 2.
The Missionaries to Commodore Read.
Honolulu, October 24th, 1339.
Sir:— On the 16th instant we had the honor of addressing to you a com-
munication, in which we respectfully solicited an investigation of our con-
duct in reference to the charges against us contained in the Manifesto ad-
dressed to the Sandwich Island government by the commanding officer of
the French Frigate l'Artemise.
Our object in presenting this petition was to obtain, if possible, a decision of
the question whether we have lost our American citizenship or forfeited
the protection of the United States, as implied in the Manifesto above refer-
edto; or whether we have aright as peaceable citizens of the United States,
to claim protection against hostilities from any foreign power with which
our country is on terms of amity, should any such hereafter wage war upon
this nation.
The investigation of this subject and decision of the question, we still deem
of great importance, and we would earnestly renew our request for an inves-
tigation; nay, we beg leave respectfully to claim it as injured Americans;
that the proceedings may be forwarded to our government and to the Ameri-
can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.
Should you already have made arrangements to sail soon, we would ask
the indulgence of having the stay of the squadron prolonged for a few days
on the ground of, and the reasons for our appeal ; unless you are already
prepared to assure the United States government that we are unjustly ac-
cused, and have been unjustly proscribed as the enemies of France.
For ourselves we know not what is the testimony on which we have been
proscribed ; nor can we for a moment believe there is any which is valid.
Should it be evident to your mind that there is none, you will do us the fa-
(51)
vor to inform us in reply to our communications: and if there is any ground
for the charges brought against, us, which can be regarded as valid; you will
not fail to perceive that our duty to ourselves and to the society which we
represent requires that we should urge this subject upon your attention that
it may receive a thorough investigation, while the squadron still remains at
this port.
We have the honor to be, very respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
H. Bingham, G. P. Judd,
Levi Chamberlain, H. O. Knapp,
A. Bishop, A. S. Cooke,
S. N. Castle, L. Smith.
To Geo. C. Read, Esq., Commanding
the U. S. East India Squadron, Hono-
lulu Roads, Sandwich Islands.
No. 3.
The Missionaries to the United States Consul.
Honolulu, Oct 25, 1839.
Sir: — We have addressed to G. C. Read Esq., commanding the U. S.
squadron now lying in this port two communications under date of the 16th,
and 24th inst, copies of which we hand you enclosed for your information,
requesting that a court of inquiry may be appointed from officers of the squad-
ron to investigate -our conduct and ascertain whether we have in any way
violated our neutrality towards the French nation as American citizens, and
may properly be treated as the enemies of the French; and we have to request
that you would use your influence to forward our suit in your official capaci-
ty, as we feel that, as American citizens, we have a right to demand at the
hands of our country that justice which her humblest sons may claim.
When we reflect that a Frigate was sent to investigate and redress the
wrongs inflicted on American citizens by the Malays in the island of Suma-
tra, we feel that the recent proscription entitles us to the privilege of asking
the detention of the squadron, while a full and impartial investigation may take
place ; that our government may be furnished with all the facts and requisite
information in relation to the proceedings. We feel solemnly bound to urge
our request for an investigation, not only on our own account, but for the
general benefit of our countrymen, of whatever calling they may be; for, if
the principle be established by precedent or otherwise, that our proscription
by the French commander was legal and just, then all security for our lives
and the lives of our families, our property and the commercial interests
of our country, is at an end.
We remain, very respectfully, Your Obt. Servts.
H. Bingham, S. N. Castle,
Gerrit P. Judd, H. Dimond,
Levi Chamberlain, H. O. Knapp,
A, S. Cooke, Lowell Smith.
To P. A. Brinsmade, Esq.,
United States Consul;
Honolulu, Sandwich Islands.
(52)
No 4.
The United States Consul to the King.
United States Consulate, )
Sandwich Islands, Oct, 26, 1839. 5
Sir : — As the opinion seems to be to some extent entertained that American
"citizens residing in the Sandwich Islands as missionaries under the patronage
of an Incorporated Institution of the United States, have exerted acontroling
influence upon the framers of the laws of this country, I have very respect-
fully to inquire, if they have ever had any voice in the passage of laws affect-
ing the interests of other foreigners, and particularly whether they have ever
had any thing to do in the measures adopted by your government for the
prevention of the introduction of the Catholic religion into the country. And
whether in the treatment which has been shown to any subject of the govern-
ment of France, they have directly or indirectly recommended the course pur.
sued by your government, and also whether in the attempts made under your
authority to suppress the public exercise of the' Roman Catholic religion on
the part of your own subjects they have countenanced those attempts. If
they have in any of these respects controled the action of your government,
will you be pleased to infrom me very explicitly in what manner and to
what extent. An early reply will be a favor.
With the highest considerations,
I have the honor to be,
Your Majesty's most obt. servt.,
P. A. BRINSMADE,
United States Consul.
To His Majesty, Kamehameha III.,
King of the Sandwich Islands.
No. 5.
The King to the United States Consul.
TRANSLATION,
Kauwila House, present Residence of the ?
King of Hawaii, Oct. 28, 1839. 5
My Respects to you
the American Consul,
I have received your letter asking questions respecting the American mis-
sionaries, supposed by some to regulate the acts of my government under
me; I, together with the chiefs under me, now clearly declare to you, that
we do not see any thing in which your questions are applicable to the Ameri-
can missionaries. From the time the missionaries first arrived, they have
asked liberty to dwell in these Islands. Communicating instruction in letters,
and delivering the word of God has been their business.
They were hesitatingly permitted to remain by the chiefs of that time, be-
cause they were said to be about to take away the country. We exercised
(53)
forbearance however, and protected all the missionaries, and as they fre-
quently arrived in this country, we permitted them to remain in thi3 kingdom
because they asked it, and when we saw the excellence of their labors, then
some of the chiefs and people turned to them in order to be instructed in
letters, for those things were in our opinion really true.
When the Priests of the Romish religion landed at these Islands, they did
not first make known to us their desire to dwell on the islands, and also
their business. There was not a clear understanding with this company of
priests as there was with that; because they landed in the country secretly
without Kaahum urn's hearing any thing about their remaining here.
When the number of the followers of the Romish religion became consi-
derable, certain Captains of wlnleships told Kaahumanu of the evil of this
way, and thus Captain D . . . informed me of a great destruction in Bri-
tain in ancient time, and that his ancestors died in that slaughter, and he
thought a like work would soon be done here. That was the company who
informed us ofthe evil of the Romish religion, and also a certain French
man of war, and a certain British man of war approved of what we did.
In as much as I do not know ofthe American missionaries having had any
thing to do in my business with my chiefs, I have therefore inquired of them
the chiefs, and they say. no, in the same manner as I now say, no, to you.
Some of them however have told me of having known certain things done
by certain missionaries, viz., what Mr. Bingham said to Kaahumanu, "I
have seen some people made to serve at hard labor on account of their
having worshiped according to the Romish religion. Whose thought is
that?" Kaahumanu said to him, "Mine." Then he that spake to her ob-
jected quickly, saying, "It is not proper for you to do thus, for you have no
law that will apply." When he said that, then Kaahumanu immediately
replied to him with great strength, "The law respecting Idolatry ; for their
worship is like that which we have forsaken." Mr. Clark also, and
Mr. Chamberlain spoke to Kinau while Kaahumanu was yet alive, and ob-
jected to said conduct, and afterwards Dr. Judd. And at a certain time Mr.
Bingham and Mr. Bishop disputed strongly with Kinau on account of the
wrong of punishing those ofthe Romish religion.
And now in Kekauluohi's time Mr. Richards disputed strongly with Ke-
kuanaoa, urging the entire abolition of that thing, and that kindness should
be bestowed on them, that they might be pleased, giving them also an in-
structor to teach them the right way ; and thus also he said to Kekauluohi
and to me.
And afterwards when Mr. Bingham heard by Mr. Hooper that certain wo-
men we're confined in irons at the fort he went immediately and made known
to Kekuanaoa the wickedness of their confinement for that thing, and when
Kekuanaoa heard it, he immediately sent a man, and afterwards went him-
self to the fort to set the prisoners free, for their confinement was not by
order ofthe chiefs.
Should it be said by accusers that the American missionaries are the authors,
of one law of the kingdom, the law respecting the sale of rum, or if not, that
they have urged it strongly, I would say, a number of Captains of v. halo
ships commenced that thing, thousands of my own people supported them,
and when my chiefs sa%v that it was a good thing, they requested me to do
according to the petition of that company, and when I saw that it was real"
ly an excellent thing, then I chose that as a rule of my kingdom.
8
(*«
Sift that thing which you speak to me of, that tliey act with usr o-r ©v er-
sule our acts, we deny it, it is not so.
We think that perhaps these are their real crimes :
Their teaching us knowledge. Their living with us, and sometimes trans-
lating between us and foreigners. Their not taking the sword into their hand
and saying to us with power, stop, punish not the worshipers in the Romish
religion.
But, to stand at variance with, and to confine that company, they have
never spoken like, that since the time of Kaahumanu I. down to the time that
the Romish priest was confined on board the Europa.
I think, perhaps these things are not clear to you; it would perhaps be
proper, therefore, that the American missionaries should be examined be-
fore you and Commodore Read, and us also.
Thus I have written you with Respect ^
(Signed) KAxUEHAMEHA 1IL
No 6.
- Commodore Read to the Missionaries,
U. States Frigate Columbia, \
Honolulu Roads, Oahu, October 28th, 1839. >
Gentlemen:— The receipt of your letters of the 16th and 24th instant,
fe hereby acknowledged. An answer would have been returned at an earli-
er date had not numerous engagements and pressing business prevented,
I am deeply grieved to learn that on the late visit of the French Frigate
I'Artemise the protection which was offered to all other American residents
at this place, was refused to you on the ground of your being "enemies of
France," and that you were considered by her commander as having iden-
tified yourselves with the native population, and therefore liable to the
ravages of a war which he contemplated making upon the government of
these islands.
I am also aware that you are what you announce yourselves to be, "the
representatives of an intelligentT respectable and philanthropic chartered
society hi the United States," and that as such, and individually as citizens
of the United States, you are entitled to my protection. But the acts of
which you complain are of a date which has enabled you to make a repre-
sentation of them to your government, and I am not of opinion that an in-
vestigation such as that you ask for could at this time be effected in a satis-
factory manner to yourselves or to others who might desire it.
In the first place, the time I have prescribed for remaining here, does not
admit of my undertaking such an inquiry. The risk attending my lying
in these Roads beyond the last of the present month ; the impossibility too
of obtaining bread, of which we shall be in want before we can reach South
American ; and the circumstance- that nearly all the officers who would be
required to constitute such a Board, or Court as that you propose, being at
present employed on court-martial duty, are further and serious obstacles
in the way of my yielding to your wishes.
If time and other circumstances would permit, a Board or Court might
be appointed, but the power to summon witnesses would be wanting, and
a refusal to attend would place me in an awkward position.
(55)
Moreover, I think that in the present state of -excitement such a course
would be more likely to increase than to allay it; and that though you
might satisfy your friends at home of the charges heing unfounded, you
might not be able to accomplish that object here. That you have acted, or
meant to act by any advice 0: by any opinions you may have given to the
government as the "enemies of France," I cannot, believe. It cannot be
supposed by me that you entertain hostility towards a nation with which
we are at peace, and towards the subjects of which it is the desire of our
government and people to cherish a friendship.
This charge has no doubt grown out of the banishment "by the government
of these islands, of some Roman Catholic Priests, and the prosecution of soni6
of the native proselytes to the Roman Catholic religion, measures, of which
you have been considered the advisers. No proof, however, has been receiv-
ed by me that you were the authors of these acts, and from information
received I have every reason to believe that the landing on these Islands of
clergymen of the Roman catholic faith was opposed by others than those
of the American mission, or of the country from which the mission comes,
from a conscientious belief that it would promote the happiness of the
people to have but one religious creed taught them.
But admitting that you did exercise the influence which your situation gave
you to prevent other religious denominations coming here, you did no more
than counsel, as is natural to man in such cases.
Some of you were the first missionaries who came hither to teach the
gospel of the Old and New Testament. You obtained a favorable reception
and succeeded in the accomplishment of your object beyond expectation,
having in a few years converted to the faith you preached a greater propor-
tion of the inhabitants than has been effected in any other quarter of the
•globe in the same time.
In a population of only 100,080 human beings, at which the inhabitants of
this archipelago is estimated, it was thought that much mischief might grow
out of a general permission to the clergy of all denominations to teach their
peculiar tenets. On this ground, as I learn, the introduction of the Roman
Catholic religion into these islands was opposed, and not because they hap-
pened to be natives of France who came to these shores for the same
purpose.
If you ask me what steps you are to take to prove your innocence °*
what you are pleased to call charges, and do away if possible with the
prejudice which may exist at Honolulu, my answer is, that you have alrea-
dy informed your government of all the circumstances of the case, and
that, if our rulers deem an inquiry necessary they will no doubt direct it
to be made.
In the mean time, I would recommend the utmost forbearance as the
best and only mode of disarming your opponents of any resentments they
may feel.
I shall make it my business to represent to the commander of the Pacific
•Squadron the peculiar situation in which you have been placed, and request
that he may send a vessel of war to visit you from time to time. I shall
also make known your apprehensions to my government, and I doubt not
ihat every protection will be afforded you.
(56)
Accept my best wishes for your future peare and happiness and believe
me, gentlemen,
With much respect, your obedient servant,
GEO. C. READ,
Commanding the U, States East India Squadron.
To Rev. Messrs, H. Bingham,
" " L: Snuth,
A. Bishop,
" L. Chamberlain,
G. P. Judd,
H. O. Knapp,
A. S. Cooke,
*' Edwin Locke,
H. Dimond,
S. N. Castle.
No. T.
The United States Consul to Commodore Read.
U. States Consulate, }
Sandwich Islands, Oct. 29, 1839. $
Sir: — I have before me a communication from several individuals of the
American mission at these islands, requesting of me any aid I can furnish
you towards an investigation of the charges in which they were involved in
the recent correspondence between an officer of the French navy and the
authorities of this country. ,
It seems to me quite probable that a note of inquiry calling for a specifica-
tion of charges and the grounds on which they rest, addressed officially by
you to the French Consul, would evolve all the information that is desired,
and put you in possession of all the opinions which induced Capt. Laplace
to place the missionaries in a position so offensive to them.
The result of such an inquiry might be of service to our government, as
well as a satisfaction to yourself; and the fact of such inquiry being made,
would also serve to show to this community, both natives and foreigners, that
those who conduct the naval forces sent abroad under the authority and to
sustain the honor of the United States, are equally watchful for the interests
of their fellow citizens, whatever may be (heir avocation, as those who hold
similar commissions from other powers.
With every sentiment of respect,
I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
P. A. BR1NSM APE.
To George C. Read, Esq.,
Comd'ng U. S. East India Squadron.
No. 8.
Commodore Read to the U. S. Consul.
U. Safes Frigate Columbia,
Honolulu, Oahu, O.-t. 28, 1689.
S'R'— By your letter of the 2!)th instant received yesterday I am in-
(57)
formed that you "have before you a communication from several individuals
of the American missionaries at these Islands requesting of you any aid you
can furnish me towards an investigation of the charges in which they were
involved in the recent correspondence between an officer of the French
navy and the authorities of this country.'!
And you further state that it sems to you "quite probable that a note of
inquiry, calling for a specification of charges and the grounds on which they
rest, addressed by me to the French Consul would evolve all the information
that is desired, and put me in possession of all the opinions which induced
Capt. Laplace to place the missionaries in a position so offensive to them."
In reply it is my duty to inform you that all such applications, if deemed
necessary , should be made by the Consul or- by the American missionaries
themselves, and that I must decline having any thing to do with the French
Consul at this late hour, on the subject. Want of tune, the risk attending
the lying in these Roads, and the belief that it could answer no useful
purpose are, if I had no other reasons for declining, sufficient to deter me
from entering upon an investigation of charges which have existed from a
period anterior to the visits of any of our men-of-war at these islands. Three
weeks have elapsed since my arrival here. If specifications of charges be
required of the French Consul, why were they not applied for long since?
Surely the American missionaries did not entertain the belief that I would
lie in this exposed Roadstead for an indefinite time to inquire into grievances
which it is out of my power to redress. You know that had I received the
provisions sent for to another island, it was my intention to have sailed on
Wednesday last. And the reasons given in my letter of the 28th instant,
were, I should think, ample to satisfy the American mission that it was
from necessity, and not for want of inclination, that I declined taking up
the matter at issue beween their opponents and themselves.
Every day's detention in my present position admonishes me the mors
that I should leave this anchorage as soon as possible. And if the schooner
does not arrive by tomorrow, I shall feel myself obliged to sail without the
supply of provisions sent for.
In answering the remarks contained in the last paragraph of your letter,
I must observe that however satisfactory such an investigation might be to
my government and self, I cannot believe that it would change the opinions
entertained by either friends or enemies. Those who conduct the naval for-
ces of our government will always feel themselves in duty bound to protect
the citizens of the United States abroad whatever may be their avocation;
but 1 am equally certain that no step could be taken by me that would
remove long standing and deep rooted prejudice.
If specifications of the charges exhibited against the American missionaries
by Capt. Laplace can be obtained from the French Consul, I will deliver
them to my government, with a suitably earnest request that they may be
inquired into. But if you still desire that I shall remain to prosecuted the
investigation, you must find a harbor into which the ship can go, and lie
in safety.
I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. C. READ,
Commanding U. S. East India Squadron.
To P. A. Brinsmade Esq.,
U. S Consul, Oahu,
Sandwich Islands.
( 58 )
No. 9.
The United States Consul to Commodore Read.
United States Consulate, ?
Sandwich Islands, Oct. 31, 1839. 5
Sir: — Yours of present date has this moment been handed to me and I
hasten to say that I was aware when 1 addressed you on the 29th inst, of the
difficulties and embarrassments that might attend an investigation in the form
suggested by the Am. Missionaries, and I fully appreciate your objections to
attempt a thorough inquiry, at this late hour, into the circumstances by
which many of your fellow citizens at these Islands have been exposed to
insult and outrage. I hope that you, also, will duly estimate the disadvantages
which would attend an* inquiries that might be instituted by me.
The opinion which 1 adopted when the rArtemise was here remains un-
changed, that inquiries into the proceedings of Capt. Laplace, so far as Ameri-
can interests were involved, to be most effective, should be originated at
Washington; and, with that view, I have transmitted to the department of
State, a circumstantial account of those proceedings. In that account will
be found a general statement made by Capt. Laplace of offenses against hia
government, for which he held certain American citiaens responsible. The
parties implicated disclaimed all such responsibility, but owing to the pe-
culiar state of the community, and the agitating circumstances under which
the charges originated, they judged it expedient to bring their grievances be-
fore their government in the form of a memorial to Congress, in preference
to any protest or remonstrance addressed to Capt. Laplace. Having adopted
this decision to address their wrongs and petitions to the highest earthly pow-
er to which they could look, I had supposed that the matter would be left
for the action of their goverment. When therefore they desired me to
further their application to you for an inquiry into the facts connected with
their relations to this government and to that of France, I believed it to be
Uheir purpose to put you in possession of such truth as would be useful to the
government and people of their native country, and not their expectation
that you would take the matter of redressing their wrongs from the hands to
which they had so gravely committed it.
If it be impracticable for you to remain in the exposed situation of your
ship "to inquire into grievances which it is out of your power to redress," it
would "a fortiori" be inexpedient for me to pursue such an inquiry, for with
yourself, "I am equally certain that no step could be taken by me that
would remove long standing and deep rooted prejudice."
In my view, however, the removal of prejudice, the vindication of per-
sonal character or the effacing of any stigma that may have attached to pro-
fessional avocation however desirable or gratifying it might be to all parties
neither you or myself can be called upon officially to undertake :— But when it
is represented that essential interests are jeopardized and rights guaranteed
by the highest powers of our government are invaded, and even the proud
claim to American citizenship is denied, responsibility becomes serious, and
indispensable, except it be obviated by uncontrolable necessity, and such a
necessity seems by your statements, plainly to exist in your case I hope
however that every attention that may be due from our government to the
individuals who have represented their injuries to you, will be promptly af-
forded; and that you will not only urge the subject upon the regards of the
(59)
department to which your official correspondence is addressed, but that you
will also strongly present to the Commander of our naval forces on the Pa-
cific station the need of the protection and countenance of a frequent visit of
a ship of war at these islands.
You have had opportunity to learn much of the great and rapidly increas-
ing value of American interest here, and in the view which you are pleased
to take of the recent events that have transpired among us, it must be per-
fectly preceptible how liable all these interests are at every moment, to be
put in imminent peril if not sacrificed.
I feel inexpressibly happy in view of the favorable termination of our
long standing difficulties and misunderstandings between foreign residents
and this government which has been effected by your persevering kindness and
addres; and I hope that the assurance may be gratifying to you that, you
will leave our community in apparently a better mood of feeling than has
existed for several years.
Those of your fellow-citizens, whose object of living on these shores is ra-
ther to impart than acquire, will probably feel encouraged by the ver y friend-
ly recognition and countenance you have afforded them ; and I trust will be
benefited by your counsels. I feel it due to them, in consideration of the
peculiar relation in which they stand to this people, and in' view of the cor-
respondence which you have had with them, to enclose to you a copy of a
letter recently received from His Majesty, in reply to inquiries I felt it neces-
sary, for my own information and that of my government, to make.
Be pleased, Sir, to accept the assurances of the sentiments of
Respect and esteem, with which I remain, very truly,
Your most obedient servant,
P. A. BRINSMADE.
To Geo. C. Read, Esq.,
Commanding the U. S. E. I. Squadron.
No. 10.
The United States Consul to the Missionaries.
United States Consulate, >
Sandwich Islands, Oct. 31, 1839. 5
Gentlemen: — Your communication of the 26th instant, has been receiv-
ed. So soon as Commodore Read had disposed of engagements that were
then occupying his time, I addressed him formally on the subject to which
you solicited my attention; and that you. may have the earliest and circum-
stantial information in regard to his views, I herewith transmit to you a copy
of the correspondence had with him. By my second letter you will learn my
views in respect to the propriety of agitating further the matter on which
you feel aggrieved.
It seems due to the government whose protection you claim, that you
should have unhesitating confidence in its wisdom, and that you should wait
(60)
patiently for its action upon a case in which it is understood you have serious-
ly called for its interposition.
I remain, Gentlemen, very respectfully,
Your most Obt. Servt.,
P. A. BiUNSMADE.
To Messrs. H. Bingham,
Gerrit P. Judd,
Levi Chamberlain,
Amos S. Cooke,
S N. Castle,
Henry Dirnond,
Horton O. Knapp,
L. Smith.
NO. 11.
The Missionaries to Commodore Read.
Honolulu, November 1 , 1839.
Sir: — Your communication of the 28th ult., was received on the after-
noon of the 29th. As it seemed to require no answer, we have thus long de-
layed the acknowledgment of its receipt; and we will only say in relation
to it, that we regret you find yourself unable at this time to institute a court
of inquiry, and prosecute that investigation into the validity of the charges
brought against the Mission, which we so much desire, and which we think
the cause of truth demands.
It gives us pleasure to embrace this opportunity to bear testimony to the
kindness and urbanity which have uniformly marked your intercourse, & that
ofCapt. Wyman, and the officers of the squadron under your command, with
us; and it is our ardent desire that wherever the stars and stripes of our Union
are unfurled — whether upon the sea or upon the land, whether amongst sav-
age, barbarous, or civilized nations — the blessings of peace may be enjoyed,
and similar testimony be justly awarded to the deportment of her highly fa-
vored sons. We regret not only on our own account that causes beyond your
control impel you to hasten your departure, but because of the salutary in-
fluence which we have reason to believe a more prolonged stay would exert
upon the government and native population of these islands.
Allow us, in bidding you farewell, to tender you our best wishes for your
prosperity; and our prayer in your behalf is,that by the blessing of Him who
rules the raging flood, and can say to the angry sea, "Peace, be still," and
be obeyed, you and those who sail with you, may be safely wafted over the
bosom of the deep, to the shores of our own beloved country; that you may
be tilted and prepared, not only for the enjoyment of the happiness of the
life that now is, but of that which is to come.
With sentiments of high consideration, we have the
Honor to subscribe ourselves, very respectfully,
Your fellow-citizens, and obedient servants,
H. Bingham, Samuel N. Castle,
L. Smith, Levi Chamberlain,
Gkrrit P. Judd, Amos S. Cooke,
Henry Dimond, Horton 0. Knapp.
To Ciko. C. Read, Esq., Commanding
the U. S. East India Squadron, Hono-
lulu Koads, Sandwich Islands.
(61)
We are unauthorized by the gentlemen who ordered
the publication of the article and correspondence, to
make any comments; and shall therefore refrain from
doing so, although some remarks seem necessary to a
clear understanding of the views therein expressed.
It seems proper to add a few words of explanation,
which we do upon our own responsibility; and first, in
the Commodore's letter to the Consul. He says, "If
the specifications of charges be required of the French
Consul, why were they not applied for long since. "
The answer is; The mission supposed that the prop-
er source from which those inquiries should origin-
ate would be the court appointed to investigate, and
it will be seen by the correspondence that an applica-
tion for the institution of such a court was made on
the 16th, and renewed on the 24th. Second; he
speaks of the reasons given in his letter of the 28th
to the mission as being ample for not entering into
the inquiry. Said letter was not received until the
29th, and as the letter of the mission to the Consul
requesting him to further their application, was of an
earlier date, it will be seen that those reasons, what-
ever they were, could not be appreciated by the mis-
sion, as they were unknown to them. Third, the let-
ter of the Consul to the mission, inclosing copies of
the correspondence, was not received until some days
subsequent to date, hencet he reason why some points
in the communication of the Commodore to the Con-
sul were not noticed in their letter to him, (the Com-
modore,) of Nov. 2nd, as they would seem to require
to be, being supposed by the date of the Consul's
communication inclosing the correspondence, to be in
possession of the mission while they were not; and
fourth, it may be inferred from a remark in the Con-
sul's letter to the missionaries that they sought an
investigation with an earnestness which amounted to
impatience. He doubtless did not intend to convey
this idea. The public will judge from the documents
with what degree of urgency the missionaries press-
ed their case. They desired the investigation, sup-
posing it to be the best time and the properly author-
ized person on the ground to prosecute it. They are
(62)
not aware of feeling any degree of impatience on the
subject.
The intercourse of the commander and officers of
the squadron with the various members of the mis-
sion present at Honolulu, during its stay, was of the
most agreeable and friendly kind, as will be seen by
letter No. 11. S. N. Castle.
APPENDIX.
Manifesto issued by Captain Laplace.
"His Majesty, the king of the French, having commanded me to come to
Honolulu in order to put an end, either by force or persuasion, to the ill treat-
ment to which the French have been victims at the Sandwich Islands. I
hasten, first, to employ this last means as the most conformable to the po-
litical, noble and liberal system pursued by France against the powerless,
hoping thereby that I shall make the principal chiefs of these islands under-
stand how fatal the conduct which they pursue towards her, will be to their
interests, and perhaps cause disasters to them and to their country, should
they be obstinate in their perseverance. Misled by perfidious counsellors ;■
deceived by the excessive indulgence which tbe French government has ex-
tended towards them for several years, they are undoubtedly ignorant how
potent it is, and that in the world there is not a power which is capable of
preventing it from punishing its enemies; otherwise they would have endea-
vored to merit its favor, or, not to incur its displeasure, as they have done in
ill treating the French. They would have faithfully put into execution tbe
treaties, in place of violating them as soon as the fear disappeared, as well
a? the ships of war which had caused it, whereby bad intentions had been
constrained. In fine they will comprehend that to persecute the Catholic
religion, to tarnish it with the name of idolatry, and to expel, under this ab-
surd pretext, the French from this archipelago, was to offer an insult to
France and to its sovereign.
It is, without doubt, the formal intention of France that the king of the
Sandwich Islands be powerful, independent ofevey foreign power which he
considers his aly ; but she also demands that he confonn to ihe usages of
civilized nations. Now, amongst the latter there is no' even one which does
not permit in its terriory the free toleration of all religions; and yet, at the
Sandwich Islands, the French are not allowed publicly the exercise of theirs,
while Protestants enjoy therein the most extensive privileges; for these all
favors, for those the most eruel persecutions. Such a state of affairs being
contrary to the laws of nations, insulting to those of Catholics, can no longer
continue, and I am sent to put an end to it. Consequently I demand in tbe
name of my government,
1st. That the Catholic worship be declared free throughout all the domin-
ions subject to the king of the Sandwich Islands; that the members of this re-
ligious faith shall enjoy in them all the privileges granted to Protestants.
2nd. That a site for a Catholic church be given by the government at Ho-
nolulu, a port frequented by the French, and that this church be ministered
by priests of their nation.
3rd. That all Catholics imprisoned on account of religion since the last
persecutions extended to the French missionaries be immediately set at
liberty.
4th. That the king of the Sandwich Islands deposite in the hands of the
Captain of PArtemise the sum of twenty thousand dollars as a guarantee
of his future conduct towards France, which sum the government will restore
to him when it shall consider that the accompanying treaty will be faithfully
complied with.
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5th. That the treaty signed by the king of the Sandwich Islands as well as
the sum above mentioned be conveyed on board the Frigate PArtemise by
one of the principal chiefs of the country ; and also, that the batteries of Ho-
nolulu do salute the French flag with twenty-one guns which will be return-
ed by the Frigate.
These are the eqitable conditions at the price of which, the king of the
Sandwich Islands shall conserve friendship with France. I am induced to
hope , that, understanding better how necessary it is for the prosperity of his
people and the preservation of his power, he will remain in peace with the
whole world, and hasten to subscribe to them, and thus imitate the laudable
example which the Queen of Tahiti has given in permitting the free toleration
of the Catholic religion in her dominions; but, if contrary to my expectation,
it should be otherwise, and the king and principal chiefs of the Sandwich Isl-
ands, led on by bad counsellors, refuse to sign the treaty which I present,
■war will immediately commence, and all the devastations, all the calamities
which may be the unhappy but necessary results, will be imputed to them-
selves alone, and they must also pay the losses which the aggrieved foreign-
ers, in these circumstances, shall have a right to reclaim.
The 10th July, (9th according to date here,) 1839. Captain of the French
Frigate TArtemise,
(Signed) C. Laplace.
Treaty Between the King of the French and the King of
the Sandwich Islands.
Art. 1st. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the king
of the French and the king of the Sandwich Islands.
Art. 2nd. The French shall be protected in an effectual manner in their
persons and property by the king of the Sandwich Islands, who shall also
grant them an authorization sufficient so as to enable them juridically to pros-
ecute his subjects against whom they will have just reclamations to make.
Art. 3rd. This protection shall be extended to French ships and to their
crews and officers. In case of shipwreck the chiefs and inhabitants of the
various parts of the Archipelago shall assist them and protect them from pil-
lage. The indemnities for salvage shall be regulated, in case of difficult}', by
•arbiters selected by both parties.
Art. 4th. No Frenchman accused of any crime whatever shall be tried ex-
cept by a jury composed of Foreign residents, proposed by the French Consul
and approved of by the government of the Sandwich Islands.
Art. 5th. The desertion of sailors, belonging to French ships shall be
strictly prevented by the local authorities, who shall employ every disposable
means to arrest deserters, and the expenses of the capture shall be paid by
the captain or owners of the aforesaid ships according to the tarif adopted
by the other nations.
, Art. 6th. French merchandises or those known to be French produce,
and particularly wines and eaux devies (brandy) cannot be prohibited, and
shall not pay an import duty higher than 5 per cent, ad valorem.
Art. 7th. No tonage or importation duties shall be exacted from French
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merchants, unless they are paid by the subjects of the nation the most fa-
vored in its commerce with the Sandwich Islands.
Art 8th. The subjects of king Tamehameha III. shall have a light in the
French possessions to all the advantages which the French enjoy at the
Sandwich Islands, and they shall moreover be considered as belonging to
the most favored nation in their commercial relations with France.
Made and signed by the contracting parties the 17th July, 1839.
(Signed) Tamehameha III.
C. Laplace.
Po3t Capt. Commanding the French Frigate l'Artemise.
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