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Full text of "A Collection of state-papers, relative to the first acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States of America, and the reception of their minister plenipotentiary, by their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to which is prefixed, the political character of John Adams, ambassador plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands"

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COLLECTION 

O F 

STATE-PAPERS, 

Relative to the Firft Acknowledgment of the 

Sovereignty of the United States of Am erica, 

And the Reception of their ^'\ v 1/7 

Minifter Plenipotentiary^ by their High Mightinefles the 
States General of the United Netherlands. 

To which is prefixed^ the Polltkal Chara^er of 

JOHN ADAMS, 

AmbafTadcr Plenipotentiary from the States of North Aine- 
rica, to their High MightinefTes the States General of the 
United Provinces of the Netherlands. 

By AN A M E R I C A N. 

LIKEWISE, 

An Essay on Canon and Feudal Law, 

By JOHN ADAMS, Es<^; 

'■" ' III assg 

LONDON: 

Printed fiorJoHK Fielding, No. 23, Pater-nofier-row j 
John Debretx, oppoHte Burlineton-Houfe, Piccadilly i and 
JoHK S<|WELL, No. 32, Cornhill. 1782. 

r^ntereO at &tationer$(''l9aU J i 



I N T R O D U C T 1 6 ^fi 



AS the States General of tKe United Provinces hate 
acknowledged the. independency of the United States 
6f North America, and niade a treaty of commerce with 
them, it may not be improper to prefix a fhort account of 
John Adams, Efq; who, purfuing the intereffs of his 
country, hath brought about thefe important events. 
Mr. Adams is defcended from one of the firft families 
. which founded the colony of the Maffachufets Bay in 1630* 
He applied himfelf early to the ftudy of the laws of his 
country ; and no fooner entered upon the praftice there- 
of, but he drew the attention, '^fdmiration, and efteem of 
his countrymen, on account of his eminent abilities and 
probity of characSter. Not fatisfied with barely maintain- 
ing the rights of individuals, he foon fignalized himfelf 
in the defence of his country, and mankind at large, by 
writing his admirable Diflertation on the Canon and 
Feudal Laws ; a work fo well worth the attention of every 
man who is an enemy to ecclefiaftical and civil tyraniw, 
that it is here fubjoined. It fhowed the author at an eafjy 
period capable pf feconding efficacioufly the formation of 
republics on the principles of juftice and virtue. Such » 
man became moft naturally an objeft of Governor Barnard's 
feduftion. The perverfion of his abilities might be of ufe in 
a bad caufe ; the corruption of his principles might tarnifli 
the beft. But the arts of the Governor, which had fuccccd- 
ed with fo many, were inefFeftual with Mr. Adams, who 
openly declared he would not accept a favour, however 
flatteringly oiFered, which might in any manner coniieft 

b him 



[ a ] 

him with the enemy of the rights of his country, or tend 
to embarrafs him, -as it had happened with too many 
others, in the difcharge of his duty to the public. Se- 
duftion thus failing of its ends, calumny, menaces, and 
the height of power were made ufe of againft him. Thev 
loft the efFeft propofed, but had that, which the {how of 
bafenefs and viofence ever produce on a mind truly vir- 
tuous, Tliey increafed his honeft firmnefs, becaufe they 
manifefted, that the times required more than ordinary 
exertions of manlinefs. In confequence of this conduct, 
Mr. Adams obtained the higheft honours which a virtu- 
ous man can receive from the good and the bad. He was 
honoured with the difapprobation of the Governor, who 
refufed his admiflion into the council of the province ; 
and he met with the applaufe of his countrymen in gene- 
ral, who fent him to affift at the Congrefs in 1774^ 
in which he was moft ad^ive, being one of the principal 
promoters of the famous refolution of the 4th of July, 
when the colonies declared themfelves free and inde- 
pendent STATES. 

This ftep being taken, Mr. Adams faw the ineificacy of 
meeting the Englifli Commiflioners, and voted againft 
the propofition ; Congrefs, however, having determined 
to purfue this meafure, fent him, together v/ith Dr. 
Franklin and Mr. Rutledge, to General Hov/e's head 
quarters. Thefe Deputies, leading with them, in a manly 
way, the hoftages which the general had given for their 
fecurity, marched to the place of conference, in the midtt 
of twenty thouiand men ranged under arms. Whether 
this military (hew was meant to do honour to the Ame- 
ricans, or to give them an high idea of the Englifli force, 
is not worth enquiry. If its objeft was to terrify the De- 
puties of Congrefs, it failed ; making no more impreflion 
on them, than the fudden djfcovery of elephants did upon 
certain embafladors of old. The utmoft politenefs having 
pafted on both fides, the conference ended, as had been 
forefeen, without any effecS:. 

Mr. Adams having been fifteen months one of the 

Commiffioners of the War department, and a principal 

fuggeftor of the terms to be oftered to France, for forming 

treaties of alliance and commerce, he was fent to the 

2 court 



4i" 



[ 3 3 

court of Vcrfailles, as one of the Minlfters Plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States. After continuing fome time 
invefted with this important truft, he returned to Ame- 
rica j where he no fooner appeared, than he was called. 
upon by the State of Maflachufets Bay, to affift in forming 
a fyftem of government, that might eftablifli the rights 
of all on clear, juft, and permanent grounds. He was 
never employed ma bufmefs more agreeable to himfelf; 
for, the happinefs of his Fellow-Citizens is his great ob- 

{'eft. He fought not honour in this arduous undertaking, 
>Ut it fell ultimately upon Him. He has gained it all 
over Europe. If he endeavoured to obtain by it th« 
efteem and love of his countrymen, he has fucceeded ; 
for they know they are chiefly indebted to him for the 
conftitution of the State of Maffachufets Bay, as it ftands 
at this day. 

, This important bufmefs being completed to the fatif- 
fs^ion of all, he came back to Europe, with full powers 
ftom Congrefs to affift at any conferences which might be 
opened for the eftablifhment of peace ; and had fent him, 
fpon after, other powers to negociate a loan of money 
for the ufe of the United States ; and to reprefent them, 
as their Minifter Plenipotentiary, to their High Mighti- 
neiTes the States General of the United Provinces. Such 
important trufts (hew, in what eftimation he is held by 
bis country ; and his manner of executing them, that con- 
fidence is well placed. 

On his arrival in Holland, nothing could have been 
more unpromifing to the happy execution of his million, 
than were the affairs of that country. The influence 
>pf the Court of St. James's over a certain fet of men, 
tjie intereft that many had in the funds and copimerce of 
England^ and the dread of her power, which generally 
prevailed throughout the Provinces, obliged him to aA 
with the utmoft circumfpeftion. Unknown, and at firft 
unnoticed, (at leaft but by a few) he had nothing to do 
but' to examine into the ftate of things, and characters of 
the leading men. This neceflary knowledge was fcarcely 
acquired, when the conduft of the Britilh Miniftry af- 
forded him an opportunity of (hewing himfelf more 
openly. The contempt, infult and violence, with which* 

b 2 the 



[ 4 ] 

die whole Belgic nation was treated, gave him great 
advantages over the Engliih Embaflador at the H^gue. 
He ferved himfelf of his' rivals raflinefs and folly with 

Jrrcat coolnefs and ability ; and, by confequence, became 
o particularly obnoxious to the prevailing party, that 
he did not dare to go to a village fcarcely a day's journey 
from his refidencc, but with the utnioft fecrecy : the fate 
of Doriflaus was before his eyes. Having been therefore 
under the necefllty of making himfelf a Burgher of Am- 
fterdara, for proteftion againft the malice of the times, 
he foon gained the good opinion of the Magiftrates by his 
prudent conduflt as a private Citizen. The bad policy of 
England, enabled him to ftep forward as a public cha- 
raftcr. As fuch, he prefeiited to the States General his 
ifamous Memorial, dated the- 19th of April, 1781, where- 
in th.e declaration of the independency of America on the 
4th of July> 17765 v/as juftificd ; the unalterable refo- 
iution of the United States to abide thereby afTcrted ; the 
intereft that all the powers of Europe, and particularly 
the States General, have in maintaining it, proved ; the 
political and natural grounds of a commercial conne^Lion 
between the two Republics pointed out ; and information 
given that the Mcmorialift was inyefted with full powers 
from Con^rcfs to treat with their High Mightinellls fo^r 
the good of both countries. 

The prcfenting this Memorial was a delicate ftep ; 
Mr. Adams was fenfible, that he alone was anfwerable 
for its confequences, it being taken not merely from his 
own finglc fuggeftion,/but contrary to the opinion and 
advice of fonie of great weight and authority. How- 
ever, maturely confidcring the meafure, he faw it in all 
its lights, and boldly ventured on the undertaking. The 
full and immediate efFedl of it was not expelled at once. 
The firil objedl was, that the nation (hould confider the 
matter thoroughly ; it being evident, that the more it 
was ruminated on, the more obvious would be the ad- 
vantages and neceffity of a connedlipn between the two 
countries. When, therefore, the Memorial was taken by 
the States General ad referendum^ the firft point was gain- 
ed ; the people thought of, ^nd reafoned on the matter fet 
before them ; many excellent writings appeared, and they 

' ) made 






C 5 ] 

piade die greateft impreflion ; a weekly paper in particular, 
entitled Le Politique Hollandois, drew the attention of 
all, on account of its information, the foundnefs of its 
argument, and its political judgment and patriotifnu 
At length the time came when the work was to be com- 
pleated : the generality of the people of Holland, feeing the 
heceffity of opening a new courfe to their trade, which 
the violent aggreffion of England, and the commercial 
fpirit of other nations tended to diminifli, demanded an 
immediate connexion with the United States of America^ 
as a means of indemnifying themfelves for the lofs which 
a declared enemy had brought on them, and the rivallhip 
of neighbouring nations might produce. 

Mr. Adams feized the occafion which the public dif- 
pofition afforded him, and prefented his Ulteriour Addrefs 
of the Qth of January, 1782 ; referring therein to his 
Memorial of the lOth of April, 1781, and demanding a 
categorical anfwer tnereto. The Towns, Cities, Quar- 
ters, and States of the feverial Provinces took the whole 
matter into immediate deliberation, and inflru6i:ed their 
feveral Deputies, in the States General, to concur in the 
admiffion of Mr. Adams in quality of Minifter Plenipo- 
tentiary of the United States of North America. This was 
done by a refolution, pafled by their High MightinefTes 
the 19th of April, 1782; and on the 22d of the fame 
month, Mr. Adams v;as admitted accordingly, with all the 
ufual ceremonies. 

This event feems to have been as great a blow as any 
that has been given to the pride and interefls of England 
during the war. It {hewed the Dutch were no longer 
over-awed by the power of their enemy, for they dared 
to brave him to his teeth. It fet an example to other 
nations, to partake of the commerce of thofe countries, 
which England had loft by her inconfiderate conduct. It 
confounded at once the Englifh partifans in Holland, and 
proved that Sir Jofeph Yorke was not the great minifter 
he had hitherto been fuppofed to be. It gave occafion to 
an ambaffador of one of the greateft monarchs of Europe 
to fay to Mr. Adams : Vous ave% frappe^ Monfieur^ le plus 
grand coup de tout V Europe. C^ejl le plus grand coup^ qui 
a etcfrafpe dans le caufe America'in. C^ejl vous qui a effraye 

et 



[ & ] 

et'tcrrajji Ics Jft^kmmims. Ceji vous qui a rcfttpli atU 
nation iTtnthoupajine. And thtin turning to another gert- 
tie man, he faid, Ce n\fi pas four fairc compliment a Mori" 
ft^r Adams^ que je (lis celu : c^ejl parccqu'en verite, je crois 
qufi c*€jifa due, 

* This diplomatic compliment has been followed by others. 
I tranfcribc with pleafure a convivial one contained in the 
following lines, which aii ingenious and patriotic Dutch- 
ijian addreffed to his excellency Mr. Adams, on drinking 
tp him out of a large beautiful glafs, which is called a 
haccale^ and had infcribed round its brim, Aurea Libertas : 

AuREA Libertas! gaude ! pars altera mundi 

Vindice te renuit fubdere tollajugo. 
Hac tibi legatum quern confors Bclga recepit 

Petlorefmcero pocula plena fero. 
TJtraque gem ne^et^ mox fujpicievda tyrannh^ 

^ua libertati vincula jacra precor ! 

They who have an opportunity of knowing his Excel- 
lency Mr. Adams trace in his features the moft unequi- 
vocal marks of probity and candour. He unites to that 
gravity, fuitable to tiie character v»'"ith which he is invert- 
ed, an affability, which prejudices you in his favour. 
Although of a fiient turn, as William the Prince of Orange 
was, and moft great men are, who engage in important 
sitairF, he has neverthelcfs a natural eloquence for the 
difcuflion of matters which are the objedh of his miiTion, 
and for the recommending and enforcing the truths, mca- 
fures, and fyllems, which are dictated by found policy. 
Ke h?.s ncitiicr the corrupted nor corrupting principles 
of Lord Cheflcrficld, nor the qualities of Sir Joi'eph 
Yorke, but the plain and virtuous demeanor of Sir 
William Ten-ple. Like him too he is fimple in ncgo- 
cintion, where he finds candour in thofe^ who treat with 
him. Otherwife he has the feverity of a true republican, 
his high idea of virtue jxivin'^him a rieidnefs, v/hich makes 
it difficult for him to accoiiimodate himfelf to thofe in- 
trigues which fluropean politics have introduced into 
jiegociation, " // fait que Part de negocicr n'ejl pas Vart 

d^ intriguer 



C 7 3 

^tntrlgiter et de tromper ; quil ne confijle pas a corrompre ; 
afe jouer des ferinens et a fe?rur les alarmes et ks divi/wnsy 
qv^un negQciateur habile peut parventr a Jon but fans ces 
exped'tens^ qui font la trijle rejfource des intriguans* fans ffoair 
recours a des manoeuvres detournh et ^xtracrdinaires* H 
trouve dans la nature meme des affaires quil negocie des in^ 
a dens propres a fair e reujjir tous fes projets. 



y 



MEMORIAL 



MEMORIAL 



TO THEIR 



HIGH MIGHTINESSES 

THE 

STATES GENERAL 

O F T H B 

United Provinces of the Low Countries ^ 



High and Mighty Lordsi 

TH E Subfcriber has the honour to propofe to your 
High Mightineffes, that the United States of Ame- 
rica, in Congrefs aflembled, have lately thought fit to 
fend him a commiflion (with full powers and inftruftions) 
to confer with your High Mightinefles concerning a treaty 
of amity and commerce, an autffintic copy of which he 
has the honour to annex to this memorial. 

At the times when the treaties between this Republic 
and the Crown of Great Britain were made, the people, 
who now compofe the United States of America, were 
a part of the Englifh nation ; as fuch, allies of the Re- 
public, and parties to thofe treaties ; entitled to all their 
benefits, and fubmitting chearfuUy to all their obligations. 

It is true, that when the Britifli Adminiftration, re- 
nouncing the ancient charadler of Engliflimen for gene- 
rofity, juftlce, and humanity, conceived the defign of 
fubverting the political fyftems of the Colonies j depriving 
them of the rights and liberties of Englifhmenj and re- 
ducing them to the wx)rft of all forms of government ; 
ftarving the people by blockading the' ports j and cutting 
off their fifheries and commerce ; fending fleets and ar- 

^ B mies 






[ 10 ] 

mies to dcftroy every principle and fentiment of liberty, 
and to confume their habitations and their lives ; making 
contracts for foreign troops, and alliances with favage 
nations to affift them in their enterprife; cafting for- 
mally, by aft of parliament, three millions of people at 
once out of the protcvSlion of the Crown : Then, and not 
till then, did the United States of America, in Congrefs 
affembled, pafs that memorable aft, by which they af- 
fumed an equal ftation among the nations. 

This immortal declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, 
when America was invaded by an hundred veflels of war, 
and, according to efti mates laid before parliament, by 
55,000 of veteran troops, was not the efFeft of any fud- 
den paflion or enthufiafm j but a meafure which had been 
long in deliberation among the people, maturely difcufled 
in fome hundreds of popular affemblies, and by public 
writings in all the ftates. It was ti meafure which Con- 
grefs did not adopt, until they had received the pofitive in- 
ftruftions of their conftituents in all the States : It was 
then unanimoufly adopted by Congrefs, fubfcribed by all 
its members, tranfmitted to the affemblies of the feveral 
States, and by them refpeftively accepted, ratified, and 
recorded among' their archives ; fo that no decree, edift, 
ftatute, placart, or fundamental law of any nation was 
ever made with more (olemnity, or with more unanimity 
or cordiality adopted, as the aft and confent of the whole ' 
people, than this : And it has been held facred to this 
day by every ftate, with fuch unfliaken lirmnefs, that 
not even the fmalleft has ever been induced to depart 
from it ; although the Englifli have wafted many millions, 
and vaft fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to invali- 
date it. On the contrary, each of the Thirteen States 
has inftituted a form of government for itfelf, under the 
AUTHORITY OF THE People ; has ereftcd its legifla- 
ture in the feveral branches ; its executive authority with 
all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges ; its 
army, militia, revenue, and fome of them their navy : 
And all thofe departments of government have been regu- 
larly and conftitutionally organized under the affociated 
fuperintendency of Congrefs, now thefe five yearsj and 
have acquired a confiftency, folidity, and affivity equal 
to the oldeft and m^ cKablifhed governments. It is 

true. 



k " k * * 



[.II ] 

true, that in fome fpeeches and writings of the Engliih It 
is ftill contended that the people of America are ftill in 
principle and afFedUon with them : But thefe aflertions 
are made againft fuch evident truth and demonftration, 
that it is furprifmg they fliould find at this tlay pne be- 
liever in the world. One may appeal to the writings and 
recorded fpeeches of the Englifh for the laft feventeen 
years, to fliew that fimilar mifreprefentations have been 
inceflantly repeated through that whole period ; and that 
the cortclufion of every year has in faft confuted the con- 
fident aflertions and prediflions of the beginning of it. 
The fubfcriber begs leave to fay from his own know- 
ledge of the people of America, (and he has a better right 
to obtain credit, becaufe he has better opportunities to 
know, than any Briton whatfoever) that they are unalte^ 
rably determined to maintain their Independence^ He con- 
fefles, that, notwithftanding his confidence through his 
whole life in the virtuous fentiments and uniformity of 
chara6ter among his countrymen, their unanimity has 
furprifed him. That all the power, arts, intrigues, and 
bribes which have been employed in the feveral States, 
fliould have feduced from the ftandard of virtue fo con- 
temptible a few, is more fortunate than could have been 
expe(fted. This independence ftands upon fo broad and 
firm a bottom of the people's interefts, honour, con- 
fciences, and affections, that it will not be affected by any 
fucceffes the Englifh may obtain either in America, or 
againft the European powers at war, nor by any alliances 
they can poffibly form ; if indeed, in fo unjuft and def- 
perate a caufe they can obtain any. Neverthelefs, al- 
though compelled by neceflity, and warranted by the fun- 
damental laws of the colonies, and of the Britifli conftitu- 
tion, by principles avowed in the Englifli laws, and con- 
firmed by many examples in the Engliih hiftory j by prin- 
ciples interwoven into the hiftory and public right of Eu- 
rope, in the great examples of the Helvetic and Belgic 
confederacies, and many others ; and frequently acknowr 
ledged and ratified by the diplomatic body ; principles 
founded in eternal juftice, and the laws of God and na- 
ture, to cut afunder for ever all the ties which had con- 
nedled them with Great Britain : Yet the people of Ame- 
rica did not confider themfelves as feparating from their 

B 2 allies, 



C li 3 

allies, efpccially the Republic of the United Provinces, or 
departing from their connections with any of the people 
under their government ; but, ori the contrary, they pre- 
ferved the fame afFedtion, cfteem and refpedt, for the 
Dutch nation, in every part of the world, which they and 
their anceftors had ever entertained. 

When found policy diftated to Congrefs the precaution 
of fending perfons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, 
it was not from a failure in refpeft that they did not 
fend a minifter to your High Mightineffes, with the fiHl 
whom they fent abroad : but, inftruded in the nature of 
the connections between Great Britain and the Republic, 
and in the fyftem of peace and neutrality, which flie had 
fo long purlued, they thought proj^er to refpcdt both fo 
far, as not to feek to embroil her with her allies, to excite 
divifions in the nation, or lay embarraffments before it. 
But, fince the Britifh adminiftration, uniform and per- 
fevering in injuftice, defpifmg their allies, as much as 
their colonifts and fellow-fubjeds ; difregarding the faith 
of treaties, as much as that of royal charters ; violating 
the law of nations, as they had before done the funda- 
mental laws of the Colonies and the inliercnt rights of 
Britifh fubje£ts, have arbitrarily fet afide all the treaties 
between the Crown and the Republic, declared war and 
commenced hoftilities, the fettled intentions of which 
they had manifefted long before ; all thofe motives, which 
before rcftrained the Congrefs, ceafe : and an opportunity 
pre:fents itfelf of propofmg fuch connections, as the United 
States of America have a right to form, confiftent with 
the treaties already formed with France and Spain, which 
they are under every obligation of duty, intereft and in- 
clination, to obferve facred and inviolate ; and confiftent 
with fuch other treaties, as it is their intention to propofe 
to other fovereigns. 

If there was 'ever among nations a natural alliance, 
one may be formed between the two Republics. The 
firft planters of the four northern States found in this 
country an afylum from perfecution, and refided here 
from the year 1608 to the year 1620, twelve years pre- 
ceding their migration. They ever entertained and. have 
tranfmitted to pofterity, a grateful remembrance of that 
protedion and hofpitality, and efpecially of that religious 

liberty 



r 13 ] 

liberty they found here, having fought it in vain in 

England. 

The firft inhabitants of two other States, New- York 
and New-Jerfey, were immediate emigrants from this 
nation, and have tranfmitted their religion, language, 
cuftoms, manners and charafter: And America in ge- 
neral, until her connections with the Houfe of Bourbon, 
has ever confidered this nation as her firft friend in 
Europe, whofe hiftory, and the great charaders it ex- 
hibits, in the various arts of peace, as well as atchieye- 
ments of war by fea and land, have been particularly 
ftudied, admired and imitated in every State. 

A fimilitude of religion, although it is not deemed fo 
eflential in this as in former ages to the alliance of nations, 
is ftill, as it ever will be thought, a defirable circum- . 
ftance. Now it maybe faid with truth, that there are no 
two nations, whofe worfliip, doftrine and difcipline, are 
more alike than thofe of the two Republics. In this par- 
ticular tlierefore, as far as it is of weight, an alliance 
would be perfedtly natural. 

A fimilarity in the forms of government, is ufually 
confidered as another circumftance, which renders al- 
liances natural : And although the conftitutions of the 
two Republics are not perfe<9:ly alike, there is yet analogy 
enough between them, to make a connexion eafy in this 
refpedt. 

In general ufages, and in the liberality of fentiments in 
thofe momentous points, the freedom of enquiry, the 
right of private judgment and the liberty of confcience, of 
fo much importance to be fupported in the world, and 
imparted to all mankind, and which at this hour are in 
more danger from Great Britain and that intolerant fpirit 
which is fecretly fomenting there, than from any other 
quarter, the two nations refemble each other more thao, 
any others. , ^ 

The originals of the two Republics are fo much alike, 
that the hiftory of one feems but a tranfcript from that of 
the other; fo that every Dutchman inftrucled in the 
fubjeft, muft pronounce the American revolution juft and 
ncceffary, or pafs a cenfure upon the greateft adtions of 
his immortal anccftors : adlions which have been approved 

and 



and applauded by mankind, and juftified by the deciiion 
of Heaven. 

But the circumftance, which perhaps in this age has 
ftronger influence than any other in the formation of 
friendfhips between nations, is the great and growing 
intereft of commerce ; of the whole fyftem of which 
through the globe, your High Mightinefles are too perfedt 
mafters for me to fay any thing that is not familiarly 
known. It may not, however, be amifs to hint, that 
the central fituation of this country, her cxtcnfive navi- 
gation, her pofl'ellions in the Eaft and Weft Indies, the 
intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capi- 
talifts, and the riches of her funds, render a connexion 
with her very defirable to America : and, on the other 
hand, the abundance and variety of the produ6lions of 
America, the materials of manufacf^ures, navigation and 
commerce J the vaft demand and confumpt ion in Ame- 
rica of the manufactures of Europe, of mcrchandifes from 
the- Baltic, and from the Eaft Indies, and the fituation of 
the Dutch pofleffions in the Weft Indies, cannot admit of 
a doubt, that a conne6lion with the United States would 
be ufeful to this Republic. The Englifh are fo fenfible 
of this, that notwjthftanding all their profeflions of friend- 
fliip, they have ever confidered this nation as their rival in 
the American trade ; a fentiment which diftated and 
maintained their fevere aft of navigation, as injurious to 
the commerce arid naval power of this country, as it was 
both to the trade and the rights of the Colonifts. There 
is now an opportunity offered to both, to fhake off" this 
Ihadde for ever. If any confidcration whatever could 
have induced them to have avoided a war with your High 
Mightinefles, it would have been the apprehenfion of an 
alliance between the two Republics : and it is eafy to 
forefec, that nothing will contribute more to oblige them 
to a peace, than fuch a connexion once completely 
formed. It is needlcfs to point out, particularly, what 
advantages might be derived to the pofleffions of the Re- 
public in the Weft Indies from a trade opened, protefted 
and encouraged, between them and the Continent of 
America ; or what profits might be made by the Dutch 
Eaft India Company, by carrying their eff*eft:s direftly to 
the American market 5 or how much even the trade of 

the 



V ■ 



[ »5 ] 

the Baltic might be fecured and extended by a free inter* 
courfe with America; which has ever had fo large a de- 
mand, and will have more for hemp, cordage, faiUcloth, 
and other articles of tliat commerce ; how much -the 
national navigation would be benefited by building and* 
purchafing fliips there : how much the number of feamen 
might be increafed, or how much more advantageous it 
would prove to both countries, to have their ports mutually 
opened to their men of war and privateers, and to their 
prizes. 

If, therefore, an analogy of religion, government, 
origin, manners, and the moft extenfive and lafting coni- 
mercial interefts, can form a ground and an invitation to 
political connections, the fubfcriber flatters himfelf that, 
in all thefe particulars, the union is fo obvioudy natural, 
that there has feldom been a more diftin<9: defignation of 
Providence to any two diftant nations to unite themfelves 
together. 

It is further fubmitted to the wifdom and humanity of 
your High Mightinefles, whether it is not vifibly for the 
good of mankind, that the powers of Europe, who are 
convinced of the juftice of the American caufe, (and 
where is one to be found that is not ?) fliould make hafte 
to iacknowledge the independence of the United States, 
and form equitable treaties with them, as the fureft means 
of convincing Great Britain of the impra6iicability of her 
purfuits ? Whether the late marine treaty concerning the 
rights of neutral veflels, noble and ufsfui as it is, can be 
eftabliflied againft Great Britain, who will never adopt it, 
nor fubmit to it, but from neceflity, without the inde- 
pendence of America ? Whether the return of America, 
with her nurferies of feamen and magazines of materials 
for navigation and commerce, to the domination and 
monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, 
would not put the pofleiTions of other nations beyond feas 
wholly in the power of that enormous empire, which has 
been long governed wholly by the feeling of its own 
power, at leaft without a proportional attention to juftice, 
humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and certain 
that the Americans are not inclined to fubmit again to the ' 
Britrfli government, on the one hand, and that the powers 
of Europe ought not and could not with fafcty confent to 

it. 



[ i6 ] 

it, if they were fo inclined, on the other ; why (hould a 
fource of contention be left open, for future contingencies 
to involve the nations of Europe in ftill more bloodfhedy 
' when, by one dccifive ttep of the maritime powers, in 
making treaties with a nation long in poflefHon of fbve- 
reignty by right and in fa£t, it might be clofed ? 

The example of your High Mightineffes would, it is, 
hoped, be followed by all the maritime powers, efpecially 
thofe which are parties to the late marine treaty : nor can 
the apprehenfion that the independence of America would 
be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any objedHon. 
This jealoufy is fo groundlefs that the reverfe would hap- 
pen. The freight and infurance in voyages acrofs the 
Atlantic are fo high, and the price of labour in America 
fo dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine, and fhip-timber never 
can be tranfported to Europe at fo cheap a rate, as it has 
been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic* 
This commerce was fupported by the Englifh before the 
revolution with difficulty, and not without large parlia- 
mentary bounties. Of hemp, cordage, and fail-cloth 
there will not probably be a fufficiency raifed in America 
for her own confumption in many centuries, for the plain- 
eft of all reafons, becaufe thefe articles may be imported 
from Amfterdam, or even from Peterfburg and Archangel, 
cheaper than they can be raifed at home. America will 
therefore be for ages a market for thefe articles of the 
Baltic trade. 

Nor is there more folidity in another fuppofition, pro- 
pagated by the Englifh to prevent other nations from 
purfuing their true interefts, that the colonies of other 
nations will follow the example of the United States. 
Thofe powers, who have as large pofleflions as any be- 
yond feas, have already declared againft England, appre- 
hending no fuch confequences. Indeed there is no pro- 
bability of any other power of Europe following the ex- 
ample of England, in attempting to change the whole 
fyftem of the government of colonics , and reducing them 
by oppreffion to the neceffity of governing themfelves : 
and, without fuch manifeft injuftice and cruelty on the 
part of the metropolis, there is no danger of colonies 
attempting innovations. Eftablifhcd governments are 
founded deep in the hearts, the pafTione, the imaginations 

and 



E »7 3 

and underftandings of the people; aiKl,wjtl\out*fpme vio- 
lent change from without, to alfer the temper and cha- 
rafter of the whole people, it is not in human nature to 
exchange fafety for danger, and certain, happinefs for ver^ 
precarious beniefits. 

It is fubmitted to the conlideyation of your High Migh- 
tinefles, whether the fyftem ot the United States, which" 
was minutely confidered and difcuffed, and" unanimoufly 
agreed on in Congrefs in the year 1776, in planning the 
treaty they propofed to France, to form equitable com- 
mercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe^ 
without being goyerned or monopolized by any : a fyftem 
which was afterwards approved by the king, and made 
the foundation of the treaties with his majefty : a fyftem 
to ^hich the United States have hitherto conftantly ad- 
hered, and from which they never will depart, unlefs 
compelled by fome powers declaring againft them, which 
is not expected, is not the only means of preventing this 
growing country from being an objeft of everlafting jea- 
loufies, rivalries, and wars among the nations, if this 
idea be juft, it follows, that it is the intereft of every Jiate 
in Europe to acknoivledge American independency immediately* 
If fuch benevolent policy ftiould be adopted, the new 
world will be a proportional blefting to every part of 
the old. 

The fubfcriber has the farther honour of informing your 
High Mightinefles, that the United States of America, 
in Congrefs aflembled, impreffed with an high fenfe of the 
wifdom and magnanimity of your High Mightinefles, and 
ofvyour inviolable attachment to the rights and liberties 
of mankind, and being defirous of cuKivating the friend- 
(hip of a nation, eminent for its wifdom, juftice, and 
moderation, have appointed the fubfcriber to be their 
minifter plenipotentiary to refide near you, that he may 
give you more particular aflurances of the great refpe*^ 
they entertain for your High Mightinefles ; befeeching your 
High Mightinefles to give entire credit to every thing, 
which their faid minifter fliall deliver on their part, efpc- 
cially when he fhall aflTure you of the fmcerity of their 
friendftiip and regard. The original letter of credence, 
under the feal of Congrefs, the fubfcriber is ready to deli- 
ver to your High Mightineflies, or to fuch perfons as you 

C (hall 



(hall dired to receive it. He has alfo a fimilar letter 
of credence to his moft Serene Highnefs the Prince 
Stadtholder. 

All which is refpeiftfully fubmitted to the confideration 
of your High Mightinefles, together with the propriety of 
appointing fome perfon, or penons, to treat on the (ubje£t 
cf his miffion, by 

Leyd£n 
19 April 1781. 

J. ADAMS. 



GUEL- 



/■ 



£ 19 ] 



G U E L D E R L A N D. 

tN the aflembly of the States of Guelderland^ holden in 
* Oftober 1781, to conflder of the requifition of the king 
of France^ of a negotiation of five millions of florins, 
unde^ the warranty of the Republic^ fome were for an 
alliance with France^ The Baron Nagel, S^nefchal of 
Zutphen^ avoided putting of the que(^on, and (aid among 
other things, ^^ That he had rather acknowledge the inde- 
^ pendence of the Americans, than contradt an alliance 
« with France." 

The Baron van der Capellen de Marfch was for an 
alliance with France and America tooi He obferved, 
'< That nothing being more natural than to ad in concert 
with the enemies of our enemy^ it was an 6bje& of feri- 
ous deliberation^ to fee, if the intereft of the Republic 
did not require to accept^ without farther t«rgiverfktions, 
the invitations and offers of the Americans : mat no con- 
defcenfion for England could hinder us, at prefent^ from 
uniting ourfelves againft a common enemv, with a na« 
tion fo brave and fo virtuous : a nation, wnich, after our 
example, owes^ its liberty to its valour, and feven at this 
moment is employed in defending itfelf from the tyranny 
of the enemy of tne two nations i that, conf^[uently, no- 
thing could reih'ain us from acknowledging ^e indepen- 
dence of this new Republic : that our conduA differed 
very much from that holden by our anceflors, who allied 
themfelves with the Portuguefe, as foon as they fhook off 
the yoke of the Spaniards : that there was no doubt, that 
the laid alliances with the enemies of our enemy would 
foon reftrain his fury, and operate a gan/bral pe^e advan^s 
tageous for us." 



Q 2 The 



[ io j. 



H E Q^U A R T E R 



O F 



O O S T E R G O. 

^e ^iorter of Oojlergo^ in the Province of FrieJIand^ in 
December^ .IjSl 9 was the firji public Body which propofed. 
a ConneJfion with the United States of America in thcfe 
Words. 

EVERY impartial Patriot has a long time perceived 
that, in the dire6liori of affairs relative to this war 
with England, there have been manifefted an inconceiva- 
ble lukewarmnefs and floth ; but they difcover themfelves 
ftill more, at this moment, by the little inclination which, 
ixi general, the Regencies of the Belgic Provinces teftify 
to commence a treaty of commerce and friendfhip with the 
new Republic of the Thirteen United States of North 
America ; and to contraft engagements, at leaft during 
the continuance of this common war with the Crowns of 
France and Spain. Neverthelefs, the neceflity of thefe 
meafures appears clearly, fince, according to our judg- 
ments, nothing was more natural, nor more conformable 
to found policy, founded upon the laws of the nature the 
moft precife, than that this Republic, immediately after 
the formal declaration of war by the Englifh (not being 
yet able to do any thing by military exploits, not being in a 
ftate of defence fufficiently refpedtable, to dare, at fea, to 
oppofe one fleet or fquadron, to our perfidious enemy) 
fhould have commenced by acknowledging,^ by a public 
declaration, the Independence of North America. This 
would have been from that time the greateft ftep to the 
humiliation of England, and our own re-eftablifliment ; 
and by this meafure, the Republic would have proved her 
firm refolution to acft with vigour. Every one of our in- 
habitants, all Europe, who have their eyes fixed upon us, 
the whole World expected, with juft reafon, this meafure 

from 



C- 21, ] 

from the Republic. It is true, that before the formal de- 
claration of war by England, one might perhaps have al- 
leged fome plaufible rcafon, to juftify, in fome degree, the 
backwardnefs in this great and interefting affair. Cut^ as, 
at prefent Great Britain is no longer our fecrct, but de- 
clared enemy, which diffolves all the connections between 
the two nations ; and as it is the duty, not only of all the 
Regencies, but alfo of all the Citizens of this Republic, to 
reduce, by all imaginable annoyances, this enemy fo un- 
juft to reafon, and to force him, if poflible, to conclude an 
honourable peace ; why fiiould we hefitate any longer, to 
ftrike, by this meafure fo reafonable, the moft fenfible blow 
to the common enemy ? Will not this delay occafion a 
fufpicion that we prefer the intereft of our enemy to that 
of our country ? North America, fo fenfibly offended by 
the refufal of her offer ; France and Spain, in the midft of 
a war fupported with aSivity, muft they not regard us as 
the fecret friends, and favourers of their and our common 
enemy ? Have they not reafon to conclude from it, that 
our inaftion ought to be lefs attributed to our weaknefs> 
than to our aifeCiion for England ? Will not this opinion 
deilroy all confidence in our nation heretofore fo renowned 
in this refpedt? And our allies, at tliis time natural, muft 
they not imagine, that it is better to have in us declared 
enemies than pretended friends ? And fhall we not be in- 
volved in a ruinous war, which we might have rendered 
advantageous, if it had b^en well dire<3:ed ? While on the 
other hand it is evident, that by a new connedtion with 
the States of North America, by engagements at leafl 
during this war with France and Spain, we fhall obtain, 
not only the confidence of thefe formidable powers, inflead 
of their diflrufl, but by this means we fhall moreover 
plaA our colonies in fafety againft any infult ; we fhall 
have a well grounded ho^x:, of recovering, with the aid of 
the allied powers, our loll poflcfTion:?, if the Kngllfli fhould 
make thcmfelves maflcrs of them; and our commerce af. 
prefent negledlcd, and fo fhamcfully pillaged, would re- 
afliime a new vigour ; confiuering that in fuch caff, as it 
is manifeftly proved by folid reafons, this Republic would 
derive from this commerce the moll fignal advantages. 
But, fince our interefl excites us forcibly to a6l in concert 
with the enemies of our tntiwy ; fince the United States of 

America 



C 22 I 

America invited us to it long ago ; fince France appears 
inclined to concert her military operations with ours (al- 
though this power has infinitely lefs intereft to ally itfelf 
with us, whofe weaknefs manifefts itfelf in fo palpable a 
manner, than we have to form an alliance, the moft re- 
fpedable in the univerfe) it is indubitably the duty of 
every Regency, to promote it with all their forces, and 
with all the celerity imaginable. To this end,, we have 
thought it our duty, to lay it before your noble Mighti- 
nefTes, in the firm perfuafion that the zeal of your noble 
Mightinefles will be as earneft as ours, to concur to the 
accomplifhment of this point, which is for us of the 

Sreateft importance; that, confequently, your noble 
f ightineiles will not delay to co-operate with us, that, 
upon this important fubje^t, there may be made to their 
High Mightinefles, a propofition fo vigorous, that it may 
have the defired fuccefs : and that this aiiair, of an im- 
portance beyond all expreffion for our common country, 
may be refolved and decided by unanimous fu£Frages, and 
in preference to every particular intereft. 



U L T E R I O U R 



.'«■ -. 



[ n I 

ULTERIOUR ADDRESS. 

On the Qth Januaryj 1782^ Mr. Adams watted en thi 
Prejident van den Sandheuybl, and addreffid 
him as follows. 

ON the^fourth of May, I had the honour of a con- 
ference with the Prefident of their High Mighti- 
nefles, in which! informed him, that I had received from 
the United States of America a commiffion, with full 
powers and inftru£tions to propofe.and conclude a treaty 
of amity and commerce, between the faid United States 
of America and the United Provinces of the Nether- 
lands. 

At the fame conference, I had the honour to demand 
an audience of their High Mightinefles, in order to pre- 
fent to them my letters of credence and full powers. . 

The Prefident afTured me, that he would make report 
of all that I had faid to him to their High MightindSes, 
in order that it might be tranfmitted to the feveral mem« 
bers of the fovereignty of this country, for their delibera- 
tions and decifions. — I have not yet been honoured with 
an anfwer. I now do myfelf the honour to wait on you. 
Sir, to demand, as I do, a categorical anfwer, that I 
may be able to tranfmit it to the United States of Ame- 
rica. 



GUELDER- 



r 24 ] 



GUELDERLAND. 

IN an extraordinary aflembly of the county of Zutphcny 
hekl at Nimcguen the 23d of February, 1782, the 
following meafurcs were taken. 

After the report of the Committee of this Province to 
the Generality, laid this day upon the table, relative to 
what paffcd in the precedent aiiembly, and after the ex- 
amination of an extradi of the rcgifter of the refolutions 
of their High Mightincllls the States General of the Low 
Countries, of the ninth of lall month, in relation to the 
Ulteriour Addrefs of iVir. Adams to the Prefident of their 
High Mightincllos, concerning the prefentation of his 
letters ('f tTcdencc to their High Mightinefl'es, in behalf 
of the United States of America, demanding a categori- 
cal anfwer, whereof the Lords the Deputies of the re* 
focitive Provinces have taken copies ; the Baron Robert 
Jafper van der CapcUen de Marfch, firft by word of 
mouth, and aiterwards in writing, propofed, and infifted^ 
at the ali'embly of tliis Quarter, that, at prefent, and with- 
out delay, we ihould make a point of deliberation, and 
that we ihould make upon the table the ncceflary over- 
ture, conceived more at length, in the advice of ^his 
nobleman, infertcd in thefe terms : 

Noble and Mighty Lords! 

The fuhfcriber judges, upon good grounds, and with- 
out fear of being contradifted, that he is able to affirm, 
that it is more ihr.n time that wc {h(^uld give a ferious 
attention to the oft'er and the invitation, in every fenfe 
honourable anrl advantageous for tliis Republic, of friend- 
ship, and reciprocal connexions with the Thirteen Ame- 
rican Provinces, now become free at the point of the 
fivcrd^ in fiich fort, that the categorical anfwer demanded 
\y their Miniftcr Mr, Adams, may become a fubjedt of 
the deliberations of your Grand Mightinefics, and that 
you may decide as foon as poiHblc, concerning their 
relpeftive interefts. He judges, that he ought not to 
have any furtiier fcruple in this regard y and that the un- 
certain 



[ as ] 

certain confcquehces of the mediation offered by Ruffia 
cannot, when certain advantages for this Republic are in 
queftion, hinder that, oat of regard for an enemy, with 
whom we (however falutary the views of her Imperial 
Majefty are reprefented) cannot make any Peace, at the 
expence of a negligence fo irreparable ; that a longer ■ 
delay, to unite ourfelves to a nation already fo powerful, 
will have for its confequence, that our inhabitants will 
lofe the means of extending, in a manner the moft ad- 
vantageous, their commerce and their profperity; That 
by the vigorous prohibition to import Englifti manufac- 
tures into^merica, our manufaftures, by means of precau- 
tions taken in time, will rife out of their ftate of languor : 
and that, by delaying longer to fatisfy the wiflies of the ' 
nation, her leaders will draw upon them the reproach of 
having negledlcd and reje£led the favourable offers of 
Providence: that, on the contrary, by adopting thefc 
meafures, the effential interefts of this unfortunate people 
will be taken to heart. 

The fubfcriber declaring, moreover, that he will aban-' 
don this unpardonable negligence of an opportunity fa- 
vourable for the Republic, to the account of thofe whom 
it may concern ; protefting againft all the fatal confe- 
quences that a longer refiifal of thefe neceffary meafures. 
will certainly occafion: whereupon he demanded, that 
for his difcharge, this note ihould be inferted in the re- 
^ifters of the Quarter. 

Signed 

R, J. VAN DER CaPELLEK. 



This advice having been rpad, Mr. Jacob Adolf de 
Heekeren d'Enghuifen, Counfellor and firft Matter of 
Accounts in Guelderland, Prefident at this time of the 
Affembly of the Quarter, reprefented to the faid Robert 
Jafper van der Capellen de Marfch, that ?' Although he 
ijiuft agree to the juftice of all that he had laid down, be- 
fides feveiral other reafons, equally ftrong, which occurred 
to his mind, the deliberation upon the point in queftion 
appeared to him premature, confidering that the Lords 
the States of Holland and Weft Friclland, and of Zea- 

D land 



[ 26 ] 

land, as the principal commercial Provinces, who are 
dircftly intcrcftcd, had not neverthelefs as yet explained 
thcmfelves in this regard : confeauentlv that it would not 
be fo convenient for the States ot this Dcchv and County, 
who arc not intercucd in it, but in a conrcquential and 
indircdl manner, to form the firft their rcfolutions in this 
r^fpcct : for this reafon he propofed to confideration, whe- 
ther it would not be more proper to poftponc the delibera- 
tions upon this matter to a future opportunit}'. 

Neverthelefs, the before- mentioned Robert Jafper van 
dcr Capellan de Marfch infilling, that the voices fhould 
be colledled upon the propofition and advice intmeftion, 
and thereupon having deliberated, their noble Mighti- 
neflcs have thought fit to refolve, that although the mo- 
tives allcdged by this Nobleman in his advice, appear to 
merit a ferious confideration, neverthelefs, for the reafons 
before alleged, they judge, that they ought to fufpend 
the decifion of it, until the commercial Provinces have 
formed their refolutions concerning it : and that, upon 
the requifition of Robert Jafper van der Capellan de 
Marfch, there be delivered to him an extraft of the pre- 
ieht, upon one as well the other. 

Signed 

Herm. ScHOMAK£R» 



PETITION 



t 27 3 



PETITION OF LEYDEN. 

^O the noble, great, and venerable Lords of the 
"*• Grand Council of the city of Leyden. 

The underfigned, all manufa£turers, merchants, and 
odier traders of this city, moft refpedtfuUy give to under- 
ftand, that it is a truth, as melancholy, as it is univerfally 
known, that the declenfion of manufactures, which all the 
well-difpofed citizens have remarked with the moft lively 
grief, from the beginning of this century, has increafed 
more and more for feveral years ; and that this prin- 
cipal branch of the fubfiftence of the good citizens, 
has fallen into fuch a ftate of languor, that our city, once 
fo flourifliing, fo populous, fo celebrated, on account of 
its commerce and of its trades, appears to be threatened 
with total ruin: that the diminution of its merchants 
houfes, on the one hand, and on the other, a total lofe, 
or the fenfible decreafe of feveral branches of commerce, 
-furnifh an evident proof of it ; which the petitioners could 
demonftrate by feveral examples, if there were need of 
them to convince. Your noble and grand Lordfliips, .to 
whom the increafe of the multitude of the poor, the deplo- 
rable fituation of feveral families, heretofore in eafy cir- 
cumftances, the depopulation of the city, which one can- 
not obferve without emotion in the ruins of feveral ftreets, 
once neat and well inhabited, are fully known, will re- 
collect no doubt upon this occafion, with grief, that . this 
ftate of languor muft appear fo much the more dcfperate, 
if your noble and grand lordfliips will take into confidera- 
tion, that in this decay of trades and manufactures, we 
find a new reafon of thtir farther fall, confidering, that 
from the time there is not continual einploymen^jidan 
uninterrupted falc, the workmen defert in fuch manner, 
that when confidcrable commiffions arrive, we cannot 
find capable hands, and we fee ourfelves entirely out of a 
"condition to execute thefe orders. 

That the petitioners, with all the true friends of their 
country, extremely affected with this alarmiRg fituation 
of fo rich a fource of the public profperity, have indeed 
fought the means of a remedy, in amending fome defeifts, 

D 2 frony^ 




f 28 ] 

from which it fccmcd to arife, at leaft in part ; but that 
the meafurcs taken in this vieWy as is well know to your 
noble and grand Lordfhips, have not had the defired efredl; 
at leaft, that they have not produced a re-eftabliihment 
fo cfFedlual, that we have been able to obferve a fenfible 
influence in the increafe of the fates of the manufiaftures 
of Leydcn, as appears moft evidently, by a comparifon 
of the pieces fabricated here, which have been heretofore 
carried to the divers markets of this city, with thofe which 
arc carried there at this day ; a comparifon which a true 
citizen cannot confidcr without regret. 

That experience has alfo taught the petitioners, that the 
principal caufe of the decay of the manufa(^ures of Hol- 
land, particularly thofe of Lcyden, is not to be found in 
any internal vice, either in the capacity, or the oeconomy 
of the inhabitants, but in circumftanccs which have hap- 
pened abroad j and to which it is, confequently, beyond 
the power of the petitioners, or of any citizen whatfo- 
ever, to provide a remedy. Iliat we might cite, for ex- 
ample, the commerce of our manufaftures with Dantzic ; 
and, through that commercial city, with all Poland ; a 
commerce which v/as carried on with fuccefs and advan- 
tage heretofore in our city, but is abfolutely interrupted at 
this day, and vanifhed, by the revolution which has hap- 
pened in that kingdom, and by the burthenfome duties to 
which the navigation of the Viftula has been fubje<Sled. 
But that, without entering into a detail of fimilar par- 
ticular fliacklcs, of v/hich we might reckon a great num- 
bctj the prii>cipal caufe of the languifliing ftate of our 
manufactures confifts in the jealous emulation of the neigh- 
bouring nations, or rather of all the people of Europe; 
confidcring that, in this age, the fevcral princes and go- 
vernments, enlightened in the real fources of the public 
profperity, and the true interefts of their fubjefts, attach 
themfelves with emulation to revive in their kingdoms and 
ftates the national induftry, commerce, and navigation j 
to encourage them, and promote them even by excliifive 
privileges, or by heavy impofitions upon foreign mer- 
chandizes ; privileges and impofitions, which tend equally 
to the prejudice of the commerce and the manufaftures'of 
our couiury, as your hoble and grand Lordfllips will eafily 
rcc4)ile<£l the examples in the Auitriaa ftates and'elfewhe^e• 

Thai 



yV-. ■«*' 



p 



t »9 ] 

That in the midft of thefe powers and nation^ emulous 
or jealous, it is impoffible for the citizens of our Repub^ 
lie, however fuperior their manufaftures may be in qua- 
lity and finenefe, to refift a rivalry fo univerfal ; efpecially 
confidering the dearnefs of labour, caufed by that of the 
means of fubfiftence ; which, in its turn, is a neceflary 
confequence of the taxes and impofts which the inhabitants 
of this State pay in a greater number, and a higherx^te, 
than in any other country, by reafon of her natural fitua- 
tion, and of its means to fupport itfelf 5 fo that by the 
continual operation of this principal, but irreparable caufe 
of decline, it is to be feared, that the impoverifhment and 
the diminution of the good citizens increasing with the 
want of employment, the Dutch nation, heretofore the 
purveyor of all Europe, will be obliged to content itfelf 
with the fale of its own produdiions in the interior of the 
country ; (and how much does not even this refource 
fufFer by the importation of foreign manufeuftures ?) and 
that Leyden, lately fo rich and flouriihing, will exhibit 
defolated quarters in its declining ftreets ; and its multi- 
tude, difgraced with want and mifery ; an affecting proof 
of the fudden fall of countries formerly overflowing with 
profpcrity. 

That, if we duly confider thefe motives, no citizen, 
whofe heart is upright, (as the petitioners ' affure them- 
felves) much lefs your noble and grand Lordfhips, whofe 
good difpofitions they acknowledge with gratitude, will 
take it amifs, that we have fixed our eyes on the prefent 
conjun£hire of affairs, to enquire whether thefe times 
might not furnifli them fome means of reviving the lan- 
guiihing manufactures of Leyden ; and that after a confi- 
deration well matured, they flatter themfelves with the 
hope (a hope which unprejudiced men will not regard as 
a vain chimera) that in faft, by the prefent circumftanccs, 
there opens in their favour an iflTue for arriving at the re- 
efl^blifhment defired. 

That from the time when the rupture between Great Bri- 
tain and the Colonies upon the continent of North America 
appeared to be irreparable, every attentive fpecSator of 
this event perceived, or at leaft was convinced, that this 
rupture, by which there was born a republic, as powerful 
Its indufl:rious, in the new world, would have the moft 

impor- 



[ 3<> J 

important confcqucnces fur commerce and navigation ; 
and thut the other commercial nations of Europe would 
ibon fliarc in a very confiderable commerce, whereof the 
kingdom of Great l^ritain had refcrved to itfelf, until 
that time, tlie cxclufivc podcflion hy its A£^ of Naviga- 
tiiin, and by the otiier a6ts of parliament prefcribed to 
tl.c Colonics ; that in the time of it, this refledtion did 
11 "t efcapc your pcliiioihi>j and they forefaw, from that' 
limr, the advant.»;:c which might arilc, in the fcquel, from 
a irvc»lution To ip.iportant for the United Provinces in 
p lUMiil, and for thtir iv.;tivc city in particular. But that 
they ihoukl have bivn aiVaid to have placed this favourable 
orralicMi Kioic the eyes of your noble and grand Lord- 
Ihips, at ;in epoch when the relations which conne6^ed 
om RrpuMu* wiiS CjumI Britain, her neighbour, ii:emed 
totoibiilall mciUi'.v'S of this nature, or at Icaft ought to 
make them he conlidcreJ as oui of feafon. 

Thiit, i:\ ihv wK.y.x time, lhi^ reafon of fdence has en- 
liivlv ceaUil, bv the hoilllities whicli the faid kingrdom 
has conv.neneed i:i\.uml our Ivcpublic, under pretences, 
and in a m.\ni\ci ;ho iuiulllce of which has been dc- 
nu^nrtrated by the luprcme io\crnmcnt of the State, with 
an invfi,ij.;:i\e evivience, in the eyes of impartial Eu- 
roiv ; wh; it {\\v pelilioms thcmfclvcs, bv the illegal 
tv.ptuio or ;v^ l.wce a niim^ir of Dutch ihips, and afier- 
waids bv tr.;" iil^folutc ll.:civ.t:o»:i of naviiration, and of 
vo\accs :o :/;ci:n Cv*;;r;::c<, n.wc experienced in the 
niolt piic\»;:< :TJ;i;:r.cu the con. v^lc:;cos of this hoiHie 
and untor."..,".". r»::;ie>^» .v/.J rl\l thorn liiil everv oav, 
ss is abur.v-.. •!.*. kr.rwn tv^ \oiir r.obic Suid, crand Lord- 
m*^ . • III.* I . 1^ k • ««i.« L 4 V ^ii^ u ift.*.. i*«0aw ^c-<.iB«3crAOAKr 
ni;:r.bcr k. vv:k:-:» *. r.*.u:t h«\o rcr/.iir.ei without em - 
ploxmcr.u r..^ ivc-i". r.:thc;> cf fj!V.i:.v.- hive cuirtcd the 
oij\. aK'.r.;/.. -...,. re the f^r'Jic;- c\;'-cr.ce o: the trea- 
f,;:-v of the pe»e.:\ :""..;■ \v:\cj in*i thc.r chiiiien pi ringed 
^". TV.ifnv. 

Vh«t dur*-".;: :"'.* rii:^:-:e. which has ■i'.:ri"if:e»i! new for 
•■'.^wn mor.fVi<» :he-T hr> e.eei.':v.l a.-.:: -.er c.rcjmitAnce, 
V hi eh hrs i ne»' : :'^::c\: \'c iv :.:'»•■ -"it :> ■.:... :r;j.;e.. aiiu whic**! 
ti^ r^oni r,p;v;.r> :\^ :>r o:"..Jvh ;; r.j.:»::c. :r.i: rhey woujjibe 
il i : '- : i-v o» ;i i : \ee ;^i \ e i :ie- i r^c "C :i ec . i : , - - r. ^ :'. r ^dorubJe 
nr^":;gcoc«e towr.r»is ;hc ci:*. to\v.^-.c< irie .cwcr c:l:s of ii:- 



[ 31 J 

habitants, towards their own fiimilies, and towards them- 
felves, if they (hould delay any longer to lay open their in- 
terefts to your noble and grand Lordfhips, in a manner the 
moft refpectful, but the moft energetic ; to wit, that the 
United States of Arfierica have very rigoroufly forbidden, 
by a refolution of Congrefs, agreed to in all the Thirteen 
States, the importation of all Englifli manufa<9:ures, and 
in general, all the merchandizes fabricated in the domi- 
nions which yet remain to Great Britain. That the 
effeft of this prohibition muft neceffarily be a fpirit of 
emulation between all the commercial nations to take 
place of the Britifli merchants and manufadlurers in this 
important branch of exportation, which is entirely cut off 
from them at this day. That ncverthelefs, among all the 
nations there is none which can entertain a hope, better 
founded, and more fure, in this refpect, than the citizens 
of this free Republic, whether on account of the identity of 
religion, the falhion of living, and the manners, whether 
bccaufe of the extent of its commerce, and the conve- 
nience of its navigation, but above all, by reafon of the 
activity and good faith, which ftill diftinguiflies (without 
boafting too much) the Dutch nation above all other peo- 
ple ; qualities in confideration of which, the citizens of 
United America are inclined even at prefent, to prefer, 
in equal circumftances, the citizens of our free States, to 
every other nation. 

That, neverthelefs, all relations and connexions of 
commerce between the two people, cannot but be uncer- 
taia arid fluftuating, as long as their offers and reciprocal 
engagements are not fixed and regulated by a treaty of 
commerce. That at this day, if ever, (according to the 
refpeftful opinion of the petitioners) there exifts a necef- 
fity the mofl abfolute for the conclusion of a fimilar treaty 
c*f commerce, there, where we may fay with truth, 
that there arifes for the Republic, for our Leyden efpe- 
cially, a moment, which once efcaped, perhaps never will 
return ; fince the national afTembly of Great Britain, con- 
vinced, by a terrible and fatal experience, of the abfolute 
impoflibility of re-attaching united America to the Britifh 
crown, has laid before the throne its defire to conclude a 
necefTary peace with a people, free "as this day at the price 
of their blood : So that if this peace ftiould be once con- 
cluded, 



[ 32 ] 

clutlcd, the Dutch nation would fee itfclf perhaps excluded 
from all advantages of commerce with this new Repub- 
lic, or at leaft would be treated by her with an indiffer- 
ence, which the fmall value which we fhould have put 
upon its fricndihip in former times, would Icem to merit. 

That, fuppofing, for a moment, that a peace between 
England and United America were not fo near as we 
have reafon to prcfumc, not without probability, there 
would be found in that cafe nations enough who will be 
jealous of acquiring, after the example of France, the 
carlicft right to commerce with a countr)', which already 
peopled by fcvcral millions of inhabitants, augments every 
day tn population, in a manner incredible ; but, as a new 
people, unprovided as yet with feveral neceflary articles, 
will procure a rich, even an immcnfc outlet, for the fa- 
bricks and manufadtures of Europe. 

That, however manifeft the intereft which the peti- 
tioners and all the citizens of Leydcn would have in the 
conclufion of fuch a treaty of commerce, they would 
however have made a fcruple to lay before the paternal 
eyes of your noble and grand Lordihips the utility, or 
rather the neccffity of fuch a meafure, in refpcct to them, 
if they could believe, that their particular advantage 
would be, in any wife, contrary to the more univerfal iii- 
terefts of all the Republic. But, as far as the petitioners 
may judge, as citizens, of the fituation, and the political 
cxiftence of their country, they are ignorant of any reafons 
of this kind : but, on the contrary, they dare appeal to the 
unanimous voice of their fellow-citizens, well intentioned^ 
in the other cities and provinces, even of the Regents the 
moft diftinguiflied ; fmce it is univerfally known that the 
Province of Friefland has already preceded the other con- 
federates, by a refolution for opening negotiations with 
America j and that in other Provinces, v/hich have an in- 
tereft lefs direcS in commerce and manufadhires, cele- 
brated Regents appear to wait merely for the example 
of the commercial Provinces, for taking a fimilar refo- 
lution. 

That the petitioners will not detain the attention of 
your noble and grand Mightinefles by* a more ample de- 
tail of their reafons and motives, fince, on one hand, they 
afTurc themfelvcs, that thefe reafons and motives will not 

' "- ' efcapc 



i 33 3 

dfodp^ thi^ enlightened and attentive judgihehi of youf 
grand and noble Lordihips ^ and on the other^ they Icnow 
by experience^ that your grand and noble LordiOhips are dif« 
pofed not to fufFer any occs!fion to pafs for promoting the 
well-being of their city, for advancing the profperity of 
the citizens^ to render their names dear to their contepi- 
poraries, and make them blefied by pofterity* 

In which firm expeftation, the petitioners addrefs them* 
felves to this grand Council with the refpe£tful but feribul 
requeft, that it may pleafe your nobk arid great Lordihips^ 
to direct, by their powerful influence, thin|| in fuch fort, 
that, in the Affembly highly refpecftcd of meir noble and 
erand Mightinefles the Lords the States of Holland and 
Weft Friefland, there be opened deliberations, or if already 
opened, carried as fpeedily as poflible to an efteSbual con?- 
clufion, fuch as they (hall find the moft proper for ob-* 
gaining the lawful end, and fulfilling the defires of the pe* 
titioners, or as they ihall judge conformable to the general- 
intereft* 

So. doing, £(Ck 



i. E y D «• N. 



C 34 ] 



L E Y D E N. 

An Address of ^hanksj with a farther Petition. 

nr^O the noble, great, and venerable lords^ the great 
•*• council of the city of Leyden, 

The under^gncd manufafturers, merchants, and other 
traders, intcrelled in the manufadures and fabrics of 
this city, give refpeflfuUy to underftand, 

'J'hat a number of the undcrfigned, having taken, tbe 
i8th of March, the liberty to prcfcnt to your noble and 
great Lordihips, a rcfpetSiFul rcqucft to obtain the conclu- 
fion of connexions of commerce with United America, 
•' the petitioners judge that they ought to hold it for a 
duty, as agreeable as indifpenfible, to tcftify their iincere 
gratitude, not only for the gracious manner in which 
your noble and great Lordfliips have been pleafed to accept 
that requeft, but alio for the patriotic rcfolution that 
your noble and great Lordftiips have taken upon its objed ; 
a refolution, in virtue of which the city of Lcyden (as 
the petitioners have the beft reafons to fuppofe) hath been 
one of the firft cities of this province, from whofe unani- 
mous co-operation has originated the rcfolution of their 
noble and grand Mightinefles, of tl\e date of the 28th of 
March laft, to dire6t things on the part of their noble and 
grand Mightinefles, in the aflembly of the States General, 
and to make there the ftrongeft inflances, to the end- 
that Mr. Adams may be admitted and acknowledged as 
Minifter of the United States; of America." 

That the petitioners regard, with all hone{^-hearted 
citizens, the prefent epoch as one of the moft glorious in 
the annals of our dear country, feeing that there has been 
manifefted, in a moft fignal manner, on the onehand,acon« 
fidence the moft cordial of the good citizens towards their 
regents, and on the other hind a paternal attention and de- 
ference of the regents to the refpefHiil but well-founded 
prayers of their faithful citizens \ and, in general, the 
moli: exemplary unanimity throughout the whole nation^ 



.^7 



[ 35 3 ' 

to the con&ifion of thofc who, having endeavpujred t# 
fow the feeds of difcord, would have rejoiced if they 
could fay, with truth, that a diflention fo fatal had rooted 
itfelf to the ruin of the country and of the people. .» n 

That the petitioners, fediing themfelves penetrated with 
the moft pleafing emotions, by an harmony fo univerfal^ 
cannot pais over iafilehce the reflection tnat your .noble', 
and ^r cat Lordfcips, taking a refolution the moft favpur- 
able upon the^id requeft, have difcovered thereby, that 
they wotiKrnot abandon the foptfteps of their anceftbrs.. 
who found, in the united fentiments of magiftrates ana' 
citizens, the refources neceflary to refift a powerful op- 
preflbr, who even, would not have undertaken that diffir 
cult, but glorious talk, if they had not been fupported by 
the voice of the moft refpeftable part of the natiop. 

That encouraged by this reflection, the petitioners 
afliire themfelves, that your noble and great Lordfliips 
will honour, with the fame approbation, the ftep which* 
they take to day, to recommend to your noble and great 
Lordftiips, in a manner the moft refpedlful, but at the £une 
time the moft prefling, the prompt and efficacious execu- 
tion of the aforefeid refolution of their noble and grand 
Mightinefles of the 28th of March laft, with every thing 
which depends thereon ; a proceeding which does not 
fpring from a dcfire, on the part of the petitioners, to 
raife themfelves above the fphere of their duties and voca- 
tions, or tp interfere, indifcreetly, in the affairs of govern- 
ment, but only from a conviftion that it cannot but be 
agreeable to well intentioned regents (fuch as your noble 
and great Lordfliips have ftiewn ycurfelves by deeds tp 
your good citizens) to fee themfelves applauded in their 
falutary eflxjrts and patriotic defigns, and fupported againft^ 
the perverfe views, and fecret machinations of the ill-dif- 
pofed, who, however fmall their number, are always 
found in a nation. 

a 

' That although the petitioners may be convinced that 
their noble and grand MightineflTes, having taken a refo- 
lution fo agreeable to all true patriots, will not negledt to 
employ means to carry it to an efficacious conclufion 
among the other confederates, and to procure to the good 
citizens the real enjoyment of the commerce with Unite4 
America, they cannot, neverthelefs, diflemble tjiat, lately, 

E 2 fomc 



[ 3* ] 

Cmm flew ft%kti% bsre arifen, which make them conceive 
f6me fears rcfpefting the prompt confummation of this 
defirable affair. 

That the probabilitr of an offer of peace, on the part 
ilf Great-Britain, to united America, whereof the pcti- 
tfonCfK made mention in their former requeft, having at 
fltcfent become a full certainty by the revolution arrived 
fince In the Britiih miniftry, they have not learned with- 
cut unoafmcfs the attempt made, at the fame time, by the 
new miniftcrs of the court of London, to involve this 
itate ill a ncgociation for a feparatc {>eace, the immediate 
ronfcqucnce of which would DC (as the petitioners fear) 
a ccflTation of all connections with the American Repub- 
lic, whilft that in the mean time our Republic, deprived 
on the one hand of the advantages which it reafonabjy 
promif'iR itfcif from thtfc connedtions, might, on the other 
hand, be detained hy negociations, fpun out to a great 
Itntrth, and not cficdt till late, perhaps after the other 
bellif^iTcnt powers, a fcparatc peace with England. 

That, in cHcdt, the difficulties which oppole themfclves 
to a likt^ pailial pncHication are too multiplied for one 
to proinifc himfelf to fee them fuddenly removed, fuch as 
the rtllllution of the pofleflions taken from the ftatc, and 
rctakrn from the Knglifh by France, a reftitution which 
i«i bcron.c thereby impratticable, the indemnification of 
the hnmonl'c loflet? that the unexpefted and perfidious at- 
tack i>t' Kngland hath cnufed to the Dutch nation in gene- 
ral, to the petitioners in particular; the affurance of a free 
nav ligation for the future, upon the principles of the armed 
ntuli'.\lin\ ;uul con form ably to the law of nations; the 
diffoIutivMi of the bonds vvhieh, without being produSive 
of ttuv utility to the two nation?, have been a fource of 
coo\./lKitiv>ns, always fpriniiin^ up, and which, in every 
war between C J reat- Britain and any other power, have 
th«V4icnt*d to in\rl\c our Republic in it, or have in effect 
itouf »t ; the ;u\nihi!atioa, ifpotHblc, of the aclofnavi- 

{4tioi^ an aot which carriers too evident marks of the 
iprcn^.acy afit\lcd by Kngl;*.nJ over all other maritiine 
IVx^l '^ not to attrxK^t ar^cnt:oa at the approaching nego- 
CiAtuMX of iMface ; tmAlly* the iKCctutv of breaking the 
yx ic that Grcat-Biit^in wvulJ impv^fe on our flag, to 
nxiXx hxxH rttpccKJ in the Northern Oceaun, as the" feat 

of 



C 37 3 

ef her maritime empire ; and other objeSs of this nature, 
which, as the petulant proceedings of the court of Lon- 
don have given rife to them, will certainly furnilh matter 
for claims and negociations. 

That as, by thefe confidcrations, a fpeedy confumma- 
tion of a feparate peace with England is out of all proba- 
bility, efpecially when one compares with them the dubi- 
ous and limited manner in which it is offered 5 on the 
other hand, a general peace appears not to be fo farjd iftant, 
as that to obtain a more prompt reconciliation with Eng- 
land, the Republic hath occafion to abandon its interefte 
relative to North America, feeing that the Britifh govern- 
ment hath refolved, upon the requeft of the national 
affembly, even to difcontinue offenfive hofUlities againft 
the new Republic ; and that, even under the prefent admi- 
niftration of the nev/ miniftcrs, it appears ready to ac- 
knowledge pofitively its independence ; an acknowledg- 
ment which, in removing the principal ftumbling block 
of a nogociation of a general peace, will pave the way to 
a prompt explication of all the difficulties between the 
belligerent pov/ers. 

That the petitioners fliould exceed much the bounds 
of their plan, if they entered into a more ample detail of 
the reafons which might be alleged upon this fubjedl, and 
which certainly will not efcape the political penetration 
of your noble and great Lordlhips ; among others, the 
engagements recently entered into with the Court of 
France, and which will not be violated by our Republic^ 
which acknowledges the fanctity of ils engagements, and 
refpodts them : but which will ferve much rather to con- 
vince the Emprcfs of Ruffia of the impoflibility of enter- 
ing, in the prefent junfture of affairs, into fuch a nego- 
elation as the court of London propofes, when even it 
will not be permitted to prcfume but that Sovereign will 
fee] herfelf the change of circumftances which have hap- 
pened with regard to America fince the offer of her me- 
diation, by the revolution in the Britifli miniftry, and 
that fhe ought even to regard a feparate peace between 
our State and England, as the moft proper mean to retard 
the general tranquillity, that flic hath endeavoured to pro- 
cure to all the commercial nations now in war. 

That 



[ 38 1 

That from thcfe rrorivcs the petitioners rcfpcSfuHy 
hope that the aforcfaid offer of England will occaAon no 
obftadc which may prevent that the refolution of iheir 
noble and grand Mightincfles to acknowledge the indc-^. 
pendencc of North America, and to conclude with that 
power a treaty of commerce, may not have a prompt 
execution, nor that even one only of the other confederates 
will futFer itfelf to be diverted thereby from thp defign of 
opening unanimoufly with this Province, and the others 
which have declared themfelves conformably with Holland, 
negociations with the United States, and of terminating 
them as foon as poffiblc. 

That the favourable refolutions already taken for this 
cffeft in Zealand, Utrecht, Overj'ffel, and at prefent 
(as the petitioners learn) in the Province of Groningen 
after the examples of Holland and Friefland, confirm them 
in that hope, and feem to render entirely fuperfluous, a 
requeft that, in every other cafe, the petitioners would 
have found themfelves obliged to make with the commer- 
cial Citizens of the other Cities, to the end that, by the 
refiftance of one Province, not immediately interefted in 
commerce and navigation, tliey might not be deprived 
of the advantages and of the protecMon, that the fovereign 
Aflembly of their proper Provinces had been difpofed to 
procure them, without it ; but that, to the end to pro- 
vide for it, their noble and grand Mightinefies, and the 
States of the other Provinces in this refpe6^, unanimous 
with them, fliould make ufe of the power which belongs. 
to each free State of cur federative Republic ; at leaft in 
regard to treaties of commerce, y<)f which there exifts an 
example in 1649, not only in a treaty of redemption of 
the toll of the Sound, but alfo in a dcfenfivc treaty con- 
cluded v/ith the Crown of Denmark, by the three Pro- 
vinces of Guclderland, Holland, and Friefland, 

lUit as cveryapprehenfion of a fimilar diffenfion, among 
the members of the confederation, appears at prefent ab- 
folutely unfeafonablc, the petitioners will confine them- 
felves rather to another requeft, to wit, that after the 
formation of connections of commerce with North Ame- 
rica, the efife*5ual enjoyment of it may be afTured to the 
tomniercI;\l Citizens of this country, by a fufficient pro- 
U'dion of their jiavigation ; without which the concliifion 

even 



[ 39 3 

f vcn of fucii a treaty of commerce would be abfolufCely 
illufory. That, for a long time, efpecially the laft year', 
the petitioners have tafted the bitter fruits of the defeiicej* 
lefs ftate in which the Dutch flag has been inceflantly 
found J as they have already faid, conformably to the 
truth, in their firft requeft, " that by the total ftagnatioa 
** of the navigation, and of expeditions, they have felt, 
** in the moft painful manner, the efFefts of the hoftiie 
*' and unexpected attack of Great Britain, and that they 
*' feel them ftill every day." That, in the mean time, 
this ftagnation of commerce, abfolutely abandoned to the 
rapacity of an enemy greedy of pillage, and deftitute of 
all protection whatever, hath appeared to the petitioners, as 
well as to all die other commercial inhabitants ; yes! even 
^o all true Citizens, fo much the more hard and afliicting, 
as they not only have conftantly contributed, with a good 
heart, to all the public impofts, but that, at the time even 
tllat the commerce was abfolutely abandoned to itfcif, and 
deprived of all fafeguard, it fupported a double charge*to 
obtain that protection which it hath never enjoyed ; 
feeing that the hope of fuch a protection (the Republic 
iiot being entirely without maritime force) hath appeared 
» indeed more than once, but always vaniflied in the moft 
unexpected manner, by accidents and impediments, 
virhich, if they have given rife, perhaps wrongfully, to 
difcontent ana to diftruft among the good Citizens, will 
not ne verthelefs be read and meditated by pofterity without 
furprize. 

That, without intention to legitimate, in any manner, 
the fufpicions arifmg from this failure of proteCtioj, the 
petitioners believe themfelves, neverthelefs, with afi pro- 
per refpeCt, warranted in addrefling their complaints on 
this head, tp the bofoms of your noble and great Lord- 
fhips, and (feeing that the commerce v/ith North Ame- 
rica cannot fubfift without navigation, no more than 
navigation without a fafeguard) in reckoning upon the 
aCtive direction, the ufeful employment, and prompt 
a.ugm€ntation of our naval forces, in proportion to the 
means which fliall be the moft proper effectually to fecure 
to the commerce of this Republic the fruits of its con- 
nections with United North America. , 

2 For 



t 40 ] 

For which reafons, the petitioners, returning their (b- 
lemn thanks to your noble and great Lordihips, for the 
favourable refolution taken upon their requcft the i8th of 
March laft, addrcfs themfelves anew to you on this occa- 
fion, with the refpecftful prayer, *' That it may gracioufly 
" pleafe your noble ajid great Lordihips to be willing to 
" efFeftuate by your powerful influence, whether in the 
•* illuftrious aflcmbly of their noble and grand Mighti- 
" nefles, whether among the other Confederates, or elfe- 
** where, there, and in fuch manner, as your noble and 
" great Lordfliips (hall judge moft proper, that the refo- 
** lution of their noble and grand Mightinefles of the 
*' date of the 28th of March laft, for the admiffion of 
" Mr. Adams, in quality of Minifter of the United States 
*' of America, be promptly executed ; and that the peti- 
•• tioners, with the other commercial Citizens, obtain 
•* the efFeftiial enjoyment of a treaty of commerce with 
•' tlie faid Republic, as well by the a^livity of the marine 
*' of the State, and the proteftion of commerce and 
•' navigation, as by all other meaftires, that your noble 
•* and great Lordfhips with the other members of the 
** Sovereign Government of the Republic, (hall judge to 
** tend to the public good, and to ferve to the profperity • 
** of our dear country, as well as to the maintenance of 

its precious liberties." 

S9 doings ^c* 



« 



ROTTER- 



t 41 1 

ll O T T E R DA Mi 

^fiTiTiok of the Merchants J Injur eriy and Freighter i 
of Rotierdam to the Regeficy df thUt City* 

/^ I V E tb underftand, in tKe moft refpeftfiil manner^, 
^^ that it is fufiiciently notorious that the inhabitants: of 
this Republic have, as well as any other nation, an in- 
tereft) that they give us an opportunity to open a free 
communication and (rorrefppndence with the inhabitants 
of America, by making a treaty of commerce,' as Mr; 
Adams has reprefentdd in his memorial ; . to which they 
add, that the advantages which muft refult from it, are 
abfolutely the only means of reviving the fallen commerC€l 
of this country ; for re-eftabliftiing the navigation, and 
for repairing the great damages which the pemdioiis pro- 
ceedings of the Engllfh have, for fo many years, caufed 
to the commercial part of this country. 

That with all due refpefl, they repreifent to the Veilerabld 
Regency the dangef we run, in prolonging farther the 
deliberations concerning the article of an alliance of' 
tommerce with North America ; being moreover cer^ 
tain that the u^erpoiition of this State cannot add any 
thing more to tne folidity of its independence, and that 
the Englifh Mijniftry has even made to the Deputies of 
the American Congrefs propofltions to what point they 
would eftablifh a correfpondence there, to our prejudice, 
and thereby deprive the inhabitants of this country of the 
certain advantages which might refult from this recipro- 
cal commerce ; and that thus we ought not to delay one 
day, nor even one hour, to try all the eflForts, that we 
may pUrfue the negociation offered by Mr. Adams, and 
that we may decide finally upon it. Whereupon the pe- 
titioners reprefent, with all re{pe<S poffible, but at the 
fame- time with the firmeft confidence, to die venerable 
Regency of this City, that they would authorize and 
qualify the Lords their Deputies at the AiTembly of 
their noble and grand Mightmefies, to the end, that they 
infift in a manner the moft eoezgetic, at the Ailemblv of 

F their 



[ 42 ] 

their noble and grand Mightinefles, that the refolution 
demanded may be taken without the leaft delay, to the 
end that, on the part of this Province^ it be eileded, at 
the Aflembly of the States General, that the American 
Miiiiftcr, Mr. Adams be as foon as poffible admitted to 
the audience which he has demanded, and that they take 
with him the determinations neceflary to render free and 
ojKn to the reciprocal inhabitants, the correfpondence de- 
manded. 

So doingy &fr. , 



THE 



t 4j J: 

The Petitions of- the Merchants^ and ManufaSlurers of 
Haerlem, Leiden, /7«// Amsterdam, which have 
been, prefinied^ on the twentieth of' Marcb^ to thfir High 
Mightinesses, w^r^ accompanied with another to the 
.States ^Holland i7«<^ West I]riesi,and, con^ 
ceived in thefe Terms, 

•rpHE fubfcribers, ixihaldtants of this country, nier- 
•■" 'fhants, manufadlurers, and others, living by coqi- 
merce, give with all refpe^ to underftand, that they have 
the honour to annex hereto a copy of a petition prefented 
by th^m to their High Mightineues, the States •General 
of th^ United Low Countries. The importance of the 
^ing which it contains, the confiderable commerce which 
thefe countries might eftablifh in North America, the 
profits which we might draw from it, and the importance 
pf induftry and manufaftures, by the relation which they 
have with commerce in genera], as well as the navigation 
to that extenfive country; all thefe objefls have made 
them take the liberty to reprefent, in the moft relpedtful 
manner, this great affair for them, and for the connections 
which the petitioners may have, in quality of manufac- 
turers, with the merchants, moft humbly praying your 
noble and grand MightinefTes, for the acquifition of thefe 
important branches of commerce, and for the advantage 
of all the manufactures, and other works of labour and 
of traffic, to be fo good as to take this petition, and the 
reafons which it contains, into your high confideration, 
ajid to favour it with your powerful fupport and pro- 
tection, and by a favourable refolution, which may be 
taken at the Aflembly of their High MightinefTes, to 
direCt, on the part of this Province, things io fuch a man- 
ner, that for obtaining this commerce fo defired and fo 
neceflay for this Republic, that there be concerted fuch 
efficacious meafures, as the high wifdom and patriotic 
fentiments of your noble and grand Mightinefles may find 
convenient, for the well-being of fo great a number of in- 
habitants, and for the prejudice of dheir enemies. 

So doing, &c, 

F 2 DOR- 



f 44 I 

DORDRECHT. 

A T Dordrecht there has not been presented any petition, 
**- But on the twentieth of March, the merchants, con- 
vinced by redoubled proofs of the T^eal, and of the eflForts 
t>f their Regency, for the true iilterefts of commerce, 
judged it unncceflTary to prefent a. petition after the e^pa-: 
pie of the merchants of other cities. They contented 
themfelves with ttftifying verbally their defire that there 
might be eontrafted conneftions of commerce with die 
United States of Ahierici? : That this ftcp had been 
irowned with fuch happy fucccfs, that the f^me day 20th 
rf March, 1782, it \vas refolvcd, by the ancient Council, to 
Authoriiite their deputies, at the Aflembly of Holland, tq 
Cohcqr in every manner poffible, that, without delay, .Mr. 
Adams be acknowledged in his quality of Minifter Plerii- 
J^otentiary ; that his letters of credenSc be accepted j aiw^* 
confefcnces opened upon this objeS, 



. ' 



• - 4 



ZWOLL 



[ 45 J 

w o 

In OVERYSSEL. 

'T'HE fubfcribers, all merchants, mamifafturers, and 
"*' faftors of the city of ZwoU, give refpeftfully to un- 
derftand, that every' one of them, in his private concerns, 
finds by experience, as well as the inhabitants of the Re- 
public in general, the grievous efFefts of the decay into 
v^hich commerce, and the manufaQures of this country 
' are fallen, little by littje, and above all, fince the' hoftile 
attack of the kingdom of England againft this State ; that 
Jt being their duty to their country, as well as to thcm- 
felves, to make ufe of all the circumftances which might 
contribute to their re-eftablifhmcnt, the requifition made 
not long fince by Mr. Adams to the Republic, to wit, to 
conclude a treaty of commerce with the United States of 
North America, could not efcape their attention ; anafFair, 
the utility, advantage,, and neceffity of which, for thefe Pro- 
vinces, are fo evident, and have been fo often proved in an 
inconteftible manner, that the petitioners will not fatigue 
your noble Lordfliips, by placing them before you, nor the' 
general interefts of this city, nor the particular relations of 
the petitioners, confidering thu they are convinced, in the 
.firft place, that England making againft the Republic the 
moft ruinous war, and having broken every treaty with 
her, all kind of complaifance for that kingdom is un« 
feafonable. 

In the fecond place, that America, which ought to be 
regarded as become free at the point of the fword, and as 
willing, by the prohibition of all the produSions and ma- 
nufactures of England, to break abfolutely with that 
kingdom; it is precifely the time, and perhaps the only 
fime, in which we may have a favourable opportunity to 
ente;: into connedlion with this new and powerful Re- 
public ^ a time which we cannot negleS without nmning 
the greateft rifque of being irrevocably prevented by the 
other powers, and even by England. Thus we take thfe 
liberty refpectfuUy to fupplicate your noble Lordfhip;^, 
that, having fl^ewn> fqr a long time^ that yovi fet a value 

wpaa 



[ 46 3 

upon the formation of alliances with pOT^crful ftatcs, you 
may have the goodnefs, at tjie approaching afleipbly of the 
nobility, and of the cities forming the States oif this Pro- 
vince, to redouble your efforts, to the end that, in the name 
of this country, it ijiay be decided at tTje Generality ,Ithat 
Mr. Adams be acknowledged, and the propofed negotia- 
tions opened as foon as poflible, * .^ 

So doing, &c. 



V 






' !*• 



) 



> I 
J 



■ » 



PETiTION* 



t 47 3 



PETITION OF AMSTERDAM. 

nnO their High Mightinefles, the States General of the 
'*• United Provinces, the underfigned, merchants, ma- 
nufaSurers, and others, inhabitants living by commerce 
in this country, give refpedfully to underlbnd :. 

That, although the petitioners have always relied, 
with entire confidence, upon the adminiftration and the 
refolutions of your High Mightinefles, and it is againft 
their inclinations to interrupt your important delibera- 
tions, they think, however, that they ought, at this time 
to take the liberty ; and believe as well intentioncd inha~ 
bitantS) that it is their indifpenfible duty in th^ prefent 
moment, which Is moft critical for the Kepublic, to lay 
humbly before your High Mightinefles their interefls. 

What good citizen m the Republic, having at heart 
the intereft ofhis dear country, can diifemble, or repre- 
fent to himfelf without difmay, the fad fituation to which 
we are reduced by the attack, equally fudden, unjuft, and 
perfidious of the Englifli ? Who would have dared two 
years^ ago td foretell, and, notwithfl:anding the dark clouds 
which even then began to form themfelves, could even 
have imagined thiat our commerce arid our navigation, 
with the immenfe affairs which depend upon them, the 
fupport and the profperity of this Republic, could have 
falleU and remained in fuch a terrible decay ? .that in 
1780, more than two thoufands of Dutch veliels having 
paflled the Sound, not one was found upon the lift in 
1781 ? That the ocean, heretofore covered with our 
veflel?, fliould fee at prefent fcarcely any ? and that wc 
may be reduced to' fee our navigation, formerly fo much 
refpefted and preferred by all the nations, pafs entirely 
intcvthe hands of other powers ? It would be fuperfluous 
to endeavour to explain at length the damage?, the enor- 
mous lofles, which our inhabitants have fuftained by the 
fudden invafion and the pillage of the colonics, and of 
their (hips; difafters, which not only foil direSly upon 
the merchant, but which have alfo a general influence^ 
and make themfelves felt in the moft melancholy manner, 

^ven 



[ 48 ] 

even by the loweft artifans and labourer?, by the langxiot 
which they occafion in commerce. But, how great fo- 
ever they may be, it might, perhaps, be poffible, by the 
aid of the paternal cares of your High Mightineflcs, and 
by oppofmg a vigorous refiftance to the enemy, already 
enervated, to repair in time all thefe loffes, (without men- 
tioning indemnilications) if this ftagnation of commerce 
was only momentary, and if the induftrious merchant did 
not fee beforehand the fources of his future felicity dried 
up. It is this gloomy forefight which, in this moment, 
affiSs, in the^igheft degree, the petitioners ; for, it would 
be the height of folly and inconiideration to deilre fiill 
to flatter ourfclves, and to remain quiet, in the expe<5hi- 
tion that, after the conclufion of the peace, the buflne&y 
at prefent turned out of its direction, fhould return en- 
tirely into this country ; for experience fhews the con- 
trary in a manner the moft convincing ; and it is moft 
probable, that the fame nations, .who are a(^ually in pof- 
feiHon of it, will preferve, at that time, the greateft part of 
it. Your alarmed petitioners throw their eyes round 
every where, to difcover new fources, capable of procur- 
ing them more fuccefs, in future. They even flatter them- 
felves that they have found them upon the new theatre of 
commerce which the United States of America offer 
them ; a commerce, of which, in this moment, but in 
this momerit only, they believe themfelves to be in a con- 
dition to be able to amire to themfelves a good fhare ; 
and the great importance of which, joined to the fear of 
feeing efcape from their hands this only and laft refource, 
has induced them to take the refolution to lay open re- 
fpeftfuUy their obfervations concerning this important 
objedl to your High Mightineflcs, with the earned prayer 
that you would confider them with a ferious attention^ 
and not interpret in ill part this meafure of the petitioners, 
efpecially as their future well-being, perhaps even that 
of the whole Republic, depends on the dccifion of this 
affair. 

No man can call in queftion that England has derived 
her greateft forces from her commerce with America -, 
thofe immenfe treafures, which that commerce has pour- 
ed into the coffers of the ftate ; the uncommon profperity 
of feveral of her commercial houfes, the extreme reputa* 

tion 



[ 49 1 

I 

tion of her manufaSures, the confuiAption of which, in 
quantities beyond all bounds, contributes efficaciouily tQ 
their perfection, are convincing proofs of it. However 
it may be, and notwithftanding the fuppofitionj too lightly 
adopted, that we cannot imitate the Britifh manu&<^ures^ 
the manufacture of painted linens of Rouen ; thofe of 
"Wool, of Amiens, of Germany, of Overyffel j and the Pins 
of Zwoll prove vifibly that all things need not be drawn 
from England ; and that, moreover, we are as well in a con- 
dition, or fhall foon be, to equal them in feveral refpecfe. 
Permit us, high and mighty Lords, to the end to avoid 
all further digrefSon, to requell in this regard the attfention 
of your High MightinefTes to the fituation oWcommerce. 
in t fance at the beginning of the war. Continual lofles 
had almoft ruined it altogether. Like ours, feveral of her 
merchants failed of capitals ; and others wanted courage 
tp continue their commerce ; her manufactures languifn- 
ed; the people groaned; in one wordj every thing there 
marked out the horrors of war. But, at prefent,- her 
maritime towns, overpeopled, have occafton to be en- 
larged ; her manufactures, having arrived at a degree of 
exportation unknown before, begin to perfeflt themfelves 
more and more, in fuch a degree, that the melancholy 
confequences of the war are fcarcely felt in that kingdom* 
But, fince it is inconteftible that this favourable alteration 
refults almoft entirely from its commerce with America^ 
that even this has taken place in time of war ; which^ 
moreover, is ever prejudicial, we leave it to the enlighten- 
ed judgment of your High Mightineffes to. decide, what 
it is that we may expeCt from a commerce of this nature, 
even at prefent, but efpecially in time of peace. In the 
mean time, we have bad the happinefs to make a trials of 
Ihort duration it is true, but very ftrong in proportion to 
its continuance, in our colony of St. Euftatia, of the im- 
portance of the commerce, though not direCl, with North 
America. The regiiters of the Weft India Company 
may furnifli proofs of it very convincing to your High 
Mightineffes; in faCt, their productions are infinitely fuit- 
aWe to our market^ whilft, on our fide, we have to fend 
them feveral articles of convenience and of neceffity from 
our own country^ or from the neighbouring ftates of Ger- 
many. Moreover, feveral of our languilhing manufac- , 

G tures. 



[ 50 ] 

lurt^9 fcattered in the feven United Provinces, may per^ 
haps be reftored to their former vigour, by means of Doun" 
ties, or the diminution of impofts. The importance of 
manufafhires for a country is fufficiently proved, by the 
confiderable gratifications promifed ana paid by Bridfh 
policy for their encouragement, and by the advantages 
which that kingdom has procured to itfelf by this means, 
even beyond what had been expe6ted. 

The petitioners know perfe<S^ly well the obftades, a)- 
moft infurmountable, which always oppofe themfelves 
to the habitual ufe of new manufadures, although cer- 
tainly better in quality ; and they dare advance, without 
hefitation, 4hat feveral of our manufiiAures are fuperior 
to thofe of the Englifli. A moment more favourable can 
never offer itfelf dian the prefent, when, bv a refolution 
of Congrefs, the importation of all the efie^ of the pro- 
duce of Great Britain, and of her colonies, is forbidden ; 
which reduces the merchant and the purchafer to the nc- 
ceflity of recurring to other merchandifes, the ufe of 
which will ferve to diilipate the prejudice conceived againft 
them. It is not only the manufactures, high and mighty 
Lords, which promife a permanent advantage to our Re- 
public. The navigation will derive alfo great advan- 
tages ; for it is very far from being true (as icveral would 
maintain) that the Americans, being once in the tranquil 
pofTeflion of their independence, would themfelves exer- 
cife with vigour thefe two branches ; and that in the fe- 
quel, we Ihall be wholly fruflrated of them. Whoever 
has the leaft knowledge of the country of America, and 
of its vafl extent, knows that the number of inhabitants is 
not there in proportion. That even the two banks of the 
Mif&ffippi, the moft beautiful trad of this country, other* 
wife fo fertile, remain ftill uncultivated ; and as there are 
wanted fo many hands, it is not at all probable to prefume, 
that they will or can occupy themfelves to eftablifli nev;^ 
manufadures, both becaufe of the new charges, which 
they would put upon the augmentation and exportation of 
their produ£tions. 

It is then for thefe fame reafons (the want of popula- 
tion) that they will fcarcely find the hands necefl'ary to 
take advantage of the fiflieries, which are the property 
of their country J which will certainly oblige them to 

abandon- 



abandon to us the navigation of freight. There is not 
therefore any one of our provinces, much lels any one of 
our cities, which cannot enjoy the advantage of this com- 
merce : No, high and mighty Lords, the petitioners are 
perfuaded that the utility and the benelit of it will fpread 
itfelf over all the provinces and countries of Ae Genera- 
lity. Guelderland aihi OveryiTel cannot too much extend 
their manufadlures of wool, of fvt^nfldn, and other things; 
even the fhoemakers of the mayoralty, and of Langftret, 
will iind a confiderable opening ; almoft all the manufac- 
tures of Utrecht and of Leyden will flourifli anew. Har- 
lem will fee revive its manufactures of ftufFs, of laces of 
ribbons, of twift, at prefent in the loweft ftate of decay. 
Delft will fee vaftly augmented the fale of its earthen ware,^. 
and Gouda that of its tobacco-pipes. 

However great may be the advantages forefeen by the 
petitioners, ^om a legal commerce duly proteded with 
America, their fear is not lefs, left we fhould fufFer to 
efeape the happy moment of afTuring to them, and to aU 
the Republic, thefe advantages. The prefent moment 
muft determine the whole. The Englifh nation is weary 
of the war ; and as that people runs eafily into extremes, 
the petitioners are afraid, with ftrong probable appearances^ x 
that a compleat acknowledgment of American indepen- 
dence will foon take place ; above all, if the Englifh fee 
an opportunity of being able ftill to draw firom America 
fome conditions favourable for them, or at leafi: fomething 
to our difadvantage. Ah ! what is it which fhould infli- 
gate the Americans in making peace, and renewing 
rriendfhip with Great Britain, to have any regard for the 
interefls of our republic ? If England could only obtain 
for a condition, that we fhould be obliged to pay duties 
more burthenfome for our vefTels.^ this would be not only 
a continual and permanent prejudice ; but would be fuf- 
ficient to tranfmit to poflerity, a lamentable proof of our 
exceilive deference for unbridled enemies. 

The petitioners dare flatter themfelves that a meafure 
ft) frank of this Republic, may powerfully ferve for the 
acceleration of a general peace. A general ardour tocx- 
tinguifh the flames of war reigns in England ; an upright 
and vigorous condud» on the part of d[iis Republic, will 

G 2 ccn- 



[ 5« ] 

contribute to accelerate the accomplifliment of tHe wifhes 
for peace. 

We flatter ourfclves, high and mighty Lords, that we 
have in this regard alleged fufHcient reafons for an im- 
niediate dccifion ; and that we have fo viiibly proved the 
danger rtf delay, that we dare to hope from the paternal 
equity of your High MightincfTes, a reafonable attention 
to the refpedlful proportion which we have made. It pro- 
ceeds from no other motive than a fmcere afFcc^on for the 
precious intercfts of our dear country ; fmce we confider 
it as certain, that as fopn as the ftep taken by us (hall be 
known by the Englifh, and that they (ball have the leaft 
hope of preventing us, they will not fail, as foon as poffi- 
ble, to acknowledge American independence. Support- 
ed by all thefe reafons, the petitioners addrefs themfelves 
to your High Mightineiles, humbly requeiiing that it may 
pleafe your High Mightineffes, after the occurrences an4 
affairs above-mentioned, to take, for the greateft advan- 
tage of this country, as foon as poilible, fuch refolutiox^ 
as your High Mighdnefle^ (hall judge moft convenient. 

This dping, &c. 



PETITION 



C 53 3 
f E T ' I T I 6 N 

To the Burgomafters and Regents of 

AMSTERDAM: 

nnHE fubfcribers, all merchants and manufaSurers cf 
•^ this city, with all due refpeft, give to underftand : 
That the difference arifen between the kingdom of Great 
Britain and the United States of America, has not only 
given^occafion for a long and violent war, but that the 
arms of America have covered themfelves with a fuccefe 
{o happy, that the Congrefs, aififted by the Courts of 
France and Spain, have fo well eftablifhed their liberty and 
independence, and reduced Great Britain to extremities fo 
critical, that the Houfe of Commons in England, notwith- 
ftanding all the oppofition of the Briti(h Miniftry, have 
lately formed the important refolution to turn the King 
from an offenfive war againft America, with no other de- 
fjgn than to accelerate, if it is poflible, a reconciliation with 
America. 

That to this happy revolution in the difpofitions of the 
Englifh in favour of the liberty and independence of 
America, according to all appearances, the refolution 
taken by the Congrefs, towards the end of the laft year, to 
wit, to forbid in all America the importation of Britifh 
manufactures and productions, has greatly contributed : a 
refolution, of which they perceive in England, too vifi- 
bly, the confequences ruinous to their manufadlures, 
trade, commerce, and navigation, to be able to remain 
indifferent in this regard. For all other commercial na- 
tions, who take to heart, ever fo little, their own prolpe- 
rity, will apply themfelves ardently, to coUeft from it all 
the fruit poffible. To this effeft, it would be unpardona- , 
ble for the bufmefs and commerce of this Republic in 
general, and for thofc of this city in particular, to fuffer to 
efcape this occafion fo favourable for the encouragement 
of our manufa£l:ures fo declined, and languiihing in the 
interior cities, as well as that of the commerce and navi- 
gation in the maritime cities 3 or to fuffer that other com- 
mercial 



r 54 J 

mercial nations, even with a total exclufion of the mer- 
cantile intcrcfts of this Republic, {hould profit of it, and 
tliis, upon an occafion, when, by reafon of the war, equal- 
ly unjuA and ruinous, in which the kingdom of Great 
l5ritain has involved this Republic, we cannot^ and ought 
not to have the leall regard or condefcenfion for that jea- 
jous State, being able even to oblige this arrogant neigh* 
bour, in the jull fear of the confequences which a more 
lAtitnate connexion between this Republic and North 
America would undoubtedly have, to lay down the iboner 
her arms, and rcftore tranquility to all Europe. 

That the petitioners, notwithftanding the inclination 
Acy have for it, ought not neverthelefs to explain them- 
iG^ves farther upon this objedt, nor make a demonftration 
in detail of the important advantages which this Repub- 
lic may procure itfelf by a connection and a relation more 
intimate with North America ; both, becaufe that no well- 
informed man C3n eafily call the thing in queftion,or con- 
tradict it 'y but alfo, becaufe die States of Friefland tbem- 
lelves have very lately explained thcmfelves, in a manner 
(o remarkable, in this refpeft ; and which is ftill more r-e- 
markable, becaufe in very different circumfiances, with a 
forefight, which pofterity will celebrate by fo much the 
more, as it is attacked in our time by ill defigning citizens, 
the Lords your predeceflbrs thought, four years ago, upon 
the means of hindering this Republic from being exclud- 
ed from the bufinefs of the new world, and from falling 
into the difagreeahle fituation in which the kingdom of 
Portugal is at prefcnt, confidering that according to the 
informations of your petitioners, the Cougrefs has exclud- 
ed that kingdom from all commerce and bufmefs with 
North America, folely, becaufe it had perceived that it 
fufFered itfelf to be too ftrongly dire£ted by the influence 
of the Britifh Court. This example makes us fear with 
reafon that if the proportions made, in the name of Ame- 
rica, by Mr. Adams to this Republic, fhould remain, as 
they ftill are, without an anfwer, or that, if, contrary to 
all expectation, they ihould be rejefted, in that cafe the 
Republic ought not to expcft a better treatment. 

That, for thefe reafons and many others, the petitioners 
had flattered themfelves that we fhould long ago have 
opened negotiations, and a cloier correfpondence, with 

the 



C 5S 1 

the United States of America. But this important work 
appeared to meet with difficulties with fome, as incom- 
patible with the acceffion of this Republic to the armed 
neutrality, and, in courfe, with the accepted mediation; 
whilft that others cannot be perfuaded to make this fo ne- . 
ceflary ftep, in the opinion that we cannot draw any ad- 
vantage, or at leail of much importance, from a more 
AviSt connection with America : Reafons, according to 
the petitioners, the frivolity of which is apparent to every 
one who is not filled with prejudice, without having occa- 
sion to employ many words to point it out. For, as to the' 
fir ft point, fuppofing, for a moment^ that it might be made 
a qucftion whether the Republic, after her acceffion to the 
armed neutrality, before the war with England, could take 
a ftep of this nature, without renouncing at the fame time 
the advantages of the armed neutrality which it had em- 
braced ; it is at leaft very certain, that every difficulty con- 
cerning the competency of the Republic to take a fimilar 
ftep vaniihes and difappears of itfelf at prefent, when it 
finds itfelf involved in a war with Great Britain, fincc" 
from that moment fhe could not only demand the aftiftaiice 
and fuccour of all the confederates in the armed neutra- 
lity, but that thereby fhe finds herfelf authorized, for her 
own defence, to employ all forts of means, violent and 
others, which fhe could not before adopt nor put in ufe, 
while fhe was really in the pofition of a neutral power 
which would profit of the advantages of the armed neu- 
trality. This reafoning then proves evidently, that, in* 
the prefent fituation of affairs, the Republic might ac- 
knowledge the independence of America ; and, notwith- 
ftanding this, claim of full right the affiftance of her 
neutral allies, at leaft, if we would not maintain one of 
the two following abfurdities : That, notwithftanding 
the violent aggreffion of England in refentment of our 
acceffion to the armed neutrality, we dare not defend our- 
felves, until our confederates fhall think proper to come to 
our affiftance ; or, otherwife, that being attacked by the 
Englifh, it fhould be permitted us, conformably to the 
rights of the armed neutrality, to refift them in arms, 
whether on the Doggers-bank or elfewhere, but not by 
contracting alliances, which certainly do no injury or 
harm to the convention of the armed neutrality, notwith- 

fbndin^ 



[ 56 ] 

ftaiiding even the fmall hope we have of being (uccore J 
by the ^lies of the armed confederation. The argument 
of the mediation is ftill more contrary to common fenfe 
in this, that it fuppofes, that the Republic, by accepting 
the mediation, has alfo renounced the employment of all 
the means, by the way of arms, of alliances, or other-* 
wife, which it might judge ufeful or neceflary to annoy 
her enemy : a fuppoiition, which certainly is deftitute of 
all foundation, ami which would reduce it Amply to a real 
fufjxrnfion of hoftilitics on the part of the Repuolic only^ 
to which the Republic can never have confentcd, neither 
directly nor indirectly. 

Befules tills hrt ar ^iumcnt, the petitioners ought to ob- 
fcrvc, in the hrft place, that by means of a good harmony 
and fricndftiip with the United States of America,, there 
will fpring up, not only difiercnt fources of bufmefs for 
this Republic, founded folcly on commerce and naviga- 
tion, but in particular the niaiuifad^ures and trade will 
allUmc a new activity in the interior cities ; for they may 
confume the amount of millions of our manufactures in 
that new country, of fo vaft extent : In the fecond place, 
abft rafted from all intcrefts of commerce, the friendfhip 
or the enmity of a nation, which, after having made pri- 
foners of two Englifh armies, has known how to render 
herfelf refpcclable and formidable, if it were only in rela - 
tion to the wcflern poffellions of this State, is not and 
cannot be in any manner indifferent for our Republic. 
In the laft place, it is neceiTary that the petitioners remark 
ferther in this refpeft, that feveral inhabitants of this Re- 
public, in the prefcnt fituation of affairs, fuffer very confi- 
dcrablc loflcs and damages, which at leaft hereafter might 
be wholly prevented, or in part, in cafe we fhould make 
with the United States of America, with relation to 
vefTels and effe£ls recaptured, a convention fimilar to that 
which has been made with Uie Crown of France the lafl 
year; for, venerable Regents, if a convention of this 
nature had been contrafted in the beginning of this war, 
the Inhabitants of the Republic would have already derived 
important advantages from it, confidering that feveral 
fhips and cargoes, taken by the Englifli from the inhabi- 
tants of this State, have fallen into the hands of the Ame- 
ricans 'j among others, two vpfiels from die Weft Indies, 

richly 



[ 57 ] 

rkhly loaded, and making fail for the ports of the Re- 
public, and both eftimated at niore than a npiillion of flo- 
rins of Holland ; which, captured by the EngliDi at the 
commencement of the year paft, were carried into North 
America, where, after the capitulation of General Corn- 
wallis, they paffed from the hands of the Englifh into 
othei^. 

That, although" the. petitioners are fully convinced, that 
the interefts of the commerce of this common country, 
and of this city, have conftantly, but efpecially in thefe 
laft years, attrafted, and ftill attra^i every day, a great part 
of the cares of the venerable. Regency; neverthelefs, 
having regard to the importance of the affair, the peti- 
tioners have thought that they might, and that they ought 
to take the liberty to addrefs themfelves with this petition 
to you, venerable Regents, to inform you, according to 
truth, that the mpments are precious, that we cannot lofe 
any time, how little foever it may be, without running the 
greateft rifque of lofing all j fince, by hefitating longer, 
the Republic, according to all appearances, would not de- 
rive any advantage, not even more than it has derived 
from its acceflion to the armed neutrality ; becaufe that in 
the fear of Britifh menaces, we did not determine to ac- 
cede to it, until the opportunity pf improving the advanr 
tage of it was paffed. 

4 For thefe caufes, the petitioners addrefs themfelves to 
you, venerable Regents, refpe6tf'ully folici^ing, that your 
efficacious influence may condefcend, at the Aflfembly of 
their noble and grand Mightineiles the States of this Pro- 
vince, to ArcSi affairs in fuch a manner, that upon this im- 
portant obje£l there may be taken as foonas poffible, and,| 
if poffible, even during the continuance of this Aflembly^ 
a final and decifive refolution, fuch as you, venerable Re- 
gents, and their noble and grand Mightineflfes, according 
to their high wifdom, Iball judge the moft convenient : 
and if, contrary to all expectation, this important opera- 
tion fliould meet with any obftacle on the part of one or 
more of tlie confederates, that in that cafe you, venerable 
Regents, in concert with the Province of Friefland, and 
thofe of the other Provinces who make no difficulty to 
open a negotiation with America, will condefcend to 
cdhiider'oF the 'means, which fliall be found proper and 

H con- 



--7\ 



C 5« ] 

convenient to effe&uate, that the com)nerce of this 
PiWriAc'ci ' as *wcir as that of Frieflandi and tjie other 
members^ adopting the fame opinion, may not be pre- 
judiced by any dilatory deliberations, nor too late re- 
folved, for the conclufion of a meafure as important as 
n^ceflary. ^ ' 

So doing, &c. 



» 



AM8TER- 



k- 



I. 



C 59 3 



AMSTERDAM. 

Address of ihi Merchant s^ &?r. to their Regenty. 

Noble, great, and venerable Lords ! 

T T is for us a particular fatisfa^lloh to. \ih able to bfTeV 
^ to your noble and gteat idrdfhips, as heads of the re^ 
gency of this city, this well inteiitiohed addi-efs that a 
fnultitude of our mofi; refpe£bble fellow-citizens have 
figned. It was already prepared and %ned by many, 
vHnen we learned, as well by the public papers as other-* 
wife, the propofitions of a particular peace, with an offer 
of an immediate fufpenfion of hoftilities on the part Of 
Great-Britain, made to this ftate by the mediation of die 
Ruffian amba^dor. This is the only reafoii why no 
immediate mention was made of it in the addfefs itfelf. 
It is by ho me&ns the i<)ea, that thefe offers would have 
made any impreffion upon the merchants \ fince we can, 
on the contrary, in truth afTure. your noble and great 
Lofdibips, that the unanimous ientiment nearly of the £x« 
fchange of Amfterdam, as much as ttiat is interefted in it^ . 
is entiriely conformable to that which the merchants of 
Rotterdam have made knoWn in fo energetic a manner : 
that confeqiientiy we have the greateft averfion to like 
oiFerS) as artful as dangerous, whicb^ ^\^% sidopted^ 
would very probably throw this Republic into othel* fitua'* 
iions very embarrafling, the immediate cohiequences of 
which would be, to ruin it totally : whereas, oh the othet 
hand, thefe offers fhew that we have only to deal with 
an enemy exhauftedj whom we Could fprce to a general 
^d diiraDle peace in the end^ by following only the exam^ 
pie of Firance^ Spain, and Nor& America, and by ufing 
the means which are in oUi^ hands. 

It is improper for ii?, howeyei", to enlarge ferther upon 
this proje<5l^ important as it may be, being well aflured^ 
that your noble and great Lordfbips fee thofe grievous 
sQnfequences mdre clearly thaii we din trace them.. 

H 2 The 



[ 6o 3 

The merchants continue to recommend their commerce 
and navigation to the conftant care and protefiion of your 
noble and great Lordfhips, and to infift only, that in cafe 
thefe offers of the court of England (hould be, at any 
time, the caufe that the affair of the admiffion of Mr. 
Adams^ in quality of Minifter Plenipotentiary of the Unit- 
ed States of America, fhould meet with any difficulty or 
delay on the part of the other confederates, that your 
noble and great lordfliips, conformably to the fecond arti- 
cle of our requifition, inlbrted in this requeft, would have 
the goodncfs to think upon meafures which would fecure 
this province from the ruinous confequences of fuch a 
proceeding. 



To the foregoing was joined the Addrejs frejcnted 
to the Burgomafters and the Councily which is of the 
following tenor. 

Noble, great, venerable, and koble and 
VENERABLE Lords! 

The underfigned merchants, citizens, and inhabitants 
of the city of Amfterdam, have learned with an inexpreffi- 
ble joy, the news of the refolution taken the 28th of 
March laft by their no^le and grand Mightinefles, the 
lords the States of Holland and Weft-Friefland. Their 
noble and grand Mightineffes have thereby not only fatis- 
fied the general wimes of the greateft and beft part of 
the inhabitants of this province, but they have laid the 
foundations of ulteriour alliances and correfpondencies of 
friendfliip and of good underftanding with the United 
States of Aijierica, which promife new life to the lan- 
gUifliing ftate of our commerce, navigation, and manu- 
faSures. The unanimity with which that refolution was 
decided in the affembly of Holland, gives us grounds to 
hope that the States of the other provinces will not delay 
to take a fimilar refolution ; whilft the fame unanimity 
fills with the moft lively fatisfaftion the well intentioned 
inhabitants of this city, and without doubt thofe of the 
whole country, in convincing them fully that the union 

among 



C 6i ] 

among the fage and venerable fathers of the country in- 
creafes more and more ; whilft that the promptnefs and 
adHvity with which it hath been concluded, make us hope, 
with reafon, that we fliall reap, in time, from a ftep fo 
important and fo neceffary for this Republic, the defire4 
fruits. Who then can call in queftion, or difavow that 
the moment feems to approach nearer and nearer, when 
this Republic (hall enter into new relations with a people, 
who find themfelves in circumftances which differ but little 
from thofe in which our anceflrprs found themfelves two 
centuries ago, with a people which conciliates more and 
more the general afFeftion and efleem. 

The conformity of religion and government, which is 
found between us and America, joined to the indubitable 
marks that (he hath already long fince given of the prefe- 
rence that {he feels for our friendfhip, makes the under- 
figned not only fuppofe, but infpires them with a confi- 
dence that our connexions with her will be equally folid, 
advantageous, and falutary to the interefls of the two 
nations. The well-being and profperity which will very 
probably refult from them ; the part which you noble, 
great, venerable, and noble and venerable lords, have had 
in the conclufion of a refolution fo remarkable ; the con- 
viction that the venerable council of this city had of it, 
upon 'the proportion of the noble, great, and venerable 
Lords, almofl: confented to, before the requeft relative to 
this projefl: prefented not long fince to you, noble, great, 
and venerable Lords, had come to the knowledge of the 
council ; finally the remembrance of that which was done 
upon this matter in the year 17785 with the beft inten- 
tions and the molt laudable views, finding itfelf at prefent 
crowned with an approbation as public as it is general, 
indifpenfibly oblige the underfigned to approach you with 
this addrefs ; not only to congratulate you upon fo re- 
markable an event, but to thank you at the fame time 
with as much zeal as folemnity, for all thofe well inten- 
tioncd cares, and thofe well concerted meafurcs, for that 
inflexible attachment, and that faithful adherence to the 
true interefls of the country in general, and of this city 
in particular, which manifefl themfelves in fo flriking a 
manner, in all the proceedings and refolutions of yoiu) 
ndble, great, and venerable Lordfhips, and of the venera- 
ble 



[ 62 ] 

bje council of this city, and which certainly will attntS 
the efteem and veneration of the lateft pofterity, when 
comparing the annals and events of the prefent with thofe 
of former times, it (hall difcover that Amfterdam might 
ftill boaft itfelf of pofleffing patriots who dared (acrihce 
gcneroufly all views of private interefts, of grandeur and 
confideration to the facred obligations Uut their country 
requires of them. 

We flatter ourfelves, noble, great, venerable, noble 
and venerable Lords, that the prefent public demonftration 
of our efteem and attachment will be fo much the more 
agreeable, as it is more rare in our republic, and perhaps 
even it is without example j and as it is more proper to 
efface all the odious imprcifions that the calumny and 
malignity of the Englifii miniftry, not long ago fo fer- 
vilelv adored by many, but whole downfal is at prefent 
conuimmated, had endeavoured to fpread, particularly a 
little before and at the beginning of this war, infinuations, 
which have fince found partifans in the United Provinces, 
among thofe who have not been aihamed to paint the 
Exchange of Amfterdam (that is to fay the moft irefpefhi- 
ble and tlie moft ufeful part of the citizens of this cit}', 
and at the fame time tlie principal fupport of the weli-^ 
being of the United Provinces) as if it confifted in a great 
part of a contemptible herd of vile interefted fouls, having 
no other objc<^ than tp give loofe to their avidity, and 
to their defirc of amafting treafures, in defrauding the 
public revenues, and in tranfporting articles, againit the 
iaith of treaties j calumniators, who have had at the fame 
time, and have ftill the audacity to affront the moft up- 
right regency of the moft confiderable city of the Repub- 
^c, and to expofe it to public contempt, as if it partici- 
pated by connivance, and other^vife, in fp (bameful a 
commerce ; infmuations and accufations which have been 
fpread with as much falftiood as yrickednefs, and which 
ought to excite fo much the more the indignation of every 
fenfible heart, when it is confidered that not only the 
merchants of this city, but alfo thofe gf the whole Jle- 
public have fo inviolably refpefted the faith of treaties 
that, to the ationifliment of every impartial man, one can- 
Apt produce atly proofs, at leaft no fuiEcient proois^ that 
there hath ever been tranfported froaoi this country con- 

trabahtl 



C 6i ] 

traband merdfiandizes ; whilft that die conjun£lur^ ill 
which imputations of diis kind have been fpread render* 
ed the proceeding ftill more odious, feeing it has been 
done at an epoch when the commerce and navigation cf 
Amfterdam, and of the whole Republic, would have ex<* 
perienced the firft and almoft the only attack of an unjuft 
and perfidious ally, for want of neccilary prote£Hon, upon 
which you, noble, great, venerable, and noble and vene- 
rable Lords, have fo often and fo ferioufly infifted, even 
before the commencement of the troubles between Great 
Britain and the United States of America ; at an epochs 
when the merchant, formed for enterprifes, was obliged 
to fee the fruit of his labour, and of his cares, tiie re- 
'.xnnpence of his indefatigable induflry, and the patrimony 
!efHned to his pofterity, raviihed from his hands by fo- 
■ 'eign violence and an unbounded rapacity; at an epoch 
iinairy, -when the wife and prudent politicians, who had 
cxhaufted themfelves and fpared no pains for the public 
fi;ood, faw their'patriotic views diffipated, and their pro- 
jeSts vanifh. 

Receive then, noble, great, venerable, and noble and 
venerable Lords, this folemn teiHmony of our lively 
gratitude, as gracioufly as it is given nncerely on our 
part. Receive it as a proof of our attachment to your 
perfons ; an attachment which is not founded upon fear, 
lior an exteriour reprefentation of authority and grandeur^ 
but which is fouified on more noble and immoveable 
principles,' thofe of efteem and refpe£t, ariAng from a 
ientiment of true greatnefs and of generofity. Be aiTured 
that when contemptible difcord, widi its odious attend- 
ants, artifice and impofture, could efFedhiate nothing, ab- 
folutely nothing, at the moment when the preicnt war 
broke out, to prejudice in the leafl the fidelity of the 
Citizens of the Anmel, or to fhake them in the obfervance 
of their duties ; the inconveniencies and the evils that a 
war naturally and neceflarily draws after it will not pro- 
duce the cffeft neither. Yes, we will fubmit more wil- 
lingly to them, according as we fhall perceive that the 
means that God and Nature have put into our hands 
are more and more employed to reduce and humble an 
h^,ue;hty enemy. Continue then, noble, great, venerable, 
liable and venerable Lords, to proceed with &fety in the 

road 



[ 64 } 

road that you fallow, the only one, which in our opinion 
can, under the divine benediction, tend to fave the coun- 
try from its prefent fituation. Let nothing divert or in- 
timidate you from it. You have already (urmounted the 
greateft difficulties, and the mod pointed cares. A mor^ 
pleafing perfpedtivc already opens. Great Britain^ not 
long fince fo proud of her forces, that {he feared not to 
clcctarc war againft an ancient and faithful Ally, already 
Kpents of that unjuft and rafh proceeding ; and, fuccumb- 
ing under the weight of a war, which becomes more and 
more burthenfome, fhe fighs after peace; whilft that 
the harmony among the members of the fupreme Govern- 
ment of this country increafes with our arms, according 
as your political fyftem, whofe neceility and falutary in- 
fluence were heretofore lefs acknowleaged, gains every 
day more numerous imitators. The refolution lately 
taken by the States of Friefland, and (b unanimoufljf 
adopted by our Province, furniflies, among many otherSj^ 
one incontcftible proof of it; whilft the naval combat 
fought the laft year on Doggerfbank, hath *(hewn toi 
aftoniflied Europe, that fo long a peace hath not made 
the Republic forget the management of arms, but that» 
on the contrary, it nourifhes in its bofom warriors who 
tread in the footfteps of the Tromps and Ruiters^ frdhi whofe 
prudence and intrepidity, after a beginning fo glorious, 
we may promife ourfclves the nioft heroic adlions ; that 
ihcir invincible courage, little afFc6^ed with an evident 
fupcriori ty, will procure, one day, to our country an hcMiour - 
able and permanent peace, which, in eternizing their 
military glory, will caufe the wife policy of your noble, 
great, venerable, and noble and venerable Lordihips, to 
he blcfTed by the latefl pofterity. 



UTRECHT; 



{ 6s 3 



#, 



U T R E C jEJ f. 

. ! . . ■ ■ ■ / 

to their noble mightinesses, the lords thf 

States of.the Country of Utrecht* :•: : 

» .... 1 

rp H £ underfigned manufa£hirers, merchants, ^nd other 
... traders of tius City give, with due refped,, to under* 
ftand, di^t the petitioners. Placing their coi^^ncc ia 
the intereft that your noble Mig^tineflies have always ap« 
peared to take in the advancement of manufa£iures and 
conmierce, have not been at all fqrupulous to recommend 
to the vigilant attention of your noble Mightineiles^ the 
favourable occafion that oiSers itfelf in this moment, to 
revive the manu&i^res, commerce, and trades f^len 
into decay in this City and Province, in cafe that your 
noble Mi^tinefles acknowledged, in the name of this 
City, Mr. Adams as Minifter Plenipotentiary of the 
Umted States oi America, to the end that there njight 
be fonned with them a treaty of commerce for this Ke- 
public. As the petitioners founded themfelves thus upon 
the intimate fentiment of the execution of that which 
your noble Mighdnefles judge proper to the advancement 
of the well-being of the petitioners and of their interefts, 
die petitioners have fvirther the (atisfa£tion of feeing the 
moft agreeable proofs of it, when your noble Mightinefles, 
in your \aA Ailembly, refolved unanimoufly to confent, 
xiot only to the admiffion of Mr. Adams in quality of 
Miniffer of the Congrefs of North America, but to au- 
thorife the Lords the Deputies of this Province at the 
Generality, to conform themfelves in the name of this 
Province, to the refolutions of the Lords the States of 
Holland and Weft Friefland, and of Friefland ; and, do- 
ing this, to confent to the acknowledgment and admiilion 
of Mr. Adams, as Minifter of the tJnited States of Ame- 
rica. As that refolution furnifhes the proofs the beft 
intentioned, the.moft patriotic, for the advancement of 
that which may ferve to the well-being and to the en- 
couragement of liianufadures, of commerce, and of de- 

I cave 



t 66 ] 

cayed trades, as well in general, as of this City and Pro- 
vince in particular, and which had been fo ardently de- 
fired; " die petitioners think themfelves indifpenfibly 
obliged to teftify, in the moft rdfpeftful manner, their 
gratitude for it to your -noble Mightinefles. The peti- 
tioners find themfelves abfolutely unable to exprefs, in 
words^ the general fatisfa<SHon that this event hath caufed, 
not oiily to them; but . aifo to the great and (mall of this 
Province j joined to the confirmation of the ptrkSt con- 
virion in which they repofe themfelves, alfo, for the fu- 
ture, upon the paternal care of your noble Mightinefles, 
that the confummation of the denred treaty of commerce 
•With the Americans may be foon eflTefted. The petitioners 
iitteft by the prefent, before your noble Mightinefles, their 
folemn and well-meant gratitude, which they addrefs at 
the fame time to your noble Mightinefles, as the mofl 
fiiicere mark of veneration and refpeilfor the perfons, 
and the direflion of public affairs, of your noble Mighti- 
nefles ; praying that Almighty God may deign to blefs 
the efforts and the councils of your noble Mightinefles^ 
as well as thofe of the Confederates ; that moreover this 
Province, and our dear country, by the propofitions of 
an Armiftice, and that which depends thereon, (hould 
not be involved in any negociations for a particular peace 
with our perfidious enemy, but that we obtain no other 
peace than a general peace, which (as your noble Mighti- 
nefles exprefs yourfclves in your resolution} may be com- 
patible with their honour and dignity ; and ferve not only 
for this generation, but alfo for the lateft pofterity, as a 
monument of glory, of eternal gratitude to, and efleem 
for the perfons and public adminiflration of the prefent 
time. 



PRIESLAND. 



[ 67 3 



F R I E S L A N D. 

Extract from the Regifltr-Bszk zf the Lords the 

States ofFrieJlarJ, 

TTHE requifition of Mr. Adams, for prefenting his let- 
-*■ ters of credence from the United States of America 
to their High Mi^tineflbs, having been brought into the 
aflembly, and put into deliberation, as alfo the ulceriour 
addrefs to the &me purpofe, with a demand of a catego- 
rical anfwer, made by him, as is more amply mentioned 
in the minutes of their High Mightinefles of the 4tfa of 
May, 1 78 1, and the 9th of January-, 17825 whereupoa 
it having been taken into confideratjon- that the laid Mr. 
Adams would probably have fome propdikions to make to 
their High Mightinefles, and to prefent to them the prin- 
cipal articles and foundations upon which the K^ongrefs^ 
on their part, would enter into a treaty of commeice and 
frlendfhip, or other affairs to propofe, in regard to which 
difpatch would be requifite. 

It has been diought iit and refolved to authorize the 
Lords the Deputies of this Province at the Generality, and 
to inftrud them to direct things, at the table or their 
High Mightinefles, in fuch a manner that the (aid Mr« 
Adams be admitted forthwith as Minifter of the Congrefr 
of North America ; with further order to the bid Depu- 
ties that if there (hould be made moreover any flmilar 
propofltions by the fame, to inform immediately their 
noble Mightineflies of them. And an extraft of the pre- 
fent refolution fliall be fent them for their information, 
that they may conduct themfelves conformably. 

Thus refolved at the Province Houfc the 26th Fe- 
bruary, 1782. % 

Compared with the aforeCaid book to my knowledge. 

Signed 

A. J. V. Smikja, 



I 2 HOLLAND 



f «« I 

HOLLAND 

AND 

WE ST F R I E SLA N D. 

m • * 

Extract of thi RefolutUns of tbi Lords the States t^ 

Holland and ffyifrii/Iandy taJbn in the Affembly oftie^r. 

. Noble and Grand migktinejfes^ Thurfday z%tb Marcb^ 



< ' . 



DELIBERATED ^y refumption upon the addrefs 
and the ul(»riour addrefs of Mr. Adams, made the 
4th of May, 17^19 and the Qtb of januaiy, 17829 to die 
ynefident tif the. States General, communicated to the 
Al&mbly the 9th M»y« 1781, and the 22d of laft month, 
lopreficntbis Jitters of credence, in the name of dieUxiitej 
States of America, to their High Mightinefle&; by which 
ultcriour addrefs, the faid Mr, Adams hath demanded a 
eafaegorical anfweif, that h< ff^ay aoquainf his cfnilituehts 
dKreof ; deliberat<^. aUo tipon d^ .'petitions pf a great 
Quonbisr of merchant,, maiii/ailurers and other inihabi^ 
tants of this Pfovinfrfr^' ihter^flfed in commerce to fupport 
dleir requeft pcelf jBOjed to the States General, the twentieth 
cvrrentt, to the >cndi that efficacious meafures might be 
taken to eftabliib a^.-CjOmmefce between this cmmtry and 
North America, copy <^ whi/ch petitions have been rgiven 
to the members, the jtw^nty-firjl ^ it hath been thought fit 
and refolved that the aiFair ihall be directed on the ps^rtof 
their noble and grand Mightineifes, at the ailembly of the 
States General, and that there ihall be made th^ftrongefl: 
inftanccs that Mr. Adams be admitted and acknowledged^ 
as foon as pofEble, by their High MightineiTes, in qua- 
lity of Ambaflador of the United States of America. And 
the Counfellor Penfionary hath been charged to inform 
uftder hand the faid Mr. Adams of this rcfolution of their 
noble and grand Mightineffes. 



^ * ZEALAND. 



f 69 3 
Z E A L A NO. 

JEx TRACT $fthf^Rffohtions of jbeir High Ji^^gbttnepi 
the States General of the United Provinces^ Mo»4v 
Sth April J 1782. 

nrH£ Deputies of the Province of Zealand l^^mebroug^ 
/- to the Ai&mbly, and have cauled to be rpad tbex«^ 
die refolution of die States of the faid Pipvince* dicy^ 
principals, to caufe to be admitted, as foon as poffibfa^ 
Mr. Adams in quali^ of Ambaflador of the Congrels of 
North America, according -to the following; lefoliition* 

Extract ^^»i the Regifter of ihg ^ffifi^ons <f ibi 
Lords the States <f Zealand, /^h of-JpriT^ 4782- 

It hath been thought fit and ordcijed, that the Lonbi 
flie ordinary Deputies of this Province at the GeneraUty, 
ihall be avthorifed, as.it is doije by the prefcnt, to aflMh la 
die dircftion of aflrairs at the Affembly qf their High 
Mi^tineffcs, in fuch a manner, that Mr. Adams maybe 
acknowledged, as foon as poiEble, as Ambaflador of the 
Congrefsof North America} that his letters of credence 
be accepted ; and that he be admitted in that quality, ac- 
cording to the ordinary form \ enjoinyig further upon the 
faid Lords the ordinary Deputies, to take fuch propo- 
fitions, as fhould be made to tfiis Republic by the faid Mr. 
Adams, for the information and' deliberation of their 
High Mightineffes, to the end to tranfmit diem here as 
foon as poffible. And an cxtradl of this refolution of their 
noble Mightinefies (hall be fent to the Ix)rds, their ordi- 
nary Deputies, to ferve them as an inftruflion. 

Signed 

J. M. Chalmers. 
Upon which having deliberated, it hath been thought 
fit and refolvcd to pray, by the prefent, the Lords the De- 
puties of the Province of Guelderland, Utrecht, and 
Groningen and Ommelanden, who have not yet explained 
diemfelves upon thefubjeft, to be pleafed to do it as foon 
as poffible. 

OVERYSSELL. 



M 



C 70 J 
OVERYSSEL. 

Extract ^aw thi Regifter of the Refolutions of the 
Equiftrian Order y and of the Gttes comfofing the States of 
OveryffeU ZwoBj ^th Aprils 1782. 

R. the grand BailiflF of Saalland, and the other Com- 
miffioiSbrs of their noble Mightinefles for the aflfairs 
of finance, having examined, conformably to their com- 
miflbrial refdution of the third of this monm, the addrefles 
of Mr. Adams, communicated to the Aflembly the 4th of 
May, 1781, and die aad of Februanr, 1782, to prefcnt 
his letters of credence to their High Mightin^s, in die 
name of the United States of America ; as wcU as die 
lefolution of the Lords the States of Holland and Weft- 
friefland, dated the 28th of March, 1782, carried the 
20th of the fame month to the Aflembly of their High 
Mightinefles, for the admiflion and acknowledgment of 
Mr. Adams, have reported to die Aflembly, that they 
ihould be of opinion, that the Lords the Depudes of diis 
Province in die States General ought to be authorifed and 
charged to declare in the Aflembly of their High Mighti- 
nefles, that the Equeftrian order and the Cities judge that 
it is proper to acknowledge, as foon as pomble, Mr, 
Adams in quality of Minifter of the United States of 
North America to Aeir High Mightinefles. Upon which, 
having deliberated, the Equeftrian order and the Cities 
have conformed themfelves to the faid report. 
Compared with the aforefaid Regifter. 

Signed 

Perk Dijnbar* 



GRONINGEN, 



t 71 ] 



GRONINGEN. 

Extract from the Regijitr of the Refoluttons of their 
noble Mightineffes^ the States of Groningen and Vmme" 
landen. Tuefday gth Jprilj 1782. 

nnHE Lords the States of Groningen and Ommelanden, 
^ having heard the report of the Lords the Conunif- 
iioners for the petitions of the Council of State and the 
Finances of the Province, and having carefully examined 
the demand of Mr. Adams, to prefent his letters of cre- 
dence from the United States of America to their High 
Mightineiles, have, after deliberation upon the fubjed, 
declared themfelves of opinion, that in the critical cir- 
cumftances in which the Republic finds itfelf at prefent^ 
it is proper to take, without lofs of time, fuch efficacious 
meafures, as may not only repair the lofles and damages 
that the kingdom of Great Britain hath caufed in a 
manner fo unjuil, and againft every fhadow of right, to 
the commerce of the Republic, as well before as after the 
war, but particularly fuch as may eflabliih the free navi- 
gation and the commerce of the Republic, for the future, 
upon the mofl (olid foundations, as may confirm and re- 
alTure it, by the flrongeft bonds of reciprocal intercfl $ 
and that, in confequence, the Lords the Deputies at the 
Aflembly of their High Mightinefles ought to be autfao- 
fifed, on the part of the Province, as thejr are by the prc- 
fent, to admit Mr. Adams to prefent his letters of cre- 
dence from the United States of America, and to receive 
the propofitions which he fhall make, to make report of 
them to the Lords the States of this Province. 

Signed 

£. Lewe, Secretary. 

The States General, having deliberated the fame day 
upon the refolution, h9ve refolved, that the Deputies of 
this Province of Guelderland, which has not yet declared 
itfelf upon the fame fubject, fhould be rcquefled, to be 
plcafed to do it as foon as poiTlblc. 

UTRECHT. 



t 72 3 



UTRECHT. 

Extract of the Refolutions of their noble Mightinejffis^ thi 
States of the Province of Utrecht^ 10 ^fril 1782. 

TJ E ARD the report of Mr. De Wefterveld and other 
•*^ deputies of their noble Mightincfles for the depart- 
ment of war, who, in virtue ot the commiflbrial refolu* 
tions of the 9th of May 1 78 1 > 1 6th January and 20th March 
of the prcfcnt year 1782, have examined the refolutions 
of their High Mightineffcs of the 4th of May 1781, con- 
taining an overture, that Mr. the Prefident ot the Aflembly 
of their High Mightinefles had made, ^^ that a perfon 
ftvling hlmfelf J. Adams had been with him, and had 
^iven him to underftand, that he had received letters ot 
credence for their High Mightinefles from the United 
States of America, with a requeft, that he would be 
pleafed to communicate them to their High MightinefTes ^ 
as well as the refolucion of dieir Hi^h MightinefTes of the 
Qth of January, containing an ultenour overture of Mr. 
the Prefident, that the faid Mr. Adams had been with 
him, and had infifted upon a categorical anfwer, whether 
his (aid letters of credence wouTd be accepted or not i 
finally the refolution of their High MightineiTes of the 5th 
of March laft, with the infertioa <h the refolution of 
f rielland, containing a propofition to admit Mr. Adams 
in quality of Minifter of the Congrefs of North America." 
Upon which having deliberated, and remarked thaf 
the Lords the States of Holland and Weft Friefland, by 
their refolution carried the 29th of March to the States 
General, have alfo confented to the admiflion of the faid 
Mr. Adams in quality of minifter of the Congrefs of 
North America, it hath been tboyght fit and refolved, 
that the Lords the Deputies of this ProvirKre in the States 
General fliould be authorifed, as their noble Mightinefles 
authorifc theiti by d^e.prefent, to conform themfelves, in 
the name of this Province, to the refolution of the Lords 
the States of Holland and Weftfriefland, and of Friefland, 
and to coni'ent by confequence, that Mr. Adams be ac- 
knowledged 



. • ■ ..z-A 



t 73 ] 

knowJedged and admitted as Minifter of the United States 
of America ; their noble Mightineffes being, in the mean 
time, of opinion, that it would be neceflary to acquaint 
her Majefty the Emprefs of Ruffia, and the other Neutral 
Powers, with the refolution to be taken by their High 
Mightineffes upon this fubjei^ in communicating to them, 
as much as fliall be neceffary, the reafons which have 
induced their High Mightinciics to it, and giving them 
the ftrongeft afiiirances that the intention of their High 
Mightineffes is by no means to prolong thereby theivar, 
which they would have willingly prevented and terminated 
long fince ; but on the contrary, that their High Migh- 
tinefles wHh nothing v/irh more ardor, than a prompt 
re-eftablifhment of peace ; and that they fhall be alwa^'s 
ready, on their part, to co-operate in it, in all poifiblc 
way?, and with a fuitable readincfs, fo far as that (hall be 
any way compatible with their honour and their dignity, 
and for this end an cxtraft of this (hall be carried bv 
jMiiEvc to the Lords the Deputies at the Genc-^alit}'. 



^ \:ii. 



C 74 ] 



G U E L D E R L A N D. 

# 

"Extract from the Reces of the ordinary DUt^ boldgn in tl» 
Qty ofNimegucn^ in the Month of April 1782. JVe^r 
nefdaj^ 17 April 1782. 

TPHE rcquifition of Mr. Adams, to prcfcnt his ktters 
•*■ of credence to their High Mightineflcs in the name 
of the United States of America, having been brought to 
the afTembly and read, as well as an ulteriour addre^ 
made upon this fubje£^, with a demand of a categorical 
anfwer by the faid Mr. Adams, more amply mentioned 
in the rcgifters of their High Mightineflcs of the date of 
the 4th of May 1781, and of the 9th of January 1782; 
moreover the refolutions of the Lords the States 01 the 
five other provinces, carried fucceffively to the afiembly 
of their High Mightineflcs, and all tenaing to admit Mr. 
Adams in quality of Ambaflador of the United States of 
America to this Republic ; upon which their noble Migh- 
tineflcs, after deliberation, have refolved to authorife the 
deputies of this Province at the States General, as they 
authorife them by the prefent, to conform themfelves in 
the name of this Province to the refolution of the Lords 
the States of Holland and Weftfriefland, and to confent, 
by confequcnce, that Mr. Adams may be acknowledged 
and admitted in quality of Ambaflador of the United States 
of America to this Republic. In confequence, an extra6^ 
cf the prcfcnt (hall be fent to the faid Deputies, to make as 
foon as poiTible the requifitc overture of it to the aflfembly 
of their High Mightineflcs. 

In fidem extra£li. 

Signed 

J. In de Betouw. 



TH£ 



\ - 



s^Sj 



tn r 



THE 

STATES GENERAL. 

ExTR ACTyr^;« the Regtjicr of the J^efoluUoris of their High 
Mightineffes the States Gefieral of the United -Provinces^ 
Friday 19 Apri!,^ 1782. 

lr\ELIBERATED by refumptionj lipon J:he addrefe 
^^ and the ulteriour addrds^.made by Mr. Adams the 
4th of May 1781^ and the 9th of January of the current 
year to Mr. tiie Prefident of the Aflembly of their High 
Mightinefles, to prefent to their High Mightineffes hi§ 
letters of credence in the name of the United States of 
North America j and by which ulteriour addrefs the faid 
Mr. Adams hath demanded a categorical ai;ifwer^ to the 
end to be able to acquaint liis ConftitueAt§ thereof 5 it hath 
been thought fit and tefolved, that Mr. Adams fball be 
admitted and acknowledged in quality of Ambaffador of 
the United States of North America to their High 
Mightineffes, as he is admitted and acknowledged by the 
prefent. 

. Stoned 

W. B O' & E $ L, Prefident. 

Lotver dswn 

Compared with the aforefaid Regiften 

Signed . 

H, F A G E L« 



K 2 Extract 



[ 76 ] 



Extract frt 



KTTiXCr from the Rcgifter of the Refoluthfis of their 
High Mighthitjps the States General of tht Unhtd Pre- 
vincesj Monday ^ 7,1(1 Afril^ 1782. 



M 



R. B O R EE L, who prcfidcd in the Aflcmbly the 
laft week, hath reported to then: High Mlghtincfit-, 
and notified to them, that Mr John Adams, Ambafiador tu 
the United States of America, had been with him la!t 
Saturday, and prefented to him a letter from the Aflembiy 
of Congrefs, written at Philadelphia, the firft of January, 
1 78 1, containing a credence, for the faii Mr. Adam.", 
to the end to refidc in quality of its Miiiiftcr Plenipoten- 
tiary near their Hrgh Mightinefles : Upon which ha\ iiig 
deliberated, it hath been thought fit and refolved, to de- 
clare by the prefent: " That the faid Mr. Adams is 
*• agreeable to their High Mightinefles \. that he fhail 
*' be acknowledged in quality of Minifter Plenipotentiar> j 
•' and that there fliall be granted to him an audience, 
**"or afligiied Commiffioners, when he fhall demand it/* 
Information of the above Ihall be given to tlie faid Mr^ 
Adams, by the Agent van der Burch de Spicring^^oek, 

Signed 

W. VAN CiTTERS, Prefident, 

Lower down 
Compared with the aforefaid Regiften 

Signed 

H. FAG£t* 



MEDAL, 



t 77 3 



M ED A L. 



To THE NOBLE AND MIGHTY LoRDS, TKS StAI ?$ 

Or FRI£SLAr:D, 

T[^HE Society of Citizens, eftabliflied at Leenv/^irJcn, 
-*" under the motto, '^ By Liberty and Zcaj,'' tto^I 
humbly reprefents, that it defires to hnvc an opportunity 
of teftifying publicly, by fefts, to your nohlc Mi^hcj- 
nc/Tes, the moft lively, but, at the iamc time, the mo'l: 
refpc^tful (entiments ol gratitude, v.'hich not only animuitc 
them, but alfo, as they afiure thcmfelves, all the v/lH 
intentioned Citizens, efpccially, with relarion to tiic 
refolutions equally important, and full of wiixlom^ which 
your noble Mightinefles have taken upon all the pointy^ 
in regard to which the critical circumCaiKres, in which 
our dear country finds itf^f plunged, have furnifctrd to 
your noble Mightinefles, objects equally nusnerods ami 
difagreeable, particularly, at the ordinary Diet of rhe vci.r 
I732» and at the extrardinary Diet holdcn in the mautn. 
of April laft ; refolutions which bear not only the cha- 
raSers of wifdom, but alfo tholb of the beft ijtentionL^J 
folicitude, and the pureft love of our country ; and whicA 
prove, in the moft convincing manner, that yonf noble 
Mightinefles have no greater ambition than its univerCJ 
profperity; afliduoufly propofing to yourfclves, as the 
moft important objedl of your attention, of your cnter- 
prifes, and of your attachment, the rule, Sa/as Pcpuu 
fuprema Lex ejlo \ refolutions, in fine, whicli ought per- 
tct^ly to re-aflure the good Citizens of this J-'ro'.ijict-, 
and encourage them to perfevere in that ftiU and tranquil 
confidence which has hindered them from reprefentin*'- 
to your noble MightinefTes the true interefts of th'^ 
country, and to exhort them, at the fame time, by their 
fupplications, to ?& with courage, and to fulfil their du-- 
ties ^ confidering that the laid refolutions have fullr uf 



t 78 ] 

fured them, that their pofTeffions, with that which i& 
above all thiiigs dear to them, their Liberty (that right 
which is more precious to them than their lives ; to 
which the fmallcft injury cannot be done, without doing 
wrong and diftionour to humanity; a right, neverthe- 
lefs, which, if we confidcr the world in general, has been, 
alas ! almoft every where equally violated) are depofited 
in fafety, under the vigilant eye of your noble Might I- 
nefles. 

Hie Society has thought that it might accomplifh 
its wifhcs, in the molt convenient and decent manner, 
in caufing to be ftricken, at its expence, a Medal of 
filvcr, which may remain to poller ity a durable monu- 
ment of the perfect harmony which at the prefent dan-*' 
gerous epoch has reigned between the government and 
the people. It has conceived, for this purpofe, a (ketch 
or project, as yet incomplete, according to which one 
of the fides of the Medal fliould bear the Arms of Frief-^ 
land, held by an hand, which defcends from the clouds, 
with an infer! ption in the rdlowing terms : To the States 
ef Frlcjlandy in grateful Memory cf the Diets of February 
and of Aprils 1782, dedicated by the Society Liberty 
AND Zeal. An infcription, which would thus con* 
tain a general applaufc of all the refolutions taken in 
thefe two Diets j whilft upon the reverfe, one fbould 
diftinguilh, more particularly, the two events which 
intercft the moft our common country, in regard of 
which your noble Mightinefles have given the example 
to the States of the other Provinces, and which merit, 
for this reafon, as placed in the foremoft fituation, to 
fhew itfelf the moft clearly to the fight : to wit, " The 
Qdmifiion of Mr. Adams in quality of Minifter of the 
United States of America to this Republic ; and the re- 
fufal of a feparate peace with Great Britain." Events 
which fhould be reprefentcd fymbolically by a Frifian, 
drefled according to the anvient characteriftic cuftom 
of the Frifians, holding out his right-hand to an inha- 
bitant of North America, in token of friendfhip ajad 
brotherly love ; whilft with the left-hand he rejette the 
peace which'England offers him. The whole with fuch 
convenient additions, and fymbolical ornaments, which 

the 



C 79 ] 

the Society, perhaps, would do well to leave to' the ih^ 
vention of the medalift, &c, 

[The remainder cf this requejl relates to other fuhjeSisJy 

Done at Leeuwardcn the 8th May, 1782. 
The Society " By Liberaty aud Zeai./* 
^.Signed at its requejt 

W, WOPKENS, 

in the ahfence of the Secretarfi 



AKT 



1 

• 2 



^ . ■ ■ <:.■». - vij 



• ^ 



\ N 



E S SAY 



O N 



Canon and Feudal Law< 



By JOHN ADAMS, 
AMBASSADOR PLENIPOTENTIARY 

I 
T R M T H X 

United and Independent States of 

North America, 

TO T R K X A 

High Mightiness the States General of 
THE United Provinces of Holland* 



A N 



ESSAY 



O N 



Canon and Feudal Law/ 



" TGNORANGE and inconfideration, are the two 
A great caufes of the riiin of mankind." — This is an 
obfervation of Dr. Tillotforiy with relation to the intcrcft 
of his fellow-men, in a future and immortal ftate : But 
it is of equal truth and importance, if applied to the hap- 
pinefs of meii in fdciety, on this fide the grave. — In th6 
earlieft ages of the world, ahfoluie Monarchy feems to 
have been the univerfal form of government. -— • Kinfi:s, 
and a few of their great counfellors and captains, exer- 
cifed a cruel tyranny over the people who held a rank in 
the fcale of intelligcriCe, in thofe days, but little higher 
than the camels and elephants, that carried them and their 
engines to war. 

Bv what caufes it was brought to pafs, that the people 
in tne middle ages, became more intelligent in general, 
would not perhaps be poflible in thefe days to difcovcr : 
But the fa<^ is certain, and wherever a general knowledge 
and fenfibility have prevailed among the people, arbitrary 
government and every kind of oppreffion have leffened 
and difappeared in proportion! — Man has certainly an 
Exalted foul ! and the fame principle in human nature ; 
that afpiring noble principle, founded in benevolence and 
cheriftied by knowledge ; I mean the love of power, 
which has been fo often the caufe oi Jlavery^ has, when- 
ever freedom has exifted, been the caufe of freedom. If 
it is this principle, that has always prompted the princes 

L \ and 






E 84 I 

and nobles of the earth, by every fpccies of firaud and 
violence, to (hake off all the limitations of their power j 
it is the fame that has always ftimulated the common 
people to afpire at independency, and to endeavour at 
confining the power of the great, within the limits of 
equity and reafom 

The poor people, it is true^ have been much lefs fuc- 
* cefsfiil than the great — 'They have feldom found either 
leifure or opportunity to form an union and exert their 
ftrength-r-ignorant as they were of arts and letters, they 
have feldom been able to frame and fupport a regular op- 
pofition. This, however, has been known^ by the great, 
to be the temper of mankind, and they have accordingly- 
laboured, in all ages^ to wrefb from the populace, as they 
;are contemptuoufly called, the knowledge of their rights 
and wrongs, and the power to aflert the former or redref^ 
the latter. I fay Rights, for fuch they have, undoubt- 
edly, antecedent to all earthly government — Rights^ that 
cannot be repealed or reftrained by human laws — RigbtSy 
derived from the great Legiflator erf the univerfe. 

Since the promulgation of chijiftianity, the two greateft 
fyftems of tyranny, that have fprung from this original^ 
arc the cannon and the feudal law — ^The defire of domi - 
nion, that great principle by which we have attempted 
to account for fo much good, and fo much evil, is. when 
properly reftrained, a very ufeful and noble movement in 
the human mind : but when fuch reftraints are taken ofiv 
\t becomes an encroaching, grafping, reftlefs and un- 
governable power. Numberkfs have been the fyftems of 
iniquity, contrived by the great, for the gratification of 
this paffion in themfclves^. but in none of mem were they 
ever more fucce&fql, than in the invention and eftablifh- 
ment of the canan and th^ feudal law. 

By the former of thefe, the moft refihed, fublime, ex- 
tfcnfive, and aftonifhing conftitution of policy, that ever 
was conceived by the mind of man, was framed by the 
Romifh clergy for the aggrandifement of their own order# 
All the epithets I have here given to the Romifh policy 
are juft ; and will be allowed to* be fo, when it is coiv- 
lidered, that they even perfuaded mankind to believe^, 
faithfully and undoubtingly, that God Almighty had in- 
trufted them with the keys of heaven,, whofe gates they 



f 8s 3 

might open and clofe at pleafure-^with a power of difpetv- 
(ation over all the rules and obligations of morality — 
with authority to licenfe all forts of fins and crimes — 
with a power of depofmg princes, and abfolving fubjefls 
from jdkgiance — with a power of procuring or with- 
holding the rain of heaven, and the beams of the fun— 
with the management of earthquakes, peftilence and fa^ ' 

mine. ^Nay, with the myfterious, awful, incomprehen- 

fible power of creating out of bread and wine, the flefli 
and' blood of God himfelf.-^AU thefe opinions they were 
enabled to fpread and rivet among the people, by redu- 
cing their minds to a ftate of fordid ignorance ana ftaring 
timidity ; and by infufing into them a religious horror of 
letters and knowledge. Thus was human nature chained 
£aft forages, in a cruel, ihameful, and deplorable fervid 
tude, to him and his fubordinate tyrants ; who, it was 
foretold, would exalt himfelf above all that was called 

' God, and that was worfliipped. 

In the latter we find another (Vftem fimilar in many 
refpefls to the former ; which, although it was originally 
formed perhaps for the neceflary defence of a barbarous 
people, againft the inroads and invaiions of her neigh- 
bouring nations ; yet, for the fame purpofes of tyraimy, 
cruelty and luft, which had di£bted the canon law, it. was 
foon adopted by almoft all the Princes of Europe, and 
wrought into the conftitutions of their government. — Ir 
was originally a code of laws, for a vaft army ih a per- 
petual encampment. — The general was invefted with the 
fovereign propriety of all the lands within the territory. — • 
Of him, as his fervants and vafials, the firft rank of his 
great officers held the lands ; and in the fame manner^^ 
the other fubordinate officers held of them ; and all ranks 
.and degrees, held their lands, by a variety of duties ancf 
fervices, ail tending to bind the chains the fafter, on 
every order of mankind. In this manner, the commoir 
people were holden together, in herds and clans, in a ftate 
of fervile dependance on their Lords; bound, even by 
the tenure of their lands to follow them, whenever they 
commanded, to their wars ; and in a ftate of total igno- 
rance of every thing divine and human, excepting^ the ufe 
of arms^ and the culture of their }ands. 

But, 



r 86 ] 

6ut, Another event ftill more calamitous to humnn li- 
berty, was a wicked confederacy, hetVv<?en the two fyiir' 
terns of tyranny above dcfcribed. — ^It feems to have betn 
even llipulatcd between them^ that tlie temporal grandees 
ihould contribute every thing in iheir power to maintain 
the afcendcncy of the prietthood ^ and that the fpiritual 
grandees, in their turn, (hould cniploy that afcendency 
over the confcienccs of the people, in impreffing on their 
minds, a blind, implicit obedience to civil magiftracy. — 

Thus, as long as this confederacy laftcd, and the peo- 
ple were held in ignorance ; Liberty, and with • her, 
knowledge, and virtue too, feem to have deferted the 
cartii ; and one age of darknefs fucceeded another, till 
God, in his benign Providence, raiied up the champions, 
who began and condudted the Reformation. — From the 
•time of the Reformation, to the firft fettlement of Amcr 
rica, knowledge gradually fpread in Europe, but efpcci- 
ally in England ; and in proportion as that increafed and 
fpread among the people, ecclefiaftical and civil tyranny, 
which 1 ufe as fynonymous expreflions, for the canon and 
feudal laws, fccm to have loft their ftrength and weight. 
The people grcv7 more and more fenfible of the wrong 
thiit was done them, by thefe fyftems ; more and more 
impatient under it ; and determined at all hazards to rid 
themfelves of it ; till, at laft, under the execrable race of 
the Stuarts, the ftruggle between the people and the 
confederacy aforcfaid of temporal and fpiritual tyranny, 
becam6 formidable, violent and bloody.- 

It was this great ftruggle tliat peopled America.^ — It 
Y/as not religion alone, as is commonly fuppofed ; but it 
wa*s a love of univerfal liberty, and an hatred, a dread, 
an horror of the infernal confederacy before defcribed, 
that projefted, conducted, and accompliflied the fettle- 
ment of Americaf. 

It Vv'as a refolution formed by a fenfible people, I mean 
the Puritans almoft in defpair. They had become intel- 
ligent in general, and many of them learned.-— For this 
fait 1 have the teftimony of Archbifliop King himlelf, 
who obferved of that people, that they were more in- 
telligent, and better read than even the members of the 
church whom he cenfures warmly for that reafon* — This 
people had bepn fa ve3Cgd, and tortured by the Jyowers of 

thofe 



. [ 87 3 

thofe days, for no other crime than their knowledge, and 
their freedom of enquiry and examination ; and they had 
fo much reafon to defpair of deliverance from thofe mife- 
ries on that fide the ocean, that they at laft refolved to 
fly to the wildernefs for refuge, fram the temporal and 
ipiritual principalities and powers, and plagues, and 
fcourges of their native country. 

After their arrival here, they began their fettlement, 
and formed their" plan both of ecclefiaftical and civil go- 
vernment, in direct oppofition to the (anon and t\i^ feudal 

fyftcms. The leading men among them, both of the 

clergy and the laity were men of fcnle and learning : To 
many of them, the hiftorians, orators, poets and philo- 
sophers of Greece and Rome were quite familiar : and 
fomc of them' have left libraries that are ftill in being, 
confifting chiefly of volumes, in which the wifdom of 
the moft enlightened ages and nations is depofited, writ- 
ten however in languages, which tiieir great grandfons, 
though educated in European Univerfiticsj can fcajcely 
rcadl 

Thus accompliflied" were many of the firft planters of 
thefe colonies. It may be thought polite and fafliionable, 
by many modern fine gentlemen, perhaps, to deride the 
charafters of thefe. perlbns as enthufialHcal, fuperftitious 
and republican : But fuch ridicule is founded in nothing * 
but foppery and affectation, and is grofly injurious and 

falfe. Religious to fome degree of enthufiafm, it may 

be admitted they were ; but this can be no peculiar dero- 
gation from their chara6ter, becaufe it was at that time 
iiimoft the univerfal chara£ter, not only of England but 
of Chriftendom, Had this hcTwever been other wife, their 
enthufiafm, confidering the principles in which it was 
founded, and the ends to which it was direfted, far from 
being a reproach to them, was greatly to their honour : 
for I believe it will be found universally true, that no 
great entefprize, for the honour or happinefs of mankind, 
was ever atchieved without a large mixture of that noble 
infirmity. Whatever imperfections may be juftly afcribed 
try them, which however are as few as any mortals have 
difcovered, their judgment in framing their policy was 
founded in wife, humane and benevolent principles. It 
was founded in revelation and in reafon too : Jt was 

confiAeat 



[ 88 ] 

confiftent with the principles of the bcft, and greatcft, 
and wifeft legeflators of antiquity.— —Tyranny in every 
ferm, ihape and appearance, was their diidain and abhor- 
rence ; no fear of punifhment, nor even of death itfelf, 
in exquifite tortures, had been fufiicient to conquer that 
fleady, manly, pertinacious fpirit, with which they had 
oppoicd the tyrants of thofe days, in church and ftatc. 
They were very ht from being enemies to monarchy ; 
and they knew as well as any men, the jufl regard aiki 
honour that is due to the charader of a-difpenfer of the 
inyftcrics of the gofjxl of grace : But they faw clearly, 
that popular powers muft be placed as a guard, a con- 
troul, a balance, to the powers of the monarch and the 
prieft in every government ; or elfe it would foon be* 
come the man of hn, the whore of Babylon, the myftcry 
of iniquity, a great and deteftable fyllem of fraud, vio- 
lence and ufurpation. Their greatell concern feems to 
have been to eftablifti a government of the church more 
confiftent with the Scriptures, and a government of the 
jlate more agreeable to the dignity of human nature, than 
any they had feen in Europe : and to tranlmit fuch a go- 
yernment down to their pofterity, with the means of 
iecuring and prefcrving it for ever. To render the po- 
pular power in their new government as great and wife 
as their principles of theory, i. e. as human nature and 
the chriftian religion require it fhould be, they en- 
deavoured to remove from it as many of the feudal in- 
equalities and dependencies as could oe fpored, confift- 
ently with the prefervation of a mild limited monarchy. 
And in this they difcovered the depth of their wifdom, 
and the warmth of their friendihip to human nature.-— 
But the firft place is due to religion. — "—They faw dearly, 
that of all the nonfenfe and deiuiion which had ever pafled 
dirough the mind of man, none had ever been more ex- 
travagant than'the notions of abfolutions, indelible cha-* 
ra£ters, uninterrupted fucceffions, and the reft of thofe 
fentaftical ideas, derived from the canon law> which 
had thrown fuch a glare of myftery, fan£tity, reverence 
and right, reverend eminence, and holinefs around the 
idea of a prieft, as no mortal could defcrve* and as al- 
wa}'s muft, from the conftitution of humali nature, be 
dangerous in fociety. For this reafon, they demdiflied 

the 



[ 89 J 

the whole fyftem of Diocefan cpifcopacy, and deriding, 
as ail rcaibnabie and impartial men mul^ do, the ridicu- 
lous fancies of fitndiAed effluvia firom epiicopal niigers, 
they cftabliihed facerdotal ordination on the foundation ot 

the Bible and common (enfe. This coiuluvt at once 

impofed an obligation on the whole body of the clergy* 
to induftry, virtue, piety and learning ; and rendered that 
whole body inhnitely more iridependcnt on the civil 
powers, in all refpccts, than they could be where they 
were formed into a fcale of fubordi nation, from a Voyic 
down to Priefts and friars and confeflbrs, neceflfarily and 
ellentially, a ibrdid, ftupid, and wretched herd ; or than 
they cotdd be in any other country, where an archbifhop 
held the place of an univerfal biihop, and the vicars and 
curates that of the ignorant, dependent, mifcrable rabble 
^orefaid ; and infinitely more fenfible and learned than 

they could be in either. This fubjedt has been feen in 

the fame light by many illuftrious patriots, who have lived 
in America, fmce the daj's of our forefathers, and wlio 
have adored their memory for the fame reafon. ■ And 
roethinks there has not appeared in New England, a 
ftronger veneration for their memory, a more penetrating 
infight into the grounds and principles and fpirit of their 
policy, nor a more earneft defire of perpetuating the blef- 
"iings of it to pofterity, than that fine inilitution of the 
late Chief Juttice Dudley, of a Icfture againft popery, 
acd on the validity of prefbyterian ordination. This was 
certainly intended by that wife and excellent man, as an 
eternal memento of the wifdom and goodnefs of the very 
principles that fettled America. But I muft again return 
to the feudal law. The adventurers fo often men- 
tioned, had an utter contempt of all that dark ribaldry 
of hereditary indefeafible right, — the Lord's anointed,-— 
and the divine miraculous original of government, with 
which the priciUiood had inveloped the feudal monarch 
in clouds and myfteries, and from whence they had de- 
duced the moft mifchievous of all do<!lrines, that of paf- 
five obedience and non-refiftance- They knew that go- 
vernment was a plain, fimple, intelligible thing, founded 
in nature and reafon, and quite comprehenfible by com- 
mon fenfe. ^Thcy dctcftcd all the bafe fervices, and 

fervile dependencies of the feudal fyftem.— They knew 
chat no fuch unworthy dependencies took place in the. 

M ancient 



L 90 ] 

ancient feats of libcrtv, the republic of Greece and 
Rome : and thev thou[rht all fuch flavifli fuborrlinations 
v/ere equally inconiiil'jnt with the conilitution of liuman 
nature, aiid that rd'iiic.us liberty ^vith which Jcfus had 
made thcin free. This was certainly the opinion they 
had forrr.'.'.', ,:j '. :■-. v v.*. re f?.r from bcinir fin'jular or cx- 

travatiant in ihinivu ; .. ..-;iii>' C(-il..:.' .: :.■ '.'.rn 

writers in Europe have tfpoufed thie fame icntiir.tnw. — 
Lord Kaims, a bccttifh v/riter of great reputation, whofc 
authority in this cafe ou^ht to have \\v: !•::;:_■ wci^^ht, 
as his countrymen have not the moft worthy ideas of li- 
berty, fpcuking of the feudal law, fays, " A conftitution 
fo contradictory to all the principles which govern man- 
kind, can nrvcr be brought about, one fliould imagine, 
but by foreign conqueft or native ufurpations." Brit. 
Ant. p. 2. — Rouffeau fpeaking of the fame fyftem, calls 
it, '' That molt iniquitous and abfurd form of govern- 
ment, by which human nature was fo fhamefuUy degrad- 
ed." Social compact, Page 164. It would be eafy 

to multiply authorities ; but it muft be needlefs, bccaufe 
as the original of this form of government was among 
favages, as the fpirit of it is military and defpotic, every 
writer, who would allow the people to have any right to 
life or property or freedom, more than the beail^s of the 
field, and who was not hired or inlifted under arbitrary 
lavvlefs power, has been always willing to admit the feu- 
dal fyftem to be inconfiftent with liberty and the rights 
of mankind. 

To have holden their lands allodially, or for every man 
to have been the fovereign lord and proprietor oF the 
ground he occupied, would have conftituted a govern- 
ment, too nearly like a commonwealth. — They were 
contented, therefore, to hold their lands of their King, as 
their fovereign lord, and to him they were willing to ren- 
der homage : but to no mefne and fubordinate lords, nor 
were they willing to fubmit to any of the bafet fervices. — 
In all this thev were fo ftrenuous, that they have even 
tranfmitted to their pofterity, a very general contempt and 
deteftation of holdings by quit rents : As they have alfo 
an hereditary ardour for liberty, and thirft for know- 
ledge. — 

rhey were convinced by their knowledge of human 
nature derived from hiftoryand their own cxpericrtce, that 

nothing 



[ 91 3 

nothings could prefer ve their pofteri ty from the encroach- 
ments of the two fyftems of tyranny, in oppofition to 
which, as has been obferved already, they ei;e£l:ed their 
government in church and ftate, but knowledge diiFufed 
generally through the whole body of the people. — Their 
civil and religious principles, ther^ore, confpired to 
prompt them to ufe every meafure, and take every precau- 
tion in their power to propagate and perpetuate know- 
ledge. For tiiis purpofe they laid very early the founda- 
tions of colleges, and invefted them with ample privileges 
and emoluments j and it is remarkable, that they have left 
among their pofterity, fo univerfal an afFe(Sion and vene- 
ration for thofe feminaries, and for liberal education, that 
the meaneft of the people contribute chearfully to the fup- 
port and maintenance of them every year, and that no- 
thing- is more generally popular than productions for the 
honour, reputation, and advantage of thofe feats of learn- 
ing. But the wifdom and benevolence of our fathers 
refted not here* They made an early provifion by law, 
^that every town, confuting of fo many families, fhould he 
always furnilhed with a grammar fchool. — They made it 
a crime for fuch a town to be deftitute of a grammar 
fchool-mafter for a few months, and fubjefled .it to a^i 
heavy penalty.— So that the education of all ranks of 
people was made the care and expence of the public in a 
manner^ that I believe has been unknown to any other 
people ancient or modern. 

The confequcnces of thefe eftablifhments we fee and 
feel every day. — A native of America who cannot read 
and write, is as rare an appearance as a Jacob ite^ or a Ro- 
man Catholic, i. e. as rare as a comet or an earthquake. — 
It has been obferved, that we are all of us lawyers, di- 
vines, politicians, and philofophcrs.-: — And I have good 
authorities to fay^ that all candid foreigners who have 
pafled through this country, and converlbd freely with all 
forts of people here, will allow, that they have never feen 
fo much knov/lcdge and civility among the common peo- 
ple in any part or the world. — It is true there has been 
among us a party for feme years, confifting chiefly, not of 
the defendants of the firft iettlers of this country, but pf 
high churchmen and high ftatefmen, imported fince, who 
aft'e«5t to cenfure tins provifion for the education of our 
vouth as a aecdlefs expence, and an impofition upon the 

JM 2 rich 



rich in favour of the poor ; — and as an inftitution pro- 
du£livc of idlenefs and vain fpeculation among the people, 
whofc time and attention, it is faid, ought to be devoted to 
labour, and not to public affairs, or to examination into 
the conduft of their fuperiors. And certain officers of 
the crown, and certain other miffionaries of ignorance, 
foppery, fervihty, and flavcry, have been moft inclined to 
countenance and encreafe the fame par^. — Be it remem- 
bered, however, that liberty muft at all hazards be fup- 
portcd. If^e have a right to ity derived from our Maker ! 
But if we had not, our fathers have earned and bought 
it for us at the expence of their eafe, their eftates, their 
pleafure, and their blood. — And Liberty cannot be pre- 
fcrved without a general knowledge among the people, 
who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to 
knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in 
vain, has given them underftandings and a defirc to know ; 
but befides this they have a right, an indifputable, unaliena- 
ble, indefeafible, divine right, to that moft dreaded and 
envied kind of knowledge, I mean of the charafters and 
conduct of their rulers. Riders are no more than attor- 
niesy agents^ and trujiees for the people : and if the 
caufe, the intereft, and truft are infidioufly betrayed, or 
wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke 
the authority that they themfelves have deputed, and to 
conftitute abler and better agents, attornies, and truftees. 
And the prefervation of the means of knowledge, among 
the loweft rank, is of more importance to the public, than 
all the property of all the rich men in the country. It is 
even of more confequence to the rich themfelves, and to 
their pofterity. — The only queftion is, whether it is a pub- 
lic emolument? and if it is, the rich- ought undoubtedly 
to contribute in the fame proportion as to all other public 
burdens, i. e. in proportion to their wealth, which is fe- 
cured by public expences. — But none of the means of in- 
formation are more facred, or have been cheriflied with 
more tenderncfs and care by the fettlers of America, than 
the prcfs. Care has been taken that the art of printing 
fliould be encouraged, and that it fhould be eafy and 
cheap, and fafe for any perfon to communicate his 
thoughts to the Public. — And you, Meflieurs Printers, 
whatever the tyrants of the earth may fay of your Paper, 
have done important fervice to your country, by your 

readinef^ 



I " 






■ ' • - • : « ' 



• 



[ 93 ] 

readinefs and freedom in publifhin^ the fpeculation«i of the 
curious. The ftale, impudent inhnuations of fiander and 
fedition, with which the gormandizers cf power have en- 
deavoured to difcredit your Paper, are fo much the more 
to your honour ; for the jaws of power are always opened 
to devour, and her arm is always ftretched out, if poflible 
to deftroy, the freedom of thinking, fpeaking, and writ- 
ing. — And if the public intereft, liberty and happineis 
have been in danger, from the ambition or avarice of any 
great man, or number of great men, whatever may be 
their politenefs, addrefs, learning, ingenuity, and in other 
refpedts integrity and humanity, you have done yourfclvcs 
honour, and your country fervice, by publifliing and 
pointing out that avarice and ambition. — Thefe views arc 
fo much the more dangerous and pernicious, for the vir- 
tues with which they may be accompanied in the fame 
charafter, and with fo much the more watchful jealoufy to 
be guarded againft, 

'^ Curfe on fuch virtues, they've undone their country.'* 

Be not intimidated^ therefore^ by any terrors^ from 
publijbing with the iitmcjl freedom whatever can le tum-^ 
ranted by the la^ius of your country ; nor frffer yourjelvct 
to be wheedled out if your liberty by any pretences of po-- 
litenefsy delicacy^ or decency. Thcfe, as they are oftea 
ufed, are but three different names for hypocrify, chica- 
nery, and cowardice. Much lefs, I prefuine, will you be 
difcouraged by any pretences, that malignants on this fide 
the water * will reprefent your Paper as factious and fedi- 
tious, or that the Great on the other fide the water will 
take offence at them. This dread of reprefentation has 
had for a long time in this province effedls very fimilar to 
what the phyficians call an hydrophobia^ or dread of water. 
— It has made us delirious — and we have rufhed hcadlons: 
into the water, till wc are almoft drowned, out of fimple 
or phrenfical fear of it. Believe me, the character of this 
country has fuffered more in Britain, by the jmfdlanimity 
with which we have borne many infults and indignities 
from the creatures of power at home, and the creatures of 
thofe creatures here, than it ever did, or ever will by the 
freedom and fpirit that has been or will be difcovered in 
writing or adion. Believe me, my countrymen, they 

* Boflon in America. 

have 



kK 



C ^ ] 

have imbibed an opinion on the other fide the wafer, that 
we are an ignorant, a timid, and a ftupid people ; nay, their 
tools on this fide have often the impudence to difpute your 
bravery.— But I hope in God the time is near at hand, 
^en they will be ftiUy convinced of your underftanding, 
integrity, and courage. But can any thing be more ridi- 
culous, were it not too provoking to be laughed at, than 
to pretend that offence ihould be taken at home for writ- 
ings here ? — Pray let them look at home. Is not the hu- 
man underftanding exhaufted there? Are not rcafon, 
imaginations, wit, paflion, fcnfes and all, tortured to find 
out fatire and invedive againft the charafters of the vile 
and futile fellows who fometimes get into place and 
power ? — The moft exceptionable paper that ever I faw 
here is perfedt prudence and modefty, in comparifon of 
multitudes of their applauded writings. Yet the high 
regard they have for the freedom of the Prefs, indulges 
all. — I muft and will repeat it, Newfpapers deferve the pa- 
tronage of every friend to his country. And whether the 
defame rs of them are arrayed in robes of fcarlet or fable, 
whether they lurk and ficulk in an infurance office, whether 
theyalTume the venerable charafter of a prieft, the fly one 
of a fcri verier, or the dirty, infamous, abandoned on« of 
an informer, they are all the creatures and tools of the 
luft of domination. 

Tlie true fourcc of our fufFerings, has been our timi- 
dity. 

We have been afraid to think.— We have felt a re- 
luctance to examining into the grounds of our privileges, 
and the extent in which we have an indifputable right to 
demand them, againft all the power and authority on 
earth, — And many who have not fcrupled to examine for 
themfelves, have yet, for certain prudent reafons, been cau- 
tious, and diffident of declaring the refult of their en- 
quiries. 

The caufe of this timidity is perhaps hereditary, and to 
be traced back in hiftory, as far as the cruel treatment the 
firft fettlers of this country received, before their em- 
barkation for America, from the government at home. — 
Every body knows how dangerous it was, to fpeak or 
write in fevour of any thing, in thofe days, but the tri- 
umphant fyftem of religion and politicks. And our 
fathers were, particulaily, the objects of die perfecutions 

and 



[ 95 ] 

and profcriptions of the times, — It is not unlikely there- 
fore, that, although they were inflexibly fteady in refufing 
their pofitive affent to any thing againft their principles, 
they might have contradted habits cf refer ve, and a cau- 
tious diffidence of aflerting their opinions publicly. — 
Thefe habits they probably brought with them to Ame- 
rica, and have tranfmitted down to us.-^Or, we may pof- 
fibly account for this appearance, by the great afreftion 
and veneration, Americans have always entertained for 
the country from whence they fprang — or by the quiet 
temper for which they have been remarkable, no country 
having been lefs difpofed to difcontent than this — or by a 
fenfe they have that it is their duty to acquiefce under the 
adminiftration of government, even when in many fmaller 
matters grievous to them, and until the efientials of the 
great compadl are deftroyed or invaded. Thefe peculiar 
caufes might operate upon them ; but without thcfe, we 
all know, that human nature itfelf, from indolence, mo- 
defty, humanity or fear, has always too much relud:anc^ 
to a manly affcrtion of its rights. Hence perhaps it has 
happened, that nine-tenths of the fpecies, are groaning 
and gafping in mifery and fervitude. 

But whatever the caufe has been, the h& is certain, 
we have been cxceflively cautious of giving ofFence by 

complaining of grievances. And it is as certain, that 

American governors, and their friends, and all the crown 
officers, have availed themfelves of this difpofition in the 
people. — They have prevailed on us to confent to many 
things, which were grofsly injurious to us, and to furrcn- 
der many others with voluntary tamenefs, to which we 
had the cleared right. Have we not been treated for- 
merly, with abominable infolence, by officers of the 
navy ? — »-I mean no infinuation againft any gentleman 
now on this ftation, having heard no complaint of any one 
of them to his diflionour. — Have not fome generals, from 
England, treated us like fervants, nay, more like flaves 
than like Britons ? — rHave we not been under the moft 
ignominious contribution, the moft abje£l fubmiffion, the 
moft fupercilious infults of fome cuftom-houfe officers ? 
Have we not been trifled with, browbeaten, and trampled 
on, by former governors, in a manner which no King of 
England fmce James the Second has dared to indulge to- 
wards his fubjefts f Have we not raifed up one family, 

placed 



[ 96 ] 

platTCu In their, nn uiilimitL J confidence, and been foothed, 
a;u! f*.utcrcv!, and intimidated by their influence, into a 

i.:rci-t r::rt of thi< infamous tamencfs and fubmifiion ? 

*' T'.cfc arc Icrioiis and alarming queftions, and deferve a 
Jirpalliouatc confidfration." — 

t'hii difpolkion has been the great wheel and the main 
fprinj^ iji the American machine of court politics. — We 
ha\o b»_n tcid, thr^t " the word Rights is an oSenfive 
cxprLmon/' That " the King, his Miniftrj', and f*ar- 
lia.r.cnt, will not endure to hear Americans talk of their 
Ji:'..[:s.'* Thr^t " Britain is the mother and we the chil- 
drer., thr*r ?. nlin^ duty and fubmiflion is due from us to 
her,' and that " wc out ht to doubt our own judgment, 
and prrflime that Vac is right, even when (he feems to us 
to (iivXL the fou^^.uVitions rt government." That ** Bri- 
tain is inmienil'ly rich, and great, and powerful, has fleets 
anu i:rmics- r.t her command, which have been the dread 
and terror of the iiiiiverfe, and that Ihe will force her own 
^;?d';-:r.'>nr ir.tr, execution, right or wrong." But let me 
intreat you, S'r, to paufe — Do you coniider yourfelf as a 
mifllonary orio,.ilt; or of rebellion ? Are you not repre- 
lenting your K — , his Miniftry and Parliament, as t\Tants, 
iTipcrious, unrelenting tyrants, by fuch rcafoning as this? 
— Is not this rci'icicnting your moil: grrxio'us Sovereign, 
as endeavouring to deftroy the founviations of his c\?n 
throne r — Are you not reprefenting every Member of 
Parliament as renouncing the tranfavTiions at Run^n Meed \ 
[the meadow, nenr Windfor, where Afagna Charta was 
figned,] and as repealing in effect the bill of rights, when 
the J.orJs and Commons aflerted and vindicntecl the rights 
f)f the people and their own rights, and infilled on the 
KinQ.'£ aiTent to that afiertion and vindication? Do vcu 
not reprefent them, as forgetting that the Prince of 
Orange was created King William by the People, on pur- 
pcfc that their rights might be eternal and inviolable ? — 
iS there not fomething extremely fallacious, in the com- 
mon place imiige? of mother coimtry and children colo- 
nies ? Are v/e the children of Great Bntain, anv more 
than the cities of London, Exeter and Bath ? Are we not 
brethren and fellov -!ubie&, with thofe in Britain, only 
under a fomewhat different mxthod of legiflation, and 4 
totally different method of taxation ? But admitting we 
are children, have- not children a fight to complain wheii 

their 



[ 97 3 

their parents are attempting to break their limbs, to admi* 
nifter poifon, or to fell them to enemies for (laves ? Let 
rne intreat you to coniider, will the -mother be pleafed, 
when you reprefent her as deaf to the cries of her chil- 
dren ? When you compare her to the infamous mif- 
creant, who lately ftood on the gallows for ftarving her 
child ? When you refemble her to Lady Macbeth in 
Shakefpear, (I cannot think of it without horror) 

Who ^' had given fuck, and knew 
" How tender 'twas to love the babe that milk'd her.'* 

But yet, who could 
*^ Even while 'twas fmiling in her face, 
*' Have pluck'd her nipple from the bonelefs gums, 
" And dafli'd the brains out," 

Let us banifli for ever from our minds, my countrymen^, 
all fuch unworthy ideas of the K — g, his Miniftry, and 
Parliament, Let us not fuppofe, that all are become 
luxurious, effeminate and unreafonable, on the other fide 
the water, as many defigning perfons would infmuate. 
Let us prefume, what is in faa: true, that the fpirit of 
liberty is as ardent as ever among the body of the nation, 
though a few individuals may be corrupted. — Let us take 
it for granted, that the fame great fpirit, which once gave 
Csefar fo warm a reception ; which denounced hoftilities 
againft John, 'till Magna Charta was figned; which 
levered the head of Charles the Firft from his body, and 
drove Jameij the Second from his kmgdom^ the fame 
great ^irit (may heaven preserve it till the 
EARTH SHALL BE NO MORE !) which firft feated the 
great grandfather of his prefent moft gracious Majefty 
on the throne of Britain, is ftill alive and ailive, and 
warm in England ; and that the fame fpirit in America, 
inftead of provoking the inhabitants of that country, will 
endear us to them for ever, and fecure their good-will. 

. This fpirit, however, without knowledge, would be 
little better than a brutal rage.— ~-Let us tenderly and, 
kindly cherifli therefore the means of knowledge. Let us 
dare to read, think, fpeak and write.*— -Let every or** 
der and degree amdng the pfeople roufe their attention and 
anipiiate their refolution. — Let them all become attentive 
tg the grounds and principles of government, ccclefiafti- 

N cal 



[ 98 J 

fal and civil.— I-ct lis ftudy the law of nature ; (carch 
into the fpirit of the Britifli conilituiion 5 read the hifto^ 
firs of ancient ages ; contemplate the great examples of 
Greece and Rome ; let before us the conducl of our own 
Hfilifh anceftor?, who h?.ve defended, for usy the inherent 
rights of mankind againll foreign and domeftic tyrants 
;ind ufurpers, againft arbitr;iry kings and cruel priells, in 
ihort againft the gates of earth and hell, — Let us reaJ 
and recoiled^, and iniprefs upon our fouls the views and 
ends of our own more immediate forefathers, in exchange 
in,'3 their native country for a dreary, irihofpitable wU- 
dci nefs. Let us examine into the nature of that power^ 
and the cruelty of that opprcflion which drove them from 
their homes. Recollect their amazing fortitude, their 
bitter I'uft'erings ! The hunger, the nakednefs, the cold, 
which they patiently endured ! The fevcre labours of 
clearing their grounds, building their houfes, raifing their 
provifions, amidft dangers from wild bcafts and lavage 
men, before they had time or money, or materials for 
commerce ! Recollect the civil and religious principles, 
and hopes, and expectations, which conltantly fupported 
and carried them through all hardfhips, with patience and " 
rcfi^nation 1 Let us recolleft it was liberty ! The hope 
of liberty for thcmfelvcs and us and ours, which conquer- 
ed all difcouragemcnts^ dangers and trials ! In fucb 

refearchcs as thefc, let us all in our fcveral departments 
chearfuUy engage ! But efpeciaUy the proper patrons and 
fiipporters of law, learning and religion* 

Let the pulpit refound with the doibines and fenti- 

nici\ts of religious liberty. Let us hear tlie danger of 

thraldom to our confciences, from ignorance, extream 
poverty and depcndance, in fhort from civil and political 
ilavery. — Let us ftc; delineated before us, the true map 
of man. Let us hear the dignity of his nature, and the 
noble rank he holds among the woiks of God ! that con- 
fenting to flavery is a facrilegious breach of truft, as of- 
fenfive in the fight of 'God, as it is derogatory from our 
own honour, or intereft or happinefs ; and that God Al- 
MKrHTY has promulgated from heaven, liberty, peace, and 
good -will to man ! 

Let the Bar proclaim, *^ the laws, the rights, the ge- 
nerous plan of power," delivered down from remote an- 
tiquity ; inform the world of the mighty firuggles, and 

num«