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^^^^^ •■ 


H 7^f. e^3' 

l^ariiart) College i^ibrars 



Descendants of Henry Brig-ht, jr., who died at Water, 
town, Mass.,in 1686, are entitled to hold scholarships in 
Harvard College, established in 1880 under the will of 

of Waltham, Mass., with one half the income of this 
Legacy. Such descendants failing, other persons are 
eligible to the scholarships. The will requires that 
this announcement shall be made in every book added 
to the Library under its provisions. 

Received 5. GklJL 





~-";t '■■5i'"i".^. 





'^ ' j. H. ROSE, M.A. 

(formerly classical scholar of Christ's college, Cambridge 


" The history of this age will no longer be only a relation of the lives of great 
men and of princes, but a biography of nations." — Gervinus. 

Revised and Corrected 



AU rights reserved 

■'*^'- -RrfU^-^-r4-.l^ 



This work is intended for the Upper Forms of 
Schools, as well as for all who desire to have a 
clearer knowledge of the course of events on the 
Continent It is, in fact, designed as a help and 
book of reference for readers of that complex pro- 
duction — the daily newspaper. Most newspaper 
readers have no clear knowledge of what is meant 
by the " Eastern Question," the " Dual System " of 
Austria- Hungary, nor even of the momentous series 
of events which have brought unity to Germany and 
to Italy. 

This book therefore aims at giving an outline of 
the main events which have brought the Continent 
of Europe to its present political condition. The 
development of the States of Europe can be traced 
in a continuous outline since the fusion brought 
about by the French Revolution and the Napoleonic 
wars. So I have striven to describe the break-up of 
the old systems and the formation, amid many con- 


vulsions, of Continental States on the basis of the 
Treaties of Frankfurt and Berlin. The Peninsular 
and Crimean Wars have been described with less 
detail than other equally important events which are 
less familiar to English .readers. 

J. H. R. 

March 1889. 


In preparing this second edition, I have had the 
advantage of consulting two works recently published 
— D^bidour's Histoire Diplomatique de lEuropBy 
1 8 14- 1 878, and Von Sybel's important work Die 
Begrundung des Deutschen Reickes. 

I am also indebted to friendly criticisms of the 
Press, and to suggestions from some of my colleagues 
engaged in University Extension work. 

J. H. R. 

Sept, 1891. 



1. Causes of the French Revolution . . . i 

2. The Revolution ...... id 

3. The Constituent and Legislative Assemblies 17 

4. Central Europe . . .26 

5. France— Triumph of the Revolutionists . 34 

6. The First French Republic .... 39 

7. The Reign of Terror ..... 44 

8. Successes of the Convention .... 50 

9. Wars of the Directory . . . .56 

10. The Egyptian Expedition .... 65 

11. Reverses of the Directory .... 69 

12. The Consulate ...... 74 

13. Europe, 1801-1804 . . . . . . 78 

14. The French Empire ..... 86 




15. The Contikental System . . . 

16. The New Feeling of Nationality 

17. Wagram — Final Annexations (1809-1811) 

18. The French Empire at its Height (1811-1812) 

19. Moscow 

20. The War of Liberation 

21. The Restoration . 

22. Reconstruction of Europe 
^/V23. France (1815-1830). 

^24. Germany (181 5- 1830) 

25. Southern Europe 

26. Turkey and Russia 

27. The Movements of 1830 in Central Europe 

28. France—Louis Philippe (1830- 1848) 

29. Central Europe ( 183 i- 1848) 

30. Spain and Portugal 

31. The Movements of 1848- 1849 • 
^ 32. Europe (1849-1880). France (1849-1852) 

33. The Second Empire 
. 34. The Third Republic 










35. The Third Republic {(continued) 

36. The Rise of Prussia 

37. The Unity of Germany . 

38. Austria-Hungary 

39. The Unity of Italy 

40. The Unity of Italy {continued) 

41. Russia and Turkey 

42. The Eastern Question . 

43. The Lesser Powers 







Appendix I— Rulers of Europe 

Appendix II. — Constitutions of the Continent 

Appendix III— National Debts 

Appendix IV— The Nations of Europe . 






^ I. Central Europe in 1812 . 
>/ 2. „ „ AFTER 1815 

^ 3. The Campaigns of 1859-1871 

To face page 119 


1. The Battle of Austerlitz 

2. ,, Wagram 

3. ,, Gravelotte 

4. The Environs of Paris . 

5. The Environs of Sevastopol 




The Bourbon House (Elder Branch) 

The Bonaparte Family . . . 

The Bourbon House (Younger Branch) 



Taine, Mignet, Michelet, Morse Stephens, and Carlyle's Histories of 
the French Revolution; Lamartine's ** Girondists " ; Thiers* "Con- 
sulate " ; Lanfrey and Seeley*s Lives of Napoleon I ; Life of Madame 
de Stael ; Memoirs of Madame de Remusat ; Guizot's Memoirs ; 
Ducoudray*s ** Histoire Contemporaine " ; Nassau Senior's Journals in 
France and Italy ; Lamartine's Revolution of 184&; D. JerroId*s Life 
of Napoleon III ; Weber's Weltgeschichte ; Jager and Miiller's His- 
tories of Nineteenth Century ; Menzel's History of Germany ; Seeley's 
** Life and Times of Stein "; Lecky's History of England in Eighteenth 
Century; Lowe's Life of Bismarck; Busch's "Our Chancellor"; 
Metternich's Memoirs; Coxe's Memorials of the House of Austria; 
Fyffe's Modern Europe (vols. i. and ii.); Lives of Dedk, Garibaldi, 
Mazzini, and Cavour ; Gallenga's History of Piedmont and ** Pope and 
King"; Life of Alexander II ; Wallace's "Russia" ; Creasy's History 
of the Ottoman Turks ; The Statesman's Year Book. 



'*In proportion as the power of the monarch becomes boundless and 
immense, his security diminishes." — Montesquieu. 

The French Revolution, the most terrible and momentous 
series of events in all history, is the real starting-point for 
the history of the nineteenth century; for that great up- 
heaval has profoundly affected the political and, still more, 
the social life of the Continent of Europe. 

The English student must, at the outset, lay aside all 
comparisons with the English Revolution of 1688, which, 
by the substitution of William III for James II, and by a 
clearer limitation of the powers of the Crown, peacefully 
introduced the era of constitutional governments ; whereas 
in France, a century later, a terrible social upheaval accom- 
panied the political changes, and inaugurated the era of 
new societies on the Continent. 

The peacefulness of the transition in England, and the 
violence of the rupture between the old and new eras in 
France, were caused by influences long at work in both 

As far back as 1709 the learned and devout Archbishop 
F^n^lon had said of the social life of France, "The old 
machine will break up at the first shock." He saw that 
the seeds of the Revolution were being sown during the long 


and brilliant reign oi LO UIS XIV ( 1 643 -i 7 1 5 ). Owing 
to the exhaustion of the nobles in the long religious and 
civil wars (1562-1653), that imperious young monarch was 
able to strip them of their political power. The Provincial 
"Parlements" were never summoned; and for fifty-eight 
years the "Grand Monarque" could truly boast, "I am 
the State." 

In the old feudal times -the French nobles (as elsewhere 
in Europe) had almost absolute powers over their own 
feudal dependants, whom they were bound to protect 
against pillage ; but the splendours of Versailles attracted 
them as submissive courtiers to the king's court, there to 
lead a frivolous life and squander the revenues of estates 
which they rarely visited. 

Thus the absolutism of Louis XIV led to a perilous 
concentration of power and wealth at Versailles, against 
which the great French political thinker, Montesquieu, in 
1748, uttered this warning : "Monarchy is destroyed when 
the prince, directing everything entirely to himself, calls the 
State to his capital, the capital to his court, and the court 
to his person." 

Louis XIV's religious intolerance drove at least 
100,000 Protestants, his most industrious subjects, to 
seek a refuge in England, Holland, and Prussia (1685- 
1690);^ and his ambition brought three long wars on 
France, in the last of which she suffered crushing defeats 
from Marlborough and Prince Eugfene. Thus during the 
last eleven years of his reign the population of France con- 
siderably diminished. 

After a troubled regency the reign of his indolent and 
worthless great-grandson Louis XV (1723-74) was even more 

^ Thus French liberty and commerce were paralysed at the very time 
when the English nation was regaining its old constitutional rights. 


disastrous for France, both at home and abroad In the 
great Seven Years' War (175 6- 176 3) France gained nothing 
in Europe, while she lost 1 nearly all her North American 
and East Indian possessions. The "double eflfort" of 
carrying on war in Europe and beyond the seas had ex- 
hausted France. At home extravagance and bad govern- 
ment were ruining trade and agriculture : famine followed 
famine; and in "1739 and 1740, more people died from 
want than in all the wars of Louis XIV." 

" This will last my time," and " After me the deluge," 
were the replies of the old king to the signs of discontent 
which could not be hidden from him. At last this worth- 
less monarch died, despised and deserted even by the 
courtiers whom he had enriched. 

Louis XVI (17 74-1 792). — The destinies of France 
rested on his grandson, the amiable, moral, and generous 
Louis, now barely twenty years of age. The wild hopes 
cherished at his accession soon faded away. France needed 
a reforming monarch of keen foresight and iron will : she 
gained instead a ruler who would have been a model coun- 
try squire. Devoted to the chase, and endowed with the 
stout frame and huge appetite of the Bourbons, Louis XVI 
yet lacked the strength of mind to overpower the opposition 
of his queen and court to the reforms which he felt to be 
necessary. In fact, his good qualities were of that passive 
type which cannot mould men and circumstances, but is 
moulded by them. His was a courage which could calmly 
resist the threats of a mob (as on June 20, 1792, in the 
Tuileries), but could not inspire men to fling prudence to 
the winds and rally to the defence of a doomed cause. 
Yet the popular instinct was right in regarding the simple- 
minded king as a friend of the people, though thwarted by 
the queen and his youngest brother the Comte d'Artois. 


Marie Antoinette was a complete contrast to her royal 
spouse : lively, graceful, and fascinating, she possessed the 
spirit and ability to rule of her mother Maria Theresa, without 
the prudence and wisdom of the Empress-queen. Cruelly 
slandered in the extraordinary scandal of the Diamond 
Necklace, she early lost the esteem of the people, whom 
she thenceforth scorned to propitiate ; and her love of gaiety 
and splendour led her to side with the courtiers against the 
economies of Turgot and Necker : so she was soon hated 
as " UAutrichienne " or " Madame Deficit." 

Turgot and Necker. — Turgot, during his control of 
the finances (i 774-1 776), attempted to carry out this sen- 
sible policy : " No loan, no increased taxes, no bankruptcy." 
He sought to improve agriculture by abolishing the "corvees" 
(forced labour claimed by feudal lords), and by proclaiming 
the freedom of internal trade; but his economies were so 
unpopular at Versailles that the king dismissed him, though 
he said, "Nobody loves my people but M. Turgot and 

He was succeeded as finance minister by Necker, a 
banker born at Geneva (1777-81), who published a balance- 
sheet, which showed many of the abuses of the government. 
For a short time he succeeded in making the state revenue 
meet the expenditure; but the armed assistance which 
France gave to the American colonists (177 8- 178 3) hastened 
on the bankruptcy of the national treasury. He also tried 
to introduce social reforms, such as the abolition of the 
remains of serfdom; but the anger of the queen and 
courtiers alarmed Louis, and Necker retired. With his 
resignation vanished the last hope of peaceful reform ; for 
each of the next two finance ministers, Calonne and Brienne, 
only strove to keep up the appearance of solvency during 
his own tenure of office. 


Such were the persons on whom was cast the fate of 
guiding the ship of State down the rapids. We shall now 
see that the craft was leaky, top-heavy, and unfit to stand 
any strain. 

Taxation. — During the first fifteen years of his reign Louis 
XVI had, in spite of difficulties in his way, abolished torture 
before trial, compulsory labour on the roads, and serfdom 
on the royal domains : he had conceded civil rights to the 
Protestants, and established a system of provincial and 
parochial self-government. Yet the root of the financial 
difl&culty remained untouched, viz. that the nobles and 
clergy paid scarcely any taxes, while the middle classes 
and peasants paid nearly alL The immunity of nobles 
and clergy from taxation dates from the times when the 
clergy were quite poor, and when the feudal lords were 
charged with the defence of the realm. As it was said, 
"The nobles fight, the clergy pray, and the people 
pay." But the clergy had now become a rich order, and 
a royal standing army had taken the place of the feudal 
military system ; yet still the nobles, who in France had sunk 
to the position of courtiers, remained free from taxation, 
as if they still defended the realm at their own expense. 
The number of the clergy, nobles, and privileged persons 
is said to have reached 270,000; for it constantly 
increased by the sale of official sinecures, which carried 
with them this privilege of nobility. Thus the crushing 
weight of taxation lay on the shoulders of the peasantry 
and the comparatively small middle class. It has been 
computed that the peasant farmers had to pay about half 
of their annual profits in taxes to the State; and that 
when tithes and feudal dues had been discharged, only 
about one-fifth of the fruits of toil remained to the toiler. 
The capitation, or poll tax, was levied even on the poorest ; 


the tax on salt raised the price to eight times the present 
price; and bread was made artificially dear in one pro- 
vince, and cheap in another, by provincial customs duties 
on the internal trade in com; while endless dues, tolls, 
and privileges impeded trade and agriculture. 

Land Tenure. — By far the larger portion of the land in 
France at the accession of Louis XVI was held under the feudal 
system. Besides fixed annual payments by tenants to their 
lords, there were in many cases annual tributes of wine, corn, 
or fowls, and specified duties when a farm changed hands. 
The landowners also levied tolls on markets, bridges, or 
roads, and claimed a fixed number of days' gratuitous 
labour (corvke). These conditions thwarted improvements 
in agriculture, and became more and more vexatious 
when the noble no longer resided among his dependants 
as a feudal protector, but was looked upon merely as 
a rent-receiver at Versailles. The estates of the clergy 
were better looked after ; and no small part of the land 
was practically in the possession of the peasants who tilled 
it In spite of harsh game laws and of thp scandalous 
injustice of the taxation, the condition of the peasantry in 
France was probably not worse than it was in central and 
eastern Europe; and the "old machine" might have 
survived the financial strain of the American expedition, but 
that new ideas of equality were becoming generally familiar 
among a populace which saw nothing but inequality 

Voltaire and Rousseau. — The wit and sarcasm of 
Voltaire (i 694-1 778) had long been undermining the 
reverence of the cultured classes for the old monarchical 
and religious ideas ; and into the void thus created the 
sentimentalism of Rousseau (171 2- 177 8) found a ready 
entrance. In that age Rousseau proclaimed a much 


needed, if exaggerated, truth, when he referred man's 
conduct and the constitution of society to what it would 
be in a state of nature. Starting with this vague assump- 
tion, he, in his Contrat Social^ sketched out a state of 
society in which men, being all free and equal, would 
form themselves by common consent into a free state. He 
approved of a republican form of government, modified by 
a stem dictatorship in grave crises; but he believed that 
in such a state all citizens would dwell together in love. 
This sketch of an ideal state had a profound effect on the 
whole course of the Revolution. It made the deputies of 
the Third Estate from the first indisposed to accept at 
once the practicable reforms which court, nobles, and 
clergy were ready (May 1789) to concede; whereas it led 
the commoners to insist at the outset on a fusion of the 
three orders which the other two were determined to refuse. 

Moreover, the application of Rousseau's teaching seemed 
so simple that all his disciples deemed themselves at once 
fitted to exercise equal political powers ; and his admission 
that a dictatorship might be necessary to enforce the will 
of the people against anti- social recusants received a 
frightful application in the dictatorship of Robespierre 
The sentimental novels of Rousseau were very popular 
with the wealthy classes, and the courtiers for a time 
played at being shepherds and shepherdesses; but his 
social speculations soon produced on the poor an effect 
which the philosophers and the wealthy had not expected. 

The " Parlements." — ^Though the privileged classes 
coquetted with the new ideas, they, up to 1788, opposed 
their practical application in the equalisation of taxation ; 
and. they used their power in the Paris and twelve 
provincial "Parlements" to thwart the king's reforming 
efforts. These bodies consisted, not of elected repre- 


sentatives, but of nominees appointed by the king for 
life; and their duty was, not to initiate legislation, but 
to register royal decrees and administer justice. In 1787 
the Paris " Parlement " registered royal edicts establishing 
provincial assemblies, decreeing free trade, and the right 
of redeeming the corvie, or feudal labour system, by a 
money payment; but when it refused to register a new 
land tax which would affect the wealthy (1787), Louis 
compelled it to do so in a special sitting, called " a bed of 
justice," and then exiled it to Troyes. 

Soon in the provinces, especially in Dauphin^, there 
was also active opposition to the finance minister Brienne, 
more particularly when he proposed to suppress all the 
** Parlements " and replace them by a central plenary court 
for all France. So sharp was the opposition in Dauphin^, 
headed by the reformer Mounier, that Louis XVI decided 
to cancel Brienne's proposal, to accept his resignation, 
and convoke the States-General of France for May 1789,, 

The States -General. — Lafayette, the commander of 
the French forces in the American War of Independence, 
had in 1787 suggested that this assembly should be 
convoked ; and all men now caught at it as the only plan 
for rescuing France from her difficulties. The States- 
General consisted of deputies of the three orders — nobles, 
clergy, and the Commons or Third Estate. They had not 
met for 173 years; so the mode of their election and the 
scope of their powers had been almost forgotten. Louis, 
however, had given a double representation to the Third 
Estate, so that its members should be equal in numbers to 
those of the other two orders combined ; and this seemed 
to foreshadow the union of the three orders in one 
Assembly. But in the inaugural processsion and first 
sitting (May 4 and 5) the old distinctions of dress and 


etiquette were seen to survive. The Third Estate, before 
verifying the returns of its own members, notified that it 
awaited the arrival of the other two orders; and when 
these finally declared that they would vote as separate 
orders, the Third Estate defiantly declared itself to be the 
National Assembly of France (June 17, 1789). 



" Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive 
But to be young was very heaven ! " 


" When France in wrath her giant limbs uprear'd, 
And with that oath which smote air, earth, and sea. 
Stamped her strong foot, and said she would be free, 
Bear witness for me, how I hoped and feared ! " 


This bold innovation marks the revolutionary spirit which 
had spread among the people and its representatives. 
Nature herself seemed to conspire to overthrow the old 
regime; for the harvest of 1788 had been ruined by an 
extraordinary hailstorm in July, and the unwonted severity 
of the succeeding winter was so destructive to the mulberry 
trees that the silk trade was paralysed. An unwise system 
of public relief-works in Paris attracted starving peasants to 
the capital ; so that all the materials for an outbreak were 
ready at Paris and Versailles. 

The queen and courtiers, enraged at the attitude of the 
self-styled National Assembly, persuaded the king to over- 
awe it by troops, annul its declarations, and occupy its halL 
Nothing daunted, the deputies repaired to the Tennis Court, 
and in that bare building they swore, with uplifted hands, 


that " they would meet in all places, and under all circum- 
stances, till they have made the Constitution " (June 20). 
In two days they were joined by 149 deputies of the 
clergy, and the rebuke of the king, in a "royal session," 
for their conduct fell unheeded. After the king, nobles, 
and most of the clergy had left the hall, the remaining 
deputies were summoned to disperse by the king's usher ; 
but a bold voice thundered out, "Go, sir, and tell those 
who sent you that we are here at the command of the 
people, and that nothing but the bayonet shall drive us 
hence." The speaker was Count Mirabeau, a man of wild 
habits, but of vast energy and indomitable will, who hence- 
forth wielded the chief personal authority in the Assembly 
and in Paris. 

The court, again foiled, continued to mass soldiers 
around Paris and Versailles, until at last it felt itself strong 
enough to procure the banishment of Necker, reinstated 
as finance minister August 1788, who disapproved of a 
reactionary policy. This news aroused fierce excitement 
in Paris. The famous regiment of the French Guards 
at once protected the people fi:om the mercenary regiments 
assembled to overawe them ; and in a short time the court 
could rely only on the Bodyguard, composed of nobles, 
and on the mercenary Swiss and German regiments. 
Many of the French soldiers had brought back with them 
new ideas from the American War of Independence, and 
none of them would any longer tolerate the scanty and 
irregular pay, and harsh treatment by officers who belonged 
entirely to the order of the nobility. 
• The Bastille. — With no fear of the soldiery, therefore, • 
the Paris mob, on the morning of the famous 14th July 
1789, burst into the "Hotel des Invalides" and seized 
cannons, swords, and 28,000 muskets. A committee of 


defence hastily formed at the Town Hall ordered the 
manufacture of 50,000 pikes. The populace, now furnished 
with firearms, rushed to the entrance court of that grim 
hated fortress, the Bastille, whose cannons commanded 
the Faubourg St Antoine, a populous quarter of the city. 
It had long been a State prison where men might be 
hurried without trial by a sealed letter {lettre de cachet) ; 
but under the milder rule of Louis XVI it now held only 
seven prisoners, and these not for political reasons. 

The governor, De Launay, refused to surrender, though 
his garrison numbered only forty Swiss and eighty pensioners. 
Two bold men at once sprang forth from the crowd to 
strike at the chains of the drawbridge; this fell before 
their strokes, and the victorious crowd rushed over it to 
attack the next barrier; but they were kept off for four 
hours by the fire of the garrison. At last the arrival of 
the French Guards, with cannon to force the gates, dis- 
heartened the defenders, and they forced the governor to 
surrender on condition that the lives of all should be 
spared ; but the excited mob massacred the governor and 
seven of the garrison. Soon afterwards the " Provost of 
the Merchants " fell a victim to the suspicions of the people 
that he had trifled with their demand for weapons. 

The same night the king at Versailles was informed of 
the outbreak. " Why, it is a revolt ! " he said. " No, sire," 
rejoined the liberal Due de Liancourt, "it is a Revolutioa" 
Indeed few great victories have had results so far-reaching 
as those of the 14th July, which the French celebrate as 
the birthday of new France. The withdrawal from Paris of 
the troops which were to have overawed the capital showed 
that the attempted coup diktat of the court had failed. 
Necker was recalled, and received an enthusiastic welcome 
in Paris ; and when Louis himself visited his capital, and 


donned the new tricolour cockade, the rejoicing was 
unbounded. Bailly, the newly-elected mayor, said, " Henri 
IV reconquered the people of Paris : now the people have 
reconquered their king." 

On the other hand, many of the reactionary nobles and 
the king's younger brother (afterwards Charles X) left the 
country : this was called the " first emigration." 

Lafayette. — The disorders of the capital during the 
next three months showed the need of new organisations. 
A new democratic municipality was established, and some 
order was restored by the enrolment of a citizen guard — 
afterwards the National Guard — under the command of the 
Marquis de Lafayette. This young noble had distinguished 
himself at the head of the French forces in the American 
War of Independence, and throughout his long career he 
retained the devotion to constitutional government and 
orderly liberty which he had there learned. It was 
Lafayette who had lately united the Bourbon white with 
the Paris colours, red and blue, on the national flag, as a 
sign that the monarchy was now constitutional. Though 
his chivalrous nature was marred by defects of vanity and 
weakness, yet the devotion of his citizen guards enabled 
him to do more than any one else towards stemming the 
tide of anarchy during the next two years. 

The " Jacqueries."^^ — The news of the Revolution in 
Paris aroused vague fears and hopes in the peasantry. An 
insane panic seized them that " the brigands were coming"; 
and it is thought that this panic was spread by the vicious 
and designing Duke of Orleans, the king's cousin, who 
hoped that anarchy would pave the way for his accession. 

^ Jacques Bonhomme is the national name for the French peasant, just 
as John Bull is for the British farmer ; hence risings of the peasants were 
called Jacqueries. 


At any rate the peasants everywhere armed themselves; 
and when no brigands came, they followed the example of 
Paris on the 14th July, by attacking the castles of their 
feudal lords. Many castles were burned and some lives 
taken ; but in most cases only the hated title-deeds, which 
specified the feudal dues, were destroyed. The National 
Guards of the towns were almost helpless to stop these dis- 
orders; and even in Paris streets the hated minister Foullon, 
who had said that the peasants "might eat grass," was 
snatched away from his escort, and his head was carried 
through Paris on a pike, with grass thrust into the mouth. 

Legislation. — The National Assembly prefaced its 
practical work by a theoretic declaration of the Rights of 
Man — viz. individual liberty and equality, freedom of 
speech and opinion, trial by jury, and the sovereign power 
of the people over taxation and legislation. It then turned 
its attention to the anarchy of the provinces ; and on the 
4th August, in a fit of generous enthusiasm — ^a " St, Bartholo- 
mew of Privileges " — swept away all the feudal privileges in 
one long sitting. Feudal dues and tithes, compulsory gra- 
tuitous labour, and the harsh game laws were abolished; 
so also were all local immunities from taxation, first fruits, 
and the local courts where laws had been administered by 
the lord of the manor. The first of these had, however, 
been practically abolished by the burning of the title-deeds 
by the peasants themselves. 

Next the Assembly decided that it would remain one 
Chamber (as opposed to the English plan of two Houses of 
Parliament), and that the king should have a right of sus- 
pensive veto — ^which was suggested by Lafayette after the 
American model — so that, though the king might have 
vetoed a bill, yet it became law if two successive Assemblies 
should pass it again. 


In general the action of the Assembly was far too slow 
to cope with the needs of France. Its members, nearly 
1200 in number, kept no order in debate, procedure, or 
voting ; and the fatal mistake was made of allowing a large 
number of spectators present in the gallery ; for in a short 
time these interfered with debates and intimidated the 
moderate members. 

The Insurrection of Women. — If the queen and 
the reactionary nobles could have learnt by experience, 
they would have seen that the Revolution, like a swollen 
torrent, only became more destructive with every attempt 
to turn it back ; whereas by being guided in its natural 
course, its force might have become even beneficial. But 
a momentary flush of triumph turned the heads of the 
courtiers. The regiment of the Bodyguards was enter- 
taining the " Royal Flanders," just summoned to Versailles. 
The king and queen passed through the ball; and after 
Blondel's song, 

•• O Richard, O mon roi ! 
L'univers t'abandonne," 

had been played, the excited young officers donned the 
white Bourbon cockade and trampled on the tricolour. 
This foolish scene, repeated on October 3, 1789, aroused 
fierce excitement in Paris. There the poor were still on 
the verge of starvation ; for the relief-works only attracted 
more famished creatures from the country districts, again 
afflicted by a miserable harvest ; and in the towns trade had 
been paralysed by the disorders. On the 5th October 
women assembled in thousands, crying " Bread ! Bread ! " 
and at last started for Versailles, followed by an excited 
armed rabble. The king's palace was at first almost at 
their mercy, until Lafayette and the National Guards arrived. 


Rain, darkness, and fatigue put an end to conflicts with the 
Bodyguards, who were ordered by the king not to fight ; 
and so this strange night passed quietly, until at daybreak 
some of the mob found, or forced, a way into a wing of the 
palace. The king and queen had barely time to escape 
with their lives. Lafayette and the French Guards at last 
restored some order ; but the mob insisted that the king and 
queen should be brought to Paris, and they shouted for the 
hated "Austrian" to appear on a balcony alone. "No 
children," was the cry ; but when Lafayette, kneeling down, 
kissed her hand, their murderous threats changed to enthu- 
siastic cheers. Then, safely but ignominiously, the royal 
family was escorted into Paris, followed by the Swiss and 
Bodyguards, now adorned with the lately insulted tricolour. 
The vast crowds danced with joy, for they were bringing 
back also fifty cartloads of corn ; and pointing to the royal 
carriage, they shouted that they were bringing "the baker, 
the baker's wife, and the baker's boy." Thus, the proces- 
sion moved slowly towards the long-uninhabited palace of 
the Tuileries.v 

The National Assembly soon moved to the Riding 
School close by ; and so court and Assembly were practi- 
cally in the power of an excitable populace numbering some 
800,000. Paris had indeed conquered its king now ; and 
it shows the strong monarchical instinct of the French that 
monarchy could exist for nearly three years after the scenes 
of October 6, 1789. 



Legislation (1789-17 90). — The old provincial "Parle- 
ments " had long since regretted their short-sighted opposi- 
tion to the king's reforming efforts, and now strove to excite 
the provinces against the capital and the Assembly which 
they had unwittingly called into being ; but they had no 
popular support, and the Assembly easily swept away the 
old provincial system. The new division into Departments 
of equal size or population, and the substitution of natural 
features for the old historic nomenclature, carried out the 
spirit of Rousseau's doctrine of natural equality. Further- 
more, it aided the growth of national unity ; for men now 
prided themselves only in being Frenchmen, and no longer 
in the name of Norman, Gascon, or Burgundian. Each of 
the eighty -three new Departments was divided into 
districts, each district into cantons, and each canton into 
rural municipalities or communes ; and these last had local 
powers so considerable that for a time France may be said 
to have been divided into 44,000 little republics. 

Meanwhile, bankruptcy was paralysing the State, which 
could not raise money at ten per cent, though the clergy 

^ The first Assembly was called the Constituent, because its work was 
to pave the way for, and to form, th« new Constitution ; so also after the 
Revolution of 1848 the first Assembly was called the Constituent, the 
second Legislative. 



could borrow at four per cent on the Church lands. The 
needs of the treasury and jealousy of the clergy as a 
powerful order led the Assembly to decree the Confiscation 
of Church lands for the service of the State (December 2, 
1789). Tithes had already been abolished; and now, 
to facilitate the sale of Church lands, paper-notes, called 
assignafs, were issued with forced circulation; but public 
confidence in them grew less and less, - and they fell 
rapidly in money value. But the worst blow was to follow; 
for, after abolishing monastic orders in France, the 
Assembly decreed in July 1790 the Civil Constitution of 
the Clergy. By this decree the clergy were to take an oath 
of obedience to the State, of which they were henceforth 
to be the salaried officers, elected by the people. This 
subordination to the electorate was indignantly renounced 
by two-thirds of the clergy, who were thereupon deprived 
of their benefices. In Alsace and La Vendue the villagers 
would not attend the services of the new " Constitutionals," 
but travelled far to attend secret meetings of the orthodox 
"nonjuring" priests. These two decrees caused the 
beginnings of a reaction against the Revolution. 

The reform of the law-courts was conceived in a wiser 
and juster spirit Trial by jury, which in its early forms 
had been wide- spread in Europe, but had survived 
feudalism only in England, was now appointed for the 
trial of criminal cases; while for civil-law cases, judges 
were nominated by the Assembly. Rousseau's levelling 
doctrines received a further application in the abolition 
(June 20, 1790) ot titles, liveries, and orders of knight- 
hood — a decree which was practically ignored save by 
Jacobins during their ascendency. 

The Constitution. — Popular enthusiasm for the new 
constitution which was slowly taking shape, was shown in 


the splendid national celebration of the 14th July 1790, 
the first anniversary of the fall of the Bastille. Four 
hundred thousand spectators, ranged on seats of turf, 
which had been raised with vast effort around the immense 
Champ de Mars, rapturously joined in the oath of fidelity 
to the constitution, repeated aloud by Lafayette and the 
federates representing the National Guards, then by the 
National Assembly, and lastly by the king himself. The 
joyous fetes which followed were crowned by dancing on 
the site of the once terrible Bastille, the stones of which 
were now being formed into the new bridge, " Louis 

The constitution, when completed in the autumn of 
next year (17 91), left very little beside the suspensive veto 
and mere executive duties to the king; and the king's 
ministers were almost reduced to the position of clerks to 
the all-powerful Assembly. Its labours came to a close 
with the reluctant acceptance of the new constitution by 
the king, after the flight to Varennes ; but, with a foolish 
display of self-denial, it decreed that none of its members 
could sit in the next Assembly ; and thus another set of 
untried men soon came up to gain experience at the 
expense of the nation's welfare. 

Spread of Anarchy. — Meanwhile civil strife had soon 
succeeded to the fraternal "Feast of pikes "of July 14, 
1790; only six weeks afterwards two regiments at Nancy 
demanded the arrears of their pay, and seized the town. 
The brave old general BouilM was ordered by the 
Assembly to bring them to obedience; and with some 
faithful troops and National Guards he retook the town 
after desperate street fighting. 

With the exception of the southern cities, where 
religious feuds had been excited between Roman Catholics 


and Protestants, the financial distress was the main cause 
of the wide-spread disorders of France in 1 790-1 791. 
The finance minister, Necker, having no means to enforce 
the payment of taxes, in despair fled to Geneva ; and 
many wealthy people also fled from the disorders, taking 
their money with them. Bread riots were of daily 
occurrence in the next two winters; corn-merchants and 
bakers were in some places hanged for selling dear com 
or bad bread, and, as a natural result, com became 
scarcer and bread dearer; yet all this was attributed 
by the insane populace to "aristocrats." As Taine 
says, "Distress increased tumult, and tumult increased 

The Clubs. — In Paris itself the national workshops 
became so expensive to the city, and so demoralising to 
the workmen, that they had to be closed. Amid the 
distress the extreme party had become more active and 
powerful, especially through its powerful organisation in 
the Cordeliers' Club, and in the still more famous Jacobins' 
Club.^ By its hold on the Paris mob, and by its network 
of branches in the departments, the latter soon possessed 
power enough to overawe the Assembly; and able men, 
being excluded by Robespierre's motion from seats in the 
second or Legislative Assembly, came to the " Jacobins " ; 
so that its debates were more business-like than those of 
the new legislators. 

Bobespierre. — The favourite speaker in the Jacobins' 
Club was a thin, wiry little advocate, whose neatness of 
dress always contrasted with the slovenliness affected by 
other demagogues : Maximilien Robespierre, the son of a 
poor advocate at Arras, early showed signs of that 

^ So called because it met in the church of the old Jacobins' Convent 
at Paris : hence the name Jacobin as applied to revolutionists. 


austerity, perseverance, and intense belief in Rousseau's 
theories, by which he forced himself to the front. At 
Arras he had resigned his judgeship rather than condemn 
a criminal to death ; yet, amidst the warfare of parties at 
Paris, his resolve to force Rousseau's system of society on 
the world drew him ever farther into paths of bloodshed ; 
so that he now stands pilloried in history as a monster of 
cruelty which he never believed himself to be. In the 
night when the September massacres began, Robespierre 
said to his disciple St. Just, " I have not slept : I have 
watched like remorse or crime; but Danton — he has 
slept." Significant wor^s of self-pity, and hatred for his 
daring accomplice in the massacres ! In the first Assembly 
his. puny figure, livid complexion, and persistent self- 
assertion exposed him to constant ridicule; but he had 
his revenge on his opponents. Vain and envious himself, 
he set himself to move the envy of the Paris mob against 
men of note — Mirabeau, Lafayette, Dumouriez, the 
Girondists, and finally against his powerful rival Danton. 
Thus the convulsions of revolution at last brought him 
uppermost over the corpses of rivals, whose wider sweep 
of talents or sympathies had exposed them to popular 
suspicion. To the Paris mob he seemed the one invincible 
champion df the Revolution, the one trusty guide to the 
millennium of Rousseau. It cast him down also when it 
found itself to have been guided, not to a millennium, but 
to a massacre. 

Danton. — The president of the " Cordeliers,*' a small 
club of extremists, was a masterful advocate, Danton. A 
man of burly frame, unbridled passions, and vast energy, 
he could excite a mob to laughter by his coarse wit, or to 
frenzy ' by his wild harangues. It was Danton who, from 
a safe distance, was to excite the Parisians to the attack 


on the Tuileries (August lo, 1792), to the September 
massacres, and to the iev^e en masse against the invaders. 
Yet after the crisis was over at the end of 1793, even 
Danton's ferocity, uninspired by the same rigid belief in 
Rousseau's system which nerved Robespierre, shrank from 
a continuous policy of judicial murder applied by the latter. 
Danton's weak side was his corruptibility; as Lamartine 
says, " He only opened his mouth to have it stuffed with 
gold." Thus in his collision with the smaller but more 
compact personality of Robespierre his vaster bulk was to 
fall shattered. 

Other secondary figures are the witty journalist Camille 
Desmoulins in the Cordeliers ; in the Jacobins the young 
Louis Philippe d'Orl^ans, the eccentric Anarcharsis Clootz, 
together with Barnave and the two Lameths, who find 
themselves at last left high and dry as constitutionalists 
and royalists. 

Mirabeau. — Most noteworthy of all is Mirabeau, who 
soon began to devise great schemes for rescuing France 
from the approaching deadlock. He saw that the new 
constitution would prove unworkable with so weak an 
executive, and that nothing was to be hoped from a coup 
d^etai in favour of the quasi-democratic Duke of Orleans, 
whose vice and weakness were unredeemed by the king's 
good qualities. Early in the spring of 179 1 Mirabeau had 
a secret interview with the strong-willed Marie Antoinette 
at St. Cloud, to devise means for the king's flight to 
Rouen, and for raising the provinces against Paris and the 
Assembly. But a mortal disease saved Mirabeau from the 
disgrace of failing or of causing a civil war. **I carry in 
my heart the death dirge of th^ French monarchy," was 
his proud and true prophecy on his deathbed (April 2, 
1 791). 

hi] the constituent ASSEMBL F. 23 

Varennes. — On June 20, 1791, the royal family secretly 
left the Tuileries in disguise to join the royalist general 
Bouill^ at Metz ; but the slow and ill-arranged flight failed, 
for a village postmaster, who had recognised the king through 
his slight disguise, galloped on to Varennes, the next halting- 
place, roused the National Guards, and barricaded the bridge. 
Surrounded by troops, the phlegmatic king and his scornful 
consort re-entered Paris amid gloomy and silent crowds ; for 
the people thought that the king meant to put himself at 
the head of the emigrant nobles at Coblexitz and invade 

Yet even now only thirty extreme members of the Con- 
stituent Assembly, led by Robespierre, demanded the king's 
deposition; and when in September 1791 Louis accepted 
the new constitution, Lafayette, the conciliator, moved and 
passed an amnesty for mutual forgiveness of the faults on 
both sides. But the divisions were too serious to be thus 
patched up, and they broke out again during the distress 
anfi anarchy of the winter months. These feuds were in- 
flamed by Marat, a clever but crossgrained fanatic, who from 
his hiding-places in cellars or garrets preached to the people 
in his newspaper hatred of every one who was not a sans- 
culotte (ragamuffin). ; 

Avignon. — In the papal town and county of Avignon 
terrible struggles between the papal and democratic parties 
had not been stopped by annexation to France; and on 
October 16, 1791, they culminated in a frightful massacre 
of papal aristocrats by the democratic extremists, headed by 
the " brigand " Jourdan. One hundred and thirty boiiies 
were found in the Ice Tower by the constitutional troops 
which marched in to restore order. ^ 

In this same terrible autumn came news from San 
Domingo. There the new levelling theories were put into 


practice by the blacks against their masters, amid massacres 
and savage reprisals which wrecked the prosperity of the 
most flourishing colony of France. 

The Legislative Assembly, which met in October 
1 791, contained 136 revolutionists, whose fierce energy, 
backed up by threats from the gallery, often prevailed over 
the remaining 509 constitutional and royalist members. 
The revolutionists themselves soon split into two parties — 
the "Mountain" and the "Oironde." The former, so 
called because it occupied the top benches in the Assembly 
and in the Jacobins' Club, intended to enforce its extreme 
theories by methods no less violent ; the latter, so called 
because some of its leaders came from the Gironde, wished 
to see its more moderate counsels prevail by constitutional 

The support of many of the moderates (called the 
" Plain " because they occupied the lowest benches) placed 
the Girondists in power. The chiefs of this enthusiastic 
band of young theorists were the talented journalist Brissot, 
the philosopher Condorcet, the eloquent Vergniaud, the 
popular Potion, and the austere and upright Roland, whose 
brave and gifted wife was their inspiring genius. In the 
same way Madame de Stael at her salon guided and en- 
couraged the moderates.^ 

Among the two thousand decrees which the Legislative 
Assembly evolved in its first year, two only are noteworthy. 
The first confiscated the property of all emigrants without 
distinction ; the second declared that all nonjuring priests 
were suspects liable to imprisonment. These harsh measures 
finally became law in spite of the king's suspensive veto, 

^ These two remarkable women exercised great influence even down to 
the Reign of Terror, when the former was guillotined, and the latter barely 
escaped to Switzerland. 


and they added to the bitterness of the wealthy classes 
abroad, and of the clergy and orthodox Catholics at home, 
against the Revolution. Still more infatuated, however, 
were these brilliant theorists of the Gironde in their foreign 



The abolition of the old feudal rights of German nobles in the 
French districts of Alsace in 1789 had been made a matter 
of complaint against the French Assembly by Leopold II, 
who was both ruler of Austria and the Emperor.^ The King 
of Prussia joined him in the Declaration of Pillnitz (August 
1 791), threatening the French government with armed in- 
tervention if any violence were offered to Louis and Marie 
Antoinette, who was Leopold's sister. On its side the 
French Assembly complained of the intrigues against France 
of the emigrant nobles assembling at Coblentz to the 
number of some 3000. On the dispersal of these bands, 
and on the supposed withdrawal of the Pillnitz Declaration, 
peace seemed assured; for both Austria and Prussia had 
domestic difficulties, and designs on a weak eastern neigh- 
bour; and Leopold II, dying after a short reign, was 
succeeded by his son Francis II early in 1792. The 
Girondists, however, who at this time still held the reins of 
power in France, believed that a crusade against monarchy 
abroad was in itself a holy cause, likely also to further the 
Revolution at home by diverting attention from internal con- 
flicts of factions ; also, as their leader Brissot afterwards said, 
they " sought in the war an opportunity to set traps for Louis 
XVI, and to expose his relations with the emigrant nobles." 

1 i.e, the elected Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. 


A threatening despatch sent by Leopold shortly before 
his death gave to the Girondist ministry the desired oppor- 
tunity. Louis XVI was compelled to declare war against 
Austria, his eyes filled with tears and his voice faltering as 
he spoke the fatal words. He knew that during this war 
the revolutionists would be accounted the only patriots, 
and that all royalists would be branded as traitors for their 
supposed sympathy with the invading nobles and foreigners. 
At the other extreme of French thought, Robespierre and 
the " Mountain " opposed the war from a wise presentiment 
that it would end by giving France a military dictator in 
place of a weak nominal ruler. 

League cigainst France. — In a short time Prussia 
declared war against France. Catherine, Czarina of Russia, 
was ready to side against the revolutionists if there were 
need; and the chivalrous Gustavus of Sweden sought to 
league the whole continent in a crusade to rescue the fair 
Marie Antoinette. The Eling of Sardinia placed an army 
of observation on the south-eastern frontier of the distracted 
country, which was thus beset, except on the Swiss frontier, 
with a line of foes from the Austrian Netherlands on the 
north down to the Mediterranean. 

But the desperate energy of the French peasants in 
defence of their newly-won rights was destined to repel and 
then to crush a coalition which possessed a formidable 
appearance rather than real solidity. Gustavus was soon to 
fall by a bullet from Ankarstrom, an accomplice of the 
nobles whom he had dispossessed of power. Catherine of 
Russia wished to busy Austria and Prussia on the Rhine, 
so that she might be free to seize more of Poland ; and 
suspicions of this retarded the allied powers, who thought 
Poland might soon be more important for them than France. 
It will next be seen how the new ideas undermined the old 


societies of central Europe, which were only fitted to with- 
stand the direct blows of warfare. 

The Empire. — The imposing structure of the Holy 
Roman Empire had long been crumbling to decay. At 
the end of the disastrous Thirty Years' War (i 6 19-1648) 
the Empire definitely lost the two confederations of Switzer- 
land, and the United Provinces, or Netherlands ; and, beside 
other concessions to its own component States and fi^ee 
cities, it gave up the right to control their foreign policy. 
Henceforth its great council, the Diet, by its slow and 
pompous trifling mismanaged the little power left to it 
The "Emperor" (for up to 1804 this title was always limited 
to the modem representative of the Caesars) was still 
elected, but the reigning monarch of the House of Haps- 
burg was always chosen. The medley of States, which in 
1792 was still dignified by the historic name of the "Em- 
pire," consisted of electorates, principalities, bishoprics, free 
cities, and a crowd of petty States hardly larger than a 
manorial estate. It has been well described as a " chaos 
upheld by Providence." Neither were the individual States 
the seats of vigorous local life; for though in Bavaria, 
Baden, and in some of the Protestant States of North Ger- 
many, reforms had been initiated, yet the States as a whole 
were sunk in the torpor of the Middle Ages ; and in the 
bishoprics of the rich Rhineland, " out of every thousand 
inhabitants, on the average fifty were priests or monks, and 
260 were beggars." 

Thus the weakest and most divided part of Germany 
was the first to bear the brunt of French invasion ; while 
the real defence of the Empire lay with its two chief 
component states, Austria and Prussia, the main terri- 
tories of which were 200 and 300 miles away from those 
of France. 


Austria consisted of a collection of peoples and dis- 
tricts which, by hereditary succession, contracts of marriage, 
peaceful election, or conquest, had come under the sceptre 
of the. House of Hapsburg. This may be shown most 
clearly by a table : — 

. ( Bequeathed in fief by the Emperor 
Austria proper, Styria, and J ^^^^j^ ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ 

Carniola . . . , [ of Hapsburg, 1279. 

^ /Bequeathed to the Hapsburgs, 

Carinthia, Tyrol . . . j ^^^^^ ^^^ 

Bohemia, Moravia . . . Election, 1526. 

Hungary and its Crown lands — j 

Croatia, Sclavonia, and > Election, 1526. 

Dalmatia . . . . ) 

Spanish Netherlands and Na- ^ rj. , r t> * ** a ^r t 
PLES, MILAN, and Kingdom of y'^'^.'^H^'^^'. ^^^' ^^ °^ 
Sardinia^ . . . . i ^P^°^'^ Succession, 1714. 

East G ALICIA .... First partition of Poland, 1772. 
West Galicia . . . : Third partition of Poland, 1795. 

In these dominions no less than eleven distinct languages 
were spoken, without reckoning dialects. When most of 
these districts accepted the rule of the Hapsburgs they still 
retained their local rights, customs, and laws. Consequently 
this unwieldy group of States could not withstand the im- 
pact of the smaller but highly-organised power of Prussia 
when wielded by Frederick the Great. Taught by the mis- 
fortunes of the Seven Years' War (17 56- 1763), the great 
queen Maria Theresa did much towards centralising the 
government at Vienna ; she also abridged the privileges of 
the nobles and clergy, abolished the Inquisition, reformed 
the monastic system, and relieved the peasants from many 
feudal burdens and from the rigour of the game laws ; but 
her reforms were too gradual to satisfy her generous but 
impetuous son Joseph. 

^ Naples and Sardinia were now independent. 


Joseph II (1780-17 90). — Animated by the philo- 
sophic reforming spirit of the eighteenth century, this royal 
Rousseau desired to sweep away all distinctions of provin- 
cial laws and customs, so that his motley dominions should 
form one vast family. He abolished all provincial govern- 
ments, so as to concentrate all power in his own hands 
at Vienna. In Hungary and its crown lands, which formed 
half of his dominions, he alienated the dominant Magyar 
race by enforcing the use of German as the official language, 
and by removing the sacred crown of St. Stephen from 
Presburg to Vienna. This centralising policy was accom- 
panied by rash but well-meaning reforms. Thus Joseph 
n did away with all monasteries, all feudal vassalage, tithes, 
and forced labour, without compensation; on the other 
hand, his pedantry descended to such petty tyranny as the 
regulation of funerals, and the repetition by children at 
school of a new political catechism. 

These changes pleased no one : his reforms enraged the 
nobles and clergy, while his centralising decrees and other 
hasty changes aroused successful armed resistance in Hun- 
gary and in the Austrian Netherlands. The rash but well- 
meaning monarch was in the end compelled to undo all his 
work — good and bad alike ; but this victory for provincial 
rights was also a victory for the privileged classes, who 
regained most of their feudal rights over the now discon- 
tented peasants. His failures as a legislator, and also as a 
general in the Turkish war, so preyed on the monarch's - 
mind that he died (1790) lamenting that "all his under- 
takings had miscarried." 

Leopold II (1790-1792), his brother, found half of 
his dominions in revolt. The Netherlanders had expelled 
Austrian troops from all the Austrian Netherlands except 
Luxemburg ; but Leopold's tact and his understanding with 


Prussia caused the withdrawal of Prussian support from the 
insurgents ; and the Austrian troops regained a temporary 
hold on those distant and dissatisfied provinces. Leopold's 
conciliatory policy helped to allay the ferment in his Austrian 
and Hungarian dominions ; but for all government purposes 
they were as weak and disunited as in the days of Maria 
Theresa. Jealousy between Austria and Prussia was still 
the dominant force in central Europe. Each power feared 
to see the other extend its influence in the Netherlands or 
in Poland ; and only the cause of monarchy against revolu- 
tion brought the two monarchs Leopold II and Frederick 
William II to a temporary accord at Pillnitz. 

Francis (i 792-1835). — Leopold's sudden death early 
in 1792 brought his son Francis II to the hereditary throne 
of Austria and to the throne of the Holy Roman Empire, 
which was, in name, still elective. With a change of title 
made in 1 804, as Franci& I, Hereditary Emperor of Austria, 
he was to see his realm three times crushed by Napoleon, 
but reinstated in its old power long before his death in 

Prussia. — The sudden rise of Prussia to the rank of a 
great power had been due to the unconquerable energy 
with which Frederick the Great had wielded the resources 
of his small kingdom during the Seven Years' War (1756- 
1763). Aided by the intermittent support of England, 
Frederick had defied the might of Austria, France, and 
Russia, and retained the valuable province of Silesia, which . 
he had unjustly seized. Until his death (1786) he laboured 
to develop the resources of his kingdom by encouraging 
trade and agriculture, and by the construction of roads, 
canals, and harbours. By the acquisition of Silesia, part of 
Poland, and East Frisia on the North Sea, Frederick left to 


his successor a kingdom of about 4,000,000 inhabitants, 
and a redoubtable army of 200,000 men. The rigours of 
the feudal system, however, remained unchecked ; nobles, 
citizens, and peasants were still separated in three distinct 
classes; and Frederick's partiality for French literature 
blinded him to the progress of his own citizens in " enlight- 
enment,'^ which was due to the revival of German literature 
under Lessing ; so he still excluded the burgher class from 
all offices in the army and administratioa 

Frederick's patronage of Voltaire, as court wit and 
favourite at Berlin, set the rage for the new French ideas 
all through Prussia and Germany: they were almost as 
destructive of the old reverence and morality as they had 
been in France. The secret society ot the lUuminati (the 
" enlightened ") was founded in Bavaria in 1776; and under 
the name of the German Union spread the new atheistic 
and revolutionary doctrines through the corrupt societies of 
the Rhineland bishoprics. The death of the great Fred- 
erick in 1786 was another misfortune for Prussia, in bringing 
to the throne his weak and luxurious nephew. 

Frederick William II (i 786-1 797) soon squandered 
on unworthy favourites the treasure which his frugal uncle 
had collected for the needs of the State ; and the same 
autocratic system which had been so powerful under Fred- 
erick the Great was now a source of weakness in the nerve- 
less hands of his nephew : the best administration in Europe 
suddenly sank into one of the worst : State documents lay 
scattered about the royal apartments, to which favourites of 
both sexes had free ingress. Mirabeau, who was then 
French agent at the Berlin court, thus describes it : "A 
decreased revenue, increased expenditure, genius neglected, 
fools at the helm — never was any State nearer ruin." The 
forms of the old vigorous system survived the reality : the 


severe drill and frequent use of the cane by officers took 
the heart out of soldiers who had shown their heroism 
on many a battlefield of Silesia and Saxony. Still the 
weakness of all its neighbours made the Prussian State 
seem powerful by comparison, and the distracted state 
of the Dutch Netherlands, or United Provinces, seemed 
to offer an easy field of triumph to the ambitious Frederick 
WilHam 11. 

The Dutch Netherlands. — ^In the war with England 
(i 780-1 783) the Dutch colonies and foreign commerce had 
suffered severely ; and William V, the young stadholder, or 
hereditary president of the United Provinces, increased the 
public confusion by open attempts to gain monarchical 
power. His party was upheld by England and Prussia; 
consequently the Dutch democrats were aided by the French 
court. At last in 1786 the burghers proclaimed his depo- 
sition, and he at once appealed to his brother-in-law the 
Prussian king. The Duke of Brunswick at the head of 
Prussian troops easily overcame all opposition : the Orange, 
or stadholder's, party triumphed, and many Dutch demo- 
crats sought refuge in France, soon to return in the triumph- 
ant invasion of the French revolutionists (1795). 

The independent bishopric of Libge, which then sepa- 
rated the two parts of the Austrian Netherlands, was also 
the scene of a civic revolt against the oppressive rule of the 
bishop (1789): it too was occupied by Prussian troops 
until an agreement was made with Austria. 

Thus all over central Europe there was social and poli- 
tical unrest, which was soon increased by the declaration of 
the "Rights of Man," and the resolution of the French 
Assembly — " Peace to peoples : war against governments." 



The weak and distracted state of the Austrian Netherlands 
seemed to invite a French attack on their unprotected 
frontier; but two columns of young French levies were 
seized by a blind panic, retreated from their posts, and 
hanged their commander. The Austrians, however, were 
not sure enough of their hold on these provinces to take 
a bold offensive, and it was the end of June 1792 before 
the Duke of Brunswick advanced with the Prussian forces 
against the eastern frontier of France. The King of 
Prussia drew up an insolent manifesto, which Brunswick 
against his own better judgment issued, stating that, 
unless the French reinstated Louis in all his rights, Paris 
would be subjected to martial law. This manifesto, which 
played into the hands of the Paris revolutionists, was only 
equalled in folly by the slowness of Brunswick's move- 
ments. Instead of concerting with the Austrians two 
rushes on Paris, he proceeded with methodical slowness, 
while the devastations of the emigrant nobles in his ranks 
nerved all P'renchmen to a desperate resistance. 

Meanwhile the fruits of this policy of loitering and 
braggadocio were but too evident in Paris. Even before 
the manifesto roused the revolutionists to fury, the danger 
to the country had caused a fresh revolutionary outburst 


Popular demonstrations had been made against the 
exercise of the royal veto on two decrees, for banishing 
nonjuring priests and for forming a camp of 20,000 
pikemen near Paris. These riots culminated on June 
20, 1792, the anniversary of the Tennis Court oath, when 
a violent crowd burst into the Tuileries and for four hours 
thronged around the defenceless monarch demanding the 
withdrawal of his veto. " This is neither the time nor the 
place," calmly replied Louis; "I will do what the 
constitution requires." Baffled by his quiet dignity, the 
rabble was at last persuaded by the Mayor Potion to 
depart. Lafayette, indignant at this outrage, came from 
his command on the Flemish frontier to attempt to crush 
anarchy at its source, the Jacobins' Club ; but the petty 
spite of the court against him, and the cowardice of the 
orderly citizens, left him without support, and he only lost 
influence by the attempt. The extremists were further 
encouraged by the arrival of 500 Marseillais, who, as they 
marched through France " to strike down the tyrant," sang 
the new national hymn, thence called the "Marseillaise."^ 
PaJl of the Monarchy. — A new terrible revolutionary 
power had just sprung full- armed into existence. The 
"Commune," claiming to represent the "sections" of 
Paris, and supported by armed ruffians, ousted the lawful 
municipality (August 10), and organised an attack on the 
Tuileries. Headed by the Marseillais, vast crowds of 
armed men surrounded the palace to the sound of the 
tocsin on the night before the loth of August 1792 ; and 
soon after dawn of that fatal day, Louis found that he had 
only some 900 Swiss and a few National Guards on whom 

^ Composed by Rouget de Lisle, a French officer, who was afterwards 
imprisoned during the Reign of Terror, and only saved by the Thermidorian 


he could rely; for Mandat, their popular royalist com- 
mander, had been decoyed away and murdered by the 
Commune at the H6tel de Ville. Ever loth to shed 
French blood, Louis quietly refused the pistols which his 
proud and warlike consort handed to him, and decided to 
entrust himself and his family to the protection of the 
National Assembly. They reached its shelter in safety; 
but two shots fired, probably by the mob, after their 
departure opened a desperate conflict at the Tuileries with 
the Swiss, who had not been told to leave their posts : 
these devoted troops stood their ground and even captured 
cannons turned on them by the National Guards. In 
vain the king sent word that they should cease firing ; for 
. at last the infuriated mob cut down those who remained 
in the palace, not sparing even the unarmed servants. 
A mere handful of the hated Swiss reached the shelter of 
the Assembly. Only three years before Louis had used 
these troops to overawe the Assembly at Versailles. 
During a long and exciting sitting, the royal family listened 
to discussions which ended by decreeing the temporary 
deposition of the king for his own safety ; but this did not 
satisfy the victorious Commune, led by the violent Danton 
and the miscreant Marat. It compelled the Legislative 
Assembly to "reconstitute" itself by purging away all 
royalist and moderate members ; the new Assembly was the 
National Convention. A revolutionary ministry, with 
Danton as its minister of Justice^ ousted the legally 
constituted powers : lastly the Commune ordered that the 
king should be confined in the " Temple '* prison " for his 
own security." 

Bad news from all sides poured in on distracted Paris : 
that Lafayette, refusing to acknowledge the new revolu- 
tionary powers, liad fled across the Flemish frontier ; that 


the Prussians had taken Longwy (August 23) and Verdun 
(September 2) ; that the Austrians were besieging Thion- 
ville ; while from the west came tidings that the peasants 
of La Vendue were rising in arms for king and religion. 

The September Maasacres. — In these straits Danton 
thrilled the Assembly by his masterful words, "We must 
dare, dare, always dare " ; and the desperadoes of the 
Commune listened to his dark threats, "We must strike 
terror into the royalists." The prisons of Paris were 
suddenly filled with royalist suspects; and a band of 
hired ruffians, after a brief form of trial, slaughtered every 
one who was not proved to be favourable to the revolution. 
In this systematic three days' massacre, between 3000 and 
5000 suspects perished by the pike (September 2, 3, 
4, 1792); and it has been proved that Robespierre, 
Danton, Marat, and the committee of the Commune 
organised this horrible deed. 

The pay given to the gang of murderers still stands in 
the Paris archives as expenses " for rendering the prisons 
more salubrious." 

Valmy (September 20, 1792). — France was not saved 
by these murderers, but by the valour of her troops, and 
the skill of Dumouriez, the successor of Lafayette. The 
Prussians were slowly advancing towards the hilly, wooded 
country on the upper course of the Aisne in Champagne, 
a few miles south of Varennes, so fatal to the royalists. 

Dumouriez and Kellermann drew up their young troops, 
who had lately shown signs of panic and mutiny, on the 
commanding heights of Valmy. In the mists of a 
September morning the Prussians opened the attack with 
a heavy cannonade. The French, animated by then* 
generals, stubbornly held their ground; and when the 
Prussian columns, led by their king, advanced up the 


heights, they were met by a great shout of "Vive la 
nation," and by deadly volleys which threw them back. 
The Prussians were drawn off by the cautious Duke of 
Brunswick, and France was saved. The allies had been 
suflfering from sickness during the early autumn rains, and 
in a few days they all retreated beyond the French 
frontiers. Brunswick thought that a temporary retreat 
might save Louis's hfe at Paris; but Valmy cowed the 
Prussian soldiery just as much as it inspirited the French 
recruits. This effect was doubled when the daring French 
General Custine penetrated as far as Mainz on the Rhine, 
where the populace welcomed him, and even to the rich city 
of Frankfurt-on-the-Main (October 1792). Valmy influenced 
the course of history far more than many vaster conflicts. 
For on the Flemish frontier at Jemappes (November 6, 
1792) Dumouriez led his inspirited troops, chanting the 
Marseillaise, to a brilliant victory, in spite of terrible charges 
of the Austrian cavalry. Mons, Brussels, and Antwerp fell 
before the French, everywhere welcomed as deliverers from 
the Austrian yoke. 



All Europe expected that two disciplined armies would 
scatter to the winds the disorderly bands of revolutionists. 
Valmy and Jemappes made heroes of the young French 
conscripts, and convinced the courts of Vienna and Berlin 
that Poland would be a more profitable field for their 
intervention. The revolutionists had also triumphed in the 
south-east ; the army of the King of Sardinia was easily 
put to flight, and the people of Savoy, French in language 
and sympathy, desired to. join the new French republic. 
But just as the brilliant successes of the French troops 
led them too far afield, and exposed them to imminent 
danger from a vigorous attack, so in Paris the overweening 
confidence which succeeded the panic of September 
led the revolutionists on to further deeds of folly and 

The cannons which proclaimed at Paris the victory of 
Valmy celebrated also the first meeting of the Conven- 
tion and the establishment of the republic (September 21, 
1792). It then divided itself into executive committees 
charged with the administration of war, finance, internal 
affairs, etc.^ 

^ In order to break with the past, the Convention adopted a new 
calendar, so that the declaration of the republic on the autumnal equinox 


At first the Girondists gained the chief power in the 
committees. Most of these men had desired a moderate 
Republic, and despite the September massacres they 
believed that the revolution was now finished. Their 
speeches were full of references to ancient Greece and 
Rome , and both they and the moderate men of the " Plain," 
relying on the support of the departments, were swept 
along by the tide of revolution. The men of the " Mountain," 
relying on the support of the Jacobins* Club and of the 
Paris mob, soon overpowered the Girondists and the 
** Plain"; these last soon helplessly followed rather than 
guided the course of events; while the men of the 
"Mountain** determined to put into practice all the 
principles of Rousseau with a violence which made their 
downfall only a question of time. 

The Girondists hastened to accuse Robespierre of 
aiming at a dictatorship ; and after this failed the " Moun- 
tain ** charged the Girondists with seeking to split up France 
into federal republics ; finally they sought to entrap these 
generous men by proposing the death of Louis as necessary 
for the safety of the republic. 

Execution of Louis XVI. — The Girondists were in 

of 1792 might date as the beginning of year i of the new era. The year 
was to be divided into twelve equal months, beginning from September 
21, 1792, each month into three decades or periods of ten days called 
primidi, duodi, tridi, etc. The remaining five of the 365J days were to 
be festivals called " Sansculottides " (September 17-21), with an extra 
one each leap year. The months were called after the season of the 
year: — Vend^miaire (September 22 -October 21), Brumaire, and 
Frimaire; Nivose (December 22 -January 21), Pluviose, and Ventose ; , 
Germinal (March 20 -April 19), Flor^al, and Prairial ; Messidor (June 
1 9- July 18), Thermidor, and Fructidor (August 18 -September 16). 

This calendar was discarded on January i, 1806 ; but the metrical 
and decimal systems of measures and weights adopted by the revolution 
are still in general use over central Europe. 


favour of mercy, and sought to gain time by proposing an 
appeal to the nation on this trial ; but when they had to 
vote before a hostile crowd they too voted for death. 
Even Philippe, Duke of Orleans, who had taken his seat 
in the Convention under the name of Philippe 6galit^, 
voted for the death of his royal relative — to the horror of 
all the deputies. The decree for the execution was 
carried by a large majority. On the same day Louis took 
an affecting farewell of his wife and children ; and on the 
morrow (January 21, 1793), after sleeping peacefully in 
the Temple prison, he was conveyed to the guillotine in 
the executioner's cart through streets lined with troops. 
On the scaffold he began to say to the crowds, "I pray 
Heaven that the blood you are going to shed may not be 
on the head of France ; " but the drummers drowned his 
words, and the fall of the knife ended his well-meaning 
but unhappy career. 

His execution was a crime and a blunder of the first 
magnitude — ^a crime, because he had many times sacrificed 
his own chances of safety rather than employ force against 
his enemies ; a blunder, because it at once leagued all the 
undecided powers against France, and added fuel to the 
flames of internal revolt. In fact, the Convention hence- 
forth represented, not France, but only the extreme 
revolutionists of Paris; but their actitity and their 
possession of power overawed the departments. Many of 
these were ready to rise against the regicides at Paris, but 
only La Vendue and the Gironde were wholly united 
against them; for in most towns, as at Marseilles and 
Lyons, the rabble had overpowered the bourgeoisie and 
had the control of the National Guard in its own hands ; 
and the south of France had been distracted by religious 
feuds, which caused much bloodshed. These divisions 


. enabled the revolutionists in Paris to take a bold tone, 
and by an aggressive foreign poliqr to identify themselves 
with the name and honour of France, so that all royalists 
were made to seem traitors to their country. Danton 
carried the Convention with him by his daring words, 
" Hurl down to the kings the head of a king as gage of 

The First Coalition. — Many Englishmen had viewed 
with delight the fall of the Bastille and the setting up 
of a constitutional monarchy in France; but the subse- 
quent atrocities excited as lively an indignation, which 
Burke stimulated by his eloquence. The British Govern- 
ment, under the lead of Pitt, up to the end of 1792 desired 
to preserve a neutral policy; but in November and 
December 1792 the French Convention passed two 
aggressive decrees, the first throwing open the navigation 
of the Scheldt up to Antwerp, though the Dutch had 
been, with our guarantee, constituted guardians of it ; and 
the second declaring that France would aid all peoples 
which desired to overthrow their governments. These 
aggressive movements at last forced Pitt from his policy of 
neutrality. The news of the execution of Louis XVI still 
further enraged the British people; while the French 
Jacobins thought they had the sympathies of the English, 
and only had to overthrow the English Gk)vernment. In 
fact, the revolutionists had been intoxicated by their easy 
victories in the last autumn; and now the Convention 
madly declared war against Great Britain and Holland 
(February i, 1793), against Spain (March 9), and re- 
ceived the declaration of war from the Empire (March 22). 

Thus the headlong folly of the Convention brought 
France into collision with nearly all Europe at a time 
when the execution of the king had excited to revolt all 


the districts between the Gironde and the Engh'sh Channel. 
The peasants in those remote districts, especially in La 
Vendue, loved their lords- and then* priests, who lived 
among them in a simple patriarchal life ; and when their 
sons began to be drafted off to fight for the hated 
revolution, they took up arms against it Bordeaux and 
Caen offered an ineffectual resista^ice to the Paris govern- 
ment ; but the peasants of La Vendue routed army after 
army sent against them in their densely-wooded country. 

Defection of Dumouriez. — Matters went no better 
on the frontier. The successes of the French arms, 
especially the raid on Frankfort, had spurred on the 
Austrians and Prussians to new efforts. The loss of the 
battle of Neerwinden (March i8, 1793) obliged Dumouriez 
to evacuate Belgium. This talented general, who had 
hitherto occupied a position' midway between the 
Girondists and the " Mountain " in French politics, now 
hated the Convention as much as he was suspected by it, 
and arrested the commissioners sent from Paris to depose 
him. Failing, however, to excite his troops against the 
Convention, he fled to the Austrians, followed by the 
young Philippe of Orleans, afterwards King Louis Philipp/e 
(April 3, 1792). This defection of Dumouriez still 
further discredited the Girondists, formerly his friends. 
In Germany the small French force under Custine had 
been driven from Frankfort by German troops, and part 
of his army was soon invested in Mainz (Mayence) by 
Prussian forces ; after an heroic resistance of four months 
by Kl^ber, the French were allowed to march out with 
the honours of war on condition that they should not 
serve for one year against any army of the Coalition. They 
were, however, of almost equal use inside France in helping 
to stem the Vend^an insurrection. 



** . . . the fierce and drunken passions wove 
A dance more wild than e'er was maniac's dream." 


At this time the military position of France seemed 
desperate. ' The fortress of Valenciennes had to surrender 
to the Austrians after a terrible bombardment, July 28, 
1793, and the English forces under the Duke of York 
besieged Dunkirk. France was only saved from successful 
invasion by the incompetence of the Austrian and English 
commanders, and by the departure from Mainz of most of 
the Prussian troops for Poland to put down the rising of 
Kosciusko. In the interior the Vend^ans were triumphant, 
and Lyons was successfully resisting the domination of Paris; 
in the south the royalists of Toulon had put that stronghold 
into the hands of the English (August 20) ; but each dis- 
aster only spurred on the extremists of the " Mountain " at 
Paris to more desperate energy. 

Fall of the Girondists. — On the 2nd of June 1793 
the men of the ' Mountain " had crushed their Girondist 
opponents in the Convention. Twenty thousand armed 
men, raised by the Jacobin " sections " of Paris, surrounded 
the Convention and forced the deputies to proscribe twenty- 
two Girondists who had sought the overthrow of Marat and 
the Commune. After this victory of the Paris rabble over 


the national representatives, power passed from the coerced 
and mutilated Convention to ten members, who formed 
the Conuuittee of Public Safety. The signature of three 
members rendered a decree of this committee valid. Such 
was the terrible instrument which replaced the unfortunate 
government of the Girondists. Their comrades fled to raise 
the departments against this new central despotism ; but at 
Caen the rising was easily crushed, and the only practical 
outcome of their effort was that a young girl named 
Charlotte Corday, of twenty-four years of age, set out for 
Paris with a secret resolve to stab the bloodthirsty Marat. 
She forced her way to his room and stabbed him in his 
bath (July 13, 1793). "I ^^ve killed one man to save a 
hundred thousand " was her only defence, and she calmly 
perished by the guillotine. This act was fetal to the 
Girondist leaders. They fled through Brittany, and then 
to the Gironde, where they were hunted down one after 
another during the Reign of Terror^ which lasted from Sep- 
tember 1793 to July 1794. 

In the Convention it was resolved that " Terror shall be 
the order of the day"; a ^Uevke en masse ^^ provided more 
than 1,000,000 soldiers; forced loans, and confiscations 
of property of all suspects, and fresh issue of assignats 
furnished money for the State, which further decreed a 
maximum price for all kinds of wares (September to 
October 1793). 

Turning against the royalist suspects, the Committee 
of Public Safety first struck down the widowed Marie 
Antoinette. The common cart of the executioner con- 
veyed her amid the insults of the Paris populace; but 
her eyes sought only for the disguised figure of an 
orthodox priest, who from an upper window was secredy 
to ^ve her his blessing. On the scaffold, gazing at tht 


towers of the Temple prison, she said, " Adieu, my child- 
ren; I go to rejoin your father." Thus her queenly 
dignity triumphed over all attempts to degrade her^ 
(October i6, 1793). 

The ex-queen was soon followed to the guillotine by the 
enthusiastic republican Madame Roland, who exclaimed as 
she looked at the statue of Liberty near by, " O Liberty, 
what things are done in thy name !" Next the laws were 
violated in order to hurry to death the surviving twenty-two 
Girondists remaining in Paris; on the scaffold they sang 
the " Marseillaise " 2 till their voices were, one after the 
other, silenced by the fall of the knife. 

The Duke of Orleans, though an avowed republican, 
did not escape the fate which he had voted for his cousin 
the king. Still more bloody were the deeds of the com- 
mittee in the provinces. Lyons, held by the moderates 
and royalists, was re-taken by the extremists, who shot down 
the garrison in batches and re-named the town " Commune 
Affranchi" (Freetown). In the west the Vend^ans were 
gradually beaten down after desperate fighting ; and platoon 
firings and drownings went on at Nantes in December 1793,* 
until the victors themselves were sick of the work of loath- 
some revenge. On the south coast a young artillery lieu- 
tenant. Napoleon Bonaparte, by retaking a fort rendered the 
town and harbour of Toulon untenable ; so Howe, taking 
with him some royalists, had to abandon Toulon to the 
vengeance of the extremists. 

1 In the records of the Madeleine is this entry, • ' Seven francs for the 
coffin of Widow Capet." 

2 They laid stress on the words — 

* • Contre nous de la tyrannic 
L'6tendard sanglant est lev6. 
The composer of the words and music of the Marseillaise, Rouget de Lisle, 
was a prisoner at this time, and only saved by Robespierre's fall. 


Repulse of the Invaders. — Commissioners from Paris 
accompanied every French general with a guillotine, and 
death was the penalty for failure, or, as in Custine's case, 
for retreat. Indeed General Houchard, who by his success 
at Hondschoote obliged the Duke of York to raise the siege 
of Dunkirk, was guillotined for not pushing his advantage 
to the utmost. This frightful rule, which at any rate ensured 
the survival of the fittest, soon brought to the front vigorous 
young generals like Jourdan, who on the north hurled back 
the Austrian invaders at Wattignies (October i6, 1793),- 
also Pichegru and Hoche, who on Christmas Day of 1793 
stormed the oft-contested lines of Weissenburg in Alsace, 
and drove back Austrians and Prussians to the Rhine. 

In the south Kelleripann easily overran Savoy, whose 
inhabitants, French by race, again welcomed the republicans. 
With the exception of failure in the Pyrenees against the 
Spaniards, the year 1793 closed with victory everywhere for 
the Convention. The first part of the revolutionary wars 
had now closed with victory for the French arms after the 
series of reverses in the spring of 1793 and 1794 respect- 
ively; the battles in the autumn of 1793 and 1794 had in 
each case more than made up for the earlier failures. 

Fall of the H^bertists and Dantonists. — In the year 
1794 the calculating Robespierre was able to triumph over 
his remaining rivals the H^bertists and the Dantonists. 
The former were the atheistic party led by Hubert, who 
had for a time succeeded in suppressing religious worship. 
Bishops and priests had been deposed, churches pillaged, 
the sacred vessels melted down into money, and the church 
bells into cannon. The worship of Reason had been 
inaugurated on December 20, 1793, by an actress, who in 
the cathedral of Notre Dame ignited a huge torch symbolic 
of the light of philosophy. In the orgies which followed the 


bodies of kings and heroes of France were torn up from 
their sepulchres at St Denis, and cast into a common pit. 
From this depth of obscenity the philosophic Robespierre 
was determined to rescue the republic. He charged Hebert 
and his followers with seeking to degrade the republic, and 
hurried this obscene and delirious set of men to the guillo- 
tine (March 24, 1794). Next he turned against Danton 
and his followers, who were by this time counted moderate 
men for wishing to send to the guillotine only those who 
had been clearly proved guilty. " You condemn to death 
your own enemies," said Danton. "No," replied Robes- 
pierre, " and the proof is that you still live." A meeting 
of the two secret committees gave effect to Robespierre's 
enmity ; and Danton, who twenty months before had over- 
thrown Louis XVI in the Tuileries, now saw himself aban- 
doned by the Paris populace. With him fell Westerraann, 
who had led the mob to storm the Tuileries, and the witty 
journalist Camille Desmoulins, whose devoted wife soon 
followed him to the guillotine on the charge of trying to 
rescue her husband. 

Robespierre now wielded dictatorial power without a 
rival. A convinced follower of Rousseau's theories, he 
decreed the worship of the Supreme Being, which he, as 
high priest, inaugurated by a public festival in the Tuileries 
garden (June 8, 1794). In spite of this he demanded 
greater rigour against suspects ; they were accused at ten in 
the morning, sentenced at two, executed at four. 

Death of Robespierre. — But the Parisian mob. was 
growing tired of bloodshed, and also alarmed, for no one 
felt safe, however poor. So the remaining members of the 
Convention, emboldened by their fears, at last combined 
to shout down the dictator ; he and twenty -one of his 
devotees were hurried to the guillotine amidst general 


rejoicings. Thus fell the inflexible tyrant of the revolution, 
who, with the pitilessness of a fanatic, had waded through 
seas of blood to attain " the republic one and indivisible " 
(July 28 [loth Thermidor], 1794). 

This " Thermidorian " reaction later on suppressed the 
terrible Commune of Paris, the two secret committees, 
and the Jacobins' Club, so that power was soon resumed 
by the Conventiofi. 



The massacres of September 1792 have often been excused 
on the ground of the frenzy of terror caused by the invasion 
of foreigners and emigrant nobles, and by the Vend^an 
rebellion ; but no such excuse can be urged for the con- 
tinuance of the Reign of Terror into 1794, for the successes 
of the French arms everywhere in 1793 were followed up, 
with but few checks, in 1794. Pichegru routed British and 
Austrians at Tournay, May 22, and Jourdan gained over 
the latter the great victory of Fleurus, June 26, 1794, which 
laid Belgium a second time at the feet of the French. On 
the Alsatian frontier the French arms, after a check at 
Kaiserslautern in May, were successful at the same place in 
July; and in October 1794 three victorious French armies 
had occupied all Austrian, Prussian, and German lands up 
to the bank of the Rhine. In the south the republicans 
had at last driven the Spaniards back as far as the Ebro, 
so that Spain, joining in the Peace of Basle, ceded San 
Domingo,^ and soon became the ally of the republic. On 
the sea alone were the French unsuccessful in an important 
engagement with Lord Howe (June i, 1794); but on the 
Alpine frontier the Committee of Public Safety so far forgot 
its title as to plan the invasion of Italy. These successes on 
land were continued in 1795. Pichegru having in the pre- 

^ Part of this large islaad had been under Spanish rule. 


ceding autumn reduced the strongholds of Holland in face 
of the inefficient Duke of York, rapidly overran the whole 
country during the severe frost of January 1795 ; arid the 
Dutch fleet was seized at its anchorage off the Helder by a 
squadron of French cavalry. The stadholder fled to England, 
and Holland was declared a republic allied to France.^ 

The spoils of Belgium and of the Rhine provinces fur- 
nished treasure to the French Republic, which was soon lured 
away from its early determination not to annex territory; but a 
far worse example of territorial greed had been set in Eastern 
Europe, which directly contributed to the Peace of Basle. 

Pcurtitions of Poland. — The Czarina Catherine had no 
sooner seen Prussia and Austria occupied with the French 
war than she undermined the new constitution of Poland, 
and made her influence paramount in that unhappy state. 
In this predicament Frederick William II, perfidiously 
abandoning the Polish constitution and alliance, secretly 
joined Catherine in a second partition of Poland (1793), 
behind the back of the new Austrian monarch Francis II. 
Russia absorbed Lithuania, Podolia, and the Ukraine, while 
Prussia gained Posen, Thorn, and the long-coveted port of 
Danzig. Disgusted at her exclusion from the spoliation, 
Austria intrigued secretly with Russia for a third partition 
of the remains of Poland. The Prussian king, suspecting 
this, hastened to make peace with France (Treaty of Basle, 
i795)> so that he might have his hands free for more 
profitable designs on his eastern neighbour. 

The Polish patriot Kosciusko had made a last desperate 
stand for liberty near Warsaw ; but the capital was stormed 
and sacked by the brutal Russian general SuwarrofF, who 

1 This alliance was followed by the ultimate loss of Ceylon, Cape Colony, 
and Demerara to the British Empire, which was then growing also by the 
gradual settlement of New South Wales. 


put 18,000 of the inhabitants to the sword. Russia gained 
all Poland up to the banks of the Niemen and the Bug ; 
Austria received West Galicia, while Prussda acquired New 
East Prussia and Warsaw. This was a profitable bargain 
for Frederick William II ; for by abandoning his Austrian 
allies in the French war, in the Treaty of Basle (April 5, 
1795) he surrendered to France the small and scattered 
portions of Prussia on the left (west) bank of the Rhine, 
and allowed France to occupy the German States west of 
the Rhine, while he himself gained land about equal in 
extent to the modem province of Poland. 

Close of the French OonventioiL — In Paris the 
extreme party made a last desperate effort to excite the 
sansculottes of the suburb St Antoine against the Con- 
vention; and for hours they thronged and menaced the 
deputies, until about midnight the troops of the moderate 
"sections" (quarters) of Paris drove out the rioters (May 
20, 1795). After this triumph of order the law against 
suspects was repealed, the Revolutionary Tribunal sup- 
pressed, and the name of the Place de la Revolution 
changed to Place de la Concorde. In the departments 
the terrorism of the Jacobins had only gained a brief 
triumph over the majority ; and now at Toulon, Marseilles, 
and elsewhere, many terrorists met their just fate. 

The Convention was equally successful against a last 
royalist attempt on the coast of Brittany, After the fall 
of Robespierre the valiant young general Hoche, who had 
been imprisoned by the jealous dictator, was sent to pacify 
La Vendue and Brittany. In July 1795 ^ British fleet 
brought 1500 emigrant nobles to raise the country against 
the republic ; but the skilful Hoche blocked them in the 
small peninsula of Quiberon, and 600 of them were shot 
down when captured 


The Convention now sought to terminate its labours but 
perpetuate their results. 

Accordingly it annulled the democratic constitution of 
1793 , and entrusted the executive power to a Directory of 
five members, of whom the best known were Barras and 
Camot, who "organised victory" for the armies of 1793., 
It further entrusted legislative powers to two councils, one 
of 500 members to propose laws, and the other of 250 
older members to examine and pass them ; and it decreed 
that two-thirds of these councils must be members of the 
Convention. This last clause aroused the opposition of 
royalists and Jacobins alike — ^in fact, of all who hoped to 
seize the reins of government. The Convention was, on 
October 5, 1795, menaced by 40,000 men from the sections 
of Paris ; but the young Bonaparte, who was charged with 
the defence of the Convention by Barras, swept the 
approaches to the Tuileries with volleys of grape-shot from 
the cannons which he skilfully placed there. The speedy 
dispersal of these malcontents marks the close of the period 
of street fights. The volcanic forces had exhausted them- 
selves, and the material thrown up to the surface was being 
gradually clothed with verdure. The vast majority of 
Parisians wished for peace and quietness, and the million 
or thereabouts of new peasant proprietors soon gave to 
France that stability which she has since enjoyed in spite 
of Paris revolutions. Thus on October 26, 1795, the Con- 
vention was able quietly to dissolve itself and hand on the 
executive powers to the Directory. 

Legislation of the Convention. — Amidst all the 
turmoil of civil and foreign wars the Convention had found 
time to introduce the famous metric system of weights and 
measures, which is now used by so many countries on the 
continent, to organise a system of national education, to 


consolidate the public debt, and to prepare the Civil Code : 
this, among other things, decreed that heirs must share 
equally the property left to them — a law which has aided 
the . distribution of wealth, but checked the growth of 
population, in France. 



May 5. Assembly of States- 
June 17. Called National As- 
,, 20. Oath of the Tennis Court. 
,, 23. Royal sitting : Mirabeau's 

,, 27. Fusion in one Chamber. 
July II. Dismissal of Necker. 

,, 14. Capture of Bastille. 
Aug. 4. Feudal privileges abolished.. 
,, 12. Declaration of the Rights 
of Man. ., . 

Oct. 6. Insiurection of women. 
,, ,, King and Assembly come 
to Paris. 


Jan. 15. France divided into De- 

March. Judicial and commercial 

July 12. Civil constitution of the 
. ,, 14. Feast of Pikes. 

Aug.' 31. Fighting at Nancy. 

Sept. Anarchy. 

Flight of Necker. , 



April 2. Death of Mirabeau. 
June '2D. Flight to Varennes. ^ 
July 17. Martial law enforced 

Aug. 27. Declaration of Pillnit2. ^ 
Sept. 14. Louis accepts new Con- 
; stitution. 
^, 30. Close of the dmsHtuent 
, Ais^mbly, 
Oct. I. Legislative Assembly 
meets. . 
,, Massacres at Avignon. 



Terror in rural districts. 
, , Camp at Jal6s. 

,, League against France. 

March. Girondist Ministry. 
April 20, France declares war on 

June 20. First invasion of Tuileries. " 
July 26. Manifesto of Duke of 
Marseillais arrive in Paris. 
Commune ousts Munici- 
Massacre of Swiss. 

,. 29. 
Aug. 9, 




1792 [continued), 

Aug. 10. Fall of the Monarchy. 
, , 23. Prussians take Longwy. 
'Sept 2-6. Massacres in prisons of 
,, 20. Valmy, 

„ 21. Opening of Convention, 
and Republic pro- 
Nov. 6. Victory of Jemappes. 
Dec. . Trial of Louis XVI. 

Death of Louis XVI. 
First Coalition against 

France, ^ 
Vend^an rising. 
Defeat of Neerwinden, 
Desertion of Dumouriez, 
The twenty-two Girondists 

arrested. K ■ '•-^"''♦<»* ^ 
Assassination of Marat by 

Charlotte Corday. 
Surrender of Valenciennes. 
Toulon delivered to the 

Reign of Terror begins. 
Lyons captured by Jaco- 
Victory of Wattignies, 

and death of Marie 
















.. 9- 

.. 16. 

1793 [continued), 

Oct. 31. Death of the twenty -two 

Nov. 10. Goddess of Reason. 
Dec. 19. Toulon retaken. 
,, Defeats of the Vend^ans : 

massacres at Nantes. 
,, 25. Victory of Weissenburg. 


March 24. Execution of theH^bertists. ' 
April 5. ,, of the Dantonists. 

June 10. Terror increases in Paris. 

,, 26. Victory of Fleurus. 
July 28. 'Execution of Robespierre , 

(Thermidorian reaction). 
Oct. 6. French enter Cologne. 
Dec, Conquest of Holland by 



April 5, Peace of Basle. 

May 20. Jacobin rising crushec^ 

(ist Prairial). 
July 20. Royalists crushed at Qui- 

Oct. 5. Malcontents scattered by . 

Bonaparte. 'V^'-^-A^"' 
,, 26. Convention hands on its 

powers to Directory. 



The five Directors entered (October 25, 1795) on their 
duties of governing France in the Luxemburg palace, 
where there was not even a writing-table leift: the two 
councils, or Chambers of Deputies, occupied the Tuileries. 
The assignats had sunk to nearly a thousandth part of their 
nominal value ; the masses were furious that, after all the 
revolutionary struggles, bread was still dear; and the 
Directory soon had to face royalist and Jacobin attempts. 
Hoche put down a last rising by the Vend^an chief 
Charette in March 1796; and a communistic conspiracy 
headed by Baboeuf to assassinate the Directors, and divide 
all property equally, was also nipped in the bud in the 
following May. 

The vigour of the Directors, especially of Barras at the 
head of the police, and of Carnot, who had organised 
victory in 1792-93, soon made itself felt in the improve- 
ment of trade and finance. 

Meanwhile on the Rhine the inactivity of Pichegru had 
brought reverses to the French arms, and Jourdan had to 
retreat behind the Rhine before the superior forces of the 
Austrians and Imperialists. But in 1796 Jourdan and the 
able Moreau, who had replaced Pichegru, with two large 
armies overcame all resistance, and penetrated into the 


heart of Bavaria. Jourdan, however, neglected to join 
Moreau on the Upper Danube; and, being suddenly 
overpowered by an able strategist, the Archduke Charles, 
at Amberg, and again at Wurzburg (September 1796), he 
was forced to lead his army back beyond the Rhine, badly 
harassed by the peasantry. Moreau, who had captured 
and requisitioned Munich, hereupon made a skilful retreat 
through the passes of the Black Forest, and so saved his 
army from serious disaster ; but, as another young general 
said, "It was only a retreat." In fact, though Hoche 
replaced Jourdan and in the next year gained the victory 
of Heddersdorf over the Austrians, the decisive Wows of 
the war were to be struck, not on the Rhine, but in Italy, 
by the young general who sneered at Moreau. 

Bonaparte. — Born in 1769 at Ajaccio, Bonaparte 
was an Italian on his father's side and a Corsican through 
his mother's family. In spite of his education at the 
military school of Brienne, he at first joined the patriotic 
Corsicans who sought to drive out the French ; but dazzled 
by the career which the French republican armies offered 
to enterprising officers, he threw in his lot with the Paris 
Jacobins, to whom he rendered signal service by aiding in 
the capture of Toulon (December 1 9, 1 7 93). His connection 
with the Robespierres brought him into danger after the 
Thermidorian reaction; but he was set at liberty, and 
proceeded to Paris, where he saved the Convention by his 
whiff of grape-shot (October 5, 1795). These eminent 
services, and his marriage with the young widow Josephine 
Beauharnais, helped to gain him the important command 
of the French army in Italy. Joining to his splendid 
military talents the shrewdness of a born diplomatist, the 
young general saw that the kingdom of Sardinia, after the 
loss of Savoy and Nice, could easily be detached from the 


Austrian alliance, and that the latter cumbrous power could 
then soon be stripped of her rich Italian province of Milan. 

Italy in 1796. — The well-known sarcasm of Mettemich 
uttered after 1815, that Italy was "only a geographical 
expression," would have been still more applicable in the 
time of peace which succeeded the Austrian War of 
Succession (1748- 1792). The district between Lake 
Maggiore and the fortress of Mantua (called the province 
of Milan) was held by the Austrians directly, and the 
Duchy of Tuscany was ruled by an Austrian prince. The 
rich kingdom of Naples, held by a descendant of the 
younger branch of the Spanish Bourbons, was, both socially 
and politically, sunk in the torpor of the Middle Ages; 
while the feeble opposition which the French were to meet 
in the States of the Church soon revealed the corruption 
and helplessness of the Papal rule. The governments of 
north Italy tould be called good only by contrast with 
central and south Italy. The King of Sardinia, who ruled 
over Piedmont as well as the island of Sardinia, had easily 
lost his hold of Savoy, from which his family took its 
name ; and the French occupation of Nice left him with 
little desire to fight them. The republics of Venice and 
Genoa were but the shadows of their ancient strength and 
glory; the former, arbitrarily ruled by its Doge, had no 
naval or military strength, though it possessed the eastern 
half of the present province of Lombardy, as well as all 
"Venetia." A brother of the Bourbon King of Naples 
was Duke of Parma. The Duchy of Modena and the 
tiny republics of Lucca and San Marino completed the 
motley picture of the map of "Italy." It was the field 
where France and Austria, Bourbon and Hapsburg, had 
for centuries striven for predominance. 

Campaign in Italy (April 1796-April 1797). — ^The 


young adventurer determined that the conquest of this 
group of ill-organised provinces should be his stepping- 
stone to power. The French armies were everywhere ir 
want of money to carry on the war, but they had, wha: 
their opponents lacked, enthusiasm; and Bonaparte in his 
proclamation openly held out to them the rich spoils of 
Lombardy to inflame their courage. Received by his 
officers at first with pity for his youth and pallor, he at 
once roused their confidence and astonishment by his 
daring plan of campaign. Suddenly crossing from the 
Italian Riviera over the Maritime Alps near Savona, he 
defeated the astonished Austrians three times in five days 
(April 1796); and then falling on the Sardinian army he 
twice routed it also. "Soldiers," said the young general 
in one of his pithy proclamations, "you have won five 
victories in a fortnight ; but you have done nothing yet." 
The kingdom of Sardinia cut in half, and separated from 
its Austrian allies by this irruption, now definitively yielded 
up Nice and Savoy, ais well as the district of Coni. 

Again Bonaparte pitted the vigour of his twenty-seven 
years against his Austrian antagonist Beaulieu, who was 
seventy years old. With all the dash of their youthful 
general the French troops attacked the bridge of Lodi, three 
hundred paces long, and defended by twenty cannons. 
Their cavalry, sent up the river, found a ford and attacked 
the Austrians at a time when the carnage on the bridge left 
victory hanging in the balance. Equal success crow;ned 
Bonaparte's attack on the next Austrian line of defence on 
the Mincio river above Mantua, for Beaulieu had to leave 
Milan to its fate and fall back on the Mincio. The bridge 
over this river was stormed, and the shattered Austrian 
army hurled back into the Tyrolese valley. Mantua was 
invested, and Bonaparte was master of North Italy (May 


1796). Though he had proclaimed that he came to 
liberate the Italians, yet he now enriched the Paris treasury 
and his own soldiers at their expense ; he also began the 
practice of sending the best pictures, sculptures, and 
manuscripts to enrich the recently -formed museums of 

The government of Vienna, anxious to save Mantua at 
all costs, sent an Austrian army, under Wiirmser, from the 
Rhine into Italy. He divided his forces by Lake Garda ; 
and though he revictualled Mantua, yet Bonaparte routed 
the two divisions one after the other, at Lonato and 
Castiglione. Another defeat at Bassano shut up Wiirmser 
in Mantua. In October 1796 the Austrians sent yet 
another army under AUvinzi to rescue this fortress. A 
night attack on this relieving force as it lay protected by 
marsh and river near Areola was at first repulsed (November 
1796); Bonaparte himself was hurled from the bridge and 
barely saved by his men. Two days of hard fighting, 
however, inflicted on this newly- raised army a loss of 
20,000 men. In January 1797 AUvinzi, collecting all 
available forces, again attempted to relieve the principal 
fortress of Italy ; but he was entirely defeated at Rivoli on 
the Adige with heavy losses in prisoners (January 1797); 
another Austrian corps under Provera laid down its arms ; 
and finally Wiirmser surrendered at Mantua with 21,000 
men (February 2, 1797). 

Between April 1796 and April 1797 Bonaparte in sixty- 
seven conflicts and eighteen pitched battles had crushed 
the Austrian power in North Italy. By opposing his 
youthful energy to their hesitation and routine, Bonaparte 
had routed four Austrian generals with forces more than 
twice his own. His rapid concentrations overcame their 
scattered forces one after the other, as brilliantly as Fred- 


erick the Great had crushed the allies in his best Silesian 
campaigns. But this first Italian campaign was the cause 
of all the future woes to Europe. Seeing the ease with 
which the old political and military systems were pulverised 
by the concentrated power of the new era, the young 
general formed plans of continental conquest, which he after- 
wards nearly realised If he himself wielded the new power 
which the Revolution was consolidating in his adopted 
country, could he not extend the new ideas of government 
over all the continent, in place of the old systems crumbling 
to decay ? Such was the horizon widening out with each 
victory to the ambition of a clear-sighted, powerful, and 
unscrupulous nature. 

His requisitions in a rich country roused many revolts 
of peasants and citizens against their "deliverers"; but 
this same system made the officers and soldiers devoted to 
him instead of to the Republic, and he assumed a bold 
and independent tone towards the Directory in Paris. 

Entering the States of the Church, he met with the 
tamest opposition from the P^pal troops, and by the treaty 
of Tolentino (February i, 1797) he gained the cession of 
Bologna, Ferrara, and the Romagna. These last-named 
districts also allied themselves to France under the name of 
the Cispadane Republic. Lombardy became the Transpa- 
dane Republic Tuscany, though it was an ally of the 
French Republic, was overrun, and all English property at 
the port of Leghorn was seized : this was followed up by 
the delivery of Corsica from the British, and by an alliance 
with the Genoese. Everywhere the art treasures of Italy 
were sent to enrich the galleries and museums of Paris. 

Treaties with the Pope and the King of Sardinia having 
secured his rear, Bonaparte in March 1797 traversed Vene- 
tia with 50,000 men to attack Austria from the south. 


On the banks of the Tagliamento the best general of 
Austria, the Archduke Charles, at first inflicted a check on 
the French ; but he was afterwards surprised and thrown 
back across the Carnic Alps. The daring young Bonaparte, 
pressing across this natural barrier, then carried the gorges 
of the Noric Alps, and his advanced posts reached Semmer- 
ing, only some fifty miles from Vienna. He was unsup- 
ported by the French armies on the Rhine, which ought to 
have invaded Austria by the valley of the Danube, and the 
Tjrrolese peasants, infuriated by pillage, had checked his 
heutenant Joubert. A bold resistance might have entrapped 
the adventurous Bonaparte in the Alps, but the timid 
Viennese cabinet agreed to the preliminaries of peace at 
Leoben (April i8, 1797). ' 

Meanwhile on the Rhine the badly-equipped republican 
army under Hoche was burning with impatience to rival 
the deeds of Bonaparte's troops ; but Hoche, after gaining 
the fight of Heddersdorf and throwing the Austrians l)ack 
on the Maine, was stopped by the news of the peace. His 
death in September left Moreau as Bonaparte's only rival 
in the confidence of the French soldiery. 

Before peace was ratified at Campo Formio in the 
autumn, the people of Verona rose against the French . 
troops who occupied this and other cities of the Venetian 
Republic ; and though the Venetian senate offered repara- 
tion, Bonaparte declared war, and his troops easily occupied 

While her Ionian islands went to France, her rich main- 
land territory with Istria and Dalmatia was offered by Bona- 
parte as a bribe to Austria in the shameful treaty of Campo 
Formio (October 17, 1797). Austria in return ceded her 
distant and troublesome Netherlands to France, but gained 
Salzburg and a small piece of Bavaria. Thus Austria re- 


couped herself at the cost of the .German Empire, Bavaria, 
and Venetia; but her gains only roused the jealousy of 
Prussia and Bavaria. So skilfully did Bonaparte sow dis- 
cord in central Europe ; and as he said, *^ I have only lent 
Venice to the Emperor." 

Curses on France were hurled forth by the Venetians ; 
and when the ex-doge Manin was to take the oath of alle- 
giance to Austria, he fell senseless to the ground. 

A congress was also to assemble at Rastatt to reorganise 
the "Empire," and the "Emperor" bound himself by a secret 
clause in the treaty of Campo Formio to use his endeavours 
to secure to France the Rhine boundary. 

Disorder in Paris. — In the preceding September 
(Fructidor 1797) a coup d'ttat had taken place in Paris. 
The renewal of the Councils of State at the late elections 
had brought in a royalist majority to Paris. But Hoche 
and Bonaparte, the former from conviction, the latter from 
policy, determined to "purge" the councils of the royalists ; 
and General Augereau, sent by the latter, surrounded the 
councils with 12,000 soldiers and arrested many royalists; 
large numbers were sent to die at Cayenne, journals were 
suppressed and elections were annulled. Thus the royalist 
reaction was crushed, but in a manner fatal to the republic 
— ^as Bonaparte soon showed. In fact, France was still in 
the utmost disorder ; and the Directory had been obliged 
to acknowledge a bankruptcy, allowing only one-third of 
their nominal value for the paper assignats 1 (1797). 

French Interventiona— ^ The young conqueror of 
Austria had acquired for the French Republic what no one 
of its monarchs had ever gained — the Rhine frontier ; but 
money was needed for the grand plans of Eastern conquest 
which Bonaparte was revolving. It was found by the pillage 
of Switzerland and of Rome. Such was the change which 


had come over the policy of France and the spirit of the 
republican armies. 

The murder of the French General Duphot was the 
pretext for the occupation of Rome, which furnished rich 
treasures in art and specie, and sealed the doom of the 
Papal States as a territorial power. 

Switzerland. — ^The constitution of the thirteen Swiss 
cantons ^ had always been republican ; and their independ- 
ence of the " Empire " had been finally recognised at the 
Peace of Westphalia (1648). 

The councillors who governed Berne were, however, 
chosen from only a few patrician families, and Berne had 
rule over Vaud and part of Aargau. The former of these 
now (1798) rose against the Bernese rule, and the death of 
a few Frenchmen gave the Directory the desired opportunity 
for interfering. The internal divisions favoured the French 
invaders, and General Brune occupied Berne- after brave 
but unavailing resistance. The Swiss Confederation then 
embraced nineteen cantons enjoying equal privileges under a 
constitution framed on the French model with five Direct- 
ors. The opposition of the "forest" cantons was overcome 
after a gallant defence. 

Geneva and Miihlhausen with their districts were added 
to France, and specie and stores worth 40,000,000 francs 
were seized at Berne. Much ot this was sent straight to 
Toulon for Bonaparte's expedition to the East ; and Bernese 
coins were long afterwards in circulation in Egypt 

1 The Confederacy had grouped itself around the three ' ' forest " can- 
nons Schwytz, Uri, and Unterwalden. In 1798 Mtthlhausen, Geneva, 

and Neufch^tel were only allies of the Confederacy. The King of Prussia 
had since 1707 always been Prince of NeufchAteL 



The French armies had crushed all opposition in southern 
and central Europe, but there was one power against which 
even Bonaparte was helpless — Great Britain. Our armies 
had failed miserably in Holland, owing to the incompetence 
of the Duke of York ; but our fleets had never before been 
so superior to the French, and the command of the sea 
had enabled them to reduce the Dutch and French colonies 
except San Domingo. The Convention had equipped with 
great effort a fleet of twenty-six large ships at Brest ; but 
Lord Howe's fleet encountered it off" the Breton coast, broke 
its line, and sank or captured over a third of its number 
(1794)* England was not only secure from French attack, 
but could by her subsidies arm and support the forces of 
the Coalition against France. Thus in 1795 ^^^ ^^ 
granted a loan of five millions sterling to the Emperor to 
enable him to continue the war on the Rhine against 
France ; and henceforth England was the paymaster of the 
Coalitions against France. English attempts against the 
French coast, as at Quiberon, and the French attempts to 
raise Ireland, were alike unsuccessful. 

The Directory determined, however, again to struggle 
for the command of the sea, and compelled Spain, as 
well as hard-pressed Holland, to join in a naval war 



against England It hoped that this naval Coalition would 
humble the mistress of the seas, and so break up the Coali- 
tion on land, of which she was the mainspring. The hope 
was vain. Jervis and Nelson scattered the combined French 
and Spanish fleets off Cape St Vincent, and Duncan de- 
feated the Dutch off Camperdown (1797). 

Bonaparte had conceived a bitter hatred of the only 
Power which now defied the might of France, and menaced 
her borders. With his keen insight he saw that he must 
crush England in order to crush the Coalition, and must 
cut off her foreign trade so as to ruin a Power which could 
not be directly attacked His Egyptian expedition is the 
first of his repeated attempts to conquer Europe through 
England, and to conquer England by starving her trade. 

Many reasons impelled Bonaparte towards the East 
Visions of Alexander the Great haunted his imagination — 
" I will conquer Egypt and India ; then attacking Turkey, 
I will take Europe in the rear." His calmer judgment 
assured him that France would be hard pressed during his 
absence, and could then be rescued by the return of the 
conqueror of the East The mutinies on the English fleets 
at Spithead and the Nore for a time paralysed his foes, 
and the spoils of the Bernese treasury helped to build a 
great fleet at Toulon. So in the spring of 1798 Bonaparte 
set sail with 25,000 picked troops. He reduced Malta, 
without any opposition fi-om the degenerate knights of St 
John; and by good fortune escaped Nelson's fleet, which 
sailed fi:om Alexandria only the day before the French 
flotilla arrived 

Egypt was in 1798 nominally dependent on Turkey; 
but real power rested with the Mamelukes, a military order 
governed by twenty-four Beys; subject to these were Copts, 
Arabs, and Turks. Hoping to win over these subject races, 


the versatile adventurer now gave out that he was a 
Mohammedaa " Is it not we who have destroyed the 
Pope, who said that men ought to make war on the 
Mussulmans ? " but the Mohammedans were not deceived. 
Advancing on Cairo, the French came in sight of the 
Pyramids. " Think," said their general, " that forty centuries 
are looking down on you from the top of these Pyramids " 
(July 21, 1798.) 

The Mameluke cavalry dashed in vain on the French 
squares, which finally drove hundreds of them into the 
Nile. Cairo surrendered, and Bonaparte treated the in- 
habitants with the tact which he knew so well how to 
employ. The band of learned men chosen to accompany 
the expedition conducted valuable researches, and his 
engineers prepared to open up the country to European 
inventions. But he was soon imprisoned in his new 
conquest. Nelson's search for the French fleet had led 
him to the Syrian coast, but at last finding it at anchor 
(August 1, 1798) in Aboukir Bay, he thrust some of his ships 
between it and the shore, while the French rear line could 
not engage in battle. The explosion on the French flag- 
ship L Orient decided the most dramatic sea-fight of 
modem times, by which the French fleet was destroyed or 

Undaunted by this blow, Bonaparte was spurred on by 
his devouring activity to attack Syria ; but he suffered a 
severe check at Acre, which was defended by the English 
fleet and by the Turkish garrison under Sir Sidney Smith. 
A relieving army of Turks was beaten by Generals KMber 
and Junot in the battle of "Mount Tabor," but several 
desperate assaults on Acre failed; and, after a siege of 
sixty days, Bonaparte was forced to renounce further 
imitation of Alexander. Sore stricken by the plague, the 


French army retraced its steps across the desert to Egypt, 
which had twice revolted. Never did his genius triumph 
over greater obstacles than now. With an army enfeebled 
by plague, defeat, and desert march, he yet drove a Turkish 
army from its entrenchments at Aboukir into the sea. 
During the exchange of prisoners which followed. Sir 
Sidney Smith sent to Bonaparte a packet of French news- 
papers, containing news of the French defeats in Italy and 
of the waning power of the Directory. Leaving Kl^ber 
in command of the weakened French forces, he success- 
fully evaded the Enghsh cruisers and landed at Frfejus 
(October 9, 1799). 

After gaining the battle of Heliopolis (March 20, 1800) 
Kl^ber was assassinated by a fanatic. His successor M^nou 
was beaten by British troops at Aboukir Bay (March 1801), 
Cairo, and Alexandria ; and after capitulation the surviving 
forces were brought back to Franoe on British vessels. 
Malta also fell into British hands (September 1800). 



Bonaparte's wonderful good fortune brought him back to 
France (October 9, 1 799) at a time when her affairs at home 
and abroad had fallen into dire confusion. 

In Italy the indolent King of Naples, alarmed at French 
advances, joyfully received the English squadron, which had 
returned victorious from Egypt (1798). Entrusting his ill- 
organised forces to the incompetent and ill-starred Austrian 
General Mack, he at first drove out the French army under 
Championnet from Rome. The Directory, knowing the 
secret hostility of the King of Sardinia, sent French troops 
into Tunn, whence the king fled with his family and 
treasure to Sardinia; and Championnet, now feeling his 
communications with France safe, resumed the offensive. 
He drove the Neapohtan army before him from Rome to 
Naples, where a popular revolution put an end to the effete 
and helpless rule of Ferdinand IV. The French forced 
their way into Naples despite the obstinate and patriotic 
defence of the lazzaroni; and under the name of the 
Parthenopean Republic, the south of Italy became practi- 
cally subject to the French Directory (January 24, 1799). 
The Grand Duke of Tuscany was also deposed ; and his 
duchy was declared a republic allied to that of France. 

Baatatt. Second Coalition. — These enterprises were 


extending the military responsibilities of France at a time 
when Austria, Russia, and England meditated an attack on 
the Directory. The discussion on German affairs had been 
long protracted. The astute French plenipotentiary, Talley- 
rand, succeeded in playing on the traditional rivalry of 
Austria and Prussia, and on the cupidity of the smaller 
German princes ; while threats to revolutionise their States 
extorted servile obedience or lavish bribes. Gustavus 
Adolphus IV, who, after the murder of his father Gustavus 
III,^ had ascended the throne of Sweden in 1796, in his 
capacity of Duke of Pomerania urged the German States 
to united action against France; but patriotism seemed 
extinct, for the German princes looked on while the French 
crossed the Rhine from Coblentz and reduced by starvation 
the Imperial fortress of Ehrenbreitstein in time of peace. 
In the Netherlands the young men rose against the French 
conscription; but Prussia (1798) gave them no help, and 
an English force only destroyed the sluices of the canal at 
Bruges. At last the news of Nelson's victory of the Nile 
encouraged the allies to attack the disturbers of Italy and 
Germany. Russia occupied the Ionian Islands in the hope 
of attacking Turkey from the west as well as the north, and 
Austria, supported now, as always, by English subsidies, 
prepared for war. The horrible assassination by Austrian 
hussars of the French ambassadors, as they were leaving 
Rastatt, embittered the whole course of the sVcceeding 

At first the French line of defence, extencKng from 

^ Gustavus in had by a bold appeal to the people overthrown the 
power of the Swedish nobility, while he opened up all honours and employ- 
ments to the citizen class ; but he could not wrest from Russia Sweden's 
earlier possessions, and he was stabbed by Ankerstrom, an accomplice of 
the nobles (March 1793). 


Amsterdam to Naples, with Switzerland as a natural 
entrenched camp in the centre, was broken in by serious 

By a newly-organised system of conscription, which has 
since become such a curse to all continental States, France 
raised/ armies of 440,000 men for this line of defence. 
But these young levies were at first no match for the 
numerous armies of Austria and Russia. Jourdan, who had 
ventured through the Black Forest, was routed by the Arch- 
duke Charles at Stockach, and thrown back on the Rhine. 
In Italy Sch^rer was beaten by the Austrians at Magnano 
(April 5, 1799); and the skilful Moreau dcould not stay 
the onset of the Austro-Russian forces under the terrible 
Suwarroff, who entered Milan in triumph (April 28, 1799). 
Another French army, marching up from Naples and Rome, 
was crushed by Suwarroff on the historic banks of the 
Trebbia (June 1799) and thrown back into Tuscany; while 
Moreau fell back on Genoa. The Italians meanwhile 
regarded with indifference the return of their old masters 
in place of the French spoliators. These were further 
crushed at.Novi and Genola (November 1799). The mush- 
room republics forthwith collapsed at Naples, Florence, and 
Milan, before the Austrian reactioa 

Only in Holland was the French defence successful in 
keeping at bay an Anglo-Russian army under the command 
of the helpless Duke of York, who was compelled to re- 
embark his forces. 

Campaign in Switzerland. — In Switzerland mean- 
while the French under Mass^na had been driven from 
Ziirich by the Archduke Charles, and the mountaineers 
avenged themselves on their French " liberators *' ; but the 
jealousy of Austria for the Russian successes and policy 
brought about the withdrawal of the victorious Archduke 


Charles from Switzerland down the Rhine to the support of 
the Duke of York, where no help was likely to be of any 
service. In furtherance of this insane policy SuwarroflT was 
obliged to quit the Italian plains to join a Russian force 
already operating in the north of Switzerland. The French, 
who, owing to the apathetic defence of the Austrians, had 
secured the mountain passes of the Alps, were driven from 
an apparently unassailable position behind the Devil's 
Bridge, which they had destroyed; and the Russian troops, 
victorious, but in a sore plight, pressed down towards the 
Lake of Lucerne. Unable to cross this without boats, 
Suwarroff's men toiled painfully across the Swiss 
mountains to the valley of the Upper Rhine, where they 
arrived (October lo, 1799) shoeless and starving, with the 
loss of all their artillery. In seventeen days men accustomed 
only to level plains had crossed five chains of mountains, 
in order to support their countrymen in the north cantons 
around Ziirich. 

But after the Archduke Charles had marched down the 
Rhine, and before the arrival of Suwarroff, the isolated 
Russian force under Korsakoff had sustained a terrible 
defeat from Mass^na. The latter after being reinforced 
hurled his 70,000 men against the smaller forces in and 
around Ziirich, and shut Korsakoflf in that town. The 
Russians with difficulty broke away with the loss of all their 
artillery and stores (September 26, 1799). ^oth Russian 
armies fell back on Germany, and the Czar Paul, who had 
ascended the throne, disgusted with his Austrian and 
English allies, closed the campaign, and soon came to 
an understanding with Bonaparte. 

Thus the insane jealousy of the allies had paralysed 
their attack on the centre of the French line of defence 
when success seemed within their grasp ; but in Italy the 


Austrian M^las utterly crushed Championnet, who was 
attempting to save Genoa ; and the Austrians invaded the 
county of Nice. Italy seemed quite lost to France when 
Bonaparte landed. 

In domestic affairs the Directory was in an equally 
critical condition : the disasters of its armies were visited 
on it, and the last coup diktat against the royalists had 
been followed by the ascendency of the Jacobin faction. 
The two Councils next revenged themselves on * the 
Directory for its usurpation of sole power by declaring 
themselves permanent, and forcing three of the five 
Directors to resign (June 1799). The beaten French 
armies could now no longer live on conquered foes ; and 
the Directory, in spite of progressive taxation which ruined 
the rich, had little money to send for the pay and equip- 
ment of its troops. 

The new hard law of conscription provoked a fresh 
outbreak (called the " chouannerie " ) in Brittany, which 
the Directory sought to crush by the odious custom of 
taking hostages from mutinous villages. France was as 
disturbed and miserable as she had been at any time since 
the Reign of Terror. 



The Coup d'etat of Brumaire. — Everything was thus 
ripe for Bonaparte's designs when he returned to France as 
the "conqueror of Egypt" Taking counsel with one of 
the five Directors, Sieybs, the framer of more constitutions 
than any other man in all history, Bonaparte appeared 
before the Council of Ancients, or Senate, at St. Cloud 
Sieybs and Barras had announced the resignation of their 
office; and the other three Directors were compelled to 
follow (November 9, or i8 Brumaire, 1799). 

Alarmed at the approaching dictatorship, the Jacobin 
majority of the Council of Five Hundred refused on the 
next day to modify the constitution of the year III (1795); 
and Bonaparte was thrust out of the hall with cries of 
" outlaw 1" "Down with the new Cromwell!" In this 
predicament Bonaparte was saved by the address of his 
brother Lucien Bonaparte, president of this Council He, 
under pretence that 'the Jacobins were paid by England, 
persuaded the very troops whose duty it was to guard the 
Council to file in and disperse it. A few deputies 
assembled in the evening and nominated Bonaparte with 
Sieybs and another nonentity as consuls ; for Bonaparte 
still wished to figure as a republican, and had selected 
these two as tools whom he could at any time cast aside. 


Only five years had elapsed since the Reign of Terror 
had struck down every individual who had become 
prominent ; but never in the whole of human history was 
the power of one will to triumph so completely over the 
mediocrity of the many. The revolutionary enthusiasm 
of 1789 had been exhausted by the insane jealousies of 
the Reign of Terror ; and the somewhat vulgar tyranny of 
the "lawyers" of the Directory made men long for a 
government which would efficiently repel foreign foes, 
while retaining and consolidating the principles of 1789. 
Bonaparte skilfully availed himself of the interest inspired 
by his extraordinary career to rise above all competitors 
for power, whether civil or military; and France gladly 
acquiesced in the violence done to her republican con- 
stitution. Bonaparte was soon proposed as Consul for ten 
years. The two other Consuls retired to make way for two 
others who accepted the predominance of Bonaparte. 
Sieybs' new and complicated constitution soon showed 
itself to be the mere shadow which Bonaparte intended it 
to be, whereas he used his extensive powers to conciliate 
important classes who had been crushed by the Directory. 
Priests were now allowed only to promise obedience to the 
constitution, the odious law of hostages was repealed, and 
La Vendue and Brittany were at last pacified; while 
the victims of the Directory were recalled from Cayenne. 
The new order of things had been accepted by an immense 
majority of votes in a plebiscite. The military situation 
offered Bonaparte a still readier means of distinction. 

M€U*engo. — The victorious Austrian general M^las 
was investmg the French forces of Mass^na in the city of 
Genoa, where they were at last obliged by hunger to 
capitulate. Bonaparte, at the head of 40,000 men in 
Switzerland in . May 1800, determined to stop their 


successes, and was in a position to make a dramatic 
stroke. After secret and careful preparations he led his 
forces over the Great St Bernard pass. The cannons, 
placed in the hoUowed-out trunks of trees, were dragged 
over the snowy slopes by a hundred men each. Other 
French divisions crossed the St Gothard and Mont Cenis 
passes, and the combined forces fell on the astonished 
Austrians. The main body of Austrians was marching 
from Genoa to rally other scattered forces against this 
sudden irruption from the Alps; but Bonaparte spread 
out his troops so that they were forced back on all sides 
by the Austrian attack. When the day seemed lost^ 
Desaix arrived with 6000 fresh men, and their onset, 
followed by the brilliant cavalry charge of Kellermann on 
the Austrian flank, turned a defeat into a great victory. 
The honours of the day properly belong to Kellermann 
and to Desaix, who fell at the head of his men. A whole 
Austrian division laid down its arms, and M^las hurriedly 
signed at Alessandria a convention by which he yielded 
Genoa, Piedmont, and Milan, while he retired beyond the 

North Italy was regained at Marengo. 

Hohenlinden. — Meanwhile in Bavaria, Moreau, though 
hampered by Bonaparte's instructions, had gained some 
unimportant successes on the Upper Danube. These he 
crowned by the great victory of Hohenlinden, near Munich, 
gained in a snowstorm on December 3, 1800. His 
6o,ooo*»troops, occupying the difficult forest passes around 
Hohenlinden, were attacked in the front by 70,000 
Austrians at the same time that a flank movement of 
a French column enclosed the Austrians in the rear. 

^ Desaix on his arrival said to Bonaparte : ' ' One batUe is lost, but 
it is only three o'clock : there is time to gain another." 


The latter, now attacked in front and rear in this narrow 
passage, fled into the forest with terrible, losses in men, 
artillery, and stores. Moreau followed up these brilliant 
manoeuvres by a successful march, which brought him 
within seventy miles of Vienna itself. 

Bonaparte after his triumph hurried to Paris to receive 
homage as the "victor of Marengo"; but the French 
army in Italy, left by him under General Brune, was soon 
in difficulties, so Bonaparte ordered General Macdonald 
to cross the Spliigen pass in the middle of December. 
Avalanches carried away whole squadrons, but the suffering 
troops at last joined their comrades in Italy, after difficulties 
which eclipse those encountered in the passage of the St. 
Bernard by Bonaparte in May. The armies of Macdonald 
and Brune penetrated the Tyrolese valleys; and Austria, 
hard pressed in Tyrol and on the Danube, sued for peace. 
By the treaty of Lun^ville (February 9, 1801) that of 
Campo Formio was practically renewed. Thus Austrian 
domination in Italy, lost in 1796 and regained in 1799, 
was again overthrown in 1800, save that Venetia was still 
subject to it ; Tuscany went to the house of Parma, and 
Ferdinand was allowed to reign at Naples. 


EUROPE, 1 80 1- 1 804. 

The Armed Neutrality Lea^^ua — The British con- 
tention that an enemy's goods might be seized on a neutral 
ship was met by a coalition of the Baltic powers. Nelson 
silenced the Danish fleet and batteries at Copenhagen and 
forced Denmark to retire from the league (April 2, 1801). 
The news of the assassination of the eccentric and 
tyrannical Czar Paul I. caused the dissolution of the 
league. His son Alexander returned. to the British alli- 
ance, stipulating, however, that the chief Russian exports, 
hemp, flax, and timber, should not be counted contraband, 
and that no port should be considered in a state of 
blockade unless it were blockaded by a reasonably large 
force. These concessions restored the equilibrium of 
Europe and the isolation of France. 

A further disadvantage to France was the capitulation 
of the French army left by Bonaparte in Egypt, which, 
however, by generous terms was brought back to France 
on English ships (September 1801). 

Peace of Amiens. — These events led to the well- 
known Peace of Amiens (March 1802), by which England 
retained only Trinidad and Ceylon, but was to cede Malta 
to the Knights ; while France was to recognise the inde- 
pendence of the Ionian Isles under the protection of 

CHAP, xiii] EUROPE^ 1801-1804. 79 

Russia. On her part France was to retain all the Austrian 
Netherlands, Dutch Flanders, all the German States on the 
left bank of the Rhine, together with Savoy, Geneva, Nice, 
and Avignon. 

Yet Bonaparte was not satisfied. French troops con- 
tinued to occupy Holland, and he soon meddled with the 
affairs of Switzerland and Italy ; so that all Europe felt that 
the power and ambition of the First Consul might at any time 
provoke a war with the weak and disunited central powers. 

In Austria the Archduke Charles sought to introduce 
beneficial reforms in the war administration which had so 
often proved its incapacity; but the failure of the hasty 
reforms of Joseph II had prejudiced Leopold II and the 
reigning monarch Francis II against all improvements ; so 
this opportunity of strengthening the State afforded by 
these years of peace was lost Austria had entered on the 
period of dull administrative routine which was undisturbed 
by the disasters of 1805 and 1848, by the death of Francis 
in 1835, and was only renounced in 1867. 

Frederick William III (1797-1840). — The miser- 
able Frederick William II had died in 1797, deep in 
disgrace and in debt His eldest son Frederick William 
III removed many of the scandals of the court and 
government; but he continued the alliance with, and 
dependence on, France. As yet without experience, 
though soon to gain it in the darkest hour of Prussia's 
history, the young king retained his father's ministers and 
policy until the lessons of his long and eventful reign led 
him to choose men like Stein and Hardenberg. So 
Prussia had stood selfishly apart from the wars in which 
Austria and Germany were struggling for existence. 
Frederick William III hoped that their difficulties would be 
his opportunity, and he gained Miinster, Paderbom, and 


Erfurt This selfish spirit was outdone by the smaller 
German States, which all sought for compensation in a 
special committee of the Imperial Diet Bavaria gained 
the bishoprics of Bamberg, Augsburg, and Wiirzburg.^ 
Hanover gained Osnabriick; Baden gained the Eastern 
Palatinate with the northern parts of Constance and Basle ; 
Wiirtemberg acquired small pieces of the Imperial lands. 
Thus the suppression of the ecclesiastical States furnished 
booty in compensation for the losses of the smaller States 
on the west of the Rhine ; all the old imperial free cities 
were suppressed except Hamburg, Liibeck, Bremen, 
Frankfurt, Augsburg, and Nuremberg, and all ecclesiastical 
land was handed over to the States. The German 
provinces secured by France were divided into four 
departments organised on the French model. So low 
had German national feeling sunk in these States and 
bishoprics, that the French connection was soon popular 
on account of the improved laws and equal justice which it 
brought The same tendency was observable in the Belgic 
Netherlands, now divided into nine French departments. 

Outside the French dominions the Treaty of Lun^ville 
had guaranteed the independence of the Batavian, 
Helvetic, Cisalpine, and Ligurian republics, and "liberty 
to their inhabitants to adopt what form of government 
they think fit"; but the masterful temper of the First 
Consul imposed on these States a form of government 
similar to his own. Taking advantage of the strife of 
Swiss parties, Bonaparte soon ventured on sending a large 
army under Ney into the Helvetic Republic, which he 
" reorganised," at the same time that he wrested from it 
the canton Valais, so that he might have the Simplon 

^ These gains of Bavaria at the expense of the Franconian bishoprics 
have ever since been retained by Bavaria (see page 138, footnote). 

Xlli] EUROPEy 1801-1804. 81 

route to Milan in his own hands. The federal system was 
imposed on the nineteen cantons and Bonaparte was 
styled "Mediator," Still more arbitrary was his conduct 
among the yielding Italians. He caused the Cisalpine 
Republic to remodel its constitution (September 1 801) in 
the same reactionary way in which he was intending to 
prepare for rule in France. Four hundred and fifty repre- 
sentative Italians were invited to Lyons, where they humbly 
offered Bonaparte the presidency of their State, which he 
now named the Italian Republic In a short time (1802) 
he definitely annexed Piedmont to France, and secured 
his hold over Genoa and Parma. Pope Pius VI had been 
taken as a prisoner to France, where he had died (August 


Beorganisation of Prauoe. — In France the First 
Consul had by his successes silenced all opposition from 
enraged Jacobins, discontented royalists, and disappointed 
friends; and he soon paved the way for personal rule. 
Over each department he placed a prefect and sub- 
prefect j while a council nominated by the prefect for the 
discussion of local grievances was subject to the decisions 
of the Council of State in Paris. This new centralisation, 
useful though it was in promoting the unity of law over 
France, was soon to prove fatal to liberty. A new system 
of taxation and the foundation of the bank of France 
(1800) sooo restored the national credit, while the famous 
Civil Code of 1804 for the first time brought law and its 
procedure within the comprehension of all citizens. Laws, 
relating to the family, to property, and to contracts were 
rendered clear and precise in place of the chaos of musty 
precedents which had hitherto obscured justice. The four 
lawyers who drew up this code of thirty-six laws may 
indeed be ssad to have consolidated the principles of 1789 ; 



but the honour of this great work soon passed from them : 
in 1807 the code was renamed the "CodeNapoldon;" and 
in truth it was designed to exalt the central power at 
Paris, soon to be wielded by an emperor. But on the 
whole its influence was most beneficial, not only throughout 
France, but in all the countries which came under her 
influence. Indeed the Rhine province and some of the 
south German States retained many of its provisions till 
our own days. It may be said to have inaugurated a new 
era of law in all civilised continental States, for many 
rulers were compelled by popular pressure to copy its 

Concordat. — Of a much more questionable characta: 
was Bonaparte's famous "Concordat" (1802), by which he 
put an end to the schism in the French clergy caused by 
the foolish policy of 1790. Both nonjuring ^d consti- 
tutional bishops were now summoned to resign their sees 
into the hand of the Pope, and only a few nonjurors 
refused. Bonaparte's nominees were then reinstated by 
the Pope. This compromise enlisted the support of the 
new bishops and priests for Bonaparte's policy, although in 
the end it reduced the Roman Catholic Church in France 
to more complete dependence on the will of the PontiflF 
than had ever bqen acknowledged by the old national 
Church of France. Its present effect, however, was to give 
Bonaparte a firm supporter in every village priest. He also 
secured the support of the wealthy by allowing the return 
of the emigrant nobles and gentry, except their principal 
chiefs, and the restoration of those estates which had not 
been sold A further pledge of the support of the wealthy 
was* the institution of a "Legion of Honour" (1802). 
This distinction was given in reward for conspicuous 
service to nearly 7,000 persons. The organisation 

xili] EUROPE^ 1801-1804-. 83 

of public schools (lyckei) completed the reforms by which 
a new France arose out of the wreck of the old regime. 
An attack on the First Consul's life by an infernal machine 
heightened his popularity, and an appeal to all electors 
of France resulted in the extension of his Consulate for his 
life, with power to nominate his successor. This was 
monarchy in everything but name. 

Bonaparte's schexneB in the New World. — Bona- 
parte had determined to esctend his influence in the New 
World, where he had regained from Spain the vast territory 
of Louisiana in exchange for the dukedom of Etruria. 

The French army of the Rhine, still devoted to re- 
publicanism, was mostly drafted off to reconquer San 
Domingo.' There the remarkable negro statesman Tous- 
saint rOuverture had founded a republic in imitation ot 
France. The island was easily overrun by the French, 
and the Spanish portion also seized. Toussaint was sent 
to France to perish in a cold dungeon; but the yellow 
fever nearly annihilated the French force, and the island 
was regained by the negroes. 

War with England (1803). — ^The annexation of 
Piedmont in time of peace, and the meddling of Bonaparte 
in the affairs of Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, had con- 
vinced the peace-loving Addington Cabinet that peace could 
not long be preserved. The exclusion also of British goods, 
not only from France, but from all countries under her 
influence, as Holland, North Italy, and even Spain, pro- 
voked savage attacks on the First Consul in the English 
press, which enraged his overbearing temper. On his side 
he complained that the English had not quitted Malta in 
accordance with that Treaty of Amiens which he had him- 
self violated' by not evacuating Holland, Piedmont, and 


The immediate arrest of nearly io,oc^ English persons 
travelling or resident in France showed the rancour of the 
First Consul against his foes. He raised money by the sale 
of the vaguely defined r^on of Louisiana to the United 
States for an insignificant sum, thus gaining the friendship 
of those growing communities^ whose expansion up to and 
beyond the Mississippi, was now assured. With his 
vehement and untiring activity the First Consul assembled 
in January 7804, at Boulogne, a vast flotilla of light vessels 
and flat-bottomed craft from the coasts of France and 
Holland. He sent Mortier with a powerful army to 
overrun Hanover, to the great alarm of the Prussians, 
who dared not protest The neutrality of Naples was 
no bar to its invasion by another French corps, which it 
was compelled to support; while the fiiendly Batavian 
Republic was obliged to maintain a French army of 
occupation, and to furnish several hundred small vessels. 
Spain was forced, under pretence of the treaty of alliance 
with France, signed in 1796 (Treaty of St Ildefenso), to 
pay 6,000,000 francs a month as subsidy; and thus the 
French war preparations were paid for by the forced 
tributes of friendly States. On the other hand, Bonaparte 
unsuccessfully offered Hanover to Prussia as a bribe for 
her alliance against England. 

Murder of the Duo d'Enghien. — In France Bona- 
parte met only with adulation from the masses ; the few who, 
like the cours^eous Madame de Stael, dared to criticise his 
conduct were exiled; and a conspiracy of the celebrated 
Breton leader Georges Cadoudal with the royalist suspect 
Pichegni to murder Bonaparte was made the excuse for a 
horrible reprisal, Pecause some of the old royalist nobles 
were mixed up with this unsuccessful plot, Bonaparte sent 
a troop of cavalry rapidly across the Rhine into Baden, 

xiii] EUROPE^ 1801-1804. 85 

where the young Due d'Enghien (Prince of the Bourbon 
family) was awaiting the outbreak of war. This young 
man was seized on German soil, hurried before a midnight 
tribunal at Vincennes, near Paris, and in an hour was shot 
by the side of a grave already dug to receive him (March 
20, 1804). Soon afterwards Pichegru was found dead in 
prison, probably by suicide; Georges Cadoudal suffered 
death; and Moreau, who was thought to be implicated 
in the attempts against Bonaparte, was exiled to the 
United States, whence he returned to take part in the 
Fourth Coalition against France. 



(May 1 8, 1804.) 

"Another year— another deadly blow I 
Another mighty Empire overthrown 1 
And we are left, or shall be left alone." 

Wordsworth (i8o6). 

Immediately after the first of these tragedies, the memory 
of which he desired to efface by a new excitement, Bona- 
parte caused the servile Senate to request that he would 
assume imperial honours with the title of Napoleon I, 
and this was ratified by a plebiscite.^ This was only the 
natural outcome of the consulship for life. " I found the 
crown of France lying on the ground," he said, "and I 
picked it up with my sword" The new emperor, who had 
all along desired to imitate the Caesars, was at once recog- 
nised by the other Powers. 

The man who thus terminated the revolutionary period 
and appropriated its forces to his own aggrandisement in 
Europe had, at thirty-five years of age, developed those 
wonderful powers of organisation which so long enabled 
him to triumph over the chaotic systems and armies of the 
continent. His cold and passionless intellect showed him 
every weak point of those around him ; and he attached men 

* Votes of all citizens : 3,572,000 votes were given. 


to his service by the fear which he inspired as well as by 
the dog-like affection which a powerful nature often inspires 
in the weaker. He was essentially a Corsican in his 
aggrandisement of his family, his disregard of political 
principles, and in his moody humours. His outbursts 
of passion were generally calculated with a view to effect ; 
and once he admitted that he did not allow it to " mount 
higher than this " — pointing to . his chin. After his 
Russian campaign he sought to terrify the crafty Metter- 
nich during an interview by the words, "A man like 
me cares little about the life of a million of men." 
Yet the same man could win the admiration of the great 
German poet Goethe by the lucidity of his views on 
literature and art. 

Even during his consulship Bonaparte had absorbed all 
real power from Senate, Tribunate, and Corps L^gislatif, 
while his ministers were no more than his head clerks. 

But several external changes were now made. The 
republican " citoyen " was replaced by the old " monsieur *' 
and "madame," and the republican calendar was soon 
abolished. Napoleon's relatives were made " grand digni- 
taries," and fourteen generals were raised to the rank of 
"marshals." Among these were Jourdan, the victor of 
Fleurus; Mass^na, victor at Ziirich; Kellermann, of Ma- 
rengo ; Ney, soon to be known as " bravest of the brave " ; 
Napoleon's brother-in-law Murat, the "beau sabreur"; 
Soult, the staunch opponent of Wellington \ Augereau, the 
tactician; Davoust, the victor of Auerstadt; and Bernadotte, 
who was soon to be King of Sweden. Such was the galaxy 
of talent which Napoleon's genius now devoted to his own 

His coronation at Paris (December 2, 1804) in Notre 
Dame was graced by the presence of Pope Pius VII. 


When the Pontiff was about to crown him, Napoleon 
stopped him, and himself taking the crown from the 
altar, placed it on his own head. He soon, as King 
of Italy, received at Milan (May 1805) the iron crown 
of the Lombard kings ; and his fmther revision of the 
French constitution distracted attention from the failure 
of his designs on England The blame of this was laid on 
Admiral Villeneuve. 

The Third Ck>a]ition. — Having bereft Frenchmen of 
liberty at home, Napoleon had to dazzle them by glory 
abroad. The opportunity was soon found ; for though he 
had failed against England, yet his power on land was 
greater than ever. Austria and Russia had been alarmed 
and annoyed by the annexation of Genoa to France, and by 
the conquest of Hanover. The Austrian sovereign, Francis 
II, tired of the empty title of eUctive Emperor of the Holy 
Roman Empire, now answered Napoleon by proclaiming 
himself Francis I, Hereditary Emperor of Austria ; ^ and 
English subsidies hastened the preparations for the Third 
Coalition of Austria, Russia, England, Sweden, and Naples. 
Prussia still held aloof, though the conquest of Hanover by 
Marshal Bemadotte was a thorn in her side; and the 
Southern German States, Bavaria, Baden, and Wiirtembeig, 
irritated as they were by Prussian and Austrian aggrandise 
ment, had been gained over by Napoleon. 

Ulm — ^Trafla]gar. — Taking advantage of the scattered 
position of the Austrian forces. Napoleon prepared a master 
stroke which should overshadow his failure at Boulogne. 
Breaking up his camp in the autumn of 1805, he hurled a 
compact and well- organised host of 200,000 men against 
the 80,000 Austrians who were invading Bavaria. The 
latter were under the incompetent and ill-starred Mack, 

1 This title he kept down to his death in 1835. 


who, bewildered by suddenly finding Napoleon's troops 
before and behind him, shut himself up in the fortress 
of Ulm. After the loss of more thaii half his army in the 
field, he was compelled to surrender with the remaining 
30,000 men and 200 cannons (October 20, 1805). 

This great victory on land was counterbalanced on the. 
next day by Nelson's crushing defeat of the French and 
Spanish fleets in the glorious battle of Trafalgar, where the 
French lost no less than 7000 men. 

Despairing of the French navy. Napoleon was more than 
ever convinced that he must conquer England through the 
continent; but 40,000 Russians had come to the aid of 
their distressed Austrian allies, and the Archduke Charles, 
foiled in Italy by Ney and Mass^na, was advancing through 
Hungary to the defence of the capital. • He was, however, 
not in time to cover Vienna, which Francis had determined 
to evacuate, so as to avoid a useless slaughter of the citizens. 
Meanwhile French armies from Italy, marching by the 
valleys of the Inn and Salza, had given Napoleon on 
t"he Danube a force able to meet the allies, even if they 
should be joined by Prussia. For this cautious Power had 
been irritated by the passage of Bernadotte's troops across 
part of her territory, and 180,000 Prussians might soon 
menace his communications with France ; but the danger 
was only a spur to Napoleon to deal one of those lightning 
strokes by which he so often turned the course of history. 

Aiisterlitz. — The Russians, now numbering 80,000 
men, aided by 15,000 Austrians, were lured on by Napo- 
leon^5 inferiority in numbers to a hazardous attack on his 
right flank, which was protected by a lake. The allied 
centre, thus weakened, was furiously attacked by Soult with 
the main body of the French. Victorious here. Napoleon's 
troops wheeled round to the relief of their hard-pressed 


right, and caught the Russians between two fires. These 
fled in utter rout across the ice of the lak^ but, it gave 
way under the fire of the French artillery, and thousands 
of fugitives were engulfed. On their left the French were 


equally successful; and the loss of 15,000 killed and 
wounded, and of 20,000 prisoners, brought the Emperor 
Francis on the next day a humble suppliant to Napoleon 
for an armistice. The Russians were to retire from 

The Treaty of Presburg — Pall of the Empire. — 
In the Treaty of Presburg which followed (December 26, 
1805) the humbled Francis ceded Venetia to the kingdom 
of North Italy, besides Dalmatia and Istria, which Napoleon 
retained for the French Empire. Tyrol and Suabia were 
to go to Bavaria, which was raised to the rank of a king- 
dom, as was its ally Wiirtemberg. The Holy Roman 
Empire, built up by Charlemagne, was now at last laid 
low by the greatest conqueror of modem times, who 


often compared himself with the mediaeval hero. This 
venerable structure was replaced by a new group of 
states called the Confederation of the Rhine, under 
the protectorate of Napoleon. Austerlitz had changed 
the map of Europe. It placed the central and south 
German States, the whole of North Italy, and the 
eastern shores of the Adriatic, practically in the hands of 
one man. The King of Naples was dethroned to give 
place to Napoleon's brother Joseph; Holland was raised 
to the rank of a kingdom for his brother Louis ; and his 
brother-in-law Murat received the duchy of Berg in North 

War with Prussia. — Jena. — Pitt, the very soul of 
the Third Coalition, died of despair ;i and the terrified 
Prussian court hastily changed its threatening front Fred- 
erick William III was for a time satisfied by the bait of 
Hanover, which Napoleon held out as a return for the 
cession of Ansbach and the principality of Neufchatel. But 
his beautiful and spirited consort Louisa roused a spirit of 
chivalry in the Prussian army, which hoped to renew its 
glorious deeds under Frederick the Great ; but its arms, 
drill, and discipline were utterly unfitted to withstand Napo- 
leon's blows, and the spirit of the soldiers was dulled by 
long peace and barbarous drill. Stung to action at last by 
Napoleon's repeated insults and overbearing conduct, Fred- 
erick William III declared war. The old Duke of Bruns- 
wick was slowly concentrating his troops by the Thuringian 
valleys on Erfurt, when Napoleon, marching from Bavaria 
by the valley of the Saal, fell on the smaller part of the 
Prussian army at Jena (October 14, 1806), and broke it 
at once ; meanwhile Marshal Davoust, sent by the emperor 

^ On hearing of Austerlitz Pitt said : " Roll up that map of Europe : 
it will not be wanted these ten years. " 


to outflank these same troops, had fallen in with the greatly 
superior forces of the Duke of Brunswick at Auerstadt So 
feeble, however, were the tactics of the aged strategist that 
20,000 Prussians never came into action at all until 
Davoust had overcome the isolated chaiges made on 
him, and forced the main body to retreat The fugitives 
from the two Prussian armies fled in utmost panic 
to the fortresses on the river Oder. The strongholds 
Magdeburg, Spandau, Stettin, Kiistrin, Breslau, and Brieg 
were surrendered by cowardly or unpatriotic commanders ; 
the Prussian king fled from Berlin, which Napoleon 
entered amid acclamations only thirteen da3rs after the 
great battle. So low had Prussian courage and loyalty 
fallen during the enfeebling reigns of Frederick William 
II and III. On the other hand, the brave defence of 
Colberg by Gneisenau, and the courage of Bliicher and 
Schill, soon shed some light on this darkest page of 
Prussian history; but all Prussia seemed lost except the 
districts beyond the Vistula. Napoleon's demands were 
so exorbitant that the humiliated king was emboldened to 
keep on the struggle. 



The Berlin Decreea — Now was the opportunity to " con- 
quer England upon the continent," and by these decrees 
Napoleon hoped to starve England into surrender. No 
port under the power of the French Emperor was to admit 
any British ship or British goods, and all such goods were 
confiscated. Thus all the ports of the continent from 
Danzig to Venice (with the exception of Danish and Portu- 
guese ports) were closed to ships and produce from Great 
Britain and her colonies. In retaliation the British Govern- 
ment soon prevented all neutral ships from entering any of 
the ports where the continental blockade was in force. 
Thus France and her subject States were almost deprived 
of all colonial produce, while, in the words of a French 
historian,^ "the result of these decrees was to place in 
English hands the monopoly of trade all over the world." 
The reprisals of the British Government, however, em- 
broiled it in a sad war with the United States, 1812. So 
far-reaching was the influence of these despotic decrees. 

Prussian Reforms. — ^The disgraceful capitulations of 
Prussian fortresses at last showed the necessity for reforms ; 
the cowardice of so many noble oflScers led the king to 
throw open all posts in the army to the citizen class ; the 

^ Lanfrey. 


inconvenient uniform and firearms were improved. The 
King of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus IV, courageously gave 
refuge to the Prussians at Stralsund and in the island of 
Riigen, which then belonged to Sweden ; and solid aid was 
given by the Russian Czar Alexander, who sent a powerful 
army under the capable Bennigsen. 

Bylau. — In February 1807 he offered battle at Eylau. 
The stubborn valour of the Russians was being overcome 
by the tactics of Napoleon, when the arrival of a Prussian 
force turned his victory into a drawn battle. Fearful losses 
compelled both armies to retire into winter-quarters ; but 
this was the first check which Napoleon had received. If 
at this time Austria had joined the allies, and England had 
landed a powerful force at Stettin instead of wasting her 
strength in paltry and distant expeditions, Napolepn's ad- 
vance might have been arrested ; but his enemies were not to 
learn the need of combined resistance to his concentrated 
power until after six more years of disunion and disaster. 

Poland. — Napoleon's statecraft could not overlook the 
advantage of exciting the once powerful Polish nation 
against its despoilers, and he had gained thousands of 
Polish soldiers after his triumphant entry into Warsaw, 
January 1807; but he never intended to mortally wound 
the powerful Alexander by restoring the ancient kingdom 
of Poland, though after Friedland he carved the duchy of 
Warsaw out of the Prussian provinces taken from the old 
Polish kingdom. With the object of further weakening 
Russia, he encouraged the Sultan of Turkey to declare war 
against Russia, which he did in spite of the presence of an 
English fleet 

Friedland. — On the anniversary of Marengo (June 14, 
1807) Napoleon gained the momentous victory of Fried- 
land. The Russian general Bennigsen, hoping to surprise 


detached divisions of the French, crossed the bridge of 
Friedland; but the latter, by swift concentration and 
attack, crowned by Ney's heroic charge into the town of 
Friedland, cut oflf the allies from the bridge which was 
their only means of retreat Thousands were drowned or 
taken prisoners. With the loss of baggage and artillery, 
the wrecks of the army fled to Tilsit, leaving Konigsberg 
open to the French. 

Tilsit. — War was at an end, for the Czar Alexander, 
disgusted at the lukewarm support of the English Cabinet, 
and charmed by the promises of the great conqueror, came 
to terms in the disgraceful Treaty of Tilsit Abandoning 
his Prussian allies, he consented to the establishment by 
Napoleon of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, which was 
carved out of Prussian Poland ; and, as the price of his 
consent, he received the Prussian borderland of Bialystock. 
The dukedom was given to the elector, now King of Saxony, 
because the former electors of Saxony had several times 
been kings of Poland. Thus the friendship of Saxony was 
further secured by Napoleon, and the province of Silesia 
was nearly sundered from the rest of Prussia by the wide- 
reaching frontiers of Saxony and the new Polish duchy. 
Prussia was further to lose all her lands west of the Elbe, 
which, with Brunswick and parts of Hanover and Hesse, 
went to form a new vassal kingdom of Westphalia for 
Napoleon's youngest brother Jerome. A crushing war in- 
demnity of 140,000,000 francs, and the limitation of its army 
to 42,000 men, completed the misery of the unfortunate 
Prussian State, now reduced to less than half its extent 

Alexander on his side lost nothing in this treaty, for 
Napoleon saw that the active friendship of the facile and gener- 
ous young Czar was necessary to complete the continental 
blockade, and to overawe Prussia and Austria from the east 


The Scandinavian Powers. — The courageous but 
obstinate king Adolphus IV of Sweden refused to bow 
down to the conqueror; but after the Treaty of Tilsit a 
French division under Mortier drove the Swedes back upon 
Stralsund, the only considerable town in Swedish Pomerania, 
a fortress which the new system of warfare rendered unten- 
able, and forced them to surrender. 

Great Britain, Sweden, and Turkey were now to be the 
prey of the two mighty potentates, for Napoleon, ever 
intent on conquering England on the continent, held out 
the acquisition by Alexander of the Swedish provinces of 
Finland, and of Turkish Moldavia and Wallachia, as a 
bribe for Alexander's hostility to Great Britain, The 
continental blockade against the mistress of the seas was 
to be extended to the ports of Russia and Prussia, while a 
secret understanding was arrived at to seize the neutral 
Danish fleet for employment against England. This be- 
coming known to the English ministers, they determined 
to anticipate the blow by means equally unjustifiable. The 
bombardment of Copenhagen and the seizure of the Danish 
fleet (September 1807) alienated the sympathy of the con- 
tinent from England. Gustavus IV alone remained true 
to the English alliance. But the Russians soon overran 
Finland; and the Danes, declaring war against England 
and Sweden, overpowered the latter country with the help 
of Napoleon's troops. This collapse of the Swedish power, 
once so formidable, was mainly due to the foolish obstinacy 
of Gustavus IV; for though Russia was invading Finland, 
yet he went out of his way to attack Norway, then a pos- 
session of the Danish crown ; finally, two Swedish regiments 
on the Norwegian frontier, marching back to Stockholm^ 
arrested Gustavus in his palace. The Swedish Parliament 
declared that he and his heirs had forfeited the throne, and 


that his uncle should succeed with the title of Charles XIII. 
The monarch was to surrender to the Parliament and the 
upper classes much of his power ; but these changes were 
too late to save Sweden's Finnish provinces from the grasp 
of Russia. Sweden received back her small Pomeranian 
territory only at the price of hostility to England and the 
exclusion of English goods. Thus fell to pieces the once 
great Third Coalition.^ 

Bemadotte. — As Charles XIII had no heirs, the 
choice of a successor to the throne fell on the French 
marshal Bernadotte, who had won many friends among the 
Swedish troops by his well-tim^d acts of kindness in the 
Prussian campaign. The grudging consent which Napoleon 
at last gave to his marshal's acceptance of this new dignity, 
and the vigorous enforcement of the continental system on 
Sweden, soon estranged Bernadotte from his former master. 
The refusal of Sweden to break off all intercourse with 
England soon led to the occupation by Napoleon of 
Swedish Pomerania, and during Napoleon's Russian cam- 
paign Bernadotte joined Russia and England. He thus 
secured for himself the Swedish crown, to which he suc- 
ceeded in 1818, with the addition of Norway from the grate- 
ful allies. Thus, in Sweden alone the dynastic changes 
brought about by the Napoleonic wars took permanent root. 
The semi-feudal character of the Swedish government was, 
however, little affected by this curious change of dynasty. 

1 The Coalitions are variously divided, but, omitting smaller combina- 
tions, four great Coalitions may be thus enumerated : (i) Austria, Prussia.. 
Spain, etc, ended by Peace of Basle, 1795. (a) England, Austria, Russia, 
etc., broken up after Battle of Hohenlinden, 1800. (3) England, Sweden, 
Russia, Austria (after retirement of Austria joined by Prussia), ended by 
Peace of Tilsit, 1807. (4) Russia, Prussia, England, joined by Austria 
and Sweden (1813-1814). 



In Striking contrast to the easy overthrow of the old 
dynasty of Sweden by Napoleon's troops and allies was 
the ever-increasing national resistance which Napoleon 
aroused in the south-western comer of Europe; and yet 
at first the collapse of the old Portuguese and Spanish 
dynasties was even more sudden and humiliating than that 
of Sweden had been. Portugal was the only door left by 
which British products could enter the continent ; this was 
a sufficient reason for Napoleon to order Junot to march 
through Spain on Lisbon. Permission for the passage of 
his troops was gained from the abject court of Madrid by 
the bribe of sharing in the spoils of Portugal. Jimot's 
soldiers were worn out by fatigue before they reached 
Lisbon, but the renown of the French name was enough 
to create a panic there ; and the Regent, taking away the 
royal treasures, embarked on English ships for Brazil a few 
hours before Junot's exhausted bands entered the unresist- 
ing capital. It seemed as though the Iberian peninsula 
would submit without a struggle to Napoleon's domination, 
for 80,000 of Napoleon's troops poured into Spain and 
secured a number of the strongest places. The struggle 
seemed to be over, but it had not yet begua 

Spain. — By a strange fate which seems to regulate the 


powers of .families, as' of nations, the sovereigns of the 
Austrian and Bourbon houses who ruled Spain after 
Philip H degenerated in capacity for ruling; and the 
realm which under Philip II was the terror of Europe 
had become little more than a province of France. 
Charles III (1759-1788) had introduced reforms inspired 
by the philosophic spirit of the eighteenth century,^ but, 
like those of Joseph in Austria, they had taken no root ; 
and his successor, Charles IV, was too indolent to awaken 
the nation from its degeneracy. He weakly followed the 
policy of Godoy, the queen's favourite, who supported the 
French alliance. The heir to the throne, Prince Ferdinand, 
opposed this degrading alliance, which had lost Trinidad to 
England and ruined the Spanish navy at Trafalgar; and 
his opposition was more and more espoused by the 
Spanish nation. The palace intrigues which followed gave 
Napoleon the wished-for excuse for interference, and a 
popular outbreak in Madrid against the hated Godoy 
terrified Charles IV and his queen into a sudden abdica- 
tion in favour of their son, who was proclaimed king as 
Ferdinand VII. 

The Treachery of Bayonne. — Murat at the head of 
a French column soon entered Madrid, and would not 
recognise the new monarch; for Napoleon had hoped to 
terrify the whole of the Spanish royal family into a flight 
to their American colonies, as he had scared away the 
Portuguese regent. The popular outbreak at Madrid 
thwarted this design ; and it only remained to Napoleon to 
play off father against son at Bayonne, where the deposed 
and reigning monarchs of Spain had foolishly put them- 
selves in his power. A rising of the populace at Madrid 
against the French occupation was sternly quelled by 

^ " All/f?r the people : nothing by the people." 


Murat; and on hearing this welcome news Napoleon 
bullied Ferdinand into an abdication of the crown in favour 
of his father, who had previously been coaxed into a renun- 
ciation of all his rights, in retiurn for two French estates 
and a pension (May 1808). 

By this mean trickery Napoleon imagined that his title 
to the crown of Spain and its vast colonies was secured 
beyond dispute; but the Spanish nation was not so 
dependent on the decrepit Madrid government as tamely 
to be bartered away to one of Napoleon's brothers; and 
the news of the treachery of Bayonne set the whole 
peninsula in a blaze. 

Spanish War of liberation. — ^The provincial privi- 
leges had long accustomed the Spaniards to act inde- 
pendently of Madrid, and the Junta (council) of the small 
northern province of Asturias, with sublime audacity, de- 
clared war against the master of Western Europe. It sent 
requests for aid to London, all the other Spanish provinces 
at once followed, and the French were only masters of the 
ground their troops stood on. Napoleon, having experi- 
enced hitherto only the opposition of governments and 
regular armies, thought that his complaisant brother Joseph, 
whom he transferred from Naples to Madrid, would soon 
wield the resources of Spain and of its American colonies 
for the aggrandisement of France and the ruin of England. 
After realising the position of Charlemagne as ruler of 
France, Germany, and Italy, Napoleon now aimed at 
rivalling Alexander by the conquest of the vast Spanish and 
Portuguese colonies, and by the overthrow of the British 
Empire; but, so far from leading to these results, the 
Emperor's Spanish policy aroused the first of that series of 
national reactions against his rule which led to his over- 
throw. The importance of the Spanish rising must not be 


measured merely by the fact that it detained a quarter of 
a million French soldiers during the next four years to hold 
down Spain and face Wellington, but by its tearing away 
once and for all the mast of popular championship from 
the " heir to the Revolution," and by its hastening on the 
national movement in Germany. That Napoleon intended 
to have his own way in Spain was at once evident by his 
transferring his bold and ambitious brother-in-law, Murat, 
from the capital which he so much coveted to the quieter 
realm of Naples ; while he summoned his own complaisant 
brother Joseph from Naples to the perils and splendour 
of Madrid 

Baylen. — On the very day when the unhappy Joseph 
entered his new capital (July 20, 1808) a disaster befell the 
French army of the south of Spain. Seville, the capital of 
the rich and populous province of Andalusia, formed the 
headquarters of the Spanish national army and of the 
revolutionary Junta which claimed to represent the councils 
of the provinces. Marching into Andalusia, the French 
marshal Dupont took and sacked Cordova; but he was 
soon obliged to fall back before superior numbers, and he 
found his communications cut oflf at Baylen. There his 
20,000 troops, surrounded by superior numbers, and over- 
come by heat and thirst, were compelled to surrender. At 
the news of this disaster Joseph at once fled from Madrid, 
and the other French armies fell back on the Ebro. The 
news of the capitulation of a French army to Spanish 
irregular troops sent a thrill of excitement through all those 
continental States which had seen their independence lost 
as soon as their regular troops were beaten. Baylen taught 
them that national resistance might succeed even after the 
regular armies had been shattered. The example was soon 
to be followed in Prussia. 


Convention of Cintra. — Its immediate effect was 
that Portugal rose against Junot's forces ; and an English 
corps under Sir Arthur Wellesley, landing at the mouth of 
the Mondego, defeated the French at Vimiero. This led 
to the evacuation of Portugal in the Convention of Cintra 
(August 30, 1808), by which Sir Harry Burrard,the successor 
of Wellesley, generously undertook to convey back the 
20,000 French troops to France in English ships. This 
much-censured convention delivered Portugal from the 
French army just when the success of the Spanish patriots 
cut off its communication with France. 

ErAirt. — Napoleon, alarmed at these events, drew closer 
to Alexander, so that the latter might keep Austria in 
check while he went to chastise the Spaniards. In the 
little town of Erfurt the two "Masters of Europe," sur- 
rounded by a crowd of vassal kings ^ and princes, enter- 
tained each other with fetes, balls, and with a hare-hunt 
on the neighbouring battle-field of Jena. Napoleon 
humoured Alexander's desire for the Danubian provinces, 
in return for his moral support in Spain; and the two 
vowed eternal friendship, but they never met again. 

At Erfurt Napoleon charmed Goethe and Wieland by 
his remarks on literature, and conferred on them the order 
of the Legion of Honour ; their acceptance of this forms 
one of the least pleasing episodes in this time of German 

Seoond Oooupation of Spain (November-December 
1808). — Feeling sure of his rear, Napoleon now hurried to 
Spain with his best troops and generals to crush the 
130,000 ill-organised Spanish troops. These were at once 

^ It was here that a French sergeant, who called to the watch to give a 
grand salute, was rebuked by his superior officer with the words, " It is 
only a king 1 " 


overcome at Burgos, Espinosa, and Tudela \ and the threat 
of a bombardment deterred the citizens of Madrid from a 
street-to-street resistance, such as was soon to be seen at 
Saragossa. The capital surrendered (December 4, 1808X 
and Napoleon made an effort to win over the Spaniards for 
his brother Joseph by the following useful measures of 
reform : — Abolition of the Inquisition, of feudal rights, of 
the provincial customs dues, and indemnities to the 
provinces for the expenses of the French occupation. But 
the Spanish people estimated these reforms at their true 
value, as bribes for national submission; and Napoleon 
soon hurried off to crush the English column which Moore 
had brought into the heart of Leon to assist the defeated 
Spaniards. The well-known pursuit of the English to 
Corunna was left to Soult to conduct, for Napoleon 
had heard threatening news of the war preparations of 
Austria (January i, 1809);^ and, regarding the Spanish 
rising as crushed, he hurried off for the Austrian war. But 
the spirit of the Spaniards still held out against the dis- 
cipline and superior numbers of French armies; and in 
the street-to-street and house-to-house defence of Saragossa 
women vied with men in keeping the French troops at bay. 
The heroic inhabitants, decimated by artillery, bayonet, 
and pestilence, surrendered their city half in ruins (Feb- 
ruary 21, 1809) after a siege and assault of seven weeks. 

In the open country, however, the Spanish irregulars 
were no match for the French forces. In the autumn of 
1809 the Spanish army of Andalusia, numbering 50,000 
men, in its advance on Madrid was utterly crushed by 
Soult's brave and well-trained troops, with the loss of half 
its number as prisoners; and Joseph was soon master of 
all southern Spain up to Cadiz. The central Junta 
^ See page no. 


(council) of Seville, which had shown more energy in 
declamation than in management of business, was forced 
to flee amid the derision of its countrymen. In a short 
time Napoleon informed the Madrid Ministry that he wished 
to extend the frontier of France from the Pyrenees to the 
Ebro "as an indemnity for all that Spain had cost/' This 
threat was not carried out 

The French general Suchet in 1810 and 181 1 waged 
two brilliant campaigns in the eastern provinces of Catalonia 
and Valencia, against the Spaniards under Blake ; and by 
his humane and able administration he consolidated his 
conquests. Napoleon said of him afterwards : " If I had 
had two marshals like Suchet, I should not only have 
conquered Spain, but kept it" 

WelliDgton's CampaignB. — In fact, the war would 
have become merely a guerilla stru^le in the mountain 
districts but for the assistance of English forces under Sir 
Arthur Wellesley and Graham. The details of these 
campaigns are too well known to need more than sum- 
marising here. 

In the spring of 1809 Wellesley surprised Soult by a 
masterly passage of the Douro, and drove him out of 
Portugal ; and in July he defeated Marshal Victor in the 
well-contested battle of Talavera ; but the concentration of 
other French armies obliged a retreat by Badajoz into 
Portugal In 1810 the peace of Schonbrunn freed 
Napoleon's troops in Germany ; and a great French army 
under Mass^na drove Wellington back on the celebrated 
triple lines of Torres Vedras, against which Mass^na flung 
his troops in vain (October-November 18 10). 

Early in 181 1 Mass^na, forced by want of supplies to 
retreat on Spain, was defeated at Fuentfes d'Onoro; Graham 
was victorious at Barossa, and Beresford in the desperate 


Struggle of Albuera over the French forces of the south of 

In i8i2 Wellington was able to assume a vigorous 
offensive. After completely defeating Marmont at Sala- 
manca (July 22, 181 2) he entered Madrid; but the con- 
centration of French armies compelled a retreat yet again 
on Portugal. In May 1813 he rapidly advanced by 
Valladolid and utterly overthrew King Joseph and all his 
forces in the great battle of Vittoria (June 21, 181 3). 
The French were driven across the Pyrenees, and the fall 
of San Sebastian and Pampeluna (October 1813) freed 
Spain from its invaders. 

The Spanish Constitution of 1812. — The new 
activity of life and government which invigorated the 
Spanish people in the midst of its trials was shown in the 
new constitution promulgated by the Spanish Cortes at 
Cadiz in 181 2: this declared the monarchy to be con- 
stitutional, and the suffrage to be extended to every 
Spaniard, one deputy being elected for every 70,000 
inhabitants; lastly, it abolished entails with all feudal 
privileges and prerogatives.^ 

In 1 8 14, however, Ferdinand VII, when restored to 
his kingdom, refused to acknowledge the new constitution, 
restored the feudal customs, and inaugurated the period of 
reaction, which was only checked in 1820; but amidst all 
this turmoil the Spanish nation entered on a new period of 
national life. 

GERMANY.— The humiliations of 1806 and 1808 
aroused through Prussia and North Germany a desire for 
national regeneration, which it was felt must precede a 
successful struggle for freedom. 

^ This Constitution embodied the aspirations of Spanish and also of 
Italian patriots far into this century (see page 182). 


All patriotic Germans were thrilled by the example of 
Spain, where the successful rising of the people in 1808 
contrasted painfully with the flattery of the vassal princes 
of Germany to their protector at Erfurt Moreover, the 
military execution of Palm, a bookseller of Nuremberg 
(August 25, 1806), whose only crime was that he had 
refused to declare the name of the author of a patriotic 
pamphlet, roused a horror of Napoleon among peace-loving 
German citizens. In addition to the sense of wrong must 
be added the material want caused by Napoleon's 
continental system, which had ruined Germany's foreign 
trade; coffee, tobacco, sugar, ^ and all colonial produce, 
had become the rarest and dearest of luxuries. The 
river-trade on the Rhine had almost ceased; for in the 
Confederation of the Rhine, as in Holland too, the people 
had been ruined by the expense of supporting French 
armies. The Prussian revenue was confiscated by the 
French from 1806 to 1808, and the forced contributions 
made on some Prussian towns were so crushing that 
the resulting debts have only been paid off in our own 

NEW PRUSSIA. — Ahready on October 9, 1807, the 
great patriotic statesman Stein, as soon as he came into 
office, enacted the measures known as the Memel deorees, 
which began the regeneration of the Prussian realm, (i) 
The edict of Emancipation abolished all feudal servitude ; 
henceforth Prussia relied on freedmen for her liberation. 
(2) The barriers which separated the callings of nobles, citi- 
zens, and peasants, were also swept away. (3) The middle 
class received the right of owning "noble" land, which could 

1 In France cane-sugar was partly replaced by beetrsugar ; the source 
of a new European industry is thus traceable to the "continental 


previously be held only by nobles. (4) The towns gained 
the right to choose their own municipal councils (1808). 

In 181 1 the Prussian statesman Hardenberg, who 
succeeded Stein when the latter was driven from office by 
Napoleon's interference, freed the peasant from all feudal 
obligations towards his lord, and made him owner of two- 
thirds of his holding, the other third going to the lord in 
return for the loss of feudal dues. 

Tugendbund. — Side by side with these legislative re- 
forms, was initiated a social regeneration of equal import- 
ance by the founding of a secret society called the Tugend- 
bund, by which the manlier virtues were cultivated with a 
view to the liberation of the Fatherland. 

German literature breathed a national spirit very 
different from the colourless cosmopolitanism of earlier days. 
The brave young poet Komer, before he fell in a fight 
against the "French, stirred military ardour by his " sword 
song," and the patriotic professor and poet, Arndt, soon 
thrilled Germans everywhere to a new sense of national 
unity by his song, " What is the German's Fatherland ? " 

The national system of education in Prussia, which has 
brought such wonderful results to a land naturally poor, 
was commenced by the learned and patriotic minister 
Humboldt He reformed the "gymnasia" or public 
schools, and founded the University of Berlin. 

Thus Prussia in the days of her adversity laid the 
foundations of her future greatness. France, while torn by 
her revolution, and Prussia while crushed under the heel of 
Napoleon, reorganised their internal systems, and drew 
strength from their days of calamity. 

Stein. — The Hanoverian minister Scharnhorst, called 
to reorganise the Prussian army, evaded the terms of the 
treaty limiting it to 40,000 men by rapidly passing men 


through the ranks, and by his skill and activity he prepared 
the means of liberation, though hampered by an almost 
bankrupt treasury. A letter of Stein's was intercepted in 
August 1808, in which he stated that the affairs of Spain 
were making a profound impression; and Napoleon 
ordered Frederick William III to replace his patriotic 
minister by the more pliable Hardenberg. Stein's property 
was confiscated by Napoleon. The undaunted patriot 
repaired to Vienna, and lastiy to St Petersburg : at both 
capitals he strengthened the party opposed to Napoleon's 
despotism. Stein seemed to be completely worsted in the 
unequal struggle of one mind against the master of western 
and central Europe ; but in reality he had paved the way 
for a truly national movement which was to prove stronger 
than Napoleon I, and, when aroused to its full strength by 
Napoleon III, was to crush the nephew even more 
completely. It is Stein's great achievement that he saw 
the secret of the new strength which France acquired in 
1789, and Spain in 1808, viz. the strength of a natMs 

It is thus possible to point out the years in which five 
of the great peoples of Europe awoke to a new and fuller 
sense of national life and unity. France found it in the 
Revolution of 1789; Spain and Prussia in the disasters of 
1807 and 1808 ; while Napoleon's levelling policy in Italy 
was leading more gradually, through the yeiars 1 797-1 810, 
to a desire for Italian unity ; and his attack on Russia first 
roused that power to a sense of its great strength (181 2). 
The league of the allies in 1792 compelled France to 
organise her great military resources ; and now Napoleon, 
wielding the forces of France, Germany, and Italy, was 
compelling the rest of Europe to organise itself to resist 
him; and the national forces resisting Napoleon, 


Strengthened by his very tyranny, eventually overthrew 
him. Providence was using Napoleon I. as an unconscious 
agent to set in motion the two greatest currents of events 
of this century on the continent — the unity of Germany 
and the unity of Italy — events which were to be at last 
successfully completed owing to the short-sighted policy of 
Napoleon III. 



Austria declares wax. — In Austria the reforming efforts 
of Count Stadion produced little effect beyond the re- 
organisation of the army, and the formation of a national 
militia, in which the people enrolled themselves with an 
enthusiasm new to that artificial state : for the danger of 
the Franco-Russian alliance had bound together the races 
of the Hapsburg Empire; also the old jealousy between 
Austria and Prussia was dormant The humiliations and 
dangers of 1805 and 1806 had prepared the way for the 
rise of a stronger State on a new and more solid basis. 
At present, however, the precipitation of Austria ruined her 
prospects. The chief Prussian fortresses were still held by 
French troops, and Frederick William III had to promise 
an army of 15,000 men against Austria, should she declare 
war against Napoleon ; and the rivalry between Alexander 
and Napoleon had not yet broken out. At the end of 
1808 Alexander had not established himself firmly in 
Finland, where his badly commanded troops had been 
several times beaten ; nor yet in the Danubian provinces, 
which the Turks were preparing to vigorously contest 
So Alexander still clung to the Napoleonic alliance. 
Moreover, the princes of the Rhenish Confederation only 
thought of preying on Prussia and Austria; only in 


Westphalia was there any wish to shake off the Napoleonic 

Nevertheless, lured on by the example of Spain and 
encouraged by England, the Austrian Emperor, Francis I, 
determined to risk another war while Napoleon was 
engaged in Spain ; for the armed peace which followed the 
treaty of Presburg was almost worse than war itself. So 
Francis declared war in March 1809. 

EckmtihL — Napoleon soon had 800,000 men under 
arms : his German contingents at first might have been 
crushed by Austrian troops, if these had moved with any 
rapidity. But Napoleon arrived in time to inspirit his 
• German allies ; and mainly by their aid^ he defeated the 
Austrians in five battles on five successive days, the most 
important of which were the last two at Eckmiihl and 
Ratisbon. Napoleon's genius had thus changed a retro- 
grade movement of the French and Confederate troops 
into a powerful offensive one, which cut the large Austrian 
army in two parts and separated it by the Danube. In 
Italy, however, Eugene Beauharnais, whom Bonaparte had 
adopted as his son^ was defeated by the Austrian Archduke 

Rising in Tyrol. — Tyrol was formerly governed by 
its own Diet, with little interference from Vienna : taxes 
were light and the free-bom peasants lived happily under 
their patriarchal system, loving their nobles and clergy, 
each commune having its own laws and customs. When these 
people, proud and independent as the Swiss, were handed 
over by Napoleon to Bavaria, they rose against the military 
conscription and the religious changes ordered by the en- 
lightened Bavarian monarch. The mountaineers, under the 
gallant Hofer, broke down bridges, and cut off the French 
and Bavarian regulars in the valleys by their deadly rifle 


aim, or by rolling down rocks from the heights above. 
Napoleon sent a French column which retook Innspriick, 
but after the check of Aspem it had to rejoin Napoleon. 
The disaster of Wagram, however, compelled Austria to 
desert the faithful Tyrolese ; but even then these devoted 
mountaineers, wearing the peacock's plumes of the house 
of Hapsburg, struggled bravely on against great odds. 
At last they were dispersed, and their brave leader Hofer 
was captured and shot as a rebel by Napoleon's orders 
(February 1810). 

Aspem (May 21, 22, 1809). — Napoleon, however, re- 
garding the Italian and Tyrolese campaigns as side-issues, 
determined to strike at the heart of Austria. Overcoming 
an obstinate resistance at the river Traun,^ his troops 
appeared before Vienna, which was compelled to submit 
after a short bombardment (May 13, 1809). He tried to 
win over the Hungarians by promising to free them from 
Austria, but not one Hungarian trusted him. 

His position at Vienna was not safe until he had 
defeated the Austrian army on the north bank of the 
Danube, which threatened him near Vienna. Napoleon, 
master of the south bank, determined to cross the network 
of channels into which the Danube divides near Vienna; 
he easily seized the large Lobau Island, below Vienna; 
but when he had thrown his forces across the narrow 
northern channel of the river, he failed after two days' 
sharp fighting to dislodge the Austrians from the villages 
of Essling and Aspern. At a critical time, too, his pontoon 
bridges were swept away by the trees which the Austrians 
cast above into the flooded stream of the Danube, and 
a more daring commander than the Archduke Charles 
might have cut off the French troops now isolated on the 

1 A southern affluent of the Danube flowing into it just below Linz. 


northern bank. Five times the Austrians carried the 
village of Essling ; five times they were driven out by the 
intrepid French. The brave and skilful Marshal Lannes fell ; 
and, after inflicting and receiving fearful losses, Napoleon 
was obliged under cover of the darkness to withdraw his 
troops by the repaired bridge into the isle of Lobau. 

This terrible check in the heart of an enemy's country 
would have crushed an ordinary general: it only served 
to show the immense superiority of Napoleon over all 
continental commanders. He gave out that the Austrians 
would have been crushed but for the succour of " GeneraV^ 
Danube; he fortified the Lobau island with cannons 
which swept the northern bank ; he kept his hold on the 
south side and on Vienna itself, whose workmen were 
compelled to aid in the construction of a bridge of boats 
and of two solid bridges built on piles. He also ordered 
all available troops to his support; Prince Eugfene, his 
adopted son, was with the French army of Italy to drive 
the Archduke John before him and join Napoleon. 
Macdonald and Mortier were to hurry northwards from 
Styria and Dalmatia; the troops engaged in fighting the 
Tyrolese were to withdraw and only leave guards at the 
ends of the river valleys to seal up the revolt; lastly, his 
Bavarian, Wiirtemberg, and Saxon allies were hurried down 
the Danube to assist in riveting the chains of Europe. 

Supineness of the Allies. — During the five weeks 
in which Napoleon was preparing for a second spring, 
what were all his enemies doing? 

The Archduke Charles, surprised at his own good 
fortune in checking the man whose genius he revered, was 
occupied in entrenching himself on the heights around 
Essling and Wagram. tiis brother, the Archduke John, 
with an army inferior in numbers and efficiency, gave battle 



at Raab to Prince Eugene, who was now following him 
through Eastern Hungary. The Austrian and Hungarian 
levies were completely routed; so his army, which the 
Archduke Charles had ordered to march up the Danube 
to strengthen him, fled down its banks to Komom, while 
Prince Eugene's victorious troops reinforced Napoleon. 

SchiU. — In Prussia the chivalrous young Schill had in 
April 1809 made a quixotic attempt against Westphalia, 
but he was driven north to Wismar and Stralsund by 
Westphalian and Dutch troops in Napoleon's service. He 
and his comrades, valiantly fighting, were cut to pieces in 
the streets of Stralsund. Other isolated risings in North 
Germany were easily crushed \ and yet England was during 
all this spring preparing a vast expedition which might 
have roused all North Germany against Napoleon. 
Instead of landing at the mouth of the Elbe, the English 
forces made a feeble attempt to seize Antwerp, arid 
finally wasted away on the unhealthy shores of Walcheren ; 
isolated attacks on the coast-line of the kingdom of 
Naples also frittered away England's energies, with the 
sole result of keeping Murat in a state of alarm. 

Napoleon gained his victories by keenly discerning the 
weakest point of his foes, and by crushing them with an 
irresistible concentration of force; while his foes so 
scattered their forces as to offer every advantage to a 
master in the art of concentration. 

Never did Napoleon show his daring genius more than 
in the crossing of the Danube, which was effected on 
the night of July 3, 1809. Misleading the enemy by a 
violent cannonade on Aspem, he swiftly threw across his 
180,000 men by six movable boat bridges lower down the ' 
stream, and outflanking the Austrian fortified positions, 
rendered their possession of no importance. 




Wagram. — On the 5th July the great battle of 
Wagram was fought within sight of Vienna. The towers 
of the capital were thronged with citizens who watched 
from afar the fluctuations in this gigantic struggle on which 
depended the fate of Europe. At first the Austrian centre 
drove back on the Danube the somewhat scattered French 
forces under Mass^na, who commanded, though nearly dis- 
abled by a wound ; but a heavy column under Macdonald, 


well supported by artillery, forced it back ; at the same time 
the French right under Davoust outflanked the strong defen- 
sive position on the Archduke Charles's left wing, which 
ought to have been supported by the Archduke John's army 
marching from Pressburg. The delay of his arrival caused a 
general retreat of the Austrians, which was conducted steadily 
under cover of a formidable artillery fire. The Austrians lost 
gaiearly 30,000 men in killed and wounded, and the French 
about 20,000 men. This terrible day ended the war; and 
the retreat which Wellesley had had to make on Portugal after 
the battle of Talavera further decided Austria to sue for peace. 


The Treaty of Vienna or Sch5nbrann (signed 
October 14, 1809) deprived Austria of 3,500,000 inhabit- 
ants: she had to give up to France Carniola, parts of 
Carinthia and Croatia, with the districts and ports of 
Trieste and Fiume. These new possessions were, under 
the name of the lUyrian provinces, added to the province 
of Dalmatia gained by France after the Treaty of Press- 
burg. Tyrol and Salzburg went to Bavaria; Western 
Galicia to Warsaw, and East Galicia to Russia. The 
Vienna Treasury ^ soon had to own a bankruptcy in 181 1, 
and again in 18 14; but the faithful allegiance of Hungary, 
Bohemia, and of the German population in Austria proper, 
did not waver amid all the disasters of the Hapsburg 
monarchy. Napoleon in 1809 sought to entice the 
Hungarians from their allegiance to the Hapsburgs, but the 
revolutionary ideas had taken no deep root in Hungary ; for 
the democratic conspiracy of 1795 ^^^ ^^^^ promptly crushed 
by the government with the aid of the powerful Hungarian 
nobility. After the disasters of Austerlitz and Wagram Francis 
saw the need of conciliating the Hungarians by all possible 
means. He gained all his requests from the Hungarian 
Diet, provided that he came to sue for it clad in the national 
Hungarian costume. So Napoleon's proclamations produced 
little effect — especially when his troops invaded the country 
and subjected it to the usual crushing exactions. 

But Austria's policy of opposition to Napoleon was soon 
to be abandoned for a pretence of friendship. Stadion 
was succeeded as chief adviser at Vienna by the astute 
Metternich, who was afterwards such a power in Europe. 
" From the day when peace is signed," wrote Metternich, 
"we must confine our system to tacking and turning and 
flattering. Thus alone may we possibly preserve our ex- 

^ It could pay only 20 per cent and 40 per cent on its own notes ; 
and this too in spite of constant subsidies from London. 


istence till the day of general deliverance." In pursuance 
of this ignoble aim the Tyrolese were abandoned 

The Austrian Marriage. — Soon it was rumoured that 
Napoleon meant to divorce his wife Josephine Beauhamais, 
because by her he had no heir to succeed him ; and, only 
four months after the disastrous peace of Vienna was signed, 
Francis betrothed his daughter, the Archduchess Marie 
Louise, to his conqueror. By this extraordinary match the 
" parvenu of the French Revolution " wedded a near relative 
of Marie Antoinette, who had perished by the guillotine ; 
but this alliance with the old and powerful Hapsburg 
dynasty gave him immense power in central Europe, and 
when a son was born to him, it seemed that the Napoleonic 
dynasty had for ever ousted the Bourbons from France. 
Yet this son, called the King of Rome, though twice named 
by Napoleon as his successor, was never to wield the 
imperial power. After 18 14 he lived at Vienna, bearing 
the title of Duke of Reichstadt, and died in 1832. 

Aniiexations of the Papal States, Holland, eto. — 
Areola, Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena, and Friedland — ^these were 
the victories which had marked Napoleon's rise to power. 
Wagram and the Austrian marriage seemed to consolidate it 

After the battle of Aspem, Napoleon had annexed the 
States of the Church to the French Empire, which thus 
stretched beyond the Tiber. On the day before Wagram 
was fought, the French general Miollis arrested Pope Pius 
VII in his palace at Rome, and he was conducted as a 
prisoner to Fontainebleau by order of the man who had 
received the Imperial crown at his hands. In Spain 
Napoleon had not' ventured to annex the land between 
the Pyrenees and the Ebro, being satisfied with controlling 
the country through his puppet king Joseph. But Napoleon's 
position in the north of Europe had been greatly strengthened 


by the miserable failure of the British Walcheren expedition 
under the incapable Earl of Chatham (November 1809); 
and he now felt strong enough to venture on further 
annexations there. 

In Holland Napoleon incessantly pressed his brother 
Louis, king of that unfortunate little land, to apply the 
continental blockade against English goods with its full 
rigour. This was most distasteful to the more liberal- 
minded and sentimental Louis, who really had the welfare 
of his new subjects at heart. After enduring many vehement 
reproaches from his all-powerful brother, Louis finally 
abdicated Quly 3, 18 10); and five days later Holland 
was absorbed in the French Empire. 

With the same object in view, viz. the extension of 
the continental blockade against England, Napoleon in 
1 810 annexed all the country between Holland and the 
mouth of the Elbe. All these annexations, together with 
that of the Hanse towns, Hamburg, Bremen, Liibeck, and 
of Lauenburg and Oldenburg, were intended to seal up 
Europe against English goods (December 18 10). These 
extensions of the French Empire to the Baltic led to a more 
important result than the absorption of part of the mush- 
room kingdom of Westphalia and of the three northern 
Hanseatic free cities ; for the Duke of Oldenburg, whose 
duchy was sacrificed to Napoleon's desire to strangle English 
commerce, was a relative of the Czar Alexander. The 
Russian czar had long been chafing under the commercial 
tyranny of the continental system. Enraged at these last 
annexations, made by Napoleon in a time of peace, he 
resolved to arm in self-defence against a system which all 
Europe was every month finding more and more unbear- 



"That name which scattered by disastrous blare 
All Europe's bound-lines — drawn afresh in blood — 
Napoleon!" Mrs. Browning. 

These annexations, together with that of canton Valais 
in south Switzerland, extended the French Empire to 
its utmost limits. It reached from Bayonne to Liibeck, 
and from Brest to Rome, and down to Ragusa on the 
Dalmatian coast of the Adriatic This vast territory was 
directly subject to Napoleon. His will was law in the 
Confederation of the Rhine, which was now extended from 
the Alps to the Baltic by the annexation of Mecklenburg. 
The grand -duchy of Warsaw, stretching further west than 
the modem province of Poland, was equally under the 
domination of the emperor. As King of Italy he held the 
north-eastern districts between the towns of Milan, Venice, 
and Ancona, and the south of Italy, under the rule of his 
brother-in-law Murat, was subject to his influence; but 
among the ignorant and backward people of south Italy 
the new order of things only aroused repugnance which 
showed itself in brigandage and ferocious revolts, whenever 
an English expedition (as in 1806 at Maida) gave any hope 
of success against Murat's troops. Sicily and Sardinia, pro- 
tected by the English fleet, were all that remained to the 


houses of Savoy and Bourbon, after their flight from Turin 
and Naples respectively. 

Of States less subject to the emperor's influence, Switzer- 
land, stripped of Geneva and canton Valais, acknowledged 
him as protector under the title of "mediator," and soon 
sent a " Helvetic legion " to the Russian expedition. The 
north-eastern part of Spain seemed so far subjugated that 
the emperor in 1810 threatened to extend the French Empire 
as far as the Ebro \ but, though Suchet in that year sub- 
dued the north-east of Spain, Napoleon allowed his brother 
Joseph to rule nominally over the whole country, until he 
himself could conquer and annex it altogether. 

The influence which the French Empire exerted on the 
whole of Europe, except England, Scandinavia, Turkey, and 
Russia, can be compared with nothing so well as with the 
breaking up of the old tribal system of Europe by theconquests 
and government of the old Roman Empire ; for the French 
Empire, though brief in its duration, yet introduced the 
potent idea of political equality at a time when the greater 
part of the continent was in an excited condition ready to 
receive it 

Germany. — ^The Napoleonic constitutions in the 
Rhenish Confederation and the duchy of Warsaw had 
abolished serfdom and proclaimed civic liberty and re- 
ligious equality in the eye of the law. In fiact, as Prussia's 
reforms were the result of her disasters in 1806, the 
French Empire may be said to have swept away the chief 
abuses of the feudal system between the Rhine and the 
Niemen. For the French people had gained so much 
strength by its reforms that even its staunchest foes, like 
Stein, were obliged to introduce similar reforms in order to 
gain strength to shake off^ Napoleon's yoke. By sweeping 
away some hundred little German States, and welding that 


land together under his firm control, Napoleon at last by 
his exactions aroused a national feeling. 

Italy was, except in name, one reahn under his rule, 
and was no longer divided into its old divisions of the 
States of the Church, the kingdoms of Sardinia and Naples, 
the republics of Venice, Genoa and Lucca, and the duchies 
of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena. Napoleon had deposed 
the potentates, created republics, welded these again into 
his empire, or into the kingdom of Italy; and the effect 
of these kaleidoscopic changes was to make Italians forget 
their old local antipathies and to create a national feeling. 
Thus Napoleon I. paved the way for Italian unity, which 
his nephew afterwards furthered, and the short-sighted 
policy of the continental system evoked a desire for unity 
in Germany which was crowned with success after the 
attack of Napoleon III in 1870. Fas est et ab hoste 

The pride of Frenchmen was flattered by seeing cities 
like Rome, Cologne, Hamburg, and Trieste part of their 
vast empire. The new possessions were mapped out in 
departments, and appeared in French geography under the 
names of departments of the Tiber, the Arno, or the mouth 
of the Rhine, of the Elbe, etc ; the eighty-five departments 
of France were increased to 130. 

Napoleon's Government in France. — Though 
Napoleon was a reckless innovator in Germany, Spain, and 
Italy, where he desired to overthrow the old order of things, 
yet in France proper he had closed the Revolution and 
drawn all powers into his own hands. In 1807 he had 
suppressed the Tribunate, which had occasionally ventured 
to criticise his actions. The majority of its members 
joined the Legislative Body, which was now the only 
national elective council; but the emperor neglected and 


weakened it in every possible way, not even asking its 
consent when he desired to raise the military conscriptions 
a year before the legal time.^ When new departments 
were added to the empire he declared that the Senate, 
which was entirely under his power, should nominate 
members for them to this body; and finally he did so 
himself without its consent. But the depth of its humi- 
liation was reached in the spring of 1811, when the 
president and members of this body went to the cradle 
of the King of Rome, Napoleon's son of two month§ 
old, with an elaborate speech to the infant, which was 
answered by the nurse. Henceforth "Senatus-Consulta," 
or personal decrees of the emperor, replaced the decisions 
of the Legislative Body — the degraded descendant of the 
Constituent Assembly of 1790. 

Personal liberty was equally at the mercy of the autocrat- 
Madame de Stael^ was exiled for her book on Germany, 
which contained too much appreciation- of a people whom 
Napoleon held down; and French thought assumed an 
obsequious air towards the all-powerful ruler. Chateaur 
briand had shown his disapproval of the murder of the 
Due d'Enghien ; but already (in his GknU de Christianisme) 
he had gained the favour of Napoleon by the phrase, 
"Restorer of the altars." With these two exceptions 
French literature during the Napoleonic era was singularly 
barren, at a time when the French Revolution was causing 
a responsive outburst of song in the youthful poems of 

^ So strictly were these conscriptions for the army carried out that there 
were soon over 50,000 refractory recruits. 

2 j5he steadfastly refused to buy her return by singing the emperor's 
praises. On the birth of the King of Rome she was urged that this might 
be a suitable subject fbr an ode, but she said that she must confine her 
congratulations to the expression of a wish that he might have a suitable 


Wordsworth, Coleridge, Shelley, and Byron. French energy, 
repressed in literature, "foamed itself away" in war; 
while on the other side of the Rhine each year of military 
disaster saw some masterpiece of Goethe, Schiller, and 
of the great German musicians, lay the foundation for a 
brighter national life. 

Codes — Public Works. — But if Napoleon repressed 
thought, he encouraged material prosperity in his empire. 
With his unequalled gepius for organisation he codified 
the laws relating to commerce, public instruction, legal 
procedure, and penal offences: though these last have 
been softened down since, yet his legislation has remained 
the basis of French law ever since. He encouraged 
Jacquard, a workman of Lyons, the inventor of labour- 
saving apparatus in the weaving machine, which ensured 
prosperity to his town in spite of the opposition of work- 
men; and the cotton trade in France was furthered by 
Napoleon's patronage of Lenoir, who had obtained the 
secret of the spinning-jenny from England. Agriculture and 
trade made some progress; but the continental blockade 
caused a fit of over-production in France which led to 
a severe commercial crisis.^ France also was drained of 
men for the army, and there was wide-spread suffering. 
Napoleon sought to obviate or hide this by carrying out 
vast public works; thus ten canals were constructed to 
connect the river-systems of France. Splendid roads were 
made over the Simplon and Mont Cenis passes to facilitate 
communication with Italy, and a huge breakwater was 
begun at Cherbourg — not to be finished till our days. 

^ All English merchandise found in the French Empire or its vassal 
States was to be publicly burnt The Milan decrees (December 1807) 
also declared that any neutral vessel which should submit to the British 
naval orders in council should be considered fit spoil of war. 


He dazzled the inhabitants of Paris by extending the 
Tuileries, by beginning the huge Arc de Triomphe, and 
by rearing the Venddme column with cannons taken from 
Austria. A temple raised to Glory has since become the 
Church of the Madeleine. Provincial towns, together with 
Antwerp, Genoa, and Turin, were beautified ; and Antwerp 
became a first-class port, strongly fortified as a menace to 
London. Everywhere throughout his vast empire public 
works attested to the vigour of the ruler; in fact he out- 
stripped Frederick the Great in the eneiigy with which he 
called forth all the resources of his dominions. 

Western Europe has never since lost the impetus thus 
given to its material development 

The Churoh. — In ecclesiastical matters Napoleon 
gained his way as completely as he did in everything 
else : he had deprived the pope of his States and kept him 
a prisoner at Savona, and then at Fontainebleau ; but Pius 
VII with quiet tenacity refused to institute the bishops whom 
Napoleon nominated. As a punishment he was kept in 
close and degrading confinement by the man who afterwards 
posed as a martyr at St. Helena. By means of threats to 
the French bishops and the imprisonment of three of 
them, Napoleon gained his point — that the archbishops 
should have the power of instituting French bishops. On 
the other hand, the cause of freedom gained by the pro- 
clamation of religious liberty wherever Napoleon's power 

Military Bula — Napoleon, by carrying out in his 
vast empire the conscription with the greatest rigour, 
especially in France proper, always had a force of 800,000 
men under arms; and he allowed no other continental 
State to arm without regarding it as a casus belli. His 
victorious armies supported themselves by living on the 


countries which they occupied ; and thus France at the end 
of twenty years of war came out of the struggle with a 
national debt of only ;^ 140,000,000, while that of Great 
Britain was six times as large. Moreover the emperor 
held down half of Europe by turning its own resources 
against itself. Thus he had 20,000 Polish soldiers in 
Spain; while a Spanish corps under Romana in 1808 
was kept on the borders of Denmark : only by means of 
English cruisers did it escape to Spain to take part in the 
national rising against the emperor. The Saxon and 
Bavarian contingents greatly contributed to the French 
victories of Eckmiihl and Wagram^ for in the smaller 
German States the fear of Austria and Prussia was still 
greater than the dislike of Napoleon's continental system. 
In the same way the emperor used Dutch troops to quell 
Schiirs rising; and the Italian troops, who showed more 
enthusiasm in his service than those of any other nation 
except the Poles, formed a part of his grand army in 
18 1 2, which comprised also Germans, Poles, Dutch, Swiss, 
Illyrians, Dalmatians, and even Prussians and Austrians. 
In fact, Napoleon skilfully found out the weak part of 
every opposing nation, so as to weaken it. Thus he had 
sought to rouse Ireland against England, Poland against 
Russia and Prussia, the smaller German States against 
the larger, besides availing himself of the hostility of 
Sweden and Turkey to Russia, of Denmark to Sweden, 
and (in 1805) of the rivalry of Austria and Prussia. 

So it was the weakness of the European system in its 
international relations which gave to Napoleon's domination 
such extraordinary success, just as it was the chaos of 
feudal customs and laws which gave to Napoleon's Code 
such a marked pre-eminence ; and it was the incompetence 
of every opposing general save Wellington, the Archduke 


Charles, and Bennigsen, which showed up Napoleon's 
military genius in so brilliant a light. But any great 
national impulse was sure to overthrow the Napoleonic 
domination, and such an impulse he had himself started 
by his Spanish policy and by his Berlin decrees. The 
latter of these was the immediate cause of the rupture 
with the Czar, who refused to subject his country any 
longer (December 31, 1810) to the exclusion of foreign 

Neither Napoleon nor the British Cabinet recognised 
the right of neutrals to trade directly with the blockaded 
coast-line ; Britain was soon involved in a quarrel with the. 
United States, but Napoleon went so far as to seize very 
many American ships whose neutrality he for some time 
did not recognise. 



The Bussiaii War. — ^The treaty of Tilsit had contained 
the seeds of discord. The domineering spirit of the 
victorious Emperor had there appeared to humble itself 
before the conquered Czar, and to give very substantial 
presents, namely Finland and the Danubian provinces, for 
a very shadowy return, namely the adoption of the con- 
tinental blockade against England. In reality, however, the 
occupation of Finland and Wallachia had severely taxed 
the resources of Russia, already enfeebled at Eylau and 
Friedland ; the Finns had made a splendid though ineffect- 
ual defence of their land with little aid from Sweden ; and 
the occupation of Moldo-Wallachia was a mortal affront to 
Turkey and Austria. The trade embargo involved the 
sharpest discomfort to a northern power like Russia ; for 
Napoleon urged and almost ordered Alexander to seize not 
only all English vessels (which he did), but all neutrals — 
"for they were all English disguised under various flags 
and bearing false papers. They must be confiscated and 
England will be ruined." After Napoleon's sudden seizure 
of Oldenburg, which seemed an open affront to the Czar, 
both potentates prepared for war; and on December 31, 
1810, Alexander detached himself from Napoleon's com- 
mercial system by excluding some French manufactures. 


just as Napoleon had formerly excluded some Russian 

After making a vain attempt to attach Poland to his 
side by the promise to the latter of a liberal constitution 
under his kingship, Alexander determined on a defensive 
campaign, such as had baffled Mass^na at Torres Vedras. 
This decision was also due to the caution of the Prussian 
king, who felt that the time was not yet come to rise 
against the French troops occupying the chief fortresses 
of his country. For once the caution and disunion of 
Napoleon's foes was their best defence; for Napoleon 
forgot his own advice after his Egyptian campaign, " Never 
make war on a desert," and he was now able, owing to the 
subservience of Prussia, to begin his attack at the Niemen, and 
was drawn farther and farther into Russia. If Russia, aided 
by Poland and Prussia, had waged an offensive war, it could 
have ended only in another Friedland against the superior 
numbers and discipline of Napoleon's troops. Alexander 
soon restored his conquests, except Bessarabia, to Turkey, 
and began to withdraw his troops from the Danube. The 
Turks also, indignant at Napoleon's perfidious bartering at 
Tilsit, mocked at his overtures for a new alliance with them 
against Russia. Further, a quarrel with Sweden about the 
seizure of Swedish vessels at Stralsund by French privateers 
embittered Bernadotte and threw him more and more into 
the arms of Russia, though he was loth to turn against the 
Emperor who had raised him to the rank of Marshal Still 
Bernadotte, as heir-apparent, was anxious to increase his 
popularity with his future subjects by adding Norway to the 
Swedish crown. Napoleon refused to allow tiiis scheme 
against his Danish allies;^ but Alexander promised his 
support for this end, in return for a Swedish alliance. 

^ Norway then belonged to the Danish crown. 

xix] MOSCOW. 129 

Against these prudent political arrangements of the Czar 
Napoleon opposed only military force. When the Diet at 
Warsaw begged him only to say the words, " Poland exists," 
Napoleon evaded the request, urging his obligations to 
Austria; and thus his Polish allies became more and more 
half-hearted. After arousing a national sentiment against 
himself in Spain in 1808, he could have retrieved his mis- 
take in Poland and weakened Russia by re-establishing the 
Polish kingdom from Riga to the Dniester; but after 1808 
Napoleon ignored the rising tide of national reaction which 
was to overwhelm him, and became a mere diplomatist. 
His constant success lured him on to a venture which he at 
times saw to be hazardous, but necessary to his policy of 
conquering England on the continent. And in truth his 
power and resources seemed equal to a contest with the 
forces of nature itself. 

With his usual genius for organisation he had arranged 
all the details of the vastest expedition of modem times. 
His marshal Davoust, the victor of Auerstadt and Eckmiihl, 
who ruled at Hamburg with the severity of an eastern 
satrap, had 200,000 ready to march eastwards from the 
Elbe (June 181 1) ; and the kings of Saxony and Westphalia 
had large contingents on foot 

The position of Prussia became most painful : exposed 
to Napoleon's vengeance if she sided with Russia, and 
unable to remain neutral, she armed as if for a war i 
Poutrance in order to procure consideration from Napoleon ; 
but finally she nominally allied herself with him, and agreed 
to furnish a contingent of troops to serve against Russia. 
Alexander, however, knew well that the alliance both of 
Austria and Prussia with Napoleon was only compulsory, 
and that these Powers would release themselves as soon as 
possible. Napoleon, in order to show his power to Europe, 


held a lev^ of potentates at Dresden on his way to the 
Russian frontier. The Emperor of Austria saluted his son- 
in-law, the King of Prussia bowed before his conqueror, and 
the homage of a crowd of vassal kings and princes showed 
that the campaign would be an invasion of the East by the 

Midsummer had passed before Napoleon crossed the 
Niemen at Kovno at the head of 155,000 French and 
170,000 allied troops. Davoust, Ney, and Berthier ^ were 
commanders of divisions. Napoleon's step-son Eugbne, 
viceroy of Italy, commanded the Italians and Bavarians ; 
his brother Jerome the Germans and Poles; and his 
brother-in-law Murat the cavalry. Macdonald with a 
French corps, and York with 20,000 Prussians, covered 
his left ; while Schwarzenberg with 60,000 Austrians was 
to advance from Galicia to support his right. Marshal 
Victor marching from the Vistula, and Augereau from the 
Elbe, were to bring up reinforcements, so that the grand 
total was about half a million of men. A thousand pieces 
of cannon and innumerable convoys added to the vast 
difficulties of transport ; in fact, the grand army was soon in 
want of food. Yet the comparative rapidity of Napoleon's 
movements at first surprised the smaller Russian forces and 
compelled them to evacuate the fortified camp of Drissa on 
the Duna, which was intended to cover the road either to 
St. Petersburg or Moscow. Pushing on to Vitebsk (July 
12, 181 2), the emperor seems to have thought of halting 
there until the spring of 1813, and reforming the ancient 
Lithuanian realm in union with that of Poland ; there also 
he heard of the definite conclusion of peace between 
Russia and Turkey, which set free the Russian army on the 
Danube; but his unfailing success in the past, and his 

^ Berthier was commander of the famous ' ' Old Guard." 

xix] MOSCOIV. 131 

determination to dictate peace at Moscow, drove him on 
to his fate. 

Borodino. — Meanwhile the Russian anny under Bagra- 
tion, falling back from the banks of the Pripet, had at last 
joined Barclay's forces at Smolensk, which had been re- 
treating before Napoleon's superior numbers : the combined 
Russian forces made a stout defence of this town against 
Napoleon's host (August 12, 181 2), but they evacuated it in 
the night after setting it on fire —a warning of the desperate 
plan of national defence which was to drive Napoleon from 
Moscow. Meanwhile the Russians exclaimed loudly against 
the Fabian policy of retreat before the invader ; and the 
old Russian general Kutusoff, replacing the Lithuanian 
Barclay, made a stand at Borodino to save the ancient 
capital On a semicircle of hills, defended by numerous 
redoubts, 100,000 Russians barred the passage of the river 
Moskwa to Napoleon's somewhat superior force: 500 
cannons on each side made Borodino one of the most fatal 
combats of this century. The Russians at first drove back 
Prince Eugfene's troops, which had gained a lodgment in 
Borodino ; but the support of Ney's division and the bril- 
liant cavalry charge of Murat's squadrons at length carried 
the day, with fearful losses on both sides. Napoleon's 
victory might have been more decisive, if he had not 
spared his famous " Old Guard " in the crisis of the fight. 
He clung to that for a last resort, and events soon showed 
that his prudence was right. 

Moscow. — The victorious French forces entered Mos- 
cow (September 14) to find it almost deserted by its own 
inhabitants. Meanwhile Macdonald had occupied Riga, 
and Schwarzenberg with his Austrians for a while kept off 
the Russian forces which were marching northward from 
the Danube. 


Victory had everywhere been on the side of Napoleon, 
and he had struck at the enemy's heart But Alexander 
would not yield. Nay, more, only two days after their 
arrival the French troops were horror-stricken to find the 
city fired in several places. The governor of Moscow, 
Count Rostopchin, had resolved on this means of ousting 
the French, and a strong wind caused the destruction of . 
three-fourths of this semi-oriental capital Still Napoleon, 
with childish tenacity, continued the negotiations with 
which Alexander amused him, until winter, the Czar's 
" best ally," was commencing. 

The Retreat — ^Then on October 15 the conqueror 
found himself forced to retreat, for his huge army had little 
food or shelter in the charred and deserted capital Hop- 
ing to find a southerly line of march less wasted by his 
own exactions, and by the devastating system of Russian 
defence, he made for Kaluga ; but he was checked by the 
reassembled Russian forces and compelled to return 
through the exhausted district of Smolensk. A heavy 
fall of snow on November 9 completed the demoralisa- 
tion of the suffering soldiery. Hunger, cold, and the 
pursuit of the Russians soon broke up the once magnificent 
army into a pitiable rabble, which was saved from total 
destruction only by the iron will of Marshal Ney, who pro- 
tected the rear-guard with a body of picked troops. 

At Krasnoi, near Smolensk, Kutusoffs attack ended in 
a massacre of the French, and the Russian armies march- 
ing from the Baltic and the Danube nearly cut off the 
Emperor's retreat at the river Beresina. But on his side 
Napoleon had been joined by his reserves from Poland, 
under Marshal Victor, who was shocked to find the 
" grand army " a mass of fugitives, less effective than his 
own divisioa With this timely aid Napoleon skilfully 

xix] MOSCOPV. 133 

threw bridges over the rivier Beresina where the Russians 
did not expect, and fought his way across with his best 
troops ; but the crowds of stragglers who pressed after him, 
under the fire of Russian artillery, broke down one of the 
bridges; the crossing of the Beresina (November 28, 181 2) 
stands alone in modem history for its accumulation of 
horrors. Fresh reinforcements soon broke up in the 
general rout, and the utter exhaustion of the Russian pur- 
suers alone saved the grand army from extermination. 
Quitting this mass of fugitives. Napoleon hurried incognito 
on to Paris to prevent any further outbreak, for a republi- 
can, General Mallet, had made a mad attempt to overthrow 
the empire; but its resources were as yet equal to the 
terrible strain of losing the finest army ever seen in modem 
times. Of half a million of soldiers who had crossed the 
Niemen with the emperor, or to reinforce him, barely 
20,000, saved by Ney's heroism, recrossed that river at 
Kovno ; but among this remnant were nearly all his best 
generals and his "Old Guard." These splendid com- 
manders and troops were yet to show their genius and 
prowess over the young levies of Germany. 

It must be remembered that about half of the troops 
who perished or remained prisoners in Russia were Poles, 
Germans, and Italians ; so that the direct loss in men to 
the French Empire was partly counterbalanced by the loss 
of the German troops, who would soon have been arrayed 
as open enemies. Al^o Napoleon's habit of living on the 
countries which he occupied threw the loss in stores mainly 
on Pmssia, Poland, and Russia ; but when all these reserva- 
tions are made, the retreat from Moscow still remains the 
" greatest disaster known to history." ^ 

1 Seeley, Life qfSiein, Part vii, chap. i. 


The War of liberation. — The Czar Alexander was 
strongly urged by many Russians, in view of their own 
terrible losses, to resume a defensive attitude, and not to 
aid in the restoration of the Prussian realm by following 
Napoleon's troops into Prussia; but these views were dis- 
tasteful to the generous and enthusiastic nature of the czar, 
who wished to be the liberator of the continent, and the 
able German statesman Stein influenced him in taking this 
weighty decision. An equally important step was taken 
by the Prussian general York, commanding the 20,000 
Prussians in Napoleon's service. On the last day but one 
of 181 2 York signed a convention with the Russians that 
his troops should occupy the district between Memel and 
Tilsit as neutrals until orders came from his sovereign 
Frederick William. Stein hurried to Konigsberg with a 
commission from the czar to arm East Prussia against 
Napoleon. The Prussian monarch, still under the power 
of the French at Berlin, at first disavowed the " treachery " 
of York and the bold innovation of Stein in urging the 
governor of East Prussia to assemble the estates of the 
province ; but York was received with loud applause by 
the estates, and a vote was passed to call out the Landwehr 
and Landsturm of the province.^ 

* The Landwehr was a short-service army drawn -from the whole popu- 
lation without exemptions ; the Landsturm was a defensive militia. 


Thus the first steps towards Prussia's liberation were 
taken by a general whom the king had disavowed, by the 
strong-willed statesman Stein, commissioned by the czar, 
and by the estates and people of East Prussia. The 
national movement now preceded and overshadowed the 
action of the government in Prussia ; such was the new 
strength which Prussia had gained from the late reforms, 
instead of the helpless dependence on a central govern- 
ment which she showed after Jena. But finally Frederick 
William followed the national impulse, and at Breslau, 
March 16, 18 13, the king declared war against Napoleon. 
The French troops had evacuated Berlin, and the Duke of 
Mecklenburg, whose duchy had been the last added to the 
Confederation of the Rhine, was the first to secede ft^om it. 
So now the artificial alliance of Napoleon's vassal states 
against Russia is replaced by a national alliance of the 
peoples of eastern and central Europe against their op- 

Iiiitzen. — ^The allies were ready before Napoleon, and 
set free the rest of Prussian territory from the French, 
whom they also drove from Hamburg and from part of 
Saxony. But Napoleon's energy soon united his young 
French conscripts with the older troops whom he had left 
to garrison German fortresses, so that he resumed the 
offensive at the head of 200,000 n>en. Austria, divided 
between fear of Napoleon and jealousy of the growing 
power of Russia, waited for events to shape her conduct 

Moving quickly along the valley of the Saale, he fell upon 
the allies near the historic field of Ltitzen, a few miles west of 
Leipzig. He beat them back, but was unable to pursue for 
want of the cavalry by which he had so often crushed his 
defeated foes. The death of Scharnhorst, who had organ- 
ised victory for the Prussians, was keenly felt by the allies. 


Bautzen. — ^This success decided the wavering King of 
Saxony to adhere to the emperor's fortunes, though his 
people now favoured the allies; and at Bautzen (March 
20), in East Saxony, the emperor again drove back the 
allies; but these victories brought small results to the 
victor, as the allies constantly received new troops. At the 
end of May Davoust recovered Hamburg for the emperor, 
and spread terror by his severities there and in Bremen ; so 
on their side the allies were not loth to accept the armistice 
of Pleiswitz with Napoleon (June 4, 1813). 

Intervention of Austria and Sweden. — ^Austrian 
statesmen never regarded the marriage of the Austrian 
archduchess with Napoleon as a final reconciliation with 
the conqueror who had stripped their realm of its Italian, 
lUyrian, Dalmatian, and Tyrolese provinces, but rather as 
a temporary expedient for gaining time. The astute 
statesman Mettemich, who assumed control of Austrian 
diplomacy after the disaster of Wagram, had sought to ally 
Austria with France, and to wait for discord to arise 
between Napoleon and Alexander. He now awaited the 
best opportunity of restoring this exhausted State. The 
Vienna exchequer had to confess a State bankruptcy in 
181 1, and soon again in 18 14. 

The Austrian emperor now offered his mediation in the 
Congress of Prague, with a secret understanding that he 
would join the allies if Napoleon rejected their demands. 
These were — (i) the reconstruction of Prussia as she was 
before Jena; (2) the partition of the duchy of Warsaw 
between Russia, Prussia, and Austria; (3) the cession of 
the lUyrian provinces to Austria ; and (4) the freedom of 
Hamburg and Liibeck. The allies were encouraged in 
insisting on these severe terms by the news of Wellington's 
complete success at Vittoria (Midsummer - day 18 13). 


Napoleon, however, knowing that such a surrender would 
lead to a revolution at Paris, preferred to struggle on with 
the hope of conquering fortune as he had done at Auster- 
litz, Friedland, and Wagram. But his troops were now 
mostly young conscripts drawn from a reluctant and ex- 
hausted France ; though brave, they had not the nerve and 
steadiness of the troops lost in Russia. They fought for 
military renown, and for the sake of their great leader; 
while national enthusiasm was now on the side of the 

In 1793 the French republican government had pro- 
claimed " war against governments, peace to peoples " : now 
the peoples waged war against the tyrant of the continent. 
The presence of two prominent Frenchmen among the allies 
showed that it was not against France as a nation, but 
against her ruler, that the war of liberation was waged. 
Moreau, the republican general who won Hohenlinden, 
returned from his exile in the United States to aid the 
Austrians with his counsels; and Bernadotte, bringing a 
Swedish contingent against the man who had bartered away 
Finland to Russia, and had then destroyed Swedish com- 
merce, was placed at the head of the main Russian forces 
which protected Berlia He proposed to evacuate the 
capital, retiring before a French division sent by Davoust 
from Hamburg; but Biilow, in spite of him, beat back 
the French at Grossbeeren, and saved Berlin (August 23, 

1 In fact, Napoleon now said of the German patriot Stein, who was the 
life and soul of the national movement in Prussia : " He wanted to raise 
the rabble against the proprietors. It is impossible to resist astonishment 
that rulers like the King of Prussia, and especially the Emperor Alexander, 
whom nature has endowed with so many noble qualities, should give the 
sanction of their names to designs as criminal as they are shocking" 
(Seeley, Life of Stein^ vol. iii. p. 131). 


Bliicher, the (lashing old Prussian general, was placed ^t 
the head of the allied army in Silesia, composed mainly of 
Russian troops. Napoleon, after forcing him back, had to 
leave with part of his large army of 150,000 to protect 
Dresden against the Austrians. Bliicher then defeated the 
remaining 60,000 French, under Macdonald, opposed to 
him at the Katzbach stream, west of Breslau. But these 
two successes were counterbalanced by Napoleon's great 
victory over the Austrians under Schwarzenberg near 
Dresden (August 27, 181 3). This victory (the last of 
Napoleon's great victories), which struck down his. old rival 
Moreau, was rendered fruitless by a severe blow which his 
lieutenant Vandamme received at Kulm from the retreating 
Austrians. He was to have cut off their retreat into 
Bohemia by seizing the passes of the £rz Mountains, but 
the gallantry of a Russian corps held him at bay till he was 
himself surrounded and taken prisoner with 10,000 men. 
Bernadotte's advice to the allies to attack Napoleon's 
lieutenants was also successful at Dennewitz (Septem- 
ber 6), where Ney's advance on Berlin was stopped by 

Leipzig. — These four defeats of the emperor's lieuten- 
ants, the defection of Bavaria from the Rhenish Confedera- 
tion,^ and the collapse of the vassal kingdom of Westphalia 
on the approach of a force of Cossacks, convinced the allies 
that the long -planned concentration of their armies on 
Leipzig might now overthrow the emperor himself. After 
vainly attempting to surprise one of the three armies which 

1 Bavaria signed a secret treaty with Austria (October 8) to furnish 
36,000 men for the allies, restoring to Austria her Tyrolese frontier in return 
for complete sovereignty in her own territories. Thus was the foundation 
laid for the reconstruction of Germany at the Congress of Vienna. (Stein, 
vol. iii. p. 177.) 


jiow threatened to cut him off from the Rhine, Napoleon 
was forced to leave Dresden, his centre of operations, with 
a strong garrison, and march towards Leipzig. Around this 
town was fought the greatest series of battles in all modern 
history. Napoleon, with nearly 200,000 French, Saxons, 
Hessians, Poles, and troops of Wiirtemberg and Baden, was 
gradually overpowered in five days of fighting by nearly 
300,000 Austrians, Russians, Prussians, and Swedes. In this 
"battle of the nations," as it is fitly called, some Saxon 
regiments, fighting under Napoleon only by compulsion, 
passed over to the allies, and his forces were driven back 
on the town of Leipzig. Forced to evacuate this town by 
the fire of the allies, his troops were hurrying along the 
bridge which leads westward over the Elster, when, in the 
confusion the order to blow up the bridge was given too 
soon, and crowds of prisoners, with 300 cannons, fell into 
the hands of the allies; 80,000 lives are said to have 
been lost in these battles around Leipzig. Napoleon, 
hastening towards the Rhine, was overtaken at Freiberg, 
where the bridge again broke, as at the Beresina, under the 
niass of fugitives ; but at Hanau, near the Maine (October 
30, 1 8 13), he broke his way through the Bavarians under 
Wrede, who opposed his retreat, and led the wreck of his 
great army across the Rhine. 

Collapse of Napoleon's power. — The artificial 
character of the Napoleonic domination in Germany was 
at once seen. General St. Cyr had to surrender the 
important fortress of Dresden with 35,000 men. 
Danzig, annexed by Napoleon to the duchy of War- 
saw, after suffering terribly from the exactions of the 
French troops quartered on its inhabitants, at last regained 
its freedom. The cities of Liibeck, Hamburg, and Bremen 
successively shook off" Davoust's tyranny, and regained the 


liberty of trade with England by the sudden collapse of the 
" continental system." Denmark concluded peace with the 
allies at Kiel, and engaged to cede Norway to Sweden, 
which had rendered such opportune aid to the allies. The 
princes of the Rhenish Confederation hastened to appease 
the allies by joining the winning side. They all received a 
contemptuous pardon except Jerome, King of Westphalia, 
the King of Saxony, and a few of the minor vassals of 
Napoleon. Jerome fled from his realm as soon as his 
French troops were withdrawn ; and the King of Saxony 
was soon to lose a great part of his realm for his ill-judged 
adherence to a falling cause. The Rhenish provinces 
were soon occupied by Prussian troops, and altogether 
about 100,000 French troops cut off in German fortresses 
were forced gradually to surrender. 

The Dutch, whose commerce was ruined and whose 
colonies were captured, rose against the French troops which 
had lived on their unfortunate land. Regaining their free- 
dom, they now formed a provisional government for the 
Prince of Orange, who soon assumed the title of king. 
Lastly, Murat, who had never been on cordial terms with 
his brother-in-law, thought to secure to himself the crown 
of Naples by joining the allies. In North Italy alone, 
Eugene Beauhamais remained faithful to the emperor, who 
had divorced his mother, Josephine Beauhamais, in order 
to give solidity to the imperial system. 

In France the solid benefits which Napoleon had con- 
ferred on the country even yet survived the fearful drain 
which he had made on the strength and patriotism of the 
country. The French people, with their acute sensitiveness 
to genius, still worshipped the strength and vigour of the 
emperor ; he now, of his own will, prolonged the useless 
slaughter, for, at a time when the three large allied armies 


were approaching the Rhine, and when Wellington had 
beaten back the French across the Pyrenees, the allies 
offered Napoleon the Rhine and the Maritime Alps as the 
"natural frontiers" of France. These favourable terms, 
which would have left Belgium, the Rhine Province, Savoy, 
and Nice to France, as after the revolutionary wars, were 
rejected by the emperor ; and the allies entered France on 
the east, and Wellington invaded the south. 

Invasion of Franoe. — The Austrians under Schwarzen- 
berg, violating Swiss territory, as Napoleon had often done, 
crossed the Rhine at Bale and marched towards Dijon. 
Bliicher, with the Russo-Prussian army, near the source of 
the Marne, at last joined the Austrians on the Aube ; but 
Napoleon, with smaller numbers, beat the allies in four 
combats on four days (February 10-13, 1814) by taking 
advantage of temporary divisions in their forces. Also the 
northern army of the allies was advancing from Belgium 
under General Billow ; and Napoleon was obliged to defend 
Paris from the Austrians, who were marching down the 
Seine. After checking them at Montereau (February 18, 
18 14) and forcing them back on Troyes, he turned on 
Bliicher, who had marched northwards by the Marne valley 
tOvjoin Billow's troops ; but he failed to check the Prussians 
at Laon (March 10, 18 14). With diminished but still 
undaunted forces he hurried south to stop the Austrians, 
who were in a half-hearted way resuming their march down 
the Seine ; but the weight of numbers on their side with- 
stood Napoleon's onslaught at Arcis-sur-Aube (March 20). 
These rapid marches from one river valley to another, and 
these useless fights, were wearing down his small heroic 
forces. Knowing that the Austrian emperor and Metter- 
nich were most jealous of the growing importance of Prussia, 
and hoping to discourage the allies by a brilliant stroke, 


he disengaged his army and marched boldly towards Lor- 
raine to cut their communications with Germany. But the 
allies, with equal boldness, determined to strike at Paris, 
now left almost unguarded. So, leaving a division behind 
them to mask their movements, they flung their main forces 
on Marmont and Mortier's defending force of 20,000 men 
(March 30, 18 14); the heights of Montmartre and Belle- 
ville were carried, and Napoleon hurried up too late to save 
his capital. The allies had turned against their great 
opponent his own tactics of striking at the heart, and when 
the heart of Napoleon's centralised system was struck, the 
blow was fatal. 

Abdication. — ^The Senate, composed of his own nomi- 
nees, now demanded his abdication ; the wily Talleyrand 
aided in the fall of the man who had made him Prince of 
Benevento; and most of the marshals abandoned their 
chief, who would still have shed French blood in useless 
war. In truth, that exhausted country now experienced 
some of the ills which her armies had been inflicting on 
central Europe. " It was an entire nation " (wrote Guizot) 
" of wearied spectators who had long given up all interfer- 
ence in their own fate, and knew not what catastrophe they 
were to hope or fear." Wellington was ahready at Toulouse, 
where he defeated his old opponent, Soult, for the last time 
(April 10, 1 814). Four days previously Napoleon had 
abdicated, and taking a touching adieu of the imperial 
standard and guard at Fontainebleau, he departed for Elba, 
the sovereignty of which was allotted to him by the allies. 
There the master of half Europe was to exercise liis^ ruling 
power, almost within sight of his native island of Corsica. 



The Bourbon House (Elder Branch). 

Louis XV. 

Louis (Dauphin, died in 1765). 
. J 

I r~ ^1 

Louis XVI, Louis XVIIL Charles X. 
executed 1793.. | 

Louis (XVII), Louis, Charles, 

died 1795. died 1844. murdered 1820. 


Henry, Comte 

de Chambord, 

died 1883. 

Lotiis XVIII (1814-1824). — ^The French Senate called to 
the throne the elder brother of Louis XVI under the title of 
Louis XVIII, though the son of the former had never ruled, 
having died in the Temple prison in 1795. The new 
monarch, elderly, peaceable, with the phlegmatic nature and 
huge appetite of the Bourbons, could not long satisfy an ardent 
people who had worshipped a genius; but, under the influence 
of the czar, Louis granted a Constitutional Charter to 
France (June 4), establishing a Chamber of Deputies elected 
by all who paid more than 300 francs in direct taxes, and a 
Chamber of Peers nominated by the king. These Chambers 


were not to initiate legislation, but could discuss or reject 
measures proposed by the Crown — z. privilege not allowed 
by Napoleon to his subservient Assemblies. Liberty of 
worship, of the press, and the inviolability of the sales of 
land made by the National Assembly in 1792, were 
also recognised, and all public offices were thrown open 
to all classes. So most of t!he social changes and many 
of the political reforms of the Revolution were retained by 
the king. In fact, Louis himself held the philosophic 
Liberal principles of the eighteenth century, but his younger 
brother, the Comte d'Artois, afterwards Charles X, who 
had led the way in the "first emigration" of 1789, had 
'* learned nothing and forgotten nothing" in his exile of a 
quarter of a century. He and the returned emigrant 
nobles soon gave offence by their proud disregard of changes 
which the years between 1789 and 18 14 had made in the 
habits of the French people; and Napoleon's veterans, feel- 
ing themselves slighted, turned their thoughts towards Elba. 
Above all, the national pride was wounded by the Treaty of 
Paris, hastily signed by Talleyrand (May 30, 18 14), which 
reduced France to the limits of 1792 by detaching Belgium, 
the Rhine province. Savoy, and Nice.^ 

First Congress of Vienna. — Moreover, in the Congress 
held at Vienna the allies were quarrelling over the spoils of 
war. Russia claimed the duchy of Warsaw, which before 
Tilsit had for fourteen years belonged to Prussia, and the 
latter power aroused Austrian enmity by claiming the whole 
of Saxony as the price of the fidelity of its king to 
Napoleon, while the reconstruction of the smaller German 

^ France, however, was to pay no war indemnity, nor restore the works 
of art taken from foreign capitals, except the horses of the Brandenburg 
gate at Berlin. Her ambassador Talleyrand soon played a conspicuous 
part in the settlement of German affairs in the Congress at Vienna. 


States promised to take years of discussion even if under 
the headship of Austria and Prussia they were grouped into 
a great federation which might form a barrier to French 
aggression. Finally, a secret alliance was even arrived at 
between Austria, France, and England, against the absorption 
of Saxony by Prussia. 

The Hundred Days. — After five months of dissension, 
the allied Powers were forced into union again by the news 
that Napoleon had landed in France. Carelessly guarded 
by one English frigate, he had embarked about 1000 
men on merchant ships and landed at Antibes (March i, 
1 8 1 5). Taking the mountain road to Grenoble, he was there 
enthusiastically received by his old soldiers. Ney on set- 
ting out from Paris promised Louis that he would bring 
Napoleon back in an iron cage, but he soon came under 
the spell of the old military enthusiasm and adhered to 
Napoleon's fortunes. With troops joining him at every 
town Napoleon marched on Paris, whence Louis XVIII 
fled amidst the utmost confusion. 

Without a shot fired on his side Napoleon entered the 
Tuileries (March 20), and soon issued a proclamation 
announcing his peaceful intentions and his desire to found 
free institutions in France. Undeceived by these promises, 
the allies proclaimed him a public enemy to Europe and 
set their forces in motion against him. He on his side now 
had about 100,000 French soldiers who, in the last 
campaign of 1814, had been shut up in German fortresses. 
So with a total of 120,000 men he was able to assume the 
offensive on Belgium, where some English troops were 
already engaged in establishing the Dutch sovereignty.^ 
Joined by numerous German, Dutch, and Belgian corps, 
Wellington's army at first numbered nearly 100,000 men, 

^ See p. 158 on the •' Reconstruction of Europe." 


of whom little more than a third were English. Bliichei 
led 115,000 Prussians through Belgium to join Wellington, 
but before the junction was effected Napoleon defeated the 
Prussians around the village of Ligny (June 16, 18 15), 
which was taken and re-taken several times in desperate 
charges. On the same day Ney tried in vain to force 
Wellington's army back at Quatre-Bras. Wellington, how- 
ever, fell back on Waterloo to cover the highroad to 
Brussels, and to give Bliicher time to join him. The 
Prussians, pursued by Grouchy, left a small corps to mask 
then: movements, while the stalwart veteran Bliicher, un- 
daunted by defeat and his own wound, with the main body 
strained every nerve to reach Waterloo. 

Waterloo. — There, on Sunday, June 18, 181 5, 
Wellington held his own from noon to sunset against 
superior forces, and in spite of the half-hearted support and 
early retreat of many of his Dutch -Belgian regiments. 
Napoleon's attack on the farm of Hougoumont was stoutly 
repelled, but the French finally carried the important post 
of La Haie Sainte, held by the Hessians. Charge after 
charge of 10,000 of the best cavalry in France upon the 
hard-pressed British squares was as gallantly beaten back by 
Wellington's young English levies : at this time Billow's and 
Bliicher's attacks were serious, and Napoleon made a last 
desperate effort to keep back the Prussians while he hurled 
his famous "Old Guard" and the reserves of French 
infantry on Wellington's centre; but the English guards 
threw them into confusion by sudden volleys at close 
quarters, and a general advance of Wellington and 
Bliicher's forces swept away the " Guard " which had so 
long been the terror of Europe. Napoleon's last army was 
disbanded or destroyed, and he himself barely reached 
Paris. The Chambers, which he had summoned, at once 


demanded his abdication, and Fouch6, the regicide in 1793, 
now treated with the royalist party, which joined the allies 
in demanding the return of Louis XVIII. 

As on his first abdication, so now again Napoleon named 
his young son as his successor with the title of Napoleon II; 
but he was never recognised by the French Chambers or 
nation.^ Napoleon hurried to the coast with the hope of 
escaping to the United States as a new possible starting- 
point of attack on the British Empire \ but English cruisers 
off Rochefort watched his movements, and he surrendered 
himself to the captain of the Bellerophon (July 15, 18 15). 

St. Helena. — Thus ended the " Hundred Days," during 
which about 40,000 soldiers lost their lives. This result of 
Napoleon's escape from Elba decided the British Govern- 
ment to prevent further bloodshed in Europe by confining 
Napoleon to the lonely isle of St. Helena. There he lived 
on for six years, with constant complaints against the con- 
straints of a captivity less rigorous than that which he had 
inflicted on the harmless old Pius VII at Savona. His 
remains were brought to France and placed with great pomp 
in the Invalides at Paris in the reign of Louis Philippe. 

Thus passed away from Europe, at the age of forty-five, 
the most remarkable man of modem times. Dazzled by 
his romantic career, the French people soon forgot that he 
had overthrown their republic and left their country smaller 
than it was when he became First Consul Beginning life 
at a time when France was crying out for a strong hand to 
curb anarchy, the young Bonaparte saw what could be 
achieved by a firm ruler who could crush the excesses but 

1 Napoleon's wife Maria Louisa was made Duchess of Parma, and their 
son lived at Vienna with his imperial grandfather under the title of the Duke 
of Reichstadt ; he died in 1832. Napoleon's other crowned relatives were 
pensioned off with duchies or baronies — except Murat (see p. 158). 


retain the practicable reforms of the Revolution. With 
equal ability the young general devoted to his own service 
the enthusiasm of the French soldiery, already trained to 
conquer by the revolutionary wars. The vast resources 
thus gained by him as Consul were wielded with a domi- 
neering will ; and his powers of organisation, 6f evolving 
order out of chaos all over his vast empire, were on a par 
with his military genius. In fact, his clear-cut, unemotional 
nature left him with no weak point save his absence of 
moral restraint, and, in later life, his lack of all sense of 
proportion in his schemes. These two defects, nurtured 
by his own success, led him to dare all and lose all. 

Like all powerful natures, Napoleon owed much of his 
success to his gift of calling forth and utilising the talents of 
others. Thus his Code, which forms the most enduring 
part of his work ip France, Italy, and Western Germany, 
was almost entirely the work of men whose names are well- 
nigh forgotten. So, in his military career, the victory of 
Marengo was due to Kellermann and Desaix, who in fact 
snatched victory from defeat The glory of Jena is properly 
eclipsed by Davoust's rout of superior Prussian forces at 
Auerstadt on the same day, while the glory of Austerlitz 
and Friedland must be largely attributed to Soult and Ney 

But a Napoleonic legend soon sprang up, which repre- 
sented its hero as blameless and invincible, save for the 
treason of subordinates. To this legend France owed the 
imperialist revival of 1852-1870 with its finale of crushing 




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When the allied troops again entered Paris, Blucher was 
with difficulty restrained by the calmer judgment of his 
king and of Wellington from blowing up the bridge of Jena. 
The wrath of the old " Marshal Forwards," as he was called 
by his soldiers, who had seen his own country for seven 
years crushed by France, was further expressed in his desire 
to partition France as Germany had been parcelled out by 
Napoleon; and his views were shared by many of the 
Prussian " patriots." Less extreme views were held by the 
Prussian king ; and the practical good sense of the Duke of 
Wellington, who had been named Generalissimo of the 
allied armies in Paris, soon achieved as great a success in 
diplomacy as his skill and foresight had won in baffling all 
the best French marshals in Spain. 

Alexander — The Holy Alliance. — ^The allies in Paris 
were soon joined by a monarch, whose pre-eminent services 
in the overthrow of Napoleon gave overpowering weight to 
the party of moderation. The Czar Alexander, as the 
generous and powerful rival and conqueror of Napoleon, 
was almost worshipped by the royalists of Paris ; and his 
chivalrous nature was shown by his accord with Wellington 
not to press hard on France now that she was freed from 
Napoleon. To his devout but somewhat dreamy and 

Stanfords Geogrxqphicdl Estab?' 


unpractical mind was soon suggested a scheme of apply- 
ing Christian principles to politics as a protest against the 
gospel of force which had prevailed since the Treaty of 
Campo Formio; but under the skilful management of 
Mettemich this so-called " Holy Alliance " (September 26, 
181 5), concluded between the sovereigns of Russia, Austria, 
and Prussia, was soon to become a means of thwarting 
Liberal principles all over the continent of Europe; for 
Mettemich himself has described the Alliance as a " loud- 
sounding nothing"; and it was this "pillar of order" (as 
he called himself) who was soon the leading spirit in the 
reactionary policy of the continental States. The destinies 
of Europe were to be moulded by a second congress, in 
which England, Austria, Prussia, and Russia took the chief 
part ; and it was soon seen that the high ideals of the Holy 
Alliance were not to have any practical application. A 
more definite policy was set forth in the Quadruple ; 
Alliance (Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Great Britain), 
which bound these Powers to the support of the Bourbons 
in France, and to the perpetual exclusion of Napoleon. 
The following were the results of the Congress of Vienna : — 
Franoe. — The old difficulties about Poland and Saxony 
had been increased by the demand of Prussia that Central 
Europe should disarm France by the cession to Prussia and 
Germany of the north-eastern frontier fortresses and of the 
entire provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. Against this the 
Czar Alexander and the English envoys wisely urged that 
such a terrible loss would weaken the new Bourbon ruler 
in France, and cause his people to risk everything for the 
recovery of provinces taken from Germany so long ago ; ^ 

1 Metz, Toul, and Verdun were taken by Henri II in 1552. Strass- 
burg was seized by Louis XIV in x68z in time of peace, when Germany 
was weak. 


and finally, that a still divided Germany was not strong 
enough to hold them against permanent French hostility. 
Wellington himself admitted that " France was left in too 
great strength for the peace of Europe," and Hardenberg 
vainly protested with prophetic foresight, " If we let slip 
this opportunity streams of blood will flow to attain this 
object" But Russia's interest in the "Eastern Question " was 
best served by leaving France as a strong power to counter- 
balance Prussia and Austria. So in the end France gained 
slightly on her old territories of 1789 by the addition of 
Avignon and small parts of Savoy and Alsace, which last 
province ceased to have any connection with Germany. 

Prussia. — Scarcely less important was the dispute about 
Saxony. Austria, Russia, England, and the smaller Ger- 
man States protested against the complete absorption of 
Saxony by Prussia. After bringing the Powers to the very 
verge of war this dispute was settled by Prussia receiving 
nearly half of the enlarged realm of Saxony, which was thus 
reduced to its present size. Prussia also gained the rich 
and populous Rhine province, with a population of over a 
million, mostly Roman Catholics. Of the duchy of War- 
saw, which had been Prussian territory from 1793 to 1807, 
she regained only the district of Thorn and the duchy ot 
Posen, which gave her the gradually rounded frontier, con- 
necting East Prussia with Silesia, which she still holds. 
By the acquisition of Swedish Pomerania, Riigen,^ and a 
great part of Jerome's kingdom of Westphalia, Prussia further 
gained a large German population which more than com- 
pensated in numbers and patriotism for her loss of the Poles 
in the East. Henceforth she became the natural guardian 
of Germany against Russia and France, for she now 

^ She gained Swedish Pomerania and Rtigen by a complicated series of 


touched France on the south-west. And though her new 
subjects in the western, provinces were sundered from her 
main territory by Hesse and Hanover, and, as Catholics 
long subject to the Code Napoleon, were for some time 
lukewarm in their patriotism, yet these difficulties and 
responsibilities only served in the end to develop the vigour 
of Prussian statesmen in their championship of Germany. 
Thus Prussia, after being nearly crushed out of existence 
by Napoleon, rose to a position of greater power than she 
held at the death of Frederick the Great in 1786. 

Austria. — ^Austria, on the contrary, had long desired to 
give up her distant Flemish subjects, who were disaffected 
towards her and could at any time embroil her with France; 
by also relinquishing her old rights in Alsace and South 
Baden, she no longer touched France ; but by thus limiting 
her responsibilities in the defence of Germany she virtually 
handed over to her vigorous northern rival the championship 
of the new German Confederation. For these losses Austria 
recouped herself by gaining the provinces of lUyria, Tyrol, 
Vorarlberg, and Salzburg, together with her newer posses- 
sions, also wrested from her by Napoleon — ^viz. the Lom- 
bardo-Venetian kingdom, Dalmatia in the south, and the 
part of Galicia ceded to the duchy of Warsaw. Thus, with 
the exception of the Tyrolese provinces, Austria's gains were 
in Sclavonic and Italian peoples. Her territorial gains, 
which seemed to the clever but superficial Metternich to 
involve little danger, again raised her to the dignity from 
which Austerlitz and Wagram had hurled her ; but she was 
now not so much a German as a Sclavonic power, and the 
paternal despotism of the emperor at Vienna was soon to 
find more and more difficulty in holding together his diverse 

The German Confederation. — After wearisome dis- 


putes on this tangled question, the thirty-nine States which 
had survived the ruin of the Holy Roman Empire were 
formed into a German Confederation, which was well-nigh 
as cumbrous in its constitution as its venerable predecessor 
had been. Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, 
Wiirtcmberg, Baden, the two Hesses, Brunswick, Mecklen- 
burg, and other smaller States, with the free cities Liibeck, 
Frankfurt-on-the-Main, Bremen, and Hamburg, composed 
this vast Confederation. It numbered 54,000,000 in- 
habitants. Denmark, on account of her king's rights over 
the German duchy of Holstein, and Holland, on account 
of her king's duchy of Luxemburg, had a voice in its affairs. 
Austria held the permanent presidency ; but both she and 
Prussia were altogether outvoted by the petty princes, most 
of whom had one vote. The thirteenth article of the con- 
stitution declared that each State should grant a constitu- 
tion to its people, but it was soon seen that this vague 
promise was to be cancelled in the general tide of reaction 
which from Vienna spread over the continent; and the 
bitter disappointment felt by the Prussian and German 
patriots who had fought for king and country in the belief 
that a liberal constitution would be granted, gave for many 
years a bitter tone to German thought and feeling, culmi- 
nating in 1830 and 1848. Of the smaller German States 
Hanover was raised to the rank of a kingdom for its ruler 
George III of England, with the addition of East Frisia, 
which had formed Prussia's north sea-coast line. Bavaria, 
thanks to her timely defection from Napoleon, received the 
Rhenish Palatinate; while Baden gained in the south. 
Throughout the greater part of West Germany and the 
Rhine province of Prussia the Napoleonic code continued 
in force, and all the "mediatised" counts and princes 
remained as in the time of the Rhenish Confederation. 


Italy — Ffidl of Murat. — Murat had ended his acts of 
duplicity by preparing to invade Northern Italy with his 
Neapolitan troops, giving out that he came to attack the 
French Bourbons who wished to restore Ferdinand to his 
former throne of Naples. 

The Austrians attacked Murat in April 18 15, as he 
advanced northwards after hearing of Napoleon's successful 
landing in France. He aroused some enthusiasm by pro- 
claiming the unity and independence of Italy; but after 
reaching Bologna he was obliged to retreat, and soon 
fied to join Napoleon, who would have nothing to do with 
him. An English squadron and Austrian troops restored 
the detested Ferdinand to his throne of Naples in May 
18 1 5. Meanwhile Murat had taken refuge in Corsica, 
and after Waterloo he made a second attempt to rouse 
Italy in his favour ; but on his landing he was seized and 
shot — an ignominious end for the bravest and most brilliant 
of Napoleon's relatives (October 13, 18 15). 

For two centuries French or Austrian influence had 
striven for the mastery in Italy. The downfall of Napoleon 
and his representatives in the north and south, Eugene 
Beauharnais and Murat, seemed to be quite naturally fol- 
lowed by the ascendency of Austria.^ She now added to 
her old province of Milan the whole of the rich province of 
Venetia, first handed over to her by Napoleon at Campo 
Formio and then retaken by the treaty of Presburg. The 
duchies of Tuscany, Modena, and Parma, were also restored 
to the younger branches of the House of Hapsburg. Met- 

1 In fact, Austria bore a mandate from the Powers assembled at Vienna, 
to oust French influence from the distracted Italian peninsula, somewhat 
similar to that with which she was commissioned by the Berlin Congress 
in 1878 to counteract Russian influence in the Balkan peninsula ; but her 
conduct in the latter case has been more constitutional. 


temich*s policy was all-powerful in the States of Central and 
South Italy. 

The restoration of the kings of Sardinia and Naples to 
their realms, and of the imprisoned Pope Pius VII to his 
States, completed the triumph of reaction in Italy ; and 
this was especially seen — firstly, in the forcible annexation 
of the republic of Genoa to the kingdom of Sardinia, which 
was in nowise strengthened by the addition of a coast line 
and city hostile to Piedmont and a hotbed of revolutionary 
intrigue ; secondly, by the speedy suppression of the free 
Sicilian constitution which had been forced by Lord Ben- 
tinck on King Ferdinand while he was a refugee in Sicily, 
protected by the British fleet. 

Thus it was no chance result that Genoa and Sicily were 
soon in the van of the struggle for Italian unity and liberty. 
Genoa was ever urging on the ruler of Sardinia to a " for- 
ward " policy, and she supplied many of the leaders in the 
struggle ; while Sicily was rightly judged by Mazzini to be 
the best starting-point for the attack on the despotism of 
South Italy (i860). 

Russia. — This power had been advancing with giant 
strides ever since the conquest of the Crimea (1774) had 
opened the Black Sea to her influence. The first partition 
of Poland in 1772 had extended her western frontier from 
Smolensk to Witepsk; the second, in 1793, ^o Vilna; the 
third, in 1795, to the rivers Niemen and Bug. 

The treaty of Tilsit gave her the district of Bialystock 
out of Prussia's share of the booty, and now the peace of 
1 81 5, besides assuring to her all her recent acquisitions in 
Finland, Poland, and Bessarabia, handed over to her all 
the gnand-duchy of Warsaw, except the districts of Posen 
and Thorn. Thus she now acquired the solid block of 
territory which divides East Prussia from Galicia ; and the 


tiny republic of Cra(X)w was all that remained of the once 
great Polish kingdom. In the east, Russia was fast 
becoming a great Asiatic Power by the conquest of 
Siberia and Georgia, which brought her near to the 
borders of China and Persia respectively. Well might 
Napoleon say, " In fifty years Europe will be republican or 

Great Britain. — In Europe itself Great Britain had 
gained less than any of the successful allies, viz. Malta, 
Heligoland, and a protectorate over the Ionian Isles ; l^ul 
she had been growing during these years of strife into a 
world-wide power, in spite of all Napoleon^s efforts to con- 
quer or starve her. The capture of Seringapatam, of 
Delhi (1803), and the Mahratta war were completing the 
conquest of India. The easy conquest of the Dutch and 
French colonies gave her new power in every sea ; while 
the gradual settlement of New South Wales was ensur- 
ing a peaceful conquest of the great southern "isle of 

Indeed, it is a curious comment on the instability of 
mere military triumphs that those very Powers against 
which Napoleon directed all his might in the end gained 
most largely from France and her allies. 

The New World. — The financial needs of Napoleon 
furthered the progress of the other great branch of the 
English race, for in 1803 he sold to the United States 
the vast territory called Louisiana at a cost of little more 
than a penny per acre, and thus opened to our kinsmen 
the vast prairies up to and beyond the Mississippi. It 
will be seen also ^ that the Napoleonic wars hastened the 
severance of Central and South America from Spain and 

^ Pages 184-186. 


The Scandinavian Countries. — As compensation for 
the loss of Finland and her small part of Pomerania, 
Sweden received Norway, which had formerly belonged to 
the Danish crown. Norway had been thus bargained away 
by the allies as the price of Swedish assistance in the War 
of Liberation, when the Danish ruler unwisely adhered to 
Napoleon's fortunes. The transfer of a democratic country 
like Norway to the Swedish feudal monarchy was not 
effected without much resistance, which was overcome 
by a demonstration of a British fleet (1814); but this 
forced union of Norway and Sweden was to lead to much 
friction. (See page 384.) 

. Denmark received a petty compensation for her losses 
in the annexation of Lauenburg, a small duchy north of 
the Elbe: she retained her old supremacy in Schleswig- 
Holstein, and also her hold over Iceland and the Faroe 
Isles, which had been regarded as dependencies of 

The Netherlands. — The Belgians, united to the 
French by ties of religion, language, and twenty years of 
common rule, desired to remain united to France, or to 
form an independent republic; but the allies determined 
to compensate Holland for her terrible losses ^ at home and 
abroad by adding on the Belgian Netherlands : they hoped 
thus to build up against France a strong barrier on the 
north. So they united the Catholic Flemish provinces to 
Protestant Holland, which had recently been raised to the 
rank of a kingdom under the son of its former hereditary 
stadholder, William of Orange. This forcible union was 
not to last more than fifteen years. (See pages 1 95-^97-) 

Switzerland (continued from pages 64, 120), by regain- 

1 Holland lost Ceylon and the Cape. 


ing Geneva, Valais, and Neufchatel, now consisted of twenty- 
two cantons, and the Confederation was now declared by 
the Congress of Vienna to be placed under the guarantee 
of perpetual neutrality; but the King of Prussia ^ again 
became Prince of Neufchitel, until the disputes of 1857 
put an end to this anomaly of a principality forming part of 
a republican Confederacy. 

The Bernese oligarchs, who had lost their supremacy in 
1798 by the establishment of the Helvetic Republic, now 
made an effort to regain all their powers and privileges 
over the cantons once subject to .them. The new 
"Federal Act" of 181 5 loosened the union of the 
cantons and enacted that the cantonal constitutions 
should be recognised by the central Diet, the presidency 
of which was to belong to the head cantons of Berne, 
Zurich, and Lucerne in turns. Napoleon's act had abo- 
lished cantonal customs dues ; they were now re-estab- 
lished, and cantonal governments reappeared in their 
patriarchal form, though the social changes wrought by 
Napoleon remained. (Continued on page 200.) 

Recapitulation. — Although hampered by previous 
bargains and beset by dynastic traditions, the Congress of 
Vienna made a great advance towards the settlement of 
Europe on its modern basis. The terrible convulsions of 
the last twenty years had overthrown many unnatural com- 
binations of States and peoples; and now, in spite of 
obvious and glaring mistakes, these were remodelled in a 
more natural manner. Thus France ceased to have any 
German subjects, except those in her old possessions of 
Alsace and Lorraine. 

The organisation of Germany was now less cum- 

^ After Jena, Napoleon had given Neufchitel to his own general, 
• Berthier. 


brous, and its divisions less minute, than under the old 

Prussia approached more nearly to her natural limits by 
becoming the chief German power, while she lost her 
, Eastern Polish possessions gained in 1772 -1795. 

Russia had now become a vast Sclavonic power. Great 
Britain, though gaining next to nothing in Europe, had 
acquired the empire of the seas. 

Sweden and Denmark lost their European lands across 
the Baltic and the Cattegat respectively, and were now 
limited Jp their ow;i peninsulas. 

The statesmen at Vienna were, however, too much 
bound by the bargains of the allies in 1813 and 18 14 to 
give due weight to the rising feeling of nationality ; indeed 
the superficial Metternich, ready as he was to barter away 
peoples like so much live stock from one owner to another, 
could not see that the arrangements in Italy, Belgium, 
Schleswig-Holstein, Poland, and in the Germanic Con- 
federation, were mere makeshifts, certain to be swept away 
by popular risings. 

The Congress closed by declaring the freedom of 
navigation of European rivers, and by condemning the 
slave trade. England had abolished her slave trade 
-* in 1807, and the French reformers in 1790 had 
aimed a blow at the infamous traffic by proclaiming the 
liberty and equality of. all mankind. Now, in 181 5, 
sterner measures against slave-owners were only waived 
by the Powers on the strenuous opposition of Spain and 
Portugal France definitely abolished her slave trade in 

The Peaxje. — For the next forty years Europe enjoyed 
comparative freedom from war, except in Spain, Turkey, 
the Netherlands, Poland, and Hungary. 




After nearly twenty years of the most tremendous wars 
known in all history, it might be expected that undisturbed 
repose would follow for a like period ; but the years of war 
had also been years of social upheaval and change, so the 
ensuing peace resembled the exhaustion which follows fever 
rather than the calm repose of healthy toil. Even our own 
country, which had passed through the tempest without 
invasion or revolution, was completely exhausted by its 
financial efforts as paymaster of the coalitions; and our 
subsequent history has been overshadowed by the crushing 
burden of debt and taxation.^ 

Still greater was the distress on the continent, which had 
been in nearly every part devastated by war. Even the 
few districts, as Western France, South Italy, East Hun- 
gary, the south and north of Russia, which had not been 
the scenes of regular warfare, were drained of men to 
fight for or against Napoleon. The disbanding of armies 
threw numbers of men on the labour-market ; while 
the new conditions of industry caused by the gradual 
extension of labour-saving machinery began to ruin many 
cottage industries and concentrate artisans in large 

^ National Debt. 

Great Britain . 
Germany . 
Russia . . 




;f 370, 000,000 



;^84I, 000,000 


1 Mulhall, 


manufactories and crowded towns. So the new era 
brought discontent, which reached its climax where men 
had been promised the privileges of constitutional govern- 
ment, and where those promises were now deliberately 
set aside. 


FRANCE (1815-1830). 

Louis XVIII (181 5- 1824). Charles X (1824- 1830). 

Louis XVIII re-entered his capital only twenty days after 
the battle of Waterloo. The satisfaction of the well-to-do 
citizens was cooled by the terms of the new treaty of peace ; 
yet the allies did not press severely on France. After 
Leipzig tbey had offered Napoleon the Rhine frontier, 
after his first abdica,tion they left France with frontiers 
slightly in advance of those of 1789, and now she was 
left with practically the same frontiers as before Waterloo ; 
but she had to pay a war indemnity of ^^40,000,000, to 
submit to the occupation of her northem aad eastern 
provinces by 150,000 of the allied troops for a period not 
exceeding five years, and also to restore the works of art of 
which Napoleon had rifled the cities of Italy and Germany. 
Thus France was defeated but not crushed. Indeed she 
had gained Avignon and some districts of Alsace since 
1792, ^nd she had gained social and political stability by 
having millions of peasants as small proprietors in the soil ; 
moreover, as Napoleon always waged his wars at the expense 
of his conquered foes, the French national debt was after 
all the wars only one-sixth of the debt of Great Britain.^ 
So France soon rose to a position of strength and prosperity 

* See p. 161. 


hardly equalled in all Europe, in spite of bad harvests, 
political unrest, and the foreign occupation which ended 
in 1818.1 

Reactionary Measures. — ^The royalists, after a quarter 
of a century of repression, now revenged themselves with 
truly French vehemence. In France a victorious party 
generally crushes its opponents; and the elections, held 
during the fiill swing of the royalist reaction, sent up to 
Paris a Legislative Assembly " more royalist than the king 
himself." Before it assembled, Louis XVIII, in spite of 
his promise only to punish those who were declared by the 
Assembly to be traitors, proscribed fifty-seven persons who 
had deserted to Napoleon in the " Hundred Days." This 
list was drawn up by Fouch6, who had in 1793 voted for 
the death of Louis XVI, and now showed the zeal of a 
renegade in the service of the new monarch: of the 
proscribed men thirty-eight were banished and a few were 
shot. Among the latter the most illustrious was Marshal 
Ney, whose past bravery did not shield him from the ex- 
treme penalty for the betrayal of the military oath. Con- 
demned to death by the Chamber of Peers, he met his fate 
like the hero of Friedland and of the Russian campaign : 
"Soldiers, aim straight at the heart," were his last words. 
This impolitic execution rankled deep in the breasts of all 
Napoleon's old soldiers, but for the present all opposition 
was swept away in the furious tide of reaction. Brune, 
one of Napoleon's marshals, was killed by the royalist 
populace of Avignon ; and the Protestants of the south, 

^ The celebrated words that Louis would occupy his chair of state on 
the Pont de J6na when Blttcher intended to blow it up, were invented for 
Hie king by the Comte de Beugnot, who also placed in the mouth of the 
Comte d'Artois on his return to France the patriotic phrase, ' ' There is one 
Frenchman more." 

xxiii] FRANCE (1815-1830). 165 

who were suspected of favouring Napoleon's home policy, 
suffered terrible outrages at Nimes and Uz^s in this " white 
terror/' ^ 

The restored monarchy had far stronger executive 
powers than the old system wielded before 1789, for it 
now drew into its hands the centralised powers which, 
under the Directory and the Empire, had replaced the 
old cumbrous provincial system; but even this gain of 
power did not satisfy the hot-headed royalists of the 
Chamber. They instituted judicial courts under a pro- 
vost (prkvdi\ which passed severe sentences without right 
of appeal. 

Dismissing the comparatively Liberal ministers Talleyr 
rand and Fouch^, Louis in September 1816 summoned a 
more royalist ministry under the Due de Richelieu, which 
was itself hurried on by the reactionaries. Chateaubriand 
fanned the flames of royalist passion by his writings, until the 
king even found it necessary to dissolve this mischievous 
Chamber, and the new deputies who assembled (February 
18 1 7) showed a more moderate spirit. 

France was soon delivered from the foreign armies of 
occupation, for the sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and 
Prussia, meeting at Aix-la-Chapelle (September 18 18) in 
order to combat revolutionary attempts, decided that an 
early evacuation of French territory would strengthen the 
Bourbon rule in France ; and they renewed the Quadruple 
Alliance,^ which aimed at upholding existing treaties. 

1 So called because the white fleur-de-lys flag of the Bourbons now 
everywhere replaced the tricolour of the republic and empire. These two 
flags represent the policy of the State in France. Thus the refusal of the 
Comte de Chambord to accept the tricolour showed his determination to 
reject constitutional principles even down to his death in 1883. 

r' See p. 151. 


The discontent in Germany ^ and Italy ^ awakened a 
sympathetic echo in France, which showed itself in the 
retirement of the Due de Richelieu and the accession of 
a more progressive minister, Decazes (November 1819). 
This check to the royalist reaction was soon swept away by 
an event of sinister import. 

The Due de Berry, second son of the Comte d'Artois, 
was assassinated (February 1820), as he was leaving the 
opera-house, by a fanatic who aimed at cutting off the direct 
Bourbon line^ (February 1820). His design utterly failed, 
for a posdiumous son, the celebrated Comte de Chambord, 
was born in September 1820; and the only result was a 
new outburst of royalist fury. Liberty of the press Was 
suspended, and a new complicated electoral system re- 
stricted the franchise to those who paid at least 1000 
francs a year in direct taxation : the Chamber of Deputies, 
a fifth part of which was renewed every year by an elect- 
orate now representing only the wealthy, became every year 
more reactionary, while the Left * saw its numbers decline. 

Conspiraciea — The ultra-royalist ministry of Vill^le 
soon in its turn aroused secret conspiracies, for the death 
of Napoleon (May 5, 1821) was now awakening a feeling 
of regret for the comparative liberty enjoyed in France 
during the Empire. Military conspiracies were formed, 
only to be discovered and crushed, and the veteran 
republican Lafayette was thought to be concerned in a 
great attempt projected in the eastern departments with 
its headquarters at Belfort ; and the terrible society of the 

1 See p. 175. ' See p. 181. » Siee p. 143. 

^ In the French Chamber the side on the right of the president is 
occupied by the Conservatives, that on the left by the Liberals and 
Radicals, while on the connecting benches opposite the president sit the 
more moderate men of both parties, hence called Right Centre, and Left 

xxiii] FRANCE (1815-1830). 167 

Carbonari secretly spread its arms through the south of 
France, where it found soil as favourable as in Italy itself. 

Proteotive SystexxL^^In the midst of her political 
unrest France entered on the path of financial " protec- 
tion." The government of Louis XVI had encouraged 
tmde with Englandi but the stem hand of Napoleon had 
confined the trade of France to her vassal and allied States 
on the continent Though Louis XVIII had of course 
swept away the Berlin and Milan decrees, yet protective 
ideas had taken deep root in France ; and the agriculturists 
now called out for import duties arranged on a sliding 
scale according to the price of com in the country. This 
had been adopted in England in 181 5 in the interests 
of the landowners, who feared the sudden fall in the price 
of com threatened by the peace. It was first adopted in 
France in December 18 14, but was made much more 
stringent in 181 9 in the interests of landowners. Further 
protective duties were imposed in 1826 on iron, steel, 
silks, and even on sugar. 

Intervention in Spain.-^A revolution in Spain held 
Ferdinand a prisoner in his palace at Madrid. Louis 
determined to uphold the throne of his Bourbon relative, 
and sent an army which quickly effected its object (1823).^ 
" The Pyrenees no longer exist," exclaimed Louis XVIII. 
In fact, everywhere in Europe absolutism seemed to be 
triumphant, and the elections of December 1823 sent up 
a further reinforcement to the royalist party; also the 
approaching end of the sensible old king foreshadowed a 
period of still more violent reaction under his hot-headed 
brother Charles. Louis XVIII died on September 16, 
1824. At his death the restoration seemed firmly 
established. Trade and commerce were prospering, the 
1 See p. Z85. 


Chambers were more royalist than the king, and the army 
seemed to have worked off its discontents in the Spanish 
campaign. France had quickly recovered from twenty 
years of warfare, and was thought to have the strongest 
government in Europe. 

Charles X (i 824-1 830). — Always the chief of the 
reactionary nobles, Charles had said, " It is only Lafayette 
and I who have not changed since 1789." 

Honest, sincere, and affable as the new king was, yet 
his popularity soon vanished when it was seen how >entirely 
he was under the control of his confessor; and the 
ceremonies of his coronation at Rheims showed that he 
intended to revive the almost forgotten past In Guizot's 
words, " Louis XVIII was a moderate of the old system 
and a liberal-minded inheritor of the eighteenth century: 
Charles X was a true kmigri^ and a submissive bigot." 

LegislatioxL — Among the first bills which Charles 
proposed to the Chambers was one to indemnify those 
who had lost their lands in the Revolution. To give these 
lands back would have caused general unsettlement among 
thousands of small cultivators ; but the former landowners 
received an indemnity of a milliard of francs, which they 
exclaimed against for its insufficiency just as loudly as the 
radicals did for its extravagance : by this tardy act of 
justice the State endeavoured to repair some of the unjust 
confiscations of the revolutionary era. 

Less justifiable were Charles' proposals to reinforce the 
old terrible penalties for sacrilege, and to renew the law 
of primogeniture in families paying 300 francs a year as 
land tax : the latter of these was rejected by the Chamber 
of Peers, as tending to re-establish a privileged class. The 
attempts made by the Jesuits to regain their legal status 
in France, in spite of the prohibition dating from before 

xxiii] FRANCS (1815-1830). 169 

the fall of the old rigime, aroused further hostility to the 
king, who was well known to favour their cause. Nothing, 
however, so strengthened the growing opposition in the 
Chambers and in the country at large as a rigorous measure 
aimed at the newspapers, pamphlets, and books which 
combated the clerical reaction. These publications were 
to pay a stamp duty per page, while crushing fines were 
devised to ruin the offending critics. One of the leaders 
of the opposition, Casimir P^rier, exclaimed against this 
measure as ruinous to trade : " Printing would be sup- 
pressed in France and transferred to Belgium." The 
king persevered in his mad enterprise : he refused 
to receive a petition from the most august literary 
society in Europe, the Acad^mie Frangaise, and cashiered 
its promoters as if they were clerks under his orders. 
Strange to say, the Chamber of Deputies passed the 
measure, while the Peers caused its withdrawal — ^an event 
greeted by illuminations all over Paris (April 1827). A 
few days afterwards, at a review of the National Guards in 
Paris, the troops raised cries for the liberty of the press 
and for the charter granted in 181 5. The next day they 
were disbanded by royal command, but were foolishly 
allowed to retain their arms, which were soon to be used 
against the government Charles next created seventy-six 
new peers to outvote his opponents in the Upper House. 
He also dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, but found the 
new members less pliable. Finally, Charles had to give 
way tor the time, and accept a more moderate ministry 
under Martignac in place of the reactionary Villfele Cabinet 
The new Cabinet gave effect to its views by joining 
England in the expedition sent to support the Greeks, whom 
- the two great western nations had long desired to liberate.^ 

^ Seep. 191. 


But neither progressists, reactionaries, nor Charles him- 
self desired a policy of colourless moderation in home 
affairs, which has too often been taken for weakness by the 
logic-loving French. So Charles was soon able to dismiss 
this ministry, the last hope of conciliation, and formed 
(August 1829) a ministry under Count Polignaic, one of 
whose colleagues was the General Bourmont who had 
deserted to the allies the day before Waterloo. The 
kings speech at the opening of the next session (March 
1830) was curt and threatening, and the Chamber was 
soon prorogued. Reform banquets, a custom which the 
French borrowed from English reformers, increased the 
agitation, which the Polignac ministry vainly sought to 
divert by ambitious projects of invasion and partition of 
some neighbouring States. 

Capture of Algiers. — ^The only practical outcome of 
these projects was the conquest of the pirate stronghold of 
Algiers. This powerful fortress had been bombarded and 
reduced by Lord Exmputh with the British fleet in 18 16, 
and the captives, mostly Italians, were released from that 
den of slave-dealers ; but the Dey of Algiers had resumed 
his old habits, complaints from the French were met by 
defiance, and at last the French envoy quitted the harbour 
amid a shower of bullets. A powerful expedition effected 
a landing near the strongly-fortified harbour, and easily 
beat back the native attack ; and then from the land side 
soon battered down the defences of the city. Thus the 
city which had long been the terror of Mediterranean 
sailors became the nucleus of the important French colony 
of Algeria (July 4, 1830). 

The Ordinances — The July Revolution. — The 
design of Charles X and of his reactionary Polignac 
ministry to divert the French people from domestic 

xxiii] FRANCE (1815-1830). 171 

grievances to foreign conquest needed the genius and 
strength of a Napoleon to ensure success. The mere 
faict of the expedition being under the command of the 
hated General Bourmont had made it unpopular ; and as 
the French people had seen through the design, they gave 
less attention to the capture of Algiers than it really 
deserved So although the victory was triumphantly 
announced throughout France, yet the elections sent up a 
majority hostile to the king. 

Nevertheless, with his usual blind obstinacy, Charles on 
the 25th July 1830 issued the famous ordinances which 
brought matters to a crisis. The first suspended the 
liberty of the press, and placed books under a strict 
censorship ; the second dissolved the newly-elected Chamber 
of Deputies ; the third excluded licensed dealers (patenth) 
from the franchise ; the fourth summoned a new Chamber 
under the tiew conditfdns, every one of which violated the 
charter granted by the late king. 

The Parisians at once flew to arms, and raised 
barricades in the many narrow streets which then favoured 
street-defence. Marmont, hated by the people as being 
the first of Napoleon's marshals who had treated with the 
allies, was to quell the disturbances with some 15,000 
troops of the line ; but on the second day's fighting (July 
28) the insurgents, aided by the disbanded National 
Guards, and veterans of the empire, beat back the troops ; 
and on the third day the royal troops, cut off from food 
and supplies, and exhausted by the heat, gave way before 
the tricolour flag; the defection of two line regiments 
left the Louvre unguarded; a panic spread among other 
regiments, and soon the tricolour floated above the 

Charles thereupon set the undignified example, soon to 


be followed by so many kings and princes, of giving way 
when it was too late. He offered to withdraw the hated 
ordinances, but was forced to flee from St. Cloud. He 
then tried the last expedient, also doomed to failure, of 
abdicating in favour of his little grandson the Due de 
Bordeaux, since better known as the Comte de Chambord. 
Retiring slowly with his family to Cherbourg, the baffled 
monarch set out for a second and last exile, spent first at 
Holyrood Palace, Edinburgh, and ended at Goritz in 

More than 5000 civilians and 700 soldiers were killed 
or wounded in these terrible "three days "of July 1830, 
which ended all attempts to re-establish the tyranny of 
the old regime. The victims were appropriately buried in 
the Place de la Bastille. They freed not France alone, 
but dealt a fierce blow at the system of Mettemich. Like 
echoes of a thunderstorm in the mountains came reports 
of one revolution after another in central Europe before 
the end of 1830; for the political atmosphere of the 
continent was surcharged with electricity from causes 
which we must now describe. 


GEiRMANY (1815-1830). 

Austria. Prussia. 

Francis I. (1804- 1835). Frederick William III (1797- 1840). 

Maximilian I. (1805-1825). Louis I. (1825-1848). 

After twenty years of devastating wars, Germany needed 
repose to develop the new national life which had sprung 
up during the conflicts. Instead of peaceful development 
she found irksome restraints imposed by the Germanic 
Confederation formed at Vienna in 1815; for, helpless as 
the new Confederation was in its foreign relations, it soon 
proved itself powerful to restrain the aspirations of 
Germans for political liberty and unity. 

An article of the Confederation, drawn up at the first 
Congress of Vienna in 1814, contained a recommendation 
that the people should have a voice "in questions of 
taxation, public expenditure, redress of public grievances, 
and general legislation," but in the second Congress at 
Vienna this was changed to the vague promise, "A 
representative constitution shall be adopted in the 
federaiSve States " ; and even this was not to be fulfilled 
without long and bitter struggles. 

Prussia now numbered more Germans in her population 
than Austria, for the former grew up to and beyond the 
Rhine, while the latter power receded. 


Prussia had emerged victorious from the great struggle ; 
but she too had difficult work before her to consolidate her 
finances, her new military system, and to weld together her 
new districts, taken from the French Empire, Sweden, the 
duchy of Warsaw Saxony, Westphalia, Berg, Danzig, 
Darmstadt, and Nassau. The rich and populous Rhine 
province, together with the Western States of Germany, 
retained for very many years most of the new laws 
introduced by Napoleon > but bitter disappointment was 
felt by the German patriots when the King of Prussia and 
the princes of North and Central Germany evaded their pro- 
mises of constitutional governments. The one honourable 
exception was the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, who was for so long 
the large-hearted patron of the great Germaii poet Goethe. 

The opposite extreme was seen in the old Prince of 
Hesse, who, after spending eight years in banishment, now 
recalled to their quarters the troops sent on furlough after 
Jena; they reappeared soon in the old-fashioned powder 
and pigtails. True to his whimsical saying, ^ I have slept 
during the last seven years,'' he restored all the old abuses, 
and again appropriated the crown lands sold during 
Jerome's reign, when Hesse formed part of the kiagdom of 

In South Germany the traditions of alliance with France, 
and antipathy to Prussia and Austria, were strong enough 
to cause the potentates to grant constitutions somewhat 
like that granted by Louis XVHI, The French code of 
laws was continued, and two Chambers, one of peers, the 
other of deputies, were established in Bavaria, Baden, 
Wiirtemberg, and the small Thuringian States; but in 
every case the harsh game-laws, restrictions on the press, 
and the maintenance of old social wrongs, kept up a 
smouldering discontent 

xxiv] (?^-^-^-4^'y(i8i5-i83o). 175 

Metiemich. — The political history of Austria, from the 
peace which followed the disaster of Wagram up to the 
revolution of 1848, may be summed up in the career of 
Mettemich. For thirty-three years after the fall of Napoleon 
this clever man controlled the destinies of the continent. 
Endowed with courtly tact, tenacity of purpose, and great 
fertility of resource, he yet lived to see his work shattered 
in 1 848.^ As Napoleon shrewdly said of him, " He mis- 
took intrigue for statesmanship"; so his life-work of re- 
establishing absolutism in Central and Southern Europe was 
finally to be swept away in a few days, for it never had 
any firm foundation jn facts. Yet his ascendency over his 
own master Francis, then over Frederick William or 
Prussia, and lastly over the impressionable Czar Alexander, 
gave him enormous weight in the councils ai Europe for a 
third of a century. He proudly says in his memoirs, "I 
have made history, therefore I have not had time to write 
it." By his system of spies, by the terror which his 
vindictiveness inspired, and by cleverly diverting the 
principles of the Holy Alliance into a channel of repression, 
he made Vienna the centre of European politics between 
1 81 5 and 1848. His policy was soon furthered by the 
lamentable murder of the German poet Kotzebue. 

F^te at the Wartburg — Murder of Kotzebue. — 
The students of the German universities were among the 
staunchest of the patriots who longed for German unity 
and liberty as heartily as they had striven for deliverance 
from Napoleon. Under the protection of the liberal Duke 
of Saxe-Weimar the Burschenschaft, or Students' Club of 
the University of Jena, met at the Wartburg (October i8, 
181 7) to celebrate the fourth anniversary of the great 
battle ot Leipzig, and the tercentenary of Luther's efforts 
^ The German Liberals nicknamed him Mitternacht (midnight). 


for religious freedom, so closely associated with that 
historic castle. Religious, patriotic, and reforming 
enthusiasm thus combined to make this Wartburg f^te 
famous. The black, gold, and red colours of the ancient 
German Empire were worn by the students, and were 
combined on a German tricolour flag; books which 
favoured absolute rule were burnt. The students' union 
spread through Germany, and the government set spies to 
watch the students and professors. 

A reactionary journalist and play-writer, Kotzebue, was 
known to be an agent of the Russian Government in 
Thuringia and South Germany; and so violent was the 
hatred against him that a divinity student named Sand, 
a youth of enthusiastic temperament, went to Kotzebue's 
house at Mannheim and stabbed him to the heart (March 
23, 1819). "Now a constitution is impossible," was the 
exclamation of the Prussian prime minister, Hardenberg, 
who was not without constitutional sympathies. Metter- 
nich saw his opportunity, and found it easy to persuade the 
pliable Frederick William III that dangerous principles 
were growing up, and that his vague promise of a Constitu- 
tion could not now be fulfilled. Blow after blow was dealt 
from Vienna and Berlin. Many patriot professors, among 
them Arndt at Bonn, were summarily dismissed, the 
Burschenschaft and the gymnastic societies suppressed, many 
students imprisoned, and all these measures were directed 
and enforced by a federal committee sitting at Mainz 
(Mayence) in order to repress the aspirations of the 
German people. Moreover, a final act of the Congress at 
Vienna declared that the German Confederation could 
interfere in the affairs of any of its States where order was 
menaced, even if aid were not asked by its ruler. 

The Zollverein. — The only bright feature of this 

xxiv] G£ J?MANY {iSiS'iS^o). 177 

troublous time is the formation of the ZoUverein or 
Customs Union. The German States had resembled, as 
was said by a French writer, a menagerie, where the 
subjects watched each other through gratings. Each State 
h^d its own coinage and customs dues, so that goods sent 
by barge up to the upper part of the Rhine had to pay 
numerous dues. 

The most enlightened of the German rulers, King Louis 
of Bavaria (182 5-1 848), who had already beautified Munich 
and made it a centre of art and literature, now sought to 
improve the material prosperity of his people by a com- 
mercial union with the neighbouring realm of Wiirtemberg. 
This sensible example was followed by Prussia and Hesse 
Darmstadt; soon Hesse, ' Nassau, Hanover, and Saxony 
with the South joined Prussia for trade purposes. 
Prussia thus gained a commercial supremacy over Austria 
in German trade, which greatly benefited her and the 
smaller German States. Foreign goods were now to be 
once taxed on a uniform scale, and the duty (Zoll) was to 
be divided among the States of the union in proportion to 
their population. Heavy protective duties were now levied 
at the frontiers, but German trade expanded so much 
under its freer conditions that these duties soon produced 
double the amount which they first yielded. . Thus the 
commercial union of Germany under the lead of Prussia 
preceded the political union by forty-three years. 

Mettemioh's Interventions. — In German politics, 
however, Austria still had the upper hand. Not only did 
Metternich rule the Council of the German Confederation, 
but he laid down the principle that "no part of Europe 
should depart from the sfafus quo^ and that the divine right 
of princes must be defended against all attempts of 
innovators." Frederick William III had become, since 



Kotzebue's murder, a docile follower of Mettemich; but 
the generous enthusiasm of the Czar Alexander had long 
remained proof against his arguments, until that wily 
statesman was able to announce to him at Troppau the 
news of disaffection among the czar's Imperial Guards. 
The representatives of the great Powers were assembled at 
Troppau in Austrian Silesia, when Metternich with secret 
joy made known to the czar this, for him, most opportune 
event. " I see that you are right," said the disappointed 
czar to Metternich ; " it is a malady of human nature which 
we must cure." The sensitive and volatile Alexander went 
over to the ranks of the despots, and nothing more was 
heard of the constitution promised for Poland. He further 
took part in the conferences of Laybach (January 1821) 
and Verona (1822), which aimed at repressing the liberties 
of Germany, and the military movements in Italy and 
Spain, which m^st now claim our attention. 



" Yet, Freedom, yet thy banner torn but flying, 
Streams like a thunderstorm against the wind." 



Spain.— Ferdinand VII (restored) 1814-1843. 
Naples.— Ferdinand I. (King of the **Two Sicilies ") 
Sardinia.— Victor Emmanuel I. (restored) 1814-1821. 
Charles Felix (1821-1831). 

Pius VII, 1800. Pius VIII, 1829. 

Leo XII, 1823. Gregory XVI, 1831. 

Pius IX, 1846. 

Italy. — No part of the continent had undergone so many 
changes between 1797 and 181 5 as the north of Italy. 
Delivered from Austrian rule, or from native potentates 
almost as unpopular, it had formed part of the Cisalpine 
Republic; then it had been merged into the kingdom of 
Italy, first under Napoleon, then under his popular step-son 
Eugfene Beauhamais, while the western part went to swell 
the French Empire. In 18 15 the former part fell mainly 
under Austrian rule, while the latter regained a nominal 
independence under the divided rule of the House of 
Savoy, the pope, and the Dukes of Tuscany, Parma, and 
Modena. The hopes of a constitution and even of 


national independence which Lord William Be^ntinck had 
excited by his proclamation in 1814 were soon disappointed, 
for this nobleman, who had won great popularity in Sicily 
as its protector and the founder of a free constitution, had 
exceeded his powers in proclaiming such a sweeping 
change. The vague promises of Italian independence by 
which the Austrians had sought to enlist Italian patriots to 
the overthrow of Beauharnais and Murat were still more 
illusory ; for after Napoleon'5 abdication Austrian garrisons 
at once occupied the fortresses of Lombardy, and soon 
Austrian judges and professors came to displace natives in 
the law-courts and universities. By furthering the material 
interests of the peasantry of Lombardo-Venetia, the Viennese 
court hoped soon to overcome their hatred to foreign rule, 
and to the strict police and spy systems. 

Kingdom of Sardinia. — Then, as now, the most 
prosperous part of Italy was the north. The small king- 
dom of Sardinia stretched from the Ticino westwards to 
the Maritime Alps, and from the southern shore of the 
Lake of Geneva to the town of Spezzia, which one day 
Cavour was to make the strongest naval station in Italy. 
This territory, together with the poor and backward island 
which gave its name to the monarchy, was in 18 14 restored 
to Victor Emmanuel I., the son of its former king, Victor 
Amadeus. The Austrians had pressed hard on the small 
realm in return for their help in driving out the French ; 
and now the restored House of Savoy added to the 
difficulties of its small kingdom by sweeping away all laws 
passed since 1800. Primogeniture, the privileges of the 
nobles, ecclesiastical tribunals, torture, and secret inquisi- 
tions, were all restored; so the reaction was here more 
violent than even in the neighbouring Austrian provinces. 
Well might the Genoese republicans resent and resist the 

xxv] ' SOUTHERN EUROPE, i8i 

fusion of their ancient republic in the realm of such a 

Centred Italy.— -In the various duchies of Central 
Italy, and in the Papal States, the restored rulers also 
regarded the late years as a nightmare to be forgotten. 
The old governments were re-established. The pope, Pius 
VII, abolished secular rule in his own States, and even 
asked the Powers for the restitution of the ecclesiastical 
States and alienated Church lands in Germany — a demand 
which was quietly passed over. The Inquisition was 
restored in Italy as in Spain, and the long proscribed order 
of the Jesuits thronged into Spain and Germany as well as 
over all Italy. In this general recoil towards medisevalism 
the duchies of Tuscany and Modena, ruled respectively by 
Ferdinand III and by Napoleon's second wife Marie 
Louise, suffered the least oppression. 

Naples.^ — It was in the kingdom of Naples, including 
Sicily and all of Italy south of the Papal States, that the 
violence of the reaction was to provoke the first outbreak. 
Ferdinand IV of Naples, on his restoration after the fall 
of Murat, called himself Ferdinand I, King of the "Two 
Sicilies " ; the revival of this ancient name from the time 
of the crusades showed what might be expected from the 
obstinate old monarch. He at once cancelled the free 
constitution granted to Sicily under the influence of the 
English general, Lord Bentinck, and restored the old 
absolute monarchy in the island as on the mainland. 
Murat's old troops were neglected, and disorder spread 
fast, until 30,000 brigands — that plague of South Italy — 
infested the country, and the helpless government had to 
pay black-mail to many of their chiefs. 

The Cajrbonari. — Under this weak and exasperating 
government, the old secret society of the Carbonari again 


sprang up and spread all over Italy, until some 60,000 
members looked to Naples as their headquarters. This 
society of the Carbonari, or charcoal-burners, was one of 
the old trade associations, like the Freemasons, who also 
became^ mixed up with political and even revolutionary 
attempts. The Carbonari now spread into Spain and the 
south of France. They aimed at political liberty and 
equality of the most advanced type, and often struck terror 
by their daring acts of revenge. At last, on the news of 
the successful revolt of the Spanish troops against the 
tyrannical Ferdinand VII of Spain, the Neapolitan troops 
also took up arms against their King Ferdinand, whom 
they compelled to take a most solemn oath that he would 
grant a constitution like the democratic Spanish con- 
stitution proclaimed in 181 2. ^ So in October 1820 a 
" Junta " was elected, mainly of the old followers of Murat ; 
but this Junta soon had its hands full, for the Sicilian 
democrats had also risen in revolt to claim a separate 
administration like that to which they had for some years 
been accustomed — ^a secession which the Neapolitans would 
not hear of. The mob at Palermo routed the troops sent 
by the Junta of Naples, and soon Sicily was in a state of 
anarchy which gave Mettemich a good excuse for inter- 

The Neapolitan king was invited to the Congress of the 
Powers held at Lay bach in January 182 1, was readily 
persuaded to break his oath to the new constitution, and 
was conducted back again at the head of an Austrian army. 

^ On the continent, but not in England. 

2 This constitution remained for many years both in Spain and Italy 
the goal at which the people aimed. There was at this time much com- 
munication between Italy and Spain, both by the secret intercourse 
between the Carbonari of both lands, and by the official relations of the 
courts ; for Ferdinand of Naples was next heir to the Spanish throne. 


The Neapolitan popular forces, partly engaged in Sicily, 
could not withstand the onset of the 40,000 Austrians 
under Frimont. P^p^ and many patriots escaped on a 
Spanish ship; while the perjured Ferdinand entered his 
capital in triumph (May 182 1), withdrew the new con- 
stitution, enacted stringent laws against personal liberty, 
and in the next four years threw nearly 16,000 persons 
into prison for their supposed connection with the con- 
stitutionalists. The Austrians also subdued Sicily. 

Charles Felix in Piedmont. — Meanwhile the people 
and soldiery in Piedmont had successfully imitated the 
military movements in Spain and Naples. The Genoese 
regiment stationed at Alessandria had given the sign of 
revolt (March 182 1), and the people and troops followed 
their example with cries for the constitution and war with 
Austria. Victor Emmanuel I hastened to abdicate in 
favour of his brother Charles Felix; but the latter, not 
feeling himself safe, fled from Turin to Modena, to await 
the expected Austrian intervention, and handed over to his 
nephew, Charles Albert, the regency in his absence. This 
young man, a prince of the House of Savoy, was the hope 
of the reformers of North Italy ; but the orders of Charles 
Felix led him, in spite of his sympathy with the con- 
stitutionalists, to join the Austrian invaders. These, aided 
by a few royalist Piedmontese, easily overcame the popular 
forces on the field of Novara (April 9, 1821). Charles 
Felix, supported at Turin by Austrian bayonets for a year, 
introduced absolute rule. Thus the revolt which had 
threatened the rear of the Austrian army in the south was 
easily quelled, and the authority of Metternich was again 
paramount throughout Italy. Piedmont, which had now 
for the first time raised the banner of Italian liberty 
and unity, was again at the foot of the Austrians; 


and Charles Albert ruled his kingdom with a severity 
not far short of that of the Neapolitan despot. The 
Austrians punished the restlessness of the people of Milan 
by cruel imprisonments in the notorious dungeons of the 

Oongress of Verona — Oanning. — Elated by his 
success in Italy, Mettemich, at the Congress of the Powers 
held at Verona (October 1822), proposed to intervene in 
the affairs of Spain ; but he met with an able and de- 
termined opponent in the English foreign secretary, 
Canning. ' During the previous seven years the British 
Government had confined itself to a few mild protests 
against Metternich's policy ; but after the suicide of Castle- 
reagh, his successor Canning determined to break up the 
European " concert " formed to repress liberty. So alarmed 
were the continental potentates at the " red spectre," that 
Mettemich even convinced the czar that the Greek patriotic 
risings^ against the Turks were the outcome of the Carbonari 
movements ! The great question, however, discussed at 
Verona was the condition of Spain. 

Spain. — The restoration of Ferdinand VII to his throne 
at Madrid in 18 14 had soon led to events as shameful as 
those at Naples, Turin, and Darmstadt. The restored 
king, after taking the oath to the Liberal Spanish con- 
stitution of 181 2, violated it on the first opportunity, 
arrested many patriots who had fought for his restoration, 
and, after Waterloo, handed over to a knot of favourites 
{camarilla) the small share of government which he did not 
reserve for himself. This oppressive rule made a recon- 
ciliation impossible with the Spanish American colonies, 
which had for six years been practically independent. 
Ferdinand was foolish enough to insist on the old yearly 

^ See pp. 188-190. 


tribute of two millions sterling from them. With the 
greatest difficulty 17,000 soldiers were drawn together at 
Cadiz for a last effort to reduce the rebellious colonies. 
The effort was more fatal to the king than to the colonies ; 
for the troops, whose pay was sixteen mbnths in arrear, 
detesting the service in the tropics, broke into revolt, 
(January i, 1820). This spread rapidly from Cadiz all 
through Spain, so that in March 1820 the terrified 
Ferdinand signed decrees for the liberty of the press, 
banishment of the Jesuits, suppression of the Inquisition, 
and restitution of the national constitution of 1812.^ 
Ferdinand's supporters, who called themselves the Army 
of the Faith, were soon driven into France, where they 
were received with open arms by the clergy and royalists. 
Ferdinand, after- many contemptible changes of front, 
remained almost a prisoner in his palace at Madrid. 

French Intervention in Spain. — In such a troubled 
state of the Peninsula it was a triumph for Canning to 
prevent the united intervention of all the great Powers, and 
thus to break up the Quadruple Alliance. But though he 
thus dealt at Verona a heavy blow at the Holy Alliance 
and its manager Metternich, yet he could not prevent the 
intervention of Louis XVIII on behalf of his captive royal 
relative. To the delight of the French clergy and royalists, 
a French army under the Due d*Angoul^me crossed the 
frontier, and by the free use of money reached Madrid 
without opposition (May 24, 1823). The Cortbs removed 
to Seville, and finally to Cadiz, taking Ferdinand with it ; 
but the French force soon overpowered the Spanish troops 
which defended the Trocadero peninsula commanding 
Cadiz (August 31, 1823), and the Cortbs declared itself 
dissolved. The north-eastern province, Catalonia, always 

^ See. p. 105. 


foremost in defending its rights, was the last to succumb 
(November 1823). 

Ferdinand VII, restored to power, this time by French 
arms, behaved as after his first restoration. The constitu- 
tion was abolished, all the acts of the Cortbs annulled, the 
Inquisition re-established, and the Jesuits recalled. The 
continental Powers then proposed to bring back the Spanish 
colonies to their allegiance, but here Canning intervened 
with effect, by causing the British Government to recognise 
the independence of the Spanish American mainland 
colonies. " I resolved," he afterwards said, " that if France 
had Spain, it should not be Spain with the Indies. I called 
in the new world to redress the balance of the old." 

PortTigal. — After the death of the insane Queen Maria 
in 18 16, her son, who had acted as regent, was proclaimed 
king, as John VI of Brazil and Portugal. Lord Beres- 
ford, who had commanded the Portuguese troops during 
the Peninsular War, had then nearly all power in Lisbon ; 
but the rising discontent forced him to go to Brazil to 
arrange for the king's return thence to Portugal. Finally, 
King John VI was obliged to leave his ambitious son Don 
Pedro as his viceroy in Brazil, while on landing at Lisbon 
he himself swore to observe the new democratic constitution 
(October 1822), to which he also compelled the assent of 
his absolutist second son, Don Miguel. The success of the 
reaction in Spain, however, favoured the absolutists, headed 
by the queen and Don Miguel ; and the king, threatened 
by his overbearing son, applied to England for help against 
the absolutists. In pursuance of Canning's championship 
of nationalities, an English fleet was sent to protect the 
king, who finally died, leaving his country with no definite 
constitution, with a disputed succession, and with the loss 
of her vast colony of Brazil ; for during these troubles Don 


Pedro had been declared Emperor of Brazil. He now de- 
termined that his daughter should, when of age, marry Don 
Miguel, so as to avoid disputes ; but the latter seized on 
power. Canning hereupon sent troops to defend the young 
queen's rights, and threatened war to the Powers which 
should interfere; but after his lamented death (August 
1827) the influence of Wellington caused the withdrawal 
of the British force from Lisbon. Don Miguel seized the 
throne, and ruled for some time with a truly mediaeval 

^ For continuation see p. 225. 



Russia. Turkey. 

Alexander I (1801-1825). Mahmoud II (1808-1839). 

Nicholas I (1825-1855). 

Between the years 1820 and 1827 all the struggles for' 
liberty on the continent seemed to have hopelessly foiled, 
except in one corner, on which the eyes of all thoughtful 
men were riveted. 

The Turks, once the terror of south-eastern Europe, had 
not regained their old power even during the exhaustion of 
Austria and Russia in the Napoleonic wars. Driven back 
from the Crimea and the Dnieper (1783) in the reign of 
the powerful Czarina Catherine II, and as far back as the 
Dniester in 1792, the Turks were on the point of losing 
Moldavia and Wallachia to her successor Alexander, when 
the Russian troops had to retire to defend their land against 
Napoleon ; and even then the Ottomans, by the Treaty of 
Bucharest (18 12), lost all their land between the Dniester 
and the Pruth, and had to admit the local independence of 
Moldavia and Wallachia, now ruled by their own Hospo- 
dars. This decay of the once dreaded Turkish power, and 
the rising feeling of nationality all over Europe, aroused 
hopes in the long oppressed Greeks that they too might 
become a nation again ; and the revolt of Ali Pacha, the 


Turkish satrap of Epirus, seemed to favour their aspirations. 
This able but ferocious man, called the " lion of Epirus," 
or " the modern Pyrrhus,'* long withstood the power of the 
Porte,^ until treachery at last ensnared this would-be ruler of 
Epirus and Greece (1822). Many other things had con- 
spired to arouse the Greeks. Byron had in 181 3 thrilled 
Europe by the spirited lines in " Childe Harold," 

" Hereditary bondsmen ! know ye not 
Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ? " 

And the Greek poet Koraes had breathed new life into his 
countrymen by setting vividly before them the glories of 
their ancient literature. Besides this, the Ionian Isles were 
now a refuge for all Greek patriots, and Greek seamen had 
profited by the neutrality of the Turkish flag during the 
blockade when the Berlin decrees were in force (1806-1814) 
to rapidly extend their commerce, and they were now the 
best sailors in the Mediterranean. 

The first attempt of the Greek patriots ^ at Jassy in Mol- 
davia was an utter failure. The Czar's dread of secret 
societies, and the jealousy shown by the Roumanian and 
Sclavonic peoples towards the Greeks (which still compli- 
cates the Eastern Question), showed that Byron's words were 
literally true. 

A savage uprising of the Greek race in the place most 
fitted for it — the Morea — swept away all the Turks except 
those who took refuge in the strong places like Patras and 
Tripolitza. The infuriated Turks retaliated by massacring 
the Greeks at Constantinople, together with their " Patri- 
arch," the head of the Greek Church. Henceforth the whole 
struggle became a pitiless crusade between the two races 

^ The Porte is the entrance to the Turkish Council of State. 
2 They called their association hetaeria^ or comradeship. 


and the two religions. The capture and sack of Tripolitza 
by the Greeks was avenged by wholesale massacres in the 
peaceful and prosperous island of Chios by a Turkish force ; 
but before this departed, laden with spoil, it was partly 
destroyed by Greek fire-ships skilfully sent in by Canaris. 

Early in 1822 two Turkish armies were set free by the 
capture of the rebel Ali Pacha at Janina, but the one was 
stopped by the stout defence of Missolonghi at the northern 
entrance to the Gulf of Corinth, and the other, marching on 
the Morea, was foiled by that of Argos near the head of the 
Gulf of Nauplia. In despair, the Sultan Mahmoud called 
on his powerful vassal Mehemet Ali, Pacha of Egypt, to 
crush the Greeks. The latter, paralysed by discords, soon 
lost Navarino and Tripolitza (1825), and the whole of the 
Morea was given up to systematic massacre, so that it might 
be re-peopled by Moslems. 

Missolonghi had defied all the attempts of the Turkish 
forces. Its swampy climate had caused the death of Lord 
Byron in 1824; but still its defenders held out, until in 
1826 an Egyptian force reduced them to the durest straits. 
At last men, women, and even children, made by night a 
desperate attempt to cut their way through their besiegers 
rather than die of famine, or fall prisoners. Many forced 
their way through, while the rest, retreating into their town, 
prepared to blow up the powder magazine. When their 
foes were upon them, their bishop fired the train with a last 
prayer, "Lord, remember us" (April 22, 1826). 

The capture of the Acropolis of Athens by the Moslems 
seemed the last blow to the hopes of the Greeks, but their 
heroism had moved the heart of all Europe. 

Death of the Czar Alexander. — In Russia the whole 
people called for war in support of their co-religionists ; but 
Alexander, still held in the toils of Mettemich's diplomacy, 


refused to act. Shutting himself off from his people, he 
fell a prey to deep melancholy at the vanity of his early 
hopes. He, the foremost among the conquerors of Napoleon, 
now saw himself reduced to impotence by Mettemich's 
statecraft. He, the champion of Liberal principles in 18 15, 
now found himself the dupe of the man who was repressing 
those aspirations everywhere. Sick at heart, the Czar suc- 
cumbed to a mysterious disease at Taganrog (December i, 
1825), only four years after the death of his great rival 
Napoleon. Both had in turn seen the continent at their 
feet, and both died in middle life, disappointed, deserted, 
and powerless. 

Navaxino. — In the second year after Alexander's death 
the British and French Governments, fearing lest Russia, 
under the new Czar Nicholas, might alone reap the result 
of the Greek rising, resolved on a joint intervention with 
Russia. Fighting was to be stopped in the Morea, and 
Greece was to be made autonomous, but under the suze- 
rainty of the Sultan, just as Roumania afterwards was. 
This last triumph of Canning's foreign policy was embodied 
in the Treaty of London just before his death (August 8, 
1827); but an accident hastened the inevitable collision. 

A demonstration was made by the allied fleets in the 
harbour of Navarino, to stop Ibrahim's devastation of the 
Morea. An English row-boat was fired on by the obstinate 
Turks; the action became general, and by evening the 
Moslems had lost all their fleet and 5000 sailors. Navarino 
freed Greece. 

Wellington, however, referred to it in the royal speech 
as an " untoward event" ; and it would have increased 
the power of Russia, if she was left to act alone, as the 
English Cabinet now foolishly allowed. 

The French, however, sent 14,000 men under General 


Maison, who compelled the Egyptians to sail away; and 
the complete independence of Greece was decided in March 
1829 by England, France, and Russia, which again acted 
in concert for this end. 

Greece. — The first Greek president was Capodistrias, 
long the adviser of the Czar ; but his harsh rule was cut 
short by his assassination, and civil war was barely averted 
by the election, at the conference of London, of Prince Otho 
of Bavaria, as the first King of Greece. This also fixed 
the boundary of Greece along the line between the gulfs of 
Arta and Volo. The Greek districts of Thessaly were hot 
added to the small kingdom till 1881, in accordance with 
the Treaty of Berlin. The progress of Greece, retarded by 
internal dissensions and habits of brigandage, has disap- 
pointed the extravagant expectations of idealists who fixed 
their gaze on the times of Pericles ; but its commerce and 
prosperity have made steady progress. 

Russo-Turkish War, 1828-1829. — The Greek cause 
had also been fiirthered by a declaration of war against 
Turkey by the powerful Czar Nicholas, who feared a general 
military rising if he did not lead his army against the 
Moslems. The resolute but ill-starred Sultan Mahmoud, 
whose reign (1808-1839) was one long succession of dis- 
asters, was at that time almost helpless after the destruction 
of his privileged guards, the Janissaries. This tyrannical 
corps resisted his reforms and defied his authority. These 
lawless Praetorians, as they rushed to attack his palace, 
were cut down by artillery, and then bombarded in their 
barracks; everywhere throughout the empire they were 
cut down, and the young recruits were being drilled with 
European weapons, when the Czar declared war. Men 
said after Navarino : " The Sultan had destroyed his own 
army, and now his allies destroyed his navy." 


Still the Turks surprised the world by their stout resist- 
ance to foes of double their strength on land, and who had 
complete command of the sea. In the first campaign (1828) 
the Russians, long stopped by the defence of Ibrail (or Brai- 
low) on the lower Danube, were baffled by that of Shumla, 
and took Varna only through the treachery of a Turkish pacha; 
but in Asia the genius of Paskievitch gained Kars and 
Erzeroum. In 1829 the Russian general Diebitsch made 
a sudden dash at the Balkan passes with 30,000 light 
troops, and met the Russian fleet in the Bay of Bourgas. 
Then, with forces diminished by the plague, the daring 
general struck inland towards Adrianople. By the capture 
of this, the second city of Turkey in Europe, and by skil- 
fully concealing the weakness of his force, Diebitsch so 
terrified the Porte that the Sultan signed the Treaty of 
Adrianople (August 1829). 

Turkish Losses. — By this the Sultan definitely acknow- 
ledged the independence of Greece, and ceded to Russia 
the territory as far south as the middle, or Sulina, mouth 
of the Danube, as well as the province of Kars on the 
Asiatic frontier. Moldavia and Wallachia owned hence- 
forth only a nominal sovereignty to the Porte, with an 
annual subsidy. 

Diebitsch then retired from Adrianople with a force 
reduced by disease to 13,000 men. Such were the results 
won by the daring and adroitness of one man against 
supine and ill-informed foes. Indeed, only the threatened 
intervention of the Western Powers 'saved Turkey from 
severer losses. 

The internal reforms of the brave and intelligent Sultan 
Mahmoud seemed to bring nothing but disaster ; and in 
three years his fortitude was tried by the successful revolt 
of his* powerful vassal Mehemet Ali of Egypt The Sultan, 



in despair, turned to Russia for helpj and signed the humi- 
liating Treaty of Unkiar Iskelessi (1833) with the Czar 
Nicholas. Turkey seemed helpless under the heel of 
Russia; but events were to prove that her vitality, if 
torpid, was tougher than that of many highly organised 



"Revolts, republics, revolutions, most 
No graver than a schoolboys' barring-out." 


Belgian Independence. — The earliest result of the 
French Revolution of July 1830 was seen in the Belgian 
provinces of the Netherlands. Except during Napoleon's 
rule the Belgian provinces had been under a different rule 
from that of Holland ever since 1579. Holland had been 
a republic; the Belgians had been under Spanish, and 
then under Austrian rule, and their sympathies were French. 
Moreover, they outnumbered the Dutch by more than one- 
fourth. Thus the greatest care was needed to weld the 
artificial creation of 18 15, these United Netherlands, into 
a really united country. But the Dutch king, William I., 
contrived to annoy all classes of Belgians. He discouraged 
the use of the French language, and sought to extend the 
use of the Dutch tongue. He irritated the Catholics by 
placing education under the care of the State, and alien- 
ated their Liberal opponents also by limiting the freedom 
of the press, and by imposing Dutch laws and officials ; 
also, the Belgians were to contribute towards the interest 
on the heavy Dutch debt by taxes on food. 

At last the news of the July Revolution in Paris brought 


matters to a crisis on August 26, 1830. The people of 
Brussels, excited by an opera in which the revolt of the 
Neapolitans under the fisherman Masaniello is repre- 
sented, assailed the palace of the hated Dutch minister van 
Maanen, and threw up barricades. They demanded a 
separation of government between the Dutch and Belgian 
provinces, with a personal union under the same crown, 
as in the case of Sweden and Norway. But the pride of 
the Dutch king and people, and their belief that the great 
Powers would not allow a State formed by them to be thus 
sundered, brought matters to arms. Prince Frederick 
forced his way into Brussels, only to be driven out again 
after five days' house-to-house fighting by the citizens 
(Sept. 23-27, 1830), who now proclaimed the complete in- 
dependence of Belgium. In a short time only Maestricht, 
Luxemburg, and the citadel of Antwerp remained to the 
Dutch troops. Meanwhile a conference of the great Powers 
at London, to whom King William had applied, imposed a 
truce, and in January 1831 began to draw up a plan of 
separation. Indeed, everything favoured the Belgians ; for 
Russia was too much occupied with the Poles, and Austria 
with the Italians, to intervene in the West. Palmerston, 
the new English Foreign Secretary, followed in the steps of 
C Canning, as a champion of small nationalities ; and Louis 
Philippe, placed on the throne by a revolution, declared 
that he would resist any intervention by Prussia. He was 
also prudent enough to decline for his son the honour of 
the Belgian throne to which he had been elected, because 
it would alienate the sympathy of England. Finally, Prince 
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, related by his first marriage to our 
royal house, and soon about to marry a daughter of the 
French king, was elected King of the Belgians (June 26, 
1 831). The London Conference fixed the boundary as it 

xxvil] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1830. 197 

now stands ; and King William retained the distant duchy 
of Luxemburg, which he had received in return for the loss 
of his family lands in Germany. This duchy, however, 
still formed part of the German Confederation; but the 
western part of Luxemburg, which had fallen away from all 
connection with Germany, went to the new Belgian State. 

Meanwhile the Dutch king, enraged at the decision of 
the Powers, determined to recover Belgium in spite of them. 
At the head of a large Dutch army he routed the Belgian 
forces under Leopold near Louvain. To enforce their 
decision England and France sent, the former a fleet to 
blockade the Scheldt, the latter an army of 50,000 men to 
drive back the Dutch. Antwerp citadel was bombarded by 
the French, and the Dutch garrison forced to surrender 
(December 23, 1832). After long and wearisome nego- 
tiations the Dutch king at last recognised the independence 
of Belgium (1839). 

[In spite of their long and bitter strife these two little 
countries soon regained their prosperity through the indus- 
trial and commercial enterprise of their peoples. In 1841 
the Dutch king, "William I, voluntarily abdicated in favour 
of his son, William IL See pp. 379, 381.] 

The Movements in Gtermany (1830). — ^Just as the 
revolution had spread from Paris to Brussels, so thence it 
set Germany in a flame which was fiercest in Brunswick, 
Saxony, Hanover, and Hesse. The Duke of Brunswick had 
so enraged his peoplfe that, on hearing the news from Paris, 
they stormed his palace and drove him forth as a fugitive. 
His brother, who took his place, soon pacified his subjects 
by granting a new constitution. 

At the same time the people of Leipzig rose against 
their government, and the town-hall of Dresden was sacked 
by a mob indignant at the municipal corruption. There- 


upon the King of Saxony named his nephew Frederick, 
who was much beloved by the people, as co-regent, and 
reformed the constitujtion. 

In Hesse fruitless struggles were made by the over-taxed 
peasantry. In Hanover the citizens were pacified through 
the mediation of the king's brother, the Duke of Cambridge. 
The revolutionary spirit seemed to have lost its force as it 
proceeded east, and in Poland it met with a crushing defeat. 

Poland. — In 1815 this unhappy land had seemed to be 
at the end of its troubles; for the sovereigns, who had again 
absorbed all but the tiny republic of Cracow, promised to 
accord a " constitution useful and suitable " to the portions 
under their sway. The Czar Alexander, who held the lion's 
share, proclaimed himself King of Poland and opened the 
session of two Chambers returned by the propertied classes; 
but his brother Constantine, who was left as his represent- 
ative at Warsaw, gave full play to his brutal and despotic 
feelings towards the Poles. After Alexander's conversion 
to absolutism in 1820 the Polish constitution was a mere 
laughing-stock to the Russian officials at Warsaw. Though 
Constantine's brutal nature incapacitated him from suc- 
ceeding Alexander, yet he was thought good enough to 
govern the Poles, while his younger brother Nicholas held 
the reins of power at St. Petersburg. 

The exciting news from Paris and Brussels was therefore 
sufficient to cause an explosion at Warsaw. On the night 
of November 29, 1830, Constantine had to flee from his 
palace, and beat a retreat firom Poland with all the Russian 
troops. In eight days Poland was free from the Russians. 

Two evils have always weakened Poland — the entire 
want of natural defences, and still more the intestine 
feuds which wrecked its old constitution.^ These sources 

1 In the old General Assembly of Polish nobles the liberum veto, or the 

xxvii] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1830. 199 

of weakness again paralysed the Polish defence. One 
hundred thousand Russians under the famous General 
Diebitsch soon overran Poland, overpowering the Poles 
at Grochow (February 1831) and at Ostrolenska (May 
1 831). ' Meanwhile, in the out-lying Polish districts of 
Lithuania in the north and Volhynia in the south, the 
revolts had failed through real or suspected treachery on 
the part of incompetent leaders. 

None of the great Powers sent any help in answer to 
entreaties from Warsaw. Prussia gained Russian favour by 
provisioning the Russian forces from her territory. Louis 
Philippe, anxious to win the regard of the great eastern 
Power, only offered his mediation ; and the British Whig 
ministry, involved in the struggle for reform, could only 
send energetic protests through its foreign secretary, Lord 

In Warsaw the jealousy of the democrats for the Polish 
nobles was leading to fearful scenes. Maddened by the 
news that the Russians were marching on their capital, the 
mob overthrew the government, broke open the prisons, and 
hanged all those who were suspected of being favourable to 
the Russians (August 1831). Thus when, in September, 
Paskiewitch, the hero of the Asiatic campaign of 1827, 
appeared before the distracted city, division and distrust 
paralysed the defence; and at last the Polish army 
evacuated the capital^ Two Polish corps crossed over 

right of one voice to veto any measure, brought the State to an utter dead- 
lock. This love of dissidence became almost an hereditary defect in the 
Polish character. 

1 Diebitsch had died of the cholera, which was decimating the Russian 
armies. This fearful plague was spreading from Asia, through Russia, to 
Germany and all Western Europe. The ignorant peasants of Russia and 
Hungary massacred the doctors who tried to cure them. Few years have 
been so terrible for Europe as 1 830-1 832. 


the Prussian and Austrian frontiers, and again Poland 

" Order reigns at Warsaw : " thus the French minister, 
Sebastiani, with unconscious irony described the sequel to 
its surrender. Exile to Siberia, or to the newly-won pro- 
vince of the Caucasus, crushed the spirit of the Poles ; and 
Paskiewitch, created Duke of Warsaw, governed Poland 
as a conquered province. But all these events aroused in 
England and France a hatred of the Czar Nicholas, which 
was to burst forth in 1855. 

Switzerland. — ^The revolutionary excitement of 1830 
aroused fierce strife in Switzerland — ^a land which we now 
consider so peaceable, but which was (down to 1848) in 
constant commotion. The small towns and villages in 
1830 and 1 83 1 rose against the somewhat oppressive rule 
of the head towns, and new cantonal institutions were 
everywhere founded on a wider democratic basis, except in 
Neufchitel, where the Prussian party, and in Basle, where 
the old oligarchy successfully resisted ; yet the government 
of Basle had to allow the country districts of that canton to 
form a more democratic cantonal division. 

The strife was embittered by religious disputes. The 
Jesuits had settled in several of the cantons, had founded 
convents, and soon they tried to gain control of education. 
On the other hand, the Liberal cantons wished to place 
education under government control, and to make marriage 
a civil contract The strife . lasted many years, and the 
" forest " cantons, joined by Basle and Neufch^tel, formed 
a Catholic League called the " Sarnerbund." In 1843 the 
canton of Aargau disestablished the convents in spite of the 
fierce opposition of its Ultramontane subjects, aided by 
volunteers of Catholic cantons. On their side the Jesuits 
strove to get the upper hand in Schwyz and Lucerne. 

xxvil] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1830. 201 

Troops of volunteers from Liberal cantons, especially Berne 
and Zurich, attacked the Ultramontanes of Lucerne, who 
then with six other Catholic cantons formed a powerful 
league called the Sonderbund, which was supported by 
Mettemich and (strange to say) by the Protestant French 
minister Guizot. In fact, the latter would have actively in- 
tervened in its favour but for the diplomatic opposition of 
Lord Palmerston, who secretly counselled the Swiss Federal 
Government to " strike quick and strike hard " at this armed 
league. So it gathered a large force which at once over- 
powered the troops of the league, and occupied Lucerne 
(November 1847). The Sonderbund was suppressed, and 
the danger of civil war passed away. (Continued on p. 247.) 

Italy. — Mettemich's desire to intervene in Switzerland 
was due to his determination to prevent the success of any 
democratic movement on the frontiers of Italy, which he 
regarded as his special preserve. His championship of 
absolutism in Central and Southern Europe had, up to 
1830, ever3rwhere succeeded except in Belgium and Greece ; 
for the risings of 1 820-1 825 in Southern Europe were 
mainly military risings, and no able patriots had then come 
forward who could touch the hearts of the people. Soon, 
however, two such champions were to appear — Mazzini in 
Italy and Kossuth in Hungary. 

In 1830 it wa^ the centre of Italy which rose in 
revolt, for the north and the south then had prospects of 
better government. The death of Francis I. of Naples, 
whose rule (1825- 1830) had been as harsh as that of 
his detested predecessor Ferdinand, now brought to the 
throne of South Italy the young Ferdinand II, who for 
some time bade fair to head the Liberals of Italy. Similar 
hopes were excited in the north by the accession to the 
throne of Sardinia of Charles Albert in 183 1, in place of 


the despotic Charles Felix, for Charles Albert had in 182 1 
shown some desire to shield the patriots of the north. The 
sequel was to show that Mettemich knew how to bring 
back the young rulers to the absolutist policy of their 
dynasties ; but, for the present, it was the misrule in the 
Papal States which provoked an outbreak in Central 

The Papal States. — ^These comprised not only the 
river basin of the Tiber, but also the districts known as 
the " Legations," between the Apennines and the Adriatic, 
as far north as Ferrara on the Po. Two popes had now 
succeeded the Pius VII whose persecution by Napoleon 
had won him so much sympathy; and since 1823 an era 
of strict repression had caused numerous outbreaks. So 
when Gregory XVI, well known for his reactionary views, 
was elected to the Papal See, the people of Bologna at once 
drove out the pope's legate, and the Papal Government was 
at once renounced by Ancona and almost every town in 
the States except Rome itself. The Prince of Modena 
and the Duchess of Parma, Marie Louise (Napoleon's 
widow), also had to flee from their respective capitals, and 
the growth of a national feeling was seen in the assembly 
of a Parliament at Bologna, which issued a provisional con- 
stitution for the " united Italian provinces." These poten- 
jtates were soon restored by Austrian troops, who then 
marched towards Ancona to restore the papal authority. 
They overthrew the Italian patriots at Rimini, close by the 
stream once called the Rubicon ;^ but the representatives 
of the five great Powers demanded of the pope in a memo- 
randum that he should secularise his government by 

1 A strange inversion of ancient history that at this classic stream the 
descendants of the Germani and Norici should have helped the Roman 
Government to reduce its rebellious Italian subjects to obedience. 

xxvii] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1830. 203 

admitting laymen to public offices. The pope, sure of 
Austrian aid, refused; and when the insurrection again 
burst forth, the Austrians were only stopped from occupying 
Ancona by a dramatic stroke of the French Government. 
The French minister, Casimir P^rier, took the first vigorous 
step of the reign of Louis Philippe by sending an expedition 
to occupy Ancona almost in the face of the Austrians and 
in spite of the pope's protest (February 1832). Yet this 
occupation, though it lasted till 1838, did not prevent the 
return of absolutism to the Papal States and North Italy. 

MazzinL — It was against this reaction that Mazzini 
started the newspaper and the movement of " Young Italy " 
at Marseilles in 1831. The son of a professor of medicine 
in the University of Genoa, he soon outgrew the French 
doctrines of the rights of man, and became still more 
alienated from the method employed by the Carbonari. 
The young idealist believed in, and worked for, the unity of 
Italy as religious duty, and as promoting the ideal for which 
each nation existed. This teaching of the duties of man 
as well as the rights of man gained him the lifelong devo- 
tion of noble-minded Italians; but he, like many other 
idealists, was less fortunate in his choice of the means to be 
adopted. Mazzini had attempted to assist the people of 
Bologna, but Louis Philippe's half-promised aid was not 
forthcoming, and the young advocate went to Corsica, which 
was still Italian in feeling. On the accession of Charles 
Albert, Mazzini urged the young ruler to put himself at 
the head of a war of Italian independence. " Rest assured 
that posterity will either hail your name as the greatest 
of men or as the last of Italian tyrants." But the events 
at Bologna had alarmed Charles Albert, and the prisons of 
Piedmont were soon full of Italian patriots. Throughout 
Mazzini was a republican, with a passionate belief in the 


mission of Rome, as the Italian capital, to elevate the 
character of his countrymen. 

In spite of his lofty ideals, Mazzini did not scruple to 
mix himself up with designs for the assassination of Charles 
Albert. Then, taking refuge in Switzerland, he, with about 
a thousand other Italian and Polish exiles, attempted an 
invasion of Savoy, which proved a ludicrous failure. Mazzini 
fell down in a fit just before a skirmish, in which his fol- 
lowers were scattered (1834). For several years he lived in 
exile at London, and this attempt only drove Charles Albert 
to a policy of repression which only be^n to cease in 


Thus all the movements of 1830 led to no direct suc- 
cess except in France and Belgium, and in most cases to 
worse oppression than before. They were of too isolated 
a character to effect their object, and no champion had 
hitherto arisen to command widespead sympathy. 



There is a superficial resemblance between the Bourbon 
restoration of 1815 and the Stuart restoration in 1660. 
In both cases, after the kings Louis XVI and our Charles I. 
had been beheaded, military dictatorships followed ; then, 
after the tolerant monarchs of the direct royal lines had 
been restored and had reigned in comparative quiet, their 
bigoted younger brothers, Charles X and James II, brought 
about the fall of the direct Bourbon, and Stuart dynasties, 
and were succeeded by constitutional sovereigns elected 
from the younger branches of their families.^ 

In fact, Guizot, the Protestant statesman who supported 
Louis Philippe for so many years, afterwards wrote : "In 
1830 our minds were full of the English revolution of 1688, 
of its success, of the noble and free government it had 
founded, and of the glorious prosperity it had purchased 
for the nation. . . . For our revolution of 1830 we had 
neither the same profound causes nor the same varied 

On the 31st July 1830, only two days after the victory 

of the citizens over the troops, the Chamber of Deputies 

invited the Due d'Orl^ans to be Lieutenant-General of the 

realm. He rode on horseback through the barricaded 

1 See Genealogical Tree, p. 217. 


Streets to the Hotel de Ville as a mark of courtesy to the 
National Guards and their commander the aged Lafayette, 
who now at last, after a lapse of thirty-eight years, saw his 
ideal of constitutional monarchy about to be realised. As 
the duke passed the barricades there was no enthusiasm 
shown, except towards the deputies who accompanied him ; 
but on August 9 he accepted the crown offered to him 
by 219 out of the small number of 250 deputies then 
present in the Chamber. 

His had been a strange career. Son of the Philippe 
6galit^ whose schemes only brought him to the guillotine, 
the young republican had figured as a doorkeeper at the 
Jacobins' Club, had fought with great bravery at Valmy and 
Jemappes, then fled with Dumouriez to the Austrians in 
1793, and for a long time taught mathematics in a small 
Swiss town. After his return to France in 18 14 he had, 
in the Chamber of Peers, steadfastly opposed every reac- 
tionary tendency on the part of his royal relatives. Now 
that he was elected king he maintained an almost repub- 
lican simplicity in his manners, and his rule was said by his 
supporters to be " the best of republics." His character 
had been hardened by nearly a quarter of a century of 
exile, and now, at fifty-seven years of age, inspired none of 
the enthusiasm which he had called forth at Jemappes. 
Yet his firmness and sagacity secured to France a continu- 
ous government for eighteen years in spite of the three 
parties, Republicans, Bonapartists, and Legitimists. These 
last were those who supported the Due de Bordeaux, grand- 
son of the exiled Charles X, who just before his departure 
had named the boy as his successor under the regency of 
Louis Philippe. 

The new Charter and Electoral Law. — The Cham- 
ber of Deputies had already swept away the fatal ordinances 

xxviii] FRANCE— LOUIS PHILIPPE (1830-1848). 207 

of Charles X, and had remodelled the charter of Louis 
XVIII, so as now to ensure the equality before the law of 
all forms of religion, and the extension of trial by jury to 
political charges. Departmental and municipal bodies were 
also formed on an electoral basis. y 

After the popular triumph in July the people hoped that 
the franchise would be extended to at least the majority of 
adult citizens, and great irritation was aroused when the 
franchise was merely extended from those who paid 300 
francs in direct annual taxation to those who paid 200 
francs. This only raised the total number of electors to 
184,000 out of a total population of over 30,000,000 
persons. The power which every government has always 
had in France and in Southern Europe to control the 
elections was seen also in the return of 216 government 
officials as deputies in the new Chamber, of which they 
formed rather more than half. Hence arose a system of 
jobbery which finally disgraced the whole of public life 
under Louis Philippe. 

Discontent in France. — With the growth of com- 
merce and manufactures, the artisan class grew more 
powerful : easily excited in times of want, this class was 
then in a continual ferment, for it looked upon Louis 
Philippe as foisted on France by a trick of the Chambers. 
It had won the street fights of July, yet now saw all power 
kept in the hands of the rich bourgeoisie which had placed 
Louis Philippe on the throne. Moreover, the king's un- 
popularity increased when he asked for an annual civil list 
of 18,000,000 francs, though at his accession he had said, 
" 6,000,000 are more than enough for a citizen king." The 
Chamber finally voted 12,000,000 francs a year; and the 
country saw avarice take firmer hold on the king with every 
increase of his wealth. 


So unpopular were Louis Philippe's two first ministries 
that he soon found means to dismiss the more advanced 
constitutionalists. The next ministry, which entered office 
in March 1831 under Casimir Pdrier, was still more resolute 
in repressing tumults. The premier was a man of com- 
manding talents and firmness. He declared that while 
France would not herself interfere in the affairs of other 
nations, neither would she allow others to do so ; but the 
French artisans, barely satisfied by intervention in Belgium 
and Italy, were exasperated by the king's refusal to intervene 
in favour of Poland, and the arrival of hundreds of Polish 
exiles at Paris in the end of 183 1 again roused their anger. 

At Lyons the silk trade was hard pressed by the compe- 
tition of other countries which since 18 15 had entered into 
commercial rivalry with France. Disputes arose between 
the Lyons manufacturers and the silk weavers, who at that 
time worked in their own homes, not in workshops. Finally 
the artisans took up arms in November 1831, and after 
two days' fighting drove the troops out of their town ; but 
a large force under Marshal Soult soon overawed them. 
There were disturbances also at Marseilles, Toulon, and 
Toulouse. The cholera in the next year created a terrible 
panic; and, as in Hungary and Russia, the peasants, 
believing the wells to have been poisoned, often murdered 
the physicians themselves. The most illustrious victim was 
the premier, Casimir P^rier, whose firm hand was never 
more needed (May 1832). 

Amid these troubles the legitimists and republicans 
sought to overthrow the government. The Duchesse de 
Berri, widow of the son of Charles X, attempted to raise La 
Vendue, where a strong attachment to the old monarchy still 
existed ; but this sentiment was not strong enough to excite 
a revolt. The duchess was captured, and soon liberated. 

xxviii] FRANCE— LOUIS PHILIPPE (1830-1848). 209 

More serious were the street fights with the Paris repub- 
licans in June 1832^ Barricades were thrown up after the 
funeral of a popular deputy, and were with difficulty carried 
by the troops. At Lyons too, which had become more 
and more republican, the workmen, in April 1834, fought 
against the troops more desperately than even in 1831. 
Before they could be crushed the Paris republicans again 
rose, irritated by new decrees against political clubs and 
conspirators. Cavaignac escaped to England, but other 
leaders were imprisoned after trials which shook the credit 
of the government. 

The Doctrinaires. — After the death of Casimir P^rier 
a ministry was formed, with Marshal Soult as president of 
the council, or " premier," "in English phrase. His col- 
leagues were Thiers, the vivacious genius who was to sound 
forth the glories of the first Empire, and thus unconsciously 
help the imperialists again to power ; the Due de Broglie, 
who from the first to the second Empire was a firm expo- 
nent of moderate Liberal principles; and thehistorian Guizot, 
a devoted student and admirer of the English constitution. 
The last two were the leaders of the doctrinaires, a group of 
politicians who strove to conduct politics in a philosophic 
spirit. " It was our endeavour " (wrote Guizot) " to bestow 
sound philosophy on politics." The difference between 
their principles and their conduct often exposed them to 
ridicule; but in truth Louis Philippe's ministers had a 
difficult task to cope with the malcontents at home and to 
avoid a rupture with the Austrian, Prussian, and Russian 
sovereigns, who viewed the July revolution and its results 
with alarm and dislike. So Louis Philippe's constant 
desire was to keep a good understanding with England. 

Infernal Machine— Bepressive Laws. — The waning 
popularity of Louis Philippe was revived by a mad attempt 


on his life. During the previous nine months no less than 
seven such plots had been discovered; yet a Corsican 
named Fieschi arranged an infernal machine to fire from a 
window on the king as he rode to the review of the National 
Guards on July 2i8, 1835, the anniversary of the revolution 
of 1830. A shower of bullets struck down niany spectators 
and soldiers, among the latter Mortier, one of Napoleon's 
old marshals. But amid all the slaughter the king himself 
escaped unscathed, and, with the courage which he had 
shown at Jemappes, proceeded to the review. Fieschi 
and two other miscreants were executed. 

The consequences fell upon the republican opposition. 
In September laws were passed forbidding all discussion on 
the form of government, facilitating the trial of political 
crimes by secret voting of juries, and decreeing that news- 
paper criticisms on the king's acts were treasonable. 

None the less there were five more unsuccessful attempts 
on the king's life, and one on that of his son, the Due 
d'Aumale, between 1835 and 1842 ; and in 1839 the Paris 
republicans again threw up barricades, under the lead of 
Blanqui, the disturber of so many governments down to 
our own day. 

Thiers and Quizot. — French ministries were made 
and unmade almost as quickly in the middle of Louis 
Philippe's reign as they have been since 187 1. In 1836 
the coalition of Thiers and Guizot broke up after popular 
disturbances seemed for the time to be crushed. Thiers 
formed a more progressist ministry, but fell from power 
owing to a proposal to intervene in Spain, which the prudent 
king opposed. The king then confided the guidance of 
affairs to a doctrinaire ministry under Mol^, who admitted 
the royal interyention in parliamentary affairs more than had 
been allowed by Thiers or even by Guizot. though the 

xxviii] FRANCE— LOUIS PHILIPPE (1830-1848). 211 

latter was always favourable to the exercise of the royal pre- 
rogative. These two statesmen again united to overthrow 
Mol^, and after a period of shortlived ministries Thiers 
finally resigned because the king would not support his 
menacing tone on the Egyptian question in 1840. Giiizot 
then was called to the throne of State, and remained there 
till the crash of 1848. 

Lotiis Napoleon. — In 1833 Louis Philippe' had re- 
placed the statue of the Emperor Napoleon on the Vfendome 
column (that oft -changing barometer of French political 
feeling), and in 1836 he had completed the great Arc de 
Triomphe. In 1840, during the shortlived ministry of 
Thiers, Louis Philippe had also agreed that the bones of 
the emperor should be brought from St. Helena to rest 
"among the French people whom he so much loved." 
His remains were brought to Cherbourg and thence to 
Paris with imposing pomp, to rest under the dome of the 
Invalides, or Hospital for Old Soldiers (December 1840). 

Four years previously the emperor's nephew, Louis 
Napoleon, soi^ of Louis, ex-King of Holland, and Hortense 
Beauhamais, had crossed over from Switzerland to Strassburg. 
Dressed in imitation of" le petit caporal," he there attempted 
to gain over the troops, but was speedily arrested. Taken 
by a French war-ship to America, he soon returned to 
Constance; but on the threats of Louis Philippe to the 
Swiss cantons he retired to London. In 1840 he declared 
that the bones of the emperor ought to rest only in an 
imperial and "regenerated" France, and attired in the 
uniform of Napoleon's Guards he and some friends dis- 
embarked at Boulogne from a steamer which they had 
secretly chartered in the Thames. The sequel did not 
resemble the triumphant procession of his uncle to Paris 
after his escape from Elba. At Boulogne in 1 840 the French 


troops remained true to the government. The boat in which 
Louis Napoleon sought to escape to the steamer capsized, 
and he was dragged out of the water half-drowned. This 
time he was condemned by the Chamber of Peers at Paris 
to imprisonment for life ; but in 1846 he escaped from the 
castle at Ham in the disguise of a workman during some 

These events seemed fatal to his cause with a people so 
keenly alive to a sense of the ridiculous as the French, but 
" in France it is the unexpected which happens." In six 
years after his escape he was Emperor of the French. 

The EJgyptian Question. — Louis Philippe was in a 
dilemma as to foreign affairs all through his reign. Either 
he must please his own people by supporting the popular 
movements which began in 1830, or conciliate the con- 
tinental Powers by showing that he was not another 
Napoleon carried into power on the crest of a revolution. 
He wavered between these two policies, and only intervened 
in Belgium and Portugal when he had the support of 
England. Yet the traditions of the Empire often made the 
French yearn for a more Spirited policy against Germany, 
Austria, and even against England. 

After 1840 this feeling was strong enough in France to 
urge Thiers to run the risk of war with England in support 
of Mehemet Ali, Pacha of Egypt This question, which was 
one of secondary importance for the two western Powers, 
was brought into the front rank by the eager rivalry of 
Thiers and Palmerston. 

Mehemet Ali, the able soldier and administrator of Egypt, 
had defied the Sultan's authority and defeated his troops in 
every pitched battle, while a treacherous Turkish admiral 
had taken over a Turkish fleet to what seemed the winning 
side (1839). The French believed that they saw in 

xxviii] FRANCE— LOUIS PHILIPPE (1830-1848). 213 

Mehemet Ali the regenerator of the Turkish power ; for the 
same reason Russia (always hostile to France) detested him 
as a dangerous rebel against authority; while England, 
Prussia, and Austria dreaded his power to weaken Turkey 
by civil war. -v^ 

Suddenly Palmerston disclosed the signature of a secret 
treaty with Russia and Prussia which was to isolate France, 
and reserve only Egypt and Southern Syria to the victorious 
pacha. In spite of the menaces of Thiers, Palmerston 
sent a powerful fleet, which, joined by Austrian and Turkish 
war-ships, laid Acre in ruins, and forced Mehemet to with- 
draw from his Syrian conquests by a threat to bombard 
Alexandria (November 1840). Louis Philippe did not 
support Thiers in his desire for armed intervention ; and, 
after his fall from office, France finally joined the other 
Powers in a treaty called the " treaty of the straits." By 
this Egypt was again brought under the suzerainty of the 
Sultan, but the hereditary right of Mehemet Ali and his 
heirs to the Pachalic of Egypt was recognised. Turkey also 
escaped from the humiliating terms of the treaty of Unkiar 
Iskelessi of 1 833,^ which had placed her at the foot of Russia. 
The Sultan now refused to admit any ships of war through 
the narrow waters of the Bosporus (July 1841). Russian 
interests thus sustained a worse check than that suffered by 
French diplomacy. The latter was soon forgotten after 
Palmerston and Thiers had fallen from power ; and the old 
friendship was renewed/ when Queen Victoria visited Louis 
Philippe at the Orleanist domain, the Chateau d'Eu, near 
Dieppe (1843). The sudden death of the king's eldest 
son after a carriage accident in Paris also concentrated 
French attention on home affairs and on the prospects of 
the Orleanist dynasty, which were thus overclouded. 
* See p. 194. 


Tahiti. — A quarrel soon arose, however, about Tahiti. 
The French, outstripped in the race to annex New Zealand, 
had taken advantage of some trifling injuries done to French 
residents in Tahiti to expel an English missionary named 
Pritchard. They then frightened the native Christian queen, 
Pomare, into a request for a French protectorate, which was 
turned later on, after a spirited resistance by the natives, 
into actual possession. 

In the burning question of the Spanish marriage, Louis 
Philippe was held to have shown love of family aggrandise- 
ment at the cost of his kingly honour. So the entente 
cordiaie with England was never quite restored down to the 
overthrow of the Orleanist dynasty. 

Conquest of Algeria. — This was the one solid achieve- 
ment of Louis Philippe in foreign affairs. In the first 
troublous years of his reign it was often debated whether 
the recently conquered town of Algiers should not be 
abandoned ; but the advantage of having a naval station on 
the south of the Mediterranean ensured its retention, and 
two French captains in 1832 seized the port of Bona, near 
the frontier of Tunis. The difficulties of conquest in so 
rugged a country were only found out by degrees, but they 
served as a welcome diversion for the excitable French 
youth. The Arab herd was Abd-el-Kader, Emir of Mascara, 
near Oran, on the Morocco border. Combining the fanati- 
cism of a Moslem with the activity, cunning, and bravery 
of a Jugurtha, he for a long time set the invaders of his 
country at defiance. This land, traversed by two main 
ranges of the Atlas mountains with numerous offshoots, and 
merging on the south into the burning desert of the Sahara, 
was as difficult for French troops to conquer, and to hold 
when conquered, as it was for the Romans. In 1834 the 
Arabs several times checked the French, and in 1836 

xxviii] FRANCE— LOUIS PHILIPPE (1830-1848). 215 

hurled them back from a daring attack on the city of 
Constantine, perched on a rock above a roaring torrent. 
Clauzel and the young Changarnier led back their intrepid 
troops, though harassed by clouds of Arabs. Lamoricifere 
took the city next year after a terrible struggle. 

Abd-el-Kader was often beaten by the dash and energy 
of the French commander-in-chief, Bugeaud ; but he only 
retired into the mountains or desert, to reappear where 
least expected, and once he made a raid almost to the 
walls of Algiers itself. As a reply to this act of bravado 
the king's fourth son, the dashing young Due d'Aumale, 
at the head of a flying column surprised and captured 
the chiefs moving encampment, and Abd-el-Kader himsdf 
had to flee into Morocco. A short war against the Moors 
obliged the chief to return and struggle on against superior 
forces, until on Christmas Day 1847 he surrendered to 
the Due d'Aumale, who promised that he should be free 
to retire to Turkey; but Louis Philippe refused to ratify 
this promise, and ungenerously kept his foe a prisoner in 
France. He was liberated by Louis Napoleon in 1852. 

Though the conquest of Algeria occupied the whole of 
Louis Philippe's reign, its colonisation has taken longer 
still. As Marshal Bugeaud said, "That is a work of 
giants and of centuries." In spite of droughts and locusts 
its exports of dates and grain are considerable; but it 
must still rank as the most costly and unprofitable of 
colonies. Arab soldiers in French pay, called Zouaves, 
did good service in the Crimean war; and the following 
generals won their spurs in Algeria — Changarnier, 
Cavaignac, Saint-Amaud, Canrobert, Macmahon, and 
P^lissier. The last raised a storm of execration in Europe 
by lighting fires at the mouth of a cave to suffocate 
numbers of Arabs who with their wives and children had 


taken refuge there — an act defended by Soult, then 
Minister for War. In fact, the cruelties of this savage 
warfare bnitalised many French generals and soldiers, and 
so made possible the events of 185 1 in Paris. 

Home AfEbira — In 1 840 the present fortifications round 
Paris were begun. At a cost of six millions sterling a 
huge wall was raised with a ring of detached forts, which 
might defend or overawe the citizens. The regular army 
was also largely increased Up to 1842 France had only 
one railway, viz. at St. fetienne ; but the main lines were 
then planned and slowly commenced. Guizot's greatest 
work in office was a system of elementary education, 
passed in 1833. By 1848 the population of France was 
over 34,000,000. 

Discontent in France. — In spite of the increase of 
comfort and luxury among the people there was increasing 
discontent at the somewhat sordid rule of Louis Philippe. 
The king in 1847 was seventy-four years of age; and, ip 
spite of his great private wealth, he was constantly coming 
to the Chamber for grants and "portions" for his children. 
After devolving his private property on his eight children he 
claimed and received half a million sterling for his private 
income. The king and Guizot had outlived their early 
progressist policy. The absorption of Cracow by Austria in 
1846 with a slight protest from Paris seemed to French 
Liberals a disgraceful surrender of the championship of the 
Polish cause. The heir to the throne, the Comte de Paris, 
was only four years old, and the prince who was to be 
regent after the king's death was his second son, the Due 
de Nemours, who was hated for his absolutist tendencies. 
And yet the 224,000 "electors" of France, the "pays 
l^al," in 1846 sent up a large majority of servile place- 
hunters, whose support strengthened Guizot in his policy 

xxviii] FRANCE-- LOUIS PHILIPPE (1830-1848). 217 

of resistance to reform. The bad harvests of 1845 ^'^ ^^47 
caused deficits in the national revenue, though expenditure 
went on as ever. • For once the French opposition borrowed 
their method from England in the shape of reform 
banquets ; but the folly of the government changed these 
peaceful protests into bloody affrays. 

Genealogical Tree of the House of Orleans. 
Louis XIII. 

Louis XIV. 


(Elder Branch 

of the Bourbons). 

(died 1842). 


Due d' Orleans. 

Philippe (Regent 1715-1722). 




Louis- Philippe, 

Louis-Philippe (^galit^) 
(guillotined 1793). 

Louis-Philippe I. 



ae Prince de Due . Due de 

Nemours. Joinville. d'Aumale. Montpensier. 

Comte de Paris. 

Due de Chartres. 


CENTRAL EUROPE (183I-1848). 

" Hamlet is Germany." 

(Gervinus. — Shakespeare Commentaries,) 

" Hi motus animorum atque haec certamina tanta 
Pulveris exigui jactu compressa quiescunt. " 


Q^rmany. — The passage of swarms of Polish refugees 
through Germany after the fall of Warsaw in 18311 renewed 
the disturbances of 1830 in a way which showed the un- 
practical character of German reforms then. Decked with 
the black, red, and gold colours of the old Empure, some 
20,000 enthusiasts assembled around the ruins of an old 
castle in Rhenish Bavaria, and shouted, "Down with the 
princes ! " : yet the whole district was pacified by a few 
troops. A similar demonstration in Frankfurt -on- the- 
Main just gave to Metternich the wished -for opportunity 
of a similar cheap victory. A commission sat at this city, 
the federal capital, and some 1800 democrats were im- 
prisoned. Even the progressist kings, Louis of Bavaria 
and William of Wiirtemberg, adopted similar means of 

In Hanover more stringent measures were soon adopted. 
The accession of Victoria to the British throne in 1837 
severed the connection of Hanover with Great Britain, 
for, according to the Salic law, no woman could reign in 

CHAP, xxix] CENTRAL EUROPE (1831-1848). 219 

Hanover in her own right. So Ernest, Duke of Cumberland, 
the best hated man in England, received the crown of 
Hanover. He at once annulled a Liberal constitution 
granted in 1833, and restored the reactionary measures of 
1 81 9. By this stroke he regained the crown lands of 
Hanover, which in 1833 had been declared State property. 
Seven professors, among them Ewald, Gervinus, and 
Grimm, refused to take the new oath and were dismissed 
from Gottingen University. For the present the king 

Prussia. — ^The years between 1830 and 1848 were dull 
and uneventful in Prussia, save for the completion of the 
ZoUverein or Customs Union.^ In fact, Prussia was slowly 
storing up the resources which she used afterwards between 
1862 and 1872 with terrible effect. Religious disputes 
between Roman Catholics and Protestants on the matter 
of mixed marriages embittered the last years of Frederick 
William's reign ; and those between various Protestant sects 
and Rationalists were hardly less exasperating. The king 
sought to weld the orthodox Protestants into one Church, on 
which he bestowed a liturgy. Several Lutherans who refused 
to accept this State religion were banished. 

Frederick William IV (1840-1861).— In 1840 
Frederick William III ended his long reign of forty -two 
years, so fraught with strange contrasts for Prussia and him- 
self. He had been a fugitive before Napoleon at Memel, 
had entered Paris as a conqueror, and had since reigned 
for a quarter of a century of quiet, only broken by the 
upheaval of 1830. 

His successor, Frederick William IV, was an impression- 
able being who looked back to the mediaeval ideas of 

^ With the exception of the northern "Free Cities," which have just 
recently (October i888) joined the ZoUverein. 


monarchy too much to satisfy the desires of his subjects. 
At his coronation at Konigsberg he declared that he 
reigned by the grace of God, and " would never do homage 
to the idea of a general popular representation, but 
would pursue a course based upon historical progression, 
suitable to German nationality." The provincial Estates, 
or Assemblies, were summoned to meet; but the system 
of national representation promised to Prussia and Hanover 
in 1 8 14 remained a promise. In fact, the new king clung 
to the old eighteenth-century policy, "All for the people, 
nothing by the people." The people were most carefully 
educated, but under the strict control of the State ; they 
were free, within fixed limits, to manage their local and 
provincial affairs, but were not deemed worthy of national 
representation, and yet the defence of Prussia was en- 
trusted to them, for every man was then liable to serve in 
the Landwehr up to his thirty-ninth year. 

An attempt on the king's life in 1844 injured the 
democratic cause, which was at that time in bad repute 
owing to the extravagances of the rationalising philo- 
sophers like Strauss. 

The Parliament. — In 1847 Frederick William IV 
sought to satisfy his subjects by convening an Assembly 
with the grand title of United Prussian Parliament Its 
Upper Chamber consisted of princes and nobles ; the other 
of deputies elected by the knights, municipalities, and rural 
assemblies. Its powers were as limited as was its repre- 
sentative character. Permission was given to it to advise 
the king in the framing of new laws and redressing 
grievances, if the majority comprised two -thirds of the 
deputies; its consent was necessary for the imposition of 
new taxes, except in time of war. 

It was, in fact, merely a central committee of the Provincial 

xxix] CENTRAL EUROPE (1831-1848). 221 

Estates of Prussia,' for it was to meet only when suminoned 
by the king. At its opening session the king said with 
his fatal facility of speech : " Never will I allow a sheet of 
paper, like a second revelation, to intervene between God 
in heaven and this people. . . . The Crown can, and must, 
govern according to the laws of God and of the land, not 
according to the will of majorities." 

Naturally enough, the n^w Prussian Parliament had a 
short and feverish existence: in four months it was dis- 
solved by the irate monarch (June 1847). The hopes of 
the Prussian people gave way to bitter disgust. Henceforth 
the king had the support only of the strictest Protestants, 
and of the nobles and Junkers,^ or squires. Strauss in a 
pamphlet dubbed him "The romanticist on the throne of 
the Caesars." Such was Prussia's prelude to the excitement 
of 1848. 

Austria (18 15-1848). — ^The Emperor Francis I, who 
had taken that title in 1804, but had reigned over the 
Austrian dominions since 1792, had seen the same ex- 
tremes of fortune as his neighbour Frederick William III 
of Prussia; and after the triumph of 18 14 he too settled 
down to twenty years of peace, broken only by the 
interventions of Mettemich in affairs of neighbouring 
states. Such was the influence of the Austrian Chancellor 
that Vienna between 1814 and 1848 was the centre of 
European diplomacy. The homely Francis I, however, 
retained almost enthre control over Austrian affairs, and 
even kept his ministers at a distance. Hence arose a 
laborious system of correspondence which wearied monarch, 
ministers, and officials alike, and resulted in a slow and 
pedantic routine. This patriarchal system accounts for the 
inefficiency of the Austrian Government down to 1866 in 
1 Derived from Jung Herr. 


everything except the repression of liberty. Mettemich 
• himself complained of the " mania for details which would 
destroy the spirit of the highest administration;'* and he 
proposed that the provincial Diets should be formed 
into an Imperial Diet (Reichsrath) composed of landed 
proprietors, selected by the emperor. This proposal to 
strengthen, not to reform the government, was never carried 
into effect by Francis I. 

So the aristocracy and clergy continued to exert great 
influence, though their power over legislation in the 
provincial Diets, except in Hungary, was very small. They 
were under the influence of the court, which bestowed 
favours on them for work in the army and government ; 
and the clergy were almost as dependent on Vienna as on 

Gomiueroe. — The patriarchal government of Francis 
I, seen at its worst in the treatment of Italian patriots in 
the dungeons of the Spielberg, was yet enlightened enough 
to develop the commerce of his dominions. Trade with 
other nations had been almost non-existent owing to the 
heavy customs dues; but now Francis encouraged steam 
traffic on the Danube, and also from Trieste to the East 
In the next reign, in 1838, a treaty of commerce was 
framed with England. So what Austria had lost by bemg 
shut out from the German ZoUverein she partly regained 
by the expansion of her trade on the lower Danube. In 
the case of Prussia as well as of Austria the growth of 
political power has followed the line of least resistance 
first marked out by commercial expansion. 

Ferdinand I. (1835-1848). — ^The death of Francis 
brought to the throne his eldest son Ferdinand; but the 
bodily and mental weakness of the new sovereign assured 
to Metternich as much control as before over foreign 

xxix] CENTRAL EUROPE (183 1 -1 848). 223 

affairs. Education was neglected, and at the universities^ 
the exact sciences were alone studied — to the exclusion 
of subjects which might spread new ideas. The Viennese 
were encouraged to lead lives of heedless pleasure, while 
misery often reigned on the estates of the nobles, who 
spent their revenues in the capital. 

Oraoow. — In 1846 a Polish insurrection burst forth 
in Galicia, which was Austria's share of the booty of 
Poland. The rising was confined to the old Polish nobility, 
who oppressed their serfs in the old days much more 
than the Austrian laws now allowed them to do; so the 
Polish peasants of Galicia rose against their, lords in a 
terrible "Jacquerie," and the rebellion came to an ignor 
minious end. In fact it only gave to Austria, Russia, and 
Prussia the desired opportunity of extinguishing the last 
relic of the once great Polish kingdom. The small re- 
public of Cracow was by them declared to be annexed to 
Austria (1846). Poland had perished owing to its civil 
discords; but nearer Vienna Metternich was met by a 
united national resistance. 

Hungary. — Amidst the exhaustion which followed 
the Napoleonic wars Hungary for some few years raised no 
protest against the suspension of her ancient system. 
This required that the Hungarian Diet should be convened 
at Presburg, the ancient capital, every three years ; but it 
was not till 1825 that Francis I. gave way before the now 
unanimous demand of the Hungarian people. Resistance 
to the Viennese bureaucracy was spreading in Hungary 
along with reviving strength. The enlightened patriot 
Szechenyi gave his money, his labour, and his genius to 
found the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and he aided 
the great national work of rendering the Danube navigable, 
^ As now in Russia. 


and in reclaiming more than loo square miles from the 
marshes of the Theiss. His younger rival in the affections 
of the people was Louis Kossuth, who by his oratorical 
power and popular sympathies became the champion of 
Hungarian liberty against the press censorship of Metter- 
nich. Thrown into prison for publishing newspaper reports 
of the sessions of the Diet and of the county assemblies, 
he was at last, in 1840, released on the urgent demands 
of the Diet, and again published a newspaper at Pesth. 
Even peace-loving people in Hungary saw at last that the 
Viennese government intended to conquer them, when it 
incited the Croats and Slavonians of the Hungarian crown 
lands against the Magyar or Hungarian race. The time for 
Szechenyi's conciliatory policy was felt to be past, and 
the democratic leaders, Kossuth and the more moderate 
Dedk, henceforth swayed the Hungarian people. 



Queen Maria (1826-1853). — Don Pedro, the ambitious 
but constitutional Emperor of Brazil, had never acquiesced 
in the exclusion of his daughter, the young Queen Maria, 
from the throne of Portugal by his absolutist brother 
Don Miguel. Leaving a regent to govern in Brazil, he 
brought over a force to restore his daughter to her throne. 
Aided by the movements of 1 830-1 831, and strengthened 
by the help of the EngUsh captain Napier on sea, and 
of the French general Villaflor on land, he drove Don 
MigueFs supporters from Oporto and Lisbon, and dethroned 
the usurper. 

Finally, in 1834 a new Quadruple Alliance was con- 
cluded between England, France, and the constitutional 
governments of Spain and Portugal, to support Queen 
Christina -of Spain and Queen Maria of Portugal against 
the pretenders Don Carlos and Don Miguel. This alliance 
of the constitutional sovereigns of the west of Europe was 
some counterpoise to that of the eastern Powers on the 
side of despotism ; but General Bourmont and many other 
legitimists came to aid the cause of the "pretenders." 
Driven from Santarem on the Tagus, these took refuge in 
the mountains of Alemtejo in the south-west of Portugal ; 
and Don Miguel signed a capitulation at Evora, by which 



he undertook to leave the country. Before Don Pedro 
returned victorious to Brazil, he, in 1836, proclaimed a 
constitution, and abolished all monasteries. The young 
queen married, after the speedy decease of her first 
husband. Prince Ferdinand of Coburg. Their second 
son, with the title of Luiz I, long sat on the throne of 
Portugal. This land has made little progress in wealth 
despite its excellent soil and climate, owing to the; indolence 
of its people and the careless financing which has over- 
burdened it with a crushing national debt.^ 

Christina (Regent), 1833-1843. Isabella II, 1843-1868. 

The Oarliflt Wars. — Though Portugal seemed at the 
end of its troubles in 1836, Spain was then at the threshold 
of civil wars which have convulsed her down to recent 
years. On the death of King Ferdinand VII of Spain 
in September 1833, strife at once^ began between the 
supporters of the widowed queen Christina, who was de- 
clared regent for her daughter Isabella, and Don Carlos, 
the brother of the late king. As it had been in France 
and Portugal, so also in Spain, the younger brother of the 
late king was in each case a zealot in the cause of ab- 
solutism. Don Carlos found his support especially among 
the Basque provinces of the north of Spain. These 
provinces, especially Navarre and Aragon, long separated 
from the kingdom of Castile, had always resisted attempts 
to fuse them with the united kingdom of Spain ; and they 
still clung with the proud tenacity of their race to their 
" fueros " or local privileges, which the constitutional party 
had foolishly hesitated to ratify. So they now joined the 
^ See p. 376 and Appendix, p. 390. 

xxx] SPAIN 227 

Carlists, while the queen -regent was compelled to throw 
in her lot with the constitutionalists. 

Don Carlos, after escaping from Evora, appeared in 
Navarre ; and a merciless guerilla warfare was waged by 
the Carlist chief Zumala-Carreguy, until he lost his life at 
the siege of Bilbao in 1835. 

Meanwhile the constitutional party had split into two 
sections at Madrid; and the extreme section, discontented 
at the ill success of their armies, proclaimed for the young 
Isabella, and demanded the restoration of the democratic 
constitution of 181 2. The murder of monks and nuns 
and other violent excesses disgraced this party and em- 
bittered the civil war. In the midst of this anarchy a 
Carlist chief, Gomez,- marched boldly through a great part 
of Spain; but when the leadership of the constitutional 
forces was given to the ambitious but able leader Espartero, 
the aspect of affairs changed. A British legion was enrolled 
on the side of Isabella, and a British force aided ipspartero 
in raising the siege of Bilbao ; but Don Carlos still held 
the mountain districts of the north, and in 1837 he made 
a sudden raid near to Madrid. Driven back by Espartero, 
he finally in 1839 sought refuge in France; but his general 
Cabrera- for two years more continued the savage warfare 
in Aragon and Catalonia. These eight years of civil war 
inflicted on the unhappy land a total loss, it is reckoned, 
of nearly two millions of people — far more than in its 
struggles against Napoleon. 

Military movements at Madrid overthrew first the 
authority of the Queen-Regent Christina, then of the suc- 
cessful Espartero ; and at last the Cortes proclaimed Isabella 
of age though she was only thirteen years old (1843). 

Before the accession of Isabella II one more con- 
stitution was promulgated. The sovereign was to share 


the governing power with two Chambers called collect- 
ively the Cortfes. The members of the Senate were to be 
chosen from a list of three candidates sent up by each 
province ; the deputies of the lower Chamber were to be 
elected, one for every 50,000 inhabitants. Liberty of the 
press and equality of each citizen before the law were 
declared; but all these promising schemes have always 
miscarried in Spain, owing to the corruption of the whole 
government from top to bottom. 

When the young Isabella grew up and married her 
cousin Francis of Assis, she left the government to go on its 
old way, and the scandals of her private life were reflected 
in the corruption of the officials. Ministry followed ministry 
in quick succession, but the country was no better governed. 
The proud isolation of the Spanish character kept the pen- 
insula free from the movements of 1848, which shook 
the thrones of many better rulers ; and Spain entered 
upon a time of moral, political, and commercial torpor, 
which only ended in 1868. (See page 373.) 


THE MOVEMENTS OF 1 848- 1 849. 

• • The movements of this age have proceeded from the instincts of the 
masses : the influence of individuals is scarcely perceptible. " 


Just as the shrinking of the earth's crust now and again 
produces terrible earthquakes along the line of weakest 
resistance, so the silent but potent changes in a nation's 
life, brought about by the application of science to manu- 
factures and locomotion, will sometimes burst through the 
framework of a society which cramps and resists them. 

In England, France, Germany, Prussia, Austria, and 
even in Italy, the artisan class had been growing more 
numerous and better organised in the great towns. Every- 
thing was favouring the concentration of population in 
great centres. Railways and steamboats were opening up 
all parts of the world to commerce, and the ensuing 
competition brought about a sharp fall in prices, with a 
consequent financial crisis. Bad> harvests in 1847 aug- 
mented the misery and discontent. Also the prosperity of 
the United States and of the British colonies threw into 
dark contrast the systems of the continent In England 
the Reform Bill of 1832 and subsequent measures, 
especially the repeal of the Corn Laws which began in 
1846, had so strengthened the government that it easily 


put down the Chartists' feeble imitation of the French 
Revolution of February 1 848. 

On the continent it was far otherwise. The first 
outbreaks occurred in Milan, then in Sicily and Naples ; 
but it was from Paris that the great impulse came.^ There 
the socialist teachings of Saint-Simon, Fourier, and the far 
more violent Proudhon, whose dictum was "Property is 
theft," had made much stir; they naturally gained some 
hold in a land where the government then was of^ the rich 
bourgeoisie and for it alone. 

Overthrow of LouiB Philippe. — A reform banquet 
was announced to take place in the Champs-Elysdes for 
February 22, 1848. The Guizot ministry forbade it; but 
the sympathy of the National Guard with its object, and 
the pillage of a gunsmith's shop, showed the temper of the 
Parisians. The king, at last aware that , a crisis had come, 
received the resignation of the unpopular Guizot, and on 
the night between the 23d and 24th February sent for 
the more progressist Thiers, but it was then too late. A 
crowd of Parisians, marching joyously along with torches 
and a red flag, had found their way barred by troops 
opposite the Foreign Office ; in the confusion a shot was 
fired by the crowd, and the soldiers in a panic answered 
with a volley. Several persons fell dead or wounded, and 
in the words of Lamartine, an apologist of this revolution, 
" the survivors found waggons perfectly prepared even at 
this hour of the night, as if they had been previously 
obtained, in order to exhibit through Paris those lifeless 
bodies and rekindle the fury of the people." The 

1 So sudden were these movements in 1848 that passengers by sailing- 
ships leaving England for India in January 1848 found on their arrival at 
Calcutta telegraphic news that half the monarchs of Europe had been 
deposed or compelled to grant constitutions. 

xxxi] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1 848- 1 849. 231 

Parisians, excited by this theatrical display, would hear of 
no compromise, and plundered the Palais Royal, the 
private palace of the Orieans family. The progressist 
Thiers ministry, still hoping that its accession would calm 
the populace, gave orders to Marshal Bugeaud that his 
troops should not fire. Thus by the 24th February, 
when they were urgently needed to protect the king, 
the discouraged troops everywhere gave way before the 
aggressive crowds. As the king was breakfasting in the 
Tuileries, a message came that the dragoons were 
surrendering their swords, and the soldiers their muskets, 
to the people. The king rode out to restore their 
confidence ; but his hesitation, or desire to shed no French 
blood, had ruined his chances. The crowds were every- 
where victorious and were besieging the Tuileries. Amidst 
this confusion Thiers resigned and recommended the more 
radical Odillon Barrot as his successor; but the excited 
mob pressed on, and in a few minutes Girardin, the well- 
known editor of a paper friendly to the king, rushed in. 
"Sire," said he, "the abdication of the king or the 
abdication of the monarchy : such is the dilemma." The 
king wrote, "I abdicate in favour of my grandson the 
Comte de Paris." As the mob drew near to the palace, 
the king and royal family (except the Duchesse d'Orldans 
and her son the young Comte de Paris) hurried through 
the palace gardens to a vehicle waiting in the Place de la 
Concorde. Under the sobriquet of Mr. and Mrs. Smith, 
the royal pair, often in danger of their lives in spite of their 
disguise, at last reached England. Guizot followed them, 
to add one more to the crowd of exiled potentates and 
statesmen who fied to our shores in 1848. The king 
died at Claremont in August 1850. 

Lamartine. — Few men have been so quickly raised to 


the height of power as Lamartine. He was a graceful poet, 
and his vivid history, " The Girondists" had done much to 
prepare for this outbreak. His brilliant oratory held the 
Chamber, or rioters alike, spell-bound ; but he lacked that 
tenacity of purpose and that masterful power which the 
French prefer even to the sensibility of genius. 

On the flight of Louis Philippe, the Duchesse d'Orl^ans 
with her two boys entered the Chamber ; but the irruption 
of an armed mob terrified her into flight with the young 
king and his little brother.^ Hereupon Lamartine ascended 
the tribune, and, after a frantic tumult, names were read 
out of men who should form a provisional government 
until a republic could be constituted. Among these were 
Lamartine, Arago, and Ledru-Rollin, the advocate of 
universal suffrage. Afterwards the mob added Louis Blanc, 
the revolutionist, to the list These men, taking possession 
of the plundered town-hall, in a room bare of all furniture 
drew up decrees, such as the abolition of death for political 
crimes, and of slavery in French colonies : these they at 
once proclaimed to the mob below. On March 2, 1848, 
the committee proclaimed universal suffrage, and summoned 
all Frenchmen to elect a Constituent Assembly to or- 
ganise the republic. 

National Workshops. — To appease the "red" re- 
publicans and the many workmen who were starving amid 
the stoppage of trade$ the committee started State-work- 
shops {ateliers nationauoc) for men without work. Light 
work and fairly good pay soon attracted as many as 120,000 
men away from ordinary trade to idle away their time in 

^ As usual the Paris mob made or unmade governments ; and when 
the highly -centralised government was once paralysed at its heart, it 
collapsed everywhere. The passive provinces accepted the changes frotn 
Paris with some grumbling about receiving their revolutions by post. 

x!xxil THE MOVEMENTS OF 1 848- 1 849. 233 

these State -workshops. Thus trade was still more dis- 
organised, while the provisional government could barely 
pay the men put of its scanty resources ; for the finances 
were in a desperate state, in spite of the doubling of the 
land tax. 

The Second Republic — The "Four Daya" — ^The 
new Assembly, elected April 23, 1848, had scarcely pro- 
claimed the republic when a mob of socialists and "reds" 
invaded the Chamber, only to be driven out by National 
Guards (May 15, 1848). At last it became necessary to 
close the State-workshops, but this was the signal for a 
civil war in Paris streets (June 23-26, 1848). General 
Cavaignac, at the head of regular troops, and the National 
Guards of Paris and Rouen, crushed the rising after four 
days of desperate barricade fighting. The Archbishop of 
Paris lost his life during his efforts at mediation ; and not 
till eleven generals and vast numbers of soldiers and work- 
men had fallen was order restored: about 100,000 
muskets were taken from the populace. The Chamber 
decreed the thanks of the country to Cavaignac, and 
named him temporary president of the republic till the 
new constitution should be completed. At a terrible cost 
the young republic had triumphed over the extremists. 
It was to succumb to a more insidious foe.^ 

As in 1830, so again in 1848, the Paris Revolution 
fanned into a flame all the smouldering discontent in 
Italy, Austria, Germany, and Prussia. 

Italy in i 848-1 849 

Pius IX. — ^The Papal States and all Italy had been 
stirred to new life and hope by some trifling reforms 

i See p. %i^ V b" ^ 


granted by the newly-elected Pope Pius IX, and soon the 
cry "Viva Pio Nono" rang through Italy. When 
Metternich ventured on sending Austrian troops to occupy 
Ferrara in 1847, he ^^s constrained to withdraw them on 
the representations of Lord Palmerston. So the Italians 
were full of hope. 

The Smoking Riote at Milan. — The Austrian 
Government had not only wounded Italian feelings by 
appointing Austrians as judges, professors, and governors 
in Lombardy-Venetia, but had cut off by custom-houses 
these two rich provinces from trade with the rest of Italy. 
Moreover, the sale of tobacco was a monopoly of the 
Austrian Government ; so the patriots of Lombardy on the 
first day of 1848 resolved to buy no tobacco.^ Thereupon 
Radetzky, the Austrian governor of Milan, ordered his sol- 
diers ostentatiously to smoke in the streets. On January 
2 and 3, 1848, the "smoking riots" began in Milan, and 
soon in Pavia and Padua. So when the news of the revo- 
lutions at Naples, Paris, and Vienna reached Milan, the 
Italians rose against their oppressors, who now at last 
seemed to be helpless in their own capital. 

Naples. — Meanwhile Sicily, on January 12,1 848, began 
to struggle for its free constitution of 181 2; and a few 
street demonstrations at Naples terrified Ferdinand II into 
suddenly granting a constitution which he might earlier in 
his reign have gracefully conceded (January 29, 1848). 
This, however, did not satisfy the ardent Sicilians, who pro- 
claimed their complete independence of Naples. This 
schism in the constitutional party of the south was again 
fatal to its success. Ferdinand in May 1848 triumphed 
over the Neapolitan patriots, and in September his troops 

^ As in ||70 the North American colonists refused to buy tea, which was 
a monopoly of the English Government. 

xxxi] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1848-1849. 235 

regained Messina for the Bourbons. His victory was soon 
followed by the withdrawal of the Constitution, and by 
wholesale imprisonments in dungeons too foul for the prison 
doctors to venture into. Palermo surrendered in May 

The "Five Days" at Milan — Novara. — The 
spring of 1848 was in fact all through Italy a spring-tide of 
hopes too bright to last. Pope Pius IX, the Duke of Tus- 
cany, and Charles Albert granted a share in the government 
to their citizens; and the Milanese, excited by the first 
rising of the Viennese against the Austrian Government 
(March 13), took up arms against Radetzky's troops, and 
after five days of desperate street-fighting drove them out 
of their city (March 18-22). At Venice too the crowd 
broke into the prison to rescue the patriot advocate Manin, 
and then expelled the Austrian troops, which also had to 
retire from Cremona. 

Finally, Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, emboldened 
by the difficulties of Austria and by the clamour of his own 
subjects, declared war against her. Success seemed indeed 
to be certain, for volunteers poured in from Tuscany and 
Naples to help drive out the hated foreigners. But after a 
trifling success at Goito, the patriots were defeated at Cus- 
tozza (July 24) by Radetzky, who was then unhampered by 
having to hold down several towns. In the next year 
Charles Albert again hazarded a campaign against Austria 
(March 12, 1849); but on the 23d of the same month he 
was utterly beaten at Novara, in spite of the bravery of his 
troops. In despair he abdicated in favour of his eldest son 
Victor Emmanuel, and for some years he wandered about 
western Europe a forlorn exile. Brescia was punished for 
its desperate resistance to the Austrians under Haynau by 
terrible vengeance. Venice was the last city to succumb 


to the reaction of 1 849. After the fall of Rome and of the 
Hungarian cause, the island city still held out against the 
Austrian cannon without, and the ravages of cholera within, 
its walls. Not until their defences were in ruins did P^p^ 
and Manin surrender (August 25, 1849). 

Boxne. — ^To Rome also these years 1848 and 1849 
brought the like extremes of hope and despair. Pope Pius 
IX had appointed Count Rossi, a moderate reformer, to 
head the new constitutional government ; but this states- 
man, hated by jealous cardinals and raging democrats alike, 
was stabbed just after the first session of the new Parliament 
(November 15, 1848). The excited Roman populace then 
overpowered the Swiss Guard at the Quirinal, and com- 
pelled the pope to dismiss his foreign troops. The terrified 
pontiff fled secretly to Gaeta for the protection of Ferdinand 
of Naples. 

The Roman Republia — Now at last Mazzini found 
his ideal within his grasp. A Constituent Assembly at 
Rome declared the temporal power of the pope abolished, 
to make way for a Roman Republic (February 1849). 
Tuscany also declared itself a republic united to Rome; 
and its duke joined the pope in exile at Gaeta ; but soon 
the triumph of the Austrians enabled the duke's partisans 
to restore his power. Rome would have succumbed in the 
same way to the tide of reaction in 1849, ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ 
for the presence of a born leader of men. 

Garibaldi — Hardened in his boyhood by a seafaring 
life at his birthplace, Nice^ the young patriot had given 
his indomitable courage to the cause of liberty in the South 
American -Republics. On his return to Italy he was rap- 
turously welcomed, and after the disaster of Custozza he 
still harassed the Austrians in the hill-country around the 
Italian lakes; but at last he retreated into Switzerland, 

xxxi] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1848- 1849. 237 

worn out with marsh-fever. Such was the man whom 
Mazzini called to aid in the defence of Rome against the 
troops sent by the sister republic of France. Garibaldi 
inspired the Romans with courage like his own, and they 
beat back the troops of General Oudinot from the walls. 

The French president, Louis Napoleon, though he had 
in 1 83 1 fought for the sake of Roman freedom, now sent 
reinforcements to Oudinot in spite of the opposition of all 
true French republicans. Succour also came to the pope's 
cause from the Bourbons of Naples and Madrid ; but Fer- 
dinand's troops were hurled back at Palestrina and Velletri 
by half of their number of Romans; whereupon the 
Spaniards declined a combat with the " red republic." 

Oudinot with 35,000 men and an artillery train now 
advanced a second time on the Eternal City, which was 
defended by some 15,000 Garibaldians. Though the 
French captured an outpost under cover of a truce, yet a 
week of cannonade and assaults only made one practicable 
breach in the walls. On the night of the 30th June 1849 
three French columns pressed in on the Roman barricades, 
defended by the red-shirted Garibaldians. These at last 
gave way before the weight of numbers; and Garibaldi, 
stained with blood but unwounded, himself admitted that 
defence was now impossible, unless Rome followed the 
example of Saragossa. He then said to his devoted band, 
"Soldiers^! I offer you hunger, thirst, cold, heat, no pay, 
no rations ; whoever loves Italy, follow me." Nearly 4000 
followed him across the Apennines ; but they were hunted 
down by the Austrians near Rimini, where his brave wife 
died. Finally he reached New York, there to join Ledru- 
Rollin, Louis Blanc, Felix Pyat, Lamartine, Kossuth, and 
many other exiled democrats. 

Temporal Power restored. — Pope Pius IX on his 


return to Rome in the spring of 1850 revoked the 
constitution, and handed over the government to the 
cardinals. Soon the prisons of Rome were filled with 

The failure of the Italian patriots in 1848-49 was due 
to their internal divisions and want of due preparation 
Sicily acted independently of Naples, and Central Italy of 
North Italy. But though French troops remained in Rome 
to prop up the temporal power of the pope, yet French 
jealousy of Austrian predominance soon gave the Italians 
another opportunity; and their cause had found two 
stalwart champions in Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel II. 

Austria (i 848-1 849). 

The rise of national feeling among the Hungarian, 
Slavonic, and Italian subjects of the House of Hapsburg 
was not the only difficulty of the Emperor Ferdinand H^ 
Vienna was then the gayest and the dearest centre of 
fashion and luxury in Europe, but side by side with 
wealth there seethed a mass of wretched poverty ; and the 
protective trade system of Austria so increased the price of 
the necessaries of life that bread- riots were frequent. 
During the distress of the end of 1847 a rumour spread 
that a widow in the capital had killed one of her own 
children to provide food for the others. The university 
students were foremost in the demand for a constitution and 
for the removal of the rigid censorship of the press and of 
all books. So when the news came of the flight of Louis 
Philippe from Paris, the students as well as the artisans 
of Vienna rose in revolt (March 13, 1848), the latter 
breaking machinery and attacking the houses of unpopular 
employers. A deputation of citizens clamoured for the 

xxxi] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1848- 1849. 239 

resignation of the hated Metternich : his house was burnt 
down, and he fled to England. A second outbreak of the 
excited jpopulace (May 15, 1848) sent the Emperor 
Ferdinand in helpless flight to Innspriick in Tyrol ; but he 
returned when they avowed their loyalty to his person, 
though they detested the old bureaucratic system. Far 
more complicated, however, were the race jealousies of the 

Bohemia. — The Slavs of Bohemia, though cut off" 
from their brethren in the south of the Empire by the 
German and Hungarian races, were at this time enthusiastic 
for their race. They had demanded of Ferdinand the 
union of Bohemia, Moravia, and Austrian Silesia in Estates 
for those provinces, and that the Slavs should enjoy 
equal privileges with the Germans. After an unsatisfactory 
answer had been received, they convoked a Slavonic 
Congress at Prague. Hither came deputies from the Poles 
and Ruthenians of Galicia, from the Croats and Serbs of 
the Turkish frontier, from the Moravians, and the Slovaks 
of North Hungary ; but while this Babel of tongues was 
seeking for a means of fusion, Prince Windischgratz was 
assembling Austrian troops around the Bohemian capital. 
Fights in the streets led to a bombardment of the city, 
which Windischgratz soon entered in triumph. This has 
left a bitterness between the Tsechs or Bohemians and 
the Germans, which still divides Bohemia socially and 
politically; the Slavonic races of the Empire, which far 
outnumber either the Germans or the Magyars singly, still 
demand a y^^^^ra;/ representation of the races of the Empire. 
The dual system of 1867 has not met their aspirations. 

Hungary. — The exciting news of the spring of 1848 
had made the hot Asiatic blood of the Magyars boil ; yet 
even Kossuth and the democrats at first only demanded 


the abolition of Mettemich's system in favour of a repre- 
sentative government, for they were attached to Ferdinand 
as the lawfully-elected King of Hungary, crowned with the 
iron crown of St. Stephen, and they only wished to rid 
him pf bad advisers. On the news of the first Viennese 
outbreak the democrats in the Hungarian Diet were able 
to compensate the nobles for the abolition of all vestiges 
of feudal dependence among their peasants, and to enact 
freedom of the press and universal military service (March 
1848). Unfortunately Kossuth claimed that the Magyar 
laws and language must now be supreme not only in 
Hungary proper, but also in the Hungarian " crown lands " 
of Dalmatia, Croatia, and Slavonia,^ and the enthusiastic 
Magyars wished also to absorb the ancient principality of 
Transylvania ; but this again was stoutly resisted by the 
Roumanians, Slavs, and Saxons of that little-known comer 
of Europe, and their discontent was fanned by the court 
of Vienna. Jellachich, the Ban or Governor of Croatia, 
headed this movement, which aimed at making Agram the 
capital of the southern Slavs. Their revolt against the 
Hungarian ministry of Batthyanyi was at first disavowed in 
June 1848, but in October was encouraged, by the per- 
fidious government of Vienna. A conference between 
Batthyanyi and Jellachich ended with words of defiance ; 
" Then we must meet on the Drave," said the Hungarian. 
**No, on the Danube," retorted the champion of the 

Civil War. — The vacillating Ferdinand annulled his 
acceptance of the new Hungarian constitution and declared 
Jellachich dictator of Hungary; His tool was unfortunate. 
'After crossing the Drave the Slavs were defeated by the 
brave Hungarian ** honveds " (defenders) ; and as many as 

1 Belonging to Hungary by right of ancient conquest. 

xxxi] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1848-1849. . 241 

9000 were made prisoners. Unable to subdue Hungary, 
Jellachich turned aside towards Vienna to crush the 
popular party there. For the democrats, exasperated 
by the perfidious policy of the government, had on 
October 6, 1848, risen a third time: the war-minister, 
Latour, had been hanged on a lamp-post, and the emperor 
again fled from his turbulent capital to the ever-faithful 

But now Jellachich and Windischgratz bombarded the 
rebellious capital. It was on the point of surrendering 
when the Hungarians appeared to aid the city; but the 
levies raised by the exertions of Kossuth were this time 
outmanoeuvred by the imperialists at Schwechat (October 
30, 1848), and on the next day Vienna surrendered. Blum, 
a delegate from Saxony, and some other democrats were 

By this clever but unscrupulous use of race-jealousy the 
Viennese Government seemed to have overcome Bohemians, 
Italians, Hungarians, and the citizens of its own capital, in 
turn; while it had diverted the southern Slavonians from 
hostility to actual service on its side. So strong is the 
binding power which the House of Hapsburg has exerted 
over the diverse races of the Empire ! It has been often 
said, "If the Austrian Empire did not exist it would be 
necessary to create it." Never was that truth more clearly 
shown than amid the disruptive forces of 1848. 

Francis Joseph I. — The weak health and vacillating 
spirit of Ferdinand did not satisfy the knot of courtiers at 
Vienna, who now, flushed by success, sought to concentrate 
all power in the Viennese Cabinet. Worn out by the ex- 
citements of the year and by the demands of these men, 
Ferdinand, on December 2, 1848, yielded up the crown, 
not to his rightful successor, his brother, but to his nephew 



Francis Joseph. He> a youth of eighteen, ascended the 
throne so rudely shaken, and still, in spite of almost uni- 
form disaster in war, holds sway over an empire larger and 
more powerful than he found it in 1848.^ 

The Hungarians refused to recognise the young sovereign 
thus forced upon them; and the fact that he was not 
crowned at Presburg with the sacred iron crown of St 
Stephen showed that he did not intend to recognise the 
Hungarian constitution.^ Austrian troops under Windisch- 
gratz entered Buda-Pesth, but the Hungarian patriots 
withdrew from their capital to organise a national resistance ; 
and when the Austrian Government proclaimed the Hun- 
garian constitution abolished and the complete absorption 
of Hungary in the Austrian Empire, Kossuth and his 
colleagues retorted by a Declaration of Independence 
(April 24, 1849). The House ot Hapsburg was declared 
banished from Hungary, which was to be a republic. 

The Hungaiian Wars. — Kossuth, the first governor 
ot the new republic, and Gorgei, its general, raised armies 
which soon showed their prowess. They beat the Austrians 
at Godollo, Waitzen, and Nagy-Salo, and finally drove them 
out of Buda-Pesth. In Transylvania, too, the Hungarians, 
under the talented Polish general Bem, overcame the 
Austrians, Slavonians, and Roumanians in many brilliant 

But the proclamation of a republic had alienated those 
Hungarians who had only striven for their old constitutional 
rights, so quarrels arose between Gorgei and the ardent 
democrat Kossuth. Worse still, the Czar Nicholas, dread- 

^ Another proof of the necessity that some one power should exist to 
bind together the races of S. E. Europe. 

* In fact he was not crowned till 1868, after the dtial system was 
adopted, and not till then was he the constitutional sovereign of Hungary. 

xxxi] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1848-1849. 243 

ing the formation of a republic near his Polish provinces, 
sent the military aid which Francis Joseph in May 1849 

Soon 80,000 Russians under Paskiewitch poured over 
the northern Carpathians to help the beaten Austrians, 
while others overpowered the gallant Bem in Transylvania. 
Jellachich with his Croats again invaded South Hungary, 
and Haynau, the scourge of Lombardy, marched on the 
strongest Hungarian fortress, Komom, on the Danube. In 
despair Kossuth handed over his dictatorship to his rival 
Gorgei, who soon surrendered at Vilagos with all his 
forces to /the Russians (August 13, 1849). About 5000 
men with Kossuth, Bem, and other leaders escaped to 
Turkey. Even there Russia and Austria sought to drive 
them forth ; but the Porte, upheld by the Western Powers, 
maintained its right to give sanctuary according to the 
Koran. Kossuth and many of his fellow -exiles finally 
sailed to England, where his majestic eloquence aroused 
deep sympathy for the afflicted country. 

Many Hungarian patriots suffered death. All rebels 
had their property confiscated, and the country was for 
years ruled by armed force, and its old rights were abolished. 
The passive resistance of the Hungarian nation, guided by 
the prudent Deak, in time produced its result. Hungarian 
discontent, and the necessity of holding down so large a 
country by military force, was one of the main causes of the 
unexpected weakness which Austria showed in the wars of 
1859 and 1866. (See page 320.) 

Germany (1848- 1849) 

The smaller States of Germany again presented the 
ludicrous spectacles shown to the world in 1830. On the 


news of the Paris Revolution of February 1848 several 
of the rulers hastened to grant to their excited subjects the 
constitutional rights which for eighteen years they had 
refused. Then after the panic was over things generally 
resumed their old course. The excitement swept from 
Cologne to Mannheim, Munich, Carlsruhe, Darmstadt, 
Hanover, and Dresden, to Berlin itself.^ It thus shook 
comparatively well-governed States like Baden, Wiirtemberg, 
and Saxony, as well as despotic Hesse and Hanover. In 
Bavaria King Louis, once a supporter of the Greeks and 
an opponent of Metternich, had become his tool, and now 
handed over much of the court patronage to a famous 
danseuse. Having thus lost the respect of his people, he 
abdicated on March 20, 1 848, in favour of his* eldest son 
Maximilian II, who reigned over Bavaria till 1864. 

The Baden democrats, not content with a constitution 
which was .the envy of the rest of Germany, rose with 
demands for a free press, a citizen army, and a united Par- 
liament which should represent the citizens of all Germany 
and Prussia Their success led to similar demands being 
made and hastily granted in Hanover, Wiirtemberg, and the 
two Hesses. 

The First Germaji Parliament. — ^The combined 
impulse towards national unity and reform was so powerful 
that a Parliament was elected by universal suffrage in pro- 
portion to the population of the German States and of 
Prussia. It was recognised by the old Confederate Diet 
(Bundestag), and met at Frankfurt -on -Main (May 15, 
1848) ; but the theorisings of its deputies soon disgusted the 
electors. After devising a constitution, which was in deri- 
sion called "a transcript of the parchment of Magna 

1 The troubles in Schleswig-Holstein will be considered with that com- 
plicated question as a whole. See p. 291. 

xxxi] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1848-1849. 245 

Charta on continental blotting-paper," the young Parlia- 
ment came to a ludicrous end, for it failed to find any 
sovereign in Germany who would consent to rule over the 
new State which it claimed to have created It vainly 
offered the new imperial crown to Frederick William IV of 
Prussia, who at once refused to make himself the " serf of 
the revolutioa" In fact, he had already had his hands full 
in Berhn. Thus ended the only chance of Prussia being 
absorbed in a democratic Germany. Instead of that, 
Prussia, after a lapse of twenty-three eventful years, wias to 
absorb the German States, to form a compact military 

Berlin in 1848-1849. — ^The excited Berliners at a 
monster meeting had demanded freedom of speech, of the 
press, and of the right of meeting, full equality in civil and 
political rights, and the establishment of trial by jury. 
When the king refused to see a deputation of citizens 
bearing these requests, the people rose in revolt, excited as 
th^y were by the downfall of absolutism at Vienna three 
days earlier. The impressionable king, overcome by these 
events, then granted all their demands. But as the Berliners 
were expressing their delight before the royal residence 
two shots were fired, either by the troops, or, as at Paris, 
by revolutionists. In a moment the crowd was charged 
before the king's eyes by a squadron of dragoons. The 
infuriated populace flew to arms, and defended barricades 
with desperation. After a terrible night of carnage the 
distracted monarch told his "dear Berliners" that the 
collision was due to a " deplorable misun4erstanding," and 
he ordered all his troops to leave the capital. He himself 
stood with head uncovered on the balcony of his palace 
while a vast procession followed the funeral cortege of 
the men slain in the fight. The Prussian United Diet 


(Landtag) was convened on April 2, 1848, to pave the way 
for a Constituent Assembly which should prepare a constitu- 
tion for Prussia. This first Assembly was ultra-democratic 
Titles of nobility were to be abolished, and unpopular 
officers to be dismissed from the army ; but the collapse of 
the democratic cause at Vienna was followed by as sudden 
a reaction at Berlin. The Assembly was ordered to Bran- 
denburg, while General Wrangel received the royal com- 
mand to march into Berlin to put down mob rule. The 
" rump '' of the Assembly still persisted in meeting in Berlin; 
but, like the unfortunate Frankfurt Parliament, it had become 
merely a violent debating club, and it was finally dissolved 
on December 5, 1848. A new constitution was then pro- 
claimed by the king. It established a government by two 
elective Chambers which were to meet on February 26, 
1849 > but the king now felt himself strong enough not only 
to dissociate himself fi*om the national movement by refusing 
the German crown, but also to dissolve the new Prussian 
Parliament when it disagreed with him (April 27, 1849), 
and in May to recall the Prussian deputies from the Frank- 
furt Parliament Finally the Prussian king and a new 
Parliament came to an understanding after mutual con- 
cessions; and in February 1850 the king swore to maintain 
the new constitution, which placed Prussia among the ranks 
of self-governing States. 

Collapse of the German Movement (1849). — ^^^^ 
successes of the Hungarians over the Austrian Government 
in the spring of 1849 rekindled all the discontent of Ger- 
many, from Posen through Saxony and the Rhine towns 
down to the south-west corner, where the democrats were 
strongest; but 15,000 Prussian troops overpowered the 
brave levies of Baden and of the Palatinate, which fought 
for a German republic ; and Baden was for a time occupied 

xxxi] THE MOVEMENTS OF 1 848- 1 849. 247 

by Prussian troops. Meanwhile the German Parliament 
had been weakened by the withdrawal of the Prussian 
deputies and the resignation of many Germans. The 
"rump" of this Parliament then removed to Stuttgart, and 
was finally dispersed by the Wiirtemberg soldiery (June 18, 

Switzerland. — The Baden democrats had matured 
their designs on Syniss soil, where the cause of freedom in 
1848 won a more lasting success than in the great countries 
of Europe It has been shown ^ how the Liberal cantons 
had defeated the league of the Ultramontane cantons 
known as the Sonderbund, and had occupied its central 
town Lucerne (November 1847). This was followed by 
the dissolution of the league, the expulsion of the Jesuits, 
the alteration of the cantonal governments, and in 1848 by 
the closer union of all the cantons in an organised con- 
federation. One Chamber (Senate) was to be elected by 
the several cantonal councils, the other by the people as a 
whole. By these two Assemblies the Federal Council is 
chosen, at whose head stands the President. (See p. 377«) 

Elsewhere in Europe the constitutional cause had gained 
solid results only in Prussia, Bavaria, and Hanover. In 
Italy, France, and Austria its triumphs were brief though 
brilliant. France and Hungary^ had, however, started the 
movements of 1848 and 1849, as this synopsis will 
show :-^ 

^ Page 201. 

2 In Hungary about 9,000,000 serfs received their freedom (1848) by 
the unanimous vote of the Hungarian Diet, the nobles of their own free 
will sacrificing these rights. Religious freedom, trial by jury, and propor- 
tionate taxation were also enthusiastically carried in a veritable " St. Bar- 
tholomew of privileges " like that of Aug. 4, 1789, at Versailles (see p. 14). 


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EUROPE (l 849-1 880). 

We now come to a period characterised, not so much by 
local movements and revolutions as by well -organised 
national efforts for unity. The difference is due to the 
gradual growth of representative government, and to the 
extension of railways and telegraphs. The former satisfied 
the aspirations of the provinces, the latter gave to the govern- 
ment power to crush local insurrections before they could 
gather head 

The reconstruction of Europe effected after Waterloo 
had already been modified before 1849. Belgium was 
separated from Holland. The Bourbons, both of the elder 
and younger lines, were driven out of France, and a Napo- 
leon was soon again to be Emperor of the French. Yet 
though the treaty of Vienna had failed to make a lasting 
settlement, it at any rate secured to exhausted Europe forty 
years of peace broken only by the Russo-Turkish war 
(1828) and by civil conflicts. 

By jthe autumn of 1849 the last of the isolated struggles 
for liberty seemed to have failed. Only Greece and Bel- 
gium had gained their independence. Italy, Poland, Hun- 
gary, Bohemia, with Schleswig-Holstein and many more of 
the German States, seemed to be as far as ever from the 
goal of their efforts. On the other hand, Prussia, Bavaria, 

CHAP, xxxii] EUROPE (1849-1880). 251 

Piedmont, and Switzerland were being governed more in 
accordance with their peoples' desires ; and all over the 
continent the forty years of comparative peace so strength- 
ened the mercantile and operative classes, that they gained 
more and more control over the governments. 

After the disappointments of the Crimean War, English 
Governments have intervened less and less in the affairs of 
the continent; but Lord Palmerston gave most effective 
diplomatic support to King Victor Emmanuel and Cavour 
after the preliminaries of peace at Villafranca. In fact, it 
was the support of the British Government which then de- 
cided the union of the central Italian duchies with the king- 
dom of Sardinia ; and it also informally aided Garibaldi 
in his overthrow of the Neapolitan Government. 

In the Schleswig-Holstein question, however. Lord Pal- 
merston's threats of intervention in favour of the Danish 
claims only had the unfortunate effect of impelling the 
Danes to the extreme assertion of those claims, and to a 
conflict with the far superior forces of Prussia and Austria. 
Since then the British Government, except in 1878, has 
been a passive spectator of the great events which led to 
the completion of German and Italian unity — the two 
greatest events of the century in Europe. 

The result of the Crimean War had served to discredit the 
maintenance of the " Balance of Power," which before 1855 
seemed threatened by the Czar Nicholas ; but the events of 
1870, and the formation of the Central Alliance, have read- 
justed the " Balance of Power," which seems necessary now 
that might rather than right is the mainspring of action. The 
astonishing triumphs which Prussia achieved by her highly- 
trained citizen army led all the continental Powers to adopt 
universal military service, which, year by year, has been made 
more rigorous. In order to meet the great strain on their 


finances, all these countries strive to make the most of 
their resources, and even to stimulate them by artificial 
methods such as protective tarififs and bounties on exports ; 
but their expenditure increases faster than revenue. They 
thus follow the policy of the first Napoleon in increasing 
their resources in order to expend them upon preparations^ 
for war. 

Side by side with this waste of national energy, socialism 
has steadily increased. Centralised governments can now 
easily crush local revolts, but they have hitherto failed to 
cope with a secret but widespread discontent which shows 
itself in crude socialistic theories. In the large towns of 
Russia, Austria, Germany, France, and Spain, the revolu-' 
tionists now and again attempt to terrify the authorities by 
individual deeds of violence, and it seems probable that 
the nineteenth century, like the eighteenth, may end in 
widespread wars and scenes of revolutionary violence. 

France — ^The Second Republic 

The New Constitution. — General Cavaignac had 
been invested with a temporary dictatorship to protect the 
Constituent Assembly during the excitements of the summer 
and autumn of 1848. In November the new constitution 
was promulgated. It proclaimed manhood suffrage, a single 
Chamber of '750 delegates, from which all paid officers 
of the State were excluded. The executive power was to 
be entrusted to a president, the extent of whose powers 
showed how much the need of a strong controlling arm 
was then believed in. He was to share with the Chamber 
the right of initiating laws and ratifying treaties. He re- 
presented the State in foreign affairs, and could be re-elected 
after an interval of four years. 


Louis Napoleon. — ^When the exiled Prince Louis 
Napoleon heard of the February revolution he said to 
a friend, " Within a year I shall be head of the French 
State." Hastening to France, he was soon elected 
by three departments as deputy to the Constituent 
Assembly; and the glamour of his name quite eclipsed 
the services which Cavaignac had just rendered to the 
State. In the election for the presidency Napoleon gained 
more than 5,000,000 votes, while Cavaignac received 
less than 1,500,000, Ledru-RoUin 370,000, and Lamartine 
only 17,900 votes! Such is popularity in revolutionary 
crises I 

The new President solemnly swore to remain true to the 
Republic, and was installed in the Elys^e. He formed his 
first ministry of moderate men of all parties, as the voting 
had shown the small numbers of the " red " republicans. 
He next gained over the clergy, and through them the 
peasants, by supporting the French expedition to Rome in 
the spring of 1849 to restore the pope's temporal power. 
This step was approved by the new Legislative Assembly, 
which met in May 1849 ; ^^ further showed its reactionary 
character by a law against political clubs after some riots had 
broken out at Lyons, Bordeaux, and Dijon. Every unpopular 
step taken by. the Assembly was at once taken advantage of 
by the President, even though he might have "agreed to it. 
This was the case with the electoral law of May 31, 1850, 
which deprived of their votes those who had not been 
registered as three years' residents at the place of voting. 
This law took away votes from 3,000,000 voters, especially 
from the ever-moving artisans of the large towns. The 
factions of the Assembly, especially the legitimists, Orlean- 
ists, and socialists, gave the president an enormous advan- 
tage over it, which he sedulously improved by promoting 


the material interests of the people, and by numerous State- 
progresses in the provinces. He often changed his minis- 
tries; and when the Assembly in July 1851 refused to 
revise the constitution so as to make the President at once 
eligible for re-election, Napoleon began to prepare a coup 
d^ttaty to which numerous cries of "Vive TEmpereur!*' 
seemed to invite him. He dismissed his ministers for 
refusing to repeal the unpopular electoral law, and so placed 
the army under a new war minister. General St. Arnaud, 
entirely devoted to him; and on November 4, 1851, 
the President proposed the re-establishment of universal 
suffrage, but the Conservative and monarchist majority 
rejected the proposal. 

Coup d'etat {Dec, 2, 1851). — All his plans had been 
secretly concocted with the war minister St. Arnaud, and 
De Maupas, the chief of police. During the night printers 
were compelled to print the President's manifesto ; before 
daylight the police had arrested all the chiefs of the opposi- 
tion, whether monarchists, as Thiers, Changarnier, and 
Lamoricifere, or republicans, as Cavaignac and Victor Hugo. 
The poet soon had to spend some years of exile in Belgium 
and the Channel Isles. ^ 

Troops occupied the strategic points of the city, and 
also the place of meeting of the Assembly. Napoleon's 
manifesto, posted early all over Paris, proposed (i) his. tem- 
porary dictatorship, (2) the dissolution of the Assembly, (3) 
universal suffrage, and (4) a constitution gimilar to that of 
1799 (year VIII). Little opposition was offered, so much 
were the people disgusted with the Chamber, which they 

^ Napoleon's apologists urge as an excuse for the violation of his oath to 
the constitution that the monarchists had made government impossible, 
and that Changamier was plotting to overthrow the Republic and set the 
Due de Joinville on the throne of his father. 


called "The national workshop with twenty-five francs a day 
pay." ^ A pretence of resistance in Paris drew down murder- 
ous volleys from the easily excited troops (December 4, 
185 1 ). Sixty-six republicans and a few monarchist depu- 
ties were banished ; and France ratified the President's act 
by a plebiscite of 7,500,000 votes in his favour: (only 
650,000 votes were against him). 

The New Constitution. — Louis Napoleon modelled 
all his actions and policy on that of his uncle. Just as the 
latter had, aflier the coup d'etat of 1799, made a constitu- 
tion which kept all real power in his own hands, so now 
the nephew gave little more than pretence of government 
to the people. Ministers were to be responsible only to 
the head of the State \ a Council of State was privately to 
prepare laws and submit them to the Legislative Body 
(Corps Lkgislatif\ which, though elected by universal 
suffrage, could not initiate laws, nor amend them save 
in acicord with the Council of State. The Senate, con- 
sisting of illustrious men chosen for life by the chief 
of the State, was to revise the laws sent up by the 
lower Chamber, especially in relation to their bearing 
on the constitution, religion, morality, and national de- 
fence. A copy of the debates of these two bodies, 
officially revised, was the only form of publication at first 

The Prince President completed his popularity by 
pushing on public works on every hand; the funds for 
many of these were found by annulling the transfer by 
Louis Philippe of his estate to his children — an act of 
personal revenge which was disapproved by many of 
Napoleon's friends. Soon at Bordeaux he calmed the fears 
of Europe and of the peace-loving peasants of France by 

^ The daily salary of each deputy. 


saying, "The Empire is peace," and a senatus cansultum 
of November 7, 1852, re-established the imperial dignity 
A plebiscite showed that France wished for the Empire, 
for more than 8,000,000 votes threw a cloak of legality 
over the usurpatioa 



On December 2, 1852, the anniversary of Austerlitz, of the 
coronation of his uncle, and of his own coup d*htat^ Louis 
Napoleon was proclaimed Napoleon III.^ He was soon 
recognised by the Powers; in fact, the English Foreign 
Secretary, Lord Palmerston, had hastened to recognise the 
coup d'etat^ without the consent of his colleagues. But 
the haughty Czar Nicholas now patronisingly addressed 
Napoleon as ".my good friend," instead of "cousin and 
brother," the usual greeting among monarchs. 

In January 1853 Napoleon married Eugenie de Montijo, 
a talented Spanish countess, of Scottish descent on her 
mother's side, whose grace lent lustre to the imperial court 
and made Paris the brilliant centre of European gaiety. 
Their son was the brave but ill-fated Louis, Prince Imperial. 

The obsequious Senate made the necessary changes in 
the constitution, giving the Emperor the right to make 
treaties of commerce and to modify tariffs, while a civil list 
of over a million sterling a year was voted to him. A 
new municipal law soon gave to the Emperor the right of 
appointing the mayors in all towns of any size, and to the 
prefects of departments the same right in small towns. 

1 Napoleon II had been named as his successor by Napoleon I, but 
never reigned. 



Thus power was concentrated in the Emperor's hands to a 
perilous extent. But he and the empress sought to dazzle 
the country by the display and brilliance of their court, 
though it was always shunned by the old nobility. Napoleon 
also pushed on public works and railways, the latter of 
which were to revert to the State after ninety-nine years. 
He encouraged commerce by holding a great Universal 
Exhibition at Paris in 1855, to which every great country 
except Russia sent exhibits. In this same eventful year 
Napoleon and the Empress Eugenie visited our queen in 
London; this and the return visit of Queen Victoria to 
Paris in August marked Napoleon's admission into the 
circle of the old monarchies of Europe. In spite of the 
distress in France caused by the Crimean War and by three 
bad harvests, the country showed its wealth by eagerly 
subscribing to every State loan; and in 1856 France 
supported an army of 600,000 men. 

Foreign Policy. — With such resources at his command, 
Napoleon sought to divert the attention of his people from 
the loss of constitutional liberty by an aggressive foreign 
policy, which belied his former words, "The Empire is 

The difficulties between Russia and Turkey seemed as 
though they could be settled when Napoleon's diplomatic 
action helped to precipitate a conflict, though the two 
western Powers had really smaller interests at stake than 
Austria, which remained neutral.^ The war was concluded 
by the Peace of Paris (March 30, 1856), which also settled 
questions of maritime warfare. An enemy's goods hence- 
forth could not be seized under a neutral's flag, nor a 
neutral's goods under an enemy's flag; and privateering 
was also abolished. The United States refused to join 
in this agreement. 

1 For the war, see page 348. 

xxxiii] THE SECOND EMPIRE. 259 

The Italian question was brought home to all French- 
men by an attempt on the life of Napoleon. An Italian 
named Orsini and an accomplice hurled three bombs at 
the carriage of the Emperor as he was driving to the opera 
(January 14, 1858). Napoleon escaped uninjured, though 
156 others were killed or wounded. The miscreant Orsini 
before his execution wrote urging Napoleon to favour the 
Italian cause, ot at least to prevent Prussia helping Austria 
in case Italy rose against the latter Power. 

Cavour's skilful diplomacy, however, soon brought 
Napoleon to a more active intervention in favour of Italy 
than even Orsini himself had demanded. His plot had 
other results. Some French colonels used menacing words 
against England as the home of all conspirators, and these 
threats were answered by the revival of the volunteer 
movement of 1 804. Our jealousy for the right of sanctuary 
on our shores was further shown by the rejection of Lord 
Palmerston's Bill, which proposed that men conspiring in 
England against the life of a foreign sovereign should be 
gililty of a felony. Hereupon Lord Palmerston resigned, 
but soon afterwards ousted Lord Derby, who was thought 
to be hostile to Italy^s aspirations. 

War with Austria. — The Orsini attempt, following 
close upon two other plots to assassinate Napoleon, led to 
strict repressive measures. France was divided into five 
military districts governed by ^vt. marshals, and many 
suspects were summarily imprisoned or banished to 

Napoleon desired to distract public attention from these 
home troubles by a war which would be popular with all 
Frenchmen. He further wished to figure as the champion 
of an oppressed nationality for which he had fought in his 
youth, and also to overthrow the old rival of France on 


the plains of Lombardy — ^the scene of his uncle's most 
brilliant campaigns. These desires were fiiUy gratified, 
though the aspirations of the Italians were cruelly dis- 
appointed after Napoleon's declaration that 'he would free 
"all Italy from the Alps to the Adriatic."^ After gaining 
the two brilliant victories of Magenta afid Solferino, 
Napoleon affected to fear a Prussian attack on Alsace, and 
concluded the preliminaries of the Peace of Villafranca 
0uly II, 1859). In return for his services in gaining 
Lombardy for the Italians, he required the cession of 
Savoy, which was French in language and sympathy, as 
well as of Nice, which was distinctly Italian. The French 
people, however, rejoiced at regaining what they called 
their natural boundaries in the south-east, and Napoleon 
increased his popularity in France by granting a complete 
amnesty to the political offenders and suspects (August 


GommercifiJ Treatiea — ^The next surprise which the 
Emperor had for his people was the declaration that France 
must now enter on the path of Free Trade. He had been 
convinced by the arguments of Cobden, who together with 
the French economist Chevalier prepared a commercial 
treaty with England (January 22, i860). British duties 
were to be lessened on French wines, silks, jewellery, and 
"articles de Paris," while France was to withdraw her 
prohibition on imports of cotton and woollen goods, 
wrought iron and cutlery, subjecting them to a duty of 
about one-fourth of their value ; and the French tariff on 
coal, coke, pig-iron, and steel was to be reduced. France 
has since made commercial treaties with Belgium, the 
German ZoUverein, Italy, Switzerland, and Austria; but 
the resistance of the northern and central manufacturing 

^ For the war, see page 330. 

xxxiii] THE SECOND EMPIRE. 261 

towns has prevented any further progress towards Free 
Trade ; and the Third Republic has in this respect shown 
itself more reactionary than the Empire, and has accorded 
to England only the so-called " most-favoured nation " scale 
of tariffs. 

During the distress of the spring of 1861 Napoleon 
abolished the "sliding scale" duty on corn, and in July 
of the same year he allowed French colonies to trade 
directly with other nations. The distress which accom- 
panies all economic changes was enhanced by the stoppage 
of cotton imports from the United States during the civil 

Intervention in Syria. — After the restoration of Syria 
to Turkey, the corrupt or helpless pachas allowed the fierce 
Moslems, called Druses, to rob and murder their peace- 
able Christian neighbours the Maronites ; and the Turks of 
Damascus fell on the Christians with fire and sword A 
few French regiments, acting on behalf of Europe, restored 
comparative calm; and the Maronites began to till their 
lands and rebuild their huts during the nine months of the 
French occupation in Syria, ending June 1861. 

American Civil War. — In fact, the years 1 860-1 866 
were marked by wars all over the world ; but all the rest 
together did not equal in magnitude the terrible struggle 
between the North and the South, the free and the slave 
States, of North America. Space will not permit any 
account of this vastest of all civil wars, in which the genius 
of Jackson and Lee shed lustre on a cause doomed to 
failure. The seeming prostration of the great republic 
lured on Napoleon to the fatal Mexican Expedition, 
which prevented him from crushing the rising power of 

The Mexican Expedition. — The Central American 



— f 

States after their separation from Spain went through years 
of war and confusion, during which the United States 
seized California and New Mexico (i 845-1 846). In i860 
two rival generals, Miramon and Juarez, strove for power 
in the still great republic of Mexico, and the latter, 
victorious after some seventy fights, molested European 
residents in Mexico. England, Spain, and France sent 
a force to chastise him ; but after the first two had their 
claims satisfied, Napoleon, urged on by interested schemers 
at his court, sought to conquer that great country, and to 
found there a Catholic empire side by side with the great 
Protestant republic. 

The Austrian Archduke Maximilian was to be the 
emperor of this new State. A French force marched up 
from Vera Cruz to Puebla, which they took after a stout 
resistance, and then on to the city of Mexico (1863). 
The new emperor was upheld in his new dignity by the 
French troops, but the grave events of 1866 in Central 
Europe and a threatening despatch from Washington 
decided Napoleon to withdraw his troops. Maximilian, 
refusing to return with the French troops, was soon 
captured and shot by the Mexicans, who re-established 
the republic (June 1867). 

This miserable failure, when contrasted with the brilliant 
triumph of Prussia over Austria, shook Napoleon's throne ; 
for he had not his troops ready to be able to aid Austria 
and South Germany against Prussia, and his secret bargain- 
ing with Prussia for the Rhine frontier for France met 
with a stern refusal.^ 

Refonns. — ^The Emperor sought to cover this failure 
by a brilliant Universal Exhibition at Paris in 1867, and by 
beating back Garibaldi's attempt on Rome, which the French 
^ See p. 297. 

xxxiii] THE SECOND EMPIRE, 263 

troops again occupied. Napoleon's Minister of Justice, 
the burly and overbearing Rouher, proudly declared that 
France would " never " allow Italy to take Rome. 

To satisfy the growing strength of French Liberalism 
Napoleon also gave greater freedom of discussion « to the 
press and to the deputies in the Chambers. The imperial 
government had been fiercely assailed by a group of 
eloquent and energetic republicans, most of whom were 
barristers and deputies in the Corps L^gislatif. They 
declaimed against its liberty as a sham, its reforms as a 
mockery, and its plebiscites as mere tricks manipulated 
by officials and village priests. Of these radicals the 
best known were Rochefort, Picard, Favre, Ferry, Simon, 
and after 1868 Gambetta, a fiery young orator whose 
family was of Italian origin. The government had also 
to face the opposition of the monarchists led by the Due 
de Broglie and Thiers, as also of the moderate republicans 
led by the barrister OUivier. The poet Victor Hugo, from 
his exile in Guernsey, also assailed Napoleon " the Little " 
with his powerful invective and satire. 

Finally in 1869 Napoleon sought to regain his waning 
popularity by conceding something like the power of a 
Parliament to the Corps L^gislatif and Senate. Ollivier 
was now won over by the reforms already granted or 
promised; and he now replaced in the ministry the 
brusque and reactionary Rouher, who was made president 
of the Senate. So in July 1869 a " senatus-consultum," 
emanating from Napoleon, declared the responsibility of 
the ministry to the Chambers, and gave to the deputies 
the right of initiating or amending laws and of freely 
interpellating ministers; also the debate's of the Senate 
were now to be fully published. This was a fit opportunity 
for appealing to the nation to express its approval of the 


imperial government Seven and a half millions voted 
** Yes," and one and a half millions " No " (May 1870). 

The Luxemburg Qaestion. — This electoral success 
encouraged Napoleon to believe that a successful war 
against the hated Prussians would firmly establish his 
dynasty. He would doubtless have declared war in 1867 
over the Luxemburg dispute if his army had been quite 
ready then. Luxemburg was still a personal possession 
of the Dutch king, but its connection with the German 
Confederation had ceased on its dissolution (1866). So 
the Dutch king, who wanted money, agreed to sell the 
duchy to Napoleon, who sought to buy off Prussian 
hostility by offering to favour the union of North and 
South Germany in a new Confederation. Thereupon 
Bismarck suddenly made public the secret treaty of 
offensive and defensive alliance made between Prussia 
and the South German States in the preceding year. 
So the dispute was hushed up in a Conference of 
the Powers held at London (May 1867). Prussia agreed 
to withdraw her troops from the fortress of Luxemburg. 
The duchy was to remain as a possession of the King of 
Holland, and was declared neutral ground by all the 

Franco -German War.^ — ^At Mentana (November 
1867) the new Chassepot rifles had given terrible proof of 
their accuracy and rapidity of fire. By the law of r868 the 
time of military service was raised from seven to nine years, of 
which four were to be with the reserves. Those who were for- 
tunate enough to " draw a lucky number " and so escape the 
conscription, together with those who bought substitutes to 
take their place, were formed into a militia, or Garde Mobile. 
So Napoleon thought he possessed a regular army and 
^ For details of the war, see pp. 301-312. 

xxxiii] THE SECOND EMPIRE. 26$ 

militia as powerful as the Prussian army and Landwehr, and 
better armed ; for the quick-firing mitrailleuse or machine- 
gun was more destructive than any field-gun of the Prussians, 
and Napoleon hoped that the South German States would 
join him, or at least remain neutral. 

The French have often remarked that their intervention 
in Spanish affairs has been disastrous to themselves. It 
certainly was in 1870. On the 4th of July Napoleon's 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Due de Gramont, sent a 
despatch to Berlin, saying that unless the candidature of 
Prince Leopold of HohenzoUem for the Spanish throne was 
withdrawn, war might ensue between France and Prussia ; 
and he aroused wild excitement in the Corps L^gislatif by 
protesting against this Prussian plan to revive the empire of 
Charles V under a HohenzoUern. The French Chambers 
and the French people were carried away by this idea 
of Prussia, Germany, and Spain united under a hostile 
dynasty, and Gramont telegraphed to Benedetti to " insist " 
that the candidature should never be renewed. This of 
course meant war, for Napoleon's government believed 
itself sure of the support of all France, though the opposi- 
tion, led by Thiers, Favre, Ferry, and Gambetta, voted 
against the war. 

The French Minister of War, Marshal Leboeuf, had 
boastingly declared that army and stores were all ready, so 
that " at the end of a campaign we need not buy a gaiter- 
button." But the first week of the war, which was declared 
on July 15, 1870, disposed of this boast. Confusion 
reigned everywhere, and the rotten state of the administra- 
tion was now revealed Dishonest officials and contractors 
had robbed the army of its supplies. The forces were not 
nearly up to their paper strength, and the Garde Mobile 
had to be drilled before it could take the field. Metz and 


Strassbuig were not provisioned for a siege, and the former 
not fully armed. 

MacMahon was overpowered at Worth and hurled back 
on the Chalons camp, while Bazaine was shut up in Metz 
by a series of terrible battles. Napoleon, oppressed by 
feeble health in the midst of these disasters, relinquished 
to Bazaine the supreme command and barely escaped to 

Fall of the Empire. — Napoleon had sent to the 
Empress Eugenie, who was in Paris as regent, a despatch, 
"All may yet be set right"; but the Ollivier ministry had 
fallen before the wrath and ridicule of the Chambers. Paris 
was declared in a state of siege, that is, under military rule ; 
and a new ministry was formed 'by the aged Count Palikao, 
which vigorously strove to stem the tide. 

MacMahon's advice now was to concentrate the available 
French forces inside the forts of Paris for the defence of 
the capital, but the Empress and Count Palikao knew that 
such a retreat would be the signal for a revolution in Paris. 
So they ordered MacMahon to rescue Bazaine's great army 
in Metz. The result of this imprudent order was the 
surrender of Napoleon and 83,000 troops at Sedan (Septem- 
ber 2, 1870). When this terrible news reached Paris the 
Empire helplessly collapsed before a street demonstration. 
The troops sympathised with the people, a crowd rushed 
into the hall of the Corps L^gislatif, which suspended its 
sittings. Favre led the people to the H6tel de Ville, where 
the Republic was proclaimed without any bloodshed, and on 
the same day it was also proclaimed in many large towns of 
France. The opposition deputies for Paris installed them- 
selves at the Hdtel de Ville as the Government of National 

The Empress and Prince Imperial escaped to England. 

xxxiii] THE SECOND EMPIRE. 267 

Napoleon, after remaining a short time as prisoner at 
Wilhelmshohe, near Cassel, was allowed to proceed to his 
seat at Chiselhurst, Kent, where he died January 9, 1873, 
in his sixty-fifth year; and the death of his son Louis, 
gallantly fighting alone against a rush of Zulus (1879), 
extinguished the hopes of this branch of the Bonaparte 

Napoleon III was a diligent student of history, and 
especially of his uncle's career. He professed a deep 
belief in his own destiny and in that of the Napoleonic 
feimily, both to firee oppressed nations and to give to French- 
men that enlightened autocratic rule which he thought most 
suited to the national character ; but he had not his uncle's 
genius and strength, and was quite unable to cope with the 
democratic spuit in France, to keep the Italians in leading- 
strings, or to check the German movement towards national 
unity. In fact, his attempted compromises with these 
movements, alternating with short-sighted opposition to them, 
gave to his opponents at home and abroad successes the 
most complete where his opposition was the most pro- 

His early life, spent in exile or imprisonment, had made 
him reserved and suspicious, like all conspirators. Hence 
he delighted in intrigues and surprises during his reign, for 
he never thoroughly trusted his own ministers, and often 
sought to hoodwink them. Bismarck, when ambassador at 
Paris, wrote of him : " The impulse to do precisely what 
no one expects is almost a disease with him, and is daily 
encouraged by the empress." In his complex character 
he had several generous qualities which gained him many 
faithful friends ; but the gifts which he showered on all who 
helped him to power drew to his court a set of worthless 
adventurers, who lowered the tone of French public life by 


their dishonesty and profligacy. The most enduring part 
of Napoleon's fame will be his regard for the material well- 
being of his subjects. 

LegislatlGn and Public Works of the Empire. — 
During Napoleon's reign many of the severities of the penal 
code were mitigated, and in 1864 a bill was passed to insure 
free discussion in wage disputes between employers and 
employed. Elementary education was extended by a law 
obliging every commune of more than 500 inhabitants to 
provide free education for boys and girls. Between 185 1 
and 1865 the sums expended on such education in France 
were doubled 

Under Napoleon's energetic supervision, roads, telegraphs, 
and railways were made or extended in all parts of France. 
The sandy heaths, or Landes, of the south-west coast were 
planted with firs and pines, to stop the inroads of the sea 
and provide a new source of wealth on those desolate plains. 
Canals opened up commerce between river systems, and 
several harbours were improved. Many of the old narrow 
streets of Paris made way for splendid avenues laid out by 
M. Haussmann, of whom it was said that what he found 
brick he left marble. Paris between 1852 and 1870 became 
more and more the great pleasure centre of the world. 
Provident and charitable institutions were also founded by 
the imperial government 




The Government of National Defence had been (September 
4) installed by the acclamation of the Parisians, though 
it was not constitutionally elected. It consisted of the 
radical deputies for Paris in the Corps L^gislatif, which 
was now indefinitely prorogued. The best known of the 
self -constituted ministers were Jules Favre for Foreign 
Affairs, Jules Simon for Public Instruction, Gambetta for 
the Interior, and General Trochu, an imperialist general 
who joined the new government : the last was named 
Governor of Paris, with full power in military affairs. Jules 
Ferry and Henri Rochefort also joined the government; 
but the liberal-minded monarchist, Thiers, held aloof from 
it, as did most moderate men. It had effected a bloodless 
revolution, and now it declared that as the republic had 
expelled the Prussians in 1792, so it would do again. 
" Not a foot of our land, or a stone of our fortresses " was 
Favre's retort to the German claim for Alsace. The 
Prussian King had declared that he waged war on the 
Emperor, not on the French nation ; but the defiant atti- 
tude of the new government left small chance of a speedy 
peace. The Germans marched on Paris, into which some 
400,000 French refugees from the provinces came for refuge. 
The town was provisioned, good order was kept, the walls 


were armed, and a Icvhe en masse of able-bodied citizens was 
held. They were enrolled as National Guards, which soon 
reached the number of 200,000, but were too undisciplined 
to be of much avail against the well -drilled Germans. 
More serviceable were the 130,000 men of the Garde 
Mobile ; but the pick of the defending force consisted of 
the 80,000 regulars, especially the marines and sailors of 
the fleet, who worked the guns in the forts. On the i8th 
September the Germans arrived before Paris; and the 
capital was soon cut off from all news of the outer world 
except by carrier-pigeons. Trochu had not enough con- 
fidence in the discipline of his men to make any determined 
sorties at first, and waited for relieving armies from the 
provinces to help him to break through the iron circle. 

NegotiationB. — Three days after the siege commenced 
Favre had an interview with Bismarck at Ferriferes, near 
Paris. He requested an armistice, so that a National 
Assembly might be elected Bismarck replied that an 
armistice was unfavourable to the Germans now, unless 
Strassburg, Toul, and Bitsche were surrendered. Favre 
would not hear of this, and soon commissioned the veteran 
statesman Thiers to visit the neutral Powers to induce them 
tp intervene in favour of France. Although the new gov- 
ernment was not representative of France, Thiers received 
a welcome in London and Vienna; the British and 
Austrian' Governments, though friendly to France, were 
resolved on a neutral policy; Russia had been definitely 
gained over by Prussia before the war, and had held 
back Austria from joining France against Prussia. Italy re- 
membered Prussia's help in 1866 as more disinterested than 
that of France in 1859 ; but the aged Garibaldi came from 
Caprera to place his sword at the service of the young 
republic. After the failure of this mission Thiers strove to 


gain from Bismarck (November i) a month's armistice 
during which elections might be held ; but as he insisted 
on a full re-provisioning of Paris, he too failed, and the 
siege was continued. 

GambettcL — Meanwhile the Minister of the Interior, 
the impetuous young Gambetta, who scorned all nego- 
tiations, had escaped from the besieged capital in a 
balloon (October 6) to rouse all France to the rescue of 
Paris. After numerous adventures he reached Tours, 
where he was made Minister of War as well as of the 
Interior. This self- constituted Government of National 
Defence at Tours, soon driven by the advancing Germans 
to Bordeaux, was a provincial delegation of the central 
committee or government at Paris. Gambetta, who was 
looked upon as the dictator of France, called to arms all men 
under forty years of age, to be drilled in large camps and 
then formed into five large army corps. Not even the fall 
of Metz daunted his fiery spirit He branded Bazaine as a 
traitor, and soon gathered a large force on the Loire under 
General Aurelle de Paladines, which at Coulmiers, near Or- 
leans, won the only French victory of the war (November 9, 
1870). When this was beaten and divided, Gambetta placed 
Chanzy at the head of the northern part ; and it was the 
dictator's call to arms which reinforced the southern part 
by levies from the south and hurled it against the Vosges in 
the mad hope of invading South Germany. His fiery 
eloquence, however, only prolonged the struggle and brought 
further suffering on France ; but it was owing to Gambetta 
that she fell with honour. 

Disorders in Paris. — If Gambetta had been governor 
of Paris, its defence might have been more creditable. 
Its governor. General Trochu, was not an inspiriting leader, 
and he distrusted his troops since several thousand National 


Guards broke away in a panic at CMdUon, south of Paris 
(September 19). When one of his officers drove the 
Germans from Le Bourget on the north-east of Paris, 
Trochu did not support him at that advanced post, so the 
village was lost (October 30). 

This was the opportunity for the " red " republicans to 
inflame the workmen of the Belleville district against the 
"traitors" who were betraying them to the Germans. 
They first besieged the Hdtel de Ville with a demand for 
the election of a Commune or Town Council to share with 
the government "the responsibility under which it was 
bending." Soon a mob of Belleville National Guards, led 
by the socialist Flourens, burst into the Council Chamber, 
and for hours threatened the ministers with death. At last 
they were driven out by an orderly regiment of National 
Guards ; and a plebiscite of all the men of Paris showed 
557,000 votes for, and only 62,000 against, the ministry. 

At last the failure of all the sorties, the miseries of the 
siege in that gloomy bitter winter weather, and the bom- 
bardment (January 6-28) exhausted the endurance of Paris. 
The south-west side of Paris was much injured by the 
German shells. For four months the capital had been cut 
off from all communication with the outer world save by 
carrier-pigeon and balloon. There was no gas, owing to 
scarcity of fuel ; and the Parisians were soon reduced to 
horse-flesh, dogs, cats, and rats, as their only animal food 
By the middle of January 187 1 fat rats fetched one and a 
half francs apiece. 

On January 2 1 Trochu, yielding to the outcry against 
him for his half-hearted sorties, resigned the office of 
Governor of Paris, which was abolished ; but he remained 
president of the government, while Vinoy was made 
commander-in-chief. The mob saw in this a trick for 


surrendering Paris, for the late governor had said that he 
would never surrender. So a crowd of National Guards on 
the 2 2d January again threatened the government, but was 
scattered by the orderly Mobiles. These excesses of hungry 
and desperate men decided Favre to go secretly to Versailles, 
where he had to consent to the following severe terms : — 

(i) An armistice of three weeks (except in the three 
eastern departments, where Bourbaki's force was being 
entrapped) \ (2) The fifteen great and ten smaller forts round 
Paris to be occupied by the Germans; (3) Paris to be 
reprovisioned at once and pay a war contribution of 200 
million francs on its own account ; (4) A National Assembly 
to be elected to accept or refuse the terms of peace ; (5) 
The defending forces to be prisoners of war remaining in 
Paris, but all giving up their arms, except 12,000 regulars 
and all the National Guards. This last exception gained 
by Favre from Bismarck left arms in the hands of the 
disorderly elements in Paris. 

Gambetta, still wishing to resist in spite of Bourbaki's 
disaster, resigned his office in the Government of National 
Defence, which soon handed over its powers to the legally 
constituted Assembly. 

The National Assembly. — The elections of February 
187 1 sent to Bordeaux a majority of deputies desirous of 
peace. Gr^vy, an able and consistent republican, was 
elected President of the Assembly, which at first did not 
concern itself with drawing up a constitution. In fact, the 
monarchists and Bonapartists formed the majority, in 
which Thiers, the Due de Broglie, and Rouher were the 
best known. 

Dufaure, the eminent lawyer, soon to be Minister of 
Justice, with Casimir P^rier and Picard the financiers, sat 
among the Left Centre or moderate republicans; while 



Favre, Gambetta, Victor Hugo, Rochefort the journalist, 
and Louis Blanc the revolutionist, sat on the Left and 
Extreme Left. 

The genius, practical sense, and diplomatic ability of 
Thiers singled him out as the only man who could now 
save France. He was elected President of the French 
Republic, which was at once recognised by England and 
the other Powers. 

He and Favre conducted the negotiations with Bis- 
marck at Versailles, and succeeded in gaining back the 
first-class fortress of Belfort for France ; but in return they 
had to submit to the occupation of the part of Paris south- 
west of the Seine by 30,000 German troops for three days 
(March 1-3). The veteran statesman was overpowered 
by his emotion when he announced this and the other 
terms of peace to the Assembly at Bordeaux, for it was he 
who long years ago had proclaimed that the Alps, Pyrenees, 
Ocean, and the Rhine, were the natural boundaries of 
France ; and now he had to advise the acceptance of terms 
.which pushed back the French frontier to where it was 
before 1552. In a tumult of passion the Assembly voted 
the deposition of the Bonaparte dynasty ; then by a major- 
ity of five to one it accepted the German terms (March 
i). These were embodied in the Treaty of Frankfurt^ 
(May 10), which was ratified by the National Assembly, 
now removed to Versailles. 

The loss of all Alsace (except Belfort) and of the third 
part of Lorraine severed from France one and a half 
million inhabitants who, in spite of their German language 
and descent, had long been devoted to France. The 
comparative » ease with which the war indemnity of 
;;^ 2 00,000,000 was paid off astonished Europe. • It 

•^ V ^ See p. 314. 


showed the vast wealth which France possessed in her 
fertile soil, tilled by millions of hard-working peasant-pro- 
prietors. The financial skill and energy of Thiers and his 
colleagues, aided by the patriotism of all Frenchmen, raised 
loan after loan; and by the autumn of 1873 the five 
milliards were paid off, and the last German troops left 
French soil. Thiers' efforts gained him the title of " Libera- 
tor of the territory." This success, too, he had gained in 
spite of a frightful revolt in Paris. 

The Commune. — After the Revolutions of 1789 and 
1848, the "reds" of Paris had been repressed after terrible 
struggles, and now in 1871 it was so again. Paris had 
sent to the National Assembly radical deputies like Victor 
Hugo, Gambetta, Lockroy, Floquet, Louis Blanc, Garibaldi 
(who, as an Italian, was not allowed to sit in the Assembly), 
Rochefort, Delescluze, and Felix Pyat. The departments, 
however, sent a large majority of reactionaries, nicknamed 
" rurals " by the Paris " reds," who soon defied the Assembly. 
On February 27 the men of Belleville and Montmartre 
plundered the powder magazines ; and a pentral committee 
of the National Guards ordered cannon to be captured and 
dragged up the heights of Montmartre under the pretence 
of guarding them from the Prussians, who were in the 
southern quarters of Paris. Finally, over 300 cannons were 
planted on these heights to threaten Paris. On the i8th 
March the revolt burst forth. The regulars sent by 
General Vinoy to occupy Montmartre fraternised with the 
communists, and soon Paris was lost to the government, 
which withdrew its officials and faithful troops to Versailles. 
The generals Lecomte and Thomas, who fell into the com- 
munists' hands, were at once shot. All the war material of 
Paris, and all the southern and western forts, except Mont 
Valdrien, were gained by the rebels. 


A demonstration of the '^ friends of order " in Paris was 
dispersed by a volley from the *' red '' National Guards, and 
henceforth there was almost a reign of terror. 

On March 26 the central committee of the National 
Guards held elections for the election of a municipal govern- 
ment or " Commune*' Their candidates were all elected by 
the insignificant total of 120,000 votes from all Paris. 

Under the scheme of having a free Commune or muni- 
cipality in every town or district of France, the Paris 
communists or federalists enforced the most extreme 
doctrines. Religion, the institution of marriage, the rights 
of family and of property, were all to be swept away, and 
the central government, or " despotism," as* they called it, 
was to give way to local and federal institutions. The 
Commune was also proclaimed at Lyons, Marseilles, and 
St fetienne, but was speedily put down there. It was only 
in the capital that this socialistic federalism made a serious 
fight, for there it had arms, soldiers, and money in abund- 
ance. It paid its soldiers one and a half francs a day 
with the money pillaged from banks and railway companies, 
and it abolished all rent for three-quarters of a year. 
Before it had come to the end of its course, it pulled down 
the Vend6me Column, suppressed all newspapers, even 
Rochefort's revolutionary print, which criticised its acts, 
turned the churches into clubs or barracks, arrested many of 
the higher clergy and officials as hostages, and compelled all 
men under forty years of age to remain in Paris and bear arms. 

The government at Versailles had to wait for the French 
prisoners to come back from Germany, and formed them 
into an army under Marshal MacMahon. He could attack 
the communists only on the west and south of Paris, for the 
Germans still occupied the northern and eastern forts. 
Soon the regular troops and artillery silenced the southern 


forts, repelled every sortie, and forced an entrance near the 
gate leading to St. Cloud (May 21, 187 1). The maddened 
communists for seven days more fought on desperately 
from barricade to barricade; and by formal decrees the 
" central committee " ordered the public buildings of Paris 
to be set on fire, and the clerical " hostages " to be shot. 
The Archbishop of Paris and nearly seventy other priests 
and officials were shot in a street of Belleville. All Paris 
was ablaze for days and nights with flames kindled by male 
and female miscreants, who fed them with petroleum. Parts 
of the Tuileries, the Louvre library, the H6tel de Ville, and 
Palais Royal were burnt down, beside many public build- 
ings, churches, theatres, banks, warehouses, and railway 
stations. At last the regular troops, after storming barri- 
cades and shooting down opponents, cooped up the last 
of them in the Pfere la Chaise cemetery, and there made an 
end of the most senseless and bloodthirsty revolt of this 
century. Hundreds of the communist chiefs and officers 
were afterwards shot, and thousands of the rest transported 
to New Caledonia. 

Just as wind acting against tide will for a time trouble 
the surface, but leave the deep under-current unmoved, so 
too in France the gusts of revolutionary passion in 1830, 
1848, and 187 1 have been powerless to stir up the mass of 
the rural population, however much they may' have excited 
the floating population of the large towns. It is the contest 
between the small but noisy party in the great towns and 
the large but usually passive class of peasant proprietors 
which has led to spasmodic risings, quickly followed by 
powerful reactions. Since 187 1 the increasing intelligence 
and political power of the "rurals" have hitherto acted as 
effective ballast to restrain the vagaries of the " reds " in 
the towns. 



Thiers' Presidenoy. — ^Thiers, though seventy-four years 
of age, kept erect through these varied disasters, which 
would have crushed most younger men. He had chosen 
on February i8 a ministry of moderate republicans like 
Dufaure (Justice), Favre (Foreign Affairs), Picard (Interior), 
and Jules Simon (Education), which now set about re- 
organising the army, finances, and executive power. Thiers' 
difficulties with the National Assembly were great His 
own sympathies had been for a monarchy, and two-thirds 
of the National Assembly at Versailles were opposed to 
a republic. Thiers, however, found that the whole course 
of events required a conservative republic; and when the 
monarchists reproached him with violating the " Compact of 
Bordeaux," which placed him at the head of a republic as a 
merely provisional form of government, he retorted angrily — 
" I found the republic already made. A monarchy is impos- 
sible, since there are three dynasties for a single throne." 
Against the advanced republicans he said, "The Republic 
will be conservative, or it will not live ; " for he knew that the 
bourgeoisie and also the peasants, terrified by the Commune, 
would not allow the laws of property to be tampered with. 
So he held on, overawing the discordant factions by his 
force of will and by occasional threats of resignation. 

The Assembly caused a municipal council to be elected 


for Paris. It also increased the taxes and import dues, so 
as to meet the enormous expenditure caused by the war 
and by the reorganisation of the French army after the 
Prussian system. 

The Mobile and National Guards were now disbanded, 
and military service in the regular army for five years 
was made compulsory for every Frenchman under forty 
years of age. At a critical time in these debates Thiers 
said, "Vote the five years, or I will leave you to your- 
selves," and the law was passed (July 1872). By 1875 
the French army was half as large again as it was in 1870. 

On every question except the army the Assembly 
seemed hopelessly divided. In May 1873 Thiers recon- 
structed his Cabinet mainly from the Left Centre or 
moderate republicans. Thereupon the monarchists, or Right, 
combined to overthrow Thiers, when they found that 
he meant to consolidate the Republic. Thiers at once 
resigned his office of President, and MacMahon was im- 
mediately appointed his successor (May 24, 1873). 

MacMahon's Presidency. — MacMahon appointed the 
liberal monarchist the Due de Broglie as his Vice-President 
of the Council of Ministers (or Premier in our phrase). 
Even this Orleanist ministry did not openly attempt to 
restore the Comte de Paris, but contented itself with a 
law appointing reactionary officials and mayors, and en- 
couraging the Roman Catholic pilgrimages to the signs 
and miracles at Paray-le-Monial and Lourdes. 

The Legitimists and Orleanists (1873). — The 
Comte de Chambord, an upright but bigoted man of fifty- 
three years of age, prided himself on preserving intact 
in his solitary exile near Vienna the ideas of his grandfather 
Charles X. In his manifesto of July 187 1 he preached the 
duty of France to submit to himself, her lawful king, Henri 


V. The able and courageous Monseigneur Dupanloup, 
Bishop of Orleans, strove earnestly to bring a fusion be- 
tween this obstinate adherent to the old monarchy and 
the Orleanist prince, the Comte de Paris. The latter was 
at this time a vigorous soldierly man of thirty-five, who 
had served in the army of the North in the American civil 
war, and had taken an enlightened interest in English 
social and economic questions during his long residence in 
England (1862-1870). He and his uncle, the Due d' Aumale, 
returned to Paris when the laws against the Orleanist 
princes were repealed in 187 1, and in 1873 he offered to 
waive his claims to the French throne if the Comte de 
Chambord would accept a Liberal monarchical programme 
and the tricolour as its sign and pledge; but at the last 
mdment, when all seemed settled, the count refused to 
become the " King of the Revolution " and to accept its 
flag (October 30, 1873). 

The Septennate. — So the monarchist parties fell 
asunder ; and as the Bonapartists had been also disconcerted 
by the death of Napoleon III in January 1873, all three 
parties joined to prolong the era of unsettled government 
by voting that Marshal MacMahon should be President 
of the Republic for seven years. The legitimist deputies 
even coalesced with the republican opposition to overthrow 
the Due de Broglie's Orleanist ministry. 

The French Constitution. — It has been often saidthat 
the Republic was founded by its enemies; and certainly 
the intrigues and discords of the monarchist majority in 
the National Assembly convinced France that a legitimist, 
Orleanist, or Bonapartist restoration was impracticable. 
In July 1874 Casimir P^rier (son of the statesman of 
183 1 ) carried a general motion for the organisation of the 
Republic; and in February 1875, ^^er long and heated 


debates, the framework of the French constitution was 
constructed With later modifications, made in 1879 ^'^'^ 
1884, it now consists of two elective Chambers, and a 
President as head of the Republic. 

The President is elected for seven years by the Senate 
and Chamber of Deputies in a joint sitting at Versailles. 
Any French citizen is eligible except a member of the 
families which have reigned in France. The President 
represents the State in its relations with foreign Powers. 
He can invite the Chambers to reconsider a law, but 
cannot refuse his consent to it In accordance with the 
votes of the Chambers he may dismiss a ministry, and 
appoint a member to form a new one ; but his orders are 
not valid unless signed by his ministers, who thus are 
responsible for them. 

There are Cabinet ministers for Justice, Foreign Affairs, 
Interior, Finance, War, Navy, Colonies, Education, Fine 
Arts and Public Worship, Agriculture, Public Works and 
Trade. Each one is responsible to the Chambers for the 
acts of his own department, and for the general policy of 
the government. The administrative power is far more 
concentrated than it is in England, and the lower officials 
are only responsible to their superiors, by whom alone 
they can be prosecuted. 

The Parliament consists of two Chambers, the first of 
which is chosen by indirect suffrage. The Senate consists 
of 300 members, elected for nine years, a third of them 
being renewed every third year. The senators are elected by 
an electoral council in each department, which consists of 
departmental officials and delegates of the local communes ; 
so the Senate has been called the " Grand Council of the 
Communes of France." 

The Chamber of Deputies consists of 584 members, 


elected by universal suffrage according to the plan known 
as "scrutin de liste" — 1>. each citizen may vote for as 
many names on the list as the department has candi- 
dates; and it is believed that deputies elected on this 
system will think less of their local ties than of the good 
of the State. The alternative plan which previously pre- 
vailed was that of " scrutin d'arrondissement," where one 
candidate only can be elected for each " arrondissement " or 
division of a department.^ Each senator or deputy receives 
9000 francs (^^360) a year for his services. 

The National Assembly, after finishing its labours, was 
dissolved (December 1875). The elections of February 
1876 sent up a strong republican majority, which led to 
the formation of the Dufaure ministry of a moderate 
republican type. The opposition between the Chambers 
and President MacMahon became keener and keener, till 
at last he was forced to resign (1879). Free untrammelled 
government began under the presidency of Jules Grdvy. 

The great man whose advice had guided France from 
the disasters of 187 1 to comparative calm and prosperity 
lived to see the new constitution at work. After eighty 
years of life, commensurate almost with that of New France, 
Adolphe Thiers died, firmly upholding to the end the 
cause of the Conservative Republic The other great man 
who breathed new life into France amidst her troubles, 
L^on Gambetta, had for a short time headed a ministry ; 
but after his defeat and resignation on the question 
of "scrutin de liste," he was cut oflf by a sudden and 
violent death (December 31, 1882). His funeral was $is 
imposing as that of Mirabeau, the great Tribune of the 
First French Revolution, whom he resembled in his im- 
petuosity and masterful power. 

^ This system has again been adopted, 1889. 


After the decease of these two great men there has 
appeared no statesman in France who could form a stable 

In the nineteen years since the fall of the Empire 
there have been in all twenty -four ministries.^ Most of 
them have been constructed from the Left or Left Centre, 
and have generally been overthrown by coalitions of the 
Extreme Left or radicals with the Right or monarchical 
and imperialist parties; but as these have not been able 
to form a united ministry, the new Cabinet has generally 
been reconstructed out of the minority. The republican 
party has sought to strengthen itself by suppressing all 
convents in France, and expelling their inmates, as well 
as by discountenancing religious teaching in the State 
schools (1880). In the same year it passed an Act of 
Amnesty allowing the exiled revolutionists to come back 
from New Caledonia and Cayenne. 

In 1879 the Republic was freed from Bonapartist 
intrigues for a time by the death of Prince Louis Napoleon 
in Zululand; but Prince Kapoleon-Joseph, of the Jerome 
branch (nicknamed Plon-Plon), and his own son Prince 
Victor, are the rival heirs to the " Napoleonic idea." The 
republicans in 1886 exiled the Comte de Paris, but it is 

^ 1870 Favre. 1880 Ferry (i). 

1 87 1 Dufaure (i). 1881 Gambetta. 

1873 De Broglie (i). 1882 De Freycinet (2). 

1874 De Cissey. 1882 Duclerc. 

1875 Buffet. 1883 Falli^res. 

1876 Dufaure (2). 1883 Ferry (2). 

1876 Simon. 1885 Brisson. 

X877 De Broglie (2). 1886 De Freycinet (3). 

1877 De Rochebouet. 1886 Groblet 
1877 Dufaure (3). 1887 Rouvier. 
1879 Waddington. 1887 Tirard. 
1879 De Freycinet (i). 1888 Floquet. 


probable that they have weakened themselves by that and 
their persecuting clerical policy. 

The defenceless condition of the eastern frontier has 
been remedied by the construction of a long chain of forts 
from the Belgian frontier nearly to Belfort and a great 
entrenched camp at Rheims. 

Foreign Policy. — ^This was in pursuance of the 
national desire to be the equal of Germany, and to slowly 
prepare for a war of revenge. Meanwhile the Republic 
sought to gain prestige by extending its possessions in 
Africa, Asia, and the Pacific. 

In Egypt, France and England both had important 
interests at stake; and when Ismail Pacha, Khedive of 
Egypt, had drawn his State almost into bankruptcy by 
his extravagance, two representatives of the English and 
French bondholders were sent to control his finances. 
Soon Ismail was deposed by the Porte, to make way for 
his son Tewfik; and the bondholders' representatives, at 
the wish of France, were recognised by England and 
France. Thus originated the Dual Control; but when 
the military or quasi-national movement of Arabi Pacha 
burst forth, France, occupied in Tunis, would not join in 
the expedition to suppress it. After its suppression (1882) 
the British Government abolished the Dual Control, but 
France strove to regain the position which she had resigned 
by her own inaction. 

In Tunis French policy had been more decisive. 
Acting, it is believed, on an understanding arrived at at 
the Berlin Conference (1878), France made use of slight 
disturbances by the Kroumirs to invade Tunis. The 
French occupied Bizerta (May 1881), and on arriving 
before Tunis compelled the Bey of Tunis, a tributary of 
the Turkish power, to sign a treaty acknowledging the 


French protectorate. They had to bombard and stomi 
the port of Sfax, and to make a long march to the sacred 
city of Kairouan, to bring the whole territory under their 
power. This protectorate, which is virtually actual posses- 
sion, greatly enraged Italy, who regarded herself as the heir 
to that part of the Ottoman empire. 

France also furbished up some musty claims to a 
protectorate over the island of Madagascar, bombarded 
Tamatave, imprisoned an English missionary, Mr. Shaw, 
and at last compelled the Queen of Madagascar to consent 
to a shadowy protectorate. 

In Indo-China the French had long laboured to found 
a great colony. In 1867 the kingdom of Annam, tributary 
to China, was compelled by the French to cede Cochin 
China at the mouth of the Mekon river; and now again 
(i 883-1 885) France renewed her efforts against Annam. 
Her troops suffered heavily before Langson, and were in- 
volved in a troublesome war with China ; but they occupied 
Kelung in Formosa, while her fleet routed the Chinese 
ships and bombarded the river forts. At last in April 1885 
peace was made, France keeping Annam and Tonquin — 
unhealthy and dangerous possessions. 

In foreign policy generally France has been most un- 
successful. She lost the support of Austria, then alienated 
Italy and England by her high-handed colonial policy; 
and now she can count 9nly on the uncertain support of 



The Brftirt Parliament. — The collapse of the " united 
German" movement in 1849 and the difficulties of Austria 
left Prussia free to form plans for her own supremacy in 
Germany; and soon Frederick 'William IV formed with 
the Kings of Saxony and Hanover a " Tri-regal alliance," 
which was joined by many of the smaller North German 
States ; but this so-called " German Union " fell to pieces 
when it was proposed to elect a German Parliament to 
meet at Erfurt; for Hanover, Saxony, Wiirtemberg, and 
Bavaria, at the instigation of Austria, formed a new group 
of States opposed to Prussian supremacy. This new 
combination, and the narrow-mindedness of the Prussian 
^ Junker party, soon broke up the Erfurt Parliament 
\ Austria, now again (September 1850) strong enough to 
/ resume her old position in German politics, revived the 
old German Confederation, in which she had always held 
the first place ; while Prussia refused to take her old place 
in it, but held fast to the "restricted union" at Erfurt 
Thus Austria had cleverly regained her old position in 
Germany, and soon inflicted a further rebuff on the timid 
Manteuffel ministry at Berlin. 

Hesse. — The despotic Elector of Hesse Cassel had 
already nullified the constitution wrung from him in 1 848 ; 


and on his further attempt in 1850 to levy taxes without 
the consent of the Chambers, he had to flee before a 
rising of the people of Cassel. He invoked the aid of the 
Frankfurt Diet; and an Austro-Bavarian force was march- 
ing in to restore him, when Prussian troops occupied 
Fulda and Cassel. Civil war for the supremacy of Austria 
or Prussia in German affairs was only averted by the 
mediation of the powerful Czar Nicholas on the Austrian 
side. The Prussian king finally withdrew his troops from 
Hesse, but had to submit to further humiliation in a 
conference at Olmiitz. 

Olmiitz. — These terms were that Prussia should 
abandon her "German union schemes" and should again 
take her place in the German Confederation as established 
in 1815 under the presidency of Austria; and that the 
disputes in Hesse and Schleswig-Holstein should be settled 
by this Frankfurt Diet, which met June 12, 185 1. So 
Hesse Cassel was again subjected to its duke, and Schles- 
wig-Holstein to the Danes.^ Thus Prussia tamely yielded 
the first place to a Power which in 1849 seemed to have 
lost all influence in German affairs. Austrian arrogance 
showed itself in an attempt to gain control over the new 
fleet of the Confederation, in favouring the overthrow of 
the ^constitutions granted in 1848 in many of the smaller. 
German States, and by attempting to force her way into 
the ZoUverein (Customs Union) or break it up. After 
wearisome disputes Prussia held her ground against this 
last attempted encroachment; and in 1853 the old 
ZoUverein was reconstructed for twelve years, with the 
option of Austria entering it in six years ; and meanwhile 
the two rivals mutually agreed to lower their protective 

^ See p. 291. 


The slight opinion of the Prussian king may be seen 
in a letter of our Prince Consort written in 1854: "The 
King of Prussia is a reed shaken by the wind " ; but he 
finally kept a policy of neutrality favourable to Russia 
during the Crimean War. Friendly neutrality towards 
Russia during her difficulties in 1855, 1863, and 1877, 
and support of her claims in 1870, has been repaid by 
Russian neutrality during Prussia's struggles of 1866 and 

Begenoy of Prince William. — Between 1855 and 
1857 changes in a reactionary direction were made in the 
Prussian constitution. Disturbances in Neufchitel led to 
the defeat and imprisonment of the Prussian or royalist 
party ; and eventually Frederick William IV renounced his 
feudal and sovereign rights over that distant fief. This and 
the varied disappointments of his reign preyed on his gifted 
but sensitive mind, which in October 1857 gave way. So 
his brother Prince William was appointed to a regency for 
three months. This was renewed from time to time, and 
in 1858, after his son's marriage with our Princess Victoria, 
he assumed the regency indefinitely. He took the oath to 
the constitution, and soon dismissed the timid Manteuffel 
ministry which had led to the Olmiitz convention. A new 
ministry under Prince Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen at once 
began to strengthen the Prussian army and navy. 

The new regent, who was one day to crown the edifice 
of German unity, had once been the most unpopular man 
in Prussia, owing to his strong aversion to constitutional 
rule. It was his palace and the adjoining arsenal which 
had been sacked by the Berlin mob in 1848, and it was 
he who, at the head of the Prussian troops, had crushed 
the last rising of the Baden democrats in 1849. Yet his 
mind was so open to argument, and withal so sturdy and 

xxxvi] THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 289 

penetrating, that he lived to become a constitutional sovereign 
and the idol of the entire German nation. In 1855 the 
king's government had bullied the electors into sending 
reactionary representatives; under the regency in 1859 
government intimidation was forbidden, and the people sent 
up more progressive members. This at once encouraged 
the Liberals in all the other German States. 

The Smaller German Statea — ^Austria's influence 
and popularity were still uppermost in the southern States. 
King Maximilian II kept Bavaria in peace and quietness, 
save for religious disputes which agitated all the south. 
Wiirtemberg and Baden also enjoyed better governments 
than most other German States ; but in Hesse the obstinate 
despotism of the Grand Duke was broken by the patient 
persistence of his people in 1862, when constitutional rule 
was restored. 

The " middle kingdoms," Saxony and Hanover, re- 
sisted Prussian influence — the former under the skilful lead 
of Count Beust, the latter under the obstinate, blind old 
king, George V. 

In the north the duchy of Mecklenburg was almost as 
badly governed as Hesse Cassel itself. 

King William I.— The death of Frederick William 
IV, worn out in mind and body, brought the regent to the 
throne (January 2, 1861). In October 1861 the new king 
(already sixty-four years old) at his own coronation showed 
his staunch adherence to the old monarchical principles of 
the house of HohenzoUern. He placed the crown on his 
own head, thus signifying that he received it only from 
God ; and he always insisted that he was king by the grace 
of God and not of his people alone. 

The political state of Europe was favourable to a revival 
of Prussia's prestige, so shaken at Olmiitz. Russia was ex- 



banstcd by the Crimean war, and was soon to be oocnpied 
by the Polish rising of 1863 ; Austria, beaten by Fiance and 
Sardinia, could not now browbeat her n<»them neighbour 
as Schwarzenberg had done at Ofaniitz. King William L 
was made of diflferent stuff from his brodier. He had 
the gift of seeing genius and of setting men in their right 
spheres of woric Thus in order to raise Prussia's pow» 
he doubled the number of infrmtiy r^;iments and in- 
creased the cavalry by ten raiments; and to organise 
this vast fwce he chose General von Roon, who is £uned 
as the greatest army organiser since the first Napoleon. 
The Prussian Chamber acquiesced in this increase during 
the Austro- Italian war, but refused the subsidies when 
peace was again restored. At once the king bethought 
him of his Prussian ambassador at Paris, Otto von 

Biconarck. — ^This remarkable man was bom on April 
I, 1 81 5, at Schonhausen, about seventy miles east of 
Berlin. He came of a knightly family which had fanned 
its land there for generations, and had produced many 
fighting men He himself was early known for his mad 
escapades, and then for his furious Junker speeches in the 
first Prussian Parliament Thus he had flung out the words, 
"Let all questions to the king's ministers be answered by 
a roll of drums/' and he sneered at the ballot-box as a 
mere dice-box. His ardent royalism made him defend his 
sovereign's surrender at Olmiitz; but he determined soon, 
when he was sent as Prussia's representative to the resus- 
citated Frankfurt Diet, to prepare the way for Prussia's 
supremacy in Germany. His power, tact, and ability 
procured for him the post of Prussian ambassador, first at 
St Petersburg (1859) and then at Paris (1862); but he 
had been there only just long enough to take the measure 

xxxvi] THE RISE OF PRUSSIA, 291 

of the Emperor and his ministers when a telegram recalled 
him in haste to Berlin, to " tame " the Prussian Parliament. 
He was made President of the Ministry; for in Prussia 
the king's ministers are appointed by him, and need not 
be taken from the members of the Parliament In fact, 
the constitution of 1850 left the king and the two Houses 
of Parliament with equal powers. So, when the Lower 
Chamber would not provide the war budget which the king 
and his ministers declared to be necessary, the latter ruled 
for four years without one. " It is not by speechifying and 
majorities that the great questions of the time will have 
to be decided — that was the mistake in 1848 and 1849 
— ^but by blood and ironP Such were Bismarck's terrible 
words, which enraged the Prussian liberals and alarmed the 
neighbouring Powers. The king dissolved the Chambers 
and restricted the liberty of the press, so that even the 
Crown Prince Frederick protested publicly against so 
extreme a policy. The inflexible minister also braved the 
threats of France, Austria, and England, by aiding Russia 
in 1863 to put down the Polish insurrection; for the 
Prussian Government feared to see the revolt spread to its 
Polish province of Posen, which was and still is discon- 

Schleswig-Holstein. — War seemed likely to break out 
between Austria and Prussia as to their position in Germany, 
when the news came that the King of Denmark had died 
(November 1863); and his death reopened the whole of 
the distracting Schleswig-Holstein question. The duchies 
of Schleswig-Holstein-Lauenburg belonged to the Danish 
crown, but Holstein was a member of the German Con- 
federation. Its population was entirely German; that of 
Schleswig mainly German. This complicated position 
somewhat resembled that of Luxemburg and Hanover ; but 


all the people of Holstein and most of those of Schleswig 
maintained that by an old treaty the two duchies must not 
be separated, and that when the male line of Denmark died 
out, the duchies must both fall to Germany. The death of 
the Danish king Christian VIII in 1848 had brought matters 
to a crisis ; the Germans in the duchies and the troops of 
Prussia and of the Confederation beat the Danes, but the 
latter were upheld by the other Powers; and in 1852 the 
Treaty of London guaranteed to the next king, Frederick 
VII of Denmark, the possession of the duchies, and after 
his death, and in default of male heirs, to Prince Christian 
of Sonderburg Gliicksburg. But neither the German Diet 
nor the duchies themselves recognised this treaty as 
binding. Soon the Danish king sought, in defiance of this 
treaty, to bind the duchies more closely to Denmark, and 
shortly before his death the Danish Parliament declared 
Schleswig incorporated with Denmark. His successor. 
Christian IX, yielding to the demands of the Copenhagen 
populace, ratified that act At once the hereditary Prince 
Frederick of Augustenburg claimed to have the duchies, 
as these had not recognised the Treaty of London ; and 
most of the Schleswig-Holsteiners and all Germans ap- 
plauded his claim. So the German Confederation sent 
troops into Holstein to protect German interests. Mean- 
while Bismarck with artful diplomacy had persuaded 
Austria to join Prussia in occupying Schleswig- Holstein, 
which the Confederation had foolishly refused to do. 

So 20,000 Austrians and 25,000 Ppissians crossed the 
Eider. The Danes evacuated their ^rst line of defence, 
but made a brave stand against the Prussians in the 
fortified peninsula of Diippel. The ill-timed attempts at 
mediation of the English Government had only drawn the 
Danes on to resistance, which they hoped England would 

xxxvi] THE RISE OF PRUSSIA, 293 

support; but the English Government gave only moral 
support, and Prussia had secured French neutrality by a 
favourable commercial treaty. 

A conference of the Powers at London, May 1864, 
produced no result. Bismarck was inflexible, and the 
Danes persisted in unreal hopes; but when the Prussians 
captured the island of Alsen the Danish king gave way, 
and on October 30, 1864, in the Treaty of Vienna, sur- 
rendered the duchies to the rulers of Austria and Prussia. 

Thus skilfully had Bismarck used Austria to help 
Prussia draw the chestnuts out of the fire. He now with 
greater boldness requested the troops of . the Germanic 
Confederation to leave Holstein. A quarrel about the 
division of the duchies was now imminent between the two 
victors ; but it was for the time patched up by the Gastein 
Convention (August 1865), by which Holstein was to be 
administered by Austria, Schleswig by Prussia, until the 
question of inheritance should be settled. Lauenburg was 
to go entirely to Prussia for a money payment Austria, 
however, supported the hereditary Prince of Augustenburg's 
claim to the two duchies, which was opposed by Prussia, 
unless he would make himself almost a vassal prince to 

In fact, Bismarck (now raised to the rank of count) 
wished to force on soon the inevitable struggle with 
Austria for supremacy in Germany. The Prussian army 
was splendidly organised and armed with a new rifle, 
quick-firing for those days, called the "needle-gun." 
France was engaged in Mexico, and Napoleon III, still 
anxious to see Venetia freed from the Austrian yoke, was 
won over to neutrality by Count von Bismarck in secret 
interviews at Biarritz. Prussia had already concluded a 
secret offensive and defensive alliance with Italy, . with 


well-understood conditions as to territorial changes at the 
peace. The Prussian Chambers, however, still refused 
money supplies for the army ; but the Prussian Government, 
having defied the German Diet and the population of the 
two duchies by ignoring the strong claims of the Duke of 
Augustenburg, was not now likely to give way before its 
own Parliament Eling William of Prussia had still so many 
scruples as to drawing the sword on Austria that Bismarck 
said he had to go to him every day to "wind him up 
like a dock "; for most of the Prussian court and nation 
longed for peace. When, however, Austria at last proposed 
to refer the rule of the duchies to the Frankfurt Diet, well 
known to be hostile to Prussia, the latter Power ordered 
General Manteuffel to occupy Holstein, from which the 
Austrian troops quickly withdrew. 

The Austro- Prussian War. — On June 14, 1866, 
the German Confederation decided to mobilise its forces 
for war against Prussia ; and Austria had long been massing 
her troops on her mountainous Bohemian frontier, though 
three-tenths of her available forces were needed in Venetia 
to fight the Italians, who declared war at the §ame time. 
The Prussian Government, opposed by its own Parliament 
and by a majority of its own people, seemed at great odds 
amidst a ring of foes, including Hanover, the two Hesses, 
the South German States, and Saxony, as well as the vast 
Austrian Empire, which alone then numbered more than 
38,000,000 of people, or double those which Prussia then 
p6ssessed. But though the Prussian people were enraged 
at their own overbearing government, they were yet all 
patriotically devoted to their country ; whereas in the motley 
dominions of Francis Joseph the Venetians were actively 
hostile, and the Hungarians and Slavs passively hostile, to 
the central government at Vienna. Moreover, their govern- 

xxxvi] THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 295 

ment had in 1851 withdrawn the much-vaunted constitution 
of 1849, and had only slightly modified the old helpless 
bureaucracy; and, worst of all, Francis Joseph, with his 
Aulic Council at Vienna, often interfered with his generals 
in Bohemia. 

The vigour of the Prussian organiser, von Roon, and 
the strategist, von Moltke, was soon shown. In two days 
after the rulers of Hesse, Saxony, and Hanover had refused 
the Prussian summons for their neutrality, their capitals 
were in the hands of Prussian troops, and the tyrant of 
Hesse was soon on his way as a captive to Stettin. The 
Saxon troops hurried off south to join the Austrians in 
Bohemia, the Hessians to join the South German corps, 
and the Hanoverians soon marched off south-east towards 
Gotha to join the Bavarians. The Hanoverians beat off 
the attack on June 27 of half their number of Prussians, 
detached from General von Falckenstein*s army, at Langen- 
salza, north of Gotha ; but two days later they were sur- 
rounded by 40,000 Prussian and Coburg troops and 
capitulated. The blind King George V was permitted to 
depart to Vienna. General von Falckenstein followed up 
this success by driving the two badly led South German 
armies before him, and entered Frankfurt July 16 ; but the 
main issue had already been decided in Bohemia. 

Events soon made it clear that Prussia had the best 
strategist in Europe to direct her armies. On the left 
the Prussian Crown Prince Frederick held 116,000 men 
on the Silesian frontier, in the centre 100,000 men were 
led by the king's nephew. Prince Frederick Charles (the 
Red Prince), and on the Elbe 40,000 men, by General 
Herwarth. Four days after the declaration of war all 
Saxony, except one small fortress, was overrun by these 
hosts, which then began to press through the mountain 


passes against the 230,000 Austrians and 23,000 Saxons 
under the command of Count Benedek. His forces were 
spread out from Cracow to the Elbe defile in the £iz 
Gebirge, but were inferior in weapons, for the Prussian 
needle-gun fired six times as fast as the Austrian rifle. 
Besides, the Austrian soldiers had only served for one year 
in the ranks. 

K5niggr&tz (Sadowa). — Moltke's plan was for the 
Prussian armies to march separately, but to unite to strike 
the decisive blow. The Prussian Crown Prince, after 
feigning to invade Austrian Silesia, struck through the 
defiles of the Riesen Gebirge, and overthrew the Austrians 
at Nachod (June 27), and on the 29th approached near 
to the two other Prussian armies, which had driven back 
the Austrians at Miinchengratz-Gitschin. Benedek's forces 
had not been concentrated in time to prevent this junction 
of his foes, but he now chose a strong defensive position on 
a huge amphitheatre of wooded hills near Sadowa and the 
fortress of Koniggratz. Fortified villages and barricades of 
trees gave the Austrians at first an enormous superiority 
over the Prussian attacks, which up till noon were repulsed 
with great slaughter ; but the Crown Prince, distant some 
five leagues away on the Prussian extreme left, came up 
and took the Austrians on their right flank. The Austrian 
centre, weakened to resist the new attack, was at once 
seized by a Prussian force under General Hiller, who 
stormed the heights of Chlum, the key of the Austrian 
position. The defeated army, hurled down the other sides 
of the hills, suffered terribly in its flight over the river Elbe, 
and then over the plain to the shelter of Koniggratz. The 
Austrians lost in this tremendous struggle 18,000 killed 
and wounded, 20,000 prisoners, and 174 cannons. The 
Prussian losses were over 8000. 

xxxvi] THE RISE OF PRUSSIA, 297 

The Vienna papers of July 4 truly said, " Our northern 
army no longer exists." Its shattered remains abandoned 
Bohemia, and halted under the walls of the fortress of 
Olmiitz in Moravia. After this unexampled "eight days' 
campaign" (June 26 to July 3), the Prussians pressed on 
towards Vienna. 

Cession of Venetia. — The Austrians had defeated 
the Italians at Custozza (June 24); but Francis Joseph, 
two days after the disaster in Bohemia, hurriedly offered 
to cede Venetia to the Emperor Napoleon, and. through 
him to the Italians (as had also been done with Lombardy 
in 1859), in order to preserve Austrian supremacy in 
Germany through the mediation of France. Napoleon had 
hoped that the two central Powers would wear each other 
out, and that he would then gain the Rhine boundary from 
a helpless Germany. He now claimed this from Prussia in 
the hour of her triumph, but met with an indignant refusal. 
France would have declared war had she not been so in- 
volved in Mexico as to be unable then to face the Prussian 
forces armed with the needle-gun breechloader. Still, 
Napoleon hoped that Austria's truce with Italy would free 
some 100,000 of her soldiers for the defence of Vienna, 
and so prolong the war ; but the Prussian troops advanced 
on that capital so rapidly that on July 26 the preliminaries 
of peace were signed at Nikolsburg, close to Vienna, 
and were embodied in the important Treaty of Prague 
(August 23). 

Treaty of Prague. — Austria was excluded from German 
affairs, and the old German Confederation (of 1 815) was dis- 
solved. Schleswig-Holstein, Hanover, the whole of Hesse 
Nassau (including Cassel), and the rich free city of Frankfurt 
were annexed to Prussia, which thus gained nearly 5,000,000 
subjects. These soon became reconciled to her vigorous 


but able rule ; and her realm, no longer cut in two parts by 
Hanover, now numbered 23,590,000 souls. 

The aged Prussian king desired the annexation of 
Bohemia, but was dissuaded by his prudent minister, who 
showed the impolicy of making Austria a permanent enemy 
to Prussia while she still had to deal with France. So 
Austria, though excluded from Germany, gave up no terri- 
tory to Prussia, but only paid a small indemnity * for this 
"eight days* war." Prussia also made separate treaties 
with the German States which she left independent. The 
Prussian Government was moved from its determination to 
annex Saxony by the urgent representations of the two 
emperors at the instance of the Saxop minister Count 
Beust Furthermore, Saxony had to enter the new North 
German Confederation and pay an indemnity. The South 
German States appealed to Napoleon for a remission of the 
hard terms first proposed by Bismarck, and finally they all 
had to pay small war indemnities, while Bavaria and Hesse 
Darmstadt gave up small patches of frontier land. 

Prussia's greatest diplomatic success was a secret con- 
vention with the South German States, which was revealed 
to the astonished Napoleon when the Luxemburg affair 
threatened war (March 1867). By this convention all the 
South German States concluded an offensive and defensive 
alliance with Prussia, and, in case of war, placed their troops 
under the supreme command of the King of Prussia. 

Finally, the victorious king and minister asked for and 
obtained a bill of indemnity from the Prussian Parliament 
for their unconstitutional military expenditure during the 
last four years — an expenditure which it was now seen had 
saved Prussia in spite of her Parliament. 

^ 40,000,000 thalers. Saxony also had to hand over her post and 
telegraph system to Prussia. 

xxxvi] THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 299 

The North German Confederation. — The new Con- 
federation comprised the whole of Prussia, Saxony, the 
grand duchies of Oldenburg, the two Mecklenburgs, Bruns- 
wick, and the part of Hesse Darmstadt north of the Main, 
together with the small Thuringian States and the free cities 
of Hamburg, Bremen, and Liibeck. A federal Parliament 
(Reichstag) and Council, elected by universal suffrage, 
were to meet at Berlin to make laws and ratify treaties for 
these States, which, however, retained their local laws and 
administrations. The federal forces were to be reorganised 
on the model of the Prussian army. A powerful political 
party, the National Liberals, was formed with the avowed 
object of aiding Bismarck to promote the unity of Germany ; 
but the opposition of Poles, Hanoverians, and Schleswig- 
Holsteiners through their deputies in the Reichstag still 
made it difficult for him to keep a majority favourable to 
the government. The ex-King George of Hanover, from 
his residence nesur Vienna, fomented intrigues and plots 
against the Prussian Government, which at last stopped the 
liberal pension that it had allotted to him. 

From its far-reaching influence on the history of Germany, 
Austria, and Italy, Koniggratz must rank among the decisive 
battles of the world. Whatever may be the ultimate verdict 
of history as to the way in which Bismarck brought on the 
wars of 1864 and 1866, it cannot be denied that these 
countries all gained by their results. North Germany now 
formed a vigorous Confederation with Prussia as its back- 
bone. Not the least of the changes was that the new State 
was founded on the democratic basis of universal suffrage, 
though much of the legislative and executive power lay with 
the King of Prussia. 



North Germany now formed a strong Confederation under 
the lead of Prussia ; but South Germany {i,e. the States south 
of the Main) was united to it by no open bond except a 
Customs Parliament for the whole of the German ZoUverein. 
The southern States sent deputies to this Parliament at 
Berlin, which, however, could only legislate on commercial 
questions ; but the dread of a French inviasion was always 
driving the South Germans into closer sympathy with their 
brethren north of the Main. 

The Luxemburg dispute was hushed up, but every small 
difficulty between France and Prussia caused angry articles 
in the papers of Paris and Berlin. Thus when North 
Germany, desiring to encourage trade with Italy, voted 
subsidies to support the St. Gothard tunnel through the 
Swiss Alps, the French papers saw in it a scheme to 
divert traffic from their Mont Cenis route (May 1870). 
In fact, both nations felt war to be inevitable, but Napoleon 
declared war in a way which united all Germans as one 

The Hohenzollem Candidature. — Marshal Prim, 
acting on behalf of the Spanish nation, oflfered the crown of 
Spain to Prince Leopold, of the Roman Catholic branch of 
the HohenzoUems, and a distant relative of the King of 


Prussia. His acceptance of it was known by the French 
Government on July 4, 1870, and the French Foreign 
Minister, the Due de Gramont, inveighed against it as a 
scheme to revive the empire of Charles V under a Hohen- 
zollern d3masty. Thereupon King William, as head of the 
Hohenzollem family, prevailed on his relative to withdraw 
in the interests of peace; but Benedetti, the French 
ambassador to Prussia, insisted that the king should give 
the " definite assurance that he would never give his consent 
should the candidature be renewed." This insulting demand, 
urged with persistence on the public promenade' at Ems, 
was refused by the king, who declined to see the ambassador 
again on the subject France deemed herself insulted in 
the person of her ambassador, and war was declared at Paris 
on July 15, 1870. 

Franco-G^nnan War. — At Mainz King William on 
August 2 took command of the united German armies ; for 
the South Germans, on whom Napoleon counted, were now 
on«^in heart and soul with their northern brethren, and not 
merely bound by treaty engagements. Moltke hurled three 
great German armies, organised as armies never had been 
before, against the French frontier. General Steinmetz on 
the German right moved up the Moselle valley with 61,000 ; 
Prince Frederick Charles (the Red Prince) in the centre 
advanced from Mainz through the Palatinate, towards the 
Saar valley, with a host of 200,000; while the Prussian 
Crown Prince, at the head of 180,000 Prussian and South 
German troops, with whom he was very popular, moved up 
the left bank of the Rhine. Germany soon had in afl 
800,000 men under arms, for she needed an army in Silesia 
to keep Austria quiet, and forces on the north coast to keep 
off a French landing in Schleswig or in the Baltic ; but the 
French fleet could effect nothing on the shallow coasts of 


Prussia, which are her best protection from heavy iron- 

Confusion and indecision were rampant in the French 
armies from the first. The Emperor hoped at one time to 
invade Bavaria, and with the aid of Austrian troops to cut 
Germany in hal^ but he could gather barely 150,000 men 
round Metz under Bazaine, 50,000 round Strassburg, while 
40,000 remained in reserve at a camp near Chalons-sur- 
Marne ; and Austria waited to see the turn of events before 
deciding for Napoleon. So the French incursion into South 
Germany went no farther than the occupation of Saarbriick 
after dislodging a small Prussian force (August 2). The 
Crown Prince was the first to break through the French line 
by crushing an inferior French force at Weissemburg (where 
battles were fought in 1793-94) and taking 1000 prisoners 
(August 4). 

Wttrth (August 6), Spichem (August 6). — MacMahon 
had taken a strong position on heights behind the village of 
Worth, his flanks protected by woods and his front by slopes 
swept by his cannon. His 40,000 men long maintained a 
desperate fight against successive charges of parts of the 
great German army of some 120,000 ; but not receiving the 
support of General de FaiUy, who had been hurriedly sent 
from Metz, the French were at last forced into a retreat 
which became a helpless flight. In the battle they lost 
6000 and the victors no less than 10,000 killed and 
wounded*; but MacMahon had to flee through the Vosges 
Mountains, where he would otherwise have held the invaders 
at bay. On the same day Lorraine was thrown open to the 
successful invaders of the central German army. At 
Spichern, or Forbach as the French call the battle. 
General Frossard held a splendid position on heights which 
detachments of the German general Steinmetz attacked at 

xxxvii] THE UNITY OF GERMANY. 303 

once in front, and, when reinforced, on both flanks. Against 
this haphazard sort of attack the French stubbornly resisted, 
and finally retreated on Metz after inflicting more losses than 
they received; but Lorraine was thrown open to the invaders, 
and the central German army marched straight on Metz. 
The French defence had been shattered by two hammer- 
like blows. Alsace was lost at Worth, for MacMahon, 
chased by the Crown Prince's terrible cavalry, fell back on 
Nancy, then on the great camp at Chalons ; and a small 
force only could be found ready to garrison Slrassburg, which 
was soon invested by the South German corps under Werder. 
The Emperor, staggered by these disasters, still dreaded for 
political reasons to fall back on, Chalons ; he had sent the 
telegram to Paris, "Tout pent se r^tablir." He resigned 
the supreme command to Bazaine, but remained with a 
large force at Metz, where he was nearly entrapped by the 

The battles round Metz. — Moltke's aim was now to 
shut up as many French troops as possible in Metz, which 
was known to be poorly provisioned and to have its forts 
unfinished. So the Germans under von der Goltz attacked 
at Bomy a superior French force retreating across the Moselle 
towards Metz (August 14). The attack, though beaten off, 
delayed the French around Metz. The Emperor and 
Bazaine, who was almost as undecided in his views as the 
Emperor himself, ought to have thrown a sufficient garrison 
into Metz, and then escaped with the rest of the army 
to Verdun and Chalons ; but the German Uhlans and a 
division of infantry began to circle round Metz to cut off 
the French retreat to Verdun; and at Mars la Tour, or 
Vionville, these troops (August 16) pressed back the line of 
the retreating French. In one part of their desperate 
contest against superior foes six squadrons of German cavalry 


charged dense masses of French horse and foot to check 
their movements till more Germans should come up. At 
the end of twelve hours' fighting, and after two more 
brilliant charges of the German cavalry, the French were 
edged back eastwards on Gravelotte, where the most deadly 
battle of the war was to be fought 

Gravelotte (August i8). — ^The French left, under Fros- 
sard, held a formidable defensive position on entrenched 


2.45 P.M.. GERMAN ■■ FRCNCH "M. 


heights, against which the impetuous General Steinmetz 
hurled masses of his men to almost certain death against 
the deadly chassepots and mitrailleuses. Up to seven in 
the evening the Germans had been repulsed with awful 
slaughter, but as darkness came on their superior forces 

xxxvii] THE UNITY OF GERMANY, 305 

overlapped and turned the French right at St. Privat, so 
compelling all the army to fall back on Metz. The French, 
fighting under shelter, lost only 8000 and some 4000 
prisoners; the Germans had lost at least 20,000 men killed 
and wounded, but the assailants had gained their object ; 
Bazaine with 173,000 troops (including National Guards) 
was shut up in Metz, whence theT Emperor had escaped by 
the help of a strong escort. 

SedaiL — With health and energy shattered. Napoleon 
repaired to the great camp at Chalons, which was being 
organised by MacMahon. It numbered 130,000 men 
drawn from the wreck of a defeated army and from the 
" Garde Mobile " or national militia, which showed bravery 
but little discipline or cohesion. Against this ill-organised 
force came the Crown Prince of Prussia, after occupying 
Nancy and Bar-le-Duc, with a compact victorious force 
of 150,000 men. Political reasons overruled MacMahon's 
determination to retire on Paris. Against his own judgment 
he moved north from Chalons, hoping to rescue Bazaine by 
taking the road by Montm^dy and Thionville, though he 
knew this to be perilously near the Belgian frontier. The 
Germans, though surprised by this desperate move, plunged 
into the woody district of the Argonne, where Dumouriez 
and Kellermann had beaten back the Prussian invaders in 
1792; but now all the energy and patriotism as well as skill 
was with the invaders, while carelessness and indecision 
paralysed the bravery of the French, for General de Failly's 
division was surprised in its bivouac by the Prussian Crown 
Prince at Beaumont (August 30), and thrown into utter 
rout. This compelled MacMahon's main force to fall back 
upon Sedan to concentrate. 

The mad attempt to rescue Bazaine had failed; but 
worse was to follow. Sedan is a small old-fashioned for- 



tress, lying in the winding valley of the Meuse, surrounded 
by wooded hills, and distant some seven miles from the 
Belgian frontier. The French were roughly handled in the 
village of Bazeilles by the Bavarians on August 31, and lost 
command of the bridge of Donch^ry below Sedan; for 
neither this bridge nor the railway bridge over the Meuse at 
Bazeilles had been promptly blown up, in spite of orders to 
that effect These losses edged the French into the death- 
trap, towards which poHtical blindness and military careless- 
ness had led them. The fatal ist of September began with a 
disaster. Early in the day MacMahon was badly wounded, 
so the command then devolved upon the brave but rash 
General de Wimpffen, who, after returning from Algeria, 
rushed to Paris, and came thence with a secret order that he 
was to succeed MacMahon if the latter were disabled. The 
impetuous new commander was determined not to continue 
the retreat west on Meziferes, but boldly to attack the 
Germans on the east or Metz side of Sedan. 

In Bazeilles, on the east of Sedan, the French infantry, 
mostly marines, aided by the villagers, made the stoutest resist- 
ance. The village was soon in flames, kindled by whom is still 
a matter of dispute ; but at last the French were driven back 
all along their east front towards Sedan, and were exposed 
to a pitiless fire from the German forces which had now 
worked round to the heights north and south of Sedan. 
Devoted charges of the French cavalry availed little against 
the ever-converging circle of foes, who now swept all the 
French positions with terrific shell-fire. At last Napoleon 
ordered the white fls^ to be hoisted over Sedan to put an 
end to the slaughter among the crowds of panic-stricken 
fugitives, and he sent the following note to the Prussian 
king : " Not having been able to die in the midst of my 
people, nothing remains for me but to place my sword in 

xxxvii] THE UNITY OF GERMANY. 307 

the hands of your majesty." De Wimpffen strove to gain 
less rigorous terms from the iron von Moltke; and the 
Emperor himself at a weaver's cottage in Donch^ry vainly 
sought to induce Bismarck to modify the terms. These 
were, that the commissioned officers be released on giving 
their word of honour that they would not serve against 
Germany in this war, and that the non-commissioned officers 
and the rank and file, 83,000 in number, should go as 
prisoners to Germany. 

Only a week before MacMahon had set out with 1 50,000 
troops from the Chalons camp to rescue Bazaine. Of this 
host only a few hundreds escaped to Mezibres and Paris, 
while some 3000 fugitives laid down their arms in Belgium ; 
those who survived the slaughter of Beaumont and Sedan 
were marched off into Germany. Four hundred and 
nineteen field guns and mitrailleuses, 139 garrison guns, 
and vast quantities of stores fell into the hands of the 

Siege of Paris. — ^The revolution at Paris ^ put an end 
to the Prussian king's hope of a speedy peace; so the 
German troops marched on from Sedan by the valleys of 
the Aisne and Mame towards Paris. Augmented by rein- 
forcements from Germany, the invaders now numbered in 
all about 750,000 men. On the i8th September 150,000 
Germans arrived before Paris, and by the end of October 
240,000 men began to encircle the immense ring of fifteen 
outer detached forts. 

The governor Trochu's most vigorous sortie was made 
across the Mame towards Fontainebleau, where he hoped 
to join hands with the French relieving army of the Loire. 
Sixty thousand men under Ducrot succeeded in driving back 
the besiegers from Champigny and Villiers on November 30, 
1 See p. 266. 


but there he waited until on the 2d December the Germans, 
now reinforced, retook half of Champigny; and the dis- 
couraged French withdrew, with the loss of 6000 men, 
under the shelter of the forts. From that date Trochu 
made no determined attempt to break through the lines of 
besiegers, though they had barely 250,000 men and 898 
guns in open batteries. 

Fall of the Eastern Fortreesea — Meanwhile a ter- 
rible blow had dashed the hopes of the French republicans. 
Bazaine, as we have seen, had taken refuge behind the forts 
of Metz with some 173,000 troops, of whom at least 50,000 
were veterans. On the last day of August he made an 
effort to break out towards Thionville, where he expected 
to find MacMahon's relieving force. But he failed to dis- 
lodge a smaller German force from Noisseville, where it was 
entrenched, and henceforth he only harassed the Germans 
by small attacks. In fact, he believed that the new French 
republican government would have only a short existence, 
and that after a speedy declaration of peace he, the head 
of the only regular army, might impose what government he 
pleased on France ; but the young Republic had decided to 
continue the hopeless struggle, so famine stared Bazaine 
and his troops in the face by the middle of October. On 
the 24th no bread was left, so on the 25th he opened 
negotiations with Prince Frederick Charles for surrender. 
On the 29th October three marshals, 6000 officers, and 
170,000 troops (including the National Guards and the 
disabled), 540 field pieces, 800 garrison pieces, and about 
300,000 muskets fell into the hands of the besiegers — the 
vastest military surrender ever recorded in the annals of 
civilised nations. Prince Frederick Charles was able to 
hurry off with 55,000 picked troops to crush the new levies 
on the Loire which were hoping to raise the siege of Paris, 

xxxvii] THE UNITY OF GERMANY, . 309 

while others of the besiegers marched to strengthen the grip 
which the Germans already had on the French capital. 

Toul had fallen on September 23 and Strassburg on 
September 2 7. The latter city, under the command of the 
gallant Uhrich, stoutly resisted General Werder's cruel and 
useless bombardment, which only embittered the inhabit- 
ants against their German kinsmen. At last, when pro- 
visions had run out and a breach was made in the walls, the 
brave garrison surrendered. Verdun and Thionville held 
out till November, Phalsburg till December, and Bitsch till 
the end of the war. Belfort was invested the 2d November, 
and offered a defence worthy of its fame. Thus the 
eastern fortresses, which were thought such an impenetrable 
barrier against invaders, had only delayed the overwhelming 
German forces. In fact, Sedan and Metz had proved to be 
traps in which defeated armies took refuge, only to be 
bombarded or starved into surrender. 

Campaign on the Loire. — Gambetta had escaped from 
Paris by a balloon (October 8) to rouse the south and 
west for the rescue of Paris. Regiments just landed from 
Algeria and others from the southern garrisons formed the 
backbone of this new army; National Guards and volun- 
teers raised it to a total of about 150,000 men. These, 
led by General Aurelle de Paladines, obliged the Bavarian 
General von der Tann to evacuate Orleans, and defeated 
his much smaller force at Goulmiers, near Orleans (No- 
vember 9). But this, the only pitched battle won by the 
French in all the war, was not vigorously followed up, and 
Prince Frederick Charles was already on the march from 
Metz to throw back the army of the Loire. Collecting the 
various German forces, Prince Frederick Charles, at the 
head of about 100,000 tried troops, threw back the French 
host from one position to another and retook Orleans. 


Gambetta, now dissatisfied with Aurelle de Paladines, 
gave the command of one part of the French army north 
of the Loire to General Chanzy, and the other, now re- 
organising at Bourges, to the ill-starred Bourbaki. The 
result was to be doubly disastrous. Chanzy was at first 
forced down the Loire, and at last, after fighting bravely at 
every strong position in bitter wintry weather, retired on 
Le Mans. A panic in the evening of January 1 1 seized hold 
of some raw French levies who had been disheartened by 
retreat and constant hard fighting, and next day Chanzy, 
evacuating this important town, retreated into Britanny, his 
army shattered by defeats and the loss of 18,000 prisoners. 
Still his was the bravest and most obstinate resistance made 
by any French general in this one-sided war. 

Botirbaki'B Campaign. — Mystery hung over the move- 
ments of the smaller part of the army of the Loire, now 
under Bourbaki, till General Werder, whose forces had in- 
vested Belfort and were now threatening Dijon, heard that 
Bourbaki, reinforced by large contingents from the south of 
France^ was advancing on Besan^on with some 150,000 
men. Werder had only 37,000 men, with whom he had 
been pushing back a French column and Garibaldi's 20,000 
irregulars. The Government of National Defence hoped 
that by throwing Bourbaki's host against the German front, 
where it was weakest, it might relieve Belfort, which was 
stoutly resisting, cut through the German communications 
in Alsace, and compel the siege of Paris to be raised. 
But Gambetta, as before on the Loire, looked to the 
number of troops rather than their efficiency, and he under- 
rated the marching and fighting power of the Germans. 
Werder, retiring hastily on Villersexel, there delayed 
Bourbaki's ill-clad, badly organised troops, as they were 
toiling painfully along in the bitter winter weather. Thus the 

xxxvii] THE UNITY OF GERMANY. 311 

Germans gained time to receive reinforcements, and took 
up splendid defensive positions on the southern offshoots of 
the Vosges, so as to screen the German forces besieging 
Belfort. Werder's small army, entrenched on heights at H^ri- 
court, near Belfort, withstood for three days (January 15-17) 
the attacks of Bourbaki's masses of men, till the latter 
hurried back towards Besan^on on hearing that General 
Manteuffel was marching on his rear. Pressed on both 
sides in the snow-clad Jura near Pontarlier, and overcome 
by the sight of his demoralised bands of starving and half- 
frozen soldiery, Bourbaki tried to commit suicide. His 
successor, General Clinchant, appointed by the government 
at Bordeaux, succeeded in taking some 90,000 survivors 
across the Swiss frontier, where they laid down their arms 
and were well cared for in the different cantons. Such 
was the pitiable end of an army which might have co- 
operated with Chanzy on the Loire and Faidherbe in the 
north for raising the siege of Paris by combined efforts of 
the besieged and relieving forces ; but there was no master 
mind to move the French armies like parts of a great 
machine, as Moltke moved the Germans. There was plenty 
of individual bravery, as in the case of Garibaldi's irregulars, 
who defended Dijon from 12,000 Prussians (Jan. 20, 187 1). 
Faddherbe's Campaign in the North. — The French 
forces in the north had not been strong enough to prevent 
the capture of Amiens and Rouen ; but when they were 
concentrated and placed under the command of the able 
General Faidherbe, maintained a stout resistance at Pont 
Noyelles (December 23) and Bapaume (January 3, 1871), 
north of St. Quentin, and tried to menace the besiegers of 
Paris from the north. Manteuffel, who was sent south to 
crush Bourbaki, handed over the command of the German 
forces of the north to General Goben, who with some 30,000 


men met the 50,000 French near St Quentin (January 19), 
drove them from all their positions, and took 10,000 
prisoners. Faidherbe's levies fled in utter rout to Cambrai. 
This finished the campaign in the north. 

SortdeB from Paris. — ^The bravest of the defenders of 
Paris were the marines and sailors of the French fleet, 
which had proved so useless on the North Sea and Baltic 



coasts that it had been ordered back. These and the 
regular troops bravely served the artillery of the fifteen 
large forts against the German batteries, which opened fire 
on the 6th January 187 1. This bombardment silenced the 
southern forts and inflicted much damage on the south- 
west parts of Paris on the left bank of the Seine. On 
December 21 and 22 Trochu had directed an ill-supported 

xxxvii] THE UNITY OF GERMANY, 313 

and therefore useless sortie* on the north side against Le 
Bourget. When food was nearly exhausted Trochu made 
a last attempt to force a way out on the west past St. Cloud 
(January 19). Supported by the guns of the powerful fort 
Mont VaMrien, 100,000 French troops, mostly National 
Guards, led by Generals Ducrot and Vinoy, carried the 
village of Montretout ; but the late arrival of their right wing 
and the want of field artillery obliged the whole force to 
fall back. If the sortie had been vigorously made one day 
earlier it would at any rate have disturbed an extraordinary 
assembly in the palace of Versailles. 

Proolamation of the German Empire. — ^The as- 
tonishing victories of the united German forces had aroused 
through the whole of Germany a passionate desire for 
national as well as military union. King William and 
Bismarck, both before and after 1866, had wisely refrained 
from forcing on any premature act of political union. 
After the news of Sedan reached Berlin, a popular gather- 
ing made an appeal to the King of Prussia and to the 
German people for the unity of Germany, with the addition 
of Alsace-Lorraine. Similar meetings in Munich and Stutt- 
gart carried along the governments of South Germany. 
Baden and Hesse made no reservations (on entering the 
North German Confederation), though Bavaria, Wiirtem- 
berg, and Saxony procured the right of vetoing any sub- 
sequent change in the constitution of the new Empire. 

At last on the loth December a deputation of the North 
German Parliament came from Berlin to Versailles, headed 
by President Simson, who before had offered the German 
crown to Frederick William IV. In the name of the Par- 
liament and of the princes of Germany, they begged King 
William to take the crown of the new ^ German Empire. 

^ New, not revived. 


In the splendid mirror hall of Versailles palace, amidst 
the trophies of Louis XIV, the Prussian king at mid-day, 
January i8, was proclaimed William I, German Emperor. 
The stalwart old Emperor had, before reaching his teens, 
seen Prussia crushed by Napoleon at Jena. Taught by 
his brave mother, the beautiful Queen Louisa of Prussia, 
he had not despaired, and now he had finally reversed the 
work of Napoleon I. by victories over Napoleon III. Jena 
had cut Germany in half. Sedan completed the work of 
reunion on a firmer basis than that divided land had 
known since the Middle Ages. The South German poten- 
tates, whose ancestors had aided Louis XIV and Napoleon 
I. against their fatherland, were now devoted to the cause 
of German unity, however much they might differ as to 
details of its constitution. 

The new Empire was now formed on Prussia as a back- 
bone, and was not a loose federation of States with an 
elective emperor. The King of Prussia was henceforth to 
be German Emperor, and his son the Crown Prince of 
Germany. This was the most important result of the war 
of 1870-71. 

The Treaty of Frankfhrt. — The defenders of Paris 
were now aware that Chanzy, Faidherbe, and Bourbaki had 
failed, and that forty departments were held by their foes. 
So negotiations led to an armistice, during which the forts 
round Paris were to be held by the German forces (January 
28). Finally, the National AssJembly, which met at Bor- 
deaux on February 13, ratified the preliminaries of peace 
which had been arranged, and afterwards ratified the treaty 
signed at Frankfurt, May 10. France had to cede Alsace 
(except Belfort) and (f^^man Lorraine, 'including the first- 
class fortresses Metz and Strassburg. She also had to pay 
a huge war indemnity of five milliards of francs (about 

xxxvii] THE UNITY OF GERMANY. 315 

;;^2 00,000, 000), of which at least one milliard was to be 
paid in 187 1. Paris and the forty departments were to be 
gradually relieved of the German forces of occupation as 
the milliards were paid. The German besieging army was 
to enter Paris in triumph, and the part of the capital south- 
west of the Seine was for three days to be occupied by 
30,000 German troops. 

In this war of 180 days the Germans had won fifteen 
great victories, captured twenty-six fortresses, and made 
363,000 French troops prisoners. Even the most brilliant 
of Napoleon I's campaigns had achieved no such results 
as these ; and the German Empire is a more solid structure 
than the vast but ephemeral empire of the first Napoleon. 
The Prussian monarch and his able counsellor limited their 
aims to what was practicable, fought one foe at a time, and 
achieved an enduring success. 

On the 1 6th June the aged Emperor, surrounded by the 
Crown Prince, Moltke, and Bismarck, who had been made 
Prince of the Empire at the conclusion of peace, entered 
Berlin at the head of his victorious troops — the third time 
within seven years. 

The Gherman Empire. — The Emperor and Prince 
Bismarck, Chancellor of the Empire, now desired peace, so 
that Germany might grow still stronger and more united 
under its new constitution. This was an extension of that 
of the North German Confederation, which it replaced. 
The Prussian King was to be Emperor, and the Prussian 
Crown Prince was to be the Crown Prince of the Empire. 
The Emperor was to represent - the State in its relations 
with foreign Powers, and to declare war and peace. He 
also was to possess extensive legislative and executive 
powers. The Chancellor of the Empire is appointed by 
the Emperor, presides in the Federal Council, and has the 


direct control of foreign affairs, and a general guidance of 
public business in the Parliament The main legislative 
power resides with the Federal Council (Bundesrath) and 
the Imperial Diet or Parliament (Reichstag), both of which 
meet at Berlin. The Federal Council is composed of fifty- 
eight representatives. Prussia sent seventeen, Bavaria sii^, 
Saxony four, Wiirtemberg four, Baden three, Hesse three, 
and the smaller States the remainder. The States must 
give their votes as a whole. Any amendment of the im- 
perial constitution was to be rejected if fourteen votes 
(e,g, those of Bavaria, Saxony, and Wiirtemberg) were 
given against it The Federal Council decides on ques- 
tions of peace or war. The Imperial Diet is elected 
triennially by universal suffrage, and by direct secret ballot, 
in proportion to the population of the States and districts. 
It can propose laws for the Empire, and these have pre- 
cedence over those of the separate States. 

The Empire has exclusive power over the army, navy, 
and also over the customs dues : (the free cities of Hamburg, 
Bremen, and Liibeck have since joined the Customs 
Union of the Empire, 1888). The troops of all the States 
were at once organised on the Prussian system of universal 
compulsory military service, and placed under the command 
of the Emperor, who has command of all fortresses. 

The stamps and coinage of all German States were 
unified, and the Empire acquired the control of all tele- 
graphs and post office receipts, except those of Bavaria, 
Later on, in 1879, Baden and the Palatinate abandoned 
the Code Napoleon for the German Imperial Code of Laws, 
which Bavaria, Saxony, and Wiirtemberg have also adopted 
in place of their old national codes. The Empire has also 
purchased many of the railways, and will probably acquire 
them all in time. So the Emperor and Bismarck sue- 

xxxviil THE UNITY OF GERMANY. 317 

ceeded in tightening the bonds which united the different 
German States. 

The old German Empire had fallen to pieces from its 
own divisions and from religious dissensions. Bismarck, 
not content with conquering the first difficulty, also deter- 
mined to overcome the influence of the Holy See in Ger- 
man affairs. So in July 1872 the Emperor signed a law 
expelling the Jesuits and similar orders from the German 
Empire ; and in the following May came the famous " May 
Laws," which aimed at reducing Roman Catholic priests to 
a position of dependence on the State. No priest was to 
enter on his duties without the sanction of the State, until 
he had passed an examination in a German ** gymnasium " 
(public school) in three faculties beside theology. The 
effect of this was that a boy destined for the priesthood 
had to pass at the age of five years in the government 
schools, and thence into the army, before he became a 
priest. This law was, however, not to affect Bavaria and Wiir- 
temberg. Henceforth even the moderate Roman Catholics 
became more and more Ultramontane, and in the Reichs- 
tag they combined with the discontented members from 
Posen, Schleswig, Hanover, and Alsace-Lorraine to form a 
troublesome opposition to Bismarck's centralising policy; 
and eventually he had to submit to their repeal 

The socialist movement for the equalisation of property 
and the management of all industry by the State was begun 
in Germany after 1862 by the orator Lasalle. The increase 
of individual fortunes, side by side with the domestic misery 
caused by the war and the financial crisis of 1878, in- 
creased the number and power of the socialists. In that 
year, after two attempts were made on the life of the aged 
Emperor, repressive measures were passed, which have 
failed to repress socialism, especially in Berlin, Hamburg, 


and Leipzig. In fact, there are now twenty-four socialist 
members in the German Reichstag. Bismarck carried a bill 
for securing pensions to old artisans from pa3m:ients made 
by them and their employers, and assisted by the State. 

Foreign Policy. — Bismarck also strove to make the 
new Empire unassailable by any war of revenge which 
France might meditate. So he brought about a meeting at 
Berlin of the three Emperors of Germany, Russia, and Austria. 
The Czar Alexander sincerely liked his uncle the Emperor 
of Germany, although the Russians were jealous of the 
new Empire. Francis Joseph also determined to forget 
Koniggratz, dismissed his anti-German chancellor. Count 
Beust, and summoned as his adviser the Hungarian Count 
Andrassy, who had advocated friendship with Germany. 
As a result of this Berlin meeting the Three Emperors* 
League was entered into — a defensive league, which also 
strove to combat the revolutionary excitement produced 
throughout Europe by the scenes of the Commune in 
Paris. Berlin was now the political centre of Europe, as 
Vienna had been from 1814 to 1848 and Paris up to 
1870. Victor Emmanuel came to Berlin to show his 
friendship with the new Empire, and the Emperor William 
received an enthusiastic welcome in Milan in 1875. 

On October 15, 1879, Bismarck at Vienna brought 
about an Austro- German compact, which provided for a 
defensive alliance between the two central Powers in case 
either was attacked by Russia. So now Germany was to 
support Austria in the Eastern Question within certain 

The French protectorate of Tunis alienated Italy from 
France, and King Humbert in a visit to Vienna (autumn of 
1 881) seemed to ask an entrance to the Central European 
alliance. Thus the centre of Europe, which was once so 

xxxvii] THE UNITY OF GERMANY. 319 

weak as to invite attack from the powerful extremities, now 
forms the most solid and powerful alliance of modern times. 
Prince Bismarck has also sought to extend the power 
of the Empire by annexations in the Cameroons, on the 
Gulf of Guinea, in Samoa, New Britain, New Ireland, on 
the north coast of New Guinea, and along the coast south 
of Zanzibar in East Africa. 



The Austrian Empire has always managed to profit by its 
own misfortunes as well as by those of its neighbours ; and 
the present emperor, with the self-possession and prudence 
of the House of Hapsburg, has known how to strengthen 
his realm by the defeats of Solferino and Koniggratz. 
Thus after the loss of Lombardy in 1859, he sought to 
bind the rest of his dominions more closely by granting 
rights of local self-government in the "October Patent" 
(i860). By this reform the legislative power was to be 
exercised by the Emperor with the participation of the 
provincial Diets and of the imperial council He also 
proclaimed the eligibility of citizens for all offices, the 
extension of electoral rights, and the abolition of com- 
pulsory feudal service and other similar burdens. A 
Chamber of Deputies was also formed, representing all parts 
of the Empire. 

In February 1861 Francis Joseph granted a further 
step towards constitutional rule by making his ministers 
responsible ; but the complete constitution was postponed 
owing to the opposition of all Hungarians to its centralising 
tendencies. Their passive resistance, under the leadership 
of the prudent and law-abiding patriot Deak, led the 
Emperor in September 1865 to restore the powers of the 

CHAP, xxxviii] AUSTRIA- HUNGARY. 321 

provincial Diets; and he even showed a desire to treat 
Hungary according to tjie principles laid down in the 
"Pragmatic Sanction" (1724), which acknowledged the 
right of Hungary to control its own legislation and 
administration ; but even the moderate party in Hungary, 
guided by Dedk, demanded the restoration of their ancient 
constitution, abolished in 1 848 ; yet he and his followers 
discountenanced the efforts of the ultra -nationalists to 
raise Hungary in revolt during the disastrous war of 1866. 
Three days after the disaster of Koniggratz the 
Emperor sent for DedL "Well, Dedk, what shall I do now?" 
he asked. "Your Majesty must first make peace, and 
then give Hungary her rights," replied the Hungarian 
statesman. After the Peace of Prague, Count Beust, 
. unable to negotiate with the overbearing Bismarck, had to 
leave the diplomatic service of King John of Saxony, and 
became Chancellor and Foreign Minister of the Austrian 
Empire; and in 1867 he succeeded in inducing the 
Germans of Austria proper to accept a compromise 
advocated by Deik, known as the dual system of 
government The chief opposition to this was offered by 
the extreme Magyar patriots and by the federalists: the 
latter party desired that the^ Slavs of Bohemia, Moravia, 
Galicia, Croatia, and Slavonia should join the Germans of 
the western provinces and the Magyars of Hungary in a 
triple federation; but the Slavs, though superior in 
numbers to the Germans and Magyars together, were 
widely separated in locality, language, and sentiment, while 
the Magyars or Hungarians,"- though numbering only 
5,700,000, were at least a united race. So in the com- 
promise of 1867 the Slavs of Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, 
and Dalmatia remained with Austria, while those of 
Croatia and Slavonia fell under the sway of the re- 



constituted Hungarian monarchy. The new system of 
government was proposed and carried in the year 1867. 

The Daal Government (1867). — The Austrian 
Emperor was to be crowned as Apostolical King of 
Hungary with the sacred crown of St. Stephen, thus 
showing that he adhered to the old Hungarian constitution, 
as distinct from that of Austria. In June 1868 the 
emperor and empress were crowned at Buda-Pesth, and a 
full amnesty was granted to all political offenders. 

The Austrian Empire was henceforth to consist of two 
States equal in every respect, each having its own form of 
government, but united under the same ruler, under a 
complicated mixed representation known as the "Delega- 
tions," and under joint ministries for Foreign Affairs, War, 
and Finance. 

Each half of the Empire was to have a separate 
ministry for Commerce, Finance, Justice, Public Worship, 
Agriculture, and National Defence. The Lower House of 
the Austrian Reichsrath, or Parliament, consists of 353 
deputies, and the Hungarian Diet of 444, both elected by 
a somewhat limited electorate. 

The "Delegations" from the Austrian and Hungarian 
Parliaments form the connecting link between their re- 
presentative Chambers. They are composed of sixty 
members elected from each Parliament, meeting alternately 
at Vienna and Pesth, but deliberating separately. If the 
two " Delegations " disagree, they exchange their views in 
writing, and if they still disagree, they decide the matter 
by individual votes, the emperor having the casting vote. 

Thus the two governments act together in affairs affect- 
ing foreign treaties, the army and navy, customs duties, 
coinage, the arrangements of railways, and all matters 
which directly concern the Empire as a whole. 

xxxviii] A mXRIA - HUNGAR Y. 

This cumbrous arrangement has worked unexpe(j| 
well, owing to the loyalty witji which Dedk and nearly*^ sll|/ 
Hungarians have abided by the compromise. In most of 
the matters in dispute the advantage has rested with the 
Hungarians, especially in the customs duties. 

The chief discontent was, and is still, in Transylvania, 
' Croatia, and Bohemia. The ancient principality of Tran- 
sylvania, long independent of Hungary, was now in 1868 
united with it, though less than a fourth of its people are 
of the Magyar stock. More than half the population of 
this little -known land is Roumanian, and desires union 
with its kindred south of the Carpathians ; while the Saxon 
descendants of the old German immigrants desire to keep 
their old laws and customs and not to have Hungarian 
government from Buda-Pesth. 

Much more serious, however, is the opposition of the 
Slavs of Croatia and Bohemia to fusion with Hungary and 
Austria respectively. The southern Slavs of Croatia, 
Slavonia, Bosnia, and Dalmatia. wish to see Francis Joseph 
crowned at Agram as king of i greater- Croatia. They 
detest the Magyar supremacy and tear down the official 
notices in the Magyar language ; and though they have a 
local Diet at Agram, subject to that of Buda-Pesth, they 
claim to have greater executive powers and independence 
of Magyar control. It is only the military prowess and 
patriotism of the Magyars which has won them their 
supremacy in their own monarchy, for they number less 
than 6,000,000, while their Slav subjects number about 
the same, the Roumanians about 2,900,000, and their 
German and other subjects about 2,000,000. 

There is the same anomaly in Austria, for there the 
dominant German race numbers 8,500,000, while there are 
12,000,000 of the northern Slavs in Bohemia, Moravia, 


and Galicia, who claim to be united with Austria as a 
federation under the same ruler. Fortunately for Austrian 
statesmanship the Slavs of Bohemia (called Tsechs) cannot 
agree with the Poles of Galicia on any practical plan for 
this federation; but the Tsechs have shown a bitter 
hostility to the German race ; and in the local Bohemian 
Diet at Prague they have so trampled upon German 
susceptibilities that the German deputies have recently 
retired from its sessions. 

In the south of Tyrol and along the coast-line of Istria 
and Dalmatia is an Italian population of some 500,000 ; 
but the Italian " Irredentist " agitation (i>. for the union of 
these districts, together with Nice and Corsica from France, 
and the Ticino from Switzerland, with Italy) has lately been 
put down by Italian statesmen. 

Only the loyalty of all these diverse races towards the 
House of Hapsburg could keep them in union; and 
Francis Joseph has merited more and more the regard of 
his subjects by promoting their interests and calming their 
mutual jealousies. 

Internal Policy. — It is impossible to describe briefly 
the complicated claims of the various provincial Diets, and 
the conflicts of the centralists and federalists in the Reichs- 
rath at Vienna. In 1871 Count Beust was succeeded as 
chancellor by the former Hungarian premier, Count 
Andrassy, who advocated a good understanding with 
Germany and the repression of the federalist claims made 
by the provinces of Austria. The government had already 
abolished its concordat, or agreement with the Roman 
Catholic Church, and had claimed authority over the edu- 
cation of the young. Both halves of the monarchy were 
engaged in reorganising the army and founding the adminis- 
tration on a modern conststutional basis very diflerent 

xxxviii] AUSTRIA- HUNGARY, 325 

from that in vogue before 1867; and the dual system 
seemed finally completed when the military frontier along 
the river Save was hani^led over to Hungary, and when 
Tisza, the leader of the Hungarian left or opposition, 
declared that he and his party now (1875) loyally accepted 
the compromise of 1867. He now took office in a coali- 
tion ministry at Buda-Pesth, and has ever since increased 
his authority in the Hungarian Diet; and he uses it to 
support Austria in her foreign policy. ' So in Hungary, as 
in France and Italy, those who had been the most furious 
opponents of their old governments have now come to be 
the steadfast supporters of the reformed systems. 

At Vienna a man of Irish descent, Count Taafe, who 
was a personal friend of Francis Joseph, headed a federalist 
ministry in 1879, and sought to appease the northern Slavs 
by every possible concession ; so the Bohemian deputies in 
1879 took their places again in the Vienna Reichsrath, from 
which they had retired; but their success at Prague has at 
present only seemed to envenom them against the Germans 
of Bohemia. 

Foreign Policy. — ^There is little doubt that Count 
Beust in 1870 had arranged secretly with Napoleon III 
for Austria to help France against Germany, and so win 
back her place in German affairs ; but the Russian under- 
standing with Prussia prevented Austria fi-om joining 
France. We have seen (p. 318) how Francis Joseph 
accepted the new order of things, and how he finally 
sought the support of Germany for a solution of the 
Eastern Question favourable to Austria. 

With the support of the English and German diplo- 
matists at the Berlin Conference (1878) Bosnia was to be 
occupied and administered by Austria, who thus became 
the sentinel on the Balkans as well as on her own Carpathian 


range. The province had to be almost conquered by her 
troops, and a rising was put down in 1882. It is now 
incorporated with the Empire, but is a source of weakness 
to it It not only increases the preponderance of the 
Slavonic race in the Empire, but its occupation anno3rs the 
Greeks, Servians, and Bulgarians, who think Austria means 
to advance to Salonica. Above all, Russia sees in Austria 
her great rival in the Eastern Question, and knows that if 
she reaches Constantinople by way of the Danube it must 
be against the forces of Austria- Hungary. A firm ad- 
herence to the alliance with Germany and Italy is the best 
security of the Dual Monarchy against its many domestic 
and foreign opponents ; and it has always gained as much 
strength from its difficulties as most other States have from 
times of prosperity. 



" Peace, peace, peace, do you say? 
And this the Mincio ? Where's the fleet, 
And Where's the sea ? " 

Mrs. Browning, 1859. 

Victor Emmanuel II j^°^ Sardinia (1849-18^ Pi„3 jx (1846 
I King of Italy (1861-1878). ^g g^ ^ ^ 

Ferdinand II . King of the Two Sicilies ( 1 830- 

1859). LeoXm(i878). 

Francis II . . King of the Two Sicilies (1859- 


Sardinia. — ^The only hope for the divided and disap- 
pointed Italians after the collapse of 1849 seemed to be in 
the character of the young king, Victor Emmanuel II, who 
had so valiantly fought at Novara, and after that crushing 
defeat had received the crown at the hands of his heart- 
broken father. The young king, now in his twenty-eighth year, 
was of the bold dashing spirit characteristic of the House 
of Savoy, and, in spite of some coarseness in his tastes, 
was of a frank and generous nature, and intensely devoted 
to his country. His burly frame, martial bearing, and 
devotion to field sports soon made him popular with all 
Italians, though in speech and sentiment he was more a 


Savoyard than Italian. He called himself and was called 
Ri Galantuamo (the honest king). 

He had to submit to hard tenns from the victorious 
Radetzky, viz. 100,000,000 francs war indemnity, dis- 
missal of all foreign troops (j,e, other than Sardinian), 
and the temporary occupation of part of his land and of 
its chief fortress Alessandria. Further humiliations the 
young king scorned to undergo, with the words, ''Our 
dynasty has been acquainted with misfortune, but it never 
stooped to dishonour," and Radetzky relented. 

The king called a Parliament at Turin, which ratified 
the terms of peace. He formed a Cabinet with the wise 
and prudent D'Azeglio first at its head, which began a 
course of prudent conciliation towards Austria and the 
French President, as well as the development of Pied- 
montese resources. Soon he called a remarkable man to 
take the helm of affairs as well as the ministry of finance, 
which sorely needed attention. 

Cavour. — The scion of an ancient Piedmontese family, 
Count Cavour early showed that resolute practical nature 
for which the Piedmontese have oflen been compared with 
Englishmen. Though the Sardinian kingdom had been 
exhausted by defeat and war indemnity, Cavour boldly 
spent money in furthering public works, and in the spread 
of popular education. A resolute free-trader himself ever 
since his residence in England, he abolished the com 
duties and reformed the tariff of the State, which soon 
recovered from the first loss. Besides pushing on the 
construction of railroads and telegraphs, he sUengthened 
the little kingdom by making Spezzia a powerful naval 
station. Thus at the London Exhibition of 1851 the 
tricolour green-white-and-red flag of the Sardinian kingdom 
was almost acknowledged as the Italian national colours. 

xxxix] THE UNITY OF ITALY. 329 

The bluff king and his trusty, skilful counsellor were almost 
worshipped by all other Italians who longed for their en- 
lightened rule. 

Count Cavour was still bolder in his foreign policy. 
Anxious to win the entire support of the two western 
Powers for the Italian cause, he persuaded the Turin 
Parliament to join them in the Crimean War. So while 
Austria selfishly remained neutral, though her interests were 
involved, Sardinia sent 15,000 troops, afterwards increased 
to 25,000, to the Crimea, where they distinguished them- 
selves at the battle of the Tchemaya. At the Paris Congress 
Cavour was admitted as the representative of Savoy, and 
claimed that the " Legations," or northern provinces of the 
Papal States, should be administered separately from Rome 
by secular officials ; but this was refused by the congress as 
beyond its powers to grant. England and France, however, 
showed their sympathy by secretly catising Austrian troops 
to evacuate Tuscany and the Legations (1856). 

Meanwhile the king and Cavour had earned the hostility ^ 
of Pope Pius IX by the Convent Bill. In Piedmont ^ 
there was one priest to every 227 of the laity ;^ and of the 
23,000 ecclesiastics in the kingdom of Sardinia, the few 
were rolling in wealth and ease, while the hard-worked 
village priests were often receiving only j[^2o a year. The 
Ratazzi Bill proposed to suppress the useless convents and \ 
use their revenues for the relief of these hard cases. In ' 
spite of the frantic opposition of the pope and the clerical 
party, the Bill was passed on May 22, 1855. As the pope 
was under Austrian and French influence, there was from 
this time a growing hostility between the national party and 
the clerical party, which was jealous of any advance from 
Turin upon Rome. 

^ The proportion in Austria was i to 600. 


War of Liberation. — ^The sight of well-ordered free- 
dom in the Sardinian realm was having its effect not only 
on other Italians, but also on French Liberals, who longed 
for " liberty as it was in Piedmont ; " and Napoleon felt 
himself drawn by the democratic current to intervene in 
Italy against Austria, the champion of autocracy. He met 
Cavour at Plombibres in the summer of 1858, and his cousin. 
Prince Jerome Napoleon,^ married Clotilde, the daughter 
of Victor Emmanuel His declaration to the Austrian 
ambassador on New Year's Day 1859, that he was on 
I unfriendly terms with the Emperor Francis Joseph, was 
echoed by Victor Emmanuel's words to the Turin Parlia- 
ment, " I will not be deaf to the cry of anguish which rises 
from so many parts of Italy." 

Austria's peremptory summons to Sardinia to disarm 
was met with a refusal ; and the wavering Napoleon finally 
sent over 100,000 troops across the Alps, or by sea to 
Genoa, to join the 65,000 Piedmontese. The 100,000 
Austrians under Count Gyulay, after crossing the Ticino, 
waited to be attacked between it and the Po, instead of 
crushing the Piedmontese before they were joined by the 
French. At last Gyulay pushed forward a reconnoitring 
force, which was worsted at Montebello. The active 
Garibaldi with 3200 volunteers pressed into the north of 
Lombardy, occupied Como, and even threatened Milan; 
but the French and Piedmontese governments were jealous 
of his volunteer force, and he accomplished little of 
importance. The Austrians retired across the Ticino 
before the main French and Piedmontese armies, and at 
Magenta they contested the crossing. For a time Napoleon 

^ Born in 1822, a descendant of Jerome, once King of Westphalia, he 
was destined by Napoleon III for the throne of Central Italy ; nicknamed 
Plon-Plon by the French. 

xxxix] THE UNITY OF ITALY. 331 

and his guards were hard pressed, but MacMahon (June 
4, 1859), having crossed the river higher up, came in time 
to decide the day for the allies. For this he was created 
Due de Magenta. The allies lost 4000 men, but the 
Austrians, with a loss of 6000 men, hastily retired across 
the Mincio, thus handing over nearly all Lombardy to 
the allied armies, which entered Milan amidst wild 

This retreat of the Austrians inside their famous quad- 
rilateral of fortresses (Mantua, Peschiera, Verona, and 
Legnago) encouraged the Italians of Central Italy to strike 
for national unity. The Dukes of Tuscany and Modena 
and the Duchess Louisa of Parma fled from their capitals. 
In the Papal States the pope's legate had to retire from 
Bologna when the Austrians left, and the populace pro- 
claimed the dictatorship of Victor Emmanuel. Even in 
Umbria the Papal Swiss troops had to storm Perugia to 
keep that province for the pope. 

Solferino. — Francis Joseph himself now took command 
of the Austrians and determined not to act on the defensive 
inside the " Quadrilateral," but with his army, now raised 
to some 200,000 men, to meet the allied armies in 
Lombardy. He posted his army on an amphitheatre of 
hills near the south-west end of Lake Garda, with Solferino 
as his centre. The French, armed with better cannon and 
guns, were several times driven back, but in the afternoon 
they remained masters of the Austrian centre. The 
Piedmontese on the allied left seven times stormed the hill 
of San Martino, from which they were as often dislodged 
by its stubborn defender Benedek, till late in the evening 
he too was dislodged The Austrians withdrew in good 
order over the Mincio with the loss of some 25,000 men and 
6000 prisoners, but the allies had lost nearly as heavily. 


Villafranca. — Prince Jerome Napoleon, who landed 
with a French force at L^hom, had been received with 
litde favour in Tuscany; for it was suspected that the 
Emperor wished to create him ruler of Central Italy. In 
fact, Napoleon had wished to see Victor Emmanuel King 
of Piedmont, Lombardy, and Venetia, Joseph Napoleon 
sovereign of the duchies of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena, 
and of the Romagna, while the Two Sicilies were to go to 
the heir of Joachim Murat With Rome occupied by 
French troops, this would have made Italy a federation 
under Napoleon's control When the popular demonstra- 
tions at Florence, Parma, Modena, and Bologna, in favour 
of union with Sardinia, showed these partitions to be im- 
possible. Napoleon determined not to undertake the 
reduction of the " Quadrilateral" Demonstrations in South 
Germany in favour of Austria gave him the excuse of 
fearing an attack from Prussia, who was mobilising her 
forces. So at Villafranca, near Verona, Napoleon met 
Francis Joseph and arranged the preliminaries of peaoe 
without the presence of Victor Emmanuel (July n). 
Austria was to cede all Lombardy, except the fortress and 
district of Mantua, to Napoleon, by him to be transferred 
to Victor Emmanuel ; but she was still to retain Venetia and 
the fortress of Mantiia The potentates were to be restored 
to the central duchies on the vote of their subjects, but not 
by foreign interventioa These terms were ratified in the 
Treaty of Zurich (November 1859). 

Union with Central Italy — Loss of Savoy and 
Nice. — ^The news of this sudden change of front astonished 
Europe and maddened the Italians. Cavour resigned his 
ministry at Turin; but in January i860 he was recalled 
by Victor Emmanuel during the negotiations which ensued 
about the central duchies and an Italian Confederatioa 

xxxix] THE UNITY OF ITALY. 333 

The emperor proposed that the pope should be head of 
the federate and reformed Italian States which he wished 
to create. The pope refused to reform and secularise his 
government, and Napoleon now inclined to the severance 
of- the Legations from the Papal States ; for by a plebiscite 
the central duchies and the Legations in August and 
September 1859 voted almost unanimously for union with 
Victor Emmanuel's realm. So finally (in March i860), 
with Napoleon's consent, and with the support of England 
to Cavour's diplomacy, all the central duchies and the 
Papal Legations joined the Sardinian realm, which now 
extended from Mont Blanc to Rimini on the Adriatic, and 
included the rich duchy of Tuscany. In vain did the pope 
denounce his spoliators with excommunication. The sense 
of national unity was stronger than religious discipline. 

The Papal States^ proper still barred the southward 
expansion of the Sardinian monarchy, and the king had 
been obliged to give Savoy and Nice to France. Victor 
Emmanuel and Cavour had in 1858 promised Savoy to 
Napoleon in return for the freedom of North Italy, and 
now the price for Napoleon's consent to the union of 
Central Italy under Victor Emmanuers rule was the cession 
of Savoy and also Nice to him. The Turin Parliament by 
a large majority ratified this ces$ion, in spite of a fiery 
protest from Garibaldi against the cession of Italian Nice. 
Victor Emmanuel said that he surrendered Savoy, the 
" glorious cradle of his race," ^ in return for Central Italy. 
In fact, he could not incur the enmity of France, as well 

^ That is, the Roman territory, Umbria, and the Marches. 

* Savoy was a relic of the Burgundian territories of the old Counts of 
Savoy. The House of Savoy henceforth became entirely Italian, and no 
longer half French, half Piedmontese. At Vienna in 1 8 1 5 it had been imder- 
stood that if Savoy went to any other Power, it would go to Switzerland. 


as of Austria and the pope; while Cavour saw that the 
•North Italian State might, with the support of France, soon 
advance £uther south ; for the French Emperor was open to 
generous enthusiasms, one c^ them being that he would 
regenerate the Latin races and restore them to a level with 
the Teutonic races both in Europe and America. The 
regeneration of South Italy was, however, to be effected by 
a very different man. 

Gkuibaldi frees South Italy. — Mr. Gladstone, after 
a visit to Naples in 185 1, had written to Lord Aberdeen's 
government a description of the state of things in the Two 
Sicilies. Prisoners were left in the State-prisons in the 
vilest surroundings for months without the pretence of a 
trial. The constitution which Ferdinand II (nicknamed 
King Bomba) gave in 1848 had been first evaded and then 
nullified. His son Francis II, who succeeded him in May 
1859, persevered in this oppression with all the cruelty of 
fear, and all South Italy groaned under a dull despotic 
sway upheld by the priests. 

It had even been proposed to send the allied English 
and French fleets to Naples in 1856 on their return fi-om 
the Crimea, to bring Ferdinand II to reason; and in i860 
Lord John Russell said that the Neapolitan Government 
must take the consequences of " misgovemment which had 
no parallel in all Europe." 

The freedom-loving Sicilians were with difficulty kept 
down in April i860 on hearing the news from North and 
Central Italy. So Mazzini felt that the tyrant of South 
Italy could be best attacked in Sicily, and prepared a 
revolt at Palermo. Garibaldi and Crispi, a Sicilian, 
gathered together the famous " thousand " volunteers along 
the Italian Riviera, west of Genoa, secretly embarked them 
on two steamers, and landed them at Marsala on the west 

xxxix] THE UNITY OF ITALY. 335 

coast of Sicily^ (May 14, i860). His volunteers routed 
King Francis' troops in the streets of Palermo, so that 
they finally agreed to evacuate all Sicily except Milazzo and 
Messina. After the speedy capture of these two places 
Oaribaldi prepared to deHver the mainland. 

Meanwhile Count Cavour had sent the Sardinian ad- 
miral Persano after Garibaldi, ostensibly to hinder him 
from his mad enterprise, but with secret instructions to 
help him ;* so Garibaldi disregarded the request of Victor 
Emmanuel that he would content himself with freeing 
Sicily, and replied that he would not sheath his sword till 
the King of Sardinia was King of all Italy. Garibaldi was 
now at the head of some 25,000 men ; and, cleverly eluding 
the Neapolitan fleet, he conveyed the pick of these troops 
across the straits and captured Reggio by a night attack. 
From this fortress his march northward along the rugged 
Calabrian coast-line was one triumphal procession. The 
troops of the Bourbon sovereign refused to fight a man 
whom they feared as the devil incarnate, while the excited 
peasants hailed him as "our second Jesus Christ." At 
one place 7000 Bourbon troops laid down their arms on 
being summoned to surrender to Garibaldi. All resistance 
ceased as he advanced, and at Salerno he left his carriage 
and took the train for Naples with thirteen English com- 
rades. The only delay to his progress was caused by the 
enthusiasts, who even climbed on to the engine. In this 
extraordinary way Garibaldi entered Naples, which was 
mad with delight at his arrival, and the few Bourbon troops 
left in the fortress of St Elmo soon threw up their caps for 

1 Lord John Russell, in a letter to Hudson, our ambassador at Turin, 
compared this expedition to that of William of Ora^e to free England ; 
and Palmerston allowed English men-of-war to encourage and even help 


GaribaldL Francis II and his remaining 40,000 tr€X>ps 
retired to the Voltumo river, some twenty miles north of 
Naples. There Garibaldi with nearly the same numbers 
attacked, and after a sharp struggle routed, the Bourbon 
troops (October i, i860). Francis II and his courageous 
young queen, who inspired the defenders of Gaeta by her 
example, after its surrender retired to Rome. So ended 
in Italy the rule of the Bourbons. This once powerful 
royal house now held only the throne of Spain. 

The Kingdom of Italy. — Gaeta had been besieged 
not by the Garibaldians, but by Victor Emmanuel's Pied- 
montese troops ; for the court of Turin had intervened to 
unite Southern with Northern Italy, and also to prevent 
the enthusiastic Garibaldi from rushing on Rome and 
thus causing a war with Napoleon. So Victor Emmanuel 
marched south, overthrew the Papal troops at Castelfidardo 
(September 18, i860), took Ancona, and issued a mani- 
festo to the people of South Italy, calling on them to 
proclaim their will "I know that I close the era of 
revolution in Italy," were his proud and true i^ords. Gari- 
baldi with noble self-effacement had joined constitutional 
royalists, thus separating himself from the republican 
Mazzini, who soon had to leave Italy. 

After the victory on the Voltumo Garibaldi rode forward 
to meet Victor Emmanuel, and, clasping his hand, laid 
down the dictatorship of South Italy (October 26, i860). 
Never was a mad enterprise crowned by so brilliant a tri- 
umph and by so noble an act of self-renunciation. To Count 
Cavour belongs the credit of secretly guiding and aiding 
Garibaldi, and of securing the neutrality of Napoleon during 
Victor Emmanuel's march through the Papal States. This 
was no easy matter, for Napoleon's troops were supporting 
the pope in Rome, and the ambassadors of all the conti- 

xxxix] THE UNITY. OF ITALY, 337 

nental Powers left Turin ; only England showed its approval 
of these events in vigorous cheering words from Lord Pal- 
merston. Desire for friendship with England soon brought 
a reconciliation between Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel, 
especially when the plebiscite of South Italy showed the 
strength of the popular demand for a constitutional monarchy. 
1,700,000 affirmative votes, with only 11,000 negatives, 
showed the desire of South Italy for unity with North Italy 
under the rule of Victor Emmanuel (October 21, i860). 

In the following month the Papal provinces of Umbria 
and the Marches voted almost unanimously for union with 
Victor Emmanuel's realm ; and in spite of renewed spiritual 
denunciations by the helpless pope, they formed the con- 
necting link between South and North Italy." Thus by 
the end of i860 Italy was a great nation of 22,000,000 
inhabitants. On the i6th March 1861 Victor Emmanuel, 
according to a vote of the Turin Parliament, took the title of 
TTing of Italy. The new kingdom was at once recog- 
nised by England and more tardily by the continental 
Powers, which feared to offend their Catholic subjects. The 
liberator of South Italy had at once retired to his island 
home of Caprera, in order not to embarrass the new govern- 
ment by his presence at Naples ; and, indeed, the moral 
and intellectual torpor of South Italy made its union with 
the vigorous North a matter of great difficulty. The sup- 
porters of the fallen dynasty long encouraged brigandage, 
which was, and still is, the curse of South Italy. Even now 
Calabria is a century behind Piedmont in progress and 

The statesman who had so skilfully directed Italian aspi- 
rations after unity did not live to see it quite completed. 
" Rome is the natural capital of Italy,'' he said in the Turin 
Parliament, and he longed to see there " a free Church in a 



free State " ; but he succumbed to his great exertions, and 
died on June 6, 1861. His diplomatic skill had used 
Napoleon's autocratic power and had guided Garibaldi's 
republican zeal alike, towards the one object of uniting 
Italy under a constitutional monarchy. His successors at 
Turin, first Ricasoli, then Rattazzi, were unequal to the 
task of keeping Garibaldi from flying at the French troops 
which supported the pope at Rome. His energetic hand 
was needed to restore order to the finances, which for several 
years showed enormous deficits; and Victor Emnianuel 
soon after his death had cause to say, " If Cavour had lived 
we should have been at Rome in six months." 

Aspromonte. — Napoleon had consented to the spoli- 
ation of the Papal States in 1859 and i860, and for this 
was abused by the clericals as " the new Pilate " ; but he 
was determined to support the pope at Rome and its im- 
mediate vicinity, because the French troops at Rome gave 
France preponderating power in the peninsula. But 
as Napoleon often changed his purposes the Rattazzi 
ministry formed at Turin in March 1862 allowed Garibaldi 
to start a campaign in Sicily which was to overthrow the 
pope if Napoleon allowed it The cry of "Rome or death ! " 
rang through all Italy. The hero's progress through Sicily 
was one long triumph. He was allowed to cross the Strait 
of Messina ; but on the rugged Calabrian coast at Aspro- 
monte he was stopped by the Italian royal troops, himself 
wounded and captured, and his followers dispersed (August 
29, 1862). He was imprisoned at Spezzia, and soon allowed 
to retire to the seclusion of Caprera. This double-dealing 
on the part of Rattazzi, due to Napoleon's duplicity, created 
violent emotion among all patriots, and caused his fall and 
the formation of the Minghetti ministry, which hoped to 
win over the unstable French Emperor by diplomacy. 



The September Convention (1864). — Napoleon had 
been stung by the taunts of Cardinal Antonelli, and, wishing 
to appease the wrath of all Liberals, he consented to with- 
draw the French troops from Rome within two years, pro- 
vided that the Italians showed their renunciation of Rome 
as the national capital by removing the seat of government 
from Turin to Florence.^ After this proposal was laid 
before the Turin Parliament, blood flowed in the streets 
of Turin, which for four centuries had been a capital. 
Minghetti gave way to a ministry under General La 
Marmora. It was forcibly urged, however, that Florence 
was safer than Turin from a French or Austrian invasion ; 
and Florence was proclaimed the capital of Italy on April 
26, 1865, an indemnity being paid to Turin for the loss it 
sustained. The French troops were gradually withdrawn 
from Rome to give the pope time to form a Papal army, 
composed of foreigners and officered mainly by Frenchmen, 
while the Italian kingdom was bound by the Convention 
not to attack the Papal territory. 

Liberation of Venetia. — Cavour had warned his 

^ The Italians, however, regarded this removal as one stage on the road 
to Rome. History and geography pointed out Rome as the only possible 
capital for a imited Italy, whatever the Convention might declare. 


countrymen not to win any more territory by the aid of 
France, and the course of events pointed to Prussia as 
the ally which could aid Italy in driving out the Austrians 
from Venetia. The Itahan Government had in 1865 
made a favourable commercial treaty with the German 
ZoUverein, and the hostility of both Prussia and Italy to 
<« Austria drew them together to an offensive and defensive 
alliance which was to bring salvation and unity to each of 
the allies (April 8, 1866). The La Marmora Cabinet, in 
spite of yearly deficits, borrowed 300,000,000 francs, and 
placed fleet and army on a war footing. 

The campaign in Venetia was a failure. La Marmora, 
called to be commander- in -chie( divided the 200,000 
Italian troops, part under Cialdini to invade Venetia near 
the mouth of the Po, part to advance over the Mincio 
against the 100,000 Austrians under Archduke Albrecht 
in the Quadrilateral, and part as reserve in Lombardy. 
He himself led the main body across the Mincio; but 
near the ill-omened field of Custozza, fatal to Italy in 
1848, the Italians, superior in numbers, but wanting in 
steadiness and badly handled by La Marmora, were 
thoroughly beaten (June 24, 1866). All their forces had 
to retreat, and only a secret convention with Napoleon 
kept the Austrians from invading Lombardy. So a fort- 
night's truce ensued, during which Prussia won Venetia for 
Italy on the heights of Koniggratz. Garibaldi with his 
volunteers effected little in the hill country around the 
lakes, and in the Trent valley. He was defeated and 
wounded in a skirmish at Monte Suello. Finally, the 
Italian fleet under Persano, off the island of Lissa in the 
Adriatic, was defeated by a less powerful Austrian squadron 
under the brave old Tegetthof (July 20, 1866). 

Francis Joseph hastily ceded Venetia to Napoleon, by 


him. to be handed over to Victor Emmanuel. In this 
humiliating way Italy gained all Venetia; but Garibaldi 
expressed the national feeling when he said, "Italy asks 
no veil to hide her dishonour." Yet Italy, by detaining 
100,000 Austrian troops with their ablest general in 
Venetia, had aided Prussia's brilliant victories in Bohemia ; 
and the Austrian Emperor showed that he felt this by seek- ^ 
ing to appease Italy in order to save Vienna from the 
Prussians.^ La Marmora and Ricasoli had to resign, and 
Rattazzi again formed a ministry of radicals. 

Montana. — By the end of 1866 Italy was entirely freed 
from foreign troops—^or the first time since the old Roman 
Empire; 2 but Garibaldi, smarting under the defeats of 
1866, longed to make a dash at the Papal legion which 
now defended Rome. The king's government was in 
honour bound by the September Convention of 1864 to 
prevent this, and had the restless hero conveyed to Caprera 
and there watched. Garibaldi escaped in an open bo^t 
during a foggy night to Sardinia, thence he passed to 
Leghorn, and was soon at the head of enthusiastic .volun- 
teers, so that the Rattazzi ministry feared, or pretended to 
fear, to arrest him while he was exciting the populace of 
Florence. Napoleon again intervened to protect the pope, . 
and Rattazzi resigned office when French troops landed to 
protect Rome. These met and scattered the ill-armed 
Garibaldians at Mentana, near Rome (November 4, 1867). 
The Florence Government again arrested Garibaldi and 
soon allowed him to return to Caprera ; while the French 
troops remained at Rome, as Napoleon intended that they 
should. Soon the imperial minister Rouher declared to 
the Corps L^gislatif that the Italians should ^^ never ^* enter 
Rome. The active support of Prussia and the friendship 

^ See p. 297. ^ Gallenga, •• Pope and king." 


of England were to avail more for Italy than Rouher's 
" never." 

The Papal Power. — ^The pope had always jealously 
excluded representative government from his territory ever 
since the events of 1848 and 1849 had dispelled his 
Liberalism. The government was conducted by the 
cardinals who advised the pope. The Jesuits^ whom he 
had driven from Rome when he granted a constitution 
(1847), ^^^^ ^o^ ^ &vour and urged him to assert his 
spiritual and temporal power. In all times those who 
wished to extend the pope's power across the Alpsr {ultra 
monies) were called Ultramontanes. This party sought to 
revive the waning prestige of the Papacy by an CEcume- 
nical Council — i,e, one representing the " inhabited globe." 
So, in December 1869, 722 prelates assembled in the 
Council Hall of the Vatican at Rome and — ^in spite of some 
opposition from the Old Catholics of Germany — affirmed 
the doctrine of Papal infallibility in religious matters. But 
though the Papacy thus gained firmer hold over the 
Catholics of France and Germany, it was soon to lose its 
temporal power in Italy. 

Rome the Capital — ^The news of the Franco-German 
war and of the disaster of Sedan roused the "party of 
action " in Italy to a fever of excitement. The republicans 
in Rome and the followers of Mazzini, who had returned 
to Italy, threatened to expel the pope themselves, Victor 
Emmanuers govemment arrested Mazzini, for it held 
itself bound by the September Convention of 1864 with 
Napoleon, though he had sent back French troops to 
occupy Rome. When these were withdrawn to France, 
and Napoleon's government collapsed in the street riot at 
Paris, the new French Foreign Minister, Jules Favre, a 
friend to Italy, did not oppose the king's march on Rome. 


So Victor Emmanuel marched on Rome "to maintain 
order, and secure the safety of His Holiness." The 
pope ordered his 12,000 troops to resist, so as to show 
force was offered to the pontiff; but on September 
20, 1870, the Italian troops pressed into Rome through a 
breach near the Porta Pia, and Rome was won for 
Italy. The Papal troops, mostly French or Irish, were 
marched out of Rome and sent away by sea; while the 
pope was to retain full power over the spacious Vatican 
and its precincts. What he lost in temporal power he 
gained in spiritual power, which was no longer associated 
with a despotic rule upheld by mercenary troops. Out of 
175,000 voters in the Papal States only 1500 voted against 
union with Italy. 

A new National Assembly decreed that Rome should 
be the capital, and Victor Emmanuel took his residence ini 
the Quirinal Palace, July 2, 1871, the first ruler of a united 
Italy since the time of the old Roman Empire. Twelve 
years before he was only King of Sardinia : 1859-60 won 
Lombardy, the central duchies, and South Italy: 1866 
saw Venetia freed: and now in 1870 the corner-stone was 
placed on the structure of Italian unity. 

The Italians only needed the prestige of Rome as 
capital to become one of the great Powers. They were 
now one nation of twenty-five millions united in patriotism, 
though divided by sharp differences of dialect and social 
well-being. Rome, Naples, and all Southern Italy needed 
education, public works, and railways, to bring them up to 
a level with industrious Piedmont and Lombardy. 

Italy had many difficulties to face — the bitter hostility 
of the pope, the jealousy which soon sprang up between 
South and North Italy, *the brigandage and demoralisation 
of Sicily and South Italy, an enormous debt and yearly 


deficit caused by lavish expenditure on the army and navy 
and on a crowd of new officials.^ 

The first was the most serious. Victor Emmanuel, a 
good Catholic himself had been forced by the popular 
demand to take Rome, or it would have been taken by 
Mazzini and have become a republic, as in 1848-49. But 
the king sincerely wished for a reconciliation with the 
Vatican. He engaged in his opening speech to the first 
Parliament in Rome (November 1871) to recognise "the 
fullest independence of the pope's spiritual authority." 
The pope, however, refused to withdraw his anathemas 
against his *' spoliators," and to recognise the king's 
government at Rome. He even represented himself as a 
persecuted prisoner in the Vatican. The only really 
hostile act of the Italian Parliament at first was the 
abolition of monasteries in the Roman territory (1873). 
The clerical party sought to influence first Thiers, then 
MacMahon, against the Italian Government, but this 
only drove Victor; Emmanuel to friendship with Germany 
and then with Austria (1873). This friendship with the 
central Powers has since ripened into a formal alliance 
(1881). This was brought about by the aggressive action 
of France towards Italy in seizing Tunis, and by the fear 
of Italy that Russia may advance southward to the ^gean 
and become a Mediterranean power. So Italy has spent 
vast sums on her army and navy. Compulsory military or 
naval service has been enforced, and eight huge ironclads 
built at vast expense \ but Italy's adhesion to the " League 
of Peace" has diminished the chances of aggressive war 
from France or Russia. 

The expenses of the new government were so enormous 
that the people were weighed down by grinding taxation, 

^ At the ministiy of Finance alone there was a stafif of 4000 clerks. 


such as the grist tax, the monopoly of salt and tobacco, 
the house tax, which in many towns was nearly half of the 
yearly rental, and by crushing import duties. In a few 
years the expenditure nearly doubled ; but as it was largely 
on education and public improvements, the revenue event- 
ually kept pace with it. The poverty of the peasants is still 
extreme, and brigandage, which was rife for many years in 
the south, has even now not disappeared in Sicily. 

In 1876 the moderate party which continued the 
traditions of Cavour was overthrown in the Parliament by 
the advanced democrats. Mazzini had died at Pisa in 
1872; but Garibaldi, on his return from his unfortunate 
enterprises in France (1870-1871), degenerated more and 
more into a rabid demagogue whose utterances in the 
Chamber pained his best friends. He died in 1882 at 
Caprera. Of his early comrades in arms, Nicotera, Crispi 
the Sicilian, and Cairoli, who had lost three brothers in 
the wars, have since formed democratic ministries which 
have quickly been dissolved or re-mpulded. Depretis, 
Cairoli, or Crispi for many years headed a democratic 
ministry, which, however, has held fast to the central 
European alliance.^ In other respects the Italian 
Chambers, founded on the French model, have followed 
French democrats in adopting almost universal suffrage 
and a sceptical attitude towards religion. But amidst 
many administrative blunders and much extravagance the 
Italian democrats have remained loyal to the House of 

At the beginning of the year 1878 Italy and Europe 
were deeply moved by the decease of two potentates in 

1 So these ministers did their best to stop the Italian "Irredentist" 
agitation for regaining all the Italian or south part of Tyrol and of the 
Dalmatian coast-line. 


Rome. On January 9 the sturdy King Victor Emmanuel 
suddenly died at the QuirinaL A month afterwards in 
the Vatican the waning life of the aged Pope Pius IX 
slowly flickered out On his accession to the Papal chair 
in 1846 he had been the hope of all Italian patriots; he 
ended his days protesting against the acts of the king who 
had led Italy from the defeat of Novara (1849) ^o ^^ 
final triumph at Rome in 1870. In his public life Victor 
Emmanuel was the model of a constitutional sovereign. 
Brave and impetuous as he was, he loyally worked with his 
Parliament and ministers. Like King William of Prussia, 
he was a plain, straightforward man, who was carried along 
by the national impulse towards unity. By guiding this 
impulse, by cautiously attempting one thing at a time, and 
by gaining the help of foreign Powers, the " honest king " 
achieved a success which a more brilliant ruler might have 
missed His eldest son Humbert found in the new pope, 
Leo XIII, a cautious but firm opponent, and the Vatican 
has never recognised the king's government in Rome. 



Russia. Turkey. 

Nicholas, 1 825- 1 855. Mahmoud II, 1808-1839. 

Alexander II, 1855-1881. Abdul Meschid, 1839-1861. 

Alexander III, 1881. Abdul Aziz, 1861-1876. 

Murad V, 1876. 

Abdul Hamid, 1876. 

The Czar Nicholas, who succeeded his brother Alexander 
in December 1825, soon showed his vigorous masterful 
spirit by crushing a military rising in Moscow and Kiev. 
He then conquered the Turks (1827) and reduced them 
to a state of dependence on Russia which the Treaty of 
Unkiar Iskelessi seemed to confirm. He had also in 1 83 1 
stamped out the Polish insurrection ; but in 1 840 the active 
intervention of Lord Palmerston in favour of the Sultan 
against his rebellious Egyptian vassal led to the " Treaty of 
the Straits" (1840), which freed the Sultan from the 
influence of Russia and confirmed him in possession of 
Syria. This had been brought about by the short-sighted 
adhesion of the Czar Nicholas to English intervention, 
which was backed by Austria and Prussia in a quadruple 

The semi-Asiatic character of the Russian State and 
people secured her from the convulsions of 1848, for 
Poland remembered 1831 with terror, and Turkey was in 


a comparative calm ; but the Eastern Question was soon to 
break out in one of its many phases. 

The Crimean War. — In January 1853 the Czar 
Nicholas said in conversation with the English ambassador 
in St. Petersburg, in reference to Turkey, " We have a sick 
man on our hands, whom no doctor can cure," and he 
hinted that Moldavia and Wallachia might, after his speedy 
decease, come under a Russian protectorate, while Bul- 
garia, Servia, and Bosnia might become "independent" 
States (of course friendly to Russia). If England was 
inclined to take Egypt and Crete, he had no objection to 
her taking such compensation. In making these over- 
tures the czar knew that Lord Aberdeen's ministiy was 
inclined to peace almost at any price, and had abandoned 
the vigorous support of Turkey which Palmerston had 
given. The English ambassador denied that Turkey was 
in such a desperate condition, and refused any share in the 
bargain. Nicholas had also offended Napoleon III by 
refusing to call him "my brother" in his diplomatic 
addresses; and the latter, impelled also by motives of 
policy, saw in the dispute about the " holy places " a means 
of slighting or overcoming the czar. 

The pilgrims of the Greek and Roman Catholic 
Churches had disputes as to their rights at Jerusalem, and 
Napoleon III proposed to the sultan that he should give 
the Romish pilgrims larger rights than to the more 
numerous pilgrims of the Greek Church, who were 
championed by the czar. Nicholas retorted by sending 
Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople to claim for Russia 
a religious protectorate over all Greek Christians in the 
Turkish dominions. The imperious Menschikoff came in 
overcoat and riding-boots to claim this from the Turkish 
Council of State (or Divan), and on a firm refusal being 


given he departed with threats, while the Sultan Abdul 
Meschid by a firman or decree confirmed his Christian 
subjects in their rights before the law. Nicholas at once 
marched 40,000 Russians across the Pruth to hold 
Moldavia and Wallachia as a "pledge" from the Porte. 
Thereupon the British ministry ordered its Mediterranean 
fleet to Besika Bay at the mouth of the Dardanelles, and 
placed it at the disposal of the British ambassador at 
Constantinople, Sir Stratford de Redcliffe, an able and 
ambitious man bitterly hated by the czar. 

The diplomatists of the great Powers assembled at 
Vienna to ward off war, but in vain : Russia and Turkey 
held to their extreme demands, for the czar believed that 
Austria and Prussia would certainly support him, while the 
Turks trusted to the active aid of England and France. 
Finally Turkey declared war in case the Russian troops did 
not evacuate its Danubian territory (October 4, 1853). 
Russia declared war on November i. The Turkish troops 
under Omar Pacha gained a success over the Russians at 
Oltenizza (November 4), but a Turkish squadron was 
attacked and destroyed by the Russian admiral Nakhimoff 
at Sinope (November 30, 1853). 

The people of England were now carried away by a 
generous enthusiasm to aid Turkey in her struggle against 
the overwhelming power of Russia, for they remembered 
how Russia had crushed the Poles in 1 83 1 and the Hun- 
garians in 1849. They thought this to be the best oppor- 
tunity for curbing the power of the despot of Eastern 
Europe, and believed in the sincerity of the Turkish pro- 
mises of reform and good government. In March 1854 
England and France declared wax against Russia, in order 
to protect Turkey and restore the balance of power threat- 
ened by Russia. The unbending czar met with two other 


disappointments — ^viz. the failure of the Christians of Tur- 
key to rise in support of their deliverers, and the inde- 
pendent attitude which the young Austrian emperor was 

The Servians, Bulgarians, and Bosnians did not rise 
against the Turkish yoke, as they saw the Russians were 
beaten back by the Turks at Oltenizza, and again at Cetate, 
near Kalafat The Turkish garrison at Silistria, supported 
by English and German officers, foiled the Russian general 
Paskiewitch, who finally withdrew his troops across the 
Danube (June 21, 1854), and even across the Pruth. This 
was caused by the ravages of disease among his troops and 
by the threatening attitude of the Austrian troops in the 
Carpathians on the Russian rear ; and these now, to the 
chagrin of the czar, advanced through the Carpathian passes 
and occupied Moldavia and Wallachia. The young Austrian 
emperor had broken away from the tutelage of the czar, 
who, since his services in 1849, had said, "Whatever I 
say also holds good for Austria." In fact, Austria was 
deeply concerned in the Eastern Question, for she had over 
3,000,000 Roumanians and Serbs in her southern border- 
lands, beside 18,000,000 Slavonians in the whole Empire. 

It seemed again that peace might be restored ; for though 
an English and French force had landed at Varna (July 
1854) they found no foe but the cholera, which swept off 
their troops. But the French emperor, as well as the Eng- 
lish people, desired to cripple Russia. So the expedition 
made a sudden descent on the Crimea to destroy the fortress 
of Sevastopol, which menaced Turkey. The English forces 
were led by Lord Raglan, who lost an arm at Waterloo, 
whose calm courage and. unfailing tact never failed him 
through all the troubles and disputes of this campaign. 
The French commander was St Amaud, who had aided 


Napoleon in the coup diktat. He soon succumbed to 
cholera, and was succeeded by Canrobert. 

The allied forces, 25,000 English, 23,000 French, and 
some 5000 Turks, landed in the Crimea south of Eupatoria, 
and stormed the heights of the Alma, held by an almost 
equal force of Russians under Prince Menschikoff (Septem- 
ber 20, 1854). The latter now stopped up the mouth of 
Sevastopol harbour by sinking his war-ships, and prepared 
for a defence; but the allies were hindered by divided 
counsels, insufficient stores, and above all by the cholera. 
A sudden dash would have seized the north side of Sevasto- 
pol harbour, which was only defended by a few forts ; but 
the allied army made the dangerous march round to the 
southern side, so as to be near their ships in the harbour of 
Balaclava. Meanwhile the fortifications of Sevastopol had 
been strengthened by earthworks planned by the engineer 
Todleben, a German in the Russian service; and as the 
north side was not besieged Russian reinforcements con- 
stantly came in : so that the might of Eastern and Western 
Europe was concentrated in this extraordinary siege. ^ 

Balaclava* — Inkermann. — On the 17th October 1854 
a bombardment of the Sevastopol forts by the allied 
fleets was repelled, and the Russians on the 25 th October 
sought to drive the allies back on their fleet at Balaclava. 
After a struggle marred by strange "blunders on both sides, 
but redeemed on ours by two splendid charges of the Heavy 
Brigade and the Light Brigade of cavalry, the Russian attack 
was repulsed. In the early morning mist of the 4th Novem- 
ber, 40,000 Russians, swarming up the heights from the Inker- 
mann valley, pressed in on the English lines, and though 
our 6000 men stoutly contested every foot of ground, they 

^ It was really an attack and defence, for the fortress was never 
invested on all sides. 


were being slowly driven back to their camp, when the 
French under Bosquet brought reinforcements. Then the 

Russians, taken in flank and decimated by artillery fire, were 
hurled back with the loss of 10,000 men. The allies lost 
nearly 5000. 

The winter was now the most terrible foe to the allies, 
who were badly provided with needful supplies, for their 
ships had been shattered in a terrible storm on November 
14. The English public, indignant at official mismanage- 
ment, called for a more vigorous ministry, and Lord Pal- 
merston replaced the pafcific Lord Aberdeen. Soon a rail- 
way was laid from Balaclava harbour to the allied camps. 

The Russian reinforcements, toiling painfully along to 
the south, lost heavily, and out of the quarter of a million 
men which Russia lost in this struggle, by far the most suc- 
cumbed to cold or disease. These troubles wore out the 
Czar Nicholas, who died (March 2, 1855), and was succeeded 
by his eldest son, the more peaceable Alexander IL 


FaJl of Sevastopol — The allied squadrons had 
effected nothing of importance in the Gulf of Finland 
except the bombardment of Bomarsund on the Aland 
islarid and of Sveaborg in August 1854; but in the Black 
Sea the English fleet silenced the forts at Kertch, forced 
the straits there, and destroyed Russian supplies and stores 
along the shores of the Sea of Azov (June 1855). 

Meanwhile Todleben had strengthened Sevastopol by 
numerous earthworks, especially by the great Malakoff work. 
The defenders now numbered some 150,000 men, and the 
allies 170,000, including 15,000 Sardinians. Moreover, 
Austria signed a defensive union with the allies. Canrobert, 
exhausted by the siege, resigned in favour of the more reso- 
lute Pelissier, and in June 1855 Lord Raglan's death by 
cholera placed General Simpson at the head of the English 
forces. His death had been accelerated by the failure on 
June 18 of the first attack on the Malakoff and Redan 
works, which cost the allies some 6000 men ; but a Russian 
sortie along the valley of the Tchemaya was beaten back 
by the French and Sardinian troops ; and after a terrible 
bombardment by the allies the Malakoff was taken by the 
Fre^ch under MacMahon, though our troops could not 
keep the Redan against the fearful fire poured into it. As 
the Malakoff tower, the key of the defence, had been taken, 
Gortschakoff, then governor, blew up the rest of his forts 
on the south side, sank his remaining ships, and retired to 
a strong position on the north side of the harbour (Septem- 
ber 8, 1855). The allies captured immense stores of war 
material, including 4000 cannons, and destroyed the 
capacious docks, hewn by the Russians at great cost out 
of the solid rock. 

In Asia General Muravieff forced Kars to surrender 
after a brilliant defence by the English general Williams ; 
. 2 A 


but Russia was exhausted by these conflicts at her extremi- 
tiesy where alone she was most vulnerable, for she had to 
send vast armies by road thousands of miles. Her advance 
down the Amour river on the Pacific coast of Siberia had 
been checked by an allied expedition, and her trade in the 
White, Baltic, and Black Seas had been stopped Napoleon 
III had now revenged his uncle's memory, and England 
saw Turkey free to work out her own destiny. So a Con- 
ference of all the Powers, including also Sardinia, arranged 
the Peace of Paiis (March 1856) : (i) Russia was to lose 
a strip of land north of the mouth of the Danube, the navi- 
gation of which was freed from her control ; (2) The Black 
Sea was declared neutral — ^that is, free to all merchant 
ships, but closed to all war-ships, and no warUke arsenal 
was to be erected on its shores ; (3) Russia renounced her 
protectorate over the Danubian States, and over the religion 
of the Greek Church in Turkey. 

On its side, Turkey renewed the privileges previously 
. proclaimed (1839), but never practised, to Christians in 
Turkey ; but the equality before the law of all its subjects 
was as far from a reality as ever. The massacres of 
Christians at Damascus and in the Lebanon under the 
eyes of its pachas (i860) showed the worth of its 

Boumajoia. — Abdul Meschid died, June 1861, a worn- 
out debauchee. His successor, Abdul Aziz, sought to 
strengthen his country by building a navy. On the pressure 
of the Powers he had to consent to the union of Moldavia 
and Wallachia, thence called the Principality of Roumania, 
from the name of its people, the Roumans (1861).^ This 

^ These people claim to be descended from the ancient Roman colonists 
planted there to keep back the Scythians. Their language is a corrupt 


State henceforth was ruled by one prince, or hospodar, and by 
one Assembly, with a free constitution. The first Prince of 
Roumania, Alexander Kusa, was deposed owing to his wilful 
extravagance. Then Prince Charles of Hohenzollem was 
elected and was recognised by the Porte as hereditary Prince 
of Roumania. Thus was founded another of those States 
which seem destined to fill the place of the Ottoman 
Empire in Europe. 

Alexander II — Liberation of the Serfs. — The new 
czar was thirty-seven years old when he succeeded his 
father Nicholas. His mother was the eldest daughter of 
Frederick William III of Prussia; and Alexander was 
always friendly with his uncles, Frederick William IV and 
William I. of Prussia. This family relationship kept Russian 
and Prussian policy in close accord down to 1877. As 
soon as peace was assured, Alexander sought to heal the 
distress caused by the war by building railroads (the want 
of which had cost Russia thousands of men in the war), by 
commercial treaties, and by improving the education of his 
subjects, whom he sought to divest of their semi-Asiatic 

The great blot on Russia, however, was that out of a 
population of nearly 70,000,000 in European Russia over 
25,000,000 were serfs, who were the property of their 
masters. There were many difficulties in Alexander's 
way. The whole country was discontented at the result of 
the Crimean War, and at the epidemics which the troops 
brought back. Many of the landowners were ruined by the 
war, and all were impoverished. The revolutionists, who 
desired to sweep away every vestige of the existing order of 
things, sought to undermine the government; but Alex- 
ander held on his way in spite of the opposition of his own 
femily and of the landowners. 


Alexander first freed the serfs on the imperial domains, 
and in March 1861 proclaimed the liberation of all serfs 
in Russia. The sum of ^100,000,000 was to be paid as 
compensation to the landowners, which they were expected 
to expend on improvements on their estates, but they 
spent much of it in France or Italy. Those landowners 
suffered most who had been harsh masters, for now their 
former serfs would not work for them as hired labourers. 
Four-fifths of the ^100,000,000 were raised by foreign 
loans, and the remaining one-fifth by a tax on the village 
communes, which henceforth were to govern themselves. 
The serfs could become the owners of their cottage and 
plot of land by paying a tax or by working two days a week 
for their former masters. 

Zemstvos, or local assemblies, were also established to 
accustom the peasants to self-government and pave the way 
for a constitution in the future. 

Alexander caused schools to be founded in all districts, 
and he increased the scope of the universities by throwing 
them open to all classes, but they soon became centres 
of agitation. He instituted trial by jury and a milder code 
of laws in 1863. All these reforms exasperated the nobles 
and filled the revolutionists with wild hopes. Incendiary 
fires raged in all large towns, and the czar's life was the 
object of many attacks. 

The Polish Revolt. — The dissensions in Russia 
encouraged the Poles to strike once more for their liberty. 
In 1 86 1 there had been bloody conflicts in Warsaw. Alex- 
ander still hoped to pacify that unhappy land by local 
institutions; but a severe recruiting law caused a savage 
outbreak in January 1863. A National Committee in 
Warsaw appointed as dictator first General Mieroslawski, 
then, when he was defeated, Langiewicz, who fared no 


better. Lithuania also joined Poland in the struggle for 
their ancient liberties. But Prussia, for dynastic and State 
reasons, helped Russia. Thus the czar paid little heed to 
three representations which England, France, and Austria 
made on behalf of the Polish demands for local independ- 
ence under the rule of the czar. 

The Russian general MuraviefF even set a price on the 
heads of the insurgents ; these were gradually scattered, 
slain, or driven over the Austrian frontier (October 1863). 
Then order was restored in Lithuania and Poland by 
imprisonments and fines, laid even on the Polish Catholic 
clergy, which had for the most part favoured the revolt. 

Expctnsion of Russia. — Alexander II still persevered 
with his reforms in Russia, though the freed peasants, finding 
their poverty as great as ever, showed their disappointment 
in many acts of violence. In April 1867 he sold Alaska, 
or Russian America, to the United States for $7,000,000, 
and strove by pubKshing the State Budget every year 
to improve Russian credit, which had been very low. 
The czar's good understanding with the Prussian monarch 
kept Russia at peace during the wars of 1866 and 1870; 
and in the latter he put secret pressure on Austria to pre- 
vent her joining France against Prussia. 

The Black Sea Conference. — Russia's rising power, 
her friendship with Prussia, and the overthrow of Napoleon, 
led her to seize 1870 as the time when she might regain her 
rights on the Black Sea surrendered in the Treaty of Paris 
(1856). Neither England nor France was in a condition to 
contest her claim ; and in a conference of the Powers held 
at London (187 1), Russia regained her rights to keep ships 
of war on the Black Sea (though not to pass through the 
Bosphorus) and to build dockyards and arsenals on its 
shores. In 1872 Bismarck's desire to weld Central and 


Eastern Europe against a French war of revenge brought 
the three Emperors of Germany, Russia, and Austria together 
at Berlin (September 1872) ; and the Czar, hying aside his 
dislike of Austria, which had lasted ever since her policy 
during the Crimean War, entered into a tacit understanding 
known as the '* Three Emperors' League," which aimed 
mainly at combating Nihilistic and revolutionary ideas in 
the three empires. The czar also extended the elementary 
school system of Russia, adopted the system of compulsory 
military service (1874), and extended his conquests in 
Turkestan. General Kaufinann, with 14,000 men, sixty 
cannons, and some thousands of camels, overthrew the forces 
of the Khan of Khiva, and occupied his capital (June 1873). 
The khanate was made first a vassal State, and then soon 
annexed altogether, along with that of Khokand (1875). 
Since then an expedition under General Skobeloff took 
Geok Tep4 a stronghold of the Turcomans near the 
Persian frontier. The Russians pushed on to Merv in 
1 88 1, and Sarrakhs. These advances towards Afghanistan 
had alarmed Lord Beaconsfield's govemment, which in 
1879, and again in 1881, attempted to occupy that rugged 

Russia had also gained territory south of the Amour on 
the Pacific coast, where she constructed the port of Vladi- 
vostock. But it was from her hereditary foe, Turkey, that 
she had gained most. 



<* O smallest among peoples ! rough rock-throne 
Of Freedom ! warriors beating jDack the swarm 
Of Turkish Islam for five hundred years." 

Tennyson, Ode to MonUnegro, 

The " eternal " Eastern Question was revived by a serious 
revolt of the Herzegovinians, a warlike people who dwelt in 
a rugged part of Bosnia next to the Dalmatian frontier. 

The Eastern Question may be briefly described as the 
struggle of the Christian populations of Turkey, first to re- 
gain the lands and rights which the Turks wrested from 
them in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and then to 
range themselves with their Greek or Slavonic kinsmen. 
The question thus concerned not only the Christians of 
Turkey, but also Russia and Austria, who might gain or 
lose by these national movements. 

Greece had been the first to cut herself free from 
Turkish rule; but the Greeks of Thessaly, Epirus, and 
South Macedonia were still under the Turkish yoke, and 
all Greeks longed to regain Constantinople as their capital, 
lost in 1453. 

North of the Balkans the question was far more 
complicated. There the Slavonic races were divided 
in language and sympathies. The Roumans, mainly 


Slavonic in descent, though they claimed to be descended 
from the Roman military colonists, had in 1861 achieved 
their unity and independence complete in all but name 
They had also adopted a new democratic constitution, 
which soon influenced the other Slavonic races. Servia 
had for ages borne the brunt of Turkish attacks and 
tyranny. In 1861 its Prince Michael, of the House of 
Obrenovitch, called a Skuptschina, or National Assembly, 
to organise a national militia and prepare a form of govern- 
ment like that which Roumania was trying; and Prince 
Michael persuaded the Skuptschina to declare the rule 
of his family hereditary. In June 1862 the Servians of 
Belgrade drove the Turks into the citadel, which then 
fired on the town. A Conference was held at Constanti- 
nople, according to which the Turkish troops left Belgrade. 
The excitement spread in 1862 to the Greek Christians of 
Herzegovina, in the south-east comer of Bosnia, and it 
needed a large Turkish force under their best general, Omar 
Pacha, to quell the discontent; for in this remote and 
rugged district the rebels easily passed over into Dalmatia or 
Montenegro, and returned to renew the war when it seemed 
stamped out. The tiny State of Montenegro, inhabited by 
a fierce, hardy race, half patriot, half brigand, had always 
resisted the inroads of the Turks into its mountain gorges ; 
but the Turks in 1862 compelled the Prince Nikita to a 
peace. In Albania the half Greek, half Moslem population 
was always ready for revolt, as was seen in the days of 
Ali Pacha (1825). The Greek Christians of Bulgaria, 
cowed by the Turkish garrisons of Shumla, Silistria, Rust- 
chuk, and Widdin, had hitherto not shown such signs of a 
national awakening as the other Slavonic and Greek sub- 
jects of the Porte The Bulgars originally came from the 
banks of the Volga> with which their name is connected. 


They are thought to have been of Asiatic descent, but 
have become completely Slavonic in language and senti- 
ment. Their perseverance in resisting Turkish oppression, 
and their subsequent' bravery on the field of battle, have 
placed them high among the races of the Balkan Peninsula. 

Herzegovina — Servian War. — In the summer of 
1875 t^^ Herzegovinians rose against the arbitrary and op- 
pressive Turkish taxation, and against the Turkish "Begs" or 
landowners. Servia and Montenegro fed the revolt, which 
Turkish troops could not repress before the bitter winter in 
those mountains stopped the operations. The Porte then 
sought to avert the intervention of the continental Powers 
by granting paper reforms in taxation and government; 
but Austria, Germany, and Russia drew up what was called 
the Andrassy Note (from the name of the Austrian chan- 
cellor), which claimed local popular representation and the 
rights of citizenship. The Porte accepted it, but the in- 
surgent chiefs rejected it as containing no guarantees for 
enforcement of these rights. So the struggle went on. 
The fanaticism of the Moslems was seen in the massacre 
at Salonica of the French and German consuls. A week 
later (May 13, 1875) the continental Powers drew up the 
Berlin Note, requiring the Porte to put an end to this 
struggle by giving guarantees for the execution of its 
reforms; but when Mr. Disraeli's Cabinet refused assent 
to this Note as derogatory to the Porte's authority over its 
own subjects, the well-meant intervention also unfortunately 
failed ; for the Turks believed Great Britain to be on their 
side, especially when our Mediterranean fleet was sent to 
Besika Bay, as it had been in 1854. 

Meanwhile the Bulgarian? and Servians were deeply 
excited by all these events, and on May 4 the Bulgarians 
rose against their Turkish oppressors ; while Prince Milan 


(entitled Prince of Servia in 1868) called Ristics, the head 
of the " party of action," to power, and prepared for war. 
Turkey seemed to have lost control of her lands north of 
the Balkans, but she sent fierce Circassians and Bashi- 
Bazouks and stamped out the Bulgarian revolt by massacres 
in which at least 12,000 peaceable men, women, and child- 
ren perished. The Servian army attempted to help the 
Bulgarians, but it was beaten back over its frontiers to the 
fortress of Alexinatz. In spite of swarms of Russian 
volunteers which poured in to help them, the Servians were 
worsted in contests of nine days. On October 2 1 Ignatief, 
the Russian ambassador at Constantinople, demanded a truce 
of six weeks in favour of the Servians ; and a Conference 
of the Powers met there to try to avert a European war. 

OhangOB in Oonstantinopla — 'A new impulse of 
national life seemed to have sprung up at Constantinople 
during these excitements. A demonstration of the Softas, 
or students of the Koran, compelled the lazy and spend- 
thrift Sultan Abdul Aziz to call the reformer Midhat Pacha 
to the highest office of the State ; and on May 30, 1876, a 
palace revolution deposed the sultan to make way for 
Mucad V, nephew of his predecessor. A few days after, 
the deposed sultan committed suicide by opening his veins 
with scissors. But the new sovereign, being quite unequal 
to the burden placed on his shoulders, was deposed in 
favour of his brother Abdul Hamid (August 31, 1876). 

An armistice had been declared, and the Conference 
had assembled at Constantinople (December 1876), when 
the Porte proclaimed a constitution with equal civil and 
religious rights for all its subjects ; and, encouraged by Lord 
Beaconsfield's speech at the Guildhall, London (November 
1876), it refused the demands of the Conference, and 
assumed a warlike tone. 


Busso-Turkish War. — Both countries now advanced 
their troops to the Danube, and Roumania joined Russia 
on condition of having the integrity of its country un- 
impaired, while Servia, lately rescued from the result of her 
rashness, was ready to renew her attack on Turkey. On 
April 29, 1877, Russia declared war. In Asia the Russians 
advanced rapidly on Kars, which they besieged, and even 
on Erzeroum. In May the Turks, reinforced, drove them 
back from Kars, but they in their turn advanced too far 
from their base, and were utterly defeated in October and 
lost Elars (November 1877). The Turkish ironclad fleet, 
from which so much was expected, effected next to nothing 
under the command of Hobart Pacha; but on the land the 
fluctuations in the contest were intensely exciting. 

The German strategist Moltke had said that the passage 
of the Danube would cost the Russians 60,000 men ; but 
owing to the carelessness and ^apathy of the Turks they 
crossed with trifling loss (June 2^) near Galatz and Sistova, 
and at once seized Nicopolis. In order to rescue the 
Bulgarians from another massacre the Russians now made 
a rush with small forces to Tirnova, and General Gourko 
even seized the Shipka pass over the Balkans (July 19), 

Plevna. — All the Turkish generals had hitherto seemed 
helpless. Their forces were in two parts — the eastern part 
near the fortress of Shumla, -the western near Widdia 
Osman Pacha, in command of the latter force, had been out- 
witted on the Danube by the Russians, but he now marched 
east and fortified himself in a strong position at Plevna, on 
the Russian flank, with 20,000 men. The Russian Grand 
Duke Nicholas attacked him there, but was completely 
beaten; other attacks on the 22d July and 31st July were 
equally unsuccessful, for Osman had by this time been 
reinforced, and had thrown up formidable earthworks on 


the circle of hills round Plevna ; so the repeating rifles of 
his troops told with terrible effect on the dense masses of 
Russians. The aspect of the campaign changed at once. 
The Russian troops, which had pressed up to and across 
the Shipka pass, had now to struggle desperately to hold it 
against Suleiman Pacha. The czar had to call in the aid 
of the Roumanian troops, and to send for reinforcements 
from Russia. A new series of attacks by Russians and 
Roumanians on the Plevna redoubts only resulted in a 
loss of 16,000 men (September 7-14). The czar in 
despair sent for Todleben, the hero of the defence of 
Sevastopol, and soon Plevna was invested. Meanwhile the 
Russians kept their hold on the Shipka pass for four 
months in spite of Turkish attacks, and the Turkish army 
around Shumla did little to help the gallant Osman. The 
Russians, directed by Todleben and led by their fighting 
general Skobeloff, won point after point, and reduce,d the 
defenders almost to stan^tion; till at last, after a five 
hours' fight with his 40,000 against 100,000 Russians 
and Roumanians, Osman had to surrender (December 10, 
1877). The battles around Plevna were more sanguinary 
than even those round Metz, or than any one series of 
battles of the whole century. 

San Stefano. — ^Then the Russians poured across the 
Balkans, opposed only by the snowstorms of winter. 
Servia declared war, and Greece began to muster her 
troops against Turkey, while in Asia the Russians had 
captured Kars (November 18), and were now nearing 
Erzeroum, the capital of Armenia. On January 20, 1878, 
the Russians reached Adrianople, and on February 10 were 
in sight of Constantinople. The British Government, 
alarmed at this advance, made in spite of an armistice 
signed at Kazanlik (January 29), hastily ordered its fleet up 


the Dardanelles for the defence of Constantinople. The 
panic-stricken Turks hastily signed the preliminaries of 
peace with Russia at San Stefano, near Constantinople 
(March 1878), the principal terms of which were that 
Roumania, Servia, and Bulgaria should be independent 
States, the latter extending from the Danube nearly to 
Adrianople and Salonica. Old Servia, or the upper part 
of the valley of the Morava, was to be added to Servia ; 
Bosnia was to be locally free under the suzerainty of the 
sultan. These terms would have left Turkey mistress only 
over Albania and a strip of land along the ^Egean Sea. 
England, with the support of Austria, protested energetically 
against this dismemberment, and until May 1878 it seemed 
that a European war would break forth. The English 
reserves were called out and Indian troops brought to 
Malta; but Russia had lost heavily in men and money, 
and the peace-loving czar submitted to the remission of 
these terms at a Congress of the European Powers at Berlin, 
where Prince Bismarck had offered his services as the 
" honest broker " to bring about an understanding. 

Treaty of Berlin.— It needed all Prince Bismarck's 
diplomatic skill to bring Lord Beaconsfield and Lord 
Salisbury to terms with the Russian envoys at Berlin ; but 
eventually he induced both parties to remit something of 
their demands and objections, while Austria secured the 
post of guardian of the Balkan Peninsula. 

(i) Bosnia, including Herzegovina, was assigned to 
Austria for permanent occupatioa Thus Turkey lost a 
great province of nearly 1,250,000 inhabitants. Of these 
about 500,000 were Christians of the Greek Church, 450,000 
were Mohammedans, mainly in the towns, who offered a 
stout resistance to the Austrian troops, and 200,000 Roman 
Catholics, Bv the occupation of the Novi-Bazar district 


Austria wedged in her forces between Montenegro and 
Servia, and was also able to keep watch over the turbulent 
province of Macedonia. 

(2) Montenegro received less than the San Stefano terms 
had promised her, but secured the seaports of Antivari and 
Dulcigno. It needed a demonstration of the European 
fleets off the latter port, and a threat to seize Smyrna, to 
make the Turks yield Dulcigno to the Montenegrians (who 
alone of all the Christian races of the peninsula had never 
been conquered by the Turks). 

(3) Servia was proclaimed an independent Principality, 
and received the district of Old ^ryia on the upper valley 
of the Morava. 

(4) Roumania«al^o gained her independence and ceased 
to pay. any* tribute to the Porte, but had to give up to her 
Russian benefactors the slice acquired from Russia in 1856 
between the Pruth and the northem mouth of the Danube. 
In return for this sacrifice she gained the large but marshy 
Dobrudscha district from Bulgaria, and so acquired the port 
of Kustendje on the Black Sea. 

(5) Bulgaria, which, according to the San Stefano terms, 
would have been an independent State as large as Roumania, 
was by the Berlin Treaty subjected to the suzerainty of the 
sultan, divided into two parts, and confined within much 
narrower limits. Besides the Dobrudscha, it lost the 
northem or Bulgarian part of Macedonia, and the Bulgarians 
who dwelt between the Balkans and Adrianople were 
separated from their kinsfolk on the north of the Balkans, 
in a province called Eastern Roumelia, with Philippopolis as 
capital. The latter province was to remain Turkish, under 
a Christian governor nominated by the Porte with the con- 
sent of the Powers. Turkey was allowed to occupy the 
passes of the Balkans in time of war. 


(6) In Asia, Russia gained the districts of Kars and 
Batoum, in spite of the opposition of the British envoys to 
the acquisition of the last important port. 

Cyprus. — Scarcely had the Berlin Treaty been signed 
(July 1878) when Europe was astonished by the publication ' 
of a secret convention made by the British Government 
with the Porte in the previous month. By this the former 
acquired the right to occupy Cyprus for as long a time as 
Russia retained possession of Kars and Batoum. It further 
agreed to aid the Porte in the defence of its Asiatic frontier 
against a Russian attack under certain conditions, and 
to pay to the Porte a yearly tribute for Cyprus equal 
to the then existing surplus of revenue over expenditure 

The Danubian States. — Turkey, in addition to all 
these losses, had to pay a war indemnity which she was quite 
powerless to raise, and the Russian statesmen have been able 
to extort fresh sacrifices by demands for payment of arrears 
which amount to ;^3 2,000,000. The States liberated from 
Turkish rule were to have taken their share of this huge 
Turkish debt, but they have paid little or no interest The 
supine Turkish Government has made no efforts to carry 
into effect the reforms, promised with such kclat; but the 
Russian Government with equal folly contrived to alienate 
the Bulgarians and Roumanians by a meddling and over- 
bearing policy. 

The Bulgarian National Assembly or Sobranje chose 
Prince Alexander of Battenbergi as the first Prince of 
Bulgaria. The government was constitutional, so the 
Mohammedans in Bulgaria retained their liberty, though 
they lost their exclusive privileges. In 1881 the prince, 

^ Son of Prince Alexander of Hesse Darmstadt, who was brother of the 


finding the democratic constitution unworkable owing to the 
actions of the pro-Russian ministry and party, freed himself 
of these ministers, and succeeded in strengthening the 
princely authority, to which the Assembly agreed (1883). 
In September 1885 the South Bulgarians declared for a 
union with the State of Bulgaria, and after some demurring 
from the Powers which signed the Treaty of Berlin, the 
union was acknowledged, but Servia, grudging her sister 
State this increase of territory, wantonly invaded Bulgaria, 
only to meet with an ignominious repulse by the troops of 
Prince Alexander, which nearly cost King Milan his 
throne. Russia did not forgive Prince Alexander for acting 
without her sanction, and her agents concocted a plot to 
kidnap and carry him away (August 1886). On his return 
to Sofia he received a hearty welcome from all his subjects, 
but his nerves were so shattered that he abdicated. 

Russia had so abused her influence over the affairs of 
the Danubian States that they soon began to turn to Austria 
and the Central Alliance. After visits to Berlin Prince 
Charles of Roumania and Prince Milan of Servia had taken 
the title of King in 1881 and 1882 respectively. In every 
other part of Europe, since the beginning of this century, the 
greatest political difficulties- had been solved by peoples of 
the same great race drawing closer to each other ; but the 
Roumanians, who pride themselves on their descent from 
the Romans, separate the Slavs of the Balkan Peninsula 
from Russia ; and in spite of many internal jealousies and 
difficulties, it seems as if the ultimate solution of the Eastern 
Question in the lands north of the Balkans will be found in 
a confederation of Roumania, Bulgaria, and Servia. These 
would be strong enough both to resist Russian dictation 
and to stop her advance to Constantinople by way of 
the Danube, which they could defend with 300,000 troops. 


South of the Balkans the Eastern Question is still un- 
settled, and the province of Macedonia is the most distracted 
part of all Europe. There the Bulgarians in the north and 
the Greeks in the south long for deliverance from the help- 
less and corrupt Turkish officials, who cannot, or will not, 
check brigandage. 

Expansion of Qreece. — In 1862 a revolution broke 
out at Athens and King Otho abdicated. A Danish prince 
was then elected with the title of George I, and to consolidate 
his power England renounced her protectorate over the 
Ionian Isles, which were then added to the Grecian realm. 
The present democratic constitution was framed in 1864, 
and Greece in spite qf its narrow limits and political strifes 
made steady progress, but the Greeks of Thessaly and Crete 
struggled vainly to throw off the Turkish yoke and unite with 
their brethren. In 1880 Greece armed to invade Thessaly^ 
but the dispute was referred to the Powers, who prevailed on 
Turkey to evacuate Thessaly and a strip of land on the east 
of Epirus (1881). Greece now numbers nearly two millions 
of inhabitants, but she still longs for the whole coast of the 
iEgean Sea, and hopes one day to recover Constantinople, 
to which she has the claim of historic right, while Russia's 
claim is only that of self-interest and ambition. 

Russian Nihilism. — ^The Berlin Treaty was a great 
blow to the Russian Panslavists, who wish to see the 
Slavonic inhabitants of Austria and the Danubian States 
welded on to Russia, so as to form one Panslavonic Empire, 
which would then comprise all Russia, all the Danubian 
States, together with Galicia, Moravia, Bohemia, Croatia, 
and Slavonia. Instead of this sweeping result Russia actually 
gained less than Austria, which had not fought at all The 
Russian troops also had been astonished to find that the 
oppressed Bulgarians were living in greater comfort than the 

2 B 


Russian peasants. So amidst the financial exhaustion 
caused by the late war the revolutionists again found their 
chance. The extremists were called nihilists, for their 
founder, Bakunin, had said in his manifesto of 1868, ^' Our 
first work must be the annihilation of everything as it now 
exists, for if but an atom of this old world remains the new 
will never be created." They were a small but determined 
band of enthusiasts, driven to frenzy by their loathing of the 
autocratic system. Even the good-natured Alexander II had 
not mitigated this, so they assassinated several officials, and 
many times aimed at his life. In their second attempt they 
nearly succeeded in blowing up the czar's train as it passed 
along an embankment near Moscow, and soon they actually 
blew up part of the czar's Winter Palace at St. Petersburg, 
though the czar and his fomily escaped the death which 
overtook many servants and guards (February 1880). The 
czar then appointed Loris Melikofif to a dictatorship for 
crushing out the nihilists; but hangings, exile, imprison- 
ments, and the promises of reforms were equally useless. As 
the czar was driving along near the Winter Palace a bomb 
was thrown under his carriage, wounding one of his Cossacks 
and several bystanders. With his usual disregard of his own 
safety Alexander was inquiring about the wounded men, 
when a nihilist threw another bomb which shattered the 
czar's legs, so that he scarcely lived to reach his palace 
(March 13, 1881). So died the liberator of the serfs, in 
his sixty-third year, when he was intending to crown his 
reign by granting a constitution to Russia. 

Alexander III. — His son, Alexander III, remained 
long in seclusion till the nihilists were repressed, but he at 
once declared that he would maintain the prerogatives of 
the czar. He was at length crowned with Asiatic pomp in 
Moscow, May 1883, but Russia is still under despotic rule ; 


there is no liberty of the press, and no representative 
government save in strictly local affairs. The nihilists had 
only murdered the greatest benefactor Russia had ever 
known, and had not changed the evils of a patriarchal but 
despotic government. 

The Bussian Qoveminent. — ^The will of the czar is 
absolute. His person is sacred, and he crowns himself at 
his accession. Nevertheless the different councils of 
government have much power in influencing his decisions 
and in carrying out his ukases or laws. This powerful 
bureaucracy consists of — 

(i) The Imperial Council, which is concerned with 
legislative proposals and their execution when passed by 
the czar. 

(2) The Directing Senate, which controls the finances, 
and is the supreme court of appeal from the law courts. 

(3) The Holy Synod, superintending religious affairs. 

(4) The Council of Ministers, viz. of the Imperial 
House, Foreign Affairs, War, Navy, Interior, Education, 
Finance, Justice, Imperial Domains, Public Works and Rail- 
ways, and General Control 

These councils may communicate with the czar only 
through the medium of his private Cabinet, which has the 
greatest influence on his decisions. 

The Baltic Provinces, Finland, and the Caucasian 
Province have local administrations, but the rest of Russia 
is governed direct firom St. Petersburg. There are no 
representative institutions ^ except the Communal Mir and 
the departmental Zemstvo, which last has some control 
over education, police, and local enterprises. The Russian 
bureaucracy, like all similar governments, is extremely cor- 

^ So eighty-seven milKons of people in European Russia have no voice 
in the imperial laws by which they are governed. 


nipt, and no bill or public project can be passed without 
bribing all the officials who can further its passing. 

But for the abolition of serfdom, the adoption of the 
German system of military conscription, and the introduc- 
tion of steam locomotion, Russia cannot be said to have 
changed much during this century. In fact, railwa3rs and 
universal military service have only served hitherto to place 
greater power in the hands of the czar; but the mighty 
changes which have remoulded the rest of the continent 
cannot long be kept out of Russia by her police and spy 
system; and the last and greatest phase of the Eastern 
Question must be in Russia itseE 


(Continued from page 2 2 8.) 

Isabella II (1833-1868). Alphonso XII (1874-1885). 

Amadeo I (1870-1873). Christina, Queen Regent (1885 ). 

The land which had set the example to Europe of a national 
rising against Napoleon's usurpation had soon sunk to a state 
of apathy, disturbed only by the Carlist wars. Exhausted by 
these terrible strifes, it fell again into a condition of torpor 
under the demoralising rule of the young Queen Isabella. 

Among the numerous ministries, those of Narva& and 
O'Donnell were the least corrupt and inefficient. Under the 
latter a successful campaign was waged in Morocco (i860) 
to extend Spanish influence there ; but after the death of these 
two men in 1867 and 1868, one of many military risings 
succeeded in overthrowing Isabella's rule. General Prim and * 
Marshal Serrano, returning from exile, were joined by most of 
the troops, and the people of Madrid, disgusted at the queen's 
private and public conduct, were soon masters of the capital. 
Queen Isabella, who was at San Sebastian, dared not return 
to Madrid, but fled across the French frontier (September 29, 
1868), so Serrano was named regent of Spain till the Cortds 
could elect another sovereign. The Due de Montpensier's 
claims found no favour because he was a scion of the hated 
Bourbon House ; the HohenzoUem prince would have been 
elected but for the jealousy of France; and a Portuguese 
prince, who would have united the peninsula under one ruler, 
declined the dangerous honour. Eventually Prince Amadeo, 


the second son of Victor Emmanuel of Italy, was elected 
(November 1870), but Marshal Prim, his chief supporter, was 
murdered before the new king landed in Spain. He soon 
found all his efforts at reform and good government thwarted 
by the republicans, and by the intrigues of the nobles and 
officials, who longed for the old opportunities of bribe-taking. 
So he soon resigned a post which he could not fill with self- 
respect and benefit to his subjects (February 1873). Then a 
republic was declared by the Cortes, and the gifted and 
eminent statesman, Castelar, strove to give it a constitutional 
and conservative character. 

But during the disorders of the last few years the Basque 
provinces of Navarre and Biscay had been in a ferment, 
excited by the Carlists. The grandson of the Don Carlos who 
had troubled Spain fix>m 1833 to 1839 appeared in those 
provinces which were still fevourable to his cause, and this 
ardent young champion of divine right of course received the 
support of French legitimists. On the other hand, the 
doctrines of the Paris Conmiune had found in the south of 
Spain many adherents, who desired that their country should 
form a federation of provincial republics. Malaga, Seville, 
Cadiz, Cartagena, and Valencia revolted, and were reduced 
only after sharp fighting. A group of generals then deter- 
mined to offer the crown to Alphonso, the young son of 
Isabella II, in whose favour she had abdicated in 1868. 
Castelar, the moderate republican statesmap, reluctantly con- 
sented, and young Alphonso XII, on landing in Spain, 1874, 
received the support of most republicans and Carlists, disgusted 
by the excesses of their extreme partisans. His generals 
gradually hemmed in the Carlists along the north coast by 
battles near Bilbao and Iran ; and when the rebels shot a 
German subject Prince Bismarck sent German ships to aid the 
Alphonsists. These in the spring of 1876 forced Don Carlos 
and most of his supporters to <:ross the French firontier. The 
Madrid Government now determined to put an end to the 

XLiii] SPAIN, 375 

fueros or local privileges of the Basque provinces, which they 
bad misused in openly preparing this revolt So Biscay and 
Navarre henceforth contributed to the general war expenses of 
Spain, and their conscripts were incorporated with the regular 
army of Spain. Thus the last municipal and provincial 
privileges of the old kingdom of Navarre vanished, and 
national unity became more complete in Spain, as in every 
other country of Europe except Austria and Turkey. The 
Basque provinces resisted the change which placed them on 
a level with the rest of Spain, and have not yet become 
reconciled to the Madrid Government. 

The young king, Alphonso XII, had many other diflficulties 
to meet The government was disorganised, the treasury 
empty, and the country nearly ruined; but he had a trusty 
adviser in Canovas del Castillo, a man of great prudence and 
talent, who, whether prime minister or out of oflfice, has really 
held power in his hands. He succeeded in unifying the public 
debt, and by lowering its rate of interest he averted State bank- 
ruptcy. He also strove to free the administration from the habits 
of bribe-taking which had long enfeebled and disgraced it ; but 
in this he met with less success, as also in striving for purity 
of parliamentary election. In &ct, in Spain, and to a less 
extent in France and Italy, the government can control the 
elections in ways unknown in this country. This almost 
nullifies the effects of the constitution, which on paper is all 
that could be desired. The Senate is composed of (i) nobles, 
(2) deputies elected by the corporations and wealthy classes, 
and (3) of life senators appointed by the crown. The 
Chamber of Deputies is elected by universal suffrage, one 
deputy for every 50,000 inhabitants. The king or either 
House of Parliament has the right of proposing laws. 

In 1883 King Alphonso paid a visit to Berlin, and was 
made honorary colonel of a Uhlan regiment For this he 
was hooted and threatened by the Parisians on his visit to the 
French capital ; and this reception increased the coldness of 


Spain toward the French, who had aggrieved their southern 
neighbour by designs on Morocco. The good understanding 
between Spain and Gennany was overdoaded by a dispute 
about the Caroline Islands in the Pacific, which Spain righdy 
regarded as her own. This aggravated an illness of Alphonso, 
who died suddenly (November 25, 1885). His young widow, 
as queen-regent for her in&nt child, has hitherto succeeded 
with marvellous tact; and Spain may recover some of her 
old prosperity if she remain free from dvil strifes. Since 
1870 the trade of Spain with Great Britain has more than 

The Spanish colonial empire never recovered from the loss 
of its American mainland colonies. Its largest colony now is 
Cuba, which has twice revolted — in 1850 and 1874 — and is 
even now held with some difficulty. It, with Porto Rico and 
the Isle of Pines in the West Indies, alone remains to Spain in 
the New World; Ceuta and Tetuan on the north coast of 
Morocco, the Philippine and Ladrone Isles in Oceania, with a 
protectorate over the neighbouring Pdew and Caroline Isles, 
complete the list 

{Continued from page 226.) 

Maria (1834-1853). Pedro (1855-1861). 

Luiz (1861-1889). 

After the establishment of constitutional government in 1836 
there was a period of calm only disturbed by a small military 
rising which substituted one minister for another. In 1853 
Queen Maria died, and the king-consort ruled as regent for his 
elder son Don Pedro, and when he died for his younger son 
Don Luiz. He on coming of age was proclaimed Don Luiz I. 
(1861), and married the daughter of Victor Emmanuel This 
little land of 4,000,000 has had an uneventful history. Its 


position on the lower parts of three great Spanish rivers shows 
that it ought to be united with Spain politically, as it is geo- 
graphically, and it is one of the surprises of history that Spain 
could not keep and conciliate a people united by race and 
religion, and differing only in dialect. When Spain was 
looking for a king in 1870 the Portuguese prince and people 
declined the- offer which would have soon united the two 

Portugal has managed to run up a public debt which weighs 
down its resources and occasions annual deficits. As in Spain, 
the population is indolent, makes little use of the fertility of the 
soil except for vine culture, and education is very backward. 

Of her once great colonial possessions, Portugal retains 
only the Azores, Madeira, and Cape Verde Islands off Africa, 
parts of Senegambia and Loanda on the west coast, with 
Mozambique on the east coast of Africa, Goa and three small 
ports in India, and Macao in China. Her colonies are poorly 
administered, and give no strength to the little kingdom, which 
has indeed fallen away from the traditions of Vasco de Gama 
and its other great voyagers. 


{Continued from page 247.) 

The movements of 1848 on the continent, as we have seen, 
left no result so direct and practical as in Switzerland. The 
constitution of 1848 had left to the several cantons their 
special institutions and local governments, but they have had 
to give up many of their rights ; for here, as elsewhere in 
Europe, it was seen that a centralised government was able to 
manage the post-oflfice, telegraph, money, weights and measures, 
and military matters, more efficiently than cantonal authorities. 
So the Federal Government has since 1874 acquired fuller 
powers over these matters and over the Roman Catholic 


hierarchy. Universal military service raises the Swiss forces 
to the number of 115,000 men and 92,000 Landwehr, so that 
Switzerland is able to enforce respect for its neutrality, which 
also has the guarantee of all the Powers. 

Matters concerning the welfare of the whole State are 
referred to the votes of all the citizens in a *< referendum " or 
mass veto. In the small " forest" cantons the citizens meet to 
nominate their magistrates, vote taxes, and even administer 
justice. In the other cantons, most of which are larg^er than 
the aforenamed, local government is not carried on by this 
primitive democratic method, but wholly or in part by repre- 
sentative councils. 

The opening of the St Gothard tunnel in 1881 placed 
Switzerland on the main line of railway between Germany and 
Italy. By their energy and skiU, especially in the manu&ctore 
of silk, cotton, and watches, the Swiss supplemented the 
resources of their rugged land, which has only half the area 
of Scotland, but four-fifths of its population. In elementary 
education Switzerland^ ranks as the equal of Germany, and 
in advance of the rest of the continent As a neutral State 
it has been the seat of international congresses, e,g. on the 
treatment of the wounded in war (i 864), on the Alabama case, 
which met at Geneva (1870-71), and the International Postal 
Congress at Berne (1875). 

Switzerland has successfolly solved the problem of welding 
three diverse races, German, French, and Italian (numbering 
1,840,000, 640,000, and 140,000 respectively), into one con- 
federacy ; and her success is the more remarkable seeing that 
the religious differences were, and still are, keen. The Pro- 
testants number about 1,600,000, the Roman Catholics about 
1,100,000, forming the majority only in the south and east and 
the " forest " cantons. 

Owing to their pride in Swiss traditions and their free 

1 Except in the southern cantons, Grisons, Valais, and Tessino, which 
are (bx behind the northern cantons in everything. 

XLiii] BELGIUM, 379 

federal institutions, the three races have no desire to join 
Germany, France, or Italy. The nationalist aspirations which 
have wrought such changes in the rest of Europe since 1800 
have been powerless to break up the Swiss Federation. 


(Continued from page 197.) 

Leopold I (1831-1865). Leopold II (1865 ). 

After winning its independence (1830) Belgium has also 
been free to work out its own career of prosperous development. 
King Leopold I. during his long reign showed himself the 
model of a constitutional sovereign in furthering its progress. 
The first railway on the continent was opened in 1835 between 
Brussels and Malines, and its railway system is now most com- 
plete. Its population between 1830 and 1880 increased by 
more than one-third, and now is the densest in all Europe, 
numbering 5,900,000 on an area only twice as large as 
Yorkshire. Thanks to its neutrality (guaranteed by all the 
Powers), Belgium supports only a small army, but it is being 
increased, and fortresses are being built along the Meuse to 
protect the great wealth of the land. 

When Napoleon III seized on power in France all Belgians 
feared that he would imitate his uncle by seizing Belgium and 
all land up to the Rhine ; but the close connection of King 
Leopold with the English royal house ^ and his skilful diplomacy 
averted the danger from Belgium. 

The chief internal trouble has been the strife between 
the liberal and clerical parties. In 1850 there were over 400 
monasteries, with some 12,000 monks and nuns, in the land, 
and the Liberals made strenuous efforts for many years to 
abolish these and control education ; but neither party could 
command a firm and lasting majority. In the midst of these 

^ He was brother of our Prince Consort. 


eager disputes King Leopold I. died (1865), after seeing his 
kingdom firmly established in spite of ministerial crises every 
few months. 

His son Leopold II has also been a constitutional sovereign. 
In 1867 the Luxemburg question seemed to threaten the Bel- 
gian tenitory, for Napoleon III had secretly proposed to 
Bismarck that France should take Belgium and Luxemburg, 
as well as all land up to the Rhine, as the price of his friend- 
ship to the new German Confederation. We have seen how 
that was repelled. Again in 1870 the Franco-German war 
threw a severe strain on Belgium to guard its neutrality, but 
after Sedan this danger vanished. 

The strife between the liberal and clerical parties went on 
as fiercely in Belgium as in France itself and after the rise and 
fall of many ministries the Liberals succeeded in closing the 
convents and gaining control over State education. 

The constitution is that of a limited monarchy with respon- 
sible ministers, Senate, and Chamber of Deputies. The 
electorate up to 1 884 was limited to citizens paying forty-two 
francs a year in direct taxes, but in 1884 it was extended by 
the clerical party acting for once in connection with the 
radicals. Like Switzerland and Holland, Belgium has always 
sheltered many political reftigees, and Brussels has been the 
seat of international congresses, e.g, in 1 856 on free trade, and in 
1874 for improving the usages of warfare and treatment of the 

Belgiiun has no colonies, but the king has taken a pro- 
minent part in the foundation of the Congo Free State, of 
which he is the president 

XLiii] HOLLAND. 381 

{Continued from page 197.) 

William I (1815-1840). William II (1840-1849). 

William III (1849-1890). 

The revolt of the Belgian provinces from the kingdom of the 
United Netherlands in 1830 had been hastened by the over- 
bearing government of William I, who governed almost without 
the intervention of the States-General, and neglected Belgian 
interests. The constitution of 18 14 left him nearly all power, 
for his ministers were not responsible to the States-General 
The Upper House consisted of members nominated by the 
king. At last, after he had been forced to recognise Belgian 
independence, William I. abdicated in favour of his son. The 
latter soon restored a good understanding with Belgium, and 
improved the finances of his kingdom; so the upheavals of 
1848 caused no revolution in Holland, and only led to a 
thorough reform of its constitution. 

The Upper House of the States-General consists of mem- 
bers chosen for nine years by the estates or councils of the 
provinces, those of the Lower House by electors having a 
property qualification. The king's ministers are now respon- 
sible to the Parliament. Liberty of the press and of public 
worship is recognised. 

The chief questions in Holland have been the reduction of 
its heavy debt, the increase of its army and navy, the improve- 
ment of agriculture and commerce, and the management 
of large and difficult colonial possessions. Like Belgium, 
Holland has not adopted universal military service ; but, un- 
like her neighbour, she has to manage 28,000,000 subjects 
over the seas, mostly in Malaysia. She there holds all Java, 
parts of Borneo, Sumatra, Timor, the Moluccas, Celebes, and 
the western half of New Guinea ; in South America, Dutch 
Guiana and the Isle of Curagoa. 


It was not till 1 862 that the Dutch at a great cost fiieed 
the slaves in their West Indian possessions; but their rule 
in Malaysia is still conducted with the main purpose of secur- 
ing revenue by means of an oppressive labour system. The 
Dutch claims in Sumatra are contested by the people of 
Acheen in the northern part of that great island ; and the 
Dutch colonial army has never gained any decided advantag^e 
over them. 

The chief prosperity of Holland has been gained by the 
energy of its people in reclaiming vast tracts from the sea. It 
is now proposed to reclaim half of the Zuyder Zee, which was 
inundated by the sea in 1282. 

Holland is about half the size of Portugal, but nearly equals 
it in population, while its foreign trade is fifteen times as great 
Most of the Dutch imports and exports consist, however, of 
German goods conveyed on the Rhine. The Dutch dairy 
produce ranks side by side with that of Normandy and Den- 
mark as the best on the continent. There are import duties 
on nearly all articles ; but trade and revenue increase, owing 
to the frugality and industry of the people. 

{Continued from page 158.) 

Frederick VI (1808-1839). Frederick VII (1846-1863). 

Christian VIII (1839-1846). Christian IX (1863 ). 

Denmark is a maritime State about the size of Holland, has 
also lost its richer southern provinces, but, like Holland, owing 
to the vigour and industry of its people, has not succumbed 
in the struggle for existence. It numbers just over 2,000,000 
inhabitants, but these are prosperous owing to their hardi- 
hood as sailors and their skill and industry in farming their own 

At the commencement of this century Norway as well as 


the Schleswig-Holstein duchies were united under the Danish 
crown, but the feudal system prevailed through Denmark and 
the duchies. The land belonged only to the nobles and 
gentry, who owned the peasants as serfs. But soon the serfs 
were freed, and by gradual reforms the feudal system was 
abolished. During the last half-century the leasehold fJEums 
have been changed into freeholds, owned by some 70,000 
yeomen farmers, and by double the number of peasant pro- 
prietors. So, though Denmark has lost Norway and the 
duchies, she has partly made up for these losses by strengthen- 
ing the base of her social • system. Between 1866 and 1876 
the value of dairy produce and of cattle exported nearly 
doubled. These and other reforms were not completed with- 
out sharp opposition. The democratic majority in the Folke- 
thing or House of Conmions was resisted year after year by 
different conservative ministries, supported by the Landsthing 
(Senate) and the king. After the State was brought almost to 
a deadlock, matters were at last arranged by a compromise. 

On Napoleon's intervention, a clause was inserted in the 
Treaty of Prague, that if a majority of citizens in North 
Schleswig should vote for union with Denmark, they should 
be so united. In 1868 Prussia offered to cede the northern 
districts if extensive guarantees were given for the rights of 
the Germans dwelling there ; but Denmark reftised these 
guarantees, and finally Austria ag^ed that the above-named 
clause of the Treaty of Prague should be cancelled. 

Denmark has large but valueless possessions — Greenland, 
Iceland, the Faroe Islands, and three small West Indian 

The Danish royal house has given a king to Greece, 
one of its daughters will be Queen of England, and another 
Czarina of Russia. 


{Continued from page 158.) 

Chaeus XIII (i8o9-i8i8X Oscae I (1844-1859). 

Charles XIV (1818-1844). Charles XV (1859-1872). 

OscAE II (1872 ). 

No country seemed to coDapse more easily before Napoleon 
Ts opposition than Sweden. This was partly because its feudal 
system was ripe for overthrow. The whole land was divided 
into 1200 large estates, on which the nobles lived, sarroiinded 
by serfs. There was then no middle class and no mann- 
£u:tures, for these had been prohibited in order to enamrage 
agriculture. But in 1 828 the prohibitory duties were repealed, 
and the mannfarture of iron, in which Sweden is rich, increased 
at once. 

The forcible union of democratic Norway with a feudal 
monarchy like Sweden had been effected with difficulty after a 
demonstration by the British fleet in 18 14. Bemadotte, 
against Napoleon's desire, had been proclaimed heir to the 
Swedish crown, and in 18 18 he succeeded to it In 1824 the 
difficulties with Norway led him to name his son Oscar as 
vice-king of Norway, which he succeeded in reconciling to the 
Swedish connection. Oscar came to the crown of both lands 
in 1844, and soon strengthened his kingdom and the Bema- 
dotte dynasty by wise reforms. Thus he conciliated Norway 
by granting her her own flag. Her government, her laws, and 
executive were, and still are, quite distinct from Sweden. In 
the latter country he abolished trade-guilds, and in other ways 
freed trade from its remaining fetters ; he also commenced 
railways, reformed the prisons, and placed restrictions on 
the sale of brandy, which was demoralising his people. So 
Sweden pursued her course of peaceful progress undisturbed 
by the movements of 1848, except that the cry for reform 
was strengthened. 


On the death of Oscar I (1859) his son Charles XV suc- 
ceeded him, and in the following year the patriarchal divisions 
of government and society called for reform. There were 
still four Orders or Estates, viz. Nobles, Clergy, Citizens, and 
Peasants. The division of Parliament into these four Chambers 
favoured the intervention of the Crown, which could generally 
oppose one Chamber to the others. Charles XV in i860 
paved the way for a general reform by instituting provincial 
and communal assemblies. The sympathy of Sweden with its 
Danish kinsfolk in 1863 ^^^ 1^6/^ postponed the new con- 
stitution till 1865 ; but in that year Sweden modernised her 
Parliament, which henceforth consisted of two Chambers. The 
Upper House is composed of wealthy members elected by 
provincial assemblies ; the Lower House of members elected 
by all tax-paying citizens. The nobles and clergy lost their 
special privileges, and religious liberty was proclaimed. Thus 
the Swedes, of all entirely European peoples, were the last to 
gain constitutional government on a modem basis. 

Norway has jealously maintained all her constitutional 
rights against any infringement by Sweden, and the two lands 
are united only by the " golden link " of the crown. Her 
shipping has increased enormously. There is as much comfort 
and well-balanced prosperity in the Scandinavian peninsula as 
in any part of Europe. 

In 1872 the death of Charles XV brought to the throne 
his brother, Oscar II, who still reigns. Sweden concerns her- 
self little with foreign affairs, though she is friendly to the 
Central European Alliance. Alone of almost all large conti- 
nental countries, her revenue equals her expenditure, and she 
is not burdened by a large debt. She has only one small 
colony, viz. St. Bartholomew in the West Indian Islands. 

2 C 




Louis XVI 
(Louis XVII.) 
1st Republic 
Napoleon I 
Louis XVIII 
Charles X . 
Louis Philippe 
2d Republic 
Napoleon III 
3d Republic. 


1 792- 1 804 
1 804- 1 814 
1 824- 1 830 

Joseph II . 

Leopold II . 

^rancis lA . 

'rancis I X . 
[the preceding). 
Ferdinand IV 
Francis Joseph 


Frederick II (the Great) 
Frederick William II . 
Frederick William III 
Frederick William IV 

i William I 

) Emperor of Germany 
Frederick III . 
WUliam II 



1790- 1792 

1 792- 1 804 

1835. 1848 
. 1848 

1 740- 1 786 
1 786- 1 797 
1840- 1 86 1 
1870- 1888 


Catherine II 
Paul . . . 
Alexander I. 
Nicholas . 
Alexander II 
Alexander III 



Victor Amadeus III . 1773-^796 
Charles Emmanuel IV 1 796- 1 798 

(Piedmont annexed to Franca) 
Victor Emmanuel I (restored) 

Charles Felix , . 1821-1831 
Charles Albert . . ' 1831-184^ 

Victor Emmanuel II 1849 

I Victor Emmanuel . 
(the preceding) 
Humbert I 



Gustavus HI 
Gustavus IV 
Charles XIII 
Charles XIV 
Oscar I 
Charles XV 
Oscar II . 


. 1771-1792 

. 1792-1809 

. 1809.1818 

. 1818-1844 

. 1844-1859 

. 1859-1872 

. 1872 

1 United with Sweden 18 14. 





Charles IV 


Leopold I. 


Ferdinand VII 


Leopold II 


Joseph Bonaparte 


^^ v^ ^r^w^^^ ■ % 

Ferdinand (restored) . 



Christina (Regent) 


Othol . 


Isabella II 


Geoigios I . • 


Republic . . 
Amadeo I . • 

1870- 1873 



Selim III . 


AlphonsoXII . 


MusUpha IV . 


Christina (Regent) . 


Mahmond II . 


Abdul-Medjid . 





John VI . . 
Regency . 


MnradV . 
Abdul-Hamid II . 





Pedro V . 
Luiz I . • 

1853.185s . 



Charles I (Prince) . 
„ (King) . 




Milan (Prince) . 


WilUam V, Stadholder (deposed 

., (King) . . 




Louis Napoleon 


Pius VI . 


(annexed to French Empire 1809-14). 

Pius VII . 


King William I 


Leo XII . 

1 823- 1829 

(formerly stadholder). 

Pius VIII . 

1829- 183 1 

King William II 


Gregory XVI . 


King WUliam III . 


Pius IX . 


Leo XIII . 




Frederick VI . 




Christian VIII . 




Frederick VII . 




Christian IX . 


Camot . 



It may be convenient to recapitulate here the dates at which 
countries of the continent abolished serfdom or feudal privi- 
leges, and gained constitutional government 

(i) France abolished feudal land tenure and customs in 
1789, but cannot be said to hzwt permanently gained a repre- 
sentative constitution in full working order before 1875. 

(2) Prussia abolished serfdom and the feudal divisions of 
society in 1808, but did not gain a constitution till 1850. 
The various German States which formed the Confederation of 
the Rhine, or the west of the French Empire, abolished serfdom 
in or before 1806. They gained popular reforms in 1849, 
but did not gain a democratic basis of government till the 
formation of the new German Empire (1870). 

(3) Hungary, in the excitements of 1848, set free nine 
millions of her serfs, and also proclaimed equality of social 
and political rights. After the reaction of 1 849 she finally 
regained the last in 1867. This year also saw the completion 
of a modem, but by no means democratic, system of govern- 
ment through the rest of the Austrian Empire, where reforms 
had been commenced in 1861. 

(4) The provinces of Italy gained constitutional rights when 
they joined the Sardinian kingdom; thus Lombardy in 1859, 
Central and South Italy in 1860, Venetia in 1866, and the 



Papal States in 1870, shared in the free form of government 
established by Cavour. 

(5) Spain in 1837 nominally regained her democratic con- 
stitution of i8i3. After the civil wars this excellent paper 
constitution was adhered to by Alphonso XII (see p. 375). 

(6) Of the smaller countries, Switzerland in 1830 and 
1848, Belgium in 1831, Portugal in 1836, Holland in 1848, 
Greece in 1864, Denmark after 1848, and Sweden in 1865, 
gained constitutions of a more or less representative type. 
Denmark abolished feudal dues and corvies before and after 

(7) Roumania in 1866, Servia in 1869, and Bulg;aria in 
1878, adopted democratic constituflons. 

(8) Russia saw her serfs freed between 1859 and 1861, but 
is still without a constitution. 


(In millions of pounds.) 

Date 1793. 





Great Britain . 












Germany . 












Italy . . 


















Portugal . 






Holland . 

. 70 











^ From MulbaU's NaHonal DOis of the World, 








^ I 

t>.Tj-w m row ' 


I O N roro^nOvO N 
t mvo VO NN w CO uM-i 

I M M M ^VO 

m f< so »0>0 « 

\0 Os^ovo mm 

ifcfil §"C§ii^mi" 

fCvo cf^mef^i-rcr^ 






2 0-0 



Aargau. aoa 

Abd-d-Kader, 214, 2x5. 

Abdul Aax, 363. 

Abdul Mescfaid. Sultan, 349. 

Aberdeen. Lord, 334, 35a. 

Abonkir Bay, 67. 

Aboukir, Batde of, 68. 

Acad^mie Fhin9aise, 169. 

Acheen, 381. 

Acre, Battle at, 313. 

Addington Cabinet, 83. 

Adrianople, 364, 366. 

Adrianople, Treaty of, 193. 

Afghanistan, 358. 

Agram, 323. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Confereooe at, 165. 

Alaska. 357. 

Albania, 360. 

Albuera, Battle of, 105. 

Alessandria. 183, 328. 

Alexander I, 78, 94, 96, no, 118, 

126, 132, 137 (note), 150, 151, 

^7S> 178. 198. 
Death of^ 191. 
Alexander II, 352. 

Reforms of, 354-356. 
Death, 370. 
Alexander III, 370-372. 
Alexander, Prince, 367, 368. 
Alexandria. 66, 213. 
Alexinatz, Battle of, 362. 
Algeria, Conquest of, 214-216. 
Algiers, 170, 171, 215. 
All Pacha, 188, 190. 
Allvinzi, General, 60. 
Alma, Battle of the, 351. 
Alphonso XII (Spain), 374-376. 

Alsace. 18, 151. 153, 274, 303, 314, 

Alsen, Isle of, 293. 
Amadeo I (Spain). 373, 374. 
Amberg. Battle of, 57. 
American War of Independence, 

Amiens, 31 z ; Peace of, 78, 79. 
Amnesty (1859), 26a 

(1880), 283. 
Ancients, Council of, 74. 
Ancona, Z19, 202, 203, 338. 
Andrassy, Count, 324. 

Note, the, 361. 
Angoul6me, Ducd', Z85. 
Ankerstrbm murders Gustavus, sy. 
Antibes, Z45. 

Antwerp, 38, Z24, Z96, Z97. 
Arabi Pacha, 284. 
Arago, M., 232. 
Aragon, 226, 227. 
Archbishop of Paris, 233, 277. 
Archduke Charles, 57, 71, 79, 89. 
Ards-sur-Aube, Battle of, Z4Z. 
Areola, Battle of, 60. 
Argonne, the, 305. 
Armed Neutrality League, 78. 
Armistice (1870), 273, 
Amdt, Z07, Z76. 
Artois, Comte d', Z44. 
Aspcm, Battle of, Z14. 
Assembly, Constituent, Z7, Z9. 
Assembly, Legislative, decrees of, 24. 

Foreign policy of, 26. 
Assignats, 18, 63. 
Asturias. 100. 
Athens, 190. 



Aube, R.| 141. 

Auerstadt, Battle of, 93. 

Augereau, Marshal, 63, 87, 130. 

Augsburg. 80. 

Augustenburg, Prince of, 292, 293. 

Aumale, Due d', 2x0, 213, 217, 

Aurelle de Paladines, General, 271, 

309. 310- 
Austerlitz, 89. 
Austria, 29, 51, 77, 79, 88, no, 

"7. 135-139, 153. 154, 155, 
221-224, 238-243, 258, 259, 261, 
270, 286, 287, 292-297, 3x8. 

Austria- Hungary, 320-326. 

Austria, in Bosnia, 365, 366. 
in Italy, 328, 329. 

Avignon, 23, 79, 152, 164. 

Azeglio, Count d', 328. 

Azov, Sea of, 353. 

Badajoz, 104. 

Baden, 80, 88, X53, 174, 244, 246, 

247, 289, 3x3, 3x6. 
Bailly, 12. 
Bakunin, 370. 
Balaclava, Battle of, 351. 
Balance of Power, 25 x. 
Balkans, the, 325, 364, 366, 368. 
Baltic Powers, the, 78. 
Bamberg, Battle of, 80. 
Bapaume, Battle of, 3XX. 
Barclay, General, 13X. 
Bar-le-Duc, 305. 
Barnave, 22. 
Barossa, Battle of, X04. 
Barras, 53. 55, 74. 
Basle, 80, X41, 200 ; Peace of, 5X, 


Basque Provinces, 226, 374, 375. 

Bastille, xx, 12, X9. 

Bastille, Place de la, 172. 

Batavian Republic (see Netherlands). 

Batoum, 367. 

Batthjranyi, 240. 

Bautzen, 136. 

Bavaria, 62, 63, 80, 88, 90, ixi, 
1x6, X38, X39, X74, 177, 244, 
a86, 298, 3x3, 316, 317. 

Baylen, Battle of, xox. 

Bayonne, treachery of, 99. 
Bazaine, Marshal, 266, 302, 303, 

BazeiUes, 305, 306. 
Beaconsfield, Lord, 358, 36 x, 365. 
Beauharnais, Eugene, xxx, XX3, 1x4, 

X30, X40. 
Beauharnais, Josephine, 57, XX7. 
Beaulieu, General, 59. 

Beaumont, Battle of, 305. 
Bed of justice, 8. 
Belfort, x66, 274, 309, 3x0, 3XX. 
Belgium, X44, X4S, X9S, X97, 260. 

379, 380. 
Belgrade, 360. 
Belleville, 272, 275, 277. 
Bern, General, 242. 
Benedek, General, 296, 33 x. 
Benedetti, Count, ^65, 301. 
Bennigsen, Gen«^, 94. 
Bentinck, Lord, X56, x8o, x8i. 
Beresford, General, X04. 
Beresina, passage of, X32, X33. 
Berg, Duchy of, 9X. 
BerUn, X34, X3S, X37, 244, 246, 3x8; 

Conference, the, 325 ; decrees, 

93 ; Note, the, 36 x ; Treaty of, 

365, 366 ; university of, 107. 
Bemadotte, 87, 88, 97, X28, X37, 

X38 ; reigns as Charles XIV, 384. 
Berne, 64, X59, 380. 
Berri, Due de, x66 ; Duchesse de, 

Besanpon, 3x0, 3XX. 
Besika Bay, 349, 36X. 
Bessarabia, 128, X56. 
Bessi^res, General, 130. 
Beust, Count, 289, 298, 3x8, 321, 

Bialystock, 95, X56f 
Biarritz, 293. 
Bilbao, 227, 228, 374. 
Bismarck, 264, 270, 290, 299, 3x5- 

319. 365- 
Bitsch, 270, 309. 
Bizerta, 284. 
Black Sea, the, 354 ; Conference. 

the, 357. 
BlUcher, General, X38, X4X, X46, 




Bium. 341. 

B«^hrniia. 29, 239. 321, 333. 

Bt^hemian Campaign, the, 295, 296. 

Ik>Irjjna. 61, 155, ao3. 331. 33a. 

Bomarsund. 353. 

Bona. 214. 

Bonaparte. 274. See Napoleon L 

Bonaparte CamUy. 149, 274. 

Bonaparte. Victor. 283. 

Bordeanz, 353. 

., resists Jacobin rale, 43. 
Borny, Battle of. 303. 
Borodino. Battle of. 131. 
Bosnia, 323, 325, 326. 348, 350, 

359. 36s. 366. 
Bosphonis. 213. 
Bosquet, General, 35a. 
Bouill^, General, 19. 23. 
Boulogne. 88, axx, 212. 
Bourbaki. General, 310. 311. 
Bouibons, French (elder line), 3, 

143 ; (yonngcr line), 317. 
Bourges, 31a 

Boonnont, General. 170, 171, 335. 
Brazil, z 86- 187. 
Bremen, 80^ zz8, Z36, 139. 154, 

399, 316. 
Brescia, 235. 
Breslao, 93, Z35. 
Bri^. 93. 

Brienne. Finance Minister, 4, 8. 
Brigandage, 18 z, 369. 
Brisson, M., 283. 
Brissot, 24, 26. 
Britain, Great. See England. 
Brittany, 52, 3Z0. 

Broglie, Due de, 373, 379. 280, 283. 
Bruges, 70. 

Brumaire. coup Sitat of, 74. 
Brune, General, 64, 77, 164. 
Brunswick, Z54. Z97, 299. 
Brunswick, Duke of. 34, 38, 9Z. 
Brussels, 38. 196. 
Bucharest. Treaty of, z88. 
Buda-Pesth, 322. 
Buffet, M., 283. 
Bug, river, 156. 
Bugeaud, Marshal, 2x5, 23Z. 
Bulgaria, 350, 360, 36X, 366, 367, 


BQlow, General, Z38. 141. 
Byron. Lord, Z89, X90. 

Cabrera, General, 227. 

Cariondal, plot of, 84. 

Cadiz, Z85, 374. 

Caen resists Jacobin rale, 43, 45. 

Cairoli, 345. 

Calabria, 335, 337. 

Calonne, 4. 

Camanlh, 184. 

Cambrai, 3xz. 

Camille Desmoulins, 23, 48. 

Camperdown, Battle of. 66. 

Campo Formio. Treaty of, 62. 

Canaris, Z90. 

Canning, 184, 186, 187. 

Canovas, 375. 

Canrobert. Marshal, 215. 

Cantons, French. Z7. 

Cape Colony. 51. 

Capodistiias, X93. 

Caprera. 337-338- 

Carbonari, the, Z67, z8i, zSs. 

Cailists, the, 337. 339, 374. 

Carios, Don, 226. 

Carlsrohe, 244. 

Camic Alps, 62. 

Carniola, zx6. 

Camot, 53, 55. 

Caroline Isles, the. 376. 

Cartagena, 374. 

Casimir P^rier, 169, 203, 208, 273, 

Cassel, 287, 297. 
Castelar, 374. 

Castelfidardo, Battle of, 336. 
Castiglione, Battle of, 60. 
Castlereagh, Lord, Z84. 
Catalonia, Z04, Z85, 237. 
Catherine, Czarina, 27. 5Z. 
Caucasus, Province of. 200. 
Cavaignac. 309, 3x5, 333, 252, 

253. 254. 
Cavour, Count, 259, 338-338. 
Cayenne, 383. 

Central Alliance, 318, 3x9. . 
Cetate, Battle of. 350. 
Ceylon, 5X, 78. 
Chalons, 366, 303, 305, 307. 



Chambord, Comte de, i66, 279, 

- 280. 
Champigny, 307, 308. 
Championnet, General, 69, 73. 
Chancellor, Austrian, 321. 

German, 316. 
Changamier, General, 2x5, 254. 
Chanzy, General, 271, 310, 
Charette, 56. 
Charlemagne, 90. 
Charles III (Spain), 99. 
Charles IV ( „ ), 99. 
Charles, Archduke, 11 2- 115. 
Charles X (France), 13, 144, 168- 

Charles Felix (Sardinia), 183. 
Charles Albert ( 11)1 20Z, 202, 

204, 235. 
Charles XIII (Sweden), 97. 
Charles XV ( „ ), 384. 
Charles, Prince (Roumania), 358. 
Charles, King ( ,, ), 368. 
Charter, the (of 18x4), 143, X69. 

remodelled, 207. 
Chartres, Due de, 217. 
Chateaubriand, 122, 165. 
Chatham, Earl of, xx8. 
Chlltillon, 272. 
Cherbourg, X23, I7X. 
Chevalier, M., 260. 
Chios, 190. 

Chlum, Heights of, 296. 
•• Chouannerie," 73. 
Christian VIII (Denmark), 292. 
Christian IX ( „ ), 292. 
Christina, Queen (Spain), 226, 227, 

Church Lands, 18. 
Cialdini, General, 340. 
Cintra, Convention of, 102. 
Cisalpine Republic, 80. 
Cissey, De, 283. 
Clergy, French, 6, x8, X24. 
Clinchant, General, 311. 
Clootz, Anacharsis, 22. 
Clotilde, Princess, 330. 
Club, Jacobins', 20, 24, 49. 

Cordeliers', 20, 21. 
Coalitions, 97 (note). 
Coalition, First (X793), 42. 

Coalition, Second, 69-78, 

Third, 88. 
Cobden, 260. 
Coblentz, Emigres at, 23. 
Cochin-China, 285. 
Code Napoleon, 123, 316. 
Colberg, 92. 
Communeof Paris (1792), 35, 36. 

organises massacres, 37. 

suppressed, 49. 
Commune, the (1871), 275-277. 
Como, Lake, 330. 
Comte d'Artois, 4. 
Comte de Paris, 216, 2x7, 231, 279, 

280, 283. 
Concordat (French), 81. 

(Austrian), 324. 
Concorde, Place de la, 52, 231. 
Condorcet, 24. 
Confederation, German, 173-177, 

291, 292, 293, 294. 
Confederation, North German, 298- 

299. 313. 315- 
Conscription, 71, 251, 252. 
Constance, 80. 
Constantine (Algeria), 215. 
Constantine, Grand Duke, 198. 
Constantinople, 189, 362, 365. 
Constituent Assembly (1789), 17-24. 
(1848), 232, 252. 
(Prussian), 246. 
Constitution, Austrian, 320-323. 
Belgian, 380. 
Bulgarian, 368. 
Dutch, 38 X. 

French (X791), x8, 19 ; 
(1799). 74-76; (1814), 
143 ; (X848), 252 ; (1851). 
255. 263 ; (1875), 281. 
German (1871), 315. 
North German (1866), 299. 
Portuguese (1822), 186 ; 

(1836), 226. 
Prussian (1850), 246. 
Sicilian, 180, 181. 
Spanish (1812), 105, 182, 185, 

227, 228, 375. 
Swedish (1875), 384. 385* 
Swiss, 247, 377, 378. 
Consulate, Bonaparte's, 74-77. 



Continental System, 93, 97. zz8. 

Contnt Social. 7. 
Convent Bill, the, 399. 
Convention. French (1792), 39, 44« 

declares war (1793), 4a. 

regains power. 49. 

successes of, 50, 53. 

the September, 337, 341. 
Copenhagen bombarded, 78, 96. 
Corday. Charlotte, 45. 
Cordova. loi. 
Com Laws, the (France). 399. 

(Piedmont). 338. 
Corps L^islatif. 87. 355. 363, 366. 

Corsica, 6z. 
Cort^, the Spanish, Z05, 184, z85» 

997, 338, 373-375- 
Conmna, 103. 
Corv^es, 4. 6, 8. 
Coulmiers. Battle of, 371, 309. 
Councils, Russian, 371. 
Coup d'etat (1799). 74; (1851), 

254. ass- 
Cracow, 157, 198, 333. 
Cremona, 235. 
Crete, 348, 369. 
Crimea, 156. 

Crimean War, the, 348-354. 
Crispi, 334, 345. 
Croatia, zz6, 334, 339, 340, 321, 

Cuba. 376. 

Cumberland, Duke of, 218, 2x9. 
Custine, 38, 43. 
Custozza, first Battle of, 235. 

second Battle of, 340. 
Cyprus, 367. 

Dalmatia, 62, 90, 113. 321, 324. 

Damascus, 261. 

Daiiton. account of, 21, 22 ; Min- 
ister of Justice, 36 ; organises 
massacres, 37; executed, 48. 

Danube, River, 193, 222, 223 

Danubian Provinces, no. 

Danubian States, the, 354. 

Danzig, 51, 139. 

Dardanelles, the, 365. 

Darmstadt, 344. 

Davoust, 115, 139, 130, 136, 137, 

Davoust, Marshal, 87, 91. 
Dedk, 334, 343, 320, 321, 323. 
Debts, National, i6z, 390. 
Decazes, Minister of Lonis XVIII, 

De Launey, 13. 
Delegations, the Austro- Pf ungarian, 

Delescluze, 375. 
Denmark, 78. 128, 140, 154, 382, 


and the Duchies, 291-293. 
Dennewitz, Battle of, 138. 
Departments, French, 17. 
Depretis, 345. 
Deputies, Chamber of, 143, 282, 

Derby. Lord, 359. 
Desaix, 76. 

Diebitsch, General, 193, 199. 
Dijon, 353, 311. 

Directory, French, the, 53, 56-64. 
Dniester, River, z88, 193. 
Dobmdscha, the, 366. 
Doctrinaires, the, 209. 
Donch^ry, 306, 307. 
Douro, Passage of the, 104. 
Drave, River. 240. 
Dresc'eiL 197, 244. 
Dresden, Battle of, 138. 
Drissa, 130. 
Druses, the, 261. 
Dual Control. 284. 
Dual System. 321-324. 
Duclerc. M., 283. 
Ducrot, General. 307, 313. 
Dufaure. M.. 273, 278, 282, 283. 
Dulcigno, 366. 
Dumouriez at Valmy, 37 ; flies to 

Austrians, 43. 
Dunkirk, Siege of, 44, 47. 
Dupanloup, Bishop, 280. 
Duppel, BatUe at, 292. 

Eastern Question, the, 152, 346, 

EckmUhl, Battle of, iii. 



Education, Italian, 343, 345 ; I 

Russian, 356 ; Swiss, 378. 
Electoral Law, (1820), 166 ; (1830), 

207 ; (1850), 253. 
Egypt, 66, 68, 212, 284. 
Egyptian forces in Greece, 190, 

Ehrenbreitstein taken by French, 70. 
Elba, 142 ; escape from, 145. 
Emancipation, Prussian, 106. 
Emperors' League, the three, 318. 
Emperor, the, Leopold, 26, 27, 28. 

Francis II, 26. 
Empire, the First. See Napoleon I, 
Empire, the Second French, 256- 

Empire, Holy Roman, 28, 42, 90. 
Enghien, Due d', 84. 
England, 65, 88, 93, 126, 157, 251, 

292, 293, 369. 
Epirus, 189, 359, 369. 
Erfurt, 80, 102, 286. 
Erzeroum, 193, 363, 364. 
Espartero, 227. 
Essling, Battle of, 112, 114. 
Eugenie, Empress, 257, 266. 
Evora, 225. 
Ewald, 219. 
Eylau, Batde of, 94. 

Faidherbe, General, 311. 

Failley, General de, 302, 305. 

Falckenstein, General von, 295. 

Falliferes, M., 283. 

Faroe Isles, 158. 

Favre, Jules, 263, 265, 269, 274, 

278, 283. 
Federal Council, the German, 316. 
Ferdinand I (Austria), 222, 223, 

238-241. . 
Ferdinand IV (Naples), 69, 77. 
Ferdinand I (Two Sicilies), 155, 

156, 181-183. 
Ferdinand II (Two Sicilies), 201, 

234-237. 334. 
Ferdinand VII (Spain), 99, 105, 

184-186, 226. 
Ferdinand (L. Philippe's heir), 213, 

Ferrara, 61, 234. 

Ferry, Jules, 263, 265, 269, 283. 

Feudalism. See Appendix II, 
in France, 4-6, 14. 
in Prussia, 106, 107. 
in Austria, 29, 30, 240, 247. 
in Spain, 103. 
in Denmark, 382. 
in Sweden, 384. 

Fieschi, 210. 

Finland, 127, 156, 371, 

Flanders, Dutch, 79. 

Fleurus, Battle of, 50. 

Floquet, M., 275, 283, 

Florence, 339. 

Flourens, 272. 

Fontainebleau, 124, 142. 

Forbach, Battle of, 302. 

Fouch6, 147, 164, 165. 

Foullon, 14. 

Fourier, 230. 

France before Revolution, 1-9 ; dur- 
ing Revolution, 10-25, 34-38 ; 
the First Republic, 39-43 ; Reign 
of Terror, 44-49 ; Convention, 
50-55 ; Directory, 56-64, 69-73 ; 
Consulate, 74-77 ; First Empire, 
86-97, 1 19-126 ; the Restoration, 
143-148 ; under Bourbons, 163- 
172 ; imder Louis Philippe, 
205-217, 231-233 ; the Second 
Republic, 252-254; the Second 
Empire, 257 - 267 ; the Third 
Republic, 269-285. 

Francis I, "The Emperor," 31. 

Francis II (the same as Hereditary 
Emperor of Austria), 88, 136, 
221, 222. 

Francis Joseph (Austria), 241-243, 

Francis I (Two Sicilies), 201, 

Francis II (Two Sicilies), 334-336. 

Franco-German War, the, 301-313. 

Frankfurt, 38, 43, 80, 154, 218, 
244, 287, 295, 297 ; Treaty of, 

314. 315. 
Frederick the Great, reign of, 31, 32. 
Frederick William II, 32, 33, 51, 

Frederick WiUiam III, 79, 91, no, 

134. 13s. 137. 175. 176. 219. 



Frederick W;"Lim IV. 8x9-231. 

*45-«47. 286-289. 
Frederick 1 Crown Prince), 295, 396, 

301. 314, 3»5- Charles. Prince. 395. 301, 

308. 309- 
Free Cities. 80. xi8. 399. 3x7. 
Free Trade (France), 2601 

(Piedmont). 328. 
French Guards. 11. la. i& 
Frcj'cinct. M. de. 283- 
Fnedland. Battle of. 95. 
Frimont. General. 183. 
Frossard, General. 30a, 304. 
Fuentes d'Onoro. 104. 
Fulda, 287. 

Gaeta. 336, 336. 

Galatz. 363. 

Galicia, 39, 53, 116. 153, 839, 331, 

Gsunbetta. 363, 265. 269-371,273- 

275. 283. 309-3"- 
Garde Mobile, 364, 365. 373, 379. 
Garibaldi, 236-238, 370, 311, 330. 

334-336, 340. 341, 345. 
Gastein Convention, the. 393. 
Geneva, 64, 79, 119, 159, 380. 
Genoa, 58, 71, 73, 75, 76, 131, 156, 

180, 203. 
Genola, Batde of, 71. 
George V (Hanover), 389, 395, 399. 
George I (Greece), 369. 
Georgia, 157. 
Gervinus, 219. 
German Confederation (181 5), the, 

153. 154. 297. 
German Empire, the, 313-319. 
Germany, 28-31, 105-109, 173-178, 

218, 219, 243-247, 286-301, 314- 

Girardin, M., 231. 
Girondists, the, 24, 25, 27, 40, 43. 

Fall of, 44, 45, 46. 
Gitschin, 296. 

Gladstone, Mr., on Naples, 334. 
Gneisenau, 92. 
GObens, General, 311. 
Goblet. M., 283. 
Godollo. Battle of, 242. 

iGodpjr. 99. 

: Gohx. General mo der, 303. 
j Gooies, 237. 
Gdigei, 343, 343. 
Gdttingen Univcnitjr^ 319. 
Greece, 191-193. 359. 369. 
Greek risings, 184, 189-193. 
Goethe. 103. 
Goitsdiakoff. 353. 
Graham. General. 104. 
Gnunont, Doc de, 265. 301. 
Gravdotte. Battk of, 304. 
Gregory XVI. Pbpe, 20a. 
GrenoUe. 145. 
Gr6vy, KL, 373, 383. 
Grimm, 3x9. 
Grochov, Battle of, 199. 
Grouchy, 146. 
Gmsot, 801, 305, 309-3ZX, ai6, 330, 

Gustavns III,. of Sweden (1792). 37. 
Gustavus IV (Sweden), 70, 94, 96,97! 
Gynmasia, 107. 
Gyulay, Qnmt, 330.. 

Ham, Castle of. 3x3. 

Hamborg. 80, 118. 136, 139, 154. 

299f 316, 317. 
Hanau, Battle of, 139. 
Hanover, 84, 153, 154, 177, 197, 

198, 318, 319, a44i 286, 289, 294, 


annexed to Prussia, 297, 299, 
Hapsburg, House of; 29, iia, 117, 

155, a4i. 242,. 318. 
Hardoiberg, 79, 107, 108, 152, 176. 
Haussmann, M., 268. 
Haynau, GeneraO, 235, 243. 
H^bertists, the, 47. 
Heddersdorf, Battle o^ 57. 
Heligoland, 257. 
Heliopolis, Batde of, 68. 
Helvetic Republic, the, 80, 159. 
H6icourt, Battle of; 311. 
Herwarth, General, 295. 
Herzegovina, 359, 360, 361, 365. 
Hesse, 80, 153, 154, J74, 177, 197, 

198, 244, 286-289, 895. 297, 398, 

299i 313. 316. 



Hetaeria, Greek, 198. 

Hiller, General, 296. 

Hobart Pacha, 363. 

Hoche, General, 47, 52, 56, 57, 62, 

Hofer, rouses Tyrol, iii, 112. 
Hohenlinden, Battle of, 76. 
Hohenzollem House of, 265. 

Candidature, th^e, 300, 301. 
Hohenzollem - Sigmaringen, Prince 

of, 288. 
Holland, see Netherlands. 
Holstein, 158, 287, 291-297, 301, 

317. 383- 
Holy Alliance, the, 151, 175, 185. 
Holy Places, the, 348. 
Hondschoote, Battle of, 47. 
Honveds, the Hungarian, 240. 
Hospodar (Roumanian), 188. 
Houchard, General, 47. 
Howe, Lord, 65. 

Hugo, Victor, 254, 263, 274, 275. 
Humbert, King, 346. 
Hundred Days, the, 145. 
Hungary, 29, 112, 114, zi6, 222- 

224, 239-243, 247 (note), 320- 


Ibrahim, 191. 

Ibrail, 193. 

Iceland, 158. 

Ignatief, Count, 362. 

Ildefonso, St, Treaty of, 84. 

Illuminati, Society of, 32. 

Illyria, 116, 153. 

Indemnity War, of 1807, 95 ; of 

1866, 298 ; of 1871, 274, 315. 
Indo-China, 285. 
Inkermann, Battle of, 351, 352. 
Inn, Valley of, 89, 
Innsprtick, 239. 

Inquisition, the, 103, 180, i8i. 
Ionian Isles, 70, 78, 157, 369. 
Irredentist Agitation, the, 324. 
Isabella II (Spain), 226, 227, 373, 

Istria, 62, 90, 324. 
Italy, before 1796, 58, 79. 

kingdom of (1805-1814), 87, 
H9, 121, 155. 

Italy, reconstructed, 155, 179-184, 
201, 204, 233-238, 259, 260, 
270, 294, 297, 318, 319, 

kingdom of (from i860), 337- 


Jacobins, the, 18, 40, 46, 49, 52, 

Jacquerie, 13. 

Polish, 223. 
Janina, 190. 
Janissaries, 192. 
Jassy, 189. 
Java, 381. 

Jellachich, 240, 241, 243. 
Jemappes, Battle of, 38. 
Jena, Battle of, 91. 
Jesuits, the, 185, 186, 200,317, 342. 
Jerome Bonaparte, 95, 140. 

Prince, 149, 283, 330, 332. 
Jervis, Admiral, 66. 
John, Archduke, iii, 114, 115. 
John, King (Saxony), 321. 
John VI (Portugal), 186. 
Joinville, Prince de, 217, 
Joseph Bonaparte, King of Naples, 

as King of Spain, 100, loi, 
103, 149. 
Joseph II (Emperor), reforms of, 

Jourdan, General, 47, 50, 56, 71, 87. 
Junker, 221. 
Junot, General, 67, 98. 
Jura, Mts., 311. 
Jury, trial by, 18. 

Kairouan, 285. 
Kaiserslautem, Battles at, 50. 
Kars. 193, 353, 363, 364, 367. 
Kaufmann, General, 358. 
Kellermann, 37, 47, 76, 87. 
Kertch, 353. 
Khiva, 358. 
Kiel, Peace of, 140. 
K16ber, General, 43, 67, 68. 
Komom, fortress of, 243. 
Koniggr&tz, Battle of, 296. 
K5nigsberg, 95, 219. 



Koiaes. 189. 
Korner, 107. 
Korsakoff General, 72. 
Kosciusko, rising of, 44, 51. 
Kossuth, SOI, 334, 337, 339. 
KoUebue, 176. 
Kovno. 130, 133. 
Kulm, Pass of. 138. 
Kusa, Alexander, 355. 
Kustendje, 366 
Kflstrin, 93. 
Kulttsoff, 131, 133. 

Lafatbttb, 8, 13. i6, 19, 33. 35, 

36. 116, 308. 
La Marmora, General. 340. 341. 
Lamartine, 330-332, 337. 
Lameths, the, 33, 353. 
Lamorici^re, General. 315, 254. 
Landsturm, the, 134. 
Landwehr (Prussian), 134, sso. 

(Swiss). 379. 
Langensalza, Battle of, 395. 
Langiewicz. General, 356. 
Langson, French at, 385. 
Lannes. Marshal, 113. 
Laon, Battle at. 141. 
Lassalle, the Socialist, 317. 
Latour, Austrian War Minister, 341. 
Lauenburg, 118, 158, 291, 293. 
Laybach, Congress at, 178, 182. 
Leboeuf, Marshal, 265. 
Le Bourget, sortie to, 272. 
Lecomte, General, 275. • 
Ledru-RoUin, 232, 237, 253. 
Legations, the, 202, 329. 
Legislative Assembly, the French, 

24. 2Si 33- 

Body, the, 122. 

(of 1851), 255, 263, 266. 
Legitimists, the, 253. 279, 280. 
Legnago, fortress of, 331. 
Leipzig, 197. 

Battle of, 138. 
Le Mans, Battle near, 310. 
Leo XIII, 346. 
Leoben, Armistice of, 62. 
Leopold II (Emperor), 31. 
Leopold I (Belgium), 196, 379. 
Leopold II (Belgium), 379. 

LeopoM, Prince (Hohenzolkm), 

Liancourt, Doc de, la. 
Liberum Veto, the Polish, 198 

Li^ge, Bishopric of (in 1789), 33. 
Ligny, 146. 
Lisbon, 186, 235. 
Lissa, Battle ofi^ 340. 
Lithuania, 51, 130, 199. 357. 
Lobau Island, 112, 113. 
Lockroy, M., 275. 
Lodi, Battle of, 59. 
Loire, Campaign on the, 308-310. 
Lombardy, 153, 180, 234, 260. 

freed. 330-332. 
Lonato, Battle at, 60. 
London, Conference at (1830), 196. 

(1867), 264. 
London, Treaty of, 292. 
Longwy, fsdl of (1792), 37. 
Lorraine, 142, 151, 274, 303, 315. 
Louis XIV, 2. 
Louis XV, 3. 
Louis XVI, 3-5, 19. 35. 

Execution of, 41. 
Louis XVII. 143. 
Louis XVIII, 143-145. X63-168. 
Louis Philippe (£galit6) 22, 217. 

Elxecution of, 46. 
Louis Philippe, 43, 196, 199, 205- 

fall of, 230, 231. 
Louis I, Kii^ (Bavaria), 177, 218. 
Louis Napoteon, King of Holland, 

91, 118, 149. 
Louis Blanc, 232, 237, 274, 275, 
Louisiana, 83, 84, 157. 
Louvain, Battle near, 197. 
Louvre, the, 171, 277. 
LUbeck, 80, 118, 139, 154, 299, 3161 
Lucca, 58, 121. 
Lucien Bonaparte, 74. 
Lucerne, 159, 200, 201. 
Luiz I (Portugal), 226, 376. 
Lun^ville, Treaty of, ^j, 80. 
LUtzen, Battle of, 135. 
Luxembiu-g, 30, 154, 196, 197. 

Question, the, 264. 
Lyons, 41, 44. 



Lycms renamed, 46. 

riots at, 208, 209, 253, 376. 

Macdonald, General, tj^ 113, 

115, 130. 13'. 138* 
Macedonia, 359, 366, 369. 
Mack, General, 69, 88. . 
MacMahon, 315, 366, 376, 377. 

as President of Republic, 

in Franco-German War, 303- 

in Italy, 330, 331. 
Madagascar, 285. 
Madrid, 99-101, 105, 185. 
Maestricht, fortress of, 196. 
Magdeburg, taken by French, 92. 
Magenta, Batde of, 330, 331. 
Magnano, Battle of, 71. 
Magyars (see HungaryJ,- _^ 
Mahmoud, Sultan* i90>Z94. 
Maida, Battle of, Z19. 
Mainz (Mayence), 38, 43, 176, 301. 
Maison, General, 192. 
Malaga, Communists at, 374. 
Malakoff Tower, the, 353. 
Malta, 66, 68, 83, 157. 
Mamelukes, 66, 67. 
Manin, 63, 335, 336. 
Mannheim, 176, 344. 
Manteufifel, General, 294, 311. 
Mantua, fortress of, 58, 59, 61, 

331. 333- 
Marat, 23, 36, 45. 
Marches, the, 333, 337. 
Marengo, Battle of, 76. 
Maria Louisa, 117, 147. 
Maria, Queen (Portugal), z86, 335, 

Maria Theresa, 4, 39. 
Marie Antoinette, 4, 36, 45. 
Marmont, 105, 143, Z71. 
Mame, River, 141, 307. 
Maronites, the, 361. 
Marseilles, 41, 208, 276. 
Marseillais, march to Paris, 35. 
Marseillaise, national hymn, 35, 46. 
Mars La Tour, Battle of, 303. 
Mass^na, Marshal, 71, 87, 89, 104, 


Maupas, de, 254. 

Maximilian, Archduke (in Mexico), 

Maximilian II (Bavaria), 289, 
Maximum, law of, 45. 
May Laws, the German, 317. 
Mazzini, 201, 304, 336, 237, 334 

336. 34a, 344. 345. 
Mecklenburg, Duchy of, 135, 154 

Mehemet Ali, 190, 193, 2x2, 2x3. 
M^as, General, 73, 75, 76. 
Melikofif, Loris, 370. 
Memel, 134. 

the decrees of, zo6. 
Mdnou, General, 68. 
MenschikoflF, Prince, 348, 351. 
Mentana, fight at, 364, 341. 
Merv, gained by Russia, 358. 
Messina, 335, 335. 
Mettemich, 116, 136, 151, 156 

i75> 1781 30I, 218, 221, 224 

234i 239, 240. 
Metz, 151 (note), 265, 266, 302 

303-305. 308, 309, 315. 
Mexican Expedition, the, s6z, 362. 
Midhat Pacha, 362. 
Mieroslawski, General, 356. 
Miguel, Don, 186, 225, 226. 
Milan, 58, 76, 119, 230, 234, 235, 

330, 331. 

decrees, 123. 
Milan, Prince, 361. 
Milan, King, 368. 
Milarzo, 335. 

Mincio, River, 89, 331, 340. 
Minghetti, ministry of, 338. 
Mir, the, 371. 

Mirabeau, in clubs, 11 ; his plans, 
. death, 22 ; his opinion of Prussian 

court, 32. 
Missolonghi, 190. 
Modena, 58, 121, 155, 179, 183, 

202, 331-333. 
Moldavia, 96, 188, 189, 348, 349, 

Moltke, General von, 2x0* 311, 295, 

396, 301-315- 
Mons, taken (1792), 38L 
Montebello, Battle of, 330. 



Montenegro, 360, 366. 
Montereau, Bftttle at, 141. 
Montmartre, heights of^ 14a, 375. 
Montm^y, 305. 
Montpensier, Due de, 317. 373. 
Montretout. 313. 
Moore, Sir John. 103. 
Morava, River, 365, 366. 
Moravia, 239, 297. 321, 333. 
'Morea, the. 189. 190. 
Moreau, General, 56, 57. 71, 76, 

77. 85. 137. 138. 
Morocco, 376. 

Mortier, 84, 96, 113, 142, 210. 
Moscow, 131, 132. 
Moselle, River, 301, 303. 
Mounier, 8. 
" Mountain," party in assembly. 24. 

oppose war (1792), 27, 40. 
Mt Cenis Pass, 76, 123. 
Mt Valdrien, fort, 275, 313. 
Miihlhausen annexed to France, 64. 
Mttnchengratz, 296. 
Munich, 177, 244, 313. 
MOnster, 79. 
Murad V, 362. 
Murat, fall of, 87, 91, 100, loi, 

119, 130, 131, 140, 155. 
MuravieflF, General, 353, 357. 

Nachod, Battle of, 296. 

Nagy-Salo, Battle of, 242. 

Nakhimoff, Admiral, 349. 

Nancy, 19, 305. 

Naples, kingdom of, 88 ; goes to 
Joseph Bonaparte, 91 ; to Murat, 
loi, 114, 140; Bourbons re- 
stored, 181, 182; (in 1848), 230. 
234, 235 ; freed by Garibaldi, 

Napoleon I, youth of, 46, 57 ; 
Italian Campaign, 59-61 ; in 
Egypt, 66-68 ; consulate, 74-77, 
80-84 ; emperor, 86-88 ; conquers 
Austria, 89 ; and Prussia, 90-95 ; 
and Spain, 99 - 104 ; arouses 
Germany, 106 - 108 ; crushes 
Austria, in-115 ; Austrian mar- 
riage, 116 ; system of, z 18-126 ; 

in Russian War, 129- X33; in 
War of Liberation, 154- X42 ; the 
Hundred Dajrs. 145, 146 ; abdi- 
cation and exile, X47 ; remariis 
on. 147. 148. 

Napoleon I, remains farongfat to 
Paris, 311. 

Napoleon II. 147, 149. 

Napoleon III, youth of, axx, 212 ; 
president of French Repoblic, 
a37. a53. a55; emperor, 256- 

and Italy, 330-337. 

in FVanco-German War« 300- 

fiall of, 266, 267 ; remarks on, 
267, 268. 

Napoleon -Joseph (see Jerome 

NarvaSz, 373. 

National Assembly (of 1789), 9, 10, 
14. 16, 19 ; (of 1871), 273-282. 

National Defence, Government of, 
266, 269-273. 

National Guards (1789), 13. 15. 19; 
alter Restoration, 169, 206, 230^ 
233, 270, 272, 273, 279. 

Navarino, Battle o^ 190, 191. 

Navarre, 226, 227, 374, 375. 

Necker, 4, 11, 20. 

Neerwinden, Battle of, 43. 

Nelson, 66. 

Nemours, Due de, 216, 217. 

Netherlands, Austrian, the, 30, 3r, 
33. 62, 79, 153. 

Netherlands, Dutch, 33, 42 ; con- 
quered by Ftench, 51, 56, 70^ 84; 
a kingdom (1806), 90 ; absorbeid 
in French Empire, 118 ; House 
of Orange restored, 140, 145, 
154, 158 ; secession of Belgium, 
195-197 ; since 1841, 380-382. 

Neufch&tel, 64, 159, 200, 288. 

New Caledonia, 277. 

New Zealand, 214. 

Ney, Marshal, 80, 87, 89, 95, 130, 
132. 133. 138, 145- 146; execu- 
tion of, 164. 

Nice, coimty of, 57-59, 79, 141. 
144 ; to France, 260, 332, 333. 



Nicholas I, 198, 242, 243, 257, 

287, 347-352. 
Nicholas, Grand Duke, 363. 
Nicopolis, 363. 
Nicotera, 345. 

Niemen, River, 130, 133, 156. 
Nihilism, 358, 369-370. 
Nikita, Prince, 360. 
Nikolsburg, preliminaries of, 297. 
Nile, Battle of the, 67. 
Nlmes, white terror at, 165. 
Noisseville, sortie to, 308. 
Nonjuring priests, 18, 24. 
Noric Alps, forced by Napoleon, 

Norway, under Danish crown, 96, 

97, 98, 128 ; united with Sweden, 

140, 158, 384-385. 
Novara, first Battle of, 183. 
second Battle of, 235. 
Novi, Battle of, 71. 
Novi-Bazar, to Austria, 365. 

Obrenovitch, House of, 360. 

October Patent, the, 320. 

Odillon Barrot, 231. 

O'Donnell, 373. 

Oldenburg, 118, 299. 

Old Guard, the, 130, 131, 146. 

Ollivier, 263, 266. 

Olmtttz, 297. 

Olmfitz, conference at, 287. 

Oltenizza, Batde of, 349. 

Omar Pacha, 349, 360. 

Orange, Prince of, 140. 

William of, made king, 158. 
Ordinances, the (1830), 170, 171. 
Orleanists, the, 253, 279, 28a 
Orleans, 271, 309. 
Orleans, Duke of (see Louis Philippe) . 
Orsini, 259. 
Oscar I (Sweden), 384. 
Oscar II (Sweden), 384, 385. 
Osman Pacha, 363. 
Osnabrttck, 80. 
Ostrolenska, Battle of, 199. 
Otho, King (Greece), 192, 369. 
Oudinot, General, 237. 

Paderborn, 79. 

Palais Royal, the, 231, 277. 

Palatinate, the, 80, 154, 246. 

Palestrina, 237. 

Palermo, 182, 335. 

Palikao, Count, 266. 

Palm, execution of, 106. 

Palmerston, Lord, 196, 199, 201, 
213, 251, 257, 259, 337, 352. 

Pampeluna, 105. 

Pap^ Infallibility decreed, 342. 

Papal States, 61, Z17, 181, 202, 
203, 331, 333, 336. 

Papal troops, 339, 343. 

Paray-le-Monial, 279. 

Paris, revolution at, 10-16, 19-22, 
34-37 ; in reign of terror, 44-49 ; 
during Convention, 52, 53; direc- 
tory, 73-75; empire, 87, 142; 
under Bourbons, 145, 146 ; July 
Revolution, 171 ; riots in, 209, 
210 ; in 1848-1851, 216, 230- 
233> 252-255 ; fall of empire, 
266; siege of 1 870 -1 871, 308- 
315 ; during commune, 275-277. 

Paris, Congress of, 329. 

Paris, Peace of, 258, 354; Treaty of, 

Parliaments, French, 2, 7, 8. 
Parhament (German), 244, 246, 247. 
Parma, 58, 121, 155, 179, 202, 

Parthenopaean Republic, 69. 
Paskiewitch, General, 193, 199. 
Paul, Czar, 72, 78. 
Peace, the (1815-1854), 160. 
Pedro, Don (Portugal), 186, 225, 

Peers, French, 143, 164, 169, 
P6p6, 183, 236. 
Perugia, 331. . 
Peschiera, 331. 
Pesth, 224. 
Potion, 24, 35. 
Prissier, Marshal, 215, 216. 
Phakburg, 309. 
Philippe (f^alit^) votes for death 

of Louis, 41 ; executed, 46. 
Philippopolis, 366. 
Picard, M., 263, 273, 278, 
Pichegru, General, 47, 50, 58, 85. 



Piedmont, 58. 76, 183, 184, 903, 
328-339. (See also Smtlmia. ) 

Pikes, feast of, 19. 

PiUniU, declaration of, 96, 31. 

Pitt, 42, 9«. 

Pius VII, 87, 124. 181. 

Pius IX, 233. 236, 327, 329, 337, 
34a, 343, 346. 

Pleiswitz, armistice of, 136. 

Plevna, 363, 364. 

Poland, partitions of, 27, 51, 52, 
128, 129, 156; rising of 1830, 
X98, 200 ; of 1863, 356. 

Poles, the, 125, 239. 

Polignac, 170. 

Pomare, Queen, 2x4. 

Pomerania, Swedish. 97, 159. 

Pontarlier, 31 z. 

Pont Noyelles. Battle of. 311. 

Porte, the (see Turkey). 

Portugal. 98, 186. Z87. 225, 226, 
376, 377. 

Posen, 51, 291, 317. 

Prague, 239. 

Congress at. 136. 
Treaty of, 297,. 383. 

Prefects. French, 81, 257. 

Presburg, 90. 223. 

Prim, General, 373, 374. 

Privateering, 258. 

Protection, 167, 252. 

Protestants, French, 2, 5. 

Proudhon Uie Socialist. 230. 

Provera, General, 60. 

Provincial system of France, 6, 17. 

Prussia before 179a, 31 - 33 ; and 
French revolutionists, 34-38, 47 ; 
and partitions of Poland, 51, 52 ; 
gains of, 79, 80, 84 ; crushed by 
Napoleon, 90 - 95 ; reforms in, 
93, io6-io8 ; 129, X30 ; in war 
of liberation. 134 - 141 ; recon- 
structed. 151-154 ; 173-177. 196 ; 
from 1831 to 1848, 219-221 ; in 
1848-1849, 244-247. 

Prussia, rise of, 286-301 ; the back- 
bone of German Empire, 313- 

Pruth, River, 349, 350, 366. 
Public Safety. Committee of, 45, 50. 

Pnebla. 262. 

Pyramids. Battle of, 67. 

Pyat, Fflix, 237, 275. 

QuATKB Bras, fight at, 146^ 
Quadruple allfaTe (of X815). 151, 

X52, x6s. 185 : (of 1834). 2*5. 
Quiberon, ezpeditkn to, 53. 
Quirinal, the, 236. 

Radbtzkt, General, 234, 335, 

Raglan, Loid. 350-353. 
Railways, spread of, az6, S58, 268, 

316. 355. 379- 
Rastatt, Congress of, 63. 69, jkk 
Ratisbon, Battle at, iii. 
Rattaza ministry, the^ 339, 338, 

Redan, the. 353. 
Reddiffis, Sir Stratfozd de, 349. 
' Referendum,' the, 378. 
Reform Bill, the English, 239. 
Reggio, 335. 

Rdchstadt, Due de, 1x7, 147, 149. 
Reichstag, German, 299, 316, 317, 

Republic, first French (1792), 39. 
the second, 233, 
the third. 269-285. 
Republican calendar, 39, 40. 
Ricasoli Ministry, the, 338, 341. 
Richelieu, Due de, 165. 
Rights of Man, 14, 33. 
Rimini, 202, 237. 
Ristics, M., 362. 
Rivoli. Battle of, 6a 
Rhine boundary, the^ 50, 63. 79, 


confederation of the^ 9X, xo6, 

XI9. X20. 

province, 140, X41, 144, 152. 
Robespierre, 7, 20. 21, 23. 27. 

organises massacres, 37. 

supremacy and fall of, 48. 
Rochebouet, De, 283. 
Rochefort. 147, 263, 269, 274, 275, 

Roland, M., 24. 

Madame, executed, 46. 



Romagna, the, 61, 332. 
Romana, General, 125. 
Rome. 64, 236, 238, 336, 337, 338, 

342. 343. 

Rome, King of, 117. 

Rood, General von, 390, 295. 

Rostopchin, Count, 132. 

Rouen, 311. 

Rouher, M., 263, 273, 341. 

Roumania, 189, 240, 323, 354, 355, 
359. 363. 368. 

Roumelia, Eastern, 368. 

Roi]sseau, 7, 17, 18. 

Rouvier, M., 283. 

RUgen, 94, 152. 

Russell, Lord John, 334, 335. 

Russia, m partitions of Poland, 51 ; 
wars with France, 88-90, 94-96 ; 
gains Finland, 96, 137 ; Moscow 
campaign, 128-133 ; in War of 
Liberation, 134-139 ; gains of, 
156, 157, i88 ; war with Turkey, 
192-194 ; crushes Polish rising, 
198-200, 243, 270 ; and Turkey, 
347 - 370 ; government of, 371- 

Rustchuk, 360. 

Ruthenians, the, 239. 

Saar, river, 135. 

Sadowa, Battle of, 296. 

Salamanca, Batde of, 105. 

Salonica, 361. 

Salzbui^, 62, 116. 

San Domingo, 23, 50, 65, 83. 

San Martino, Battle of, 331. 

San Sebastian, 105. 

San Ste£mo, preliminaries of, 364, 

Sardinia, kingdom of, in war with 

France, 27, 57-59, 61, 69, 76; 

Piedmont annexed to France, 81 ; 

reconstituted, 156, 180, 201-204; 

in 1848, 235 ; under Victor 

Emmanuel II, 326-337. 
Samerbimd, the Swiss, 200, 201. 
Savona, 59, 124. 
Savoy, overrun, 39, 47 ; 57-59» 141. 

144, 204, 260, 327, 328, 332, 


Savoy, the House of, 179, 180, 333 

Saxe- Weimar, Duke of, 174. 

Saxons, the, 240, 323. 

Saxony, 95, 129, 136, 138, 139. 
140, 144, 145, 152, 177, 197, 
198, 286, 294, 295, 398, 313, 316. 

Schamhorst, 107, 135. 

Scheldt, river, thrown open, 42. 

Schill, 114. 

Schleswig, 158, 287, 291-297, 301, 

317. 383. 
Schonbrunn, Treaty of, 116. 
Schwarzenberg, General, 130, 131, 

Schwechat, Battle of, 241. 
Schwyz, canton, 200. 
Scrutin cP arrondissement, 282. 
ScruHn de liste, 282. 
Sedan, 266, 305-307. 
Semmering, 62. 
Senate, French, 87, 122, 145, 255, 

257, 263, 281. 
September massacres (1792), 37. 
Septennate, the, 280. 
Serbs, the, 239. 
Serfdom, 247 (note), and Appendix 

Serfs, liberation of Russian, 355, 


Danish, 382. 
Serrano, Marshal, 373. 
Servia, 348, 350, 360, 361, 362, 

365» 366, 368. 
Sevastopol, siege of, 3So-3S3« 
Seville, 185, 374. 

Junta of, 1 01, 104. 
Sfax, 285. 

Shipka Pass, the, 363, 364. 
Shumla, 193, 360, 363. 
Siberia, 157, 200, 354. 
Sicily, 119, 156, 180, 181, 930, 

234. 23s. 334. 335. 338' 
Siey6s, consul, 74. 
Silesia, 31, 95, 295, 302. 
Silistria, 360. 

siege of, 350. 
Simon, Jules, 263, 269, 283. 
Simplon Pass, 80,. 123. 
Sinope, Battle off, 349. 



SUtova. 363. 

Skobcloff. General, 358. 364. 

Slcuptschtna, the, 358. 

Slavonia, 321, 333. 

Slavs, the, 189. 334, 338, 341, 331, 

323. 324. 369. 370. 
Smith, Sir Sydney. 67. 
Smolensk, 131, 133, 156. 
Sobranje, the, 367. 
Socialism, 353, 317, 318. 
Solferino, Battle of, 33 z. 
Sonderbund, the Swiss, 301. 
Soult, Marshal, 87, 103, 143, 3x6. 
Spandau, 93. 
Spain, War with France, 43, 50, 65, 

84 ; state of, 98-100 ; War of 

Liberation, 100-105. 130, 167 ; 

under Ferdinand VII, 184-186; 

Carlist Wars, 336-338 ; since 

1 868, 373-376. 
Spanish Marriage, the, 314. 

Colonies, 184-186, 378. 
Spezzia, z8o, 338. 
Spielberg, dungeons of, 323. 
Splugen Pass, the, 77. 
St. Amaud, 315, 354. 
St. Bernard Pass, 76. 
St Ooud, 171, 377, 313. 
St Cyr, General, 139. 
St Denis, outrages at, 47. 
St. Etienne, 216, 376. 
St Gothard Pass, 76, 378. 

tunnel, 300. 
St Helena, 147. 
St Just a I. 

St. Privat (Gravelotte), 305. 
St Quentin, Battle at, 311, 312. 
St Simon, the socialist, 230. 
St Vincent. Battle of Cape, 66. 
StaSl, Madame de, exiled, 84. 
Sta^, Madame de, 122. 
Stadion, Count no. 
State Church (Prussian), 2x9. 
States General, the, 8. 
Stein, 79, X06-108, 134, 13s. 137. 

Steinmetz, General, 301, 302. 
Stettin, 92. 

Stockach, Battle of, 71. 
Stralsund, 94-96, 114, 128. 

Strassburg. X51 (note), azi, s66, 

870. 302. 309. 315- 
Stnuss, sax. 
Styiia. XX3. 

Soabia, goes to Bavaria, got 
Sachet, General. 104. 
Snlfiman Piacfaa, 364. 
Somatza, 38X. 

SuwaiToff, General, 51, 71, 73. 
Sveabocg, 353. 
Sweden loses Finland, 96. 

88, X40, 158, 384-385- 
Swiss Meroenazy R^;iments, 11, 16, 

Switaeriand in X798, 64. 

campaign in, 71-72; 79. 80, 
158. 159, 200. aoi, 247, 260, 
3". 377. 378. 
Syria, 67, 261. 
Sxecfaenyi, Count. 223, 224. 

Taafe, Count 325. 
Tabor, Battle of Mount, 67. 
Tagliamento. Battle at the, 63. 
Tahiti, 214. 

Talavera, Battle of, 104. 
Talleyrand, 70, 142, 144, 165. 
Tann, von der. General, 309. 
Tchemaya, Battle of the, 353. 
Tegetthof, Admiral, 340. 
Tezmis Court oath, zo. 
Terror, reign of, 45-48. 
Thermidorian reaction, the, 49. 
Thessaly, Z92, 359, 369. 
Thiers, M., 209, 2x3, 230, 23Z, 

254, 265. 269, 270, 273, 275, 

278, 282. 
Thionville, siege of, 37, 305, 308, 

Thomas, General, 275. 
Thorn, district of, 5Z, X52, X56. 
Three days, the, of July (Paris), 

Thuringia, X74, 176, 299. 
Ticino, river, 330. 
Tilsit, treaty of, 95, 
Tirard, M., 283. 
Timova, 363. 
Tisza, M., 325. 
Todleben, 3Sx, 353, 364. 



Tolentino, Treaty of, 6x, 
Torres Vedras, 104. 
Totd, 270, 309. 
Toulon, 44, 46, 208. 
Toulouse, 142, 208. 
Toumay, Battle of, 50. 
Tours, government at, 271. 
Toussaint rOuverture, 83. 
Trafalgar, Battle of, 89. 
Transylvania, 240, 242, 243, 323. 
Traun River, Battle at, 112. 
Treaties, commercial, 260. 
Treaty of the Straits, 213. 
Tribunate, French, 87, 121. 
Tricoloiu:flag(FYench), 13, 172, 280. 
German, 176. 

Trieste, 116, 222. 

Trinidad, 78. 

Tripolitza, 190. 

Tlocadero, the peninsula, 185. 

Trochu, General, 269, 271, 272, 
307. 308, 313- 

Troppau, congress at, 178. 

Troyes, 141. 

Tsechs, the, 239, 324. 

Tugendbund, 107. 

Tuileries, 35, 36, 56, 124, 171, 
231. 277. 

Tunis, 284, 344. 

Turgot, 4. 

Turin, 69, 183, 328, 329, 336-339. 

Turkey, 69, 188, 194, 348-354, 

Tuscany, 96, 121, 155, 179, 235, 

236, 329. 331-333. 
Tyrol, 90, in, 112, 116, 153, 239, 
241, 324. 

Uhrich, General, 309. 
Ulm, capitulation at, 88. 
Ultramontanes, 200, 201, 247, 317, 

Umbria, 331, 337. 
Unkiar Iskdessi, Treaty of, 194, 313. 
United States, 84, 157, 229, 258, 

261, 262, 357. 
Uz6s, "white terror" at, 165. 

Valais, Canton, 80, 119, 159. 
Valencia, 104, 374. 

Valenciennes taken, 44. 

Valladolid, 105. 

Valmy, Battle of, 37. 

Vandamme, General, 138. 

Van Maanen, 196. 

Varennes, flight to, 23. 

Varna, 193, 350. 

Vatican, the, 343, 344. 

Velletri, 237. 

Vendue, La, 18 ; rising in, 37, 41, 

43; conquered, 46; pacified, 52, 75, 
Vend6me column, the, 211, 276. 
Venetia, 61, 77, 90, 153, 180, 234, 

297. 332. 

hberation of, 339-341. 
Venice, 58, 62, 119, 121, 235, 236. 
Verdun, 37, 303, 309. 
Vergniaud, 24. 
Verona, 62, 331, 332. 

congress at, 178, 184. 
Versailles, 2, 15, 273, 274, 275, 276, 

313. 314- 
Veto, suspensive, 14, 19, 24. 
Victor Amadeus, 27, 180. 
Victor Emma!nuel I, 180, 183. 
Victor Emmanuel II, 235, 327- 

337 ; King of Italy, 337-346. 
Victor, Marshal, 104, 130, 132. 
Victoria, Princess, 288. 
Vienna, 112, 223, 238, 241, 297. 
Congress of, 144. 
Second Congress of, 151, 176. 
Vilagos, surrender at, 243. 
Villaflor, General, 225. 
Villafranca, the preliminaries of 

peace, 260, 332. 
Vill^le, ministry of, 166. 
Villersexel, fight at, 310. 
Vilna, 156. 

Vinoy, General, 272, 275, 313, 
Vionville, Battle of, 303. 
Vitebsk, 130. 

Vittoria, Battle of, 105, 136. 
Vladivostock, 358. 
Volhynia, 199. 
Voltaire, influence of, 6. 
Voltumo, Batde at the, 336. 
Volunteer movement, the, 259. 
Vorarlberg, 153. 
Vosges Mountains, 302, 311. 



Waddington, M., 383. 
Wagram, Battle of, 115. 
WaitzcQ. Battle of, 94a. 
Walcberen, 1x4, 11& 
WalUchia, 96, xft6. 188. 193, 348. 

349. 350- 
Warsaw. City of, 199, 198, 199, 

Warsaw, Grand-dochy of, 95, X19, 

lao, 144, 152. 
Wortburg, f^e at the, 175. 
Waterloo, Battle of, 146. 
Wattignies, Battle of, 47. 
Weissemborg, Battles of, 47, 309. 
Wellington, 104-X05, 143, 146, 150, 

151. 187. 
Werder, General, 303, 309, 3x0, 

Westermann, 48. 
Westphalia, Kingdom of, 95, xix, 

114, 118, 129, 138, 174. 
••White Terror," the, 165. 
Widdin, 363. 
Wieland, io9. 
Wilhehnshohe, 367. 
William I (Holland), 195, 196, 

197. 380, 381. 
William II (Holland), 380, 381. 

^^illiam III (HoDond), 380. 381. 
William I (Pnuaia 9siA Gennanj], 

288, 389, 301. 307, 3i3-3ia 
William (WQrtemberiBr), 8Z& 
Williams, General, 353. 
Wimpffen, General de, 306, 307. 
Windischgr&tz, Prince, 239.- 241, 

Wtsmor, 114. 

Woi^shops, State, 90, 33s, 333. 
W5rth, Battle of, 366, 303. 
Wrangel, General, 346. 
Wrede, General, X39. 
WOrmser, Genend, 60. 
Wfkrtembag, 80, 88, 90, r54, 174, 

xjj, 386, 389, 3x3, 3r6. 
WOrzburg, 57, 80. 

York, Duke of, 51, 65, 71, 7*. 
York, General, 130, 134. 

Zanzibar, 319. 
Zemstvo, the. 356, 371. 
Zollverein, 177, 360, 387, 3x6^ 
Zouaves, 215. 
Zumala-Carreguy, 997. 
Zdrich, 71. 73, 159. 
Treaty of, 333. 


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