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T R A \J ^ I \ T t- t > 

the late A. W. S. OSULUVAN 



vou II. 

Ute E. J. DRI I.I. 
LkYDKN, igc/i 




Moino- Mim.liunidni nihil <i mc alit- n r^ putc 


\\ HIITTON 4' 4 i^^'*'^'^*^^ ^^^ 

1 1 \\\ PI 1 ►■ -•• 








P m 




Adviser for Native Affairs, Tfetherlands India, 



the late A. W. S. O'SULLIVAN 

Assistant Colonial Secretary, Straits Settlements, 




Inspector of Schools, Federated Malay States, 


Latk K. J. BRILL 
LEY DEN, 1906. 





f, JL^ 


S'N-^V "^x \ .^-■^"»^V .. ■». X. ■», 

E. J. lirill, publikhcra and printers, Leyden. 



Chapter I. Learning and Science; Pp. i — 65. 

(i) The practice of the three branches of Mohammedan teaching and 
its preliminary study in Acheh ; p. i. (2) The heretical mysticism and 
its antagonists; p. 10. (3) Present level of learning in Acheh; p. 20. 
(4) Schools and student life; p. 23. (5) Branches of knowledge not 
appertaining to the threefold learning of Islam; p. 32. (6) Art; p. 59. 

Chapter II. Literature; Pp. 66 — 189. 

(i) Introductory; stories; forms of written literature; p. 66. (2) The 
Hikayat Ruhe; p. 78. (3) Epic Hikayats; p. 80. (4) Original treatises; 
p. 117. (5) Fiction; p. 121. (6) Tables relating to animals; p. 158. (7) 
Religious works; — pre-Mohammedan era; p. 165; (8) Idem; — Moham- 
medan era; p. 171. (9) Idem; — books of instruction and edification; p. 183. 

Chapter III. Games and Pastimes; Pp. 190 — 268. 

(i) Various games of young and old; p. 190. (2) Games of chance; 
p. 208. (3) Ratebs; p. 216. (4) Music; p. 267. (5) Processions and 
popular feasts; p. 265. (6) Hikayats; p. 268. 

Chapter IV. Religion; Pp. 269—351. 

(i) Introduction; p. 269. (2) Doctrine, popular beliefs, worship of 
saints, oaths; p. 281. (3) The remaining four "Pillars of Islam**; p. 303. 
(4) Domestic Law; p. 314. (5) Laws relating to trade and business; 
p. 319. (6) Government and the administration of Justice; p. 321. (7) The 
future of Islam; p. 338. 

INDEX; Pp. 353—384- 


Vol. II, p. 


























19, note 2: ,j-iji, j-ij^y, read: ,j^l, ,j«i^. 
35, note I: Telong, read: T^ldng. 

47, line 4 from below: sreng, read: sreng, 

48, last line : sakH, read : saket, 

75, line 24: onomatapaeiCt read: onomatopoeic. 

76, line 15 : tabung- 1| ka^ read : tabungka || . 
87, line 26: Z^', read: /A^'. 

106, title of the picture: the Loueng Bata, read: Lueng Bata, 

108, line 23: Teuka, read: Teuku. 

121, line 20: catastrophe read: catastrophe, 

125, line i6: Panjang, read: Panyang. 

133, line 35: Parig, read: Pareh, 

135, line 18: grurenda, read: geureuda, 

135, line 19: /la^tf, read: w^j^^. 

145, note I, line 2: Hague, read: Hague, 

145, note 4, line i: Kajangan, read: Kayangan, 

\J^6, line 9: worke, read: works, 

204, line 2 from below : games, read : games ^). 

206, line II from below: apparation, read: apparition, 

206, line 34: survives, read: survive, 

208, note 2 : /^ Malays, read : /A^ Malays, 

208, note 2, line 3 : sevenholes, read : j^2;^'« A<9/^j. 

216, line 3: <?« certain, read: <?« ^ certain, 

223, line 33: rythmic, read: rhythmic, 

260, note I : r^bah, read : ribab, 

261, line 6 from below: ^Z /A^ j^w^ //>«^, read: ««rf «/ M^ 

262, note : TC^A^ iveard, read : zi;A^ wears. 





266, 1 




273. 1 




277. 1 




t) * 




288, 1 




293. 1 




300, 1 




326, 1 




330, 1 




334. 1 




338. 1 




338, 1 




340, 1 




34'. I 




343. ' 

nc 21: ;//d7/' o;/, read : ;;/^//'o;/. 

no 13: undoubledy read : undoubted 

ne 1 2 : utterances, read : utterance. 

lie 14: before\ read: before-. 

ne 20: accounts^ read: account. 

ne 7 : from below : ////^, read : ////A'. 

ne \y\ foreignesSy XQ:?L.di\ forei^^ners. 

ne 2 from below : contries, read : countries. 

ne I : mainedy read : maimed. 

ne I : ;/<?T£/, read : ;/^;. 

ne 1 2 : /Av self development , read : //tv self -development. 

ne 13: extent y read : extent. 

ne 2 : repuirementSy read : requirements. 

ne 19: prevails, read: prevail. 

ne 12 from below: indent ified, read: identified. 



§ I. The practice of the three branches of Mohammedan 
teaching and its preliminary study in Acheh. 

In Acheh, as in all countries where Islam prevails, there is, properly The learning 
speaking, but one kind of science or learning (Ach. Heunie'c^ from the 
Arabic Hlfnu)^ embracing all that man must believe and perform in 
accordance with the will of Allah as revealed to his latest Apostle 
Mohammad. It has in view the high and eminently practical purpose 
of enabling man to live so as to please God, and opening for him the 
door of eternal salvation. Beside it, all other human science is regarded 
as of a lower order, and serving merely to the attainment of worldly 
ends, both those which are permitted and those which are forbidden 
by the sacred Law. 

In Mohammad's time and for a little while after, this single branch 
of knowledge was very simple and of small compass. The historical 
development of Islam, however, very soon produced dissent and brought 
new doctrines into being, so that the encyclopaedia of Mohammedan 
lore attained very respectable proportions, and the teachers were com- 
pelled in spite of themselves to concentrate their powers on single subjects. 

To gain some insight into the encylopaedia of Mohammedan learning 
we must examine the chief features of the history of its composition. 
These I have already sketched in the introduction to my description 
of learned life in the Mecca of to-day '), so it need not be repeated 
here. It is enough to recapitulate those branches of Mohammedan 
learning which are to some extent practised in Acheh. 

l) Mekka, Vol. II pp. 200 — 214. 

The beginning of all learning for every properly educated Moham- Elementary 
medan is the recitation of the Quran (Ach. beuet Kuruan), In this less (Quran-reci- 
stress is laid on understanding the contents of the book than on Nation). 
correctly intoning the Arabic sounds. This elementary instruction only 
gives practice to the ear, memory and organs of speech; the rules for 
recitation contained in the pamphlets on the science of tajzvld and 
impressed viva voce on their pupils by the teachers of the Quran are 
worked out in very fine detail. 

What the pupil attains in his Quran curriculum, is the capacity to Results of 

1 1 • rill • ' 1 r t • 1 'y ^^ Qiiran-in- 

recite correctly the portions of the holy writ required for his daily siruction. 
prayers. He is also able eventually to chant upon occasion extracts 
from the sacred Book according to the strict rules of the art, by way 
of a voluntary act of devotion. Besides this, the non-Arab learner gains 
an intimate acquaintance with a strange and difficult system of sounds, 
and thus acquires in passing some knowledge of phonetic science. 

Those who pass through the Quran-school are able, so far as they 
do not speedily forget what they have learned, to read the Arabic 
character with the vowel sounds; but unless they extend their studies 
further, this does not enable them to read Malay, or even Achehnese 
written in Arabic character. 

There are thus even among the higher classes very many persons 
who know little or nothing of reading; and the art of writing is still 
less widely disseminated. I have often heard Achehnese declare that 
they found it much more of a burden than a pleasure to be able to 
write. Personally they may seldom require to exercise their skill in 
writing; but every one who wants a letter or other document written 
betakes himself as a matter of course to his expert fellow-villager, and 
even seems to think he has a claim on the latter's good-nature for the 
supply of the requisite stationery. 

We have already noticed the part played by this elementary in- 
struction in the education of the Achehnese *). The organs of speech of 
the latter, like those of the Javanese, experience great difficulty in 
reproducing Arabic sounds. Thus all the purely Achehnese teachers 
who have not been grounded in the art of recitation under the strict 
instruction of a foreigner, diverge to a vast extent from the Arabic 
gamut of sounds. Their nasal pronunciation of the W;/ they have in 

i) See Vol. 1, p. 396 ct seq. 

common with other Indonesians, but the pronunciation, for example, 
of an accented ;/ or an as r/> '; is peculiarly Achchnese. Here, as in Java, 
thcv: national peculiarities have of later years begun to disappear, 
since many of the best teachers are now schooled in Mekka. The 
lesser pandits learn of these or of professional Egyptian Quran reciters, 
who occasionally make a tour through Acheh. 
rour«;/T of When the pupil has practised the Arabic character with the aid of 
Ihr^ii^an.'" '* woorlen tablet Huh), he is given the last of the 30 portions (\ch. juih) 
of the Quran, written or printed separately, and recites this under the 
guidance of the teacher (ureueng pumubeiict or guree). This portion is 
calhrd juih ama (^; from its initial word, and that which precedes it 

jmh taha from the first two syllables of its initial word ^^Lo). In the 
curriculum the jtiih taba comes after the juih ama, and it is not till 
he has spelled out (fiija) and chanted both of these to the satisfaction 
i)i his teacher, that the pupil begins the recitation of the whole Quran 
from the fatihah, the Mohammedan Lord's Prayer^), to the end of the 
I f4«l» Surah, 
rjfimr i'\v.' Those who are content with a minimum of further study, that is to 
"iMHnon '" ^'^y almrjst all girls and most boys, next proceed to learn the absolute 
<:ssentials u{ religious lore from a small catechism, which we shall met 
with Iat<;r on, in Achchnese prose and verse, in our description of their 
lit<!ratur<.' (n"'' X(!I to XCVII). They arc also exercised cither by word 
of mouth or with manuscript to guide them, under the supervision of 
parents r)r schoolmasters, in the performance of the ^\q daily ritual 
prayers (Acli. scumayang) prescribed for all Mohammedans. 

The majority acquire this indispensable knowledge simply by imitation 
of what they see and hear others do. Those who employ documentary 
aid are not .'is a rule content with the Achchnese works. They read 
under proper guidance Malay text-books such as those named Masailah 
and IHdayah, which treat in a simple manner of the absolute first 
principles of religious doctrine and of the religious obligations of the 
Moslim. The teacher (male or female) must however explain it all in 
Achchnese, since a knowledge of Malay is comparatively rare in Acheh. 
A work such as the rhyming guide to Malay (sec n^ XCVIII of the 

I « > }b « 

1 ) Kor oxampU*, loohi ^ ^^-J > ktcluhu = KJy^ etc. 

2) 'I'lic Achchnosc call the first of the thirty divisions of the Qunln aicuham from the 

opening syllables of this first chapter («A4>s^)* 


Achelinese works enumerated in the next chapter) serves simply to 
make it easy to remember the words most required. 

The part played by Malay in Acheh in the acquisition of religious Indispen- 

. 1 r" 1 sability of a 

learnmg is almost the same as that assumed by Javanese in the Sunda knowledge of 
country. An Achehnese who desires to learn something beyond the laneuace* ^for 

first elements of doctrine and law finds Malay indispensable. Even the more advan- 
ced study in 
few popular manuals in his own tongue bristle with Malay words, while Acheh. 

reliable renderings of authoritative Arabic works, which are fairly 

numerous in Malay, are entirely wanting in Achehnese. 

Thus those who, without actually devoting themselves to study, still 
take pleasure in increasing their religious knowledge so far as time and 
circumstances allow, learn Malay en passant as they read. This, they 
must do in order to be able to understand even the simplest "kitab." 
A Malay kitab is a work derived or compiled from Arabic sources; as 
a rule only the introduction, the conclusion, and a few passing remarks 
are the work of the "author", the rest being mere translation. 

There is a superabundance of Malay kitabs of this description. One, 
the Qirat al-mustaqlm, written in Acheh by a non-Achehnesc pandit 
of Arab origin from Gujerat, just about the period of Achch's greatest 
prosperity, before the middle of the 17*^ century, is still much in 
vogue, though later Malay works on the law of Islam have now begun 
to supersede it. 

Not a few Achehnese, whose position demands that they should 
devote themselves to study, rest content with the perfunctory perusal 
of some such Malay kitabs, as these suffice to enable them to officiate, 
say as teungku mennasah ') or even as kali\ But though such may be 
called leubc or malem **), or even alem in times and places where there 
is a scarcity of religious teachers, they are never known as ulama, for 
this name is reserved for the doctor who can enlighten others on matters 
connected with the law and religious doctrine with some show of 

To be able to lay claim to the title of doctor it is necessary at least What is 
to have studied, under competent guidance, some few authoritative ukma.^ 
Arabic works on law and doctrine. To reach this end the Achehnese 
employ a method different from that which has since ancient times 

i) See Vol. I, pp. 70 — 75. 

2) Vol. I, pp. 93 — 102. 

3) Vol. I, p. 71. 

been followed by the Javanese and Sundanese, — a method which 
certainly appears more rational, but which is on the other hand so 
fraught with difficulties, that most of those who adopt it lose courage 
long before they attain their purpose. 
Difference Thus in Java the preparatory subjects (Arabic grammar etc.) so in- 

ijetwecn tnc 

methods of dispensable in theory arc left in abeyance and often not practised till 
instruction in j.]^^. very end. The pupil after bein^j grounded in a few elementary 

vo^uc in Java * o <^ j 

andinAcheh. manuals is immediately introduced to the greater Arabic text-books. 

These he reads sentence by sentence under the guidance of a teacher 
who probably knows as little of Arabic grammar as his pupil, so that 
if he makes no serious mistakes in vocalizing the Arabic consonants, 
he owes it to his good memory alone. After each sentence is read, the 
teacher translates it into Javanese; the language employed of course 
differs greatly from that of daily life, as it is a literal rendering of the 
Arabic text, dealing with learned subjects and leaving technical terms 
untranslated as a rule. It is only the similarity of these subjects one 
with another and the unvarying style of the writers that assist the 
pupil in committing to memory the text [lapat) *) and translations 
[mana or logat) *). The teacher follows up his word-for-word translation 
with an explanatory paraphrase {tnurad) '), designed to make the 
author's meaning comprehensible. 

Strange as it may appear, diligent students attain in the end so 
much proficiency by this curious method, as to be able to translate 
from Arabic into Javanese simple text-books. They are of course liable 
to gross errors, and even their vocalizing of the Arabic words is seldom 
entirely accurate. Much depends on the comparative age of their tradi- 
tions in affairs of grammar. Where for instance their teacher or their 
teacher's teacher was well grounded in grammar, they are likely to 
pass on the text in a more uncorrupted form than if it had been for 
a long time past transmitted from the memory of one to that of his 

The chief reason why the patience of the Javanese students does 
not become exhausted in this process, is that they feel the sum of their 
knowledge augmented by each lesson. They take a pleasure in the 
consciousness of having read the authoritative text {lapal) in the original 
and this they would miss did they like the great majority limit them- 

i) Arab. Jai! — (j^«^ — '^ — v>'^. 

selves to the reading of Javanese works. The subsequent literal trans- 
lation {logat or ma'na) removes all doubt as to the meaning of the 
Arabic words, and the explanation [murad) makes the matter digestible 
and capable of being applied. 

The other method of instruction which has during the last thirty or Gradual mo- 

r f 11 • t • T 1 nT 1 1 dification of 

forty years gradually gamed supremacy in Java under Mekkan and the method in 
Hadramite influence, is more logical, but requires much greater patience J^^** 
and perseverance. It takes several years for the Indonesian to learn 
enough Arabic to enable him to begin to read a simple learned work 
with some degree of discrimination. This preparation costs him no little 
racking of his brains, the results of which he cannot hope to enjoy 
for a long time to come. 

The Sundanese follow the same system as the Javanese, but with 
this additional difficulty, that the language into which the translation 
is made (Javanese) is strange to them, and that only the exposition 
{murad) is given them in their own tongue. 

This method, which in Java may still be called new-fashioned, appears 
to have been in vogue in Acheh for a long time past. It is only those 
who do not really devote themselves to study who employ the elemen- 
tary Malay books, just as the Sundanese under similar circumstances 
avail themselves of Javanese works, or even of those written in their 
own tongue. But the student in Acheh begins by struggling through a 
mountain of grammatical matter. 

First comes the science of inflexions, sarah or teuseureh (Arab, garf The study of 
or tagrxf\ for which are employed manuals consisting chiefly of para- y^^\^^^^^ 
digms, especially that known as Midan (Arab. Mlzdn). These are fol- 
lowed by a number of widely known works on Arabic grammar [nahu), 
which are generally studied in the order given below. The Achchnese 
names are as follows, the Arabic equivalents being given in the note ^) : 
Awam^f yeurumiahy Matamimah^ Pawakek, Alpialt, Ebeunu Ake. 

It must be borne in mind that the Achchnese have the same diffi- Difficulties of 
culty to overcome as the Sundanese, since for them too the text-books ^^g^ method! 
are translated into a foreign language, the Malay. Thus we can easily 
understand how the majority of students in Acheh fail to complete 
what we might call the preliminary studies (known to the Arabs as 

aldt or "instruments"), by the correct handling of which one may 
master the principal branches of religious learning. 

The popular verdict on the numerous scholars who have got no 
further than the Alpiah, yet are wont to vaunt themselves on their 
learning, finds expression in the verse which passes as a proverb among 
the Achehnesc : •* Study of grammar leads only to bragging, study of 
the Law produces saints" '). On the other hand a certain reverence 
lurks in the idea that prevails among the ignorant, that he who has 
studied the nahu is able to comprehend the tongues of beasts. 

Besides the grammatical lore, there are also other ** instruments", 
branches of learning subsidiary to the study of the law and of religious 
doctrine, but in no Mohammedan country and least of all in Acheh 
is the acquirement of these considered an indispensable prelude to the 
more advanced subjects. Such are for example the various subdivisions 
of style and rhetoric, arithmetical science (indispensable in the study 
of the law of inheritance), astronomy, which assists in determining the 
calendar and the qiblah, and so forth. These subjects are indeed taught 
in Acheh, but they occupy no certain place in the curriculum gene- 
rally adopted ; the time spent on them depends very much on the 
pleasure of the students and the extent of their teachers' knowledge. 
Main object The main purpose of study should be, properly speaking, the know- 
^* ledge of Allah's law as revealed through Mohammed in the Quran and 
in his own example {Sitiniah)^ and as in the lapse of time (with the 
help of Oiyas or reasoning by analogy) confirmed and certified by the 
general consent [Ijina^) of the Moslim community. With the students 
or teachers of to-day, however, the knowledge of this law cannot be 
ac(|uired by the study of the Quran and its commentaries together 
with the sacred tradition as to the acts [sunnah) of the Prophet. For 
such direct derivation of religious rules from their original sources a 
degree of knowledge is required which is at present regarded as quite 
beyond the student's reach. He has to restrict himself to the authori- 
tative works in which the materials are moulded and arranged according 
to their subjects. In these studies each is bound to follow the law- 
books of the school [madhab) to which he belongs, although he must 
also recognize the full rights of the three other schools to their own 
interpretation of the law. 

i) E/euml'c tiahtt — Ic bcurakah^ clcumcc plkah — U cclia. 

Applying this principle to Acheh, wc arrive at the conclusion — a Authoritative 
conclusion fully justified by the facts — that the chief objects of study 
in that country are the authoritative Shafi'ite works on the learning 
of the law (Arab, fiqhy Ach. pikah). As these books are the same in 
all Shafi'ite countries, and the choice of any particular one of them 
does not affect the subject-matter of study, I consider it superfluous to 
give a list of this //>&^A-literature. I confine myself to observing that 
Nawawi's Minhaj attalibm (Ach. Menhbt) and various commentaries 
thereon such as the Fath al- Wahhab (Ach. Peuthoivahab)^ the Tuhfah ') 
(Ach. Tupali) and Mahalli (Mahali) enjoy great popularity. 

The Usuy {UfUl or Ta7v/ild), i. e. "doctrine", is next in importance study of 
to the Pikah, Both branches of learning are studied simultaneously; °S™^' 
the former may even precede the latter if circumstances so require. 
The differences of the four schools or madhabs exercise no influence 
on this score, as they do in regard to the interpretation of the law. 
Thus even in a Shafi'ite country preference is by no means always 
given to such Usul-works as have Shafi'ites for their authors. 

In Acheh the same works arc employed for this branch of study as 
in other parts of the Archipelago, and especially those of Sanusi with 
their accompanying commentaries. 

The great Moslim father al-Ghazali (ob. 1 1 1 1 A. D.) describes the study Mysticism, 
of the law (Ach. Pikah) as the indispensable bread of life of the be- 
lievers, the dogmatic teaching [Usuy) being the medicine which man- 
kind, threatened with all manner of heresy and unbelief, is constrained 
to use as preventive and as cure. Lastly he considers mysticism (Arab. 
tafawwuff Ach. teusawoh) the highest and most important element in 
man's spiritual education, since it serves so to digest the bread of life 
and the medicine, that a true knowledge of God and of the community 
of mankind with the Creator may spring therefrom. 

Many works on the law and on dogma contain here and there 
mystic points of view, but expressly mystic orthodox works are also 
studied in Acheh. 

Yet these works on mysticism cannot be said to be popular in The more 
Acheh. As we know, a sort of heretical mysticism found its way into ^f ^ygticilm 
the E. Indian Archipelago simultaneously with the introduction of 

i) The Tuhfah and the Nihayah are the authoritative works par excellence for the 
Shafi'ites. Where the two agree, departure from their common tenets is prohibited, where 
they differ, the later commentators decide the question. 

lO - 

Islam, and still continues to exercise a great supremacy over men's 
minds, in spite of influences originating directly or indirectly from 
Arabia. There can be no doubt — numbers of written documents 
testify to it — that this mysticism was brought hither by the pioneers 
of Islam from Hindustan. The most important works on mysticism in 
vogue in the Archipelago were penned by Indian writers, or else are 
derived from a body of mystics which flourished in Medina in the 17th 
century and which was strongly subject to Indian influence. To this 
body belonged Ahmad Qushashi, ') whose disciples became the teachers 
of the devout in Javanese and Malayan Countries. 

Many of these Indian authors and also Qushashi and his disciples, 
represent a mysticism which though regarded by cautious and sober 
doctors of the law as not exempt from danger, is still free from actual 
heresy. Behind this orthodox mysticism comes another, hardly disting- 
uishable from the first on a superficial view, but which by its unequi- 
vocal pantheism and its contempt for sundry ritual and traditional 
elements of Islam, has incurred the hatred of all orthodox Mohammedans. 

§ 2. The Heretical Mysticism and its Antagonists, 

Heretical The heretical mysticism, of which there are numerous distinct shades, 
mys icism. j-^^jj j^^j.^^ ^^ -^^ India, on fruitful soil, and nothing but the persecutions 

which orthodox theologians occasionally succeeded in inducing the 
princes to resort to, were able to thrust this pantheistic heresy back 
to narrow limits. 

This latter sort of mysticism has this in common with the orthodox 
kind, that it finds in man's community with his Maker the essence 
and object of religion, and regards ritual, law and doctrine merely as 
the means to that end. Many of the representatives of this mysticism 
almost at once forsook the orthodox track and embraced the belief 

i) We shall shortly give further particulars in regard to this remarkable personage. For 
the present let it suffice to observe that the ^sa/asi/n/is^^ (i. c. spiritual genealogical tables, 
the **chains" of mystic tradition) of the most celebrated mystics in the Archipelago up to 
about 50 years ago generally have as their starting-point this Ahmad QushSshi of Medina, 
who in his turn counted many natives of India among his spiritual ancestors. The great 
saint of Acheh, Shaich Abdurra'uf of Singkel, now called Tcungku di Kuala from the fact 
that he is buried near the mouth of the Acheh river, was a zealous pupil of Ahmad Qushashi- 


that other means than those mentioned above also lead to the desired 
end, and that those who live in community with God are already here 
on earth raised to some extent above ritual and law; the religious 
teaching of these is entirely different from the official sort, and is at 
most connected with the latter by arbitrary interpretations and by 
allegory. Most of them also so conceive the community with God, that 
the distinction between the creature and the Creator is lost sight of. 

This pantheism is set forth by some authors in the form of a philo- 
sophy; others — and these are the most popular — describe it in 
mysterious formulas and in sundry comparisons, based on a play on 
words or numbers. They illustrate, for example, the doctrine that every 
part of creation is a manifestation of the Creator's being, by pointing 
to the higher unity in which move harmoniously the four winds, the 
four elements, the four chief components of ritual prayer, the four 
archangels, the four righteous successors of Mohammed and the four 
orthodox schools of jurisprudence. Now as with man the four limbs 
correspond with the four great inspired books and the four sorts of 
quahties of God, so we see how among other things this ever-recurring 
number four demonstrates the unity of the whole of God's creation. 
It is the task of mysticism to awaken in man the consciousness of this 
unity, so that he may identify himself alike with God and with the 

The almost universal influence formerly enjoyed by this sort of mys- 
ticism is shown by the vast number of manuscripts to be found among 
the Indonesian Mohammedans, proclaiming this teaching with the aid 
of pantheistic explanations of orthodox formulas, allegorical figures with 
marginal notes, arguments etc. To this it may be added that while 
varying greatly in detail, they are entirely at one in their main purpose. 

This scheme of universal philosophy was (and is still, though in a Spread of 
diminishing degree) represented by those occupied in the study and mysticism 
teaching of the law, *) just as much as by the village philosophers and ,J^*^°1J^^°.^^ 
the spiritual advisers of the chiefs. Now it is obvious that these religious lago. 
teachers have never gone so far as to assume from the mystic unity 
of Creature and Creator the nulHty or superfluity of the Law. In their 

i) In Java for instance, many of these "primbons" or memorandum-books were given 
me by orthodox teachers of religion, who had inherited them from their fathers or grand- 
fathers (teachers like themselves), but set no store by them themselves, and were even a 
little ashamed of having them in their possession. 


opinion the fulfilment of this law was indispensable, although in practice 
fruitless for the majority of those who are in name believers, since 
they have not grasped the deep mystic significance of the ritual obser- 
vances and of the law in general. 

Others however go much further and assert that this complete con- 
sciousness of the universal unity is a universal sembahyang or prayer, 
which does away with the necessity for the five daily devotional exer- 
cises of ordinary men. Nay they sometimes go so far as to brand as 
a servant of many gods one who continues to offer up his sembahyang 
or to testify that there is no God but Allah, since he that truly com- 
prehends the Unity knows that ** there is no receiver of prayer and no 
offerer thereof;" for the One cannot pray to or worship itself. The 
Javanese put such philosophy in the mouths of their greatest saints, 
and among the Malays and Achehnese also, teachers who proclaimed 
such views have been universally revered since early times. 
Myhiicism From the chronicles of Acheh, portions of which have been published 

* A l« l« * 

the i6»i» and ^V ^^^' Niemann, *) we learn somewhat of the rcligio-philosophical life 
i7»»>ccniu- in Acheh in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. We see there that 


the religious pandits who held mastery in the country were not Acheh- 
nese, but either Syrians or Egyptians who came to Acheh from Mekka, 
or else natives of India, such as Raniri ^) from Gujerat. We also notice 

1) lUocmlczlufi uii Malcische ^fschriftcn^ 2nd edition, pp. m. — m • 

2) I cnnnut discover whether the Muhammad Jailflnl b. Hasan b. Muhammed Ilamid 
Kanfrl of the chronicles is actually identical with the man known as Nuruddin b. AH. b. 
Ilasanji I). Muhammad Raniri, or a younger relative of his. The latter name is mentioned 
in Dr. van der Tunic's essay on the Malay mss. of the Royal Asiatic Society (see Essays 
rdatini^ to Indo-China^ 2e series, Vol 11, p. 44 — 45 and 49 — 52). The man of whom 
Niemann speaks came to Acheh for the second time in 1588 and settled the disputed 
questions of the day in regard to mysticism \ the Raniri of Van der Tuuk resisted the 
mystic teaching of Shamsuddin of Sumatra (Pa.sei), who according to the chronicles edited 
by Niemann died in 1630, and wrote the most celebrated of his works shortly before and 
during the reign of (^)ueen Sapiaiddin Shah (1641 — 75). This would render the identity of 
the two very improbable, but the chronicler may have made an error in the date. The 
omission of the name Ali in the chronicle is in itself no difficulty, and the names Muhammad 
Jailani and Nuruddin may quite well have belonged to one and the same person; nay, in 
a Hatavian ins. (see Van den Herg's Vcrs/a}^ p. I, no. 3 and 9, no. 49 <•.) Nuruddin ar Raniri 
is actually also called Muhammad Jail.^ni. In the margin of an edition of the Taj-ul-mulk 
(see § 5 below) which appeared at Mekka in A. H. 131 1, is printed a treatise bearing the 
title />//</' ihaiq as-sama^vat wal-ardh. The author of this treatise is called Nuruddin bin 
Ali HasanjI, and in the Arabic introduction it is told of him that he came to Acheh in 
November 1637, and received from Sultan Iskandar Thani the command to write this book 
in March 1638. The dates given, however, in the Malay translation which immediately 
follows the Arabic introduction, arc quite different from the above! 


that what the Achehnese of that day specially desired of their foreign 
teachers was enlightenment on questions of mysticism, as to which 
much contention prevailed. 

The best known representatives of a more or less pantheistic mysticism Shamsuddin 
were a certain Shaikh Shamsuddin of Sumatra (= Pas^), who seems Pansuri. 
to have enjoyed much consideration at the court of the great Meukuta 
Alam (1607 — 36) *), and who died in 1630, and his forerunner Hamzah 
Pansuri. *) 

The orthodox opponents of this Indo-Mohammedan theosophy in a Persecution 
Malay dress won their wish under the successor of Meukuta Alam, who " 
at their instigation put the disciples of Hamzah to death, and had the 
books which embodied his teaching burnt. Many of these works, how- 
ever, escaped the flames, ^) and the princes and chiefs of Acheh were 
not always so obedient to the orthodox persecutors. Even to the present 
day Hamzah 's writings are to be met with both in Acheh and in Malay 
countries, and in spite of the disapproval of the pandits they form the 
spiritual food of many. 

In the language of the Arab mysticism, he who strives after commu- 
nion with God is a salik or walker on the way [tariqah) leading to the 
highest. Although these words are also used by most of the orthodox 
mystics, popular expression in Acheh has specially applied the term 
salik-learning [Heumyi sale) to such mystic systems as are held in 
abhorrence by the orthodox teachers of the law. 

About 30 or 40 years ago one Teungku Teureubue *) acquired a great 
celebrity in the Pidic district as a teacher of such Heum^e sale. Men 
and women crowded in hundreds to listen to his teaching. Even his 
opponents gave him the credit of having been extremely well versed 
in Arabic grammar, a thing we rarely hear of other native mystics. 
Yet the opposition which his peculiar doctrines excited among the 
representatives of the official orthodoxy was so great that they instigated 
Bentara Keumangan (chief of the league of the six uleebalangs) to 

i) See the Achehnese chronicles edited by Niemann, p. 'H , line 7. 

2) As to these two see Dr. Van der Tuuk\s essay pp. 51 — 52. That Hamzah belongs to 
an earlier period may be gathered from the fact that Shamsuddin wrote commentaries on 
some of his works. 

3) Hence I was able to obtain from an Achehnese a copy of the ^ -A» S jl, y »^' jV^ 
mentioned by Van der Tuuk. 

4) 5)o called after the gampong in Pidic where he taught; his real name was Muhamat 
Sa'it, abbreviated into It. 


extirpate the heretics. The teacher and many of his faithful disciples 
set a seal to their belief by their death. [Notwithstanding this, T. 
Teureubue found a successor in his disciple Teungku Gad6, also known 
as Teungku di Geudong or (from the name of the gampong where he 
lives) Teungku Tcupin Raya. In the centre of this gampong is the tomb 
of Teungku Teureubue, surrounded by a thick and lofty wall. The 
village is under the control of the teacher and is mainly peopled with 
his disciples.] 

llabii) Sen- No such violent end overtook the Habib ') Seunagan, who died some 

»Jiga». years ago. He derived his name from the scene of his labours on the 

West C\>ast to the South of Meulaboh. Before he had attained celebrity 

he was known as Teungku Peunado', after the gampong in Pidie where 

he was born. 

The teaching of this heretical mystic is known to me only from 
information furnished by his opponents, and therefore necessarily very 
one-sided. He is said to have disseminated the teaching of Hamzah 
]*ansuri, but the statements made regarding his interpretation of the 
Ouriin and the law show it to have been in no special degree mystical, 
although greatly at variance with the otlicial teaching. lie is reported 
for instance to have held that one might handle the Ouriln even when 
in a state of ritual impurity, and that a man might have nine wives 
at once, opinions anciently upheld by the Zahirites. *-) Me is also supposed 
to have had his own special conception of the qiblah (the direction 
in which the worshipper must turn his face in the daily ritual prayers), 
and a dissenting confession of faith, viz. ^ There is no (jod but Allah, 
this nal)ib is truly the body of the Prophet/'*^) 

Pidii- and some i)ortions of the West Coast, such as Susoh and 
Meulabnh, are still regarded as districts where the tV<7/;;//f" .sv/A" flourishes. 
I In Seunagan one Teungku di Krui-ng fob. 1902) may i)c considered as 
the spiritual successor of Habib .Seunagan.] 

Teungku ili After this digression we must now turn back for a moment to an 
earlier period, not with the view of giving a complete history of Acheh- 
nese theology, but to recall attention to a remarkable Malay, whom 

1) 'rhc wdhI Ifaliil* is hen- uscil in a son^o imii^^ual in Adirlwu'NC (soo vnl I p. 155) 
namclv in tbnt «if /"//.•'/./ («»f (mhI): II;i}»ili Sciin;i'';ui \v;\«; nut a snvviil. 

m • ' ' n 

2) Sec Die '/i'lh'nitcn l»y I>r. I. TioM/ilRT, I.iip/i{^ 1SS4: on p. 54 y^{ tliis wurk wc fin*! 
this view a'* lo llu* loiuliinj^ i»f the <^>uran. 

3) /../ ihihii iilii 'Ihih^ Hat'lh nyo? sah /'./././// //»//'/. 


we have already mentioned several times, ') and whose activity exhibited 
itself during the latter portion of his life in Achehnese territory. This 
was Abdurra^uf (Ach. Abdoraoh) of Singkel, known in Acheh as Teungku 
di Kuala, since his tomb, the most sacred in the whole country after 
that of Teungku Anjong, is situated near the Kuala or mouth of the 
Acheh river. 

In Van den Berg's Catalogue ^) of the Malay MSS. at Batavia 
collected by the late H. Von de Wall we find mentioned (p. 8 n°4i): — 

^jjk:^Ll^uJt 8 cV» ^ "A work on the confession of faith, prayer, and the 
unity (4XA^y) of Allah." 

These words very imperfectly indicate the contents of this Umdat 
al'tnuhtajm, of which I have also found a copy in Leiden ') and another 
in the Royal Library at Berlin, *) and have acquired a third by pur- 
chase. *) The book consists of 7 chapters (called faidaks), the chief aim 
of which is the description of a certain special kind of mysticism, of 
which dikr^ the recital of the confession of faith at appointed times, 
forms a conspicuous part. Still more remarkable than all this, however, 
is the chatimah or conclusion which follows these seven faidahs. In this 
the author, the Abdurra'uf just referred to, makes himself known to 
the reader and gives a short notice of his life as a scholar, together 
with a silsilah (or as the natives pronounce it salasilah) or spiritual 
genealogical tree, to confirm the noble origin and high worth of his 
teaching. According to this final chapter, Abdurra'uf studied for many 
years at Medina, Mekka, Jiddah, Mokha, Zebid, Betal-faqih etc. He 

i) V^ol I p. 390 and note on p. 10 above. 

2) Published al Batavia 1877. 

3) N» 1930. 

4) Numbered Schumann V, 6. 

5) Van den Berg appears not to have read further than the first page. 

6) Among the Malay MSS. which I collected in Acheh, is an abstract made by the 
author himself of his ^ Umdat al-muhtajin under the name Kifayat al'mtthtajln^ and also a 
short refutation of certain heretical dogmas prevalent in these parts in regard to what man 
sees and experiences in the hour of death. To support his teaching the writer appeals to 
a work of Molla Ibrahim (successor of Ahmad Qushashi) at Medina; of this work I possess 
a Malay translation by an unknown hand. 

Another famous work of this same Abdurra'uf is his Malay translation of Baidhawi's 
commentary on the Quran, published in A. II. 1 302 at Constantinople in two handsomely 
printed volumes. On the title page Sultan Abdulhamid is called "the king of all Mohamme- 
dans!" From this work we perceive among other things, that the learning of our saint was 
not infallible; his translation for instance of chap. 33 verse 20 of the Quran is far from 

II 2 




mentions no less than 15 masters at whose feet he sat, 27 distinguished 
pandits whom he knew, and 15 celebrated mystics with whom he came 
in contact. 

Above all others he esteems and praises the mystic teacher Shaikh 
Ahmad Qushashl at Medina. He calls him his spiritual guide and teacher 
in the way of God, and tells how after his death he (Abdurra'uf) 
obtained from his successor Molla Ibrahim permission to found a school 
himself. Thus after 1661 Abdurra'uf taught in Acheh, and won so many 
adherents that after he died his tomb was regarded as the holiest place 
in all the land, till that of the sayyid called Teungku Anjong somewhat 
eclipsed it after 1782. 

We noticed above (footnote to p. 10) that the mysticism of Ahmad 
Qushashl was disseminated in the E. Indian Archipelago by a great 
number of khalifahs (substitutes), who generally obtained the necessary 
permission on the occasion of their pilgrimage to Mekka. In Java we 
find innumerable salasilahs or spiritual genealogical trees of this tarlqah 
or school of mystics. In Sumatra some even give their tariqah the 
special name of Qushashite *); and it is only of late years that this 
Satariahy as it is usually called, has begun to be regarded as an old- 
fashioned and much-corrupted form of mysticism and to make place 
for the tarlqahs now most popular in Mekka, such as the Naqshibendite 
and Qadirite. 

I have called this school of Qushashl corrupt for two reasons. In the 
first place its Indonesian adherents have been so long left to them- 
selves, -) that this alone is enough to account for the creeping in of 
all manner of impurities in the tradition. But besides this, both Javanese 
and Malays have made use of the universal popularity enjoyed by the 
name Satariah as a hall-mark with which to authenticate various kinds 
of village philosophy to a large extent of pagan origin. We find for 
instance certain formulas and tapa-rules which in spite of unmistakeable 
indications of Hindu influence may be called peculiarly Indonesian, 

1) Ahmad (^ushfishi himself calls his tat'tqah the Shatlarite (after the well-known mystic 
school founded by as-Shattari) and points out that some of his spiritual ancestors also 
represent the (^>fulirite {aiiijah. In the K. Indian Archipelago also, Satariah is the name 
most in use to designate this old-fashioned mysticism. 

2) In Arabia the Shatlarite mysticism seems long to have fallen out of fashion; in Mekka 
and Medina the very name is forgotten. In British India it still prevails here and there, 
but as far as I am aware it does not enjoy anywhere a popularity which even approaches 
that which it has attained in Indonesia. 


recommended for use as Satariah often along with salasilahs in which 
the names of Abdurra'uf and Ahmad Qushashl appear. 

The work of Abdurra'uf is, however, in accord with orthodox doctrine, 
albeit his attitude has excited the jealous or envious sneers of many 
a pandit. 

It might cause surprise that the name of Abdurra'uf should appear 
in the salasilahs of QushashT's teaching not alone in Sumatra but also 
to a great extent in Java, since as a matter of fact both Javanese and 
Sundanese imported this tarlqah directly from Arabia. But apart from 
the possibility of Abdurra'uf's having initiated fellow-countrymen or 
those of kindred race before leaving Arabia, after he had received 
permission to form a school, we must remember that before sailing 
ships were replaced by steamers as a means of conveyance for visitants 
to Mekka, Acheh formed a great halting-place for almost all the pil- 
grims from the Eastern Archipelago. The Achehncse used to speak of 
their country with some pride as *the gate of the Holy Land". Many 
remained there a considerable time on their way to and fro, while some 
even settled in the country as traders or teachers for the remainder 
of their lives. ') Thus many Javanese may on their journey through, 
or in the course of a still longer visit, have imbibed the instruction of 
the Malay teacher. 

In the extant copies of his writings Abdurra'uf is sometimes described 
as ''of Singkel," and sometimes "of Pansur," but it is a remarkable 
fact that his name is almost always followed in the salasilahs by the 
words **who is of the tribe of Hamzah Pansuri" ^). I have nowhere indeed 
found it stated that Abdurra'uf expressly opposed the teaching of Hamzah, 
but the spirit of his writings shows that he must have regarded it as 
heretical. One might have supposed that under theSe circumstances he 
would at least have refrained from openly claiming relationship with 
Hamzah. The only explanation I can give of this phenomenon lies in 
the extraordinary popularity of the name of Hamzah, which may have 

i) As may weU be supposed, such sojourn was the reverse of favourable to the good 
feeling of the Javanese etc. towards their European rulers. An example of this in our own 
times was Teungku Lam Paloh, who died not many years since. He was a Javanese of 
Yogya, who married and had a family in Acheh, and without much claim to learning came 
to be regarded as a saint by a certain coterie. This presumptuous pretender to sanctity 
borrowed his name from the gampOng (within the "linie") where he had his abode. 

2) The expression is j^yOAJ »j4.s> (Jav. \j^ j^) {j^ji fJ. 


induced the disciples of Abdurra'uf to avail themselves of this method 
in order the better to propagate their own orthodox mysticism. 
Sleight disse- Abdurra'uf has undoubtedly had a great influence on the spiritual 
the other ta- ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Achehnese, though it is true that of such mystic systems 
"J^l^^s ^^ only certain externals (such as the repetition of dikrs at fixed times, 
and the honour paid to their teachers) are the property of the lower 
classes. But his works are now little read in Acheh, and adherents 
of a Shattarite tarlqah or school of mysticism are few and far 
between. The other tarlqahs, which in later times caused so great 
a falling away from the Satariah, cannot boast one whit the more of 
great success in Acheh. Perhaps the war is to blame for this, but 
without doubt the Achehnese adherents of the Naqshibandiyyah or 
Qadiriyyah are of no account as compared with those of West Java 
or of Deli and Langkat. 

On the other hand the tomb of Abdurra'uf continues to attract crowds 
of devout visitors, and it is made the object of all kinds of vows which 
are fulfilled by pious offerings to the saint. This tomb has become the 
subject of a characteristic legend which shows how little regard the 
Achehnese pay to chronology. 
Legend res- Some of them make out Abdurra'uf to have been the introducer 
durraW ' ^^ Islam into Acheh, although this religion was prevalent in the country 
at least two centuries before his time. Others make him a contemporary 
of Hamzah Pansuri and represent him as the latter's antagonist, as it 
became a holy teacher to be. The story goes that Hamzah had esta- 
blished a house of ill-fame at the capital of Acheh ; for no vice is too 
black to be laid at the door of heretics. Abdurra'uf made appointments 
with the women, one after another; but in place of treading with them 
the path of vice, he first paid them the recompense they looked for, 
and then proceeded to convert them to the true faith. 

§ 3. Present level of learning in Acheh. 

From the above remarks it may have been gathered that for more 
than three centuries the three chief branches of learning of Islam {Fiqh, 
Uful and Tagawwuf^ Ach. Pikah, Usuy and Teusaxuoh) and as a means 
or instrument to attain them, the Arabic grammar and its accessories 


have been practised in Acheh. There are just as many at the present 
day as in earlier times, who have reached a moderate degree of pro- 
ficiency in this triple learning, and the branch that is studied with 
especial zeal is the Law, which is also that of the greatest practical 
utility. Some gather their knowledge in their native country, others 
undergo a wider course of study in the Straits Settlements or at Mekka. 

Whether learning advanced or declined in Acheh during the historical Learning in 
period of which we have some knowledge cannot be definitely ascer- ^^^^^ ^^^^^ -^ 
tained. The fact that such an extraordinary number of Malay writings modern times, 
on the teaching of Islam appeared in Acheh during the i6th and 17^^^ 
centuries was merely the result of the political condition of the country, 
as that period embraces the zenith of the prosperity of the port-kings. 
Among the authors of these works or among the most celebrated 
mystics, heretical or orthodox, we do not find a single Achehnese 
name, but only those of foreign teachers. Learned Mohammedans have 
at all times sought countries where their attainments commanded solid 
advantages in addition to honour and respect. ') The activity of these 
champions, who fought their learned battles in the capital, had but 
little significance in regard to the scholarly or religious development 
of the people of Acheh. 

It may well be supposed that there were formerly as well as at the Value of the 
present time some teachers of Achehnese race who gave the necessary j^gs ^f 
enlightenment to their countrymen in Malay or Achehnese writings Achehnese. 
The fame of such works of the third rank, however, is not wont long 
to survive their authors *) ; and to this must be added the fact that 
they were always compiled to meet the requirements of a definite 
period and of a definite public. Pamphlets like those of Teungku Tiro 
or Teungku Kuta Karang, and books and treatises such as those of 
Cheh Marahaban (to be more closely described in Chap. II) will not 
be so much as spoken of half a century hence. 

There is one treatise in Malay apparently written by an Achehnese 

i) Even up to the present time teachers and exponents of mysticism occasionally come, 
chiefly from Mekka, to make a profit of their learning or their sanctity among religiously 
disposed chiefs in various parts of the country. 

2) The writings of Teungku Tiro (Cheh Saman) and of Cheh Marahaban, both of whom 
were (before the war) among the most highly esteemed teachers in the country, furnish us 
with a good gauge wherewith to measure the high water-mark of learning in Acheh. Like 
those of all their predecessors among their own countrymen, their productions have not the 
smallest significance or value outside the narrow limits of their own land. 


named Malcm Itam or Pakeh Abdulwahab 'j, in which are collected the 
principal rules of the law in regard to marriage, and the original of 
which is fully a century old. Another Achehnese named Mohammad 
Zain bin Jalaluddln, from whose hand there appeared in Malay an 
insignificant essay on a subordinate part of the ritual, -) and one of 
the innumerable editions of Sanusi*s small manual of dogma, 'j appears 
also to have been the author of a Malay treatise on the Mohammedan 
law of marriage, *} which enjoyed the honour of being lithographed in 
Constantinople in A. H. 1304 under the name Bad an-nikah (Chapter 
on marriage). I do not know in what connection this writer stands with 
Jalaluddin f= Teungku di Lam Gut, see p. 28 belowj who in A. H. 
1242 fA. D. 1826 — 27) wrote the Tambiho rapilin (see Chap. II, N®. 
lA'XXVl). It is probably due to chance that his works have not been 
consigned to oblivion like those of so many others. They are not 
specially marked by any redeeming traits and are also devoid of local 
colour, with the exception of an appendix two pages in length attached 
to Mohammad Zains Hab an-nikah, containing precepts designed to suit 
the requirements of Achehnese life. 

The most characteristic of these precepts concerns the taqtxd (Ach. 
teukenlit) i. e. resorting to the authority of the imam of the Hanafite 
school in respect to the marriage of a girl who is a minor and without 
father or grandfather. The object of the author is to give legal sanction 
to the peculiar Achehnese custom of the bale incudenhab, ^) 

The study of the teaching of Islam, of what is generally described 

\) I fintl no clear indication of the author's name in the three copies with which 1 am 
acquainted (Ht-Tlin Royal Library, Schumann V, 6, and Malay MSS. of the Leiden library, 
N"» 1752 and 1774). 

2) See Van den Berg's Versln^^ p, 7, N** 36. 

3) See Van den lierg's I'crslajt^^ pp. 8 — 9, N° 45. 

4J I cannot recall the source of this book, though I feel certain that 1 have heard or read 
of it; as to its having been written by an Achehnese, that is beyond all doubt. 

5) See Vol I p. 347 et seq. The passage in (|uestion runs as follows: CNj [J^^ i'\^ 
^U^J CJjJi^ <>>^i^ *^-*r^ c>ol V-A-J5 xJLscXa^ «dV^ ^j'Jb oU «j iib Jb ij 
^^^ jl vil:> q'j si>*;^^.^ s^^A^ c\3 (read-.y') ^^ sIa^Lq ^b ^1 rvJUli' 


as '^Mohammedan law", has not declined in Acheh, though it has 
received somewhat of a check during the disturbances of the past 30 
years. If such learning is of little value as a qualification for offices 
such as those of kali ^) and teungku meunasah '^), that is due partly to 
the adat which makes these offices hereditary, and partly to the fact 
that the chiefs do not want as kalis too energetic upholders of the 
sacred law, and to the reluctance of all true pandits to strengthen the 
chiefs' hands by pronouncing their crooked dealings straight. 

Such branches of study as commentaries on the Quran {Tafsxr^ Ach. Ornamental 
Teupeuse) or the sacred tradition (Hadithy Ach. Hadih) which in the study. 
earliest times of Islam formed the piece de resistance of all learning, as 
it was from them that the people derived their knowledge of the rules 
of law, have now become more or less ornamental, since the study of 
the law has been made independent of them. Such ornamental branches 
of learning are however highly esteemed even in Acheh. v Proficient 
teachers occasionally give instruction in them, but no one thinks of 
studying these until he has mastered the essentials of Pikah and Usuy. 

§ 4. Schools and Student Life. 

The student life of Mohammedans in the Archipelago would furnish student life, 
an attractive subject for a monograph. The pSsantrens of Java have 
indeed been described in a number of essays, but in these nothing is 
to be found but a superficial view of the question, which has never 
been closely examined. 

A capital and wide-spread error in regard to the schools of the No real 
Mohammedan religion in these countries is that they are schools of pj-j^^s! 
priests^). This is absolutely untrue; not only because there are no such 
things as Mohammedan "priests", but also because, even if we admit 
the erroneous term ''priests" or "clergy" as applied to the penguins, 
naibs, modins, ISbes etc. in Java, the pSsantr^ns cannot in any sense 
be regarded as training-schools for the holders of these offices. Most 

i) See vol I, p. 93. 2) See Vol. I, pp. 70 et seq. 

3) Van den Berg falls into this error in his essay : De Mohammedaansche geestel'tjkheid 
etc. op Java en Madoera (Batavia 1882) p. 22 et seq., and therefore expresses his astonish- 
ment at the fact that the pCsantrens in West Java are attended by women "although they 
cannot of course become candidates for any priestly office." 


of the p^ngulus and naibs (but not the so-called desa-clergy) have, it 
is true, attended a pfesantren for a time, but there are many who have 
entirely neglected suc.h instruction. What is still more striking, however, 
is the fact that the great majority of students in pesantrfens never think 
of competing for a "priestly" office; indeed it may be said of ninety 
per cent of the santri or students that they would be unwilling to 
fill such offices, and that they rather as a class view those who occupy 
them with contempt and sometimes even with hatred. 
Kyahis and As in Java so also in Sumatra and elsewhere relations are pro- 
pnguus. verbially strained between the gurus or "kyahi" (as they are called in 
Java) i. e. the non-official or teaching pandits, and the penguins and 
their subordinates, including those officials in other countries whose 
duties correspond to those of pSngulu in Java. 

Those who administer the Moslim law of inheritance and marriage, 
who control the great mosques and conclude marriage contracts, regard 
these kyahis and all belonging to them as a vexatious, quarrelsome, 
hairsplitting, arrogant and even fanatical sort of people; while these 
teachers and pandits, on their part, accuse the pengulus of ignorance, 
worldliness, venality and sometimes even of evil living. 

As we have already observed, by far the greater number of the 
students who frequent the phafitrbns or pondoks in Java, the suraus in 
mid-Sumatra, or the rangkangs in Acheh, is composed of embryo teachers 
or pandits, who disdain rather than desire office, or of those whose 
parents set a value on a specially thorough course of religious instruction. 
Such institutions could only properly be termed '^schools for the priest- 
hood" if we might apply the name of priest to all persons who had 
passed through a course of theological training. 
The students. In Acheh as well as in Java there are to be found among the students 
young men of devout families; sons of the wealthy and distinguished 
whose parents consider it befitting that some of their children should 
practise sacred learning; lads who study from an innate love of and 
impulse towards learning, to contradict which would be esteemed a 
sin on the part of their parents; some few who are later on to be 
pengulnst naibs ^ tcungkus of meunasahs or kalis, though fewer in Acheh 
even than in Java, since devolution of office by inheritance forms the 
rule in the former country; and finally those of slender means, who 
hope to attain through their learning a competence in this world and 
salvation in the next. 


However deep the contempt in which the malems and ulamas may 
hold the occupiers of the so-called "priestly offices," sold as these are 
to Mammon, yet they are not themselves without regard for the good 
things of this world, and are not slow to seize the opportunity of 
securing a fair share of the latter for themselves. 

Well-to-do people very often prefer to give their daughters in marriage, Advantages 
with a sufficient provision for their maintenance, to these literati^ who learning, 
are on this account viewed with marked disfavour by the chiefs both 
in Java and Acheh. All alike occasionally invoke their knowledge or 
their prayers in times of distress, and such requests for help are always 
accompanied by the offer of gifts. At all religious feasts — and we 
know how numerous these are in Native social life — their presence 
is indispensable, and their attendance is often actually purchased by 
gifts of money. There are thus numerous opportunities for profit for 
the ulama or malem, quite apart from the instruction they give, which 
though not actually ''paid for" is still substantially recompensed by 
those who have the requisite means. To this must be added the honour 
and esteem liberally accorded to these teachers by the people, who 
only fear the ''priesthood" (wrongly so called) on account of its influence 
in matters affecting property and domestic life. 

Just as the Israelites used to say that a prophet is without honour None acquire 
in his own country, so the Achehnese assert with equal emphasis that ^^ ^^^ 
no man ever becomes an alem^ to say nothing of an ulama, in his own gampsng. 
gampong. To be esteemed as such in the place of his birth, he must 
have acquired his learning outside its limits. This is to be explained 
chiefly by the prejudice natural to man; to recognize greatness in one 
whom we have seen as a child at play, we must have lost sight of 
him for some time during the period of his development. To this must 
also be added the fact that those who remain from childhood in their 
own gampong, surrounded by the playmates of their youth, find it 
harder as a rule to apply themselves to serious work than those who 
are sent to pursue their studies among strangers. 

The same notion is universally prevalent in Java. Even the nearest 
relatives of a famous kyahi are sent elsewhere, preferably to some place 
not too close to their parents' home, in order that the love of amusement 
may not interfere with the instruction they are to receive and that 
their intercourse may be restricted to such as are pursuing or have 
already partially attained the same object. Hence the expression *to 


be in the pondok or pesantrfen" always carries with it in Java the notion 
of being a stranger '). In Acheh the word metidagang\ which originally 
signifies *to be a stranger, to travel from place to place", has passed 
,. directly from this meaning to that of "to be engaged in study." 

Thus it happens that most of the learned in Great Acheh have spent 
the greater part of their student life in Pidie, while vice versa the 
studiously inclined in Pidie and on the East Coast amass their capital 
of knowledge in Great Acheh \ 
Achehnese In the territory of Pidie in the wider sense of the word *), there were, 
repute. before the coming of the Dutch to Acheh, certain places which were 

in some measure centres of learned life, where many viuribs (the Acheh- 
nese name for "student", from the Arab, vturld) both from the country 
itself and from Acheh used to prosecute their studies. Such were Langga^ 
Langgby Sriiucu'e, Simpangy Ic Leubeu'e (= Ayer Labu). Tir6, which has 
in these latter days acquired a widespread celebrity from the two 
teungkus of that place who took a prominent part in the war against 
the Dutch, was from ancient times less famed for the teaching given 
there than for the great number of learned men whom it produced 
and who lived there ^). Tiro was as it were sanctified by the presence 
of so many living ulamas and the holy tombs of their predecessors. 
None dared to carry arms in this gampong even in time of war; and 
the liukom or religious law was stronger here than elsewhere, while its 
enemy the adat was weaker. Growing up amid such surroundings, many 
young men feci themselves led as it were by destiny to the study of 
the sacred law. 

i) In IJantifn this principle is pursued so far tliat boys arc even sent for their elementary 
studies (the recitation of the (Juran) to a pondok outside iheir own village; but in other 
parts of Java as well as in Acheh this is exceptional. 

2) rrctienc^ (/(is^a/Ji; always means "stranger" and is usually applied to foreign retail traders 
and especially to Klings; nicuJd^afti; has now no other meaning than that of "to study" 
and itrcuifni^ meuiioi^ani^ means "a student." 

3) Thus there is a teacher at le I.eubcue (Ayer Lal)u) called Tcuni^kti di Acheh or 
Tcungku Acheh ^ since he purr>ued his studies for a long time in Acheh. Others generally 
take their names from the gampong in which they reside or were born, even though they 
may have travelled elsewhere to seek instruction. 

4) The Achehnese give the name of lUdie to the whole of the territory which formerly 
belonged to the kingdom of that name, i. c. almost the whole of the North Coast with its 
hinterland, and include under the name 77///// (the Kast, as reckoned from the capital of 
Acheh) all that we call the North and East (!oast. 

5) Vol I p. 178. 


Ch6h Saman '), who of late years was conspicuous in Great Acheh 
as a leader in the holy war until his death, was the son of a simple 
leube from Tiro ^). The foremost member of an old family of pandits 
in that place was within the memory of man the Teungku di Tir6 par 
excellence, also sometimes known as Teungku Chi' di Tir6. Such was 
till his death in 1886, Teungku Muhamat Amin, and his relative, the 
energetic Cheh Saman, was his right-hand man. The latter indeed 
succeeded him; for at Muhamat Amin's death his eldest son (a learned 
man who has since died), was still too young to fill his father's place. 
A younger son of Muhamat Amin is now panglima under the super- 
vision of the well-known Teungku Mat Amin, the son of Ch^h Saman. 
[This Mat Amin with about a hundred of his followers perished in 1896 
at the surprise of Aneu' Galong by the Dutch troops.] 

In Acheh Proper, before the war, the principal centres of teaching 
were situated in the neighbourhood of the capital and in the sagi of 
the XXVI Mukims. 

Teungku di Lam Ny6ng, whose proper name was Nya' Him (short 
for Ibrahim), attracted even more followers than his father and grand- 
father before him, and drew them by hundreds to Lam Ny6ng, eager 
to hear his teaching. He had himself studied at Lam Ba'^t (in the VI 
Mukims) with a guru who owed his name of Teungku Meus^ (from 
Migr = Egypt) to his sojourn in that country, and at Lam Bhu' under 
a Malay named Abduggamad. Very many Achehnese ulamas and almost 
all the teachers of the North and East Coasts owe their schooling wholly 
or in part to him. 

After the death of a certain Muhamat Amin, known as Teungku 
Lam Bhu', and of his successor the Malay Abuggamad, who had wedded 
the former's sister, a period of energy in learning was followed by one 
of inactivity. This was all changed by the appearance of Cheh Mara- 
haban '). His father was an unlearned man from Tir6, who settled later 
on the West Coast. Marahaban studied in Pidie (in Simpang among 
other places) and later on at Mekka, where he acted as haji-shaikh ^) 
(guide and protector of pilgrims to Mekka and Medina) to his fellow- 

i) See Vol I, pp. 179 — 182. 

2) Hence the jealous Teungku Kuta Karang would never speak of Cheh Saman to his 
followers as Teungku Tiro, but contemptuously styled him Leube Saman. 

3) Vol I pp. loi, 187. 

4) See my Mckka^ II, pp. 28 et seq. and 303 et seq. 


countrymen. He returned from Arabia with the intention of settling 
down again in Pidie, but at the capital of Acheh he yielded to per- 
suasion and put his learning at the disposal of Teuku Kali Malikon 
Ade ') and of the less learned kali of the XXVI Mukims. At the same 
time he became a teacher and a prolific writer ^). 

In course of time there arose a clever pupil of the above-named 
Malay Abduggamad, who received the title of Teungku di Lam Gut '**) 
from the gampong of Lam Gut, His proper name was Jalaluddln. He 
became not only a popular teacher but also kali of the XXVI Mukims. 
His son, a shrewd but comparatively unlearned man, inherited his father's 
title and dignity, but gladly transferred the duties of his office to his 
son-in-law, the Marahaban just spoken of. The grandson of the old 
Teungku di Lam Gut, and his surviving representative, is similarly kali 
in name, but is consulted by none and never poses as a teacher. 

At Krueng Kale there was a renowned teacher who succeeded his 
father in that capacity. At Chot Paya such students as desired to bring 
their proficiency in reciting the Quran to a higher level than could be 
attained in the village schools, assembled under the guidance of Teungku 
Deuruih, a man of South Indian origin. 

The unsettled condition of the country during the past 26 years has 
of course completely disorganized religious teaching. In Lam Seunong 
such instruction is still given by an old Teungku who takes his name 
from that gampong; like him, Teungku Tanbh Mirah, who besides 
being a teacher is also kali of the IV Mukims of the VII (sagi of the 
XXVI) acquired his learning at Lam Nyong. The same was the case 
with Teungku Krueng Kale alias Haji Muda, who studied at Mekka 
as well. In Seulimeum (XXII Mukims) is a teacher called Teungku 
Usen, whose father Teungku Tanbh A6ee*), celebrated for his learning 
and independence, held the position of kali of the XXII Mukims. 
Places of The students, who arc for the most part strangers in the place where 
students. they pursue their studies, must of course be given a home to live in. 
Even where their numbers arc not told by hundreds it would be difficult 

i) Vol I pp. 96 et seq. 

2) He is further referred to in the next chapter. 

3) llic preposition (ft in such appellations, which distinguished persons borrow from the 
gamp5ng where they reside or were born, is sometimes employed and sometimes omitted; 
but the vernacular has given to this prefixing of di a honorific signification, Teungku di Tiro, 
for instance, sounds more respectful than Teungku Tiro. 

4) See Vol. I, p. 100. [Both father and son are now dead]. 


to house them all in the meunasahy a building which, as we know, 
serves as a chapel for the village and as a dormitory for all males 
whose wives do not live in the gampong. The intercourse with the 
young men of the gampong resulting from lodging under the same 
roof with them, is also regarded as detrimental to their studies. As a 
rule, then, the people of the gampong, on the application of the teacher, 
erect simple buildings known as rangkangSy after the fashion of the 
students' pondoks or huts in Java. 

A rangkang is built in the form of a dwelling-house, but with less Rangkangs. 
care; in place of three floors of different elevations it has only one 
floor on the same level throughout, and is divided on either side of 
the central passage into small chambers, each of which serves as a 
dwelling-place for from one to three muribs. 

Occasionally some devout person converts a disused dwelling-house 
into waqf (Ach. wdkeueh) for the benefit of the students. The house 
is then transferred to the enclosure of the teacher and fitted up as 
far as possible in the manner of a rangkang. 

In Java every pondok or hut of a pesantren has its lurah (Sund. Assistant 
kokolot) who maintains order and enforces rules of cleanliness, and '"^"^*^^- 
enlightens the less experienced of his fellow-disciples in their studies. 
Similarly in Acheh the teunghi rangkang is at once assistant master 
and prefect for the students who lodge in the rangkang. He explains 
all that is not made sufficiently clear for them by the teaching of the 
gur^e. The students are often occupied for years in mastering the sub- 
sidiary branches of learning, especially grammar, and here the teungku 
rangkang is able to help them in attaining the necessary practical 
knowledge, by guiding their footsteps in the study of Malay pikah and 
usuy books such as the Masailah, Bidayah and Qirat al-mustaqlm '). 

This establishment of heads of pondoks or rangkangs and the excellent 
custom among native students of continually learning from one another 
alone save the system from inefficiency, for the teachers take no pains 
to improve the method of instruction, and many of them are miserably 
poor pedagogues in every form of learning. 

The ulamas are wont to impart instruction to the students in one of Method of 
the two following ways. Either the latter go one by one to the teacher ^'J^^™^^^ 
with a copy of the work they are studying, whereupon he recites a the teachers. 

i) See p. 5 above. 


chapter, adding the requisite explanations, and then makes the pupil 
read the text and repeat or write out the commentary; or else the 
disciples sit in a circle round the master, who recites both text and 
commentary like a professor lecturing his class, allowing each, either 
during or after the lesson, to ask any questions he wishes. 
Soroganand In Java the first of these two systems is called sorog^an ;ind the second 
)an( ungan. bandungan. In Acheh the former method is usually followed by the 
reading of one of the Malay manuals mentioned above under the super- 
vision of the gampong teacher or of the tcungku rangkang, the bmidungan 
method alone being used for the study of the Arabic books. The 
Achehnese have no special names for these methods of instruction *). 
Unclean- Besides the system of teaching, the Achehnese rangkangs have in 
liness of the common with the Javanese pondoks an uncleanliness which is proverbial — 

students. *^ *^ 

indeed the former surpass the latter in this respect. One might suppose 
that in such religious colonies, where the laws of ritual purification are 
much more strictly ohserved than elsewhere, we should find an unusually 
high degree of personal cleanliness. Experience however shows that a 
man who limits himself to the minimum requirements of the law in 
this respect can remain extremely dirty without being accused of neglect 
of his religious duties. Nor do the laws of purification extend to clothing. 
The mere ritual washing of the body (often limited to certain parts 
only, since the complete bath is seldom obligatory, especially where 
there is no intercourse with women) is of little service, as the clothes 
arc seldom washed or changed and the rooms in which the students 
live rarely if ever cleaned out. 

Such advantage over ordinary gampong folk as the mvribs may possess 
in regard to cleanliness through their stricter observance of religious 
law, they lose through their bachelorhood, since they have to manage 
their own cooking, washing etc. 

In Java there are to be found in many p^santr6ns written directions 
regulating the sweeping out of the huts, the keeping of watch at night, 
the filling of the water-reservoirs etc., and fines are levied on those 
who omit their turn of service or enter pondok or chapel with dirty 

i) The bandungan method is thus described; ^Teunghu khcun^ geutanyb'e sima' — "the 
master speaks and we hearken." Slmd* is the Arabic ^L*^, and is also used in Malay and 

Javanese in the sense of ** hearkening" to teaching by word of mouth, or to the hearing by 
the guru of his pupils' reading or recitation. 


feet, the money being paid into the common chest '). Ill-kept though 
these rules often are, they still render the pondoks and their occupants 
a little less unclean than the rangkangs and their muribs in Acheh, 
where the universal dislike of water and habit of dirt have reached an 
unusually high degree. 

In Java gudig or budug (mangy or leprous) is a very common epithet 
of the students, and the ^santri gtidig'^ is even to some extent a popular 
type. Thus it is not surprising that in Acheh also kude and suchlike 
skin-diseases -), though they are not confined to the students huts, are 
yet regarded as a sort of hall-mark of the murib. 

The general development of the muribs in Acheh derives less benefit Influence of 
from their sojourn in the rangkangs than that of the santris in Java ^ij^ student/ 
from their wanderings from one p&antren to another. The latter become ^" ^]^^^J Sf- 

neral dcvel- 

familiar with their fellow-countrymen of other tribes, as Javanese with opment. 
Sundanese and Madurese, and their studies draw them from the country 
into the large towns such as Madiun and Surabaya. They also improve 
their knowledge of agriculture through planting padi and coffee to help 
in their maintenance. In Acheh geographical knowledge is confined to 
narrow limits; as the student only moves about within his own country, 
intercourse with kindred tribes is not promoted by the meudagang nor 
does he act as a pioneer of development in any way. He returns home 
with very little more knowledge of the world than he possessed when 
he went on his travels; all he learns is an ever-increasing contempt for 
the adat of his country (which conflicts with Islam in many respects) 
so that later on, as a dweller in the gampong, he looks down on his 
fellow-countrymen with a somewhat Pharasaical arrogance. 

It is needless to observe that the morals of the inhabitants of the 
rangkangs in Acheh are still less above suspicion than those of the 
pSsantren-students in Java. 

Those who have devoted themselves to study and all who have for Popular cst- 
some reason or other a claim to the title of teungku % are regarded teungkus. 
by the mass of the people not only as having a wider knowledge of 
religion than themselves, but also as having to some extent, control 

i) This common fund, called the dnw'it ni'gara^ serves to defray the expense of entertaining 
guests, the purchase of lamp-oil, provisions etc. 

2) The kude buta is a disease specially characteristic of the ureu'eng meudagang ; as a 
remedy for this the juice extracted from the leaves of the ricinus {tiaivaiii) is rubbed into 
the skin. 

3) See Vol. I, p. 70 et seq. 


over the treasury of God's mercy. Their prayers are believed to command 
a blessing or a curse, and to have the power of causing sickness or 
ensuring recovery. They know the formulas appointed of Allah for 
sundry purposes, and their manner of living is sufficiently devout to 
lend force to their spoken words. Even when some ignorant Icube is 
so honest as to decline the request of a mother that he should pronounce 
a formula of prayer over her sick child, he cannot refuse her simple 
petition that he will **at least blow upon it"; even the breath of one 
who has some knowledge of book-lore and fulfils his ritual duties with 
regularity, is credited with healing power by the ignorant people. 

§ 5. Branches of knowledge not appertaining to the 

threefold learning of Islam. 

The eleiim^c par excellence, as we have already seen, is the threefold 
sacred learning [Pikah, Usuy and Teusawoh) with the preliminary 
branches (Nahu etc.), and the supplementary ones such as Teupeus^ 
and Hadi/i, We have also made a passing acquaintance with an Heufn^'c 
which, chiefly owing to the heresy it involves, lies outside learning 
proper, namely the eleiim^e sale' '). There are besides a number of other 
''sciences" which cannot be regarded as forming a part of **/A^ learning". 

These numerous cleumecs, like their namesakes among the Malays 
and Javanese (ilmUf ngHmii)^ are if viewed according to our mode of 
thought, simply superstitious methods of attaining sundry ends, whether 
permissible or forbidden. A knowledge of these is considered indis- 
pensable alike for the fulfilment of individual wishes and the successful 
carrying on of all kinds of callings and occupations. For the forger of 
weapons or the goldsmith, the warrior or the architect, a knowledge of 
that mysterious hocus-pocus^ the Heumt:c which is regarded as appertaining 
to his caUing, is thought at least as important as the skill in his trade 
which he acquires by instruction and practice. So too he that will 
dispose of his merchandize, conquer the heart of one he loves, render 
a foe innocuous, sow dissent between a wedded pair, or compass 
whatever else is suggested to him by passion or tiesire, must not 

1) See p. 13 above. 


neglect the ^leumees\ should he be ignorant of these, he seeks the aid 
of such as are well versed in them. 

From the point of view of the religious teacher, there is a great Views of 
difference in the manner in which these various ^leum^es are regarded. chers"whh re- 
Some of them are classified as sihe (Arab, sihr) i. e. witchcraft, the 8*^^ }^ ^^^ 

' ^ eleumces. 

existence and activity of which is recognized by the teaching of Islam, 
though its practise is forbidden as the work of the evil one. It is just 
as much sihe to use even permissible methods of ^leum^'e for evil ends, 
such as the injury or destruction of fellow-believers, as to employ 
godless means (such as the help of the Devil or of infidel djens), 
although it be for the attainment of lawful objects. The strict condem- 
nation of the Heumh' sihe by religious teaching does not, however, 
withhold the Achehnese, any more than the Javanese or the Arabs, 
from practising such arts. Hatred for an enemy and the love of women 
(generally that of the forbidden kind) are the commonest motives which 
induce them to resort to eleumces of the prohibited class. 

The formulas of prayer and the methods recommended in the orthodox 
Arab kitabs as of sovereign force are such as might also well be 
classified under the head of witchcraft, but they are regarded by the 
Believers as ordained of the Creator. Nor do the Achehnese teachers 
confine this view to such mystic arts as are marked with the Arabic 
seal; they also readily employ purely Achehnese material or such as 
smacks of Hindu influence, so long as they fail to detect in it a pagan 

An important source of information in regard to the mystic arts of 
which we now speak, as practised at the present time in Acheh, is a 
work called Taj-ul-mulk, printed at Cairo in 1891 (A. H. 1309) and at 
Mekka in 1893 (A. H. 131 1). It was written in Malay by the Achehnese 
pandit Shaikh Abbas i. e. Teungku Kuta Karang (as to whom see 
Vol. I pp, 183 et seq., Vol. II Chapter II § 4 etc.) at the instance of 
Sultan Manso Shah (^Ibrahim, 1838 — 1870). It contains little or nothing 
that may not be found in other Arabic or Malay books of the same 
description, but furnishes a useful survey of the modes of calculating 
lucky times and seasons, of prognostications and of Native medical art 
and the methods of reckoning time which are in vogue in what we 
may call the literate circles of Acheh. 

As the writer is an ulama, he of course abstains from noticing 
•branches of science" which give clear tokens of pagan origin. 
11 3 


The science A very important class of eleumye for all Achehnese, but especially 

bility^" "^'^" ^^^ chiefs, panglimas and soldiers, is that known as eleumbe keubay, 

i. e. the science of invulnerability. This used also to be held in high 

esteem in Java, witness the numerous primbons ') or manuals extant 

upon this subject. The principles on which this group of eletimH is 

based are (i) the somewhat pantheistic scheme of philosophy to which 

we have alluded above ^) and (2) the theory that a knowledge of the 

essence, attributes and names of any substance gives complete control 

over the substance itself. 

The science The combination of these two notions causes a knowledge of the 

innermost nature of iron (the maWipat beusbcy as it is called) to form 

a most important factor in endowing man with the power of resisting 

this metal when wrought into various weapons. The argument is as 

follows. All elements of iron are of course present in man, since man 

is the most complete revelation of God, and God is All. The whole 

creation is a kind of evolution of God from himself, and this evolution 

takes place along seven lines or grades {meureutabat tiijoh), eventually 

returning again into the Unity through the medium of man. In the 

earth then all elements are united and capable of changing places with 

one another. Now the yHeum^'e of iron has the power of producing on 

any part of the human body that is exposed to the attack of iron or 

lead, a temporary formation of iron or some still stronger element 

that makes the man keubay or invulnerable. 

Treatment Mercury [rasa) is regarded as exercising a mysterious influence over 

withmercury. ^j^^ other metals; hence one of the most popular methods of attaining 

invulnerability is the introduction of mercury in a particular manner 

into the human body {peutambng ra'sa). This treatment can only be 

successful when resorted to under the guidance of a skilled guree. So 

every Achehnese chief has, in addition to many advisers on the subject 

of invulnerability, one special instructor ^) known as tireueng peutatndng 

ra'sa keubay or ra'sa salhh. 

Preparation Ordinarily the treatment is prepared for by at least seven days kalu'et 

oT treatment (doing of penance by religious seclusion) in a separate dwelling near 

i) See Vol. I p. 198. 

2) P. 10 et seq. 

3) The guree of Teuku N^' was a man from Bat6e Hie' in Samalanga; that of Teuku 
Nya' Banta (panglima of the XX VI Mukims) is called Teungku di Pagar Ruyueng; that of 
Panglima Meuseugit Raya is Teungku Gam, said to come from Daya. There is also a certain 
Teungku di Lapang who enjoys great celebrity. 


some sacred tomb. These days the patient spends in fasting, eating a 
little rice only at sundown to stay his hunger. After this begins the 
rubbing with mercury, generally on the arms, which lasts until a sufficient 
quantity of mercury has, in the opinion of the guree, been absorbed by 
the patient's body. For the first seven days of his treatment he is 
further subjected to pantang of various kinds; he must refrain from sexual 
intercourse, and the use of sour foods, and of ^<)//ytf;//o;/^ (plantain-buds) 
on murong (kelor-leaves) and labu (pumpkin). 

Not only during the treatment but also in his subsequent life, the 
patient must repeat certain prayers for invulnerability at appointed 
times. Many teachers hold that such du'as or prayers are only efficacious 
if they are made to follow on the obligatory seumayangs ; some even 
require of their disciples an extra seumayang in addition to the 5 daily 
ones to supplement those which they may have neglected during the 
previous part of their lives. By this means an odour of sanctity is given 
to their method, while at the same time they have a way left open 
to account for any disappointment of their disciples* hopes, without 
prejudice to their own reputation. As a matter of fact very few chiefs 
remain long faithful to this religious discipline; thus, should they later 
on be reached by the steel or bullet of an enemy, they must blame 
their own neglect and not their teacher. 

During the massage the teacher also repeats various prayers. To The patron 
perfect himself in his calling he has to study the proper traditional bility. 
methods for years as apprentice to another gur^e, and also to seclude 
himself for a long period amid the loneliness of the mountains. In this 
seclusion some have even imagined that they have met Malem Diwa, 
the immortal patron of invulnerability, with whom we shall become 
further acquainted in our chapter on literature (N°. XIII) *). 

In many of the systems employed to compass invulnerability, it is 
considered a condition of success that the pupil should not see his 
teacher for a period of from one to three years after the completion 
of the treatment or the course of instruction ; indeed it is even asserted 

i) [In the year 1898, and again on a smaller scale in 1899, an adventurer from Telong 
in the Gay5 country who bore the name of Teungku Tapa owing to his alleged long mystic 
seclusion {tapa) caused a considerable commotion in the dependencies on the East Coast, and to 
some extent also in those on the North Coast. He gave himself out to be Mal6m Diwa himself, 
and promised his followers invulnerability and victory over the "unbelievers" The appearance 
of the Dutch troops speedily put an end to the success which this impostor at first enjoyed among 
the people. He was killed in 1900 in a skirmish with the Dutch troops near Piadah (Pas^)]. 


that a transgression of this pantang regulation would result in the death 
of the heedless disciple who disregarded it. 

In the night following the first day of the treatment, the patients 
complain of a heavy feeling in the neck, the idea being that the 
quicksilver has not yet fully dispersed and collects beneath the back 

of the head when the 
patient assumes a recum- 
bent attitude. The remedy 
for this intolerable feeUng 
is the repetition of a rajah 
or exorcising formula by 
the instructor. 

To give some notion of 
the energy with which the 
mercury is rubbed in, we 
may mention the popular 
report that Teuku Ne' 
of Meura'sa absorbed lo 
katis {about 1 3 lbs.) of 
quicksilver into his body 
through the skin '). 

The "introduction of 
quicksilver" is, however 
not the only method em- 
Ijloyed to produce in- 
vulnerability. There are 
certain objectswhich have 
"Illy to be worn on the 
Ijody to render it proof 
against wounds. 

One class of such ob- 
jects is known aspeugaw^. 
These have the outward appearance of certain living creatures, such as 
insects, caterpillars, lizards etc., but are in fact composed of iron or 
some still harder metal, which a knife cannot scratch. They are only 
to be met with by some lucky chance on the roadside or in the forest. 

I) Massage with i 
nong Ihc Malays ■ 

lercury appears to be also regarded a 
■t the Pndaag highlands. 

e invulnerability 

Peugawh having the form of an ulat sangkadu (a long-haired, ash- 
coloured variety of caterpillar) are very highly prized. The possessor 
of such a charm, if constrained to part with it, can easily secure a price 
of as much as two to five hundred dollars. 

According to the prevailing superstition, these objects were once 
actually living creatures, but have become metamorphosed, through the 
conversion of elements mentioned above, into iron, copper or some 
other metal. A sort of peugawi can be made by rolling up an ajeumat 
(= jimaty ajimat "amulet") in a layer of ^' malb (sediment of gum- 
lacquer). This too is supposed to be gradually transformed into iron by 
means of certain formulas, and like other peugawhy renders its wearer 
wound-proof. A peugaw^ prepared in this manner has the special name 
of baronabeuet (from bahr an-nubuwwah == the (mystic) sea of prophetical 
gifts). It is worn on a band round the waist. 

If the object found combines with the hardness of iron the form of 
a fruit or some other eatable thing, it is also called peugaw^^ but is 
only of service as a charm (peunawa) against poisons, from the action 
of which it protects its wearer. 

Another peculiar sort of charm against wounds is the rante buy (pig's The rani6 
chain). Certain wild pigs called buy tunggay from the fact that they are 
solitary in their habits, are said to have a hook of iron wire passing 
through their noses which renders them invulnerable. This is supposed 
to be formed from an earthworm which the animal takes up with his 
food, but which attaches itself to his nose, and there undergoes the 
change of form which converts it into a charm. When the buy tunggay 
is eating he lays aside this hook, and happy is the man who can avail 
himself of such a moment to make himself master of the rantL 

According to the devout, however, the efficiency of most peugawh 
is conditional on the wearers leading a religious life; otherwise the 
charms merely cause irritation instead of protecting his body. 

Bullets the lead forming which changes of its own accord into iron, Peungeulieh. 
are called peungeulieh. Whoever finds one of these infallible charms 
will be wise to keep it about him when he engages in combat, but not 
on other occasions, as it will then bring him evil fortune. Hence the 
common saying, addressed for example to one who arrives just too late 
for a feast: — **what, have you a peungeulieh about you?" *). 

i) Peu'e? na tanguy peungeulieh? 


Other charms Another charm for turning aside the enemy's bullets is a cocoanut 

vulnerability" ^^^^ ^^^ *^eye" (;/ sa6d/i mata) worn about the body '). Another keubay- 
specific is a piece of rattan some sections of which are turned the wrong 
way. Malem Diwa was so fortunate aa to find such an awe sungsang, 
as it is called, of such length that he was able to fasten it under his 
shoulders round breast and back. Nowadays such freaks of nature arc 
only to be found of the length of a couple of sections. 

Spots on the Certain peculiar spots on the skin, generally caused by disease, are 
produce in- *^lso held to be signs or causes of invulnerability. Such for instance are 

vulnerability, ^j^^ white freckles known as glum, which remain as scars upon the skin 
after a certain disease. This disease, (called glum or Icuki) is said to 
begin between the fingers and in the region of the genitals and to 
cause violent irritation. It is supposed to be infectious ^). Malem Diwa 
had seven glums of the favourite shape known as glum bintang or 
bimgbng. Such marks are considered by the Achehnese to enhance the 
personal beauty of both sexes. 

A sort of ring-worm called kurab beusbe or iron kurab, which manifests 
itself in large rust-coloured and intensely itching spots on the body, is 
supposed to confer invulnerability, especially if it forms a girdle around 
the waist. This disease is also very infectious. When it begins to declare 
itself, the patient is asked by his friends whether he has been having 
recourse to a dua beusbe (^'iron prayer"), as it is supposed that the 
kurab beusbe can be brought about by the mysterious craft connected 
with iron. 
The science Where SO much depends on the efficacy of weapons as in Acheh, it 

of weapons. 

is not surprising that the eleume'e which teaches how to distinguish good 
weapons from bad is regarded as of high importance. This art has been 
to a great extent (though with certain modifications) adopted from the 
Malays. The Achehnese regard the Malays of Trengganu and the Bugis 
as the great authorities on the subject. 

The forger of weapons has his special eleumee, which according to 
our European notions would contribute exceedingly little to the value 
of their wares, though the Achehnese think quite the contrary. Equally 

i) Teuku Ne' had such a cocoanut about him on his journey to Keumala. 

2) Oil of kayu-putih or the roots of ku'eh or langkucueh pounded fine and mixed with 
vinegar are employed as remedies. Some strike the rash with a twig of the shrub called 
leuki. This last remedy is of course an example of superstition with regard to names, as it 
is based on the resemblance of the name of the plant to that of the disease. 


strange but very simple are the expedients resorted to by a purchaser 
to test the value of a reunchong, sikin or gliwang. For instance, he 
measures off on the blade successive sections each equal to the breadth 
of his own thumb-nail, repeating a series of words such as: paleh 
(= unfortunate), chilaka, meutnah (= lucky) mubahgia (or ckenchala); 
or tuUf rajuy bickara, kaya, sara, mati; or sa chenchala, ketidua ranjuna, 
keulhee keutinggalan, keupeuet kapanasan etc. up to lo. 

The word that coincides with the last thumb-breadth, is supposed to 
give the value of the weapon. 

For sikins, the ordinary fighting weapons of the Achehnese, the 
following test is also employed. The rib of a cocoanut leaf is divided 
inso sections each equal in length to the breadth of the sikin, and these 
are successively laid on the blade thus: 


Should they when laid upon the blade form a complete row of squares 
as in the above figure, it is called a gajah inbng (female elephant without 
gadeng or tusks) and the weapon is esteemed bad. Should there be two 
pieces too few to complete the last square, thus Q , then it is thought 
to be superlatively good, as representing the rare phenomenon of an 
elephant with only one tusk. Should there however be one too few, 
thus n~, then it is called an elephant with two tusks, and the weapon 
is considered moderately good at best. 

There is another rich variety of eleumfee, which confer on their Seers, 
possessors the power of seeing what is hidden from ordinary mortals. 
Those who practise this craft are called "seers" ') {ureueng keumalbn). 
The possessors of this gift are questioned in order to throw light on 
the cause of, or the best cure for a disease, the fortunes of a relative 
who has gone on a journey, the thief or receiver of stolen goods and 
so forth. 

The questioner usually offers to the ureueng keumalbn a dish of husked 
rice on which are also placed two eggs and a strip of white cotton. 
The methods employed by the "seers" or clairvoyantes vary greatly. 
Some draw their wisdom from a handbook of mystic lore, others from 
the lines produced by pouring a little oil over the eggs presented to 
them, others again from studying the palms of their own hands. 

i) Compare the orang mltliatin of Batavia etc. 


Invisible It sometimes also happens (just as in Java) that the clairvoyante 

^ femak ^ invokcs the help of an invisible being [ureueng adard). After the burning 

"seers". Qf incense, which she inhales or over which she waves her hands, 
muttering the while, the familiar spirit enters into her. Then she appears 
to lose her senses; trembling and with changed voice she utters some 
incoherent sentences, which she afterwards interprets on coming to 
herself again. 

The tiong The mina, a well-known talking bird, called tiong by the Achehnese, 
is regarded as endowed with this gift of second sight, but a human 
^'seer" male or female, is indispensable for the interpretation of its 
utterances. Such clairvoyantes are supposed to understand the speech 
of the bird, and translate into oracular and equivocal Achehnese the 
incomprehensible chatter of the mina. 

In cases of theft the uremjtg keumalbn usually declares whether the 
thief is great or small of stature, light or dark of complexion, and 
whether he has straight or wavy hair '), so that the questioner has at 
least the consolation of knowing that the stolen article is not hopelessly 
lost, and that he may recover it by anxious search. 

For sick persons the results of the clairvoyance consist as a rule in 
a recipe in which the leaves of plants take the foremost place, or else 
it is divined that drums [getindrang) or tambourines should be played 
for the benefit of the sick child or that a many-hued garment (the ija 
planggi) should be given it to wear ^). 
Lucky marks. Another kind of divination consists in the examination of the lines 
on the palm of the hand [kalbn urat jar be) as a means of telling 
peoples' fortunes. A further method of predicting the future is from 
the shape and position of the spiral twists of the hair, called pusa (in 
Java us^r-iisiran). From this is deduced the quality of the animal in 
the case of cattle, goats, sheep and horses, and their future destiny in 
the case of human beings. Two symmetrical pusas placed opposite one 
another are lucky signs. A certain peculiar spiral called pusa rimucng 
is a token that its possessor will be torn by a tiger. 

The spirals found in the very fine lines of the skin are also called 

i) The kampong-folk of Batavia, who are much harassed by thefts, also frequently have 
recourse to such orang m^lliatin ; the writer has even himself known a case in which certain 
police officers of the capital of Java did not disdain thus to facilitate the fulfilment of 
their duty. 

2) See Vol. I pp. 390 et seq. 


pusa. On the hand these mean that their possessor will not be slain 
unavenged; on the foot, that he will never grow weary in walking; on 
the male genital organ, that he will lose his wives by death; on that 
of women, an early death for the husband, and so on. 

The signifiance of the quivering of nerves {(ofo, the Jav. kMut) in Quivering of 
certain parts of the body, is chiefly to be found in Malay handbooks, ^[qI^I^S ^' 
as also the ^leum^e petirasat (Arab, firdsah), which determines a man's 
nature and disposition from the shape of his face and the build of 
his body. 

The eleum^'e phay is also worked with the help of books. Sometimes The phay 


it is the Quran that is used, sometimes a fortune-teller's manual, prefer- 
ably that ascribed to the Alide Ja'far Qadiq (Ach. Ja'pa Sad6') *). 

Where the Quran is used, the enquirer into the hidden things of the 
future, after preparing himself for his task by ceremonial ablution, opens 
the book at hap- hazard at any page and then turns over seven pages 
more. The first letter of the 7^^ line of this 7th page supplies the answer 
to his question, for every letter of the alphabet has corresponding to 
it certain formulas which show what may be expected or what should 
be done under various circumstances, e. g. "There are obstacles to your 
journey", **The marriage will be a happy one", etc. The kitab Ja'pa 
Sad6' is employed in the same manner. 

Phay is really an Arabic word [fcCt) meaning ** presage", "omen". Omens, 
but in Achehnese it is restricted to prognostications in books and some 
other kinds of soothsaying \ Omens proper are described by another 
Arabic word, alamat. These are of the same character as the omens of 
Javanese superstition — sounds seldom heard under ordinary circum- 
stances, animals, especially birds and insects, which are rarely seen, in 
fact all manner of more or less uncommon phenomena. The knowledge 
of this secret language of nature is however practically the common 
property of all grown-up people, and does not form the subject of a 
separate Heumee, It may rather be classified among the hadih maja 
("traditions of female ancestors"), as to which we shall have something 
more to say in our chapter on literature. 

The approaching death of an inmate of the house, a relation or a 
friend, is announced by the unwonted nasal cry [kbbb) of a jampo' (a 

i) We have seen (Vol. I p. 198) that in Batavia even the memorandum-books used by 
the natives are known by the name of Japar Side"* or Tip, 

2) As to the application of these in Acheh see footnote on p. 298, Vol. I. 

tioD of 


sort ot night-bird) or the sound emitted by a kind of cricket ') called 
sawa which no one ever sees, or by the strong and continuous screaming 
{cheumeucheb) of a kite (kleueng), 

A nocturnal visit (which in Acheh generally means one of thieves or 
adulterers) is foretold by the nasal ket-ket of the sareuc' bird. On the 
other hand the voice of the titilantahit, a little bird which haunts the 
jungle close to the gampongs, is a sign of the long-deferred return of 
a relative who is on a journey. 

The advent of other guests is announced by the flying into the house 
of a large brown butterfly, the banghang jamh^ (guest butterfly) or by 
water thrown out of doors making a plopping noise as it falls on the 

The cock is said to crow in a peculiar way when rain is at hand, 
and in a different manner when the sun has attained its midday altitude. 
For these reminders the Achehnese is grateful; but when the cock 
approaches him and gives vent to a peculiar shrill cry, it is believed 
that the bird hears the dead screaming in their graves as they suff*er 
castigation at the hands of the angels. This makes the listener reflect 
in spite of himself on the punishments in store for him, and he angrily 
chases his mentor away. 

The howling of many dogs *) betokens, as in Java, an approaching 

Where one sets out with some special object in view, and meets a 
cat or a snake in an unusual place, he may just as well return home 
again, as he is doomed to failure in his enterprise; equally malang^) 
or unlucky is he who on his way catches sight of another's nakedness. 

Another special class of alamat consists in the revelations made by 
Allah to men in dreams, though these cannot be entirely depended on, 
as the Devil often suggests false dreams to the mind. In Arab science 
the interpretation of dreams forms the subject of a special branch of 

A famous work on this subject {tabxr) by an Arab named Ibn Sirin, 

i) Wc are reminded of the "death-watch" of English superstition, and the Irish banshee^ 
though in the case of the latter the warning sound is believed to be caused by a spirit and 
not a living creature {Translator), 

2) There is a somewhat similar superstition in Ireland where the howling of a dog at 
night is believed to foretell the death of someone in the neighbourhood. {Translator), 

3) See also Vol. I p. 296. 


is also pretty generally known in the Indian Archipelago; there are 
numerous handbooks based directly or indirectly on this work. 

Thus in Acheh we find persons possessed of some knowledge of the Hadih maja. 
ta^bi or interpretation of dreams, who are able to enlighten their country- 
men as to the meaning of their visions. A portion of this science has 
been added to the popular wisdom of the Achehnese, and having been 
augmented still more by native methods of interpretation, has become 
embodied in the hadih maja or traditions of female ancestors. 

This popular Achehnese ta^bi teaches that he who is seen naked in 
a dream (be it the dreamer himself or another) must expect ill-fortune, 
but that he who appears to the dreamer with unusually long hair or 
beard will have good luck. Serious loss awaits him who is shaven or 
bathes or eases himself in the dream. A long life is destined for him 
who is dreamt of as dying; early death of himself or his parents or 
children for him who is seen clad in white or lacking a front tooth, 
and the death of a brother or more distant relative for him who loses 
a molar. To see one's house on fire foretells wealth; walking under an 
umbrella or riding on a horse or elephant are omens of fame or worldly 
greatness. The Achehnese is however loth to tell his friends when he 
has seen himself riding thus in a dream, lest they should pester him 
with mocking questions as to what dignity he thinks is in store for 
him, or whether the omen of speedy exaltation might not perhaps only 
mean that the dreamer would shortly find himself sitting as a thatcher 
astride the ridge-pole of a roof. 

The man or woman who dreams of a great fire or a snake, will soon 
get married ; the pregnant woman who sees herself dressed in feminine 
finery will become the mother of a girl, while she who dreams of « - - • 
putting a cap on her head will bear a boy. 

He who dreams of being on board ship, has without knowing it come 
into conflict with a spirit of the kind known as san^ '), but has come 
ofi" without injury to himself. The eating of rice, especially glutinous 
rice, is an omen of success. 

Some dreams are ascribed to a praja^ by which seems to be understood 
a kind of tutelary spirit, whose chief task is to appear in some visible form 
and warn the occupants of a house or ship of evil threatening their dwelling- 
place. The phenomena which foretell a marriage are also called praja. 

i) Vol. I p. 409. 

Pantang There is another branch of popular lore much akin to the hadih 


maja described above, namely the rules or restrictions comprised under 
the generic name oi pantang or taboo. There are indeed many prohibitory 
rules (as is also the case with the pamali of the Sundanese) employed 
in the education of children; but in these the representation of the awful 
consequences of disobedience is merely a rod in pickle, so that they 
may be described as imitations of the true pantang, employed for edu- 
cational purposes. 

Men must never eat an egg taken from a fowl that has been killed; 
should they neglect this prohibition and afterwards be struck by a bullet, 
all efforts to extract it would be in vain. This is a true pantang rule. 

If a child lies on its back in the court-yard, its father will die ; should 
it lie on its face with its feet raised, its mother will die. This is mere 
imitation, utilized to train children. 

We have already noticed in passing sundry pantang regulations con- 
nected with pregnancy *), agriculture ^), fishery '), certain diseases *) etc. 
We shall now add some others which are among the best known. 

To wish to regain something one has given away gives rise to sores 
on the elbows. Eating rice from the cooking-pot {kanit) after marriage 
causes the face to turn black. Throwing raw rice ') into the mouth with 
the hand causes the teeth to decay; while a swollen stomach results 
from sitting in the wind or sleeping under the open sky. Want or 
poverty threaten him who shakes the dust from his clothes in the 
evening, or who has a che'bre' tree (Jav. juar) growing in his compound. 

Cocoanut trees should be planted only at night and under a clear 
sky, so that the fruit may be as many as the stars. A green cocoanut 
in which a hole has been cleft accidentally in some other part than 
the top or bottom should be avoided, as he who drinks its water will 
run a great risk of losing his life by sword or bullet. One should not 
kill the iguana, lest one become sluggish and awkward. A woman who 
eats twin plantains (pisang meukeumbeue) runs the risk of having twins. 
In winnowing rice the mother should never turn the point of the 
winnowing basket [jeu'^'e) towards the sleeping-room, (juree) lest one 
of her children be compelled to go on distant journeys. 
Pantangs of To pantangs of speech, words which may not be used under certain 

speech. . 

i) Vol. I p. 372. 2) Vol. I p. 259. 

3) Vol. I pp. 280—81. 4) Vol. I pp. 416—17. 

5) Achehnese children are very fond of chewing raw rice. 


circumstances, we have already alluded in our description of fisheries 
and epidemics. There are however others besides those mentioned. 
Should one wish to enquire as to the extent of a friend's rice-harvest, 
he must not ask **how much" {padum) but "how little {padit) have you 
obtained" '). *How few" and not **how many" is also the expression 
used by a man called out to fight in enquiring of his panglima the 
number of his fellows. Fighting men have also other pantangs of speech 
which they employ for fear of spoiling their luck by boasting of their 
prowess, their numbers or their successes. To speak to a mother of the 
health or vigour of her child will make her anxious and even angry '•^). 
On the other hand, if one of the family is seriously ill, he is spoken 
of as being "dainty or pleasant of flesh" {mangat asbe). Old fashioned 
people never mention the names of their ancestors or of former Acheh- 
nese royalties and other deceased worthies without first saying ampdn, 
meiiribye-ribe'e ampon, be tulahy i. e. "Forgiveness, a thousand times 
forgiveness (may the mention of your name bring on me) no curse!" 

The setting of the sun also gives rise to certain definite speech- 
pantangs. In the evening or at night meat must be described as eungkot 
darat (land-fish), or if the real name be used it must be preceded by 
the words "let no one dream of it to-night" [bV lumpb'e malum); for to 
dream of meat means misfortune. For the same reason no mention must 
be made in the evening of the drawing of teeth or of shaving; these 
verbs (bot and chukb) are replaced by the general expression bbth ("to 
do away with"). Cutting of nails may be spoken of, but must not be 
done at night, as poverty would be the result. 

All who have to traverse the forests in the exercise of their calling, 
such as deer-hunters or searchers for camphor and honey, must in order 
to ensure success pay due regard to pantangs of speech as well as to 
various tangkays or magic formulas. Among other things it is said to 
be indispensable for the seekers of camphor to preface all remarks they 
make to one another by the way with the word kapho (camphor). When 
a tiger is close by he must not be spoken of by his proper name 
(rimueng), but must be called dato' (grandfather or ancestor) ^). 

i) The answer also, especially if the harvest has been very abundant, begins with the 
words fta bachut te* = "a mere trifle". 

2) So among the Irish peasantry it is considered unlucky to praise a child without adding 
the expression **God bless it" (^Translator). 

3) The Malays also fear to name the tiger when in his vicinity. (^Translator), 


A great part of the remaining hadih tnaja has been already described 
in our discussion of Achehnese manners and customs ; upon hadih maja 
indeed is based the observance of most of those adats which have no 
(Mohammedan) religious significance or origin, but the neglect of which 
is believed to be attended with evil results in this life. 
Incantations The lore of ajeumats (amulets), rajahs (formulas which when written 
serve as amulets and when spoken as charms), tangkays (incantations), 
and duas (prayers) is of course very highly prized. No one who has 
any regard for his own well-being or that of those belonging to him, 
can dispense with the aid of the experts in such lore. 

All these serve as protectives or preparatives. Those who wish for 
success in love have recourse to a peugaseh or love-charm, those who 
would sell their wares at a profit to a peulareh, while for every sickness 
a tangkay is employed, even though medicines be applied as well. 

We have already noticed the malignant lore of poisons {Heumye tuba) 
and of the fungi ') in particular. 
Medical art. The remarks, partly incidental and partly direct *), which we have 
made respecting the treatment of some diseases, have clearly shown that 
native medical science in Acheh, as indeed all over the Indian Archi- 
pelago, is based to a great extent on superstition. In point of fact the 
simple application of a natural medicament without any "hocus-pocus", 
in case even of the most ordinary and well-known indispositions, is a 
rare exception, and numbers of diseases are treated with ** hocus-pocus" 
and nothing else. 

This very quackery is the only portion of medical science which the 
Achehnese would dignify with the name of ^leutn^e. All the rest is in 
his eyes mere practical knowledge, some degree of which everyone 
acquires as he advances in years. 

Such practical experience is more especially the property of women, 
whose task it always is to prepare the drugs, and it is the old women 
in particular whose advice is constantly called for by those who seek 
medical aid outside the limits of their own homesteads. Such experts are 
known as uretieng meuubat or ** medicine people" a name applied to both 
sexes, though one hears more often of the ;«/z 7/^^?/ or ** medicine mother". 
Foreign in- Their lorc has not remained free from foreign influences. In the stalls 
fluence. ^j- ^j^^ druggists (ureueng meukat aweueh) there are to be found a number 

i) Vol. I p. 414. 2) Vol. I pp. 408 et seq. 


of products native to Acheh, but many more simples of Indian and 
Arabian and even of Chinese origin. Without making the smallest claim 
to completeness, I note below some of the recipes used in indispositions 
of common occurrence in Acheh. It should be added that the proportion 
of each ingredient and the amount of the dose are determined in each 
case by the instructions of the ma ubat *). In Java in like manner, 
purely native prescriptions contain no indications as to quantity, or 
only very vague ones. 

The remedy prescribed for all inflammation of the eyes is injection 
of the juice squeezed from the buds of the wild fig. 

Conjunctivitis (mata timbh lit. = "germination of the eye") is very Conjunctiv- 


common. It is treated by dropping into the diseased eye about sundown 
on three successive evenings the juice obtained by rubbing a certain 
viscous sort of grass called naleueng awo. This is repeated seven times 
on the first evening, five on the second and three on the third. There 
is another method of treating this disease which suggests the symbolical 
heart-cleansing of the hajis at JebM Nur near Mekka^). A cocoanut- 
shell is laid on the patient's head, and on it is placed a grain of rice 
(a symbol of the white "bud" in the eyeball) with a little piece of 
turmeric {kuny^t). The grain of rice and the kunyct are then cut through 
with a sharp knife. **If it be Allah's will" the ulcer in the eye will 
then shortly break up and disappear. 

Small-pox patients^) are **cooled" by being bathed on three succes- 
sive days with water in which finely pounded leaves of peureuya la'dt 
are left to ferment. This bathing is called the first, second and third 
water {i'e sa, dua, Ih^e), After the third water there is hope of recovery, 
as, if the patient is going to die, he generally does so before that time. 

When the small-pox ulcers have appeared, the patient is rubbed with 
*sour water" [i'e asam) composed of water mixed with the juice of the 
lime (sreng), cummin (jara or jeura putih) and kunyct, and boiled down 
to a paste. After this has dried, the mites (kumeun) which are supposed 
to cause the ulcers are killed by rubbing the patient with beuda^ (bSdak) 
mixed with turmeric or lime-juice. To counteract the evil effects of this 

i) Where a measure is prescribed, this is done in precisely the same way as by the 
dukuns in Java; cf. A. C. Vorderman's Kritische beschouwingen over Dr, C Z. Van der 
Burg's ^Materia Indica (Batavia 1886), p. 24. 

2) See my Mekka, Vol. II pp. 321 — 22. 

3) We have already (Vol. I pp. 416 — 17) described the purely superstitious practices in 
regard to small-pox. 


disease on the eyes a little of the moisture derived from the slug called 
abo is injected into them. 

The small-pox patient may eat roasted food, but the roasting must 
not be done in his house; meat and eggs he may not touch. 

All purgatives are called julab. As such are employed, among other 
things, the pips of the penny euha-(vM\t and a kind of castor-oil (minyeu 
nawciih) of native manufacture. 

Ordinary diarrhoea (chiret) is treated with sour semi-ripe blingg^-bmts, 

or an extract of roasted buffalo-hide and roasted rice, both of which 

ingredients are first pounded fine. 

Dysentery Dysentery {bidh) is treated with opium, or with a compound of pounded 

' unripe pisang klat (a kind of plantain with an astringent taste) and 

molasses *). 

In cholera ^) [tc^euriy tmitah-chiret) and kindred ailnients, the patient 
is given sugarcane juice mixed with a little powdered turmeric to drink, 
or else rice-water with some gambir, or extract of pounded betelnut 
(pinang)y or the expressed juice of a pomegranate which has first been 
heated with the skin on. The sufferer is also cooled by constant bathing. 

It is said by the natives that a common preliminary symptom of 
choleraic seizures is a violent pain in the arm or leg, as though some 
hard body under the skin were moving upwards. This is regarded as 
the prime cause of the complaint, and it is sought to counteract it by 
cupping or making an incision over the spot where the foreign body 
is supposed to be felt. 
Fever. The feverish symptoms known as sijue-seu^uefn (cold-heat) are treated 

with the expressed juice of ^//«^A-leaves, together with those oi pisang 
talon (:= pisang raja), or with the bitter gummy sap of the bd'raja 
peunawa, called in Malay lidah buaya (crocodile's tongue) or simply with 
water in which seeds of the seulaseh {s^lasih) are soaked. The patient must 
not bathe, but is occasionally bespued with water from another's mouth. 

In deumam (continuous or remittent fever) nothing but tangkays or 
incantations are employed. 
Samp6ng. It is believed that the young suffer three times in their life from an 
indisposition called sampbng\ first at puberty {sampbng chut), again 
when they come of age [sampbng peuteungahan) and finally when they 
have completed their growth [sampong rayeu^ or sakH uU'e neurayeu = 

i) The children have a song which runs: AydA^ ''V\ *^y^^ — pisang klat tibat bidh, 
2) See Vol. I p. 415. 


i) See Vol. I p. 386. 

2) In Java such a bag, which is in special requisition after confinements, is called ponjcn 
(Jav.) or kanyut kundang (Sund.). 

3) It is used in Java also, especially in cases of persons struck by lightning. 

n 4 


sickness of the end of growth). The symptoms are said to be feverish- 
ness, loss of appetite and peculiar ridges crossing the middle of the 
nails. This indisposition is, like the saket drb'e or many a' \ regarded as 
one which must be allowed to take its natural course. 

Where children suffer from such a complaint, nature is assisted by 
laying on the forehead either ^A///«i'/-leaves (which resemble betel-leaves 
in appearance) or a chewed-up compost of cheuko [kinchtir), onions and 
turmeric. Another method resorted to in order to expel the demon of 
childish maladies is smoking (radon) with the vapour of burning bones, 
leaves, onions and horn. 

If a child suffers from hiccough, a small fragment of sirih-leaf is laid 
on its forehead. 

For headache or cold in the head various kinds of strongly flavoured 
rujak [cheunichah) are eaten. 

The old-fashioned housewife has always at hand a bag containing a 
store of the different simples appertaining to domestic doctoring. In 
this baluem ubat'^) are also carefully preserved the first excreta of 
newly-born infants (^' meujadi or mula jadi), regarded as a potent 
ingredient in remedies for convulsions etc. 

Human urine is also believed to have healing powers ') ; that of boys Urine, 
still uncircumcised is administered to those who have sustained a heavy 
fall from a tree or the roof of a house, etc., while water made in the 
morning immediately after rising [uWe i'e) is considered a sovereign 
remedy for jaundice (bambang kuneng). 

It is believed that the bites of sundry poisonous creatures can be 
cured by rubbing the part affected with some precious stone credited 
with healing powers, especially that known as ak^' (Arab, ^aqiq). For 
snake-bite is prescribed, in addition to incantations, cauterizing with 
red-hot iron or the application to the spot of half a split tamarind-seed. 
It is said that the bite of the snake known as uleue mate iku can only 
be cured by laying on the wound the brains of a snake of the same 

Small fresh superficial wounds or cuts are treated by applying to them 
by way of wadding the white web of a certain sort of spider called chd'ie. 



Eruptions Skin-diseases are very common and of many different kinds. A reddish 

ulcers etc. ' eruption called uri and a kind of swelling resembling, in appearance 

and the irritation it causes, the bite of the mosquito, are treated by 

rubbing in the ashes of wood (ai^e dapu) and the slaver of sirih {ie 

babah mirah). 

We have already noticed kudi (the skin-disease of the students) ') 
and its treatment, and glum and kurab (ringworm), some varieties of 
which no attempt is made to cure, the disease being actually fostered 
to ensure invulnerability, or because the marks it leaves are thought 
to enhance personal beauty *). For kurab ie is used a paste made of 
the leaves of the bush called glinggang (cassia alata), mixed with alum 
[tawdth) and white onions. 

A sick person who plucks glinggang leaves ^) for his own use must 
take care that his shadow does not fall upon the bush, as this would 
mar the efficiency of the remedy in his case. 

Pimples and pustules are called chumu'ety other words being added 
to express their size, e. g. chumuet lada (like peppercorns) or ch. gapeueh 
(cotton-tree seeds). Such excrescences are treated with a compost of 
buds of the //-tree mixed with onions. Larger pimples and boils on 
various parts of the body are called raho\ the bar ah occurs most 
generally on the thighs, and the biring under the arm-pits. More con- 
fidence is however placed in checking such pustules at the start than 
in the application of healing drugs. This method of suppression is called 
bantoty and consists in pressing on the part affected some lime over 
which a rajah has been recited. 

The various sorts of purte, which according to the Achehnese has 
nothing to do with venereal disease, are regarded as difficult of treat- 
ment. Hardly a family in Acheh escapes this infectious disease, which 
appears especially in the nose, mouth, feet and anus. In children it is 
treated with a corrosive mixture of blangan fruits, vitriol and janggot 
jin (a lichen, usnea barbata), laid on the ulcers after they have first 
been opened by rubbing the skin. Grown-up people, who usually catch 
this ailment from children, find it difficult to shake it off. 

The sores called kayab, which emit blood and pus, are also very 
infectious. A special variety is known as kayab-apuy (*fire-kayab") from 

i) S«e p. 31 above. 2) See p. 38 above. 

3) An extract of these leaves is recommended as a cure for impotence. 


its resemblence to a burn. The treatment is rubbing with cocoanut- or 

Budo* or leprosy is also called the **evil disease", peunyaket jheut. 
Lepers are avoided as much as possible in Acheh, but they are not always 
collected together in separate gampongs as is done on the N. and E. coasts^ 

The raseufong, a sore on the nose believed to be caused by the bite 
or the egg of a small insect which haunts the flowers of the pandan 
{seuk^) is regarded as incurable and deadly. 

The proper Achehnese name for biri-biri (commonly known as beri- Bcri-beri. 
beri) is difficult to ascertain, since this disease, at all events in the form 
it now assumes, appears to have been formerly unknown in the country ; 
it is identified sometimes with one and sometimes with another familiar 
Achehnese complaint that happens to bear some resemblance to it. It 
is thus usually designated by the name biri-biri, which has been only 
comparatively lately introduced into Acheh. 

Some assert that the proper name is barueh or charueh, and prescribe 
rubbing the body of the patient with the leaves of the barueh-tree *) 
chopped fine and mixed with vinegar, or a draught composed of the 
sap of these leaves mingled with water. 

Others say that badonty a light form of dropsy, and baso, the more 
severe stage of that disease, are really identical with biri-biri. The 
opponents of this view, on the other hand, allege that in badom and 
baso the patient does not suffer at all from difficulty in breathing, as 
is the case in biri-biri. 

Elephantiasis of the calves, accompanied by difficulty in walking, is 
called unfot, and has been indigenous in Acheh since ancient times. 
Recovery from this complaint is despaired of, as is also the case with 
buroty under which are included both hernia and all other diseases 
which cause enlargement of the scrotum. A popular proverb, illustrating 
human endeavours after greatness, says that there are two classes of 
men who unlike the majority of their fellow-creatures, are ever striving 
to become less than they are, namely those who suffer from uniot and 
from burot *) ; the allusion of course being to their efforts to reduce the 
swellings caused by these diseases. 

t; x) This view is perhaps simply due to the similarity of the names; many like instances 
are to be met with in native physic. We have already noticed an example of this in Acheh, 
in the treatment of the disease known as leuki with a twig of the bush of the same name. 
2) Nyang keumeung keuchut dua droe ureuing: siuntdt ngon siburdt. 


Burot is treated by the application of a paste made of white onions and 
the leaves of various trees, especially the reudeu'eb (Mai. dadap = erythrina); 
or else the scrotum is rubbed with the juice obtained by pounding up the 
buds of the man^-tree, mixed with lime. The patients are also directed 
to bathe early in the morning and to produce retching by inserting 
the finger in the mouth, in order that "what has sunk may rise again"! 
Affections of Pains in the joints are treated in a peculiar manner. One or two 
hoofs are obtained in an unbroken state from some one who is killing 
a buffalo or ox; from these the marrow [uta^ tuleu'eng) is extracted and 
rubbed on the part affected, or mixed with water and given to the 
patient to drink. 

Swellings caused by a fall or blow and broken limbs are dealt with 
as follows: some hot ashes or salt or a smooth heated brick are rolled 
up in a cloth and continuously rubbed [teu^uetn) on the injured part 
under heavy pressure. Another method is the laying on of compresses 
similarly folded up in a cloth (barot). 

Pain in swallowing is called kawe than (kawi = a fish-hook), and is 
treated by giving the patient water to drink in which has lain for some 
time a fish-hook which has been found in the maw of a fish. 
Gonorrhea. For gonorrhea {sakH sabon) the cure is to drink water mixed with 
soap, preferably the kind which the hajis bring back from Arabia '). 
Another remedy is pine-apple juice mixed with yeast, which we have 
already noticed as a specific against the fecundity of women \ or a 
solution of powdered white sea shells mixed with alum and camphor. 
Toothache. In diseased and hollow teeth is placed a mixture of three kinds of 
vegetable sap [geutah), that of the asan-tx^^y the keupula or sawo-tree, 
and the leaves of the nawdih or castor-oil plant. For toothache or face- 
ache a sort of medicinal cigar is smoked, the rukV siawan (Mai. sMawan), 
These cigars have for their covering leaves paper or pieces of plantain- 
leaf, and within a mixture of various finely-pounded leaves, such as those 
of the grupheti'eng agant (Mai. langgundi = vitex trifolia), grupheu'eng inbng^ 
nawdih (ricinus), rihan (resembling silasih),glinggang,peundang, adat agant, 
adat inbngj meura\ keusab rayeu\ keusab chut and pladang; some opium, 
a little of the resin called mb, some saffron (komkoma), a few foreign drugs 
such as ganti and meusui, some camphor and tree-cotton. There must 

i) The Achehnese seldom use soap, but hajis sometimes bring back soap with them from 
Mekka, for the washing of their own bodies after death. 
2) Vol. I p. 70. 


also be added a portion of the 44 herbs which we shall presently 

Siawan is a complaint which is supposed to result in the early falling Siawan. 
out or turning grey of the hair, the rapid decay of the teeth and 
weakening of the eyesight. Its symptoms are toothache, a disagreeable 
sensation in the nose, and headache. The medicinal cigar just described 
is also used as a remedy for this complaint. 

A moderate use of various narcotics is prescribed for sundry purposes, 
as for example the smoking of ganja (hashish) to excite the appetite, 
and the eating of opium to render the body thickset or to prolong 
sexual enjoyment. 

The bitter extract of beum-ltdivcs taken on an empty stomach, serves Various other 

. «.' 1 1 Ml It* r 1* ca • 1 • • • ..1 medicaments. 

to dispel a chill and shivery feeling often experienced on rising in the 

The Achehnese very rarely drink tea or coffee ') on ordinary occasions, 
but in case of illness these beverages are employed in place of water, 
or at all events the latter is boiled before use, a custom which European 
medical science is certain to regard with approval. 

A soup composed of various vegetables mixed together [gul^ rampbn) 
is the favourite fare of convalescents. 

Tears of the sea-cow or duyong (i'e mata duyon) are generally known 
by name as a sovereign cure, but no one has ever beheld them. 

The methods of treatment are for the most part identical with those 
common to the Malays and Javanese. 

A large number of external remedies are applied to the spot on Method of 
which they are supposed to act by ejection from the mouth. The 
bespuing of a wound with water to cleanse it is called preut, and the 
same word is applied to the beslavering of a sick person with sirih 
spittle or ^'charmed" water. This last is also called seumbo, but the more 
special meaning of this word is the bespuing of patients with chewed-up 
medicaments, whether blessed by an incantation or not. Blowing (proih) *) 
on the head or some other part of the patient's body as a finale to the 
recitation of a rajak, and of massage {urot), for which, as we have seen, 

i) The use of both of these beverages in Acheh is restricted for the most part to the 
foreigners who have settled in GampSng Jawa and their Achehnese neighbours or to hajis 
who have grown accustomed to their use during their sojourn in Arabia. 

2) Compare Sir William MaxwelVs description of a Malay cure N^. 22 p. 23 of Notes and 
Queries issued with N*. 14 of the Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 
for Dec. 1884. (Singapore 1885). (Translator J, 


some have received a special divine gift from the very time of their 
birth *), are universally practised. 

There remain to be described two recipes the application of which 
must be regarded as peculiarly Achehnese. 
Peundang. The first is the extract of the peundang-root, called gadting China ^) 
by the Malays. This is imported by Klings and other traders and has 
nothing but its name in common with the native Achehnese peundang, 
the leaves of which are used in the siawan-cigar described above. 

The root is very cheap, but its preparation is expensive, as there are 
at the most one or two persons in each mukim who understand how to 
turn it into a potent draught in the approved manner, and especially 
by employing those incantations which are indispensable to its efficacy. 

This draught is prescribed for all sorts of complaints ^) which other 
remedies have failed to cure, and especially in cases of loss of strength 
through excessive toil or continued illness. 

It is however no light matter to decide on having recourse to the 
peundang'CWTQ. The Achehnese are, indeed, firmly convinced that he 
who has once undergone it loses for the rest of his life his susceptibility 
to the influence of other medicines. The cure also requires a certain 
amount of patience. 
Dieting. It must be commenced by isolation for seven days, if possible without 
moving out of one room; and during this period the patient is subjected 
to numerous pantang-rules. He should eat, if possible only dry rice and 
other dry food, and must be careful to abstain from the flesh of the 
cocoanut, meat, vegetables and the juice of the ar^n and sugarcane. 
His drinking water must be entirely replaced by the decoction of the 

The draught is insipid to the taste for the first few days, but after- 
wards grows more and more bitter. It must be drunk to the exclusion 
of all other liquids for the first 40 days, but the strict dietary just 
mentioned only lasts for the first week. The Achehnese derive their 
knowledge of the healing properties of the peundang from Nias ; it is sup- 
posed to have been discovered by the leprous princess banished thither, 
from whom the whole population of the island is said to be derived *). 

1) Vol. I, p. 374. 

2) The botanical name is Stnilax China. (^Translator), 

3) In Van Langen's Dictionary it is stated to be a specific against syphilis ; this is an error. 

4) See Vol. I p. 20. 


Next come the ^44 herbs or medicaments" [aweu'eh peuet ploh peuet) to 
which we have already more than once made passing reference '). We 
are aware of the peculiar significance of the number 44 in Acheh *). 
This number is not always strictly adhered to in practice (as for instance 
in the case of the days of purification after childbirth, and also of the 
number of these herbs), yet still everyone speaks of the 44 days and 
the 44 herbs. 

In the shops of the druggists (ureueng meukat aweu'eh) in the Acheh- 
nese markets, is to be found a rich variety of dried seeds, tubers, roots 
and leaves and even articles of mineral origin, which are to some small 
extent indigenous, but for the most part imported from India or Arabia. 
Small quantities of each of these simples to the number of 44 are taken 
at hap-hazard, mixed together and pounded to a powder. This powder 
is of itself regarded as an excellent curative, but it is most generally 
employed as an indispensable ingredient of various recipes. 

The tradition which determines what ingredients should go to make 
up the 44, is in the keeping of the drug-sellers and of the physicians 
male and female {ureueng meu'ubat or ma ubat). On this subject there 
is not complete unanimity of opinion, but the difference is only as to 
trifling details; as a rule those who prepare the powder for themselves 
employ a greater number of ingredients than the traditional 44. On 
the other hand the drug-sellers keep in a separate jar a supply of the 
powder for such as wish to purchase it ready-made; the quantity 
required for any given prescription can be had at a very low price, 
but there is a general idea that in the mixture thus sold dust and ashes 
are substituted for the most expensive ingredients. The list appended 
below contains the names of 56 simples which according to the authorities 
whom I have consulted find a place in the recipe of the aweu'eh peuet 
ploh peuet. Of some I can only give the native names, certain of which 
are borrowed from other countries; in classifying the rest I have had 
the advantage of the assistance of Dr. P. van Romburgh and Dr. A. G. 

I. Aweu'eh, This general name for herbs drugs and 

simples is also specially applied to the 
coriander seed, also called keutumba 
(Mai. kitumbar). 

i) Vol. I p. 382 and p. 53 above. 2) Vol. I pp. 264, 388, 429—30. 


2. KuUt tnanih. 

3. yara ') manih. 

4. y<nr« itam, 

5. y^?ra kusani. 

6. y^ra puteh. 

7. ^^a mank/u 

8. Bungbng lawang. 

9. 5i/;f/{' kalia, 

0. L^irf^? puteh. 

1. Jumuju. 

2. Champli puta or ^1//^. 

3. Tumbang mangko* *). 

4. Bungbng lawang Kleng. 

5. Haleuba, 

6. Sibeuranto. 

7. Kachang parang *). 

8. ^dA mayakanu 

9. Ow tfroif. 

20. Langkutueh China. 

21. ^<>A /«/a /^A)^*. 

22. ^<>A ktunue. 

23. Hinggu. 

24. Peundang. 

25. iVi>. 

26. Galagaro. 

27. Kulet laivang. 


Foeniculum panmorium *). 

Seeds of the Nigella Sativa. 

Caraway seed. 





White pepper. 

Seeds of Carum Copticum. 

Chabe jawa (Chavica densa) '). 

Scaphium Wallachii S. et E. (?) 

Seeds and seed-pods of the Japanese stel- 
lated anise (Illicium Anisatum). 


Fruits of Sindora Sumatrana. 

Canavalia gladiata DC. (red and white 

Jav, Majakani; gall-nuts from British India. 

Leaves of Baeckea frutescens L. 

Root-stock of Alpinia galanga. 

Fruits of Helicteres isora. 

Root-stock of Cyperus tuberosus. 

Asa foctida. 

Mai. Gadung China = the rhizome of 
Smilax China (see above p. 54). 

A kind of resin imported by the Klings. 

A sort of aloes-wood. 

Cinnamomum culilawan or cinnam. cam- 
phoratum (a bark). 

1) The forms jeura and jira (cf. Jar. jintSn) are also in use. 

2) Mr. H. N. Ridley, the Director of the Botanic Gardens at Singapore describes this as 
anise (Pimpinella anisum). (Translator)^ 

3) Ridley calls this Piper sarmentosum. (Translator), 

4) A specimen which 1 received later is according to Mr. Vorderman the as yet inexactly 
classified changkok of native physic in Java. 

5} A specimen received later is according to Dr. Vorderman the plant known at Batavia 
as ktKhang bengkok. It has not yet been exactly classified. 


28. Kulet srapat, 

29. Keuneurukam, 

30. Boh ke2ideukk, 

31. An^u" sisawi or keusawi, 

32. Meunta bat^e. 

33. Pucho\ 

34. ^t)A raseutovi, 

35. Peiija iuleueng. 

36. Peuja bu. 

37. Seuna maki, 

38. -5^// meusui, 

39. ^^A gantL 

40. Janggbt jen. 

41. Rmninya or rumia. 

42. Kachu. 

43. Chamchiiruih, 

44. Bungbng kambue, 

45. Kaplio Baroih. 

46. Kaptilaga, 

47. i?M /tf/^?. 

48. Komkoma. 

49. Tinvaya, 

50. i?yM apiun, 

51. Bungbng barueh. 

Bark of Cleghornia cymosa *). 

Incense resin. 

Jav. Maja kling = Myrobalani chebulae. 


The Achehnese say that this is found on 

rocks over which water has been running. 

The name signifies '*stone-scum". 
Jav.Puchuk=roots of Aplotaxis auriculata^). 
According to Mr. Vorderman probably a 

bud of the rose of Jericho. 

Borax in crystal. 

Massooi-bark = Sassafras goesianum. 
Jav. ganti, the highly aromatic root of 

Chinese origin, the mother-plant of 

which is not yet known. It is often 

found compounded with meusui in Jav. 

and Ach. recipes. 
A lichen, Usnea barbata. 
Arab, mumia = pitch. 
Cachou (Extractum acaciae). 
Jav. Alim = Lepidium Sativum. 



Blossom of a kind of wild mangosteen. 

As to the use to which its leaves are 

put, see above p. 51. 

i) As to this Mr. Ridley supplies me with the following note: "Cleghornia cymosa is 
Baisrea acuminata, a Ceylon plant. Srapat is applied to a number of climbing Apocynaceae, 
but specially in the Straits to Parameria polyneura". {Translator). 

2) Ridley describes this as "roots of cost. Saussaurea Lappa". (Translator), 


5 2. Cheuko, Malay Ch6kur, Jav. KSnchur, Sund. Chikur '). 

53. Kulet salasarL Jav. Pulasari = bark of the Alyxiastellata. 

54. MuglL Jav. BSngle = Zingiber cassumunar Roxb. 

55. Jeureung^e. Sund. Jaringao, Jav. Dringo = Acorus 


56. Aneu keudawong. Seeds of Parkia speciosa. 

Herewith we can take our leave of the ^leumees of the Achehnese. 
The We often read of the heroes of hikayats or stories and sometimes 

** fourteen 

sciences", hear it asserted in praise of ordinary mortals in Acheh that they have 
successfully practised **the fourteen sciences" {eleum^e peuet blaih). That 
this number has not been fixed by the Achehnese themselves may 
easily be surmised from the variety to be found in the recapitulations 
of these branches of knowledge. Every author has his own system of 
enumeration. One regards the 14 sciences as made up of different 
branches of the one science par excellence^ that of religion ; and these 
branches can equally well be divided into a greater or smaller number 
of heads than the supposed fourteen. Another includes in the fourteen 
various ileumi'es such as those we have just described. There is no hard 
and fast rule or traditional division. 

In Arabic works on the Mohammedan law, the scientific attainments 
required of a candidate for the post of qadh% or judge are often des- 
cribed as the mastery of 15 sciences. It is not improbable that in some 
work of this kind the number cited may have been 14 instead of 15, 
for in this case too the actual number depends very much on individual 
taste. This may have given rise to the adoption of 14 as the traditional 
number in Acheh, first in the learned circles and later on among the 
general public. Now however, each individual takes the liberty of deciding 
for himself what Heunih^s are included in the peuet blaih (fourteen). 

The term teuseureh *) peuet blaih, which really means the fourteen 
forms which in a tense of an Arabic verb serve to mark all distinctions 
of number, gender and person has gained a certain popularity outside 
the circle of literate men. It may well be that these teuseurehs (the true 
meaning of which is only known to those initiated in Arabic grammar) 
were conceived of as separate branches of learning. 

i) Described by Ridley as Kaempferia Galanga. {Translator), 
2) From the Arab, iagrlf = "inflexion". 

§ 6. Art. 

We have omitted "Art" from the title of this chapter, as it appears, 
so far as we are at present aware, never to have been cultivated to 
any great extent in Acheh. 

In the lowland districts, and especially in Meura'sa, there were stone-cuiters. 
formerly stone-cutters of repute, whose chief work was the ornament- 
ation of tombstones {nisain, bal^e jeurat), in which they displayed con- 
siderable skill. We have already explained ') the natureof this decorative 
work; and the difference between the nisams of men and women. 

This art is now practically defunct. Certain handsome stone monuments 

of royal personages are to be found in or near the chief town, but it 
is doubtful whether these are of native Achehnese workmanship. 

This doubt is still more justifiable in regard to a quite unique spe- . 
cimen of architecture, viz. the little building called the Gimbngan'') which 

I) Vol. I pp. 430—31- 

a) Nol, as it is wrongly called by lie Europeans resident ii 
(this Dgain ihoulJ be "Kula I'uchut"). 


stands behind the Dalam, and of which numerous representations have 
been already published. The origin and purpose of this building still 
remain unexplained except by a legend, something like that of the 
hanging gardens of Nebuchadnezzar's wife. It is said that a prince of 
Acheh, to gratify his highland consort who was homesick for the mount- 
ains of her native land, had this artificial hill erected and a pleasure 
ground laid out around it. The place where the building stands is in 
fact at the present time known to the Achehnese as Taman (** pleasure- 
ground"), whence we may perhaps conclude that it was formerly sur- ^ 
rounded by some sort of garden. In the latter days preceding the 
occupation of Acheh by the Dutch, the building appears to have 
occasionally served as a place of recreation for the members of the 
royal household, especially the women, who used to sit on the topmost 
terrace to enjoy the view. 

The ruins of the low vaulted gate at the back of the Dalam {Pinto Khob ^)), 
through which in former times none but royalties might enter, give evidence 
of the same style of masonry that is observable in the royal tombs. 

With the above exceptions the buildings of the Achehnese are, as 
we have seen, all of wood, and the only difference between the houses 
of great and small consists in their size, the character of the wood 
used, and the carving on the beams and walls. 

The art of silk-weaving continues to flourish as much as ever, and Weaving. 
no little taste is displayed in many of the patterns worked in silk 
of various colours or shot with gold thread, for loin-cloths (ija pinggang) 
and kerchiefs (ija sawa') and materials for trousers [lueu'e or silueue). 

The names given to the ijas and lueu'es at once recall to connoisseurs 
their colour, pattern etc. These names are partly borrowed from their 
appearance, as ija lunggi mirahy ija plang, ija plang rusa, sileu'e plafig 
tujoh lumpat, silueue lufong meukasab ; partly from the place where 
the pattern was first introduced or is best designed, as for instance 
ija Lam Gugob, Langkareueng, Lam Bhu ; and partly from both 
combined, as ija lunggi Mukim Peuet, ija Lam Gugob bungbng peuet. 

The commonest pattern for the centre-piece of a garment is called 
awan ("clouds"), another bungbng tabu (**strewn flowers"), while the 
different figures in which the gold thread (kasab) is interwoven with 

i) When a salvo of seven guns had to be fired in the Dalam, four were let off at the great 
gate (J^intd Raya) and three near the back gate {Pintd Khdb), 

the silk of the borders, are denoted by such names as glima ("pome- 
granate"), glima meugantung, gUma siseun Iroik, glima bunghng peuet, 

reukueng Icui-' ("neck of the tfikukur or dove"), taloi- ii- ("water-border", 
from a resemblance to dropping water). 

Almost every woman knows how to weave, but the setting up of the 
woof is the task of expert dames, not more than one or two of whom 
are to be found in each gampong. Most of the silk employed is taken 
from Achehnese silk-worms and spun by Achehnesc women, but foreign 
/Chinese) silk is also used. The native silk is also coloured by the 
weavers themselves. They used formerly to employ indigenous dyes, 
such as indigo leaves (om tarwn), the sap of various kinds of wood, such 
as seupeueng, kudrang, roots of keumudt-e (Mai, bengkudu], also turmeric, 
ashes, mud, lime-juice and alum. These ingredients have now been to 
some extent driven out of the field by the cheap aniline dye-stuRs 
imported from Frankfurt and Ludwigshafen; even these however are 
in the first place mixed with lime-juice and alum. 

The art displayed in the work of Achehnese goldsmiths and silver- Gold- and 


smiths does not attain a high level. The workmanship of the hilts of 
weapons made of buffalo-horn, wood and the precious metals is not 
without artistic merit, but this craft is now rapidly deteriorating. 

Formerly there were to be found in Acheh flourishing potteries, in 
which the pots, pans, plates, lamps etc. for household use were manu- 
factured by women. Though their implements were most primitive, they 
displayed great skill. In the group of gampongs called Ateue', formerly 
noted for its pottery, the manufacture is still carried on by a number 
of women, but their products are being gradually driven out of the 
market by foreign goods, which though somewhat dearer are more 
durable. The art displayed in this native pottery possesses no great merit. 

On the whole we gain the impression that the artistic sense of the 
Achehnese is but little developed, except in the manufacture of silk 
fabrics, in which much taste is displayed both in colouring and in pattern. 
During the period of the prosperity of the port-kings, constant inter- 
course with strangers, and the desire of those of high rank to rival 
other peoples in show and splendour, may have led to the temporary 
importation of some degree of art, but this quickly disappeared with 
the political degeneration which supervened. The foreign civilization 
which has exercised the most lasting influence on the Achehnese, 
namely that of Islam, is but little favourable to the awakening or 
development of the artistic sense. 

n 5 



' w: 

§ I . Introductory. Stories. Form of written Literature. 

fwrittcn and Under the head of Achehnese literature we comprehend all that has 
\ iu^"ture! been composed in their own language for the pleasure, instruction and 
'^ edification of the people of Acheh. I say purposely composed and not 
written^ since the hard and fast distinction between what is and what 
is not preserved by means of letters cannot be consistently applied to 
the productions of Achehnese writers whether past or present. To make 
this clear let us take one or two examples. 

Two heroic poems (MaUm Dagang and Pbchut Muhamat) dealing 

with historical facts and legends of the past of Acheh, have been known 

in written form as far back as the memory of the people extends. 

' Another, which in form and character quite corresponds with the two 

i mentioned above, and which celebrates the heroic deeds of the Acheh- 

I nese in their war with the Dutch, was composed gradually by a man 

I who could neither read nor write, and was first reduced to writing in 

its entirety at my own instance. Yet it would be captious criticism to 

include the first two and not the last under the head of literature. 

In the literary works of the Achehnese, pantons are frequently 
introduced. There are however many other pantons, such as those 
recited at the ratebs and other similar occasions, which are only trans- 
mitted by word of mouth; and yet these have often a much higher 
significance in relation to the intellectual side of Achehnese life than 
those which are interwoven in stories. Equally absurd would it be to 
reckon the latter only as forming a part of the literature while excluding 
the former. 


Nor indeed can it be said that an Achehnese work is better protected Authors and 
against change by the written than by the oral form of transmission. ^°^^ 
Every copyist claims an author's privilege to modify the original, just 
as the reciter does in transmission by word of mouth. Should he fail 
to embellish the original according to his own taste and ideas, he would 
be looked on by the Achehnese as lacking both intelligence and literary 

In any case there can be no objection to our devoting a portion of 
this chapter to those products of the Achehnese intellect which lie on 
or just outside the borders of literature. 

The Achehnese is very rich in proverbs and other sententious sayings Proverbs, etc. 
{miseue, from the Arab, tnithal). Many of these are also to be found 
in a more or less modified form in Malay, while others display purely 
Achehnese characteristics. Descriptions of important events or conditions 
which constantly recur in Achehnese life, are generally contained in 
metre, and in this form are known to everybody. For instance, one 
need only repeat the prelude "/ go on foof\ to at once remind an Acheh- 
nese of the verses placed in the mouth of heroes departing for the fight, 
and he will repeat the stanza: "'On my back (= borne by others) shall 
I return; none shall dare to fetch me (= my corpse) from the enemy's 
land. At my departure I have spat upon the steps of the house (symbolic 
leave-taking of the Penates); no man can see the world twice*\ 

The situation which we should describe by the comparison '^two cocks 
in one fowl-yard" *), at once suggests to the Achehnese a number of 
verses descriptive of untenable situations such as "'a country with two 
kings'\ ^a mosque with two lights'' (i.e. two doctors of the law, each 
of whom wishes to be the ruling authority) '^a gampong with two 
teachers". Such examples might easily be multiplied ten-fold. 

The riddles (hiem) of the Achehnese are some of them identical in 
all respects, all of them in character, with those of the Malays, Javanese 
and Sundanese. 

The works employed by the Achehnese for the pursuit of their various 
branches of learning, are, as we saw in the last chapter, written in 
Malay or Arabic; some of these are however, as we shall presently 
see, popularized by being transposed into Achehnese rhyming verse. 


i) " Twee han€n in een hok^\ The English equivalent of this expression is "two kings in 
Brentford", which is very close to the Achehnese. (Translator), 





Hadih maja. 

The only works in the vernacular that we know of, which may be 
reckoned among the (elementary) text-books for students, are a small 
rhyming guide to the study of Malay, a handbook on the first principles 
of faith and religious law written in prose, a few treatises on the twenty 
characteristics of God, only one of which is written in prose, and some 
others on ritual prayers. 

The two named above are the only Achehnese prose works that we 
have been able to discover. It may thus almost be said that it is poetry 
alone which is perpetuated in Achehnese writings. We might however 
give the name of "unwritten prose" to the stories transmitted by word 
of mouth (like those which have so wide a circulation in Java under 
the name of dong^ng), which are used in Acheh to put children to 
sleep when they are too old for cradle-songs, to shorten the evenings 
for grown-up people, and to dispel boredom at social gatherings. 

There is no specific name in Acheh for these tales. They are indeed 
known as haba (Arab, chabar), but the same name is given to the stories 
of old folk about their bygone days, or their traditions respecting the 
past history of Acheh, and in general to all tidings of any event. An 
old Achehnese chief who has the reputation of being wise and prudent, 
is sure to have in his wallet a store of haba jameun ^) [haba of the 
olden times), which he displays on occasion to his respectful listeners. 
Although such serious narratives are called by the same name as the 
tales and saws employed to please children, the two ideas remain strictly 
separate in the minds of the Achehnese. 

The first kind of haba, which relates to the past history of the 
country, combines instruction with amusement, and is in so far akin 
to what the Achehnese call hadih *) maja = tales ox traditions of 
grandmothers, or rather of female ancestors. Under this heading they 
comprehend all sorts of traditions preserved by old people, especially 
women, and which form an appendage to the popular custom and 
superstition. Customs at birth, marriage, death etc., not prescribed by 
religion, but the neglect of which is generally believed to result in 
misfortune, the pantang rules observed by the fisherman at sea, by the 
woman in her pregnancy, and by the hunter in the forest, all these 
are based on hadih maja, which thus comprises the lore regarding 

1) Malay chtritra tXman dhulu, (Translator), 

2) From the Arab, kadlth = tradition. 



what the Sundanese call pamdli, chadu or buyut and the Javanese ila-ila^ 
and also the adats which control the daily life of each individual. The 
blessings, orations and stereotyped speeches described in the first volume 
of this work, may also be classified as hadih maja, ') 

Haba of the kind corresponding to the dong^ngs of the Sundanese 
and Javanese has a somewhat less uncertain form than the haba jameun 
and hadih maja. The reciters of these prose narrations, passed as they 
are from mouth to mouth, have of course greater freedom in the treat- 
ment of their subject than the copyists of an Achehnese book, yet 
certain elements of the haba remain unaffected by this license, and each 
reciter endeavours to adhere to the exact words in which the story 
has been repeated to him. 

These Achehnese fables and stories are well worth the trouble of Character 
transcribing. They present to the ear a language much more closely ^^^^ fables 
akin to the colloquial of daily life than do the rhyming verses in which ^^^©s. 
almost the whole of the written literature is composed, and their contents 
are often of much interest. 

Some habas are simply modified reproductions in prose of romances 
written in verse. I have had reduced to writing, among others, a very 
long Achehnese dongfeng consisting of numerous disconnected parts, the 
principal elements of which may be met with elsewhere in Achehnese 
and Malay literature. It also frequently happens that an Achehnese, 
after reading some Malay romance hitherto unknown in his own country, 
popularizes its contents in the form of haba among his own fellow- 
villagers, and that it is thence disseminated over a wider area. 

In the habas of the Achehnese one also meets with much indigenous 
folklore, which entices the enquirer to comparisons with kindred matters 
among other peoples of Indonesian race. Besides peculiar differences in 
the manner of transmission of these tales among the various peoples 
of the Eastern Archipelago, there is a still more striking agreement 
among them in the main subjects, and this is noticeable even where 
there can have been hardly any possibility of borrowing, in later times 
at least. How much of this common material have all these different 
peoples obtained from India, and subsequently worked up and added 
to, each to suit their own taste ? How much of it is of purely domestic 
origin ? 

i) See also p. 43 above. 

For the present we must limit ourselves to collecting the data which 
will eventually assist us to solve these problems. 

Elsewhere I propose to publish a few of these Achehnese haba; here 
I must rest content with giving the reader some idea of their character. 

The "crafty The Achehnese stories about the ** crafty Mouse-deer" *) will shortly 
be presented to the reader, epitomized from a native manuscript. Besides 
this rather rare work, however, we find all these tales and many others 
relating to the plando* kanchi (**crafty mouse-deer") in the form of haba. 
The Hikayat plando^ kanchi^ as the written work is called, is nothing 
more or less than haba in rhyming verse. 
The native Just as popular in Indonesian fable as the crafty Mouse-deer is a 

,u enspiege^ certain character which even on the most superficial acquaintance ex- 
hibits unmistakeable traces of relationship with the German Eulenspiegel, 
the Arabo-Turkish Juha or Chojah Nagr ad-dIn; it has caused me some 
surprise that no one, as far as I am aware, has hitherto given any 
att ention to this remarkable type. 

Si Kabayan. I am myself best acquainted with the Native Eulenspiegel in his 
Sundanese dress; my collection of 70 dongings from Preanger, BantSn 
and South ChirSbon give a picture of his character. He is there pretty 
generally known as Si Kabayan; but in some places and in some of 
the tales told of him he appears as Si Buta-Tuli (the Blind and Deaf), 
while in certain localities sayings and doings which are elsewhere put 
down to Si Kabayan's account, are here narrated under another name. 
Such for example is the dongfeng of Aki Bolong published by Mr. G. 
J. Grashuis; ^) this story is current under the name of Si Kabayan 
amongst the majority of the Sundanese. 

Kabayan's tomb is pointed out at Pandeglang and other places in 
BantSn, usually under mango-trees. This plurality of graves need not 
be considered an impossibility, in view of the varied accounts of the 
manner of his death. Some of the tales of Kabayan are at least as 
pretty as the best of those of Eulenspiegel 5 others owe their interest 
more to the rough specimens of popular pleasantry which they contain, 
while many are, according to European ideas, unfit for translation. Like 
Eulenspiegel, who as coachman greases the whole of his master's carriage 

i) Mouse-deer is pZlanduk in Malay. For an English version of the Malayan tales about 
this little creature see Skeat's **Fables and Folk-tales." The qualities attributed by Indonesians 
to the pHianduk are somewhat similar to those with which we endow the fox. ("Translator J, 

2) Soendaneesch Leisboek, (Sundanese reader), Leiden 1874, pp. 58 et seq. 


in place of the axle, Kabayan is always taking the wrong meaning out 
of the words of his educators and advisers and constantly alarming 
astonishing or injuring them by his method of putting their advice in 
execution. He himself, too, often gets into great difficulties through his 
endless misconceptions. From these straits, however, he always manages 
to escape, and though he never has a cent to his name, arid shows a 
constant disinclination to settle down to any fixed occupation or calling 
or to fulfil his duties as husband or father, he comes out with flying 
colours day by day from all his pranks, and moves to side-shaking 
laughter all who have not suffered personal damage from his rogueries 
and cunning stupidity. 

Having once for all become the central point around which all popular 
humour and irony revolve, he undoubtedly plays a part occasionally 
in stories which originally belonged to a different cycle or even in 
those imported from foreign countries. It is just in this way that legend 
^s wont to ascribe to a great hero deeds which were really performed 
by some of his less celebrated colleagueis. The encyclopaedia of Kabayan 
stories now even comprises some tales differing entirely from one another 
in type; in some of these the hero is nothing but a foolish dullard, 
while in others he is characterized by the utmost cunning. Both of these 
are at variance with the Eulenspiegel character. Among the Sundanese 
villagers not only are these tales constantly repeated both by old and 
young, but their whole speech flows over with allusions and quotations 
from these dong^ngs. It is not surprising, therefore, that the name 
"Kabayan" is often heard even in the kampongs of Batavia. 

The same remarks apply, though in a less degree, to the Jaka jaka Bodo 
Bodo (silly youngman) of the Javanese and to Si Pandie among the ^^ P^ndie. 
Menangkabau Malays; also (to return to our Achehnese) of the * Eulen- 
spiegel" whom they variously name Si Metiseukin, ^) Si Gasien-meuseukin siMeuseukin 
or Pa' Pande. *) Up to the present I have been able to collect but ^*' Pa^d6. 
a few of the habas relating to him, but these few harmonize to a marked 
degree with these of the Sundanese, while in form and dress they ex- 
hibit many genuine Achehnese characteristics. 

Thus for instance the Haba Si Meuseukin nyang keumalbn (Si Meuseukin gj Meuseukin 

as a diviner. 

i) The Arabic-Malay miskin «= "poor": gasien = the Malay kasihan (**poor" in the sense 
of "pitiable") but in Achehnese it is used to signify "unfortunate," "beggar." 

2) This name must not be understood in its ordinary sense of "blacksmith," but as the 
Achehnese pronunciation of the Menangkabau pandie = "silly." 


as a diviner) is identical in form with the dong^ng of Aki Bolong just 
mentioned, which is current among other Sundanese in two parts, viz. 
5/ Kabayan nujum and Si Kabayan naruhkeun samangka. 

The Achehnese have many versions of this haba which differ widely 

from one another in details. 

Si Meuseu- The haba Si Meuseukin meukawin (Si Meuseukin's wedding) is a dis- 

^m% weaa- g^sting tale, though only moderately so if measured by the standard 

of the Sundanese Kabayan stories. In the Sundanese I know of three 

duplicates of this unsavoury tale; in one of these Kabayan's internal 

troubles are caused by apSm-dough, in another by dage *) and in the 

third by peuteuy, ^) The Achehnese Si Meuseukin's colic on the other 

hand results from the eating of nangka (a kind of jack-fruit, bbh pandih 

in Achehnese). 

Haba Pa' In the haba Pa' Pande there are strung together a number of stories 

^^ the counterparts of which form separate narratives among the Sundanese. 

In the Achehnese version Pa* Pand^ (= Si Meuseukin) after receiving 
an exhortation to diligence which he duly misunderstands, goes forth 
to catch blind deut-fish ; in the Sundanese dongeng Si Kabayan jeung 
nyaina (**Si Kabayan and his mother in-law") he fishes with a hoop-net 
for a blind paray. 

When sent to seek a teungku, ^) Pa' Pande through misconception of 
the order comes home first with a ram, and then with a bird of the 
kind called kue" \ similar mistakes form the motif in the Sundanese Si 
Kabayan boga ewe anyar and Si Kabayan dek kawin (**Si K's early 
married life" and ^'Si K. goes to get him a wife"). 

Pa' Pand^ steals into a sack in which his wife had stowed her house- 
hold goods and food; similarly the Sundanese Eulenspiegel deceives his 
grandmother in Si K. ngala daun kachang (**Si K. plucking bean leaves") 
and his grandfather in Si K, ngala onjuk (*Si K. gathering arfen-fibres"). 
Other points of resemblance are not wanting, but are less obvious than 
the above. 

Besides the Sundanese Kabayan-tales, we may also compare the Si 
Meuseukin and Pa' Pande with the Malay stories of Pak BUalang and 

i) Dage is eaten as an adjunct to rice. It consists in fruits of a certain kind which secrete 
oil when partially decayed; after being kept a sufficient time they are cooked and eaten 
with the rice as a relish. 

2) Peuteuy (Anagyris L. « Mai. pttet) is a bean with an offensive odour, also used as a relish. 

3) See vol. I, p. 71. 


Lebai Malang (published by A. F. von Dewall in **Bunga rampai" 
vol. IV. Batavia 1894). 

We must however always remember that the name Si Meuseukin has 
not acquired so specialized a meaning as that of Si Kabayan. This last 
is always used by the Sundanese to designate their Eulenspiegel. In 
the Achehnese, however, Si Meuseukin or the "Poor Devil" may be 
the hero of other tales as well as the Eulenspiegel ones. 

In the somewhat prolix Haba Raja Bayeu'en ') (** Story of the bayan- Story of the 
prince") Si Meuseukin plays a part which again reminds us to some 
extent of Si Kabayan, but many of his adventures are of a similar sort 
to those of Indra Bangsawan and Banta Amat, with whom we shall 
presently make further acquaintance as heroes of fiction. Si Meuseukin's 
finally becoming the monarch of a great kingdom places this tale entirely 
outside the sphere of Eulenspiegel stories. 

The same is true of another Haba Si Meuseukin in which the hero Si Meuseukin 


is continually being wronged and cheated by his elder brother, but 
eventually becomes the happy possessor of two princesses and a king- 
dom. This story also shows features which recall Indra Bangsawan; like 
the latter, for instance, Si Meuseukin serves a princess for some time 
in the guise of a shepherd. 

To conclude our brief review of the Achehnese haba's, we shall The cloven 
mention but one more, the Haba ureueng lob lam batu ^) bldih bat^'e 
meutangkob ("story of one who hid herself in a cleft of a stone, a stone 
which closed together"). This is the marvellous history of two boys, 
Amat and Muhamat, whose mother had an intrigue with a snake in 
the jungle and cradled in her house her lover's soul, enclosed in a 
cucumber. Many varieties of this tale are current in the Gayo and Alas 

Most of the literary productions of the Achehnese which we are now 
about to describe, are in writing, and almost all are composed in verse. 
We must therefore pause a moment to consider the Achehnese prosody. 

The Achehnese have properly speaking only one metre. This is called Achehnese 
sanja\ ^) and consists of verses each of which contains eight feet, or ^^^^ *^' 

i) Bayan is the talking bird which so often appears in Malay hikayats; the Achehnese 
identify it with their tiong i. e. the mina. 

2) We should expect to find here bati'e^ which occurs two words further on, but in this 
one instance the Malay pronunciation is followed. 

3) The same word as the Malay saja\ derived from the Arabic saf^ which means rhyming prose* 


rather four pairs of feet, as the two middle pairs in each verse rhyme 
with one another in their final syllables ; the concluding syllable of each 
verse also rhymes with that of the next, it being understood that in a 
long poem the poet has full licence to vary the rhyme as often as he 

A verse is called ayat^ which is the Arabic name for a verse of the 
Quran. Achehnese poems are generally, though not always, written 
continuously, so that a verse is often distributed over two lines; to 
separate the verses from one another marks are employed similar to 
those to be seen in copies of the Sacred Book. 

The simplest form of the Achehnese verse is that in which each 
foot contains two syllables, as: *) 
gah ban | gajah | sie ban | tulo || jitueng | jud5 |{ dinab | mata || 

adat I mat^ | ku pa- | ban bah |{ hana | salah l| Ion ji- | pak6 |j 

There is no such thing in Achehnese as quantity. The essence of the 
metre lies in the incidence of the accent, which is always laid on the 
last syllable of each foot. So far the Achehnese verses are in direct 
contrast to the Malay, in which the movement is •'diminuendo", the 
strong accent falling on the first part of the foot. Mutatis mutandis, we 
might call the Malay metre trochaic, and the Achehnese iambic. 
Feet and Verses containing one or more feet of more than two syllables are 
sy a es. ^^ X^zst as common as those in which each foot contains only two 
syllables. Thus if - be taken as denoting the accent and w its absence, 
v>_ may always be replaced by v^w- In: 

hana | digdb | na di | geutanyde || sabdh | nanggrde || dua | raja || 
the fourth foot has three syllables. This most commonly occurs in the 
second of each pair of feet, thus in: 

adat I na umu | dudde | Ion paroh || ba' bhaih | nyang tujoh 1| keud^h | 
Ion mula || 
the 2tli, 4th, 6th and 8^^ feet are of three syllables. 

A favourite modification of the rhyme in the middle of the verse 
consists of making the less accentuated first part, and not (as ordinarily) 
the last syllable of the 6tb foot, rhyme with the last syllable of the 
4th. For example: 
diju- I rfee na | pasu | leukat || di ram- | bat || na | pasu | saka 

I) The feet are separated by the mark | , which is doubled || after the rhyming syllables. 


kawan | gata | jikheun | jip6h || meung sa | b6h || han | jikeu- | bah 16 \\ 
The commotl form in these examples would be for the fifth and sixth 
feet to run thus na dirambat and kan meung sabbk, as the rhyme would 
then coincide with the end of the foot. 

Among the numerous instances of poetic license we may notice the Poetic 


rhyming of a with eu'e or eu^ i with i or e^, o with «, e and eu. Of the 
final consonants at the end of the rhyming syllables m is also regarded 
as rhyming with by n with ng and sometimes even b and the final guttura^ 
denoted by > as rhyming with one another and with /. There is however 
no definitely accepted rule for such kinds of license ; it is a question 
of individual taste. 

The word janggay (discordant) is used to indicate the harshness of 
a slovenly verse or one in which there is too much poetic license. A 
poem which answers to the canons of taste is called keunbng (* hitting 
the mark"). 

When at a loss for suitable rhymes poets sometimes resort to the 
expedient of addressing the reader at the end of a verse with words 
which rhyme in pairs, as wahi ti'elariy wahi rakan, (oh comrade!) wah^ 
putrb'e (oh princess!) wahi adb'e (oh younger brother or sister!) v)ahi 
raja^ wahi siedara etc. 

All the poems of the Achehnese, that is to say almost all their literary 
productions, are declaimed in singsong style (beuet === Malay bacha). 

Both the pantDns and the component parts of rat^bs have various 
different methods of intonation, called sometimes by onomatapaeic names, 
such as meuhahala meuhihili and sometimes after the place of their 
origin (as jawb'e bar at ^= **the intonation of the Malays of the West 
Coast"), sometimes from their character (as rancha^ = * animated"). 

For the hikayats which form the principal part of the literature, two styles of 
sorts of intonation are specially employed, the lagie Acheh or Dalam '■^*^*^^^°- 
(Achehnese or Court style) and the lagee Pidi'e (Pidir style). Both styles 
are further divided into lag^e bagaih (quick time) and lagie jareueng 
(slow time). The reciter of a hikayat employs each of these in turn, 
in order to relieve the monotony. The lag^e jareueng is preferred for 
solemn or tragic episodes. The syllables are given a prolonged enunciation, 
the vowels being lengthened now and then with the help of a nasal 
^ng.'' Thus in the **slow time" the double foot puchol* meugisa becomes 
pungucho* meugingisa. 

Various kinds Three kinds of poems are composed in the Achehnese metre. 

of poetry. 

PanWns. First come the pantons. These have this in common with Malay 

pantons, that they generally treat of love, and that each consists of 
two parts (with the Achehnese of one verse each) of which the first 
has little or no meaning, or is at all events unconnected in sense with 
what the poet really wishes to express, and only serves to furnish 
rhymes to aid the memory. Adepts have only to hear the first line of 
any favourite panton to at once grasp the meaning of the whole. 

We have already given some examples of non-erotic pantons in the 
formal dialogues connected with marriage ceremonies. The love pantons 
are numberless, both the old ones which everyone knows, and new 
ones to which the young keep continually adding. A single example 
will here suffice: *) 

Ba' meureuya | didalam paya || pucho' meugisa || ba' mata ur6e || 
Meung na ta'eu | mataku dua || adat ka tabung- || ka ba' reujang taw6e || 

**A sago palm in the swamp. 

"Its crown twists round with the sun. 

**Do you still see (i. e. do you still remember) my two eyes, 

**Come then, if you are already gone, come quickly back again." 
Pant5n meu- Panfon meukaratigy i. e. a series of pantons, is the name given to 
karang. dialogues in panton form, whether between lovers, or (as for instance 

at a wedding) between hosts and guests. 

A good many pantons are committed to writing, especially in the 
versified tales and other works where they are quoted or placed in the 
mouth of one of the characters. The majority, however, both of the 
separate pantons and the panton meukarang just described, are trans- 
mitted orally alone. 

Pantons are employed in love making, in the traditional dialogues 
on solemn occasions, in sadati-games and cradle-songs. They are also 
used in dances such as are performed in Pidie by women and boys to 
the accompaniment of music. 

We may remark in passing that there are pantons in Achehnese 

which imitate to some extent the form of those of the Malays. These 

are however exceptional, and are not to be regarded as genuinely 


The rat^bs. Sanjd* is also used as the vehicle for the most important portions 

Nasib and 


i) We give here only the divisions between each pair of feet. 


(nasib and kisah) of the recitations in the plays called rateb. An account 
of these will be given later, in the chapter on games and pastimes. 

Last, but not least, the hikayats are composed in sanja\ or we Hikayats. 
might rather say, all that is composed in this metre, except the panfons 
and nasibs and kisahs above referred to, is called hikayat. This word, 
which is derived from the Arabic, entirely loses in Achehnese its original 
signification of **story", which it has retained in Malay. The Achehnese 
apply the term hikayat not only to tales of fiction and religious legends, 
but also to works of moral instruction and even simple lesson-books, 
provided that the matter is expressed in verse, as is in fact the case 
with the great majority of Achehnese literary productions. 

Another of the recognized characteristics of a hikayat is that it should 
commence with certain formulas in praise of Allah and his Apostle, to 
which are sometimes appended other general views or reflections of the 
author's own, till finally the actual subject is reached. This transition 
is almost invariably introduced by the words ajayib sobeuhan Alah 
which in the Arabic (*JLil qL^u*« w^JL^), signify **0 wonderful things! 
Praise be to God" but which in Achehnese literature have grown to 
be no more than an entirely meaningless introductory phrase. The 
syllables are usually divided thus ajayib so \ beuhan alah || and the fact 
that sobeuhan is all one word is quite lost sight of. 

A new subject or a new subdivision of the main theme is introduced 
by the poets as a fresh ^ kurangan'\ which latter word is equivalent 
to the Malay karangan '), i. e. literary composition. The usual form is : 
ama ba'adu \ dudb'e nibcC nyan || la^en karangan || ton chalitra || = *Now 
I pass on to another subject". But kurangan has also preserved in 
Achehnese the meaning of a writing or essay. 

Our remarks on the form of Achehnese literary works would be Nalam. 
incomplete without some mention of the nalam. This word is the 
Achehnese pronunciation of the Arabic nazntj meaning poetry. The 
Achehnese however understand thereby writings composed in a metre 
imitating one of those employed by the Arabs. I say imitating, because 
the Achehnese language, possessing no settled quantities, does not lend 
itself to the absolute application of an Arabic metre. 

i) A similar example of the change of a or / into u may be seen in the word kupala 
used to denote a head man of a gampong appointed by the Dutch government. The good-natured 
patroness of lovers is sometimes called Ni Kubayan (Mai. Kibayan), 


The nalams with which I am acquainted are all composed in the 
metre described below, which is known as rajaz^ the emphasis of the 
accent in Achehnese taking the place of the length of the syllable in 

Each verse consists of 3 or 2 pairs of iambics. Thus we have for instance 
the trimeter: ngbn biseumilah \ ulon puphon \ nalam jawhe |j ladum 
Arab \ ladum Acheh \ ton hareutbe || 

and the dimeter: 
nybe karangan \ Habib Hadat || that meucheuhu \ jeueb-jeueb bilat || 

All works composed in nalam deal with religious subjects, and many 
have the character of text-books rather than works of edification. 

So mudh of the form of Achehnese written literature; we shall now 
proceed to describe its substance, so far as our limited space permits. 
We shall classify the various works according to the nature of their 
subjects, placing the few nalams and the still rarer prose works among 
the hikayats which -treat of similar subjects. Where a work is not 
expressly stated to be composed in nalam or in prose, it may be taken 
for granted that it is a hikayat, and the reader may supply this title 
even where we have for brevity's sake omitted to do so. 

For facility of reference, we have numbered consecutively with Roman 
numerals all the Achehnese works referred to. 

We shall deal first with those works which are of purely Achehnese 
origin and shall then go on to describe those derived directly or in- 
directly from Indian, Arabic or Malay sources. 

§ 2. The Hikayat Ruhe. 

The form of hikayat known as ruhi need not long occupy our 
attention. It stands, in respect of its contents and purpose, between the 
haba and the hikayat proper. The proper meaning of ruhi is to publish 
abroad a man's private life, his secrets and his follies, to speak evil of 
a man or make him an object of ridicule. Should it happen that a 
stranger from some other district takes up his abode in a certain place, 
and there meets with any noteworthy adventures or excites ridicule 
or disgust by his acts or omissions, some local wag will often celebrate 


his doings in verse (sanjd*) with the requisite flavour of exaggeration, 
and the name of ruki is given to such a composition. 

The name is however also applied to humorous poems, the object 
of which is to move the listener to laughter without any evil intent, 
like John Gilpin's Ride. Such tales are more often transmitted by word 
of mouth than in writing. 

One of the best known hikayat ruhe is the Hikayat guda (I), **the Hikayat 
poem of the horse." This consists of some 30 verses only, and describes 
in humorous style how some friends slaughtered and divided among 
them an old horse, and what each of them did with the part that fell 
to his share. Thus of the tail a cheumara or native chignon was made, 
and one of the ribs became a princely sword, while an old woman 
excited laughter by her fruitless endeavours to boil soft the portion 
she had acquired. 

Of a like nature is the Hikayat leumb (II), **the poem of the bull," Hikayat 
containing what appear to be the disconnected reminiscences of one ^""™ * 
who was a constant frequenter of the glanggang (arena for fights of 
animals). It consists of a series of laughable anecdotes about famous 
bulls and their owners and celebrated juaras. ') These could however 
have only been properly appreciated by the coevals of the author, whose 
name is unknown. 

Another very short story is the Hikayat ureueng Jawa {III) which Hikayat ureu- 
describes the crack-brained dream of a male favourite of a Javanese ^"^ ^^'^'^' 
(or Malay) ^) teungku. The hidden meaning seems to be that the latter 
had begun to neglect his favourite, who expresses his resentment of 
the wrong done him. 

The Hikayat Pbdi^) Amat (IV) is much more prolix. The hero, a 
student in the gampong of Klibeuet, has a dream which predicts him 
success in whatever he may undertake. Thereupon he goes on a journey 
to pursue his studies and enjoys the teaching of one Mal^m Jawa. But 
Fate has higher things in store for him. The daughter of the king of 

i) yuara^ in Malay as well as Achehnese means the trainer of fighting cocks or other 
animals, the master of the ceremonies in the glanggang. The word is also used in Riau and 
Johor to signify a procuress. Wilkinson, MaL-Eng, Diet, p. 235. (Translator), 

2) The Achehnese sometimes foUow the Arabs in applying the name ''Jawa" to the Malays 
as well as the Javanese. This name is especially used in a contemptuous sense; for instance 
an Achehnese abusing a Padang man will call him *^yawa paleh'*'' a ^'miserable Malay!" 

3) Po means **lord" or **master;" di is an abbreviation of the Arab, sidi which also means 
^gentleman" or *sir." 


the Gay6s dreams of him, and the story ends by P6 Amat's winning 
her hand and becoming the ruler of the Gay6s. 
Hikayat P6 Pb Jambbe (V) is the hero of a hikayat ruhe which has not been 
reduced to writing and which is known to me by name only. 


§ 3. Epic Hikayats. 

The heroic poems of the Achehnese, original both in form and subject- 
matter, stand indisputably higher in all respects than any other part 
of their literature. It is in the two most ancient of these Tiikayats that 
we are especially struck by the poets' calm objectivity, their command 
of their subject, their keen sense of both the tragic and comic elements 
in the lives of their fellow-countrymen, and the occasional masterly 
touches in which they sketch, briefly but accurately, genuine pictures 
of Achehnese life. 

Achehnese epic poetry has without doubt taken time to reach the 
level at which we find it. The heroic poems with which we are acquainted 
must have been preceded by others whose loss we deplore, since their 
place in the estimation of the Achehnese themselves has been taken 
by works df a lower standard imported from abroad. 

We shall now give a resume of the contents of those which still 
survive, taking them in their chronological sequence. 


The Hikayat Malem Dagang (VI). This epic celebrates an episode 
from among the great achievements of the Achehnese under their most 
famous ruler ]£seukanda (Iskandar) Muda (1607 — 36)> called after his 
death Meukuta Alam, against the ruling Power in the Malay Peninsula *); 
or it might rather be said to furnish in rhyme and metre a specimen 
of an Achehnese tradition (now degenerated into unrecognizable forms) 
of that golden epoch. 
Historic basis I* is indeed impossible to determine with certainty what the facts 
of the heroic j-^^lly are which are presented to us in so fantastic a form, so widely 
does the story diverge from reliable historical facts. 

i) The Portuguese; the Achehnese, however, in their confusion of historical facts, wrongly 
describe this Power as the Dutch. 


We know ^) that fiseukanda Muda conquered, among other littoral 
Malay States, Johor (1613) and Pahang (1618), thus gaining for Acheh 
an authority over the Malay Peninsula which was only balanced by 
that of the Portuguese, who had settled at Malacca a century earlier. 
It is also known ^) that the prince in question made several attempts 
to drive out these rivals of his power from Malacca. For instance, he 
attacked that port in 1628 with a fleet of gigantic proportions, con- 
sidered relatively to the development of Acheh. All his efforts were 
however unsuccessful, though he succeeded in harassing the Portuguese 
to a considerable extent. 

That the Achehnese legend should collect the various phases of Curious 
Meukuta Alam's attack upon Malacca into a single naval expedition of 
fabulous dimensions, need cause us no surprise. But it sounds more 
strange that they should definitely describe the chief enemy of the 
Achehnese as a Dutchman ^) and allude to him not only as ruler of 
Malacca, but also occasionally by way of variety as the ** ruler of Guha", 
which latter name refers to Goa the chief settlement of the Portuguese 
in India. This may possibly be explained by the fact that later on the 
Portuguese disappeared entirely from the field of vision of the Acheh- 
nese, while the Dutch came to be to them the representatives of all 
danger that threatened them from Europeans. But it would manifestly Purely 
be an endless task to continue explaining all the details of this legend, character of 
Imagination runs riot throughout the whole, but the method of ex- ^^® poem, 
pression is thoroughly Achehnese; the thoughts which the poet puts 
in the mouths of his characters and the scenes which he has lavishly 
embroidered on the framework of his story, are all derived from the 
everyday life of the Achehnese people. 

The poem begins with the first tokens of enmity on the part of Si Contents of 
Ujut, a son of the raja of Malacca, against his benefactor fiseukanda ^^*^* 

i) F. Valentijn, pp. 7 and 8 of the '^Bcschrijvinge van Sumatra,** which appeared in the 
5th Volume of his Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, 

2) See Veth's Atchin^ p. 74. 

3) The Achehnese are not as a matter of fact, like the Javanese for example, accustomed 
to describe all Europeans as **Dutchmen" {JJlandd), They give Europeans the general 
name of kapki (** unbelievers**), and for closer definition use the names of their nationalities 
(Inggr^h, Peutug^h, Pranseh etc.). The Dutch are honoured with the epithet of **labu- 
planters** {Ulanda pula labu) because, say they, in every country of the Archipelago where 
the Dutch have established themselves, they have first asked the native ruler for a small 
■piece of ground for the cultivation of labu (pumpkins) and subsequently laid claim tb all 
the ground over which this quick-growing plant had spread. 

II 6 


Muda, the powerful ruler of Acheh. We gather, piirtly from the direct 
statements of the author, partly from hints and suggestions which occur 
in the course of the story, that this prince had gone to Acheh with 
his younger brother Raja Raden *), though we are not told the motive 
of their journey, ^^seukanda had received them with honour and assigned 
to them Lad6ng and Krueng Raya as freehold territory (wakeueh, 
bibeueh ^) ), and that too although they were not of the Mohammedan 
faith. The poet (or at least some of the transcribers of his writings), 
expressly calls them Dutchmen, yet represents them as worshippers of 
the Sun, according, forsooth, to the teaching of the prophet Moses!'). 

Between Raja Rad^n and his royal host there soon grew up such a 
brotherly feeling, that the former embraced the Mohammedan religion, 
and gave up his wife, a daughter of the ruler of Pahang to the king 
of Acheh, taking one of the latter's consorts in exchange. 

Not so favourable was the impression that Si Ujut conceived of Acheh. 
This stubborn kafir met all the kindness he had received with black 
ingratitude, and suggested to his converted brother that it was time to 
return to Malacca, where boundless riches stood at their disposal, and 
to leave for good and all the poverty-stricken country where they had 
settled. In vain Raja Raden seeks to convince him of the inadvisability 
of such a step. His elder brother mocks him for being such a fool as 
to give his nobly-born wife away in exchange for an Achehnese woman 
*as ugly as an iguana", and reveals to him his scheme for despoiling 
before their departure the territory given them to hold in fee, and 
afterwards waging war on a large scale against Acheh. 

The first part of this programme was soon carried out by Si Ujut. 
He attacks and plunders a number of Achehnese fishermen and hangs 
them on hooks thrust through their faces; thereafter he sets sail for 
his father's country. 

Raja Rad^n remains loyal to his kingly protector, warns him of 
Ujut's further designs and declares himself ready to fight with him to 
the death against his infidel brother. He also advises him to anticipate 
Si Ujut by himself invading the latter's territory without giving him 

i) The modem Achehnese point out Raja Kad6n*s tomb in the neighbourhood of the 
peculiar structure called the Gun6ngan near the Dalam. 

2) See Vol. I, pp. 121 et seq. 

3) In other Achehnese works we find Europeans as well as other ^kafirs" described as 
Jews, followers of Moses and Sun-worshippers. 


time to take the first step. During their deliberations a tree of fabulous 
dimensions already fashioned into the framework of a ship, comes 
drifting from the opposite coast to Kuala Acheh and remains lying 
there quietly until the Sultan himself, hearing of this marvel, hastens 
to see it with his own eyes. 

The magic tree addresses the king, telling him how he (the tree) 
was destined by Si Ujut to serve as the foundation of a gigantic war- 
ship, but that the will of Allah had sent him, a prince of }6ns of the 
true faith, to be used against the unbeliever. A ship is then built from 
this tree, to sail at the head of the war-fleet against Si Ujut, and 
receives the name of Chakra Donya (Sphere of the world). Three bells, 

named respectively Akidatoy Umu (^y«'^t '^^^^^^ Confirmation of Things) 
Kh6yran Kasiran (I^aaT Lat* Much Good) and Tula' Mara (Dispeller of 
Evil) are placed on board ; their clappers move of themselves and their 
ringing may be heard three days sail away % 

Presently the preparations for the expedition are complete. The king 
has a tender parting with his Pahang consort, the former wife of Raja 
Rad^n. She gives him sundry advice, warning him especially not to 
land anywhere in the territory of Si Ujut, as its inhabitants are skilled 
in the exercise of many kinds of witchcraft and black art. 

The expedition first sails to the dependencies of Acheh, to call for 
help to enlarge their equipment. The poet carries us, on board the Chakra 
Donya along the North and East Coasts of Acheh, and displays his 
geographical knowledge. The first place touched at is Pidie (vulg. Pedir), 
the panglima of which is handed down to fame as the bravest and most 
distinguished of generals. Thence the fleet shapes its course for Meureudu, 
which the poet depicts as a sparsely-populated and almost desert land. 

The want of familiarity with the great of the land withheld the 
people of Meureudu from fulfilling their duty of waiting on the Sultan. 
The latter awaited their coming for some days in vain; meantime the 
men of Meureudu betook themselves for counsel to a teacher from 
Medina who lived among them, called in this narrative Ja Pak^h or Ja 
Madinah ^). The latter went to plead the cause of these simple folk. 

i) The great bell which now hangs from a tree near the Governor's house at Kuta Raja 
is believed by the Achehnese to be one of tho^ of the Chakra DSnya. 

2) Ja properly means grandfather or great-grandfather, and Pakeh is the Arabic faqlh sa 
a teacher of the law. The designation of famous persons by the name of the place of their 
origin or residence is universal in Acheh. 


bearing offerings of the produce of the country as a token of fealty; 
but the king, through anger at the delay, took no notice of his presence. 
The pandit, moved to anger in his turn, told him frankly that it was 
his own fault that the people of Meureudu were lacking in good manners, 
since he had set no chief over them to instruct them. The king recog- 
nized his mistake, declared Meureudu a feudal freehold (wakmeh) and 
induced Ja Pakeh, not without difficulty, to accompany him in his 
voyage to Malacca. 

According to the popular conception of the Achehnese, a learned 
teungku Is supposed to be especially distinguished by his knowledge of 
sundry eUumees or crafts which enable him to ensure the safety of his 
friends and to bring destruction on his foes. Thus the issue of a war 
may often depend on such a one. Our poet is clearly influenced by 
this idea, for he makes the king of Acheh, from the time of his 
departure from Meureudu, take the advice of Ja Pakeh on all matters 
of importance. 

Thus for instance in regard to the question as to who is to lead the 
forces in the field; this honour is at first offered to the Panglima of 
Pidie mentioned above, but as the latter prefers to hold a subordinate 
post, the king requests him to name a suitable man to be chief panglima, 
and he nominates Mal^m Dagang, ') a young man of approved courage, 
who is also rich and influential. 

Just as in modern Acheh all negociations are carried on through in- 
termediaries, so here too we find the like method adopted in discussing 
the conditions on which Malem Dagang is to assume the command. 
Ja Pakeh represents his interests with fatherly care, and Meukuta Alam 
promises him as recompense a handsome share of the revenues of his 

The way in which Mal^m Dagang enlists on his side the cooperation, 
so necessary for his task, of the influential members of his own family, 
forms another genuine Achehnese picture. He offers them, one by one, 
the office which he has been called upon to fill, and on their refusing 

i) Malem means one who is distinguished from the common herd by his knowledge and 
practise of religion; dagang ordinarily signifies a foreigner, and in particular a Kling, or 
native of Southern India. In Acheh, however, especially in earlier times, a man might gain 
the title of malem^ leube etc., even though he followed national customs entirely at variance 
with the creed of Islam; for instance we sometimes find even the manager of a cock-fight 
dignified in an Achehnese tale with the title of leube! 


reminds them in so many words that it is by their request and not of 
his own will that he assumes the command over them. 

As the expedition proceeds along the North and East Coasts of 
Sumatra, the poet gives us many details about these parts, putting the 
information he conveys in the mouth of Ja Pak^h in the form of answers 
to the questions asked by the inquisitive Sultan. Old traditions and 
observations on the then existing state of things form the subject of 
their conversations, and the king takes the opportunity of introducing 
some necessary reforms in the government of the country. 

Finally the fleet attains its full strength, some tens of thousands of 
vessels, and puts out to open sea. No sooner have they lost sight of 
the coast than the Sultan loses heart and has to be gradually restored 
to confidence by the wise man of Medina, who is able to reassure him 
by reference to his kutika or table of lucky days. In various parts of 
the poem the king is represented, not without some irony, as vacillating 
and far from heroic. 

The first principality of the Malay Peninsula at which the fleet touches 
is Aseuhan (Asahan), the residence of the pagan Raja Muda. 

The consort of Meukuta Alam, Putr6e Phang, had warned him before 
his departure to give a wide berth to that place, as it was dangerous 
owing to the heathenish witchcraft practised by its people. This advice, 
however, did not prevent the invaders from attacking, conquering and 
despoiling Aseuhan; the capital was found deserted save for the young 
queen, who was brought on board as a captive. She was however liber- 
ated, not through the large ransom offered by her husband, but owing 
to the conversion to Islam of the king of the country and his subjects, 
and their abandonment of the sun-worship practised by them under 
the laws of Moses! In the negociations connected with this conversion 
Mal^m Dagang plays a very chivalrous part. 

They next proceed to Phang (Pahang) the king of which country is 
overjoyed at meeting his new and his former son-in-law (Meukuta Alam 
and Raja Raden). He prays for their triumph over Si Ujut, but does 
not dare to join them openly, since he had some time before been 
reduced to submission by Si Ujut, who had lately paid him another 
visit to announce his intention of making war on Acheh. 

From Pahang the fleet moves to Johor Lama (Jho Lama) to which 
place Si Ujut has also just paid a visit, but whence he has retired to 
Johor Bali. Here some of the Achehnese invaders establish themselves 


without opposition under the direction of their Sultan, who builds forti- 
fications of strength sufficient to withstand an attack by land and sea. 
Meanwhile the naval commander with the larger portion of the fleet 
keeps watch at sea for the foe who has threatened an attack on Acheh. 

The enemy lets them wait a full year, but in the end a hostile fleet 
of 50000 sail arrives upon the scene. Mal^m Dagang, acting on Ja Pak^h's 
skilful choice of a favourable moment, chooses his time and falls furiously 
on the infidels. 

The Sultan of Acheh, when informed how matters stand, remains 
inactive on shore and is only induced to go on board the Chakra 
Donya after receiving a reproachful message from Ja Pak^h, who 
threatens to leave him if he refuses to comply with his advice. After 
conferring with Raja Raden he razes the fortifications to the ground 
so as not to furnish the enemy with a safe place of refuge, and joins 
the fleet. 

Meantime Mal^m Dagang has already slain his tens of thousands, 
and when the king comes on board he omits not to upbraid him for 
his inactivity with bitter irony, asking him how many foes he has slain 
yonder on land. 

Si Ujut himself has not yet joined the fleet; he is lingering in Guha 
(see p. 81 above) not from want of courage, but from exaggerated 
devotion to his five *) consorts, the chief of whom is the daughter of 
the king of that place ^). This favourite wife now upbraids his sloth. 
She tells him that if he does not play the man, it may come to pass 
that his fleet will soon be defeated and his five beloved ones torn from 
his arms, and that he will then, like his brother Rad6n, be obliged to 
content himself with a hag as ugly as an iguana. 

There words strike home. Ujut flies into a passion and speaks with 
contempt of the warlike preparations of the Achehnese. At the same 
time he admits that he is loth to be compelled to fight just then, as 
the conjuncture (kutika) is favourable to the Achehnese. 

Meantime, before Si Ujut takes command of his fleet, Mal^m Dagang 

i) This number seems to have been purposely chosen as being in excess of the maximum 
of four wives allowed by the creed of Islam, in order the better to emphasize that fact that 
Ujut was an unbeliever. 

2) Here we have another trait characteristic of the Achehnese poet, who magines that the 
husband follows the wife in other countries as in Acheh. llie fact that the same 'kafir*' 
was ruler both of Malacca and of Guha he finds it easiest to explain by supposing that 
the prince of Malacca was the son-in-law of the king of Guha. 


has been busy slaying the infidels ; after the arrival of the hostile leader, 
he renews the battle with redoubled energy. 

Malem Dagang and the brave Panglima of Pidie with the other fore- 
most heroes on the Achehnese side bind themselves by an oath of 
mutual fidelity and make their last dispositions in view of their falling 
in battle. The Panglima Pidie in particular prepares for such a result, 
clothing himself entirely in white before he enters the fray. This deceives 
Ujut, who thinks that he sees in him the famous guru (Ja Pak6h) of 
the king of the Achehnese. He accordingly singles out for his fiercest 
attack the devoted panglima who dies a martyr [skahtd) to the cause 
of religion. 

This however was the only great advantage gained by Ujut, for his 
ships were sunk by tens of thousands while the Achehnese fleet remained 
unscathed. Finally we come to the flight of the small remnant of Ujut's 
fleet, not including, however, the ship which contained the prince him- 
self. Malem Dagang is so fortunate as to capture his enemy alive, and 
his own brother Raja Rad^n finds delight in loading the miscreant with 

The fleet now sails to Guha '). Here the inquisitive king of Acheh 
wishes to have a look at the country, but is restrained by Mal^m 
Dagang, who reminds him of the perils predicted by his consort, the 
Pahang princess. Thence they sail to Malacca, the king of which place 
(the father of Si Ujut and Raja Rad^n) has fled with all the inhabitants 
of the coast to the hills in the interior. Here too Meukuta Alam is 
withheld from landing for the same reason as at Guha. 

Finally they touch once more at Aseuhan to acquaint te king, now 
one of the Faithful, with the joyous tidings of their victory. On this 
occasion all imaginable efforts are made to convert Si Ujut from his 
*sun-worship according to the teaching of Moses", but in vain. He is 
then bound to the prow of the ship below water and thus accompanies 
them on their return voyage to Acheh. 

This ** Dutch infidel" was, however, richly provided with mysterious 
arts and witchcraft. 

Although immersed in the sea for more than seven days and covered 
with ell-long moss and seaweed, he yet lived; and in Acheh not only 

i) The poet appears to have imagined that Guha lay on the way back from Johor or 
Pahang to Acheh. 


saws and various implements of torture, but even fire proved powerless 
to harm him. 

Nor could he be slain until he had himself resolved no longer to 
resist his fate. When this time came, he informed his enemies that the 
only way to kill him was to pour molten lead into his nose and mouth. 

This was done and so ended the life of the villain who still remains 
for the Achehnese of to day the type of the wickedness of **kafirs", 
and especially the kaphe Ulaiida or ** Dutch infidel" '). 

P6chut The Hikayat Pbchut Muhamat (VII). 

This epic of Prince Muhamat differs in many respects from that we 

have just described, and a comparison between them is favourable to 

the later work. 

Date of its We venture to call P6chut Muhamat the later work, although the 

pr uc ion. j^y^j^Q^ j^jj J j^^g Qf ^^ composition of Mal^m Dagang are unknown, 

and the entirely legendary character of the traditions with which it 
deals, points to its having been composed a considerable time after the 
great naval expedition of Meukuta Alam. At the same time it is un- 
likely that the celebration in verse of the heroic deeds of Meukuta 
Alam's general should not have taken place for more than a century 
after the death of that prince, when his dynasty had already given way 
to other rulers; and P6chut Muhamat's warlike ventures are dated just 
a century after the death of Meukuta Alam. 

The poet of the **P6chut Muhamat" reveals himself at the end of his 
epic as Teungku Lam Rukam. This title shows him to have been a 
man distinguished*) from the general mass of the people by a certain 
amount of religious knowledge and devotion, and to have resided in 
the gampong of Lam Rukam in the XXV Mukims. Though not himself 
present at the achievements he celebrates, he has, he tells us, derived 
all his information from actual eyewitnesses. Thus we cannot be far 
wrong in assuming that the Teungku composed his poem about the 
middle of the i8th century. 

With him we are thus on historic ground, though the facts are of 
course reflected through an imaginative medium wholly in keeping 

i) In his pamphlet described above (Vol. I, pp. 183 etc.) Teungku Kuta Karang alludes 
to this widespread tradition, exhorting his countrymen to bear in mind the wicked deeds 
of Si Ujut, and never to trust the Dutch. 

2) See Vol. I, p. 71. 


with the national characteristics of Acheh. Marvellous explanations of 
simple occurrences, true historical facts in the guise of fictitious visions 
6r miracles, these are licences which we cannot blame in any poet, 
and least of all in an Achehnese poet. With Teungku Lam Rukam, 
however, human feelings always maintain their place, and history never 
disappears behind the veil of legend. Nothing inclines the reader to 
doubt the truth of the main facts, so that the poem, apart from its 
high literary merit, forms a valuable contribution to the history of 
Acheh, which the native chroniclers handle in so meagre and dry, and 
at the same time so confused a manner. 

From the work of Veth ^) we gather that the abolition of the line of 
female sovereigns which came to an end in 1699, was followed by a 
continuous series of dynastic wars. The facts there stated, as well as 
sundry data as to the order of succession of the kings of Acheh, col- 
lected by me at Kuta Raja, require correction in view of what we learn 
from the poem P6chut Muhamat and also from a Malay history of the 
kings of Acheh, which I brought back from that country. 

The competitors for the throne of Acheh in the first quarter of the 
1 8th century, after the female succession had been abolished, were for 
the most part say yids, i. e. persons of high and sacred Arabic descent ^), 
though probably born in Acheh, and thus imbued with the peculiarities 
of the Achehnese. The most remarkable of these sayyids was Jamalul- 
alam, called by the Achehnese P6teu (Lord) Jeumaloy. He reigned from 
1703 — 26, and after the latter date continued to contest the throne with 
his successors of Arabic and non-Arabic origin. 

Of these last we need only mention here Mahraja L^la Meulayu, who 
reigned from 1726 — 35 under the name of Alaedin Ahmat Shah, and 
was the founder of the line which continues to hold by inheritance the 
title of Sultan of Acheh up to the present day, although compelled 
occasionally to vacate the throne in favour of his Arab rivals. As we 
have seen, tradition assigns a Bugis origin to this Mahraja Lela. 

Alaedin Ahmat Shahy like others was constantly harassed during his 
reign by Jeumaloy and his adherents. When Ahmat died, Jeumaloy 

i) Atchin pp. 82 — 85. 

2) As to the high estimation and superstitious dread which the Achehnese entertain for 
the Sayyids, see Vol. I, pp. 155 et seq.; history shows that this fear has rather increased 
than diminished during the last century, a fact which is readily explained by the decay of 
the political institutions of the country. 



hastened to the capital to take advantage of the disorder which usually 
follows on the death of the reigning chief in Acheh. The eldest son 
and successor of Ahmat Shah is known under the name of Pbteu Ue", 
but in our epic poem he is more frequently alluded to as Raja Muda, 
whilst his name after his accession to the throne was Aladdin Juhan 
Shah. He reigned for a quarter of a century (1735 — 60), but in the 
early years after he came to the throne had a hard fight to wage with 
Jeumaloy, who no more than two days after the death of Pdteu Ue's 
father established himself in Gampong Jawa and could reckon, both in 
Acheh Proper and in Pidie, on the support of certain considerable 

We might rather say that he ought to have maintained the contest, 
for our epic clearly shows that he failed to do so, and sooner than 
undergo much trouble and expense, was content to watch JeumalOy 
enthroned and playing the king over his adherents not half a march 
from his palace gates. It was the youngest of the three brothers of the 
king (Pdchut Kl^ng, Pdchut Sandang and Pdchut Muhamat) whose 
activity put an end to this untenable position. 
Contents of ^'A country ruled — unhappy land, how shall it stand? — by monarchs 
* *P*^' twain !" *) It was in these words that P6chut Muhamat gave expression 
to his indignation; and these words form the introduction to Teungku 
Lam Rukam's heroic poem. 

The first part recounts a dream of P6chut Muhamat. It is not remark- 
able for clearness of meaning and is apparently introduced in imitation 
of earlier models. Suffice it to say that this dream predicted the down- 
fall of Acheh, unless an end should be made of the prevailing disorder. 
For the space of three days P6chut Muhamat held counsel with the 
princes, his elder brothers, and finally announced his fixed intention of 
withdrawing to Batu Bara, a province on the East Coast of Sumatra, 
whose inhabitants were the greatest enemies or the most intractable 
subjects of Jeumaloy, and there making preparations for war, unless 
his brothers either themselves set their hands to the work or enabled 
him, the youngest, to do so, by supplying him with the necessary funds. 

The eldest of the three, Pdchut Kl^ng, went to inform the king of 
this resolve in the name of all. But the indolent monarch was alarmed 
at the idea, and replied that the young lad must be admonished to 

l) Hana dighb — na di geutanyoe — saHbh nanggroe — dua raja. 


keep quiet, else he, who had no fear of such a froward boy, would 
bring him to reason by force. 

His prohibition was of no effect. The scheme of P6chut Muhamat 
remained unaltered, and the other two brothers declared themselves 
ready to lend the financial cooperation necessary to set it on foot. The 
king now prepares to go with the soldiers of his bodyguard (sipahis, 
among whom were to be found, according to the poet, both English, 
French and Dutch) to his young brother's house, to show him that his 
commands were not to be disobeyed. But Pdchut Muhamat, at the head 
of his followers, meets him at the gate of the Dalam, and addresses 
him in so high-handed a manner that the king retires in alarm. Muhamat 
calls it a a subterfuge on the king's part to shelter himself behind a 
behest of his dying father, to refrain from fighting against Jeumal5y 
the descendant of the Prophet, and rather to ally himself with him by 

*What you follow by remaining inactive,*' says he, ^'is not our dying 
father's command, but the faithless advice of certain chiefs who are traitors 
to you and in their hearts adhere to Jeumaloy." 

Shortly afterwards there came to the capital the Panglima ofthe XXII 
Mukims, Keuchi' Muda Sa'ti '), a man renowned for his bravery, to ask 
the king for a concession in the mountain district of Seulawai'h for the 
collection of sulphur. When he heard how matters stood, he ridiculed 
the king for his inability to bring a boy to reason. The Sultan there- 
upon gave him full power to use his best endeavours to prevent civil 
war; but the Panglima soon found that he had spoken too loftily and 
could do naught against P6chut Muhamat. Ashamed of his failure and 
fearing the king's anger, he fled back to his own territory. 

Although the young hero had not as yet given any proof of his 
prowess in action, his determined attitude created so deep an impression 
in Acheh proper that none of the chiefs opposed him, and he soon 
collected a following of from two to three hundred men and a con- 
siderable sum of money, and proceeded overland to Pidie to enlarge 
the number of his adherents. 

The description of this journey is most graphic. The little army rests 
for a time in Kuala Bat^e and Pdchut Muhamat does all he can to 

i) It was this panglima who had previously made war on JeumalSy and given the chief 
impetus to his dethronement. 


convert this small port to a mart of importance. Both here and at all 
the other halting-places on his route, the prince receives the chiefs of 
the surrounding country and urges the adoption of measures ') which 
will tend to make the rice culture more productive and to save the 
people from falling into poverty through sloth and ignorance. He also 
distributes money and robes of honour to all that come to wait on him, 
and by his kindly demeanour succeeds easily in adding hundreds to the 
ranks of his followers. 

In Padang Teuji (Tiji) he remains as long as is necessary for regu- 
lating the affairs of the VII Mukims and winning over the people to 
his cause, and at Reub^e, where he pays all due homage to the saint 
that lies buried there, he does the same in respect of the V Mukims. 
So with other places, till P6chut Muhamat, thanks to his powers of 
persuasion and the distribution of costly gifts, is able to reckon on 
almost every part of the old kingdom of Pidie. 

There remains but one ul^ebalang of the province, the most powerful 
of them all, whom he knows he will have great trouble in inducing to 
forsake the cause of Jeumaloy, to whom he is attached by innumerable 
bonds of friendship and obligation. 

This is the Pangul^e Beunarde or Meunar6e *), the predecessor and 
it is said forefather of the chiefs who now rule under the title of B^n- 
tara Keumangan. This title is in fact given in the poem alternatively 
with that of Pangul^e Beunarde, and his territory is alluded to as the 
IX Mukims. 

The chiefs of Pidie who have ranged themselves on the side of 
Pdchut Muhamat are ready to join with him in making war on Pangul^e 
Beunaroe, though they are not blind to the danger of the undertaking. 
P6chut Muhamat is however advised by a discreet uleebalang first to 
write a letter to the chief, who is as powerful as he is courageous, 

i) He especially advises irrigation. As a matter of fact the people of Pidie at the present 
day utilize the rivers for their wet rice cultivation, instead of depending on the rain as they 
do in Acheh. 

2) This word is the Achehnese form of the Malay phtghtdu bUndahart^ meaning chief 
treasurer or chief of the royal storehouses. Whatever may have been the original function 
of the bearer of the title in Acheh, it soon lost its proper significance (compare Vol. I, 
pp. 98, 126 — 7), and its bearer became an uleebalang, whose descendants and successors 
were in the lapse of time called B^ndara Keumangan, chiefs of the federation of the "VI 
ul^ebalangs'* which was more or less at variance with the federation of the "XII ul^ebalangs^*, 
with Teungku Pakch of Pidie at its head. 


and to send the missive by the hand of one Tuan Meugat P6 Mat. 
The prince follows this advice after some demur; for indeed the attitude 
of Pangulfee Beunarde is clearly hostile, since he has neglected to wait 
upon the king's brother though encamped in his immediate neighbour- 
hood. P6 Mat undertakes the mission, and is instructed to declare war 
against the Pangulee should he answer unbecomingly. It is thus no 
pleasant task for P6 Mat, who at first avoids mentioning the true object 
of his mission, whiling away the time with a long conversation on 
indifferent subjects. His host has just returned a day or two ago from 
the West Coast of Acheh ? What has led him thither ? The Pangulee 
Beunar6e replies that he has been engaged on behalf of Jeumaloy, his 
master, in waging war against the refractory Rawa's, — the name by 
which the Malays of the West Coast are known in Acheh *). The poet 
skillfully avails himself of this opportunity to enlighten us as to the 
political and social status of the West Coast at this period. The chiefs 
had shaken off the Achehnese yoke and had dared to send to Jeumaloy, 
on his demanding the annual tribute, a handsome gilded box full of old 
clothes and worn-out equipments. They were severely punished and 
reduced to obedience by Pangulfee Beunar6e. 

Finally the envoy comes to the point, and reveals the fact that he 
has with him a letter from the prince. The poet throughout represents 
the Pangulee and all around him as ignorant of the art of reading, a 
supposition which was no doubt as well justified in regard to many 
Achehnese chiefs in those days as it now is. But Pangulee Beunarde 
could of course easily surmise the nature of the letter, and refused even 
to receive it. *I look", he said, ^'for no orders from that direction; I 
serve another prince". 

P6 Mat then announces that war is inevitable, a war in which all 
Pidie except the IX Mukims will espouse the cause of the prince against 
Beunar6e. Here again it is a prudent chief who leads matters into, the 
right track ; Tuan Sri Reub^e advises Beunar6e at all events to ascertain 
the contents of the letter in the first place,, and to summon an ulama 
for this purpose. 

Accordingly he sends to fetch the learned Teungku Rambayan, who 
with his hundreds of devoted disciples lives at a remote place in the 
highlands. The poet depicts for us, in a few graphic verses, an Acheh- 

i) Sec Vol. I, p. 19. 


nese religious seminary. The messengers respectfully approach the teacher 
and apologize for coming to disturb him in his pious labours. Three 
days later the Teungku comes to the ul^ebalang, attended by a number 
of his disciples. He commences by propounding a number of abstruse 
and somewhat indistinct precepts, the connection of which with the 
matter in hand is by no means clear. In interpreting the contents of 
the prince's letter, which is in fact couched in a somewhat lofty and 
reproachful tone, the wise man suppresses ^the bitter" and retaib only 
*the sweet", since he thinks it expedient to conceal the truth in order 
to prevent misfortune. He advises the uleebalang simply to go and 
welcome the prince, and to excuse his prolonged delay in waiting on 
him on the ground that he had but just returned from a journey. 

The Pangul^e Beunar6e follows this advice; he summons a lai^e 
escort from among his own subjects, and sets out on his journey to 
the prince's camp. The poet's talent for word-painting appears once 
more in the description of this journey with its difficulties great and 
small, and the consequent grumbling in the ranks of the Pangul^e's 
followers. The meeting with Prince Muhamat is also graphically described. 
The two principals exchange none but pleasant words, but when the 
prince discloses the object of his journey, and claims the cooperation 
of the uleebalang, the latter declares that it is impossible. Among other 
things he narrates how once when he returned from *the war of Glumpang 
Pay5ng" covered with wounds and blood-guilt, he was nursed byjeuma- 
loy's wife as though he had been her own child, while Jeumaloy, as though 
he were his father, took the load of blood guiltiness upon himself. And 
now to disown all this and so much more, nay, it was beyond his power ! 

Long did the chief of the IX Mukims hold out against the reasoning 
of P6chut Muhamat, who sought to convince him that he would act 
more wisely to join his side or at least remain neutral. At last however 
he yielded to the argument which generally prevails in all negociations 
of Achehnese with one another; it was the rich presents of gold and 
robes of honour given by Pdchut Muhamat to the Pangulfee and his 
followers, that caused the latter to waver in. his allegiance to Jeumaloy. 

Once won over, he will do nothing by halves, but promises uncon- 
ditional support to his new ally; the concert is sealed by the prince 
and the uleebalang taking the ^bullet oath" ') of allegiance. 

l) A common form of the oath of fidelity in Acheh especially between warriors, is for 


P6chut Muhamat has first to travel further East, but arranges to 
return by the next new moon, when he is to find his new ally with 
an army all ready to follow him. 

We need not here dwell on the prince's journey to Pasfe (Pasei) and 
other places along the East Coast. Suffice it to say that it gave him 
fresh allies and occasion to deliver useful admonitions in regard to rice 
cultivation, which in this region was carried on in a very slovenly and 
ill-ordered manner. 

Returning to Peukan Tuha, Muhamat awaits Beunar6e. The ul^ebalang 
prepares for his departure by the payment of hitherto unfulfilled vows 
for his deliverance from the dangers of warfare, and by the transaction 
of other business both secular and religious. Finally he charges his aged 
mother *) with the care of his interests during his absence. 

Here follows a masterly description of the ulfeebalang's leave-taking 
of his aged parent. She adjures him not to go. ''In Acheh," she says, 
"war is decided by fortifications and firearms. You, my son, are better 
acquainted with the manner of fighting here in Pidie, by cut and thrust. 
Should you become involved in a war here in Pidie, all that I possess 
is at your service, but follow not the young prince. Is it well of you 
to forget all the kindness of Jeumaloy for the sake of a handful of gold ? 
And do you forget me your mother also? If I die there will be no 
child of mine at hand to close my eyes!" 

Beunar6e cannot restrain his tears. Amid his sobs he puts forward 
the lame pretext that although Jeumaloy shall always be to him as a 
father, still P6chut Muhamat has now become to him even as a brother. 
He kisses his mother's knees, and encourages himself by saying with 
apparent contempt that none but a fool distresses himself about the 
counsels of women. 

In and around the house all are in tears; the prevailing sounds of 
sorrow recall the mourning for the dead. As the ul^ebalang descends 
the steps of his house, a cocoanut tree in the enclosure falls and strikes 

those who take the oath to drink together from a vessel of water in which a bullet has 
been dipped, or to hold the bullet in turn while they invoke the curse, that he who breaks 
the bond may be destroyed by that bullet. The subjects or allies of a chief also bind them- 
selves to everlasting allegiance to him by drinking water into which he has plunged his 
sikin or reunchdng, A similar oath of the Amboinese rebel Captain Jonker and his followers 
is described by Valentijn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indie^ Vol. IV p. 319. 

i) The part played by this woman in the epic affords a further example of the importance 
of women in the social life of Acheh already alluded to above (Vol I, p. 371). 


the roof, breaking the ridge-pole and some of the beams. A gloomy 
omen this! 

Pe army, which has now swelled to proportions seldom seen in 
h, at length begins to move. Here we learn the character of an 
hnese warlike expedition. Neither chiefs nor subjects make any 
sion for a suitable commissariat, so that the passage of the troops 
' is a perfect plague to the inhabitants of the districts they traverse. The 
' sugarcane gardens which they pass on the way are plundered to the 

last section of the last cane, and the stragglers of this hungry and 

\ thirsty troop quarrel violently over the refuse. 

At Krueng Raya, a considerable trading centre, they are unable to 
resist the temptation of looting all the cloth-stuffs in the storehouses 
of the Kling traders, ') and even depriving them of the clothes they 
wear, leaving them only their nether garments. 

With loud lamentations these Klings repair to the capital and make 
their complaints in the Dalam. The Raja Muda gives them scant con- 
solation. Why, asks the king, do these people come here now with 
their jabbering complaints, instead of getting their merchandise into 
safety in good time? They might have known that the troops were on 
the march, and what they had to expect when they arrived. 

Before the arrival of the hostile forces at the capital, Jeumal5y is 
prepared for great events by a dream, in which he sees his palace and 
all around it devastated by flood and tempest. He makes all ready to 
sustain a siege, especially his fortifications in Gampong Jawa, Peunay5ng 
and Meura'sa, and assigns to each of his four sons a fixed share in the 
task of defence. 

Prince Muhamat makes the necessary vows to secure for his under- 
taking the favour and support of Allah and visits his brother the king 
in the Dalam. ^Tt is better," says the latter, ^'for me to remain here 
and pray for your success than myself to take part in the hostilities; 
otherwise who would protect the royal residence?" The hot blooded 
young prince raises no objection to this proposal. 

It was no empty warning that Pangulee Beunar6e had received from 
his mother. At the outset the cannon and musketry fire from Jeumaloy's 

i) In vol. I (p. 169) we saw how the contempt of the lives and property of Klings is 
a byword in Acheh; they are extremely timorous and have no kaw5m to take vengeance 
for their wrongs. 


torts caused fearful ravages in the army of Prince Muhamat, which was 
formed for the most part of Pidie men. Even the prince's courage 
threatened for a moment to forsake him, and it was his new ally who 
roused him to action. Beunarde bound the fold of his garment to that 
of Muhamat, and constrained him, thus coupled with himself to join in 
leading the attack. 

Gradually Jeumaloy's forts succumbed, and there remained only 
Gampong Jawa to be taken. This last stronghold was blockaded, and 
the means of subsistence began to fail those shut up therein. In one 
of the combats which relieve the monotony of the blockade, Jeumaloy 
and his disloyal ^'son" the Pangulee Beunarde come within speaking 
distance of one another. The king reproaches his recreant ally for his 
faithless conduct, and though his tone is kind and fatherly, so keen 
was the irony of his words that every one of them passed like a sword 
through the soul of the uleebalang. At the end of his speech the sayyid 
takes aim with his musket, not at the renegade, but at a glumpang-tree 
in the distance. He strikes a branch, which drops, but is borne along 
by the force of the wind till its shadow falls on the Pangul^es body. 

The hero falls senseless. There is hardly a sign to show the astonished 
bystanders that he still lives. His friends press round, curious to know 
whether he has received a wound, or been seized with sudden illness. 
The poet answers: Nay, he was smitten by the vengeance of Allah, 
who will not brook that any man should play the traitor to a descen- 
dant of the Prophet. 

P6chut Muhamat gives orders in all haste for the conveyance home 
to his own country of his unhappy ally, who still lives, but is bereft 
both of speech and motion. He gives the escort camphor and other 
things to be used at the burial. Beunar6e breathes his last at the moment 
when he reaches his home. 

The prince was deeply grieved at the loss of his friend, yet did not 
yield to that gloomy feeling which the poet excites in his readers. At 
any rate he proceeded with the blockade, and the fate of Gampong 
Jawa was soon decided. He wished to spare Jeumaloy, for the latter's 
high rank and sacred descent withheld him from taking his life. As 
however it was very doubtful whether his wild fighting men enraged 
by the losses they had sustained, would pay any heed to such a pro- 
hibition, he gladly complied with Jeumaloy's request that he might be 

allowed to leave the Dalam with his women and in female disguise, 
11 7 


whereupon the besiegers would be admitted. This was done, and then 
began the plundering of the Dalam, which Jeumaloy's followers had 
thought impregnable, and in which they had accordingly brought all 
their valuables. The chief part of the loot was gold and opium. The 
poet declares that during the sack some looked on inactive, and when 
asked why they stood aloof, replied that it was forbidden to plunder 
the goods of fellow-believers as though they were infidels. 

Jeumal5y fled successively to Lam Barueh, Gampong Meulayu, Krueng 
Raba and Krueng Kala, and after that was pursued no further; but 
some Achehnese chiefs who connived at his escape had to pay dearly 
for their adhesion to his cause. The Mukims Bueng, for instance, were 
ravaged with fire to the very last house. 

Thus P6teu Ue', thanks to the energy and courage of his youngest 
brother, became almost in his own despite master of all Acheh. When 
order had been fully restored and trade revived, P6chut Muhamat 
received as his reward half the port dues, and ^ year later married a 
lady of royal lineage at Gampong Lham Bhu' ^). 

Our short resume of this heroic poem is entirely inadequate to enable 
the reader to appreciate its beauties. Even a complete translation would 
fall short in this respect, for the Achehnese rhyme and metre are 
difficult to reproduce, and many a proverb and saying would lose its 
force in the rendering. The merits of the author would, however, be 
brought out better in a complete translation, since they consist to a 
great extent in the graphic pictures which he draws of the details of 
life, thought and speech in Acheh. 

This much will however, I hope, be apparent from my short analysis, 
that the author, by his grasp of his subject, his arrangement of his 
materials, his unostentatious and objective treatment of the matter in 
hand and his skill in word-painting, shows himself to be a man of 
literary gifts of an unusually high order. 

We may add that he is a greater master of form than any other 
Achehnese poet we know of. The facility with which an Achehnese 
sentence lends itself to the "sanja"* form is apt to lead to slovenly 
versification, and in most Achehnese hikayats we find side by side with 
pieces of fine composition passages which give evidence of the sloth- 

i) Until the coming of the Dutch to Acheh, this was an extensive and flourishing 
GampQng, and was included in the Banda Acheh. 


fulness or weariness of the poet. In the Pdchut Muhamat, which contains 
only about 2500 verses, such intermixture is rare, and the style is curt 
and trenchant throughout. We do not go too far in saying that this 
heroic poem is a gem of Achehnese, nay of Oriental literature. More- 
over, as the reader will have observed, it has a peculiar historic value 
and furnishes us with a graphic picture of the past of Acheh. 

Copies of this epic are very rare. Nothwithstanding my incessant 
search, I have only succeeded in obtaining the loan of two ill-written 
and incomplete specimens. 

In the text which may be constituted from these two copies the 
sequence is thus sometimes interrupted, and there are certain peculiarities 
which defy all attempts at explanation. 

As a rule, indeed, good and complete copies of Achehnese writings 
are rarely to be met with. Many know the most popular hikayats by 
heart, and when they come to recite them fill up from their own 
imagination and skill in rhyming the deficiencies of their memory or 
of the written copies. There are however other special reasons for the 
rarity of written specimens of the P6chut Muhamat. 

Even at the present day there are to be found in Acheh persons 
whose good taste is sufficient to make them prefer a recitation of P6chut 
Muhamat to one of any of the numerous Malay stories that have been 
translated into Achehnese verse, tales of fabulous princes who performed 
all kinds of impossibilities to gain possession of the chosen one of their 
soul. And yet the epic is seldom recited. 

Heroic though the prince who gives the poem its name may be, he 
wages war against a sayyid, who had formerly been the lawful and 
recognized sovereign of Acheh, and who had also been bereft of the 
crown by that prince's father. Jeumaloy, whose tomb is still to be seen 
not far from the principal mosque of Acheh, is universally revered as 
a saint by the Achehnese. P6teu Ue', for whose sake his younger brother 
drove out the sayyid, and that too with the help of subjects turned 
from their allegiance, is the founder of the present Achehnese dynasty. 
No wonder then that the scions of the royal house of Acheh will brook 
no mention of the Hikayat P6chut Muhamat and regard it as a for- 
bidden thing for anyone of their family to order or listen to its recitation. 
This feeling, originating in shame and superstition, makes itself felt 
even outside the circle of the royal family. Among those who dare to 
recite the epic, there are many who think it their duty to offer their 

excuses to the saints and the ' 
or giving a kanduri. 

1 bliss" by bill 

Hikayat prang Gompeiini (VIII). 

In Vol I of this work we have already given a brief outline of this 
latest of Achehncse heroic poems, referring more especially to the 
political attitude of the poet, -^ or we might rather say the feeling 
prevalent among the common people in the lowlands of Acheh, and 
which pervades this poem throughout, 

Dokarim (i. c. Abdul- 1 
karim) of Glumpang Dua \ 
in the VI Mukims of the 
XXV is the composer of 
this hikayat. Writer we 
may not call him, for he 
can neither read not write. 
He went on, as he tells 
us for five years gradually 
composing this poem in 
celebration of the heroic 
deeds of the Achehnese 
in their conflict against 
the Dutch, adding fresh 
matter from time to time 
as he gained enlighten- 
ment from eye-witnesses. 
The popularity which he 
quickly won and which 
led him to recite the poem 
constantly for the sake 
of the handsome presents 
he received for doing so, 
saved it from being lost, 
although for the time 
being it was preserved in 
his memory alone. 
This does not prevent him from giving himself, at each recitation, 
license to modify add or omit as he thinks fit or from filling up the 



gaps from his really subtle poetic vein, whenever his memory fails him. 

We can here witness for ourselves one of the methods by which an 
Achehnese heroic poem is brought into the world. Some one man, who 
like most of his fellow countrymen knows by heart the classic descrip- 
tions of certain events and situations as expressed in verse by the people 
of the olden time, but whose knowledge, owing to his training and 
environment, is somewhat greater than that of others; one who is 
endowed, besides, with a good memory and enthusiasm for the poesy 
of his country, puts his powers to the test by celebrating in verse the 
great events of more recent years. 

Just as a literate poet reads his work again and again, and by the 
free use of his pen makes it conform more and more to the canons of 
art, so does our bard by means of incessant recitation. The events of 
which he sings have not yet reached their final development, so he 
keeps on adding, as occasion arises, fresh episodes to his poem. 

So it goes on, till at last some literate imateur writes out the epic 
at the dictation of its composer. By this means sundry faults and 
irregularities and overbold flights of imagination come to light, which, 
though a listener might overlook them, are not to be endured in a 
written hikayat. The copyist, with the full concurrence of the poet, 
gives himself license to make all the necessary corrections, and subsequent 
copyists or reciters take the like liberty. 

The Hikayat Prang Gompeuni has only just entered on this last phase 
of development, for until I had it taken down from the poet's lips, 
there was not a single copy extant in writing ; only one single Achehnese 
chief had caused a few fragments of it to be perpetuated by the pen. 
Thus it may be noticed here and there, in regard to the language in 
which the poem is at present couched, that the ** latest hand" has not 
yet left its mark upon it. 

There are also other ways in which the form and contents of this 
hikayat testify to the character of its author. Those who are well dis- 
posed towards him honour him with the name of teungku, but he has 
not earned this title either by his learning or by specially devout / 
practice of religious observances. Dokarim was formerly a director of 
sadati-performances and other such pastimes condemned by the Mo- 
hammedan religion, and master of ceremonies at marriage festivities, 
which presupposes a high degree of oratorical skill and knowledge of 
traditional sayings in prose and verse, and of pantons and ceremonial 


formulas. In these particulars he was of course in the habit of con- 
forming to the tastes and requirements of his public. 

Dokarim's great object was to win the approval of his hearers, so 
that they might set a high value (and that too in the material sense 
of the word) upon his recitations. 

Now his public consisted chiefly, not of the members of the guerilla 
bands which fought against the Gompeuni, nor yet of persons specially 
trained up in religious ideas, but of the common folk of the gampongs; 
and they, as we know, comprise reconcilable as well as fanatical spirits, 
even though the former may not be for the moment ripe for recon- 
ciliation. Thus it has been Dokarim's endeavour to express, in verses 
pleasant to the ear, the impressions and feelings of the mean between 
these two extremes of Achehnese society. Accordingly we meet with 
him, as elsewhere, that hatred of the infidel which has become a matter 
of custom, but no deep-seated and unyielding fanaticism. Indeed I feel 
convinced that a gentle transition might under certain circumstances 
induce him to recast his poem into a glorification of the Gompeuni *). 

The fact that he tells his tale as an Achehnese and a contemporary 
of the events of which he sings, of course raises the historical relia- 
bility of his epic immeasurably above the nonsensical Malay poem which 
has been printed at Singapore under the title of "Prang Acheh". This 
does not prevent some of his facts, seen as they are through Achehnese 
spectacles, from assuming a wrong perspective. Indeed some of his 
statements in connection with the origin of the war in Acheh belong 
entirely to the domain of legendary tradition. Nor is there any lack 
of intentional romance, introduced in all innocence. 

As might be expected, events in which the VI Mukims, the author's 
own country, were more or less specially concerned, are treated at 
greater length and with more closeness of detail than any others. To 
the poet's being a resident of that place is also due the respect he 

i) Since the above was written, but before it was printed, the circumstances hinted at 
have become a reality. Teuku Uma has surrendered and become a leader under the Dutch 
government, so we may shortly expect to hear Dokarim celebrate the exploits of that chief 
in the service of his former foes. [Dokarim did actually, since the first publication of this 
work, sing of the deeds of Teuku Uma in his new capacity. He was put to death by Uma's 
orders in September 1897 because he had acted as guide to the Dutch troops in their 
operations after Uma^s second defection. Had he lived longer he would without doubt have 
immortalized in verse the great changes which have come about since Teuku Uma^s second 
desertion and death]. 


displays for Teuku Uma, who had great influence there, and also the 
fact that he exhibits more sympathy for Teungku Kutakarang than for 
his rival Teungku Tir6 ^). To the same cause is to be attributed his 
constant abuse of the chiefs of Meura'sa (who were as a matter of fact 
enemies of the ul^ebalang of the VI Mukims) for their speedy recon- 
ciliation with the Gompeuni; and this though he was neither combative 
nor a fanatic by nature. We shall now proceed to give a brief sum- 
mary of the contents of the poem. 

Once upon a time the raja of Acheh called in all his ulamas to Contents of 
explain an evil dream which had visited him. None save Teungku 
Kuta Karang was able to interpret it '**) ; he declared that an appalling 
misfortune was hanging over Acheh, to wit a war with the Dutch. 

In this connection the poet takes occasion to extol the meritorious 
nature of a holy war, but reminds his hearers at the same time that 
it can only be waged with success when coupled with true conversion 
and superabundant good works. In this way alone, he says, can the 
Dutch, who have already had to incur a debt of thirty millions to 
maintain the war, be driven from the country, and if this be not done 
we shall be made subject to their insupportable yoke. 

Hereupon the author plunges in medias res and narrates a legend of 
the still living Panglima Tibang % which had already gained much 
popularity in a different form. 

This man is a Hindu by birth, who in the days of his youth came 
over with a troupe of conjurors from his native country to Acheh. 
His quickness and ingenuity attracted the attention of a chief on the 
Eeast Coast, and he remained in Acheh, at first in the service of that 
chief and later on in the suite of the Sultan. He embraced Islam, not 
so much from conviction as to make his path easier. Since then he has 
been called Panglima Tibang, after the Gampong of Tibang, where his 
conversion took place. He enjoyed the confidence of Sultans Ibrahim 
and Mahmut and was even made shahbandar of the capital. 

The Achehnese quite wrongly ascribe to him pro-Dutch sympathies 

i) As to this rivalry see Vol. I, p. 182 et seq. 

2) This introduction is intentionally simulated and is an imitation of that of the '^Pdchut 
Muhamat"; the dream being nearly identical with that by which Jeumal5y was prepared 
for the siege of Gampong Jawa (p. 96 above). The summoning of the ulamas gives the 
poet an opportunity to sing the praises of Teungku Kuta Karang, although he is well aware 
that the latter at that time neither was nor could have been present at the capital. 

[3) He died in 1895, after the above was written.] 


even before the commencement of the war. This notion finds support 
in the fact that the Panglima was a member of Achehnese embassies 
to Riouw and Singapore. 

From the time of his surrender to General Van der Heijden, Panglima 
Tibang showed himself as ready to render faithful service to the Dutch 
Raja as he had previously been to the two last rajas of Acheh. He has 
been ever since so loyal in his new partisanship as to incur the hatred 
of the majority of the Achehnese as a false renegade; and this hatred 
has furnished the motif of sundry stories now in circulation which 
attribute the fall of the country to this Hindu. 

Our poet's story runs as follows. Panglima Tibang purchased a ship 
in the Sultan's name for 44000 dollars, to convey him to the ports of 
the dependencies to collect tribute for his master. Whilst on her voyage 
the vessel fell into the hands of the Dutch, and Panglima Tibang was 
taken prisoner. He recovered his freedom however and received a 
handsome money present to boot, in return for a parchment sealed 
with the chab sikureueng ^) and a flag, which he gave to the Dutch as 
tokens of possession of the kingdom of Acheh. 

Armed with these false tokens, the Dutch declared to the Powers 
that Acheh had become theirs by purchase; thus it was that no other 
Power interfered when the Gompeuni came to occupy Acheh by force 
of arms. 

At this time the Achehnese were warned of the approaching end of 
the world by a wasiet (Arab. waQtyyat = admonition) of the Prophet ^), 
brought by certain hajis from Mecca. 

During the month Asan-Usen ^) of this year of calamity, four of the 
Gompeuni's ships came with a demand for submission. Council was held 
thereon in the Dalam, the chief speakers being Teuku Kali and an 
aged woman. The latter's advice, namely to accept the Dutch flag but 
to keep concealed from the up-country people the significance of its 
being hoisted *), was rejected. 

1) See Vol. I, p. 130. 

2) Wafiyyat is the name given to the weU-known "last admonition of the Prophet" (see 
my translation in De Indische Gids for July 1884). This was intended to excite religious 
zeal; it is distributed from time to time (with an altered date each time) among the native 
population of the countries of the E. Indian Archipelago and other distant countries. See 
also NO. LXXIX below. 

3) Sec Vol. I, p. 194. 

4) See Vol. I, p. 145. 


Preparations for war were now made ; Teuku Kali's followers occupied 
Meugat. "The Habib" ') was absent on a voyage to Constantinople, 
whither he had gone to seek for help, and the want of his cooperation 
was greatly felt. Finally they asked for an armistice of three years to 
come to a determination as regards the demands of thu Gumpeuni; the 
pretext alleged for this request 
was the necessity for consult- 
ing Panglima P61em of the 
XXII Mukimswho was known 
to be most dilatory in giving 
ear to the summons of the 
Court. ') 

The Gompeuni would not 
hear of any delay, and thus 
the strife began. Foremost in 
the field was the brave Imeum 
of Lueng Bata;*) Teuku Che' 
(i. e. Teuku Lam Nga, the first 
husband of the daughter of 
the ul£:cbalang of the VI Mu- 
kirns, afterwards married to 
Teuku Uma) and Teuku Lam 
Reueng also receive honour- 
able mention. 

The Sultan soon fled from 
the Dalam, first to Lueng 
Bata and afterwards to Lam 
Teungoh (XXII Mukims), 
where he surrendered the reins 
of power with tears to Pang- 

The poet does not fail to mukims scnce 1S96. 

comment on the "treacherous" action of the people of Meura'sa and 
certain of their kindred who only made a show of taking part in the 

1) See Vol. I, pp. 158 et scq. 

2) See Vol I, pp. 134-s, 

3) See Vol I, p. 173. 

4) This losl is puce poelic liclio 

of earlier modeli. 


warlike preparations, and surrendered lo the Gompeuni without striking 
a blow. 

A passionate appeal for help to the saint Teungku Anjong '} was 
not in vain, and the kafirs were compelled to return home without 

completing their task. The enenny's failure was further due to the fact 
that before this first fight the people had truly repented of their sins 
I) See Vol 1, pp. 156, 235 <^tc. 


and turned to Allah; later on, when their religious zeal abated, the 
fortune of war also turned against them. 

The ships which the Dutch left lying off Acheh barred all access to 
the port. The Gompeuni meanwhile enlisted the aid of English, French 
and Portuguese vessels, and, thus reinforced, resumed the attack after 
10 months. The Imeum of Lueng Bata and Teungku Lam Nga fought 
once more with heroic valour. The Sultan fled a second time, on this 
occasion to Pagaray^, where he died. 

After the conquest of the Dalam the war was waged with varying 
fortune. *) Meantime Habib Abdurrahman returned to the Straits from 
his journey to the West. 

The poet now surveys a period of nearly nine months duration, during 
which the combatants remained almost inactive, and at the end of which 
the Mukim Lueng Bata (whose brave imeum was sick at the time) and 
the Mukim Lhong (= Lam Ara) were overcome by the Gompeuni. 
Soon after the VI Mukims (the author's country) and the IV Mukims 
shared the same fate. 

The people of the gampongs who had taken to flight began by degrees 
to return to the parts occupied by the Gompeuni, attracted by the 
profits arising from the sale of provisions. Teuku Lam Nga tried in 
vain to hold them back by force. 

When *the Habib" set foot once more on Achehnese soil, he assumed 
a considerable share in the conduct of the war. Establishing himself at 
M6n Tasie', he undertook several expeditions from that place, and among 
them one to Krueng Raba. This however led to nothing, for (as the 
Achehnese later on pretended to have observed) the Habib's investment 
of the Gompeuni's stronghold was not seriously meant. In like manner 
they now ascribe to the treachery of the Habib the success of the 
Dutch in defeating and slaying Teuku Lam Nga near Peukan Bada a 
short time afterwards. 

The efforts of the Gompeuni to win over the Imeum of Lueng Bata 
with bribes proved all in vain. In the enemy's onslaught upon the XXVI 
Mukims he stood firm in the defence along with Teuku Paya the father 

i) The diflferent Dutch expeditions against Acheh have not impressed the poet and his 
countrymen as separate episodes in the contest; nay he sometimes speaks of the "one-eyed 
general" as having been in chief command before the time he was appointed. Not unnaturally 
the history of the war is divided into periods to suit an Achehnese standpoint, and every 
such period has for its central point of interest one or more Achehnese leaders. 


of Teuku Asan, whom we shall have to notice presently. But when the 
XXVI Mukims had been conquered, and the ** one-eyed general" shortly 
afterwards made victorious progress even through the XXII Mukims, to 
the amazement of the hitherto braggart inhabitants of the upper country^ 
the Imeum of Lueng Bata thrust his sword into its sheath and withdrew 
from public life. 

Now dawns the period of three years of repose, during which the 
General strengthened the positions he had won. The **Raja Muda" *), 
Teuku Nya' Muhamat, used all his efforts to advance the prosperity 
of the capital and of Ulee Lheue (Olehleh). He was so far successful 
that the people who had fled from their villages came pouring back in 
a continuous stream to the capital and fraternised with the kafirs. Life 
was a round of festivities, trade flourished, and the leaders of the party 
of resistance were bereft of their following. 

All things conspired to bring homage to the one-eyed King. 

The people of the VI Mukims, the poet tells us, had nevertheless 
much to endure, ^) since the Raja Muda compelled them to work hard 
for the Gompeuni and himself. 

No sooner did the one-eyed King depart, than all this repose was 
at an end. That brave warrior Teuku Asan, still in the pride of his 
youth, sought leave of his father in Pidie, whither the latter had fled, 
to go and do battle with the Gompeuni. The desired consent was given, 
with a father's blessing on his pious purpose. Teuka Asan quickly 
gathered some panglimas and a small force, and fixed his head-quarters 
in the neighbourhood of Lam Bada, the place of his birth. 

The gamp5ng-folk were at first disposed to resist his establishing 
himself in that place, as they viewed with distaste the disturbance of 
their peace, but Teuku Asan and his followers soon taught them to 
throw off their equivocal attitude. 

i) Under this title is known that most energetic and reliable chief of Ul^e Lheue, who 
with a loyal and upright heart lent his assistance to the establishment of the *^G5mpeuni*' 
in Acheh, and whose example gradually encouraged other Achehnese chiefs to tender their 

2) The uUebalang of this province (see Vol I p. 126) had fled; his territory had thus 
for a time once more become attached as of old to that of Teuku 'Sh\ and fallen under the 
supremacy of the Teuku Nya' Muhamat just mentioned above. The inhabitants thus felt the 
burden of a double yoke, since they found themselves now subject to the commands of a 
master who to all intents and purposes was a foreigner. 


The kupalas ') (headmen) soon saw that they had acted rashly in 
permitting themselves to enjoy the favour of the Gompeuni. The latter 
required of them reliable information as to the movements of the 
guerilla bands, but whenever they furnished it they were severely 
punished by Teuku Asan, and the Gompeuni gave them little help. 
Finally an alarming example was set by the execution of the arch- 
traitor kupala Punteuet, and all the remaining headmen embraced, 
either openly or in secret, the cause of Teuku Asan. 

Thereupon the Raja Muda called on his subjects to purchase firearms 
to defend themselves against Teuku Asan, so that for them too peace 
was at an end. 

The headman of the Chinese succeeded by a money present in 
inducing Teuku Asan to refrain from attacking the coolies of his 
nationality, the more so as they waged no war, but earned their liveli- 
hood by labour. At the same time this headman facilitated the visits 
which the Teuku occasionally made to Kuta Raja for scouting purposes. 
He used to disguise himself on such occasions as a seller of firewood ; 
his price was so high that no one would ever buy from him, and so 
as he passed from place to place with his load he was able to gather 
all the information he required. 

The principal panglimas who took up arms under the leadership of 
Teuku Asan were Nya' Bintang, Teuku Us^n of Pagaray^, his brother 
Teuku Ali, and Teuku Us^n of Lueng Bata, brother of the imeum of 
that Mukim. We are told of their feats of arms — usually attacks upon 
convoys of provisions. Even at this period (an example is quoted in 
the IV Mukims) the people of the gampongs used often to misinform 
the leaders of the guerilla bands as to the movements of the Gompeuni, 
so as to rid themselves of the presence of both. 

Later on a new leader, Teuku Uma (Umar), came up from the West 
to drive the Dutch out of the IV Mukims. The people joined him the 
more readily as they were weary of the burdens laid upon them by 
the Raja Muda. The poet, who himself received many gifts from Teuku 
Uma's generous hand, details at some length the exploits of this hero 
till his return to Daya. 

i) This name (most likely purposely corrupted from the Malay kapala) is used by the 
Achehnese to describe the heads of gampongs established by the Dutch government in 
place of the keuchi's who took to flight and refused to return. The candidates for such 
ofEces were not of course always the most desirable people possible. 


The death of Teuku Asan at Ul^e Lheue occurred under such 
peculiar circumstances that the Achehnese onlookers gathered therefrom 
that Allah in his wisdom had determined to take this warrior to him- 
self as a martyr {shafiid). There was indeed an unusual want of caution 
displayed by Teuku Asan on this occasion, when without any previous 
organisation he marched into the territory of Meura'sa at the head of 
a few followers. In the gampongs he passed on his way he enjoined 
all who had noticed his presence to keep it a secret, promising that 
he would spare them, as he had come, not to punish the men of 
Meura'sa for their defection, but to fight with the Dutch. He earnestly 
besought his followers to abstain from plunder on this occasion. 

After a brief engagement he was badly wounded; most Achehnese 
attribute the fatal shot to the followers of Teuku N^', though it was 
really fired by the soldiers who occupied the mosque of Ul^e Lheue. 
Teuku Asan was rescued by his comrades, but died on the way home. 

The epic now approaches the period of the ** concentration" and the 
appearance on the scene of Teungku Tir6, who first came to Lam 
Panaih, his following being composed chiefly of men from Pidie. This 
ulama gave a great impetus to the holy war. All who came from the 
Gompeuni's territory to join his standard had first to go through the 
ceremony of re-conversion to the true faith. A spy from Lho' Nga who 
was taken prisoner by the Teungku 's people was put to death without 

The ul^ebalangs who were on good terms with the Gompeuni, now 
exhibited respect for the Teungku, not unmixed with fear. Thus Teuku 
Aneu' Paya (ul^ebalang of the IV Mukims, who has a wife in the 
gampong of Meureuduati within the **Iinie") when chosen to act as 
guide to the Dutch troops on an expedition against Teungku Tir6's 
folk, secretly informed the ulama of the plans of the Gompeuni. 

The kupalas were now more alarmed than ever and held aloof as 
much as possible from the Gompeuni. Now that the ulama had charge 
of the holy cause, not only the free lances, but many of the common 
people as well, took part with zeal in the resistance. Teungku Tir6 
applied a portion of the contributions which flowed into his coffers to 
the giving of solemn feasts, which added to the number of his adherents. 

Teuku Uma also returned once more from the West Coast and began 
to give trouble to the Gompeuni at Peukan Bada. During this period 
he had a ceremonious meeting with Teungku Tir6 in the IV Mukims, 


where a great fortified house was built for the ulama, to provide him 
with a lodging on his future visits to that district. Teuku Uma declared 
himself ready to conform in all things to the Teungku's will '). 

Teungku Tir6 now continued his journey to Seubun. Here the poet 
gives an ironical description of a kanduri or religious feast organized 
by the ulama on a grand scale, which was unfortunately disturbed by 
an onset of the Dutch troops. The assembled guests found it hard, 
even with the bullets whistling about their ears, to tear themselves away 
from the dainty feast of buffalo-meat just done to a turn, with all the 
accompanying good cheer. 

From Seubun the ulama directed his steps to Aneu Galong and 
Indrapuri; in every place along his route he gave the chiefs instructions 
for the raising of sabil-contributions, to support the garrisons of the 
forts which the ulama had erected in every direction. He also took the 
opportunity on this tour to settle questions of religious law etc. in his 
capacity as the interpreter of the sacred code. 

Arriving at Lam Panaih he went through seven days of seclusion 
and mortification (tapa) and received sundry ^converts", comprising 
certain Chinamen and convicts and also two European non-commissioned 
officers, who assisted Teungku TircVs people in the manufacture of 

Day by day the Teungku's influence waxed greater, and though the 
ul^ebalangs appear to have watched his progress with jealous eyes, they 
neither dared nor indeed were able to oppose him. Teungku Tir6's 
son Nya' Amin (in full Nya' Mat or Ma' Amin), was placed in command 
of the forces. The ulama then returned from Lam Panaih to Aneu' 

Here the poet introduces a passage regarding Teungku Kuta Karang, 
telling how he was the first to conceive the idea of placing bombs 
beneath the rails of the Gompeuni's military line. The object of this 
digression seems to be to give the admirers of Teungku Kuta Karang 
some compensation for the superabundant praise he pours upon his 
great rival. 

Teungku Tiro now returned from the XXII Mukims to the lowland 

i) Both Teuku Uma and Teungku Tiro were very weU aware that this was merely one 
of those empty promises which Achehnese chiefs make with a view of keeping out of one 
another's way. Teuku Uma never undertook any matter of importance either at the command 
or by the counsel of Teungku Tir6. 


districts. At the tomb of Teungku di Kuala (Abd5ra'5h ') a severe 
conflict took place with the troops of the Gompeuni, and in other 
places there were numbers of smaller engagements. 

Teuku Uma, who had again spent a considerable time on the West 
Coast, now arrived at Leupueng, but none of his followers knew of 
the scheme which he was now fostering. To the amazement of all, he 
unexpectedly tendered his submission to the Gompeuni, who received 
this powerful leader with open arms. The poet gives a graphic picture 
of his journey to Ulee Lheue and Kuta Raja. 

This submission, pursues our bard, was no more nor less than a 
stratagem to lure on the Gompeuni to their destruction. ^) 

At Kuta Raja he succeeded in obtaining from a Chinese trader an 
advance of 12000 dollars against pepper to be delivered later, but which 
he never did deliver. Subsequently the Gompeuni at his request supplied 
him with a man-of-war to convey him home. 

At Lam Beus6e one of the ships boats landed the Teuku and his 
followers, but as soon as he had withdrawn, his panglimas fell upon 
the sailors and slew them all except two who escaped to the shore. 
These two fugitives betook themselves to Teuku Uma, who expressed 
great indignation at the conduct of his followers, and threatened to put 
all of them to death. 

The measures taken by the Gompeuni to avenge this treacherous 
act, such as for instance the bombardment of Lho' Glumpang, were of 
no effect, for Teuku Uma was not a ul^ebalang, and had no territory 
or property that might be injured. ^) 

Subsequently Teuku Uma passed some time at Rigaih and became 
master of Krueng Sab^ without^ striking a blow. 

i) See Vol. I, p. 156 etc. 

2) This statement of the matter is incorrect ; had Teuku Uma cherished any such intention 
there would have been no reason for his concealing it from his followers, and even from 
his stepfather. He was anxious for his own interests to get on terms with the government, 
and intended to overcome the objections of his people to such a step by confronting them 
with the fail accompli. Various circumstances made him change his mind, and as he found 
that the impression produced on the people by his surrender was even more unfavourable 
than he had anticipated, the cunning adventurer devised the plan of representing his sub- 
sequent treachery as the carrying out of a previously concerted scheme. 

3) In describing the position of T. Uma the poet applies to him the epithet ^priman^* 
(freeman) which the Achehnese, following the Javanese, employ in the sense of one without 
an office. [It is also used in this sense in the Straits settlements, where it is most generally 
heard in the expression ^mata-mata pakei priman" = a policeman in plain clothes (Translator)^ 


Now follows the story, told at great length, of the cutting out of 
the Hok Canton ') (Ach. Kontom) by T. Uma. Here too the narrative 
is vitiated by the poet's anxiety to represent the whole affair as the 
outcome of a well concerted plan of T. Uma's for the discomfiture of 
the kafirs. 

The expeditions of the Gompeuni against Lho' Glumpang and Rigaih 
were also fruitless. They could not succeed either in overtaking and 
punishing Teuku Uma, nor in liberating the imprisoned **Nyonya." The 
chief P6chut Mamat with a number of women were indeed brought as 
captives to Kuta Raja, but the Tuan Beusa (Governor) himself had to 
admit upon enquiry that these people were wholly free from all blame 
for what had occurred. 

The poet describes the expeditions of T. Uma with the imprisoned 
nyonya, and the great concourse of people brought together by curiosity 
to behold for the first time in their lives an European woman. 

The Tuan Beusa was covered with shame, especially when he reflected 
on the possible criticisms of the English. He took counsel in the first 
place with the Panglima Meuseugit Raya, a relative of Teuku Uma. 
The Panglima undertook a mission to negotiate with the latter, but 
could obtain no better terms for the release of the captive than a 
ransom of ;|^ 40,000. Recourse was then had to Teuku Ba'^t (ul^ebalang 
of the VII Mukims of the XXII). His negotiations with T. Uma are 
described in a jocose vein; they result in the reduction of the sum 
demanded to ( 25,000. 

i) The Hok Canton was a British-owned steamer belonging to Chinese traders in Penang, 
trading to Acheh under Dutch colours. Her Captain was a Dane named Hansen, and his 
wife was with him on board at the time of the attack. On the 14th June 1886 at 9 a.m. 
as the vessel lay in the roads of Rigas (Rigaih) on the W. Coast of Acheh, she was attacked 
by Teuku Uma and his followers, who had been received on board as guests by the captain. 
During the fight which ensued the chief mate and chief engineer were killed, and the captain 
seriously wounded; Mrs Hansen also received a slight wound. After plundering the vessel 
the Achehnese returned to shore taking with them as captives the Captain and his wife, 
the second engineer (an Englishman named John Fay) and six native seamen. A brig called 
the "Eagle" was in the roads at the time. Her Captain (Roura) was on shore awaiting 
Teuku Uma^s return from the steamer. Finding that he did not return, he boarded the Hok 
Canton and took her to Olehleh. Negociations ensued ^between the English and Dutch 
governments, the captives being meantime held to ransom by Teuku Uma, who demanded 
$ 50,000 for their release. They were well treated, but in the absence of proper medical 
aid the Captain died of his wounds and Mrs Hansen (the nyOnya" of the present story) 
and the engineer Fay suffered much from sickness. A ransom of 62,500 guilders was 
eventually paid and they were liberated in the beginning of September 1886. {Translator), 

n 8 

The ransom was paid and the nyOnya released, T. Uma distributed 
the money with a generous hand. — a further proof of the tact with 
which he kept his people 
faithful to his cause. Tetiku 
Ba'^t, who conducted the 
negoci aliens, received 500 
dollars, and Teuku Uma's 
friends and followers all re- 
ceived presents proportioned 
to their rank. 

The bard gives a humorous 
description of the sending of 
a present of 500 dollars of 
the ransom-money to Teungku 
Tir6; we mark herein the cri- 
tical spirit of the worldly 
Achehnese, who with all his 
reverence for the great ex- 
pounder of the law sees be- 
neath the robe of the ulama 
a heart as little free from the 
love of gold as his own. When 
the messengers of Teuku Uma 
brought this sum of money as 
a "worthless gift" from their 
chief to the ulama, the latter 
first asked for a full expla- 
nation as to the source from 
whence the money was derived. 
Adat-chiefs, as he knew, are not always overscrupulous as to the means 
they use to win gold, and no good ulama could touch such a gift were 
he not assured that it had been acquired in a manner sanctioned by 
religious law! 

The Teungku was told that the money was spoil won from the kafirs 
and was enlightened as to the manner of its acquisition. Then the pious 
1 smiled, for there was indeed no fault to find, and said that hence- 
forth Teuku Uma might look on him as a father. 

Not long after this Teuku Uma came by invitation to share in a 


kanduri given by Teungku Tir6. Flattering speeches flowed from the 
lips of both, but the Teungku took this opportunity earnestly to 
admonish his friend to hold fast by the true religion and to have no 
dealings with the infidels. In reply Teuku Uma authorised the ulama 
to punish with rigour any of his followers who should transgress that 
prohibition, while he promised that for his part he should never be 
found false to his creed. 

Teungku Tir6's active enterprises against the Gompeuni were now 
varied for a time by progresses through the XXVI Mukims and other 
parts of the country, for the purpose of instructing and admonishing 
both chiefs and people *). 

The masterly tone which he assumed drew upon him the hatred of 
the ul^ebalangs through whose territories he passed, but they could do 
nothing to check the influence acquired by the powerful ulama. 

During this period of coniparative repose the great Teungku was 
poisoned ^). From the moment that he began to feel the fatal working 
of the poison, he ceased not to admonish his followers with all the 
earnestness of a dying man, and; he especially adjured his son Mat Amin 
to be guided by the wise counsel of the ulamas. But when his father 
died, Mat Amin and his guerilla bands followed their own devices, 
caring neither for the laws of God nor man. Thus the great crowd of 
followers who had gathered round Teungku Tir6 soon dispersed and 
vanished from the scene. 

A new centre of operations in the **holy war" was now formed in 
the IX Mukims; the leader of the movement was the great Teungku 
Kuta Karang, whose disciples formed the kernel of his army. At his 
command hand-grenades were laid beneath the rails of the Dutch line, 
and the trains were attacked and fired upon by his followers. These 
attacks were generally made on a Friday, since pious deeds done on 
that day have a special value in the eyes of Allah. 

In vain the Gompeuni sought to overcome him ; the captain of Lam 
Barueh (i. e. Lam Jamee) fell in an attack on Kuta Kandang, and the 

i) The period referred to was that during which the chiefs friendly to the Dutch paid 
visits to the ^court" at Keumala, under the pretext of inducing the pretender to the title 
of Sultan to come to. terms with the Government. Their true intention was to wring money 
from the Government for themselves and their crownless Sultan. Teungku Tiro who after 
some hesitation gave his approval to these visits, was of course obliged to relax his activity 
while they lasted. 

2) See Vol. I, pp. 184—85. 


Gompeuni after this fight were compelled to desist from such enter- 
prises. In the above engagement the followers of Ma' Amin and of 
Habib Samalanga found themselves fighting shoulder to shoulder with 
those of Teungku Kuta Karang. 

The policy of Teungku Kuta Karang, the poet tells us, differed from 
that of the other ulamas in this respect, that he permitted his people 
to have intercourse with those within the **linie" or pale. His object 
in this was to increase the sabil-contributions, to obtain news of the 
Gompeuni's movements and to give courageous warriors an opportunity 
of ambuscading the Dutch troops. The Habib of Samalanga punished 
all who had gone within the *linie" with seven days penitential 
seclusion [kaluet, from the Arab, chalwat). It is said that the bodies of 
any that had the temerity to disregard the Habibs commands became 
swollen with disease. 

After Teungku Tir6's death Habib Samalanga obtained from the 
Sultan a letter with the royal seal *). He made this authorization known 
to all the uleebalangs, and sought to rouse them to action. They 
pretended to adhere to his cause, but in reality thought of nothing but 
their own wordly interests. 

At the close of the poem (1891) the Gompeuni is busy in stopping 
all imports, to the great discomfort of the people within the *linie". 
To make this system of exclusion effective they constitute a new corps 
of soldiery, the masus^^). These guardians of the frontier are very 
arrogant and self-important. They show much courage when they meet 
a few stray Gampong folk; these they arrest with much unnecessary 
commotion and hustle over the boundary with kicks and blows. But 
when they see a band of fighting men they slink away. 

As the Dutch are now (1891) going to work, says the poet, they 
will never be masters of Acheh. The one-eyed General was right! 

The above brief abstract should suffice to show the spirit of the poet, 
that is to say the spirit of his public. Although his work in addition 
to its being incomplete is far inferior in point of artistic merit to the 
epic of Teungku Lam Rukam '), and also to that of the anonymous 

i) Vol. I, p. 182. 

2) Marichaussee. It is also sometimes called badusi or majusi. This last word is well 
known to all Mohammedans; it occurs in the kitabs and indicates a class of unbelievers 
standing next to the Christians (NagrSni) and the Jews (Yahudi) but worse than either in 
their infidelity. The word really signifies the Magi or Persian fire-worshippers. 

3) See p. 88 above. 


author of Maletn Dagang, it has from its actuality just as much claim 
on our interest as either of these. At the same time it forms a remark- 
able example of the preservation of epic literature without the inter- 
mediary of writing. I can testify from my own experience that two 
recitations of this poem delivered by the author himself on two separate 
occasions, diflfered from one another as little as any two written copies 
of any Achehnese book. 

The Hikayat Raja Sulbyman (IX) is the production of a poet from Hikayat Raja 
the IX Mukims. I have never seen a copy, but from what I can 
ascertain it celebrates the strife waged by the young prince of that 
name from his coming of age to his death (1857) against his uncle and 
guardian Manso Shah, The prince established himself in the VI Mukims, 
for Teuku Nanta the ul^ebalang of that territory was his chief ally, 
while his guardian who refused to vacate the throne in his favour, 
settled in the Dalam at the capital. 

Hikayat Teungku di Meukf (X). Hikayat 

This is a short and insignificant heroic poem. The author is one Meuk6'. 
Teungku Malem, a native of Trumon, married to a woman of Peunaga. 
The poet celebrates the conflict waged in 1893 and 1894 by the chiefs 
of Meulaboh, friendly to the Dutch, against the party of resistance, 
whose chief stronghold was Run^ng and who were led by the holy 
Teungku di Meuk6'. 

The poem is an imitation of the older epics, without any attempt at 
accuracy or completeness. It ends with the death of Teungku di Meuk6'. 

It is characteristically Achehnese that the poet, though belonging to 
the side of the Government, depicts Teungku Meuke' as a holy martyr 
to the faith and his followers as the representatives of religion. It 
matters not on what side an Achehnese finds himself, he always regards 
the enemies of the unbelievers as upholders of the right cause. 

§ 4- Original treatises. 

We have dealt first with the heroic poems of the Achehnese, because 
they are purely Achehnese both in form, subject and origin. The few 
short treatises which we are now about to mention might properly be 


regarded as coming under the head of literature of religion or edification. 
Their genuine Achehnese character however, distinguishes them from 
other Achehnese works of the same sort, most of which are based on 
Malay or Arabic originals. For this reason we assign them a separate 
Teungku Teuttgku Tirb's "lessons on the holy war" (XI) are in the form of 


**lessons" small pamphlets. Only two have come into my hands, filling not more 
than a quire of paper; but there were undoubtedly more besides. These 
two, however, enjoy a special popularity. They deal all through with 
one and the same subject, and consist of strong exhortations to sacri- 
fice life and property to the holy cause, which it is said, should for the 
moment throw all other considerations into the shade in Acheh. These 
exhortations are enforced with the requisite texts of holy writ showing 
the prang sabi to be a bounden duty and promising to all who take 
part in it an incomparable reward in the hereafter. 

Admonition Tadkirat ar-rakidm (XII). 

ggards. y^^ have already ') noticed the pamphlet disseminated by Teungku 
Kuta Karang, the greatest rival of Teungku Tir6, under the title of 
"admonition to laggards". It should rather be called a collection of 
pamphlets repeatedly revised and added to by the author. This com- 
pilation is more comprehensive than the two treatises of Teungku Tir6 
and is also remarkable for certain peculiar ideas which it advances. 
For instance the author would have the Friday service performed in 
Achehnese and not, as is now everywhere done, in Arabic. 
. He suggests fitting out a fleet of war-ships to harass the "kafirs" by 
sea as was being done with so much success on land. All alike, sultan, 
chiefs, ulamas and people must throw off their half-heartedness, working 
together with one consent and overlooking all paltry matters, "louse- 
questions'* as the writer calls them, so that they may assail the "elephant" 
that stands in their way. The rebuilding of mosques and reforming of 
morals are indeed most desirable things, but even these must stand 
aside for a moment, while everyone devotes his zeal, his time and above 
all, his money to the carrying on of the war. All contributions must 
be gathered into a single treasury, under the control of some able and 
trusty leader, as for instance Teungku Kuta Karang himself. Let no one 

i) Vol. I, p. 1 86 et scq. 


inveigh against occasional acts of rapine on the part of the fighters in 
the holy cause, since much is forgiven to those who dedicate themselves 
to so pious and so hard a task! 

Nasihat ureueng muprang (XIII). 

The author of this hikayat, which extends to some 2000 verses, him- 
self tells us that he has borrowed most of his materials from a treatise 
written by the Palembang pandit Abdussamad, who gained a high repu- 
tation about a century ago by his theological works *). By his Malay 
translations Abdussamad gave a wide circulation to the works of the 
revered master of mysticism, al-Ghazali; in the sphere of practical 
mysticism he took lessons at Medina from the mystic teacher Mohammad 
as-Samman (born in A.D. 1720), whom we shall have occasion to mention 
again hereafter (ch. Ill, § 3). He also wrote an ** Admonition to Muslims" 
{nafihat al'tnuslitnin), which supports by numerous texts from the Quran 
and traditions of Mohammad the meritorious character of the holy war 
against unbelievers. 

It was this last treatise which served as a model for the Achehnese 
** Admonition to those engaged in the war", composed in August 1894 
by Nya' Ahmat alias Uri bin Mahmut bin Jalalodin bin Abdosalam of 
the gampong Ch6t Paleue. It is a fanatical exhortation of all believers 
and the Achehnese in particular to do battle with all unbelievers and 
in particular the Dutch. According to Nya' Ahmat this ranks higher 
than all other religious obligations, and the future recompense for the 
waging of the holy war is greater than that assigned to any other 
good deed, even although the purpose [niet) of him who fights against 
the infidel is not free from the taint of worldly motives. 

The writer severely censures the inactive section of the people and 
the ul^ebalangs; they bethink them not, he says, that through their 
lack of energy the Mohammedan religion runs the danger of being 
extirpated from Acheh, as has already been done at Batavia, Padang, 
Singapore, Penang etc. 

There are without doubt other treatises of similar tendency in existence, 
but owing to their authors being of less celebrity they are not so generally 
known or so widely circulated. 




i) See L. W. C. Van den Berg's Verslag van eene vcrzameling MaUische enz, handschriften 
(Batavia 1877), bladz. 2, 8. 10. The work employed by our Achehnese poet appears in 
Van den Berg's Catalogue as N®. 51. 


In many manuscripts of which I succeeded in having copies made, 
I have met with exhortations in verse to zeal in waging the war, prayers 
for the downfall of the Dutch, and the like. These were inserted to 
fill up the blank pages, and appeared at the end of works of the most 
diverse character. They were the fanatic effusions of the copyists, who 
for the best of reasons, generally belong to the "leub^" class'). 

ramd!"^^^* Hik^y^^ ^^^^^ (XIV). 

This essay is also most characteristically Achehnese, but is of a 

considerably less warlike nature than the last two. The author is one 

Leubfe Isa {-^ Jesus) who lived in Pidie, first in gampong Bambi, after 

which he is called Teungku Bambit and later at Klibeuet. According 

to his own "confession" (as we may aptly term it) he passed a portion 

of his life in the colonies of the pepper planters on the West Coast. 

These lonesome districts whose desolation is only broken at intervals 

by a small gampong, are known as rantb^ particularly in the phrase 

"the 12 rant6V of the West Coast, though this round number has no 

statistical value. 

The writer testifies that no Achehnese who leaves his birth-place to 
seek his fortune from pepper planting out there, returns unharmed in 
body and soul. Fevers undermine the health, and all the comforts of 
life are wanting. Morals in the rantb are at the lowest ebb, for the 
Achehnese neither may nor can transport wife or child thither. Gambling, 
opium-smoking and paederasty are the chief relaxations of a society 
composed exclusively of males. When means are lacking for opium- 
smoking, many supply the deficiency by plundering solitary travellers 
in the rant6s. Quarrels speedily result in bloodshed. Few give a thought 
to the families they have left behind. Religion is wholly forgotten. 

The Teungku describes in an affecting manner the melancholy lot of 
the women and children whose husbands and fathers often sojourn in 
the rantds for years at a time without sending tidings to those at home. 
At the annual slaughter which precedes the fasting month and the 
religious feasts, while the husbands of others "bring meat home" ^), the 
deserted ones stand by pale with shame ; perchance some pitying fellow- 
villager gives them a small portion of his own share! 

i) Vol. I, p. 71. 

2) Vol. I, p. 243. 


This passage is calculated to touch the feelings of the truants and 
recall them to their duties as fathers of families. On the other hand, 
however, the author does not wish to let his female readers go un- 
admonished. Many women, he says, embitter the lives of their husbands 
by demanding more than they can bestow in the matter of clothing 
and personal adornments. Thus they have themselves to blame if their 
spouses, weary of domestic strife, go forth to seek happiness in the rant6s. 

§ 5. Fiction. 

We now come to the literature of romance. The materials from whence Character 
the tales we are now about to describe are drawn are known to all fiction, 
who are versed in Malayan literature. Princes or princesses, the very 
manner of whose birth transcends the ordinary course of nature, attain 
to the splendour to which they are predestined, in spite of the obstacles 
which the envy of men and the cunning of demons set in their path. 
Heroes, driven by dreams and omens to wander through the world, 
encounter at every step seemingly invincible monsters, unsolvable 
enigmas and unapproachable princesses; but they also meet with well- 
disposed d^was, sages or beasts who enable them to fulfil their heroic 
part without an effort. Each romance contains sundry love-stories, in 
which the hero after a brief period of bliss is separated from the objects 
of his passion, but at the final catastroph beholds his princesses (from 
one to four in number) and generally their parents as well, all happily 
united round him while the enemies of his happiness either undergo the 
punishment they deserve or are spared by his clemency. 

The inevitable combats are decided less by the prowess or general- 
ship of the heroes than by their invulnerability, and the secret lore and 
charms obtained by them from hermits, spirits or giants of the wilds. 
They call into being, whenever they require them, flourishing towns 
and glittering palaces from a magic box; in like manner by smiting 
on the ground or on some part of their own bodies or by the utterance 
of a magic word they bring to light armies of j^ns and men, who fight 
on their behalf with supernatural weapons. 

A large majority of Achehnese romances show unmistakeable traces Connection 


of the same origin as those of the Malays; indeed a great number of Achehnese 
them are expressly imitated from Malay models. To decide in any g^^^^ ^^ 


given case whether an Achehnese work has been borrowed from a 
Malay one or is derived from the same source as the latter would 
require an acquaintance with the whole range of Malay literature both 
past and present. We may in any case certainly regard as the birth- 
place of the great majority of romances in both tongues that portion 
of South India which is also the source whence are derived the popular 
mysticism and the popular religious legends of the Mohammedan peoples 
of the E. Indian Archipelago. 
Their Indian The appearance of the d^was, raksasas and other denizens of the 

origin. i . i • , r 

skies, the air, the forest and the sea are often portrayed in somewhat 
pagan fashion. At the same time their character is as a rule so modi- 
fied that there is no difficulty in classifying them among either the 
Moslim or the infidel j^ns, while all their acts and omissions alike 
testify to the power and wisdom of Allah. Not only are the names of 
Indian gods and heroes presented in an altered form, but the poets 
have also given themselves liberty to add new characters to those they 
found and to place personalities from Persian and Arabian myth and 
legend on the same stage with those of Indian origin. It may be, 
perhaps, that this degeneration and admixture took place to a con- 
siderable extent in South Indian popular romances, but this could only 
be decided by a thorough study of the latter. At present we are unable 
even to fix the portion of South-India where the threads meet which 
unite that country with the mental life of the Indonesians. 

In addition to Indian names the Achehnese romances contain disting- 
uished Persian ones, which appertain to the mythic or historic heroes 
of the Shahname (such as Qubad, Jamshld, Bahramshah). We must not 
however expect to find reproduced here one single particular of the 
actual traditions respecting these princes of Iran. The fact of the intro- 
duction of Islam into Hindustan has caused the language, literature and 
traditions of Persia to be known to all civilized persons in the former 
country. It was of course impossible that the lower classes of the people 
should be equally affected by this influence, but they made their own 
the strange names from Persian myth and history and attached to 
these names popular tales which were most likely already in existence. 
It was some of these last that found their way to the East Indies, and 
not the traditional history or finer classical works of the Persian nation. 
In these tales it is as impossible to detect a nucleus of history or 
tradition as in the romance of Amir Hamzah which came hither from 

Persia by way of India. Here too fuller data are required for a more 
exact analysis of the relation of Achehnese fiction with its sources; 
what we have just said may simply serve to prevent anyone from bein'gj 
misled by the sight of well known Persian names, into speaking of thej 
** influence of Persia on the Achehnese". 

Certain works which have been known in Acheh within the memory 
of men way probably have been borrowed directly from the common 
South Indian source, without the intervention of Malay. At present we 
may safely say that it is Malay literature alone that supplies the 
Achehnese market with fresh material. This is indeed what might have 
been expected; the mental intercourse of Acheh with more distant 
countries was bound to decrease when the trade relations, once so 
fliourishing, were reduced to a minimum. 

The better educated of the Achehnese, who are not scholars in the 
strict sense, read Malay hikayats which are either entirely new or not 
formerly known in Acheh. Such as suit their taste are disseminated as 
kaba ') until some poet or rhymster thinks it worth while to make of 
them an Achehnese hikayat. And so lacking in refinement of taste have 
the modern Achehnese become, as for the most part to find more pleasure 
in these flavourless impossibilities than in their own historical epics. 

Tales of foreign origin are however, not only dressed in the attire 
of the Achehnese sanja, but so modified and added to as to suit the 
comprehension of their Achehnese readers. Wherever the opportunity 
has occurred, the compilers have given to social and political relations 
an Achehnese colouring. 

To comprehend the significance of these romances in the mental life Belief in the 
of the Achehnese, we must remember one thing which is too often stories, 
forgotten in discussing Native literature. Although the readers and hearers 
are not all blind to the fact that composers and editors occasionally 
modify their materials a little to suit their own taste, still they are in 
the main firmly convinced of the truth of the stories told them. Nothing 
short of absolute conflict with the teachings of religion makes them 
doubt the genuineness of a poet's representations; and in any case, all 
these heroes flying and striding through air, sky, sea and forest, with 
their miraculous palaces and magic armies, are for the Achehnese actual 
persons of an actual past. 

i) See pp. 88 — 9 above. 


Our separation of heroic poems from romances would thus have no 
raison d'etre in their eyes. All that they could see in it would be a 
distinction between hikayats which chronicle past events in Acheh, and 
those which tell in verse the history of the people of other lands or of 
the skies, the country of the jens and the like. 
The scene Several even of those romances which are most closely akin to Malay 
works or resemble them in all respects, have the scene laid in Acheh. 
Similarly we find the Javanese translating to their own country a 
number of the personages of the Indian mythology. 

The hikayat of Mal^m Diwa for instance, is composed of the same 
materials as a well-known Malay tale which is also current among the 
Bataks. This does not prevent the Achehnese from representing their 
hero as being born, growing up and performing most of his exploits in 
Acheh, or from imagining that he still exists, wandering about in the 
highlands of the North and East Coasts. They are convinced that anyone 
who has practised the science of invulnerability with success may enjoy 
the privilege of a meeting with this invincible immortal '). They point 
out in more than one locality the traces of Mal^m Diwa's activity, just 
as they show on the West Coast the former haunts of Banta Beuransah, 
and see in the romances of 6seukanda Ali and Nun Parisi a fragment 
of the history of Timu (*the East", the name they give to the North 
and East Coasts of Acheh). 
Achehnese Did we wish to conform to Achehnese ideas, we should have to 
method of ar- assign Malem Diwa a place above Malem Dagang in the chronologically 
the hikayats. arranged list of Achehnese heroic poems. So long as the scene of a 
narrative lies outside Acheh, the Achehnese are entirely indifferent to 
accurate definitions of place and time. The only chronological rule to 
which they occasionally adhere, is that stories in which the heroes soar 
and fly carry us back to an ante-Mohammedan period, for ever since 
the appearance of the Seal of the Prophets the art of flying has been 
denied to human beings ^). 

All the works which we have placed under the head of 'fiction' are 
composed in sanja\ and thus bear the name of hikayat^ like the fourteen 
we have already described. Their contents furnish us with no basis for 
arrangement; but apart from this their comparatively small number 

i) See p. 36 above. 

2) This rule however is in conflict with the contents of some stories dealing with the 
Mohammedan period, and that too even where they are composed in Achehnese. 


renders it easy to pass them in review. We rest content with giving 
the first place to those hikayats the principal scene of which is laid 
by the Achehnese within the limits of their own country. 

MaUtn Diwa (XV). Hikayat 

Mal^m Diwa was the son of Raja Tampo', a prince who ruled in Mal^m Diwa. 
the gampong of Piadah on the krueng (river) of Pasfe, commonly known 
as Pasei. His mother was Putr6e Sahbawa. He was at first called 
Malem Diman, but the teacher to whom he was sent to school in his 
7th year, changed his name to Diwa. Dalikha '), the daughter of this 
pandit, was his destined bride, for when the marriages both of Raja 
Tampo' and of the pandit had long remained unblessed with issue, the 
prince had made a vow that if children were vouchsafed to them both, 
they should if possible be united in wedlock with one another. But 
when the boy came to her father's house, Dalikha greeted him as 
"younger brother". This was considered as rendering marriage impos- 
sible, and Dalikha, who in after years married a certain Mal^m Panjang, 
continued to watch over Mal^m Diwa as a faithful elder sister. As soon 
as the hero has completed his schooling he begins his wanderings, which 
are destined to bring him into contact with three princesses in succes- 
sion, Putrb'e Bungsu in the firmament, Putrb'e Aloih in Nata (^ Natal) 
and Putrb'e Meureundatn Diwi in Lho' Sinibong on the river of Jambo Ay^. 

It was a dream which gave the impetus to his quest of the first; it 
seemed to him that while bathing he came across a princess's hair. 
The princess of the skyey realm, the youngest daughter of Raja Din, 
dreamed at the same time that she was encircled by a snake. Not long 
after, Mal^m Diwa, changed for the moment into a fish, swam about 
in the water where Putr6e Bungsu with her sisters and their attendants 
were bathing. He stole her upper garment and thus she lost the power 
to fly back with her companions to her father's aerial kingdom^). Hero 
and heroine are brought together by the agency of Ni Keubayan, a 
well-known figure in Malay tales, and soon the lovers are joined in 

They settle in Malem Jawa, the abode of Mal^m Diwa's mother, close 
to Piadah. Here a son named Ahmat is born to them. As this child 

i) ITie Achehnese form of Zuldkha^ the name of Potiphar's wife. 

2) As to such "flying garments" see G. K. Niemann in Bijdragen van het Koninklijk 
Instituut for 1866, note to p. 257. 


grows up he develops vicious tendencies. He strikes his grandmother 
and by this act causes a rupture between her and her daughter-in-law. 
One day whilst at play Ahmat brings to light his mother's upper garment, 
which his father had carefully hidden. Putr6e Bungsu takes it from him, 
and, weary of domestic strife, flies away with her child to the airy realms. 

Malem Diwa, who spent nearly all his time in the cock-fighting arenas, 
was not at home when this took place, but a little later he saw his 
wife soaring in the air with her child and had just time to receive her 
last admonition at the **gate that leads to the skies". "After three rice- 
harvests", she said, **you must come and fetch me, else I shall become 
another's wife". Meanwhile go to Nata (Natal) and there you shall wed 
the princess Aloi'h; but beware lest you fall victim to a passion for the 
Putr6e Meureundam Diwi. 

Mal6m Diwa undertook the journey to Nata with the aid of Dalikha 
and her heroic spouse Mal^m Panyang. Peuduka Lila, the king of that 
region, was compelled to succumb to the courage and magic power of 
the three. But Putr6e Aloih remained still unconquered. Over against 
the window of her chamber there stood an areca- palm of fabulous height, 
on the top of which hung two betelnuts, one of gold and the other of 
suasa ^). The hand of the princess was the destined reward of him who 
should succeed in plucking these fruits. Already no less than ninety- 
nine princes had made the attempt at the cost of their lives; for no 
sooner had they climbed to a level with the princess's window and 
beheld her, than they swooned at the sight of her marvellous beauty, 
and so fell down and were killed. Malem Diwa, however, was assisted 
in his task by a squirrel (tufi^), a number of white ants (kamue),-^ 
swarm of walang sangit ^) (geus6ng) and a kite {kleueng), all of which 
creatures he had taken with him by the advice of Putr6e Bungsu. 
Dalikha also spread a bed of tree-cotton at the fort of the areca-palm 
by way of precaution. 

So Mal^m Diwa wins his princess and spends happy days at Nata. 
He is however warned in a dream that Putr6e Bungsu is in danger. 
Mounted on a bura' ^) which awaits him, he ascends into the upper air, 
and betakes himself disguised as a beggar to the kingdom of the sky. 
Here he becomes acquainted with Ahmat (his own son) who informs 

i) An amalgam of gold and copper. (^Translator), 

2) A kind of grasshopper (Mai. b^lalang) with an offensive smell. 

3) A fabulous creature, a namesake of the Bur&q on which the Prophet ascended to heaven. 


him that his mother is soon about to be forced to marry the Raja 
Muda. Mal6m Diwa and Ahmat now make war upon Raja Din and his 
son the Raja Muda, with the result that Putr6e Bungsu is shortly 
re-united with her lawful consort. The joy of the pair is however once 
more disturbed by a dream. It is now the Putr6e Aloih that is in danger. 
The king of China has waged a successful war against Nata and carried 
off the beautiful lady in a crystal chest. 

MaMm Diwa descends on the bura' to the sublunary world ; he alights 
at Pase (vulg. Pasei), whence he traverses various places on the East 
Coast of Acheh and finally arrives at Lho' Sinibong the domain of 
Raja Angkasa. The whole kingdom has been laid waste and its in- 
habitants devoured by the geureuda (=garuda '); the beautiful princess 
Meureundam Diwi alone, hidden in a beam of timber *) by her unhappy 
father, awaited the coming of her deliverer. As a matter of course 
Mal^m Diwa slays the geureuda and weds the princess. 

Another vision, warning him of impending danger, causes MaMm 
Diwa to determine on fortifying his abode in this place. Sure enough 
the Raja Jawa soon comes to assail his third experience of wedded bliss. 
By magic arts he succeeds in rendering Mal^m Diwa as helpless as an 
inanimate corpse, after which he carries off the princess in a crystal chest. 
Meureundam Diwi, however, has instructed a helpful bird (bayeu'en) to 
rouse Mal^m Diwa after her departure by fomentations of rose-water, 
and then to fly both to Nata and Dalikha's country, and to bear to 
the latter and to the Putrde Bungsu news of what has occurred. 

Restored to life once more, Malem Diwa sails for China, but during 
a sea-fight he is thrown into the sea by the Chinese and swallowed by 
a whale. 

This monster dies at sea and drifts to Java where he is cast on shore. 
The carrion attracts the notice of one Male Kaya ^), a relative of the 
king of Java, who is walking on the sea-shore with his childless wife. 
In the whale's carcase they find Malem Diwa, who has assumed the 
form of a little boy, adopt him joyfully as their child and give him 
the name of Mal^m Muda. 

When Mal^m Muda had grown up, the Raja Muda wished to provide 

1) A fabulous monster of the griffin order. {^Translator). 

2) According to a variant, in a drum (^geundrang) cf. p. 145 below. 

3) I.e. "wealthy but childless". 


him with a wife, but he stoutly declared that he would marry none 
other than Meureundam Diwi. Hence arose a quarrel that led to war. 
Dalikha and the princess Bungsu having in the meantime arrived with 
their fleets, took an active part in the contest. The Raja Jawa was 
overcome and slain, and Meureundam Diwi set free. A war against 
China was crowned with the like success and the Putr6e AlOi'h rescued 
from her crystal prison. They now all returned to Nata and from thence 
each went back to his own country. Ahmat became a sub-king of the 
airy realm and married Janagaru the daughter of the Raja Muda of 
that kingdom. 

A copy of the Menangkabau **Malim Diman" preserved in the library 
of the Batavian Association, gives an account of the adventures of this 
hero with Putri Bungsu, which while varying in some details from 
Mal^m Diwa, harmonizes with it in its main outline, but is much more 
prolix. No mention is made of Dalikha or the two other objects of 
Mal^m Diwa's love, and what we are told of Malem Diwa's early life 
is quite different from the Achehnese hikayat. The Batak story of 
Malin Deman ') has only isolated points of resemblance with either of 
the above. 

Of Mal6m Diwa's immortality and his wanderings in the wilderness 
of the North and East Coasts of Acheh we have already spoken in 
our introductory remarks. 

[In June 1898 an illiterate man of Gayo origin succeeded in rousing 
a tumult among the people of the East and North Coasts of Acheh by 
giving out that he was invulnerable and that he had the power of 
rendering harmless the weapons of the unbelievers. He was known as 
Teungku Tapa, but the majority of the people regarded him as Mal^m 
Diwa returned to life, or at least as one clothed with Mal^m Diwa's 
authority; most of the Achehnese with whom I spoke of him regarded 
his pretensions as far from preposterous. Teungku Tapa and his followers 
were defeated by the Dutch troops, after which he disappeared for a 
time. In 1899, however, he again renewed his activity, this time with 
a band of followers from the Gayo country. This second effort was 
suppressed still more promptly than the former. In 1900 Teungku Tapa 
was slain in the neighbourhood of Piadah]. 

i) See G. K. Niemann's review of the contents of this story in Bydragen JCon, Instituut 
for 1866, p. 255 et seq. 


Eseukanda Alt or Suganda Alt (XVI). 

In times of old Sultan Ali held sway in the kingdom of Chamtalira *), 
by which the Achehnese mean the same that is called Sumatra ^) in 
the writings of Marco Polo and Ibn Batutah. In this kingdom was a 
merchant of great wealth named Didi, who sent forth his son Ali Juhari 
with ships to trade. This he did first in Pas^, but when the market 
there declined, his father had a ship fitted out to send on a voyage 
of enquiry as to where his son might find a fruitful field for his enter- 
prises. The ship's company found out that the best plan was to make 
the young man a sugarcane planter in Keureut6e (KSrti). With this in 
view they purchased land from Ahli, king of Keureut6e and built a 
sumptuous residence which was called Indra Siluka. When all was ready, 
Ali Juhari was fetched thither. 

Ra'na Jamin, the daughter of the sovereign of Keureut6e had woven 
a cloth of which all the merchants had till now in vain endeavoured 
to gain possession, for it might only be purchased by him who should 
succeed in opening the chest in which it lay. On his arrival in the 
country Ali Juhari learns of this, and succeeds in opening the chest. 
He carries off the cloth to Indra Siluka and there hoists it as a flag in 
the hope that its maker will some day come to him through curiosity 
as to the meaning of this decoration. 

His wish is fulfilled, and in a twinkling Cupid welds together the 
hearts of both. The princess however tells him that her hand has been 
promised by her father to Sulutan Sul6yman (Suleiman) of Salbian. She 
is meanwhile ready to live in a secret union with Ali Juhari and to 
visit him each day at nightfall. 

On three successive evenings she comes to him at an appointed hour ; 
but each time Allah lays on him so deep a sleep that she is fain to 
depart leaving a letter as token of her faith to the tryst. The unhappy 
lover on the third night cuts open his finger and rubs red pepper into 
the wound to drive away slumber; yet he sleeps notwithstanding and 
cannot be awakened. The third letter is the last he receives ; the princess 
becomes disheartened and discontinues her visits. 

l) The name of this country is sometimes written in Achehnese thus SjfxSa^^ sometimes 

a) The holy Abdurra^uf speaks in one of his Malay treatises of the Malay language of 


In deep distress Ali Juhari now sends all his people back to Cham- 
talira and himself enters on a series of objectless wanderings. 

While thus engaged he meets in a garden in the midst of the wilder- 
ness a hermit, Dah^t (JkitK) Amin, who imparts to him sundry useful 
knowledge, gives him certain objects endowed with miraculous power 
and changes his name to Eseukanda (Achehnese form of Alexander) Ali. 

Resuming his journey, he has soon reason to be thankful for these 
charms, which enable him to make a conquest of the giant Mala'oy 
Rimba on the plain of Indra Chahya. The latter had just returned to 
his forest haunt from Keureut6e, bringing with him from thence the 
dead body of a girl whom he had slain at a punishment for pelting 
him with stones. When the giant had discovered that Eseukanda Ali 
was his master in all magic arts, they became friends, and the giant 
told him as the latest news from Keureut6e, that the espousal of the 
princess to Sul6yman was on the eve of being celebrated. 

They then consulted together as to how best to frustrate the marriage. 
Eseukanda Ali was to assume the form of the girl Siti Ubat who has 
been slain by the giant and thus disguised to go to her mistress the 
flower-seller Sami'un, and pretend to have been carried off into the 
forest by a j^n, but to have had the good luck to escape. 

The strategem succeeds, and Eseukanda Ali, in the female form he 
has assumed, not only succeeds in meeting his beloved, but actually 
becomes her servant. Thus after secretly revealing to her his true shape, 
he manages to escape with her upon the wedding-day. 

Two pahlawans (warriors) pursue him, but lose their senses by Eseu- 
kanda Ali's magic art. Through a number of occurrences described in 
a humorous vein, the lovers become separated from one another, and 
the princess barely succeeds in escaping from two assailants of her 
honour; one is a Kringgi sweet meat-seller, the other a one-legged man 
named Si Pantong. 

Disguised as a man she finally finds a resting-place in the kingdom 
of Tahtanun, whose king Ahmat was at that very time seeking a 
husband for his daughter Keumala Hayati; only he who could beat the 
Princess in a horse-race, was esteemed worthy to obtain her hand. 
Ra'na Jamin achieves this feat and weds the princess, whereupon her 
father-in-law hands over the throne to her. 

This assumption of government by a woman in disguise is to be met 
with again in the tale of Qamar Az-zaman in the Thousand and One 


Nights, which has also been rendered into Achehnese and enjoys much 
popularity '). The sequel puts one in mind of the denouements of many 
of the Malay hikayats. 

The "king" has a golden statue of himself placed at the entrance to 
the capital under strict guard and with instructions to bring to the 
court all such passers-by as are seen to gaze at it with emotion. Thus 
there come in succession the Kringgi, Si Puntong (both of whom are 
thrown into prison) and Eseukanda Ali, on whose arrival Ra'na Jamin 
reveals her sex. 

The wanderer, happy once more, marries both princesses together, 
and becomes king of Tahtanun. The Kringgi and Si Puntong are set 
at liberty. 

When the rumour of these tings spreads abroad, Sul6yman prepares 
for war, but is of course defeated, and Sulutan Anli who had pretended 
to take his part through fear, is soon reconciled to his daughter's 
marriage. All now return to Keureut6e. 

Some time after, Eseukanda Ali is reminded of his father in a dream 
and leaving both his wives behind starts off to pay him a visit. Raja 
Hadan of Hidian avails himself of his absence to make war on Keureut6e 
in revenge for the death of his relative Sul6yman. Eseukanda's two wives 
send letters asking aid of the old king of Tahtanun; he comes, quickly 
followed by Eseukanda Ali himself, who, informed by a dream of what 
is taking place, has hastened back again. By their united forces this last 
disturber of Eseukanda's happiness is also overthrown. 

Nun Parisi (XVII). Hikayat 

XT D * ' 

Nun Parisi was the son of Raja Sarah, the ruler of Chamtalira (a 
corruption of Sumatra). His companions from early youth were Lidam, 
son of a mantri or state official, and *^Arian, son of a professional singer. 
The poet also brings on the scene three young girls, daughters of three 
advisers of Raja Sarah, thus at once prefiguring the romance that lies 
in store for the three young men. 

While the boys are playing one day, a golden panta ^) belonging to 
Nun Parisi finds its way into the pocket of one of his companions 
without his noticing it. He finds it later on, but keeps his discovery of 

1) See NO. XXXII below. 

2) The nature of the bbk panta is explained below chap. III^ § i. 


the toy concealed from shame, as there has been a long and fruitless 
search made for it. The matter is enquired into by the king and his 
three gurus without result, but in the end one of the three young 
damsels solves the riddle to the satisfaction of all concerned, and the 
occurrence gives rise to the three betrothals to which the reader has 
been looking forward. 

The three young men now declare their intention of going on a 
journey to pursue their studies; the difficulties suggested by the queen 
Dabiah are overcome by Nun Parisi's talking bayeuen-bird. 

They prooceed to Aseuhan, the territory of the powerful prince 
Bahrun Diwa, who has married ninety-nine wives one after another and 
beheld them all disappear in an inexplicable manner immediately after 
he has wedded them. No king will any longer venture to give him his 
daughter in marriage, so he remains childless and is thus overjoyed at 
the arrival of the three youths, whom he adopts as his sons. 

After taking counsel with them the king puts his fortune to the test 
once more, and marries the daughter of a mantri. On the night of the 
marriage the three students keep watch armed to the teeth and repeating 
exorcising formulas of known efficacy. A violent storm arises which 
causes all but the three young men to swoon. Under cover of the storm 
comes the wicked naga (dragon) which has destroyed the happiness of 
the king, but this time he is slain by the young heroes before he can 
carry off the new queen, Sambang Deureuma Subra. 

Their noble deed nearly cost them their lives, for the young queen 
accused them of attempts upon her honour. Bahrun Diwa had already 
after taking counsel with the teacher Banu ^Ubat, resolved to put them 
to death, when they came before him and each recited a tale the moral 
of which was that hasty actions lead to repentance. The king made a 
searching enquiry which established the innocence of the heroes, where- 
upon he divorced his wife and married Deulima Rawan, daughter of 
the Raja of Langkat and had children by her. 

Some years after they had thus secured the wedded bliss of the king 
of Aseuhan, the young men proceed to the country of Kabu (Gay6?) 
to study under the renowned teacher ^Urupiah. 

Meantime mischief was brewing in Chamtalira. The powerful wazir 
Keujruen had great influence over the king, and his son Sa'it Burian 
had become the special favourite of the queen. In company with Si 
Reusam, known from his immoral life as the 'gamp5ng-dog', he abused 


the royal favour to the utmost, forming an intrigue with the betrothed 
of Nun Parisi, which was, however betrayed to the latter by the 
talking bird. 

Nun Parisi and his three companions, after three years of study, 
returned home to Chamtalira. On the way one of them wedded a 
daughter of Raja Bahrun, and that prince escorted them on their 
homeward journey. Nun Parisi, who had received from his teacher the 
name of Pareh Sulutan, wedded both his own betrothed and that of 
his comrade who had married in Aseuhan. Sa'it Burian continued his 
adulterous intercourse with the bride, and succeeded in getting the 
better of Par^h Sulutan jn gaming by the aid of the latter's own 
talisman, which the false wife secretly conveyed to her lover. Later on, 
however, the prince got back his magic mango-stone, and was invincible 
as before. 

A series of evil deeds committed by Sa'it Burian and Si Reusam 
resulted at last in open hostility between the king and his family on 
the one hand and Keujruen Kandang on the other. They waged war 
on one another for six years with varying fortune. Then the talking 
bird Tiu Wareuchit went to bear the news to the prince of Aseuhan 
and his son-in-law and to implore their help. 

A man of Aseuhan called Par^h Suri repairs to the camp of Keujruen 
Kandang representing himself as a son of a relative of his, the king of 
Bangka Ulu. He gains time by deceiving him as to the intentions of 
the raja of Aseuhan, who in the meantime raises a large army and 
goes to the assistance of the father of Par^h Sulutan. Finally Sa'it 
Burian, ashamed of his misdeeds, flies to Meuruda and thence to the 
West Coast. The king of Chamtalira pardons Keujruen Kandang and 
appoints the latter's nephew Matang Silanga alias Gajah Pung6 (the 
**Mad Elephant") to succeed him as wazir. 

On Raja Sarah's death Par^h Sulutan succeeds him on the throne 
and reigns in peace and prosperity; his playmate Lidam who married 
the princess of Aseuhan, succeeds his father-in-law as ruler of that 
country. The widow of Raja Sarah goes with some followers of rank 
on a pilgrimage to Mekka, where she remains till her death. 

Pareg Sulutan, or as he was at first called, Nun Parisi, is blessed 
with a son and heir, to whom he gives the name of Useuman Ar^h. 


Hikayat Batita Beuransah (XVIII)- 

U^^J^^ Jamishah •), king of Aramiah, had three sons; Banta Beusiah ^ and 
Keureutaili by his first, Banta Barausah or Beuransah *) by his second wife. 

He dreams of a beautiful princess Ruh5n Apenlah *) who possesses a 
miraculous bird called Mala'5n Dirin and dwells in the land of Gulita 
Ebeuram, of which her father Mal^' Sarah is ruler. Jamishah sends his 
three sons forth to seek this princess of his dream and her magic belongings. 

Presently the sons come to a place where three ways meet. Those 
whom they question describe the two side roads as easy but leading 
nowhere in particular, the middle one as fraught with danger but rich 
in promise. The two eldest choose each ope of the easy paths, while 
Beuransah defies the difficulties of the middle one, keeping his eyes 
fixed on the future. 

The two elder brothers are soon reduced to beggary; one falls into 
the hands of gamblers, the other is despoiled by thieves. 

Banta Beuransah at the beginning of his journey encounters many 
strange things all of which have a symbolic meaning, which is later on 
explained to him by an i'elia (holy man or saint). He sees a tree full 
of fruits each one of which beseeches him to pluck it, as being the 
best of all; three barrels of water the middle one of which is empty, 
the other two full; men eagerly employed in collecting wood-shavings, 
an unborn goat which bleats in its mother's womb; a great tree in 
which there is a small hole, whence issues to view a mosquito which 
gradually increases in size until it is as big as a mountain; people car- 
rying loads of wood, who when they find their burden too heavy, keep 
on adding to, in place of lightening it; two hind quarters of a slaughtered 
buffalo fighting with one another ; and a number of men gathering the 
leaves of trees. 

The saint, who expounds to him the meaning of all these symbols. 

i) This name lk-^^> is a corrupt form of «Aa^£w«j> Jamshid, but as has been already 
noticed, the bearer of this name has nothing to do with the mythical king of the Persians. 
In various catalogues of the Fathul Kareem Press at Bombay there is to be found among 
the cheap and popular works an Afghan J.^ sUC* ^^oH (Kesah or story of Shah Bahram); 
probably this is one of the popular Indian legends whence the Achehnese one is directly 
or indirectly borrowed. 

3) From Bahrflmsh2lh ; very often written thus jumX/oU, itJi*^^ or the like. For the 
meaning of Banta see Vol. I, p. 92. In stories it is generally used in the sense of "prince". 

4) ^^' ^,r 


imparts to him at the same time much useful knowledge, and advises 
him to pursue his journey towards the East. 

On the far side of a river which he crosses, he finds a deserted town, 
where he makes the acquaintance of Ni Keumaya ^), the mother of a 
gbgasi (gSrgasi), a giant of the forest, who devours both men and beasts. 
Fortunately the giant is at the moment out hunting, and Banta Beu- 
ransah wins the favour of his mother to such an extent that she hides 
him, and after her son's return draws from the latter all the secret lore 
that is likely to aid our traveller in attaining his objectr According to 
the giant seven hairs from his head will provide an infallible charm 
against the dangers of the road. While the gogasi sleeps, the woman 
cuts off the hairs and gives them to Beuransah who pursues his journey. 

On a mountain he finds the soul of the g6gasi in the form of a bird, 
guarded by two princesses. He makes himself master of this soul; the 
gogasi feels this and hastens to the place where his soul is kept, but 
is here slain by Beuransah. Beuransah leaves the princesses behind him 
on the mountain, intending to fetch them away on his return journey. 

He now attaches to himself a grurenda (garuda = griffin) which has 
had 98 of its young devoured by a gluttonous naza; our hero kills this 
dragon and thus saves the last two survivors of its brood. The geureuda 
in gratitude carries him safely over the sea of fire which separates him 
from the land of his vision, and awaits his further disposal. 

Presently he arrives at the court of Gulita Ebeuram and gains pos- 
session of both the princess and her bird. 

For the present he takes the bird only and journeys home, fetching 
en passant the princesses who guarded the giant's soul. On his way he 
meets his two brothers, now reduced to poverty. He gives them rich 
presents but they, moved by envy, plot against him and cast him into 
a well. Then they take the bird and the princesses to their father and 
pretend that it is they who have reached the object of the quest, while 
their younger brother has disappeared. Soon however their evil con- 
science drives them into the forest, where they gradually grow hairy 
like the beasts of the field. 

Beuransah is discovered by a rich travelling merchant, delivered from 
his perilous position and adopted as a son. After the death of his bene- 

i) Possibly a variant of the Malay KSbayan; this old woman often re-appears in Acheh- 
nese tales as Ni Kubayan or simply Keubayan. 

factor he inherits his wealth including a bird called Blanta in whose 
stomach is a magic stone (malakat) whence may be raised seven ser- 
viceable lords of j^ns. A Jewish pandit endeavours to deprive him of 
the bird by trickery but as this miscarries for the time being, he joins 
Beuransah as a fellow-traveller. They go together to Gulita Ebeuram, 
and Beuransah who enters the place as the meanest of beggars is soon 
the happy consort of the princess as he succeeds by the aid of his 
malakat in fulfilling her every wish. 

The Jew, who has established himself here as a teacher of magic art, 
succeeds at length in gaining possession of the malakat and causes Beu- 
ransah to be cast into the sea. Swallowed by a fish he comes, now in 
the likeness of a little child '), into the hands of a fisherman, who brings 
him up. By the help of a mouse, a cat and a dog, all of which belong 
to this fisherman, Beuransah succeeds in recovering the malakat and 
has himself conveyed back to his wife by the seven lords of jens. There- 
after these kindly-disposed spirits transport the whole family, palace 
and all, to Beuransah's native country. 

Here there takes place a general meeting and reconciliation; Beu- 
ransah restores his bestialized brothers to their former state and gives 
them to wife the princesses who guarded the giant's soul. This would 
form a very suitable ending to the story, and it does as a matter of 
fact look very much as though the sequel was an addition from the 
hand of later copyists. 

Beuransah succeeds his father and begets a son, Sanggila, and a 
daughter RuhQy Akeuba ^) ; his brother Keureutai'h has a daughter 
Ruhoy A'la '). The last is, by Beuransah's wish, to be given in marriage 
to Ahmat, son of Indrapatra, and ruler of the aerial kingdom. 

Ahmat descends to the world beneath to carry off his bride, but on 
the way has to do battle with sundry evil powers, such as the Putr6e 
Pari on the mountain of Indra, who has boiled 99 kings in her caldron 
but now herself suffers the same fate at Ahmat's hands; also a couple 
of R^gasis, man and wife. 

Not long after all these difficulties have been overcome and the 
marriage with the celestial prince has been concluded, the king of China 

i) Just like Mal6m Diwa in Java; see p. 127. 

a) f^ ^' c»r 

3) >^' ^iy 


tries to kidnap Beuransah's wife and after a destructive war, succeeds 
in carrying her off to his own kingdom in a crystal chest *)• 

A very prolix account of the war which Beuransah then wages against 
China and from which he at length returns home victorious, forms the 
end of the tedious sequel of this hikayat the earlier part of which is 
composed with care and skill. 

Certain places on the West Coast are indicated by oral tradition as 
the scene of Beuransah's deeds. In the edition with which I am 
acquainted no such localization appears, except in the episode of the 
war waged by the king of China. His expedition by sea is described 
at length. The poet makes him touch successively at almost all the 
harbours of the East, West and North Coasts of Acheh and its depen- 
dencies, and finally arrive in Aramiah **at the source of the river of 
Singk^ (Singkel)". 

MaUm Diwanda' (XIX). 

The adventures of Mal^m Diwanda', son of Sulutan Roi'h (Sultan Rus) 
of Panjalarah, are just like those of the majority of hikayat heroes. 
Having won his wife Siti Chahya after overcoming many obstacles and 
enjoyed a brief period of wedded bless, he finds her guilty of adultery 
and has her trampled to death by horses. A well-disposed buliadari 
(= bidadari) named Mand6 Rubiah ^) restores her to life without the 
knowledge of Diwanda* and gives her a palace with all its accessories 
in the midst of the forest; here bring already with child by Diwanda'* 
she bears a son who is named Mal^m or Banta ') Sidi. 

M. Diwanda', mad with grief after the execution of the sentence goes 
forth as a wanderer, and is re-united to his wife and child after sundry 
adventures. Not till after a protracted conflict with Raja Sara who tries 
to rob him of Siti, does he possess her undisturbed; he establishes 
himself with her in the country of Shahkubat *) whom he succeeds on 
the throne after his death. 

Eager to behold his native land once more, he sets out on a journey 
thither. On the way he cures of a sickness the princess Santan Meu- 




i) Compare the episode in Mal6m Diwa, p. 127 above. 

2) The same name is borne, in the story of Mal^m Diwa quoted above, by the woman 
who plays therein the part of Ni Keubayan. 

3) Sec Vol. I, p. 92. 

4) Sec below N*». XXVII. 


taupi, daughter of the celestial king Raja Din, and afterwards marries 
her. For her sake also he is obliged to wage war with a disappointed 
lover, the prince Sa'ti Indra Suara. He slays him and takes possession 
of his country. 

The son of Sa'ti Indra Suara makes war upon Mal6m Diwanda' to 
avenge his father, but he too loses his life. 

Santan Meuteupi dies of a wound inflicted by an arrow of Brahma 
shot against her by the son of Sa'ti Indra Suara in his eagerness for 
vengeance. The description of her death is a most favourite passage, 
and its recital draws tears from many an Achehnese audience. As she 
dies she advises Mal6m Diwanda* to return to the world below and 
warns him of a number of dangers which threaten him on the journey. 

With the help of a flying garment and a malakat or magic stone 
given him by the dying princess, he overcomes all difficulties. He assists 
a raja of Mohammedan j6ns of the sea to conquer his infldel kindred, 
marries the daughter of this prince (who appears to be a vassal of 
Shahkubat ') and begets by her a son, Indra Peukasa, who reigns in 
his grandfather's stead. 

Mal^m Diwanda' returns to his son and brings about a marriage 
between him and the princess Julusoy Asikin, daughter of Abdoy 
M6'min. But his old enemy Raja Sara had already sought this lady's 
hand in vain for his son, and now casts about for some means of 
disturbing Sidi's wedded happiness. 

After the honeymoon, Banta Sidi went on a journey as a merchant 
and arrived in due time at an island ruled by the giant Jen Indra Diu 
Keureuma, a man-eater having the shape of a horse. Ibu Nahya, the 
wife of this giant, saved the life of Sidi by a stratagem, and caused 
Djdn Indra to adopt him as his child. This friendship was of great 
service to Sidi in his struggle with Banta Sa'ti, the son of Raja Sara, 
who had in the meantime succeeded in entering his palace in the guise 
of a dancing girl, had poisoned his parents-in-law and was now living 
\xi adulterous intercourse with Julusoy Asikin. Here follows a tedious 
description of the war waged by Banta Sidi with the help of his adopted 
father after he has been told in a dream of his wife's treachery. 

In the end he gains the day and resolves to put his faithless spouse 
to death, just as his father did before with Siti Chahya. Diu Keureuma, 

I) See below N^ XX VII. 


the prince of the giants, is however so benevolent as to charm up 
before him an image which resembles his wife in all respects. This 
shadow undergoes the death sentence; and when afterwards Banta Sidi 
makes acquaintance with a beautiful young widow of royal lineage under 
the name of Keumalahari and espouses her, he never suspects that this 
marriage is no more than a re-union with his now repentant wife. A son, 
Diu Ka'indran is born to them. 

A dream leads Banta Sidi to go and visit his father, and all his 
household accompanies him. Finally Mal^m Diwanda' vacates the throne 
in his favour, while his son Diu Ka'indran becomes the successor of the 
man-eater Diu Keureuma. 

Gajah tujoh uWe (XX). Hikayat 

In this story of the ** seven-headed elephant" it is Sa'doymanan, son ^^^^^ "^ 
of To Sul6yman, Raja of Teuleukin, that wins his four princesses in 

The first of these fair ladies is made known to him in a dream. She 
is called Meureudum Bunga and owing to a careless vow of her fathen 
Sulutan Sab, she has to be sacrificed to a seven-headed elephant, which 
roams solitary in the forest. Seated among these seven heads she awaits 
her deliverer. After a protracted combat, in the course of which 
Sa'dSymanan is once killed, but having been restored to life again 
through the benevolence of an ascetic pair of eungkbngs (cocoanut 
monkeys) the prince slays the elephant. 

But then his own pahlawan plays him false; having cut off his master's 
hands and feet, he bears to his father the tale that he is dead, hoping 
thereby to win for himself the princess' hand. 

Sa'doy, however, recovers his hands and feet through the aid of the 
eungk6ngs and marries the celestial (adara) princess Meulu China. The 
king of China comes with a great army to take the princess from him, 
but Sa'doy and his allies entirely frustrate his designs. Habib Nada the 
daughter of the king of China is the sole survivor of her father's defeat, 
and takes the third place in Sa'doy's affections. 

By the aid of the aged Ni, a lonely widow, the prince on returning 
to his native land, recovers his first love. 

After all these adventures Sa'doy completes the tale of four by a 
marriage with princess Maloyri. Finally the poet makes these princesses 
entertain their lord with five witty tales. 


Cham Nadiman and Kamareutaih have no peaceful enjoyment of their 
loves till after a war with their father-in-law, in which the latter loses 
his life. Finally they all go away to Irandamin, the country of the 
hero's birth. 

Hikayat Banta Ahmat or Antat (XXIII). 

Banta Ahmat came into the world shortly after the death of his father 
Ansari, king of the country of Nabati. He began his life in deep poverty, 
for his uncle Tapeuhi kept the whole inheritance for himself leaving to 
the widow Rila and her son nothing but the house they lived in and 
an old broken parang or chopping-knife. 

When Ahmat grew up he went and cleared forest with this parang, 
but the rice he planted was carried off by floods the first time and 
each later crop devoured by a bayeuen-bird. A young dragon, which 
Ahmat rears, teaches him how to catch this bird; after some time the 
bayeuen turns out to be a princess in disguise, Putr6e Indra or Rihan, 
and Ahmat weds her. 

By degrees the dragon becomes too big for the river in which Ahmat 
had placed it, and desires once more to behold its parents in the sea. 
Ahmat accompanies it on this journey during which there is no lack 
of adventurous rencontres and fighting. The parents of his ^'naga" give 
Ahmat sundry instructions and the requisite magic charms {malakat). 
Armed with these he returns to his mother and then sets off disguised 
as a beggar for his father's kingdom. 

On the way he finds the opportinity of becoming secretly betrothed 
to the princess Chahya in Iran Supah. The marriage is not consummated 
till Ahmat has made war upon and defeated his godless uncle Tapeuhi. 

The infidel [kaphe) king of Pira' in vain endeavours to wrest the 
beauteous Chahya from her husband. Ahmat's elder wife presents him 
with a successor to the throne, who is called Lila Kaha. 

Hikayat Putrbe Baren (XXIV). 

Banta Sulutan is the son, and Putr6e Barcn (Bahren) Miga the daughter 
of Raja Bar^n Nasi, king of Boreudat (Baghdad). 

At his sister's request the Banta goes forth to wrest from its four 
guardian j^ns a silver tree which she wants to use in building a palace. 
While this palace is being erected, the king of Yaman comes to carry 
off the beautiful princess. He is however driven back by the Banta wJio 


pursues him to Yaman and converts the people of that country to Islam. 

Peutr6e Baron's mother died during a period of religious seclusion 
(tafia), which she had imposed upon herself. The daughter, who in a 
previous existence before her birth had made a study of sacred things 
wished to accompany her mother to the tomb, but the latter assured 
her that before she died she must live through nine great events. 

These events are then detailed. They resemble in essentials the ad- 
ventures of the chaste Johar Manikam in the Malay tale of this name '). 
Thus Putr6e Bar^n, while her father is on a pilgrimage to Mecca, is 
seduced by the kali and afterwards killed by her brother, but restored 
to life again by Jebrai' (Gabriel) and brought to a forest where she 
makes acquaintance with king Abdolah of Cham (or Sham) and becomes 
his wife. She is again seduced on her journey over the sea by a meun- 
trb'e (mantri); and is subsequently troubled with the attentions of a 
jin pari and of an Abeusi ^). Finally she assumes male shape and 
becomes Raja muda of Meulabari (Malabar). Thence she journeys to 
Mecca where the happy reunion of the chief characters of the story 
and its denouement take place. 

Banta AH or Banta Peureudan (XXV). 
This tale celebrates the adventures of Banta Peureudan, son of 
Banta Ali, king of B6ytay Jami '). 

At the age of seven Peureudan and his younger sister Bungsu Juhari, 
are taken into the forest by their father, who has given ear to the 
false predictions of certain wicked soothsayers who had announced to 
him that evil would result from their presence in the palace. 

A hermit in the forest adopts the girl and brings her up, and imparts 
to Peureudan divers hidden knowledge. The two children as well as a 
prince named Maharaja Sinha and the wazir of the latter are trans- 
formed by the magic skill of their teacher into a kind of ape (himb^e). 
In this shape Peureudan gains sovereignty over the beasts of the forest. 

Peureudan then goes forth to win the lovely princess Sahbandi *), 

1) Published by Dr de Hollander, Breda, 1845. Compare also Spitta-Bey's Contes arabes 
modernes^ Leiden 1883, p. 80, N®. VI "Story of the virtuous maid". 

2) Abyssinian, applied in Acheh to all persons of negro blood, like habshi in Malay. 
( Translator), 

3) ,3»»»V O^* ^^ is ^Iso pronounced Boy ton Jami, 

4) Sometimes written NakeusSy Keubandi, which appears to be formed from Naqshibandi, 
the name of a well known mystic order. 


daughter of king Kisoy Kaseumi, for whose hand there are already 
ninety-nine suitors, and whose six elder sisters are all married to kings. 
He makes war upon her father, whom he defeats and compels to give 
him his daughter's hand. 

His father-in-law while lying on his death-bed is seized with a desire 
for a deer with golden horns, which roams the depths of the forest. 
The seven sons-in-law seek for it, each in his own way. By the help 
of his old teacher, Peureudan gains possession of the deer. The other 
six meet him in the forest without recognizing him, as he has once 
more assumed his human form. They ask his help to fulfil their father's 
wish, and he gives them what is in fact a duplicate of his deer, in 
exchange for which they are obliged to declare themselves his slaves 
and as token thereof he sets his seal upon their thighs. 

Their joy was shortlived for on the way home, hunger compelled 
them to slaughter the animal, and all they could offer their father was 
a fragment of its putrefying flesh. 

Peureudan having reverted to the form of an ape brings his deer 
home in safety, which is in itself sufficient to indicate him as the 
successor of his dying father. He now finally assumes his human form 
and thus shows his astonished brethren-in-law that it is he whose slaves 
they have become. Thereupon they leave the country to seek for allies 
and gain a knowledge of magic. 

After the old kings death Peureudan, who succeeds him on the throne, 
fetches his sister from the forest and gives her in marriage to prince 
Kachah ') Peureudan, son of the king of Tambon Parisi, and appoints 
his son-in-law his chief minister of state. 

The six brethren-in-law, supported by ninety-nine princes as allies, 
make war on Peureudan, but suffer a defeat. 

Banta Ali and his wife have been all this time pursued by misfortune. 
At last they go forth to seek for their lost children, and find them in 
Daroy Aman as that land was called of which Peureudan's father-in-law 
once was king. After living here happily with his children for a time, 
Banta Ali dies. Banta Peureudan begets a son, Chambo Ali, and his 
sister bears a daughter; these cousins are eventually married to one 

i) Sometimes written ^^k^Ji sometimes ^^O) the latter being the Achehnese way of 
pronouncing uA^d. 


My attention has been drawn by Dr. Brandes to the fact that some of 
the special features of this story reappear in popular tales of Hindustan. 
In the story of Prince Ape we find a beautiful prince, who originally 
appears as an ape ; and in that of the Boy with a moon on his forehead 
and a star on his chin, we meet with six brethren-in-law who are 
constrained to let themselves be branded in the forest by the lover of 
one of the seven princesses. Both these appear in the collection of 
Maive Stokes ^). 

A similar story of branding is to be met with in the Hikayat Indra 
Bangsawan (XXVI) and another in the Contes Kabyles of A. Moulieras, 
*les Fourberies de Si Jeh'a", p. 152 et seq. (N" L). 

Indra Bangsawan (XXVI). Hikayat 

Indra Bang* 

This story is a fairly faithful reproduction of the Malay one of the sawan. 
same name, of which there are three copies at Batavia *) and one at 
Berlin '). In respect both of its style and subject it may be classed 
among the more entertaining kind of native fiction. 

Indra Bungsu king of Chahrilah after praying and waiting for issue 
for years, at last begets twin sons. The first born Chahpari comes into 
the world with an arrow, the second, Indra Bangsawan, with a sword. 
The question is, which of the two is to be the Crown Prince? The 
king dreams of a magic musical instrument {butoh nteurindu) and decides 
that whichever of the two procures him this, shall succeed him on the 
throne *). 

The brothers go on their travels together, but are soon separated 
by a storm. 

Chahpari comes to a city whose inhabitants have all been eaten up 

i) See pp. 39 vv. and 124 vv. of the Dutch translation which was published at the 
Hague in 1 881 under the name of Indische Sprookjes by the Brothers van Cleef. Compare 
also Spitta Bey's Contes arabes modernes^ Leiden, 1883, p. 153 et seq. N*. XII, Histoire du 
prince et de son cheval. 

2) No* 160—162 of the collection of Von de Wall; but in Van den Bergs Verslag (p. 
30) there is no account of their contents. Van den Berg himself appears not to have exa- 
mined the manuscripts; otherwise how could it have escaped his notice that folios 39 — 45 
of n' 161 contain the Hikayat Raja Jumjum? A lithographed edition of the Malay version 
of Indra Bangsawan was published in the month of Muharram A. H. 13 10 by Haji Muha- 
mad Tayib at Singapore. 

3) K5nigl Bibliothek, Collection Schumann. V, 21. 

4) These circumstances reappear to some extent in the Malay tale called Indra Kajangan, 
which appears as n® 57 of the Raffles Collection of the Royal Asiatic Society. See the 
paper of Dr. H. N. van der Tuuk in Essays relating to Indo-China^ Second Series, II, p. 36. 

II 10 


\\y rt ^<>*^#Yi#</«i (griffin) with the exception of a princess who has escaped 
hy hiiUny in a drum, and her eight maids of honour who have concealed 
thnusclvcs in a box. He slays the geureuda and weds the princess '). 

1 nihil liangsawan meets in the forest a well disposed rasasa (giant) 
who tells him of princess Sangirah daughter of king Gumbiran. A 
monster called Bura*sa with seven eyes and noses demands her, and 
her father sees no way of avoiding the difficulty other than to propose 
to her suitors (nine princes up till then) as the condition for aspiring 
to her hand, that they should bring him Beura'sa's eyes and noses. 

The ra'sasa gives Indra Bangsawan a charm which enables him to 
change to any shape he pleases; whereupon he makes himself into a 
little forest mannikin with a mangy skin, and goes to offer his services 
to Raja Gumbiran 2). 

The king gives the little fellow as a plaything to his daughter. He 
receives the name of Si Uneun ^) and the princess gives him a pair of 
goats to look after. Soon, in spite of his ludicrous exterior he wins her 
favour and receives from her the new name of Si Gamba (Gambar). 
She tells him her story, and how it has been revealed to her from 
books that one Indra Bangsawan is destined to be her deliverer. 

The princess gets a disease of the eyes, which the physicians declare 
can only be cured by the application of tigress's milk. Indra Bangsawan 
procures this from his ra'sasa. The nine princes also go in quest of 
this milk, and Indra Bangsawan, in his true form, deceives them by 
giving them goat's-milk in return for which they are obliged to brand 
themselves as his slaves. *) 

Maimed by the branding the nine return to the palace with their 
goat's milk and are there put to shame by Si Gamba, whose tigress's 
milk works the cure. 

t) These towns devastated by geureudas appear in many hikayats; see for example the 
Hikayat Mal6m Diwa p. 127 above. 

2) We are reminded of the story of Banyakchatra prince of Pajajaran, who gained admis- 
sion to the presence of the princess Chiptarasa, with whom he was in love, in the form of 
an ape and under the name of Lutung KSsarung. This story appears e. g. in Babad Pasir, 
translated by J. Knebel, Batavia 1898, pp 61 et seq. \Lutung or lutong is the name of a 
large black monkey common in Malaya. Translator^ 

3) This form is derived from the more characteristic Malay name Si Utan. Uneun means 
«to the right". 

4) In the story of Banta Ali Peureudan (XXV) we find a like occurrence, while, as we 
noted in connection with that story, the incident of branding recurs in Indian children's talcs. 


The princess is now borne off by Bura'sa. The nine suitors besiege 
his stronghold in vain, but Indra Bangsawan, thanks to the instructions 
of his ra'sasa, succeeds in slaying the monster, and handing over to 
Gumbiran the wished for fourteen members. Still in the form of Si 
Gamba, Indra Bangsawan espouses the princess. 

The nine now make war on Gumbiran, but Indra Bangsawan in his 
princely shape turns the tide of battle, and the princess finally succeeds in 
removing the roughness of his skin. The marriage ceremony is repeated 
with much display, and Indra Bangsawan acts as regent in his step- 
father's kingdom. 

By the ra'sasa's help he obtains possession of the buloh meurindu; 
his brother finds him out, and they go together to their father, who 
joyfully recognizes Indra Bangsawan as his successor. 

Chah Kubat (XXVII). Hikayat 

The adventurous expeditions of Chah Kubat were originally under- Kubat. 
taken because this young hero could not endure the ignominy of a 
heavy tribute which his father Chah Peurasat Indra La*sana, king of 
Atrah '), had yearly to pay to Blia Indra, king of the apes. 

Chah Kubat belonged by origin to the realm of Indra where his 
grandfather Beureuma Sa'ti still occupied the throne. In olden days this 
grandfather had made war against Blia Dikra, the father of Blia Indra. 
When the latter died it was only due to the friendly mediation of the 
prophet Sul6yman (Salomon) that the kingdom of the apes was not 
entirely laid waste. But Chah Kubat's father had been compelled to 
bow before the king of the apes who had at his command whole armies 
of wild beasts. 

Chah Kubat was urged to his undertaking by a man in Arab dress 
who appeared to him in a dream. The poet describes at great length 
his journeyings throughout all lands. By the aid of his grandfather 
whom he first visits, he overcomes all manner of supernatural difficul- 
ties and dangers. 

The main incidents are his complete conquest of the kingdom of apes, 
and his union before this war with the two princesses Jamani Ra'na 
Diwi and Suganda Kumala. After the war is over he gradually fills 

i) Arab. Atraf = "extremities." According to our hikayat this country lay close to the 
mountain Kah (Arab. QsQ and marched with the territory of the j^ns. 


up the talc of four by the addition of the princesses Chahya Hirani 
and Kcumala Deureuja. 

This hikayat appears to have been composed after a Malay original 
as may be deduced from the short abstract of the contents of the 
Malay romance of the same name by Dr. H. N. van der Tuuk '). 

Indrapatra (XXVIII). 

This romance is a very free imitation of its Malay namesake. ^) In 
it most of the proper names of the Malay hikayat recur, as do also 
various features of the actual story, but the bulk of the narrative is 
entirely different. 

Prince Indrapatra, son of the celestial prince Bakrama, urged by a 
dream, undertakes a wandering journey through the world. His first 
halting place of importance is a charmed pond in which there is a 
naga with a diamond flower on its head; close by is a garden watched 
by Ni Kubayan (elsewhere Ni Keubayan; see p. 135 above), together 
with a palace in which is the portrait of a princess guarded by various 
monsters. The original of this portrait, the princess Jamjama Ra'na Diwi, 
is destined to become the wife of him who succeeds in taking the flower 
from the naga, but ninety-nine princes who have hitherto undertaken 
this quest have paid for it with their lives. Indrapatra succeeds, marries 
the princess and becomes king in her father's stead. 

His subsequent wanderings form a concatenation of marvellous adven- 
tures, which the author or compiler uses to illustrate the boundless 
power of God. 

One of his latest deeds is the restoration to life of a prince, who, 
enticed by the bayeuen bird of princess Chandralila to go and demand 
her hand in marriage, had met his death on the stair of her palace 
through want of magic power. 

Hikayat Diwa Sangsareh (XXIX). 

>iarlh *"^' I*rince Diwa Sangsardh was the son of the king of Meus6, Useuman 

1) Sec his epitome of the Royal Asiatic Society's Mss. (n® 31) in ^Essays relating to 
Iniio Chma'\ Second Series, Vol. II, p. 22 — 3 (London, 1887). 

2) C^opicH of this are to be found in the Mss. of the Royal Asiatic Society (see Essays 
relating to Indo^China^ Second Scries, Vol. II, p. lo); N"» 9, 37, 55; at I^eiden library 
N«H i6qo and 1933 (Catalogue of Dr. H. II. Juynboll, pp. 121 — 125); at Batavia inn® 168 
of the Catalogue of Mr. Van den Herg (p. 31), and at Berlin in the Schumann collection 
of the IIof-Hibliothek, V, 9. 


Sareh '), and was born at the same instant as Aminolah, the son of 
the wazir of that country. 

In his father's palace was a portrait of the celestial princess Badi'Sy 
Jami of the land of Iram. The prince was so smitten with its charms 
that he could not rest till he had found the original. This he succeeds 
in doing after a long journey throughout the world, on which he is 
attended by Aminolah, and after fierce conflicts with all manner of 
fabled monsters, such as geureudas, nagas, milons and other spirits of 
the forest, which threaten his life. Occasionally too he meets with 
kindness, as in the case of Hanuman, who introduces him to the king 
of the apes, and of the princess Nuroy Asikin who slightly resembles 
the portrait, yet is not she for whom he seeks. She helps Sangsareh 
on his way and afterwards becomes the wife of his follower Aminolah. 

Even after Sangsareh has for the moment attained his object and 
his celestial princess has come down to him in Silan (Ceylon) sundry 
new difficulties arise, and it is only by the help of her father, Sa'it 
Bimaran Indra, that he succeeds in subduing the hostile milons once 
for all. 

In the end the two brave wayfarers are happily wedded and return 
to Meus6, where Sangsareh now mounts the throne of his forefathers 
under the name of Sulutan Alam Chahya Nurolah. 

Chintabuhan (XXX). Hikayat 

, A Chintabuhan. 

Chintabuhan is the Malay K^n Tambuhan or Tabuhan ; the Achehnese 
romance corresponds in the main with Klinkert's edition *) of the Malay 
poem of that name. 

In the Achehnese hikayat the princess's country is called Tanjong 
Puri and she is not borne away to the forest by supernatural force as 
in the Malay tale, but carried off by Raden Meuntr6e's own father 
who makes war on her sire for refusing to pay him tribute. 

The Achehnese composer has also given to the whole a slightly 
Mohammadan tinge. The diwas, it is true, play a weighty part and 
work all manner of marvels, but not till Allah has expressly charged 
them so to do ; and people in distress invoke the aid, not of the all- 
administering 'diwas, but of the almighty Creator. 

i) The written forms of these names, which are here given according to their Achehnese 
pronunciation, are s«.AJyM jLm*, ^aa (Egypt) and v—ib.^ qL*^. 

2) Drii MaUische gedichten ("Three Malay poems") Leiden 1886, pp. i — 151. 



llikayat Diu PHtiggam (XXXI). 

* cam!"^' '^'^'^ knight-errant was the younger of two sons whom his wife Putroe 
Hina bore to Raja Muda Sa'ti. His mother owed her name to the 
dislike cherished against her by her six fellow consorts. Putroe Hina 
was actually put to death by the other six during her first pregnancy, 
but was restored to life by the celestial nymph Siton Glima. 

A celestial princess named Putr6e Nilawanti changed rings with Diu 
Plinggam whilst the latter slept. When he awoke, he beheld the prin- 
cess hovering over his head in the air, and it was this that first gave 
the impetus to his wanderings. The journeyings of his brother Budiman 
Sa'ti Indra also fill a considerable portion of the hikayat. As however 
the conclusion is missing in the only copy of the story which I possess, 
I shall only mention that Diu Plinggam carries off another princess 
called Indra Kayangan and weds her after overcoming her father in 

Hikayat Kamarodaman (XXXII). 

man. In the hikayat Kamarodaman we have the Achehnese rendering of 

one of the Thousand and One Nights. '). The composer has not followed 
his original very closely. He has added many incidents of the kind 
which Achehnese audiences usually expect to meet in hikayats, omitted 
many others and altered nearly all the names except those of the hero 
(Arab. Qamar-az-zaman) and the heroine Badu (Arab. Badur) ^). 

I have only been able to obtain an incomplete copy, in which the 
narrative breaks off after the marriage of Badu, who adopted male 
dress and was exalted to the throne under the name of Raja Muda Do. 
The story up to this point, however, follows the Arabic version so 
closely in all essentials, that we may safely assume the sequel does so too. 

We should not be surprised to find that this story was taken from 
a Malay version, for the only Achehnese who know enough Arabic to 
read the language are the pandits and theologians, who never translate 
romances of this description. 

1) In the Cairene edition of the the Thousand and One Nights of A. H. 1297 we find 
this talc in Vol. I, p. 568 et seq. There was also a separate lithographed edition of the 
story published at Cairo in A. II. 1299. 

2) Thus the country of KamarSdaman is called K5seutantiniah, the brother of Badu 
Muhamat Saman, while in place of the land of Abanus we here have Baghdad, etc. 

Meudeuha' (XXXIII). Hikayat 

The history of Meudeuha', the keen witted and just, is really more 
a collection of choice anecdotes than a romance. The Achehnese, and 
especially their chiefs, regard it as a short epitome of all statesmanship. 
It is a fairly faithful rendering of the Malay story of Mashudu'1-haqq, 
of which there are two copies in the collection of the Batavian Asso- 
ciation *) and of which a portion has been published by A. F. Von de 
Wall. The names only are changed to some extent — that of the 
leading character is, as we see, abbreviated — and the Achehnese 
composer has omitted some anecdotes, but has on the other hand added 
a few trifles to the original. 

Mcudeuha* grows up under the protection of his father Buka Sa'ti, 
a wise and wealthy man, whose village lies not far from Watu, the 
residence of the king Wadihirah. Even in his early youth he displays 
so much knowledge and cleverness that he is called in as arbitrator in 
all manner of disputes; see for instance the **three sentences of Meudeuha'" 
published by Van Langen in the Reader of his ** Practical Manual of 
the Achehnese language", pp. 66 — 83. 

Rumours of his infallible wisdom reach the king, who would at once 
have given Meudeuha' a position of honour at the court, had not the 
four royal "teachers", moved by envy, done their best to hinder the 
promotion of their rival. They lay before him numberless riddles and 
problems for solution, they persecute him with cunning artifices and 
false accusations; but he, supported by the wisdom of his wife Putr6e 
Chindu Kaseumi, the daughter of the Brahman Diu Sa'ti, rises superior 
to all and catches his persecutors in the nets that they themselves 
have spread. 

Finally Meudeuha' is made supreme judge. Even in this high posi- 
tion he is exposed to the assaults of his crafty enemies, but all they 
succeed in doing is to thrust on him the conduct of a war which Jiran 
king of Panjalarah levies against the ruler of Watu and a hundred 
other princes. 

Both in actual strategic art and in his interview and dispute with 
Jiran's teacher, Brahman Kayuti, Meudeuha' continues to show himself 

i) No» 180 and 181 in the collection of H. Von de Wall; see p. 33 of Mr. Van den 
Berg^s Catalogue. 

2) Hikayat MashuduU-hak diikktisarkXn Batavia, G. A. Kolff, 1882. 


complete master of the situation. Thanks to his advice, king Wadihirah 
proves invincible, and finally marries Jiran's daughter, and has by her 
a son Juhan Pahlawan '), who succeeds him on the throne. 

The attractiveness of this book lies not so much in the occurrences 
it narrates as in the ingenious solution of the various riddles and pro- 
blems propounded. 

Pha Suasa. Pha ^) Suasa (XXXIV). 

Raja Ahmat, the king of Baghdad (Boreudat) has seven wives. It is 
foretold him in a dream that he will have a son with silver and a 
daughter with golden (or rather ** suasa" ^) thighs. One day as the king 
is walking on the bank of a stream, he finds a fig, which he picks up 
and throws away in sport. Again and again, as he hurls it from him, 
it comes back to him of its own accord. He takes this marvellous fruit 
home and gives it to his wives, in the hope that she who eats it will 
become the mother of the promised children. Only one of the seven, 
Jaliman, has the courage to taste the fig. She thus becomes the mother 
of Prince Silver-thigh and Princess Golden-thigh [Pha Suasa); the other 
six, consumed with envy immediately plot against the life of the twins. 
Shortly after their birth, the children are changed into flowers and 
Jaliman to save them from harm, gives them in charge to a cock. The 
latter, owing to the cunning devices of the envious wives, finds himself 
compelled to entrust them to the protection of a goat, and in like 
manner they are thus passed on to a bull, a buffalo and an elephant, 
and finally to a tiger. 

One day this tiger resolves to devour them but while crossing a 
river in pursuit of the children he is slain by a crocodile. The infants 
are found by Pawang Kuala on the river-bank; he takes them up and 
tends them till they are adopted by the childless Raja of Parisi. Prin- 
cess Pha Suasa, the admiration of all who behold her, makes acquain- 
tance with a prince of the aerial kingdom, the son of Raja Diu, who 
is doing tapa (penance) upon earth in the guise of a bird ; she secretly 
promises him her hand. 

i) It is perhaps from this hikayat-prince that Teuku Uma has borrowed the new name, 
under which he pretended to serve the Gompeuni as a military leader from 1893 to 1896. 

2) **Pha" = the Malay />a/ta^ «a thigh". (Translator). 

3) Suasa is really an amalgam of gold and copper; but golden ornaments of European 
manufacture are also spoken of as ''suasa" by the natives of the Archipelago. 


Meantime Raja Ahmat has thrust her mother whom he suspects of 
having made away with the two children, in a filthy dungeon. Pre- 
sently the princess Pha Suasa is seized with longing to return to her 
home and behold her mother once more; accompanied by her brother 
and a crowd of attendants she embarks for Baghdad. The secret is 
now disclosed, Jaliman is liberated from prison, and the other six 
consorts of the king fly to the forest. Raja Ahmat journeys with his 
wife and their son and daughter to Parisi where a number of princes 
seek the latter's hand in marriage. She however stoutly refuses all 
suitors, till her betrothed. Raja Intan, who has meantime changed from 
the shape of a bird to that of a man comes to claim her hand. They 
are married, and after the wedding the prince goes back to the aerial 
kingdom to fetch his father Diu, who descends with his son to earth 
to visit his daughter-in-law. 

The young husband is soon compelled to wage war against the king 
of Habeusah (Abyssinia) who lays claim to the hand of his bride. A 
colossal conflict supervenes, ending in the conquest of the raja of 
Habeusah and his conversion to Islam. 

The king of Siam, who has been driven from his territory by the 
raja of China, flies to Parisi, where he embraces Islam and invokes 
the help of Pha Suasa's army. This alliance, however, results on an 
attack upon Parisi by various infidel kings ; one after another Eumpieng 
Beus6e, the English, Portuguese and Dutch are beaten off". Pha Suasa 
is equally successful in a war with the Batak king Kabeulat, and she 
then subdues once more the kingdom of Habeusi Raya (* Great Abys- 
smia ). 

This last undertaking seems to have no proper connection with the 
Story of Pha Suasa, but the concluding portion of the copy I possess 
contains a further narrative still more foreign to the subject. This is 
an account of a war waged by the kings of Cham (= Syria), Rom 
(Turkey), Meus6 (Egypt) etc. against a certain pagan Raja Akeuram, 
who demands in marriage the princess called Putr6e Rom, the daughter 
of the Raja of Cham. Pha Suasa takes no part whatever in this enterprise, 

Suluian Boseutaman (XXXV). Sulutan 

Although this tale introduces itself under the name Boseutaman, it 
does not appear that the name belongs to any of the characters of 
the story; the principal royal personage is called Yahya, his minister 


Meuntroe Apeulaih, and his country Samteurani. On the death of 
Yahya's father, the throne is disputed between him and his elder brother 
Ami Suja'. The latter worsted in the conflict, the scene of which is a 
dependency called Dameuchah *), flies into the forest with his wife and 
establishes himself on the borders of Samteurani; where a daughter, 
the princess Saleumah or Salamiah is born to him. 

One day Sulutan Yahya goes forth to hunt the deer. Finding that 
he is late in returning, the queen sends out her brother Ami Bahut 
with an elephant to bring him food. The animal succumbs under the 
load, and Ami Bahut, who has by this time arrived at the abode of 
Ami Suja', mercilessly compels him and his wife to bear the burden, 
leaving their daughter behind alone. Meantime king Yahya, who knows 
nothing of all this sends one of his attendants to seek for water; this 
man discovers the forsaken princess Saleumah, and the adventure ends 
in her marriage with Sulutan Yahya. 

The king's first wife is seized with jealousy and plots to get rid of 
her rival; during the absence of Yahya she sells her to Malem Mala- 
bari who carries her off in his ship. On her lord's return home she 
tells him that Saleumah has gone off to seek her lost parents. The 
latter after many sufferings, had returned to their home in the forest 
and have now gone forth once more to search for their missing 

Saleumah's presence on board the ship makes the voyage a most 
unlucky one; so Malem Malabari puts her on shore. After wandering 
for a time in the forest she gives birth to a son; just about the same 
time a princess is born of her jealous rival in the royal palace. 

The minister Apeulaih is sent forth by Sulutan Yahya to seek for 
Saleumah; he first finds her parents whom he joins in their search, 
and after many wanderings they discover their daughter and her child 
hidden in the aerial roots of a rambong-tree. They all go together to 
the palace of the king, where everything is cleared up; the king throws 
his first wife and her brother Ami Bahut into prison and puts to death 
the maids of honour, who lent themselves to the sale of Saleumah to 
the master of the strange ship. After the lapse of some years the sons 
of the queen and of Saleumah named respectively Meureuhom Shah 
and Ahmat Char^h determine to beg forgiveness for the imprisoned 

i) This name if)L^My«^^ is probably derived from 0>-^^0 (Damascus). 


lady and for Ami Bahut. King Yahya complies with their request and 
the story ends with a general reconciliation. 

Chut Gambang China (XXVI). 

Mcureudan Hiali, king of Parisi while on a hunting expedition lost 
his way and strayed into the country of the Jen Diu. Here he obtained 
the hand of a princess who bore him a son, Banta Ahmat, and a 
daughter, Keumala Intan; later on she had by him another son called 
Indra Johari. Banta Ahmat grew up and was sent to receive instruction 
in the spirit-land of his mother. Here he was equipped with a number 
of magic charms, which enabled him at will to call into existence an 
army, a palace, an ocean, etc., and was also given a miraculous bird 
[hayeuen) which was able to carry him through the air and to do his 
bidding .in the remotest parts of the earth. 

By the intermediary of this bird Banta Ahmat made the acquaintance 
of the princess Chut Gambang China of the kingdom of Kawa Mandari. 
After an adventurous journey through the world, in the course of which 
both giants and the beasts of the forests yielded to the hero's magic 
power, he won this princess and made her his wife. 

Thereafter he was compelled to wage a great war against the country 
of Da'iron Banun, the king of which, Kubat JShari was betrothed to 
the princess Chut Gambang. In the end he was completely victorious 
and not only remained in undisturbed possession of his beloved con- 
sort, but also took to wife the beautiful Sangila, a daughter of Kubat. 

Accompanied by his two wives and a train of men and animals, 
Banta Ahmat now returns to Parisi, slaying sundry troublesome giants 
on the way. With him also came his sister Keumala Intan, whom he 
had found in a lonely wood; she had been unjustly banished on a 
charge of unchastity through the intrigues of her father's chief minister, 
Peudana Meuntr6e. On arriving in Parisi, Banta Ahmat vindicates his 
sister's honour and causes the false minister to be put to death. Finally 
Keumala Intan is wedded to Budiman Cham, king of Andara, who 
reaches Parisi in safety after a victorious progress through the world 
with an invincible cock endowed with miraculous powers. 

Diwa Akdih Chahya (XXXVII). 

The hero of this tale is the son of a royal pair of celestial origin, 
Diwa La'sana and Mandu Diwi, king and queen of Neureuta Gangsa. 


Before his birth it is foretold of him that his fame will fill the world. 
He must however, in the first place do battle with certain hostile 
powers whose baneful influence begins to be felt while he is still in 
his mother's womb. 

Diwi Seundari, a princess of the race of ra'sasas has conceived a 
passion for Diwa La'sana; one day while Mandu Diwi is in her bathing 
chamber, the other succeeds in assuming her form and taking her place. 
The true Mandu Diwi on finding out what has happened, withdraws 
without a protest to the house of Mangkubumi, the chief minister of 
the kingdom, whom she forbids to reveal the secret. While thus hidden 
in his house she gives birth to Diwa Akai'h Chahya Meungindra. 

As soon as Diwa Akaih has grown up and learned what has taken 
place in his father's court, he takes leave of his mother and starts on 
his journey through the world. In the forest he meets the aged queen 
Diwi Peureuba Nanta, who before her death presents him with a magic 
sword. He also subdues a tree-spirit who provides him with a charm 
whereby he can call into existence fortresses, palaces and seas. He 
obtains similar gifts from the prince Peura'na Lila, after he has con- 
vinced him of his superiority. He meets another prince who is related 
to his mother, and who advises him to go and seek instruction from 
the Brahman Diwa Sa'ti, in order to prepare himself for his great 
conflict with the ra'sasas. Here Diwa Akaih excites the jealousy of his 
ninety seven royal fellow-pupils. 

By the advice of his teacher he demands the hand of the princess 
Ra'na Keumala of Nagarapuri. It is not till after he has waged a pro- 
tracted conflict with his rivals and also with the father of the princess, 
that the latter at length consents to accept him as a son-in-law. 

His next enemy is a powerful young prince named Keureuma Wanda. 
The latter comes one day to Nagarapuri flying through the air in his 
magic car, and alights in a garden, where he catches sight of Ra'na 
Keumala, and from that moment can think of nothing but carrying 
her off by force from her husband's arms. 

Thus is kindled a long and fierce conflict, in which all the friends 
whom Diwa Akaih made on his journeys join one by one. The king 
of the ra'sasas, Keureuma Wanda's most powerful ally, finally succeeds 
in casting Diwa Akaih into the belly of the king of the dragons, but 
he is liberated thence by his teacher Diwa Sa'ti, and the dragon-king 
presents him with a new charm. The war goes on till Keureuma Wanda 


is slain by Diwa Akaih, and the king of the ra*sasas by Diwa Sa'ti. 
After having thus subdued all his enemies, Diwa Akaih returns to his 
native land. He meets his pretended mother who on seeing him resu- 
mes her true shape as a ra'sasa, and is slain by him. He then reunites 
with his father his true mother who is still living with Mangkubumi, 
and all is well once more. The marriages of certain of the friends of 
Diwa Akaih are celebrated with much rejoicing. 

Diwa Akai'h's spouse Ra'na Keumala presents him with a son, and 
he succeeds to the throne of Meureuta Gangsa and rules in peace and 

I have gradually obtained possession of more or less complete copies Names of 
of all the tales above described. There remain others which are only tales, 
known to me by name and by incomplete oral information as to their 

The titles of some at once suggest Malay works with similar names, 
but we are not in a position to say if the resemblance goes further. 
The names of these hikayats are as follows: Juha Ma^nikam (XXXVIII), 
a rendering of the Malay tale quoted above on p. 143, (published by 
Dr. de Hollander), Raja Buda' (XXXIX ^)), Buda' Meuseukin (XL^)), 
Abdomulo' (XLP)), Abu Nawdih (XLII*)), Siri (= Sri) Rama (XLIII) 
whose war with Rawana is localized in Acheh by the popular tradition, 
Peureuleng^) (XLIV), Blantasina or Plantasina (XLV), Lutong (XLYl), 
Sepu Alam (XLVII), Putrbe Bunga Jeumpa (XL VIII), Siti Dahidah 
(XLIX), Banta Ra'na (L), Jugi Tapa or Miton ^) (LI), Indra Peutawi (LII). 

i) Compare N®* 153 and 154 of Mr. L. C. W. van den Berg's Verslag van eene verza^ 
tneling Mahische etc, handschrifien^ Batavia 1877. 

2) Compare Dr. J. J. de Hollander's Handleiding bij de beoefening der Maleische taal' 
en letierkunde^ 5th Edition, N® 48, p. 344. 

3) Cf. Van den Berg, opere citato, n® 257. 

4) Cf. Van den Berg, opere citato, n® 124a. The Malay work however consists not so 
much of anecdotes from the life of ''the Arab poet" Abu NawSs, as of a collection of po- 
pular tales respecting an imaginary court-fool, who has much in common with the German 
Eulenspiegel, and to whom the name of this poet has been given. Compare also the Conies 
Kabyles of A. Mouli^ras, Introduction: les Fourberies de Si Je)Ca^ p. 12 (Bou Na'as) and 
M. Hartmann's Schwdnke und Schnurren^ S. 55 and 61 — 62 (Zeitschrift fUr Volkskunde, 1895). 

5) Name of a small black bird. 

6) This Jugi^ who is undergoing penance, and whose soul in the shape of a bird is 
guarded by one or more princesses, turns to stone all who approach him. Banta Amat puts 
an end to this by gaining possession of the bird and slaying him, and then restoring to 
life all those who had been turned to stone. 


§ 6. Fables relating to Animals. 

Although animals occasionally play an important part in the Achehnese 
romances, none of the latter can properly be classed among fables of 
this order, for as a rule the beasts who take part in the action of the 
story are human beings or jens (diwas etc.) who have adopted the shape 
of animals. 

The two collections which we are now about to describe, comprise, 
as we shall see, genuine fables relating to animals borrowed both from 
indigenous folklore and from foreign (Indian) books of fables. Most 
Achehnese listeners are as convinced of the truth of these tales as they 
are of that of the romances. The sacred tradition that the prophet-king 
Sul6yman (Solomon) understood the language of animals is changed in 
the popular imagination into a belief that in Solomon's time beasts 
were gifted with speech and reason. 

Thus stories in which genuine animals are made to think and speak 
arc regarded as accounts of what actually took place in those times. 

Plando' kanchi >) (LIII). 

We know how popular stories about the crafty mouse-deer are among 
a great proportion of the Indonesians; yet it is only very occasionally 
that we find a collection of these tales forming part of their written 
literature ^). But in Acheh such is the case ; an unknown author has 
collected a number of them and formed them into a hikayat which he 
divides into 26 sections or bhdih \ Copies of this are rare *); I was able 
to obtain possession of one only, and this lacks the last part of the 
26th bhaih. 

Anxiety to offer more to his readers has perhaps induced the com- 

i) Kanchi means in Achehnese not a variety of mouse-deer, as in other Malayan langua- 
ges, but is an adjective meaning **crafty", "wicked", which is often applied to human 
beings. In Bimanese kanchi = "craft", "cunning". (See the dictionary of Dr. J. Jonker). 

2) See Dr. J. Brandes Dwerghert-verhalen in Vol. XXXVII of the Journal of the Bata- 
vian Association {T^dschrift van het Bataviaasch Genootschap) pp. 27 et seq. 

3) Achehnese form of the Arabic bahth (v£>^) = "enquiry", "subject". 

4) Numbers of Achehnese came and begged me to let them transcribe my copy of the 
Hikayat Plando*, but I was obliged to refuse, having bound myself by a promise to the 
original owner not to lend the book to any of his fellow-countrymen ! 


piler to give the mouse-deer a place in popular tales of a different 
description, and thus to include them in his hikayat. 

This is true for example of the story in bhaih lo, where the plando* 
fulfils the role of judge, which properly appertains to a human being; 
for no mention is to be found of the mouse-deer in the European and 
Javanese ') versions of this story. 

On the other hand the author has omitted other tales which well 
deserved to be included both oji account of their characteristic quali- 
ties and their popularity in Acheh. 

Thus for instance he leaves out the race with the snails which appears 
in the Javanese kanchil series *), but is also universally known in Acheh. 

More data than we possess would be of course required to enable 
us in each case of striking agreement of one of these Achehnese stories 
with a Malay, Sundanese, or Javanese version, to decide whether it is 
the common inheritance of the race or has been imported from else- 
where through some foreign channel of literature. 

We now append a short list of the contents of the 26 sections. 

Bhdih I. The plando', the frog, the gardener and the dog (just as 
in Jav.). In a Sundanese ^dongeng of the ape and the tortoise", which 
I got transcribed at BantSn, the ape plays the part here assigned to the 
frog and the dog, while the tortoise takes the place of the mouse-deer. 
The sequel of this dongeng corresponds with that which is here found 
in Bhdih 5. It much more nearly resembles the contents of our Bhdihs 
I and 5 than the version published in Sundanese by A. W. Holle in 
185 1, and those composed by A. F. Von de Wall (Batavia, Kolff 1885) 
in Batavian Malay, and by K. F. Holle (Batavia, Kolff 1885) in Dutch. 

Bhdih 2. The plando', the otter, the night-owl, the gatheue' (a sort 
of land prawn?) the land crab, the snail, the bieng pho (a small sort 
of prawn?) and the prawn. 

This fable is akin to that of ^the otter and the crab''' published in 

i) A story the main features of which are the same, is to be found in De vermakelijke 
lotgevallen van Tijl UiUnspiegd (the delightful adventures of Tijl Uilenspiegel) pub. by 
J. Vliegcr, Amsterdam, p. 66. A similar one was written down by me at the dictation of 
a Javanese dong^ng-reciter at Jogjakarta. 

2) We refer here to Het bock van den kantjil (the book of the kanchil) published by the 
Konlnklijk Instituut at the Hague, 1889, and the S^rat kanchil pub. at Samarang, 1879. 
In our epitome of the contents we refer to these two versions, for the sake of brevity, by 
the contraction Jav, 


Sundanese by Dr. Engelmann '), but the details are entirely different. 
In the Achehnese the plando' poses both as the murderer and as the 
assessor of king Solomon who helps the latter to decide the issue of 
the interminable lawsuit. In this respect the Achehnese version much 
more closely resembles the Batak tale of "'the otter and the roebuck^'* 
(see the Batak Reader of H. N. van der Tuuk, part 4, pp. 86 et seq.). 

Bha'ih 3. The man, the crocodile, the pestle, the rice-mortar, the 
winnowing basket and the plando* (Ingratitude the reward of kindness). 
A similar fable appears in the Javanese Kanchil ^). 

Bha'ih 4. The plando' and the elephant out fishing; the elephant 
slain by men. 

Bhdih 5. The tiger cheated by the plando', who palms off on him 
buffalo's dung as Raja Slimeum's *) food, a Ihan-snake as his head-cloth, 
a wasp's nest as his gong, and two trees grating against one another 
as his violin. Part of this is the same in Jav. ; the deceit with the 
wasp's nest, which is wanting in the Javanese versions, appears in another 
form in H. C. Klinkert's Bloetnlezing (Leiden 1890), pp. 50 — 54. The 
Sundanese dongeng which I mentioned under Bhdih i, puts the ape in 
the tiger's place, and the tortoise in that of the mouse-deer. The dung 
in there represented as the boreh *) of Batara Guru and the snake as 
his girdle, and in the conclusion the ape misled by the voice of the 
tortoise becomes so enraged against his own person that he mutilates 
himself and dies. According to another version he did not die but the 
result of his violence was that his descendants were born emasculate \ 

Bhdih 6. The heritage of steel and salt, the king, the plando' and 
the burning sea. This is a variant of what we find in the Kalila dan 
Damina ed. Gonggrijp, p. 128 et seq., but the Achehnese version is 

Bhdih 7. The plando', the ram, the tiger and the bear. The tiger is 

i) In the Bijdragen van het Koninklijk Ned, Ind, Instituut^ 3*1 Series, Vol. II, p. 348 
et seq. 

2) See Dr. J. Brandes' notes in Notulen Batav, Genootschap Vol. XXXI, p. 78 et seq. 

3) The prophet king Solomon is elsewhere always called Sul6yman by the Achehnese, 
even in this hikayat where the mouse-deer appears as his assessor; but in this one fable 
the form Slimeum is invariably used. 

4) A yellow cosmetic with which the skin is smeared on certain ceremonial occasions. 

5) With this may be now also compared the tales numbered 11^ and 11/ in Dr. N. Adri- 
ani*s Sangireesche ttksten (Bijdragen Kon, Inst, voor de Taal-^ Land- en Volkenkunde 
for the year 1893, p. 321 et seq.). As we see, the tale of the wasps* nest is not, as the 
above-mentioned author supposed, a Sangircse innovation. 


by a stratagem rendered innocuous to the sheep, but not in the same 
way as in Mai. and Jav. 

Bhdih 8. The plando', the frog, the iguana, the carrion, the dog, the 
tiger, the two buffaloes, the two tigers, the elephant and the human beings. 

Bhdih 9. The plando', the smith, the sikin (Achehnese long knife or 
sword), the fisherman and the eel {leujeu). 

Bhdih 10. Lawsuit between the rich and the poor as to the price 
of the savours of the former's kitchen, in which suit the plando' gives 
judgment. This tale is one of those spoken of on p. 159 above, which 
do not-really belong to the mouse-deer series. 

Bhdih II. The cultivator who goes a-fishing. The imprisoned snake, 
the plando', the whale, the cocoanut monkeys and their king. Part 
similar to Jav. 

Bhdih 12. The t6'-t6' birds (Batavia: kijit)^ Sul6yman (Solomon), the 
plandQ', the herd of oxen and the black bull. 

Bhdih 13. The plando', the dogs, and the bak6h-bird. 

Bhdih 14. (Continuation of 13). The plando', the kue'-bird, the fishes 
known as the meudabah and the tho\ 

Bhdth 15. The plando', the turtle and the tiger. 

Bhdih 16. The plando' and the bridge of crocodiles. (Similar in Jav.). 

Bhdih 17. The plandS', the two oxen, the tiger and the crocodiles. 

Bhdih 18. (Continuation of 17). The two oxen, the tiger and his 
dream. Sul6yman, the plando' and his dream, the sugar-mill. 

Bhdih 19. Alliance of all the beasts under the tiger as king and the 
plando' as his deputy. The tiger deceived by the plando'. This resem- 
bles in its main features the story we have numbered 7 in the Kisah 
Hiweuen or Nasruan add (LIV). 

Bhdih 20. The elephant in the well (quite different from its namesake 
in Jav.); he is afterwards devoured by crocodiles in the river. 

Bhdih 21. All the animals fish with seines under direction of the 
plando', the himb^es (a kind of ape) serve as sentries. 

Bhdih 22. Continuation of 21. The geureuda or griffin (which here 
pldys the part of the buta or g^rgasi in Jav. and Mai.), the tiger, the 
bear, the elephant and the plando' (the same in Jav. and Mai.). 

Bhdih 23. All the beasts converted to Islam by the plando', gathered 
together in the mosque and cheated by him. 

Bhdih 24. The plando' cheats Nabi Sul6yman (Solomon) over the 

chopping of wood. 



Bhaih 25. The plando', the jackfruit and the oil-seller; the gardener 
who plants dried peas, and the deer. 

Bhaih 26. Contest between the plando' and a j6n (Arab, jinn) as to 
who can keep awake the longest. (The conclusion of this fable is lacking 
in the only copy I have seen). 

In the Javanese Book of the Kanchil we find a similar contest in 
wakefulness between a wild cat and a night-bird. A Javanese dongeng 
makes this night-bird {chaba\ which according to popular belief flies 
and cries in its sleep, hold a contest in keeping awake with the sikatan 
(wagtail). The latter abandons the duel as his opponent keeps on making 
a noise. In the above-quoted Sangireesche teksten of Dr. N. Adriani 
we find a similar contest between an ape and a heron (IV^) and 
two samples of such contests between an ape and a sheitan (IV^ 
and VI). 

In the Achehnese just as in the Javanese kanchil-tales, the mouse- 
deer appears as the assessor (waki ')) of the prophet-king Sul6yman 
or Solomon. 

His title is thus always Teungku Waki, and he also bears the names 
or nicknames Si Anin, Tuan Chut (Master Little one), Waki Saba 
(after Saba the kingdom of the queen who had relations with Solomon), 
Waki Buyong ("mannikin"). 

The style of the hikayat is somewhat defective. The author is no 
master of the sanja'; he treats his readers over and over again to the 
same rhyming words and thus finds himself constantly obliged to alter 
the syllables which rhyme. 

Not only in the orally transmitted, but also in the written literature 
of the Achehnese, the plando' appears in various other stories which 
are not included in this hikayat. 

Hikayat Hikayat Nasruan Ade or Kisah Hiweucn (LIV). 

Nasruan ad6. Under these names ^) is circulated the Achehnese version of that 

i) He thus stands to the prophet-king in the same relation as the waki of an Achehnese 
gampoDg (see Vol. I. p. 67) to his keuchi\ 

2) Nasruan is the Ach. form of the Persian royal name Anosharwan, with the epithet 
ad6 ('Sdil) i. e. the just. The other name is the Achehnese pronunciation of the Arab, words 
aiggah haiwan, stories about beasts, but the meaning of these words is understood by none 
in Acheh save the pandits. 


collection of fables known in their Malay form ') as Kalila dan Damina 
and PanjatandSran ^). 

The sole example that I have been able to obtain appears to be 
incomplete at the conclusion, but I am not certain of this, as the whole 
composition is slovenly and confused. It has not been taken direct 
from any known Malay version, and indeed it is possible that it has 
been rendered into Achehnese verse from an imperfect recollection of 
a not over-accurate recitation of the Malay work. 

Certain inconsistencies and additions, however, seem to indicate a 
different origin. 

1. The Brahman Badrawiah (Barzoyeh) is here sent on behalf of 
Nasruan ^) king of Hindustan, and the goal of his mission is also 
Hindustan. This identity of the names of the countries is probably 
due to a mistake of the compiler or copyist. Kuja Buzurjmihr *) 
Hakim composes the panegyric on Badrawiah. Then the compiler 
gives the following tales or comparisons, of which I shall notice 
those which more or less agree with the Malay Kalila dan 
Damina *). 

2. The world as a mad camel Ms. i8 

3. The thief cheated G. 17 

4. The dog and the bone „ 23 

5. Dream of the raja of Hindustan, told by Badrawiah at 
the request of Nasruan. In place of the Brahman and 
Hilar the Achehnese text has Brahmana Hilal; it also 
makes no mention of the water of life „ 327 

6. The jackal, the deundang-bird, the snake and the man. 

The fable of the heron and crab is here wanting . . . „ 66 

i) As to the nature of these compositions see the essay of Dr. J. Brandes in the Feest' 
bundel (dedicated to Prof, de Goeje), Leiden 189 1, pp. 79 et seq. 

2) This is also the name of a well known Tamil version, possibly the original of both 
the Malay and the Achehnese (Translator), 

3) In the Malay versions he who sends forth the Brahman on his mission is a son of 
this prince named Harman or Horman (i^j^)* This name is based on a wrong reading of 
'^^ which is formed from »^j^ = Hormizd. 

4) Ach. Bada Jameuh6 or . £ ♦■ "> r^j^* 

5) By the letter G. I refer to Gonggrijp's edition (Leiden, Kolff 1876). Portions marked 
Ms. are those which do not appear in this edition but are to be found in the Manuscript 
of Dr. de Hollander which is now m my possession (See Dr. Brandes' notes in T'^dschrift 
Batav, Gen, Vol. XXXVI, p. 394 et seq.). The numerals indicate the page. 


7- The keureukoih (explained as being the plando') slays the 

tiger ^) G. 78 

8. The crows and the owls i>i94 

9. The plando' as ambassador of the moon „ 208 

10. The cat as judge between the plando' and the murong-bird. „ 215 

11. The utoih (tradesman) of Silan and his adulterous wife . j, 222 

12. The marriage proposals of the mouse „ 228 

13. The snake and the frogs „ 260 

14. The ape and the turtle. . „ 265 

15. The jackal, the tiger and the ass „ 274 

16. The peuteurah-bird *) and the king „ 292 

17. The tiger as pupil of the jackal „ 301 

18. The jackal judge among the tigers that hunt the deer • » 321 

19. The night-owl, the apes and the toadstool » 122 

20. The ape and the wedge — and here, but not in the Malay 
versions, — the rice-bird and the horses ^ 34 

21. The goldsmith, the snake, the ape and the tiger (a fable 

of gratitude) ^ 340 

22. The bull, the ass and the cock (this story is not to be 
found in Mai.; we meet it in the Thousand and One 
Nights, ed. Cairo, 1297 Heg., Vol. I, pp. 5 — 6). 

23. The musang ^), the tiger and the man (not in Mai.). 

24. The bull *) and the lion „ 28 

25. The dervish and the king (not in Mai.). 

26. The dahet *) (hermit), the king and the thief; the two 
huntsmen and the jackal; the poison blown back in the 
giver's face; the amputated nose „ 53 

27. Damina's stratagem against the bull t> 114 

28. Admonitions of the queen mother to the lion n 131 

Their heroic poems, their romances and their fables (but especially 

their romances), supply both recreation and instruction to old and 
young, high and low of both sexes in Acheh. Thence they draw a 

i) The contents are the same as those of dhatA lo of the Hikayat FlandS*. 

2) The Achehnese reading is hJCs; in the Malay versions we find 8^ and 9ja9, 

3) A kind of pole-cat common in the Malay archipelago. 

4) This is called SitSrubuh in the Malay version, and in Achehnese Sinadeubah (iojJuum), 
The word as written in Arabic letters is almost the same. 

1 65 

considerable portion of their knowledge of the world and of life, and 
almost all that they know of what has happened in the past, or what 
goes on outside their own country. Whoever wishes to understand the 
spirit of the Achehnese must not fail to bear in mind the nature of 
this, their mental pabulum) and should anyone desire to try to lead 
the civilization of Acheh along a new channel, it would be undoubtedly 
worth his while to make his innovations palatable to them by presen- 
ting them in 'hikayat' form. 

§ 7. Religious ^Works. 

a. Legends relating to the Pre-Mohammedan period. 

The three kinds of Achehnese works which it still remains for us to 
describe, have in common with one another a religious character. The 
great majority are composed in hikayat form; some (only the third 
variety) are to be found in nalam and in prose. 

The channels through which religious stories and legends reached Origin of 
the Achehnese are in the main the same as those by which they legends Sthe 
received their romantic literature. The fabric of sacred history woven ^^^^^^ese. 
by the popular mind in Mohammadan India, partly with materials 
derived from the common and unlearned tradition of Persia, partly 
from pure fiction, reached the far East, including Acheh, before the 
catholic tradition of which the more or less canonical Arabic works 
testify. And in spite of the still surviving opposition of the pandits, 
these quasi-religious romances, largely coloured with the Shi'ite and 
other heresies, enjoyed and still continue to enjoy a considerable 

The South-Indian Islam, the oldest form in which Mohammedanism 
came to this Archipelago still survives in these works, not without a 
large admixture of native superstition. With its semi-pantheistic mysti- 
cism, its prayers and mysterious formularies, its popular works on sacred 
history which we have just alluded to, it will long bid defiance to the 
orthodoxy of Mecca and Hadramaut, which is seeking to supplant it, 
and which has in theory driven it entirely from the field. 

The materials of these popular works may have been imported into 
Acheh partly direct from South India and partly by way of the Malayan 
Countries. They are in either case undoubtedly foreign wares, which 


the Achehnese have greatly adulterated or improved, however we choose 
to express it. 

Hikayat Hikayat asay pade (LV). 

Asay pad6. . r ■% * • i»i ..,.. % r 

The aim of this poem is to explain the origin of rice and of some 
of the customs and superstitions connected with its culture. 

When Adam and Hawa (Eve) were driven from paradise, and after 
they had wandered apart over the earth and met once more near the 
mountain of Rahmat, Jebra'i (Gabriel) gave Adam lessons in agriculture 
and brought him the necessary seeds from paradise. 

When he had ploughed and sown all his fields, Adam's seed supply 
ran short. By God's command he slew his son, who bore the four 
names Umahmani, Nurani, Acheuki and Seureujani. The members of 
his body were turned into rice-grains of various kinds wherewith Adam 
sowed his last field. 

Hawa on learning of this, went to the padifield and begged her son 

who had been turned into seed, not to remain away too long. He 

answered that he would come home once a year — the yearly harvest. 

Custom of Hawa took with her seven blades ; in imitation hereof it is customary *) 

some Acheh- 
nese in con- for the Achehnese women, on the day before the harvest begins, to 

rice^^culture P^^^^ ixovd the neighbourhood of the inbng pade *) of the field seven 
blades, which they call the ul^'e pade (head or beginning of rice). 

At the sowing of the rice an abundant crop is assured by the utterance 
of the four names of the son of Adam who was changed into seed. 

From this it may be concluded that the tilling of the soil is a sacred 
and prophetic task which brings both a blessing in this world and a 
recompense hereafter ^). 

The rainbow. The writer, who tells us that he is a native of the gampong of Lam 
Teum^n and that he wrote the book in the month Haji 1206 (1792) 
also appends to his story an explanation of the significance of the 
Rainbow (beuneung raja timbh). He warns his readers against a pagan 
conception of that phenomenon prevalent among the ancient Arabs, 
and explains it in connection with the history of N6h (Noah) as a 
token of storm and rain, of overflowing and prosperity. 

i) This and other customs alluded to in this story are still practised here and there, but 
by no means universally. 

2) See Vol. I, p. 265. 

3) "Agriculture is the prince of all breadwinning^' — see Vol. I, p. 175, 



The Hikayat masa jeuet donya (LVI), i. e. history of the origin of masaTeuet 
the world, contains a collection of absurdities such as are to be occa- donya. 
sionally met with in Arabic works about the primeval world. We find 
sundry information about the worlds that preceded our own, the beasts 
that sustain the earth, the primeval Adam and Muhammad's mysterious 
first principle for whose sake all that exists was created. The story 
lays claim to authenticity, for it is no less a one than Allah himself 
that satisfies the curiosity of Moses by giving him this representation 
of the order of things. 

Nabi Usoh (LVII). Hikayat 

This Achehnese version of the story of Yusuf and Zuleikha varies » » s . 
in a marked degree not only from the Bible and Quran stories of 
Joseph, but also from the legends which in the Malay and Arabic 
books known as the Kitab Anbia, are moulded on the XIP^ chapter 
of the Quran. 

The man who buys Usoh is a nahuda or seafaring merchant, who 
was prepared beforehand by a dream for his meeting with the beauti- 
ful boy. After the purchase the nahuda encounters a storm at sea, 
which can only be exorcised by the loosening of Usoh's chains. They 
land at Baghdad (or Bitay Mukadih = Jerusalem). Here the king is 
converted to the true faith by Usoh, and the latter becomes such a 
favourite that in the end he has to fly with his master for fear of 
being forcibly withheld from further journey ings. 

Arrived at the land of Tambasan, they meet king Timus (u*>h^)j 
whose daughter Dalikha (= Zuleikha) dreams that Usoh, the son of a 
king is destined to be her lord. Afterward she journeys to Meus^ 
(=z= Migr, Egypt) to seek for him, but there she meets Adid *) the 
king and becomes his wife. Then Usoh comes to Egypt, and Adid 
offers to buy him for his weight in gold; but the scale does not turn 
till Dalikha throws into it her golden head-ornament. 

One day Adid goes out to witness a cockfight (!), but forgets one 
of his weapons and sends Usoh home to fetch it. On this occasion the 
seduction takes place. A child but 40 days old witnesses it and after- 

i) This name is borrowed from the epithet in the Quran 'Aziz' Migr "the magnate of 
Egypt*\ applied to Potiphar. In the Achehnese story Adid is used as a proper name, and 
its bearer is made king of Egypt. 

1 68 

wards gives the lie to Dalikha*s preposterous explanation of the matter. 
Usoh is imprisoned, not as a suspect, but because he turns the heads 
of all women. 

In the years of famine Usoh's brethren ') journey over the sea to 
Meuse. In the end, after Adid's death, Usoh weds Dalikha and beco- 
mes king. He begets a son, who is named Ahmat. 

The meeting of Usoh with his father takes place in the plain of 
Hun6yn^n ^). 

Hikayat Pra'utl (LVIII). 

This hikayat, which comes as a sequel to the last, gives with much 
wealth of detail the history of king Pra'un (Pharaoh) and the prophet 
Musa (Moses). It resembles in the main the same story in the Malay 
version of the history of the prophets, but exhibits many variations 
and additions. It would be impossible without a detailed review of its 
contents which would occupy far too much space, to give a correct 
idea of the nature and extent of these differences. 

We shall however notice one which though not perhaps of Achehnese 
origin, particularly accords with the taste of the people, who have a 
great admiration for craftiness. In the long conflict between the heathen 
Pra'un and Musa, the line of conduct of this divine messenger is of 
course dictated by Allah. After sundry moral and miraculous victories 
Musa observes that Pra'un has not yet lost all his power. Allah disclo- 
ses to him the reason of this; Pra'un has three virtues — he gives 
much in alms, lets his beard grow '), and rises betimes in the mor- 
ning *). From these three habits, says God to his prophet, you must 
break him off, for as long as he continues to perform these good 

i) One of the brethren was called Seuma^un (= Simeon), and another Raja Lahat. This 
last name occurs in other native stories as that of an enemy of Muhammad. It is taken 
from the name of the mountain Uhud or from the name of Muhammads uncle Abu Lahab. 

2) This name seems to be a corruption of Hunain, a valley in Arabia, which was the 
scene of one of Muhammad^s battles. 

3) The Moslim law looks with disfavour on the shaving of the beard. In Acheh, as also 
in Java, such shaving is however very customary and thus the wearing of a beard (whiskers 
arc rarely given to the natives by nature) is regarded as a token of piety. As we have 
seen above (Vol. I, p. 163) people in Acheh call the wearing of the beard (he sunat 
(custom) of the Prophet. 

4) The Achehnese, except such as are keen on the performance of their morning reli- 
gious exercises are incorrigible sluggards. 


works he cannot be wholly overthrown ! And Musa faithfully follows 
this diabolical advice of Allah. 

Raja Jomjomah (LIX). Hikayat Raja 

The story of King Skulls whose skull speaks to Jesus, and who is 
restored to a new and sanctified life by that prophet, exists in Achehnese 
in hikayat form. I have never seen a copy of it, but it may well be 
assumed that its contents do not differ greatly from the Malay version 
of the story ^). 

From the Orientalische Bibliographie (VI : 2119 and VII: 1 571) it 
appears that this legend is also to be found in the Persian and the 
Georgian. An Afghan version (iLioLj a«#..^u> iuvajj) is mentioned in the 
catalogues of the Fathul Kareem Press at Bombay. 

Hikayat Tamlikha or kelia tujoh (LX). Hikayat 


The story of the seven sleepers is dealt with in the 18**" chapter of 
the Quran. The Moslim tradition calls one of them ya;«/w:A5 = Jamlichus, 
from which the Achehnese have formed Tamlikha. 

The names of the other six are still more corrupted. The names of 
these ''seven saints" and that of their dog are regarded in Acheh as 
ajeumats or charms which avert all evil things and bring a blessing. 

Besides the legend about the seven saints and their dog, this hikayat 
furnishes the story of the three devout men in the cave, which has 
been made up by the commentators on the Quran on the strength of 
a text from the sacred book (ch. 18, verse 8). In addition to the alte- 
ration of the names the Achehnese version presents two other notable 

In the first place the story is put in the mouth of Ali, the son-in- 
law of the Prophet, who tells it at the request of a Jew who has just 
been converted to Islam, after the solution by Ali of a number of 
theological catch-questions which he has propounded, and which Omar 
to his shame has proved unable to answer. 

Secondly the ^quarrel" spoken of in chapter 18 verse 20 of the Quran , 
is explained as a war between a Mohammedan prmce who desires to 
erect a mosque close by the cave where the seven saints repose, and 

i) See Van den Berg's Vers lag etc., No* io6b, 109 and 161. It has escaped that writer's 
notice that there is also a copy of Raja Jumjum'' in N^ 161 of the Batavian Collection. 


a Christian King who wishes to sanctify the same spot with a temple 
containing an idolatrous image! 

Hikayat Putrb'e Peureukison (LXI). 


PeureukisOn. Peureukison or Peureukoyson is the name of a princess, daughter of 
king Nahi (J^^) of Neujeuran (Najran in Southern Arabia). 

Though brought up in an atmosphere of paganism and immorality, 
she has deep religious instincts which impel her to seek after the true 
God. A golden dove *) from Paradise comes to teach her the creed of 
Islam. Her singing of the praises of Allah casts forth the Devil from 
the greatest of her father's idols, but kindles the latter's wrath against 
his daughter for despising the worship of her ancestors. Her eflforts to 
convert the king are unavailing; enraged at her apostasy he causes 
her hands to be smitten off and banishes her to the mountains. Here 
this martyr to her faith lives in a cave and gives herself up to reli- 
gious devotions. 

Abdolah, king of fintakiah (Antioch) loses his way while out hunting 
and comes by chance to the dwelling-place of Peureukison. He falls in 
love with the princess, is converted by her to the faith of Islam and 
brings her home as his wife. They live happily for a time, but the 
king's former favourites deem themselves neglected and are filled with 
jealousy. One day Abdolah was compelled to go on a journey. Before 
his departure he committed his young wife to the care of his mother. 
During the king's absence the enemies of Peureukison caused to be 
delivered to the mother two forged letters purporting to come from 
Abdolah, wherein the king charged his mother to drive forth his young 
spouse into the forest as being the enemy of the religion of his fathers. 
The mother was deeply grieved, but showed the letters to her daughter- 
in-law, who thereupon went forth into the wilds of her own accord 
with her new-born child. The child was suckled by a female mouse- 
deer, but one day as they were crossing a river in flood, the infant 
fell into the water and was drowned. 

The golden dove appeared once more and taught the princess the 
power of prayer. Then she besought Allah to restore her hands and 
to give her back her child, and the prayer was heard and her wish 
accomplished. Mother and child continued their journey along with the 

i) In this tale the duve is always caUed by its Arabic name (hamamah)* 


plando', till they came to a spot where Allah had created for her a 
pavilion with a well of water and a pomegranate tree beside it. There 
she took up her abode and led a life of prayer. 

Meantime Abdolah had returned from his journey and on arriving 
at fentakiah he heard of the strategem which had robbed him of his wife. 

He sallied forth through the world to seek for Peureukison accom- 
panied by a whole army of followers, who gradually dwindled down 
to five. Finally the two are united once more by the intervention of 
the sacred dove. The long-suflfering Peureukison restrained her husband 
from wreaking vengeance on his former favourites who had caused all 
their woes. He sent back his five companions to ^ntakiah with the 
news that he had forsaken his royal state for good and all. Accom- 
panied by his wife and child, he sought out a quiet abode where he 
could surrender himself entirely to godly exercises, prayer and fasting. 
When the pious pair died, the whole creation mourned and Allah took 
them up to Paradise. 

This didactic tale, in which both the princess and the dove constantly 
give long disquisitions on the Mohammedan teaching, is said to be a 
tradition handed down by Ka'b al-Ahbar, an ancient to whom are 
ascribed many of the Jewish stories in the oldest Mohammedan literature. 

§ 8. Religious Works. 

b. Legends relating to the Mohammedan period. 

The foregoing hikayats have given us some notion of the popular 
conceptions in Acheh in regard to pre-Mohammedan sacred history, 
while those that follow relate to the earlier period of the Mohammedan 
era itself. 

From what we have already said, it may be gathered that these 
writings differ in details, but not in subject and essence, from the 
legends of the same kind which enjoy popularity among the Malays 
and Javanese. 

Hikayat nubuet or Nubu'it nabi (LXII). Hikayat 

The first hikayat of this series deals principally with the miracles 

connected with the birth of Mohammad, and his life up to his being 

called forth as the Apostle of God. 


By nubuet the Achehnese understand that eternal principle of the 
whole creation, which (like the Word in the 4*** Gospel) was before all 
things, for whose sake all the rest were created, and which is specially 
conceived of as the principle of prophecy dwelling in all the Apostles 
of God. This divine essence is properly called Nur Muhammad (*The 
Light of Muhammad") or Nur an-nubuwwah (''The Light of Prophecy"). 
Ignorance of the meaning of the words however, has brought into use 
such names as nubuet (in Achehnese) or nurbuwat (in Sundanese) for 
the Logos of Islam. 

Most of the histories of the Prophets begin with a description of 
this primary mystic principle. Sometimes this is followed by the history 
of the principal prophets, sometimes only by that of Muhammad; there 
are also treatises to be met with which confine themselves entirely to 
the description of the Nur Muhammad. 

It is in any case quite possible that our copy, which deals with the 
life of Muhammad up to his 40*^ year, is incomplete, and ought pro- 
perly to be continued up to the time of his death. 

To those who are not wholly unacquainted with the subject, the 
relation of the contents of this hikayat to history, or to the orthodox 
Mohammedan legend, will be fully apparent from the examples given 

A certain woman named Fatimah Chami (from Sham = Syria) learns 
that the spirit of prophecy has descended on Abdallah (who afterwards 
becomes the father of Muhammad). Providing herself with the most 
costly presents, she journeys to Mecca to ask the hand of this favoured 
mortal so that she may become the mother of the last of the prophets. 
But at the moment of her arrival Abdallah slept with his wife and she 
became with child by him. He thus lost the visible token of "Muham- 
mad's light". 

In his tender youth Muhammad with the help of forty companions, 
waged a long war against Abu Jhay (Abu Jahl) who is represented as 
king of Mecca and who deemed himself slighted by the young lad. 
In his childhood too Muhammad more than once performed the miracle 
of feeding a multitude with a few loaves of bread. 

When he wrought the famous miracle of the cleaving of the moon, 
and at the request of the king of the Arabians restored to an unmuti- 
lated state a girl without hands, feet or eyes, the people were converted 
by tens of thousands. 


Raja Bada (LXIII). Hikayat 

The Malays (probably on the authority of South-Indian teachers) °^* 
have personified the village of Badr, in the neighbourhood of which 
Muhammad gained his first victory, as a beautiful prince named Badar. 
The khandaq or canal which the Prophet had dug round Medina to 
defend himself against the attack of the men of Mekka, they have 
converted into the father of that prince, under the names Hondok, 
Handak, Hfend^k and so on. He is represented as a powerful infidej 
king ruling over men and jinns. 

So is it also in the Achehnese version. Raja Handa' or Keunda' 
with his son Bada make war upon the Prophet and his followers. The 
battles fought in this war were entirely after the manner of those of 
the dewas and jinns. 

Ali is generally made Muhammad's commander-in-chief in such 
romances. Indeed in South India the popular conception of Islam is 
Shi'ite, covered over with a veneer of orthodoxy. The entire part played 
by Ali and the members of his family in the sacred tradition there 
prevalent, is such as no Shi'ite could object to, but occasionally we 
find the Prophet appearing surrounded by his four companions (the 
first four Khalifas). Handa' and his son Bada suffer defeat and death 
though All's bravery in fighting for the true faith. 

The penman of the copy which has come into my possession has 
been unable to resist adding to his transcription some lines of maledic- 
tion on the Dutch with the prayer that Acheh may soon shake herself 
free of these dogs of kafirs. 

Under the name Hikayat prang Raja Khiba (LXIV) there is said to Hikayat 

prang Raja 

exist in Achehnese a variation of a legend familiarly known from the Khiba. 
Malay versions. This legend originated outside Arabia from the tradi- 
tion of Muhammad's expedition against the Jews of Khaibar. I have 
never seen a copy of the Achehnese version. 

Seuma'un (LXV) »). Hikayat 

There is, so far as I can ascertain, not a single peg in the accredited Seuma'un. 
sacred tradition of Islam on which to fix the name of the hero of this 
narrative; it seems in fact to have fallen from the sky. Only in the 

i) This is the Arabo- Achehnese form of the Scripture name Simeon. 


second part of the hikayat do we meet a very garbled allusion to the 
tradition according to which the Prophet received as a gift from the 
then ruler of Egypt a beautiful concubine, Mariah al-Qibtiyyah (the 
Egyptian or Koptic). 

The author of the story of Sama'un has not however borrowed much 
more from this tradition than the name. 

In the collection of Von de Wall ') at Batavia, we find, in addition 
to a Malay copy of this story ^) translated from the Javanese, another 
copy which is written in Arabic. We must not however jump to the 
conclusion that the original was either the work of an Arab or even 
known at all in Arabia. The language of this Arabic copy clearly 
betrays the hand of a foreigner, nor are there lacking other like hybrid- 
Arabic products in the religious literature of the Eastern Archipelago. 

The Achehnese version differs in details only from the Malay ^). 
Seuma'un is the son of Hal^t (<A5L>), a mantri (minister of state) of 
Abu Jhay (Abu Jahl), who here also appears as king of Mecca. While 
yet an unweaned infant Seuma'un speaks and converts his parents to 
Islam. He slays a hero named Patian (qLaaj) whose help Abu Jhay 
had invoked against the Prophet; he defeats an army of Abu Jhay 
that was brought against him to take vengeance for Patian's death; 
he converts a woman whom Abu Jhay had sent to decoy him, and 
gains possession of Abu Jhay's daughter who is there and then con- 
verted and becomes the wife of Seuma'un. 

Mariah, daughter of king Kobeuti *) who was established in the land 
of Sa'ri, dreamed a dream in which she saw herself the destined bride 
of the Prophet. She secretly had these tidings conveyed to Muhammad, 
who thereupon asked her hand in marriage. The haughty refusal of 
this request by Kobeuti gave rise to a war, in which Seuma'un took 
the field as a general. The war ended with the conversion to Islam of 
most of the inhabitants of Sa'ri, and Mariah was carried off to Medina. 

i) See Mr. L. W. C. van den Berg's Verslag pp. 15—16. 

2) In the Hofbibllothek at Berlin there are three copies (numbered Schumann V, 18, 
19 and 20) of the story of Sama'un in Malay, which similarly show clear tokens of a Java- 
nese origin. 

3) Dr. Van der Tuuk has given a short account of its contents in the Bijdragen van 
het Koninklijk Instituut for the year 1866, pp. 357 et seq. 

4) Thus the word Qibti or Qubti is better preserved here than in the Malay version, 
which makes it into Ba'ti. 


Nabi meuchuko or cheumuko (LXVI). "mSuS!"' 

This edifying story is, according to its compiler, composed after a 
Malay original. It relates how once on a time Muhammad was shaven 
by Gabriel and received from that archangel a cap made of a leaf of 
one of the trees of paradise, and how the buliadari (celestial nymphs) 
almost fought with one another for the hairs, so that not one reached 
the ground. There are various different versions of this shaving story 
in Malay, Javanese and Sundanese. It is customary to have them 
recited by way of sacred reading on the occasion of various occurren- 
ces in domestic life, especially when they entail watching at night. 

AnWeuet (LXVII). Hikayat 

T-1 All m^'reugt. 

The Achehnese version of the sacred tradition of Muhammad's nocturnal 
journey to heaven (Arab, mfrdj, pronounced in Ach. m^'^reuet) is pro- 
bably derived from a Malay compilation from an Arabic original, so 
far at least as the subject is concerned. The style, however, of all 
these hikayats is purely Achehnese. 

Printdih Salatn (LXVIII). Hikayat 

^ ' Printaih Sa- 

Tales in which the Prophet enlarges upon the duties of the wife lam. 
towards her husband are very numerous in popular Native literature. 
The best known is that in which Muhammad instructs his own daughter 
Fatimah *). There are also, however, numerous copies of a story in 
which the Prophet at the request of a woman named Islam, Salam 
or Salamah, sets forth all that a woman has to do or refrain from in 
respect to her husband and the recompense that awaits her in the 
hereafter for the practice of wifely virtues *). 

In copies of the Achehnese version of this work we find before the 

i) Compare Tambih 8 of the Tambih tujoh blaih (N® LXXXV below) in which appears 
an Achehnese version of that story. A Turkish version of the ^Admonition of the Apostle 
of God to Fatimah" is mentioned in the Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- 
schaft LI : 38. 

2) In addition to the Malay copies mentioned by Dr. Van der Tuuk (in Essays relating 
to Indo-China^ 2^ series, II, p. 32 — 33), I know of two in particular which are to be found 
in the Hofbibliothek at Berlin under the numbers Schumann V, 24 and 44, which bear the 
title of t^r^y^ ii^ place of the previous one Lju«d} CT*'^ ^^ O^'^J^ which occur in other 
versions. The Malay text is printed as an appendix to an edition (apparently lithographed 
at Bombay) of the Malay rendering of as-Sha^ranl's ai-Yawaqlt wal-jawahir by Muhammad 
Ali of Sumbawa, written by him at Mekka in 1243 Heg. The woman is therein called 


name of Salamah a word which is written ^^ or Uj^; but the Acheh- 
nese always speak of Printaih Salam and understand thereby the work 
or duties of Salam, printaih having in Achehnese the meaning of 
*work, management". 

liSg. Hikayat peudeueng (LXIX). 

Fatimah, the daughter of Muhammad was once suspected of unchastity 
by her husband Ali, for one day as he sat in the front balcony of 
his house he heard her as he supposed conversing with a man within. 

Inquiry however brought it to light that the chaste woman had but 
addressed her husband's famous sword {peudeueng) D5ypaka (Dul-faqar) 
asking it how many infidels it had helped to rid of their heads by 
Ali's hand. The sword had replied than these slain infidels were past 

The occasion of the husband's suspicion and enquiry gives the oppor- 
tunity for sundry profitable admonitions to women, though not couched 
in the form in which are conceived the Prophet's well-known lessons 
to Fatimah. 

The two next stories we find sometimes united as one, sometimes 
attached as an appendix to the history of the life of Muhammad. The 
same is the case with the Malay versions. 

Hikayai Hikayat sbydina Usen or tuanteu M Ustn (LXX). 

The martyrdom of Hasan and Husain the two grandsons of Muham- 
mad, is certainly nowhere more curiously told than in this hikayat. 

Asan was king at Medina; the infidel Yadib (Ach. pronunciation of 
Yazid) in Meus^ (Egypt). Lila-majan \ one of the two wives of Asan 
jet herself be persuaded by Yadib to poison her husband. 

Us^n succeeded his brother on the throne, but was soon warned by 
Meuruan (Marwan) of the designs of Yadib and thereupon set off with 
an army of 70000 men for Kupah. He met Yadib in the plain of 
Akabala (Kerbela), and there Usen and most of the members of his 

i) Tuanteu = **Our Lord" is the Achehnese translation of the Arab. Sayyiduna^ which the 
Achehnese pronounce as s6ydina. 

2) This name is evidently compounded of Laila and her lover Majnun for whom she had 
a desperate passion. Both Majnun and Laila are represented in the processions of the Hasan- 
Hnsain feast in South India. See Herklots Qanoon-e-islam^ 2' edition p. 126—7. 

family died for the faith. Yadib won his chief object by carrying oft 
Sharibanun '), Usen's wife, with whom he was madly in love. 

The murderer of Usen was Sama La'in *). The hands were severed 
from the body by a certain Hindu called Salitan. 

Muhamat Napiah (LXXI). 

Muhamat Napiah the son of Ali, ruled in Buniara, a subdivision of 
the kingdom of Medina % He was indicated by a dream as the avenger 
of the blood of Asan and Us^n, and so assembled his hosts in the 
plain of Akabala (Kerbela). Yadib and his allies, among whom were 
the kings of China, Abyssinia, etc., also brought their armies thither. 

Napiah gained the victory though he lost his two principal pangli- 
mas; Yadib was slain. A small remnant of Yadib's followers took refuge 
in a cave. Muhamat Napiah followed them in on horseback and slew 
them all. At this moment the cave closed of its own accord, and the 
holy man and his horse are still there, awaiting patiently the day 
appointed for their resurrection. The horse feeds on komkoma- 
(= saffron-) grass. 


Tamim Ansa (LXXII). ^ "l^^^f^ 

^ ' Tamim Ansa. 

According to the Arabic tradition, *) Tamim ad-Darl was a Christian, 
who seven years after the Hijrah became a Moslim; he then resided 
at Medina, transferring his abode to Jerusalem after the death of the 
third caliph. It is said that he was the first who ''told stories". In the 
sacred traditions ^) we are told how the Prophet quoted a story which 
he had heard from Tamim in confirmation of what he had already 
taught the faithful with regard to Antichrist etc. Tamim is represented 
as having narrated how once, before his conversion, he and a number 
of his comrades chanced to land upon an island, where they found 

i) In the work of Herklots p. no, the wife of Husain is called Shahr-bano. 

2) \*jt?'^ r^^i properly a "Sama the accursed". The Arab, name is Shamir. In South 
India it seems to be pronounced Shumar ; see Qanoon-e-islam p. no. 

3) This Mohammad, called Ibnul-Hanafiyyah after his mother, borrowed his reputation 
almost in his own despite from an unsuccessful ShiUte rebellion and afterwards became the 
patron saint of some branches of the Shi^ah. 

This corrupt tradition also comes from India. Among the Urdu books mentioned in the 
catalogues of the Fathul Kareem Press at Bombay we find both wft . v^ ^ tX^J?^^ &^uXi> 
and y^ ^"^i^^^^ v»,tt/kJLr> \\4>^^ • 

4) See the article on Tamim in the Tahdib of Nawawi, ed. Wtistenfeld. 

5) See the ^ahih of Moslim ed. BulSq 1290 H. Vol. II, pp. 379 et seq. 

II 12 


Antichrist and another monster (Jassasah) waiting to break oose at 
the approaching end of the world. 

This more than apocryphal tradition ") is the basis of a story hitherto 
known only in its Malay form, and in which all the data of the ancient 
Moslim history are turned topsy-turvy and even made a mockery of. 
We are told that Tamlm was kidnapped by an infidel j^n while bathing 
at Medina, and thereafter forcibly borne away on a highly adventu- 
rous expedition through the upper and lower worlds, in the course of 
which he was withheld far from Medina for one hundred years. 

Among the many encounters which he had we are told of that with 
Daddjal (Antichrist), the believing and infidel j^ns that made war on 
one another, and the prophet Chidhr. 

Meanwhile Tamlm's wife was divorced from her husband seven 
years after his disappearance, by the caliph Omar (for to this period 
the story belongs), and joined in marriage with another husband. Before 
the consummation of the marriage, Tamlm was brought back by good 
spirits, and his wife found him at the well; but he was covered with 
long hair and quite unrecognisable. After the necessary change of 
shape they were re-united, and Tamim at Umar's command related to 
the faithful all that he had beheld and experienced in other worlds 
invisible to man. 

This Malay story*) has been translated into Achehnese with much 
foreshortening and license. In the Achehnese poem Tamlm has been 
wrongly called a ** helper" ^) of the prophet; he is given three children 
(two too many), while his wife bears a name thas does not belong to her. 

The narration of the occurrences is as insipid as can be, and would 
only please an audience which likes the absurd for its own sake. With 

i) Probably this tissue of impossibilities originated in South India and was brought 
thence to the Eastern Archipelago. In W. Geiger's Balucische Texte mit Uebersetzung 
(Zeitschrift d. deutschen morgenland. Gesellschaft Bd. XLVII S. 440 ff.) we find on pp. 
444 — 45 a story about a nameless infidel merchant in the time of Mohammad, whose ad- 
ventures in the main recall those of the Tamlm of the Malay and Achehnese legend, though 
the detaib are very different. In the catalogues of the Fathul Kareem Press at Bombay there 
appear versions of the story of Tamim An^ari in Urdu and Afghan. 

2) This may be found in the collection of Von de Wall (Batav. Genootschap) under 
N® 1 01. See p. 17 of Van den Berg's Verslag and Van der Tuuks notes in "' Essays relating 
to Indo-China*\ 2** series, p. 34, in which mention is made of the copies preserved else- 
where and of a lithographed edition. 

3) This is the proper meaning of Ansa, which is a corruption of the Arabic AngSr. 


regard to style also the work belongs to the poorest part of the 
Achehnese literature. 

Adu Samaih (LXXIII). Hikayat 

Abu Samaih. 

Abu Shahmah was the name of a son of the second caliph Umar. 
It is told of him that the Prefect of Egypt under the latter scourged 
him for using wine; when he returned to Medina Umar had him scourged 
a second time and he died shortly afterwards '). 

In the Achehnese legend which is embroidered on this framework, 
Abu Samaih is said to have been an excellent reciter of the Quran, 
but to have become a prey to self-conceit. As a means to cure himself 
of this fault, he let himself be over-persuaded by a Jew to take strong 
drink, and in his cups he had an intrigue with this Jew's daughter. 
When the child born of this intercourse was shown to Umar, he had 
his son scourged to death in spite of the prayers of the faithful and 
the tears of the celestial nymphs. 

Hikayat Sbydina Anidah or Tambihonisa (LXXIV). Hikayat S6y- 

This little poem borrows its name, not from its actual theme but 
from its opening verses. It begins with a versified list of holy places, 
especially at Mekka and Medina, but elsewhere as well, set down with- 
out any regard to order. Every couplet in this list is followed by another 
containing a prayer for welfare and blessing. The first place mentioned 
is the grave of Mohammads' uncle Hamzah (Ach. Amdah) on the mountain 
of Uhud (Ach. Ahat) *). 

Women are in the habit of chanting [meuchakri] this poem when 
they join in holding a rateb Saman, It is to this custom that the poem 
owes its second name of Tambihonisa (^U-JL*! iuyy^*) i- e. "Admonition 
of women". 

Another hikayat which is often chanted in the womens' rat^bs, whence Rat^b in6ng. 

i) See Nawawl's Tahdtb al-Asma ed. WUstenfeld p. 385. 

2) The legendary story of Hamzah^s deeds, so popular in these countries, may with 
satisfactory certainty be said to have been composed from a Persian original. (See De Ro- 
man van Amir Hamza by Dr. Ph. S. van Ronkel, Leiden 1895). So far as I have been 
able to ascertain, it is very well known in Acheh, but only in the Malay rendering. The 
subject of this romance is very popular in the form of haba^ or stories transmitted by 
word of mouth. Persian, Afghan and Urdu versions arc mentioned in the catalogues of the 
Fathul Karecm Press at Bombay. 


it is called Stulaweu^t or Rateb inimg (LXXV), contains a mystic com- 
mentary on the somewhat obscure verse of the Quran 24 : 35. This 
versified treatise deals in brief with sundry celestial and primeval mat- 
ters, its doctrines being derived from those circles of pantheistic 
mystics, who were once represented in Acheh by the heretic Hamzah 
Pansuri and who won over to their teaching of the unity of God and 
the world a large majority of the people throughout the whole Indian 

The three succeeding poemschiefly serve the purpose of recommending 
certain definite Arabic prayers. All manner of blessings, it is said, will 
fall upon the head of him who recites or wears them as an amulet upon 
his person. 

Hikayat Oteubahoy rolam ') (LXXVI) appeared after his death in a state of 

^^^^1^"^ complete bliss to a man in a dream, and told him that he owed his 
salvation to the continual recitation of a certain Arabic formulary. 

Hikayat It was revealed to ^deurih Kholani'^) (LXXVII) by Mohammed in 

j^j a vision, that the prophet Kh6yle (Ach. pronunciation of Khidhir^ from 

the Arab. Khidhr) owed his long life and to some extent even his 

salvation to the multiplied repetition of certain passages from the Quran. 


TAe Hayake (^\^) tujoh (LXXVIII) or seven haikals are given by 
Mohammad to his companions as an infallible charm, which is inscribed 

upon the throne of Allah, and which guards its possessors against all 

evils, brings them every blessing and enables them to hurl their enemies 

to destruction. 


Palilat uroc 


Palilat urbe Achura (LXXIX). 

This poem illustrates in some 125 verses the surpassing merit (/^/r'Ai/, 
Arab. A Lyas) of the day Achura, the lO^^ of the month -Muharram, by 
a recapitulation of various important events in the lives of certain 
prophets (Adam, Ibrahim, Ya'^ub, Musa, Isa (Jesus), Ayyub, Yusuf, 
Dawot (David), Sul6yman and Junus) which are stated to have occurred 

I) ^i^\ jLuic i. e. %'tbah the youth. 

2) iy^y> u^j^^' 


on this day. The faithful are therefore advised to take a ceremonial 
bath and to fast on the day Achura. 

Hikayat Dari (LXXX). HikayatDari. 

Dari (written Dahri^)) is the name of an impious, ungodly heretic, 
who silenced all the Moslim teachers by his unequalled powers of 
reasoning, so that the creed was in danger. Happily there still remained 
one great teacher to withstand him, named Ahmat -). A disciple of 
the latter, Imeum Hanapi (i. e. Abu Hanlfah, after whom one of the 
four orthodox schools is named), though no more than a child, begs 
his master to let him measure his strength in open discussion with 
this enemy of God. Should he fail, Ahmad could then be appealed to. 

Imeum Hanapi succeeded in making such brilliant replies to the two 
catch-questions given him that Dari was covered with shame and com- 
pelled to retire for good from the theological arena. The two questions 
were: ''How can God exist without occupying space?", and **What is 
God doing at this present moment?" 

The Kisah Abdolah Hadat (LXXXI) of Ch^h Marahaban can hardly ^gi^jf^HadaV 
be regarded as a biography of Sayyid Abdallah al-Haddad, the great 
saint of Hadramaut. The learned author, who also translated for the 
Achehnese a poetical version of the teaching of al-Haddad, has con- 
fined himself to drawing attention to the excellences of that wali (saint), 
and the rich blessings given forth by him while yet alive and even 
after his death from his grave at Trim (Hadramaut). 

Sural kriman (LXXXII). Suratkriman. 

The inhabitants of the meanest class in the sacred cities are in the 
habit of occasionally distributing among unsophisticated pilgrims the 
''Last Admonitions^) of the Prophet to his people". The purport is 

i) Dahri in Arabic means materialist or atheist, but is used as a proper name in this 
story. It is even added that Dahri belonged to the sect of the Mujassimah or anthropo> 
morphists; but the class of people in Acheh who amuse themselves with stories such as 
this, are more ready to regard this mysterious name as a family appellation rather than 
that of an heretical sect. 

2) The teacher of Abu Hanifah was in fact called HammSd. 

3) The usual title which also appears in native versions is Wafiyyai^ "admonition", and 
we find this name at the end of the Achehnese version, but its popular title is Sur at Kri- 
man (from the Mai. Kiriman) i. e. letter or epistle. 


always the same, namely that a little while before, the Prophet has 
ap{>cared to «k>me devout man (generally called Abdallah or Qalih) and 
revealed to him that the patience of Allah is exhausted by the ever- 
increasing sins of the Moslims; that great calamities are soon to come 
upon the world as a foreshadowing of the day of Judgment, but that 
the Lord has granted to Mohammad a period of respite in order that 
he may make some last efforts for the conversion of this people. 

If all believers will now show themselves zealous of good works, if 
they will prepare themselves by fasting and almsgiving and break off 
all communion with those who refuse to believe in this vision and 
remain backward in the fulfilment of their duties, there still remains 
for them a chance of salvation. 

A chief object of these wa^iyyats, which are usually composed in 
the most slovenly style, ap[>ears to be to assure certain profits to those 
who distribute them, for they contain repeated and emphatic injunctions 
to hearers or readers to recompense the bearers of the tidings. 

It is especially in the more distant parts of the Mohammedan world, 
such as West Africa and the East Indies, that the wa^iyyat, in spite 
of its re-appearance at stated intervals, finds most widespread belief. 
Its dissemination always results in scattered Mohammedan revivals, 
coupled with religious intolerance. 

In the Indische Gids of July 1884 I published a translation, with 
notes, of such an ^admonition". It appeared in 1880 and was circulated 
(luring that year throughout the Indian Archipelago, and its consequences 
excited a good deal of attention. Since that time various Malay, Javanese 
and Sundanese editions of the wasiat nabt, as the natives call it, have 
come into my possession. They show different dates, extending over a 
period of about 200 years. 

I discovered also that these treatises are in fact current at Medina *) 
but do not attract the serious attention of the public in the holy cities. 
We learn from Louis Rinn ^) that they enjoy a great reputation in 
West Africa. 

About 1 89 1 there descended again upon the East Indian Archipelago 

1) In 1884, when I first obtained a copy, having then no data to guide me, I felt some 
doubt AH to their being genuine Medina publications, owing to their clumsiness of arrange- 
ment and defects of style. Hut these phenomena are fully explained by the low social 
position of their editors. 

2) Marabouts et Khouan (Algiers 1884) p. 130. if. 

1 83 

a perfect shower of copies of a new edition. It was printed and reprinted 
in Malay at Singapore, Palembang etc., and led orthodox pandits both 
in Hindustan and at Batavia to publish polemical treatises in which the 
wasiat was branded as a lying vision. 

As may well be supposed, all these publications find their way in 
some form or other to Acheh; but I know of only two Achehnese 
versions in hikayat form. One is old; according to this the vision 
appeared on the I2tb Rabi^ al-awwal 12 17 Heg. (A.D. 1798), and the 
calamities predicted as being about to visit the world if the admonition 
were neglected, are announced for 1222 Heg. (A.D. 1807 — 8). 

The seer of the vision is here called Qalih (Ach. Sal^h), and the 
compiler has given as Achehnese a complexion as possible to his subject. 
There is a curious prohibition against the slaughter of fat rams, with an 
injunction to eat fish only. 

The other vision appeared to Sheikh Ahmad (Ach. Amat) in Du'lqaMah 
1287 (February 1871); in this version specific Achehnese vices, such as 
the increasing tendency to thieving as a result of opium-smoking, are 
quoted as among the causes of the approaching judgment. 

§ 9. Religious works. 

c. Books of instruction and edification. 

The works which we have just dealt with might be called edifying 
legends from which the reader could draw sundry lessons. Those which 
follow (some, in hikayat form, some in nalam and some in prose) contain 
edifying instruction on religious matters, with an occasional story by 
way of illustration. 

In so far as they are free from heretical or corrupt traditions, they 
are capable of being of service to the student or the pandit, but they 
are more strictly intended for persons who have had no schooling to guide 
them to a knowledge of the Law, of religious teaching or of sacred 
history. To such they supply some compensation for this deficiency, 
and that too in the most agreeable form which appeals most to the 
multitude,* and without any severity of discipline. 

Some of these works are compiled from the Arabic. This I have 


noted where ascertained, but it may be true of one or two of the 
others as well. 

Taj;jhki«A. riyVlA kisah ') fLXXXIII). 

These '^seven stories** stand more or less on the boundary line which 
separates this class from the last; in fact the first two comprise the 
same sort of material as the Hikayat nubuet (N^ LXII). The following 
Is a table of their contents: 

Kisah I. On the Xur Mohammad (the Mohammadan *logos**)- 

Kisah 2. The creation of Adam. 

Kisah 3. On death. 

Kisah 4. The signs of the approach of the resurrection. 

Kisah 5. The resurrection. 

Kisah 6. Hell. 

Kisah 7. Paradise. 

Tambih^r Tambihoy insan'') (LXXXIV). 

in tan. 

This '^Admonition to man contains a variegated but ill assorted 
collection of sacred legends interspersed with religious lessons of 
various kinds. 

The writer first gives a long series of stories from the sacred history, 
Vioth Mohammadan and pre-Mohammadan. Among them we find Karon 
c= the Korah of the Bible, Namrot = Nimrod, Jomjomah = the skull 
raised to life (see LIX), and £beunu Adham = Ibrahim b. Adham. 
The main purpose of these legends is to draw the attention of mankind 
to the vanity of riches, fame, power and all that is of this world. 
Certain things are described as the counterpoise of man's apparent 
greatness, such as Allah's throne [araih), the fish which supports the 
earth and so on. After mention has been made of sundry events in 
the life of the Prophet, there follows by way of conclusion, just as in 
the preceding hikayat, a lengthy description of life in the next world. 

Tambih Tatfibih tujoh bldih (LXXXV). 

tujoi ^a . y^^ ^j^^ below a list of the contentsof these ^'seventeen admonitions". 
No introductory remarks are required. 

i^ 'Mi Arab. = history, story, bat in Ach. also = chapter. 

2) qLmJ^I &AAAJ. 


Tatnbih i. On belief. 2. On piety. 3. On apostasy. 4. The high signi- 
ficance of the religious obligations. 5. The high rank of pandits among 
the faithful. 6. Duties towards parents. 7. How to behave towards one's 
teacher. 8. Duties of the wife towards the husband. This contains the 
teaching given by the Prophet to his daughter Fatimah *). 9. On 
bathing. 10. Our duty towards our neighbour. 11. The excellence of 
charity. 12. Usury. 13. Ritual religious exercises. 14. Irregularity in the 
performances of these exercises. 15. Stpry of a certain believer named 
Jadid bin Ata, who owing to the similarity of names was carried off 
by the angel of death by mistake in place of an infidel named Jadid 
bin Pare*. He was subsequently restored to life, so that he could 
narrate from actual experience the terrible doom that awaits kafirs 
after death. The history of Raja Jomjomah is also passingly alluded 
to. 16. On the punishments inflicted in the tomb. 17. The recompense 
for invoking a blessing (seulaweuet) on the Prophet. 

Tambihoy Rapilin ^) (LXXXVI). RapiUn. 

In this bulky * Admonition to the thoughtless" we find some of the 
subjects which are dealt with in the seventeen admonitions, and many 
others besides. It was translated from the Arabic by the learned kali ') 
of the XXVI Mukims, who lived in the first half of this century and 
derived the name of Teungku di Lam Gut from the gampong of his 
wife. He completed his hikayat in Jumada Takhir 1242 = January 1827. 
His son and successor was father-in-law to the well-known Chfeh 
Marahaban ^), of whom mention has been made as an ulama and kali 
raja and subsequently as ulama of the Government. 

A comprehensive table of contents of the Arabic original, the author 
of which, Abul-laith as-Samarqandi lived in the 4th century of the 
Hijrah, is to be found in Dr. O. Loth's Catalogue of the Arabic Ma- 
nuscripts of the library of India Office (London 1877) p. 34, under 

N° 147. 

The Achehnese rendering, which is somewhat free in regard to form, 
exhibits only a few trifling differences from the Arabic original as 

i) Sec p. 175 above. 

3) See Vol. I, p. 1 01 and Vol. II, p. 28. 

4) See Vol. I, pp. 1 01, 187. 


regards its division into chapters. It has 95 chapters, thus one more 
than the edition noticed by Loth. 

A few years s^o this work was printed at the lithographing esta- 
blishment of Haji Tirmidi in Singapore, but in a most slovenly manner. 
Even the last figure of the date is undecipherable. Probably this is 
the only Achehnese book that has up to the present appeared in print. 

M^hajoy M^nhajoy abidin (LXXXVII). 

"*' The Minhaj al-^Abidin of the celebrated Ghazall (t 1 1 1 0> belongs to 

the same class as the worke we have just dealt with. It is a collection 
of sundry matters bearing on religious law, doctrinal teaching and even 
mysticism likely to be of use to the devout layman. The author of the 
much abbreviated Achehnese version is Cheh Marahaban '). 

Hikayat ma'ripat (LXXXVIII). 

This mystic disquisition introduces itself as a kasidah (qa^idah); but 
the word seems to have been selected merely for purposes of rhyme, 
for there is nothing either in the form or contents of the hikayat that 
recalls an Arabic (^lasidah. The name given to the work above refers 
to its contents, for the first and most important part is devoted to the 
knowledge (Ma'ripat) of the nature of mankind. 

In this work, as in so many similar mystic writings popular among the 
Malays, Javanese and Sundanese, man's knowledge of himself is so con- 
ceived that every item in the description of his nature, his characteristics 
etc., corresponds to something in the nature and qualities of God. Man 
and the whole world are revelations of the Godhead, and reveal its 
image; this concept prepares the way for the second theme which is 
developed by our poet under the title of tawktd (pronounced teehit by 
the Achehnese), i. e. the unity of God, which embraces all things and 
in which man and the world are thus included as forms of its manifestation. 

F'inally the dikr (Ach. like) is described at great length as the best 
mean for advancing oneself in this knowledge of self which is at the 
same time knowledge of God, and so to weld together the doctrine of 
unity with existence proper that the little Ego may be merged in the 
great. The peculiar method of this recital of the confession of faith which 
is recommended to his readers by the poet, is, as he himself expressly 

i) See Vol. I. pp. loi, 187 and Vol. II, p. 28. 

1 87 

says, borrowed from the Malay work Umdat al-niuhtdjin written by the 
great Achehnese saint Abdurra^uf (Adddra'dh), alias Teungku di Kuala *). 

Besides this latter famous mystic work our author also quotes the 
Achehnese version of the TanbHh al-ghdfitin ^). 

Though it does not appertain to the heretical form of mysticism, this 
Hikayat ma'ripat is a stumbling-block to those who have been brought 
up in the school of theology and religious learning which is at present 
winning its way more and more in Acheh. It belongs to the posthumous 
products of a period in which Mohammedanism in this Archipelago 
exhibited an Indian character; under the Arabic influences which are 
continually gaining ground in our age the ideas which it upholds could 
only pass current among the less developed or in the remoter districts 
of the country. 

Hikayat Habib Hadat (LXXXIX). HabibHadat. 

A didactic poem of the great Hadhramaut saint Sayyid Abdallah 
al-Haddad, is clothed in Achehnese dress by the same pandit, who 
also gives a biography of the author in verse \ The World, Death, 
Paradise and Hell are the four themes of which he treats. 

The Meunajat*) (XC) i. e. ** intimate converse" (especially with God), ^'^^?^ 
is also the work of Ch^h Marahaban's pen. It is a prayer in verse which 
the author recommends the pious to recite during the last four hours 
of the night. It is thus similar in character to the three hymns mentioned 
above (p. i8o) but in this last the narrative form is entirely absent, as 
the poet takes all the praise of his formularies to his own credit. 

Of the following works, still more than of the foregoing, is it true 
that they take the place of *kitabs" or books of instruction for those 
who do not know enough Malay or Arabic to read the kitabs. It is 
from them that children and illiterate men and women gain a knowledge 
of the prime requirements of religion. Their chief contents are expla- 
nations of the attributes of God, of the angels and the prophets and 
some description of the laws as to purification and ritual prayers 

i) See above p. 17. 

2) See above pp. 185 and 186. 

3) See p. 181. 

4) Arab. »L>LU. 

1 88 

The twenty attributes of God (sipheurt dua ptoh) have supplied the 
names of three works which however deal also with other kindred subjects. 

d^^^ &>A^i^^/ dua ptr,h (XCI). 

This subject is dealt with in prose by a pious authoress called Teungku 
Lam Bhu* after the name of her gampong. She was the wife of the learned 
Malay Abduggamad Patani, and composed this treatise for the benefit 
of her own disciples. 

Nalam Nalam sipheuet dua ploh (XCII). 

ftipheuet dua 

pish. This is a somewhat prolix poem on the same subject by an unknown 

author, composed in nalam, the Achehnese imitation of the Arabic 
rajaz metre. 

Second Na Nalam sipheuet dua ploh (XCIII). 
dua ploh. The same subject has also been cast in nalam form by a third writer 

Teungku Ba' Jeuleup^, so called from his gampong in Daya. He was a 
disciple of Cheh Marahaban and died fully 30 years z%o. His version 
is much briefer and more terse than the last. 

Itetiketimctt- Beukeumeunan (XCIV). 

nan (\nff%c). 

This is a treatise much used for elementary teaching. It is composed 
in prose by an unknown author and deals with the same subject as 
the last and also those of ritual purification and prayer (seumayang.) 
Its name is a genuine Achehnese expletive. Beukeumeunan means 'If 
this be the case", and the Achehnese when at fault for any other 
introduction, are wont to begin their sentences (in the colloquial only) 
with this word or one of its synonyms *). The writer of this little book 
wishes in this as in all other respects to be a good Achehnese, so he 
introduces every fresh paragraph with beukeumeunan, whence the name. 

With the exception of the above-mentioned treatise of the lady 
Teungku Lam Bhu', this is the only prose work of the Achehnese with 
which I am acquainted. 

Abda'u Abda'u or Nalam Ch^h Marduki (XCV). 

(na m). 1\ix^ is the Achchnese version of ^'a catechism for laymen" (Aqidat 

i) The Malays often use '*kalau Wgitu" in the same way. {Translator^ 


al^awamm) in verse written by the Arabic pandit Abu'1-Fauz al-Marzulci ^). 
It takes its name from the (Arabic) word with which the original begins ^). 
Among the Malays also this didactic poem, which is largely recited in 
elementary schools, is known as Abda!u\ and like the Malays the Achehnese 
are in the habit of repeating after each Arabic verse recited, its trans- 
lation in nalam or an imitation of the rajaz-metre. 

Akeubaro karim ^j (XCVI). Akeubars 


This somewhat lengthy work bears the peculiar title of ** Tales of the 
Generous". It contains, in its ten chapters {pasay\ the principle truths 
of the catechism, together with the laws of purification and prayer. 
It is composed, not in nalam, but in the Achehnese sanjd" and has 
thus the form of a hikayat. 

Nalam Jawoe (XCVII). Nalam 


Cheh Marahaban's Nalam Jawb'e is more particularly devoted to the 
component parts of the seumayang or five daily prayers. 

Although the name signifies ** Malay didactic poem", the work is for 
the most part composed in Achehnese; but, as the author himself 
announces in his introduction, there is an occasional intermixture of 
Arabic and Malay. 

Hikayat Basa Jawoe (XCVIII. Hikayat 

Basa Jawoe. 

To complete our list we should mention the little work called Hikayat 
basa jazvbe (Poem on the Malay language), in which without a sem- 
blance of method, a number of Malay words are given with their 
Achehnese equivalents. It is intended to serve as some sort of prepa- 
ration for the reading of Malay books to those who are practically 
ignorant of Malay. 

1) It was lithographed by Hasan at-TochI at Cairo (1301 H.) in the Majmu^ LatTf which 
contains sundry Maulid^s and prayers. There is another edition with a commentary by 
Mohammad Nawawi the pandit of Banten. 

2) The first half- verse runs thus: '^I begin (abda'u) with the name of Allah and of the 

3) ^p }^\. 



§ I . Various games of young and old. 

Childrcns' Over the cradles of little children in Acheh are hung sundry objects 
^°y*' cut out of paper which charm the infant by their colour and move- 

ment and as it were hypnotise him. These are called keumbay bundu 
A like purpose is served by boiled eggs coloured red and transfixed 
with a small piece of stick, with paper ornaments fastened on the top. 

In Java they use rattles called klontongan *) with membranes of paper 
and a little string on either side to which is attached some hard object. 
When the wooden handle passing through the drum of the rattle is 
smartly twisted round, these pellets strike the membrane in quick suc- 
cession. In Acheh these are known under the name of thigtbng or 
geundrang changguc (frogs' drum), as the noise they make bears some 
resemblance to the croaking of frogs. 

Boys play a good deal with tops (gaseng), '^) A kind of humming-top 
js made from the kumukoih-huxt by thrusting a stick through it by 
way of axis, and making a hole in the side. The wooden tops resemble 
our own *). 

i) Mai. Wentong (Translator), 

2) The Malay word is identical with the Achehnese (gaseng). Among the Malays both 
old and young delight in spinning^ tops. Skeat mentions (Malay Magic p. 485) a bamboo 
humming top, said however to have been borrowed from the Chinese. (Translator), 

3) Those for children the wood of which is brought to a point are called ^female^' tops 
(gaseng inong); those with round iron spindles gaseng bulat^ those with a chisel-shaped 
point gaseng pkeuiit. There is a certain game with this last in which there are two parties, 
as a rule from different gampongs, and the conquerors are allowed to '^hack^^ the tops of 
the losers. (I have seen a game very like this played by school-boys with similar '^peg. 
tops" in the North of Ireland). (Translator), 

fThe flying of kites ') (pupb glayang) is a favourite recreation of both 

I old and young. Children play with a simple kind of kite which may 

also be often seen in Java; in Achehnese they are called glayattg 

ttikbng. Grown-up people fly large, but very pretty and more compli- 

cated kites which are called glayang kleueng from their resemblance to 
the kite (the bird). A representation of one of these may be seen 
in the photograph. Their owners have matches, sometimes for money, 
as to who can get his kite to rise highest, the cords being of equal 

Mturimbang *) is the name of a game usually played by two boys Kicking the 
one against the other. Each is provided with the top half of a cocoanut 
shell. Both are set on the ground at a certain distance from one another. 
One of the opponents kicks his own shell backwards and if he hits 
that of his opponent a certain number of times he has the privilege 

Mill, layang'tayang (in Penang •waii). See Skeat's itnlay Sfagie pp. 484—485. (TranilitUr). 

i) The Malnys have a game called porvk somewhat similar lo this (Tramlator). 


of winning. 


of giving his vanquished adversary a rub over the hand with the 
rough exterior of his shell. 

Advantage The winner's advantage in many of the native games consists in the 
right to inflict slight bodily tortures like the above. It is thus too for 
instance with the meusiinbang '), a kind of knuckle-bone game with little 
stones, usually played by girls. Each stakes a like number of stones, 
which are thrown up, caught, or lifted off the ground while in motion 
by all the players in turn according to certain rules. Should any player 
become **dead", each of the others may smite the back of her hand 
seven times with the backs of theirs held loosely. The slaps are counted 
aloud up to seven with the same ceremonious delivery as in the exer- 
cise of certain charms ^). 

Girls often imitate in play the employments which await them later 
on as mothers and housekeepers. They sift sand in a piece of the 
spathe {seutu'e') of the betel-nut, pretending that it is rice or rice-flour. 
Or else the mother makes for her daughter a warp for weaving from 
the fine innermost coating (seuludang) of this spathe by drawing off" 
alternate strips where it is longest. The daughter is then set to weave 
this neudbng as it is called, across from left to right with similar stripes. 
After each insertion the woof is driven home with a slip of wood which 
serves as peunb' ("weaver's rod" = Mai. betira). They also weave mats 
from plantain-leaves. The task of stitching edgings in the mirah-pati 
pattern |X|X|XIX | stands on the borderland between play and earnest 
for little girls. The triangular spaces are covered with patches of various 
colours in imitation of the larger borders used for cushions and curtains. 
Dolls (patong) are made from the seulumpu'e pisang (plantain-stem). 
These puppets, on which the little ones lavish their motherly care, are 
not untastefully dressed up in sundry bright-coloured shreds and patches. 

Playing at Boys are given imitation weapons as playthings, swords and reun- 


chongs made of the midrib of the cocoanut leaf, guns from the midribs 
of the leaves of other palms, and so on. Teungku Kuta Karang in his 
political pamphlet ^) notices as a characteristic trait of Achehnese 
children that little boys when howling lustily can be quieted by nothing 
so well as the sight of a flashing weapon. 


i) The general meaning of simbang is to throw something up and catch it on the open 
palm or in the closed hand. (This game is also played among the Malay and by them 
known as main sirembari), (Translator), 

2) See Vol. I, p. 307. 3) See Vol. I, p. 186. 

It was a custom formerly more common than it now is for young Playing at 

UFO f 

lads, generally of different gampongs, to have wrestling combats [meulhb) 
with one another. To start the game a quarrel is picked on purpose '), 
and there have sometimes been bones broken and blood spilt in these 
mimic battles. 

The game, called meusbmsbm (^covering up") is played with a ring Hiding the 
made of rope. One of the players conceals this beneath a heap of 
sand, and the others must in turn prod for it with a stick. If the stick 
is found not to have been stuck inside the ring, the first *hider" may 
hide it again, on which a third player ** prods". The winner, i. e. he 
who succeeds in thrusting his stick within the circumference of the 
ring, has the privilege of hiding it until another wins. 

A favourite game of ball is the meu'awd. The ball is made by plai- Game of ball, 
ting the young leaves of the cocoanut so as to form a sphere, and 
filling the interior with some hard material such as clay. Two parties 
of equal number take up their stand at a suitable interval from one 
another. The side which opens the game (/, lit. = **to come up") stands 
near a small stick or rib of the aren-leaf {purih) which in the game is 
known as bu (rice) *). From this position one of the players throws the 
ball backwards over his head in the direction of the opposing side ; 
if they catch it, the first player is **dead". If they fail, the opposite 
party has now to endeavour to hit the bu with the ball and overthrow 
it. Should they succeed in doing so, the first player is then dead. 
Should he survive, he has another turn, but each turn only gives the 
right to have a single throw. When the whole side is dead, it is suc- 
ceeded by another. 

There are two other games played with balls, on which there is no 
winning {meunang) or losing (talo), but which only give an opportunity 
for the display of bodily strength and skill {meuteuga'teuga). These are 
football [sipa" raga) which is also such a favourite pastime amongst the 
Malays ^), and meulagi. In this last the ball [raga, made of plaited 

i) For instance A lays a leaf on his head and then throws it on the ground with a 
challenging air; B one of the opposite party tramples or spits upon it, after which the 
war begins. 

2) In sundry games an object which is, as it were, guarded by one side or by one player 
is called bu\ the comparison being the care with which men tend the staff of ?ife. 

3) The Malay game of sepak raga resembles the meulagi as here described, except that 
the ball is kept going with the foot and not with the hand. The Malays sometimes attain 
extraordinary skill in this game. I have seen a party of 10 Province Wcllesley Malays 

II 13 



rattan) is thrown into the air by one of the players, after which it is 
kept going by a smart blow with the hand, all the players doing their 
best to keep it flying by fresh buffets. 

There is another game of meulagi in which a ball (phh) is thrown 
up and driven ofl* with a sort of bat {gb) by one side, and then struck 
back by the other. A variety of this in which a stick about */^ of a 
yard long serves as gb and a shorter stick as bbh^ is known as meusinggant. 

The Achehnese have a combination of our hide and seek *) and pri- 
soners-base in their mupit-pH or meuko-ko ^), which both girls and boys 
play together. Two sides of equal number are formed. The first go and 
hide in different places, while meantime the second keep their eyes shut 
or their backs turned. One player of the hiding side, however, stays 
and keeps watch at the bUy for which a tree or some similar object is 
selected. When the hiders call ko, the seeking begins. The hidden ones 
however keep leaving their hiding places to *go and eat rice" [pajoh 
bu), that is to say they run with all possible speed to the tree, when 
they are safe from being touched by their opponents. If one of the 
latter succeeds in touching the body of any of the adverse side, or in 
taking possession of the tree (bu) at a moment when it is left unguarded, 
the players then change places, and the former seekers must go and 
hide in their turn. 

A guessing Meuraja-raja bise (or Use* or sisf) is another game played by the chil- 
dren of both sexes. Between two sides of equal number stands a neutral 
rajay sometimes supported by a couple of w^«;«/r^^j(mantris or ministers) 
to prevent unfairness on his part. 

Each side has also a nang (** mother" or leader) who directs the game 
rather than takes part in it. 

Those on one side choose by agreement which of their fellows is to 
be pushed into the midst by the nang, and this is secretly communicated 
to the raja. 

keep the ball up 120 times without once allowing it to drop. They kick it upwards with 
the ball of the foot, and skilful players in so doing often bring the foot up level with the 
breast, a feat quite impossible to the ordinary European, who can make nothing of the 
game. The Chinese play a similar game with large shuttlecocks. {^Translator), 

1) The Malay game of hide and seek is called sorok-sorok^ see Skeat^s Malay Magic^ p. 
500. {Translator), 

2) The first name has reference to the shutting of their eyes by the one party, whilst the 
other hides; the second to the call '''ko'\ when they have all hidden themselves [*k5*' 
reminds us of ^'cosey**, the cry in the English game of hide and seek]. (^Translator). 


A player on the other side now tries to guess the name of the one 
thus chosen. If he guesses wrong, then a new choice must be made 
by his own side, but if he guesses correctly, the child in question must 
go over as **dead" to the other side. The side which are all killed 
with the exception of the nang, loses the game, which then begins 

A variation of the above is to be found in the mumand^-many kapay The cock on 

board ship. 

or meukapay-kapay (**the cock on board ship" or **ship game"). In this 
also two sides, each under a nang, take their stand opposite one another. 
Between them is a mat, on which sits one of the children with his face 
covered with a kerchief. The nang of the other side comes up to her 
opponent and asks **what ship is that"? She replies, say, "English". 
**What is the cargo". "Cocoanut shells". "What else"? "A blind cock". 
"Let him crow then"! Now the child crows three times as requested, 
and then the nang of the opposite side must guess who it is. The game 
then proceeds in the same way as the meuraja-raja bise\ 

Meusugot'Sugot ') or meuchd^-chy aneu" (child-stealing) is played by girls Game of 
and also by little boys ^). 

All the players but one stand in a row one behind the other, each 
holding on to the back of the garment of the one in front of her. The 
foremost is called the nang and must try and prevent the children 
from being "stolen" by the one who is not in the row and who plays 
the part of thief. The enemy however always succeeds in the end, in 
spite of the efforts of the "mother" in touching the children one by one 
and so compelling them to quit the line as being "dead". 

Kemiri-nuts [bbk kr^h) are used in various games in Acheh as well Games with 
as in neighbouring countries '). Two sides contend, usually for a wager 
as to who will first split the other's nut with his {pupb' bbk kr^h) *). 
There is also a kind of marble-game (Ach. mupado\ in which the 
bbh kr^h is used. 

The most favourite pastime however both with young and old is 


i) This word properly means, ^combing each other", and is applied to this game simply 
because the children who play in it take their places one behind the other, as women are 
wont to do when combing each other^s hair. 

2) Main sesel or kachau kueh (vide Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 494) appears to be the Malay 
equivalent. ( Translator), 

3) Schoolboys in some parts of Great Britain and Ireland play a similar '^hacking" 
game with horse-chestnuts. (Translator), 

4) See the Ttjdschrift Teysmannia for 1893, p. 786 ct seq. 


the game called meugatV or mupanta '), mention of which is to be found 
in many hikayats. The number of players is not limited, but it can if 
necessary be played by two. Each player has a bbh gatV or bbh panta, 
\. e. a betel-nut or a small hemisphere of horn or ivory. Some small 
holes are made in the ground in a straight line at intervals of from 
7 to 9 feet. The players begin by each jerking his bbh panta from the 
first hole into the third. They shoot the missile by squeezing it hard 
between the fore finger of the right hand and the middle finger of 
the left, the elastic pressure of the fingers causing it to spring forward. 
Whoever succeeds in getting his bbh panta into or nearest of all to the 
third hole, gets a shot at the others to send them further away from 
that hole, and so on. The object of the game is to get the b6h panta 
into all the holes in the row a fixed number of times in the following 
order; 3, 2, i, 2, 3, 2, i etc. At each shot the player endeavours either 
to attain the hole next in the sequence, or to knock away his opponent's 
bbh further from it. 

Doing the latter has the double advantage of driving the adversary 
further from his goal, and of giving the player another shot at the hole, 
which is much easier than the first as he is now closer up to it. 

The first who has got into all the holes in the row the required 
number of times is called the raja^ but those who come after him are 
also esteemed winners. The last is the only loser and has to stand at 
the first hole and hold out his ankle {gatb^) as a target for the winners 
[theun gatV), Each of them gets a shot at it from the third hole, not 
only with his own bbh but also those of all his fellow-players. The 
luckless member not infrequently becomes quite swollen in consequence 
of this operation, and it is in any case painful. 

The ^'hopping-game" (hop-scotch; Ach. tneuHngkhi or meungkhi) is 
played in a good many different ways as regards details; we give 
here a single example. 

A figure is first marked out like that represented on the next page on a 
small scale. The lines enclosing it are called eu'e (boundary of land). The 
four lines drawn from the extremities of the boundary at top and bottom 

i) This game is also common among the Malays who play it with marbles. It is very much 
the same as what is called in Ireland ** three-hole span^\ The Malay name is main guli\ 
it is played as here described, except as regards the penalty imposed on the loser, who is 
compelled to place his bare knuckles level with the rim of one hole, while all the winners 
take shots at them in turn from the next. (TransiatorJ, 


are known as mis^ (strings); the spaces A — F as rumbh (houses). Each 
player (there are usually only two) has a fruit of the lumbe or leumbi *) 
as a ball to play the game with (bbh\ The first player begins by 
throwing his ball into rumbh A, and then hops up to it without touching 



the line (eue) and kicks it back with his free foot. Then he hops back 
within the boundary close to which he stops, plants his feet together 
and leaps over it, taking care to land with one of his feet covering 
the b6h. Should the player in the course of any of these operations 
come into contact with the eue or the misi, or should he hop badly, 
or fall or fail to alight on his bbh when he leaps, then he is dead, 
and the opposite side phiys. 

If the first turn is successful the same is done with rumbh B and so 
on till all the spaces have been visited. In kicking back the b6h out 
of the spaces B — F, it is not counted as a fault if the bbh lands in another 
rumbh and not beyond the boundaries, always provided that no boundary 
is touched. 

The winning side sometimes refuses to give the losers their revenge 
except on the condition of the latter's playing their bbh up through the 

i) We have noticed this tree above Vol. I, pp. 411 — 412 as the dread abode of j6ns, who 
cause goitre and other diseases. 


smaller rumbhs on the right of the dotted live ab, which of course gives 
them a much worse chance. 
Playing at A more serious variation of the wrestling bouts which lads of different 
gampongs hold with each other, is to be found in the meutd'-tham 
("pushing and resisting"). This is also called meukrueng-krueng "the 
river-game", as it is often played on the banks of rivers or creeks. In 
Pidie it is called meugeudeu-geudtu. It is played by full-grown youths, 
generally of sides chosen from two different gampongs, and preferably 
in the evenings or at night at the time of the full moon. 

The two sides are composed of an equal number of champions who 
meet on some wide open space, often in the presence of a great crowd 
of onlookers. One side (whose task is tham = "to withstand" and 
drhb = "to catch") is drawn up in line and keeps watch on their 
opponents. The latter endeavour to give each of their adversaries a 
push and then to run away at the top of their speed so as if possible 
to reach a boundary line far in their rear, before being overtaken by 
one of their enemies. Should one of them succeed in gaining the boundary 
unopposed after pushing an opponent, then he who received the thrust 
is reckoned dead; but the latter and his fellows (for more than one 
may pursue the fugitive) do their best to catch the assailant before 
he reaches the refuge. He for his part resists his capture with might 
and main, and none of his own side are allowed to help him. Thus 
sanguinary battles often occur; when once taken captive the fugitive 
is dead, whilst he whom he pushed remains alive. As soon as the 
whole side is dead, the order of the game is reversed. 

Keuchi*s, elders or panglimas are in the habit of attending these 
fighting games to prevent all serious violence. A prisoner who continues 
to resist through rage against his fate, they admonish to surrender; 
and they remind players who indulge in revengeful language through 
annoyance at a blow or push, that they have joined in the game of 
their own free will and have no right in any case to cherish revengeful 
feelings such as might display themselves in earnest when the game 
was over. 

As we see, games savouring of war are very popular in Acheh. But 
we must not forget that it was necessary for the police to intervene 
before the main pukulan at Batavia and the prang desa in other parts 
of Java could be brought within bounds and rendered as harmless as 
they now are. 


A more peaceful variation is the meuta'-tham eue galah *). A main 
line is drawn, called eue galah ^) (A B in the figure). This is supposed 
to be produced indefinitely at both ends. Crossing this at right angles 
are a number of other lines (eue linteu'eng) CD, EF etc., of equal length 
and separated by equal intervals. Their number depends on the num- 
ber of players; thus I2 players require 5 eue linteueng, 14 players 6, 
and so on. Each eue is guarded by one player, and these guards (6 in 
number in the figure below) form one side in the game. The other 
side has to try to make their way from in front of the line L M a- 
cross all the eues till they get behind the line C D. 







On their way they are exposed to the danger of being touched by 
the guards, in which case they become **dead". The guards of the 
cross lines must only strike in the direction from which the assailants 
advance; that of the main line can strike in every direction. In trying 
to hit his adversary no guard must move further from his line than 
he can jump with his feet touching. Otherwise his blow does not count. 

i) A variation of this game is played by the Malays of the Peninsula un4er the name 
galah panjang (Translator), 

2) The name galah given to the principal eut or boundary is taken from galah the pole 
with which prahSs or other vessels are propelled up a river. 


bfjne game. 



Should one of the attacking party be touched then all are dead, and 
the players change places, but if once two of them succeed in passing 
backwards and forwards unopposed over the space between the lines 
LM and CD, this is called bilon and they are the winners. 

At the time of the full moon a number of grown girls or young 
women often assemble to tbb aUe eumpieng \ literally = "to pound with 
eumpieng-poundcrs". E^ch holds in her hand the mid-rib of an aren- 
Icaf, and with these implements they pound all together in the rice- 
mortar (leusTmg) to the accompaniment of a singsong chant the effect 
of which is often pleasing to the ear. 

Girls are fond of a sort of knuckle-bone game, played with keupula 
(pips of the small fruit known in Java as native sawo). This game is 
called meugeutif meuguti, or, in some places, mupachih indng^), and is 
almost identical with that called kudu' in Java. 

Another game which is much played by women and children, resem- 
bles in principle the Javanese dakon and is played with peukula or 
geutue seeds or pebbles. Wooden boards are sometimes used for it, but 
as a rule the required holes are simply made in the ground, the whole 
being called the urue" or holes of the game. 














The little round holes are called rumhh^ the big ones A and Hgeudong 
or choh and the pips aneu\ The game itself is known in different pla- 
ces under the names chafo % chuka^ and jungka\ There are four different 
ways of playing it in Ach^h with which I am acquainted, called respec- 
tively meusuebf ineuta\ meuchoh^ tneulieh. Let us here describe the 
meusueb as a specimen. *) 

i) Eumpieng is a sweetmeat made of grains of rice dried by tossing and then pounded 
in a mortar and sieved. It is eaten with a kind of jujube or some other titbit. 

2) The game oi pachih which we shall describe presently is only played by men; thus 
mcugeuti though in no way resembling the other, is called the womens* pachih, 

3) Chatd (chatur) is also the name for the ordinary game of chess, which is only played 
by the greater chiefs. In some places it is used to signify one of the forms of the tiger- 
game {meurimueng'rimu'eng), 

4) I have seen this game of chatd as here described played by Kling (Tamil) immigrants 
in Province Wellesley. The Malays call it main chongkak. It is described by Skeat, Malay 
Magic ^ p. 486. {Translator), 


The two players put 4 aneu*s in each of six small holes. Then they 
commence to play, each in his turn taking the pips from any one 
hole selected at hap-hazard and distributing them among the other 
holes, dropping one in each they pass. 

The direction followed is from left to right for the six holes next 
the player, and from right to left in the opposite ones. The player 
takes the contents of the hole he reaches with his last pip, and 
goes on playing. Should he reach an empty hole with his last pip he 
is dead. 

Should it happen that when the player reaches the last hole which 
his store of pips enables him to gain, he finds 3 pips therein, he has 
sueb as it is called, that is to say he may add these 3 to the one he 
has still remaining and put these 4 as winnings in his geudong. He 
can then go on playing with the pips in the next hole (adb'e sueb = 
the "younger brother" of the sued); but if this next hole be empty he 
may retain the winnings but the turn passes to his opponent. 

Thus they go on until there are too few pips left outside the two 
geudongs to play round with. Then each of the players takes one turn 
with one of the pips which remains over on his own side of the 
board. If he is compelled to put his pip in one of the holes on the 
opposite side, he loses it and when all the pips are thus lost the game 
is finished. 

Pachih is a favourite game among the men in Acheh. They are well Pachih. 
aware that it has been introduced by Klings and other natives of 
Hindustan. It has been adopted with but slight modifications and even 
such as there are may also possibly be of foreign origin, for the description 
of pachisi *) (= pachih) to be found in G. A. Herklots Qanoon-e-islam^ 
Appx. pp. LVIII — LIX and Plate VII, Fig. 2, differs from the system 
of play adopted by the Klings now in Acheh, so that it would appear 
that there are varieties of this game in India also. 

Pachih is played with two, three or four persons. Each player sits 
at one extremity of the cross-shaped pachih-board [papeuen pachih) or 
pachih-cloth {ruja pachih). Ornamental cloths are sometimes made for 
this game, with the squares handsomely embroidered. The starting points 
for the players are the squares A, B, C and D; in these each places 

i) The name is derived from pacchls the Hindustani for 25 that being one of the highest 
(according to Herklots* description the highest) throw of the game. 

his 4 little conical pauiifih which are made of wood, of betelnnts or 
the like. The players now make throws by turns with seven cowries 















which they cast with the hand. These shells must fall either with the 
opening upwards {meulinttueng) or downward [Uugi>m). The value of the 
different throws is as follows: 

■4; this throw is called barak 
30; ir « on ''A 

■ 25; „ , , , pachih 

1 .shells opening upwards : 

6 , , , : 

5 . « 


downwards - 

ckbkah or chbka. 

After each throw the player may move one of his pawoihs over a 
number of squares equal to the number of his throw. The direction 
followed is: from the starting-point, say C, down the middle line of 
squares to the player, then away from him up the right hand outer 



line of squares, then continuing along all the outside squares, until he 
returns to E; thence up the middle squares to the round central space. 
He who first brings his 4 pawoihs into the central [dalam or bunghng 
rayeu*) is the winner. 

The four throws to which distinctive names are given have, as it is 
called, a * younger brother" (adoe); that is to say they give the privilege 
of a fresh throw, but a player may not throw more than three times 
in succession, and after a throw that has no name the turn passes at 
once to the next player. 

After each throw the player may choose which of his four pieces he 
will advance. The chief obstacle on the way to the central space consists 
in this, that when one player's pawoih reaches a square on which 
another's is already standing, the latter must retreat to his starting- 
point (A, B, C or D); it is only in the squares marked thus X which 
are called bunghng (flower) that several pawoihs are allowed to stand at 
once and take their chance. 

Certain other games which enjoy a great popularity in Java also The tiger 
under the name of machanan or the ''tiger-gajne" and some varieties 
of which resemble our draughts, are known ^^ 

in Acheh under the generic name of nteu" 
rimueng-rimueng {* tiger-game"). Although 
the actual origin of this game is no longer jf 
known, there can be no doubt of its having 
been introduced from India as is shown 
by the description in the Qanoon-e-islam of 
Herklots Appx. pp. LVIII and LIX, Plate 
VII, Fig. 3 of two games commonly played 
in Southern India. Indeed the figure on which 
according to Herklots the Mogul and Pathan ^) 
game as it is called in South India, is played, 
is precisely the same as that on which the 
Achehnese play the tiger-game we shall first 
describe and the Javanese another variety of 

the same. Herklots also mentions another game called Madranggam *), 
played on the same board or figure, and which he calls "four tigers 
and sixteen sheep". 






c^ \ 

















i) Mogol-Putt'han. 

2) Mudranggam, 


The rules of the Achehnese tiger-game are as follows. The two tigers 
are placed at A, and the eight sheep at B, C, etc. to I, while the player 
keeps fifteen more sheep one of which he puts on the board whenever 
one of those in play is killed. 

Each moves in turn along the lines of the figure. The tiger may 
take a sheep each time in any direction or even 3, 5 or 7 from one side 
of the figure to the other, as for example from K to L or from M. to N. 

The game is played on the second figure 
here represented with 5 tigers and fifteen 
sheep. A tiger and a sheep are first placed 
on the board wherever the player likes. 
Fresh sheep are added one at a time after 
each move, so long as the supply lasts. 

The game ends either when all the sheep 
are killed, or the tigers hemmed in so as 
to be unable to move; hence it is called 
meurimueng'rimueng'db' in contradistinction to the next game. The 
word dy ^) which belongs originally to the verbiage of mysticism and 
betokens the state ot religious ecstasy arrived at in the howling recita- 
tions, has in Achehnese the general meaning of "swooning, falling into 
a faint". So it is applied to the tiger when hemmed in and unable 
to move. 

The third game is called "'tneurimueng-rintueng peu'et ptoh'' (* tiger- 
game played with forty") as each player puts forty pieces on the board 
and the pusat (navel) A remains unoccupied. The players may move 
and take in every direction and so eventually win, though no one is 
obliged to take if another move appears more advantageous. 

As the two sides are exactly equal in number and in privileges, this 
sort of game of draughts can only in a figurative sense be said to 
belong to the tiger-games. It is called in Java dam-daman, from the 
Dutch dam = draughts. 

The figures for all these games are usually drawn on the ground, 
and small stones or the kernels of fruits serve as pieces. Where neces- 

i) From the Arabic dauq (o^^) = savour or taste in general, and in particular the 
savour of the divine things of the mystics which sometimes causes a temporary loss of 

2) The Malays play all three under the name of main rimau or main rimau kambing 
(** tiger-game" or "tiger and goat-game".) (Translator), 


sary (as in the case of tigers and sheep for instance) these are of dif- 
ferent sizes and colours. 

— jlpi— ^^»^"" 3 r"^"^^"^ "^^"^^"^ C^^^^""^ ■•^^.— ^— 

■^H^H^^^mJ ^^^^>^^^^ taMM^-^^»^ ^^H^M^^B^ ^MM^^^^^^ ^^-^HHB^^H ^^^M^B^^M^I 

From examples such as that of these tiger-games which have long interchange 
since acquired a genuine popularity far out among the islands of the ^^ewT^diffe- 
Indian Archipelago in spite of their foreign origin, we may see how '"^^^ peoples, 
wide is the spread of such pastimes throughout the world even where 
civilization is still most primitive and the means of communion and 
intercourse with other nations few and far between. 

In like manner we find the Dutch word knikker (marble) widely 
diffused in the interior of Java miles beyond any place where European 
children have ever played. 

What is true of childrens' games is without doubt still more appli- 
cable to human institutions. This is a fact that should impress on 
the science of ethnography the necessity for caution in drawing con- 

Undoubtedly the ethnography of later times has at its disposal 
innumerable data which point to the most remarkable results scarcely 
conceivable in former times, arising from the uniformity of the human 
organism — results which appear even in the details of man's mental life. 

Manners and customs which the superficial enquirer might classify 
among the most peculiar characteristics of individual races, appear on 
closer observation to be in reality characteristics of a definite stage Of 


civilization in every region of the globe. The same is true of legends, 
theories regarding nature and the universe, proverbs etc. 

But — the tiger-games and the marbles warn us of it — the fact 
that games such as these have been so widely spread by borrowing 
must prevent us too hastily excluding every form of indirect contact 
or interchange, even between peoples entirely strange to one another. 

The examination of apparently insignificant pastimes has a value 
long since recognized in comparative ethnography and gives us at the 
same time an insight into the method of training the young practised 
by different peoples. More than this, in the games of children there 
survive dead or dying customs and superstitions of their ancestors, so 
that they form a little museum of the ethnography of the past. 
NiTowong Of this we find a beautiful example in the Ni Towong in Java. In 
some districts in that island a figure is composed of a creel or basket 
with brooms for arms, a cocoanut-shell for head and eyes of chalk and 
soot, dressed in a garment purposely stolen for the occasion and other- 
wise rigged out so as to give it something of the human shape. This 
is placed in a cemetery by old women on the evening before Friday 
amid the burning of incense, and an hour or two later it is carried 
away to the humming of verses of incantation, the popular belief being 
that it is inspired with life by Ni Towong during the above process. 
Some women hold a mirror before the figure thus artificially endowed 
with a soul, and after beholding itself there in it is supposed to move 
of its own accord and to answer by gestures the questions put to it 
by the surrounding crowd, telling the maiden of her destined bride- 
groom, pointing out to the sick the tree whose leaf will cure his ailment, 
and so on. 

Children who have often been present and beheld this apparation 
of Ni Towong, imitate it in their play, and continue to do so even 
when other superstitions or Mohammedan orthodoxy have relegated 
the original to obscurity, as is the case in many districts of Java and 
also at Batavia. 

Thus too in all probability ancestral superstitions and disused customs 
survives in certain other pastimes of the young in Sumatra as well as in 
Java. They might be described as games of suggestion. We find an 
example among the Sundanese in Java, who in their fnomonyetan, nii- 
m^rakan and similar games impart to their comrades the characteristics 
of the ape, the peacock or some other animal. The boy who submits 


to be the subject of the game is placed under a cloth. He is sometimes 
made dizzy with incense and shaken to and fro by his companions, 
tapped on the head and subjected to various other stupefying mani- 
pulations. Meantime they chant incessantly round him in chorus a sort 
of rhyming incantation the meaning of which it is impossible fully to 
comprehend, but in which the animal typified is mentioned by name, 
and attention drawn to some of its characteristics. 

After a while, if the charm succeeds the boy jumps up, climbs 
cocoanut and other fruit trees with the activity and gestures of an ape, 
and devours hard unripe fruits with greediness; or else, perhaps, he 
struts like a peacock, imitating its spreading tail with the gestures of 
his hands and its cries with his voice till at last his human conscious- 
ness returns to him. 

When the actual ^suggestion" does not take place, it becomes a 
game pure and simple. The "charmed" boy, when he thinks the proper 
time has come, merely makes some idiotic jumps and grimaces and 
perhaps climbs a tree or two or pursues his comrades in a threatening 

The children in Acheh also play these games, and it is especially 
the common ape (due), the cocoanut monkey [eungkbng) and the elephant 
whose nature is supposed to be imparted to the boys by means of 
suggestion *). 

At the time of the full moon young lads sometimes disguise them- 
selves to give their comrades of the same gampong a fright. Those who 
make their faces unrecognizable by means of a mask and their bodies 
by unwonted garments are known as Si Dalupa\ where they imitate 
the forms of animals, they takes their appellation from that which they 
copy e. g. meugajah-gajah ^^ to play the elephant. 

i) For the "ape-suggestion" they sing the following verse: ckko* kalichhe\ kalichhb\ 
kanji rumi^ meuteumeung kaye'e cheuko\ jigo*'go* U si banggi^ i. e. *Chhd', the paste of 
Stambul is already slippery, already slippery, he finds a crooked tree. Opium smoker (nick- 
name of the eungkdng, owing to his constant yawning) shakes him". The verse containing 
the elephant suggestion is almost entirely untranslateable. 


§ 2. Games of Chance. 

Amongst the games so far described there are several which are 
played for love or for money according to preference. There are also, 
however, a large number of purely gambling games, the issue of which 
is quite independent of the player's skill, and the object of which is to 
fleece the opponent of his money. 

The passion for gambling betrays itself even among young lads who 
have no money to stake. Boys whom their fathers send out to cut 
grass for the cattle often play the ^hurling-game" (meutie') which is 
won by whoever can knock down or cut in twain a grass-stalk set up 
at a distance by throwing his grass-knife (sadeueb) at it. The players 
wager on the result equal quantities of the grass they have cut; so it 
often happens that one of the party has no grass left when it is time 
to go home. Then he hastens to fill up his sack with leaves and rub- 
bish, putting a little grass in on top to cover the deficiency, but should 
his father detect this fraud the fun of the meutie^ is often succeeded 
by the pain of a sound thrashing at home. 
Pitch and As might naturally be expected, there are sundry gambling games 
which correspond with our "pitch and toss" '). For instance meu^itam" 
puteh (black or white") so called owing to the Achehnese leaden coins 
originally used for this game having been whitened with chalk on one 
side and blackened with soot on the other. The name is still in use, 
though the two sides of the Dutch or English coins now employed are 
called respectively raja or patong {^'king" or ^'doll") and geudong (store 
house). In * tossing" (mup^h) one player takes two coins placed close 
together with their like sides touching each other, between his thumb 
and forefinger and knocks them against a stone or a piece of wood 
letting them go as he does so. Should both fall on the same side the 
person who tossed the coins wins ; otherwise his opponent is the victor ^). 

i) The Malay pitch and toss is called main bunga kepala^ as the copper coins in use 
have all a head (kepala) on one side and some conventional ornamentation (bunga) on 
the other. 

2) Among te Malays, one of the commonest gambling games played with coins is that 
known as tuju lubang (= **aim-at-the-hole"). It is mentioned but not described by both 
Newbold and Skeat; the former erroneously calls it tujoh lubang (= "sevenholes"). It is 
played as follows: a hole is made in the ground and each of the two players puts up a 
certain number of coins, say five a>piece. The first player stands at a prescribed distance 


There are three sorts of games which may be called banking games, 
in all of which one of the players or an impartial outsider acts as banker. 

I*' Meusreng (*^ twirling"). The banker places a coin on the board on 
its edge and twirls it. Before it ceases to revolve he puts a cocoanut 
shell over it. Each player puts his stake on one of two spaces marked 
on the ground, one of which is called puteh (white) or geudong and the 
other itam (black) or patong. Then the banker lifts the cocoanut-shell, 
and sweeps in the stakes of the losing parties while he doubles those 
of the winners ^). 

2^ Meuche*. In this game the banker takes a handful from a heap 
of copper money, and counts it to see whether it consists of an odd or 
even number of coins. The players are divided into sides who stake 
against each other on the odd or even. The banker often sits opposite 
the rest and joins in the game as a player without an opponent, or 
else he takes no part in the game and takes a commission from the 
rest as recompense for his bankership. 

3® Mupiteh. The banker [ureueng mat pitih) has in his control I20 
pieces of money or fiches (from pitih --= pitis, Chinese coins) and takes 
a handful from this store. Meanwhile the players stake on the numbers 
one, two, three and four. The handful taken by the banker is now divided 
by four, and all win who have staked on the figure which corresponds 
with the remainder left over, o counting as 4. The banker pays the 
winners twice their stake and rakes in the stakes on the other three 
numbers as his own profit % 

and tries to throw all the coins into the hole. Should he fail to get any in, his 
opponent selects one as they lie and the first player has a shot at it with a spare coin. 
Should he hit it he has another turn; otherwise the turn passes to his opponent. Should 
the first player get all the coins into the hole, they all become his property; where some 
fall in and some remain outside, he gets a shot at one of the latter selected by the adver- 
sary, and if he can hit it without touching another (Jbachd) he wins them all; otherwise 
he only wins such as fall into the hole. In Malacca this game is known as main koba, 

i) This resembles the Chinese game of poh^ which is however slightly more complicated, 
as the players are allowed to bet on the lines separating the spaces, somewhat as in rou- 
lette. Instead of a coin the Chinese spin a little heavy brass box with a lid fitting over 
it, containing a die coloured red and white. The box which has a slightly rounded bottom 
is spun in the centre of the table. The lid is drawn off when the revolutions cease and 
the winners are those to whose side the red inclines. {Translator), 

2) This game is practically identical with the Chinese fantan^ the most popular of all 
gambling games in China. Counters are generally used by the Chinese in place of coins, 
and the handful is carefully divided into fours with a small bamboo wand. {Translator), 

U 14 


Card games. The games with cards arq of European origin. Meusikupan ') (literally 
**spade game" from the Dutch "schoppen" = "spades") is played with 
a pack of 52 cards, from which an even number of players receive 5 
apiece. Each plays in turn, following not suit but colour; whoever first 
gets rid of all his cards wins the stake. Meutrob {** trump game" from 
the Dutch "troef" = trumps) is played with a pack of 32 which is 
dealt among 4 players. Each in turn makes his own trumps. Those 
who sit opposite one another are partners, and the side that gains most 
tricks wins the game. 

Islam and As we are aware, every kind of game of chance is most rigorously 

games of ^ 

chance. forbidden by Islam. In Acheh only the leub^s and not even all these 
concern themselves about this prohibition. Most of the chiefs and the 
great majority of the people consider no festivity complete without a 
gamble. It is carried so far that even those headmen of gampongs 
who as a rule are opposed to gaming in public, shut their eyes to 
transgressions of this kind on the two great religious feasts which form 
the holiest days of all the year. Nay more, they actually allow the 
meunasah, a public building originally dedicated to religion, to be used 
as a common gaming-house. 

Tax on gam- In former days the ul^ebalangs utilized this prohibition of religious 
law simply as a means of increasing their revenues. To transgress an 
order of prohibition within their territory, it was necessary, they rea- 
soned, to obtain their permission. Such licence they granted on payment 
of i^/q on the amount staked. This source of income was called upat. 
Fights of Under the general name of gambling (meujudi) the Achehnese include 
the various sorts of fights between animals which form with them so 
favourite and universal a pastime. As a matter of fact it is very excep- 
tional to find such contests carried on simply for the honour and glory 
of victory. 
Nurture of Many chiefs and other prominent personages spend the greater part 

mals. of their time in rearing their fighting animals. 

The fighting bull or buffalo and the fighting ram are placed in a 
separate stall which is always kept scrupulously clean. They are only 
occasionally taken out, led by a rope, for a walk or to measure their 
strength momentarily against another by way of trial. They are most 

i) Malay sakopong. For an account of the Malay card games, see Skeat's Malay Magic 
pp. 487 — ^493. (Translator), 


carefully dieted and treated with shampooing and medicaments. When 
they are being made ready for an approaching fight, a constant watch 
is kept over them, and the chiefs, lazy as they are at other times, 
will get up several times in a night to see whether their servants are 
attending properly to the animals. Rams are taken for quick runs by 
way of* exercise, and are exposed from time to time to the heat of a 
wood fire which is supposed to rid them of their superfluous fat. 

Not a whit less care does the Achehnese noble bestow on his figh- 
ting cocks. In the day time they are fastened with cords to the posts 
underneath the house; but at night they are brought into the front 
verandah. They too rob their owners of a good deal of their night's 
rest. The neighbours of these amateurs are often waked at night by 
the cackling set up by the cocks while they are being bathed and 
having their bodies shampooed to make them supple; occasionally too 
they are allowed to fly at one another so that they may not forget 
their exalted destiny. 

The other fighting birds, such as the leue" and the nteureubo* (both 
varieties of the dove, called by the Malays tikukur and kMtiran) *) 
the puyoh (a kind of quail) and the chempala are kept in cages; with 
many princes and ul^ebalangs a leisurely promenade past their prisons 
takes the place of their devotional exercises in the morning. The 
daruets (crickets) are kept in bamboo tubes [buloh daruet). 

No Achehnese devotes a measure of care to the cleanliness, the 
feeding, the repose and the pleasure of his own child in any way 
comparable to that he bestows on his scrupulous training of these 
fighting animals. 

The great and formal tournaments of animals are held in glanggangs 
(enclosures) for which wide open spaces are selected. The arena is either 
marked off with posts or else simply indicated by the crowd of spec- 
tators who group themselves around it in an oval circle or square. 
Certain fixed days of the week on which fights regularly take place in 
a glanggangs are called ganth'e (succession or turn). 

All who desire to enter their animals in a contest against each other 
in the arena must first obtain the consent of the ul^ebalang in whose 
territory the glanggang is situated, whereupon they enter into the 

i) The Malays in the N. of the Straits call them mMbo' the identical word used by the 
Achehnese, making allowance for the diflference in pronunciation. (Translator), 


Final pre- 


necessary agreements with one another. All this takes place several 
days before hand. At the making of the contract each party produces 
his fighting animal and exhibits it to his opponent in the presence of 
witnesses. When the stakes have been agreed upon, the two animals 
are symbolically dedicated to enmity against one another in the future 
by being allowed for a moment to charge each other with their heads 
down, or (in case of birds) to peck at each other. ^) The animals are, 
after this ceremony, said to be "betrothed" (meutunang or lam tunang), 
while the owners are said to have "made this stake" {ka meutaroh). 

The stake of each pair of opponents is called taroh ba* = principal 
stake, and is handed over to an uU'ebalang or keuchi^ (who usually 
deducts a commission for his trouble) to be delivered to the winner after 
the fight is over. Outsiders may in the meantime, both before and 
during the fight, lay wagers with one another on its issue; the amounts 
bet are called taroh chabeu'eng or additional stakes. Thus even in the 
midst of the struggle the betting men may be seen moving about 
through the crowd, while their cries "two to one, three to two!" and 
so on, alternate with the tide of battle within the glanggang *). 

The final preparation of the animals for the fight savours a good 
deal of superstition. Not only is the choice of strengthening and other 
medicines controlled by superstition, but ajeumats (charms) are employed 
by the owner to make his animal proof against the arts of witchcraft 
by which the opponent is sure to endeavour to weaken and rob it of 
its courage. The kutikas or tables of lucky times and seasons are resor- 
ted to in order to decide at what hour of the appointed day it will 
be best to start for the scene of the combat, and in what direction 
the animal shall issue from its stall. 

The animals are in the charge of their masters who however usually 

i) In the case of bullocks this symbolical challenge is called pupo* (the same name as 
is given to the combat proper); that of rams is known as peusigong^ and of birds /«//tt/^', 
peuchuto\ peiichato^ or peuchoh, 

2) Fights between animals, though now prohibited by law in the Colony of the Straits 
Settlements and discouraged by the Government of the Federated Malay States, have till 
recently and still are in the outlying districts, as popular among the Malays of the Penin- 
sula as in Acheh. Skeat. i^Malay Magic pp. 468 — 483) has collected and given in full the 
information furnished with regard to these pastimes by Newbold {Malacca vol. II, pp. 
179 — 183 etc.) and Clifford (/» Court and Kampong pp. 48 — 61 etc.). Cockfighting is 
especially dear to the Malay; the birds are generally armed with an artificial spur in the 
shape of a sharp steel blade {taji) which inflicts most deadly wounds, and the combats are 
thus usually a Voutrance, (Translator), 


employ one or two servants to look after them under the supervision 
of an expert (juara). 

These bring the animals to the scene of the encounter armed with 
all sorts of strengthening and invigorating appliances so as to render 
them service both before the fight and between the rounds. 

To guard against the possibility of the adversary having buried some 
hostile talisman under the earth of the fighting-ring, the servants of 
each party go diligently over the ground every here and there with 
ajeumats which they pull over the surface by strings so as to drive 
away evil influences. 

Fighting-birds are held in the hand by their juaras while both 
parties indulge in one or two sham attacks pending the time for the 
real onslaught the signal for which is given by the cry ^Ka asf' i "'it 
is off"". So long as this cry has not been heard, either party may hold 
back his bird to repair some real or fancied omission. 

The first release of the birds is a critical moment, and each side 
tries to get its bird worked up to the proper pitch for it. 

Errors in supervision, committed by one party and ascribed by the 
other to wilful malice, have led to sanguinary encounters and even to 

Another stimulus to quarrels over the sport lies in the cries of ap- 
plause {sura') of the side whose cock seems to be winning. Should its 
opponents imagine that they see something insulting in the words used, 
or should the language be derogatory to the dignity of the owner of 
the losing bird, reunchongs and sikins will be promptly drawn. 

Should one of the rival birds become exhausted, its juara and his 
helpers make every conceivable effort to instil new life into it by 
speaking to it, by spitting on it, by rubbing it, and so on. If the bird 
continues to lie helpless and breathless, or should it shun its foe and seek 
to escape from the fighting-ring, then the combat is decided against it. 

To a European spectator there is something ridiculous in the different 
ways in which the juaras and others urge on their fighting-cocks. One 
sees greybeards dance madly round a yielding cock and hurl the bit- 
terest insults at it: "dog of a cock! is this the way you repay all the 
trouble and care spent on you! Ha! that's better! So's that! Peck him 
on the head!" and so on. In reality however, these doings are no 
sillier than the excitement which racehorses and jockeys seem capable 
of arousing in a certain section of the European public. 


If both the combatants decline to renew the fight after several rounds 
are over, the fight is said to be sri; in other words it is drawn. 

The fights between chempalaSy nteureubo'^s and puyoks rank as belon- 
ging to a lower plane of sport than those of bulls, buffaloes, rams, 
cocks and leue^s, while combats between crickets are officially regarded 
as an amusement for children ^). For all that, older people are said 
not to disdain this childish sport; indeed it was said of the Pretender- 
Sultan that he was a great patron of fights between daruet kleng *), and 
often staked large sums upon the sport. According to what people say, 
it was due to this propensity that gambling was permitted within the 
house, since the young and lively tuanku would have been put to shame 
before his old guardian, Tuanku Asem, if he openly indulged in such 
unlawful pleasures at a time when stress was being laid on the aban- 
donment of the godless Achehnese adats ^). 

Even when free from wagers and matches these pleasures are for- 
bidden by Islam; how much more then when the two sins are inse- 
parably intertwined ! Under the war-created hegemony of the Teungkus^ 
fights between animals are becoming rarer and rarer, to the great 
disgust of many chiefs and of most of the common people. These last 
fancy that it it is sufficient if these fights are held outside the limits 
of consecrated ground and on days other than the Friday. 

In former times there seem to have been individuals who besides 
taking part in the ritual of divine service, had no compunction about 
actively sharing in these sports. At least in the historical hikayats we 
now and then come across persons bearing the appellation of leube 
juara, a combination which from an orthodox standpoint seems irre- 

i) To allow oxen, rams and buffaloes to fight is called pupo^ (the actual fighting is 
mupo^)\ iu the case of birds the terms are peuldt and meuldt\ in the case of crickets 
peukab and meukab, * 

2) Only so called — ''the Kling cricket^* — from its dark colour; it is much used 
for fights. 

3) These lines were written in 1893. 


§ 3. Ratebs. 

Character of Xo those well versed in the lore of Islam and not trained up to 

the Acheh- 

nese ratebs. Achehnese prejudices and customs, the ratebs of the Achehnese present 
the appearance of a kind of parody on certain form of worship. 

In the connection in which we here employ it, the word ratib (Arab. 
rdtib) ^) signifies a form of prayer consisting of the repeated chanting 
in chorus *) of certain religious formulas, such as the confession of faith, 
a number of different epithets applied to God, or praises of Allah and 
his Apostle. These ratibs are not strictly enjoined by the religious 
law, but some of them are recommended to all believers by the sacred 
tradition, while others appertain to the systems established by the 
founders of certain tarlqahs or schools of mysticism. 
The ratib One rdtib, which was introduced at Medina in the first half of the 

Samman in 

the Eastern eighteenth century by a teacher of mysticism called Sammdn whom 
re ipe ago. ^j^^ people revered as a saint, enjoys a high degree of popularity in 
the Eastern Archipelago. The same holy city was also the sphere of 
the teaching of another saint, Ahmad QuskdsAi, who flourished full half 
a century early (A. D. 1661), and whose Malay and Javanese disciples 
were the means of spreading so widely in the far East a certain form 
of the Shattarite tarlqah or form of mysticism. ') The latter teacher's 
influence was more extensive and had a greater effect on the religious 
life of the individual. The teaching conveyed by this Satariah to the 
. majority of its votaries is indeed confined to the repetition of certain 
formulas at fixed seasons, generally after the performance of the pres- 
cribed prayers (s^mbahyang)\ but many derive from it also a peculiar 
mystic lore with a colour of pantheism, which satisfies their cravings 
for the esoteric and abstruse. 
Muhammad It was not the intention of Muhammad Samman any more than of 

Ahmad" Qu- Ahmad QushashI to introduce any really new element into the sphere 


i) The root meaning of the word in Arabic is ''standing firm**; it is applied to persons 
with a fixed as opposed to a temporary employment, and to things which are firmly fixed 
or settled. 

2) The distinction between the ratib as a dikir chanted in chorus by a number of per- 
sons and a dikir which can be chanted by a single person, is entirely local. In Arabia 
every dikr^ whether recited alone or in chorus at fixed seasons, is called ratib, 

3) For further details respecting this teacher and his pupil Abdurra^uf, also revered as a 
saint in Acheh, see p. 17 et seq. above. 


of mysticism; their object was rather to attract greater attention to, 
and win fresh votaries for, the methods of the earlier masters which 
they taught and practised. The results of the labours of the two, as 
evidenced in Indonesia, are of a very different nature. The writings 
or oral traditions of the spiritual descendants of QushashI in these 
countries are restricted to brief treatises on mystic bliss or more exten- 
ded works on the training of mankind to a consciousness of their unity 
with God, while the outward manifestation of this Satariah is confined 
to the observance of certain simple and insignificant seasons of devotion. 
The Samaniah was productive of votaries rather than of actual adepts, 
but wherever the former are, their presence makes itself at once felt. 
In the evenings and especially that which precedes Friday, the day of 
prayer, they assemble in the chapel of the gampong or some other 
suitable place and there prolong far into the night the dikrs known as 
rdtib, chanting the praises of Allah with voices that increase gradually 
in volume till they rise to a shout, and from a shout to a bellow. The 
young lads of tlie gampong begin by attending this performance as 
onlookers; later they commence to imitate their elders and finally 
after due instruction join in the chorus themselves. 

Shaikh Samman, the originator of this ratib, both composed the words Noisy cha- 
racter of the 
and laid down rules as to the movements of the body and the postures ratib Samman 

which were to accompany them. There can be no question but that 

this teacher of mysticism held noise and motion to be powerful agents 

for producing the desired state of mystic transport. In this he differred 

from some of his brother teachers, who .made quiet and repose the 

conditions for the proper performance of their dikrs. His disciples, 

however, have in later times gone very much further than their master 

in this respect, and such is especially the case with the votaries of the 

ratib Samman in the Malayan Archipelago. 

All orthodox teachers, even though they may be indulgent in the 

matter of noisiness in the celebration of the ratib and excessive 

gymnastic exercise of the members of the body as an accompaniment 

thereto, require of all who perform ratib or dikr, that they pronounce 

clearly and distinctly the words of the confession of faith and the names 

and designations of God ; wanton breaches of this rule are even regarded 

by many as a token of unbelief. But in the East Indian Archipelago 

the performers of the ratib Samman have strayed far from the right 

path. In place of the words of the shahadah, of the names or pronouns 




(such as Hu i. e. He) used to designate Allah, senseless sounds are 
introduced which bear scarcely any resemblance to their originals. The 
votaries first sit in a half-kneeling posture, which they subsequently 
change for a standing one; they twist their bodies into all kinds of 
contortions, shaking their heads too and fro* till they become giddy, 
and shouting a medley of such sounds as Allahu She lahu sihihihihi etc. 
This goes on till their bodies become bathed with perspiration, and they 
often attain to a state of unnatural excitement, which is by no means dimi- 
nished by the custom observed in some places of extinguishing the lights. 

The different divisions of these most exhausting performances are 
separated from one another by intervals during which one of those 
present recites what is called a nasib. The proper meaning of this Arabic 
word is ** love-poem". In the mystic teaching it is customary to represent 
the fellowship of the faithful with the Creator through the image of 
earthly love; these poems are composed in this spirit which combine 
the sexual with the mystic, or else love-poems are employed the original 
intention of which is purely worldly but which are adopted in a mystic 
sense and recited without any modification. 

The nasib in Indonesia has wandered still further from its original 
prototype than is the case in Arabia. In place of Arabic verses we 
find here pantuns in Malay or other native languages, tales or dialogues 
in prose or verse, which have little or nothing to do with religion. 
Such a piece is recited by one or two of those present in succession, 
and the rest join in with a refrain or vary the performance by yelling 
in chorus the meaningless sounds above referred to. 

Histories of the life and doings of the saint Samman are also very 
popular in the Archipelago. These tales are composed in Arabic, Malay 
and other native languages and contain an account of all the wonders 
that he wrought, and the virtues by which he was distinguished. They 
are generally known as Hikayat or Manaqib Samman ("Story" or ''Ex- 
cellences" of Samman). They are valued not merely for their contents; 
their recitation in regarded as a meritorious task both for reader and 
listeners, and vows are often made in cases of sickness or mishap, to 
have the hikayat Samman recited if the peril should be averted. The 
idea is that the saint whose story is the object of the vow, will through 
his intercession bring about the desired end *). 

i) A number of other sacred tales are employed in the same way in the Archipelago 


In Acheh, as in the neighbouring countries, the rateb Saman is one The rat^b 
of the devout recreations in which a religiously inclined public takes Acheh. 
part in spite of the criticism of the more strict expounders of the law. 
The Achehnese would certainly deny us the right to classify this rat^b 
under the head of games and amusements nor should we include it in 
this category were it not that a description of this rat^b is requisite as 
an introduction to our account of those others, which even the Acheh- 
nese regard as corruptions of the true rateb Saman, without any reli- 
gious significance. They also declare that while the real rateb Saman 
may be the subject of a vow, neither of those secular ratebs which we 
are now about to describe can properly become so. 

In Acheh, as in other Mohammedan countries *), what is called the 
"true" rat^b Saman is noisy to an extreme degree; the «^^«tf.f«A, which 
is the usual scene of its performance, sometimes threatens to collapse, 
and the whole gampong resounds with the shouting and stamping of 
the devotees. The youth of the gampong often seize the opportunity 
to punish an unpopular comrade by thrusting him into the midst of 
the throng or else squeezing him against one of the posts of the meu- 
nasah with a violence that he remembers for days to come. There are 
no lights so that it is very difficult to detect the offenders, and in any 
case the latter can plead their state of holy ecstasy as an excuse! 

The composition which does duty as nasib (=^nast6, see p. 218 above) 
is to outward appearance devoted to religious subjects, but on closer 
examination proves to be nothing but droll doggerel, in which appear 
some words from the parlance of mysticism and certain names from 
sacred history. 

The women have a rat^b Saman of their own, differing somewhat in Women's 
details from that of the men, but identical with it in the main. ^^^^' 

The part of the performance called meunasib (** recitation of nastd'*) 
among the men is in the women's rateb designated by the verb meu- 
chakri or meuhadu The mother in her cradlesong prays that her 
daughter may excel in this art. 

as for instance that of the shaving of Muhammad^s head, the Biography of Sheikh Abdul- 
qSdir JailUnl, called in West-Java Hikayat Seh (Shaikh) etc., etc. 

i) In certain Malayan countries the planting and threshing of padi are performed by the 
whole of a neighbourhood in cooperation (blrdrao). This system recalls the ^ bees'* of the 
United States of America. At the threshing a sort of noisy ratib is performed, varied by 
the occasional distribution of cocoanuts and sugarcane to the threshers. This custom is 
dying out in Province Wellesley, but is still to be met with in Perak. {Translator), 


Specimens We may here give a small specimen of each of these interludes to 
Saman. ^^^ rat^bs. Like almost every composition in the Achehnese language 

they are made in the common metre known as sanja\ The following 
is a sample of nasib from a men's rat^b *) : 

"The holy mosque (i. e. that at Mekka), Alahu, Alahu, in the holy 
mosque are three persons: one of them is our Prophet, the other two 
his companions. He sends a letter to the land of Sham (Syria), with a 
command that all Dutchmen shall become Moslems. These Jewish in- 
fidels ^) will not adopt the true faith, their religion is in a state of 
everlasting decay". 

The following is a sample of chakri from a women's rat6b ') : 

^'In Paradise how glorious is the light, lamps hang all round; the 
lamps hang by no cord, but are suspended of themselves by the grace 
of the Lord." 

There is one variety of the rat^b Saman which far surpasses the 
ordinary sort in noisiness. This is performed more especially in the 
fasting month at the meudaroth, when the recital of the QurSn in the 
meunasah is finished. The assembled devotees recite their dikr first 
sitting down, then standing and finally leaping madly; from two to 
four of those present act as leaders and cry leu ileuheu, the rest responding 
ilalah\ the words: hu^ hu, hayyun^ hu hay at also form part of the chorus. 
Rat6bMinsa. This rateb is called kuluhet but more commonly tninsa by the Acheh- 
nese, who do not however know the real meaning of either word. Minsa 
is, as a matter of fact, the Achehnese pronunciation of the arabic minshdr 
= "saw". In the primbons or manuals of Java we actually find constant 
mention made of the dikr al-minshdri i. e. the "saw-dikr"; this is described 
in detail, and one explanation given of the name is that the performer 
should cause his voice on its outward course to penetrate through "the plank 
of his heart" as a carpenter saws through a wooden board. These descrip- 
tions are indeed borrowed from a manual of the Shattarite tarlqah *), but 

i) Meuseujideharam Alahu Alahu^ Mcuseujideharam na ureueng dua dro'e — nabiteu 
sidro'e sabatneu dua, NeupeuUt surat keudch nanggroe Cham — geuyu'e tnaso^ eseulam 
bandum blanda, Kaphe Yahudi han jitim masd"* — dalam suntd'' runtdh agama, 

2) As we saw above (p. 82 note 3) the popular tradition of the Achehnese is prone 
to regard the European infidels as followers of the prophet Musa (Moses) and worshippers 
of the sun. 

3) Dalam Cheuruga bukon peungeulh U — meugantung kande ban siseun lingka. Kandi 
meugantung hana ngon taloe — meugantung keudroe Tuhan kardnya, 

4) This book is called al-Jawahir al-khamsah. See Loth's Catalogue of the Arabic Manu- 
scripts of the library of the India Office (London 1877) p. 185 — 87. 


the idea is of course applicable to any tarlqah, and the Achehnese have 
applied the "saw" notion as an ornamental epithet of the rat6b Saman. 

The ratib sadati is the most characteristic and at the same time the The rat^b 
most favourite caricature of the religious rat^b met with in Acheh '). 
It is performed by companies of from 15 to 20 men accompanied by 
a pretty little boy in female dress who has been specially trained for 
the purpose. The men composing each company always come from the 
same gampong; they are called the dalems, aduens or abangs i. e. ** elder 
brothers" of the boy, while the latter shares with the rat^b itself the 
name of sadati. 

Each company has its ch^h (Arab, shaich) who is also called ul^'e 
ratib (chief of the rat^b) or pangkay or ba^ (director or foreman) and 
one or two persons called radat \ skilled in the melody of the chant 
[lagke) and the recitation of nasib or kisahs. 

The boys who are trained for these performances, are some of them Training of 

the bovs* 

the best-looking children of Nias slaves, while others are the offspring 
of poor Achehnese in the highlands. It is said that these last used 
sometimes to be stolen by the dalems, but they were more generally 
obtained by a transaction with the parents, not far removed from an 
actual purchase. The latter were induced by the payment of a sum of 
money to hand over to his intended "elder brethren" the most pro- 
mising of their boys as regards voice and personal beauty. The parents 
satisfy their consciences with the reflection that the boy will be always 
finely dressed and tended with the utmost care, and that as he grows 
up he will learn how to provide for himself in the future. 

The following is the most probable origin of the name sadatu In Origin of the 
Arabic love-poems, both those which are properly so called and those 
which are employed as a vehicle for mysticism, the languishing lover 
often makes his lament to his audience whom he addresses with the 
words yd sadati (Arabic for "Oh, my masters!"). Such expressions, much 
corrupted like all that the Achehnese have borrowed from abroad, also 
appear in the sadati poetry. Hence no doubt thie name of sadati came 
to be applied both to the rat^b itself, and later on to the boy who 
takes the leading part therein. 

1) This caricature of rdtib is unknown among the Malays. (Translator), 

2) Probably the Arab, raddad^ which properly means **repeater" or **answerer", a name 
which is used in reference to the performers in other dikrs as well as these. 


The sadati A considerable portion of the poetry recited by the sadatis and their 

pocry. dalims is erotic and even paederastic in character; while the sadati 

himself in his female garb forms a special centre of attraction to the 

onlookers. But it is a mistake to suppose that the profession of sadati 

implies his being devoted to immoral purposes. 

The morals The view taken by the dalims is that both the voice and the per- 
' sonal charms of their charge would quickly deteriorate if he were given 
over to vicious life. They have devoted much time to his training and 
much money to his wardrobe, and they take good care that they are 
not deprived prematurely of the interest on that capital, in the shape 
of the remuneration they receive from those who employ them as players. 

The sadati- The ratib sadati always takes the form of a contest; two companies 
a^cont^t*"^^ ^^^'^ different gampongs, each with their sadatis, are always engaged 
and perform in turns, each trying to win the palm from the other. 

The passion of the Achehnese for these exhibitions may be judged 
from the fact that a single performance lasts from about eight p. m. 
till noon of the following day, and is followed with unflagging interest 
by a great crowd of spectators. 

We shall now proceed to give a brief description of a rat^b sadati. 
To avoid misconception of the subject we should here observe, that a 
rat^b of this description witnessed in Acheh by Mr. L. W. C. van den 
Berg in 1881, was entirely misunderstood by him '). 

First of all, this performance was given at the request of a European 
jn an unusual place, and thus fell short in many respects of the ordi- 
nary native representation; and in the next place Van den Berg only 
saw the beginning of the ratib due\ and those who furnished the enter- 
tainment found means to cut it short by telling him, in entire conflict 
with the truth, that the rest was all the same. Nor were these the only 
errors into which he fell. In the pious formulas recited by the ch^h or 
jeader by way of prologue, the names of all famous mystic teachers, 
(and among them that of Naqshiband) are extolled. Hearing this name 
he rushed to the conclusion that this was a mystic performance of the 
Naqshibandiyyah. The first Achehnese he met could have corrected 
this illusion had he enquired of him ; and had the person questioned 
had some knowledge of the Naqshibandiyyah form of worship (which, 

i) Tijdschr. van hei Batav, genootschap^ Vol. XX VIII, pp. 158 et seq. This contribution 
adds nothing to the knowledge of the matter indicated by its title. 


by the way, is little known in Acheh) he would have added this further 
explanation that this mystic order is strongly opposed to that noisy 
recitation which is just the special characteristic of the ratib Satnan 
and of the radeb sadati which is a corruption of the latter. 

In the enclosure where the performance is to take place, a simple Mounting 
shed is erected with bamboo or wooden posts and the ordinary thatch mance. 
of sagopalm leaves. In this the two parties take up their position on 
opposite sides. The dalims or abangs of one party form a lin.e, in the 
middle of which is the leader [ch^h = Arab shaich^ ul^'e, pangkay or 
ba\ Behind them sit one or more of those who act as radats. Still 
further in the background is the sadati^ already clothed in all his 
finery; he generally lies down and sleeps through the first portion of 
the performance, as he is not called upon to play his part till after 

The prelude is called rateb due' or "sitting rat^b", since the dalims The sitting 
adopt therein the half-sitting, half-kneeling position assumed by a 
Moslim worshipper after a prostration, in the performance of ritual 
prayers (s^mbahyang). 

One party leads off, while the other joinsjin the chorus, carefully 
following the tune and exactly imitating the gestures of their opponents. 

The earlier stage of the recitation consists of an absolutely meaningless 
string of words, which the listeners take to be a medley of Arabic 
and Achehnese. Some of these pieces are in fact imitations of Arabic 
songs of praise, but so corrupted that it is difficult to trace the original. 
The names of the lag^es or "tunes" to which the pieces are recited, 
are also in some instances corrupted from Arabic words. 

At the beginning of each division of the recitation, the radat of the Task of the 
leading party sets the tune, chanting somewhat as follows; — ih ha 
la ilaha la ilahi etc.; the others take their cue from him, or if they 
forget the words, are prompted by their ch^h and all join in. 

As to this stage of the proceedings we need only say that the first 
party chants a number of lag^es (usually five) in succession, and that 
in connection with many of these chants there is a series of rythmic 
gestures (also called lag^e) performed partly with the head and hands 
and partly with the aid of kerchiefs. The following are the names of 
a group of lag^es in common use : 


I . Lag^'e asb'e idan % without any special gestures. Lag^es of the 

2^. Lag^e sakinin, accompanied by the lagle jarbe (*hand .tune"), '^^^^"8 '^^^**- 
i. e. an elegant series of movements of the hands performed by 
all in perfect time and unison, punctuated by the snapping of 
the fingers. 
3®. Lag^e ba'do salatn *), accompanied by the lagH ija bungkoih 
(''tune of the folded kerchiefs"), in which each performer has 
before him a twisted kerchief which he gracefully manoeuvres in 
time with the chanting of his comrades. 
4^ Lag^e minidarwin^ accompanied by the lag^e ija IM (''tune of 
interwoven kerchiefs"). Each performer interlaces his kerchief 
with that of his neighbour ; sometimes a chain of kerchiefs is thus 
formed. Later on they are disunited again and spread out in 
front of their several owners, - 
5^ Lag^e salala \ accompanied by the lag^e ija ba' takue (tune of 
the kerchiefs on the neck). Here the kerchiefs are repeatedly 
drawn over the shoulders and round the throat. 
These five examples will suffice to give some notion of how much 
of the real rateb there is in this performance ; it will be seen that we 
did not go too far in characterizing the latter as a caricature of the , 
true ratibi which is a chant in praise of God and his apostle. The 
"nonsense verses" to which these lagkes form the accompaniment are • 
repeated over and over again, time after time, until the leading party 
has exhausted all the gymnastic exercises at its command in respect 
of that particular tune. 

As soon as the first ratib due is finished an expert of the same Nasibofthis 
party which has hitherto taken the lead in the performance, comment '^^ * 
ces to *^fneunasiV\ The nasib of the rateb sadati consists of a diailogu^ 
between the two parties, beginning with mutual greetings, after whidh 
it takes the form of question and answer. The questions are in outward 
appearance of a religious or philosophical nature, but as a matter of 
fact the nasib is as much a caricature of a learned discussion as the 
whole rat^b is a travesty of a service of prayer and praise. The players, 
however, as well as most of the audience, who have but little knowledge 

i) This appears to be a corruption of the Arabic ya sayyidana^^O\ our Lord!" 

2) Arab, bd'da ^s-salam i. e. **aftcr the benediction". 

3) From falP Allah^ the beginning of the well known prayer for a blessing upon the 

II 15 


of the intricacies of Mohammedan law, regard the performance as 

actual earnest, and the former endeavour to injure their opponents by 

paltry invective, by difficult questions and unexpected rejoinders. 

After each nasibt that is to say after each of these dialogues con- Kisah in con- 
clusion of the 
sisting of a preliminary greeting followed by question and answer, the nasib. 

leading party gives what is called kisah tijong nasib or story in con- 
clusion of the nasib. An expert story-teller chants his tale by half- 
verses at a time, each half-verse being taken up and repeated by the 
rest of his company. In this respect it resembles certain of the dikrs 
which are recited in chorus. 

We append a specimen of one of these dialogues of salutation, and Specimen of 
of the question and answer which follow, together with the kisahs which accompany- 
appertain thereto ; observing at the same time that this part of the *°S ^*^^* 
performance is often considerably prolonged. It also frequently happens 
that one party plays out its part to the end before the other intervenes, 
after which the first one does not again enter the lists until after the 
conclusion of the whole nasib. 

Salutation of the party A. God save you all, oh teungkus, I wish to 
convey my salutation to all of you. I would gladly offer you sirih, but 
I have not my sirih-bag with me; I have come all the way from my 
gampong, which lies far away. I wished to offer you sirih, but I have 
no betel-bowl; I cannot return (to fetch it), it is now too late in the 
day. In place of giving you sirih then, oh worshipful masters, I lay 
both my hands upon my head (in token of respect). My ten fingers 
on my head, to crave forgiveness of you all, oh teungkus. Ten fingers, 
five I uplift as flowers *) upon my head. 

Kisah in conclusion of this nasib. Near the Meuseugit Raya there is 
a mounted warrior of great bravery who there performed tapa (penance 
with seclusion). He did tapa there in the olden days when our country 
(Acheh) began its existence; of late he has come to life again. For 
many ages he has slumbered, but since the infidel has come to wage 
war against us, he has waked from his long sleep. Seek not to know 
this warriors real name; men call him Nari Tareugi. The white of his 
eyes is even as (black) bayam-seed, their pupils are (red) like saga-seeds. 
In his hand he holdeth a squared iron club; there is no man in the 



i) The meaning is "I lay your commands upon my head (in token of obedience) as 
though they were flowers". 


world who can resist his might. The place where he takes his stand 
becomes a sea; a storm ariseth there like unto the rainstorms of the 
keunbng sa \ The water around him ebbs and flows again. Thus shall 
you know the demon of the Meuseugit Raya. — In the Daroy river 
is a terrible sane^); let no man suffer his shadow to fall on him, lest 
evil overtake him. — In the Raja Um6ng ') is the sa?t^ Ch^'br^* *), 
over whom no human being however great his strength, can prevail. 
Answering Answering salutation of the party B. Hail to you, oh noble teung- 
sautation. j^^g , j ^^^ ^^ hands upon my head. 

Here followeth the salutation ordained by the sunat for the use of 
all Moslims towards a new-comer, come he from where he may % 

I wish to salute you in token of respect, I stretch forth my hands 
as a mark of my esteem. I make three steps backwards in token of 
self-abasement, for such is the custom of the gently bred. My teacher 
has instructed me, teungkus, first to make salutation and then to wel- 
come the new-comer. After the salutation I clasp your hands ; last follows 
the offering of sirih. 
Kisah. Kisah in conclusion of this nasib. Hear me, my friends, I celebrate 

the name of Raja Beureuhat. A marvellous hero is this Raja Beureuhat, 
unsurpassed throughout the whole world. When he moves his feet the 
ground shakes; when he raises up his hands there is an earthquake. 
On the sea he has ships, and steeds upon the land. Now I turn to 
wondrous deeds % In Gampong Jawa the heavens are greatly overcast; 
storms of rain and thunder and lightning come up. Cocoanut trees are 
cleft in twain ; think upon it, my friends who stand without. But I would 
remind you that if you will not enter the lists with us, it is better to 
wait. If there are any among you teungkus, that are ready to match 
themselves against us let them marshal their ranks. If their ranks 
are not in proper order, then will I have no relationship with you (i. e. 

1) See Vol. I, p. 256. 

2) See Vol. I, p. 409. 

3) This is the name of the great expanse of cultivated land lying on the borders of the 
Dalam (royal residence and fortified enclosure) of Acheh. 

4) Ch6^br6^ or chibre^ is the name of a tree known as juar in Java, where it is exten- 
sively used as a shade-tree on the roadsides. 

5) The words **Here followeth" to * where he may" are in very corrupt Arabic pro- 
nounced in the Achehnese fashion. 

6) Here the speaker, while apparently alluding to the miraculous deeds of Raja Beu- 
reuhat is really referring to the wondrous performance by which he and his party mean 
to drive their opponents from the field. The sequel is a more or less contemptuous challenge. 


you are not worthy opponents). Ask them (the rival party; here the 
speaker appears to address the audience) whether they indeed dare to 
do battle with us; if so let them get ready their weapons and put 
their fortifications in a state of defence. Their fort must be strong, and 
their guns must carry far, for here with us we have bombs of the 
Tuan betisa *). 

Nasib of the party A in the form of a question. There was once a Nasib in the 
man who slept and dreamed that he had committed adultery; after- doctrinal 
wards he went down from his house and went to the well but found question. 
no bucket there. Thence he went to the mosque (to fetch a bucket); 
how then did he express the ni'et (= ** intention", the Arab, wijj^/, which 
every Mohammedan has to formulate as the introduction to a ritual 
act, and so as in the present case to the taking of a bath of purifi- 
cation)? How many be the conditions, oh teungkus of such a ritual 
ablution? In this jar are all kinds of water ^). Let not the jar be broken, 
let not its covering (say of leaves or cotton) be open; what, oh teungkus 
are the conditions of a valid ritual ablution ? 

The same party A now follows with a short story, a kisah ujong 
nasib \ for brevity's sake we shall pass this over and go on to the 
answer of the opposite party. 

Nasib of the party B in the form of an answer. If Allah so will '), Nasib in 
I shall now answer your question. Set me no learned questions; I cannot q,^sUon. 
solve them, I am no doctor of the law *). Answer me first, oh teungku, 
and answer me correctly, how many conditions there be to the setting 
of a question. Without conditions and all that depends on these con- 
ditions, your questioning is in vain. Not till the^ conditions and that 
which depends on them is known, has the asking of questions any 
meaning. Grammar (is taught) at Lam Ny6ng, the learning of the law 

i) As to the impression produced in Acheh by this Malay name for the Governor of 
that country, see Vol. I, p. 171. 

2) After first putting a question as to the forms prescribed by the law for ritual ablutions, 
the speaker now compares his mind to a water-jar, in which is to be found all manner of 
water (i. e. knowledge). 

3) As to the common use and misuse of this formula by the Achehnese, see Vol. I, p. 311, 

4) This is of course meant ironically, for directly afterwards the opposite party is repre- 
sented as unfitted even to propound questions. 


at Lam Pucho'; elsewhere there are no famous teachers; come, sound 
our depth! Logic is taught at Lam Paya, dogma at Krueng Kal^; 
your questions are put without consideration. On the mountains there 
are sala-trees, on the shore there are aron-trees; the waves come in 
and pile up the sand. Take some rice (provision for the travelling 
student) and come and learn from me even though I teach you but one 
single little line. At Krueng Kale there are many teachers, Teungku 
Meuse *) is as the lamp of the world. They (these great teachers) have 
never yet entered into a contest with any man with learned questions; 
to do so is a token of conceit, ambition, pride and vain-glory ^). Con- 
ceit and ambition, pride and vain glory, by these sins have many been 
brought to destruction. People who are well brought up are never 
made a prey to shame; those who trust in God are never overtaken 
by misfortune. Others have propounded many learned questions, oh 
my master, but never such foolish ones as thou. With a single kupang 
(one-eighth of a dollar) in thy purse, thou dost desire to take all the 
land in the world in pledge '); others possess store of diamonds and 
set no such value on their wealth as thou. 
The second Hereupon follows the kisah of the party B, and after this or after 
ing ra . ^^^ nasib has been pursued still further in the same manner, it beco- 
mes the turn of the party B to take the leading part. Immediately 
after the latter has recited their last kisah, it begins its rateb due\ and 
now the party A which previously took the lead must exhibit its skill 
in following quickly and without mistakes the tunes, gestures and gym- 
nastic play with hands and kerchiefs, which their opponents have pre- 
viously rehearsed and can thus perform with ease. 

The rateb thus runs again exactly the same course as that we have 

just described, only with a change of roles, and with certain variations 

which do not affect the essence of the performance. 

The standing As soon as this is all finished, the rateb due* is succeeded by the 

mencement^f ^^^^'^ ^^*^S ^^ "standing rateb'*\ This generally occurs somewhat after 

the sadatis' midnight, about the first cock-crow. The sadati of party A comes 


forward, and his dalems (**elder brothers") stand behind him; party B 
continues sitting, no longer in the half-kneeling posture of one who 

1) See p. 27 above. 

2) These four sins are frequently grouped together, especially in mystic works. 

3) I. e. '^with your pennyworth of learning you dare to take your stand in the great 
arena of theological controversy". 



performs a ritual prayer, but squatting as a native always does in 
polite society. It sometimes happens that one party produces two or 
three sadatis, but the only difference in such a case is that there are 
two or three voices in the chorus in place of one. 

The sadati (for convenience sake we adopt the singular) begins by 
saluting each member of the opposite party by taking the right hand 
between both of his and letting it slide between his palms. The others 
return the greeting by momentarily covering the sadati's right hand 
with both of theirs. 
Dress of the The sadati takes up his position facing his dal^ms, but from time to 


time while speaking or reciting he shifts round so as not to keep his 
back continually turned to any portion of the audience. He wears on 
his head a kupiah or cap with a golden crown {tafnpo\ a coat with 
many gold buttons and trousers of costly material, but no loin-cloth. 
He is covered with feminine ornaments, such as anklets, bracelets, 
rings, a chain round the neck and a silver girdle round the waist. 
Over his shoulders hang a kerchief {pungkoih dura*) such as women 
are wont to wear as a covering for the head, of a red colour and 
embroidered with peacocks in gold thread. In one hand he holds a fan. 

His dalems start him off on the first tune by chanting in chorus 
some nonsense words such as hehe lam heum a. This tune to which the 
sadati now sings is a long-drawn chant of the kind known as lag^e 
jareueng *). The dalems chime in now and then with a refrain of meaning- 
less words ^). 

There is not much coherency in the sadati's recital; it consists of 
pantons strung together of moralizings upon the pleasure and pain of 
love or on recent events, of anecdotes from universally known Acheh- 
nese poems (hikayats), all introduced by the superfluous request for 
room to be made for him (the sadati) to perform in. 
Introduction Sadati A : Elder brothers ! (here he addresses those of the opposite 
o t e sa a 1. gj j^^ make room in order that the sadati may enter (i. e. into the space 
in the middle); I will give flowers to master sadati (i. e. his colleague 
on the opposite side), a tungkoy ') of flowers, among which are three 
nosegays of jeumpa-flowers. These I shall go and buy at Keutapang 

i) See p. 75 above. 

2) The singing of such a refrain is called meuchakrum, 

3) A taloe or karang consists of ten flowers tied together; ten taloe form one tungkoy. 


Dua. The market lies up-stream, the gampong Jeumpet down stream. — 
I send flowers to master sadati. Bun6t-trees in rows, a straight unin- 
dented coast, a lofty mountain with a holy tomb. There is little paper 
left, the ink fails; the land is at war, and my heart is perturbed *). 

During the succeeding part of the performance the dalems set the 
tune from time to time and chime in with their refrain, but most of 
these tunes, with the exception of that employed for the introduction, 
are lagie bagdih, or quick time, not slow intonations. 

The sadati proceeds. At Ch6t SinibSng on the shore of Peulari, there Continuation 
is the gampong of the mother of Meureundam Diwi. Alas ! this poor recitation ^* ^ 
little girl shut up in the drum *), the mother of the child is dead, 
devoured by the geureuda-bird. Teungku Mal^m (i. e. Mal^m Diwa) climbs 
up into the palace and fetches the princess down from the garret. 

Elder brothers, I have here a (question) in grammar, wherein I was 
instructed at Klibeuet at the home of Teungku Muda. I first studied 
the book of inflections; I began with the fourteen forms of inflection 
(i. e. the fourteen forms which in every tense of the verb serve to 
distinguish person, number and gender). What are the pronouns which 
appertain to the perfect tense of the verb? Tell me quickly, oh sadati 
(of the opposite side). 

The above will give the reader some notion of the sort of fragmentary The kisah 
songs with which the sadati commences his performance. These continue 
for a time till a new item of the programme, the kisahis of the sadati, 
is reached. 

Most of these kisahs consist in dialogues between the sadati and his 
dalems, but even where a continuous tale is recounted, the dalems take 
turns with their sadati in his recital. 

i) Here the sadati repeats the complaint with which many Achehnese authors or copyists 
preface their works. 

2) Here the sadati recalls the episode, in the well-known Hikayat Mal6m Diwa, of the 
town which was entirely laid waste by the geureuda, the only person saved being the 
beautiful princess Meureundam Dlwi, who was concealed by her father in a drum. See 
pp. 127, 146 above. 


When the dal^ms are speaking, the sadati always remains silent; but 
the intonation of the latter is invariably accompanied by the chakrum 
of the former ; this consists in a sort of dull murmur of the sounds 
helahohoy varied by occasional clapping of the hands. Let us begin 
with a translation of a kisah-dialogue, which also comprises a sort of 
Achehnese encyclopaedia of geography and politics. We denote the 
sadati by the letter S and his dal^ms by D. 
Specimen of Although the dalems sing in chorus and are addressed collectively 

a kisah-dialo- 
gue. by their sadati, they generally speak of themselves in the first person 

singular; and it is not generally apparent from what the sadati says, 

whether he is addressing them in the singular or the plural. We shall 

thus as a rule employ the singular in our translation, using the 

plural only in some of the many cases which admit of the possibility 

of its use. 


D. Wilt thou, oh little brother, go forth to try thy fortune and 
engage in trade in some place or other? 

S. What sea-coast has a just king, on what river-mouth lies the 
busiest mart? 

D. Well, little brother, little diamond, the land of Kluang has a 
thriving mart. 

S. I will not go to the land of Kluang, Nakhoda Nya' Agam no 
longer reigns there. 

D. Be not disturbed in mind because he is no longer king; Raja 
Udah is his successor. 

S. What matters whether Raja Udah is there or not, since he hath 
no acquaintance with you! 

D. If this contents thee not, I take you farther still; go to Gle 
Putoih (in Daya) to plant pepper. 

S. I will not go to Gle Putoih, for the men of Daya are at enmity 
with (us) Achehnese. 

D. If that please thee not, oh younger brother, go to Lambeus6e 
(Lambfisi) under the Keujruen Kuala. 

S. I go not to the country of Lambeus6e, for it is at strife with 
Kuala Unga. 

D. Be not disturbed that the country is at war; I appoint thee a 
panglima (leader of fighting men) there. 

S. How can you make me a leader in war, who am not yet fully grown? 


D. Where should I let thee go and fight, my heart, my star, the 
light of mine eyes? 

S. If you let me not go and fight then, by my body, I shall not 
be a panglima. 

D. If that place suits thee not, go as panglima to the kuta (fortress) 
of Chutli. 

S. I will not establish myself in Chutli; it is too close to the shore, 
on the border of the estuary. 

D. If that please thee not, little brother, little heart, I will set thee 
at Babah Awe (above Kuala Unga). 

S. I will not establish myself at Babah Awe, for I fear to die there 
with not one to care for me (i. e. for my burial). 

D. It that please thee not, blessed little brother, I will settle thee 
in the 12 Rant6s *). 

S. I will not live in the 12 Rant6s, brother; tell me, what mean 
you by this proposal? 

D. Our intention was, blessed little brother, to take thee there to the 
house of the Raja Muda (of Trum6n). 

S. We can have naught to do now with the Raja of Trum6n, for 
he is in the pay of the Tuan Beusa ^). 

D. Where didst thou learn that, blessed little brother ? Tell me I pray. 

S. I know it but too well, brother, I have but just returned from 
there, the day before yesterday as it were. 

D. As you pass along the rant6s of the West Coast, little brother, 
how many places are subject to the Dutch? 

S. Beginning at Padang right up to Singkel, all tribute is .raised for 
the King of Holland. 

D. When you come, little brother of mine, to the bay of Tapa' Tuan 
(vulg. T^mpat Tuan), who is king there? 

S. The king there is indeed a Moslim, but the flag is that of the Dutch. 

D. When you get to Laboh Haji (vulg. Labuan Haji), who is king there? 

S. The uleebalang of that place is a woman ^), she keeps us all in 
her protection. 

i) See p. 120 above. 

2) As to the meaning of this Malayan title (Tuan BSsar) see Vol. I, p. 171. 

3) A woman named Chut Nya* Patimah was in fact uleebalang of this place for a number 
of years. 


D. While on thy travels, little brother teungku, hast thou been also 
to the land of Batu? 

S. Early in the morning, brother, at Kuala Batu, by rice-time (about 
9 a. m., see Vol. I, p. 199) one comes to Lama Muda. 

D. Dear little brother, thou deservest punishment, I am going to banish 
thee to the mountain of Seulawai'h = Gold-(mountain). 

S. To banish me now ! Why did you not think of this before, when 
first you begged me from my brothers? 

D. When I asked for thee, I thought that it would be for a long 
time, little brother, little heart, that thou wouldst become my brother. 

S. Where could life be hard for a sadati (in other words, **! am 
not vexed at this banishment"); he can find everywhere foot-gear to 
adorn himself withal. 

D. Why should I set much store by thee, sadati, who wert given to 
me but art not good ? 

S. Wilt thou banish me to the mountains yonder that I may die, 
that tigers may devour me? 

D. I am going to banish thee, little brother, to a far country, so 
that thou canst not return to morrow or the day after. 

S. Should you banish me, brothers, beware lest on the morrow or 
the day after you long not to have me back again. 

D. We have had a clear insight into the matter during the time 
that thou hast been among us in this land; mayst thou not return 
either on the morrow or the day after. 

S. It will be better to sell me than to banish me, so that you may 
at least recover my value in money. 

D. I will hang no burden round my neck; I have had expense and 
trouble enough on thy account. 

S. Allah, allah, oh elder brothers who are my superiors, I lay my 
hands upon my head (in token of compliance). 

D. I take my chance, whatever be my fate; I shall now come clear 
through danger at least. 

S. If one has good fortune, brothers, one wins renown; should the 
former fail, we must be content with the past. 

D. Shouldst thou have good fortune *), oh lamp and light, then shalt 
thou go forth with an umbrella and return on horseback. 

i) The meaning is: '^shouldst thou be successful in this sadati contest, no marks of honour 
are too great for thee". 


S. Should good luck be the lot of you and me in this contest, 
then you must fulfil a vow after you return home from this place. 

D. Should I win my way through these engulfing waves, I shall 
have thee bathed in perfume '). 

S. We have ere now, brothers, been delivered from seven dangers 
(i. e. come successfully through seven contests), but of a surety this 
evening's is the greatest of all. 

D. Yes, it is very different from the former ones, of another kind 
from (our contests in) the past. 

S. My vow, brothers, is an offering of seven bunches of flowers for 
Teungku Anjong^) in Gampong Jawa. 

D. This evening there will perhaps be a mighty contest; whom shall 
I appoint to be panglima? 

S. Brothers, make me your leader in the fight; you shall see how 
I shall shake the earth till it trembles again. 

D. I fear, little brother, that it will not be as thou sayest, and that 
you will mayhap flee out yonder when the contest begins. 

S. It is assured, brothers, that I should not flee, I who am a son 
of the upper reaches of the river '), and skilled in fight. 

D. Wherefore so boastful and conceited, little brother? I fear that 
thou wilt lose this courage and burst into tears. 

S. This is no boastfulness nor high words of mine, brothers; you 
will see that I give proofs of valour, one against many. 

D. Little brother, we remind thee of one thing only ; thou must thy- 
self endure the result, be it good or ill. 

S. Brothers, I only ask you to stand fast behind me and to spread 
forth your hands in prayer (for our success). 

D. I have told thee of seven lands, little brother ; I now go to study 
for three years. 

S. I know it well, brother, my teungku; you have been sought for 
in all lands. 

D. What is thy wish, little brother, tell us thy desire. 

S. I wish to take the geudubang (a sort of sikin) and to go forth 
and make war, I being panglima. 

D. How canst thou, little brother go forth to war? Thou seest 

i) Here we have the dal6ms* vow. 

2) See Vol. I, p. 156. 

3) See Vol. I, p. 34. 


that thy brothers are without the means required for such a purpose. 

S. Be not dismayed, my brothers, by lack of the necessary means, 
go and tender your services for hire to the Emperor of China. 

D. This king of the unbelievers is my friend who forges artillery, 
the Emperor of China. 

S. Of a truth, brothers, you are speaking foolishly! You have never 
travelled even as far as Lam Weueng (in the XII Mukims). 

D. In the mountain range of Lam Weueng is the peak of the Seu- 
lawaih, in Lampanaih is a lilla (small cannon) with a bell '). 

S. If we go to the country of Acheh, brothers, what find we to be 
the greatest tokens of the power of the king? 

D. Speak not to me of the tokens of his power; he has artillery 
posted in every direction. 

S. The Meuseugit Raya had fallen into disrepair; it was the Habib 
(i. e. Habib Abdurrahman) that first took it in hand after his arrival *). 

D. That is indeed just as thou sayest, little brother; tell me now 
what is the form of the summit of the Gun6ngan '). 

S. Its summit is of a truth exceeding beautiful ; the king goes thither 
on horseback. 

D. Little brother, thou hast already told us of the country of Acheh, 
let us now get us hence and go elsewhere. 

S. Whither will you go, oh brothers, my teungkus? take your little 
brother with you, dear brothers, panglimas. 

D. Let us remain no longer in Acheh, little brother ; let us go yonder 
to Teungku Pakeh (the king of Pidie). 

S. Nay, I will not go to Teungku Pak^h, brothers, that is so close 
to Acheh, and it would take so short a time to return home. 

D. If that please thee not, little grain of an ear of padi, I will take 
thee to Kuala Gigieng. 

S. I will not live at Kuala Gigieng, brothers; were I to die (in that 
place), there is none that would look after my dead body. I have no 
brothers there. 

1) Here commences another geographical disquisition, which takes us from Acheh to the 
North and East Coasts. 

2) See Vol. I, p. 163. 

3) This curious erection in the neighbourhood of the Dalam, now incorrectly named Kotta 
Pechut (Kuta P6chut) by Europeans, is said by the Achehnese to have been constructed by 
a former king of Acheh in the form of a mountain to relieve the home-sickness of his 
consort a native of the highlands of the interior. 


D. Dear little brother, to cut the matter short, I shall take thee to 
Kuala le Leubeue (vulg. Ayer Labu). 

S. I will not live at Kuala le Leubeue, for in the fresh-water creek 
at that place there are many crocodiles. 

D. If that suits thee not, brave brotherkin, let us go and dwell at 
Eunjong in the house of the La'seumana. 

S. Brothers, I will not dwell at Eunjong, the gampong there is full 
of holes (and thus muddy) and there are too many bangka-trees. 

D. If that please thee not, little brother, I shall take thee to the 
land of Meureudu. 

S. Brothers, I will not live at Meureudu; the whole country is in 
tumult and war prevails. 

D. Dear little brother, blessed little brother, I shall go and establish 
thee at Samalanga. 

S. At Samalanga also there are strange doings; Keuchi' AH ') has 
been driven into the forest. 

D. Little brother, if that please thee not, let us go to the country 
of Peusangan in Glumpang Dua. 

S. In the country of Peusangan there are also strange doings ; Teuku 
B^n {^= B^ntara) is dead, and no successor has yet been appointed. 

D. If that will not do, blessed little brother, I shall take thee to Samoti. 

S. Brothers, I will not live at Samoti ; the prince of that place, the 
Keujruen Kuala ^), is not to be depended on. 

D. If that please thee not, I shall carry thee to Aw^ Geutah. 

S. Brothers, I will not live at Aw^ Geutah, for I fear that Teungku 
Chut Muda would forbid me (i. c. forbid my performance as a sadati, 
to which all ulamas are averse). 

D. If that will not do, little brother sadati, let us go down to Meu- 
nasah Dua. 

S. I am not very well known at Meunasah Dua brother; Teungku 
Cheh Deuruih (a teacher established there) is still but a young man. 

D. If that will not do, little brother teungku, I will take thee to 
Pante Paku. 

S. I will not go to Pant^ Paku, for I cannot twist rope of cocoanut 
fibre (there is here a play on the word *paku"). 

i) This uUebalang, father of the present chief, was actually driven out of house and 
home by his enemies from Meureudu. 

2) Title given to the chiefs (k(fjuruan) of settlements at the mouths of rivers. 


D. Dear little brother, I am going to bring thee to Lho' Seumaw^, 
to (the gam pong of) Sawang Keupula. 

S. I will not live at Sawang Keupula, for I fear lest the Mahraja 
(of Lho' Seumaw^) may carry me off. 

D. If that please thee not, blessed little brother, I shall take thee to 
the country of Piadah. 

S. Brothers, I will not live in the country of Piadah; I will go 
further off; I will start now. 

D. If that please thee not, my heart, go and stay at Jambu Ay^. 

S. I will not stop at Jambu Ay^; I fear that I may perish if a flood comes. 

D. If that suit thee not, little brother sadati, go yonder to Idi (vulg. 
Edi) that great mart. 

S. I will not live at Idi, brothers ; Teuku Nya' Paya *) is a raja who 
cannot be trusted. 

D. If that will not suit, little brother, my teungku, I shall place thee 
on the island of Samp6e *) (near Teumieng, vulg. Tamiang). 

S. We can now no longer live on the island by Samp6e ; it has been 
taken by the infidel, the King of Holland. 

D. If this please thee not, blessed little brother, tell us whither thou 
dost wish to go. 

S. My desire, brothers, is to go to Pul6 Pinang') that I may indulge 
my passions in the ^'long house" *). 

D. Little brother, go not to Puld Pinang, one requires much money 
to visit the long house. 

S. Trouble not yourselves on the score of money; I can always hold 
horses and drive for hire. 

D. Little brother, if thou dost go and work for hire, it will be a 
reproach to thine elder brethren. 

S. Let me have my wish, brothers, my teungkus; so long as I stay 
not here, I care not. 

D. Do you hear, my masters (this to the audience) how strong in 
dispute my darling here is? 

S. Do your hear, my masters? I am said to be strong in dispute. 

i) This was a chief subject to Teungku di Buk6t, as to whom see Vol. I, p. 156. 

2) This island formed part of the sphere of influence of the well-known Tuanku As6m 
(ob. 1897), the guardian of the young pretender to the sultanate. 

3) Pinang represents for the Achehnese ''the world" in all its aspects both good and evil. 

4) Mai. rumah panjang = house of ill-fame. (Translator) 


D. Never yet ere now has my darling wrangled with his teacher; 
this sin is enough to make him fuel for hell. 

S. God forbid that I should wrangle with my teacher; I know that 
I shall in any case go to hell (on account of my godless occupation 
of sadati). 

D. I speak one way and he answers in another! thou art indeed 
clever in making remarks and propounding questions. 

S. It is not fitting, brothers, to speak like this; I am indeed by 
nature as clever as a leuB* bangguna *). 

D. I have slept for a moment and have had a dream, but I know 
not how to interpret my dream. 

S. What have you dreamed, brother, my teungku? Tell your little 
brother, that I may explain the meaning thereof. 

D. I dreamed, little brother, that I went on pilgrimage (the haj), 
that I went to purify myself in the glorious city (of Mekka). 

S. When you go on the pilgrimage, teungku, pray take the sadati 
with you, that he may crave forgiveness for his sins. 

D. Let us not go this year, dear little heart, thy brother has no money 
at all. 

S. Then sell your garden and your rice-field, brother, to furnish 
funds for the journey of your little brother, who wishes to depart at once. 

D. Rice-field and garden dare I not sell; I fear that the chiefs will 
find means to make their own of them *). 

S. Kiss the knees of the ul^ebalang, do obeisance (seumbah) at his 
feet, so that he may leave you at least as much money as you require. 

D. Ah dear little brother, blessed little brother, what can I do to 
get money? The times are bad. 

S. Allah, Allah, blessed brother, go and pawn the (golden) crown 
of my cap. 

D. I dare not pawn the crown of thy cap, it is thy ornament (which 
thou requirest) when you are bidden to play. 

S. If that suffice not, my brother, my teungku, go and pawn my 

i) This sort of hue'' (see p. 211 above) continually emits short broken sounds, and is 
regarded as excelling in lameness and skill in fighting. The word ragoe^ which we have 
translated clever^ also means tame, 

2) As to the greed with which the ul^ebalangs appropriate the rice-fields of their subjects 
under fictations pretexts, see Vol. I, p. 115. 



D. How canst thou wish to have thy bracelets pawned? That would 
look badly in the eyes of the people, and bring shame upon us. 

S. If that suffice not, brother, go and pawn my anklets. 

D. How canst thou wish to have they anklets pawned? That too 
looks not well in the eyes of the world. 

S.'Go thyself, teungku, and let me also go; I desire so to travel. 

D. Here now is some money, for which thou didst ask just now; 
but take me I pray thee among thy followers. 

S. Rather accompany me not, my brother, my teungku. I shall come 
back quickly and rejoin you. 

D. In what ship art thou going to travel ? Tell me this now, little brother. 

B. I go, brothers, in the ship of Banan ^). In that ship I shall set sail. 

D. Go not, little brother, in Banan 's ship; it is well known to be expensive. 

S. Be not alarmed as to heavy expense ; I shall work for the nakhoda 
(captain) for wages. 

D. If thou receivest wages, little brother, it gives thy elder brothers 
a bad name. 

S. Never mind that, if only I can reach the holy land. 

D. When dost thou go on board, little brother? tell me when dost 
thou depart. 

S. Sunday evening — Monday morning, on this morning my depar- 
ture is fixed. 

D. When thou goest, little brother, my teungku, take me with thee. 

S. Come thou not with me, my master; I shall of a surety come 
back in a year. 

D. If that be so, blessed little brother, I fetter thy steps no longer, 
start on thy journey. 

S. Convey my salutations to my father, (say to him:) "Your darling 
is gone, his journey has begun". 

D. What shall I give to thy mother as thy parting gift? 

S. Brother, dear brother, my teungku, spread out your hands and 
pray for me (i. e. let your prayer take the place of such parting gift). 

D. In the four seasons of the day ^) and in the four seasons of the 
night, the palms of my hands shall be turned upwards in prayer. 

i) A sailing ship once famous in Acheh, belonging to an Arab named Ali BannSn, which 
took many pilgrims to Arabia. 
2) See Vol. I p. 199. 


S. Should I die upon my pilgrimage, brother, wilt thou give kan- 
duris (religious feasts) and pray for me? 

D. May they journey be prosperous, may sharks devour thee and 
may whales swallow thee! 

S. Allah, Allah, brother, my teungku, this is of a truth a fine prayer 
in which thou liftest up thy hands. 

D. Whence could I find the money, little brother, for the kanduri's 
which thou wishest to have held? I have already exhausted my means 
in gifts to thee, whilst thou wert still but young. 

We append a brief specimen of another kind of kisah which is recited , . Second 

kisah not in 

in slow time intonation {lag^e jareueng) and is not in the form of a dialogue, 
dialogue; the dal^ms first intone each verse (of at), and the sadati 
repeats it after them. The tune is called jamilen and is introduced by 
the . dal^ms with the following chakrum : alah hayolah adbe eu jatnilin 
leungb tonkisah („Alah, hayolah, little brother, jamilen, hear my story") 
these words being likewise repeated by the sadati. The remainder of 
the recital is as follows: 

The Land of Pidie forms a square ; four uleebalangs hold the balance 
(i. e. the power) in their hands. 

The X Mukims are subject to B^ntara Keumangan*); Teungku Sama 
Indra is he who rules the VIII Mukims. 

The La'seumana (the Chief of Eunjong) is a fatherless child; he 
rules the XXII Mukims. 


The V Mukims are under the control of (him that is mighty as) 
midday thunder, Teungku Ujong Rimba. 

Teungku Pak^h has a single mukim; he has watch-towers built at 
the four corners of his stronghold. 

The entrance of its gate is very beautiful; there is a prison there 
built by Chinese. 

i) The popular representation of Acheh as a triangle {Jhci sagb'e) finds here its coun- 
terpart in that of Pidie as a square, the divisions of the latter being in like manner 
named from the numbers of mukims which make them up. 

2) In the Hikayat Pdchut Muhamat (see pp. 92 — 93 etc. above), the territory of 
B6ntara Keumangan (Pangul^e Beunaroe) is called the IX Mukims which appellation it 
still retains. 


The VII Mukims belong to Acheh ; they are the property of Pan- 
glima P61^m (the panglima of the XXII Mukims of Acheh). 

In Bram6e is P6chut Siti '), along the sea-board is Teungku Siah Kuala*). 

On the banks of the salt-water creek is established one who is said 
to be invincible; he is known as Teuku Ne' of Meurasa. 

In Pidie they have Teungku Pak^h, in Acheh we have our lord the King. 

The XXVI Mukims (of Acheh are subject to) Panglima Chut Oh ^) 
the XXV to Siah Ulama. 

The XXII under Panglima P61^m ; they are subject to our lord the King. 

Distribution There is no fixed rule as to the number of kisahs to be recited in 

C ill 

° ^ **' succession by one party; this is left to the performers' own choice and 
gives rise to no differences of opinion between the two sides. When 
one party gets tired, the other is always ready to take its turn, btit 
as long as they like to do so they may continue. Ordinarily speaking, 
however, the first party plays its rat^b d6ng right through before 
allowing the other to commence its recital ; and the rat^b d6ng of the 
one side will often last until five o'clock in the morning (^^A (6t sam- 
bang, ** after the falling of the morning shot"). Before the opposing side 
begins, the first performers add some further nasib such as that of 
which we have already given examples in our description of the 
rateb due\ 

The opposite party then take the stage and follow essentially the 

same programme as that which we have just described — fragments of 

I verse, covert allusions, quasi-learned questions, little sneering gibes at 

the rival party — all sung by the sadati and accompanied by the 

chakrum or refrain of his dal^ms. 

Brief dcscrip- I shall give but a brief abstract of some few more kisahs in common 

contents of "^^ ^^ sadati performances, which I took down from the lips of a 

some kisahs. skilled reciter; they differ too little in character from those given above 

to lay claim to reproduction in full. 

In one of these, which is in dialogue form, the insatiable desire of 

i) The ^bnrdng*'* worshipped as a saint, see Vol. I p. 379. 

2) Abdora'oh (see Vol. I p. 156, and above pps 17 etc.) formerly the greatest saint of 
Acheh, now the second after Teungku Anj5ng. 

3) Cf. Vol. I footnote to p. 138. The details of this geographical kisah, as the reader 
may have observed, belong to an earlier period. 


the sadati for travel again constitutes the main subject; he is himself 
uncertain whither he will go, and whether he will travel for study or 
for trade, but of this he is sure, that in life or death he will remain 
faithful and attached to his dal^ms. Passing mention is made of a 
number of seats of religious learning. 

Another kisah which is sung by the dalems and repeated by the 
sadati verse by verse, comprises some remarks on the method of cal- 
culating the proper hour for commencing a contest (with special refe- 
rence to the sadati-contest), a prayer of the sadati for strength to 
enable him to gain the victory, and certain geographical particulars 
with regard to the environs of the capital of Acheh. 

Another, which is recited in the same way as the last, contains, 
besides some disconnected allusions, a fragment from the story of Diwa 
Sangsar^h, which forms the subject of a popular hikayat *). 

A fourth, which is intoned partly by the sadati (with an accompa- 
niment) and partly by the dalems, consists of one or two metaphors 
(for instance, one regarding the heavenly recompense for ritual prayers), 
one or two riddles, and finally a challenge addressed to the opposite party. 

A fifth, which is sung by the sadati to a slow tune (lag^e jareu'eng) 
and accompanied by the dalems, consist simply of such challenges. 

A sixth contains similar challenges recited by the dalems, in succes- 
sion to a riddle intoned by the sadati. 

So the performance goes on during the course of the morning; the 
second party laying itself out to give mocking or jesting answers to 
the questions put by the first, and to repay all their sneers two-fold. 

One or two hours before midday the party which has been sitting T^^ «°d o^ 

^ ^ ^ «> the contest. 

down and resting stands up once more, and now both sides recite 
together, each its own kisah in its own way, to that it is impossible 
to understand what they are saying, especially as each side tries to 
shout their opponents down. 

The sadatis approach closer and closer to one another, and would 
often come to blows, were it not that the authorities of the gampongs 
engaged interfere and put an end to the contest about midday. The 
initiative to the closing of the performance is given by the master of 
the house, who has meanwhile caused rice and its accessories to be got 
ready for the players. At his request two elders one from each gam- 

i) See p. 148 above. 


pong, "separate" (publa^ the ordinary word for the separation of fighters) 
the sadatis and give out that the time for departure has arrived. Each 
of the elders makes obeisance to the opposite side, and beseeches them 
for forgiveness for all shortcomings or disagreeable expressions which 
may have caused them offence. As may be imagined the players, quite 
worn out with 16 hours of excitement and tension, hurry home to seek 
repose after partaking of the meal which concluded the performance. 
"Gradual Like all forbidden amusements, the sadati performances have fallen 

sadafi perfor- ^^ ^^^y "^^^^^ ^^ Acheh during the last twenty years. 

'"^"^^^j Within the ^'linie" and in other parts where the effects of the war 

have made themselves most felt, the people lack the energy necessary 
for getting up these contests; while outside these limits the teungkus 
and ulamas have been preaching reform with all their might, as with- 
out repentance, they say, it will never be possible to prevail against 
I the kafirs. Should they show a more complacent spirit towards these 
/ popular wickednesses, they would soon lose their prestige and would be- 
J hold the influence which the war has given them gradually dwindle away. 
It is, however, far from being the case that this asceticism, though 
in theory universally acknowledged as right, and now in practise en- 
forced in the most disaffected parts of the country, is able to meet 
with general acceptance. A holy war in Java would certainly bring 
with it the prohibition of gam^an and wayang performances, but it is 
equally certain that it would take more than twenty years to entirely uproot 
these popular amusements. Even though the gam^lans were silenced 
and the wayang-poppets consigned to the dust heap, a moment's respite 
would suffice to bring them to light again. So is it also with the sadati 
performances. They continue to exist in spite of the teungkus, and 
when the power of the latter is once broken, these rat^bs will without 
doubt revive and flourish once more. 
The sadati 'jj^^ manner of dress and appearance on the stage of the sadatis 

performances '^ * ^ 

and morality, must be admitted to have some connection with the general prevalence 

in Acheh of immorality of the worst kind; but as has been already 

pointed out (p. 222 above) it cannot be said that such immorality is 

directly ministered to by these performances. 

The sadati / There arc other ways besides in which the significance of the Acheh- 

performance f 

and the Java- ttese sadati performances in regard to the life of the people may be 

nese wayang. ^^^^ compared with that of the Javanese wayangs though in actual 

/details the two are entirely different from one another. In the former, 


as in the latter, the play holds the audience because it deals with all 
in the way of national tradition, science, religion and art that hasV 
grown to be the property of the mass of the people. In both alike, ) 
the material handed down by tradition is interwoven with sallies which 
contain allusions to living persons or those who have but lately passed 
away, to present events or those in the recent past. Love and war 
supply both with inexhaustible themes. 

The sadati performance has, besides, all the attractions of a trial of | 
skill, even though there is no stake, and though victory and defeat 
depend on the fiat of the audience alone. 

This decision is almost always unanimous. That party which displays Final issue^ 
in the rateb due" the most graceful and best studied movements, which ofthe^^Usi 
intones most correctly and can most successfully imitate its rivals 
when it comes to their turn to play, is said to ^'gain the victory in 
the rat^b" [meunang bcC rateb) \ while that which puts the neatest 
questions to its opponents, scores the wittiest hits against them, and 
has command of the greatest variety of kisahs, ** gains the victory in 
the nasib" (meunang ba^ nasib). It seldom happens that either audience 
or players have any doubt as to who deserves the palm. 

Another equally popular variation of the travesty of the true rat^b The rat6b 
is the rateb pulH \ also known as ratib chue* ^) or ratkb brue % The P"^^^* 
performance takes it name from its special feature, namely playing in 
rhythmic unison with a number of wooden rings known as bbh pulH or 
brue* pulH, The upper circumference of these rings has a greater dia- 
meter than the lower, so that they may be compared to the rim of a 
funnel cut off horizontally. 

This rat^b is also of the nature of a contest; two parties, chosen if Nature of the 
possible from different gampongs, take up their position opposite each pc^onnance. 
other in the seu'eng (booth) or meunasah. Each party consists of from 
8 to 20 players; behind each company sit one or two reciters called 

i) Pulet properly means ^to turn a thing inside out"; the rat6b is so called because 
the rings used therein are continually twisted by the movements of the player. 

2) Cku'e^ is an earthenware bowl or platter used as a receptacle for children *s food or for 
sambals (relishes eaten with curry) etc. The shape of the bowl is like that of the bhh 
pulet except that the latter has no bottom. 

3) Brue'' properly means cocoanut-shell, and is also used for other hemispherical objects. 


radat, as in the ordinary rat^b. There is also a tambourine orchestra 
which accompanies the songs and gestures of the players. These tam- 
bourines are called rapana (compare the Malay riband) or else rapdi, 
from the religious performance in which they are much used. 

The musicians proper play on large tambourines; the members of 
the company often have small ones set before them on which they 
play their own accompaniment in certain portions of the performance. 

This rateb is played entirely in a sitting posture (rateb due*) and 

resembles the rateb sadati in essentials except that the sadatis are missing. 

Task of the jj^^ radats of the party which commences the recitation set the tunes 

radat, ^ ^ 

and intone four ajats to every tune; after this the ''companions" (ra^d:«) 
follow suit. Like the dalem of the sadati performance they accompany 
their intoning with rhythmic gestures, such as movements of the arms, 
snapping of the fingers, manoeuvring of kerchiefs and especially with 
the bbh or brue pulH. While all this is going on, the opposite side 
must join in and keep time, which is made as difficult for them as 
possible by their opponents. 
Nasib and As soon as one party has intoned a number of lagees, there is here 


also (as in the rat^b sadati) an interval which is filled up by a misib 
similarly rounded off with a kisah. The nasib is started by the radats 
of the leading party, and the members of this party only chime in with 
the recitation ; nor is there any gesticulation or play with kerchiefs etc. 
in this part of the performance. 

At the beginning of the rat^b pul^t the performers recite certain 
lines in imitation of a real rat^b or dikr, and which give an impression 
as though the task on hand were a work ordained of the Prophet and 
the saints — e. g. 

"In the name of Allah I now commence, following the fashion handed 
down from the very beginning. We borrow our tradition from the Pro- 
phet; respond, my masters all!" 

For the rest the recitation consists mainly of ordinary pantons, by 
far the most of which celebrate the joys and sorrows of love. 

The rateb pul^t has not, any more than the rat^b sadati, a religious 

The ulamas regard it as a forbidden amusement, but are somewhat less 
severe in their condemnation of the rat^b pul^t than of the rat^b sadati, 
since the former does not include boys in female dress among its performers. 


The rapa^i performance may be classed among the rat^bs; it bears The rapa*i 
a religious character in the estimation of the Achehnese public, and P^ onnancc.^ 
can therefore become the subject of a vow. Thus we find people un- 
dertaking to give rapa'i performances in their enclosures, should they 
escape some threatening danger, or should one of their relations recover | 
from his illness, etc. Such performances are also sometimes given on 
the occasion of a family feast, whether in accordance with a vow or 
not, and persons of wealth and rank occasionally organize them without 
any special reason. 

The great saint of the mystics, Ahmad Rifa*! (ob. 1182), a younger Ahmad 
contemporary of the equally celebrated Abdulqadir Jilanl ') (ob. 1166), 
who was held in high honour in Acheh as well as in other parts of 
the Mohammedan world, was the founder of a wide-spread order (the 
Rifa'iyyah), which afterwards split up into a number of subdivisions. 
If we read the story of his life ^) we find an abundant record of his 
piety and wisdom , and also of the miracles (karamat) which he worked 
through God's grace, but nothing which bridges over the gulf which 
separates him from the all but juggling performances which bear his name. 

Yet the connection may be traced. Not only in the Rifa'ite but Miracles of 

certain orders 

also in other mystic orders cases are quoted from their own tradition of dervishes, 
where members of the fraternity who have attained a high degree of 
perfection in mysticism, have through divine grace suffered no hurt from 
acts which in ordinary circumstances result in sickness or in death; 
the eating of fragments of glass, biting off the heads of snakes, woun- 
ding themselves with knives, throwing themselves beneath the feet of 
horses, all these and other like acts have proved harmless to the suc- 
cessors of the founders of these orders, and they too have been given 
the power to endow their true disciples with temporary invulnerability. 
The stories current about such matters in the mystic tradition must 
certainly be set down to some extent to pious fiction, but there are 
also instances where the condition of high-strung transport into which 
the dervishes work themselves by wakeful nights, by fasting and ex- 
hausting exercises, do actually result in temporary or local insensibility 
to pain. 

i) See Vol. I, pp. 130, 165, 191. 

2) For instance in the Tiryaq al-muhibbln of AbdarrahmSn al-WasItl, printed in Cairo 
in A. H. 1 304. In the works of Ibn Khallik&n we however find reference to the methods of 
the RifsUtes, and to the animadversion which they aroused in certain theological circles. 


No matter what explanation science ^) may offer of these matters, 
or what learned terms (such as mesmerism, paroxysm etc.) our savants 
may employ to conceal their ignorance with respect to these pheno- 
mena of the human consciousness, the fact remains that what the most 
sober and sceptical witnesses have seen of these dervish-miracles in 
various Mohammedan countries would cause a European public unpre- 
pared for such revelations, to shrug their shoulders in unbelieving 
Deterioration For centuries past certain sections of these orders who possessed 
miracles into such mystic powers, have made a sort of trade out of the practice of 
jugglery. these arts. The brethren of the craft assemble together at fixed times, 
and under the guidance of their teacher give themselves up to the 
recitation of dikirs accompanied by movements of the body which tend 
to produce giddiness, and thus finally fall into the ecstasy which causes 
them to perform without fear the dangerous tricks which we have just 
spoken of. Should one of them fall a victim to his hardihood, it is 
ascribed to the weakness of his faith ; should he wound himself slightly, 
a little spittle from his teacher's mouth, with an invocation of the 
name of the founder of the order, suffices to ensure his recovery. 

Where these gatherings of dervishes take place in public, and espe- 
cially at religious feasts, it not unfrequently happens that some of the 
onlookers are infected with the frenzy of the performers and becoming 
as it were possessed, voluntarily join in the hazardous game; this also 
is ascribed to the mystic influence of the founder of the order. 

These public performances are apt to degenerate into mere theatrical 
representations, in fact into mere conjuring, where nothing but the 
name and a few formalities recall its connection with mysticism. Indeed 
the most celebrated of these orders have become thus corrupted. The 
orthodox conception is that while it is wrong to cast any doubt on 
the possibility of the existence of such phenomena, and while certain 
chosen mystics have indeed shown by such means how close was their 
walk with God, these modern performances although bearing sanctified 
names are really empty if not profane counterfeits. 

The general Mohammedan world however does not participate in 

i) See the interesting treatise of M. Quedenfelt, Aberglaube und halbreligiose Bruder- 
schaften bci den Marokkanern^ in the Zeitsckrift fur Ethnologie for the year 1886, N®. VI, 
and especially pp. 686 etc. 


this censure ; superstition and the tendency towards excessive veneration 
for persons with a reputation for sanctity cause them to accept the 
appearance for the reality and to be even ready to defend this stand- 
point with true fanaticism against its assailants. This makes the orthodox 
teachers somewhat backward in expressing their condemnation of such 

Among the performances cloaked in the ceremonial of Rifa'I, and 
which are based partly on hysteria and mesmerism, and partly on 
legerdemain, voluntary self-infliction of wounds takes a leading place '). 
They are (though to a less degree than formerly) universally practised 
throughout the Eastern Archipelago under the name of dabus- \ Mbus- 
or ^&3S(J«j-performances \ from the Arabic dabbus, an iron awl, which 
serves as the chief instrument for the infliction of the wounds. The 
Achehnese also speak of daboih (the weapon) and meudaboih (its use) 
or else call the performance rapa^i (from Rifa'I) which word also serves 
to designate the tambouHne which is used in this as well as other 
dikirs etc. 

The prevailing opinion among the natives as to these ^(fl:do/A-perfor- The meuda- 
mances is as follows. They should take place under the leadership of 
a true khalifah, i. e. a spiritual successor of the founder of the order, 
whose spiritual genealogical tree brings him into connection with 
Ahmad Rifa'I, and who has obtained license (ijazah) from his guru to 
conduct these otherwise dangerous exercises. When the brotherhood 
assembles, this khalifah should, after receiving and returning their 
respectful salutations, recite certain texts. This he sometimes does alone, 
but occasionally the brethren chime in in chorus. The recitation pres- 
cribed by the master of the order is supposed to excite holy visions 
in the minds of the brethren who are favoured by God's grace, and 
by degrees they and even perhaps some of the bystanders as well, 
attain to the ecstatic condition to which is attached the quality of 
invulnerability. Then by turning their weapons upon their own bodies 

i) See for instance Lane's Manners and customs of the Modern Egyptians^ 5th edit. 
Vol. I p. 305; Vol. II pp. 93, 216. 

2) Such self wounding is but little resorted to by the Malays, though it is rife among 
the Klings or Tamil Mohammedans residing in the Peninsula. Wilkinson (Mai. Diet. Vol. I 
p. 282) gives dabus as the name of the peculiar puncher or awl with a short spike (so as 
only to inflict a superficial wound) used for this voluntary infliction of wounds. ( Translator^ 

3) In Menangkabau dabuih. This word has been wrongly rendered by Van der Toom. 


they show forth to mankind the power of God and the excellence of 
the master of their order. 

It is however acknowledged that the salasilahs (** chains" of tradition 
i. e. spiritual genealogical trees) of those who now-a-days assume the 
role of khallfahs of the Rifa'iyyah, are of very dubious validity, and 
that their exercise of the functions of leader cannot therefore be re- 
garded as confirmed by the authority of the master of the order or of 
one of his rightful successors. 

These ripaH or rapa'i exhibitions, where not prohibited by the Dutch 
local authorities, generally serve as an embellishment to a feast. The 
'kalipah' or leader of the company, although ever eager to keep up 
the pretence of performing a pious work for Allah's sake, nevertheless 
greedily accepts for himself and the brethren the customary recom- 
pense for the performance. 

Both in players and on-lookers we may generally discern a curious 
mixture of belief, self-deception and roguishness. Belief in the possi- 
bility of the actual infliction of wounds without danger *), through the 
blessed influence of Ahmad Rifa'i, a belief which sometimes impels 
those who take part in the performance to inflict on themselves serious 
and often fatal hurts; self-deception in respect to certain skilful per- 
formers, who are really no more than conjurers; and roguishness on 
the part of players who pretend to deal themselves heavy blows but 
who really only momentarily press the point of the awl or dagger 
against some hard portion of the skin. 
The rapa'i Such is the case in Acheh as well as in other Mohammedan coun- 
in Acheh. tries. The great mass of the people classifies the performance as an 
example of the eleum^e keubay *) or science of invulnerability. They 
are not aware that the name rapa'x is a corruption of that of the 
saint of yore, and only connect the word with the tambourines used 
by the players, although the name of the master of mysticism, as well 
as that of his holy contemporary Abdulqadir Jllani and of various 
others ^) is actually invoked in the rat^b. 

i) It happened quite recently in West Java for example that a firm believer had him- 
self initiated by a khalifah into the devotion of Rif§'i, and subsequently fell a victim to 
the serious wounds which he inflicted on himself at his very first pierformance. 

2) See p. 34 above. 

3) As for example Naqshiband, the allusion to whom in the sadati performance so misled 
Van den Berg. 


In some districts the brethren perform every Friday evening for their 
own practice and edification, as well as on other occasions by special 

The brethren divide into two equal sides, which take up their 
position opposite one another in several parallel rows. At the top, 
between the two parties, sits the guru, who is respectfully saluted 
by all present. He begins by reciting the fatihahy the Mohammedan 
Lord'^ Prayer, and other passages from the holy writ; then he leads 
off the rat^b, which is intoned to the Achehnese and Malabar tunes, 
as they are called, alternately slow {jareu'eng) and quick ipagdih) tune. 
It consists of Achehnese verses, two at a time being sung to each tune, 
mixed with corrupt Arabic expressions the meaning of which is un- 
known to the hearers. 

The leader sings alone three successive times the words : ya ho alah, 
ya fnyelb'e^)\ then all intone in chorus after him, ^o sbydilah\ oh my 
lord Amat! (i. e. Ahmad Rifa'I)". Thereupon commence the verses, 
the recitation of which is accompanied by an orchestra of great rapaH^s^ 
while the actual performers occasionally strike smaller tambourines or 
wave them in the air with graceful motions. We append a translation 
of some of the verses. 

Oh my Lord, we pray thee help us — against the point of the reun- 
chong (the ordinary Achehnese dagger) whose blade is exceeding sharp? 

O sbydilah, O Abdulqadir — the prophet Chidhr lives in the great sea. 
His abode is in the waters, yet does his body never become wet — 
through the favour of the Lord and Master, oh our Lord ! 

O iron, iron belah ^) ! wherefore art thou refractory ? 

i) Oh He, Allah, Oh my Lord ! Me'eloe is corrupted from the Arabic maulSy = maulSya 
"my Lord." 

2) This word is a corruption of the Arabic shaV liilah "something done for the sake of God" 
which is frequently found in dikirs, and which is used to introduce a fatihah recited in 
honour of a prophet or saint. As it is here entirely out of place, I have left it untranslated. 

3) This word is a corruption of billahi^ i.e. "By God! for God's sake!", but it conveys 
no meaning to the ordinary Achehnese. 


Now do I exorcise thee with thy own incantation '). Blunt be the 
ron, sharp the incantation! 

White is the flower of the confession of faith — the limitless sea is 
the kingdom of my Lord. 

Twenty attributes (hath God), name of God's majesty! — My body 
is of a truth the possession of my Lord. 

A drop of water in the palm of the hand — who knoweth the art 
of bathing himself in the glitter thereof? 

It is my Lord alone who may thus bathe; — none other may bathe 
himself in the glitter thereof*). 

O sbydilah *), O Abdulqadir — may all (red-hot) chains be affected 
by the incantation! 

May they be as cold as water, may they be powdered like dust-— 
through the blessed influence of our noble teacher! 

Ya ho alah; ya hO m^eI6e *) — o iron ! thou art under the influence 
of exorcism. 

O Allah ! There is a conflict in the cause of Allah ! *) O for help in 
the conflict in the cause of Allah ! 

The sibSn-bOn bush, its flowers are withered — they lie disconso- 
lately round the stalk. 

i) It is a gre&t secret of oil fommliis of exorcism sgainst objects or beings injurious to 
man, to throw in their teeth their own Dames, their origin or a description of their nature, 
DT resist them with an incantation in some way derived from that against which it is used. 

i) Both these venes coatain allusions of a profoundly mystic nature. 

3) See page 153. 4) See page aS3- 

5) The common expression for the holy war. 


It is unheard of, that a disciple should set himself against his teacher 
the lot of such an one shall be hell ! 

O sbydilah ') Ch^h Nurodin *) — may all sikins be blunt of blade ! 

May their points be turned and their blades curl up — smitten by 
the blessed influence of a whole walletful of incantations (which the 
guru has at his command). 

It became known that Banta Beuransah ^) had returned — with the 
princess, whom he brought along with him. 

He brought the princess home from the clouds — j^ns and pari's 
bore her palace behind her. 

O (red-hot) chains, may you quickly grow cool ! — O glowing char- 
coal, lay aside your glow ! 

May you be cool as water, (pliable) as lead — through the blessed 
influence of the (confession of faith) ** there is no God but Allah". 

Stand up, (ye with the) iron awls, let us beat the rapa'i! — let us 
in imagination pass in procession round the tomb of the Prophet! 

Stand up, ye with the awls, may your hearts be pure — so does 
the Lord grant forgiveness of sins. 

Besides these verses, which are more or less applicable to the task 
of the performers, they also recite others, chiefly of a religious nature, 
some of which convey wise lessons while others contain extracts from 
the sacred history; as for example: 

In the name of Allah I commence my dikir — perchance I shall 
not be able to recite my prayer. 

i) See p. 253. 

2) Here is invoked the name of the most distinguished teacher of the law in Acheh 
during the flourishing period of the kingdom. See pp. 12 etc., above. 

3) See the very popular hikayat regarding this hero p. 134 above. 



i 4 

• . 

I ! 

I I 

I ; 


I ; 

I ' 

I t 

I • 

' 1 
! 1 

! : 
p • 

I • 








1 { 

i I The godless are without reflection — where is the religion of those 

I i 

that know not God? 

Abu Jahl, how deeply is he accursed — what shall be his punish- 
» i ment for his resistance to Muhammad ? 

When Muhammad had flung him to the clouds, he appeared to the 
eye like a tiny beetle. 

In the land of Egypt there are firearms set with precious stones ; — 
I in the land of Mekka there are firearms ornamented with suasa (a com- 

j ' pound of gold and copper). 

! In Gampong Jawa there are lamps in a row ; — let us make pro- 

cessions round the tomb of the Prophet. 

Hamzah perished near the mountain Uhud, a little distance (from 

When Hamzah was slain, the Prophet resolved to remove his body, — 
the mountains wept and accompanied him. 

The following couplet is properly speaking a salutation at departure, 
but it is also occasionally repeated during the course of the performance: 

O teungkus, go not home yet — sit down opposite the guru and 
lift up your voices in prayer. 

Spread forth both hands (in prayer) — repeat the fatihah and a prayer. 

The recital grows louder and quicker, and between this and the 

clashing of the tambourines and the constant motion of head and limbs 

the desired state of transport is at last reached. Then those possessed 

! with the efflatus rise from the ranks of their fellows and after a res- 

^ pectful salutation to their teacher, receive at his hands the weapon or 

instrument which he selects. In Acheh the daboih *) is used, the weapon 

i) See p. 251 above. 


specially appertaining to this performance, but most of the common 
weapons of the country (rinchong, sikin and gliwang) are also employed. 
The performer begins by making various half-dancing movements in 
unison with the time of the recitation, which continues without a pause ; 
meanwhile he draws his weapon, which he regards from time to time 
with tender looks and even kisses, in sundry different directions along 
his hands and arms. 

Presently he begins to stab and smite these extremities with (to 
all appearance) a certain amount; of force, and finally attacks other 
portions of his body, maintaining all the time the same rhythmic move- 
ments. The skilful tricksters among the brethren draw a little blood 
perhaps but generally confine themselves to causing deep depressions 
in their skin with point or blade, apparently using great force, and so 
giving the impression that their skin is impenetrable. But actual be- 
lievers not unfrequently go so far as to inflict deep wounds on their 
arms, hands or stomachs, to knock holes in their heads or to cut pieces 
off their tongues. 

A rapa'i representation which includes the sawa* ranti i. e. "throw- The red-hot 


ing (red-hot) chains round the shoulders ')" is regarded as particularly 
complete. The performers seldom escape without burns, but even in 
this case there appears to be no lack of artificial devices which increase 
the efficacy of the incantations. Such for instance is the preliminary 
moistening of the body with lime-juice. 

§ 4. Music. 

In connection with those pastimes with which we have been dealing 
so far we have only met with very simple musical instruments such 
as the rude tambourines known as rapa^u We must now turn our at- 
tention to Achehnese music properly so called *). 

We need only give a passing notice to the instruments used by 

i) This also is not customary among the Malays through not uncommonly practised by 
Mohammedan Klings. (Translator), 

2) It will be seen that Van Langen^s remarks on Achehnese music in his article in the 
Tydschrifi van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Gcnootschap^ longer articles, 
2nd series, Part V, p. 468 require correction and expansion. 

11 17 


children, such as the whistle (wa) made from the padi-stalk ') ; the 
little *german flutes" made from the spathe (peuleupeue*) of the betel- 
nut tree, and used to imitate the cries of birds; the red earthenware 
whistles {pib'pib) introduced by the Klings; the plaything called ging- 
gong, which consists of a thin plate of iron to which is fastened at 
one side a little iron rod. This latter is held in the mouth and a sort 
of buzzing noise produced by twisting it to and fro. 

Full-grown people also sometimes amuse themselves by blowing on 
the wa, as for instance to while ^way the time when watching in a 
hut (jambo) in the padi-fields to drive aVay noxious animals. With 

The bangsi. adults, however, a more favourite instrument is the bangsi *), a sort of 
flageolet made of bambu (buloh) with seven round holes on top and one 
underneath, and a square hole (also on top) not far below the mouth- 
piece. With this instrument an adept player can produce all the tunes 
he fancies, both those to which pan tons are set and those employed 
in sadati performances etc. In the evenings and nights especially the 
votaries of this instrument are wont to defer with its strains the hour 
of sleep for themselves and their companions. 

The sul^ng. The suleng is of finer finish than the bangsi \ it is really a sort of 
flute, and has no mouth-piece, being open • at the upper end, and 
closed below by the division of the bamboo. It has 6 small holes and 
one somewhat bigger one close to the opening; the performer holds 
the instrument horizontally in front of his mouth and blows into the 
{ 1 larger hole. 

The suleng is made of a thinner and finer kind of bambu known as 
igeue. It is usually adorned with handsome silver or copper bands en- 
circling the instrument above and below each hole, and the closed end 
is similarly mounted. 
Suleng or- The suleng is played for amusement like the bangsi, but it is more 

chestra. ^j^^^ ^^^^ j^ combination with a tambu ^) (our ordinary hand-drum) 



I i 

t : 

1 i 

i) It is in fact a kind of jew*s-harp. The Malay instrument of the same name is made 
of bamboo. A short section is selected and so cut as to leave three or four long prongs 
projecting from the solid end which is gripped in the mouth. These prongs are made to 
vibrate by the trituration of the string and produce a musical sound by their reverbe- 
ration. I learn from the author that a similar instrument is used in Java; it is known as 
pdpd among the Gay9 people and as karinding or rinding in W. Java. (Translator), 

2) The Malay bangsi is the same as the instrument here described. It has a danting or 
chiselled mouth-piece like a penny whistle ; another instrument similar in all respects except 
that it has a straight mouth-piece is called nabat by the Malays. (Translator), 

3) The drum used in the mosques to announce the time of prayer and which is called 


and two chanangs^ copper discs played with a muffled stick. This or- 
chestra is used as a prelude to fights of animals or contests with kites, 
in processions with alangans (which we shall presently describe), in 
mimic battles with crackers which the boys from dififerent gampongs 
organize on festive occasions, and at certain piasans etc. 

The tambu and chanangs are sometimes employed at ram-fights, but 
as a rule without the suUng. 

The srun^ ') is a sort of clarionet with eight holes above and one 
below; the player of this instrument is always supported by two geun- 
drangs% drums slung in front and struck with the hand on the left 
side and on the right with a drum-stick with a curved end. Properly 
speaking the above should be accompanied by another and smaller 
drum long and narrow in shape, the geundrang ana' or peungana\ 

This music is to be heard almost daily since it not alone serves to 
enhance the rejoicing at various feasts but also adds iclat to the ful- 
filment of vows. 

A very common form of the expression of a vow, whether it be Fulfilment of 
made on account of an illness or in view of some coming event of im- ]^fc. 
portance in the family, is as follows: the maker of the vow promises 
that as soon as the sick one recovers, or a certain wish is fulfilled or a 
certain momentous epoch (such as the circumcision or boring of the 
ears of children) has arrived, he or she will fulfil their vow at the 
tomb of Teungku N. *). By this it is understood, without any further 
words of explanation, that the person who makes the vow will cause 
to be brought to the holy tomb indicated an idang of yellow glutinous 
rice with its accessories (such as tump6e-cakes etc.), some flowers, and 
some white cotton cloth to decorate the tombstones. The rice is in- 
tended for the parasites who nearly always haunt these tombs; if it 
is desired to have a special feast there, a separate provision of viands 
is made for this. The fresh flowers are placed on the tomb, and the 

bHug in Java and tabuh in other parts of Sumatra, is also known as tamlu in Acheh, or 
is called tambu ray a for the sake of distinction. [The Malays call it gi'.tJang raya], 

i) The Malay sHrunai is identical with the instrument here described. The word is of 
Persian origin. Its bell-shaped mouth is called krongsong, (Translator). 

2) The geundrang as here described appears to correspond to the Malay tabuh^ a two- 
ended drum of slightly oval shape. The Malay g^ndang is also two-ended, but one end is 
smaller than the other, and the sides are straight. C Translator). 

3) Cf. Vol. I pp. 390 and 393. 


The geun- 
drang or- 



visitors take with them "for the sake of the blessing" some of those 
which have lain and withered there. The new white cotton is wound 
round the tombstones, and torn fragments of previous coverings are 
taken away in exchange and fastened round wrist or ankle as charms 
to bring good luck. Then the visitors to the tomb wash with water 
from the sacred place the head of the subject of the vow. 

Whoever can afford the luxury adds to such a general vow the qua- 
lification ^ngdn geundrang'\ meaning thereby that his party (consisting 
as a rule of both men and women) shall be preceded on its expedition 
to the holy tomb by three or four musicians, one with the srun^, two 
with geundrangs and sometimes another with a geundrang ana\ It is 
indeed characteristic of the popular conception of Islam, that the saints 
are honoured with musical performances, which are most rigorously 
prohibited by the religious law. 

The geundrang orchestra is also employed in the alangan process- 
ions, wherein it conflicts with the suleng and its accessories and fills 
the air with a discordant noise; it is also used in what are known as 
piasans, and at family-feasts — in this last case usually in fulfilment 
of a vow. 

There is a peculiar Achehnese orchestra composed of the following 
instruments : 

I**. A hareubab *), i. e. a native violin. The sounding-board (brue) is 
of nangka-wood covered with membrane from the stomach of the buf- 
falo, the strings are of twisted silk and the bowstring of fibres of the 
aerial roots of the sripkie-tree, stretched on a bow of rattan. A leaden 
bridge (chapeng) keeps the strings apart, they are strung from a little 
bow of rattan called guda, and tuned by keys called gaseng, 

2^, Two or more geudumba's ^) i. e. kettle-drums. The body of the 
drum is roughly hewn from a single block of nangka-wood, and is al- 
most cylindrical in shape but tapers towards the bottom, then widens 
again and forms the foot; this last is shaped like an octagonal pyra- 
mid with the top cut off, or a truncated cone. The whole is about 27 

i) The Malay rUbah, It somewhat resembles a guitar and is much used in Malay 
mayongs (Translator). 

2) This instrument derives its name from its resemblance (in the imagination of the 
Achehnese) to the gumbo* or topknot of hair worn by the people of the interior. The 
shape of the gumba^ is suggested by the narrowness of the portion between the body and 
the foot of the drum. 

centimetres in height; the cover is made of goat-skin, is about 13 
centimetres in diameter, and is fastened to the body of the drum with 

bands of rattan. These bands are stretched by means of a small 
wooden wedge. 

This orchestra serves to accompany the recitation of Achehnese Mcu 
pan tons. 1 

These performances arc especially popular in Pidic. A woman sings 
at the same time executes certain dances, which consist more in mo- 
vements of the upper parts of the body than of the feet. These 
dances are called meuiari in Achehnese or more commonly meiinari, 
in imitation of the Malay word tnSnari. Beside the singer is a buffoon 
who amuses the audience by his grimaces, jests and doubles entendres. 
The musicians do not always confine themselves to playing their in- 


struments, but also chime in and now and then relieve the dancing- 
girl of her singing part ^). 

In the neighbourhood of the capital these performances are only 
known by the rare visits of travelling companies. They are also to be 
met with in certain other parts, especially in the coast districts of the 
XXV Mukims, but with this modification, that the place of the singing 
woman is taken by a young boy in female attire. 

It so chanced that during my residence in Acheh such a company 
came from the XXV Mukims to the capital. In the illustration on 
p. 261 will be a representation of such an orchestra with a boy in 
dancing posture. I took down from the lips of the dirty, opium- 
smoking musicians a great portion of their repertoire of pantons. These 
people were less concerned for the voice of their adb'e (*younger bro- 
ther") than the sadati ' players. I attended a performance one night, 
and found that as a matter of fact the task of the boy was principally 
limited to dancing. He joined to some extent in the choruses but the 
recitation was mainly performed by the four musicians, and especially 
the violinist, who officiated as conductor of the orchestra. This appears 
to be frequently the case, and sometimes they dispense with the boy 
altogether, whereby a great "rock of offence" is removed. 

The pantons are in the form of dialogues between an older and a 
younger brother; the first represents the lover, the second his beloved. 

In many of these pantons it is not clear whether the object of the 
love is male or female, or whether the passion is lawful or unchaste; 
the expressions used are metaphorical or general, so that the hearer 
can apply them as suits his fancy. Occasionally however the language 
used is characteristic of a shameless intrigue, as in the following example 
where I denote the adiietiy abang or dalem by the letter D and the 

i) In Pidic there is now [1892] a women named Si Bunto^ who enjoys a great repu- 
tation as a singer, especially owing to her skill in improvising pantSns containing covert 
allusions to the private history of the ulecbalangs. Her husband Pang Pasi figures as her 
buffoon. I have been told that this couple had given successful performances at the 
"Court" at Keumala. 

The performance here described has its counterpart in the mayotig of the Malays. The 
orchestra for this is 2 tabuhs or oval drums played with the hand, 2 gongs, i s^Srunai, 
a resonant metal bar, and i r^I^ab. The female actress is called putri (princess) and the 
buffoon, who weard a hideous long-nosed red mask, pHran, There is also an actor called 
pa'yottg s=» prince. The woman wears long artificial finger-nails of silver, and often varies 
her performance by acrobatic feats, such as bending over backwards and picking up a coin 
from the ground with her lips! (Translator). 


adoe by A. After pressing solicitations on the part of D, to which A 
returns evasive answers through fear of discovery, the ** elder bro- 
ther" says: 

D. My masters, who cut reeds! They (the reeds) must lie three 
nights before they can be set up for plaiting into mats. 

If you can yield to my wish, I shall find means to conceal it, so 
that you may give yourself to me to-morrow and the day after.- 

A. Go to the mountains and cut rangginoe-wood and bring us back 
a piece to make a pillar for a fly-wheel. 

If thou, oh brother, canst walk beneath the ground, I shall hide 
you from my husband and give myself to thee. 

D. The ricinus-plant is broken at the top; the people make fast a 
noose to the end of the suganda-plant. 

I cannot approach your house ; your husband is as fierce as a tiger 
of Day a. 

A. My masters, who cut dar^h-wood (for fences); lay the stem down 
on the main road. 

Be not afraid of my wretched husband, I shall give him the coup 
de grace on the nose with a grindstone. 

D. My masters, climb ye up into the kapok-tree, but bethink you 
of the thorns that project therefrom. 

When folks ask next day (how your husband has come by his 
death), they must be told that the cat was playing with the stone and 
that it fell upon him by accident. 

A. A great prahu sails for Asahan laden with durians and manggo- 

If it cannot go by prahu send (that which I desire) by sampan (i. e. 
if my wish cannot be fulfilled in one way let it be in an another); if 
we ourselves may not be united, let me at least hear news of you. 

There are however also among these pantDns variations played upon 
the eternal theme of love which the chaste lover can make his own 
of, as for instance where the adbe says: 

A. A dove sits on the ridge of the roof; an eagle will swoop upon 
her as he passes. 

So long as my head remains joined to my neck, so long shall I 
continue to follow you in close union. 

The simeunari (male or female dancer) or his or her musicians intone The tunes, 
consecutive sets of more or less connected pantons, each set having 


its own tune; the names given to these tunes are generally taken from 
one or two words which appear in some well-known pantSn which is 
habitually sung thereto (e. g. lagH ') siwdih lado, lagie dua lapeh)^ or 
from some peculiarity in or the origin of the tune itself (e. g. lagie 
jawbe barat = Malay tune of the West Coast, lagee ranchd = merry, 
lively tune) or from one or two nonsense words with which the panton 
commences (e. g. lag^e tdli dli on). 

Most, nay indeed all these verses are in the ordinary sanjd metre *), 
and in the opening of the two verses which contain the response, the 
opening of the preceding question is often repeated. 

Some exhibit departures from the rule and follow the rhythm of a 
special dance; as for example the first four pairs of verses of the set 
sung to the tune tc^li dli on, which are given below. 

D. Tdli dli on, glutinous rice folded up in a young plantain leaf. 

The day of judgment has come; where shall the women now get 
pantons from? 

A. Tali dli on, glutinous rice in a punteut-leaf ^). 

The day of judgment has come; where shall the women now get 
words invoking blessings (on the Prophet)? 

D. A little, a little keupula ( = sawo-tree), a little keupula grows on 
the gampong-path. 

The wind blows a little, the sweet savour spreads over the whole 

A. A little, a little keupida, a little keupula grows in the corner. 

The wind blows a little, the sweet savour spreads over the whole land. 

D. There is a dove, she lays her eggs in the grass. 

Alas! they have smitten my darling; but she has escaped from the 
point of the sword. 

A. There is a dove, she lays her 'eggs on the edge of the plank 
(which is set against the wall to lay things upon). 

Alas, they have smitten my darling; but she has escaped from the 
point of the javelin. 

D. Alas, I see a plantain which was thriving but a moment ago, but 
whose sprouting leaf has perished. 

Alas! I see earrings; but while I gaze, she who wore them is dead. 

i) Mai. lagu (^Translator), 

2) Sec above pp. 73 et seq. 

3) The leaves of the punteut-tree are eaten as vegetables, and not used to wrap rice in 


A. Alas, I see a labu plant; while it is being watered, its sprout dies. 

Alas, I see my lord; while I set rice before him, he divorces me! *) 

D. Go to the mountains and hew seumanto'-wood, let the top of the 
tree fall on the far side of the stream. My shape is ugly, my clothing 
is ragged: let me go and dwell in some quiet place. 

A. Go to the mountains and hew planks: bring me with you to pick 
up the chips. 

Let us live side by side, let us die together, let us have but one 
winding-sheet and one coffin. 

Another orchestra, which is likewise employed to accompany the 
recitation of pantons and the dance, is composed of: 

1° The biula, i. e. the ordinary European violin, an instrument much 
beloved by the Achehnese, and on which some of them perform very 
creditably. The violin is also played alone, without any other instru- 
ment, to accompany pantons, or for the amusement of the player 
himself or of small parties of friends. 

2^ A number (say from 5 to 7) of small tambourines called dais* 
provided with bells like the rapaH or rapana, but smaller than these 
and made of finer and thinner wood. 

3° A gong, the familiar large metal disc, which is employed in 
Acheh for official proclamations such as the sranta (vol. I, pp. 226). 

Achehnese pantons are always recited to hareubab music, but the 
violin-orchestra is used to accompany Malay pantons also. As a rule 
these last are sung by the musicians while two dancing boys hum the 
tune while they display their grace and skill in the meunari. 

Where Achehnese pantons are sung in the violin orchestra the 
dancer (a boy or a woman) is generally singer also, or else takes turns 
with the musicians in singing. 


§ 5. Processions and Popular Feasts. 

We have already more than once made mention of alangan-proces- Aiangan 
sions. These are held in connection with the marriages of persons of P'^®^®^'^"^- 
high rank or great wealth, on the occasion of the ** offering of the 

i) According to another reading: ^he chokes to death*\ 


betel-leaf" '), or the fetching of the pagalo-vxc^. This last is a 
custom observed by persons of consideration a couple of days before 
the wedding; it consists in the conveyance with much ceremony by 
the bridegroom's party to the house of the bride of an idang of yellow 
glutinous rice with its accessories, all round which are planted little 
sticks with coloured eggs impaled on them. Sadati or rapa'i-players are 
also sometimes escorted to their destination with an alangan-procession 
by the people of the gampong where they are about to give a perfor- 
mance. It has even occurred that when a particularly fine kite has got 
loose on the occasion of a kite-competition, and been driven by the 
wind into another district, it has been after previous notice brought 
bade by the people of that district to the gampong of the owners with 
an alangan procession. 
The music. Almost the whole male population of the gampong or gampongs 
which take part in the procession assemble in their best clothes or so- 
metimes in a peculiar uniform such as red jackets reaching to below 
the knees. A geundrang and srun^ orchestra together with a suleng 
and its accompanying instruments adds to the noise made by the con- 
tinuous shouting (sura*) of the crowd. The peculiarity however to 
which these processions owe their name, is that all the boys leap 
along armed with sugar canes unshorn of their leaves (teub^e tneu on)\ 
these natural banners are called alangan. 

Many of those who form the procession are adorned with little flags 
of various colours. 

When an alangan-procession takes place, previous notice is always 
given to the gampong whither it is about to proceed, and it is then 
the duty of the male population of the latter to go forth likewise in 
procession and meet [ampeu'eng) the visitors. As soon as they meet the 
two sides draw up in line at some distance from each other, and so- 
metimes expert champions step forth from either party and wage a 
mimic battle with sikin or gliwang in the midst. 
Thejeunadah We havc already seen (Vol. I p. 425) that a structure in the form 
of an ark or small house is frequently employed to add grandeur to 
the gifts which are thus taken in procession (yellow glutinous rice, 
betel-leaf etc.). This ark is called jeunadah. 

Before holding an alangan-procession the people of the gamp5ng 

i) S. e. the ranub <f^n^t which accompanies the ^anda kbng narit: see Vol. 1 pp. 300—301. 


must obtain the permission of the ul^ebalang; this indeed holds good 
of most festal occasions which involve the assembling of large crowds, 
including piasans. 

Piasans ^) (see Vol. I p. 323) are properly speaking secular festivities 
of every description. Sadati-plays, rapa'i-performances and the like 
may be all included in this category, but the name specially suggests 
an abundance of fireworks, illuminations and noise. 
Fire works A wooden frame, the upper part of which is surrounded with paper 
Uons! **°*"^*' lanterns and revolves automatically {tangt6ng meugisa), merry-go-rounds 
(ayon meugisa), Chinese fireworks and crackers, but especially high co- 
nical stacks of firewood which are set in flames {krumbu or kuta bun- 
gong apuy) — all these contribute to festal rejoicing. 

Persons of rank and wealth give piasans at their family feasts; 
gampongs or districts unite in organizing them at the great annual 
feasts, or sometimes without any particular reason, or only to excite 
one another's jealousy and envy. 

§ 6. Hikayats. 

Although we have dealt with this subject in our chapter on litera- 
ture, the reading or rather the recitation of and hearkening to hikayats 
ought not here to pass unnoticed as one of the chief mental recreations 
of the Achehnese, especially as this form of amusement has an improving 
and educational influence which others cannot claim. 

Chiefs and peasants, old and young of both sexes, all literally doat 
upon the hikayats, with the exception of some few pretended purists, 
who regard even this pleasure as too worldly or the contents of some 
of the stories as savouring too little of Islam. 
Women and After the remarks which we have already made (Vol. I, p. 371) as 
to the position of women in Acheh, it can occasion no surprise that 
they are superior to the men in their love for, and by no means behind 
them in their knowledge of, the literature of their country. They often 
divert their female and sometimes even their male guests by the 
recitation of a hikayat, and each and all are willing to sacrifice their 
night's rest as the price of the entertainment. 

i) From the Malay pHrhiasan ^an ornament*', but used as we see in quite a peculiar 
sense in Achehnese. 



§ I. Introduction. 

In the preface to our first volume we announced that this last 
chapter should be devoted to supplementary remarks and a general 
resum^. In describing in somewhat close detail the political, family and 
individual life of the Achehnese people, it was a foregone conclusion 
that questions of religion should crop up at every turn. It might thus 
be supposed that the drawing of conclusions regarding the part which 
Islam plays in the life of the Achehnese might safely be left to the 
observant reader. It will however be seen that we do not by any 
means share this view. 

We have already pointed out more than once that the significance Misconcep- 
of the creed of Islam for those who profess it in the East Indies, has significance 
been the subject of much misconception in the majority of works which oHsJamforits 

' Indonesian 

deal with the matter either passingly or of set purpose. adherents. 

The causes of this phenomenon are not far to seek. Everyone who 
comes into close political or social contact with any portion of the 
Mohammedan population of these countries finds himself occasionally 
face to face with this very question of religion. Now as most such 
observers make their first acquaintance with the creed of Islam in the 
Far East with no further enlightenment than what is afforded by one 
or two popular European works, they form their judgements on the 
basis of entirely incomplete observation, under the influence of super- 
ficial and sometimes quite accidental impressions received in a limited 
environment. Yet it is such as these that are by way of enlightening 
the public both here and in Europe; this imposture, committed often 
in entire good faith, would be at once unmasked, were it not that 


most people both in the East and at home are profoundly ignorant as 
regards the religious life of the native peoples. 

We still meet every day in the newspapers and magazines of Nether- 
lands India the most absurd misconceptions on this subject, even in 
regard to matters which could be cleared up by interrogating any of 
our native neighbours, not to speak of more complicated or general 
questions on the same head ^). An equal amount of folly may be 
overheard in the conversations of Europeans respecting the religion of 
the Indonesians; this misinformation is no doubt partly inspired by 
the press, but to some extent the opposite is the case, and it is the 
speakers who inspire the journals. 
Ignorance of Without even a distant knowledge of the conditions of the question, 
jj^*^^^"^^^*^^ and without giving himself the trouble to get at the truth, each one 
Europeans, confidently puts forward his solution of the problem. One tells you 
that there lurks under every turban a would-be rebel and murderer, a 
fanatical enemy of all things European ; with the same degree of assu- 
rance another avers that not a single grain of fanaticism exists throughout 
the whole of the East Indian Archipelago, while a third declares 
that both arc wrong and that it requires experience such as his (the 

i) This is characteristically illustrated by the feuilleton Abu Bakar^ which appeared in 
the Bataviaasch Nieuwsblad in the latter part of the year 1893. It is from the pen of 
Mauri ts (P. A. Daum), a writer of some repute, and it deals with subjects which cannot 
be handled without some knowledge of the first principles of the Mohammedan religion as 
professed by the natives of the Eastern Archipelago. Vet the author displays an absolute 
ignorance of almost every branch of his subject. He gives a penghulu the role of unctuous 
hypocrite and converter of Europeans, whereas the really typical pangulu is an oflfcial 
who can give himself no airs and is frowned upon by the "pious", and one who 
might be called anything rather than Pharasaical. He makes the convert Abu Bakar 
learn ''texts from the Koran" by heart and constantly quote them, while as a matter of 
fact it is only finished students who attain so far, and the ordinary, nay even the more 
highly developed and prominent native never quotes from the Quran. Perhaps however 
Maurits refers to his own copy of the Quran; it seems to be a new edition for we find a 
quotation therefrom to the effect that "he who loves one of his wives more than the other, 
shall appear at the day of the Resurrection with buttocks of unequal size". There is nothing 
of the kind in the ordinary editions of the Quran, and such a difference in the degree of 
affection of the husband for his wives is expressly recognized as permissible by the sacred 
books. Again it is stated that the married man who commits adultery must be punished 
with a hundred lashes of the whip (the Mohammedan law ordains the punishment of stoning 
for this offence), and that the wedding gift should consist of one hundred dinars — an 
entirely novel rule. Abu Bakar after his conversion is constantly spoken of as a Tuan Said^ 
a title appertaining only to those descended from Ali; the confession of faith is given as 
ai'iUah allah^ the haji performs his pilgrimage to Mohammed*s tomb, etc. Nothing but the 
profound ignorance of the public can enable nn author of reputation to perpetrate such 


speaker's) in actual intercourse with the natives to be able to sift the 
wheat from the chaff. In place of arguments one hears nothing but 
assertions or examples which taken by themselves and without a 
discriminating analysis prove nothing. 

In order to arrive at the basis of the significance of Islam in the Theoretical 
lives and thoughts of the natives, it is of course primarily necessary to ^leachin^g of 
take into account what this Islam is, and what are the demands that islam, 
it makes, in practice as well as in theory, upon those who profess it. 

The theoretic requirements may be learned from the authoritative 
works on Mohammedan law and doctrine '), supplemented as far as 
necessary by the books of the mystics. The study of these puts us in 
possession of the final result of the development during the past thirteen 
centuries of the Moslim school, which has always claimed the right to 
govern and control the entire life of Mohammedans in all respects, but 
which, ever since the nascent period, covering some thirty years from 
the hijrah of the founder of Islam, has fallen further and further short 
of attaining that object. 

It will be understood that it does not concern us to define according 
to this theoretical standard the authority and significance of Islam in 
respect of any of those who profess it. Did we in like manner apply 
to the morality, the superstitions and the laws of a Catholic people the 
text of the morale, the dogma and the canonical law of Holy Church, 
we should seek in vain throughout the world for any traces of Catho- 
licism. Indeed we should necessarily arrive at the same result in 
estimating the influence on its votaries of any creed whatever, if we 
overlooked the gulf which invariably separates the real from the ideal. 

Nor does this rule apply with less force to Islam than to other 
religions. For the first thirty years or so, while Arabia was still the 
centre of Moslim power, life and doctrine developed hand in hand. 
Thenceforward the paths diverged more and more as time advanced: 
the schools of doctrinal learning have troubled themselves little about 

i) In studying these we must always remember that for many centuries past neither the 
Quran nor the sacred Tradition may have been used as textbooks of dogma and law ; for no one 
is authorised even to explain, much less to supplement these holy books, nor can anyone 
comprehend the texts of eleven to thirteen centuries ago without further elucidation. The 
real text-books are the works of certain authors who derive their authority from the con- 
sensus of teachers among the faithful. Hence we see how foolish it is for Europeans who 
have but a superficial knowledge of Islam to make verses from the QurSn and the like the 
basis of conversations on religion with their native friends 


the practical requirements of daily life, while on the other hand all 
classes of the Moslim community have exhibited in practice an indiffe- 
rence to the sacred law in all its fulness, quite equal to the reverence 
with which they regard it in theory. 

The contrast between the doctrine and the actual life of the Moslims 
shows itself in the simplest possible form in the domain of religion in 
the proper sense of the word. The teaching of the doctrinal works and 
the books of the law in regard to what are called the "five pillars" 
of Islam (the confession of faith, the ritual prayers with the condition 
of ritual purity indispensable thereto, the religious taxation known as 
zakatf the fasts and the haj) serves as a guide to all who observe these 
primary obligations with some degree of strictness. At the same time 
jt must be observed that the great majority of Moslims fall very far 
short of the mark both in their knowledge and still more in their 
observance of these rules and principles. Now the Law requires that 
the rulers of the faithful should compel the backward and unwilling to 
the learning and practice of their religious duties, yet this is not done 
either in the political (Constantinople) or the religious (Mecca) centre of 
Islam — not to speak of the larger sphere that lies outside. The only 
Moslim authorities which have to some extent fulfilled their duty in this 
respect belong to comparatively small sects, regarded by most of their 
co-religionists as heretical, as for example the Wahhabites who arose in 
the interior of Arabia towards the end of the eighteenth century, and 
in later times the Mahdists in the Sudan. 

It is indeed unnecessary to stray away into the fine details of 

casuistry — we have only to review superficially the primary rules of 

the Law which deal with the *five main pillars" in order to arrive at 

the conclusion that it is in the long run an impossibility for the great 

mass of the citizens of any civilized state to live up to them. 

Difference As we are aware, the Mohammedan law itself draws a distinction 

ry and^prac- between imperative and commendable rules *); it imposes on those who 

tice as regards neglect the former heavy punishments both in this world and the next, 

the primary 

obligations, while it merely recommends the latter as a means of winning a higher 
celestial reward. The popular view, as expressed in the actual practice, 
admits a difference in the degree of obedience which is to be paid to 

1) The former is called in Arabic fardh (Mai. f>lfrlu^ Ach. peureuVi'e) or wajib^ the latter 
sunnat (Mai. and Ach. sunat). 

such behests, but while fully recognizing in theory the truth of the 
written doctrine, is markedly at variance with the latter in its manner 
of drawing its distinctions. Not only are the indispensable 'obIigati6ns 
reduced in practice to a minimum, but in that minimum are included 
Various matters oh which the sacred law lays less stress, while very 
many obligations which the latter insists upon as indispensable pass 
entirely unnoticed by the unlearned public. 

. We may illustrate the truth of the iabove by a few examples. Tfie Exampli 
law (according to the interpretation of the Shafi'ite school) teaches that 
circumcision is prescribed as a duty but lays no more stress on this 
than on a thousand other obligations which are universally neglected, 
and is very far from including it among the **five pillars of Islam". 
Y«t it is an undoublcd fact than in all Mohammedan countries laymen 
attach more weight to circumcision than to all the ''five pillars" taken 
together, and that even the religious teachers, although they are the 
champions of the teaching of the law, are nevertheless influenced to 
some degree by the popular belief in this respect. 

The religious tax paid at the end of the fasting month and known 
in Acheh as pitrah ') (Arab, zakdt al-fitr or Jitrah) is but a part of 
one of the five primary obligations. Yet while many who are bound 
to contribute zakat on agricultural produce etc., and most of those 
who should do the same in respect of cattle or the precious metals 
neglect this duty without a qualm of conscience, no one thinks of 
omitting to pay the pitrah, and it is even contributed by persons on 
whom the law imposes no such obligation. Yet while exaggerated 
punctuality is observed in its payment, all seem indifferent to the fair 
distribution of the pitrah in the manner ordained by the law, so that 
according to the strict doctrinal standard much of the grain distributed 
under this name should not really be reckoned as pitrah at all. 

The express prohibition of the wearing by men of silk or of gold 
and silver ornaments is universally transgressed, yet the wearing of 
neck-cloths and (except where the people have become accustomed to 
it through the example of Turkish officials) of European trousers is 
regarded by the majority of Mohammedans as an irreligious act. 

Wine and the flesh of pigs are forbidden with equal strictness to all 

l) Sec Vol. I, p. 238 et scq. 

II 18 



Moslimfi; yet the use of the latter as food is universally regarded as 
a much graver transgression than the drinking of wine. 

Carnal intercourse with a free woman whose Sddah (the appointed 
period of continency after separation from her husband by death or 
divorce) has not yet elapsed, Ls generally regarded as adulterous and 
he who is guilty of such an act knows that according to the law of 
God he has incurred the punishment of death by stoning. On the other 
hand but little exception is taken to intercourse with female slaves 
who were but yesterday the concubines of others, or have but recently 
been carried off captive, and even virgin slaves bom in the house are 
often allowed to be deflowered by youths who are not their owners, 
all of which things are according to the law just as adulterous as co- 
habitation with a free woman by a man to whom she is not yet mar- 
ried or from whom she has been separated '). 

It may indeed be said that the Arabic words which distinguish human 
action^ as permitted by the sacred law (mubdh), reprehensible (makruh\ 
forbidden (hardm)^ commendable (sunnaiy mustahabb) and obligatory 
(fardh, wajib) have to a great extent become the common property 
of the languages of all Mohammedan peoples. Who that has had anything 
to do with the natives of this Archipelago, has not occasionally heard 
the words p^rlu (fardh) and liaram ? 

But side by side with these universally known terms there are other 
indigenous ones which distinguish between what is good and what is 
evil\ nor is the difference between the native expressions and those of 
Arabic origin merely linguistic; the meaning differs too. 

When the Sundanese calls it p(irlu to perform ritual prayers five 
times a day and haram to drink wine, he means that the pious and 
devout, the lebe's or santri's, ought to do the former and omit the 
latter. A prohibition that he recognizes as binding on all men, whether 
it be prescribed by the religious law (as that no man may ill-treat his 
wife), or rests on adat only (as that no man but women only may take 
padi from the barn), or is even at variance with the holy law (as that 
a woman may not receive the wedding-gift at the hands of her husband), 
is called by him pamali, while he describes a positive injunction of the 
same kind by the ordinary word for "good" [hade). 

In other languages (even in the Arabic itself) we find corresponding 

I) Cf. Mekka^ Vol. II, p. 134— 5. 


expressions. The Achehnese for instance say simply ^^/ = "good**, and 
hana gH = not good. Such expressions are much more commonly 
employed than the purely religious ones, a speaking proof that the 
universally recognized moral standard of Islam is much less closely 
followed than that of everyday life. 

The same holds true in respect of other distinctions which li; 
found expression in the technical terms of the religious law. Many con- 
tracts which the law describes as bdtil or invalid, are in practice 
regarded by Moslims as binding, whereas it can be said of but few 
such contracts that they are fahVt, i.e. valid according to religious law. 

The complaints of the pandits that the law which forms the subject 
of their study grows daily more and more of a dead letter, of little 
concern to anyone as a guide to his actions, arc so frequently to be 
met with in Mohammedan literature during, at the least, the past eight 
centuries, that it seems superfluous to quote examples. As regards our 
own times anyone who has acquired some knowledge of the social life 
of Mohammedans in Egyptf Syria, Turkey etc., can verify the truth 
of this complaint from his own experience. I shall however support 
my statement by quotation from one characteristic document from the 
pen of a modern scribe. 

If there is any Moslim. country in the world whose inhabitants might Influence of 

, "TTi adat in Ila- 

be expected to hold the law m reverence, that country is Hadramaut. dramaut. 
The population is pure Arab and even the temporary residence of non- 
Arabian Mohammedans in this poor and unattractive land is extremely 
rare; the spiritual life of the people is under the control of a branch 
of the great family of the sayyids; the feeling is fanatical, so that it 
would seem (except in some places on the coast) an intolerable pollu- 
tion that the soil of Hadramaut should be trod by unbelievers; there 
is no intercourse with foreign nations such as elsewhere tends to promote 
a slack observance of the holy law; it is, in short, a country which 
more than any other in the world should allow of the possibility of 
enforcing the law of Islam in its entirety — if indeed such a thing 
were within the limits of possibility. 

Let us now hear how a Hadramite teacher, who died in December 1855, 
and who flourished from 50 to 60 years before our own day, expresses 
himself as to the actual state of things in his own country. His name 
was Sayyid Abdallah bin Tahir Ba Alawl; he owes his fame among 
other things to his authorship of a number of treatises, all written with 


the intent of improving the religious conditionrof his native land. These 
treatises were printed some years ago at Cairo under the title: majmu^ 
mushtamil "^ala rasail nafi^ah ("collection of useful treatise?*')- 

On pp. 179 — 80 of this edition we read as follows; * You must IcqjOw 
(may Allah be merciful unto you) that what has caused men to fall 
into ignorance and to adopt other rules than those laid down by the 
holy law in the making of contracts one with another, and to neglect 
the teaching contained in the commands of the law of Allah, and tp 
despUe the knowledge of the things ordained by Him^ is this, namely 
that they have sought some other authority than that of Allah and of 
his Prophet for the decision of many matters in dispute. Now when 
men saw how the learning and commands of the law grew to be 
neglected and made of none effect, since they were not employed as 
a standard whereby to decide, and when men remarked that these 
things had become a mere luxury of no solid value and that those who 
studied won by their toilsome task no more than some degree of 
celebrity as persons of learning, since «io one ever took them as a 
guide in any matter, they lost all wish for the teaching pC the law, 
and treated it with contempt and neglect. Thereafter they made their 
own will the measure of their obligations, drawing no distinction between 
what is and what is not ^aMh or valid under the law; nay, they be- 
lieve that he who exhorts them to take their stand upon the white 
(i. e. pure) road and in the paths of that mild religion, wherein is no 
difficulty or impediment or narrowness, desires the impossible, strives 
after the unattainable and that his teaching leads to perdition, and such 
an one they declare to be possessed or of weak mind. By Allah! this 
is a misfortune for religion and one of the greatest snares. of the Devil 
which leads to the nullifying, thwarting and neglect of the divine law. 

**Thus you may see men deliver judgment in accordance with, the 
adat and without the sanction of the law, and this pf set purpose, in 
unrighteousness and enmity against the truth, although they know that 
this adat is at variance with the law of God and His Prophet. So bind 
they men to the doing of things to which they are not )30und by God's 
law, and constrain and compel them thereto; while on the other hand 
they declare men free from obligations which God'$ law imposes on 
them, and in obedience to that law they are bound to fulfil, and the 
neglect of which is a sin. / 

"Thus is the true religion brought into great conrtempt, and a new 


religion made, cbnflfcting with Islam and straying away from its tenets. 
You may even observe how anyone who invokes the law of Allah and 
his Prophet, receives from him against whom he thus appeals the 
answer, "I give you only that which is according to the adat"; and 
how another on hearing his neighbour extol the teaching of Allah and 
his Prophet, says *I will abide by the adat and accept naught else". 

**Nay ^ome go so far as to call such invalid rules *the law"; and 
this shameful distortion of name proves how fickle is the belief of those 
who employ it". 

Hereupon the author confirms his censure of the prevailing state of 
things by adding sundry quotations from Hadramite authors on the 
same subject, and also cites the utterances of the celebrated Shafi'ite 
doctor Ibn Hajar, who penned his authoritative works 3*/2 centuries 
before; * Could I but command the money and the men, I would 
assuredly wage a holy war against those who adhere to the adat'* ! — 
and finally he gives us a number of quotations from South Arabian 
doctors, in condemnation of a certain special adat-rule called /iukm 
al'tnan^, which prevails in Yem^n, 

We might give many more examples to show that side by side with 
the law and doctrine which has developed in the school during the 
past 13 centuries, and which is universally admitted to be inspired yet 
is universally neglected, there exists an entirely different standard of 
religion, law and morality which holds good in practice. This practical 
teaching is indeed largely coloured by the influence of the theory of 
the schools, yet to a great extent it rests on an entirely different basis; 
therein are expressed the views of life which controlled mens' minds in 
the pre-Mohammedan period and therein do we also find traces of all 
that has befallen the various peoples since they embraced the creed 
of Islam. 

Hence it obviously follows that this practical teaching is not (like Local varia- 
the law and doctrine of the schools), the same throughout the whole prj^tical doc^ 
Moslim world, but that it is to a certain degree dependent on the J^SSS: 
ethnological characteristics and the political and social development of 
the different peoples who profess Islam. The teaching of the schools is 
universal, while that of every day life exhibits a character that varies 
more or less with its environment. 

No religion makes conversion easier for both peoples and individuals Facility of 
than does that of Islam; it is possible to become and to remain a 


member of the community without any proof on the converts part of 
the genuineness of his belief, of his knowledge of the kiw and his fidelity 
in observing its precepts. The utterance of the *two words" of the 
confession of faith (*I bear witness that there is no God but Allah and 
that Mohammad is the Messenger of Allah") is sufficient to make a 
man a member of the community of Mohammad ; and none of his new 
fellow-believers has the right to call in question the truth of this 
The ritual From its very childhood Islam showed quite as strong an aspiration 

domestic law. for political as for religious sway, and sought to extend its proselytism 
externally more than internally. Wherever it established itself those 
things which are abhorrent in the eyes of every Moslim of course 
disappeared, and made way for the emblems of the new creed; for 
example, the eradication of open and unequivocal idolatry went hand 
in hand with the building of mosques. It has also in every instance 
laid great stress on a certain reforms in family life, and upon the 
observance of certain rules as to food and clothing. 

It is no mere accident, that while Mohammedans in all parts of the 
world are becoming more and more emancipated from the control of 
the religious law, the domestic code remains in the hands of the repre- 
sentatives of religion both in Turkish countries and in the East Indian 
Archipelago, not to speak of other Mohammedan lands. In some 
instances in earlier ages, Islam advanced still further on the path of 
reform, supported by the religious zeal of certain powerful rulers, but 
for the most part it has contented itself for the time being with the 
establishment of its form of worship and the reform of domestic life, 

an d has left all the rest to time. 

Attraction Anyone who glances through a book of Mohammedan law, might 
uncivilised easily suppose that this religion imposes an insupportable yoke on the 

peoples. shoulders of all who are not born and bred beneath its shadow; but 

he who witnesses the conversion to Islam of individuals or races, comes 
to the very opposite conclusion. History teaches us that the less civi- 
lized peoples in particular offer no resistance to this soft and alluring 
voice and the East Indian Archipelago furnishes us with daily e.xamples 
of the truth of this fact. 

Those who sowed in the Far East the first seeds of Islam were no 
zealots prepared to sacrifice life and property for the holy cause, nor 
were they missionaries supported by funds raised in their native land. 


On the contrary these men came hither to seek their own worldly 
advantage, and the work of conversion was merely a secondary task. 
Later on too, when millions had in this way been won over to Islam, I 
it was the prospect of making money and naught else that attracted 
hitherward so many teachers from India, Egypt, Mecca and Hadramaut. J 

In those countries where Islam originally won the mastery by force 
of arms, the genuineness of the conversion was of course much more 
open to question than in the Eastern Archipelago, where it was chiefly^ 
moral suasion that won the day. In the latter case the new religion 
was from the very first felt not as a yoke imposed by a higher power, 
but as a revealed truth which the strangers brought from beyond the 
sea, and the knowledge of which at once gave its adherents a share in i 
a higher civilization and elevated them to a higher position among the I 
nations of the world. 

The only peoples who offered any resistance were those who had 
attained a high degree of development before Islam became known to 
them. The Western nations showed it the door, while the Persians 
after a forced conversion formed heretical sects and thus preserved a 
great portion of their ancient belief. 

Even those religions which have devoted themselves with all their 
might to the inward conversion of the individual and the actual reform 
of the life of the nations, have never succeeded in wiping out the 
national character, the old forms of thought, the ancient manners and 
customs. These the proselytizers had either to assimilate or to see pro- 
long their existence in spite of the ban under which they lay. How 
should we then expect to meet with more far-reaching results in the 
case of Islam and its method of conversion ? 

Even its system of elementary instruction, which ought to be its 
most powerful agent in making good its conquest, does no more than 
enable its disciples to repeat without understanding, like mere parrots, 
the teaching revealed to the Prophet at Mekka 13 centuries ago, and 
to perform the ritual prayers correctly. 

It is therefore not surprising that in all Mohammedan countries those Faithful ob- 

scrvsmcc o( 

whose religious learning goes beyond the "two words" of the confession the law every- 
of faith, or who are in any sense exponents of the moral requirements where the ex- 
of Islam, or who observe even a minimum of the ritual or other obli- 
gations of their religion, form but a small minority, whilst the great 
majority pursue their lives in their half-pagan and wholly superstitious 


thoughts and practices, only' imperfectly clad in a few phrases and 
other outward and visible signs of Mohammedanism. 

Besides the indispensable and inevitable elements, of which without 

*doubt the domestic law is the most important in practice, each nation 

adopts that portion of Islam which harmonizes most with its character, 

its customs and its past history, and in doing so seeks involuntarily to 

f oreserve under the new regime as much as possible of its ancient lore. 

Islam and The adats which control the lives of the Bedawins of Arabia, the 

gical ^charac- Egyptians, the Syrians or the Turks, are for the most part different 

terisiicsofits from those of the Javanese, Malays and Achehnese, but the relation 


of these adats to the law of Islam, and the tenacity with which they 

maintain themselves in despite of that law, is everywhere the same. 

The customary law of the Arabs and the ** Excellent QanQn" (the 

mundane code) of the Turks differ from the written and unwritten adat 

law of our Indonesian^, but they are equally far removed from the 

shartat or shar^ (revealed law), although they are equally loud in their 

recognition of the divine origin of the latter. 

The dispo- All this is food for reflection on the part of Europeans who take 

people as the upon themselves to write on the Mohammedanism of Indonesia. Let 

standard of its them then cease to apply to their scanty observation of native life the 

adherence to 

Islam. test of their still more imperfect knowledge of the law and doctrine of 

Islam, in order to arrive at the surprising conclusion that the Malays, 
Javanese; Achehnese etc. are not nations of theologians and jurists or 
book-Mohammedans modelled from wax. 

The problem that such writers seek to solve is no problem at all. 
We have rather to enquire wherein the thoughts and actions of the 
Mohammedan Indonesians differ from those of their co-religionists of 
other races, in order to arrive by comparison and discrimination at a 
better knowledge of the Mohammedanism which they profess. In what 
manner have they assimilated Islam? Careful examination and criticism 
can alone supply us with the answer. In what degree are they Moham- 
medans? This is a vain question, for in the first place we have no 
available standard whereby we can measure the plus or minus of the 
belief or practice of the Indonesians in comparison with that of other 
Mohammedanized races, and moreover such plus or minus could never 
be a constant quantity, since various circumstances cause it to fluctuate 
continually. The only true standard is the disposition of the people, 
and everyone must be aware that even our Indonesian Moslims will 

28 1 

have no other creed than their own, that they borrow from their reli- 
gion the strength to offer a stout resistance to all attempts at conver- 
sion, that their every political movement is coloured by Mohammedanism, 
and that whenever a preacher of any new or unusual doctrine attains 
success, he does so only under the pretence that he is the exponent 
of the true Way of Islam. 

If then in the course of our summary of the religious life of the 
Achehnese we pass in review, the doctrines of Islam and the principal 
heads of the law, we do so not in order to apply to the subject of 
our study the substance of these theoretical rules, but in order with 
the help of this clue to compare the Mohammedanism of this people 
with that of their co-religionists of other races. 

§ 2. Doctrine, Popular Beliefs, Worship of Saints, Oaths. 

The doctrine taught in Acheh is the orthodox Mohammedan. What Knowledge 
the student learns, regarding the nature, the characteristics and the doctrine. ^* 
epithets of God, the prophets and the angels, as to predestination, the 
day of judgment and the next life is identical with what is regarded 
in Arabia, Egypt etc., as the loftiest wisdom. Both the larger works in 
use in Acheh in which all these things are set forth, not without a 
certain amount of doctrinal hair-splitting, and the smaller manuals 
which only deal with the main points, are simply the universally known 
Arabic texts or Malay translations of the same. But although a great 
deal of this lore has become fused with the thoughts and language of 
the people, it is only a small minority that habitually draw instruction 
from the above sources, while the great majority pick up their doctrinal 
knowledge how and where they may. 

In common not only with their co-religionists of kindred race, but Heretical 

. mysticism. 

also with the people of India and with many classes of Mohammedans 
of other countries, the Achehnese have a certain inclination towards 
mysticism and in general towards whatever savours of the mysterious. 
It is seldom, however that this tendency is carried so far as to lead 
(to a conscious departure from orthodox doctrine, such as we met with 
in the case of the Heumee sale" *), the outcome of the teaching of Hamzah 

i) See pp. 13 — 14 above. 





Pansuri. As a rule it may be said that the heterodox elements in the 
creed of the common people are embraced by them in ignorance and 
in all good faith, and speedily disappear under the influence of orthodox 

There are however very many in Acheh who have unorthodox 
notions as to the relations between God, man and the world, 
finding therein more satisfaction for their religious feelings than in 
the study of dogma or juridical refinements. Thus there survives, 
without conscious resistance to the orthodox teaching, a large propor- 
tion of those heretical forms of mysticism which were the first to 
permeate these regions since the dawn of Mohammedanism in the 
Far East. 

The orthodox Shattaritc mysticism which was propagated from Medina 
in the I7'»» century subsists in Acheh only in a few narrow circles of 
devotees. The now much more popular Naqsibandiyyah and Qadiriyyah 
tarlqahs have never taken root in Acheh, although they have some 
adherents there. It is indeed only during the last 30 — 40 years during 
which Acheh has been in a state of continual ferment, that these two 
schools of mysticism have gained such a hold in Java and other parts 
of the Archipelago. 

The prevailing ignorance with respect to the official dogma is an 
entirely natural consequence of the imperfect nature of the elementary 
Mohammedan teaching, and of the little pains which the religious teachers 
have taken to bring the results of their doctrinal activity within the 
reach of the simple-minded. In countries such as Arabia and Egypt 
the same cause has led to a like issue; there too the unlettered folk 
are no whit better acquainted with the first principles of dogma. 

Popular belief opposes to the dogmas of the learned not so much 
other systems of teaching as national manners and customs. These are 
just as inconsequent and just as far from forming a compact whole as 
is the superstition in which they are rooted. 

^Belief in spirits of all sorts *) is neither peculiar to Acheh nor in 
conflict with the teaching of Islam. Actual worship of these beings in the 
form of prayer might seriously imperil monotheism, but such worship 
is a rare exception in Acheh. The spirits most believed in are hostile 

i) The most important of these have been described in our account of diseases, Vol. I, 
p. 409 ct seq. 


to mankind and arc combatted by exorcism; the manner in which this 
is done in Acheh, as in Arabia and other Mohammedan countries, 
is at variance in many respects with the orthodox teaching. Where, 
however, the Achehnese calls in the help of these spirits or of other 
methods of enchantment in order to cause ill-fortune to his fellow man, 
he does so with the full knowledge that he is committing a sin. 

It is practically impossible to give a complete list of the superstitious Superstitious 
practices of the Achehnese or of any other Mohammedan people. They ^ 
vary in details from one gampong to another, although identical in 
kind. We have already dealt with a large number of them in the first 
volume of this work in our description of the social and domestic life 
of the people. We now add a few more examples, some of which have 
been already touched upon ^). 

Want of rain was in olden times as great a scourge to the cattle- Rain-making, 
breeders of Arabia as it is to many a planter in the East Indian Archi- 
pelago. The Pagan Arabs resorted to enchantments of their own to 
entice the rain to fall, but the Prophet replaced all such practices by 
a single public prayer called falai al-istisqa, offered up beneath the 
open skies. In most respects this service differs but little from an 
ordinary s^mbahyang, but it is characterized by certain movements and 
a shaking of their upper garments by the worshippers, all of which 
must be regarded as a concession to heathenism on Mohammad's part. 

This service of prayer is also occasionally held in Java, under the (Uving the 
name istika\ but a more popular method of rain making is "giving the 
cat a bath", which is sometimes accompanied by small processions and 
other ceremonies. In Acheh, so far as I am aware, the actual custom no 
longer survives, though it has left traces of its former existence in 
sundry popular expressions. ''It is very dry; we must give the cat a 
bath and then we shall get rain" *) say the padi-planters when their 
harvest threatens to fail through drought. 

There is however another usage connected with rain which still Procession 

\l'ltil C0C02L* 

subsists in full force. When a water famine prevails, the old women „„j shells, 
and children go in procession round the gampong on bright moonlight 
nights, each armed with two cocoa-nut shells which they clap together 
chanting the following prayer^): ^O our Lord God, give us two drops 

i) See Vol. I, footnote to p. 51. 

2) Khii'ai^ that^ hana iijeucn meukon taja pumano'e title. 

3) Poteu Alah bri ic dua "ncu'^ pat/c ka mate^ Poteu Alah bri it dua ^ficii\ NeW =■ aneu* 


to the representatives of religion, the teungkus an leub^*s, while the 
people of the gampong keep up a mighty uproar, beating the great 
drum of the meunasah, and firing off guns and some times even cannon 
in order to frighten away the enemies of the sun and moon. Various 
sorts of ratcbs (see p 216 above) are also held in order to relieve the 
suffering heavenly body. 

The prevailing idea is that in an eclipse of the sun the latter is 
partially devoured by the moon, and that the reverse process takes 
place in a lunar eclipse. The marksmen aim their guns at the darkened 
portion of the heavenly body under eclipse, and cry in lamentation as 
they let them off ''Oh God, how the moon is suffering"! (Alah buleuen 
meukarat that). 

Talismans and amulets [adjeumat) made during an eclipse are suppo- 
sed to be specially efficacious. So it is not surprising that the teungkus, 
who make a living by the manufacture of these objects, are unable to 
meet the demand for their wares when an eclipse of the sun or moon 
takes place. 
Annual feast The island of Rab6 (close to Pul<^ Breuch) is the scene of sundry 
practices strongly coloured with paganism. 

On the shore of that island a seven days' feast is held every year. 
The first six days arc dedicated \.o piasans (secular feasts; see p. 268 
above), the main features of which are music and unlawful love-making, 
chiefly with married women. On the seventh day of this licentious fair 
a buffalo is sacrificed, and it is supposed that this festival ensures the 
people for a whole year against the freaks of certain malignant j^ns 
who, if its celebration be neglected, avenge themselves by causing 
many to fall and break their necks. 

The rice-field known as Blang Seureugong on the same island is be- 
lieved to be the habitation of a jen, who must -in like manner be pro- 
pitiated by the giving of a yearly feast. The buffalo destined to be 
slaughtered on this occasion is first of all wounded in some part of his 
body and led bleeding over every "um6ng" or rice-plot, so that none 
may miss the propitious effect of the dripping blood. Then the animal 
is slaughtered in the proper ritual way and his flesh is eaten. Neglect 
of this kanduri results in failure of the year's crop. 
Jn Knricng. In Pulo Breueh (Bras) there is a holy tree called ^a Karieng {'^ Grand- 
father Karieng"), propitiated by those who seek lost buffaloes. When 
starting on their quest they promise votive offerings to Ja Karieng, 


usually one or two bunghng tajo\ artificial flowers such as the women 
wear in their top knots, made of scraps of coloured cloth stuck on a 
central stem. If the buffalo is found the promised flowers are fixed in 
the crevices of the holy karieng-tree. 

We have already mentioned ') Ja Karieng's power of resisting 
epidemics. This also forms the occasion of an annual feast. 

We could furnish endless examples of such customs, but it is only 
in its finer details that all this folk-lore is specifically Achehnese. The 
worship of holy trees, wells and stones may be said to be common to 
all Mohammedan countries although it is undoubtedly at variance with 
the programme which Islam set before herself in the first few years 
of her existence, but which she was speedily obliged to modify and 
alter at the risk of losing all chance of maintaining her place as one 
of the great religions of the world. Equally universal is the practical 
belief in and the constant invocation or exorcism of sundry other super- 
natural powers besides Allah, side by side with the theoretical recogni- 
tion of the pre-ordination of God as the sole cause of all the good and 
evil in the world. 

We must next examine the attitude adopted by the official or 
orthodox teaching towards this great mass of popular customs and ideas. 

During the centuries of its growth Islam has gone very far in W\d ^ 
way of assimilating all that the main body of its adherents deemed t^ 
be indispensable. Rather than witness the prolonged existence of innu- 
merable forbidden things, it modified its severity and made theq[i 
permissible. To attain this end it has had recourse to all imaginable 
pretexts, so that it has become easy for its modern disciples continually 
to embody more and more of their superstitious practices, under the 
guise of orthodoxy, side by side with what was already sanctioned b 
the law. 

These superstitions can now no longer be styled anti-Mohammedan, 
although they conflict in many respects with the original doctrines of 
Islam. A religion is not born full-grown any more than a man, and if 
on attaining a ripe maturity it has cast off" the form of its early youth 
past recognition, we cannot deny it its right to this transformation, as 
it is part and parcel of the scheme of nature. 

A custom or idea docs not necessarily stand condemned according 

of such 

Attitude of 
the official 

:owards these 


1) See Vol. I, p. 417. 


to the Moslim standard, even though* in /^wr minds there can :be-' no 
shadort' of doubt of its pagan origin. If for exa'mple Mohammedan 
teachiilg is able to' regard some popular custom, as a perniissible 
enchantment against the Devil or against jens hostile to mankind, of 
as art invocation of the mediation of a prophet or saint with God, then 
it matters not that the existence of these malignant spirits is actually 
ohiy known from pagan sources, nor does anyone pause to enquire 
whether the saint in question' is but a heathen God in a new dress, or 
an imaginary being whose name but serves to legiti'mize=the existing 
worship of some object of popular .reverence. » 

On the other hand that, same teaching is inexorable in regard to all 
superstitious id^as which cannot be classified either as prayer to God 
or invocation of prophets and saints, and to all customs. which involve 
acts forbidden by the Moslim law. 

Thus the firing of guns at the sun-or moon during an eclipse, wklespred 
though the. custom is amongst Mohammedans, is in conflict with reli- 
gion, since the law expre^ly <iondemns such practices . and ordains a 
s^mbahyang or service of prayer in their place. The fair on the shores 
j of Piil6..Rab6 necessarily meets with unbounded disapprobation from 

aU Mohammedan teachers on accounts of its immorality, although 
nufnetous saiats' festivals in Arabia and elsewhere are characterized 
not a whit the less by studied inducements to indulgence in licentiousness *). 
The vows to Ja Karieng, however, are capable of a two-fold interpre- 
tation. He who regards the karieng-tree itself as sacred and looks for 
its help in searching for his lost buffaloes defrauds Allah of his due 
and acts profiinely; the excuse that such practices are common throughout 
the whole Mohammedan world is inadmissible. But the * grandfather", 
the Ja, may well be a saint buried under this tree and called thereafter, 
and the invocation of the help and mediation of this saint meets witii 
no censure whatever. 
Saint-worship So much has been already written on the saint-worship of the 
Mohammedans that it may be considered superfluous to preface our 
description of certain Achehnese idiosyncrasies in this respect by a 
long general introduction. If we take any detailed description of a 
Mohammedan community (for Egypt, for instance; Lane's cjassic 

x) For an account of the forbidden pleasures of the people of Mekka at the feast of 
Maimunah sec my Mckka^ Vol. II, p. 54 — 55. 


Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, and for the towns of 
Arabia Vol. II of my Mekka), we shall therein find mention made of 
at least four classes of defunct saints: — those who lie buried outside 
the limits of the country in question but who none the less find 
worshippers there owing to their high repute; national saints whose 
tombs attract pilgrims from the whole land; local saints who may be 
more or less regarded as guardians and patrons of particular villages 
or districts; and one special class, those who rescue men from some 
definite sort of danger or grant them fulfilment of some definite wish. 
In addition to the above great influence is sometimes exercised by 
living saints, who are regarded by those in their neighbourhood as 
endowed with miraculous powers. 

The best sketch of the Moslim saint-worship in general, an essay of 
some 100 pages by Dr. Ignaz Goldziher *), opens with the observation 
that ^in no other department has the original teaching of Islam adapted 
itself more to suit the needs of its adherents than in that of saint- 
worship** Great however as the concessions of the representatives of the 
religion of Islam have been to such needs, they have not been able 
entirely to satisfy them. The popular belief is not yet content with 
the pantheon which the official teaching has sealed with its sanction, 
even though that pantheon counts its names by thousands, and the 
door is opened as widely as possible to admit more; at least as many 
*more ^'saints'* are added whose origin every teacher must regard with 
suspicion, and whose legends are absurd and even heretical. 

Such is the case in the land of the origin of Islam and in the coun- 
tries of age-long Mohammedan civilization that surround it; how then 
could we expect it to be otherwise in the ^Tar East"? 

There has, it is true, been no lack of opposition on the part both 
of pandits and laymen to what they regarded as a terrible degradation 
and falsification of the monotheistic teaching of the Prophet; but the 
practical and surpassingly catholic instinct of Islam has tended more 
and more to exclude these *protestants* from the consensus (ijma^) of 
the community, and it is this consensus, the concurrent opinion of the 
majority, that is the final arbiter of truth and falsehood. 

i) See the Muhammedanische Studien (Halle a/S 1890) of this writer pp. 277 — 378; the 
study of these pages cannot be too highly recommended to those who wish to gain some 
knowledge of the significance of the tombs and legends of saints, in which our Archipelago 
is so rich. 

II 19 


The Wahhabite movement, which set Arabia in a tumult on the 
threshold of the nineteenth century, fought with spiritual and temporal 
weapons against the prevailing worship of man (saints and prophets), 
but it was subdued by Mohammad Ali, and Wahhabitism has since 
been confined to an insignificant sect, in spite of the increase of its 
adherents in British India, where the neutrality of the government 
favours the spread of such propaganda. 

In its interpretation of the law the Moslim school has always neglected 
the requirements of actual life and has thus gradually lost its sway 
over society, but in dogma it has conformed more and more to these 
human needs. It is of course quite possible to admit the validity of 
the law without observing its precepts; of such an attitude the continual 
backsliding of the human race, foretold by the Prophet himself, is 
sufficient explanation. Religious teaching, however, must neither admit 
any elements which are unacceptable to a large part of the community, 
nor reject things which are indispensable to a great number of the 
faithful, under pain of giving rise to a dissension which would lead to 
a general break-up and the formation of many sects. Against this Islam 
has always carefully protected itself. 
Tihe catholic Political disruption, on the other hand, speedily showed itself and 
Islam. continually increased. As every ruler of a Mohammedan state, be it 
large or small, is regarded as the chief upholder of the faith within 
his own territory, there is no possibility of forming a Common council 
or other such body in which the all-deciding **consensus of the community" 
might find utterance. This very fact enables us to point with all the more 
confidence to the catholic instinct of Islam as the upholder of its unity. 

From the above it follows as a matter of course that there can be 
no universally accepted list of Mohammedan saints, to form a standard 
of the truth or falsity of all claims to canonization. 

The reverence paid to the graves of those who already in their 
lifetime were known as special implements of Gods mercy, begins 
chiefly in small circles, and it sometimes depends on entirely accidental 
circumstances whether this worship attains gigantic proportions or the 
new saint's tomb is forgotten after a single generation, so that after 
a time its very site is unknown. There are but few saints of whom it 
is possible (as in the case of the mystic Shaikh Muhammad Sanusi '), 

i) See the Marabouts ct Khouan of Louis KioD, Chap. XXXI. 

29 1 

who died in 1859) to foretell with certainty during their lifetime that 
their tombs will hereafter be the goal of many devout pilgrimages. 

Those who have had a more or less orthodox education only visit 
saints' tombs the genuineness of which has been raised above all 
suspicion by the consensus of the community. Such purists occasionally 
raise their voices in protest against the claims of saints whose worship 
is inseparably connected with forbidden things, and in doubtful cases 
they decide according to the standard of orthodox dogma, and manifest 
a strong tendency to allow any tomb which has once won its way 
into the savour of sanctity to continue therein, so long as they can 
get rid of all that is offensive in the customs and traditions attached 
to it. Nor is such a view in disagreement with the orthodox dogma 
which recommends that men should rather worship many saints of 
dubious merit than run the risk of depriving some genuine saints of the 
honour due to them. 

It may be concluded from the foregoing remarks that the hagiogra- Character of 
phy of a Mohammedan country generally furnishes a characteristic hagiography. 
medley of antiquarian and ethnographic curiosities, wherein the survivals 
of vanquished religions and the evidences of old superstitions jostle 
with the mysticism of today. At the same time we find in the legends 
regarding the lives of the saints a mirror which reflects the character 
of the peoples who worship them. In the biographies of their saints 
we find reproduced the ideals, the humour and even the follies of the 
people who worship them, and who in their simplicity make these men 
of God caricatures as well as exalted images of themselves. In the 
vows made by the pilgrims to their graves, they lay bare the inmost 
desires of their hearts. The Creator is throned so far on high that he 
cannot give personal attention to the prayers of each one of his servants, 
but these innumerable janitors of his celestial palace have little else to 
do but to lay before him the prayers of their friends, who enlist 
their sympathy by vows to offer flowers and food and incense at their I 
tombs, to go thither in procession, perhaps escorted by musicians, in / 
short to do all that the local tradition shows to be likely to please the / 
local saint. 

The Indian Archipelago forms no exception to the above rule; the 
biographies of saints, for instance which can be collected in almost any 
district of Java, are highly instructive to the student of ethnology, 
sociology and antiquarian science, and often interesting in themselves. 


though perhaps a little monotonous to those who have become familiar 
with the prevailing types. 
General cha- The Achehnese hagiography possesses certain special traits which 
"^^^sdnts of distinguish it from the Javanese and those of the other best known 
Acheh. Mohammedan countries of the Archipelago. 

The tombs of the most ancient saints in Java and in most of the 
neighbouring countries cover the ashes of the first preachers of Islam 
and according to reliable records date from the 15*** century; according 
to the native tradition some of them are much older. In Acheh the 
saints now known and worshipped arrived on the scene long after Islam 
held undisputed sway in the country. The Turkish or Syrian saint of 
the gampong of Bitay ') if we accept a historical foundation of his 
legend came thither in the i6th century, when Acheh was already a 
considerable Mohammedan power; Aburra'uf^), the saint of Singkel, 
who long held the foremost place among the holy men of Acheh, 
flourished in the latter half of the 17th century; the Arab Teungku 
Anjong ^), who threw his predecessors claims somewhat into the shade, 
died in 1782. The rest are nearly all of minor rank; we do not know 
exactly when they lived and the popular tradition of Acheh, which is 
very indifferent as regards chronology, does not even pretend to assign 
to them any definite period. 

The names of the three chief saints of Acheh, which we have just 
mentioned suggest the surmise that the nation itself is not largely 
represented in their own calendar. As a matter of fact most of the 
wali's *) of Acheh are foreigners, just like most of her kings and almost 
all her great religious teachers. 

In Java too, it is true, many of the greatest wali's came from beyond 
the seas, and were said to be of Arab descent, as is shown by their 
being given the title of sayyidy or descendants of Husain, the grandson 
of Mohammad. 

But this foreign origin is a matter -of course in the case of the pioneers 
of Islam in Java, and among the later saints we find the names of 
many pure Javanese. Foreign saints of other than Arabic genealogy 
are in Java rare exceptions. 

i) See Vol. I, pp. 209, 243. 

2) See Vol. I, pp. 156, 390; II, p. 17 et seq. 3) See Vol. I, pp. 156, 235, 390. 

4) As we have already observed the Achehnese employ in place of this word its own 
plural, aulia^ pronounced by them eiilia. 


In Acheh the title of tuan which is prefixed to the names of so 

many saints of greater or lesser repute, points with certainty to their 

being of Malay or Javanese origin, and even those who are called 

teungku must not be regarded on this evidence merely, as being native 

Achehnese; Teungku Anjong, for instance, was an Arab and Teungku 

di Bitay a Turk or Syrian. 

Ornate tombs and monuments are rarely to be found in Acheh ; but Care be- 
stowed on the 
few even of the royal graves show traces of any greater care or atten- saints* tombs. 

tion than the Achehnese is wont to bestow on those of his ancestors 

or his saints. The tomb of Teungku Anjong and his wife is covered 

by a deah *) ; apart from this it is exceptional to find any protection 

against wind and weather. The tombs of Teungku di Kuala and Teungku 

Lam Peuneu'eun are sheltered by roughly constructed sheds, and that 

of Teungku Pant^ Cheureum^n by a small plastered kubah *). The 

luxury of a guardian of the tomb is confined, so far as I am aware, to 

the graves of the three principal saints mentioned above and that of 

Teungku di Weueng in the interior. Most of the saints tombs lie bare 

and exposed, are seldom cleaned and are distinguished from those of 

ordinary mortals only by the votive offerings which are laid thereon. 

We have already described the manner in which the saints are Manner of 
worshipped in Acheh. With the exception of those of Teungku Anjong ^o"^*P- 
and his wife where annual feasts ^) are celebrated, their tombs are visited 
almost exclusively for the fulfilment of vows. The accomplishment of 
wishes, recovery from sickness or important events in domestic life are 
thus the ordinary causes of these visits. The maker of the vow some- 
times goes alone, sometimes with a few friends and occasionally with 
a great procession. 

Some flowers and incense, a litte white cotton stuff for covering the 
tombstones, some yellow glutinous rice and now and then an animal 
for sacrifice are brought to the tomb, whence a few withered flowers 
or a fragment of old cloth from the tombstone are taken away as 
charms. The pilgrims and especially he on whose behalf the vow was 
made have their heads washed at the sacred spot. Processions are 
generally accompanied by a geundrang orchestra, though this is really 

i) See Vol. I, p. 51. 

2) From the Arabic qubbah a tomb with domed roof. 

3) See Vol. I, p 219. 



most unbefitting for a religious ceremony; at the tombs of saints of 
renown rapa'i performances are also held, nay indeed such gatherings 
are often profaned by the sadati-plays so strongly reprobated by the 
representatives of religion, and even by gambling. 

There are some, however, who acknowledge the benificence of the 
saint by more pious excercises, such as the recitation at his tomb of 
the Quran or other sacred writings. 

According to the popular notion the saint only enjoys the immaterial 
essence of the flowers and food oflered to him. The teaching of Islam 
on the other hand rejects this theory and will only admit of the view 
that the distribution of food to the living is a pious work, the recom- 
pense of which is communicated to the wali. According to both con- 
ceptions, however, it is essential that the food be partaken of by living 
people, and preferably those who have some repute for piety, such as 
the teungku's and leube's. Thus when an offering of food is made, one 
or two teungkus are generally of the company, unless the tomb is 
furnished with regular attendants such as watchmen etc. 

The intention expressed in words by the maker of the vow suffices 
to convey to the saint the immaterial essence or the recompense of 
the pious gift. Hence it is not absolutely necessary that the offering 
of food or flowers should be made at the tomb itself. So in the case 
of simple or trivial vows, it is often customary to hand over the 
offering to a teungku at his own house. It is thus possible to make 
and to fulfil vows of this sort to the Prophet or to saints of other 
countries without actually visiting their tombs. 
The princi- In Conclusion let us give a short list of the most famous of the saints 
Ah ^^^^^ ° ^^ Acheh with a few remarks on the traditions regarding them. 

Of the foreign saints those of the holy cities of Arabia (Mekka and 
Medina) are of course those best known to the Achehnese. It cannot 
however be said of these that they are regarded with unusual or even 
general veneration in Acheh, or at least not among Achehnese who 
have never performed the haj. There are really only two foreign saints 
who are so esteemed, namely Siak Abdokade (Shaich Abdulqadir Jilanl) *) 
the most renowned in Acheh of the champions of mysticism, to whom 
dishes of yellow glutinous rice are occasionally offered, to the great 
satisfaction of the teungkus, who recite the fatihah over them and 

i) See Vol. I, pp. 165, 191. 


devour their contents, and Tiian Meurasah a full account of whom 
will be found in the first volume of this work, p. 217. 

The others whom we shall mention here are all buried in Acheh. 

Teungku or Tuan di Bitay ; see Vol. I, pp. 209, 243. It is told of this 
saint that he once had a dispute with the Sultan of Acheh on that 
vexed question annually debated in all Mohammedan countries, viz. on 
what day the fasting month would commence '). The teungku declared 
that he had seen the new moon, and that the fast must therefore 
commence the following morning, while the Sultan insisted that it 
would not be new moon till next day. Through Allah's grace the saint 
was able to point out the moon to the Sultan, who was much astonished 
and had to acknowledge his defeat. 

Teungku di Kuala = Siah Abdora'oh (Shaich Abdurra'uf of Singkel), 
of whom an account is given in Vol. I, pp. 156, 390 and pp. 17 et seq. 

Teungku Anjong = Sayyid Abu Bakr bin Husain Bilfaqlh ; see Vol. 
I, pp. 156, 219, 390. 

Teungku Lam PeuneiCeun^ the patron saint of pepper. For a descrip- 
tion of the annual kanduris given in his honour in the pepper season, 
and the propaganda of Teungku Kuta Karang on behalf of his cult, 
see Vol. I, pp. 184, 260. Vows are also made to him in connection with 
recovery from sickness, or for the completion of the recitation of the 
Quran (peutamat^ see Vol. I, p. 398) at his tomb by a school-boy. 

Teungku Pant^ Cheureum^n. This saint's tomb, which is regarded as 
of great antiquity, lies near Kuala D6e on the shore of Ul^e Lheue 
(Olehleh). Vows are seldom paid to him, but great kanduri's are held 
at his tomb especially when an epidemic prevails in the land, so that 
they may be classified as kanduri tula* bala '). A white buffalo must 
always be slaughtered at these feasts. 

Teungku Meuntrbe, whose tomb is situated in the open country at 
Lueng Bata, is a saint with a specialty for the punishment of perjurers, 
so that oaths taken at his tomb are considered particularly reliable. 
The more celebrated Teungku Anjong has the same reputation in this 
respect, but owing to its being a place of such constant resort, the 
actual value of the oaths taken at his tomb has become somewhat 

i) See Vol. I, pp. 196, 223. 2) See Vol. I, p. 416. 


Every man of course knows that it is Allah alone who punishes, 
and that the breach of an oath no matter where committed cannot 
escape his omniscience. But Allah's punishments are for the most part 
deferred till after the resurrection, and there is a great hope of their 
being remitted through his pitying grace, whereas it is a recognized 
characteristic of the saints that they secure by their prayers the punish- 
ment in this world of sinners who have earned their anathema *). 

Teungku di Wetiing lies buried on the mountain of that name in the 
XXII Mukims and is regarded as an implacable chastizer of thieves. 
Cases are quoted in which the visitants of his tomb brought with them 
as offerings goats which they had indeed acquired by honest means 
but which had previously been the subject of thefts. A sudden death 
was the reward of their heedlessness. There is a story that one who 
plucked a durian from a tree that grew over the grave was straightway 
turned to stone. 

The energetic chief of Teun6m (Teuku Imeum) is said to be a descen- 
dant of this dreaded protector of property. [He died in August 1901]. 

Teungku Chf Lam Pisang is buried in the gampong after which he 
is named, and is the special patron of all those who desire to attain 
invulnerability. The hairs of his head were as stiff as brass wire ; when 
he plucked one out and gave it as a charm [ajeumat) to a student of 
the Heuni^e keubay *), it changed of its own accord into iron in a day 
or two, and thus became an infallible talisman to ensure the invulnera- 
bility of its possessor ^). 

This saint, however, does not confine his activity to this one depart- 
ment; he is also the recipient of innumerable vows having for their 
object the fulfilment of wishes or the warding off of mishaps. 

Tuan di Lungkeueng^ so called because his tomb is wholly surrounded 
by thick roots, has his resting-place in the Blang Bintang (XXVI Mukims). 

During his life he was wont to frequent the fields in that locality 
and to water the grazing flocks at midday. Now sick cattle are brought 
to his tomb where their heads are besprinkled with water or if the 
distance is too great to drive them thither, some earth is taken from 
the tomb and mingled with the water which the sick animals drink. 

i) Cf. Vol. I, pp. 158 et seq. where it is explained how the fear inspired by the sayyids 
in Acheh arises from the same cause. 

2) See above pp. 34, et seq. 

3) See pp. 36 above. 


Teiingkii or Tuan Dibbh ') is more generally known as Tuan Salah 
nama (*the saint with the wrong name") as his real name sounds 
improper. The tomb that bears his name and which is situated at the 
foot of a mountain in Lam Pisang is said to contain his organ of 
generation only, while his body is supposed to be buried on the top 
of the hill. It is rumoured that Habib Abdurrahman was opposed to 
the veneration paid to this curious sepulchre. 

He is the patron of married couples who wish for children. The 
barren pay vows to him and drink water mingled with earth from 
his grave. 

The seafaring man owes his protection from the dangers of the deep 
largely to the intercession of the saints. Along the shores, the islands 
and the cliffs past which he sails there are many real or supposed 
graves of these departed worthies, as well as certain rocks and stones 
of peculiar form, which are supposed to be petrified evidences of their 
presence. To some of these the sailors make vows in the hour of 
danger, but in most cases they observe as they pass these monuments 
certain customs prompted by veneration or by fear; for instance, incense 
is burnt, jests and idle sayings are avoided and sometimes incantations 
are uttered. The chief saints of this class are: 

Tuan di Payet^ on that part of Pul6 Breueh (Bras) which is known 
as Pul6 Ul^e Paya. 

Tuan di Kala, (so named from the kala-trees near his grave), on the 
same island. 

Teungku di Keureuse' on Pulo Keureusc' which lies to the West of 
Pul6 Breueh. 

Teungku di BukH, on a hill near the coast of Pulo Deudab, close 
by Pul6 Breueh. 

Teungku di Ujong EutnpH on the same island. 

Tuan di Pulb Bunta on the island of that name in the Babah ArSih. 

Teungku di Ujong at Kuala Panchu (VI Mukims). 

Teungku di Ujong Ritieng on the coast of the IV Mukims. 

In the dependencies on the North, East and West Coasts also there 
are hundreds of such sacred places which the seafaring man approaches 
with awe. On the West Coast the most celebrated is Teungku Lho^ 
Tapa' Tuan in that arm of the sea which in the old maps is marked 

i) Boh signifies the male organ of generation, ^dV'^ being used for emphasis. 


as Tampat Tuan, but is called by the Achehnese Tapa' Tuan ("footstep 
of the saint"). 

This gigantic saint is said to have on one occasion pursued a dragon 
into the sea, and of this chase certain traces may still be seen both 
on the shore and in the sea itself. One of his footsteps left its mark 
on a hill and another lower down close to the sea-shore. This last, 
which is about /'/j yards long, is roofed over. Two small islands (Pi//^ 
Dua) in the bay of Tapa' Tuan are believed to have been originally 
connected but to have been rent in twain by the dragon in his flight. 

The saint hurled his turban and his staff at the dragon, which however 
sank beneath the waves to rise no more, while these two objects were 
turned to stone and may still be seen projecting from the sea in the 
form of rocks of peculiar shape. It is supposed to be extremely dangerous 
purposely to steer a ship close to the kupiah and tungkat as they are 
called, but if the vessel is accidentally driven thither by wind or tide 
and touches one of them it is a most lucky omen for her master. 

There are not many legends connected with the remaining saints in 
our list; they are believed to render help in all kind of danger, but 
they do not enjoy the high prestige of those already mentioned, nor 
do they wield special powers. 

Tuan Siblah LangH (^'the saint of the direction of the sky"). The 
greatest length of the sky according to the Achehnese conception, is 
supposed to be from East to West. The tomb of this worthy which is 
situated near Kuala Changkoy, lies East and West, while the prescribed 
direction of Mohammedan tombs in the Eastern Archipelago is from 
North to South, so that the face of the dead may be turned towards 
Mekka. In Java also there are a few graves which form exceptions to 
the general rule and which are nevertheless regarded as sacred. 

Ttian di Keude or Teungku tujoh bldih hdih. He is called the "Saint 
of the Keude" because the keude (i. e. market composed of wooden 
stalls and small houses) of Meura'sa formerly lay near his tomb, and 
the "saint of the 17 yards" because the two stones which mark his 
grave are unusually far apart. 

In Java also we meet with some saints* graves of exceptional length ; 
indeed the mother of mankind Sittana Hawwa (Eve) must have been 
of like formidable stature, to judge by her tomb at Jiddah. 

Teungku Chat, also in the territory of Meura'sa. 

Tuan di Bunot (so called because his tomb lies beneath the shade of 


a huge bunot-tree) near the keude or bazaar of Ulce Lheue (Olehleh). 

Tuan di Pinta ') in Gampong Pi (Meura'sa). 

Ttian di Bd" Chu'eh (named from a chueh-tree beside the tomb) in 
Gampong Pi. 

Tuan di Chbt Arm in the gampong of Lam Jabat in Meura'sa. 

Teungkii Siah Manso (= Mansur) in Gampong Jawa. 

Ttian di dapat *) in Gampong Jawa. 

Teungku Latnpuyang *) in the gampong of Lam Badeue' (VI Mukims). 

Teungkii Lam Aron *) in Lam Pageue (VI Mukims). 

Tuan di Chbt Chakb on the mountain of Gle Putoih in the VI Mukims. 

Teungku Chi* Guraih in the gampong of that name in the VI Mukims. 

Teungku Chi Leupueng in the IV Mukims. 

Tuan di jalan ') near Lam Nga in the XXVI Mukims. 

Teungku di Batie Putih on a hill near Krueng Raya (XXVI Mukims). 

Tombs such as the foregoing are to be met with almost everywhere. 

The Achehnese, like their neighbours of Java, also venerate the tombs Veneration 

r ^1 • f 1 . . t « t « • « • 1 J for the tombs 

of their departed kmgs, and although they do not precisely regard of kings, 
them as saints, they yet believe that they have been gifted with certain 
kramats or miraculous tokens of God's grace. Indeed the mere act of 
ruling a kingdom with the power to exalt or abase other men, is in 
itself esteemed a sort of kramat; and it is believed that Allah, who 
vouchsafed them this kramat in their lifetime, continues to endue them 
in the next world with a certain power of blessing and rendering 

In the neighbourhood of the ancient gampong Kuta Alam (not to 
be confused with the place now officially so called) we find the Kubu 
pbteu fneureuhoniy certain tombs of departed royalties. It is believed 
that the great Meukuta Alam = Eseukanda Muda (1607 — 3^) '^ buried 
here, and indeed it is not improbable that the name of the gampong 
is simply an abbreviation of that of this famous ruler '). 

Many votive offerings of flowers and incense used to be made at 
these tombs. The fact that no one could any longer distinguish between 
the several occupants of the various tombs was no obstacle; it was 
sufficient to invoke the blessing of the "royalties in bliss" in general. 

i) Such names point to the Malayan origin of these saints. 

2) Such names are derived from the gampongs to which these saints belonged. 

3) Otherwise the name must refer to a fort {kuta) and there is no reason to suppose 
that there ever was any fortification at that place. 


The royal tombs in the Dalam which have now been roofed over 
by the government, are called Kandang ') poteu, i. e. "the tombs of 
our lords". It was especially the uleebalangs and other distinguished 
chiefs who used to come here to fulfil their vows. 

Finally we have in the ancient gampong Kandang, not far from the 
Dalam, the tomb of Poteu Jeumalbyy the Arab rival of the first kings 
of the present dynasty. We have already made acquaintance with this 
personage in the Hikayat Pochut Muhamat, the best of the Achehnese 
heroic poems ^). 

Outside Acheh proper there are also a few kings tombs to which 
the people in their neighbourhood pay vows, as for instance that of 
P6teu meureuhom Daya at Kuala Daya. 

We have already (Vol. I, pp. 379 — 380) drawn attention to the 

curious fact that the graves of the beings called burongs (puntianak) and 

especially those of P6chut Siti and Burong Tanjong or Srabi are regarded 

as sacred and venerated in Acheh. 

More modern In modern as well as ancient times foreigness have enjoyed the 

saints. preference in Acheh as regards sanctity. This may be seen from three 

examples which the neighbourhood of the chief town, Kuta Radja, has 

furnished within the last few years. One was a young half-mad sayyid 

of the family of Aidarus ^) who lived in Gampong Jawa and was even 

during his lifetime the recipient of many vows; the second was Teungku 

Lam Paloh *) who came from Yogyakarta, and who was likewise revered 

as a saint while still alive; and the last a certain Teungku Lam Guha 

("the saint of the cave *), a Javanese from Demak, so called because he 

secluded himself in a cave for many years. His tomb which lies behind 

the mosque at Ulee Lheue, is now visited by many pilgrims. 

Belief of the The great significance, especially from a political point of view, of 

Achehnese in ^j^^ veneration paid to living men who have won a reputation for 

i) This name appears to have been specially applied to the tombs of kings in Acheh 
from the fact that the royal graves are surrounded by a stone wall (^kanduNg)^ but the word 
^s now used generally to denote such burial-places, and it is said of a departed sultan that 
he is ka u kandani^ =■ deceased, independently of the place in which he is buried. 

2) See Vol. I, p. 84 and p. 88 above. 

3) See Vol. I, p. 156 above. 

4) He died in 1894. 

5) It was said that he was promised the hand of a celestial nymph, if he abode in the 
cave for three successive years without seeing a single human being, but this prospect was 
blighted by the constant visits of those who came to implore his blessing or advice. 


sanctity has already been discussed at some length (Vol. I, pp. 153 et seq.). 
The Achehnese, like the Javanese, are believers in kramaty that is to 
say they are inclined to regard as miracles the peculiar proclivities of 
those who make capital out of the popular credulity, and imagination 
helps them to multiply the number of such miracles. For the general 
mass of the people it is not indispensable that the candidate for saintly 
honours should be a sayyid or ulama\ even a somewhat godless life is 
no obstacle to the aspirant to the quality of kramat^ which word is 
used as an adjective expressive of the sanctity of living persons, as 
well as of the dead. 

The Arabs are at bottom no less firm believers in kramat than the 
natives of the Archipelago; even at Batavia we find Arabs who are 
revered as kramat by their countrymen. But the Arab is always ready 
to mock at the credulity of the natives, since he looks down on them 
as of a meaner race and regards the sanctity of Javanese, Malays etc. 
as improbable a priori. 

It is well known that many natives of the eastern Archipelago attri- Sacrcd ani- 
bute a certain sort of sanctity to some kinds of animals, or else invest "*^ ^' 
certain individuals with animal characteristics. This superstition had no 
doubt a much wider vogue in earlier times; it is now gradually be- 
coming one of the rudiments of a past epoch. In Java the slaughter 
and eating of the flesh of some kinds of animals is forbidden (puyuty 
chadu, ila-ila) to the people of certain families. We are also told of 
saints who enjoy the protection and services of a particular kind of 
animal, the reason given being that they have once rendered a service 
to an animal of this description. Haji Mangsur, the great saint of BantSn 
is said to have one day set free a tiger which was caught in the vice 
of a huge shell-fish (kima), in return for which he could always command 
the services of tigers, and neither he nor his descendants were ever 
molested by them. We find occasional examples of tortoises, fishes, 
monkeys etc. being esteemed sacred; sometimes these creatures are 
connected in some way or other with deceased saints, but occasionally 
they are venerated on their own account. 

Acheh also furnishes examples of such superstitions; we have seen 
above how the use of the flesh of white bufl*aloes and of the alu-aln 
fish is regarded as prohibited to the family of Chut Sandang *). 

i) See Vol. I, p. 51. 


If we may believe the popular stories, one or more tigers always 
lurk in the vicinity of every sacred tomb; they are occasionally seen 
by the pilgrims who frequent the spot, but speedily vanish again. They 
hurt none except those who have incurred the anger of the saint. Some 
say that it is the deceased worthy himself who appears in this form ; 
others deny this, and assert that the tigers are the servants of the 
saints and guardians of their graves. Both views find support in the 
colloquial, since the expression meurimuen^ admits of either construction ^). 

Living saints also have tigers which wander in the vicinity of their 
abodes and pay them occasional visits. Habib Abdurrahman kept one 
captive, but although he was esteemed a saint, this was not looked 
upon as an attribute of his sanctity, but was regarded merely as the 
strange whim of a great man. 

Near the tomb of Teungku di Kuala (Abdora'oh) where the Acheh 
River joins the sea the waters are said to be haunted by a gigantic 
skate (parde), which brings to grief the vessels of the wicked, and 
especially of those who have failed to do honour to the great saint of 
Acheh. Most of the saints' tombs on the sea-board of the East and 
West Coasts are guarded by sacred whales [pawoih) or sharks {yi'e) ^). 

Crocodiles [buya) ^) also partake of the sanctity of the tombs in the 
neighbourhood of which they are constantly to be seen. It is said that 
a crocodile of Teungku Anjong, which his master marked as his by 
fastening a band of ar^n-rope (tald'e jo') around its neck, still keeps 
watch and ward in Kuala Ach^h, and takes care that no noxious 
members of his tribe enter the river. 

A few years ago a young crocodile appeared in the river behind the 
house of Teuku N6', the ul^ebalang of Meura'sa. The latter regarded 
him as a messenger from some saint or other, and had his wants care- 
fully attended to; he always addressed him as ^TeungkuK^ when calling 
him to receive the fowls with which he satisfied his hunger. This "teungku" 
however has proved a great pest to the subjects of the uleebalang who 
reside in the neighbourhood, by devouring their goats and chickens, 
but none dare complain through fear of the wrath of his powerful votary. 
Popular oaths Most of the oaths employed by the Achehnese in their daily life, 

i) The expression is: Teungku N, meurimueng^ and meurimueng may either mean *to 
keep a tiger", or **to take the form of a tiger, to act as such**. 

2) Mai. yu (Translator), 

3) Mai. buaya (Translator), 


though not actually at variance with the Mohammedan teaching, are 
yet of a secular rather than a religious nature, e. g. : 

"May the tiger catch me", 

**May the thunder smite me", 

"May I become a leper", 

"May the whirlwind overtake me", 

"May the 4 yards of earth (i. e. the grave) never cover me (my 
body)" '), if so and so shall happen. Such are the forms of oath fami- 
liar to all, and more often used than the invocation of Allah by his 
various titles, which the Moslim law prescribes for the purpose of 
an oath. 

Similar oaths (we need only instance the Javanese samber glap) arc 
in common use among other neighbouring peoples. The genuinely 
Mohammedan oath "May the Quran with its thirty divisions consume 
me", is however also very frequently heard. 

The oath of mutual fidelity, especially in war, taken on a weapon or 
a bullet, has been already described (see footnote to p. 94 — 95 above). 

The discussion of the religious teaching of Islam has led us in our 
own despite somewhat far afield, for the domain of popular belief is 
practically boundless. The other four "pillars" of the Mohammedan 
faith may be more briefly dealt with, since they are concerned with 
the practice of the law itself and have been more or less fully discussed 
in the earlier portion of this work. 

§ 3. The remaining four "Pillars of Islam", 

The second "pillar" is the ritual prayers ((aldt, Ach. salat or seumaya9ig). Ritual 
The law imperatively ordains their celebration five times each day, once Pi^y^s. 
a week (on Friday at noon) with certain special additions, and also on 
the occurrence of certain events such as a death; but merely recom- 
mends their use on other occasions. Closely connected with these 
prayers is the ritual purification, which is necessary in certain cases to 
prepare the believer for the performance of a si^mbahyang, since ritual 

i) In the Achehnese colloquial these forms of oath are expressed as follows: Da^rimu'eng 
kab^ bo" glanteui to* or change bo* budd'* Idn^ bd* angen putcng blidng ba idn^ ba* bt" jitrimong 
le bumoe peu'it ka'ih. 


impurity invalidates such a prayer. In the books of Mohammedan law 

there appears by way of introduction to the subject of galat, a chapter 

describing the requisites for ritual purity and the means by which it 

may be recovered when lost. 

Neglect What we have already observed regarding the practice in Acheh in 

""^ b^'^the"*^ ^^^^ respect amounts to this, that the leubes ') and others faithfully 

Achehnese. perform their seumayang five times a day, but that the great majority 

of the people overlook this duty and that the general public prayers 

are very much neglected. There are however many exceptions, local 

and otherwise, to the prevailing lukewarmness. 

Wherever an influential ulama resides there arises of its own accord 
a religious revival, wherein some take part through conviction and 
others from shame or fear. The piety of a chief, be he keuchi', imeum 
or ul^ebalang produces a like result which often long survives his decease. 

The rise of a leader such as Habib Abdurrahman, or great misfortu- 
nes such as the outbreak of a war or an epidemic are also incentives 
to a general religious awakening, which shows itself primarily in the 
more faithful observance of the prescribed seumayangs. 

None the less, in the absence of some such incentive the Achehnese 
continue to be careless in this matter, very much as do their neighbours 
the Javanese, though as a matter of fact the ritual prayers play a much 
greater part in both countries than a casual European observer might 

We have repeatedly drawn attention to the fact (which is not hard 
to explain if we examine it carefully) that seumayangs which only 
occur at certain times of the year and even those which the law does 
not strictly prescribe (such as the traw^h) ^) are in practice much more 
highly esteemed than the five indispensable daily prayers; nay, that 
other exercises, such as the rat^bs, which are never compulsory, are of 
far more importance in the popular estimation than the seumayangs. 
This neglect This phenomenon may with some slight differences in degree be 

not specifi- 
cally Indo- observed throughout the whole of the East Indian Archipelago. Nor 

nesian. ^^^ j^ ^^ ^^jj ^j^^^ these islands stand alone in tfee Mohammedan world 
in this respect. The Egyptian fellah whose manner of life in many ways 
resembles that of the Javanese peasant is not, any more than the latter, 

1) See Vol. I, p. 71. 

2) See Vol. I, p. 230. 


a faithful observer of the galat, which in his case also comes second 
to sundry superstitious practices, the fulfilment of vows etc. 

In the centres of Mohammedan civilization (except those which depend 
for their existence on religion, like the holy cities of Arabia) the. prac- 
tice of the galat is much neglected, and the more so in proportion as 
they are pervaded by the breath of religious liberty, for a large measure 
of compulsion has at all times been indispensable to the proper main- 
tenance of these pious exercises. People who have to work hard for 
their living find the regular daily observance of the five galats, accom- 
panied with the preliminary ritual purification a burden too great to 
be borne; while many of those whose circumstances are easier are too 
worldly voluntarily to submit to the constant repetition of these rites. 

It may be said with truth that the zeal for the s^mbahyang reaches 
the minimum in the East Indian Archipelago. The position in Acheh 
may in this respect be compared with that of the Bedawins of Arabia 
who never observe the five seasons of prayer except under the con- 
straint of certain local influences, — where for example Wahhabitism 
still prevails or where some zealous fellow-tribesman compels them to 
do their duty. 

This does not however give us the right to draw conclusions derogatory Erroneous 
to - the strength of the faith in the creed of Islam cherished by its to^^^kh^t^^^^ 
adherents in the far East; it is even misleading as a standard of the neglect gives 
character of the Islam of Indonesia as compared with that of other 
countries. If there is indifference as regards the galat, this is more than 
counterbalanced by the superabundant zeal for the Hajj, for few parts Great zeal for 
of the Mohammedan world send so large a proportion of their popula- ^^^ ^"JJ* 
tion on this pilgrimage or bring so much wealth year by year to the 
holy cities of Arabia as the East Indian Archipelago, and that too 
although the distance and the difficulties of the journey are very 
much greater for the Indonesians than for the people of Egypt, Syria, 
Turkey or Arabia. Both of these religious obligations are of such an 
external nature, and the degree of zeal displayed in regard to 
both is so entirely dependent on accidental circumstances, that 
taken by themselves they cannot be employed as a measure of the 
influence of religion oyer the life of any given Mohammedan people. 
If we look to actual results, the zeal for the Hajj is much more far- 
reaching in its effects than the faithful observance of the five daily 
ceremonies which would be more properly described as "worship" than 

IT 20 


as "prayer". It is true that most of the ceremonial connected with the 

Hajj is not understood by the ordinary pilgrim, whose visit to the 

holy cities teaches him little that is new. But the Hajj has given rise 

to a brisk intercourse between the East Indian Archipelago and Mekka, 

which has become more than ever the spiritual centre of Islam. The 

influence of Mekka over the natives of the Far East grows daily, 

assisted by the intermediary of the considerable colony of half-Mekkanized 

Indonesians (Jawa) now established in the holy city '). 

Causes of There is one very obvious reason why the ritual prayers are in 

ness in regard practice SO much neglected in this part of the world. Had Islam been 

to the daily introduced into the Far East from Arabia, be it from Hadramaut, 


which already has made some impression on the practice of Islam here, 
or from Mekka, which exercises a daily increasing control over the 
religious life of the natives of the Archipelago, there can be no doubt 
that the Javanese, Malays, Achehnese, etc. would observe the galat 
much more faithfully than is now the case, even though they might 
have also imitated their Arabian teachers in their neglect or transgres- 
sion of many of the behests of the holy law. In the cities of the Hidjaz 
and Hadramaut the ritual prayers are observed by thousands whose 
whole life is in other respects a concatenation of gross breaches of 
the law. 

The early pioneers of Islam in the Far East, however, laid great 
stress on thought, while action occupied a much lower place in their 
scheme of Jife. The implements of their propaganda are still in evidence 
in the shape of innumerable writings both great and small, and especially 
the household compendiums known in Java as primbons *). These show 
in various forms the way in which man may become united with his 
Creator through mental exercises; certain corporeal acts of worship 
(among which the galat takes a subordinate place) serve merely as 
means to the end, and may be dispensed with as soon as that end is 
reached. The natural result has been that the majority of spiritual 
guides have been at little pains in insisting on the faithful observance 
by simple folk of their five daily religious exercises. 

Such has been the negative result of the attitude of the teachers, 
who have given the common people but little to counterbalance their 

i) This matter is dealt with in full in the 4^*^ chapter of Vol. II of my Mekka^ see in 
particular pp. 295 — 393. 
2) See Vol. I, pp. 198 etc. 


neglect of the ritual prayers; for the great majority were not of course 
educated up to the exalted philosophic method above referred to, and 
all that they gleaned therefrom was a few (to them meaningless) 
formulas and expressions which they regarded as provision for the 
journey to another world. On the other hand, had they been subjected 
to a more Arabic regime they would have obtained, in place of these 
formulas, which they do not clearly understand and yet often feel ') 
the influence of, a system of lingual and gymnastic exercises the meaning 
of which would have been still more incomprehensible to them; for 
the ritual prayers with their posturings and genuflections and Arabic 
formulas which even an Arab does not understand if he be unlearned, 
are a perfect mystery to all but a very small minority of those who 
observe them. The exchange would thus have given them nothing 
better than what they had before. 

The influences which should have tended to promote the zeal for 
the ritual have already worked long enough to yield some result. But 
it must not be forgotten that the circumstances under which these 
influences worked were entirely different from those of the stirring times 
in which the Indonesians broke with their past and accepted a new 
religion. No sooner did their conversion and the consequent reform in 
their manner of living become a fait accompli^ than there set in a 
period of inertia. The door was indeed still open to further change in 
the sphere of life and doctrine, especially when Arab influence made 
itself felt; but without fresh convulsions such changes can be no more 
than partial, and must necessarily be very gradual. Hence although 
they take place before our eyes they are hidden from those who do 
not make a careful study of the subject. 

A third ** pillar", the pilgrimage to Mekka as an obligation binding The llajj. 
on all **who have the means to make the journey", has already been 
passingly commented on some pages back. It is important to remember 
that the merit of the fulfilment of this duty is largely conditional. Not 
only is he, who lacks bodily strength and means sufficient to enable 
him to make the journey to Mekka without prejudice to himself or 

i) I have frequently met with entirely unlettered natives, who showed the strongest 
predilection for these philosophical formulas expressive of the identity of God with man, 
and had at the tip of their tongues sundry illustrations of this unity; but they were just 
as ignorant of the whole subject as an unlettered but devoted Calvinist might be of the 
true nature of the doctrinal intricacies of the faith for which he would lay down his life. 


those who belong to him, excused from this obligation, but the law in 
some such cases cautions him against undertaking the Hajj, while in 
some it absolutely forbids him so to do. 

According to the Shafi'ite teaching, which holds sway in the Eastern 
Archipelago, it is not imperative even where all the conditions are 
fulfilled, to perform the pilgrimage on the first opportunity; it may in 
fact be indefinitely postponed. If the would-be pilgrim dies in the 
meantime without becoming a haji, leaving money or goods, provision 
should be made out of the heritage for hiring a substitute to perform 
the Hajj in the name of the deceased. 

Many of the inhabitants of Mekka or of the people of Malayan race 
settled there, grow fat upon the profits connected with this system; 
and to their great satisfaction it is nearly always the wealthiest who 
make use of the privilege of postponement, so that every year large 
sums find their way to Mekka in payment for substitutes (badal hdji). 
There are even regular agents who make annual tours to collect such 
badal-monies for themselves and their friends, and it is very doubtful if 
these sums are always spent in carrying out the intentions of the donors. ') 

On the other hand there are in the Archipelago a great numbei 
who though not bound to do so, perform the hajj not once but even 
twice or oftener. In a word, this *pillar"-obligation is here fulfilled 
with extraordinary zeal and the direct effect on the religious life of 
the people can hardly be over-estimated. This zeal does not of course 
exist in the same degree everywhere, but is subject to local variations; 
among the Sundanese for instance the haji element is much greater 
than in Central Java. 

In Acheh the predilection for this ** pillar" is quite as strong as it is 
in Java. The Achehnese have established at Mekka waqf-houses where 
board and lodging may be obtained at moderate rates by their devout 
but impecunious fellow-countrymen; and Acheh supplies a small con- 
tingent to the *Jawa" colony in Arabia, and especially to that portion 
of it which pursues its studies at Mekka. Within the last twenty years 
of disturbance the number of Achehnese pilgrims has considerably 
diminished, but this decline is merely temporary and accidental. 
Estimation In Acheh the hajis^) do not derive any great title to consideration 

of haji's in 

i) See my Mekka^ Vol. II, pp. 310 — ii. 

2) It should be superfluous to contradict the erroneous idea which formerly prevailed 
amongst Europeans that the hajis formed a sort of sacerdotal or learned caste. 


and respect from the mere completion of their pilgrimage; indeed the 
same is true of Java where the respect paid to returned pilgrims has 
fallen off in proportion to the increase of their numbers. 

The haji in Acheh cannot as a rule be even distinguished by his 
dress. Turbans (in the sense of kerchiefs wound round the rim of the 
kupiah or cap) are not confined to the hajis, but are very commonly 
worn by people of every rank and class, the national model differing, 
however, to some extent from its Arabian prototype; while among 
religious teachers we find some who follow the Arab fashion even though 
they have never made the pilgrimage. On the other hand a large 
number of the Achehnese hajis remain faithful to the national form of 
turban and to the wide trousers and short loin-cloth — nay, many 
even wear the cap without any kerchief surrounding it. 

As a general rule the people of this country are less disposed than 
many of their neighbours to admire and imitate foreign fashions. 
When we add to this the fact that in earlier times Acheh and especially 
her capital was wont to entertain a large mixed crowd of hajis coming 
and returning, we understand how both turban and long robe lost the 
attraction of rarity. As long as the pilgrim traffic of Java and Sumatra 
was carried on in sailing ships Acheh formed one of the most impor- 
tant stages in the journey '). 

The haji is politely and more or less respectfully addressed as 
teungku or teungku haji, and it is understood of him that he is no 
hangsat, that is to say that he is one who does not neglect the regular 
observance of his chief religious duties; any further honour paid him 
depends on the social position, learning or piety of the individual. 

The fourth **pillar of Islam" which claims our attention is the tax The zakat. 
called zakat (Ach. jakeuet) which is prescribed and strictly regulated 
by the sacred law. This tax, so far as its being levied on property is 
concerned, may be reckoned among the institutions of that ideal con- 
stitution or rather ideal community, which according to .the historic 
tradition of Islam (a tradition not entirely trustworthy) flourished during 
the first thirty years after the death of Mohammad, but which since 
that time has constantly degenerated, so that nothing short of a miracle 
could effect its restoration at the present time. Especially impossible 
would be the general imposition of this property-tax, the rules for the 

i) See pp. 19 above. 


collection whereof are based on the most primitive social conditions. 

The zakat levied on the person, generally called pitrah in the Eastern 
Archipelago, is not oppressive, and the festal occasion on which its 
payment is appointed — the great day of atonement we might call it — 
lends itself to encourage the faithful observance of this ordinance. 

We have already given all necessary particulars in regard both to 
the jakeuet *) proper and the pitrah *) and have pointed out that although 
there is no lack of popular misconception ') in regard to both, the 
practice of the Achehnese with respect to these institutions is very 
much the same as in most other Mohammedan countries. 
The fast. The same may be said of the fifth ** pillar", the observance of the 
fast (puasa) in the month of Ramadhan. The Achehnese are just as 
strict in this as the Sundanese, and more so than the Javanese and 
the Arabs of the desert. Indulgences such as the Achehnese allow 
themselves in respect of the fast, are also to be met with in every 
other Moslim country. Here as elsewhere, all rules connected with the 
fasting month are esteemed more highly than is justified in theory, 
too highly indeed in comparison with other religious obligations. This 
is due to the popular notion that this month Is one of atonement, 
which makes good the shortcomings of the rest of the year *). 

The Achehnese themselves are quite ready to criticise their own 
lack of capacity for the faithful fulfilment of the chief obligations of 
Islam. Of this an excellent illustration is furnished by a popular legend 
regarding the work of the great saint Abdurra'uf of Singkel, commonly 
known as Teungku di Kuala *). 

This holy man, as we have seen *^), is generally regarded by the 
Achehnese as one of the foremost pioneers of Islam in their country, 

i) Vol. I, pp. 74, 268 sqq. 

2) Vol. I, pp. 74, 231, 238 sqq. 

3) Such misconception is also very common in Arabia. In Acheh the pitrah is made 
over to the teungku and generally supposed to be his recompense for the performance of 
the traw^h. So in Mekka the fitrah is generally given at the end of the fasting month to 
the man mesahhir who goes round in each quarter of the town every night from house to 
house and rouses the inhabitants so that they may not miss the chance of taking their 
meal before the break of day. Many of the common people regard the fitrah as his reward 
for the performance of this duty. 

4) See Vol. I, p. 228 sqq. 

5) The tale of how he converted the prostitutes at the capital of Acheh is given above, 
p. 20. 

6) See p. 20 above. 


though he did not in fact appear on the scene until about the middle 
of the ly^^ century, when Acheh had already been long under the 
influence of Mohammedanism. 

The story goes that an Arab teacher, a rigid disciplinarian who 
would make no allowance for the manners and customs of the country, 
has striven in vain for years to propagate the true religion in Acheh, 
when Abdora'oh, after a prolonged residence in Arabia, came back 
and settled down in Banda Ach^h. To him the Arab detailed his 
experiences with much disgust. All the trouble he had taken to lead 
this godless people into the right path, was but casting pearls before 
swine; their place of worship was still the glanggang (arena for fights 
between animals), and that accursed gambling was their substitute for 

The Malayan saint, who combined calmness of spirit with a ripe 
knowledge of the world, advised his friend to leave the country, which 
was no field for the activity of so strict a devotee. ** Return to Arabia", 
said he, ''and let me try my feeble powers in this task of conversion". 
So the Arab turned his back on Ach^h, and Abdora'oh took counsel 
with himself as to how he might best compass his object. 

He knew the character of the people; they were indeed naturally 
disinclined to perform ritual prayers five times each day or to fast a 
whole month in each year, but this aversion to the greatest of all 
Heum^es *) or arts was coupled with a mania for another sort of 
HeumHs ^) — mysterious formulas and methods for compassing their 
desires, together with a most superstitious reverence for those who 
were supposed to possess such mystic powers. 

Abdora'oh took all this into account, and contented himself for the 
time being with assuming the role of a teungku, the repetition of whose 
incantations and the observance of whose rules would ensure success in 
any undertaking. 

One day a passionate lover of cock-fighting came to the saint with 
a bird which, although it had all the marks which indicate success, 
had constantly proved a disappointment to its owner, and asked if the 
new teungku could furnish him with a spell which would assure victory 
to his favourite in future. 

i) See p. I above. 

2) See p. 32 sqq. above. 

Abdora'oh replied that he would do so with pleasure. **I possess", 
he said, **a short and simple incantation, which, if you repeat it day 
by day and ponder on its meaning, will make your cock invincible". 
Accordingly he proceeded to teach this gambling ne'er-do-weel the 
words of the Mohammedan confession of faith, the repetition of which 
constitutes the first "pillar" of Islam, and explained its meaning in 
simple language. 

The plan was successful; the cock proved invincible from that time 
forth, and its owner won large stakes. Presently other owners of game- 
cocks began to flock to the teungku to ask him to teach him the 
charm, which he of course denied to none. Thus the first applicant 
lost his profitable monopoly and went and complained to Abdora'oh. 

The teungku begged him not to take it amiss that he should have 
bestowed the charm on others, since his Heum^'e admitted of no secrecy 
or stint. At the same time he declared himself ready once more to 
render his friend's bird invincible by teaching him a new charm, which 
he must practise together with and in addition to the first. Accordingly 
he taught him the ritual prayers which every Moslim should perform 
five times a day and assured him a return of his former good luck if 
he never neglected their observance. This also proved a success, and 
others once more followed the example of their rival in constantly 
increasing numbers. 

In like manner Abdora'oh succeeded in making known the remaining 

; ** pillars" of Islam to the people, whose passion for cockfighting caused 

[ them to embrace with eagerness this new system of incantation. Thus 

. gradually did the Mohammedan religion take root in Acheh, so far at 

least as the slothfulness of spirit and hardness of heart of the people 

would permit. This result was due to the wisdom of the man who 

perceived that a new form of worship could not be introduced without 

allowing the old idols to co-exist therewith for a time. And those old 

idols still exist and claim more attention than the houses of prayer; 

but all are convinced that they are but false Gods and inventions of 

Jthe Evil One. 

Leube and The representatives of piety and devotion among the Achehnese, 

angsa . ^j^^ leub^'s, are very behindhand in their knowledge and observance 

of that portion of the Moslim law and doctrine which may be termed 

'religious' in the narrower sense of the word. Much more so, of 

course, are the worldly and thoughtless people, to whom the epithet 


bangsat *) is applied both by themselves and by others. Weighed in 
the balance of theory, all alike would be found wanting. This however 
holds true of the entire Mohammedan community to a certain extent; 
in the text-books of Moslim law we occasionally meet with arguments 
and even definitions based on the consideration that now-a-days all men 
are fdsiq — that is to say, irreligious in life and manners, the converse 
of ^adL 

To follow up the image of the five pillars we might say that the The "pillars" 
pointed roof of the building of Islam is still mainly supported by the ^nd those of 
central pillar, the confession that there is no other God but Allah actuality, 
and that Mohammad is the messenger of Allah, but that this pillar is 
surrounded with a medley of ornamental work quite unsuited to it, 
which is a profanation of its lofty simplicity. And in regard to the 1 
other .four, the corner pillars, it might be observed that some of these 
have suffered decay in the long lapse of time, while other new pillars 
which according to the orthodox teaching are unworthy to be supports 
of the holy building have been planted beside the original five and 
have to a considerable extent robbed them of their functions. 

The foundations on which rests the Islam of actual fact must be 
distinguished from the five main principles on which the Islam of the 
books is based. In the course of its victorious progress through the 
world, th^Mohammedan religion has been compelled to adopt a vasi 
r qaantity of new matter which was originally quite alien to it, /but 
which appeared indispensable to the majority of its adherents, and all 
of which has now been exalted to be law and doctrine. Many old 
customs too, deep-rooted from ancient times in certain parts of the 
Mohammedan world, have had to receive the sanction of the newer 
creed, and these now constitute the local peculiarities of Islam in diffe- 
rent countries. At the same time orthodoxy is in honour bound to 
maintain a struggle against much that the adherents of Islam hold dear 
and this struggle will endure as long as theoretical doctrine fails to 
get the better of ethnographical variations. Of this we have abundant 
testimony in the local ^^departures'* from the teaching of Islam exhibited 

i) This word has in Achehnese a different signiBcation to that which it possesses in 
Malay. In the latter language it means "destitute", "vagrant"; in the former it is used to 
describe one who almost habitually neglects his chief religious obligations. A man may be 
bangsat and yet be virtuous and upright according to the popular standard of morality. 
Most chiefs are bangsat^ but this does not diminish the respect paid to them. 


in the political social and religious life of those who profess that creed. 
All three of the elements mentioned above have been found in Acheh ; 
the local variations are of course Achehnese and therefore of a different 
family, though not of a different description, from the topical peculia- 
rities of Islam in other countries. Observation of such variations can 
only cause confusion of ideas to those whose knowledge of Islam is 
very superficial or entirely derived from books. 

§ 4- Domestic Law. 

Divine and 

amwiT Mo- ^" theory all Mohammedan laws alike possess a religious character. 

hammedans. A lease or a mortgage made under any other law than that of Allah 
is regarded as just as invalid as a marriage so contracted. In every 
Moslim community, however, a distinction is drawn in practice between 
what is religious in the strict sense, and therefore inviolable, and what 
is of a more secular nature and may accordingly be modified to suit 
the requirements of the state and of society, or even altogether set 
aside. This explains the contrast which the Achehnese express by the 
words hukom and adat ^), and which we meet with in all Mohammedan 
Difference countries under different names. 

between the ^jj ^j^^^ beloners to the first of these two categories must be accepted 

two recogni- ° or 

zed in prac- unconditionally by every good Mohammedan, account being taken of 


human custom only in cases where the law itself points that way. 
Divergence from such laws is in many cases looked upon as a more 
serious transgression than actual neglect of them, since the latter may 
be attributed to the weakness of the flesh, whilst the former is a 
blasphemous attempt to improve upon the wisdom of God. The sole 
concession (and it is indeed a most important one) that is made to the 
sinfulness of mankind is this: that he who neglects or transgresses the 
law is not thereby made an unbeliever, but only an imperfect believer 
provided he entertains no doubt of the validity of any of its commands. 
In regard to matters that are included in the second category, much 
more latitude is permitted. Here we find admitted systems of rules both 

i) Vol. I, p. 72 and elsewhere. 


customary and written law, which for all practical purposes supply the 
place of the sacred law. Doubt of the authority and validity of the 
holy Law on these subjects is indeed also excluded, but it is regarded 
as a justifiable deduction, that owing to the increasing wickedness of 
the human race necessity compels acquiescence in divergence from the 
true path. 

If it be admitted to be proved by experience, that owing to man's 
worldly nature the performance of the five ritual prayers day by day 
is a task beyond his powers, the only conclusion to be drawn from 
these premisses, is that the great majority of Mohammedans merit 
heavy punishment in the sight of God. But none would dare to make 
this consideration the basis of a rule reducing, let us say, the number 
of obligatory prayers from five to one per diem as a minimum. Neglect 
or partial performance of Allah's commandments simply swells the 
debit account of the defaulter in the heavenly ledger. 

If on the other hand it appears that human wickedness and irreligion 
renders it alike impossible to carry on trade in accordance with the 
provisions of the law of Allah, then it becomes necessary to take into 
account the fact that trade must be carried on in some way or 
other, and thus- a law of commerce which deviates from the religious 
standard is admitted to be indispensable even though not strictly 

The schools of religious learning, as such, cannot acquiesce in this Denied in 


modus Vivendi; they continue to expound and develop their code of 
laws which they themselves admit to have heen observed only during 
the first thirty years of the history of Islam, adding that they will 
revive once more towards the end of the world, under the rule of the 
Imam Mahdi, the inspired leader whose footsteps Allah shall guide in 
the right way, and whose coming was foretold by the Prophet. Thus 
the doctrinal faculty, faithful to its own unpractical nature, has con- 
tinually become more and more separated from, and lost its influence 
over, the world of actual fact, although it has maintained its position 
as the educator of the community. 

Even those who devote their lives to the study of the law, are 
compelled to deviate therefrom in practice in many respects, though 
they do so with more reluctance than the majority; but their judgment 
on the code adopted by the world is dictated by the sacred law. The 
views of these spiritual guides spread far beyond their own immediate 


circle and have without doubt a cramping influence on the development 
of the community '). 

Domestic law On the border-line between these two categories, — the purely religious 
border-line which offers no alternative but performance or neglect, and the more 

between the v^^orldly, in which a considerable divergence is tolerated in practice, — 
stands the domestic law, and especially that part of it which relates 
to marriage and the consequences which arise therefrom. 

The ethnological element with its local variations has had more 
influence in the building up of the domestic law among Mohammedans 
than it had in matters of ritual. So long as details connected with the 
mutual obligations of husband and wife, of parent and child, are regu- 
lated in accordance with the old customs of the country though not 
in strict accordance with the letter of the law, little opposition need 
be feared on the part of the religious teachers. 

Examples such as that of the social life of the Menangkabau Malays 
go to show that the creed of Islam may be dominant in a country 
for a long period, while yet the domestic institutions of that country 
are in many respects in conflict with the religious law. But in this 
instance the limit of the customary tolerance has been overpassed. 
Those very teachers who endure in silence the prevalence of a com- 
mercial and political code which does not even pretend to be Moham- 
medan, cease not to protest against the Menangkabau adat, under 
which the children do not inherit from their fathers, and marriages are 
forbidden between persons of the same suku (i. e. descendants of the 
same woman through the female line); they eagerly embrace every 
chance of combatting this customary law, and the utmost that can be 
hoped for is an unwilling acquiescence in the case of those teachers who 
have from their earliest youth been accustomed to these unlawful usages. 
There would on the other hand be no toleration whatever for a 
system under which contracts of marriage were concluded or dissolved 
under other rules than that of the fiqhf or under which the man was 
restricted to a single wife or allowed to marry more than four. The 
family is regarded as more sacred than the market-place; a contract 
of purchase and sale concluded in accordance with the adat is recognized 
as binding, but he who marries otherwise than under the auspices of 
Islam is looked upon as an ungodly whoremonger. 

l) Sec Mekka^ Vol. II, pp. 260 — 62. 


Our close investigation into the domestic law of Acheh in the third Achehnese 
chapter of Vol. I of this work, has taught us that that country forms essentblly^ 

no exception to the rule in this respect. The conscientious observance Mohamme- 

in connection with marriages of sundry ancient customs many of which 
are of non-Mohammedan origin shows that in Acheh, as elsewhere, 
human conservatism does not confine itself to the sphere of religion, 
but also makes itself most strongly felt in that of domestic life; yet 
the legal actions and legal relations connected with the married state 
are almost entirely governed by the religious law. The exceptions to 
this rule are few in number, and it may be said that in the case of 
marriage no deviation from the religious code would be tolerated. The 
laws both as to marriage and divorce and the circumstances arising 
out of both, as to the bringing up of children and even as to succes- 
sion to property (though in this respect the authorities display much 
more forbearance *) are Mohammedan in all main essentials. 

The unconditional recognition of the ritual obligations does not, 
however, prevent very gross and general neglect of their fulfilment. 
Thus side by side with the admission of the validity of the Moslim 
laws which regulate domestic life, we find gross immorality prevail- 
ing — nor is this state of things by any means confined to Acheh. 
The relation of sin to the law is in the nature of things different here 
from what it is in ritual matters. The prescribed prayers, fasts etc., 
are neglected in whole or in part by the sinner; but abstinence from 
marriage is to the Achehnese of both sexes a thing inconceivable, and, 
as we have seen, their marriages are generally controlled by the reli- 
gious law, although modified in some few details by the customs of 
the country. 

Thus most sins against the ritual law consist in neglect to do what 
is bidden, but those who transgress the laws governing domestic life 
do so rather by doing what is forbidden. Unchastity of every kind is 
the order of the day in Acheh. 

i) This toleration is reaUy based on the kw itself. Anyone may at will divest himself of 
rights of property, and the distribution of an inheritance otherwise than under Mohammedan 
law is thus no sin, if the parties concerned are satisfied with the arrangement and there is 
no prejudice to the interests of minors or those who are absent. Cases of permissable devia- 
tion from the law are conceivable in this respect. But should husband and wife agree to 
recognize and follow marriage laws not based on the Moslim code or should a man marry 
a divorced woman before she had completed her ^iddah, both would be guilty of the offence 
of zina (adultery or fornication), which Allah threatens to visit with heavy punishment. 


Tacderasty. The practice of paederasty is very widespread '). This vice is however 
by no means confined to the Achehnese. It is far from rare in the 
ancient strongholds of Mohammedanism; we find unblushing references 
to it in Arabic literature and the Mekka of to day is no less notorious 
in this respect than Cairo or Constantinople. The practice is also endemic 
in Java, especially in the Native States, and the same may be said of 
Menangkabau in Sumatra ^). 

Prosiitution. Actual prostitution is not indigenous in Acheh. It may possibly have 
been occasionally carried on in the capital during the period when 
commerce flourished, but of later years it has disappeared and the 
professional courtezan is wholly unknown in the interior. The consti- 
tution of the Achehnese family which does not save in exceptional 
cases allow the woman to quit her parents' home, is opposed to the 
existence of prostitution. Any woman who tried to break this iron 
band of custom, would find herself unable to gain a livelihood. The 
girls are married very young, and remain all their life long under the 
protection of their blood-relations, no matter whether their husbands 
/ cherish or neglect them. 

Unlawful intrigues with the wives of husbands who abandon or 
disregard them are, however, so little impeded by the local authorities, 
that every gampong furnishes examples of such forbidden intercourse. 
The keeping in concubinage of virgins, young widows or divorced 
women, can only take place with the connivance of their blood-relations. 
This happens chiefly in the case of poor families, when the beauty of 
the woman has excited the desire of persons of rank (and especially 
those of royal rank) or of ul^ebalangs or their immediate relatives. 
In the case of these chiefs, the choice of a wife is generally controlled 
rather by political considerations or other external interests than by 

i) Id Acheh proper a certain amount of decorum is observed in regard to this practice, 
and the paederasts do not openly recognize the objects of their unlawful passion, even 
though their neighbours may be well aware of it; but in Pidie and on the East and West 
Coast men often shamelessly exhibit themselves in public in the company of their amasii. 
Achehnese are often jeered at in Penang when seen with young boys in the streets, and 
the innocent are sometimes confounded with the guilty, as for instance when they are 
accompanied on their travels by their sons or younger brothers. 

2) To Acheh, however, alone belongs the unenviable distinction of interpreting the Euro- 
pean maxim of practical morality as to the '^sowing of wild oats^* in this sense, that a 
certain amount of unnatural vice forms a necessary stage in the development of every young 
man. A highly civilized Achehnese, whose moral standard was much superior to that of the 
great majority, told me in plain terms that his countrymen held this view. 


love, and their consorts or the families of the latter often place obstacles 
in the way of their relation by marriage taking a second wife even 
where the distance separating the homes of the husband and wife is 
so great that they can seldom enjoy the pleasure of each other's 
company. The reason for the opposition of the wife's relations to a 
second marriage is that they fear it may prejudice the interests of the 
children of their kinswoman. 

Thus it is that these great chiefs very often choose an unlawful 
concubinage, the subjects of which are furnished by poverty or avarice, 
rather than a lawful marriage. 

One result of the early marriages is that almost every woman is still 
virgin when she weds; and if the men of Acheh are to be believed — 
and indeed they are not prone to exaggeration in their wives' favour — 
most Achehnese women are remarkably faithful to their husbands. 

In spite of the loose morals of many of the younger men, the fixity, 
one might almost say the immovability, of the seat of the family and 
the restriction of polygamy to much narrower limits than are allowed 
by religious law, favours the practice of domestic virtues. Anyone whose 
acquaintance with the Achehnese was limited to some few of the more 
respectable households would form a too favourable impression of their 
standard of morality, while on the other hand anyone whose experience 
was limited to the life in the meunasah or in the colonies of men in 
the dependencies would arrive at the very opposite conclusion. 

§ 5. Laws relating to Trade and Business. 

From far beyond the memory of man, trade and business of all 
kinds in Mohammedan countries have practically been entirely with- 
drawn from the control of religious law. A close study of the rules 
prescribed by the law for the making of contracts shows what an 
impossible position would be created by their strict observance. Even 
in a purely Mohammedan society with a civilisation in any degree 
advanced such a state of things would be inpracticable ; much more 
so where the situation is controlled by influence of those who do not 
profess the creed of Islam. 


Impracticabi- Al-Ghazall, the great Mohammedan teacher, whose many-sided activity 

Mohammed during the nth century of our era exercised so important an influence 

dan law in on the subsequent development of Islam, and who could certainly never 

regard to 

trade and be accused of any leaning towards the infidels, bears witness that even 
in his day a Moslim who sought to make a contract of purchase or 
sale in the open market according to the rules of the ^qh or religious 
law would have met with nothing but mockery and derision. It may 
be easily imagined that the seven or eight centuries which have since 
elapsed have effected no improvement, from a religious point of view, 
in this respect. Contracts of purchase and sale, of loan and mortgage, 
partnerships etc, have in all Mohammedan countries been controlled 
by national custom, which gradually alters to suit changing needs. 
Where the form and contents of such contracts exhibit traces of agreement 
with those sanctioned by the theoretical law, this is simply to be 
attributed to the natural homogeneity of the trade and intercourse of 
mankind all the world over. Practice can here be said to borrow but 
seldom from theory; where it does so it is only in connection with 
the ideas of ** offer and acceptance" ') and other such verbal quibbles. 
In Acheh no less. than in other Moslim countries, as we have already 
seen (see in particular Vol. I, pp. 285 et seq.), all that relates to pro- 
perty, its acquisition, transfer and confiscation, is controlled by the 
adat, while the hukom only occasionally plays an ornamental part. Even 
in the latter case, as for instance in regard to the sale of land or cattle, 
the adat also contributes its share of such ornamental accessories. 
Usury and The cramping prohibition of the Mohammedan law against all that 
savours of usury is not only evaded in Acheh by so-called "lawful" 
means, but also frequently transgressed openly without any such subter- 
fuge. The absence in Acheh of contracts of insurance and the like is 
not attributable to the strictness of the law in condemning all transac- 
tions that are ruled by chance, but is rather due to the simplicity of 
Achehnese society, which has not yet begun to feel the want of such 
things; were it otherwise the gambling spirit that pervades the country 
makes it quite certain that there would be no hesitation about adop- 
ting them. 


i) The Arabic terminology for these ideas is much used in Java^ although the contracts 
arc not concluded in accordance with the religious law. These expressions {tjaf/ and qabul) 
are little used in Acheh, and that only in connection with the marriage contract. 


Two obligations only are entered into in accordance with the pro^ Waqf and 
visions of the sacred law. The first is the making of waqf^), i. e. ^* 
alienation or bequest in mortmain, which is a purely religious institu- 
tion. There are indeed some makings of waqf which merely serve to 
retain the property in the family and keep it from being sliced up, 
or to evade certain rules of the law in regard to inheritance; but as a 
general rule they are acts of devotion, and the sole object of the maker 
of the waqf is to gain for himself a heavenly recompense. It is not to 
be wondered at, therefore, that in these cases the hukom is followed 
as closely as the religious learning of those concerned permits. 

The same may be said of certain gifts (Jiibat) especially those made 
for the benefit of religious teachers. Out of a real or pretended puncti- 
liousness the recipients of these favours demand that the offer and 
acceptance shall be in the form appointed by God's law, and some- 
times, though by no means always, they enquire as to the source of 
the gift. Properly speaking the lawful origin of the subject of every 
contract should be established according to divine law, otherwise even 
a contract concluded in optima forma is not sanctioned by the law. 
Looked at from the point of view of Mohammedan law almost every 
kind of ownership is at the present time capable of being proved illegal ; 
hence the application of the Moslim law of contract to this one point 
would be impossible in practice, and any serious attempt to enforce it 
would bring all business to a standstill. 

§ 6. Government and the Administration of Justice. 

The notions prevailing in Europe as regards the teaching of Islam 
on the subject of government and the administration of justice are 
entirely false. The popular ideas in this respect err in the very opposite 
direction from the views generally formed as to the religious attitude 
of any given Mohammedan people. The dilettante student usually forms 
his judgment of the latter subject from what he knows of the Islam of 
books, and draws negative conclusions in regard to the part played by 
the Mohammedan religion in the lives of those who profess that faith. 

i) Sec VoU I, p. 287. 

II 21 


As to government and the administration of justice he derives his 
knowledge from descriptions of the conditions that actually exist, and 
jumps to the conclusion that these conditions are based on the teaching 
of Islam; he thus lays the blame on that teaching for upholding an 
order of things which it really most emphatically condemns. 
The Moslim It is difficult to conceive a more constitutional monarchy or rather 
of theory, republic than the theoretical commonwealth of the Moslim law-books. 
This ideal state is controlled by a single head (the imam), who must 
belong to the noblest branch [Quraish) of the noblest race of mankind 
(the Arabs). This ruler must fulfil various stringent requirements as 
regards hi^ person, intellect and religious devotion, but his authority 
is limited by the law of God which regulates all the rights and obliga 
tions of mankind even to the very smallest particulars. 

The imam derives his authority entirely from the choice of the com- 
munity, represented in this regard by a great electoral college compo- 
sed of ** those to whom power is given to bind and to loose". The 
members of this select body are such as are marked out for the task 
by public opinion and their own high repute; they must have the 
highest intellectual and moral qualifications. The imam has of course 
always the privilege of seeking the advice of this body; indeed the 
law requires him to do so. They also enjoy, as is shown by the manner 
in which they are chosen, the confidence of the entire community. 
Whenever the post of imam falls vacant, they must be on the spot 
(in the capital of the country) to choose his successor. It is superfluous 
either to limit their number or to expressly elect them to their office. 

The imam may also nominate his own successor, but such a choice 
is not valid unless ratified by * those to whom power is given to bind 
and to loose". 

For the administration of the provinces the imam appoints governors 
who act as his deputies. Like him, they are controlled in every admi- 
nistrative act they do, and in every rule they make by the religious 
law; but in addition to this they are bound to lay down their office 
at the command of their chief. 

It may be said that the highest legislative, executive and judicial 
authority rests with the imam, supported by the select body above 
referred to. But his legislative work is necessarily insignificant, being 
confined to the application not merely of principles which have been 
firmly established for centuries, but of laws that are open to no reform, 


as for example those which determine for all time both the dues to 
be demanded and the manner in which the money raised by taxation 
is to be applied. 

For the exercise of executive authority he can appoint as many 
office-holders as the circumstances require, not only for the government 
of any given portion of the country, but also for sundry special tasks 
and duties. 

For the administration of justice he nominates qadhis, of whom in Administra- 
their turn high qualifications both of knowledge and character arc **^'*° J"^ **^^* 
required. They are bound by the terms of their appointment to render 
obedience to the sacred law alone, and are thus entirely independent 
of the administrative officers, but are regarded as ipso facto divested 
of their office whenever they commit a serious fault in the discharge 
of their public duties or in private life. In such a case, even though 
the central authority has not yet cancelled his appointment, all sentences 
and official acts of the offending judge are null and void according to 
the holy law. 

It is needless to quote more examples; further examination would 
but confirm the impression that in the Moslim commonwealth the 
divine law gives no opportunity either for despotism, caprice or 

Even though this may be new to some of our readers, they are Contrast 
already well acquainted with the fact that the actual practice for cen- trine and ac- 
turies past in all parts of the Mohammedan world presents the most ^"^ practice, 
striking contrast with the teaching of Islam, some of the main prin- 
ciples of which we have sketched above. 

As we have so often pointed out, even the religious teachers are 
unable to contemplate a revival of the letter of the law without the 
help of miracles. History as narrated by *the faithful" teaches us that 
the ideal state lasted for thirty years after Mohammad's death, but 
that ever since that time the whole Moslim community has moved 
upon a downward slope of hopeless retrogression. Shortly after this 
secularization of the community had taken place, the devout began to 
attribute to the Prophet the prediction that his righteous successors 
would hold sway for no more than thirty years after his death; that 
then despotic rulers would come to power, and that unrighteousness 
and tyranny would continually increase till near the end of the world, 
when there would appear a ruler inspired of God (the mahdi) who 


should fill the whole earth with righteousness, even as it is now filled 
with unrighteousness. 

In this prophecy Islam expresses its condemnation of its own poli- 
tical development; the expectation to which its final words give voice 
may of course be practically overlooked except in so far as it has 
formed, and still continues to form, a welcome starting point for the 
numerous movements and insurrections undertaken in the name of so- 
called mahdis, which recur continually throughout Mohammedan history *). 
Seculariza- The community of Islam soon became a sovereign power under the 
community, hereditary government of a single family. The dynasty of the Omayyads 
and that of their successors the Abbasides substituted its own will and 
interests for the revealed law. The enemies of these dynasties resisted 
them by force of arms, on which too their own authority was based; 
and so new dynasties arose. Some of these claimed for themselves the 
title of the true successors (chalifahs) of the Prophet; others threw 
aside even this empty fiction and called themselves kings or princes. 

The governors of provinces followed the example of their rulers; 
wherever it was possible they formed small dynasties of their own or 
at the least employed their official position as a means to their own 
aggrandisement and enrichment. Such regents could not endure the 
presence of independent judges and least of all of judges who were 
bound to administer a law which branded their entire administration 
as godless. Thus they endeavoured more and more to make the qadKxs 
their tools, appointing to that office persons who were ready so far as 
possible to interpret the law according to the wishes of their masters, 
and who surrendered to the latter without a murmur the administration 
of justice in the numerous cases where the law brooked no modification. 
Thus the office of qadhi fell into discredit, and upright champions of 
the law deemed it a degradation to hold it. 

So in a shdrt time the qualifications which the law demanded of the 

head of Islam and of his judges and other officials, the prescribed 

manner of their election or nomination, and the line of conduct so 

strictly laid down for them, were almost entirely lost sight of in practice. 

Attitude of This secularization of the Mohammedan community could not of 

wards this se- ^ourse come to pass without strong protests on the part of the devout 


l) This question is dealt with more fully in my article *Der Mahdf* in the Revue Colo- 
niale Internationale ,^ 1 886, Vol. I, pp. 25 — 59. 


and of those who expounded and upheld the law. The latter could 
also both as the champions of religion and as opponents of the existing 
methods of government, which were naturally oppressive to the general 
body of the people, reckon on considerable support from the malcon- 
tents. Thus we find in the early centuries of Islam constant rebellions 
against the established power, fostered or at least favoured by these 
religious teachers; and though the leaders of such movements were 
often influenced by motives quite other than religious, they were 
nevertheless always careful to give a religious flavour to their programme. 

So long as this conflict had for its object the paramount power, the 
party of religious opposition showed itself no match for "the ruling 
element either in material resources or diplomatic skill. The leaders of 
these nominally religious movements began to display far too much 
personal ambition and to indulge in mutual animosities; so presently 
there arose among the theologians and religious teachers a moderate 
party, one in fact of compromise. This party made large concessions 
in every department, but in none more than in the administration of 
government; nor is this surprising, for they had learnt by bitter expe- 
rience to recognize the danger of practical or theoretical opposition to 
the powers of this world. 

Such a party was destined in the nature of things to take the foremost Compromise, 
place; and it is to their influence that we must attribute the final 
elaboration of the chapters of the Moslim law books which deal with 
government and the administration of justice. They set out in full all 
the requirements of the strict religious party which we have briefly 
sketched above, so that Allah's condemnation of existing political 
institutions, administration of justice and so on, should for ever re-echo 
with unabated force through the Mohammedan schools of religious 
instruction — this the authorities were bound to concede on pain of 
being decried as apostates. But in place of seeking to draw the con- 
clusion that rebellion was justifiable, the expounders of the law, whose 
dictum is still recognized as authoritative, preached absolute submission 
to all the injustice which subjects may endure at the hands of their 
rulers. As long as the latter do not forsake the creed of Islam and 
refrain from impelling their subjects to do godless deeds, so long must 
obedience be rendered to their commands. 

This most accommodating addition to the teaching of Islam was based 
by its supporters on a twofold argument. The first was the constant 


retrogression of religion and morals in the Mohammedan community, 
foretold by the Prophet and obvious to every observer; it is God's 
will, they said, that such wickedness among the people should be 
punished in this life by the tyranny of their rulers; every community 
gets such masters as it deserves. 

Besides this, all other considerations must so far as possible yield to 
the prime necessity for the maintenance of order in the state. The 
grievances of many must not lead to the destruction of all, which (as 
the religious party knew by sad experience) is the inevitable conse- 
quence of political disturbances. 

Thus a modus vivendi was found; the doctors of the law maintained 
all their privileges in the domain of theory, but the ruling authorities 
could afford to make their minds easy as to this, since the religious 
teaching compelled their subjects to endure in silence all their unlawful 
and capricious acts. 

Yet even under this method something was still lacking to the 
completeness of the truce between the secular and the spiritual powers. 
Although obedience to the ruler was admitted to be the duty of all, 
yet the authority of all Moslim princes from the greatest to the smallest, 
still remained an evil, to be only endured in order to escape a greater 
evil, and was justified by necessity alone and not by religious law. 
Though this conclusion was unavoidable and is in fact supported by 
the strictest teachers even at the present day, though not openly 
expressed in public, we may imagine that the most powerful rulers of 
Islam look for some other recompense than the mere tolerance implied 
in this doctrine, for their services in adding to the external splendour 
of their religion. 
The authority Thus the most complacent expounders of the law went so far as to 
'ustificd^^*^'^ declare the supreme power in the Moslim world, which had been won 
by force of arms^ to be lawful, and to acknowledge the right of him 
who by the power of the sword had become the mightiest among all 
Mohammedans to bear the title of chatxfah i. e. successor of the Apostle 
of God. 
The Turkish It would have been difficult to have proved in any other way the 
caliphate. legality of the authority of the Omayyad and Abbaside caliphs. Still 
less justification is to be found for the sway of the Osmanli, who since 
the 151^ century have by conquests in Christian contries, formed a 
new and brilliant political centre of Islam. Their imam, however, lacked 


Other Mo- 

not merely the qualifications demanded by the law, but also the exter- 
nal one of Quraishite or Arabic descent. 

A domination such as that of the Turkish sultans was thus legalized 
in the manner stated, so long as the power of their sword endured 
and so far as this power extended. The difficulty still remained in 
respect of the numerous Mohammedan sovereigns who were in fact 
entirely independent of this domination. The exponents of the law 
who actually lived under the shadow of the Turkish government explained 
this away in a very simple fashion. These outlying states, they said, 
might be regarded as destined to be eventually absorbed in the central 
power, or as already forming a part of the latter, though for the time 
being left to govern themselves through the pressure of circumstances. 

But although Turkish statesmen and religious teachers emulously 
described their monarch as the caliph, the king of kings, the lord of 
all Mohammedans, there still remained the sultans of Morocco in the 
far West, and the rulers of Central Asia and of India, who in their 
own dominions laid claim to similar titles, and who had never experienced 
the power of the Turkish sword either in their own subjugation or as 
a means of defence against their enemies; at the same time the law 
of Islam gives no scope whatever for the existence of more than a 
single imam or chaliph. 

What was inconceivable in theory however was found possible in 
practice. Each of these greater sovereigns had at his disposal religious 
teachers who upheld their masters' claims to the highest rank in the 
Mohammedan community, and passed over those of all other rulers in 
silent contempt. The great distances and the absence of active relations 
between the countries prevented this plurality of chaliphs from assuming 
the character of rivalry, so that conflicts seldom resulted from this 
cause. The religious teachers and others who migrated from one country 
to another joined in doing honour to the ruler of the land of their 

It is the natural inclination of flattery, adulation and high-sounding Smaller prin 
titles to spread downwards; throughout the whole world the title of *^*P"^*^*®^' 
the masters are eventually assigned to the servants. It has thus come 
to pass that the highest rank in Islam, originally intended to be given 
to but one person alone, is nominally conferred on numbers of petty 
rulers whose claims thereto must sound ludicrous beyond the narrow 
limits of their little principalities. We know that many Malay and 


Javanese princes, even those whose subjects number but some few 
thousand souls, have assumed and still continue to assume in their 
seals or in official letters the name of challfah, although many of them 
are, at present at least, ignorant of the real meaning of the title. The 
exponents of the law in such countries though they may through fear 
or complacency acquiesce in the prevailing custom, cannot of course 
regard such misuse of this and similar titles . as anything else than 
absurd and unlawful exaggeration. 

Nevertheless the law of Islam in its later development has turned 
jts attention to these independent rulers of distant countries. Once 
admitted that a de facto sovereign who professes the Moslim faith 
should be obeyed for the sake of maintaining order in secular matters, 
it was found impossible to exclude such petty princes from the uni- 
versal harmony of Islam. These numerous rulers of outlying principa- 
lities could not be regarded as delegates of a central authority which 
never interfered in their affairs and in many cases was unable so to 
interfere, were it only by reason of the increasing power of the non- 
Mohammedan countries. To constitute such a delegation, express or 
even verbal authorization or appointment would have been deemed 
necessary. Accordingly they were called * potentates" ') and it was 
taught that they must be obeyed so far as the limits of their power 
extended, and within their own boundaries they were assigned the 
same jurisdiction as that held by the supreme lord within the dominions 
actually subject to him. 
Concessions To Summarize: in purely religious matters the law abated no tittle 
nal faculty in ^^ '^^ Stringent requirements. Of what in our estimation lies outside the 
the sphere of sphere of religion the law held domestic life most closely under its 

statecraft. ir o 

control. In every other department it has maintained its impracticable 
theories, although it admits that a Mahdl is required in order to carry 
them out in all their fulness. Only in statecraft and all that appertains 
thereto has it supported without reservation the de facto position ; and 
this it has done by annexing to its own detailed and consistent doctrine 
a codicil which deprives that doctrine of all effect. This has been 
brought about by the power of the sword; even in its own domain 
the teaching of Islam bows before superior force only. 

l) 'iSyMi ^O, **possessor of shaukaK^'*^ is the technical tennj shaukah which properly 
means ^'thorn*^ is also used to signify the keenness and strength of weapons and, in a 
metaphorical sense, de facto power, no matter whence or how it may arise. 


The lay folk, as we have seen above, draw a distinction between Popular ideas 
chief and secondary religious obligations different to that laid down nfications of 
by the official teaching. The "pillars" recognized by the people at large * sovereign, 
differ somewhat from the five authorized ones, and this popular con- 
ception penetrates even into the circles of the teachers, who learned 
though they be, still belong to the people. The same remarks apply 
to the popular estimate of the qualifications required for the holding 
of a princely office. 

The law requires of every ruler a large number of physical, religious 
and intellectual qualities, and is equally scandalized by the absepce of 
any one of these, but commands acquiescence when the ruler possesses 
actual power. It is otherwise with the people; ancient custom causes 
them to overlook the absence of various qualifications, though there 
are others on which they generally insist *). 

The first of these requirements outweighs all the rest; the ruler 
must profess the Mohammedan faith. Obedience is rendered to an infidel 
sovereign, not because he possesses power, but only because resistance 
is impossible. It is only by being very long accustomed to 'kafir* rule 
that a Mohammedan people can be brought to regard such domination 
as a necessary element in the order of things. 

The next qualification is male sex; with few exceptions the entire 
Mohanimedan world regards the rule of a woman as one of the most 
terrible calamities that can be thought of. This view is consistent with 
custom and with the low standard of education of women in most 
Moslim lands. Even in the books of the law, where the government of 
irreligious, immoral, unjust or ignorant sovereigns is contemplated as 
quite a probable occurrence, the possibility of female rule is seldom 
alluded to without the addition of some such formula as that employed 
after mentioning the name of the Devil: ** Allah be our refuge from all 
such things!" 

The rule of a minor, even under the control of a guardian, is looked 
on as almost as scandalous as that of a woman. 

Finally, though all defects of mind or spirit are made light of, much 
importance is attached in practice to the sovereign's being whole and 
sound of body; and the popular feeling of almost all Mohammedans 

i) The popular mind never takes offence at the number of Moslim sovereigns, since the 
horizon of the common people, and especially their political horizon, is limited by the 
boundaries of their own country. 


is averse to the accession of a ruler who is blind, deaf, mained or 
crippled. Even in ante-Mohammedan times disease and bodily defects 
were regarded in many countries as hindrances to the assumption of 
royal power. 

The political development of Islam, to certain characteristics of which 
we have here called attention, has thus maintained in name and appearance 
the government of the Mohammedan community by a single head, 
whose rule controls in theory the entire daily life of his subjects. In 
reality however there are several claimants to this supremacy, and very 
many petty sovereigns who actually exercise it within certain limits. 
No one upholds the doctrine that the caliphs, their delegates or those 
independent rulers who take their place, are merely secular chiefs and 
have no concern with religious questions; nay, indeed, every question 
is in theory a religious one. 
Actual sepa- . None the less has the course of political events tended to bring 
ration of tern- ^^Qy^ ^ cleavage between the secular and religious authorities. These 

poral and spi- ** ** 

ritual power, two parties have always regarded one another with a jealous and suspi- 
cious eye, beneath a mask of outward courtesy and respect. 

The point of transition between these two classes is composed partly 
of religiously disposed representatives of secular power, who are ready 
wherever possible to give the doctors of the law a voice in their coun- 
cils, and partly of the worldly-minded pandits, who give all the pro- 
minence they can to doctrines which are likely to please those in authority; 
such are the officially appointed muftis, whose duty it is to declare 
what the teaching of the law is on matters referred to them for their 
advice. References of this sort are made to them by their superiors; 
not from a mere academic interest in the question in hand or a desire 
to be instructed, but with a view to clearing difficulties out of the way. 
Such also are the qadhl's, who, even though the terms of their appoint- 
ment charge them as of old with the entire administration of justice, 
subject therein to the sacred law and to that alone, must be content 
to confine their function in practice to ritual matters, domestic law and 
the law of inheritance, waqfs and the like. Nay, even in such matters 
as these a decision displeasing to the powers that be may cost the 
qadhi his appointment. 

Those however who pursue the study of religion either from pious 
motives or for the sake of the reverence and more solid advantages 
which the lay folk bestow upon the exponents- of the law, hold 


themselves aloof as far as possible from all mundane authorities. *) 
Their books while upholding the obligation of obedience to tyrants 
who profess the Moslim faith, at the same time impress upon pandits 
and devout persons the advisability of having nothing to do with those 
in power, lest they thereby bring their sacred calling into peril. And 
just as the repute of a teacher suffers in countries such as India and 
Java through overmuch intercourse with infidel Europeans, so does 
the ^alim lose caste though to a less degree, in a country under Moham- 
medan government by having more than is absolutely necessary to do 
with those in office. 

There is thus abundant reason for jealousy; nor is incentive to suspi- 
cion lacking between the two parties, the ruling and the theological. 
For the established government is never really acceptable to the reli- 
gious teachers ,and when political disorder supervenes, the zealous 
upholders of religion see the last reason disappear which inclines 
them to avoid interference with a despotism so long as it maintains 
order; such submission being indeed only justified by the view that 
an unlawful but orderly government is preferable to complete misrule. 
Thus when there arise dynastic quarrels or revolts of the people against 
their masters, it is open to them in the very name of religion to take 
their stand on the one side or the other. As a rule they refrain from 
siding with the de facto power ; and even the pretended mahdis often 
secure their adherence when the movement is successful at the start. 

It is not surprising then, that in Turkey, for instance, the govern- 
ment has to be very careful in its dealings with the powerful party of 
the ^tolba' [talabah i. e. expounders of the law) \ The same attitude 
of mutual fear and mistrust is also to be met with in other Moham- 
medan countries, as in the case of the priyayis and kyahi's or gurus 
in Java and in Acheh the uUebalangs and the teungkus or ulatnas, the 
respective representatives of adat and of hukom. 

As to the serious upholders of the religious law, who perceive that 
they can play no part in affairs of state until the coming of the Mahdi, 
but who are anxious to adhere as closely as possible to the ideals of 


Moral value 
of the poli- 

i) In religious works we (ind the question discussed at some length as to how far it is 
permissible for a pandit or devout person to have commerce with those in authority except 
under absolute necessity. 

2) We need only mention how all efforts to introduce a new system of legislation in 
Turkey was checked by the opposition of this party. 


their sacred books, and to induce others to do the same, — for these 
we cannot but feel admiration and respect, in spite of all their narrow- 
mindedness. Where however the ulamas. proceed to form themselves 
into a political party and to interfere in the affairs of state, they pre- 
sent to our view a most unpleasing spectacle. Judged by their own 
standard the only programme that they are able to adopt grows con- 
stantly less and less capable of realization in practice. Spurning all 
ethnological characteristics and the customary laws based thereon, and 
taking no account of historical development, they proceed to demand 
what is admittedly impossible, namely that mankind should conform 
to a law, most of whose first principles only held their own for 
some few decades in a small community of Arabs, and whose more 
detailed rules have had no development outside the walls of the schools. 
For things such as these the ulamas have set in motjon the passions 
of the people and have not hesitated to cause blood to flow in streams, 
to win their way to the seat of temporal power, whereupon they have 
dropped so much of their original programme as circumstances appeared 
to require. 

They thus form a power in politics which has to be reckoned with, 

but which bodes very little good to those who adhere to their cause. 

Government With the help of the above resume and observations we may now 

and admini- * * 

stration of proceed to apply the standard of Islam to government and administra- 

justice in ^. t * ^' • a i. i 

Acheh. ^^^^ of justice m Acheh. 

The pure teaching of the law would find nothing to approve and 
little to tolerate in either, and would admit no excuse except the con- 
sideration that things are not much better in any other Mohammedan 

We feel more interest in the judgment of the Mohammedan who 
though a pandit is still somewhat of a man of the world, and who 
draws fair comparisons and does not wantonly overlook the history of 
centuries of change. 
Election of a Were such an one to attend the installation of a new sovereign in 
sovereign. Acheh '), he would be pretty favourably impressed, since that ceremony 
is based on the supposition that the king is chosen by the three prin- 
cipal chiefs of the cojantry and the foremost ulamas. He would take 
no offence at the theoretically reprehensible custom of confining the 

i) See Vol. I, pp. 139, 140. 


choice of a ruler as far as possible to the members of the reigning 
family, for this rule actually prevails in all Mohammedan countries. 
He would soon perceive, however, that as a matter of fact the selection 
of the sovereign is not based simply on the votes of the * elec- 
toral princes" and religious authorities present at the installation, but 
that several other non-official but influential persons have also a voice 
in the election, while the ulamas' share in the final result is perhaps 
the least of all. Yet even this would cause him little dismay, for the 
sultan of Achch cannot in any case be regarded as more than a 
* potentate" [du shaukah: see p. 328 above), and it is only natural that 
other de facto chiefs should take their share in elevating such a ruler 
to the throne. 

Whatever relations may in past ages have existed between Acheh The sultans 
and Turkey, it is impossible to regard the rajas of the former as in tcs'\ 
any sense delegates of the Turkish sultans. They do not commit the 
folly of even laying claim to the title of Caliph, although we find in 
their official roll of titles such absurd expressions as ** Allah's shadow 
in the world". This installation may thus be speciously explained as 
the appointment of a Moslim * potentate", with certain attendant cere- 
monies which have no real significance, but which testify a reverence 
for religious law. To compare small things with great, we might apply, 
mutatis mutandis, to the political system of Acheh what was said of 
the German Empire in the i6'h century: Die Fursten seien die Erbherren, 
der Kaiser gewdhlt, ') reading ulcebalangs for Fursten and raja or sultan 
for Kaiser. In Acheh as in Germany, that hereditary right had some- 
times to be maintained by force and in both cases there were others 
besides the hereditary electors who influenced the choice of the sovereign. 

There is however one serious objection which our observer might Absence of 
raise against the Achehnese sultanate, viz., the absence of de facto 
power; for it must be remembered that rulers of the class to which 
these sovereigns belong derive their claims from such power alone. It 
would indeed be regarded as praiseworthy in a prince that he should 
regard himself as bound to consult his great nobles and religious teachers 
before embarking upon any momentous undertaking. But when we con- 
sider that the ulcebalangs themselves hold office by virtue of hereditary 

«de facto" 

i) Sec L. von Rankc's Deutsche Geschichte^ Dritter Rand, Sechste Aufl. Leipzig 1881, 
S. 226. 


right and allow now interference in the affairs of their respective terri- 
tories on the part of the king whom they have chosen ; that the royal 
seal only confirms authority already established independently of royal 
influence; and, in fine, that it is only within the limits of the Dalam 
that the reigning house exercises any real power *), all this seems most 
inconsistent with the position of a monarch whose domination is sup- 
posed to coincide with the power of his sword. Should not the ulic- 
balangs then be really regarded as the ** potentates", each for his own 
territory, and the sultan only for that part of the country which is 
excluded from the three sagbes, and that only so far as his influence 
really extends? Is it not then a senseless mockery to offer up prayers 
for the Sultan every Friday in the mosques throughout the whole land? 

Such questions involuntarily suggest themselves to every intelligent 
Mohammedan who is acquainted with the position of Acheh, even 
though he be quite ready to give and take as regards the strict theo- 
retical doctrine. 

The problem may be solved by reference to the traditional element 
in all political institutions, which still survives in spite of the fact that 
it has lost its original foundation. Two or three centuries ago, it may 
be said, the kings of Acheh recognized these hereditary chiefs because 
they wished to do so, because they did not choose to interfere with the 
affairs of the interior. They were, it is true, in later times compelled to 
accept the situation, but may hot the same be said of the kings and the 
minor rulers in greater Moslim states ? For centuries past Egypt has been 
practically independent of her Turkish suzerain, and for about a cen- 
tury this position has been crystallized by mutual agreement. Is this 
regarded as a reason why prayers should not be offered up in Egypt 
for the Sultan as supreme lord? On the contrary; the custom is still 
persisted in and is regarded as a survival of the former union which 
gave strength to Islam. 

There may thus be a difference of opinion on this question but there 
is nothing like an exceptional divergence from what has been accepted 
in other Mohammedan countries. The Moslim must acknowledge the 
authority of every Achehnese chief within the sphere of his own 
authority, though the views adopted as to the position of the nominal 
suzerain may differ. For the rest, the more or less aristocratico-republican 

i) Sec Vol. I, p. 140 et seq. 


spirit, which expresses itself in the political institutions of Acheh, has 
much more in common with the teaching of Islam than the despotism 
of many a Mohammedan potentate. 

The fact that four female sovereigns in succession have occupied the Female rule, 
throne of Acheh must create an unfavourable impression in the mind 
of every Mohammedan who reviews the past history of the country. 
Yet in that very instance of female rule we have a remarkable example 
of how quickly a favourable experience may induce devout champions 
of Islam to lay aside their aversion ^) even to such an anomaly as this. 

During the reign of the first Sultana, Sapiatodin Shah (1639 or 
1641 — 75), who was famed for her piety, and whose name is still extolled 
in the royal edicts *), there came to Acheh the celebrated Malay teacher 
Abdurra'uf ^), who since his death has been revered as a saint under 
the name of Teungku di Kuala. Far from exclaiming in the traditional 
manner * Heaven preserve us from such evils!" he settled in her capi- 
tal, wrote a book *) at her request, and in the dedication praised her 
in the most extravagant terms, and prayed for the long endurance of 
her reign. 

Yet he was a pandit and a mystic, who in the course of his long 
residence and study in Arabia must have long lost that feeling of 
reverence for peculiar native institutions which custom impresses on 
his fellow-countrymen. 

When Inayat Shah, the third of the Achehnese sultanas, ascended 
the throne, an embassy from the Grand Sherif of Mecca ') came to 
Acheh after an unsuccessful mission to India, and was received with 
every token of honour and sent home loaded with rich gifts. The 
Meccan chronicler who describes the adventures of the embassy takes 
no exception to the domination of this generous woman, but praises 
her liberality, which afforded so favourable a contrast to the attitude 
adopted by her male fellow-sovereign, the Great Mogul. 

The most recent history of Acheh has taught us that the objections Rule of 
to government by minors are no more seriously felt than those against 


i) See p. 329 above. 2) Sec Vol. I, p. 192. 

3) Sec p. 14 sqq. above. 

4) Sec p. 17 above, footnote 6. 

5) Sec my article Een Mehkaansch getantschap naar Atjeh in the Rijdragen van het 
Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Ned.-lndie for the year 
1888, pp. 545 sqq. 


the rule of women. Mohammad Dawot, the present claimant ") to the 
title of sultan, was elected to this dignity at the tender age of seven, 
although there were other candidates of the royal family of full age 

The supporters of these other candidates of course made the most 
of the minority objection, but it was easily got over, and even ulamas 
of high repute such as Marahaban, who afterwards joined the Dutch, 
testified that the sultanate of a child under guardianship was not 
inconsistent with the religious law. 

Such a choice at so critical a time bears witness to the absolute 
insignificance to which the Achehnese sultanate had sunk *), but at 
the same time proves that the qualification of age was no more regarded 
than that of sex in the selection of a successor to the throne. 

As regards the remaining portion of the political system of Acheh, 
the description contained in the first volume of this work furnishes 
abundant material for our criticism, whether from the point of view 
of the Mohammedan religion or otherwise. The entire constitution of 
Moslim states is based on principles which clash with those of Islam; 
the only exception made and that with much reservation, is with 
reference to a small part of the judicial system. 
Character of We do not propose here to enter into details; the character of the 
' institutions^of political institution of Acheh differs from that of those in other Moham- 

Acheh. medan countries no more than the peculiarities of race and country 

would lead us to expect. To Islam it matters not whether the govern- 
ment is administered according to Turkish laws, supplemented and 
often modified at the caprice of Turkish governors, or according to 
the adat pbteu meureuhom ') (*the customary law of departed kings"), 
subject to the avaricious fancies of ul^ebalangs and imeums. Nor does 
it matter much whether the qadhxs who are the recognized administra- 
tors of the religious law are properly qualified or not; for in Acheh 
as in other Mohammedan countries they are in point of fact subservient 
to the ruling chiefs, and here as elsewhere the one department in 
which they are allowed to act independently is that of domestic law 
and religious matters in the narrower sense. 
The holy war. The Acliehnese lay the utmost stress on one duty which is imposed 


i) In January 1903 he renounced this claim and submitted unconditionally to the Dutch 

2) See Vol. I, p. 147. 3) See Vol. I, p. 6. 


by Mohammedan law on the head of the community or his representa- \ 
tives, or in case of need upon each individual, namely the carrying I 
on of the holy war. This has already been fully discussed and explained^ 
in Vol. I, pp. 1 66 et seq. 

The conviction is universal amongst the people of this country that 
this obligation is among the most important that their religion imposes, 
and that its fulfilment brings great gain while its neglect is attended 
by misfortune of all kinds. Nor are they lacking in zeal in the sacred 
cause, as we know but too well. Whenever their energy abates it is 
roused afresh by the more ambitious among the ulamas, whose power 
stands or falls with the holy war. 

The passion for religious war which is so deeply rooted in the 
teaching of Islam is more marked among the Achchnese than with 
the majority of their fellow-believers in other lands, who have come 
by experience to regard it as a relic of a bygone age. The ideas which 
prevail universally in Acheh as to the relation between Moslims and 
those of other faith are limited in more civilized countries to the lower 
classes and to some few fanatics among the better educated. This 
chapter of their creed, from which the Achehnese have eliminated all 
milder elements that favour the infidel, owes its popularity with them 
to its harmonizing with their warlike and predatory pre-Mohammedan 
customs, just as prevalence of the worship of dead and living saints in 
this and other Moslim countries is due to its being grafted on pagan 

Judged by the impracticable requirements of a Mohammedan system The Moham- 
which grew antiquated only a few years after its birth, the Achehnese "|he*Achch- 

are neither better nor worse Moslims than others who bear the name; nese in its ge- 
neral aspect. 

judged by their religious zeal they compare favourably even with those 
whose conversion took place centuries before their own. The national 
disposition which is what governs any such comparison, is above all 
doubt; where it comes to the fulfilment of obligations that are at 
variance with their nature, the Achehnese suffer from the weakness of 
the flesh just as much as other peoples. 

Of the characteristics nurtured or favoured by Islam, there are some 
which we Europeans would look upon as virtues, others which wc 
should regard as the opposite. The latter have attained a far greater 
influence over the Achehnese than the former; but in this particular 
they do not stand alone among Mohammedans, nor does Islam stand 

II 22 


alone among religions. In the sphere of politics Islam still continues 
to play in Acheh that leading part, which has long been made impos- 
sible for her in the greater Moslim states. 

§ 7. The Future of Islam. 

The imme- It is always more or less rash in dealing with historical questions 

Islam. *^ commit oneself to predictions regarding the future, so frequently 

do events belie all that our experience of the past seemed to teach. 

Yet we venture to express a firm conviction as regards the position 

which Islam will in all probability occupy in days to come. 

Free develop- Islam has for centuries enjoyed the opportunity of free development, 

ment of Islam, jy^^ ^j^^^^ jg ^^ g^y^ from any outward pressure. She could not of course 

fix the circumstances under which its selfdevelopment should take 
place; these were to a considerable extent determined by the nature 
of the peoples who came beneath her domination. With the outside 
world she had little concern; neither political relations nor commercial 
intercourse with non-Mohammedan nations constrained her to adopt 
other methods than those she had chosen for herself. 

It may thus be said that the growth of Islam has run its natural 
course; the great changes that she underwent between her birth and 
her coming of age (some 5 centuries later) are no proof to the con- 
trary. The development of every living thing depends largely on the 
environment in which it lives. Man exhibits in his maturity physical 
and moral characteristics different from those he displayed in his youth. 
Which of the germs of childhood shall ripen, which will become distorted 
or perish, greatly depends on the accidents of climate, food, education 
and intercourse with others. So is it also with a religion. 

In spite of all her freedom and independence Islam has never even 
at the zenith of her power and glory succeeded in subjecting to the 
control of her law the government, the administration of justice, and 
the trade relations of her adherents or in causing this law to keep pace 
in its development with the requirements of every day life. As time 
went on it became more and more clear that the teaching of Islam 
could in fact only hold its own in the sphere of dogma and ritual, of 
domestic life and of the relations of the followers of the Prophet with 


those of other creeds; all other matters were emancipated from its 
control without the slightest influence or pressure from without. 

This appears all the more striking when we consider that Islam, far The disci- 
from patiently advancing the principles of her doctrine by preaching ^ *"^'° ^ ^^ 
and then awaiting the result, is entirely based on compulsion by secu- 
lar force. According to Mohammedan law the principle underlying the 
conversion of unbelievers as well as the education of the converts is 
that fear is the best guide to wisdom. The faithful must see to it,; 
that all externals are in harmony with the law; whether or no the 
inward convictions of the proselytes are equally orthodox depends oh 
the grace of God. 

He who transgresses a commandment of AJlah or fails to observe 
any one of the precepts of the sacred law (as by neglecting the ritual 
prayers or obligatory fasts), must be reduced to obedience by the 
Moslim authority by force and bodily punishment. One might imagine 
that such an iron discipline could not fail to attain its main object. 
But it has proved insupportable for human nature, and has been used 
as a theory of the schools only, its real influence in practice being 
only temporary and partial. 

None the less it is to this discipline, however limited its application 
in comparison with the requirements of the law, that Islam owes a 
large measure of its success. All uniformity of public and domestic life 
that prevails among Mohammedans of different races, though it now 
rests on custom which has become a second nature and which borrows 
its tenacity from religious prejudice, still owes its origin to external 
force and not unfrequently requires such force to maintain its equili- 
brium. Were it not for this pressure the indifference and thoughtlessness 
of the upper classes^ the ignorance and superstition of the mass of the 
people, would have had very different results from what they have 
actually had. The foreign missionaries of Islam were her fighting men, 
and her internal propaganda was the work of her police. 

In later times. and particularly during the past century circumstances Suspension 
have altered to the great prejudice of Mohammedanism. Its freedom ^^j^^^^ 
of movement has been shackled by the power of Europe, which now 
controls the civilized world; this freedom it can never recover for 
various reasons, and especially because the subjugation of those of 
other creeds is one of its main conditions. The chief question is now 
no longer how much of the law of Allah is applicable to the adherents 


of I^lam, but how much of it Europe deems compatible with the 
repuirements of modern life. 
Religious The religious liberty which Islam is bound to accord to those who 
'^* profess other creeds itself leads to the removal of that compulsion 
which controlled the internal life of the community, though not at all 
times and places with equal force. In Turkey and Egypt, for example, 
Mohammedans can now exhibit an indifference to the practice of the 
law of Allah, which would have been inconceivable a century ago. 

Meanwhile European ideas and sympathies have gained as yet but 
little ground in Moslim countries. But the same cannot be said of 
European customs, and it is the modification of custom that paves the 
way to religious reform. He was a wise man who placed in the mouth 
of the Prophet the declaration that he who imitates another nation or 
another community in externals is fairly on the way to join their ranks 
for good and all. With good reason does the Mohammedan law ever 
impress upon the faithful the necessity of distinguishing themselves 
from the unbelievers in dress and in their manner of eating and drinking, 
standing and sitting. Many of these distinctive rules were till a short 
time since treated as a matter of ordinary discipline in Moslim countries. 

In their political and to a great extent in their social life, Moham- 
medans have been compelled to sail with the stream of the time or 
take the risk of being left halting behind; the course of that stream, 
however is shaped by other hands than theirs. 

It need not, however, be imagined, that as a result of this change, 
the Mohammadan will be compelled to embrace another creed, or to 
sacrifice that innate allegiance to the name of Islam which he esteems 
his highest honour. There is no ground even for the supposition that 
he will gradually reform his religion. The necessity for such a reform 
is not felt, and even did such a tendency exist in some few cases its 
fulfilment would be thwarted by insurmountable obstacles. 
Retrogression But this result grows clearer day by day; the demands which the 
of Islam. Islam of real life makes upon its adherents become steadily smaller, 
for the gigantic increase of the intercourse of nations is annihilating 
the discipline of Mohammedanism and impelling all who profess that 
creed to adopt cosmopolitan customs. 

In the end the sole and only shibboleth by which the Moslim can 
recognize his fellow, will be a certain residuum of religious doctrine, 
passed on by education and instruction. The observance of ritual 


ablutions is already hindered by a more cosmopolitan fashion in dress. 
The performance of the five daily obligatory prayers becomes more 
and more difficult, as time goes on, for those who bear a share in public 
life, since the universally accepted divisions of time are quite indepen* 
dent of the ritual requirements of any creed. It is gradually becoming 
impossible for those who adhere to the letter of the law in the matter 
of food to live in the neighbourhood of any trading centre; the rich 
take the lead in the transgression of such rules, and the poor are often 
compelled by necessity to follow their example. Those who set the 
tone have ceased even to allude to the holy war and to the prescribed 
method of dealing with people of other creeds, for they are ashamed 
of the arrogance of doctrines so hostile to modern development and 
the narrow-mindedness of a theory so diametrically opposed to the 
prevailing ideas. Where such topics are broached, the civilised Moham- 
medan prefers to call attention to the spirit of toleration actually 
existing in all Moslim countries rather than to allude to the contents 
of books which are studied less and less each day. 

Doubts of the truth and eternal validity of what these books contain 
prevails only in small and completely Europeanized circles; while 
endeavours to explain away their teaching so as to suit the taste of 
the rising generation are as ineffectual as they are rare. The majority 
of all ranks of society believe honestly in the sacred writ, which is 
their own possession and therefore in their opinion better than any 
other, but carefully abstain from making themselves acquainted with 
its contents, not to speak of shaping their daily life in accordance 
with its precepts. It is admitted that there must be people in the 
world who take upon themselves the task of studying the holy books, 
and to some degree observing their commands, and such learned men 
(ulamas) are treated with all honour so long as they claim no autho- 
rity outside their own domain and do not adopt too exclusive a demeanour. 

Such tends to become the attitude of Islam towards her adherents. 
In some places this stage has almost been reached, while in others it 
is only beginning to develop. Any other solution of the problem is 
almost inconceivable without a miracle or a series of revolutions which 
would baffle all speculation. 

In reviewing the present phase of Mohammedanism we are involun- Islam and 
tarily reminded of the later history of Judaism. There are of course ^^ **^"* 
many contrasts between the two. The national religion of the Jews had 


jndeed universalistic expectations, but has never apjproached anything 
like so close lo their realization as Islam to that of her dream of world 
wide conquest. The severe oppression experienced by Judaism 'has been 
spared to Islam;, indeed the latter long figured as the oppressor of 
both Jews and Christians. It was their being scattered among the nations 
of the earth that compelled the Jews to frame their life according to 
laws other than their own, whilst the Mohammedans were impelled to 
the same course owing to the enormous extent of the habitable world 
that they occupied by conquest. 

These are not the only points of contrast; but the poiats of simila* 
rity are equally striking. The very lore of both religions is a strict 
and exalted monotheism, maintained however in greater purity by the 
Jews than by Islam, for the latter had to deal with the requirements 
of ai widespread community of many nations, the former with that of 
a single nation only. The relation of the one God to his servants is 
conceived of by both creeds as that of a law-giver, who finds no parts 
of man's life too insignificant to be controlled by laws which touch 
every particular and are for all time. 

Thus in both ca;ses the study arid interpretation of the law occupied 
a foremost place, side by side with the upholding of orthodox doctrine. 
With both creeds the theoretical side of the religion necessarily 
degenerated into hair-splitting casuistry, which tended more and more 
to confine itself within the mouldy walls of the schools, while it con- 
cerned itself less and less with the requirenients of actual life, and was 
in its turn thrust aside by the commonsense of men of the world. 

The adherents of both creeds were compelled to admit the unsuita- 
bility for this wicked world of almost the whole of their code of reli- 
gious law, which they continued to revere as absolutely perfect, and 
to entrust its eventual fulfilment in the distant future to a Messiah or 
^ MahdI. In the meantime the study of the law was left in the hands 
of a particular class — the rabbis or the ulamas. Beyond some few 
outward ceremonies, most, even of the best educated, contented them- 
selves with maintaining the principal dogmas of their creed as their 
shibboleth, while the common herd added to this a mass of traditional 
superstition. In either case the law in all its purity could only have been 
successfully applied to a small community which was able to constitute 
itself into a sect apart ftom all worldly influences. 
' The comparison is all the more instructive in that the process of 


reconciliation of the sacred tradition with the requirements of modern 
life is so much further advanced in the case of Judaism than in that 
of Islam, while the similarity of the circumstances in either instance 
lead us to expect like results in the case of the latter as are already 
to be seen in that of the former. 

There is also much to be learnt, within the limits of Islam itself, Significance 
from the fate of the Quran. f^r the M^ 

The law-giving revelations which form a portion of the sacred book, ^a"^»pc<^ans 

° " * of ancient and 

supplied the community of Mohammad, at the time when they were of modem 
made, with the solution of many burning questions. The narrative parts 
supplied it with its sacred history; while those devoted to exhortation 
and reflection furnished its theology and code of morals. The form in 
which all this was conveyed diverged somewhat from the language of 
every day life — for how should God avail himself of the language of 
mortals? — but care was taken to make the main issues comprehen- 
sible to all that heard them. 

What a change has taken place during the thirteen centuries that 
divide us from the origin of Islam! Even by a Mohammedan whose 
mother tongue is a dialect of Arabic, the contents of the Quran cannot 
be understood except as a result of prolonged study, while for others 
it remains a closed book, unless they are also able to master a language 
far from easy of acquirement. But few submit to this ordeal, not only 
on account of its difficulty, but also because the path to a knowledge 
of the law no longer lies through the Quran. Such knowledge must be 
derived from books which purport indeed to be based upon the Quran, 
but most of whose contents may be in vain sought for there, while 
the rest can only be indentified with the teaching of the sacred book 
when the student has learned to pick his way through the devious by-paths 
of a mass of commentaries, most of which have no historical foundation. 

This book, once a world-reforming power, now serves but to be 
chanted by teachers and laymen according to definite rules. The rules 
are difficult, but not a thought is ever given to the meaning of the 
words; the Quran is chanted simply because its recital is believed to 
be a meritorious work. This disregard of the sense of the words rises 
to such a pitch that even pandits who have studied the commentaries — 
not to speak of laymen — fail to notice when the verses they recite 
condemn as sinful things which both they and the listeners do every 
day, nay even during the very ceremony itself. 


The inspired code of the universal conquerors of 13 centuries ago 
has grown to be no more than a mere text-book of sacred music, in 
the practice of which a valuable portion of the youth of well-educated 
Moslims is wasted, and which is recited on a number of ceremonial 
occasions in the life of every Mohammedan. 

The other laws and institutions of Islam will share the same fate; 
their study will gradually take the place of their practice^ in spite of 
the sacred tradition which declares that learning without works is of 
no avail. But the rising generation will not weary their minds with such 


study, as they now tire their lungs with intoning passages from the 
holy writ; that task will appertain to a special class, and just as with 
the Jews in Europe at the present time, so with the Mohammedans of 
the future the learned student who masters the law in every detail 
will be a rare phenomenon, who will excite some admiration among 
his fellow-believers but will seldom induce them to follow his example. 
Such is our prediction as to the future of Islam, which we utter with 
all the more confidence as symptoms of its realization have already 
Opposition Progress along this path is not however unfraught with opposition, 
dera develop- ^^ those Communities which lie furthest outside the influence of modern 
ments. civilization, the resistance to each concession increases in direct pro- 

portion to the number of innovations. The opponents of change adhere 
more and more earnestly to their old traditions and express their con- 
viction that the real cause of the decay of Mohammedan institutions 
is to be sought in the disregard of the sacred law. 

Even where modern ideas prevail this opposition makes itself felt, 
though within narrower limits. The sympathies of the conservative party 
are much more with the Mahdists of the Sudan and the Achehnese 
in their battle against destiny than with the emancipated officials of 
the new regime, clad in fez and pantaloons. Among such enthusiasts 
we find devotion and renunciation of the world accompanying their 
horror of innovation, but we also meet with fanaticism and hatred. 
This spirit gives birth to constant religious revivals, which occasionally 
culminate in scenes of bloodshed. The party of conservatism easily 
wins the support of the common people and constitutes a turbulent 
force in Islam, hostile to all progress. 

, Among the spiritual guides of the community we find represented 
^ilmost every shade of antagonism and conciliation. Side by side with 


those who see in the modern Mohammedan life a disguised form of 
unbelief which to theif great regret they are unable to exterminate, 
there are others who accept this corrupt state of things with calm 
acquiescence as the fulfilment of Mohammad's prophecy, and others 
again who strive to save all that may yet be saved by methods of 
conciliation and peace. 

Among the characteristic signs of the times which testify to the An example 

of such oppo- 

phase of development which we have just described, may be instanced sition. 
the publication at Beyrout of a book called ar-Risalah al-Hatrndiyyah 
written some sixteen years ago (1306 H.) and dedicated to the Sultan 
of Turkey. The author, a Syrian teacher, Husain al-Jisr of Tarabulus 
(Syrian Tripoli) sets before himself, as appears from the title-page of 
his work, the task of showing " The truth of the religion of Islam, and 
the rectitude of the law of Mohammad**. He tells us that his immediate 
incentive to the publication of this work was his perusal of certain 
treatises by English authors, who had to some extent undertaken the 
defence of Islam against those who misunderstood and despised that 
creed. He adds some words of admonition to young Mohammedans 
who subject their unripe understanding to a course of European phi- 
losophy, warning them against the adoption of naturalistic views. 

In earlier times a writer so learned and so orthodox as Husain al-Jisr 
would have let himself be little influenced by the views (whether favou- 
rable or the reverse) of Europeans in regard to his religion, and would 
have advised the use of weapons of quite another sort than those of 
patient and good-tempered reasoning to maintain the strife against the 
prevailing irreligious theories of life. Al-Jisr does not base his argu- 
ment on the position that the truth of Islam is beyond all question, 
and that it must be accepted by all without reserve, even where it 
conflicts with reason. On the contrary he seeks to show that true 
humanity, morality and reason find their highest expression in the 
law and doctrine of Islam. 

Others also have adopted a like method ; we need here only instance 
a British-Indian writer Syed (= Sayyid) Amir AH *) the author of various 

i) Another very orthodox British-Indian writer, Rahmatallah, produced the I^kar al-haqq 
(** Publication of the truth") a polemical work against Christendom, in which he points out 
the inconsistencies of the Christian theology. He received marked distinction from the Sul- 
tan of Turkey. The Inst years of his life were spent at Mekka, where many of the faithful 
from various countries sat at his feet. 


works on the life of Mohammad and the Moslim law. He however 
wrote in English and appears to have assimilated more of the teaching 
of his English school than of the sources of Arabic history which he 
studied, and his constant aim is to make Islam suit the taste of a 
civilized European public. Every doctrine that might seem strange or 
repulsive to that public is ascribed by Amir Ali to the misconceptions 
of the later teachers, or else set aside as meant only for days gone 
by and as being now no longer valid. In this fanciful line of argu- 
ment no true son of Islam would agree save a very few who like 
himself have lost all their real Mohammedanism through their European 

The position of Al-Jisr is quite different. He writes for a public that 
understands Arabic; he knows his theology and his law, and abates 
no jot of the eternal truth of every tenet of both. He considers, however 
(and in this respect his book is a noteworthy sign of the times) that 
the time has gone by for those who, like himself, continue to hold 
fast by the revelation of Mohammad, either to pass by all arguments 
against their faith with a contemptuous shrug of the shoulders, or to 
look to armed force to help them in destroying heresy and infidelity. 

After a lengthy demonstration of the humanity, morality and reaso* 
nableness of the law and doctrine of Islam, he proceeds to a most 
pacific confutation of sundry philosophical and materialistic difficulties. 
As an example of this we may mention that he is not inaccessible 
even to the theories of Darwin (pp. 201 et seq.). He considers that 
the followers of Darwin draw exaggerated conclusions from the facts 
observed, and is disposed to accept the teaching of the Quran as to 
the creation of Adam in its simplest and most obvious sense. But even 
if the Darwinian teaching as to the origin of mankind were proved up 
to the hilt, he would not be ready to admit that we are justified in 
basing thereon a materialistic theory of life; nay he even goes so far 
as to say that such teaching, if admitted to be true, would not neces- 
sarily conflict with the doctrine of the Quran as to the creation of 
man. However, so long as the truth of Darwinism is still widely open 
to discussion, it would be wasted labour to harmonise it with the 
Quran in detail. In general, our author sees no danger in the study 
of the philosophy of nature, provided that those who teach such things 
are themselves of the true faith, and that such study is accompanied 
by instruction in the creed of Islam, 


It is worthy of note that such a writer, in maintaining the reasona- Defence of 
blcncss of the chief provisions of the Mohammedan law, defends the of^ the*^ho"y 
obligation of the holy war without circumlocution or reserve. This law, w^'- 
he says, does not command the extermination, persecution or humiliation 
of those of alien creed, but rather the guidance of their steps in the 
right path. If they follow tliis, then they must be treated on an equality 
with those who have been true believers from of old ; if not, all efforts 
should be made to bring them under the domination and also the 
protection of the Moslims, and the issue must be left in the hands 
of God. The precepts of Islam with reference to the conflict with 
unbelievers are most humane; they inculcate immunity for old men, 
women and children. 

In a country where Moslims were subject to the domination of those 
of another creed, a writer holding such views as Al-Jisr would either 
have passed by the question of the holy war in silence, or have 
demonstrated that this doctrine was unsuitable to the present time and 
to his environment. Al-Jisr, who resides in Turkey in Asia, and dedicated 
his book to a Sultan for whom the last Turko-Russian war had gained 
the name of al-GhazI, i. e. ^'Maintainer of the Holy War", had no 
motive for such self-restraint or extenuation. 

It has been the fate of Islam that this doctrine of the j'i/iad or holy This doctrine, 
war, the application of which formerly contributed so much to its ^i^cn\h novf 
greatness and renown, should in modern times have set the greatest the weakness 

of Islam. 

difiiculties in its path. 

At the present day an attitude of mutual confidence in their relations 
with those of alien creeds is in many ways desirable for Mohammedans 
and especially for those who live under European rule. All must admit 
that this doctrine of jihad presents a serious obstacle to such a state 
of things. Though such Moslims as are men of the world, and have 
embraced modern civilization, may be ready to ignore the existence of 
this doctrine or to represent it as inapplicable to the country in which 
they live, the champions of the law still continue to teach and the 
mass of the people to believe that their weapons may only remain 
sheathed so long as there is no hope of any success in warfare against 
the infidel. Under these circumstances no true peace is possible, but 
only a protracted truce. 

The other rules of Mohammedan law which control the relations of 
the ** faithful" to the ** unbelievers" can only be characterized as humane 


and justifiable, as Al-Jisr declares them to be, if we start like him on 
the supposition that kafirs, as such, are the inferiors of Moslims in this 
world. That law declares it to be permissible in some cases, in others 
commendable and even obligatory, to slay infidels, or to kidnap or 
enslave them. Many ways are left open to the Moslim of cheating 
individual kafirs or an infidel government without sinning against God. 
Under the Mohammedan law religious liberty is intolerable as involving 
the co-existence of truth with falsehood, and of the service of the 
true God with paganism. 

Now it is a great mistake — though not an uncommon one — to 
suspect every Mohammedan people or every Mohammedan of cherishing 
such views or desiring to put them into practice. To do so is to be 
guilty of the same injustice as the Anti-Semites who make the Jews 
of to-day responsible for every utterance of the Talmud inimical to 
heathen. As a matter of fact these books of law play a very subor- 
dinate part in the education of modern Jews and Mohammedans, and 
most Moslims are absolutely ignorant of the details of the doctrine of 

But so long as not one single Moslim teacher of consideration dreams 
of regarding these laws of the middle ages as abrogated, while a great 
proportion of the people exhibit the strongest inclination to restore the 
conditions which prevailed some centuries ago, so long does it remain 
impossible, however anxious we may be to do so, to omit the jihad 
from our calculations when forming a judgment on the relation of 
Islam to other religions. 

No expounders of the law worthy of the name will dare to try and 
demonstrate that the doctrine of the holy war should be regarded as 
obsolete. The utmost that we can expect from them is, that they should 
endeavour to show that there is in a given country at the present time 
no occasion for proclaiming a holy war. To prove this they refer to 
the intellectual and material supremacy of the kafirs in the country in 
question, to the solidity of their government and to the freedom which 
they allow to the Moslims as regards the teaching and practice of 
their religion on reasonable conditions. 

Even such arguments will only be used by a teacher who lives under 
a powerful non-Mohammedan government, whose overthrow is for the time 
being not to be seriously thought of. And even under such circumstances 
many prefer to maintain silence on the question of the jihad, or if they 


are compelled to express an opinion, choose the most equivocal terms. 

Their reason for shirking the question is that all attempts at conci- Efforts at 


liation render them suspected by a large proportion of their co-religionists, rouse suspi- 
Not only fanatics, but all strict upholders of orthodoxy set their faces ^*°"* 
resolutely against all that savours of abrogation of one jot or tittle of 
the law. And especially in countries ruled by an independent Moham- 
medan dynasty, where there is but little reason for disguising the pro- 
visions of the law in regard to unbelievers, it cannot be expected that 
the teachers who set the tone will do violence to the plain meaning 
of their scripture, the less so, since the doctrine of jihad sometimes 
supplies such dynasties with a very useful weapon. The Porte, for 
instance, although now-a-days she seldom exhibits this weapon and no 
longer flourishes it in the faces of her enemies, does not fail, when 
involved in war with a European power, to appeal to the doctrine of 
jihad when invoking the aid of her fellow- believers. To co-operate in 
the endeavour to weaken mens' faith in this doctrine would be to fling 
recklessly away the very thing which most inspires her soldiers with 
zeal and courage. In addition to this the Sultan would lose a consi- 
derable share of the sympathy which he now enjoys throughout the 
Mohammedan world as the foremost champion of the true faith, did 
he or those in authority in his dominions endeavour to convert the 
truce with the unbelievers into a lasting peace. 

Let us now examine that which took place in British India some Official opi- 
thirty-five years ago as the result of a fear of political disturbances 

among the Mohammedans. The story is a most instructive one '). 

Such of the leaders of the Moslim community as were well-disposed 

towards the government together with all who believed that a rebellion 

against European authority would in the existing circumstances spell 

ruin to Islam, made every effort to demonstrate that a Mohammedan 

insurrection against the English government would be unlawful and 

would have no claim to the title of jihad. Others upheld the contrary 

opinion or took refuge in silence. Finally the question (in its limited 

application to British India and to the present time) was submitted to 

the judgment of the four muftis of the orthodox schools of religious 

learning at Mekka, who may be regarded as the highest authorities of 

the day on all such matters. 

i) See Our Indian Afusulmans by W. W. Hunter, London 1 87 1. 


Without doubt these muftis had their hands tied in the giving ot 
their judgments or fativas. Even though some of their number might 
have been disposed to interpret the sacred law in a very eonciliatory 
spirit and though this inclination towards a peaceful settlement was 
strengthened by presents from British India, fear of their lord and 
master, the Sultan of Turkey, would have withheld them from preaching 
a theoretical acquiesence in the subjection of Moslims to a kafir yoke. 
On the other hand a fatwa inciting to rebellion would, as they well 
knew, have been equally displeasing to the Sultan, as it might have 
occasioned political difficulties for Turkey '). 

Their judgment avoided all these dangers by making the question 
one of technical terminology. The Mohammedan teaching divides the 
whole world into ddral-Isldm, the sphere of the domination of Islam, 
and ddral'harbf the outside world, which is to become ddral-Islam 
by conquest or conversion. The Mekkan muftis simply replied that 
British India must be regarded as ddral-Islam, but they carefully 
refrained from drawing any conclusions regarding the obligation of the 
holy war. Thus both the peace party and the malcontents in British 
India might construe the judgment in their- own favour. 

Had the muftis wished to be explicit, they might have worded their 
answer somewhat as follows: *If the country you live in were ddral- 
harb we might endeavour at an opportune time to subjugate it to Islam. 
It is however ddral-Islam, since the English infidels have shown no sign 
of being able to exterminate Islam therefrom j it is therefore ±he duty of 
the Moslim inhabitants to defend their territory to the uttermost. If you 
admit that necessity compels you, in spite of your numerical superiority, 
to lay aside your weapons, then you are convicted of a lack of energy and 
the courage of your opinions, a deficiency which, alas, grows more and more 
noticeable not only in yours but also in other Mohammedan countries". 

But they contented themselves with the oracular response, which 
satisfied both yet satisfied neither — ** British India is daral-Islam". 

In like ambiguous terms did the muftis of Mekka reply to a similar 
question which was submitted to them in 1893 by Jules Cambon, 
Governor-general of Algeria, with reference to the emigration to Syria 

l) Anyone who is acquainted with the local circumstances will understand (hat the 
muftis dared not set seal to their reply before they had obtained the concurrence of the 
Turkish authorities. Without such sanction a fatwa on matters of a political nature is 


of many of the inhabitants of Constantino, who sought thus to escape 
the domination of the infidel *). 

The way in which the doctrine of jihad is interpreted by the Moham- 
medan teachers and embraced in less systematic form by the mass of 
the people, furnishes an excellent indication of the progress that Islam 
has made at any given time or place in this direction, whither it is 
being impelled with increasing force by the political conditions of 
modern days. In the end it must yield entirely to that force; it must 
frankly abandon the tenets of jihad and abide by the practically harmless 
doctrine respecting the last days when a Messiah or a Mahdl will come 
to reform the world. Then will Islam differ from other creeds only in 
so far as it upholds another catechism and another ritual as the means 
whereby eternal salvation may be won. But before that day arrives the 
last political stronghold of Islam will probably have been brought under 
European influence and all less civilized Mohammedan peoples will 
have been compelled to submit to the control of a strong European 

Circumstances have imposed on the Dutch nation the task of impres- 
sing this modern doctrine on the Achehnese. It is no light or enviable 
task, for the doctrine of the jihad has been for centuries more deeply 
rooted here than in any other part of the Archipelago. But it must 
be fulfilled, and on the manner of this fulfilment will depend in no 
small degree the attitude of all other Mohammedans in Netherlands- 
India towards the Dutch government. 

i) See Les confriries religieuses musulmanes by Depont and Coppolani, Algiers 1897, 
pp. 34—35. 



AtxlQra^h: = Teungku di Kuala^ q. v. 
Abdul-qidir JllSnl: the prince of mystics, 

I. 130, 191, II. 249. 
Abdurrahman: see habib, 

abe€: ashes (used as manure), I. 267, 275. 
A, dapu\ wood-ash (used medicinally), 

II. 50- 

Abeusi: Abyssinian, negro; I. 23, II. 143. 

abortion: its practice, I. 113. 

Achih: boundaries of the whole country, 
I. I ; of Ach^h proper or Great Ach6h. 
I. I ; etymology of the name, I. i ; shape 
of the country, I. 2, 3; the country as 
''the imperishable bride** of her Sultans; 

I. 132. 

Achchnese: (a.) the people, see ''popula- 
tion"; (b.) the language, see "language*'. 

Achura: a festival, I. 202, 204, II, 180, 181. 

adan: the call to prayer, I. 85, 426. 

adara: celestial, II. 139, 140. 

adat: see "customary law". A. agam^ and 
a, inong: medicinal plants, II. 52. A. 
meulangga : a nominal show of vengeance 
when apologies and amends have been 
made, I. 77 — 81. 

aden: dung-heap, I. 36. 

administration : see "authorities", "justice", 
and "inheritance". 

ad6€: younger brother; the placenta consi- 
dered as the younger brother of a new- 
bom child; I. 375. A, mo^ldt\ the month 
rabVal akhir^ I. 194. 

adultery: I. no— 114; its punishment, I. 
Ill — 114; its prevalence, II. 318. 

adventurers: their political importance, I. 
151; political adventurers, I. 151 — 153, 
typified by Tcuku Uma^ I. 152; religious 
adventurers, I. 153, typified by say y ids ^ 
I «53, 154, 158, mystics, I. 154, 155, 
and ulamas^ I. 166. 


afwah: "mouths", i.e. voices of intercession 

with God, I. 192. 
agriculture: its importance, I, 175, 260; 

seasons, I. 258 — 261 ; ploughing, I. 260, 

261; sowing, I. 261 — 263; nurseries, I. 

263, 264; transplanting, I. 264, 265; 

harvest, I. 267, 268; stamping and thresh- 
ing, I. 271, 272; pepper-planting, I. 260; 

sugar-planting, I. 260, 273 — 275. 
A^mad Qushashi: a great mystic, I. 10, 

II. 216. 
A^mad RlfS*I: a saint and mystic, II. 249, 

Aja Eseutiri: the wife of Teuku AnjOng; 

a lady in whose honour a kanduri is 

annually held, I. 219. 
ajeumat: a written charm or talisman, I. 

266, II. 46, 169, 212, et passim, 
aka maneh: liquorice root, II. 56. 
aki*: a talismanic gem, II. 49. 
akhe asa: see asa, 
akhe leuhS: see ieuhd. 
Alaedin Ahmat Shah : Sultan of Acheh, A. 

D. 1726 — 1735; I. 89. 
Alaedin Juhan: Sultan, A. D. 1735— 1760; 

I. 5, 84, II. 90. 
Alaedin KhS: » Sidi Mukamil^ Sultan, 

A. D. 1540 — 1567; I. 4. 
Alaedin Mahmut: Sultan, A. D. 1752 — 

1766; I. 5. 
alamat: omen; II. 41. 
alangan: procession; II. 265 — 268. 
alat: "instruments"; preliminary studies, II. 

8. A, sigeuphhi name of an obsolete 

custom, described I. 112. 
aliiS: pestle; I. 272. 

al^m: a man deeply versed in sacred lite- 
rature, I. 71; his training, II. 25 — 31. 
aleu€: floor-level, I. 35, 39. 
Aleuhat: Sunday, I. 195. 
ali: a small purse-net for prawns, I. 277. 
Aipiah: name of a grammatical treatise, II. 7, 8. 




aluC: creek, backwater; I. 278. 

alum: {iawaih\ II. 50. 

Amat Shah Juhan: the first Sultan of the 
last dynasty, I. 5. 

ami 5bha: Amir ul bahr^ a title given to 
Teuku Uma^ I. 149. 

amil: officers (in Arabia) charged with the 
distribution of the zakat^ I. 268. 

ampeufog: to meet (a party or procession) ; 
II. 166. 

amp9n: '^ pardon", — use of this word as 
a title, II. 70, 86. 

amuleta: II. 37, 46. 

amusements: see ^cockfighting", *^feasts'\ 
'^gambling", "pastimes", /rowM, sadati^ 
meuramien^ piasan^ and ratib. 

aneu^: child, son of, inhabitant. A, gan- 
cheng\ a bolt, I. 43. A. jame'ei West 
Coast people, I. 19. A, keudawdng\ seeds 
of parkia speciosa (used medicinally), II. 
58. A, keusawi: mustard^seed, II. 57. A, 
mtuih : immediate descendants of a slave, 
I. 22. A, phdn\ first-bom child, I. 376, 
404, 407. A. rawa : = A,jame'e, A, sisawii 
« A, keusawi. A, tunong krueng\ "child 
of the upper river-reaches", — a brave 
man, I. 34. 

Aneu' GalQng: a fortress captured by the 
Dutch in 1896; I. 185, II. iii. 

animal fables: see "fables". 

anJSng: annexe (to a house), I. 35. 

anklets : (jgieu'eng gaki), I. 29. 

annexe: see anjdng, 

ant^g: golden bosses, I. 308. 

apam: a light cake, I. 219, 220; legend 
connected with it, I. 220. 

apparel : of men, I. 25 — 27 ; of women ,1.28; 
jewellery, I. 29, 30; wearing of weapons, 
I. 27; dress of a sadati dancer, II. 232; 
of a bride, I. 308. 

Arab: Arab elements in the population, I. 
18, 48. 

araHi: throne of Allah, II. 184. 

architecture: II. 59 — 63. 

are: a measure of husked rice, I. 73. 

areca-nut: {pineung\ I. 32, II. 45. 

aren: sugar, I. 274; juice, vinegar, I. 21, 
39; rope, fibre, II. 302. 

armlets: see "bracelets". 

art: see "industrial art". 

arwah: the spirit of a deceased person, I. 

425, 434. 

asa: afternoon, afternoon prayer, 3.30 p. 
m.; I. 200. 

asa foetida: I. 386, II. 56. 

asan: a tree-name, II. 52. 

Asan Usen: the month Muharram, I. 194. 

as^iS meuseutet: "When dogs ramble". — 
August, I. 256. 

Asem: see Tuanku Asem and Badrudin 

astronomy: I. 246 — 248; its use in fixing 
the seasons, I. 248 sqq. 

AteuiSng : (a) a village near Kutaraja, I. 24 ; 
(b) a raised path round a rice-field, I. 260. 

atra sihareukat: = laba sikareukat. 

authorities: I. Regular traditional author- 
ities: (a.) in the village community: the 
keuchi\ I. 64 — 70; the teungku^ I. 70 — 
75; the urcueng tuha^ I. 75, 76; 

(b.) in the district or mukim : the imeum^ 
I. 82—87; 

(c.) in the territory (nanggrhe) : the uie'e- 
balang^ I. 88 — 119; the panglima sagi^ 
I. 91, 132; the kali^ I. 93 — 102; 

(d.) in the whole state: the Sultan, I. 
120 — 132; the great chiefs, I. 132 — 138; 
the princes of the blood, I. 141 — 143, 
149— 151; 

(e.) in the mosque: the imeum^ I. 85; 
the haiib^ I. 85; and the bileue^ I. 85. 
(f.) in the tribe: the panglima kawdm^ 

I- 46, 54, 55, 56, 59- 

II. Irregular or self-constituted authorities, 
political adventurers and religious chiefs; 

I. 151— 165. 

III. Authorities according to Moslem theory 
as opposed to practice, II. 321 sqq. 

awa': crew (of a boat), I. 281. 

awami: name of a treatise on Arabic 

grammar, II. 7. 
awan: "clouds", — a pattern in weaving, 

II. 63, 64. 

awe: a strip of rattan, I. 377. A, sungsangi 
a rattan of which some sections turn the 
wrong way — believed to be talismanic, 
II. 38. 

aweu€^: a spoon, I. 411. 

aweu€h: a generic name for herbs, drugs 
and simples, II. 54. 

aya': sifting, I. 272. 

ayat: a verse, II. 74. 

ayQn: to rock, I. 394. A, meugisax a merry- 
go-round; II. 268. 




t>a': director of a sadati troupe, II. 21 1. 

ba meulineum: a (second) ceremonial visit 
paid by a woman to her pregnant daughter- 
in-law; I. 372. 

ba' pade: rice-straw, I. 267. 

Bib an-nikS^ : a treatise on marriage, II. 22. 

babah: mouth (of a fish-trap), I. 276. B. 
ret', entrance of a gampong^ I. 416. 

bada: a tree-name, I. 421. 

badal haji: substitute pilgrims; the hajj 
by deputy, II. 308. 

badSm: a light form of dropsy, II. 51. 

Badrudin As^m: a Sultan of Ach^h, I. 5. 

bait: for fish, I. 278, 279. 

bait al-mSl: State-treasury, I. 439. 

baja: soot (used for blackening the teeth), 
I. 401. 

baj^: jacket, I. 25. 

bak6h: a bird-name, II. 161. 

bakOng: tobacco, also used as accessory in 
betel chewing; I. 32, 288. 

bale: hall, court; e. g. b, meuhakamak^ a 
court of justice in religious matters, I. 
161, and b, rdm^ the Sultan *s audience- 
hall, I. 139. 

bale': turning; when a child can turn on 
his side, — as a measure of age, I. 394. 
B, mtudeukab', to turn to another school 
of doctrine on some one point (to avoid 
a difficulty), I. 347, II. 22. 

bali€: widow, divorcee; I. iii. See also 
pulang bale'e, 

balu: dried buffalo-flesch, I. 380. 

baluiSm beud^: an evil spirit, I. 409. Also 
baluicm bide, 

balu€m ubat : a medicine-bag, II. 49. 

bambang kuneng: jaundice, II. 49. 

Bambi: a village in Pidie (Pedir), II. 120. 

banana: see pisang, 

banda: town, town-bred, cultured; I. 24, 
145. B, Acheh\ the old seat of govern- 
ment and culture in Ach^h, I. 24, 25. 

bands: see ''orchestras^'. 

bang: the call to prayer, I. 85, 426. 

bangbang Jame€ : a butterfly the appearance 
of which is believed to betoken the 
coming of guests; II. 42. 

bangles: see ''bracelets". 

bangsat: neglectful of religion; II. 313. 

bangsl: a flageolet; II. 258. 

banta: a title given to near relatives and 
agents of a territorial chief [ule'ebalang) ; 

I. 92, 135. 
bantay: cushion, I. 41. 

bantdt: checking a disease at the outset; 

II. 50- 

barah: a large boil, II. 50. 

ba' raja peunawa: the aloe; II. 48. 

bar6€: yesterday (daytime), I. 201. B, sa\ 
the day before yesterday ; b, sa jek^ the 
day before that, I. 201. 

barSh: lowlands; I. 24, 25, 45. 

barOnabeuCt: a talisman conferring invul- 
nerability; II. 37. 

Baros : a place, the S.W. limit of Ach^h, I, i. 

barSt: enwrapping, enfolding; II. 52. 

baru€h: a name given to beri-beri, II. 51. 

basi: premium on dollars, I. 293. 

basS: severe dropsy; II. 51. 

Bataks: I. 22; as slaves, I. 23; their evil 
reputation, I. 23. 

bate: a sirih-bowl, I. 210. 

bat^: stone. B, badan: a stone extending 
longitudinally over a grave, I. 431. B. 
jeurat tombstone, II. 59. B, kawe\ a 
fishing-lead; I. 278. Pula b,\ the setting 
up of tombstones, I. 259, 402, 430, 431. 

Bat6h: a village near Kutaraja; I. 24. 

bayetten: a talking-bird, II. 148, 155. 

bedrooms: (Juree)^ I. 35. 

bedstead: see pratdih, 

Bentara Keumangan: a chief, II. 13, 14, 92. 

beri-beri: II. 51. 

betel-chewing: I. 32. 

betel-leaf: (ranub\ I. 32. 

betel-nut: {pineung\ I. 32, II. 45. 

betrothal: ceremonies, I. 301; rules for 
breach of troth, I. 301 ; gifts, see ianda 
kong narit and ranub dbttg, 

beuda': cosmetic face-powder; II. 47. 

beude china: crackers, I. 235. 

beuCt: to declaim in singsong style, II. 75. 
B, di jeurat : the chanting of the Quran 
at a grave, I. 429. B. JCuru^ani the 
chanting of the Quran, II. 3. 

beuklam: last evening, I, 201. 

beum: a medicinal plant, II. 53. 

beungkSng: cloth wrapped round the body 
in a particular way, I. 112. 

bean6: goitre-causing spirits, I. 412. 

beureu'at: see malam. 

beas6€: iron, hot iron, I. no; see "ordeals". 



beuteng: a disease of childreD,!. 3S6.- 
bhaili: divisions of a tale, II. 158 sqq. ,. 
bhQm: family burial place, I. .241, 404, 
biaya: maintenance ^money given to a wife, 

I. 325. • 

bibeuSh : free owing allegiance to no special 

chief; I. 122, 11. 82. 
Bidayah: name of a textbook on religious 
• doctrine, II. 4, 29. 
bi€ng: crab, I. 256; prawn (?), II. 159. 
bijeh: seed; padi-seed, I. 261, 263; 

poppy seed (b, apiun)^ II; 57. 
bila: blood-feud, I. 45. 47. 
bileuiS: a mosque official, I. 85. 
bilQn: a technical term in a boy*s game, 

il. 200. 
bimaran: evil result of unfulfilled vows, I. 

392- . 
bimba: a mosque-pulpit, I. 82. 

bintang: stars; — list given I. 247. 

biSh: dysentery, I. 415, II. 48. r 

birds: kept as pets, I. 39. 

blreng: a large boil, II. 50. 

Bitay: a place near Kutaraja, — name ex- 
plained I. 209. 

biula: violin, II. 265. 

black art: {hekeumat^ sihe\ I. 414; {teu- 
nanom^jkung)^ I. 414. Cf. also meuknlat^ 
iangkay^ ajeumat^ rajah^ and „magic'\ 

blang: network of rice-fields, I. 258. 

Blang Pang6€: a village, I. 316. 

Blang SeureugQng: a haunted rice-field in 
Pul6 Rab6; II. 286. 

blangan: a fruit, II. 50. 

blangdng: cooking-pot, I. 40, 275. 

bleu^t: cocoanut-leaves, I. 36. 

blimbing-fruit: {boh slimeng)^ I. 30. 

blingge: a fruit (the wood-apple?) II. 48. 

bl6*: an evil spirit, I. 413. 

blood-feuds: I. 45, 47. 

boats: prahd^jald^ sampan)^ I. 278, 279. 

b6h : a fruit, a globular object ; c. g. b, giri^ 
an orange, I. 385; b* iW jru'e^ salted 
duck's-eggs; ^. ytf«/5/jr^, plan^in buds, II. 
35 ; b, kayee^ fruits generally, I. 31 ; b, kcu- 
detiki^ myrobalane chebula^ 11. 57 ; ^. keu" 
nut^ root of cyperus tubcrosus^ II. 22; b, 
^rM,kemiri-nuts,II. 195 ; ^. i^rwir/, oranges, 
I* 3^5^ 3^^i 4?'> ^« tfiayakani^ gall-nuts, 

II. 56: b, pala^ nutmeg, II. 57; b. panta^ 
a ball or marble, I. 315, II. \'^\\b,pulet^ 
wooden rings, II. 247, 248; b, puta talhe^ 

fruit of kelicteres isora^ II. 56; b, raseu- 
tdng^ bud of the rose of Jericho, II. 57 ; 
b, ru^ an acorn shaped ornament, I. 27. 
For the use ot the word to describe 
the balls or marbles used in children's 
games, see II. 195 sqq. 

bdlh dapu: the removal of the oven after 
44 days from childbirth; I. 388. 

boils : {raho^ barah^ bireng)^ II. 50. 

boring: of ears {job giunyveng\ I. 259, 395. 

bosses: (anteng\ I..39S. i 

bOt: to draw (teet^), II. 45. 

boundaries : of Ach6h, 1. i ;< of land (eu£)^ 
II. 196, 197, 199. : 

bracelets: {gUueng jarbe)^ I. 29; chain- 
bracelets (/a/oe jaroe)^ I.^ 29 ; bridal bra- 
celets {jglcueng^ puntu^ '^^^? sangga^ sawe' 
and puch(i^\ I. 308. ; • , 

branda seumah: a platform used at a Sul- 
tan's installation, I. 139.. 

brandang: a rice-store^ I. 272. 

breu€h: husked rice, I. 272. -j, 

**bringing home meat": an Ach^hn^se 
custom, I. 237, II. 120. 

bru({*: sounding-board of a native violin, 
H. 260. 

bruiS' pulet : « boh pulet^ q. v. 

bu: cooked rice, I. 2.2, 30; a technical 
term in games, II. 193, 194. B, kunyet\ 
rice coloured with turmeric, I. 31. B, 

■ ieukat: glutinous rice, I. 31, 32, 46, 78. 

bubeiS: a fish-trap, I. 276. B. la'dr, id., I» 279. 

budQ: leprosy, II. 51. 

bu€: the common ape, II. 207. 

bulSng: swamps, I. 24; swamp rice-fields, 
I. 258. 

buffaloes: used for ploughing, I. 261, 262; 
leaders of the herd, I. 265; their hous' 
ing, I. 37; not used for sacrifice, 1.^243; 
used for fights, II. 209. 

Bugis : the Bugis element in Ach^h, I. 19, 4$: 

Bukhari: the author of a maulidy L 212. 

buleuiSn : month, moon. B, apuyy Muharram, 
I. 206. B, leumak: the first of the next 
lunar month, I. 202. . * 

buliadari: a heavenly nymph, II. 137, 17^^ 

bull-fights: II. 209, 210. 

"bullcth-oaths": II. 94, 95.' . 

bulSh meurindu : a magical masical instru- 
ment, II. 145, 1^47. 

bungkOHi: a folded: kerchief used as ir 
bag, I. 309. B, ranub: a sirih-bag, I; 



27. B. bur a*', a kerchief worn by women 
and sadati-players, II. 232. 

bungdng: flower-natural, I. 241, 309, 416, 
artificial {b, sunting)^ L 309. B, barueh : 
the (medicinally ased) leaf of a wild 
mangosteen, II. 57. B, kambuei a simple, 
II. 57. B, iawangx cloves, II. 56. B, la- 
wang kieng'. seed-pods of anise, II. 56. 
B. tabu: '*strewn flowers", — a weaver's 
pattern, II. 63. 

bura': a legendary pegasus, II. 126. 

burial: see '^disposal of the dead'*. 

burQng: an evil spirit afflicting women in 
childbed, I. 376 — 382 ; precautions against 
it, I. 376, 377 ; its legendary origin, I. 
37^1 379) stories about them, I. 378 — 
382; the burdng punjot^ I. 412. 

buf5t: inguinal hernia, and hydrocele, I. 
415, II. 51. 

buy: pig. B, tunggay\ a lone boar, — see 

n. 37. 

buya: crocodile; II. 302. 


cakes: see apam^ keutan and jeumphan, 
calendar: see '^divisions (of time)." 
cannon: announcing close of fast, I. 237, 

238; cannon-casting at Bitay, I. 244*, 

legend of the cannon lada si'Ckupa\ I, 

208, 209. 
caps: {kupiah\ I. 26, 27. 
carpets: I. 39. 
cards: I. 210. 

carving: (in wood, horn or metal), II. 65. 
casting-nets: (jeue)^ 1. 277, 278, 279. 
castor-oil: II. 48. 
cattle-sales: I. 288, 289. 
cattle-stalls: I. 37. 
ceiling-cloths: (//V^ dilanget\ I. 41. 
chab: seal. ch. limong; ''the five fold seal"; 

the hand as the symbol of real possession, 

I. 132. ck, sikureueng', the ninefold seal 
of the Sultans; I. 130, 131, II. 104. 

Cha'ban: the month Sha^ban^l. 195. 

chafing-dishes: {kran) I. 41. 

cha'iS: a spider, II. 49. 

chains: ornamental (Jaioe kPieng)^ I. 30. 

chakrum: the refrain in a sadati dialogue, 

II. 244. 

chamchuruVh: Upidium sativum^ II. 57. 

champli: chillies; I. 30, II. 56. 

chanang: a sort of gong, II. 259. 

chapeng: the bridge of a violin, II. 260. 

charapha anam: name of a maulid^ I. 212. 

character: (of the Achehnese) their in- 
dolence, I. 21; their slovenliness, I. 42; 
their fondness for mupakat, I. 76; their 
parsimony, I. 29; their arrogance, I. 168; 
their jealousy of non-Muhammadan autho- 
rities, I. 13; their character as Muham- 
madans, see ''islam"; their morah, II. 
318, 319. Differences in character between 
highlanders and lowlanders, -I. 33, 34. 

charms: written on paper ajeumat)^ I. 
266, II. 46, 169, 212; spoken formulse 
{tangkay)^ I. 266; love-charms (/«/^tfj/A), 
II. 46; charms to sell goods at a profit 
{^peulareh\ II. 46; the process of engen- 
dering magic {rajah\ I. 414. See also 
"black art", "magic", "talismans". 

charu€h: a name griven to beri-beri, II. 51. 

chat5: a sort of draughts, II. 200. 

chawat: a wrapper worn by a woman after 
her confinement ; I. 382. 

Chaway: the month Shawwal, I. 195. 

ch^'bre: a tree, II. 44, 228. 

Cheh: "Shaikh"; a name also given to 
the head of a sadati troupe, II. 221. 

Chfch AbdQ'ra'Oh: = Teungku di-Kuala^ 
I. 90. 

Cheh Marahaban: a saintly scholar of 
Pidie (Pedir), I. loi, 187, II. 27, 28; 
his writings, II. 186, 187. 

chih ranub si-gapu: the time ic takes to 
chew a quid of sirih, — a primitive 
measure of time, I. 201. 

Chih Saman: « Teungku Tiro, 

chempala: a fighting-bird, II. 211, 215. 

chests: (pattbe\ I. 40, 41. 

Chetties: their early trade in Ach^h, I. 17. 

cheukiiS* : execution by strangling and drown- 
ing combined; I. 109. 

cheukQ: a medicinal plant, I. 386, II. 49, 58. 

cheuleupa: a small tobacco box, I. 42. 

cheumara: a native chignon, II. 79. 

cheumeucheb: the (ominous) screaming of 
a kite, II. 42. 

cheuneuruCt: a gelatinous dish, I. 31, 397. 

cheunichah: a compost of pounded fruit, 
I. 21, 30, II. 49. 

chiei^: see "authorities". 

chignons : sanggdy^ I. 28 ; {cheumara\ II. 79. 



childbirth: I. 373, 374, 385, 388; supcr- 
stitioDs regarding it, I. 374; pantang 
rules after it, I. 375; the treatment, I. 
373i 374? 388; ceremonial visits con- 
nected with it, I. 385. 

childhood: the peuchichab ceremony, I. 
383, 384; the hakikah ceremony, 384; 
naming of the child, I. 386 ; the peutrdn^ 
I. 389; stages of growth, I. 394; teach- 
ing the child to walk, L 394; circum- 
cision, I. 395, 398; earboring, I. 395, 
396; for education of children, see '^in- 

children: parents and children, I. 401; 
control of fatherless or motherless child- 
ren, I. 402, 403; disposal of dead child- 
ren, I. 408; disposal of children at the 
dissolution of a marriage, I. 408 ; position 
of the children of concubinage, I. 359. 

chinichah: ■> cheunichah, 

china: a laddie, I. 289; a water-dipper, I. 
411, 419. 

chipe: small plates, I, 40, 320. 

cholera: I. 415, II. 48. 

ch6t: the sun^s zenith, noon; 199. 

chradi: a pattern, I. 41. 

chrea€h: rake, I. 263. 

chu€: an earthenware platter, II. 247. 

chuiSh: leaves used medicinally, II. 48. 

chugdng: goitre, I. 412. 

chuka': a game like draughts, II. 200. 

chuka: to shave, II. 45. 

chulu<$t: a medicinal leaf, II. 49. 

chumuet: pimples, II. 50. 

chut: small, I. 320. 

Chut Sandang: name of a tribe, I. 49. 

9irat-al-mu8taqlm : name of a religious 
treatise, II. 5, 29. 

circumcision : of girls, I. 395 ; of boys, I. 
398 — 400; religious importance attached 
to it, II. 273. 

clairvoyance: II. 39, 40. 

clans: see kawdm, 

clarionets: {srnni\ II. 259. 

clasps: see peundcng, 

clergy: see "priests". 

clothes: see ''apparel". 

cockfighting: II. 244, II. 210, 215. 

coconut: the milk, I. 30, 31; the oil, I. 
30, 39; the sugar, I. 397. 

coffee: legend of its origin, I. 260; its use 
as a beverage, I, 240, II. 53. 

coffins: (Jireunda\ I, 422, 423. 

concubinage: I. 359, II. 318; position of 
the children, I. 359. 

confiscation : of boats and nets, I. 283 ; of 
rice-fields, I. 115, 286. 

conjunctivitis: its treatment, II. 47. 

conversion : facility of conversion to Islam, 
II. 277 — 279. 

cooking: I. 30, 31, 41. 

cooking-pots: {blanghng)^ I. 40; {kanei)^ 
I, 40. 

cooling : the "cooling ceremony" {peusijue*)^ 
I. 43, 44, 78, 102, 103. 

coop: see seureukab, 

copyists : their influence on literature, II. 67. 

couch: see pratdih, 

court: see dalam, 

courtyards: in front of house (Jeyen\ I. 
36; behind the house (Jikdt)^ 1. 36; by 
the side of the gables (rabdng)^ I. 36. 

crabs: land-crabs, I. 256. 

crackers: I. 235, 237. 

crickets: used for fighting, II. 211, 215. 

crocodiles: II. 302. 

cummin: II. 47. 

cupboards: {peutbe db»g)y I. 41. 

custom : (adat) its antiquity, I. 5 ; its chang- 
ing, but slowly changing, character, I. 10; 
reticence concerning it, I. 13; conflict 
between it and religious law, I. 14, II. 
275 — 277; Achehnese views on the sub- 
ject, I. 14. See also "customs", and 

customs: in connection with pregnancy, I. 
371—373; childbirth, I. 373—388; child- 
hood, I. 383 — 400; betrothal, I. 301; 
marriage, I, 295 — 358; sickness, I. 412 — 
415; death, I. 418; the disposal of the 
dead, I. 419 — 434; the administration of 
government, I. 58 — 193; industries,! 258. 


dab: a small tambourine, II. 265. 
dagang: foreigner, Kling; II. 84. 
DaJJal: Antichrist, II. 178. 
dalam: the Sultanas court, I. 140. 
dalem: members of a sadati chorus; II. 

221, 222, 299. 
dalSng: a tray, I. 31, 40. 
dancing: II. 261 — 265. See also sadati. 



dangdang meuntah: money given (in lieu 
of rice) by a woman to her pregnant 
daughter>in-law, I. 372. 

dara: "marriageable", — a stage of rice- 
growth, 1. 267. 

darah: blood; see peusijue\ 

dareh: a thorny tree, I. 36. 

daru€t: a fighting cricket, II. 211, 215. 

datO*: ''grandfather, ancestor*^ — a euphe- 
mism when speaking of tigers, II. 45. 

day: of the week, I. 195; of the month, 

I. 202; divisions of the day, I. 199 — 202. 
deah: a chapel; I. 63, 64, 219. 

death: death-struggle, I. 418; exhortations 
to the dying, 1. 418 — 419; notifications 
of deaths, I. 433. See also ''disposal of 
the dead". 

debt: how recovered, I. 115, 116. 

debtors: liable to a form of slavery, I. 93, 
115; their right to a share in religions 
tithes, I. 269, 270. 

d^lat: an expression of homage, I. 120. 

Der Kinderen: his work in Ach^h, 1. 

II— IS' 
descent: traced through women, I. 44; — 
but also, for tribal reasons, through men; 

I- 44, 4S- 
deumam; fever, I. 415, II. 48. 
deut: name of a fish, II. 72. 
dialogues: examples of sadati dialogues, 

II. 234 sqq. 
diarrhcBa: II. 48. 

dibbling: {tajd\ tiumajdh\ 1. 266. 

diW: price of blood, I. 47, 55, 56, 102, 104. 

dieting: medicinal dieting, II. 54. 

dina: fornication, adultery, I. no — 114. 

diseases: goitre, I. 412; nightmare, I. 412; 
cholera, I. 415, II. 48; small-pox, I. 
416—418, II. 47—48; fever, I. 415, II. 
48; dysentery, I. 415, II. 48; inguinal 
hernia and hydrocele, I. 415, II. 51; go- 
norrhoea I. 415, II. 52; skin-diseases, I. 
415; diseases of children (beuting^ pungo 
buy^ and sakit droe\ I. 386; diseases 
due to spirit-possession, I. 410, 411; 
eruptions and ulcers, II 50, 51; con- 
junctivitis, II. 47; beri-beri, II. 51; le- 
prosy, II. 51; elephantiasis, II. 51; 
tootache, II. 52; hiccough and headache, 
II. 49; poisonous bites, II. 49; pains in 
the joints, II. 52; siawan II. 53; sam- 
phng^ II. 48, 49. 

dishes: (large) I. 40; (small) I. 40 ; chafing- 
dishes, I. 41. 

disposal of the dead : washing the body, I. 
419 — 421; shrouding, I. 421; coffining, 
I, 422; the procession to the tomb, I. 
423, 425; the funeral service, I. 423, 
424; the entombment, I. 426, 427; visits 
of condolence, I. 424: prayers for or to 
the dead, I. 427 — 430; tombstones, I. 
I. 430—432. 

district: see "divisions (of territory)". 

divination: II. 39 — 41. 

divisions : (a.) of an Achehnese dwelling, I. 
38 — 42; (b.) of the population, I. 45 — 
59 : (c.) of territory, I. 58—89 ; (d.) of time, 
viz. the Mohammedan lunar calendar, I. 
194, 195; cycles of lunar years,^I. 197; 
solar divisions, the year and seasons, I. 
245 — 258; days of the week, I. 195; 
divisions of a day, I. 199 — 202. 

divorce: laws and customs regulating di- 
vorce, I. 367 — 370; the pasah and talak 
divorce, I. 367 — 369; the khul^ divorce, 
I. 370; the right of recall [rujt^^ I. 
369; the ""iddah^ I. 370. 

doctrine: orthodox character of the reli- 
gious doctrine taught, II. 281. 

dogma: its study, II. 9. 

DOkarim: author of the Hikayat Prang 
Gdmpeuni^ II. 100 — 103. 

dolls: II. 192. 

dO'ma: a big gold button, I. 25. 

domestic life: see "life". 

d6ng: see ranub dong and peuthe dong, 

DQy hijah: the month Du^i'hijjak^l, 195. 

D5y ka'idah: the month ^u'i-qa^dah^ 

I. 195. 

drang: name of a bush, I. 57. 

dreams: their interpretation, II. 42, 43. 

dress: see "apparel". 

dressing food: (meu'idang)^ I. 31. 

dressing hair: see sanggdy, 

drinking-vessels : I. 40. 

druggists : {uretteng tneukat aweu'eh\ II, 46. 

drugs: see "medicaments". 

drums: big mosque drum (Jambu\ I, 62, 

II. 258; smaller drums, see rapa^i or 
rapana^ geundrang^ peungana^^ and geu' 

du'a: prayer. D, kubux the funeral prayer, 
I. 428. D, beusoe: a formula to secure 
invulnerability, II. 38. 



du€*: *when a child can sit up," — a 
measure of an infant's age, I. 394. 

Dutch: Achehnese hostility to the Dutch, 
I. 170, 171; their use of contemptuous 
pronouns when speaking of the Dutch, 
I. 171; the Dutch concentration policy, 
I. 177; friends of the Dutch among the 
Achehnese, I. 189; Si Ujut as the typical 
"Dutch infidel", II. 81—88. See also 
references to Dutch policy in the Hiko' 
yat Prang Gdmpeuni^ II. 100 — 1 1 7. 

dugdm: when a child can ''lie on its face 
and hands", — a measure of an infant*s 

age, I. 394- 
dung-heaps: I. 36. 
'dur6€: thorn, I. 376, 377. 
dusOn:^ country, countrified, boorish; I, 

24, 145. 
dwellings: 1. 34—44. 
dyeing: II. 64. 
dysentery: {bidh\ I. 415, II. 48. 


«^ mal6: lacquer-sediment, II. 37. 

h^ meujadi : first excreta preserved as a me- 
dicine, II. 49. Also e* mula jadL 

ear-boring: see **boring". 

earring: (subdng\ I. 29. 

Ebeunu Ake : name of a treatise on Arabic 
grammar, II. 7. 

eclipses: II. 285, 286. 

education: see ''learning", "instruction", 
and "students". 

eClia: a saint, I. 165, II. 134. 

eh: the pole connecting the yoke and the 
plough, I. 261. 

elders: see ureueng tuha, 

elephantiasis: {untdt\ II. 51. 

eleumeiS: the learning of Islam, II. i; 
knowledge of magic lore, I. 280, II. 32 — 
58; E. knibay. the science of invulne- 
rability, II. 34—38; E, peuet blaih\ "the 
fourteen sciences", II. 58. E, peurasat: 
the science of physiognomy, II. 41. E, 
phay, divination by the use of books, 
II. 41. E, saW \ unorthodox mysticism, 
II. 13, 32, 281. E, sihe: witchcraft, II. 
33. E, tuba\ the law of poisons, II. 46. 

Eseukanda Muda: Sultan of Acheh, A. D. 
1607 — 1636; I. 4. 5; his conquests, II. 

81. Better known as Meukuta Alatn, 

EseutambQy: Istambul or Constantinople, 
I. 208. 

euC: boundary of land, II. 196, 197, 199. 

Eulenspiegels : II. 70 — 73. 

eumpang: a rice-sack, I. 272. 

EumpeiS B116ng: a personified well, II. 285. 

Eumpie Lulu: a haunted mountain, I. 51; 
traditions connected with it, II. 284. 

eumpiCng: parched rice, I. 400. 

eump6€: weeds, I. 263. 

eumpung: fowl-run, I. 37. 

eunchlCn: ring, I. 30, 327. E, gilP', a spe- 
cial thumb-ring, I. 357. 

eungk6ng: the coconut monkey, II. 207. 

eungkat: fish, I. 30, 31. 

euntat mampleuiS: wedding, I. 337. 

eunti€ liS: an evil spirit of the sea, I. 

euntuiS*: a collar of golden knots (worn 
by a bride), I. 308. 


fables: their character, II. 69; part played 
by the mousedeer, II. 70; by the native 
Eulenspiegel, II. 70 — 73; books of fables, 
II. 158 sqq. 

face ache: II. 52. 

fairs: I. 237, 242. 

family: {kaw9m\ I. 44, 45; the royal fa- 
mily, — see "princes", 

fast: the fasting-month, I. 195, 228 — 236; 
its expiatory character, I. 239. 

fatlhah: the first chapter of the Quran, I. 

73, n. 253. 

feasts: marriage feasts, I. 320; religious 
and seasonal feasts, see "festivals"; fu- 
neral feasts, I. 429, 430. See also kanduri. 

fences: I. 35^ 36. 

festivals : (a.) religious festivals : the achura^ 
I. 202 — 206; the rabu abeh^ I. 206, 207; 
the feast of Tuan Meurasab^ I. 217, 
218; the Kanduri apam^ I. 219; the 
Kanduri Aja Eseutiri^ I. 219; the Kan- 
duri bu^ I. 221; the malam beureu'at^ 
I. 222, 223; the three days preceding 
the annual fast, I. 224 — 228; the feast 
of Teungku Anjdng^ I. 235; the night 
of Qadar^ !• 235 ; the. uroe raya^ I. 237 — 
241 ; the sacrificial feast of the Hajj, 
I. 242; 



(b.) seasonal festivals: the kanduri 

blang or field kanduri^ I. 259, 260; the 

kanduri bungong lada^ I. 260; the kan- 
duri Id'dt^ or fishermen^s feast, I. 284. 
fever: {deumam Bud si;ue'''Sfu^uem)^ I. 415, 

II. 48. 
fiddles: see *^ violins**, 
fights: by men for amusement, II. 198; 

between animals, II. 210 — 215. 
fines: their infliction, I. 103, 113; their 

recovery, I. 115. 
finger-rings: I. 30, 327. 
fire-arms: I. 27. 
fire- works: (kuta bungong apuy\ I. 245, 

II. 268. 
fishermen: I. 280 — 284. 
fishing: seasons, I. 275; traps and ponds, 

I. 276, 277: lines, I. 279; nets, I. 280; 

superstitions, I. 280, 281 ; dues to local 

chiefs, I. 283, 284. 
flageolets: (bangsi\ II. 258. 
floats: for fishing, I. 278. 
flowers: as ornaments, I. 241, 309. See 

also bungong, 
flutes: (suUng\ II. 258, 259. 
food: things eaten, I. 30, 31; preparation 

of food, L 30, 31, 41; special festival 

dishes, I. 31, 32. 
foreign elements: in Acheh, I. 19, 48. 
foreigners: their presence, I. 17, 19; their 

treatment, I. 128, 129. 
forty-four: special value attached to this 

number, I. 264, II. 55. 
four: special value attached to this number, 

I. 47, 105. 
Fourteen Sciences: II. 58. 
fowl-runs: I. 37. 
fowls: I. 37. 
Friday: its observance; the service, I. 80; 

prohibition of labour, I. 261, 280. 
fruit: I. 31. 
frying-pans: I. 40. 
funerals: see "disposal of the dead". 
fUmiture: of the house, I. 34—44; of the 

mosque, I. 82; of the meunasah^ I. 63. 


gacha: henna, I. 303, 426. 

gaki: foot, I. 29; step, rung, I. 39. 

gala: mortgage, I. 291. 

galagarO : sort of aloe-wood, II. 56. 

gambe: gambler, I. 32. 

kambling: I. 241, 244, II. 209. 

games: see ''pastimes". 

gampet: a measure of husked rice, I. 159. 

gamp9ng: village-community, I. 58—80. 
G, Jawa\ a village of Kutaraja, I. 24, 
73, II. 90, 96, 228; G, A/ifM/di^» : another 
village, II. 98. 

gancheng: bolt, I. 43. 

ganja: hashish, II. 53* 

ganti: an important drug, II, 52, 57. 

gant6€: succession, turn, II. 211. 

gapu: sirih-lime, I. 32. 

gardens: I. 259, 260, 286. 

gasay: truss, I. 267. 

gaseng: (a.) playing-top, II. 190; 

(b.) keys of a violin, II. 260. 

gata: a familiar form of address used be- 
tween equals, I. 135. 

gatheuiS*: (a prawn?), II. 159. 

gat6': ankle, II. 196. 

gengg6ng: a musical instrument, II. 258. 

g^: good, II. 275. 

geu: a respectful personal pronoun, I. 171. 

geuchi': a variant of keuchP^ ^< v.; I. 68. 

geudQng: closely packed in cloth (of a 
child); I. 386. 

geudubang: kind of sword, II. 237. 

geudumba': a kettle-drum, II. 260, 261. 

geumeuchiiS' : to shriek, I. '427. 

geundrang: a sort of drum, I. 398, II. 40, 
259, 260. G, and*: as peungand'. G. 
ckanggue^: * frog's drum", — a kind of 
rattle, II. 190. 

geuneug6m: a coop for catching fish, I. 276. 

geunteut: an evil spirit, I. 410. 

geureuda: the Garuda of Vishnu, II. 127, 
135, 146, 149, 233. 

geus6ng: a foul-smelling insect destructive 
to padi, I. 266. 

geutah: vegetable sap, II. 52. 

geutu€: a tree-name, II. 200. 

Ghazali: a great Moslem teacher, II. 9. 

gigdC: tooth, teeth. G. asee: canines, I. 
400. G. dikeui: front-teeth, I. 400. G, 
g/an/eue: thunder-teeth, — a name given 
to prehistoric stone implements, I. 413. 

glanggang: a fighting-ring or arena, II. 
79, 211, 212. 

glayang: a boy's kite, II. 191. 

glem : a fruit ; the star in the tail of Scorpio, 
I. 248. 



gleu€ng: bangle, bracelet, anklet, I. 29, 308. 
glima: ^pomegranate", a pattern, II. 64. 
glinggang: cassia alata^ II. 50, 52. 
gliwang: a klciuang^ I. 27. 
glQng : a cylindrical piece of metal to steady 

dishes, I. 322. 
glum: a skin-disease, II. 38, .50. 
Glumpang Dua: name of a village, II. 100. 
glundOng: a tree-name, I. 36. 
glutinous rice: I. 31, 32, 46, 78. 
g6: (a.) plough-handle, I. 261; 

(b.) a playing-stick, II. 194. 
g6ga8i: a forest giant, II. 135; 136, 140. 
goitre: 1. 412. 
goldsmiths: II. 65. 

gQmpeuni: European authorities; I. 13. 
gongs: II. 265. See also chanartg. 
gonorrhcBa: I. 415, II. 52. 
government: see "authorities". 
Great Acheh: its limits, I. i. 
greetings: see **salutations". 
grQng-grOng: a pipe through a river-bund, 

I. 277. 
gruphu€ng agam and gruphuiSng in6ng: 

names of medicinal plants, II. 52. 
guchi: jar, I. 38, 39, 412; knot, callosity, 

I. 412. 
guda: bow from which violin-strings are 

strung, II. 260. 
guerillas: I. 176, 177. 
guha: a hole for throwing refuse out of a 

house, I. 38. 
guli: cooked vegetables, I. 30, II. 53. 
gunde': a secondary wife, I. 360. 
gun6ngan: a peculiarly shaped building 

at Kutaraja, II, 59, 63, 238. 
gur^e: teacher, II. 4. 


ha': a generic name for payments of the 
nature of fees or contributions ; e. g. : 

ha" bathe', the return of half the dowry 
if the wife dies within a certain period; 
I. 364, 431; 

ha^ chupeng: marriage-fee paid to a 
keuchP^ I. 66; 

ha"* gancheng\ deposit in a suit for debt, 
I. 116; 

ha" katib\ = ha^ ckuping^ I. 66, 342; 

ka^ praU\ succession-duty, I. 96, 

434i 438; 

ha'' sabi\ contributions to the "holy 
war", I. 180; 

ha'' ieuleukin: fee for a burial service, 

I. 74, 428. 

haba: a name given to stories or accounts 
of past history (A. jameun) or old insti- 
tutions {hadih maja\ II. 68, 69; also to 
animal fables, II. 70; to Eulenspiegel 
stories, II. 70 — 73 ; and even to romantic 
fiction when it is taken for truth, II. 123. 

habib: a title given to Sayyids, I. 155. 

Habib: the Habib par excellence, Sayyid 
Abdurrahman Zahir^ I. 23, 32, 76, 155, 
158 — 164, II. 105, 107; his policy, I. 
161, 163, 164; his jurisdiction, I. 161, 
162; his enemies, I. 162, 163; his ab- 
sence from Ach^h at the outbreak of the 
war, I. 173, his return, I. 174, his sub- 
mission, I. 175. 

Habib of Samalanga: I. 181—183,11.116. 

Habib Seunagan: an unorthodox religious 
teacher, II. 14. 

Hadih: the Hadlth or Sacred Tradition, 

II. 23, 32. 

hadih maja: see haba\ II. 43, 68, 69. 

halh: an ell; I. 244, 425. 

hair-dressing: see "dressing". 

Ijajj: the pilgrimage to Mecca, I. 193, 
242 ; zeal for it among Indonesians, II. 

haji: (a.) a pilgrim to Mecca, II. 308,309; 
(b.) the month duU-h^jah^ I. 195. 

hakikah: a sacrifice offered up for a child 
on the seventh day after its birth, I. 384. 

haleuba: fenugreek seed, II. 56. 

haleuiS meuiS: proof by finding stolen pro- 
perty in the actual possession of an ac- 
cused, I. 105. 

halia: ginger, I. 30. 

balua: sweetmeat, I. 340. 

ham^h: Thursday, I. 195. 

Hamzah Pansuri: a pantheistic mystic, II. 
13, 19, 20, 180. 

hana adat : irregular, of a marriage ; I. 328. 

hana git: morally wrong, II. 275. 

hangings: {tirc\ I. 41. 

hantu buru: an evil spirit, I. 387. 

harab meulia, or haram lia: a royal title, 
I. 120. 

harah thOn: the letter of the year; I. 197. 

hareubab: a native violin, II. 260, 261. 

hashish: II. 53. 



hatam: recitation of the Qaran in chorus, 

I. 284. 

hatib: a mosque official, I. 85. 

haunted trees: I. 410, 412. 

head-dress: caps, I. 26, 27; kerchiefs, I. 
27, 28. 

hekeumat: powers of withcraft, I. 414. 

henna {gacka\ I. 303. 

herbs: (medicinal), II. 55 — 58. 

hernia: I. 415, II. 51. 

hibat: gifts for religious purposes, II. 321. 

hiSm: riddles, II. 67. 

highland: {tunong) I. 24, 25, 45. 

highlanders: I. 24, 25; their dress, I. 25 — 
30; their food, I. 30 — 325 their fanati- 
cism, I. 33. 

hikayat: its characteristics, II. 77; the 
hikayat ruhe^ II. 78 — 80; the romantic 
poetic hikayat^ II. 121; its character, II. 
121; its connection with Malay, II. 121, 
122; its Indian origin, II. 122, 123; 
native belief in its historical accuracy, 

II. 123, 124; its locale, II. 124, Acheh- 
nese classification of poems, II. 124. For 
list and names of hikayats see ''Literature.** 

himb^: a species of ape, II. 143. 

Hindus: their traders in Ach^h, II. 17. 

hinggu: asafoetida, I. 386, II. 56. 

hisab: calculation of the commencement of 
the lunar month, I. 196. 

history: lack of data for early history, I. 
16; early history of the kawdm^ I. 48 
sqq. ; of the ul^ebalangships, I. 90, 91; 
of offices such as that of the /Caii maii- 
kon adi^ I. 97 — 100; history of the Sul- 
tanate at the outbreak of the war, I. 
145 — 151; of the religious forces in 
Ach^h, I. 153—158; of the Habib, I. 
158 — 164, 173; of other leaders, I. 173 — 
187; history of Mohammedanism, v. Is- 
lam, Sources of history: the sarakata\ I. 
4, 5, 9; existing institutions when studied, 
I. 15, 16. 

Hok Canton: a trading ship seized by 
the Achehnese, II. 113, 114. 

horses: their treatment, I. 37. 

house: see ''dwelling". Its component parts : 
I. 38 — 44; its moveable nature, I. 42; 
its instability, I. 42, 43; its erection, I. 

43, 44. 
house-platforms: {para\ I. 42. 
hukQm: religious law; its conflict with 

adat^ I. 14; the native view that it is 
supplementary to adat^ I. 14. 
hydrocele: [burdt\ I. 415, II. 51. 


Ibrahim Mans5 Shah: Sultan, A. D. 1858— 
1870; I. 33, 135, 190. 

icha: evening prayer, evening; I. 200. 

idang: a dish ready for serving up, I. 
211, 321. 

^iddah: a period during which a widow or 
divorcee may not marry, I. 368, II. 274. 

i€ : water. /. asam (tamarind juice) : a lotion 
for small-pox, II. 47. /. babah mirah\ 
sirih-slaver (used medicinally), II. 50. /. 
y^*: aren vinegar, I. 39. /. krttei: lime- 
juice, II. 284. /. mata duydni "duyong's 
tears", a fabulous specific, II. 53. 

IS LeubeuC: a village-centre of student 
life, II. 26. 

igeu€: a fine bamboo used in flute-making, 
II. 258. 

ija: (generically) scarf. /. bajee\ clothring: 
I. 433, /. peukrengi a towel, I, 74^ 428. 
Lpinggang', a waist-band, I. 25. Lplangg%\ 
a ceremonial scarf, I. 392, II. 40. /. sawd*\ 
a shoulder-cloth, I. 28. /. simpid*'. a 
bride^s scarf, I. 308, /. tdb ulee'. a head- 
cloth, I. 28. 

ijma^ : the general consensus of Islam, II. 8. 

ikay: a bracelet, I. 308. 

imeum : history of the office, once religious 
(I. 82), now secular and hereditary (I. 
84, 85); the mosque-i/n^tf/n and his duties, 
I. 85; powers of the territorial imeum^ 
I. 86, 87. 

Imeum of Lu€ng Bata: a fighting-chief, I. 
173, 174, II. 105, 107, 108. 

Imeum peu<$t : name of a tribe, 1. 49, 51, 57. 

incantations: II. 46. 

Indrapuri: a village, II. iii. 

industrial art: stone-cutting, II. 59; archi- 
tecture, II. 59 — 63; weaving, IL 63, 64; 
gold and silver work, II. 65; carving 
and pottery, II. 65. 

industries: agriculture, I. 258 — 275; fishing, 
I. 275—284. 

infidels: hostility of Moslems to infidels, I. 
167; Achehnese views on the subject, I. 
168— 171, 175. 



ihflammatiohs : their treatment, II. 52. 

inheritance: law of inheritnnce, I. 438. 

inong: ^mother'*, clump (of seedlings), I. 

institutions: (political) their antiquity, I. 
4, 10, 15, 16, 45. 

instruction : in the QurSn, II. 3, 4 ; ele- 
mentary instruction, II. 4; in Malay, II. 
5; higher studies, II. 5, 6; comparison 
with studies in Java, II. 6, 7 ; the study 
of Arabic grammar, II. 7, 8; of law, II. 

8, 9; of dogma, II. 9; of mysticism, II. 

9, 10. 

interest: on money, I. 292. 

interpretation: of dreams, 11. 42, 43. 

intoxicating liquors : indulged in by Acheh- 
nese of the better class; I. 33. 

invulnerability: I. 236; chaims to secure 
it, II. 34—38. 

iron: superstitions regarding iron; II. 34. 

Iskandar Thani: Sultan, A. D. 1637; 1. 4. 

Islam: imported from India, I. 17; its at- 
titude towards magic and sorcery, II. 33; 
towards religious war, I. 166 — 168, II. 
336, 337, 347—35 >; its influence on 
Aohehnese character, I. 168 — 172, and 
on the artistic sense, II. 65; European 
misconceptions of Islam, II. 269 — 272; 
differences between theoretical and prac- 
tical religion, II. 272 — 275; influence of 
local custom in creating such diflerences, 
II. 275 — 277 ; superficial nature of con- 
versions, II. 277 — 279; lack of obser- 
vance of religious requirements, II. 279, 
280; comparison of Indonesian Moham- 
medanism with that of other races (a.) as 
regards doctrine and saint-worship, II. 
281 — 303; (b.) as regards the remaining 
four ** pillars" of Islam, II. 303 — 314; 
(c.) as regards domestic law, II. 314 — 319; 
(d.) as regards trade-laws, II. 319 — 321; 
(e.) as regards Governments and the ad- 
ministration of justice, II. 321; discussion 
of the future of Islam, II. 338 — 351. 


Ja': to walk; ^able to walk*^ as a measure 

of a child^s age, I. 394. 
Ja' ba bu: = yV me bu, 
ja Bat^C: = Td' Batce, 

Ja KariChg: a sacred tree, I. 51, 417; II. 

286, 287. 
ja' me bu: "rice^bringing", — the name 

of a ceremonial visit, see :I. 372. 
Ja Sandang: name of a tribe (Jiawdm)\ I. 

49, 50, 51, 52, 57, 58. 

ja' w66: "go home", — an exorcism to 

the burdng^ I. 382. 
jacket: see bajee, 
Ja'far al-Barzanji: author of a maulid ^ 

I. 212. :.». 

jagOng: maize, I. 260. 
jaheuS': birth feet foremost — esteemed 

lucky, I. 374. 
jakeuCt: tithes, I. 268—271; their distri- 
bution, I. 268 — 271; observance of the 

rules, II. 309, 310. 
jalo: a type of boat, I. 278. 
jam: hour, I. 199. 
jamadO akhe: the month jumadaU'Cikhir^ 

I. 195. 
jamadO away: the monih juma(id*i'awwal^ 

I. 195. 
jambQ: hut, I. 79, II. 258. y. chandw, 
. opium shed, I. 32. > 

jamilen: name of a tune; I. 243.. 
jampS': a night-bird, IL 42. 
jang: a fish-screen or weir, I. 278. 
janggay: harsh, discordant (of rhyme or 

metre), II. 75. 
janggot jen: a lichen, usrtfa barbqta'^ IL 

50, 57. 

Janth6€ : a frontier village of Great Ach^h, 

I. I. 

jara: cummin, II. 47. y. put£h\ id. II. 56. 

y, itam\ seeds of nigella saliva^ II. 56. 

y. kusaMi\ caraway seed, II. 56. y, ma- 

fieh\ focniculum panmorium'^ II. 56. 
jars: {gucht), I. 37, 39; (tayeuen) I. 39. 
Jauhar Alam Shah: Sultan, A.D. 1802— 

1824, I. 190. 
javelins {kapa")^ I. 27. 
jen: spirits, genii, I. 236, 409—^416; y, 

apuy\ an evil ignis fatuus^ I. 412, 413. 
jeu'a: dung-heap, I. 36. 
jeu€: casting-net, I. 277 — 279. 
jeu'e€: winnowing-basket, I. 2, 272, 411; 

II. 44. 
jeu6m: == jam, 

JeumalOy: ruler of Ach^h, A.D. 1703 — 

1726; I. 5, II. 89—99. 
jeumeu'ah: Friday, I. 195. 



ieuulpa: the champaka flower, I. 241, 309. 

Jeompban: small cakes, I. 237. 

Jeanadah : an ark borne in burial and other 
processions, I. 425, II. 266. 

Jeaneuldfig: a vertical stake to which a 
small fish-trap {bubiH) is attached, I. 276. 

Jeongki: rice-pounder, I. 36, 272. 

Jeura: «■ jara. 

Jeoreang^: a medicinal plant, acorus cala- 
mus\ I. 386, II. 58. 

Jettnimiah: name of a treatise on Arabic 
grammar, II. 7. 

Jewellery: anklets, I. 29; finger-rings, I. 
30, 327; thumb-rings, I. 357; necklaces, 
I. 29 ; earrings, I. 29, 308 ; golden bosses, 
I. 308 ; chain bracelets, L 29 ; clasps, I. 
30, 309; metal collars, I. 29; bracelets, 
I. 29, 308; bangle anklets, I. 308; hair- 
ornaments, I. 308, 309; forehead-plates, 
. L 308; and head-ornaments, I. 317. 

Jhang: a form of sympathetic magic, I. 415. 

Jih: a familiar . and. rather contemptuous 
pronoun, I. . 171. 

Jihld: *Holy War", — use of tithes for 
the purpose, I. 270; the doctrine of the 
Holy War, II. 336, 337, 347—351. 

jinam^: wedding-gift, I. 339; accession- 
. gift, I. 116. 

juara: trainer (of fighting-cocks),' II. 79, 
212 — 215. 

Juhan Shah: Sultan, A. D. 1735—17^; 
L 190. 

Julh: a section of the Quran, I. 430, II. 4. 

jttlab: purgatives, II. 48. ' 

jamuju: seeds of carum ccpticum^ II. 56. 

jongka' : a kind of draughts, II. 200. 

jure€: inner room, I. .35, 38, 41, 43, II. 44. 

jurOng: a gampdng path, I. 35, 59. 

justice: its administration; I. 94, loi. 


kachang parang : carnavaliq gladiata^ II. 56. 

kacha: catechu, II. 57. 

kafir: infidel, I. 7, 14. See also kaphe. 

kala : the constellation Scorpio, I. 247, 248. 

kali: the office, L 93; its ditties, I. 95, 
96; its jurisdiction, I. 93-T-96; the kali 
malikdn adc^ nature and history of the 
oflice, L 97 — 100; the kali rahdm jale^ 
I. 98, 100; other kalis, I loi ; learning 

not considered . essential in a ij/f, II. .23. 

kaldn urat Jar60 : palmistry, II. 40. 

kalulft: seclusion from the world, L 182, 
II. 34> "6. 

kamat: the last exhortation to. the dying, 
I. 376. 

kamu6: the white ant, II. 126. 

kande : a large lamp in the meunasah^ I. 63. 

kanduri: generic name for feasts: the k, 
apam^ I. 219; the K» Aja Eseutiri^ I. 
219; the k» bu^ I. 221; the k, blang^ I. 
259, 260.; the k, bungong lada^ I. 260; 
the k, la^dt^ I. 284; funeral feasts (i. 
beuet bUy etc.), L 430, 432; feasts for 
averting evil influences (k tuld^ bala\ I. 
416; rain-making feasts, II. 285. 

kanet: cooking-pot, I. 40, 275, 372. 

kanji: porridge, gruel, I. 205, 206, 229. 

ka^Oy: vow, I. 398. 

kapa*: javelin, I. 27. 

kaphan: winding-sheet, I. 421. 

kaphe: « ^o,fir^ infidel, II. 81, 142. 

kaphO: camphor, II. 45, 57. 

kapulaga: cardamum, II. 57. 

karalh: a state sirih-box, I. 210. 

kareng: small dried fish, I. 30. 

kasab : gold thread used in weaving, II. 63. 

kateng: a rice-basket, I. 372. 

katib: see ka^ katib, 

kawe: a fishing line; varieties: k, darat^ 
1. 278; k, hue or k, tunda^ I. 278; k, 
ladi^ I. 278; k, ranggdng^ L 279. 

kawe chan: pain in swallowing, II. 52. 

kawin gantung: a marriage the consumma- 
tion of which must be postponed, I. 295. 

kawOm: tribe, clan, I. 45 — 59; its present 
non-territorial character, I. 45 ; tribal 
chiefs, I. 46; the four tribes, I. 47 — 52, 
57, 58; part played by the kaw9m in 
blood-feuds, I. 53 — 57. 

kawSy: a learned text, I. 160. 

kay: a coconut-shell used as a measure, I. 

kayab: festering ulcers, II. 50. 

ICaye€ Jat6<l: a village, I. 379. 

kaye€ meujen: haunted trees, I. 410. 

kerchief: see bungk^ihy ija and tangkuld\ 

keabeu€: buffalo, I. 357. 

keuchi': a j^uM/^M^-headman, 1. 61, 64 — 70; 
his position, I. 65 ; his sources of income, 
I. 66, 67 ; his authority, I. 68 ; his power 
over marriages, I. 70. 



keud^: shops. I, 289, 291. 

keudundSng: a tree, I. 36. 

keujruCa: a title of low rank, I. 92. 

Keumala: the residence of the Pretender- 
Sultan, I. 129. 

keumbay budi: paper-images to amuse in- 
fants, II. 190. 

keumamani: stockfish, I. 30. 

keumeu : unhusked rice opened by roasting, 
I. 387, 416. Also heumeung, 

keumude€: a wood used in dyeing, II. 64. 

keuneurukam: incense-resin, II. 57. 

keundng: (a.) conjunctions (of Scorpio with 
the moon), I. 248; theire use in compu- 
ting time, I. 248 — 258; 
(b.) smooth, of metre or rhyme, II. 75. 

keundng e': a form of insult, I. 325. 

keun6ng srapa: afflicted by a curse, 1. 414. 

keupula: a tree-name, II. 52, 200. 

keureuja: the wedding-feast, I. 326. 

keureukOn: secretary, I. 124, 125. 

keureuyay : edging of a baju [baje't^ 11. if. 

keusab chut and keusab ray«tt^: nanes of 
medicinal plants, II. 52. 

keutan: cakes of rice-flower, I. 397, 

khalifah: (a.) a Calipli or successor of 
Mohammed, II. 324, 326 j 

(b.) a mysticteacher*s deputy, II, 18, 


khul^: divorce purchased by the wife from 
the iMisband, I. 370. 

kiblat: the direction in which Mecca lies, 
I. 247, 426. 

kima: a large shell-flsh, II. 301. 

kinayat: a form of proof of a theft, I. 105. 

kisah: the narrative part of a sadati per- 
formance, II. 227 sqq. 

kitab: religious books, I. 288, II. 5. 

kitchens: I. 38. 

kite-flying: II. 191* 

Kl^ng: Kling, I. 19. 

kleuSng: a kite (II. 126), the cry of which 
is believed to be ominous, II. 42. 

kleumba': perfumed oil, I. 307. 

kleumbu: mosquito-net, I. 41. 

klewang: the well-known heavy Achehnese 
sword, I. 27. 

Klibeulft: a place in Ach^h, II. 120, 233. 

Klings: trading in Achih, I. 17; recogni- 
zed as foreign settlers, I. 19, but some- 
times absorbed into the population, 
I. 48. 

Kluang: the West Coast limit of Great 

Ach^h, I. I. 
k&h b6h: circumcision, I. 398. 
kdh gig6e: tooth-filing, I. 400, 401. 
kdh pusat: cutting the navel string, I. 376. 
kOmkOma: saffron, II. 52, 57, 177. 
kd66: the cry of an owl; its significance, 

II. 41. 
Korinchi: settlers in Ach^h, I. 297. 
kra': a portion of a fish-screen, I. 278. 
kramat: '^miraculously revealed as Um cfbo- 

sen friend of God'', sacrosaMt; I. 141, 

II. 301, 302. 
kran: chafing dish, L 41. 
krandam: a box toft ifffh-lime, I. 42. 
krani p6tett: deffct to the Sultan, I. 124. 
kreundft: eoAs, I. 422, 426. 
krikay: n small tray, I. 40. 
krtfl^r storehouse for rice, I. 272. 
kmfng: river, I. 34, 276. K. Kala (II. 

98, 230), K, Raba (I. 161, II. 98, 107), 

K, Ray a (I. I, II. 96), and K, Sabe 

(II. 112): places in Achih. 
Icrumbu: bonfire, II. 268. 
krunchOng: anklet, I. 308. 
kuala: river-mouth, I. 8. Wase k,\ a toll 

on ships entering rivers, I. 117. 
Kuala Acheh: the port of Acheh, I. i, 2. 
Kuala Bat^: a place in Pidie (Pedir), I. 

142, II. 91. 
kubu kramat: tomb of a saint, I. 390. 
kude: a skin-disease, I. 415. K, buta\ id., 

11. 31. 
kudi: a roll of cloth, I. 407. 
kudrang: a wood used in dyeing, II. 64. 
ku6*: a kind of bird, II. 72. 
kuku6': cock-crowing, I. 200. 
kulam: mosque* tank, I. 393; meunasah- 

tank, I. 71. 
kulat: toad-stools, I. 414. 
kulet-kaye€: '^bark'*; certain cloth-fabrics, 

I. 25. 

kulet-lawang : a bark, cinnamomum culit 

lawan^ II. 56. 
Kulet manih: cinnamon, II. 56. 
kulet salasari: bark of alyxia stellata^ 

II. 58. 

kumeun: mites believed to cause small- 
pox, II. 47. 
kumukSVh: a fruit, II. 190. 
kumunJSng: visits of condolence, 1. 424,433. 
kunde: chignon, top-knot, I. 28. 




kuny^t: tunneric, II. 47. 

kupala: a village headman under the Dutch, 

II. 109, no. 
kupiah: cap, I. 26, 27, II. 232. 
kurab: ringworm. I. 21, 415. AT. beusoe: a 

variety of the disease, II. 38. 
kurangan : a subdivision of the main theme 

in a poem; II. 77. 
kurubeuSn: sacrifices, I. 243 — 245. 
kuta bungdng apuy: fireworks, bonfires; 

I. 245, II. 268. 

Kuta Kandang: scene of a fight in the 

Ach^h war, II. 115. 
Kutakarang: see Teungku Kutakarang, 
Kutaraja: the capital of Acheh, I. 205, 

II. 109. 

kutika: a table of lucky days, II. 85, 
86, 212. 


laba sihareukat: joint acquisitions of hus- 
band and wife, I. 365, 366. 

labu: pumpkin, II. 35. 

lada puteh: white pepper, II. 56. 

lada si-chupa' : a historic cannon, I. 208, 209. 

ladang: hill- planting, I. 266; rights over 
ladang plantations, I. 285, 288. 

ladles: II. 289. 

lage£: time, in metre; II. 75, 211, 223, 
225, 232, 233. 

Lam Bada (II. 108); Lam BaruSh (II. 98, 
115); Lam Beusde (II. 112); Lam Bhu* 
(I. 24, II. 98); Lam Leu'dt (I. 54); 
Lam Nydng (II. 229); Lam Panarh 
(I. 50, II. no. III, 238); Lam Paya 
(II. 230); Lam PuchC (II. 230); Lam 
Sayun (I. 125); Lam Seupeu6ng (I. 24); 
and Lam Teungdh (II. 105): villages in 

lam tunang: b meutunang, 

lampSng: float, I. 278. 

lamps: see kande and panyot, 

lanchang: sacrificial boat, I. 417, 418. 

langay: plough, I. 261, 262. 

Langga, and Langgd: villages frequented 
as centres of learning, II. 26. 

langgeh umdng : a method of levying fines, 
I. 115. 

Iangkueu6h china: root-stock of alpinia 
galanga^ II 56. 

lape' pusat: fee to a midwife, I. 376. 
lape' surat: the wrapper of a certificate of 

divorce, I. 369. 
lareuS: a method of planting out rice- 
seedlings, I. 266. 
law: (a.) Criminal Law: as to blood-money 
and they'i/j talionis^ I. 56; manslaughter, 
and bodily hurt, I. 102 — 104; theft, I. 
104 sqq.; adultery, I. no — 114; 

(b.) Customary Law : conflict between it 
and religious law, I. 14, II. 175 — 277; 
Achehnese views of the conflict, I. 14; 

(c.) Civil Law: the right to cleared 
land, I. 285 ; its loss by non-cultivation, 
I. 286; transfer by inheritance, I. 287; 
law as to sales of land and cattle, I. 
288, 289, II. 320; law as to leases, I. 
289; rules regarding mortgage and inte- 
rest, I. 290—292, II. 320; evasions of 
the prohibition of money-lending, I. 292 — 
294; law of inheritance and distribution 
of effects, I. 434 — 439 ; religious bequests 
and gifts, II. 321 ; 

(d.) I-aw of Procedure: procuring evi- 
dence by torture, I. 109; suits for debt, 
I. 115, 116; recovery of sums due, I. 
115, 116; rules as to deposits, I. 118; 

(e.) Law of Evidence: proof of theft, 
I. 105; of adultery, I. 108 — 112; 

(f.) Law of Persons : rights over slaves, 

I. 21; marriage laws, I. 328 — 358; di- 
vorce laws, I. 367 — 370; 

(g.) Religious Law: its conflict with 

custom, I. 14, II. 175 — 277. 
le: ureu'eng le\ the Pleiades, I. 257. 
lead: for fishing, I. 278. 
learning and science: II. i — 65; orthodox 

religious studies, IL I — 10; mysticism, 

II. 10 — 20; state of learning in Acheh, 
II. 20—23; schools and student-life, II. 
23 — 32 ; advantages of religious learning, 
II. 25, 31, 32; magic and sorcery, II. 
32 — 58; industrial arts, II. 59 — 65. 

leases: I. 289. 

legends: of a sixteenth century embassy to 
Turkey, I. 208, 209; of Tuan Meurasab, 
I. 217, 218; of the religious value of 
apam cakes, I. 220; of the origin of the 
tribe Ja Sandang^ I. 50, 5 1 ; of the origin 
of the PoUm family, I. 133; of the ori- 
gin of the burong^ I. 378 — 382; of a 
Teuku who shrieked in his grave, I. 427 ; 



of the wars with Malacca, II. 8i — 88; 
' of Eumpie Lulu^ IK 284; of the conver- 
sion of the Achehnese by Teungku di- 
Kuala, II. 310 — 312. 

leube: explanation of the title; I. 71, 219, 
II. 312, 313; alms given to the leube^ I. 
216, 233. Z. Isa: author of the Hikayat 
Rnnth^ II. 120. Z. Saman: a name given 
contemptuously to Teungku Tiro I, 183. 
Z. Peureuba". a man to whose miscon- 
duct the origin of the burdn^ is attri- 
buted; I. 378. 

Ieu£*: the' ground-dove, I. 39; used as a 
fighting bird, II. 211, 215, 241. 

Ieu6n: courtyard, I. 36, 308. 

leuhS : the early afternoon prayer, I. 199, 200. 

leujeu: eel, II- 161. 

leuki: a skin-disease, II. 36. 

ieumbe: a haunted variety of the liana, I. 
411, II. 197. 

Itusong: a rice-mortar, I. 272, II. 200. 

Ihafh: the process of thinning out the 
sprouting padiy I. 263. 

Ihat: crevice, I. 42. 

lhe€ : three. Z. reutdih : name of a tribe, 
I. 49. Z. krd' pineueng masai* : the triple 
divorce, I. 369. 

lhea€: the nursery-bed in rice-cultivation, 
I. 263. 

Ihd: to stamp, to thresh, I. 268. 

LhS': bay or bight, I. 283. Z. Glumpang'. 
a place in Ach^h, II. 112, w^, L, Kruei', 
id., I. 114. Z. Ngai id., II. lib. Z. 
Seumawi'. id., I. 133. 

Ihdm: a freshwater fishpond, I. 277. 

life: childhood, I. 383 — 400; early married 
life, I. 323, 356 — 358; sickness and death, 
I. 412 — 418; student-life, II. 23 — 32. 

like: the dikr or religious chant, I. 165, 
284, II. 186. 

likSt: the back-yard of a house, I. 36. 

lingkeuS: a husband stepping over a preg- 
nant wife — a superstitious practice, 

I. 374. 
linie: the '*line" of Dutch fortified posts, 

I. 130- 

lists: of the stars known to the Acheh- 
nese, I. 247 ; of medicinal simples, II. 
55 — 58; of Achehnese literary works, 
see ^ literature^'; of Achehnese saints, 11. 
292 — 299. 

literature: (a.) kinship between written and 

unwritten literature, II. 66, 67 ; proverbs, 
II. 67; riddles^ II. 67; learned treatises, 
II. 67, 68; stories, II. 68; traditional 
history, IL 68, 69; fables, II. 69 — 73; 
the metrical system, II. 73 — 75 ; poetic 
license, II. 75; styles of recitation, II. 
75; poetry, II. 76—78; 

(b.) list of works of which a short 
account is given : (i.) legends, etc., (^t- 
kayat' ruhe): the Hikayat plandd^ katt" 
cAij II. 70; the I/t, guda^ II. 79; the 
'Ht, leumo^ II. 79 ; the Hi, urtu'eng Jawa^ 
II. 79; the Ht, Phdi Amat^ II. 79; the 
Ht. Po Jambbe^ II. 80; 

(11.) epic hikayats; the MaUm Dagang^ 
II. 80—88; the Pbchut Muhamat^ II. 88 — 
100; the Prang Ginipeuni^ II. 100 — 117; 
the Ht, ranto^ II. 120, 1 21; the MaUm 
Diwa^ II. 125 — 128; the Eseukanda Ali^ 
II. 129 — 131; the Nun Parisi^ II. 131 — 
133; the Banta Beuransah^W, 134 — 137; 
the MaUm Diwanda\ II. 137 — 139; the 
Ht, gajah tujdh ufee^ II. 139; the Ht, 
Gumba^ Mtuih^W, 140, 141 ; the Cham 
Nadimany II. 141, 142; iht Banta A ma t^ 
II. 142; the Putroi Baren^ II. 142, 143; 
the Banta Ali^ II. 143—145 ; the Jndra 
Bangsawan^ II. 145 — 147; the Chak Ku- 
baty II. 147, 148; ihe /ndrapatra^ II, 148; 
the Diwa Sangsarek^ II. 148,- 149; the 
Chin Tabukan^ II. 149 ; the Diu Plinggam^ 
II. 150; the Kamarddaman^ II. 150; the 
Meudeuka\ II. 151, 152; the Pka Suasa^ 
IL 152, 153; the Sulutan Bdseutaman^ 
II. 153 — 155; the Ckut Gambang Ckina^ 
II. 155; the Diwa Akaik Ckaya^ II. 

(ill.) animal fables : the plandd" kancki^ 

II. 158—162; the Nasruan Ade\ II. 


(iv.) religious legends anterior to Moham- 
med: the Ht, asay pade^ II. 166; the 
Ht, masa jeu'ct ddnya^ II. 167 ; the Nabi 
Usdky II. 167; the Pra'un^ II. 168; the 
Raja ydmjdmaky II. 169; the Tamlikka^ 
II. 169, 170; the Put rot Peureukhysdn^ 
II. 170, 171; 

(v.) religious post-Mohammedan legends; 
Ht, Nubuety II. 171, 172 ; the Raja Bada^ 
II. 173; the Prang Raja Kkiba^ II. 173; 
the Seuma^un,^ II. 173, 174; the Nabi 
meuchuho^ II. 175; the Me^reu'ct^ II. 175; 



the Printa'ik Salam^ II. 175, 1765 the 
Ht, peudeu'ing^ II. 176; the Soydina Usen^ 
II. 176, 177; the Muhamat Napiah^ II. 
177; the Tamim Ansa^ II. 177 — 179; 
the Abu Sama'ih^ II. 179; the Soydina 
Amdah^ II. 179; the Rateb Inong^ II. 
179, 180; the Oteubahoy rdlam^ II. 180; 
the ideurih Khdlam^ II. 180; the Ht, 
hnyake iujoh^ II. 180; the ///. palilat 
uroe Achura^ II. 180, 181 ; the Dari^ II. 
181; the Kisah Abdolah Hadat^ II. 181; 
the Surat Kriman^ 11. 181 — 183; 

(vi.) books of instruction: tujdh kisah^ 
II. 184; tambihdy ifisan^ II. 184; tambih 
tujoh bla'ih^ II. 1 84, 1 85 ; tambihdy ra- 
pilin^ II. 185, 186; menhajdy abidin^ II. 
186; Ht, md'ripat^ II. 186, 1 87; Ht, 
Habib Hadat^ II. 187; Ht, meunajat^ II. 
187; sipheuct dua pldh^ II. 188; teukeu- 
meunan^ II. 188; nalam Cheh Afarduki,^ 
II. 188, 189; akeubard karim^ II. 1 89; 
nalam jawb'e^ II. 189, Ht, basa jawoe\ 
II. 189. 

See also hikayat, 

live stock: I. 37. 

logat: translation of the QurSn, II. 6. 

Idh: a wooden tablet as a state, II. 4. 

loin-cloth: I. 25, 27. 

lowland: see bardh, 

lowlanders : {ureueng bardh\ I. 24, 25 ; 
their dress, I, 25 — 30; their food, I. 

Lutog Bata: a village near Kutaraja, I. 
24, 125, 11. 105, 107. 

Iueu6 Achih: Achehnese trousers, I. 25. 

lulSh: the name of a fish, I. 255. 

lumbe: a liana believed to be the favourite 
haunt of evil spirits, I. 411, 412, II. 197. 

lusa: the day after tomorrow, I. 202; /. 
raya\ two days after tomorrow, I. 202. 

luxuries: betel-chewing, I. 32; opium, I. 
32, 33; intoxicating liquor, I. 33. 


ma ubat: herbalist, II. 46, 47, 55. 
madat: opium mixed with tobacco, I. 33. 
madeuiSng : the styptic heating of a woman 

after confinement, I. 375. 
ma^hab: school of legal doctrine, II. 8. 
madika phSn : the month jumadd'l'awwal^ 

I. 195. 


Madras: its early trade with Ach^h, I. 17. 

magic: the importance attached to it, II. 
32; the attitude of religious teachers to 
it, II. 33; invulnerability, II. 34 — 38; 
the art of inspiring efficacy into weapons, 
II. 38, 39; clairvoyance and divination, 
II. 39 — 41; omens, II. 41, 42; interpre- 
tation of dreams, II. 42, 43; taboos, II. 
44 — 46; amulets and incantations, II. 
46; magic in medical art, II. 46 — 58; 
the '^fourteen sciences", II. 58; sympa- 
thetic magic, I. 415. See also hekeumat^ 
sihe and meukulat, 

Mahali: Mahalli^ author of a commentary 
on law, II. 9. 

Mahmut Shah: Sultan, A. D. 1781 — 1795; 
I. 190. 

Mahraja: title of the chief of I.hO* Seu- 
maw^, I. 133. M, tela meulayw, — Ala- 
ddin Akmat Shah, 

maize: I. 260. 

Malabar: its early trade with Ach^h, I. 17. 

Malacca: wars with Malacca, II. 81. 

Mala'ikat: '^angel", — used of the souls 
of the dead, I. 433. 

malakat: a magic stone, II. 136, 138, 142. 

malam beureu*at: festival of the night of 
the determination of destiny, I. 222, 223. 

malam gacha: the '^henna*' night in the 
wedding ceremonies, I. 309. 

malang: unlucky, II. 42. 

malem: versed in sacred books, I. 71, 73, 
219, 233, II. 84. 

mampleuS : the first meeting of bride and 
bridegroom, I. 41 ; bridal procession, 1. 309. 

ma'na: translation of the QurSn, II. 6, 7. 

mane'-man6^: a plant, I. 305. 

mangat as6£: ^dainty of flesh", — euphe- 
mistic for "ill"; II. 45- 

MansO Cbah: =s Ibrahim Mansd Shah, 

mante : the mantras or denizens of the woods, 
I. 18; legends about them, I. 18, 19. 

manure-heaps: I. 36. 

manuring: I. 267, 275. 

manya': peunyaket — a disease, II. 49. 

ma'ripat beus6£: knowledge of the inmost 
nature of iron, II. 34. 

marriage : early marriage, I. 295 ; causes of 
early marriage , I. 295 ; superstitious 
practices for promoting early marriage, I. 
296; the proposal of marriage, I. 297, 
298 ; authority of the keuchV in marriages, 




I. 299. Marriage ceremonies: the henna- 
staining, I. 303; the ^shaving^\ I. 304; 
the "cooling", I. 305 ; the adorning of 
the bride, I. 308; the procession, I. 310; 
the bridegroom^s reception, I. 311, 318, 
319; the meeting of bride and groom, 
I. 319, 320; the wedding-feast, I. 320. 
Early days of married life, I. 323 ; gifts 
at the ceremony, I. 325; gifts after con- 
summation, I. 327. Legal aspect of the 
marriage contract, I. 328 ; its nature (under 
Mohammedan Law), I. 329; its subject, 
L 329; its unconditional character in 
essentials, L 331*, rules as to a bride^s 
consent, L 331: the position of the waii^ 
L 331 ; his selection in certain cases, L 
333i 334^ official marriage-makers, L 334, 
335i 338; professional witnesses, L 337; 
ceremonial of the contract, I. 338 — 341 ; 
duties of the teungku^ halt and keuchi\ 
I, 342, 343; the practice of change of 
maiihah^ I. 344; Hanafite rules invoked, 
L 345; the married couple, L 356—358. 

marriage-brokers: 1. 297, 298. 

marrow: used medicinally, II. 52. 

masa' bu : cooking rice — used as a measure 
of time, I. 201. 

Masa'ilah: a Malay text-book, II. 4, 29. 

ma'^siiH: ungodliness, I. 160. 

massage: (with mercur>') II. 35, 36; (with- 
out mercury) I. 373, II. 53. 

masuse: the mar^chauss^e force, II. 116. 

Mat Amin: son of Teungku Tiro^ his life 
and character, I. 184, 185, II. iii, 115. 

mata: "eye", the ploughshare, I. 261; w. 
kawe\ hook, I. 279; m, timoh\ conjunc- 
tivitis, II. 47. 

Matamimah: name of a treatise on Arabic 
grammar, II. 7. 

matriarchate : its traces; I. 44. 

matting: L 40, 41, 411. 

mattress: I. 40, 41. 

maulid : recitations in honour of the Prophet's 
birth, I. 212. 

mawaYh: contract of sharing the crop be- 
tween landlord and cultivator etc., I. 
ii5i 290. 

mbahraja : = makraja, 

mb5t-mb<5t : a spot over the forehead, I. 374. 

vok bu: presents of food, I. 373. 

measures: (area)ri?\ I. 261 : (capacity) w<j//A 
I. 260, 261. 

meat: eaten at great festivals, I. 32. 

medical art: the treatment in childbirth, I. 
373i 374i 385^ 388; of conjunctivitis, II. 
47; small-pox, II. 47, 48; dysentery, di- 
arrhoea, cholera, and fevers, II. 48; sam- 
pong^ II. 48, 49; hiccough, head-ache 
and poisonous bites, II. 49 ; eruptions 
and ulcers, II. 50, 5 1 ; leprosy, beri-beri 
and elephantiasis, II. 51; hernia and hy- 
drocele, II. 51, 52; pains in the joints, 
II. 52; gonorrhoea, II. 52; toothache, II. 
52; siawan^ II. 53. 

medicaments: II. 53 — 58. 

Menhdt: Minhaj a treatise on law, II. 9. 

m^rab: a masonry niche in a mosque, I. 63. 

mercury : its use in securing invulnerability, 

11. 34. 
Mi'reuCt: Mohammed's nocturnal journey 

to heaven, II. 175. 
merry-go-rounds: II. 268. 
mesalliances : ignored by Mohammedan law, 

I. 158, but objected to by the Acheh- 
nese, I. 297. 

metre: {tanja')^ II. 73, 74. 
meu'ah: forgiveness, apology, I. 119. 
Meu'apet: the month DuU-qa^dak^ L 195. 
meu'awO: name of a game, II. 193. 
meuchakri: to chant; II. 179, 221. 
meuch6*-ch6' aneu*: a game, II. 195. 
meuche*: a banking game, II. 209. 
meudabOYh: the dabus performance, II. 251. 
meudagang: to travel for study, II. 26, 31. 
meudarOYh: the recitation of the QurSn, I. 

232, 233. 
meugajah-gajah: a game, II. 207. 
meugat6': to play panta^ II. 196. 
meugeudeu-geudeu: a fighting-game, II. 198. 
meuhadi: » meuchakri, 
meuhatam: recitation from the QurSLn, I. 

284, 398, 429. 
meu'idang: to serve up, I. 31. 
meu'iku: "tailed", a nickname; I. 19. 
meu*ingkhe: a hopping-game, II. 196. 
meu'itam-puteh : a form of pitch and toss ; 

II. 208. 

meujudi: to gamble, II. 209. 
meukapay-kapay : a game, II. 195. 
meukO-kO: a game, II. 194. 
meukru£ng-kru£ng: a fighting-game, II. 

meukulat: poisoning by toadstool, I. 414. 
Meukuta Alam: « Kseukanda Mtida, 



meulagi: a game of ball, II. 193, 194. 
meulhd: wrestling, II. 193. 
meulinteu6ng : lying face upwards; I. 394, 

II. 202. 
meulisan: molasses, I. 273, 275, II. 48. 
meunang: to win, II. 193. 
meunari: to dance, II. 261. 
meunarS: the ceremonial fetching of a 

bride by her mother-in-law, I. 356, 358. 
meunasah: the building, I. 61 ; its uses, I. 

61, 62, 63; its furniture, I. 63; antiquity 

of the institution, I. 61, 62; use of 

the building during the Fast, I. 229. 
meungkhe: » meuUngkhe. 
meunta batiiS: a medicinal drug, II. 57. 
meuntrdC: a title of low rank, I. 92, 

II. 143. 
meora*: name of a medicinal plant, II. 52. 
meuraja bise*: a game, II. 194. 
meurambuy: a form of spirit possession, 

I. 410, 411. 
meurami6n : social gatherings at the Safar 

festival, I. 207. 
mettrainp6t: = meurambuy, 
Meura*sa: a district in Ach^h favourable 

to peace; I. 170, 171; II. 96, 103, no. 
Meurasab: see Tuan Meurasab, 
meureubS': a fighting-dove, II. 210, 215. 
Meureuduati: name of a village, II. no. 
meureutabat tuj<5h: the seven lines of crea- 
tive evolution, II. 34. 
meorimbang : name of a game, II. 191, 192. 
meurimuSng-rimuiSng : the tiger-game, 11. 

202 — 205. 
meusapi: traveller, I. 269, 270. 
meusara meuseugit: mosque-lands, I. 122. 
meusarSng: born with a complete caul, — 

believed to give luck, I. 374. 
meuseugit: see *^mosque'\ M, raya\ the 

great mosque at Kuiaraja,^ the panglima 

of which administered the surrounding 

mukims; I. 121. 
meuseuraya: labour in combination, I. 267. 
meusikupan : name of a card-game, II. 209. 
meusdmsdm : ''covering up", — the name 

of a game, II. 193. 
meusreng: name of a banking game, II. 193. 
meusugSt-sugOt: name of a game, II. 195. 
meusui: a drug, sassafras goesianum,^ II. 

52, 57. 
meuta'-tham : a fighting-game, II. 198. 
meutari: to dance, II. 261. 

meuteuga-teuga : to emulate in bodily 
strength and skill, II. 193. 

meutiS*: a game of chance, II. 208. 

meutrOb: a card game, II. 209. 

meutunang: ** betrothed", i. e. pledged to 
fight, — of cocks; II. 212. 

meu'uiS: ploughing, I. 260. 

Midaa: Miz&n^ a book of paradigms, II. 7. 

mile': rights of property, I. 287. 

milSn: an evil spirit, II. 149. 

minyeu* nawalfh: castor-oil, II. 48. 

mirahpati: name of a pattern, 1. 41, II. 192. 

mirie': rice-bird, I. 266. 

mise : "strings", i. e. lines in courts marked 
for games, II. 197. 

miseu£: proverbs, II. 67. 

md: a resin, II. 52, 56. 

Mohammad: hymns in his honour, I. 284; 
reverence to his descendants, I. 153, 154. 

Mohammedanism: see ''Islam". 

molasses: I. 273, 275, II. 48. 

md'lOt: the maulud or festival of Moham- 
med^s birth; the month in which it oc- 
curs, I. 194, 195? 207. 

m6n: well, I. 36. M, eungkdt: fish-pond; 

I. 276. M, Taste'*', name of a village, 

II. 107. 

Mdngkardnwanangki : Munkar and Nakir, 

the angel-questioners of the dead; I. 419. 
monogamy: reasons for it, I. 360. 
months: their names, I. 194, 195; the 

calculation of the first day, I. 195, 196; 

festivals in each month, I. 202 — 245. 
morals: II. 318, 319. 
mortgage: (gala) I. 291. 
mosque: its description, I. 82; its furniture, 

I. 82; its connection with the imeum^ I. 

83 — 85 ; its officials, I. 85 ; their duties, 

I. 85; maintenance of the mosques, 

I. 86. 
mosquito-bites: their treatment, II. 50. 
mosquito-nets: I. 41. 
mu*alah: converts to Islam, their immuni- 

nities, I. 270; their right to a share in 

tithes, I. 269. 
mudem: a circumciser, I. 400. 
mugi: a fish-buyer, I. 282. 
mugle: zingiber cassumunaar^ II. 58. 
mugreb: evening prayer, I. 62; sunset, 

I. 200. 
Muhamat DawOt Shah Juhan: name and 

title of the Pretender- Sultan, I. 190. 



mukadam: little books containing portions 

of the Quran, I. 430. 
mukim: meaning and derivation of the 

term, I. 2, 80, 81 ; mukim-administration, 

I. 80 — 87. M, lhee\ the three Mukims 
Keureukon, I. 123, 124. 

mumandang: staring fixedly, — a sign of 
. approaching death, I. 418. 
inuman6*-inan6' kapay: name of a game, 

II. 195- 

mumat jar6£: greeting by joining hands, 

I. 240. 

mundam: a brazen drinking-vessel, I. 40, 

425, 429. 
mupadO': a kind of game of marbles, 

II. 195- 

mupakat: (decision by palaver) its constant 

practice by Achehnese, I. 76, 77, 164. 
mupanta: to play panta^ q. v. 
mupayang: fishing in the open sea, I. 279. 
mupeh: to toss (in pitch and toss), II. 208. 
mupet-pet: a game, II. 194. 
muphQ: a lascivious dance performed after 

a funeral, I. 424. 
mupiteh: a banking-game, II. 209. 
murad: explanatory paraphrasing of Arabic 

text-books, II. 6, 7. 
mureh: streaks of dawn on the horizon, 

5 a. m., I. 200. 
murib: a student, his life and training; II. 

musem: season; I. 258, 259. 

music: instruments used, II. 257 — 259; 
the use of music in fulfilling vows, II. 
259, 260; orchestras, II. 258, 260, 261, 
265; dance-singing, II. 261 — 265. 

mutah-chiret : cholera, I. 415, II. 48. 

mysticism: orthodox mysticism, II. 9, 10; 
unorthodox mysticism: its nature, II. 10, 
11; its source and spread, II. ^i, 12; 
its principal teachers, II. 13, 14; its or- 
thodox opponent {Teungku-di'kuala\ II. 
14 — 20; works on mysticism, II. 179, 180. 

mystics: reverence for Abdul qadlr Jllanl^ 
Ahmad RifcCl^ and other mystics, II. 165; 
respect for their spiritual successors, I. 
165; orders of mystics, I. 153, 165, 233; 
miracles performed by mystics, II. 249, 
250; their frenzied actions, II. 250 — 257. 


naga: dragon, II. 132, 142, 148, 149. 

nahu: Arabic grammar, II, 7, 32. 

nalam: Achehnese imitation of Arabic poetry, 
II. 77, 78, 183, 188, 189. 

naleuSng awO: a viscous grass, II. 47. 

naleuihiig sambO: a medicinal plant, I. 389. 

nang: the director of certain games, II. 
194, 195. 

nanggr6£: country; territory; uleebalang' 
ship, I. 88. 

Naqshibandiyyah : a school of mysticism, 
II. 18, 20, 222. 

narcotics: their use, II. 52. 

nasib: an Arabic love-poem, II. 77; verses 
recited at a rateb in Achfeh, II. 218, 219, 

navigation: I. 275, 276. 

nawaHi: ricinus-plants, — used as tempo- 
rary grave-marks, I. 427; they also pro- 
duce a sort of castor-oil, II. 48, 52. 

Nawawi: author of the Mcnhot (Minhaj), 

II. 9. 

nchiSn: = eunchiitt, 

xA' : "grandfather", (of the Sultan), — title 
of a powerful chief, I. 133. 

necklaces: {srapi\ I. 29. 

nets: for fishing, I. 277; for holding pro- 
visions, I. 40. 

neuheun: a fresh-water fish-pond, I. 277. 

neuleuS: old and cracked vessel; I. 416. 

neume: small presents, I. 385. 

Ni keubayan: II. 135, 148. 

Nias : /^i/z/r/a/*^- treatment said to have been 
imported from Nias, I. 20; Achehnese 
contempt for the Niasese, I. 21; Nias 
slaves, I. 19, 21, 22; beauty of Nias wo- 
men, I. 21. 

ni£t: the formula before an act of ritual, II. 

nisan: gravemarks, I. 427, 431, II. 59* 

ndbah: firing a shot to announce the ope- 
ning of the fast, I. 228. 

nubuSt: the eternal principle of creation, 
II. 172. 

Nur ul- Alam NakiatOdin : Sultana of Ach^h, 
A. D. 1675 ^o 1677; I. 90. 

nurseries: for rice, I. 263, 264. 

Nya' Amin: b Mat Amin, 

Nya* Him : Teungku di-Lam Nyong\ II. 27. 

Nya' Mat: a Mat Amin, 



nyab: a large purse-net., I. 27'/ 
nyareng: a net, I. 277. 


oaths: II. 94, 95, 302, 303. 

officials: see ** author! ties". 

oil-jars: I. 39. 

Olehleh: {^Ulei Lheue) I. 283, 284. 

omens: II. 46. 

5n : leaf. O. aron : leaves of bochia f rules- 
cens^ II. 56. O. murdng'. y6^/(£>r-leaves, II. 
35. O. tardm: indigo-leaf used for dyeing, 
II. 64. O. krusong', dry plantain-leaf, 1. 266. 

opium: opium-smoking, I. 32, 33, 229; 
opium-smokers excluded from the throne, 
I* 33 : opium-sheds, I. 32 ; opium-pipes, 

I. 32 ; prepared opium (chandu\ I. 32 ; 
opium mixed with tobacco, I. 33; opium- 
smoking in the fasting-month, I. 229; 
uses of opium, II. 53. 

orchestras: the hareubab orchestra, II. 260, 
261 ; the suUng band, II. 258; the gettn- 
iirang hvLXid^ II. 260; the violin orchestra, 

II. 265. 
ordeals: I. 109, no. 
Orion: I. 246, Z47. 
outfit: see settnaUn, 

oven: the use of an oven after childbirth, 
I. 264. 


pa* ik<5: a yellow bird, I. 316. 

Pa* Pande: an Achehnese Eulcnspiegel, II. 

pachih: a game of Indian origin, II. 201 — 203. 

padang: unreclaimed land, I. 228. P, machha\ 
the plain of the resurrection, I. 243. P, 
T'tji'. a village, I. 149, II. 92. 

pade: rice in the husk or growing rice, I. 
263. Puphdn /.: the inauguration of the 
rice, I. 264. 

padiah : penalty or fine for neglected prayers, 

I- 435—438. 
padit: "how little", II. 45. 
padum: "how much", II. 45. P, uroi bu- 

leu'en'. what day of the month is it; I. 

paederasty: II. 318. 

pagal6: ceremonial rice sent to a bride*s 

house before a wedding, II. 266. 
Pagaraye: name of a mukim, I. 125,11. 107. 
pageuiS: fence, I. 35, 36. 
Pahang: its relations with Acheh, II. 81. 
paja: early dawn, I. 200. 
palmistry: II. 40. 
pancakes: (^tumphe)^ I. 31. 
Pancha: a frontier- place in Ach^h, I. i. 
Pande: a village near Kutaraja, I. 24. 
pang: a minor dignitary, I. 93. 
pangkay: director or foreman of a sadati 

troupe, II. 221. 
panglima: a title given: 

(a.) (/. sagi) to territorial chiefs of 

great importance, I. 91; 

(b.) to non-territorial chiefs of clans 

(/. kawdni)^ I. 93; 

(c.) to executive officers (/. prang)^ 

I- 93; 

(d.) to the head fisherman of a bay; 

I. 283. 

panglima sagi: powers of the three pan- 
glimas, I. 130 ; power and title of Panglima 
Phlem^ I. 132; history and present po- 
sition of the family, I. 133 — 135; other 
great panglimas, I. 133 — 138; their pre- 
cedence, I. 140; the Panglima Meuseugit 
ray a'. II. 113, 1 14; action of Panglima 
Polim in the war, II. 105. 

Panglima Tibang: his history, II. 103, 104. 

panguleS: a title used when addressing 
Sayyids, I. 155. 

panJ6£: kapok, I. 266. 

pans: I. 40. 

panta: a sort of marble used in a popular 
game, I. 315, II. 131, 133; the game 
described, II. 196. 

pantang: taboos: members of the tribe 
Td'* Sandang forbidden to eat the fish 
alu-alu or the flesh of the white buffalo, 
I. 51, marketing forbidden in the first 
week of the fasting month, I. 236; agri- 
cultural work forbidden on Fridays, I. 
261 ; panlang'XMiX^^ observed by fishermen, 
I. 281, 284; by hunters, I. .281; by wo- 
men in pregrnancy (I. 372, 373) and after 
childbirth (I. 375); by boys after circum- 
cision, I. 400; by sufferers from small- 
pox; I. 417; by seekers after invulnera- 
bility, II. 35 ; by people generally, II. 44 ; 
by speakers, II. 44, 45. 



panteuiS: a rack of bamboo or wood; 

I. 37. 
pantheism: II. 11. 

pant<5n: the pan tun or quatrain; II. 76. 

panydt: a lamp, I. 40. 

para: house platforms, I. 42. 

parang: a chopping-knife, II. 142. 

par6ii : a skate, II. 302 ; bintattg /. : the 

Southern Cross, I. 247. 
pasah: divorce by judicial decree, I. 367. 
pasay: cliapter, II. 189. 
passages (in a house), I. 39. 
pastimes: toys, II. 190; tops, II. 190; 
kites, II. 191 ; games, II. 191, 192, 193 — 
209; dolls, II. 192; cards, II. 210; fights 
between animals, II. 210 — 215. 
patam dhd£: a frontlet worn by a bride, 

I. 308. 
patanilam: a costly cloth, I. 424. 
paths: I. 35, 59. 
pat<5ng: doll, II. 192. 
pawang pukat: a head fisherman, I. 280. 
pawang rusa: deer-hunters, I. 387. 
paw<5'ih : pieces in the game/^r^i^, II. 202 ; a 

whale, II. 302. 
paya: swamp, I. 258, 264. 
peng: a small coin, I. 282. 
people: origin of the Achehnese, I. 16, 17; 
Hindu elements, I. 17; alleged Arab, 
Turkish and Persian elements, I. 17; other 
elements, I. 19. See also '*population'\ 
pepper: used in cooking, I. 30; pepper- 
planting, I. 260; the pepper saint, I. 184, 
260; the pepper festival, I. 260. 
Persian: alleged Persian elements in the 

population, I. 18, 48. 
pestle: {alee\ I. 272. 
peu'angen: to let the husk blow away in 

winnowing, I. 268. 
peuchichab : the ceremonial '^giving to taste" 

(foodgiving to a baby), I. 383. 
peudeu^ng: sword, II. 176. 
peu*euntat: = pcuntat^ I. 419. 
peugaseh: love-charms, II. 46. 
peugawe: a talisman conferring invulnera- 
bility, II. 36, 37. 
peuja: borax, II. 57. 
peuJameS paki: a feast to the devout poor, 

I. 370. 
peukan: a flower, I. 241, 309, 416. 
Peukan Bada: a place in Ach^h, II. no. 
Peukan Tuha\ id., II. 95. 

peukatib : acting as contractor at a wedding) 

I. 342. 
peukawen: — peukatib^ I. 342. 
peukld* minyeu* : the ordeal of boiling oil, 

I. 109, no. 

peuk6ng agama: to uphold religion, i. e., 
to enforce the prescriptions of religion 
and to oppose huhom to adat^ I. 159. 

peukruy: to let the husk blow away (when 
winnowing), I. 268. 

peulale: singing a child to sleep, I. 394. 

peulareh: charms to sell wares at a profit, 

II. 46. 

peuleupeuC* : the midribs of coconut leaves, 
I. 422, II. 258. 

peuliSh beusd6: the ordeal by licking red- 
hot iron, I. no. 

peunab chdt: "approaching the sun*s ze- 
nith'*, — about II a.m., I. 199. 

peunaj<5h: sweetmeats, I. 31, 372, 417. 

peunawa: countercharm, II. 37. 

peunayah : a douceur paid c. g. to a mid- 
wife, I. 389. 

PeunayQng: a village of Kutaraja, I. 24. 

peundang: a medicinal root, I. 20, II. 52, 
56; description of its use, II. 54. 

peundeng: a clasp for a waist cloth, I. 30, 

peuneurah: an oil-press, I. 37. 

peungana': a small drum, II. 259. 

peunganjd: the bride's duenna, I. 322. 

peungeuliSh: a magic bullet, II. 37. 

peungkleh: the ceremonial setting up of 

the bride in a home of her own, I. 364. 
peunikah: to make a marriage contract 

(as a teunf;ku\ I. 342. 
peund : a large tree said to be haunted, I. 410. 
peund' a weavers* **sword'*, II. 192. 
peuntat: to '^indicate the way*' to the dying; 

I. 419. 
peunulang: gifts to heirs made before death, 

I. 357. 
peunuman : a drinking-vessel of earthenware, 

I. 40. 
peunyabet: proof of a theft by evidence 

of the thief's possession of the stolen 

property after the event, I. 105. 
peunyaket jheut: leprosy, II. 51. 
peunyakQt: scarecrow, I. 266. 
peunyetiha: a fruit, II. 48. 
peuramp6t: to '^blow-away** spirit possession, 

I. 411. 




peureul^: imperative rules of Islam, II. 272. 
peureumadani : carpet, I. 39. 
peureuya la*Ot: a medicinal plant, II. 47. 
peusah pancburi: proving the guilt of a 

thief; I. 105. 
peusaka: property left to a child by his 

deceased parents, I. 357. 
peusijuC' : "cooling", averting evil influences; 

I- 43, 44i 78, 102, 103, 244, 305. /'. 

darah gob : a propitiatory offering in cases 

of homicide, I. 78. 
peusunat: circumcision, I. 398. 
peusunteng : smearing (ceremonially) yellow 

rice behind the ear, I. 305. 
peutamat darOili: the completion of the 

study of the Qur&n, I. 397, 398. 
peutamdng ra'sa: introduction of mercury 

into the human body to secure invulne- 
rability, II. 34. 
peutasa': — tninyeu^ the ordeal of t>oiling 

oil, I. 109, no. 
Peuthowahab: Fathul-wahhab^ name of a 

legal commentary, II. 9. 
peutimang jame£: to act as a master of 

the ceremonies at a wedding, I. 304. 
peut6£: chests: I. 40, 41. 
peutrOn : the ceremonial first exit of a child 

from a house, I. 389. P, burong'. the 

exorcising of a burong^ I. 382. 
peututog is seumayan^: The smaller ce- 
remonial ablution following the washing 

of a dead body, I. 421. 
pi: a kind of tree, II. 50. 
pi u : decayed coconut for making oil, I. 39. 
piasan: festivities, I. 245, II. 259, 266. 
pib-pib: a whistle, II. 258. 
pi£b: smoking, I. 32. 
pikab: [Ar. fiqh\ the law, II. 9, 20, 

23^ 32. 
pilgrimage: see hajj, 

piUars: of house, I. 35; of sugar-mill, I. 

274; the five "pillars of the faith" of 

Islam, II, 272, sqq. 
pineung: areca-nut, I. 32, II. 48. 
pingan: plate, dish, I. 40. 
pintu khob: a peculiarly built gate at the 

dalam at Kutaraja, II. 63. 
pisang: banana, I. 385, II. 44^ 48. 
pitrab: a levy of rice paid by ail to the 

teungku on the uroi raya^ I. 238 — 240; 

views of its importance, II. 273. 
pladang: a medicinal plant, II. 52. 

plandQ' kancbi: the mousedeer, the hero 

of fables, II. 70, 159, sqq. 
planets: only Venus known, I. 247. 
plantain: see pisang, 
plate: see chipe and pingan, 
platform {prataih\ I. 39, 375; (/flrfl), 

I. 42. 
plawa: small-pox, I. 416 — 418. 
Pleiades: I. 257. 
pldi'b meuneu'uS: "the loosing of the 

ploughing gear" time, i. c., 10 a. m.; I. 199. 
ploughs: I. 261. 
pluSng : "when a child can run" — a measure 

of age, I. 394. 
P6 Ni: the spirit of small-pox, I. 416. 
P6chut Mamat: an Ach^hnese headman, 

II. 113. 
Pdchut Siti: a famous burOng woman, 

I- 379. 
poetry: the pantdn^ II. 76; the kikayat^ 

II. 77; the nalam^ II. 78, 79. 

poisoning: I. 414. 

Polem: see panglima, 

political adventurers: see "adventurers". 

polygamy: I. 359, 360. 

population: no historical data as to origin 
of the Ach^hnese, I. 16; native conjec- 
tures on the subject, I. 17, 18; Malay 
and Kling elements, I. 19; the Nias slave 
element, I. 19-21; local differences, I. 
, 24. See also "divisions" and "people". 

port-kings: I. 5, 8, 80. 

ports: I. 4, 8. 

Portuguese: their wars with Acheh, I. 81. 
I posts : (of house), I. 43, 44. 
I pot: I. 275. 

Pdteu : ["our lord"] ruler of Ach^h, Sultan, 
I. 6, 9. 

potteries: II. 65. 

pra'na seumah : a platform used at a Sultan's 
installation, I. 139. 

prataVh: bench, platform; I. 39, 375. 

prayers: the five daily prayers, I. 199, 
200, 207 ; the Friday service, I. 80 ; the 
neglect of ritual prayer, I. 303 — 307. 

pregnancy: I. 371 — 373; ceremonial visits 
paid to a pregnant woman, I. 371 — 372; 
taboos for her observance, I. 372 — 373. 

Pretender-Sultan: his early policy, 1. 141 — 
147, his relations with Tcungku Tiro 
and Teungku Uma^ I. 148, 150; his love 
of cock-fighting, II. 215. 



preut: bespewing a wound with water, 

n. 53. 

price of blood: see diit, 

priests: inapplicability of the term to mos- 
que officials, 11. 23 — 25. 

princes: the tuanku or prince of the blood, 
I. 141 ; his usual misconduct, 1. 141 — 143. 

prSih; medicinal blowing, II. 53. 

Prophet: reverence paid to the Prophet and 
his descendants, I. 153, 154. 

prostitution: 11. 318. 

proverbs: {tnisati\ II. 67. 

prumoh: mistress of the house, wife, I. 327. 

puasa: the fast, I. 195; importance attached 
to its observance, II. 310. 

puba'S: «= pumoc^ I. 424. 

puchO*: (a.) a bracelet worn on the wrist, 

I. 308; 

(b.) the root of apio taxis aiiriculata^ 

II. 57. 

puja: vows efficacious against evil spirits, 

I. 393. 
pukat: a seine-net, I. 279. 

pula: planting out, I. 267. P, batc'c', setting 
up tombstones, I. 259, 402, 430, 431. 

pulang balee: taking a near-relative of a 
deceased wife in lieu of half the dowry, 

I. 364- 

pulet: wooden rings used in the ratib 
pulet^ I. 63. 

pulpit: sec himba, 

Pul6 Rabu: an island, the scene of an 
annual feast of a heathen character, II. 286. 

pumandS manyet: the ceremonial washing 
of a corpse, I. 421. 

pumeusan: verbal testamentary dispositions, 
I. 287. 

pumdC: to make a visitor wail, — at a visit 
of condolence, I. 424. 

pumu£' breuSh: the ordeal by bolting raw 
rice, I. no. 

punggdng : the closed end of a fish-trap ; I. 

pungd buy: "pigs' madness", — the name 
given to a peculiar derangement in which 
the sufferer's movements suggest those of 
pigs, I. 387. 

punishments: for bodily injuries and man- 
slaughter, I. 102, 103; for injuries to 
chiefs, I. 103, 104; for theft, I. 104 — no; 
for illicit intercourse, I. no — 114; the 
punishment of death, I. 104^ fines, I. 103, 

113; miscellaneous punishments, I. 114. 
puntu: a bracelet, I. 308. 
pupalang: a screen, I. 36. 
puphOn pade: "the inauguration of the 

rice", I. 264. 
pureC: a skin-disease, II. 50. 
pureh: a piece of bark fibre, I. 399, II. 

purgatives: II. 48. 
pusa: spiral twists in hair and hand lines, 

examined for divination, II. 40, 41. 
pustules: their treatment, II. 50. 
putr66: (a.) a principal post in house con- 
struction, I. 43; 

(b.) one of two toadstools growing 

close together, I. 415. 
puwa: laying the hands of a dead body 

one over the other, I. 421. 
puy: a sheaf (of padi), I. 267. 
puyQh: a quail, II. 211, 215. /*. meuldt\ 

the name given to two stars in Scorpio, 

I. 248. 


qadar: the night of the revelation of the 
Quran, I. 235, 236. 

QSdiriyyah: a school of mysticism, II. 18, 20. 

Qanoon-e-Islam : 1. 203 — 205, 2 1 4, 2 1 7, 22 1 . 

qiblah : the direction to which prayers should 
be addressed by Moslems, II. 8, 14. 

qiySs: reasoning by analogy, II. 8. 

quails: II. 211, 215. 

quicksilver: see "mercury". 

Quran: its recitation, II. 3; its recitation 
in chorus, I. 232, 233, 284, 398; in- 
struction in it, II. 3, 4. 


rab bunteng: "all but pregnant", — a 

certain stage of growth in rice, I. 267. 
RabiOy akhe: the month Rabi^ al-akhir^ I. 

RabiOy away: the month Rab^ ai-awivai^ 

I. 194. 
rabOn: medicinal fumigation, II. 49. 
rabOn jale: see kaii^ I. 98, 100. 
rabOng: the spaces at the side of a house, 

I. 36. 



rabu : Wednesday, I. 195. R, aheh : the Safar 
festiYal, I. 207. 

radat: skilled singers in a sadati troupe, 
II. 221. 

rabO: a boil, II. 50. 

rain-making: II. 283—285. 

raja: '^king**; the name given to a main 
pillar in house-building, I. 43, and to one 
of a pair of toadstools growing together, 
I. 414, 415. R, Acheh'. a common de- 
scription of the Sultan, I. 120. R, Ibra* 
him^ and R, Sulhyman : princes who waged 
a civil war. A. D. 1854 — 1858; I. 22. 
R, Muda\ a name given to the loyal 
chief of Olehleh, II. 108, 109. R, umong\ 
the expanse of cultivated land in the 
vicinity of the dalam^ II. 228. 

Rajab: the seventh month; I. 195. 

rajah: a formula giving magical properties 
to anything, I. 414^ II. 36, 46, 50. 

rakan: (a.) follower of a territorial chief, 

I. 93; his duties, I. 93, 112; 
(b.) a companion, II. 248. 

rakes: I. 263. 

raleu€: a method of planting out rice 

seedlings, I. 266. 
Ramalan: the fasting month, I. 195. 
rambaluy: an evil spirit, I. 410, 411. 
rambat: a corridor or passage, I. 39. 
rams: used for fighting, II. 209, 210. 
Ramulan: « ramalan, 
rancba*: animated — of poetic recitation, 

II. 75. 

rang: short posts between the roof and 
the floor of an Achehnese house, I. 40. 

rangkang : abodes for theological students, 
II. 24, 28, 29. 

Raniri: a writer, — referred to I. 4, II. 12. 

rant^ buy: *pig^s chain'', a talisman con- 
ferring invulnerability, II. 37. 

rant6: districts to which Achehnese emi- 
grate for pepper-planting, I. 275, II. 120. 

ranub: betel-leaf, sirih, I. 32. R, dongi 
sirih offered to guests at a wedding, I. 
300, 340. 

rapa*i: a kettledrum^ I. 63: a religious 
performance (with drums^ in which the 
participants wound themselves, II. 249, 257. 

rapana: a kettledrum used for a raUb^ I. 
63^ II. 248, 265. 

ra*sa: quicksilver, II. 34. 

ra'sasa: a giant, II. 146. 147. 156, 157. 

rateb: a noisy religious performance. R, sa* 
man^ r. P*titt^ and r. sadati', varieties; 
II. 216 — 221, II. 247, 248, and II. 221— 
247 respectively. 

raya: great, I. 171. 

religion: see *^Islam", and '^religious''. 

religious: (a.) religious leaders, see '^autho- 
rities" ; 

(b.) religious law, see "law"; 
(c.) religious studies, II. 10 — 32. 

xkX\ road, I. 36, 59. 

reubah ch6t: ** falling from the zenith'* (of 
the sun; 12.30 p.m.); I. 199. 

reubcni: boiling, I. 237. 

reudeu€b: erythrina, II. 52. 

Reu€ng-reu€ng : a frontier-village, I. i. 

reuhab : the wardrobe of a deceased person, 
I. 425, 426. 

reunchSng: dagger, I. 93, II. 95, 253. 

reungkan: a rough palm-leaf mat, I. 411. 

reunyeun: stairs, I. 39. 

riba: the acceptance of interest, I. 292. 

rice: (a.) cooked rice, see bu\ 

(b.) husked rice {breucKy, I. 272; 
(c.) unhusked rice {pade\ I. 272; 
(d.) rice-planting, see "agriculture" ; 
(e.) parched rice (tumpi'eng)^ I. 400. 

rice-barrel: {krdng\ I. 272. 

rice-fields: I. 258, 260, 261, 264, 285, 286. 
Rules as to trespass; I. 259. 

rice-pounders: I. 36. 

rice-sacks: I. 272. 

rice-stores: I. 36, 272. 

riddles: II. 67. 

Rigalh: a port in Ach^h, II. 112, 113. 

rihan: a medicinal plant, II. 52. 

rimba: primeval forest, I. 285. 

rimuCng: tiger, II. 45. 

ring- worm: {hurab\ I. 21, II. 50. 

rings: finger-rings, I. 30, 327; thumb-rings, 
I. 357; ear-rings, I. 29; arm-rings, see 

ripi: voluntary contributions for the field- 
kanduri, I. 260; contributions for the 
blood-debt, incurred by a fellow-tribes- 
man, I. 56. 

roads: I. 36, 59. 

room : see jurtt, 

r6t: - ret, 

royal family: see ^princes". 

rueufog: section of a house, I. 35. 

rujak : a compost of fruit, I. 2 1 . cf. cheunichah. 



ruju' : the right of recall in divorce, J. 368, 

rukd' siawan; medicinal cigarettes, II. 52. 

rumia, or ruminya: pitch, II. 57. 

rumdh: (a.) house — in expressions like 
yul rtimoh^ prumoh\ 

(b.) a "court" in a game, II. 197. 

ru'ya: observation of the moon for esta- 
blishing the commencement of the lunar 
month, I. 196. 


Sa'ban: the month Sha^ban, I. 195. 

sabQn: gonorrhoea, I. 415, II. 52. 

sabtu: Saturday, I. 195. 

sacrifices: I. 243—245. 

sadati: dancing-boys, I. 21, 244, II. 221 — 

sadeuSb: a grass-knife, II. 208. 
Safar: the second month, I. 194. 
saffron: II. 52. 

sag! : a large territorial subdivision, 1. 88 — 91. 
saint-worship: II. 288—301. 
saints : list of Achehnese saints, II. 292 — 299. 
saka: sugar, I. 273. 
saket dr6£: a disease of children, I. 386, 

II. 49. _ 
saket-sabon: see sabdn. 
salang: nets for provisions, I. 40. 
salasilah: spiritual genealogies, II. 10, 18, 

I9> 252. 
salat: the ritual prayers; see "prayers". 
salQb bat^£: the covering of tombstones, I. 

sal<5ran: a gutter, I. 36. 
salutations: (seumbah\ I. 33; (japa)^ I. 

3575 (mumat jarbe\ I. 240. 
sambay: relishes eaten with food, I. 320. 
sambQt: to graciously accept a salutation 

of homage, I. 320. 
SammSn : the originator of the rateb soman ; 

II. 216, 217. 
samp6ng: a peculiar disease, II. 48, 49. 
sani: an evil spirit, I. 409, II. 43, 228. 
sange: a conical plaited tray-cover, I. 103. 
sangga: a bridal bracelet, I. 308. 
sanggQy: a topknot, I. 18, 28. 
sanja' : metre, II. 73, 74, 76, 79, 123, 124, 189. 
santan: coconut milk, I. 30, 31, 384. 
sapa: the welcoming of guests, I. 357. 

sapha: the month Safar ^ I. 194. 
SapiatSdIn : Sultana, circ. A. D. 1640— 1675 ; 

I. 190. 

sara: ricefields constituting mosque-endow- 
ment, I. 122, 287. 
sarah : [Arab, farf] the science of inflexions, 

II. 7. 

sarakata: the edicts of Sultans, I. 4, 5, 6, 
7, 8, 9, 10, 120. 

sareuS': a bird the note of which is omi- 
nous, II. 42. 

Satariah: a school of mysticism, II. 18, 19, 

saucepans: I. 40. 

sawa: a cricket the note of which is omi- 
nous, II. 42. 

sawa' rante: throwing red-hot chains on 
the shoulders, II. 257. 

sawah: term explained, I. 258. 

saw^': a bracelet, I. 308. 

sawQ: a meal taken just before daybreak 
in the fasting month, I. 228. 

sayet: = sayyid, 

sayyid: a descendant of the Prophet, I. 

153, 154, 158- 
scarecrows: I. 266. 

schools: II. 23 — 32. 

science: see "learning". 

scientific treatises: II. 67, 68. 

screens: I. 36. 

seal : see chab sikureucng, 

seasons: see mttsim, 

Seubun: the scene of a fight in the war, 

seudeukah: gifts of piety (at a burial ser- 
vice), I. 424. 

seuSng: booth, II. 247. 

seuhab: a cloth, I. 103. 

seulangke: a marriage- broker, I. 297, 298. 

Seulasa: Thuesday, I. 195. 

seulaseh: the sweet basil, II. 48. 

seulaweu^t: psalms of praise, I. 284, II. 185. 

seuiudang : the fine inmost coat of a palm- 
spathe, II. 192. 

seulumpuS' pisang: plantain-stem, II. 192. 

seulusQh: charms to facilitate delivery, I. 

seumanga: name of a flower, I. 241. 

seumangat : a spirit of life the loss of which 

is attended by illness, I. 387, 388. 

seumantO*: a haunted tree, I. 410. 

seumayang: prayers, I. 62, II. 4, 187, 188, 

189. S. mamyit: the funenl service, 1. 

42J. See >Im> 'pnyen". 
Mumbab: ulatalioo of deep reipecl, I. '%%. 
MOmbS: medicinal beipewing wilh chewed 

ii|> inFilicaincDU, I. 376, 385, II. 53. 
■eumeuletiBn ■ reward to Ihe ttutgtu for 

Uughicring an animal, I. 336. 
•euna makl leona leaTci, II. 57. 
wunalnt: an ontfil a( cloOiiDg, I. 46, 316, 

Smtnanran: Monday, I. 195. 
MU'db: ileanting rice, 1. 337. 
an'Sn: to carrj loads on ihe back (I. 36} 

or on the bead (I. 41]). 
MupeiiEoC: a wood uied io dyeing, II. 64. 
WOMbl: ■ famoos bnting womao, I. 379. 
> kind of saace, I. 119. 
: lurban; also Ihe name of a 

cblh placed under the head of a corpse, 

I. 431. 
: a coop for brooding hens, I. 37. 

■kuhl" or anllmony-powder ased 
fot dnikcning the eyes, I. 307. 
••utur: ihe areca-palm spathe, 1. 36, 

II. 193. 

Mveo: lupcntitioni as to the onmber seven, 

I. 336. 

Sbafl'ltM: the Achehnese are Shali'itei, 1. 
196; but they deviate in details, such as 
the m'ya^ I, 196, ,nd the penally fot 
neglected prajen, 1. 435; they also show 
Shi'Ite influences, I. 303, and accept some 
Hanalile practices about marriage, 1. 345 — 

■babld: a martyr in the cause of religion. 

II. 87, 110. 

Shaikh Abba*: - Tiungku KutataraHg. 
Shaikh ShanHuddln : a pantheistic mystic, 

H. .3. 
Sbamaul Alam: Sultao. A. D. 1736—1717; 

I. 4. 

•barif : a descendant of the Prophet through 

IJaiam^ 1. 154. 
•barka: II. 301. 
ShawwU: name of a month, I. 19;. 337 — 

341, »SS- 
Bhl'Ha nwhNna: their introdnclion and io- 

flacncc in Achth, I. 303 — 105. 
abopa: I. a89, 391. 
■taouldar-dottaa: I. is. 
n Metueukln: an Achehnese Eulentpi^el. 

II. 71, 71. Also &' Gatiin MtuiimkiH. 

« 379 

81 UJut: the legendaiy ■infidel" vitlsin of 

the Story of Malim Dagafg, IL 81— SS. 
■lawan: a disease, I. 335, II. 53. 
•IbrarantO : frait of tindtra iiimatrama , 

II. 56. 
SIdl MaukamJijr: Saltan, A. D. 1530—1553 

or ISS7; 1. 19a 
alevea: I. 171. 
■igalah orM: the sun a pole high, i.e. 7 

a. m.; I. 199. 
■the: Ihe Black Art, magic; I. 414, II. 33. 
■yal6b: a plant. I. 431. 
aijuti'-seu'ufm f.-vcr, 1. 41;, II. 48. 
sikatAI! meulh a kali of gold, about J! joo, 

— the }inami< in Ihe case of princes; I. 

alkhan urM: ■half aday", six hours; 1. 301. 
■Ikln: — fanyang a sword, 1. 27, 9], 

II. 95. 
alkldb mata: a blink of the eyes, a moment; 

1. 101. 
■llueu<: trousers. 1. 35. 
■Ilrenmltha : II. 6;. 
■ima'; hearkening to religious teaching, 1. 

Slmpanf : a village^entre of learning, IL 16. 
almpang IhiC, or simfang ptuel: crossways. 

I. , 

almplea: list of medicinal simples, II. 55 — 5S. 

■inCAll: to morrow, I. loo. 

atpa' raga: a sort of football, II. 193, 194. 

■iphcuH dua plOh: the twenty aitrlbalet 
of God, II. 188. 

alrih: see ranuh. 

■lalJiit': a plant ased at Ihe 'cooling" ce- 
remonies, I. 305. 

•I UT6e teupiSI: "a sun-dark", — the full 
day of 24 hours; I. lOt. 

■Iwalb: a cnrved dagger, I. 309. 

aktn-diMaa««: Imdi and laraA, I. 415, II. 

50, ji, 38; juri, II. so; el'"-^ II- S*; 

furi,, II. 5„. 
•laugtatering : the slaying of aniouls, 1. 134, 

117, 143- 
•lares: Nias slaves In Acheh, I. 19, 3i,3i; 

other slaves, I. 33; religious law as to 

slavery, I. 31; right of intercourse with 

female slaves, I. 31. 
■mall-pox: I. 416, 417. 
■moking: sec "tobacco" and "opium", 
anakfr-bitc: its treatment. II. 49. 
tOtVXtj: see "magit". 



sores: see "ulcers". 

Southern Cross: I. 267. 

spears: I. 27. 

spirits: (i.) alcoholic spirits, I. 33; 

(11.) evil spirits (Jen)', the hantu duru^ 
I. 327; the burdng^ I. 376 — 388; the 
balu'cm bcudi.^ or ^/rfV, 1. 409; the geun- 
Uut.^ I. 410; the rambaluy^ I. 410, 411; 
the burdng punjdt^ I. 412; the tuUueng 
dbng., 1. 412; the jen apuy.^ I. 412, 4*3; 
and the bro\ I. 413. Cf. also Po" Ni.^ 

I. 416; 

(ill.) tutelary spirits, the praja^ II. 43; 

(iv.) belief in spirits, II. 282 sqq. 
srah uleiS: the washing of a child's head 

at a kramat^ I. 390, 393. 
sramdiS: verandah, I. 35, 39, 40. 
sranta: proclamation by herald, I. 226,243, 

II. 265. 

srapi: a necklace, I. 29. 

sreng: lime, II. 47. 

sreuS: citronella grass, I. 30, 31. 

sri: drawn — of a cockfight, II. 214. 

sriphiiS: a tree-name, II. 260. 

SriweuS: a village, — a local centre of 

learning, II. 26. 
sriweuSn: fowl-run, I. 37. 
sr6h : yielding blossom but no juice — of 

sugar-cane, I. 273. 
snin^ : a clarionet, II. 259, 260, 266. 
stairs: see ''steps". 
stalls: I. 37. 

stars: their Achehnese names, I. 247, 248. 
steps: house-steps, I. 38. 
stone-cutters: II. 59. 
stories: see "literature". 
story-telling: II. 268. 
students: II. 23 — 32. 
studies: see "instruction", 
suasa: an amalgam of gold and copper, I. 

29, II. 152, 256. 
subang: earring, I. 29, 431. 
sUb6h: early morning, I. 200. 
sugar: (saka)^ I. 273, 274. 
sugar-cane: I. 255, 260, 266, 273. 
sug6£: a method of cleaning the teeth, I. 219. 
sukeS: tribe, I. 44 — 59. 
sukaleu^: broad-cloth, I. 25. 
sukreu^: the death-struggle, I. 418. 
suleng: a flute, II. 258 — 260, 266. 
sulOth yang akhe: the last third of the 

night, I. 200. 

Sultans: their early policy, I. 5 — 9; their 
real weakness, I. 6, 7; their encourage- 
ment of religious teachers, I. 7; their 
position in recent times, I. 120; their 
real domain, I. 120, 121 ; their power over 
crown lands {waktu'eh).^ I. 120— 125; their 
efforts to increase their personal impor- 
tance, I. 125, 126; their court-dignitaries, 
I, 126, 127; their "seven prerogatives", 
I. 128; other functions and rights, I. 128; 
the issue of letters patent, I. 129 — 132; 
selection and installation of a new Sultan, 

I. 138 — 140, II. 332—337; qualifications 
of a Sultan according to religious law, 

n. 329, 330- 

sunat: [Arab, sunnah] commendable but 

not obligatory, II. 272. 
sunnah : the lesson of the Prophet^s example, 

II. 8. 

sUnteng: ceremonial smearing behind the 
ear, I. 46. 

sunti halia: ginger, II. 56. 

superstitions: in rice-planting, I. 272 ; about 
the 8th day after marriage, I. 326, 327; 
about pregnancy, I. 372, 373, and child- 
birth, I. 374; about house-building, I. 
43, 44; about taboos, see pantang\ about 
invulnerability, II. 34 — 38 ; about weapons, 
II. 38, 39 ; about clairvoyance and second 
sight, II. 39, 40; regarding omens, II. 
40—42; about dreams, II. 42, 43; about 
rainmaking, II. 283 — 285; about eclipses, 
II. 285, 286; about sacred trees; II. 

sura': plaudits, I. 79, II. 214, 266. 

surat taleu<i*: a certificate of full divorce, 

I. 369- 
swamps: I. 258, 264. 
sweetmeats: I. 31. 
swellings: how treated, II. 52.- 
swords: I. 27, 93. 


taboos: see pantang. 

ta*bi: the interpretation of dreams, II. 42, 

43, 44- 
tabu du£*: a method of sowing, I. 261. 

tabut : the symbolical coffin of the Kerbela 

martyrs, I. 205. 

ta*eun: cholera, I. 415, II. 48. 



tahlil: repetition of the confession of faith, 

I. 74, 428, 429. 
taJQ': dibbling, I. 266. 
Tajul-Alam: = SapiaidJin^ I. 190. 
Tljtil mulk: a work in Malay, II. 33. 
tajwjd: the science of correct enunciation, 

II. 3. 

takat simalam : a star (unidentified), I. 247. 
talismans : see peugawi^ ajcumat^ ranti buy^ 

u saboh mata^ peungeulich^ and awe 

talO: to lose (at a game), 11. 193. 
tal6€: cord or string. T, ie: water-border, 

— name of a weaver^s pattern, II. 64. 

T, jarot\ chain bracelet, I. 29, 327. T, 

jo* \ aren rope, II. 302. T, kfieng', a 

belt, I. 30, 309, 327. T, linggang: the 

trace in a plough, I. 261. 
taman: a royal pleasure-ground, II. 63. 
tambu: a big drum, II. 258; a meunatah 

drum, I. 62. 
tameh bllda: pillars of a sugar-mill, I. 274. 
tampO' meulh: a gold cap-crown worn by 

a bridegroom, I. 309, or by a sadati' 

player, II. 232. 
tanda: token, evidence, I. 113, 301. T, 

kong nan'/: a betrothal gift, I. 328. T, 

seumeutei: a sign that other deaths will 

follow, — an unlucky omen at a funeral, 

I. 426 

tangkay: spoken magical formulae, I. 70, 
73, II. 46. 

tangkulO*: headwrapper, I. 27, 309. 

tangling meugisa: revolving Chinese lan- 
terns, II. 268. 

TanjOng: a village near Kutaraja, I. 379. 

tank: see kulam, 

tapa: ascetic seclusion, I. 181, 182, II. 35, 

III. 143, 152, 227. 

tape: a fermented rice-spirit, I. 268. 
)arlkah: a mystical method, I. 165, 233, 

II. 18. 

tarOh ba*: the stakes (at a cockfight), II. 

212 Taroh chabeueng'. additional stakes, 

II. 212. 
tar6n: a snare for birds or animals, I. 39. 
tasllmah : an invocation of blessing on all 

believers, I. 230. 
tawaili: alum, II. 50. 
tayeuiSn: a small jar, II. 284. 
taxes: see pit rah and jaketut, 
te*-te*: a bird-name, II. 161. 

tea-drinking: II. 53. 

te€hit: the doctrine of the Unity of God, 

II. 186. 
teh: [Arab. tibb'\ calendars or handbooks 
showing lucky and unlucky days, I. 198. 
tengt6ng: a kind of rattle, II. 190. 
teube€: sugar-cane, I. 273, II. 266. 
teubQYh taleuiS': purchase of divorce by a 

wife from her husband, I. 371. 
teug6m: lying face downwards, II. 202. 
teukeUlit: the taqltd or partial following 
of some other school of law, I. 344, 
346, 347, II. 22. 
teuku: meaning of the title, I. 70. 

T, Ali\ a chief in the war, II. 109. 

T» Aneu' Payai uleebalang of the IV 
Mukims, II. no. 

T, Asan : a war chief, II. 108, 109, 1 10. 

T, Ateue"', chief of the IV Mukims 
Ateue\ a minor chief; I. 136. 

T, Ba'eti u/ieba/aftg o( iht VII Mukims, 
I. 138, II. 113, 114. 

T, Chut Lamrtuing', a former joint 
panglima of the XXVI Mukims, I. 135. 

T, Hakim', a degenerate title, I. 127. 

T. Imeum Tungkdb : a chief in the XXVI 
Mukims, I. 136. 

T, Juhan\ a titular panglima of the 
XXVI Mukims, I. 135, 136. 

T, Kali Malikdn Ade\ see kali, 

T. Keureukdn*. see keureukdn. 

T, Lam Nga^ and T, Lam Reu'eng'. 
war chiefs, II. 105, 107. 

T, Muda Lampaseh : a joint panglima 
of the XXVI Mukims, I. 135. 

T, Muda Latih : a cousin of Panglima 

Polim.^ I. 134. 

T, Nanta Seutia\ I. 126, 127. 

T, Ni Peureuba fVangsa: chief of 
the IX Mukims of the XXV, I. 133, 137. 

T. Ne* Raja Muda Seutia : a chief of 
Afeura'sa^ I. 133, 137. 

T, Nya^ Banta\ = T. Lamnueng, 

T, Pay a : a chief in the war, II. 108. 

T, Raja Itam\ made chief of the VI 
Mukims, I. 127. 

T, Seutia Ulama : panglima of the XXV 
Mukims, I. 137. 

T, Uma\ type of the political adven- 
turer, I. 151; his success, I. 152, 153; 
his influence on the Hikayat Prang 
Gdmpeuni^ II. 103, 109. 



T, Usin\ the name of two chiefs in 

the war, II. 109. 

T, Waki CkV Gampdng Bardh : chief 

of the V Mukimt, I. 138. 
teuleukin: the ial^n formula at a funeral, 

I. 427. 
teumajO': dibbling, I. 266. 
teuiiMti6m : the ordeal by burial, I. no. 
tfOin^n: a sharpened bamboo for severing 

the umbilicus, I. 376. 
TeumK^ng: Tamiang, the East Coast limit 

of Acheh, I. i. 
teunan6m: a form of sympathetic magic, 

I. 415. 

teungku: meaning of the title, I. 70, 71; 
its extension to others besides the teungku 
meunasah^ I. 70, 7 1 ; the teungku meu- 
nasah^ his duties, I. 71 — 73; his income, 
I> 73? 74) ignorance of the average 
teungku^ I. 75, loi, II. 23; the teungku 
rangkang^ his position and functions, 

II. 29. 

7*. Anjdng'. a saint, origin of the name, 

I. 35; his tomb, I. 156, 157; his feast- 
day, I. 235; his wife, I. 219; his being 
invoked, II. 106, 237. 

Z. Deuru'ik : a religious teacher, II. 28. 

T» di' Kuala : a great orthodox religious 
teacher and saint; his life and work, II. 
14 — 20; vows at his tomb, II. 112; his 
book, II. 187. 

T, di'Lam Nyong'. a religious teacher, 

II. 27. 

T, Hamba Ailak\ I. 127. 

T, Kutakarang\ a famous religious 
leader in the war, I. 183 — 188; his dif- 
ferences with T. Tiro^ I. 183, 184; his 
teaching, I. 183, 184; his books, I. 186, 
187, II. 33; his death, I. 188; his theory 
of the origin of the' Achihnese, I. 18. 

T. Lam Gut\ a chief kali,^ I. 10 1, II. 
28, 185. 

T, Lam ICeuneu\un\ the **pepper 
saint**, I. 184, 260. 

T, Lam Poya: a kali from the XXVI 
Mukims, I. 140. 

T, iMm Rukam : author of the Hi, 
Phekut Mukamat^ II. 88, 116. 

7". Mat Amin\ see Mat Amin. 

T, Tanok Adee: I. 100, II. 28. 

T. Tanhk Mirak\ a kali^ I. 187, 
II. 28. 

T, Tapa\ an adventurer-chief, II. 35, 

T, Teureubu'e', a heretical mystic, II. 

13, 14. 

T, Tiro: a famous religious leader, 

I. 178 — 181, II. 21, 27, 103, no — 116. 
teung6h malam: midnight, I. 200. 
teunungkeS: a primitive arrangement for 

cooking, I. 41. 
teupeuse: a tafsir or commentary on the 

Quran, II. 23, 32. 
teupOng taweuC: flour and water used in 

the ''cooling'* ceremony, I. 44. 
teusawOh: mysticism, II. 9, 20, 32. 
teuseureh: = sarak^ II. 7, 58. 
teutab: motionless, fixed, I. 399. 
teu'uSm: medicinal rubbing, II. 52. 
tiam6m: washing the (uncircumcised) dead 

with sand, I. 421. 
tikorh: a field mouse, I. 266. 
tilam: mattress, I. 40, 41. 
tima: bucket, I. 36. 
Timu: "the East", — the N. and E. coasts 

of Acheh, II. 124. 
tlnteu<Sng: rubbing padi-stalks between the 

hands, I. 268. 
tiOng: the mina-bird, II. 40. 
tire: hangings, I. 41. 
Tir6: a place in Pidie (Pedir); its character, 

I. 178; its position as a centre of learn- 
ing, II. 26, 27. 

titilantahit : a bird the note of which is 

ominous, II. 42. 
T9' Bat^€: a tribal name, I. 48, 49, 51, 57. 
To* Sandang: a tribal name, I. 49 — 52, 

57, 58. 
t6b glunyueng: ear-boring, I. 259, 395. 
tobacco: I. 255: its use prohibited during 

the fast. I. 229. 
t6b al^S eumpitog: the "rice-mortar** game, 

II. 200. 

tombs: visits to family tombs, I. 241; ve- 
neration for tombs of saints, II. 293, and 
kings, II. 299, 300. 

tombstones: setting them up, I. 264, 430; 
their shape, I. 431; the art of making 
them, II. 59. 

tooth-ache: its treatment, II. 52. 

tooth-drawing: II. 45. 

tooth-filing: I. 400. 

top-knots: see sanggoy and kumle, 

top: playing-tops, II. 190. 




t5t gapu: lime-burDing, I. 259. 

tOtS: nervous quivering, — its importance; 

11. 41. 
t03rt: II. 190. 
travellers: see meusapi, 
traweh: a religious service, I. 73, 230. 
trays: (jialdng)^ I. 31, 40; {krikay)^ I. 40. 
trees: see ''haunted trees'\ 
tribes: I. 45 — 59. 
triCng: thorny bamboo, I. 36. 
trousers: I. 25. 
tuan beusa: the title of the Governor of 

Aeh^h, I. 171, II. 229. 
Tuan Meurasab : a Nagore miracle-working 

saint, I. 217; legends about him, I. 217; 

his festival, I. 217 — 219. 
Tuan Sitl: a famous burdng woman, II. 

Tuanku : a title given to princes of the 

blood, I. 141, e. g. T, Abddmajet^ I. 142, 

149-, T. Asim^ I. 149, 150, II. 215; T, 

Ibrahim^ I. 144; T, Muhamat^ I. 143; 

T, Muhamat Dawd/ (the Pretender-Sultan), 

I. 147; T, Usen: I. 142. 

tu€ng meunarO: the ceremony of fetching 

away the bride, I. 356. 
tukOy: a small changkol, I. 263. 
tuleuCng d6ng: an evil spirit, I. 412. 
tulO: a ricebird, I. 266. 
tumba' a spear, I. 27. 
tumbang mangko': scaphium wallachii^ 

II. 56. 

tump6S: a kind of pancake, I. 31. 

tungkOy: nosegay, II. 232. 

tun6ng: highlands, I. 24, 25, 45, 59. 

Tupah: [Arab. Tuhfah] name of a com- 
mentary on the Law, II. 9. 

tupe: squirrel, II. 126. 

Turkey: legendary embassy to Turkey, I. 
20S, 209. 

Turkish: alleged Turkish element in the 
population, I. 18, 48. 

tutu<S: "bridge", — strips of cotton on 
either side of the path of a funeral pro- 
cession, I. 425. 


u: coconut, I. 397, II. 38. 

udeuCng: prawns, I. 279. 

ulama: an authority on religious law and 

doctrine, I. 71; the ulamas as leaders, 
I. 165, 166; their position strengthened 
by the war, I. 166. 

ulanda: a Hollander, I. 170. 

ulat: worm. U. padi\ a caterpillar, I. 267. 
U. sangkadu\ another caterpillar, II. 37. 

ulcers: II. 50, 51. 

uleS: head. U, cheumara\ an old-fashioned 
gold head-ornament, I. 317. U, Lheue\ 
= Olehleh. U, ratebi the head of a 
sadaii troupe, II. 221. 

ule^balang: territorial chief, I. 88; his real 
independence, I. 128; his connection with 
the panglima kawdm^ I. 46; and with 
the keuchi\ I. 64, 67, 118; his share in 
religious taxes, I. 74; his duties as an 
avenger, I. 79; tendency of other offices 
to become u/eeba/ang-ships^ I. 84; the 
''Sultanas ul^ebalangs", I. 92; judicial 
powers of the uieibaiang^ I. 102 — 116; 
his social position, I. 118, 119; his in- 
come, I. 116 — 118. 

uleu€ mate iku: a snake, II. 49. 

Umdat al-mu]}tajln : name of a treatise on 
mysticism, II. 17. 

um6ng: a single banked lice-field, I. 115, 
122, 260. 

undang-undang: written (Malay) works on 
customary law, I. 11. 

untOt: elephantiasis, II. 51. 

upat: a tax on gambling, II. 209. 

ureU<Sng : person, e. g., u. dagang : stranger, 
Kling, I. 19; u, di'dapw. woman newly 
confined, I. 375 ; u. adara : an Invisible 
being invoked by clairvoyants, II. 40; 
f/. le'. the Pleiades; u. mat taioe: woman 
in labour, I. 374; u, meudagang'. travell- 
ing student, II. 26, 31; m. meukulat\ 
poisoners, I. 414; ». meu'ubat\ medicine 
men, II. 46, 55 ; «. keumalon : seers gifted 
with second sight, II, 39 ; «. pet unoi : 
honey-gatherers, I. 387; «. pumubeuitx 
teachers of QurSn-reading, I. 396, II. 4; 
u, salak'. slave-debtors, I. 93; u, tuha\ 
village headmen, I. 75, 76; u, uleei per- 
sons of distinction, I. 339; u. meukat 
aweu'eh\ druggists, II. 46. 

ureufog-ureuSng : scare-crow, I. 266. 

iiri: a reddish skin-eruption, II. 50. 

urine: used medicinally, II. 49. 

ur6<S: day, sun. U, pcutrdn^ u, pupV and 
»/. seumeusic (or 1/. ma^meugang) feasts 



before the fast, 1. 227. U, raya\ the 

festival after the fast, I. 195. 
urOt: massage, I. 373, II. 53. 
uniCh: pulling (rice-stalks) through the 

hand, I. 264. 
uta' tulang: marrow (used medicinally), 

11. 52. 
Utensils: household utensils, I. 36 — 40. 
uteuto: forest, I. 59. 


Van den Berg: his views, I. 12, et passim. 

Van der Heyden: general, I. 170, 171, II. 

Van Langen: referred to, I. i, 16, 18, 22, 
48, 50 et passim. 

Venus: the planet, I. 247. 

verandahs: I. 35? 39) 40. 

Vcth: referred to, I. 3, 20, II. 81, 89. 

vinegar: I. 39. 

violins: (native) II. 260; (European) II. 265. 

visits: ceremonial visits on the uroc raya^ 
I. 240 ; of a betrothal party, I. 301 ; 
of a marriage party^ I. 311; formal 
visit of husband to wife, I. 327; ditto, 
of a bride to her parents-in-law, I. 356; 
visits of a mother-in-law to a pregnant 
daughter-in-law, I. 371 — 373; visits after 
a confinement, I. 385 ; visits of condolence 
after a death, I. 424. 


wa: a whistle, II. 258. 

waist-belts: I. 30. 

wakeu<Sh: crown lands; I. 121 — 125, 138, 
II. 82, 84. 

waki: agent, attorney, I. 67. 

walang sangit: a sort of grasshopper, I. 126. 

wall: (i.) a saint, I. 165; 

(11.) the guardian of a female, I. 331, 333. 

waqf: bequests in mortmain; II. 321. 

war: the Achch war, I. 3, 24; a national 
war at first, I. 173; its lack of unity of 
conduct, I. 173; the mistakes of the he- 
reditary chiefs, I. 175; it becomes a gue- 

rilla war, I. 176, 177, and is financed 
by religious contributions which are fa- 
voured by the ''concentration policy", I. 
177: the leading guerilla chiefs, I. 178 
— 188; peace-loving elements among the 
Achihnese, I. 188, 189; the poem on the 
war, I. 189, 190. 

wardrobes: I. 41. 

was^: toll, tax, harbour dues, I. 117, 128, 

waslSt: (a.) see <" wills*'; 

(b.) a name given to a treatise rousing 
religious zeal, II. 104, 182, 183. 

wa't^C: period of time, I. 199. 

weapons: swords (jikin^gliwang\\. 2T^{sikin 
panyang\ I. 93 ; daggers, I. 27, 93 ; ja- 
velins, I. 27; spears, I. 27; curved dag- 
gers {siwa'ifC)^ I. 309; the science of 
judging weapons, II. 38, 39. 

weaving: the process of weaving, II. 63, 64. 

wells: I. 36. 

weng: (a.) shafts of a sugar-mill, I. 273; 
(b.) obtaining evidence by torture, 1. 109. 

weu€: cattle-stalls, I. 37. 

whales: II. 302. 

whistles: II. 258. 

wills: seldom made by Achehnese, I. 287. 
See also pumeusan, 

winnowing: the basket used, I, 2,272,411. 

witchcraft: see **magic". 

witchdoctors: II. 46, 55. 

w6C: **to go home" — said of men's visits 
to their wives' houses, I. 44. 


yad: proof of theft by evidence of lurking 

house trespass, I. 105. 
y^£: shark, II. 302. 
yO*: (a.) a measure, I. 261; 

(b.) a yoke, I. 261. 
yub m6h, or yub rum6h: the space under 

a dwelling-house, I, 36, 37. 


zakat: = jakeuit^ ^' v.; I. 126, II. 272. 



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