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STANFORD

THE ACIIHIINESE

Dr. C. SNOUCK HURGRONJE

T R A \J ^ I \ T t- t >

the late A. W. S. OSULUVAN

Wl I M AN INUhX

R. J. WILKINSON

vou II.

Ute E. J. DRI I.I.
LkYDKN, igc/i

WEBSTER COliECnON

SOCIAL
ANTHROPOLOGY

Moino- Mim.liunidni nihil <i mc alit- n r^ putc

ESTABLISHED B\

\\ HIITTON 4' 4 i^^'*'^'^*^^ ^^^
WEBSTER UT./7 WEbSTLK

1 1 \\\ PI 1 ►■ -••

wfrf

THE ACHEHNESE

P m

THE ACHEHNESE

Dr. C. SNOUCK HURGRONJE

Adviser for Native Affairs, Tfetherlands India,

TRANSLATED

the late A. W. S. O'SULLIVAN

Assistant Colonial Secretary, Straits Settlements,

WITH AN INDEX

R J. WILKINSON

Inspector of Schools, Federated Malay States,

VOL. II.

Latk K. J. BRILL
LEY DEN, 1906.

)

S-\l.-<\'\-L-

f, JL^

S'N-^V "^x \ .^-■^"»^V .. ■». X. ■»,

E. J. lirill, publikhcra and printers, Leyden.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

VOLUME II.

Chapter I. Learning and Science; Pp. i — 65.

(i) The practice of the three branches of Mohammedan teaching and
its preliminary study in Acheh ; p. i. (2) The heretical mysticism and
its antagonists; p. 10. (3) Present level of learning in Acheh; p. 20.
(4) Schools and student life; p. 23. (5) Branches of knowledge not
appertaining to the threefold learning of Islam; p. 32. (6) Art; p. 59.

Chapter II. Literature; Pp. 66 — 189.

(i) Introductory; stories; forms of written literature; p. 66. (2) The
Hikayat Ruhe; p. 78. (3) Epic Hikayats; p. 80. (4) Original treatises;
p. 117. (5) Fiction; p. 121. (6) Tables relating to animals; p. 158. (7)
Religious works; — pre-Mohammedan era; p. 165; (8) Idem; — Moham-
medan era; p. 171. (9) Idem; — books of instruction and edification; p. 183.

Chapter III. Games and Pastimes; Pp. 190 — 268.

(i) Various games of young and old; p. 190. (2) Games of chance;
p. 208. (3) Ratebs; p. 216. (4) Music; p. 267. (5) Processions and
popular feasts; p. 265. (6) Hikayats; p. 268.

Chapter IV. Religion; Pp. 269—351.

(i) Introduction; p. 269. (2) Doctrine, popular beliefs, worship of
saints, oaths; p. 281. (3) The remaining four "Pillars of Islam**; p. 303.
(4) Domestic Law; p. 314. (5) Laws relating to trade and business;
p. 319. (6) Government and the administration of Justice; p. 321. (7) The
future of Islam; p. 338.

INDEX; Pp. 353—384-

CORRIGENDA.

Vol. II, p.

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19, note 2: ,j-iji, j-ij^y, read: ,j^l, ,j«i^.
35, note I: Telong, read: T^ldng.

47, line 4 from below: sreng, read: sreng,

48, last line : sakH, read : saket,

75, line 24: onomatapaeiCt read: onomatopoeic.

76, line 15 : tabung- 1| ka^ read : tabungka || .
87, line 26: Z^', read: /A^'.

106, title of the picture: the Loueng Bata, read: Lueng Bata,

108, line 23: Teuka, read: Teuku.

121, line 20: catastrophe read: catastrophe,

125, line i6: Panjang, read: Panyang.

133, line 35: Parig, read: Pareh,

135, line 18: grurenda, read: geureuda,

135, line 19: /la^tf, read: w^j^^.

145, note I, line 2: Hague, read: Hague,

145, note 4, line i: Kajangan, read: Kayangan,

\J^6, line 9: worke, read: works,

204, line 2 from below : games, read : games ^).

206, line II from below: apparation, read: apparition,

206, line 34: survives, read: survive,

208, note 2 : /^ Malays, read : /A^ Malays,

208, note 2, line 3 : sevenholes, read : j^2;^'« A<9/^j.

216, line 3: <?« certain, read: <?« ^ certain,

9
223, line 33: rythmic, read: rhythmic,

260, note I : r^bah, read : ribab,

261, line 6 from below: ^Z /A^ j^w^ //>«^, read: ««rf «/ M^

262, note : TC^A^ iveard, read : zi;A^ wears.

CORRIGKNDA.

Vol.

II.

P-

266, 1

<»

273. 1

T»

277. 1

•1

t) *

r»

288, 1

293. 1

t»

300, 1

326, 1

r»

330, 1

334. 1

338. 1

t»

338, 1

7»

J»

340, 1

•«

34'. I

««

343. '

nc 21: ;//d7/' o;/, read : ;;/^//'o;/.

no 13: undoubledy read : undoubted

ne 1 2 : utterances, read : utterance.

lie 14: before\ read: before-.

ne 20: accounts^ read: account.

ne 7 : from below : ////^, read : ////A'.

ne \y\ foreignesSy XQ:?L.di\ forei^^ners.

ne 2 from below : contries, read : countries.

ne I : mainedy read : maimed.

ne I : ;/<?T£/, read : ;/^;.

ne 1 2 : /Av self development , read : //tv self -development.

ne 13: extent y read : extent.

ne 2 : repuirementSy read : requirements.

ne 19: prevails, read: prevail.

ne 12 from below: indent ified, read: identified.

CHAPTER I.

LEARNING AND SCIENCE.

§ I. The practice of the three branches of Mohammedan
teaching and its preliminary study in Acheh.

In Acheh, as in all countries where Islam prevails, there is, properly The learning
speaking, but one kind of science or learning (Ach. Heunie'c^ from the
Arabic Hlfnu)^ embracing all that man must believe and perform in
accordance with the will of Allah as revealed to his latest Apostle
Mohammad. It has in view the high and eminently practical purpose
of enabling man to live so as to please God, and opening for him the
door of eternal salvation. Beside it, all other human science is regarded
as of a lower order, and serving merely to the attainment of worldly
ends, both those which are permitted and those which are forbidden
by the sacred Law.

In Mohammad's time and for a little while after, this single branch
of knowledge was very simple and of small compass. The historical
development of Islam, however, very soon produced dissent and brought
new doctrines into being, so that the encyclopaedia of Mohammedan
lore attained very respectable proportions, and the teachers were com-
pelled in spite of themselves to concentrate their powers on single subjects.

To gain some insight into the encylopaedia of Mohammedan learning
we must examine the chief features of the history of its composition.
These I have already sketched in the introduction to my description
of learned life in the Mecca of to-day '), so it need not be repeated
here. It is enough to recapitulate those branches of Mohammedan
learning which are to some extent practised in Acheh.

l) Mekka, Vol. II pp. 200 — 214.
II

The beginning of all learning for every properly educated Moham- Elementary
medan is the recitation of the Quran (Ach. beuet Kuruan), In this less (Quran-reci-
stress is laid on understanding the contents of the book than on Nation).
correctly intoning the Arabic sounds. This elementary instruction only
gives practice to the ear, memory and organs of speech; the rules for
recitation contained in the pamphlets on the science of tajzvld and
impressed viva voce on their pupils by the teachers of the Quran are
worked out in very fine detail.

What the pupil attains in his Quran curriculum, is the capacity to Results of

1 1 • rill • ' 1 r t • 1 'y ^^ Qiiran-in-

recite correctly the portions of the holy writ required for his daily siruction.
prayers. He is also able eventually to chant upon occasion extracts
from the sacred Book according to the strict rules of the art, by way
of a voluntary act of devotion. Besides this, the non-Arab learner gains
an intimate acquaintance with a strange and difficult system of sounds,
and thus acquires in passing some knowledge of phonetic science.

Those who pass through the Quran-school are able, so far as they
do not speedily forget what they have learned, to read the Arabic
character with the vowel sounds; but unless they extend their studies
further, this does not enable them to read Malay, or even Achehnese
written in Arabic character.

There are thus even among the higher classes very many persons
who know little or nothing of reading; and the art of writing is still
less widely disseminated. I have often heard Achehnese declare that
they found it much more of a burden than a pleasure to be able to
write. Personally they may seldom require to exercise their skill in
writing; but every one who wants a letter or other document written
betakes himself as a matter of course to his expert fellow-villager, and
even seems to think he has a claim on the latter's good-nature for the
supply of the requisite stationery.

We have already noticed the part played by this elementary in-
struction in the education of the Achehnese *). The organs of speech of
the latter, like those of the Javanese, experience great difficulty in
reproducing Arabic sounds. Thus all the purely Achehnese teachers
who have not been grounded in the art of recitation under the strict
instruction of a foreigner, diverge to a vast extent from the Arabic
gamut of sounds. Their nasal pronunciation of the W;/ they have in

i) See Vol. 1, p. 396 ct seq.

common with other Indonesians, but the pronunciation, for example,
of an accented ;/ or an as r/> '; is peculiarly Achchnese. Here, as in Java,
thcv: national peculiarities have of later years begun to disappear,
since many of the best teachers are now schooled in Mekka. The
lesser pandits learn of these or of professional Egyptian Quran reciters,
who occasionally make a tour through Acheh.
rour«;/T of When the pupil has practised the Arabic character with the aid of
Ihr^ii^an.'" '* woorlen tablet Huh), he is given the last of the 30 portions (\ch. juih)
of the Quran, written or printed separately, and recites this under the
guidance of the teacher (ureueng pumubeiict or guree). This portion is
calhrd juih ama (^; from its initial word, and that which precedes it

jmh taha from the first two syllables of its initial word ^^Lo). In the
curriculum the jtiih taba comes after the juih ama, and it is not till
he has spelled out (fiija) and chanted both of these to the satisfaction
i)i his teacher, that the pupil begins the recitation of the whole Quran
from the fatihah, the Mohammedan Lord's Prayer^), to the end of the
I f4«l» Surah,
rjfimr i'\v.' Those who are content with a minimum of further study, that is to
"iMHnon '" ^'^y almrjst all girls and most boys, next proceed to learn the absolute
<:ssentials u{ religious lore from a small catechism, which we shall met
with Iat<;r on, in Achchnese prose and verse, in our description of their
lit<!ratur<.' (n"'' X(!I to XCVII). They arc also exercised cither by word
of mouth or with manuscript to guide them, under the supervision of
parents r)r schoolmasters, in the performance of the ^\q daily ritual
prayers (Acli. scumayang) prescribed for all Mohammedans.

The majority acquire this indispensable knowledge simply by imitation
of what they see and hear others do. Those who employ documentary
aid are not .'is a rule content with the Achchnese works. They read
under proper guidance Malay text-books such as those named Masailah
and IHdayah, which treat in a simple manner of the absolute first
principles of religious doctrine and of the religious obligations of the
Moslim. The teacher (male or female) must however explain it all in
Achchnese, since a knowledge of Malay is comparatively rare in Acheh.
A work such as the rhyming guide to Malay (sec n^ XCVIII of the

I « > }b «

1 ) Kor oxampU*, loohi ^ ^^-J > ktcluhu = KJy^ etc.

2) 'I'lic Achchnosc call the first of the thirty divisions of the Qunln aicuham from the

opening syllables of this first chapter («A4>s^)*

Achelinese works enumerated in the next chapter) serves simply to
make it easy to remember the words most required.

The part played by Malay in Acheh in the acquisition of religious Indispen-

. 1 r" 1 sability of a

learnmg is almost the same as that assumed by Javanese in the Sunda knowledge of
country. An Achehnese who desires to learn something beyond the laneuace* ^for

first elements of doctrine and law finds Malay indispensable. Even the more advan-
ced study in
few popular manuals in his own tongue bristle with Malay words, while Acheh.

reliable renderings of authoritative Arabic works, which are fairly

numerous in Malay, are entirely wanting in Achehnese.

Thus those who, without actually devoting themselves to study, still
take pleasure in increasing their religious knowledge so far as time and
circumstances allow, learn Malay en passant as they read. This, they
must do in order to be able to understand even the simplest "kitab."
A Malay kitab is a work derived or compiled from Arabic sources; as
a rule only the introduction, the conclusion, and a few passing remarks
are the work of the "author", the rest being mere translation.

There is a superabundance of Malay kitabs of this description. One,
the Qirat al-mustaqlm, written in Acheh by a non-Achehnesc pandit
of Arab origin from Gujerat, just about the period of Achch's greatest
prosperity, before the middle of the 17*^ century, is still much in
vogue, though later Malay works on the law of Islam have now begun
to supersede it.

Not a few Achehnese, whose position demands that they should
devote themselves to study, rest content with the perfunctory perusal
of some such Malay kitabs, as these suffice to enable them to officiate,
say as teungku mennasah ') or even as kali\ But though such may be
called leubc or malem **), or even alem in times and places where there
is a scarcity of religious teachers, they are never known as ulama, for
this name is reserved for the doctor who can enlighten others on matters
connected with the law and religious doctrine with some show of
authority.

To be able to lay claim to the title of doctor it is necessary at least What is
to have studied, under competent guidance, some few authoritative ukma.^
Arabic works on law and doctrine. To reach this end the Achehnese
employ a method different from that which has since ancient times

i) See Vol. I, pp. 70 — 75.

2) Vol. I, pp. 93 — 102.

3) Vol. I, p. 71.

been followed by the Javanese and Sundanese, — a method which
certainly appears more rational, but which is on the other hand so
fraught with difficulties, that most of those who adopt it lose courage
long before they attain their purpose.
Difference Thus in Java the preparatory subjects (Arabic grammar etc.) so in-

ijetwecn tnc

methods of dispensable in theory arc left in abeyance and often not practised till
instruction in j.]^^. very end. The pupil after bein^j grounded in a few elementary

vo^uc in Java * o <^ j

andinAcheh. manuals is immediately introduced to the greater Arabic text-books.

These he reads sentence by sentence under the guidance of a teacher
who probably knows as little of Arabic grammar as his pupil, so that
if he makes no serious mistakes in vocalizing the Arabic consonants,
he owes it to his good memory alone. After each sentence is read, the
teacher translates it into Javanese; the language employed of course
differs greatly from that of daily life, as it is a literal rendering of the
Arabic text, dealing with learned subjects and leaving technical terms
untranslated as a rule. It is only the similarity of these subjects one
with another and the unvarying style of the writers that assist the
pupil in committing to memory the text [lapat) *) and translations
[mana or logat) *). The teacher follows up his word-for-word translation
with an explanatory paraphrase {tnurad) '), designed to make the
author's meaning comprehensible.

Strange as it may appear, diligent students attain in the end so
much proficiency by this curious method, as to be able to translate
from Arabic into Javanese simple text-books. They are of course liable
to gross errors, and even their vocalizing of the Arabic words is seldom
entirely accurate. Much depends on the comparative age of their tradi-
tions in affairs of grammar. Where for instance their teacher or their
teacher's teacher was well grounded in grammar, they are likely to
pass on the text in a more uncorrupted form than if it had been for
a long time past transmitted from the memory of one to that of his
successor.

The chief reason why the patience of the Javanese students does
not become exhausted in this process, is that they feel the sum of their
knowledge augmented by each lesson. They take a pleasure in the
consciousness of having read the authoritative text {lapal) in the original
and this they would miss did they like the great majority limit them-

i) Arab. Jai! — (j^«^ — '^ — v>'^.

selves to the reading of Javanese works. The subsequent literal trans-
lation {logat or ma'na) removes all doubt as to the meaning of the
Arabic words, and the explanation [murad) makes the matter digestible
and capable of being applied.

The other method of instruction which has during the last thirty or Gradual mo-

r f 11 • t • T 1 nT 1 1 dification of

forty years gradually gamed supremacy in Java under Mekkan and the method in
Hadramite influence, is more logical, but requires much greater patience J^^**
and perseverance. It takes several years for the Indonesian to learn
enough Arabic to enable him to begin to read a simple learned work
with some degree of discrimination. This preparation costs him no little
racking of his brains, the results of which he cannot hope to enjoy
for a long time to come.

The Sundanese follow the same system as the Javanese, but with
this additional difficulty, that the language into which the translation
is made (Javanese) is strange to them, and that only the exposition
{murad) is given them in their own tongue.

This method, which in Java may still be called new-fashioned, appears
to have been in vogue in Acheh for a long time past. It is only those
who do not really devote themselves to study who employ the elemen-
tary Malay books, just as the Sundanese under similar circumstances
avail themselves of Javanese works, or even of those written in their
own tongue. But the student in Acheh begins by struggling through a
mountain of grammatical matter.

First comes the science of inflexions, sarah or teuseureh (Arab, garf The study of
or tagrxf\ for which are employed manuals consisting chiefly of para- y^^\^^^^^
digms, especially that known as Midan (Arab. Mlzdn). These are fol-
lowed by a number of widely known works on Arabic grammar [nahu),
which are generally studied in the order given below. The Achchnese
names are as follows, the Arabic equivalents being given in the note ^) :
Awam^f yeurumiahy Matamimah^ Pawakek, Alpialt, Ebeunu Ake.

It must be borne in mind that the Achchnese have the same diffi- Difficulties of
culty to overcome as the Sundanese, since for them too the text-books ^^g^ method!
are translated into a foreign language, the Malay. Thus we can easily
understand how the majority of students in Acheh fail to complete
what we might call the preliminary studies (known to the Arabs as

aldt or "instruments"), by the correct handling of which one may
master the principal branches of religious learning.

The popular verdict on the numerous scholars who have got no
further than the Alpiah, yet are wont to vaunt themselves on their
learning, finds expression in the verse which passes as a proverb among
the Achehnesc : •* Study of grammar leads only to bragging, study of
the Law produces saints" '). On the other hand a certain reverence
lurks in the idea that prevails among the ignorant, that he who has
studied the nahu is able to comprehend the tongues of beasts.

Besides the grammatical lore, there are also other ** instruments",
branches of learning subsidiary to the study of the law and of religious
doctrine, but in no Mohammedan country and least of all in Acheh
is the acquirement of these considered an indispensable prelude to the
more advanced subjects. Such are for example the various subdivisions
of style and rhetoric, arithmetical science (indispensable in the study
of the law of inheritance), astronomy, which assists in determining the
calendar and the qiblah, and so forth. These subjects are indeed taught
in Acheh, but they occupy no certain place in the curriculum gene-
rally adopted ; the time spent on them depends very much on the
pleasure of the students and the extent of their teachers' knowledge.
Main object The main purpose of study should be, properly speaking, the know-
^* ledge of Allah's law as revealed through Mohammed in the Quran and
in his own example {Sitiniah)^ and as in the lapse of time (with the
help of Oiyas or reasoning by analogy) confirmed and certified by the
general consent [Ijina^) of the Moslim community. With the students
or teachers of to-day, however, the knowledge of this law cannot be
ac(|uired by the study of the Quran and its commentaries together
with the sacred tradition as to the acts [sunnah) of the Prophet. For
such direct derivation of religious rules from their original sources a
degree of knowledge is required which is at present regarded as quite
beyond the student's reach. He has to restrict himself to the authori-
tative works in which the materials are moulded and arranged according
to their subjects. In these studies each is bound to follow the law-
books of the school [madhab) to which he belongs, although he must
also recognize the full rights of the three other schools to their own
interpretation of the law.

i) E/euml'c tiahtt — Ic bcurakah^ clcumcc plkah — U cclia.

Applying this principle to Acheh, wc arrive at the conclusion — a Authoritative
conclusion fully justified by the facts — that the chief objects of study
in that country are the authoritative Shafi'ite works on the learning
of the law (Arab, fiqhy Ach. pikah). As these books are the same in
all Shafi'ite countries, and the choice of any particular one of them
does not affect the subject-matter of study, I consider it superfluous to
give a list of this //>&^A-literature. I confine myself to observing that
Nawawi's Minhaj attalibm (Ach. Menhbt) and various commentaries
thereon such as the Fath al- Wahhab (Ach. Peuthoivahab)^ the Tuhfah ')
(Ach. Tupali) and Mahalli (Mahali) enjoy great popularity.

The Usuy {UfUl or Ta7v/ild), i. e. "doctrine", is next in importance study of
to the Pikah, Both branches of learning are studied simultaneously; °S™^'
the former may even precede the latter if circumstances so require.
The differences of the four schools or madhabs exercise no influence
on this score, as they do in regard to the interpretation of the law.
Thus even in a Shafi'ite country preference is by no means always
given to such Usul-works as have Shafi'ites for their authors.

In Acheh the same works arc employed for this branch of study as
in other parts of the Archipelago, and especially those of Sanusi with
their accompanying commentaries.

The great Moslim father al-Ghazali (ob. 1 1 1 1 A. D.) describes the study Mysticism,
of the law (Ach. Pikah) as the indispensable bread of life of the be-
lievers, the dogmatic teaching [Usuy) being the medicine which man-
kind, threatened with all manner of heresy and unbelief, is constrained
to use as preventive and as cure. Lastly he considers mysticism (Arab.
tafawwuff Ach. teusawoh) the highest and most important element in
man's spiritual education, since it serves so to digest the bread of life
and the medicine, that a true knowledge of God and of the community
of mankind with the Creator may spring therefrom.

Many works on the law and on dogma contain here and there
mystic points of view, but expressly mystic orthodox works are also
studied in Acheh.

Yet these works on mysticism cannot be said to be popular in The more
Acheh. As we know, a sort of heretical mysticism found its way into ^f ^ygticilm
the E. Indian Archipelago simultaneously with the introduction of

i) The Tuhfah and the Nihayah are the authoritative works par excellence for the
Shafi'ites. Where the two agree, departure from their common tenets is prohibited, where
they differ, the later commentators decide the question.

lO -

Islam, and still continues to exercise a great supremacy over men's
minds, in spite of influences originating directly or indirectly from
Arabia. There can be no doubt — numbers of written documents
testify to it — that this mysticism was brought hither by the pioneers
of Islam from Hindustan. The most important works on mysticism in
vogue in the Archipelago were penned by Indian writers, or else are
derived from a body of mystics which flourished in Medina in the 17th
century and which was strongly subject to Indian influence. To this
body belonged Ahmad Qushashi, ') whose disciples became the teachers
of the devout in Javanese and Malayan Countries.

Many of these Indian authors and also Qushashi and his disciples,
represent a mysticism which though regarded by cautious and sober
doctors of the law as not exempt from danger, is still free from actual
heresy. Behind this orthodox mysticism comes another, hardly disting-
uishable from the first on a superficial view, but which by its unequi-
vocal pantheism and its contempt for sundry ritual and traditional
elements of Islam, has incurred the hatred of all orthodox Mohammedans.

§ 2. The Heretical Mysticism and its Antagonists,

Heretical The heretical mysticism, of which there are numerous distinct shades,
mys icism. j-^^jj j^^j.^^ ^^ -^^ India, on fruitful soil, and nothing but the persecutions

which orthodox theologians occasionally succeeded in inducing the
princes to resort to, were able to thrust this pantheistic heresy back
to narrow limits.

This latter sort of mysticism has this in common with the orthodox
kind, that it finds in man's community with his Maker the essence
and object of religion, and regards ritual, law and doctrine merely as
the means to that end. Many of the representatives of this mysticism
almost at once forsook the orthodox track and embraced the belief

i) We shall shortly give further particulars in regard to this remarkable personage. For
the present let it suffice to observe that the ^sa/asi/n/is^^ (i. c. spiritual genealogical tables,
the **chains" of mystic tradition) of the most celebrated mystics in the Archipelago up to
about 50 years ago generally have as their starting-point this Ahmad QushSshi of Medina,
who in his turn counted many natives of India among his spiritual ancestors. The great
saint of Acheh, Shaich Abdurra'uf of Singkel, now called Tcungku di Kuala from the fact
that he is buried near the mouth of the Acheh river, was a zealous pupil of Ahmad Qushashi-

that other means than those mentioned above also lead to the desired
end, and that those who live in community with God are already here
on earth raised to some extent above ritual and law; the religious
teaching of these is entirely different from the official sort, and is at
most connected with the latter by arbitrary interpretations and by
allegory. Most of them also so conceive the community with God, that
the distinction between the creature and the Creator is lost sight of.

This pantheism is set forth by some authors in the form of a philo-
sophy; others — and these are the most popular — describe it in
mysterious formulas and in sundry comparisons, based on a play on
words or numbers. They illustrate, for example, the doctrine that every
part of creation is a manifestation of the Creator's being, by pointing
to the higher unity in which move harmoniously the four winds, the
four elements, the four chief components of ritual prayer, the four
archangels, the four righteous successors of Mohammed and the four
orthodox schools of jurisprudence. Now as with man the four limbs
correspond with the four great inspired books and the four sorts of
quahties of God, so we see how among other things this ever-recurring
number four demonstrates the unity of the whole of God's creation.
It is the task of mysticism to awaken in man the consciousness of this
unity, so that he may identify himself alike with God and with the
Universal.

The almost universal influence formerly enjoyed by this sort of mys-
ticism is shown by the vast number of manuscripts to be found among
the Indonesian Mohammedans, proclaiming this teaching with the aid
of pantheistic explanations of orthodox formulas, allegorical figures with
marginal notes, arguments etc. To this it may be added that while
varying greatly in detail, they are entirely at one in their main purpose.

This scheme of universal philosophy was (and is still, though in a Spread of
diminishing degree) represented by those occupied in the study and mysticism
teaching of the law, *) just as much as by the village philosophers and ,J^*^°1J^^°.^^
the spiritual advisers of the chiefs. Now it is obvious that these religious lago.
teachers have never gone so far as to assume from the mystic unity
of Creature and Creator the nulHty or superfluity of the Law. In their

i) In Java for instance, many of these "primbons" or memorandum-books were given
me by orthodox teachers of religion, who had inherited them from their fathers or grand-
fathers (teachers like themselves), but set no store by them themselves, and were even a
little ashamed of having them in their possession.

opinion the fulfilment of this law was indispensable, although in practice
fruitless for the majority of those who are in name believers, since
they have not grasped the deep mystic significance of the ritual obser-
vances and of the law in general.

Others however go much further and assert that this complete con-
sciousness of the universal unity is a universal sembahyang or prayer,
which does away with the necessity for the five daily devotional exer-
cises of ordinary men. Nay they sometimes go so far as to brand as
a servant of many gods one who continues to offer up his sembahyang
or to testify that there is no God but Allah, since he that truly com-
prehends the Unity knows that ** there is no receiver of prayer and no
offerer thereof;" for the One cannot pray to or worship itself. The
Javanese put such philosophy in the mouths of their greatest saints,
and among the Malays and Achehnese also, teachers who proclaimed
such views have been universally revered since early times.
Myhiicism From the chronicles of Acheh, portions of which have been published

* A l« l« *

the i6»i» and ^V ^^^' Niemann, *) we learn somewhat of the rcligio-philosophical life
i7»»>ccniu- in Acheh in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. We see there that

ncs.

the religious pandits who held mastery in the country were not Acheh-
nese, but either Syrians or Egyptians who came to Acheh from Mekka,
or else natives of India, such as Raniri ^) from Gujerat. We also notice

1) lUocmlczlufi uii Malcische ^fschriftcn^ 2nd edition, pp. m. — m •

2) I cnnnut discover whether the Muhammad Jailflnl b. Hasan b. Muhammed Ilamid
Kanfrl of the chronicles is actually identical with the man known as Nuruddin b. AH. b.
Ilasanji I). Muhammad Raniri, or a younger relative of his. The latter name is mentioned
in Dr. van der Tunic's essay on the Malay mss. of the Royal Asiatic Society (see Essays
rdatini^ to Indo-China^ 2e series, Vol 11, p. 44 — 45 and 49 — 52). The man of whom
Niemann speaks came to Acheh for the second time in 1588 and settled the disputed
questions of the day in regard to mysticism \ the Raniri of Van der Tuuk resisted the
mystic teaching of Shamsuddin of Sumatra (Pa.sei), who according to the chronicles edited
by Niemann died in 1630, and wrote the most celebrated of his works shortly before and
during the reign of (^)ueen Sapiaiddin Shah (1641 — 75). This would render the identity of
the two very improbable, but the chronicler may have made an error in the date. The
omission of the name Ali in the chronicle is in itself no difficulty, and the names Muhammad
Jailani and Nuruddin may quite well have belonged to one and the same person; nay, in
a Hatavian ins. (see Van den Herg's Vcrs/a}^ p. I, no. 3 and 9, no. 49 <•.) Nuruddin ar Raniri
is actually also called Muhammad Jail.^ni. In the margin of an edition of the Taj-ul-mulk
(see § 5 below) which appeared at Mekka in A. H. 131 1, is printed a treatise bearing the
title />//</' ihaiq as-sama^vat wal-ardh. The author of this treatise is called Nuruddin bin
Ali HasanjI, and in the Arabic introduction it is told of him that he came to Acheh in
November 1637, and received from Sultan Iskandar Thani the command to write this book
in March 1638. The dates given, however, in the Malay translation which immediately
follows the Arabic introduction, arc quite different from the above!

that what the Achehnese of that day specially desired of their foreign
teachers was enlightenment on questions of mysticism, as to which
much contention prevailed.

The best known representatives of a more or less pantheistic mysticism Shamsuddin
were a certain Shaikh Shamsuddin of Sumatra (= Pas^), who seems Pansuri.
to have enjoyed much consideration at the court of the great Meukuta
Alam (1607 — 36) *), and who died in 1630, and his forerunner Hamzah
Pansuri. *)

The orthodox opponents of this Indo-Mohammedan theosophy in a Persecution
Malay dress won their wish under the successor of Meukuta Alam, who "
at their instigation put the disciples of Hamzah to death, and had the
books which embodied his teaching burnt. Many of these works, how-
ever, escaped the flames, ^) and the princes and chiefs of Acheh were
not always so obedient to the orthodox persecutors. Even to the present
day Hamzah 's writings are to be met with both in Acheh and in Malay
countries, and in spite of the disapproval of the pandits they form the
spiritual food of many.

In the language of the Arab mysticism, he who strives after commu-
nion with God is a salik or walker on the way [tariqah) leading to the
highest. Although these words are also used by most of the orthodox
mystics, popular expression in Acheh has specially applied the term
salik-learning [Heumyi sale) to such mystic systems as are held in
abhorrence by the orthodox teachers of the law.

About 30 or 40 years ago one Teungku Teureubue *) acquired a great
celebrity in the Pidic district as a teacher of such Heum^e sale. Men
and women crowded in hundreds to listen to his teaching. Even his
opponents gave him the credit of having been extremely well versed
in Arabic grammar, a thing we rarely hear of other native mystics.
Yet the opposition which his peculiar doctrines excited among the
representatives of the official orthodoxy was so great that they instigated
Bentara Keumangan (chief of the league of the six uleebalangs) to

i) See the Achehnese chronicles edited by Niemann, p. 'H , line 7.

2) As to these two see Dr. Van der Tuuk\s essay pp. 51 — 52. That Hamzah belongs to
an earlier period may be gathered from the fact that Shamsuddin wrote commentaries on
some of his works.

3) Hence I was able to obtain from an Achehnese a copy of the ^ -A» S jl, y »^' jV^
mentioned by Van der Tuuk.

4) 5)o called after the gampong in Pidic where he taught; his real name was Muhamat
Sa'it, abbreviated into It.

extirpate the heretics. The teacher and many of his faithful disciples
set a seal to their belief by their death. [Notwithstanding this, T.
Teureubue found a successor in his disciple Teungku Gad6, also known
as Teungku di Geudong or (from the name of the gampong where he
lives) Teungku Tcupin Raya. In the centre of this gampong is the tomb
of Teungku Teureubue, surrounded by a thick and lofty wall. The
village is under the control of the teacher and is mainly peopled with
his disciples.]

llabii) Sen- No such violent end overtook the Habib ') Seunagan, who died some

»Jiga». years ago. He derived his name from the scene of his labours on the

West C\>ast to the South of Meulaboh. Before he had attained celebrity

he was known as Teungku Peunado', after the gampong in Pidie where

he was born.

The teaching of this heretical mystic is known to me only from
information furnished by his opponents, and therefore necessarily very
one-sided. He is said to have disseminated the teaching of Hamzah
]*ansuri, but the statements made regarding his interpretation of the
Ouriin and the law show it to have been in no special degree mystical,
although greatly at variance with the otlicial teaching. lie is reported
for instance to have held that one might handle the Ouriln even when
in a state of ritual impurity, and that a man might have nine wives
at once, opinions anciently upheld by the Zahirites. *-) Me is also supposed
to have had his own special conception of the qiblah (the direction
in which the worshipper must turn his face in the daily ritual prayers),
and a dissenting confession of faith, viz. ^ There is no (jod but Allah,
this nal)ib is truly the body of the Prophet/'*^)

Pidii- and some i)ortions of the West Coast, such as Susoh and
Meulabnh, are still regarded as districts where the tV<7/;;//f" .sv/A" flourishes.
I In Seunagan one Teungku di Krui-ng fob. 1902) may i)c considered as
the spiritual successor of Habib .Seunagan.]

Teungku ili After this digression we must now turn back for a moment to an
earlier period, not with the view of giving a complete history of Acheh-
nese theology, but to recall attention to a remarkable Malay, whom

1) 'rhc wdhI Ifaliil* is hen- uscil in a son^o imii^^ual in Adirlwu'NC (soo vnl I p. 155)
namclv in tbnt «if /"//.•'/./ («»f (mhI): II;i}»ili Sciin;i'';ui \v;\«; nut a snvviil.

m • ' ' n

2) Sec Die '/i'lh'nitcn l»y I>r. I. TioM/ilRT, I.iip/i{^ 1SS4: on p. 54 y^{ tliis wurk wc fin*!
this view a'* lo llu* loiuliinj^ i»f the <^>uran.

3) /../ ihihii iilii 'Ihih^ Hat'lh nyo? sah /'./././// //»//'/.

we have already mentioned several times, ') and whose activity exhibited
itself during the latter portion of his life in Achehnese territory. This
was Abdurra^uf (Ach. Abdoraoh) of Singkel, known in Acheh as Teungku
di Kuala, since his tomb, the most sacred in the whole country after
that of Teungku Anjong, is situated near the Kuala or mouth of the
Acheh river.

In Van den Berg's Catalogue ^) of the Malay MSS. at Batavia
collected by the late H. Von de Wall we find mentioned (p. 8 n°4i): —

^jjk:^Ll^uJt 8 cV» ^ "A work on the confession of faith, prayer, and the
unity (4XA^y) of Allah."

These words very imperfectly indicate the contents of this Umdat
al'tnuhtajm, of which I have also found a copy in Leiden ') and another
in the Royal Library at Berlin, *) and have acquired a third by pur-
chase. *) The book consists of 7 chapters (called faidaks), the chief aim
of which is the description of a certain special kind of mysticism, of
which dikr^ the recital of the confession of faith at appointed times,
forms a conspicuous part. Still more remarkable than all this, however,
is the chatimah or conclusion which follows these seven faidahs. In this
the author, the Abdurra'uf just referred to, makes himself known to
the reader and gives a short notice of his life as a scholar, together
with a silsilah (or as the natives pronounce it salasilah) or spiritual
genealogical tree, to confirm the noble origin and high worth of his
teaching. According to this final chapter, Abdurra'uf studied for many
years at Medina, Mekka, Jiddah, Mokha, Zebid, Betal-faqih etc. He

i) V^ol I p. 390 and note on p. 10 above.

2) Published al Batavia 1877.

3) N» 1930.

4) Numbered Schumann V, 6.

5) Van den Berg appears not to have read further than the first page.

6) Among the Malay MSS. which I collected in Acheh, is an abstract made by the
author himself of his ^ Umdat al-muhtajin under the name Kifayat al'mtthtajln^ and also a
short refutation of certain heretical dogmas prevalent in these parts in regard to what man
sees and experiences in the hour of death. To support his teaching the writer appeals to
a work of Molla Ibrahim (successor of Ahmad Qushashi) at Medina; of this work I possess
a Malay translation by an unknown hand.

Another famous work of this same Abdurra'uf is his Malay translation of Baidhawi's
commentary on the Quran, published in A. II. 1 302 at Constantinople in two handsomely
printed volumes. On the title page Sultan Abdulhamid is called "the king of all Mohamme-
dans!" From this work we perceive among other things, that the learning of our saint was
not infallible; his translation for instance of chap. 33 verse 20 of the Quran is far from
correct.

II 2

Ahmad
Qushashl.

Satariah.

mentions no less than 15 masters at whose feet he sat, 27 distinguished
pandits whom he knew, and 15 celebrated mystics with whom he came
in contact.

Above all others he esteems and praises the mystic teacher Shaikh
Ahmad Qushashl at Medina. He calls him his spiritual guide and teacher
in the way of God, and tells how after his death he (Abdurra'uf)
obtained from his successor Molla Ibrahim permission to found a school
himself. Thus after 1661 Abdurra'uf taught in Acheh, and won so many
adherents that after he died his tomb was regarded as the holiest place
in all the land, till that of the sayyid called Teungku Anjong somewhat
eclipsed it after 1782.

We noticed above (footnote to p. 10) that the mysticism of Ahmad
Qushashl was disseminated in the E. Indian Archipelago by a great
number of khalifahs (substitutes), who generally obtained the necessary
permission on the occasion of their pilgrimage to Mekka. In Java we
find innumerable salasilahs or spiritual genealogical trees of this tarlqah
or school of mystics. In Sumatra some even give their tariqah the
special name of Qushashite *); and it is only of late years that this
Satariahy as it is usually called, has begun to be regarded as an old-
fashioned and much-corrupted form of mysticism and to make place
for the tarlqahs now most popular in Mekka, such as the Naqshibendite
and Qadirite.

I have called this school of Qushashl corrupt for two reasons. In the
first place its Indonesian adherents have been so long left to them-
selves, -) that this alone is enough to account for the creeping in of
all manner of impurities in the tradition. But besides this, both Javanese
and Malays have made use of the universal popularity enjoyed by the
name Satariah as a hall-mark with which to authenticate various kinds
of village philosophy to a large extent of pagan origin. We find for
instance certain formulas and tapa-rules which in spite of unmistakeable
indications of Hindu influence may be called peculiarly Indonesian,

1) Ahmad (^ushfishi himself calls his tat'tqah the Shatlarite (after the well-known mystic
school founded by as-Shattari) and points out that some of his spiritual ancestors also
represent the (^>fulirite {aiiijah. In the K. Indian Archipelago also, Satariah is the name
most in use to designate this old-fashioned mysticism.

2) In Arabia the Shatlarite mysticism seems long to have fallen out of fashion; in Mekka
and Medina the very name is forgotten. In British India it still prevails here and there,
but as far as I am aware it does not enjoy anywhere a popularity which even approaches
that which it has attained in Indonesia.

recommended for use as Satariah often along with salasilahs in which
the names of Abdurra'uf and Ahmad Qushashl appear.

The work of Abdurra'uf is, however, in accord with orthodox doctrine,
albeit his attitude has excited the jealous or envious sneers of many
a pandit.

It might cause surprise that the name of Abdurra'uf should appear
in the salasilahs of QushashT's teaching not alone in Sumatra but also
to a great extent in Java, since as a matter of fact both Javanese and
Sundanese imported this tarlqah directly from Arabia. But apart from
the possibility of Abdurra'uf's having initiated fellow-countrymen or
those of kindred race before leaving Arabia, after he had received
permission to form a school, we must remember that before sailing
ships were replaced by steamers as a means of conveyance for visitants
to Mekka, Acheh formed a great halting-place for almost all the pil-
grims from the Eastern Archipelago. The Achehncse used to speak of
their country with some pride as *the gate of the Holy Land". Many
remained there a considerable time on their way to and fro, while some
even settled in the country as traders or teachers for the remainder
of their lives. ') Thus many Javanese may on their journey through,
or in the course of a still longer visit, have imbibed the instruction of
the Malay teacher.

In the extant copies of his writings Abdurra'uf is sometimes described
as ''of Singkel," and sometimes "of Pansur," but it is a remarkable
fact that his name is almost always followed in the salasilahs by the
words **who is of the tribe of Hamzah Pansuri" ^). I have nowhere indeed
found it stated that Abdurra'uf expressly opposed the teaching of Hamzah,
but the spirit of his writings shows that he must have regarded it as
heretical. One might have supposed that under theSe circumstances he
would at least have refrained from openly claiming relationship with
Hamzah. The only explanation I can give of this phenomenon lies in
the extraordinary popularity of the name of Hamzah, which may have

i) As may weU be supposed, such sojourn was the reverse of favourable to the good
feeling of the Javanese etc. towards their European rulers. An example of this in our own
times was Teungku Lam Paloh, who died not many years since. He was a Javanese of
Yogya, who married and had a family in Acheh, and without much claim to learning came
to be regarded as a saint by a certain coterie. This presumptuous pretender to sanctity
borrowed his name from the gampOng (within the "linie") where he had his abode.

2) The expression is j^yOAJ »j4.s> (Jav. \j^ j^) {j^ji fJ.

induced the disciples of Abdurra'uf to avail themselves of this method
in order the better to propagate their own orthodox mysticism.
Sleight disse- Abdurra'uf has undoubtedly had a great influence on the spiritual
the other ta- ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Achehnese, though it is true that of such mystic systems
"J^l^^s ^^ only certain externals (such as the repetition of dikrs at fixed times,
and the honour paid to their teachers) are the property of the lower
classes. But his works are now little read in Acheh, and adherents
of a Shattarite tarlqah or school of mysticism are few and far
between. The other tarlqahs, which in later times caused so great
a falling away from the Satariah, cannot boast one whit the more of
great success in Acheh. Perhaps the war is to blame for this, but
without doubt the Achehnese adherents of the Naqshibandiyyah or
Qadiriyyah are of no account as compared with those of West Java
or of Deli and Langkat.

On the other hand the tomb of Abdurra'uf continues to attract crowds
of devout visitors, and it is made the object of all kinds of vows which
are fulfilled by pious offerings to the saint. This tomb has become the
subject of a characteristic legend which shows how little regard the
Achehnese pay to chronology.
Legend res- Some of them make out Abdurra'uf to have been the introducer
durraW ' ^^ Islam into Acheh, although this religion was prevalent in the country
at least two centuries before his time. Others make him a contemporary
of Hamzah Pansuri and represent him as the latter's antagonist, as it
became a holy teacher to be. The story goes that Hamzah had esta-
blished a house of ill-fame at the capital of Acheh ; for no vice is too
black to be laid at the door of heretics. Abdurra'uf made appointments
with the women, one after another; but in place of treading with them
the path of vice, he first paid them the recompense they looked for,
and then proceeded to convert them to the true faith.

§ 3. Present level of learning in Acheh.

From the above remarks it may have been gathered that for more
than three centuries the three chief branches of learning of Islam {Fiqh,
Uful and Tagawwuf^ Ach. Pikah, Usuy and Teusaxuoh) and as a means
or instrument to attain them, the Arabic grammar and its accessories

have been practised in Acheh. There are just as many at the present
day as in earlier times, who have reached a moderate degree of pro-
ficiency in this triple learning, and the branch that is studied with
especial zeal is the Law, which is also that of the greatest practical
utility. Some gather their knowledge in their native country, others
undergo a wider course of study in the Straits Settlements or at Mekka.

Whether learning advanced or declined in Acheh during the historical Learning in
period of which we have some knowledge cannot be definitely ascer- ^^^^^ ^^^^^ -^
tained. The fact that such an extraordinary number of Malay writings modern times,
on the teaching of Islam appeared in Acheh during the i6th and 17^^^
centuries was merely the result of the political condition of the country,
as that period embraces the zenith of the prosperity of the port-kings.
Among the authors of these works or among the most celebrated
mystics, heretical or orthodox, we do not find a single Achehnese
name, but only those of foreign teachers. Learned Mohammedans have
at all times sought countries where their attainments commanded solid
advantages in addition to honour and respect. ') The activity of these
champions, who fought their learned battles in the capital, had but
little significance in regard to the scholarly or religious development
of the people of Acheh.

It may well be supposed that there were formerly as well as at the Value of the
present time some teachers of Achehnese race who gave the necessary j^gs ^f
enlightenment to their countrymen in Malay or Achehnese writings Achehnese.
The fame of such works of the third rank, however, is not wont long
to survive their authors *) ; and to this must be added the fact that
they were always compiled to meet the requirements of a definite
period and of a definite public. Pamphlets like those of Teungku Tiro
or Teungku Kuta Karang, and books and treatises such as those of
Cheh Marahaban (to be more closely described in Chap. II) will not
be so much as spoken of half a century hence.

There is one treatise in Malay apparently written by an Achehnese

i) Even up to the present time teachers and exponents of mysticism occasionally come,
chiefly from Mekka, to make a profit of their learning or their sanctity among religiously
disposed chiefs in various parts of the country.

2) The writings of Teungku Tiro (Cheh Saman) and of Cheh Marahaban, both of whom
were (before the war) among the most highly esteemed teachers in the country, furnish us
with a good gauge wherewith to measure the high water-mark of learning in Acheh. Like
those of all their predecessors among their own countrymen, their productions have not the
smallest significance or value outside the narrow limits of their own land.

named Malcm Itam or Pakeh Abdulwahab 'j, in which are collected the
principal rules of the law in regard to marriage, and the original of
which is fully a century old. Another Achehnese named Mohammad
Zain bin Jalaluddln, from whose hand there appeared in Malay an
insignificant essay on a subordinate part of the ritual, -) and one of
the innumerable editions of Sanusi*s small manual of dogma, 'j appears
also to have been the author of a Malay treatise on the Mohammedan
law of marriage, *} which enjoyed the honour of being lithographed in
Constantinople in A. H. 1304 under the name Bad an-nikah (Chapter
on marriage). I do not know in what connection this writer stands with
Jalaluddin f= Teungku di Lam Gut, see p. 28 belowj who in A. H.
1242 fA. D. 1826 — 27) wrote the Tambiho rapilin (see Chap. II, N®.
lA'XXVl). It is probably due to chance that his works have not been
consigned to oblivion like those of so many others. They are not
specially marked by any redeeming traits and are also devoid of local
colour, with the exception of an appendix two pages in length attached
to Mohammad Zains Hab an-nikah, containing precepts designed to suit
the requirements of Achehnese life.

The most characteristic of these precepts concerns the taqtxd (Ach.
teukenlit) i. e. resorting to the authority of the imam of the Hanafite
school in respect to the marriage of a girl who is a minor and without
father or grandfather. The object of the author is to give legal sanction
to the peculiar Achehnese custom of the bale incudenhab, ^)

The study of the teaching of Islam, of what is generally described

\) I fintl no clear indication of the author's name in the three copies with which 1 am
acquainted (Ht-Tlin Royal Library, Schumann V, 6, and Malay MSS. of the Leiden library,
N"» 1752 and 1774).

2) See Van den Berg's Versln^^ p, 7, N** 36.

3) See Van den lierg's I'crslajt^^ pp. 8 — 9, N° 45.

4J I cannot recall the source of this book, though I feel certain that 1 have heard or read
of it; as to its having been written by an Achehnese, that is beyond all doubt.

5) See Vol I p. 347 et seq. The passage in (|uestion runs as follows: CNj [J^^ i'\^
^U^J CJjJi^ <>>^i^ *^-*r^ c>ol V-A-J5 xJLscXa^ «dV^ ^j'Jb oU «j iib Jb ij
^^^ jl vil:> q'j si>*;^^.^ s^^A^ c\3 (read-.y') ^^ sIa^Lq ^b ^1 rvJUli'

as '^Mohammedan law", has not declined in Acheh, though it has
received somewhat of a check during the disturbances of the past 30
years. If such learning is of little value as a qualification for offices
such as those of kali ^) and teungku meunasah '^), that is due partly to
the adat which makes these offices hereditary, and partly to the fact
that the chiefs do not want as kalis too energetic upholders of the
sacred law, and to the reluctance of all true pandits to strengthen the
chiefs' hands by pronouncing their crooked dealings straight.

Such branches of study as commentaries on the Quran {Tafsxr^ Ach. Ornamental
Teupeuse) or the sacred tradition (Hadithy Ach. Hadih) which in the study.
earliest times of Islam formed the piece de resistance of all learning, as
it was from them that the people derived their knowledge of the rules
of law, have now become more or less ornamental, since the study of
the law has been made independent of them. Such ornamental branches
of learning are however highly esteemed even in Acheh. v Proficient
teachers occasionally give instruction in them, but no one thinks of
studying these until he has mastered the essentials of Pikah and Usuy.

§ 4. Schools and Student Life.

The student life of Mohammedans in the Archipelago would furnish student life,
an attractive subject for a monograph. The pSsantrens of Java have
indeed been described in a number of essays, but in these nothing is
to be found but a superficial view of the question, which has never
been closely examined.

A capital and wide-spread error in regard to the schools of the No real
Mohammedan religion in these countries is that they are schools of pj-j^^s!
priests^). This is absolutely untrue; not only because there are no such
things as Mohammedan "priests", but also because, even if we admit
the erroneous term ''priests" or "clergy" as applied to the penguins,
naibs, modins, ISbes etc. in Java, the pSsantr^ns cannot in any sense
be regarded as training-schools for the holders of these offices. Most

i) See vol I, p. 93. 2) See Vol. I, pp. 70 et seq.

3) Van den Berg falls into this error in his essay : De Mohammedaansche geestel'tjkheid
etc. op Java en Madoera (Batavia 1882) p. 22 et seq., and therefore expresses his astonish-
ment at the fact that the pCsantrens in West Java are attended by women "although they
cannot of course become candidates for any priestly office."

of the p^ngulus and naibs (but not the so-called desa-clergy) have, it
is true, attended a pfesantren for a time, but there are many who have
entirely neglected suc.h instruction. What is still more striking, however,
is the fact that the great majority of students in pesantrfens never think
of competing for a "priestly" office; indeed it may be said of ninety
per cent of the santri or students that they would be unwilling to
fill such offices, and that they rather as a class view those who occupy
them with contempt and sometimes even with hatred.
Kyahis and As in Java so also in Sumatra and elsewhere relations are pro-
pnguus. verbially strained between the gurus or "kyahi" (as they are called in
Java) i. e. the non-official or teaching pandits, and the penguins and
their subordinates, including those officials in other countries whose
duties correspond to those of pSngulu in Java.

Those who administer the Moslim law of inheritance and marriage,
who control the great mosques and conclude marriage contracts, regard
these kyahis and all belonging to them as a vexatious, quarrelsome,
hairsplitting, arrogant and even fanatical sort of people; while these
teachers and pandits, on their part, accuse the pengulus of ignorance,
worldliness, venality and sometimes even of evil living.

As we have already observed, by far the greater number of the
students who frequent the phafitrbns or pondoks in Java, the suraus in
mid-Sumatra, or the rangkangs in Acheh, is composed of embryo teachers
or pandits, who disdain rather than desire office, or of those whose
parents set a value on a specially thorough course of religious instruction.
Such institutions could only properly be termed '^schools for the priest-
hood" if we might apply the name of priest to all persons who had
passed through a course of theological training.
The students. In Acheh as well as in Java there are to be found among the students
young men of devout families; sons of the wealthy and distinguished
whose parents consider it befitting that some of their children should
practise sacred learning; lads who study from an innate love of and
impulse towards learning, to contradict which would be esteemed a
sin on the part of their parents; some few who are later on to be
pengulnst naibs ^ tcungkus of meunasahs or kalis, though fewer in Acheh
even than in Java, since devolution of office by inheritance forms the
rule in the former country; and finally those of slender means, who
hope to attain through their learning a competence in this world and
salvation in the next.

However deep the contempt in which the malems and ulamas may
hold the occupiers of the so-called "priestly offices," sold as these are
to Mammon, yet they are not themselves without regard for the good
things of this world, and are not slow to seize the opportunity of
securing a fair share of the latter for themselves.

Well-to-do people very often prefer to give their daughters in marriage, Advantages
with a sufficient provision for their maintenance, to these literati^ who learning,
are on this account viewed with marked disfavour by the chiefs both
in Java and Acheh. All alike occasionally invoke their knowledge or
their prayers in times of distress, and such requests for help are always
accompanied by the offer of gifts. At all religious feasts — and we
know how numerous these are in Native social life — their presence
is indispensable, and their attendance is often actually purchased by
gifts of money. There are thus numerous opportunities for profit for
the ulama or malem, quite apart from the instruction they give, which
though not actually ''paid for" is still substantially recompensed by
those who have the requisite means. To this must be added the honour
and esteem liberally accorded to these teachers by the people, who
only fear the ''priesthood" (wrongly so called) on account of its influence
in matters affecting property and domestic life.

Just as the Israelites used to say that a prophet is without honour None acquire
in his own country, so the Achehnese assert with equal emphasis that ^^ ^^^
no man ever becomes an alem^ to say nothing of an ulama, in his own gampsng.
gampong. To be esteemed as such in the place of his birth, he must
have acquired his learning outside its limits. This is to be explained
chiefly by the prejudice natural to man; to recognize greatness in one
whom we have seen as a child at play, we must have lost sight of
him for some time during the period of his development. To this must
also be added the fact that those who remain from childhood in their
own gampong, surrounded by the playmates of their youth, find it
harder as a rule to apply themselves to serious work than those who
are sent to pursue their studies among strangers.

The same notion is universally prevalent in Java. Even the nearest
relatives of a famous kyahi are sent elsewhere, preferably to some place
not too close to their parents' home, in order that the love of amusement
may not interfere with the instruction they are to receive and that
their intercourse may be restricted to such as are pursuing or have
already partially attained the same object. Hence the expression *to

be in the pondok or pesantrfen" always carries with it in Java the notion
of being a stranger '). In Acheh the word metidagang\ which originally
signifies *to be a stranger, to travel from place to place", has passed
,. directly from this meaning to that of "to be engaged in study."

Thus it happens that most of the learned in Great Acheh have spent
the greater part of their student life in Pidie, while vice versa the
studiously inclined in Pidie and on the East Coast amass their capital
of knowledge in Great Acheh \
Achehnese In the territory of Pidie in the wider sense of the word *), there were,
repute. before the coming of the Dutch to Acheh, certain places which were

in some measure centres of learned life, where many viuribs (the Acheh-
nese name for "student", from the Arab, vturld) both from the country
itself and from Acheh used to prosecute their studies. Such were Langga^
Langgby Sriiucu'e, Simpangy Ic Leubeu'e (= Ayer Labu). Tir6, which has
in these latter days acquired a widespread celebrity from the two
teungkus of that place who took a prominent part in the war against
the Dutch, was from ancient times less famed for the teaching given
there than for the great number of learned men whom it produced
and who lived there ^). Tiro was as it were sanctified by the presence
of so many living ulamas and the holy tombs of their predecessors.
None dared to carry arms in this gampong even in time of war; and
the liukom or religious law was stronger here than elsewhere, while its
enemy the adat was weaker. Growing up amid such surroundings, many
young men feci themselves led as it were by destiny to the study of
the sacred law.

i) In IJantifn this principle is pursued so far tliat boys arc even sent for their elementary
studies (the recitation of the (Juran) to a pondok outside iheir own village; but in other
parts of Java as well as in Acheh this is exceptional.

2) rrctienc^ (/(is^a/Ji; always means "stranger" and is usually applied to foreign retail traders
and especially to Klings; nicuJd^afti; has now no other meaning than that of "to study"
and itrcuifni^ meuiioi^ani^ means "a student."

3) Thus there is a teacher at le I.eubcue (Ayer Lal)u) called Tcuni^kti di Acheh or
Tcungku Acheh ^ since he purr>ued his studies for a long time in Acheh. Others generally
take their names from the gampong in which they reside or were born, even though they
may have travelled elsewhere to seek instruction.

4) The Achehnese give the name of lUdie to the whole of the territory which formerly
belonged to the kingdom of that name, i. c. almost the whole of the North Coast with its
hinterland, and include under the name 77///// (the Kast, as reckoned from the capital of
Acheh) all that we call the North and East (!oast.

5) Vol I p. 178.

Ch6h Saman '), who of late years was conspicuous in Great Acheh
as a leader in the holy war until his death, was the son of a simple
leube from Tiro ^). The foremost member of an old family of pandits
in that place was within the memory of man the Teungku di Tir6 par
excellence, also sometimes known as Teungku Chi' di Tir6. Such was
till his death in 1886, Teungku Muhamat Amin, and his relative, the
energetic Cheh Saman, was his right-hand man. The latter indeed
succeeded him; for at Muhamat Amin's death his eldest son (a learned
man who has since died), was still too young to fill his father's place.
A younger son of Muhamat Amin is now panglima under the super-
vision of the well-known Teungku Mat Amin, the son of Ch^h Saman.
[This Mat Amin with about a hundred of his followers perished in 1896
at the surprise of Aneu' Galong by the Dutch troops.]

In Acheh Proper, before the war, the principal centres of teaching
were situated in the neighbourhood of the capital and in the sagi of
the XXVI Mukims.

Teungku di Lam Ny6ng, whose proper name was Nya' Him (short
for Ibrahim), attracted even more followers than his father and grand-
father before him, and drew them by hundreds to Lam Ny6ng, eager
to hear his teaching. He had himself studied at Lam Ba'^t (in the VI
Mukims) with a guru who owed his name of Teungku Meus^ (from
Migr = Egypt) to his sojourn in that country, and at Lam Bhu' under
a Malay named Abduggamad. Very many Achehnese ulamas and almost
all the teachers of the North and East Coasts owe their schooling wholly
or in part to him.

After the death of a certain Muhamat Amin, known as Teungku
Lam Bhu', and of his successor the Malay Abuggamad, who had wedded
the former's sister, a period of energy in learning was followed by one
of inactivity. This was all changed by the appearance of Cheh Mara-
haban '). His father was an unlearned man from Tir6, who settled later
on the West Coast. Marahaban studied in Pidie (in Simpang among
other places) and later on at Mekka, where he acted as haji-shaikh ^)
(guide and protector of pilgrims to Mekka and Medina) to his fellow-

i) See Vol I, pp. 179 — 182.

2) Hence the jealous Teungku Kuta Karang would never speak of Cheh Saman to his
followers as Teungku Tiro, but contemptuously styled him Leube Saman.

3) Vol I pp. loi, 187.

4) See my Mckka^ II, pp. 28 et seq. and 303 et seq.

countrymen. He returned from Arabia with the intention of settling
down again in Pidie, but at the capital of Acheh he yielded to per-
suasion and put his learning at the disposal of Teuku Kali Malikon
Ade ') and of the less learned kali of the XXVI Mukims. At the same
time he became a teacher and a prolific writer ^).

In course of time there arose a clever pupil of the above-named
Malay Abduggamad, who received the title of Teungku di Lam Gut '**)
from the gampong of Lam Gut, His proper name was Jalaluddln. He
became not only a popular teacher but also kali of the XXVI Mukims.
His son, a shrewd but comparatively unlearned man, inherited his father's
title and dignity, but gladly transferred the duties of his office to his
son-in-law, the Marahaban just spoken of. The grandson of the old
Teungku di Lam Gut, and his surviving representative, is similarly kali
in name, but is consulted by none and never poses as a teacher.

At Krueng Kale there was a renowned teacher who succeeded his
father in that capacity. At Chot Paya such students as desired to bring
their proficiency in reciting the Quran to a higher level than could be
attained in the village schools, assembled under the guidance of Teungku
Deuruih, a man of South Indian origin.

The unsettled condition of the country during the past 26 years has
of course completely disorganized religious teaching. In Lam Seunong
such instruction is still given by an old Teungku who takes his name
from that gampong; like him, Teungku Tanbh Mirah, who besides
being a teacher is also kali of the IV Mukims of the VII (sagi of the
XXVI) acquired his learning at Lam Nyong. The same was the case
with Teungku Krueng Kale alias Haji Muda, who studied at Mekka
as well. In Seulimeum (XXII Mukims) is a teacher called Teungku
Usen, whose father Teungku Tanbh A6ee*), celebrated for his learning
and independence, held the position of kali of the XXII Mukims.
Places of The students, who arc for the most part strangers in the place where
students. they pursue their studies, must of course be given a home to live in.
Even where their numbers arc not told by hundreds it would be difficult

i) Vol I pp. 96 et seq.

2) He is further referred to in the next chapter.

3) llic preposition (ft in such appellations, which distinguished persons borrow from the
gamp5ng where they reside or were born, is sometimes employed and sometimes omitted;
but the vernacular has given to this prefixing of di a honorific signification, Teungku di Tiro,
for instance, sounds more respectful than Teungku Tiro.

4) See Vol. I, p. 100. [Both father and son are now dead].

to house them all in the meunasahy a building which, as we know,
serves as a chapel for the village and as a dormitory for all males
whose wives do not live in the gampong. The intercourse with the
young men of the gampong resulting from lodging under the same
roof with them, is also regarded as detrimental to their studies. As a
rule, then, the people of the gampong, on the application of the teacher,
erect simple buildings known as rangkangSy after the fashion of the
students' pondoks or huts in Java.

A rangkang is built in the form of a dwelling-house, but with less Rangkangs.
care; in place of three floors of different elevations it has only one
floor on the same level throughout, and is divided on either side of
the central passage into small chambers, each of which serves as a
dwelling-place for from one to three muribs.

Occasionally some devout person converts a disused dwelling-house
into waqf (Ach. wdkeueh) for the benefit of the students. The house
is then transferred to the enclosure of the teacher and fitted up as
far as possible in the manner of a rangkang.

In Java every pondok or hut of a pesantren has its lurah (Sund. Assistant
kokolot) who maintains order and enforces rules of cleanliness, and '"^"^*^^-
enlightens the less experienced of his fellow-disciples in their studies.
Similarly in Acheh the teunghi rangkang is at once assistant master
and prefect for the students who lodge in the rangkang. He explains
all that is not made sufficiently clear for them by the teaching of the
gur^e. The students are often occupied for years in mastering the sub-
sidiary branches of learning, especially grammar, and here the teungku
rangkang is able to help them in attaining the necessary practical
knowledge, by guiding their footsteps in the study of Malay pikah and
usuy books such as the Masailah, Bidayah and Qirat al-mustaqlm ').

This establishment of heads of pondoks or rangkangs and the excellent
custom among native students of continually learning from one another
alone save the system from inefficiency, for the teachers take no pains
to improve the method of instruction, and many of them are miserably
poor pedagogues in every form of learning.

The ulamas are wont to impart instruction to the students in one of Method of
the two following ways. Either the latter go one by one to the teacher ^'J^^™^^^
with a copy of the work they are studying, whereupon he recites a the teachers.

i) See p. 5 above.

chapter, adding the requisite explanations, and then makes the pupil
read the text and repeat or write out the commentary; or else the
disciples sit in a circle round the master, who recites both text and
commentary like a professor lecturing his class, allowing each, either
during or after the lesson, to ask any questions he wishes.
Soroganand In Java the first of these two systems is called sorog^an ;ind the second
)an( ungan. bandungan. In Acheh the former method is usually followed by the
reading of one of the Malay manuals mentioned above under the super-
vision of the gampong teacher or of the tcungku rangkang, the bmidungan
method alone being used for the study of the Arabic books. The
Achehnese have no special names for these methods of instruction *).
Unclean- Besides the system of teaching, the Achehnese rangkangs have in
liness of the common with the Javanese pondoks an uncleanliness which is proverbial —

students. *^ *^

indeed the former surpass the latter in this respect. One might suppose
that in such religious colonies, where the laws of ritual purification are
much more strictly ohserved than elsewhere, we should find an unusually
high degree of personal cleanliness. Experience however shows that a
man who limits himself to the minimum requirements of the law in
this respect can remain extremely dirty without being accused of neglect
of his religious duties. Nor do the laws of purification extend to clothing.
The mere ritual washing of the body (often limited to certain parts
only, since the complete bath is seldom obligatory, especially where
there is no intercourse with women) is of little service, as the clothes
arc seldom washed or changed and the rooms in which the students
live rarely if ever cleaned out.

Such advantage over ordinary gampong folk as the mvribs may possess
in regard to cleanliness through their stricter observance of religious
law, they lose through their bachelorhood, since they have to manage
their own cooking, washing etc.

In Java there are to be found in many p^santr6ns written directions
regulating the sweeping out of the huts, the keeping of watch at night,
the filling of the water-reservoirs etc., and fines are levied on those
who omit their turn of service or enter pondok or chapel with dirty

i) The bandungan method is thus described; ^Teunghu khcun^ geutanyb'e sima' — "the
master speaks and we hearken." Slmd* is the Arabic ^L*^, and is also used in Malay and

Javanese in the sense of ** hearkening" to teaching by word of mouth, or to the hearing by
the guru of his pupils' reading or recitation.

feet, the money being paid into the common chest '). Ill-kept though
these rules often are, they still render the pondoks and their occupants
a little less unclean than the rangkangs and their muribs in Acheh,
where the universal dislike of water and habit of dirt have reached an
unusually high degree.

In Java gudig or budug (mangy or leprous) is a very common epithet
of the students, and the ^santri gtidig'^ is even to some extent a popular
type. Thus it is not surprising that in Acheh also kude and suchlike
skin-diseases -), though they are not confined to the students huts, are
yet regarded as a sort of hall-mark of the murib.

The general development of the muribs in Acheh derives less benefit Influence of
from their sojourn in the rangkangs than that of the santris in Java ^ij^ student/
from their wanderings from one p&antren to another. The latter become ^" ^]^^^J Sf-

neral dcvel-

familiar with their fellow-countrymen of other tribes, as Javanese with opment.
Sundanese and Madurese, and their studies draw them from the country
into the large towns such as Madiun and Surabaya. They also improve
their knowledge of agriculture through planting padi and coffee to help
in their maintenance. In Acheh geographical knowledge is confined to
narrow limits; as the student only moves about within his own country,
intercourse with kindred tribes is not promoted by the meudagang nor
does he act as a pioneer of development in any way. He returns home
with very little more knowledge of the world than he possessed when
he went on his travels; all he learns is an ever-increasing contempt for
the adat of his country (which conflicts with Islam in many respects)
so that later on, as a dweller in the gampong, he looks down on his
fellow-countrymen with a somewhat Pharasaical arrogance.

It is needless to observe that the morals of the inhabitants of the
rangkangs in Acheh are still less above suspicion than those of the
pSsantren-students in Java.

Those who have devoted themselves to study and all who have for Popular cst-
some reason or other a claim to the title of teungku % are regarded teungkus.
by the mass of the people not only as having a wider knowledge of
religion than themselves, but also as having to some extent, control

i) This common fund, called the dnw'it ni'gara^ serves to defray the expense of entertaining
guests, the purchase of lamp-oil, provisions etc.

2) The kude buta is a disease specially characteristic of the ureu'eng meudagang ; as a
remedy for this the juice extracted from the leaves of the ricinus {tiaivaiii) is rubbed into
the skin.

3) See Vol. I, p. 70 et seq.

over the treasury of God's mercy. Their prayers are believed to command
a blessing or a curse, and to have the power of causing sickness or
ensuring recovery. They know the formulas appointed of Allah for
sundry purposes, and their manner of living is sufficiently devout to
lend force to their spoken words. Even when some ignorant Icube is
so honest as to decline the request of a mother that he should pronounce
a formula of prayer over her sick child, he cannot refuse her simple
petition that he will **at least blow upon it"; even the breath of one
who has some knowledge of book-lore and fulfils his ritual duties with
regularity, is credited with healing power by the ignorant people.

§ 5. Branches of knowledge not appertaining to the

threefold learning of Islam.

The eleiim^c par excellence, as we have already seen, is the threefold
sacred learning [Pikah, Usuy and Teusawoh) with the preliminary
branches (Nahu etc.), and the supplementary ones such as Teupeus^
and Hadi/i, We have also made a passing acquaintance with an Heufn^'c
which, chiefly owing to the heresy it involves, lies outside learning
proper, namely the eleiim^e sale' '). There are besides a number of other
''sciences" which cannot be regarded as forming a part of **/A^ learning".

These numerous cleumecs, like their namesakes among the Malays
and Javanese (ilmUf ngHmii)^ are if viewed according to our mode of
thought, simply superstitious methods of attaining sundry ends, whether
permissible or forbidden. A knowledge of these is considered indis-
pensable alike for the fulfilment of individual wishes and the successful
carrying on of all kinds of callings and occupations. For the forger of
weapons or the goldsmith, the warrior or the architect, a knowledge of
that mysterious hocus-pocus^ the Heumt:c which is regarded as appertaining
to his caUing, is thought at least as important as the skill in his trade
which he acquires by instruction and practice. So too he that will
dispose of his merchandize, conquer the heart of one he loves, render
a foe innocuous, sow dissent between a wedded pair, or compass
whatever else is suggested to him by passion or tiesire, must not

1) See p. 13 above.

neglect the ^leumees\ should he be ignorant of these, he seeks the aid
of such as are well versed in them.

From the point of view of the religious teacher, there is a great Views of
difference in the manner in which these various ^leum^es are regarded. chers"whh re-
Some of them are classified as sihe (Arab, sihr) i. e. witchcraft, the 8*^^ }^ ^^^

' ^ eleumces.

existence and activity of which is recognized by the teaching of Islam,
though its practise is forbidden as the work of the evil one. It is just
as much sihe to use even permissible methods of ^leum^'e for evil ends,
such as the injury or destruction of fellow-believers, as to employ
godless means (such as the help of the Devil or of infidel djens),
although it be for the attainment of lawful objects. The strict condem-
nation of the Heumh' sihe by religious teaching does not, however,
withhold the Achehnese, any more than the Javanese or the Arabs,
from practising such arts. Hatred for an enemy and the love of women
(generally that of the forbidden kind) are the commonest motives which
induce them to resort to eleumces of the prohibited class.

The formulas of prayer and the methods recommended in the orthodox
Arab kitabs as of sovereign force are such as might also well be
classified under the head of witchcraft, but they are regarded by the
Believers as ordained of the Creator. Nor do the Achehnese teachers
confine this view to such mystic arts as are marked with the Arabic
seal; they also readily employ purely Achehnese material or such as
smacks of Hindu influence, so long as they fail to detect in it a pagan
origin.

An important source of information in regard to the mystic arts of
which we now speak, as practised at the present time in Acheh, is a
work called Taj-ul-mulk, printed at Cairo in 1891 (A. H. 1309) and at
Mekka in 1893 (A. H. 131 1). It was written in Malay by the Achehnese
pandit Shaikh Abbas i. e. Teungku Kuta Karang (as to whom see
Vol. I pp, 183 et seq., Vol. II Chapter II § 4 etc.) at the instance of
Sultan Manso Shah (^Ibrahim, 1838 — 1870). It contains little or nothing
that may not be found in other Arabic or Malay books of the same
description, but furnishes a useful survey of the modes of calculating
lucky times and seasons, of prognostications and of Native medical art
and the methods of reckoning time which are in vogue in what we
may call the literate circles of Acheh.

As the writer is an ulama, he of course abstains from noticing
•branches of science" which give clear tokens of pagan origin.
11 3

The science A very important class of eleumye for all Achehnese, but especially

bility^" "^'^" ^^^ chiefs, panglimas and soldiers, is that known as eleumbe keubay,

i. e. the science of invulnerability. This used also to be held in high

esteem in Java, witness the numerous primbons ') or manuals extant

upon this subject. The principles on which this group of eletimH is

based are (i) the somewhat pantheistic scheme of philosophy to which

we have alluded above ^) and (2) the theory that a knowledge of the

essence, attributes and names of any substance gives complete control

over the substance itself.

The science The combination of these two notions causes a knowledge of the

innermost nature of iron (the maWipat beusbcy as it is called) to form

a most important factor in endowing man with the power of resisting

this metal when wrought into various weapons. The argument is as

follows. All elements of iron are of course present in man, since man

is the most complete revelation of God, and God is All. The whole

creation is a kind of evolution of God from himself, and this evolution

takes place along seven lines or grades {meureutabat tiijoh), eventually

returning again into the Unity through the medium of man. In the

earth then all elements are united and capable of changing places with

one another. Now the yHeum^'e of iron has the power of producing on

any part of the human body that is exposed to the attack of iron or

lead, a temporary formation of iron or some still stronger element

that makes the man keubay or invulnerable.

Treatment Mercury [rasa) is regarded as exercising a mysterious influence over

withmercury. ^j^^ other metals; hence one of the most popular methods of attaining

invulnerability is the introduction of mercury in a particular manner

into the human body {peutambng ra'sa). This treatment can only be

successful when resorted to under the guidance of a skilled guree. So

every Achehnese chief has, in addition to many advisers on the subject

of invulnerability, one special instructor ^) known as tireueng peutatndng

ra'sa keubay or ra'sa salhh.

Preparation Ordinarily the treatment is prepared for by at least seven days kalu'et

oT treatment (doing of penance by religious seclusion) in a separate dwelling near

i) See Vol. I p. 198.

2) P. 10 et seq.

3) The guree of Teuku N^' was a man from Bat6e Hie' in Samalanga; that of Teuku
Nya' Banta (panglima of the XX VI Mukims) is called Teungku di Pagar Ruyueng; that of
Panglima Meuseugit Raya is Teungku Gam, said to come from Daya. There is also a certain
Teungku di Lapang who enjoys great celebrity.

some sacred tomb. These days the patient spends in fasting, eating a
little rice only at sundown to stay his hunger. After this begins the
rubbing with mercury, generally on the arms, which lasts until a sufficient
quantity of mercury has, in the opinion of the guree, been absorbed by
the patient's body. For the first seven days of his treatment he is
further subjected to pantang of various kinds; he must refrain from sexual
intercourse, and the use of sour foods, and of ^<)//ytf;//o;/^ (plantain-buds)
on murong (kelor-leaves) and labu (pumpkin).

Not only during the treatment but also in his subsequent life, the
patient must repeat certain prayers for invulnerability at appointed
times. Many teachers hold that such du'as or prayers are only efficacious
if they are made to follow on the obligatory seumayangs ; some even
require of their disciples an extra seumayang in addition to the 5 daily
ones to supplement those which they may have neglected during the
previous part of their lives. By this means an odour of sanctity is given
to their method, while at the same time they have a way left open
to account for any disappointment of their disciples* hopes, without
prejudice to their own reputation. As a matter of fact very few chiefs
remain long faithful to this religious discipline; thus, should they later
on be reached by the steel or bullet of an enemy, they must blame
their own neglect and not their teacher.

During the massage the teacher also repeats various prayers. To The patron
perfect himself in his calling he has to study the proper traditional bility.
methods for years as apprentice to another gur^e, and also to seclude
himself for a long period amid the loneliness of the mountains. In this
seclusion some have even imagined that they have met Malem Diwa,
the immortal patron of invulnerability, with whom we shall become
further acquainted in our chapter on literature (N°. XIII) *).

In many of the systems employed to compass invulnerability, it is
considered a condition of success that the pupil should not see his
teacher for a period of from one to three years after the completion
of the treatment or the course of instruction ; indeed it is even asserted

i) [In the year 1898, and again on a smaller scale in 1899, an adventurer from Telong
in the Gay5 country who bore the name of Teungku Tapa owing to his alleged long mystic
seclusion {tapa) caused a considerable commotion in the dependencies on the East Coast, and to
some extent also in those on the North Coast. He gave himself out to be Mal6m Diwa himself,
and promised his followers invulnerability and victory over the "unbelievers" The appearance
of the Dutch troops speedily put an end to the success which this impostor at first enjoyed among
the people. He was killed in 1900 in a skirmish with the Dutch troops near Piadah (Pas^)].

that a transgression of this pantang regulation would result in the death
of the heedless disciple who disregarded it.

In the night following the first day of the treatment, the patients
complain of a heavy feeling in the neck, the idea being that the
quicksilver has not yet fully dispersed and collects beneath the back

of the head when the
patient assumes a recum-
bent attitude. The remedy
for this intolerable feeUng
is the repetition of a rajah
or exorcising formula by
the instructor.

To give some notion of
the energy with which the
mercury is rubbed in, we
may mention the popular
report that Teuku Ne'
of Meura'sa absorbed lo
katis {about 1 3 lbs.) of
quicksilver into his body
through the skin ').

The "introduction of
quicksilver" is, however
not the only method em-
Ijloyed to produce in-
vulnerability. There are
certain objectswhich have
"Illy to be worn on the
Ijody to render it proof
against wounds.

One class of such ob-
jects is known aspeugaw^.
These have the outward appearance of certain living creatures, such as
insects, caterpillars, lizards etc., but are in fact composed of iron or
some still harder metal, which a knife cannot scratch. They are only
to be met with by some lucky chance on the roadside or in the forest.

I) Massage with i
nong Ihc Malays ■

lercury appears to be also regarded a
■t the Pndaag highlands.

e invulnerability

Peugawh having the form of an ulat sangkadu (a long-haired, ash-
coloured variety of caterpillar) are very highly prized. The possessor
of such a charm, if constrained to part with it, can easily secure a price
of as much as two to five hundred dollars.

According to the prevailing superstition, these objects were once
actually living creatures, but have become metamorphosed, through the
conversion of elements mentioned above, into iron, copper or some
other metal. A sort of peugawi can be made by rolling up an ajeumat
(= jimaty ajimat "amulet") in a layer of ^' malb (sediment of gum-
lacquer). This too is supposed to be gradually transformed into iron by
means of certain formulas, and like other peugawhy renders its wearer
wound-proof. A peugaw^ prepared in this manner has the special name
of baronabeuet (from bahr an-nubuwwah == the (mystic) sea of prophetical
gifts). It is worn on a band round the waist.

If the object found combines with the hardness of iron the form of
a fruit or some other eatable thing, it is also called peugaw^^ but is
only of service as a charm (peunawa) against poisons, from the action
of which it protects its wearer.

Another peculiar sort of charm against wounds is the rante buy (pig's The rani6
chain). Certain wild pigs called buy tunggay from the fact that they are
solitary in their habits, are said to have a hook of iron wire passing
through their noses which renders them invulnerable. This is supposed
to be formed from an earthworm which the animal takes up with his
food, but which attaches itself to his nose, and there undergoes the
change of form which converts it into a charm. When the buy tunggay
is eating he lays aside this hook, and happy is the man who can avail
himself of such a moment to make himself master of the rantL

According to the devout, however, the efficiency of most peugawh
is conditional on the wearers leading a religious life; otherwise the
charms merely cause irritation instead of protecting his body.

Bullets the lead forming which changes of its own accord into iron, Peungeulieh.
are called peungeulieh. Whoever finds one of these infallible charms
will be wise to keep it about him when he engages in combat, but not
on other occasions, as it will then bring him evil fortune. Hence the
common saying, addressed for example to one who arrives just too late
for a feast: — **what, have you a peungeulieh about you?" *).

i) Peu'e? na tanguy peungeulieh?

Other charms Another charm for turning aside the enemy's bullets is a cocoanut

vulnerability" ^^^^ ^^^ *^eye" (;/ sa6d/i mata) worn about the body '). Another keubay-
specific is a piece of rattan some sections of which are turned the wrong
way. Malem Diwa was so fortunate aa to find such an awe sungsang,
as it is called, of such length that he was able to fasten it under his
shoulders round breast and back. Nowadays such freaks of nature arc
only to be found of the length of a couple of sections.

Spots on the Certain peculiar spots on the skin, generally caused by disease, are
produce in- *^lso held to be signs or causes of invulnerability. Such for instance are

vulnerability, ^j^^ white freckles known as glum, which remain as scars upon the skin
after a certain disease. This disease, (called glum or Icuki) is said to
begin between the fingers and in the region of the genitals and to
cause violent irritation. It is supposed to be infectious ^). Malem Diwa
had seven glums of the favourite shape known as glum bintang or
bimgbng. Such marks are considered by the Achehnese to enhance the
personal beauty of both sexes.

A sort of ring-worm called kurab beusbe or iron kurab, which manifests
itself in large rust-coloured and intensely itching spots on the body, is
supposed to confer invulnerability, especially if it forms a girdle around
the waist. This disease is also very infectious. When it begins to declare
itself, the patient is asked by his friends whether he has been having
recourse to a dua beusbe (^'iron prayer"), as it is supposed that the
kurab beusbe can be brought about by the mysterious craft connected
with iron.
The science Where SO much depends on the efficacy of weapons as in Acheh, it

of weapons.

is not surprising that the eleume'e which teaches how to distinguish good
weapons from bad is regarded as of high importance. This art has been
to a great extent (though with certain modifications) adopted from the
Malays. The Achehnese regard the Malays of Trengganu and the Bugis
as the great authorities on the subject.

The forger of weapons has his special eleumee, which according to
our European notions would contribute exceedingly little to the value
of their wares, though the Achehnese think quite the contrary. Equally

i) Teuku Ne' had such a cocoanut about him on his journey to Keumala.

2) Oil of kayu-putih or the roots of ku'eh or langkucueh pounded fine and mixed with
vinegar are employed as remedies. Some strike the rash with a twig of the shrub called
leuki. This last remedy is of course an example of superstition with regard to names, as it
is based on the resemblance of the name of the plant to that of the disease.

strange but very simple are the expedients resorted to by a purchaser
to test the value of a reunchong, sikin or gliwang. For instance, he
measures off on the blade successive sections each equal to the breadth
of his own thumb-nail, repeating a series of words such as: paleh
(= unfortunate), chilaka, meutnah (= lucky) mubahgia (or ckenchala);
or tuUf rajuy bickara, kaya, sara, mati; or sa chenchala, ketidua ranjuna,
keulhee keutinggalan, keupeuet kapanasan etc. up to lo.

The word that coincides with the last thumb-breadth, is supposed to
give the value of the weapon.

For sikins, the ordinary fighting weapons of the Achehnese, the
following test is also employed. The rib of a cocoanut leaf is divided
inso sections each equal in length to the breadth of the sikin, and these
are successively laid on the blade thus:

nzizizi

Should they when laid upon the blade form a complete row of squares
as in the above figure, it is called a gajah inbng (female elephant without
gadeng or tusks) and the weapon is esteemed bad. Should there be two
pieces too few to complete the last square, thus Q , then it is thought
to be superlatively good, as representing the rare phenomenon of an
elephant with only one tusk. Should there however be one too few,
thus n~, then it is called an elephant with two tusks, and the weapon
is considered moderately good at best.

There is another rich variety of eleumfee, which confer on their Seers,
possessors the power of seeing what is hidden from ordinary mortals.
Those who practise this craft are called "seers" ') {ureueng keumalbn).
The possessors of this gift are questioned in order to throw light on
the cause of, or the best cure for a disease, the fortunes of a relative
who has gone on a journey, the thief or receiver of stolen goods and
so forth.

The questioner usually offers to the ureueng keumalbn a dish of husked
rice on which are also placed two eggs and a strip of white cotton.
The methods employed by the "seers" or clairvoyantes vary greatly.
Some draw their wisdom from a handbook of mystic lore, others from
the lines produced by pouring a little oil over the eggs presented to
them, others again from studying the palms of their own hands.

i) Compare the orang mltliatin of Batavia etc.

Invisible It sometimes also happens (just as in Java) that the clairvoyante

^ femak ^ invokcs the help of an invisible being [ureueng adard). After the burning

"seers". Qf incense, which she inhales or over which she waves her hands,
muttering the while, the familiar spirit enters into her. Then she appears
to lose her senses; trembling and with changed voice she utters some
incoherent sentences, which she afterwards interprets on coming to
herself again.

The tiong The mina, a well-known talking bird, called tiong by the Achehnese,
is regarded as endowed with this gift of second sight, but a human
^'seer" male or female, is indispensable for the interpretation of its
utterances. Such clairvoyantes are supposed to understand the speech
of the bird, and translate into oracular and equivocal Achehnese the
incomprehensible chatter of the mina.

In cases of theft the uremjtg keumalbn usually declares whether the
thief is great or small of stature, light or dark of complexion, and
whether he has straight or wavy hair '), so that the questioner has at
least the consolation of knowing that the stolen article is not hopelessly
lost, and that he may recover it by anxious search.

For sick persons the results of the clairvoyance consist as a rule in
a recipe in which the leaves of plants take the foremost place, or else
it is divined that drums [getindrang) or tambourines should be played
for the benefit of the sick child or that a many-hued garment (the ija
planggi) should be given it to wear ^).
Lucky marks. Another kind of divination consists in the examination of the lines
on the palm of the hand [kalbn urat jar be) as a means of telling
peoples' fortunes. A further method of predicting the future is from
the shape and position of the spiral twists of the hair, called pusa (in
Java us^r-iisiran). From this is deduced the quality of the animal in
the case of cattle, goats, sheep and horses, and their future destiny in
the case of human beings. Two symmetrical pusas placed opposite one
another are lucky signs. A certain peculiar spiral called pusa rimucng
is a token that its possessor will be torn by a tiger.

The spirals found in the very fine lines of the skin are also called

i) The kampong-folk of Batavia, who are much harassed by thefts, also frequently have
recourse to such orang m^lliatin ; the writer has even himself known a case in which certain
police officers of the capital of Java did not disdain thus to facilitate the fulfilment of
their duty.

2) See Vol. I pp. 390 et seq.

pusa. On the hand these mean that their possessor will not be slain
unavenged; on the foot, that he will never grow weary in walking; on
the male genital organ, that he will lose his wives by death; on that
of women, an early death for the husband, and so on.

The signifiance of the quivering of nerves {(ofo, the Jav. kMut) in Quivering of
certain parts of the body, is chiefly to be found in Malay handbooks, ^[qI^I^S ^'
as also the ^leum^e petirasat (Arab, firdsah), which determines a man's
nature and disposition from the shape of his face and the build of
his body.

The eleum^'e phay is also worked with the help of books. Sometimes The phay

science.

it is the Quran that is used, sometimes a fortune-teller's manual, prefer-
ably that ascribed to the Alide Ja'far Qadiq (Ach. Ja'pa Sad6') *).

Where the Quran is used, the enquirer into the hidden things of the
future, after preparing himself for his task by ceremonial ablution, opens
the book at hap- hazard at any page and then turns over seven pages
more. The first letter of the 7^^ line of this 7th page supplies the answer
to his question, for every letter of the alphabet has corresponding to
it certain formulas which show what may be expected or what should
be done under various circumstances, e. g. "There are obstacles to your
journey", **The marriage will be a happy one", etc. The kitab Ja'pa
Sad6' is employed in the same manner.

Phay is really an Arabic word [fcCt) meaning ** presage", "omen". Omens,
but in Achehnese it is restricted to prognostications in books and some
other kinds of soothsaying \ Omens proper are described by another
Arabic word, alamat. These are of the same character as the omens of
Javanese superstition — sounds seldom heard under ordinary circum-
stances, animals, especially birds and insects, which are rarely seen, in
fact all manner of more or less uncommon phenomena. The knowledge
of this secret language of nature is however practically the common
property of all grown-up people, and does not form the subject of a
separate Heumee, It may rather be classified among the hadih maja
("traditions of female ancestors"), as to which we shall have something
more to say in our chapter on literature.

The approaching death of an inmate of the house, a relation or a
friend, is announced by the unwonted nasal cry [kbbb) of a jampo' (a

i) We have seen (Vol. I p. 198) that in Batavia even the memorandum-books used by
the natives are known by the name of Japar Side"* or Tip,

2) As to the application of these in Acheh see footnote on p. 298, Vol. I.

Intcrprcta-
tioD of
dreams.

sort ot night-bird) or the sound emitted by a kind of cricket ') called
sawa which no one ever sees, or by the strong and continuous screaming
{cheumeucheb) of a kite (kleueng),

A nocturnal visit (which in Acheh generally means one of thieves or
adulterers) is foretold by the nasal ket-ket of the sareuc' bird. On the
other hand the voice of the titilantahit, a little bird which haunts the
jungle close to the gampongs, is a sign of the long-deferred return of
a relative who is on a journey.

The advent of other guests is announced by the flying into the house
of a large brown butterfly, the banghang jamh^ (guest butterfly) or by
water thrown out of doors making a plopping noise as it falls on the
ground.

The cock is said to crow in a peculiar way when rain is at hand,
and in a different manner when the sun has attained its midday altitude.
For these reminders the Achehnese is grateful; but when the cock
approaches him and gives vent to a peculiar shrill cry, it is believed
that the bird hears the dead screaming in their graves as they suff*er
castigation at the hands of the angels. This makes the listener reflect
in spite of himself on the punishments in store for him, and he angrily
chases his mentor away.

The howling of many dogs *) betokens, as in Java, an approaching
epidemic.

Where one sets out with some special object in view, and meets a
cat or a snake in an unusual place, he may just as well return home
again, as he is doomed to failure in his enterprise; equally malang^)
or unlucky is he who on his way catches sight of another's nakedness.

Another special class of alamat consists in the revelations made by
Allah to men in dreams, though these cannot be entirely depended on,
as the Devil often suggests false dreams to the mind. In Arab science
the interpretation of dreams forms the subject of a special branch of
literature.

A famous work on this subject {tabxr) by an Arab named Ibn Sirin,

i) Wc are reminded of the "death-watch" of English superstition, and the Irish banshee^
though in the case of the latter the warning sound is believed to be caused by a spirit and
not a living creature {Translator),

2) There is a somewhat similar superstition in Ireland where the howling of a dog at
night is believed to foretell the death of someone in the neighbourhood. {Translator),

3) See also Vol. I p. 296.

is also pretty generally known in the Indian Archipelago; there are
numerous handbooks based directly or indirectly on this work.

Thus in Acheh we find persons possessed of some knowledge of the Hadih maja.
ta^bi or interpretation of dreams, who are able to enlighten their country-
men as to the meaning of their visions. A portion of this science has
been added to the popular wisdom of the Achehnese, and having been
augmented still more by native methods of interpretation, has become
embodied in the hadih maja or traditions of female ancestors.

This popular Achehnese ta^bi teaches that he who is seen naked in
a dream (be it the dreamer himself or another) must expect ill-fortune,
but that he who appears to the dreamer with unusually long hair or
beard will have good luck. Serious loss awaits him who is shaven or
bathes or eases himself in the dream. A long life is destined for him
who is dreamt of as dying; early death of himself or his parents or
children for him who is seen clad in white or lacking a front tooth,
and the death of a brother or more distant relative for him who loses
a molar. To see one's house on fire foretells wealth; walking under an
umbrella or riding on a horse or elephant are omens of fame or worldly
greatness. The Achehnese is however loth to tell his friends when he
has seen himself riding thus in a dream, lest they should pester him
with mocking questions as to what dignity he thinks is in store for
him, or whether the omen of speedy exaltation might not perhaps only
mean that the dreamer would shortly find himself sitting as a thatcher
astride the ridge-pole of a roof.

The man or woman who dreams of a great fire or a snake, will soon
get married ; the pregnant woman who sees herself dressed in feminine
finery will become the mother of a girl, while she who dreams of « - - •
putting a cap on her head will bear a boy.

He who dreams of being on board ship, has without knowing it come
into conflict with a spirit of the kind known as san^ '), but has come
ofi" without injury to himself. The eating of rice, especially glutinous
rice, is an omen of success.

Some dreams are ascribed to a praja^ by which seems to be understood
a kind of tutelary spirit, whose chief task is to appear in some visible form
and warn the occupants of a house or ship of evil threatening their dwelling-
place. The phenomena which foretell a marriage are also called praja.

i) Vol. I p. 409.

44
Pantang There is another branch of popular lore much akin to the hadih

rules*

maja described above, namely the rules or restrictions comprised under
the generic name oi pantang or taboo. There are indeed many prohibitory
rules (as is also the case with the pamali of the Sundanese) employed
in the education of children; but in these the representation of the awful
consequences of disobedience is merely a rod in pickle, so that they
may be described as imitations of the true pantang, employed for edu-
cational purposes.

Men must never eat an egg taken from a fowl that has been killed;
should they neglect this prohibition and afterwards be struck by a bullet,
all efforts to extract it would be in vain. This is a true pantang rule.

If a child lies on its back in the court-yard, its father will die ; should
it lie on its face with its feet raised, its mother will die. This is mere
imitation, utilized to train children.

We have already noticed in passing sundry pantang regulations con-
nected with pregnancy *), agriculture ^), fishery '), certain diseases *) etc.
We shall now add some others which are among the best known.

To wish to regain something one has given away gives rise to sores
on the elbows. Eating rice from the cooking-pot {kanit) after marriage
causes the face to turn black. Throwing raw rice ') into the mouth with
the hand causes the teeth to decay; while a swollen stomach results
from sitting in the wind or sleeping under the open sky. Want or
poverty threaten him who shakes the dust from his clothes in the
evening, or who has a che'bre' tree (Jav. juar) growing in his compound.

Cocoanut trees should be planted only at night and under a clear
sky, so that the fruit may be as many as the stars. A green cocoanut
in which a hole has been cleft accidentally in some other part than
the top or bottom should be avoided, as he who drinks its water will
run a great risk of losing his life by sword or bullet. One should not
kill the iguana, lest one become sluggish and awkward. A woman who
eats twin plantains (pisang meukeumbeue) runs the risk of having twins.
In winnowing rice the mother should never turn the point of the
winnowing basket [jeu'^'e) towards the sleeping-room, (juree) lest one
of her children be compelled to go on distant journeys.
Pantangs of To pantangs of speech, words which may not be used under certain

speech. .

i) Vol. I p. 372. 2) Vol. I p. 259.

3) Vol. I pp. 280—81. 4) Vol. I pp. 416—17.

5) Achehnese children are very fond of chewing raw rice.

circumstances, we have already alluded in our description of fisheries
and epidemics. There are however others besides those mentioned.
Should one wish to enquire as to the extent of a friend's rice-harvest,
he must not ask **how much" {padum) but "how little {padit) have you
obtained" '). *How few" and not **how many" is also the expression
used by a man called out to fight in enquiring of his panglima the
number of his fellows. Fighting men have also other pantangs of speech
which they employ for fear of spoiling their luck by boasting of their
prowess, their numbers or their successes. To speak to a mother of the
health or vigour of her child will make her anxious and even angry '•^).
On the other hand, if one of the family is seriously ill, he is spoken
of as being "dainty or pleasant of flesh" {mangat asbe). Old fashioned
people never mention the names of their ancestors or of former Acheh-
nese royalties and other deceased worthies without first saying ampdn,
meiiribye-ribe'e ampon, be tulahy i. e. "Forgiveness, a thousand times
forgiveness (may the mention of your name bring on me) no curse!"

The setting of the sun also gives rise to certain definite speech-
pantangs. In the evening or at night meat must be described as eungkot
darat (land-fish), or if the real name be used it must be preceded by
the words "let no one dream of it to-night" [bV lumpb'e malum); for to
dream of meat means misfortune. For the same reason no mention must
be made in the evening of the drawing of teeth or of shaving; these
verbs (bot and chukb) are replaced by the general expression bbth ("to
do away with"). Cutting of nails may be spoken of, but must not be
done at night, as poverty would be the result.

All who have to traverse the forests in the exercise of their calling,
such as deer-hunters or searchers for camphor and honey, must in order
to ensure success pay due regard to pantangs of speech as well as to
various tangkays or magic formulas. Among other things it is said to
be indispensable for the seekers of camphor to preface all remarks they
make to one another by the way with the word kapho (camphor). When
a tiger is close by he must not be spoken of by his proper name
(rimueng), but must be called dato' (grandfather or ancestor) ^).

i) The answer also, especially if the harvest has been very abundant, begins with the
words fta bachut te* = "a mere trifle".

2) So among the Irish peasantry it is considered unlucky to praise a child without adding
the expression **God bless it" (^Translator).

3) The Malays also fear to name the tiger when in his vicinity. (^Translator),

A great part of the remaining hadih tnaja has been already described
in our discussion of Achehnese manners and customs ; upon hadih maja
indeed is based the observance of most of those adats which have no
(Mohammedan) religious significance or origin, but the neglect of which
is believed to be attended with evil results in this life.
Incantations The lore of ajeumats (amulets), rajahs (formulas which when written
serve as amulets and when spoken as charms), tangkays (incantations),
and duas (prayers) is of course very highly prized. No one who has
any regard for his own well-being or that of those belonging to him,
can dispense with the aid of the experts in such lore.

All these serve as protectives or preparatives. Those who wish for
success in love have recourse to a peugaseh or love-charm, those who
would sell their wares at a profit to a peulareh, while for every sickness
a tangkay is employed, even though medicines be applied as well.

We have already noticed the malignant lore of poisons {Heumye tuba)
and of the fungi ') in particular.
Medical art. The remarks, partly incidental and partly direct *), which we have
made respecting the treatment of some diseases, have clearly shown that
native medical science in Acheh, as indeed all over the Indian Archi-
pelago, is based to a great extent on superstition. In point of fact the
simple application of a natural medicament without any "hocus-pocus",
in case even of the most ordinary and well-known indispositions, is a
rare exception, and numbers of diseases are treated with ** hocus-pocus"
and nothing else.

This very quackery is the only portion of medical science which the
Achehnese would dignify with the name of ^leutn^e. All the rest is in
his eyes mere practical knowledge, some degree of which everyone
acquires as he advances in years.

Such practical experience is more especially the property of women,
whose task it always is to prepare the drugs, and it is the old women
in particular whose advice is constantly called for by those who seek
medical aid outside the limits of their own homesteads. Such experts are
known as uretieng meuubat or ** medicine people" a name applied to both
sexes, though one hears more often of the ;«/z 7/^^?/ or ** medicine mother".
Foreign in- Their lorc has not remained free from foreign influences. In the stalls
fluence. ^j- ^j^^ druggists (ureueng meukat aweueh) there are to be found a number

i) Vol. I p. 414. 2) Vol. I pp. 408 et seq.

of products native to Acheh, but many more simples of Indian and
Arabian and even of Chinese origin. Without making the smallest claim
to completeness, I note below some of the recipes used in indispositions
of common occurrence in Acheh. It should be added that the proportion
of each ingredient and the amount of the dose are determined in each
case by the instructions of the ma ubat *). In Java in like manner,
purely native prescriptions contain no indications as to quantity, or
only very vague ones.

The remedy prescribed for all inflammation of the eyes is injection
of the juice squeezed from the buds of the wild fig.

Conjunctivitis (mata timbh lit. = "germination of the eye") is very Conjunctiv-

itis.

common. It is treated by dropping into the diseased eye about sundown
on three successive evenings the juice obtained by rubbing a certain
viscous sort of grass called naleueng awo. This is repeated seven times
on the first evening, five on the second and three on the third. There
is another method of treating this disease which suggests the symbolical
heart-cleansing of the hajis at JebM Nur near Mekka^). A cocoanut-
shell is laid on the patient's head, and on it is placed a grain of rice
(a symbol of the white "bud" in the eyeball) with a little piece of
turmeric {kuny^t). The grain of rice and the kunyct are then cut through
with a sharp knife. **If it be Allah's will" the ulcer in the eye will
then shortly break up and disappear.

Small-pox patients^) are **cooled" by being bathed on three succes-
sive days with water in which finely pounded leaves of peureuya la'dt
are left to ferment. This bathing is called the first, second and third
water {i'e sa, dua, Ih^e), After the third water there is hope of recovery,
as, if the patient is going to die, he generally does so before that time.

When the small-pox ulcers have appeared, the patient is rubbed with
*sour water" [i'e asam) composed of water mixed with the juice of the
lime (sreng), cummin (jara or jeura putih) and kunyct, and boiled down
to a paste. After this has dried, the mites (kumeun) which are supposed
to cause the ulcers are killed by rubbing the patient with beuda^ (bSdak)
mixed with turmeric or lime-juice. To counteract the evil effects of this

i) Where a measure is prescribed, this is done in precisely the same way as by the
dukuns in Java; cf. A. C. Vorderman's Kritische beschouwingen over Dr, C Z. Van der
Burg's ^Materia Indica (Batavia 1886), p. 24.

2) See my Mekka, Vol. II pp. 321 — 22.

3) We have already (Vol. I pp. 416 — 17) described the purely superstitious practices in
regard to small-pox.

disease on the eyes a little of the moisture derived from the slug called
abo is injected into them.

The small-pox patient may eat roasted food, but the roasting must
not be done in his house; meat and eggs he may not touch.

All purgatives are called julab. As such are employed, among other
things, the pips of the penny euha-(vM\t and a kind of castor-oil (minyeu
nawciih) of native manufacture.

Ordinary diarrhoea (chiret) is treated with sour semi-ripe blingg^-bmts,

or an extract of roasted buffalo-hide and roasted rice, both of which

ingredients are first pounded fine.

Dysentery Dysentery {bidh) is treated with opium, or with a compound of pounded

' unripe pisang klat (a kind of plantain with an astringent taste) and

molasses *).

In cholera ^) [tc^euriy tmitah-chiret) and kindred ailnients, the patient
is given sugarcane juice mixed with a little powdered turmeric to drink,
or else rice-water with some gambir, or extract of pounded betelnut
(pinang)y or the expressed juice of a pomegranate which has first been
heated with the skin on. The sufferer is also cooled by constant bathing.

It is said by the natives that a common preliminary symptom of
choleraic seizures is a violent pain in the arm or leg, as though some
hard body under the skin were moving upwards. This is regarded as
the prime cause of the complaint, and it is sought to counteract it by
cupping or making an incision over the spot where the foreign body
is supposed to be felt.
Fever. The feverish symptoms known as sijue-seu^uefn (cold-heat) are treated

with the expressed juice of ^//«^A-leaves, together with those oi pisang
talon (:= pisang raja), or with the bitter gummy sap of the bd'raja
peunawa, called in Malay lidah buaya (crocodile's tongue) or simply with
water in which seeds of the seulaseh {s^lasih) are soaked. The patient must
not bathe, but is occasionally bespued with water from another's mouth.

In deumam (continuous or remittent fever) nothing but tangkays or
incantations are employed.
Samp6ng. It is believed that the young suffer three times in their life from an
indisposition called sampbng\ first at puberty {sampbng chut), again
when they come of age [sampbng peuteungahan) and finally when they
have completed their growth [sampong rayeu^ or sakH uU'e neurayeu =

i) The children have a song which runs: AydA^ ''V\ *^y^^ — pisang klat tibat bidh,
2) See Vol. I p. 415.

i) See Vol. I p. 386.

2) In Java such a bag, which is in special requisition after confinements, is called ponjcn
(Jav.) or kanyut kundang (Sund.).

3) It is used in Java also, especially in cases of persons struck by lightning.

n 4

Domestic
physic.

sickness of the end of growth). The symptoms are said to be feverish-
ness, loss of appetite and peculiar ridges crossing the middle of the
nails. This indisposition is, like the saket drb'e or many a' \ regarded as
one which must be allowed to take its natural course.

Where children suffer from such a complaint, nature is assisted by
laying on the forehead either ^A///«i'/-leaves (which resemble betel-leaves
in appearance) or a chewed-up compost of cheuko [kinchtir), onions and
turmeric. Another method resorted to in order to expel the demon of
childish maladies is smoking (radon) with the vapour of burning bones,
leaves, onions and horn.

If a child suffers from hiccough, a small fragment of sirih-leaf is laid
on its forehead.

For headache or cold in the head various kinds of strongly flavoured
rujak [cheunichah) are eaten.

The old-fashioned housewife has always at hand a bag containing a
store of the different simples appertaining to domestic doctoring. In
this baluem ubat'^) are also carefully preserved the first excreta of
newly-born infants (^' meujadi or mula jadi), regarded as a potent
ingredient in remedies for convulsions etc.

Human urine is also believed to have healing powers ') ; that of boys Urine,
still uncircumcised is administered to those who have sustained a heavy
fall from a tree or the roof of a house, etc., while water made in the
morning immediately after rising [uWe i'e) is considered a sovereign
remedy for jaundice (bambang kuneng).

It is believed that the bites of sundry poisonous creatures can be
cured by rubbing the part affected with some precious stone credited
with healing powers, especially that known as ak^' (Arab, ^aqiq). For
snake-bite is prescribed, in addition to incantations, cauterizing with
red-hot iron or the application to the spot of half a split tamarind-seed.
It is said that the bite of the snake known as uleue mate iku can only
be cured by laying on the wound the brains of a snake of the same
description.

Small fresh superficial wounds or cuts are treated by applying to them
by way of wadding the white web of a certain sort of spider called chd'ie.

Poisonous
bites.

Eruptions Skin-diseases are very common and of many different kinds. A reddish

ulcers etc. ' eruption called uri and a kind of swelling resembling, in appearance

and the irritation it causes, the bite of the mosquito, are treated by

rubbing in the ashes of wood (ai^e dapu) and the slaver of sirih {ie

babah mirah).

We have already noticed kudi (the skin-disease of the students) ')
and its treatment, and glum and kurab (ringworm), some varieties of
which no attempt is made to cure, the disease being actually fostered
to ensure invulnerability, or because the marks it leaves are thought
to enhance personal beauty *). For kurab ie is used a paste made of
the leaves of the bush called glinggang (cassia alata), mixed with alum
[tawdth) and white onions.

A sick person who plucks glinggang leaves ^) for his own use must
take care that his shadow does not fall upon the bush, as this would
mar the efficiency of the remedy in his case.

Pimples and pustules are called chumu'ety other words being added
to express their size, e. g. chumuet lada (like peppercorns) or ch. gapeueh
(cotton-tree seeds). Such excrescences are treated with a compost of
buds of the //-tree mixed with onions. Larger pimples and boils on
various parts of the body are called raho\ the bar ah occurs most
generally on the thighs, and the biring under the arm-pits. More con-
fidence is however placed in checking such pustules at the start than
in the application of healing drugs. This method of suppression is called
bantoty and consists in pressing on the part affected some lime over
which a rajah has been recited.

The various sorts of purte, which according to the Achehnese has
nothing to do with venereal disease, are regarded as difficult of treat-
ment. Hardly a family in Acheh escapes this infectious disease, which
appears especially in the nose, mouth, feet and anus. In children it is
treated with a corrosive mixture of blangan fruits, vitriol and janggot
jin (a lichen, usnea barbata), laid on the ulcers after they have first
been opened by rubbing the skin. Grown-up people, who usually catch
this ailment from children, find it difficult to shake it off.

The sores called kayab, which emit blood and pus, are also very
infectious. A special variety is known as kayab-apuy (*fire-kayab") from

i) S«e p. 31 above. 2) See p. 38 above.

3) An extract of these leaves is recommended as a cure for impotence.

its resemblence to a burn. The treatment is rubbing with cocoanut- or
garu-oil.

Budo* or leprosy is also called the **evil disease", peunyaket jheut.
Lepers are avoided as much as possible in Acheh, but they are not always
collected together in separate gampongs as is done on the N. and E. coasts^

The raseufong, a sore on the nose believed to be caused by the bite
or the egg of a small insect which haunts the flowers of the pandan
{seuk^) is regarded as incurable and deadly.

The proper Achehnese name for biri-biri (commonly known as beri- Bcri-beri.
beri) is difficult to ascertain, since this disease, at all events in the form
it now assumes, appears to have been formerly unknown in the country ;
it is identified sometimes with one and sometimes with another familiar
Achehnese complaint that happens to bear some resemblance to it. It
is thus usually designated by the name biri-biri, which has been only
comparatively lately introduced into Acheh.

Some assert that the proper name is barueh or charueh, and prescribe
rubbing the body of the patient with the leaves of the barueh-tree *)
chopped fine and mixed with vinegar, or a draught composed of the
sap of these leaves mingled with water.

Others say that badonty a light form of dropsy, and baso, the more
severe stage of that disease, are really identical with biri-biri. The
opponents of this view, on the other hand, allege that in badom and
baso the patient does not suffer at all from difficulty in breathing, as
is the case in biri-biri.

Elephantiasis of the calves, accompanied by difficulty in walking, is
called unfot, and has been indigenous in Acheh since ancient times.
Recovery from this complaint is despaired of, as is also the case with
buroty under which are included both hernia and all other diseases
which cause enlargement of the scrotum. A popular proverb, illustrating
human endeavours after greatness, says that there are two classes of
men who unlike the majority of their fellow-creatures, are ever striving
to become less than they are, namely those who suffer from uniot and
from burot *) ; the allusion of course being to their efforts to reduce the
swellings caused by these diseases.

t; x) This view is perhaps simply due to the similarity of the names; many like instances
are to be met with in native physic. We have already noticed an example of this in Acheh,
in the treatment of the disease known as leuki with a twig of the bush of the same name.
2) Nyang keumeung keuchut dua droe ureuing: siuntdt ngon siburdt.

Burot is treated by the application of a paste made of white onions and
the leaves of various trees, especially the reudeu'eb (Mai. dadap = erythrina);
or else the scrotum is rubbed with the juice obtained by pounding up the
buds of the man^-tree, mixed with lime. The patients are also directed
to bathe early in the morning and to produce retching by inserting
the finger in the mouth, in order that "what has sunk may rise again"!
Affections of Pains in the joints are treated in a peculiar manner. One or two
hoofs are obtained in an unbroken state from some one who is killing
a buffalo or ox; from these the marrow [uta^ tuleu'eng) is extracted and
rubbed on the part affected, or mixed with water and given to the
patient to drink.

Swellings caused by a fall or blow and broken limbs are dealt with
as follows: some hot ashes or salt or a smooth heated brick are rolled
up in a cloth and continuously rubbed [teu^uetn) on the injured part
under heavy pressure. Another method is the laying on of compresses
similarly folded up in a cloth (barot).

Pain in swallowing is called kawe than (kawi = a fish-hook), and is
treated by giving the patient water to drink in which has lain for some
time a fish-hook which has been found in the maw of a fish.
Gonorrhea. For gonorrhea {sakH sabon) the cure is to drink water mixed with
soap, preferably the kind which the hajis bring back from Arabia ').
Another remedy is pine-apple juice mixed with yeast, which we have
already noticed as a specific against the fecundity of women \ or a
solution of powdered white sea shells mixed with alum and camphor.
Toothache. In diseased and hollow teeth is placed a mixture of three kinds of
vegetable sap [geutah), that of the asan-tx^^y the keupula or sawo-tree,
and the leaves of the nawdih or castor-oil plant. For toothache or face-
ache a sort of medicinal cigar is smoked, the rukV siawan (Mai. sMawan),
These cigars have for their covering leaves paper or pieces of plantain-
leaf, and within a mixture of various finely-pounded leaves, such as those
of the grupheti'eng agant (Mai. langgundi = vitex trifolia), grupheu'eng inbng^
nawdih (ricinus), rihan (resembling silasih),glinggang,peundang, adat agant,
adat inbngj meura\ keusab rayeu\ keusab chut and pladang; some opium,
a little of the resin called mb, some saffron (komkoma), a few foreign drugs
such as ganti and meusui, some camphor and tree-cotton. There must

i) The Achehnese seldom use soap, but hajis sometimes bring back soap with them from
Mekka, for the washing of their own bodies after death.
2) Vol. I p. 70.

also be added a portion of the 44 herbs which we shall presently
describe.

Siawan is a complaint which is supposed to result in the early falling Siawan.
out or turning grey of the hair, the rapid decay of the teeth and
weakening of the eyesight. Its symptoms are toothache, a disagreeable
sensation in the nose, and headache. The medicinal cigar just described
is also used as a remedy for this complaint.

A moderate use of various narcotics is prescribed for sundry purposes,
as for example the smoking of ganja (hashish) to excite the appetite,
and the eating of opium to render the body thickset or to prolong
sexual enjoyment.

The bitter extract of beum-ltdivcs taken on an empty stomach, serves Various other

. «.' 1 1 Ml It* r 1* ca • 1 • • • ..1 medicaments.

to dispel a chill and shivery feeling often experienced on rising in the
morning.

The Achehnese very rarely drink tea or coffee ') on ordinary occasions,
but in case of illness these beverages are employed in place of water,
or at all events the latter is boiled before use, a custom which European
medical science is certain to regard with approval.

A soup composed of various vegetables mixed together [gul^ rampbn)
is the favourite fare of convalescents.

Tears of the sea-cow or duyong (i'e mata duyon) are generally known
by name as a sovereign cure, but no one has ever beheld them.

The methods of treatment are for the most part identical with those
common to the Malays and Javanese.

A large number of external remedies are applied to the spot on Method of
which they are supposed to act by ejection from the mouth. The
bespuing of a wound with water to cleanse it is called preut, and the
same word is applied to the beslavering of a sick person with sirih
spittle or ^'charmed" water. This last is also called seumbo, but the more
special meaning of this word is the bespuing of patients with chewed-up
medicaments, whether blessed by an incantation or not. Blowing (proih) *)
on the head or some other part of the patient's body as a finale to the
recitation of a rajak, and of massage {urot), for which, as we have seen,

i) The use of both of these beverages in Acheh is restricted for the most part to the
foreigners who have settled in GampSng Jawa and their Achehnese neighbours or to hajis
who have grown accustomed to their use during their sojourn in Arabia.

2) Compare Sir William MaxwelVs description of a Malay cure N^. 22 p. 23 of Notes and
Queries issued with N*. 14 of the Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
for Dec. 1884. (Singapore 1885). (Translator J,

some have received a special divine gift from the very time of their
birth *), are universally practised.

There remain to be described two recipes the application of which
must be regarded as peculiarly Achehnese.
Peundang. The first is the extract of the peundang-root, called gadting China ^)
by the Malays. This is imported by Klings and other traders and has
nothing but its name in common with the native Achehnese peundang,
the leaves of which are used in the siawan-cigar described above.

The root is very cheap, but its preparation is expensive, as there are
at the most one or two persons in each mukim who understand how to
turn it into a potent draught in the approved manner, and especially
by employing those incantations which are indispensable to its efficacy.

This draught is prescribed for all sorts of complaints ^) which other
remedies have failed to cure, and especially in cases of loss of strength
through excessive toil or continued illness.

It is however no light matter to decide on having recourse to the
peundang'CWTQ. The Achehnese are, indeed, firmly convinced that he
who has once undergone it loses for the rest of his life his susceptibility
to the influence of other medicines. The cure also requires a certain
amount of patience.
Dieting. It must be commenced by isolation for seven days, if possible without
moving out of one room; and during this period the patient is subjected
to numerous pantang-rules. He should eat, if possible only dry rice and
other dry food, and must be careful to abstain from the flesh of the
cocoanut, meat, vegetables and the juice of the ar^n and sugarcane.
His drinking water must be entirely replaced by the decoction of the
peundang-root.

The draught is insipid to the taste for the first few days, but after-
wards grows more and more bitter. It must be drunk to the exclusion
of all other liquids for the first 40 days, but the strict dietary just
mentioned only lasts for the first week. The Achehnese derive their
knowledge of the healing properties of the peundang from Nias ; it is sup-
posed to have been discovered by the leprous princess banished thither,
from whom the whole population of the island is said to be derived *).

1) Vol. I, p. 374.

2) The botanical name is Stnilax China. (^Translator),

3) In Van Langen's Dictionary it is stated to be a specific against syphilis ; this is an error.

4) See Vol. I p. 20.

Next come the ^44 herbs or medicaments" [aweu'eh peuet ploh peuet) to
which we have already more than once made passing reference '). We
are aware of the peculiar significance of the number 44 in Acheh *).
This number is not always strictly adhered to in practice (as for instance
in the case of the days of purification after childbirth, and also of the
number of these herbs), yet still everyone speaks of the 44 days and
the 44 herbs.

In the shops of the druggists (ureueng meukat aweu'eh) in the Acheh-
nese markets, is to be found a rich variety of dried seeds, tubers, roots
and leaves and even articles of mineral origin, which are to some small
extent indigenous, but for the most part imported from India or Arabia.
Small quantities of each of these simples to the number of 44 are taken
at hap-hazard, mixed together and pounded to a powder. This powder
is of itself regarded as an excellent curative, but it is most generally
employed as an indispensable ingredient of various recipes.

The tradition which determines what ingredients should go to make
up the 44, is in the keeping of the drug-sellers and of the physicians
male and female {ureueng meu'ubat or ma ubat). On this subject there
is not complete unanimity of opinion, but the difference is only as to
trifling details; as a rule those who prepare the powder for themselves
employ a greater number of ingredients than the traditional 44. On
the other hand the drug-sellers keep in a separate jar a supply of the
powder for such as wish to purchase it ready-made; the quantity
required for any given prescription can be had at a very low price,
but there is a general idea that in the mixture thus sold dust and ashes
are substituted for the most expensive ingredients. The list appended
below contains the names of 56 simples which according to the authorities
whom I have consulted find a place in the recipe of the aweu'eh peuet
ploh peuet. Of some I can only give the native names, certain of which
are borrowed from other countries; in classifying the rest I have had
the advantage of the assistance of Dr. P. van Romburgh and Dr. A. G.
Vorderman.

I. Aweu'eh, This general name for herbs drugs and

simples is also specially applied to the
coriander seed, also called keutumba
(Mai. kitumbar).

i) Vol. I p. 382 and p. 53 above. 2) Vol. I pp. 264, 388, 429—30.

2. KuUt tnanih.

3. yara ') manih.

4. y<nr« itam,

5. y^?ra kusani.

6. y^ra puteh.

7. ^^a mank/u

8. Bungbng lawang.

9. 5i/;f/{' kalia,

0. L^irf^? puteh.

1. Jumuju.

2. Champli puta or ^1//^.

3. Tumbang mangko* *).

4. Bungbng lawang Kleng.

5. Haleuba,

6. Sibeuranto.

7. Kachang parang *).

8. ^dA mayakanu

9. Ow tfroif.

20. Langkutueh China.

21. ^<>A /«/a /^A)^*.

22. ^<>A ktunue.

23. Hinggu.

24. Peundang.

25. iVi>.

26. Galagaro.

27. Kulet laivang.

Cinnamon.

Foeniculum panmorium *).

Seeds of the Nigella Sativa.

Caraway seed.

Cummin.

Licorice-root.

Cloves.

Ginger.

White pepper.

Seeds of Carum Copticum.

Chabe jawa (Chavica densa) ').

Scaphium Wallachii S. et E. (?)

Seeds and seed-pods of the Japanese stel-
lated anise (Illicium Anisatum).

Fenugreek-seed.

Fruits of Sindora Sumatrana.

Canavalia gladiata DC. (red and white
seeds).

Jav, Majakani; gall-nuts from British India.

Leaves of Baeckea frutescens L.

Root-stock of Alpinia galanga.

Fruits of Helicteres isora.

Root-stock of Cyperus tuberosus.

Asa foctida.

Mai. Gadung China = the rhizome of
Smilax China (see above p. 54).

A kind of resin imported by the Klings.

A sort of aloes-wood.

Cinnamomum culilawan or cinnam. cam-
phoratum (a bark).

1) The forms jeura and jira (cf. Jar. jintSn) are also in use.

2) Mr. H. N. Ridley, the Director of the Botanic Gardens at Singapore describes this as
anise (Pimpinella anisum). (Translator)^

3) Ridley calls this Piper sarmentosum. (Translator),

4) A specimen which 1 received later is according to Mr. Vorderman the as yet inexactly
classified changkok of native physic in Java.

5} A specimen received later is according to Dr. Vorderman the plant known at Batavia
as ktKhang bengkok. It has not yet been exactly classified.

28. Kulet srapat,

29. Keuneurukam,

30. Boh ke2ideukk,

31. An^u" sisawi or keusawi,

32. Meunta bat^e.

33. Pucho\

34. ^t)A raseutovi,

35. Peiija iuleueng.

36. Peuja bu.

37. Seuna maki,

38. -5^// meusui,

39. ^^A gantL

40. Janggbt jen.

41. Rmninya or rumia.

42. Kachu.

43. Chamchiiruih,

44. Bungbng kambue,

45. Kaplio Baroih.

46. Kaptilaga,

47. i?M /tf/^?.

48. Komkoma.

49. Tinvaya,

50. i?yM apiun,

51. Bungbng barueh.

Bark of Cleghornia cymosa *).

Incense resin.

Jav. Maja kling = Myrobalani chebulae.

Mustard-seed.

The Achehnese say that this is found on

rocks over which water has been running.

The name signifies '*stone-scum".
Jav.Puchuk=roots of Aplotaxis auriculata^).
According to Mr. Vorderman probably a

bud of the rose of Jericho.
Borax.

Borax in crystal.
Senna-leaves.

Massooi-bark = Sassafras goesianum.
Jav. ganti, the highly aromatic root of

Chinese origin, the mother-plant of

which is not yet known. It is often

found compounded with meusui in Jav.

and Ach. recipes.
A lichen, Usnea barbata.
Arab, mumia = pitch.
Cachou (Extractum acaciae).
Jav. Alim = Lepidium Sativum.

Camphor.
Cardamum.
Nutmeg.
Saffron.

Poppy-seed.

Blossom of a kind of wild mangosteen.

As to the use to which its leaves are

put, see above p. 51.

i) As to this Mr. Ridley supplies me with the following note: "Cleghornia cymosa is
Baisrea acuminata, a Ceylon plant. Srapat is applied to a number of climbing Apocynaceae,
but specially in the Straits to Parameria polyneura". {Translator).

2) Ridley describes this as "roots of cost. Saussaurea Lappa". (Translator),

5 2. Cheuko, Malay Ch6kur, Jav. KSnchur, Sund. Chikur ').

53. Kulet salasarL Jav. Pulasari = bark of the Alyxiastellata.

54. MuglL Jav. BSngle = Zingiber cassumunar Roxb.

55. Jeureung^e. Sund. Jaringao, Jav. Dringo = Acorus

calamus.

56. Aneu keudawong. Seeds of Parkia speciosa.

Herewith we can take our leave of the ^leumees of the Achehnese.
The We often read of the heroes of hikayats or stories and sometimes

** fourteen

sciences", hear it asserted in praise of ordinary mortals in Acheh that they have
successfully practised **the fourteen sciences" {eleum^e peuet blaih). That
this number has not been fixed by the Achehnese themselves may
easily be surmised from the variety to be found in the recapitulations
of these branches of knowledge. Every author has his own system of
enumeration. One regards the 14 sciences as made up of different
branches of the one science par excellence^ that of religion ; and these
branches can equally well be divided into a greater or smaller number
of heads than the supposed fourteen. Another includes in the fourteen
various ileumi'es such as those we have just described. There is no hard
and fast rule or traditional division.

In Arabic works on the Mohammedan law, the scientific attainments
required of a candidate for the post of qadh% or judge are often des-
cribed as the mastery of 15 sciences. It is not improbable that in some
work of this kind the number cited may have been 14 instead of 15,
for in this case too the actual number depends very much on individual
taste. This may have given rise to the adoption of 14 as the traditional
number in Acheh, first in the learned circles and later on among the
general public. Now however, each individual takes the liberty of deciding
for himself what Heunih^s are included in the peuet blaih (fourteen).

The term teuseureh *) peuet blaih, which really means the fourteen
forms which in a tense of an Arabic verb serve to mark all distinctions
of number, gender and person has gained a certain popularity outside
the circle of literate men. It may well be that these teuseurehs (the true
meaning of which is only known to those initiated in Arabic grammar)
were conceived of as separate branches of learning.

i) Described by Ridley as Kaempferia Galanga. {Translator),
2) From the Arab, iagrlf = "inflexion".

§ 6. Art.

We have omitted "Art" from the title of this chapter, as it appears,
so far as we are at present aware, never to have been cultivated to
any great extent in Acheh.

In the lowland districts, and especially in Meura'sa, there were stone-cuiters.
formerly stone-cutters of repute, whose chief work was the ornament-
ation of tombstones {nisain, bal^e jeurat), in which they displayed con-
siderable skill. We have already explained ') the natureof this decorative
work; and the difference between the nisams of men and women.

This art is now practically defunct. Certain handsome stone monuments

of royal personages are to be found in or near the chief town, but it
is doubtful whether these are of native Achehnese workmanship.

This doubt is still more justifiable in regard to a quite unique spe- .
cimen of architecture, viz. the little building called the Gimbngan'') which

I) Vol. I pp. 430—31-

a) Nol, as it is wrongly called by lie Europeans resident ii
(this Dgain ihoulJ be "Kula I'uchut").

stands behind the Dalam, and of which numerous representations have
been already published. The origin and purpose of this building still
remain unexplained except by a legend, something like that of the
hanging gardens of Nebuchadnezzar's wife. It is said that a prince of
Acheh, to gratify his highland consort who was homesick for the mount-
ains of her native land, had this artificial hill erected and a pleasure
ground laid out around it. The place where the building stands is in
fact at the present time known to the Achehnese as Taman (** pleasure-
ground"), whence we may perhaps conclude that it was formerly sur- ^
rounded by some sort of garden. In the latter days preceding the
occupation of Acheh by the Dutch, the building appears to have
occasionally served as a place of recreation for the members of the
royal household, especially the women, who used to sit on the topmost
terrace to enjoy the view.

The ruins of the low vaulted gate at the back of the Dalam {Pinto Khob ^)),
through which in former times none but royalties might enter, give evidence
of the same style of masonry that is observable in the royal tombs.

With the above exceptions the buildings of the Achehnese are, as
we have seen, all of wood, and the only difference between the houses
of great and small consists in their size, the character of the wood
used, and the carving on the beams and walls.

The art of silk-weaving continues to flourish as much as ever, and Weaving.
no little taste is displayed in many of the patterns worked in silk
of various colours or shot with gold thread, for loin-cloths (ija pinggang)
and kerchiefs (ija sawa') and materials for trousers [lueu'e or silueue).

The names given to the ijas and lueu'es at once recall to connoisseurs
their colour, pattern etc. These names are partly borrowed from their
appearance, as ija lunggi mirahy ija plang, ija plang rusa, sileu'e plafig
tujoh lumpat, silueue lufong meukasab ; partly from the place where
the pattern was first introduced or is best designed, as for instance
ija Lam Gugob, Langkareueng, Lam Bhu ; and partly from both
combined, as ija lunggi Mukim Peuet, ija Lam Gugob bungbng peuet.

The commonest pattern for the centre-piece of a garment is called
awan ("clouds"), another bungbng tabu (**strewn flowers"), while the
different figures in which the gold thread (kasab) is interwoven with

i) When a salvo of seven guns had to be fired in the Dalam, four were let off at the great
gate (J^intd Raya) and three near the back gate {Pintd Khdb),

the silk of the borders, are denoted by such names as glima ("pome-
granate"), glima meugantung, gUma siseun Iroik, glima bunghng peuet,

reukueng Icui-' ("neck of the tfikukur or dove"), taloi- ii- ("water-border",
from a resemblance to dropping water).

Almost every woman knows how to weave, but the setting up of the
woof is the task of expert dames, not more than one or two of whom
are to be found in each gampong. Most of the silk employed is taken
from Achehnese silk-worms and spun by Achehnesc women, but foreign
/Chinese) silk is also used. The native silk is also coloured by the
weavers themselves. They used formerly to employ indigenous dyes,
such as indigo leaves (om tarwn), the sap of various kinds of wood, such
as seupeueng, kudrang, roots of keumudt-e (Mai, bengkudu], also turmeric,
ashes, mud, lime-juice and alum. These ingredients have now been to
some extent driven out of the field by the cheap aniline dye-stuRs
imported from Frankfurt and Ludwigshafen; even these however are
in the first place mixed with lime-juice and alum.

65
The art displayed in the work of Achehnese goldsmiths and silver- Gold- and

silversmiths*

smiths does not attain a high level. The workmanship of the hilts of
weapons made of buffalo-horn, wood and the precious metals is not
without artistic merit, but this craft is now rapidly deteriorating.

Formerly there were to be found in Acheh flourishing potteries, in
which the pots, pans, plates, lamps etc. for household use were manu-
factured by women. Though their implements were most primitive, they
displayed great skill. In the group of gampongs called Ateue', formerly
noted for its pottery, the manufacture is still carried on by a number
of women, but their products are being gradually driven out of the
market by foreign goods, which though somewhat dearer are more
durable. The art displayed in this native pottery possesses no great merit.

On the whole we gain the impression that the artistic sense of the
Achehnese is but little developed, except in the manufacture of silk
fabrics, in which much taste is displayed both in colouring and in pattern.
During the period of the prosperity of the port-kings, constant inter-
course with strangers, and the desire of those of high rank to rival
other peoples in show and splendour, may have led to the temporary
importation of some degree of art, but this quickly disappeared with
the political degeneration which supervened. The foreign civilization
which has exercised the most lasting influence on the Achehnese,
namely that of Islam, is but little favourable to the awakening or
development of the artistic sense.

n 5

CHAPTER II

LITERATURE.

' w:

§ I . Introductory. Stories. Form of written Literature.

fwrittcn and Under the head of Achehnese literature we comprehend all that has
\ iu^"ture! been composed in their own language for the pleasure, instruction and
'^ edification of the people of Acheh. I say purposely composed and not
written^ since the hard and fast distinction between what is and what
is not preserved by means of letters cannot be consistently applied to
the productions of Achehnese writers whether past or present. To make
this clear let us take one or two examples.

Two heroic poems (MaUm Dagang and Pbchut Muhamat) dealing

with historical facts and legends of the past of Acheh, have been known

in written form as far back as the memory of the people extends.

' Another, which in form and character quite corresponds with the two

i mentioned above, and which celebrates the heroic deeds of the Acheh-

I nese in their war with the Dutch, was composed gradually by a man

I who could neither read nor write, and was first reduced to writing in

its entirety at my own instance. Yet it would be captious criticism to

include the first two and not the last under the head of literature.

In the literary works of the Achehnese, pantons are frequently
introduced. There are however many other pantons, such as those
recited at the ratebs and other similar occasions, which are only trans-
mitted by word of mouth; and yet these have often a much higher
significance in relation to the intellectual side of Achehnese life than
those which are interwoven in stories. Equally absurd would it be to
reckon the latter only as forming a part of the literature while excluding
the former.

Nor indeed can it be said that an Achehnese work is better protected Authors and
against change by the written than by the oral form of transmission. ^°^^
Every copyist claims an author's privilege to modify the original, just
as the reciter does in transmission by word of mouth. Should he fail
to embellish the original according to his own taste and ideas, he would
be looked on by the Achehnese as lacking both intelligence and literary
talent.

In any case there can be no objection to our devoting a portion of
this chapter to those products of the Achehnese intellect which lie on
or just outside the borders of literature.

The Achehnese is very rich in proverbs and other sententious sayings Proverbs, etc.
{miseue, from the Arab, tnithal). Many of these are also to be found
in a more or less modified form in Malay, while others display purely
Achehnese characteristics. Descriptions of important events or conditions
which constantly recur in Achehnese life, are generally contained in
metre, and in this form are known to everybody. For instance, one
need only repeat the prelude "/ go on foof\ to at once remind an Acheh-
nese of the verses placed in the mouth of heroes departing for the fight,
and he will repeat the stanza: "'On my back (= borne by others) shall
I return; none shall dare to fetch me (= my corpse) from the enemy's
land. At my departure I have spat upon the steps of the house (symbolic
leave-taking of the Penates); no man can see the world twice*\

The situation which we should describe by the comparison '^two cocks
in one fowl-yard" *), at once suggests to the Achehnese a number of
verses descriptive of untenable situations such as "'a country with two
kings'\ ^a mosque with two lights'' (i.e. two doctors of the law, each
of whom wishes to be the ruling authority) '^a gampong with two
teachers". Such examples might easily be multiplied ten-fold.

The riddles (hiem) of the Achehnese are some of them identical in
all respects, all of them in character, with those of the Malays, Javanese
and Sundanese.

The works employed by the Achehnese for the pursuit of their various
branches of learning, are, as we saw in the last chapter, written in
Malay or Arabic; some of these are however, as we shall presently
see, popularized by being transposed into Achehnese rhyming verse.

Riddles.

i) " Twee han€n in een hok^\ The English equivalent of this expression is "two kings in
Brentford", which is very close to the Achehnese. (Translator),

xhehnese

»rose.

Stories.

Hadih maja.

The only works in the vernacular that we know of, which may be
reckoned among the (elementary) text-books for students, are a small
rhyming guide to the study of Malay, a handbook on the first principles
of faith and religious law written in prose, a few treatises on the twenty
characteristics of God, only one of which is written in prose, and some
others on ritual prayers.

The two named above are the only Achehnese prose works that we
have been able to discover. It may thus almost be said that it is poetry
alone which is perpetuated in Achehnese writings. We might however
give the name of "unwritten prose" to the stories transmitted by word
of mouth (like those which have so wide a circulation in Java under
the name of dong^ng), which are used in Acheh to put children to
sleep when they are too old for cradle-songs, to shorten the evenings
for grown-up people, and to dispel boredom at social gatherings.

There is no specific name in Acheh for these tales. They are indeed
known as haba (Arab, chabar), but the same name is given to the stories
of old folk about their bygone days, or their traditions respecting the
past history of Acheh, and in general to all tidings of any event. An
old Achehnese chief who has the reputation of being wise and prudent,
is sure to have in his wallet a store of haba jameun ^) [haba of the
olden times), which he displays on occasion to his respectful listeners.
Although such serious narratives are called by the same name as the
tales and saws employed to please children, the two ideas remain strictly
separate in the minds of the Achehnese.

The first kind of haba, which relates to the past history of the
country, combines instruction with amusement, and is in so far akin
to what the Achehnese call hadih *) maja = tales ox traditions of
grandmothers, or rather of female ancestors. Under this heading they
comprehend all sorts of traditions preserved by old people, especially
women, and which form an appendage to the popular custom and
superstition. Customs at birth, marriage, death etc., not prescribed by
religion, but the neglect of which is generally believed to result in
misfortune, the pantang rules observed by the fisherman at sea, by the
woman in her pregnancy, and by the hunter in the forest, all these
are based on hadih maja, which thus comprises the lore regarding

1) Malay chtritra tXman dhulu, (Translator),

2) From the Arab, kadlth = tradition.

what the Sundanese call pamdli, chadu or buyut and the Javanese ila-ila^
and also the adats which control the daily life of each individual. The
blessings, orations and stereotyped speeches described in the first volume
of this work, may also be classified as hadih maja, ')

Haba of the kind corresponding to the dong^ngs of the Sundanese
and Javanese has a somewhat less uncertain form than the haba jameun
and hadih maja. The reciters of these prose narrations, passed as they
are from mouth to mouth, have of course greater freedom in the treat-
ment of their subject than the copyists of an Achehnese book, yet
certain elements of the haba remain unaffected by this license, and each
reciter endeavours to adhere to the exact words in which the story
has been repeated to him.

These Achehnese fables and stories are well worth the trouble of Character
transcribing. They present to the ear a language much more closely ^^^^ fables
akin to the colloquial of daily life than do the rhyming verses in which ^^^©s.
almost the whole of the written literature is composed, and their contents
are often of much interest.

Some habas are simply modified reproductions in prose of romances
written in verse. I have had reduced to writing, among others, a very
long Achehnese dongfeng consisting of numerous disconnected parts, the
principal elements of which may be met with elsewhere in Achehnese
and Malay literature. It also frequently happens that an Achehnese,
after reading some Malay romance hitherto unknown in his own country,
popularizes its contents in the form of haba among his own fellow-
villagers, and that it is thence disseminated over a wider area.

In the habas of the Achehnese one also meets with much indigenous
folklore, which entices the enquirer to comparisons with kindred matters
among other peoples of Indonesian race. Besides peculiar differences in
the manner of transmission of these tales among the various peoples
of the Eastern Archipelago, there is a still more striking agreement
among them in the main subjects, and this is noticeable even where
there can have been hardly any possibility of borrowing, in later times
at least. How much of this common material have all these different
peoples obtained from India, and subsequently worked up and added
to, each to suit their own taste ? How much of it is of purely domestic
origin ?

i) See also p. 43 above.

For the present we must limit ourselves to collecting the data which
will eventually assist us to solve these problems.

Elsewhere I propose to publish a few of these Achehnese haba; here
I must rest content with giving the reader some idea of their character.

The "crafty The Achehnese stories about the ** crafty Mouse-deer" *) will shortly
be presented to the reader, epitomized from a native manuscript. Besides
this rather rare work, however, we find all these tales and many others
relating to the plando* kanchi (**crafty mouse-deer") in the form of haba.
The Hikayat plando^ kanchi^ as the written work is called, is nothing
more or less than haba in rhyming verse.
The native Just as popular in Indonesian fable as the crafty Mouse-deer is a

,u enspiege^ certain character which even on the most superficial acquaintance ex-
hibits unmistakeable traces of relationship with the German Eulenspiegel,
the Arabo-Turkish Juha or Chojah Nagr ad-dIn; it has caused me some
surprise that no one, as far as I am aware, has hitherto given any
att ention to this remarkable type.

Si Kabayan. I am myself best acquainted with the Native Eulenspiegel in his
Sundanese dress; my collection of 70 dongings from Preanger, BantSn
and South ChirSbon give a picture of his character. He is there pretty
generally known as Si Kabayan; but in some places and in some of
the tales told of him he appears as Si Buta-Tuli (the Blind and Deaf),
while in certain localities sayings and doings which are elsewhere put
down to Si Kabayan's account, are here narrated under another name.
Such for example is the dongfeng of Aki Bolong published by Mr. G.
J. Grashuis; ^) this story is current under the name of Si Kabayan
amongst the majority of the Sundanese.

Kabayan's tomb is pointed out at Pandeglang and other places in
BantSn, usually under mango-trees. This plurality of graves need not
be considered an impossibility, in view of the varied accounts of the
manner of his death. Some of the tales of Kabayan are at least as
pretty as the best of those of Eulenspiegel 5 others owe their interest
more to the rough specimens of popular pleasantry which they contain,
while many are, according to European ideas, unfit for translation. Like
Eulenspiegel, who as coachman greases the whole of his master's carriage

i) Mouse-deer is pZlanduk in Malay. For an English version of the Malayan tales about
this little creature see Skeat's **Fables and Folk-tales." The qualities attributed by Indonesians
to the pHianduk are somewhat similar to those with which we endow the fox. ("Translator J,

2) Soendaneesch Leisboek, (Sundanese reader), Leiden 1874, pp. 58 et seq.

in place of the axle, Kabayan is always taking the wrong meaning out
of the words of his educators and advisers and constantly alarming
astonishing or injuring them by his method of putting their advice in
execution. He himself, too, often gets into great difficulties through his
endless misconceptions. From these straits, however, he always manages
to escape, and though he never has a cent to his name, arid shows a
constant disinclination to settle down to any fixed occupation or calling
or to fulfil his duties as husband or father, he comes out with flying
colours day by day from all his pranks, and moves to side-shaking
laughter all who have not suffered personal damage from his rogueries
and cunning stupidity.

Having once for all become the central point around which all popular
humour and irony revolve, he undoubtedly plays a part occasionally
in stories which originally belonged to a different cycle or even in
those imported from foreign countries. It is just in this way that legend
^s wont to ascribe to a great hero deeds which were really performed
by some of his less celebrated colleagueis. The encyclopaedia of Kabayan
stories now even comprises some tales differing entirely from one another
in type; in some of these the hero is nothing but a foolish dullard,
while in others he is characterized by the utmost cunning. Both of these
are at variance with the Eulenspiegel character. Among the Sundanese
villagers not only are these tales constantly repeated both by old and
young, but their whole speech flows over with allusions and quotations
from these dong^ngs. It is not surprising, therefore, that the name
"Kabayan" is often heard even in the kampongs of Batavia.

The same remarks apply, though in a less degree, to the Jaka jaka Bodo
Bodo (silly youngman) of the Javanese and to Si Pandie among the ^^ P^ndie.
Menangkabau Malays; also (to return to our Achehnese) of the * Eulen-
spiegel" whom they variously name Si Metiseukin, ^) Si Gasien-meuseukin siMeuseukin
or Pa' Pande. *) Up to the present I have been able to collect but ^*' Pa^d6.
a few of the habas relating to him, but these few harmonize to a marked
degree with these of the Sundanese, while in form and dress they ex-
hibit many genuine Achehnese characteristics.

Thus for instance the Haba Si Meuseukin nyang keumalbn (Si Meuseukin gj Meuseukin

as a diviner.

i) The Arabic-Malay miskin «= "poor": gasien = the Malay kasihan (**poor" in the sense
of "pitiable") but in Achehnese it is used to signify "unfortunate," "beggar."

2) This name must not be understood in its ordinary sense of "blacksmith," but as the
Achehnese pronunciation of the Menangkabau pandie = "silly."

as a diviner) is identical in form with the dong^ng of Aki Bolong just
mentioned, which is current among other Sundanese in two parts, viz.
5/ Kabayan nujum and Si Kabayan naruhkeun samangka.

The Achehnese have many versions of this haba which differ widely

from one another in details.

Si Meuseu- The haba Si Meuseukin meukawin (Si Meuseukin's wedding) is a dis-

^m% weaa- g^sting tale, though only moderately so if measured by the standard

of the Sundanese Kabayan stories. In the Sundanese I know of three

duplicates of this unsavoury tale; in one of these Kabayan's internal

troubles are caused by apSm-dough, in another by dage *) and in the

third by peuteuy, ^) The Achehnese Si Meuseukin's colic on the other

hand results from the eating of nangka (a kind of jack-fruit, bbh pandih

in Achehnese).

Haba Pa' In the haba Pa' Pande there are strung together a number of stories

^^ the counterparts of which form separate narratives among the Sundanese.

In the Achehnese version Pa* Pand^ (= Si Meuseukin) after receiving
an exhortation to diligence which he duly misunderstands, goes forth
to catch blind deut-fish ; in the Sundanese dongeng Si Kabayan jeung
nyaina (**Si Kabayan and his mother in-law") he fishes with a hoop-net
for a blind paray.

When sent to seek a teungku, ^) Pa' Pande through misconception of
the order comes home first with a ram, and then with a bird of the
kind called kue" \ similar mistakes form the motif in the Sundanese Si
Kabayan boga ewe anyar and Si Kabayan dek kawin (**Si K's early
married life" and ^'Si K. goes to get him a wife").

Pa' Pand^ steals into a sack in which his wife had stowed her house-
hold goods and food; similarly the Sundanese Eulenspiegel deceives his
grandmother in Si K. ngala daun kachang (**Si K. plucking bean leaves")
and his grandfather in Si K, ngala onjuk (*Si K. gathering arfen-fibres").
Other points of resemblance are not wanting, but are less obvious than
the above.

Besides the Sundanese Kabayan-tales, we may also compare the Si
Meuseukin and Pa' Pande with the Malay stories of Pak BUalang and

i) Dage is eaten as an adjunct to rice. It consists in fruits of a certain kind which secrete
oil when partially decayed; after being kept a sufficient time they are cooked and eaten
with the rice as a relish.

2) Peuteuy (Anagyris L. « Mai. pttet) is a bean with an offensive odour, also used as a relish.

3) See vol. I, p. 71.

Lebai Malang (published by A. F. von Dewall in **Bunga rampai"
vol. IV. Batavia 1894).

We must however always remember that the name Si Meuseukin has
not acquired so specialized a meaning as that of Si Kabayan. This last
is always used by the Sundanese to designate their Eulenspiegel. In
the Achehnese, however, Si Meuseukin or the "Poor Devil" may be
the hero of other tales as well as the Eulenspiegel ones.

In the somewhat prolix Haba Raja Bayeu'en ') (** Story of the bayan- Story of the
prince") Si Meuseukin plays a part which again reminds us to some
extent of Si Kabayan, but many of his adventures are of a similar sort
to those of Indra Bangsawan and Banta Amat, with whom we shall
presently make further acquaintance as heroes of fiction. Si Meuseukin's
finally becoming the monarch of a great kingdom places this tale entirely
outside the sphere of Eulenspiegel stories.

The same is true of another Haba Si Meuseukin in which the hero Si Meuseukin

wronfired

is continually being wronged and cheated by his elder brother, but
eventually becomes the happy possessor of two princesses and a king-
dom. This story also shows features which recall Indra Bangsawan; like
the latter, for instance, Si Meuseukin serves a princess for some time
in the guise of a shepherd.

To conclude our brief review of the Achehnese haba's, we shall The cloven
mention but one more, the Haba ureueng lob lam batu ^) bldih bat^'e
meutangkob ("story of one who hid herself in a cleft of a stone, a stone
which closed together"). This is the marvellous history of two boys,
Amat and Muhamat, whose mother had an intrigue with a snake in
the jungle and cradled in her house her lover's soul, enclosed in a
cucumber. Many varieties of this tale are current in the Gayo and Alas
countries.

Most of the literary productions of the Achehnese which we are now
about to describe, are in writing, and almost all are composed in verse.
We must therefore pause a moment to consider the Achehnese prosody.

The Achehnese have properly speaking only one metre. This is called Achehnese
sanja\ ^) and consists of verses each of which contains eight feet, or ^^^^ *^'

i) Bayan is the talking bird which so often appears in Malay hikayats; the Achehnese
identify it with their tiong i. e. the mina.

2) We should expect to find here bati'e^ which occurs two words further on, but in this
one instance the Malay pronunciation is followed.

3) The same word as the Malay saja\ derived from the Arabic saf^ which means rhyming prose*

rather four pairs of feet, as the two middle pairs in each verse rhyme
with one another in their final syllables ; the concluding syllable of each
verse also rhymes with that of the next, it being understood that in a
long poem the poet has full licence to vary the rhyme as often as he
pleases.

A verse is called ayat^ which is the Arabic name for a verse of the
Quran. Achehnese poems are generally, though not always, written
continuously, so that a verse is often distributed over two lines; to
separate the verses from one another marks are employed similar to
those to be seen in copies of the Sacred Book.

The simplest form of the Achehnese verse is that in which each
foot contains two syllables, as: *)
gah ban | gajah | sie ban | tulo || jitueng | jud5 |{ dinab | mata ||

or:
adat I mat^ | ku pa- | ban bah |{ hana | salah l| Ion ji- | pak6 |j

There is no such thing in Achehnese as quantity. The essence of the
metre lies in the incidence of the accent, which is always laid on the
last syllable of each foot. So far the Achehnese verses are in direct
contrast to the Malay, in which the movement is •'diminuendo", the
strong accent falling on the first part of the foot. Mutatis mutandis, we
might call the Malay metre trochaic, and the Achehnese iambic.
Feet and Verses containing one or more feet of more than two syllables are
sy a es. ^^ X^zst as common as those in which each foot contains only two
syllables. Thus if - be taken as denoting the accent and w its absence,
v>_ may always be replaced by v^w- In:

hana | digdb | na di | geutanyde || sabdh | nanggrde || dua | raja ||
the fourth foot has three syllables. This most commonly occurs in the
second of each pair of feet, thus in:

adat I na umu | dudde | Ion paroh || ba' bhaih | nyang tujoh 1| keud^h |
Ion mula ||
the 2tli, 4th, 6th and 8^^ feet are of three syllables.

A favourite modification of the rhyme in the middle of the verse
consists of making the less accentuated first part, and not (as ordinarily)
the last syllable of the 6tb foot, rhyme with the last syllable of the
4th. For example:
diju- I rfee na | pasu | leukat || di ram- | bat || na | pasu | saka

I) The feet are separated by the mark | , which is doubled || after the rhyming syllables.

or:
kawan | gata | jikheun | jip6h || meung sa | b6h || han | jikeu- | bah 16 \\
The commotl form in these examples would be for the fifth and sixth
feet to run thus na dirambat and kan meung sabbk, as the rhyme would
then coincide with the end of the foot.

Among the numerous instances of poetic license we may notice the Poetic

license

rhyming of a with eu'e or eu^ i with i or e^, o with «, e and eu. Of the
final consonants at the end of the rhyming syllables m is also regarded
as rhyming with by n with ng and sometimes even b and the final guttura^
denoted by > as rhyming with one another and with /. There is however
no definitely accepted rule for such kinds of license ; it is a question
of individual taste.

The word janggay (discordant) is used to indicate the harshness of
a slovenly verse or one in which there is too much poetic license. A
poem which answers to the canons of taste is called keunbng (* hitting
the mark").

When at a loss for suitable rhymes poets sometimes resort to the
expedient of addressing the reader at the end of a verse with words
which rhyme in pairs, as wahi ti'elariy wahi rakan, (oh comrade!) wah^
putrb'e (oh princess!) wahi adb'e (oh younger brother or sister!) v)ahi
raja^ wahi siedara etc.

All the poems of the Achehnese, that is to say almost all their literary
productions, are declaimed in singsong style (beuet === Malay bacha).

Both the pantDns and the component parts of rat^bs have various
different methods of intonation, called sometimes by onomatapaeic names,
such as meuhahala meuhihili and sometimes after the place of their
origin (as jawb'e bar at ^= **the intonation of the Malays of the West
Coast"), sometimes from their character (as rancha^ = * animated").

For the hikayats which form the principal part of the literature, two styles of
sorts of intonation are specially employed, the lagie Acheh or Dalam '■^*^*^^^°-
(Achehnese or Court style) and the lagee Pidi'e (Pidir style). Both styles
are further divided into lag^e bagaih (quick time) and lagie jareueng
(slow time). The reciter of a hikayat employs each of these in turn,
in order to relieve the monotony. The lag^e jareueng is preferred for
solemn or tragic episodes. The syllables are given a prolonged enunciation,
the vowels being lengthened now and then with the help of a nasal
^ng.'' Thus in the **slow time" the double foot puchol* meugisa becomes
pungucho* meugingisa.

Various kinds Three kinds of poems are composed in the Achehnese metre.

of poetry.

PanWns. First come the pantons. These have this in common with Malay

pantons, that they generally treat of love, and that each consists of
two parts (with the Achehnese of one verse each) of which the first
has little or no meaning, or is at all events unconnected in sense with
what the poet really wishes to express, and only serves to furnish
rhymes to aid the memory. Adepts have only to hear the first line of
any favourite panton to at once grasp the meaning of the whole.

We have already given some examples of non-erotic pantons in the
formal dialogues connected with marriage ceremonies. The love pantons
are numberless, both the old ones which everyone knows, and new
ones to which the young keep continually adding. A single example
will here suffice: *)

Ba' meureuya | didalam paya || pucho' meugisa || ba' mata ur6e ||
Meung na ta'eu | mataku dua || adat ka tabung- || ka ba' reujang taw6e ||

**A sago palm in the swamp.

"Its crown twists round with the sun.

**Do you still see (i. e. do you still remember) my two eyes,

**Come then, if you are already gone, come quickly back again."
Pant5n meu- Panfon meukaratigy i. e. a series of pantons, is the name given to
karang. dialogues in panton form, whether between lovers, or (as for instance

at a wedding) between hosts and guests.

A good many pantons are committed to writing, especially in the
versified tales and other works where they are quoted or placed in the
mouth of one of the characters. The majority, however, both of the
separate pantons and the panton meukarang just described, are trans-
mitted orally alone.

Pantons are employed in love making, in the traditional dialogues
on solemn occasions, in sadati-games and cradle-songs. They are also
used in dances such as are performed in Pidie by women and boys to
the accompaniment of music.

We may remark in passing that there are pantons in Achehnese

which imitate to some extent the form of those of the Malays. These

are however exceptional, and are not to be regarded as genuinely

Achehnese.

The rat^bs. Sanjd* is also used as the vehicle for the most important portions

Nasib and

kisah.

i) We give here only the divisions between each pair of feet.

(nasib and kisah) of the recitations in the plays called rateb. An account
of these will be given later, in the chapter on games and pastimes.

Last, but not least, the hikayats are composed in sanja\ or we Hikayats.
might rather say, all that is composed in this metre, except the panfons
and nasibs and kisahs above referred to, is called hikayat. This word,
which is derived from the Arabic, entirely loses in Achehnese its original
signification of **story", which it has retained in Malay. The Achehnese
apply the term hikayat not only to tales of fiction and religious legends,
but also to works of moral instruction and even simple lesson-books,
provided that the matter is expressed in verse, as is in fact the case
with the great majority of Achehnese literary productions.

Another of the recognized characteristics of a hikayat is that it should
commence with certain formulas in praise of Allah and his Apostle, to
which are sometimes appended other general views or reflections of the
author's own, till finally the actual subject is reached. This transition
is almost invariably introduced by the words ajayib sobeuhan Alah
which in the Arabic (*JLil qL^u*« w^JL^), signify **0 wonderful things!
Praise be to God" but which in Achehnese literature have grown to
be no more than an entirely meaningless introductory phrase. The
syllables are usually divided thus ajayib so \ beuhan alah || and the fact
that sobeuhan is all one word is quite lost sight of.

A new subject or a new subdivision of the main theme is introduced
by the poets as a fresh ^ kurangan'\ which latter word is equivalent
to the Malay karangan '), i. e. literary composition. The usual form is :
ama ba'adu \ dudb'e nibcC nyan || la^en karangan || ton chalitra || = *Now
I pass on to another subject". But kurangan has also preserved in
Achehnese the meaning of a writing or essay.

Our remarks on the form of Achehnese literary works would be Nalam.
incomplete without some mention of the nalam. This word is the
Achehnese pronunciation of the Arabic nazntj meaning poetry. The
Achehnese however understand thereby writings composed in a metre
imitating one of those employed by the Arabs. I say imitating, because
the Achehnese language, possessing no settled quantities, does not lend
itself to the absolute application of an Arabic metre.

i) A similar example of the change of a or / into u may be seen in the word kupala
used to denote a head man of a gampong appointed by the Dutch government. The good-natured
patroness of lovers is sometimes called Ni Kubayan (Mai. Kibayan),

The nalams with which I am acquainted are all composed in the
metre described below, which is known as rajaz^ the emphasis of the
accent in Achehnese taking the place of the length of the syllable in
Arabic.

Each verse consists of 3 or 2 pairs of iambics. Thus we have for instance
the trimeter: ngbn biseumilah \ ulon puphon \ nalam jawhe |j ladum
Arab \ ladum Acheh \ ton hareutbe ||

and the dimeter:
nybe karangan \ Habib Hadat || that meucheuhu \ jeueb-jeueb bilat ||

All works composed in nalam deal with religious subjects, and many
have the character of text-books rather than works of edification.

So mudh of the form of Achehnese written literature; we shall now
proceed to describe its substance, so far as our limited space permits.
We shall classify the various works according to the nature of their
subjects, placing the few nalams and the still rarer prose works among
the hikayats which -treat of similar subjects. Where a work is not
expressly stated to be composed in nalam or in prose, it may be taken
for granted that it is a hikayat, and the reader may supply this title
even where we have for brevity's sake omitted to do so.

For facility of reference, we have numbered consecutively with Roman
numerals all the Achehnese works referred to.

We shall deal first with those works which are of purely Achehnese
origin and shall then go on to describe those derived directly or in-
directly from Indian, Arabic or Malay sources.

§ 2. The Hikayat Ruhe.

The form of hikayat known as ruhi need not long occupy our
attention. It stands, in respect of its contents and purpose, between the
haba and the hikayat proper. The proper meaning of ruhi is to publish
abroad a man's private life, his secrets and his follies, to speak evil of
a man or make him an object of ridicule. Should it happen that a
stranger from some other district takes up his abode in a certain place,
and there meets with any noteworthy adventures or excites ridicule
or disgust by his acts or omissions, some local wag will often celebrate

his doings in verse (sanjd*) with the requisite flavour of exaggeration,
and the name of ruki is given to such a composition.

The name is however also applied to humorous poems, the object
of which is to move the listener to laughter without any evil intent,
like John Gilpin's Ride. Such tales are more often transmitted by word
of mouth than in writing.

One of the best known hikayat ruhe is the Hikayat guda (I), **the Hikayat
poem of the horse." This consists of some 30 verses only, and describes
in humorous style how some friends slaughtered and divided among
them an old horse, and what each of them did with the part that fell
to his share. Thus of the tail a cheumara or native chignon was made,
and one of the ribs became a princely sword, while an old woman
excited laughter by her fruitless endeavours to boil soft the portion
she had acquired.

Of a like nature is the Hikayat leumb (II), **the poem of the bull," Hikayat
containing what appear to be the disconnected reminiscences of one ^""™ *
who was a constant frequenter of the glanggang (arena for fights of
animals). It consists of a series of laughable anecdotes about famous
bulls and their owners and celebrated juaras. ') These could however
have only been properly appreciated by the coevals of the author, whose
name is unknown.

Another very short story is the Hikayat ureueng Jawa {III) which Hikayat ureu-
describes the crack-brained dream of a male favourite of a Javanese ^"^ ^^'^'^'
(or Malay) ^) teungku. The hidden meaning seems to be that the latter
had begun to neglect his favourite, who expresses his resentment of
the wrong done him.

The Hikayat Pbdi^) Amat (IV) is much more prolix. The hero, a
student in the gampong of Klibeuet, has a dream which predicts him
success in whatever he may undertake. Thereupon he goes on a journey
to pursue his studies and enjoys the teaching of one Mal^m Jawa. But
Fate has higher things in store for him. The daughter of the king of

i) yuara^ in Malay as well as Achehnese means the trainer of fighting cocks or other
animals, the master of the ceremonies in the glanggang. The word is also used in Riau and
Johor to signify a procuress. Wilkinson, MaL-Eng, Diet, p. 235. (Translator),

2) The Achehnese sometimes foUow the Arabs in applying the name ''Jawa" to the Malays
as well as the Javanese. This name is especially used in a contemptuous sense; for instance
an Achehnese abusing a Padang man will call him *^yawa paleh'*'' a ^'miserable Malay!"

3) Po means **lord" or **master;" di is an abbreviation of the Arab, sidi which also means
^gentleman" or *sir."

the Gay6s dreams of him, and the story ends by P6 Amat's winning
her hand and becoming the ruler of the Gay6s.
Hikayat P6 Pb Jambbe (V) is the hero of a hikayat ruhe which has not been
reduced to writing and which is known to me by name only.

Jamb6e.

§ 3. Epic Hikayats.

The heroic poems of the Achehnese, original both in form and subject-
matter, stand indisputably higher in all respects than any other part
of their literature. It is in the two most ancient of these Tiikayats that
we are especially struck by the poets' calm objectivity, their command
of their subject, their keen sense of both the tragic and comic elements
in the lives of their fellow-countrymen, and the occasional masterly
touches in which they sketch, briefly but accurately, genuine pictures
of Achehnese life.

Achehnese epic poetry has without doubt taken time to reach the
level at which we find it. The heroic poems with which we are acquainted
must have been preceded by others whose loss we deplore, since their
place in the estimation of the Achehnese themselves has been taken
by works df a lower standard imported from abroad.

We shall now give a resume of the contents of those which still
survive, taking them in their chronological sequence.

MaUm
Dagang.

The Hikayat Malem Dagang (VI). This epic celebrates an episode
from among the great achievements of the Achehnese under their most
famous ruler ]£seukanda (Iskandar) Muda (1607 — 36)> called after his
death Meukuta Alam, against the ruling Power in the Malay Peninsula *);
or it might rather be said to furnish in rhyme and metre a specimen
of an Achehnese tradition (now degenerated into unrecognizable forms)
of that golden epoch.
Historic basis I* is indeed impossible to determine with certainty what the facts
of the heroic j-^^lly are which are presented to us in so fantastic a form, so widely
does the story diverge from reliable historical facts.

i) The Portuguese; the Achehnese, however, in their confusion of historical facts, wrongly
describe this Power as the Dutch.

We know ^) that fiseukanda Muda conquered, among other littoral
Malay States, Johor (1613) and Pahang (1618), thus gaining for Acheh
an authority over the Malay Peninsula which was only balanced by
that of the Portuguese, who had settled at Malacca a century earlier.
It is also known ^) that the prince in question made several attempts
to drive out these rivals of his power from Malacca. For instance, he
attacked that port in 1628 with a fleet of gigantic proportions, con-
sidered relatively to the development of Acheh. All his efforts were
however unsuccessful, though he succeeded in harassing the Portuguese
to a considerable extent.

That the Achehnese legend should collect the various phases of Curious
Meukuta Alam's attack upon Malacca into a single naval expedition of
fabulous dimensions, need cause us no surprise. But it sounds more
strange that they should definitely describe the chief enemy of the
Achehnese as a Dutchman ^) and allude to him not only as ruler of
Malacca, but also occasionally by way of variety as the ** ruler of Guha",
which latter name refers to Goa the chief settlement of the Portuguese
in India. This may possibly be explained by the fact that later on the
Portuguese disappeared entirely from the field of vision of the Acheh-
nese, while the Dutch came to be to them the representatives of all
danger that threatened them from Europeans. But it would manifestly Purely
be an endless task to continue explaining all the details of this legend, character of
Imagination runs riot throughout the whole, but the method of ex- ^^® poem,
pression is thoroughly Achehnese; the thoughts which the poet puts
in the mouths of his characters and the scenes which he has lavishly
embroidered on the framework of his story, are all derived from the
everyday life of the Achehnese people.

The poem begins with the first tokens of enmity on the part of Si Contents of
Ujut, a son of the raja of Malacca, against his benefactor fiseukanda ^^*^*

i) F. Valentijn, pp. 7 and 8 of the '^Bcschrijvinge van Sumatra,** which appeared in the
5th Volume of his Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien,

2) See Veth's Atchin^ p. 74.

3) The Achehnese are not as a matter of fact, like the Javanese for example, accustomed
to describe all Europeans as **Dutchmen" {JJlandd), They give Europeans the general
name of kapki (** unbelievers**), and for closer definition use the names of their nationalities
(Inggr^h, Peutug^h, Pranseh etc.). The Dutch are honoured with the epithet of **labu-
planters** {Ulanda pula labu) because, say they, in every country of the Archipelago where
the Dutch have established themselves, they have first asked the native ruler for a small
■piece of ground for the cultivation of labu (pumpkins) and subsequently laid claim tb all
the ground over which this quick-growing plant had spread.

II 6

Muda, the powerful ruler of Acheh. We gather, piirtly from the direct
statements of the author, partly from hints and suggestions which occur
in the course of the story, that this prince had gone to Acheh with
his younger brother Raja Raden *), though we are not told the motive
of their journey, ^^seukanda had received them with honour and assigned
to them Lad6ng and Krueng Raya as freehold territory (wakeueh,
bibeueh ^) ), and that too although they were not of the Mohammedan
faith. The poet (or at least some of the transcribers of his writings),
expressly calls them Dutchmen, yet represents them as worshippers of
the Sun, according, forsooth, to the teaching of the prophet Moses!').

Between Raja Rad^n and his royal host there soon grew up such a
brotherly feeling, that the former embraced the Mohammedan religion,
and gave up his wife, a daughter of the ruler of Pahang to the king
of Acheh, taking one of the latter's consorts in exchange.

Not so favourable was the impression that Si Ujut conceived of Acheh.
This stubborn kafir met all the kindness he had received with black
ingratitude, and suggested to his converted brother that it was time to
return to Malacca, where boundless riches stood at their disposal, and
to leave for good and all the poverty-stricken country where they had
settled. In vain Raja Raden seeks to convince him of the inadvisability
of such a step. His elder brother mocks him for being such a fool as
to give his nobly-born wife away in exchange for an Achehnese woman
*as ugly as an iguana", and reveals to him his scheme for despoiling
before their departure the territory given them to hold in fee, and
afterwards waging war on a large scale against Acheh.

The first part of this programme was soon carried out by Si Ujut.
He attacks and plunders a number of Achehnese fishermen and hangs
them on hooks thrust through their faces; thereafter he sets sail for
his father's country.

Raja Rad^n remains loyal to his kingly protector, warns him of
Ujut's further designs and declares himself ready to fight with him to
the death against his infidel brother. He also advises him to anticipate
Si Ujut by himself invading the latter's territory without giving him

i) The modem Achehnese point out Raja Kad6n*s tomb in the neighbourhood of the
peculiar structure called the Gun6ngan near the Dalam.

2) See Vol. I, pp. 121 et seq.

3) In other Achehnese works we find Europeans as well as other ^kafirs" described as
Jews, followers of Moses and Sun-worshippers.

time to take the first step. During their deliberations a tree of fabulous
dimensions already fashioned into the framework of a ship, comes
drifting from the opposite coast to Kuala Acheh and remains lying
there quietly until the Sultan himself, hearing of this marvel, hastens
to see it with his own eyes.

The magic tree addresses the king, telling him how he (the tree)
was destined by Si Ujut to serve as the foundation of a gigantic war-
ship, but that the will of Allah had sent him, a prince of }6ns of the
true faith, to be used against the unbeliever. A ship is then built from
this tree, to sail at the head of the war-fleet against Si Ujut, and
receives the name of Chakra Donya (Sphere of the world). Three bells,

named respectively Akidatoy Umu (^y«'^t '^^^^^^ Confirmation of Things)
Kh6yran Kasiran (I^aaT Lat* Much Good) and Tula' Mara (Dispeller of
Evil) are placed on board ; their clappers move of themselves and their
ringing may be heard three days sail away %

Presently the preparations for the expedition are complete. The king
has a tender parting with his Pahang consort, the former wife of Raja
Rad^n. She gives him sundry advice, warning him especially not to
land anywhere in the territory of Si Ujut, as its inhabitants are skilled
in the exercise of many kinds of witchcraft and black art.

The expedition first sails to the dependencies of Acheh, to call for
help to enlarge their equipment. The poet carries us, on board the Chakra
Donya along the North and East Coasts of Acheh, and displays his
geographical knowledge. The first place touched at is Pidie (vulg. Pedir),
the panglima of which is handed down to fame as the bravest and most
distinguished of generals. Thence the fleet shapes its course for Meureudu,
which the poet depicts as a sparsely-populated and almost desert land.

The want of familiarity with the great of the land withheld the
people of Meureudu from fulfilling their duty of waiting on the Sultan.
The latter awaited their coming for some days in vain; meantime the
men of Meureudu betook themselves for counsel to a teacher from
Medina who lived among them, called in this narrative Ja Pak^h or Ja
Madinah ^). The latter went to plead the cause of these simple folk.

i) The great bell which now hangs from a tree near the Governor's house at Kuta Raja
is believed by the Achehnese to be one of tho^ of the Chakra DSnya.

2) Ja properly means grandfather or great-grandfather, and Pakeh is the Arabic faqlh sa
a teacher of the law. The designation of famous persons by the name of the place of their
origin or residence is universal in Acheh.

bearing offerings of the produce of the country as a token of fealty;
but the king, through anger at the delay, took no notice of his presence.
The pandit, moved to anger in his turn, told him frankly that it was
his own fault that the people of Meureudu were lacking in good manners,
since he had set no chief over them to instruct them. The king recog-
nized his mistake, declared Meureudu a feudal freehold (wakmeh) and
induced Ja Pakeh, not without difficulty, to accompany him in his
voyage to Malacca.

According to the popular conception of the Achehnese, a learned
teungku Is supposed to be especially distinguished by his knowledge of
sundry eUumees or crafts which enable him to ensure the safety of his
friends and to bring destruction on his foes. Thus the issue of a war
may often depend on such a one. Our poet is clearly influenced by
this idea, for he makes the king of Acheh, from the time of his
departure from Meureudu, take the advice of Ja Pakeh on all matters
of importance.

Thus for instance in regard to the question as to who is to lead the
forces in the field; this honour is at first offered to the Panglima of
Pidie mentioned above, but as the latter prefers to hold a subordinate
post, the king requests him to name a suitable man to be chief panglima,
and he nominates Mal^m Dagang, ') a young man of approved courage,
who is also rich and influential.

Just as in modern Acheh all negociations are carried on through in-
termediaries, so here too we find the like method adopted in discussing
the conditions on which Malem Dagang is to assume the command.
Ja Pakeh represents his interests with fatherly care, and Meukuta Alam
promises him as recompense a handsome share of the revenues of his
dominions.

The way in which Mal^m Dagang enlists on his side the cooperation,
so necessary for his task, of the influential members of his own family,
forms another genuine Achehnese picture. He offers them, one by one,
the office which he has been called upon to fill, and on their refusing

i) Malem means one who is distinguished from the common herd by his knowledge and
practise of religion; dagang ordinarily signifies a foreigner, and in particular a Kling, or
native of Southern India. In Acheh, however, especially in earlier times, a man might gain
the title of malem^ leube etc., even though he followed national customs entirely at variance
with the creed of Islam; for instance we sometimes find even the manager of a cock-fight
dignified in an Achehnese tale with the title of leube!

reminds them in so many words that it is by their request and not of
his own will that he assumes the command over them.

As the expedition proceeds along the North and East Coasts of
Sumatra, the poet gives us many details about these parts, putting the
information he conveys in the mouth of Ja Pak^h in the form of answers
to the questions asked by the inquisitive Sultan. Old traditions and
observations on the then existing state of things form the subject of
their conversations, and the king takes the opportunity of introducing
some necessary reforms in the government of the country.

Finally the fleet attains its full strength, some tens of thousands of
vessels, and puts out to open sea. No sooner have they lost sight of
the coast than the Sultan loses heart and has to be gradually restored
to confidence by the wise man of Medina, who is able to reassure him
by reference to his kutika or table of lucky days. In various parts of
the poem the king is represented, not without some irony, as vacillating
and far from heroic.

The first principality of the Malay Peninsula at which the fleet touches
is Aseuhan (Asahan), the residence of the pagan Raja Muda.

The consort of Meukuta Alam, Putr6e Phang, had warned him before
his departure to give a wide berth to that place, as it was dangerous
owing to the heathenish witchcraft practised by its people. This advice,
however, did not prevent the invaders from attacking, conquering and
despoiling Aseuhan; the capital was found deserted save for the young
queen, who was brought on board as a captive. She was however liber-
ated, not through the large ransom offered by her husband, but owing
to the conversion to Islam of the king of the country and his subjects,
and their abandonment of the sun-worship practised by them under
the laws of Moses! In the negociations connected with this conversion
Mal^m Dagang plays a very chivalrous part.

They next proceed to Phang (Pahang) the king of which country is
overjoyed at meeting his new and his former son-in-law (Meukuta Alam
and Raja Raden). He prays for their triumph over Si Ujut, but does
not dare to join them openly, since he had some time before been
reduced to submission by Si Ujut, who had lately paid him another
visit to announce his intention of making war on Acheh.

From Pahang the fleet moves to Johor Lama (Jho Lama) to which
place Si Ujut has also just paid a visit, but whence he has retired to
Johor Bali. Here some of the Achehnese invaders establish themselves

without opposition under the direction of their Sultan, who builds forti-
fications of strength sufficient to withstand an attack by land and sea.
Meanwhile the naval commander with the larger portion of the fleet
keeps watch at sea for the foe who has threatened an attack on Acheh.

The enemy lets them wait a full year, but in the end a hostile fleet
of 50000 sail arrives upon the scene. Mal^m Dagang, acting on Ja Pak^h's
skilful choice of a favourable moment, chooses his time and falls furiously
on the infidels.

The Sultan of Acheh, when informed how matters stand, remains
inactive on shore and is only induced to go on board the Chakra
Donya after receiving a reproachful message from Ja Pak^h, who
threatens to leave him if he refuses to comply with his advice. After
conferring with Raja Raden he razes the fortifications to the ground
so as not to furnish the enemy with a safe place of refuge, and joins
the fleet.

Meantime Mal^m Dagang has already slain his tens of thousands,
and when the king comes on board he omits not to upbraid him for
his inactivity with bitter irony, asking him how many foes he has slain
yonder on land.

Si Ujut himself has not yet joined the fleet; he is lingering in Guha
(see p. 81 above) not from want of courage, but from exaggerated
devotion to his five *) consorts, the chief of whom is the daughter of
the king of that place ^). This favourite wife now upbraids his sloth.
She tells him that if he does not play the man, it may come to pass
that his fleet will soon be defeated and his five beloved ones torn from
his arms, and that he will then, like his brother Rad6n, be obliged to
content himself with a hag as ugly as an iguana.

There words strike home. Ujut flies into a passion and speaks with
contempt of the warlike preparations of the Achehnese. At the same
time he admits that he is loth to be compelled to fight just then, as
the conjuncture (kutika) is favourable to the Achehnese.

Meantime, before Si Ujut takes command of his fleet, Mal^m Dagang

i) This number seems to have been purposely chosen as being in excess of the maximum
of four wives allowed by the creed of Islam, in order the better to emphasize that fact that
Ujut was an unbeliever.

2) Here we have another trait characteristic of the Achehnese poet, who magines that the
husband follows the wife in other countries as in Acheh. llie fact that the same 'kafir*'
was ruler both of Malacca and of Guha he finds it easiest to explain by supposing that
the prince of Malacca was the son-in-law of the king of Guha.

has been busy slaying the infidels ; after the arrival of the hostile leader,
he renews the battle with redoubled energy.

Malem Dagang and the brave Panglima of Pidie with the other fore-
most heroes on the Achehnese side bind themselves by an oath of
mutual fidelity and make their last dispositions in view of their falling
in battle. The Panglima Pidie in particular prepares for such a result,
clothing himself entirely in white before he enters the fray. This deceives
Ujut, who thinks that he sees in him the famous guru (Ja Pak6h) of
the king of the Achehnese. He accordingly singles out for his fiercest
attack the devoted panglima who dies a martyr [skahtd) to the cause
of religion.

This however was the only great advantage gained by Ujut, for his
ships were sunk by tens of thousands while the Achehnese fleet remained
unscathed. Finally we come to the flight of the small remnant of Ujut's
fleet, not including, however, the ship which contained the prince him-
self. Malem Dagang is so fortunate as to capture his enemy alive, and
his own brother Raja Rad^n finds delight in loading the miscreant with
chains.

The fleet now sails to Guha '). Here the inquisitive king of Acheh
wishes to have a look at the country, but is restrained by Mal^m
Dagang, who reminds him of the perils predicted by his consort, the
Pahang princess. Thence they sail to Malacca, the king of which place
(the father of Si Ujut and Raja Rad^n) has fled with all the inhabitants
of the coast to the hills in the interior. Here too Meukuta Alam is
withheld from landing for the same reason as at Guha.

Finally they touch once more at Aseuhan to acquaint te king, now
one of the Faithful, with the joyous tidings of their victory. On this
occasion all imaginable efforts are made to convert Si Ujut from his
*sun-worship according to the teaching of Moses", but in vain. He is
then bound to the prow of the ship below water and thus accompanies
them on their return voyage to Acheh.

This ** Dutch infidel" was, however, richly provided with mysterious
arts and witchcraft.

Although immersed in the sea for more than seven days and covered
with ell-long moss and seaweed, he yet lived; and in Acheh not only

i) The poet appears to have imagined that Guha lay on the way back from Johor or
Pahang to Acheh.

saws and various implements of torture, but even fire proved powerless
to harm him.

Nor could he be slain until he had himself resolved no longer to
resist his fate. When this time came, he informed his enemies that the
only way to kill him was to pour molten lead into his nose and mouth.

This was done and so ended the life of the villain who still remains
for the Achehnese of to day the type of the wickedness of **kafirs",
and especially the kaphe Ulaiida or ** Dutch infidel" ').

P6chut The Hikayat Pbchut Muhamat (VII).

This epic of Prince Muhamat differs in many respects from that we

have just described, and a comparison between them is favourable to

the later work.

Date of its We venture to call P6chut Muhamat the later work, although the

pr uc ion. j^y^j^Q^ j^jj J j^^g Qf ^^ composition of Mal^m Dagang are unknown,

and the entirely legendary character of the traditions with which it
deals, points to its having been composed a considerable time after the
great naval expedition of Meukuta Alam. At the same time it is un-
likely that the celebration in verse of the heroic deeds of Meukuta
Alam's general should not have taken place for more than a century
after the death of that prince, when his dynasty had already given way
to other rulers; and P6chut Muhamat's warlike ventures are dated just
a century after the death of Meukuta Alam.

The poet of the **P6chut Muhamat" reveals himself at the end of his
epic as Teungku Lam Rukam. This title shows him to have been a
man distinguished*) from the general mass of the people by a certain
amount of religious knowledge and devotion, and to have resided in
the gampong of Lam Rukam in the XXV Mukims. Though not himself
present at the achievements he celebrates, he has, he tells us, derived
all his information from actual eyewitnesses. Thus we cannot be far
wrong in assuming that the Teungku composed his poem about the
middle of the i8th century.

With him we are thus on historic ground, though the facts are of
course reflected through an imaginative medium wholly in keeping

i) In his pamphlet described above (Vol. I, pp. 183 etc.) Teungku Kuta Karang alludes
to this widespread tradition, exhorting his countrymen to bear in mind the wicked deeds
of Si Ujut, and never to trust the Dutch.

2) See Vol. I, p. 71.

with the national characteristics of Acheh. Marvellous explanations of
simple occurrences, true historical facts in the guise of fictitious visions
6r miracles, these are licences which we cannot blame in any poet,
and least of all in an Achehnese poet. With Teungku Lam Rukam,
however, human feelings always maintain their place, and history never
disappears behind the veil of legend. Nothing inclines the reader to
doubt the truth of the main facts, so that the poem, apart from its
high literary merit, forms a valuable contribution to the history of
Acheh, which the native chroniclers handle in so meagre and dry, and
at the same time so confused a manner.

From the work of Veth ^) we gather that the abolition of the line of
female sovereigns which came to an end in 1699, was followed by a
continuous series of dynastic wars. The facts there stated, as well as
sundry data as to the order of succession of the kings of Acheh, col-
lected by me at Kuta Raja, require correction in view of what we learn
from the poem P6chut Muhamat and also from a Malay history of the
kings of Acheh, which I brought back from that country.

The competitors for the throne of Acheh in the first quarter of the
1 8th century, after the female succession had been abolished, were for
the most part say yids, i. e. persons of high and sacred Arabic descent ^),
though probably born in Acheh, and thus imbued with the peculiarities
of the Achehnese. The most remarkable of these sayyids was Jamalul-
alam, called by the Achehnese P6teu (Lord) Jeumaloy. He reigned from
1703 — 26, and after the latter date continued to contest the throne with
his successors of Arabic and non-Arabic origin.

Of these last we need only mention here Mahraja L^la Meulayu, who
reigned from 1726 — 35 under the name of Alaedin Ahmat Shah, and
was the founder of the line which continues to hold by inheritance the
title of Sultan of Acheh up to the present day, although compelled
occasionally to vacate the throne in favour of his Arab rivals. As we
have seen, tradition assigns a Bugis origin to this Mahraja Lela.

Alaedin Ahmat Shahy like others was constantly harassed during his
reign by Jeumaloy and his adherents. When Ahmat died, Jeumaloy

i) Atchin pp. 82 — 85.

2) As to the high estimation and superstitious dread which the Achehnese entertain for
the Sayyids, see Vol. I, pp. 155 et seq.; history shows that this fear has rather increased
than diminished during the last century, a fact which is readily explained by the decay of
the political institutions of the country.

•

hastened to the capital to take advantage of the disorder which usually
follows on the death of the reigning chief in Acheh. The eldest son
and successor of Ahmat Shah is known under the name of Pbteu Ue",
but in our epic poem he is more frequently alluded to as Raja Muda,
whilst his name after his accession to the throne was Aladdin Juhan
Shah. He reigned for a quarter of a century (1735 — 60), but in the
early years after he came to the throne had a hard fight to wage with
Jeumaloy, who no more than two days after the death of Pdteu Ue's
father established himself in Gampong Jawa and could reckon, both in
Acheh Proper and in Pidie, on the support of certain considerable
chiefs.

We might rather say that he ought to have maintained the contest,
for our epic clearly shows that he failed to do so, and sooner than
undergo much trouble and expense, was content to watch JeumalOy
enthroned and playing the king over his adherents not half a march
from his palace gates. It was the youngest of the three brothers of the
king (Pdchut Kl^ng, Pdchut Sandang and Pdchut Muhamat) whose
activity put an end to this untenable position.
Contents of ^'A country ruled — unhappy land, how shall it stand? — by monarchs
* *P*^' twain !" *) It was in these words that P6chut Muhamat gave expression
to his indignation; and these words form the introduction to Teungku
Lam Rukam's heroic poem.

The first part recounts a dream of P6chut Muhamat. It is not remark-
able for clearness of meaning and is apparently introduced in imitation
of earlier models. Suffice it to say that this dream predicted the down-
fall of Acheh, unless an end should be made of the prevailing disorder.
For the space of three days P6chut Muhamat held counsel with the
princes, his elder brothers, and finally announced his fixed intention of
withdrawing to Batu Bara, a province on the East Coast of Sumatra,
whose inhabitants were the greatest enemies or the most intractable
subjects of Jeumaloy, and there making preparations for war, unless
his brothers either themselves set their hands to the work or enabled
him, the youngest, to do so, by supplying him with the necessary funds.

The eldest of the three, Pdchut Kl^ng, went to inform the king of
this resolve in the name of all. But the indolent monarch was alarmed
at the idea, and replied that the young lad must be admonished to

l) Hana dighb — na di geutanyoe — saHbh nanggroe — dua raja.

keep quiet, else he, who had no fear of such a froward boy, would
bring him to reason by force.

His prohibition was of no effect. The scheme of P6chut Muhamat
remained unaltered, and the other two brothers declared themselves
ready to lend the financial cooperation necessary to set it on foot. The
king now prepares to go with the soldiers of his bodyguard (sipahis,
among whom were to be found, according to the poet, both English,
French and Dutch) to his young brother's house, to show him that his
commands were not to be disobeyed. But Pdchut Muhamat, at the head
of his followers, meets him at the gate of the Dalam, and addresses
him in so high-handed a manner that the king retires in alarm. Muhamat
calls it a a subterfuge on the king's part to shelter himself behind a
behest of his dying father, to refrain from fighting against Jeumal5y
the descendant of the Prophet, and rather to ally himself with him by
marriage.

*What you follow by remaining inactive,*' says he, ^'is not our dying
father's command, but the faithless advice of certain chiefs who are traitors
to you and in their hearts adhere to Jeumaloy."

Shortly afterwards there came to the capital the Panglima ofthe XXII
Mukims, Keuchi' Muda Sa'ti '), a man renowned for his bravery, to ask
the king for a concession in the mountain district of Seulawai'h for the
collection of sulphur. When he heard how matters stood, he ridiculed
the king for his inability to bring a boy to reason. The Sultan there-
upon gave him full power to use his best endeavours to prevent civil
war; but the Panglima soon found that he had spoken too loftily and
could do naught against P6chut Muhamat. Ashamed of his failure and
fearing the king's anger, he fled back to his own territory.

Although the young hero had not as yet given any proof of his
prowess in action, his determined attitude created so deep an impression
in Acheh proper that none of the chiefs opposed him, and he soon
collected a following of from two to three hundred men and a con-
siderable sum of money, and proceeded overland to Pidie to enlarge
the number of his adherents.

The description of this journey is most graphic. The little army rests
for a time in Kuala Bat^e and Pdchut Muhamat does all he can to

i) It was this panglima who had previously made war on JeumalSy and given the chief
impetus to his dethronement.

convert this small port to a mart of importance. Both here and at all
the other halting-places on his route, the prince receives the chiefs of
the surrounding country and urges the adoption of measures ') which
will tend to make the rice culture more productive and to save the
people from falling into poverty through sloth and ignorance. He also
distributes money and robes of honour to all that come to wait on him,
and by his kindly demeanour succeeds easily in adding hundreds to the
ranks of his followers.

In Padang Teuji (Tiji) he remains as long as is necessary for regu-
lating the affairs of the VII Mukims and winning over the people to
his cause, and at Reub^e, where he pays all due homage to the saint
that lies buried there, he does the same in respect of the V Mukims.
So with other places, till P6chut Muhamat, thanks to his powers of
persuasion and the distribution of costly gifts, is able to reckon on
almost every part of the old kingdom of Pidie.

There remains but one ul^ebalang of the province, the most powerful
of them all, whom he knows he will have great trouble in inducing to
forsake the cause of Jeumaloy, to whom he is attached by innumerable
bonds of friendship and obligation.

This is the Pangul^e Beunarde or Meunar6e *), the predecessor and
it is said forefather of the chiefs who now rule under the title of B^n-
tara Keumangan. This title is in fact given in the poem alternatively
with that of Pangul^e Beunarde, and his territory is alluded to as the
IX Mukims.

The chiefs of Pidie who have ranged themselves on the side of
Pdchut Muhamat are ready to join with him in making war on Pangul^e
Beunaroe, though they are not blind to the danger of the undertaking.
P6chut Muhamat is however advised by a discreet uleebalang first to
write a letter to the chief, who is as powerful as he is courageous,

i) He especially advises irrigation. As a matter of fact the people of Pidie at the present
day utilize the rivers for their wet rice cultivation, instead of depending on the rain as they
do in Acheh.

2) This word is the Achehnese form of the Malay phtghtdu bUndahart^ meaning chief
treasurer or chief of the royal storehouses. Whatever may have been the original function
of the bearer of the title in Acheh, it soon lost its proper significance (compare Vol. I,
pp. 98, 126 — 7), and its bearer became an uleebalang, whose descendants and successors
were in the lapse of time called B^ndara Keumangan, chiefs of the federation of the "VI
ul^ebalangs'* which was more or less at variance with the federation of the "XII ul^ebalangs^*,
with Teungku Pakch of Pidie at its head.

and to send the missive by the hand of one Tuan Meugat P6 Mat.
The prince follows this advice after some demur; for indeed the attitude
of Pangulfee Beunarde is clearly hostile, since he has neglected to wait
upon the king's brother though encamped in his immediate neighbour-
hood. P6 Mat undertakes the mission, and is instructed to declare war
against the Pangulee should he answer unbecomingly. It is thus no
pleasant task for P6 Mat, who at first avoids mentioning the true object
of his mission, whiling away the time with a long conversation on
indifferent subjects. His host has just returned a day or two ago from
the West Coast of Acheh ? What has led him thither ? The Pangulee
Beunar6e replies that he has been engaged on behalf of Jeumaloy, his
master, in waging war against the refractory Rawa's, — the name by
which the Malays of the West Coast are known in Acheh *). The poet
skillfully avails himself of this opportunity to enlighten us as to the
political and social status of the West Coast at this period. The chiefs
had shaken off the Achehnese yoke and had dared to send to Jeumaloy,
on his demanding the annual tribute, a handsome gilded box full of old
clothes and worn-out equipments. They were severely punished and
reduced to obedience by Pangulfee Beunar6e.

Finally the envoy comes to the point, and reveals the fact that he
has with him a letter from the prince. The poet throughout represents
the Pangulee and all around him as ignorant of the art of reading, a
supposition which was no doubt as well justified in regard to many
Achehnese chiefs in those days as it now is. But Pangulee Beunarde
could of course easily surmise the nature of the letter, and refused even
to receive it. *I look", he said, ^'for no orders from that direction; I
serve another prince".

P6 Mat then announces that war is inevitable, a war in which all
Pidie except the IX Mukims will espouse the cause of the prince against
Beunar6e. Here again it is a prudent chief who leads matters into, the
right track ; Tuan Sri Reub^e advises Beunar6e at all events to ascertain
the contents of the letter in the first place,, and to summon an ulama
for this purpose.

Accordingly he sends to fetch the learned Teungku Rambayan, who
with his hundreds of devoted disciples lives at a remote place in the
highlands. The poet depicts for us, in a few graphic verses, an Acheh-

i) Sec Vol. I, p. 19.

nese religious seminary. The messengers respectfully approach the teacher
and apologize for coming to disturb him in his pious labours. Three
days later the Teungku comes to the ul^ebalang, attended by a number
of his disciples. He commences by propounding a number of abstruse
and somewhat indistinct precepts, the connection of which with the
matter in hand is by no means clear. In interpreting the contents of
the prince's letter, which is in fact couched in a somewhat lofty and
reproachful tone, the wise man suppresses ^the bitter" and retaib only
*the sweet", since he thinks it expedient to conceal the truth in order
to prevent misfortune. He advises the uleebalang simply to go and
welcome the prince, and to excuse his prolonged delay in waiting on
him on the ground that he had but just returned from a journey.

The Pangul^e Beunar6e follows this advice; he summons a lai^e
escort from among his own subjects, and sets out on his journey to
the prince's camp. The poet's talent for word-painting appears once
more in the description of this journey with its difficulties great and
small, and the consequent grumbling in the ranks of the Pangul^e's
followers. The meeting with Prince Muhamat is also graphically described.
The two principals exchange none but pleasant words, but when the
prince discloses the object of his journey, and claims the cooperation
of the uleebalang, the latter declares that it is impossible. Among other
things he narrates how once when he returned from *the war of Glumpang
Pay5ng" covered with wounds and blood-guilt, he was nursed byjeuma-
loy's wife as though he had been her own child, while Jeumaloy, as though
he were his father, took the load of blood guiltiness upon himself. And
now to disown all this and so much more, nay, it was beyond his power !

Long did the chief of the IX Mukims hold out against the reasoning
of P6chut Muhamat, who sought to convince him that he would act
more wisely to join his side or at least remain neutral. At last however
he yielded to the argument which generally prevails in all negociations
of Achehnese with one another; it was the rich presents of gold and
robes of honour given by Pdchut Muhamat to the Pangulfee and his
followers, that caused the latter to waver in. his allegiance to Jeumaloy.

Once won over, he will do nothing by halves, but promises uncon-
ditional support to his new ally; the concert is sealed by the prince
and the uleebalang taking the ^bullet oath" ') of allegiance.

l) A common form of the oath of fidelity in Acheh especially between warriors, is for

P6chut Muhamat has first to travel further East, but arranges to
return by the next new moon, when he is to find his new ally with
an army all ready to follow him.

We need not here dwell on the prince's journey to Pasfe (Pasei) and
other places along the East Coast. Suffice it to say that it gave him
fresh allies and occasion to deliver useful admonitions in regard to rice
cultivation, which in this region was carried on in a very slovenly and
ill-ordered manner.

Returning to Peukan Tuha, Muhamat awaits Beunar6e. The ul^ebalang
prepares for his departure by the payment of hitherto unfulfilled vows
for his deliverance from the dangers of warfare, and by the transaction
of other business both secular and religious. Finally he charges his aged
mother *) with the care of his interests during his absence.

Here follows a masterly description of the ulfeebalang's leave-taking
of his aged parent. She adjures him not to go. ''In Acheh," she says,
"war is decided by fortifications and firearms. You, my son, are better
acquainted with the manner of fighting here in Pidie, by cut and thrust.
Should you become involved in a war here in Pidie, all that I possess
is at your service, but follow not the young prince. Is it well of you
to forget all the kindness of Jeumaloy for the sake of a handful of gold ?
And do you forget me your mother also? If I die there will be no
child of mine at hand to close my eyes!"

Beunar6e cannot restrain his tears. Amid his sobs he puts forward
the lame pretext that although Jeumaloy shall always be to him as a
father, still P6chut Muhamat has now become to him even as a brother.
He kisses his mother's knees, and encourages himself by saying with
apparent contempt that none but a fool distresses himself about the
counsels of women.

In and around the house all are in tears; the prevailing sounds of
sorrow recall the mourning for the dead. As the ul^ebalang descends
the steps of his house, a cocoanut tree in the enclosure falls and strikes

those who take the oath to drink together from a vessel of water in which a bullet has
been dipped, or to hold the bullet in turn while they invoke the curse, that he who breaks
the bond may be destroyed by that bullet. The subjects or allies of a chief also bind them-
selves to everlasting allegiance to him by drinking water into which he has plunged his
sikin or reunchdng, A similar oath of the Amboinese rebel Captain Jonker and his followers
is described by Valentijn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indie^ Vol. IV p. 319.

i) The part played by this woman in the epic affords a further example of the importance
of women in the social life of Acheh already alluded to above (Vol I, p. 371).

the roof, breaking the ridge-pole and some of the beams. A gloomy
omen this!

Pe army, which has now swelled to proportions seldom seen in
h, at length begins to move. Here we learn the character of an
hnese warlike expedition. Neither chiefs nor subjects make any
sion for a suitable commissariat, so that the passage of the troops
' is a perfect plague to the inhabitants of the districts they traverse. The
' sugarcane gardens which they pass on the way are plundered to the

last section of the last cane, and the stragglers of this hungry and
«

\ thirsty troop quarrel violently over the refuse.

At Krueng Raya, a considerable trading centre, they are unable to
resist the temptation of looting all the cloth-stuffs in the storehouses
of the Kling traders, ') and even depriving them of the clothes they
wear, leaving them only their nether garments.

With loud lamentations these Klings repair to the capital and make
their complaints in the Dalam. The Raja Muda gives them scant con-
solation. Why, asks the king, do these people come here now with
their jabbering complaints, instead of getting their merchandise into
safety in good time? They might have known that the troops were on
the march, and what they had to expect when they arrived.

Before the arrival of the hostile forces at the capital, Jeumal5y is
prepared for great events by a dream, in which he sees his palace and
all around it devastated by flood and tempest. He makes all ready to
sustain a siege, especially his fortifications in Gampong Jawa, Peunay5ng
and Meura'sa, and assigns to each of his four sons a fixed share in the
task of defence.

Prince Muhamat makes the necessary vows to secure for his under-
taking the favour and support of Allah and visits his brother the king
in the Dalam. ^Tt is better," says the latter, ^'for me to remain here
and pray for your success than myself to take part in the hostilities;
otherwise who would protect the royal residence?" The hot blooded
young prince raises no objection to this proposal.

It was no empty warning that Pangulee Beunar6e had received from
his mother. At the outset the cannon and musketry fire from Jeumaloy's

i) In vol. I (p. 169) we saw how the contempt of the lives and property of Klings is
a byword in Acheh; they are extremely timorous and have no kaw5m to take vengeance
for their wrongs.

torts caused fearful ravages in the army of Prince Muhamat, which was
formed for the most part of Pidie men. Even the prince's courage
threatened for a moment to forsake him, and it was his new ally who
roused him to action. Beunarde bound the fold of his garment to that
of Muhamat, and constrained him, thus coupled with himself to join in
leading the attack.

Gradually Jeumaloy's forts succumbed, and there remained only
Gampong Jawa to be taken. This last stronghold was blockaded, and
the means of subsistence began to fail those shut up therein. In one
of the combats which relieve the monotony of the blockade, Jeumaloy
and his disloyal ^'son" the Pangulee Beunarde come within speaking
distance of one another. The king reproaches his recreant ally for his
faithless conduct, and though his tone is kind and fatherly, so keen
was the irony of his words that every one of them passed like a sword
through the soul of the uleebalang. At the end of his speech the sayyid
takes aim with his musket, not at the renegade, but at a glumpang-tree
in the distance. He strikes a branch, which drops, but is borne along
by the force of the wind till its shadow falls on the Pangul^es body.

The hero falls senseless. There is hardly a sign to show the astonished
bystanders that he still lives. His friends press round, curious to know
whether he has received a wound, or been seized with sudden illness.
The poet answers: Nay, he was smitten by the vengeance of Allah,
who will not brook that any man should play the traitor to a descen-
dant of the Prophet.

P6chut Muhamat gives orders in all haste for the conveyance home
to his own country of his unhappy ally, who still lives, but is bereft
both of speech and motion. He gives the escort camphor and other
things to be used at the burial. Beunar6e breathes his last at the moment
when he reaches his home.

The prince was deeply grieved at the loss of his friend, yet did not
yield to that gloomy feeling which the poet excites in his readers. At
any rate he proceeded with the blockade, and the fate of Gampong
Jawa was soon decided. He wished to spare Jeumaloy, for the latter's
high rank and sacred descent withheld him from taking his life. As
however it was very doubtful whether his wild fighting men enraged
by the losses they had sustained, would pay any heed to such a pro-
hibition, he gladly complied with Jeumaloy's request that he might be

allowed to leave the Dalam with his women and in female disguise,
11 7

whereupon the besiegers would be admitted. This was done, and then
began the plundering of the Dalam, which Jeumaloy's followers had
thought impregnable, and in which they had accordingly brought all
their valuables. The chief part of the loot was gold and opium. The
poet declares that during the sack some looked on inactive, and when
asked why they stood aloof, replied that it was forbidden to plunder
the goods of fellow-believers as though they were infidels.

Jeumal5y fled successively to Lam Barueh, Gampong Meulayu, Krueng
Raba and Krueng Kala, and after that was pursued no further; but
some Achehnese chiefs who connived at his escape had to pay dearly
for their adhesion to his cause. The Mukims Bueng, for instance, were
ravaged with fire to the very last house.

Thus P6teu Ue', thanks to the energy and courage of his youngest
brother, became almost in his own despite master of all Acheh. When
order had been fully restored and trade revived, P6chut Muhamat
received as his reward half the port dues, and ^ year later married a
lady of royal lineage at Gampong Lham Bhu' ^).

Our short resume of this heroic poem is entirely inadequate to enable
the reader to appreciate its beauties. Even a complete translation would
fall short in this respect, for the Achehnese rhyme and metre are
difficult to reproduce, and many a proverb and saying would lose its
force in the rendering. The merits of the author would, however, be
brought out better in a complete translation, since they consist to a
great extent in the graphic pictures which he draws of the details of
life, thought and speech in Acheh.

This much will however, I hope, be apparent from my short analysis,
that the author, by his grasp of his subject, his arrangement of his
materials, his unostentatious and objective treatment of the matter in
hand and his skill in word-painting, shows himself to be a man of
literary gifts of an unusually high order.

We may add that he is a greater master of form than any other
Achehnese poet we know of. The facility with which an Achehnese
sentence lends itself to the "sanja"* form is apt to lead to slovenly
versification, and in most Achehnese hikayats we find side by side with
pieces of fine composition passages which give evidence of the sloth-

i) Until the coming of the Dutch to Acheh, this was an extensive and flourishing
GampQng, and was included in the Banda Acheh.

fulness or weariness of the poet. In the Pdchut Muhamat, which contains
only about 2500 verses, such intermixture is rare, and the style is curt
and trenchant throughout. We do not go too far in saying that this
heroic poem is a gem of Achehnese, nay of Oriental literature. More-
over, as the reader will have observed, it has a peculiar historic value
and furnishes us with a graphic picture of the past of Acheh.

Copies of this epic are very rare. Nothwithstanding my incessant
search, I have only succeeded in obtaining the loan of two ill-written
and incomplete specimens.

In the text which may be constituted from these two copies the
sequence is thus sometimes interrupted, and there are certain peculiarities
which defy all attempts at explanation.

As a rule, indeed, good and complete copies of Achehnese writings
are rarely to be met with. Many know the most popular hikayats by
heart, and when they come to recite them fill up from their own
imagination and skill in rhyming the deficiencies of their memory or
of the written copies. There are however other special reasons for the
rarity of written specimens of the P6chut Muhamat.

Even at the present day there are to be found in Acheh persons
whose good taste is sufficient to make them prefer a recitation of P6chut
Muhamat to one of any of the numerous Malay stories that have been
translated into Achehnese verse, tales of fabulous princes who performed
all kinds of impossibilities to gain possession of the chosen one of their
soul. And yet the epic is seldom recited.

Heroic though the prince who gives the poem its name may be, he
wages war against a sayyid, who had formerly been the lawful and
recognized sovereign of Acheh, and who had also been bereft of the
crown by that prince's father. Jeumaloy, whose tomb is still to be seen
not far from the principal mosque of Acheh, is universally revered as
a saint by the Achehnese. P6teu Ue', for whose sake his younger brother
drove out the sayyid, and that too with the help of subjects turned
from their allegiance, is the founder of the present Achehnese dynasty.
No wonder then that the scions of the royal house of Acheh will brook
no mention of the Hikayat P6chut Muhamat and regard it as a for-
bidden thing for anyone of their family to order or listen to its recitation.
This feeling, originating in shame and superstition, makes itself felt
even outside the circle of the royal family. Among those who dare to
recite the epic, there are many who think it their duty to offer their

excuses to the saints and the '
or giving a kanduri.

1 bliss" by bill

Hikayat prang Gompeiini (VIII).

In Vol I of this work we have already given a brief outline of this
latest of Achehncse heroic poems, referring more especially to the
political attitude of the poet, -^ or we might rather say the feeling
prevalent among the common people in the lowlands of Acheh, and
which pervades this poem throughout,

Dokarim (i. c. Abdul- 1
karim) of Glumpang Dua \
in the VI Mukims of the
XXV is the composer of
this hikayat. Writer we
may not call him, for he
can neither read not write.
He went on, as he tells
us for five years gradually
composing this poem in
celebration of the heroic
deeds of the Achehnese
in their conflict against
the Dutch, adding fresh
matter from time to time
as he gained enlighten-
ment from eye-witnesses.
The popularity which he
quickly won and which
led him to recite the poem
constantly for the sake
of the handsome presents
he received for doing so,
saved it from being lost,
although for the time
being it was preserved in
his memory alone.
This does not prevent him from giving himself, at each recitation,
license to modify add or omit as he thinks fit or from filling up the

, THE AUTHOR C

lOI

gaps from his really subtle poetic vein, whenever his memory fails him.

We can here witness for ourselves one of the methods by which an
Achehnese heroic poem is brought into the world. Some one man, who
like most of his fellow countrymen knows by heart the classic descrip-
tions of certain events and situations as expressed in verse by the people
of the olden time, but whose knowledge, owing to his training and
environment, is somewhat greater than that of others; one who is
endowed, besides, with a good memory and enthusiasm for the poesy
of his country, puts his powers to the test by celebrating in verse the
great events of more recent years.

Just as a literate poet reads his work again and again, and by the
free use of his pen makes it conform more and more to the canons of
art, so does our bard by means of incessant recitation. The events of
which he sings have not yet reached their final development, so he
keeps on adding, as occasion arises, fresh episodes to his poem.

So it goes on, till at last some literate imateur writes out the epic
at the dictation of its composer. By this means sundry faults and
irregularities and overbold flights of imagination come to light, which,
though a listener might overlook them, are not to be endured in a
written hikayat. The copyist, with the full concurrence of the poet,
gives himself license to make all the necessary corrections, and subsequent
copyists or reciters take the like liberty.

The Hikayat Prang Gompeuni has only just entered on this last phase
of development, for until I had it taken down from the poet's lips,
there was not a single copy extant in writing ; only one single Achehnese
chief had caused a few fragments of it to be perpetuated by the pen.
Thus it may be noticed here and there, in regard to the language in
which the poem is at present couched, that the ** latest hand" has not
yet left its mark upon it.

There are also other ways in which the form and contents of this
hikayat testify to the character of its author. Those who are well dis-
posed towards him honour him with the name of teungku, but he has
not earned this title either by his learning or by specially devout /
practice of religious observances. Dokarim was formerly a director of
sadati-performances and other such pastimes condemned by the Mo-
hammedan religion, and master of ceremonies at marriage festivities,
which presupposes a high degree of oratorical skill and knowledge of
traditional sayings in prose and verse, and of pantons and ceremonial

I02

formulas. In these particulars he was of course in the habit of con-
forming to the tastes and requirements of his public.

Dokarim's great object was to win the approval of his hearers, so
that they might set a high value (and that too in the material sense
of the word) upon his recitations.

Now his public consisted chiefly, not of the members of the guerilla
bands which fought against the Gompeuni, nor yet of persons specially
trained up in religious ideas, but of the common folk of the gampongs;
and they, as we know, comprise reconcilable as well as fanatical spirits,
even though the former may not be for the moment ripe for recon-
ciliation. Thus it has been Dokarim's endeavour to express, in verses
pleasant to the ear, the impressions and feelings of the mean between
these two extremes of Achehnese society. Accordingly we meet with
him, as elsewhere, that hatred of the infidel which has become a matter
of custom, but no deep-seated and unyielding fanaticism. Indeed I feel
convinced that a gentle transition might under certain circumstances
induce him to recast his poem into a glorification of the Gompeuni *).

The fact that he tells his tale as an Achehnese and a contemporary
of the events of which he sings, of course raises the historical relia-
bility of his epic immeasurably above the nonsensical Malay poem which
has been printed at Singapore under the title of "Prang Acheh". This
does not prevent some of his facts, seen as they are through Achehnese
spectacles, from assuming a wrong perspective. Indeed some of his
statements in connection with the origin of the war in Acheh belong
entirely to the domain of legendary tradition. Nor is there any lack
of intentional romance, introduced in all innocence.

As might be expected, events in which the VI Mukims, the author's
own country, were more or less specially concerned, are treated at
greater length and with more closeness of detail than any others. To
the poet's being a resident of that place is also due the respect he

i) Since the above was written, but before it was printed, the circumstances hinted at
have become a reality. Teuku Uma has surrendered and become a leader under the Dutch
government, so we may shortly expect to hear Dokarim celebrate the exploits of that chief
in the service of his former foes. [Dokarim did actually, since the first publication of this
work, sing of the deeds of Teuku Uma in his new capacity. He was put to death by Uma's
orders in September 1897 because he had acted as guide to the Dutch troops in their
operations after Uma^s second defection. Had he lived longer he would without doubt have
immortalized in verse the great changes which have come about since Teuku Uma^s second
desertion and death].

103

displays for Teuku Uma, who had great influence there, and also the
fact that he exhibits more sympathy for Teungku Kutakarang than for
his rival Teungku Tir6 ^). To the same cause is to be attributed his
constant abuse of the chiefs of Meura'sa (who were as a matter of fact
enemies of the ul^ebalang of the VI Mukims) for their speedy recon-
ciliation with the Gompeuni; and this though he was neither combative
nor a fanatic by nature. We shall now proceed to give a brief sum-
mary of the contents of the poem.

Once upon a time the raja of Acheh called in all his ulamas to Contents of
explain an evil dream which had visited him. None save Teungku
Kuta Karang was able to interpret it '**) ; he declared that an appalling
misfortune was hanging over Acheh, to wit a war with the Dutch.

In this connection the poet takes occasion to extol the meritorious
nature of a holy war, but reminds his hearers at the same time that
it can only be waged with success when coupled with true conversion
and superabundant good works. In this way alone, he says, can the
Dutch, who have already had to incur a debt of thirty millions to
maintain the war, be driven from the country, and if this be not done
we shall be made subject to their insupportable yoke.

Hereupon the author plunges in medias res and narrates a legend of
the still living Panglima Tibang % which had already gained much
popularity in a different form.

This man is a Hindu by birth, who in the days of his youth came
over with a troupe of conjurors from his native country to Acheh.
His quickness and ingenuity attracted the attention of a chief on the
Eeast Coast, and he remained in Acheh, at first in the service of that
chief and later on in the suite of the Sultan. He embraced Islam, not
so much from conviction as to make his path easier. Since then he has
been called Panglima Tibang, after the Gampong of Tibang, where his
conversion took place. He enjoyed the confidence of Sultans Ibrahim
and Mahmut and was even made shahbandar of the capital.

The Achehnese quite wrongly ascribe to him pro-Dutch sympathies

i) As to this rivalry see Vol. I, p. 182 et seq.

2) This introduction is intentionally simulated and is an imitation of that of the '^Pdchut
Muhamat"; the dream being nearly identical with that by which Jeumal5y was prepared
for the siege of Gampong Jawa (p. 96 above). The summoning of the ulamas gives the
poet an opportunity to sing the praises of Teungku Kuta Karang, although he is well aware
that the latter at that time neither was nor could have been present at the capital.

[3) He died in 1895, after the above was written.]

I04

even before the commencement of the war. This notion finds support
in the fact that the Panglima was a member of Achehnese embassies
to Riouw and Singapore.

From the time of his surrender to General Van der Heijden, Panglima
Tibang showed himself as ready to render faithful service to the Dutch
Raja as he had previously been to the two last rajas of Acheh. He has
been ever since so loyal in his new partisanship as to incur the hatred
of the majority of the Achehnese as a false renegade; and this hatred
has furnished the motif of sundry stories now in circulation which
attribute the fall of the country to this Hindu.

Our poet's story runs as follows. Panglima Tibang purchased a ship
in the Sultan's name for 44000 dollars, to convey him to the ports of
the dependencies to collect tribute for his master. Whilst on her voyage
the vessel fell into the hands of the Dutch, and Panglima Tibang was
taken prisoner. He recovered his freedom however and received a
handsome money present to boot, in return for a parchment sealed
with the chab sikureueng ^) and a flag, which he gave to the Dutch as
tokens of possession of the kingdom of Acheh.

Armed with these false tokens, the Dutch declared to the Powers
that Acheh had become theirs by purchase; thus it was that no other
Power interfered when the Gompeuni came to occupy Acheh by force
of arms.

At this time the Achehnese were warned of the approaching end of
the world by a wasiet (Arab. waQtyyat = admonition) of the Prophet ^),
brought by certain hajis from Mecca.

During the month Asan-Usen ^) of this year of calamity, four of the
Gompeuni's ships came with a demand for submission. Council was held
thereon in the Dalam, the chief speakers being Teuku Kali and an
aged woman. The latter's advice, namely to accept the Dutch flag but
to keep concealed from the up-country people the significance of its
being hoisted *), was rejected.

1) See Vol. I, p. 130.

2) Wafiyyat is the name given to the weU-known "last admonition of the Prophet" (see
my translation in De Indische Gids for July 1884). This was intended to excite religious
zeal; it is distributed from time to time (with an altered date each time) among the native
population of the countries of the E. Indian Archipelago and other distant countries. See
also NO. LXXIX below.

3) Sec Vol. I, p. 194.

4) See Vol. I, p. 145.

los

Preparations for war were now made ; Teuku Kali's followers occupied
Meugat. "The Habib" ') was absent on a voyage to Constantinople,
whither he had gone to seek for help, and the want of his cooperation
was greatly felt. Finally they asked for an armistice of three years to
come to a determination as regards the demands of thu Gumpeuni; the
pretext alleged for this request
was the necessity for consult-
ing Panglima P61em of the
XXII Mukimswho was known
to be most dilatory in giving
ear to the summons of the
Court. ')

The Gompeuni would not
hear of any delay, and thus
the strife began. Foremost in
the field was the brave Imeum
of Lueng Bata;*) Teuku Che'
(i. e. Teuku Lam Nga, the first
husband of the daughter of
the ul£:cbalang of the VI Mu-
kirns, afterwards married to
Teuku Uma) and Teuku Lam
Reueng also receive honour-
able mention.

The Sultan soon fled from
the Dalam, first to Lueng
Bata and afterwards to Lam
Teungoh (XXII Mukims),
where he surrendered the reins
of power with tears to Pang-

The poet does not fail to mukims scnce 1S96.

comment on the "treacherous" action of the people of Meura'sa and
certain of their kindred who only made a show of taking part in the

1) See Vol. I, pp. 158 et scq.

2) See Vol I, pp. 134-s,

3) See Vol I, p. 173.

4) This losl is puce poelic liclio

of earlier modeli.

I06

warlike preparations, and surrendered lo the Gompeuni without striking
a blow.

A passionate appeal for help to the saint Teungku Anjong '} was
not in vain, and the kafirs were compelled to return home without

completing their task. The enenny's failure was further due to the fact
that before this first fight the people had truly repented of their sins
I) See Vol 1, pp. 156, 235 <^tc.

I07

and turned to Allah; later on, when their religious zeal abated, the
fortune of war also turned against them.

The ships which the Dutch left lying off Acheh barred all access to
the port. The Gompeuni meanwhile enlisted the aid of English, French
and Portuguese vessels, and, thus reinforced, resumed the attack after
10 months. The Imeum of Lueng Bata and Teungku Lam Nga fought
once more with heroic valour. The Sultan fled a second time, on this
occasion to Pagaray^, where he died.

After the conquest of the Dalam the war was waged with varying
fortune. *) Meantime Habib Abdurrahman returned to the Straits from
his journey to the West.

The poet now surveys a period of nearly nine months duration, during
which the combatants remained almost inactive, and at the end of which
the Mukim Lueng Bata (whose brave imeum was sick at the time) and
the Mukim Lhong (= Lam Ara) were overcome by the Gompeuni.
Soon after the VI Mukims (the author's country) and the IV Mukims
shared the same fate.

The people of the gampongs who had taken to flight began by degrees
to return to the parts occupied by the Gompeuni, attracted by the
profits arising from the sale of provisions. Teuku Lam Nga tried in
vain to hold them back by force.

When *the Habib" set foot once more on Achehnese soil, he assumed
a considerable share in the conduct of the war. Establishing himself at
M6n Tasie', he undertook several expeditions from that place, and among
them one to Krueng Raba. This however led to nothing, for (as the
Achehnese later on pretended to have observed) the Habib's investment
of the Gompeuni's stronghold was not seriously meant. In like manner
they now ascribe to the treachery of the Habib the success of the
Dutch in defeating and slaying Teuku Lam Nga near Peukan Bada a
short time afterwards.

The efforts of the Gompeuni to win over the Imeum of Lueng Bata
with bribes proved all in vain. In the enemy's onslaught upon the XXVI
Mukims he stood firm in the defence along with Teuku Paya the father

i) The diflferent Dutch expeditions against Acheh have not impressed the poet and his
countrymen as separate episodes in the contest; nay he sometimes speaks of the "one-eyed
general" as having been in chief command before the time he was appointed. Not unnaturally
the history of the war is divided into periods to suit an Achehnese standpoint, and every
such period has for its central point of interest one or more Achehnese leaders.

io8

of Teuku Asan, whom we shall have to notice presently. But when the
XXVI Mukims had been conquered, and the ** one-eyed general" shortly
afterwards made victorious progress even through the XXII Mukims, to
the amazement of the hitherto braggart inhabitants of the upper country^
the Imeum of Lueng Bata thrust his sword into its sheath and withdrew
from public life.

Now dawns the period of three years of repose, during which the
General strengthened the positions he had won. The **Raja Muda" *),
Teuku Nya' Muhamat, used all his efforts to advance the prosperity
of the capital and of Ulee Lheue (Olehleh). He was so far successful
that the people who had fled from their villages came pouring back in
a continuous stream to the capital and fraternised with the kafirs. Life
was a round of festivities, trade flourished, and the leaders of the party
of resistance were bereft of their following.

All things conspired to bring homage to the one-eyed King.

The people of the VI Mukims, the poet tells us, had nevertheless
much to endure, ^) since the Raja Muda compelled them to work hard
for the Gompeuni and himself.

No sooner did the one-eyed King depart, than all this repose was
at an end. That brave warrior Teuku Asan, still in the pride of his
youth, sought leave of his father in Pidie, whither the latter had fled,
to go and do battle with the Gompeuni. The desired consent was given,
with a father's blessing on his pious purpose. Teuka Asan quickly
gathered some panglimas and a small force, and fixed his head-quarters
in the neighbourhood of Lam Bada, the place of his birth.

The gamp5ng-folk were at first disposed to resist his establishing
himself in that place, as they viewed with distaste the disturbance of
their peace, but Teuku Asan and his followers soon taught them to
throw off their equivocal attitude.

i) Under this title is known that most energetic and reliable chief of Ul^e Lheue, who
with a loyal and upright heart lent his assistance to the establishment of the *^G5mpeuni*'
in Acheh, and whose example gradually encouraged other Achehnese chiefs to tender their
submission.

2) The uUebalang of this province (see Vol I p. 126) had fled; his territory had thus
for a time once more become attached as of old to that of Teuku 'Sh\ and fallen under the
supremacy of the Teuku Nya' Muhamat just mentioned above. The inhabitants thus felt the
burden of a double yoke, since they found themselves now subject to the commands of a
master who to all intents and purposes was a foreigner.

109

The kupalas ') (headmen) soon saw that they had acted rashly in
permitting themselves to enjoy the favour of the Gompeuni. The latter
required of them reliable information as to the movements of the
guerilla bands, but whenever they furnished it they were severely
punished by Teuku Asan, and the Gompeuni gave them little help.
Finally an alarming example was set by the execution of the arch-
traitor kupala Punteuet, and all the remaining headmen embraced,
either openly or in secret, the cause of Teuku Asan.

Thereupon the Raja Muda called on his subjects to purchase firearms
to defend themselves against Teuku Asan, so that for them too peace
was at an end.

The headman of the Chinese succeeded by a money present in
inducing Teuku Asan to refrain from attacking the coolies of his
nationality, the more so as they waged no war, but earned their liveli-
hood by labour. At the same time this headman facilitated the visits
which the Teuku occasionally made to Kuta Raja for scouting purposes.
He used to disguise himself on such occasions as a seller of firewood ;
his price was so high that no one would ever buy from him, and so
as he passed from place to place with his load he was able to gather
all the information he required.

The principal panglimas who took up arms under the leadership of
Teuku Asan were Nya' Bintang, Teuku Us^n of Pagaray^, his brother
Teuku Ali, and Teuku Us^n of Lueng Bata, brother of the imeum of
that Mukim. We are told of their feats of arms — usually attacks upon
convoys of provisions. Even at this period (an example is quoted in
the IV Mukims) the people of the gampongs used often to misinform
the leaders of the guerilla bands as to the movements of the Gompeuni,
so as to rid themselves of the presence of both.

Later on a new leader, Teuku Uma (Umar), came up from the West
to drive the Dutch out of the IV Mukims. The people joined him the
more readily as they were weary of the burdens laid upon them by
the Raja Muda. The poet, who himself received many gifts from Teuku
Uma's generous hand, details at some length the exploits of this hero
till his return to Daya.

i) This name (most likely purposely corrupted from the Malay kapala) is used by the
Achehnese to describe the heads of gampongs established by the Dutch government in
place of the keuchi's who took to flight and refused to return. The candidates for such
ofEces were not of course always the most desirable people possible.

The death of Teuku Asan at Ul^e Lheue occurred under such
peculiar circumstances that the Achehnese onlookers gathered therefrom
that Allah in his wisdom had determined to take this warrior to him-
self as a martyr {shafiid). There was indeed an unusual want of caution
displayed by Teuku Asan on this occasion, when without any previous
organisation he marched into the territory of Meura'sa at the head of
a few followers. In the gampongs he passed on his way he enjoined
all who had noticed his presence to keep it a secret, promising that
he would spare them, as he had come, not to punish the men of
Meura'sa for their defection, but to fight with the Dutch. He earnestly
besought his followers to abstain from plunder on this occasion.

After a brief engagement he was badly wounded; most Achehnese
attribute the fatal shot to the followers of Teuku N^', though it was
really fired by the soldiers who occupied the mosque of Ul^e Lheue.
Teuku Asan was rescued by his comrades, but died on the way home.

The epic now approaches the period of the ** concentration" and the
appearance on the scene of Teungku Tir6, who first came to Lam
Panaih, his following being composed chiefly of men from Pidie. This
ulama gave a great impetus to the holy war. All who came from the
Gompeuni's territory to join his standard had first to go through the
ceremony of re-conversion to the true faith. A spy from Lho' Nga who
was taken prisoner by the Teungku 's people was put to death without
mercy.

The ul^ebalangs who were on good terms with the Gompeuni, now
exhibited respect for the Teungku, not unmixed with fear. Thus Teuku
Aneu' Paya (ul^ebalang of the IV Mukims, who has a wife in the
gampong of Meureuduati within the **Iinie") when chosen to act as
guide to the Dutch troops on an expedition against Teungku Tir6's
folk, secretly informed the ulama of the plans of the Gompeuni.

The kupalas were now more alarmed than ever and held aloof as
much as possible from the Gompeuni. Now that the ulama had charge
of the holy cause, not only the free lances, but many of the common
people as well, took part with zeal in the resistance. Teungku Tir6
applied a portion of the contributions which flowed into his coffers to
the giving of solemn feasts, which added to the number of his adherents.

Teuku Uma also returned once more from the West Coast and began
to give trouble to the Gompeuni at Peukan Bada. During this period
he had a ceremonious meeting with Teungku Tir6 in the IV Mukims,

II I

where a great fortified house was built for the ulama, to provide him
with a lodging on his future visits to that district. Teuku Uma declared
himself ready to conform in all things to the Teungku's will ').

Teungku Tir6 now continued his journey to Seubun. Here the poet
gives an ironical description of a kanduri or religious feast organized
by the ulama on a grand scale, which was unfortunately disturbed by
an onset of the Dutch troops. The assembled guests found it hard,
even with the bullets whistling about their ears, to tear themselves away
from the dainty feast of buffalo-meat just done to a turn, with all the
accompanying good cheer.

From Seubun the ulama directed his steps to Aneu Galong and
Indrapuri; in every place along his route he gave the chiefs instructions
for the raising of sabil-contributions, to support the garrisons of the
forts which the ulama had erected in every direction. He also took the
opportunity on this tour to settle questions of religious law etc. in his
capacity as the interpreter of the sacred code.

Arriving at Lam Panaih he went through seven days of seclusion
and mortification (tapa) and received sundry ^converts", comprising
certain Chinamen and convicts and also two European non-commissioned
officers, who assisted Teungku TircVs people in the manufacture of
gunpowder.

Day by day the Teungku's influence waxed greater, and though the
ul^ebalangs appear to have watched his progress with jealous eyes, they
neither dared nor indeed were able to oppose him. Teungku Tir6's
son Nya' Amin (in full Nya' Mat or Ma' Amin), was placed in command
of the forces. The ulama then returned from Lam Panaih to Aneu'
Galong.

Here the poet introduces a passage regarding Teungku Kuta Karang,
telling how he was the first to conceive the idea of placing bombs
beneath the rails of the Gompeuni's military line. The object of this
digression seems to be to give the admirers of Teungku Kuta Karang
some compensation for the superabundant praise he pours upon his
great rival.

Teungku Tiro now returned from the XXII Mukims to the lowland

i) Both Teuku Uma and Teungku Tiro were very weU aware that this was merely one
of those empty promises which Achehnese chiefs make with a view of keeping out of one
another's way. Teuku Uma never undertook any matter of importance either at the command
or by the counsel of Teungku Tir6.

112

districts. At the tomb of Teungku di Kuala (Abd5ra'5h ') a severe
conflict took place with the troops of the Gompeuni, and in other
places there were numbers of smaller engagements.

Teuku Uma, who had again spent a considerable time on the West
Coast, now arrived at Leupueng, but none of his followers knew of
the scheme which he was now fostering. To the amazement of all, he
unexpectedly tendered his submission to the Gompeuni, who received
this powerful leader with open arms. The poet gives a graphic picture
of his journey to Ulee Lheue and Kuta Raja.

This submission, pursues our bard, was no more nor less than a
stratagem to lure on the Gompeuni to their destruction. ^)

At Kuta Raja he succeeded in obtaining from a Chinese trader an
advance of 12000 dollars against pepper to be delivered later, but which
he never did deliver. Subsequently the Gompeuni at his request supplied
him with a man-of-war to convey him home.

At Lam Beus6e one of the ships boats landed the Teuku and his
followers, but as soon as he had withdrawn, his panglimas fell upon
the sailors and slew them all except two who escaped to the shore.
These two fugitives betook themselves to Teuku Uma, who expressed
great indignation at the conduct of his followers, and threatened to put
all of them to death.

The measures taken by the Gompeuni to avenge this treacherous
act, such as for instance the bombardment of Lho' Glumpang, were of
no effect, for Teuku Uma was not a ul^ebalang, and had no territory
or property that might be injured. ^)

Subsequently Teuku Uma passed some time at Rigaih and became
master of Krueng Sab^ without^ striking a blow.

i) See Vol. I, p. 156 etc.

2) This statement of the matter is incorrect ; had Teuku Uma cherished any such intention
there would have been no reason for his concealing it from his followers, and even from
his stepfather. He was anxious for his own interests to get on terms with the government,
and intended to overcome the objections of his people to such a step by confronting them
with the fail accompli. Various circumstances made him change his mind, and as he found
that the impression produced on the people by his surrender was even more unfavourable
than he had anticipated, the cunning adventurer devised the plan of representing his sub-
sequent treachery as the carrying out of a previously concerted scheme.

3) In describing the position of T. Uma the poet applies to him the epithet ^priman^*
(freeman) which the Achehnese, following the Javanese, employ in the sense of one without
an office. [It is also used in this sense in the Straits settlements, where it is most generally
heard in the expression ^mata-mata pakei priman" = a policeman in plain clothes (Translator)^

1^3

Now follows the story, told at great length, of the cutting out of
the Hok Canton ') (Ach. Kontom) by T. Uma. Here too the narrative
is vitiated by the poet's anxiety to represent the whole affair as the
outcome of a well concerted plan of T. Uma's for the discomfiture of
the kafirs.

The expeditions of the Gompeuni against Lho' Glumpang and Rigaih
were also fruitless. They could not succeed either in overtaking and
punishing Teuku Uma, nor in liberating the imprisoned **Nyonya." The
chief P6chut Mamat with a number of women were indeed brought as
captives to Kuta Raja, but the Tuan Beusa (Governor) himself had to
admit upon enquiry that these people were wholly free from all blame
for what had occurred.

The poet describes the expeditions of T. Uma with the imprisoned
nyonya, and the great concourse of people brought together by curiosity
to behold for the first time in their lives an European woman.

The Tuan Beusa was covered with shame, especially when he reflected
on the possible criticisms of the English. He took counsel in the first
place with the Panglima Meuseugit Raya, a relative of Teuku Uma.
The Panglima undertook a mission to negotiate with the latter, but
could obtain no better terms for the release of the captive than a
ransom of ;|^ 40,000. Recourse was then had to Teuku Ba'^t (ul^ebalang
of the VII Mukims of the XXII). His negotiations with T. Uma are
described in a jocose vein; they result in the reduction of the sum
demanded to ( 25,000.

i) The Hok Canton was a British-owned steamer belonging to Chinese traders in Penang,
trading to Acheh under Dutch colours. Her Captain was a Dane named Hansen, and his
wife was with him on board at the time of the attack. On the 14th June 1886 at 9 a.m.
as the vessel lay in the roads of Rigas (Rigaih) on the W. Coast of Acheh, she was attacked
by Teuku Uma and his followers, who had been received on board as guests by the captain.
During the fight which ensued the chief mate and chief engineer were killed, and the captain
seriously wounded; Mrs Hansen also received a slight wound. After plundering the vessel
the Achehnese returned to shore taking with them as captives the Captain and his wife,
the second engineer (an Englishman named John Fay) and six native seamen. A brig called
the "Eagle" was in the roads at the time. Her Captain (Roura) was on shore awaiting
Teuku Uma^s return from the steamer. Finding that he did not return, he boarded the Hok
Canton and took her to Olehleh. Negociations ensued ^between the English and Dutch
governments, the captives being meantime held to ransom by Teuku Uma, who demanded
$ 50,000 for their release. They were well treated, but in the absence of proper medical
aid the Captain died of his wounds and Mrs Hansen (the nyOnya" of the present story)
and the engineer Fay suffered much from sickness. A ransom of 62,500 guilders was
eventually paid and they were liberated in the beginning of September 1886. {Translator),

n 8

The ransom was paid and the nyOnya released, T. Uma distributed
the money with a generous hand. — a further proof of the tact with
which he kept his people
faithful to his cause. Tetiku
Ba'^t, who conducted the
negoci aliens, received 500
dollars, and Teuku Uma's
friends and followers all re-
ceived presents proportioned
to their rank.

The bard gives a humorous
description of the sending of
a present of 500 dollars of
the ransom-money to Teungku
Tir6; we mark herein the cri-
tical spirit of the worldly
Achehnese, who with all his
reverence for the great ex-
pounder of the law sees be-
neath the robe of the ulama
a heart as little free from the
love of gold as his own. When
the messengers of Teuku Uma
brought this sum of money as
a "worthless gift" from their
chief to the ulama, the latter
first asked for a full expla-
nation as to the source from
whence the money was derived.
Adat-chiefs, as he knew, are not always overscrupulous as to the means
they use to win gold, and no good ulama could touch such a gift were
he not assured that it had been acquired in a manner sanctioned by
religious law!

The Teungku was told that the money was spoil won from the kafirs
and was enlightened as to the manner of its acquisition. Then the pious
1 smiled, for there was indeed no fault to find, and said that hence-
forth Teuku Uma might look on him as a father.

Not long after this Teuku Uma came by invitation to share in a

115

kanduri given by Teungku Tir6. Flattering speeches flowed from the
lips of both, but the Teungku took this opportunity earnestly to
admonish his friend to hold fast by the true religion and to have no
dealings with the infidels. In reply Teuku Uma authorised the ulama
to punish with rigour any of his followers who should transgress that
prohibition, while he promised that for his part he should never be
found false to his creed.

Teungku Tir6's active enterprises against the Gompeuni were now
varied for a time by progresses through the XXVI Mukims and other
parts of the country, for the purpose of instructing and admonishing
both chiefs and people *).

The masterly tone which he assumed drew upon him the hatred of
the ul^ebalangs through whose territories he passed, but they could do
nothing to check the influence acquired by the powerful ulama.

During this period of coniparative repose the great Teungku was
poisoned ^). From the moment that he began to feel the fatal working
of the poison, he ceased not to admonish his followers with all the
earnestness of a dying man, and; he especially adjured his son Mat Amin
to be guided by the wise counsel of the ulamas. But when his father
died, Mat Amin and his guerilla bands followed their own devices,
caring neither for the laws of God nor man. Thus the great crowd of
followers who had gathered round Teungku Tir6 soon dispersed and
vanished from the scene.

A new centre of operations in the **holy war" was now formed in
the IX Mukims; the leader of the movement was the great Teungku
Kuta Karang, whose disciples formed the kernel of his army. At his
command hand-grenades were laid beneath the rails of the Dutch line,
and the trains were attacked and fired upon by his followers. These
attacks were generally made on a Friday, since pious deeds done on
that day have a special value in the eyes of Allah.

In vain the Gompeuni sought to overcome him ; the captain of Lam
Barueh (i. e. Lam Jamee) fell in an attack on Kuta Kandang, and the

i) The period referred to was that during which the chiefs friendly to the Dutch paid
visits to the ^court" at Keumala, under the pretext of inducing the pretender to the title
of Sultan to come to. terms with the Government. Their true intention was to wring money
from the Government for themselves and their crownless Sultan. Teungku Tiro who after
some hesitation gave his approval to these visits, was of course obliged to relax his activity
while they lasted.

2) See Vol. I, pp. 184—85.

ii6

Gompeuni after this fight were compelled to desist from such enter-
prises. In the above engagement the followers of Ma' Amin and of
Habib Samalanga found themselves fighting shoulder to shoulder with
those of Teungku Kuta Karang.

The policy of Teungku Kuta Karang, the poet tells us, differed from
that of the other ulamas in this respect, that he permitted his people
to have intercourse with those within the **linie" or pale. His object
in this was to increase the sabil-contributions, to obtain news of the
Gompeuni's movements and to give courageous warriors an opportunity
of ambuscading the Dutch troops. The Habib of Samalanga punished
all who had gone within the *linie" with seven days penitential
seclusion [kaluet, from the Arab, chalwat). It is said that the bodies of
any that had the temerity to disregard the Habibs commands became
swollen with disease.

After Teungku Tir6's death Habib Samalanga obtained from the
Sultan a letter with the royal seal *). He made this authorization known
to all the uleebalangs, and sought to rouse them to action. They
pretended to adhere to his cause, but in reality thought of nothing but
their own wordly interests.

At the close of the poem (1891) the Gompeuni is busy in stopping
all imports, to the great discomfort of the people within the *linie".
To make this system of exclusion effective they constitute a new corps
of soldiery, the masus^^). These guardians of the frontier are very
arrogant and self-important. They show much courage when they meet
a few stray Gampong folk; these they arrest with much unnecessary
commotion and hustle over the boundary with kicks and blows. But
when they see a band of fighting men they slink away.

As the Dutch are now (1891) going to work, says the poet, they
will never be masters of Acheh. The one-eyed General was right!

The above brief abstract should suffice to show the spirit of the poet,
that is to say the spirit of his public. Although his work in addition
to its being incomplete is far inferior in point of artistic merit to the
epic of Teungku Lam Rukam '), and also to that of the anonymous

i) Vol. I, p. 182.

2) Marichaussee. It is also sometimes called badusi or majusi. This last word is well
known to all Mohammedans; it occurs in the kitabs and indicates a class of unbelievers
standing next to the Christians (NagrSni) and the Jews (Yahudi) but worse than either in
their infidelity. The word really signifies the Magi or Persian fire-worshippers.

3) See p. 88 above.

117

author of Maletn Dagang, it has from its actuality just as much claim
on our interest as either of these. At the same time it forms a remark-
able example of the preservation of epic literature without the inter-
mediary of writing. I can testify from my own experience that two
recitations of this poem delivered by the author himself on two separate
occasions, diflfered from one another as little as any two written copies
of any Achehnese book.

The Hikayat Raja Sulbyman (IX) is the production of a poet from Hikayat Raja
the IX Mukims. I have never seen a copy, but from what I can
ascertain it celebrates the strife waged by the young prince of that
name from his coming of age to his death (1857) against his uncle and
guardian Manso Shah, The prince established himself in the VI Mukims,
for Teuku Nanta the ul^ebalang of that territory was his chief ally,
while his guardian who refused to vacate the throne in his favour,
settled in the Dalam at the capital.

Hikayat Teungku di Meukf (X). Hikayat

This is a short and insignificant heroic poem. The author is one Meuk6'.
Teungku Malem, a native of Trumon, married to a woman of Peunaga.
The poet celebrates the conflict waged in 1893 and 1894 by the chiefs
of Meulaboh, friendly to the Dutch, against the party of resistance,
whose chief stronghold was Run^ng and who were led by the holy
Teungku di Meuk6'.

The poem is an imitation of the older epics, without any attempt at
accuracy or completeness. It ends with the death of Teungku di Meuk6'.

It is characteristically Achehnese that the poet, though belonging to
the side of the Government, depicts Teungku Meuke' as a holy martyr
to the faith and his followers as the representatives of religion. It
matters not on what side an Achehnese finds himself, he always regards
the enemies of the unbelievers as upholders of the right cause.

§ 4- Original treatises.

We have dealt first with the heroic poems of the Achehnese, because
they are purely Achehnese both in form, subject and origin. The few
short treatises which we are now about to mention might properly be

ii8

regarded as coming under the head of literature of religion or edification.
Their genuine Achehnese character however, distinguishes them from
other Achehnese works of the same sort, most of which are based on
Malay or Arabic originals. For this reason we assign them a separate
place.
Teungku Teuttgku Tirb's "lessons on the holy war" (XI) are in the form of

Tir6's

**lessons" small pamphlets. Only two have come into my hands, filling not more
than a quire of paper; but there were undoubtedly more besides. These
two, however, enjoy a special popularity. They deal all through with
one and the same subject, and consist of strong exhortations to sacri-
fice life and property to the holy cause, which it is said, should for the
moment throw all other considerations into the shade in Acheh. These
exhortations are enforced with the requisite texts of holy writ showing
the prang sabi to be a bounden duty and promising to all who take
part in it an incomparable reward in the hereafter.

Admonition Tadkirat ar-rakidm (XII).

ggards. y^^ have already ') noticed the pamphlet disseminated by Teungku
Kuta Karang, the greatest rival of Teungku Tir6, under the title of
"admonition to laggards". It should rather be called a collection of
pamphlets repeatedly revised and added to by the author. This com-
pilation is more comprehensive than the two treatises of Teungku Tir6
and is also remarkable for certain peculiar ideas which it advances.
For instance the author would have the Friday service performed in
Achehnese and not, as is now everywhere done, in Arabic.
. He suggests fitting out a fleet of war-ships to harass the "kafirs" by
sea as was being done with so much success on land. All alike, sultan,
chiefs, ulamas and people must throw off their half-heartedness, working
together with one consent and overlooking all paltry matters, "louse-
questions'* as the writer calls them, so that they may assail the "elephant"
that stands in their way. The rebuilding of mosques and reforming of
morals are indeed most desirable things, but even these must stand
aside for a moment, while everyone devotes his zeal, his time and above
all, his money to the carrying on of the war. All contributions must
be gathered into a single treasury, under the control of some able and
trusty leader, as for instance Teungku Kuta Karang himself. Let no one

i) Vol. I, p. 1 86 et scq.

119

inveigh against occasional acts of rapine on the part of the fighters in
the holy cause, since much is forgiven to those who dedicate themselves
to so pious and so hard a task!

Nasihat ureueng muprang (XIII).

The author of this hikayat, which extends to some 2000 verses, him-
self tells us that he has borrowed most of his materials from a treatise
written by the Palembang pandit Abdussamad, who gained a high repu-
tation about a century ago by his theological works *). By his Malay
translations Abdussamad gave a wide circulation to the works of the
revered master of mysticism, al-Ghazali; in the sphere of practical
mysticism he took lessons at Medina from the mystic teacher Mohammad
as-Samman (born in A.D. 1720), whom we shall have occasion to mention
again hereafter (ch. Ill, § 3). He also wrote an ** Admonition to Muslims"
{nafihat al'tnuslitnin), which supports by numerous texts from the Quran
and traditions of Mohammad the meritorious character of the holy war
against unbelievers.

It was this last treatise which served as a model for the Achehnese
** Admonition to those engaged in the war", composed in August 1894
by Nya' Ahmat alias Uri bin Mahmut bin Jalalodin bin Abdosalam of
the gampong Ch6t Paleue. It is a fanatical exhortation of all believers
and the Achehnese in particular to do battle with all unbelievers and
in particular the Dutch. According to Nya' Ahmat this ranks higher
than all other religious obligations, and the future recompense for the
waging of the holy war is greater than that assigned to any other
good deed, even although the purpose [niet) of him who fights against
the infidel is not free from the taint of worldly motives.

The writer severely censures the inactive section of the people and
the ul^ebalangs; they bethink them not, he says, that through their
lack of energy the Mohammedan religion runs the danger of being
extirpated from Acheh, as has already been done at Batavia, Padang,
Singapore, Penang etc.

There are without doubt other treatises of similar tendency in existence,
but owing to their authors being of less celebrity they are not so generally
known or so widely circulated.

Nasihat

ureueng

muprang.

i) See L. W. C. Van den Berg's Verslag van eene vcrzameling MaUische enz, handschriften
(Batavia 1877), bladz. 2, 8. 10. The work employed by our Achehnese poet appears in
Van den Berg's Catalogue as N®. 51.

I20

In many manuscripts of which I succeeded in having copies made,
I have met with exhortations in verse to zeal in waging the war, prayers
for the downfall of the Dutch, and the like. These were inserted to
fill up the blank pages, and appeared at the end of works of the most
diverse character. They were the fanatic effusions of the copyists, who
for the best of reasons, generally belong to the "leub^" class').

ramd!"^^^* Hik^y^^ ^^^^^ (XIV).

This essay is also most characteristically Achehnese, but is of a

considerably less warlike nature than the last two. The author is one

Leubfe Isa {-^ Jesus) who lived in Pidie, first in gampong Bambi, after

which he is called Teungku Bambit and later at Klibeuet. According

to his own "confession" (as we may aptly term it) he passed a portion

of his life in the colonies of the pepper planters on the West Coast.

These lonesome districts whose desolation is only broken at intervals

by a small gampong, are known as rantb^ particularly in the phrase

"the 12 rant6V of the West Coast, though this round number has no

statistical value.

The writer testifies that no Achehnese who leaves his birth-place to
seek his fortune from pepper planting out there, returns unharmed in
body and soul. Fevers undermine the health, and all the comforts of
life are wanting. Morals in the rantb are at the lowest ebb, for the
Achehnese neither may nor can transport wife or child thither. Gambling,
opium-smoking and paederasty are the chief relaxations of a society
composed exclusively of males. When means are lacking for opium-
smoking, many supply the deficiency by plundering solitary travellers
in the rant6s. Quarrels speedily result in bloodshed. Few give a thought
to the families they have left behind. Religion is wholly forgotten.

The Teungku describes in an affecting manner the melancholy lot of
the women and children whose husbands and fathers often sojourn in
the rantds for years at a time without sending tidings to those at home.
At the annual slaughter which precedes the fasting month and the
religious feasts, while the husbands of others "bring meat home" ^), the
deserted ones stand by pale with shame ; perchance some pitying fellow-
villager gives them a small portion of his own share!

i) Vol. I, p. 71.

2) Vol. I, p. 243.

121

This passage is calculated to touch the feelings of the truants and
recall them to their duties as fathers of families. On the other hand,
however, the author does not wish to let his female readers go un-
admonished. Many women, he says, embitter the lives of their husbands
by demanding more than they can bestow in the matter of clothing
and personal adornments. Thus they have themselves to blame if their
spouses, weary of domestic strife, go forth to seek happiness in the rant6s.

§ 5. Fiction.

We now come to the literature of romance. The materials from whence Character
the tales we are now about to describe are drawn are known to all fiction,
who are versed in Malayan literature. Princes or princesses, the very
manner of whose birth transcends the ordinary course of nature, attain
to the splendour to which they are predestined, in spite of the obstacles
which the envy of men and the cunning of demons set in their path.
Heroes, driven by dreams and omens to wander through the world,
encounter at every step seemingly invincible monsters, unsolvable
enigmas and unapproachable princesses; but they also meet with well-
disposed d^was, sages or beasts who enable them to fulfil their heroic
part without an effort. Each romance contains sundry love-stories, in
which the hero after a brief period of bliss is separated from the objects
of his passion, but at the final catastroph beholds his princesses (from
one to four in number) and generally their parents as well, all happily
united round him while the enemies of his happiness either undergo the
punishment they deserve or are spared by his clemency.

The inevitable combats are decided less by the prowess or general-
ship of the heroes than by their invulnerability, and the secret lore and
charms obtained by them from hermits, spirits or giants of the wilds.
They call into being, whenever they require them, flourishing towns
and glittering palaces from a magic box; in like manner by smiting
on the ground or on some part of their own bodies or by the utterance
of a magic word they bring to light armies of j^ns and men, who fight
on their behalf with supernatural weapons.

A large majority of Achehnese romances show unmistakeable traces Connection

between

of the same origin as those of the Malays; indeed a great number of Achehnese
them are expressly imitated from Malay models. To decide in any g^^^^ ^^

122

given case whether an Achehnese work has been borrowed from a
Malay one or is derived from the same source as the latter would
require an acquaintance with the whole range of Malay literature both
past and present. We may in any case certainly regard as the birth-
place of the great majority of romances in both tongues that portion
of South India which is also the source whence are derived the popular
mysticism and the popular religious legends of the Mohammedan peoples
of the E. Indian Archipelago.
Their Indian The appearance of the d^was, raksasas and other denizens of the

origin. i . i • , r

skies, the air, the forest and the sea are often portrayed in somewhat
pagan fashion. At the same time their character is as a rule so modi-
fied that there is no difficulty in classifying them among either the
Moslim or the infidel j^ns, while all their acts and omissions alike
testify to the power and wisdom of Allah. Not only are the names of
Indian gods and heroes presented in an altered form, but the poets
have also given themselves liberty to add new characters to those they
found and to place personalities from Persian and Arabian myth and
legend on the same stage with those of Indian origin. It may be,
perhaps, that this degeneration and admixture took place to a con-
siderable extent in South Indian popular romances, but this could only
be decided by a thorough study of the latter. At present we are unable
even to fix the portion of South-India where the threads meet which
unite that country with the mental life of the Indonesians.

In addition to Indian names the Achehnese romances contain disting-
uished Persian ones, which appertain to the mythic or historic heroes
of the Shahname (such as Qubad, Jamshld, Bahramshah). We must not
however expect to find reproduced here one single particular of the
actual traditions respecting these princes of Iran. The fact of the intro-
duction of Islam into Hindustan has caused the language, literature and
traditions of Persia to be known to all civilized persons in the former
country. It was of course impossible that the lower classes of the people
should be equally affected by this influence, but they made their own
the strange names from Persian myth and history and attached to
these names popular tales which were most likely already in existence.
It was some of these last that found their way to the East Indies, and
not the traditional history or finer classical works of the Persian nation.
In these tales it is as impossible to detect a nucleus of history or
tradition as in the romance of Amir Hamzah which came hither from

Persia by way of India. Here too fuller data are required for a more
exact analysis of the relation of Achehnese fiction with its sources;
what we have just said may simply serve to prevent anyone from bein'gj
misled by the sight of well known Persian names, into speaking of thej
** influence of Persia on the Achehnese".

Certain works which have been known in Acheh within the memory
of men way probably have been borrowed directly from the common
South Indian source, without the intervention of Malay. At present we
may safely say that it is Malay literature alone that supplies the
Achehnese market with fresh material. This is indeed what might have
been expected; the mental intercourse of Acheh with more distant
countries was bound to decrease when the trade relations, once so
fliourishing, were reduced to a minimum.

The better educated of the Achehnese, who are not scholars in the
strict sense, read Malay hikayats which are either entirely new or not
formerly known in Acheh. Such as suit their taste are disseminated as
kaba ') until some poet or rhymster thinks it worth while to make of
them an Achehnese hikayat. And so lacking in refinement of taste have
the modern Achehnese become, as for the most part to find more pleasure
in these flavourless impossibilities than in their own historical epics.

Tales of foreign origin are however, not only dressed in the attire
of the Achehnese sanja, but so modified and added to as to suit the
comprehension of their Achehnese readers. Wherever the opportunity
has occurred, the compilers have given to social and political relations
an Achehnese colouring.

To comprehend the significance of these romances in the mental life Belief in the
of the Achehnese, we must remember one thing which is too often stories,
forgotten in discussing Native literature. Although the readers and hearers
are not all blind to the fact that composers and editors occasionally
modify their materials a little to suit their own taste, still they are in
the main firmly convinced of the truth of the stories told them. Nothing
short of absolute conflict with the teachings of religion makes them
doubt the genuineness of a poet's representations; and in any case, all
these heroes flying and striding through air, sky, sea and forest, with
their miraculous palaces and magic armies, are for the Achehnese actual
persons of an actual past.

i) See pp. 88 — 9 above.

124

Our separation of heroic poems from romances would thus have no
raison d'etre in their eyes. All that they could see in it would be a
distinction between hikayats which chronicle past events in Acheh, and
those which tell in verse the history of the people of other lands or of
the skies, the country of the jens and the like.
The scene Several even of those romances which are most closely akin to Malay
works or resemble them in all respects, have the scene laid in Acheh.
Similarly we find the Javanese translating to their own country a
number of the personages of the Indian mythology.

The hikayat of Mal^m Diwa for instance, is composed of the same
materials as a well-known Malay tale which is also current among the
Bataks. This does not prevent the Achehnese from representing their
hero as being born, growing up and performing most of his exploits in
Acheh, or from imagining that he still exists, wandering about in the
highlands of the North and East Coasts. They are convinced that anyone
who has practised the science of invulnerability with success may enjoy
the privilege of a meeting with this invincible immortal '). They point
out in more than one locality the traces of Mal^m Diwa's activity, just
as they show on the West Coast the former haunts of Banta Beuransah,
and see in the romances of 6seukanda Ali and Nun Parisi a fragment
of the history of Timu (*the East", the name they give to the North
and East Coasts of Acheh).
Achehnese Did we wish to conform to Achehnese ideas, we should have to
method of ar- assign Malem Diwa a place above Malem Dagang in the chronologically
the hikayats. arranged list of Achehnese heroic poems. So long as the scene of a
narrative lies outside Acheh, the Achehnese are entirely indifferent to
accurate definitions of place and time. The only chronological rule to
which they occasionally adhere, is that stories in which the heroes soar
and fly carry us back to an ante-Mohammedan period, for ever since
the appearance of the Seal of the Prophets the art of flying has been
denied to human beings ^).

All the works which we have placed under the head of 'fiction' are
composed in sanja\ and thus bear the name of hikayat^ like the fourteen
we have already described. Their contents furnish us with no basis for
arrangement; but apart from this their comparatively small number

i) See p. 36 above.

2) This rule however is in conflict with the contents of some stories dealing with the
Mohammedan period, and that too even where they are composed in Achehnese.

125

renders it easy to pass them in review. We rest content with giving
the first place to those hikayats the principal scene of which is laid
by the Achehnese within the limits of their own country.

MaUtn Diwa (XV). Hikayat

Mal^m Diwa was the son of Raja Tampo', a prince who ruled in Mal^m Diwa.
the gampong of Piadah on the krueng (river) of Pasfe, commonly known
as Pasei. His mother was Putr6e Sahbawa. He was at first called
Malem Diman, but the teacher to whom he was sent to school in his
7th year, changed his name to Diwa. Dalikha '), the daughter of this
pandit, was his destined bride, for when the marriages both of Raja
Tampo' and of the pandit had long remained unblessed with issue, the
prince had made a vow that if children were vouchsafed to them both,
they should if possible be united in wedlock with one another. But
when the boy came to her father's house, Dalikha greeted him as
"younger brother". This was considered as rendering marriage impos-
sible, and Dalikha, who in after years married a certain Mal^m Panjang,
continued to watch over Mal^m Diwa as a faithful elder sister. As soon
as the hero has completed his schooling he begins his wanderings, which
are destined to bring him into contact with three princesses in succes-
sion, Putrb'e Bungsu in the firmament, Putrb'e Aloih in Nata (^ Natal)
and Putrb'e Meureundatn Diwi in Lho' Sinibong on the river of Jambo Ay^.

It was a dream which gave the impetus to his quest of the first; it
seemed to him that while bathing he came across a princess's hair.
The princess of the skyey realm, the youngest daughter of Raja Din,
dreamed at the same time that she was encircled by a snake. Not long
after, Mal^m Diwa, changed for the moment into a fish, swam about
in the water where Putr6e Bungsu with her sisters and their attendants
were bathing. He stole her upper garment and thus she lost the power
to fly back with her companions to her father's aerial kingdom^). Hero
and heroine are brought together by the agency of Ni Keubayan, a
well-known figure in Malay tales, and soon the lovers are joined in
wedlock.

They settle in Malem Jawa, the abode of Mal^m Diwa's mother, close
to Piadah. Here a son named Ahmat is born to them. As this child

i) ITie Achehnese form of Zuldkha^ the name of Potiphar's wife.

2) As to such "flying garments" see G. K. Niemann in Bijdragen van het Koninklijk
Instituut for 1866, note to p. 257.

grows up he develops vicious tendencies. He strikes his grandmother
and by this act causes a rupture between her and her daughter-in-law.
One day whilst at play Ahmat brings to light his mother's upper garment,
which his father had carefully hidden. Putr6e Bungsu takes it from him,
and, weary of domestic strife, flies away with her child to the airy realms.

Malem Diwa, who spent nearly all his time in the cock-fighting arenas,
was not at home when this took place, but a little later he saw his
wife soaring in the air with her child and had just time to receive her
last admonition at the **gate that leads to the skies". "After three rice-
harvests", she said, **you must come and fetch me, else I shall become
another's wife". Meanwhile go to Nata (Natal) and there you shall wed
the princess Aloi'h; but beware lest you fall victim to a passion for the
Putr6e Meureundam Diwi.

Mal6m Diwa undertook the journey to Nata with the aid of Dalikha
and her heroic spouse Mal^m Panyang. Peuduka Lila, the king of that
region, was compelled to succumb to the courage and magic power of
the three. But Putr6e Aloih remained still unconquered. Over against
the window of her chamber there stood an areca- palm of fabulous height,
on the top of which hung two betelnuts, one of gold and the other of
suasa ^). The hand of the princess was the destined reward of him who
should succeed in plucking these fruits. Already no less than ninety-
nine princes had made the attempt at the cost of their lives; for no
sooner had they climbed to a level with the princess's window and
beheld her, than they swooned at the sight of her marvellous beauty,
and so fell down and were killed. Malem Diwa, however, was assisted
in his task by a squirrel (tufi^), a number of white ants (kamue),-^
swarm of walang sangit ^) (geus6ng) and a kite {kleueng), all of which
creatures he had taken with him by the advice of Putr6e Bungsu.
Dalikha also spread a bed of tree-cotton at the fort of the areca-palm
by way of precaution.

So Mal^m Diwa wins his princess and spends happy days at Nata.
He is however warned in a dream that Putr6e Bungsu is in danger.
Mounted on a bura' ^) which awaits him, he ascends into the upper air,
and betakes himself disguised as a beggar to the kingdom of the sky.
Here he becomes acquainted with Ahmat (his own son) who informs

i) An amalgam of gold and copper. (^Translator),

2) A kind of grasshopper (Mai. b^lalang) with an offensive smell.

3) A fabulous creature, a namesake of the Bur&q on which the Prophet ascended to heaven.

127

him that his mother is soon about to be forced to marry the Raja
Muda. Mal6m Diwa and Ahmat now make war upon Raja Din and his
son the Raja Muda, with the result that Putr6e Bungsu is shortly
re-united with her lawful consort. The joy of the pair is however once
more disturbed by a dream. It is now the Putr6e Aloih that is in danger.
The king of China has waged a successful war against Nata and carried
off the beautiful lady in a crystal chest.

MaMm Diwa descends on the bura' to the sublunary world ; he alights
at Pase (vulg. Pasei), whence he traverses various places on the East
Coast of Acheh and finally arrives at Lho' Sinibong the domain of
Raja Angkasa. The whole kingdom has been laid waste and its in-
habitants devoured by the geureuda (=garuda '); the beautiful princess
Meureundam Diwi alone, hidden in a beam of timber *) by her unhappy
father, awaited the coming of her deliverer. As a matter of course
Mal^m Diwa slays the geureuda and weds the princess.

Another vision, warning him of impending danger, causes MaMm
Diwa to determine on fortifying his abode in this place. Sure enough
the Raja Jawa soon comes to assail his third experience of wedded bliss.
By magic arts he succeeds in rendering Mal^m Diwa as helpless as an
inanimate corpse, after which he carries off the princess in a crystal chest.
Meureundam Diwi, however, has instructed a helpful bird (bayeu'en) to
rouse Mal^m Diwa after her departure by fomentations of rose-water,
and then to fly both to Nata and Dalikha's country, and to bear to
the latter and to the Putrde Bungsu news of what has occurred.

Restored to life once more, Malem Diwa sails for China, but during
a sea-fight he is thrown into the sea by the Chinese and swallowed by
a whale.

This monster dies at sea and drifts to Java where he is cast on shore.
The carrion attracts the notice of one Male Kaya ^), a relative of the
king of Java, who is walking on the sea-shore with his childless wife.
In the whale's carcase they find Malem Diwa, who has assumed the
form of a little boy, adopt him joyfully as their child and give him
the name of Mal^m Muda.

When Mal^m Muda had grown up, the Raja Muda wished to provide

1) A fabulous monster of the griffin order. {^Translator).

2) According to a variant, in a drum (^geundrang) cf. p. 145 below.

3) I.e. "wealthy but childless".

128

him with a wife, but he stoutly declared that he would marry none
other than Meureundam Diwi. Hence arose a quarrel that led to war.
Dalikha and the princess Bungsu having in the meantime arrived with
their fleets, took an active part in the contest. The Raja Jawa was
overcome and slain, and Meureundam Diwi set free. A war against
China was crowned with the like success and the Putr6e AlOi'h rescued
from her crystal prison. They now all returned to Nata and from thence
each went back to his own country. Ahmat became a sub-king of the
airy realm and married Janagaru the daughter of the Raja Muda of
that kingdom.

A copy of the Menangkabau **Malim Diman" preserved in the library
of the Batavian Association, gives an account of the adventures of this
hero with Putri Bungsu, which while varying in some details from
Mal^m Diwa, harmonizes with it in its main outline, but is much more
prolix. No mention is made of Dalikha or the two other objects of
Mal^m Diwa's love, and what we are told of Malem Diwa's early life
is quite different from the Achehnese hikayat. The Batak story of
Malin Deman ') has only isolated points of resemblance with either of
the above.

Of Mal6m Diwa's immortality and his wanderings in the wilderness
of the North and East Coasts of Acheh we have already spoken in
our introductory remarks.

[In June 1898 an illiterate man of Gayo origin succeeded in rousing
a tumult among the people of the East and North Coasts of Acheh by
giving out that he was invulnerable and that he had the power of
rendering harmless the weapons of the unbelievers. He was known as
Teungku Tapa, but the majority of the people regarded him as Mal^m
Diwa returned to life, or at least as one clothed with Mal^m Diwa's
authority; most of the Achehnese with whom I spoke of him regarded
his pretensions as far from preposterous. Teungku Tapa and his followers
were defeated by the Dutch troops, after which he disappeared for a
time. In 1899, however, he again renewed his activity, this time with
a band of followers from the Gayo country. This second effort was
suppressed still more promptly than the former. In 1900 Teungku Tapa
was slain in the neighbourhood of Piadah].

i) See G. K. Niemann's review of the contents of this story in Bydragen JCon, Instituut
for 1866, p. 255 et seq.

129

Eseukanda Alt or Suganda Alt (XVI).

In times of old Sultan Ali held sway in the kingdom of Chamtalira *),
by which the Achehnese mean the same that is called Sumatra ^) in
the writings of Marco Polo and Ibn Batutah. In this kingdom was a
merchant of great wealth named Didi, who sent forth his son Ali Juhari
with ships to trade. This he did first in Pas^, but when the market
there declined, his father had a ship fitted out to send on a voyage
of enquiry as to where his son might find a fruitful field for his enter-
prises. The ship's company found out that the best plan was to make
the young man a sugarcane planter in Keureut6e (KSrti). With this in
view they purchased land from Ahli, king of Keureut6e and built a
sumptuous residence which was called Indra Siluka. When all was ready,
Ali Juhari was fetched thither.

Ra'na Jamin, the daughter of the sovereign of Keureut6e had woven
a cloth of which all the merchants had till now in vain endeavoured
to gain possession, for it might only be purchased by him who should
succeed in opening the chest in which it lay. On his arrival in the
country Ali Juhari learns of this, and succeeds in opening the chest.
He carries off the cloth to Indra Siluka and there hoists it as a flag in
the hope that its maker will some day come to him through curiosity
as to the meaning of this decoration.

His wish is fulfilled, and in a twinkling Cupid welds together the
hearts of both. The princess however tells him that her hand has been
promised by her father to Sulutan Sul6yman (Suleiman) of Salbian. She
is meanwhile ready to live in a secret union with Ali Juhari and to
visit him each day at nightfall.

On three successive evenings she comes to him at an appointed hour ;
but each time Allah lays on him so deep a sleep that she is fain to
depart leaving a letter as token of her faith to the tryst. The unhappy
lover on the third night cuts open his finger and rubs red pepper into
the wound to drive away slumber; yet he sleeps notwithstanding and
cannot be awakened. The third letter is the last he receives ; the princess
becomes disheartened and discontinues her visits.

l) The name of this country is sometimes written in Achehnese thus SjfxSa^^ sometimes

a) The holy Abdurra^uf speaks in one of his Malay treatises of the Malay language of
II Q

I30

In deep distress Ali Juhari now sends all his people back to Cham-
talira and himself enters on a series of objectless wanderings.

While thus engaged he meets in a garden in the midst of the wilder-
ness a hermit, Dah^t (JkitK) Amin, who imparts to him sundry useful
knowledge, gives him certain objects endowed with miraculous power
and changes his name to Eseukanda (Achehnese form of Alexander) Ali.

Resuming his journey, he has soon reason to be thankful for these
charms, which enable him to make a conquest of the giant Mala'oy
Rimba on the plain of Indra Chahya. The latter had just returned to
his forest haunt from Keureut6e, bringing with him from thence the
dead body of a girl whom he had slain at a punishment for pelting
him with stones. When the giant had discovered that Eseukanda Ali
was his master in all magic arts, they became friends, and the giant
told him as the latest news from Keureut6e, that the espousal of the
princess to Sul6yman was on the eve of being celebrated.

They then consulted together as to how best to frustrate the marriage.
Eseukanda Ali was to assume the form of the girl Siti Ubat who has
been slain by the giant and thus disguised to go to her mistress the
flower-seller Sami'un, and pretend to have been carried off into the
forest by a j^n, but to have had the good luck to escape.

The strategem succeeds, and Eseukanda Ali, in the female form he
has assumed, not only succeeds in meeting his beloved, but actually
becomes her servant. Thus after secretly revealing to her his true shape,
he manages to escape with her upon the wedding-day.

Two pahlawans (warriors) pursue him, but lose their senses by Eseu-
kanda Ali's magic art. Through a number of occurrences described in
a humorous vein, the lovers become separated from one another, and
the princess barely succeeds in escaping from two assailants of her
honour; one is a Kringgi sweet meat-seller, the other a one-legged man
named Si Pantong.

Disguised as a man she finally finds a resting-place in the kingdom
of Tahtanun, whose king Ahmat was at that very time seeking a
husband for his daughter Keumala Hayati; only he who could beat the
Princess in a horse-race, was esteemed worthy to obtain her hand.
Ra'na Jamin achieves this feat and weds the princess, whereupon her
father-in-law hands over the throne to her.

This assumption of government by a woman in disguise is to be met
with again in the tale of Qamar Az-zaman in the Thousand and One

131

Nights, which has also been rendered into Achehnese and enjoys much
popularity '). The sequel puts one in mind of the denouements of many
of the Malay hikayats.

The "king" has a golden statue of himself placed at the entrance to
the capital under strict guard and with instructions to bring to the
court all such passers-by as are seen to gaze at it with emotion. Thus
there come in succession the Kringgi, Si Puntong (both of whom are
thrown into prison) and Eseukanda Ali, on whose arrival Ra'na Jamin
reveals her sex.

The wanderer, happy once more, marries both princesses together,
and becomes king of Tahtanun. The Kringgi and Si Puntong are set
at liberty.

When the rumour of these tings spreads abroad, Sul6yman prepares
for war, but is of course defeated, and Sulutan Anli who had pretended
to take his part through fear, is soon reconciled to his daughter's
marriage. All now return to Keureut6e.

Some time after, Eseukanda Ali is reminded of his father in a dream
and leaving both his wives behind starts off to pay him a visit. Raja
Hadan of Hidian avails himself of his absence to make war on Keureut6e
in revenge for the death of his relative Sul6yman. Eseukanda's two wives
send letters asking aid of the old king of Tahtanun; he comes, quickly
followed by Eseukanda Ali himself, who, informed by a dream of what
is taking place, has hastened back again. By their united forces this last
disturber of Eseukanda's happiness is also overthrown.

Nun Parisi (XVII). Hikayat

XT D * '

Nun Parisi was the son of Raja Sarah, the ruler of Chamtalira (a
corruption of Sumatra). His companions from early youth were Lidam,
son of a mantri or state official, and *^Arian, son of a professional singer.
The poet also brings on the scene three young girls, daughters of three
advisers of Raja Sarah, thus at once prefiguring the romance that lies
in store for the three young men.

While the boys are playing one day, a golden panta ^) belonging to
Nun Parisi finds its way into the pocket of one of his companions
without his noticing it. He finds it later on, but keeps his discovery of

1) See NO. XXXII below.

2) The nature of the bbk panta is explained below chap. III^ § i.

132

the toy concealed from shame, as there has been a long and fruitless
search made for it. The matter is enquired into by the king and his
three gurus without result, but in the end one of the three young
damsels solves the riddle to the satisfaction of all concerned, and the
occurrence gives rise to the three betrothals to which the reader has
been looking forward.

The three young men now declare their intention of going on a
journey to pursue their studies; the difficulties suggested by the queen
Dabiah are overcome by Nun Parisi's talking bayeuen-bird.

They prooceed to Aseuhan, the territory of the powerful prince
Bahrun Diwa, who has married ninety-nine wives one after another and
beheld them all disappear in an inexplicable manner immediately after
he has wedded them. No king will any longer venture to give him his
daughter in marriage, so he remains childless and is thus overjoyed at
the arrival of the three youths, whom he adopts as his sons.

After taking counsel with them the king puts his fortune to the test
once more, and marries the daughter of a mantri. On the night of the
marriage the three students keep watch armed to the teeth and repeating
exorcising formulas of known efficacy. A violent storm arises which
causes all but the three young men to swoon. Under cover of the storm
comes the wicked naga (dragon) which has destroyed the happiness of
the king, but this time he is slain by the young heroes before he can
carry off the new queen, Sambang Deureuma Subra.

Their noble deed nearly cost them their lives, for the young queen
accused them of attempts upon her honour. Bahrun Diwa had already
after taking counsel with the teacher Banu ^Ubat, resolved to put them
to death, when they came before him and each recited a tale the moral
of which was that hasty actions lead to repentance. The king made a
searching enquiry which established the innocence of the heroes, where-
upon he divorced his wife and married Deulima Rawan, daughter of
the Raja of Langkat and had children by her.

Some years after they had thus secured the wedded bliss of the king
of Aseuhan, the young men proceed to the country of Kabu (Gay6?)
to study under the renowned teacher ^Urupiah.

Meantime mischief was brewing in Chamtalira. The powerful wazir
Keujruen had great influence over the king, and his son Sa'it Burian
had become the special favourite of the queen. In company with Si
Reusam, known from his immoral life as the 'gamp5ng-dog', he abused

133

the royal favour to the utmost, forming an intrigue with the betrothed
of Nun Parisi, which was, however betrayed to the latter by the
talking bird.

Nun Parisi and his three companions, after three years of study,
returned home to Chamtalira. On the way one of them wedded a
daughter of Raja Bahrun, and that prince escorted them on their
homeward journey. Nun Parisi, who had received from his teacher the
name of Pareh Sulutan, wedded both his own betrothed and that of
his comrade who had married in Aseuhan. Sa'it Burian continued his
adulterous intercourse with the bride, and succeeded in getting the
better of Par^h Sulutan jn gaming by the aid of the latter's own
talisman, which the false wife secretly conveyed to her lover. Later on,
however, the prince got back his magic mango-stone, and was invincible
as before.

A series of evil deeds committed by Sa'it Burian and Si Reusam
resulted at last in open hostility between the king and his family on
the one hand and Keujruen Kandang on the other. They waged war
on one another for six years with varying fortune. Then the talking
bird Tiu Wareuchit went to bear the news to the prince of Aseuhan
and his son-in-law and to implore their help.

A man of Aseuhan called Par^h Suri repairs to the camp of Keujruen
Kandang representing himself as a son of a relative of his, the king of
Bangka Ulu. He gains time by deceiving him as to the intentions of
the raja of Aseuhan, who in the meantime raises a large army and
goes to the assistance of the father of Par^h Sulutan. Finally Sa'it
Burian, ashamed of his misdeeds, flies to Meuruda and thence to the
West Coast. The king of Chamtalira pardons Keujruen Kandang and
appoints the latter's nephew Matang Silanga alias Gajah Pung6 (the
**Mad Elephant") to succeed him as wazir.

On Raja Sarah's death Par^h Sulutan succeeds him on the throne
and reigns in peace and prosperity; his playmate Lidam who married
the princess of Aseuhan, succeeds his father-in-law as ruler of that
country. The widow of Raja Sarah goes with some followers of rank
on a pilgrimage to Mekka, where she remains till her death.

Pareg Sulutan, or as he was at first called, Nun Parisi, is blessed
with a son and heir, to whom he gives the name of Useuman Ar^h.

«34

Hikayat Batita Beuransah (XVIII)-

U^^J^^ Jamishah •), king of Aramiah, had three sons; Banta Beusiah ^ and
Keureutaili by his first, Banta Barausah or Beuransah *) by his second wife.

He dreams of a beautiful princess Ruh5n Apenlah *) who possesses a
miraculous bird called Mala'5n Dirin and dwells in the land of Gulita
Ebeuram, of which her father Mal^' Sarah is ruler. Jamishah sends his
three sons forth to seek this princess of his dream and her magic belongings.

Presently the sons come to a place where three ways meet. Those
whom they question describe the two side roads as easy but leading
nowhere in particular, the middle one as fraught with danger but rich
in promise. The two eldest choose each ope of the easy paths, while
Beuransah defies the difficulties of the middle one, keeping his eyes
fixed on the future.

The two elder brothers are soon reduced to beggary; one falls into
the hands of gamblers, the other is despoiled by thieves.

Banta Beuransah at the beginning of his journey encounters many
strange things all of which have a symbolic meaning, which is later on
explained to him by an i'elia (holy man or saint). He sees a tree full
of fruits each one of which beseeches him to pluck it, as being the
best of all; three barrels of water the middle one of which is empty,
the other two full; men eagerly employed in collecting wood-shavings,
an unborn goat which bleats in its mother's womb; a great tree in
which there is a small hole, whence issues to view a mosquito which
gradually increases in size until it is as big as a mountain; people car-
rying loads of wood, who when they find their burden too heavy, keep
on adding to, in place of lightening it; two hind quarters of a slaughtered
buffalo fighting with one another ; and a number of men gathering the
leaves of trees.

The saint, who expounds to him the meaning of all these symbols.

i) This name lk-^^> is a corrupt form of «Aa^£w«j> Jamshid, but as has been already
noticed, the bearer of this name has nothing to do with the mythical king of the Persians.
In various catalogues of the Fathul Kareem Press at Bombay there is to be found among
the cheap and popular works an Afghan J.^ sUC* ^^oH (Kesah or story of Shah Bahram);
probably this is one of the popular Indian legends whence the Achehnese one is directly
or indirectly borrowed.

3) From Bahrflmsh2lh ; very often written thus jumX/oU, itJi*^^ or the like. For the
meaning of Banta see Vol. I, p. 92. In stories it is generally used in the sense of "prince".

4) ^^' ^,r

I3S

imparts to him at the same time much useful knowledge, and advises
him to pursue his journey towards the East.

On the far side of a river which he crosses, he finds a deserted town,
where he makes the acquaintance of Ni Keumaya ^), the mother of a
gbgasi (gSrgasi), a giant of the forest, who devours both men and beasts.
Fortunately the giant is at the moment out hunting, and Banta Beu-
ransah wins the favour of his mother to such an extent that she hides
him, and after her son's return draws from the latter all the secret lore
that is likely to aid our traveller in attaining his objectr According to
the giant seven hairs from his head will provide an infallible charm
against the dangers of the road. While the gogasi sleeps, the woman
cuts off the hairs and gives them to Beuransah who pursues his journey.

On a mountain he finds the soul of the g6gasi in the form of a bird,
guarded by two princesses. He makes himself master of this soul; the
gogasi feels this and hastens to the place where his soul is kept, but
is here slain by Beuransah. Beuransah leaves the princesses behind him
on the mountain, intending to fetch them away on his return journey.

He now attaches to himself a grurenda (garuda = griffin) which has
had 98 of its young devoured by a gluttonous naza; our hero kills this
dragon and thus saves the last two survivors of its brood. The geureuda
in gratitude carries him safely over the sea of fire which separates him
from the land of his vision, and awaits his further disposal.

Presently he arrives at the court of Gulita Ebeuram and gains pos-
session of both the princess and her bird.

For the present he takes the bird only and journeys home, fetching
en passant the princesses who guarded the giant's soul. On his way he
meets his two brothers, now reduced to poverty. He gives them rich
presents but they, moved by envy, plot against him and cast him into
a well. Then they take the bird and the princesses to their father and
pretend that it is they who have reached the object of the quest, while
their younger brother has disappeared. Soon however their evil con-
science drives them into the forest, where they gradually grow hairy
like the beasts of the field.

Beuransah is discovered by a rich travelling merchant, delivered from
his perilous position and adopted as a son. After the death of his bene-

i) Possibly a variant of the Malay KSbayan; this old woman often re-appears in Acheh-
nese tales as Ni Kubayan or simply Keubayan.

factor he inherits his wealth including a bird called Blanta in whose
stomach is a magic stone (malakat) whence may be raised seven ser-
viceable lords of j^ns. A Jewish pandit endeavours to deprive him of
the bird by trickery but as this miscarries for the time being, he joins
Beuransah as a fellow-traveller. They go together to Gulita Ebeuram,
and Beuransah who enters the place as the meanest of beggars is soon
the happy consort of the princess as he succeeds by the aid of his
malakat in fulfilling her every wish.

The Jew, who has established himself here as a teacher of magic art,
succeeds at length in gaining possession of the malakat and causes Beu-
ransah to be cast into the sea. Swallowed by a fish he comes, now in
the likeness of a little child '), into the hands of a fisherman, who brings
him up. By the help of a mouse, a cat and a dog, all of which belong
to this fisherman, Beuransah succeeds in recovering the malakat and
has himself conveyed back to his wife by the seven lords of jens. There-
after these kindly-disposed spirits transport the whole family, palace
and all, to Beuransah's native country.

Here there takes place a general meeting and reconciliation; Beu-
ransah restores his bestialized brothers to their former state and gives
them to wife the princesses who guarded the giant's soul. This would
form a very suitable ending to the story, and it does as a matter of
fact look very much as though the sequel was an addition from the
hand of later copyists.

Beuransah succeeds his father and begets a son, Sanggila, and a
daughter RuhQy Akeuba ^) ; his brother Keureutai'h has a daughter
Ruhoy A'la '). The last is, by Beuransah's wish, to be given in marriage
to Ahmat, son of Indrapatra, and ruler of the aerial kingdom.

Ahmat descends to the world beneath to carry off his bride, but on
the way has to do battle with sundry evil powers, such as the Putr6e
Pari on the mountain of Indra, who has boiled 99 kings in her caldron
but now herself suffers the same fate at Ahmat's hands; also a couple
of R^gasis, man and wife.

Not long after all these difficulties have been overcome and the
marriage with the celestial prince has been concluded, the king of China

i) Just like Mal6m Diwa in Java; see p. 127.

a) f^ ^' c»r

3) >^' ^iy

137

tries to kidnap Beuransah's wife and after a destructive war, succeeds
in carrying her off to his own kingdom in a crystal chest *)•

A very prolix account of the war which Beuransah then wages against
China and from which he at length returns home victorious, forms the
end of the tedious sequel of this hikayat the earlier part of which is
composed with care and skill.

Certain places on the West Coast are indicated by oral tradition as
the scene of Beuransah's deeds. In the edition with which I am
acquainted no such localization appears, except in the episode of the
war waged by the king of China. His expedition by sea is described
at length. The poet makes him touch successively at almost all the
harbours of the East, West and North Coasts of Acheh and its depen-
dencies, and finally arrive in Aramiah **at the source of the river of
Singk^ (Singkel)".

MaUm Diwanda' (XIX).

The adventures of Mal^m Diwanda', son of Sulutan Roi'h (Sultan Rus)
of Panjalarah, are just like those of the majority of hikayat heroes.
Having won his wife Siti Chahya after overcoming many obstacles and
enjoyed a brief period of wedded bless, he finds her guilty of adultery
and has her trampled to death by horses. A well-disposed buliadari
(= bidadari) named Mand6 Rubiah ^) restores her to life without the
knowledge of Diwanda* and gives her a palace with all its accessories
in the midst of the forest; here bring already with child by Diwanda'*
she bears a son who is named Mal^m or Banta ') Sidi.

M. Diwanda', mad with grief after the execution of the sentence goes
forth as a wanderer, and is re-united to his wife and child after sundry
adventures. Not till after a protracted conflict with Raja Sara who tries
to rob him of Siti, does he possess her undisturbed; he establishes
himself with her in the country of Shahkubat *) whom he succeeds on
the throne after his death.

Eager to behold his native land once more, he sets out on a journey
thither. On the way he cures of a sickness the princess Santan Meu-

Hikayat

Mal^m

Diwanda*.

i) Compare the episode in Mal6m Diwa, p. 127 above.

2) The same name is borne, in the story of Mal^m Diwa quoted above, by the woman
who plays therein the part of Ni Keubayan.

3) Sec Vol. I, p. 92.

4) Sec below N*». XXVII.

138

taupi, daughter of the celestial king Raja Din, and afterwards marries
her. For her sake also he is obliged to wage war with a disappointed
lover, the prince Sa'ti Indra Suara. He slays him and takes possession
of his country.

The son of Sa'ti Indra Suara makes war upon Mal6m Diwanda' to
avenge his father, but he too loses his life.

Santan Meuteupi dies of a wound inflicted by an arrow of Brahma
shot against her by the son of Sa'ti Indra Suara in his eagerness for
vengeance. The description of her death is a most favourite passage,
and its recital draws tears from many an Achehnese audience. As she
dies she advises Mal6m Diwanda* to return to the world below and
warns him of a number of dangers which threaten him on the journey.

With the help of a flying garment and a malakat or magic stone
given him by the dying princess, he overcomes all difficulties. He assists
a raja of Mohammedan j6ns of the sea to conquer his infldel kindred,
marries the daughter of this prince (who appears to be a vassal of
Shahkubat ') and begets by her a son, Indra Peukasa, who reigns in
his grandfather's stead.

Mal^m Diwanda' returns to his son and brings about a marriage
between him and the princess Julusoy Asikin, daughter of Abdoy
M6'min. But his old enemy Raja Sara had already sought this lady's
hand in vain for his son, and now casts about for some means of
disturbing Sidi's wedded happiness.

After the honeymoon, Banta Sidi went on a journey as a merchant
and arrived in due time at an island ruled by the giant Jen Indra Diu
Keureuma, a man-eater having the shape of a horse. Ibu Nahya, the
wife of this giant, saved the life of Sidi by a stratagem, and caused
Djdn Indra to adopt him as his child. This friendship was of great
service to Sidi in his struggle with Banta Sa'ti, the son of Raja Sara,
who had in the meantime succeeded in entering his palace in the guise
of a dancing girl, had poisoned his parents-in-law and was now living
\xi adulterous intercourse with Julusoy Asikin. Here follows a tedious
description of the war waged by Banta Sidi with the help of his adopted
father after he has been told in a dream of his wife's treachery.

In the end he gains the day and resolves to put his faithless spouse
to death, just as his father did before with Siti Chahya. Diu Keureuma,

I) See below N^ XX VII.

139

the prince of the giants, is however so benevolent as to charm up
before him an image which resembles his wife in all respects. This
shadow undergoes the death sentence; and when afterwards Banta Sidi
makes acquaintance with a beautiful young widow of royal lineage under
the name of Keumalahari and espouses her, he never suspects that this
marriage is no more than a re-union with his now repentant wife. A son,
Diu Ka'indran is born to them.

A dream leads Banta Sidi to go and visit his father, and all his
household accompanies him. Finally Mal^m Diwanda' vacates the throne
in his favour, while his son Diu Ka'indran becomes the successor of the
man-eater Diu Keureuma.

Gajah tujoh uWe (XX). Hikayat

In this story of the ** seven-headed elephant" it is Sa'doymanan, son ^^^^^ "^
of To Sul6yman, Raja of Teuleukin, that wins his four princesses in
succession.

The first of these fair ladies is made known to him in a dream. She
is called Meureudum Bunga and owing to a careless vow of her fathen
Sulutan Sab, she has to be sacrificed to a seven-headed elephant, which
roams solitary in the forest. Seated among these seven heads she awaits
her deliverer. After a protracted combat, in the course of which
Sa'dSymanan is once killed, but having been restored to life again
through the benevolence of an ascetic pair of eungkbngs (cocoanut
monkeys) the prince slays the elephant.

But then his own pahlawan plays him false; having cut off his master's
hands and feet, he bears to his father the tale that he is dead, hoping
thereby to win for himself the princess' hand.

Sa'doy, however, recovers his hands and feet through the aid of the
eungk6ngs and marries the celestial (adara) princess Meulu China. The
king of China comes with a great army to take the princess from him,
but Sa'doy and his allies entirely frustrate his designs. Habib Nada the
daughter of the king of China is the sole survivor of her father's defeat,
and takes the third place in Sa'doy's affections.

By the aid of the aged Ni, a lonely widow, the prince on returning
to his native land, recovers his first love.

After all these adventures Sa'doy completes the tale of four by a
marriage with princess Maloyri. Finally the poet makes these princesses
entertain their lord with five witty tales.

142

Cham Nadiman and Kamareutaih have no peaceful enjoyment of their
loves till after a war with their father-in-law, in which the latter loses
his life. Finally they all go away to Irandamin, the country of the
hero's birth.

Hikayat Banta Ahmat or Antat (XXIII).

Banta Ahmat came into the world shortly after the death of his father
Ansari, king of the country of Nabati. He began his life in deep poverty,
for his uncle Tapeuhi kept the whole inheritance for himself leaving to
the widow Rila and her son nothing but the house they lived in and
an old broken parang or chopping-knife.

When Ahmat grew up he went and cleared forest with this parang,
but the rice he planted was carried off by floods the first time and
each later crop devoured by a bayeuen-bird. A young dragon, which
Ahmat rears, teaches him how to catch this bird; after some time the
bayeuen turns out to be a princess in disguise, Putr6e Indra or Rihan,
and Ahmat weds her.

By degrees the dragon becomes too big for the river in which Ahmat
had placed it, and desires once more to behold its parents in the sea.
Ahmat accompanies it on this journey during which there is no lack
of adventurous rencontres and fighting. The parents of his ^'naga" give
Ahmat sundry instructions and the requisite magic charms {malakat).
Armed with these he returns to his mother and then sets off disguised
as a beggar for his father's kingdom.

On the way he finds the opportinity of becoming secretly betrothed
to the princess Chahya in Iran Supah. The marriage is not consummated
till Ahmat has made war upon and defeated his godless uncle Tapeuhi.

The infidel [kaphe) king of Pira' in vain endeavours to wrest the
beauteous Chahya from her husband. Ahmat's elder wife presents him
with a successor to the throne, who is called Lila Kaha.

Hikayat Putrbe Baren (XXIV).

Banta Sulutan is the son, and Putr6e Barcn (Bahren) Miga the daughter
of Raja Bar^n Nasi, king of Boreudat (Baghdad).

At his sister's request the Banta goes forth to wrest from its four
guardian j^ns a silver tree which she wants to use in building a palace.
While this palace is being erected, the king of Yaman comes to carry
off the beautiful princess. He is however driven back by the Banta wJio

143

pursues him to Yaman and converts the people of that country to Islam.

Peutr6e Baron's mother died during a period of religious seclusion
(tafia), which she had imposed upon herself. The daughter, who in a
previous existence before her birth had made a study of sacred things
wished to accompany her mother to the tomb, but the latter assured
her that before she died she must live through nine great events.

These events are then detailed. They resemble in essentials the ad-
ventures of the chaste Johar Manikam in the Malay tale of this name ').
Thus Putr6e Bar^n, while her father is on a pilgrimage to Mecca, is
seduced by the kali and afterwards killed by her brother, but restored
to life again by Jebrai' (Gabriel) and brought to a forest where she
makes acquaintance with king Abdolah of Cham (or Sham) and becomes
his wife. She is again seduced on her journey over the sea by a meun-
trb'e (mantri); and is subsequently troubled with the attentions of a
jin pari and of an Abeusi ^). Finally she assumes male shape and
becomes Raja muda of Meulabari (Malabar). Thence she journeys to
Mecca where the happy reunion of the chief characters of the story
and its denouement take place.

Banta AH or Banta Peureudan (XXV).
This tale celebrates the adventures of Banta Peureudan, son of
Banta Ali, king of B6ytay Jami ').

At the age of seven Peureudan and his younger sister Bungsu Juhari,
are taken into the forest by their father, who has given ear to the
false predictions of certain wicked soothsayers who had announced to
him that evil would result from their presence in the palace.

A hermit in the forest adopts the girl and brings her up, and imparts
to Peureudan divers hidden knowledge. The two children as well as a
prince named Maharaja Sinha and the wazir of the latter are trans-
formed by the magic skill of their teacher into a kind of ape (himb^e).
In this shape Peureudan gains sovereignty over the beasts of the forest.

Peureudan then goes forth to win the lovely princess Sahbandi *),

1) Published by Dr de Hollander, Breda, 1845. Compare also Spitta-Bey's Contes arabes
modernes^ Leiden 1883, p. 80, N®. VI "Story of the virtuous maid".

2) Abyssinian, applied in Acheh to all persons of negro blood, like habshi in Malay.
( Translator),

3) ,3»»»V O^* ^^ is ^Iso pronounced Boy ton Jami,

4) Sometimes written NakeusSy Keubandi, which appears to be formed from Naqshibandi,
the name of a well known mystic order.

144

daughter of king Kisoy Kaseumi, for whose hand there are already
ninety-nine suitors, and whose six elder sisters are all married to kings.
He makes war upon her father, whom he defeats and compels to give
him his daughter's hand.

His father-in-law while lying on his death-bed is seized with a desire
for a deer with golden horns, which roams the depths of the forest.
The seven sons-in-law seek for it, each in his own way. By the help
of his old teacher, Peureudan gains possession of the deer. The other
six meet him in the forest without recognizing him, as he has once
more assumed his human form. They ask his help to fulfil their father's
wish, and he gives them what is in fact a duplicate of his deer, in
exchange for which they are obliged to declare themselves his slaves
and as token thereof he sets his seal upon their thighs.

Their joy was shortlived for on the way home, hunger compelled
them to slaughter the animal, and all they could offer their father was
a fragment of its putrefying flesh.

Peureudan having reverted to the form of an ape brings his deer
home in safety, which is in itself sufficient to indicate him as the
successor of his dying father. He now finally assumes his human form
and thus shows his astonished brethren-in-law that it is he whose slaves
they have become. Thereupon they leave the country to seek for allies
and gain a knowledge of magic.

After the old kings death Peureudan, who succeeds him on the throne,
fetches his sister from the forest and gives her in marriage to prince
Kachah ') Peureudan, son of the king of Tambon Parisi, and appoints
his son-in-law his chief minister of state.

The six brethren-in-law, supported by ninety-nine princes as allies,
make war on Peureudan, but suffer a defeat.

Banta Ali and his wife have been all this time pursued by misfortune.
At last they go forth to seek for their lost children, and find them in
Daroy Aman as that land was called of which Peureudan's father-in-law
once was king. After living here happily with his children for a time,
Banta Ali dies. Banta Peureudan begets a son, Chambo Ali, and his
sister bears a daughter; these cousins are eventually married to one
another.

i) Sometimes written ^^k^Ji sometimes ^^O) the latter being the Achehnese way of
pronouncing uA^d.

145

My attention has been drawn by Dr. Brandes to the fact that some of
the special features of this story reappear in popular tales of Hindustan.
In the story of Prince Ape we find a beautiful prince, who originally
appears as an ape ; and in that of the Boy with a moon on his forehead
and a star on his chin, we meet with six brethren-in-law who are
constrained to let themselves be branded in the forest by the lover of
one of the seven princesses. Both these appear in the collection of
Maive Stokes ^).

A similar story of branding is to be met with in the Hikayat Indra
Bangsawan (XXVI) and another in the Contes Kabyles of A. Moulieras,
*les Fourberies de Si Jeh'a", p. 152 et seq. (N" L).

Indra Bangsawan (XXVI). Hikayat

Indra Bang*

This story is a fairly faithful reproduction of the Malay one of the sawan.
same name, of which there are three copies at Batavia *) and one at
Berlin '). In respect both of its style and subject it may be classed
among the more entertaining kind of native fiction.

Indra Bungsu king of Chahrilah after praying and waiting for issue
for years, at last begets twin sons. The first born Chahpari comes into
the world with an arrow, the second, Indra Bangsawan, with a sword.
The question is, which of the two is to be the Crown Prince? The
king dreams of a magic musical instrument {butoh nteurindu) and decides
that whichever of the two procures him this, shall succeed him on the
throne *).

The brothers go on their travels together, but are soon separated
by a storm.

Chahpari comes to a city whose inhabitants have all been eaten up

i) See pp. 39 vv. and 124 vv. of the Dutch translation which was published at the
Hague in 1 881 under the name of Indische Sprookjes by the Brothers van Cleef. Compare
also Spitta Bey's Contes arabes modernes^ Leiden, 1883, p. 153 et seq. N*. XII, Histoire du
prince et de son cheval.

2) No* 160—162 of the collection of Von de Wall; but in Van den Bergs Verslag (p.
30) there is no account of their contents. Van den Berg himself appears not to have exa-
mined the manuscripts; otherwise how could it have escaped his notice that folios 39 — 45
of n' 161 contain the Hikayat Raja Jumjum? A lithographed edition of the Malay version
of Indra Bangsawan was published in the month of Muharram A. H. 13 10 by Haji Muha-
mad Tayib at Singapore.

3) K5nigl Bibliothek, Collection Schumann. V, 21.

4) These circumstances reappear to some extent in the Malay tale called Indra Kajangan,
which appears as n® 57 of the Raffles Collection of the Royal Asiatic Society. See the
paper of Dr. H. N. van der Tuuk in Essays relating to Indo-China^ Second Series, II, p. 36.

II 10

146

\\y rt ^<>*^#Yi#</«i (griffin) with the exception of a princess who has escaped
hy hiiUny in a drum, and her eight maids of honour who have concealed
thnusclvcs in a box. He slays the geureuda and weds the princess ').

1 nihil liangsawan meets in the forest a well disposed rasasa (giant)
who tells him of princess Sangirah daughter of king Gumbiran. A
monster called Bura*sa with seven eyes and noses demands her, and
her father sees no way of avoiding the difficulty other than to propose
to her suitors (nine princes up till then) as the condition for aspiring
to her hand, that they should bring him Beura'sa's eyes and noses.

The ra'sasa gives Indra Bangsawan a charm which enables him to
change to any shape he pleases; whereupon he makes himself into a
little forest mannikin with a mangy skin, and goes to offer his services
to Raja Gumbiran 2).

The king gives the little fellow as a plaything to his daughter. He
receives the name of Si Uneun ^) and the princess gives him a pair of
goats to look after. Soon, in spite of his ludicrous exterior he wins her
favour and receives from her the new name of Si Gamba (Gambar).
She tells him her story, and how it has been revealed to her from
books that one Indra Bangsawan is destined to be her deliverer.

The princess gets a disease of the eyes, which the physicians declare
can only be cured by the application of tigress's milk. Indra Bangsawan
procures this from his ra'sasa. The nine princes also go in quest of
this milk, and Indra Bangsawan, in his true form, deceives them by
giving them goat's-milk in return for which they are obliged to brand
themselves as his slaves. *)

Maimed by the branding the nine return to the palace with their
goat's milk and are there put to shame by Si Gamba, whose tigress's
milk works the cure.

t) These towns devastated by geureudas appear in many hikayats; see for example the
Hikayat Mal6m Diwa p. 127 above.

2) We are reminded of the story of Banyakchatra prince of Pajajaran, who gained admis-
sion to the presence of the princess Chiptarasa, with whom he was in love, in the form of
an ape and under the name of Lutung KSsarung. This story appears e. g. in Babad Pasir,
translated by J. Knebel, Batavia 1898, pp 61 et seq. \Lutung or lutong is the name of a
large black monkey common in Malaya. Translator^

3) This form is derived from the more characteristic Malay name Si Utan. Uneun means
«to the right".

4) In the story of Banta Ali Peureudan (XXV) we find a like occurrence, while, as we
noted in connection with that story, the incident of branding recurs in Indian children's talcs.

The princess is now borne off by Bura'sa. The nine suitors besiege
his stronghold in vain, but Indra Bangsawan, thanks to the instructions
of his ra'sasa, succeeds in slaying the monster, and handing over to
Gumbiran the wished for fourteen members. Still in the form of Si
Gamba, Indra Bangsawan espouses the princess.

The nine now make war on Gumbiran, but Indra Bangsawan in his
princely shape turns the tide of battle, and the princess finally succeeds in
removing the roughness of his skin. The marriage ceremony is repeated
with much display, and Indra Bangsawan acts as regent in his step-
father's kingdom.

By the ra'sasa's help he obtains possession of the buloh meurindu;
his brother finds him out, and they go together to their father, who
joyfully recognizes Indra Bangsawan as his successor.

Chah Kubat (XXVII). Hikayat

The adventurous expeditions of Chah Kubat were originally under- Kubat.
taken because this young hero could not endure the ignominy of a
heavy tribute which his father Chah Peurasat Indra La*sana, king of
Atrah '), had yearly to pay to Blia Indra, king of the apes.

Chah Kubat belonged by origin to the realm of Indra where his
grandfather Beureuma Sa'ti still occupied the throne. In olden days this
grandfather had made war against Blia Dikra, the father of Blia Indra.
When the latter died it was only due to the friendly mediation of the
prophet Sul6yman (Salomon) that the kingdom of the apes was not
entirely laid waste. But Chah Kubat's father had been compelled to
bow before the king of the apes who had at his command whole armies
of wild beasts.

Chah Kubat was urged to his undertaking by a man in Arab dress
who appeared to him in a dream. The poet describes at great length
his journeyings throughout all lands. By the aid of his grandfather
whom he first visits, he overcomes all manner of supernatural difficul-
ties and dangers.

The main incidents are his complete conquest of the kingdom of apes,
and his union before this war with the two princesses Jamani Ra'na
Diwi and Suganda Kumala. After the war is over he gradually fills

i) Arab. Atraf = "extremities." According to our hikayat this country lay close to the
mountain Kah (Arab. QsQ and marched with the territory of the j^ns.

148

up the talc of four by the addition of the princesses Chahya Hirani
and Kcumala Deureuja.

This hikayat appears to have been composed after a Malay original
as may be deduced from the short abstract of the contents of the
Malay romance of the same name by Dr. H. N. van der Tuuk ').

Indrapatra (XXVIII).

This romance is a very free imitation of its Malay namesake. ^) In
it most of the proper names of the Malay hikayat recur, as do also
various features of the actual story, but the bulk of the narrative is
entirely different.

Prince Indrapatra, son of the celestial prince Bakrama, urged by a
dream, undertakes a wandering journey through the world. His first
halting place of importance is a charmed pond in which there is a
naga with a diamond flower on its head; close by is a garden watched
by Ni Kubayan (elsewhere Ni Keubayan; see p. 135 above), together
with a palace in which is the portrait of a princess guarded by various
monsters. The original of this portrait, the princess Jamjama Ra'na Diwi,
is destined to become the wife of him who succeeds in taking the flower
from the naga, but ninety-nine princes who have hitherto undertaken
this quest have paid for it with their lives. Indrapatra succeeds, marries
the princess and becomes king in her father's stead.

His subsequent wanderings form a concatenation of marvellous adven-
tures, which the author or compiler uses to illustrate the boundless
power of God.

One of his latest deeds is the restoration to life of a prince, who,
enticed by the bayeuen bird of princess Chandralila to go and demand
her hand in marriage, had met his death on the stair of her palace
through want of magic power.

Hikayat Diwa Sangsareh (XXIX).

>iarlh *"^' I*rince Diwa Sangsardh was the son of the king of Meus6, Useuman

1) Sec his epitome of the Royal Asiatic Society's Mss. (n® 31) in ^Essays relating to
Iniio Chma'\ Second Series, Vol. II, p. 22 — 3 (London, 1887).

2) C^opicH of this are to be found in the Mss. of the Royal Asiatic Society (see Essays
relating to Indo^China^ Second Scries, Vol. II, p. lo); N"» 9, 37, 55; at I^eiden library
N«H i6qo and 1933 (Catalogue of Dr. H. II. Juynboll, pp. 121 — 125); at Batavia inn® 168
of the Catalogue of Mr. Van den Herg (p. 31), and at Berlin in the Schumann collection
of the IIof-Hibliothek, V, 9.

149

Sareh '), and was born at the same instant as Aminolah, the son of
the wazir of that country.

In his father's palace was a portrait of the celestial princess Badi'Sy
Jami of the land of Iram. The prince was so smitten with its charms
that he could not rest till he had found the original. This he succeeds
in doing after a long journey throughout the world, on which he is
attended by Aminolah, and after fierce conflicts with all manner of
fabled monsters, such as geureudas, nagas, milons and other spirits of
the forest, which threaten his life. Occasionally too he meets with
kindness, as in the case of Hanuman, who introduces him to the king
of the apes, and of the princess Nuroy Asikin who slightly resembles
the portrait, yet is not she for whom he seeks. She helps Sangsareh
on his way and afterwards becomes the wife of his follower Aminolah.

Even after Sangsareh has for the moment attained his object and
his celestial princess has come down to him in Silan (Ceylon) sundry
new difficulties arise, and it is only by the help of her father, Sa'it
Bimaran Indra, that he succeeds in subduing the hostile milons once
for all.

In the end the two brave wayfarers are happily wedded and return
to Meus6, where Sangsareh now mounts the throne of his forefathers
under the name of Sulutan Alam Chahya Nurolah.

Chintabuhan (XXX). Hikayat

, A Chintabuhan.

Chintabuhan is the Malay K^n Tambuhan or Tabuhan ; the Achehnese
romance corresponds in the main with Klinkert's edition *) of the Malay
poem of that name.

In the Achehnese hikayat the princess's country is called Tanjong
Puri and she is not borne away to the forest by supernatural force as
in the Malay tale, but carried off by Raden Meuntr6e's own father
who makes war on her sire for refusing to pay him tribute.

The Achehnese composer has also given to the whole a slightly
Mohammadan tinge. The diwas, it is true, play a weighty part and
work all manner of marvels, but not till Allah has expressly charged
them so to do ; and people in distress invoke the aid, not of the all-
administering 'diwas, but of the almighty Creator.

i) The written forms of these names, which are here given according to their Achehnese
pronunciation, are s«.AJyM jLm*, ^aa (Egypt) and v—ib.^ qL*^.

2) Drii MaUische gedichten ("Three Malay poems") Leiden 1886, pp. i — 151.

gam.

150

llikayat Diu PHtiggam (XXXI).

* cam!"^' '^'^'^ knight-errant was the younger of two sons whom his wife Putroe
Hina bore to Raja Muda Sa'ti. His mother owed her name to the
dislike cherished against her by her six fellow consorts. Putroe Hina
was actually put to death by the other six during her first pregnancy,
but was restored to life by the celestial nymph Siton Glima.

A celestial princess named Putr6e Nilawanti changed rings with Diu
Plinggam whilst the latter slept. When he awoke, he beheld the prin-
cess hovering over his head in the air, and it was this that first gave
the impetus to his wanderings. The journeyings of his brother Budiman
Sa'ti Indra also fill a considerable portion of the hikayat. As however
the conclusion is missing in the only copy of the story which I possess,
I shall only mention that Diu Plinggam carries off another princess
called Indra Kayangan and weds her after overcoming her father in
battle.

Hikayat Kamarodaman (XXXII).

man. In the hikayat Kamarodaman we have the Achehnese rendering of

one of the Thousand and One Nights. '). The composer has not followed
his original very closely. He has added many incidents of the kind
which Achehnese audiences usually expect to meet in hikayats, omitted
many others and altered nearly all the names except those of the hero
(Arab. Qamar-az-zaman) and the heroine Badu (Arab. Badur) ^).

I have only been able to obtain an incomplete copy, in which the
narrative breaks off after the marriage of Badu, who adopted male
dress and was exalted to the throne under the name of Raja Muda Do.
The story up to this point, however, follows the Arabic version so
closely in all essentials, that we may safely assume the sequel does so too.

We should not be surprised to find that this story was taken from
a Malay version, for the only Achehnese who know enough Arabic to
read the language are the pandits and theologians, who never translate
romances of this description.

1) In the Cairene edition of the the Thousand and One Nights of A. H. 1297 we find
this talc in Vol. I, p. 568 et seq. There was also a separate lithographed edition of the
story published at Cairo in A. II. 1299.

2) Thus the country of KamarSdaman is called K5seutantiniah, the brother of Badu
Muhamat Saman, while in place of the land of Abanus we here have Baghdad, etc.

Meudeuha' (XXXIII). Hikayat

The history of Meudeuha', the keen witted and just, is really more
a collection of choice anecdotes than a romance. The Achehnese, and
especially their chiefs, regard it as a short epitome of all statesmanship.
It is a fairly faithful rendering of the Malay story of Mashudu'1-haqq,
of which there are two copies in the collection of the Batavian Asso-
ciation *) and of which a portion has been published by A. F. Von de
Wall. The names only are changed to some extent — that of the
leading character is, as we see, abbreviated — and the Achehnese
composer has omitted some anecdotes, but has on the other hand added
a few trifles to the original.

Mcudeuha* grows up under the protection of his father Buka Sa'ti,
a wise and wealthy man, whose village lies not far from Watu, the
residence of the king Wadihirah. Even in his early youth he displays
so much knowledge and cleverness that he is called in as arbitrator in
all manner of disputes; see for instance the **three sentences of Meudeuha'"
published by Van Langen in the Reader of his ** Practical Manual of
the Achehnese language", pp. 66 — 83.

Rumours of his infallible wisdom reach the king, who would at once
have given Meudeuha' a position of honour at the court, had not the
four royal "teachers", moved by envy, done their best to hinder the
promotion of their rival. They lay before him numberless riddles and
problems for solution, they persecute him with cunning artifices and
false accusations; but he, supported by the wisdom of his wife Putr6e
Chindu Kaseumi, the daughter of the Brahman Diu Sa'ti, rises superior
to all and catches his persecutors in the nets that they themselves
have spread.

Finally Meudeuha' is made supreme judge. Even in this high posi-
tion he is exposed to the assaults of his crafty enemies, but all they
succeed in doing is to thrust on him the conduct of a war which Jiran
king of Panjalarah levies against the ruler of Watu and a hundred
other princes.

Both in actual strategic art and in his interview and dispute with
Jiran's teacher, Brahman Kayuti, Meudeuha' continues to show himself

i) No» 180 and 181 in the collection of H. Von de Wall; see p. 33 of Mr. Van den
Berg^s Catalogue.

2) Hikayat MashuduU-hak diikktisarkXn Batavia, G. A. Kolff, 1882.

152

complete master of the situation. Thanks to his advice, king Wadihirah
proves invincible, and finally marries Jiran's daughter, and has by her
a son Juhan Pahlawan '), who succeeds him on the throne.

The attractiveness of this book lies not so much in the occurrences
it narrates as in the ingenious solution of the various riddles and pro-
blems propounded.

Pha Suasa. Pha ^) Suasa (XXXIV).

Raja Ahmat, the king of Baghdad (Boreudat) has seven wives. It is
foretold him in a dream that he will have a son with silver and a
daughter with golden (or rather ** suasa" ^) thighs. One day as the king
is walking on the bank of a stream, he finds a fig, which he picks up
and throws away in sport. Again and again, as he hurls it from him,
it comes back to him of its own accord. He takes this marvellous fruit
home and gives it to his wives, in the hope that she who eats it will
become the mother of the promised children. Only one of the seven,
Jaliman, has the courage to taste the fig. She thus becomes the mother
of Prince Silver-thigh and Princess Golden-thigh [Pha Suasa); the other
six, consumed with envy immediately plot against the life of the twins.
Shortly after their birth, the children are changed into flowers and
Jaliman to save them from harm, gives them in charge to a cock. The
latter, owing to the cunning devices of the envious wives, finds himself
compelled to entrust them to the protection of a goat, and in like
manner they are thus passed on to a bull, a buffalo and an elephant,
and finally to a tiger.

One day this tiger resolves to devour them but while crossing a
river in pursuit of the children he is slain by a crocodile. The infants
are found by Pawang Kuala on the river-bank; he takes them up and
tends them till they are adopted by the childless Raja of Parisi. Prin-
cess Pha Suasa, the admiration of all who behold her, makes acquain-
tance with a prince of the aerial kingdom, the son of Raja Diu, who
is doing tapa (penance) upon earth in the guise of a bird ; she secretly
promises him her hand.

i) It is perhaps from this hikayat-prince that Teuku Uma has borrowed the new name,
under which he pretended to serve the Gompeuni as a military leader from 1893 to 1896.

2) **Pha" = the Malay />a/ta^ «a thigh". (Translator).

3) Suasa is really an amalgam of gold and copper; but golden ornaments of European
manufacture are also spoken of as ''suasa" by the natives of the Archipelago.

IS3

Meantime Raja Ahmat has thrust her mother whom he suspects of
having made away with the two children, in a filthy dungeon. Pre-
sently the princess Pha Suasa is seized with longing to return to her
home and behold her mother once more; accompanied by her brother
and a crowd of attendants she embarks for Baghdad. The secret is
now disclosed, Jaliman is liberated from prison, and the other six
consorts of the king fly to the forest. Raja Ahmat journeys with his
wife and their son and daughter to Parisi where a number of princes
seek the latter's hand in marriage. She however stoutly refuses all
suitors, till her betrothed. Raja Intan, who has meantime changed from
the shape of a bird to that of a man comes to claim her hand. They
are married, and after the wedding the prince goes back to the aerial
kingdom to fetch his father Diu, who descends with his son to earth
to visit his daughter-in-law.

The young husband is soon compelled to wage war against the king
of Habeusah (Abyssinia) who lays claim to the hand of his bride. A
colossal conflict supervenes, ending in the conquest of the raja of
Habeusah and his conversion to Islam.

The king of Siam, who has been driven from his territory by the
raja of China, flies to Parisi, where he embraces Islam and invokes
the help of Pha Suasa's army. This alliance, however, results on an
attack upon Parisi by various infidel kings ; one after another Eumpieng
Beus6e, the English, Portuguese and Dutch are beaten off". Pha Suasa
is equally successful in a war with the Batak king Kabeulat, and she
then subdues once more the kingdom of Habeusi Raya (* Great Abys-
smia ).

This last undertaking seems to have no proper connection with the
Story of Pha Suasa, but the concluding portion of the copy I possess
contains a further narrative still more foreign to the subject. This is
an account of a war waged by the kings of Cham (= Syria), Rom
(Turkey), Meus6 (Egypt) etc. against a certain pagan Raja Akeuram,
who demands in marriage the princess called Putr6e Rom, the daughter
of the Raja of Cham. Pha Suasa takes no part whatever in this enterprise,

Suluian Boseutaman (XXXV). Sulutan

Although this tale introduces itself under the name Boseutaman, it
does not appear that the name belongs to any of the characters of
the story; the principal royal personage is called Yahya, his minister

154

Meuntroe Apeulaih, and his country Samteurani. On the death of
Yahya's father, the throne is disputed between him and his elder brother
Ami Suja'. The latter worsted in the conflict, the scene of which is a
dependency called Dameuchah *), flies into the forest with his wife and
establishes himself on the borders of Samteurani; where a daughter,
the princess Saleumah or Salamiah is born to him.

One day Sulutan Yahya goes forth to hunt the deer. Finding that
he is late in returning, the queen sends out her brother Ami Bahut
with an elephant to bring him food. The animal succumbs under the
load, and Ami Bahut, who has by this time arrived at the abode of
Ami Suja', mercilessly compels him and his wife to bear the burden,
leaving their daughter behind alone. Meantime king Yahya, who knows
nothing of all this sends one of his attendants to seek for water; this
man discovers the forsaken princess Saleumah, and the adventure ends
in her marriage with Sulutan Yahya.

The king's first wife is seized with jealousy and plots to get rid of
her rival; during the absence of Yahya she sells her to Malem Mala-
bari who carries her off in his ship. On her lord's return home she
tells him that Saleumah has gone off to seek her lost parents. The
latter after many sufferings, had returned to their home in the forest
and have now gone forth once more to search for their missing
daughter.

Saleumah's presence on board the ship makes the voyage a most
unlucky one; so Malem Malabari puts her on shore. After wandering
for a time in the forest she gives birth to a son; just about the same
time a princess is born of her jealous rival in the royal palace.

The minister Apeulaih is sent forth by Sulutan Yahya to seek for
Saleumah; he first finds her parents whom he joins in their search,
and after many wanderings they discover their daughter and her child
hidden in the aerial roots of a rambong-tree. They all go together to
the palace of the king, where everything is cleared up; the king throws
his first wife and her brother Ami Bahut into prison and puts to death
the maids of honour, who lent themselves to the sale of Saleumah to
the master of the strange ship. After the lapse of some years the sons
of the queen and of Saleumah named respectively Meureuhom Shah
and Ahmat Char^h determine to beg forgiveness for the imprisoned

i) This name if)L^My«^^ is probably derived from 0>-^^0 (Damascus).

155

lady and for Ami Bahut. King Yahya complies with their request and
the story ends with a general reconciliation.

Chut Gambang China (XXVI).

Mcureudan Hiali, king of Parisi while on a hunting expedition lost
his way and strayed into the country of the Jen Diu. Here he obtained
the hand of a princess who bore him a son, Banta Ahmat, and a
daughter, Keumala Intan; later on she had by him another son called
Indra Johari. Banta Ahmat grew up and was sent to receive instruction
in the spirit-land of his mother. Here he was equipped with a number
of magic charms, which enabled him at will to call into existence an
army, a palace, an ocean, etc., and was also given a miraculous bird
[hayeuen) which was able to carry him through the air and to do his
bidding .in the remotest parts of the earth.

By the intermediary of this bird Banta Ahmat made the acquaintance
of the princess Chut Gambang China of the kingdom of Kawa Mandari.
After an adventurous journey through the world, in the course of which
both giants and the beasts of the forests yielded to the hero's magic
power, he won this princess and made her his wife.

Thereafter he was compelled to wage a great war against the country
of Da'iron Banun, the king of which, Kubat JShari was betrothed to
the princess Chut Gambang. In the end he was completely victorious
and not only remained in undisturbed possession of his beloved con-
sort, but also took to wife the beautiful Sangila, a daughter of Kubat.

Accompanied by his two wives and a train of men and animals,
Banta Ahmat now returns to Parisi, slaying sundry troublesome giants
on the way. With him also came his sister Keumala Intan, whom he
had found in a lonely wood; she had been unjustly banished on a
charge of unchastity through the intrigues of her father's chief minister,
Peudana Meuntr6e. On arriving in Parisi, Banta Ahmat vindicates his
sister's honour and causes the false minister to be put to death. Finally
Keumala Intan is wedded to Budiman Cham, king of Andara, who
reaches Parisi in safety after a victorious progress through the world
with an invincible cock endowed with miraculous powers.

Diwa Akdih Chahya (XXXVII).

The hero of this tale is the son of a royal pair of celestial origin,
Diwa La'sana and Mandu Diwi, king and queen of Neureuta Gangsa.

156

Before his birth it is foretold of him that his fame will fill the world.
He must however, in the first place do battle with certain hostile
powers whose baneful influence begins to be felt while he is still in
his mother's womb.

Diwi Seundari, a princess of the race of ra'sasas has conceived a
passion for Diwa La'sana; one day while Mandu Diwi is in her bathing
chamber, the other succeeds in assuming her form and taking her place.
The true Mandu Diwi on finding out what has happened, withdraws
without a protest to the house of Mangkubumi, the chief minister of
the kingdom, whom she forbids to reveal the secret. While thus hidden
in his house she gives birth to Diwa Akai'h Chahya Meungindra.

As soon as Diwa Akaih has grown up and learned what has taken
place in his father's court, he takes leave of his mother and starts on
his journey through the world. In the forest he meets the aged queen
Diwi Peureuba Nanta, who before her death presents him with a magic
sword. He also subdues a tree-spirit who provides him with a charm
whereby he can call into existence fortresses, palaces and seas. He
obtains similar gifts from the prince Peura'na Lila, after he has con-
vinced him of his superiority. He meets another prince who is related
to his mother, and who advises him to go and seek instruction from
the Brahman Diwa Sa'ti, in order to prepare himself for his great
conflict with the ra'sasas. Here Diwa Akaih excites the jealousy of his
ninety seven royal fellow-pupils.

By the advice of his teacher he demands the hand of the princess
Ra'na Keumala of Nagarapuri. It is not till after he has waged a pro-
tracted conflict with his rivals and also with the father of the princess,
that the latter at length consents to accept him as a son-in-law.

His next enemy is a powerful young prince named Keureuma Wanda.
The latter comes one day to Nagarapuri flying through the air in his
magic car, and alights in a garden, where he catches sight of Ra'na
Keumala, and from that moment can think of nothing but carrying
her off by force from her husband's arms.

Thus is kindled a long and fierce conflict, in which all the friends
whom Diwa Akaih made on his journeys join one by one. The king
of the ra'sasas, Keureuma Wanda's most powerful ally, finally succeeds
in casting Diwa Akaih into the belly of the king of the dragons, but
he is liberated thence by his teacher Diwa Sa'ti, and the dragon-king
presents him with a new charm. The war goes on till Keureuma Wanda

IS7

is slain by Diwa Akaih, and the king of the ra*sasas by Diwa Sa'ti.
After having thus subdued all his enemies, Diwa Akaih returns to his
native land. He meets his pretended mother who on seeing him resu-
mes her true shape as a ra'sasa, and is slain by him. He then reunites
with his father his true mother who is still living with Mangkubumi,
and all is well once more. The marriages of certain of the friends of
Diwa Akaih are celebrated with much rejoicing.

Diwa Akai'h's spouse Ra'na Keumala presents him with a son, and
he succeeds to the throne of Meureuta Gangsa and rules in peace and
prosperity,

I have gradually obtained possession of more or less complete copies Names of
of all the tales above described. There remain others which are only tales,
known to me by name and by incomplete oral information as to their
contents.

The titles of some at once suggest Malay works with similar names,
but we are not in a position to say if the resemblance goes further.
The names of these hikayats are as follows: Juha Ma^nikam (XXXVIII),
a rendering of the Malay tale quoted above on p. 143, (published by
Dr. de Hollander), Raja Buda' (XXXIX ^)), Buda' Meuseukin (XL^)),
Abdomulo' (XLP)), Abu Nawdih (XLII*)), Siri (= Sri) Rama (XLIII)
whose war with Rawana is localized in Acheh by the popular tradition,
Peureuleng^) (XLIV), Blantasina or Plantasina (XLV), Lutong (XLYl),
Sepu Alam (XLVII), Putrbe Bunga Jeumpa (XL VIII), Siti Dahidah
(XLIX), Banta Ra'na (L), Jugi Tapa or Miton ^) (LI), Indra Peutawi (LII).

i) Compare N®* 153 and 154 of Mr. L. C. W. van den Berg's Verslag van eene verza^
tneling Mahische etc, handschrifien^ Batavia 1877.

2) Compare Dr. J. J. de Hollander's Handleiding bij de beoefening der Maleische taal'
en letierkunde^ 5th Edition, N® 48, p. 344.

3) Cf. Van den Berg, opere citato, n® 257.

4) Cf. Van den Berg, opere citato, n® 124a. The Malay work however consists not so
much of anecdotes from the life of ''the Arab poet" Abu NawSs, as of a collection of po-
pular tales respecting an imaginary court-fool, who has much in common with the German
Eulenspiegel, and to whom the name of this poet has been given. Compare also the Conies
Kabyles of A. Mouli^ras, Introduction: les Fourberies de Si Je)Ca^ p. 12 (Bou Na'as) and
M. Hartmann's Schwdnke und Schnurren^ S. 55 and 61 — 62 (Zeitschrift fUr Volkskunde, 1895).

5) Name of a small black bird.

6) This Jugi^ who is undergoing penance, and whose soul in the shape of a bird is
guarded by one or more princesses, turns to stone all who approach him. Banta Amat puts
an end to this by gaining possession of the bird and slaying him, and then restoring to
life all those who had been turned to stone.

158

§ 6. Fables relating to Animals.

Although animals occasionally play an important part in the Achehnese
romances, none of the latter can properly be classed among fables of
this order, for as a rule the beasts who take part in the action of the
story are human beings or jens (diwas etc.) who have adopted the shape
of animals.

The two collections which we are now about to describe, comprise,
as we shall see, genuine fables relating to animals borrowed both from
indigenous folklore and from foreign (Indian) books of fables. Most
Achehnese listeners are as convinced of the truth of these tales as they
are of that of the romances. The sacred tradition that the prophet-king
Sul6yman (Solomon) understood the language of animals is changed in
the popular imagination into a belief that in Solomon's time beasts
were gifted with speech and reason.

Thus stories in which genuine animals are made to think and speak
arc regarded as accounts of what actually took place in those times.

Plando' kanchi >) (LIII).

We know how popular stories about the crafty mouse-deer are among
a great proportion of the Indonesians; yet it is only very occasionally
that we find a collection of these tales forming part of their written
literature ^). But in Acheh such is the case ; an unknown author has
collected a number of them and formed them into a hikayat which he
divides into 26 sections or bhdih \ Copies of this are rare *); I was able
to obtain possession of one only, and this lacks the last part of the
26th bhaih.

Anxiety to offer more to his readers has perhaps induced the com-

i) Kanchi means in Achehnese not a variety of mouse-deer, as in other Malayan langua-
ges, but is an adjective meaning **crafty", "wicked", which is often applied to human
beings. In Bimanese kanchi = "craft", "cunning". (See the dictionary of Dr. J. Jonker).

2) See Dr. J. Brandes Dwerghert-verhalen in Vol. XXXVII of the Journal of the Bata-
vian Association {T^dschrift van het Bataviaasch Genootschap) pp. 27 et seq.

3) Achehnese form of the Arabic bahth (v£>^) = "enquiry", "subject".

4) Numbers of Achehnese came and begged me to let them transcribe my copy of the
Hikayat Plando*, but I was obliged to refuse, having bound myself by a promise to the
original owner not to lend the book to any of his fellow-countrymen !

159

piler to give the mouse-deer a place in popular tales of a different
description, and thus to include them in his hikayat.

This is true for example of the story in bhaih lo, where the plando*
fulfils the role of judge, which properly appertains to a human being;
for no mention is to be found of the mouse-deer in the European and
Javanese ') versions of this story.

On the other hand the author has omitted other tales which well
deserved to be included both oji account of their characteristic quali-
ties and their popularity in Acheh.

Thus for instance he leaves out the race with the snails which appears
in the Javanese kanchil series *), but is also universally known in Acheh.

More data than we possess would be of course required to enable
us in each case of striking agreement of one of these Achehnese stories
with a Malay, Sundanese, or Javanese version, to decide whether it is
the common inheritance of the race or has been imported from else-
where through some foreign channel of literature.

We now append a short list of the contents of the 26 sections.

Bhdih I. The plando', the frog, the gardener and the dog (just as
in Jav.). In a Sundanese ^dongeng of the ape and the tortoise", which
I got transcribed at BantSn, the ape plays the part here assigned to the
frog and the dog, while the tortoise takes the place of the mouse-deer.
The sequel of this dongeng corresponds with that which is here found
in Bhdih 5. It much more nearly resembles the contents of our Bhdihs
I and 5 than the version published in Sundanese by A. W. Holle in
185 1, and those composed by A. F. Von de Wall (Batavia, Kolff 1885)
in Batavian Malay, and by K. F. Holle (Batavia, Kolff 1885) in Dutch.

Bhdih 2. The plando', the otter, the night-owl, the gatheue' (a sort
of land prawn?) the land crab, the snail, the bieng pho (a small sort
of prawn?) and the prawn.

This fable is akin to that of ^the otter and the crab''' published in

i) A story the main features of which are the same, is to be found in De vermakelijke
lotgevallen van Tijl UiUnspiegd (the delightful adventures of Tijl Uilenspiegel) pub. by
J. Vliegcr, Amsterdam, p. 66. A similar one was written down by me at the dictation of
a Javanese dong^ng-reciter at Jogjakarta.

2) We refer here to Het bock van den kantjil (the book of the kanchil) published by the
Konlnklijk Instituut at the Hague, 1889, and the S^rat kanchil pub. at Samarang, 1879.
In our epitome of the contents we refer to these two versions, for the sake of brevity, by
the contraction Jav,

i6o

Sundanese by Dr. Engelmann '), but the details are entirely different.
In the Achehnese the plando' poses both as the murderer and as the
assessor of king Solomon who helps the latter to decide the issue of
the interminable lawsuit. In this respect the Achehnese version much
more closely resembles the Batak tale of "'the otter and the roebuck^'*
(see the Batak Reader of H. N. van der Tuuk, part 4, pp. 86 et seq.).

Bha'ih 3. The man, the crocodile, the pestle, the rice-mortar, the
winnowing basket and the plando* (Ingratitude the reward of kindness).
A similar fable appears in the Javanese Kanchil ^).

Bha'ih 4. The plando' and the elephant out fishing; the elephant
slain by men.

Bhdih 5. The tiger cheated by the plando', who palms off on him
buffalo's dung as Raja Slimeum's *) food, a Ihan-snake as his head-cloth,
a wasp's nest as his gong, and two trees grating against one another
as his violin. Part of this is the same in Jav. ; the deceit with the
wasp's nest, which is wanting in the Javanese versions, appears in another
form in H. C. Klinkert's Bloetnlezing (Leiden 1890), pp. 50 — 54. The
Sundanese dongeng which I mentioned under Bhdih i, puts the ape in
the tiger's place, and the tortoise in that of the mouse-deer. The dung
in there represented as the boreh *) of Batara Guru and the snake as
his girdle, and in the conclusion the ape misled by the voice of the
tortoise becomes so enraged against his own person that he mutilates
himself and dies. According to another version he did not die but the
result of his violence was that his descendants were born emasculate \

Bhdih 6. The heritage of steel and salt, the king, the plando' and
the burning sea. This is a variant of what we find in the Kalila dan
Damina ed. Gonggrijp, p. 128 et seq., but the Achehnese version is
prettier.

Bhdih 7. The plando', the ram, the tiger and the bear. The tiger is

i) In the Bijdragen van het Koninklijk Ned, Ind, Instituut^ 3*1 Series, Vol. II, p. 348
et seq.

2) See Dr. J. Brandes' notes in Notulen Batav, Genootschap Vol. XXXI, p. 78 et seq.

3) The prophet king Solomon is elsewhere always called Sul6yman by the Achehnese,
even in this hikayat where the mouse-deer appears as his assessor; but in this one fable
the form Slimeum is invariably used.

4) A yellow cosmetic with which the skin is smeared on certain ceremonial occasions.

5) With this may be now also compared the tales numbered 11^ and 11/ in Dr. N. Adri-
ani*s Sangireesche ttksten (Bijdragen Kon, Inst, voor de Taal-^ Land- en Volkenkunde
for the year 1893, p. 321 et seq.). As we see, the tale of the wasps* nest is not, as the
above-mentioned author supposed, a Sangircse innovation.

i6i

by a stratagem rendered innocuous to the sheep, but not in the same
way as in Mai. and Jav.

Bhdih 8. The plando', the frog, the iguana, the carrion, the dog, the
tiger, the two buffaloes, the two tigers, the elephant and the human beings.

Bhdih 9. The plando', the smith, the sikin (Achehnese long knife or
sword), the fisherman and the eel {leujeu).

Bhdih 10. Lawsuit between the rich and the poor as to the price
of the savours of the former's kitchen, in which suit the plando' gives
judgment. This tale is one of those spoken of on p. 159 above, which
do not-really belong to the mouse-deer series.

Bhdih II. The cultivator who goes a-fishing. The imprisoned snake,
the plando', the whale, the cocoanut monkeys and their king. Part
similar to Jav.

Bhdih 12. The t6'-t6' birds (Batavia: kijit)^ Sul6yman (Solomon), the
plandQ', the herd of oxen and the black bull.

Bhdih 13. The plando', the dogs, and the bak6h-bird.

Bhdih 14. (Continuation of 13). The plando', the kue'-bird, the fishes
known as the meudabah and the tho\

Bhdth 15. The plando', the turtle and the tiger.

Bhdih 16. The plando' and the bridge of crocodiles. (Similar in Jav.).

Bhdih 17. The plandS', the two oxen, the tiger and the crocodiles.

Bhdih 18. (Continuation of 17). The two oxen, the tiger and his
dream. Sul6yman, the plando' and his dream, the sugar-mill.

Bhdih 19. Alliance of all the beasts under the tiger as king and the
plando' as his deputy. The tiger deceived by the plando'. This resem-
bles in its main features the story we have numbered 7 in the Kisah
Hiweuen or Nasruan add (LIV).

Bhdih 20. The elephant in the well (quite different from its namesake
in Jav.); he is afterwards devoured by crocodiles in the river.

Bhdih 21. All the animals fish with seines under direction of the
plando', the himb^es (a kind of ape) serve as sentries.

Bhdih 22. Continuation of 21. The geureuda or griffin (which here
pldys the part of the buta or g^rgasi in Jav. and Mai.), the tiger, the
bear, the elephant and the plando' (the same in Jav. and Mai.).

Bhdih 23. All the beasts converted to Islam by the plando', gathered
together in the mosque and cheated by him.

Bhdih 24. The plando' cheats Nabi Sul6yman (Solomon) over the

chopping of wood.

II II

«
i

Bhaih 25. The plando', the jackfruit and the oil-seller; the gardener
who plants dried peas, and the deer.

Bhaih 26. Contest between the plando' and a j6n (Arab, jinn) as to
who can keep awake the longest. (The conclusion of this fable is lacking
in the only copy I have seen).

In the Javanese Book of the Kanchil we find a similar contest in
wakefulness between a wild cat and a night-bird. A Javanese dongeng
makes this night-bird {chaba\ which according to popular belief flies
and cries in its sleep, hold a contest in keeping awake with the sikatan
(wagtail). The latter abandons the duel as his opponent keeps on making
a noise. In the above-quoted Sangireesche teksten of Dr. N. Adriani
we find a similar contest between an ape and a heron (IV^) and
two samples of such contests between an ape and a sheitan (IV^
and VI).

In the Achehnese just as in the Javanese kanchil-tales, the mouse-
deer appears as the assessor (waki ')) of the prophet-king Sul6yman
or Solomon.

His title is thus always Teungku Waki, and he also bears the names
or nicknames Si Anin, Tuan Chut (Master Little one), Waki Saba
(after Saba the kingdom of the queen who had relations with Solomon),
Waki Buyong ("mannikin").

The style of the hikayat is somewhat defective. The author is no
master of the sanja'; he treats his readers over and over again to the
same rhyming words and thus finds himself constantly obliged to alter
the syllables which rhyme.

Not only in the orally transmitted, but also in the written literature
of the Achehnese, the plando' appears in various other stories which
are not included in this hikayat.

Hikayat Hikayat Nasruan Ade or Kisah Hiweucn (LIV).

Nasruan ad6. Under these names ^) is circulated the Achehnese version of that

i) He thus stands to the prophet-king in the same relation as the waki of an Achehnese
gampoDg (see Vol. I. p. 67) to his keuchi\

2) Nasruan is the Ach. form of the Persian royal name Anosharwan, with the epithet
ad6 ('Sdil) i. e. the just. The other name is the Achehnese pronunciation of the Arab, words
aiggah haiwan, stories about beasts, but the meaning of these words is understood by none
in Acheh save the pandits.

i63

collection of fables known in their Malay form ') as Kalila dan Damina
and PanjatandSran ^).

The sole example that I have been able to obtain appears to be
incomplete at the conclusion, but I am not certain of this, as the whole
composition is slovenly and confused. It has not been taken direct
from any known Malay version, and indeed it is possible that it has
been rendered into Achehnese verse from an imperfect recollection of
a not over-accurate recitation of the Malay work.

Certain inconsistencies and additions, however, seem to indicate a
different origin.

1. The Brahman Badrawiah (Barzoyeh) is here sent on behalf of
Nasruan ^) king of Hindustan, and the goal of his mission is also
Hindustan. This identity of the names of the countries is probably
due to a mistake of the compiler or copyist. Kuja Buzurjmihr *)
Hakim composes the panegyric on Badrawiah. Then the compiler
gives the following tales or comparisons, of which I shall notice
those which more or less agree with the Malay Kalila dan
Damina *).

2. The world as a mad camel Ms. i8

3. The thief cheated G. 17

4. The dog and the bone „ 23

5. Dream of the raja of Hindustan, told by Badrawiah at
the request of Nasruan. In place of the Brahman and
Hilar the Achehnese text has Brahmana Hilal; it also
makes no mention of the water of life „ 327

6. The jackal, the deundang-bird, the snake and the man.

The fable of the heron and crab is here wanting . . . „ 66

i) As to the nature of these compositions see the essay of Dr. J. Brandes in the Feest'
bundel (dedicated to Prof, de Goeje), Leiden 189 1, pp. 79 et seq.

2) This is also the name of a well known Tamil version, possibly the original of both
the Malay and the Achehnese (Translator),

3) In the Malay versions he who sends forth the Brahman on his mission is a son of
this prince named Harman or Horman (i^j^)* This name is based on a wrong reading of
'^^ which is formed from »^j^ = Hormizd.

4) Ach. Bada Jameuh6 or . £ ♦■ "> r^j^*

5) By the letter G. I refer to Gonggrijp's edition (Leiden, Kolff 1876). Portions marked
Ms. are those which do not appear in this edition but are to be found in the Manuscript
of Dr. de Hollander which is now m my possession (See Dr. Brandes' notes in T'^dschrift
Batav, Gen, Vol. XXXVI, p. 394 et seq.). The numerals indicate the page.

164

7- The keureukoih (explained as being the plando') slays the

tiger ^) G. 78

8. The crows and the owls i>i94

9. The plando' as ambassador of the moon „ 208

10. The cat as judge between the plando' and the murong-bird. „ 215

11. The utoih (tradesman) of Silan and his adulterous wife . j, 222

12. The marriage proposals of the mouse „ 228

13. The snake and the frogs „ 260

14. The ape and the turtle. . „ 265

15. The jackal, the tiger and the ass „ 274

16. The peuteurah-bird *) and the king „ 292

17. The tiger as pupil of the jackal „ 301

18. The jackal judge among the tigers that hunt the deer • » 321

19. The night-owl, the apes and the toadstool » 122

20. The ape and the wedge — and here, but not in the Malay
versions, — the rice-bird and the horses ^ 34

21. The goldsmith, the snake, the ape and the tiger (a fable

of gratitude) ^ 340

22. The bull, the ass and the cock (this story is not to be
found in Mai.; we meet it in the Thousand and One
Nights, ed. Cairo, 1297 Heg., Vol. I, pp. 5 — 6).

23. The musang ^), the tiger and the man (not in Mai.).

24. The bull *) and the lion „ 28

25. The dervish and the king (not in Mai.).

26. The dahet *) (hermit), the king and the thief; the two
huntsmen and the jackal; the poison blown back in the
giver's face; the amputated nose „ 53

27. Damina's stratagem against the bull t> 114

28. Admonitions of the queen mother to the lion n 131

Their heroic poems, their romances and their fables (but especially

their romances), supply both recreation and instruction to old and
young, high and low of both sexes in Acheh. Thence they draw a

i) The contents are the same as those of dhatA lo of the Hikayat FlandS*.

2) The Achehnese reading is hJCs; in the Malay versions we find 8^ and 9ja9,

3) A kind of pole-cat common in the Malay archipelago.

4) This is called SitSrubuh in the Malay version, and in Achehnese Sinadeubah (iojJuum),
The word as written in Arabic letters is almost the same.

1 65

considerable portion of their knowledge of the world and of life, and
almost all that they know of what has happened in the past, or what
goes on outside their own country. Whoever wishes to understand the
spirit of the Achehnese must not fail to bear in mind the nature of
this, their mental pabulum) and should anyone desire to try to lead
the civilization of Acheh along a new channel, it would be undoubtedly
worth his while to make his innovations palatable to them by presen-
ting them in 'hikayat' form.

§ 7. Religious ^Works.

a. Legends relating to the Pre-Mohammedan period.

The three kinds of Achehnese works which it still remains for us to
describe, have in common with one another a religious character. The
great majority are composed in hikayat form; some (only the third
variety) are to be found in nalam and in prose.

The channels through which religious stories and legends reached Origin of
the Achehnese are in the main the same as those by which they legends Sthe
received their romantic literature. The fabric of sacred history woven ^^^^^^ese.
by the popular mind in Mohammadan India, partly with materials
derived from the common and unlearned tradition of Persia, partly
from pure fiction, reached the far East, including Acheh, before the
catholic tradition of which the more or less canonical Arabic works
testify. And in spite of the still surviving opposition of the pandits,
these quasi-religious romances, largely coloured with the Shi'ite and
other heresies, enjoyed and still continue to enjoy a considerable
popularity.

The South-Indian Islam, the oldest form in which Mohammedanism
came to this Archipelago still survives in these works, not without a
large admixture of native superstition. With its semi-pantheistic mysti-
cism, its prayers and mysterious formularies, its popular works on sacred
history which we have just alluded to, it will long bid defiance to the
orthodoxy of Mecca and Hadramaut, which is seeking to supplant it,
and which has in theory driven it entirely from the field.

The materials of these popular works may have been imported into
Acheh partly direct from South India and partly by way of the Malayan
Countries. They are in either case undoubtedly foreign wares, which

i66

the Achehnese have greatly adulterated or improved, however we choose
to express it.

Hikayat Hikayat asay pade (LV).

Asay pad6. . r ■% * • i»i ..,.. % r

The aim of this poem is to explain the origin of rice and of some
of the customs and superstitions connected with its culture.

When Adam and Hawa (Eve) were driven from paradise, and after
they had wandered apart over the earth and met once more near the
mountain of Rahmat, Jebra'i (Gabriel) gave Adam lessons in agriculture
and brought him the necessary seeds from paradise.

When he had ploughed and sown all his fields, Adam's seed supply
ran short. By God's command he slew his son, who bore the four
names Umahmani, Nurani, Acheuki and Seureujani. The members of
his body were turned into rice-grains of various kinds wherewith Adam
sowed his last field.

Hawa on learning of this, went to the padifield and begged her son

who had been turned into seed, not to remain away too long. He

answered that he would come home once a year — the yearly harvest.

Custom of Hawa took with her seven blades ; in imitation hereof it is customary *)

some Acheh-
nese in con- for the Achehnese women, on the day before the harvest begins, to

rice^^culture P^^^^ ixovd the neighbourhood of the inbng pade *) of the field seven
blades, which they call the ul^'e pade (head or beginning of rice).

At the sowing of the rice an abundant crop is assured by the utterance
of the four names of the son of Adam who was changed into seed.

From this it may be concluded that the tilling of the soil is a sacred
and prophetic task which brings both a blessing in this world and a
recompense hereafter ^).

The rainbow. The writer, who tells us that he is a native of the gampong of Lam
Teum^n and that he wrote the book in the month Haji 1206 (1792)
also appends to his story an explanation of the significance of the
Rainbow (beuneung raja timbh). He warns his readers against a pagan
conception of that phenomenon prevalent among the ancient Arabs,
and explains it in connection with the history of N6h (Noah) as a
token of storm and rain, of overflowing and prosperity.

i) This and other customs alluded to in this story are still practised here and there, but
by no means universally.

2) See Vol. I, p. 265.

3) "Agriculture is the prince of all breadwinning^' — see Vol. I, p. 175,

16/

The Hikayat masa jeuet donya (LVI), i. e. history of the origin of masaTeuet
the world, contains a collection of absurdities such as are to be occa- donya.
sionally met with in Arabic works about the primeval world. We find
sundry information about the worlds that preceded our own, the beasts
that sustain the earth, the primeval Adam and Muhammad's mysterious
first principle for whose sake all that exists was created. The story
lays claim to authenticity, for it is no less a one than Allah himself
that satisfies the curiosity of Moses by giving him this representation
of the order of things.

Nabi Usoh (LVII). Hikayat

This Achehnese version of the story of Yusuf and Zuleikha varies » » s .
in a marked degree not only from the Bible and Quran stories of
Joseph, but also from the legends which in the Malay and Arabic
books known as the Kitab Anbia, are moulded on the XIP^ chapter
of the Quran.

The man who buys Usoh is a nahuda or seafaring merchant, who
was prepared beforehand by a dream for his meeting with the beauti-
ful boy. After the purchase the nahuda encounters a storm at sea,
which can only be exorcised by the loosening of Usoh's chains. They
land at Baghdad (or Bitay Mukadih = Jerusalem). Here the king is
converted to the true faith by Usoh, and the latter becomes such a
favourite that in the end he has to fly with his master for fear of
being forcibly withheld from further journey ings.

Arrived at the land of Tambasan, they meet king Timus (u*>h^)j
whose daughter Dalikha (= Zuleikha) dreams that Usoh, the son of a
king is destined to be her lord. Afterward she journeys to Meus^
(=z= Migr, Egypt) to seek for him, but there she meets Adid *) the
king and becomes his wife. Then Usoh comes to Egypt, and Adid
offers to buy him for his weight in gold; but the scale does not turn
till Dalikha throws into it her golden head-ornament.

One day Adid goes out to witness a cockfight (!), but forgets one
of his weapons and sends Usoh home to fetch it. On this occasion the
seduction takes place. A child but 40 days old witnesses it and after-

i) This name is borrowed from the epithet in the Quran 'Aziz' Migr "the magnate of
Egypt*\ applied to Potiphar. In the Achehnese story Adid is used as a proper name, and
its bearer is made king of Egypt.

1 68

wards gives the lie to Dalikha*s preposterous explanation of the matter.
Usoh is imprisoned, not as a suspect, but because he turns the heads
of all women.

In the years of famine Usoh's brethren ') journey over the sea to
Meuse. In the end, after Adid's death, Usoh weds Dalikha and beco-
mes king. He begets a son, who is named Ahmat.

The meeting of Usoh with his father takes place in the plain of
Hun6yn^n ^).

Hikayat Pra'utl (LVIII).

This hikayat, which comes as a sequel to the last, gives with much
wealth of detail the history of king Pra'un (Pharaoh) and the prophet
Musa (Moses). It resembles in the main the same story in the Malay
version of the history of the prophets, but exhibits many variations
and additions. It would be impossible without a detailed review of its
contents which would occupy far too much space, to give a correct
idea of the nature and extent of these differences.

We shall however notice one which though not perhaps of Achehnese
origin, particularly accords with the taste of the people, who have a
great admiration for craftiness. In the long conflict between the heathen
Pra'un and Musa, the line of conduct of this divine messenger is of
course dictated by Allah. After sundry moral and miraculous victories
Musa observes that Pra'un has not yet lost all his power. Allah disclo-
ses to him the reason of this; Pra'un has three virtues — he gives
much in alms, lets his beard grow '), and rises betimes in the mor-
ning *). From these three habits, says God to his prophet, you must
break him off, for as long as he continues to perform these good

i) One of the brethren was called Seuma^un (= Simeon), and another Raja Lahat. This
last name occurs in other native stories as that of an enemy of Muhammad. It is taken
from the name of the mountain Uhud or from the name of Muhammads uncle Abu Lahab.

2) This name seems to be a corruption of Hunain, a valley in Arabia, which was the
scene of one of Muhammad^s battles.

3) The Moslim law looks with disfavour on the shaving of the beard. In Acheh, as also
in Java, such shaving is however very customary and thus the wearing of a beard (whiskers
arc rarely given to the natives by nature) is regarded as a token of piety. As we have
seen above (Vol. I, p. 163) people in Acheh call the wearing of the beard (he sunat
(custom) of the Prophet.

4) The Achehnese, except such as are keen on the performance of their morning reli-
gious exercises are incorrigible sluggards.

169

works he cannot be wholly overthrown ! And Musa faithfully follows
this diabolical advice of Allah.

Raja Jomjomah (LIX). Hikayat Raja

The story of King Skulls whose skull speaks to Jesus, and who is
restored to a new and sanctified life by that prophet, exists in Achehnese
in hikayat form. I have never seen a copy of it, but it may well be
assumed that its contents do not differ greatly from the Malay version
of the story ^).

From the Orientalische Bibliographie (VI : 2119 and VII: 1 571) it
appears that this legend is also to be found in the Persian and the
Georgian. An Afghan version (iLioLj a«#..^u> iuvajj) is mentioned in the
catalogues of the Fathul Kareem Press at Bombay.

Hikayat Tamlikha or kelia tujoh (LX). Hikayat

Tamlikha.

The story of the seven sleepers is dealt with in the 18**" chapter of
the Quran. The Moslim tradition calls one of them ya;«/w:A5 = Jamlichus,
from which the Achehnese have formed Tamlikha.

The names of the other six are still more corrupted. The names of
these ''seven saints" and that of their dog are regarded in Acheh as
ajeumats or charms which avert all evil things and bring a blessing.

Besides the legend about the seven saints and their dog, this hikayat
furnishes the story of the three devout men in the cave, which has
been made up by the commentators on the Quran on the strength of
a text from the sacred book (ch. 18, verse 8). In addition to the alte-
ration of the names the Achehnese version presents two other notable
peculiarities.

In the first place the story is put in the mouth of Ali, the son-in-
law of the Prophet, who tells it at the request of a Jew who has just
been converted to Islam, after the solution by Ali of a number of
theological catch-questions which he has propounded, and which Omar
to his shame has proved unable to answer.

Secondly the ^quarrel" spoken of in chapter 18 verse 20 of the Quran ,
is explained as a war between a Mohammedan prmce who desires to
erect a mosque close by the cave where the seven saints repose, and

i) See Van den Berg's Vers lag etc., No* io6b, 109 and 161. It has escaped that writer's
notice that there is also a copy of Raja Jumjum'' in N^ 161 of the Batavian Collection.

I/O

a Christian King who wishes to sanctify the same spot with a temple
containing an idolatrous image!

Hikayat Putrb'e Peureukison (LXI).

Putr6e

PeureukisOn. Peureukison or Peureukoyson is the name of a princess, daughter of
king Nahi (J^^) of Neujeuran (Najran in Southern Arabia).

Though brought up in an atmosphere of paganism and immorality,
she has deep religious instincts which impel her to seek after the true
God. A golden dove *) from Paradise comes to teach her the creed of
Islam. Her singing of the praises of Allah casts forth the Devil from
the greatest of her father's idols, but kindles the latter's wrath against
his daughter for despising the worship of her ancestors. Her eflforts to
convert the king are unavailing; enraged at her apostasy he causes
her hands to be smitten off and banishes her to the mountains. Here
this martyr to her faith lives in a cave and gives herself up to reli-
gious devotions.

Abdolah, king of fintakiah (Antioch) loses his way while out hunting
and comes by chance to the dwelling-place of Peureukison. He falls in
love with the princess, is converted by her to the faith of Islam and
brings her home as his wife. They live happily for a time, but the
king's former favourites deem themselves neglected and are filled with
jealousy. One day Abdolah was compelled to go on a journey. Before
his departure he committed his young wife to the care of his mother.
During the king's absence the enemies of Peureukison caused to be
delivered to the mother two forged letters purporting to come from
Abdolah, wherein the king charged his mother to drive forth his young
spouse into the forest as being the enemy of the religion of his fathers.
The mother was deeply grieved, but showed the letters to her daughter-
in-law, who thereupon went forth into the wilds of her own accord
with her new-born child. The child was suckled by a female mouse-
deer, but one day as they were crossing a river in flood, the infant
fell into the water and was drowned.

The golden dove appeared once more and taught the princess the
power of prayer. Then she besought Allah to restore her hands and
to give her back her child, and the prayer was heard and her wish
accomplished. Mother and child continued their journey along with the

i) In this tale the duve is always caUed by its Arabic name (hamamah)*

171

plando', till they came to a spot where Allah had created for her a
pavilion with a well of water and a pomegranate tree beside it. There
she took up her abode and led a life of prayer.

Meantime Abdolah had returned from his journey and on arriving
at fentakiah he heard of the strategem which had robbed him of his wife.

He sallied forth through the world to seek for Peureukison accom-
panied by a whole army of followers, who gradually dwindled down
to five. Finally the two are united once more by the intervention of
the sacred dove. The long-suflfering Peureukison restrained her husband
from wreaking vengeance on his former favourites who had caused all
their woes. He sent back his five companions to ^ntakiah with the
news that he had forsaken his royal state for good and all. Accom-
panied by his wife and child, he sought out a quiet abode where he
could surrender himself entirely to godly exercises, prayer and fasting.
When the pious pair died, the whole creation mourned and Allah took
them up to Paradise.

This didactic tale, in which both the princess and the dove constantly
give long disquisitions on the Mohammedan teaching, is said to be a
tradition handed down by Ka'b al-Ahbar, an ancient to whom are
ascribed many of the Jewish stories in the oldest Mohammedan literature.

§ 8. Religious Works.

b. Legends relating to the Mohammedan period.

The foregoing hikayats have given us some notion of the popular
conceptions in Acheh in regard to pre-Mohammedan sacred history,
while those that follow relate to the earlier period of the Mohammedan
era itself.

From what we have already said, it may be gathered that these
writings differ in details, but not in subject and essence, from the
legends of the same kind which enjoy popularity among the Malays
and Javanese.

Hikayat nubuet or Nubu'it nabi (LXII). Hikayat

The first hikayat of this series deals principally with the miracles

connected with the birth of Mohammad, and his life up to his being

called forth as the Apostle of God.

1/2

By nubuet the Achehnese understand that eternal principle of the
whole creation, which (like the Word in the 4*** Gospel) was before all
things, for whose sake all the rest were created, and which is specially
conceived of as the principle of prophecy dwelling in all the Apostles
of God. This divine essence is properly called Nur Muhammad (*The
Light of Muhammad") or Nur an-nubuwwah (''The Light of Prophecy").
Ignorance of the meaning of the words however, has brought into use
such names as nubuet (in Achehnese) or nurbuwat (in Sundanese) for
the Logos of Islam.

Most of the histories of the Prophets begin with a description of
this primary mystic principle. Sometimes this is followed by the history
of the principal prophets, sometimes only by that of Muhammad; there
are also treatises to be met with which confine themselves entirely to
the description of the Nur Muhammad.

It is in any case quite possible that our copy, which deals with the
life of Muhammad up to his 40*^ year, is incomplete, and ought pro-
perly to be continued up to the time of his death.

To those who are not wholly unacquainted with the subject, the
relation of the contents of this hikayat to history, or to the orthodox
Mohammedan legend, will be fully apparent from the examples given
below.

A certain woman named Fatimah Chami (from Sham = Syria) learns
that the spirit of prophecy has descended on Abdallah (who afterwards
becomes the father of Muhammad). Providing herself with the most
costly presents, she journeys to Mecca to ask the hand of this favoured
mortal so that she may become the mother of the last of the prophets.
But at the moment of her arrival Abdallah slept with his wife and she
became with child by him. He thus lost the visible token of "Muham-
mad's light".

In his tender youth Muhammad with the help of forty companions,
waged a long war against Abu Jhay (Abu Jahl) who is represented as
king of Mecca and who deemed himself slighted by the young lad.
In his childhood too Muhammad more than once performed the miracle
of feeding a multitude with a few loaves of bread.

When he wrought the famous miracle of the cleaving of the moon,
and at the request of the king of the Arabians restored to an unmuti-
lated state a girl without hands, feet or eyes, the people were converted
by tens of thousands.

173

Raja Bada (LXIII). Hikayat

The Malays (probably on the authority of South-Indian teachers) °^*
have personified the village of Badr, in the neighbourhood of which
Muhammad gained his first victory, as a beautiful prince named Badar.
The khandaq or canal which the Prophet had dug round Medina to
defend himself against the attack of the men of Mekka, they have
converted into the father of that prince, under the names Hondok,
Handak, Hfend^k and so on. He is represented as a powerful infidej
king ruling over men and jinns.

So is it also in the Achehnese version. Raja Handa' or Keunda'
with his son Bada make war upon the Prophet and his followers. The
battles fought in this war were entirely after the manner of those of
the dewas and jinns.

Ali is generally made Muhammad's commander-in-chief in such
romances. Indeed in South India the popular conception of Islam is
Shi'ite, covered over with a veneer of orthodoxy. The entire part played
by Ali and the members of his family in the sacred tradition there
prevalent, is such as no Shi'ite could object to, but occasionally we
find the Prophet appearing surrounded by his four companions (the
first four Khalifas). Handa' and his son Bada suffer defeat and death
though All's bravery in fighting for the true faith.

The penman of the copy which has come into my possession has
been unable to resist adding to his transcription some lines of maledic-
tion on the Dutch with the prayer that Acheh may soon shake herself
free of these dogs of kafirs.

Under the name Hikayat prang Raja Khiba (LXIV) there is said to Hikayat

prang Raja

exist in Achehnese a variation of a legend familiarly known from the Khiba.
Malay versions. This legend originated outside Arabia from the tradi-
tion of Muhammad's expedition against the Jews of Khaibar. I have
never seen a copy of the Achehnese version.

Seuma'un (LXV) »). Hikayat

There is, so far as I can ascertain, not a single peg in the accredited Seuma'un.
sacred tradition of Islam on which to fix the name of the hero of this
narrative; it seems in fact to have fallen from the sky. Only in the

i) This is the Arabo- Achehnese form of the Scripture name Simeon.

174

second part of the hikayat do we meet a very garbled allusion to the
tradition according to which the Prophet received as a gift from the
then ruler of Egypt a beautiful concubine, Mariah al-Qibtiyyah (the
Egyptian or Koptic).

The author of the story of Sama'un has not however borrowed much
more from this tradition than the name.

In the collection of Von de Wall ') at Batavia, we find, in addition
to a Malay copy of this story ^) translated from the Javanese, another
copy which is written in Arabic. We must not however jump to the
conclusion that the original was either the work of an Arab or even
known at all in Arabia. The language of this Arabic copy clearly
betrays the hand of a foreigner, nor are there lacking other like hybrid-
Arabic products in the religious literature of the Eastern Archipelago.

The Achehnese version differs in details only from the Malay ^).
Seuma'un is the son of Hal^t (<A5L>), a mantri (minister of state) of
Abu Jhay (Abu Jahl), who here also appears as king of Mecca. While
yet an unweaned infant Seuma'un speaks and converts his parents to
Islam. He slays a hero named Patian (qLaaj) whose help Abu Jhay
had invoked against the Prophet; he defeats an army of Abu Jhay
that was brought against him to take vengeance for Patian's death;
he converts a woman whom Abu Jhay had sent to decoy him, and
gains possession of Abu Jhay's daughter who is there and then con-
verted and becomes the wife of Seuma'un.

Mariah, daughter of king Kobeuti *) who was established in the land
of Sa'ri, dreamed a dream in which she saw herself the destined bride
of the Prophet. She secretly had these tidings conveyed to Muhammad,
who thereupon asked her hand in marriage. The haughty refusal of
this request by Kobeuti gave rise to a war, in which Seuma'un took
the field as a general. The war ended with the conversion to Islam of
most of the inhabitants of Sa'ri, and Mariah was carried off to Medina.

i) See Mr. L. W. C. van den Berg's Verslag pp. 15—16.

2) In the Hofbibllothek at Berlin there are three copies (numbered Schumann V, 18,
19 and 20) of the story of Sama'un in Malay, which similarly show clear tokens of a Java-
nese origin.

3) Dr. Van der Tuuk has given a short account of its contents in the Bijdragen van
het Koninklijk Instituut for the year 1866, pp. 357 et seq.

4) Thus the word Qibti or Qubti is better preserved here than in the Malay version,
which makes it into Ba'ti.

I7S

Nabi meuchuko or cheumuko (LXVI). "mSuS!"'

This edifying story is, according to its compiler, composed after a
Malay original. It relates how once on a time Muhammad was shaven
by Gabriel and received from that archangel a cap made of a leaf of
one of the trees of paradise, and how the buliadari (celestial nymphs)
almost fought with one another for the hairs, so that not one reached
the ground. There are various different versions of this shaving story
in Malay, Javanese and Sundanese. It is customary to have them
recited by way of sacred reading on the occasion of various occurren-
ces in domestic life, especially when they entail watching at night.

AnWeuet (LXVII). Hikayat

T-1 All m^'reugt.

The Achehnese version of the sacred tradition of Muhammad's nocturnal
journey to heaven (Arab, mfrdj, pronounced in Ach. m^'^reuet) is pro-
bably derived from a Malay compilation from an Arabic original, so
far at least as the subject is concerned. The style, however, of all
these hikayats is purely Achehnese.

Printdih Salatn (LXVIII). Hikayat

^ ' Printaih Sa-

Tales in which the Prophet enlarges upon the duties of the wife lam.
towards her husband are very numerous in popular Native literature.
The best known is that in which Muhammad instructs his own daughter
Fatimah *). There are also, however, numerous copies of a story in
which the Prophet at the request of a woman named Islam, Salam
or Salamah, sets forth all that a woman has to do or refrain from in
respect to her husband and the recompense that awaits her in the
hereafter for the practice of wifely virtues *).

In copies of the Achehnese version of this work we find before the

i) Compare Tambih 8 of the Tambih tujoh blaih (N® LXXXV below) in which appears
an Achehnese version of that story. A Turkish version of the ^Admonition of the Apostle
of God to Fatimah" is mentioned in the Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell-
schaft LI : 38.

2) In addition to the Malay copies mentioned by Dr. Van der Tuuk (in Essays relating
to Indo-China^ 2^ series, II, p. 32 — 33), I know of two in particular which are to be found
in the Hofbibliothek at Berlin under the numbers Schumann V, 24 and 44, which bear the
title of t^r^y^ ii^ place of the previous one Lju«d} CT*'^ ^^ O^'^J^ which occur in other
versions. The Malay text is printed as an appendix to an edition (apparently lithographed
at Bombay) of the Malay rendering of as-Sha^ranl's ai-Yawaqlt wal-jawahir by Muhammad
Ali of Sumbawa, written by him at Mekka in 1243 Heg. The woman is therein called

1/6

name of Salamah a word which is written ^^ or Uj^; but the Acheh-
nese always speak of Printaih Salam and understand thereby the work
or duties of Salam, printaih having in Achehnese the meaning of
*work, management".

liSg. Hikayat peudeueng (LXIX).

Fatimah, the daughter of Muhammad was once suspected of unchastity
by her husband Ali, for one day as he sat in the front balcony of
his house he heard her as he supposed conversing with a man within.

Inquiry however brought it to light that the chaste woman had but
addressed her husband's famous sword {peudeueng) D5ypaka (Dul-faqar)
asking it how many infidels it had helped to rid of their heads by
Ali's hand. The sword had replied than these slain infidels were past
counting.

The occasion of the husband's suspicion and enquiry gives the oppor-
tunity for sundry profitable admonitions to women, though not couched
in the form in which are conceived the Prophet's well-known lessons
to Fatimah.

The two next stories we find sometimes united as one, sometimes
attached as an appendix to the history of the life of Muhammad. The
same is the case with the Malay versions.

Hikayai Hikayat sbydina Usen or tuanteu M Ustn (LXX).

The martyrdom of Hasan and Husain the two grandsons of Muham-
mad, is certainly nowhere more curiously told than in this hikayat.

Asan was king at Medina; the infidel Yadib (Ach. pronunciation of
Yazid) in Meus^ (Egypt). Lila-majan \ one of the two wives of Asan
jet herself be persuaded by Yadib to poison her husband.

Us^n succeeded his brother on the throne, but was soon warned by
Meuruan (Marwan) of the designs of Yadib and thereupon set off with
an army of 70000 men for Kupah. He met Yadib in the plain of
Akabala (Kerbela), and there Usen and most of the members of his

i) Tuanteu = **Our Lord" is the Achehnese translation of the Arab. Sayyiduna^ which the
Achehnese pronounce as s6ydina.

2) This name is evidently compounded of Laila and her lover Majnun for whom she had
a desperate passion. Both Majnun and Laila are represented in the processions of the Hasan-
Hnsain feast in South India. See Herklots Qanoon-e-islam^ 2' edition p. 126—7.

family died for the faith. Yadib won his chief object by carrying oft
Sharibanun '), Usen's wife, with whom he was madly in love.

The murderer of Usen was Sama La'in *). The hands were severed
from the body by a certain Hindu called Salitan.

Muhamat Napiah (LXXI).

Muhamat Napiah the son of Ali, ruled in Buniara, a subdivision of
the kingdom of Medina % He was indicated by a dream as the avenger
of the blood of Asan and Us^n, and so assembled his hosts in the
plain of Akabala (Kerbela). Yadib and his allies, among whom were
the kings of China, Abyssinia, etc., also brought their armies thither.

Napiah gained the victory though he lost his two principal pangli-
mas; Yadib was slain. A small remnant of Yadib's followers took refuge
in a cave. Muhamat Napiah followed them in on horseback and slew
them all. At this moment the cave closed of its own accord, and the
holy man and his horse are still there, awaiting patiently the day
appointed for their resurrection. The horse feeds on komkoma-
(= saffron-) grass.

Hikayat
Napiah.

Tamim Ansa (LXXII). ^ "l^^^f^

^ ' Tamim Ansa.

According to the Arabic tradition, *) Tamim ad-Darl was a Christian,
who seven years after the Hijrah became a Moslim; he then resided
at Medina, transferring his abode to Jerusalem after the death of the
third caliph. It is said that he was the first who ''told stories". In the
sacred traditions ^) we are told how the Prophet quoted a story which
he had heard from Tamim in confirmation of what he had already
taught the faithful with regard to Antichrist etc. Tamim is represented
as having narrated how once, before his conversion, he and a number
of his comrades chanced to land upon an island, where they found

i) In the work of Herklots p. no, the wife of Husain is called Shahr-bano.

2) \*jt?'^ r^^i properly a "Sama the accursed". The Arab, name is Shamir. In South
India it seems to be pronounced Shumar ; see Qanoon-e-islam p. no.

3) This Mohammad, called Ibnul-Hanafiyyah after his mother, borrowed his reputation
almost in his own despite from an unsuccessful ShiUte rebellion and afterwards became the
patron saint of some branches of the Shi^ah.

This corrupt tradition also comes from India. Among the Urdu books mentioned in the
catalogues of the Fathul Kareem Press at Bombay we find both wft . v^ ^ tX^J?^^ &^uXi>
and y^ ^"^i^^^^ v»,tt/kJLr> \\4>^^ •

4) See the article on Tamim in the Tahdib of Nawawi, ed. Wtistenfeld.

5) See the ^ahih of Moslim ed. BulSq 1290 H. Vol. II, pp. 379 et seq.

II 12

178

Antichrist and another monster (Jassasah) waiting to break oose at
the approaching end of the world.

This more than apocryphal tradition ") is the basis of a story hitherto
known only in its Malay form, and in which all the data of the ancient
Moslim history are turned topsy-turvy and even made a mockery of.
We are told that Tamlm was kidnapped by an infidel j^n while bathing
at Medina, and thereafter forcibly borne away on a highly adventu-
rous expedition through the upper and lower worlds, in the course of
which he was withheld far from Medina for one hundred years.

Among the many encounters which he had we are told of that with
Daddjal (Antichrist), the believing and infidel j^ns that made war on
one another, and the prophet Chidhr.

Meanwhile Tamlm's wife was divorced from her husband seven
years after his disappearance, by the caliph Omar (for to this period
the story belongs), and joined in marriage with another husband. Before
the consummation of the marriage, Tamlm was brought back by good
spirits, and his wife found him at the well; but he was covered with
long hair and quite unrecognisable. After the necessary change of
shape they were re-united, and Tamim at Umar's command related to
the faithful all that he had beheld and experienced in other worlds
invisible to man.

This Malay story*) has been translated into Achehnese with much
foreshortening and license. In the Achehnese poem Tamlm has been
wrongly called a ** helper" ^) of the prophet; he is given three children
(two too many), while his wife bears a name thas does not belong to her.

The narration of the occurrences is as insipid as can be, and would
only please an audience which likes the absurd for its own sake. With

i) Probably this tissue of impossibilities originated in South India and was brought
thence to the Eastern Archipelago. In W. Geiger's Balucische Texte mit Uebersetzung
(Zeitschrift d. deutschen morgenland. Gesellschaft Bd. XLVII S. 440 ff.) we find on pp.
444 — 45 a story about a nameless infidel merchant in the time of Mohammad, whose ad-
ventures in the main recall those of the Tamlm of the Malay and Achehnese legend, though
the detaib are very different. In the catalogues of the Fathul Kareem Press at Bombay there
appear versions of the story of Tamim An^ari in Urdu and Afghan.

2) This may be found in the collection of Von de Wall (Batav. Genootschap) under
N® 1 01. See p. 17 of Van den Berg's Verslag and Van der Tuuks notes in "' Essays relating
to Indo-China*\ 2** series, p. 34, in which mention is made of the copies preserved else-
where and of a lithographed edition.

3) This is the proper meaning of Ansa, which is a corruption of the Arabic AngSr.

179

regard to style also the work belongs to the poorest part of the
Achehnese literature.

Adu Samaih (LXXIII). Hikayat

Abu Samaih.

Abu Shahmah was the name of a son of the second caliph Umar.
It is told of him that the Prefect of Egypt under the latter scourged
him for using wine; when he returned to Medina Umar had him scourged
a second time and he died shortly afterwards ').

In the Achehnese legend which is embroidered on this framework,
Abu Samaih is said to have been an excellent reciter of the Quran,
but to have become a prey to self-conceit. As a means to cure himself
of this fault, he let himself be over-persuaded by a Jew to take strong
drink, and in his cups he had an intrigue with this Jew's daughter.
When the child born of this intercourse was shown to Umar, he had
his son scourged to death in spite of the prayers of the faithful and
the tears of the celestial nymphs.

Hikayat Sbydina Anidah or Tambihonisa (LXXIV). Hikayat S6y-

This little poem borrows its name, not from its actual theme but
from its opening verses. It begins with a versified list of holy places,
especially at Mekka and Medina, but elsewhere as well, set down with-
out any regard to order. Every couplet in this list is followed by another
containing a prayer for welfare and blessing. The first place mentioned
is the grave of Mohammads' uncle Hamzah (Ach. Amdah) on the mountain
of Uhud (Ach. Ahat) *).

Women are in the habit of chanting [meuchakri] this poem when
they join in holding a rateb Saman, It is to this custom that the poem
owes its second name of Tambihonisa (^U-JL*! iuyy^*) i- e. "Admonition
of women".

Another hikayat which is often chanted in the womens' rat^bs, whence Rat^b in6ng.

i) See Nawawl's Tahdtb al-Asma ed. WUstenfeld p. 385.

2) The legendary story of Hamzah^s deeds, so popular in these countries, may with
satisfactory certainty be said to have been composed from a Persian original. (See De Ro-
man van Amir Hamza by Dr. Ph. S. van Ronkel, Leiden 1895). So far as I have been
able to ascertain, it is very well known in Acheh, but only in the Malay rendering. The
subject of this romance is very popular in the form of haba^ or stories transmitted by
word of mouth. Persian, Afghan and Urdu versions arc mentioned in the catalogues of the
Fathul Karecm Press at Bombay.

i8o

it is called Stulaweu^t or Rateb inimg (LXXV), contains a mystic com-
mentary on the somewhat obscure verse of the Quran 24 : 35. This
versified treatise deals in brief with sundry celestial and primeval mat-
ters, its doctrines being derived from those circles of pantheistic
mystics, who were once represented in Acheh by the heretic Hamzah
Pansuri and who won over to their teaching of the unity of God and
the world a large majority of the people throughout the whole Indian
Archipelago.

The three succeeding poemschiefly serve the purpose of recommending
certain definite Arabic prayers. All manner of blessings, it is said, will
fall upon the head of him who recites or wears them as an amulet upon
his person.

Hikayat Oteubahoy rolam ') (LXXVI) appeared after his death in a state of

^^^^1^"^ complete bliss to a man in a dream, and told him that he owed his
salvation to the continual recitation of a certain Arabic formulary.

Hikayat It was revealed to ^deurih Kholani'^) (LXXVII) by Mohammed in

j^j a vision, that the prophet Kh6yle (Ach. pronunciation of Khidhir^ from

the Arab. Khidhr) owed his long life and to some extent even his

salvation to the multiplied repetition of certain passages from the Quran.

Hikayat
Hzyzke
TujOh.

TAe Hayake (^\^) tujoh (LXXVIII) or seven haikals are given by
Mohammad to his companions as an infallible charm, which is inscribed

upon the throne of Allah, and which guards its possessors against all

evils, brings them every blessing and enables them to hurl their enemies

to destruction.

Hikayat

Palilat uroc

Achura.

Palilat urbe Achura (LXXIX).

This poem illustrates in some 125 verses the surpassing merit (/^/r'Ai/,
Arab. A Lyas) of the day Achura, the lO^^ of the month -Muharram, by
a recapitulation of various important events in the lives of certain
prophets (Adam, Ibrahim, Ya'^ub, Musa, Isa (Jesus), Ayyub, Yusuf,
Dawot (David), Sul6yman and Junus) which are stated to have occurred

I) ^i^\ jLuic i. e. %'tbah the youth.

2) iy^y> u^j^^'

i8i

on this day. The faithful are therefore advised to take a ceremonial
bath and to fast on the day Achura.

Hikayat Dari (LXXX). HikayatDari.

Dari (written Dahri^)) is the name of an impious, ungodly heretic,
who silenced all the Moslim teachers by his unequalled powers of
reasoning, so that the creed was in danger. Happily there still remained
one great teacher to withstand him, named Ahmat -). A disciple of
the latter, Imeum Hanapi (i. e. Abu Hanlfah, after whom one of the
four orthodox schools is named), though no more than a child, begs
his master to let him measure his strength in open discussion with
this enemy of God. Should he fail, Ahmad could then be appealed to.

Imeum Hanapi succeeded in making such brilliant replies to the two
catch-questions given him that Dari was covered with shame and com-
pelled to retire for good from the theological arena. The two questions
were: ''How can God exist without occupying space?", and **What is
God doing at this present moment?"

The Kisah Abdolah Hadat (LXXXI) of Ch^h Marahaban can hardly ^gi^jf^HadaV
be regarded as a biography of Sayyid Abdallah al-Haddad, the great
saint of Hadramaut. The learned author, who also translated for the
Achehnese a poetical version of the teaching of al-Haddad, has con-
fined himself to drawing attention to the excellences of that wali (saint),
and the rich blessings given forth by him while yet alive and even
after his death from his grave at Trim (Hadramaut).

Sural kriman (LXXXII). Suratkriman.

The inhabitants of the meanest class in the sacred cities are in the
habit of occasionally distributing among unsophisticated pilgrims the
''Last Admonitions^) of the Prophet to his people". The purport is

i) Dahri in Arabic means materialist or atheist, but is used as a proper name in this
story. It is even added that Dahri belonged to the sect of the Mujassimah or anthropo>
morphists; but the class of people in Acheh who amuse themselves with stories such as
this, are more ready to regard this mysterious name as a family appellation rather than
that of an heretical sect.

2) The teacher of Abu Hanifah was in fact called HammSd.

3) The usual title which also appears in native versions is Wafiyyai^ "admonition", and
we find this name at the end of the Achehnese version, but its popular title is Sur at Kri-
man (from the Mai. Kiriman) i. e. letter or epistle.

l82

always the same, namely that a little while before, the Prophet has
ap{>cared to «k>me devout man (generally called Abdallah or Qalih) and
revealed to him that the patience of Allah is exhausted by the ever-
increasing sins of the Moslims; that great calamities are soon to come
upon the world as a foreshadowing of the day of Judgment, but that
the Lord has granted to Mohammad a period of respite in order that
he may make some last efforts for the conversion of this people.

If all believers will now show themselves zealous of good works, if
they will prepare themselves by fasting and almsgiving and break off
all communion with those who refuse to believe in this vision and
remain backward in the fulfilment of their duties, there still remains
for them a chance of salvation.

A chief object of these wa^iyyats, which are usually composed in
the most slovenly style, ap[>ears to be to assure certain profits to those
who distribute them, for they contain repeated and emphatic injunctions
to hearers or readers to recompense the bearers of the tidings.

It is especially in the more distant parts of the Mohammedan world,
such as West Africa and the East Indies, that the wa^iyyat, in spite
of its re-appearance at stated intervals, finds most widespread belief.
Its dissemination always results in scattered Mohammedan revivals,
coupled with religious intolerance.

In the Indische Gids of July 1884 I published a translation, with
notes, of such an ^admonition". It appeared in 1880 and was circulated
(luring that year throughout the Indian Archipelago, and its consequences
excited a good deal of attention. Since that time various Malay, Javanese
and Sundanese editions of the wasiat nabt, as the natives call it, have
come into my possession. They show different dates, extending over a
period of about 200 years.

I discovered also that these treatises are in fact current at Medina *)
but do not attract the serious attention of the public in the holy cities.
We learn from Louis Rinn ^) that they enjoy a great reputation in
West Africa.

About 1 89 1 there descended again upon the East Indian Archipelago

1) In 1884, when I first obtained a copy, having then no data to guide me, I felt some
doubt AH to their being genuine Medina publications, owing to their clumsiness of arrange-
ment and defects of style. Hut these phenomena are fully explained by the low social
position of their editors.

2) Marabouts et Khouan (Algiers 1884) p. 130. if.

1 83

a perfect shower of copies of a new edition. It was printed and reprinted
in Malay at Singapore, Palembang etc., and led orthodox pandits both
in Hindustan and at Batavia to publish polemical treatises in which the
wasiat was branded as a lying vision.

As may well be supposed, all these publications find their way in
some form or other to Acheh; but I know of only two Achehnese
versions in hikayat form. One is old; according to this the vision
appeared on the I2tb Rabi^ al-awwal 12 17 Heg. (A.D. 1798), and the
calamities predicted as being about to visit the world if the admonition
were neglected, are announced for 1222 Heg. (A.D. 1807 — 8).

The seer of the vision is here called Qalih (Ach. Sal^h), and the
compiler has given as Achehnese a complexion as possible to his subject.
There is a curious prohibition against the slaughter of fat rams, with an
injunction to eat fish only.

The other vision appeared to Sheikh Ahmad (Ach. Amat) in Du'lqaMah
1287 (February 1871); in this version specific Achehnese vices, such as
the increasing tendency to thieving as a result of opium-smoking, are
quoted as among the causes of the approaching judgment.

§ 9. Religious works.

c. Books of instruction and edification.

The works which we have just dealt with might be called edifying
legends from which the reader could draw sundry lessons. Those which
follow (some, in hikayat form, some in nalam and some in prose) contain
edifying instruction on religious matters, with an occasional story by
way of illustration.

In so far as they are free from heretical or corrupt traditions, they
are capable of being of service to the student or the pandit, but they
are more strictly intended for persons who have had no schooling to guide
them to a knowledge of the Law, of religious teaching or of sacred
history. To such they supply some compensation for this deficiency,
and that too in the most agreeable form which appeals most to the
multitude,* and without any severity of discipline.

Some of these works are compiled from the Arabic. This I have

i84

noted where ascertained, but it may be true of one or two of the
others as well.

Taj;jhki«A. riyVlA kisah ') fLXXXIII).

These '^seven stories** stand more or less on the boundary line which
separates this class from the last; in fact the first two comprise the
same sort of material as the Hikayat nubuet (N^ LXII). The following
Is a table of their contents:

Kisah I. On the Xur Mohammad (the Mohammadan *logos**)-

Kisah 2. The creation of Adam.

Kisah 3. On death.

Kisah 4. The signs of the approach of the resurrection.

Kisah 5. The resurrection.

Kisah 6. Hell.

Kisah 7. Paradise.

Tambih^r Tambihoy insan'') (LXXXIV).

in tan.

This '^Admonition to man contains a variegated but ill assorted
collection of sacred legends interspersed with religious lessons of
various kinds.

The writer first gives a long series of stories from the sacred history,
Vioth Mohammadan and pre-Mohammadan. Among them we find Karon
c= the Korah of the Bible, Namrot = Nimrod, Jomjomah = the skull
raised to life (see LIX), and £beunu Adham = Ibrahim b. Adham.
The main purpose of these legends is to draw the attention of mankind
to the vanity of riches, fame, power and all that is of this world.
Certain things are described as the counterpoise of man's apparent
greatness, such as Allah's throne [araih), the fish which supports the
earth and so on. After mention has been made of sundry events in
the life of the Prophet, there follows by way of conclusion, just as in
the preceding hikayat, a lengthy description of life in the next world.

Tambih Tatfibih tujoh bldih (LXXXV).

tujoi ^a . y^^ ^j^^ below a list of the contentsof these ^'seventeen admonitions".
No introductory remarks are required.

i^ 'Mi Arab. = history, story, bat in Ach. also = chapter.

2) qLmJ^I &AAAJ.

i8s

Tatnbih i. On belief. 2. On piety. 3. On apostasy. 4. The high signi-
ficance of the religious obligations. 5. The high rank of pandits among
the faithful. 6. Duties towards parents. 7. How to behave towards one's
teacher. 8. Duties of the wife towards the husband. This contains the
teaching given by the Prophet to his daughter Fatimah *). 9. On
bathing. 10. Our duty towards our neighbour. 11. The excellence of
charity. 12. Usury. 13. Ritual religious exercises. 14. Irregularity in the
performances of these exercises. 15. Stpry of a certain believer named
Jadid bin Ata, who owing to the similarity of names was carried off
by the angel of death by mistake in place of an infidel named Jadid
bin Pare*. He was subsequently restored to life, so that he could
narrate from actual experience the terrible doom that awaits kafirs
after death. The history of Raja Jomjomah is also passingly alluded
to. 16. On the punishments inflicted in the tomb. 17. The recompense
for invoking a blessing (seulaweuet) on the Prophet.

Tambihoy Rapilin ^) (LXXXVI). RapiUn.

In this bulky * Admonition to the thoughtless" we find some of the
subjects which are dealt with in the seventeen admonitions, and many
others besides. It was translated from the Arabic by the learned kali ')
of the XXVI Mukims, who lived in the first half of this century and
derived the name of Teungku di Lam Gut from the gampong of his
wife. He completed his hikayat in Jumada Takhir 1242 = January 1827.
His son and successor was father-in-law to the well-known Chfeh
Marahaban ^), of whom mention has been made as an ulama and kali
raja and subsequently as ulama of the Government.

A comprehensive table of contents of the Arabic original, the author
of which, Abul-laith as-Samarqandi lived in the 4th century of the
Hijrah, is to be found in Dr. O. Loth's Catalogue of the Arabic Ma-
nuscripts of the library of India Office (London 1877) p. 34, under

N° 147.

The Achehnese rendering, which is somewhat free in regard to form,
exhibits only a few trifling differences from the Arabic original as

i) Sec p. 175 above.

3) See Vol. I, p. 1 01 and Vol. II, p. 28.

4) See Vol. I, pp. 1 01, 187.

i86

regards its division into chapters. It has 95 chapters, thus one more
than the edition noticed by Loth.

A few years s^o this work was printed at the lithographing esta-
blishment of Haji Tirmidi in Singapore, but in a most slovenly manner.
Even the last figure of the date is undecipherable. Probably this is
the only Achehnese book that has up to the present appeared in print.

M^hajoy M^nhajoy abidin (LXXXVII).

"*' The Minhaj al-^Abidin of the celebrated Ghazall (t 1 1 1 0> belongs to

the same class as the worke we have just dealt with. It is a collection
of sundry matters bearing on religious law, doctrinal teaching and even
mysticism likely to be of use to the devout layman. The author of the
much abbreviated Achehnese version is Cheh Marahaban ').

Hikayat ma'ripat (LXXXVIII).

This mystic disquisition introduces itself as a kasidah (qa^idah); but
the word seems to have been selected merely for purposes of rhyme,
for there is nothing either in the form or contents of the hikayat that
recalls an Arabic (^lasidah. The name given to the work above refers
to its contents, for the first and most important part is devoted to the
knowledge (Ma'ripat) of the nature of mankind.

In this work, as in so many similar mystic writings popular among the
Malays, Javanese and Sundanese, man's knowledge of himself is so con-
ceived that every item in the description of his nature, his characteristics
etc., corresponds to something in the nature and qualities of God. Man
and the whole world are revelations of the Godhead, and reveal its
image; this concept prepares the way for the second theme which is
developed by our poet under the title of tawktd (pronounced teehit by
the Achehnese), i. e. the unity of God, which embraces all things and
in which man and the world are thus included as forms of its manifestation.

F'inally the dikr (Ach. like) is described at great length as the best
mean for advancing oneself in this knowledge of self which is at the
same time knowledge of God, and so to weld together the doctrine of
unity with existence proper that the little Ego may be merged in the
great. The peculiar method of this recital of the confession of faith which
is recommended to his readers by the poet, is, as he himself expressly

i) See Vol. I. pp. loi, 187 and Vol. II, p. 28.

1 87

says, borrowed from the Malay work Umdat al-niuhtdjin written by the
great Achehnese saint Abdurra^uf (Adddra'dh), alias Teungku di Kuala *).

Besides this latter famous mystic work our author also quotes the
Achehnese version of the TanbHh al-ghdfitin ^).

Though it does not appertain to the heretical form of mysticism, this
Hikayat ma'ripat is a stumbling-block to those who have been brought
up in the school of theology and religious learning which is at present
winning its way more and more in Acheh. It belongs to the posthumous
products of a period in which Mohammedanism in this Archipelago
exhibited an Indian character; under the Arabic influences which are
continually gaining ground in our age the ideas which it upholds could
only pass current among the less developed or in the remoter districts
of the country.

Hikayat Habib Hadat (LXXXIX). HabibHadat.

A didactic poem of the great Hadhramaut saint Sayyid Abdallah
al-Haddad, is clothed in Achehnese dress by the same pandit, who
also gives a biography of the author in verse \ The World, Death,
Paradise and Hell are the four themes of which he treats.

The Meunajat*) (XC) i. e. ** intimate converse" (especially with God), ^'^^?^
is also the work of Ch^h Marahaban's pen. It is a prayer in verse which
the author recommends the pious to recite during the last four hours
of the night. It is thus similar in character to the three hymns mentioned
above (p. i8o) but in this last the narrative form is entirely absent, as
the poet takes all the praise of his formularies to his own credit.

Of the following works, still more than of the foregoing, is it true
that they take the place of *kitabs" or books of instruction for those
who do not know enough Malay or Arabic to read the kitabs. It is
from them that children and illiterate men and women gain a knowledge
of the prime requirements of religion. Their chief contents are expla-
nations of the attributes of God, of the angels and the prophets and
some description of the laws as to purification and ritual prayers
(seumayang).

i) See above p. 17.

2) See above pp. 185 and 186.

3) See p. 181.

4) Arab. »L>LU.

1 88

The twenty attributes of God (sipheurt dua ptoh) have supplied the
names of three works which however deal also with other kindred subjects.

d^^^ &>A^i^^/ dua ptr,h (XCI).

This subject is dealt with in prose by a pious authoress called Teungku
Lam Bhu* after the name of her gampong. She was the wife of the learned
Malay Abduggamad Patani, and composed this treatise for the benefit
of her own disciples.

Nalam Nalam sipheuet dua ploh (XCII).

ftipheuet dua

pish. This is a somewhat prolix poem on the same subject by an unknown

author, composed in nalam, the Achehnese imitation of the Arabic
rajaz metre.

Second Na Nalam sipheuet dua ploh (XCIII).
dua ploh. The same subject has also been cast in nalam form by a third writer

Teungku Ba' Jeuleup^, so called from his gampong in Daya. He was a
disciple of Cheh Marahaban and died fully 30 years z%o. His version
is much briefer and more terse than the last.

Itetiketimctt- Beukeumeunan (XCIV).

nan (\nff%c).

This is a treatise much used for elementary teaching. It is composed
in prose by an unknown author and deals with the same subject as
the last and also those of ritual purification and prayer (seumayang.)
Its name is a genuine Achehnese expletive. Beukeumeunan means 'If
this be the case", and the Achehnese when at fault for any other
introduction, are wont to begin their sentences (in the colloquial only)
with this word or one of its synonyms *). The writer of this little book
wishes in this as in all other respects to be a good Achehnese, so he
introduces every fresh paragraph with beukeumeunan, whence the name.

With the exception of the above-mentioned treatise of the lady
Teungku Lam Bhu', this is the only prose work of the Achehnese with
which I am acquainted.

Abda'u Abda'u or Nalam Ch^h Marduki (XCV).

(na m). 1\ix^ is the Achchnese version of ^'a catechism for laymen" (Aqidat

i) The Malays often use '*kalau Wgitu" in the same way. {Translator^

189

al^awamm) in verse written by the Arabic pandit Abu'1-Fauz al-Marzulci ^).
It takes its name from the (Arabic) word with which the original begins ^).
Among the Malays also this didactic poem, which is largely recited in
elementary schools, is known as Abda!u\ and like the Malays the Achehnese
are in the habit of repeating after each Arabic verse recited, its trans-
lation in nalam or an imitation of the rajaz-metre.

Akeubaro karim ^j (XCVI). Akeubars

karim.

This somewhat lengthy work bears the peculiar title of ** Tales of the
Generous". It contains, in its ten chapters {pasay\ the principle truths
of the catechism, together with the laws of purification and prayer.
It is composed, not in nalam, but in the Achehnese sanjd" and has
thus the form of a hikayat.

Nalam Jawoe (XCVII). Nalam

Jaw6e.

Cheh Marahaban's Nalam Jawb'e is more particularly devoted to the
component parts of the seumayang or five daily prayers.

Although the name signifies ** Malay didactic poem", the work is for
the most part composed in Achehnese; but, as the author himself
announces in his introduction, there is an occasional intermixture of
Arabic and Malay.

Hikayat Basa Jawoe (XCVIII. Hikayat

Basa Jawoe.

To complete our list we should mention the little work called Hikayat
basa jazvbe (Poem on the Malay language), in which without a sem-
blance of method, a number of Malay words are given with their
Achehnese equivalents. It is intended to serve as some sort of prepa-
ration for the reading of Malay books to those who are practically
ignorant of Malay.

1) It was lithographed by Hasan at-TochI at Cairo (1301 H.) in the Majmu^ LatTf which
contains sundry Maulid^s and prayers. There is another edition with a commentary by
Mohammad Nawawi the pandit of Banten.

2) The first half- verse runs thus: '^I begin (abda'u) with the name of Allah and of the
Merciful".

3) ^p }^\.

CHAPTER III.

GAMES AND PASTIMES.

§ I . Various games of young and old.

Childrcns' Over the cradles of little children in Acheh are hung sundry objects
^°y*' cut out of paper which charm the infant by their colour and move-

ment and as it were hypnotise him. These are called keumbay bundu
A like purpose is served by boiled eggs coloured red and transfixed
with a small piece of stick, with paper ornaments fastened on the top.

In Java they use rattles called klontongan *) with membranes of paper
and a little string on either side to which is attached some hard object.
When the wooden handle passing through the drum of the rattle is
smartly twisted round, these pellets strike the membrane in quick suc-
cession. In Acheh these are known under the name of thigtbng or
geundrang changguc (frogs' drum), as the noise they make bears some
resemblance to the croaking of frogs.

Boys play a good deal with tops (gaseng), '^) A kind of humming-top
js made from the kumukoih-huxt by thrusting a stick through it by
way of axis, and making a hole in the side. The wooden tops resemble
our own *).

i) Mai. Wentong (Translator),

2) The Malay word is identical with the Achehnese (gaseng). Among the Malays both
old and young delight in spinning^ tops. Skeat mentions (Malay Magic p. 485) a bamboo
humming top, said however to have been borrowed from the Chinese. (Translator),

3) Those for children the wood of which is brought to a point are called ^female^' tops
(gaseng inong); those with round iron spindles gaseng bulat^ those with a chisel-shaped
point gaseng pkeuiit. There is a certain game with this last in which there are two parties,
as a rule from different gampongs, and the conquerors are allowed to '^hack^^ the tops of
the losers. (I have seen a game very like this played by school-boys with similar '^peg.
tops" in the North of Ireland). (Translator),

fThe flying of kites ') (pupb glayang) is a favourite recreation of both

I old and young. Children play with a simple kind of kite which may

also be often seen in Java; in Achehnese they are called glayattg

ttikbng. Grown-up people fly large, but very pretty and more compli-

cated kites which are called glayang kleueng from their resemblance to
the kite (the bird). A representation of one of these may be seen
in the photograph. Their owners have matches, sometimes for money,
as to who can get his kite to rise highest, the cords being of equal
length.

Mturimbang *) is the name of a game usually played by two boys Kicking the
one against the other. Each is provided with the top half of a cocoanut
shell. Both are set on the ground at a certain distance from one another.
One of the opponents kicks his own shell backwards and if he hits
that of his opponent a certain number of times he has the privilege

Mill, layang'tayang (in Penang •waii). See Skeat's itnlay Sfagie pp. 484—485. (TranilitUr).

i) The Malnys have a game called porvk somewhat similar lo this (Tramlator).

192

of winning.

Knuckle
bones.

of giving his vanquished adversary a rub over the hand with the
rough exterior of his shell.

Advantage The winner's advantage in many of the native games consists in the
right to inflict slight bodily tortures like the above. It is thus too for
instance with the meusiinbang '), a kind of knuckle-bone game with little
stones, usually played by girls. Each stakes a like number of stones,
which are thrown up, caught, or lifted off the ground while in motion
by all the players in turn according to certain rules. Should any player
become **dead", each of the others may smite the back of her hand
seven times with the backs of theirs held loosely. The slaps are counted
aloud up to seven with the same ceremonious delivery as in the exer-
cise of certain charms ^).

Girls often imitate in play the employments which await them later
on as mothers and housekeepers. They sift sand in a piece of the
spathe {seutu'e') of the betel-nut, pretending that it is rice or rice-flour.
Or else the mother makes for her daughter a warp for weaving from
the fine innermost coating (seuludang) of this spathe by drawing off"
alternate strips where it is longest. The daughter is then set to weave
this neudbng as it is called, across from left to right with similar stripes.
After each insertion the woof is driven home with a slip of wood which
serves as peunb' ("weaver's rod" = Mai. betira). They also weave mats
from plantain-leaves. The task of stitching edgings in the mirah-pati
pattern |X|X|XIX | stands on the borderland between play and earnest
for little girls. The triangular spaces are covered with patches of various
colours in imitation of the larger borders used for cushions and curtains.
Dolls (patong) are made from the seulumpu'e pisang (plantain-stem).
These puppets, on which the little ones lavish their motherly care, are
not untastefully dressed up in sundry bright-coloured shreds and patches.

Playing at Boys are given imitation weapons as playthings, swords and reun-

soldiers.

chongs made of the midrib of the cocoanut leaf, guns from the midribs
of the leaves of other palms, and so on. Teungku Kuta Karang in his
political pamphlet ^) notices as a characteristic trait of Achehnese
children that little boys when howling lustily can be quieted by nothing
so well as the sight of a flashing weapon.

Dolls.

i) The general meaning of simbang is to throw something up and catch it on the open
palm or in the closed hand. (This game is also played among the Malay and by them
known as main sirembari), (Translator),

2) See Vol. I, p. 307. 3) See Vol. I, p. 186.

193
It was a custom formerly more common than it now is for young Playing at

UFO f

lads, generally of different gampongs, to have wrestling combats [meulhb)
with one another. To start the game a quarrel is picked on purpose '),
and there have sometimes been bones broken and blood spilt in these
mimic battles.

The game, called meusbmsbm (^covering up") is played with a ring Hiding the
made of rope. One of the players conceals this beneath a heap of
sand, and the others must in turn prod for it with a stick. If the stick
is found not to have been stuck inside the ring, the first *hider" may
hide it again, on which a third player ** prods". The winner, i. e. he
who succeeds in thrusting his stick within the circumference of the
ring, has the privilege of hiding it until another wins.

A favourite game of ball is the meu'awd. The ball is made by plai- Game of ball,
ting the young leaves of the cocoanut so as to form a sphere, and
filling the interior with some hard material such as clay. Two parties
of equal number take up their stand at a suitable interval from one
another. The side which opens the game (/, lit. = **to come up") stands
near a small stick or rib of the aren-leaf {purih) which in the game is
known as bu (rice) *). From this position one of the players throws the
ball backwards over his head in the direction of the opposing side ;
if they catch it, the first player is **dead". If they fail, the opposite
party has now to endeavour to hit the bu with the ball and overthrow
it. Should they succeed in doing so, the first player is then dead.
Should he survive, he has another turn, but each turn only gives the
right to have a single throw. When the whole side is dead, it is suc-
ceeded by another.

There are two other games played with balls, on which there is no
winning {meunang) or losing (talo), but which only give an opportunity
for the display of bodily strength and skill {meuteuga'teuga). These are
football [sipa" raga) which is also such a favourite pastime amongst the
Malays ^), and meulagi. In this last the ball [raga, made of plaited

i) For instance A lays a leaf on his head and then throws it on the ground with a
challenging air; B one of the opposite party tramples or spits upon it, after which the
war begins.

2) In sundry games an object which is, as it were, guarded by one side or by one player
is called bu\ the comparison being the care with which men tend the staff of ?ife.

3) The Malay game of sepak raga resembles the meulagi as here described, except that
the ball is kept going with the foot and not with the hand. The Malays sometimes attain
extraordinary skill in this game. I have seen a party of 10 Province Wcllesley Malays

II 13

game

194

rattan) is thrown into the air by one of the players, after which it is
kept going by a smart blow with the hand, all the players doing their
best to keep it flying by fresh buffets.

There is another game of meulagi in which a ball (phh) is thrown
up and driven ofl* with a sort of bat {gb) by one side, and then struck
back by the other. A variety of this in which a stick about */^ of a
yard long serves as gb and a shorter stick as bbh^ is known as meusinggant.

The Achehnese have a combination of our hide and seek *) and pri-
soners-base in their mupit-pH or meuko-ko ^), which both girls and boys
play together. Two sides of equal number are formed. The first go and
hide in different places, while meantime the second keep their eyes shut
or their backs turned. One player of the hiding side, however, stays
and keeps watch at the bUy for which a tree or some similar object is
selected. When the hiders call ko, the seeking begins. The hidden ones
however keep leaving their hiding places to *go and eat rice" [pajoh
bu), that is to say they run with all possible speed to the tree, when
they are safe from being touched by their opponents. If one of the
latter succeeds in touching the body of any of the adverse side, or in
taking possession of the tree (bu) at a moment when it is left unguarded,
the players then change places, and the former seekers must go and
hide in their turn.

A guessing Meuraja-raja bise (or Use* or sisf) is another game played by the chil-
dren of both sexes. Between two sides of equal number stands a neutral
rajay sometimes supported by a couple of w^«;«/r^^j(mantris or ministers)
to prevent unfairness on his part.

Each side has also a nang (** mother" or leader) who directs the game
rather than takes part in it.

Those on one side choose by agreement which of their fellows is to
be pushed into the midst by the nang, and this is secretly communicated
to the raja.

keep the ball up 120 times without once allowing it to drop. They kick it upwards with
the ball of the foot, and skilful players in so doing often bring the foot up level with the
breast, a feat quite impossible to the ordinary European, who can make nothing of the
game. The Chinese play a similar game with large shuttlecocks. {^Translator),

1) The Malay game of hide and seek is called sorok-sorok^ see Skeat^s Malay Magic^ p.
500. {Translator),

2) The first name has reference to the shutting of their eyes by the one party, whilst the
other hides; the second to the call '''ko'\ when they have all hidden themselves [*k5*'
reminds us of ^'cosey**, the cry in the English game of hide and seek]. (^Translator).

195

A player on the other side now tries to guess the name of the one
thus chosen. If he guesses wrong, then a new choice must be made
by his own side, but if he guesses correctly, the child in question must
go over as **dead" to the other side. The side which are all killed
with the exception of the nang, loses the game, which then begins
afresh.

A variation of the above is to be found in the mumand^-many kapay The cock on

board ship.

or meukapay-kapay (**the cock on board ship" or **ship game"). In this
also two sides, each under a nang, take their stand opposite one another.
Between them is a mat, on which sits one of the children with his face
covered with a kerchief. The nang of the other side comes up to her
opponent and asks **what ship is that"? She replies, say, "English".
**What is the cargo". "Cocoanut shells". "What else"? "A blind cock".
"Let him crow then"! Now the child crows three times as requested,
and then the nang of the opposite side must guess who it is. The game
then proceeds in the same way as the meuraja-raja bise\

Meusugot'Sugot ') or meuchd^-chy aneu" (child-stealing) is played by girls Game of
and also by little boys ^).

All the players but one stand in a row one behind the other, each
holding on to the back of the garment of the one in front of her. The
foremost is called the nang and must try and prevent the children
from being "stolen" by the one who is not in the row and who plays
the part of thief. The enemy however always succeeds in the end, in
spite of the efforts of the "mother" in touching the children one by one
and so compelling them to quit the line as being "dead".

Kemiri-nuts [bbk kr^h) are used in various games in Acheh as well Games with
as in neighbouring countries '). Two sides contend, usually for a wager
as to who will first split the other's nut with his {pupb' bbk kr^h) *).
There is also a kind of marble-game (Ach. mupado\ in which the
bbh kr^h is used.

The most favourite pastime however both with young and old is

kemiri-nuts.

i) This word properly means, ^combing each other", and is applied to this game simply
because the children who play in it take their places one behind the other, as women are
wont to do when combing each other^s hair.

2) Main sesel or kachau kueh (vide Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 494) appears to be the Malay
equivalent. ( Translator),

3) Schoolboys in some parts of Great Britain and Ireland play a similar '^hacking"
game with horse-chestnuts. (Translator),

4) See the Ttjdschrift Teysmannia for 1893, p. 786 ct seq.

196

the game called meugatV or mupanta '), mention of which is to be found
in many hikayats. The number of players is not limited, but it can if
necessary be played by two. Each player has a bbh gatV or bbh panta,
\. e. a betel-nut or a small hemisphere of horn or ivory. Some small
holes are made in the ground in a straight line at intervals of from
7 to 9 feet. The players begin by each jerking his bbh panta from the
first hole into the third. They shoot the missile by squeezing it hard
between the fore finger of the right hand and the middle finger of
the left, the elastic pressure of the fingers causing it to spring forward.
Whoever succeeds in getting his bbh panta into or nearest of all to the
third hole, gets a shot at the others to send them further away from
that hole, and so on. The object of the game is to get the b6h panta
into all the holes in the row a fixed number of times in the following
order; 3, 2, i, 2, 3, 2, i etc. At each shot the player endeavours either
to attain the hole next in the sequence, or to knock away his opponent's
bbh further from it.

Doing the latter has the double advantage of driving the adversary
further from his goal, and of giving the player another shot at the hole,
which is much easier than the first as he is now closer up to it.

The first who has got into all the holes in the row the required
number of times is called the raja^ but those who come after him are
also esteemed winners. The last is the only loser and has to stand at
the first hole and hold out his ankle {gatb^) as a target for the winners
[theun gatV), Each of them gets a shot at it from the third hole, not
only with his own bbh but also those of all his fellow-players. The
luckless member not infrequently becomes quite swollen in consequence
of this operation, and it is in any case painful.

The ^'hopping-game" (hop-scotch; Ach. tneuHngkhi or meungkhi) is
played in a good many different ways as regards details; we give
here a single example.

A figure is first marked out like that represented on the next page on a
small scale. The lines enclosing it are called eu'e (boundary of land). The
four lines drawn from the extremities of the boundary at top and bottom

i) This game is also common among the Malays who play it with marbles. It is very much
the same as what is called in Ireland ** three-hole span^\ The Malay name is main guli\
it is played as here described, except as regards the penalty imposed on the loser, who is
compelled to place his bare knuckles level with the rim of one hole, while all the winners
take shots at them in turn from the next. (TransiatorJ,

197

are known as mis^ (strings); the spaces A — F as rumbh (houses). Each
player (there are usually only two) has a fruit of the lumbe or leumbi *)
as a ball to play the game with (bbh\ The first player begins by
throwing his ball into rumbh A, and then hops up to it without touching

the line (eue) and kicks it back with his free foot. Then he hops back
within the boundary close to which he stops, plants his feet together
and leaps over it, taking care to land with one of his feet covering
the b6h. Should the player in the course of any of these operations
come into contact with the eue or the misi, or should he hop badly,
or fall or fail to alight on his bbh when he leaps, then he is dead,
and the opposite side phiys.

If the first turn is successful the same is done with rumbh B and so
on till all the spaces have been visited. In kicking back the b6h out
of the spaces B — F, it is not counted as a fault if the bbh lands in another
rumbh and not beyond the boundaries, always provided that no boundary
is touched.

The winning side sometimes refuses to give the losers their revenge
except on the condition of the latter's playing their bbh up through the

i) We have noticed this tree above Vol. I, pp. 411 — 412 as the dread abode of j6ns, who
cause goitre and other diseases.

198

smaller rumbhs on the right of the dotted live ab, which of course gives
them a much worse chance.
Playing at A more serious variation of the wrestling bouts which lads of different
gampongs hold with each other, is to be found in the meutd'-tham
("pushing and resisting"). This is also called meukrueng-krueng "the
river-game", as it is often played on the banks of rivers or creeks. In
Pidie it is called meugeudeu-geudtu. It is played by full-grown youths,
generally of sides chosen from two different gampongs, and preferably
in the evenings or at night at the time of the full moon.

The two sides are composed of an equal number of champions who
meet on some wide open space, often in the presence of a great crowd
of onlookers. One side (whose task is tham = "to withstand" and
drhb = "to catch") is drawn up in line and keeps watch on their
opponents. The latter endeavour to give each of their adversaries a
push and then to run away at the top of their speed so as if possible
to reach a boundary line far in their rear, before being overtaken by
one of their enemies. Should one of them succeed in gaining the boundary
unopposed after pushing an opponent, then he who received the thrust
is reckoned dead; but the latter and his fellows (for more than one
may pursue the fugitive) do their best to catch the assailant before
he reaches the refuge. He for his part resists his capture with might
and main, and none of his own side are allowed to help him. Thus
sanguinary battles often occur; when once taken captive the fugitive
is dead, whilst he whom he pushed remains alive. As soon as the
whole side is dead, the order of the game is reversed.

Keuchi*s, elders or panglimas are in the habit of attending these
fighting games to prevent all serious violence. A prisoner who continues
to resist through rage against his fate, they admonish to surrender;
and they remind players who indulge in revengeful language through
annoyance at a blow or push, that they have joined in the game of
their own free will and have no right in any case to cherish revengeful
feelings such as might display themselves in earnest when the game
was over.

As we see, games savouring of war are very popular in Acheh. But
we must not forget that it was necessary for the police to intervene
before the main pukulan at Batavia and the prang desa in other parts
of Java could be brought within bounds and rendered as harmless as
they now are.

199

A more peaceful variation is the meuta'-tham eue galah *). A main
line is drawn, called eue galah ^) (A B in the figure). This is supposed
to be produced indefinitely at both ends. Crossing this at right angles
are a number of other lines (eue linteu'eng) CD, EF etc., of equal length
and separated by equal intervals. Their number depends on the num-
ber of players; thus I2 players require 5 eue linteueng, 14 players 6,
and so on. Each eue is guarded by one player, and these guards (6 in
number in the figure below) form one side in the game. The other
side has to try to make their way from in front of the line L M a-
cross all the eues till they get behind the line C D.

On their way they are exposed to the danger of being touched by
the guards, in which case they become **dead". The guards of the
cross lines must only strike in the direction from which the assailants
advance; that of the main line can strike in every direction. In trying
to hit his adversary no guard must move further from his line than
he can jump with his feet touching. Otherwise his blow does not count.

i) A variation of this game is played by the Malays of the Peninsula un4er the name
galah panjang (Translator),

2) The name galah given to the principal eut or boundary is taken from galah the pole
with which prahSs or other vessels are propelled up a river.

Kice-mortar
game.

Knuckle-
bfjne game.

ChatO.

200

Should one of the attacking party be touched then all are dead, and
the players change places, but if once two of them succeed in passing
backwards and forwards unopposed over the space between the lines
LM and CD, this is called bilon and they are the winners.

At the time of the full moon a number of grown girls or young
women often assemble to tbb aUe eumpieng \ literally = "to pound with
eumpieng-poundcrs". E^ch holds in her hand the mid-rib of an aren-
Icaf, and with these implements they pound all together in the rice-
mortar (leusTmg) to the accompaniment of a singsong chant the effect
of which is often pleasing to the ear.

Girls are fond of a sort of knuckle-bone game, played with keupula
(pips of the small fruit known in Java as native sawo). This game is
called meugeutif meuguti, or, in some places, mupachih indng^), and is
almost identical with that called kudu' in Java.

Another game which is much played by women and children, resem-
bles in principle the Javanese dakon and is played with peukula or
geutue seeds or pebbles. Wooden boards are sometimes used for it, but
as a rule the required holes are simply made in the ground, the whole
being called the urue" or holes of the game.

The little round holes are called rumhh^ the big ones A and Hgeudong
or choh and the pips aneu\ The game itself is known in different pla-
ces under the names chafo % chuka^ and jungka\ There are four different
ways of playing it in Ach^h with which I am acquainted, called respec-
tively meusuebf ineuta\ meuchoh^ tneulieh. Let us here describe the
meusueb as a specimen. *)

i) Eumpieng is a sweetmeat made of grains of rice dried by tossing and then pounded
in a mortar and sieved. It is eaten with a kind of jujube or some other titbit.

2) The game oi pachih which we shall describe presently is only played by men; thus
mcugeuti though in no way resembling the other, is called the womens* pachih,

3) Chatd (chatur) is also the name for the ordinary game of chess, which is only played
by the greater chiefs. In some places it is used to signify one of the forms of the tiger-
game {meurimueng'rimu'eng),

4) I have seen this game of chatd as here described played by Kling (Tamil) immigrants
in Province Wellesley. The Malays call it main chongkak. It is described by Skeat, Malay
Magic ^ p. 486. {Translator),

20I

The two players put 4 aneu*s in each of six small holes. Then they
commence to play, each in his turn taking the pips from any one
hole selected at hap-hazard and distributing them among the other
holes, dropping one in each they pass.

The direction followed is from left to right for the six holes next
the player, and from right to left in the opposite ones. The player
takes the contents of the hole he reaches with his last pip, and
goes on playing. Should he reach an empty hole with his last pip he
is dead.

Should it happen that when the player reaches the last hole which
his store of pips enables him to gain, he finds 3 pips therein, he has
sueb as it is called, that is to say he may add these 3 to the one he
has still remaining and put these 4 as winnings in his geudong. He
can then go on playing with the pips in the next hole (adb'e sueb =
the "younger brother" of the sued); but if this next hole be empty he
may retain the winnings but the turn passes to his opponent.

Thus they go on until there are too few pips left outside the two
geudongs to play round with. Then each of the players takes one turn
with one of the pips which remains over on his own side of the
board. If he is compelled to put his pip in one of the holes on the
opposite side, he loses it and when all the pips are thus lost the game
is finished.

Pachih is a favourite game among the men in Acheh. They are well Pachih.
aware that it has been introduced by Klings and other natives of
Hindustan. It has been adopted with but slight modifications and even
such as there are may also possibly be of foreign origin, for the description
of pachisi *) (= pachih) to be found in G. A. Herklots Qanoon-e-islam^
Appx. pp. LVIII — LIX and Plate VII, Fig. 2, differs from the system
of play adopted by the Klings now in Acheh, so that it would appear
that there are varieties of this game in India also.

Pachih is played with two, three or four persons. Each player sits
at one extremity of the cross-shaped pachih-board [papeuen pachih) or
pachih-cloth {ruja pachih). Ornamental cloths are sometimes made for
this game, with the squares handsomely embroidered. The starting points
for the players are the squares A, B, C and D; in these each places

i) The name is derived from pacchls the Hindustani for 25 that being one of the highest
(according to Herklots* description the highest) throw of the game.

his 4 little conical pauiifih which are made of wood, of betelnnts or
the like. The players now make throws by turns with seven cowries

()

which they cast with the hand. These shells must fall either with the
opening upwards {meulinttueng) or downward [Uugi>m). The value of the
different throws is as follows:

■4; this throw is called barak
30; ir « on ''A

■ 25; „ , , , pachih

1 .shells opening upwards :

6 , , , :

5 . «

downwards -

ckbkah or chbka.

After each throw the player may move one of his pawoihs over a
number of squares equal to the number of his throw. The direction
followed is: from the starting-point, say C, down the middle line of
squares to the player, then away from him up the right hand outer

203

game.

line of squares, then continuing along all the outside squares, until he
returns to E; thence up the middle squares to the round central space.
He who first brings his 4 pawoihs into the central [dalam or bunghng
rayeu*) is the winner.

The four throws to which distinctive names are given have, as it is
called, a * younger brother" (adoe); that is to say they give the privilege
of a fresh throw, but a player may not throw more than three times
in succession, and after a throw that has no name the turn passes at
once to the next player.

After each throw the player may choose which of his four pieces he
will advance. The chief obstacle on the way to the central space consists
in this, that when one player's pawoih reaches a square on which
another's is already standing, the latter must retreat to his starting-
point (A, B, C or D); it is only in the squares marked thus X which
are called bunghng (flower) that several pawoihs are allowed to stand at
once and take their chance.

Certain other games which enjoy a great popularity in Java also The tiger
under the name of machanan or the ''tiger-gajne" and some varieties
of which resemble our draughts, are known ^^

in Acheh under the generic name of nteu"
rimueng-rimueng {* tiger-game"). Although
the actual origin of this game is no longer jf
known, there can be no doubt of its having
been introduced from India as is shown
by the description in the Qanoon-e-islam of
Herklots Appx. pp. LVIII and LIX, Plate
VII, Fig. 3 of two games commonly played
in Southern India. Indeed the figure on which
according to Herklots the Mogul and Pathan ^)
game as it is called in South India, is played,
is precisely the same as that on which the
Achehnese play the tiger-game we shall first
describe and the Javanese another variety of

the same. Herklots also mentions another game called Madranggam *),
played on the same board or figure, and which he calls "four tigers
and sixteen sheep".

c^ \

]Kj

i) Mogol-Putt'han.

2) Mudranggam,

204

The rules of the Achehnese tiger-game are as follows. The two tigers
are placed at A, and the eight sheep at B, C, etc. to I, while the player
keeps fifteen more sheep one of which he puts on the board whenever
one of those in play is killed.

Each moves in turn along the lines of the figure. The tiger may
take a sheep each time in any direction or even 3, 5 or 7 from one side
of the figure to the other, as for example from K to L or from M. to N.

The game is played on the second figure
here represented with 5 tigers and fifteen
sheep. A tiger and a sheep are first placed
on the board wherever the player likes.
Fresh sheep are added one at a time after
each move, so long as the supply lasts.

The game ends either when all the sheep
are killed, or the tigers hemmed in so as
to be unable to move; hence it is called
meurimueng'rimueng'db' in contradistinction to the next game. The
word dy ^) which belongs originally to the verbiage of mysticism and
betokens the state ot religious ecstasy arrived at in the howling recita-
tions, has in Achehnese the general meaning of "swooning, falling into
a faint". So it is applied to the tiger when hemmed in and unable
to move.

The third game is called "'tneurimueng-rintueng peu'et ptoh'' (* tiger-
game played with forty") as each player puts forty pieces on the board
and the pusat (navel) A remains unoccupied. The players may move
and take in every direction and so eventually win, though no one is
obliged to take if another move appears more advantageous.

As the two sides are exactly equal in number and in privileges, this
sort of game of draughts can only in a figurative sense be said to
belong to the tiger-games. It is called in Java dam-daman, from the
Dutch dam = draughts.

The figures for all these games are usually drawn on the ground,
and small stones or the kernels of fruits serve as pieces. Where neces-

i) From the Arabic dauq (o^^) = savour or taste in general, and in particular the
savour of the divine things of the mystics which sometimes causes a temporary loss of
consciousness.

2) The Malays play all three under the name of main rimau or main rimau kambing
(** tiger-game" or "tiger and goat-game".) (Translator),

205

sary (as in the case of tigers and sheep for instance) these are of dif-
ferent sizes and colours.

— jlpi— ^^»^"" 3 r"^"^^"^ "^^"^^"^ C^^^^""^ ■•^^.— ^—

■^H^H^^^mJ ^^^^>^^^^ taMM^-^^»^ ^^H^M^^B^ ^MM^^^^^^ ^^-^HHB^^H ^^^M^B^^M^I

From examples such as that of these tiger-games which have long interchange
since acquired a genuine popularity far out among the islands of the ^^ewT^diffe-
Indian Archipelago in spite of their foreign origin, we may see how '"^^^ peoples,
wide is the spread of such pastimes throughout the world even where
civilization is still most primitive and the means of communion and
intercourse with other nations few and far between.

In like manner we find the Dutch word knikker (marble) widely
diffused in the interior of Java miles beyond any place where European
children have ever played.

What is true of childrens' games is without doubt still more appli-
cable to human institutions. This is a fact that should impress on
the science of ethnography the necessity for caution in drawing con-
clusions.

Undoubtedly the ethnography of later times has at its disposal
innumerable data which point to the most remarkable results scarcely
conceivable in former times, arising from the uniformity of the human
organism — results which appear even in the details of man's mental life.

Manners and customs which the superficial enquirer might classify
among the most peculiar characteristics of individual races, appear on
closer observation to be in reality characteristics of a definite stage Of

2o6

civilization in every region of the globe. The same is true of legends,
theories regarding nature and the universe, proverbs etc.

But — the tiger-games and the marbles warn us of it — the fact
that games such as these have been so widely spread by borrowing
must prevent us too hastily excluding every form of indirect contact
or interchange, even between peoples entirely strange to one another.

The examination of apparently insignificant pastimes has a value
long since recognized in comparative ethnography and gives us at the
same time an insight into the method of training the young practised
by different peoples. More than this, in the games of children there
survive dead or dying customs and superstitions of their ancestors, so
that they form a little museum of the ethnography of the past.
NiTowong Of this we find a beautiful example in the Ni Towong in Java. In
some districts in that island a figure is composed of a creel or basket
with brooms for arms, a cocoanut-shell for head and eyes of chalk and
soot, dressed in a garment purposely stolen for the occasion and other-
wise rigged out so as to give it something of the human shape. This
is placed in a cemetery by old women on the evening before Friday
amid the burning of incense, and an hour or two later it is carried
away to the humming of verses of incantation, the popular belief being
that it is inspired with life by Ni Towong during the above process.
Some women hold a mirror before the figure thus artificially endowed
with a soul, and after beholding itself there in it is supposed to move
of its own accord and to answer by gestures the questions put to it
by the surrounding crowd, telling the maiden of her destined bride-
groom, pointing out to the sick the tree whose leaf will cure his ailment,
and so on.

Children who have often been present and beheld this apparation
of Ni Towong, imitate it in their play, and continue to do so even
when other superstitions or Mohammedan orthodoxy have relegated
the original to obscurity, as is the case in many districts of Java and
also at Batavia.

Thus too in all probability ancestral superstitions and disused customs
survives in certain other pastimes of the young in Sumatra as well as in
Java. They might be described as games of suggestion. We find an
example among the Sundanese in Java, who in their fnomonyetan, nii-
m^rakan and similar games impart to their comrades the characteristics
of the ape, the peacock or some other animal. The boy who submits

207

to be the subject of the game is placed under a cloth. He is sometimes
made dizzy with incense and shaken to and fro by his companions,
tapped on the head and subjected to various other stupefying mani-
pulations. Meantime they chant incessantly round him in chorus a sort
of rhyming incantation the meaning of which it is impossible fully to
comprehend, but in which the animal typified is mentioned by name,
and attention drawn to some of its characteristics.

After a while, if the charm succeeds the boy jumps up, climbs
cocoanut and other fruit trees with the activity and gestures of an ape,
and devours hard unripe fruits with greediness; or else, perhaps, he
struts like a peacock, imitating its spreading tail with the gestures of
his hands and its cries with his voice till at last his human conscious-
ness returns to him.

When the actual ^suggestion" does not take place, it becomes a
game pure and simple. The "charmed" boy, when he thinks the proper
time has come, merely makes some idiotic jumps and grimaces and
perhaps climbs a tree or two or pursues his comrades in a threatening
manner.

The children in Acheh also play these games, and it is especially
the common ape (due), the cocoanut monkey [eungkbng) and the elephant
whose nature is supposed to be imparted to the boys by means of
suggestion *).

At the time of the full moon young lads sometimes disguise them-
selves to give their comrades of the same gampong a fright. Those who
make their faces unrecognizable by means of a mask and their bodies
by unwonted garments are known as Si Dalupa\ where they imitate
the forms of animals, they takes their appellation from that which they
copy e. g. meugajah-gajah ^^ to play the elephant.

i) For the "ape-suggestion" they sing the following verse: ckko* kalichhe\ kalichhb\
kanji rumi^ meuteumeung kaye'e cheuko\ jigo*'go* U si banggi^ i. e. *Chhd', the paste of
Stambul is already slippery, already slippery, he finds a crooked tree. Opium smoker (nick-
name of the eungkdng, owing to his constant yawning) shakes him". The verse containing
the elephant suggestion is almost entirely untranslateable.

2o8

§ 2. Games of Chance.

Amongst the games so far described there are several which are
played for love or for money according to preference. There are also,
however, a large number of purely gambling games, the issue of which
is quite independent of the player's skill, and the object of which is to
fleece the opponent of his money.

The passion for gambling betrays itself even among young lads who
have no money to stake. Boys whom their fathers send out to cut
grass for the cattle often play the ^hurling-game" (meutie') which is
won by whoever can knock down or cut in twain a grass-stalk set up
at a distance by throwing his grass-knife (sadeueb) at it. The players
wager on the result equal quantities of the grass they have cut; so it
often happens that one of the party has no grass left when it is time
to go home. Then he hastens to fill up his sack with leaves and rub-
bish, putting a little grass in on top to cover the deficiency, but should
his father detect this fraud the fun of the meutie^ is often succeeded
by the pain of a sound thrashing at home.
Pitch and As might naturally be expected, there are sundry gambling games
which correspond with our "pitch and toss" '). For instance meu^itam"
puteh (black or white") so called owing to the Achehnese leaden coins
originally used for this game having been whitened with chalk on one
side and blackened with soot on the other. The name is still in use,
though the two sides of the Dutch or English coins now employed are
called respectively raja or patong {^'king" or ^'doll") and geudong (store
house). In * tossing" (mup^h) one player takes two coins placed close
together with their like sides touching each other, between his thumb
and forefinger and knocks them against a stone or a piece of wood
letting them go as he does so. Should both fall on the same side the
person who tossed the coins wins ; otherwise his opponent is the victor ^).

i) The Malay pitch and toss is called main bunga kepala^ as the copper coins in use
have all a head (kepala) on one side and some conventional ornamentation (bunga) on
the other.

2) Among te Malays, one of the commonest gambling games played with coins is that
known as tuju lubang (= **aim-at-the-hole"). It is mentioned but not described by both
Newbold and Skeat; the former erroneously calls it tujoh lubang (= "sevenholes"). It is
played as follows: a hole is made in the ground and each of the two players puts up a
certain number of coins, say five a>piece. The first player stands at a prescribed distance

209

There are three sorts of games which may be called banking games,
in all of which one of the players or an impartial outsider acts as banker.

I*' Meusreng (*^ twirling"). The banker places a coin on the board on
its edge and twirls it. Before it ceases to revolve he puts a cocoanut
shell over it. Each player puts his stake on one of two spaces marked
on the ground, one of which is called puteh (white) or geudong and the
other itam (black) or patong. Then the banker lifts the cocoanut-shell,
and sweeps in the stakes of the losing parties while he doubles those
of the winners ^).

2^ Meuche*. In this game the banker takes a handful from a heap
of copper money, and counts it to see whether it consists of an odd or
even number of coins. The players are divided into sides who stake
against each other on the odd or even. The banker often sits opposite
the rest and joins in the game as a player without an opponent, or
else he takes no part in the game and takes a commission from the
rest as recompense for his bankership.

3® Mupiteh. The banker [ureueng mat pitih) has in his control I20
pieces of money or fiches (from pitih --= pitis, Chinese coins) and takes
a handful from this store. Meanwhile the players stake on the numbers
one, two, three and four. The handful taken by the banker is now divided
by four, and all win who have staked on the figure which corresponds
with the remainder left over, o counting as 4. The banker pays the
winners twice their stake and rakes in the stakes on the other three
numbers as his own profit %

and tries to throw all the coins into the hole. Should he fail to get any in, his
opponent selects one as they lie and the first player has a shot at it with a spare coin.
Should he hit it he has another turn; otherwise the turn passes to his opponent. Should
the first player get all the coins into the hole, they all become his property; where some
fall in and some remain outside, he gets a shot at one of the latter selected by the adver-
sary, and if he can hit it without touching another (Jbachd) he wins them all; otherwise
he only wins such as fall into the hole. In Malacca this game is known as main koba,
(^Translator),

i) This resembles the Chinese game of poh^ which is however slightly more complicated,
as the players are allowed to bet on the lines separating the spaces, somewhat as in rou-
lette. Instead of a coin the Chinese spin a little heavy brass box with a lid fitting over
it, containing a die coloured red and white. The box which has a slightly rounded bottom
is spun in the centre of the table. The lid is drawn off when the revolutions cease and
the winners are those to whose side the red inclines. {Translator),

2) This game is practically identical with the Chinese fantan^ the most popular of all
gambling games in China. Counters are generally used by the Chinese in place of coins,
and the handful is carefully divided into fours with a small bamboo wand. {Translator),

U 14

210

Card games. The games with cards arq of European origin. Meusikupan ') (literally
**spade game" from the Dutch "schoppen" = "spades") is played with
a pack of 52 cards, from which an even number of players receive 5
apiece. Each plays in turn, following not suit but colour; whoever first
gets rid of all his cards wins the stake. Meutrob {** trump game" from
the Dutch "troef" = trumps) is played with a pack of 32 which is
dealt among 4 players. Each in turn makes his own trumps. Those
who sit opposite one another are partners, and the side that gains most
tricks wins the game.

Islam and As we are aware, every kind of game of chance is most rigorously

games of ^

chance. forbidden by Islam. In Acheh only the leub^s and not even all these
concern themselves about this prohibition. Most of the chiefs and the
great majority of the people consider no festivity complete without a
gamble. It is carried so far that even those headmen of gampongs
who as a rule are opposed to gaming in public, shut their eyes to
transgressions of this kind on the two great religious feasts which form
the holiest days of all the year. Nay more, they actually allow the
meunasah, a public building originally dedicated to religion, to be used
as a common gaming-house.

Tax on gam- In former days the ul^ebalangs utilized this prohibition of religious
law simply as a means of increasing their revenues. To transgress an
order of prohibition within their territory, it was necessary, they rea-
soned, to obtain their permission. Such licence they granted on payment
of i^/q on the amount staked. This source of income was called upat.
Fights of Under the general name of gambling (meujudi) the Achehnese include
the various sorts of fights between animals which form with them so
favourite and universal a pastime. As a matter of fact it is very excep-
tional to find such contests carried on simply for the honour and glory
of victory.
Nurture of Many chiefs and other prominent personages spend the greater part

mals. of their time in rearing their fighting animals.

The fighting bull or buffalo and the fighting ram are placed in a
separate stall which is always kept scrupulously clean. They are only
occasionally taken out, led by a rope, for a walk or to measure their
strength momentarily against another by way of trial. They are most

i) Malay sakopong. For an account of the Malay card games, see Skeat's Malay Magic
pp. 487 — ^493. (Translator),

211

carefully dieted and treated with shampooing and medicaments. When
they are being made ready for an approaching fight, a constant watch
is kept over them, and the chiefs, lazy as they are at other times,
will get up several times in a night to see whether their servants are
attending properly to the animals. Rams are taken for quick runs by
way of* exercise, and are exposed from time to time to the heat of a
wood fire which is supposed to rid them of their superfluous fat.

Not a whit less care does the Achehnese noble bestow on his figh-
ting cocks. In the day time they are fastened with cords to the posts
underneath the house; but at night they are brought into the front
verandah. They too rob their owners of a good deal of their night's
rest. The neighbours of these amateurs are often waked at night by
the cackling set up by the cocks while they are being bathed and
having their bodies shampooed to make them supple; occasionally too
they are allowed to fly at one another so that they may not forget
their exalted destiny.

The other fighting birds, such as the leue" and the nteureubo* (both
varieties of the dove, called by the Malays tikukur and kMtiran) *)
the puyoh (a kind of quail) and the chempala are kept in cages; with
many princes and ul^ebalangs a leisurely promenade past their prisons
takes the place of their devotional exercises in the morning. The
daruets (crickets) are kept in bamboo tubes [buloh daruet).

No Achehnese devotes a measure of care to the cleanliness, the
feeding, the repose and the pleasure of his own child in any way
comparable to that he bestows on his scrupulous training of these
fighting animals.

The great and formal tournaments of animals are held in glanggangs
(enclosures) for which wide open spaces are selected. The arena is either
marked off with posts or else simply indicated by the crowd of spec-
tators who group themselves around it in an oval circle or square.
Certain fixed days of the week on which fights regularly take place in
a glanggangs are called ganth'e (succession or turn).

All who desire to enter their animals in a contest against each other
in the arena must first obtain the consent of the ul^ebalang in whose
territory the glanggang is situated, whereupon they enter into the

i) The Malays in the N. of the Straits call them mMbo' the identical word used by the
Achehnese, making allowance for the diflference in pronunciation. (Translator),

212

Final pre-
parations.

Juara.

necessary agreements with one another. All this takes place several
days before hand. At the making of the contract each party produces
his fighting animal and exhibits it to his opponent in the presence of
witnesses. When the stakes have been agreed upon, the two animals
are symbolically dedicated to enmity against one another in the future
by being allowed for a moment to charge each other with their heads
down, or (in case of birds) to peck at each other. ^) The animals are,
after this ceremony, said to be "betrothed" (meutunang or lam tunang),
while the owners are said to have "made this stake" {ka meutaroh).

The stake of each pair of opponents is called taroh ba* = principal
stake, and is handed over to an uU'ebalang or keuchi^ (who usually
deducts a commission for his trouble) to be delivered to the winner after
the fight is over. Outsiders may in the meantime, both before and
during the fight, lay wagers with one another on its issue; the amounts
bet are called taroh chabeu'eng or additional stakes. Thus even in the
midst of the struggle the betting men may be seen moving about
through the crowd, while their cries "two to one, three to two!" and
so on, alternate with the tide of battle within the glanggang *).

The final preparation of the animals for the fight savours a good
deal of superstition. Not only is the choice of strengthening and other
medicines controlled by superstition, but ajeumats (charms) are employed
by the owner to make his animal proof against the arts of witchcraft
by which the opponent is sure to endeavour to weaken and rob it of
its courage. The kutikas or tables of lucky times and seasons are resor-
ted to in order to decide at what hour of the appointed day it will
be best to start for the scene of the combat, and in what direction
the animal shall issue from its stall.

The animals are in the charge of their masters who however usually

i) In the case of bullocks this symbolical challenge is called pupo* (the same name as
is given to the combat proper); that of rams is known as peusigong^ and of birds /«//tt/^',
peuchuto\ peiichato^ or peuchoh,

2) Fights between animals, though now prohibited by law in the Colony of the Straits
Settlements and discouraged by the Government of the Federated Malay States, have till
recently and still are in the outlying districts, as popular among the Malays of the Penin-
sula as in Acheh. Skeat. i^Malay Magic pp. 468 — 483) has collected and given in full the
information furnished with regard to these pastimes by Newbold {Malacca vol. II, pp.
179 — 183 etc.) and Clifford (/» Court and Kampong pp. 48 — 61 etc.). Cockfighting is
especially dear to the Malay; the birds are generally armed with an artificial spur in the
shape of a sharp steel blade {taji) which inflicts most deadly wounds, and the combats are
thus usually a Voutrance, (Translator),

214

employ one or two servants to look after them under the supervision
of an expert (juara).

These bring the animals to the scene of the encounter armed with
all sorts of strengthening and invigorating appliances so as to render
them service both before the fight and between the rounds.

To guard against the possibility of the adversary having buried some
hostile talisman under the earth of the fighting-ring, the servants of
each party go diligently over the ground every here and there with
ajeumats which they pull over the surface by strings so as to drive
away evil influences.

Fighting-birds are held in the hand by their juaras while both
parties indulge in one or two sham attacks pending the time for the
real onslaught the signal for which is given by the cry ^Ka asf' i "'it
is off"". So long as this cry has not been heard, either party may hold
back his bird to repair some real or fancied omission.

The first release of the birds is a critical moment, and each side
tries to get its bird worked up to the proper pitch for it.

Errors in supervision, committed by one party and ascribed by the
other to wilful malice, have led to sanguinary encounters and even to
manslaughter.

Another stimulus to quarrels over the sport lies in the cries of ap-
plause {sura') of the side whose cock seems to be winning. Should its
opponents imagine that they see something insulting in the words used,
or should the language be derogatory to the dignity of the owner of
the losing bird, reunchongs and sikins will be promptly drawn.

Should one of the rival birds become exhausted, its juara and his
helpers make every conceivable effort to instil new life into it by
speaking to it, by spitting on it, by rubbing it, and so on. If the bird
continues to lie helpless and breathless, or should it shun its foe and seek
to escape from the fighting-ring, then the combat is decided against it.

To a European spectator there is something ridiculous in the different
ways in which the juaras and others urge on their fighting-cocks. One
sees greybeards dance madly round a yielding cock and hurl the bit-
terest insults at it: "dog of a cock! is this the way you repay all the
trouble and care spent on you! Ha! that's better! So's that! Peck him
on the head!" and so on. In reality however, these doings are no
sillier than the excitement which racehorses and jockeys seem capable
of arousing in a certain section of the European public.

215

If both the combatants decline to renew the fight after several rounds
are over, the fight is said to be sri; in other words it is drawn.

The fights between chempalaSy nteureubo'^s and puyoks rank as belon-
ging to a lower plane of sport than those of bulls, buffaloes, rams,
cocks and leue^s, while combats between crickets are officially regarded
as an amusement for children ^). For all that, older people are said
not to disdain this childish sport; indeed it was said of the Pretender-
Sultan that he was a great patron of fights between daruet kleng *), and
often staked large sums upon the sport. According to what people say,
it was due to this propensity that gambling was permitted within the
house, since the young and lively tuanku would have been put to shame
before his old guardian, Tuanku Asem, if he openly indulged in such
unlawful pleasures at a time when stress was being laid on the aban-
donment of the godless Achehnese adats ^).

Even when free from wagers and matches these pleasures are for-
bidden by Islam; how much more then when the two sins are inse-
parably intertwined ! Under the war-created hegemony of the Teungkus^
fights between animals are becoming rarer and rarer, to the great
disgust of many chiefs and of most of the common people. These last
fancy that it it is sufficient if these fights are held outside the limits
of consecrated ground and on days other than the Friday.

In former times there seem to have been individuals who besides
taking part in the ritual of divine service, had no compunction about
actively sharing in these sports. At least in the historical hikayats we
now and then come across persons bearing the appellation of leube
juara, a combination which from an orthodox standpoint seems irre-
concilable.

i) To allow oxen, rams and buffaloes to fight is called pupo^ (the actual fighting is
mupo^)\ iu the case of birds the terms are peuldt and meuldt\ in the case of crickets
peukab and meukab, *

2) Only so called — ''the Kling cricket^* — from its dark colour; it is much used
for fights.

3) These lines were written in 1893.

2l6

§ 3. Ratebs.

Character of Xo those well versed in the lore of Islam and not trained up to

the Acheh-

nese ratebs. Achehnese prejudices and customs, the ratebs of the Achehnese present
the appearance of a kind of parody on certain form of worship.

In the connection in which we here employ it, the word ratib (Arab.
rdtib) ^) signifies a form of prayer consisting of the repeated chanting
in chorus *) of certain religious formulas, such as the confession of faith,
a number of different epithets applied to God, or praises of Allah and
his Apostle. These ratibs are not strictly enjoined by the religious
law, but some of them are recommended to all believers by the sacred
tradition, while others appertain to the systems established by the
founders of certain tarlqahs or schools of mysticism.
The ratib One rdtib, which was introduced at Medina in the first half of the

Samman in

the Eastern eighteenth century by a teacher of mysticism called Sammdn whom
re ipe ago. ^j^^ people revered as a saint, enjoys a high degree of popularity in
the Eastern Archipelago. The same holy city was also the sphere of
the teaching of another saint, Ahmad QuskdsAi, who flourished full half
a century early (A. D. 1661), and whose Malay and Javanese disciples
were the means of spreading so widely in the far East a certain form
of the Shattarite tarlqah or form of mysticism. ') The latter teacher's
influence was more extensive and had a greater effect on the religious
life of the individual. The teaching conveyed by this Satariah to the
. majority of its votaries is indeed confined to the repetition of certain
formulas at fixed seasons, generally after the performance of the pres-
cribed prayers (s^mbahyang)\ but many derive from it also a peculiar
mystic lore with a colour of pantheism, which satisfies their cravings
for the esoteric and abstruse.
Muhammad It was not the intention of Muhammad Samman any more than of

Ahmad" Qu- Ahmad QushashI to introduce any really new element into the sphere

shashl.

i) The root meaning of the word in Arabic is ''standing firm**; it is applied to persons
with a fixed as opposed to a temporary employment, and to things which are firmly fixed
or settled.

2) The distinction between the ratib as a dikir chanted in chorus by a number of per-
sons and a dikir which can be chanted by a single person, is entirely local. In Arabia
every dikr^ whether recited alone or in chorus at fixed seasons, is called ratib,

3) For further details respecting this teacher and his pupil Abdurra^uf, also revered as a
saint in Acheh, see p. 17 et seq. above.

21/

of mysticism; their object was rather to attract greater attention to,
and win fresh votaries for, the methods of the earlier masters which
they taught and practised. The results of the labours of the two, as
evidenced in Indonesia, are of a very different nature. The writings
or oral traditions of the spiritual descendants of QushashI in these
countries are restricted to brief treatises on mystic bliss or more exten-
ded works on the training of mankind to a consciousness of their unity
with God, while the outward manifestation of this Satariah is confined
to the observance of certain simple and insignificant seasons of devotion.
The Samaniah was productive of votaries rather than of actual adepts,
but wherever the former are, their presence makes itself at once felt.
In the evenings and especially that which precedes Friday, the day of
prayer, they assemble in the chapel of the gampong or some other
suitable place and there prolong far into the night the dikrs known as
rdtib, chanting the praises of Allah with voices that increase gradually
in volume till they rise to a shout, and from a shout to a bellow. The
young lads of tlie gampong begin by attending this performance as
onlookers; later they commence to imitate their elders and finally
after due instruction join in the chorus themselves.

Shaikh Samman, the originator of this ratib, both composed the words Noisy cha-
racter of the
and laid down rules as to the movements of the body and the postures ratib Samman

which were to accompany them. There can be no question but that

this teacher of mysticism held noise and motion to be powerful agents

for producing the desired state of mystic transport. In this he differred

from some of his brother teachers, who .made quiet and repose the

conditions for the proper performance of their dikrs. His disciples,

however, have in later times gone very much further than their master

in this respect, and such is especially the case with the votaries of the

ratib Samman in the Malayan Archipelago.

All orthodox teachers, even though they may be indulgent in the

matter of noisiness in the celebration of the ratib and excessive

gymnastic exercise of the members of the body as an accompaniment

thereto, require of all who perform ratib or dikr, that they pronounce

clearly and distinctly the words of the confession of faith and the names

and designations of God ; wanton breaches of this rule are even regarded

by many as a token of unbelief. But in the East Indian Archipelago

the performers of the ratib Samman have strayed far from the right

path. In place of the words of the shahadah, of the names or pronouns

2l8

Nasib.

Hikayat
SammSii.

(such as Hu i. e. He) used to designate Allah, senseless sounds are
introduced which bear scarcely any resemblance to their originals. The
votaries first sit in a half-kneeling posture, which they subsequently
change for a standing one; they twist their bodies into all kinds of
contortions, shaking their heads too and fro* till they become giddy,
and shouting a medley of such sounds as Allahu She lahu sihihihihi etc.
This goes on till their bodies become bathed with perspiration, and they
often attain to a state of unnatural excitement, which is by no means dimi-
nished by the custom observed in some places of extinguishing the lights.

The different divisions of these most exhausting performances are
separated from one another by intervals during which one of those
present recites what is called a nasib. The proper meaning of this Arabic
word is ** love-poem". In the mystic teaching it is customary to represent
the fellowship of the faithful with the Creator through the image of
earthly love; these poems are composed in this spirit which combine
the sexual with the mystic, or else love-poems are employed the original
intention of which is purely worldly but which are adopted in a mystic
sense and recited without any modification.

The nasib in Indonesia has wandered still further from its original
prototype than is the case in Arabia. In place of Arabic verses we
find here pantuns in Malay or other native languages, tales or dialogues
in prose or verse, which have little or nothing to do with religion.
Such a piece is recited by one or two of those present in succession,
and the rest join in with a refrain or vary the performance by yelling
in chorus the meaningless sounds above referred to.

Histories of the life and doings of the saint Samman are also very
popular in the Archipelago. These tales are composed in Arabic, Malay
and other native languages and contain an account of all the wonders
that he wrought, and the virtues by which he was distinguished. They
are generally known as Hikayat or Manaqib Samman ("Story" or ''Ex-
cellences" of Samman). They are valued not merely for their contents;
their recitation in regarded as a meritorious task both for reader and
listeners, and vows are often made in cases of sickness or mishap, to
have the hikayat Samman recited if the peril should be averted. The
idea is that the saint whose story is the object of the vow, will through
his intercession bring about the desired end *).

i) A number of other sacred tales are employed in the same way in the Archipelago

219

In Acheh, as in the neighbouring countries, the rateb Saman is one The rat^b
of the devout recreations in which a religiously inclined public takes Acheh.
part in spite of the criticism of the more strict expounders of the law.
The Achehnese would certainly deny us the right to classify this rat^b
under the head of games and amusements nor should we include it in
this category were it not that a description of this rat^b is requisite as
an introduction to our account of those others, which even the Acheh-
nese regard as corruptions of the true rateb Saman, without any reli-
gious significance. They also declare that while the real rateb Saman
may be the subject of a vow, neither of those secular ratebs which we
are now about to describe can properly become so.

In Acheh, as in other Mohammedan countries *), what is called the
"true" rat^b Saman is noisy to an extreme degree; the «^^«tf.f«A, which
is the usual scene of its performance, sometimes threatens to collapse,
and the whole gampong resounds with the shouting and stamping of
the devotees. The youth of the gampong often seize the opportunity
to punish an unpopular comrade by thrusting him into the midst of
the throng or else squeezing him against one of the posts of the meu-
nasah with a violence that he remembers for days to come. There are
no lights so that it is very difficult to detect the offenders, and in any
case the latter can plead their state of holy ecstasy as an excuse!

The composition which does duty as nasib (=^nast6, see p. 218 above)
is to outward appearance devoted to religious subjects, but on closer
examination proves to be nothing but droll doggerel, in which appear
some words from the parlance of mysticism and certain names from
sacred history.

The women have a rat^b Saman of their own, differing somewhat in Women's
details from that of the men, but identical with it in the main. ^^^^'

The part of the performance called meunasib (** recitation of nastd'*)
among the men is in the women's rateb designated by the verb meu-
chakri or meuhadu The mother in her cradlesong prays that her
daughter may excel in this art.

as for instance that of the shaving of Muhammad^s head, the Biography of Sheikh Abdul-
qSdir JailUnl, called in West-Java Hikayat Seh (Shaikh) etc., etc.

i) In certain Malayan countries the planting and threshing of padi are performed by the
whole of a neighbourhood in cooperation (blrdrao). This system recalls the ^ bees'* of the
United States of America. At the threshing a sort of noisy ratib is performed, varied by
the occasional distribution of cocoanuts and sugarcane to the threshers. This custom is
dying out in Province Wellesley, but is still to be met with in Perak. {Translator),

220

Specimens We may here give a small specimen of each of these interludes to
Saman. ^^^ rat^bs. Like almost every composition in the Achehnese language

they are made in the common metre known as sanja\ The following
is a sample of nasib from a men's rat^b *) :

"The holy mosque (i. e. that at Mekka), Alahu, Alahu, in the holy
mosque are three persons: one of them is our Prophet, the other two
his companions. He sends a letter to the land of Sham (Syria), with a
command that all Dutchmen shall become Moslems. These Jewish in-
fidels ^) will not adopt the true faith, their religion is in a state of
everlasting decay".

The following is a sample of chakri from a women's rat6b ') :

^'In Paradise how glorious is the light, lamps hang all round; the
lamps hang by no cord, but are suspended of themselves by the grace
of the Lord."

There is one variety of the rat^b Saman which far surpasses the
ordinary sort in noisiness. This is performed more especially in the
fasting month at the meudaroth, when the recital of the QurSn in the
meunasah is finished. The assembled devotees recite their dikr first
sitting down, then standing and finally leaping madly; from two to
four of those present act as leaders and cry leu ileuheu, the rest responding
ilalah\ the words: hu^ hu, hayyun^ hu hay at also form part of the chorus.
Rat6bMinsa. This rateb is called kuluhet but more commonly tninsa by the Acheh-
nese, who do not however know the real meaning of either word. Minsa
is, as a matter of fact, the Achehnese pronunciation of the arabic minshdr
= "saw". In the primbons or manuals of Java we actually find constant
mention made of the dikr al-minshdri i. e. the "saw-dikr"; this is described
in detail, and one explanation given of the name is that the performer
should cause his voice on its outward course to penetrate through "the plank
of his heart" as a carpenter saws through a wooden board. These descrip-
tions are indeed borrowed from a manual of the Shattarite tarlqah *), but

i) Meuseujideharam Alahu Alahu^ Mcuseujideharam na ureueng dua dro'e — nabiteu
sidro'e sabatneu dua, NeupeuUt surat keudch nanggroe Cham — geuyu'e tnaso^ eseulam
bandum blanda, Kaphe Yahudi han jitim masd"* — dalam suntd'' runtdh agama,

2) As we saw above (p. 82 note 3) the popular tradition of the Achehnese is prone
to regard the European infidels as followers of the prophet Musa (Moses) and worshippers
of the sun.

3) Dalam Cheuruga bukon peungeulh U — meugantung kande ban siseun lingka. Kandi
meugantung hana ngon taloe — meugantung keudroe Tuhan kardnya,

4) This book is called al-Jawahir al-khamsah. See Loth's Catalogue of the Arabic Manu-
scripts of the library of the India Office (London 1877) p. 185 — 87.

221

the idea is of course applicable to any tarlqah, and the Achehnese have
applied the "saw" notion as an ornamental epithet of the rat6b Saman.

The ratib sadati is the most characteristic and at the same time the The rat^b
most favourite caricature of the religious rat^b met with in Acheh ').
It is performed by companies of from 15 to 20 men accompanied by
a pretty little boy in female dress who has been specially trained for
the purpose. The men composing each company always come from the
same gampong; they are called the dalems, aduens or abangs i. e. ** elder
brothers" of the boy, while the latter shares with the rat^b itself the
name of sadati.

Each company has its ch^h (Arab, shaich) who is also called ul^'e
ratib (chief of the rat^b) or pangkay or ba^ (director or foreman) and
one or two persons called radat \ skilled in the melody of the chant
[lagke) and the recitation of nasib or kisahs.

The boys who are trained for these performances, are some of them Training of

the bovs*

the best-looking children of Nias slaves, while others are the offspring
of poor Achehnese in the highlands. It is said that these last used
sometimes to be stolen by the dalems, but they were more generally
obtained by a transaction with the parents, not far removed from an
actual purchase. The latter were induced by the payment of a sum of
money to hand over to his intended "elder brethren" the most pro-
mising of their boys as regards voice and personal beauty. The parents
satisfy their consciences with the reflection that the boy will be always
finely dressed and tended with the utmost care, and that as he grows
up he will learn how to provide for himself in the future.

The following is the most probable origin of the name sadatu In Origin of the
Arabic love-poems, both those which are properly so called and those
which are employed as a vehicle for mysticism, the languishing lover
often makes his lament to his audience whom he addresses with the
words yd sadati (Arabic for "Oh, my masters!"). Such expressions, much
corrupted like all that the Achehnese have borrowed from abroad, also
appear in the sadati poetry. Hence no doubt thie name of sadati came
to be applied both to the rat^b itself, and later on to the boy who
takes the leading part therein.

1) This caricature of rdtib is unknown among the Malays. (Translator),

2) Probably the Arab, raddad^ which properly means **repeater" or **answerer", a name
which is used in reference to the performers in other dikrs as well as these.

222

The sadati A considerable portion of the poetry recited by the sadatis and their

pocry. dalims is erotic and even paederastic in character; while the sadati

himself in his female garb forms a special centre of attraction to the

onlookers. But it is a mistake to suppose that the profession of sadati

implies his being devoted to immoral purposes.

The morals The view taken by the dalims is that both the voice and the per-
' sonal charms of their charge would quickly deteriorate if he were given
over to vicious life. They have devoted much time to his training and
much money to his wardrobe, and they take good care that they are
not deprived prematurely of the interest on that capital, in the shape
of the remuneration they receive from those who employ them as players.

The sadati- The ratib sadati always takes the form of a contest; two companies
a^cont^t*"^^ ^^^'^ different gampongs, each with their sadatis, are always engaged
and perform in turns, each trying to win the palm from the other.

The passion of the Achehnese for these exhibitions may be judged
from the fact that a single performance lasts from about eight p. m.
till noon of the following day, and is followed with unflagging interest
by a great crowd of spectators.

We shall now proceed to give a brief description of a rat^b sadati.
To avoid misconception of the subject we should here observe, that a
rat^b of this description witnessed in Acheh by Mr. L. W. C. van den
Berg in 1881, was entirely misunderstood by him ').

First of all, this performance was given at the request of a European
jn an unusual place, and thus fell short in many respects of the ordi-
nary native representation; and in the next place Van den Berg only
saw the beginning of the ratib due\ and those who furnished the enter-
tainment found means to cut it short by telling him, in entire conflict
with the truth, that the rest was all the same. Nor were these the only
errors into which he fell. In the pious formulas recited by the ch^h or
jeader by way of prologue, the names of all famous mystic teachers,
(and among them that of Naqshiband) are extolled. Hearing this name
he rushed to the conclusion that this was a mystic performance of the
Naqshibandiyyah. The first Achehnese he met could have corrected
this illusion had he enquired of him ; and had the person questioned
had some knowledge of the Naqshibandiyyah form of worship (which,

i) Tijdschr. van hei Batav, genootschap^ Vol. XX VIII, pp. 158 et seq. This contribution
adds nothing to the knowledge of the matter indicated by its title.

223

by the way, is little known in Acheh) he would have added this further
explanation that this mystic order is strongly opposed to that noisy
recitation which is just the special characteristic of the ratib Satnan
and of the radeb sadati which is a corruption of the latter.

In the enclosure where the performance is to take place, a simple Mounting
shed is erected with bamboo or wooden posts and the ordinary thatch mance.
of sagopalm leaves. In this the two parties take up their position on
opposite sides. The dalims or abangs of one party form a lin.e, in the
middle of which is the leader [ch^h = Arab shaich^ ul^'e, pangkay or
ba\ Behind them sit one or more of those who act as radats. Still
further in the background is the sadati^ already clothed in all his
finery; he generally lies down and sleeps through the first portion of
the performance, as he is not called upon to play his part till after
midnight.

The prelude is called rateb due' or "sitting rat^b", since the dalims The sitting
adopt therein the half-sitting, half-kneeling position assumed by a
Moslim worshipper after a prostration, in the performance of ritual
prayers (s^mbahyang).

One party leads off, while the other joinsjin the chorus, carefully
following the tune and exactly imitating the gestures of their opponents.

The earlier stage of the recitation consists of an absolutely meaningless
string of words, which the listeners take to be a medley of Arabic
and Achehnese. Some of these pieces are in fact imitations of Arabic
songs of praise, but so corrupted that it is difficult to trace the original.
The names of the lag^es or "tunes" to which the pieces are recited,
are also in some instances corrupted from Arabic words.

At the beginning of each division of the recitation, the radat of the Task of the
leading party sets the tune, chanting somewhat as follows; — ih ha
la ilaha la ilahi etc.; the others take their cue from him, or if they
forget the words, are prompted by their ch^h and all join in.

As to this stage of the proceedings we need only say that the first
party chants a number of lag^es (usually five) in succession, and that
in connection with many of these chants there is a series of rythmic
gestures (also called lag^e) performed partly with the head and hands
and partly with the aid of kerchiefs. The following are the names of
a group of lag^es in common use :

225

I . Lag^'e asb'e idan % without any special gestures. Lag^es of the

2^. Lag^e sakinin, accompanied by the lagle jarbe (*hand .tune"), '^^^^"8 '^^^**-
i. e. an elegant series of movements of the hands performed by
all in perfect time and unison, punctuated by the snapping of
the fingers.
3®. Lag^e ba'do salatn *), accompanied by the lagH ija bungkoih
(''tune of the folded kerchiefs"), in which each performer has
before him a twisted kerchief which he gracefully manoeuvres in
time with the chanting of his comrades.
4^ Lag^e minidarwin^ accompanied by the lag^e ija IM (''tune of
interwoven kerchiefs"). Each performer interlaces his kerchief
with that of his neighbour ; sometimes a chain of kerchiefs is thus
formed. Later on they are disunited again and spread out in
front of their several owners, -
5^ Lag^e salala \ accompanied by the lag^e ija ba' takue (tune of
the kerchiefs on the neck). Here the kerchiefs are repeatedly
drawn over the shoulders and round the throat.
These five examples will suffice to give some notion of how much
of the real rateb there is in this performance ; it will be seen that we
did not go too far in characterizing the latter as a caricature of the ,
true ratibi which is a chant in praise of God and his apostle. The
"nonsense verses" to which these lagkes form the accompaniment are •
repeated over and over again, time after time, until the leading party
has exhausted all the gymnastic exercises at its command in respect
of that particular tune.

As soon as the first ratib due is finished an expert of the same Nasibofthis
party which has hitherto taken the lead in the performance, comment '^^ *
ces to *^fneunasiV\ The nasib of the rateb sadati consists of a diailogu^
between the two parties, beginning with mutual greetings, after whidh
it takes the form of question and answer. The questions are in outward
appearance of a religious or philosophical nature, but as a matter of
fact the nasib is as much a caricature of a learned discussion as the
whole rat^b is a travesty of a service of prayer and praise. The players,
however, as well as most of the audience, who have but little knowledge

i) This appears to be a corruption of the Arabic ya sayyidana^^O\ our Lord!"

2) Arab, bd'da ^s-salam i. e. **aftcr the benediction".

3) From falP Allah^ the beginning of the well known prayer for a blessing upon the
Prophet.

II 15

22/

of the intricacies of Mohammedan law, regard the performance as

actual earnest, and the former endeavour to injure their opponents by

paltry invective, by difficult questions and unexpected rejoinders.

After each nasibt that is to say after each of these dialogues con- Kisah in con-
clusion of the
sisting of a preliminary greeting followed by question and answer, the nasib.

leading party gives what is called kisah tijong nasib or story in con-
clusion of the nasib. An expert story-teller chants his tale by half-
verses at a time, each half-verse being taken up and repeated by the
rest of his company. In this respect it resembles certain of the dikrs
which are recited in chorus.

We append a specimen of one of these dialogues of salutation, and Specimen of
of the question and answer which follow, together with the kisahs which accompany-
appertain thereto ; observing at the same time that this part of the *°S ^*^^*
performance is often considerably prolonged. It also frequently happens
that one party plays out its part to the end before the other intervenes,
after which the first one does not again enter the lists until after the
conclusion of the whole nasib.

Salutation of the party A. God save you all, oh teungkus, I wish to
convey my salutation to all of you. I would gladly offer you sirih, but
I have not my sirih-bag with me; I have come all the way from my
gampong, which lies far away. I wished to offer you sirih, but I have
no betel-bowl; I cannot return (to fetch it), it is now too late in the
day. In place of giving you sirih then, oh worshipful masters, I lay
both my hands upon my head (in token of respect). My ten fingers
on my head, to crave forgiveness of you all, oh teungkus. Ten fingers,
five I uplift as flowers *) upon my head.

Kisah in conclusion of this nasib. Near the Meuseugit Raya there is
a mounted warrior of great bravery who there performed tapa (penance
with seclusion). He did tapa there in the olden days when our country
(Acheh) began its existence; of late he has come to life again. For
many ages he has slumbered, but since the infidel has come to wage
war against us, he has waked from his long sleep. Seek not to know
this warriors real name; men call him Nari Tareugi. The white of his
eyes is even as (black) bayam-seed, their pupils are (red) like saga-seeds.
In his hand he holdeth a squared iron club; there is no man in the

Salutation.

Kisah.

i) The meaning is "I lay your commands upon my head (in token of obedience) as
though they were flowers".

228

world who can resist his might. The place where he takes his stand
becomes a sea; a storm ariseth there like unto the rainstorms of the
keunbng sa \ The water around him ebbs and flows again. Thus shall
you know the demon of the Meuseugit Raya. — In the Daroy river
is a terrible sane^); let no man suffer his shadow to fall on him, lest
evil overtake him. — In the Raja Um6ng ') is the sa?t^ Ch^'br^* *),
over whom no human being however great his strength, can prevail.
Answering Answering salutation of the party B. Hail to you, oh noble teung-
sautation. j^^g , j ^^^ ^^ hands upon my head.

Here followeth the salutation ordained by the sunat for the use of
all Moslims towards a new-comer, come he from where he may %

I wish to salute you in token of respect, I stretch forth my hands
as a mark of my esteem. I make three steps backwards in token of
self-abasement, for such is the custom of the gently bred. My teacher
has instructed me, teungkus, first to make salutation and then to wel-
come the new-comer. After the salutation I clasp your hands ; last follows
the offering of sirih.
Kisah. Kisah in conclusion of this nasib. Hear me, my friends, I celebrate

the name of Raja Beureuhat. A marvellous hero is this Raja Beureuhat,
unsurpassed throughout the whole world. When he moves his feet the
ground shakes; when he raises up his hands there is an earthquake.
On the sea he has ships, and steeds upon the land. Now I turn to
wondrous deeds % In Gampong Jawa the heavens are greatly overcast;
storms of rain and thunder and lightning come up. Cocoanut trees are
cleft in twain ; think upon it, my friends who stand without. But I would
remind you that if you will not enter the lists with us, it is better to
wait. If there are any among you teungkus, that are ready to match
themselves against us let them marshal their ranks. If their ranks
are not in proper order, then will I have no relationship with you (i. e.

1) See Vol. I, p. 256.

2) See Vol. I, p. 409.

3) This is the name of the great expanse of cultivated land lying on the borders of the
Dalam (royal residence and fortified enclosure) of Acheh.

4) Ch6^br6^ or chibre^ is the name of a tree known as juar in Java, where it is exten-
sively used as a shade-tree on the roadsides.

5) The words **Here followeth" to * where he may" are in very corrupt Arabic pro-
nounced in the Achehnese fashion.

6) Here the speaker, while apparently alluding to the miraculous deeds of Raja Beu-
reuhat is really referring to the wondrous performance by which he and his party mean
to drive their opponents from the field. The sequel is a more or less contemptuous challenge.

229

you are not worthy opponents). Ask them (the rival party; here the
speaker appears to address the audience) whether they indeed dare to
do battle with us; if so let them get ready their weapons and put
their fortifications in a state of defence. Their fort must be strong, and
their guns must carry far, for here with us we have bombs of the
Tuan betisa *).

Nasib of the party A in the form of a question. There was once a Nasib in the
man who slept and dreamed that he had committed adultery; after- doctrinal
wards he went down from his house and went to the well but found question.
no bucket there. Thence he went to the mosque (to fetch a bucket);
how then did he express the ni'et (= ** intention", the Arab, wijj^/, which
every Mohammedan has to formulate as the introduction to a ritual
act, and so as in the present case to the taking of a bath of purifi-
cation)? How many be the conditions, oh teungkus of such a ritual
ablution? In this jar are all kinds of water ^). Let not the jar be broken,
let not its covering (say of leaves or cotton) be open; what, oh teungkus
are the conditions of a valid ritual ablution ?

The same party A now follows with a short story, a kisah ujong
nasib \ for brevity's sake we shall pass this over and go on to the
answer of the opposite party.

Nasib of the party B in the form of an answer. If Allah so will '), Nasib in
I shall now answer your question. Set me no learned questions; I cannot q,^sUon.
solve them, I am no doctor of the law *). Answer me first, oh teungku,
and answer me correctly, how many conditions there be to the setting
of a question. Without conditions and all that depends on these con-
ditions, your questioning is in vain. Not till the^ conditions and that
which depends on them is known, has the asking of questions any
meaning. Grammar (is taught) at Lam Ny6ng, the learning of the law

i) As to the impression produced in Acheh by this Malay name for the Governor of
that country, see Vol. I, p. 171.

2) After first putting a question as to the forms prescribed by the law for ritual ablutions,
the speaker now compares his mind to a water-jar, in which is to be found all manner of
water (i. e. knowledge).

3) As to the common use and misuse of this formula by the Achehnese, see Vol. I, p. 311,
footnote.

4) This is of course meant ironically, for directly afterwards the opposite party is repre-
sented as unfitted even to propound questions.

230

at Lam Pucho'; elsewhere there are no famous teachers; come, sound
our depth! Logic is taught at Lam Paya, dogma at Krueng Kal^;
your questions are put without consideration. On the mountains there
are sala-trees, on the shore there are aron-trees; the waves come in
and pile up the sand. Take some rice (provision for the travelling
student) and come and learn from me even though I teach you but one
single little line. At Krueng Kale there are many teachers, Teungku
Meuse *) is as the lamp of the world. They (these great teachers) have
never yet entered into a contest with any man with learned questions;
to do so is a token of conceit, ambition, pride and vain-glory ^). Con-
ceit and ambition, pride and vain glory, by these sins have many been
brought to destruction. People who are well brought up are never
made a prey to shame; those who trust in God are never overtaken
by misfortune. Others have propounded many learned questions, oh
my master, but never such foolish ones as thou. With a single kupang
(one-eighth of a dollar) in thy purse, thou dost desire to take all the
land in the world in pledge '); others possess store of diamonds and
set no such value on their wealth as thou.
The second Hereupon follows the kisah of the party B, and after this or after
ing ra . ^^^ nasib has been pursued still further in the same manner, it beco-
mes the turn of the party B to take the leading part. Immediately
after the latter has recited their last kisah, it begins its rateb due\ and
now the party A which previously took the lead must exhibit its skill
in following quickly and without mistakes the tunes, gestures and gym-
nastic play with hands and kerchiefs, which their opponents have pre-
viously rehearsed and can thus perform with ease.

The rateb thus runs again exactly the same course as that we have

just described, only with a change of roles, and with certain variations

which do not affect the essence of the performance.

The standing As soon as this is all finished, the rateb due* is succeeded by the

mencement^f ^^^^'^ ^^*^S ^^ "standing rateb'*\ This generally occurs somewhat after

the sadatis' midnight, about the first cock-crow. The sadati of party A comes

performance.

forward, and his dalems (**elder brothers") stand behind him; party B
continues sitting, no longer in the half-kneeling posture of one who

1) See p. 27 above.

2) These four sins are frequently grouped together, especially in mystic works.

3) I. e. '^with your pennyworth of learning you dare to take your stand in the great
arena of theological controversy".

■sJ

232

performs a ritual prayer, but squatting as a native always does in
polite society. It sometimes happens that one party produces two or
three sadatis, but the only difference in such a case is that there are
two or three voices in the chorus in place of one.

The sadati (for convenience sake we adopt the singular) begins by
saluting each member of the opposite party by taking the right hand
between both of his and letting it slide between his palms. The others
return the greeting by momentarily covering the sadati's right hand
with both of theirs.
Dress of the The sadati takes up his position facing his dal^ms, but from time to

ssid&ti

time while speaking or reciting he shifts round so as not to keep his
back continually turned to any portion of the audience. He wears on
his head a kupiah or cap with a golden crown {tafnpo\ a coat with
many gold buttons and trousers of costly material, but no loin-cloth.
He is covered with feminine ornaments, such as anklets, bracelets,
rings, a chain round the neck and a silver girdle round the waist.
Over his shoulders hang a kerchief {pungkoih dura*) such as women
are wont to wear as a covering for the head, of a red colour and
embroidered with peacocks in gold thread. In one hand he holds a fan.

His dalems start him off on the first tune by chanting in chorus
some nonsense words such as hehe lam heum a. This tune to which the
sadati now sings is a long-drawn chant of the kind known as lag^e
jareueng *). The dalems chime in now and then with a refrain of meaning-
less words ^).

There is not much coherency in the sadati's recital; it consists of
pantons strung together of moralizings upon the pleasure and pain of
love or on recent events, of anecdotes from universally known Acheh-
nese poems (hikayats), all introduced by the superfluous request for
room to be made for him (the sadati) to perform in.
Introduction Sadati A : Elder brothers ! (here he addresses those of the opposite
o t e sa a 1. gj j^^ make room in order that the sadati may enter (i. e. into the space
in the middle); I will give flowers to master sadati (i. e. his colleague
on the opposite side), a tungkoy ') of flowers, among which are three
nosegays of jeumpa-flowers. These I shall go and buy at Keutapang

i) See p. 75 above.

2) The singing of such a refrain is called meuchakrum,

3) A taloe or karang consists of ten flowers tied together; ten taloe form one tungkoy.

233

Dua. The market lies up-stream, the gampong Jeumpet down stream. —
I send flowers to master sadati. Bun6t-trees in rows, a straight unin-
dented coast, a lofty mountain with a holy tomb. There is little paper
left, the ink fails; the land is at war, and my heart is perturbed *).

During the succeeding part of the performance the dalems set the
tune from time to time and chime in with their refrain, but most of
these tunes, with the exception of that employed for the introduction,
are lagie bagdih, or quick time, not slow intonations.

The sadati proceeds. At Ch6t SinibSng on the shore of Peulari, there Continuation
is the gampong of the mother of Meureundam Diwi. Alas ! this poor recitation ^* ^
little girl shut up in the drum *), the mother of the child is dead,
devoured by the geureuda-bird. Teungku Mal^m (i. e. Mal^m Diwa) climbs
up into the palace and fetches the princess down from the garret.

Elder brothers, I have here a (question) in grammar, wherein I was
instructed at Klibeuet at the home of Teungku Muda. I first studied
the book of inflections; I began with the fourteen forms of inflection
(i. e. the fourteen forms which in every tense of the verb serve to
distinguish person, number and gender). What are the pronouns which
appertain to the perfect tense of the verb? Tell me quickly, oh sadati
(of the opposite side).

The above will give the reader some notion of the sort of fragmentary The kisah
songs with which the sadati commences his performance. These continue
for a time till a new item of the programme, the kisahis of the sadati,
is reached.

Most of these kisahs consist in dialogues between the sadati and his
dalems, but even where a continuous tale is recounted, the dalems take
turns with their sadati in his recital.

i) Here the sadati repeats the complaint with which many Achehnese authors or copyists
preface their works.

2) Here the sadati recalls the episode, in the well-known Hikayat Mal6m Diwa, of the
town which was entirely laid waste by the geureuda, the only person saved being the
beautiful princess Meureundam Dlwi, who was concealed by her father in a drum. See
pp. 127, 146 above.

234

When the dal^ms are speaking, the sadati always remains silent; but
the intonation of the latter is invariably accompanied by the chakrum
of the former ; this consists in a sort of dull murmur of the sounds
helahohoy varied by occasional clapping of the hands. Let us begin
with a translation of a kisah-dialogue, which also comprises a sort of
Achehnese encyclopaedia of geography and politics. We denote the
sadati by the letter S and his dal^ms by D.
Specimen of Although the dalems sing in chorus and are addressed collectively

a kisah-dialo-
gue. by their sadati, they generally speak of themselves in the first person

singular; and it is not generally apparent from what the sadati says,

whether he is addressing them in the singular or the plural. We shall

thus as a rule employ the singular in our translation, using the

plural only in some of the many cases which admit of the possibility

of its use.

Dialogue-kisah.

D. Wilt thou, oh little brother, go forth to try thy fortune and
engage in trade in some place or other?

S. What sea-coast has a just king, on what river-mouth lies the
busiest mart?

D. Well, little brother, little diamond, the land of Kluang has a
thriving mart.

S. I will not go to the land of Kluang, Nakhoda Nya' Agam no
longer reigns there.

D. Be not disturbed in mind because he is no longer king; Raja
Udah is his successor.

S. What matters whether Raja Udah is there or not, since he hath
no acquaintance with you!

D. If this contents thee not, I take you farther still; go to Gle
Putoih (in Daya) to plant pepper.

S. I will not go to Gle Putoih, for the men of Daya are at enmity
with (us) Achehnese.

D. If that please thee not, oh younger brother, go to Lambeus6e
(Lambfisi) under the Keujruen Kuala.

S. I go not to the country of Lambeus6e, for it is at strife with
Kuala Unga.

D. Be not disturbed that the country is at war; I appoint thee a
panglima (leader of fighting men) there.

S. How can you make me a leader in war, who am not yet fully grown?

235

D. Where should I let thee go and fight, my heart, my star, the
light of mine eyes?

S. If you let me not go and fight then, by my body, I shall not
be a panglima.

D. If that place suits thee not, go as panglima to the kuta (fortress)
of Chutli.

S. I will not establish myself in Chutli; it is too close to the shore,
on the border of the estuary.

D. If that please thee not, little brother, little heart, I will set thee
at Babah Awe (above Kuala Unga).

S. I will not establish myself at Babah Awe, for I fear to die there
with not one to care for me (i. e. for my burial).

D. It that please thee not, blessed little brother, I will settle thee
in the 12 Rant6s *).

S. I will not live in the 12 Rant6s, brother; tell me, what mean
you by this proposal?

D. Our intention was, blessed little brother, to take thee there to the
house of the Raja Muda (of Trum6n).

S. We can have naught to do now with the Raja of Trum6n, for
he is in the pay of the Tuan Beusa ^).

D. Where didst thou learn that, blessed little brother ? Tell me I pray.

S. I know it but too well, brother, I have but just returned from
there, the day before yesterday as it were.

D. As you pass along the rant6s of the West Coast, little brother,
how many places are subject to the Dutch?

S. Beginning at Padang right up to Singkel, all tribute is .raised for
the King of Holland.

D. When you come, little brother of mine, to the bay of Tapa' Tuan
(vulg. T^mpat Tuan), who is king there?

S. The king there is indeed a Moslim, but the flag is that of the Dutch.

D. When you get to Laboh Haji (vulg. Labuan Haji), who is king there?

S. The uleebalang of that place is a woman ^), she keeps us all in
her protection.

i) See p. 120 above.

2) As to the meaning of this Malayan title (Tuan BSsar) see Vol. I, p. 171.

3) A woman named Chut Nya* Patimah was in fact uleebalang of this place for a number
of years.

236

D. While on thy travels, little brother teungku, hast thou been also
to the land of Batu?

S. Early in the morning, brother, at Kuala Batu, by rice-time (about
9 a. m., see Vol. I, p. 199) one comes to Lama Muda.

D. Dear little brother, thou deservest punishment, I am going to banish
thee to the mountain of Seulawai'h = Gold-(mountain).

S. To banish me now ! Why did you not think of this before, when
first you begged me from my brothers?

D. When I asked for thee, I thought that it would be for a long
time, little brother, little heart, that thou wouldst become my brother.

S. Where could life be hard for a sadati (in other words, **! am
not vexed at this banishment"); he can find everywhere foot-gear to
adorn himself withal.

D. Why should I set much store by thee, sadati, who wert given to
me but art not good ?

S. Wilt thou banish me to the mountains yonder that I may die,
that tigers may devour me?

D. I am going to banish thee, little brother, to a far country, so
that thou canst not return to morrow or the day after.

S. Should you banish me, brothers, beware lest on the morrow or
the day after you long not to have me back again.

D. We have had a clear insight into the matter during the time
that thou hast been among us in this land; mayst thou not return
either on the morrow or the day after.

S. It will be better to sell me than to banish me, so that you may
at least recover my value in money.

D. I will hang no burden round my neck; I have had expense and
trouble enough on thy account.

S. Allah, allah, oh elder brothers who are my superiors, I lay my
hands upon my head (in token of compliance).

D. I take my chance, whatever be my fate; I shall now come clear
through danger at least.

S. If one has good fortune, brothers, one wins renown; should the
former fail, we must be content with the past.

D. Shouldst thou have good fortune *), oh lamp and light, then shalt
thou go forth with an umbrella and return on horseback.

i) The meaning is: '^shouldst thou be successful in this sadati contest, no marks of honour
are too great for thee".

237

S. Should good luck be the lot of you and me in this contest,
then you must fulfil a vow after you return home from this place.

D. Should I win my way through these engulfing waves, I shall
have thee bathed in perfume ').

S. We have ere now, brothers, been delivered from seven dangers
(i. e. come successfully through seven contests), but of a surety this
evening's is the greatest of all.

D. Yes, it is very different from the former ones, of another kind
from (our contests in) the past.

S. My vow, brothers, is an offering of seven bunches of flowers for
Teungku Anjong^) in Gampong Jawa.

D. This evening there will perhaps be a mighty contest; whom shall
I appoint to be panglima?

S. Brothers, make me your leader in the fight; you shall see how
I shall shake the earth till it trembles again.

D. I fear, little brother, that it will not be as thou sayest, and that
you will mayhap flee out yonder when the contest begins.

S. It is assured, brothers, that I should not flee, I who am a son
of the upper reaches of the river '), and skilled in fight.

D. Wherefore so boastful and conceited, little brother? I fear that
thou wilt lose this courage and burst into tears.

S. This is no boastfulness nor high words of mine, brothers; you
will see that I give proofs of valour, one against many.

D. Little brother, we remind thee of one thing only ; thou must thy-
self endure the result, be it good or ill.

S. Brothers, I only ask you to stand fast behind me and to spread
forth your hands in prayer (for our success).

D. I have told thee of seven lands, little brother ; I now go to study
for three years.

S. I know it well, brother, my teungku; you have been sought for
in all lands.

D. What is thy wish, little brother, tell us thy desire.

S. I wish to take the geudubang (a sort of sikin) and to go forth
and make war, I being panglima.

D. How canst thou, little brother go forth to war? Thou seest

i) Here we have the dal6ms* vow.

2) See Vol. I, p. 156.

3) See Vol. I, p. 34.

238

that thy brothers are without the means required for such a purpose.

S. Be not dismayed, my brothers, by lack of the necessary means,
go and tender your services for hire to the Emperor of China.

D. This king of the unbelievers is my friend who forges artillery,
the Emperor of China.

S. Of a truth, brothers, you are speaking foolishly! You have never
travelled even as far as Lam Weueng (in the XII Mukims).

D. In the mountain range of Lam Weueng is the peak of the Seu-
lawaih, in Lampanaih is a lilla (small cannon) with a bell ').

S. If we go to the country of Acheh, brothers, what find we to be
the greatest tokens of the power of the king?

D. Speak not to me of the tokens of his power; he has artillery
posted in every direction.

S. The Meuseugit Raya had fallen into disrepair; it was the Habib
(i. e. Habib Abdurrahman) that first took it in hand after his arrival *).

D. That is indeed just as thou sayest, little brother; tell me now
what is the form of the summit of the Gun6ngan ').

S. Its summit is of a truth exceeding beautiful ; the king goes thither
on horseback.

D. Little brother, thou hast already told us of the country of Acheh,
let us now get us hence and go elsewhere.

S. Whither will you go, oh brothers, my teungkus? take your little
brother with you, dear brothers, panglimas.

D. Let us remain no longer in Acheh, little brother ; let us go yonder
to Teungku Pakeh (the king of Pidie).

S. Nay, I will not go to Teungku Pak^h, brothers, that is so close
to Acheh, and it would take so short a time to return home.

D. If that please thee not, little grain of an ear of padi, I will take
thee to Kuala Gigieng.

S. I will not live at Kuala Gigieng, brothers; were I to die (in that
place), there is none that would look after my dead body. I have no
brothers there.

1) Here commences another geographical disquisition, which takes us from Acheh to the
North and East Coasts.

2) See Vol. I, p. 163.

3) This curious erection in the neighbourhood of the Dalam, now incorrectly named Kotta
Pechut (Kuta P6chut) by Europeans, is said by the Achehnese to have been constructed by
a former king of Acheh in the form of a mountain to relieve the home-sickness of his
consort a native of the highlands of the interior.

239

D. Dear little brother, to cut the matter short, I shall take thee to
Kuala le Leubeue (vulg. Ayer Labu).

S. I will not live at Kuala le Leubeue, for in the fresh-water creek
at that place there are many crocodiles.

D. If that suits thee not, brave brotherkin, let us go and dwell at
Eunjong in the house of the La'seumana.

S. Brothers, I will not dwell at Eunjong, the gampong there is full
of holes (and thus muddy) and there are too many bangka-trees.

D. If that please thee not, little brother, I shall take thee to the
land of Meureudu.

S. Brothers, I will not live at Meureudu; the whole country is in
tumult and war prevails.

D. Dear little brother, blessed little brother, I shall go and establish
thee at Samalanga.

S. At Samalanga also there are strange doings; Keuchi' AH ') has
been driven into the forest.

D. Little brother, if that please thee not, let us go to the country
of Peusangan in Glumpang Dua.

S. In the country of Peusangan there are also strange doings ; Teuku
B^n {^= B^ntara) is dead, and no successor has yet been appointed.

D. If that will not do, blessed little brother, I shall take thee to Samoti.

S. Brothers, I will not live at Samoti ; the prince of that place, the
Keujruen Kuala ^), is not to be depended on.

D. If that please thee not, I shall carry thee to Aw^ Geutah.

S. Brothers, I will not live at Aw^ Geutah, for I fear that Teungku
Chut Muda would forbid me (i. c. forbid my performance as a sadati,
to which all ulamas are averse).

D. If that will not do, little brother sadati, let us go down to Meu-
nasah Dua.

S. I am not very well known at Meunasah Dua brother; Teungku
Cheh Deuruih (a teacher established there) is still but a young man.

D. If that will not do, little brother teungku, I will take thee to
Pante Paku.

S. I will not go to Pant^ Paku, for I cannot twist rope of cocoanut
fibre (there is here a play on the word *paku").

i) This uUebalang, father of the present chief, was actually driven out of house and
home by his enemies from Meureudu.

2) Title given to the chiefs (k(fjuruan) of settlements at the mouths of rivers.

240

D. Dear little brother, I am going to bring thee to Lho' Seumaw^,
to (the gam pong of) Sawang Keupula.

S. I will not live at Sawang Keupula, for I fear lest the Mahraja
(of Lho' Seumaw^) may carry me off.

D. If that please thee not, blessed little brother, I shall take thee to
the country of Piadah.

S. Brothers, I will not live in the country of Piadah; I will go
further off; I will start now.

D. If that please thee not, my heart, go and stay at Jambu Ay^.

S. I will not stop at Jambu Ay^; I fear that I may perish if a flood comes.

D. If that suit thee not, little brother sadati, go yonder to Idi (vulg.
Edi) that great mart.

S. I will not live at Idi, brothers ; Teuku Nya' Paya *) is a raja who
cannot be trusted.

D. If that will not suit, little brother, my teungku, I shall place thee
on the island of Samp6e *) (near Teumieng, vulg. Tamiang).

S. We can now no longer live on the island by Samp6e ; it has been
taken by the infidel, the King of Holland.

D. If this please thee not, blessed little brother, tell us whither thou
dost wish to go.

S. My desire, brothers, is to go to Pul6 Pinang') that I may indulge
my passions in the ^'long house" *).

D. Little brother, go not to Puld Pinang, one requires much money
to visit the long house.

S. Trouble not yourselves on the score of money; I can always hold
horses and drive for hire.

D. Little brother, if thou dost go and work for hire, it will be a
reproach to thine elder brethren.

S. Let me have my wish, brothers, my teungkus; so long as I stay
not here, I care not.

D. Do you hear, my masters (this to the audience) how strong in
dispute my darling here is?

S. Do your hear, my masters? I am said to be strong in dispute.

i) This was a chief subject to Teungku di Buk6t, as to whom see Vol. I, p. 156.

2) This island formed part of the sphere of influence of the well-known Tuanku As6m
(ob. 1897), the guardian of the young pretender to the sultanate.

3) Pinang represents for the Achehnese ''the world" in all its aspects both good and evil.

4) Mai. rumah panjang = house of ill-fame. (Translator)

241

D. Never yet ere now has my darling wrangled with his teacher;
this sin is enough to make him fuel for hell.

S. God forbid that I should wrangle with my teacher; I know that
I shall in any case go to hell (on account of my godless occupation
of sadati).

D. I speak one way and he answers in another! thou art indeed
clever in making remarks and propounding questions.

S. It is not fitting, brothers, to speak like this; I am indeed by
nature as clever as a leuB* bangguna *).

D. I have slept for a moment and have had a dream, but I know
not how to interpret my dream.

S. What have you dreamed, brother, my teungku? Tell your little
brother, that I may explain the meaning thereof.

D. I dreamed, little brother, that I went on pilgrimage (the haj),
that I went to purify myself in the glorious city (of Mekka).

S. When you go on the pilgrimage, teungku, pray take the sadati
with you, that he may crave forgiveness for his sins.

D. Let us not go this year, dear little heart, thy brother has no money
at all.

S. Then sell your garden and your rice-field, brother, to furnish
funds for the journey of your little brother, who wishes to depart at once.

D. Rice-field and garden dare I not sell; I fear that the chiefs will
find means to make their own of them *).

S. Kiss the knees of the ul^ebalang, do obeisance (seumbah) at his
feet, so that he may leave you at least as much money as you require.

D. Ah dear little brother, blessed little brother, what can I do to
get money? The times are bad.

S. Allah, Allah, blessed brother, go and pawn the (golden) crown
of my cap.

D. I dare not pawn the crown of thy cap, it is thy ornament (which
thou requirest) when you are bidden to play.

S. If that suffice not, my brother, my teungku, go and pawn my
bracelets.

i) This sort of hue'' (see p. 211 above) continually emits short broken sounds, and is
regarded as excelling in lameness and skill in fighting. The word ragoe^ which we have
translated clever^ also means tame,

2) As to the greed with which the ul^ebalangs appropriate the rice-fields of their subjects
under fictations pretexts, see Vol. I, p. 115.

242

D. How canst thou wish to have thy bracelets pawned? That would
look badly in the eyes of the people, and bring shame upon us.

S. If that suffice not, brother, go and pawn my anklets.

D. How canst thou wish to have they anklets pawned? That too
looks not well in the eyes of the world.

S.'Go thyself, teungku, and let me also go; I desire so to travel.

D. Here now is some money, for which thou didst ask just now;
but take me I pray thee among thy followers.

S. Rather accompany me not, my brother, my teungku. I shall come
back quickly and rejoin you.

D. In what ship art thou going to travel ? Tell me this now, little brother.

B. I go, brothers, in the ship of Banan ^). In that ship I shall set sail.

D. Go not, little brother, in Banan 's ship; it is well known to be expensive.

S. Be not alarmed as to heavy expense ; I shall work for the nakhoda
(captain) for wages.

D. If thou receivest wages, little brother, it gives thy elder brothers
a bad name.

S. Never mind that, if only I can reach the holy land.

D. When dost thou go on board, little brother? tell me when dost
thou depart.

S. Sunday evening — Monday morning, on this morning my depar-
ture is fixed.

D. When thou goest, little brother, my teungku, take me with thee.

S. Come thou not with me, my master; I shall of a surety come
back in a year.

D. If that be so, blessed little brother, I fetter thy steps no longer,
start on thy journey.

S. Convey my salutations to my father, (say to him:) "Your darling
is gone, his journey has begun".

D. What shall I give to thy mother as thy parting gift?

S. Brother, dear brother, my teungku, spread out your hands and
pray for me (i. e. let your prayer take the place of such parting gift).

D. In the four seasons of the day ^) and in the four seasons of the
night, the palms of my hands shall be turned upwards in prayer.

i) A sailing ship once famous in Acheh, belonging to an Arab named Ali BannSn, which
took many pilgrims to Arabia.
2) See Vol. I p. 199.

243

S. Should I die upon my pilgrimage, brother, wilt thou give kan-
duris (religious feasts) and pray for me?

D. May they journey be prosperous, may sharks devour thee and
may whales swallow thee!

S. Allah, Allah, brother, my teungku, this is of a truth a fine prayer
in which thou liftest up thy hands.

D. Whence could I find the money, little brother, for the kanduri's
which thou wishest to have held? I have already exhausted my means
in gifts to thee, whilst thou wert still but young.

We append a brief specimen of another kind of kisah which is recited , . Second

kisah not in

in slow time intonation {lag^e jareueng) and is not in the form of a dialogue,
dialogue; the dal^ms first intone each verse (of at), and the sadati
repeats it after them. The tune is called jamilen and is introduced by
the . dal^ms with the following chakrum : alah hayolah adbe eu jatnilin
leungb tonkisah („Alah, hayolah, little brother, jamilen, hear my story")
these words being likewise repeated by the sadati. The remainder of
the recital is as follows:

The Land of Pidie forms a square ; four uleebalangs hold the balance
(i. e. the power) in their hands.

The X Mukims are subject to B^ntara Keumangan*); Teungku Sama
Indra is he who rules the VIII Mukims.

The La'seumana (the Chief of Eunjong) is a fatherless child; he
rules the XXII Mukims.

The V Mukims are under the control of (him that is mighty as)
midday thunder, Teungku Ujong Rimba.

Teungku Pak^h has a single mukim; he has watch-towers built at
the four corners of his stronghold.

The entrance of its gate is very beautiful; there is a prison there
built by Chinese.

i) The popular representation of Acheh as a triangle {Jhci sagb'e) finds here its coun-
terpart in that of Pidie as a square, the divisions of the latter being in like manner
named from the numbers of mukims which make them up.

2) In the Hikayat Pdchut Muhamat (see pp. 92 — 93 etc. above), the territory of
B6ntara Keumangan (Pangul^e Beunaroe) is called the IX Mukims which appellation it
still retains.

244

The VII Mukims belong to Acheh ; they are the property of Pan-
glima P61^m (the panglima of the XXII Mukims of Acheh).

In Bram6e is P6chut Siti '), along the sea-board is Teungku Siah Kuala*).

On the banks of the salt-water creek is established one who is said
to be invincible; he is known as Teuku Ne' of Meurasa.

In Pidie they have Teungku Pak^h, in Acheh we have our lord the King.

The XXVI Mukims (of Acheh are subject to) Panglima Chut Oh ^)
the XXV to Siah Ulama.

The XXII under Panglima P61^m ; they are subject to our lord the King.

Distribution There is no fixed rule as to the number of kisahs to be recited in

C ill

° ^ **' succession by one party; this is left to the performers' own choice and
gives rise to no differences of opinion between the two sides. When
one party gets tired, the other is always ready to take its turn, btit
as long as they like to do so they may continue. Ordinarily speaking,
however, the first party plays its rat^b d6ng right through before
allowing the other to commence its recital ; and the rat^b d6ng of the
one side will often last until five o'clock in the morning (^^A (6t sam-
bang, ** after the falling of the morning shot"). Before the opposing side
begins, the first performers add some further nasib such as that of
which we have already given examples in our description of the
rateb due\

The opposite party then take the stage and follow essentially the

same programme as that which we have just described — fragments of

I verse, covert allusions, quasi-learned questions, little sneering gibes at

the rival party — all sung by the sadati and accompanied by the

chakrum or refrain of his dal^ms.

Brief dcscrip- I shall give but a brief abstract of some few more kisahs in common

contents of "^^ ^^ sadati performances, which I took down from the lips of a

some kisahs. skilled reciter; they differ too little in character from those given above

to lay claim to reproduction in full.

In one of these, which is in dialogue form, the insatiable desire of

i) The ^bnrdng*'* worshipped as a saint, see Vol. I p. 379.

2) Abdora'oh (see Vol. I p. 156, and above pps 17 etc.) formerly the greatest saint of
Acheh, now the second after Teungku Anj5ng.

3) Cf. Vol. I footnote to p. 138. The details of this geographical kisah, as the reader
may have observed, belong to an earlier period.

245

the sadati for travel again constitutes the main subject; he is himself
uncertain whither he will go, and whether he will travel for study or
for trade, but of this he is sure, that in life or death he will remain
faithful and attached to his dal^ms. Passing mention is made of a
number of seats of religious learning.

Another kisah which is sung by the dalems and repeated by the
sadati verse by verse, comprises some remarks on the method of cal-
culating the proper hour for commencing a contest (with special refe-
rence to the sadati-contest), a prayer of the sadati for strength to
enable him to gain the victory, and certain geographical particulars
with regard to the environs of the capital of Acheh.

Another, which is recited in the same way as the last, contains,
besides some disconnected allusions, a fragment from the story of Diwa
Sangsar^h, which forms the subject of a popular hikayat *).

A fourth, which is intoned partly by the sadati (with an accompa-
niment) and partly by the dalems, consists of one or two metaphors
(for instance, one regarding the heavenly recompense for ritual prayers),
one or two riddles, and finally a challenge addressed to the opposite party.

A fifth, which is sung by the sadati to a slow tune (lag^e jareu'eng)
and accompanied by the dalems, consist simply of such challenges.

A sixth contains similar challenges recited by the dalems, in succes-
sion to a riddle intoned by the sadati.

So the performance goes on during the course of the morning; the
second party laying itself out to give mocking or jesting answers to
the questions put by the first, and to repay all their sneers two-fold.

One or two hours before midday the party which has been sitting T^^ «°d o^

^ ^ ^ «> the contest.

down and resting stands up once more, and now both sides recite
together, each its own kisah in its own way, to that it is impossible
to understand what they are saying, especially as each side tries to
shout their opponents down.

The sadatis approach closer and closer to one another, and would
often come to blows, were it not that the authorities of the gampongs
engaged interfere and put an end to the contest about midday. The
initiative to the closing of the performance is given by the master of
the house, who has meanwhile caused rice and its accessories to be got
ready for the players. At his request two elders one from each gam-

i) See p. 148 above.

246

pong, "separate" (publa^ the ordinary word for the separation of fighters)
the sadatis and give out that the time for departure has arrived. Each
of the elders makes obeisance to the opposite side, and beseeches them
for forgiveness for all shortcomings or disagreeable expressions which
may have caused them offence. As may be imagined the players, quite
worn out with 16 hours of excitement and tension, hurry home to seek
repose after partaking of the meal which concluded the performance.
"Gradual Like all forbidden amusements, the sadati performances have fallen

sadafi perfor- ^^ ^^^y "^^^^^ ^^ Acheh during the last twenty years.

'"^"^^^j Within the ^'linie" and in other parts where the effects of the war

have made themselves most felt, the people lack the energy necessary
for getting up these contests; while outside these limits the teungkus
and ulamas have been preaching reform with all their might, as with-
out repentance, they say, it will never be possible to prevail against
I the kafirs. Should they show a more complacent spirit towards these
/ popular wickednesses, they would soon lose their prestige and would be-
J hold the influence which the war has given them gradually dwindle away.
It is, however, far from being the case that this asceticism, though
in theory universally acknowledged as right, and now in practise en-
forced in the most disaffected parts of the country, is able to meet
with general acceptance. A holy war in Java would certainly bring
with it the prohibition of gam^an and wayang performances, but it is
equally certain that it would take more than twenty years to entirely uproot
these popular amusements. Even though the gam^lans were silenced
and the wayang-poppets consigned to the dust heap, a moment's respite
would suffice to bring them to light again. So is it also with the sadati
performances. They continue to exist in spite of the teungkus, and
when the power of the latter is once broken, these rat^bs will without
doubt revive and flourish once more.
The sadati 'jj^^ manner of dress and appearance on the stage of the sadatis

performances '^ * ^

and morality, must be admitted to have some connection with the general prevalence

in Acheh of immorality of the worst kind; but as has been already

pointed out (p. 222 above) it cannot be said that such immorality is

directly ministered to by these performances.

The sadati / There arc other ways besides in which the significance of the Acheh-

performance f

and the Java- ttese sadati performances in regard to the life of the people may be

nese wayang. ^^^^ compared with that of the Javanese wayangs though in actual

/details the two are entirely different from one another. In the former,

247

as in the latter, the play holds the audience because it deals with all
in the way of national tradition, science, religion and art that hasV
grown to be the property of the mass of the people. In both alike, )
the material handed down by tradition is interwoven with sallies which
contain allusions to living persons or those who have but lately passed
away, to present events or those in the recent past. Love and war
supply both with inexhaustible themes.

The sadati performance has, besides, all the attractions of a trial of |
skill, even though there is no stake, and though victory and defeat
depend on the fiat of the audience alone.

This decision is almost always unanimous. That party which displays Final issue^
in the rateb due" the most graceful and best studied movements, which ofthe^^Usi
intones most correctly and can most successfully imitate its rivals
when it comes to their turn to play, is said to ^'gain the victory in
the rat^b" [meunang bcC rateb) \ while that which puts the neatest
questions to its opponents, scores the wittiest hits against them, and
has command of the greatest variety of kisahs, ** gains the victory in
the nasib" (meunang ba^ nasib). It seldom happens that either audience
or players have any doubt as to who deserves the palm.

Another equally popular variation of the travesty of the true rat^b The rat6b
is the rateb pulH \ also known as ratib chue* ^) or ratkb brue % The P"^^^*
performance takes it name from its special feature, namely playing in
rhythmic unison with a number of wooden rings known as bbh pulH or
brue* pulH, The upper circumference of these rings has a greater dia-
meter than the lower, so that they may be compared to the rim of a
funnel cut off horizontally.

This rat^b is also of the nature of a contest; two parties, chosen if Nature of the
possible from different gampongs, take up their position opposite each pc^onnance.
other in the seu'eng (booth) or meunasah. Each party consists of from
8 to 20 players; behind each company sit one or two reciters called

i) Pulet properly means ^to turn a thing inside out"; the rat6b is so called because
the rings used therein are continually twisted by the movements of the player.

2) Cku'e^ is an earthenware bowl or platter used as a receptacle for children *s food or for
sambals (relishes eaten with curry) etc. The shape of the bowl is like that of the bhh
pulet except that the latter has no bottom.

3) Brue'' properly means cocoanut-shell, and is also used for other hemispherical objects.

248

radat, as in the ordinary rat^b. There is also a tambourine orchestra
which accompanies the songs and gestures of the players. These tam-
bourines are called rapana (compare the Malay riband) or else rapdi,
from the religious performance in which they are much used.

The musicians proper play on large tambourines; the members of
the company often have small ones set before them on which they
play their own accompaniment in certain portions of the performance.

This rateb is played entirely in a sitting posture (rateb due*) and

resembles the rateb sadati in essentials except that the sadatis are missing.

Task of the jj^^ radats of the party which commences the recitation set the tunes

radat, ^ ^

and intone four ajats to every tune; after this the ''companions" (ra^d:«)
follow suit. Like the dalem of the sadati performance they accompany
their intoning with rhythmic gestures, such as movements of the arms,
snapping of the fingers, manoeuvring of kerchiefs and especially with
the bbh or brue pulH. While all this is going on, the opposite side
must join in and keep time, which is made as difficult for them as
possible by their opponents.
Nasib and As soon as one party has intoned a number of lagees, there is here

kisali*

also (as in the rat^b sadati) an interval which is filled up by a misib
similarly rounded off with a kisah. The nasib is started by the radats
of the leading party, and the members of this party only chime in with
the recitation ; nor is there any gesticulation or play with kerchiefs etc.
in this part of the performance.

At the beginning of the rat^b pul^t the performers recite certain
lines in imitation of a real rat^b or dikr, and which give an impression
as though the task on hand were a work ordained of the Prophet and
the saints — e. g.

"In the name of Allah I now commence, following the fashion handed
down from the very beginning. We borrow our tradition from the Pro-
phet; respond, my masters all!"

For the rest the recitation consists mainly of ordinary pantons, by
far the most of which celebrate the joys and sorrows of love.

The rateb pul^t has not, any more than the rat^b sadati, a religious
character.

The ulamas regard it as a forbidden amusement, but are somewhat less
severe in their condemnation of the rat^b pul^t than of the rat^b sadati,
since the former does not include boys in female dress among its performers.

249

The rapa^i performance may be classed among the rat^bs; it bears The rapa*i
a religious character in the estimation of the Achehnese public, and P^ onnancc.^
can therefore become the subject of a vow. Thus we find people un-
dertaking to give rapa'i performances in their enclosures, should they
escape some threatening danger, or should one of their relations recover |
from his illness, etc. Such performances are also sometimes given on
the occasion of a family feast, whether in accordance with a vow or
not, and persons of wealth and rank occasionally organize them without
any special reason.

The great saint of the mystics, Ahmad Rifa*! (ob. 1182), a younger Ahmad
contemporary of the equally celebrated Abdulqadir Jilanl ') (ob. 1166),
who was held in high honour in Acheh as well as in other parts of
the Mohammedan world, was the founder of a wide-spread order (the
Rifa'iyyah), which afterwards split up into a number of subdivisions.
If we read the story of his life ^) we find an abundant record of his
piety and wisdom , and also of the miracles (karamat) which he worked
through God's grace, but nothing which bridges over the gulf which
separates him from the all but juggling performances which bear his name.

Yet the connection may be traced. Not only in the Rifa'ite but Miracles of

certain orders

also in other mystic orders cases are quoted from their own tradition of dervishes,
where members of the fraternity who have attained a high degree of
perfection in mysticism, have through divine grace suffered no hurt from
acts which in ordinary circumstances result in sickness or in death;
the eating of fragments of glass, biting off the heads of snakes, woun-
ding themselves with knives, throwing themselves beneath the feet of
horses, all these and other like acts have proved harmless to the suc-
cessors of the founders of these orders, and they too have been given
the power to endow their true disciples with temporary invulnerability.
The stories current about such matters in the mystic tradition must
certainly be set down to some extent to pious fiction, but there are
also instances where the condition of high-strung transport into which
the dervishes work themselves by wakeful nights, by fasting and ex-
hausting exercises, do actually result in temporary or local insensibility
to pain.

i) See Vol. I, pp. 130, 165, 191.

2) For instance in the Tiryaq al-muhibbln of AbdarrahmSn al-WasItl, printed in Cairo
in A. H. 1 304. In the works of Ibn Khallik&n we however find reference to the methods of
the RifsUtes, and to the animadversion which they aroused in certain theological circles.

250

No matter what explanation science ^) may offer of these matters,
or what learned terms (such as mesmerism, paroxysm etc.) our savants
may employ to conceal their ignorance with respect to these pheno-
mena of the human consciousness, the fact remains that what the most
sober and sceptical witnesses have seen of these dervish-miracles in
various Mohammedan countries would cause a European public unpre-
pared for such revelations, to shrug their shoulders in unbelieving
amazement.
Deterioration For centuries past certain sections of these orders who possessed
miracles into such mystic powers, have made a sort of trade out of the practice of
jugglery. these arts. The brethren of the craft assemble together at fixed times,
and under the guidance of their teacher give themselves up to the
recitation of dikirs accompanied by movements of the body which tend
to produce giddiness, and thus finally fall into the ecstasy which causes
them to perform without fear the dangerous tricks which we have just
spoken of. Should one of them fall a victim to his hardihood, it is
ascribed to the weakness of his faith ; should he wound himself slightly,
a little spittle from his teacher's mouth, with an invocation of the
name of the founder of the order, suffices to ensure his recovery.

Where these gatherings of dervishes take place in public, and espe-
cially at religious feasts, it not unfrequently happens that some of the
onlookers are infected with the frenzy of the performers and becoming
as it were possessed, voluntarily join in the hazardous game; this also
is ascribed to the mystic influence of the founder of the order.

These public performances are apt to degenerate into mere theatrical
representations, in fact into mere conjuring, where nothing but the
name and a few formalities recall its connection with mysticism. Indeed
the most celebrated of these orders have become thus corrupted. The
orthodox conception is that while it is wrong to cast any doubt on
the possibility of the existence of such phenomena, and while certain
chosen mystics have indeed shown by such means how close was their
walk with God, these modern performances although bearing sanctified
names are really empty if not profane counterfeits.

The general Mohammedan world however does not participate in

i) See the interesting treatise of M. Quedenfelt, Aberglaube und halbreligiose Bruder-
schaften bci den Marokkanern^ in the Zeitsckrift fur Ethnologie for the year 1886, N®. VI,
and especially pp. 686 etc.

251

this censure ; superstition and the tendency towards excessive veneration
for persons with a reputation for sanctity cause them to accept the
appearance for the reality and to be even ready to defend this stand-
point with true fanaticism against its assailants. This makes the orthodox
teachers somewhat backward in expressing their condemnation of such
practices.

Among the performances cloaked in the ceremonial of Rifa'I, and
which are based partly on hysteria and mesmerism, and partly on
legerdemain, voluntary self-infliction of wounds takes a leading place ').
They are (though to a less degree than formerly) universally practised
throughout the Eastern Archipelago under the name of dabus- \ Mbus-
or ^&3S(J«j-performances \ from the Arabic dabbus, an iron awl, which
serves as the chief instrument for the infliction of the wounds. The
Achehnese also speak of daboih (the weapon) and meudaboih (its use)
or else call the performance rapa^i (from Rifa'I) which word also serves
to designate the tambouHne which is used in this as well as other
dikirs etc.

The prevailing opinion among the natives as to these ^(fl:do/A-perfor- The meuda-
mances is as follows. They should take place under the leadership of
a true khalifah, i. e. a spiritual successor of the founder of the order,
whose spiritual genealogical tree brings him into connection with
Ahmad Rifa'I, and who has obtained license (ijazah) from his guru to
conduct these otherwise dangerous exercises. When the brotherhood
assembles, this khalifah should, after receiving and returning their
respectful salutations, recite certain texts. This he sometimes does alone,
but occasionally the brethren chime in in chorus. The recitation pres-
cribed by the master of the order is supposed to excite holy visions
in the minds of the brethren who are favoured by God's grace, and
by degrees they and even perhaps some of the bystanders as well,
attain to the ecstatic condition to which is attached the quality of
invulnerability. Then by turning their weapons upon their own bodies

i) See for instance Lane's Manners and customs of the Modern Egyptians^ 5th edit.
Vol. I p. 305; Vol. II pp. 93, 216.

2) Such self wounding is but little resorted to by the Malays, though it is rife among
the Klings or Tamil Mohammedans residing in the Peninsula. Wilkinson (Mai. Diet. Vol. I
p. 282) gives dabus as the name of the peculiar puncher or awl with a short spike (so as
only to inflict a superficial wound) used for this voluntary infliction of wounds. ( Translator^

3) In Menangkabau dabuih. This word has been wrongly rendered by Van der Toom.

252

they show forth to mankind the power of God and the excellence of
the master of their order.

It is however acknowledged that the salasilahs (** chains" of tradition
i. e. spiritual genealogical trees) of those who now-a-days assume the
role of khallfahs of the Rifa'iyyah, are of very dubious validity, and
that their exercise of the functions of leader cannot therefore be re-
garded as confirmed by the authority of the master of the order or of
one of his rightful successors.

These ripaH or rapa'i exhibitions, where not prohibited by the Dutch
local authorities, generally serve as an embellishment to a feast. The
'kalipah' or leader of the company, although ever eager to keep up
the pretence of performing a pious work for Allah's sake, nevertheless
greedily accepts for himself and the brethren the customary recom-
pense for the performance.

Both in players and on-lookers we may generally discern a curious
mixture of belief, self-deception and roguishness. Belief in the possi-
bility of the actual infliction of wounds without danger *), through the
blessed influence of Ahmad Rifa'i, a belief which sometimes impels
those who take part in the performance to inflict on themselves serious
and often fatal hurts; self-deception in respect to certain skilful per-
formers, who are really no more than conjurers; and roguishness on
the part of players who pretend to deal themselves heavy blows but
who really only momentarily press the point of the awl or dagger
against some hard portion of the skin.
The rapa'i Such is the case in Acheh as well as in other Mohammedan coun-
in Acheh. tries. The great mass of the people classifies the performance as an
example of the eleum^e keubay *) or science of invulnerability. They
are not aware that the name rapa'x is a corruption of that of the
saint of yore, and only connect the word with the tambourines used
by the players, although the name of the master of mysticism, as well
as that of his holy contemporary Abdulqadir Jllani and of various
others ^) is actually invoked in the rat^b.

i) It happened quite recently in West Java for example that a firm believer had him-
self initiated by a khalifah into the devotion of Rif§'i, and subsequently fell a victim to
the serious wounds which he inflicted on himself at his very first pierformance.

2) See p. 34 above.

3) As for example Naqshiband, the allusion to whom in the sadati performance so misled
Van den Berg.

253

In some districts the brethren perform every Friday evening for their
own practice and edification, as well as on other occasions by special
invitation.

The brethren divide into two equal sides, which take up their
position opposite one another in several parallel rows. At the top,
between the two parties, sits the guru, who is respectfully saluted
by all present. He begins by reciting the fatihahy the Mohammedan
Lord'^ Prayer, and other passages from the holy writ; then he leads
off the rat^b, which is intoned to the Achehnese and Malabar tunes,
as they are called, alternately slow {jareu'eng) and quick ipagdih) tune.
It consists of Achehnese verses, two at a time being sung to each tune,
mixed with corrupt Arabic expressions the meaning of which is un-
known to the hearers.

The leader sings alone three successive times the words : ya ho alah,
ya fnyelb'e^)\ then all intone in chorus after him, ^o sbydilah\ oh my
lord Amat! (i. e. Ahmad Rifa'I)". Thereupon commence the verses,
the recitation of which is accompanied by an orchestra of great rapaH^s^
while the actual performers occasionally strike smaller tambourines or
wave them in the air with graceful motions. We append a translation
of some of the verses.

Oh my Lord, we pray thee help us — against the point of the reun-
chong (the ordinary Achehnese dagger) whose blade is exceeding sharp?

O sbydilah, O Abdulqadir — the prophet Chidhr lives in the great sea.
His abode is in the waters, yet does his body never become wet —
through the favour of the Lord and Master, oh our Lord !

O iron, iron belah ^) ! wherefore art thou refractory ?

i) Oh He, Allah, Oh my Lord ! Me'eloe is corrupted from the Arabic maulSy = maulSya
"my Lord."

2) This word is a corruption of the Arabic shaV liilah "something done for the sake of God"
which is frequently found in dikirs, and which is used to introduce a fatihah recited in
honour of a prophet or saint. As it is here entirely out of place, I have left it untranslated.

3) This word is a corruption of billahi^ i.e. "By God! for God's sake!", but it conveys
no meaning to the ordinary Achehnese.

Now do I exorcise thee with thy own incantation '). Blunt be the
ron, sharp the incantation!

White is the flower of the confession of faith — the limitless sea is
the kingdom of my Lord.

Twenty attributes (hath God), name of God's majesty! — My body
is of a truth the possession of my Lord.

A drop of water in the palm of the hand — who knoweth the art
of bathing himself in the glitter thereof?

It is my Lord alone who may thus bathe; — none other may bathe
himself in the glitter thereof*).

O sbydilah *), O Abdulqadir — may all (red-hot) chains be affected
by the incantation!

May they be as cold as water, may they be powdered like dust-—
through the blessed influence of our noble teacher!

Ya ho alah; ya hO m^eI6e *) — o iron ! thou art under the influence
of exorcism.

O Allah ! There is a conflict in the cause of Allah ! *) O for help in
the conflict in the cause of Allah !

The sibSn-bOn bush, its flowers are withered — they lie disconso-
lately round the stalk.

i) It is a gre&t secret of oil fommliis of exorcism sgainst objects or beings injurious to
man, to throw in their teeth their own Dames, their origin or a description of their nature,
DT resist them with an incantation in some way derived from that against which it is used.

i) Both these venes coatain allusions of a profoundly mystic nature.

3) See page 153. 4) See page aS3-

5) The common expression for the holy war.

255

It is unheard of, that a disciple should set himself against his teacher
the lot of such an one shall be hell !

O sbydilah ') Ch^h Nurodin *) — may all sikins be blunt of blade !

May their points be turned and their blades curl up — smitten by
the blessed influence of a whole walletful of incantations (which the
guru has at his command).

It became known that Banta Beuransah ^) had returned — with the
princess, whom he brought along with him.

He brought the princess home from the clouds — j^ns and pari's
bore her palace behind her.

O (red-hot) chains, may you quickly grow cool ! — O glowing char-
coal, lay aside your glow !

May you be cool as water, (pliable) as lead — through the blessed
influence of the (confession of faith) ** there is no God but Allah".

Stand up, (ye with the) iron awls, let us beat the rapa'i! — let us
in imagination pass in procession round the tomb of the Prophet!

Stand up, ye with the awls, may your hearts be pure — so does
the Lord grant forgiveness of sins.

Besides these verses, which are more or less applicable to the task
of the performers, they also recite others, chiefly of a religious nature,
some of which convey wise lessons while others contain extracts from
the sacred history; as for example:

In the name of Allah I commence my dikir — perchance I shall
not be able to recite my prayer.

i) See p. 253.

2) Here is invoked the name of the most distinguished teacher of the law in Acheh
during the flourishing period of the kingdom. See pp. 12 etc., above.

3) See the very popular hikayat regarding this hero p. 134 above.

i 4

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256

1 {

i I The godless are without reflection — where is the religion of those

I i

that know not God?

Abu Jahl, how deeply is he accursed — what shall be his punish-
» i ment for his resistance to Muhammad ?

When Muhammad had flung him to the clouds, he appeared to the
eye like a tiny beetle.

In the land of Egypt there are firearms set with precious stones ; —
I in the land of Mekka there are firearms ornamented with suasa (a com-

j ' pound of gold and copper).

! In Gampong Jawa there are lamps in a row ; — let us make pro-

cessions round the tomb of the Prophet.

Hamzah perished near the mountain Uhud, a little distance (from
Medina).

When Hamzah was slain, the Prophet resolved to remove his body, —
the mountains wept and accompanied him.

The following couplet is properly speaking a salutation at departure,
but it is also occasionally repeated during the course of the performance:

O teungkus, go not home yet — sit down opposite the guru and
lift up your voices in prayer.

Spread forth both hands (in prayer) — repeat the fatihah and a prayer.

The recital grows louder and quicker, and between this and the

clashing of the tambourines and the constant motion of head and limbs

the desired state of transport is at last reached. Then those possessed

! with the efflatus rise from the ranks of their fellows and after a res-

^ pectful salutation to their teacher, receive at his hands the weapon or

instrument which he selects. In Acheh the daboih *) is used, the weapon

i) See p. 251 above.

257

specially appertaining to this performance, but most of the common
weapons of the country (rinchong, sikin and gliwang) are also employed.
The performer begins by making various half-dancing movements in
unison with the time of the recitation, which continues without a pause ;
meanwhile he draws his weapon, which he regards from time to time
with tender looks and even kisses, in sundry different directions along
his hands and arms.

Presently he begins to stab and smite these extremities with (to
all appearance) a certain amount; of force, and finally attacks other
portions of his body, maintaining all the time the same rhythmic move-
ments. The skilful tricksters among the brethren draw a little blood
perhaps but generally confine themselves to causing deep depressions
in their skin with point or blade, apparently using great force, and so
giving the impression that their skin is impenetrable. But actual be-
lievers not unfrequently go so far as to inflict deep wounds on their
arms, hands or stomachs, to knock holes in their heads or to cut pieces
off their tongues.

A rapa'i representation which includes the sawa* ranti i. e. "throw- The red-hot

ch&iiis

ing (red-hot) chains round the shoulders ')" is regarded as particularly
complete. The performers seldom escape without burns, but even in
this case there appears to be no lack of artificial devices which increase
the efficacy of the incantations. Such for instance is the preliminary
moistening of the body with lime-juice.

§ 4. Music.

In connection with those pastimes with which we have been dealing
so far we have only met with very simple musical instruments such
as the rude tambourines known as rapa^u We must now turn our at-
tention to Achehnese music properly so called *).

We need only give a passing notice to the instruments used by

i) This also is not customary among the Malays through not uncommonly practised by
Mohammedan Klings. (Translator),

2) It will be seen that Van Langen^s remarks on Achehnese music in his article in the
Tydschrifi van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Gcnootschap^ longer articles,
2nd series, Part V, p. 468 require correction and expansion.

11 17

258

children, such as the whistle (wa) made from the padi-stalk ') ; the
little *german flutes" made from the spathe (peuleupeue*) of the betel-
nut tree, and used to imitate the cries of birds; the red earthenware
whistles {pib'pib) introduced by the Klings; the plaything called ging-
gong, which consists of a thin plate of iron to which is fastened at
one side a little iron rod. This latter is held in the mouth and a sort
of buzzing noise produced by twisting it to and fro.

Full-grown people also sometimes amuse themselves by blowing on
the wa, as for instance to while ^way the time when watching in a
hut (jambo) in the padi-fields to drive aVay noxious animals. With

The bangsi. adults, however, a more favourite instrument is the bangsi *), a sort of
flageolet made of bambu (buloh) with seven round holes on top and one
underneath, and a square hole (also on top) not far below the mouth-
piece. With this instrument an adept player can produce all the tunes
he fancies, both those to which pan tons are set and those employed
in sadati performances etc. In the evenings and nights especially the
votaries of this instrument are wont to defer with its strains the hour
of sleep for themselves and their companions.

The sul^ng. The suleng is of finer finish than the bangsi \ it is really a sort of
flute, and has no mouth-piece, being open • at the upper end, and
closed below by the division of the bamboo. It has 6 small holes and
one somewhat bigger one close to the opening; the performer holds
the instrument horizontally in front of his mouth and blows into the
{ 1 larger hole.

The suleng is made of a thinner and finer kind of bambu known as
igeue. It is usually adorned with handsome silver or copper bands en-
circling the instrument above and below each hole, and the closed end
is similarly mounted.
Suleng or- The suleng is played for amusement like the bangsi, but it is more

chestra. ^j^^^ ^^^^ j^ combination with a tambu ^) (our ordinary hand-drum)

I i

t :

1 i

i) It is in fact a kind of jew*s-harp. The Malay instrument of the same name is made
of bamboo. A short section is selected and so cut as to leave three or four long prongs
projecting from the solid end which is gripped in the mouth. These prongs are made to
vibrate by the trituration of the string and produce a musical sound by their reverbe-
ration. I learn from the author that a similar instrument is used in Java; it is known as
pdpd among the Gay9 people and as karinding or rinding in W. Java. (Translator),

2) The Malay bangsi is the same as the instrument here described. It has a danting or
chiselled mouth-piece like a penny whistle ; another instrument similar in all respects except
that it has a straight mouth-piece is called nabat by the Malays. (Translator),

3) The drum used in the mosques to announce the time of prayer and which is called

259

and two chanangs^ copper discs played with a muffled stick. This or-
chestra is used as a prelude to fights of animals or contests with kites,
in processions with alangans (which we shall presently describe), in
mimic battles with crackers which the boys from dififerent gampongs
organize on festive occasions, and at certain piasans etc.

The tambu and chanangs are sometimes employed at ram-fights, but
as a rule without the suUng.

The srun^ ') is a sort of clarionet with eight holes above and one
below; the player of this instrument is always supported by two geun-
drangs% drums slung in front and struck with the hand on the left
side and on the right with a drum-stick with a curved end. Properly
speaking the above should be accompanied by another and smaller
drum long and narrow in shape, the geundrang ana' or peungana\

This music is to be heard almost daily since it not alone serves to
enhance the rejoicing at various feasts but also adds iclat to the ful-
filment of vows.

A very common form of the expression of a vow, whether it be Fulfilment of
made on account of an illness or in view of some coming event of im- ]^fc.
portance in the family, is as follows: the maker of the vow promises
that as soon as the sick one recovers, or a certain wish is fulfilled or a
certain momentous epoch (such as the circumcision or boring of the
ears of children) has arrived, he or she will fulfil their vow at the
tomb of Teungku N. *). By this it is understood, without any further
words of explanation, that the person who makes the vow will cause
to be brought to the holy tomb indicated an idang of yellow glutinous
rice with its accessories (such as tump6e-cakes etc.), some flowers, and
some white cotton cloth to decorate the tombstones. The rice is in-
tended for the parasites who nearly always haunt these tombs; if it
is desired to have a special feast there, a separate provision of viands
is made for this. The fresh flowers are placed on the tomb, and the

bHug in Java and tabuh in other parts of Sumatra, is also known as tamlu in Acheh, or
is called tambu ray a for the sake of distinction. [The Malays call it gi'.tJang raya],

(TransiatorJ,
i) The Malay sHrunai is identical with the instrument here described. The word is of
Persian origin. Its bell-shaped mouth is called krongsong, (Translator).

2) The geundrang as here described appears to correspond to the Malay tabuh^ a two-
ended drum of slightly oval shape. The Malay g^ndang is also two-ended, but one end is
smaller than the other, and the sides are straight. C Translator).

3) Cf. Vol. I pp. 390 and 393.

26o

The geun-
drang or-
chestra.

Hareubab
orchestra.

I'
ll

visitors take with them "for the sake of the blessing" some of those
which have lain and withered there. The new white cotton is wound
round the tombstones, and torn fragments of previous coverings are
taken away in exchange and fastened round wrist or ankle as charms
to bring good luck. Then the visitors to the tomb wash with water
from the sacred place the head of the subject of the vow.

Whoever can afford the luxury adds to such a general vow the qua-
lification ^ngdn geundrang'\ meaning thereby that his party (consisting
as a rule of both men and women) shall be preceded on its expedition
to the holy tomb by three or four musicians, one with the srun^, two
with geundrangs and sometimes another with a geundrang ana\ It is
indeed characteristic of the popular conception of Islam, that the saints
are honoured with musical performances, which are most rigorously
prohibited by the religious law.

The geundrang orchestra is also employed in the alangan process-
ions, wherein it conflicts with the suleng and its accessories and fills
the air with a discordant noise; it is also used in what are known as
piasans, and at family-feasts — in this last case usually in fulfilment
of a vow.

There is a peculiar Achehnese orchestra composed of the following
instruments :

I**. A hareubab *), i. e. a native violin. The sounding-board (brue) is
of nangka-wood covered with membrane from the stomach of the buf-
falo, the strings are of twisted silk and the bowstring of fibres of the
aerial roots of the sripkie-tree, stretched on a bow of rattan. A leaden
bridge (chapeng) keeps the strings apart, they are strung from a little
bow of rattan called guda, and tuned by keys called gaseng,

2^, Two or more geudumba's ^) i. e. kettle-drums. The body of the
drum is roughly hewn from a single block of nangka-wood, and is al-
most cylindrical in shape but tapers towards the bottom, then widens
again and forms the foot; this last is shaped like an octagonal pyra-
mid with the top cut off, or a truncated cone. The whole is about 27

i) The Malay rUbah, It somewhat resembles a guitar and is much used in Malay
mayongs (Translator).

2) This instrument derives its name from its resemblance (in the imagination of the
Achehnese) to the gumbo* or topknot of hair worn by the people of the interior. The
shape of the gumba^ is suggested by the narrowness of the portion between the body and
the foot of the drum.

centimetres in height; the cover is made of goat-skin, is about 13
centimetres in diameter, and is fastened to the body of the drum with

bands of rattan. These bands are stretched by means of a small
wooden wedge.

This orchestra serves to accompany the recitation of Achehnese Mcu
pan tons. 1

These performances arc especially popular in Pidic. A woman sings
at the same time executes certain dances, which consist more in mo-
vements of the upper parts of the body than of the feet. These
dances are called meuiari in Achehnese or more commonly meiinari,
in imitation of the Malay word tnSnari. Beside the singer is a buffoon
who amuses the audience by his grimaces, jests and doubles entendres.
The musicians do not always confine themselves to playing their in-

262

struments, but also chime in and now and then relieve the dancing-
girl of her singing part ^).

In the neighbourhood of the capital these performances are only
known by the rare visits of travelling companies. They are also to be
met with in certain other parts, especially in the coast districts of the
XXV Mukims, but with this modification, that the place of the singing
woman is taken by a young boy in female attire.

It so chanced that during my residence in Acheh such a company
came from the XXV Mukims to the capital. In the illustration on
p. 261 will be a representation of such an orchestra with a boy in
dancing posture. I took down from the lips of the dirty, opium-
smoking musicians a great portion of their repertoire of pantons. These
people were less concerned for the voice of their adb'e (*younger bro-
ther") than the sadati ' players. I attended a performance one night,
and found that as a matter of fact the task of the boy was principally
limited to dancing. He joined to some extent in the choruses but the
recitation was mainly performed by the four musicians, and especially
the violinist, who officiated as conductor of the orchestra. This appears
to be frequently the case, and sometimes they dispense with the boy
altogether, whereby a great "rock of offence" is removed.

The pantons are in the form of dialogues between an older and a
younger brother; the first represents the lover, the second his beloved.

In many of these pantons it is not clear whether the object of the
love is male or female, or whether the passion is lawful or unchaste;
the expressions used are metaphorical or general, so that the hearer
can apply them as suits his fancy. Occasionally however the language
used is characteristic of a shameless intrigue, as in the following example
where I denote the adiietiy abang or dalem by the letter D and the

i) In Pidic there is now [1892] a women named Si Bunto^ who enjoys a great repu-
tation as a singer, especially owing to her skill in improvising pantSns containing covert
allusions to the private history of the ulecbalangs. Her husband Pang Pasi figures as her
buffoon. I have been told that this couple had given successful performances at the
"Court" at Keumala.

The performance here described has its counterpart in the mayotig of the Malays. The
orchestra for this is 2 tabuhs or oval drums played with the hand, 2 gongs, i s^Srunai,
a resonant metal bar, and i r^I^ab. The female actress is called putri (princess) and the
buffoon, who weard a hideous long-nosed red mask, pHran, There is also an actor called
pa'yottg s=» prince. The woman wears long artificial finger-nails of silver, and often varies
her performance by acrobatic feats, such as bending over backwards and picking up a coin
from the ground with her lips! (Translator).

263

adoe by A. After pressing solicitations on the part of D, to which A
returns evasive answers through fear of discovery, the ** elder bro-
ther" says:

D. My masters, who cut reeds! They (the reeds) must lie three
nights before they can be set up for plaiting into mats.

If you can yield to my wish, I shall find means to conceal it, so
that you may give yourself to me to-morrow and the day after.-

A. Go to the mountains and cut rangginoe-wood and bring us back
a piece to make a pillar for a fly-wheel.

If thou, oh brother, canst walk beneath the ground, I shall hide
you from my husband and give myself to thee.

D. The ricinus-plant is broken at the top; the people make fast a
noose to the end of the suganda-plant.

I cannot approach your house ; your husband is as fierce as a tiger
of Day a.

A. My masters, who cut dar^h-wood (for fences); lay the stem down
on the main road.

Be not afraid of my wretched husband, I shall give him the coup
de grace on the nose with a grindstone.

D. My masters, climb ye up into the kapok-tree, but bethink you
of the thorns that project therefrom.

When folks ask next day (how your husband has come by his
death), they must be told that the cat was playing with the stone and
that it fell upon him by accident.

A. A great prahu sails for Asahan laden with durians and manggo-
steens.

If it cannot go by prahu send (that which I desire) by sampan (i. e.
if my wish cannot be fulfilled in one way let it be in an another); if
we ourselves may not be united, let me at least hear news of you.

There are however also among these pantDns variations played upon
the eternal theme of love which the chaste lover can make his own
of, as for instance where the adbe says:

A. A dove sits on the ridge of the roof; an eagle will swoop upon
her as he passes.

So long as my head remains joined to my neck, so long shall I
continue to follow you in close union.

The simeunari (male or female dancer) or his or her musicians intone The tunes,
consecutive sets of more or less connected pantons, each set having

264

its own tune; the names given to these tunes are generally taken from
one or two words which appear in some well-known pantSn which is
habitually sung thereto (e. g. lagH ') siwdih lado, lagie dua lapeh)^ or
from some peculiarity in or the origin of the tune itself (e. g. lagie
jawbe barat = Malay tune of the West Coast, lagee ranchd = merry,
lively tune) or from one or two nonsense words with which the panton
commences (e. g. lag^e tdli dli on).

Most, nay indeed all these verses are in the ordinary sanjd metre *),
and in the opening of the two verses which contain the response, the
opening of the preceding question is often repeated.

Some exhibit departures from the rule and follow the rhythm of a
special dance; as for example the first four pairs of verses of the set
sung to the tune tc^li dli on, which are given below.

D. Tdli dli on, glutinous rice folded up in a young plantain leaf.

The day of judgment has come; where shall the women now get
pantons from?

A. Tali dli on, glutinous rice in a punteut-leaf ^).

The day of judgment has come; where shall the women now get
words invoking blessings (on the Prophet)?

D. A little, a little keupula ( = sawo-tree), a little keupula grows on
the gampong-path.

The wind blows a little, the sweet savour spreads over the whole
gampong.

A. A little, a little keupida, a little keupula grows in the corner.

The wind blows a little, the sweet savour spreads over the whole land.

D. There is a dove, she lays her eggs in the grass.

Alas! they have smitten my darling; but she has escaped from the
point of the sword.

A. There is a dove, she lays her 'eggs on the edge of the plank
(which is set against the wall to lay things upon).

Alas, they have smitten my darling; but she has escaped from the
point of the javelin.

D. Alas, I see a plantain which was thriving but a moment ago, but
whose sprouting leaf has perished.

Alas! I see earrings; but while I gaze, she who wore them is dead.

i) Mai. lagu (^Translator),

2) Sec above pp. 73 et seq.

3) The leaves of the punteut-tree are eaten as vegetables, and not used to wrap rice in

265

A. Alas, I see a labu plant; while it is being watered, its sprout dies.

Alas, I see my lord; while I set rice before him, he divorces me! *)

D. Go to the mountains and hew seumanto'-wood, let the top of the
tree fall on the far side of the stream. My shape is ugly, my clothing
is ragged: let me go and dwell in some quiet place.

A. Go to the mountains and hew planks: bring me with you to pick
up the chips.

Let us live side by side, let us die together, let us have but one
winding-sheet and one coffin.

Another orchestra, which is likewise employed to accompany the
recitation of pantons and the dance, is composed of:

1° The biula, i. e. the ordinary European violin, an instrument much
beloved by the Achehnese, and on which some of them perform very
creditably. The violin is also played alone, without any other instru-
ment, to accompany pantons, or for the amusement of the player
himself or of small parties of friends.

2^ A number (say from 5 to 7) of small tambourines called dais*
provided with bells like the rapaH or rapana, but smaller than these
and made of finer and thinner wood.

3° A gong, the familiar large metal disc, which is employed in
Acheh for official proclamations such as the sranta (vol. I, pp. 226).

Achehnese pantons are always recited to hareubab music, but the
violin-orchestra is used to accompany Malay pantons also. As a rule
these last are sung by the musicians while two dancing boys hum the
tune while they display their grace and skill in the meunari.

Where Achehnese pantons are sung in the violin orchestra the
dancer (a boy or a woman) is generally singer also, or else takes turns
with the musicians in singing.

Violin
orchestra

§ 5. Processions and Popular Feasts.

We have already more than once made mention of alangan-proces- Aiangan
sions. These are held in connection with the marriages of persons of P'^®^®^'^"^-
high rank or great wealth, on the occasion of the ** offering of the

i) According to another reading: ^he chokes to death*\

266

betel-leaf" '), or the fetching of the pagalo-vxc^. This last is a
custom observed by persons of consideration a couple of days before
the wedding; it consists in the conveyance with much ceremony by
the bridegroom's party to the house of the bride of an idang of yellow
glutinous rice with its accessories, all round which are planted little
sticks with coloured eggs impaled on them. Sadati or rapa'i-players are
also sometimes escorted to their destination with an alangan-procession
by the people of the gampong where they are about to give a perfor-
mance. It has even occurred that when a particularly fine kite has got
loose on the occasion of a kite-competition, and been driven by the
wind into another district, it has been after previous notice brought
bade by the people of that district to the gampong of the owners with
an alangan procession.
The music. Almost the whole male population of the gampong or gampongs
which take part in the procession assemble in their best clothes or so-
metimes in a peculiar uniform such as red jackets reaching to below
the knees. A geundrang and srun^ orchestra together with a suleng
and its accompanying instruments adds to the noise made by the con-
tinuous shouting (sura*) of the crowd. The peculiarity however to
which these processions owe their name, is that all the boys leap
along armed with sugar canes unshorn of their leaves (teub^e tneu on)\
these natural banners are called alangan.

Many of those who form the procession are adorned with little flags
of various colours.

When an alangan-procession takes place, previous notice is always
given to the gampong whither it is about to proceed, and it is then
the duty of the male population of the latter to go forth likewise in
procession and meet [ampeu'eng) the visitors. As soon as they meet the
two sides draw up in line at some distance from each other, and so-
metimes expert champions step forth from either party and wage a
mimic battle with sikin or gliwang in the midst.
Thejeunadah We havc already seen (Vol. I p. 425) that a structure in the form
of an ark or small house is frequently employed to add grandeur to
the gifts which are thus taken in procession (yellow glutinous rice,
betel-leaf etc.). This ark is called jeunadah.

Before holding an alangan-procession the people of the gamp5ng

i) S. e. the ranub <f^n^t which accompanies the ^anda kbng narit: see Vol. 1 pp. 300—301.

268

must obtain the permission of the ul^ebalang; this indeed holds good
of most festal occasions which involve the assembling of large crowds,
including piasans.

Piasans ^) (see Vol. I p. 323) are properly speaking secular festivities
of every description. Sadati-plays, rapa'i-performances and the like
may be all included in this category, but the name specially suggests
an abundance of fireworks, illuminations and noise.
Fire works A wooden frame, the upper part of which is surrounded with paper
Uons! **°*"^*' lanterns and revolves automatically {tangt6ng meugisa), merry-go-rounds
(ayon meugisa), Chinese fireworks and crackers, but especially high co-
nical stacks of firewood which are set in flames {krumbu or kuta bun-
gong apuy) — all these contribute to festal rejoicing.

Persons of rank and wealth give piasans at their family feasts;
gampongs or districts unite in organizing them at the great annual
feasts, or sometimes without any particular reason, or only to excite
one another's jealousy and envy.

§ 6. Hikayats.

Although we have dealt with this subject in our chapter on litera-
ture, the reading or rather the recitation of and hearkening to hikayats
ought not here to pass unnoticed as one of the chief mental recreations
of the Achehnese, especially as this form of amusement has an improving
and educational influence which others cannot claim.

Chiefs and peasants, old and young of both sexes, all literally doat
upon the hikayats, with the exception of some few pretended purists,
who regard even this pleasure as too worldly or the contents of some
of the stories as savouring too little of Islam.
Women and After the remarks which we have already made (Vol. I, p. 371) as
to the position of women in Acheh, it can occasion no surprise that
they are superior to the men in their love for, and by no means behind
them in their knowledge of, the literature of their country. They often
divert their female and sometimes even their male guests by the
recitation of a hikayat, and each and all are willing to sacrifice their
night's rest as the price of the entertainment.

i) From the Malay pHrhiasan ^an ornament*', but used as we see in quite a peculiar
sense in Achehnese.

CHAPTER IV.

RELIGION.

§ I. Introduction.

In the preface to our first volume we announced that this last
chapter should be devoted to supplementary remarks and a general
resum^. In describing in somewhat close detail the political, family and
individual life of the Achehnese people, it was a foregone conclusion
that questions of religion should crop up at every turn. It might thus
be supposed that the drawing of conclusions regarding the part which
Islam plays in the life of the Achehnese might safely be left to the
observant reader. It will however be seen that we do not by any
means share this view.

We have already pointed out more than once that the significance Misconcep-
of the creed of Islam for those who profess it in the East Indies, has significance
been the subject of much misconception in the majority of works which oHsJamforits

' Indonesian

deal with the matter either passingly or of set purpose. adherents.

The causes of this phenomenon are not far to seek. Everyone who
comes into close political or social contact with any portion of the
Mohammedan population of these countries finds himself occasionally
face to face with this very question of religion. Now as most such
observers make their first acquaintance with the creed of Islam in the
Far East with no further enlightenment than what is afforded by one
or two popular European works, they form their judgements on the
basis of entirely incomplete observation, under the influence of super-
ficial and sometimes quite accidental impressions received in a limited
environment. Yet it is such as these that are by way of enlightening
the public both here and in Europe; this imposture, committed often
in entire good faith, would be at once unmasked, were it not that

2/0

most people both in the East and at home are profoundly ignorant as
regards the religious life of the native peoples.

We still meet every day in the newspapers and magazines of Nether-
lands India the most absurd misconceptions on this subject, even in
regard to matters which could be cleared up by interrogating any of
our native neighbours, not to speak of more complicated or general
questions on the same head ^). An equal amount of folly may be
overheard in the conversations of Europeans respecting the religion of
the Indonesians; this misinformation is no doubt partly inspired by
the press, but to some extent the opposite is the case, and it is the
speakers who inspire the journals.
Ignorance of Without even a distant knowledge of the conditions of the question,
jj^*^^^"^^^*^^ and without giving himself the trouble to get at the truth, each one
Europeans, confidently puts forward his solution of the problem. One tells you
that there lurks under every turban a would-be rebel and murderer, a
fanatical enemy of all things European ; with the same degree of assu-
rance another avers that not a single grain of fanaticism exists throughout
the whole of the East Indian Archipelago, while a third declares
that both arc wrong and that it requires experience such as his (the

i) This is characteristically illustrated by the feuilleton Abu Bakar^ which appeared in
the Bataviaasch Nieuwsblad in the latter part of the year 1893. It is from the pen of
Mauri ts (P. A. Daum), a writer of some repute, and it deals with subjects which cannot
be handled without some knowledge of the first principles of the Mohammedan religion as
professed by the natives of the Eastern Archipelago. Vet the author displays an absolute
ignorance of almost every branch of his subject. He gives a penghulu the role of unctuous
hypocrite and converter of Europeans, whereas the really typical pangulu is an oflfcial
who can give himself no airs and is frowned upon by the "pious", and one who
might be called anything rather than Pharasaical. He makes the convert Abu Bakar
learn ''texts from the Koran" by heart and constantly quote them, while as a matter of
fact it is only finished students who attain so far, and the ordinary, nay even the more
highly developed and prominent native never quotes from the Quran. Perhaps however
Maurits refers to his own copy of the Quran; it seems to be a new edition for we find a
quotation therefrom to the effect that "he who loves one of his wives more than the other,
shall appear at the day of the Resurrection with buttocks of unequal size". There is nothing
of the kind in the ordinary editions of the Quran, and such a difference in the degree of
affection of the husband for his wives is expressly recognized as permissible by the sacred
books. Again it is stated that the married man who commits adultery must be punished
with a hundred lashes of the whip (the Mohammedan law ordains the punishment of stoning
for this offence), and that the wedding gift should consist of one hundred dinars — an
entirely novel rule. Abu Bakar after his conversion is constantly spoken of as a Tuan Said^
a title appertaining only to those descended from Ali; the confession of faith is given as
ai'iUah allah^ the haji performs his pilgrimage to Mohammed*s tomb, etc. Nothing but the
profound ignorance of the public can enable nn author of reputation to perpetrate such
blunders.

2/1

speaker's) in actual intercourse with the natives to be able to sift the
wheat from the chaff. In place of arguments one hears nothing but
assertions or examples which taken by themselves and without a
discriminating analysis prove nothing.

In order to arrive at the basis of the significance of Islam in the Theoretical
lives and thoughts of the natives, it is of course primarily necessary to ^leachin^g of
take into account what this Islam is, and what are the demands that islam,
it makes, in practice as well as in theory, upon those who profess it.

The theoretic requirements may be learned from the authoritative
works on Mohammedan law and doctrine '), supplemented as far as
necessary by the books of the mystics. The study of these puts us in
possession of the final result of the development during the past thirteen
centuries of the Moslim school, which has always claimed the right to
govern and control the entire life of Mohammedans in all respects, but
which, ever since the nascent period, covering some thirty years from
the hijrah of the founder of Islam, has fallen further and further short
of attaining that object.

It will be understood that it does not concern us to define according
to this theoretical standard the authority and significance of Islam in
respect of any of those who profess it. Did we in like manner apply
to the morality, the superstitions and the laws of a Catholic people the
text of the morale, the dogma and the canonical law of Holy Church,
we should seek in vain throughout the world for any traces of Catho-
licism. Indeed we should necessarily arrive at the same result in
estimating the influence on its votaries of any creed whatever, if we
overlooked the gulf which invariably separates the real from the ideal.

Nor does this rule apply with less force to Islam than to other
religions. For the first thirty years or so, while Arabia was still the
centre of Moslim power, life and doctrine developed hand in hand.
Thenceforward the paths diverged more and more as time advanced:
the schools of doctrinal learning have troubled themselves little about

i) In studying these we must always remember that for many centuries past neither the
Quran nor the sacred Tradition may have been used as textbooks of dogma and law ; for no one
is authorised even to explain, much less to supplement these holy books, nor can anyone
comprehend the texts of eleven to thirteen centuries ago without further elucidation. The
real text-books are the works of certain authors who derive their authority from the con-
sensus of teachers among the faithful. Hence we see how foolish it is for Europeans who
have but a superficial knowledge of Islam to make verses from the QurSn and the like the
basis of conversations on religion with their native friends

272

the practical requirements of daily life, while on the other hand all
classes of the Moslim community have exhibited in practice an indiffe-
rence to the sacred law in all its fulness, quite equal to the reverence
with which they regard it in theory.

The contrast between the doctrine and the actual life of the Moslims
shows itself in the simplest possible form in the domain of religion in
the proper sense of the word. The teaching of the doctrinal works and
the books of the law in regard to what are called the "five pillars"
of Islam (the confession of faith, the ritual prayers with the condition
of ritual purity indispensable thereto, the religious taxation known as
zakatf the fasts and the haj) serves as a guide to all who observe these
primary obligations with some degree of strictness. At the same time
jt must be observed that the great majority of Moslims fall very far
short of the mark both in their knowledge and still more in their
observance of these rules and principles. Now the Law requires that
the rulers of the faithful should compel the backward and unwilling to
the learning and practice of their religious duties, yet this is not done
either in the political (Constantinople) or the religious (Mecca) centre of
Islam — not to speak of the larger sphere that lies outside. The only
Moslim authorities which have to some extent fulfilled their duty in this
respect belong to comparatively small sects, regarded by most of their
co-religionists as heretical, as for example the Wahhabites who arose in
the interior of Arabia towards the end of the eighteenth century, and
in later times the Mahdists in the Sudan.

It is indeed unnecessary to stray away into the fine details of

casuistry — we have only to review superficially the primary rules of

the Law which deal with the *five main pillars" in order to arrive at

the conclusion that it is in the long run an impossibility for the great

mass of the citizens of any civilized state to live up to them.

Difference As we are aware, the Mohammedan law itself draws a distinction

ry and^prac- between imperative and commendable rules *); it imposes on those who

tice as regards neglect the former heavy punishments both in this world and the next,

the primary

obligations, while it merely recommends the latter as a means of winning a higher
celestial reward. The popular view, as expressed in the actual practice,
admits a difference in the degree of obedience which is to be paid to

1) The former is called in Arabic fardh (Mai. f>lfrlu^ Ach. peureuVi'e) or wajib^ the latter
sunnat (Mai. and Ach. sunat).

such behests, but while fully recognizing in theory the truth of the
written doctrine, is markedly at variance with the latter in its manner
of drawing its distinctions. Not only are the indispensable 'obIigati6ns
reduced in practice to a minimum, but in that minimum are included
Various matters oh which the sacred law lays less stress, while very
many obligations which the latter insists upon as indispensable pass
entirely unnoticed by the unlearned public.

. We may illustrate the truth of the iabove by a few examples. Tfie Exampli
law (according to the interpretation of the Shafi'ite school) teaches that
circumcision is prescribed as a duty but lays no more stress on this
than on a thousand other obligations which are universally neglected,
and is very far from including it among the **five pillars of Islam".
Y«t it is an undoublcd fact than in all Mohammedan countries laymen
attach more weight to circumcision than to all the ''five pillars" taken
together, and that even the religious teachers, although they are the
champions of the teaching of the law, are nevertheless influenced to
some degree by the popular belief in this respect.

The religious tax paid at the end of the fasting month and known
in Acheh as pitrah ') (Arab, zakdt al-fitr or Jitrah) is but a part of
one of the five primary obligations. Yet while many who are bound
to contribute zakat on agricultural produce etc., and most of those
who should do the same in respect of cattle or the precious metals
neglect this duty without a qualm of conscience, no one thinks of
omitting to pay the pitrah, and it is even contributed by persons on
whom the law imposes no such obligation. Yet while exaggerated
punctuality is observed in its payment, all seem indifferent to the fair
distribution of the pitrah in the manner ordained by the law, so that
according to the strict doctrinal standard much of the grain distributed
under this name should not really be reckoned as pitrah at all.

The express prohibition of the wearing by men of silk or of gold
and silver ornaments is universally transgressed, yet the wearing of
neck-cloths and (except where the people have become accustomed to
it through the example of Turkish officials) of European trousers is
regarded by the majority of Mohammedans as an irreligious act.

Wine and the flesh of pigs are forbidden with equal strictness to all

l) Sec Vol. I, p. 238 et scq.

II 18

274

Moslimfi; yet the use of the latter as food is universally regarded as
a much graver transgression than the drinking of wine.

Carnal intercourse with a free woman whose Sddah (the appointed
period of continency after separation from her husband by death or
divorce) has not yet elapsed, Ls generally regarded as adulterous and
he who is guilty of such an act knows that according to the law of
God he has incurred the punishment of death by stoning. On the other
hand but little exception is taken to intercourse with female slaves
who were but yesterday the concubines of others, or have but recently
been carried off captive, and even virgin slaves bom in the house are
often allowed to be deflowered by youths who are not their owners,
all of which things are according to the law just as adulterous as co-
habitation with a free woman by a man to whom she is not yet mar-
ried or from whom she has been separated ').

It may indeed be said that the Arabic words which distinguish human
action^ as permitted by the sacred law (mubdh), reprehensible (makruh\
forbidden (hardm)^ commendable (sunnaiy mustahabb) and obligatory
(fardh, wajib) have to a great extent become the common property
of the languages of all Mohammedan peoples. Who that has had anything
to do with the natives of this Archipelago, has not occasionally heard
the words p^rlu (fardh) and liaram ?

But side by side with these universally known terms there are other
indigenous ones which distinguish between what is good and what is
evil\ nor is the difference between the native expressions and those of
Arabic origin merely linguistic; the meaning differs too.

When the Sundanese calls it p(irlu to perform ritual prayers five
times a day and haram to drink wine, he means that the pious and
devout, the lebe's or santri's, ought to do the former and omit the
latter. A prohibition that he recognizes as binding on all men, whether
it be prescribed by the religious law (as that no man may ill-treat his
wife), or rests on adat only (as that no man but women only may take
padi from the barn), or is even at variance with the holy law (as that
a woman may not receive the wedding-gift at the hands of her husband),
is called by him pamali, while he describes a positive injunction of the
same kind by the ordinary word for "good" [hade).

In other languages (even in the Arabic itself) we find corresponding

I) Cf. Mekka^ Vol. II, p. 134— 5.

275

expressions. The Achehnese for instance say simply ^^/ = "good**, and
hana gH = not good. Such expressions are much more commonly
employed than the purely religious ones, a speaking proof that the
universally recognized moral standard of Islam is much less closely
followed than that of everyday life.

The same holds true in respect of other distinctions which li;
found expression in the technical terms of the religious law. Many con-
tracts which the law describes as bdtil or invalid, are in practice
regarded by Moslims as binding, whereas it can be said of but few
such contracts that they are fahVt, i.e. valid according to religious law.

The complaints of the pandits that the law which forms the subject
of their study grows daily more and more of a dead letter, of little
concern to anyone as a guide to his actions, arc so frequently to be
met with in Mohammedan literature during, at the least, the past eight
centuries, that it seems superfluous to quote examples. As regards our
own times anyone who has acquired some knowledge of the social life
of Mohammedans in Egyptf Syria, Turkey etc., can verify the truth
of this complaint from his own experience. I shall however support
my statement by quotation from one characteristic document from the
pen of a modern scribe.

If there is any Moslim. country in the world whose inhabitants might Influence of

, "TTi adat in Ila-

be expected to hold the law m reverence, that country is Hadramaut. dramaut.
The population is pure Arab and even the temporary residence of non-
Arabian Mohammedans in this poor and unattractive land is extremely
rare; the spiritual life of the people is under the control of a branch
of the great family of the sayyids; the feeling is fanatical, so that it
would seem (except in some places on the coast) an intolerable pollu-
tion that the soil of Hadramaut should be trod by unbelievers; there
is no intercourse with foreign nations such as elsewhere tends to promote
a slack observance of the holy law; it is, in short, a country which
more than any other in the world should allow of the possibility of
enforcing the law of Islam in its entirety — if indeed such a thing
were within the limits of possibility.

Let us now hear how a Hadramite teacher, who died in December 1855,
and who flourished from 50 to 60 years before our own day, expresses
himself as to the actual state of things in his own country. His name
was Sayyid Abdallah bin Tahir Ba Alawl; he owes his fame among
other things to his authorship of a number of treatises, all written with

276

the intent of improving the religious conditionrof his native land. These
treatises were printed some years ago at Cairo under the title: majmu^
mushtamil "^ala rasail nafi^ah ("collection of useful treatise?*')-

On pp. 179 — 80 of this edition we read as follows; * You must IcqjOw
(may Allah be merciful unto you) that what has caused men to fall
into ignorance and to adopt other rules than those laid down by the
holy law in the making of contracts one with another, and to neglect
the teaching contained in the commands of the law of Allah, and tp
despUe the knowledge of the things ordained by Him^ is this, namely
that they have sought some other authority than that of Allah and of
his Prophet for the decision of many matters in dispute. Now when
men saw how the learning and commands of the law grew to be
neglected and made of none effect, since they were not employed as
a standard whereby to decide, and when men remarked that these
things had become a mere luxury of no solid value and that those who
studied won by their toilsome task no more than some degree of
celebrity as persons of learning, since «io one ever took them as a
guide in any matter, they lost all wish for the teaching pC the law,
and treated it with contempt and neglect. Thereafter they made their
own will the measure of their obligations, drawing no distinction between
what is and what is not ^aMh or valid under the law; nay, they be-
lieve that he who exhorts them to take their stand upon the white
(i. e. pure) road and in the paths of that mild religion, wherein is no
difficulty or impediment or narrowness, desires the impossible, strives
after the unattainable and that his teaching leads to perdition, and such
an one they declare to be possessed or of weak mind. By Allah! this
is a misfortune for religion and one of the greatest snares. of the Devil
which leads to the nullifying, thwarting and neglect of the divine law.

**Thus you may see men deliver judgment in accordance with, the
adat and without the sanction of the law, and this pf set purpose, in
unrighteousness and enmity against the truth, although they know that
this adat is at variance with the law of God and His Prophet. So bind
they men to the doing of things to which they are not )30und by God's
law, and constrain and compel them thereto; while on the other hand
they declare men free from obligations which God'$ law imposes on
them, and in obedience to that law they are bound to fulfil, and the
neglect of which is a sin. /

"Thus is the true religion brought into great conrtempt, and a new

277

religion made, cbnflfcting with Islam and straying away from its tenets.
You may even observe how anyone who invokes the law of Allah and
his Prophet, receives from him against whom he thus appeals the
answer, "I give you only that which is according to the adat"; and
how another on hearing his neighbour extol the teaching of Allah and
his Prophet, says *I will abide by the adat and accept naught else".

**Nay ^ome go so far as to call such invalid rules *the law"; and
this shameful distortion of name proves how fickle is the belief of those
who employ it".

Hereupon the author confirms his censure of the prevailing state of
things by adding sundry quotations from Hadramite authors on the
same subject, and also cites the utterances of the celebrated Shafi'ite
doctor Ibn Hajar, who penned his authoritative works 3*/2 centuries
before; * Could I but command the money and the men, I would
assuredly wage a holy war against those who adhere to the adat'* ! —
and finally he gives us a number of quotations from South Arabian
doctors, in condemnation of a certain special adat-rule called /iukm
al'tnan^, which prevails in Yem^n,

We might give many more examples to show that side by side with
the law and doctrine which has developed in the school during the
past 13 centuries, and which is universally admitted to be inspired yet
is universally neglected, there exists an entirely different standard of
religion, law and morality which holds good in practice. This practical
teaching is indeed largely coloured by the influence of the theory of
the schools, yet to a great extent it rests on an entirely different basis;
therein are expressed the views of life which controlled mens' minds in
the pre-Mohammedan period and therein do we also find traces of all
that has befallen the various peoples since they embraced the creed
of Islam.

Hence it obviously follows that this practical teaching is not (like Local varia-
the law and doctrine of the schools), the same throughout the whole prj^tical doc^
Moslim world, but that it is to a certain degree dependent on the J^SSS:
ethnological characteristics and the political and social development of
the different peoples who profess Islam. The teaching of the schools is
universal, while that of every day life exhibits a character that varies
more or less with its environment.

No religion makes conversion easier for both peoples and individuals Facility of
than does that of Islam; it is possible to become and to remain a

278

member of the community without any proof on the converts part of
the genuineness of his belief, of his knowledge of the kiw and his fidelity
in observing its precepts. The utterance of the *two words" of the
confession of faith (*I bear witness that there is no God but Allah and
that Mohammad is the Messenger of Allah") is sufficient to make a
man a member of the community of Mohammad ; and none of his new
fellow-believers has the right to call in question the truth of this
testimony.
The ritual From its very childhood Islam showed quite as strong an aspiration

domestic law. for political as for religious sway, and sought to extend its proselytism
externally more than internally. Wherever it established itself those
things which are abhorrent in the eyes of every Moslim of course
disappeared, and made way for the emblems of the new creed; for
example, the eradication of open and unequivocal idolatry went hand
in hand with the building of mosques. It has also in every instance
laid great stress on a certain reforms in family life, and upon the
observance of certain rules as to food and clothing.

It is no mere accident, that while Mohammedans in all parts of the
world are becoming more and more emancipated from the control of
the religious law, the domestic code remains in the hands of the repre-
sentatives of religion both in Turkish countries and in the East Indian
Archipelago, not to speak of other Mohammedan lands. In some
instances in earlier ages, Islam advanced still further on the path of
reform, supported by the religious zeal of certain powerful rulers, but
for the most part it has contented itself for the time being with the
establishment of its form of worship and the reform of domestic life,

an d has left all the rest to time.

Attraction Anyone who glances through a book of Mohammedan law, might
uncivilised easily suppose that this religion imposes an insupportable yoke on the

peoples. shoulders of all who are not born and bred beneath its shadow; but

he who witnesses the conversion to Islam of individuals or races, comes
to the very opposite conclusion. History teaches us that the less civi-
lized peoples in particular offer no resistance to this soft and alluring
voice and the East Indian Archipelago furnishes us with daily e.xamples
of the truth of this fact.

Those who sowed in the Far East the first seeds of Islam were no
zealots prepared to sacrifice life and property for the holy cause, nor
were they missionaries supported by funds raised in their native land.

279

On the contrary these men came hither to seek their own worldly
advantage, and the work of conversion was merely a secondary task.
Later on too, when millions had in this way been won over to Islam, I
it was the prospect of making money and naught else that attracted
hitherward so many teachers from India, Egypt, Mecca and Hadramaut. J

In those countries where Islam originally won the mastery by force
of arms, the genuineness of the conversion was of course much more
open to question than in the Eastern Archipelago, where it was chiefly^
moral suasion that won the day. In the latter case the new religion
was from the very first felt not as a yoke imposed by a higher power,
but as a revealed truth which the strangers brought from beyond the
sea, and the knowledge of which at once gave its adherents a share in i
a higher civilization and elevated them to a higher position among the I
nations of the world.

The only peoples who offered any resistance were those who had
attained a high degree of development before Islam became known to
them. The Western nations showed it the door, while the Persians
after a forced conversion formed heretical sects and thus preserved a
great portion of their ancient belief.

Even those religions which have devoted themselves with all their
might to the inward conversion of the individual and the actual reform
of the life of the nations, have never succeeded in wiping out the
national character, the old forms of thought, the ancient manners and
customs. These the proselytizers had either to assimilate or to see pro-
long their existence in spite of the ban under which they lay. How
should we then expect to meet with more far-reaching results in the
case of Islam and its method of conversion ?

Even its system of elementary instruction, which ought to be its
most powerful agent in making good its conquest, does no more than
enable its disciples to repeat without understanding, like mere parrots,
the teaching revealed to the Prophet at Mekka 13 centuries ago, and
to perform the ritual prayers correctly.

It is therefore not surprising that in all Mohammedan countries those Faithful ob-

scrvsmcc o(

whose religious learning goes beyond the "two words" of the confession the law every-
of faith, or who are in any sense exponents of the moral requirements where the ex-
of Islam, or who observe even a minimum of the ritual or other obli-
gations of their religion, form but a small minority, whilst the great
majority pursue their lives in their half-pagan and wholly superstitious

28o

thoughts and practices, only' imperfectly clad in a few phrases and
other outward and visible signs of Mohammedanism.

Besides the indispensable and inevitable elements, of which without

*doubt the domestic law is the most important in practice, each nation

adopts that portion of Islam which harmonizes most with its character,

its customs and its past history, and in doing so seeks involuntarily to

f oreserve under the new regime as much as possible of its ancient lore.

Islam and The adats which control the lives of the Bedawins of Arabia, the

gical ^charac- Egyptians, the Syrians or the Turks, are for the most part different

terisiicsofits from those of the Javanese, Malays and Achehnese, but the relation

adherents.

of these adats to the law of Islam, and the tenacity with which they

maintain themselves in despite of that law, is everywhere the same.

The customary law of the Arabs and the ** Excellent QanQn" (the

mundane code) of the Turks differ from the written and unwritten adat

law of our Indonesian^, but they are equally far removed from the

shartat or shar^ (revealed law), although they are equally loud in their

recognition of the divine origin of the latter.

The dispo- All this is food for reflection on the part of Europeans who take

people as the upon themselves to write on the Mohammedanism of Indonesia. Let

standard of its them then cease to apply to their scanty observation of native life the

adherence to

Islam. test of their still more imperfect knowledge of the law and doctrine of

Islam, in order to arrive at the surprising conclusion that the Malays,
Javanese; Achehnese etc. are not nations of theologians and jurists or
book-Mohammedans modelled from wax.

The problem that such writers seek to solve is no problem at all.
We have rather to enquire wherein the thoughts and actions of the
Mohammedan Indonesians differ from those of their co-religionists of
other races, in order to arrive by comparison and discrimination at a
better knowledge of the Mohammedanism which they profess. In what
manner have they assimilated Islam? Careful examination and criticism
can alone supply us with the answer. In what degree are they Moham-
medans? This is a vain question, for in the first place we have no
available standard whereby we can measure the plus or minus of the
belief or practice of the Indonesians in comparison with that of other
Mohammedanized races, and moreover such plus or minus could never
be a constant quantity, since various circumstances cause it to fluctuate
continually. The only true standard is the disposition of the people,
and everyone must be aware that even our Indonesian Moslims will

28 1

have no other creed than their own, that they borrow from their reli-
gion the strength to offer a stout resistance to all attempts at conver-
sion, that their every political movement is coloured by Mohammedanism,
and that whenever a preacher of any new or unusual doctrine attains
success, he does so only under the pretence that he is the exponent
of the true Way of Islam.

If then in the course of our summary of the religious life of the
Achehnese we pass in review, the doctrines of Islam and the principal
heads of the law, we do so not in order to apply to the subject of
our study the substance of these theoretical rules, but in order with
the help of this clue to compare the Mohammedanism of this people
with that of their co-religionists of other races.

§ 2. Doctrine, Popular Beliefs, Worship of Saints, Oaths.

The doctrine taught in Acheh is the orthodox Mohammedan. What Knowledge
the student learns, regarding the nature, the characteristics and the doctrine. ^*
epithets of God, the prophets and the angels, as to predestination, the
day of judgment and the next life is identical with what is regarded
in Arabia, Egypt etc., as the loftiest wisdom. Both the larger works in
use in Acheh in which all these things are set forth, not without a
certain amount of doctrinal hair-splitting, and the smaller manuals
which only deal with the main points, are simply the universally known
Arabic texts or Malay translations of the same. But although a great
deal of this lore has become fused with the thoughts and language of
the people, it is only a small minority that habitually draw instruction
from the above sources, while the great majority pick up their doctrinal
knowledge how and where they may.

In common not only with their co-religionists of kindred race, but Heretical

. mysticism.

also with the people of India and with many classes of Mohammedans
of other countries, the Achehnese have a certain inclination towards
mysticism and in general towards whatever savours of the mysterious.
It is seldom, however that this tendency is carried so far as to lead
(to a conscious departure from orthodox doctrine, such as we met with
in the case of the Heumee sale" *), the outcome of the teaching of Hamzah

i) See pp. 13 — 14 above.

282

Orthodox
tarlqahs.

Popular
belief.

Pansuri. As a rule it may be said that the heterodox elements in the
creed of the common people are embraced by them in ignorance and
in all good faith, and speedily disappear under the influence of orthodox
teaching.

There are however very many in Acheh who have unorthodox
notions as to the relations between God, man and the world,
finding therein more satisfaction for their religious feelings than in
the study of dogma or juridical refinements. Thus there survives,
without conscious resistance to the orthodox teaching, a large propor-
tion of those heretical forms of mysticism which were the first to
permeate these regions since the dawn of Mohammedanism in the
Far East.

The orthodox Shattaritc mysticism which was propagated from Medina
in the I7'»» century subsists in Acheh only in a few narrow circles of
devotees. The now much more popular Naqsibandiyyah and Qadiriyyah
tarlqahs have never taken root in Acheh, although they have some
adherents there. It is indeed only during the last 30 — 40 years during
which Acheh has been in a state of continual ferment, that these two
schools of mysticism have gained such a hold in Java and other parts
of the Archipelago.

The prevailing ignorance with respect to the official dogma is an
entirely natural consequence of the imperfect nature of the elementary
Mohammedan teaching, and of the little pains which the religious teachers
have taken to bring the results of their doctrinal activity within the
reach of the simple-minded. In countries such as Arabia and Egypt
the same cause has led to a like issue; there too the unlettered folk
are no whit better acquainted with the first principles of dogma.

Popular belief opposes to the dogmas of the learned not so much
other systems of teaching as national manners and customs. These are
just as inconsequent and just as far from forming a compact whole as
is the superstition in which they are rooted.

^Belief in spirits of all sorts *) is neither peculiar to Acheh nor in
conflict with the teaching of Islam. Actual worship of these beings in the
form of prayer might seriously imperil monotheism, but such worship
is a rare exception in Acheh. The spirits most believed in are hostile

i) The most important of these have been described in our account of diseases, Vol. I,
p. 409 ct seq.

283

to mankind and arc combatted by exorcism; the manner in which this
is done in Acheh, as in Arabia and other Mohammedan countries,
is at variance in many respects with the orthodox teaching. Where,
however, the Achehnese calls in the help of these spirits or of other
methods of enchantment in order to cause ill-fortune to his fellow man,
he does so with the full knowledge that he is committing a sin.

It is practically impossible to give a complete list of the superstitious Superstitious
practices of the Achehnese or of any other Mohammedan people. They ^
vary in details from one gampong to another, although identical in
kind. We have already dealt with a large number of them in the first
volume of this work in our description of the social and domestic life
of the people. We now add a few more examples, some of which have
been already touched upon ^).

Want of rain was in olden times as great a scourge to the cattle- Rain-making,
breeders of Arabia as it is to many a planter in the East Indian Archi-
pelago. The Pagan Arabs resorted to enchantments of their own to
entice the rain to fall, but the Prophet replaced all such practices by
a single public prayer called falai al-istisqa, offered up beneath the
open skies. In most respects this service differs but little from an
ordinary s^mbahyang, but it is characterized by certain movements and
a shaking of their upper garments by the worshippers, all of which
must be regarded as a concession to heathenism on Mohammad's part.

This service of prayer is also occasionally held in Java, under the (Uving the
name istika\ but a more popular method of rain making is "giving the
cat a bath", which is sometimes accompanied by small processions and
other ceremonies. In Acheh, so far as I am aware, the actual custom no
longer survives, though it has left traces of its former existence in
sundry popular expressions. ''It is very dry; we must give the cat a
bath and then we shall get rain" *) say the padi-planters when their
harvest threatens to fail through drought.

There is however another usage connected with rain which still Procession

\l'ltil C0C02L*

subsists in full force. When a water famine prevails, the old women „„j shells,
and children go in procession round the gampong on bright moonlight
nights, each armed with two cocoa-nut shells which they clap together
chanting the following prayer^): ^O our Lord God, give us two drops

i) See Vol. I, footnote to p. 51.

2) Khii'ai^ that^ hana iijeucn meukon taja pumano'e title.

3) Poteu Alah bri ic dua "ncu'^ pat/c ka mate^ Poteu Alah bri it dua ^ficii\ NeW =■ aneu*

286

to the representatives of religion, the teungkus an leub^*s, while the
people of the gampong keep up a mighty uproar, beating the great
drum of the meunasah, and firing off guns and some times even cannon
in order to frighten away the enemies of the sun and moon. Various
sorts of ratcbs (see p 216 above) are also held in order to relieve the
suffering heavenly body.

The prevailing idea is that in an eclipse of the sun the latter is
partially devoured by the moon, and that the reverse process takes
place in a lunar eclipse. The marksmen aim their guns at the darkened
portion of the heavenly body under eclipse, and cry in lamentation as
they let them off ''Oh God, how the moon is suffering"! (Alah buleuen
meukarat that).

Talismans and amulets [adjeumat) made during an eclipse are suppo-
sed to be specially efficacious. So it is not surprising that the teungkus,
who make a living by the manufacture of these objects, are unable to
meet the demand for their wares when an eclipse of the sun or moon
takes place.
Annual feast The island of Rab6 (close to Pul<^ Breuch) is the scene of sundry
practices strongly coloured with paganism.

On the shore of that island a seven days' feast is held every year.
The first six days arc dedicated \.o piasans (secular feasts; see p. 268
above), the main features of which are music and unlawful love-making,
chiefly with married women. On the seventh day of this licentious fair
a buffalo is sacrificed, and it is supposed that this festival ensures the
people for a whole year against the freaks of certain malignant j^ns
who, if its celebration be neglected, avenge themselves by causing
many to fall and break their necks.

The rice-field known as Blang Seureugong on the same island is be-
lieved to be the habitation of a jen, who must -in like manner be pro-
pitiated by the giving of a yearly feast. The buffalo destined to be
slaughtered on this occasion is first of all wounded in some part of his
body and led bleeding over every "um6ng" or rice-plot, so that none
may miss the propitious effect of the dripping blood. Then the animal
is slaughtered in the proper ritual way and his flesh is eaten. Neglect
of this kanduri results in failure of the year's crop.
Jn Knricng. In Pulo Breueh (Bras) there is a holy tree called ^a Karieng {'^ Grand-
father Karieng"), propitiated by those who seek lost buffaloes. When
starting on their quest they promise votive offerings to Ja Karieng,

28;

usually one or two bunghng tajo\ artificial flowers such as the women
wear in their top knots, made of scraps of coloured cloth stuck on a
central stem. If the buffalo is found the promised flowers are fixed in
the crevices of the holy karieng-tree.

We have already mentioned ') Ja Karieng's power of resisting
epidemics. This also forms the occasion of an annual feast.

We could furnish endless examples of such customs, but it is only
in its finer details that all this folk-lore is specifically Achehnese. The
worship of holy trees, wells and stones may be said to be common to
all Mohammedan countries although it is undoubtedly at variance with
the programme which Islam set before herself in the first few years
of her existence, but which she was speedily obliged to modify and
alter at the risk of losing all chance of maintaining her place as one
of the great religions of the world. Equally universal is the practical
belief in and the constant invocation or exorcism of sundry other super-
natural powers besides Allah, side by side with the theoretical recogni-
tion of the pre-ordination of God as the sole cause of all the good and
evil in the world.

We must next examine the attitude adopted by the official or
orthodox teaching towards this great mass of popular customs and ideas.

During the centuries of its growth Islam has gone very far in W\d ^
way of assimilating all that the main body of its adherents deemed t^
be indispensable. Rather than witness the prolonged existence of innu-
merable forbidden things, it modified its severity and made theq[i
permissible. To attain this end it has had recourse to all imaginable
pretexts, so that it has become easy for its modern disciples continually
to embody more and more of their superstitious practices, under the
guise of orthodoxy, side by side with what was already sanctioned b
the law.

These superstitions can now no longer be styled anti-Mohammedan,
although they conflict in many respects with the original doctrines of
Islam. A religion is not born full-grown any more than a man, and if
on attaining a ripe maturity it has cast off" the form of its early youth
past recognition, we cannot deny it its right to this transformation, as
it is part and parcel of the scheme of nature.

A custom or idea docs not necessarily stand condemned according

Universality
of such
customs.

Attitude of
the official

teaching
:owards these

customs.

1) See Vol. I, p. 417.

288

to the Moslim standard, even though* in /^wr minds there can :be-' no
shadort' of doubt of its pagan origin. If for exa'mple Mohammedan
teachiilg is able to' regard some popular custom, as a perniissible
enchantment against the Devil or against jens hostile to mankind, of
as art invocation of the mediation of a prophet or saint with God, then
it matters not that the existence of these malignant spirits is actually
ohiy known from pagan sources, nor does anyone pause to enquire
whether the saint in question' is but a heathen God in a new dress, or
an imaginary being whose name but serves to legiti'mize=the existing
worship of some object of popular .reverence. »

On the other hand that, same teaching is inexorable in regard to all
superstitious id^as which cannot be classified either as prayer to God
or invocation of prophets and saints, and to all customs. which involve
acts forbidden by the Moslim law.

Thus the firing of guns at the sun-or moon during an eclipse, wklespred
though the. custom is amongst Mohammedans, is in conflict with reli-
gion, since the law expre^ly <iondemns such practices . and ordains a
s^mbahyang or service of prayer in their place. The fair on the shores
j of Piil6..Rab6 necessarily meets with unbounded disapprobation from

aU Mohammedan teachers on accounts of its immorality, although
nufnetous saiats' festivals in Arabia and elsewhere are characterized
not a whit the less by studied inducements to indulgence in licentiousness *).
The vows to Ja Karieng, however, are capable of a two-fold interpre-
tation. He who regards the karieng-tree itself as sacred and looks for
its help in searching for his lost buffaloes defrauds Allah of his due
and acts profiinely; the excuse that such practices are common throughout
the whole Mohammedan world is inadmissible. But the * grandfather",
the Ja, may well be a saint buried under this tree and called thereafter,
and the invocation of the help and mediation of this saint meets witii
no censure whatever.
Saint-worship So much has been already written on the saint-worship of the
Mohammedans that it may be considered superfluous to preface our
description of certain Achehnese idiosyncrasies in this respect by a
long general introduction. If we take any detailed description of a
Mohammedan community (for Egypt, for instance; Lane's cjassic

x) For an account of the forbidden pleasures of the people of Mekka at the feast of
Maimunah sec my Mckka^ Vol. II, p. 54 — 55.

289

Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, and for the towns of
Arabia Vol. II of my Mekka), we shall therein find mention made of
at least four classes of defunct saints: — those who lie buried outside
the limits of the country in question but who none the less find
worshippers there owing to their high repute; national saints whose
tombs attract pilgrims from the whole land; local saints who may be
more or less regarded as guardians and patrons of particular villages
or districts; and one special class, those who rescue men from some
definite sort of danger or grant them fulfilment of some definite wish.
In addition to the above great influence is sometimes exercised by
living saints, who are regarded by those in their neighbourhood as
endowed with miraculous powers.

The best sketch of the Moslim saint-worship in general, an essay of
some 100 pages by Dr. Ignaz Goldziher *), opens with the observation
that ^in no other department has the original teaching of Islam adapted
itself more to suit the needs of its adherents than in that of saint-
worship** Great however as the concessions of the representatives of the
religion of Islam have been to such needs, they have not been able
entirely to satisfy them. The popular belief is not yet content with
the pantheon which the official teaching has sealed with its sanction,
even though that pantheon counts its names by thousands, and the
door is opened as widely as possible to admit more; at least as many
*more ^'saints'* are added whose origin every teacher must regard with
suspicion, and whose legends are absurd and even heretical.

Such is the case in the land of the origin of Islam and in the coun-
tries of age-long Mohammedan civilization that surround it; how then
could we expect it to be otherwise in the ^Tar East"?

There has, it is true, been no lack of opposition on the part both
of pandits and laymen to what they regarded as a terrible degradation
and falsification of the monotheistic teaching of the Prophet; but the
practical and surpassingly catholic instinct of Islam has tended more
and more to exclude these *protestants* from the consensus (ijma^) of
the community, and it is this consensus, the concurrent opinion of the
majority, that is the final arbiter of truth and falsehood.

i) See the Muhammedanische Studien (Halle a/S 1890) of this writer pp. 277 — 378; the
study of these pages cannot be too highly recommended to those who wish to gain some
knowledge of the significance of the tombs and legends of saints, in which our Archipelago
is so rich.

II 19

290

The Wahhabite movement, which set Arabia in a tumult on the
threshold of the nineteenth century, fought with spiritual and temporal
weapons against the prevailing worship of man (saints and prophets),
but it was subdued by Mohammad Ali, and Wahhabitism has since
been confined to an insignificant sect, in spite of the increase of its
adherents in British India, where the neutrality of the government
favours the spread of such propaganda.

In its interpretation of the law the Moslim school has always neglected
the requirements of actual life and has thus gradually lost its sway
over society, but in dogma it has conformed more and more to these
human needs. It is of course quite possible to admit the validity of
the law without observing its precepts; of such an attitude the continual
backsliding of the human race, foretold by the Prophet himself, is
sufficient explanation. Religious teaching, however, must neither admit
any elements which are unacceptable to a large part of the community,
nor reject things which are indispensable to a great number of the
faithful, under pain of giving rise to a dissension which would lead to
a general break-up and the formation of many sects. Against this Islam
has always carefully protected itself.
Tihe catholic Political disruption, on the other hand, speedily showed itself and
Islam. continually increased. As every ruler of a Mohammedan state, be it
large or small, is regarded as the chief upholder of the faith within
his own territory, there is no possibility of forming a Common council
or other such body in which the all-deciding **consensus of the community"
might find utterance. This very fact enables us to point with all the more
confidence to the catholic instinct of Islam as the upholder of its unity.

From the above it follows as a matter of course that there can be
no universally accepted list of Mohammedan saints, to form a standard
of the truth or falsity of all claims to canonization.

The reverence paid to the graves of those who already in their
lifetime were known as special implements of Gods mercy, begins
chiefly in small circles, and it sometimes depends on entirely accidental
circumstances whether this worship attains gigantic proportions or the
new saint's tomb is forgotten after a single generation, so that after
a time its very site is unknown. There are but few saints of whom it
is possible (as in the case of the mystic Shaikh Muhammad Sanusi '),

i) See the Marabouts ct Khouan of Louis KioD, Chap. XXXI.

29 1

who died in 1859) to foretell with certainty during their lifetime that
their tombs will hereafter be the goal of many devout pilgrimages.

Those who have had a more or less orthodox education only visit
saints' tombs the genuineness of which has been raised above all
suspicion by the consensus of the community. Such purists occasionally
raise their voices in protest against the claims of saints whose worship
is inseparably connected with forbidden things, and in doubtful cases
they decide according to the standard of orthodox dogma, and manifest
a strong tendency to allow any tomb which has once won its way
into the savour of sanctity to continue therein, so long as they can
get rid of all that is offensive in the customs and traditions attached
to it. Nor is such a view in disagreement with the orthodox dogma
which recommends that men should rather worship many saints of
dubious merit than run the risk of depriving some genuine saints of the
honour due to them.

It may be concluded from the foregoing remarks that the hagiogra- Character of
phy of a Mohammedan country generally furnishes a characteristic hagiography.
medley of antiquarian and ethnographic curiosities, wherein the survivals
of vanquished religions and the evidences of old superstitions jostle
with the mysticism of today. At the same time we find in the legends
regarding the lives of the saints a mirror which reflects the character
of the peoples who worship them. In the biographies of their saints
we find reproduced the ideals, the humour and even the follies of the
people who worship them, and who in their simplicity make these men
of God caricatures as well as exalted images of themselves. In the
vows made by the pilgrims to their graves, they lay bare the inmost
desires of their hearts. The Creator is throned so far on high that he
cannot give personal attention to the prayers of each one of his servants,
but these innumerable janitors of his celestial palace have little else to
do but to lay before him the prayers of their friends, who enlist
their sympathy by vows to offer flowers and food and incense at their I
tombs, to go thither in procession, perhaps escorted by musicians, in /
short to do all that the local tradition shows to be likely to please the /
local saint.

The Indian Archipelago forms no exception to the above rule; the
biographies of saints, for instance which can be collected in almost any
district of Java, are highly instructive to the student of ethnology,
sociology and antiquarian science, and often interesting in themselves.

292

though perhaps a little monotonous to those who have become familiar
with the prevailing types.
General cha- The Achehnese hagiography possesses certain special traits which
"^^^sdnts of distinguish it from the Javanese and those of the other best known
Acheh. Mohammedan countries of the Archipelago.

The tombs of the most ancient saints in Java and in most of the
neighbouring countries cover the ashes of the first preachers of Islam
and according to reliable records date from the 15*** century; according
to the native tradition some of them are much older. In Acheh the
saints now known and worshipped arrived on the scene long after Islam
held undisputed sway in the country. The Turkish or Syrian saint of
the gampong of Bitay ') if we accept a historical foundation of his
legend came thither in the i6th century, when Acheh was already a
considerable Mohammedan power; Aburra'uf^), the saint of Singkel,
who long held the foremost place among the holy men of Acheh,
flourished in the latter half of the 17th century; the Arab Teungku
Anjong ^), who threw his predecessors claims somewhat into the shade,
died in 1782. The rest are nearly all of minor rank; we do not know
exactly when they lived and the popular tradition of Acheh, which is
very indifferent as regards chronology, does not even pretend to assign
to them any definite period.

The names of the three chief saints of Acheh, which we have just
mentioned suggest the surmise that the nation itself is not largely
represented in their own calendar. As a matter of fact most of the
wali's *) of Acheh are foreigners, just like most of her kings and almost
all her great religious teachers.

In Java too, it is true, many of the greatest wali's came from beyond
the seas, and were said to be of Arab descent, as is shown by their
being given the title of sayyidy or descendants of Husain, the grandson
of Mohammad.

But this foreign origin is a matter -of course in the case of the pioneers
of Islam in Java, and among the later saints we find the names of
many pure Javanese. Foreign saints of other than Arabic genealogy
are in Java rare exceptions.

i) See Vol. I, pp. 209, 243.

2) See Vol. I, pp. 156, 390; II, p. 17 et seq. 3) See Vol. I, pp. 156, 235, 390.

4) As we have already observed the Achehnese employ in place of this word its own
plural, aulia^ pronounced by them eiilia.

293

In Acheh the title of tuan which is prefixed to the names of so

many saints of greater or lesser repute, points with certainty to their

being of Malay or Javanese origin, and even those who are called

teungku must not be regarded on this evidence merely, as being native

Achehnese; Teungku Anjong, for instance, was an Arab and Teungku

di Bitay a Turk or Syrian.

Ornate tombs and monuments are rarely to be found in Acheh ; but Care be-
stowed on the
few even of the royal graves show traces of any greater care or atten- saints* tombs.

tion than the Achehnese is wont to bestow on those of his ancestors

or his saints. The tomb of Teungku Anjong and his wife is covered

by a deah *) ; apart from this it is exceptional to find any protection

against wind and weather. The tombs of Teungku di Kuala and Teungku

Lam Peuneu'eun are sheltered by roughly constructed sheds, and that

of Teungku Pant^ Cheureum^n by a small plastered kubah *). The

luxury of a guardian of the tomb is confined, so far as I am aware, to

the graves of the three principal saints mentioned above and that of

Teungku di Weueng in the interior. Most of the saints tombs lie bare

and exposed, are seldom cleaned and are distinguished from those of

ordinary mortals only by the votive offerings which are laid thereon.

We have already described the manner in which the saints are Manner of
worshipped in Acheh. With the exception of those of Teungku Anjong ^o"^*P-
and his wife where annual feasts ^) are celebrated, their tombs are visited
almost exclusively for the fulfilment of vows. The accomplishment of
wishes, recovery from sickness or important events in domestic life are
thus the ordinary causes of these visits. The maker of the vow some-
times goes alone, sometimes with a few friends and occasionally with
a great procession.

Some flowers and incense, a litte white cotton stuff for covering the
tombstones, some yellow glutinous rice and now and then an animal
for sacrifice are brought to the tomb, whence a few withered flowers
or a fragment of old cloth from the tombstone are taken away as
charms. The pilgrims and especially he on whose behalf the vow was
made have their heads washed at the sacred spot. Processions are
generally accompanied by a geundrang orchestra, though this is really

i) See Vol. I, p. 51.

2) From the Arabic qubbah a tomb with domed roof.

3) See Vol. I, p 219.

294

most unbefitting for a religious ceremony; at the tombs of saints of
renown rapa'i performances are also held, nay indeed such gatherings
are often profaned by the sadati-plays so strongly reprobated by the
representatives of religion, and even by gambling.

There are some, however, who acknowledge the benificence of the
saint by more pious excercises, such as the recitation at his tomb of
the Quran or other sacred writings.

According to the popular notion the saint only enjoys the immaterial
essence of the flowers and food oflered to him. The teaching of Islam
on the other hand rejects this theory and will only admit of the view
that the distribution of food to the living is a pious work, the recom-
pense of which is communicated to the wali. According to both con-
ceptions, however, it is essential that the food be partaken of by living
people, and preferably those who have some repute for piety, such as
the teungku's and leube's. Thus when an offering of food is made, one
or two teungkus are generally of the company, unless the tomb is
furnished with regular attendants such as watchmen etc.

The intention expressed in words by the maker of the vow suffices
to convey to the saint the immaterial essence or the recompense of
the pious gift. Hence it is not absolutely necessary that the offering
of food or flowers should be made at the tomb itself. So in the case
of simple or trivial vows, it is often customary to hand over the
offering to a teungku at his own house. It is thus possible to make
and to fulfil vows of this sort to the Prophet or to saints of other
countries without actually visiting their tombs.
The princi- In Conclusion let us give a short list of the most famous of the saints
Ah ^^^^^ ° ^^ Acheh with a few remarks on the traditions regarding them.

Of the foreign saints those of the holy cities of Arabia (Mekka and
Medina) are of course those best known to the Achehnese. It cannot
however be said of these that they are regarded with unusual or even
general veneration in Acheh, or at least not among Achehnese who
have never performed the haj. There are really only two foreign saints
who are so esteemed, namely Siak Abdokade (Shaich Abdulqadir Jilanl) *)
the most renowned in Acheh of the champions of mysticism, to whom
dishes of yellow glutinous rice are occasionally offered, to the great
satisfaction of the teungkus, who recite the fatihah over them and

i) See Vol. I, pp. 165, 191.

295

devour their contents, and Tiian Meurasah a full account of whom
will be found in the first volume of this work, p. 217.

The others whom we shall mention here are all buried in Acheh.

Teungku or Tuan di Bitay ; see Vol. I, pp. 209, 243. It is told of this
saint that he once had a dispute with the Sultan of Acheh on that
vexed question annually debated in all Mohammedan countries, viz. on
what day the fasting month would commence '). The teungku declared
that he had seen the new moon, and that the fast must therefore
commence the following morning, while the Sultan insisted that it
would not be new moon till next day. Through Allah's grace the saint
was able to point out the moon to the Sultan, who was much astonished
and had to acknowledge his defeat.

Teungku di Kuala = Siah Abdora'oh (Shaich Abdurra'uf of Singkel),
of whom an account is given in Vol. I, pp. 156, 390 and pp. 17 et seq.
above.

Teungku Anjong = Sayyid Abu Bakr bin Husain Bilfaqlh ; see Vol.
I, pp. 156, 219, 390.

Teungku Lam PeuneiCeun^ the patron saint of pepper. For a descrip-
tion of the annual kanduris given in his honour in the pepper season,
and the propaganda of Teungku Kuta Karang on behalf of his cult,
see Vol. I, pp. 184, 260. Vows are also made to him in connection with
recovery from sickness, or for the completion of the recitation of the
Quran (peutamat^ see Vol. I, p. 398) at his tomb by a school-boy.

Teungku Pant^ Cheureum^n. This saint's tomb, which is regarded as
of great antiquity, lies near Kuala D6e on the shore of Ul^e Lheue
(Olehleh). Vows are seldom paid to him, but great kanduri's are held
at his tomb especially when an epidemic prevails in the land, so that
they may be classified as kanduri tula* bala '). A white buffalo must
always be slaughtered at these feasts.

Teungku Meuntrbe, whose tomb is situated in the open country at
Lueng Bata, is a saint with a specialty for the punishment of perjurers,
so that oaths taken at his tomb are considered particularly reliable.
The more celebrated Teungku Anjong has the same reputation in this
respect, but owing to its being a place of such constant resort, the
actual value of the oaths taken at his tomb has become somewhat
weakened.

i) See Vol. I, pp. 196, 223. 2) See Vol. I, p. 416.

296

Every man of course knows that it is Allah alone who punishes,
and that the breach of an oath no matter where committed cannot
escape his omniscience. But Allah's punishments are for the most part
deferred till after the resurrection, and there is a great hope of their
being remitted through his pitying grace, whereas it is a recognized
characteristic of the saints that they secure by their prayers the punish-
ment in this world of sinners who have earned their anathema *).

Teungku di Wetiing lies buried on the mountain of that name in the
XXII Mukims and is regarded as an implacable chastizer of thieves.
Cases are quoted in which the visitants of his tomb brought with them
as offerings goats which they had indeed acquired by honest means
but which had previously been the subject of thefts. A sudden death
was the reward of their heedlessness. There is a story that one who
plucked a durian from a tree that grew over the grave was straightway
turned to stone.

The energetic chief of Teun6m (Teuku Imeum) is said to be a descen-
dant of this dreaded protector of property. [He died in August 1901].

Teungku Chf Lam Pisang is buried in the gampong after which he
is named, and is the special patron of all those who desire to attain
invulnerability. The hairs of his head were as stiff as brass wire ; when
he plucked one out and gave it as a charm [ajeumat) to a student of
the Heuni^e keubay *), it changed of its own accord into iron in a day
or two, and thus became an infallible talisman to ensure the invulnera-
bility of its possessor ^).

This saint, however, does not confine his activity to this one depart-
ment; he is also the recipient of innumerable vows having for their
object the fulfilment of wishes or the warding off of mishaps.

Tuan di Lungkeueng^ so called because his tomb is wholly surrounded
by thick roots, has his resting-place in the Blang Bintang (XXVI Mukims).

During his life he was wont to frequent the fields in that locality
and to water the grazing flocks at midday. Now sick cattle are brought
to his tomb where their heads are besprinkled with water or if the
distance is too great to drive them thither, some earth is taken from
the tomb and mingled with the water which the sick animals drink.

i) Cf. Vol. I, pp. 158 et seq. where it is explained how the fear inspired by the sayyids
in Acheh arises from the same cause.

2) See above pp. 34, et seq.

3) See pp. 36 above.

297

Teiingkii or Tuan Dibbh ') is more generally known as Tuan Salah
nama (*the saint with the wrong name") as his real name sounds
improper. The tomb that bears his name and which is situated at the
foot of a mountain in Lam Pisang is said to contain his organ of
generation only, while his body is supposed to be buried on the top
of the hill. It is rumoured that Habib Abdurrahman was opposed to
the veneration paid to this curious sepulchre.

He is the patron of married couples who wish for children. The
barren pay vows to him and drink water mingled with earth from
his grave.

The seafaring man owes his protection from the dangers of the deep
largely to the intercession of the saints. Along the shores, the islands
and the cliffs past which he sails there are many real or supposed
graves of these departed worthies, as well as certain rocks and stones
of peculiar form, which are supposed to be petrified evidences of their
presence. To some of these the sailors make vows in the hour of
danger, but in most cases they observe as they pass these monuments
certain customs prompted by veneration or by fear; for instance, incense
is burnt, jests and idle sayings are avoided and sometimes incantations
are uttered. The chief saints of this class are:

Tuan di Payet^ on that part of Pul6 Breueh (Bras) which is known
as Pul6 Ul^e Paya.

Tuan di Kala, (so named from the kala-trees near his grave), on the
same island.

Teungku di Keureuse' on Pulo Keureusc' which lies to the West of
Pul6 Breueh.

Teungku di BukH, on a hill near the coast of Pulo Deudab, close
by Pul6 Breueh.

Teungku di Ujong EutnpH on the same island.

Tuan di Pulb Bunta on the island of that name in the Babah ArSih.

Teungku di Ujong at Kuala Panchu (VI Mukims).

Teungku di Ujong Ritieng on the coast of the IV Mukims.

In the dependencies on the North, East and West Coasts also there
are hundreds of such sacred places which the seafaring man approaches
with awe. On the West Coast the most celebrated is Teungku Lho^
Tapa' Tuan in that arm of the sea which in the old maps is marked

i) Boh signifies the male organ of generation, ^dV'^ being used for emphasis.

298

as Tampat Tuan, but is called by the Achehnese Tapa' Tuan ("footstep
of the saint").

This gigantic saint is said to have on one occasion pursued a dragon
into the sea, and of this chase certain traces may still be seen both
on the shore and in the sea itself. One of his footsteps left its mark
on a hill and another lower down close to the sea-shore. This last,
which is about /'/j yards long, is roofed over. Two small islands (Pi//^
Dua) in the bay of Tapa' Tuan are believed to have been originally
connected but to have been rent in twain by the dragon in his flight.

The saint hurled his turban and his staff at the dragon, which however
sank beneath the waves to rise no more, while these two objects were
turned to stone and may still be seen projecting from the sea in the
form of rocks of peculiar shape. It is supposed to be extremely dangerous
purposely to steer a ship close to the kupiah and tungkat as they are
called, but if the vessel is accidentally driven thither by wind or tide
and touches one of them it is a most lucky omen for her master.

There are not many legends connected with the remaining saints in
our list; they are believed to render help in all kind of danger, but
they do not enjoy the high prestige of those already mentioned, nor
do they wield special powers.

Tuan Siblah LangH (^'the saint of the direction of the sky"). The
greatest length of the sky according to the Achehnese conception, is
supposed to be from East to West. The tomb of this worthy which is
situated near Kuala Changkoy, lies East and West, while the prescribed
direction of Mohammedan tombs in the Eastern Archipelago is from
North to South, so that the face of the dead may be turned towards
Mekka. In Java also there are a few graves which form exceptions to
the general rule and which are nevertheless regarded as sacred.

Ttian di Keude or Teungku tujoh bldih hdih. He is called the "Saint
of the Keude" because the keude (i. e. market composed of wooden
stalls and small houses) of Meura'sa formerly lay near his tomb, and
the "saint of the 17 yards" because the two stones which mark his
grave are unusually far apart.

In Java also we meet with some saints* graves of exceptional length ;
indeed the mother of mankind Sittana Hawwa (Eve) must have been
of like formidable stature, to judge by her tomb at Jiddah.

Teungku Chat, also in the territory of Meura'sa.

Tuan di Bunot (so called because his tomb lies beneath the shade of

299

a huge bunot-tree) near the keude or bazaar of Ulce Lheue (Olehleh).

Tuan di Pinta ') in Gampong Pi (Meura'sa).

Ttian di Bd" Chu'eh (named from a chueh-tree beside the tomb) in
Gampong Pi.

Tuan di Chbt Arm in the gampong of Lam Jabat in Meura'sa.

Teungkii Siah Manso (= Mansur) in Gampong Jawa.

Ttian di dapat *) in Gampong Jawa.

Teungku Latnpuyang *) in the gampong of Lam Badeue' (VI Mukims).

Teungkii Lam Aron *) in Lam Pageue (VI Mukims).

Tuan di Chbt Chakb on the mountain of Gle Putoih in the VI Mukims.

Teungku Chi* Guraih in the gampong of that name in the VI Mukims.

Teungku Chi Leupueng in the IV Mukims.

Tuan di jalan ') near Lam Nga in the XXVI Mukims.

Teungku di Batie Putih on a hill near Krueng Raya (XXVI Mukims).

Tombs such as the foregoing are to be met with almost everywhere.

The Achehnese, like their neighbours of Java, also venerate the tombs Veneration

r ^1 • f 1 . . t « t « • « • 1 J for the tombs

of their departed kmgs, and although they do not precisely regard of kings,
them as saints, they yet believe that they have been gifted with certain
kramats or miraculous tokens of God's grace. Indeed the mere act of
ruling a kingdom with the power to exalt or abase other men, is in
itself esteemed a sort of kramat; and it is believed that Allah, who
vouchsafed them this kramat in their lifetime, continues to endue them
in the next world with a certain power of blessing and rendering
accursed.

In the neighbourhood of the ancient gampong Kuta Alam (not to
be confused with the place now officially so called) we find the Kubu
pbteu fneureuhoniy certain tombs of departed royalties. It is believed
that the great Meukuta Alam = Eseukanda Muda (1607 — 3^) '^ buried
here, and indeed it is not improbable that the name of the gampong
is simply an abbreviation of that of this famous ruler ').

Many votive offerings of flowers and incense used to be made at
these tombs. The fact that no one could any longer distinguish between
the several occupants of the various tombs was no obstacle; it was
sufficient to invoke the blessing of the "royalties in bliss" in general.

i) Such names point to the Malayan origin of these saints.

2) Such names are derived from the gampongs to which these saints belonged.

3) Otherwise the name must refer to a fort {kuta) and there is no reason to suppose
that there ever was any fortification at that place.

300

The royal tombs in the Dalam which have now been roofed over
by the government, are called Kandang ') poteu, i. e. "the tombs of
our lords". It was especially the uleebalangs and other distinguished
chiefs who used to come here to fulfil their vows.

Finally we have in the ancient gampong Kandang, not far from the
Dalam, the tomb of Poteu Jeumalbyy the Arab rival of the first kings
of the present dynasty. We have already made acquaintance with this
personage in the Hikayat Pochut Muhamat, the best of the Achehnese
heroic poems ^).

Outside Acheh proper there are also a few kings tombs to which
the people in their neighbourhood pay vows, as for instance that of
P6teu meureuhom Daya at Kuala Daya.

We have already (Vol. I, pp. 379 — 380) drawn attention to the

curious fact that the graves of the beings called burongs (puntianak) and

especially those of P6chut Siti and Burong Tanjong or Srabi are regarded

as sacred and venerated in Acheh.

More modern In modern as well as ancient times foreigness have enjoyed the

saints. preference in Acheh as regards sanctity. This may be seen from three

examples which the neighbourhood of the chief town, Kuta Radja, has

furnished within the last few years. One was a young half-mad sayyid

of the family of Aidarus ^) who lived in Gampong Jawa and was even

during his lifetime the recipient of many vows; the second was Teungku

Lam Paloh *) who came from Yogyakarta, and who was likewise revered

as a saint while still alive; and the last a certain Teungku Lam Guha

("the saint of the cave *), a Javanese from Demak, so called because he

secluded himself in a cave for many years. His tomb which lies behind

the mosque at Ulee Lheue, is now visited by many pilgrims.

Belief of the The great significance, especially from a political point of view, of

Achehnese in ^j^^ veneration paid to living men who have won a reputation for

i) This name appears to have been specially applied to the tombs of kings in Acheh
from the fact that the royal graves are surrounded by a stone wall (^kanduNg)^ but the word
^s now used generally to denote such burial-places, and it is said of a departed sultan that
he is ka u kandani^ =■ deceased, independently of the place in which he is buried.

2) See Vol. I, p. 84 and p. 88 above.

3) See Vol. I, p. 156 above.

4) He died in 1894.

5) It was said that he was promised the hand of a celestial nymph, if he abode in the
cave for three successive years without seeing a single human being, but this prospect was
blighted by the constant visits of those who came to implore his blessing or advice.

30I

sanctity has already been discussed at some length (Vol. I, pp. 153 et seq.).
The Achehnese, like the Javanese, are believers in kramaty that is to
say they are inclined to regard as miracles the peculiar proclivities of
those who make capital out of the popular credulity, and imagination
helps them to multiply the number of such miracles. For the general
mass of the people it is not indispensable that the candidate for saintly
honours should be a sayyid or ulama\ even a somewhat godless life is
no obstacle to the aspirant to the quality of kramat^ which word is
used as an adjective expressive of the sanctity of living persons, as
well as of the dead.

The Arabs are at bottom no less firm believers in kramat than the
natives of the Archipelago; even at Batavia we find Arabs who are
revered as kramat by their countrymen. But the Arab is always ready
to mock at the credulity of the natives, since he looks down on them
as of a meaner race and regards the sanctity of Javanese, Malays etc.
as improbable a priori.

It is well known that many natives of the eastern Archipelago attri- Sacrcd ani-
bute a certain sort of sanctity to some kinds of animals, or else invest "*^ ^'
certain individuals with animal characteristics. This superstition had no
doubt a much wider vogue in earlier times; it is now gradually be-
coming one of the rudiments of a past epoch. In Java the slaughter
and eating of the flesh of some kinds of animals is forbidden (puyuty
chadu, ila-ila) to the people of certain families. We are also told of
saints who enjoy the protection and services of a particular kind of
animal, the reason given being that they have once rendered a service
to an animal of this description. Haji Mangsur, the great saint of BantSn
is said to have one day set free a tiger which was caught in the vice
of a huge shell-fish (kima), in return for which he could always command
the services of tigers, and neither he nor his descendants were ever
molested by them. We find occasional examples of tortoises, fishes,
monkeys etc. being esteemed sacred; sometimes these creatures are
connected in some way or other with deceased saints, but occasionally
they are venerated on their own account.

Acheh also furnishes examples of such superstitions; we have seen
above how the use of the flesh of white bufl*aloes and of the alu-aln
fish is regarded as prohibited to the family of Chut Sandang *).

i) See Vol. I, p. 51.

302

If we may believe the popular stories, one or more tigers always
lurk in the vicinity of every sacred tomb; they are occasionally seen
by the pilgrims who frequent the spot, but speedily vanish again. They
hurt none except those who have incurred the anger of the saint. Some
say that it is the deceased worthy himself who appears in this form ;
others deny this, and assert that the tigers are the servants of the
saints and guardians of their graves. Both views find support in the
colloquial, since the expression meurimuen^ admits of either construction ^).

Living saints also have tigers which wander in the vicinity of their
abodes and pay them occasional visits. Habib Abdurrahman kept one
captive, but although he was esteemed a saint, this was not looked
upon as an attribute of his sanctity, but was regarded merely as the
strange whim of a great man.

Near the tomb of Teungku di Kuala (Abdora'oh) where the Acheh
River joins the sea the waters are said to be haunted by a gigantic
skate (parde), which brings to grief the vessels of the wicked, and
especially of those who have failed to do honour to the great saint of
Acheh. Most of the saints' tombs on the sea-board of the East and
West Coasts are guarded by sacred whales [pawoih) or sharks {yi'e) ^).

Crocodiles [buya) ^) also partake of the sanctity of the tombs in the
neighbourhood of which they are constantly to be seen. It is said that
a crocodile of Teungku Anjong, which his master marked as his by
fastening a band of ar^n-rope (tald'e jo') around its neck, still keeps
watch and ward in Kuala Ach^h, and takes care that no noxious
members of his tribe enter the river.

A few years ago a young crocodile appeared in the river behind the
house of Teuku N6', the ul^ebalang of Meura'sa. The latter regarded
him as a messenger from some saint or other, and had his wants care-
fully attended to; he always addressed him as ^TeungkuK^ when calling
him to receive the fowls with which he satisfied his hunger. This "teungku"
however has proved a great pest to the subjects of the uleebalang who
reside in the neighbourhood, by devouring their goats and chickens,
but none dare complain through fear of the wrath of his powerful votary.
Popular oaths Most of the oaths employed by the Achehnese in their daily life,

i) The expression is: Teungku N, meurimueng^ and meurimueng may either mean *to
keep a tiger", or **to take the form of a tiger, to act as such**.

2) Mai. yu (Translator),

3) Mai. buaya (Translator),

303

though not actually at variance with the Mohammedan teaching, are
yet of a secular rather than a religious nature, e. g. :

"May the tiger catch me",

**May the thunder smite me",

"May I become a leper",

"May the whirlwind overtake me",

"May the 4 yards of earth (i. e. the grave) never cover me (my
body)" '), if so and so shall happen. Such are the forms of oath fami-
liar to all, and more often used than the invocation of Allah by his
various titles, which the Moslim law prescribes for the purpose of
an oath.

Similar oaths (we need only instance the Javanese samber glap) arc
in common use among other neighbouring peoples. The genuinely
Mohammedan oath "May the Quran with its thirty divisions consume
me", is however also very frequently heard.

The oath of mutual fidelity, especially in war, taken on a weapon or
a bullet, has been already described (see footnote to p. 94 — 95 above).

The discussion of the religious teaching of Islam has led us in our
own despite somewhat far afield, for the domain of popular belief is
practically boundless. The other four "pillars" of the Mohammedan
faith may be more briefly dealt with, since they are concerned with
the practice of the law itself and have been more or less fully discussed
in the earlier portion of this work.

§ 3. The remaining four "Pillars of Islam",

The second "pillar" is the ritual prayers ((aldt, Ach. salat or seumaya9ig). Ritual
The law imperatively ordains their celebration five times each day, once Pi^y^s.
a week (on Friday at noon) with certain special additions, and also on
the occurrence of certain events such as a death; but merely recom-
mends their use on other occasions. Closely connected with these
prayers is the ritual purification, which is necessary in certain cases to
prepare the believer for the performance of a si^mbahyang, since ritual

i) In the Achehnese colloquial these forms of oath are expressed as follows: Da^rimu'eng
kab^ bo" glanteui to* or change bo* budd'* Idn^ bd* angen putcng blidng ba idn^ ba* bt" jitrimong
le bumoe peu'it ka'ih.

304

impurity invalidates such a prayer. In the books of Mohammedan law

there appears by way of introduction to the subject of galat, a chapter

describing the requisites for ritual purity and the means by which it

may be recovered when lost.

Neglect What we have already observed regarding the practice in Acheh in

""^ b^'^the"*^ ^^^^ respect amounts to this, that the leubes ') and others faithfully

Achehnese. perform their seumayang five times a day, but that the great majority

of the people overlook this duty and that the general public prayers

are very much neglected. There are however many exceptions, local

and otherwise, to the prevailing lukewarmness.

Wherever an influential ulama resides there arises of its own accord
a religious revival, wherein some take part through conviction and
others from shame or fear. The piety of a chief, be he keuchi', imeum
or ul^ebalang produces a like result which often long survives his decease.

The rise of a leader such as Habib Abdurrahman, or great misfortu-
nes such as the outbreak of a war or an epidemic are also incentives
to a general religious awakening, which shows itself primarily in the
more faithful observance of the prescribed seumayangs.

None the less, in the absence of some such incentive the Achehnese
continue to be careless in this matter, very much as do their neighbours
the Javanese, though as a matter of fact the ritual prayers play a much
greater part in both countries than a casual European observer might
suppose.

We have repeatedly drawn attention to the fact (which is not hard
to explain if we examine it carefully) that seumayangs which only
occur at certain times of the year and even those which the law does
not strictly prescribe (such as the traw^h) ^) are in practice much more
highly esteemed than the five indispensable daily prayers; nay, that
other exercises, such as the rat^bs, which are never compulsory, are of
far more importance in the popular estimation than the seumayangs.
This neglect This phenomenon may with some slight differences in degree be

not specifi-
cally Indo- observed throughout the whole of the East Indian Archipelago. Nor

nesian. ^^^ j^ ^^ ^^jj ^j^^^ these islands stand alone in tfee Mohammedan world
in this respect. The Egyptian fellah whose manner of life in many ways
resembles that of the Javanese peasant is not, any more than the latter,

1) See Vol. I, p. 71.

2) See Vol. I, p. 230.

305

a faithful observer of the galat, which in his case also comes second
to sundry superstitious practices, the fulfilment of vows etc.

In the centres of Mohammedan civilization (except those which depend
for their existence on religion, like the holy cities of Arabia) the. prac-
tice of the galat is much neglected, and the more so in proportion as
they are pervaded by the breath of religious liberty, for a large measure
of compulsion has at all times been indispensable to the proper main-
tenance of these pious exercises. People who have to work hard for
their living find the regular daily observance of the five galats, accom-
panied with the preliminary ritual purification a burden too great to
be borne; while many of those whose circumstances are easier are too
worldly voluntarily to submit to the constant repetition of these rites.

It may be said with truth that the zeal for the s^mbahyang reaches
the minimum in the East Indian Archipelago. The position in Acheh
may in this respect be compared with that of the Bedawins of Arabia
who never observe the five seasons of prayer except under the con-
straint of certain local influences, — where for example Wahhabitism
still prevails or where some zealous fellow-tribesman compels them to
do their duty.

This does not however give us the right to draw conclusions derogatory Erroneous
to - the strength of the faith in the creed of Islam cherished by its to^^^kh^t^^^^
adherents in the far East; it is even misleading as a standard of the neglect gives
character of the Islam of Indonesia as compared with that of other
countries. If there is indifference as regards the galat, this is more than
counterbalanced by the superabundant zeal for the Hajj, for few parts Great zeal for
of the Mohammedan world send so large a proportion of their popula- ^^^ ^"JJ*
tion on this pilgrimage or bring so much wealth year by year to the
holy cities of Arabia as the East Indian Archipelago, and that too
although the distance and the difficulties of the journey are very
much greater for the Indonesians than for the people of Egypt, Syria,
Turkey or Arabia. Both of these religious obligations are of such an
external nature, and the degree of zeal displayed in regard to
both is so entirely dependent on accidental circumstances, that
taken by themselves they cannot be employed as a measure of the
influence of religion oyer the life of any given Mohammedan people.
If we look to actual results, the zeal for the Hajj is much more far-
reaching in its effects than the faithful observance of the five daily
ceremonies which would be more properly described as "worship" than

IT 20

3o6

as "prayer". It is true that most of the ceremonial connected with the

Hajj is not understood by the ordinary pilgrim, whose visit to the

holy cities teaches him little that is new. But the Hajj has given rise

to a brisk intercourse between the East Indian Archipelago and Mekka,

which has become more than ever the spiritual centre of Islam. The

influence of Mekka over the natives of the Far East grows daily,

assisted by the intermediary of the considerable colony of half-Mekkanized

Indonesians (Jawa) now established in the holy city ').

Causes of There is one very obvious reason why the ritual prayers are in

ness in regard practice SO much neglected in this part of the world. Had Islam been

to the daily introduced into the Far East from Arabia, be it from Hadramaut,

prayers.

which already has made some impression on the practice of Islam here,
or from Mekka, which exercises a daily increasing control over the
religious life of the natives of the Archipelago, there can be no doubt
that the Javanese, Malays, Achehnese, etc. would observe the galat
much more faithfully than is now the case, even though they might
have also imitated their Arabian teachers in their neglect or transgres-
sion of many of the behests of the holy law. In the cities of the Hidjaz
and Hadramaut the ritual prayers are observed by thousands whose
whole life is in other respects a concatenation of gross breaches of
the law.

The early pioneers of Islam in the Far East, however, laid great
stress on thought, while action occupied a much lower place in their
scheme of Jife. The implements of their propaganda are still in evidence
in the shape of innumerable writings both great and small, and especially
the household compendiums known in Java as primbons *). These show
in various forms the way in which man may become united with his
Creator through mental exercises; certain corporeal acts of worship
(among which the galat takes a subordinate place) serve merely as
means to the end, and may be dispensed with as soon as that end is
reached. The natural result has been that the majority of spiritual
guides have been at little pains in insisting on the faithful observance
by simple folk of their five daily religious exercises.

Such has been the negative result of the attitude of the teachers,
who have given the common people but little to counterbalance their

i) This matter is dealt with in full in the 4^*^ chapter of Vol. II of my Mekka^ see in
particular pp. 295 — 393.
2) See Vol. I, pp. 198 etc.

307

neglect of the ritual prayers; for the great majority were not of course
educated up to the exalted philosophic method above referred to, and
all that they gleaned therefrom was a few (to them meaningless)
formulas and expressions which they regarded as provision for the
journey to another world. On the other hand, had they been subjected
to a more Arabic regime they would have obtained, in place of these
formulas, which they do not clearly understand and yet often feel ')
the influence of, a system of lingual and gymnastic exercises the meaning
of which would have been still more incomprehensible to them; for
the ritual prayers with their posturings and genuflections and Arabic
formulas which even an Arab does not understand if he be unlearned,
are a perfect mystery to all but a very small minority of those who
observe them. The exchange would thus have given them nothing
better than what they had before.

The influences which should have tended to promote the zeal for
the ritual have already worked long enough to yield some result. But
it must not be forgotten that the circumstances under which these
influences worked were entirely different from those of the stirring times
in which the Indonesians broke with their past and accepted a new
religion. No sooner did their conversion and the consequent reform in
their manner of living become a fait accompli^ than there set in a
period of inertia. The door was indeed still open to further change in
the sphere of life and doctrine, especially when Arab influence made
itself felt; but without fresh convulsions such changes can be no more
than partial, and must necessarily be very gradual. Hence although
they take place before our eyes they are hidden from those who do
not make a careful study of the subject.

A third ** pillar", the pilgrimage to Mekka as an obligation binding The llajj.
on all **who have the means to make the journey", has already been
passingly commented on some pages back. It is important to remember
that the merit of the fulfilment of this duty is largely conditional. Not
only is he, who lacks bodily strength and means sufficient to enable
him to make the journey to Mekka without prejudice to himself or

i) I have frequently met with entirely unlettered natives, who showed the strongest
predilection for these philosophical formulas expressive of the identity of God with man,
and had at the tip of their tongues sundry illustrations of this unity; but they were just
as ignorant of the whole subject as an unlettered but devoted Calvinist might be of the
true nature of the doctrinal intricacies of the faith for which he would lay down his life.

308

those who belong to him, excused from this obligation, but the law in
some such cases cautions him against undertaking the Hajj, while in
some it absolutely forbids him so to do.

According to the Shafi'ite teaching, which holds sway in the Eastern
Archipelago, it is not imperative even where all the conditions are
fulfilled, to perform the pilgrimage on the first opportunity; it may in
fact be indefinitely postponed. If the would-be pilgrim dies in the
meantime without becoming a haji, leaving money or goods, provision
should be made out of the heritage for hiring a substitute to perform
the Hajj in the name of the deceased.

Many of the inhabitants of Mekka or of the people of Malayan race
settled there, grow fat upon the profits connected with this system;
and to their great satisfaction it is nearly always the wealthiest who
make use of the privilege of postponement, so that every year large
sums find their way to Mekka in payment for substitutes (badal hdji).
There are even regular agents who make annual tours to collect such
badal-monies for themselves and their friends, and it is very doubtful if
these sums are always spent in carrying out the intentions of the donors. ')

On the other hand there are in the Archipelago a great numbei
who though not bound to do so, perform the hajj not once but even
twice or oftener. In a word, this *pillar"-obligation is here fulfilled
with extraordinary zeal and the direct effect on the religious life of
the people can hardly be over-estimated. This zeal does not of course
exist in the same degree everywhere, but is subject to local variations;
among the Sundanese for instance the haji element is much greater
than in Central Java.

In Acheh the predilection for this ** pillar" is quite as strong as it is
in Java. The Achehnese have established at Mekka waqf-houses where
board and lodging may be obtained at moderate rates by their devout
but impecunious fellow-countrymen; and Acheh supplies a small con-
tingent to the *Jawa" colony in Arabia, and especially to that portion
of it which pursues its studies at Mekka. Within the last twenty years
of disturbance the number of Achehnese pilgrims has considerably
diminished, but this decline is merely temporary and accidental.
Estimation In Acheh the hajis^) do not derive any great title to consideration

of haji's in

i) See my Mekka^ Vol. II, pp. 310 — ii.

2) It should be superfluous to contradict the erroneous idea which formerly prevailed
amongst Europeans that the hajis formed a sort of sacerdotal or learned caste.

309

and respect from the mere completion of their pilgrimage; indeed the
same is true of Java where the respect paid to returned pilgrims has
fallen off in proportion to the increase of their numbers.

The haji in Acheh cannot as a rule be even distinguished by his
dress. Turbans (in the sense of kerchiefs wound round the rim of the
kupiah or cap) are not confined to the hajis, but are very commonly
worn by people of every rank and class, the national model differing,
however, to some extent from its Arabian prototype; while among
religious teachers we find some who follow the Arab fashion even though
they have never made the pilgrimage. On the other hand a large
number of the Achehnese hajis remain faithful to the national form of
turban and to the wide trousers and short loin-cloth — nay, many
even wear the cap without any kerchief surrounding it.

As a general rule the people of this country are less disposed than
many of their neighbours to admire and imitate foreign fashions.
When we add to this the fact that in earlier times Acheh and especially
her capital was wont to entertain a large mixed crowd of hajis coming
and returning, we understand how both turban and long robe lost the
attraction of rarity. As long as the pilgrim traffic of Java and Sumatra
was carried on in sailing ships Acheh formed one of the most impor-
tant stages in the journey ').

The haji is politely and more or less respectfully addressed as
teungku or teungku haji, and it is understood of him that he is no
hangsat, that is to say that he is one who does not neglect the regular
observance of his chief religious duties; any further honour paid him
depends on the social position, learning or piety of the individual.

The fourth **pillar of Islam" which claims our attention is the tax The zakat.
called zakat (Ach. jakeuet) which is prescribed and strictly regulated
by the sacred law. This tax, so far as its being levied on property is
concerned, may be reckoned among the institutions of that ideal con-
stitution or rather ideal community, which according to .the historic
tradition of Islam (a tradition not entirely trustworthy) flourished during
the first thirty years after the death of Mohammad, but which since
that time has constantly degenerated, so that nothing short of a miracle
could effect its restoration at the present time. Especially impossible
would be the general imposition of this property-tax, the rules for the

i) See pp. 19 above.

310

collection whereof are based on the most primitive social conditions.

The zakat levied on the person, generally called pitrah in the Eastern
Archipelago, is not oppressive, and the festal occasion on which its
payment is appointed — the great day of atonement we might call it —
lends itself to encourage the faithful observance of this ordinance.

We have already given all necessary particulars in regard both to
the jakeuet *) proper and the pitrah *) and have pointed out that although
there is no lack of popular misconception ') in regard to both, the
practice of the Achehnese with respect to these institutions is very
much the same as in most other Mohammedan countries.
The fast. The same may be said of the fifth ** pillar", the observance of the
fast (puasa) in the month of Ramadhan. The Achehnese are just as
strict in this as the Sundanese, and more so than the Javanese and
the Arabs of the desert. Indulgences such as the Achehnese allow
themselves in respect of the fast, are also to be met with in every
other Moslim country. Here as elsewhere, all rules connected with the
fasting month are esteemed more highly than is justified in theory,
too highly indeed in comparison with other religious obligations. This
is due to the popular notion that this month Is one of atonement,
which makes good the shortcomings of the rest of the year *).

The Achehnese themselves are quite ready to criticise their own
lack of capacity for the faithful fulfilment of the chief obligations of
Islam. Of this an excellent illustration is furnished by a popular legend
regarding the work of the great saint Abdurra'uf of Singkel, commonly
known as Teungku di Kuala *).

This holy man, as we have seen *^), is generally regarded by the
Achehnese as one of the foremost pioneers of Islam in their country,

i) Vol. I, pp. 74, 268 sqq.

2) Vol. I, pp. 74, 231, 238 sqq.

3) Such misconception is also very common in Arabia. In Acheh the pitrah is made
over to the teungku and generally supposed to be his recompense for the performance of
the traw^h. So in Mekka the fitrah is generally given at the end of the fasting month to
the man mesahhir who goes round in each quarter of the town every night from house to
house and rouses the inhabitants so that they may not miss the chance of taking their
meal before the break of day. Many of the common people regard the fitrah as his reward
for the performance of this duty.

4) See Vol. I, p. 228 sqq.

5) The tale of how he converted the prostitutes at the capital of Acheh is given above,
p. 20.

6) See p. 20 above.

though he did not in fact appear on the scene until about the middle
of the ly^^ century, when Acheh had already been long under the
influence of Mohammedanism.

The story goes that an Arab teacher, a rigid disciplinarian who
would make no allowance for the manners and customs of the country,
has striven in vain for years to propagate the true religion in Acheh,
when Abdora'oh, after a prolonged residence in Arabia, came back
and settled down in Banda Ach^h. To him the Arab detailed his
experiences with much disgust. All the trouble he had taken to lead
this godless people into the right path, was but casting pearls before
swine; their place of worship was still the glanggang (arena for fights
between animals), and that accursed gambling was their substitute for
prayer.

The Malayan saint, who combined calmness of spirit with a ripe
knowledge of the world, advised his friend to leave the country, which
was no field for the activity of so strict a devotee. ** Return to Arabia",
said he, ''and let me try my feeble powers in this task of conversion".
So the Arab turned his back on Ach^h, and Abdora'oh took counsel
with himself as to how he might best compass his object.

He knew the character of the people; they were indeed naturally
disinclined to perform ritual prayers five times each day or to fast a
whole month in each year, but this aversion to the greatest of all
Heum^es *) or arts was coupled with a mania for another sort of
HeumHs ^) — mysterious formulas and methods for compassing their
desires, together with a most superstitious reverence for those who
were supposed to possess such mystic powers.

Abdora'oh took all this into account, and contented himself for the
time being with assuming the role of a teungku, the repetition of whose
incantations and the observance of whose rules would ensure success in
any undertaking.

One day a passionate lover of cock-fighting came to the saint with
a bird which, although it had all the marks which indicate success,
had constantly proved a disappointment to its owner, and asked if the
new teungku could furnish him with a spell which would assure victory
to his favourite in future.

i) See p. I above.

2) See p. 32 sqq. above.

Abdora'oh replied that he would do so with pleasure. **I possess",
he said, **a short and simple incantation, which, if you repeat it day
by day and ponder on its meaning, will make your cock invincible".
Accordingly he proceeded to teach this gambling ne'er-do-weel the
words of the Mohammedan confession of faith, the repetition of which
constitutes the first "pillar" of Islam, and explained its meaning in
simple language.

The plan was successful; the cock proved invincible from that time
forth, and its owner won large stakes. Presently other owners of game-
cocks began to flock to the teungku to ask him to teach him the
charm, which he of course denied to none. Thus the first applicant
lost his profitable monopoly and went and complained to Abdora'oh.

The teungku begged him not to take it amiss that he should have
bestowed the charm on others, since his Heum^'e admitted of no secrecy
or stint. At the same time he declared himself ready once more to
render his friend's bird invincible by teaching him a new charm, which
he must practise together with and in addition to the first. Accordingly
he taught him the ritual prayers which every Moslim should perform
five times a day and assured him a return of his former good luck if
he never neglected their observance. This also proved a success, and
others once more followed the example of their rival in constantly
increasing numbers.

In like manner Abdora'oh succeeded in making known the remaining

; ** pillars" of Islam to the people, whose passion for cockfighting caused

[ them to embrace with eagerness this new system of incantation. Thus

. gradually did the Mohammedan religion take root in Acheh, so far at

least as the slothfulness of spirit and hardness of heart of the people

would permit. This result was due to the wisdom of the man who

perceived that a new form of worship could not be introduced without

allowing the old idols to co-exist therewith for a time. And those old

idols still exist and claim more attention than the houses of prayer;

but all are convinced that they are but false Gods and inventions of

Jthe Evil One.

Leube and The representatives of piety and devotion among the Achehnese,

angsa . ^j^^ leub^'s, are very behindhand in their knowledge and observance

of that portion of the Moslim law and doctrine which may be termed

'religious' in the narrower sense of the word. Much more so, of

course, are the worldly and thoughtless people, to whom the epithet

3»3

bangsat *) is applied both by themselves and by others. Weighed in
the balance of theory, all alike would be found wanting. This however
holds true of the entire Mohammedan community to a certain extent;
in the text-books of Moslim law we occasionally meet with arguments
and even definitions based on the consideration that now-a-days all men
are fdsiq — that is to say, irreligious in life and manners, the converse
of ^adL

To follow up the image of the five pillars we might say that the The "pillars"
pointed roof of the building of Islam is still mainly supported by the ^nd those of
central pillar, the confession that there is no other God but Allah actuality,
and that Mohammad is the messenger of Allah, but that this pillar is
surrounded with a medley of ornamental work quite unsuited to it,
which is a profanation of its lofty simplicity. And in regard to the 1
other .four, the corner pillars, it might be observed that some of these
have suffered decay in the long lapse of time, while other new pillars
which according to the orthodox teaching are unworthy to be supports
of the holy building have been planted beside the original five and
have to a considerable extent robbed them of their functions.

The foundations on which rests the Islam of actual fact must be
distinguished from the five main principles on which the Islam of the
books is based. In the course of its victorious progress through the
world, th^Mohammedan religion has been compelled to adopt a vasi
r qaantity of new matter which was originally quite alien to it, /but
which appeared indispensable to the majority of its adherents, and all
of which has now been exalted to be law and doctrine. Many old
customs too, deep-rooted from ancient times in certain parts of the
Mohammedan world, have had to receive the sanction of the newer
creed, and these now constitute the local peculiarities of Islam in diffe-
rent countries. At the same time orthodoxy is in honour bound to
maintain a struggle against much that the adherents of Islam hold dear
and this struggle will endure as long as theoretical doctrine fails to
get the better of ethnographical variations. Of this we have abundant
testimony in the local ^^departures'* from the teaching of Islam exhibited

i) This word has in Achehnese a different signiBcation to that which it possesses in
Malay. In the latter language it means "destitute", "vagrant"; in the former it is used to
describe one who almost habitually neglects his chief religious obligations. A man may be
bangsat and yet be virtuous and upright according to the popular standard of morality.
Most chiefs are bangsat^ but this does not diminish the respect paid to them.

in the political social and religious life of those who profess that creed.
All three of the elements mentioned above have been found in Acheh ;
the local variations are of course Achehnese and therefore of a different
family, though not of a different description, from the topical peculia-
rities of Islam in other countries. Observation of such variations can
only cause confusion of ideas to those whose knowledge of Islam is
very superficial or entirely derived from books.

§ 4- Domestic Law.

Divine and

amwiT Mo- ^" theory all Mohammedan laws alike possess a religious character.

hammedans. A lease or a mortgage made under any other law than that of Allah
is regarded as just as invalid as a marriage so contracted. In every
Moslim community, however, a distinction is drawn in practice between
what is religious in the strict sense, and therefore inviolable, and what
is of a more secular nature and may accordingly be modified to suit
the requirements of the state and of society, or even altogether set
aside. This explains the contrast which the Achehnese express by the
words hukom and adat ^), and which we meet with in all Mohammedan
Difference countries under different names.

between the ^jj ^j^^^ beloners to the first of these two categories must be accepted

two recogni- ° or

zed in prac- unconditionally by every good Mohammedan, account being taken of

tice.

human custom only in cases where the law itself points that way.
Divergence from such laws is in many cases looked upon as a more
serious transgression than actual neglect of them, since the latter may
be attributed to the weakness of the flesh, whilst the former is a
blasphemous attempt to improve upon the wisdom of God. The sole
concession (and it is indeed a most important one) that is made to the
sinfulness of mankind is this: that he who neglects or transgresses the
law is not thereby made an unbeliever, but only an imperfect believer
provided he entertains no doubt of the validity of any of its commands.
In regard to matters that are included in the second category, much
more latitude is permitted. Here we find admitted systems of rules both

i) Vol. I, p. 72 and elsewhere.

315

customary and written law, which for all practical purposes supply the
place of the sacred law. Doubt of the authority and validity of the
holy Law on these subjects is indeed also excluded, but it is regarded
as a justifiable deduction, that owing to the increasing wickedness of
the human race necessity compels acquiescence in divergence from the
true path.

If it be admitted to be proved by experience, that owing to man's
worldly nature the performance of the five ritual prayers day by day
is a task beyond his powers, the only conclusion to be drawn from
these premisses, is that the great majority of Mohammedans merit
heavy punishment in the sight of God. But none would dare to make
this consideration the basis of a rule reducing, let us say, the number
of obligatory prayers from five to one per diem as a minimum. Neglect
or partial performance of Allah's commandments simply swells the
debit account of the defaulter in the heavenly ledger.

If on the other hand it appears that human wickedness and irreligion
renders it alike impossible to carry on trade in accordance with the
provisions of the law of Allah, then it becomes necessary to take into
account the fact that trade must be carried on in some way or
other, and thus- a law of commerce which deviates from the religious
standard is admitted to be indispensable even though not strictly
justifiable.

The schools of religious learning, as such, cannot acquiesce in this Denied in

tlieorv.

modus Vivendi; they continue to expound and develop their code of
laws which they themselves admit to have heen observed only during
the first thirty years of the history of Islam, adding that they will
revive once more towards the end of the world, under the rule of the
Imam Mahdi, the inspired leader whose footsteps Allah shall guide in
the right way, and whose coming was foretold by the Prophet. Thus
the doctrinal faculty, faithful to its own unpractical nature, has con-
tinually become more and more separated from, and lost its influence
over, the world of actual fact, although it has maintained its position
as the educator of the community.

Even those who devote their lives to the study of the law, are
compelled to deviate therefrom in practice in many respects, though
they do so with more reluctance than the majority; but their judgment
on the code adopted by the world is dictated by the sacred law. The
views of these spiritual guides spread far beyond their own immediate

3i6

circle and have without doubt a cramping influence on the development
of the community ').

Domestic law On the border-line between these two categories, — the purely religious
border-line which offers no alternative but performance or neglect, and the more

between the v^^orldly, in which a considerable divergence is tolerated in practice, —
stands the domestic law, and especially that part of it which relates
to marriage and the consequences which arise therefrom.

The ethnological element with its local variations has had more
influence in the building up of the domestic law among Mohammedans
than it had in matters of ritual. So long as details connected with the
mutual obligations of husband and wife, of parent and child, are regu-
lated in accordance with the old customs of the country though not
in strict accordance with the letter of the law, little opposition need
be feared on the part of the religious teachers.

Examples such as that of the social life of the Menangkabau Malays
go to show that the creed of Islam may be dominant in a country
for a long period, while yet the domestic institutions of that country
are in many respects in conflict with the religious law. But in this
instance the limit of the customary tolerance has been overpassed.
Those very teachers who endure in silence the prevalence of a com-
mercial and political code which does not even pretend to be Moham-
medan, cease not to protest against the Menangkabau adat, under
which the children do not inherit from their fathers, and marriages are
forbidden between persons of the same suku (i. e. descendants of the
same woman through the female line); they eagerly embrace every
chance of combatting this customary law, and the utmost that can be
hoped for is an unwilling acquiescence in the case of those teachers who
have from their earliest youth been accustomed to these unlawful usages.
There would on the other hand be no toleration whatever for a
system under which contracts of marriage were concluded or dissolved
under other rules than that of the fiqhf or under which the man was
restricted to a single wife or allowed to marry more than four. The
family is regarded as more sacred than the market-place; a contract
of purchase and sale concluded in accordance with the adat is recognized
as binding, but he who marries otherwise than under the auspices of
Islam is looked upon as an ungodly whoremonger.

l) Sec Mekka^ Vol. II, pp. 260 — 62.

317

Our close investigation into the domestic law of Acheh in the third Achehnese
chapter of Vol. I of this work, has taught us that that country forms essentblly^

no exception to the rule in this respect. The conscientious observance Mohamme-
dan.

in connection with marriages of sundry ancient customs many of which
are of non-Mohammedan origin shows that in Acheh, as elsewhere,
human conservatism does not confine itself to the sphere of religion,
but also makes itself most strongly felt in that of domestic life; yet
the legal actions and legal relations connected with the married state
are almost entirely governed by the religious law. The exceptions to
this rule are few in number, and it may be said that in the case of
marriage no deviation from the religious code would be tolerated. The
laws both as to marriage and divorce and the circumstances arising
out of both, as to the bringing up of children and even as to succes-
sion to property (though in this respect the authorities display much
more forbearance *) are Mohammedan in all main essentials.

The unconditional recognition of the ritual obligations does not,
however, prevent very gross and general neglect of their fulfilment.
Thus side by side with the admission of the validity of the Moslim
laws which regulate domestic life, we find gross immorality prevail-
ing — nor is this state of things by any means confined to Acheh.
The relation of sin to the law is in the nature of things different here
from what it is in ritual matters. The prescribed prayers, fasts etc.,
are neglected in whole or in part by the sinner; but abstinence from
marriage is to the Achehnese of both sexes a thing inconceivable, and,
as we have seen, their marriages are generally controlled by the reli-
gious law, although modified in some few details by the customs of
the country.

Thus most sins against the ritual law consist in neglect to do what
is bidden, but those who transgress the laws governing domestic life
do so rather by doing what is forbidden. Unchastity of every kind is
the order of the day in Acheh.

i) This toleration is reaUy based on the kw itself. Anyone may at will divest himself of
rights of property, and the distribution of an inheritance otherwise than under Mohammedan
law is thus no sin, if the parties concerned are satisfied with the arrangement and there is
no prejudice to the interests of minors or those who are absent. Cases of permissable devia-
tion from the law are conceivable in this respect. But should husband and wife agree to
recognize and follow marriage laws not based on the Moslim code or should a man marry
a divorced woman before she had completed her ^iddah, both would be guilty of the offence
of zina (adultery or fornication), which Allah threatens to visit with heavy punishment.

3i8

Tacderasty. The practice of paederasty is very widespread '). This vice is however
by no means confined to the Achehnese. It is far from rare in the
ancient strongholds of Mohammedanism; we find unblushing references
to it in Arabic literature and the Mekka of to day is no less notorious
in this respect than Cairo or Constantinople. The practice is also endemic
in Java, especially in the Native States, and the same may be said of
Menangkabau in Sumatra ^).

Prosiitution. Actual prostitution is not indigenous in Acheh. It may possibly have
been occasionally carried on in the capital during the period when
commerce flourished, but of later years it has disappeared and the
professional courtezan is wholly unknown in the interior. The consti-
tution of the Achehnese family which does not save in exceptional
cases allow the woman to quit her parents' home, is opposed to the
existence of prostitution. Any woman who tried to break this iron
band of custom, would find herself unable to gain a livelihood. The
girls are married very young, and remain all their life long under the
protection of their blood-relations, no matter whether their husbands
/ cherish or neglect them.

Unlawful intrigues with the wives of husbands who abandon or
disregard them are, however, so little impeded by the local authorities,
that every gampong furnishes examples of such forbidden intercourse.
The keeping in concubinage of virgins, young widows or divorced
women, can only take place with the connivance of their blood-relations.
This happens chiefly in the case of poor families, when the beauty of
the woman has excited the desire of persons of rank (and especially
those of royal rank) or of ul^ebalangs or their immediate relatives.
In the case of these chiefs, the choice of a wife is generally controlled
rather by political considerations or other external interests than by

i) Id Acheh proper a certain amount of decorum is observed in regard to this practice,
and the paederasts do not openly recognize the objects of their unlawful passion, even
though their neighbours may be well aware of it; but in Pidie and on the East and West
Coast men often shamelessly exhibit themselves in public in the company of their amasii.
Achehnese are often jeered at in Penang when seen with young boys in the streets, and
the innocent are sometimes confounded with the guilty, as for instance when they are
accompanied on their travels by their sons or younger brothers.

2) To Acheh, however, alone belongs the unenviable distinction of interpreting the Euro-
pean maxim of practical morality as to the '^sowing of wild oats^* in this sense, that a
certain amount of unnatural vice forms a necessary stage in the development of every young
man. A highly civilized Achehnese, whose moral standard was much superior to that of the
great majority, told me in plain terms that his countrymen held this view.

3»9

love, and their consorts or the families of the latter often place obstacles
in the way of their relation by marriage taking a second wife even
where the distance separating the homes of the husband and wife is
so great that they can seldom enjoy the pleasure of each other's
company. The reason for the opposition of the wife's relations to a
second marriage is that they fear it may prejudice the interests of the
children of their kinswoman.

Thus it is that these great chiefs very often choose an unlawful
concubinage, the subjects of which are furnished by poverty or avarice,
rather than a lawful marriage.

One result of the early marriages is that almost every woman is still
virgin when she weds; and if the men of Acheh are to be believed —
and indeed they are not prone to exaggeration in their wives' favour —
most Achehnese women are remarkably faithful to their husbands.

In spite of the loose morals of many of the younger men, the fixity,
one might almost say the immovability, of the seat of the family and
the restriction of polygamy to much narrower limits than are allowed
by religious law, favours the practice of domestic virtues. Anyone whose
acquaintance with the Achehnese was limited to some few of the more
respectable households would form a too favourable impression of their
standard of morality, while on the other hand anyone whose experience
was limited to the life in the meunasah or in the colonies of men in
the dependencies would arrive at the very opposite conclusion.

§ 5. Laws relating to Trade and Business.

From far beyond the memory of man, trade and business of all
kinds in Mohammedan countries have practically been entirely with-
drawn from the control of religious law. A close study of the rules
prescribed by the law for the making of contracts shows what an
impossible position would be created by their strict observance. Even
in a purely Mohammedan society with a civilisation in any degree
advanced such a state of things would be inpracticable ; much more
so where the situation is controlled by influence of those who do not
profess the creed of Islam.

320

Impracticabi- Al-Ghazall, the great Mohammedan teacher, whose many-sided activity

Mohammed during the nth century of our era exercised so important an influence

dan law in on the subsequent development of Islam, and who could certainly never

regard to

trade and be accused of any leaning towards the infidels, bears witness that even
in his day a Moslim who sought to make a contract of purchase or
sale in the open market according to the rules of the ^qh or religious
law would have met with nothing but mockery and derision. It may
be easily imagined that the seven or eight centuries which have since
elapsed have effected no improvement, from a religious point of view,
in this respect. Contracts of purchase and sale, of loan and mortgage,
partnerships etc, have in all Mohammedan countries been controlled
by national custom, which gradually alters to suit changing needs.
Where the form and contents of such contracts exhibit traces of agreement
with those sanctioned by the theoretical law, this is simply to be
attributed to the natural homogeneity of the trade and intercourse of
mankind all the world over. Practice can here be said to borrow but
seldom from theory; where it does so it is only in connection with
the ideas of ** offer and acceptance" ') and other such verbal quibbles.
In Acheh no less. than in other Moslim countries, as we have already
seen (see in particular Vol. I, pp. 285 et seq.), all that relates to pro-
perty, its acquisition, transfer and confiscation, is controlled by the
adat, while the hukom only occasionally plays an ornamental part. Even
in the latter case, as for instance in regard to the sale of land or cattle,
the adat also contributes its share of such ornamental accessories.
Usury and The cramping prohibition of the Mohammedan law against all that
savours of usury is not only evaded in Acheh by so-called "lawful"
means, but also frequently transgressed openly without any such subter-
fuge. The absence in Acheh of contracts of insurance and the like is
not attributable to the strictness of the law in condemning all transac-
tions that are ruled by chance, but is rather due to the simplicity of
Achehnese society, which has not yet begun to feel the want of such
things; were it otherwise the gambling spirit that pervades the country
makes it quite certain that there would be no hesitation about adop-
ting them.

chance.

i) The Arabic terminology for these ideas is much used in Java^ although the contracts
arc not concluded in accordance with the religious law. These expressions {tjaf/ and qabul)
are little used in Acheh, and that only in connection with the marriage contract.

321

Two obligations only are entered into in accordance with the pro^ Waqf and
visions of the sacred law. The first is the making of waqf^), i. e. ^*
alienation or bequest in mortmain, which is a purely religious institu-
tion. There are indeed some makings of waqf which merely serve to
retain the property in the family and keep it from being sliced up,
or to evade certain rules of the law in regard to inheritance; but as a
general rule they are acts of devotion, and the sole object of the maker
of the waqf is to gain for himself a heavenly recompense. It is not to
be wondered at, therefore, that in these cases the hukom is followed
as closely as the religious learning of those concerned permits.

The same may be said of certain gifts (Jiibat) especially those made
for the benefit of religious teachers. Out of a real or pretended puncti-
liousness the recipients of these favours demand that the offer and
acceptance shall be in the form appointed by God's law, and some-
times, though by no means always, they enquire as to the source of
the gift. Properly speaking the lawful origin of the subject of every
contract should be established according to divine law, otherwise even
a contract concluded in optima forma is not sanctioned by the law.
Looked at from the point of view of Mohammedan law almost every
kind of ownership is at the present time capable of being proved illegal ;
hence the application of the Moslim law of contract to this one point
would be impossible in practice, and any serious attempt to enforce it
would bring all business to a standstill.

§ 6. Government and the Administration of Justice.

The notions prevailing in Europe as regards the teaching of Islam
on the subject of government and the administration of justice are
entirely false. The popular ideas in this respect err in the very opposite
direction from the views generally formed as to the religious attitude
of any given Mohammedan people. The dilettante student usually forms
his judgment of the latter subject from what he knows of the Islam of
books, and draws negative conclusions in regard to the part played by
the Mohammedan religion in the lives of those who profess that faith.

i) Sec VoU I, p. 287.

II 21

322

As to government and the administration of justice he derives his
knowledge from descriptions of the conditions that actually exist, and
jumps to the conclusion that these conditions are based on the teaching
of Islam; he thus lays the blame on that teaching for upholding an
order of things which it really most emphatically condemns.
The Moslim It is difficult to conceive a more constitutional monarchy or rather
of theory, republic than the theoretical commonwealth of the Moslim law-books.
This ideal state is controlled by a single head (the imam), who must
belong to the noblest branch [Quraish) of the noblest race of mankind
(the Arabs). This ruler must fulfil various stringent requirements as
regards hi^ person, intellect and religious devotion, but his authority
is limited by the law of God which regulates all the rights and obliga
tions of mankind even to the very smallest particulars.

The imam derives his authority entirely from the choice of the com-
munity, represented in this regard by a great electoral college compo-
sed of ** those to whom power is given to bind and to loose". The
members of this select body are such as are marked out for the task
by public opinion and their own high repute; they must have the
highest intellectual and moral qualifications. The imam has of course
always the privilege of seeking the advice of this body; indeed the
law requires him to do so. They also enjoy, as is shown by the manner
in which they are chosen, the confidence of the entire community.
Whenever the post of imam falls vacant, they must be on the spot
(in the capital of the country) to choose his successor. It is superfluous
either to limit their number or to expressly elect them to their office.

The imam may also nominate his own successor, but such a choice
is not valid unless ratified by * those to whom power is given to bind
and to loose".

For the administration of the provinces the imam appoints governors
who act as his deputies. Like him, they are controlled in every admi-
nistrative act they do, and in every rule they make by the religious
law; but in addition to this they are bound to lay down their office
at the command of their chief.

It may be said that the highest legislative, executive and judicial
authority rests with the imam, supported by the select body above
referred to. But his legislative work is necessarily insignificant, being
confined to the application not merely of principles which have been
firmly established for centuries, but of laws that are open to no reform,

3^3

as for example those which determine for all time both the dues to
be demanded and the manner in which the money raised by taxation
is to be applied.

For the exercise of executive authority he can appoint as many
office-holders as the circumstances require, not only for the government
of any given portion of the country, but also for sundry special tasks
and duties.

For the administration of justice he nominates qadhis, of whom in Administra-
their turn high qualifications both of knowledge and character arc **^'*° J"^ **^^*
required. They are bound by the terms of their appointment to render
obedience to the sacred law alone, and are thus entirely independent
of the administrative officers, but are regarded as ipso facto divested
of their office whenever they commit a serious fault in the discharge
of their public duties or in private life. In such a case, even though
the central authority has not yet cancelled his appointment, all sentences
and official acts of the offending judge are null and void according to
the holy law.

It is needless to quote more examples; further examination would
but confirm the impression that in the Moslim commonwealth the
divine law gives no opportunity either for despotism, caprice or
injustice.

Even though this may be new to some of our readers, they are Contrast
already well acquainted with the fact that the actual practice for cen- trine and ac-
turies past in all parts of the Mohammedan world presents the most ^"^ practice,
striking contrast with the teaching of Islam, some of the main prin-
ciples of which we have sketched above.

As we have so often pointed out, even the religious teachers are
unable to contemplate a revival of the letter of the law without the
help of miracles. History as narrated by *the faithful" teaches us that
the ideal state lasted for thirty years after Mohammad's death, but
that ever since that time the whole Moslim community has moved
upon a downward slope of hopeless retrogression. Shortly after this
secularization of the community had taken place, the devout began to
attribute to the Prophet the prediction that his righteous successors
would hold sway for no more than thirty years after his death; that
then despotic rulers would come to power, and that unrighteousness
and tyranny would continually increase till near the end of the world,
when there would appear a ruler inspired of God (the mahdi) who

3^4

should fill the whole earth with righteousness, even as it is now filled
with unrighteousness.

In this prophecy Islam expresses its condemnation of its own poli-
tical development; the expectation to which its final words give voice
may of course be practically overlooked except in so far as it has
formed, and still continues to form, a welcome starting point for the
numerous movements and insurrections undertaken in the name of so-
called mahdis, which recur continually throughout Mohammedan history *).
Seculariza- The community of Islam soon became a sovereign power under the
community, hereditary government of a single family. The dynasty of the Omayyads
and that of their successors the Abbasides substituted its own will and
interests for the revealed law. The enemies of these dynasties resisted
them by force of arms, on which too their own authority was based;
and so new dynasties arose. Some of these claimed for themselves the
title of the true successors (chalifahs) of the Prophet; others threw
aside even this empty fiction and called themselves kings or princes.

The governors of provinces followed the example of their rulers;
wherever it was possible they formed small dynasties of their own or
at the least employed their official position as a means to their own
aggrandisement and enrichment. Such regents could not endure the
presence of independent judges and least of all of judges who were
bound to administer a law which branded their entire administration
as godless. Thus they endeavoured more and more to make the qadKxs
their tools, appointing to that office persons who were ready so far as
possible to interpret the law according to the wishes of their masters,
and who surrendered to the latter without a murmur the administration
of justice in the numerous cases where the law brooked no modification.
Thus the office of qadhi fell into discredit, and upright champions of
the law deemed it a degradation to hold it.

So in a shdrt time the qualifications which the law demanded of the

head of Islam and of his judges and other officials, the prescribed

manner of their election or nomination, and the line of conduct so

strictly laid down for them, were almost entirely lost sight of in practice.

Attitude of This secularization of the Mohammedan community could not of

wards this se- ^ourse come to pass without strong protests on the part of the devout

cularization.

l) This question is dealt with more fully in my article *Der Mahdf* in the Revue Colo-
niale Internationale ,^ 1 886, Vol. I, pp. 25 — 59.

325

and of those who expounded and upheld the law. The latter could
also both as the champions of religion and as opponents of the existing
methods of government, which were naturally oppressive to the general
body of the people, reckon on considerable support from the malcon-
tents. Thus we find in the early centuries of Islam constant rebellions
against the established power, fostered or at least favoured by these
religious teachers; and though the leaders of such movements were
often influenced by motives quite other than religious, they were
nevertheless always careful to give a religious flavour to their programme.

So long as this conflict had for its object the paramount power, the
party of religious opposition showed itself no match for "the ruling
element either in material resources or diplomatic skill. The leaders of
these nominally religious movements began to display far too much
personal ambition and to indulge in mutual animosities; so presently
there arose among the theologians and religious teachers a moderate
party, one in fact of compromise. This party made large concessions
in every department, but in none more than in the administration of
government; nor is this surprising, for they had learnt by bitter expe-
rience to recognize the danger of practical or theoretical opposition to
the powers of this world.

Such a party was destined in the nature of things to take the foremost Compromise,
place; and it is to their influence that we must attribute the final
elaboration of the chapters of the Moslim law books which deal with
government and the administration of justice. They set out in full all
the requirements of the strict religious party which we have briefly
sketched above, so that Allah's condemnation of existing political
institutions, administration of justice and so on, should for ever re-echo
with unabated force through the Mohammedan schools of religious
instruction — this the authorities were bound to concede on pain of
being decried as apostates. But in place of seeking to draw the con-
clusion that rebellion was justifiable, the expounders of the law, whose
dictum is still recognized as authoritative, preached absolute submission
to all the injustice which subjects may endure at the hands of their
rulers. As long as the latter do not forsake the creed of Islam and
refrain from impelling their subjects to do godless deeds, so long must
obedience be rendered to their commands.

This most accommodating addition to the teaching of Islam was based
by its supporters on a twofold argument. The first was the constant

326

retrogression of religion and morals in the Mohammedan community,
foretold by the Prophet and obvious to every observer; it is God's
will, they said, that such wickedness among the people should be
punished in this life by the tyranny of their rulers; every community
gets such masters as it deserves.

Besides this, all other considerations must so far as possible yield to
the prime necessity for the maintenance of order in the state. The
grievances of many must not lead to the destruction of all, which (as
the religious party knew by sad experience) is the inevitable conse-
quence of political disturbances.

Thus a modus vivendi was found; the doctors of the law maintained
all their privileges in the domain of theory, but the ruling authorities
could afford to make their minds easy as to this, since the religious
teaching compelled their subjects to endure in silence all their unlawful
and capricious acts.

Yet even under this method something was still lacking to the
completeness of the truce between the secular and the spiritual powers.
Although obedience to the ruler was admitted to be the duty of all,
yet the authority of all Moslim princes from the greatest to the smallest,
still remained an evil, to be only endured in order to escape a greater
evil, and was justified by necessity alone and not by religious law.
Though this conclusion was unavoidable and is in fact supported by
the strictest teachers even at the present day, though not openly
expressed in public, we may imagine that the most powerful rulers of
Islam look for some other recompense than the mere tolerance implied
in this doctrine, for their services in adding to the external splendour
of their religion.
The authority Thus the most complacent expounders of the law went so far as to
'ustificd^^*^'^ declare the supreme power in the Moslim world, which had been won
by force of arms^ to be lawful, and to acknowledge the right of him
who by the power of the sword had become the mightiest among all
Mohammedans to bear the title of chatxfah i. e. successor of the Apostle
of God.
The Turkish It would have been difficult to have proved in any other way the
caliphate. legality of the authority of the Omayyad and Abbaside caliphs. Still
less justification is to be found for the sway of the Osmanli, who since
the 151^ century have by conquests in Christian contries, formed a
new and brilliant political centre of Islam. Their imam, however, lacked

327

Other Mo-
hammedan
countries.

not merely the qualifications demanded by the law, but also the exter-
nal one of Quraishite or Arabic descent.

A domination such as that of the Turkish sultans was thus legalized
in the manner stated, so long as the power of their sword endured
and so far as this power extended. The difficulty still remained in
respect of the numerous Mohammedan sovereigns who were in fact
entirely independent of this domination. The exponents of the law
who actually lived under the shadow of the Turkish government explained
this away in a very simple fashion. These outlying states, they said,
might be regarded as destined to be eventually absorbed in the central
power, or as already forming a part of the latter, though for the time
being left to govern themselves through the pressure of circumstances.

But although Turkish statesmen and religious teachers emulously
described their monarch as the caliph, the king of kings, the lord of
all Mohammedans, there still remained the sultans of Morocco in the
far West, and the rulers of Central Asia and of India, who in their
own dominions laid claim to similar titles, and who had never experienced
the power of the Turkish sword either in their own subjugation or as
a means of defence against their enemies; at the same time the law
of Islam gives no scope whatever for the existence of more than a
single imam or chaliph.

What was inconceivable in theory however was found possible in
practice. Each of these greater sovereigns had at his disposal religious
teachers who upheld their masters' claims to the highest rank in the
Mohammedan community, and passed over those of all other rulers in
silent contempt. The great distances and the absence of active relations
between the countries prevented this plurality of chaliphs from assuming
the character of rivalry, so that conflicts seldom resulted from this
cause. The religious teachers and others who migrated from one country
to another joined in doing honour to the ruler of the land of their
adoption.

It is the natural inclination of flattery, adulation and high-sounding Smaller prin
titles to spread downwards; throughout the whole world the title of *^*P"^*^*®^'
the masters are eventually assigned to the servants. It has thus come
to pass that the highest rank in Islam, originally intended to be given
to but one person alone, is nominally conferred on numbers of petty
rulers whose claims thereto must sound ludicrous beyond the narrow
limits of their little principalities. We know that many Malay and

328

Javanese princes, even those whose subjects number but some few
thousand souls, have assumed and still continue to assume in their
seals or in official letters the name of challfah, although many of them
are, at present at least, ignorant of the real meaning of the title. The
exponents of the law in such countries though they may through fear
or complacency acquiesce in the prevailing custom, cannot of course
regard such misuse of this and similar titles . as anything else than
absurd and unlawful exaggeration.

Nevertheless the law of Islam in its later development has turned
jts attention to these independent rulers of distant countries. Once
admitted that a de facto sovereign who professes the Moslim faith
should be obeyed for the sake of maintaining order in secular matters,
it was found impossible to exclude such petty princes from the uni-
versal harmony of Islam. These numerous rulers of outlying principa-
lities could not be regarded as delegates of a central authority which
never interfered in their affairs and in many cases was unable so to
interfere, were it only by reason of the increasing power of the non-
Mohammedan countries. To constitute such a delegation, express or
even verbal authorization or appointment would have been deemed
necessary. Accordingly they were called * potentates" ') and it was
taught that they must be obeyed so far as the limits of their power
extended, and within their own boundaries they were assigned the
same jurisdiction as that held by the supreme lord within the dominions
actually subject to him.
Concessions To Summarize: in purely religious matters the law abated no tittle
nal faculty in ^^ '^^ Stringent requirements. Of what in our estimation lies outside the
the sphere of sphere of religion the law held domestic life most closely under its

statecraft. ir o

control. In every other department it has maintained its impracticable
theories, although it admits that a Mahdl is required in order to carry
them out in all their fulness. Only in statecraft and all that appertains
thereto has it supported without reservation the de facto position ; and
this it has done by annexing to its own detailed and consistent doctrine
a codicil which deprives that doctrine of all effect. This has been
brought about by the power of the sword; even in its own domain
the teaching of Islam bows before superior force only.

l) 'iSyMi ^O, **possessor of shaukaK^'*^ is the technical tennj shaukah which properly
means ^'thorn*^ is also used to signify the keenness and strength of weapons and, in a
metaphorical sense, de facto power, no matter whence or how it may arise.

329

The lay folk, as we have seen above, draw a distinction between Popular ideas
chief and secondary religious obligations different to that laid down nfications of
by the official teaching. The "pillars" recognized by the people at large * sovereign,
differ somewhat from the five authorized ones, and this popular con-
ception penetrates even into the circles of the teachers, who learned
though they be, still belong to the people. The same remarks apply
to the popular estimate of the qualifications required for the holding
of a princely office.

The law requires of every ruler a large number of physical, religious
and intellectual qualities, and is equally scandalized by the absepce of
any one of these, but commands acquiescence when the ruler possesses
actual power. It is otherwise with the people; ancient custom causes
them to overlook the absence of various qualifications, though there
are others on which they generally insist *).

The first of these requirements outweighs all the rest; the ruler
must profess the Mohammedan faith. Obedience is rendered to an infidel
sovereign, not because he possesses power, but only because resistance
is impossible. It is only by being very long accustomed to 'kafir* rule
that a Mohammedan people can be brought to regard such domination
as a necessary element in the order of things.

The next qualification is male sex; with few exceptions the entire
Mohanimedan world regards the rule of a woman as one of the most
terrible calamities that can be thought of. This view is consistent with
custom and with the low standard of education of women in most
Moslim lands. Even in the books of the law, where the government of
irreligious, immoral, unjust or ignorant sovereigns is contemplated as
quite a probable occurrence, the possibility of female rule is seldom
alluded to without the addition of some such formula as that employed
after mentioning the name of the Devil: ** Allah be our refuge from all
such things!"

The rule of a minor, even under the control of a guardian, is looked
on as almost as scandalous as that of a woman.

Finally, though all defects of mind or spirit are made light of, much
importance is attached in practice to the sovereign's being whole and
sound of body; and the popular feeling of almost all Mohammedans

i) The popular mind never takes offence at the number of Moslim sovereigns, since the
horizon of the common people, and especially their political horizon, is limited by the
boundaries of their own country.

330

is averse to the accession of a ruler who is blind, deaf, mained or
crippled. Even in ante-Mohammedan times disease and bodily defects
were regarded in many countries as hindrances to the assumption of
royal power.

The political development of Islam, to certain characteristics of which
we have here called attention, has thus maintained in name and appearance
the government of the Mohammedan community by a single head,
whose rule controls in theory the entire daily life of his subjects. In
reality however there are several claimants to this supremacy, and very
many petty sovereigns who actually exercise it within certain limits.
No one upholds the doctrine that the caliphs, their delegates or those
independent rulers who take their place, are merely secular chiefs and
have no concern with religious questions; nay, indeed, every question
is in theory a religious one.
Actual sepa- . None the less has the course of political events tended to bring
ration of tern- ^^Qy^ ^ cleavage between the secular and religious authorities. These

poral and spi- ** **

ritual power, two parties have always regarded one another with a jealous and suspi-
cious eye, beneath a mask of outward courtesy and respect.

The point of transition between these two classes is composed partly
of religiously disposed representatives of secular power, who are ready
wherever possible to give the doctors of the law a voice in their coun-
cils, and partly of the worldly-minded pandits, who give all the pro-
minence they can to doctrines which are likely to please those in authority;
such are the officially appointed muftis, whose duty it is to declare
what the teaching of the law is on matters referred to them for their
advice. References of this sort are made to them by their superiors;
not from a mere academic interest in the question in hand or a desire
to be instructed, but with a view to clearing difficulties out of the way.
Such also are the qadhl's, who, even though the terms of their appoint-
ment charge them as of old with the entire administration of justice,
subject therein to the sacred law and to that alone, must be content
to confine their function in practice to ritual matters, domestic law and
the law of inheritance, waqfs and the like. Nay, even in such matters
as these a decision displeasing to the powers that be may cost the
qadhi his appointment.

Those however who pursue the study of religion either from pious
motives or for the sake of the reverence and more solid advantages
which the lay folk bestow upon the exponents- of the law, hold

331

themselves aloof as far as possible from all mundane authorities. *)
Their books while upholding the obligation of obedience to tyrants
who profess the Moslim faith, at the same time impress upon pandits
and devout persons the advisability of having nothing to do with those
in power, lest they thereby bring their sacred calling into peril. And
just as the repute of a teacher suffers in countries such as India and
Java through overmuch intercourse with infidel Europeans, so does
the ^alim lose caste though to a less degree, in a country under Moham-
medan government by having more than is absolutely necessary to do
with those in office.

There is thus abundant reason for jealousy; nor is incentive to suspi-
cion lacking between the two parties, the ruling and the theological.
For the established government is never really acceptable to the reli-
gious teachers ,and when political disorder supervenes, the zealous
upholders of religion see the last reason disappear which inclines
them to avoid interference with a despotism so long as it maintains
order; such submission being indeed only justified by the view that
an unlawful but orderly government is preferable to complete misrule.
Thus when there arise dynastic quarrels or revolts of the people against
their masters, it is open to them in the very name of religion to take
their stand on the one side or the other. As a rule they refrain from
siding with the de facto power ; and even the pretended mahdis often
secure their adherence when the movement is successful at the start.

It is not surprising then, that in Turkey, for instance, the govern-
ment has to be very careful in its dealings with the powerful party of
the ^tolba' [talabah i. e. expounders of the law) \ The same attitude
of mutual fear and mistrust is also to be met with in other Moham-
medan countries, as in the case of the priyayis and kyahi's or gurus
in Java and in Acheh the uUebalangs and the teungkus or ulatnas, the
respective representatives of adat and of hukom.

As to the serious upholders of the religious law, who perceive that
they can play no part in affairs of state until the coming of the Mahdi,
but who are anxious to adhere as closely as possible to the ideals of

Mutual
distrust.

Moral value
of the poli-
tico-religious
party.

i) In religious works we (ind the question discussed at some length as to how far it is
permissible for a pandit or devout person to have commerce with those in authority except
under absolute necessity.

2) We need only mention how all efforts to introduce a new system of legislation in
Turkey was checked by the opposition of this party.

332

their sacred books, and to induce others to do the same, — for these
we cannot but feel admiration and respect, in spite of all their narrow-
mindedness. Where however the ulamas. proceed to form themselves
into a political party and to interfere in the affairs of state, they pre-
sent to our view a most unpleasing spectacle. Judged by their own
standard the only programme that they are able to adopt grows con-
stantly less and less capable of realization in practice. Spurning all
ethnological characteristics and the customary laws based thereon, and
taking no account of historical development, they proceed to demand
what is admittedly impossible, namely that mankind should conform
to a law, most of whose first principles only held their own for
some few decades in a small community of Arabs, and whose more
detailed rules have had no development outside the walls of the schools.
For things such as these the ulamas have set in motjon the passions
of the people and have not hesitated to cause blood to flow in streams,
to win their way to the seat of temporal power, whereupon they have
dropped so much of their original programme as circumstances appeared
to require.

They thus form a power in politics which has to be reckoned with,

but which bodes very little good to those who adhere to their cause.

Government With the help of the above resume and observations we may now

and admini- * *

stration of proceed to apply the standard of Islam to government and administra-

justice in ^. t * ^' • a i. i

Acheh. ^^^^ of justice m Acheh.

The pure teaching of the law would find nothing to approve and
little to tolerate in either, and would admit no excuse except the con-
sideration that things are not much better in any other Mohammedan
country.

We feel more interest in the judgment of the Mohammedan who
though a pandit is still somewhat of a man of the world, and who
draws fair comparisons and does not wantonly overlook the history of
centuries of change.
Election of a Were such an one to attend the installation of a new sovereign in
sovereign. Acheh '), he would be pretty favourably impressed, since that ceremony
is based on the supposition that the king is chosen by the three prin-
cipal chiefs of the cojantry and the foremost ulamas. He would take
no offence at the theoretically reprehensible custom of confining the

i) See Vol. I, pp. 139, 140.

333

choice of a ruler as far as possible to the members of the reigning
family, for this rule actually prevails in all Mohammedan countries.
He would soon perceive, however, that as a matter of fact the selection
of the sovereign is not based simply on the votes of the * elec-
toral princes" and religious authorities present at the installation, but
that several other non-official but influential persons have also a voice
in the election, while the ulamas' share in the final result is perhaps
the least of all. Yet even this would cause him little dismay, for the
sultan of Achch cannot in any case be regarded as more than a
* potentate" [du shaukah: see p. 328 above), and it is only natural that
other de facto chiefs should take their share in elevating such a ruler
to the throne.

Whatever relations may in past ages have existed between Acheh The sultans
and Turkey, it is impossible to regard the rajas of the former as in tcs'\
any sense delegates of the Turkish sultans. They do not commit the
folly of even laying claim to the title of Caliph, although we find in
their official roll of titles such absurd expressions as ** Allah's shadow
in the world". This installation may thus be speciously explained as
the appointment of a Moslim * potentate", with certain attendant cere-
monies which have no real significance, but which testify a reverence
for religious law. To compare small things with great, we might apply,
mutatis mutandis, to the political system of Acheh what was said of
the German Empire in the i6'h century: Die Fursten seien die Erbherren,
der Kaiser gewdhlt, ') reading ulcebalangs for Fursten and raja or sultan
for Kaiser. In Acheh as in Germany, that hereditary right had some-
times to be maintained by force and in both cases there were others
besides the hereditary electors who influenced the choice of the sovereign.

There is however one serious objection which our observer might Absence of
raise against the Achehnese sultanate, viz., the absence of de facto
power; for it must be remembered that rulers of the class to which
these sovereigns belong derive their claims from such power alone. It
would indeed be regarded as praiseworthy in a prince that he should
regard himself as bound to consult his great nobles and religious teachers
before embarking upon any momentous undertaking. But when we con-
sider that the ulcebalangs themselves hold office by virtue of hereditary

«de facto"
power.

i) Sec L. von Rankc's Deutsche Geschichte^ Dritter Rand, Sechste Aufl. Leipzig 1881,
S. 226.

334

right and allow now interference in the affairs of their respective terri-
tories on the part of the king whom they have chosen ; that the royal
seal only confirms authority already established independently of royal
influence; and, in fine, that it is only within the limits of the Dalam
that the reigning house exercises any real power *), all this seems most
inconsistent with the position of a monarch whose domination is sup-
posed to coincide with the power of his sword. Should not the ulic-
balangs then be really regarded as the ** potentates", each for his own
territory, and the sultan only for that part of the country which is
excluded from the three sagbes, and that only so far as his influence
really extends? Is it not then a senseless mockery to offer up prayers
for the Sultan every Friday in the mosques throughout the whole land?

Such questions involuntarily suggest themselves to every intelligent
Mohammedan who is acquainted with the position of Acheh, even
though he be quite ready to give and take as regards the strict theo-
retical doctrine.

The problem may be solved by reference to the traditional element
in all political institutions, which still survives in spite of the fact that
it has lost its original foundation. Two or three centuries ago, it may
be said, the kings of Acheh recognized these hereditary chiefs because
they wished to do so, because they did not choose to interfere with the
affairs of the interior. They were, it is true, in later times compelled to
accept the situation, but may hot the same be said of the kings and the
minor rulers in greater Moslim states ? For centuries past Egypt has been
practically independent of her Turkish suzerain, and for about a cen-
tury this position has been crystallized by mutual agreement. Is this
regarded as a reason why prayers should not be offered up in Egypt
for the Sultan as supreme lord? On the contrary; the custom is still
persisted in and is regarded as a survival of the former union which
gave strength to Islam.

There may thus be a difference of opinion on this question but there
is nothing like an exceptional divergence from what has been accepted
in other Mohammedan countries. The Moslim must acknowledge the
authority of every Achehnese chief within the sphere of his own
authority, though the views adopted as to the position of the nominal
suzerain may differ. For the rest, the more or less aristocratico-republican

i) Sec Vol. I, p. 140 et seq.

335

spirit, which expresses itself in the political institutions of Acheh, has
much more in common with the teaching of Islam than the despotism
of many a Mohammedan potentate.

The fact that four female sovereigns in succession have occupied the Female rule,
throne of Acheh must create an unfavourable impression in the mind
of every Mohammedan who reviews the past history of the country.
Yet in that very instance of female rule we have a remarkable example
of how quickly a favourable experience may induce devout champions
of Islam to lay aside their aversion ^) even to such an anomaly as this.

During the reign of the first Sultana, Sapiatodin Shah (1639 or
1641 — 75), who was famed for her piety, and whose name is still extolled
in the royal edicts *), there came to Acheh the celebrated Malay teacher
Abdurra'uf ^), who since his death has been revered as a saint under
the name of Teungku di Kuala. Far from exclaiming in the traditional
manner * Heaven preserve us from such evils!" he settled in her capi-
tal, wrote a book *) at her request, and in the dedication praised her
in the most extravagant terms, and prayed for the long endurance of
her reign.

Yet he was a pandit and a mystic, who in the course of his long
residence and study in Arabia must have long lost that feeling of
reverence for peculiar native institutions which custom impresses on
his fellow-countrymen.

When Inayat Shah, the third of the Achehnese sultanas, ascended
the throne, an embassy from the Grand Sherif of Mecca ') came to
Acheh after an unsuccessful mission to India, and was received with
every token of honour and sent home loaded with rich gifts. The
Meccan chronicler who describes the adventures of the embassy takes
no exception to the domination of this generous woman, but praises
her liberality, which afforded so favourable a contrast to the attitude
adopted by her male fellow-sovereign, the Great Mogul.

The most recent history of Acheh has taught us that the objections Rule of
to government by minors are no more seriously felt than those against

children.

i) See p. 329 above. 2) Sec Vol. I, p. 192.

3) Sec p. 14 sqq. above.

4) Sec p. 17 above, footnote 6.

5) Sec my article Een Mehkaansch getantschap naar Atjeh in the Rijdragen van het
Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Ned.-lndie for the year
1888, pp. 545 sqq.

336

the rule of women. Mohammad Dawot, the present claimant ") to the
title of sultan, was elected to this dignity at the tender age of seven,
although there were other candidates of the royal family of full age
available.

The supporters of these other candidates of course made the most
of the minority objection, but it was easily got over, and even ulamas
of high repute such as Marahaban, who afterwards joined the Dutch,
testified that the sultanate of a child under guardianship was not
inconsistent with the religious law.

Such a choice at so critical a time bears witness to the absolute
insignificance to which the Achehnese sultanate had sunk *), but at
the same time proves that the qualification of age was no more regarded
than that of sex in the selection of a successor to the throne.

As regards the remaining portion of the political system of Acheh,
the description contained in the first volume of this work furnishes
abundant material for our criticism, whether from the point of view
of the Mohammedan religion or otherwise. The entire constitution of
Moslim states is based on principles which clash with those of Islam;
the only exception made and that with much reservation, is with
reference to a small part of the judicial system.
Character of We do not propose here to enter into details; the character of the
' institutions^of political institution of Acheh differs from that of those in other Moham-

Acheh. medan countries no more than the peculiarities of race and country

would lead us to expect. To Islam it matters not whether the govern-
ment is administered according to Turkish laws, supplemented and
often modified at the caprice of Turkish governors, or according to
the adat pbteu meureuhom ') (*the customary law of departed kings"),
subject to the avaricious fancies of ul^ebalangs and imeums. Nor does
it matter much whether the qadhxs who are the recognized administra-
tors of the religious law are properly qualified or not; for in Acheh
as in other Mohammedan countries they are in point of fact subservient
to the ruling chiefs, and here as elsewhere the one department in
which they are allowed to act independently is that of domestic law
and religious matters in the narrower sense.
The holy war. The Acliehnese lay the utmost stress on one duty which is imposed

i) In January 1903 he renounced this claim and submitted unconditionally to the Dutch
Government.

2) See Vol. I, p. 147. 3) See Vol. I, p. 6.

337

by Mohammedan law on the head of the community or his representa- \
tives, or in case of need upon each individual, namely the carrying I
on of the holy war. This has already been fully discussed and explained^
in Vol. I, pp. 1 66 et seq.

The conviction is universal amongst the people of this country that
this obligation is among the most important that their religion imposes,
and that its fulfilment brings great gain while its neglect is attended
by misfortune of all kinds. Nor are they lacking in zeal in the sacred
cause, as we know but too well. Whenever their energy abates it is
roused afresh by the more ambitious among the ulamas, whose power
stands or falls with the holy war.

The passion for religious war which is so deeply rooted in the
teaching of Islam is more marked among the Achchnese than with
the majority of their fellow-believers in other lands, who have come
by experience to regard it as a relic of a bygone age. The ideas which
prevail universally in Acheh as to the relation between Moslims and
those of other faith are limited in more civilized countries to the lower
classes and to some few fanatics among the better educated. This
chapter of their creed, from which the Achehnese have eliminated all
milder elements that favour the infidel, owes its popularity with them
to its harmonizing with their warlike and predatory pre-Mohammedan
customs, just as prevalence of the worship of dead and living saints in
this and other Moslim countries is due to its being grafted on pagan
superstition.

Judged by the impracticable requirements of a Mohammedan system The Moham-
which grew antiquated only a few years after its birth, the Achehnese "|he*Achch-

are neither better nor worse Moslims than others who bear the name; nese in its ge-
neral aspect.

judged by their religious zeal they compare favourably even with those
whose conversion took place centuries before their own. The national
disposition which is what governs any such comparison, is above all
doubt; where it comes to the fulfilment of obligations that are at
variance with their nature, the Achehnese suffer from the weakness of
the flesh just as much as other peoples.

Of the characteristics nurtured or favoured by Islam, there are some
which we Europeans would look upon as virtues, others which wc
should regard as the opposite. The latter have attained a far greater
influence over the Achehnese than the former; but in this particular
they do not stand alone among Mohammedans, nor does Islam stand

II 22

338

alone among religions. In the sphere of politics Islam still continues
to play in Acheh that leading part, which has long been made impos-
sible for her in the greater Moslim states.

§ 7. The Future of Islam.

The imme- It is always more or less rash in dealing with historical questions

Islam. *^ commit oneself to predictions regarding the future, so frequently

do events belie all that our experience of the past seemed to teach.

Yet we venture to express a firm conviction as regards the position

which Islam will in all probability occupy in days to come.

Free develop- Islam has for centuries enjoyed the opportunity of free development,

ment of Islam, jy^^ ^j^^^^ jg ^^ g^y^ from any outward pressure. She could not of course

fix the circumstances under which its selfdevelopment should take
place; these were to a considerable extent determined by the nature
of the peoples who came beneath her domination. With the outside
world she had little concern; neither political relations nor commercial
intercourse with non-Mohammedan nations constrained her to adopt
other methods than those she had chosen for herself.

It may thus be said that the growth of Islam has run its natural
course; the great changes that she underwent between her birth and
her coming of age (some 5 centuries later) are no proof to the con-
trary. The development of every living thing depends largely on the
environment in which it lives. Man exhibits in his maturity physical
and moral characteristics different from those he displayed in his youth.
Which of the germs of childhood shall ripen, which will become distorted
or perish, greatly depends on the accidents of climate, food, education
and intercourse with others. So is it also with a religion.

In spite of all her freedom and independence Islam has never even
at the zenith of her power and glory succeeded in subjecting to the
control of her law the government, the administration of justice, and
the trade relations of her adherents or in causing this law to keep pace
in its development with the requirements of every day life. As time
went on it became more and more clear that the teaching of Islam
could in fact only hold its own in the sphere of dogma and ritual, of
domestic life and of the relations of the followers of the Prophet with

339

those of other creeds; all other matters were emancipated from its
control without the slightest influence or pressure from without.

This appears all the more striking when we consider that Islam, far The disci-
from patiently advancing the principles of her doctrine by preaching ^ *"^'° ^ ^^
and then awaiting the result, is entirely based on compulsion by secu-
lar force. According to Mohammedan law the principle underlying the
conversion of unbelievers as well as the education of the converts is
that fear is the best guide to wisdom. The faithful must see to it,;
that all externals are in harmony with the law; whether or no the
inward convictions of the proselytes are equally orthodox depends oh
the grace of God.

He who transgresses a commandment of AJlah or fails to observe
any one of the precepts of the sacred law (as by neglecting the ritual
prayers or obligatory fasts), must be reduced to obedience by the
Moslim authority by force and bodily punishment. One might imagine
that such an iron discipline could not fail to attain its main object.
But it has proved insupportable for human nature, and has been used
as a theory of the schools only, its real influence in practice being
only temporary and partial.

None the less it is to this discipline, however limited its application
in comparison with the requirements of the law, that Islam owes a
large measure of its success. All uniformity of public and domestic life
that prevails among Mohammedans of different races, though it now
rests on custom which has become a second nature and which borrows
its tenacity from religious prejudice, still owes its origin to external
force and not unfrequently requires such force to maintain its equili-
brium. Were it not for this pressure the indifference and thoughtlessness
of the upper classes^ the ignorance and superstition of the mass of the
people, would have had very different results from what they have
actually had. The foreign missionaries of Islam were her fighting men,
and her internal propaganda was the work of her police.

In later times. and particularly during the past century circumstances Suspension
have altered to the great prejudice of Mohammedanism. Its freedom ^^j^^^^
of movement has been shackled by the power of Europe, which now
controls the civilized world; this freedom it can never recover for
various reasons, and especially because the subjugation of those of
other creeds is one of its main conditions. The chief question is now
no longer how much of the law of Allah is applicable to the adherents

340

of I^lam, but how much of it Europe deems compatible with the
repuirements of modern life.
Religious The religious liberty which Islam is bound to accord to those who
'^* profess other creeds itself leads to the removal of that compulsion
which controlled the internal life of the community, though not at all
times and places with equal force. In Turkey and Egypt, for example,
Mohammedans can now exhibit an indifference to the practice of the
law of Allah, which would have been inconceivable a century ago.

Meanwhile European ideas and sympathies have gained as yet but
little ground in Moslim countries. But the same cannot be said of
European customs, and it is the modification of custom that paves the
way to religious reform. He was a wise man who placed in the mouth
of the Prophet the declaration that he who imitates another nation or
another community in externals is fairly on the way to join their ranks
for good and all. With good reason does the Mohammedan law ever
impress upon the faithful the necessity of distinguishing themselves
from the unbelievers in dress and in their manner of eating and drinking,
standing and sitting. Many of these distinctive rules were till a short
time since treated as a matter of ordinary discipline in Moslim countries.

In their political and to a great extent in their social life, Moham-
medans have been compelled to sail with the stream of the time or
take the risk of being left halting behind; the course of that stream,
however is shaped by other hands than theirs.

It need not, however, be imagined, that as a result of this change,
the Mohammadan will be compelled to embrace another creed, or to
sacrifice that innate allegiance to the name of Islam which he esteems
his highest honour. There is no ground even for the supposition that
he will gradually reform his religion. The necessity for such a reform
is not felt, and even did such a tendency exist in some few cases its
fulfilment would be thwarted by insurmountable obstacles.
Retrogression But this result grows clearer day by day; the demands which the
of Islam. Islam of real life makes upon its adherents become steadily smaller,
for the gigantic increase of the intercourse of nations is annihilating
the discipline of Mohammedanism and impelling all who profess that
creed to adopt cosmopolitan customs.

In the end the sole and only shibboleth by which the Moslim can
recognize his fellow, will be a certain residuum of religious doctrine,
passed on by education and instruction. The observance of ritual

341

ablutions is already hindered by a more cosmopolitan fashion in dress.
The performance of the five daily obligatory prayers becomes more
and more difficult, as time goes on, for those who bear a share in public
life, since the universally accepted divisions of time are quite indepen*
dent of the ritual requirements of any creed. It is gradually becoming
impossible for those who adhere to the letter of the law in the matter
of food to live in the neighbourhood of any trading centre; the rich
take the lead in the transgression of such rules, and the poor are often
compelled by necessity to follow their example. Those who set the
tone have ceased even to allude to the holy war and to the prescribed
method of dealing with people of other creeds, for they are ashamed
of the arrogance of doctrines so hostile to modern development and
the narrow-mindedness of a theory so diametrically opposed to the
prevailing ideas. Where such topics are broached, the civilised Moham-
medan prefers to call attention to the spirit of toleration actually
existing in all Moslim countries rather than to allude to the contents
of books which are studied less and less each day.

Doubts of the truth and eternal validity of what these books contain
prevails only in small and completely Europeanized circles; while
endeavours to explain away their teaching so as to suit the taste of
the rising generation are as ineffectual as they are rare. The majority
of all ranks of society believe honestly in the sacred writ, which is
their own possession and therefore in their opinion better than any
other, but carefully abstain from making themselves acquainted with
its contents, not to speak of shaping their daily life in accordance
with its precepts. It is admitted that there must be people in the
world who take upon themselves the task of studying the holy books,
and to some degree observing their commands, and such learned men
(ulamas) are treated with all honour so long as they claim no autho-
rity outside their own domain and do not adopt too exclusive a demeanour.

Such tends to become the attitude of Islam towards her adherents.
In some places this stage has almost been reached, while in others it
is only beginning to develop. Any other solution of the problem is
almost inconceivable without a miracle or a series of revolutions which
would baffle all speculation.

In reviewing the present phase of Mohammedanism we are involun- Islam and
tarily reminded of the later history of Judaism. There are of course ^^ **^"*
many contrasts between the two. The national religion of the Jews had

342

jndeed universalistic expectations, but has never apjproached anything
like so close lo their realization as Islam to that of her dream of world
wide conquest. The severe oppression experienced by Judaism 'has been
spared to Islam;, indeed the latter long figured as the oppressor of
both Jews and Christians. It was their being scattered among the nations
of the earth that compelled the Jews to frame their life according to
laws other than their own, whilst the Mohammedans were impelled to
the same course owing to the enormous extent of the habitable world
that they occupied by conquest.

These are not the only points of contrast; but the poiats of simila*
rity are equally striking. The very lore of both religions is a strict
and exalted monotheism, maintained however in greater purity by the
Jews than by Islam, for the latter had to deal with the requirements
of ai widespread community of many nations, the former with that of
a single nation only. The relation of the one God to his servants is
conceived of by both creeds as that of a law-giver, who finds no parts
of man's life too insignificant to be controlled by laws which touch
every particular and are for all time.

Thus in both ca;ses the study arid interpretation of the law occupied
a foremost place, side by side with the upholding of orthodox doctrine.
With both creeds the theoretical side of the religion necessarily
degenerated into hair-splitting casuistry, which tended more and more
to confine itself within the mouldy walls of the schools, while it con-
cerned itself less and less with the requirenients of actual life, and was
in its turn thrust aside by the commonsense of men of the world.

The adherents of both creeds were compelled to admit the unsuita-
bility for this wicked world of almost the whole of their code of reli-
gious law, which they continued to revere as absolutely perfect, and
to entrust its eventual fulfilment in the distant future to a Messiah or
^ MahdI. In the meantime the study of the law was left in the hands
of a particular class — the rabbis or the ulamas. Beyond some few
outward ceremonies, most, even of the best educated, contented them-
selves with maintaining the principal dogmas of their creed as their
shibboleth, while the common herd added to this a mass of traditional
superstition. In either case the law in all its purity could only have been
successfully applied to a small community which was able to constitute
itself into a sect apart ftom all worldly influences.
' The comparison is all the more instructive in that the process of

343

reconciliation of the sacred tradition with the requirements of modern
life is so much further advanced in the case of Judaism than in that
of Islam, while the similarity of the circumstances in either instance
lead us to expect like results in the case of the latter as are already
to be seen in that of the former.

There is also much to be learnt, within the limits of Islam itself, Significance
from the fate of the Quran. f^r the M^

The law-giving revelations which form a portion of the sacred book, ^a"^»pc<^ans

° " * of ancient and

supplied the community of Mohammad, at the time when they were of modem
made, with the solution of many burning questions. The narrative parts
supplied it with its sacred history; while those devoted to exhortation
and reflection furnished its theology and code of morals. The form in
which all this was conveyed diverged somewhat from the language of
every day life — for how should God avail himself of the language of
mortals? — but care was taken to make the main issues comprehen-
sible to all that heard them.

What a change has taken place during the thirteen centuries that
divide us from the origin of Islam! Even by a Mohammedan whose
mother tongue is a dialect of Arabic, the contents of the Quran cannot
be understood except as a result of prolonged study, while for others
it remains a closed book, unless they are also able to master a language
far from easy of acquirement. But few submit to this ordeal, not only
on account of its difficulty, but also because the path to a knowledge
of the law no longer lies through the Quran. Such knowledge must be
derived from books which purport indeed to be based upon the Quran,
but most of whose contents may be in vain sought for there, while
the rest can only be indentified with the teaching of the sacred book
when the student has learned to pick his way through the devious by-paths
of a mass of commentaries, most of which have no historical foundation.

This book, once a world-reforming power, now serves but to be
chanted by teachers and laymen according to definite rules. The rules
are difficult, but not a thought is ever given to the meaning of the
words; the Quran is chanted simply because its recital is believed to
be a meritorious work. This disregard of the sense of the words rises
to such a pitch that even pandits who have studied the commentaries —
not to speak of laymen — fail to notice when the verses they recite
condemn as sinful things which both they and the listeners do every
day, nay even during the very ceremony itself.

344

The inspired code of the universal conquerors of 13 centuries ago
has grown to be no more than a mere text-book of sacred music, in
the practice of which a valuable portion of the youth of well-educated
Moslims is wasted, and which is recited on a number of ceremonial
occasions in the life of every Mohammedan.

The other laws and institutions of Islam will share the same fate;
their study will gradually take the place of their practice^ in spite of
the sacred tradition which declares that learning without works is of
no avail. But the rising generation will not weary their minds with such

■

study, as they now tire their lungs with intoning passages from the
holy writ; that task will appertain to a special class, and just as with
the Jews in Europe at the present time, so with the Mohammedans of
the future the learned student who masters the law in every detail
will be a rare phenomenon, who will excite some admiration among
his fellow-believers but will seldom induce them to follow his example.
Such is our prediction as to the future of Islam, which we utter with
all the more confidence as symptoms of its realization have already
appeared.
Opposition Progress along this path is not however unfraught with opposition,
dera develop- ^^ those Communities which lie furthest outside the influence of modern
ments. civilization, the resistance to each concession increases in direct pro-

portion to the number of innovations. The opponents of change adhere
more and more earnestly to their old traditions and express their con-
viction that the real cause of the decay of Mohammedan institutions
is to be sought in the disregard of the sacred law.

Even where modern ideas prevail this opposition makes itself felt,
though within narrower limits. The sympathies of the conservative party
are much more with the Mahdists of the Sudan and the Achehnese
in their battle against destiny than with the emancipated officials of
the new regime, clad in fez and pantaloons. Among such enthusiasts
we find devotion and renunciation of the world accompanying their
horror of innovation, but we also meet with fanaticism and hatred.
This spirit gives birth to constant religious revivals, which occasionally
culminate in scenes of bloodshed. The party of conservatism easily
wins the support of the common people and constitutes a turbulent
force in Islam, hostile to all progress.

, Among the spiritual guides of the community we find represented
^ilmost every shade of antagonism and conciliation. Side by side with

345

those who see in the modern Mohammedan life a disguised form of
unbelief which to theif great regret they are unable to exterminate,
there are others who accept this corrupt state of things with calm
acquiescence as the fulfilment of Mohammad's prophecy, and others
again who strive to save all that may yet be saved by methods of
conciliation and peace.

Among the characteristic signs of the times which testify to the An example

of such oppo-

phase of development which we have just described, may be instanced sition.
the publication at Beyrout of a book called ar-Risalah al-Hatrndiyyah
written some sixteen years ago (1306 H.) and dedicated to the Sultan
of Turkey. The author, a Syrian teacher, Husain al-Jisr of Tarabulus
(Syrian Tripoli) sets before himself, as appears from the title-page of
his work, the task of showing " The truth of the religion of Islam, and
the rectitude of the law of Mohammad**. He tells us that his immediate
incentive to the publication of this work was his perusal of certain
treatises by English authors, who had to some extent undertaken the
defence of Islam against those who misunderstood and despised that
creed. He adds some words of admonition to young Mohammedans
who subject their unripe understanding to a course of European phi-
losophy, warning them against the adoption of naturalistic views.

In earlier times a writer so learned and so orthodox as Husain al-Jisr
would have let himself be little influenced by the views (whether favou-
rable or the reverse) of Europeans in regard to his religion, and would
have advised the use of weapons of quite another sort than those of
patient and good-tempered reasoning to maintain the strife against the
prevailing irreligious theories of life. Al-Jisr does not base his argu-
ment on the position that the truth of Islam is beyond all question,
and that it must be accepted by all without reserve, even where it
conflicts with reason. On the contrary he seeks to show that true
humanity, morality and reason find their highest expression in the
law and doctrine of Islam.

Others also have adopted a like method ; we need here only instance
a British-Indian writer Syed (= Sayyid) Amir AH *) the author of various

i) Another very orthodox British-Indian writer, Rahmatallah, produced the I^kar al-haqq
(** Publication of the truth") a polemical work against Christendom, in which he points out
the inconsistencies of the Christian theology. He received marked distinction from the Sul-
tan of Turkey. The Inst years of his life were spent at Mekka, where many of the faithful
from various countries sat at his feet.

346

works on the life of Mohammad and the Moslim law. He however
wrote in English and appears to have assimilated more of the teaching
of his English school than of the sources of Arabic history which he
studied, and his constant aim is to make Islam suit the taste of a
civilized European public. Every doctrine that might seem strange or
repulsive to that public is ascribed by Amir Ali to the misconceptions
of the later teachers, or else set aside as meant only for days gone
by and as being now no longer valid. In this fanciful line of argu-
ment no true son of Islam would agree save a very few who like
himself have lost all their real Mohammedanism through their European
training.

The position of Al-Jisr is quite different. He writes for a public that
understands Arabic; he knows his theology and his law, and abates
no jot of the eternal truth of every tenet of both. He considers, however
(and in this respect his book is a noteworthy sign of the times) that
the time has gone by for those who, like himself, continue to hold
fast by the revelation of Mohammad, either to pass by all arguments
against their faith with a contemptuous shrug of the shoulders, or to
look to armed force to help them in destroying heresy and infidelity.

After a lengthy demonstration of the humanity, morality and reaso*
nableness of the law and doctrine of Islam, he proceeds to a most
pacific confutation of sundry philosophical and materialistic difficulties.
As an example of this we may mention that he is not inaccessible
even to the theories of Darwin (pp. 201 et seq.). He considers that
the followers of Darwin draw exaggerated conclusions from the facts
observed, and is disposed to accept the teaching of the Quran as to
the creation of Adam in its simplest and most obvious sense. But even
if the Darwinian teaching as to the origin of mankind were proved up
to the hilt, he would not be ready to admit that we are justified in
basing thereon a materialistic theory of life; nay he even goes so far
as to say that such teaching, if admitted to be true, would not neces-
sarily conflict with the doctrine of the Quran as to the creation of
man. However, so long as the truth of Darwinism is still widely open
to discussion, it would be wasted labour to harmonise it with the
Quran in detail. In general, our author sees no danger in the study
of the philosophy of nature, provided that those who teach such things
are themselves of the true faith, and that such study is accompanied
by instruction in the creed of Islam,

347

It is worthy of note that such a writer, in maintaining the reasona- Defence of
blcncss of the chief provisions of the Mohammedan law, defends the of^ the*^ho"y
obligation of the holy war without circumlocution or reserve. This law, w^'-
he says, does not command the extermination, persecution or humiliation
of those of alien creed, but rather the guidance of their steps in the
right path. If they follow tliis, then they must be treated on an equality
with those who have been true believers from of old ; if not, all efforts
should be made to bring them under the domination and also the
protection of the Moslims, and the issue must be left in the hands
of God. The precepts of Islam with reference to the conflict with
unbelievers are most humane; they inculcate immunity for old men,
women and children.

In a country where Moslims were subject to the domination of those
of another creed, a writer holding such views as Al-Jisr would either
have passed by the question of the holy war in silence, or have
demonstrated that this doctrine was unsuitable to the present time and
to his environment. Al-Jisr, who resides in Turkey in Asia, and dedicated
his book to a Sultan for whom the last Turko-Russian war had gained
the name of al-GhazI, i. e. ^'Maintainer of the Holy War", had no
motive for such self-restraint or extenuation.

It has been the fate of Islam that this doctrine of the j'i/iad or holy This doctrine,
war, the application of which formerly contributed so much to its ^i^cn\h novf
greatness and renown, should in modern times have set the greatest the weakness

of Islam.

difiiculties in its path.

At the present day an attitude of mutual confidence in their relations
with those of alien creeds is in many ways desirable for Mohammedans
and especially for those who live under European rule. All must admit
that this doctrine of jihad presents a serious obstacle to such a state
of things. Though such Moslims as are men of the world, and have
embraced modern civilization, may be ready to ignore the existence of
this doctrine or to represent it as inapplicable to the country in which
they live, the champions of the law still continue to teach and the
mass of the people to believe that their weapons may only remain
sheathed so long as there is no hope of any success in warfare against
the infidel. Under these circumstances no true peace is possible, but
only a protracted truce.

The other rules of Mohammedan law which control the relations of
the ** faithful" to the ** unbelievers" can only be characterized as humane

348

and justifiable, as Al-Jisr declares them to be, if we start like him on
the supposition that kafirs, as such, are the inferiors of Moslims in this
world. That law declares it to be permissible in some cases, in others
commendable and even obligatory, to slay infidels, or to kidnap or
enslave them. Many ways are left open to the Moslim of cheating
individual kafirs or an infidel government without sinning against God.
Under the Mohammedan law religious liberty is intolerable as involving
the co-existence of truth with falsehood, and of the service of the
true God with paganism.

Now it is a great mistake — though not an uncommon one — to
suspect every Mohammedan people or every Mohammedan of cherishing
such views or desiring to put them into practice. To do so is to be
guilty of the same injustice as the Anti-Semites who make the Jews
of to-day responsible for every utterance of the Talmud inimical to
heathen. As a matter of fact these books of law play a very subor-
dinate part in the education of modern Jews and Mohammedans, and
most Moslims are absolutely ignorant of the details of the doctrine of
jihad.

But so long as not one single Moslim teacher of consideration dreams
of regarding these laws of the middle ages as abrogated, while a great
proportion of the people exhibit the strongest inclination to restore the
conditions which prevailed some centuries ago, so long does it remain
impossible, however anxious we may be to do so, to omit the jihad
from our calculations when forming a judgment on the relation of
Islam to other religions.

No expounders of the law worthy of the name will dare to try and
demonstrate that the doctrine of the holy war should be regarded as
obsolete. The utmost that we can expect from them is, that they should
endeavour to show that there is in a given country at the present time
no occasion for proclaiming a holy war. To prove this they refer to
the intellectual and material supremacy of the kafirs in the country in
question, to the solidity of their government and to the freedom which
they allow to the Moslims as regards the teaching and practice of
their religion on reasonable conditions.

Even such arguments will only be used by a teacher who lives under
a powerful non-Mohammedan government, whose overthrow is for the time
being not to be seriously thought of. And even under such circumstances
many prefer to maintain silence on the question of the jihad, or if they

349

are compelled to express an opinion, choose the most equivocal terms.

Their reason for shirking the question is that all attempts at conci- Efforts at

conciliation

liation render them suspected by a large proportion of their co-religionists, rouse suspi-
Not only fanatics, but all strict upholders of orthodoxy set their faces ^*°"*
resolutely against all that savours of abrogation of one jot or tittle of
the law. And especially in countries ruled by an independent Moham-
medan dynasty, where there is but little reason for disguising the pro-
visions of the law in regard to unbelievers, it cannot be expected that
the teachers who set the tone will do violence to the plain meaning
of their scripture, the less so, since the doctrine of jihad sometimes
supplies such dynasties with a very useful weapon. The Porte, for
instance, although now-a-days she seldom exhibits this weapon and no
longer flourishes it in the faces of her enemies, does not fail, when
involved in war with a European power, to appeal to the doctrine of
jihad when invoking the aid of her fellow- believers. To co-operate in
the endeavour to weaken mens' faith in this doctrine would be to fling
recklessly away the very thing which most inspires her soldiers with
zeal and courage. In addition to this the Sultan would lose a consi-
derable share of the sympathy which he now enjoys throughout the
Mohammedan world as the foremost champion of the true faith, did
he or those in authority in his dominions endeavour to convert the
truce with the unbelievers into a lasting peace.

Let us now examine that which took place in British India some Official opi-
nion,
thirty-five years ago as the result of a fear of political disturbances

among the Mohammedans. The story is a most instructive one ').

Such of the leaders of the Moslim community as were well-disposed

towards the government together with all who believed that a rebellion

against European authority would in the existing circumstances spell

ruin to Islam, made every effort to demonstrate that a Mohammedan

insurrection against the English government would be unlawful and

would have no claim to the title of jihad. Others upheld the contrary

opinion or took refuge in silence. Finally the question (in its limited

application to British India and to the present time) was submitted to

the judgment of the four muftis of the orthodox schools of religious

learning at Mekka, who may be regarded as the highest authorities of

the day on all such matters.

i) See Our Indian Afusulmans by W. W. Hunter, London 1 87 1.

350

Without doubt these muftis had their hands tied in the giving ot
their judgments or fativas. Even though some of their number might
have been disposed to interpret the sacred law in a very eonciliatory
spirit and though this inclination towards a peaceful settlement was
strengthened by presents from British India, fear of their lord and
master, the Sultan of Turkey, would have withheld them from preaching
a theoretical acquiesence in the subjection of Moslims to a kafir yoke.
On the other hand a fatwa inciting to rebellion would, as they well
knew, have been equally displeasing to the Sultan, as it might have
occasioned political difficulties for Turkey ').

Their judgment avoided all these dangers by making the question
one of technical terminology. The Mohammedan teaching divides the
whole world into ddral-Isldm, the sphere of the domination of Islam,
and ddral'harbf the outside world, which is to become ddral-Islam
by conquest or conversion. The Mekkan muftis simply replied that
British India must be regarded as ddral-Islam, but they carefully
refrained from drawing any conclusions regarding the obligation of the
holy war. Thus both the peace party and the malcontents in British
India might construe the judgment in their- own favour.

Had the muftis wished to be explicit, they might have worded their
answer somewhat as follows: *If the country you live in were ddral-
harb we might endeavour at an opportune time to subjugate it to Islam.
It is however ddral-Islam, since the English infidels have shown no sign
of being able to exterminate Islam therefrom j it is therefore ±he duty of
the Moslim inhabitants to defend their territory to the uttermost. If you
admit that necessity compels you, in spite of your numerical superiority,
to lay aside your weapons, then you are convicted of a lack of energy and
the courage of your opinions, a deficiency which, alas, grows more and more
noticeable not only in yours but also in other Mohammedan countries".

But they contented themselves with the oracular response, which
satisfied both yet satisfied neither — ** British India is daral-Islam".

In like ambiguous terms did the muftis of Mekka reply to a similar
question which was submitted to them in 1893 by Jules Cambon,
Governor-general of Algeria, with reference to the emigration to Syria

l) Anyone who is acquainted with the local circumstances will understand (hat the
muftis dared not set seal to their reply before they had obtained the concurrence of the
Turkish authorities. Without such sanction a fatwa on matters of a political nature is
inconceivable.

351

of many of the inhabitants of Constantino, who sought thus to escape
the domination of the infidel *).

The way in which the doctrine of jihad is interpreted by the Moham-
medan teachers and embraced in less systematic form by the mass of
the people, furnishes an excellent indication of the progress that Islam
has made at any given time or place in this direction, whither it is
being impelled with increasing force by the political conditions of
modern days. In the end it must yield entirely to that force; it must
frankly abandon the tenets of jihad and abide by the practically harmless
doctrine respecting the last days when a Messiah or a Mahdl will come
to reform the world. Then will Islam differ from other creeds only in
so far as it upholds another catechism and another ritual as the means
whereby eternal salvation may be won. But before that day arrives the
last political stronghold of Islam will probably have been brought under
European influence and all less civilized Mohammedan peoples will
have been compelled to submit to the control of a strong European
government.

Circumstances have imposed on the Dutch nation the task of impres-
sing this modern doctrine on the Achehnese. It is no light or enviable
task, for the doctrine of the jihad has been for centuries more deeply
rooted here than in any other part of the Archipelago. But it must
be fulfilled, and on the manner of this fulfilment will depend in no
small degree the attitude of all other Mohammedans in Netherlands-
India towards the Dutch government.

i) See Les confriries religieuses musulmanes by Depont and Coppolani, Algiers 1897,
pp. 34—35.

INDEX.

AtxlQra^h: = Teungku di Kuala^ q. v.
Abdul-qidir JllSnl: the prince of mystics,

I. 130, 191, II. 249.
Abdurrahman: see habib,

abe€: ashes (used as manure), I. 267, 275.
A, dapu\ wood-ash (used medicinally),

II. 50-

Abeusi: Abyssinian, negro; I. 23, II. 143.

abortion: its practice, I. 113.

Achih: boundaries of the whole country,
I. I ; of Ach^h proper or Great Ach6h.
I. I ; etymology of the name, I. i ; shape
of the country, I. 2, 3; the country as
''the imperishable bride** of her Sultans;

I. 132.

Achchnese: (a.) the people, see ''popula-
tion"; (b.) the language, see "language*'.

Achura: a festival, I. 202, 204, II, 180, 181.

adan: the call to prayer, I. 85, 426.

adara: celestial, II. 139, 140.

adat: see "customary law". A. agam^ and
a, inong: medicinal plants, II. 52. A.
meulangga : a nominal show of vengeance
when apologies and amends have been
made, I. 77 — 81.

aden: dung-heap, I. 36.

administration : see "authorities", "justice",
and "inheritance".

ad6€: younger brother; the placenta consi-
dered as the younger brother of a new-
bom child; I. 375. A, mo^ldt\ the month
rabVal akhir^ I. 194.

adultery: I. no— 114; its punishment, I.
Ill — 114; its prevalence, II. 318.

adventurers: their political importance, I.
151; political adventurers, I. 151 — 153,
typified by Tcuku Uma^ I. 152; religious
adventurers, I. 153, typified by say y ids ^
I «53, 154, 158, mystics, I. 154, 155,
and ulamas^ I. 166.

afwah: "mouths", i.e. voices of intercession

with God, I. 192.
agriculture: its importance, I, 175, 260;

seasons, I. 258 — 261 ; ploughing, I. 260,

261; sowing, I. 261 — 263; nurseries, I.

263, 264; transplanting, I. 264, 265;

harvest, I. 267, 268; stamping and thresh-
ing, I. 271, 272; pepper-planting, I. 260;

sugar-planting, I. 260, 273 — 275.
A^mad Qushashi: a great mystic, I. 10,

II. 216.
A^mad RlfS*I: a saint and mystic, II. 249,

251—253.
Aja Eseutiri: the wife of Teuku AnjOng;

a lady in whose honour a kanduri is

annually held, I. 219.
ajeumat: a written charm or talisman, I.

266, II. 46, 169, 212, et passim,
aka maneh: liquorice root, II. 56.
aki*: a talismanic gem, II. 49.
akhe asa: see asa,
akhe leuhS: see ieuhd.
Alaedin Ahmat Shah : Sultan of Acheh, A.

D. 1726 — 1735; I. 89.
Alaedin Juhan: Sultan, A. D. 1735— 1760;

I. 5, 84, II. 90.
Alaedin KhS: » Sidi Mukamil^ Sultan,

A. D. 1540 — 1567; I. 4.
Alaedin Mahmut: Sultan, A. D. 1752 —

1766; I. 5.
alamat: omen; II. 41.
alangan: procession; II. 265 — 268.
alat: "instruments"; preliminary studies, II.

8. A, sigeuphhi name of an obsolete

custom, described I. 112.
aliiS: pestle; I. 272.

al^m: a man deeply versed in sacred lite-
rature, I. 71; his training, II. 25 — 31.
aleu€: floor-level, I. 35, 39.
Aleuhat: Sunday, I. 195.
ali: a small purse-net for prawns, I. 277.
Aipiah: name of a grammatical treatise, II. 7, 8.

354

INDEX

aluC: creek, backwater; I. 278.

alum: {iawaih\ II. 50.

Amat Shah Juhan: the first Sultan of the
last dynasty, I. 5.

ami 5bha: Amir ul bahr^ a title given to
Teuku Uma^ I. 149.

amil: officers (in Arabia) charged with the
distribution of the zakat^ I. 268.

ampeufog: to meet (a party or procession) ;
II. 166.

amp9n: '^ pardon", — use of this word as
a title, II. 70, 86.

amuleta: II. 37, 46.

amusements: see ^cockfighting", *^feasts'\
'^gambling", "pastimes", /rowM, sadati^
meuramien^ piasan^ and ratib.

aneu^: child, son of, inhabitant. A, gan-
cheng\ a bolt, I. 43. A. jame'ei West
Coast people, I. 19. A, keudawdng\ seeds
of parkia speciosa (used medicinally), II.
58. A, keusawi: mustard^seed, II. 57. A,
mtuih : immediate descendants of a slave,
I. 22. A, phdn\ first-bom child, I. 376,
404, 407. A. rawa : = A,jame'e, A, sisawii
« A, keusawi. A, tunong krueng\ "child
of the upper river-reaches", — a brave
man, I. 34.

Aneu' GalQng: a fortress captured by the
Dutch in 1896; I. 185, II. iii.

animal fables: see "fables".

anJSng: annexe (to a house), I. 35.

anklets : (jgieu'eng gaki), I. 29.

annexe: see anjdng,

ant^g: golden bosses, I. 308.

apam: a light cake, I. 219, 220; legend
connected with it, I. 220.

apparel : of men, I. 25 — 27 ; of women ,1.28;
jewellery, I. 29, 30; wearing of weapons,
I. 27; dress of a sadati dancer, II. 232;
of a bride, I. 308.

Arab: Arab elements in the population, I.
18, 48.

araHi: throne of Allah, II. 184.

architecture: II. 59 — 63.

are: a measure of husked rice, I. 73.

areca-nut: {pineung\ I. 32, II. 45.

aren: sugar, I. 274; juice, vinegar, I. 21,
39; rope, fibre, II. 302.

armlets: see "bracelets".

art: see "industrial art".

arwah: the spirit of a deceased person, I.

425, 434.

asa: afternoon, afternoon prayer, 3.30 p.
m.; I. 200.

asa foetida: I. 386, II. 56.

asan: a tree-name, II. 52.

Asan Usen: the month Muharram, I. 194.

as^iS meuseutet: "When dogs ramble". —
August, I. 256.

Asem: see Tuanku Asem and Badrudin
Asim,

astronomy: I. 246 — 248; its use in fixing
the seasons, I. 248 sqq.

AteuiSng : (a) a village near Kutaraja, I. 24 ;
(b) a raised path round a rice-field, I. 260.

atra sihareukat: = laba sikareukat.

authorities: I. Regular traditional author-
ities: (a.) in the village community: the
keuchi\ I. 64 — 70; the teungku^ I. 70 —
75; the urcueng tuha^ I. 75, 76;

(b.) in the district or mukim : the imeum^
I. 82—87;

(c.) in the territory (nanggrhe) : the uie'e-
balang^ I. 88 — 119; the panglima sagi^
I. 91, 132; the kali^ I. 93 — 102;

(d.) in the whole state: the Sultan, I.
120 — 132; the great chiefs, I. 132 — 138;
the princes of the blood, I. 141 — 143,
149— 151;

(e.) in the mosque: the imeum^ I. 85;
the haiib^ I. 85; and the bileue^ I. 85.
(f.) in the tribe: the panglima kawdm^

I- 46, 54, 55, 56, 59-

II. Irregular or self-constituted authorities,
political adventurers and religious chiefs;

I. 151— 165.

III. Authorities according to Moslem theory
as opposed to practice, II. 321 sqq.

awa': crew (of a boat), I. 281.

awami: name of a treatise on Arabic

grammar, II. 7.
awan: "clouds", — a pattern in weaving,

II. 63, 64.

awe: a strip of rattan, I. 377. A, sungsangi
a rattan of which some sections turn the
wrong way — believed to be talismanic,
II. 38.

aweu€^: a spoon, I. 411.

aweu€h: a generic name for herbs, drugs
and simples, II. 54.

aya': sifting, I. 272.

ayat: a verse, II. 74.

ayQn: to rock, I. 394. A, meugisax a merry-
go-round; II. 268.

INDEX

355

t>a': director of a sadati troupe, II. 21 1.

ba meulineum: a (second) ceremonial visit
paid by a woman to her pregnant daughter-
in-law; I. 372.

ba' pade: rice-straw, I. 267.

Bib an-nikS^ : a treatise on marriage, II. 22.

babah: mouth (of a fish-trap), I. 276. B.
ret', entrance of a gampong^ I. 416.

bada: a tree-name, I. 421.

badal haji: substitute pilgrims; the hajj
by deputy, II. 308.

badSm: a light form of dropsy, II. 51.

Badrudin As^m: a Sultan of Ach^h, I. 5.

bait: for fish, I. 278, 279.

bait al-mSl: State-treasury, I. 439.

baja: soot (used for blackening the teeth),
I. 401.

baj^: jacket, I. 25.

bak6h: a bird-name, II. 161.

bakOng: tobacco, also used as accessory in
betel chewing; I. 32, 288.

bale: hall, court; e. g. b, meuhakamak^ a
court of justice in religious matters, I.
161, and b, rdm^ the Sultan *s audience-
hall, I. 139.

bale': turning; when a child can turn on
his side, — as a measure of age, I. 394.
B, mtudeukab', to turn to another school
of doctrine on some one point (to avoid
a difficulty), I. 347, II. 22.

bali€: widow, divorcee; I. iii. See also
pulang bale'e,

balu: dried buffalo-flesch, I. 380.

baluiSm beud^: an evil spirit, I. 409. Also
baluicm bide,

balu€m ubat : a medicine-bag, II. 49.

bambang kuneng: jaundice, II. 49.

Bambi: a village in Pidie (Pedir), II. 120.

banana: see pisang,

banda: town, town-bred, cultured; I. 24,
145. B, Acheh\ the old seat of govern-
ment and culture in Ach^h, I. 24, 25.

bands: see ''orchestras^'.

bang: the call to prayer, I. 85, 426.

bangbang Jame€ : a butterfly the appearance
of which is believed to betoken the
coming of guests; II. 42.

bangles: see ''bracelets".

bangsat: neglectful of religion; II. 313.

bangsl: a flageolet; II. 258.

banta: a title given to near relatives and
agents of a territorial chief [ule'ebalang) ;

I. 92, 135.
bantay: cushion, I. 41.

bantdt: checking a disease at the outset;

II. 50-

barah: a large boil, II. 50.

ba' raja peunawa: the aloe; II. 48.

bar6€: yesterday (daytime), I. 201. B, sa\
the day before yesterday ; b, sa jek^ the
day before that, I. 201.

barSh: lowlands; I. 24, 25, 45.

barOnabeuCt: a talisman conferring invul-
nerability; II. 37.

Baros : a place, the S.W. limit of Ach^h, I, i.

barSt: enwrapping, enfolding; II. 52.

baru€h: a name given to beri-beri, II. 51.

basi: premium on dollars, I. 293.

basS: severe dropsy; II. 51.

Bataks: I. 22; as slaves, I. 23; their evil
reputation, I. 23.

bate: a sirih-bowl, I. 210.

bat^: stone. B, badan: a stone extending
longitudinally over a grave, I. 431. B.
jeurat tombstone, II. 59. B, kawe\ a
fishing-lead; I. 278. Pula b,\ the setting
up of tombstones, I. 259, 402, 430, 431.

Bat6h: a village near Kutaraja; I. 24.

bayetten: a talking-bird, II. 148, 155.

bedrooms: (Juree)^ I. 35.

bedstead: see pratdih,

Bentara Keumangan: a chief, II. 13, 14, 92.

beri-beri: II. 51.

betel-chewing: I. 32.

betel-leaf: (ranub\ I. 32.

betel-nut: {pineung\ I. 32, II. 45.

betrothal: ceremonies, I. 301; rules for
breach of troth, I. 301 ; gifts, see ianda
kong narit and ranub dbttg,

beuda': cosmetic face-powder; II. 47.

beude china: crackers, I. 235.

beuCt: to declaim in singsong style, II. 75.
B, di jeurat : the chanting of the Quran
at a grave, I. 429. B. JCuru^ani the
chanting of the Quran, II. 3.

beuklam: last evening, I, 201.

beum: a medicinal plant, II. 53.

beungkSng: cloth wrapped round the body
in a particular way, I. 112.

bean6: goitre-causing spirits, I. 412.

beureu'at: see malam.

beas6€: iron, hot iron, I. no; see "ordeals".

35^

INDEX

beuteng: a disease of childreD,!. 3S6.-
bhaili: divisions of a tale, II. 158 sqq. ,.
bhQm: family burial place, I. .241, 404,
biaya: maintenance ^money given to a wife,

I. 325. •

bibeuSh : free owing allegiance to no special

chief; I. 122, 11. 82.
Bidayah: name of a textbook on religious
• doctrine, II. 4, 29.
bi€ng: crab, I. 256; prawn (?), II. 159.
bijeh: seed; padi-seed, I. 261, 263;

poppy seed (b, apiun)^ II; 57.
bila: blood-feud, I. 45. 47.
bileuiS: a mosque official, I. 85.
bilQn: a technical term in a boy*s game,

il. 200.
bimaran: evil result of unfulfilled vows, I.

392- .
bimba: a mosque-pulpit, I. 82.

bintang: stars; — list given I. 247.

biSh: dysentery, I. 415, II. 48. r

birds: kept as pets, I. 39.

blreng: a large boil, II. 50.

Bitay: a place near Kutaraja, — name ex-
plained I. 209.

biula: violin, II. 265.

black art: {hekeumat^ sihe\ I. 414; {teu-
nanom^jkung)^ I. 414. Cf. also meuknlat^
iangkay^ ajeumat^ rajah^ and „magic'\

blang: network of rice-fields, I. 258.

Blang Pang6€: a village, I. 316.

Blang SeureugQng: a haunted rice-field in
Pul6 Rab6; II. 286.

blangan: a fruit, II. 50.

blangdng: cooking-pot, I. 40, 275.

bleu^t: cocoanut-leaves, I. 36.

blimbing-fruit: {boh slimeng)^ I. 30.

blingge: a fruit (the wood-apple?) II. 48.

bl6*: an evil spirit, I. 413.

blood-feuds: I. 45, 47.

boats: prahd^jald^ sampan)^ I. 278, 279.

b6h : a fruit, a globular object ; c. g. b, giri^
an orange, I. 385; b* iW jru'e^ salted
duck's-eggs; ^. ytf«/5/jr^, plan^in buds, II.
35 ; b, kayee^ fruits generally, I. 31 ; b, kcu-
detiki^ myrobalane chebula^ 11. 57 ; ^. keu"
nut^ root of cyperus tubcrosus^ II. 22; b,
^rM,kemiri-nuts,II. 195 ; ^. i^rwir/, oranges,
I* 3^5^ 3^^i 4?'> ^« tfiayakani^ gall-nuts,

II. 56: b, pala^ nutmeg, II. 57; b. panta^
a ball or marble, I. 315, II. \'^\\b,pulet^
wooden rings, II. 247, 248; b, puta talhe^

fruit of kelicteres isora^ II. 56; b, raseu-
tdng^ bud of the rose of Jericho, II. 57 ;
b, ru^ an acorn shaped ornament, I. 27.
For the use ot the word to describe
the balls or marbles used in children's
games, see II. 195 sqq.

bdlh dapu: the removal of the oven after
44 days from childbirth; I. 388.

boils : {raho^ barah^ bireng)^ II. 50.

boring: of ears {job giunyveng\ I. 259, 395.

bosses: (anteng\ I..39S. i

bOt: to draw (teet^), II. 45.

boundaries : of Ach6h, 1. i ;< of land (eu£)^
II. 196, 197, 199. :

bracelets: {gUueng jarbe)^ I. 29; chain-
bracelets (/a/oe jaroe)^ I.^ 29 ; bridal bra-
celets {jglcueng^ puntu^ '^^^? sangga^ sawe'
and puch(i^\ I. 308. ; • ,

branda seumah: a platform used at a Sul-
tan's installation, I. 139..

brandang: a rice-store^ I. 272.

breu€h: husked rice, I. 272. -j,

**bringing home meat": an Ach^hn^se
custom, I. 237, II. 120.

bru({*: sounding-board of a native violin,
H. 260.

bruiS' pulet : « boh pulet^ q. v.

bu: cooked rice, I. 2.2, 30; a technical
term in games, II. 193, 194. B, kunyet\
rice coloured with turmeric, I. 31. B,

■ ieukat: glutinous rice, I. 31, 32, 46, 78.

bubeiS: a fish-trap, I. 276. B. la'dr, id., I» 279.

budQ: leprosy, II. 51.

bu€: the common ape, II. 207.

bulSng: swamps, I. 24; swamp rice-fields,
I. 258.

buffaloes: used for ploughing, I. 261, 262;
leaders of the herd, I. 265; their hous'
ing, I. 37; not used for sacrifice, 1.^243;
used for fights, II. 209.

Bugis : the Bugis element in Ach^h, I. 19, 4$:

Bukhari: the author of a maulidy L 212.

buleuiSn : month, moon. B, apuyy Muharram,
I. 206. B, leumak: the first of the next
lunar month, I. 202. . *

buliadari: a heavenly nymph, II. 137, 17^^

bull-fights: II. 209, 210.

"bullcth-oaths": II. 94, 95.' .

bulSh meurindu : a magical masical instru-
ment, II. 145, 1^47.

bungkOHi: a folded: kerchief used as ir
bag, I. 309. B, ranub: a sirih-bag, I;

INDEX

357

27. B. bur a*', a kerchief worn by women
and sadati-players, II. 232.

bungdng: flower-natural, I. 241, 309, 416,
artificial {b, sunting)^ L 309. B, barueh :
the (medicinally ased) leaf of a wild
mangosteen, II. 57. B, kambuei a simple,
II. 57. B, iawangx cloves, II. 56. B, la-
wang kieng'. seed-pods of anise, II. 56.
B. tabu: '*strewn flowers", — a weaver's
pattern, II. 63.

bura': a legendary pegasus, II. 126.

burial: see '^disposal of the dead'*.

burQng: an evil spirit afflicting women in
childbed, I. 376 — 382 ; precautions against
it, I. 376, 377 ; its legendary origin, I.
37^1 379) stories about them, I. 378 —
382; the burdng punjot^ I. 412.

buf5t: inguinal hernia, and hydrocele, I.
415, II. 51.

buy: pig. B, tunggay\ a lone boar, — see

n. 37.

buya: crocodile; II. 302.

cakes: see apam^ keutan and jeumphan,
calendar: see '^divisions (of time)."
cannon: announcing close of fast, I. 237,

238; cannon-casting at Bitay, I. 244*,

legend of the cannon lada si'Ckupa\ I,

208, 209.
caps: {kupiah\ I. 26, 27.
carpets: I. 39.
cards: I. 210.

carving: (in wood, horn or metal), II. 65.
casting-nets: (jeue)^ 1. 277, 278, 279.
castor-oil: II. 48.
cattle-sales: I. 288, 289.
cattle-stalls: I. 37.
ceiling-cloths: (//V^ dilanget\ I. 41.
chab: seal. ch. limong; ''the five fold seal";

the hand as the symbol of real possession,

I. 132. ck, sikureueng', the ninefold seal
of the Sultans; I. 130, 131, II. 104.

Cha'ban: the month Sha^ban^l. 195.

chafing-dishes: {kran) I. 41.

cha'iS: a spider, II. 49.

chains: ornamental (Jaioe kPieng)^ I. 30.

chakrum: the refrain in a sadati dialogue,

II. 244.

chamchuruVh: Upidium sativum^ II. 57.

champli: chillies; I. 30, II. 56.

chanang: a sort of gong, II. 259.

chapeng: the bridge of a violin, II. 260.

charapha anam: name of a maulid^ I. 212.

character: (of the Achehnese) their in-
dolence, I. 21; their slovenliness, I. 42;
their fondness for mupakat, I. 76; their
parsimony, I. 29; their arrogance, I. 168;
their jealousy of non-Muhammadan autho-
rities, I. 13; their character as Muham-
madans, see ''islam"; their morah, II.
318, 319. Differences in character between
highlanders and lowlanders, -I. 33, 34.

charms: written on paper ajeumat)^ I.
266, II. 46, 169, 212; spoken formulse
{tangkay)^ I. 266; love-charms (/«/^tfj/A),
II. 46; charms to sell goods at a profit
{^peulareh\ II. 46; the process of engen-
dering magic {rajah\ I. 414. See also
"black art", "magic", "talismans".

charu€h: a name griven to beri-beri, II. 51.

chat5: a sort of draughts, II. 200.

chawat: a wrapper worn by a woman after
her confinement ; I. 382.

Chaway: the month Shawwal, I. 195.

ch^'bre: a tree, II. 44, 228.

Cheh: "Shaikh"; a name also given to
the head of a sadati troupe, II. 221.

Chfch AbdQ'ra'Oh: = Teungku di-Kuala^
I. 90.

Cheh Marahaban: a saintly scholar of
Pidie (Pedir), I. loi, 187, II. 27, 28;
his writings, II. 186, 187.

chih ranub si-gapu: the time ic takes to
chew a quid of sirih, — a primitive
measure of time, I. 201.

Chih Saman: « Teungku Tiro,

chempala: a fighting-bird, II. 211, 215.

chests: (pattbe\ I. 40, 41.

Chetties: their early trade in Ach^h, I. 17.

cheukiiS* : execution by strangling and drown-
ing combined; I. 109.

cheukQ: a medicinal plant, I. 386, II. 49, 58.

cheuleupa: a small tobacco box, I. 42.

cheumara: a native chignon, II. 79.

cheumeucheb: the (ominous) screaming of
a kite, II. 42.

cheuneuruCt: a gelatinous dish, I. 31, 397.

cheunichah: a compost of pounded fruit,
I. 21, 30, II. 49.

chiei^: see "authorities".

chignons : sanggdy^ I. 28 ; {cheumara\ II. 79.

358"

INDEX

childbirth: I. 373, 374, 385, 388; supcr-
stitioDs regarding it, I. 374; pantang
rules after it, I. 375; the treatment, I.
373i 374? 388; ceremonial visits con-
nected with it, I. 385.

childhood: the peuchichab ceremony, I.
383, 384; the hakikah ceremony, 384;
naming of the child, I. 386 ; the peutrdn^
I. 389; stages of growth, I. 394; teach-
ing the child to walk, L 394; circum-
cision, I. 395, 398; earboring, I. 395,
396; for education of children, see '^in-
struction".

children: parents and children, I. 401;
control of fatherless or motherless child-
ren, I. 402, 403; disposal of dead child-
ren, I. 408; disposal of children at the
dissolution of a marriage, I. 408 ; position
of the children of concubinage, I. 359.

chinichah: ■> cheunichah,

china: a laddie, I. 289; a water-dipper, I.
411, 419.

chipe: small plates, I, 40, 320.

cholera: I. 415, II. 48.

ch6t: the sun^s zenith, noon; 199.

chradi: a pattern, I. 41.

chrea€h: rake, I. 263.

chu€: an earthenware platter, II. 247.

chuiSh: leaves used medicinally, II. 48.

chugdng: goitre, I. 412.

chuka': a game like draughts, II. 200.

chuka: to shave, II. 45.

chulu<$t: a medicinal leaf, II. 49.

chumuet: pimples, II. 50.

chut: small, I. 320.

Chut Sandang: name of a tribe, I. 49.

9irat-al-mu8taqlm : name of a religious
treatise, II. 5, 29.

circumcision : of girls, I. 395 ; of boys, I.
398 — 400; religious importance attached
to it, II. 273.

clairvoyance: II. 39, 40.

clans: see kawdm,

clarionets: {srnni\ II. 259.

clasps: see peundcng,

clergy: see "priests".

clothes: see ''apparel".

cockfighting: II. 244, II. 210, 215.

coconut: the milk, I. 30, 31; the oil, I.
30, 39; the sugar, I. 397.

coffee: legend of its origin, I. 260; its use
as a beverage, I, 240, II. 53.

coffins: (Jireunda\ I, 422, 423.

concubinage: I. 359, II. 318; position of
the children, I. 359.

confiscation : of boats and nets, I. 283 ; of
rice-fields, I. 115, 286.

conjunctivitis: its treatment, II. 47.

conversion : facility of conversion to Islam,
II. 277 — 279.

cooking: I. 30, 31, 41.

cooking-pots: {blanghng)^ I. 40; {kanei)^
I, 40.

cooling : the "cooling ceremony" {peusijue*)^
I. 43, 44, 78, 102, 103.

coop: see seureukab,

copyists : their influence on literature, II. 67.

couch: see pratdih,

court: see dalam,

courtyards: in front of house (Jeyen\ I.
36; behind the house (Jikdt)^ 1. 36; by
the side of the gables (rabdng)^ I. 36.

crabs: land-crabs, I. 256.

crackers: I. 235, 237.

crickets: used for fighting, II. 211, 215.

crocodiles: II. 302.

cummin: II. 47.

cupboards: {peutbe db»g)y I. 41.

custom : (adat) its antiquity, I. 5 ; its chang-
ing, but slowly changing, character, I. 10;
reticence concerning it, I. 13; conflict
between it and religious law, I. 14, II.
275 — 277; Achehnese views on the sub-
ject, I. 14. See also "customs", and
"law".

customs: in connection with pregnancy, I.
371—373; childbirth, I. 373—388; child-
hood, I. 383 — 400; betrothal, I. 301;
marriage, I, 295 — 358; sickness, I. 412 —
415; death, I. 418; the disposal of the
dead, I. 419 — 434; the administration of
government, I. 58 — 193; industries,! 258.

dab: a small tambourine, II. 265.
dagang: foreigner, Kling; II. 84.
DaJJal: Antichrist, II. 178.
dalam: the Sultanas court, I. 140.
dalem: members of a sadati chorus; II.

221, 222, 299.
dalSng: a tray, I. 31, 40.
dancing: II. 261 — 265. See also sadati.

INDEX

3S9

dangdang meuntah: money given (in lieu
of rice) by a woman to her pregnant
daughter>in-law, I. 372.

dara: "marriageable", — a stage of rice-
growth, 1. 267.

darah: blood; see peusijue\

dareh: a thorny tree, I. 36.

daru€t: a fighting cricket, II. 211, 215.

datO*: ''grandfather, ancestor*^ — a euphe-
mism when speaking of tigers, II. 45.

day: of the week, I. 195; of the month,

I. 202; divisions of the day, I. 199 — 202.
deah: a chapel; I. 63, 64, 219.

death: death-struggle, I. 418; exhortations
to the dying, 1. 418 — 419; notifications
of deaths, I. 433. See also ''disposal of
the dead".

debt: how recovered, I. 115, 116.

debtors: liable to a form of slavery, I. 93,
115; their right to a share in religions
tithes, I. 269, 270.

d^lat: an expression of homage, I. 120.

Der Kinderen: his work in Ach^h, 1.

II— IS'
descent: traced through women, I. 44; —
but also, for tribal reasons, through men;

I- 44, 4S-
deumam; fever, I. 415, II. 48.
deut: name of a fish, II. 72.
dialogues: examples of sadati dialogues,

II. 234 sqq.
diarrhcBa: II. 48.

dibbling: {tajd\ tiumajdh\ 1. 266.

diW: price of blood, I. 47, 55, 56, 102, 104.

dieting: medicinal dieting, II. 54.

dina: fornication, adultery, I. no — 114.

diseases: goitre, I. 412; nightmare, I. 412;
cholera, I. 415, II. 48; small-pox, I.
416—418, II. 47—48; fever, I. 415, II.
48; dysentery, I. 415, II. 48; inguinal
hernia and hydrocele, I. 415, II. 51; go-
norrhoea I. 415, II. 52; skin-diseases, I.
415; diseases of children (beuting^ pungo
buy^ and sakit droe\ I. 386; diseases
due to spirit-possession, I. 410, 411;
eruptions and ulcers, II 50, 51; con-
junctivitis, II. 47; beri-beri, II. 51; le-
prosy, II. 51; elephantiasis, II. 51;
tootache, II. 52; hiccough and headache,
II. 49; poisonous bites, II. 49; pains in
the joints, II. 52; siawan II. 53; sam-
phng^ II. 48, 49.

dishes: (large) I. 40; (small) I. 40 ; chafing-
dishes, I. 41.

disposal of the dead : washing the body, I.
419 — 421; shrouding, I. 421; coffining,
I, 422; the procession to the tomb, I.
423, 425; the funeral service, I. 423,
424; the entombment, I. 426, 427; visits
of condolence, I. 424: prayers for or to
the dead, I. 427 — 430; tombstones, I.
I. 430—432.

district: see "divisions (of territory)".

divination: II. 39 — 41.

divisions : (a.) of an Achehnese dwelling, I.
38 — 42; (b.) of the population, I. 45 —
59 : (c.) of territory, I. 58—89 ; (d.) of time,
viz. the Mohammedan lunar calendar, I.
194, 195; cycles of lunar years,^I. 197;
solar divisions, the year and seasons, I.
245 — 258; days of the week, I. 195;
divisions of a day, I. 199 — 202.

divorce: laws and customs regulating di-
vorce, I. 367 — 370; the pasah and talak
divorce, I. 367 — 369; the khul^ divorce,
I. 370; the right of recall [rujt^^ I.
369; the ""iddah^ I. 370.

doctrine: orthodox character of the reli-
gious doctrine taught, II. 281.

dogma: its study, II. 9.

DOkarim: author of the Hikayat Prang
Gdmpeuni^ II. 100 — 103.

dolls: II. 192.

dO'ma: a big gold button, I. 25.

domestic life: see "life".

d6ng: see ranub dong and peuthe dong,

DQy hijah: the month Du^i'hijjak^l, 195.

D5y ka'idah: the month ^u'i-qa^dah^

I. 195.

drang: name of a bush, I. 57.

dreams: their interpretation, II. 42, 43.

dress: see "apparel".

dressing food: (meu'idang)^ I. 31.

dressing hair: see sanggdy,

drinking-vessels : I. 40.

druggists : {uretteng tneukat aweu'eh\ II, 46.

drugs: see "medicaments".

drums: big mosque drum (Jambu\ I, 62,

II. 258; smaller drums, see rapa^i or
rapana^ geundrang^ peungana^^ and geu'
dumba^,

du'a: prayer. D, kubux the funeral prayer,
I. 428. D, beusoe: a formula to secure
invulnerability, II. 38.

360

INDEX

du€*: *when a child can sit up," — a
measure of an infant's age, I. 394.

Dutch: Achehnese hostility to the Dutch,
I. 170, 171; their use of contemptuous
pronouns when speaking of the Dutch,
I. 171; the Dutch concentration policy,
I. 177; friends of the Dutch among the
Achehnese, I. 189; Si Ujut as the typical
"Dutch infidel", II. 81—88. See also
references to Dutch policy in the Hiko'
yat Prang Gdmpeuni^ II. 100 — 1 1 7.

dugdm: when a child can ''lie on its face
and hands", — a measure of an infant*s

age, I. 394-
dung-heaps: I. 36.
'dur6€: thorn, I. 376, 377.
dusOn:^ country, countrified, boorish; I,

24, 145.
dwellings: 1. 34—44.
dyeing: II. 64.
dysentery: {bidh\ I. 415, II. 48.

«^ mal6: lacquer-sediment, II. 37.

h^ meujadi : first excreta preserved as a me-
dicine, II. 49. Also e* mula jadL

ear-boring: see **boring".

earring: (subdng\ I. 29.

Ebeunu Ake : name of a treatise on Arabic
grammar, II. 7.

eclipses: II. 285, 286.

education: see ''learning", "instruction",
and "students".

eClia: a saint, I. 165, II. 134.

eh: the pole connecting the yoke and the
plough, I. 261.

elders: see ureueng tuha,

elephantiasis: {untdt\ II. 51.

eleumeiS: the learning of Islam, II. i;
knowledge of magic lore, I. 280, II. 32 —
58; E. knibay. the science of invulne-
rability, II. 34—38; E, peuet blaih\ "the
fourteen sciences", II. 58. E, peurasat:
the science of physiognomy, II. 41. E,
phay, divination by the use of books,
II. 41. E, saW \ unorthodox mysticism,
II. 13, 32, 281. E, sihe: witchcraft, II.
33. E, tuba\ the law of poisons, II. 46.

Eseukanda Muda: Sultan of Acheh, A. D.
1607 — 1636; I. 4. 5; his conquests, II.

81. Better known as Meukuta Alatn,

EseutambQy: Istambul or Constantinople,
I. 208.

euC: boundary of land, II. 196, 197, 199.

Eulenspiegels : II. 70 — 73.

eumpang: a rice-sack, I. 272.

EumpeiS B116ng: a personified well, II. 285.

Eumpie Lulu: a haunted mountain, I. 51;
traditions connected with it, II. 284.

eumpiCng: parched rice, I. 400.

eump6€: weeds, I. 263.

eumpung: fowl-run, I. 37.

eunchlCn: ring, I. 30, 327. E, gilP', a spe-
cial thumb-ring, I. 357.

eungk6ng: the coconut monkey, II. 207.

eungkat: fish, I. 30, 31.

euntat mampleuiS: wedding, I. 337.

eunti€ liS: an evil spirit of the sea, I.

euntuiS*: a collar of golden knots (worn
by a bride), I. 308.

fables: their character, II. 69; part played
by the mousedeer, II. 70; by the native
Eulenspiegel, II. 70 — 73; books of fables,
II. 158 sqq.

face ache: II. 52.

fairs: I. 237, 242.

family: {kaw9m\ I. 44, 45; the royal fa-
mily, — see "princes",

fast: the fasting-month, I. 195, 228 — 236;
its expiatory character, I. 239.

fatlhah: the first chapter of the Quran, I.

73, n. 253.

feasts: marriage feasts, I. 320; religious
and seasonal feasts, see "festivals"; fu-
neral feasts, I. 429, 430. See also kanduri.

fences: I. 35^ 36.

festivals : (a.) religious festivals : the achura^
I. 202 — 206; the rabu abeh^ I. 206, 207;
the feast of Tuan Meurasab^ I. 217,
218; the Kanduri apam^ I. 219; the
Kanduri Aja Eseutiri^ I. 219; the Kan-
duri bu^ I. 221; the malam beureu'at^
I. 222, 223; the three days preceding
the annual fast, I. 224 — 228; the feast
of Teungku Anjdng^ I. 235; the night
of Qadar^ !• 235 ; the. uroe raya^ I. 237 —
241 ; the sacrificial feast of the Hajj,
I. 242;

INDEX

361

(b.) seasonal festivals: the kanduri

blang or field kanduri^ I. 259, 260; the

kanduri bungong lada^ I. 260; the kan-
duri Id'dt^ or fishermen^s feast, I. 284.
fever: {deumam Bud si;ue'''Sfu^uem)^ I. 415,

II. 48.
fiddles: see *^ violins**,
fights: by men for amusement, II. 198;

between animals, II. 210 — 215.
fines: their infliction, I. 103, 113; their

recovery, I. 115.
finger-rings: I. 30, 327.
fire-arms: I. 27.
fire- works: (kuta bungong apuy\ I. 245,

II. 268.
fishermen: I. 280 — 284.
fishing: seasons, I. 275; traps and ponds,

I. 276, 277: lines, I. 279; nets, I. 280;

superstitions, I. 280, 281 ; dues to local

chiefs, I. 283, 284.
flageolets: (bangsi\ II. 258.
floats: for fishing, I. 278.
flowers: as ornaments, I. 241, 309. See

also bungong,
flutes: (suUng\ II. 258, 259.
food: things eaten, I. 30, 31; preparation

of food, L 30, 31, 41; special festival

dishes, I. 31, 32.
foreign elements: in Acheh, I. 19, 48.
foreigners: their presence, I. 17, 19; their

treatment, I. 128, 129.
forty-four: special value attached to this

number, I. 264, II. 55.
four: special value attached to this number,

I. 47, 105.
Fourteen Sciences: II. 58.
fowl-runs: I. 37.
fowls: I. 37.
Friday: its observance; the service, I. 80;

prohibition of labour, I. 261, 280.
fruit: I. 31.
frying-pans: I. 40.
funerals: see "disposal of the dead".
fUmiture: of the house, I. 34—44; of the

mosque, I. 82; of the meunasah^ I. 63.

gacha: henna, I. 303, 426.

gaki: foot, I. 29; step, rung, I. 39.

gala: mortgage, I. 291.

galagarO : sort of aloe-wood, II. 56.

gambe: gambler, I. 32.

kambling: I. 241, 244, II. 209.

games: see ''pastimes".

gampet: a measure of husked rice, I. 159.

gamp9ng: village-community, I. 58—80.
G, Jawa\ a village of Kutaraja, I. 24,
73, II. 90, 96, 228; G, A/ifM/di^» : another
village, II. 98.

gancheng: bolt, I. 43.

ganja: hashish, II. 53*

ganti: an important drug, II, 52, 57.

gant6€: succession, turn, II. 211.

gapu: sirih-lime, I. 32.

gardens: I. 259, 260, 286.

gasay: truss, I. 267.

gaseng: (a.) playing-top, II. 190;

(b.) keys of a violin, II. 260.

gata: a familiar form of address used be-
tween equals, I. 135.

gatheuiS*: (a prawn?), II. 159.

gat6': ankle, II. 196.

gengg6ng: a musical instrument, II. 258.

g^: good, II. 275.

geu: a respectful personal pronoun, I. 171.

geuchi': a variant of keuchP^ ^< v.; I. 68.

geudQng: closely packed in cloth (of a
child); I. 386.

geudubang: kind of sword, II. 237.

geudumba': a kettle-drum, II. 260, 261.

geumeuchiiS' : to shriek, I. '427.

geundrang: a sort of drum, I. 398, II. 40,
259, 260. G, and*: as peungand'. G.
ckanggue^: * frog's drum", — a kind of
rattle, II. 190.

geuneug6m: a coop for catching fish, I. 276.

geunteut: an evil spirit, I. 410.

geureuda: the Garuda of Vishnu, II. 127,
135, 146, 149, 233.

geus6ng: a foul-smelling insect destructive
to padi, I. 266.

geutah: vegetable sap, II. 52.

geutu€: a tree-name, II. 200.

Ghazali: a great Moslem teacher, II. 9.

gigdC: tooth, teeth. G. asee: canines, I.
400. G. dikeui: front-teeth, I. 400. G,
g/an/eue: thunder-teeth, — a name given
to prehistoric stone implements, I. 413.

glanggang: a fighting-ring or arena, II.
79, 211, 212.

glayang: a boy's kite, II. 191.

glem : a fruit ; the star in the tail of Scorpio,
I. 248.

362

INDEX

gleu€ng: bangle, bracelet, anklet, I. 29, 308.
glima: ^pomegranate", a pattern, II. 64.
glinggang: cassia alata^ II. 50, 52.
gliwang: a klciuang^ I. 27.
glQng : a cylindrical piece of metal to steady

dishes, I. 322.
glum: a skin-disease, II. 38, .50.
Glumpang Dua: name of a village, II. 100.
glundOng: a tree-name, I. 36.
glutinous rice: I. 31, 32, 46, 78.
g6: (a.) plough-handle, I. 261;

(b.) a playing-stick, II. 194.
g6ga8i: a forest giant, II. 135; 136, 140.
goitre: 1. 412.
goldsmiths: II. 65.

gQmpeuni: European authorities; I. 13.
gongs: II. 265. See also chanartg.
gonorrhcBa: I. 415, II. 52.
government: see "authorities".
Great Acheh: its limits, I. i.
greetings: see **salutations".
grQng-grOng: a pipe through a river-bund,

I. 277.
gruphu€ng agam and gruphuiSng in6ng:

names of medicinal plants, II. 52.
guchi: jar, I. 38, 39, 412; knot, callosity,

I. 412.
guda: bow from which violin-strings are

strung, II. 260.
guerillas: I. 176, 177.
guha: a hole for throwing refuse out of a

house, I. 38.
guli: cooked vegetables, I. 30, II. 53.
gunde': a secondary wife, I. 360.
gun6ngan: a peculiarly shaped building

at Kutaraja, II, 59, 63, 238.
gur^e: teacher, II. 4.

ha': a generic name for payments of the
nature of fees or contributions ; e. g. :

ha" bathe', the return of half the dowry
if the wife dies within a certain period;
I. 364, 431;

ha^ chupeng: marriage-fee paid to a
keuchP^ I. 66;

ha"* gancheng\ deposit in a suit for debt,
I. 116;

ha" katib\ = ha^ ckuping^ I. 66, 342;

ka^ praU\ succession-duty, I. 96,

434i 438;

ha'' sabi\ contributions to the "holy
war", I. 180;

ha'' ieuleukin: fee for a burial service,

I. 74, 428.

haba: a name given to stories or accounts
of past history (A. jameun) or old insti-
tutions {hadih maja\ II. 68, 69; also to
animal fables, II. 70; to Eulenspiegel
stories, II. 70 — 73 ; and even to romantic
fiction when it is taken for truth, II. 123.

habib: a title given to Sayyids, I. 155.

Habib: the Habib par excellence, Sayyid
Abdurrahman Zahir^ I. 23, 32, 76, 155,
158 — 164, II. 105, 107; his policy, I.
161, 163, 164; his jurisdiction, I. 161,
162; his enemies, I. 162, 163; his ab-
sence from Ach^h at the outbreak of the
war, I. 173, his return, I. 174, his sub-
mission, I. 175.

Habib of Samalanga: I. 181—183,11.116.

Habib Seunagan: an unorthodox religious
teacher, II. 14.

Hadih: the Hadlth or Sacred Tradition,

II. 23, 32.

hadih maja: see haba\ II. 43, 68, 69.

halh: an ell; I. 244, 425.

hair-dressing: see "dressing".

Ijajj: the pilgrimage to Mecca, I. 193,
242 ; zeal for it among Indonesians, II.
305—308.

haji: (a.) a pilgrim to Mecca, II. 308,309;
(b.) the month duU-h^jah^ I. 195.

hakikah: a sacrifice offered up for a child
on the seventh day after its birth, I. 384.

haleuba: fenugreek seed, II. 56.

haleuiS meuiS: proof by finding stolen pro-
perty in the actual possession of an ac-
cused, I. 105.

halia: ginger, I. 30.

balua: sweetmeat, I. 340.

ham^h: Thursday, I. 195.

Hamzah Pansuri: a pantheistic mystic, II.
13, 19, 20, 180.

hana adat : irregular, of a marriage ; I. 328.

hana git: morally wrong, II. 275.

hangings: {tirc\ I. 41.

hantu buru: an evil spirit, I. 387.

harab meulia, or haram lia: a royal title,
I. 120.

harah thOn: the letter of the year; I. 197.

hareubab: a native violin, II. 260, 261.

hashish: II. 53.

INDEX

363

hatam: recitation of the Qaran in chorus,

I. 284.

hatib: a mosque official, I. 85.

haunted trees: I. 410, 412.

head-dress: caps, I. 26, 27; kerchiefs, I.
27, 28.

hekeumat: powers of withcraft, I. 414.

henna {gacka\ I. 303.

herbs: (medicinal), II. 55 — 58.

hernia: I. 415, II. 51.

hibat: gifts for religious purposes, II. 321.

hiSm: riddles, II. 67.

highland: {tunong) I. 24, 25, 45.

highlanders: I. 24, 25; their dress, I. 25 —
30; their food, I. 30 — 325 their fanati-
cism, I. 33.

hikayat: its characteristics, II. 77; the
hikayat ruhe^ II. 78 — 80; the romantic
poetic hikayat^ II. 121; its character, II.
121; its connection with Malay, II. 121,
122; its Indian origin, II. 122, 123;
native belief in its historical accuracy,

II. 123, 124; its locale, II. 124, Acheh-
nese classification of poems, II. 124. For
list and names of hikayats see ''Literature.**

himb^: a species of ape, II. 143.

Hindus: their traders in Ach^h, II. 17.

hinggu: asafoetida, I. 386, II. 56.

hisab: calculation of the commencement of
the lunar month, I. 196.

history: lack of data for early history, I.
16; early history of the kawdm^ I. 48
sqq. ; of the ul^ebalangships, I. 90, 91;
of offices such as that of the /Caii maii-
kon adi^ I. 97 — 100; history of the Sul-
tanate at the outbreak of the war, I.
145 — 151; of the religious forces in
Ach^h, I. 153—158; of the Habib, I.
158 — 164, 173; of other leaders, I. 173 —
187; history of Mohammedanism, v. Is-
lam, Sources of history: the sarakata\ I.
4, 5, 9; existing institutions when studied,
I. 15, 16.

Hok Canton: a trading ship seized by
the Achehnese, II. 113, 114.

horses: their treatment, I. 37.

house: see ''dwelling". Its component parts :
I. 38 — 44; its moveable nature, I. 42;
its instability, I. 42, 43; its erection, I.

43, 44.
house-platforms: {para\ I. 42.
hukQm: religious law; its conflict with

adat^ I. 14; the native view that it is
supplementary to adat^ I. 14.
hydrocele: [burdt\ I. 415, II. 51.

Ibrahim Mans5 Shah: Sultan, A. D. 1858—
1870; I. 33, 135, 190.

icha: evening prayer, evening; I. 200.

idang: a dish ready for serving up, I.
211, 321.

^iddah: a period during which a widow or
divorcee may not marry, I. 368, II. 274.

i€ : water. /. asam (tamarind juice) : a lotion
for small-pox, II. 47. /. babah mirah\
sirih-slaver (used medicinally), II. 50. /.
y^*: aren vinegar, I. 39. /. krttei: lime-
juice, II. 284. /. mata duydni "duyong's
tears", a fabulous specific, II. 53.

IS LeubeuC: a village-centre of student
life, II. 26.

igeu€: a fine bamboo used in flute-making,
II. 258.

ija: (generically) scarf. /. bajee\ clothring:
I. 433, /. peukrengi a towel, I, 74^ 428.
Lpinggang', a waist-band, I. 25. Lplangg%\
a ceremonial scarf, I. 392, II. 40. /. sawd*\
a shoulder-cloth, I. 28. /. simpid*'. a
bride^s scarf, I. 308, /. tdb ulee'. a head-
cloth, I. 28.

ijma^ : the general consensus of Islam, II. 8.

ikay: a bracelet, I. 308.

imeum : history of the office, once religious
(I. 82), now secular and hereditary (I.
84, 85); the mosque-i/n^tf/n and his duties,
I. 85; powers of the territorial imeum^
I. 86, 87.

Imeum of Lu€ng Bata: a fighting-chief, I.
173, 174, II. 105, 107, 108.

Imeum peu<$t : name of a tribe, 1. 49, 51, 57.

incantations: II. 46.

Indrapuri: a village, II. iii.

industrial art: stone-cutting, II. 59; archi-
tecture, II. 59 — 63; weaving, IL 63, 64;
gold and silver work, II. 65; carving
and pottery, II. 65.

industries: agriculture, I. 258 — 275; fishing,
I. 275—284.

infidels: hostility of Moslems to infidels, I.
167; Achehnese views on the subject, I.
168— 171, 175.

364

INDEX

ihflammatiohs : their treatment, II. 52.

inheritance: law of inheritnnce, I. 438.

inong: ^mother'*, clump (of seedlings), I.
265.

institutions: (political) their antiquity, I.
4, 10, 15, 16, 45.

instruction : in the QurSn, II. 3, 4 ; ele-
mentary instruction, II. 4; in Malay, II.
5; higher studies, II. 5, 6; comparison
with studies in Java, II. 6, 7 ; the study
of Arabic grammar, II. 7, 8; of law, II.

8, 9; of dogma, II. 9; of mysticism, II.

9, 10.

interest: on money, I. 292.

interpretation: of dreams, 11. 42, 43.

intoxicating liquors : indulged in by Acheh-
nese of the better class; I. 33.

invulnerability: I. 236; chaims to secure
it, II. 34—38.

iron: superstitions regarding iron; II. 34.

Iskandar Thani: Sultan, A. D. 1637; 1. 4.

Islam: imported from India, I. 17; its at-
titude towards magic and sorcery, II. 33;
towards religious war, I. 166 — 168, II.
336, 337, 347—35 >; its influence on
Aohehnese character, I. 168 — 172, and
on the artistic sense, II. 65; European
misconceptions of Islam, II. 269 — 272;
differences between theoretical and prac-
tical religion, II. 272 — 275; influence of
local custom in creating such diflerences,
II. 275 — 277 ; superficial nature of con-
versions, II. 277 — 279; lack of obser-
vance of religious requirements, II. 279,
280; comparison of Indonesian Moham-
medanism with that of other races (a.) as
regards doctrine and saint-worship, II.
281 — 303; (b.) as regards the remaining
four ** pillars" of Islam, II. 303 — 314;
(c.) as regards domestic law, II. 314 — 319;
(d.) as regards trade-laws, II. 319 — 321;
(e.) as regards Governments and the ad-
ministration of justice, II. 321; discussion
of the future of Islam, II. 338 — 351.

Ja': to walk; ^able to walk*^ as a measure

of a child^s age, I. 394.
Ja' ba bu: = yV me bu,
ja Bat^C: = Td' Batce,

Ja KariChg: a sacred tree, I. 51, 417; II.

286, 287.
ja' me bu: "rice^bringing", — the name

of a ceremonial visit, see :I. 372.
Ja Sandang: name of a tribe (Jiawdm)\ I.

49, 50, 51, 52, 57, 58.

ja' w66: "go home", — an exorcism to

the burdng^ I. 382.
jacket: see bajee,
Ja'far al-Barzanji: author of a maulid ^

I. 212. :.».

jagOng: maize, I. 260.
jaheuS': birth feet foremost — esteemed

lucky, I. 374.
jakeuCt: tithes, I. 268—271; their distri-
bution, I. 268 — 271; observance of the

rules, II. 309, 310.
jalo: a type of boat, I. 278.
jam: hour, I. 199.
jamadO akhe: the month jumadaU'Cikhir^

I. 195.
jamadO away: the monih juma(id*i'awwal^

I. 195.
jambQ: hut, I. 79, II. 258. y. chandw,
. opium shed, I. 32. >

jamilen: name of a tune; I. 243..
jampS': a night-bird, IL 42.
jang: a fish-screen or weir, I. 278.
janggay: harsh, discordant (of rhyme or

metre), II. 75.
janggot jen: a lichen, usrtfa barbqta'^ IL

50, 57.

Janth6€ : a frontier village of Great Ach^h,

I. I.

jara: cummin, II. 47. y. put£h\ id. II. 56.

y, itam\ seeds of nigella saliva^ II. 56.

y. kusaMi\ caraway seed, II. 56. y, ma-

fieh\ focniculum panmorium'^ II. 56.
jars: {gucht), I. 37, 39; (tayeuen) I. 39.
Jauhar Alam Shah: Sultan, A.D. 1802—

1824, I. 190.
javelins {kapa")^ I. 27.
jen: spirits, genii, I. 236, 409—^416; y,

apuy\ an evil ignis fatuus^ I. 412, 413.
jeu'a: dung-heap, I. 36.
jeu€: casting-net, I. 277 — 279.
jeu'e€: winnowing-basket, I. 2, 272, 411;

II. 44.
jeu6m: == jam,

JeumalOy: ruler of Ach^h, A.D. 1703 —

1726; I. 5, II. 89—99.
jeumeu'ah: Friday, I. 195.

INDEX

365

ieuulpa: the champaka flower, I. 241, 309.

Jeompban: small cakes, I. 237.

Jeanadah : an ark borne in burial and other
processions, I. 425, II. 266.

Jeaneuldfig: a vertical stake to which a
small fish-trap {bubiH) is attached, I. 276.

Jeongki: rice-pounder, I. 36, 272.

Jeura: «■ jara.

Jeoreang^: a medicinal plant, acorus cala-
mus\ I. 386, II. 58.

Jettnimiah: name of a treatise on Arabic
grammar, II. 7.

Jewellery: anklets, I. 29; finger-rings, I.
30, 327; thumb-rings, I. 357; necklaces,
I. 29 ; earrings, I. 29, 308 ; golden bosses,
I. 308 ; chain bracelets, L 29 ; clasps, I.
30, 309; metal collars, I. 29; bracelets,
I. 29, 308; bangle anklets, I. 308; hair-
ornaments, I. 308, 309; forehead-plates,
. L 308; and head-ornaments, I. 317.

Jhang: a form of sympathetic magic, I. 415.

Jih: a familiar . and. rather contemptuous
pronoun, I. . 171.

Jihld: *Holy War", — use of tithes for
the purpose, I. 270; the doctrine of the
Holy War, II. 336, 337, 347—351.

jinam^: wedding-gift, I. 339; accession-
. gift, I. 116.

juara: trainer (of fighting-cocks),' II. 79,
212 — 215.

Juhan Shah: Sultan, A. D. 1735—17^;
L 190.

Julh: a section of the Quran, I. 430, II. 4.

jttlab: purgatives, II. 48. '

jamuju: seeds of carum ccpticum^ II. 56.

jongka' : a kind of draughts, II. 200.

jure€: inner room, I. .35, 38, 41, 43, II. 44.

jurOng: a gampdng path, I. 35, 59.

justice: its administration; I. 94, loi.

kachang parang : carnavaliq gladiata^ II. 56.

kacha: catechu, II. 57.

kafir: infidel, I. 7, 14. See also kaphe.

kala : the constellation Scorpio, I. 247, 248.

kali: the office, L 93; its ditties, I. 95,
96; its jurisdiction, I. 93-T-96; the kali
malikdn adc^ nature and history of the
oflice, L 97 — 100; the kali rahdm jale^
I. 98, 100; other kalis, I loi ; learning

not considered . essential in a ij/f, II. .23.

kaldn urat Jar60 : palmistry, II. 40.

kalulft: seclusion from the world, L 182,
II. 34> "6.

kamat: the last exhortation to. the dying,
I. 376.

kamu6: the white ant, II. 126.

kande : a large lamp in the meunasah^ I. 63.

kanduri: generic name for feasts: the k,
apam^ I. 219; the K» Aja Eseutiri^ I.
219; the k» bu^ I. 221; the k, blang^ I.
259, 260.; the k, bungong lada^ I. 260;
the k, la^dt^ I. 284; funeral feasts (i.
beuet bUy etc.), L 430, 432; feasts for
averting evil influences (k tuld^ bala\ I.
416; rain-making feasts, II. 285.

kanet: cooking-pot, I. 40, 275, 372.

kanji: porridge, gruel, I. 205, 206, 229.

ka^Oy: vow, I. 398.

kapa*: javelin, I. 27.

kaphan: winding-sheet, I. 421.

kaphe: « ^o,fir^ infidel, II. 81, 142.

kaphO: camphor, II. 45, 57.

kapulaga: cardamum, II. 57.

karalh: a state sirih-box, I. 210.

kareng: small dried fish, I. 30.

kasab : gold thread used in weaving, II. 63.

kateng: a rice-basket, I. 372.

katib: see ka^ katib,

kawe: a fishing line; varieties: k, darat^
1. 278; k, hue or k, tunda^ I. 278; k,
ladi^ I. 278; k, ranggdng^ L 279.

kawe chan: pain in swallowing, II. 52.

kawin gantung: a marriage the consumma-
tion of which must be postponed, I. 295.

kawOm: tribe, clan, I. 45 — 59; its present
non-territorial character, I. 45 ; tribal
chiefs, I. 46; the four tribes, I. 47 — 52,
57, 58; part played by the kaw9m in
blood-feuds, I. 53 — 57.

kawSy: a learned text, I. 160.

kay: a coconut-shell used as a measure, I.
272.

kayab: festering ulcers, II. 50.

ICaye€ Jat6<l: a village, I. 379.

kaye€ meujen: haunted trees, I. 410.

kerchief: see bungk^ihy ija and tangkuld\

keabeu€: buffalo, I. 357.

keuchi': a j^uM/^M^-headman, 1. 61, 64 — 70;
his position, I. 65 ; his sources of income,
I. 66, 67 ; his authority, I. 68 ; his power
over marriages, I. 70.

366

INDEX

keud^: shops. I, 289, 291.

keudundSng: a tree, I. 36.

keujruCa: a title of low rank, I. 92.

Keumala: the residence of the Pretender-
Sultan, I. 129.

keumbay budi: paper-images to amuse in-
fants, II. 190.

keumamani: stockfish, I. 30.

keumeu : unhusked rice opened by roasting,
I. 387, 416. Also heumeung,

keumude€: a wood used in dyeing, II. 64.

keuneurukam: incense-resin, II. 57.

keundng: (a.) conjunctions (of Scorpio with
the moon), I. 248; theire use in compu-
ting time, I. 248 — 258;
(b.) smooth, of metre or rhyme, II. 75.

keundng e': a form of insult, I. 325.

keun6ng srapa: afflicted by a curse, 1. 414.

keupula: a tree-name, II. 52, 200.

keureuja: the wedding-feast, I. 326.

keureukOn: secretary, I. 124, 125.

keureuyay : edging of a baju [baje't^ 11. if.

keusab chut and keusab ray«tt^: nanes of
medicinal plants, II. 52.

keutan: cakes of rice-flower, I. 397,

khalifah: (a.) a Calipli or successor of
Mohammed, II. 324, 326 j

(b.) a mysticteacher*s deputy, II, 18,

251.

khul^: divorce purchased by the wife from
the iMisband, I. 370.

kiblat: the direction in which Mecca lies,
I. 247, 426.

kima: a large shell-flsh, II. 301.

kinayat: a form of proof of a theft, I. 105.

kisah: the narrative part of a sadati per-
formance, II. 227 sqq.

kitab: religious books, I. 288, II. 5.

kitchens: I. 38.

kite-flying: II. 191*

Kl^ng: Kling, I. 19.

kleuSng: a kite (II. 126), the cry of which
is believed to be ominous, II. 42.

kleumba': perfumed oil, I. 307.

kleumbu: mosquito-net, I. 41.

klewang: the well-known heavy Achehnese
sword, I. 27.

Klibeulft: a place in Ach^h, II. 120, 233.

Klings: trading in Achih, I. 17; recogni-
zed as foreign settlers, I. 19, but some-
times absorbed into the population,
I. 48.

Kluang: the West Coast limit of Great

Ach^h, I. I.
k&h b6h: circumcision, I. 398.
kdh gig6e: tooth-filing, I. 400, 401.
kdh pusat: cutting the navel string, I. 376.
kOmkOma: saffron, II. 52, 57, 177.
kd66: the cry of an owl; its significance,

II. 41.
Korinchi: settlers in Ach^h, I. 297.
kra': a portion of a fish-screen, I. 278.
kramat: '^miraculously revealed as Um cfbo-

sen friend of God'', sacrosaMt; I. 141,

II. 301, 302.
kran: chafing dish, L 41.
krandam: a box toft ifffh-lime, I. 42.
krani p6tett: deffct to the Sultan, I. 124.
kreundft: eoAs, I. 422, 426.
krikay: n small tray, I. 40.
krtfl^r storehouse for rice, I. 272.
kmfng: river, I. 34, 276. K. Kala (II.

98, 230), K, Raba (I. 161, II. 98, 107),

K, Ray a (I. I, II. 96), and K, Sabe

(II. 112): places in Achih.
Icrumbu: bonfire, II. 268.
krunchOng: anklet, I. 308.
kuala: river-mouth, I. 8. Wase k,\ a toll

on ships entering rivers, I. 117.
Kuala Acheh: the port of Acheh, I. i, 2.
Kuala Bat^: a place in Pidie (Pedir), I.

142, II. 91.
kubu kramat: tomb of a saint, I. 390.
kude: a skin-disease, I. 415. K, buta\ id.,

11. 31.
kudi: a roll of cloth, I. 407.
kudrang: a wood used in dyeing, II. 64.
ku6*: a kind of bird, II. 72.
kuku6': cock-crowing, I. 200.
kulam: mosque* tank, I. 393; meunasah-

tank, I. 71.
kulat: toad-stools, I. 414.
kulet-kaye€: '^bark'*; certain cloth-fabrics,

I. 25.

kulet-lawang : a bark, cinnamomum culit

lawan^ II. 56.
Kulet manih: cinnamon, II. 56.
kulet salasari: bark of alyxia stellata^

II. 58.

kumeun: mites believed to cause small-
pox, II. 47.
kumukSVh: a fruit, II. 190.
kumunJSng: visits of condolence, 1. 424,433.
kunde: chignon, top-knot, I. 28.

INDEX

367

kuny^t: tunneric, II. 47.

kupala: a village headman under the Dutch,

II. 109, no.
kupiah: cap, I. 26, 27, II. 232.
kurab: ringworm. I. 21, 415. AT. beusoe: a

variety of the disease, II. 38.
kurangan : a subdivision of the main theme

in a poem; II. 77.
kurubeuSn: sacrifices, I. 243 — 245.
kuta bungdng apuy: fireworks, bonfires;

I. 245, II. 268.

Kuta Kandang: scene of a fight in the

Ach^h war, II. 115.
Kutakarang: see Teungku Kutakarang,
Kutaraja: the capital of Acheh, I. 205,

II. 109.

kutika: a table of lucky days, II. 85,
86, 212.

laba sihareukat: joint acquisitions of hus-
band and wife, I. 365, 366.

labu: pumpkin, II. 35.

lada puteh: white pepper, II. 56.

lada si-chupa' : a historic cannon, I. 208, 209.

ladang: hill- planting, I. 266; rights over
ladang plantations, I. 285, 288.

ladles: II. 289.

lage£: time, in metre; II. 75, 211, 223,
225, 232, 233.

Lam Bada (II. 108); Lam BaruSh (II. 98,
115); Lam Beusde (II. 112); Lam Bhu*
(I. 24, II. 98); Lam Leu'dt (I. 54);
Lam Nydng (II. 229); Lam Panarh
(I. 50, II. no. III, 238); Lam Paya
(II. 230); Lam PuchC (II. 230); Lam
Sayun (I. 125); Lam Seupeu6ng (I. 24);
and Lam Teungdh (II. 105): villages in
Acheh.

lam tunang: b meutunang,

lampSng: float, I. 278.

lamps: see kande and panyot,

lanchang: sacrificial boat, I. 417, 418.

langay: plough, I. 261, 262.

Langga, and Langgd: villages frequented
as centres of learning, II. 26.

langgeh umdng : a method of levying fines,
I. 115.

Iangkueu6h china: root-stock of alpinia
galanga^ II 56.

lape' pusat: fee to a midwife, I. 376.
lape' surat: the wrapper of a certificate of

divorce, I. 369.
lareuS: a method of planting out rice-
seedlings, I. 266.
law: (a.) Criminal Law: as to blood-money
and they'i/j talionis^ I. 56; manslaughter,
and bodily hurt, I. 102 — 104; theft, I.
104 sqq.; adultery, I. no — 114;

(b.) Customary Law : conflict between it
and religious law, I. 14, II. 175 — 277;
Achehnese views of the conflict, I. 14;

(c.) Civil Law: the right to cleared
land, I. 285 ; its loss by non-cultivation,
I. 286; transfer by inheritance, I. 287;
law as to sales of land and cattle, I.
288, 289, II. 320; law as to leases, I.
289; rules regarding mortgage and inte-
rest, I. 290—292, II. 320; evasions of
the prohibition of money-lending, I. 292 —
294; law of inheritance and distribution
of effects, I. 434 — 439 ; religious bequests
and gifts, II. 321 ;

(d.) I-aw of Procedure: procuring evi-
dence by torture, I. 109; suits for debt,
I. 115, 116; recovery of sums due, I.
115, 116; rules as to deposits, I. 118;

(e.) Law of Evidence: proof of theft,
I. 105; of adultery, I. 108 — 112;

(f.) Law of Persons : rights over slaves,

I. 21; marriage laws, I. 328 — 358; di-
vorce laws, I. 367 — 370;

(g.) Religious Law: its conflict with

custom, I. 14, II. 175 — 277.
le: ureu'eng le\ the Pleiades, I. 257.
lead: for fishing, I. 278.
learning and science: II. i — 65; orthodox

religious studies, IL I — 10; mysticism,

II. 10 — 20; state of learning in Acheh,
II. 20—23; schools and student-life, II.
23 — 32 ; advantages of religious learning,
II. 25, 31, 32; magic and sorcery, II.
32 — 58; industrial arts, II. 59 — 65.

leases: I. 289.

legends: of a sixteenth century embassy to
Turkey, I. 208, 209; of Tuan Meurasab,
I. 217, 218; of the religious value of
apam cakes, I. 220; of the origin of the
tribe Ja Sandang^ I. 50, 5 1 ; of the origin
of the PoUm family, I. 133; of the ori-
gin of the burong^ I. 378 — 382; of a
Teuku who shrieked in his grave, I. 427 ;

368

INDEX

of the wars with Malacca, II. 8i — 88;
' of Eumpie Lulu^ IK 284; of the conver-
sion of the Achehnese by Teungku di-
Kuala, II. 310 — 312.

leube: explanation of the title; I. 71, 219,
II. 312, 313; alms given to the leube^ I.
216, 233. Z. Isa: author of the Hikayat
Rnnth^ II. 120. Z. Saman: a name given
contemptuously to Teungku Tiro I, 183.
Z. Peureuba". a man to whose miscon-
duct the origin of the burdn^ is attri-
buted; I. 378.

Ieu£*: the' ground-dove, I. 39; used as a
fighting bird, II. 211, 215, 241.

Ieu6n: courtyard, I. 36, 308.

leuhS : the early afternoon prayer, I. 199, 200.

leujeu: eel, II- 161.

leuki: a skin-disease, II. 36.

ieumbe: a haunted variety of the liana, I.
411, II. 197.

Itusong: a rice-mortar, I. 272, II. 200.

Ihafh: the process of thinning out the
sprouting padiy I. 263.

Ihat: crevice, I. 42.

lhe€ : three. Z. reutdih : name of a tribe,
I. 49. Z. krd' pineueng masai* : the triple
divorce, I. 369.

lhea€: the nursery-bed in rice-cultivation,
I. 263.

Ihd: to stamp, to thresh, I. 268.

LhS': bay or bight, I. 283. Z. Glumpang'.
a place in Ach^h, II. 112, w^, L, Kruei',
id., I. 114. Z. Ngai id., II. lib. Z.
Seumawi'. id., I. 133.

Ihdm: a freshwater fishpond, I. 277.

life: childhood, I. 383 — 400; early married
life, I. 323, 356 — 358; sickness and death,
I. 412 — 418; student-life, II. 23 — 32.

like: the dikr or religious chant, I. 165,
284, II. 186.

likSt: the back-yard of a house, I. 36.

lingkeuS: a husband stepping over a preg-
nant wife — a superstitious practice,

I. 374.
linie: the '*line" of Dutch fortified posts,

I. 130-

lists: of the stars known to the Acheh-
nese, I. 247 ; of medicinal simples, II.
55 — 58; of Achehnese literary works,
see ^ literature^'; of Achehnese saints, 11.
292 — 299.

literature: (a.) kinship between written and

unwritten literature, II. 66, 67 ; proverbs,
II. 67; riddles^ II. 67; learned treatises,
II. 67, 68; stories, II. 68; traditional
history, IL 68, 69; fables, II. 69 — 73;
the metrical system, II. 73 — 75 ; poetic
license, II. 75; styles of recitation, II.
75; poetry, II. 76—78;

(b.) list of works of which a short
account is given : (i.) legends, etc., (^t-
kayat' ruhe): the Hikayat plandd^ katt"
cAij II. 70; the I/t, guda^ II. 79; the
'Ht, leumo^ II. 79 ; the Hi, urtu'eng Jawa^
II. 79; the Ht, Phdi Amat^ II. 79; the
Ht. Po Jambbe^ II. 80;

(11.) epic hikayats; the MaUm Dagang^
II. 80—88; the Pbchut Muhamat^ II. 88 —
100; the Prang Ginipeuni^ II. 100 — 117;
the Ht, ranto^ II. 120, 1 21; the MaUm
Diwa^ II. 125 — 128; the Eseukanda Ali^
II. 129 — 131; the Nun Parisi^ II. 131 —
133; the Banta Beuransah^W, 134 — 137;
the MaUm Diwanda\ II. 137 — 139; the
Ht, gajah tujdh ufee^ II. 139; the Ht,
Gumba^ Mtuih^W, 140, 141 ; the Cham
Nadimany II. 141, 142; iht Banta A ma t^
II. 142; the Putroi Baren^ II. 142, 143;
the Banta Ali^ II. 143—145 ; the Jndra
Bangsawan^ II. 145 — 147; the Chak Ku-
baty II. 147, 148; ihe /ndrapatra^ II, 148;
the Diwa Sangsarek^ II. 148,- 149; the
Chin Tabukan^ II. 149 ; the Diu Plinggam^
II. 150; the Kamarddaman^ II. 150; the
Meudeuka\ II. 151, 152; the Pka Suasa^
IL 152, 153; the Sulutan Bdseutaman^
II. 153 — 155; the Ckut Gambang Ckina^
II. 155; the Diwa Akaik Ckaya^ II.

155—157;
(ill.) animal fables : the plandd" kancki^

II. 158—162; the Nasruan Ade\ II.

162—165;

(iv.) religious legends anterior to Moham-
med: the Ht, asay pade^ II. 166; the
Ht, masa jeu'ct ddnya^ II. 167 ; the Nabi
Usdky II. 167; the Pra'un^ II. 168; the
Raja ydmjdmaky II. 169; the Tamlikka^
II. 169, 170; the Put rot Peureukhysdn^
II. 170, 171;

(v.) religious post-Mohammedan legends;
Ht, Nubuety II. 171, 172 ; the Raja Bada^
II. 173; the Prang Raja Kkiba^ II. 173;
the Seuma^un,^ II. 173, 174; the Nabi
meuchuho^ II. 175; the Me^reu'ct^ II. 175;

INDEX

369

the Printa'ik Salam^ II. 175, 1765 the
Ht, peudeu'ing^ II. 176; the Soydina Usen^
II. 176, 177; the Muhamat Napiah^ II.
177; the Tamim Ansa^ II. 177 — 179;
the Abu Sama'ih^ II. 179; the Soydina
Amdah^ II. 179; the Rateb Inong^ II.
179, 180; the Oteubahoy rdlam^ II. 180;
the ideurih Khdlam^ II. 180; the Ht,
hnyake iujoh^ II. 180; the ///. palilat
uroe Achura^ II. 180, 181 ; the Dari^ II.
181; the Kisah Abdolah Hadat^ II. 181;
the Surat Kriman^ 11. 181 — 183;

(vi.) books of instruction: tujdh kisah^
II. 184; tambihdy ifisan^ II. 184; tambih
tujoh bla'ih^ II. 1 84, 1 85 ; tambihdy ra-
pilin^ II. 185, 186; menhajdy abidin^ II.
186; Ht, md'ripat^ II. 186, 1 87; Ht,
Habib Hadat^ II. 187; Ht, meunajat^ II.
187; sipheuct dua pldh^ II. 188; teukeu-
meunan^ II. 188; nalam Cheh Afarduki,^
II. 188, 189; akeubard karim^ II. 1 89;
nalam jawb'e^ II. 189, Ht, basa jawoe\
II. 189.

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