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ouuu4re36-
lo\^\ Ji. i^
COMPARATIVK (IKAMMAlr
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
or TOR
SANSKRIT, ZEND,
GREEK. LATIN, LITHUANIAN, GOTHIC, GERMAN,
AND SCLAVONIC LANGUAGES.
ay
PROFESSOR F. BOPP.
TBANSUTKD FBOM THK QEBMAX
DY
EDWARD B. EASTWICK, F.R.S., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.
OF UUTOX COLLMB, OXroSD, MIUIIIS OF Till ASIATIC lOCIITIM Of PASU ANU
aouBAT, or THi ouwAS OBiiNTAi. aocinr, add O* TKI milOLaOICAL
aocilTT Of UIMDOH, Ha-fDIlABI MSUIIZK Of tllS KJtDKAa LITIRART
aOCIITT, FBOriSaOK or OHISSTAL LANQIAatS /iHV LIBHARIAN IH
THI SAIT-IKDIA COLLtOB, H A I LIT HUH T, AND TBANSLATOB OV
TtIK lABTAIST HAUAn, THI KISS AH- 1 'IAN J AM, THI I'BKU
■ ABAH. Till BAOR-a-BAillll, THI ai;i,l«TAN, TUB
AKlXB-l-SDnAILl, ITC. ETC. ITC.
SECOND EOmojI. ; /
V ^s 0--7
LONDON : ^
JAMES M A D D E \,
8, LEADENHALL STREKT.
1856.
WILLIAM M. HATtt, CUUVia CttUBT. TIHPI.I B&K.
COMPARATIVE GIUMMAU.
PRONOUNS,
PIBST AXD SECOS*I> PEKSOKS.
liiQ. Im these proiiouna the genders nrc not dtstiuguislied
in any of the liidoEuropenn Inngiiages; and all the sister
dialects agree with one another surprisingly in this point,
tliat tUo nomiantivu s'logulnv first (ii-i-son is from a difTo-
rent base froui th«t from which tlie ohliquc cases come.
It is, San<iknt W?*^ aham, Zend (^^A) arnn, Greek e-yo, La-
tin 1^1. Gothic it, LithuRniiU] iitz. Old Sclavonic ax. The
am at v^ akam is lerinini)tioa, as in Iwam, "thou," oyom.
•■tiiis," and gwaijam, "self;" and as in the plural, vtiyam,
"we," tf^t/am, "ye." The vfiolic eyuv answers better than
lyia to altum ; l>ut 1 would prefer cyor, in oi-der to explain
the lengthening of tlic vowel in eyto as a compensation for
tli«i loss of the nasal. The abbreviated c'^u, raay. however,
have reacted on the more complete iyutv, and imparted to it
llie length of its voweL In Uie other European languages,
exceptthc Latin, the entire terminntion hris disappeared, as is
alao Uie case in Greek and Latin in ov, tv, tu, contrasted with
tiie San3krit.Zcnd(icrtf»(frt)in/tt-(int), ^^>50 tum (§."12). To
L tlie latter, however, answers the Ba-ot, tooi', and the i;
H of the Doric and Lncon. ruvti. tovv:^, is, perhaps, an un-
I organic addition, as, in Gothic, the a in [O. Kd. p. 4C8.J
■ pronominal at-tnisa lives {iha-wi for than, from Iham. (§. 149.),
H if not, vij must be regarded as an annexed particle. The
H oblique coses, in Sanskrit, have in the first person ma,
H and in the second liva. as theme, which is lengthened, how-
H ever, in some eases, by the admixture of an f (compare
^L %. IbH.); hence fn^, twf. On the other hand, two. in tlic
453
PRONOUNS.
^ntiv«, abbreviates itself to ta (tu-bkyrm), from whicli, also,
thv nomiDative tivam: in tlie genitive fn-v-n tlie u of ia
receives the Gunn, or the a of/im is trftnspoeed, To tiie
base 110 answers the Greek MO. from wliich come tlie geni-
tive ^orJ, and (Ijitivc tioi The c of EMO rt-sla ou tlie pre-
vailing disixiaitiou of the Greek to prefix a vowel to forms
brglnntng with a consonant, as in ovojj.a, oiou^. iippvs, Att^t/r.
contrasted with mima, dnnln-s, hlir&'g, liiijhu-s, "Uglit." The
o of MO, 'EMO is intcrehauged with e (see §. ;).) : Iienee
ifuio, ifxeSev for */*»?», 4ft6-6ev (compare noScv, £S^6-0€v,
&c.]; ifMo for tfiooi* titcu, jucv for efiov, fiou. lu tlic
^i)olie-Doric forms Cftevf, ifiovi. as in rei/r, TcoCr, the 2 is
aIa.terad()ition, introduced l>y the necessity for a Z as a geni-
tive cliaracter, ufter the old geuitive 2) — which, ac-cording to
§. IB9.. in the o deelension did not stand nt tlie end but iu the
middle — had been long lost. Compare, in this respect, the
regniocd genitive sibilunts in New German fornis like
Ilerxens {p. 167 G- Ed.). Cn the uniofleeted accusntive f^e,
ifxe, the final e for o, which latter might have been expected,
is to be ix-garded as similar to the e of tlie vocative
AvM in §. 204. As to the dispensing with the accusative
nasal, however, it is important to remark, that, in S;xn5l;rit.
for mtlm, "me," ami (itxlm, "thee," we also find nid, (livi,
without tJie case-sign; and tlic rejection of the in has,
[O. Ed. p. iGO.} perhaps. Dext given occasion to tiie
IcDgtlicning of tlie a; so that here that would hold
good with regard to vuUn and /i»lin that was coiijei-lured
above of eyui' for eyivA The Latin supjx)rt3 in like manner,
by its accusatives me and te, the ancient loss of tlie inflexion.
4
• Th« form >KJiu«j would hnre, according to tlio nanal nili-s of con-
trMtloa, (o l>« ouinpiirod with ^vmk, iifl«r Iom of tho > iliroagli aq intcr-
TM^iig Xvcra.
t Tho rsucm of the IrotpJieniiiK nii^it lUao he looked fur in tUe wonis
bdng maM^rUaibic } but llibfti<i>lic« tolbo sblouvts Jitu', tuttt.
raoKocNS.
•fAO
327. The theme of tlic second person (rrii divides itself in
Greek* after ihc vowel or semi-vowel lias been lost, into
the forma £Y iiiid ZO, for 2fO. and tlie o is excliaaged
Willi «, as in the first person, uc7o, o-^fiev. ^v. II. VIII. 37.
the e of reoTo — Teo-(<r)/o — stands, as it appears, as a melt-
ing of tlie F, or tbiouing of the v (as ■n^x*""^ f^** '"VX^^'^i) >
and the to-bc-prcsiipjiowd rFoaio or tvooio vroulil correspond
cxeeilcntly to the Zend ifnva-hi/A. lo which a Sanskj-it tioa-
stfa would auswer. in case thwahtjA, which foriuur!y ap
penred to me to be an instrumental, is renlly a genitive,
ns, according- to p. 2so, Rem. 3., can scarcely be doubted.
The Gothic tins weakened the a of tlic base ma to i, and
contracted the ttrmuiation va of the 2d person to «;
hence MI, TIIU, dative mt-s, thn-s, accuantivc rni-k, thti-k.
The genitive is. in Sanskrit, in departure from all other ge-
nitives, mtima, lava. The former nppenrs to have arisen
by reduplication; the Zend, however, substitutes fur it
mana f and, in tlie Gothic, na has assumed so much the
character of an inflexion, tltat it hiui uindc its way also into
the 2d person and the 3d person, which is void of gender;
me(-iKi. llifi-na. tei-na. The'mu I regard asnn abbreviation of
thvei-na, as t imagine »ei-nn to come from wfi-na, for ihunti
must have spning from THU. As, however, H ma has, in
Gotluc. btx'omc Ml. and from tliis has been formed, by length-
ening it, MKl : so might also iv tiva become Tlli'I and
TIIVEI. According lo this, the genitive [O. Ed. p. 470.J
//ipi««— as the abbreviation of /Aii(tm/i — in respect to its buse,
lias the same relation to thu, that, in Grei'k, aov ^from ofoo)
has to vC, or that tcw (from jFiv) has to m
S2S. In Latin, as in Gothic, the a of the Indian ma has
been weakened to t, and this, in a measure, has changed the
declension of the pronoun from the second, which, according
to §. I in.. WQB to have been expected, into the third: dative
mi-hi for ^W^ ma-hyam (§. aii>.); accusative vac for mem
(a» hoate-m from IIOSTJ), not mu for mum,- ablative mt
H n 2
4G0
PBOKOOKS.
from mfd, not mo from mnri =Sansltrit in^ ma/. Tlir gr-
nitive met is based, according to §.'200., on the locative nfn
may-i (euphonic for tni-i), and belongs, therefore, to Die
lengthened theme S mA In the second person, according to
the nmilogj' of mei, the form ltd might liiive hcen ex-
pected from wfti twuy-i, and may originally have existed.
but in the actuu! condition of tJie language is iuipossible.
for » ennnot (-onsiat wiOi n jiriwediiig consonant, but in this
position is cither resolved into u, ond at times, indeed,
■with tho sacrifice of tbo vowel following, as in tud-o, an-
swering to ftrc swid, "to awcat"; or hfis itself disap-
peared, ns in cnvis, nnswe Hug to Smm. " a dog," snnuM for
stHiJius. answering to tu^tia-x. "a tone";* or boa dislodged
the preceding consonant, ns above (p. 424), ic hia, as a
hardening of vh, from dwh. We should hence have to
expect for tui, together with some other forms, ntao Ui
(for tvei)', 03, too, ti-fj't may be tikoo to he an abbreviation
of tvi-bi : for although the dative in Sanskrit is ttt-bhyam,
and the transition from u lo t in Latin is not uniisnal
(fourth declension i-ftwi for w-Ain), still the Sanskrit con-
traction oi twn-bftyam lotu-bhi/am is scarcely of so old a date
[O. Ed. p. J7I.] as to ser^'c for a point of departure for the
Latio U'hi ; and 1 therefore prefer considering tihi, sih}, as
abbreviations of liti-bi, tw'fbi, rather than as corruptions of
tu-b'i, MU^h
329. In S-inskrit, m^. tf. exist as co-forms for the geni-
tive and dative (^mnma, («ivi, mafiyam, tubhyam): UK how-
ever, is clearly an nbbreviation of ttcf. and I have since found
tins opinion, which I have expressed before, supported by
R(«en"s Veda-specimen fp. 86}, and hy the Zend. The
latter gives j*S»s((*<^ /AwiJi for the Vcdic (ri--^; hut at the same
time, also, (he abbreviated fonns j^;o tiU and jwp t^; by
which, na it were, tbo way of corruption is pointed out to
• Tlw CrvrV ^urii ts, proUibly, ui analogoui word, and would, accord-
PBONOONS.
461
the Latin tihi and Gothic ikfi-na. Altliough, according to
§.336., i) ml uDil n tu'i lie at the bottum of several cases aa
tlieine, slili> jicrliaita, these forms, logcthur with ihc ab-
breviated /«', where tliey appear as genitives or datives, are
not to be re^iinled as naked U'lses, as it is contrary to the
geoiiis of tJte language to introduce a theme, aa such, iuto
tpeeeh;* but they may be explained as locatives, according
to the principle of the comniou u hoses (§. 1*J6.}. especially
as, in Siinsknt, the lot-Ativc very frequently supplies the
place of the dative, and the dative relation is expressett by
the genitive even more commooly tlian by the dative itself.
But if ^ mf and i^ 1^, a tw^. and the corresponding Zend
f<iiins, are really locatives, they are then, according to
§. 1 96., identical with the Greek datives ^i', aal. or reh which*
however, must be compared with the avtnal locatives iif%
mayi. j^ iu^ayi, by easting out the setni-vowel, if st m^ and
Ir ti are to pass as uniutlceted themes, extended only mc
chunicitlly.
330. The genitives mi mama, Aj/wf mana, [G. Ed- p, 478.]
and tnva, serve the Lithnanian, and, with the exception of the
ablative and genitive, also the Old Sclavonic, 03 the ground-
work for the declouaion of the oblique singular cases. 'I'hcy
are recognised with a weakening of the final a to >' moat
distinctly in the Lithuanian instrumental and locative mammi,
mtmiWttnivhni.tawiyf. The genitive, dative,and accusative arc
anomalous — moneas,lutL'finii,maiutuw.maupn.tavieii. — butlmve.
in like manner, proceeded from the old genitive. In Old Scla-
vonic, the acciiitative fnyn, lya, still remains upon the old
Footing, aud, according lo §. 2J5. a. p. 310., answers to tR m4t
" me," m litd, "ihec," with loss of the v in the second person.
The genitive mene, "of me," answers exactly to the Zend
• The case li dlflerent when a word, by rabbin^ off the termiosLiuu,
sinlisbiick Dgotu iuto tlio <:uii(liliun uf a Ibcme : bc«idc«, only nuulera,
In the ugniUuktivc, ocuuiotivc aiul tracAtive siii.galQr.exliibit Uiv purv diciiio.
4G2 PBUNDUKS.
nana (see §. S25. o.) and teftf, "orthwrto tlie rodo-Zf-nd
tava. Cotisitiered from n Sclavonic point of view, however,
M£Nt TEB. must be regarded ns themes, and e for n
ua tlie common genitive terniioatiou (§. 269.)- Mi^O,
TEBO, and TQBO. clearly lie as theme* at the bottom of
the dative and locative mnye, ielye.
331. Tliepturalin the pronoun of the first person is, inmost
of the ludo-Europcnu languages, distinct iu base IVom the
singular. I have iilrcady elsewhere endeavoured to explain
this* on the ground that '■ I" is properly iucapableof a plural;
for there ia but one " I,'" and the notion " wo" comprehends
"me "and an indefinite number of other individuals, each
of which may even belong to a different species; while by
leone* a plnrality of individuals is represented, of which
each is alion. And the case is siroilarwith tlic pEurals of all
oUier aubslnntives. adjectives, and pronouns ; for " tlicy " is a
multiplying of "he." and "ye" may at least be rather regarded
as the plural of "thou." than "we" as the plural of "I."
[0. Rl. p. 473.] Wlierc, however, the idea " we " is expresai'd
by the plural of " I," it there happens on account of the pre-
pondentiiig feeling of our own personality, in whieli the " not
I " is drowned, and is left unnoticed, or is supplied by the
custom of the lanf^agc. Hence one might seek to compare
the Sanskrit nominative vm vnyam (from vi + am) by
tlie frequent interchange of m and v (J- 03.} with tlie length-
ened singular hiise ^ mt (p. -lOS G. cd.), an interchange which
must, however, he very old, since the German, scarcely by
accident, partakes in it, and which may bo favoured by tliu
cirvunistauce tlint there exists actually an iuterual motive
For a diQcrcnec iu the base syllable.
3;i2. In tlie Vcdas we find a-tmi also for vayom ; and tliis
ofmJ? is, according to J. 22S.. formed from the theme asma.
From which alBO, in the common Sanskrit, all the oblique
<■ Uial. Phil. TraiM. of tha Ac. of Lfl. txi tlie year 1834. f. 134.
PBONODNS.
463
CHses proceed, and to which tlie Greek allica iteclf, com-
meiidiig even with the nominative ; for the most gciliuiit;
/Eolic form ct/i^ec stands, by assimilation, for oct^uec (see
§. 170.), aBcpjurfroai co-jUf, Sanskrit asmi. " lam." For cf/ijufff,
however, afifiot ou^lit to be the forrespondiiig word to the
Vedic atmi ; as tlic theme asmo, according to §. 116., would,
in the Greek, sound A2MO: however, by dropping tlie final
vowel, the Greek form has wandered into tlit- department of
another declension. The s-imc is llie case with vfi/iei, an-
swering to the Vedic yushmf (euphonic for yuitit^). On the
other imnd, i)ficiv,v/ith, pre-suppose a theme 'H Ml, 'YMI, the t
of which is to be taken tia a weakcoing of the Indian a ofasma,
yuxkma ; as, in Gothic. t/A'iS'/, IZt'I (§. I(i7.), together with
VNSA, IZVA. The genitives (i^/*^wi/, ififtiaiv, also — for
dfj^fit-iuVfVfJ'fir ton, ani in the common language ^/jmv, vfia>v —
shewthattlicy are deduced from bases in / ; just so the datives
ij/wf, I'lfuv, for ^fit-IP. vfju-uv, with lu for die Indian b^rminntion
bhyam \n<tsttwbhjom,yu»hmnbhy(im {%. S22,). The accusatives
17^9. i/>»af.arecontnictionsof an unusual kind [O. Ed. p. 474.]
from »5;t(-cis, vtu-oi, for which )7(u7?,iV<?. or q>Mt?. t'/*e7s, might
be expected. The ./Colic forms aft-ixe, vftfte, are uniiiflceted.
as in the singular fU, vi ; and in case they are, in respect to
their termination, older than ^/io?, i5^c. they admit of
derivation direct from the Sanskrit axmAn, t^nthmiin (for
asmii'tis, yu*htna-ns, §. 236.), by abrasion of the case eufUx,
without intervention of atlieme 'AMMI,'YMMr.
333. In fismi', att,fu<!, the simple vowel a is the characteristic
element of the first [terson. for the rest of the word occurs aNo
in the second person — ^m ytithm/, Hfi/iet. If, then, this a is
also connected with the singular biise mn, it wauld be requi-
site to assume an aphaireais of the m, which, however, would
appear to be very old, from the coincidence of the Sanskrit,
Zend, &c. witlj the Greek and Germau ; for the Gothic base
\VNSA or UNSI has been regarded by us, in §. 166.. aa a
jlninspositiou ofufina — Pali and Pralci'it umha; the u for a is
464
PHONOrNS.
to be explained by the influence uf tlie traua]K>sed nasal
(§. 66.). But if the a of wn aama is no ahbrevintion of
mo, (in the opposite case it would be ideiilital with the
demoDStrutive base a), and if, thereForc, in this pltiral base,
the "I" ia aetually foriaiilly expressed, I would then place
great stress on the fact, that, in Sauakrit and Greek, the ap-
pended pronoun ama, or that whieh it has become in Greek,
in the pronouns of the Ist and 2d person only occurs in the
plural. For as sma, which occurs also isolated,* (an be no-
thing else than a pronoun of the third person.f so would
[G. Ed. p. 475.] a-fljii*, as a copulative compound (Grnmni.
Crit. f G5S.). sipiify "I"' and "they"; hut Kua/im^, *' thou"
ond "they"; ao that the sinfjular "I" and "thou" would
be expressed by a and yu ; the plural " they " by ami;
and this would be the most n.itural as well as the clearest
ami most perfect desi;'uatiou of the compound ideas "we"
and "ye." The ingress of the appended pronoun into
the singular of the first and second persons, in Zend,
Piilt. Friikrit. and German ({. 174.]< must. then, be ascribed
to an abuse of later introduction. In the pronouns of the
third person, however, the analogy of which may have had
an v9cel on the abuse cited in the declension of the two first
persons in the singular, the union of two, nay, even of three
pronouns of the same person into one wliole is extraordinarily
frequent and originally, it seems, betokctncd only increast;
of emphasis.
331. The sylbble 5 jiu of ir^ yushmS. " ye," is pro-
* Either with imperceptible mcntiing, or nrfvrrin^ ihe aclinn of tlic
pnacRl to the fnrther rid« of the pnct.
t Pad may Iki right in vxiiUining (D«rl. Aoa. 1633. Vol. I. p.394)
tma from tama, "Likt;.'* I ah odd, however, iht^n huld "tlicHrne" to be
llic itncitnl mfonloff of MHio, noA th« ides of ninilarily lu o dcrircd odo;
and also no Ioniser explain tamo, aa in my Ulounry, from tn<i, "to mrA-
tan," but reftanl it u thv coDiblnMhio of (he pruaomiiiftl bnacs ta and ma
(ooiaparc tmo, "tlii»," from i-t-ma).
PBONOCNS.
465
bnbly a sortcniug of /u, n-hich extends itself also to
the dual, to wliioh i/uva serves as the tliome.* Tlie
Greek ^w lo-tfmT), however, lias beeu retained more
complete, nnd represents the Siinskrit 8iii<^lAr base twn, willi
a for /, and <f» for v. In the latter respect, coDiptu-c nJso
ir^U and <7^o9 with tlie Siiaskrit swaynm, " self," and
noa-tf " «!!«,*■ regnrding which Iierenfter.j The Prakrit iind
P£1i. and several other Iiidinn di&lects. [G.Ed |i. -iTn.)
have retained the t in the plural unaltered, or restored;
hence, Pali-Prakrit Tj»|(uinW for lusmf. In Gothic, however,
by rejecting tlie u, and exchanging the m for v, yu-xma has
hccome I-ZFA, and by weakening the a to r, T-ZVI (§. 167.).
The Litlmuniau gives fU as the theme of the majority of
cases iu the dual and pluml. and in tlie Grst person MU, to
which, however, the nominative mit " we" does not corre-
spond. The appended pronoun nr rma has been distinctly
retained only in the genitive dual iiiid locative plural —
although it is originally foreign to the dual, — but, in the For-
nier ease, to which tlie numeral is annexed, llie s, and in the
latter ease the m, has fallen out ; hence niii-mtJ divie^i, " of
oatwo"; yu-m^ c/witytJ, "of you two"J; mu-$Utc, "in us";
vujvte " in yOU."
* From^u + a, with change of the u into uv, according to a uoi versa)
euphonic Uw (Gramm. CritJ.fil.).
t Aa I formerly look iho a. In forma liWc o^fcn^i (we ^. 218.), for a
tni]>l)oniu ndJitkiii, I thought also (Hlat. Phil. Trfuie. <>f the Ac. of Lit.
f<a the ycftr IH'iS. ji. 1S<!) that I might explain v<^C>, aiuw«risg to tho
Liitiji riutnnil SnnshTU ni;n, car, » corrupted by ]>relixlii{^ a tr nlliocl lo
tlic ^. This opinion, hgwcTur, :itniiJ» in no furtlinr iitci] of HU|i[>ort, from
the iaformatton which I havo since then gnincd rtghiilinj; ilu) a orforoia
ina-<pt; and I Bcc«dpso much tiin mors willingly lothe abovcmcnlioneiE
opinion, wliieh was firsi Mpjt-ascd by Max. Sclimidi (Uc Pron. Or. et
Ut, p. 9.)
* According In Mielclce, alao mama dtvieyd nad pumrna dwieyH, tSui
latter with doubled m; ili«lin<tofwliiclii«to b« L-xptaioed byusimiUition
of the f, ae in Uia J^Hc, fmut.
466
PnOKOUNS.
333. It is. Iiowevvr, also very probable that tliv s in
the Lilliiianiuu nominative m^s. "we," yds. "ye." as well
ns the i of tlie Gothic wis, yiu, is not the ago of tJio
Qominativc, as it appears to be in the actual cauditiou
of the Inu^a^, hut an abbreviation of the sylJiibk
ima. Tliis conjecture is rtused aluiost to certainty by
the Z«ocI, in which, together with the ^^^fJC^ ythhhn
(sec §. .11).). which rests on the Sanskrit ^tui ijuyiim
(from yu + am, with euphonic y, §. 43.). ■>*!'f^^ ^''■» "'so
occurs; tlie s uf which is represeuted by Buriiouf (Yasniif
Notes, p. 121), in which he is clearly right, as identical with
the Sanskrit ^ sli ofinniir yushmal (abUtivc. antti in the begin-
ning of couipouatis, n-prcscnting the theme, sec p. 112G. cd.).
[G.Ed. p. 4770 Wherefore m^^j^ yilt, is an abbreviation
of the VMic v^ yushmi; and the a can in nowise ]>a9S for
the sign of the nominative ; as from a theme yu, according
to the usual declension in the nominative and vocative plural,
nmst come either yav6 or yvS. According to the prono-
minal declension, however, we have already seen tftbj*^
yashim developed from the Sanskrit ijiiM yuyum. In
Lithuanian, mrs, if s were the sign of case, woultl stand
completely isolated iis tlic masculine plural nominative*;
and as to the German, that language has. from the carliwt
period, lost the sign of the case in the nominative plurnl;
while the r of trir, ihr, which corresponds to tlie Gothic f
of vetM, ytu, has remained to this day, which, with other
weighty reasons, awards to this r likewise a destination
other than that of denoting the relation of cose.
336. According to tlie principle of the Zend-Litlmanian-
Gothic yua, yua, I explain also the Sanskrit irn^ nns. 79^ t-or,
which are used as co-forms in the accusative, dative, and
* AllhoDKh in this pronoun there is iiool'vlmin dtBtinctiatiofgaDdert
MtU tbe Ssnskftt dedciuion-forini*, vut. lumi?, luirnin, aro Diascolin*.
FKO NOUNS.
487
g(?nitive of tbe two first [venous ; tlie s of which, however,
coiitd iiut find Any legitimate place in such different cases,
if, by its origin, it vraa destined to denote a. case-con-
nection. Iq the same way, however, that the j?enJ j/«i.v ia
lite abbreviation of yti*m^, so may im nas and wi vns he
deduced in tlic accusative, frum nasmdn. ivi^mdn. and in the
dative ftod genitive, from nasmahht/am, nasmdkam, vof
mnbhyam, vasmQkam ; and the 9, therefort\ suits all the
three eases, exactly bec-auso it expresses none of them.
TJiero remain, after the dissolution of the rest of the
appended pronoun, na and va, as thu chief elements of
personal definition, from which have proceeded the dual
secondary forms ni\a and vAm (for tulu). (G. Ed. p. 478.]
The n of wi, however, is a weakening of the m, the high
ODtiqnity of which may be traced from the eoincidence with
the Greek. Latin, and Sclavonic: but va is an abbreviation
of iwii, aa, vhiinii, " twenty," from ilwiamti.
337. The bases tf tin, H va. would lend us to expect in
Latin NU, VV {no, vn. §. 116.). as themes; mi, vj, ns plural
nomiuntives; and nm, i'd», as aecusntivea. The eireum-
stance, however, that nos, von, arc found already in the
nominative, and that the final s is retained also in the posscs-
sives nos'ter, ves'ter (for vos-ter), must cause tlie as of nos,
voH, in the aceusiitive, to appear to us in an entirely diflert-ut
light from that oi lupus; and the explanation wbieh wo
have given of the s of the indisputably kindred Sanskrit forms
»T^ nn-a, Hl^ in-s. must therefore extend also to that of no-a,
t»-x, objectionable as it may appear from the point of view
of the self-restricted Latin Urninmnri wbeii we seek in no*
and vot a remnant of the appended pronoun sma. treated of
in §. 156. &c.. which we also recognise robbed of its a* in
the appended pliable met (eifompt, memtt, iumel, nosmet, &c.)
* Camp, mcmer fur mevnar with Sarwltril fmar; to, toOj Poll (Lc.)
rtzpUlu-t the Latin i/isl.
4GS
PRONOUNS,
which refers iLHcIf moat closely to tlie SaaBkrtt plural
ablative a-smat, ya-xkinal, wliicli is also employed by the
language instead oftUotticmc for nil coacs and numbers
(§. LIS.), Du which account tlio like free use of the Lntiii
met cannot appear surprising. Morwivcr, I have else-
where endeavoured to explnin the Liitin imnto by Bssimi-
latiou from t-xtno, aud so to Apportion the fir»t pa.rt to the
demotistmtive base /, and the luat to our svvi.
338. We now torn to the Old Sclavonic, where nn** and
t^M na genitive and locative, are completely identical
[G. Ed. p. 471).] with the »rw iias and m vas of Sanskrit,
which in tlint language are, indeed, excluded from the locative,
but still hold the plaee of genitives. Tliemoucsyllnbic nature
of titese forma hat, in Sehivonic. protected the old a as well
AS the linnl a (§. 'ibb. n. I.) ; but here, also, this .« cannot be
looked upon as a casc-cbaractcr, as, without exception, the
terminations sni mini and « sti have, in Old Scluvnnie, be-
come cA (p. 356, Note *). The coneurreiil disiiicliiiatiun of
so many languages to consider the s. in the common forms
under discussion, as a sign of ease, streugtheus the evidence
for each single individual language. As to the Sanskrit,
however, applying in the dual the forms mlu, vAm (for vAa,
p. 472, Nolo '), iu cases to which Axt does not belong as the
inflexiuD, in tliis poiut it is uot supported by any of the
Knropeau sisti'r lungUHgct: we might still, however, admit
the conjecture, that here, also, the rf« is not a case-termina-
tion, but is derived from a different origin, and, iu fact, to be
so regarded, oa that nAu, vAa (corrupU'd to vAm) are exten-
sions of the plural nos, vas, by leugtlicniiig the a, aud by
resolving the « to u, according to the analogy of §. -206.
For if a case termination Am has become ^ft &u — and in
Zcud every Enal Aa, without distinction, bus hvcomc ao — it
• Bat see ^ 788. Note I, p. 1016.
PRONOUN'S.
469
cannot be surprising that n6a, also, hng become n<iu; aud
then in ndu a dual caac trrminatiuii ia just as little con-
tainfftl as in n«i a plural. The sensual dunl. however, loves
broatk-r forms tlian the plural (eonipare §. 206.) ; and
to this inclination tlie lengthening of the n of net. va>.
may be nxcribed. But tiAa may. however — nnil this [
much prefer — be re^rded ns a copulative compound
from ti/i-a; so tiint it would atind in the accusative for
itd-jrmclu, in Uie genitive for tid-amnj/tU, according to the
principle of the V«lic pUnfti-mAinrAu,* " father and motlier."
litenilly, " two fathers, two motlicrs." [Q. Ed. p. 480.]
AecordiDg to this, ndu would properly mean, as act-usative,
" me and hira," as above (§. 33a.) trtmf, for mtumS, " 1 and
they"; and tVlm, for i-du — Zend ^Ip tAo — would denote, aa
at-eusiitive; *" thee oiid him." Ai:c«nliii;j t« this prim^iple of
cnpulativo compoaition we may probably view, also, il-vdm.
(for (I-ida). "we two"; so that, with a more retiring' desi^
niition of the third person, it would Hteralty mean " he and
I "; for a ia a demonstrative base, whicU is here lengthened
to the dual form d (%. 206.), and vdm (^nitive and locative
fryiw] answers, in nspeet to its base, to vuyttm, " we."{p.462.).t
339, At the base of the two Brat persona of the Greek
dual lie NO. S40, aa tlicmes. which Kup]K)rt the opinion, that
in ^ nAu, ^m vAm (for viu), to which Uioy bear the same
rrlation that o«t« dws to nxfuAu. the Aa is not n case termi-
nation. For if NI2, 2*Sl wero tlie themea in Greek, the
genitive and dative would necessarily be voiv, <r^ip, as it
would be unnatural that the long vowel, which, in the no-
miuativc and accusative, would be explicnble according' to
• See pp. aaa, aw, mi shorter SunakHt GrammBr, f . SBO. Rem.
i I fiirinerljr Ihnuglit (1,c. ^\27l.) the fl oTih/'int fu\f;\il L« n.'giu^l«laH
a u TCDgibfii in g prefix, na in tlic loiitillo oftheO"^ and 3'' dtinl pcrwm.
But tli« ftWve view ansnirs bitUr lo tlie tui£]>His which wna Kireo,
^.333^of Iho phinU.
470
PB0N0US8.
the analoj^ of \vx«>, Trom AYKO, should be rctainnl before
tlie tcrniiiintioii iv. It would, it seems, be righiFy nssitmed,
that in the iioininntive uud accusative, va>i, a^wi*, «ro ihc ori-
ginal rormSiiiiid m, a-^(ror I'fi.tr^^}, abbrevinlions ortbem.
From vS)Y, u^i, spring, also, the posaessives vWirepov, a-tptai-
TtpiK. But how stands it with the very isol.'tted Greek dual
forms *wt, <T4pCii? Max. Schmidt (l.c. p. 94} supposes therein
a remnant of the Sanskrit neuter dual termiuntioi) t (§. 212.).
It would not be neceasary, if this be so, to assume that in »'wi'.
<ri^i', u ransculinc and neuter dual termination arc united.
[G. FA. p. 4BI.3 US NQ and 2*a hnve already been made
to pass as themes, from which vCt'i, a^w'i, would be very
satisfiictoril^ explained by the addition of a single termination.
Observe, however, that the pronouns of the first and second
persons do not originally distinguish any genders, and occur
in Sanskrit unly with masculine tei'minations; that tlierefore
a remnant of ib« lost neuter teruiiuution is less to be ex-
pected in tliese very pronouns iu Grwk than in any other
word whatever. Hence I prefer recognising in the t of i-w",
<j^iiit\ a weakening of the dual-ending a, which originally
jicrtained to the masculine and feminine, oiul wliich. in the
common declension, has become e (§. 2(K).). According to
this, the I has the same relation to this « and the Zend a that
the .^lolie Tiirvpt^ lias to Tta-trapn and i^JM^fyM^ chalhioiM.
This opinion finds particular support from the fact that v&e
actually occurs for uS>-i, as in the third person tr^i, not
<rif>wi; and in tfie second person, also, the Gramm,ariiuis
assume a^mt together with a^i (Buttmann Lex. I. 52).
340. We give here a connected gcaetTtt view of the de-
clension of the pronouns of the two first persons, with the
remark tliat the compared languages do not everyivherc
agree with one another in regard of inBexion. We select
from the Greek, where it is desirable for the sake of com-
parison, the dialectic forms which come nutrcst to the
Suiudtrit or the Zend.
PRONOUNS.
4C»
cannot be surprisinj; that n^t. also, hoa become ndu; and
then in mlu a duni case tf^rmination Is just as little con-
Inined ns in nag a plural. The sensual dual, however, loves
broad«T forms than tli« plunil (compiire §, 208.) ; and
to thia inclination the lengthening of the n of mi», ivis,
may be ascribed. But v/in may, however — and this I
much prefer — be n^rdcd ns a copulative compound
from n^-o; so that it would stand in the acirusativc for
vAninihi, in the grniti%'e for itd-smnyih, according to the
principle of the Vcdic pUarA-mulaTAit,* " father and mother."
literally. " two futhcra. two molhera." CO- Ed. p. 480.]-
Accordiiig (o this. n<1ii would properly mean, as acetisiLtire,
•• me and him," ns above (§. 333.) atmf, for masm^, " I and
they"; and vdm, for udu — Zeud f*ulf v&o — would denote, as
accusative, " thee and him." According to this principle of
copulative composition we may probably view, also, d-itlm,
(fttr li-itlu), " we two "; so thHt, with a more retiring desig-
nation of the third person, it would literally mcna"heand
I "; for fl is a dcmonsirative bsise, wliich it> here lengthened
to (be dual form /i (§. 20S.), nnd vAm (genitive and locative
tv/y(I«) answers, in i-uSpcct to its base, to ixiiffim, " wc,"' (p. ifiH.).t
339. At the base ofthu two first persons of tlic Greek
dual tie NO, S4f2, as themes, which support the opinion, that
in iA iidu.'Vm v/im (for v4u). to which they bear the aume
relnlion tlmt Sxrta dot>s to tishulu. tlie du is not a case termi-
nation. For if NQ, 2<r>fl were tlie themes in Greek, the
Rcnitivo and dative would ncccsanrily be vofi>, n^otv, as it
would be unnatunil that the long vowel, which, in the no-
minative und accusative, would be explicable according to
* Sfv pp, 2SEt, 301), and aliorter Sanakrll Grammar, $. 689. Ilcin,
t I formerly thnupht (I.e. ^^.2*^ ) Ihe ri of rfi-rfm iiiiBln b* irgardod no
a iin-ngitit'iiing jirvtlz, lu id tlie miildlo of the '^°' rdiI S"* iJual (icrenn.
Rut tlir (iWrc view answrre bi-lttr lo tbe aaoIyaSs which wns givon,
^.3.13,, flf tliopltirnt.
472
PRONOUNS.
UKKIIir. SRWDl CRtKt.
»:' 1 uvAb/if/dm,
IB
^ ' ^lariiiliy&nt
- AvMiyUnt, . . uaiir^
^ ^ tU!U, . . . vinr,''
^ vam, vAv, e^Siii'^
^ ^ lii-ilJit/iim
< ( t/umbfigdm
di'tq/ai,
\ vdm, odo, vrftSm/,
C ( rfTOS^»
^ t 1/vtvj/At,
ccfTittf. i.iTii. OLD acur.
nama.
vatna.
Mg^, mttm dviem, naxia.''
... .... n«»*a.»
ist/ws, yum dwiem, varniL.*
vama}
ui/kara, mwniu diviryS, itoffu,*
noiff!.*
iffqvara, ^mu dwifj/a, rnyti.*
iniyii.*
CtllfU.
. - mud.
■ 1 ttgifd the (ermiiuUon <lrn o» a hardening of iha common da«\ tnr'
mination n'u ()H.-r'ire rowols dv) ; Bad I would crave attentian lothe fivqnmit
interchange ofi-ond rn l}.63 , cnmpnru ji. 1 lO- Tliia linrdcniits hiui not,
iD the Ul pcnon, rxtcnrlc<] itito iho iccotiiliiry form ; mai in the 2d por-
VIII tim 7.1,-iid ivio M]ifakii for nn nMi-r Snii«ltrit fiinn viiu ftir (virn. Ttici
Zend form r(f« ocean) in the 34ili clutpicr of thtr Iscshno, ati^ op|>rnn,
also, tOiUndunoRiiDAtivc:. Ilowovirr, Lho Zrod is itot wanting in an niut-
logonsform to tlic Saiukrit dual basojfuKa; fur thnl nLJch Anquulit, in
luB Gloaaar/, writes ttouiiJcem, and nmdora by vout dmj, oujtht pnttvably
le bo 5y'W>''-*J.C if"*^'""! aniJ >» «l««rly wi ftiuJogons dual gt-nitive
(p. 473 lU-m.] to (lie pIoTolgcn. ^ikiU^MC^j^y&tmdkim,v\vch, Anqtietil
like«iNC9iind«r«<unan)gna(ivD. ' Sec §. 3!}!). ' ThcKlcarlv brjuugs
bt Uic number twa (t(i»m« TIFJ), which, in Ltthnanisn, ia retaiaed ihrouRh
allibrcaars. • Yetaimno mudilKL ' Thi- diitinclionuftlie i^endt-rs
[O. Ell p. 484.] tuu bc«i introduced, ciinirary to tlw ornjiiud prin-
ciple, (lirougb tho aiulif^ oflUc i^imtnon diiul («M-^.i!T3.}. lu tbv Old
Slavonic, too. In the ilnnl iwrsoiULl tcrminatinns, which, in Sfinskflt,
Z«Dd, and Grc«k, mark th« gend<T> Jul a* link as the oihur numWni
distingniabM tlio ftminino from ihp niaecnline by tlve termination ye {—^
/. ^. ]66.«)- • Femiiiine yudtci. ' S« J. lOB. • The
conipariilon with tba SiuuVrit principjil funn rt-gnrtli the cusa lenuinaliDii ;
that with tbc !i«Mudnty form the th<-me
PRONOUNS.
473
SAHiK^IT.
ioayam,
Sityam,
Jamdfi,
na»,
ymhmdn.
UNn.
vaim,
y&difm
ySt,
v6f
PLURAL.
OHRBC. LATIN. OOTHIC. LITV. OLD KXAV.
vei»,
iififtts-,* nof,' veU,* mis,* my.
eiifus,' tw»,> ytu,* ^at,* vy.
Sf^iu, . . . uiuU,* mAi, ny.
^H"f
pw,
vy.
4j 1 aamdbhitj . . .
H i yugfim/ibhu, . . .
, tumabhyam, . . .
^ j nut, fid,
_j attnat, ....
^ j yufhmat, y&tmat,
. . . twbit, . . . fflUffllf, nami.
. . . viAit, . . . pumlf, vaiRi*.
Sfifuiv) . . . utuiM, munnu, nam.
. . . nobit, nam.
n 1 yu^mabkyam yiitmaiilya, Cfi^(f), . . . ttrvu, yumtu, vam,
^ vtu, .... ... voMf, vam.
. . . nobis
. . . vobit
iatmakam,* ahmJSkem, afifiitay, . . . un$ara, mi»&, . , ,
nai, nd, ... nottri, na$.
yu^m&kam^ yStmd/cim, ififuttvy . . . izvaroy yti>^ . . .
vat, vd, ... wstri, rxu.
ji , aamdtu,
A \ }/mhmdtu,
' See }. 332.
» Sec fi. 174.
' Sec §. 170.
muf&se, not.
ifut&te, iNM.
* See $.307. * See$.33Q.
[G. Ed. p. 486.] ■' Remark.— Max Schmidt (I.e. pp. 9, lo)
rightly takes the forms asmfikam, ymhrndkam, for posaesaives ;
and Rosen lias since con6rmed this view (Journal of Education,
July— Oct. 1834, p. 348) by the Veda dialect jmranfWr ^fiffir
yushmilkdbhir, Alibhis, ' vestrts auxiUia '). We must therefore
r^ard nsmtikam, yuahmAkam, as singular neuters, which are,
as it were, petrified, and have thus lost the power of being
governed according to the gender, number, and case of their
substantive. In the two first res|)ect8 they may be com-
pared with numeral expressions (§. 318.) like ira pancha,
'five,' which, in the Greek irevTe and Latin qumque, has
become completely indeclinable, and therefore exactly like
atmAkam, yushmdkam, Zend ahm&kem, y^wtdkem and the
1 1
474
PBONOUNS.
dual form tncntionrd at p. 472. Note '., yavdkm. It is clear
that the Latin forms, nl90> noatri, noafrum, vtslri, watrutH,
belong to tlie possessive; nnd for nostrum, vetitrum. arc used
also no^fritritm, tirstrorum (Schmidt, p. HO- As, then, intsara,
izvarn, stand altogctlior isolated in Gothic as genilives, it is,
in my opinioji, much more nataral to derive them from the
possessive biises of the snme sound — which form, in tlie
nominative singular masculine, unsnr. izvnr (see p. 390 G. ed.
Note) — thnn, on the contrary, to deduce the possessives From
the unexplained genitives of the j^ersonal pronoun, so that
they would 1m? without any derivative sutlix whatever, which
is opposed to the common laws for tliti derivaliou of words.
I most prefer regarding unwra, kvotq, nnd the analogous
dual forms, as singular and dual neuters, like the Sanskrit
nsmAkam, tfinsftm'iiam, aiwl with an antiquated retention of
the n of the base, which in daur for ilaara (§. 153.) has dis-
appeared. Ought, also, the singular genitives to be viewed
in this light ? for ntpina, Ihe'mn, whin, are possessive bases as
well RS the genitives of the personal pronouns ; and if the
former Iiad prot-eedcd from tiic latter, the addition of a
BUflix might have been expected. Perhai^s even in Sanskrit
the expressions mamn, tain, which arc far removed from nil
tlic forms of genitives, are originally posscssives, from
whicli. after they were no longer recognised as sueli, sprang
the secondary forms mAmaka, tAvaka, ns biiluka cumes,
without altemtiun of mnaniiig, from MUt, 'a boy.' Observe,
also, the surprising accordimcc between the Greek pos-
sessive base TEO, from TKfO, and the Sanskj-it genitive
/am. The form <ro-«, however, has scarcely proceeded
from aov. but from the more entire t«!(J-«, by syncope
and exchange of the t with tr. In regard to the re-
placing of the genitive of pronouns without gender by the
corresponding posscssivcs, it deserves further to be remarked,
[G. Ed. p. 480.] that, io Ilinddstaui, the forms, which
are represented in both numbers of all d<H;linabIc wortis
as geniti%'es, are shewn tu be unmistukeable possessives.
PRONOtfHS.
hy being governed by tlie gender of tJie Tollowing substan-
tive. Tlie jtmnouns nf tlie first nnd second person have
in the mnsi.-ulim> r/i, in the fominine rf, as the possessive
stiffix; oilier words, in tbe tnosc-ulinc kiJ, feminine ifi; nnil
tbc latter an&wera to the Sitnskrit ka in asm'ikn, yu*hmdJca,
m^maAa, Ijlvaia. In Hindiisti'ini, tbcnrforei mi'r! wi. Uri nui,
is literally, not ' ijwi mater' ' tai mutrr.' but ' mea maier,'
• too raaler ;" and tlie fvmintnc termination i* answers to tbc
Sanskrit feminine fornuition (§. 119.). Id the musculioe
the poescssives under discussion arc sounded mMI, tM,
plural Aam/Ird, (umAdrd. In tlus it is remarkable tliat the
formative suffix rrl agrees with tbc Gothic ra of unsaTa,
istrttra. dual uifiora. igqvnrn. In respect, also, to the trans-
position of the nasal, tumhilrA for tuhmAnt, from tusmiird, is
similar to the Gothic ugkara, vnsara, if/qvara,
rROSOUNS OP THE TBIRD PERSON.
341. The Sanskrit is deficient in a simple substantive
pronoun of the tliird person, devoid of gcmlcr : that it.
however, originally poesessed sueh a pronoun is proved, not
only by the unanimous evidence of the European cognate
languages, bat especially by the circumstance that, in
Zend, Mw hf and j^»y hAi (also (om3 «^. according to §. 55.),
and, in Prakrit, ^ sd, nrv used as the genitive and itntive
of the third person in ail genders,* nnd indeed in the direct
sense, and in form analogous to the secondary forms
of the first and second ptirson ; Sanskrit ft mA ?t tf,
^ tu-f, Zend jj35 mi or y^^ mdi. (w?» W or J^fi tot,
j^m^ thic<ii (§. 3i9.) In Siuiskrit swti.-f lengthened to »irA
* In Zeai I remember on)}- vxamiHia at t)i« liintl nlierc die pronoun
mMtioned refers to niucnliacs i I'ut in Prakfit ii j^ is oHea foaud fctni-
bi»C ; t. ff. Vrraa by r^-nz, pp. 4U. &a f'ieo. f>ttll 1 hnvo not yet m«t
witli exampU'H for u' lu^ i)iit ivt-, tin mcroiia oa the examples of llic (^liitivc
•n-. In Zti)ii IjoiIi coses occur, tmA the dallv^ Indeed, tnoro fnriitciitty
than cbog«tiitiv«.
t An to lli« origin of Hie ^nnkrit *nvi we j, 040,
119
476
PKONOUNS,
[0.E<1. p. 4S7.1 must be considered as the theme of this
pronoun, aa, aceoniing to §. 326., ma, mf, twa, twi, arc the
singular bases of the two first persons. From ■^ awi,
ia 1-0 oibi nation vviUi the iiontinativc tcrminatioQ am, (§. 336.)
comes ^ra*l tfvayam, which means "self," and in the
present state of chL- laiigunge is iudedinabte in all cases,
iiunilHTS, and genders. The form sfivi prevails ns the iios-
sessivc. but is tiscd not only for situs, but for meiJs and tuut,
in which it is to be observed, tliat in the majority of the
European cognate languageB the possessive of the thin) per-
son may be also used for the two first, and the Doric a^c
corresponds as exactly as possible with the Sanskrit swn-s,
white 2*1 lies as theme nt the base of the plural of the ]>er-
sonat pronoun ((j^tv, a^C-tri). with the old u woakeiied to i,
us in the pluml of the two first persons (§. 332.)- The appa-
rent o^eement of the base n-ith the second person in the
dual is, then, to be expUined thus, that in the iuttvr the a has
proceeded from au older t. but in the third person is i>rimt-
tive. In o& oL !, for <nf>ov. a-^i. tr^e — of wlueh only the
latter lias been retain«J — from afov. &c., the digamma,
nhirh may remain after o- in the form of ^, has been
necessarily suppressed after the o- hfis become a rough
breothiug. Thus ol is similar to the Zend j^o" Iwi and
|«»> bf (for Iwdi. hvS), and the Priikrit d rf for sv^. A
similar rejection of the ?<. together with ii weakening of the
old a to i, shews itsi-lf in the Gothie sfi-na, si-t, st-k, for
tvei-na, mis, avi-k (see 5- .187.). On the other hand, the v
has remained in the adverb ac^, as mentioned at 9- ^^-t
which evidently l>cIong» to a ihcme Si'yl, as hvf from W/t.
thf from T/fjl. As 4. according to ^. 69., stands sometimes for
the long ri,Bothe8viformsare.l.c..expIairi«lasinBtrumentaIs.
They might, however, be re^rded as locatives, examples of
[^Q.E*!. (1.480.1 vhich have been pointed out at $.21)1.
Rem. 2., with oo i^ termination. The UthuanLin and Old Scla-
vodk: in tliis pronoun follow ejiactly the analogy- of the second
PRONOUNS. 4T7
person, and diating:ui8h it from the laRer only by the initial
■ for(; but, like the Latin, Greek, and German, dispense
with the nominative as they are only used reflectively, and
use the singular, also, instead of the dual and plurnl. From
the Latin, besides sui, suus, perhaps also sponfis, sponte,
from SPONT, are to be adduced here, since, according to all
probability, the meaning "self," or "the self, selfnesa," is
the primitive : ap, however, may be regarded as the modi-
fication oF sw (conap. §. 50.), as spiro. In my opinion, is con-
nected with swna, " to breathe." The Doric '^iv, for a-^tv,
and the Latin ptfi, of i-p»e, which should be declined ejun-
-psitts, ei-psi, &C., for ipsius, ipsi, are formed, io like man-
ner, by transposition. As regards the termination itt of
SPONT, it might be carried back to the Sanskrit suffix vant,
regarding which see §. 324 and more hereafter. It may here
be further remarked, that, in Prakrit, the pronoun of the second
person occurs, amongst other forms, in -that of Jf^pai and
^f^ pom (Urvasi, pp. 61. 69), so that the ( of twa is sup-
pressed, but the V hardened to p. Compare, in the former
respect, the Doric ^iv for ir<f>iv, vox, vos, for Irnit. Ivuh (§• 336.) .
and, in both respects, the Latin porta, which in this way may
be compared with ir^ dicdr, "a door" {6vpa).
342. We here give a connected view of the declension
of the pronoun of the third person, devoid of gender, in the
singular, which, excepting in the cose of the Greek, sup.
plies also the place of the dual and plural.
FBAI. EKKD. aXUK. LAT. GOTB. LITH. 0\J> SCLAV.
Accusative o'4^,<f, se, tik, xnwen^ syn, O
Instrumental snwmt,' sohov&.' ^
Dative, si, ht, hdi, 61 liii, sis, saw,' sebye, sf V
Genitive, s^, M, hdi, o5, sui, seinn, satcem,' sebe.' g
Locative, snwtye,* seljye} '"'
1 Compare $ 330. It is not, however, necessary to aasuine, that, in the
Becond person, the Lithuanian theme taw nml the Sclavonic Itb have arisen
from the Sanskrit genitive tana; but these forms mny l>e raganled hs
47S
PRO NOONS.
truupontionsof the boM ^tiea. Bi>lli expluiatiiinssgrcuintJiomHiii, ns
thesj'llalik (<iv bt'loii)^ lo the Ihisc ia the iDdioii ^eiiitiv« mirntTuaJao,
wliFih«r we derive it by Cibna from Iti, ivliencu ifnra lu-fAyiiui, " In
tlicr," or rcgiini it la the tmiupwHMl form ufH^itui, In ilic rtfli-cliru
foniu given above, tai- oiiJ Kb arc b(i».'<l on tilt- wine piiaciiilo oa tlic tatc
aiul tei }oat mcntionud, nnd hi-ncc ihi'y may lie derivod, hy trdnApOKittDn,
from tUe Indian tiosefira,' or wo nmy aiili[>Otcsg<;uitivp«iiitatohBVe vx-
tned in Sanakiit also, which lanjuogc, it may be concluded, originally
puMcKCd a camplet« 'loL'tensian of this pronoua, Th« Gotliic ttlrya,
" klngniAn," tliemo t&^nn, Old Iligli Germnn, tipp-fit, "rdiitioiuhi|<,"
*' kith," otcTvcs, In a striking nmiiiu'r, with the Stluvonic Inwc srlr; tunl it
woaltl iiotbcn»|)riaingifthc "kiiisinim "has U-in di^iguutcdiis" tliomiui
Iwlongiiigmhiro," "his ["mill llini, lln-wiluri', thu original rofliiwutiothiu
tiinua has Iieira hAnlcnrd. a» in Sclnvonk', to b. Tho Uotbic tvc'*, tliciuo
n'StUf " properly," ia also a derivative from ihif pronmin,
343. The base IT Vi, femiuuie in M, signifies, in Sanslsrit.
*■ he." ■' this." «iid ■' that," The Zend form is idunticnl
■witJi tli« Sanskrit: tlie medial, however, frerjuently occurs
instead of the teuuis, as in the accusative singular mascu-
line, in which tlie place of fgp tPm is commonly supplied by
dem, or, still more frequently, by dim. In Greek and
German this pronoun has DSaujned the fimc-tions of the
ar^cle, ivhich is not found in the Sanskrit and Zend, tior
in the Latin. Lithuanian, and Scla%-onic. The bases TO,
[O. Ed. ]». 490.] Gothic THJ (§.87.), feminine, TA. TH.
Gothic TflO (^ C9.), correspond regularly with tlie Sanskfit-
Zend la, f<l. willi which llie Lithuanian demonstrative base
TV/, nominative masculine fai, " this," feminine t6, is com-
pk'tely identical. The Old Sclavonic base is, as in Greek,
in the nmsculine and neuter* fo, in tbefeuunlDc ta H. Zbb.a.).
but in the nominative mnseuline drops the vowrl ; hence
l\ la, fo. " this," m. f. n. This pronoun does not occur, in its
simple state, in Latin, with the exception of the adverbial
*Th,t with ibt ttiui-voiid k
PRONOUNS. 479
accusative forms turn, tunc (like hunc), tarn, tan-dem, and
tamen. The latter resembles surprisingly the Sanskrit
locative irfiff^ ta-amin, " in this" (§. 201.), only that the s is
dropped, as in the Lithuanian iami, (p. 176 G. ed.}; on which
account I am inclined to replace the derivation I formerly
gave of it by transposition from the Greek fthnoi, by that
which I now offer, and which is less remote. Moreover, in
Latin, the derivative forms talis, iantus, tot, iotidem, totie$,
totta,* spring from tbis pronoun, and will be treated of
hereafter. It appears, however, to be declined in the com-
pound isle, of which the first member is is either to be
regarded as a petrified nominative masculine, the case-sign
of which, unconscious of its derivation, is retained in the
oblique cases — ittius for ejustius, compare the German
jedermann's — or, which seems to me less probable, the « is a
pure phonetic affix, adopted on account of the favourite com-
bination of s with ( (compare §§. 95. 96.).
344. In the same way that tste is compounded in Latin.
so also, in Sanskrit and Zend, the base ta combines with
another pronoun prefixed to it, in fact, with 4, and thus forms
vn ita, " this," " that," Zend AJprtAi aita (§. 28.). The nomi-
native singular ia, in Sanskrit, tpt iaha, V^ Sshd, TITK (tat;
in Zend ^ct))0-u aish6 Atcu»A) aSsha, rnu^nM aitfiL In Greek,
avTQ^ is a similar compound, the first syllable of which, aii.
will subsequently be remarked upon. [G. Ed. p. 491.]
This avToi is again combined with the article as a prefix to
it, and forms outo?, avrt}, tovto, for o-oy-ro?, ij-aw-n/, ro-av-ro.
There are several ways in which o5tos, to&to, may be sup-
posed to have arisen : in the first pifice as /i'-oOro?, t'-oOto,
by suppressing the vowel of the article and weakening the
a of the diphthong av to o, both changes being made to
prevent the whole word from being too ponderous, for a is
Begnrding Mas sec p. 1343 G.ed. Note.
480
PBONOUNS,
the heaviest of the three represeiitnlives of the Indian m a
(a, «, o); and for this reason au ii]>ppars to tic in|>ccia)ty the
reprusentative nf the Vriddhi diphthong ^ 'lu* while for
sft d = « + ii, is round eilher eu or oi: In llie feminine
form aurti, if we distribute it thus, IC-avns, the (li|ihthoiig
rcniaiiia uuweakenecl, as in rauro. But avrri may also be
derived from 'd-vrij, nnd the loss of the first element of the
iIij>hll)onff may be assumed: the gc?iider would then be
expressed in both mcmbcra of the cnm[)ouii(i, and n better dis-
tinction would be made from the masculine and neuter base
TovTo, But if, as npi)enrs to me preferable, we make the latter
accord vfith the esplinmtion whieh lius just been given of the
feminine form, the o of ov will then be ascribed to the arti-
ele, and we shall likewise assume that the u of at; is diopjied;
thus, *-5ro^, Tfl-Oro. Max. Sehmidt {Ih Prunomini' Gr. tt
/.i'. p. 3S) Bees in ovrot only the article compounded willi
itself, and assumes that u ia inserted; tlms ovto% for 5ros,
tJtt/TTi for Srrj. He adduces, in aujijxjrt of his view, oaovrat,
TOK/Lrrov, njX/Koirrof, which he supposes to Irnve admitted a
similnr iitsertion. 1 am of opinion, on the contrary, that
these forms do not contain tlie simple base of the article TO
as the last element of their eompositioa, but *AYT<) ; for why
should not this pronoun, lhouf;h itself already n compound,
[O. Ed. p. 403] Admit, just as welt as the article, of being
combined with words preeeding; it? I do not agree with
Max. Schmidt in explaining the adverbs tmavQa, itnfvOfu,
for tvdavOa, tvOevBev, Ii'nie ivdaura, iv6(VTiv, by the simple
duplication uf the sufBxes da, 9«v, but I eonbider them lo be
compounded of two adverbs of siniilnr formation. Thouirh
av6a, aii6(v, from the pronominal base 'AY, of which more
hereafter, have not been retained in use by themselves, still
I look upon imavBa us tlic combination of cK^-t ui/da, and
ivrevOo' aa that of IvOtv+avBtv. In order to avoid the coo-
• Sec VocAliunu*. Itvin 2. p. IU3, iix.
PRONOUNS. 48 L
curi'ence of two brenthings in the two following syllables, the
breathing of the former syllable is suppressed, op, as in the
Ionic dialect, thnt of the latter is dropped. It may remain
a question, whether the e of evdev is the thin sound of the
a of aiidev, in whiuh case the preeediiig adverb has tost
not only its p, but its e also, or whether avdeu has been
weakened by the toss of its a. In tiie latter case ivrav0a
may be divided into evro'vOa. [t is at least more natural to
suppose the combination of two adverbs, and the weakening
of a single one, on account of the ponderous nature of the
compound, than to assume tlie mere doubting of the for-
mative sufBx and the insertion of a redundant v, for neither
part of this assumption can be supported by analogous phe-
nomena elsewhere.
345, In the nominative singular masculine and feminine the
Sanskrit substitutes — and in this the Gothic remarkably coin-
cides with it— for the T sound of the pronoun under discussion
an a, which in Zend, according to §. 53. becomes »• h, and in
Greek the rough breathing, hence Sanskrit sq, sii, tat, Gothic
aa, a6, thaia, Zend k6, hi, tal, Greek 6, 'a, -to. The Old Latin
has introduced into the accusative this originally purely
subjective pronominal base : sum for eum, and snm for earn,
also sapsal as nominative for ta-ipsa.* [G. EJ. p. 403.^
As this 8 is excluded from the neuter, we have found
in it (§.134) a satisfactory explanation of the nominative
sign, the s of which is likewise foreign to the neuter. A
remnant of the old 9 of the b;ise is still preserved by the
Greek in the adverbs a-tjfiepov and (njrrei;, tliough as these
compounds express an accusative relation, not that of a
nominative, they accord with the use of the Sfinskrit lan-
guage less than the Attic forms -nqfiepov, T^res, as n (a is
the general theme, but n aa only that of the nominative.
* AcuusutivL' plural xos, ut'. Max. Schmidt " Dc Pronomiiw Gr. cl Uit."
pp. 11,12.
482
PnO NOUNS.
The first member of ttie said uouifjoiirKls occurs in the
primary form or theme, tho final o of which ( = v u] haa
been changed into €, having been melted down vrith the fol-
lowing e and ij; thus Ti/ne?, trjjre^. from Tccret, tre-frei, for
To-erw, ffo-«T€v; r^ftepoi', tn'/fifpoi/, from re-i^/iepoi/, <T€-i]/iff>ov,
for To-r)fup«v, <To-t)fupov. Tliese adverbs correspond to tlie
Sanskrit adverbial compounds {Apyntfi-bMv/}), which con-
tain a subatantivc, assuming mi aeeusativc ucuter form
as their lost member; e.g. 4|Kiiqsii t/athd-skruddham.
"according to troth," from ^TIT thraddhH, feminine, "troth."
346. The Greek falls into an nhiise, in cxtcndin^j the
substitution of tho rough breathing; for the T sound also
to the nominative plural, as in ol, al, while tlie eoguatc lan-
guages preserve the Doric-epic forms roi, rat. as the original :
Sinskrit A te. ni^ Mi, !Cend Hjp /^, fut^ (/f^ Gothic thai,
tti6s (compare $. 2!J8.)-
347. With reference to the masculine nominative sinj^ular.
wc have, moreover, to notice the remarkn^ble eoincidoticc of
the Grreli.Gothiv, and Sanskrit in rctainin<; the case-sij^, ao
that 6 for 6v corrwiHinda to tho Sanskrit-Got hie xa for sax.
[G. Rl. p. 494.] The latter appears analogous to the inter-
rogative hva$. "who?" in Gothic (§. 135.). In Sanskrit.
however, tho snpj>res3ion of the ease-sign is not quite
universal; for before a 5to])we find m aaS, wt jwJ, cuplumie
for vu {%. 22. and Gramm. CriL §. 75. o.) \ and ■^ ad, before
words bcgiuuiu}; with a, aeeording to a genenil principle of
sound framse>, by melting dowu tlie a 1o u,anil n-gttlarly con-
tracting tlie a+u to d (§.-2.). On tlic form s'l is based the
Zend ^u> k6, the H nf which is retained ; so lltot mv> hi
which might he expected for m sri. does not occur.
Altliough. then, ^w Ao' is strikingly similar to the Greek
6, still the relationship of tlic two forms cannot be lookpj for
In the o-sound, as the Greek 6 rests on the suppression of
the ense-sigii and uftonl suhstilittion of o for w n (^. ->.).
witile the ZcikI A^ is to he referred to the existence of a
4
PBONOUNS. 483
case-sign (u for s), and its coiitractioii with the a of the
base to d,
348. The reason why this pronoun gladly dispenses
with the usual nomioative sign s may be, partly, because
the said case-sign has itself proceeded from the base m,
and that sa does not admit of being re-combined with
itself; and, partly — and this perhaps is the surer ground
— that the pronouns, in general, are so strongly and
vividly personified by themselves, that they are not in
need of a very energetic and animated sign of personality ;
for which reason, although u^ oAont, "I," rV* iwam/'thou,"
«ipl ayam, " this,'' ^nni^ aicayam, " self," have a termina-
tion, it is not that of the usual nominative, but they ap-
pear as neuters in the more objective or accusative garb;
while v^ as&u, m. f. " that,'' if its final diphthong is
combined with the u of the oblique [G. Ed. p. 493.]
case VK amu (compare §. 156.), is completely devoid of ter-
miimtiou, and merely adopts the Vriddhi augment of tlie
final vowel of the base.* The Latin obeys the same prin-
ciple in the pronouns hi-c, tile, iste, ipse, which are deprived of
tlie nominative sign, and for which we might have expected
his-c (compare hun-c from ku-mc), illtts, istus, and ipsta,
which latter actually occurs ; and in the same language the
relative qui is distinguished from the more energetic inter-
rogative quts by the absence of the nominative sign. In
agreement with this principle stands also the circumstance,
that in Sansknt the masculine pronominal bases in a, in the
plural nominative have not, like other words, as for their
termination, but, in like manner, suppress the case suffix,
and extend the a of the base to 7 ^, by the admixture of a
purely phonetic t ; hence it t&, from which the dative and
ablative i4-bhyas, genitive ti'shdm, locative U-ifhu, It has
been before pointed out (§. 229.) what relation the cognate
languages bear to Sanskrit in this respect. And it may
* Th« belief in this actnally being the case is Bopported by the P&li, in
which the form mu, without Vriddhi, corresponds totbe Sanakrit tud».
484
rnoNOUNs.
be observed, furtiier. tliat tlie pronouns of the first niitl
aec'ontl ])L>rsTin do not admit, in the pitirni, the terminntion an,
but employ ^^^ vay-am,'^^^^ tfH-y-im, with n neuter sin-
gular furm, Riiil in the Veda dinlcct vi^ inrrnf, V^
yuthmf, uftiT the usu^ of pronouns of the lliJrd |KTSon,
The Greek f{)rnis ififiet. v/ifte^, ^f««. vfAetv. nppenr. there-
fore, so luuch the more to be a more recent adnjiliitiol) to
the ordinary mode of fornmtion ; and what (§.5. ;i35. 3:t7.)
hns been snid regarding the » of the Lithimniim m-%
vdt, the Gotliic vets, yva, nud the Latin nos, vot, obtains
oddiUonal confirmation from the present remark. The
pronomiunl base ww ama, " that," also avoi<ls. in the
masculine, t)ie noiiiiii!itive<terinin.-k[ioa us. nnd forms timt,
itii, wliich serves us B theme to tlie oblique |>]iiral cjises,
[G. Ed.p.4!i«.) with the exception of tbeiKTiisiitivo : henii;
Wrifiw ami-bhis, mftm^ nmt-bhyirs, ^tf\vm_^ ami-sfitim, wftl
omi'fhu. These forms cunErm the opinion that the uomi-
iiutive tS iilsu. und the like, are void of inflexion.
M9. We here give a generiil view of the entire declen-
sion of the pronoun under diseussion. From the I^atin
we adduce the compound h-te, as the simple form does not
occur. Tlie Zend forma in brockets I hiive not met with,
but have formed them according to the analogy of the
coniixtuod Ai^nju* »i-ta, »ud other prtmouns of the third
person, with whieh we may snjtpose the base jup fo to
have origtnully agreed in iuflexiun. observe, also, the
oeeaaioDid weakening of the f to rf, mentioned in §. 343.
Those eases of the Lithuanian and Sclavonic to which *
it prefixed, etymolot^icslly do not belon|( to this phice, bnt
to thccomijound n (yo. mentioned in §.353.
I
KINnUI.AR.
MAtCCUHK-
Santkrit. Zitid. Grttk. latin.
N. :t,tah,»A, b6, 0, ig-TIi,
Ac. tarn. tera, t6v, ig-TUM,
I. f AkTi (/dj,
Gotkic. IJth. Otd Sdav.
att, fas, f.
Ihnnn, /</«, f.
, . , . /u, tiimi, *iwm.
PRONOUNS. 485
SINGULAR.
HUCULINB.
SanikrU. Zend. Greek. Latin. Got/tie. Uth. OtdScL
D. tasmAV [takm&i),^ t^. is-TI,' thamma,* ifim,* tomtL^
\h.taam&t, (takmAt), ... vi-TO(D)
G. tasya. {tahS)," tom,^ ia-TIUS,^ tfd». to. togo.*
L. ioMmin.* (tahmi),* ... tamenr" .... tami.^Uom."
IfBUIKK.
N.Ac/at" tat:* TO," iiTUD.'^ thata:* iai," to,"
The rest like the Masculine.
FSHIMIMK.
N. *d, kA, 'a, ^, u-TA.
A& Mm (lanm), ray, tiJi», ia-TAM,
I. fctyd, (tabmyay*
D. /asydi," (ionAdi) ." Tf rf, is-Tl.
Ab. (a»yd«.'» {tatthdl),"" u-T^D)
G. /ajyds," (/ajiAdo)," TO?, T^, u-TIUS." ihizOo,'*
I* ia»ydin,"((aAmya),*'
' See ^. 166. > /«/j, and umiUr pronomina] forms, differ from th«
common second declciuion, to which they tielong, in this particular, that
they preacrre the case- term i oat ion in preference to the final vowel of the
base ; thus, utt for ittol, opposed to btpa for lupm. * Regarding mm,
from tm, see §. 170^ and with reference to the termination §. 356.
Item. 3. « }. 170. * {. 2G7. tubfinem. • We might, also,
«xpect lUUi^p tonA^and tutyj^JAi^ /oiftA^, according to the analogy of
MtHjAf anhS, which oA«D occnn as well as ah6 (from the base a), and
IUU'jSjlJU mi}h6, and Kmilar forma ()$. 41. and &6. a.). ^ $. 189.
•ij269. »§20l. "'J.343. " f^. 170. 197. "The
m comes &am tlie appended prononn tma (comp. $. 2(>7. *tf>-f) '• )» the
instrumental f^fnt, on the contrary, it belongs to tlie caae-sign (\, 266.).
<■ §}. Ifi5. 156. ■* $$. Ififi. and 281. >* ^. 157. >* The
Sclaronic to, and umilar pronominal neuters, are to be explained, like the
Greek, through the suppression of a T-sonnd ; while sabBtantire and
adjective forms in o— with the excepticm of those from baaes in ( (as nebo
from NEBES)—have lost a final nasal, which the Greek retwns, botli
"J,
ta, to.
tha.
tan ta"
1 « > «
ta, toy a.
thixai,"
iai, tot.
• > . .
tbhiU,'*
t6s, iot/o."
toye,*^ tut.
436
PBONODNS.
■ocording to thn euphonic law in i.^&.i. " $.366. ■■ $ 171.
"J.I79: w$. 172. Note*, p. 188. '> 5. 366, Rem, 3. «Ifw«
OMniiie thiit tills lunniiiHlEoa t/u*. peculiar to tiic prniiatina, -wliicli in
$. 18£}, iBciiii.iidt.Teil la llit; trmLN]K)n(;d firm of llie ifunskTil tcraiiuation
»i/a, bcLi>n^'l originnlly to the fiiininine, &a<\ from thai j^nilcr luu \>*en
uunrgaiiitwlly tratigferroi! to ihu oIIiitk, tlm-n {it)lmt—(ri>m {U)tt-jus, f»r
(it')ta'jua—v!o\i.\A a^rrx tolcrablj well wiili tlic Sonnlirit taia/'U, witli tlic
loae of the a {>r«<».'ilii)|; j ; m thia resembling the Sc'lavoiiio laija fnr 'lUi/a,
}.&71., and Bliort«»'tng the lost fjl>ut one; Bneruhiclt from llio slioit a,
as is so fri-quently done li^fire a final », an onorgADlc u ia fonned.
a FrtiD /Myoa, f.27I. "$.209. » S- 2fl8. Not**
DUAL.
UA«:iii.iNB.
Saf»Jb-{/.
Zmrf. G/-«*.
i,!^.
(^</ stiof.
Wm, M,'
(ido, M), Tui,
/«,
ia.
1 I.D.Ab. MftAylm, (Inmtja). D. tou-,' D. '/im,* I. D. •/j/emu.'
U MBUTER.
N.Ac. (rV ('r').
TW, ....
'y/
The rest like the Masculioc.
rcvixiKE,
N.Ac. It: ilf).
ra. /ie.
fyf.'
I.D.Ab. WAy<lm, (^%o),
D. TOO", torn?
*lwma.
G. L. Inyfiv, ....
G.Tiuv, G.iA,
tu^A.
' VMIc form. soe$. 308.
'}. 881. »5 21*
M
irra.,
wh(>Tc, hnwi>vcr, the roMMn fnr 1h«> f/<r, iuHltAd of the li».he-a&ticipAt«4i o,
HM inciim-oily nssifpied Tho truth ia, oAynua Ih founded ou the Sanskrit
1iaac7iraH''A»yii, nora.itiAa^am, "lioih"; mid with rtgttnl b> tbo dcnigns-
linnofcJic aamljcr two, ncmoit olxwrvc, tlint tho Li(hiiAiitau,Blso, form*
nmvcaspfifroni tuicztoudcd theme in m, euphonic if ; vii:. the j^n. rficiVjr*^
anil the datm (iuiem; the foiinvr, with rvgard to iwylMfore tJicciuotcr-
mttuiiioa, agteet with the Sclnvimlc t/cwjcii ami Suisknt diean-At ^§. 373.
Mote t): the theme of both cosre ia Jwie^ from dwia, and ii fnunded, in
ntjr flpinioa, «B the Sankrit fit </'r0ya, "a|«ir," withUienppr««ioa of
th* a pTModiDg the jr. On tliU, then, b basadi, abo, th* Selavonie
I
PRONOUNS.
4e
17
dvyem, as alao tyem, on the compound pronominAl base iQ tya ($. S6S.).
» §.264. Rem. 1. p. 277. • §. 273. Note f.
'§.212. • $.273.
p.85BG.ed. •$.213.
PLURAL.
UUCnURE.
Btaukrit. Zend. Greek. Latin,
Gothic.
Zt/A.
Old Sclav.
w «.^ ToAo;V M-r/,>
thai}
•fw/
to
. Wn, (tali).' ™'^. ia-TOS,
thans,
fu«, fSs,
ty.'
1&U* (ttla),
....
tats,*
*/yenii,*o
Kb.iibhi/as, taObyd, b. Loc. is-TJS,^
tkoim,'
*i'um(u)a,^ *iyem,^ gi
«fAdm," (tahhanm),^" t&p, is-TOWM,'
' thixS,!^
/d,
(yecA," y
tisku, (iaSshva), D. Toia-i, ....
....
iaae.
tyecb.^'^ 6
HBDTKB.
1— 1
\c.Mni.M," W," Td," i,»-r^.i3
//id,"
. . , .
(a."
The rest like the Masculine.
FBHININB.
M*. (tAo), Tai.ai,^ ia-TAE}
M<Jj,
ioa.
fy."
, tis, HAo), t4s. ia-TAS.
(A(J»,
tag.
/j,.»
mhU, (lUbii),
....
tomia.
*/wcmi.
K\i.mhyas, (Idbyd), s. L. is-TJS,
thaim,"
' /om(«K'
*lyem.*
lAtAm? (MoBAarim)," rdwv, rwv, ia-TARUM?
' Ihizo,'*
/*!,
iyech}^
....
fo«a.
lyech.^^
> $$.228,348. Regarding the Litfanaoian tie see, also, $. 235. Note J,
and for the Sclavonic ti $. 274. * $. 239. > $. 275. * $. 219.
The anrpriring agreement between the Sanskrit ^n /(i» and Lithnanisn
tais is BO far fortnitoDS, as that the Sanskrit has rejected its hh and the
Lithuanian the m derived from b, independently of each other. The
Sclavonic iyemi, from tyemit ($.277.), points to a Lithuanian ia-mia, and
tianali^uBtothfl VMicformslike v^l^H^ (uw^Mu,mentionedin$.2I9.,
and to the common pronominal-instnimeDtal 75re S-b&it, "through
ihia," from the base V a. It is, however, donbtfnl whether the t/a of
tyemi is founded oa the corruptioD of the Sanskrit ^ ^ of a VMic form
which may be supposed to have existed, t^hit, according to $.2£5. e., or
whether, as I am more inclined to think, this case, like several others,
belongs to tho componnd base n tya, to which, also, is to be assigned the
I
488
PRONOUNS.
Btngtilar inel.ru motital rr/rm, as from tbo l>w r«only low could (Mocvw),
aoeordin^ to th« anaJngj^ of raJi^mt, (wmthahiao raJio. Onthe'itlii'rlbiuid,
lliv I()caiiv« luffh i« not to I>F r<'f(-rr4'd In tlii.-i pluri', m nil n iKurs in lliiii
CMC hnvo yc corrcBpondiDg to tlic SanskrU i ; u rat^cth, from the llicmi;
ntbti. Conciirmit farmsore wnntin^ in the cammnu dti-lonsion for t^eeli :
UauBwen, however, tu irvm teskiim.JMtl on the locative of aJniUnr >ounO
does tu n tS^hu; and fur it aim, tlicrafon^ wc do not luivc nwoan?
[O. £<l. p. AOO.) to the pranaon coroponBiIiid with ^ ya, howover
nAtnral it niigltt npj>«flT fnin tho paint of view of \\w (irammar, wliich is
limited to Llic Siluvontc iklonc, iLnt all iJic fK, whlcli occur in ihls pro<
noan, oroof the wmo origin. * I'rom ulilnm fur i»tobu$y ac«$. 214-
• }j.ai5. iind'288. It«ni.4. ' fj. 214, unci 235. Note [. « J. 270.
* ^.248. " Comii. (w>CU'4A> uhhanm, "horum," from llie Inuc
a, Vvnd.S. p.i!3(), and Dlsu'where (irtToripoasly mo > for i<A,«i>o$f.6I.A3.),
" (.284. Note •. '• {, 234. Noic +. '» j. 231. '* J. 274.
'* $. S71. " Thii han found its wny from tho other Renilen intn ilie
feminine, whore we khnuld expect fhSm, whilo in iho moHuliito nn'l
noDivT ihe oi haa iu aiiciuiit fixed putition {j. 'ititi. Rem. i). In ^duvnnie.
■U ohliqoe plnral covea aic Iiorrowed from tlic lamavuliDe. Itenoe t^rmi,
tfiem, tyeeh, tor tt/ami, li/iuu, tuaeh, or tami, l4m, tacb. '^ (Jnmporo
tba oftim- occurring ^f^wiau atrnfaaittt, "hnrum" (^.M\], Sntiskrit
^Liim, IroRi till' bnxt d. Polvi.vlUltk' Liaso in Ztrnd shorten (he feminine
A in tlio genitive plural i hence, nut acldonjuinm, hat ^wi|.>>^{omju
ailanhiittm (iiocordingto ^iO*.) answers to the ^nnakiit ildtim.
3S0. The weakening of the I \Xi d, mentioned in §.313.,
vrliich mrirasionalljr enters into the pronominal base la,
Doincidc's ivitli that which takes place in Greek in the np-
pended pnrtic-le hi, which, when isolated, is used us a con-
juiK-tioa, and towhirh nomoro suitable origin cftij be as»i^c<l
than the proDomioal base TU. T)te wt^enin^ of the vowel
o to c tvsctnhles that vrliidi OLvurs in tlic uiiitiilected vocittivc
of bases iu o (}. 204.), ua also in the ciiualijr iiiiinHcctcc]
occusntives >i^, ai, f, (5. 3S6.)' The descent of the tenuis^ to
the medtul occurs also in Sanskfit, in the isolated neuter
form i-finm, " Ihia," and ei'ttat. " that," inasmuch as, in my
opinion, this is the pro]>er distribtition " which irith
■ C£ Influence of PronouM on tlie Foriraitiou of Wonla, p. 13.
PRONOUNS.
489
reference to i-Jam is supported, also, by the Latin i-dpm,
gui-<lam. In Snnskrit jj^ i-dnm and V^ n-f/ai are limited
to tJieuomiuativc and accusntivo ucut«r, which are the aama
in snnnd, and are deficient in tlie form&tion nf the other
craes, which originally may liave be- [G. Ed. p. soi.l
longffd to them ; as the Grvck Se has still left behind it, in
Homer, the iilural-dativr Seam, &eat, {rol^Seam, Tot'iSetri),
which, according to what was said in §.253. Rem., regardinjf
the dative in ea-tfi, sounds very homngeneous to the Sanskrit
□enter daa, probably a weakened form of dai. Ai to the
proof of the relation of the idoa of the conjunction hk to that
of our pronoun, it is suQicient to remark, generally, that all
genuine conjunctions in the Indo-European family of lan-
guages, as far as tlicir origin can be traced, are derived from
prunouns, llic uiL-eiiiing of whk-h fretpientty lira mure or teas
obscured in them. Those fnmi ;ii«vand Se'arc contrasted with
one another like "this" apd "that," or "the other;" and the
connection of our German aber. Old High German n/oTt
with the Indian v^r^ apnra'S, " the other," has bcfrn
already shewn clscwbcr(\* and in the aauie manner the
Gothic Hb, " but,'" of which more hereafter, is oT pronominal
origin, juat as the Latin nU'tem.
3^1. A descent from the tenuis to the medial, similar
to that which we liave observed in the Greek Zi, and
in hftva, which will be discussed hereafter, is exhibited in
Latin in tlic adverbs dum, dcmum. doMC, denifue, which
all, with more or less certainty, belong to our demon-
strative base Perhaps dudum, also, is to be referred to
this clnss. and is to bo regarded as the doubting of the
base elu for /u, lo, us it>tu.<i, which has retained the old
tenuis. In Sanskrit, the doubliii;^ of pronouns, in winch
both are nevertheless declined, expresses multiplicity;
jf6 ijiu signifies "whoever," "^iiicuiryiw," and yrtii j«in.
KK
490
PKONOUNS.
" gvemeungue," &c., and la laS, tan, tam &c., answer to tbcm.
[O. Ed.p.soiC] Tottu is properly "this and this," "the
one aud the other half," hence " tlw whole" The ease is the
same with gtihquis. In dudum, " long ago," the notion of
tnuHipUcity is equally clrnr; and for this reason I prefer
riewing it as the comhination of two similar elements
ratlier tlian as rfiu and dam. Tlie same relation, in
a plionetiv respect, that dudum has to (olu?, dam has to
turn, which latter has been designated above {%. 343.) as the
accusative. The circumstance, tlmt in those pronominal
adverbs the accusative iuBexion does not stand in its cus-
tomary Sense, ought not to div(!rt us from this mode of
derivation; for in adverbs the cnse-in flexions very fre-
quently overstep their ordinary signiGcrition. Nolwitli-
standing, it cannot be denied that, in all pronominal
advcrba of this kind, or at least in some of them, the m
might also belong to tho appended pronoun ama, which is
80 widely diffused in Sanskrit and its kindred languages,
and has been conjectured to exist in Ut-mnx as aniilogous
to the Sanskrit locative iatmm, and in immo by assimi-
lation from itmo.* According; to this mode of cxplana-
lion, in the Latin forms dum, turn, tarn, ywjwi, &c., tJierc
would be exactly as much left of the npjicnded pronoun,
and tlic aisc-tt-ruiinatioiis combined with it, as in our
German datives, like dem, wem, and the SclaTonie loca-
tives, as tvm. The locative would be i,-ery suitable for
(/mm, "since." "while," (in which time), and turn in the
meaning "then." and consequently du-m and tu-m would
be = Sanskrit Tffpn^ ta-nnin, Old Sclavonic torn. For
the meaning, " hereupon." which in Sanskrit is expressed
by Tfi^ fofo*. (literally " from there"), it might be better to
refer to the ablative imf\ tti-amSt, for it is not necessary
that tttin, in alt its meanings, should belong to one and the
• In the aniliar'i £«ay mi IVmotulr&Ure Bmcs, p. 2t.
PBONOUKS.
4»1
Eam« case-form, as tlic rn approaches very [O Ed, p. 603.^
closely to the tcrminatioDS i9 tmdi, mn(^ »ii4t, and fvn^ smin.
359. Dvmum, considered as a dumouslrative form. ugrMs
t!zc(!ctluigly vrci), apnrt from tlic nrcakciiiiig of the con-
sonants, with tlie Greek -nj/io^, with respect to which thtt
obsolete form tiemvt is to be remarkwl. lu t^/mw. Uowtver,
to which the relative iJ/uk corrcsjxtnds, there is no oeoesaity
to follow Buttmant) in regarding the Intter portion of it as
the substantive ^f^tp, iiotwittistundiuj^ the apparunt induce-
ment for 8o doing contained in aOrt]ii.ap ; but [ prefer divid-
ing thus, Ti)-fM%, ^-/AQi, and I consider rrj. 17, to be merely
tiie lcn<;thcoJng of the base TO, as acoordinj( to $$. 3. \.,
o = fifi, and ^^wi A. Thus tliis fj coincides with the
eof^oate Sajiskrit d. in several pronominal derivatiuiis, with
the base vowel Ienf»thened. as irmt^ yA-vul, " how much,"
" how long," " while," &e., at)d with the word answering to
it, iiiTt iH-vat. Nay, we might not perhaps venture
too far if we were to rcco^ise to f*o<i a corruption
of ^ rut. tlie V being hardened to ft, as we perceive
happens among other words in ipifi<o = -^^i^ drav&mi,
" I run," (p. I l-l), with the favourite transition of t to ¥. which
is necessary at the end of words if the T sound is not to
be entirely dropped, modifications which have aided us
in explaining several furnis uf importance in Grammar
(|§. Ifi2. 193.). In demum. demui, however, the demonstrative
force is not so clearly perceptible as in the cognate Greek
expression, and it lies concealed under the usual translation,
" then Grst," or " at last," which does not alfect the genenxl
sense of the seutaocc. Still nunc denum venis? means, pro*
porty. " now comcst thou at this (so late a time) ?" The time
Is doubly denoted ; and in this lies the emphasis, first by nunc,
tfroni the prononiinal base nti, and next by demum. In such
adverbs, however, of place and time, it is [G. Ed, p. 604.]
not required to express the place and time formally, and this
is done very rarely. In general, the mind lias to understand
K K 2
402
PRONOUNS.
Iliose categories in tlie interior, as it were, of the verbnl form.
It is the property of the pronouns to convey the secondary
iiotion of space, vluch then admits of being tranifcrred to
time. Thus our no, "vfhere," baa rctcreiice to ]>lace; icann,
-when." to time; da. "tht-n" or "there." to both; but the
pronominal idea nionc is formally represented in nil three.
When it is required adverbially to denote absolutely definite
divisions of timi?, n pronoun is imturally combined with the
designation of tinie in qu(?stion, as in hodle, irrfftepov, nrid
heute, "lo-doy." (Old High German, hmlu, §. 162.)- Bu« >f.
in these exprt-ssions, one of the idejis combined in them were
to lose its formal designation, that of time would most easily
be dispensed with ; the important mattf-T bciu*; tlial it is "on
tJiis** and not "on that (day);" and the iangungt* therefore
adheres more tennciously to the pronomiiui.1 element than to
that of time, which is ver^' faintly seen in our heule, and even
in the Old High Germnn hiutit. Hence 1 cannot believe thnt
the adverbs <lum, dcmxtm, tlanec, tlftiUjue, are conueeted witli
the term for "day" (§. 122,), which is common to the Latin
nnd the Sanskrit, to which Hartung (Gr. Particles, I. 23ti),
besides tlic forms wliich have been mentioned, refers, among
other words, jam and the Gothic j/m, "now," "already." and
yuMon, ".ilready," as also the Ap|)cndcd dam in (jui-dam.
regarding which sec above ((. 350.}. In the first pliicc. in the
dam of ijuoa-dam, and in the dem of tan-d«m, we might ndmit
the t«rm denoting "day," witliout being eompellcd, from thi;
reason given above, to this explanation, still less to tlie
inference timt fjui-dam, qui-dem, and i-dftn, also Imve arisen
in this manner. \t quondam contains the name of "day."
then its dam approaches most nearly to the Sanskrit accusa-
tive VT^ dtfAm from ih dyA. " heaven," which, like other
[G. Ed. p.£Ofi.} appellations of heaven, may also have
signified " day," ns a shoot from the root f^ div, " to
shine," {§ 122.). To this accuKtiive wt*( rfydm. the Greek
Sijv, "long," corresponds, if, as Hnrtung eonjecturc4, it is
PRONOnNS,
493
taken from an uiiix:llatton of "day," like the Latin 4/m
(Siinskrit « flyu, " duy.")' Ou Uie otiier hand, I prefer
referring the |mrlicle Sif to our demonstrative base, thti siguifi-
cnutaitd aiiimalin<; forct* of which iseviucvd i-k-nrly cnonoli
iu the way in vchivb it is used. W'v return to Uif LiilJii
donee— the more complete form of wliich, d6mcum,t lias
bwu alreiidy, in another plaur, divided into du-nhum — since
I Sec ill it a connection, in formation and base [O. Ed. p. SOC.]
with the Greek TTivUa. of which Uereafler. " So long as" is
equivalent to " the time in which," or *' io which time," " hovr
long n time," and do here represents the pronominal idesi,
and n«.'c, nicum. tJiat of time, as it al»o actually cxprcMes,
whicli Trill be shewn herea^cr. a diviaion of time. It) the
• Pcrlinps wo atiould aiw clnse under lliiri Uc*d •if'po, rnid divide it into
if-fiifia, vuiuiiJsrin^ it at " iliiy-lirne." TIia fimC member uf lliv cmii|Hiuii<I
wotdd h/ir<?ln!t[ llie 7* sound i>rtlui SaiMlirit \nae OT'.V'. ii*» la J- l'-iiW«
have Kxn Ju iiriicccd frfliii Dgu, and tlio r()ug:li brrAthtng would, aa fro-
qnenUy lioppras in Gtttik—f.g, in 'jnap, uiaworing to Jeeur tixxd VVIt
yakril—supiiiy tho plaoe of the ^- A« reghrdti tlie second tioriinn of
q-fifpn. we iiii);ht eit«ity su(i}io)K! it connected widi ji/pnt. I f tiiis idea be
wall foundvd, then fi-fupa vouliL invna "dity'3-gidc"cir "lighi-«(!c"Cof
time). Hut fifpa (ultnitfl, elon, of eotnpiariaon wiili n word wlticli, in San-
Arit. means time in gcnvTid aiid day of the n-cek ; fur liy awumiDt: the fre-
qDoady-nu.-Qtioiu:d haflvnin^ of a n to yi [ct p. 1 16, 1. 9), and a sliurtcuiiiK
of tho middle vowel, wc nrrivo at iho Sanskrit tfT^ i^ilra, wliich haa bw-n
befbro thoinbjwt ofdiiGuwInn {j.SVO. [■. 495, 1. 8), and with which, loo, our
3/at " time," Gotliicm^(tUcmf«i>^ii), IB connccled. According to thiavk-w,
^-fiipa would, thorvfow, sigitiiy "dayVlimc" iu which com uu elyiuulo-
gical conuectioa betweeo fupa and ^I'/io* might slill vxia, inaemneli oa
tfulpoftai, tiaai tho nwl MAP {tifiaprai), is probably coDiii-ctcd with the
Sanvkrit root var (i/ri), ^*to cover" nud ''to c^oum") wticuvo vara
(noHiiniilive)'firvi7/i), " th*glft, lent by a god or a B rail man," "grnoe";
and whmco i* dfrivcd, al:*o, vdra, "o[i]i'irl<inity," ''linit;,.'* &c. For
hirtber particnlan n-gardiiig the root ^^ *-''^ (^ 'T^J ""d its bninclics in
th« Europvan coc^ale Eanguages, h« my VooallBinDa, p. IGO.
t luBucneu of ibe Pioiiuuiut ma Uiv Furuiatioa of Woidt, ]x 12,
494
PRONOUNS.
Sanskrit inwil t/dmt. on the other hand, from the relative
base j/n. which signifies both " so long as" and "unti)," the
pronominal idea is alone re|)ri?8ented ; aud wo have hereby
a fresh proof of the existence of a demonstrative element to
donee, d<micum. Denique, in like manner, witli regard to its
origin, appears to be relatin] to TijViKa, to which it bears ft
surprising resemblance, with tjti for k, as in quis, t/ttid, cor-
responding to VS kns, fi«« tim, ««?, «o7o«, &c.
35S. Tlie pronominal base n /a is combined, in Sanskrit,
with the relative base ya, for the formation of a new
pronoun of similar signifiwition, which belonj^ especlall)!
to the Vt'da dialect, and, like many other V^Aa wtmls, bia
found more frequent Dae in tlie European cognate lauguagea
than in the common Sanskrit. The a of w to, is supprcasod
in this compouml. hence w /jr«; and in the nominative of
the i>LTsoual genders, as In the simple a Iti, the T sound
is replaced by t; hence wt(^ synx. ^itJij/A, Wl tyat; accuaa-
tivo iq^^ (ynm, WTO ly^m. unt tyat, &c. The base sj^a,
which 18 limited to the nominative, with its feminine form
anil, poflsessea a complete declension in several cognate
languages, and in the Sclavonic has found its way into
the neuter also. The Gothic has adhered most closely
to tlie Sanskrit, and docs not {wrmit thu pronoun
to extend beyond the singular nominative. Moreover,
only the feminine form si remains; and one could wish
that a masculine ityi-s, for wa-t, (according to $. 135.) oc-
[G- Ed. p. 607] curred with it Most of tbe forms, how-
ever, wliich express, in Gothic, the idea " be," and its fcmi-
uine, have proceeded from the demonstrative base t, among
which si, thoug-li, as it were, an alien, has found its place.
Thissf, from thu base 5Vu=Saiiskrit syA. iaan abbreviation of
nya, according to the analogy of the substantive declension
of tlie like termination (Grimm's sccoud strong dcclcnuon),
as thivi for thiuya, from the base thiut/v.
354. The Okl High Oeruui^ siu — we will leave it undecided
PBOKODNS.
495
wbether it sbonld be written «yit* — u more exactly re-
tauicd than tlie Gotltic «f, and lias not entircl/ dropped
the Sanskrit «i 4, of ^n »yd, but has first shortened it to
a, and then weakened it to ii.-f IJ, however, in Old High
German, is a favourite letter after t or y (Voimlismus,
p. 316. lUm. 80.)< The form »u, id Old High German, is
not so iaolated as at in Qotliic ; but from tiiu biisc tid
springs also au accusatire tia, and in the plumJ the form
iio. which is common to the uomiDative and occusativD,
and. in a Gothic dress, would be sy6t, in Sanskrit
flint, fyd«. Contrasted with the singular nominative
»iu, tlic accusative nut may appear remarkable, for in
both cases similar forms mi;;ht Ikavo been expecUxl.
The diEercnce. however, consists iu Uiis, ttiat the numina-
tivf form, Ht the oldest period to which we can arrive by
tlie hifltorj' of the language, termioatt'd in a vowel without
any case-sign whatever, while in thti accusative the vowel of
tho base was protected by a nasnl- Tliis nasaJ, then, may
liave preserved the old ijuontity of a, just as, in Greek, a
final u frwjucntly occurs iu places where a nasal was per-
mitted to follow it by the old Grammar ; while, where a short
kd Mund is found originally unprotected, or [ti- Ed. p. 008.]
accompanied by consonants not nasal, it is usually changed
into e or o ; hence hna, ivvitu, SfUa, answering to tlie Sanskrit
I taplaa, navan, daian, tliough from these likewise in the nomi-
native and accusative, arcordiog to {$. 139. 313., Mipfu, &c. ;
jfS(i(a answering to «1i^l|n tuliksham, ttoSq to ^^ padnm,
but eSt'i^ to *Brf^^ adiktjuit, XOneJ to n vrika, iStl^aro
to vf^;^ii atTikihata.
3&&. While the Gothic article, like that in Greek, is to
• Sec p. 367, Rem. 6.; and Vocalimiiia. p. 2d4. lUra. 31.
i Rssfieeting m, m IiKhlcr tluiu a ftiid heavier lliui i, >c« Vocoluioma
,^, Ran. 10.
496 PBONOUNS.
be referred to tlie bases discasat^ in I. 343., w aa.jn 'A, n tit.
If M, the Higli German, as Iins been before remarked (§. 2SS.
Rem< 9.x attaches itself chiefly to the compound n tya, fem.
Iy6, and intrcxluces this into the nominative also; hence^
in the feminiiie, diu (or perhaps d^ti), as above siu; Qccaw-
tivc dia, answering- to the Sanslcrit wn^ tijdm, and in the
nominative and accusstive plurni dh = lyfis. With n-gard to
the innseuline, compare, with the Sanslcrit nominative ftty^,
the form firs, which iii High German has found ila way
also into the acciisiitive, which in thia language is every-
where the same as the nominative. In the neuter, diu
agrees with similar OM Hij^h German forms, from sub-
stantive bases in ia, ra cftunma. In the masculine singular,
and in those cases of the neuter which are tlie same as tJie
masuidine. the compound nature of our pronominal base ta
less palpable ; and taking il as our starting [joint, or restrict-
ing our views to it, we should have classed the forms </«■, rff«.
d^a. di^n, not under tt/a, but, liko the Gothic forms of kin-
dred signification, under the simple base Jt (a. But If <frr.
(//■■ji, be compared with the corrc9|)ondtng feminine cases diu,
dia, and witli the masculine plural die, without the suppo*
sitlon — which is refuted by the Sanskrit. Lithuanian, nod
Sclavonic — that in the latter word a redundant i is inserted,
(Q. Ei. p. SOQ.} which never occurs in other parts of tiie
Old High German Grammar,* then the <iaaumption becomes
necessary that d'e'r, d'r$, d'rmu, den, have had llieir origin
from older forms, as dyar. dmta (=iErit ti/as, n^ tynstfa).
so that, as very frequently happens in Gothic (§. 7S.), in the
syllable ya the a is dropped, and the v changed into a vowel ;
just as, above, wc have seen » and thivi sprinj* from iwi
thttiya. The Old High Gcmum, however, as is well known.
very uommouly employs r for the Gothic (.
« Sec Vocsliama^ p. 347.
PRONOUNS.
497
356. Tlie distribution of forms with p and t (or y)
mid a Tolluwiug vowel is not fortuitous, but rests on
an historical basis, so tbnt the contraction to if oocars
niiivursttlly «liere llie Siinslcrit has ft sliort « after ti y;*
but the more full form is found only when a long d, or
tile diphthong f, accompanies tlie Indian Bemivowel, though
this circumstance does not, in every case, ensure tlic mora
complete form in Otd High German; for in thu genitive
plural we find dirH (masculine, feminine, and neuter), not-
viihstanding the Indiao ?Nn^ lifishdm in the mnscaline
and neuter, and mmf[ tifdxAm in the feminine ; and in the
dative, togetlit-r witii f/iiVu— uecording to Notker. dicn —
we find, also, rfftn or dthi, and this, too, in most authorities.
Tlie neuter instrumental diu is based on the instnimental
jM^^Q thyii.'f whieh may be supposed to exist in Zend, and
where, thL-rnfore, we lave, in like manner, the i or ureUdned
with original long vowels following that letter. Compare
MASCULINE.
smouLut.
rVOKAL.
Saiutrit.
OtdH.G.
SaiuMI. OtdH.a.
Nominative.
syas.
der.
tyf, dig. '
Accusative,
iyam.
(/?».
ty^n, die.
Dative,
tyasmA
r, demv,
tyf-bhym, di^m. ■
Genitive,
tyaaya.
dfS,
KEUTEH.
lyf^Mm, dero.
1
Nom. Ace.
ty^t-
daz,
tydni, tyd\ diu.
Instrumuntal,
iy^a.
lliy<P. diu.
ty^bhh. . .
The rest like the maseuline.
• nc«i>«:tiajt Qio nouWr daz, mc J. 356. Rem. 9.
t I cannot, howcvn, ijuote this pruiiuun in Zend, except in tb« Doml-
naiire i>laral moKiilinc in CT'intiiiiatiuii with tliu relitLive, ^. flS,
' The Ultcr ia the V4<ltc und Zcud form. Me j.'i$\. and j.'XH. Nolo *.
' The lAtter the Zeiid form pra-tujipuMnJ nbevv.
498
PHONOUNS.
FBMtNl^B.
nvachxm.
nvtiu
SarnkfU. Old B. G.
SantkrU. OU H. G
Nominative,
tyt\, a\\^, diu.
tydi. dio.
AccusatiTc,
tyAm, d'ui.
tyils, diu.
Dative,
it/atyAi, deru.
tifdbhyas, diAm.
Genitive,
tyasi/Ait dera.
tydidm, th^TO.
" Remark 1.— I differ from Grimm, whom, %. 399. R«m. S.,
I liave followed, as I liere give die, not dif, aud in the
fciuininc plural din, not dit^, in the genitive plural d'Tu, end
in the genitive and dative singular drra, d'Mi. without n cir-
cumflex ; since the circumstance that theory^ and the history
of language, would lead us to expect a long vowel, does
not appear sufficient ground for the inference that the
original Jong quantity, which has been retained in Gotliic,
was not shortened in the three centuries and a h.ilf which
elapsed between UlGIas and tlie oldest High GeruiiLn
authorities. Wlicre a long vowel is not alicwn by Kero'a
doubling the vowel, or Notker's avcentiug it with a cir-
cumflex, which is not the ease in the examples before ns,
wo have there to assume that the vowel, in the course
[O. Ed.p. Sll] of centuries, has undei;gone a weakening
cltaoge. To this, final vowels are, for the most part, subject ;
hence, atso, the subjunctive present preserves the t, which
correspomls to the Sanskrit 5 ^ and Gothic at only in per-
sons in which the vowel is protected by a perMnutl termi-
nation following it; but in the first and third persons
wiigiilar, which have lost the persoual signs, the organic
length of quantity is also lost*
"Remark 2.— It is very probable that the simple base
» See ^. aw.
■ Grimm iqypcars U> have comtnilttd a misuke In tdluriag,, t. 723., tu
the Ihinl p. ecmy for mpjyin of the mippAMil Icn;^ of the « lu lh« nomi-
ostivs pbnl. ■> St p. 800 he ascrilxB to it s •bon «.
PRONOnNS.
499
ir ta. vras, in Old High German, originally mom Fully <!tc-
clioed, and that rcMiiauQS of that declenaioD slill exist. The
neuter dm hna the 8trong:est claim to be vievrcd as such,
which, contnir>- to $. 2^s. Rem. fl.. [ now prefer referrinj^ to
the Sanskrit tat, rather than Co tyat, as the syllabic n tya
has elsewhere, in Old High Gorman, universally become dif
($.971.)l Perhaps, too, the (/'^ which occurs in th« nomi-
native plural masculine, together witli die (Grimm. I. 791.),
is not an abbreviation ofthu latter by the rejection of tbc
i. but a remnant of the simple pronoun, and therefore akin
to the Sanskrit Ti U and Gothic thai. On the other hand,
in Old Sclavonic, in the declension oftlie simple pronoun
given at §• 319., several remains of the compound n tyn
have become intermingled, which are there explained.
But the forms toi, toe, taya, which occur in the nominative
and acrnsative, together with C (masculine), to (neuter), ta
(feminine), though they oonlain the same elements as the
Sanskrit n tya, m (yd, were first formed in Sclavonic,
in the sense of §. 294„ otherwise they would not have re-
stored the vowel of the first pronoun, which the Saiiakrit
has Buppressed (§.353.); thus, li for toi, te or iw for toe,
and tyn for taya (compare §. 28?.). The same ia the case
with the compound plural forms of the nominative and
accosative ; masculine (ft, neuter tayn, feminine tyyn.
" Remark 3. — In §. 1 go. I have made the assertion that
the German dative is based on the old instrtunental, as it
often occurs with an instramcntid signification. 1 was,
however, particularly impelled to this view by the dative
form of bases in t, as paata from the tlieme yasii. But if
we make the division ynxi-a and regard tlie a as the case-
termination, there ia nothing left as but [G. Ed. p.&l2.]
to n;fcr this form to the lodo-Zcnd instrumental. There is,
however, a nay of comparing this form with the Sanskrit
dative, which I now far prefer, as thcLithiianian and Sclavonic,
which are so near akin to the German, have retained tlic
500
PBONOUNS.
dative, together witli the instrumental; and tlic Old H!gh
German lias presrrvct) a particular form for ttiu tnstrutiiental,
the generic difTerence of which from the dative is especially
observable in t!ie pronoun, in which dvmu answers to niA
iyatmdi; but the instrumental rfiu. ami the Gothic M(=($. la'J.),
no more cxliibit the appended proBOtin ama, mentioned
in §. 1(!5. &e., thnu docs the Suns krit- Zend instnimontal.
Diu agrees best with the !i!^ud ihy^, supposed above, and
the Gothic iM with the simple lA.* The form tiemu. and the
Gothic (Aemmo, compared with wd tyiitm&i and itA tatmiii,
have lost the t clement of the Sanskrit diphthong % di
(=d + i); and the long^ d bos been shortened in (Jothic,
otherwise it would have been supplied by d or At The
sliort Gotliic (1 1)03, however, iu Old High German, been
still further weakened to ti. But to retuni to the Gotliie
yaula from the theme yasti ; I do not now regard the ,final
a of this word as a ease-suDix, bat as a Guna-vowcl, after
which the t of tlie baste hiis been dropped, together with
the case-cliarncter, vhile all bases in u, and feminine bases
ill i. liuve luat only the inflexion, and not a portiou ufthc
base with it. The same relation that tunau has u> the
dative ^iT^ aiinav-t, from iiMnu — which in Sanskrit also re-
ceives the Guua — the feminine anstai, from tlie theme un»ti,
has to the Sanskrit malay-f, from mati. The masculine
goMOy however, has not only lost the inflexion of ijastuy-f,
OS it must originally have been pronounced, but also the
y, which ought to have reverted to i. lu the a-declenaioo
mjfb is readily made to accord with the Sanskrit ^«n
vritdjfo, and Zend Aiu^fv^ vthrhtti: to the kttter it bears
the same relation that (Aui/iinu above does to mSt ta-xmAi.
The feminine gibai, from tlie theme tfibti, is as easily de-
* Tin Ssoskrlt tyi-H'a luts, on-onling to f , 1S6., a ropho&ic n iaaerte'J,
■nil die M or llip tiOAC ctmniti'd iiiio r by tlut liWiiiliitj; or nn i.
t The litllci actUAllj' Utk«a |>UiC« io hmmmi-h, /intryumnM,
FSONOUNS.
501
rivnWe, in rcgnnl to form, from the dntive fK^'% Jihw/ly^},
iifi Trom the instruineiitnl f>|^'i|| jihwny-A. In both ways
the it]flexian has been lost, and tlie semivowel ifreeeding it
ehiuigedtoavowe!. But if we are to believe [O. Ed p. 613.]
that a genuine dative character ia retained in German, we
should find it only in thn declension of the pronouns, inas-
ninch as, for instance, the feminine forra zai, in thi-zai. is
directly dt^rivable from llic Sanskrit iiyAi. from smy^li, by
nienHy dpopping^ the semivowel ; so that thizai and itift
taxt/tU stand historically near to one another, as we have re-
presented in §. 172., where wc expressed our belief timt al,
in (hhaK may be explained on tlic same principle na Uinl of
gihai ! and tlius thizni must be considered as an abbrevia*
tion of ikizaif'tii, and, therefore, as indeclinable. But if
ihizai stands for thixi;-at, and ai is, therefore, in tliis and
similar [ironomiual forms, a remnant of the S:mskrit femi-
nine dative termination di. then the Gothic fit above men-
tioned is esspntifilly distinguished from the similar tenni-
nation in gikai, " dono," and i»ij(/ii, " ffratitt." rta these two,
also, are diverse from one anotiier, since the i oi nnxtni be-
long to tlu? theme nn,t^r, while an i is foreign to the theme
of gifial, viz. (jibd, and accompanies tlic base in the dative
only : while in the eoTre8|tonding class of words in Smiskrit
it is added in several eases, after which h aniiexi^ the
true inflexion, which is omitted in Gothic. But if the ni
of thizm ia identical with the Sanskrit ^Ai of irdi tasydi.
tlicn wc must distribute the genitive thizrh into Ihi-
-i-6s. and this must be considered ns an abbreviation of
(Ai-aT^-^ji = Skr. irFim in'Sy-<U ; and we should hare in this,
and similar pronominal forms,* a feminine genitive termina-
tion At, while elsewhere in a)l genders the genitive sign
consists in a more »,
357. It has been already remarked, that our diestr is acom-
■ To thcss baloiii; the (Urong) lulJMtivcs combinol with n pronoun.
|iiir=
502 FfiONonNS.
pound proiioua (§. 289. Rem. 3. p. 3TU.), the first member of
vhiiJi is founded on tho Sfln&lcrit bnse n fya, and our article
($.3&3.)h It is not, however, ruquisito to assume tlmt its i>
presappoees on older ia. but it may be re^rded, And this now
appears to me preferable, as tlic anorganic lengthcniii^ of
the di-iir of Notlicr. As regards the second part of this
demonstrative, its declension mi^ht be assigned parlljr to
the simple Snnslqit bnse n aa, partly to the compound tjfa .*
to the hitter evidently belongs the feminine nominatiro
[G. Ed. p. 614.] (t^SIU (=wt «jd, dkae, " this,") and the
neuter plural nominative of the same sound. But if the
feminine accusative is detot not d'-aui, and the oiaaculiuc deiant
DOt dtsian, or diaen, according to llie analogy uf dra (§. 356},
then, instead of regarding tliese and fithcr analogous forms
as retimius of the simple base « ta. m sA, it mny be
assumed that the i (or v) has been dropped, as occurs ia
most cnscs of the declensiun of hirti (theme hirlh or Ajrfya);
BO that in the plural, hirta, kirto, hirtum, and in the dative
singular hirta, answer to tlie Gothic hairdvAs, ludrdut,
kahdyam, hainft^i. If this is. as I believe il is, the proper
view of the dL-clvusion ot des^r. tJie deelensional diSerenee
between di^r and ih then lies in this, that tt has boen
necessary to lighten the latter, owing to the ineumbrani-e
of the base of the article which is prefixed to it, and thnt,
therefore, i is rejected ; henoe rfraa, " Aonc," but without the
article t'la, "cam." It is remarkable that the Litliuiininn
prrseuts us with wbut oppcars to be the transixwcd form
of our compound die-ger. As such, at least, I regard the
so-termed emphatic demonstrative uxittai, in wliicli the
Sonskfit subjective, but compounded pronoun IPT tya, oc-
cupies the first place, and the objective uud simple ir la
the second. The first i of *zHtax. which 1 divide thus.
sxit-tait is. in my opinion, a remnant of the neuter case-
sigU t (1. laS,), and prcsupjioscs a Sansliit wir synt. which
tyn would fonn in the neuter, if it was used in thai gender.
PRONOUNS.
008
It tnny be observed, that iu Sanskrit, nlso, the neuter caic-
siga U at th« beginning of compounds, is drawn into the
tlietnc. and UU-pulraa, " bia soQi" is used, not la-putras.
S5d. The sz (=th) in thr Lithunniiin szis and szUtas
ia fouQcIixl on the form ftssnmed by tlie Sanskrit base in
the Vedas under verlain eupbonic conditions ((. 55.), which
change its a into n^ lA. For otherwise [G. Ea. p-filCJ
the Lithuanian as does not agree with the Sanskrit It 9,
but perhaps, among other lcttci*s, vnth ^ ^h, v. g. in
«zfizi = H^ ahaih, "six." With regard to the declension
of szij. it is to be remiirked, tliat it exhibits suveral cases, in
which the t of the base ssia, fcniiniui! tzui, bus been rejected,
or which beloi^ — and tliis \-icw is the one I prefer^to the
simple prononiinal base « $a, fdnintnc m sd. which com-
pletes the compound tsia ; as, p. 186, among the cases of the
simple Sclavonic base to, we have seen remains of tliu com-
pound n (jffi. We here annex the complete declension of
the Lithuanian pronoun under discussion, accompanied by the
kindred form in Old Sclavonic. Wo prefix * to the cosics
wliich belong to the Bimi)!e base w go, as also to tlic Old
Sclavonic forms which do not strictly b{.>long to this place,
and regarding which reference is to be made to Rem. 1.
which follows.
SINGULAR.
Nominative^
Accusative,
1^ Instrumental,
■ Dative.
H Genitive,
H Locative,
H COI
L
Lithaanian. Otd Selap.
tzis. wy*.
niMtSIXB.
lUA. OidScfav.
sxtn,
1, 'jrB, »zi.m.
If:
aim,
txei, *si^
aztam.
«*mil.
szici, ael.
azio,
sxiami, ssemi,
3Cf/D,
. aem.
ssiih, sfyn,
sziovc, act.
' The agreeniMit with the Ootliii: m'<5,3fi3.), ami, in Sclavonic, the
coniplutc itlviitiiy «'iili ii, should not be ovcrloolin]. With iv«[>etl to the
cmtnutJAn of the ScUvocic tbemc fjfo, somslimcs to«t, m other tiinea lo
$e. atmiMK $. 282.
Nominatire,
Accusative,
Instrumental, sieia,
Dntivpi wf'fTWi
Genitive, »ziA.
Locative, 'gxUte,
■lUTkll.
Notn. Ace. 8g.
Nom. Ace dii.
NoiD. Ace. pi,
stt/a,
•vm,
tieh,
»p.
IS'Ht,
fSfS.
'sxvmia, titnU
*snima, aim.
ssiA, sick
*»xom, nidi.
" Remark 1. — TJie composition of the Sclnvonic Iwae syo,
which occurred in the ancient period of the language, and
by which it is shewn to be identical with the Srinskrlt w ■Jf".
having been forgotten, it need not appear surprising thnt this
base, vhich. in Sclavonic, passes as a simple one. sliould
be again combini-d with tlir pronoun which forms the
definite declenaion, and which, from thir first, forms its last
member; hence, in the nominative singular, toother witli
tj/ ii used also sit, and in the feminine with ti also nun
(compare $. S84.)< Id some cases tlic ancient com{)ouiHl
only is used, e.tf. in the feminine aecasativc singular only
n'-vu ia used, not nfH.
"Remark 2.— In the ligltt of the Sclavonic modern com-
[0. &1. p.517>] pounds jiist mentioned, as aht, li-m, must
be regarded the Old High German t^r (of Ji>jN<r). if the ^ of
PRONOUNS.
605
this form is a contraction of a -f t, as in so maay oUierplnces.
While, therefore, the feminine niu is to be referred direct
to the Snnskrit 9n ajfA, and is, rs it were, its coBtinuation,
<^r has beeo formed first in the Gcrmau langtiage. by com-
bining ibe bnse m, wbiuh hns been retained in Goihic in
the Dominative of the article, with the defining element t
^rrom t/d). Compare what has been before remarked
{§. 28S. Rem. b.) regarding analogous adjt.\:tive-nominatives.
as plinl'ir from jilmla-ir. As a corroboration of this dis-
tribution it may be here further observed, that each of
the elements u and *', whi(;h are united in the i of pHnttr,
also occurs separately,* em-h having, on dilTurent octtasions,
divested itself of the other. Thus plintuT and plintir may
occur; — a clear proof tiiat pUntir has been contracted from
pliiita-ir; for diphthongs are frequently subject to abbre-
viations, iu which one of the dements combined in them
is lost; as. in the CJotJiic, haba, " I have." and itabam,
" we have," are Qsed instead of hitbni, kabaim, as is shewn
by the nnnlogy of the other persons and the Old High
Genuaii habent, kabime».-f The Old Uigh German fur-
nislies examjiles of forms in which only the latter clt-iueut
of ai is retained ; as ensti, answering tu the Gotliic dative
»nsruj and genitive nnsfah. It is not surprising, therefore,
tJiat, in the nominative of tlie definite adjective, together
with Sr {=mr) ar and ir also occur. Of these tliree forms
ffr, or. ir), the first appears to be the original, since it forms
the best medium of comparison for the two others. But if
plintitr, from iiUnlaa, whs the origiiinl form, the o in this place
oould not liave been preserved beyond the fourili eeutur^', not
to mention the eighth and a still later period; as a in poly-
svllabir words in Gothic before a tiniil s. which has from tlie
• Onff,I1.340.
^ Cr. Vocalismus, p. SOa.
I. I,
006
PBONUUNS.
Gr«t held this place, is regularly suppressed, or, iifter y.
wmkeiied to r.* while ai is rctuiucd beForc a Goal a; heUL-e,
in the sc«x»iid jicTSon siiigwlar, snlyiinctive uis. Old High
Gurman 6it, answoriug to the Sanskrit Vf^ 6* (from ow).
Lniiti 4jt. (li,f and Greek oo;."
£0. Ed. p. £16.] 3a9. The Lithuanian isit-ln-a has been
mentioned above (§. 3*7.), whicli, with regard to its last
)x>rtion, is identiciil with the Greek auT(>-£. and with the
Sanskfit ni tTA (§. 344.). But the demonstrative base
R iija. also, wliieh is formed of ta + ya, occurs in Lithuanian
at the end of a componml pronoun. An suc-h I regard patis
{paC-s), "ipse." which 1 distribute thus, pn-ljn : th stands,
according to rule, for ty'a from lwi$, as yavnihkh, " bride-
groom," ior younik/ruia from yauuUhfai (^. 13&.). But in
Lithuanijin. t before two vowels, iV excepted, is ehaiigetl into
cj(=c/i);l heiice dative pa-czia-m, hx-ative puc^ia-me, or
pfiiim^, instrumental pncziu. In the fi;eDitive pacsio might
be expeeled, aecording to the anidogy of scio and ymmikkio :
we find, however, pali^*, according to the analogy of aivifn
(§. t'J3.)i tlie fetnininc genitive jpacsiJs agrees, however, with
MxiAn. and similar genitives From bases in a feminine a
(vtd). As regards the first member of pa-(i», I consider it
to be identical with th« Snuskrit base rwa, gief, whence ^ipi
tirayam. "self." Swa becomes ;» by the loss of the initial
letter, and the hardening of the v to p. na, in Prakrit, trfW
pnni, "Uiou," proeeeda from rVn lirnm; ao in the lloheniian
or Gipscy language, pA». " sister," comes from WWT atmnnr
(vr« suMxri). Indeed, in tlie pronoun under discussion, the
Lithuanian admits of comparison with the Gipsey Lm-
gunge, as in the latter, as has been already pointed out in
« It iH u> tin <iWrv«d UiBt the t cf nd)Sr, from vulfiu, " lupi," is not an
orifsiiMl ^nal, OB np|H-ani Uvta the San^Ti^ Pf-Ma-Qra and Gn»k \viu(cr)i«.
{ Wiiitra alw et, aee p. 1% bat line.
PBONOU N'S.
fi07
anoAer pUce,* pe has been fornitd rruin ^ stra. whntirc
j}e-t, pe-n, " self," llie former as singular, Uie latter us plural
aceusative.t
360. We turn to a pronominal base cod- [O. Ei. p. 519.]
•foting of a simple vowel, viz. i, which, in Latin and German,
expnMtes the idea " he-," and iu Sanskrit and Zend Bi»;iiiliai
"this," and n-hichhas Icft.inthosi- languages, no proper derlcn-
aion, but only adrerhs; n» fjim itos, "from herp," "from
there,* and which supplies the plm^e of thenblative after com-
paratives ; ^ ihti, Z. A((oi idlia and aj^cSj Ukra, " here," i. e.
" at this," with an inherent notion of place ; ^fH t(j, Zend mQj
iMo, Latin ha, "so," ^^r^ftn if/rfn?oi, "now," analogous with
taddnfm " then" ; and iilso linn il-thnm, " so,"^ at the hottom
of which lies the obsolete neuter it as the theme,^ and wliich
occurs in the V^das also, as an enclitic particle. I ri^rd
this ^ it m the Inst portion of ^ chit " if"* (from cha -f it).
and ^ n/V, " if not" (fi-om nn + it) vehich hitter la in Zend
i»j^Y nSit (§. 33.), and merely means * not "; since, like our
Germnu nicht, it has been for;gx)tten that its initial ctcmmt
alone is ne^^tive, wliile its tatter portion signifies something
real — iu Zend " tliis," and in Gi-rman " tliin^'," {ni-rhl, from
ni-wiht, Gothic m-vaihts). From the pronominal root i pro-
ceed, also, the derivatives ^ifTW Uara-i. " the other," with
the comparative suffix; the accnaiitivu of whieb, itera-m,
coincides with the Latin itn-tiw, t^V tdrUa, and similar
forms, which signify " such," and ^iiw lyuf, " so many."
Notwithslanding these numerous oflshools. which bnve sur-
vived The declension of the pronoun under discussion, lis
base has been entirely overlooked by the Indian gramnw-
« Berlin Jidirb. Feb. 133(1. p.dll.
t Pcrliii]«, alwr thf ejlUMv pen of *#/'i/)irn, " hcnvcn," i» identic*) witU
Iho KuMliTit (tivirof the tame nicaiiJiig.
I Compare nliiit iH «Id nt }. 3dT- mjtrvUng the Lilhoaninn stit-tat.
LLS
^K^
508 PRONUDNS.
nans; and I believe I am the first who brouf^hi it to light.*
Tlic Inilinn graiumariaus, however, give extraordinary ety-
[G. Ed. p. 020.] motogii^s for some of t]ie abovemcutioned
words, and derive iti, "ao," from ^i, "to (fo"; itar»-s, "the
oilier." from i, " to wish " (see Wilson). In some, recuurstt
is Imd to 3^ idam, " Ihia"; and one would not be en-
tirply in error in deriving from (his weird Has, " from here,"'
though there is a difficulty in seeing how from Uhm a.% the
lliemc eaii spring tlic form itas by a suffix tat. We should
expeet idanlaa or itlatot.
361. In Latin the theme of t* is lengthened in scveml
cases hy an inorf^anic u or v, in the feminine by r, and
it is tliua brought into the second and first dt-elension, in
whidi i is liable to be enrnipted to f, cspeeiaJIy before
vowels. As from the verbal root i. " lo go.'*come«iand*'iiiif.
in ojiposition to is, U, imux. Hit, ihnm; so from our pronoun
come eum, eo, eorum, eos, and the feminine forms ea, Mm,
(Of, forum, all from the base whleh has been subBccjuenlly
Icngthenrd, to wliieh the obaolefc fa-lu* also belongs. To
the old lyi>e belong only it. tJ, the olisolete forms hn, ibta,
with whieh agree tlic Gothic (n-o, '■ him," i-m, " to tbem."
(from i-6. {. 215.). and the gcnicive and dative e-Jus. e-i,
which arc eommon to the three genders, and also the loea-
tive i6t— in form a dative, occordini; to the analogy of tihi,
Wit (§.215.) — and probably the word immo, which bus brt^n
already mentioned ($. 351.), which we may supiKise formerly
to have been pronounced immod. luid which corrcaixtnds tu
tlie Sanskrit pronominal ablatives in tmdi, but by assimilation
approaches very closely the Gotliic dative imma, " to him."
The dative ei stands isolated in Latin Grammar, inasmuch
as alt other bases In i have permitted this vowel to be
melted into one with ^e case-termination ; thus hotH.
from Ao((m .' tlie pronominal bose t. however, escapes tliis
•lleidcL Jorhli.ieie. p. 472.
rRONOUNS,
500
combination by bein^ (.-liunged into e. In lay Voc-alistnus
(p. Sui), I have derived the length of quantity in thcdalivo
chnracttT from tliR combinatioo of the i of the theme with
the t of the iiiQcxioii, which is pro])erty [O. E<I. p. 521.]
short; and I have assumed tlint bases terminating in a con-
souuot lengthen the base in the dative singular, as in moat uf
the other casus, by an inorgimic t,- thus pedi from pfiJl-t.
As. then, in this way a long i must he found alinoat univer-
sally in tlic diitivc. thia would come to be tTgardcri hy the
S])irit of the language as the.- true sign of this case, and thus ei,
and the whole fourth and fifth declensions, followed the pre-
vailing example of the more nunu-rous class of word*. Cui
alone retains the proper short quantity. It cannot be objected
to the Latin language generaLly that it shews any undue incli-
nation towards teruiinations with a It^i);; i, and thereby
lengthens unnceesaartly that letter when originally short; for
tinivcrsnlly where a long Gnat i is found, there is also a reason
for its length, as in the geoiuvc singular and nominative
pluml of the second declension it is the suppression of the
final vowel of the base, which has induced the Icugthcuiiig
of the termination as a compensation; thtis lujt-i, in both
cases, for luyoi ; while in the dative fw;j5 for /ujwi the ter-
mination has been mcrgt^d in the \owcl of the base. Wu
have already mentioned (§. 3J9. p. 4!)7 O. ed. Note*) pro-
nominal datives like uti for iatui, which would be analogous
to the Greek fioi, 9oi, oi.
363. The Gothic pronominal base i has two points of
superiority over tlie I.atin base which luva been just men-
tioned: in the first place it has never admitted the
corruption of the original vowel to ?. as generally tliia
eonipnratively recent vowel is as completely fopeigii to
the Gothic as to the Sanskrit ; and secondly, the theme i
in the masculine and neuter is preserved free from tliat
inorgimic udmixlure whii-li Iraiisfers the Latin kindred
form from the third to the second declension, and has
510 PBONOUNS.
produced earn for im. eo for « or i, ei or ei for ««, eorum for
iwrn. The Gotliic pronoun, by the side of which are given
in pareinhfses the foruis. which hiive been most [ipobably
[Ci. Ed. p. 6'22.] drnwu from tlic corresiionding Sanskrit
boae at the time whea it was declined, aru as follows: —
MASCULtME.
aiNQoukR.
FI.IIBAI*
SaJukril. OiUhic.
Samkrit.
Gothie.
Nominative,
(w), i-».
(«>"«),
€i-it.
Aei-ii8»tive,
i-m' i-na.
(•■-"),
i-Tifc
Dulive,
{i-skauVy i-mma.
(i-bht/aii)t
i-m.
Genitive.
{i-skijay i-s,
NEUTGEt.
(i-s/idm),
hxi
Nora. Ace.
R' r /«.
a-n-i).
fy-fc*
' Thdi form Actually (iccun in tho V^dns, oee Rnson's ^pec^mcn, p. 10,
Aad Note p. ii. Wc iJiouU have anikipjilcd im (wiili short i), Aocnnlin;^
to the Gomninn iIuckDoioii ; but the oiibetantivc nnd adjective dpclcDsioB
huuo inononyUabic Iinw-x iDi,anint1icr luonuayllabicbaaca— vritli tliucx-
ceptititi of (liotK in ^ — use am as ttieLrlertuui&lioa ; huuce bhiy^am for bkim ;
an(I», nlw>, ^-am might lj«>t'!«|iccU'4fn)in i, ai inmonnsyllttbti? word* boili
short aaA long i are chniig«l before tuwfU into ij/. Thp W-ila dialect in
the forej^nji; canv, Imvrvvrr, haa prefrrred strcnF^euing tho Tovel oi dw
boso to AD cxieiuion of the termination, «r, whicK u more probable, it ha&
coDiracied an existing it/am Co im, aucoMing to the nnalogjr of the Zenil
(;. 4Sf.) ; And thus, pertmpfl, atn) the V^dic tSm, '*ciim" citc-d hy Howti
I.e., »a contnctioD oftt/dm, othcrwiu we mtul aMum*, that uuIcaJ of
the feminine boas uty nicnlioiinl in ^. 34A^ H occami, aeoonling to the
anali>f7 of the Zend Amit from hma ($. 172.). It is cerViiii); remnrluiblo
thatthei, ^kieb tieap«cialiy auhJMlire, hAsheie fouu'l its «-sr into the
sccoaatlve. Ukc ibe Old High Uertnan tia and Old Latin raw, "«■»,'
t>im,"etitn" (^344.). ' Cotnp. arrin-aAniiit, from itimv, and (.31.
' Conparv «nu(-f Ay«, from aipim, wlictice tt Appean that nil proUMilU*
with whataoevtr vowel (htir tliemc emis, hairc, in Ihe g«fll(ivc, nyo, or,
euHtonicmUy, fi^ (f . 21). • $. IW- * j. -233.
FBONOUNS.
511
3Ga Altliough in Gotltic. as Id Sanskrit, [G. Ed. p. 523.]
Zend. Gre«k, and Littiii. the vowfl t in Bubstautives is ai>pro-
[iriatcd equiilly well to the r«minine tbenie-tcmiinatioii ns
tft the masculioe; stitl in our pronoun of the third person,
whore tiic iileti ia csseiitiallv i>asc(l on the distinction of sex,
80 that tliat wliicb signifies "lie" cnuaot mean " sJic," the
iKXrssity for this distinction lus produixd an extension of
the bcise ?. in en»es which, without such nn extension, would
bu fully identical wiUi the tuusculine.* In tlio numinative
stnifulur a totntly different |troiic>uQ is employed, which, in
High German, is uacd thn>U|;hout oil those cum;s which
arc formed in Gotliic from the extended base: Gotliic sr,
Old High German giu, &c. (§. 351.). Tlie aUix which is
used in Gothic to extend tlw base consists in the tow«I
wliivb, from a time far prior to the formation of the Ger-
man langnage, was especia.! ly employed as the fulcrum o|
feminine bases, but which in Gothic appears in the form
of J instead of d ($.69.); thus, it/il from f+^, with the
euphonic chaii^ of the i to iy. as in lI^e plural neuter
forms ry-a, thriy-a. (§. 233.). From tha base iyJ is formed
however, in the uninnected accusative — as final vowels are
for the most [mrt liable to abbreviation — ri/'r, an analogous
form to the in Ulce manner shortened Latin ca, cum (for in,
iam), and in tlic nominative and nccusiitivc plural iyiis.f In
the dative iiluml the i<lentity with the masculine and neuter
^^^K U not avoided, and this case is, as from [0. F^. p.cM.]
^^^^ the Old High Gernuui might be conjectured, im. with
L
Tho Acwnmtirc «inf^ilnr wonld, indet!<I, be dlstlsgotlhwl from (he
laaw^uKnp, sJncu tlio reminiiic litis icimpktaly )o«t tbt tociuatiro chariii?.
ter; but It was theri' (irii;irui1ly, nml tlirn-riini the oeccwty forn mark
of •JivtiiiotioQ frum tlii-> maxculiiu^ lUw oxistcil.
t Tile avcuttitive alono oocara, yet it is probaMe tfiat the norainutivo
I exflclly ihn awxie ((iriinin. 1 . 7(Ki), !ii cum> rl Jiii not ctnne from llw
Mtmt base ih tlic siiigutitr ivomiuiitivi;, anti it wrould, tlicrtforc, be tj/it.
4.
312
PEOXOONS.
regard to which wc must observe, Urnt in Lntin, bIro, in
several of the ol)U(|ue cases, the distinction of f^ender is
less attended to {rjun, ei, old eae). All the cases which
distinguish the fcinininL* by tlie inflexion spring from the
original theme; thus i'x4t, i-sni, genitive pluml izA, op-
posed to u, imma, izS. In Latin, also, the extension of the
base i may have been comnienci^ in the feminine, and
thus an analogous masculine ettm have been made to cor-
respond to cam. itnd may hnve superseded the more ancient
im. Similar corruptions have been adopted by the lan-
guage in the other rases; thus eoritm placed itself bi-side
Pfi7iiwi, iind thus the ium. which probably existed, fell into
disuse: caftm, Us, tis.yrere followed by the masculine and
neuter ha, m, which supplanted the older tbut,
364. If the singular nominntive of the reflective pro-
noun given by the old grammnnans was i and not i, it might
be regarded us the kindred form of the pronoun under dis-
cussion; and in this view it would be of importnnce that the
Vedie accusative (m, mentioaed above (p. 610, Note '.), has
a reflective meaning in the passage quoted, and b rendered
by Roaen " tnnct ipsum." But if " is the right form, then it
probably belongs to the Saiwlcrit base* luw, su^, whence
tvcatfom, " self" ({. 34 1.), and is connected with oJ, m, I, imd
oi^r?, &C.. the latter from the base 2^1. As in this word
an I stands for an original a, which would lend us to ex|)eut
[U. Ed. p. £95/] o. So also in T; and it descn>'C8 notice, Oiot so
early as the Sanskrit, together with rwa ia found a vfeakcncd
form Jiti't, from which I tliink may be formed the interrogative
• Not DMCMuily M, M the nu|fa brulhiog cccur* 4lai> in w«rds
which origitially begin with a pure votid, as Udrtpot, uwwi'riug lo
VSAiM^ t^atan-t. On ihc other huid the funn 1 wnuM noi pptrmptarDy
ooadact <u to • Ima \h ^ ituiitl s bu MuiifUnirs K-«i cntiraly lo*t in
Urwk.
PHONOtTNS.
513
jmrticle fwt sirit, as neuter, nnd analogous to ^ir if and
•f^w chit. In favour of the oiiiiiion thnt t belongs to tlie
old rcllectire bnse, raay be ndduced the circuHismnw, that,
like Uie two other pronouns in which there is no distinction
of gfiider (^7£u, ffii). it is without a nominative sign. If it
belonged to the* base ^ i, it would most probably have had
the same sound as the Latino-Gotliic is, unless we prefer
regarding; t aa the neuter. The dative iv, from ita terrai-
uatioD, falls under the pronouns devoid of gender (^. SSa.),
and mould, therefore, likewise belong to tlie reflective base.
The accusative iv, however, considered independently, ■ftouM
not furnish any objection to the opinion that it is identical
with tlie Latin im and the Gotliic ino.*
S6i. We have already mentioned the insepiirsble demon-
strfllite t (§. 157.). There is, however (and this crentes a
ditHculty), another mode of derivation, according to which
that I would be identical with the ei (=i')> ^^liit^h is attached
in Gothic, in a sintilar roanocr, to otiier pronouns, not
to strengtlien their demonstralive meaning, but to give
them a relative signiBention : hn, from is + fi, means
"t/ui," and teU ft contmclion of «t+«, in accordance with
a law of sound univeriially followed in Sanskrit (Gram.
Crit §. 35.) signifies " y»fp." It is most frceiuently com-
bined with the article ; xaei, sdfi. thatel, " gui," " ijuip,'*
"t^od"; ihieei, feminine f/itzilz», "eujiis"; and so through all
the eases; only in Uie feminine genitive plural thi^M has as
yet not been found to occur (Grimm. III. 15.). If the first
or second person is referred to, ei is attached [G. Ed. p.d20.]
to ijt and thu: thus ikei, Ihuri; for the Ootliic relative re-
fjuires that the person to which it refers should be incor-
porated with it; and as it is itself iiidectinahle, the relations
of ease are denoted by the pronoun preceding it, which is
• Coinpdrt Hnrlnngon the Caacj. 118; M. Schmidt DePron. p. 12,
ttc; Kuhn«r.p.386.
514
PBONOUNS.
then merf^tl in tbc mcauiug of its atteiidaat. Alone, ei sig-
ai6cs "thaC lilc« the Latm tjuod and the Sanskrit relative
neuter m yat- AikI I Imvc no doubt tlmt tlie Gothic ri, in
its origin, belongs to the Sanskiit-ZeoH relative bnse ya.
nhich in Gottiic has bi--come ei, ju!.t us. iti mutiir' other parts
of Gottiie GratiiiQfir. ei (=i) answers to the Sjinskj-it ya. as
in the nominntive sin)>iilar hairdth from llie buse hairdyn*
With respect to forui, therefore, tlie derivatioQ uf the Gothic
ei from the Sanskrit v yn, admits of u» doubt ; and ainoe
tlie Biguification of tlie two words are identical, we must
rest ^ntisfjL'd with this mode of dnlueing^ it, and abandon
Griniiu's conjecture that ei is iutiniatcly conneeted with it,
"her" or only allow it a very distant relationship to it, lo as
Far as the deri%'atiou of tlie Sanskrit relative base j/o, rrom
the dcmonstmtive I>ai8e t, is (ulmitted. The relationship,
however, of these two is not susc-cptibti! of proof; for as
to, to, ma, no, are simple prituiiry biues. why sliould not such
a one have originated in the semi-vowel y also? But if the
Greek deuionslrativc t is nkin to tlie Gothic uppenck^il pro-
uouQ of similar sound, it likewise would proceed from the
Sanskrit relative base, which apin-ara to be especially destined
for combiniitioD with other pronouns (sec§. 3&3.); and this
ditipcsitioQ is especially observable in Sclavonic, iu wliieh
language that base, when isolated, has laid nside tlte relative
[G. Ed. p. 627.] signification (§.282.). Uence, before en-
tering deeply into the Sclavonit- syatcn* of dctlcusion, I mis-
took tliis base, and tliought I saw in its abbreviation to
j (i. "eimi," im, "ei") the Sanskrit base i.
366. We return to the Sanskrit idam, " this." in onler
to notice Oie bases frnm which its declension is completed,
and of which each is used only in certain casirs. The
most simple, nud the one most largely employed* is v a,
whence M-«ni(li, " Aiiic." a'smtit, ** hoc" o-mun. "in Aoc," in
'^1<U COmpiire Vooaliuikui, p.lUI.
FBONOUNS. 515
the dual A-bkydm, and in the plural 4Mu — analogous to
Vedic forms like aivi-bhia from aiva (§. 219.) — S^hyai, ishAm,
S-thu, exactly like U-bhyas, &&, from to, viz. by the com-
mingling of an t, as is usual in the common declension in
many cases. There is no necessity, therefore, to have
recourse to a distinct base i, but this is only a phonetic
lengthening of a, and from it comes also the masculine
nominative vipt ayam from i + am, as 91R swayam, "self,"
from ncS (for stDa)+am ($. 341.). Max. Schmidt is disposed
to compare with this S the Latin e of eum, ea, &c. (1. c p. 10),
and to regard the latter as an abbreviation of an origi-
nally long e,' for support of which opinion he relies prin-
cipally on the form aeU in an inscription to be found in
Orelli, and on the circumstance that, in the older poets,
the dative ei has a long e. But we do not think it right
to infer from this dative that every e of the pronoun is
is originally long; and we adhere to the opinion ex-
pressed at {. 361., which is, moreover, confirmed by the
circumstance that t also occurs before vowels; and even
in the plural it, i'u, is more common than ei, eia. As re-
gards, however, the obsolete dative singular with a long e,
it may be looked upon as the Guna form of i ; as i in San-
skrit, according to the common declension, would form
mf^=S-i-S. From this 6, however, which is formed by
Guna from t, that which we have seen [O. Ed. p. 63B.2
formed from a by the addition of an i is different ; and there-
fore the Latin dative, even if it had an originally long e,
would still have nothing in common with Sanskrit forms like
^bhis, &c. The e in the genitive ejxts is long through the
euphonic influence of tbe^', and for it occurs, also, the form
aeiug, in an inscription given by Orelli (N'. 2866.) When,
through the inSuence of a j, the preceding vowel is long, it
should not be termed long by position :• j is not a double
* The loDgth of the vowel preceding ihej inay Bometimes ira dificreDtly
accounted
616
PRONOUNfl.
consonnnt, but the weakest of nl! simple consonaDts, aud ap-
proximates in its nature closely to tliat of a vowel. This
weaJcneas may have occasionvil the lengthening or the
preceding vowel, in remarkable coincidoucc witli the San-
Bkfit, in which i mid u, where they stand before a su£x
commencing with n^ y sro always either lengthened
or strengthened by tlie addition of a / : hence the roots
ftr/i and «r Ha form, in the passive, tfi^ jiy!. ?^ Hiiy4,
but in the gerund in ya, jiti/u, sttiiijn,* The ease is dilTe-
rent where \i or ^ i in monosyllabic forms arc changed,
before a vowel following thi-m. into 1^ vj : the y which
arises from i, i, hoa no lengthening power. It is scarcely
possible to give any decided explanation of the ortfao-
graphiitil doubling of tlie i for j io Lotiu. When Cicero
wrote Maiia, aiio, he may have pronounce*! these words
[G, Ed. p. fisoj as Mai-jti, ai-jo (Seliueider, p. Sj* i ) ; luid we
cannot hence infer that every Initial J was described in writ-
ing by it. If this were the case, we should be compelled
to the conclusion, that by doubling the i the distinguishing
the semi.vowel from the vowel i was intended, as, in Zend,
the medial y is expressed by donble t (^i) ; and as double
u denotes, in Old German, the ir, tliough a single u. espe-
cially after initial consonants, occurs as the representative
of u\ But if Cicero meant a double j' by hia double r, it
would not follow that, in all cases, the language intended
the same. The Indian grammarians admit the doubling
of A consonant after r. as tarppa for larpu, "snake." and
accouated for ; Mmqfcr{§.30l.) hu hMn derived from miu^, wlMr*
tlie Tomt DLsy lia*« bevn UngtbansJ owing to the ff briog dropped. And
a cctuonnnt tnost origicuillj' Immc pnfc*il«d cvcu tlwy of the KcoitiT* ia
Jut, if IhU icTDiiiuidoa is skin lo the riMiiiiiiu« SuMkril ^nVIJMU
(}.34D. Note").
* Oompare «h&i ho* been laid in mj VocalivBioi, p.213, n^ardini; the
MMkncjr uf the 1 to be pnx-cdcd by a toi^ vowel.
PBO NOONS.
517
tlicy ndniit, also, of ninny other still more extraordinary
accumulutions of cnnsoiiaiits, wiUi vliich the larigunge
caniiot be actaally encumbered. But if the doubling of
a confiutmnt following r Iiad any real founila.tion, the r
would be nssimitatcd to tlie consonniit which followed it —
as. ill the PriLkptt sttvi^i frooi tarvn, — aud then tlie simul-
taneous cwntinuntion of tlte r in writing would only be
in order to retain the n^collcctioD of its originally haring
existed.*
30T. Prom the dcmonatrativu base v a. mentioned in
tlie precedinj^ pnragraph, a feminine base i might have
arist?n (see §. I "J 2.), whence, by llie addition of the termi-
nntion am, no eommoii iu pronouns, the nominative singiiitir
Ipnr iynm (L-uphouic for i-am, Gram. Crit. §. »l.) may bo
derived. As. however, a short i with am [C lid. p. &3aj
might become ^ft{^ ii/am. it is uncertnin if the feminine of
our pronoun should be reierrcd to ihc mast-uline bane a, or
to t ; the former, however, appears to me tlie more proba.ble,
since thus the masculine nonainativu «^ a^am, and its
feminine ^v^ h/nm, would be of the same origin, whilo
the base i dut-s not occur uiicomiiounded in the \vhule mtuf
culino and neuter declension. The Gotliic fyo. " edin,"
cannot, therefore, be compari'd with ^ffi iyam, particularly
as, in §. 363., wo liave seen t)ie Gothic arrive, in a way
peculiar to itself, but still in accordance with the Latin,
at a theme M leng:tbeDed from t; but the am of the Sanskrit
iynm is merely the naniinativo Icrminittinn.
368. In Zeiid W[ aynm becomes fwjj tidm (§. 42,). and
Tim ij/am becomes fV ^"*- '^'*** neuter JJ^ idam. however,
is replaced by iwju^j imat, from the base ima, which, in
Sanskrit, is one of those which supply the declension of
idam. Hence, for example, come the nccuaativo mascu-
line ^H imam, feminine ^m imAm ; Zend ?g5j ivietn,
« Campnrc th« aultnilatioDof m, itnd iu aimulCanroiu gniphiul Kipr«-
wnlaiion by *", (Gram.Orit.^70.)
518
PRONOUNS.
?TS»?.
Oiight we, then, to compftpp with it the QUI
tmonrr,
L^tin em^m lor eujKtem, or, viiih Max. akrMliiat (I. u. p. llj^
coiuuder it us tlie douUHtig of cm Tor im? It need not
aeetn surprising that the bnse mm,* which, in the singii-
Uir, occurs unly in the accusative, niiJ which is pr)iici[>nllv
limtt4Ml to this cnse, should be found in Latin it) ttie accusa-
tive only. I rc£>;Hrd ima aa tlie union of tvo prcinnminnl
bases, viz. f Jind ma l§. 105,); the latter docs not occur in
Stuiskrit uuconi pounded, but ia most probably t-onnectt-d with
llic Greek ^I'l'. atiil the latter, therefore, nitli the Old Lutin
emtm.
[0. Tii. p. 031.] 369. As i n-ith ma has formed llic combina-
tion intQ, in like maimer I rofjard the base ^TH ana. which
likewise enters into tlie dcelcusionorfc/am ns the combination
of V R with another demonstrative base, which do€;a not
occur in Sanskrit and Zcud in isolated use. but, doubtless, in
Ptili, iu several oblique cnscs of the tliree gciidcrs.t iu the
pluml also in the uoiniuative, and in ttint of the neuter sin-
gular, which, like the masculine nceusntive, is "^ ■nan.'^
Clough gives the eases iu which this pronoun occurs an
secondary forms to tlic base Tl/<J. as, in Sanskrit, in several
cases, a pronoun is found with the compound imt fin, which
has na instead of Ut for its last portion.^ We will Irto give
the compound Sanskrit pronoun over against the Piili simple
immoun.
* In tlie pi. the Bam. (^ ifS) b«l<>nga Iu Ihiti bflao, and In the Aa»\ ^q)
fiiuiif, in botL Dom. nml uovtimtiro.
t In the feminiDF nalaiully prvxluccil to n/L, the d of whldi, howtrrr.
ii shorteiml in the occnaotivc •! nan " torn."
t 1 irrito tiniii, not torn, ns ft fioiU m in Plli, ■■ tn Pr6l<rii, br«ompa nn
nnutiwlini. vhieli is prottounci'd Lilfeaalifltd n (jj.!). 10.) Tlii' nrigicuil
■n in I'/Ui b4» bcua rvuinrcl unljr Ixifora initial wninda cammeiKiiig nidi
■ vowel (Bamonf aud IsaMii, i>[>.81,8-2>. Kiaal m ia lik«i*iw voif-
ropUil in PkVi u> onusivuni, or ia lost euliroly.
^ In Zead ofaaervv Dm fcniinioc ({ruitivo uutf^mM uinaitliita
lahuiiilMok/tu,\cai. S.|i.47), wliicfa pfempposM ft^«iukrit^it)wjtif«.
PRONOUNS.
&19
MASCULINE.
HRODLAR.
Sojukrit. Pdii.
N. hha, aii,
Ac itam, inam, tan, nan,
I. Stina, Snina, Una, n^n.
D. ilasmdi.
AhJtasmdt,
G. Siasya,
L. itaamin,
N. ^lai,
Ac. Hat, 4nat,
Santkrit.
m,
(tdv, 6n&v,
Mia,
iUbhyas,
Ul&bhyas,
UasmA, nasmA,
(or tamhd, namM, )
tasaa, nasaa, StSskdm,
{tasmin, nasmin, 1
or famhi, namhi, ) '
NEUTER.
FLUKAL.
Pdii.
U, tii,
ti.ni.
mhi, TiSbhi, p
(or iihi, n^hi. S
' . . . . •?
S
like Instr. ^
tisan, nisan,*
tint, nisu.
tan, nan,
tan, nan.
efdni,
Hdni, indni
The rest like the maaculiae.
tdni, ndni.
(tdni, ndni,
lor ti, nS.
FEMININE.
N. ishd, sd,
Ac.Sldm, hi&m, tan, nan,
I. itaytt, inayd, tdya, n&ya,*
D. Hasydi,
Ah Jlasyds,
G. itaayAs,
L. itaaydm.
taasd, tiasA,
taasd, iisad,*
tassan, tiaaan.
ftdx, ^Aa,
mbhia,
it6bhyaa,
it&bkyas,
Hdsdm,
Hdau,
Ud, nd,
(or tdyA, ndyd.
ifd, n&,
(or idyd, ndyd.
(i^bhi, ndbhi,
(or tdhi, ndhi.
like the Instr.
tdaan, tdsdnan,
tdav.
' Ifl replaced by the genitive. * Or tStdnan, [G. Ed. p. 583.]
nSa&nan, as the old gemtive is tftben u theme, after Buppresslng the nasal,
and from it a new one is formed according to the analogy of the common
declension
^ Obaerve the transposition of the long voweL * In the form tiud
520
PRONOUNS.
tlte P&li coincide in a remarlc&blv inaancr vriili tlio Golhk Ikuit, tiaec,
like il, it has wcs^voed the uld a toi. Tiud, hovovcr, t> inferior to lb«
Gottiic kliKlivil Farm, tn Imvin^ droppeil the final ir ; jtnA in |]ib |H)InT
rnnkg witli tlw Old High German, in which the Gnthic xot hns tiM^uitm
TV (|i. AlO. G. H.). Th« I'&li. Iiowevor, faju abdndoned all finnl i, irithnnt
esception. The older fnrm taM»A(hy astAmWiilinn tnm taty/i), which Is not
given by Clough, b nujiplit'd by BumoDfand Lbsm-ei, with whom, how-
ever, the form tiuii i« wnntirjg, tliough tlicy furuinh an analogous onr,
Tix. iiniind (Euuii, ji. 117). Clnogh ^ivcs, moreover, the fonus tUidya
and lauAiAi/a. Tho former, like the plum! gonitice, appmTa to lie
fiirmed by the addition nfa now geoitit^ furm, aecnrdiiig to th« oonitaoQ
declcniion, la the pronominfLl ^^niiive fnrm. Prom lliu form tait/ilii^a
we miKhl bo led lo an obaijlcic aMative, which, in Sanukrit. must hare
bcun tattfcU — still ttttlitc ^Aiwy/If— which ie proved by Zend forms like
avanhdi, ^es hoe" (;}. 180. p. 106 lasi liuu). But if we &re to give to
tiuuUnyit lint an ablative sense, hut a jJieniiive and daiive one, I then pre-
fer dividinj:^ it thua: tautl-lAya, so tbut the feminine biue tA woald be
contained in it twica — once with tho pronominal, a.nd njfsin with the
comituifi genilivB terniiniition. But it is probable ihat tho form imainhA,
which ia Kiveu by Bnmuuf and Laascn (Ktoai, p. 117j na nn uniininloua
feminine insininicnial, is criginnlly an ablntive; for ihw eatw, in iia
•ipiifiiiiitions, borders on the instrumcntid, and to it bclimj^ tho appended
pronoun tmn. But if imamhA i> ta ablnlive. it ia, in ouo mpcct, more pcr-
fcet than the Zend forms, like r^KiiWyJviM avanMt^ «inn) the I'&li form
has retaitipil alio itie m of tha appendwl pronoun (ina— tramiKwed tn mha,
— while tho n of m;uj»>>^ »ju onuiAiif is only an tniphooJcaflix {f.Afi*.).
The £ual t, huvreveri in I'ali, must, according to a univerMl law uf sound,
ba ramov«d, as tn Iho mascnlino ; and ihos the ablalire nature of inuimM
migbt the more easily lie hid before the discovery of the Zend form.
370. I have alreftdy, in my review of ForsteKa Grammar,*
and before I became acquainted, througb the PSIi, with the
isolatrd pronoun, considered the Latin conjunction rmv\ aa
[G, Ed. p. CM.) un iiccusatire to be cluased here ; niid I
ha%'c there also represented the Sanskrit ina rs a compound.
and compared the Latin enim with its nccnsntivc v^ 6nam.
It will, howcwcr, be better to refer enim, as also nam, to the
Heidelb. Jahrbiicher, 1818. p. IJi.
Ji
TRO NOUNS.
»2l
feminine accusntive — P. it "iii. Sans, w^rnf^ fti/im — as the
short niasculiiie a iu Latiu has elsewliere hecroom u, among
oUier words, in nunc i.e. "at this (time)," which (I.e.) I have
explftined like lane, as nnn]ngous to hune. But if /nnc and
ttMnc arc not accusatives, their nc would appear to be akin to
the Greek vt'ica, anJ iunc migiit be compared to rnvixa, of
■which more bereaFler. With respect to nam and enim^ we may
refer to §. 351, witli regard to the possibility, in similar prono-
minal formatioDS. of tlieir m being a remnant of the apjietided
pronoun win. There is DO doubt, however, of the pronominal
derivfttion of all these adverbs. Wcmay remark, in this respect,
our Gcminn c/ffnn.ati(l the Latin tju.tp'jte from <juiJ-jic, to which,
with regard to its lust syllable, nempc from nam-pe (eotnpare
§. 6.) is oualuguus. The Sanskrit kincha, "moreover" (eu-
phonic for kimcha), may he regarded as the prototype o?<juippe,
for it consists of jtiwi, " what ?" and clia (oommonly "and*"),
whieh takes from it the inti'rrojjative meaning, and is in form
the su^c as que, wliicb also, in quiaque, removes the interroga-
tive sigiHf cation of the pronoun. The syllable pe, however, of
qu'tppe. is. m its origin, identical witli que, and has the same re-
lation to it that the ^olic trefiire has to qiiintjtif. As regards tlie
rehttton of the r of raim to the a of nam, we may I'efer to that
of nntinyo to tango, and similar pheuomiena, as also to the Pali
tiuA together with iatvl (&ee Tabic, §. 369.). [G. E<J. p. S3i.]
The Greek uiy, like fiiy, has a weakened vowel, which appears
also in the Sanskrit inseparable preposition ni, " down,"
whence has arisen our German nieder. Old High German
ni'doT (p. 382), which bears tlie same relation to na that the
neuter interrogative kirn has to the masculine has. A » also,
in analogy with wnii ht-tas, "whence?" W^ ku-tra, "where?"
has been developed iu our demonstrative, and appears iu the
interrogative particle ■q na. with which we compare the
Latiu num, and the Greek vv, which, in form, and partly
in use. is identical with g nu.' On the other hand, in
■ Compare Hanung, Greek rAniclci, 11.99.
H M
A22
rttONOONS.
ivf, nun. " now," which likewise belongs to the base na or nu,
the orif^at demonstrative significatiou is retained more
truly. Are wa to supposu in the v of this word, as being
6 necessary corruption of final fi, a remnant of the aI>pondl^d
I)ronoim amti, and tlwt the vowct preceding Ima been
leugtheued in cotnpeDsntion for the loss of the rest? Then
im> would perliai» admit of compurison with llie Pali locative
nownifl, or namhi, and the diange of a to w would have first
taken place in Greek through the influence of tlie Iit|uiJB, us
trw answers to tlie Sanskrit V^^ mm, " with." Our nwn,
Gothie nv, is likewise related, as is also voch, os aualogoua
to dock. The Gotbic forms ore nauh, fhauh, to the Bnal |)ar-
ticle of which. u!u we sbati recur hereafter.
371. The Sanskrit negative pwrticle H no, which appears
in Gothic in the weakened form nt. comes next to be con-
sidered; in Old Sclavonic it is nc, at, the lattier only as a prc-
6x.* So it is ni in Litbuauian, in niikas. " none," (ni-ektis,
oomparc Sanskrit ^^of, "one") and kindred compounds; but
clscwhert! it is found as ne.' in Greek it is lenjiftliened to vij,
bat only at the beginning of compounds, as v^x<pai<;, i^o/St; :
(O. Ed. f. 5960 in Latin it is found only as a prcfixf in ttie
form of nr. ni, ne, ni {nefas, nefanduta, nrtfue, nhi, nimirum).
This negative [Hurticle occurs in the Vedas with the signifi-
cation ticut, which points at its pronominal derivation.! At
least I think that wo cannot nssame a diOeront origin
for the particle in the two Bigoificntions which are apjmrently
BO distinct; for if the idea yi, "yea." is denoted by a
pronominal expression — in Latin by i-la, in Sanskrit by ta-thil,
in Gothic by y«i. of which hereafter — its opposite may be con-
trasted with it, as "that " to " this," and n na would therefore,
• Sm KopiUr's GUftoUu, p. 77-
t I regard thv ronjnnctioD frf ■> a oomiption of mfs^iif, m ma, as
jiarro, prolisblj, from mam (sm VocaluniiUk p. lOA.)
t Compsre mj Bcvicw «f It<wD*» ^'M* Spcciracu io ibc Ik-il Jidub.
See. IBM. p. 0A&
PRONOUNS.
A23
as " that," simply direct to wliat is distant; for to say that b
quality or thing docs not belong to an individual, is not to re-
move it entirely, or to deny its existence, but to take it away
from tlie viuinity, from the individmility of a person, or to place
the person on theothersirfeofthefjuHlity or thing designated,
and represent it as somcwiiat " other," than the person. But
that whidi, in Sanskfit, signiBcs " this," moans also, for the
most piirt. "tJiat." the mind supplying the place, whether nearor
remote, and the idea of personality alone is actually expressed
by the pronouns. The inseparable negative particle « a, too
— iu Greek the a privative — is identical with a demonstrative
base (§. 366.). and the prohibitive particle *n OTd=pv belongs
to tho baso »i<i. (§. 3<>8.), and the Greuk negation oii admits of
being compared with a demoustmlive, aa will be shewn here-
after. Observe, further, tliat as fi na in the Vedas unites the
relative meaning " as " with tlie negative, so the correspond-
ing ne in Latin appears both as intemiga- [G. Ed. p. 537 .J
tivc and negative; in the former sense affixed, in the latter
prefixed. It is further to be observed of the Sanskrit no,
that when combined with itself, but both times lcn>;then>rd —
thus ^THT fldfid— it signifies " much," " of many kinds." sa
it vere, " this and tlmt" ; as totta also has been formed by
reduplication (§. 331.). The Sanskrit expression, however, is
indecliniible, and is fomid only in the beginning ofcom-
pomids. We may here mention, also, the interrogative aitd
asscverutive particle ^^ nunarat which I agree with
Hartmig (I. c. IT. 95.) in distributing into nfi-nnm. since I re-
ganl nil as the lengthened form of the nu mentioned abore^
without, however, comparing nam with ?n*n^ ?i4jwo»,
"name," as the pronominal base nu appears to me to be
sufTicient for tlie explanation of this Indian n((m, as well as
iliiit in Latin; which Iatti;r, likewise, Hartung endeavours to
compare with •nv^ ndman. " nimic.^'
373. We return to the comi>oundw?!fma. the last element
of which lias been considered by us in §. :)69. From ana
u u 2
524
PROSOl'NS.
coQifs, in Sanskrit, the iiistriini«?iitnl masculine and neuter
•PTT nntna, Zend m^m ana (§. 159.), feminine frnn onayA,
Sdavonic onoi/d (§- 266.), and tlie genitive and locative dual
of the three genders anayCs, which, in Sclavonic, has become
oRii for onoyii (§. 273.). In Lithunuiun, ana's, or an'-», femi-
nine ana, signifies "thfit,"* and. like tlie Sclavonic on, ona,
ono. of the same significatioD. is fully declined, according to
the aniilogj' nf Uii, ia, C, la, to* being, in this respect, superior
to the eorresponding wordj in Sanskrit and Zend. To this
pronoun belong the Latin and Greek an. av, as ntso 1h«
tiotbic interro^tive partiele an (Grimm. III. 756.)) tliouf^h
elsewhere In the three sister tiuiguages then is thematic;
wliich ia eapeeially evident in Gothic, where, from u theme
ana in the accusative masculine, only an could be formed,
[G. E<]. p.A38.] and tlie sauio iu the neuter or anata. For
the Greek and Latin we should assume that V? ana had
lost its final vowel, as t^e have before seen ?(T fita abbre-
viated to'EN (§.30S.). But if tlie n belonged to the in-
flexion, or to the appended pronoun tn tma. which appears
to me less probntjie, then tlie simple base v a (§. 366.)
would suffice for the derivation of on, av.
373. As the Latin preposition int^r is evidently identical
vith the Sanskfit antor and the Gothic widur, our unUfr
(§§.293.204.). and t is a very common weakening of n, wc
must class also the pn-position tn and the kindred Greek ^k
with the demonstrative base m^ »rui, although tn and ^.con-
sidered by themselves, admit of beuig referred to the base
^ (, and the rehition of ev6a to the Zend M<vj^idha, "here."
might be dednccd through the inorganic commixture of a
nasal, as in ifiijxo, ambo, answering to the Sanskrit u//Miiand
Sclavonic oha. I now, however, prefer regarding the v of
t»-0a, h-dfv, wbieli bear tlie relation of locative and ablative
to one another, as originally belonging to the base, and iu
• 8t« Kepitar's OUgoUu, p. «».
PBOKOtlflfl.
S2&
therefore, and the Latin in. the pronominal uature of which
is apparent in indf, as conn?ct«-d nith the Sanskrit v^ ana.
The 2 of ek, from iw. appears to me an abbreviAtioii of the
suffix a(, which, in forms like Tria-c. ^Xoa-e, expresses direc-
tion to a placfi, just OS «?-^ is an abbreviation of itr'trt, Bw of
Sadi, trpm oi -irpori. There would then be a fitting reason
why €h should express direction to a place : it is o)HToaed in
meuning tow, justasourAin. "townrds." to hier, "here," only
tliat tlic Greek expressions liave lost their indL^pendc^nt sig-
rifieation, and only precede the particular place denoted of
rest, or to which motion is implied ; like [G. Ed. p. 030.]
an article the meaning of wiiich is merged in that of its
substantive. The preposition mniy like the Golliie anti. our
on, lias preserved more perfectly the pronominal base
ander discussion: di-ra is opjmsei] to Karn, as "on this side."
to "on tiiat side.'"* The Gothic antihs, "suddenly," may
lilcewisc. in all probability, be classed here, and would
therefore originally mean " in this (moment)." Its forma-
tion reciills that of aira(, the f of nhicli is perhaps an abbrc-
viation of the suffix w? (§.321.). If the Gothic its is con-
nected with the suflix of such numenil adverbs, then the
removal of the t has been prevented by tire close vicinity of
the ». though elBowhere the Gothic ia not indisposed to the
combination A». [q Lithuanian, an-day, from the base ana,
points to pist time, and signi&ea "that time," " lately," while
la-dfiy refers to the future, and means " then."
a?']. The base Wi^ ana forms, with the relative vya, the
combination ^PVnnyn, ami, with the comparative suffix n
hra, wm an^ara,both expressions mgnifyingn/iiui, and in both
the final vowel of the ileuioiisir-itive busts being dropped; for
which reason the In Jinn grnnimnriiins do not admit w^anya
tobe a compound, any more than tlie previously discnsst.'d bases
• Cmnjinre 5- 105, nnd " nem^nslmtir* Baae« ani their conDeclion
wiUnUffcKnt P«i>oeiuoii«anH ConjnncUoM," p. O,po*«m.
526
PRONODNa.
ntya, Vf *ya ; nor do they see in antora any comparative
suffut," partitmlarly as, besides the irregularity of its rornut-
tion,t it is removed, by its sigiuficatioQ also, from the comaion
proQotnitial derivatives farmed with (ara (§. 392.), and ex-
presses, not " th e one," or " the other, of two," but. like ^iR
[O. Ed. p. MO.] itara. "the other" geuerally. In Gotfaic,
nnthoT, theme antkara, which hns tlie siime meaning, corre-
S|K>nd9; in Lithuanian onf ro-s, "tlie other," "the second"; in
Latin, alier, the n being exchanged for / (§. 20.], on which also
is bounded the relation of aUus to «m« anynrs, the base of
whicli is preser%-ed complete in the Gothic ALY^-t The
Greek SWot is removed one step further than atiug from
the original form, and, like the Prakrit ^i^ onna, and
the Old High German adverb allrg, "otherwise," has assimi-
lated the y to the consonant preceding it (compare p- 401.)*
On the other hand, wm antja exists in a truer form, but
with a somewhat altered meaniog, in Greek, viz. as ifioit
"some." which may be well eoiitrastcd with the Sanskrit-
Zend, anyf, " alii." From the base 'ENIO comes also ept'ort
" sometimes," as nnalt^us to aXKore, iKoimnt, &c., for the
derivation of which, therefore, wo need not have recourse
to ivt 5t<, or eirrtif ore. In Old Sclavonic, in sijfnifies " the
otiicr," and its theme is tn», and tlius tlio y of the Sauskrit-
Zend avya has been lost The feminine nominative in Scia-
vonic is iaa, the neuter ino.
yib. Togetlier with amja. antora, and Hnra, the Sanskrit
has also two other words for the idea of " another," vii.
VTT apara, find ^ para- Tlie former may have sprung
from tho preposition opa, "from," as apa itself from the
demonstrative base m a. With it is eoimeeted, as hns been
* jlnjni U <leriTe<J fmiD an. <* to livv," and aiUara from anta, " end.*
I Th« refnLar form would Iw amilara.
I A!f*-hindi, ^'■aSem^entu," alyai ttiAlai, "odicr thin^" a/f» OM,
" elsewluiTe " (p. 384 &c.). In tlic nomioatirg mfievnliiH I conjectare
nffrti, not oAi (p. 368, Note').
PRONOtlNS.
527
already obeervcd (§, 350.). our aber, Gothic and Old High
German afar (§. 87.), the original nieanin;; of which is still
evident in abermaU, " over ag»in," " once more." Ab'-rtjluitltfji,
"sujwrstition," AbfrwHs, "over wit," "false vrii," Id Old
High Germnn nfar means also, " ogain," like t!ie Ldtin iterum,
answering to ^!TT^ i/«TYi-*, *' the other." iTt para, is de-
rived by apocope fromnpnra; it is more [0. Ed. p. «!].
used than the latter; and though it bos derivatives in the
European cognate languages also, the l-atin pnendie may be
among the first which has led to a rererence to a word sig-
nifying •■ another." It should projterly siguiry "the mor-
row," but the use of language often steps beyond the limits
of what the actual form expresses; and thus, in the v'ord
alluded to, by "ou the other day," not the next following is
implied, but the day after to-morrow. The language, there-
fore, jiroceeds from " thiB day " (hodie) to eras — iu which an
appelliition of day is not easily perceived — and thence to " the
other day," perendie, Uie first member of which I regard as
an adverbial accusative, with n for m, as In mndcm. In the
Sanskrit jmri-di/ua, "morrow." pnM on the coiitniry, is
apparently in the locative, and the last member in the accu-
sative, if we regard it as tlio contraction of a neuter divaa*
but in jyiTff-di/avi biitli are in the locative. The Latin per^n
occurs al»o in pn-end>no, pnt-ndinatio, tlic Inst member of
which guides UB to another Sauskrit appellation of day, viz.
to ft^ d'ma. Hut to dwell for n moment on f^^ d'tta$
and ^jifira, ! am of opinion that thcic two expressions are
united in ws-ppr, vet-pena. and tinrepa. as it wei-e f^^Wt.
(Hvafpara, which, if we look upon para as a neuter subsljiu-
• I prefer thin dcrivAtion to ihat I formerly Kavc (KleUicre Gramm.
p. 3S3)froni tli/u with an irr«giilnr«/ for fiurii (/tea* ttieS'tcp baaauy (o
CLIMBS from div to t/j/a. Divai, however, does mil occur nlim^-, Imi in-
ttend of It liieata: atlU llie coinponmlj dlvafjiUi, "lIpavuTiV'or "day's
l«rd '' oud divaM-prithivydtt., '*htfiyta wad csrtli,'' ahcw the trace ofit;
(or in the lattrr It is itnpoiwiblu to Tef{Hrd <u u a gsniu vv tonninaiiMi,
528
PRONOUNS.
tivc. would signify " Uie last, latest part of the day," and pura^
used ndjectively, and prefixed to anotlier appellation of day,
[G. Ed. P.&1-3,] actually occurs with this meaniug; for
pardfmn (Troia para+ahna) signifies "the later, or after part
or the day" (see Glossary), as j»iIri-dAno does "the fonncr, or
earlier part" Coiiacquently ve^er would stand tordiivt-peri
and this abbreviation of the appellation of day will not appear
more remarkable than tliat of fire dwu. "twiw"," to bis. With
respect to the loss of a whole initial BylloWc, I may rrfer to
the relation of the Greek f*tlpa^, fitipd/ttov, to wtTCT
kumdra-Sr " boy," which, by tlie suppression of its middle
syllable, but with tlie retention of tlie initial one, has been
corrupted to KOfm^, leovpo^. We turn now to another trace of
'n.parat "the other," in Latin, which wc find in the first
portion of pifre^r and pfTcgTitms, and which we could not
well suppose to be the prt^position per. Perryrr would
cousequeiilly signify " being in another land," like the Old
High German eli-lenti. and pereprtriM*, "* who from another
land." We might also refer jtrr-pmia to the same source, as
the reduplication of ^jcttut = xrw paras, in which the "bad
and wrong " ia opjicecd to " the right," aa the other. In ttio
cognate Greek vipiitpos the fundamental meaning has taken
a more special direction. Instly. tlie [inrticle itip remains to
be mentioned, the use of which is more of a pronominal tlian
a prepositional nature- A wortl, which originally signi6es
" other," was well adapted to give particular emphaaJs to a
relative, so as to bring prominently forward thr persons or
things denoted by it as otiicr than those excluded. In this
light let the French naus auires, vous aafrrs, and our German
ir*nn anflen. " if otlwrnise." "provided that," be con-
sidered, which is more energetic than the simple wenv, " if."*
' Bsmark, klao, th«ii|>parfDil.vplcoaitt(icDseor<iXXor;B»dBimil8rph0.
nWHiM ia iMiuLrit, u VH. 1. 14, iu wliicb mco ara oppoMtl to ilir go^
and to oilier beia^ aot hnmsn, m otAtrt: " Nowhere tmmg Uic piis or
VakjIiM cxiats mcfa bewiy, nor amoagn. (otUuaj nwa wu Micti vw
btlbrew«D or heard of."
PBONOONS.
6S9
Prom 'VZ. ptmi uoines in Sanskrit, pdm, [0. Ed. p. fl43.)
"llie further shore," and from this -pArayAmi, " I complete" •
to the former answers trlpaVf to the latter irtpatit* In
Germat), io the word under discussion the idea of " other "
hu been cliflngcd to that of " the further," Gothiu fnhra,
** br," the second r of which seems to h»ve sprung from
n by assimilation. So early as even in Sanskrit, para
occurs in the sense of " far," in the compound pnrtisu, "dead/'
"having life removed."
376, The Gothic yams (theme yaina), "that," Greek xe'vo^,
iictiiv^, {Mo\. k!}V(k) and Doric ■njvo'i, correspond, iu respect
to their last element, with tlie bases in the cognate languages
which are compouuded with tia, no; among which we may
especially notice anas (on'«) en, which has the same meaning
in Lithuanian and Sclavonic. In ttie Duric Tifvw!, like
Tr)XunK, Ttftn'/ca, tlie vowel of the article is lengthened
(comp. 4- 352-)< "^"^ *^^ ^otic KfjvtK; has the same relation to
the interrogative base KC), that t^w»5 has to TO. But in
KeTvo^, to which inTpoK bears the same relation that ifutv does
to fwO {^. 320.), instead of tlie base-vowel being lengthened
au I is introduced, and tlie o is weakened to e: compare,
in the former respect, the Simskrit fi and the compound
r^ ina (§. 369.). So, also, in the Gothic yuin(a)s. " tlwit,"
an i has been blended with the Sanokrit relative base it jfi.
But if in German, as in ScEavouic. a tf preceded the old
initial vowel, as in yesmy^wfin nsmi. Lithuanian fsmi.
"1 am" (§. 255. n.), yahit would then shew itself to be n
cognate form to FT ^na. "this," the real conntcrtype of
wliich we have, however, already found in the numeral om«,
theme aina (§, 30S.)' '" Greek, the word [G. FA. p. 54i.]
S<ivtt, tlieme AEIN, may also be claascd here. It is a jilural
neuter, whicli has been peculiarly dealt with by the language:
its ei lua the same relation to the o of the article that iceivK
has to KO (ko-t(. Korepov), and the tenuis has been removed,
' ronipnn- VoiwlJ^nius, p. IT?* Ace
530
PRONOUNS.
as in 8f before mentioned (h 350.). The », however, of AEIN
cen SL-tircely be conoec-ttfd with the &ppt>ndeil pronoun n no,
but is more probably a mere pboiiietic affix, as in TIN, of
which hereafter, and iu many words of our Bo-calli.'d weak
declension (§. MS.].
377. The Zend demonstrative base a)»a) ava. " this." httS
been already repeatedly mentioned. In it wc find a new
and powerful confirmation of the proposition — which is one
of importance for tiie history of language — tliat pronoun*
and genuine prepositions ore originally one; for in the
Sanskrit, in which ava has been lost as a pronoun, it has
remained as a prupoaition. with the signification "from."
"down"; as e.ff. ava-pla, ata-iar (it tri), " to spring from," " to
descend." but the original meaning of which is "to alight down
or at this (plaec)." In Sctavonic. ava has been changed, ae-
cording to rule (§. 255. a), lo yi-o, wiUeh signifies " tliis'* and
" that": its fern. nom. ova is almost identical with the same
case in Zend — uv>m ava. With this form is coniieeted theGrcek
au of avT6<i* in which, after the suppression of the final vowel,
the V bus been changed to a vowel. When used alone the pro-
nominal nature of tliis base is most apparent in ai0t, "here,"
which, therefore, is not to be regarded ns an abbreviation of
ainoOi, for it is quite as natural for the locative sufllx to be
attachcti to af^ as to otlicr pronominal bases. With the same
[O. Ed. p. 64fi.3 signifieatiou as avdi wc might expect to find
av0a, as analogous to (fffa and to the Zend jujijjwjkj twndha,
whiHi t-orresponds in its base. lUlIix. and signification. But the
Greek expression does not occur atone, but only in combi-
oation with iv9a in hnavBa for evdav6a\\ and so, also, the ab-
lative adverb avBev is rct'iiiicd only in tlie t;ompoand ivTtv6<v
(p. 480). The indeclinable av, the use of wliich is not opposed
to its pronominal origin, has probably lost some suffix of
• Comi«re p, 387, Now •■
t 4.844. p. 480. 11m (Urivatlon of m-aCAi girco Rtp.387tBtut be
MHRetol aMottUngljr-
PBONOUNS. 531
caie OP of another kimt. If it were b neuter for ain or awS
the sappressioD of the T aoand would accord with a aoivcrsal
phonetic law (comj). §. 155.). Perliapa it is an abbreviation
of aS^K, which lias the saiue meaning, or of avre. nhich latter
agrees in its formation with the pronominal adverbs totc, ore,
trvre, though the signifii'otion tins diverged,
379. Through a combination with tlie romfwrntivt.* sufEx
is formed airrap, " buC with reference to wliich we must
again advert to tJie relationship of our German after (Old High
Gcraum afar, "but," "again") with the Sjmakfit aparot
"alius." The suflix ot airrtlp is distinguished from the cus-
tomarv repm by tlie jtreservniion of the original n-souiid, and
in this ni.inner norresponds exactly to tlie Stinskrit antar
(4. 993.). The Ljitin au^ifm, on the other hand, appears to
contain the superlative suffix, ns i-tem in opposition to i'terum.^
The i of iimua might easily be corrupted to e in a word termi-
nating with a consonant 1 now, however, prefer regarding
the sulHx tern of i-tcm and nu-tem as not originating in the
Latin language, but na identical with the suilix ^n thorn,
which, in Sanskrit, likewise occurs only in [G. Ed. p.54C.]
two pronominal adverbs, viz. in ^7ip^ U-tham, "so,'* and
WTiw Ico-thftm, " how ?" with n^gard to which it may be left
undecided whether tlirir Iham is cuunccted, through a pho-
netic alteration, with the superlative suffix, just as thama in
Ipffin^ prathama-s, " the 6r8t " (p. 379. 1. 12,). The Latin
au-t Hppenrs to me an abbreviation ot au-ii, so that it agrees
in its formation with uO, ut, and Hi in ilidcm, as also with the
Sanskpt ^fw Hi "so.*'! With regard to the au o{ au/ugio,
axtfero, I SCO no adequate reason for dissenting fnim tho
common opinion which regards it as a weakened form of
*CoEnpsre Hcidelb. Jshib. 181S, p. 479, SDd DvnMMintlve Bmh^
^l4.
t Theifif t/)-'J«in mighl alto bu n'f^rdod u tlw wfakvuinft of ibc a of
t/OjOUucd l>j' lb««il>ditiuu of wcigbt through the dtm. {of. (.0.)
583 PBONOONS.
oh.* On the other hand, the Snnskrit inseparable pre[iosition
aoa, mentioned nbove (§. 377.), ovidently ro-appeara in the
HoniBric atVpw.f without the ancient connection between
this prepositional aC and the pnrticte aZ t>eiii» tlicrcby re-
moved, as< &a has been remarked above, the Sanskrit preposi-
tion ava and the Zend dcmoustrative bnse of similar aound.
are cognate forms.
379. It hiia been elsewhere pointed out J tliat of the tliree
forma into which the originally sliort a in Greek hns been
distributed («, o,o), it is e that most oftcu occurs in places
[G, EA. p. 547] whcrea Sansh rit a is combined nittiu; more
rarely the weightier o ; and the still hcavjf r a uever.^ The
Greek diphthong av, however, corresponds to the Vriddlii
diphthong flit dw, as »'av? = i!h( ti<Ji«; its a is therefore
long, and is found so ia vao^, &c., for paf oc = sfT^ ruivtu.
If, tlien, the final vowel of the Indo-Zend nvo, Sclavonic oro,
he removed, and then the u, formed by the melting down of
lbs V, be combined in a diphthong with the initial vowd. we
should have euoT ov. As, however, at; has arisen, we must
regard tlie lengthening of the inituil vowel as eouipensation
for the final vowel, which has been suppressed. This eompeu-
■Btion, however, does not take place vmiversally ; for as ovv is
plainly ahcwn. by its use, to be of pronominal origin,!! it may bo
best compared with our demonstrative base ata, of whteh it is
• ^ridiflul this wcakoaioK, afffr^ Croni ah/a^, would be identic^] with
iiffkro, from aiij'ero ; niid ilic I'linn;^ of tli« b into thw cognnic vowel ratty
have ukcii pittcc in order to amid ilits idcniii;,-, as, i-mv vrr»A, the u of
Av (<t%iiislly • v) e«4>ni« to Imv« be«n hatd>(jii«it jolo 6 iu /">, If. for
diU iVMon, «•■ hu ariaenfriMD ofr oBoaeoccasioii,it miglit be iiUlfurduir
Bdo|il«d wuhutit its b«ing occiwioiiMt from n view to [>«nptcally.
t Compare A. Bcnniyiu tliv B«r]. Jalirb. Ma/ 1S3(\ p.T<II.
I Voenliuiiiis, p.lBS, &c
j TkivcomliinatJanprodaoa Wl A ik^X wliicli, hnTttn towpIs, ia rs-
aslvcd hitd or, M, ya%}-4m, " hwvm^" from gi.
II CoKfttK lIsrUDg Il.S, jcc.
PKONOCSS.
533
further to be remarked, that, in Zend, in departure from
§. 155., it forms the nominative and accusative neuter, not
by M t but by m. For aprm. according to §. 42., aum should
be employed ; but in its place wc have the irrrgularfomi (4(ju
aom, and the same in the maaculiue uccusative.* I agree
with Hartung (I. a) in considering the Greek o!iv likewise ns
on accusative, whether it be maseuliue, or, as wemayaasume
from the Zend aom, neater. Tlic negative particle <>i> is
alao to be classed here, according to wlint has been aaid in
{. 371., and before, in my Review of Rosen's Vflda Specimen
regarding the derivation of negative particles from pronouns :
it has the same relation to ovk which, owing to its termina-
ting with n consonant, is used before vowels, [G. Ed. fi.fi4U.]
tliat, io Lntin, the prefix ne has to tufo, an abbreviation of
neque. OiiK in, therefore, an abbreviation of aiiKt (wiUi tlie
change of the tenuis, o^i), the Kt of wliich ia, perhaps, con-
nected with the Sanskrit enclitic pronominal base f^ chi, of
which more hereafter. To this f^chi the ^ cha, which is
likewise encliticalty used, and with which the Latin tjue is
identical, bears the same relation that •^nt kat, " whoj"
has to its neuter ^\ A-tnt* If. then, the syllable Kt of ovit(
ia connected with the Indian ?% chi, it ia also related to
the Latin que of nequc (conipare §, 380., auhjinfm.)
3B0. It remains for us to shew tlwit an ofl'shoot of the pro-
nominal base ava exists in German also. Such is our auc/i.
the demonstrative sigaificalion of which is easily discoverable
in sentences like er ist blind, und auch Uihm, "he is bhnd
and also lame," in which the nuch adds to the (quality " blind,"
as to "that" another "this:" he is lame and this, — blind."
Ttie anch performs the same service for a single cjuality that
the conjunction dan, " thai," does for an entire member of a
sentence ; for ia sentences like " I am not willing {dast) ttiat
he should come, the conjunction das» expresses generally
Compare BurmmrB Va^Dii. Noira p &
534
l-RONOUNS.
or only grammaiically, the subject of my will, and " he
should come" expresses it particularly and logicnlly. In Old
High Gennau, auh {ouh, ouc. &c.) has other meanings Ix-sides
"also," wliioh are elsewhere exprusacd only by derivatives
from pronouns, aa ilenn, tAer. avtidern. "for," "but," &c.,
(see GralT [. 120.), and the Gothie mik occurs only with the
meaning " for."* If nuch, " also," were the only meaning
of t]ie cuiijuDctiou under diseussion, in alt German dialects,
[Q. Ed. p. &49.] we might suppose it to be conuocted with
the Gothic aukan, " to tncrease."t But what connection
have rffftiii and gondem (" for " aud " bat ") with the verb " to
increase?" Moreover, verbal ideas and verbal roots arc
t^ie last to which I aliould be iuclined to refer the derira;*
tion of a conjunction. All genuine conjunctions spring
from pronouns (§. 105.), as I have endeavoured to shew in
a particular instance in my lte%*iow of Forstcr'a Grammar.l
But whence comcs tlie ch of our auchf I do not tliink
that it can he regarded iu the snmc tight oa ttiat of dvch
and noc'A, which have been likewise explained as pro*
nominal formation&f but, in Goiliic, terminate with h (naWi,
thau}i)i while our aiu:h bears the same relntion to the
Gothic auk that micb, dich, neh, do to mik, thuk, fit. The
k, therefore, of auk, may perhaps, in its origin, coincide with
that of the su-callttl pronominal accusative, and. like tlie
latter, belong to tlie uppexided pronoun m sma (§§. 174. 175.X
which, in Zend, becomes ftma, but in Prak)it and Pali is
transposed to mka. But if the pronoun ava were used in
• The meanings "but" mid " slxo," which I Iwtc, in iiMordann with
Palda.giron ■•lwwtMTe(I)eiiit>nMratt<r« liMtt, p. I<l),rwl oniiuautliorit/.
for UlfiUft gives oaljr oaA bd snawcnag to the Gnxk yap (Grimm III.
972).
t Compere Sanakpt'**. "'(ocollocl,'' wlwnoc JiMnft^o, "crowd."
I Heidclb.Jahrfa.iei&,p.473.
1 f . 370. snd UemeuinUve Bssti, p. la
FHONOUNS-
335
Pali, its ablntive would be m-amffi and locative aiamki (comp.
S- 369. Tabk). lu the Gothic auk tJic wmmls which surround
the k in tlieso forms arc lost, and the final vowel of the base
ia suppresset), as in the Greek avTil?, With rtgai-d to the
gutmra!, however, auk be&r» the same relation to atamJiA,
avamhi, Iliat tit, "I," does to «f ahoH. If, of the forms of
negntiou ovk, oukI, ov^i, mentioned nt p. 633, the lost were the
original one. we might fluppose the ;^i to be related to the Pili
pronominal locativr-s in fv^ mki, as % usually [U. E<I. p. fifiO.]
represents the Sanskrit and Pali ■^ A (^. 8A).
381. As regards the etymology of tlic base ova, the
first member of it is easily perceived to be the demon-
atrativo a, and the latter portion apjiears to be analogous to
ivo, "as," from tlie baso i, aa also to ^no, "also," "merely,"
&C., nnd with the accusative termination Svam, "so," from
the baae i (§. 366.). A~va and S-va, therefore, would be
as closely conneetcd aa a-na and ^nn ; and as from the
latter lias arisen the Gothic term for the numeral "one."
(theme a'lJia §. '.ioH,), so from iva would ootne the Zeud
numeral for " one," ot^a, with a prefixed, according to §. 3B,
In Gothic, ttiv (theme oiiKci) corresponds, which, however, as
"all time." ue. "eternity," answers to the cognate form
in Zend n« logical antithesis, or aa "another" to "this."
It may be observed, that it ia highly pnibubic that our <i//.
Gothic alls, " omnh" (theme alio), has been formed by assimi-
lation from the base aJva, " ttlhts." and has therefore expe-
rienced the same fate as tlie Greek aAAov, Old Uigli German
alles, " else," nnd the Latin iile, olh. In Sanskrit, from
the energetic subjective dcmotistrativc base aa, " he," " thia."
"that," (5. 345), arises the general term for "all." viz.
W% $aT-va "every." plumi ^mrvS, "all." and the adverbs
of time, ^i^ jot//l, and Tnn tand, "ever"; from the latter
comes the adjective VHTIT? tandlatui, " sempiternus." TIms
final member of sarva is identical with that of our m^ ava,
V^ Sva. and ^ iva; and, wilh reS]>cct to the r. analogous
536
PRONOUNS.
forma to surva occur in iiar-hi, " then," and kar-ki. " whi^^n?'"*
the k of ^vliicli I foiisider at un abbreviation of dh, and the
whole dhi as b create suffix to the Greek ^i (compare §. 23.).
I^G. Ed. p. 6fil.] Thus Marhi, exclusive of the prefixed pro-
noun t', answers to ro9t, and JSmr-fti to tradi, from icodt. In
tlieGotliic, Ota-r, "there." in cur dor in hnmerrfdr, (always)
darbringen, "lo ofler," daraieUen, "to represent," &c and
IwQ-r. "where?" (compare war-um, "wherefore," ximt-ous,
" whence,*' &c.) the syllable hi or dhi of the Indian pro*
totype is wanting. ^Ve may notice, also, tlie compound
hfoT-yi», "which?" the last member of which belongs to
the Sanakrit relative baso ^ y<i. lu Lithuanian we have
in kittar (kif-tur), "somewhere else," a form analogous to
the Gothic locative ailvcrbs in r. With the Siuiskrit san'a,
"every," may be compared the Old High German mlr,
" iimnino," our schr, " mudi," But to return to the Gothic
base aiva, we see clearly enough the pronominal origin of
this word in expressions like ni uiv, " nunt/uam," niaiva-dagi,
"on no day whatever," and still more in our j>, " ever," Old
Hi^h German, io, to, which lutti^r has been formed from aiv, by
suppressing the o. and clianging the v into a vowel ; and hj
tliis alteration it has b(H.-ome estranged from t'ira. "etcr-
nitv." A word, however, signifying merely eternity or
time, would scarcely have entered into combinntions like
lo-mm "a/t^HU." oar "jfimand," in wbicb io may be re-
garded as equivalent to the Zend o^ra, "one" so, ulao. in
io-wihl " oti^uid," literally. " one thing." or " any one
thing": ionfr means "anywhere." and. with respect to its
r, agrees with the aboveoientioned locative adverbs (Mar,
kfxtr), and, in regiird to its entire final syllable, with pro-
nouns compounded with na, no (§. 37t>.} ; and this affords a
striking proof that llie preceding 19 cannot, from its origin.
* The IndUa trsinmnriuu aauinM, without causn or reunn. n sufRx
rAt for both \hmt «xprcad«&a, aaA dielribntc tbvoi tbos, &«-rAi, Au-rU.
PBONODNS.
937
he a term for denotiof* time. Pcrhnpfl, however, the Old
High German tv is not iu all places the corruption of the
Gothic nit', for a sliort way of arriving at it ta through
the old relative base ir yo. It is certain that the
Lithuaiuan yu belongs to it, which, in its use before com-
paratives in sentences like yS bagul6mia i/S [G. Ed ji. saa,]
txyksztesRh, "je rtkhcr dc»to knrgar," " the richer the more
nifjgardly," corrcBponds exactly to the uae oftiie Germap
language, only that, as may be done in German also, the
»ame expression is always retained iu the corresponding sen-
teoce, as, in Sanskrit, the idea of one* is expressed by
Bttraetion, after relatives by yu, and after interrogatives by
kn (see §. 30S,). The Lithuanian yii, however, is clearly the
instrumental of the base j/o, which claewhcre siffntBes " he,"
but, iu tliia kind of expression, retains the old relativo
meaning. In LithLanian, t/o tuny be used for yu ,■ and if
this in not nIBrely no abbreviation of yu (i/u«). it is the geni-
tive of the pronoun referred to; for y« (for yas), "be," forms,
iji the genitive, «n. Ruliig renders, Je eher je hi^xscr, "the
sooner the better," by po pirm-^us tfo geraus.f Grafr(l. 517.)
rightly compares the Old High Gertnan to with this
Lithuanian yn, and the former must therefore be dislinguished
from the tu,wb)ch are evidently corruptions of the Gothicotn,
■ Tlic inaaaliijof tiusit, that if, in Sanskrit, a Mntend! be inlerrvgiu
tivr, tlie ulijrat nf the verb likewiso Iwi-ontca iaierrogailrv, jia ii vrcn: by
attraction, itutead «f l>«ing, aa iu EiiRlifh, iudeftnlte. Thu*, in tho pa»stg9
roftrml W i^. 308., ^ p j^in qT% WT Tinnifit -fftl SKH A-UVni m
puriu/nJi Pdrtho ! kan ghdtayati hwfti fcam, *" I low. 0 Parilin ! cslh (luit
miui canoe ti> tie killed Tchom, am he kill whom ?" The twine nittactlon
faikt^H ftlnev Inn n-Uitivi- Hrntcnco. Thus, in ttio Srooiid Huok of the Hito-
pH^i^-i, H^ XVn tnH H^ mt^ Uf^i. gadiva rivhiUS gatiHi'd blianSt
tat hwja tmndarom, " WhiUergr iH agivuble to wlmmtoever (tn EnglJah h
would b« ■ to Bsy ooc Mwvcr'), that ta luai will be bcaoUfuI.*— JVoNffa-
tw't NoU.
t Ab mldenda to f.Mff. maybe noticed the nnuiflretcd compnratiiwf,
which accord wiUi the sui)crlativ«i [n ntu-o* (f . S07.),
638
PRONOUNS.
In Latin we find in irvum a form evidently corresponding
to this aiv (th«me aiva), and one wiiich has quite loat & pro-
nominal tignification. It may be left undecided wbether
the Greek alwv should be rcfurred to tliia ctuas. But we must
remark tluit the syllable na of mn aca. n fva, and ^ iva,
is. as it appears to me, ofitselTa pronoun, and eonnectvd
with tlie enclitic vat, " as." Perhaps the v is a weakened
form of m ($. 63.), and iva therefore connected with the
demonstrative ima. Observe that the derivative suQlxes x'at
and mat, in the stronj; cases r<in^ mnnf, are completely
identical in meaning, as are also mia and vin.
[G. Ed. p. OfiS] 392. We come now to the relative, the base
of which is, in Sanskrit and Zend, yu, remioine yil ; and the
oSsboots of which, in tlie European cognate languages, bavo
been already frequently mentioned. With respect to the
Greek of, i), 5, answering; to the Sanskrit yiu. i/d, yat, we
may notice how frequently tlie Indian vt 3/ is repreaented
by the Greek spiritua as])cr. And 6f lias the same rela-
tion lo j/as that vfitK has to tlie Vedic tA tptthm?., "ye."
vand/ii to Vtti yudhma, " strife," ^ap to 'ffwjt yakril and
jiKur, iija to in^ yoj, "to honor," "to adore," ^}ifpoi to
V^ yam, " to restrain." The circumstance, that the rela-
tive is dioiectically replaced by tbo article, is as tittle proof
of tbc connection of the tvro, oa tlrnt, because our German
welcker, " which," can be replaced by tlic demonstrative dcr,
" tlie," it is cognate to it in form. Since, as early as Homer,
the use of the true relative is very common, and tlie
relative expressions 5*0?, w'oc, 7\i«>5, ^/kk, answer to the
demonstrative derivatives T6<rot, t*T«, tijXi'wot, riifun, we
may find in this alone sutGcient evidence, exclusive of
proofs drawn from the Sanskrit and other cognate lan-
guages, of the original existence of a distioct relative
base in Greek.
3S3. In Zend the relative occurs also with a demonstra-
tive meaning: thus we frequently find the accusative
PK0K0DN8.
589
{j^ lyim In the sense of Jmnc Tliis guides us to tlie
Lithuanian via. " lie" (eii|>houic for yos, §. 135.),* accu-
sative jnii. The dative ifam corresponds witli tliu Sanskrit
yasmAi. Ztind yahm/li ; as does the locntive vdmi (§. IT6.) with
yatmin, yahmK In St^Ifivonip, wis tlio most per- [G. Ed-p-MJ-J
feet form tlutt bas beoa retained io the masculine and neuter
sinj;ular of tliis pronomiaal base (see \t. 3fi8 G. ed.) : in the
neuter plumt yn agrees most exactly with the Zciid and Vcdic
jrd f J. 2S5. a.), just as. in the nominative singular feminine, t/«
(yn-ahe. " which") corresi^uds to the Sauskrit-Zend yd. The
masculine form i it derived, as bas been already remarked,
by suppressing* the vowel of the base, and vocalising the y,
and thus resembles tolerably closely tbo (iothic rclativo
particle ei (={). In Gothic, faovrevcr, Uicre exist deriva-
tives from the base under discusaion, vrhioh arc even yet
more similar. For inatnnec. the conjunction yti'Lai, " if."
springs from it as the cognate form of the Sanskrit iffij yu-rfi,
which signiSes tlie same. The sulOxcs alone differ. The
Gothic bat is a corruption of ba,\ and appears in this form
lo tlie compound ihavJi-yaba. There is an Ekuallo(;ous
form to yabai. vufta. viz. tba, ibai,X nhith is used particularly
as an intcrrogutivc purticle, and proceeds from the prouo-
minal base r. Combined, also, with the negative particle
ni, iba means "if"; thus niba (for ni ibn. as niil, "he is
not." for ni ist), "if noC' where we must remark that the
Sanskrit ^ it connected with iba. as regards its base,
likewise means "if"; and, indeed, in like manner only
« In Zend di« ■' of ffim ii not pn>du<;4;d l>y tbv capli<niic inflaenca «f die
y, for wc iilio fiuJ dim for di>m (^,343.), nnil drvjim for ttrujitn, ftnm
drwj, "a Joiiiou."
1 Aa w thoGodiic suffix in sail Ulli.;>, cf. p.l-HK. G.cd. Not* 1.10.
X Cffmpara l>«DaoiMtraUvc Bam*, p. IS, aoA Graflr(1. 7&.}, who lascnU
to xay opinliin, bat designaws tlic proDominal trnwa u adverbs of |ilaor, or
IdchUtv pulicl«>.
V H 8
S40
PEONODNS.
in combination with particles preceding it; w that ntt
(na + U). "if not," ia, as it wrrt-, tlic prototyjje of the Cothk
n'-iba (see §. 360.). It cau liardly be that the suEx, also,
does not cODtaiu Bomewhat of Sanskrit I conjecture a
connection with the syllables va in ira. "as," h^a-, "also"
&c., and ^vam. "so/'or what almost amounts to tlie aame
thing, with the enclitic ^ mt, "as." And thus the dcri-
[Q. £d. p. 600.'] vation of tiie Gothlt' odverbs in ba may
be shewn," It cannot appear surprising tlint the v ia
hardened to h, for in BengAIi every Sanskrit v is pro-
nounced as b, and in New German, also, we ofirn find b
for tlte V of the older dialeets. In Litliiianinn Uic v of
the Sanskrit irn, " us," is altered to p. as we have before
seen pa formed from Wru-a (§v359.). No more sntisfaetory
derivation, therefore, can. in my opinion, be given for pro-
noniinii) adverbs terminating in }po or ip. than from the
^ itin above mentioned, particularly as the Intter is con-
stantly subjoined, as ir^ ^ tad iva, " like this." So, in
Lithuanian, laipo or taip, " so." (. e. ■' as this." from the hiiRe
ta + ipa; ka'tpo or kaip, "how"? kilfaipo, kitloip, and
aniraipo, aniraip, "else." Aootlier view of these expres-
sions miglit be taken, according to which t would bo
allotU^ to the principal pronoun, which would be regarded
as neuter (§. 167.); thus tai-po. kai-po, &c. In this case
tlie rowel of the Sanskrit ^ wa would be lost in Lithu-
anian; but 1 prefer tlie former opiuion, and believe that
the Gothic Ura'tKa, " liow " '{ taken as hva-lva, mast be
• Not aAo, for the A hclon^ to iho a<lji«tive !»«»; hpnt* dic» in u
have. Dot v-aba but u-Aa ; but (licwc in yn, for tlio most part, 1»y naide
llicirfinol vowtL, and fonn i-ha^t yorha, Kxamptn: /hJd!(i-fta, "iiiu-lll-
geni," from FRODA {uam./rStfa); hardu-ho, " horJ," from HARDV ;
ondaMffi-ta, " evid«it,'"p«thiipa from th« mh^UOLiivf haa» AS^DA L'GYA
(noiniiutire atmAihj/J), " viMg*." TIw! full form Is seen In ifabaur^'bo,
» waung.-
PB0NO0N3.
Ml
referred to this elitss; for it canoot nppenr remarkiible tliat
tlie termituition va, io Gotliic, should iiot liave bouo every-
where hardened to ba, but that a trace of the ori^tiaL
form should be still left. But if tht: .na, " so," answering'
to kvaiiia, duca uot. us baa been before conjectured, bt-long
to the Sanskrit reflexive base w xn-n (§.341.), I should then
regard it as analogous to hvaiva, and divide it thus, s'-va,
BO that it would coQtuin the demonstrative base aa. men-
tioned in §.345., from whidi, in Siiiiskrit, [O. Ed. p. 506.]
cornea, among other words, w^ ju-rfmo, "aiuiilar," lite-
rally " like this appearing." But to return to the Sanskrit
yadi, '* if," its lii is jirobably a weakened form of the su(hz,
which we liave seen above in ^fW Ui, " thu!i." and else-
where, also, in mtlt oti, " over," and altcivd to fV dhi in
wfti arf/it, "on,*" "towards." The Priikrit il^ >i (§. iw.)
has quite dropped thn 7' sound, just as the Lithuanian f/*^ :
Uirough boUi lan£uaf>os the Greek e! is, as it were. pre]Mired;
aa to the connection of which with our relative base I have no
longer any doubt, all being n-jjular up to the aupjires&iou of
tlie »emi-vowcl in the initial sound ; and by asimilir suppres-
sion «e have not been prevented from recognising the
Vedic ^^ yuthm^, " yo," in the j^lie u/x/if?.
3St. The Gothic particle yau, in the si^ilication " whether,"
coinciding with the Sanskrit nfij ifudi. which together with
" if" meana olao " whether," supports the derivation of 6a
from voy given above; for mu has essentially the Bnmc
relation to ynha, that, in Lithuanian, Utip bears to the more
full inipa. The form yau, however, probably owes iu
origin to a time when, in more perfeet aecord»nee with the
Snnskrit, yntw for yafia wasstill used, whence, afti'rr suppress-
ing the a, must come wiu, as f.g. the base thiva, "servant,"
forms in the nomiaative Utiiu, in tlic uucusativc thla. But if
yau arose at a time when wbu was already in use for y^eo. we
should Imvc to refer to the relation of the Latin an (aii/u(jifi,
atiftro) to ab. The Lithuanian lias likewise a jArticle yau.
S42
PBONODNS.
which u connected, in its hose at least, with the Gothic : it
signifies "already." le. "at this (time)", and therefore
reminds us of jam. nhich, in Latin, is the only remnant of the
pronominal base under discussion. Perhnps the u in the
Lithuanian fonn is Itie dissolution of a nasnl, by which _;a»ii
[G.Ed, p.fr^.3 and yau would be brought still closer, and
the latter would be related to the former, as f/uiiau, " 1 was,"
to tho Sanskrit W»W(^ abhavtim (compare §. 2ji. g.). With
the Latin _yairn and Lithuaninn yrm mu^t be classed, also, the
Gothic yii. " now," " already," which, in respect to its u. is an
analogous form to the nu, " now." mentioned above (p. 535
a, ed.), and, with than, forma the combination yutkav,
"flipcady." This furnishes o new proof that «u is probably
but an abbreviation of the Sanskrit ^ dyu, " day ,-" for if
this were the caac, it would follow the demonstrativr, and
thanyu or Ihayu would be used, as in Latin hodie, and in Old
High Gorman hiutn, in Satiskfit a-di/a, in Greek tr^nepop.
Tlie Old High German i# in te ruo, whence our Jftro.Jf I xt.
is probably a weakened form of the Gothic «n, and literally
signifies " to tliis," with a preposition subjoined. It first
occurs in an inscription of the twelfth ocntury (GralTL 616.),
for which reason it cannot be matter of surprise that the u
ia corrupted to e.
385. There remain to be noticed, in order to complete
tbo list of the remnants of the Sanskrit relative base, the
affirmative particle va. mi. (compare §. 371.) and the copu-
lative yah, " ondr " also." The form ya may be taken as
neuter, analogous to the interrogative Am, "what?" and.
like the latter, it is indeclinable. The more usual fonn
yai may have sprung from ya, through the inclination.
wliich the a manifests, even in Sauskfit, to form a diph*
thong with the addition of an J ({. l&S.). Hence there
arises an ap|)arent affinity of declension with the sole pro-
nominal neuter in Lithuanian, viz. tai. The copulative
particle yah is identical in its final h with the Latin que
PRONOUNS.
543
I
and Sanskrit n cha. which is hkcniae subjoiued, and which
owea its origiu to the iDterrogative base jto. on which
we will beslow a closer cxamiuatioa in the follon-ing
paragraphs.
386. The interrogative basos in Samk|-it [G. Ed. p. SM.]
are three, according to tlie three primary vowels, viz. hi, ku, lei.
The two latter nuiy be looked upon as weakened forms of tlic
first and principal one. for which reason I shall take tliem
in the order of the diminution of the weij>ht of the a.*
Prom V ha springs the whole decleneion of the mascoliue,
as also that of tlie neuter, with the exception of the singular
Dominativo and accusative fv^ kim. The neuter W\ /eat,
which is obsolete as far as regards its isolated use, and on
which the Latin form quod is fm]nde<l, is easily recognised
io the interrogative purlicte "Wf^ hich-chif. euphonic for
Aai-chit: it alsu appears as the prefix in expressions like
W^WH^ kad-adfiivnn.^ " a. bad street," literally, " wliat sort
of a street!" Otiier interrogative expressions are similarly
prt-'lixcd, in order to represent a person or tiling as bad or
contemptible, as I have already previously noticed.! But
since then my conjecture r<^rding the cognate fono in
Sanskrit has been stiti more confirmed by the Zend, where
wAt^ knl is actually tlie common neuter of ibo interrogative.
From the masculine and neuter base kti springs, in Sanskrit
and Zend, the feminine base M, which, according to §. 137.,
appears in the nominative singular without inflexion.
Not one of the European cc^iate languages agrees butter
• VoaOiemw, p. 337, Ren*. 16.
t JCailb3tkat,»<xoriiiigto^.Q3K
I Ciuttlnif. AnvviK I&21, p.3&2. Wilaon.nn the other linnd, ftillon-tthe-
Diilivc xminiDAnuiA in derivinft both tl)« int«rrn^tiv« pnrlivltt tacfichil au<l
kad-adliwan, and similar (wmpounds, from kat Sot kul, " boicl ' ; and it ap-
prvti ihat tho connccUon uf the pnftxnkat and ku wiUi the intcrrcigMiv*
bog (^aite escaped Ibc ludiiui grttTnnisriant.
544
FBONOONa.
witb the twin Asiatic sisUrs tlian tlic LitliuanUu. iu wliich
tim masculiue oomiuutLve has is coinplutely iclL>n1tca) with
[G. Ed- p. 560.] the Sanskrit ww has, over wliicb, too, it
maiDtiuns this superiority in the retention of the original
form, tliat its c remains unalterable, and is not liable to
suppression, wliile tlie Suuakrit has is changed into kaH, kA,
and ka, according to the quantity of the initial sound fullow-
ing, or before a following pause, iind retains the original
sibilant, aceording to a universal law of soinid, only before
H^ (. and ^ th, and changes it before ^ ch, ^ ckh, or ^ ?.
» M. into thfi sibilftnt of the corresponding organ. In the
corres|X)nding Zend form there is this remarkable jiecuUartty.
that, if foItoweJ by the singular of llie pronoun of the second
person, the tatter combines with tlie preceding interrogative,
and forms one word — a eoinbinntion whii-b is of t'Ours<> outy
pbonetic, and bas no inSueiicc on tlie sense. Though t have
no doubt this combination lias been occasioned situply by the
tendency in several languages to unite s aud i, or ih, still
in the ease before ua u conjunctive vowel has been, in tlie
course of time, introduced in Zend; and indeed, according
lo ihc oldest MSS.. an ?," in the sense of §. ,30. As, however,
in the edited codex of the V. S.. in two out of four passngcs
in vbich ^^■irf&jfjJAij k-Qif-lhuoiim, "who tliec," sliouUl be
read, we find instead kaii thtcantn ,- and in one pa6BBg:e.
indeed, these words occur conibiacd, but still witli u long ^,
ka%^lhva»m ; and, in tlie fourib ease, there is an erroneous
reading, kaiMmi-aiim: I was therefore formerly of opinion
(Gram. Crit. p. 331.), that we miglit consider the 4 or I,
combined witli kaa, as analogous to the Greek demon-
strative/; a conjecture which must be withdrawn, owing to
the various readitij^s since published by Humouf, and tlw
inference (). c. p. lOB) thence deduced. With the dative
* BailMHif 's Vsfaa, NoU 0. p. 184.
PBONOUNS.
545
MP (^, and with Mf n&, " roflH." jjjuj *ai fornw, without
lui nuxilinry vowel, tlie oombinatioa m^j^aj^ htut^ m^m**^
kainA (Barnouf I. c. p, 409).
387. Accordino; to §. I Ifi., from the San- [Q. Ed. p. WW.^
skrit-Zend-Litliuaman interrogative base KA must come the
Greek KO, whic-H, retained in Ionic, has elsetrhere become
no, through the easy interchange of guttnrnis nnd labinls.
The declension, however, of this KO or TIO is disiispd in
favour of that of tk, and the only remains of it ere adverbs
and derivatives, as Kort, ■irort, k^, vw, xanpov, irortpov
(cf. W1TI7I katnrat. "whether of the two?"), irocros, T&a(K,
KoToi, 'jTom, which arc clear enough proofs of the original
existence of a xo?, x^, k6. These form the foundation of those
cases of the Ixtiu interrogative and relative, which belonj; to
the second declension, viz. ijuo<l (=(0x13 kat). (put, and, in
the plunk], fui, tfuorum, t/uos. The plural of the neuter (/ucc
dillrrs from the comtnoo decleosion, according to which it
should be qua. Hic form ijure, however, may have renininrd
from the dual, which is otherwise lost in Latin, and may
have assumed a generally plural aignilit^tion ; for ffutE*
agrees, as has been already remarked (§. S34.), exactly
with the Sanskrit dual % H. The Latin feminine in
founded, in the cases peculiar to it, on tlic ludo-Zend
feminine liasc kA : comparr-. for inalnnw, (juam with vn
Mm, ^t/lrum with VTVP^ kdsAm, tfuiit with vn^ tAs. The
singular nominative qurt. however, is reuitirkablf. standing
as isolated in T^tin grammar as the neuter plunil nominative
just mentioned ; for the demonstrative Ate (of which more
hereafter), ie, in its orig^Q, identical with the pronoun under
K discussion, the feminine nominative of which should be qua,
■ which it acttialty is in tlie compound ali-qaa, &c. Wlieace.
H then, the forms qw<T nnd hte-c9 If tlicy arc not cor>
H niptions of qua, for which no i-eason can be assigned, or
* Regnnliug^irHWBsiil. oanl«r, wo J.3M.
546
PRONOUNS.
wetttcened forms of the originalt; long ftitl (J. 1 37.), by the
Inst element of d (=a+a) becoming r. CQ.Ed. p.661.J
there is no course left but to regard the <c of gtue, h/e-c, u a
remuBnt of Uic feminine cliaracter \i, mentioned iu §. 119.
As, liowever. in Sanskrit and Zend, tlie masculine and
neuter a of the primitive is dropped before this feminine
i, and from v ka miglit be formed, in the feminine base. Id
{compare §. 172.), but not k4, I now prefer, contrary to my
former opinion,* tlie explanation pointed out above — tiiat
the long &, which sboald bo foimd in the uninflected no-
minative of bases in &, has, in the first place, been ao
weakened, as ifl usual iu the vocative of the corresponding
Sanskrit class of words, in which nrl auti, ( = mtai)
" daughter T bears the same relation to suiii that yuts does
to Wiled; and, secondly, by the complete abbi-eviation
of the 6, whicb, in Sanskrit, is tlie case only in a small number
of vocatives, e.g. im nmma, " motherr from ammA.
388. In Gothic, according; to a universal law of pemiula^
tion.theold tenuis of the interrogative base has pnascd into A ;
and as gutturals freely combine with v. with tliis A a v lias
been joined as euplionie ; hence IIVA from tit ka, and, in the
feminine, HVO (according to §. 60.) from m ka. The y has
remained alone in our wer, " who ?" We have before drawn
attention to tlie masculine nominativo Am-*, with rcsjKKrt to
ita grammatical importance ($. 13&.), and have remarked that
tlie feminine nominative /(td, us also td, "tliis," has not
admitted, owing to its being monosyllabic, the aliortcuing of
the d to a, which takes place elsewhere in this case ($. V^l.) In
the neuter hva the inflection ta is wanting, in which respect the
Old High German hiutz (Old Saxon bunt) is more jierfect. In
[G. Ed. p. 662.] Old Sclavonic, Recording to §, •2a.a.,a nuu-
ealinc and neuter base ko and a feminine fea, might be looked
for; but the simple declension of the interrogative does not
■ InflacDoe of the Pitmouiu oo tbe ForrasUon of WonlB, p. 3.
PBONOUMS.
B47
occur, but only that nrnipotiDcled with the definitive, originally
relative pronouu (§. 2S2.): h«noe, nom. kt/u (ko-i, §.255.^.
p. 332. 0. ed.), ka-ya, jt-«-e. genitive mosoulioe and neuter
kn~ego, frminine ko-rya, &c. The same principle is Tallowed
in Otii High German, only the cases do not occur in which
the cooibLnatioD of the interrogative base and old relative base
would bo most perceptible, with the exception of the iustru-
mentnl kuhi (=Atvtu), German wic, the simple form of which
would be hutt {hvm). It is a question, however, whetlier huiu
bo really on instrumcntul, and not from tho Gothic kvaha,
** how " (p. 555. G. ed.). The feminine, if it were used, would
be, in tlie singular nominative, huiu, and, in the plural, fniio
(Grimm, 796.). The maficulino eingular forms hu'^, hues,
Jtvemu, huen (^or buenan) ; and the case is the same here with
refjnrd to the more concealed appended pronoun, as above
with tier. <ii-g, di-mu, den (§. 36€.). The Old Saxon, on the other
.hand, clearly displays in the maaculino nominative singular
huie, the old relative base, just as in the demonstrative thie,
which lalter forms the tniestcoiintertypeof the Sansltyit base
iV t^a (§.3!>3.) The Middle Metherliuidish shews ([uite phunly,
in the whole masculine singular of tlic interrogative, the ajv
pcnded relative tj ya, the semivowel being corrupted to i and
theater; butthegutturalof the interro^tive base has disap-
peared, and only the euphonic affix U' has remained; tbiUi
u»-ie. ip-tf s, wim, tr-ien. With respect to the latter portion
of the word compare the Sanskrit yas, yoiyu. yaatrwU, yam ;
the Lithuanian vis. m, yam. yiii ; and ttie Gotliic yit, vim,
ynmfaa. mna, contained in hvoT-yhi (p. 55). G. ed.) The Old
High German yen^ is ulao to be viewed in the same li^ht, the
bote of the old relative bciu;;; added, that is to say, to the Gothic
ba«e ycina; and what has been said above [G. Ed. p.563.]
(p. 504) of di'sir applies to tlic long i. Perhaps, too, the ^ of
the locative adverb ion^r, "anywhere" (p. 636), which has
been before mentioned, is to be viewed in the same light, as
from tuna-ir. The feminine of ^en^ is t^u, with (suppressed
548
PRONOUNS,
(compare §. 2Sd. Rem. 5. p. 3S3. G. td.) ; on tbu otln^r luind. io
tbi: Middle High (icrninn ymht, and, according to Notltcr. enm,
and in tbe masculine, en^r. U tb«se forma, iu wlileh the initial
y is watitiiig, are, not alibreviated fi-om j/piH*r. i/emu. but genu-
ine, tlten tliey would belong to tlie Snnskrit ana, "this," and
Litliuanian ana-t, Sclavonic (m, "thai" (comp. Graff, 1.598).
389. We turn to the scoond intcrri^atiTC ba« men-
tioned ill §. 386., viz. ^ jht, from which spring- odIv the ad-
verb* WT in-Zm. "where?" and vinf^ku'tas, "whence?"
perliaps, also, y two, " where ?" if it is to be distributt'd
into ftu-a, not into k'-ita; further in tlie Zend Al(3^J kvtka,
" how ? " which would lead us to expect a ^nskrit y^
kviftAi for nliicl), however, V^ hatham is used ; for ^
ku ia prefixed ia a deterioratini;, dcriaive senae, as iu
^lTg*t((ori». "having an ngly body." properly "having a
what sort of boiiy.!*''.i title of Kuvera. In Ztnd this itu
occurs aa a prefix to vcrbf, where it gives ndditional empb»sis
to the ne^tive expressed by i^^i mUt, a.nd signifies "any
one whatever." Thus wc read in the beginning of the Vendidad,
n6U kiulal xAiUm* y^idhi si mitt axhn dauthytinin, &c„ " not
[(J. Ell, p. «M.] any one could have created them if I hiid not
created tliem." Under this class might be brought the I-atin
geoitivo eu-jua and the dative ni-i, wliicii belong to the fourth
dcclensioQ. as the obsolete forms fjuyua, quiti, from the boso
Qf'O^ KO, M hi, do to the second. It is not re'imaitc,
therefore, to consider the cbissiced forms cujtu and cui as
corruptions of tjuo-jua, i/uo-i ; for as tlie base cu, as is apparent
from the Sanakrit and Zend, is in its origin equally old with
• Thia^>i)ean to mo so sbbrcrtauim otiidvaitlm, and prcsuppcwee a
Swuirit ithaeat tofftthtr n-ith Uticat (from /la', }. Ml.)- 'I'lio ■"ilinl 6
bat bMia (Iro{)i>ed, but hna left ila influence on tiw BibiUnt following:
hease iditim tor ihiUtdn (.V • Hi' K), not kiUt'm. Rcmnrk the Zend
)jU)I^ 'h'tu, mi-nlloaeit ti«f.<r<>, m f ompmnl with iltr Satwliril atdu, nnlOM
ilie ronjectttTe raentlmttl $.U. ia wdl gmumlcO.
4
PHONOUNS.
549
QVO, from it may have propeedcd eiijus, cut, cvjas, or cujatii,
which may have existed together with guojas, ijuoi, »^wy(u, as
quid, from the base QVf, together with tf»od from QVO.
Consideriiif;, however, that, in Sauskrit, the whole interroga-
tive declension, with llie exception only of khn, comes from
the base ku—on which tJie Latin QUO is based— just as in
LtUiunnian it alt comes from Kj4, and in Gothic from HVAf
and thnt the rnrely-oct-uri^ng base ht has, in the Kiiro|>ean
fognMc Jangtiog^'s in particular, left us no traces whitb can
bo relied upon; — under ^csc considerations 1 now prefer,
contrary to my former opinion,* deriving cit/'us, cut, from
qunjaa. t/uoi ; so ihiit, after rejecting the o. the aemi-vowel
preceding has been changed into a %'owel. as, in Sanskrit, n
frequently appears as the abbreviation of the syllable i;o. as
ukin spoken for I'niin. and even in the Latin ctttiu [conftitio)
from quath. Qit, however. = Ac, whether the v in tliis place
be pronoanced like the English v or German w — and the
Latiit like the Gotltic ($. 86. 1,) loves tlie euphonic addition of
a 1} after gutttirnis; hence the forms Ql' O nm\ III A, in tlie
interrogative, correspond in their dlSerence from llie Sanskrit,
Zend, and Lithuanian Kji. and tlius aifVa, and the Gothic
nhva, "river," shew an agreement when [Q. Ed. p. 56ft-]
contraated with the Sanskrit *ni ap, "water," with tho
common intcrcliangc Lictwccn gutturals and labials. We
must observe, also, the relation of an^ /''is to the Siuiskrit
wfp^ uAi-«, "anakc," and Greek ejfUf. If. then, aa I doubt
not, ctijiiM, ciijnt, cui. spring from qttujtis. iptnjas, t/uoi, as cum,
•• since," from fpium. cur, from i/tinTe, then we must also derive
vter, uti, id, uhi, and unde, from lost forms like qtioler, &e., and
the latter would correspond tolerably well with the Gothic
hviithar {% Sd^.)- I' iscertain tliat u/er, and the other inter-
rogative; and relative expressions commencing with u, have
lost a preceding guttural, as nmo lias, compared with tKimilfx
Lki'nniiyAmi, " I love," and riosLo, nanwr. from (jiuisca, r/naxcm:
Tiie more perfect cu'-i. canilf. is still preserved in the eom-
• loflaence at PnjnouQs oa the Fomutliou of ^vnla, p. 3.
550
PRONOUNS.
pounds o/i-cu&i, af(-ctfiu/ff;* as Uie root of the verb substan-
tive is retained more truly lu the compound particij>lea ab-tenM
aaApro'ieng, than in the simple ens, ausirering to tlw Sanskrit
sat, nominative san, aL-cusntivc aantam. Under tbis liead aro
to be classed, also, unyuom, usr/uam, uspiam, utquc: the in-
terrogative meaning, however, is removed by tbcir lost cle-
ment, just as in (julsfjunm, f/uhpium, and i/uiBijue, In abbre-
viating ca (from QVO) to u all tlieae forms agree, in some
measure, witli our German irpr, "who?" in which only the
element which has been added for the snlce of eupliony,
according to §. 86. 1., has remained of the consonants nhich
bvlongi^d urigintilly to the base. It might, indeed, be as-
serted, tlmt the u of ulrr, and other interrog-atii'c expres-
sions bediming with u, has nothing in common with the
euphonic v of the base QVO. but that it is the original a of
[G. Kd. p. £6G.] "mhi weakened, and thnt thus vter is a
corruption of WV« kottirm, by simply dropping the k and
changinf^ the o to u. To this it may be objected that it la
Latin, does, indeed, often enough correspond to an Indian o.
but still principally only Ijcforc liquids and before a final a:
the w fi of WfnM kittnTn-», however, it might be expected,
would, under the mo8t favourable eircuuiatances. remaiu
uncluinged. or. more probably, be altered to o, as in xorepov,
or to e or i.
390. The third interrogative base fv ki is more fertile
of derivatives than m ka, both in Sanskrit and in the cf^-
natc languages. From it comes the word /Jm, "wbat'V
(as nominative and accmsative} which lias been frvqueutly
mentioned, which is so far isolated iu Grammar, as othex^
wise substantive and adjective neuters in a alone make m
the ngn of ilie nominative and accusati%-c singuhu* (J^. Ibi.'),
* I do uot tltiiik thai iImr wonla cnti be dutribDlcd llinB, alicubi, alw-
-mtJCfOaA ttiat wecAii amuiiic acompaunJ vf ALIQl'I, witli ttbi, uiu/r/
bat aa fili, as tbe abbr«v>ation <A ALtO,\ti tho fint moiiib«f of tlie «»ID-
pODDd aliiiuiK BO it is nlao thnt of aii-eubi and aU-euaJt.
PBONOUNS.
551
and bases in i use the sitnplc theme. We should have
looked, therefore, for 6i. or, according to the pronominal
declension, f^rif^ kit, before sonant letters fw. tid. Of the
prior existence of this form tliere ciui be scarce any doubt,
(ifter what has been before said of the neuter jn^ it and
fnr chit: it is, however, confirmed by the Latin quid and
the Lithuanian kiUur, " elsewhere,'' which I regard aa a
compound, and distribute thus kit-tur, with regard to which
the tzii-tax before cited (^, 35'.), may be agmn brought to
notice, which, with reference to its lost portion, is identical
with that of kit'iur, of whicli mention has been before
made aa locatiTe adverb. That, in Sanskrit also, there
existed a masculine nominative ftrT(_ kis, as prototype to
the Latin ifttit, perhaps witlt a more full declension, is proved
by tlte com|tounds irrfwn m&hta and ^rf^nr nafds, which
occur, perhaps, only in the Vcdas, and the former of which
probably signifies the same as tlie corresponding ■nhfuia
(from m^(/ut5, §.37 l.)f and Zend mtJc/iit,* [O. Ed. p. 007.]
while the latter agrees in meaning with the Zend MH^yn^j
nahhis, " not any one," ■' no one." GrammariaQS, however,
include both cxprcaaious among the indoclinablos, and write
them inftf^ mdliir. ?rf^ nnJKr, which Colcbrookc renders,
together with Wlftiw mi'tkim and «ir«N ntitcrm, by " uo,"
"except."! without signifying tluii ihey are masculine
nominatives, which might be very easily understood without
the aid of the Zend.
S91. Other derivatives ^m tlie interrogative base f%
• OrsiD. Crit. p. 328.
tS(u»krii(!rtiniiiiar,|». 121. On sccount oftlie mnlTiitl tntnidtinns of
final ( anO r, and tlie uniformity of the [>kon«(ic Inw-i lo wbich tli>:iy trt
subject Bfl«r vuvuh other tltui s, it, II might rcnuin uiiikwidixl in ttia
cxpre^ioiu iovun nbriTe, wketlivr * or r in the i>rij;!iinl 6tial letter. An,
however, l>y n rtibrcncc to m6kim ttoA nakun, ihcy arc eliRwn to be miu-
B coline Doniiimiivi-M, it is iiinitrr of Asionieluncnt liut mdkir and nakir
H conid ever be tnktn for tlic oriefinol forma.
552
PRONOUNS.
ki are Wrfrm," "similar to whom?" nncJ nnnlogous forms,
of which more hereafter, and ftinriT /cijfat, "how rtinch?"'
in the stroni; cnacs (§. 139.) f^HFT iii/ant.hcncc iinminative
masculiue kiijUn. accusative kiynnlam. As k easily |>asses
into h. aiii), in Orrmanie. the old tenuca are almost alwnys
clumged into aspirates, and e.g., h to h ; and as ^ Arid ard
hrldaya, " Iwart," correspoDd to the Latin cor and Greek
KTjp and KapBtec; ao, perhaps, also f,i. "for." niiiy be re-
garded as the weakened form of fw At, with the transition
oF the iDterrogntive signification into the demonstrati^-e.
which is easily intelligible, and which occurs also in tho
Greek yap. which, with regard to ita formation, appears
analogous to tlie Gotliic hvar, ihar. and Sans, kar-hi. As to
the change of the tenuis to the medial, it cannot be more a.
matt^-T of difficulty than in it and S(7va (§§. 350. 376.). Wo
may here mcutioD, as derivatives from the interrogative, tlic
particles tc< (Doric xa). tn; ft (Doric yei). Tlie Sniisknt hi,
[O, Ed. p. 5oa] however, occurs in |re hyas, " yesterday,"
vhich 1 tliiiik niny be distributed into hi + ns. and considered
as " that day ;" for words which signify ** yesterday." " to-day,*'
•' to-morrow," (as far as the elements, concealed in them, and
often so altered as to he quite undistingnit^hnble. admit of
any deri^-ation at all,) can be trsieed only to pronouns
and terms denoting " day." "Die as. thprefore, of fiy-aa,
may he a weak remnant of divas, "day," as in oor er of
krurr — Middle High German ftiurc, from hiv-}/<\ni — tlterc is
concealed the word Jahr, " year," which is in Zend P^m/^
ydre, a remnant of which is to be found, also, in t]ie Latin
honius, with nu, no. as derivative. In the Greek x^^-. the 6
apjjpars to have urieen by a kind of semi-assimilation from
the older scmi-vowp] (compare ^ 300. p. 4 1 1 G. cH.), by which
its etymology is still more obscured. In the Latin her!, from
beti (compare hn-ttrnui, Sanskrit ht/og-lana-i). a demonstra-
tive clement ts more perceptible tliau iu ^Wt, from the par-
tial retention of Aic The g of the German j/nfrrn. "yes-
PBUNUUNS.
553
terd&y," Gothic gistrn,* is a consequence of tlic regular
transition of old aspirates into medials. but otherwise the
git, to which the im is afBxcd iis mark of derivation,
resembles the S.inslc;-it ^nr hyns tolerably well.
392, From gestern we proceed to morgen ; but we must
first settle the derivntion of a word, which, in Snnskrit, sig-
nifies "nil," "every," and in which I recognise an affinity
to "V^^m^wt. "to-morrow"; I mean ft^ mij.n, which, in
Zend, according to §.50., becomes M-^nflf vnpu. and in
Littiuaninn is changed by assimilation into wUsn-s, whence
trtsstir, " everj-where," analogous to the abuvcmeutionL>d
kittur, " elsewhere." The first portion of tlie Sanskrit
^Vvvfwth I believe to be the preposition [O- £d. p. &I18.]
Ph which expresses " sepamtiou," "dissipation," "dilTusiQU,"
and. with tlie aid of a proiiouni may be well adapted to ex-
press the idea "all." There remaim -^ iwa. as a pronoun,
in which it may be obser\'ed, that s i is of guttural origin,
and represented, in Uie cla«8ical languages, by A, c (§.«].);
BO that iQ swa appears to be related to the interrogative hose,
with a eupbouic v, as in the Gotluo JOA, and Latin
QfO. Observe furUier, that, in LitJioaniau, ka-a, com-
bined with the appended particle gi, which is probably u
softened ij, signifies both " who then ?" and " every."
And without gl. kas diin, means "all days," and Jifa-
iukay, with the interrogative appended, signifies tlie
Wune. But to return to the Sanskp* 1^ vi-iwa, " ati," 1
teke its latter portion to explain 'VT{^ Ktvas, " to-morrow,"
with which the Latin ctoji is connected [§. 20.) We should,
however, probably distribute thus, s-vna, so that tlio
pronominal base is represented only by its consonant,
as in the Sclavonic k-lo, '•guit?" (J. 297.). The syllable
^ vat, however, we refer to ^V[^ ditaa, an appellation
• <3Mra<(Ayiroccar3 Matt.vL30. intheBMise of "motron."
O 0
S94
PaON'OVN'S.
of "day," which would therefore bo less altered by one
letter than in ?ni hy-aa, " yegterday." and which agrees
with the Latin vet in vea-pfr (§. 31 tt.).
393. Wc return to the interrogative base ft[ kU which has
led us to its corruption ff hi, and thence to the derivation
of tn^ Ay-OS, " yesterday," and ig^ iwat, " morrow," In
Zend I have hitherto found the base j* ki, unchanged only
in the neuter plural nominative, ua^ ky-a (from it-a)
(§. 233.) ; with which may be comjiared the Latin qvi-a, which
Max. Schmidt (De Pron. p. 34). perhaps rightly, lias taken as
the plural neuter. The Sanskrit and Zend, therefore,
mutually complete tlic declension of tlie interrogative, ao
[G- Ed. p. 670.1 that the former admits the base ki only
in the nominative and accusative singular ; the latter in the
plural ; while in Latin the correspondiug Qf'l enters more
largely into t>ie declension; so tliat ijutM and ifuem have
quite dislodged the (ptui and t/uum, which might have
been expected from the base QVO, op, in the case of the
latter word, have restricted it to its use as a conjunction.
And in the dative plural, tju'Aus has abolished the use of
quia, qwi», which spring from QVO. In the ablative
singular, however, qui. from Qt'f. has been superseded by
tjiiS, from QVO, or its use has been much diminished by
it; just AS. in the plural, the obsolete yu« is supplied by
<7ui and tfuas. I have elsewhere noticed, that four declen-
sions (the first in the feminine), enter into the declension
of the Latin relative interrogative and hi-c, which is
identical with it in origin.' The use of the fourth is,
however, only apparent, as cu-i above has been sliewu to
be a contraction of i/uoi, wliieh belongs to Uie second
declension, and, with respect to the more true retention of
i
* Influciico of Pronouns on t)>e Ponnation of Worik. i>p. 3, 4. Max.
Schmidt (Dc Proa Gr. ct Lkt. p. 33) Imi diicuMcd tliis mjhjecl alinwit
siiDultAnraiitly with mywlf, and vwwing hfai the unelij^ht.
P BO NOUN 9.
dffS
tbe case-k^rioinfttion, agrees with other obsolete forois, aa
poptJoi Rumanoi ((. 300.).
394. Thnt hie is identical id origin with qmw, qui. is
shevrn by its simring in the peculiar Itic-S nnd mixed
declension of iIr- latter, — peculiarities wliich belong exclu-
sively to hi-c and </ui, guit, viz. the feminine kte^, and the
pluml neuter oftlic surnu sound. The reaaou of the non-
existence of fiu-<, togctlicr witli ihc form given above, as
migbt have been expected from the analogy of alifpia, aif/ua,
&.C., is, that h<ec does not occur at tlia end of compounds ;
for it seems not to admit of any doubt tliat qua is reduced
[G.£4. p. 6710 to ^aa, on account of the increased weight
of the compound, whicli lias occnaioned the lightening of its
hitter part Though $i qai»$ tie quia, may be written seim-
rately, and a word may sometimes be interposed between
them; still, where they occur together, they really belung
to one another, and form » compound, like Uie correspond-
ing mftre tmU-h. ■Hf^ na/ris. in Sansiirit, anti, in Zend,
^UJ^iiAu^ mAdiia. MiJifiaMt uaic/iit. Contrary to the con-
jecture cxjhresacd at §. 3^7., I now prefer regarding the
ncutur-plurul forms qutt and h^e-c, not as remains of a
dual, and thus corresponding to the Sanskrit ii l-i. but as
exhibiting in their te a weakening of the older d, whieU
originally belongs to the nominative nnd aceusative plural of
the neuter of bases in <5 (fromo); but which in Zend, oc-
eordiug to (. 2^1., is retained only in monosyllabic themes,
just ns. in the noaunatJve singular feminine, ila being mono-
syllabic is the cause of the retctitiun of the original length
of a {%. 137.). This principle is observed in Gothic in
both places ; thus .«J (from iwl). " heev," imi. " t/ure ?" mid. in the
neuter plural, in which the interrogative cannot be cited,
thd. This thd. then, being the only monosyllabic form of
its kind, and remarkable for its d ( = d), for d, aa lias btv.n
noticed by CJrimm (1.790.), coincides with the Latin ijti'p
and hfpi; whicli, both in tlie singular nominative femiuine
o o 2
i
S69 PRONODK?.
and neuter plural, are the only monosTtlabic forms of
their kind; and as, for tJils reason, they are qiiaUBcd to
retain the long a, that letter is not entirely shortened.
but changed to j'(=a+r), and afterwards, in compounds,
reduced to short a. which is more suitable to jiolysyUabic
forms: thus we have aliqua, both iu the feminine and in
the neuter plural.
[G. Ed.p.OT2.] 393. Bi-c reBemhles the Sanskrit ftr fii
before mentioned in the irregular cbauf;e of tlie old tenuis
tn the aspirate. This change, however, is not admitted in
ci'i and ci-tra, whieh arc likewise demonstrative, and akin to
fMki; and, lU hie, may Ik: promoted or ocuiaionetl by the
accession of c, in order ttiat like initial aud final sounds may
be avoided; aa in Sanskrit, to prevent the recurrence of
gutturals, these, in tlie syllahle of reduplication, are weak-
ened to palatals; hence <»irT^ chnf;iira, " he made," for ka-
tdra; and, according to the same priuciple, though ano>
tnalous, irf^ jalii. " kill yo," for hahi, from the root ^7 Uatu
Thus also, iu Latin, hie, h<Bc, hoc, for the leas euphonious cic,
dec, cac. The final c is, I doubt not, an abbrcviaiion of
er, which is again oombiued with iuelf in hitx*; but cp, as
also jtf in quip-fi€ (from titiitt'pf)^ is only anotlicr form of
que. by abandoning the euphonic affix V. As. then, </up, pf.
qiuim and piam, which are all originally interrogative, when
they are attached to aq interrogutive destroy its inter-
rogative meauing, and give a different sense to the pronoun ;
so also the c of hie nmkes a similar change in it. and
should Uiereforc accompany this pronoun tlirough all its
cases, as it perhaps originally did. In the neuter hoc tlie
case-sign makes way for the e, as hodc would be pro-
* Ci-Zro M aiudogous witli nl'tr^ from Hit, olle, ntpprmiiiK le, and ei-i
wtlh iii-*, iho ( «f which may be connected with the tireck Iwatire suSiac
A (ir>t-4(, &c.), to which il bean thv mn* rrlntinn thni Mt doe» to Ad-A.
IWnwrk. tluu Hiial > a supproMd in LatioahnoBi. univenallf .
PRONOUNS.
5S7
nouncedwith diScutty, Tlteintorrogativc meauing is suni-
Ltrly ilestroyed by tlie enclitic uA in Gothic, wliicU ia ulsa
idenlic&l id its origin with the c of Aic or the que ot quis-
que.* Aad hvaxuh (euphonic for kvasuft. [G. Ed. p. fi73.J
$. S6. &.) actually aiguifics " ijuist/ue"; nud after verba uh
lucaius "and," p.p. rjotjijUh i/uUhiduh, " ite diciteqtie " (Marc.
xvL 7.) ; yah bigHan ina quithunuK, *' ei invenerunt earn dixt^
rtadgue (Joh. vi. 25.). In yaft» " and." therefore (§.395.), the
copulative force may lie iirincipally in the uh, which isabbris
viated to A, aad to which the prcccdiug relative base serves
only as tho fulcrum ; ae^ in Sanskrit, the particle ^ vA,
" or" (cf. Latin re}, which ought always to be subjoined, is at-
tached, when prefixed, toirfilyat/i, "if," or ^re of Aa, " then,"
which then lose their signification, like the Latin «i in jtilip. As
to tlie abbreviation, however, of u/i to k, this regularly occurs
in monosyllabic words terminating in a vowel; hence fivd-h.
•' (lUtfque" Is the formal countrrtypr of /irP<, just as nva-h.
" ao," from ri-c and ni-h (" and not," niA-nih, " ueither, nor "),
from nee. A'okA, " yet," and ihnuh, " but," form an exception,
iuasmuch as they ought to be divided nu-uA, tha-tih, not nau-h,
thau-h. It is clear, however, that, in Gothic, in these ex-
pressions the composition with uh has been lost sight of:
they are obscurely tnuiamitted from an ancient period of the
language, and the se[K"irate elements of compusitiou are im
longer perceived in them. But regarded from the Gothic
point of view, how is uA to be derived ? I agree with Griuim.
iti cousidering it as Aw transposed, and connected with hun,
which is likevviae enclitic (III. 3U.), and occurs alaiost ouly in
negative sentences ; so that ni aituhun and ni kva:skun siguity
"not any one whatever." Jlun, like the Latin fjMim, miiy be
nnaceusative, but of the masculine gender, [G. Eil. p. 6'*.]
as feminiiies in Gothic have generally lost the accusative
* ContparcOrmiin til. 33.^ where ttA'fuv^ Ui« Lalin^Hcr (=m) an for
rflnt tune Bhcvni lu bo Idenilcal.
558 PBONOUNS.
sism. Bat if hun be the accusative masculine it hns lost
the filial a, wliU-ti is added iii Gotliic to the original final
□asal (§. 149.): in this respert it agrees with tlie adverbial
pronomiual acciistitives than, " then," &c.. and fivan. " when ?"
■' how ?" Perhaps, however, hun is only a contraction of the
latter, by suppressing the a, and changing the v into a vowel^
just like the Latin cujtm, ctii, from qVojua, qVoi (§■ 389.}, and
like cum from i/rwrn. But in the Gothic there waa greater
ground for tliis abbreviation, as hun occurs only in compo-
sition, and must not therefore be too broad. Tiie same
applies to uh aa the transposition ot h», inasmuch as this is
actually a contraction of the base IDA. The possibility,
however, of a different derivation of uh and hun will be
shewn subsequently (5. 398,)
396. To the Sanskrit-Zend interrogative base ti, and
the Latin QVT, HI, and CI. the Gothic demonstrative
base /// corresponds; of this, hon-ever. as of the Latin
CI, from which it is only distinguished by the legitimate
transposition of sounds, but few derivatives remain, viz.
Ihc dative liimma. and tlic accusative hina, as also the ad-
verbial neuter accusative hita, which are used only with
reference to Ume ; himma and hita iu the sense of "now."
and himmnititga, " on this day." " to-day," hinadag, " this day."
The adverb hi-drf, "hiUier," is also a dcrivntiTe from /f/;
BiHi hff. "here," is likewise irregularly connected witli it,
being, with respect to its r, analogous to the fArrrand hvar
mcntiottcd at J. 381, A rcguhtr and undoubted derivative
of tlic base JJl, viz. Arr, occurs in the compound hh-mn, " to
descend"; in which, however. Ilie prouominal expression lias
an accusative meaning, signifying direction to a place.
[O.Ri.f.67&.2 On the Gothic accusative hina is based
the German hin, properly " to this or that (plact-)," which sup-
plies tlie place of a preposition in compounds like hin-
i/rhrrt, " atliri:" Instcud of the Gothic dative in himmit-
daga, the Old High Gerainn U6cs the inatrumeotal Aim.
PRO NOONS.
959
contained in hiuta. Ovrman hevle, " to-day " — according; to
Grimm's very sntigfactory derivntion, an abbreviated form
of hitttagu — axiil wUidi is Foutid also in the Middle HigJi
German Aiure, iifrroan /tcuer, "this year," wliicli presuppgses
an Old -High German hiuru, and is evidently an abbrevia-
tion of Atu-^ilru; for the Latin homut cannot be considered
as the root, but must itseir be compounded of a demon-
strative and an ai>pcIlation of "year,* the age of whidi is
shewn by the Zend {compare 5- 3yi.). In Old llish Ger-
man, in combination with naht, " night," wo find the form
hlnaht, Middle High German lifnaftt.aad h(nte, German Arun^
for Amu/. I agree with Grimm iu considering hi as nn ab-
breviutinn at hia, which must be 3up])o»ed to exist as the
accusative feminine; so that tlie suppression of the a ia
compensated by lengthening the i, v^liich is short of itself.
The base ///, therefore, is lou^^tened in tlie feminine in
the same manner us. in Gothic, tlie base * (§. 363.), the femi-
nine accusative of which, iya (euphonic for ia), coincides
with tfae to-be-presupposed Old High German hia, the uomins-
tive of which was probably hiu, in analogy witli tiu, accu-
sative tia ({. 3M.). Tim opinion ia supported by Uic
Auglo-Suxon and Old Frisian, which express " he," by
this pronoun, but, in the feminine, lengthen the base hi by
the inorganic aSix mentioned; thus, OIJ Frisiiin. hiu. "ra."
hia, "earn""; and for the former, in Anglo-Saxon. Aeu. and
io the accusative hi, nbbreviutcd from hia. As, then, as
appears from nhnt has been said, the base HI refers prin-
cipally to appellations of time, it may be observed that the
Sanskrit had already furnished the cxam]>lc for this by its
Vlt %as, " yesterday." from hi+m.
397. The Latin tii-hii ia to be mentioned [G. EiV p.*7fl.]
here, the t of which springs perhaps from the freciuent cor^
niption of (/ toloT T,n. wenkening which takes plat« especially
in compounds, to prevent the whole word from becoming too
ponderous. In this respect we may adduce the instance of
560
PKONOUKS.
tlic nnniber tcu (flR liotan, ^ina), tlic d of which brcomos r
in Hiiidustaui mid Bengali, in the compounil numernU eleven,
twelve, &a (p. 449), nnd I in Germanic nnd Lithunnion. IF,
then, nt'^i/ U A carruptioD otmhiJ, it tlum literally means
"Dot something"; nnd may thus be cfunporcd with Hic
Zend Mtij^nxtf naichh, " none." " not any one," mentioned
at §. 390., the neuter of which, which I am unable to dte,
cnn scnree be any thing but i»j^Mkij nafchiL From nihil,
n» in its change to I tho infleauon is no longer ]>erceived
to be tbc case-sign, might easily come tlie lengthened form
nihtiam, and hUnm, after removing the uegatiou, and length-
ening the vowel. Tlie Sinisknt intensitive particle fti^
tUn must also be niuntioned, which has also probiibly
proceeded from the pronominal base fit ki. And from
this qnarter must be further adduced fv^n khiht-st " tat-
CHMm" the negative of which, vfii^ ulhihi. signifies "all,"
'"whole." literally. "Imviiig nutliiiig empty"; whence, by
assimilation, may have arisen the German olf. Gothic alls,
theme ALLA, sup))osing it has nut been formed by a reverse
assimilation from ALXA. " alius.'" With regard to tJie Lntin
omnu, the conjecture has been already elsewhere expressed,
that ita o is a particular modification of the negative a, and
ntnis may be an abbrcviatiDn of mhiax ; so that o-mnii would
proj>erly mean " having no mhitts," and would be based on
the B!ime ideal process as the Indian vftr^ akhih.
[G, VA. p.ft77.] 398. The reason tliat the Soiiskrit liTf%^
mAi-iii. Trfww mikif, mentioned at §. 3S0., are, in /end, cor-
rupted to JVi^M^ m/lchh. ^"^j^Ajf na&:lih, may be this, that
efit H lofter and weaker thou Jt, is more suitable in forms
encumbered by coniiKwition. The same cxplaiialion may bo
applied to liic Sanskpt appended panicle chit (for kil.
§. 390.). tlie use of which, in Zend, is more eiteiisive, and
which is there combined, amongst other words, with ai^a^^bju*
kalara, " ultr," whence, io iJie nominative mastuliitc.
wjpjJAj'VuOAjj /iataraichi( (V. S. p. 40.), which, when con-
PRO NOOKS.
561
tnuted with the Latin itlfT«/ue for aUftque, nnd the Gothic
huitoTtth. is c-k'iirly accn to be cognate in form, as in
ttieaning. In Siiuslcrit, also, fVl^ chit removes from thi!
intprrogotive expression preceding it its intprrogntive foree,
^ and forms knschit, "any one," "one," from Wfi ka-t, "who?"
and siinUarly in the other genders ; and so kad&cbtt, * at
any time," kalhtinckU, " in any manner." kioackU, " any
where," from kadA. "when?" kafham, "how?" and jttwi,
"where?" And as the bRse chi has proceeded from ki^
in the same manner the enclitic ^ eha, which signillea
"nml," "but," ami "for," springs from the priocipul base
ka, which therefore appears more corrupted in cho, thna
the Latin QIO in the enclitic tpie. The Sanskrit ^ ^-hit
is further combined with no. and forms ^<t chtina. which
is likewise enclitic, and occurs pri net pally, if not solely, in
negative sentences like the Gothic liun mentioned above:
na ktuchana siguilies " nuUtis,"* na koddchana, " nanrjaam,"
and na k'lthnnchana, " nulla vutdo." Hence tlie appended na
may be regarded both as the negation, and as strengthening
nhat is expressed by the simple phrase. But by this ^tf
chana a derivation may be given to tlic Gothic liun, difR-rent
From that fiiruish«d above (p. 558). It is certain cbat if
the u of hun is not tJie vocalised v of hvos, it can only
h.-ivc proceeded from an older a, whether from the inQueuce
of the liquid {§.56.}, or from the weight [G. Ed. p. 478-]
of the vowel of tlic appended particle being lesBPiied on
QccouDt of the composition. But if hun be identical with
chnna from kana, I should also prefer regarding tlic u of the
t appended particle uh (p. tbl), not as ttic solution of an older v,
but as the weakened form of a prior a ; and thus uh from ku
might be eompiired with die Sanskrit cka from hi.
399. As expresaioDS, which occur chieOy in negative sen-
tences, readily adopt, as it were, a negative nature, so that,e\-en
when the true element of negation is omitted, they obtain an
independent negative force, ase.y. the French riea by itself
562
PRONOUNS.
signifie* " nothing." and the Old High German nih-ein. "uul.
lus," hae. in tlieGeruitui /-i«iii, tost prt'cisely that whicli is tlie ele-
ment of negation ; so we may suppose that, in the Old Northern
expreasiona, before the enclitic ki or gi (Grimm III. 33.)>
n piirticlc of negation originally exisbrd. lu the present state of
the IsDguftge. however, the said particle is of itacIT negative;
e. p. eingi^ " nallus," einakls, " nutliua," mangi, " nemo," manskh.
"nftninis," vaetki, "nthiL" I consider this partit-lo to be a
derivative of the old and wide1y-di (Fused interrogative base
Ai, which, by ita bciiig always subjoined to some other word,
lias been protected from the usual alteration of sound ; so that,
in the senae of §. 99.> the old tenuis has been left unchanged
after s, but tJie medial liaii been intruduecd after vowela
and r.
400. With regard to what has been observed of the Old
Sulavooie, §. 3B8., tliat its interrogative base ko occurs only in
combination with the clc6nite and originally relative pronoun,
it must, howcrer, be understood that A'O, after the o is dropped,
19 combined also with the demonstrative liasf TO. since klo
[O. Ed. p. 579] signifies " qui»" though to by itself is only
neuter; And in the masculine nominative and aceusati%'e, as
in all bases in o, this vowel ia suppressed. In the oblique
cases* kii) abaudonii the demonstrative element, and appears
as the simple base KO. Compare the genitive ko-go and
dative lcv~mii with the Sanskrit hi'tija ($. 269.). ka-smAi. Tlie
instrumental kym follows the declension of the definite adjec-
tive (§. S8i.}, and is. therefore, not simple. The neuter is
attached to the Sanskrit- Zend softened interrogative base c/d.
And is, in the nominative, ckh, with tlie vowel of the base
suppressed, as in the mn-tculinc Ho. The oblique coses like-
wise drop llie demonstrative element: the geuitivu is che-yo
* Whli ttic rxw|>Tion of die nccowtirc, vrliid) t« tlie eamv as iko nomi-
native. This pronoon doM not sppcnr to \>c mmA in ihv plural, nnd thu
reininiiw, also, b wanting. Ccritipaie Kciiilar'a UlHgDliiA, p. SO.
PRONOUNS.
S63
and c/i?-«o,* dative che-tnQ. locative che-m, instrumentnl
chi-m. These forms muy be explained in two ways : either
the f of che~go, &r., is a corruption of the i of tho Sanskrit-
Zend base chi. as the bases rjmti and koaii (§.390.) form, in
the dative and locativr plural, guslc-m, <;otfc~ch, k-odt-m
ko*te-ck i or the original base eld has assumed, iu Sclavonic, a
second inorganic affix, and been lengthened to ClIYO(iX)m-
pare §. 259.), from which, according to §.255. n., mast be
formed c/iye or cite, and then, by rejecting the final vowel,
cAj, as, |. S82., we have aecii the base vo in several cases
contracted to i. Compare, also, $. 8B0., the declension of the
bases KNYAZJO and MOJifO.
40 1 . Tlicrc remains to be mentioned the Greek interroga-
tive Ti'f, Ti'utK'. and the indefinite nV, rivof. [Ci. Ed. p. 680]
The origin of both is. I have no doubt, similar, and they are
derived from the bases H and ehi, which, in Sanskrit and
Zend, have not only an iuterrc^tivc signification, but, under
certain circumstances, ao indefinite one also. In Greek the
old ^eine in i has been lengthened by tlie ailix of a f ; but, in
regard tu ita t, TIN has the same relation to chi and to the
Latin Qri that ritrrafiti has to 'WT'rfl chahvUras and qtta-
iuvr, and that irhTE has to ^^ pancha and ^ujuQKjE. Still
I am not of opinion that the Greek t in these forms has
arisen from the ch of the coj*natc Asiatic languages, but that
it has sprung directly from the orginal k, from whidi. at tho
time of the unity of langun<^. ch had not as yet been de-
veloped, as this letter has, in the classical languages also, no
existence, but was first formed in Italian from the Latin c
(always^/-) before e and i. But if k has been fretjuently
changed into the labial tenuis, and thus IIO has been formed
* This G>riu. which foriuAtly c6CA|jed me, la iuiporlaiit, ns testifying
tiut lhc>^ of ili4i conitTion pronominal termiiiatiiin i/o has apriinf^ from ttio
s, Jiii<l not from the Mmi-vowel of ihe Suukfit tcrniitnuion gjfa (sec
561
PRONOUKS,
from KO.ncfive from the to-bo-prc-supposcd Treyxe. we may
also see no difficulty iii its occa&ioual trsasition iuto the
Ungual tenuis, particularly as ' is tlie primary element of
the Indian ch. But if tiV comes from Jt/f, and is akin to the
Latin i/uix and Sauskrit ^i~s and chi't, then ))erliaps, also, tlie
particEc Te is conuected with que and the eorrespoiiding ^
cha (§.398.). and has therefore sprung from «, and is alien
to the baa* of the article, which would be at variaace with
my former conjecture.*
41)2. Here may be mentioned, also, the Old Sclavonic en-
clitic partivie she (xe), which signifies "hu I," and has Uic
effect of rcBtoriiig to the pronoun », "he," its original rela^
live signification (§. 282.)' for i-she signifies "which." On
^G. Bd, P.6CI.3 the other hand, when combiued with intcr-
rogatives, it removes, like the Latin tyuf, their interrogative
meaning; hence, ni chexmhe, "nihil," "' not of auy tiiii)g,"f
I consider this particle us identical with the Sanskrit ^ cha,
" iind," " hut," " for," and witli the Latin tjtie, and therefore as
a derivative from the interrogative base, tho tenuis of which
appears in tliis particle, as in the Greek ^e and yup (§. 39 1.). to
have descended to a medial. G in Sclavonic before e, however.
is regularly changed, in several parts of grammar, into sA; asin
the vocative singular, where, in bases in o, this vowf>l is weak-
ened, as in Greek, to « (e) ; but by the inHupnce of this e the
g preceding becomes sk, hence, l/oske, " God I*' from the base
BOGO, iiominntive Aoi;, whence, also, boshii, "godlike." I
inteutionatly select this word us an example, since it is im-
portant to me to be able to compare it with an Indian appel-
lation of the highest divinities: I think, that is tu say, that
the Sclavonic baeo BOGO is idpniieal with the Sanskrit
wn^ l/fiat/avaU " the exalted, the worthy of veneration,"
* IdSmiicc of ProDouiu «b ibc Famutlioa of Warda, p. 0.
t Ko(ii(ar* Q[i«ary, p £0. Kcguxling cAno, sei'sbure, p.i)63.
I'BONODNS,
r>r,5
literally " gifted with hnppiness, power, splemlor." This
bhntfavat. nominative bhogavAn, occurs principally as au
njipellation of Vi$hnu> t-ff- in the episodo of Sunda and
UpasniKla (III. 23.). and in the title of an episode of tlic
Mahabh&rnta, Khmjnvnd-GitA. ie. "Song of tho exaltod,"
because it refers to Krishna, on incarnation of Vishiiu,
Reft;rnng to Brahma and Vishnu, bhagavat is only uacd tid-
jectivcly ; thus Sunda and Upmiinda III. 24. and FV. 23. : it
comes from hharja. with the suIEix vuU in the strong case*
vant ; but Mafja comes from tlie root hhnj. " to vtrncrate."
The Sdavonif base DOGO has dropped the derivative suffix
of the Sanskrit hhatjnvnt ; but this appears in an abbrt-viatcd
form, and with an inorganic affix, in boyal [O. Ed. p. S82.1
(theme boffalo), *" rich," wliich, too, might be the meaning of
^T^ bliri/javat, as "gifted with fortune."
403. Tlie same relation that, in an etymological respect,
the Sclavonic sh has to //, ch has to k, and springs from
the latter according to the same rule by which g becomes tA,
vii!. before e ; hence, if hi, "I run," in the second and third
persons forms ieckeski, Uchet, on tlie samo principle by which
motikesfii and mosliet come from rnuy^ " I can." Altliougli,
then, above, at §. 400., we have seen the Sanskrit-Zend inter-
rogative chi in the same form iu Sclavonic, or in that of che
— ehr~go, "of whom?" chim, "by which?" chto, "wliat?" for
ehe-lo or chi-to — it is not requisite to assume that these
forms brought tlie sound ch with them from the East, because
there exists an interrogative chi there also ; but iu the Scla-
vonic and its Asiatic cognate idioms the weakened ch might
have arisen independently from the old guttural, wliich, per-
haps. ntoDc existed at the time of their identity ; and in the
Sclavonic, according to a phonetic law which lias been given,
an interrogative form che would have proceeded from lei or
hja, though in Sanskrit and Zend a base chi never existed.
5G6
PUOKOCNS.
DERIVATIVE PRONOM1NA.L ADJECTIVES.
404. By tlic Bu&ix ha are formed, in Sanskrit, m'lmatrr.
" meus'' and t&vuka, " iuus" from tlie gentti%'es of the iwrsoiial
pronounB. viama, tuva, with tlie vowel of the first syllable
lengthenet]. To tliese the Vvdic plural poesessivea are
(infilngous; nitmflhi, "our." ywyArmU-a, "your," from which we
have seen the plural genitives of the jwrsonal pronouns
[^G. £d. p, £83.] atmAJcam, jfuthmAkam, formed. Perhaps.
OS Rosen conjectured,* these forms spring from the persoonl
ablatives nsmnl, yu^hmat, so that the suppression of tlic i is
made up by lengtlieuing the preceding vowel. It must
here be observed, that, as bus been already repeatedly re-
marked, the i of the nominative and nct^usative singular neuter
of pronouns of the third person, as niso that of the ablative
singular and plural of proiiouus of tlic first and second
persons, is so far used as a theme by the language, that it is
retained at the begloniug of compounds, where ollierwisc
we fioil the mere base (compare §. 337.); and that several
derivative words have proceeded from the form in(, whether
the T sound has been actually retained in them C§- -105.), or
replaced by IcngtheniDg the vowel preceding. On the Vedic
wimAka, " our," is based the Zend ai«xu(»>a) niimAka,
whence V.S. p. 30^ the instrumental mojjm^»u^wm ahmAkAia.
\ am unable to cite the iwssessive of the singular, and of
the second person, as the use of posseegivca in Zend, as
ID Sanskrit, is very rare, because they are generally sup-
plied by ttie genitives of the personal pronouns.
4ti3. In Sansknt, posacssivcs arc formed with the suffix \n
(ya, from the ablative singular and plunil of pronouns of the
first and second person, and from the neuter /«/ of the thinl per-
son; also from S^sarta, "everj*," the a of which is rejected
before the suOix lyn, while ( is changed before it into rf;
I
In the [dace iiDole^l at |>. 473.
I'BONOUNS.
567
bence madiya, " miac," from mai ; t-uxtdiya, " thine," from
tuxit; <unuult't/a, "our," from atmal ; yushmadiyn, "your,"
rrom yu^knud ; tadtija, " belonging to him, to this nifiii, or be-
longing to her, to this woman," from tat.* An analogous for-
mation ifl, I think, to be found in the Greek [G. Ed. p. sOL]
I^ioj, whether it belongs to the demonstrative base (,f and
the td preceding the io$ be identical with the Sanskrit i^ (before
sonant letters id), contained in ifl^ nH, and ^ Ml. and the
LatintWiorwhether— and this conjecture I prefer— the breath-
ing hag been softened, and iSioi for iSto^ belong to the rcBexire
({. 304.) ; with regard to whicli it may be remarked, Uiat the
cognate Sanskrit ^ swa, " his," signifies, also, "own," and
COD he applied to all three persons. There does not. indeed,
exist, in Sanskrit, a pronoun of the third person devoid of
gender, with a jwrfect declension, but only the remains of
one, ^nm swnifam, " self." and, in Prakrit, if se (for swf) "sui "
f§. 34 1.). There is, however, every reiison for supposing that
9 t\m, aa a personal prooominal base, did possess a complete
declension analogous to the pronouns of tlie first and second
person. Its ablative must, therefore, have been ^r?T swal ;
and thcnec might have arisen swadtyn, " autis'' analogous
to madfyot tmidiya, and a cognate form to tSio^ for i^ioE,
from afiSio^', like iSjOc^, from afiSpiof. corresponding to the
Sanskrit ^ switfo, and the German Svhtveisa," sweat"; and
aSCs. Jj^Ci, from <yFaJiJ-5= Sanskj-it HTW swidat. In regard
to farm, the correlatives iroioc, rofOf, oiof, which appear to
have lost a middle S, agree with the posscssives in fv tya:
in other respects, toIoj answers tolerably well to iaditjn-*,
which has not only a possessive, but also a clear demon-
strative meaning.t
t* CoitipftroIIiutDiigOiithc Cues, p. 1 17.
1 TatTit/a occun, aim, in tlit'scns^nf iupriinliive; BuRAghunum, nc-
rdiog to SlenzUr I. 81., ami BrocUiiiunV PiitHlipotn, 61. 2. The |<<»-
Mve signiiication occurs at llagtiuvaiuall.SS.
568
PRONOUNS.
406. TIk Sclavonic possessives are based on the Sanskrit
[O. E:<I. p. &3&.] in iyat but have dropped the /of this suUix,
and the T sound of the primitive pronoun. Act-ording to
§. 2i7. n ya must Lecome ya, and according to §. 255. «.. i/o
becomes w or e : the latter is the form ssstimed ; and in
those cases whieh are uninBectecl, ant) at the same time de-
prived of the final vowel of the hose, the u has become >, aa
always takes place after vowcla; ht-ucc nmi, " uipuk," miwa,
" meu," mae, " merim," corresponding to the Sanskrit mo-
dlj/a-s. madfyd. madtija-m. And in the second person, /poi,
(tiiiya, ivof, bears the same relation to Iwnth'i/fi-s, tuxiditfA,
tiDiidiya-m ; nnd the possessive tliird person, si'oJ, tvnya, wot,
presupposes, like the Greek 1^105 — if this stands for iJtoc
— a Sanskj-it twadlya. It appears that these possessive*
have been trausuiitted to the S(;luvouitt from the ancient
period of the Ittngiiagp. ajid arc, as it were, the conti-
nuance of the Sanskrit forms; for if they were originally
Sclavonic we should theu find in them the same corruptioa
oF the base of the primitive pronouns that we have before
remarked in those pronouns. The possessives would then
most probably be, in the nominative masculine, meny or mnv,
teby, sehy, or ItibVt solry; but no case of the persoaul pronouns
would lead us to expect mot, stilt less ivoi, svoi. In Lithuanian,
ou the contrary, the possessives vnina-», Mf«-s, sawa-s, are
comparatively of quite recent date, for they agree with
ifae particular modification of personal bases in the oblique
coses ainj^lar (see §§. 3t0. 313.) : thus, iu Latin, mcun,
tuut, Muut, probably from met, tui, tut ; and in Greek, £^{,
trof, Ss, arc, in their tlicme, identical with that from which
proceed e/xotS, cfzoi' <roD, 0*01'. ou, di. On the other baud, <r^)os,
o-^, ff^f, is llie exact countertypeof the Sanskrit swa-a, suvj,
tKa-ntj which affords the oldest example of poissessives witli-
out any affix expressing the possession ; for tiva is purely
personal in ita form, and. as has been already observed, the
[O. Ed.p.Wfl.] tbemc of «nm wu^at/am, "self." (§._3ll.).
PBONOITNS.
569
The formation oF possessives in tlie plural niuubere hy tlm
comparative suflix la peculiar to the Grwk and Latin;
but this suffix is not extraorditmry in possessives, which
promiiienlly contrast the person or persons possessing with
t})ow> not possessing, and thus contain a duality, which the
comparative suiSx in pronouus is adapted to express.
407. Thi: Lithuanian plural ponscasivcs are musiazku,
" oar," yuMiszleiii. ■■ your ," the theme of which terminatea in
Itia (§. 136.), and rcmiiiils us of the Sanskrit possessives in
ka; viz. anruika. j/uiiimAtra. It is certain that the syllable $i
in muSIrTk-is, yaSIsTkis. ia connect*^ with the appended pro-
noun n «m<i (compare §. 33j.); but we shall leave unde-
cided the origin of the as {^th) which precedes the *.
The Old Sclavonic forms tJie plural possessives nu<, vos,
from the genitives of tlie jM;rsoDal pronouns, by the same
suSix, which we have noted in nwt, Ivai, svui, ouly with
the necessary phonetic diOcrence ; hence nashu, " our,"
iriithy, "your."* genitive tumfieyo, vtisfiego. With this suffix,
tlie interrogalivo forms, in Sclavonic, also a possessive,
viz. chii, •' belonging lo whom?" feminine chiya, neuter
tkie. It belongs to the Sanskrit weaker base A-i, which we
have already noticed in (kcfjo, ch'tm, &c. ($. 40(}.). As to
the weakening nf the k to c/i, wc must refer to what has
been snjd on this subject at %. 403.
■tOS. Hie Germanic jiossessives are most intimately con-
nected with the geuitives of the personal [O. Eil. p. 597.]
pronotius, aud arc idouiical with them in tiieirtlieme (p. '174).
If it be assumed thai, in the geiiitt%'e plural, the forms umara,
izvara, like the Latin niistri, i^sfri, nmirum, tfdrum, and
the Sanskrit aum^knm, ^u^hrndtcam, are of possessive origin,
the r may then be very satisfactorily explained as the
• Wiitu-n oJso without y, itutA, vath. Thu cliaiiR« of the t to <A ia Uiv
consequeDcc uflliu en phonic Inilaeacp of the ^, or, m the oblique camb, of
Uic«(DoUowsli>, pp 39.41)
p r
370
PHONODNS.
wcdteniiig of the rf of the Sanakfit nsmaciii/a, "our."
yuahmadiya, "yonr." Observe wlmt lias been remarked
at p. 441 regarding an originftl d beoomiug r in a similar
case, and, moreover, the circumstance that, in Hindustani
also, Uie d of the possessives untter discussion has become
r; hence, mira* mhi, "meiWi" " mea,"' for «(^fl mndiytu
ir^tVT maclit/ti. The dual genitives, ufjknra. igqvara. and
the dual possessive baSL-a of tlie same sound, the singular
nomiualives masctiline of which are ui^kar, igijinir, are.
uocording to what has been remarked at j^. 160^ originally
ouly different modifications of plural forms, and their r,
therefore, is founded on the some principle witli that of
the plural number. If we arc to supjKiae that the singular
genitives memo, Iheina, aeina, have proceeded from po«-
aessive bases of the same sound, wc should then have to
assume a weakening of the mcdiul to the na»:U of the
same ot^n, as, in general, on interchange between
medials and nasals of the same organ is not unusual.
Bnt as to the formation, in New High German, of an in-
organie possessive, foreign to tlic old dialects — vi». ihr.
"tyut (femina) projrriut" and "enrtira or tforam propriia"
from the feminine genitive singular and the genitive
plural of the pronoun of the third person, which is com-
mtm to all the genders — litis cinnimstanci} aflbrds no proof
that the genuine and original possessives also lutve sprung
from the genitive of the personal pronouns; but only shews
that it is agreeable to the use of language to form poa-
aessive adjectives from the personal genitives.
[G. Ed. p. C8(i.] 409. The forms corresponding in sense to the
Greek correlatives iroiToj, -nwrof. S-aoi, are, in Sanskrit and
Zend, those with the derivative suHix vant. in the weak eases
vat (§. 129.), before wliich an a final of the primitive base is
• Thus, in the Otp»fy iMipiBRP, ""i**, "Biiw," miri, "aino" (frni.);
» Deri Jahrb. Vvb. IBUO. p. 310.
rBonouNS.
571
lungtliened,* perimps as compcnsstioD for tlie dropping of
tbe T soiuid of the neuter, which probably forms the
fouiulation and theme of tiiesc forms (compare $. '104.);
hence in^ ticanl. nomiuQtive maseuliuc ITWT, tAvdn, roaos,
^npl(^ t/iivanl. nomioative musciUincinYT^ i/dt>(in, a7«{. From
the interrogative base ka, or the lost neuter l-at, vte miglit
expect kdvai4, which would servo as prototype to the Latin
</uaritus, and would bear that relation to it, which vn^
tdvani docs to tanlua. In the Latin Uintux. quantut, there-
fore, a whole syllable is rejected, as in malo, from mavolo;
but externally tfic tliome is icngthened, in analogy with the
Pali (larticipial Torms mentiouud at pp. 300, 301 ; thus lonius
for tAvantut, and the latter for Idvana. Tlie quantity oC
the a of quanlut, iantut, OD account of its position, cannot
be discovered: the a, however, appears to spring from an
originally long d, inasmuch as from n short xi a probably
^ ur o would be cTolved. as in tut, tjaut, answering to vfi taii,
«fii kali, uf wliich hereafter. In Gothic, the suffix vs«^ vant
is corrupted in three ways; first in consequence ofUieeiisy
mutation and interchange of the semi-vowels ;t secondly
through the no-leas- fref]ucnt vocalization of the naaat %ou\X
and lastly by extending tlio theme with a, [O. Ed. p, fie(h]
* la ZvDd die long lioa trlapscd into the short vowel, at very freqnendy
occort in lh« Antrpcaultimate.
t ^. '20. Coaipnro, slso, tliv Ootliit; «/i^ia, " I ftlecp," with tha Siui«ln;it
Vf^lfif iwapimi ; tlie Latin laudo with ^IF rand, "■ to praise "; and ilui
Lithuonion miUlU'i, Old Sdnroiiiv anUoAi (p. 412, Noto«), "swwt," vritll
the Snnakrit HTira neudu-i. Witli mpect to thcr intcrcliAii^c oTrand r.
In which the Old High tionnon hirumli, u Don1nit«d with the Banakrlt
il^nn ^/iarunuM, "wPaj«,"&froril»uaAreryint«iMlitigo(»mparisca),And
one which hoabeen Einc« eatAblishcd by Gra{F(!l.320.), wawillhon n^
mind the reader of (he relation of the Gotliicritzn, "house "(theme rama,
whb s eujiltonic ior t, accordinf; to i}. 80. (S) )i to the i^anakiii root ^n nu
"lo itihAbit," whence ^TVva«ra, "hoiue," whichPibtetratto^iiosiatbe
Irialiy&ira(Jouni.As. Ill Serie, T.ll.p.443).
1 daufj.230.2M.jr.aiida07.
p P 2
372
PRONOUNS.
which, however, in nocordance with§. 13S, U tuppresged
in the nominative. In tlie first and Inst respect LAXJTiA
coincides vny remnrkably with the form which, in Ijitin,
the 9u(6x ^W uani nssumvs. or mny naaumi", vrhcre it do<'9
not form pranominnl corrclutivcs, but poseeasive udjectivea.
AS opateniiu (with the more orgamc opuli^a), viratenfvt,* Sec.
He long vowet required in Snnskrit before the suffix vtivt,
where it forms correlatives, is retained in the Gothic
hvSlawdii, " quantusr the old d (§• 69.) being supplied hy f;
whence it appenrs as if the instrumental hv4 were contained
in hvi-laufh. We should expect u demonstrative th&auda,
ToiTot, ns forrcspondiug' to hvilauda, iroao^, annlo^iis to tl«;
Sanskrit ttt^^ tdmnt and Latin tantia : this thUaudt, how-
ever, is rendered superfluous t^ a tvalaufts, fonned from
the original base of the genderlcss pronoun of the third
person (comp. §. 34 1 .). ^irhLcb. however, has not preserved
the original long vowel.
4L0. The derivative kdvUt, from the Sanslirit interro»ii-
tire base h/, which is wanting, is siipplit'd by kitjnnt, from
the haw hi; analogous to vvhicli is ^tpir iyant. " so mnch,"
from tlio demonstrative base t. I conjecture f^i^t kiyant
[O. EA. ]i. 50O.J and ^V^Jt^ iyont to be abbreviations of
kirtmt and fvanf, formed by suppressing thet-; after which,
in accordance with a universal phonetic law.f the preceding t
moat become it/. This conjecture is supported by the Zend,
in so fur as tlie interrogative form under discussion has re-
tained the fall suffix vant : instead of this, however, an abbre-
viation luis taken place in the base, by suppressing the i
and weakening the * to ji ch, heuce in tlie nominative
• We must araid refprrinj \ht tr lo ih« mRix: H b cimrly the final
vowflof die irimiiivc word, wliicli. however, ibrwigh eho inflnMw* nf
ihe li<|nid, ii|ip««» in iImj furni of u (compaiv Voatliomu*, p, 102, Note •).
f Oram. Cril. ^.ai.
PROXOUNS.
«73
mnacullne jjwm^ chvattx. accusative ^^^a^jLiMfi chvantem*
neuter r»Ai»f» c/trut.i To the Sanskrit relative yfltonf cor-
responds (jp^Ai^A)^ yovan(, of which, however. I am
iinablu to quotu any case iii the maseuliiiL*, ant) ou]y tlie
iieut«r ynvfit and the feminine ynraiti. The former uevurs
tolerably often ; th« latter I am ocqudinted with only
through a )>assage f^ven by Bumouf.t where, in the litlio-
graphcd codex (V.S. p. 83), avaiti ocfura, through an error,
for yovaiti.^ The lAvant which answers to [G. Ed. p. £01.]
the above interrogative and relative expressions, appears to
be wanting in Zend, as in Gothic, and is supplied by aa^
logons derivatives from other demonstrntive bases ; viz. by
M^A)»A)»A] avavani from ava. and fjfiMM»M avatit from a.
The latter forma, in the masculine uoaiinativo, not avaiii,
according to the imalogy of chvana, " how much ?" nnd
thvAvan}, " as thou," hut ^»ai nvAo. which I agree with
Btiruoufll in explaining by supposing that the n/ has given
" after liow mucli time?" (Vund, S. p.2-2)t}. The naminativii oAiujte' oe-
ruRt VeoJ. S.p.6C. From the priitiitivu Ihho (hi I have Htill ta meotioD
here the n*at«riM^ o/nV, of whicH trnly llio enclitic nw, w]i«roby lh« ili-
Icrrogntive tneanlng Is removed, bflB been mralioned t»pfcire. Bat u rc|>T*-
Bcnting the more commoa kal ii ocean I. c. p. 80, ^^^mI; qpAi»JU najni
eMt aval vatJiS, " wlwt (is) that word?"
■t Often oeeiirs ndverliially, c. j. ^>f At/ j'wp^As i»m»^ ehfat an~
tartiiaretu, *'lUIlang^aw inaoy men?" (Vcaid. S.p.30).
t Y&;iia, Note A., p. 12.
^ We ah«nld n«iic« n\*a here tha ex^nmhn ^QMji fralM (with
mjft thU, t^^MM^MM fraihai-chii), rincc it blicw Uutl iho ri, wliich
MratAined full in ihe ^finsliril prilhu, isauabbroriatlonof tbc «ylliiLIani
which i> also pointed out by the Greek hXatuV. I think I have xulfK-icniJy
proved, in my VocnlianiDS ( Rem. I. p. |fin,&c-)> timt ili<; SAnnkrit vowel
ri is, ia ftU piMes, an &bhrerl«tion of n syllable, which containa ih* cm«o-
nmt r before or after a vowel.
II Yav'oa, ^»to A.,p.l].
574
fEOKOtJSS.
place before tbe nominative sig^n i, and has been supplied by
the lengthening of the a tod; wliicli Intter, \vith the &nal
sibilant, must produce the diphthong Ao (^ 66*.).
411. Thu Lilhuauiau iJajit. which signifies "that" and
" tlwrouglily,'' is most probably a remnant of the forms
which terminnte, in Sanskrit and Zeud, in vant, and in Latin
io h(u-»,' and, indeed, in the d of iDnnt, the neuter csae-tcr-
mination appears to be rctiiincd, which is replaeed in the
cognate Asiatic langnogrs by lengthening tJic preceding
vowel: the syllable yti of the relative base has, then, been
contracted to i. The pronominal origin of tliis if/oTi( ia shewn
by its stgni6cntion "that," and also particularly by tlie eir-
cunistnnee that other terms also for this conjunction lutvo
sprung, both in Lithuanian itself and in the cognate tangunges,
from the relative base under di&cussion; vii. tjeib (^. 3S3.), in
the sense of ut. Sanskrit ya~thi}, Greek if, Gothic ei (§.365.),
and uiSy, in the sense of inline/. Sanskrit yat, Greek art. The
secondary idea of multitude, expressed in Sanskrit, Zend, and
Latin, by the formations in vavl, is represented in tilant by
tile signifitntion " thorougtily." From tlic particular ease of
the Lithuanian language, however, we could aeurcely argue
[G . Kd. p. 693.] the possibility of a connection between the
6ufEx an( of Itl-ant, and Uiat of kieli, " how many ?" Kuii is
a masculine plural nominative, according to the analogy of
geri from GERA : the theme, therefore, is KfELA, and. for
a few cases. KIEL! A (see p. 251, Note J); and la the deriva-
tive suflix, which admits of being rt^arded as au abbreviation
of vo-nf, with a similar exchange of v and /, as we have seen
above in tlio Gotiiie hvfiaudi. Tliis conjectnre is strongly
supported by kiclth, whieli likcwis<; rarana "how much i*"
but is 80 limited in its use that it can only be applied to
living beings. Every letter of the Sanskfit sufFix vnt (tlie
tliemc oftlic weak eases) is represented in tins kisLETs,
and we even find an interrogative expression, in wliieh the
n also of tbe strong form vw vant is contained ; — I aioan
PRONOUNS.
fi7fi
kolinta-9, "tJer wievMHef" "the how manycth?"* with ta
n3 ordinal suQix {§. 3S1.). probably, therefore, for h/Unt-taa;
so that koiint, " how many ?" by ftilding ta-s, becomes the
"how mauyuth I'" But to return to id-ant. its suflix ant has
lost oaly tlic c of the original tun/ ; but It. the snffiz of tieti,
has retained the t' in the form of t, atid lost, in plaee of it, the
final ni. Tlicre is, Iiowever, no demonstrative t'leli corre-
sponding to kieli, bat "so many" is expressed by lick or
tifkas,^ wliich has also a conx'spondtng interrogative kick.
The suflix of tlicsc foruiB appears connected with that oftnkis
or tok.i (tliemc tokta), " such." and A-dft.it> " what kind of one ?"
413. Tliough at §. 409. we couimeuced wiUi the-cumiiarison
of the Greek correlatives it6oo^, r&ros, &roi, we must not,
therefore, suppose tliat tlie Greek suflix £0 is identical with
the Sanskrit vattt, and those related to it in the cognate lan-
guages. The tnmsition of T Into 2, as also [O. Ed. p. 6B3.]
the alEtx of on O, would not be extraordinary; but as tho
vowel of tho pronominal biisR is ori^nally long in this deri-
vative, the retention of this long vowel would be to be ex-
pected in Greek ; and the ratlier. as most probably the dropping
of the initial sound of the suffix vant would have found acom-
pensation in tlie preceding sylLible. even if tliis had not been
naturally long from the first A form tike roSffos might be
regarded as identical with the Sanskrit idvanl; but r&joi
appears to mc, witli reference to its 6nal element, as of a
diDcrent origin, and I would rather recognise in it the Zend
«Ai'a, which forms words like A)»i-(jj7d'/AmAfa, "a third,"
u»tp>'^6M^ chatkrmhva, "a quarter," and is identical with
the Sanskrit stea-s, " mus." From ^re »tra-s, which, when
uncompounded, tios become Sg or o*^, liardly any thing
* It seems Bnrprhing UikI Uibn slunUd b« no word in EnglJrii lor
vtesMbfa. "Whoof the ntiiitWr tzpreaaes ciniu a diflertiit Hem, I
hav* b«*a obliged, tlierefore, to coin h want. — Tratulaiar' m y»le.
t TlfJr, tubelaiilivo and iiidevliiiulilc litka-t Mij*vtive, TemMnt litka.
576
FHONOCNS.
but ff&c could arise in tlie preceding compounds ; and ■n&^of
would, according to this view, originally signify "what part?"
or, HR possessive compound. "haWng what part?" from which
the meaning "how much?" is not far removed." Never-
theless, if what has been before said (§.332.) regarding the
origin of Ttjtioi, ?juof, ia well founded, there ore not wnnting
in Greek points of companion with the pronominal forma-
tions in vnnt or vat. In Snnstrit the adverbial neuter ac-
cusative KTWll t/ivat signifies, amongst other things, also
[G. E.1. p. Sfi4,] "now," "at this time"; and the relative
adverb m^ v'^'"'''' o^so- which serves as prototype to the
Greek 5f*os. is used principally with reference to time, and
signifies "bow long?" "while," "bow often?" "how far?"
" up to." and " lh«t." It may be cited in the 6rst sense from
a passage in tlie Nalah (V. 23.) : —
w^v^chckn mf dhtiThhyanti prAnA d4fiS, Sufhhmiti
(deal Ivatji hh^viahyimi ; tntyam (tad brovtmi M
"qmim dinque mei conslabitnt xpiritus in cnrpore, sereno-ritu
prtrdila! tarn diu iecum ero; Vfrril^em hane dico tihi."
As it frequently happens that one and the same word is
divided into several forma, of which each represents one of
the meaDiDgs wliicli formerly co'i-xisted in the one original
form, so may also riiat and ewf be identical with Ulmt and
ijAvat ; so that the digamma, which has been hardened
above to fi. Ims been here, as usually happens, entirely
dropped, but the quantities have been transposed ; thus eois
• To tbne fortDstions motA probaUjr urot, also, Iwlongs, whJcb atlgl-
nsU; niiu( liavo eiKolfiefl " m> great," whcnco the inennins " r^iiud " tiii];hl
Miflj sriM. I fonnprly ihongbi it nitg^ht be uaigncd to th« d«moo«tra-
tin base i (DrmoiutrBtivA Baws, p. 8): n», however (wliioh was ihF>re
overfawkad], it hoa • diKUDDa, il would bo better rrfitmHl to t)iv rrflexivc
bMe, and eonporcd with Uie Sauukrit in (^ 364. ; and aK Poti't Etymol.
Fonch. P.S7S).
PBONODNS.
577
for ?(f>of. Tiui fop Tij(F)ot. But it is proljable that tliu first
syllable hns been shortened through the inflnence of the
vowel following ; and this weakening, and tJie abbreviation
cntiscd by dropping tlie dignmma, have been comjiensated
by Iengdieninj,r tlie syllabEe foltowiiag. The common adverbs
in (ii{, rIso, of whiL-h an account has been given at f. 183.,
have operated by their example on owe, t^uj. For the rest
there exists a form t^Toj, as well as i-eui, re/wf.
413. Perhaps the Sclavonic pronominal adverbs in mo
may also be classed Itere, whicb express directioa to a phu'o
(Dobr. p. 430): ka-mo. "whitlier?" (u-mo. "thittier." Tho
rrlntiv'n ynmn is wanting, tvliidi would coincide with the
Sunski-it iinni yAvaf, " how fur ?" in the signihcatton
"therein," since the former word likewise expresses tbe
rJiroetiou to which movement is made. As to the relation
iu form of tlic suffix mo to TV vat, the t in Sclavonic, like
all original final consonants, must necessarily disappear
(f. 255, /.), and a in Sclavonic becomes o or [Q. EA. p. 506.]
c almost universally; but to the long A, which, in Sanskrit,
precedes the derivative stiflix. the Sclavonic a corresponds
according to rule (§. 256. a.): thus ta-mo, answers to the Indian
t/i-v/it, with n for v, as in the Greek adverbs of time
?iuo^, Ttjfiof, above mentioned. If an origin for Uie Sclavonic
aufiix mo, dilTercnt from tlmt here assigned, be sought for,
the appended prououu m ma might be next adduced,
which drops the » in SKlavonic. But to take the demon-
strative as an example, to the Sanskrit dative tasmdi, and
locative t/i-smifi, correspond, iu Sclavonic, fo-tnr], /»-in; and
all Uiat is left to find is an analogous form in Sclavonic
to the ablative nwm la-xmSt. But the ablative is most
opposed in meaning to the adverbs iu mo, expressing direc-
tion to a place; aud. oa regards form, vrc could only
expect for irmn^ ia-miAt, a form toma or tomo, and not ta-
mv. For as tlie Sanskrit sliort n, at tljc end of old
Sclavonic bases always becomes o (f. 237.). an uuweakened
578
PnONOONS.
n. ill this sole case, cannot but appear surprisitig ; and tlierc
appears no reason nhy ta-mo sliould difTc-r from the
analogy of io-md aud to-m. There only remains one otber
possible means of derivjnfj adverbs in mo, via. by supposing
mo ta be a more full form of tlie plurul dutive tcrminatton ;
so that, of the Sanskrit tLTmination mn bfiyas, I.atiu bux.
Litiiuanian mus or ma (sec §. 215.). which elsewhere, in
Sclavonic, has become mere m. in the case before us a
Towel also is retained. If this opinion be the true one,
kamo, "whither?" tamo "thitJier,'' inamo, "to »omewhere
else,** onamo, "to that quarter." and similar forms, must bo
assigned to the feminine gender. Tamo, tbcrerore, would
[O. Ed p. J[IX!.] correspond to tbe Sanskrit MtAjrosi while
tyem, which is identical with the masculine and nrtitcr,
belongs to the (wmponnd base ar fyn (p. 199 G. ed.). This
list derivatiod appears parlicutarly supported by the con-
sideration, tliat, ill all probability, the adverbs of quantity in
ma or mi (Dobr. p. 430) contain plural case-lerminations. and
those iu mi the instrumental ; those in ma an uuusu:d and
more full form of the dative tcrminatioD, in which tlie old
a of the bhyas above mentioned is retained, by which it
becomes similar to the dual-lt^rminntion given at §. 273. It
appears to me, however, inadmissible to look for a real
dual inOexion in the adverbs under discussion. Examples
■w : icolvma or tolpmi, " how much ?" tolyma or iolymt,*
"Bo muchr All these mlvcrbs. however, have the syl-
labic ^y (from /i) iu the middle; ami this, in my opinion,
expresses the secondary idea of multitude, and Js an ab-
breviation of the snfEx liko, nominative masculine //it, e.g.
kolik. " fjuantus," of which more hcrejifter. From this
KOLIKO come, I imagine, the adverbs kolyma and kolumi,
as, in Sanskrit, the plural instrumental 9%i^ mnAis. expresses
■ Sec Koplur'a Glosauy lo the Ghtgclita
Dohrowiiy gircs merely
PHONOTTNa.
579
the adverb "slowly," bnt tlocs not occur in its own pro-
per significntion, i.p, *■ throngh the bIow." There are
also aUvcrbs of quantity in Sclavonic which end in Ivi
without tho cascvtprminations mn or mi; thus XWu, "how
much?" tofy. "ao much." With theso are alao probably
connected tlie ndverbs of time in Iw, which prefix to the
pronoun the preposition do or of, e.g. do-k(^yf, " bow long?*
ot-iof^e, " 80 lonR."
41-t. By the suflix fH Ci is forineil, in Sanskrit, «fii kali.
"how much?" from Jen; ifttt tali, " so much," from (n; and
the relative nftr yoti. "as much.'" from ya. The first two
expressions are easily recognised In the Latin ifuot and to'.
which, like the pursonal terminations of [O. Ed. p, iS97.J
verbs, liave lost the final i. The fnlt form is preservetl, how-
ever, in compounds with rf*m, di'; dinntis; thus, foff-rfctw (not
from ht-itidrm), qiioti-die, quaH-dinnus. The length of the t
of y«ott-rff(", and of its derivative guoH-dhnus. is inorganic,
and [lerlmps occasioned by qaoti appearing, by a niisap-
prchension, as an ablative. But to returti to the Sanskrit
koti, lati, yiiti, these expressions, in a certain measure,
prepare the way for the indeclinable cojfnato forms in
Latin, as in the nominative and accusative they have no
cnsc'termination, but n aiiigulur neuter form, white iu the
other tjwca they exhibit the regular pluml inflexions. In
this respect they ogrec witli the numerals from ."i — 10,
which have become quite indeclinable in Greek and T>atin
likewise, as is quotum-, in the latter language, also (§.313.).
In Zend, kati frequently occurs after the masculine rela-
tive plural, and witli a rcgulnr plural termination, viz.
^i^JUi^Atj j\ij^ifiii kiitnyih whirh signifies ijuicanipre.
Mb. Nearly all pronouns are combined in Sanskrit with
the adjectives WS dris, T^ drim. T^drik^ka, which spring
from the root drii. "to see," and signify "appearing.*'
" like" ; but, as they do not nccur eillicr isolated or in combi-
nation, have completely assumed the character of derivative
980
PRONOUNS.
Buffixes. Tlie final v-oweU of the pronominal baaet, and of
the cotn^MUiid pliirni tlienies nxrrut and yughnia, are length-
ejied before thetn, probnbly to make up for the loss of a T
sound of the neuter of pponouns of tlie tliird person and of
the flblativc of thu Oral aud second person singular and plu-
ral (coiup. §. "IW.}: hence, td-Jria (uoininative tUdrik}, or
M-driaa, or td-driksha. "to this like." " sucli.'' - talin," for
tad-flrii, &e.; ki-drii. kt-dri»n, ki-drikaha. "tfaalis'*f for
[G. Ed. p. 5!)8.] htt-dri», Hic ; yri'dri's, yC'drisa, t/A-drikska.
" qualia," (rfifttive); m&-drii, m/k-drixa, md-drikjha, "to me
like," "my equal"; atmddtii, &<:■. "to us like"; ifuxhmadris,
&f.. " to you like." From thcdeinoustnitive base j, or rather
from tlic neuter U, vrhich is uot uacd uiicum pounded, comes
idtiiti, 8«;., "tati*": from the subjective demonstrative
base sa eomes sndr'is, &e.. vhii-b, according to its origin.
s)f>iiiSeR " rescnihliiig tbiit,'' "appearjuj; like tliis," but is
used to express in general what ia " similar." But the rea-
son tliat there is no form xAdrii, according to the analogy
oi tiidrii, &e., ia clearly this^tliat this form springs from
the real base an, and a neuter mt was not used. It Is not
therefore, n-quisite to assume, viitli the Indian grammarians,
that sadrii is an abbreviatiou of tama-drh'. though, perhaps.
from Mifui a form «ftrn«-(/Ws' might proceed, ns from sa Uiu
form aadris. Tlie European cognate Iftrgnagcs have, in
remarkable agreement with one another, exchanged the old
(i for ^ in these combiuatiotia ; independently, however, of each
other, and simply because the intercliaiige bctwecu d and I or
r is much used,* and weakened sounds in forms encumbered
• 8m! ^. IT.fWherr, nmong*! atli«ni, tlie Gothic Ink ia coRipar«d with
ill* SnDBkrlt dflia. If ihe Ouiliic ■■xinrnion also mcnns *" fl«li," It may
be obecrved here, tlint a word wliicb. in Sonakrii, nieiitw wHi|jly "fle«h,"
qqionutOM High Gennnn m n terra for tlicboJy; wliilcio LiUiuonisn
ud Sdnoiuc tb« "fltuli" hu bcccme "IjIooiJ." Id form Ihe mareM
approach
PRONOCS3.
S8l
by uoinpositkta are mrulily introluced. In this way •Xixot
has bo(H>ine so £ir estriin^;«tl from the verb iipxiii. that we
should hnvo finUcd to perceive thcnr common ori^n without
the nieAns of comparisoQ aSbrdcd by tho co<>iiatc Sanskrit.
Vfc must here a»i\iti notice a similar fate [G. VA. [i. flJKP.]
which has befallen the old d of the number "Ten" in several
Asiatic anil Etiropcun-Sanskrit languages at the end of com-
pounds (p. lltj). And in the preceding case we meet witii
a concurrent phenomenon in the East; for in Prakrit, iu the
compound under diseussion, we frequently find r — which,
acconling to §. 20., is often the precursor of /—instead of
the Sanskrit rf; e.ff. KXfkM Idrim, together with Klf^W tAdina,
for nrni tddriin.* The Doric rdXiKOt closely resembles
ttirixa. The i of botli languages, however, spring, not from
lh» Siinskrit r^ for this is an abbreviation of »r,f the a of
which, in Prakrit and Grei^k, haa been weakened to i, while the
r is dislodged entirely. While \!ko^ is based on the Sanskrit
ni drisd, nominative masculine dr'iaos, the pure radical
"ra drvt, nominative masculine, feminine, and mnitcr drik.
is also represented in Greek, via. by ^Vf and o^ijKi^. The
Prakrit k4rim resembles the interrogative inj^iKo^ very
closely; but it must not be overlooked, tliat tiie Prakrit 6 is
^ipnuiob to tha ^naVjXikrav^a-m, "flatli,' ia the DlhuAtiian Jkviuj/u.s,
ScUvoiiic krovy, "blooiJ"; nost comw tte Old High Uornuut bium
UREWAt nominfllivo hrlo, " body," whieb preserves the origtiul form
more traly Ihnn ihe Gr«k Kpiai und Latin caro,
* In my fmt ilW'uttion fin thiH niibji'cl. I vim nnaoqiiBiDtod with the
reMinlUnrf ni the Priikrit ta iu ^i^fnnio BiimpoMi Isttguagos (««• lufla-
I of Protioutw OH the FiirniHtioii of WortU, pp, 8 and 37). Since ihi™
\. Sobmidt, also (Do Pron. Gr. ct Lat. p. 72), hu ihewa ihu DKntcroenl
«f the SAtwkrit foHDAdons in ilnia-g with tho Onfek, Gothic, (uid Lntiii,
iti XUox, leik-M, and li-». Bui he overloolis, in the SoiisikTit rnrmii, the lan^
Towclof tbe pronominal him; on which ia liMwd tlie Orcok 17. luorc iin-
11II7 il, and Latin a, wh«nc« it ui not requiutc to iii»k« the ndTcrln nt
tg, *j, the biuii* of the anid furnuitiona.
t §. 1. and VocalUiuuM, lUiii. I.
582
PEONOONS.
a corruption of i*" while niiJuKtrt stands for itoX/ieoc, and is
Iniscd, not on tbe Sauskrit k-idTian'M, but on a Mtirim'* to be
[O. Ed. p. iSOO.} expectMl from tbc base Jea, and which pro-
bably origiiuilly existed, to which, also, tbe dothic hxMeiiit
bcIou(>s.
416. In the hv&kika (theme livfieika) just meDtioaed, with
wliicb the German wttcher, "whicli" is connected, as also in
hvihrnh {%. A09.). the (Sothic baa retained the vowel length,
which ts tbousaudfi of years old, with this dillercuoe only, tbat<l
is replaced by 9, a circumstaner of rare occurrence ($, 69.).
There is uo deaiouatrative thiU-'iks corresponding to hviltrila,
but instead of it avaleika, German aolcher, " sucb," like avatiiud*
for lIuHauds (§. 409.); but the Anglo Saxon and Old Northern
employ tliylic. thilikr. corresponding to the Greek ti^'icoc
and Sanskrit /A/fiia-* (Grimm III. 4u.). The Gothic U-ila.
"similar." however, oct-iirs also in combinations other than
the ancient pronominal onea ; never, however, by itself, but
instead of it ia used ija-leika, our gleicli, from ge-lekh, which
may be luoktnl upon us the coutinuatiiin of the Sanslifit
tadriiti-t mentioned above : for as the inseparable preposi-
tion VI aa, W tarn, has, in Gothic, become ga (Grimm 11.
1018.], so may also tiie pronominal base, from which those
prepositions have spnmg, be expected as prefix in the form of
ga. In naaleihi.^ German iihulich, " like," iimi, in my opinion.
stands, in like manner, as a pronoun, not as a preposition, and
answers to tbe Sanskrit- Li thuaniim demunstrative base ana
($.372.)-. auti-leih therefore sif^nifies "to this like." tu the
other compouutls, also, of this kind, with the exception of
manleitti (theme -/«lmn), "likeness," literally "man-rewm-
blinff,' the first member of the word corresponds monj or
leas to a pronominal idea. These compounds are anihartriiei,
"variety." which prc-supposca an adjective anikarleila, as
• Hocftr De Pniltrita DuUecta, p. 29.
t To be dcducrd f mm tltu otlrub anaUikd.
I'RO NOONS.
583
connected in sense witli tlie Sanskrit anyA-driia-s, " to another
like," "of a different kind," whence o/yn/eitt, deducing it from
o/ya/eiJMs, cr^p»tfS. is the countertypu in form : lO,Ed.p.60I.]
tamnleikA. 'o-ov, which prc-8iippo3ca an adjtxtivc *inwi/ciA(n)-*«
" to the same like." analogous to the Greek ofupu^ and Lslin
similis:* tbrnihikt, "equal." like the simple f6n(n)>a; acoonl-
inj{ to its origin, the former signifies " seeming; equal ":
fjiiaaalc'th, " various." I cannot avoid expressing here the
conjecture that tJie Gothic prefix mista, German mi»«, may be
of pronominal origin, and connected with tlie Lithuauiou baae
ffiSSrf, nominative iclua-i, "all." and tbereforc atso with
the Sanskrit f^nj risKvi, hy the very common exchange of
V for m (§. fiS.}. According to the explanation given above
(^.392.) of ft^ vmva, this word, through the signification
of the preposition ft| ui, would be very well adapted to ex-
preea the idea of variety. And tho Gothic mism (the bare
ttiemc) might originally have signified ulius, and still be identi-
cal with the Sanskrit- Lithuanian term for "all"; at least its in-
lltieBce in composition is similar to the German aber. which is
akin to the Soufikrit apara, "oliun" (8ee§. 350.), in compounds
like Abenvilx, " deliriam," Aberglaube, " superstition."' The
Gennaa Misaclhnt. tlierefore. GotUic mhsad&ls, "misdeed,"
would hc^ Aher-Thiit, "n deed different from the right"; and
Mhxgttnxt. " ilUwili." would be //Act-j/hmV, "' wrong-will"; and
tl»e missoleih given above would originally signify " to other
like." This conjecture is powerfully supported, and con-
Grmed almost beyond doubt, by the adverb missi\ which
springs from the theme MISS J (compare p. 384), which
signifies " oncanotlier": ydleilh isvis mmft, {O. Ed. p.Wi.']
* The Bi'miilc ranta (tlicnie aaman) mcaiu " the kuidf," and corresponds
to the Soiukrit tama-t, *'*<]Oft],'* " uniiliir," iui<] Greek Sftn-t, tho thcoie
bdiig tiuigtlM^Dpil hy nn n. To this hend, hlau, muut he rrfcrred tumi
(tlicme mjnm), "any one," wfiich hiu intnxliirud a u oa Recount of th^
liquid, bat to make up for thia btia dropped the n.
584
PHO NOUNS.
a<nta<ra<Tdc «AA^\ouf (i Cor. xvi. «u). Tho original meaning
'• all " is still perceptible in thia, as missrf, in one word, ex-
pressea " the one and the other." In Germau, the Ikfi, which
is based on tlio Gotliic leikx' and which in wflcher anil sMtcr
has dropped the /, and iti fjlclch gives, act-ording to rule, « as
answering to the old i, ia ntueli more extensively diffused, and
has eompletelyaisnmed the chiimcler of n deriviitivo suflix m
words like j'ilirlich, " yearly," joiftBwr/wfc, "lamentable "yriiri-
lich, "fortunate." tchm^zlick, "painfu!," &c.f The occur-
rence of the simple vrord in Northern, Anglo-Saxon, and
Buglish.may be explained by its being formed by abbreriating
tbe Gothic galeiks, our rjle'ich, by remo^nng the entire prefix.
417. An objection against tlie identity of the Gothic suffix
itihi and Greek Tuxo; could liatxlly bo raised from the non>
mutation of sound in the middle tenuis, t refer the reader.
on this head, to §. B9., for example to the connection of the
Gothic dipa and Old Uigb German inaucpia with tUu Sau-
skrit SKvipinii, Latin sopio, and Greek vWvod in spite of tlio
retention of the old ttmuis. The long i (in Golliic writteu
ei) ID tli« Germanic formation, answering to the short i lo
the Greek haxo^, and Prakrit rim or dim, will still less be
aground for reje4;ting the identity of tbe siifiix under di»-
cUBiiOD in tbe three languages; for as the original form ia
durka (see p. 598 G. ed.), the rejection of the r may well
have been compensated by lengthening tbe preceding vowel;
and the Gennanie, tiicreforc, in this respect, approaches the
original form one d^ree closer than the toguate Hellenic
and Prakrit idiom.
[Gr. Ed. p. 603.] 4 18. The Old Sclavonic exliibits our suffix
exactly in the same form us the Gnxk, in the masculine and
neuter /r'^-u, nominative masculine lik (according to §, 2a7.).
neuter /(Ao; hence totii, toliko, "taiis" "tale" or "tan/us,"
" (oij^wm."^ Greek T»)\r(cof, tij^jWi', and Prakfit, tAr'i^f. /drin/ii.
* Rcfptrding Uikt, tux, loo, p. 1442. G. til.
t Si'« itivOMlligh GcTiuBQcetiipoundBOf tliis kioditiGraff II. 100.
PRONOUNS.
589
Sanskrit tiiJriins, tAdriitim : tiJik, kaliko, "qunlia" " qutiU,"
" t/untifiis," " qiinnium? "s=Greek inf\iKog, irij\iK«v, Prakrit
itiritd, k^ruai, Sanskrit kitiriao*, ktdrixam : wlil; ydiko, rcla-
tivcsGrcck ij^/xof, ijKiKov, Prakrit y^mrf, yArhnn, Sanskrit
ywirisin, t/dJrisam. With respect to \he relative expression,
it is imjortant to remark, tlint, in this derivntive, the bAso
«<• (euphonic for ««,) which cominonly 8igni6es "he "(§.889.),
hru preserved the original relative signification without thii
elsewliere necessary eoolitic ithe. Dobrowaky, however
(p. 344), in assuming ik alono in thia derivative as suffix
" hiferposilo tumen f." appears not to have noticeJ the sur-
prising similarity of the Greek forms in Xi»t*r, otlierwise he
would have assigned to the / a more important share in the
work of derivation. But the Sclavonic forms differ from those
of the cognate languages in this, that tliey do not lengthen
the final vowel of llie primitive pronoun, or replace o by a ;
for, aewrding to 4. 255. a., the Sckvonie o corrcs|Jond3 to the
Sanskrit short a, and n to the long A. We should therefore
look for tnfik as answering to the Sanskrit hhirisn-s, and
Priikrit Uirini. It cannot, however, be matter of surprise,
that, in the course of thousands of years, vrliidi separate the
Sclavonic from identity with its cognate idioms, a weakening
of the vowel should have taken place in the preceding ease ;
as shortenings, weaki!nin<;s. and abrasions of sounds, are the
most common alterations which time introduces into the
original fonn of a language. There are, however, in Scla-
vonic, other formations of cognate meaning, in which the
base syllable has retained the old weight of the vowels, wliite
the suffix has been abbreviated by drop- CO- KJ- ?■ ^04.]
ping the svttable li, and appears in combination with the
k affix of the definite declension: hence tnki/l, •' tulh," knkyt.
"yua/M?" yf%(, "ywuTut" (relative).* The simple ncuturs,
• Dolnowiky {p. 313) Incorrectly rcgsHs oA: M dMivaUrr, au»o in
q g Nspect
6S6
PRONOUNS.
that is. those divested of the de6nitc prcQx lako. kaleo, occv
as adverbs, the former with the signirication "30." the latter
with that of *' how ?" By the rcjectioo of the Byllflble /i. taJeyi
nnd its corrclntives. in respect to their Inst element, become
identical with the interrogative hyl, "quit?" which is lilce-
wieoderhncd dc&nitcly; aud tliorc-forc vrc cannot entirely
set aside the objection, that /ri/'^t" is a coiupound of the ile-
monstrativc witli thu iiitcri-ogative. Tlie cx]>lanatioo, bow-
ever, given above is to lie preferred, beuiuse by it the a of the
first member of the compound, ns also tJio signiOcniion of
the whole, is shewn to liavc a very ancient foundation ;
while by the second mode we should not be uble to see why
tokyi, wiffjl, koktf}, should oot be used, or tkyi* ikiji; and why
the mere appending of the interrogative to tlie pronoun
preceding should have t}te same effect as the suffix under dis-
cussion hiis in the cognate loiiguages.
-119. But if tlie Old Sclavonic correlatiTea (ahji, kaJeyi,
Vakgi, arc abbreviations of tnlihji, &«., then Uic analogous
and aHiiii-signiGcnnt Lithuanian forms ti^kx, "tnlis." icoks,
" tjvalia" (theme tukin, kok'm, see §.4 LI.), must also be viewed
in this light, and tlic ikgrccuieut of the former with the
[G. Ed. p. 60A.] tock'm (Grimm. Ilf. 49.), which exists in
Old Swedish, togetlier with Mik and iolkin, would conse-
quently not be fortuitous. The Latin suRix Vi in laiis,
qualia, trijudlU.f exhibits a contrary abbreviation, since it
has retained the initial part of the original adjective of
itspcct t« the primitive pronoon he proceeds from (he abbreviated nominn-
tm nA«ralia« (', /^, J, sad, in ^oeral, is in the dork itRanliuK ths Ibenie
of th« luce words, and tlie bScioricnl rvlntion of tkc » to a, developed in
$. 36C. a., ihroDgli the SaiuVrit, na nJoo its Irnglh.
■ Ac(«idi&g 1« thir analogy oikt4,cfitv, §. 400.
t MfttaUt b, pntiably, wiifa nig&rd to \\i last denent, w far Identical
with gitafia, as tcfuiu is moat probably connected witb iliv Hantkrit
nit, f^"-' " mitt," omI th« Istler is, iu tta final sjrUablo, itlcDtical with
thu intmrcf^TH bsae H (^ 308. ).
;
I
4
PBONOUNS.
587
similaritr, as also the long vowel of the proaominal base, but
has lost the last syllable, or the guttural only, of irrr*
tAdrik, irt^ ki'drik (§. 415.. p. 597 G. cd.). ^'U'C-c, ofj^iK-^.
Tile identity of tbc formation lies beyond all doubt, and Voss
has alrendy shewn that lulh is identical with Ta\/'Kor> To the
constant oecurrence of a long a in these ancient forms may
be asfrribed the fact, tliat, in more tnodem formationa of this
sort, particularly bclonginfj to the Latin, an u is inserted
before the suffijc, or added to the primitive base, in case
it termiuates with a consonant ; hence, regMis* legaiia,
cimjughlh, kiemalis, camalh. augural'a, &c. Oti the other
hand, in bases with a short final vowel this is merely
lengthened, and the u (") of the second declension is
changed into a long t instead of the short r, which is else-
where introduced before suffixes ; hence, cUi-tis, hosti-
lis, juvenhlig, from ctvi, hasti, jiireni ;f and so. also, viri4ls
from viru, pueri'lh from puera, ttrH-iu from scrvij, &c. :
ani-liii, also, from the organic u of the fourth declension,
whieh is no less subject to he weakened to i. as ie proved by
the dative-ablatives in i-hai. Here, perltaps, may be classed,
abo, thongh with a short r, words in ti-tit [O. Ed. p. 609.]
or $i-lis, which spring either from lost abstracts in fi'-s. «-9,t
or passive participles, the u of which must he weakened
before the new suffix to i; thus, ficti-l'a. missi-lii. eitlier
from the obsolete abstracts fidi-t, miin-f — whence the
secondary forma _;fc(fo, mistio^r from _^ctuii (weakened from
/actus, §.6.). mhttis. So, also. »imi-iia, with short i, from
the loat primitive simu-a = Sanskrit anma-a, " similar,"
Gothic sama (theme aamnn), and Greek e/io-j ; and humi-ii».
* ij to fomu UIm rf^dlis wo «bo $, D4S. conelnaion.
f Froio iho primitive base jtiwnesSanikrii juMn, CMnes _;i«iCTinfi«;
gtnttUt come* from a hasc gent* (compare l,itliu*nian jenfii, " kiiumaa "),
tlie i of whjd), and WQaequetidy the ( «l*o, ar« wpprcMed In the nonl-
iiAtiTe gmt.
\ CompKJt: IibfluenceorPronounaon the Forroation of Words, p,%l.
Qg2
588
PEONOOKS.
from humu-a. The a of the £rat dcclonsioD, which is ori-
gioally long ($. US.), has prcstTveil its teiigth before this
suflix ; hence, vitalh, bealiulis, amphoTulis, As thu u of the
secoml decleusion, according to its derivation, reprcacnta
a short n ($. 116.), und, in tlie fuminine, passes into n, it is not
fixtfiiordinary that, in this class of words also, ndjootives
Id a-lU occur, instead of i-iit, as fata-lis, inferna-lh, libera-lh.
So, also, naurfu-lia, from eaurie-a. where it ia to be observed
that the i of the fifth decleiisiou 8pniig;8 from a (§§. 121. and
137.): on the other liaod. in fide-lh. the e is retained.
Fnme-Ucua stands alone, and is remarkable^, as it lias pre-
served oar suffix entire, and its hcus corresponds exactly to
the Greek \fVof. If. as I readily asgume with JVL {Schmidt
(1. c. p. 73), fetic-a, also, should be classed here, aa analogooa
to v-^f> if^h^t* s^l I <l^ "Ot look for its primitive element
in the root/c, from which coma /e-tus, fe-lura. fe-mina, Sic,
but in a lost substnntive base, which is. in Sanskrit, *n\
hhAj, and signifies " forHine,"f Felix, therefore, would have
[<J. EtI. p. 607.] lust a guttuml, ns ful-mm for fulg-nten,
lu'-men for luc-men ; and in respect to its last element; and
the BignificatioD of ita first member, it would agree excel-
leutty with our glitck-licb, " fortunate." Here it is to be
observed, that tlie aulTix under discussion dues not form,
in the cc^iate languages, any primitive words direct from
the roots, but only derivatives or compounds. Contrary,
tltorcfore, to my former conjeeture, I can no longer class
words like ngilit, froijilh, tlodlis, iu respect to tlicir suffix,
with words like the abovemcutioned, civilht, ur'ilh, terviUa,
In tbc former, the / is, perhaps, primitive, and not, as in
tlie latter, a comiption old. In this case, a sufBx la or
iia, in Sanskrit, presents itself for comparison, as in
* Bolwitlilongililte the Gothic &U«<$. 417.).
t Uomiiaf* BwuMtfl-WJj, "having bod fortuue," "nnfortoulo,'
oognats bMga it raont usod.
The
PEOKOUNS.
089
an-ila-St " wind," from on. " to blow," to which we shall
return when treating of the formation of words. I am
unnble to cite, in Zutid, an adjective in combination with
pronuminal bases, corresponding to the Sanskrit driJ,
driia, or drikskn ; but I iiiid, V. S. p. 30. the expression
iiiJ»^M^<^»it»w hvaredaresa, "like the sun"; and by it tlie
opinion given above ia confirmed, that tlie ri of tlic Sanskrit
forms is an abbreviation of or.
PRONOMINAL ADTESDS.
■130. Locative adverbs are formed, in Sanskrit, by the
tuffix (to, which is attached dlrcclJy to the true theme;
hence, a^rOt " here," ta-lra, " there," amu-tra, " yonder,"
ku-^ra, " where ?" ya-lra, " where " (relative). Thia tra,
which is. in Zeud, according to §.47., m7(^ thra {ilhra,
"here;" avathrot "there," yatkra. "where"), ia probably a
contraction of the comparative suffix tnm. and. with rtrgard
to its termination, perhaps an instniniental (see p. 3S 1 ). The
Latin pronominal adverbs ci-tra and ul'tro, [G- E^- p- fiOS.}
therefore, are of the same class, excluding the difference of
the cosc-furuia. and also the Gothic abUtivu adverbs in
thrii, mentioned at p. 384 ; compare, Ikn-lhni. " thence,"
with m ta-tra. " thern" ; hmlkriJ, " whence?" with »T kiUra,
" where ?" and fl/vfly/irO " aliunde," vntii w^vmtnyatra, "alibU"'
Locative pronominal adverbs are also formed In Zeud by
the suSix Mi^^dha (see p. 386. &c.). which, in Sanskrit, is
abbreviated to hiu hut is found only in i-hn, " here," and sa-ha,
" with " (VBdic sa-dka). In Greek, as has been already r^
marked, the suffLx. 9a of evSa, ivravda, corresjwnds ;• and pro-
bably, also, jfo in itavTaj(6-dev, See, us well iis ire (p. 389), which
expresses direction to a place, unless the latter lias been
k* Pngc 387. With rcaptct lo tho coDJcctare ihcro wcprvaed irgardio);
aponlble theniiiticid«Ditity bctwren Jv&n, ttfijitHiA, ami TT'^". wFtf to
L
690
I'HONOUNS.
abbreviated from ^ tra, by rejoctiog the r and weakeuing
the t to t. In Gotliic, the aiiffix tk or d most certainly
corresponds, in fonns like hva-Ui or hva-<f, " whither,"
ati/a-lh, oXA«r€, yaiti-tl (tor yointi'd). eKeioe. The conjunction
itfi, "but," "if." "for," ia completely ideatica! v»iili mi^
idha, tx »Aa.' The e of c-is and ui-e in Latin boa been
already comjiorcd with ft (§, 395., p. 572 G. cd. Note).
421. lu Sanskrit, adverbs are formed by tlie suffix ini
taa, not ouly from pronominal bases, bat also From aubstiin-
lives and adjectives, expressing removal from a place, and
[G Ed. p. 609.] frequently Bubstitutwl for llm ablative.
The suQix las, as haa been before remarked (p. 471, Note '), is
connected also in foroi with the ablative character, and ap-
pears oiily a prolongation of it, or it may be that the ablative
hi au abbreviation of it In Latin, the suJEx (iw corres|X)nds re-
{^utarly; compare cceliTVS with mvari/aT^S. "from heaven."
The -syllable (ar of ig'ttur, may also be related to it. the t
being exchanged for r. The preceding tgi would then, as
has been eUewhcre remarked {Demonstrative Bases, p. 8),
admit of compariaon with ^ (An. " here"; to which, with
regard to the y, it bears the same relation that ego does
to Wfn aham. lifUm, therefore, would origlnrdly signify
"hencjc," or "from lliis" (ground). In Sanskrit tliere is
a modification of the suSix under discussion, formed by
changing the tenuis to the sonant aspirate in fTRI a-tUtas,
"" bene-ati)." and on this ia based the Greek Bw and Sela-
vooic di (see pp. 3T9, 380).t Compare,
" Pp.dB0,3ft9. ThoSoDskrit «(/An>qQirM theGre«k tf i bat.aocoid.
ingto lti« nilcs far Uiu permntatioii of«oaii(Is.thcOoltuc t/oom'sponda
to the Greek 6: nttlic end of AWArd, how^rdr, M i» [inferred to d 0.01.)
t I w-isli to limit what liubceDHiiilat^ ■200 Item, intbbparlicalar, tfa&t
ibMg^ ono&fi} sad ounUii urc rompouods of tutti, the u otonadf/t and nU^
hu bent lioveJopod from the » of iiti> Inmr 0.\'0, TO, {iK-cbvly u th« d
at6d£i, or yidi, and urfye (for f/^^) rroiii fO. I therefore cooaider llu!
tortaa
J
PBONOUNS.
S91
ku4aM,* Tt6-9sy,
t/t-taa, r6-Bev,
yatatt S-6ev,
OLD acUTomc
The Latin offeps for comparison uitrf*-, fop [G. Ed. p.6IO.]
cundff {ali-eund^) and inde, the rf^of whicli I have scarcely any
doubt it ccunected with the Siinskrit suffix laa or dims, the
Greek Bev, and Sclavonic di, Vndf has, in addition, rcvviTcd
a nasnt, whicli is uot to be cxpliuiied by transposition from the
Greek 56V. Bs the blending of nasnt Rounds, which are <;overut*d
liy tli« organ of the consonant following, is very common.
Remark the fre(]nently.mentioncd relation ofambo, «;u^u, to
the Sanskrit ThI ubhAu. and Sclavonic nbn. Aliunde, au-
swcring to the Sanskrit anyatm, " elsewhere," need not be
reg;an]nJ as a oompound of uade; but it is probable that the
u of aiiu-nde belongs to the theme of alius, and corrcspoudst
therefore, to the Indian a of anifa-lus. So. also, ali-bi and
fdiu-bi are scarcely compounds of ib'i and iibi, but combina-
tions of the dative termination hi, which is contained in ti-hi^
ai^i, i-bi, and u-b'i, with the base ALIV, either suppressing
the final vowel — whence ali'b'i — or retaining it as in aUu-bi,
Whether, liowevcr, a nasal lias been inserted in iudt, depends
upon whether it springs from the base i — whence is, ibi,
&c. — or from (ii=Sanskril ana (J. 373.) The very isolated
pri'position de, in Latin, is. perhaps, an abbreviation of iheSaa*
okrit wwt^ adhat, " below," and therefore, in origin, identical
with the a»]ui-40uant suffix of indt, undd and aliuntie, A
form h'Mide or ku-ndc, Uti-nde or isttt-ndc, and itlunde or
kttt»iide, might also be expected. But instead of these wo
fan
nat
;
totmst&dti, " iheace," ani kadCi, "vficnw?" wliicli occor only In comW-
natkin wlili tha pra^ioeitioQ ot, a« eimpU.
Frnro th« wealiened base ihi (^.389.), tot kal<ii, to Ije expected from
KAjOa wlitcti uetMH'J tlie Greek inSAf, iron) «otf(f, anil ^dnvaaicAii*/^
592
PRONOCNS.
tind hinc, iftine, iUhic, regardiDg which it is unkuowu irlipDce
comes tJieir meaning of removnl from a plncp. tintesa tJie
syllabic de, as exponent of this diroction, has been removed
from them, and the enclitic c has assumed its place, ^bich
would surprise us least id kinc Hinc may, perhaps, be aa
[O. Ed. p. euj abbreviiition of kindc, as the neuter hoc is
of hodr (§. 39j..p. 572 G. ed.). The locative adverbs Aic. ifUc.
ivtie* I regard as datives, of wliicli the ehftraeier, according
to §. 200., has been taken from the Sunskiit locative ; and
wbicbt in ruri, al»o has retained tlie originn] meaning. IttU
and illk an*, for the use of langunffe, suiTieiently distinguished
by the ap^icnded encEitic c from the rornis u(i and ilU, which
are used for tlie dative relation ; nlule for hie a distinction
from the projier dative niUHt be very differently sought in
the dropping tJie euphonic u ^from v).f Hie, therefore, is,
in tliis res^M-ct, distinguished from huk, as tlie nominative
hkt for which huic might be expected, from qVu
423. Adverbs of time are formed in Sanskrit by the suffix
^rfil. heiiec tr(fM. *' when?" (a</rf, " then "; yatlA. "when"
" at which time 'V'tut/d, "once"; mirfd, "always": the latter
springB from the euei^tie demonstrative base f^i (§.345.),
whenc-e also iuiTi--a, '• every " (§.381.). Perhaps the Greek
re is, ID an anomalous manner, connected with this c/d. by a
permutation of souitd, which lias become a principle in Ger*
manic, aiuce nearly all old mcdials. aa far as they Iiavc not
experienced a second modification in High German, become
teDues. In Sclavonic the auDix yi/u corres]x>nd9, nhieh I
think must be divided inlo g-da, since I regard it as a deri-
vative of tlie inlerrti^tive base, which has ceased to be nsed
atone, and whidi may have signified " when ^' or " once on a
time"; and the guttural tenuis has been weakened to a medial,
on account of tho d following, according to the analogy of
gdye, " where P" (§. 293. Rem.). This yda. nnconscious of its
• Viik p. IS27 O. ed. Nats t.
t 8Mp.64l>aod^$.«M.JUU.
J
PRONOUNS.
593
(lerivatioD, is combined with the iaterrogatiTe itself; henoe
kogda, " when ?" aiid /ujrfo, " then." But lu MSS. is found for
inogda, " at another Unn.-," also the eitaple [O. El p. 612.]
i7ir/i7, as a more exact countcrtypt; uf the Satisltrit anya-diit
but with the » of tlie baae ISO suppresau), which is retained
in inmjda and simiE»r forms, to avoid tlie great accumulation
of consonants. Together willi yeytJn. are, the simple ijftia
also occtirs, but with a change of signifieation, viz. as nn
iDterr<^tivc particle (Dobr. p. 432). In Lithuanian the
simple suQix appears both in tlie uuweakencd interrogative
baac, and in other pronouns and words, the nature of wliit-h
bordvr.s on tliat of pronouns, and which, in Sanskrit, arc
declined likn pronouns. Thus, niekutiti, "never." after with-
drawing the negative element, corresponds to tlie Saoskfit
itadd, "once"; haJa, "when," and /uc/u. •"then," arc iden-
tical with the S«nsk|-it expressions of the same sound and
siguification; witsadii means "always," and anday {(or anadei),
"at tiiat time." It may be allowed here to mention two
other Lithuanian adverbs of time, which are not. indeed, con-
nected with tlie sulTix i/(I> but required previous mention on
other oecounts ; — I mean dnbAr, " now," and i-omet, " when ?"
In the first part of da-hnr I believe may be seen a weakened
form of tlie demonstrative base ^l ; in the latter, a remoaat
of the term for " time," mentioned at p. 42j ; viz. VK vAra.
Iltnigali h^T. and therefore a word akin to the syllable -6er
in the Latin names for mouths. As regards, however, the
final portion of komet, it recalls, on account nf the frequent
interchange of v and m, the sufHx vol in the Sanskpit adverbs
of time, Mwi(, "now," yrivut, "at wliich time" [§. 413.), witb
^^ which wo have endeavoured to compare the Greek r^noi,
H ijfioc. We return to the sufGx dti, in order to remark, tlial,
H by a perversion of the language, it is so regarded as though
^M the adverbs formed with it were substantives or adjectives
H capable of declension. Thus arise the forms in d<ii, dait
^L and doia; the two first with feuiiuiuu geni- l*i. Ed.p.018.]
594
PRONOUNS.
live )uid dative terminatloD. tlie last with the masculine
plaral instrumental tertniiintiun. Heuue, for the niekadii meu-
tioned above, we fimi also ni«kadiU, mek-adni, and nickndoix.
For dai U also written dny ; Iicdcc taday as well as tada \ and
the form tad occurs witli <l suppressed, and taddn, iadday, nitb
d doubled, just as kad, kaddu, kadday, for kudii. To the
latter, nud to the Saiislcrit ^i^ hulA, perhaps the Latiu
tjuando correspoads ; so that a nnsiil would liave heen inserted
before the T sound, tu above in unde (p. 591). The cor-
relative tando, however, is wanting-. The following table
muy Serve as a general view of the points of comparison
obtained ;
uncttrT.
OLOtCL-
«RnK.
LAtlil.
kod^. kadfi, kogda,
tad'}. tadii. toydti,
yadii. . . ^fegda,
avtfodA, . . inda.
noTC tjuando,
t6t« . . .
ore . . .
oAAore . . .
423. The suffix dA is combined in Sanskrit with n(m,
which appears to me to bo an accusative form of a femi-
nine pronominal base nu that the masculine and neuter nu
(§.369.) might easily form io the feminine, «s well as nd
(sec §. 172.). Thus arise laddni'm, "then," and id&nim.
"now." As. however, the simple form idA has hwome ob-
solete, the Indian granmiarians assume a sufTtx d^nim.
As re;^irds the oripu of the time-defiuing d<% it appears
to bo an abbreviation of fij^ (/in!, " by day,"' by the re-
jection of iv ; as, to Latin. «,- is rejected in nolo (from nevolo).
I revo^iisc a different kind of abbreviation of this div/i
in WW n-dyn, "to-day." "now." where the b only of dhyi
is removed, and the Glial 'i aliorteued. while the i. uceordiiij;
to a universfil phonetic law, is changed into V.
[0. Ed. p. en.] .12J. There is nothing similar tn the cognate
languages to the Greek correlatives in nVa — rrrjuVa, Ttjvita,
^fiKa — besides the Latin t/unrc, (junicum, before meutioned,
J
PBONQUNS.
096
(|x 505 G. «(].), unless it be the Sanskrit adverb v^nfl^
anuam, " eternal." ■' perpetual." Biittmiuin is inclined to see
in iKit an accusative termlDation from an 1^, to be con-
jcctured from the Latin vix, vieei (Lexil. II. p. 2•2^). I nssent
to this cjcpUimtion only in to far as the recognitioD of a sub-
stantive occosalive in the concluding part of these fonu»tiona.
I do not, however, divide ttiji^iko, &t\. but inj-viKa, and thus
tnnke them genuine compounds, of which the first member
does not contain a casiHli'rniiuatiou, but tJie bare tlieme.
We may regard, therefore, mj, 717. and ^, as feminine bases,
or. OS above, in r^/iof, r^fio^, as lengthened forma of the
masculine and neuter.*' The latter would be more agreeable
to the original principle of the formation of compounds ;
according to which, pronouns and adjectives, at the beginning
of CDm|H>und8, express no distitiction of sex, and tliereforo
never appear in the form of the theme, which is peeuliar to
the fcmiDiDC, but in that which is common to the masculine
and neuter, in which, properly, there is no sex expressed, and
from which ihe feminine theme is a derivative. In the pre-
ceding ease, however, the final substtntive is really feminine,
if, as I conjecture, it is akin to the Sanskrit fff^ nii, nomi-
native f^ nik, " night"; the accusative of which, m'^m,
is contained in the nbovementioned animm, "eternal," lite-
rally " vrlthout night." It is certain that tho Sanslq-it occu*
satire nimm could, in Greek, take no other form than riica.
as j^ /proceeds from w k, and, in Greek, always appears
Mjc(§.21.). The Greek base vt/rr, tlie Latin [G. Ed. p.Ola.]
noef,and the Gotliic naAfr (nominative nahtu). are, in Sanskrit.
represented by nakt. of which only the accusative naidam=
noctein,vvKTa. remains in use as an lulverb ("by night"), and
in the inorganic compound '*nnT nnktarx'cfuiTa, " night-
wa]k«r." We might therefore derive ttakiam, also, from a
theme nakia. If, then. In Sanskrit, ill disadrantogeoas com-
« See $.808.
596 PBONODNS.
parison with its cognate languages, only an obscure remnant
of this nakt is left in the accusative ju9t mentioned, the
reverse cannot be surprising, that the Greek should have
retained of nii, nik, which is most probably akin to nail, only
the accusative in the compounds under discussion. As, then,
in m^ tadA, and similar formations, if the explanation of
the suffix given above be well founded (§. 423.), there is only
a formal expression of "day,'' and yet time in general is
understood in it ; so, according to the view here proposed,
in njVHca, "night" wouM be selected as the representative of
time in general, or of a particular point of time, which might
easily take place through the dimming of the primary mean-
ing of the concluding element So the Sanskrit adya,
"to-day," "on this day" — its original meaning being lost
sight of — is not unfrequently used in the sense of " now,"
" at this moment" If avrixa is based on the same principle
of formation as tjjviko, &c., it is then an abbreviation of
aunj-vixa, which is also Buttmann's conjecture, since he
derives it from t^v avrijv iko, and the omission of the tjv would
resemble that of the Latin ev in twio, for nevolo, and that of iv
in the Sanskrit suffix dd, from divA. But if we follow C. G.
Schmidt (Qusst Gramm. de Prsep. Gr. p. 49) in taking avriKa
as an unabbreviated form, we might then, by the same analogy,
derive rtjvtKa from r^vor ; which we would not, however, do,
as there is no form w^voy, whence we might derive mfvtKa,
nor iji-oj, whence iJv/ko.
425. Adverbs of kind and manner are formed in San-
[G. Ed. p. 816.] skrit by addition of the suffixes vi thorn
and ^ Md. The former occurs only in w^jr katkam, " how ?"
and ^V^ it-tkam, " so," and it has been before compared
with the Latin tern in i-tem and au-tem (§. 378.). To Vid the
Latin ta answers in ita and aliuta, which latter corresponds to
the Sanskrit waniT ant/atkd, "in another manner." Besides
these, in Sanskrit, laikd, " so," yathd, " how" (relative), and
KtrvatM, " in every way," are formed by this suffix. A suffix ti.
PBONODNS. 597
of the same sig;nificatioii, forms with the demonstratiTe base
t the adverb Ui,* " so,'' the only analogous form to which is
the preposition wfir aiU " over," which springs from the
pronominal base v a, and which we have elsewhere re-
cognised in the Latin at-avus.f In Latin, uti, " as," and,
with the i abraded, ut, correspond in regard to the suffix.
The t of ilidem may first have arisen in Latin as a weakening
of ita, in Zend mQj itha, occasioned by the incambrance of
the dem (§. 6.) The suffixes m^ tham and VI thd are re-
lated to one another as accusative and instrumental; the
latter according to the principle of the Zend language
(§. 159.), and which, contrary to a conjecture given at §. 378.,
I now believe must be taken in this sense. The Zend,
which generally shortens the long A at the end of poly-
syllabic words, uses the suffix under discussion like the
Latin, with a short final vowel; hence ai(3j itha like ita.
I have not met with the suffix tham in 2^nd, for jui^>«
ktttha is used for 1KV{^ katham, and for ^^ iUham the ai^
itha just mentioned.
* Cf. the Zend wit, «thii«" &oin the base u.- aa to the Latin utf, see
p. 1227 G.ed. Notof-
t Berlin Jabrb., Nor. 1830, p. 702.
596
PRONOUNS.
parison with its cognate languages, only an obscure remnant
of this nnkt is left in the accusative just mcDtiODcd. the
reverse caiiuot be surprising, that the Greek should have
retained of nii, nik. vrhich is most probably akin to nakt. only
the arciisBtive in the: coni[]ound3 untler discussion. As, thcu,
ill JP^ iadA, and similar formations, if the exphtnation of
the suffix given above be well founded {% 423.), there is only
a formal expression of "day," and yet time in general is
UDdcrstood in it; so. occording to the view- here proposed,
in TrfvutOL, "night" would be selected as the representative of
time in generul, or ofa particular ]K)Iiit of time, which might
easily lake place through tht? dimuiitig of the primary nieiui-
ing of tlie concluding element So the Simskrit adya,
"to-day," "on this diiy" — its original meaning being lost
sight of— is not unfrcquently used in the sense of "now,"
" at tilts moment." If avrUa is based on the snme principle
of formatiuu as njvr'ica. &c» it is then an abbreviattoa of
avjtj-viKa, which is also Buttmann's conjecture, since he
derives it from njv aOri}i' iko, and theumission of the r/v would
resemble that of the Latin ev in noto, for nevoh, and that of iv
in the Sanskrit suflix </tl, from dka. But if we follow C G.
Schmidt {Qiifcst, Gramm, dc Prrcp. Gr. p. 4'J) in taking avriKa
ns au unabbreviated form, we might then, by the same analogy.
derive ttju'ko from t^wjj; which we would not. however, da
OS there is no form injvfK. whence we might derive TijviKa.
Dor j;vor. whence ffviKU.
■125. Advvrbs of kind and manner are formed in Sao-
[O. Ed. p. 616.] skjit by addition of the suffixes Wi_ tham
and wMd. The former occurs only in -mVR katham, "how?**
and JTVH^U-Ikam, "so," and it hn.-* been before compared
with the Latin feat in i-tem and au-tem ($. 378.). To Uiii the
Liatin ta answers in Ua and aliutn, which latter corresponds to
the StDskrit w^wnnyathO, "in another manner,"' Besides
these, in Sanskrit, iathd, •■ so." j^;MJ. " how" (relative), and
mtn-ttthA. " in every way," are formed by this suffix. A suffix ti.
PRONOUNS. 697
of the same signification, forma with the demonatrative base
i the adverb Ui,* " so,"* the only analogous form to which is
the preposition vfiT aO, " over," which springs from the
pronominal base v a, and which we have elsewhere re-
cognised in the Latin at-avua.-f In Latin, uti, " as," and,
with the i abraded, u^ correspond in r^^rd to the soffix.
The i of itidem may first have arisen in Latin as a weakening
of ita, in Zend ju^j itha, occasioned by the incumbrance of
the dem (§. 6.) The suffixes V{ tkam and ^ tkd are re-
lated to one another as accusative and instrumental; the
latter according to the principle of the Zend language
(§.15 8.), and which, contrary to a conjecture given at §. 378.,
I now believe must be taken in this sense. The Zend,
which generally shortens the long A at the end of poly-
syllabic words, uses the suffix under discussion like the
Latin, with a short final vowel; hence juoj kha like ita.
I have not met with the suffix tham in Zend, for aiCs'm
kutha is used for vtpf^ katkam, and for ^|n)^ ittham the m6j
itha just mentioned.
* Cf. the Zend uitt, " liau," bom the baae « .- as to Uu latin vtt, gee
p. 1227 G. ed. Note t.
t Berlin Jahrb,, Nor. 1880, p. 703.
( 598 )
THE VERa
[G. E(l.p.6l7-] 436. The SaQskrit lias two forms for the
active, of wliich the one is uppointcil for the transitive and
outward ly-opemting (tiroction, and is eiillcd by the Indian
grammarians paraxmdi'pnttam, equivalpnt to " stranger-
form";* the other, which is called (l/in(ini*pfj(/am, i.e. "self-
fopm,'"'t- serves, when it stands in its primitive significa-
tion, for rcflexi\*e or intransitive purposes, or shews that the
action is to the advantage of the subject or stands in some
Dear relation thereto. For instaiicc, dd, " togive,'' in tlie
tUmanfyadnm. in conjunction with tlie pri'iKisition A, has the
force of "to take," i.e. "to give oneat'lf": the causative
duriayAmi. "to make to see," "to shew," acquires, through
the terminations of the atmandpadam, the signification "to
shew oneself"; «^ "to lie" {^H^—Ktlrat^ dt, "to sit*'
{'UiS=t}<rTai, p. lis), mud, " to be pleased," " to please oneself.'"
mcA, " to shine," " to please," " to please oneself," are only 08«1
in the Atman^podtim : yAth, "to rctpiire," " to ask." has botli
forms, but the reflexive prevails, as we most generally require
or pray for our own advantage. In general, however, the Inn-
[G. Ed.p.tJlS.) guage. asitatprcsentcxists.disposesof both
forms, in rather an arbitrary mimner. But few verbs have
retained the two ; and where tliia happens, the primitive inten-
tion of both seldom shews itselfdistinctly. Of the cognate lan-
guages, only the Zend, the Greek, and the Gothic have retained
this primitive reflexive form ; for that the Gothic passive is
• ^^panamdi is the dsilrc t>fpam, " the other,"
1 VniTT Atnuin, "•oul." of which ihe d»tire, ditnanf, used abovt, in
the oblltiuo C4RS ofli-n filb ihn ylntv of a pronoun of th« tliird petwin,
gcQcrally irhh a rvfli-iirc aifmi&calion (ne Glownry).
PRONOONS.
tm
identical in construction with the Indo-Greeb middle hot
been alrendy $liewn in my ConjugatioQ-systcm.* Grimm has
since dircctRd attention to two expressions which hare re-
mained unnoticed in former Grammnn, and which are of the
greiitest importance, as having preserved the old middle
form in a middle 9igtii6cation also. Ulfilas, namely, twice
(Matt zxvii. 42. and Mark xv. 32.) translates Kara^arta by
" iiMeigadau," and once (Matt. XxWi. 43.) pwrifffi** by "/au»-
yadau." Lately, alao. v. Gabclcntz and Lobe, in their valu-
able edition of Ulfilas (pp. 187 and 3S5), have justly assignni
to tlie middle the following forms, all but one lately brought
to light, by Castiglione's edition of St. Paul's Epistles:
vfkunaandn, yvdaavreu (John atiii. 35.) ; /aiflnrfn, "vifuperont"
(Rom, ix. 19.); yavosvacta undivxinein. evStKTTjreu a^J>9ap!av
(1 Cor. XV. 61.}; vaurkjfada, ipyaZ'STm (3 Cor. iv. 17.}; usUu-
hada, Karep-^at^era* {2 Cor. vii, 10.); and llwjrmdnn. yajirjaa-
Tuxrai' (1 Cor. vii. 9.). Grimm, in the first L-ditton of his
Grammar (p. 444), gives the forms aixteigadau and husmdau,
justly, I doubt not, as iniper.itivcs, but considera them as
erroneous transfcTcncca of the Greek expressions into the
passive fonn. What, however, could induce Ulfilas to trans-
late the middle pvc&dBw, not to mention the active Kara^ojiA,
by a passive, when he lind so many other opportunities for
exchanging Greek middles for passives? In the second
edition (1. 8^5.) Grimm aska, "Have we here \0. Ed. p. OIB.]
the III. subjunctive of a Gothie middle?" Were they, how-
ever, subjunctives middle, they must then have retained the
cliamcteriatic t of this mood, and, in this respect, have un-
swcrcd to the Indo-Greek middle, such as bharHa (from
bharaita). ^cpoiro. The mi<ldleand passive could not he dis-
tinguislied by the insertion or suppn-ssion of the exponent
of the subjunctive relation. 1 explain, therefore, aisteigadau
and lausyadau.sa well as the lat«r liugandaa {yafitivStTuiffav),
* P. ISS. Compare Voralbmua, p. 70. nn<l Orimm I. lOTiO.
600
fRONOUNS.
without hesitation, as imperativefloF t]ie middle voice; for as
such tliey answer excellently well to the Siinakrit middle im-
perative8.asiA<ir-a-/dm, " let him bear or receive," hhnr-a-ntAm,
" let tliem bear or receive.'" The Gothic att has the same
reliiUon liere to Ihe Simaltrit dm. as, in the first subjunctive
person nctivct where, for instiinec, iryau, "ichtei," "1 may
be." answers to the Sanskj-Jt xydm. The old ui hns been resolved
into II, and lias formed a diphthong with the preceding a (com-
pare §. 255. jO- I"^ respect to form, however, ahte'ujndau,
lau»yadau, and liugandnu, are at the sa.me time passive ; and
Ulfilxu would probably have also rendered the idea " let him
be freed" by lau^undoH. In the traitstation of the Bible*
however, aii occasion for the use of the pa«t>ive imperatlTe
rarely occurs.
427. Wliile the Greek at>d Gothic have carried over
the middle form into the passive, so tliat the passive and
middle, with the exception of the Greek aoriat iukI future,
are perfectly identical; iu tlie Sanskrit and Zend the pas*
sivc, indeed, exhibits the more important icmiinations of
the middle, through which tlie symbolieiU retro-ojieration
of tlie action on tlie subject is expressed, but a practical
distinction occurs iu the special tenses (^. 109\), in that the
syllable ya — of which more hereafter — is appended to the
root, but tlie cliaracteristic additions and other pemitiaritics,
[G. Ed. p. 020.] by which the dificrent classes are distin-
guished ill the two active forms, are resumed. In Greek,
JciV-vy-Tot is as well passive as middle, but in Sanskrit,
fV«^ chi-nu-lf.. from f% eki, "gather," is only middle, and
tlie passive is cht-ya-ti : iu Greek, Si'Sorai, Tirrarat, are both
passive and middle ; in Sanskrit the kindred forma ?T| dal-tS.
anomalous for dadd-li. firmt tiiJilha-U, are only middle, and
their passive becomes dt-yaU. ifh^yai^* In that the San-
skrit and Zend passive is formed immediately from tlie root,
• Some of Ihe roots In d weaken th^t vowtl to i before the pttsuve
clLUHctoriciic j<i.
TBRBS.
601
tlie claas-charactcristics being removed, it answers to other
derivative verba, the crubuI. deaidcrativL-, aud iiitcusive, and
wc, in treating of thcni, shall return to it. The middlf,
however, we shall treat pnri pasm with the transitive active
form. OS it is diatiiiguislifd from tliis latter, in uearly every
case, only by tlie extensioD of the persounl tenninntions.
iSS. The moods in Sanskrit are five, if we include the
indicative, in which, in fact, no modal relations, but only
those of time, are expressed. Theahsence of modal arcessary
notions is its characteristic. The other moods are, the po-
tential, imperative, precalive,* and eonditionnl. Besides
theie, wc find in the Vedas fragmeuta of a mood, which, in
the principle of its formation, corresponds to the Greek
subjunctive, and by the grnmmariiina is called tft.f Tlio
same moods, even to the subjunctive, or ffl. exist in Zeud,
only I am not able to cite the couditioDal, which stands
in nearest connection with the future, and [G. Eil. p. 621.]
which in Sanstrit, also, is very rare. The infinitive and par-
ticiple belong to the noun. The indicative has six tenses,
viz. one present, three preterites, and two futures. The pre-
terites, in form, correspond to the Greek imperfect, aorist, and
perfect. With tJieir use, however, the language, in its present
condition, deals very capriciously; for which reason, in my
Sanskrit Grammar, I have named them only with reference
to their form : the first, single-formed augmented preterite ;
the second, multiform augmented preterite; and tha third,
reduplicated preterite. Both futures are likewise indis-
lingiUshable in their use, and I name them according to
their composition: the one, which answers to the Oreck
* B«ti«dieUve, Aucordtng to ui.
t 'The Indian graiDinftrintu nsmt? the tciun snil raoml* aflBr vowels,
whlcb, ta designate ihc priacipal Umaca, arc inserted between M I nail
Z t, anA, to deaignate the tecondHry, Iwiween K / sod V n. Thoa
the DameM run, lut, lif, liU, Irlt, lit, lot ; Ian, llii, tun, t^in. See Cole -
brookc's GrammAT, pp. 1S3. ISl.
R R
602
VERBS.
and Lithuanian future, and is inoit used, the nuxitinry
Tuture; tbe other, the participial future, as its first cl»-
ment is a participle which answers to the Latin in tMrtn.
Id tlie Zcrud 1 have uot yot detected this tense, but all
the] other Snntkrtt tenses I have, and have given proofs of
this iu the reviews mentioned in the preface (p. xii. last line
hut two.). The mouda ranging srter the indicative have, in
Sanskrit and Zend, only one tensL- each ; yet the potential and
prcoative have, iu fact, stich a relation to each other, as,
in Greek, tbe present and second oorist of tlie optative ; and
Paniui embraces both of these modal forms under the name
Hn. The same relation of wishing and praying, which is spe-
cially rei^resented by the precativr. may also be expressed
by tho potential, wliich is in far more general use. In the
Vedas traces are apparent of a further elaboration of the
moods into various tenses, and it may hcDcc be inferred, that
what the European languages, in their devolopemcnt of the
moods, have in excess over the Sanskrit and Zend, dates, at
[0. £«l. p. 02-j.'] least in its origin, h'om the period of the
unity of the language.
4-39. The numbers of the verb ore three in most of the
languages here treated of. The LAtin verb bos. like its
noun, lost tlie dual ; but the GerniEinic has preserved the
verbal dual in its oldest dialect, the Gothic, in preference
to that of the noun; the Old Sclavouic retains it in both;
and so hns the Lithuanian to tlie present day. The Pali
and Pr&krit, otherwise so near to the Sanskrit, have, like
the X^tin, parted with botli the dual and the middle
of the active forms. In oppoaition to the Semitic, there
in no distinction of gender in the personal signs of the
Sanskrit family ; which is not surprising, as the two first
persons, even in their simple condition, are without the
distinction, while the Semitic dispenses with it only in the
first person, ns well simple as in the verb, but, in the
second and third, in both conditions distinguishes tbe
VBKBS.
603
r^initiine rrooi iIil> masctiliue. Tliti OM Sutavonic lias, in the*
duaJ, gtiined a femtniDc in an inorganic fjasbiou, and by
a ilh'crgcncc from the priiunry tyjK,* of its class, as well in
its simiilc pronoun of the Srst pcreon, as in tlm tbroe persons
of the verb. As, namely, va, " we two," lias the termination of
a roasculirte subslimlivo dual, to which the ffiniiiitie io "fe yp
corresponds (^.273.); so, by the power of nnalogy, out uf
that vx va has been developed a fcoaiuiue Bb vvf, and, in
accordance with this, in the verb aleo; for iustnnve, kcba
yetvot " vro two are" (niHsciiline). Ktttb ufsvye (feminine),
answering to the Siinskf it «uwj (abbreviated from qsmyis), and
tlie LitUuaiiiuii vsva. In the sjuiie manner, in the second
and third duiil pt'rsons, 'n^hich, in the masculine, are botli
yesla, answering to tlie Sanskrit (a)sHias, (n)atns, anil the
Greek Htrrov, cotoc, a Feminine ye*lj/r KETt lias been formed ;
for as, in virtue of the law by which the terminating aibilant
of the Suiiskj-it form is necessarily rejected [O, Ed. p. 623.]
(see §.256. A), tile verbal dual ending became identical witli that
oftlio uiaseuliue noun, and as, moreover, the termination ta has
precisely the same sound with the iiidcpcndcnt ta, "these
two" (uien), the way was thus opened to the formation of
a feminine personal termination T'b fy<; whicli is also iden-
tical with tlic independent /y*-, "liiesc two" (women). The&o
feminine verbiU terminations are in any case worthy of
observation, ns they rest ou the feeling of tbc grammaticnl
identity of the verb with the noun, and shew that the spirit
of the Jangnoge was ^^tally imbued with the principle of
close eouuectioi)) which bad of old existed lictwecn tiic simple
pronouns and those joined with the verbal bases.
•I3U. With respect to the personal signs, the tenses and
moods fall most evidently, in Sanskrit. Zend, and Gret.'k. into
two classes. The one is fuller, the otlier more contracteil
in its terminations. To tlie first class belong those tenses
which, in Greek, w*e are accustomed tu call the priiieipul,
oamcly. tlic present, future, and perfect or reduplicated
rrS
604
VERBS.
preterite, whose terminationB, however, have undergone
serious matilntions in the three sistt^r languitges. which c1«arly
have their foundation in the inciimbrnncc of the conimenee-
ment by the reduplication -syllable. To the second class
belong the augmented preterites, and, in Sanakfit and Zend,
all iJie moods not indicative, with the exception of the
present of the fH or subjuuL-tive, anil of those temiinationa of
the imjwrative which are peculiar to this luood, and are rather
full than contracted, tn Greek, the Bubjunctive has the fuller
torminatiout, but the optative, which answers to the Sanskrit
potential, has, like its Asiatic prototype, the contraetcd. The
[G. Ed. p. fl34.] termination fxt of rvirroifu is. as we Iiave
elsewhere observed,* inorganic, as appears from a comparison
with the TVJTToi'fitjv which has sprung from the original form
Tvmoiv and the conjugation in /« (SiSoirtv).
'i:)l. In Latin, tills double form of the personal termi-
nationsi although in an inverted relaticnit makes itself
observable in this, that where the fuller form mi stood, the
termination, excepting in the cases of sum and hnjiinm, has
vanished altogether. Ou the other Imnd, tlie original
final m has everywhere maintained itself. Hence, amc,
amab</; but amabam, cram, .lim, amrm, as, in Sanskrit.
a-bhavam and ihtam, " 1 was," tyAm. " 1 may be," himayfijnm,
*'] may love." In the other persons an uniformity of
terminations has crept in by the abrasion of the t of ttie
primary forma; iJiiw, tegis^i), legit{i), (etfunt^t), as &(/««,
hgfit, Ugfinf.
432, In the Gothic, the aboriginal separation into the
full and mutilated terminations makes itstrlf principally
conspicuous in tliat the terminations ti and nti of the
primary forms have retained the T sound, because it was
protected by a following vowel, but have lost tlie J ;, on
the other hand, the concluding i of the secondary forms,
* BerUn Johrb. Feb. 1327. p. 279, or V'ocalwniu, f. i-L
VKBfiS.
605
as in tlie Greek, has vanished : heneo, for example.
biiir-i-tk, bair-a-nd, answering to *TTfil bltar-a-t't, HTf^ t/har~
a-nti (^ip-o-vri), but bair-aU like ijtipot, answeiing to Mtl^
bhar-f-l (from bhoTait) fer-a-t. In the first pt-rson singular,
the full terminatiuu mi (with the exception of im, " 1 ani")
has, in remnrlcable nccordance with the Latin, rjuite dis-
appeared; on the other hand, tlie concluding m of the secon-
dary forms has not, indeed, as in the Lutin, been retained
uDaltcruU. but yet htis kept its pltuit; in the resolved form of u
(compare §.420. p. 619. G.ed.): thus hair-a. answering to
iHITftt hhar-A-mi, but baiT-a-u (from batrnm [O. EJ. p. 025.]
far bniraim),'' answering to H^qq hhar-t'ij-am, fer-a-m. In
tlic seeoud ]>erson stngulnr, as in the Latin, an identity be-
tween the primnry and secondary forms has introduced
itself, since the first have lost the concluding t, and the latter
have not brought one from tlic Asiatic scat of their class;
hence !juir-i-8. answering to mfe bltar-asi, and a-lso iair-
ai-» to »^ bhnr-i-s, feT'A-s, ^ep-oi-j.
433. In tlio Old Sclavonic, the secondary forms liave,
in the singular, been compelled entirely to abandon the
personal consonant (see §. 255. ^). on account of its being
final; hence, in the imperative, whiuh is identical with
the Sanskrit potential, the Greek optative, and Ruinan-
German subjunctive, the second person singular ends with
the modnl-vowel i. and, in the preterite, answering to the
Sauskj'it-Groek aorist, the second and third persona have
the same sound, because the concluding s, tike t, was iie-
cc85nrily dropped. Compare, in the preteriti: iterjitive, the
ierminalioQUiE.syif.mc. a/ip. with the Sanskptv/^ iiV. Wtn sH.
On the other baud, the primnry forms give the expresaiun
of the second person singular with wonderful accuracy, iis
toil, shi, or ctt, at; and out of the fn li of the third we have
T, and. in the plural at from anli. Wc now proceed to a
closer consideration of the personal signs.
* CorajtArg VikaIwdius, p, ■SOil.
eoG
VKBBS.
FIRST PEEftON.
434. Tlie character of tin- first [lersou i». in the singular as
well H8 plural, in its original sliape. m ; but in llie dual t)i« lan-
gungfs, which [>os8cs8 a first duni |KT$on in the tmmitive
LG. Ed. p. 026.] active fbrtu. have softened the m to v, as wc
have also found vini pe/yam '*we,"forinin mflytimiin the plural
of the simple pronoun, and similar pJicnomena in several cog-
nate languages (§. 33 1 .). The ful I characteristic of the first jwr-
son aijigular is, in the primary form of the transitive active,
mi, and spreads itscET, in Sanskrit and Zend, over all verbs
without exception: inGreelt, however — peculiarities of dialect
excepted — it extends only over audi as answer to tlie second
chief Sanskrit c-onjugation. which embracfs the classes two,
three, five, seven, eight, and nine (§, 109'.),bul altogcthcrcom-
priwfi but a small proportion of the verbs (about 200). The
other Greek verbs have (jaite suppressed the personid ter-
mination, and their u (omega), like the Lntin o of all conju-
gHlions, answers to the Sanskrit d, wliicli, in forms Vike bddh'
•d-mi. " I know,"/u</-fl-nii, ■' I wound." " I slay." belongs nei-
ther to the root nor the personal terminatioa, but is the
character of the ct»5s, which, when it eonsiats of a short ir,
ur of syllables ended by a, lengthens that letter before m and
V followed by a vowel: hence. biklh-A-mi. biiJh-d-vaa, hodK-&-
imtis, in contrast to bi^dh-a-ji, bAdh-fi-ti; h6ilh-a-lhi!tt, Mdh-n-
tas; ttAih-a-iho, bMli-a-vU. The Greek lias no participation
in this lengthening, and makes repn-o-ficv answer to the
Sanskrit tarit-A-mas. It is possible, liowever, that, in the
singular, repTt-ta-fu may have once stood, answering to tarp-
d-mj; and if so, wc might conjecture that this u may liave
been shortened in the jilural and dual (niiildlc) by th<;
influence of the increased weight of the terminations, of
which more hereafter; thus, also, in the medio-paasiv&
Tlie to-be-presupposed tcjdjt-w-/*! lias, in fiiet, the s;mie re-
lation to Tc'pir^./i€v, and ripn-o-ftiit, that 9('3u-/t( has to Hio-ftev
and iii-o-fiai. If, however, we prefer, which I should not, to
FIBST TERSON.
607
nssumc Wfiir-o-fu as the primitive form, the length of repiru
must then becoiisitleredasa compensotioti for the loss of the
temiinatiou. In any cnse the midJle-pns- £Q. Ed. ji. 627.]
sive /icu, whivh spivndg iWelf over all classes of vorbs, prores
tliQt tliey all have had a fit in tlie active; for /.tcci hns epruug
form /u, at mu, rai, vrai, from vi, rt, vrti and without the
prcaeDce either of a Tipinnfii or a jepvofu wc could have no
TepTOjiaf. With regard to the all- prevalent uotucrvation of
the character of the 6rsl person Id tlie mid(l[e-|>assives, the
Greek maintains a conspicuous advantage over its Asiatic
cognates, which, in the singular of Ute middle, oa well in the
primary as in the secondary forujs, have suffered the m 1»
vanish without k-avin-^ a trace. If Tepnta be, as it were.
amended from the Sanskrit form turyA-mi, the mutilated
Sanskfit favm tar ^4* may be, in like manner, traced back
from the Greek repn-o-ftou to its original form larp-il-mf, or
tarp-a-mi.
435. We Gnd, in what has been said above, a very re-
markable cunGrmation of the waxitu, that the varions
■ members of the great family «f language now nnder discns-
sion mast of necessity mutually illustrate and explnio each
other, since not even the most perfect among them have been
lianded down to us uncorrupted in every part of their
rich organism. For while the ending ficu is still extant
in all its splendor in the Modern-Greek passive, tlic cor-
responding Saniskrit form lay in ruins at that period when
the oldest exislinjf sample of Indian literature, the Vcdas.
were composed, the antiquuled language of which has con-
veyed 10 us 8o many other remnants of the primicvnl typo of
the family. On the other hand, Homer, iu all the over-
wlielniiDg variety of his present and future forms, was com-
pelled to forego the tcrminaiing fu, which was the mother of
hia iiai, which is the only existing termination in the Sanskflt,
• Such would b« tbc form of tarpdmi in die tniildlc voice, lo wlticti,
huvrcTcr, it Is not used.
606
VBBBS.
and wbtch to this day the LitJiuaniun utters in the following
verbs.
UT0UAK1A1I.
m ftrmr, I am,
-Wm/.Mgo,- ^^
^ dimi, " I give."
^^. dfmi. " I lay."
MSSS^IT.
=f»mT,
^.1
f'nw.
oimx.
Cfifii', tifu.
tirrrjfu.
=3 fiailA m i,
^(ladh^mi,
=Qdmi . . ■ ■
=ni-»ktdAmi, " I sit dowu" • • . .
=rjadAmi, " I say" . . . .
= kalpa^dmi, " I make, I prepare?"'
'slowmi, " I stand."
edmi, " I eat,"
»fJmi."UiC
g\4dau, " I sing."
gmmf. •' I hel[>,"'
sfrgmi, " \ gliard" ..... ....
t&\tgmi,"\ preserve" .•-•
mifgmi, " I aleej>" • • . .
Uehni, " I leave," =rfiAdini. " I Porsake?"t • • . .
436. Wc must take into account llmt in all these verbs
the termiuatiou ^, as in tJie Sanskpt second class (^ 109*. a)
and in the verbs which correspond to il, such as ^rfp', ti/it. is
combined directly with the root. The Old St-Iavonio alao
has preserved, in some verbs of this kind, which we would
nauie the Archaic conjugation, the termination mi, not.
indeed, in its origiiiul purity, but under the shape of my.
Before this my, however, as also in tlie first person plural
Wfore -my. and before the sibilant of the second person
singular, a radical d is suppressed, wliidi d, befuru tcruii-
[G. Ed. p. 630.] nations beginning with t, in analogy with
the Zend and Greek ($, lOS. p, 102. G. ed.). passes into a %
Compare :
• fo^puydnu, on wliicli lIm Outhic rwsihalp, "lo help" (present Ai^'A,
\>ntcnte haip),i» probolily biucd, ii. In tJl likolihMxl, skin to th« root kar
(hi"), •' to niak*."
t Cooipan p. 441.
t r^t'aloas tvrma ta. exn^ilion, in Hut, in tlic >rcoii4 and third pcT«on
iloni
«f^ aami.
f^^ftr viflavti.
?<;iOl r/ncfdmi.
^ftf dadfiti.
Vfv admi.
H^f^ adanii.
"eo-
TI»e
OU) KLITOKIC
HCUb yesmy, " I am,"
RfeMb vyemy, " I kuow,"
BtA*Tb vytdwiiy, " they know,"
AAMb Jamy, "I give,"*
AAAttTb dadyaty. " they give,"
a Mb j/fltni/, " E eat."
raA*Tb yndnUj, " they ent,"
Tbua also the eoiupound ciiftsib im-wniy for m-vdniy,
medo." " inaBrfuco,'*f and HMAMb imamw, "I have."
Kraiuish deserves special attcution in respect of the first
person singulur, as, without exce|)tjon, it has preserved the
persouid m, although with entire reiiuncintiou of the i;
for instance, drhm, " I labor": so, in Poliah, Id the first
conjugation, as Bandtke bos it. czytam, "I read." In Old
Sclavonic, however, we find everywhere in the couimoD
conjugation S\ un, and we have already remarked tliat we
recognise, in the latter part of this diphthong, the melting
of this personal sign m into a sliort u sound, whieh, with
the preceding conjugation- vowel, has resolved iUelf into un, as
in Greek Tuirrowri from twtttoiti (§. SIi^.^.). \ti. Ed. p. 530.]
Id the same light ia to be regnrdfd the Lithuanian u in
Mielcke's Brat and second coujugation ; compare suJhi,
"I turn," and penii, "I feed." with the plural svk-a-mi,
fien-a-m^. On the other hand, in verbs like laitau, " I hold,"
Vft^X-nii, " 1 seek."' myliu, " I love." the u only belongs to the
personal sign. It is otherwise with the Old High Gerinan u
iu Grimm's strong and first weak conjugation: in these, u is
a weakening of the Gotliic a (Vocolismus. p. 227. 91), and this
dual it intern an « u ft GontiM4ing vawel ; henen, j/ad-t^it ia eoalnwt lo
da*-ta, vyeX'ta. ^v Knintar's GIhkoIiih, ]>. 0.1.
* Isptncrnllj iim<3 wiUi n fuluiv aiciiilivAUon.
•i Tlu^ SwrtaVrit prrpoatUon Mam, GrctoJc m-v, 1ms, in SclAVonic, usually
Iiwt tho nwial, ^ut hna prcKrvvd it in ihe iilmve ioalnDcoi.
GIO
TBnns.
is itsdr a shortenitig of the Sanskrit A, sihI k> far corre-
sponds to the Greek w nnd Latin p (see §.434.). Com-
pare the GoUiic ftu/r-n-*. Old Higli Geniiiiri bir-u- {pirn), with
HTlftt hhnr-H-mi, ^tp-w-Cfiil. //r-w. Tlic only verb which, in
Gothic has preacrvcd a reiniiaiit of llie tcrininatiou /ai, ia
im, " I am," = irftil annr. &c. hi High German, however,
tbe remains of this old tt^nuitmtion are more numerous:
in the Germnn bin it has to this day rescued itself from totjil
suppression. The OIU High Gcrmau form ia bim, or pirn, a
contraction of the Sanskrit hhacAmi, the i* of which reappears
ID the shape ofrin the plural birttmH. Besides tlicse, tho
personal sign in Otd High German fastens on some oilier
isolated verbs, as on tjAm, "I go," =innfil jwydmi, ^i^fftt,
(p. Ill); illim," Istanii" ^filW\f^ t'lihthAmi, ZemI j^AU^ejojw
hhlAmi, Greek, Jirrtj/ii (p. Ill); tumn, "I do," =^S!in8krit
QVrfn dtidhimi, " I place," Greek liStjfiu f^Tyifl v't-dadhAmi,
"I make"; and, further, on those cloAScs of verbs whidi ex-
hibit tlie Sanskrit form aya in the shape of ^ or «f (Grimm's
second and third conjugations of the weak form, see §. 109", 6.).
Heneo habihn (Gothic haha), (Iamn^>m, and phlunsim, are
more pcrfeet tlum the corre«[K>nding Latin forms hobto.
damno, planlo. Yet it is ooly the oldest roonnmciita which
eNhihit the m termination : the more modem substitute n.
(0, Eil.p. IWI.] 437. In thesccondiiry forms the expression
of the first person singular, in Sanskrit and Zend, is termi-
nated by m without nvowel ; and (his mutilate<l ending, which
has maintained itself in Latin in preference to the fuller mi
({. 431.), has been forced in Greek, by a universal law
of sound, to become v ; just as we have Been, in tlie Old
High German, the final m of the moat ntH-ient authorities
corrupted into a. Compare trepii-o-v witli atnTp-n-m,
^itiot-v and eSw-i* with adnd'i-m and uf/d-m; and further.
iiio-i^v and $o-i7iv with datt-tjAta and dS-yHm. In the Grst
Greek aorist the [icrsoual sign bos vanished; hence, cfti^a
contrasted with vfi^'^v adilttham. The older c^cifav, from
viRST rsnsoN.
611
a still older form e^ci^o/u, con be trac«d, however, out of
tbe resulting miJJIo form iiu^ait-ijv. With respect to tlie
Gothic u for m. we refer the reader to §.-l32.
" Rf mark. — We liavf, nbove, divided atiirp-a'pi after the
fasliion of tlie Greek ETcpn-o-v, but bavo further to observe,
that, nccordiiig to tlie Indian grammarians, the full termina-
tion of tlic first person singular of the secondary form is not
a simple rn, but am: accordingly, otar^mm would stHitd for
oitirpAm from alarp-a-nm. and "we should have t<> assume an
elision of the intermediate syllable a. In fact, we find tbo
termination am in places where the a cannot, as in atnrp-a-m,
ojwi-ya-m, adaT.i-ny/i'm, be assigned to the class chamctcr
(5- I09M.2. 5.); for wc form, for instance, out of /, "go,"
dif-am, not Ai-m, " I went"; from brU, " speak," abrav-um
or abruv-am, not ahrA-m, " I spoke"; and from the s^llobles
nu and u, which, in the special tenses, are apjiemled to the
rtiots of the fifth and eighth class (§. 109". 4.), spring, not
nd-m, <J-m, as wc might expect from the present n6-mi,
fj-mf, but navam, avam; and thus, for instance, wo find
WHIO V\ axfjiiiavnttt, plumi VW^ tutlnnuma, answering to
iirr6pv0i', ttrropvufteu. As, however, the second person in San-
skrit has a simple j, thetliird a simple I, for ita sign, and, for in*
stance, axtri~nA-», tisfri-fiA4, answer to the Gr. itnift-vv-i, i-<n6p-
-^^(t); fromthcnco.as well as from the fact that the Orcek also,
in the first person, has a simple v. wc may deduce tliat the a of
asirinamm is inorganic, and im[>orted from tlie first conjuga-
tion, justas.in Greek, wc fittd for e<rr6pvv-v [O. Ed. p. 0.')2.]
also iaropvu'O-v ; and so, in tbe third person, together
with eo-ropvO also coTopi'V-e, to which a Set-nakjit asiriiuiv-a't
would correspond. The verbs which unite the [lorsonal ter-
minations immediately with roots ending in consonants may
have particularly fuvoiirrd the introduction of an a into the
first person; thns, for instance, to the present I'^rfm/, "I know."
no av&im could follow; the personal character must have
vsniahed entirely— na in the second and third person, where.
612
VBBBS,
instead otai-H-t, avfit^, hy $. 94. ar4t (for mffti) is used' — or
else the aid of an intermediate vowel must have bevu sought,
as the nominitl bases temiin&ticgin a consonant aild am instead
of simple in in the accusative, from whence this termioation has
passed also over to monosyllabic bases tt-rniinatiiig n-ith a
vowel ; so that ndtwim for iidum, and bfiruv-am torbhfAm have
tlie same relatlou to tht! Greek vav~v, 6<(>p6-¥, that we have seen
atfriwiwrn {for aalrinUm) hear to wTopvu-v. In any east!, how-
ever, tlie a has acquired a firm ustahtishmeutin thehrst person
singular of the secondarj- forms; and it would bo beat perhaps,
practically as well as thcoruticullyt to lay down the rule,
that where a or <1 does not precede the terminating m as the
property eitlier of a class, a mood, or a root, tiiat letter is in-
Irodiioed : hence we 6nd (darp-a-m, " plQenbam," adaifd-m,
"doAffliB," atjd'tn, "ibam" (from tlio rwit yti), <iyi/-n<l-m,
"tlgaham," {<;1.9. see §. 1U9'. 5.), dudyd-m, "Jem"; but also
tutri-nav-ttm, " sternrliam," for osiri-nA-m; and tarp-i/i/-am.
" placem* {^. 43.), hrltirpfm ; lUlHiif-if-am, "alem" (or thhth^m.
which last would accord more closely with ihhtlth, "xteg";
tifhfkfl, '"gM"; livhth^ma. "gtfmm"; thhthHa, "amiM."
438. In the Gothic, as we have before rcmarlted (J. 432.),
the m of the secondary forms has resolved itself into u.
This termination, however, lias entirely vanislicd from tlio
Old High German, with the exception of a solitary exam-
pie, which has preserved the original m in preference to
the Gothic u; namely, iirm-m, "disam,^ in Kero. In tlio
Lithuanian, both the mutilated m and the fuller ending mi
haw been corrupted into u, and therefun: just as Inilnu, " I
hold." is related to the to-br-pn»up]>oscd Itiil-am from lail-ami,
[Q. Ed. p. 633.} 80 is btnma to the Sanskrit a-bttnvnm,
" I was." With respect to tlie Sclavonic, t may refer the
* In the avcond jxnon the form aeft dw hoiJs gocxi wiUi the nwllcftl
MfMnnuu fltipprc«Kd and th« tcmiution r«iaiaei], na in the Latin iwnii-
nstives, likp^-< Iotptd-4.
riHST PBRSON.
613
reader to what has been said ^nerally {§. 433.) od the ain>
galar secondary terminntions, and to ivbat will follow here-
after on tlie preterite in particular.
439. With regard to the origin of the termination of the
first person. I consider mt to be a weakened fornt of the
syllable ma (compare p. lo2). whidi, in Sanskrit and Zend,
Ilea at the foundation of the oblique cases of the simple pro-
noun OS theme. In the nord tlaJiUni, mi has the same
relation to the ma in which it Originates, as thu Latin i bears
in compounds like Ju6(C/A'(-rniu)t to the true radical form
CAN. The sefoudarj* form rests on a furllier weakening
of mt to m, whieh, though it he of most remote anticjuity.
as would appear from ils striking accordance with the sister
languafjes of Europe, still does not belong to those times
wlieu the organization of the language was yet dourishing
in lUl its parts, and in full vigour. I do not. at least,
believe, that in the youth of our family of languages tliere
was aln'»dy a double series of personal terminations ; but
I entcptaJu the conjecture, that, in the course of time, tho
terminations underwent a polishing process in (hose
places where ftn accession to tlie anterior part (in tJie
augment-preterites), or an insertion into the interior (in
the potenlUl or optative), hnd given greater occasion for
sueh a process.' Tlie gradual prevalence of the mutilated
terminations is illustrated by the fact, that, in Latin, all
the plurals still end in man, in Greek in fiev {^i), while in
Sanskrit the corresponding form m^^ mas only remains in
the primary forms, and even in these ahcws itself not
unfrequently in the mutilated form ma, [0. Ed. p. 834.J
which, in the secondary terminations, has become the rule:
hence we have, indeed, (iirp-d-7na.v, .wrj>-(I-*/i«j(,and occasionally
(orf^-d-ffio, sanp-A-ma, corresponding to re/sw-o-fjej, »erp-
-i-mru, (§.109*. 1.); but constantly afcrp-d-iwo, asarp-A-ma,
answering to erepir-o-^ei, aerjtebamm ; constfintly ds-ma.
Compare VocnUsmatv nem. IS.
I
instead ofaiH-t. av4l-l, by §. 94. avft (for atx*(/) is used" — or
else tlic aid of an iDtcrmcdiatc vovrel uitu't hnvc been sought,
as the nominal boaes terminating in a consonant add a/Ti instead
orsimple m in the accusative, from whence tliis termination has
pfissed also over to monosyllabic bases terminating with a
Towel ; 80 that vdv-am for n/ium, and hhrnv-am for Itliriim have
tlie Mine relation to the Greek vav'V, 6^pv-y, tJiat wc have seen
nxfrjirov-am (for asirindm) bear to earofivv-v. In any case, liow>
ever.the a has acquired a firm establishment in the 6r8t jserson
singuhir of theseeondar}' forma ; and it would be best perhnpa,
practically as well as tbeoretieidly, to Iny down the rule,
that where a or d does not precede the tcrmitiatinf; m as Uic
property either of a class, a mood, or a root, that letter is in-
troduced : hence we find o/arp-a-m, " plitcabam." odaM-m.
"dabam," ayA-m, "ibam" (from the root y/I), nyu-nd-m.
"iiynhnm" (cl. 9. see 4- 109*. 5.). dadyd-m, -dem"; but also
atitri-naV'am, " stertifliatn," for aalri-Hii-m; and tarp-fy-am,
"plaetm" (f 43-). for tarpem ; tUhtU-yam, " stem" for lishth?m,
which last would accord more closely with ttihlhh, " ttet"" ;
tiahthH. -atel"; thhlhfma, "stnnus"; thhtli^Oi, " stUiaT
439. In tlie Gothic, as we have before remarked (§. 432.),
the m of the secondary' forms has resolved itself into u.
TTiis termination, however, has ejitirely vanished from the
Old High German, with the exception of a solitary exam-
ple; which has preserved the original m in pn-fercDce to
the Gothic u; namely, limcm. "dUcnm" in Kero. In the
Lithuanian, both the mutilated m and tlie fuller ending mi
bave been corrupted into », and tliereruru Just as laik-au, " I
bold," is related to the to-bc-prcsupi>oftcd iaitcam from lailcami,
[O. Ed. p. 633.] so is butcaa to the Sanskrit a-hlun-nm.
"i HU." With respect to the Sclavonic, I may refer tho
* In ihe arc«nd porann tin* form avf-t
aMonant tuftprcnpd aiul the (cri
onttTo, Vkrpc-t tarpcJ-t.
6U
VCBBS,
iuiswcring to ^(a)~fi£i, erAntu*. dady&-taa to iiioit}~fxti. ami
U*htiiA-ma to st^iuui. To (mus, however, to the exjilanation
oftlie termiiiaiiun mat, we iniglit assuinv tli»t it shoiiM be
divided into m-a» ; tlutt tlie m sliouKl stand as theme, Liut t)ie
ov as a plural nooiiuntive t4.-rmiuatioii ; for mna ends like
q^^ ptuiof. fi^i like iro^Gf, and tbc personal endings always
express n mmiiiiativc relatiun. It is, bowcver. also pnasiMe
that the s nf mta reata on the snmc principle &s the > uF the
Zeiid Mi^i^ yas, " rou,** for yiismS, and tlie « »f the San-
skrit nat, uis, and Latin hm, wa.* Then -^npt ad-nuu
would sigiiify " I and they cat,'' as \rc have st^cn that v«)
{frmi wus cnusidert:^ a copulative coiupouud in the ncnbe
«f " 1 end tliey " CS. 333.).t In this view the Vedic termi-
nation mo^r. on which rests tlie Zend mahi — for inatince,
^H^ dadmftai, juiju^^^^aj^ dailemalii, " we give" — wonid
[G. E^ p, 635.] ftjipeur to be a Dtutilntiou and weakeuing
of the appended pronoun tma, or the i of matt would be a mu-
tilation of 5 { = a+i)i&.ndm'iai (formo-vi'J wouUJlhusjoin itself
to the Vedic plural nominative fi-wn^ for mmmf. The inde-
pendent asmi would have lost the finil. and the terminntion
masi the second m. If. however, the first supposition be Ibc
true one, the i of m/ioi might be eomparcd with tlie Gret-k
dosoDstFative /. onuttiag the difiercocc of quantity.
•Sea^$.336.33fl.S37
t Ai to tbe cxpT««iioii " we" otbCT coDipatuons an roon> niiuKlly Attri-
buted to the / Otnn Itm pcrwn or pt-nonB ai1<In:ssci], to wliom, in fact,
tbiuj;^ &r« D»tuii1y rcc«aiite<l in wliich thoy tbcrosclvos liav« but at
share | and as, moreover, for the iik>K " wo two," in iis simple iiae, a ipe-
cial forrn in provided, which perbftpa exlslci] before other AvtiU ; it m^idb
toiQoUldehli^clylhjit Fotl'a ooiiji.<clur* (Deil. Jkhrb, MmcIi IB33,p.3a6)
is eorrsd, that tlie syllable mat of ihe first peraon ]i]urul proprrly cx-
ftetaa "I and tliou"; end thjit ilicrvfure the pronoun of ihewcond person
Is exiirvMcd by the », in the nine fprtn ia which it apjmrs ia the
■ingalsr of the vtrb, which in nny cue wo lire obliged first (odoivc from
Ibe X of twam, while, by Uie exphuutioii alforr, the » is given m exiMing
originally.
TIRRT PEESON. G15
410. The Old Uiijli Gorman exhibits the first person
plural in the very full anJ jierfect sliape mh, as well in
the primary as in the sccHiiJary forms — i, c. in the iudicn*
tive and subjunctivct — while the Gotliie has in the one
merely m, in the other ma. In the Lithuanian we 6nd
everywliere m6 ; in the Caniiolan mo, for instance, deUimo,
" we labor"; but the Old Sclavonic has a naked vi or mn
— the latter, however, only in a few verba, whielihaTf, in the
singular, the more full terminatiou my (p. 609); for instance,
iftMbi ya-my, "we eatf^^^wv ad-mat; BlMbi vve-my,
" we know," = f^wa vict-mna. Tliis Sclnvontc i>i y for
i or o, which, necording to§. 3&&. o., we might expect in
answer to the Saoskfit « o, is, I believe, produced by the
GUphonic influcDce of the original s which concludes the
form (compare §. 271.). It is more difBcult to aw-ount
for Uie long e in Old High Gcniinn, unless Graff (I. 21.) he
right in his conjecture, that the termination mis may rest
upon that peculiar to the Vedas, mm'i. We should tlieo have to
assume either that the i which had been dropped from the
termination had been replaced by the lengthening of the
antecedent vowel (tlius mis for mdt. as in Gothie i =in 4
§. €9.). or that the t had fallen back into the preceding
syllable; for out of ai we have, in Old High German, as in
Sanskrit, 9. In Gothic, we may be surprised that the more
mutilated termination m should answer to the fuller Sanskfit
termination m?^ mwi. while the shorter ma [G. Eip. (Wfi.]
of the secoiKlary forms has remained unaltered; thus
bair-a-m, "/trrimus,"" contrasted witli wrwi^ bftar-d-maa and
fcair-ai-mo, "fitramia," answering to »^ hhar-i-ma. Pro-
bably the di|>hthoug ni, nud. in the preterite sultjimctive, the
long i' (written ff, na in ber-f^i-ma), was found bL'ttcrflblo toboar
the weight of the personal termination, after the same prin-
ciple by which the rcduptieation-syltable of the preterite^
in tlie Gothic, has only maintained itself in the roots with
long syllables, but has perished in the short We must con-
5
616
VBRBS.
aider lluit ihe Sanskril, in the redu|>lii'ated preterite has, in
like manner, it mu, not i|B mcu ; but the Gothic, in this
place, does not tliare ihe terniinntiori ma with the Sanskrit,
but — as I believe, oa account of tJic shortness of the ante-
CLtlcnt vowe) — has a simple m; henec. for ioatance, bund-a-m,
" we bouiiti," answering to vvf^ni bdbandh-i'tna.
■141. In the dual, the Sanskrit luis iyjh in the primary
forms, aiid va in tlie secondary', in analogy u-itli thu plum)
mas, ma. The difTereiice botvecn the dual und the plum)
is. however, so far an accidents.] one, in tliat, as we liave
before observed (§.-134.}. tl'c duaJ v is a corruption of m.
Tliis diffrrence is, nevertheless, of remote antiquity, uud
existed before the iodividuatizatton of the German. Ltthu-
anian, and Sclnronie, which nil participate in this peculiar dual
form. The Lithuanian universally has wa, th^ Old Sclavonii^
together with ba va, an inorganic feminine Bt vye {%. 439) :
but the Gothic has thrco forms, and the most perfect in the
subjunctive, where, for instance, bair-ai-va has the same
relation to »n5 bfiar-4-ea, as, in the plural hair-ai~ma to
>i^ bhar-^'tntt- The reason why the dual ending, in this
position, has maintained itself most completely, plainly
lies, as in the case of the plural, in the antecedent
diphthong, wttich has felt itself atrung cnon<;li to hear the
syllable la. [q the indicative present, however, the long d
[G. Ed. p. oar.] which, in the Saiakrit bhar-H-vas. pre-
cedes tlie [lersonnl termination, luis, in the Gothic, shortened
itself, in all probability, ns, in the pliiral, bair-<i-m, and, in the
Greek. ^p-o-fMi, contrasted with blmr-d-miu: then. Itow-
ever, V has permitted itself to be extinguished, and out of
baira{v)as, by a union of both the vowels, bairdu has been
generated, as d. in Gothic, is the long form of a {§. 69.) ; and
heoep, in the nominative plural masculine of the a bases,
in like manner A is produced out of n + as, so that, for
instajice, vuirds, " men," answers to tlie Sanakpit virAr,
" heroes " (out vi vira-at). In the indicative preterite wc
FIltflT PERSON.
617
cannot rxpcct to meet with ds, as thia tense has Tor its
connecting vowel not a bat u; uor can we expect to meet
with U'va, since va, like the plural ma, ciin be borne only
by diphthongs or long vowels. The next iu turn is u-v,
AS analogous to the plural ii-m. At Uie end of a word,
however, v ia subject, where preceded by s short vowel,
to be changed into u. Hence, for instance, thru, " ser-
t'KHi," (for ttiiv). from the base THIVA; and thus, also.
from u-v, first ii-m, atid ticxt long il, may have been gene-
rated, by the union of the two short vowels into one
long. I therefore hold the « o( maga, " wo two can," siyu,
" we two are," the only evidenee for the form under dis-
cussion.* to be long, and write majji, sij/il, as «.-outrai.-tioDa
of mnffu-v. xiyu-u. from mng-u-v, siy-it-v. Should, however,
the « of this termination bft neither long nor the modern
shortening of an originally long u, it would then be identical
with that which stands as & connecting vowel in mafj-u^s,
maff-tt-m, or it would be cxplainiible as nrniju Trom mngvat
Kiyu trom liyvit. Independently, however, of the phonetic
impossibility of the last-meutioned form, LG. Ed. p. 638.]
the imtncdiftte annexation of the personal ending to the
root is incredible, because the first dual person would thus
prrstrnt a contrast scarecly to be j»stifit;d to tlii; acuonil, and
to (ill those of the pluml, as well as to the most ancient
practice of this tense. Iu Zend I know no example of the
first person duid.
44S. Of the middle teririnalions f shall treat particularly
hereafter. The following is a summary view of the points
of comparison we Iiave obtained for the first person of the
transitive active form.
* Ai njifjT U throDghoot ittSveted m a protrritc, uid also the veib snb-
HiantivD ia both plDrali, Grtmm has, ciTtiiioly wnili justice, ileilucol tlie
foTiD of the &nt dual pcmon of nil the proicritca froni tlic fvrt^ing in-
stAn«M.
■ •
^^
•Udmh,
Aoirant,
stowiioa, tteiva,
dudawa,'' dadevom
.... wifwa.*
iwxAm'' ....
dudame,^ damy.'*
txAimix, viffam, wexamf, vtiom.
tiam.
dtuhdvmy.^*
itTTairtiifr^tSmiit, ....
diiijliijilma, j)iAotr)jj*c, lihrtua, .... . .
baraima, ^ipotittt^ferdmas, bairaima}* . ,
vasaSma^ t;(oifitt, vthAmtu, vlgcitna^* .... v«igem,'
vaadmaf ri^n/ut, wAiiHrmut, .... ttwiARe"' ....
' Srt^aW.^. < &««$.80. * If V(, for /"{ixoc, U related
to 7x»f tli^iL fx'^ 0^ BMads for f <x"f ^^ belongs to raA/tinf and veho.
The siKnirtcniuiin, aUo, of moretnent in ibe cotii[>ouiiilii aWj^u, fti*x<B,
«'»^«) &«., is pUioIy perceivable ; tlirn th« Suukrit root vah ngnifiee,
* The forme marktd with * Wking to Ibe Old High Uemuin, Uie aii-
markvd forms to ths Gotbie.
FIRST PKHSON. 619
■1*0 "to bear," from whidi ve easily arrive at Uia iilea of "hav-
ing." In Greek, howevBi, It soema that, in thie verb, two TOota
of dblinut ong'ai have itit«rmix<»l theinnuKca, namvly, *tIX = ^ vaft, imA
XXE (SXH)i=W fah, "tolxflr," with transpflfiition of tlu' radiool vowf I,
••in gi^ifta, OS related to BAA. If, however, (;(iu and axti'vu helanf^ to
one root, the finl intuL tJicn suuid for ffixai, wlili tlie loss of the a.
Wo must not, however, conuiler the spiritui ospcrof <'{», and ofnmi-
Inr forms, m a suhstitatc for the •?, as it m very Mniuriiu-toril}' rxpInuiMl hy
§, 104. * In p.'213 of my Glonary I liave made ttie Saiukrit vak
comepani tn the Gothic vdj^^n, "lowtinn)oUao"j [U. Ed. p. 640.]
bnt tliis vagva htXita^y lilio ihc I.ithiuuiian t^-6-yu, to itio cAiiul
ivMtijNJmJ ($.109*.G.): the primitive ofniff^a has wctikenod in lh4> pre-
KUt the radical vowvl lo i (p,106), and only appears in conni-ciion with
the prepoiit« ffa {ga-vi-ga, ga-cag). In tUo Licliuoninn, the a of uwioyH,
"I ride," rPBls on the loii^ A of the ^nsVrit vAhayami ; the e of
ictzii nn the shari a of vahdmL ' TUongh, at the bt-^innliig of
tliu Vcnilithul^OliiliAuacii'BedUiun, p.1|) iheSatiadaidhyiinmhi^av^toiiia
Suwli^t root dhd, "to place "—which, if not by itself, at leiut in coo-
juocljon with 1^ rf, has th< meaning "lonmke," " lo create "—still wb
deduce thus mncti from daUtfisiaiim, that it ta also derivable fciim dA,
" tvKi**"= uiilM8th«yha8i'Xvrvie«diioa£>pii«tiugptiMeroatho antcccticnt
d!,inwhich case we idiould nect«urily have d-iidi/iinm. On the roola
jUA dd=^ dii, " to gi Yv," and juy rfii = V| rf/uJ, " lo place," compare
Humours pn-gnant NoU? '217 to the Y«^a« (p, .l.'iB), and Fr. Winducli.
tmaa's excellent critique en iho same work in the Jvna Literu-. Xvit.
July lSa4. p. 143. * See ^. 430. ' Or, without re <In plication,
r/rlrirri, nit thti niiAlogue uftho singular rfumf, together with whif^ti, also, a
rcduplieoted form dudu, liat wnntioK tlie mi termlcintifln, is extant.
* Se»$.411. * 8«e$.2S5.«. loSee MitJcke, p.lOO. IB.
" Veda dudeot, see ^.431). *' See §. 440. » Enphonlc for
dadfimy.Me. Doltrowsky, pp. »0 and G80. >*Sce $$.440,441.
8EC0N*D PERSON.
443. Tlie Sanskrit proiiomiual base turn or twi ($.326.)
has, in its connection with verbal themes, split itself
into various forms, tJie ( either remaining unaitcred. or
being moJiiied to th or dA, or — as in Greek av lias de-
generated into $ — the » being either maintained or removed,
^e li remaining unaltered, or being vreakeocd to i, or alto-
getlier tlisplacc-iL The complete pronominal form shews
as S
620
VKRBS,
itself in the middle voic«, as this afiVcts weightier ter-
nitnations, and tliert-fore has guarded more cnrefully
against the tnutilntinn of the pronoun, upon the same
principle as that in whiob, in Sanskrit, the verbal forms
which take Guua admit uo irregular uiutilatiom of the roots.
[0. Ed. 11.641.] For it is nutunil that ii form which loves
strengthening' should at Iwist. under cirt-'umBUiiR-es which
prevent that process, repudiate the contrary extreme of muti-
lation. Hence we say, for ciample, asmi, " I am," with the
root undiminished, because the latter would receive Guna in
the singular, if (i would admit of Guim;* hut wc say. iu the
dual atctin, in the pluntl muiK. in the potential si/Am. because
the two plural numbers and the entire poti-ntial refuse all
Giinn intrrcment, and hence, oeensionnlly, admit of radical
inutitatioD. After ttic same principle, the pronoun of the
secoDd person shews ileelF Id its most complete sliapc in tlic
* Upon Guna and Viiddhi wc $^.20.39. I niity here append, in Justi-
fiosdonof $.39.,wbat I liar* slRady indicated ia m; Vocalinniis (p. ix),
tbailluihinfrerKtli Ihercuoo wh^aU JncftpablvofOuDS.uIlboaghitinny
bewiPpoQiidtd tulo Ivng i with na natrtxicru a, in the EUpposiiioD thnt
GunaaodVHiIdlii would be identical in llic cUd ofa— fira^i «, u wvU
ud+a, give d— but in thl*, Uut a. iitt the weighiieat vowel, in must of tha
cnscB iQ which i niid u rrmrc Guna, ia auflicl. iit of ilwJI^ and licncc re-
cviv<« no incren>(Dt, scconliof; (o llie samo principlv by which die long
vowola i and il in most plaic«» remain tinulivrcd wh«rc ui a precedea
ioTH (Giom. Crh. J. 44*.). It is moreover, only sn opinion of the gram*
BwriSDi^ tbat ahw no Gano: th« foci ie, thnl a ia. iLo Guna, aa in the Vrtd-
dbi dtgTM, btcome* 4l, but on account of its weight M-Idotn usnthia capa-
bllity. When, bowcTcri this bappcm^ i and u fmr tho moat jiart, in the
Miae part orfnmmar, tiavconly Uuoai for iiwtiuicc, bilA&ia, "ho clave,"
from bhid, together with ^jxtmo, " he went," (romgam. It ia, buwvrer,
natural, tliat where bo great an increment in nquind Mthat i and u be-
come, noi S, 6 (=tt + i, o + u), but Ai, du, ui nich a case a should c^cert
the only power of elevation of whieb it ia capable ; hence, for tnstaocc, wo
faav* mliiara, '*detcendant of Maau," from manu, aa iiiva from Jinr,
■nd MMmiiya from kun.
SECOND PSRi^ON. 621
middle voice, nnmely, in tJie [tlural, wltere the primary
forms end in <lhtri. nnd the secondjir; in c/Au-'im. und, Id
the imperative tiogiilar, where the termination noa has
indeed allovrtMl tlie T sound to vAuisli iuto «, but has yet
preserved the v of tw»m, " ihou." As we [<J- VA. p. 042,]
shall have hereafter to cohsider tlie luidille forms iti par-
ticular, we now turn to tlie transitive activt; rorm. This has
nowhere completely prcservc-d the scnii-vowel of the base
ttta, yet I believe I recognise a remnant of it in tlie th. which
stands in tlie primary forms, as well in tlie dual ns in the
plarni, and, in the reduplicated preterite, also in the singular.
On the other band, the secondary forms, as they generally
have blunter terminations, so also they have, in the two
plurals, the pure tenuis; hence, for instance, lixlithi\-fa.
Itrreutire. opposed to lijhifin-thn. ttrrare', and, in tlic dual,
Ihfitliflinn, Urrai'TToi', op[)Osed lo tifhihulhut, ttnaTov. We see
from this, Ihal. in Sanskrit, the aspirates are heavier than
the tenacs or the medials; for they arc the union of the
full tenuis or medial, with an audible h ({. IS.), and
thhthaiha. must then be pronounced tUhf-hitt-tia; and I think
that I recognise in tlie A of the termination the dying
breatli of the v of tu-am. " thou."
444. The above examples shew that the full termina-
tion of the second person, in the dual present, is Ihaa, and,
in the plural, tha : we have, however, seen tlie duaJ, in
the noua arise by strengthening of the pinni termi-
nations (^. 206.). As, however, the personal termina-
tions, btiiug pronouii!), stand in th» closest connection
with the D0UD> it might be assumed that the second persoD
plural in the verb was onco (has, and that the dual termi-
nation Uiih hud developed itself from tUia; but that, in t)ie
lapse of lime, the s hud escaped from tlu; thai, aud tlic long
vowel from tJie dual Md*. M'c must consider that even,
in the Grst person, the s of mua has but a prec-arious tenure,
as. even in the primary forms, we often meet 'ritb ma. If,
^
iizi
VBBBS.
hon'CTer, in the second person plur&Uthcoriginat termination
was that, the Latin tit corresponds well to it, and it would
confimi Thiersch's conjecture, derived from the hiatus, thnt
[G. Ed. p. «43.] in Homer, instead of Te the terniinntion
Ttj may have stood as analogous to fie; (Third Edition, §. 163.).
As to the origin of the s of the terminatiou thas, it is withont
doubt identical with that ofrnrra in the first person: it is
tlius eitlier to be divided as Ih-as, nnd ax is to be explnincd as
a plural nominative termination, or the « of Ma-« is a rem-
nant of the appended proiiuun stau (§.439.); as also, in an
isolated condition, yu-^hmS, "ye," is found with a-im^,
"wc" (§. 332.). If the latter ftssumptiou be correct, pos-
sibly in the m of the secondnry dual termination iam
we may recognise the second consonant of xmn ; so that
this appended pronoun lias suffered a twofold mutilation,
surrendering at one time its m, at another its .v. tn this
resp*?ct we may recur to a aimiJar relation in the Lithu-
fiuian dual genitives mamd, i/ufnil, opposed to the plural
locatives muHua^, yuxune (§. 176.). As. however, the st^con-
dary forms, by rule, are tlednced by mutilation from the
primary, we might still — whether the first or tlie second
theory be the true one of the termination fhng — deduce the
duller m from the livelier eoneludtng a ; as aJso in
Greek, in the "primary forms, wc find rov from ^w than;
us. in tlic first person, juct- from man, fia, and, in thu
Prakrit fl( hm from the Sanskrit iit\ bhis (§.97.). Thus.
also, may the dual ease-terminntion WTO bUyAm have arisen
from the plural hhyax orifjinalty by a mere lengthening
of the vowel (see §.915.), but later the concluding « may
have been corrupted into m.
445. While tlie Greek already, in the primary forma, lias
corrupted the a of the dual ending Ikaa into t^ tn tlic Gothic
the ancient t has spread itself over primary and secon-
dary forms ; and we are able to deduce from this a now
proof, that where, in Sansj^rit, in the aeouiid pervon dual.
SECOND PBHSON.
623
a naaa] shews itself, this did uot arise* out of a till after \hc sc-
poratiouoflanguitgcs. The a which preceded [O. Ed. p.644.]
the X has, however, escaped from the Gothic and, in fact,
ID pursuauce ofnii universal law, by which o befon; a ter-
minating a of polysj'liabic words is either entirely extin-
gutslied, or wenkened to t. The first of thcae alternatives
has occorred ; and thus ts answers to the Sanskrit Uku, as,
in the nominative singular of the bases in a, vulfs corre-
sponds to the Sanskrit vrikat and Lithuanian wilkas. Com-
pare hair-a-U with tn^vn bhor-a-lhax, ^cp-e-rov, and further,
b^ir-fii-ls with ^tjt*^ bhar-i-t'im, t^ip-oi-rov. The Sclavo-
nic hfis been compelled, according to §■ 2^b. I., to give up
tho 6nal consonant of the termination in question ; the
Lithuanian has chosen to do so: both, in fact, make fa cor-
respond to the vn thns of the Sanftkpt primary forms, as
well ns to the 711 ji^m of the secuudury. Compare tlie
Sclavonic A*tTX dm-ta (see §..I36.), the Lithuanian d^aUa or
dttda-ta, *' ye two give," with If^^ dai-thas, HSc^ov ; and
AAKjlita daihdi/-ta,' " let you two give." ifOTrni^ diid^d-
-iam, StSoiijTov. and Litliuouifto dudo-ta, "ye twogave," with
W^m adat-litm, iSiio-rov.
440. In the Zend. I know no example of the second
dual person; but that of the plum) runs agin the S-'inRkrit
primary forma juG (A«,+ and iu the secondary wp tu. The
Greek, Sclavonic, and Lithuanian have everywhere re, Ti, te;
the Latin has in the im|:i:rative alone weakened its tii to te
'^.^^S. Nole'*. Dobrowskjr dues not eil«ftTiy iluol: itispUin, how-
over, from Uic |)lurnl datkd^tt, tlut Uw dtui, if it b« used, cannot Kuad
otberwin' tliiin as jjivcii Iu iht: text.
t In the Zend wc might «xpUiIn tti« n»piriition, nccordinf; Ui $. 47., u a
renaining effect of llio pnrlier r : ac, howin'er, in Sntwhrit, thenemi-vawet
it entirely free Jrom this inflncnco, wc prrfcr for both laii£n<igi» thccoti-
ji-cturo put forvmrd p.fVtSO. cd., tliat llicAuonlaiacd In the M is thet«al
iepr«aentftlivc of the r.
624
VHRBS.
(5- iU.). The Gothic has everywhere tfi, witit the termi-
nntiDg vowel rubbed ofT: this M is, however, in my opiDion,
neither to be ideutiGcd with the SauKkr it-Zend Ik ol the
[G, Ed. p. 04fi.] primary forms, nor to be explained by
virtue of tlie usual law of displacement by which ik is re-
quirod for the older ( ; but very probably the Golhie per-
sumil tenninatioD, before the 6ual vowel was abmded, was
da. The Gothic, in fact, alfectB, iu grammatical termina-
tions, or Bufiixcs between two vowels, a d for the urigiual f,
but willingly converts this d. after the suppression of the
eoacludidg vowel, into (/( (see §.91.). On the Gotliiet/just
presupposed rests also the High German ( (§. 87.), by a dis-
plneement whieh has thus brought ba4.-k the original tenuis:
heoce we God, for iiistaDc«> Old High German, wH'j-a-l,
"yc move," answering to the Latin teh-t-iia, Greek e^-e-re,
(p.039 G. ed. Note'.), Litlmaiiiau wei-a-H; Old Seliivouic
Bf^tTE vf^-C'fe, Sanskrit ^f^ pah-a-Oia, Zend u(sM^*slf vaz-
-a-tha, and presupposing in Gothic an older v'lijid for vigilh.
4-1 7. We now turn to the singular. The primary forms have
here, in Sanskrit, the termination ftnai, and tlic sccoud&ry
only ^ 5. Out of *i. however, under certain eonditions, fre-
quently comes ihi (§. 2 1 .), wliieh has also been preserved in
tlie Zend, where, aceording to §. i3.. the original ti is ehaiiged
to hi ; 03 M-M»»i bacaJii aud jw>» ahi, " thou art,'" answering
to*nftri/i«c<Mr. «%«« (for a»-si)' but jj^^y^'jj terenwitAi,
" thou niakest," answering to mjtft kmMi't, as kri, aceording
to tlie fifth class (J. 109". A.), would form. In the secondary
forms, aeeopding to §.58*.. the concluding sibilant, witli a
preceding ju a, has become ^ 6, and with jui d, ^ do, but
after other rowels lias remained ; hence ^iA»yju*?jJA»j4/r«i-
T&vayS, ** thou spttkt:dsl"{V. S. p. -H), nuswering to Rimtfil^
yrdirivai/as: but MOifM^^ mraih* " thou s|Mkedat," answering
* I write JK^Ufif puTpraely, and render & hy 6, bocsuse t now fiail
mysolf campelltd u adopt the rcinarks af Bamouf, fgaadcd on tlic bmt
aad
SECOND PSRSON.
625
to writl^ tibroa, for which irreguUrly wwiln [0. El p. 64B.]
abrut:£s (Gram. Crit, §. 3;»2.). Among tlitr Eiiropfiiu cognate
laiigungc-N. the Old Scltivonictakea decided precedmicefor the
fidelity and coiisiateiicy with which it Ims preserved the pri-
niftry ifrmination ai op gh'i, and so distributed them that tlie
first lias rcmaioed iu the archaic conjugatiou. ($.43S.) the
Knid «HmI manoecrlpte (Yu50ii,pp,lTii.lriii,), that ins well aij^sUuids
for the Sanakril ift; ihe former, ij.howcTer.onlyfarlheinituUAiul medial,
■nd alwoys accompaniod by iho now G una o ({. 38.)— thna olwaya Ijai
for an initial aiid inediaHfr,—MKlUwt latter, ^, onlyforttlcrininatinR w^
aai witlioiit the appendaga cf *» ; m nloo bcforo Hj ^ at the tnJ of b woid
aoAja iaiiucrU'iI. As h uk-<1ui1 Ii^h-r, ^ap|>ciin aomctinneB as tlinrt-pro-
eentativc of llioSnnaliril W it, ami \3 I hra produced liy tlic influcnco either
of aiiBiiteccJeat *' or i (4'ji^j> wiiiyfi for 'Binfni MM(gfi*», p.27i),or U
rcpreacnW In tlio tliplitlnmg j^ tf», the a ekment of the Sanskrit v S
(^ai + ij. A5.,bowcver, ^ iti ihc purest tflxta n spcdally rcacrvod for a
position in tho leul ayllabU, ti happens that, for t!i« moetpnrf, it i«iaccorJ'
ing to its oHgIn, ih« ulaiioa of (ho >yllablo w tu, a* this Icrmtniktiux
*y1Ublc, in ^oiukrit, bevomea 6 only before sonanta, iu Z«ud alwnys
<},£i8*.}, Vet 1 do not l>«ll«ri; tbiit it tuu bi-eti the Iiitcfllioauf the Zi-ud
speech or writing to disliiiKuiah the {Siioa'V^ 6, i.e. timi wliicb apiing;a
from V <t with a ioacrtcd iKforv it, ftotn tha,t which spriogB from ira at,
by vocalization of ih«/ to I'i far each £ consists of a + u, anil upon tbe value
ftad (he pro Dti Delation (h« question wlidhor tlie u- or thi? it-rlvmeut wu
iherefiret, wlivtheran ubasln-enprefixvtl to (lie u, or on u np|M'niled ta th«
a, can have no influc»ce. Tlicpoiution iif s vowel innwonl mny, huwever,
well have an i.iif]uon(.'e an Ila valae ; and It in concuivntdi: that the cod-
clndinf;^, k«pt pure firAm llic Gonad, appntred more imporiani tbiin tbat
which, at the beginning or middle of a word, hotl a prcAicrd. If
the crude forms in u, in Ztml as in Sanskritj had Litina in tlic vocativu
(^.■20*1,), thi> concluding Gnna-^ would also, a« 1 believe, be ly^rmenied
in Zeud by ^ and ocfl by "w-W- I «»», boweror, M it is, diicover no reason
why a conchidinK «(V in Sanskrit, produced by Gnna out of u, sliould be
rsprasanlcd In 7^iiit in tbe one way or ihc other.
^^^V [O. Ed. p. 647-] latter iu all the Others. I subjoin the verbs
^M oF ttie nrchaie conjiigntion, with severnJ examplt^ of tlie more
^m common, for comparison nitb the San&Icrit
^H out MUVOMIC.
juMiK(irr.
H KCH 1/fjt. " ar
wfij fwi.
H AAiu tJasu "dax.'*
^?Tftl c/«(/(lti.
^m acit yu$i, '' (Wis,"
wfw <i/s(.
^B B^Cil vi/esi,^ " mnvisfi,**
^fiw v^lJii.
^1 miuiif pirsAt. "blbin."'
finftr /)itio*i.*
^H liEiUit cAi^'fl/ii, " quiescJsi"
?nt 3^a/(^.
^M CMl>iccnii smyeyexhi{iii/a), "rittet,''
WW smayaxf.^
^B BtKutu vifeynhU "faa,"
^Tftl uflvt
^m ^mAkiuii ^nat/fthi, " nmristi,"
?TT?nf»I >l»ifl-«i.'
^B EoiiiuH boi8hi(sva), "times,'"
fiplft hibh^ahi.
H a'Kkiuii {lijcJ/eahi, "/acit.'"
?Vlfi(I dadbiisl-
^M di.uBitun shiveshi, " vivis,"
•fl^r*! jivnei.
^M itAAEUiti paflethi, " rud'ts.'"
^rafa j»'ii««.
^M BE^€ III 11 re^fsAi. "vf^his."
(l^fic miAaxt.
^B { o II ui It Bphh), " dormh*'
«filfq 8)i'flpf«/ii.
H fS'iEOiii rfcketkU "dida,"
^^fa vftehnsi.
^B T^ACCUlll iryatcstii(*ua), " tremis.
" ^^iftr ("jifrtsi.
H fitACum hi/fiieshi, "nj^iyM,"
f^uifn vidhyan.
^1 MEIEIUH neseski, "fers^
?niftl n<i^'«L'
^1 ^ORSIUH ^obeshi, "voctts,"
^Tlftr Airoi/fwi
^H A>f'i"" dcreatii, "crcoris."
^^nftl «/n«f}»(, '7a«Tns.'*a
^B u^ouiiiuiii }?m*Ai*/it, "/)r(vfTm,"
^1 rAAMtmi fjaJuhi, "vituperaa"
iHjftl yadasi, " loifueria."
■ ^CAbimiiuiii iiyithishi, " audi^'''
H tt^Bfiiiimii ^vcniaAii. "ion^s,"
H • nvAniiii) jiudixln, "jteUh, "
H ^ BAfiTtituii tvirtwAi, "verlU",
^nrfd sua nam.
in^in^ iniduyim-
Y^fn ivirtiji.
H ^EiTAnuiii builiaiii, "eipergfifads,"
TWifti biidhayasL
^m (Mii^luiiuu sntu/ru/'ii "nidar'u."
■Mfi! irti«At/»i.
^B 'Sn$.4M. * Compiinr niiDO^'iv, "bvcr," ' A middle
SECOND PBBSON. 927
(arm, which f* replaooi) in fc^vonio by the opptedcd nSexire. * Ac-
cording to tli0 ninth class (.^. lOd'.fi.), Imi wiih irr«fnilar supprM^on of
then of the noxjuit, which in the tiecoiiil dims would furm^iulfj, to which
the i^clavcnic form «i>pTDuchiM mora cloady. '■ OM " to place,"
obtains, through the prepoaliion ol, lh« nieairing "to inalcQ" (comfiuv
5 . 442,, Note "). PcrhRjiB, bI»i, tho Carnioliui dfUtm, " I work," is Iwied
on this root, w that it would stand fiir dedam ($. 17.)i reUtimn^ the rediu
plicAtion which is pMuliar to the t^anslcrit and GK!«k verb, u atu th«
LlibDaDlaa dedu with diml. ■ OlMcrra ilie fuvnurite interchange he-
twiivn V and r or { ($.30. and f . 400,, Notet): on Uiis pcrbups rc^ts
the relation of tho insupantblc prcposilJoii «Aj ra{ — which in scvctbI
compounds MiTn«ponds iu eenM lo the I^t'in ift* (Dohr p.422, Sec)— to
the SoniVpL i^fM vahia, "out," for 1 A is fr«(juenLl/ r^resented by the
ScUvoaic a f , Main Zeai by {■;«l^. in ^^jfii tiJuimi, j( ju(M^ tusdrnf,
BE^H vefS. The SonsliHt vahit, however, is found in Sclavonic In
another form btaides this, viz. with the v hardened to 6; hence kes
bt{, " without "; ill rcrliid coinblnationa f>i And &irf (Dubr. p. 41!1, tec.).
' I hurc no doubt of the identity of the Sclnvanic root rm and the San-
skrit nf, wbidi hgrm in tlie incnniiig "to bring"; aiid in many pwmgM
ui Ike Episode of the Deluge the Sniukfitnl may br vrry wdl) rrniU-n-d
by " to carry," WiUi rrfvrcuoe to tlicBibilaot wliicb is&ddcdiaSclnvonic
observe, also, ilie relatioD of the root sfys, **lo hear," to the Sonslcrit int
and Oreak KAY. ■ In thp infinitive i'mti nnd prrterite ilweA thu
Bclavoaic form of the root TFScmbks very Strikingly the 7.rni J(»^JJUJ<
ghay&mi^ a complex but legitimate modification of tbi> Sanskrit Kteeiytimi
(^j. 49.67.)- ' The root is properly dor. according to the (irainma-
rians W dri, &tid qn nrt (euphonic for Nil) the cliaractcr of dia ninth
class (^. 103*. fi.). CompoTD Vocalismiu, p. 170. >^ Remark the
Zend form .MtJOJie^p^n'iaU. in Ruiwian *-/ji-oxWyiii«ilii**tO cnrrj',"
■*IiTvgubu'ly foriruj^dffAi, from tlio root iru, with the character of Iho
fifth eJan (f lOD'. 4.), and n cnplioni'c for n [Q. £d. p. Old.]
(comp. Note'.). '* Tho caoeal form of /vk/, "to go." Tho Svlavoiiic
has u for i, ncoording to $. 233. A. The Ijitiii pella appears to mo to be-
long 10 this root, with fxclioiiKe of J for / (§. 17.), to which a following y
may have assimilated itself— a*, iu CJretk, nXXot from oA^ur— 04 a rcm-
luuit of tho cauBil dwractcr WI "yo ( J - 374.)-
448. The Lithuanian has, id common with the Greek, pre-
»er\-ed the full termination «i only in the verb subsi^intive,
where rs-ai aiid tlic Uoiiv k<r-vl hold out a aiaterly hand to
628
VKBBS.
each other. In otiicr c-tisos the two lAngimgies appropriate
the syllable in qaeation so that the Lithuanian retains every-
where the i, the Greek, in occorclance with the Latin ruid
Gotliic. tlie x. Compare tlie Lithunninn d&tT'i with the San-
skfit (iadd-si, Scrlat'onic dd'si, Greek SiScit-j, and Latin da-K.
Just as dad-i lias Buppressed its radical vowel before that of
the termination, so, in Micleltu's first and second conjugation,
is the couni-cting vovrcl removed, while the third and fourth
form a dijihtliong of it with r. as iu tlic first person with tliu
u ; hence wez-i for weip-i, answering to the Sanskrit vah-a-sf,
Zend vo2-a-hi. Sclavonic ve^-p'thi, Latin wft-is, GotWc vrff-i'S
(J. 109\ 1.). Greek ^-et-j, and its own plural vpi-f-U, as
d&da~t«, answering to dii<r-i; lut yr.\sh~a-i, "thou seukest,"
aoulogous to the Drat person vexsk-a-u. In the Greek, liovr-
cvcr. the t of the second person Iu the conjugution in id luia
hardly hcen lost entirely, but has very probably retired back
into tlie preceding syllable. As, for instance, yevireipa out of
yeverepta =SanskritjHni/ri; ftehan-a out of/ie\awa (§.liy.),
fiei^ui; j^eifXttv, a/jctVuf, for fie^iuv, &c. {§. SUO.p.-llS G. cd.);
so also Tepw-ec-i out of t«(?w-c-o"( =San8ki-it larp-a-s'u Or
are we to assume, that in Greek the i has exercised an
attractive forec similar tu that in Zend (§.41.). and accord-
ingly the antecedent syllable has assimilated itself by the
insertion of an t, au tlmt ripweii is to be explained as arising
[0. Ki. p. C50.] from an older form repnetai ? 1 think not,
because, of tlic i-forms extant now in Greek, no oue exhibits
such a power of assimilation, and. for iuataneOi we find
■y^eo-ir. ripei'i, (liKavi, not yheict^, ripcivi, fiiham. The
power wliid) is not attached to tlie living i is hardly to be
ascribed to the dead,
^•19. The Liihaaninn cnrpies over the i of the primary
forms also to the secondary, at laist to the preterite, or
Iiaa brought it back by an inorganic patli to this place,
which it must have originally occupied: so that, for instance,
&iiu--a-i correaponds to the Sartsk(-lt a-6^tar-n-5. " tbou wast."
SECOND PERSON.
639
On the oUrer band, in the Sclavonic the secondary forms
are without any personal aign of distinctioti. since the final
I of t)ie coj^nate languages has been com|ielIcd to yield to
tile universal law of suppression of teruiinatiug consonaulg
(§. 2»5. /.). Hence, for ingtanee, the imperatives AAikAU
daihdi. " give," BB^fe rf^^*". "drive," answering to the San-
skrit f/flf/ji*, valu\ Zend daidhj/ih (J. 412. Note', and $. 56'.),
vazdix, Greek SiSoi'ijt, 6;^<wt, Littln t/^», tvhJs, Guthie vigau,
450. Tliere reniaia two isolated singular terminations of tins
second person to be nientioncdr fv dhi and n tha. Tlie former
is found in Sanskrit in the imperative uf the seeond prtueipiil
conjugation, which answers to the Greek conjugation in fu;
the latteriu the rtduplicated preterite of verbs in gonercil. The
temiiuatiou dJii lias, however, split itself into two forma; inas-
much as, in the euuiniou language, consonants alone have
the power to bear the full dhi. but after vowels all that
remains of the dh is the nspimtion ; hence, for instance,
bkAftf, "shine," pd-hi, "rule," in contrast to ait-dM, "cat,"
vid-dhi, " know," vay-dhi, " speak," yung-djti, " bind." TtuU,
however, dhi originally had universal prevalence, may bo
inferred from the fact, that in Greek the correspouding dt
spreads itself over consonants and vowels, since we find not
only iff-di, K^Kpa-j(dt, avw^fii, viiretffdi, but [O. Ed. p. 851.]
also <f>adi, idi, <nt[9i, &c. : furthermore from tliis, that in San-
skrit, also, many other aspirates have so far undergone mu-
tilation, that nothing but the breathing has remained ;
inasmuch ils, fur instance, tlie root dhA, "to hiy," forms hUa
in the participle passive; and the dative termination bliyctm
ill tlie prouoniiiml first person, alttiough at an extremely
remute jteriod, has been mutilated to hyum (§. SIS.) : finally
from this, that in more modem dialects also, in many places,
a mere h is found where the Sanskrit still retains the full
aspirated consonant, as also the Latin opposes ita humus to
tlic Sanskrit bhuml. My opbiou hereon, already elsewhere
establLshed. that whereas it has formerly been assumed that
the termination hi, as the original, has, after consonants, been
630
VEQBS.
Strengthened to dhi, tliia assuniption is false, and conversely
tliti dfti lias been shortened, after %-owub, to hi, is since
tlien confirmed by the Vcdie dialect, which I had not yet
consulted; uiasmurh as iu this it is true the mutilated
form hi* is idretuty extant, but the older lihi liu not
retired so far to the rear as not to be permitted to con-
nect itsoir also with vowels. Thus, in Rosen's Speci-
men of the Rig- Veda (p. 6). the form iru-dhi, " hear tliou,"
answers remarkably to the Greek k\u9u^ The Zend also
gives express coufirmatiou to my theory, in that it never,
as far as is yet known, admits of the form hi, or its probable
substitute x n {h. 57.). but proves that at the [leriod of its
identity with the Sanskpt the 2* sound of the ending tlhi
had as yet not vietded. In Zend, in fact, we find, wherever the
personal termination is not altogether vanished, either dhi or
di; for instance, ^(^f^a iUtidhi, " pniise thou," for the
[G. E4p.CflS.] Sanskrit ^jff ituhi ; Jfiji^/f^ keTenutdh'u
"make thoa," for the word, deprived of its personal ter-
mination, vn krtnn ; Jg„_j^ diiz-Jhi, "give thou," (for
yi^dihi). euplionic for dad^dhi, inasmuch as T sounds be-
f<H^ other 7" sounds pass into sibilants (compare ireneftr-dj.
J. lU^concl.): to soft consonants, however, aa Buruouf has
shewn, the soft sibilantej ; and &> zh alone correspond.! For
Ji2_j«^ daxdhi we find, also, ^yua^ ddidi', for instance.
Vend. S. p. 422 ; but I do not recollect to have met otsewhero
with di for dhi.
451. How much, in Sanskrit the complete retention of
the tArraination f^ dhi depends on the preceding portion of
the word, we see very clearly from this, that the character
of the fifthclass (nu, §. loi>*. 4.) has preserved the mutilated
form hi only in cases where the u rests against two autccc-
• Sc« Own. Orit.f 1(4. and Addeodii U ^.Slfi.p.SSI 0.«<!.
t Compatv Rimcq')! remark on IIiIk ttnnlnnliiiti. I.e. |i. 22. — B. The
ratcatioD of ft| nftcr a toktI is fouad tlmo !n the Ma)iii1')i''(miA u miivpl
"pot »wny." "dbcmd."— W.
I TAfMLXXXVJ. MidCXXI iMMini.
SBC'ONO PEBSOK. 631
dmt coDsonants : for instance, in Apttuhi, "obtain," irom/ip
(compRre ad-4piscoT). Where, liowover, the it is preceded
only bj & simple conaoniuit. it is become incapable of bearing
the At termiuation ; henco . for instnnce, diimi. " collect," from
the root c/ii. lu this nmtilatcit fortn tlie Sanskrit ^'oes aloog
with the corresponding verba] claaa iu (^reek, wliero 3eUvv,
according' to nppcnrancc, is in like manner without personal
terminiitioii. The coincidence is. however, so far fortiii-
tuous, ns tliat entli of the two languages lias arrived inde-
pendently at this mutilated form subsequently to their
•eparation. Nor is the Greek J^/xvv entirely without ter-
mination, but, as [ conjecture, the t of tlie ending 9i lies con-
cealed in the u, ns also in the optative long uoccurs for w ; for
instance, Jaii'DTo (ll.xxir. 665.) from Smvvno. It is not re-
quisite, therefore, to derive BeUvv from the to conjugation, and
to consider it ns a ccntnicLion from ieUvve; [<i. Ed. p. 603.]
and thus, also, to deduce ti'Ag/, not from Tt$ec. but from TriJcri,
the T being rejected, as rCnret from TUTreri, followed out
from Twrerai, and as xepa from Kcpart ; thus, also, iVtii
(for fcmj) from Tirra(8)i. as Aloi^o^^ from Movuai, ho^ta from
XAyu (compare oiKot). If. also, di^air be the eoatraction of
tiioe, we find also with it, in Pindar, the dialectic form
iiSoi, which admit* very welt a derivation from 9i9o($)i.*
462. As the 7 u of the fifth class, where it is not pre-
ceded by two consonants, has lost tlie capacity for sup-
porting the ijersonal termination dhi or /( ; thus, also, the short
a of the Brsl chief conjugation, both in Sanskrit and Zend,
has proved too weak to serve as a support to dhi or hi,
and has laid thcna aside, as would appear, from tho re-
motest period, as the corresponding Greek conjugation,
• The rckdon of Uliai to AfnnL> is twciittalty diflerent from lUia which
«xiats bctweco Tvnronj't, rvnrowo, luid rvnrouat, rCwn>v<ra ; for here, as in
^'Xaif for lUXaty ODl of ^ovf, and nnnlcgouK cohgi, tlic « rejuvsontg a
naaa], which, in the onlinuyliuignB^, has been iiieil«<l down to b, but &tao,
in TtStlf for n^iVr, has become i. Ua tbo other hsud, litav and iltm do not
rest on different modificntions of a ivimL
632
TBBBS.
namely, Umt iu w, nnd the Latiu and Germanic conjuga-
tions, collectively dispense witb the personal ternii nation.
The GLTmaniu simple (strong) eonjugiition also surrenders
the connecting vowel; Iienee fijr Tor vhjn, Siinskfit iyi/i-o,
Zend vaz-fi. Latin veh-&, Gretk/^-e.
463. Wo now tarn to the termination ^ tka, of which
it h&a already been rcmnriced, tliut it is, in the singiUar,
peculiar to tlie reduplicated preterite. In the Zend I kjiow
no certain instance of tliis termiuatloD ; yet I doubt not
that tliere, also, its prevalence is pervading, and that in
a {>a&sagu of the Tzeshne (V.S. p. 3L I), in uliicli we expect a
fuller explanation through Ncriosengli'a Simgkrit translation,
[G. Ed. p. 654.3 the expression M<^iii^^^)ii fra-dadhdlka
can mean noUiing else tlian "tliou gavcst," as tlic repre-
sentative of tJie Sansltrit jna-dudiUha, (§.47.); for in the
seeond person plural, .-ifter the analogy of the Sanskrit and
the Zend first person tiadimoki (§. 30.). the d of the root aifiht
have been e.xtiugnished, nnd I expect here wpja^j^ daa-ta
for MOMM^ dai-iha, iusoinuch as in the root jm^m xtdt
answering to tlic Sanskrit ruut vn sthd (cuin^mrc p. lllX
so universally, in Zend, tlie Sanskrit v Ih has laid aside
its aspiration after jj S.' Among the European cognate
langntiges tlie Gotbic- comes the nearest to the aboriginal
gT>ammfitical condition of our family of Innguagcs, in so far
that, in its simple (strong) preterite, it places a 2 as a per-
Boniil sign, without exception, opposite to the Siniskrit tha,
wtiicfa t remains exempt from suppression. hecTiusc it is
always sustained by an antecedent consonant (coD)pnre§. 91.):
we might otherwise expect to find a Gothic th answering to
thi> Sanskrit th, yet not as an unaltered continuation of the
Sanskrit sound, but because ^ th is a comparatively younger
letter (compare p. 621), to wliicli the Greek t corresponds,
* BarDoaf.inliisalileuillcciiotiafthc^aiipsofcatitoiuuiU aacciuloed to
exist ta tho Zend, ha> not admitted tlic cmnbiDstion C^jj llh (ftA), but only
^it (ft) (Vend. S. p.cxxxvlU).
SECOND PERSON. 633
and 10 this Utt«r tlic Gothic th. If, however, tlic Greek, in
its terminntion 6a, sppenrs identical with the Siuiakrit ^ tAa,
this appcaraDcc is delusiri*. for in an ct,Tiiiologica} point oE
view 6=^ (Ih (§. Ifi.). While, however, this rule lioldt
good etscwIiiTC, ill the L-nseiibuvt% disgeiaTattid hy theaotc-
tretlent <r, uo the same principle as that wliich, in tlie inedio-
pnssiw, converts every t of ad active personal termination,
after tho pre-inscrtion of <r. into 6. As to tlio origin of the <j
which couatantly precedes the ending Ba [G. Ed. p. R&S.)
I have now no hesitation, contrary to an earlier opinion." in
referring it to the root in i7O'0a and ourda, and individin!>thein
rjv-6a, ota-Sa (for oiSSa). The former answers to tlie Sanskrit
di-i-Mo, for whivh we may exi>ect (I*-//ia. without the coii-
necting vowel, which has ]>erbaps remained in tlic Vcda-
dialcct. If this treatment and comjuirison, however, be sound,
tlien is ijcr-fla also a remnant of the perfect, to wliicli. too,
the first person rja for f'ija=S;iU8kril Hsn, belmigs, and the
ending 9a ttitis stands in ^ada in its true place: just 80, also,
in o7<r-da. answering to the Sanskrit v^t-tha (for v^d-tha),
"thou kuowest," Gothic wix-l for mit-t (§. 102.), and very
probably to tlie Zend twi?i-/« (see p.W). The root f^ vid, in
Sanskrit, has the [wculinrity, demonstrated by compBrison with
the cognate languages to be of extreme ontiquity.of using the
terniinn-tions of the reduplicated preterite, but without redu-
plieiition, witli n present signification: hence, in the first
person, v4ila (not viMa), answering to the Greek olSa for
folSa, and Gothic voit. In ^Sciffda or ^i)<Tda, I recognise
with pott, as in all pluperfects, a ]K'ripbnistic forniabon,
and consider, therefore, his ti<j9et or >j<j6a as idcutical
with the simple ^<r6a. ^etaBa is, as to form, a plus-
i^uam perfect: ncverthelens, to the Sanskrit first an^mentcd
preterite dyam, Ayas. ^Tov, ^I'ec, correspond. In Kiptjvda, how-
* ADnnb orOrieniiil Liicrature, p. 41.
XT
GU
VERBS.
ever, and in dinlectic forms like IdeXriaBat ttie b^rmination 6a
appttara to nic uneooscioiia oT its primitive destiimciou, aad.
habituated by /'fSo, and oltr-Sa to an antcdcdcut <r, to have
Eallcti back upon tlic pcrwini] sign 2;, which was ready to its
haud.
454. In Latin, tti corresponds to the Sanskrit termi-
nation Uin, witli n wenkf-ning of tli« a to i. and the pre-iu-
sei-tion of an *, which bns even intruded itstdf into the
[G. Ii4. p. OM.) plural, where the s is less iippropriatc. On
which ucvount ] consider it as a purely eupltoiiic affix.
Compare, for example —
UTTlf. UXKIUT.
tftnli-sti, ilittlt'thn or ditdA-iha.
sleti-sH, taathf-Oia or iaa(hA-iha.
momord-i-atf, nuxmard-i-tho, " thou cruBhedst"
tuiud-i-di, tutHd-i-tha, "tliou wouudcdst.'*
pepcd-i-xli, jHtpartJ-i'ttta.
pojtavc'i-sli paprachch-i-lhu* "tliou askedsu"
The Latin has preserved the ancient condition of the kn-
guag:e more liutbrully than the Greek in this respect, that
it has not allowed the termination in question to overstep
the liniita of the pcrfecL The Litlmantnu and Sclavonic
have allowed the reduplicated preterite, and. with it, the
teroiinatiou, eutin-Iy to perish.
4&&, We give here n general sumiuary of ihe points of
comparison which we have rstubtiahed for the second pcntou
of the three numbers of the transitive active form.
• CcmfAtt tlic SdaTwic prwifiUi, " prtcari " {§. 447. T«bW.) Tlio 61111-
■kpl Tool prachdJi, whose li;rniinii(ingiu{iirnt« in tlin caw sliovr (itma.
CHt. $.b8.)8tt.-)>«t htdiiK its U^iiuio, luu spill ilsrlfiuto ihrw toTin» ta
L*tia, giriug Dptlio;>iu oac, rthicaix rogo, jnter/v^ tho riusuolhcr,
vrlit)tic«jAj«n)(^. u.), aiul muiiiiiig l)Olh ill /timor.
SECOND PBBSON.
635
SANGIfUT.
an,>
tifhlhati,
daddti,
hharati,
vahati,
{a)iffds,
tishthSt,*
dadydi,
bharSt,
vaMa,
avoAat,
viddfu,
vaka,
dtitha,
vitiha,
tutddilha,
l>ibhiditha.
SINGULAR.
ISMD. GREEK. LATIN. GEltH&N.*
ahi, itrtri, e», it^
AiffaAi, r<mjE, *(«», "aids,
dadhdhi, iibas, dai, ....
barahi, tfiiptis, feri,* bairia
vassahi, (X"'>* vrhia, vigit,
hffdo, «V)'7*» ''^i aiifaia,*
Mit6i», itrraitjtf stSt, ....
daidiydOf Moiifs, dSa, ....
bharditf (fttpoit, ferda, bainiU
tx°"i vAda, vigaia,
vasdia,
vasd,
axdi»
daxdi,^^
t^X") vehebat, ....
•i<r6i
ta6,
d(da>^i,
.... kXCA,
vaxOf Jx*> vehe, vig
dorJtUhaf" ^aea,^*
va6ita9^* ohrffa,'* vidiati, vaiat
.... .... tutudiati, ataUtauat''
.... .... fidiati, matmaiaf
UTll. ULD BCUT.
M«i, ^ai.
atom,^ atoiahi.
dudi,"^ daai.
p
wfii,' veieaki. ^
TJ
atoweki^ atai* S
diiki,'' doAdy* -^
Kefxki,'' veil*"
wtiei* ....
liahthathas, kiatathdT-^
bkarathaa, barathSt"
vahathaay
bharSlam,
vaMlam,
avahatam,
tifkthatha,
bharalfia^
vahatha,
tiahthMa*
dadydla,
bharSla,
vahSla,
avahaia.
vazathdt"
hiatatha,
baratha,
vazatha,
hiataita,
daldhydta,
baraita,
vasaSta,
vaxata.
DUAL.
<f>tptToy,
iX"-oy,
ifupotToy,
PLURAL.
laraTr, aiatia,
iftipert, fertia,'^
«X*T», veftttU,
ItrralijT*, BlStii,
&iSoir)Ttf d£lU,
^poiTt, ferdtia.,
^X°"^j vehdtia,
>Jx*^i vAebatii,
bairata
vigaia,
bairaita
vigaita.
•atdt
bairith^*
vigitk,^'
bairailh^
vigaithy^
alowUa, ttotta.
wezata, ix^eta.
wefxkita, w{f/eta.
wez6ta ....
wezati, veiete. 'q
atote&ctte, aloUe. m
dukile, dashdite. ■
iD^zkite, ve{^te. ?
wei6te ....
• See J. 4i2., Note •
T T 2
636 TBBB8.
' AbbreTial«d from ot-*i. * See %. 446. » Corresponds, wiih
regard to the immediate connection of the personal terminAtion with the
not, to ikt^ bibharthi of the third clasB (§. lOD*. 3.). * See
j. 44'J. Note*. * ThiifonniagrDUQded onvi^uila root; a isthensaal
coDseotii^t vowel (p. 106), And ■ the modal expresaon. More of this
hereafter. * 7%fhthdytU, or, with the d suppressed, Mithyds, would cor-
rc^wnd with the Greek Itrraiiit: but the root athd treats its radical vowel
Moordlng to the analogy of the a of tlie first and sixth class (^. 109M.>,
and contracts it, therefore, with the modal character i or t, into 6, as in
Idtia ttit out of ttait. More of this hereafter. ^ The Lithuanian
imperative, also, like the Sclavonic, rests on the Sanskrit poteutiaL The
i is thns here not a peiswal bat a modal expression, but is generally sup-
pnased in the second person singnlar; and Rubig det-lares the form with
i to be absolute. ■ See Dobr. p. 630. » See Dobr. p. 539, and
the further remarks oo the imperative of the Arcliaic conjogatlon.
'"See$$.SK>.i:and4a8. ■'Out of ad-dhi, and this euphonic for
u-<fAt, It'Bi (Gram. Crit. $.100;); so, below, di-ki out nf dad-dhi.
That, however, the form di-ia has been precedt-d by an earlier dd-hi
nr dd-dhi, may be inferred from the Zend form ddi-di (see i. 450.), the
first i of which has been brought in by the retro-active influence of the
last (^ 41.). in Sanskrit, however, I no longer, as I once did, ascribe
tn the t of tdhi, ddAi, an aasjirulating influence on the antecedent sj'llable,
but I deduce the i from 4 thns, that the latter element of a+a has
w««k«Md itself to i. I shall recor to this hereafter, whtn I come to the
ledupUcatei preterite. ' ' As ^fv ^dU has ^mng from ad'dAi, the
letter leads us to e^qiect a Zad form jiifju az-^, by the same law wliich has
pnsralcdjjfAM diUMfi from tlad-dL "The hare supposed .ybjt^
tixk-dij fnm rid-iS, distinguishes itself from MCMA da:-di, out of dad-
<G, throog^ the influeiKe of tlie antecedent vowel ; for «b =A sndj : are, as
sonant (si>ft)nbilants, so related to each other as, in Sanskrit, n «and if <A
unong the said (hard), see $.21., and compare Bumonrs Ya^na. p. cxxi.
■*See^UO..aiidabove, Notes X and ■>. ''See ;.450. <« Veda-farm,
(, ASn. '* I hav» bcre. and also p. C&4 G. ed , given a shon a to the end-
ing Ua, although the liihc^nphed Codex, p.311, ^naeaxs frudadhdthd
with a Vm^ J ; bat in the passage cited of the Imhne there are many other
inaianwa of the short terminating a written long : for which reason I tan.
DM draw fnHD the ionaJn»dadatlui the concloson that the originally shon
pemoal-tcrrcinatioo tin has lengthened i tat If in Zend, while elsewhere, con-
vetscly, the loi^ final d of polysTlUMc wvirds has been shortened : cDm[«i«
p. 906 Note t . As to what coDccras the sn^^NMcd fivm doahitka 1 hare clse~
THIRD PERSON.
637
wtiiTfi Already dttJ tlie tlurd penon Attfjuu ienha=tnmdM, (}, jQ*.),
nnil exfiect iKcordinglj vlfH^rlatMa U) be aaswertxl by AiGjo'^gui
4tonAiVfl<i, <• Sefl pp. 0!t2, 633. » 8m $. 103. «./, ud p. CM G. cd.
» Tho Gollik •natsitautaiiimaithawt pennancntly sabstitnted ilie Unns
for llivrnilicnl vowel, nii'l Uiiu prcwrvecl tbe rcduplicatinu ; iheirctmcIu'diD);
t Tot it sBticfies UiD law of aabfititution, bat ilit: firat t of ttaut » rcla'tntd
411 ilfl ori^iaal footing b^ ihc prc-lnttrtiO'lt of tlie CTtphanic * (i). 91.}.
With rc^rcl to tbti m of mm'/, nscorrntpundlng Co tbe bit of Mir/, look to
}j.02.ftnd 21fi., and to the phcnomraon, oftcoi before mentioned, th a t
MM and tiM nmv raut Id ujiu and the same Inngnnge h(U often oplit ilw^lf
into variniiR fbmis of mriong nn^iftcatiua ; for nhich rMson I do not liiii*
tale to conBid«r as well bit, "to hiic" (6o/u. Aatf). aa maf*. " to cot off,"
with ita petrified Gntia. as coTTCHiumding to tho SansliTil bMd, " to split.*'
'>Tlie duni icrmination (d, of wliich wu liavo evidence for the third person,
laivee acaicely roam for doubt that th6 hKlongfi la thu Mroud person of
the primary forma. "^ (,'omparc f%»J^ b^hri-tha of tho tblnl cloats,
(Will Abovo Note » » Upon th fiw d, eee §. 418.
THIRD PERSON.
456 Thepronomuia!lMiseirfa(§, 313.)has,ftftep theonftlogy
of tlic first anil secuiid peraou, weakeDed ita vowel, in llii;
singular primary forms, to t, and in the secondary laid it
qaite aside: the t, however, in Snnskrit and Zend, lias, with
the exception of tlie termination lu m [G. £d. p. (too.]
nuwheru sutTured altemtioti, while, in the second person, we
have seen the t of (tea di%-ide itself into the forms I, ih, dh,
nnd t. The Greek, on the other hand, has left the t of the
third person in ordinnry langtioge unallt-rcd only in
iari ^ vfw oirti. j^mm aiti, but clavwfaetv substituted a
cr; so that, fur iusUtnce, iiZtavt more resembles the Saiulrit
second person daddxi tlian the thin) dadilti, and is ooly
difltinguislu'd inorganically from its own second )KTSun
SiSui, by the circumstance that tbe latter has dropped the t,
whieh naturally belonged to it. That, however, originally
Ti prevailed everj'wbere, even in the conjugation in u, is
proved by tlic medio-jmssivc termination rat ; for as Si'dorat is
founded on SiStart, so also is -rifnt^ai on T€pTr-€-Tt =aSanskrit
turfi-a-4i. The form jipnei lias, however, arisen from a
G38
VBRB9.
rejectiou oE t, as alwve (§. 451.)) ridet from TiQcri, BtSw
Stom SI3o6i, Kiptf. trom Kcparrti* as also, in Vr^kriX, bhanai,
"dicH," ia used togetLer witli hhnnridt.f In the st^;oiKlary
forms the Greek, according to the universal law of suuiid,
has given ap the concluding T sound, and goes hand in
hand, in tliis respect, with tlie Prakfit which, with excej>-
tion of the Anu9wam (§. 10.), lias rcpudintC'd nil consoDunls
at tbu end of words, as in the Gotliii't §.-132., and the
Sclnvontc, $. 256. /. : hence cxot answers better to the
Prakrit form vahf, and to the Gothie viyni and Sclavonic
Bijjii ppji, than to the Sanskrit vahit, Zend pj*(Aiij ra?A7,
ami Lntin veliut, vehet.
457. While the concluding Tsoundoftlie secondary forma in
[G, Ed. p.OGI.] Sanskrit And Zund has sur\'ivcd the itijuriea
of time in but one other langtiaj^, the Latin, in the more full
temtinnCion oT the primiiry forms (i iilmost everywliere the
i alone liaa been dropped, but the 7" sound has been preserved
to the present day in German and in Russian. Nor has the
Old Sclavonic allowed the i to escape entirely, but exhibits
it in the form of a y.t Compare
out icuroxic
KtTb ifea-ttf, "est"
BUCTb Vve.i-tuS " tiitT
AAtTb t/uj-i7.§ "(hi"
lAHsxBrr.
wfisi ns-ii.
«f^ Qt-ii.
'ifipf vH-li.
* Pcrhups oleat. Ion, )« not OD uiliquated it&lir« form lor olsy, but an
s1>bl«vialion of oijrriA.
f Id the scooDil iin|>pratlTc-|iennn, Also, (lie Prakrit i-xhililia an Inter-
(4tlng ftiMl«8/ lo iW tJrwk n'A(r)s fiiSuiflJi, la the form t/ianui, "(/«"
(UrwMi E«i. Lpm, p. 07), for hbanafii, from bhanadhi.
I Accordini; to Dulirovrtky, only in ilie Arclmtc conjasation ; to Kopi-
Mr, bIm in the vnlinniy. He ratnarka, namely (OLtKi'Uw, p, 02), " TeriUe
ptnonm Tb fam rioff. ^lam pltir. vrteiu, ul km hie, per I'b itriMant.
BKtfmilpv Tb. ' ( .V «u|>houk fur •< (p. (WO
TIIIBD PERSON.
639
Tlie Litliuanian hiia, in tlio ordinary conjti^tion. lost the
sign of the third person in the tliri-'e numbers ; hence
wVj-tt' vorresponditig to the Sclavonic v^^-^-IV nnd SAnskfic
t^h-ti~ti; 80, too, in the dual nnd plural. Those verbs
only, whifh, in the first jwrsoii, h»vc presen.'ed the tertni-
DQtiou mi ($.435.]< liave, in tlie third also, pnrlially pre-
served the full li, or the I, and, indeed, at the same time, in
direvtcoinbiuatlon with the root ; hence, pvft. " he is," d&s(i,or
d&Ml'* " he gives," M* " he eaU" yiexl'.* " he siuffs." tlfst'.'
"he plaecfl," miftfC, "he slcflps." x&itgV, "he preser^-es,"
gtlbl\ " he helps," s^rgC. " be protects," liclct\ " he lets."
This singular t<;rmination is also carried over to the dual and
pluml. The Gothic hiis, with the exception of m(, where
the ancient tenuis li»s maintnined itself under the protec-
tion of tlie antecedent s, everywhere (A in the third person
of the primary forms. This th. however, b not the usual
substitute of t, but stands, ns in the [O. El p. 662.3
second plural person (see §. MG.), enphonienlly forrf, because
Hi suits the ending- better than d {|. 91.), In the medio-
passive. on the other hjind, the older mrdinl li»s maintained
itself in the terininalionrfa. which also agrees with the Prakrit
ending rii. On these medials rests, also, th** Old High Ger-
man I, by a diflplnceiuent which has again brought back the
original form.-|-
459. For the designation of plurality a tt, which has
been compared before with the nccusntive plural (§. 236.), is
inserted before the pronominal character. After this 7>, the
Gothic, in contmdistinction from the singular, has main-
tained the older medial, since tid is a favourite combination,
Compare aind with "sf^snntt, .>co^^^ henti, "auvt," and
* S mplicinic for ■/, in sccordance with '/. 103. and wiiti th« Sclsvomo.
i III ihii MOBK is l0 be corrected what we have remarked on this head
In $.00.
640
TBRB9.
(<x)tvTi. The Sauskrit observes before the same n the same
principle, wliich we have DOliccd above ($.437. Rem.), with
respect to the vowel-less m of tbe first person of Uie secondary
forms. It prc-inscrts, namely, ao a when tliat letter or i\
does not already precede the pluralizing n in the ctasa or radical
syllable : hence, indeed, tarp-a-nti. like Tepir-o-vTi, tishfa-nti
\ikvta-ra-vTi.bh{l-nti, " tln?y shine," like0a-irr('; but cki'iiw-anti,
"they cotleft," not cAi-nti-nfi from cki,- y-anfi, "tliey go," not
[G.Ed.p.6B3.] i-nii* frwm i. Thus the Greek a-r. out of
avTt in i&KvO-affi, i-aai, nOc-avt, Siio-avi, acquires a fair
foundation; for it is scarcely to be ndmittcd tliat so striking
a coincidence can he Hccidental. Kor even if the forms
TtdeavTt, iiioairrt, lavri. ietKvvam, are not maintained in any
dialect, yet we eauuot doubt that the length of the a in riBeaai,
Scc^ as well ns in Trra^rt and Ttm^pottri, i» o compensation for a
dropped I', and that <ti. as everywhere in the tliird person,
stands for ti. With regard, however, to the iuterpolatett a.
ietKvCatn and latrt coincide the most closely with the abori-
ginn] tj|ie of our family of Ungiingo, as in TiOtcurt the «,
and in ii9ciet the o, stand for the Sanskrit d or a; for
r46*}fu=dadMmi and iiiuiAi^dadimi, These two Sanskrit
words must originally have formed, in tlic third plural
person, dadhA-n-ti, d'tdil-ntK or, wiih a shortened a, dudha-nii,
dadit-nU; and to this is related tbe Doric riQivTi. iiiavrt. as
itni to ^rftl tanli. Tho forms riQkaat, hioaat, however, have
followed the analogy of icttnuaat and taat, inasmuch ns tliey
* The Indi*n gT»min«riuu nwamo evorywhuc anli, end, in the ercoo-
daryfbnniian, u Uio full teTminslion of i1i« third person plnnd, KtitlUy
down, ne In thefint perainsinguliiroftlicKcoodiirxfuriDa, asnruK', Uutu
«(the cIbsb eyllnMc of lli« firet vliicf <;oiijuf;;iit)on is rcJNtct) bcfurv tlic a of
Um ^tn^ ; lIiUB, (orp'-anf i, for tarpdnti, out of (iirp-a-unli. The cxignote
lmgul^;e](, howt-YM-, do Dot favour this vitw; fgr if tlw Greek o oii^ip-ft-mi
la identical wiOi that »f ^p^fwr, and Ihe t«>lluc a otbtur-a-nd wiih that
of tair-«-B», tlie a also of (lie fiaoiknl hharaali must I>« nveivi^l in a like
wtumm the \tm%A ti bkar-Amaa toA Hk *\voti it blmr-a-Out.
THIRD PBBSON.
C41
have treated their radical vowel as tlioiigh it bad not sprung
from a. Thus the lonicisms, laTeMi, caffi.
459. The Saiiakrit verba of the tliinl class ($. 109'. 3.), on
account of the htirthen oc-trasionecl by tlic reduplication.
n-hich tliey liave to bear ia tlic special teiisps, strive after
an alleviation of the weight of the teraiiiiationa : they
therefore give up the n of the third person plural.
and shorten a long d of the root, whence ?Tfit doda-tit
" they give." ^iffir dadha-ti. " tliey place." mrfil Juha-ti,
"they leave." There is. however, do room to doubt tliat,
ill the earlier condition of the lao^iage, these forms were
sounded rladti-nti, dadha-n(i,jaha-Ttli. and that iii this respect
the Doricisms SiSi-rrt, riGi-vrt. have handed down more faith-
fully the original type. The Zend also [O.EU.p.6SI]
protects, in reduphratcd verbs, tbu nasal; for in V. S„
p. 213, WB read Vj^^-&i_$^ dndeni^, " they give," perbapa
erroneously for dad^nlL* If, however, the rending be
eorrevt. it is a middle verb, and not tlie less bears witness
to a transitive dadinti- Tlie Sanskrit, however, in the
middle, not only in reduplicated verbs, but iu the entire
secoud chief conjugation, wliich corresponds to the Greek
iu fUj on account of the weight of the personal terminations,
abandons the plural nasal; hence ciiUnu-at^ (for chi-mc-imlf^
contrasted with the transitive cAt-nw-onfi. This also is
evidimtly a disturbance of the original build of the laitguagi*,
which dales first fmm au epoch siibs>L>quL'nt to the dis-
persion of tongues i for the Greek moiataiua in the uiedio-
paasivc, still more firtnly than in the activC) the nasal as
• Tbat, however, the suppression oftho nnsal Jb not foreign to the
&&d is shewn in th« form j^jjou-jcji iejihaiti, " they lcach,'=EAnbkrii
^niriif *'^'t'* fri>m the nwtTpTH »^i Trliit!i, jirobahly on Jicxouiit df the
duabli' Bibilnnl, followa th« utmlogy of (hi; redupliralcd forms. In Zend,
Um bsmI ($.66*0 plaoed I>«rore Dm k mSLj h&vA ferourcd tbo supprvs-
noa of that of the ttfriDiuation. Upon the e e for { e sec Ilamouf '■
ys?w,p.4eo.
642
VERBS.
an expression of plurality', and not only opposes ripn-o-vr'ai
to the Sanskrit tarji-ti-niS, but also ilio-vrai, •rSds-mai, to
the Sanskrit dndalf. dadhat^. Yet tlie Grt*ek has, through
ftiiotlier L-haancI, found a means of lightening the cxct-ssive
weight of tiie middle termination, by substituting vrau
where mrtau would naturally be expected ; hence oiixwvrat.
not ietKvv-avTai, wliicU latter we might expect from ieiKvi^-aai
(ottt of ZetKv\/-avTi). The Sanskrit form giri-nw-at^ and the
GiTcelc 9r6f>-vv-vyat respectively complete one another,
since the one has preserved the a, the other the nnaal. The
extrusion of the a from <rrop-vV'{a)v7ai resembles that of
the t] of the optatiw. inasmuch as, on account of the in-
creasing weight of the jiersonal termitmtioiis, in tho medio-
[G. Ri].p.aa5.] passive, we form frnm 2ido/);>' not Sidoi^jui}!',
but Stioifiriv. The lonicism has, hou-cvcr, in the third
person pluml. sacriSced tho v to the a. and in this piir-
ticular, therefore, harmooiiccs most strictly with the Sanskrit :
in remarking which, wc most not overlook tliat Ijoth, in
their pesjHsctive ways, but fi-om the same motive, Iiawe g^ne*
rated their af^, arou, out of anii, ayrai ; thus, VTop'ifC-a{v)T<u,
tof>;ethcr with <nop-yv'ia)irrai, tlic first beinf; Analogous to
the Sanskrit «/ri-nu'-o(i«)/e. Wc do not, therefore, reijuire,
contrary to what has been remarked at p. Zad. to assume that
the a of nevaCaTai, aud similar forms, is the vocatisation
of the V of ireirautfTai, but veitav-vrat aud ittwatz-^xTm ar«
divene mutilations of the lust original form trcnau-aiTou.
460. *Tlie Old Sclavonic hoa dissolved the aaaiil in
Dubrowaky's Grst and second conjugation into a short n
sound (as in tlic first person singular the m), and contracted
this again with the antecedent oonuecting vowel, which else-
where ap|>ear5 as I, but here is to be taken as o. to tr ; so that
usaifTb v'-^tJ/yt from ivn/tiltf has a surprising resemblance
t Dnbfowrty wriiw ht^H^ reiAi, tml jiws, lu in the (ingiilar, ihe y
only in tbc Arcluiic coiijag«iioD (a-.-c |>. G>18. No(«. p.
TIIIKD CEBSOV.
648
to the Grci:k ^ovirt from c-^ov<rt for c<(oyTi. Tbc Bohemian
wezou lias, OD the other hand, preserved the old oof the
Sjinskrit vah-amii. and tlie Golliic vi<j'a-n<i, which, in tlia
Latin tvA-u-n/, by the influence of the liquid, has beenme u,
io contrast to th« i" of the other persous (t'c/i-i-s, &c.). The
u of tUc Bohemian tvesau, Iiowcver, like the lost constituent
of thediphthongtrof Rt^gKTb up^tl/i/.ia of nasiil origin(§, 2bb.g.).
In the Archaic eoiiju<pilIon the Old Sclavonic has, with the
excejition of ittb suiv^vfRlsemd, " .vunt" j(o^g*v hf-nti,
evTi, nbandouod entirely the nnsal of the termination and, but,
instead, has maintained the a in its primary shape, yet
with the pre-instTlioii of un inorganic 1/ [O. Ed. p. fiflS.]
(5. Sift'-); otherwise t/nrf/i/u. for which wc titHi AAAATbdarf-
yaty. would be nearly identical with tlie Sanskrit i^^fw dndati :
as reduplicated verbs have, in Sanskfit also^ lust the na<ia]
(^.-13*).). BtA*''''' ryptlyiity. " ihey know," nccopils less with
f^^viflantU and n^ATb ^dt/aty, "they eat," with ^|^
achntK Tins analogy is followed, also, by those verbs, which
conrapond to llie Snnskri: lenth class (§. 109*. 6.). namely,
Dobrowiky'n third conjugation, as E«A«Tb fifW-ya-Zy, " they
wEke^ss Sanskrit Vhrvf^ ykik-nyn-viH. Here, however, as
the division and comparison given above skew, the y pre-
ceding the n 19 not inorganic, hut belongs with the a to the
dinracter-syllablc of the conjugation, of which more hereafter.
461. In the secondary forms the vowel has beei] dropped
from t)ie [ilurni terotinatiou vli or antl. as from the singular li,
ti. mf. ami with this in Sanskrit, after the Inw had esta-
blished itself so destructive to many termiuatioiis which
forbids the union of two consonants at the end of a word
(f, 9-1.), the personal character* wns obliged to vanish, which
in Greek, where even a simple t is excluded as a termination,
had been already withdrawn from the singular. If thus
BT€pjr-e finds itself at a disadvantage opjiosed to aturp-a-t —
80, in eTepw-o-v.coQJiiareil with alarp-a-n {for nlarp-n-jit) — tlie
two languages, though from dilli^rent motives, stand esseu*
tiolly on a similar footing of degeneracy, 'H<r-av oceunls
644
VERBS.
still better with ds-an. and nortsts like t:iet^atr witlt San-
skrit tenses like the equivalent odihhait, as it would seem
that the sibilant of tlie verb substantive hns protected the old
ri of ihu termination an from degenerating to o ; for Uie usual
practice of the language wotild liave given us to expect
t^ffov like ^e^ov. or Tjacv like T€(nroi-€v. The Zend goes
along with the ev of the latter in forms like /ftv^
auhen, " tliey were," and jfiiw^iu baniyhi, " tliey may
I^G.Ed. p.0G7.] hear" ^(})4poi€v. We see from this tliat llie
Zend also cannot support the weight of the terminntion nt,
although it condescends more than the Sanskrit to conclud-
ing sibilants seijuent on r, c,/, and »; and has handed dowu
to us nominatives such ae jh^^aj^au Alar'X, " 6re," Ms^iyT^
rfruci, "a demon." jvA^'^^ ^f^fii "body," jj«>^ iurofl^.
" bearing," From the Gothic have vanished all tlie final T
sounds nhtch existed in the period previous tu the German
language (see §. 99 J. Rem. 1, p. 389 G. ed.)- Hence, if in the
present indicative bair-a-nd duswcr to the Sanskrit (Atir-an-fi
and Greek ^ip-o-vri, we can iieverlheless look for no f/airatnd
or buiraiand in the subjunctive answering to 0cpofei'(T). Zend
barai/eit{t); ami we find instead tni-rni-na. as would seem by
transposition out of hnimi-nn. so that on corresponds to tlie
Greek and Zend ei; ^ out of «n." In tJie medio-passive tJie
lost Tsoundof the active has preserved itself as in the Grc^fc,
bccAuse it did not stand at the end, but the vowel coming
before, and. in Gothic, by transposition, after the n, in re-
noved on account of the increscence of the ending; hence.
bairuindati. as in Greek ^potvro. not (/rtfoiVfro (com pare p.642).
462. The teruiinution un of the Gothic preterite, as in
hnihniUm, " they were named," may be compared with the
Alexandrine av for ai^i, aai {e'/VMKav, eipijKa)-, &v.) with the
recollection tliat the Sanskrit also, in its reduplicated pre*
* Or AoBUsrsaMtn^llltl, u in Uitrnwutalive singiUar (^^. 149.}, &n in>
orgmic a hia Wa sppmlad to the origiiiBlIy tcnDiani ing naaal ? 1'he m p-
))o»itii>H of (kt! ivjct, bowever, socOAb bellor with tli« i^riiulUve gntutiaor.
J
THIRD FBBSON.
645
ttrlte, althoHgli the primary endings belong to it, yet, under
the pn-ssurc of tlie redu[»!ieatiou syllabic, lias been unable to
maintain the original aiiti uncorruptt-d. but puts us in its
steail. The a of this form is without doubt [G. Ed- p. 068.]
a weakening of the original tr with respect, however, to the
u, it may remiuQ undecided whether it is a vocoliiation of
the nnsul, iiud thus the latter clement of the Creek ov of
TVJTTowTi, or a wciikciiing of the a of anli. The Soiialtrit uses
the ending ua also in the place of tm : (irat, in tlie
potential, corresponding to the Zend-Greek en, ev. heuee
»ft»TH^ bhari-y-us (with eu phonic y, §. 43.) = ygj ja>^ baray-iti,
^epoi-ec ; Second, in the first augmented prelerile of the redu-
pliiated roota, thus, adudhui, " they placed," adadus, "they
gave,** ioz udadhan (com p. er/ficv), adtidan ; from which itJa
clear that vs, since u is lighter than a (Vocaliamus,
p. 227). is more easily borne by the Inngimge than an;
third, in the same tentjc, but at iliscretioii together with
tf-n, iii roots of the second class in 6, for instance, oyicr,
or aydn, "they went," from yii; fourth, in some forma-
tions of the multiform preterite, for instaace, v^TTW
airAmhus, "they heard."
463. The Old Sclavonic could not, according to §.255. 2.,
mnintain unaltered either the t or tho n of the secondary
form anl* or nt : it sets in their place either a. simple a or v ;
which last is to bo derived from on. These two terminations
are, however, so dealt with by the practice of the language,
that anpjiears only after task, a only after x< ^^ instance,
atv* heuech& or cbmA bwsha. " tliey were " (§. 25S. wi.). The
secondary form of the Latin has been handed down in most
perfect condition, and has everywhere retained, the prono-
miniil i after the nasal which expre&scs pluriittty ; thus trohi
outdoes the abovementioued forms vnen^ dmn, ticav, and
* or th« tcrmin«ti(in ant «nly the ( lue b«ea <ilrup|W'), hat Ibo a is coa-
I^Ded in the precediDg naulizH vowel (Ke $. 783. Uemsrk): tunce we
liiwdd rfiul c»i fi>r a, tth far e.
I
646 VKHUs.
my^ anhfn ; and feremt, in respect of the personal sigii,
is morr |)crffcl tlmu the Greek (j)cpot-€v, Zfud «ii*)^wi
baray-rn, Gothic bairai'mi, and Siin»krit tf^in hknrS-tf-us.
461 Id tlie dual of tlie Sanskrit the primary /urm is
(i«, and the sceoiidary {Am : to the former, tov coriTsponds id
{0. Ed. p. 660.] Gn-'ek,f§.97.)— thiiSTf/>7r-c-Tov=(/ir|)-fi-/«»;
— but the termination lAm has, according to the variety of the
A representation [%. A.) divided itself iuto the forms ttiv aud
TtDV, of which the former is tlie prevalent one, the hit:cr
limited to tlie imperative; lience irepiri-Tjfv, Ttpr-ot'-n/i',
answering to otarp-a-tAm, tarp-^-itim ; liaio^i-Triv aoswering-
to adU'-ska-tdm; but TCfir-e-ruv answering to tiirp'O-tAm.
From this romarkivble coim-idenco with the Sanskrit, it is
clear that the dirt'crencc in{jn;ek bctwecUTOfoii the oncliand,
and -njv, Tiaf, ou the other, has a foundation in remote antiquity.
and was uoi. as Buttmaun eonjeetures (Gr. §. S7. Olra. 2.). n
later formation of the more modern prose, alheit in four places
of Hamer {tliroe of which arc occasioned by the metre) toc is
found for ti^i-. The augment, however, cannot be consider*^
as a recent formatiou merely beciiusc it is often suppressed iii
Homt-T, since it is common to the Greek and ihcSanskj-it lu
Zend the primary form is regular, ^pi M ;' for the se-
condary, however, which will be (^;o tanm, we have as
yet DO instance. The Gotliie has lost th^? (hirtl du.'d person,
but the Old Sclavonic bos ta tch fcmiDinc Tt /yp, as well for
* An InataDU k iiiund hispaaaafcooFlhc! Ir.pii!ba(= (V, S. )i. 48), tlieminM
ofwhicll has been tnucli luiatakcn byAutjncLil: — AiM^^OAAt^ J9o»tOJI
(vide ^&H.] Uiri$attM [Hiili ffoiriaamn, " 1 prnino l)ic cliinilK ni»l (he ruin,
wlikb stutaiu tli,v Iiuily ontliu hclgbta of the moanluinB." Accoiding M
Ani}actit, "J'ufiiftJt 1IH1 priert ii tunnf^', a to plaif, iiuj''iuillt* wut aves
donnr un ctTijfi mr le tommrt dea tHOHtatfuei." Vatsayatu is vitbcr lliu
ftnorvoTtiur, withan inwrlfd a — ltiagrnrKiciijrri/>!=9aiukpt ivutfAjKi/o*
— ors ilerirativv fi^nn tW root oivnttvn^l, in the proMnt, nooordiiif; to the
toodl drtMt; in •ilhi^r CAia, liuvrvvcr, m (l)inl p«r«oD duftl.
THIBD PEBSON.
647
the primary form WW iat {tov) as for the [G. Ed. p. fi70.]
secondary t(^ tdm, ttjv, tu»' (compare §.445.) ; hence m^ita
veieta, "they two ride," =qfmt vahatas; be^oCta veiosia,
"they two rode," =f(miiiiH^ atj^fctdm, euphonic for avAkahiAm,
p. 98; 3BiK*eTA ivenyesta, "they two sounded," = ^MfifVli^
aswaninhtdm. As to what concerns the origin of the last
letters s and m in the personal expressions mf^ tas and
m^ i&m, they rest, without douht, on a similar principle to
those of the second person ■^w thas, lf\ tarn ; and if one of
the explanations given, §. 444. be valid, we must then abandon
the conjecture elsewhere expressed, that m of Mm sprang in-
deed originally from s, but first through the previous interven-
tion of a « (for u), after the analogy of WWTH^ AvAm, " we
two." igWT^ yuv&m, " ye two " (§. 340. Table, Dual, l).
465. The following comparative table presents a summary
of the third person in the three numbers : —
SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT.
SEND.
GKIBK. LATIN. OKRUAN.*
UTH,
OLD SCLAV
lUti,
aitif
«<m', est, itt.
etli,
yeaty.
tithtati,
hUlati,
'<rran, atat, ^tt&t.
ttow,
ttoitu.
daddli.
dttdhditi, blbaiTi^ dat, ....
duiti.
daely.
atti.
....
.... est, itith.
6ei\
yaaiy.
barati,
baraiti.
</»(P((t)i,' fert,^ bairith,
vahati.
vaxaiti,
?X* (>■)')' vehit, viffith,
loeza,''
vei/ety.
{a)tydt.
hyat.
«(<r)iij, net, ei^ai*
iuhthil,^
histdil.
larairj, ttet, ....
. . .
itdi.
dadyAl,
daidht/dt, biioit}, det, ....
. . .
dashdy.
bharSt,
bardit.
tpipot, ferui, bairai.
. . .
. . ' .
avahat.
vazat.
tixt, vehebat, ....
wext
....
tuvsanli/'
DUAL.
• ■ ■
{venpe.
{a)»tat.
it&V
iirriii,
. . .
^etta.
iiihthatai.
hUtatS,''
Icrrarcn',
«
ibfita.
baritdm,
....
ff)€polT7]V,
. ■ .
....
bkaratdm.
....
<t»*p*Tay,
. . .
....
anodnU/Udm, ....
■ • ■ ■
. . .
{wi^oAi
• Seep.618,Note*
•a
3
648
veBBS.
tanti,
dadali*"
Utaranti,
vahanii.
KKXn. BBEU.
liiflenti, tirraim,
UTIK. CBRUAM.*
»wn/, unci,
tlanl, fttdnt.
riant, ....
hurhiti, tfiipai^i, /emit, lairand
vaxcnti, 7xo»Tt, vthanl, vij/and,
liiihthfytu,^' fiUtfii/^H, itrraTto, Mtent ....
bhar^yiu," barmjhi, tptimitv, firaxt^ bairaijui" .
aii/iiTi, ^aav, tratU ....
.... irta'^av, .... .... ,
dfOfl,
atarpU/ius,
ufteiitiuhiu,
aJikthan,
fktiicar.
OLD KLir.
Hoycwty.
diuli/aiitu.
tvrpt/fihah.'*
{i>fnf/e§h4tii.
hktuhttft.
' Sm 5. 44R, » Answer* to fiwfS Ifibharti, ihird claas, p. 6^6, ■.
' Without jiPWonnl nigu: oeo -1. 4.17. * Scep.636,». • P.CaS,".
• rirei person, a3V)ani»}iam. " I sounded." " See §. 4(H. • Am
in the anRuUf ; see $. 4^7. * &«e $. S25. <;. ■" 5m $. U9.
II See*).«». " 96ep,6«. '» S»p.ti44. " rarpf/m
meaiui " to HGfTer," " to bear," »o tlmt the origianJ nigiiificaiioii appean
to Ik juvertvd : coiupuru tli« Oulhic tAaur&a>i, "tOJiccd" (VocaliBmiu,
p. 1T<1). Tlie Suulcrit root larp {trip} tnranii, ooc«rdtDf; to the fifth l-Ims
{Ifipydmi), " U) hv conttDt, satisliccl "i accordlntt to tltc &nt (^Uirpdntl),
lenlb (tarpasdmi), andsUih (^t^ipdmi), "ton'JQicc,"''tocoatcail," kc
MIDDLE TEUUINATIONB.
[G.Ed. p. 073] -ISG. The middtc tcruioatioos, in which
tlic pussive pnrticipates, distinguish theiuac-lves throughout
from thosu of tlia Iransitivc-activc by u greater fulness
of form, even though the mode of formation benotalnajrs
tliu s&uiL'. Sanskrit, Zend, aud Greek a^-mrd in this.
that they lenj^iou a concluding i, in the primapy forms, by
UiQ pru-iusurtiun of a: heuce, ^eu from fti, cat from the ui
whicli remaius uncorruptod only in eact of the second person
(§.449.). Tou from t(, and. in the plural, vrai from vri. The
Sanskrit and Zend makt? tlieir diphthong ^ correspoud to the
Grecic ai; niid this applies to the rare cases in which the i
produced by A + i is represented in Greek by eu, as usually the
firvt element of the indo-Zend diphthong appears, in Greek,
MIDDLE TEEMIKATIONS.
649
in the shape of e or o (sec Vocaliatnus. p. 1 06). The weightier
nod original a avema, however, in the tcrmioatioiis of Uic
middle %-oice here spoken of (cf. §. ■173.). where expressive
fulness of form is of most importnnce to the Imiguage, to
have boon jmrpost'ly gunrdetl. The Gothic has lost tJie i
clement of the diphthong ui; hence, iQ tlic third person, da
for diri; in the second, za (euphonic for sw, §. 86,6.) for mi,-
«ud in the third person plural, ndn for ndai. The first person
singular and the first and second of the plural liaTc perished,
nnd are irplaeed by the third, as our German itind, which,
pertaining only to the third iH-TSod plural, has peiictraled into
the first. The a which precedes the personal termination, us
in'/m(/-fl-?o, " vocaris," kait'O-da, " vocatvr," as opposed to the
» of haitis, " vocas," haitith, " vocat," formerly appeared mys-
terious, but has since, to my mind, fully ex- [0. Ed. p. G73.]
plained itself, by the assumption that all Gotlae verbs of the
strong form cori-espond to the Siinskrit first or fourth claas
(p. 10b), and that the t of haitit, haUith, is a weakening of an
older a, conformable to rule, and the result of a retro-active
induenec of the terminating s and Ih (§. 47.). The roedio-
passive, however, found no occnsion for a ne<.*e8s.iry avoid-
ance of the older a sound, and it therefore continues, in this
particul.ir, in the most beautiful harmony iritli the Asiatic
sister idioms.
167, The Sanskrit and Zend liave lost in the first person
singular, as welt of the primary as the secondary forms, ttic
pronominal consonant, and with (t, in the first chief conjuga-
tion, the a of the class-ay liable (see §. 135.) ; heuce <(1^
biidM, " I know," for hidh-i't-mf or biidh-a-mfi, in case the
weightier personal ending lias impeded the lengthening of
the class-vowel menti«ied in |. 4^. Compare —
tiHSKipr. iKtin. oiumt. nornK?.
W^ hhai'4, |O^A>U bair-4^ tpip'O-fiat ....
»nSl hhur-a-st, HjU'w/^ bar-a-h$, {^ep-e-ceu). ^epfj, bair-a-sa,
»WTt bhnr-a-tf., tcpjA>/wj fcflr-oi-i^,' ^p-e-rai, bair-a-d",
»R^ iAar-a-nfc', Mp^JAi^ Ifar-ai-nt^, ^p-9-rt<u, bair-a-nda.
V o
$50
VERBS.
• See $.41. ' In the pniu'ive the fhlrf pemm plaral often occnn
«s M^J)^JJOiJA«fJJH(ii«jMJi«rt "nnstiintur," (Venil. ^. p. 13(1), wltli^for
a, thraugh ihciiifliiciicoufthcprecrOingv ('.42.). l'«r the middle I hoTc
no iDstftiicc (tf tliii pcraon : wc might, however, at tho utmost h« indonht
u-huthcr Wc should tuc bar^nli arter tli« xnnlngy of lli« tninailtvR barfntt,
or baraintf, Tloth nrc posnililf odmissiMo. but harnintl apjii^nrn In Tne the
Bofcft, 4U inlhttiictivc triuuitiv«, also, oi'nd'iBfxUfit ns wnll »f.i")ti, csiw-
cinlly nftL-r ti, where ftiH wouht, [»>rhH|is, not be allowuil : hpncp,
(O. Jid. p. 674). jp^JJO»ii^*twHi/i, " thej- live," ^=Sim8krit ■t')^r*il
jlDunti- jfD^jA»>A)| ttavainCt, "ihey arc," =»nf5ir /iA«i««i/i, Wcfmd,
nim, wiihoDt v |ircccilinf;, j/nsamii:^i/ajanti in n ])ivvin(,-« died from (he
ToahtcT-Vcflht by Bomouf (Yu^nA, Nut«,p.7')' ^' •lioulJ we ht-re
read jra»atjir/,&8yuri»9]u'i;i4illy used iii clii^midillc.
46S. tn the sccDudnry foriiis tlie terminating diphthong
in Snoskrit and Zend wenkeiis itself in the snme mnnner
as ill Gothic already in the primary ; the i clement, namely,
vanieihes, but the a rooiaininf; appears, iu Greek, as o;
hence, c^ep-e-ro, opjiosed to wnn abhnva-ta jupju^wj
bar-a-ta; in the plural, e^t'p-o-vTO. tu VH^qr nhhfir-a-nia,
uifiMM/ux har-a-vta. The Sansk!-it-2^M(l furins liavo a
striking likeuMS to the Gothic bnir^-dn. Ixiir-n-nda, given
above. Yet I am not lience disposed, as formerly,* to adjust
the Gothic primary to the Sunskrit secondary forma, and to
make the compitrison between bair-a-da, bair-a-n<h, (inatonci
ofbhar-a-lf. Mnr-fl-nf«',)and ah!utr-u-(a. nb/mr-a-jilti. The ter-
mination an, in the Gothic subjunctive, is piizzhng ; wbfire.
for instance, bair-ai-duu is opposed to the Saiiskfit hhar-i-ta,
Zend bitr-aS-la, Greek ^ip-oi-ro ; and thus, in the plural,
bair-ai-ndau anstvers to^ep-oi-i'To;f and. in the second per-
H
■ Conjtigiilion Syatom, p. 13 1 .
1 In Zend Um active barniy-in would lend na to cijicct a iniddlo
Jor-a^nta (compara J.4CI.). The ^naWrit, departing from the cifirrUn-
gni^es, hM the tenninatiOD nm, thua bAar-4-ran, whiuhaccnis to mc a oin.
&]atumotbhar-K-ranla. Theroot ti, "to sleep," "to lip," inBcrts anoma-
loufily such an r, as htm) precede iHe proper penonnl ending, in the third
pcrnvn of all tpf^iol Mnca ($. 100^.), BuppreaHUK, howerer, in the preoent
inpe-
MIDDLE TBRMINATI0N8.
G51
80D tingnlar, bair~ai-z<iu to ^p-«t'{<ro). [O. Ed. p.67£.1
It is uot probable tliat this au has arisen out of a by the in-
organic additiou of a b. as (h« corruptions of a Inngu.igc
usually procend rather by a wearing off itinii an extending
process. I tliink.tberefore, thnt thu teriuiiiation au of the im-
perative, where it lias already attaioed a legal foundalion
(p. 597), bns insinoated itself into Uic subjunctive ; tliat thus
the speakers, seduced by the aniUogy of Arj(r-fl-</ni/, /wtr-«-
Ttdaa. have used bfiir-ai-dau, hiur^ai-tidau, also in ttie suhjuiic-
tive ; and that thence the au has made its way into the second
pcrsou fiirifTuliir, thus Imh-ai-sau for bnir-ai-To, This ought
not to surprise, as the medio- passive iu the Gothic lias already
got into confusion in this respect, that tlie Grst pt-rson, and.
in the plural, the second also, has been entirely displaced
by the third.
469. In the second person singular of the seeondary forms
tho Sanshfit divei^s from the principle of tJie third and
first Just aa ia stands opposite.' to the primnry It and the
secondary t of tlie transitive active, so wc shoulil expect aiIbs
a counterpart to s/i and ». In its place, bonevert we find tUAa;
thus, for instance. ahhAJh-a-thds, " thou kiiewest," bhddlff-
-thAf. "thou niayest know." That, however, originally
there was a form aa co-existent with tliig f/^h is indicated,
not only by the Greek, in which iSii<Mro. SiSot'To. accord
exactly with eSiio-TO, Ji'Jw-ro, but also by the Zend, wliich
exhibits jutv ho in places where, in Sanscrit v sa would be
to be expected, the w h being a regular correspondent to ^ *
(§. 5a), and Mtp »ha after such vowels as, in S;iDsk]-it, require
■mponlive nnA tint augmenl^ prcltTite, ncvoHin^ (« ^ 4$9., the rwsal «f
flumlltyi UcuMi i4-ra{»)tii = Ki1vrtui potontial ing-Uran, itnpcMtivc
a^-ra(R)fiini, pratrrile cu^ni(n)/a = 7K«iPT<i. We sliall hentnIU-r n^^og-
niKBDoli nnrin tJio mijdlv ortlter('iiu{>lic8tc<lfr4;tcrIlG. Aaio iut>rigiii,
howDvpr, I cnnJNture it to bo llic radieol coiiaonant uf the r«Tl> subainn-
liro, wiilmn anoniflloDs exclmnjii'of »forr (i-oaip. j- 22.). w ihAt, for in-
Stance, dad-i-nut, {aT dadAmsiin, would nin pamllcl wUli dieOrt-cknctivo
itiitir^tno', towhkh would peHAinainc<lio|tiiMivc AiAoi'igvu^Tn or Si^Vqito.
V V 3
652
VEHBS.
the conversion of ilie s into tit (p. 20 ). Tlie termination ka hnfl.
[0. Ed, p. 6760 at-conling to §. 56'., an n prefixed, and tlius it
occurs in the i^ssive form noticed in my first Zr;nd ntt(-mpt
(Berlin Jnlirb. Mfiroli 1S31, p. 374), an<) still hitherto unique.
tiiazayitnhn, " thou wast born" (Vend. S, p. -12). Ainjuetil
irflDsIates the passage, which cannot admit two interpre-
tations, A)w>9ArdiAtjAijj> ^^^ to»v hi turn usnzayanhu, "to biin
thou wa8tborn,"by " lu'nniiae\tanfii.i cel^/recommevinisr ta\Ci
thus conceals the true grammatical value of tliis rcmnrknblo
expression, which wag perhaps no longer intelligible even to
Anquctit's Pars! instructors. I have since been unable to find
a second instance of this form ; hut Burnouf (Ya^na, Notes,
p. 33) has brought to li;;ht o middle aorist form of no less
importance, namely, A>t^>^?j??>wrtfrwfiAiMAa, "tliougrewestv*
to which we shall recur hereafter. At present wo are con-
cerned only with the substaotialion of the t<.-rminntion xha. the
»h of which is nsed under the eaphoniciTifluenceof a preceding u.
470. We return tn the Sanskrit termination /M*. This sLinds
in obvious connection with the active termination tha, dis-
cussed {.453., which probably had, in itsorio^in, a still farther
extension in tlie singular, and from nhick the furm tkS.-a
nroac, by elongation of the vowel find tlic addition of s ; which
t, as elsewhere noticed (Gram. Crit. ^ 301. c/.), probably
stands also to di^ignate the second person. If this be so,
then ciilicr the first or the second personal-expression would
designate the person, which sustiuns tite operation of tbo
action or its advantage, which in all middle forms is
forthcoming at least in spirit if not in form. Thus in
mJat'th&s. "tlioo gaveat to thee" (tookest), cither "thou"
is designated by tA, and " to tliei:" by s, or tlie converse.
[G. Ed. p. C77.1 If this be so, and if in the Greek first pensou
th« r of the termination fiijv (Doric ^oi") be organic, j.e. not a
Inter nugatory nddition, hut intentional, and n legacy of the
primcvnl period of our race of liinguages, then ISiSifiijv also
signifies " I gave to me," wliellicr it be that fiij (fia) or. as
8eems la me more prubable, the v expresses the subjective
MIDDLB TRRMINATIOMS.
653
relation: iu titliur cft**. Iiowcvlt, fifj-v (/icr-v) stands, even
witti ri'spec-t to the length of the vowel, in perfect analogy
to the Sanskrit UiA-n. To thia we must ndd, as an anatot^y
for the ttiird pi-rson, the termination iriff fd-t of the Vf;il»-
dmicct, where the ezpresaioii of tlie third person stands dou-
bled. I therefore liold this remarkable termination for a
middle one, although Piinini (VII. I. 3l>.) gives it as a sub*
stitute for the transitive imperative terminations tu and Ai*
which occur iu bcnediL-tiona; for instance, bkovtiu jicaltU,
"i&ivy your honour live I" (rcsjicctful for "maycst thou livcl").
It is true the root jw (and perhaps many others with the
einJini* tat), ia not used in the ordinary lan^juaj^e in the
middle voice, but thin termination niiiy be a reinnnnt of a pc-
rtod in which all verbs had still a middle voice. Thenilddle
is, moreover, ia its place iu blcs$in(^s, in which some good
or advantage is always invoked for some one. Finally, tAl,
in a formal respect, ia much nearer to the usual middle
imperative termination Mm timn the tnnisitivc t«; yet I do not
believe that /d/ has arisen out of Mm, but f"^. Ed. ji. 07«.]
rather th:it the converse has taken [ilace, [u-rhaps by tlie
intcrveutiou of an iutermediate M« (comiiarc §. 41 1.}. How-
ever t]iis mny be, the termination 01, which Ituruour's acute-
ness has detected also in Zt-nd,t is of importance, because it
affords an ancient foundation for the Oscau imperative in
ttid,X preserved to ns in the table of Bantia, as licilu-d for
* rusailjJy cJie repivsoittiUion of ihe terminatian hi by lAt may be so ua-
dtrstn<Kl,i>aibat iusentt'nLvalikv khao^njivuUU, " AfiiyroniT honour live!"
tlic pcr*>n Bitdreowd I> always meant. Ex(ini[>Ii:( arc nut ntl4i]c«<t in which
ttivfl'Ctiial secnndpsnon isex]iri«iwil hy faf. ^liotiM kuuIi (<xisl, wl- ilIiouIiI
bo oblignd here to bring hitck ttio two ( to itiu Iimc tmi at die Kcaud pvr-
WD, wbiU io the l4i of the tliiri p«w>n both belong 14 iko ilcinaiutralivo
bDseM(J.SI3.}. Cf.jf.Tltf. p.tUa,Nate.
t Only ill Olio Jasuuce *>t value, (wau(C}U^>><> ut-varstdt. (Tafoa,
p. 600, Nolf).
t OinpwUteablittiie inuf/, anowniuj; Io thv SjuiakriuZcod iai!/, d^,
and the Old Lutui ia i>-if.
G34
VKHBS.
licela. estu-d for eato, eoTw.* To tUc Grwk imperative termi-
nation T« u middle origin tins been alniady elaewhure ascritusi;
for in the ]>lur:Ll, repTt-o-vrtav accords perfectly with the Sim-
skrit middle lurp-n'TtUlin, and is related to it as Ttp-K-i-Tutv to
the purely aetive dual tarp-a-iilm. Should, howevtr, repiT-o-
-t-Twi' be identicnJ with tlie transitive fur/i-n-nfu, this would be a
solitary inatanccin the whole fjraaimar of the Greek Impiago,
offal oorre8|K)Ocling ton Sanskrit II. with, niorcovcr.an inorganic
iicccssioQ of a uaaal. We should be more inclined in Ttpncrm
— if we comparo it to the middle iarp-a-tAm — to admit
\.\w abrasion of a nasal sound, ii8 in £$ei^a, opposed to tflfijiifv
adlkxham. 1 now, however, prefer to identify Tc/«reTw with
the Vedic word iarpnttU, for the abandonment of the t was
compulsory, that of tlie nasal on aoeidental caprice.
[G. Rl. i». 679,] The relation of rcpTt-l-Tta to turp-a-UU
would be similar to that uf tidtoio, cSoi, tu wJaffdl. iidAt. If.
however, rcp-xhw be identical with tarpuliU and Oscan forms
like ficitud, egtuti, the view vrc have mentioned above, that
the Veda-ending lit belongs property to tlie middle, aotjuircs
a new support; for if rc^Trat-ruv is based oti turpfinldm, nnd
is therefore of middle origin, then its singular counterpart,
alia, call belong to no other verbal genusi and will prove
a similar origin for that of its Astatic prototype lorpaliit.
471. TliefirstpersonsinHuluroflhc secondary forms ought,
in Saoakrit, after tlie analogy of the tliird in Ai, to be ma,
so that hharlina would be the counterpart of tlie Greek
* It deserve! remiu-k. ibat Dr. Kului, iii lUs Uiel/-|iiil>Us]ied work,
"CouJDgaiir>ia;it, llngcie Sam, ratlouc lialiilu" (p.2t), <ftn.), liuit nscrltH.-d
Ut till* Obuui form, v^iihwst nwvgubiui; lu* Vudio analogue, n posaivc
origin. The Oaoon a/TMhi « eonduding d fur /, but lins nininthin<«l tlw
uM IVDuis oihIct the protection ofa prtctrdiogs; heiice ih« Bulijunetire
fumu »nch im fiut, o^^aati \o /nid (see O. Miiller'a Etiuslcur, p.37).
Compare, in ihia puticnliir, tho OaUiic Mf (p.(MtlG.c<J.) with bairith,
baireda.
J
MIDDLE TEBMINATIONS.
655
^epatfiav {-fitjv). TliisForin, if not tbco!tI«at, must liuvi: been
of toDg standing in SaiiskriL Id the present condition,
however, of llie langung»?, this tn, as everywliere in the
singular of the mi(l<lle, hiis given way, iumI for /t/uiri'(m)a we
find bftarf-y-a, with euphonic y« which is tDscrtcd befot% ail
personal tcnninaCloDs beginning with vowele, in botli aclivo
forms of the pol«ntiHl (com[iare 5.'13.). In the focma
burthened witli an augment, the turiuiiiation 41, already uiucb
mutilated, has exjierienced a further weakening by the trans-
ition of n into i ; hence, e. g., mtri-av-i, " aiemfbam," for aslri-
-wti, and tliia from aatrinu-ma, or a still older aalri-nu-
pUim, which would corrtispond to the Doric itrrop-vv-niv.
473. Wc rRtum to the priniary forms, in order to
remark, ttiat. in Sanskfii, not merely those forms end in 6
wliieli. in tlie transitive aetive. end in i, and above liave
been cla&svd opposite the Greek middle forms in at ; but ulso
tliosc whicli, ill the transitive ootive, ex- [G. Kd. p.usu.J
bibit tio f, and, iu the Uruck middle, no at. The collc-ctive
primary forms run —
eiNOULAR.
tVAU
riAJiui,.
{m}i=fieu.
vahi,
fnnh^^tij^a.
»i=vai,
6lhi.
ilhtci.
lf,^Tau
m.
atS or atf=yTcu, artu {$. 4&9.)
The Zend fulluws, aa fiir as evidence exists, the analogy
of the Sanskrit, yet the first person plural Is not
^M( miizS, 03 would bo expected from i|% mahf, but
(Oai-Mf ma'ulhi (§.41.);' from which it is clear, that the
Sanskrit mnhf- is li mutilation of *ni mmlhi (&. 23.). as, before
I studied Zend. I had alri:tuiy inferred from the Greek ntda.
The Greek fieOa, however. Ima on its side lost the termina-
ting (. and thus ranks with the Gothic forma, mentioned %. 467.
In thtf secondary forms, 11^ maM weakens itself by the loss
* Meidi, hIk), «veu» witli U*e Bii|iifikiiuii dropped.
656
VBBBS.
of the iiiitiiil element of tlie diphthong f lo mnhi; od lUo
other hand it i-xtcnda itself, in h manner which argae* a
propensity to the greatest fulness of foroi, iu the firtt
person imperative to wn^ limaluli; ami analogous to tliis
the dual exhibits together witli ^vih^ tlie forms vahi and
AvehAi. The Zoncl retains, also, in tlie set'oodarj' forms,
the full termination mwdhi ; at least there is evidence of this
last in the potential (Wisyjugjiiiisj^j biiidhySimaidJtf, " we
may see," (Vend. S., p. 45) repeatedly.
473. Though, in Sanskrit, all the middle tcrniioationsof the
primary forms end in t*. I am not of opinion, therefure,
thiit all these fi rest on the same priniriple. As to those to
which, in the transitive active, i, and, in the Greek middle^
[G. E<I. p. Gfll.] ai, corresponds, I am much inclin<^ to
assume ihe dropping of a pronominal consonant between tlie
two elements of the diphtliong,* and, indeed, to derive (my,
fiai, from m«mi; s^, aai, from mm; UI, rot, from tati; as wo
have before seen 7wrrc< spring from tCtttcti, and, in the
PriUcfit, bhiwai from bbanadi; and as, also, in the Grrrk, the
middle -rvwreaai has been still further shortened into iwrfj.
and, in Saiiakrit. m^ into f. In this ^. therefore, the expres-
sion of the first person is contained in a twofold m.'muer.
once in a for ma, and then iu t for mi; and thus, also, the
reduplieutod preterite in the third person exliibits i opposite
the Greek rai for tot*, and the \'cda-dialcct gives us.
even in the present for Bt^l^^KetTcu of the ordinary lan-
guage, the form a'ay-^ (euphonic for ib?-('), aud oilier simi-
lar mutilations of the terminations of the middle voice, as aduh,
"they milked." for aduh^in; dah/lm, "let him milk." fop
duff-flAAm, and this last euphonic for Juh-l^m (Panini VII.
L 41.) If wc now refer im)e = fiai, «?=<roi, aud (t'ssrew, to
tlie probably pre-existing forms mumi. inir, tali, perluips.
Sa, also, Knlui iu his Tnct ([i, 35), iiKtUiatU'4 at p. C64.
i
MIDDLE TERMINATIONS.
657
ntao. mJriti. wlft. Mfi* the question arlaes which or the twn
pronouns cx|>resseil the subJL'cttvL'. nnd which the objective
rtflatioii. Do rf/i/.««(.v)i, S('Jo-(ra(<i)j signify "give to thee
tliuu," OP " give thou to thee"? If we assume the former, we
obtnin the same order as in BtSoaSCf SiS<xr6oy, &c., of vrhich
more hcrenfter; and the remarkable case \rouUI occur, tliat,
after ilia supprL-ssiou of the si^ctitid pronomiunl con^onHiit,
the first, which, with its vowel, expressed the pronoun
Btniiding in ttie relation of ttie oblique case, has obtained the
Apjieiirancc of designating th« subjective, [O. Kd. p. 6S2.J
or of Ijclonging to the proper peraonal termination ; for, in
SiSo-fi<ji(ti)i. the foeling of the lau^uti^c would better dispense
with tlie exprcssioii of tlic "to me" or "jno" (accusative)
thitn with thtit of " L" Whichever of the two explanations
be true, it is thought wc find in SiSo-ficu the same /i as
ill SiSu-iii. That this should so Appear is, however, no
proof of the real stnte of tljo matter; for if — which niueh re-
scDibles the cose in (]iieation, and lias often occurred in the
history of language — reduplicated forms uiidcrifo interior
inutilution, by extrusion of the consonant of the second
syllable, the 6rst syllable then acquires tlu: appcarani-c of
belonging to the root itself. No one misses, from the point
of sight of our current language, from preterites like hUH
the initial consooant of the root: every odo holda the A of
hirlt OS identical with that of hailci and yet, as Grimm, with
much auutenuss. was the Srst to discover ((. 103. 101.), tlie
sytlahic /li of hirft hoa f^iucd tJiia place by reduplication.
The Old High German form is hiuU hi(fi)nlt, and the Gothic
haiholil. whose second, and thus radical A, has escapi-J from
tlie younger dialects. I now hold, contrary to my earlier
opinion, ^c initial consonants of S.-in8krit forms like
Upima, " wc expiated," for rcdaplicatirc, and I assume on
extrtiaiou of tlie baae letter t of laiayima, producing
* Caiupuo $. 470. tMt, td-t, itS-r.
658
VBRDS.
Uipbna = taapima, aail Iieuce, by weakeiiiilg the d
(=«-)-a) to 4 (^a-^-i), tipima. In the Sclavonic dam^,
" I give," also, anit in tiie Lithuftnmn tlim}. the first syllablii
Ims nriacD by reJiipliaitiuii, iitid the radical syllable baa
entirely vanished. More oF this hereafter.
474. Let us oovf turn to thuae midillc terminAtioas ia f, to
whicli. in Greek, no at forresjKMicIs, and we believe that we
rtMxtgtiifie in the plural r//iit-^ a proiiuuiiiml nuiuinative form
in the sense of $. 2^^*. ; thus dfiivS out of tihtm-i, fmni the bast;
dlitoa fur /fca, Tlie dual teruiiiialiona (iW.^. mf, correspond,
on the other hand, with neutral dual foroos; sueh, for
[G. Ed. p. 083.1 iustance, as (<!. " tJiese two." lu lliu se-
condary forms, dhientn, distributed into dku-atn, may, ia
re»;ar{l of i« tcraiiiiatton. be i-onipnrcd with yil-yum, "you,"
ray.am. '• we ;" but the iluul expressions Allidm, lU^m. are re-
lated, »ith respect to tlieir lerniinfitions, to dhwnm, as, accord-
ing to §.206., (1« (out of 4j,) is to as, and answer to dvdm, "we
two." ytttyim. "yc two." For the rest, ^i^ n-tfi^, wii^ tM,
■WTO1»(^ dthiUn, wnrm dtdm. ap|)ear to me nmulations of
MlM, Iktr. (see Kiilin, I. c, p. 31) ; just as we have found above
in the VMa-diuleet. in the third |)erson singular imperative
dm for Mm (p. 681 G. ud.). The syllables {i)M, {t)i, which
ex[)nF$3 the pronoun standing in the objective cnse-re lotion,
are represented in Greek by ttic <t iu SiSo'<T-$oi', SiSo-<T-9i]*',
citio-<r-8ov, e9iiS-iT-di)¥, wliti-h tr, accordiug to §.90., explains
itself very satisfactorily as out of t; the following ft how-
ever, has likewise proceeded from t through the influenee of
this a;6 with u preceding aspirate, ore, beluga very favourite
unioiL If we contrast SlSo-tr-Bou, &c., with tho Sanskrit
doif-ilfiJil-tM, wc perceive tbat the two languages, in dealing
with the abori^nal form, so divide themselves, tliut the one
bus preserved only tlie consonant, the other only tlie vowel, of
the pronominal expression standing in the oblique ease-re-
lalioo. In the second person plural tlie Sanskrit has dropped
the vowel aa well as the eunsouuniul-elemeut of tbe inter-
MIDDLE TERMINATIONS.
659
mediary pronoun ; but I believe timt dhwf, dkwam, in tlie
condition of the langua^ immediately anterior, were d-dhwi,
d-iUiwam ; ^haibhar-a-d-dhwiialthar-u-d-dhxcam^^^p-e-iT-Bt
iipip-€'4r-8e ; for 7' sounds are casilif suppressed btfort: tw
ai\d dhui : lient-e we find in the gerund for dnI'tirA, " afur
giving," Mjf-^Mrfl, "aTter cleaving," more commonly (iti-iwrf,
bhi-fwA ; and in the second noriat form the second jiersoii
plural of the middle cxliibita both 'ul-dhicam [G. Ed. p. 664.]
(out oi is-dhuiim)iinA i-dhumn: finally, before the termination
dhl of tlic second [jersoii imperative singular, a radical t
is convertetl into d: tliis d may. bowev4*r, also be SM{>-
prcsscd; lience sti-dki, ns well as s(id-dlii, - reign thou," for
i(tia-dhi. The root «», " to be,** forma merely f-dhi* for ad-dht,
oat of <u-dhi. As, then, this 4-dhi U related to Uic Greek
Tu-ft, so ia bharadhtvf for bhttrtiddhivi to ^c/xo-ft;, only that
ill the lattiT place tlie Greek. 6 represents, nut the Sanskrit
dh (§. 1 6.), but the Greek t. through the influence of the
preceding a. Hence arises, in the iiupera'tii'e also. iptpeoOia^
as a middle arter-growth. For after tfteperu, a middle itself
by origin (p. 676 G.cd.). had been applied in practice witJi
a purely actiTe signification, the necessi^ arose of forming
^ni it a new medio-pussive on the old principle. Even the
infinitives in eOcu} appear to me, by a misdlrectetl feeling,
to have proceeded out of tliis principle; for after tlie true
sign ilicat ion of tJie c under dificussiou was extinguished, thu
Rpirit of tlie lttugu:ij(e funiid it adapted, everywhere by its
insertion before a t, and the couver^ioa of the latter into Q, to
call forth a niedio-pa&sivc signtiicalion. If, however, we
disrobe the form iiio<T$at of its c. and bring back the 6 to r. wc
arrive at StSorai, which admits of comparison willi tlie Scla-
vonic-Lithuanian infinitive in ii, just as this last has it^lf
b«eo traced back elsewhere to abstract sabstaoiives in
• A> I Utink. ttniiivduitaly from A^i, with a wi-altuoing of die dia4,
1 buiKe$.bb8. p.I28;iG.cd.
660
VERBS.
Sanaltfit with a similar termination in it. Tlie Veda-dialect
also supplies us with infinitives in s^ dhy&u as dative femi-
nine abstracts in fit dhi, in which I can only recognise a
transpoaition of the ordinary suffix fir ti (Gram. Crit §. 640.
Obs. 3.).
[0. T.S.. p. 680.] 475. If we cast a glance back over the at-
tL'mpta we have made to explain the origin of the terminations
of tlie m iddle voicie, the tlwory, t hat they depend on the donbi ing
of each personal designation as itoccurs, will be found lo rest
principally on the fact, thnX, in the Greek c^cpopjjv, the San-
skrit abfiarttt'h, and Vcdic hhondAf, one and the same per-
sonal expres6ion is maiiifestly doubled, as also on the prin-
ciple that it is most natural so to express ideas tike " [ give to
me," " I rejoice me," that the " I," as well as the *' to me,"* or
" me" — the subjeclive aswellasthe objective case-relation —
should find a formul representative in one and tho samo
pivnomiuAl base. Apart, howet cr, from (.tptp^jir/v, forms like
^tpeare^ and the to-bc-supjioscd Sanskrit fiftunidilhu^ for thu
existing bharaiihu;^, would admit yet another ex|>ositiont
namely, tltat tliu Greek a docs not stand euphonicnlly for r.
but on its own acuount, and ns Uie base-consonant of the
rcfli-xivc (^.3-11.); wliich, although belonging to the third
person, yet willingly uodertakcs Uk fuuctlous of both the
otliera. fn Sanskrit, the a of tho reflexive hiise before tlic
personal terminations J/iu'^ imddliwam, by the universal laws
of sound, would either bipcome d or be dropped; and so far in
tliis way. also, the Greek <pcpe<j6e, itpipeeQe, wuuU) go along
with a Sanskrit bhara:d)dkuj^, abfiara{d)dhuiam i for the abo^'e
presupposed forms, such as bkaraihdiy, answering to ^l|Oe-
o-^OK, we should liavo to assume bfioTiisfUkl, out of bhurnaia\0i6.
Were this assumption well founded, as prolxibly n similar prin-
ciple would have prevailed inail tlie productions of the middle
voice, the terminations (ni)^, (/, {lai, rai, would have to be ex-
plained, Dot as from marnt, toii, but from nuuU t<ui, or matwi,
* InflncDcc of Pronnuiis on the Forautlon of tV'urds.
MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 6G1
tasttif. The aecond person would remain sasi, bnt the second j
would pertain, not to the second person, but to the reflexive, and
we should then refer, also, the i of abkarathAs to the re-
flexive, and necessarily snfier the firfv of [G. Ed. p. 686.]
i^epofitjv to stand totally isolated, without sympathy with an
old principle.
476. With respect to the Latin, it was in the "Annals
of Oriental Literature" (London, 1820, p. 62), that it was first
observed that the passive r might owe its origin to the
reflexive. I am now the more decided in giving a pre-
ference to this hypothesis over that which resorts to the
verb substantive, as I have since recognised in the Lithu-
anian and Sclavonic, which I had not tlien drawn within
the circle of my inquiries into comparative language,
a similar, and, in truth, universally-recognised procedure;
not, however, necessarily that aboriginal one which, in
the remotest xra of the formation of the language, must
have governed those middle forms which are common to
the Greek and Asiatic sisterhood; but I rather assume
a gradual inroad of the reflexive of the third {wrson into
the second and first, as a substitute for some older and
more decided expression of each person, on whom the action
works retro-actively. The Old Sclavonic appends the
accusative of the reflexive to the transitive verb, in order
to give it a reflexive or passive signification ; for instance,
'1T8 cMH, "lego," becomes chfUsifi, "legor"''; and thus in
the second and third person <iTEuitiCA chleshisya, qTETbCA
cheiysyn, plural qTEsit* chtemsya, &c. (Dobrowsky, p. 544,
Kopitars Glag. p. 64, xvii.) In the Bohemian, se is not
so much as graphically connected with the verb, and
may stand as well before aa after it, but is used by pre-
ference for the expression of the passive only in the third
person (Dobr. Bohm. Leht^. p. 182), which may also be
the case with the Old Sclavonic. In tlie Lithuanian such
verbal expressions have merely a reflexive signification.
662 VERBS.
[G. Ed. p. 687.] but bear more the appearance of a gram-
matical unity, and therefore more r^emble the Latin pas-
sive, because it is not a positive case of the reflexive
pronoun, whose accusative is anweii (p. 477),* but only its
initial consonant, which is appended to the verb, either
immediately, or with an e prefixed. The latter occurs in
the persona which end in * or e, the latter of whicli, before
the appended en, becomes *. Compare, in this respect, the
Old Latin amari-er from amarcer, with forms like umdinnati-es,
" ye name you," for uxtdinnaJe^s. The dual terminations u-a
and ta convert tlieir a into o, and a simple u of the first per-
son becomes v. I annex here the present of wadinnus,
" I name myBelf,"^ opposite the simple transitive.
SINGULAR.
1. u-adinnu, wadinnus.
2. wadinni, toaditmieit.
3. wadinna, wadinnGs.
DUAL.
1. toadinnnwn, wadtJinawo-t.
2. wndinnatfi, vmdimialos.
3. like sing. like sing.
PLURAL,
[G.Ed. p. 688.] I. wadinname, wadinnamies.
2. wadinnale, wadinnnfiei,
3. like sing. like sing.
* It would appear, that, toother with this tawen, or, in the dative, to-
gether with »av>, a kindred form ti co-existed, as, in Old Sclavonic, n with
tebtft, andfram this m it isplmn that the suffix of the verba reflex iva pro-
ceoded ; and in the third person, instead of a simple s the full si may
stand ; for instance, tcadinnas or wadinvoM, "lie namL's hiinsclf." AVith
verbs, also, begnnning with at, ap, and some other pre positions, or the ne-
gation ne, the reflexive is interposed in ilie shape of «t, but may aleo be
appended to the end ; for instance, tsailaikaut {a-ii-laikau-t), " I sustain
me."
t Compare Sansli lit cad, "toipeak."
MIDDLK TBRMIHATIONS.
6«3
477. To these forinatioits tlic LattD passive is striVingly
similar, only that licre the coniposition is alrmd}' ob-
Bcured. as the sense of inHfipendpnce of the rc6cxtve
pronoun is not h<?re mmtitnimxl ity its nwliiUly. as in the
Ltthuaninn, where, uiiil(>r th» above-t-ited i-onclitions, it is
placed before the verb. By the fnvoariti" interchangp,
also, between « nnO r. a scission has occurred between the
passive suffix and the simple rffleiivf. In the iKTamis
ending with consonants, a connecting vowe! was necessary
towards tlie adjunction of the r, ftn<l u stands as such in
amnlur, amanlur. as it S4%Di8 to me through the inilnence or
tbi" liquids. Tlie iiii|»erative-Forra8 nm/ilo-r ami amimlo-r
required no auxiliary vowel, lu anuimur the s of amarima
has given nay before tlic reflexive, which is not surprising,
as tlie t dors not belong to the personnl drsignatiun, and,
in Sanskrit, is given up also in the simple verb, in the
secondary forms, and occasionally even in the primary.
Id ofN^r, on the other liand, the personal character is itself
sacrificed to the sufiix, for amfmr whs not possible, and
amtmuT was foreatalled for the plural (instend of amemusr).
In amariM, amerit, &c.. there is eitlier a transposition of
omoirtrt or the personal cliaracter a hns been unuble to with*
stand the inclination to bccnmc r when placed between two
vowels (§. ■i2.); and tlie reflexive has protected its origin.il s.
(just as the comparative suflix io the neuter exhibits iu»
opposed to jor (§. 998.).) and hence i here forms the conjunc-
tive vowet of the «, not ti, which is used to conjoin r.*
In the singular imperutive-pcrson amn-re, [G. Ed. p. Oft).]
•Tl»t thei^ifafiMiruboli>iig»l(>tliconf[iiMlt<Tininatiun«i,AS Pott wm.
jecturc* (Etytn. Faneb, p. I3u), I cnnnat Rdmil, bcciiow t liulU lliii kind of
panivc formAtiAa far younger lliiin thc' prriotl when the i of Ih* Mttie
oxpfMROit in I^tin was ttill exmnl, as il h« ntra vnnUhnl in Gr«ek
wttliout n Ince, except in iviri. In dio Bocoailary forms, hawcvcr, Il hnd
diM>ppean<l txCorc the iii'lividiultiAlion of th« limgDafEM hen Minparcd,
anil yet wo find amaiarig, amtri*.
664 VERBS.
the reflexive, in advantageous contrast with the other pas-
sive forms, has protected its vowel ; and if vre commute
this re into se, we obtain the perfect accusative of the simple
pronoun. We have already attended to the old infinitive
form amari-er, produced by transposition for amure-re
(p. 662). If we prefer, however, which I do not, to exempt
the imperative amare from the universal principle of the
Latin passive, we might recognise in it a remnant of tlie
Hellenic-Sanskrit and Zend structure, and compare re as
a personal termination to <ro, ^ stca, »& ha, of which more
hereafter.
478. That the second person plural amamini steps out of
all analogy with the other passive persons is easy to
observe, and notliing but the circumstance, that the earlier
procedure of grammar did not trouble itself at all with the
foundation of lingual phenomena, and that the relationship
between the Greek and Latin was not systematically and
scientifically traced out, can account for the ffict, that tlie
form amamini had so long found its place in the paradigms,
without raising the question how and whence it came there.
I belie^'e I was the first to bring this under discussion in my
Conjugation System (Frankf. a. M. 1816. p. 105, ff.); and I
repeat with confidence the explanation there given, namely,
that amamini is a passive participle in the masculine nomi-
QG. Ed. p. 690.] native plural; thus amamini for amamini
ettis, as, in Greek, Terv/ifiivoi elai. The Latin suffix is
minu'S, and corresponds to the Greek fievos and Sinskrit
mdn-a». From the fact, however, that these particijiles
in Latin are thrust aside in ordinary practice, mini has,
in the second person plural — where it has continued as if
petrified, as far as the practice of the language is con-
cerned— assumed the character of a verbal temiinntiou,
and has thus also, having lost the consciousness of its no-
minal nature, renounced its distinction of gender, and its
appendage egiis. If we found amaminte for the feminine
MIDDLE TERMINATIONS.
B69
and amamina for the neuter, we should be spared the
trouble of seeking an explanation for amaminK innsmach
' as it would partly bu alTDrdcd by the language itself. It
may be suitable here to briii^ to remembrance h similar
procedure in Sanskrit: tliia coiploya ddl^ (from the base
ddtdr, §. Hi.), properly daiurut, in the sen»e of dtduruaest,
without reference to gender, and. thert-fore, also for datura
and dnliirntn est-, altbciugh this furm of word, which is also
a represeututive of the Ltttin iiomen aj^cntis in Utr, hns
a feminine in Iri at its eommand {see tr{-e, j. It9.)i and
the giveress ia no more called dtUd than the giver in
Lntin dator. In the plural, also, dMAras, used as u sub-
atautive, stands for " the givers." and in the ctmnieter of
a verba! person, "they will ^ivc;" this iu all genders;
likewise in the dual. dfU&r&u. The procedure of the
Sanskrit is thus still more remarkable than that of the
Latin, because its tJd/d, dAlArAu, dAldrdt, has maintained
itself in the ordinary nominal usage of the language. It is
tlierefore due merely to the circumstanee, that the lau-
guage, in its condition as handed down to us, could no longer
deal ad libituvz with tUo forms in the sense of future parti-
ciples, that ddtd, diUiirAa, ddUlrAa, where they signify dabif,
dabutit, have lost all consciousness of their adjectival nature,
oud their capacity for distinction of gender, [Q. Ed. i>. esi.]
and liave assumed altogether the character of ordinary per-
sonal terminalious. To return, however, to the Latin amii-
mini: the Reviewer of my Conjugation System, in tlie "Jena
Literntunteituug" (if I mistake not, Grotefeod), supports
the explanation given by tlio forms alumnus, vfrtumntu,
which evidently belong to these participial formationa, but
have lost the ». This, however, has been preserved in ttr-
minuH, if, as Lisch, and beyond dispute correctly, lays down,
n-e consider it as expressing " tliat which is overstepped,"
and identify its root with the Sanskrit /ar {tri).' Fe-mitui
* Vocalitiaus, p. 174.
X .\
666
TftRBS.
(as giving birtb, and therefore middle), which is likewise
instanced \>y Lisch. I hnd hefore recogniBed as a formation
belonging to the same category; the root is/e, from which
a\so/etut./e(ura. and fecundus. Gptnini, moreover, aa "the
born together," (from the root gen) may be considered as aii
abbrev-iation of gcnmhii or fjenimmi.
479. How stands the case now with the imperatirc
amdmintir ? Arc wc to conaider its r as idcntieid witli that
of amar, awwj/or. amnntor? I think not; for it was not
necessurj' to express here the passive or reflexive meaning
by an aitjiendcd pronoun, as the medio- passive participial
sufiix vtaa fully suQicient for this purpose. Our best course,
then, is to sei-k in amaminor for a plural cose- termination
as in amnmini; and this is afforded us, as [ have observed
in my Conjngation System (p. 106). by the Engubiaii Tables,
where, for instance, we find suh-itor for the Latin mbaeti,
icrehUvr for teriptL* The singulars, however, of tUe
second masculine declension in the Umbriaji end ino: we
[G. Ed, p. fiM.] find orto for orlux. xtihato for suhat^us.
Now it is remarkable that, in accordance with tliese sin-
gular forms in o, tJiere are «xtaiit also, in Latin, singular
imperatives in mino, namely, /amino in Festus, and />nr>
/omtno in Coto do R. R, To these forma, before described,
wc canadd/rutniino, which Struve (Lat. Decl. and Conj. p. 143)
cites from au inscription in Gruter. " is eum a^ntm nn
hahtio iwi yVuiinino." where the form in question plainly
belon|;s to the third person, by which it still more con-
clusively proclaims itself to be a participle, in which cha-
racter it may with equal right be applied to one as to the
other person.
" Remark.— (irafc, in his work, 'The Sanskrit verb
compared with the Greek and Latin from tlie point of
• Th« tcrmiiutian OTBCcoids perfectly nitb tbc Sontkrit iE«(a^a«)iin(l
Oothicfl*(f.C27.); while the l^alin i lus ob(rudc4 iUelf fwm the pro-
iioitiinal deciotalon (^338.),
I
MIDDLE TBllMINATIONS. 667
view of Clfissical Philology." remarks, p. I go, that ho omrc
constdcrcd, ns I do, the form in mini ta a jinrtiuiple similar
in kind to tlie Greek in pitviK, btit now conaidcra it, with con-
fidence;, as a n-maant of an old aimlogy of the Oreek
infinitive in tfievat, whicli, Imving been originally passive,
had first hccu applied to the imperotive in Latin, and
thence had been further diffused. How neur the im]Mnn-
tive and iiiBuitive come tt^cthur. ond how their forms
are interchanged, Griife thinka ho has shewn, I. c. p, 59 U".,
where, namely, the Greek sewud person in ov (ivt/mv) is de-
duced from tlie Siuiskrit 6rst person singular in ^ni; but
where the remark follows, that in any ense, thstlt/lni ("let roe
stand ') is manifestly and strikingly like the inlinitirc
lOTai'ou, and much more, if ye consider that ai in Sanskrit
is merely the diphtliong nearest to i (in Greek, however.
the rarest, see Vocalism. p. ISs), Wc have, however, to re-
member, timt. in irrravm. the a belongs to the root, and that,
therefore, for a parallel with tlie Sanskrit iniijeratiw, if
such ho admitted, only vai can be compared to /int. Griife
goes on: 'It would be easy to iuingine that tlic 6rat person
plural ttm tithtJiAma had its counterpart in the other
iolinitive form ierrd/iCf, property Unifit," i.e. sMr». Finally.
it may not be left unobserved, that the Gret-k (.O. Ktl. ji.893.]
and Sanskrit imperative in A, ti^i, is again the furm of
the infinitive in the Sclavonic dialect«,t and that ctiatoin
ndmita the fretjncnt use of the infinitive for the imperative
in Greek.' I could hardly have expected that the personal
terminations of the Sanskrit tmixTitivc could lead to so many
and various comparisons. It appears, however, to me ill
suited to the spirit ofeliissieai philotogj-. without necessity
to attribute to the Gtvek that it has borrowed inter alia its
* I consider Uic v Tcry caicntinl, juat liccaoM 1 tlnduou imv ood ^tmu
from tli« middle pArticipLhl imfTix f^vnf.
t I exptftin dieir tl as idenlicBl with Uio abitract sal«lanlive wITix
ftr«.
X x9
663
VERBS.
accoud [lersou imperatire in ov from auy Suuiskrit first
person. 1 find it still less coiigenial to tlie spirit of a more
universal eomjinrntivc philology, tliat Grhfe. who bus before
ovcrlooketl many laws of souncl iiicontrovertihly t'stablished,
should, in liis oomparisons, lend too willing an ear to nicro
similitudes of soucd ; for instance, where (p. 39.) he etploins
tlic root ^ cftrir. 'to go," liy the [leripbrssis ('/limr-AHrren'),
■ to mow SLTiipiu;^ along on tlii' ground," and where (p. 32.
Note) he com]mrc.>5 gp? hp, ' tospi'ak," with lapptm, "to botch,*
' to spt-ak Jiapt-'rfectly," and Kairtctii. I was not aware tlint a
German sch anywhcro corresponded to a Sanskrit cA, 1>ut
1 knew timt it did so to/ (or i<], in obacrvance of tlic law of
permutation of sounds (§. 87.). and of the favourite practice
of exchange between gutturals and labials. Remark but tlie
relation of chnttt'Srua 10 the Gotliie^j/i->>r and German vier, as
also that of panCJJan to/uitF, and the idcnttlioation of the San-
akrilcftor, 'go,' and Gotbic/arv'i (preterite /(Jr), "to go,' 'to
wander,' German fahrcn, will be satisfactorily proved. If,
however, wc are to admit that anv infinitive has arisen out
of any imperative [)ersun, it would be the least far-fetched sup-
position, which derived the Sanskrit infinitive and the Latin
supine in turn from the third person imperativo ij tu, by
the addition of m; for instance, t/hiUum. 'to shine,' from
bhfUii, 'let him shine'; pahim, 'to rule,' from piUu. 'let him
rale.' In kartnm, 'to make,' from Jmrdfu, 'let him uaak«,*
the class vowel only would be thrust aside. As, however,
Grafe (I. c. p. 5h) has found a jest in what I have elsewhere
said, and mean to repeat, of the first person imperative,
I must take care that he docs not take for earnest what
I mean as a jest. \Vc do not, in truth, go so far in deriving
btiAtum from bhdlu as in deducing tcravai from fVrvrtV 'ifA-
ihAni (Zend hutdat). 'let me stand*; but I ean find no other
relationship between bhi-tu and bh(i-tum tlian this, that in
the infinitive, as an aUtmet substantive, the action is per-
fiociified through a form which comes near the cxprcasion of
i
INFLUENCE OF THK PERSONAL TERMINATIONS 669
the third person in tlie imjiemtive. I ppcog- [O. Ed. p, Cftl.]
uisc in tlic suffix iu, as niso in that of ti, (of another class oT
abstracts, with wtiidi the Sclavonic and Lithuanian infijiitive is
coniiticti'd) . dilTcrfnt f^railaticiis ofoiic and the Siiiiic pronoun
of the tliird jicraon — as in the inttrrogntive wcfind the fdruts
ka. In, Jtu, — and ao far a relntionship between the Qomiual
uhisses in question and the terminations It luiil tu of hkiHL ' he
shines,* and bJiAtu, ' let him idiiiie.* The coincidence is thus
in any case not quite so fortuitous as lliat between Irri-rcu
and Ihhfliini. ' let me stand.' Whosoever derives the former
from the Inttcr cannot esi-a{>c from bringing into this family
the Gothie iitfiiiitives in an, eapec'iaWy as the a of stan(l-an
does not, like that of hra-vai, belong to the rout. Histori-
cally, however, as I doubt not, the German inGiiitive belongs
to the class of the Sanskrit abstracts in atw, as bamlfi-ana,
' tlie binding "^Gothic bind-iitt."
INPLUBKCB OF THE WEIGHT OP THE PERSONAl, TERMINATIONS.
480. The weight of the personal tcrminntions cxerciseJi,
in Sanskrit and Greek, and, as far aa we have evidence,
atso in /end, an inBiience on the antc-ccdeiit radical or class
syllable, obvious and comprehensive, though till lately quite
overlooked.* Before Hj^ht terminations extensions are fre-
quent, which, before the heavier, are withdrawn; so tliat in
many anomalous verbs the entire body of tlie root can only
be maintained before the li^fht terminations, but, before the
heavy, mutilnttnn occurs. For instance, the root wh us,
*■ to be," retains its a only before the light terminations, but
rejects it before the heavy, as it it liad been overgrown by
tlie augment; hence, indeed, axmi. " I am." but sman, " we
are"; stha, "ye are," aanli, "they are." L^. Ed. p. 605.]
• L WHS iiret lc«l to tlu ftlnervatioQ of tlila Lutcn-stJiig plienaaivnoii tn
my invutigatioii into tho origin of iheQcrmauAbhuit (Berlin Jahib. Vth.
lt)27, p. 3^ oihI Vocalismuf; p. 13.
670
V2BBS.
Wc see, liowever, tluit this nmtiUition hnd not yet estublisUed
ttacIF at the period of the unity of the longuage; for the
Greek protects, in the verb substantivr, the nuliciil vowel
oorrupteci to e. even heforu the heavier termiaitious. and
opposes eo'^fft emS, e<rr6v, einov, to the Siinskrit xiniis, atkn,
athaa. Has. Tlie Ljtbu&uian and Scluvoiiic, al&u, t^-stify to
the comiMiratively n^oent lo8« of the Sanskrit a before the
weightier teruiiiiiitiuim. Cuiupiire
SINGULAR.
StMStRIT.
OKEBE.
LI 111.
KixviMtm.
Vf^ < la-Ill i.
'A
ei-mi.
lECMbyft-mv.
wftr a.i-i.f
ktr-ai.
ex'gi,
K([i ye-^i.
Wfip nu-ll.
ecr-Ti,
ea-ti,
Dt)AL.
KCTb Wfi-tu.
• • •
es-wa,
KCRA yea-va.
W^ n-that.
ir-Toy,
ts-ta,
KtTi i/f»-fa.
W^^ s-tas.
liT-Toy,
like the
PLURAL.
Siug.
KCTA T/cs-ta.
WR *-ina»
«r-ju^.
en-me.
KCMM t/fs-mVi
m x-thn.
^-T^,
ex'ie.
lECTE yn'lt.
Fftr i-an f i.
((r)-etT/,
like the
Sinf».
CVTb j-uii/y.
"Remark. — It is possible that the suppression of the radi-
cal vowel may have be^n with the ttiird person plural,
whose termination aiiU is also the heaviest of all, ntid it may
have existed in this position even before the migration of
language, and its manifold individualizations; at least all
[G. Bd. p.0«6.] the languages under comparisou i>xhibit
in this case a wonderful harinnny seareely attributable to
chance : and, in addition to tiicse, the Latin sunf, as opposed
*■ B^Bsalniitaiion out of tV-^i, lu, 1)«fore, np^c, S/i^rt, ont ofncrpfc,
Caiuc, XM'io asni4, ya^m/.
f Irr^ular fvr m-U, on whidi nrc based tlm GrccL fuiJ Liiliaunian farmK
Th« SeUTonic, how«f er, has Ukewiso dfvi)[>vd one of tlw two siUUau.
INFLUENCE OF THE PKBSONAL TEKMINATIONS. 671
to n-fia, as well as the Gothic xnu/, are in accordance. On
the other hoiid, tlie dropping of tlie e iu sumvx 6rst appeared
on Roman gronn<l, nnd, in the singnkr likewise, sum for
etiim is quite isolated. After the falling; away of the
iniliaE nnd termiuatiup; vowels of asmi in tlic Latin, tlie
insertion oF an auxiliary vowel became necessary, and
the influence of the li(}uid5 prevailed in favour of u. Thia
u remaiuL-d, also, iu the plural, where s-mus was possible,
but not favoured, as the Latin luw generally gone out of
its way to avoid the imraediatc connection of the ending mu*
with roots tcrminiLtin<; in consonants; whence wu have
vol-ti-7iiui o]>poseii to vtil-iis, vul-l ; fcT't-ntta to fer-tu. fer-St
ftt't (Sanskrit hibbri-ma^, hibhr'i-lha, bi-bhar-sfit, bib!uir-U
from bhri class 3); eef-i-miu opposed to et-tU, Ss, er-t (San-
skrit iiii-mrts, ut-thii, al-ni, at-t'i). To Ute Greek, in the case
of the third person plural, evri, if, as I scarcely doubt, it
stands fur v-evr! (=Zeiid h-cnii), nothing has remained hut
the termination, as in tbo Sanskrit, in the second person
middle, s^ for fj(s)-s^. The Gothic we have excluded frooi the
above comparison, although i-m, i-s, is-t, are based upon
luini, a-ti, as-ti ; but, in the pluml numbers, vfnJ alone is
organic, for siy-u-m, siy-u-fh Dual «y-«I(8ee §.441.), ti^u-ta,
have the .terminations of the preterite, and belong to &
secondary rootsiy, whiib proceeds from the Sanskrit jiotenlial
tydm, in which ii/ has changed itself to siy,
481. All Sanskrit roots of the tliird cljiss iu d (§. 109\ 3.)
depend, on account of the anterior burthen created iu tho
redupljeation syllable, on the influence of the weight of the
personal tcnnitiations, so that they retain their d only be-
fore the light, hut before tlie heavier citlicr altogether
suppress or shorten it. or ehange the length of tlic a-
aound into ttrnt of the lighter i ; and tliis is one of the
evidences from which I deduce the maxim — very important
for the history of language — that the organism of the lin-
gual body sustaioa a greater weight iu Uic a ihon iu the i
672 VERBS.
m
souutle. the long a being heavier than the long; i, and the short
a heavier thaii tlie short t (see Vocottsinus, Obscr. 13. p. 214).
Hi. Ed, p. e07.] The roots rfd. - to give." and rf/«l, " to place,"
BUppress tht-ir 6 before heavy terminatioDs, with exi-t-'ptioii
of the third person plural, if, as I prefur. vre muke the diwi-
flioD dnda-ti, not dad-ati (compare ^. 45S,}; for the ori-
ginal form was certainly dadd-nti, whence never could come
dad-ati, but dcula-nli well enough, aiid, out of this, with
a new sacrifice to the reduplication syllable, dada-ti. The
Grw-k only shortens the long vowel before the increasini;
terminations, and makes iiio, nOe, iirra, out of didu, ti9*j,
iara. tn the Ijitin, Sclnvonic, and Lithuanian, the iiiflueuce
of the weight of the personal ending on the antecedent
sylhiblc has utterly vanished, and d/i has also lost the original
length of its vowel and t)te reduptieation syllable. The
Lithuanian, and Sclavonic have, on tlie other hand, saved
their reduplicution, but Irnve absolutely suppressed the root-
vowel, wliifh the Siuiskrit only does before heavy termi-
nations. As, however, the d also vani&hea before cndinga
which commence with m and a — in Lithuanian also with ip —
but before / passes into i (§. 457.). the reduplication in tiiese
verbs is almost totally overlooked, and in dumi. aamij damy,
which are mutilations of dn-^'tai, dn-tT-mu, tlie reduplication
has, by tlirustiDg out ^the most essential clemeut of the
entire form, acquired the appearance of a nidit-al syllable.
It is. howeviT, certain, that in d6mi, dam^. Uic syllables d«,
da, are identical witli those of du-S'ti, da-H'ttf, for dk-d-ti,
da-tl-ly. thus merely redupUcators.* Compare—
• Wo here confinn the obeprvatioiM of J. 442.. Not« ^. Id itidii, ac-
cofilinf; to the osaal oonjiif^tion, dttd has constilatoililscirM Toot, and
the ii cl dtid-a-Kia, did-a-me, has thna nalliin|{ more in<!o iviili tlicrf of
tile SaiukTit daddmi, ct the ■>, ", of the (irc«k ji'Ju^i, Ai'Se^r, but Wlonfp
1(1 A cUtt witlk the aotieri-a-w^ ufts-a-mi-
I
INFLUBNCB OF TUB PEBSONAL TRRMINATIONS. G73
ddtdA-mi, dadfitl-ml,
(fWd-M. dadhA'hi,
dadA-ti, dtidhdi-ti.
dad-ieat, ....
dat-ih(u, c/ua-M?'
dat-iia, das-tSr
SIKOULAR.
omen. UTB. OLD «nur. Mti».
Stim-fu, dh(d)-Tni, da(i£)-my, da,
8i'J«)-S, dfi(r/)-f, da{d)-si, da-s,
Siou-Ti, d&x-ti, dus-fy. dtil,
DUAL.
.... du(ir)-iBa, dad-f-va . . .
iiSo'Tov, dun-ta, dai4a . , .
SiSo~Tov, likeSio^.das-ta ...
TLURAL.
dad-mu.^, dud-r-maiii,* SiSo-fi€Sf d&{d]-me, da{d)-my, dii-mtis,
dat-tha, diK-tui* }i'3o-Te, diis-U, daa-te. dit'th.
dada-ti. dadi^nli* iiSo-vri, like Sing. dad-Vaty, dn-n!.
In tiui Greek tiie influeiive of the weight of the penttiitil tcr-
iiiinntiona over the nidical syllable has penetrnted furtlier
tliAii in Suiiskrit, in this resjiect. thnt even the iiormt forms,
Bet frt;e from redupUcaliou, c6f}v aiid e$ui', have shortened
their vowel before the increasing tvraiiuatioas, while eimjv
(«rr«i'). iu accordnnce with similar Sanskrit Borist-forms,
allows no iiiflueiK-e to the wi-jght of ihe endings. Iu Sanskrit,
^m the first nugmented preterite adadA-m comes the pliiriil
adad-ma, ».9, in Greek, ^S/Jo-^ci' from fJilSw-f; but from adAm
comes, not advia, but the root remains un- [G, E«l. p. coo,]
diminished. It may be convaiient U> give here iu full the
two nuguicuted preterites, which are distinguished in the two
liingungea by retaining and laying aside the reduplication
8yUabl&
' Although the Hucond dual person in Zvai is not yet ideniiflcd, itn^T
iii;verthele«i be dcdnced with tolprahle ccit&inty from the iliird ptmta
in fi9, which in exlaut(^. dOd.), for which, iatheMcond ponon of tbu pri-
mary foriRSi wc may exptut tkv, the oapiratu of which, huwrrtr, luia been
foru-d to vanish m ^ffHito^ diiita {see ^,153.). Upon jj » for4(fwi>
^. lOi. Condunnn. * ^. 10 j. Concluci'ni. > j.OO.
* f 102. Cttocliuioii, liiid $. 453. * ^. 469.
674
StTfnlll'AB.
udfttlA'ttii e8iS(a-v,
adadA-s. eJi'Jw-f.
adadA-t. eSUu-ir)
DUAL. I'LtTRAL.
adatt-wa, • . . . adad'tna, eSiSo-fte^.
(idfii-fam, eSiSo-Ton. adai-ta. eSUo-Te,
ueial-ldm, iiiSo-Tt}v, adad-\i*,* eiti»-v.
adA-m,
adl-s,
add-t.
e3u-s,
eiu-r.
adtl'va. .... add-mit,
tidil'tcmt, tSo-Tov, adA'ta,
adH-itim, eSo-Ttji', nd-us*
eJo-re,
eio-v.
482, Tlie Sanskrit roots A4 " to leave.-f M. "to go," unci
mA, " to measure " (compare fie-rpev, fui^€Ofiai, &e.) — the two
last have only the middle, the Bnst only tlie pure active
form — wenken, before most of tlic lienvy ttrminatioiis, tlieir
d to £ auc} tlic t\To last substitute also, iu tlicir n-duplicntion
syllable, a sliorl i for sltortw; for instance. J'jAi-iii«.t. "we
leave," opposed to jahA-mi, " I leave "; mim^ (from mimi-m^).
" I measure,-' mimi-mahS, " we measure." The roots Wl
tthH, "to stand," and "Ul ylirA. "to smell," foltuw a peculiar
path, inasmuch as a vovvel-sliortciiing, wliieh probably at its
origin, as in the Greek mttSjuw, icraixev. only obtained brforc
heavy lermiuntions, has exti-iided itstdf lo the oilier jiersoiis
through which thu radical a, thus sliortcncd, would be treated
[G. Ed. p. 700.} ju9t like the unnidical of the first and sixth
class (109*, 1.}. H«ncc the Indian granimariaus reckon these
roots as uiiJer the first class, ultliougli they assume a redu-
plication sylUblc, which, hnwever, substitutes an i fur a, as
I doubt not, on the ground that the reduplication syllable,
which is seeking generally for relief from weight, and tliere-
forc, as a rule, converting long into short vowels, mav not
combine the lieaviest among the short vowels, with tlic
IcDgtIi derived from positioo; hence, I'tshthdmi, thfithasi.
•See J. 482.
t (Joinporc, with Poll, xn-p", " widow," uallic "abnniloncd" or "left."
In Siuukfit vl-dKavd it '• ilic taaiil<4»."
4
INrLOBNCE or THE PEBSOSAL TERMINATIONS. C75
ihhthali, &c., Zen(] hiniAmu hiatfisi, kistati ; jiifhriimi, jiyUrwa,
jif/hrali, &c. The Greek fallows tliia priociiitc of the weak-
ening of Ihe vowel, tiiere also, where there is not, as in the
cases of limfni, Ki-^tjiii, any iuimedintc rt^ason for it by the
doubling of consoniints. Ut^-n?^iJ.i and irifjarptjfii are, how-
even striking aiiJ pix-uliar in appendiug a nasal, & stranger
to the root, to the redii plicated syllable. Tlir-se forms,
however, accord with tlie Sanskrit intensive verbs, wliich
hjve a great emphasis in the repuiited syllable, and henue
cliangu to the Guuu letters the vowels susceptible of Guiia,
but double the whole root in roots ending with nasals, and,
in some coses, ulsu represent the liijuids r and I by tJie uasiil
liquids which accord with the organ of the chief consonants
of tiie root; for )U8tance,yoii«/Hrn,* from yum, " to go"; cAon-
chal from chal, "to totter"; cfuinchtir (for cfianchnr). from
char, " to go." In this sense, then, I take TtifiTtpri^u, iri/iw^^^,
for vipirp/itu, vi\ii>jjfu : thus, also, ^anQaivw, with the kin-
dred form ^afi^oKu (compare halbas).
483. As the roots of the second class {%. 109'. 3.), in
Sanskfit, do Dot load themselves with rediiplicatioo. so
neither do they subject a concluding d to [G. Ed. p, 701.]
the inRnencc of the weight of the personal terminations.
The Greek, however, has here also again permitted a wider
range to that influence, inasmuch as <^y}iu (tjiafu), iu this
respect, follows the analogy of "a-njtit. Compare —
SINGULAR. DVAL. rLt;iUL.
bhA^ni, ^d~tii, bh'l'vaa, .... bliA-mus, ^orfiii.
frM-si, ^^, bhA-lhaii, ^a-TOV, bhd-tka, tfta-re.
bhd-ti, tpaTi, bhA-las, <poL-r6v, bfiAiili, ^St-vrt.
obkH-m, i^'V, obkA-va ■ . . . nbh/\-ma, e^-^e{.
abfiA-a, e^-c, (AhA-tam, stpa-TOv, abkA-ta, 6ff>d-re.
vbliA-t, e^a-{r), abfiA-lAm, e^ci-n;i', abliA-n, e^-v.
* Conipiufl ivith this the UnUtiu ijaijga {=:^gwn^u)y '* I go," wluuv tho
chief syllaljl« haa losi the vasal.
676
VERBS.
This Analogy is followed in SAiiskrlt, among other roots, by
yi, "to go," on wliici) the Grwk Trjfu. i>ropc:riy " to moke
to go," rests, to wliicti tb<r syllable of re4lu[)Ut-atioii has lent
n cniisativt! si^nifii-'ation, as to the Liitin uisto oppoHtMl to slo,
while the Greek TvDjfti (ssdionj^i) unites the primitive with
the causative signification. While in 7-<m}fu the spiritus
aspen ttsit ao often does, slunda for c, in T-rjfii it is tlie rt^prc-
smtativc of tlie lost semi-vowel y. as, anioug other words, in
oj for ire y», "who" (§. 3S2.); thus i-i;/ii tor yfy^fii: on
the otiier hand, compare the future ij-aa, relieved from the
rcdupticntion, with the Sanskrit yA-syAmi. This Ttjfti still
bends to the weight of the terminations; thus Te^ey. le-re.
opposed to yti-mas, yA-iiau To thu rout ytl. I think, with
Pott (Etym. Forach. p. 201), we must refer the middle of
eifxt, which itsel f belongs to the root \i. "logo," which
in Greek, analogously to i'-fie;. ahouUI form tfiai, taai,
Xrat, answering to the SAnskril i-y^ (from i~mi^), i-*ht, i-U,
[G. Ed.p.70i] The form ie-fiai, however, is to Iw derived
from yd. by a vocaliKittion of tfie semi-vowiil, and tliioniug
of the d to e. In duly considering, then, what I think I Iwve
proved, that the personal terminations exoreise a wider in-
Ruenve on the preceding syllable in Greek thun in Siuiskrit,
and that, for example, roots ending in vowels shorten one
originally long before heavy terminations, the verbs ij/iai
and Ket-fiai might surprise us. since in these the heavy
middle terminations linve not shortened the antecedent
vowel. Of Kcifiai we shall treat hereafter ; but ^-juat owes
the retention of tlie length of its vowel to the cirenm-
staoce that its root was originally terminated by a con-
sonant, and I have already, in my Glossary, identific<[ it
with the Simskj-it da, "to sit," the s of which has remained in
the Greek only before t; hfnee ^<F'Tat=wr^ di-tf, 5ff-To»
WW d«-/i.* It accords, liowever, with the system of
* OathcothcrhiUKl,('-inT, JccMoQg to the root'K^ (<A-/'<i.\ Saa»krit
•ad Coonparo Pott, Ktym. FothcIi. p. 278, uid KQluttf, p.Q42}. Tho
Bpiritiu
i
INFLUEMCS OF THE FEBSONAL TBKMtSATlONS. G77
eqnilibriam thiit KdBijfiat ctinnot benr tlie c of ^ct-to, together
with the burtlicu of tlic augtuont; bcace, iudccd, Kadfjtr^o;
but iKa&tj-TQ.
484. The Sanskrit root ^rnr i<is. " to rnle,** e^thibita a
peculiar susceptibility for the weight of the jiersonftl termi-
nntions, taitsmuch as its long li remaioB uiitllsturked before
tliose henvy temiiniitions which begjji with the weakest oon-
Bonants (ai'mt- vowels nud niisnls); tlius s/la~wos, " wc two
rule," id<-m(i5, "we rule;" bat, before the atronger coiiao-
nnnts of heavy tcrminntions, wtNikeiis itself to the sliortiicss
of the lightest towcI. numelj-, to i. whence, for instaiiee.
nsk'tfin. " rn;ith," opposed to sds-st. " Tftjia," xAifti, " reifit."
We may reeoguis<! in tliis a forerunner of \G. Kil. p. 703.]
t]ic Germnn conjugatioii-forms, such as hhnda, b'mdam,
. bundura, opposed to the Dionosyllubic stngulnr preterite bandt
banjs't )>• lie O, cd.
4!45. The roots of the uiiiUi class ($. 109*. 5.) are so far
in accordsnce with the principle of the roots hd and mfit
Dieutionetl in §. isa., ja timt they wcuken to t* tlic <f of the
class syllable mi, in the same plnces in which those roots
experience the same relief in their radical syllable. The
Gmck, on the other hand, sliortcns the long DoWc a (if) to
a. Compare —
SINGULAR.
DUAL.
h-t-nAiit','
itep'va-fitt
kri-ni-Vfta
k/i'-mUzJ.
Tcip-va-i.
kri-»i-tliiix,
Ttfi'Vci'TOf.
trr(-nA-li,
ttip-va-Ti.
kri'-ni'lat,
nep-vd'Tov.
ahri'vA-m,
htcp-va-v.
akri-Hi-vn
nkrt-nA-a,
cxep-i'a-r.
fikri-nt-tam.
htip-va-^ov.
iikri-nA-t,
Mp-va-^r).
a/cri-iii-Miit.
ewep-va-n}v.
ipirltnBof i^fMi ia iuorguiic, ie. not from a in, tot inauncc, in Utttt
oppoaed to Ti; « cb, unOa
61B
VERBS.
rLURAL.
krf-ni-lha,
kri-rw-nti.^
ukr{-ni-mn,
aht'-ni-ta,
(tkri-na-n,^
•nep-va-re.
(ire|e-y«-vT/.)
enip-va-fiet.
errtp-xa-T*.
{enep-va-v.)
' vfNrrf^ krifidmi, " I purcIiHse," lias n for nin tin.- mii]<1l<t «yUabl«
tliriiusli the cupliotiic influence of lUc nntreeilent r. Ilie rvlatiniuihlp to
thp Orctlt itiprriiii rests «n tUc favotirit* cxcluuigc betweun guttarala md
[G. EJ. p. 701.] Inhials, thmuj;h wliivhthoGrccli vcrliluisjiMunivdan
AppAivnt relatiottBhtptoirtfiiicD, "to nil through" (=^Siuakx\t pdraydmi),
wlwrtf tlw ir »8 iiriiuiiive, '' If we iaa\itil]ii3 diyiiioa Jcri-n'-artt{,ajcri-ii'-an
§. 458.), We must assume thM the middle eylLnhle suppresBoa ita vowel be-
foroall tlioBe lioavy tenuinntions n'ljfcli thtrmaelrcH ht-gia with h viiwcl;
thuJi. «l*o. in the middle, kri-it'S from kri-Tii-ni^. Pwr ilitr uprcinl pur-
poeCE of iMcekrit Grammar tbb rtile mnjr linlJ good; but in comidoring
the hiBlorical dcvelapemBiit or d«»/ ni th« langiia^fr, I am riot* inclined
to tile belief Uidt t])e)>j]lHl)lcniilui9ali<)rtt;iiL-d ii^lf before n(< and n (older
nOuuti-'od ofconrvrting it>clf into tbi- long fnnii of the lighter i sound, in
Otdw to avoid combining longtly ii( vowel luid ]K>«iti<in. The nilddle dual-
termtiutiona dthf, <, Athilm, atiim, Hid not rviiuire tli« wcAkdiini; of
the ^d to nf, since witJiout this, by tbc ordinary rule of sound, two homo-
goncmus vowels melt into one Ion;; one ; so ihitt nA*-Alhi (^vi?« a li^iter
fornitlion Rf-f(fU^, wbidi laiur wuiild give nji-ii(t', while from u4-f-dl4
comce merely uAu.
486. With Sanskrit verba of the second aud third class,
with a radical towcI capable ofGiina," the influaicc of
tliK vrcight of the peraoiinl teriuinatioiis is ahewii in this, that
Guna talces place Wrore the lic^ht (§. 26.). but before the
heavy the pure radical vowel reappears. The siinie law
• The Smukrit ronjugat ton-system only allowx the Ouna lo ghon vowels
lic-foiv simple can^nanu, and to lunj; M the rtul of roottt. <)u tbc nilur
hand, Guua never tuk^e place in tUo middle of the root», where llicrc is
length by nature and [NMition.
M
INFLUBNCB OF THE PEHSOSAL TERMtNATIONS. 679
tg respected by tlie Greek, wliich, however, affords no
exnmple, exeept thnt or etfxi (^. 36.), of a verb with a radicnl
vowel capable of Guna, which, in the specii).! tentea
($. 109*.). t'onnrcts the personal sign directlv with tho
root. Compare^
StNOULAR. DVAU FLURAL.
i-mt, e(-/ii. (-DOS, . . . i-meu. t-fxei.
i-shi, C£-i. i-lhas, t'TOv. i-tiia, t-re.
i-ti, el-Ti. i-tas, itov, y-anli. I'aai (from i-avTi).
That the middle Tcjuai belongs to another [0. Ed. p. 705.]
root has been alreiuly remarked (p. 67 f>).
437. An exception to the law of gravity is found tn the
root xi. class 2 (*' to lie." "to sleep,") in that, although only
used iu the middle, despite the weight of the middle termi-
nations, it everywhere exhibits Guna; in which respect the
Greek «e7/iai runs exactly parallel to the Sanskrit: hence
Kei-vai=i4^k?, K€t-TCu=a?-tf, plural Kei-fieda=M^makl^. We
might niso present .V, as the root for thr Sanskrit verb, as
the pure vowel i' nowhere appears, and the formation, also,
of the word exhibits no expression, which would make a
root si neceaaary, rather than if, unless, perhaps, we should
takciUa, "cold," in the sense of "frozen," aiid therefore 'Test-
ing." " motionless," and hence choose t<i derive it from m. The
Old Sclavonic exhibits the old diphthong in the shape pre-
sented hy the Greek Ko/n;. Koiiid<i>. in nuKoh pohti, "re-
quks," " ffiz." * On the other hand. <ihio chtyil, " quieKo,''
has undergone a double weakening; first, that of k to ^.ch,
and next, the thinning out of the diphthong to its condudiug
clement* It must not ho overlooked thnt pokoi is not tlie
primitive shape of the base, but pu-koyu. out of wliich, in the
uiiinnected nominative and accusative, after suppression of
the final vowel of the base (§. 257.), ■po-kal necessarily came ;
• Kopllftr'sGIngolitfcp.lW.
680
VCRBS.
the theme pekam, liowcver. accorda excellently with the
Sanslcfit 6ayo; as adjective, "lying." " sltTiitiig- ; " as gob-
staiitive. " sU'cp."
4S):i. Tlic roots of the fifth and eighth class adtnit the
Gana Form of the 7 u of the class syllable un or u before the
light tt-Traiiintions. nuil, liefore the heavy, reject tlie Gnoa-
vowrl : tlic! Grtrek obeys the sarae principle, only, instead of
extending v into ev. it lengthens the v, ConiiMire —
I
SINGULA R..
DUAL.
xlri-ljO-Vll*
(p xtri-Jio-shi,
W nsfri-nt]V-am,
OTop-vu-s.
trrop-vii-^i.
e<TT6p-i'v-v.
£ffr6p-vv-i.
€irT6p-vv~(r).
irro/>-tfv-Tov,
stri-fftt-vaa
»tri-nu-ihtu,
8(ri-nu-ltu,
uxtrl-Jtu-va ....
asiri-nu-tnm, earop-Yv-Tov.
aniri-^n-tAm, ktrrop-vC-Ttiv.
PLUAAL.
tAn-f} K-m a?. aT0p-v2-/uef .
stri-nu-tka,
afri-nv-<mti.
trrop-w-Te.
(TTOp-VV-VTI.
eTTop-vS-fief.
tJTOp-VV-je.
{Eirrop-vC-v.)
astri-^u-ma,
astri-nu-fa.
rajtW-niwin,
4R9. The Sanskrit reduplicated preterite receives Guna
befon* the light t*-rrainatioi!B, and restores Uie pure root-
vowel again before the heavy. Herein the Gcrmaaie, and
most evidently in the Gothic, stands iu closest accordance
with the Sanskrit^ inasmuch as all verbs, with a root-votvel
* The gramotariana oasumc a mol R «'n tmil another m '^> lx>lh of
which signify *' to vtrew," on<l have, properljr, ftir llieir radicid njUable
«jiir=Gr*clc TVO\', LkVuSTKH, thraof which ia subjci-t to >u]>j>r«Mioa
(Vocalismtis, Obtul. p. 1A7, sad on the root ia lucstiun, miiecially, Le.
INFLOBNCE OF THE PEESONAL TERMINATIONS. 681
susceptible of Gana (t. e. with i or u). insert before this, in
t)ie singular of the simple (strong) preterite, the original
Guna vowel a ; but before the increasing terminations of the
two plural numbers, aa also in the entire subjunctive, which
is burthened by the exponent of the mood, [G. Ed. p. 707.]
and is already in the singular polysyllabic, again reject the
foreign strengthening vowel. Compare —
SANSKRIT.
GOTHIC.
SANSKRIT.
GOTHIC.
KOOT.
BOOT.
BOOT.
BOOT.
6/nU" to split"
' 6tf,"tobite.'' 6%," to bend."
' bug, " to bend.
SINODLAR.
■INQDLAK.
SINOULAB.
SINODLAB.
bibMda,
bait.
bvhh6ja.
baug.
bibhidiOia,
baist.
bubh(^iiha.
baugt.
bibkSda,
bait.
bubhSja,
baug.
SDAL.
DDAL.
DUAL.
DUAL.
bibhidivd,
btia,
bubhvjiva,
bugA.
bibkidathus,
bituts.
bvbhvjathus.
bugvia.
bibhidfUus,
bubkvjatua
FLUaAL.
FLDRAL.
PLURAL.
PLUHAL.
bibhidima.
bitam.
bubhujima,
bugum.
hibkida{lha).
bitulh.
hubhuja{tlm)
bugvtk.
bibhidus.
bilun,
bubhujus.
bugun.
490. On the law of gravity rests also the phenomenon,
that those Gothic roots ending in two consonants, which,
without protecting the reduplication, have preserved a radi-
cal a in the singrtlar of the preterite, weaken* this to u
before the heavy plural and dual terminations, and those of
the whole subjunctive (Vocalismos, Obs. 16. p. 227). The
Sanskrit exhibits a remarkable counterpart to this phenome^
non, which had not come under my notice in my earlier
treatment of the theory of gravity, and is [G- Ed. p. 708. f
here for the first time considered from this point of view ; —
* la tho GcriDAu preterite, the wtskcninf; of the rowel is produced by
lli« polysyllabiciieau, bcc p. 70B, G. ed.
y Y
682
VEBBS.
I mean the root kor, "to make," which — not indeed in the
reduplicated preterite, but still in the special tenses before the fl
heavy termiimtions, and in the whole pottiDtia], which answen
to the GotJiie subjunctive — weakens its a to «, and onlv
bi-foro Ii};fat terminations retains the Iwavy a sound. Meucc
kojSmi, "I mukc," stauds in quite th« same relation to kurtt-
man or kurtmm, " we make"" and to kllry^^m, *' I may make."
as. ill Gotliic, brinJ to bunduin, and buuilvtiu. We tx^mpare
here the Gothic preterite btmd with the Sanskrit btibhandha.
which everywhere leaves its vowel unaltered, aud with
karimi DS regards the change of vowel.
SINGULAR. DUAL.
UNKfiT. noTiiic, ntNiSRiT. uKOtm. oorme. ■anskki-t.
biih'.intilia, band, knrtimr, bubandhiva, bmidH, kiiruvut.
bi\h mdhUhn, banst, kor'taUi, bnbnndhiitbus^bundidt, kurtUhaa.
biibandhn, band, karHtit babnndUfdus, , . . ktirutttx.
PLttRAL.
babandliimn, btindum, hurumas.
bnhii7i.dfia{lba), htmdtith, kuruUm.
babandhun. bundun, kuTwanti.
FOTENTIAL.
l&MIK^r. OOTai€. UNSK^IT. OaTttK'
kury4m, bundyau, kurifdvci, bundeiva,
kuryiia. bundftu. kuryUavi, bundeUs,
kiirytU, bundi, kuri/iHAm, ....
[G. Ed p. 709] " Remark I.— Aa all
preterite, follow the analogy of band, have a liquid for their
penultimato consonant, and liquids have n prvfurfnee for the
vowet u, wc may attribute to them here an influeGcc on
the generation of tlie u : it remains, howorer, not the
less true, that the conditions umlcr which, in the fore-
^ing scbemc. a and it are interclianged, rest only on the
PLVI4I>
<.iKiiK(itr. flOTaic.
kuryima, bundeima.
kuryiUa, bandriflu
kitryui. bundeina.
xTrbs which, in the
INPLfBNCB OF THE PERSONAL TBUMINATIOKS. G&3
laws of gntTitjr, and on a principle sufHcicntly, as I believe,
dcmonatratcd in my Vocalisnitis (p. 227), tliat tlic weight of
the u is more easily supported by these languages tluui lUat
offl. For were this not so, it were difficult to Be*: why
the old a was protected exactly in the moaosyllabio singular ;
and why the condition of monosyllnbicncss is so enforced
in tlie preservation of the a, thaU in Old High Gerinau,
nhero the second pernon singular is designated by i instead
off,* even in the form which thus becomes UissylUblc, lliu
tighter ti should afisuinc the plitce of tho heavier n ; and thus
bundi stand in contrast to band of the first and third person,
and to the (jothiv fteeond Ixin-il. In like sense a certain
share in the generation of tlie ti may, in ttic Sanskfit form
kur, alternating with i-ar. be attributed to the liquid, while
the distribution betweifn tlie a and u forms depends on
the weight of the terminations alone. Beyond tlic range,
however, of ttie special tcuscs, the root kar, in the forms
wliieh seek to be lightened, dispenses entirely with tlie a,
so that the r becomes tlic vowel ri. The mutilated form
J:ri thus produced — as, for instance, in kri-ta, 'made,'
«ppo8c<l to kar-tum, ' to make ' — is contiidered by the
grammarians as the original, and this holds good in ana-
lo£;ou8 cases; — a view whieh I have endeavoured, in the
first Observation of my Vocalisuiua. to demonatriite ao hin-
torically unsustainable. In sjiccial Sanskrit grammars, how-
ever. Uiis system may be outwardly maintained ; and kur may
Btill pass for a Guua form of kri ; as also wc may be eum-
pellcd to treat the a of the Gothic preterite hand as the Guna
form of i in hinda, and so, indeed, wc must, if, rcversiug
the real historical course of the hingangc, wc recognise, in
the singular a of the preterite, a firsl. and. in the plural and
subjunctive ti of the preterite, a second Ablaut of the i
of the present hindn."
* Vat dis origin of tlib i I n&r prdiauuorily to my Vov&lismnti, p. 93.
Y V S
TBBBS.
"Remark 2. — It mny nppcnr surprising tliat those Gothic
verbs with a mdipal a. which, in the preteriU". have preserved
the oW rodii])Iication. do not ef|U.illy weakt-n their a to m
before the henvy terminations; that, for instnnee, haihatd.
[O. Ed.p.710.] in tlie )>hiral, Bhould form, not ha'thutdmnt
but hit'ilholdum. although the root hiin erjually a liquid for
its penultimate ; and we might imagim; that the bar-
tlieniiig of the root by reduplication would occasion still
more siiscieptibilily for tho weight of tlie lerminiitions ;
R8 we have seen, in Sanskrit, that the reduplicating roots of
the thirtl cliws in A either wenlscn or totally remove tliat
vowel before tlie heavy terminationa ({.481.), but Llie non-
rcilupl icHting roots of the second class experience no dimi*
nutiot). With the Gothie reduplication of the preterite
we find a jiecuHar condition : it can only be borne by
the stfon^st ratlical structure, and has hence only been
perpetuated, first, by verbs with a long or diphthongal
radii-al vowel; as fmUitiit, 'I was namrd,' present Haifa;
hhulnup, 'I ran.' present hlaupa; secondly, by roots with
the heaviest of lh« sliort vowels (a), united witli lengtli by«
position; for instance, raivithf. 'I directed," present tw/rftf.*
Under these conditions, it was a necessity of the lau-
gaago to retain tlie root after the reduplication in ail its
strength, and by this the vreokcniiig of the a to u was
provided against" .
■191. The Greek exhibits the Guna modification of '
tho I in two forms, in that, namely, tho original pre-in-
sertt^d a sound is reprwculed either by c or o, but eu never
answers to tlic Sanaltrit 4 in roots in which diphthongs
are exchanged with a pure (.f Whcro) however, ei and oif
• Faifak. rrom iho root/iA, " to mee," «nd hai/ioA, from firJt, " to hang,"
■□ake an cxcepliuD, hut Appear, oo the eridcnve of ragnolc dialeda. to
imvt L<«t a Diml.
t Vocaliaaiiu, 0)m. 2. p. 103.
rNFLUENCB OF THE PKBSONAL TERMINATIONS. 683
logctlier with t, are exchnnged wiUi each other in nne nnd the
same root, there »i, as the h(->avier of the two (jtmaa, takes its
place in the perfect, where also the simple o is Trequently
oj>po8(t] to the simple e ; ht-nco, for insttuicc-, he\onra opposed
to Jithriti, e^^^of; itivotBa to -JteiOia. eittBov, as T^rpotfta to
Tpi^Mo. Thus 01 answers to the Gothic Guoo tlirough a, and
£1 to that through i ({. S7.) ; and vet6ui and nhroida are
related to each other, aa heiln (i.e. hilit [O. Ed. p.7ll.]
from biita, p. IOC) to b-iit from the root bit ; then, ulao, Tpe<P<*
to rerpo^a, as I'lsn to {as from the root LAS (p. 1 iC G. ed.)- It
appears, thcrcfon-. that the Grec-k loo bears more willingly tho
burthen of reduplicatiou by a .itrongcr than a weaker root-
syllable. The Busceptibility towards the weight of termi-
nations has, however, almoBt entirely vanislied from the
Greek perfccL A remnant of it is still found in oiSa,
opposed to the Sanskrit vAdu, " I know" and the Gothic
vait * — in all lliree langunges a present as to sense, witli the
terminations of tJie reduplicated preterite. Yet tJie Sanskrit
verb, iu tins signi6ealion. disjienses with the reduplication,
and so does tlic Greek ; for otSa for FoiSa is merely the Guiia
of the root {F)ii, Compare —
^ vftl-a,
^ r^t-tfia,
f^f^ vid-t-vOt
f^^^^ vid-a-thus,
f^npni vid-a-tat,
ftrfifH vid-i-ma,
ftf^v) vid-a-(tha\
otff-$a (see $. 4&3).
oti-e.
vil'U-m,
vit'U-rh,
ftjB vid'Uit (see §.'162.), cit-u-n. U-a-tri.
• Ib thv caw of tbi* vwb the modem G«rinftn l«ngii<gv has prmavtd
tfa« opcTAlitMi«f ifao iiifliu-iiee ofUie tcrminstians ; lii-oca, w6wn, wiMr/,
Kitten, ojiiHiMtl to u-iTiAii, uvHj', u-iTM/.' while cbowhcre the plunl has
cTcrywhi-K Di»d«il«If Cinal ia wwglil toUieriugnUr.
686
VBBBS.
" Remark. — Tlie SausVrit root vid is not without a proper
present — «rftl ffdmi, the plural of whieli, tnd-maa, vil-tha,
vid-anti, might Imvo equally given, in Greek, iS-fzev, ttr-re,
[G. Ed. p. 718] icT-a<Tt (from tJai-n, p. 063 G. cd.) ; as alto
out of the duala vH-thoa, vil-las, we could hardly oht-iin in
Greek any tliiug else than ?cr-Toi', kt-tov. Tlie present forius
resemble the Greek much more than those above of the pre-
t-erite, Nevertheleas, I am not of opinion that the Greek
phirnl and dual termiuutious eau beloug to the present in
their origin, for tlie intermediate vowel «, whose pcjectioo
givea to I'Jftev the appenrnncc of n present (compare ^ir-niv),
is no essential element of the perfect, and is wanting, among
other instances. In eiic-Tov; which, moreover, tlirough the
restoration of the pure radical vowel, bears the same re-
lation to EOiKe, as itnov to eiS«. We shall recur to ttiis sub-
ject."
■492. After what wo have hitherto remarked on the laws of
grsTity, it becomes scareely necessary to quote instances to
sliew wliicli are the litrht termtuations, and which the heavv.
It is self-evident that the dual and plurnl endings have
more body and compass than the singular of the transitive
active form.and that in the middle voice the weight of termi-
nations communicates itself also to the singular; for ^oi, ecu.
Tai. are obviously richer in sound thnn fu, a{j). rt : iu Chu
same manner, in the secondary forms, /xijv, cro, tc. are heavier
than V, (T. (t). We have, however, to observe, that several
terminations, originally heavy, but which have, in the course
of time, become abbrevialed, have nevertheless left behind
them the eflect of their former state. This is the case espe-
cially in the Sanskrit, in which the middle abihbr-i (see pr47 1
U. ed.) is much weaker in its termination tlian the transitive
nhibhar-am ; so thai, according to the present state of the
language, we should rather ex[iect abif}hr~am answering to
nb'ibhnr-i than the reverse. The second person plural of tlie
transitive reduplicate preterite, like tlie first and third of tlie
Bingalar. has lost the true pcreonal sign, oud rctuiiied only the
A
DIVISION OF CONJOOATIOSS.
687
iiitormedutte vowel.^ Nevertheless, we find above vida, "ye
know," over ogainst tlie singular vida, "I know," ''he
knows," Id the second person plural of [O. Ed- p. 7130
tiw jirimary forms, tfiu is, in its present state, heavier thau
the suigulur si, as n is liuuvier tban t, ant) the Sanskrit nspi-
rates arc evident combinations of an A with the full tenues or
medinis ($. 12.). fii Greek, all the t^iiuinnttons (if we uxee|)t,
perhaps, rhu relation of tc to 6a, as in ttr-rc, contrasted with
t>7<T-6a), which I reckon heavy, linve still, in their actual state,
more weight than those which, according to the tlicory
which has been brougiit forward, bcloog to th« light class.
Compare- —
LIOBT nnUIKATIOtlB.
tnUVT rHUIXATtONI.
ni(, /J.I. vaa, inaa, ^, vaM, muM,
si. a{i). ibns, tha, M «J(A4 d/iiM
ti, Tt, tu», nti, tS, AU, ntfi.
net. fiou,
TOV, T«, <r«*,
rov. vTi,
aQov. cOe.
v9ov, vrat.
m{am), v, va, ma, a, »'," vtiht, mnhi, fie^, firjv, fie6ov, fitda.
1, f, lam, to, t/iih,ill/i(im,dhuxim, jov.Te.ao, adov, cder.
t, (t). tim, fi{an), ta. dtdm. nta, ialtj), 'njv(Tuiv),v,To.(rdijv {cduv).
VTO.
DIVISION OF CONJUGATIOMS.
4if3. Sanskrit verbs admit of ao easy distribution into
two conjugations ; the first — w bicb, if not the oldest, existed
before the separation of iangunges, and is almost alone re-
preseiit*-d in the Eurojiean cognate languages — comprehends
the great majority of all tlie verbs, viz. ctasses 1. 4. 6. 10.
(J. 109'.), whieh.in theB]Teciiil tenses, annex to the root either
a sioipte a (vl. 1. and C), or syllables which terminate with o*
vii!;. tfa and aya (cL 4. and 10.). This con- [O. Bd.ii.7W.]
jugation is followed also, as wilt hereafter apj>ear. by nearly
all derivative verbs and by all denominatives. In Greek, the
cronjugatiou iu <>» corresponds to it. in whiclu of course, too
G88
VERBS.
much stress must not be laid on the ^u aDswering to the
Sanskrit mi, fur if the /u is restored to the Wpirbt, compared
nbove (§. 434.) with far/Ml-wit ; and if lipicet^. W/Miei. are
carried Lack to theformsT«pTr-€-(r»,Tep7r-e-T(. which, iu all pro-
bability, once existed; still this verb, and all of similar
stnictiirc, renicun sufficiently distinguished from nil cloBses
of the 80-caIIed t*t conjugation, which docs not contain any
v«rbs that insert tietweei) the root and the personal tcrmioa-
tioiis on e. which is interchanged with o, and is furei^ to the
root, or larger syllables terminating with \\te9c vowels. The
second Sanskrit conjugation separates, like llic Greek, into
three divisions. it comprehends first, tliuae verbs whieli
append the personal terminations direct to the root (CI. H. 3. 7.),
as ^mi^ei-fu; da<fA'mi=SiSiafu ; yannj-mi, "jttnj/o," plural
t/unj-mris. '•junt/imtis.'" (§.109'. 3.), to wliicli there is no
analogy in Gn^ck; secondly, verbs with nu or u, in Greek
*v, u. as the intermediate syllable; thirdly, those irith nd
(weakened to ni*), iu Greek va{pyi). va Jseepp. 119, 703G.ed.).
All tlieae divisions are. in Siinskrit as iu Greek, subjected to
the inHucneu of tiiu weight of the }>ersoiial terminations,
while the first conjugation is free from it. Other pecidiari-
ties will be presented hereafter, in which the Sanskrit and
Greek seeouit conjugation coineide with one another, and ore
distingiiished from the first conjugation.
491. The Greek first conjugation contains a greater va-
riety of aubdivisiotis tiiaii tlie Sanskrit, which consists of
only four classes. This, however, has no influence on the
CO. Ed. p. 715.] intiection, since i^pit-o-nev'* is inflected
just like Tvv-To-fitv. SeiK'va-fMv. i^'dvcfuv, TMn^dvo-fiev.
•ttpaa-ao-fiev, iafx-a^o-fisv, dS-tJ^o-^ev; as it is the same, with
regard to the conjugation, whether the formation, which is
added to the root, conaista simply of one e, which, before
nasals, is replaced by o, or of syllables which terminate with
" 1 Kivc die {ilunil, nB lliv ATitircviatinn ot the sin^mliu* primuy tcrmi*
uatioD midvn tliv clinroctcr of fomuitioa iwt cauly jicrcx'ptiUt.-.
I
PIVISiON OF CONJUGATIONS.
689
tliis vowel, OS, in SaDskrit. the formations a. t/a, tuad atfa, are
iuflcvtcil similnrty, for this very rcasoo, that they all end in
a. It appears to mt>. however, wrong tu separate, in Greek,
the consonants from their vowels, and, e.j/., in ruirro/iey to
add, first a t and then a conjuuutive vowel o; while, aocord-
iDg to tho course of the development of the ]anguag;p, the
root Tun, iu tlie apL-cial tviisea, combines with the syllalilc re
or TO, dffK with re or vo. and \a0 with ave orafo. The addi-
tion of a bare consonant, or of a sylUble terminating with a
consonant, would have been loo cumbrous for tlie conjuga-
tion : a rvw-r-fiev or SaK-v-fxev can never have existed. But
if we ore right in dividing thus, ieitc-vv-ftev, and do not
regard tlie tr merely as the clement of formation, and the u
as tho conjunctive vowci, there is no reason to distribute
Tuirrofiei' according to a different principle^ What tlic syl-
hible TO is in the Utter verb, the syHublu w is in the former.
For this reason [ cannot admit tliat mode of distinguishing
the conjugation in <a from tliat in fit, which consists in
terming the latter "with a conjunctive vowel"; as Ihe >«
conjugation also, though not in all the classes of wliiub it
consists, has syllables of conjunction, if they arc to be so
called, that arc inserted in BaK^ifwiiev. iofi'va-nev, between
the root an<l the jiersonnt termination.
A9b. ft is hardly ix>ssiblo to state any tiling satisfactory
regarding the origin of these syllables. It appears to mc
moat probable that the majority of them [n. Ed. p. 710.]
are pronouns, through which tl>c action or qualily, which is
expressed in the root in abttmcto. becomes someiliing con-
crete; ft g. the expressloD of the idea " to love" becomes the
expr^saiuii of the jierson. " who loves." This person, how-
ever, is mure closely defined by the jxTSonal terniinatiuu,
whether it he "I," "thou," or "he." Proceeding from
tliis point of view, wc may regard the character of the
Sanskrit ninth class nd (§. Iu9*. 5.) = Greck m, vt}, vd, as
the Ivugthciiiug of the prunominol base, it na, (§. 3ti9.) mid
690
VERBS.
TtM^sGreek w. as the weakening' of this no, as. in the interro-
gative, together witli kit tlie forms ku and Iti occur. The
H of the eighth class is easily pcroeived to be the abbre-
viation of llif syllablH iiu, which aris<» from iho eircumstance
that the Few roots ofthia class themselves terminate with n ;
ihas Itin-u-man for lan-nu-maa. The sole exception ia kri,
- to make." wliich. however, as may be deduced froiu the
Zend kere'Ha/i-mi, lilcewiBe had n origiiinlty beforo the
nppendut] u. Froni ^n nil it aecius thiit dii has arisen by
trans[)ositioii, whit.'h is furtlier combiued witJi the chn*
racter « of the first or sixth class, and belongs to Uie first
coujugation ; but it occurs only in the second person
imjieratire einguhir of the transitive active form of the
ninth class, in which the first conjugation is without the
[wrsoiial ternuiiatioii; hence, fts-rlnfi. "'eal," opposed to the
first person os-nAni, and the third aa-nila. This aa-daa
would lend us to expect a present ai-Hni-mi, ai-dna-»i,
ai-dita-ii, for aa-nd-mi, 8x. The circumstance that the
Vcda-^ialect has not preserved furius of thitt kind affords
no certainty that they have m-vcr existed; for although
several other ancient forms of speech have been preserved
in the Veda-dialect, still it is very far from liaviug re-
tained, in their perfect state, all tliat existed at the period
of the unity of language; e.tf. tlierc are no middle forms
ia mi for the abbreviated A But if the Sanskrit, in its
CO. Ed. p. 7170 formations lu dnn, actually took its de-
parture from tl(e second person imperative, where it also
remained, the Greek hua completed the formation thus
oommenced ; for I liuve scarce any doubt that forms liko
os'-dnu aro the prototypes of the Greek "Z-ave, SapB-atx,
&c. Both languages agree in their conjugational affixes
almost oa exactly as possible; for a Greek a refers rather
to a Sanskrit long A than to a short one. ax « a is more
frequently represented by c or o than by a. Besides, the
origiual length of quantity is sUH left in ix&vta. Id
4
DIVISION OK CONJUGATIONS.
691
Lithuanian, verbs in ejiu* and inu, and also those witli
doubled n, tnnu. belong to thU class, though titey retain
the nasal, also, in the future and iuCnitive, which verbs
in TIM, of which hereafter, do not, e.g. gah'tmi, "I bring,"
ffad-tnH, "I destroy," future yabensu, gadinm (§. 10.). in-
finitive gnbfnti, gndinii,
496. I^ in tiie Siinslcrit seventh cluss ($. lon\ 3.), tliat
form, which appi-ant before Uglit terminations, is older
than that which occurs before heavy oni-5, e.g, hhi-nn-d
from hhi-nad-mi, " I cleare," older than hhi-n-d from
bhi-nd-mm, " we cleave," then it might be assumed, as I
am much inclined to do, tliat this syllable na is nothing
else tbnn the syllable ti/i of tlie ninth class, which has
been tmn!fj)osed into the interior of Uio root, and abbre-
viated ; tlius, bUiiuiJmi for blttdnclini, as bkid would form
according to the ninth class. In Greek verbs, like
\ci}i^iiv<j3, fiavBavta. both forms occur together; and in them
the nasal of derivation has a accvnd time been reflected
into the ratdJIe of llio root, just as. in Zend, an i or y
imparts to the preceding syllable also an * (§.-Ii.). It has
been already remarked (§. Itiif. 5.). that verbs, like SaK-vo-
-ftev, Tifi-ve'ttev, by weakening the syllable of derivation,
i.e. by changing the organic a o(iafi-va~fi€v for the inorganic
e or o, have entered into the w conjugation. [G. Ed p. 7l0.j
To this place, also, must be assigned the Latbi formation tii
(before r: ne) of tt^'ni-mtis,cer-ni-mua, spifr~ni~mat,li-ni-mus,
si-niTnti*. Compare, for iuatauce, slcr-ni-mwi with f^oflira
sIri-Tii-mox ; but the rt-aeiublnnce must not be rated too high,
for the Latin ni is not a shortened form of the Sanskrit ui*
(Siee §. 485.). but a weakened, aa /«/-(-inii» for Ug-ii-mu$,
(§. 109*. I.). In Old Sclavonic, verbs in Rtl. nhhi, correspond,
which reject this appende<l syllable in tlie preterite, c.tf,
rbisrtv gyh-n^ "pfreo," second person gtfi-rtff'thi, preterite
yy-bvch (Dobr. p. 355.); in Lithuanian, verbs in nu, plural
"Cf. p. 906, ^.7*3.
692
VERBS.
na-mh correspond, which, though s|innng1y, are retaiuvd
ill roots ill nil (Mioike, p. 101, 25.); e.ff. g6u-nv, " I avow,"
plural j/du-nft-inc, preterite «/cn«iu. future yauau. Corn}
rtJJl IMM.iV.
8a.K'Vta, yyb-n u -«,' y6u-n u,*
Sajt-fei-y. gyb-nt-shi, fjAwn'-i,
S(i»t-vc-{T)j, f/yb-ne-iif, g&u-na-
gyb-ne^va. prfw-na-wr.
idK'V€-TOv, (jyb-nf-fa, ^u-na-la,
iaK-ve^ov, gyb'tif'ta, g6u-na-
sier-no-
tter-ni-r,
Hter-Ri-t.
I A MCE KIT.
ntri-^A-n,
strt-nA-li.
siri-y\i~va».
»iri-ftt-fhaM.
ttri-ni-toM.
S&K-vo-ftev, gyb-fip-^n, g6u-na-me, aler-ni-mua, stri-tji'ma4.
JaK-i-e-Tf, yyh-ne-U, ydu-na-tt, iler'ni-iii, ttri-iii-Unu
i&K-va-vrtt gijb-nd-t^.^ </&u-na- rier-nu-ni, ttri-^a-ntt,
* Hence mt cntirt'ty legitirottlo dirlaioo is imjionililei since llie [mmoal
t(nniiiiitii>B hu ljlic«-!idtt n ■harv La tliv i «f ilcrivntion, its domI being
conininediniL: <w> f . aSS.j;, ' Si-* p. 030 0. wl.
497. Tile affix -re, to {rvti-Ti>.^tev, Tuir-TC-re), lipppnrs pe-
culiar to Greek: however, except in ■neKTia, tiktu, it occurs
[G. Ed. p. 719.] only after lahinla. Its r in, periiaps. a
corru|>tiu» of v, as elaewhere, also, we have seen mutes
prociKicl from tuiaals of correspcitiding organ ; f.ff. /Sporos
from ^oTos; io Lithuanian and Sclavonic (/ini^^i. AisATb
devynfy (§.317.), from nnmjni, nrvv/tty, and (vrhieh comes
tolenibly near to the case in question) thp Greek suffix ^ar.
used in the formation of words, corresponds to a formation
in n in the kindred languages ; e. g. S-vofiar answers to the
Sanskrit ndirioii. Latin nomm, to the Gothic nnmit, nnmin-t,
and Sclavonic hha iniyn, genitive uheiii Imfa-f (§. ?6d.]. In
Sanskfit, alsa wr must remark tliat the n is replaced by
the tenuis of its organ, since, for instance, from han, "to
shy.'" comes the causal ghAt-nyA-m't for h'\n-nyA-ini. If.
then, the T cX Tuv-TQ-fier, Kfrvn-n-ft£\; &c., stands in this
uuuincr for f, then these verlM. just ua those in vo-jtuv. ve--n
DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS.
693
(f )09\ 5.)t lead back to the Snitskrii iiiutli class. But if
tlic T is or^uiic, which ia less probable, then, according to
thu [irtnciplc laid down iu §. -i'Ji., the s^Jlublc re, to, leads to
tlic prouuiniual base to =SiLi]3krit n la (§. 343.).
49S, tu Lithuanian there are some verbs which re-
semble Greek verbs like Tvirrot in this point, that they insert
between the root iiiid thi! personal termination an aSix
beg-inning with t and terminatinj^ with a vowel, though
they reject it afjain in the preterite, which answers to
the Greek imperrcct, and in which otherwise the clasa
syllahtcs are stilt retained. Thus kl^x-tit (euphonic for ■
kfyd-tu, conipnre §. 4s70, plural tli/s-tn-me. preterite l-b/d-au,
future tly-au, as epei'-c-ui for epti'd-o-tD ; pliLvtu (for ftHd-iu),
"I swim" (eonipare p/w, p. ill)^ plut^I ;?^il«-(rt-m/', prcterito
p!Ad-au ; lAiT-lu, " I am petulant," plural ia»x-la-mf, prete-
rite liitxau; mir»z-lit, "I forget,"" plural |G. £4. p. 720.]
mirns-tii-tne, preterite mirsx-au; ptyss^u, " I tear to pieces,'"
plural plysz'ia-me, preterite plt/az-tttu Sonic verba prefix to
the I a non-rfidical s also, for which the way is |»erhap8 pre-
pared by eases in which a sibilant, or & d whicli changes
into s, is already in the root, or becaase «< is in general
a favourite termination {compare §. 94.); as, rim-stu, "l am
quiet" (Sanskrit vi-ram. "to rest"), plur.U rim-sla-me, pre-
terite rimm-du, future rtmsu.
499. I believe a pronominal origia must be ascribed,
also, to tliu e. o, of verbs like ripit-o-fief. TepTr-e-re, which is
usually called a conjuuciivc vowel ; for the m a, which au-
a^ve^s to it iu Sanskrit, is deduciblc from a pronuniinal
base more easily than any other conjugatioual affix* and
it proceeds, iu (act, froiu the base froiu wliieh we have
above seen a-mnii. "to this." a-smiit, "from this," u-st/a,
"of this," and u-»jhjb, "in this," proceed. For a mere
conjunctive vowel, a, as the heaviest of the three prinuiry
• Ci>nipafethuS(uukritfliniv(>wfiJ, " to rauwuber," VMAliamos, p. IU,
Cd4
TBftBS.
vowels, appears to me least of all adapted ; and I think
that the origin of conjunctive vowels, which are insetted
between two consonants to facilitate pronunciation, belong
to a later pc-riotl ot tlie ]anguag:i; tlmii that to wbicb the
coincidences of the Siinskrit wjtli its European cogn&te
Innpinges conduct us buck. Tlte v a in question, how-
ever, c(]incides with the Gothic u which is interchanged
with i, with tlie Greek r inlerchriu^cable with o. Old Scla-
vonic ■ f, Lithuanian a. and I^itin i (§. 109*. 1.); e.g. in tlie
second person duol, Vf^HI vah-a-thaa, answering to the
. Gothic vitj'it'ls. Greek vy^e-Tov, Old Sclavonic ri^bta ve^-e-ta,
litbuamnn weX'-n-ta ; second person p\ \irnl n^ txih-a-tha.
answering to the Greek ej^-e-re. Old Sclavonic m^ete
ve^-e-lp, Lithuanian ttfer-fl-/?, Latin veh-i-tis, Gotliie viij-i-tk.
The case is different with tbe lightest of the primary
vowels, (, with which we shall hereafter become acquainted
in considering the Sanskrit auxiliary future. No analogous
vowel can be assigned to tliis i in the kiudr«l languagca,
and we must therefore fix its origin in the period succeeding
[O- Ed. p. 721.] the division of languages. In Zend, we
see some conjunctive vowels arise, as it were, under our
eyes. i.e. vowels which etiler between two oonsoiianta that
were formerly combined: this never occurs, however, with
an a, but with the inorganic { (' (§. 30.), for which i is
sometimes found ; e.g. ui-e-k'uitn, " stand up." in which an f ia
inserted between the preposition and the verb, which
never happens in Sanskrit.
500. Tlie aSixes of the fourth and tenth classes, « ifa
and V( (lijfi, must, t believe, be regarded as auxiliary
vcrljs: n yu is. at the same time, tlie character of the
passive, and we shall recur to it in treating of that voice.
In Gothic, we have already found a representative of the
Sanskrit fourth class (§. 109'. 3.): in Latin, verbs in ro, of
tlw tliird conjngntiim, correspond to it. These, in disad-
vantngeoiia cotnparison with the Gothic, have permiltcd tlic
DIVISION OF CONJUGATIOKS.
695
vowct or the syllable ya to di&appcar almost everywhere ;
e.g. iu all the casea in which the a of the Grst anil sixtli
class has been wciikencti to i, before rto?; hcnvc, upec-h,
apec-i'Unlt answering to the Sanskrit p^a-yl\^mi, pui-yn-nti.
but spec-i'S, spec-t-t, spec-i-mus, spec-i'tis, coutrastwl with
jMi-y/i-ai, pni^-ii, pax-yd-mtix, pai-t/a-tha. In the participle
present, the a of the syllable ya has been retained under
tlie protection of two consonants i hence, syrc-ii^iJs, upec-te-
nlem, nuswering to pti^ya-n, pas-ya-ntitm. Facto, according
to ita origin, should follow the fourth conjugation, as it ia
based ou the Sanskrit causal form, bhth-mj^mi. "I mako
to be" (?. IS.): on aecomit, however, of the trifling ilificrenCD
in form between -^dmt and •atfSmi, it cannot surprise ua
that the said Latin verb bos deserted its original class, and
migmlcti to ttiat next adjoining. Thus, vice reri'h cupio
=lcup-t/Aini, " 1 am niigry," has partly changed into the
fourth conjugation, which corresponds to the Sanskrit laalh
class, and to which belong cnpici, cupilntn, [G. Ed. p. 722.3
while the present has remained in the class to which this
verb originally belongs. In Lithuanian, verbs iu iu, yu, of
Mielke's first conjugation (p. 96. &c.) correspond ; e.g. liepyut
" I order," which, like similar verbs with a labial ter-
mination to tlie root, reject* indeed tht* y before the i of
the second [Tcrson, but otherwise retains the class syllable
inviolate tliroughout the whole present. In Sclavonic.
Dobrowsky's first conjugation belongs to this class, wliicb,
in the present, with the exception of the first person sin-
gular, and third person plural, cshibits tlie syllable n ya
in the form of K ye, but only after vowels: after consonants,
only the e of the k w is left, as in otlier parts, also, of gram-
mar « c is very frequently the remnant of tlie s^'liable K y*.
as the euphonic product of yo (5§. 255. n. and 258.), In the
first person aingulur and third person plural, we find, both
after vowels and coiisonanta, wl, yulu, from yn-m, yo-viy,
i% S53. jr.), and. in the gerund (jHirticipial) present yii.
696
VERBS.
fcQiininv y&shcki. Answering to the Sanskrit yan, yattti.
Examples are : pi-yii. "I drink,"* second person pi-ve-ahi,"-\
third person p'-ye-fv ; ^na-^A. "1 know" (Sausknc ^rul, "to
know") ^vo-yp-slii, ^na-w-ty ; or-yi, "I plough," or-e-thi,
or-e-ty. Compare —
oui ecUT.
OOTVIC
tATUr.
^nc-yil.* be^-tfn-" ' cap-to-'
^na-ye-shi, haf-vis, cnp-i-*,
^ik7-yc-/y, haf'y'fth, cap-i-t.
lubh-t/rl-mi,^ liep-t/u,
htbhryn-si, licp-i,
tubb-ya-ti. liep-mt-
rn
^ lubh-yd-vaa. liop-ya-wa, ^na-ye-va, haf-yi-»*
^ /uhh-yn-thm, liep'yn-tti, ^na-yctn, haf-ya-tn
^ lubh-ya-ias, liep~yn- ^aaye-ia
a
tubh-yA-mas, liep-ya-me, ^na-ye-m, haf-ya-m, cap-l-mus*
lubk-ya-tha, Uep-ya-te, ^na-w-tc, ha/-t/i-tk, cap~i-tis.
lubh-yn-nli, licp-yor' ^n«-ytl-/y.' hof-ya-ad.tnp-iu-nL
' ** I derfro," compurc luliet, libet, Gothic liubi, " dear." 'See
P.B99, Nolc'. ' The Goihic haf-^a, Germaa fitim, "lonlm," h
nulioilly identical with the Lntin aipia, tlii! Inw nf traiupoaiticii] being
foll«w«d C$.67.). * A completely I(gititiiAt« dirigion i* impoMible in
thiiword (wc j. 2&&. f.).
501. As the Lithuaninn readily nsainniates the semi-vowel
jf toaBtroiigt;r cousouant precotliug; it (compare p. 369G.cd.),
it need not surprise tis IT tliis occusiuuiJIy otxrurs also in the
clu9 of verbs under discussion. To this we refer verbs in
mmu (according to Miclke. p. 101,23.), wlucli. ia llie prete-
rit^ again reitoro their aeeoud jn to tlie u, whence it arose.
• The SAukfit loot pi is naed only in the middle, but b«long«, in Uko
raonuiT, 10 the lourih cliuw ; itviice, jn-y^. yi'i/tuS, &c.
t Dk>brow.ik>' « riles, |>.02I, tiUtlii, f'Ulj/, from ihti nut l^ " to oat";
but K«|>)l«r, whom I follow, giv<.« bi^^tM, be. IT the fint Kadiujt were
rorrvci, it mmi be Bssuincd that after i the y ofllic oloss-B^lkblQ woiilil
be dtopiwd befxv e.
DIVISION OF CONJUOATIOSS.
097
but, ill the futuru and inBnittvc, according Ui the old princi-
ple. Fiitircly withdraw the class ayllnble ; as hamu, " I tak^"
preterite hnyau. future Unxu. iuGtiitivc imti. Gemmu, "I am
bora" has, in thu prettfrite, togetltcr with fjimyau idso the
assimilnted form ghnman. The root g'tm answers to the
Sanskrit ^n^^^air, which, in the sense of "to be born," is like-
wiso iiK-ludcd ill the fourth class, but which irregularly 8Ui>-
prcsscs the n before the chnracterii ya, and, in conipensatioii,
lei)<^hcns the vowel. As, however, jan. " nasci," is used
only in the middle, and the passive, on account of its elm-
raetur ya, is icJeuticul with Uie uiiddiu of the fourtJi class,
nothing prevents ua from regarding ^t^jAi/i. " n«*eor," aa
passive, and thus recognising iu the LitbuoDinn gtmmu
a remnant of tlie Sansk rit passive, only {O. Ed. p. 724.J
with the loss of the middle tcrminutiuns. W'c should also
remark the admirable agreement between the Lithuanian
liippii, "I peel," "I skin," which is based on aasimilation,
and the Sanskrit /f/^-f/cI-mi, from the root tup. "to cleave."
"to destroy," "to trouble." Hence the transition is very
close to Greek verbs willi double consooants, in tlie special
lenses ; for the form aWoi, as contrasted willi the Gothie
ALYA, has furnished us witli the first proof, tluit. in Greek,
the semi-vowel y still exiiits in tlic form uf a rctroncting
assimilation." for companttives like KfeiVa-wv, eXao-o-ui'. are
traced back to this principle ($.300.), to which, also, verba
with <r or \ duubled iu the s|iecial tenses are subjected;
thus }^i<r<joiK3u from hnuoneu, fis Kpfiafftav from Kpetrwav or
KpaTViiin ^piaata frouj ^/jikvu, as ^At^ffwc from 'fKvKy<i»v
(^XuKiuv); vTt^<7«i) from vru^yu, iia iracrtrwy from itayvdiv
{Tta\tfjiv). According to this principle, 7 also becomes tr;
e.g. tavaia from Tayyuh to which the compamtivcs do not
supply any analogy, as might have been expected in /xeyiif.
As, however, (nei^tav is used for pe^lvy from itcvyu*', so also
• Ocpioiuiniivu Bms, p. 20.
z z
698
VBBBS.
in the C of some verbs the rctroattivc influfno) of aii earlier
y miglit be conjectured ; thus £0^ (with &yi<K = Sanskrit
X[m yi^, " to adoro," " to sacrifite,") from o^yu ; ^pdC'^ from
^paiyu ; Xt^ta From liyti ; ^fiil^u with fipaam* from ^paiw*
or j3p(xxuu.
bO'2. Moat verbs in irffu Arc dcnomiimtivcs ; and it ia here
important to remark, that, in Sanskrit also, the syllable t| yn
forms deuomjnalivea, as cliM'yil-mi. "I hesitate." from chira
"alow"; siabrhUyil-mi. "I sound," from inbd^. "sound": asA-
yd-mj, ■• 1 curse," from am. " life"; namat-tfA'mi, " 1 etdore,"
[G, Ed. p. 72fi.] from numas, " adoration," Tlias, in Greek.
amongst othirrs, aifidrrtru from ai>*aTi/« from 'AIMAT; ko-
pdact^ from KopvOyta from ROPYO ; TOpdaata from rapa-^w
from TAPAXII ; wrepiKTffOfiai from Tmpvyuofiau from FITE-
PYF; Kffpuaatji from Ktjpvyyui from KHPYr. The numerous
denominatives, also, in a{u and ({^u mi^ht Uu referred to
this class, the semi-vowel ii^ y being represented by C*
The question is, whether the a and i of forms like evinciflw,
dfc/i^C*^ 5(K(iC*^ i^VeXciCttf, a-^opa^ia, ■noKsfiltf^ 66poi^u.
a<f>piX*^, belong to the primitive uoun, or to tlie verbal
derivative- It must be considered ao important arf^-
ment lii favour of the former view, that a^ta, in that kind of
denominative^ for the most part occurs only where an a or i;
is already contained in the base noun, but ij according to its
origin =A (§. -1.). IF, therefore, SiKal^u comes from Siiai {9tKa\
then the final vowel of the base word has only been -weakened
in tlic most natural manner, and it would tliereforc be also only
a weakening of tlie vowel, if o. springing from short a, should
become i (§. G.), and ctj. ito?i€/i!-ljiii should stand for iroT^/io-^uf.
And it need not surprise us if >j («) were at times weakened a
stage furtlier Uum to a, viz. to i, and, e.y.. avAi'-CoM^' ^^re
derived from av\>7, by changing the 17 into 1. Bases ending
I
4
I
«
* t^ $. Mi. Tnm tliis ialercluuigc on aflinity of the (inxk C'^, C'*^,
to tlic Stuubril ^jrA<Mt) *' barky," may bv Aeiani ; thus, (to, for (cfti.
DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS,
699
witli a consonant observe, ifthia opinion bejustudoublc course
of [iroovdure: cither the final coosonant is luppresaed, or an i
added to it a» a conjunctive vowel. The former occurs prtnci-
pally in n'ords wluL-hhave iU ready bocome accustomed, (hrou^li
till' nominative (accuaativc), to tlic loss of tiicir final conso-
nant; the latter prindpnlly in those words that retain their
Biml cnnsonaiit, or the former of two in the nominative; honoe,
j£<*M«C« from XEIMAT; ivofidCui from 'ONOMAT; itaiXot
from DAIA ; dtrniXofiai, from 'A2niA ; but [«■ ^^ P-72a.]
ai/ify^i'^u, yaarp-i-^u, ai')(€V'i'^ta, axavr-i-^tii, dytav-i-^fmi,
aXoK-S-^ia. I>cviations from the prevailing principle are
aitictT-i't^ut,ipfiaT-i-^a,7tapaSayfi<xT-t-C*AKV/iaT-i-C''h^T[cpnaT-
-f-C(">, wo8-('-Cu ; and. on the other Imnd, fiatrri-Cf^, ffoAjn'-fiij.
trupi-^v, for natrrty-i'-Ca. Sec The Z of words like Te7;^ot
belongs, indetxl. as has been I}efore shewn (§. 123.), to the
base; notwitlistaudiii}*. no derivations exist like Teixcc-('-C**
Biuce, at the time when these verba originated, it was already
forgotten tliat the S, which had been dislodged from the
oblique cases, belonged to tJie base.
503. If we start from the view, that tlie a and i of denomi-
natives in a^u nnd i^ta belong to tlie verbul derivative, tlien
they eorrespoiul to tiio Sanskpit tenth class (§. 109*. &),
which likewise forms denominatives ; and tlius, in thesecond
]>er80D plural, «Ce-Te would = Swnsltrit oya-tUa. The * of
ifw would consequently be, in ■^r^^eM(C"t not the weakening of
the o of nOA BMO, and in yarrpi^u, lioxapi^ct, eCSiuiMvi^u>,
and otiicrs, not a coiijuuctive vowel, but the weakened form
of the old a of w^lftr «i/<l-mi. mvfv at/tt'Si. &c.; but tliu
vowels of tile nominal bases would be rejected, as in San-
ski-it, in which lau-iju-if^e. in |)uIyKyllaUe bases, not only t\K:
hual vowels are withdrawn, but lni:il eoiisuuaiils also, toge-
ther with tlie vowel preceding thorn; e.g. prt'l-a-tfUmi from
priii, "joy." txirm-ayAmi from varman, "armour." We
might consider in tliis tight the isoUttcd word dcKaCon^voi in
Grcfk, and, moreover, forms like ico^fw. aTwi^ui ; tlius pro-
700
VEBBS.
pcrly. ae<e(orr)-aCoj^€i'os, affw((J)-('tw, ivoju(«T)4C« : on the
otWr liauJ, tlie ni&Jority of bases termioatiDg with a conso-
nnnt, in advantageous contrast with the Siiuskrit, preserve
tho primarj' word unabbrcviiitcd, or onljr bo weakened, as
before the oblique case-terminatioDs : tliiis, yao-Tp-i'^in like
ya<rTp-6s. If tills sc-cond view of the matter is, as E am
much inclined to ttiinlc it is, ttie correct one, then the oppo-
sition between forms like cyffp'-aCM. 3(«'-aC«, x«(f;-aC«. ou
[G. Ed. p. 7270 tbu one hand, and such as TtoAe^i'-i'CiD, d<ppi'-
-i'Cm. dSt\ip'-lt<a, o)j3'-(f a»," v^'-ii^u], on tlie oilier, b to be settled
thus, that the a of derivation is preserved by a or 17 (=a) of
the primitive word, in ordur that the bnscnnd derivjitive (iiirt
may not experience too much weakening. Moreover, in buses
in o too. the forms in <lCw, and without 1 prcceding.'arc not
rare, though they are kept in the batk-ground by llie over-
whelming majority of those in t'Cw; iis mr-afw, \t$-dCM.
ep7-«Co^ai. (ir-aCtt), ■yv)it'-oiCu>- koA-^JC". SoKi[i'aC<i>, irtHfi-dCv,
HUfi-a^m, mfK-i^ti*. ffuiTKor-aftii, (together with tricoT-ifw) trw-
-ofwyTol-afo/^aj. Add to this, the form in i^w is not en-
tireCy foreign to the a declension (Kvpi^*^ from \vpa); and
vlmt is of more importaoce, both d2>) nod iC<^ occur be-
yond the nominal formations, as joiirr-a^w from plirrw, trrcv-
-aCu' from trrevca.^ as Saftai^<a together with Safiain, dyand^m
with dyairdia. vpoKa\i'l^ui with koAeui, aJT<^u with cu'reu,
tlfli^id with udeui. Such forms ari; certainly connected with
the chnracttT vn mji of the tenth class.
504. To this cin&s I refer, also, verbs iu atd and ecD,t whose
• Not from the Danuoatlro aijSqt, bat from iho bue 'AHA££ (compars
p.3270.cd.).
i 'Epv-vCa from ipirw afp«ara lo have bc«n formrd by weakening the n
tOv.
[ Ofcourte with the exception »rihow tho «i>rn of which is radical.
Dcaominaiives ia ou. likevriae, prolirtMj^ Iiclong to Una claas. though ilw o
fani th« ii)r)>iauiuii;c of bvlviigiiig lo the priauuvu iiauu. 'Hiu <ia«ation
aplicars
DIVISION OF CONJDOATIONS.
701
relation to tho Snnskrit nyn must be tlits, tlmt (as in tha
Latin first coDJugntioD and the Gothic second weak form),
after dropping tlie semi-vowel, the two a of w aya Imve
combined into a corresponding long vowel (a or ij). This
shews itself elscwliere besides iu the special tenses, e.y.
in ^i\-j;-fftj, "ttetptJi'tfKa, with which the [G. Ed. p. 738,3
/EoVk present tpiX-tj-fu Bgrees; whence, by adding the con-
junctive vowel of the u tonJHgntion, through which tlie tj is
Abbreviated, come ^lAew, ^iXeoney. The case is exactly
similar to the fonuatiou of rtdew, for ti'^i;^, from tlie
root OH.' For vixio* we should expect viK-d-/ii, and such
forms must have formerly existed : the v(Vij-p,(- however,
which has been transmitted to us, like vik-^u for viK-a-<ru,
need not surprise us, as t], according to its origin, stands
everywhere for a, and even tho Doric, disposed as it is to
adopt the a, has not preserved every a from being corrupted
to 17. The Prakrit, as his been already observed, liaa, for
the most part, contracted the cbanictcr 115^ into i — by sup-
pressing tlie final a. vocalizing the y to i. and combining
it, according to rule, with the preeediug a to ^f;— and thus it
iippe&TB ta liave one imao with that, wbelhor tha a or 1 of nfu, i^<u, brlong
to the verlial derivailTC or to Uie nominal base.
• From Uxo poiat of view of ilic Greek it might appmr doobtfol whe-
ther IffrijUt riA}/u, iUtusfU, sliould bo roj^antpil iw Icngdiitned fonna, or
tirrlfinv, Tiery.tv, diioiuv, as ahortencd ones. But the tiiatoTy of lan^Bge
is in favor of lli« Inttt^r 0|iiiiii>ii (compare $.481.).
■f I formerly thou^^ht it probabk*, that in viKaai tha San^ltrit prepositioa
nl migitl ^o cnncoHltnl, ilien ta wuuld lie the root, nn-d i»i|;'ht tw uMiniMireJ
with mrfil^a^-^'X'? " I coiKiuer," inmji, CI. I., tlie medinl Iwlng irrc*
gnlariy raiaod to a tcntiu. Hut if, ^hich I now prervr, w* is ivtpird«d an
the Toiit, nml <iur=ai/iimi, it tho diiM cliunuler; (hen fuu4» leuds us lo
the Sonikrit caasai tidi-apd-mi, "toHnniliil&te," "to thy." The rela*
lioci of MK to mii rcsemblos tliat of krt-HS-mtu W kri-nd-mi, in Sniwkrit
(}. 405.). Tlion tli« cmiucring would tnko its name fn>tn the niuiiUilatiun
of llic foe conkbin«d \Tiih it, and xinica would also be akin to mvc, iKipifc.
t Comprmi Vouallajnuti, |i. 20*2.
702
VERBS.
answers to the Latin second, nnd Gothic third oODJugAtioo
of the weak form (p. 1 10, poMim}. Cut in Prakrit the y of
aya may niso be nlMndoncd, aajan-aa-di =SanslcrUy/in-aya-lt,
[O.Kii. i>. Tifl.] wbicli serves as countertype to the L^tin
first aud Gothic secoud ncikit conjugation (witli d for <i, or-
cording- to §. 69.), nnd to Grcdc verbs with the derivative
<7 or a.
fi05. Th« rcIntioD of the Latin i of the fourth conjuga-
tioQ to tliu Sanskrit aya is to be viewed thus, that the finit a has
been weakened to i, and has then combined with the y dis-
solved to i, which follows, into /, luid tliia £ before a vowel fol-
low ing-aound ia again subjected to abbreviation. The 6nala of
fni eit/a has been lost op preserved under the same circum-
stances as those under which the syllable ^ ya of the fourth
class ; p. J. io cnpio i is retained or lost (compare §. MO,). Thtu
ttie io, ivnt, of audio, nudiunt, correspond witli the Sanskrit
fiyfi-ttH, aya-nli; r.y. in ckSr-tiyA-mr, " I steal" (compare
fuTo, accoi'din^ to §. H.), ch6T-nya-^iii the iSa, iAa, otattdtit,
midi&a, with the Sanskrit w^ nyi's in dtth-ay^, " thou
nuiyest stent"; on the other liaiid, the it. It, ^ua. His, of
audis, avdit, audtmus.aud^is, answer to the aifa-si,aya-ti, ayA~
-mas, nyaAha, of ch4r-<tya-si, S:c. [q *Sclavomc, Dobrowsky'a
third conjug^atiou is to be referred to this place, which,
in the jircsent, contrails yil (from yo-m, §. 25i'. g.), ya-fy,
with tlie Sanskrit ayii-mi, at/a-nli, and Latin to, hi-ni. but
in the otiier persons has preserved only the semi-vowel of
the Sanskfitri^u, resolved to^. Exelusivoof the special tenses,
these verba separate into two ciaases (E and F, according
to Dohrowsky), since llie Sanskj-it W^ oy.f shews itself
cither in tlie form of * yp, or as i. Tho former, according
to §. 255. r, correspouds exactly with the Prakfit sA and
• Cr. J.74I. p.«a-
t TbsfinalaofwVayaniDainBonljr in tbc special teosM ($. I09.*0j
*
i
^
DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. ?0d
theroforo nith the Latin ^of the secoiu) conju^tion, nnd vith
the Gothic ah Old High German f. of the third weak con-
ju^tion (p. lao, pfisaim): c.j. bha*tii vid-tfe-ti. "to «cc,""
ftDswcriiig to tiiu Prakrit v^d-^-lua (lid-i- 1.0. Bd. p. 730.]
-mi). Latin vkl-^-re. Snnskrit tnl-nif-i-tum (vSd-ayd-mi), Ou
the other hand. bM-i-tt, " to waken," in annlogy witli b^-i-xki,
" thou wnkenest," &C.
506. la Lithuanian wc rocogmw! the Sanski-it tenth
class, and tlierefore tlio Geniiiui weak conju^tion, iti
Mielke'flt tecond and third conjugation. The se«ond, with
regard to the present, distributes ttaclf into two classes, of
which the one. and the more numcroiis, has preserved
only one a of the character opa — probably the latter, — and
hence appears identical with the first, which corresponds
to Uie Sanskrit first or sixth eiass ; e, g. tlrn-a-me, " we
groan," s(e^n-n-f^, " ye groan "^Sanskrit s/on-oyd-wos.J
tUtn-ayn-thOy as wi-n-mA vt£-a-ie=iKih-A-mas, vah-a-tha.
The other, and less numerous class, has, like Dobrowsky's
third cuiijngatiou, au i iu the present, as a reuinnnt ufthe
Siinskrit it^i, e.g. mifl-i-me. " we love." In tlic preterite
both classes have tyo throughout the dual and plural;
thus, e. y. second person pluroJ. steti-fitfo-te. myl-^^te, nn-
Bwering to the Sanskrit astnn-aya-ta. The singular has,
in the first person, ^>iu, from i^i-m (^ 139.); souond
person, ^i from t^/n-ci; third person, fifo, without an ex-
pression for the person. Thus wu sec here the class
character W aya retained more exactly than in any other
* la Sckrooic an4 Latin th« caiusl la question has th« mvwiiog "ta
BBC." uhicli is B tnenns of making to know of« particalor ktml, m, in
SanakrU, tha ej-v, as U]q organ of ^idinji;, U lermcil ni-ira uitl nun-ana.
t Midko'a 4th eonjofstioo, too, belongs to the Swiaitrit lOth d,, m*
(. GOS. Not«.
I The Sanskrit verh cxpRSMS « louder gronntiig than the Lithuanian,
ruii] signilieii " to thuuilt:r"i contpsra tourc sn^t Greek ittiiw in the wnss
«f the roaring of the waves of Um sm.
EafDfMsan connate Ungn^ Tht t,* uisweniig to the
ma. i* [tffrhapv prodaou) br the re-^ctive inflaeDce of the
tf, whik in Zerid. that temi-ToweL bv its assimilatiTe force.
dian^Ai into / the folkuring <i soood ; *. j. Jrfc-ay^m/. ir6e-
fly^-*Ai*r-}B-'/yi-<*, " I apeak" f^- make to hear") 8a^ There
are Mmie verhut in LithuaniaD which, in the present also,
l<i. Eit.p.7Zl.] have preserred the character «i aj^a in
tin! mmt ptrfect foprm ; e.g. i-/yJ-A^,f " I wander about,"
plural klyd-^n-m^, preterite singular kli/d-fyou. Verbs, also,
in o»it, hyn, and iya — plural f/yn-me, uun-mf, tyn-me — fiir-
iiikh an exact counterpart to the Sanskrit tenth class, or cau-
sal form; e.ff. dum-<fyu, " I think," plural dum-oya-me, pre-
terite dum-trynti ; tcnzityu, " I drive," plaral veai-hyn-me^
the Sanskrit causal vflh-tiyi-man. Verbs in iyu are, as it
appears, all denominatives;* e.y. ddicndii/u, "l bring into
order," from d^iaddax, "order." Mielke's third conju-
^ition, like the preponderating class of the second conju-
gation, has, in tlie present, preserved only the last vowel
of the character vq aya, and that in the form of an o,
with the exception of the first and second person singular,
ill which the old n remains. Compare penu, " I nourish,"
of the second conjugation-, with laikau {laik-O'u), " I stop,"
of thu third.
* Thu LilhuoDiiin grammarians do not write the e with a ciicoinflax,
liut witli n illfrvnnt murk to denote the Icngtli of cjuAotity.
t [.ittiuitnUny = (; and thns from the root of this verb cornea the sob-
tttaulivd kluid&Htu, "falubrliever," with Vriddhi (j.2G.), forLithaanian
ai ss. Ai, llut i lietng alightly pronouneed ; su baim/^, " fear," answerinf^ to the
HuHNkfit niotMf, " tofi'ar," whence bhSma, "fearful," and hence thederi-
vnllvo bhiiiniii. 'Hu) dcrivalivo suffix &na, in klai'dHaa-i, coirespoDda to
tltii Kiuwkrit iniildlo |iArtii-iii]u] suffix lina (compare §. 256. h.).
t Miflkn refum vvrbs iu )';/», o(/u, Hffu, and it/u, to his first coujogation,
wlui-ti in alltifivthtir cum|K)Md uf very hot«rogen«oaa pnrts.
BITISION OF CONJCOATIONS.
^5
iiinoi;r.«it.
UITAL.
^ien-il. loik~rt-u.
pen-O'VXi. laH-o-KV,
psn-) bilk-a-i.
pen-<i-ia, loik-o-la.
pen-n, laik-o.
pin-a, laik-o
PLiriur..
pm-n-^me, laik-o-mn,
pdn-a-te, lait-o-te, ./
}^n-a, laik-o. ^^.^
In the two plural numbers, and in tlie tliird [O. Ed. p. 732.]
[iirrson singuliir of the preterite, luikttu has lost Uie syllable
yit of tilt" **y", wliit-'li. in the wcond conjugation, t-orre'SjtoiKls
to the SiiQ8k|-it (fyn. oud, in the first and second pvrsnii
ainjjular, it Iwis lost the ^: it uses um Tor A/wu, nnd
iri for fuel. Hence wo See clearly enoujjh that this con-
jugation, though more corrupted, Ukewise belongs to the
Sanskrit ttnth class. Compare —
pen-^m-i*j laik-ia-u, pfn-^o-wa. taik-f-KO,
pen-iH/e-i, hlk-ie-i. pen-hfo-Ut, f.iik-f-tn.
ften-ivn, Utik-l, pen-^o, laik-*\
FLVSAL.
pen-tvo-me, t<iik-t-me,
pen-tyo-iift taikS-ie,
ptn-fuo, htik-i.
It has been already observetl with regard to the Sanskrit
tenth cbas, that its characteristic W nya is not restricted
to the fli»cciHl tL'uses {%, 109". 6.). but that, with few excep-
tions, it extends to all the other forniations of tlie root,
only laying aside the final a of a if a. Thus, in Lithuanian,
a part of the corresponding ^<i, iyo, Sue, is transferred to
thti gcueral tenses and the other funnations of the word.
Of hio, the '1 rcniaius; of iifo, i; and of oyn, uua, 6: the
third tx>njui;ation, however, usca y (=»)i" '•!/• future pm-
-i-m, Ja-wad-i-ath icid-6-su, taik-y-tu.
704
VBRBS.
BuropeaD cognate languagp- The P,* aiawering' to tbo
ma, i» perhaps produc-ed by the re-active iiiBueoce of thu
y, while in Zend, that Bcmi-vowel, by its asstmihitive force,
chuiges jnto^tlic following a sound; e.tf. irAv-^tyf-mi, irdv-
ay^lu, iriio^it/ii'li, " I speak " (" make to hear ") &c. There
nre aome verbs in LithuaiiiAD which, in the present also.
fG. E(J. p. 731.] have preserved the chanurter wi ai/a in
the most perfect form; e.ij. khjd~Pi/ti.\ •• ! wauder about."
ptiiral k-lyd-^fi-me, preterite singular k-li/d-fmu. Verbs, also,
ill ot/n, iimi, !ind iya — plural r>ya-me, uvu-mr, h/a-me — fur-
nish an exact couutcrpiirt to the Sanskrit tenth class, or cau-
sal formi P.I/. <lum-'iyii. " I think," plural dutn-atfi-me, pre-
terite dum-iiunu ; ivuzityu, " I drive." plural wnd~vt/tt-me=
the Sanskrit causal viih-tiyii-moM. Verbs in ii/u are. as it
appears, all denominatives ;1 p. j^, dtiwndiyu. "I bring into
order," from rfntrtft/'w, " order."" Mielke's third conju-
gation, lifco the preponderating class of the second eoiiju-
gation. lias, in tlie present, preserved only the last vowel
of the character wn uya, and that in the form of on o.
with the exception of the first and second person singular.
in which tlie old a remains. Compare pen^, " I nouriab."
of the second coujugatio», with laikau (luik-a-u), "X stop,"
of the third*
* The Liihiunliui (^miiiAriiuw da tuA writo tliR e wttli « circumBnc,
bat witli » difl«rtTDt mark (o denote the length of (jUAnliiy.
f r.it1miiniany = i; and tliiu&oiDtlio root of cbis verb M)mi.-i the sab-
Msntive kiaid&na*, " falw believer," with Vri-idhl ( •) . 2i!.), for LitljoanUn
of =<U, tlu i bein;; Bli^hily frotioanoed ; sttbaimf, "fear," luiBworing t« Uw
Siuuikrtt root AAI, " tofcAr," wliciio! hklma, " fearful." aixl heoce the d«ti-
Tfttire Miiiiiria. The dfriraiivo enffix iitui, in dttti-itritut-ii, corre«puD*U tv
ihe tMBskrit middle parlicipiul suffix 4na (cmaptet $. 3I>5. A.}.
I ilielke rcfcn rcrL<« in fi)H, o^u, Bt/u, and ii/u, lo liu lint (»ujaK>iliiui,
wliich ia ellogotlici- coinixMcd of very hci«rofreneoQspnrt«.
DIVISION OP CONJUGATIONS.
TO5
■ikovlab.
DVAL.
pen'&, laik-u-u.
peii-a-iw/, laik-n-wa.
p«n-i Inik-a-i,
prn-a-tut Inik-o-tu.
|Mn-fr, laik-0.
peii'ti, laik'd
PLCHAL.
pMi-a-jnr, taik-o-me,
p^n-a-h, faik-O'fe,
pev-n, liitk-o. '•^— -'
111 the two plural numbers, am! in tlie third [O, Ed. p. 733.]
person singular of tlie prnterile, /rt(7fli/ hns lost tlie syllublo
wi of the ("jfo, wliicli, in the second conjugation, tK>rresi)oniiig
to the Sauskrit aya, ttiid, io the first und second [jcrBoii
singular, it liaa lost the f; it uses inu for A/'^», unci
iei for ^ei. Hfnce we see clear)/ enough that this con-
jugation, though more corrupted, likewise belongs to Ui©
Sanskrit t«ath class. Cnni|>are —
st^ol;l'AH. nuAt.
■ptn-hfii-ii. lnik-ia-\t, ppn-fii^n~wa, iaik-fi-wa.
ppv-fyo'i,
pfn-iva,
laik-ie-i.
laik-i.
pcn-Pyo-ta,
Uiik-^la,
I'LL- HAL.
pen-fly i)-tne, lark-$-mf,
penSi/i^le, /otk-^c,
pm-4uo, luik-^.
It has been already observed with regard to the Sanskfit
tenEh cl(i39. that its charnctcriBtic wi mja is not restricted
to the special lenses (§. !0D". (i.). hut that, with few excci>-
tioiis. it extends to all the other formations of the root,
only lay tug aside the final » of aya. Thus, io Lithuanian,
a part of the corresponding f'f/n, iyo. &c., is transferred to
tlie general tcnaca and the other formations of the word.
Of ^0. the ^ remains: of *yo. »; and of ova, uwi. 6: fJie
third coujugation, hoivever, uses y (=i); e-g. future j»efi-
-4~9U, da-wad-i'iu, wai-6-iia, laik-y-»u.
-jno
VKBBS.
FORMATION OF THE TENSES.
[0. Ed. p. 733.] PBE8B!fT.
607. The Present requires no formal desi^atioo. but
U sufficiently pointed out by tlii^. tbat no other relation
TTu/oUombiff Note formed the. Prrfaet to the Fourih Fart of the Gtrmtm
EtStian, and, Muff too important to be omltteit, U wrrleti in the jnzmt
fotmi, wi ordtT ta avoid an itUerrwptien tfth* tfxt.
Tins Part cnRtninfi a aectinn of the Comparative G-rnmnnr, tlM taoa
iniporlBQt i"ur<!«maiitil priiicijile* of which were published twentjr-
nixycareagn in my Ccnjugatian System of the Sanskrit, Gr«ek, Laitn,
PcTtioD, nnd Gcrtnun, unii hnvc, ainco tlien, linen almost rmiTcntnUy ac-
1cn'>wli;i!tg<<'il tu juii. No otii?, perhaps, now daabts aoy longor rcgudinx
the original iMcntity of dio aliovi-mentiontil Itmi^nf^ with which, in the
pKsentwork, arosaaoeistcd also the Lithoitniaii ami Si'Uronie; while,
Hince the apin>-nr«inic of tho Tliiivl I'drl, I hnw Jevoied a A' stinct Treatise
to the Ccltit Utigungc,* anil hare CDdeBvoiurd, in A Work which baa re-
cently itppeAred, to prove nn original nUtiooship between the MaUy-Piv
lynesian idionm, also, and the Sanskrit stem. But even so early n in
my System of Canjn^tlon, the establishment of a conn(!i;t!on of lonjcnaees
won iiut so mnch a jjiml ubjuct with mc, as the miHUU of pvut-trotiiifE
into the awrrtsof linj^ual development, since lanc^nf^ which were origi-
Tially one, hnl daring ihouaands of years have been guided liy their own
individual destiny, inatually clear up onJ cotnplotc one another, iaasinnch.
as OHO in this place, another in tbiLt, hoa prvecrved the oHgino) oigantn-
tion in n inure heoltby and sound condittim. A pHncipiLl rcimlt of th«
imqalry instituted in my Conjugation System woo the foUowlag: — that
many gmmmatieal fomu, In the sysictn of canjngntion, on eirplnhMd hj
aniiliaiy vcrlia, which are siipimicd to Itavy attached tlienualvM to
tlicm. and which, in some measure, g{ro to ihc Individual lailf;Tl^fii
a peculiar appwroocc, and seem to eoo&rm the idea, lliat new gram-
matlciil fnrmii were developed, in the Ulvr pcrio'ls of the historj
i>f Uiigunge^, from oenly-created matter; while, on clmcr inspection,
*In ttuTTaniaellonsaribcFlill. IIIaUriMlCLoriho Andcmir of BtllM IiMtrw
the jrmt ln36. The iqMrita Editioo ot mj Truiiie ii out orprini, %nA ■ no<
•i[I bcstntfk offhcRtdfr. inKnipUti Uili Co(n|Mnti<r« UniniMr.
i
FORMATION OF TENSES.
701
of lime, past or future, has a sonant rvprracnbitive.
Hence, in Sanskj-it f^nd its cognalc languages, Uiere occura,
vt find nothing in their pMMtrfao but wlmt they had frotn dio
tint, thouf^ At titn»4 ll> Appltattim la new, Thoa the I^tin.inuim-
portion with tlic Oraok, which ia to cloocly oUinl to it, shcwa, in the
fnraia of ita tciuca and mooila in (•am, fv, vi, rem, an'l rim, an uiK-ct which
in coinploU'l/ sinuigr. TIk-w; innninntfons, however, na haa been long
sIhm ahcwn, arc nothia;!; ebe than the primitive mois of the vtrb " la be,"
GOmmoo to oU the members of the ln<lo-Europ«nii family of liui|tiiAK<^!'>
and of wiiich one haa for iu radionl vonBonant d lal>ial, the otliar a dbiJant
which is eaaily convened Into r; it ia, thoreftire, not (uqirrning, tlmt Utm
prawniA a gnat r«aeiiiblaiic« to tha Eittulirit nlihavam nml I.ithuaninn
trnvai, "I waa" {B09<i.Sii.); while forma like amaA(i,tbron(;h their fin&l
portion, auuid in nmarkDliU' ngreement vriih ilie Anglo-Saxon lw>, and
CnrnioUii bcrii, " [ eboU hv" (flco §.W'i., &c,), iinil liordur on the Irish
dLatcet of tbo Cel^c in this respect, that h^e alto tho Inbia! root of **tO
Iw'* fgrm* an clementsry part of verbs iraplying fuiuriiy (ki^ ^.iSft.).
In the Tiiitin snbjiuiotivcH, as amem, amia, nod futures, as Itgam, ffgf*,
I havA already, thnngh th^ miMliam of the SflnslcTil, p«rc«iv«it nn nnali^f^
with the Oreelc optatives nut] Utrman BubjuDcUveo. aod tli«igiiAted, aa ex-
ponent of the relation of mood or time, an auxillitry verb, ivhtch signifies
"to wish," "to will," and the rotil of whi<h is,ia Sana kii i, f, which hero,
aa in Latin and Old High German, ii contracted with a preceding ti to d,
but in (!rcek, with tho u which b cormptcd to □, fonns th« c^ihtJiaiig oi.
Thug we miMl with the Sanshnt ftkarSn, tho Old Hi^h Oraman bfrfr, tho
LaUii/erfji, (ho Gothic fuiirai*. thr /^'nd bar/ru, and tlic Greek ■^t'/>o<r, as
forma rndtcally and iiiHcxionnUy coimcclcti, which excite real surprtHc; by
tlio wonderful fidelity with wliich the original type haa Iwen prvswrred in
w> many langnngM which have been, from timeinvnieniorinl, dintinetfrom
QUO anoihcr. On tho whole, the mood, which, in $^^. 07^.713., 1 haro
largely discaseed, may Ire rcj|;ardi;d aa one of the lualious pvintt of llic com-
mon g^mraar of the members nf the Indo- European Inngujifjes. All the
idiomi of this j^ionL &mily of tiuiKiugca, as far as tJiey nn; collot^cd Iu tliis
hoolt, share thcT«in nnd«r diSTcrvnt wtinvg, Id Sclavonic, Lithaauian, Let-
tish, and Old Praasian. it ia tlm iniperative In whicli we rc-discovor tho
mood called, in Sonalqii gnunmar, tlic poli-iitial and prvuilivu ; and it ia
tan*t remorkntilo how cloocly lite Caroivlun, u spoken at Hm di^, ap-
pruxiinates, iu this point, to the SonKkrit, which has so Umg been a dead
708
VKBBS.
in the present, only the combination of the personal tennina-
tions, and, indeed, of the primary ones, with the root, or.
Inngungo. In order to set (bi» in a cicnr poi at of vie w, I hare, at §. 7 1 1 .
(last csanip.lr), contrasted two verls of cbe eaaui tiignilication in the two
laDgDogeA, anil in ihetn nritt^n Uw SoDskrit dipIitEiong S from ai accord-
ing to iia (;iyini>lQi'ical value.
Wlicre (!i fforwuces exist in tlie langnagea hcrt di»cti«»«i, (Iwj fW^entlj
rt«l on aniri-rsiil eii[fhoaic lau's, mad theMfore ccaso to bo difFi-rcncf*.
Thus, in tlio panidipii just mentimieil, tlie CitmioliUi hu last, in the tbres
ytnoaa HOgulnr of the imperative, ilw perton&l tormination, nhile the
daal and plural stand in th« tn9St perfect uxarknce witb tlus SamkriL
TliB alilircviatlon in the Ringnlnr. however, ifjits on tlic eupliooic law
which luui coiniwUcd the Scliivonii; lHii)fUAKc«, al koat in polyqrUabie
words, to drop nil original Einal civnsonante (nco L *i&5. /.). Aoeording; to
Ihia principle, in Cnroiolnn, rfiy (=-rf/fi), llirio) repeat^-J, corn^Knula lo
tlie l^tin detn, dit, dtrt (from d<uJh, dtm, daii), wliik- in tlic pracnt <Um m
won full than do, and </J«fc oe full im -la; boi-aa*n, that is to uv, in tlie
present ilio pn»ttoininnl consoniints oHginall; had an i aner thoin.*
The nerinan laugtuif,-«s lutve renonuccd the associauon of ili« roots of
tliD verb "to bv." They are wanting iu fotam like tht? Soatlcrit dd-
ty'imi, Gi«ek Au-itw, and I.ithnanian dk-su, and al«o in those witJi the
labial root of "lobe." which furnish the Latin tfoAo, and Irish futures Uka
meal/a-mar, "we will deceive," and Lubuiuiiun sabjonctiroa na ■J&fuira-
•bime,darenttu{aee'j.CS&.}. German is wanting. Inn, inpr«terit«s like the
Sanskrit aiUk-ffiam, Orwrlc fSfn-oo. and Lathi dic-ri [tew j. 555.) ; to which
belont; the Sclavonic tenac^s like da-t/i, " I gavu," daehom, " wc gavr," the
gottural of which w« Lave dtu-Ivcd from a eibilant.f On the otlicr hand,
the German Idioms, by annexing an aoxillarjr verb st^ifying "to do,"
bnvcgaincd thoopp^nroncvof ancwInflL-dun. f n thifl sense I have already*
in roy System of Conjnj;^tion, taken tho Gothic )>luittlB like tdX'i^Aium
and laabjuDctivea at takiilfxlyau (" 1 would da wxV") ; and subseqaeutly,
in agiecmciit with J. Grimin, I have extended the auxiliary verli just
mentioned also tu the aioKular indicative fikida, and onr forma like
suohu. [S«e ^^. G3I>. Jcc] I think, too, I have discovered the same auxiliary
in thu ScloronJc future hiidA, '• I will be" (" I do be"),: and in tbo
I
* Ssnskrii itaiimi. dwtan. JadtUi. «n wUdi Uw tkmioUD dam (for d»dn). 44-dk,
(fil. u iaari. ics p. ti73.
t !iM f ■ US. m.. tu.
FOBMA.TION OF TBNSBS.
709
instead of the root, such an extcDsion of it, ai, id t)ie
sjiecial tenses, falls to tlie class of conjugation, to which
imfwrAtive hidi (properly "do bo"); moreoTer, ia Wt), " I go"
{"doga,"»ec $.<r33.); nnd liiuill.v. in the Gr«ek pnteivc ooriaU ta Aj*
(see j- 630.); for the ntixiliiiry verb to which our tftun answers, wbicli
hM l>orn ,lrciil«(] of minutely at 5.428. &c., signifies, both in S«naVril
and Zend, "to place," and '"to ihaVc"; and the Old ir>nx.tM dcda, "I
did," rcMmblcs aui'iirtunf;]/ Ih* Zond reilDplicJilcd proterite eladAn (see
^.039.). [t is, however. rciiiJitLiiLle, that Ihoso SnnskfirdnNK-Hcif vitrlia,
to which, OS I think, I liavc [proved onrwcok conjugation oa^wcr?, (Jwaj-s
paraplinuo that preterite wiiich is tiM fbundatioD oTotir CicniLon touw
(the reduplicated or pcrfcirl), cither hy lui auxiliary verli signifying " ti>
do," "to male," or liy a vrrh «ubsl»ntirr. Ilt-rf, tliertfore, aa in ao
naoj oilur ihin^ the apjiArMitly pc«uUur dirwrliun whicli tho (IcrniAn
languagm have taken, n-ae io n great mcosaro pointed out to tlietn by
tlicir old Asiatic iist<T,
I c«iuicit, liowcvxif, cxpreM myself wilh nifficleitt Btr*>nKth in ^nrdinjf
Bgi^niii tlio misapprelMnsion of Eiippotin;; llini I wiiiii to aceord to the
Sotiiikril anivcrsally the dislinction of having prcKrved iiHoriKinid vhamc-
ter : I have, on the tontrary, ollen noticeil, in the earlier jiOrtioDa of thit
vork, and also in my System of C-anjn^alion, and in tho Anoali of (.>rim-
tal Lttttraiure for the year IS2Q, that the Ssmkrit hiu. In many poinia,
cxpcrifoccd alteration!! nhere one or otliur of tho Euro^H'on tintcr idionia
haH mnre truly tranamittcd la us the orii^iul form. Ttmn it it undoubt-
edly in aieordaocc wiih a true letcntion of th>> uriiftnal rniidition oftlu
lanRuaKu ttiat Iho Lilhuaiiinn dititfaa, " (iod," and all similnr furnia, kcrp
their nominative sign > bi-fore all followin)!; initial Uttcn., while the Sanskrit
tUvas, which anawcn lothcalMiven]eiilioiied<iirrn>(U, lieuomet eidiBrf/^viA,
or dUcA, or difmi, uceordiiig to tlie initial »iund which follows, or n piitisc ;
(U)d tbia phenninenon occur* in all otlicr f<nrm* in om, ThR modem I.ithu-
aiiiiui ia, moreover, iiiorti primilivo and perfect than the Sanskrit in thig
point aidt}, that in tte e»M, " tliDU mi," It luui, in oointooit with the Porio
•><ri, preserved tlic nccesuuiry donhlu*, of which one belongs to the root, tlio
otherlo the penwiud teniilnntion, while Uw^'anakril (ui baa loat oneialaa
in ihia point, Ihnt tho forma rjme " we an^" ftlr, "yc •»;," in couiinon
with thuGr«cJc<V^<V, irtTt,liaverc(ahied the rndicnlvowfl, which luu been
dfappEsI in tlin Sjuinkrit «nii)Aii(A(U (scc^. 46>1.). The I Jiti n enjnf and hu/,
of amobant, &c., suriioBs tile Sanskrit daatt and uAAanin, " they wcTt," aa
alao the Urcek f^-Rv uid f^vop, \>f retaiaing the t. wtueh belooga to the
7J0
7BBBS.
the root belongs (§. 109*. 493, &c.). Compare, for the first
coDJugatiou (§. ■193.), Uie Sauskrit mp^ talnlmi, " I UriTe^"
llilrd p«noo ; tmH/erau and tbc Zcod baran* are in advaDM of the Saa-
■krit iharoji and Greek i^pw, \>y tbcir kwinng the nominatiro sign: as
also the LiUiaaolAa imant (lecinTr), in rommon vith tlic Zmd vtixana aad
LaUh velienM, put tu alunnti, iu thin tf«peut, Um Sonalffit nuAon. It is, is
bet, icmfu-kftlitii dmt aercinl luiiiruap-o, nliicb nrc nUl qioken, reUiD
lier« And tlvcrc tiio formi of llic [irimUivc wnvld of langiUgMt wtuoh octC'
rd of llivir oilier sist«r<linTclci»t ctmiuuidftof jreanago. Tbe soperkirity
of tlio Comiolon dam to the Latin do has 'been mentioned lM.-foiv ; Ihji all
otb«r Camiolan veiLsIiave tlieeiuuvBuiwriuril}' uvcroU other Latin rvrba,
viih the «xcepUoD of ntm and iuqaam, iia oko am lh« Girch vbtIis; m
tlu) ClUiiioljul, lUid, LU coinmoD with il. iho Irish, have in all fomia of the
present prueerred the eliief tlement of Uio original temiiiution mJ. It lo,
too, a phenoincnoa In lh« history of langaagee, which ahoulil be q)«clal^
notic«d, Uial among Uic Indian daughters oftlie Sanslint, as In general
among iia lirini; Aaintic aitd Puljncniau Klfttions, niit onu InnfcnofEC con,
in respect «f f^ninun&iical SAU&krit analogies, auuporc with tho more per-
fL<ct idioms of our quarter of tlit! ^ahc. Tho Ffroaii liwt. imJatl. rvtoliMMl
tbc old personal tcrmtDAiInna wiilt tolerahlc accuracy, but. in di«dTBa>
lagf^nnt coniporieon witli tlK- Lilhuaiiian nixl Csmiulau, baa lout iht: dual,
nticl [ircscrvoil Bcorocun^' tliint; of ilio aocii'St manner of formntton of the
tcDBCsand moods; und the old case tcnninadonit. wliidi rvmnin alnioM
entire in tlio Litliuutiiiut, and «f nhicU Uiu Clauicnl oud Ccnnoa lao-
fpiagcs T«tain a grcjii part, the Celtic winonhat, bar* complcrtiJy vanished
h) renioD, only that its plurals in An ki-ar tlio same rcaemblnnce lo tlic
Sanskrit plural accQsailvcB, thai the Si^ani^ ia (W and lU do to the Latin ;
and also tho dcuIot pluraU in hA^ as 1 1-iUi.vc I )uivl- shewn, stand roo-
necte<l with the old syst^a of di>clenslau (st« ^. 2-1 1.). And in the convcl
reli-ntion of individual notda the Pciaian is often far belUnd tho Ko-
rnpoon listers of the i^nuakrit; for while in expressing the nnrober
" ihreu" the Eoropson longungto, aa far as tlisjr Iwlong to tlie Sanskrit,
have all prescrrcd both thi; T sound (oa t, ih, or dj and aloo tlio r, the
Persian tik is farther rvmovod fium (ho anciv&t fumi tluin th« TahitM
taru (euphonic for tni). 'f he I'nrsiitn eiirJuir or duir, *' four," nlsii, it in-
ferior ta the Lithuanian irturi, Hussion chetyrt, Gothic ^l^, Welch
pedurar, ond cvi-Ji to the e-fairn of JJadaganOt,
No one will diipate the relation of the BflngiU to tbc Sannkrlt ; but it
FORMATION OF TENSES.
Ill
" I carry," with the Tcrbs which correspond to it in the
cognate idioma. (Regarding ex^ft and the Lithiianiao tf^^^
see §. 442. Note * and *.).
hoi compTctdy iiLlcreil the gninimatioal sjBtrni, luii) tlitis, in ihls respect,
f«eml>]ca Uu.' Simskrit inftniulf \cm titan tiio Enajnril}' of Buropeon Ion-
^H^«B. And iM trgnniK iliu litxicou, too, tlie BengiUi ruieiHttlea the fihovi;-
mttntioiitd language tor los llian its Earopran sisters, in nuch wonb, for
Insuinro, as have gonft thmngh tht^ procos; of ferine nuil ion in a laogiing«
wliic)) hus a«wly ariEun from tin rnino of on old ono, and have not been
iVKlrana fTom die Sonalcrit at a aiinparativi-ly recent poriixl. wiilioul tliv
dlghteet alteration, ur only with a triOini; modlfiL-atiao in tlitir proituiicU
ation. We will inke as ad exam|jle the worJ .SWiwm/w, "«i«t(T": tlii*
Gcmmu word rcscmblea ttie Saiutkfii twai^ir' (ta tnoiv ihnn Iha Bengali
ichM ,-t Bru^er, alao, la oaoro Uko the Sauakrit bhritar ttioii the cflvnti-
nato DMipiii: lihiii; aud 7'(M!A/wi8 Infinlwly closer to tlio Sanskrit ilttfiilar
than the fiingiUCjAf- TlietJtrman words t'lticritDii jl/ufCrr convspond
far Mter totliQ Soualcrit pilar {inm pc/ar] and mdtar tbaa tlig BcagllU
hapartMlmlaBdnid. T\ii!(icrmannumenlaA^,neM,and twun,nnmon
dmikr to tbe Sanskrit tri, a^fdit (from ahlau), tiavan, tlum the DengAlf
tm, at, nay. And while e'teien boi n.'taiued only the Ittliutl of (lio pt of ilie
S&Dslcrit taplan ; the Bengdlt tdt lina only the T aotinii, anil hna i]r6|>]ii:d
entirely the temiiiuitionun. Ingviicmt it np|>i-iuit tluit, in wt\mi regions, Inii-
gwtgCB, when llicy have once hnrsc the old gnunmaliraLl cliain, liMieii m
their doTvnfalt with a far ninr* rapiil et«p tliriii unilcr oar milJcr Eiirii[i«an
ran. Butif the Bengili nnil othwr new riiilian iUioniit tinrc ntally laid
oride their old f^mmuialicol drcas, and pnitly put oil a new oiui, and in
their forma of words exptricnced mutiUtion almost ev«rywlicT«, in the
beginniiiii:, or in the ini<ldl«, or ai tlie end, no <m« tJOfiJ olijwi if I &t.a(-rt
the Bomc of ths UoliV-^'vlyacnuu languafcea, and refer tlktm to ihc t!en<
■ Tlui^ini] DDl rwatfi, lilho ttnr theme; the nointnnlii« is nuaid. ihcaMiniliTc
Mwnlrim. Thlt word, a* Pcii bUo ronjrcture*. hu Iom. aRer Ihc wrond (. i /. whkb
hu beeu iTlaiiiFd in Ktvnl l£iirO|Han Ungudc*.
t The initial i li ri^jcitcd, uid the trcand tarrafuA tn h Tbt Honikfir i> it, ie ll«it-
|Ali, TCgaiarlf pionaunvfil B> />, tai a likv v, A< cf^snl* the Iriminaliud iii, I lonli
afUt llic I a* Ml iifttcf potnl eoaJunctlTC v»*«1, and Ibc n u ■ o>rrn{>il«n ef r, u in ihn
ntannal fio, " ibim.'* P(«pcrly ipoakin^ 6atM pmB[ipa«i*aSaBikniMva*r4 (ban
MM-«lrl).
I In my opiaiua. i fMliipUcMlpa oTUu IniUal •; Ibtrit pa.
712
VERBS.
SIK6tn.AB.
^
Ti
uHiIirr.
MHO.
OBBtnL UTIH.
oemic.
um.
«>LD WU*.
•aA-<f-Rii>'
vaswi-mt,
f);-6U-', t«W-',
ti/-«-',
iwi.i,«
irej-M-w.*
voA-o-dj
voc-o-Ai,
fj(-«i-»,* t)eA-i-«,'
tJijF-i-*!*
l(W*->,*
«*i-#-«*i
vaJi-a-ti,
vas-ai-tl.
DUAL.
eij-i-tt,'
' K>r^.a-*,
i«;-»jy.
valt^vat,*
....
vyf-5»t*
toac-a-wa.
. vei-9-vtu
v^A-e-thas,
ra:-a-tM f
r;(-«-n.f,'
vi^-o-fa,
ttwr-d-fo.
vei-^-ta.
vtti^-latf
vax-a-ti.
7;f^-fl0»/
....
t
vei~e~la.
vah-d-nuu,'' vax-d-maFii,'
vith-a-Oia, vus-a-ffM,
vah-a-nti,^" vat-r^-nli.
PLUBAI,.
f;t-ri-fuc, vcfi-i-Miua,' vitf-a-m, wed-^-ntt, ivf-o-mr.
r^-ci-vrj, iwA-u-7if, t'iij~a.7ui, . , .' Pf^-u-ftiyJ*
slcrit family, bocnnte I have foaiul in them a per\'ading mlBtiotisblp in
nurocrols und pronoaus, anil, iitonwver, iti n considiiralile numlier of otlutr
Wimiiiun words.*
I'hilobi-y would ill iiorform iu affiee If It oceordAd nn original Identity
onl^ to those idiomB in which the niutnol iioini» of rowmbloncc nppcar
vTcrytrhcro paljtablo oad atrlkin^, na, for tnatancr, between llic San^rit
ttadiimi, th« Gmck iiSvfii, LilliiKUkiiui d&mi, nnd Old Scluvouic dmati.
Most EuroptNUi Inngiisgi'S, in foot, do nut nt'i'd pnxvf uf ilwir relsllonslilB
to llie Siinsikrii ; fur tlicy thcmsclvts aliew It \iy their farinB. whioh. In
piirt, are but very little chonged. But that whitb nraxtncl for
])hll>ilogy ui ilo, nnd which I luve endpavoured to the ulmoit of my
Ability lo L-fTcct, whs to trocv, nn one tmnd, the re-ni^inhlanccB Into lite most
retired corner of llic caiiBtructii]!] of liin^ui^:(), «ntl, on llie otiicr luiiid, as
for At poMthlc, tA refer (lie (^rent'^r or less discrcjiAncics to lain Ihnnigh
which limy bocanio possible or nocca&nry. It ii, Itowirrvi', uf it«<.dr eviilcal,
that lliL-rc may vxhi InDgiiogcs which, in the intcrrat of tbousaads of
yutn in whidi thi^y hurc Imcn acpantud frotn the sources vhriioe lh«y
arose, havo, inngrcnt mcMarf. &o altered the famiB of worJs, that It is nu
longer practiciiblii to refer thcin ta the metiicr dialect, if it be bLiU cxutinx
fUul Icnowu. Such Innp^agefl may Im rr^rd«d as indi>|Mfndeii[, and tlio
people who speak them mny be coiiniderud AutocUthonps. lint where, iii
two languHRCs, or Cunllies of laQgungen, resemblancea, which are i^rfectly
* Srviiiy I'mnphlirt " I hi lliv C<rD<»cliDn of Ih* MaUf -PolfoniiD Linfuogrt utilhllwi
lnilo-Bur«|ic)iii -, 41 4U0 a\j «WD notice of the mum la thv Ana, of IJiL, CiU. (Maicb
ISlI); ouil tuiii|Mtt L. DicfcaUicb'i judiciuuJ Ttvic*. t e. M»j 184i
fodmation or tgnabs.
713
' Rceptcting the lengtbenin^ of Uic clun vowel [G. Ed. p. 7U0
seaf. 4S1. * 0'«nffVoin uiei-d-m for uvv-u-n, Hit in Old SclBvonJe BI:>V
vei-il from Vfi-o-m: sec f>i. 25S. jj. and *3n. The full Lithuanian termi-
natinn ia wi, and lli» Old Si-Uivonic mp (f. 436.). ' Sec 5.448. • In
Latin the wcahcniny nf tlio aol'tli« iiti<Idlc itylliiMe to i pravula neArly
througlioat; but, in Gothic, oc^ura only before' and /A finiil: «;e vj. R?.
100*. 1. * jr«-i, for vfs-a-i from lyis-a-n, compare m-«, "thou
nrL'': Me ^, 44B., where vn should read irei-ai, wti-ate, fiir leez-ei. teta-rte.
The Old Pruraiiin hiu cvenirhere retnincd the Mbihuit, ntid emidaysM
or m, ftnd ii, as the p«;t»i>iial lirmiination ; lu Jnito-t-sc, "thou bclicmt"
{conpAra Ssnultrit dhruva. "firm," " ccilnlii")^ da-w, "tliuu givcrt,"'
vai(f{)'iti, "llion knowcot." jfiir-ii-jai(fiir(7i'(o-a-»0t "ihoalivcat,"=:S«w.
fir-a-ni. • From i-i^-a-va*, bco {.441. * From tx-t-ras, te« J. Iff.
I! Ia au^^plied by tb« Bingnlor. > FasdmaAi is founded on the VMa-
fonii vtiMnuui, see <?. 409. "* Set §. 458. " From dm-o-n/v,
see j. 3^0.
cvid(!at, or may he FMOgniscd through tlic known laws by which coituii>
tions nriw?, crowd together iDto the narrow and confined epnco of p«riicuh)r
classes of words, ns is the cose in the .MnUv-Polyncitan tauguAgBS in
relation to tlic lndo-F>iiro]ienn, in the niiiiiiTiilKiui<! i>T'>iwantt; and whcrr,
moreover, wc find, in nil BphiTcs vf iilciws words which rtscmblc one
another in the <lfgreo Ihal the Madngnscar taJtai, "frietidc," do»» the
Saiulmt takhiii; (he .Mfuhigtisc, mieu, *' cloud," the Sanskrit mfiijha ; the
New Ztahiiid nfkau, "tree," the PriVrit niAAAu ; iht; Ntiw Zealand pdlou,
"win^c," the Saoskrit pakaha ; thu Tapdia paa, "fopt," tho Sanskrit
pAda; th« Tnliitian ray, "night," the PraVric rai; the Tongian aA»,
"day," tln.-SiwwkTit"'!''; the Tonnian t'(£A«, "ship," th« Sanskrit ji^iJtYrX-n;
the Tonginn ./ciiiu, "to sail ia usliip," the Sanskrit />/ai'n, "ship"; the
Tongian/ti/liiJ, "to wiwh," t!ie Saimbrit/j/u (rfp/uj; thn Tonf^ian Aatn^,
"wis])," the Sanskrit kima^ the Malay ptifcA nn<l M&clBgasc. ^f«f,
"while," tho Sanskrit ;»"(«, " pure";*— lher«, ccriaiiily, wo havcfrroiind
for being convinciHl of a historical conneoiion bolw«cn the twft fan)ill«s
of longnoges.
If it wcra desired, in settling t1ia rt-lation of laiiguDges, {n start from
■ Qefptivs point of view, and to dccUra snch bingungcs, or grotips of Inn-
gnogn^ not rvlated, which, wliun compared with on? another, presiint n
hm of eapliOD]!. of ntiicb more U to be dtiind is nif rampblct on tbc MaliJ-ratyiici>«n
Iiipgaaga. p. A anil Item. 13.
3 A
7U VBRBS.
509. In the SaoskHt Brst conjugntiou the verb
firfrfirfijA/Mmi, "I stand," deserves particatnr notice. Tt
proceeds from the root afhd, nnd belongs properly to the
third class, wliicli receives rcduplicatifra (§. 109'. 3.); but
ia distin^iishud from it by this aaomalous character, that
it sliorttina its rnilical A in the sjieL-ial Umses.* and nlso
* Whewnpon, aalanilly, in tho fint ftnoa, this sbort«ncd am,iK~
rardii^ to §. 431., Bgnii) lenglhMiMl.
laifB Domber of wordM And firms, wMdi ippwr to l» pcealiar, then
m man not only doUch tlic MAlar-PoljiuaiM) langugn &oin tiie
Soiukril att.-m, but alw> Kp^rAto them from one imoth^— ih« Mada-
gAM-Ar luiJ SoulU'Sea lanfnages from the acbiowledged aninlty w]tJi
the Tagnlin, KTiJa/, nai Javanese, ffhich hu btira aa method kail jr
and ekiirullj dcmonitruli.'J kj' W, von UumboUt ; nnil ia like niAniicr
divide the Lntln rmm l)i« Greek and Smuikiit j und llit; Grt«k, G'^rmnn,
SdttroDtc, Leltiatif lithnnnUn, Cdtic, innit 1>o Allowed to be so tnapj
Indepoadcnt, DuconncdcJ polootnlcs of iho lingual wodJ ; and the coia-
«ideaoM, which tlio nuiny mcmbern of tho lndo-KDrap«iui linganl chain
inotaAlljr olTcr, mnil be declared to have origiiiiili,-d cuunlly or hy nibae-
()ncat comniixturc.
I iMtieve, however, ihat tba apparent TerhAl Tc«cml>lann« »f kindred
idioms, pxelusivn of ttif influrooM of sirangv lan^agea, ariae f>ithi>r
from ihini thnteach lorliriilDal mrnibcr, or eoeh more oonfinrd circk of a
great st»m of lanjjnaff ««, has, from the period of ideality, preserved wnria
and rnrma wliich liavc licm lost by tho olhcra ; or from ihb, that where,
tn a word, l>>>tli fiirrn and BigDiilcAtion luivc uiiilcrKOiie coiimderable
ttllpmtioB, A sure agrMownt «-ith the siiler vrorda of tho kindred Laa-
gnagea is no longer poaiihlD. That, howevsr, tlio lif^iilinitiaD, as
wall as Iho fbrnit alten in the course ciftime, wo lesin even from the
comparison of the ii«w G«raiaa with th« mrlicr condiiione of our mother-
langni^. Why should not far moK nonoidornhU chati^ in idM hav«
arisen In the far Immer period nf lin)s which divides the Eoropean Ian*
fpiflg«« from the Sanskrit? I believe that oicry genuine nulical word,
whether German, Gnwk, or ftomnn. proeced* fmm Ihi! oriftinal matrix
nlihoueh tlic thn«i)s by which it is relrsMd arv foniid by cs at timas cut
off or iuvisible. for instanco, in Uio so-called alrong conjngalion of ihe
FOBHATION OP TENSES.
ns
in the syllable of reduplicAtion, vlicre a short a should
stnnd, it weakens this, the gravest of the vowels, to chnt
which is tJie lightest, i; heuce, e.g., in tlie secoud nml thinl
persou singular, lixtitha-si. Ihhlho'lt, for intthA-si, tndlt'i-li,
as might I)e expected according to the analogy of dailii-si.
dadA-ti. As the shortened » of yf/id is tre3.ted in the coitju-
gatioQ exactly like tlie class vowel of tlie first conjugation,
this verb, tliererore, and ijhrA, "to smell," which follows
its analog-, ia included by the native grammnriaiia in tbe
Grrmnn one wouH expect n&lhing «xelo»ivtly Ocrmnn, bat «nly wluil
has b«5eti Laiid«l down aiid trnMmitteJ fnxn th« ]>riinitiw noonje. We
Bre able, howertr, ti> coniiei-t with ceriainiy but very 1'bw roots of the
Mroiii; verbs with the Indian, While, e.if., the Sonilcrit, Zoad, Greek,
Loiii), Lithuanian, I^^iiUh, luid Sdnvunic, agne la the iilt-e of "giving"
la ■ root, of which tiro ori):iiuil foniit prtiMrvcci in the dtuukrit mul Zend,
la dd, tlie G«nnsa gnh throwa u« into perplexity m ttfftvA* it* Mmpariion
with ils sisters. But if wo would sasame that iJub verb originatly
^KoIJlnl "to lake." and has received the cauwil lueanin); ('*to make to
take," i.e. " lo ftive"), as the Emukril Ih'ilfuimi, mid Zviid hitt^mi,
Greolc umj^t, ha* arTiv4.>d, from tlie incmiirg of "alBD'linjt," At ihnt of
"taking": wo luigbt ihtn trace i,iii to the Veda yraift, and awniitif llwt
llic r has hna lost, although tliis root luu reuiutuod iu Gcnaim ulao, in a
truer form nnd meftning, only that the n has been weakened to i (Golhle
grtipa, i/raip, yrifiitm).
I luive altuied ibe plan proposed in the Picfooe to the Firrt Port
(p. svli.),af devotinga jb-'jinrate work lo the furfnationcf words and com-
parison of th«m, and to rcft-r tbilticr ako tlie [>anid])lc!i, eoujuiii;tiuiu,
nod prcpoaitiona, S-tr this rcoHon, lliat I intend lo lT«Ot in the picaent work,
with all poeubld conciMoaM, tlie cnrnporaUve doctrine of the forniattan of
wDrda.and will also dlscan the coincidenow of tlie various members of iha
Indft-EaropcAQ stem of laogangta, which appear ia the conjunclioua and
pr«po9itioQS, For ihi* dtject a Fifth Nurelier will be requiaile. Tlie
pre-ufnt. Kciirth Number will coDctadc the funimti'ii of the teniK's and
mooda; botaliitleroiniHiwIolwaddcd rrgordinf^ the nioinl which iscallcd
1^ ia tlie Zend and VMa-dialseta, na also tlie itnixjmlivf, whiiOi, for lh«
mt, La discingnisbcd only by iis peraoml terminations, which Iiave l^een
■Iraftdy dlacuiBed in the Third Port.
a A 2
716
TB&DS.
firdt class; so that, according to tlieni, we should have to
divide lixhlk-a-si, li'^hth-n-ti, and rc<;nrd thkth as a substitute
for sthn. 1 consider the doable weakening, which the roots
idkA and glirA undergo tu the sellable of repetition and of
[G. £d.p.73.'i.] the hme, to be caused by tite two com-
bined consonants, which produce in the syllable of repetitiou a
length by position ; for whiu-h reason, in order that the whole
should not appear too unwieldy, Uie vowel weight of the syl-
lable of reduplication is Irssened, and the length of the base
syllable is sliortened. The Zend hiiiahi, "tliou standest,"
histttii, "he sUmds," &.c. follow the same principle; and
it is important to remark, tliat the Latin sisfh. tittit, »u-
timai. nietitia, on account of the root being incanibered
with the syllable of reduplication, have weakened the
radical d of xtA-re to i, and apparently introduced the
verb into the third conjugation. I say apparently,
because the essence of the third conjugation consists in
this, that an i, whit-h is not radical, is inserted betwe«l
the root and the personal termination ; but the i of Miati-s,
Six:,, like the n of the Sanskrit ti;/ilii-ai, belongs to the
root The Greek itmj-iu has so far maintained itself upon
an older footing, that it has not given to the syllable of
reduplication, or to its consonantal combination, au in-
fluence on the long vowel of the radical syllable, but
admits of the shortening of this vowel only through the
iiiflutrace of the weight of the personal trrminntiniis ;
thus, before the grave terminations of tlie plural numbers,
and of the entire middle, accordiug to the analc^ of
Siiufit, &c. (see S. 480.). With respect to the Icind of
reduplication which occurs in the Sanskrit liahiMmi, and
of which more hereafter. I must notice preliminarily the
Latin lr»H$. which is the reverse caac of tieti. if, as [ be-
lieve, fn/u is to be rc^rdcd as one who stands for any
thing.
dOD. The Sanskrit, and all its cognate dialects^ have two
4
4
4
FORUATtON OF TENSES.
117
roots for the verb salistftntive, of vrhich the one. whic;h is.
in Sanskrit, if bhu, in Zend, ^j bu, belongs to the first con-
jugation, and, indeed, to tlie Qrst class, and assumes, therefore,
ill the Special tenses, a cliiss-vowcl », and [G. Ed. p.73G.]
augments Uie nidical rowel by Guna; while tlie other, viz.
W^^as, fulls to the second conjugation, anil, in faet, to the
second elass. Thfse two roots, in all tlie Iiido-Eurojieiin
languages, except in the Greek, where *V has entirely lost
the signifieiition " to Tje," are so fer mutuaJIy complete,
that bha. bH, have remained perfect in the Sanskrit and
Zend (us far us the latter can he quoted); but (m, on the
contrary, in its isolated condition, is used only in tlie
special tenses. In Lithuanian, the root which answers
to tts Is only used in tlm present iudieative, and iu the
participle present; just as in the Sclavonic, ^vhere the
present of the gerund is, according to its origin, identical
with the participle present. The Gotliie forms from aa,
the o of nhich it weakens to *, its whole present indica-
tive and subjutictive. onty that there is attaehed to it a
further apparent root Siy, wliich, however, in like manner,
proceeds from vir^tu. The root bhu, in Gothic, does not
refer at oil to the idea of " to be " ; but from it proceeds,
I have no doubt, the cauaa.1 verb btiuu, " 1 build" (second
person bnuau), which [ derive, like the Latin fncio, from
mvvr^ ihiivotjAnii. " I make to be" (§. I'J.). The High
Germau has also prcservtrd remains of the root bhU in
the sense of " to be": heuce proceed, in the Old High
German, the first and second person of the singular and
plural, while the third persons Uf and sint (wliith latter
form is now, in the shape ofainrf, erroneously transferrrd
to the first person) answer to wfe o»ti. wPit sttvtl. Fur-
ther, from WW ua proceeds also the subjunctive */
Saiwkfit Vfn xij&m, " I may be"), and the infinitive sin.
Moreover, also, the Sanskrit root vua, " to dwell," lias
raised itself, in Genuau, to the dimity of the verb sub-
na
VERBS.
stantive. since, indeed, in Gotliic, the present ri$a {viMk~
cned from t»fl««, see J. 109*. l.) signifies only " to remain ; " but
tlie preterite ws, and its aubjiini-live r^sijnu (Germnn fr«r.
u-arr). tbe infinitive vi.win. aiid Uic i>iirticiple prvsenl timndw,
[G. Ed. p. 7!fl.'] replace Uie forms wbich have bcou, from
aneicDt lime, lost by the roots expretoing the idea " to be.'
It may Ik; propi'r to mention here, that in Sunskrit, tlie root
slltd, " to stand," occasionally ret-cives the abstract meiming
" to be.** and so, bs it were, bas served as an example to
the Roman languages, whicb. for their verb Bubstautivf,
employ, bcsidta the Latin roots. ES nnd FU, also .STA.
As. too, "to sit." occurs in Siins.krit. in tlie sense of the verb
substantive; e.g. Nal. 16. 30. innnivT jv\" ^ t/aUtstiUuiKji)
iL-d" xtlt, " like senseless are they;" Hitop. 44. 11. 'WIHT"
HTwntinf^ 8«ril*fP^ fixt&m mAnasatuihtat/i sukrUinim, "let it
be (your good behaviour) to gratify the spirit of the vir-
tuous;" Urv, 92. 3. wigtnH wren^ WW^ AyushmAn AHSm
at/am. " long-lived may this man be." It is not improbable
that the verb substantive is only an abbreviation of the root
da, and tliat generally the abstract notion of ■' being" is in
no languflgo the original idea of any verb whatever. The
abbreviation of ils to ag, and from that to a simple «, before
heavy terminations (see §. 480), ia explained, however, iii
the verb substJintive, very easily; as tlie consequeneu of its
being worn out by Uie extremely frequent use made of it.
am) from tlie ueeessily for a v^rb, whieh is so much em-
ployed, and tinivcrsaUy introduced, obtaining a light and
fucilo build. Frequent use may, however, have u double
influence on tlie form of a verb; — iu the first place, to
wear it out and simplify it aa much as possible; and.
secondly, to maintain in constant recolleetiou its primi-
tive forma of inBexiou, by calling them perpetually into
remembrance, and thus secure them from destruction.
Botli these results are seen in the verb substantive for
in Latin, aum, togctlicr witli hiquum, arc the only verbs,
FORMATION OF TENSES.
719
wtiich have preserved tlic old personal sign in the present;
in tbe Gotliic and Knglish of the present dsy, im trndam
are the ooly forms oFUiis kind; and in our New Gcrnian,
bhi (from bim) and sind arc the sole forma [<1. liJ. p. !380
which have preserv«! the character of tlic first jjcraou sin-
gular and third pt- rson plural.
31(t. As the Sanskrit root bhu belongs to the first conju-
galioD, n-c sbftll next examine its conjugution iu the
present. As belonging to tbe first cla*$, it requires Guua
and tlie insertion of the doss vowel a bctwrcn the root
and tlic [lersonul termination ($. 100*. 1.) This insertion
of the a ocuisions the bh^ (^iltau). for euphonic reasous,
to become bkav, iu which form the root appears in all tJie
]KTSoiis of the special tenses. By this hlrat\ in Zend bav,
tlie Old High German hir (or pir), in the plural bir-wmfif.
bir-u-t, obtains very satisfactory explanation, since, as
remarked at |. 20., aod as ha« since been confirmed, ia
the case before us, by Graff (11. 325.). tlie semi-vowels ore
often interclumgcd ; and, for example^ v readily becomes
r or/.* The u of 6ir-u-ni^», hir-u-i, is a wealtemug of the
old a (Vocalismus, p. 2:27. 16.); and the j of the radical
syllable friV rests on the weakening of that vowul, which
occurs very often elsewhere {§. 6.). The sinsuiar should,
according to tlie aualcgy of Uic plural, be birum, bints,
birut, but has rejected tlie second syllable; so tliat Aim
has nearly tlie same relation to the Sanskrit I>/i<nv}inf, tliat,
in Latin, mal« has to the marolo, which was to Iiave been
looked for. The obsolete subjtuictivc-forms /uum, fuat,
fual, fuant. presupjioae an indicative fuo, fats, f\iH, &c„
which lias ccrtjiinly at one time existed, and, in essentials,
has the same relation to the Sunskrit bhavAmi, bhtivati,
bhavnli, tliat vfho, t»}aa, whit, have to vahdmi, vtJittsi, vakati.
' 8m^ aUD. ^.■im. Note ti aaJ J.-U7. Note'.
7ao
TEBBS.
The obsolete form /wiv" of the perfect, which is fonnd wit
the common /iji, leads us from /uo to fuvo, iu as far as the
syllable vX offuvi is not declared (to which I assent) ideu-
CO.Kd.p.739.] tical withtlicviofamaw.bilt its v regarded
as devcloiitd from «, jaat as, in the Sanskrit rcdui)Ucat^>d
^rBleriumi^ txihhavfi, iu the aorist W>gl>^^ abhuvam, and
in the Lithuanian preterite baw»u.
The full conjugation of the present of the root andcr
diacusaion, i» Sanskrit, Zend, Old High German, and Greek,
is as follows : —
S I HO V LAB.
HAMtlKKlT. SEND. OLD Dlrtll nMUAn. CftBBK.
bkac-d-mi, hm'-'l-mi. bi-m, ^v-o>-'
bhav-a-ii, bav-n-hi, bis,* (pv-et-s.
Ihav-ii-lf, bav-iii-ti, ... - ^u-s-^t)*.
DUAL.
bhav-A-via
bhiiv-ii-lhas, bav-a-tM?
bhao^-las, bav-a4d.
tfiu-e~Tov.
PLURAL.
thav-A-ma», bov-d-mahi, bir-u-mis, ^v~Q-ftcs.
bkav-a-lka, bav-Q'tha, bir-u-t, tpV'C'TV.
bhav'O-nti, b<iv~ai-nli, • • • t ^v-o-m.
61 U I hold it to be unnecessary to furllicr annex an ox-
ample of the secoud conjugation (tliat hi fii in Greek), forseve-
[G. Ed.p.7«.] ral examples have been given a] ready, in thu
• Also Uti.
\ I'Lc forms biritii. irirtnt, bimt, nud iint, which occur in Notlcer la
the second pcnon plnr&l, 1 oonuder as iiiargiuiio intnidcn from the tbird
penou, where birint nnuli] ntbiwer ailininhly to bhavanti. The fonn
binl convapvnils hi tt« abbreviation to thu aiugnlar (Hm, hi*. Wjtli n-
gard to tlic wolAiion of the ftsmn, BuUce the (jonoBii mil of the first
pcnon.
KORM&TION OF TB\SES.
721
PLURAL.
UMCpiT.
EESD.
ocmnc
v-miu.
h-mahi.
afV-u-m.
t-iha.
»-ttia,
siy-u-th.
3-a-nli,
h-e-nti.
3-i-nd.
paragraplw, which treat of the influence of the gravity of
l)ei-3oaa] tcnninatioiis on the preceding radical or clasa
syllable, lo which we hrrc refer the reader [§. lS(f.). We
will only adduce from tlie CJothic the verb aulstantive (aa
it is the only unc which belongs to this CHnjugHtioti). and
contrast Its present with the Snnskj-it and Zend (coinparo
p.695ti.od.):—
SIXaULAR.
SA.N11IK1T. zKSD. ooruii;.
tix-ini, ah-mi. i-m.
a-si, a-ki, i-s.
<ta-li, ua'-t't, i'%1.
■'Remark 1, — It la evident that the plural forms »iv-ii-in,
*jj/-u-(A, if strictly taken, do not belong to this place aa
the personal terniinatjons are nut conjoined direct with the
root; but by means of a u, which might be expected,
also, in the second dual person, srj/-u-/», if it oeeurred. and
in vbioh respect these forms follow the a.nn]ogy of the
preterite. The first dual person which actually occurs is
s(yi3.* As regards the syllable aiy. on which, as root, all
these forma, as well aa the subjunctive aiy-ou, siy-n'm, &c.,
ore baaed, I do not think, that, according to its origin, it
is to be distinguished from hn [of which tlie radical v has
be«ii lust) and siiij. To sittd answers sfy, in so far as it
likewise has lost the radical vowel, and commences with
the sibilant, which in Zend, according to §. 53.. has
become h, Witli regard to the ti/, which is added, I think
tliat xiy stands conm-ctcd with the Sanski'lt poteulial sydm,
so that to the semi-vowel there has been furtlier pre-
fixed its corresponding vowel i; for tlic Gotliic, as it ap-
pears, does not admit of a v after an initinl consonant;
hence siuau for ivuu=vm*f^«t/<lin, according to the principle
■ K«gnrding tlic di^rivnliou of Ibis form fniD iri^-u-Mt, BQiI tbo ground
of my giving th« long u, mw $. 441 .
7^^
VERBS.
by which, from the numeral base thri, " three," comes tlie
geoitivi: IhriuS for tfiryS (§.310,). If, therefore, in Uie
form sty, ywyivrly only thr « is nidical, and the iy rxpressta
[G. Ed.i>.741.] a inood-relation, still the language, in iis
present stale, is no louger conscious of this, and erroi»eousIy
treating the whole nix/ as root, adds to it, in tlie subjuuetive.
the class vowel n (§. lOtf*. 1.), (witli which a new t is united
as the representative of the mood-niLution,) and. io the iu-
dicativr, the vowel u. which othtTwiac, in tlie preterite,
regularly enters between tlie root aud the personal tcrimna-
tion."
" Remark 2. — That iu the Roman languages, also, the
weight of tlie periional terminations exerts an influence on
the preceding radical sylhiblc ; and that e. g., in French, tlio
relation of Ivnom to liens rests on the same principle on wliicb,
io Gievk, timt of StBofiev to BiSufAi does, has been alreftdy
elsewhere remarked.* The third person plural, in re-
spect to the form of the radical vowel, ranks with the sin-
gular, since it, like th<-' latter, has a lighter termination than
the first and second person plural, and indeed, as pronounced
in French, none at all ; hence tunwul. contrasted with tenons,
tcnes. Diez. however, differing from my view of the Ro-
wan terminating sound {/Ihluul}, has. in his Grammar of the
Roman languages (I. p. 168). based the vowel diflereuee be-
tweea tient and tenoru on the difiereuce of tlie accent whieb
exists, in Latin, between t^npo and tf^hnia. Bat it is uat<
to be overlooked, that, in the third conjugation also^'
although ipt^rc and ijuarimut have the aaoie accent,
still, in Spanish, </uerimcs is used, opposed to ijutero, and*
in French, (ta/ucroru, opposed to ncquirrs, as has bceu
ulready remarked by Fuehs, in his very valuable pamphlet,
"Contributions to the Examination of the Roman Lan-
* Berlb Ami., Fob. te^,p.361. ^'ocalulnn8, p. Kt.
t^A
FORMATION OK TENSBS.
723
gu»ge«." p. 18. It may be, tbnt tiie i of the Frvoch sail,
i5 ideittk-al witli tlie f of the Latiu stip'tQ; but, ercn theu,
tlie dialodgcmi'iit of this t ia surutis rests on the 8»nie law
as that whicli disludj^rd. iti Unarut. the i itrefixed in Urns;
as, f.tf.. in Sanskrit, the root vox rejects, iu tlic aame
places, its radical a. wliere regular verbs of the same elnss
lay aside thi> Gutia vowel whiuh is iutroducud into the
root befoi-c light terminations ; thus, vpni^ u^mas, " we
nill," opposed to wf^ v<umi, " I will,'' as, iu French, savona
to ttiit" '
" Remark 3. — I caniiol ascribe to tlie Gnna in tlte conjuga-
tioD of Uio Sanskrit mid its i.'o<^uate Iiuiguages a •rrnmmutieal
meuiiing, but explain it as proceeding sim- [G. Bd. p. 743.^
|)ly from n disposition to fulness of form, which occasions
the sti'ciigthcmuf; of the lighter vowels taudu.hy. as it were,
taking them iiudcr the nrm by prefixing an n. while the a
itself. OS it is the heaviest vowel, doea uot require extra-
neous liclp- If it were desired, with Pott (RtynL Inq. I. 60.),
to find, in theGuua of tlie present and iiniM-Tfect, an expres-
sion of the continuance of an action, we should be plnced in
the same difliculty with him, by the circumstaQce that the
Guiia is not restricted to these two tenses, but, in verbs with
the lighter base-vowels i and », accompuuies tlie rout tliraugb
uearly all tlie tenses and moods, not ouly iu Sanskpit, but also
iu its European cognate hmguages, in as far as tliese have Id
general preserved thiskindof di)]hthongization; as the Greek
AcfVoi and tf^evyu cannot any more be divested of the e token
into tlie roots AlU, ^Vr, ouly that tbe e in T^oma is re-
placed by oi* and that tlie aorists c\(noi', c^cyoi', exhibit
the pure root which 1 cannot attribute to the significatiua of
this aorist (as the second aorist baa die same meaning as the
first, but the latter firmly retains the Gima, if it is eaiiecially
the property of tlie verb), bat to the circumstance that tlifl
■j Kuid o, nov«ra, arc, wiUi tJt« vowel stJuraprvMnlativMOf tJlftSdn-
skfit Oiuia voivela,9eoVocalkinu9,p[i.7, lt)3,puiln>.
f24
TBBBS.
second oorist U for the most part prone to n-tain the original
torm of lite root, and hence at one time exhibits a lighter vo-
cfilistation than the oilier leHSt?!!. at another, a heavier cue; as
eTiootTTov compared with crpc^a and cr^eiroi'. lu this dispo-
ntion, thcrcfoR", of tlic second aorisl to retain the true slate
of the root, the diffcnince between forma like tXiwoi-. eiftuyoy,
eTvj(pv. and the imperfects of the correspondiDgTerbs, cannot
be sought in the circumstauce. that the action in theaortst is
Dot represented as one of duration ; and that, on tlie con-
trary, in the imperfect and present the continaanee is sym-
bolically represented hy the Guoa. On the whole, I do not
Uiiiik that tho language feels a necessity to express formally
the continuance of an action, because it is seir-evidcut that
every action and every sort of repose requires time, and that
it is nut tlie business of a moment, if I say tliat any one eats
or drinks, sleeps or sits, or that he ate or dnuik, slept or sat.
at the time that this or that atrtion occurred regarding vrhtcfa
I alErm the past time. 1 cannot, therefore, assume, with
Pott, that the circumstance that the class-characteristics oc-
[Q. Bd. p. 743.] cur only in ttie special tenses (l t. in tJie
present and imperfect indicative, and in the moods thereto
belonging), is to be thence explained, that here acontinunnc-e
is to be expressed. Why should the Sanskrit have invented
nine different forma as symbols of continuance, and, among
its tea classes of conjugations {see§, I09*.), exhibit one. also,
which is devoid of nil fun^ign addition? I believe, ratlier.
that tlie class aflixes originally extended over all tenses, but
subsetjuoutly. yet still before the separation of languages, were
dislodged from certitin tenses, tlie build of which induced
their being laid aside. This inducement occurred in the
aorist (the 6rst, which is most frequently used) aud future,
owing to the annexation of the verb substauti%*e ; where-
fore, ddtyAmi and dwro) were used for dadiisyAmi and
diSutrm; and in the perfei-t. uwlnj^ to the rednplicotion cha-
racterising tliis tense, witenee, in Greek, the form ii-
itiyfiou must have gained the pivferencc over tlic Sedcita/vtiat
FOBMATIOK OF TBKSES.
725
wliich may have existed. Observe that, in Sanskrit, tlie
ioading the root, by reduplicalioa. in llie tensca int-titionecl,
has occasioned, even in the second pereon iilura! active,
the lofls of the personal sign ; so thnt If^ Jadri^a corre-
sponds to the Greek JeJopK-o-rc."
512. For the description of the present middle, which, in
the Greek, appejirs also as t)ic passive, and in Gothic as
passive alone, it is stifticitnt to refer back to the distjuisitiuu
on the middle tenniimtious given at §. 466. &e. It might,
however, uol be superfluous onee more to contrast here, as an
exiunplc of the 6rst conjugation, the Sanskrit bfiar^ (for
W«(r-(i.-m^ with the corresponding forms of the eop-nate lan-
guages; and, for the second conjti/^ation, to annex theforuisof
the Sanskrit tan-w-t (from tein'U-mi\ from (an. CI. S., *'lo
extend," see ^. 109*. 4.), and Greek rivvfiat.
SINfiULAR.
(BND.
oonuc
bhar~e {from bhar-^-mf), bnir-i,*
bhtiT-ast\ boT-a-M,
bhar~n-t<\
<p£p-0'fiai, . . . .'
(^r>-e-(7tu}, bair-a-za.*
^p-€--rai, bair-<t-da.*
biiT-til-lfi'
DUAL. -^
bhnT-4-vahf, .... fp€p-6-/j.e6ov, .... '
bhrir-i^lhf* .... fpip-e-e9ov* ....
bhar-ftM,* ^p-e^Sov,' ^
PLUBAI*. Cj
bhaT-d-maJtA,'' bar-S-mnidht, ^cp-o-^efia, . . . .'
bhnr-a-dhict* fxtt-n-dhttff ?* ^ip-t-aSe* . . . .*
bhar-a-ni^y hwriii-nt^. fpep-o-v-rai, bair-n-nda.*
' See $$.<ft7. 473. ' Regarding the at of tlw root, Bcoj.jl.; and
as l« (ho Gothic fti oibaintsa. Ice., seo $.83. ^ Tlif): ii replaced
by tha thiiil pitson. * The terminations, sa, da, nda, arc abtir^-
vintiont ot :cd, (bit, ndai, se« j.iGQ. Observe, ia bair-a-za, liair^-^a,
thitt tliQ coDJuDClivo rowel Sb pnwerved ilk iU orif^uial form (wo $.466.
caaduBitMi). * Bhtirt.tM siui hltariti, tttaa bhar-a'dlhi, bhar-a-4tif
wlience bharAlhl, bharSii,, would be regulnr ; but !n tliU [ibcc, (bn»ushi>ut
the whole first conjagntion, the <j hu been wcaJcracil to i (=ii .(■ I), or
Jm
726 VERBS.
the d of the tenninatioa has become t or !, sod been melted down with
the class vowel a to ^. Regarding the terminations dthi, dt§, as conjec-
tural abbreviations of tdtM, tdlS, or idihi, mti, see §§. 474. 475. * See
jf. 474. 475. ' From bhar-a-madhe, see {. 47"3. To the Zend termina-
tion maidhi the Irish termination maoid remarkably corresponds ; e.g. in
dagh-a-maoid, "we bam" ^Sanskrit dah-d-maM, from dah-d-madJte.
* Probably from bhar-a-ddhwi, see §§. 474. 476. * The termination
dhusi may be deduced with tolerable certainty from the secondary form
dhwem ; see Bnmonf B Ya9na, Notes, p. ixiTiii,
SIKOUT.AR.
SANSKRIT. CRBEK.
tan-w-i (from tan-u-m^), rdv-v-fiat.
ian-Ur-iA, Tav-v-rat.
f-r DUAL.
5; ian-u-vaM, rav-xj-nedov.
^ lan-w-6,fM, -rav-v-irdav.
w lan-VD-At(, rav-v-vSov.
O PLURAL.
I I
tan-u-mahS from tan-u-joadhS, rav-v-fieda,
tan-u-dhwS, rav-v-irBe.
tan-iv-ali from tan-w-anti* tolv-v-vtou.
" Remark. — In Zend, we expect, if tan is here employed,
according to the same class of conjugation, for the second
and third person singular, and first and second person
plural, the forms tan-&t-sh4 (see §§. 41. 52.), tan-&i-fS
(according to the kere-nHi-t^, ' he makes,' which actually
occurs), tan-u-maidM, tan-u-dkicS. The third person
plural might be tan-w-ail4, or tan-w-ain(S, according as the
nasal is rejected or not ; for that the Zend, also, admits
of the rejection of the nasal in places where this is the
case in Sanskrit, ia proved by the forms jpjM'tyj^M
senhaiti, 'they teach,' middle ^pjAiu'^fos senhaili, corre-
• See J}. 458. 459. See an example of the active of the corresponding
cloaa of conjngation, or one nearly akin to it, at p. 706 G. ed.
FORMATrON OF TBNSBS.
727
Bpcindingto the Snuskrit ^nw^ mUuH. "^TffiHAjaUi {Barnouf,
Yn^iia, !>. 480). lit the Sumkrit, aIbo, we sometimes Glut
the nasal rcluint-cl In the middli; of the second conjugation.
f.y.. tichhtu:iiiitti for the more fommon nrhinwnin. Iti the finit
{HTSOD singular, thi' form Um^uyA, withenplionicy.is formed,
in Zend, as appears from §. 43.
THE PRKTERITE.
&I3. Thu Sanskrit trns for the exproRsion of pnst time the
forms of the Greek imperfect, aorist. and perfect, without,
however, like the Greek, connecting with these different
forms degrees of meaning. Tlicy are, to Sanskrit, all, witli-
out distinction, used in tlie sense of the [G. Ed. p. 740.]
Grrrk norist or imj>crrect; but the reduplicated preterite,
which correspoiida in form to tlie Greek iwrfect. most fre-
quently represents the aorist. The Sanskrit is entirely
deficient in n tense exclusively intentletl to express the com-
pletion of on action : none of the three forms mentioned is
iiscd chiefly for this ohjeet; and I do not remember that I
have any wliere found the reduplicated preterite as represen-
tative of the perfect. When the completion of an action is
to bo expressed, we most commonly find the active expres-
sion changed into a passive one; and, in fjict. so that a par-
ticiple which, in form and signiBcation. corresponds to the
Latin in Jtu, is combined with tlie present of the verb sub-
stJtntivc, or the latter is to be supplied, aa in general tlie verb
substantive, in Sanskrit, is omitted almost erorywhcre,
where it can possibly be done. Some examples may appear
not improperly annexed here. I n the episode of the Saritrt*
it should be said V. 1 9. " So far as was to go, iiast thou gone,"
where the laat worda ore expressed by yulan twai/d igatan
» I h«T« publWiol it in a collcclioo ofcplsodett entitlwl " Biluwiiin,"
Sic, in tho original i«xi. anJ ia the Gemuui intntlutioD nnder tho title
"Stindilai." (Berlin, F. Dilmnder.)
728
VBRBS.
euphonic tor fffitam), "gone by tliee": in tlie Nalas XIL99.,
for " Hiist thou seen Nala"? we read in the orjj^inal kachdiU
drlahUit ttvny& Nnt6, i.e. "anvintitite Salua"f in RAlid&-
sa*8 Urve^ (cd. Lcnz, p. 66) " Hast tliou stolen her step"? is
euEpressed by yntir myU UcuyA hriiA (" tlic way of her taken
by thee "), It hni>j»enB, too. not inifpeqiiently, that Uie com-
pletion of ail aL-tioii is dcnutet) ui 9Ut-h h nmnncT tliat he nho
[O. Eip.7-i7.] has [lerformed nn action is designated ns
the imsseasor of what Iins been done ; since r. g, T9nT^ Wf^
vIdavAn aamt, literally "d'lelo pra^diiut sum" signifies "die-
turn habeo," " I have said." Thus in Urvasi (I.e. p. 73) the
question, " Host Uiou seen my beloved'? is rxprcsicd by npi
dri^htnMn aai mnmn pTtijAm, i. e. " art thou having seen
m. b."?* The modern mode, tlierefore, of expreawng llie
completion of an action was, in a measure, prepared by the
Sanskrit; for t)ie siiflix wn( (in the strong tmses iwn/) forms
posscsaivcs; and I consider it fiU|>crfluous to assume, with
the Indian grammarians, n primitive sufHx tavat for active
perfiTt participles. It admits of no doubt whatever, that
■JW^ uHavai " huviiig siud," has arisen from uWn " said," in
the same way as irmT dhnnavnt, " having riches," " rich,"
proceeds from dhanu, " richeB."t The form in tnvaf,
• The fourth act of Urvasi affords very frcquonl occasion fur the use
of th« perfect, M the K'vag Purarnvas «n All tides dir«ct« llie (IQCHIoq
whether nny one Iini eoen his beloved '. This qu<>Bllun, iioweTer, is never
put by uit'it^ nil Biiinuunti^ or rven a icdujiUcalcd jimcrilc, but always by
tbe pnsBiv(< paniciple, or the forinatian in i>al <ll^^jved from it. So, aW,
in Nalna, wli«n DamAyAuti mV% if nny ono lias §ecQ her spousa?
t Tlie Ijitin dleit maylw rcgardtcl aa identical with dhanavat, die TaiA-
dlc ey lift Mo lifting dffipprd and c<im{irnMit«d fi>r by ImgUicnio; the pi«>
ct.'diog Towel. A Riiiilliir rKJnlinii of n syliaMe baa again occomd tn
ditior, ditiaMinttt, jnst u in umIu. from tnavolo, frnm HMjrinvlo. Pott, on
thoc^nlrary, dividr* ihni, div-Jt, nni diiw brings "lUe rich" totlielndua
" ItpaTen." dir, to whicli »Ii>o Varro's dt- rivaLion of dhms in ■ r«rtaio
drgrw Bllnd(-^ lis t/ircNr tLnd i/iw* arc akin ta tlit; Saiulni i/^-a, "Ood";
nnd lli« imur, like dir, " bMvcn,'' firings from die, "to ahiac."
FORMATION OF TKNSBS.
^29
although apparently created exprossly for the perfect, occurs
sometimea, also, aa expressing an action in trausttiou. Ou
the other hand, iu neuter verbs the Suu- [G Ed- p. 74C.]
akrit ))iU the ailvantajjc of being able to use the participles
in In, which are properly passive, with active, and, inileed.
with a perfeet meaning; and this power is very often em-
ployed, while the passive signification in the said participle
of verbs neuter ia limited, as in the obovo example, to the
ainffiiiar neuter in the impersonal conetructions. As e»-
auipte of the actire perfeet meaning, the fullowing may
serve, Nalus XIL 13.: kwu nu nljun gatii '« (euphonic for
galiu o.«), " (fuone, ret ! jiTiifectus es?"
51A. The Sau&krit is entirely devoid of a form for tlie
plusquam perfect, and it employs, when that tense nii^ht
be expepted, either a gerund expressive of the relation.
" after" •^which, where allusion is made to a future rime,
stands, also, for tltc future absolute t — or the locative
nljsolute, in sentences like aptikrAnfi nui?. rAjan damaynnti
, . . . nhvdhynin, "after Nnlas had departed, O king! {pro-
feclo Salu) Damnyaiiti awoke."
516. But if it is asked, whether the Sanskrit has, from the
oldest antiquity, employed its three past tenses without syn-
taetieal diatiuction, and uselessly exjiended its formative
power in producing them ; or whetlier tlie usage of the lan-
guage has. in the course of time, dioppt-d the finer degree*
of signification, by which tliey might, as in Greek, have been
originally distinguished ; I think I must decide for the latter
opinion: for as the forms of language gradually wear out
and become abraded, so, olso, ore meanings [G, Ed. p. 749.]
subjceted to corruption and mutilation. Thus, the San-
■ Nol. XE. 30. ; Skmndam&nan taitirulyA javhiA 'bhitatdra, "Jlenlem
pestqiwrn imdivrral {'nfier hcnrtng the weeping') mm veUxilale iicAvmf."
tN(d.X. 22. : Iratfiam luiltfhird tifiavifhgati,'*boyt will elic feci in
Bpirit, uflornhc hoi Iwen ai>ttk<3u.-d (after awaking)?'
311
730 VERBS.
skrit has fln immense nombor of verbs, which ngaify
go," ttic employment of which must have been originally
distinguislied by the dilTcrencc in the kind of motion which
eeub was intended to exjn-ess, and which arc still, in pnrt, so
distinguishi-d, I have alreiidy noticed elsewhere, that the
Sanskrit aftrp'imi, *' t go," must have had the same meaning
as xerpo and epirw, because the [ndiaos. like tlio Romans.
name the snake from this verb {s5n^^ sarjtu-s " iterpeta'").'
If, then, the nicer Bigni6eations of each one of the three
forms by which, in Sanskrit, the past ia cxprcssnd.gradaatly.
through ilie misuse of language, became one, so tliat eju-h
merely expressed time past, 1 nm of opinion, that it was ort-
f^nally the function of the reduplicated preterite, like its
cognate form in Greek, to express on action completed.
The syllable of reduplication only implies an intensity of the
idea, and gives the root an empliaais, which is regarded by
the spirit of the language as the type of that which is done.
completed, in contradistioL-tiou to tliat wliich is conceived
to be in being, and which has not yet ar^i^*ed at an end.
Botti iu sound and in mrnning the perfect is connccttxl with
[O. Rl. p. 7*).] the Sanskrit intensive, which likewise has
a reduplication, that here, for greater empliasis. further re-
ceives a vowel augment by Guna. Accorriing to significa-
tion, the Sanskrit intensive is, ns it were, a superlative
of the verbal idea; for, e.g. dtdipya-m&na means "very
shining.* In respect of form, this intensive is important
* I Mi«v« I may indmJe here iho German rout «/»>, ili/ (tehld/ca) ;
Old High Gennan WI/m, tle^^ tl^ttmit; En^ltth •' I tlip," W« ihooM
rxpt'cl in Gothic tkipa, sMp, alipum. preMrviog tli« old umnia^asin aJ^M
= iwapimi, " I slM-p," The form *Up is fnundfil (imitmnspoiiliflnof Mtp
to trap. Tli.r tniirition of r into /.and the wukcuiiiKoftlica to 1.00111101
■urprtie as. Cimiidertng the very dsiiaI nxrhiin^ of wmi-vowela wiihooe
Bootliur, Mid the l>y no nuiinii unumial phcnoinennR, that h rocn '■ divided
into Bevcral, by diffvr^nt corruptions of form, wo mny include her*, too.
lh« root Jtn/i, ««<(< (kAikt/cti) ; Miitdle Hif[b fief mm ttei/^, rwtt^, iie^m ■
FORMATION OF TKNSES.
T31
for comparison ^itli the European coj^natv liui^nges, be-
cause the moods which spring from its present indicatirc
atiord, as it were, Uic prototype of the impt-rntivo and
the optative of the Greek perfect, and oi the German sul>-
juuctive of tliu preterite; compare preliminarily Mban-
dhtfim, "I much wish lo bind," with the Gothic bundynu
(from haibundyau), " I miglit bind," and the imperattvt vuimi-
dhi (from vach, "to speak"), with tfie Greek K€Kpax9i, which
IB connected nitli it io formation, though not radically. The
first augmented i>rctentc of this intensive comes, in respect
to form, verj' close to tlie Greek phisquam perfect; compare
atiitiipnm, plural u/ilfu/mm, with cmiKpeif, crerv'peifiev. As
every completed action is also past, the transition of the
vocal symbol of completion to that of the post is very
COSY, and the gradual withdrawal of ttie primary mean-
ing is not surprising, as we must, in German also, pa-
raphrase the completion of an action in a maimer already
pointed out by the Sanskg-it, while our simple preterite, which
is akin to the Greek perfect, and which, in Gothic also, in a
certain number of verbs, has preserved the reduplication,
corresponds in meaning to the Greek imperfect and aorist
516. As regards the two augmented preterites, which
appear, in Greek, as imperfect and aorist, there is no occa-
sion, in tho form by which tbey are distinguished from one
another, to assume a primitive intention in the language to
apply them to different objects, unless such [G. Ed.[».7fil.]
ooriats aa— in Gr^ek, eAiitffv, c'^toi', contrasted with e\etnoy,
cSlStM, in Sanskrit, alipam,* a<lSm, opposed to alimpam,
fidad^m — are considered original, and, in Uieir brevity and
succinctness, contrasted with the cumbersomeacss of the
• ThaSauikFltrMt/fp is sot SMBwetcdwiih thoGrrck.MII, bat means
"lo nncw,"andto it b^loc^ th« Greek Xf*of, ikil^. BatoAfumMaiuIs
NO for in ilie samo Tvlatioii to atimpam that « A4vu«> does to fXiuro*', ibat it
tuw iliveftt«il iisvlf of tlic iiiocrtcd iwuJ, M ikinor hu of ihe tiuna vowcL
3a!i
732
TKBBS.
imperfect, a hint be fouitd, Uiat tlirou^li tlicm the Itingiinge
ia desirous of expressing such nctions or cunditions of Uu*
past, aa appcnr to ua momentary, from their ranking, mhcn
recounted, with other eventa, or for other rcAsons. It might
then bt; said that the language unburthens itself in the norist
of theGnnaandotlier ei;tsseli:irscteriatie8.ouly bwause, iu the
press of the circumstances to be announced, it has no time to
utter them; juat aa, in Sanskrit, in the second person sin-
gular imperative, the lighter verbal form is employed, on
nrcotint of the haato with whifh th^- command ia expressed,
and. e.'j., vld-ilhi. " know," yimfj'dhi, " bind," stand opposed to
the first person vidAni. •'Ictme know." yunnjAni, "let me
bind." But the kind of aurlst just mentioned ia. botb in
Sanskrit and in Greek, proportionnbly mrer, and the witli-
drawin^ of the class characteristics extends, iu both lau-
guRgea, uot to the aoriat alone, and in bolli tliis tease
appears, for the most part, in a form more full in sound than
the imperfect Comp-ire, in Sanskrit, (ulihlutm =£j€i^a
witli the imperfect adi^kom, which bears tlw oompletu form
of the aurist above mentioned. In the sibilant of the first
aoriBt, however, I cannot recognise that clement of sound,
[O. C(I. p.7fi2.] which might have given to tills toitsc its
peculiar meaning; for this sibilant, ns will be shewn here-
after, belongs to the verb suljstantive. which might be ex-
pected in oil tenses, and actually occurs in several, that, in
their signififation, present no point of coincidence- But if,
notwithstanding, in Sanskrit, or at the time oftlic identity
of the Sanskrit with its cognate languAgts, a diOercDoe of
meaning existed between the two augmented preterites, wc
are compelled to adopt the opinion, that the language began
very early to employ, for dilTerent ends, two forms wlticb. at
the ]ieriod of formation, had the same signification, and to
attach finer degrees oF meaning to trifling, immnti'rinl diiTe-
rcnces of form. It is requisite to observe here, thut, iu the
history of languages, tlic caso not unfrequenlly occurs, that
f
■
FORMATION OF TENSES.
733
one nnd tbe same form is, in the lapse of time, split into
several, nnd tlicii tht difFcrent fornis are applied by the spirit
of Uk; Inngiiagc to different ends. Tliiu, in Sanskrit, diUA.
from the base (//IMr (§. 111.), menns both "the giver" and
"lie about to give"; but, in Latin, this one form, bearing
two different nieftoiugs, hna been parted into two; of which
the one, which is modern in furnt, nnd lias arisen from the oEd
by tJio addition of an u (r/nMrtu), lina assumed to itself ulujie
the task of n-prcsenting a future participle; while the other,
whieli has i'etnaiu«d more true tu the original type, appears,
like tlie kindred Greek Son^p, only ns a noun of ageney.
TUE IMPEKPBCT. '
M7. We proceed to a more particular [0. Eil. p.763.]
(lescrijition of the clifitrent kinds of expression for past time,
anil consider next th« tense, which I eall in Sanskrit, ai-eurd-
ing to its form, the inonoform augmented preterite, in con-
tradistinction to that which corresponds in foru) to the Greek
ooriat, nnd which I term the multifunu prcteritt;, since lu it
seven dlSerent foruiatious may be perceived, of which four
correspond, more or less, to the Greek first aorist, and three
to t)ie second. Here, for the sake of brevity and uniformity,
the appellations imjwrfcct and oorist may be retained for the
Sanskrit also, altliough both tenses may in Sanskrit, with
equal propriety, be named imperfect and aorist, since they
botli in common, and together with the reduplicated prete-
rite, represent at one time the aorist, at auother the imper-
fect. That, which answers in form to the Greek imjierfect,
receives, like the aorist, the prcGx of an a to express the |>ast;
the class characteristics arc retained, and the personal termi-
nations are tbe more obtuse or secondary (§. 430.), probably
on account of the root being loaded wilh tlie augment. This
exponent of the post, which is easily recngnised in the Greek e,
DUiy bear the name of augment in Sanskrit also. Thus, in tlie
first conjugation, we may eomp-nre itUrrp-a-m, " I delighteiJ,"
734
TBBD8.
with CTCpirev; in the second, nd»dA-m. " \ gave." with
ediJav; «*W-fMrMim (see $. 437. Rem.). "I strewed," with
&rTop'W-v ; and akrt-nA'm. " [ bought." with iiiif>-vS-v. As
the conjugation of t)ie imperfect ol the three litst-inention«d
verbs has been nlready given (§§. ISI. 4S$. -1B9.), where the
wcij;ht of tbe pergonal termiuations is considered, I aluUI
only nnnex here thccomjilete one otatarp-a-m and erefoir-o-f.
1-1 SIMOULAR. UUAL.
&■ atnrp-n-m.* erepit'O-v, Qf«r/)-d-to
3 <t(«rp-«-y. erejOir-e-f, atarp-a-lam, cr^nr-c-TOK
■J alarp-u-l, er£p«-6(T),'t ahirp-a-Mm, ^e/nr-€-T7w,
BUISILMT. «UXKB.
aiarp-ii-ma, iTCpw-o-fUv.
atarp-n-ta, erepir-e-re.
ataTp-a-n,-\ trepv-o-vA
"Rpinarl. — In the Vedn diale«t the /. whieh. nceordii^
to ^.461 ., has been lost io niarpitn for alarpant, has been re-
tained under tbe protection of an », which begins the following
word; thus. In the Rig- Veda (Rosen, p. 99), Tnft"« ^fwi^
ufnfVtT iihhi"m (tviimimnt mvabishiim. " iflum colfhnrd /nusle
iit/yredienternS* Accordiug to tbe simie principle, in the
accusative plural, instead of the li*. to be expected in ac-
cordance with §§. '23r,. i39., of which, according to a uni-
VRrsnl taw of ftound, only n ha« remained, we find In the
Vfida dialect n(, in case the word following begins wiUi ;» /
t.g. 'wan^ w ini ^^ ogmAnt tea tatra ehAfJaya, " nm bene tin
diuije" (Rosen. 1. c. p. la). I do not hesitate to consider
the t of axmAfit as the euphonic mutation of an s. as also,
under other circumslnnees, one m before another », in onler
to iiiaktf itself more perceptible in pronunciation, bocomc«
• 8(x; f 437. Rvw.
t Scc§.Ul.
FORMATION OP TENSES.
735
I; as «.(/. from vaa, " tod well ," comefi the future vtl-stfdmi
nnd the aorist avdi-smn. The original accusative termina-
tion in ns ajtp«'Ara in the Vedus niso as nr, and indeed iu htacs
in / and u. in case the weird rullowiui; begins with a vuwul
or y. in, in general, a final », after vowels other than a, A
bw-omca r before all wnaut letters. Examples of plural
accusatives in nr (for n must become Anuawara before r, as
before s)artf fiirft wv^ri\w*JyiriArachuchyfivi'taTia."nuhtiiejci-
tate''' (I. c. p. 72); »»s^ wth ^^ ^ ^^T wif^ TB i ftm Ueam
uipti vat^T iha Tudrhi dtlHi/thi u(u t yn/J, "luAynh! lit-
BHM hie, Rudraa atfve jIdUlt JUion sacru oof/" " (I. c. p. 83).
Bases in a have tost tbe r in the accusative plural. The
circumstance, however, tlutt they replace the n of the com-
n]on accusative terminations with Aouswara (ri), as in ^^
nnlrUn, WTfi![iqi /Idjiyd/i, just mentioned, appears to me to
evince that they likewise terminated origi- [O. Ed. p.73&]
nally in lir : the r has been dropped, but its etfevt — tlie change
of n into « — has remained. At Imsl it is not the practice in tbe
Rig Veda, particularly after a longtl, to rcplacca filial ii with
Anuswara; for we read. 1. c.§. 210., fVlP^ tidiDdw " skilful,"
not f^viditSk, although a v follows, before which, aeeord-
uig to Pauiiii, as before y, r, and vowels, in tlie Veda dialect,
tlie terniiimtion An should be pe|ilaccd by ih'i (compare Ruscu,
p. IV. 8.) ; a rule which is probably ttikeu too universally,
uiid sliould properly be limited to the accusative plural
(the principal i-ase where dn occurs), where tlie Zciid also
employs an ri, mid not n {%. 239.)' Tlie accusative termi-
nation nr for nv is, however, explained in a manner but
little sntisfactory. by Rosea in his very valuable edition
of a part of the Rig-Veda, p.XXXIX, i.; and the ( men-
tioned above is considered by tbe Indian gramoiarians aa
an euphonic msertion (Smaller Sanskrit Grammar. §§.BS'.
S2'. Rem.). If. however, an initial .i. from a disposition
towiu'ds a t preceding, luis such iuUacnu'c as to annex tliat
letter, it up^man to me far more natural for it to have had
73G
VBBBS.
the power to preaen*c ft /, which actualiy exists in the pri-
mitive grammar, or to change an s into that letter.
519. The Zend, as found in the Zeiid Avesta. nppcars to
hnve almost entirely given up tlie au^^ent. at least with the
exception of the aorist mentioned in §. 469., and which is re-
markable in more than one respect, A»^>^?y^ ururudhusha.'
" thou didst grow," and the form mentioni-d by Biiruouf. >o*«
At, "he was," raMiv^^ dunhdt. "if he wcre";f I have
[O. Ed. p. 7aO-] founti no iiislaiices, whieh can be relied
upon, of its retention, unless, perlinps, yjjjA»ciM(i>Ai«p(it/ioy?ii.t
" tlit-'y wi?nt" (Vend. S. p. Kt. I. 4.), must pass »s such;
and «'(! are not to reiid, as might be conjectured, ill place
of it f^iMQM'iJu Apalhayht. and the initial rowel is the
preposition d, which, pcrha|>9, is contained in sonic other
forms also, which might he exiiEiiined by the augment.
Thus, perhapH. in the first I'lrgard of the Vemlidad, the
frequently-recurring forms ^cj»f?fittrfl3AUji_/Td(Aii.weK«M (or
/fdthvxtrcifim), " I made," "I formed." and (»A»p^f ^*a»i4/M-
kcrvntaU "he made," may ho dislributeJ into /ru and athwe-
resem and akireitlal. I, however, now think it more probiible
that their first aylluble is compounded of the prepositions /ra
• The inilial u appears lo Iwvo hccn fonncd from a liy ihoa«miLi-
tiog tiifluciic* of tilt- li (>f the accoiid syUxljlc. I shall reuur tv this aonst
he rearer.
t lloromir (Ya^na. p. 434) proposca lo rrnil jijkU d» For j^ijudg, Bnl
Ihiaform, ntw, hiu poniotliltig unconiTnoii, (ince the V^dicvnt (t< (of
whi&li kvrtnrtcr) wnuM Iciul na to expect, m Zirud, lio, a» n fniAl Sao^ni
^ », withnpti-ccilmgii,t>('giiWlybccani<«(?»'j but WW ok bcwiuea* (aw)
$.M>.). Wiihnat the antrment wc (iiid, in llie /(miJ Avrata, bddi l)iv resJ-
ing iiM OM find m^m a*, proyidvd tliia rortn uctunlly lujnnjpi to the verb
■utmt'iiititt'.
[ TliDs wc ahoald road Inatciul nt sc^QioidM apnlhnwn; compiuv iho
Swuhrit apanthayan, " tlitj went," with an inwrtcd tuual. 'Eirtirtcw
concflpMils in nr«k. But should w« read lipat/uit/'T fur ut>athat/in tlie
loug A wouhl uol Ixj lliu Bagmetit, bni the iin-poiitioii A.
■
S
S
FOBMATIOS or TEMSKS. 737
and A. The combinalion of these two prepositioiia ia very
gviierally used in the Zend ; as, juA^ju^ja fnVliii/ti.
"vnlue" (VemJ. S, p. I9-l), M»>^»(ny y^fjuiii frdmann
huvvtmhit, "jpi-aise ini?" (V(?rid S. p. 39), wlwrc tlie prepo-
sitions are sepnrated from the verb.* n3 in the possngo
/^i>H3^> JU^»7} AuM yw^OAto) ^^^Al{; AUdi [G. H<I. p. 7C7.]
frA vatftipufiinti/rd UTiarmirnffJi'iu. "flr^'s imlfnt nrhnTn crfs-
Cfinfi (Veud S. p. 2jt). and in uwi^^y^jM aj^jjaij .wOA
frA xasta innijanuhu, " waah tho handa" (I. c. p. 467).
A form wliich, if tlio lithographed codex of the Vend
S. U correct, might api»cftr best adapted to testify to
the existence of the nngmeut in Zend, is aio>^jjju(aijj>
uhnxaijnnhti, " tliou wast bum," a vrord which is rumarkabic in
other respects also (sec §.409.). Hitt as long as the corrcct-
uegg of the readiug is not confirmed by other MSS., or gene-
ntlly a.H long »s tlie augment is not more fully established
in Zend, I am disposed to consider the vowct which sLinds
between the preposition ami the root oa «im ply a means of
conjunction: uiid for a I should preftr reading / or ff. just
as in vi-i-histn, "stand up" (Vend. S. p. lift), ni-i-lmUiUi.
"stand ye up" (I. c, p. 459), ni-*-hixfaili, "he stands op."
• The compotieon «f other MSS. nititt ilM^ido whether th« occuutivo
4if tJiL- prunoun is riglitly coDJoinod with this. Anquetil renders ttiis tiii-
pcrntive wilh ihe woni follnwiiiif, H!>9(|3gAtio kfiariUci, "on occnuiitof
tliu mllng, of tlis DOurishinK," etnui^'ly ooough hy '^quimeToaitgeea
m'inrnqiumt itvec ardefir, aa he nlao (rnnslnti's the follnwln^ word^
jQ^ypJJ ji,'OA>9'i!«AH[3jJ (m^ J»J«M (Jiiiri ( = ^rfM «/'/") vianm
iliuiatahii {kaiimairat) eCuid/tl, "extol ans in priusc," hy "flni m' inlrtme
kamllematt to. yriire. The fonu humnxn/ia is tho iiupcralive middle,
whnv, ns vfUii occun, the chuacMi of the tnx class is added la tlwt nf
die fifdi.
f Palann, "iwtmf," and ucryahn, "fmrant," with which th« Gnxic
RiTupat lUid onr FiMiw biuI vtiM/isen am to he cniiiparud, an) iinpi>riVcts of
tlio HubjuiLclivc niood, v>hkh, with diii< Uhbg, idways comliiiies a prcseni
sigDlficutivi),
738
TSRBS.
But a also occnrii in ttiia verbi inserted ns a conjuncttTe
vowel btftweea the [^reposition and the root; for. p. 4^6,
I. IS., wt* reoA ui-a-hhlaUi, " stand ^'e up." I would tbere-
fore, if the reading iii-a-za-ynnhn, " tliou wast bom," ahonld
yirove itself from the majority of MSS. to be gemiine, prefer,
nevertheless, regarding the u as a conjuuctivc voirel, rather
than aa the nuj^tnent.
&19. The following exam|>Ie8 may throw suflieient light
on the coujiigatioo, for the first class, of the Zend imper-
fect ftctive, which aduiits of tolerably eopioils citation:
i^^fiip tixbar-r-m, "I brought forwnvd" (Vend. S. p. 493) ;
i^M^M<iiiiiMM /rAthtmrrs-e-m or /rAlhceni-<^m. "I created"
r(i. Ed. |i. 738] (I.e. 117. &c.): ^ioux}OM^)il /MdaS'.afim.
"I shewed," from frAftafiayf-m =Snnslc!-it m^VV^ p^^'^'^'^
-nya-m, "I caused to shew" (see 1.43.); /rada4i-ai/6, "thou
shewedat" (1. c. p. IsM); \»/i\y kvr^itvd, "thou didst make";*
iwjujjt'cs) perit-a-t, " he nskedr = vmsir aprichchh-a-t (I. c,
j). 123); fwAiwAu fr'ii'-o-^. "lie was," =^w^ a/ilniv-a-t.(pA2if);
tfiMiiu^Jiis-a-t. "he came," =wran^ agaehdih-a-t, "he
went;" AigAuu-^ji j^jjajs) p"Ui 4/i»h-A-mfit "we s[K)ke"-t"
(pp. 493, 41»4, repeatedly) = HN3)V(H prutijaaaiiadma ; jf*y^
anlwn, " they were" (p. 103 erroneously mphin) =^mnt Awin.
] am not able to quote the scrcond person plural, but there can
be no uncertainty regarding its form, and from usihhtalu,
**8taud ye up." we may infer, also, iiiihistala. "ye stood
up," since, in Sanskrit aa in Greek, the imperative in the
•rcond person plural is only distinguiBliud from the im-
perfect by the omission of the augment. Elxamples of
the second conjugation are. f ^£^ diufhan-m. " I placod,"
"I made" (Vend. S. -p. lu) = v?}rm^ ndutlliA-m. iri'Btj'Vi
* For taSrinait: thm i«, tliRl w lo sajr, u nflea bappooa, the chHroclcr
of itir first clam ntld ail to tlioclnss Flutnic([>r, which was already pmcnt;
H llinugli, in Greek, iii!x-yti-t-i were niid fur ii*U-tiO-s.
t AiKioclit reiideni thn, "Je vtrn* de vatu jiurler."
FOHMATlOS ON TENSBS.
7S9
^J-At^t mraSm* *' I spoke" Cp- 12-1); ^iJfAtlf mrtiH-it^ " thou
siwkcst" (p. Ms), r^iwj?? oira(Jf.f " he spoke," ot-curs very
often; wiwy^fj krre-nnG-t. "he made" (p. 135). In the
fihirat I coiijf^cture tlitt forins amrti-mn, uinrfl-f(i=SEiiiskrit
abru-ma, abru-ta; and kere-mi-ma. ia'rp-m%'ta, I ike such Greek
furuis ns ^<rT(>|i>-i'ti-/iC»', cirrop-w-rc = Sun- [G. Ed. p.T&».]
kvit aniri-nu-ma, wtlri-nv-ta. The third person plurfl! docs
not iidmit of bv'mg traced witli the same certainly.
520. With respect to the use of the iuij«-rfcct it dt-servi-a
lo be reniarktfd, that, in ZemI, thiii tense is very fref|itently
emplnyed as the subjiinettve of the present, and titat tJie
reduplicated preterite alse occnsionally occurs in the same
sense. In siich cases, the past npjjeara to be regarded from its
negative side as denying the netual present, and to be thus
adapted to denote the siibjtinetive. which a likewise devoid
ofreiiTity. Here we nuist class thephenomenon. that, in Zf ncl.
t!ie subjunctive, even whert? it is actuftlly rornmlly ex-
pressed, far more frequently expresses the present by the
imperfect thim by the present; and that, in Sitnskrit. the
tonditioiml is fumislit^ with the augment; and that, also,
in Gentian and Latin, thi* cuuditional relation is expressed
by past tenses. Examples of the Zend imperfect indica-
tive with the sense of the present subjiincttre are, ai^J«
(f^'&f^^ /rachti Ivrevtat " ihcv may cut to piece8," = S3n-
skrit W^fflP^ nlfnnUiit (Vend, S p. 233) ; /fWjA' At^A>/ *»v a»»^
AU^ Ai^^Au) livii vA nam anhen jMadta cd, " tlierr ntay be
either two persons or five"; auajuasju waiv^ -U^*^ !f^*
* TEiia form is based on the SnnsUrIt atiravam,tor which abmraia: thv
('untrnctioninZciKHBnmilartathaCofTnVH tfat'air\ "orT/anrji," ui f jvjv^j
yadiH. negnrding th« oxdioiii^i' of Ia vUU m in mraAm ttet: ^. Kl.
t TIieBO tn-ft |>enu>iis pre-tufLpuM?, in Sanskrit, nbn'i-i, abr&-t, for nbicb,
with irregular inBanioa ofa coa^Wie\ivKtmn\i,alirav-'\-a,dbrav-l-t,an
^40
TSRB8.
aahft( AthravJi, *'ifitisa priest";' funtnJW-w^^'^^wS*' J$'"-C.
1/fsi uahal ToXhaSMo, " if it is a wjirrior (1 it,, slander in a car) ■";
TiiVt*^"^9 MAtvyjAi •K'''>C» y^-' "?'■"( vAstryA. "if it is a
eultivatop"; mh^u t^av^^ -|i^"C» y^^ anUatiyA, if it is a
dog" (I. C.p.53(»,l«l); 9«*J AJ/JJA^iiAUjJAtf ^fjJwt •IS^.C
[G. Ed. p. 7Gri.] ^•^Hm^^m'' yisi voi^n mazdaynsna sanm
raddhayaiim,} " if the worshippers of OrmiiKd wish to cul-
tivate the earth (omke to grow)" (p. I9fi). It is clear, that
ID moat of the examples thu eonjuuciion yt'si has introducetl
the impcrf»:t in the senae of n subjunctive prrsenl. for this con-
junction lovcfi to use a mood which is not indicative, whether
it be tlic ]M>t<.*ntiaI, the subjunctive, or, as in the passages
quoted, the imperfect of tlie indicative, as the reprcseiiiativQ
of the subjunctive present. However, the indicative present
oft^n occurs after yhi (Venil. S. pp. 26:J. &c. y^si pnili-
J'lifi'ili); where, however, the re(hiplicatctl preterite stands
beside ihis conditionnt particle, there it is clear tliat the
past is regarded, as in the imperfect, as the Rvmbol of
non-actuality, and invested with a modal application. Thus
we read in the second Fargard of the Vcndidad (ed. Ols-
hausen. p. 1S>), |Oj»^^(? i^Af -w?**^ •4*5 '^'''■C y^ ^"^
jflma ntUi viv/vf " if thou, Yima ! obeyest me not "; and
iit the sixth Fargard, am>m^^^ ■'S'^^C^ V*'-' '"^"'J'' " if he
can." or "if tJiey can." "if it is possible"— according to
AiKjuetit, " a en ie peut"; Vend. S. p. 12. Mnib JJ"*,^
MMo/oMi*^ yizi IktcA didtaian, " if he hates thee." according
to Ancjuetil " ri I'/iommi' tv»us irriff.'
521. If we now turn to the European cognate languages.
it is n^markable that the Lithuanian, Sclavonic, and German,
which appear, as it were, as three children bom at one birtli
* RrganliD? tlio lerminstion ataifJtaf more Will !h> iaIJ liercafter.
f lliti* I ntfi tot 6 WA Ay.^ -u/ Toiilhyan w, for wliiub, j>. 178, occnn,
wiUi two oUier faulu, t^^^M^M^ roMayin.
J
FORMATION OP TENSES.
741
in the great family of lang;ua»es, which ocvuptea our atten-
tion, (Itverge from ova aiioUicr in respect to the past, and
hiivc ao divided Uic store of Sanskrit- Zend pst forms, that
thatof the imperfect lias fnlEeo to the lot of [G. Ed. p. 701.]
the Lithuanian, iind ttie Seliivoniu hna tnkmi the aorisl, and,
in fact, the first onrist, while the German has received the
form of the Greek perfect. The augment, however, has
been dropped by the LittiuaniRU oud SelavoniL-. luid the
Gotliic lias retaiued the rcdu]jlLcation only in n sniiill niimher
of verbs, while in German it lies concealed in forms like
hiess, liif, fiel, of wliieh hereafter.
52si. As the imperfect now engages our attention, wc
must, for the present, leave the Sclavonic and German
unnoticed, and first bestow our notice on that Lithuanian
preterite, which is called, by Rutiig. the perfect. It
miglit. with eiju«l propriety, he termed imp^Tfeet* or
aoriat, as it, nt the snme time-, simultaneously represents
these two tenses; and its use as a perfect is properly a
misuse; as. also, in the Lettish, which is so nearly ulUed.
this tense is nctuiilly called the imperfect, and the perfi^t
ig denoted by a participle ^lerfect. with tlie present of
the verb substantive; e.g. ea sinnnyii, "I did know," *?«
fsfnu sinn(iyi.i, " 1 have known (been having known)." That
the Lillmnninn preterite in form answer* to the imperfect,
and not to the second aorist, is e]car fi-om this, that it
retains the class cliui-acteristics given up by the aorist;
for buwaii. ■' I was." or "have been," luiswera to the
Sanskrit VkTvn abliavam and Greek t^vav. and, in the
plural, bum-o-me, to the Zend har-^l-ma, Sansknt iihli»jv-ii~ma,
Greek 4<pC-c-tJi€v, not to the aorist %M^ ithln'i-mn, eiftv-fiev;
ntthough, if necessary, tlie firHt pei-aun singular butow^
might be compared with w^w ubhilvam, to which, oo
account of the u of the first syllabic, it appears to npproacli
* Cr.$.7IW.K«u.
742
VEBBS.
more clost^Iy thnu to t)ic imperfect ahhatom. 1 believe,
however, that the Lithuanian u of buwna, is a weakenin;^
of a; and I n'co^isc in tfait forna one of the fairest nnd
QO. Ed. p. 7^12.] truest transmissions from tlic mythic uge
of our history of languages ; for which rcAaon it mny be
pro|)er to annex the full ponjug^ition of tliia tense of tlie verb
substantive, and to contrast with it the corres{x)nding forms
of tlie cognate tauguuges, to which I also add the Latiu bttm,
aa I consider forms like ainabam, dtKcbam, Sic, as com-
pounded, and tiicir bnm to be identical with the Sanskrit
abkavam, to which it has just the relation whieh ma/o lias
tomnv(do, at that the Old High German Arm. "I am." has
to its plural bimmSs, froni bivumfir (see J. 20.).
SINGULAR.
■AK9KRIT- tSXn.
urn.
t.*Ti)r.
OKSKK.
ohhav-a-tn, A'ldm from bav-^m
? buw-a-A,*
-bii-m^
^^tr-«-v.
til/h(iv-a-t, htiv-H*
buie-ft-i
-frfJ-J.
e^ti-e-f.
abhav-a-f, btw-a-t.
htac-o,
-ba~t.
e^^^<-(T).
DUAL.
ab}iav-(i-vo, ....
buu^o-wa
• • I
fe • •
nbhav-a-tam, h-ii:-a-lcm9
b/itv-o-in.
• ■ ,
r^e-Tor.
nfrfenr-a-Mni, btiv-a-laiim9
tike Sing.
e^y-e-nji'.
PLURAL.
abhav-&-tnn. bm>-A-mft,
bdtv-0-me.
-6ti-mu«,c^y-o-jic»'.
tibhav-a-Vin, bav-a-Ut,
biiwo-tt'.
-hti-tli.
i^vS'Te.
nhliav-a-v
like Sing.
•ba-nt.
e<pv-ov.
■ Fmmlmu>a-m: k«^. 438.
* 8m ^.536.
' Aivtu-cAo,
"ertuque."
583. For the regular verb, compare, fiirthcr, kirtttu, "I
struck," "I cut" (kirtnu sjentm, "I mowed," literally. "Ictit
hay"), with t!ie Sanskrit W^*w oAnn/om. " I cleft,' Zend
* The root u M(, properljr Aarf , ani Wong» to tliosc roow of (1m •■xili
chuB wliicb, in tbe special IcnaeK, n;ceivi> a iu»1. To th« uma clan
FOBMATION OF TBNSRS. Vi
(3^«i^^^4 Icertniht, end Greek eKtipov, [G. Ed. p. 7G3.]
wliich lias lofit the t of tbc root,
SIHGULAB.
LTTHVAHUN. Atxn.
kirt-a-u (s<!e §. 438.), e«et^-#-i'.
Air(-a-i (see §. 4J9.), c«p|)-e-f.
DUAL.
eKe(/>-£-(T).
exeip-c-Tqi'.
CKeifS-c-fiev.
CKeip-c-Te.
CKeip-o-v.
ttjituar. EEMD.
a*/(ni-a-m. *er?ttt-e-)n,
akrint-a-K. kprent-6,
ahijit-a-ff kh-ent'O-t,
akrint-A-va,
akrint-a'tam, kfrhit-a-t^m ? Xcirl-o-ta,
aUcfitU-a-l&m, kerlent-a'tanitt?\ikc Sing.
PLVRAL.
oArfni-d-oid, i"-mit-4-ina, kirl-o-me,
alyint-a-la, krrcnl'a-ta, kirt-tytr,
akrint-a-n, ttfPnl-e-n, like Sing.
621. Many Lithuanian verbs, wliicli follow, in tlie present,
the analogy of theSanskritoftlie first c'laas, [G. Ed. p. 784.]
change, in the preterite, into the tenth, and, in fact, so that
they terminate in the first person singular, in in-u (=Snn-
skrit aijn-m). but, in the other persons, instead of (« employ
an ^, which unites with t of the second person sin^lar to eL
hehnffi aIhq, ainans others, Up, " to bcemear.* whence UfiijtAmi, i^mpatn
(SMM1<1 [Kirist niipam'), with which the I.iiliuantnti litnpu, " 1 putc on"
(prMerito /i;)/)au. fatara /'}"«, infinittve /f^fi), ap^irnre lo he ooii]i«ct«d.
Pott Bcut4-1y conaiiarca the amliic lalM m that la woulrj be an oba«an,'d
prtpMltion grown op with tlii; jn"t. The present of kirta\t itt ktrtU, on<l
then «T» several verbs iii Lithiiaiiinn whicJi conirAst nn e in the frcMul
with the Jof ihc prcteriu', rmarv. Anil inflnitire. Tliiti r eitlittr sprin|^
dliTct inva the original a iif ibc root Atvi— «s, aoiohi; othcn, tiic |>ermn-
ftwjt e aidfffa, "\ burD,"'^San6LTit daAdmi—ar tlie original a hu first
twc-Ji weakened lo (, and this h^ been corrujilcd. in tli« prttcnt. to r; ao
thftt kertH would have uciu-ljr the annie relation to tbc preterite kirtau,
fbtare kir-ru (for kirt-tu), and infinitive kir»'li (from kirl-ti), na, in Old
High German, the flanX le/uimit, "we rend." to th« Gothic (rfam, and
Ila uwii iJngtiLur tUu.
744
vRitns.
Tliis oiidlogy is followed, by weimu, - 1 led," trkittu,
followed," whence wpzei. selcn; wri?, sehr; u*ihi-n. xekZwa\
ve^fvfn, aptrta; wprcnt*', sel-emc; «!p^/c, spjW/<p. OlwcTve the
aiiiilog'y witJi Mielke's tliird conjugntion (see $. i06-), nnd
compare the preterite lai/cinu, 5. 506.
525. In the LithuaiuAn teiue ^^-hich is called tlic hnbitual
imperfecti we find tlnwati ; as suk-cUiwau, "I flm wont to
turu," which is etisily recognised as an appeiulci! auxi-
liary verb. It answers tolerably well to dnwmu (^\»m
dS-mi), •■ J gave, liave given," from which it 19 distin-
guished only in this point, that it 19 inflected like Imwiri
and khtnu, wliile the simpW Jauyau, dntcei, (fau^, ttawvit^i
&c.. Follows the conjugation of ifeiirtu, selciftu, which haa
just (§. 5124.) been preaentcd. with tliis single triOiiig |x>iul
of dilTurence, that, in tlie first person sinj^uliir, insteitd of i,
it employs a y\ thus, dowyau for dawinu. As in Sanskrit,
together witli d&, •• to give," on which is based the Uthu-
aninn dfirni, n root vi dhd, " to place " (with the preposition
fti'i. "to make") occurs, which is similarly represented
in Lithuanian, and is written in the present d^mi ("I
place "^I so might also the auxiliary verb which is coti-
taiiied in sult-dattviu, be ascribed to this root, although tlie
simple preterite of d^mi (from rf<]Mt=Sanskrit dadltdmi,
Greek Ti9i}fii), ia not daipyau, or dawiou, but di^u. But
according to its origin, dt-mi has the same claim as d&ml
upon the vowel 41, and tlic addition of an iuorganie w in
the preterite, and the app<?nding of the nuxiliary verb in
snk-dawuu might proceed from a [leriod when dtimi, " Igivo,"
and detni, " 1 place," agreed as ennetly in their conjugation
[G. Ed. p. 705.] as the corrcepoiiding old Indian forms
dadAmi and dtuiMml, which arc distinguislied from one
another only by the aspirate, wliich ia abandoucd by the
Lithuanian. As dadhiJmi, through the preposition vi. ob-
tains the meaning "to make," and, in Zend, the simple
verb also signifies " to make," cfemi n-uuld, in this sense, be
FORMATION OF TSKSBS. 745
more proper as an ituxilmry verb to enter into c-ombinntion
with other verbs ; and then stit-dlatpau, " I was wont to
turn,** wonid, in its final portion, coincide witli that of the
Gotliic sHlc-i-dft, " I soiiijlit," laJIci-fiMum, " we sought,"
which Inst I have already, in my System of Conjugation,
explained in the sense of *' we did seek." and compared
wfith d^x, " deed." [ shall return hereafter to the Gottiic
.t<Ii--i-f/«, nM:'i~<{Mum. It may, however, be liere further
remurkcd, that, exclusive of the Sanskfit, the Lithuaninn
dawau of »ttk~dawau iaif>ht also be contmstod with the
Gothic Mwy/, " I do" (with whit-h theGernian/Aun is no way
connected); but then tlie Lithuaniiui auxihary verb would
belong rather to the root of " to give." than to that of " to
place," " to make " ; for the Gothic require* /c nt« . for primi-
tive medials, but not for such as the Lithuaoiar^ which poa-
sesaes uo aapiratcs. L-ontnuts with llie Sanskrit aspirated
mcdials, which, in Gothic. ftp|icar likewise a» lUrdials.
But if the Gotliic tauyn, " I do," proceeds from the San-
skrit root, <V(1, " to give." it then furiiUhes the only ex-
ample I know of, wliere the Gothic nu corresponds with n
Sanskrit S; but in Sanskrit itself, da for a is found in the
first and third person singular of the reduplicated pre-
terite, where r. (j. ^ dndhu, " I " or " he gave," is used for
f/odd (from dadk\Mi). The relation, however, of /nit to dH
(and this appears to me better) might be thus reganlcd,
tluit the A has been weakened to «, and an unradical u pre-
fixed to the latter letter; for Jthal which [O. Fdp.76e.]
takes place regularly before h and r (see %. 92.) may also for
once have occurred without such an occasioo.
S2fi. The idea tliat tlie Latin imperfects in bam. as also
the futures in \w. contain the verb substantive, and. in fact.
tlie rout, from which arise Jul, fore, and the obsolete sub-
junctive/nam, has been expressed for the first time in my
System of Conjugation. If it is in genend admitted, that
grammatical forms may possibly arise through composi-
3c
746
VBBBS.
tioii. then ctTtainly nutliiiig U more natural than, in
conjugation of attributive verbs, to expect the JntroductioD
of the verb substantive, io order to express the copula, or
the conjunction of the subject which ia expressed by the
personal sign with the predicate which is repre»ented by
the root. While the Sanskrit and Greek, in that past
tense which we term aoriatt conjoin the other root of the
verb aubsbin live, \h. AS. KS, with the ftttrilutive tx>ots.
the Lalin betakes ilself. so e^rly as the imperfect, to the
root FCJ; and I was glad to find, what I via not aware
of on my 6rst iitteinpt nt explaining' the forms io bam and
bo, that this root also plays an important |>art iu i^ram-
mar in another Iciiidrcd branch of language, viz. in Ccltia
and exhibits to us, iu the frish dialect of the Uaclic forms
likv meal-/fi-m, or menl-fn-mur. or menl-/a-moid, "we will
deceive," mfal-fai-dhe, or meat-fu-har. "ye will deireive,"
meal-fai-d, "they will deceive," meal-/a-tlk me, *' I will
deceive," (literally, •' there will deceive I"), meal-fai-r,
" tliou wilt deceive," mrid'/ni-dli, "he will deceive." Tho
abl>revinted form/dm of the first jtcrstiQ plural, as it is want-
ing ill the plural afiix. answers remarkably to tlie Latin bnm,
while Uie full form fn-mar (r for *) comes very near the
plural Ita'tHits. The circumstanee, that the Latin 6001 has a
[O. Ed. p. 7B7,] past meaning, while that of the Irish /um
is future, need not hinder us from considering the two forma,
in respect to thrirorlgin. as identical, cspeciully as ^iri, since
it has lost the augment, bciu's in itself no formal expres-
sion of the past, nor /utn nny formal sign of the future.
The Irish form should be projwrly written ^m or iioin,
for by itself ifrtri mr signifies "1 will be" (properlv, "there
will be I "J, b'lodh-maod, "we will be," where the cha-
racter of the third person singular has grown up with the
root, while the conditional expression ma bhiam, 'it I shall
be," is free from this incumbrance. In these forms, the
eijiouent of the future relation is the f, with which, there-
I
FORMATIOH OF TBN883.
747
fore, the I^tio i of ama-hiit. nma-hU, Sx., and Ui.it of erh.
cril, &c„ is to be comimrcd. Tdis characteristii: i is, how-
ever, dislodged in composition, in order to lessen tlie weight
of the whole form, aad at the same time the 6 is wetikcnod
to /; so that, while in Lntin, neeording to the form of the
isotated fui, fore, fuam, m the compound formations, fant,/o,
might be expected, but in the Irish bam, the rrlation Is
exactly reversed. The reason is. liowcvcr, in the Konian lan-
guage, also an euphonic one; for it has been before remarked
(§. 18.), tliat t)ie Latin, in the interior (/n/im/) of a word, pre-
fers tlie labial medial to the aspirate; so that, while the San-
skrit Wi, in the corresponding Latin forms.oIways appears as/
in the initial sound, in the interior {Inlaul), b is almost as
constantly found : hence, ti-hi for jap^ tu-ttkyam ; oti-bm,
for ^rfwTR uvi-hhyaa ,• nmlo for Greek Aji^ Sanskrit ^
iibhAii; nuhrs for ?r*n^ nubhns, vet^oq; rabies from ^ rabh,
whence ITTW tariraAt//ia, "enraged," "furious"; lubd for
yaffil hJ/kyrtti. "he wishes"; ruinr for epuBpoi, with which
it has been already rightly compared by Voss, the labial
being exchanged for a labial, and tlie c dropped, which tetter
evinces itself, from tlie kindred languages, [O. Ed. p. 7C8,]
to be an inorganic prefix. The Sanskrit ftirnislies for com-
parison rndhira, "blood," and, with respect to the root, also
rdkUn for rMhita, "red." In rufut. on the contrnry, the
aspirate has remained; and if tliia had also been the case
in the auxiliary verb under discussion, perhaps then, in
the final portion of nmti-fam, nmn-fo, derivatives From the
root, whence proceed faU /lutm. fore, fio. fucio, &c.. would
have been recognised without the aid of ttie light thrown
upon the subject by the kindred languages. From the
Gaelic dialccta I wjU here further cite the form ho, "he
was." whieli wants only the personal sign to be the same na
the Latin bat, and. like the latter, ranks under tlie Sanskrit-
Zend imperfect abhawit, buvut. The Gaelic ha is, however,
defiuieut in the other persons ; and in order to say *' I
3ca
748
VEKUS.
vrns," for which, in Irish, hann might be expected, ba wai
is used, i.e. "it was I."
537. The leogth of the class-vowel id the Latin third
conjugation is surprising, e.g. in fcy-i-bam, for the third con-
jugation, is bfiscd, OS has been remarked (|. IDS'. 1.) ou the
Siuiskrit Crst or sixth class, the short a of which it haa
corrupted to t, be/ora r to #. Ag. B«?uary believes tliia
Icng-th intist be exjthiinod by the concretion of tlie clnss-
vowcl with tilt' augment.* U would, in fact, bo very well,
if, in tliis manner, the augment could be attributed to the
LHtiii ns the expression of the p.i8t. I cannot, however, so
decidedly ussent to tliis opinion, us I have before doocf
\Q, Gd. p. 7tiO0 partieutarly as the Zend also, to which
I then appealed, as having occasionally preserved the aug-
ment only under the protection of preceding prepositions,
has since appeared to me in a difTcrent light ($. b\H.).
Ttierc arc. it cannot be denied, in the lun^n^cs, inorganic
or inflcxive lengthenings or diphthongiKations of vowels,
originally short ; as, in Sanskrit, the cliias-vowe! just under
discussion is lengthened before m and v, if a vowel follona
next (v<Lh-A-mu vak-A-vas, vah-d-m(tn) ; and as the Gothic
does not admit a simple i and u before r and h, but
preBxi-9 to them, in this position, im a. The Latin
lengthens the short final vowel (which corresponds to
the Sanskrit a. and Greek o) of the hnse-words of the
second declension before the tcrminntion rum of the genitive
plural {(uf6-Tum), Just as before bua in amhi\-buH, da^u»{
and it might be said that tJie auxiliary verb bam also
felt tlie necessity of being supported by a long vowel, and
* System of Laila boddiIs, p.^. It belnf; there Btiit«I ihit i]i«
OofauidBaOB of Uie Lntin 6am with the Sanskril ahfutvata tuil ixrt aay«t
btoD BotiMd, I muat rctunrlc tlmt thia bad boca do&c in my Conjugntwn^l
SyetPTti, p. \fi.
t Iterlln Jahrb., Jsnuiwy 1698. p 13.
POKMATION OF TENSES.
749
that, therefore, l^-e-bam, not le^-e-bam, or ieg-i-bam, in
employed.
529. In the fourth conjugation, tiic S ot audi?biim corre-
sponds to the BnnI n of the Sanskrit diameter ot the tenth
doM. atfa, which a has been dropped in the Latin present,
with tlie exception of the first peraon sin^uhir aud Uiir«l
person plural; but in the subjunctive and in the future,
xvhicb, according to its origin, is likewise to be rcg'ardt.-d as
a subjunctive [nudiam, uudida, autiiSii), has keen retained in
concretion with the modal exponent (see $. 505.). As the
Latin I! frequently coincides with the Sanskrit diphthong^.
(=^H-f;), and, e.g., thv fuUire tund^s, lurni^mus, timdMis, eor-
responds to the Sanskrit potential iudf*. tudfyia, tudiia
(from tudirii, &c.), ao might also the f oi tund-C-lfam, aud-ii-
-ham, be divided into the cluments a-^-i: thus titnd^bam
luigbt be explainetl from (undiiiham, where the a would be
ttie class-vowel, which, in the [)re8eDt, as remiirked above
(§. 109'. L), has been weakened to t,- so [G-. Ed. p. 7"0lJ
that tund-i-a, tand-i-t, answer to the Sanskrit tud-t?-si,
tud-a-tu The i contuiucd io the (! of tundS-bam would then
be regarded as the conjunctive vowel furuiiiting the auxiliary
verb; thus, lundfbam would be to be divided into tiinda-i-biim.
This view of the majter mij;ht appear the mor« siilis-
factory, as tho Sanskrit also much favors the praclice of
uniting- the verb substantive in certain tenses with the
principal verb, by means of an f, and. indeed, not only in
roots ending in a uonsonant, where the i mi^^ht be regarded
as a means of facilitating the conjunction of opposite sounds,
but also in roots which lerntlnate iu a vowel, and have no
need at all of any such means; r.tj. dhnv-i->ihiji\mi, "I will
move" (also dliti-ihyitni), and adliiiv-i-slurm, "I moved";
tliou^U adMa-xham would not be inconvenient to pronounce,
529. In (iivor of the opinion that the augment is con-
tained in the ^ of autiifbam. the obsolete futon-a of the
fourth conjugation in ilto might be adduced (expedibo, Bcibo,
y«o
VERBS.
aperibo, and others iii Pliiutus), and tlie wiint of a preceding
4 in these forms might be explained by the urcumstance.
that the ruttiru has no augment. But iiu|>erfect9 in ^bam
also oc-cur. and tlieiice it is clear, that both the i" of -ibv,
and that of -fham. should be regarded as a cgntmction of
t4 and tliat the ditfercnce between the future and imper-
fect is only in this, that in the latter the full form (i^) hov
prevailed, but in the former has been utterly lost.
tbo cominoa dialect !bam, %l>o, from eo, answer to thi
obsolete imperfects and futures, only that here the i' u
radical. From the third person plural eaid (for iunt), and
from the subjunetive vam (for iam), one would cxjiect au
imperfect Hbum.
[(J. Ed, p. ?7l.] &ao. Lot us now consider the temporal
au^jmeiit, ia which the Sanskrit agrees with the Greek, juat
as it does in the syllabic aogmcut. It is au universal prin-
ciple in Sanskrit, that when two vowds come together they
melt into oue. Wheu. therefore, the augment stands before
n root bc^nning with a, from the two short a a luag d is
formed, as in Greek, from e, by prefixing the augment for
the most part, an 17 is formed. In this manner, from the
root of the verb substantive VB aa, BS. arise vm dx, M£,
whence, iu tlie clearest aecordanee. the third person plural
W*5(_ d«aii. ?(roi'; the second WW dm/n, ^<rre; the first
vnn (trmu. ificf, the latter for ^crjiei', as might be expected
from the present iufiiv. In the dual, /'otok iJittjji', answer
admirably to WTWif^ tU-tam. VreiTK dv-Mm. The first jier-
son singular is. in Sanskrit, titam, for which, io Gredi.
^aav might be expected, to which we are also directed by
tlie tliird person plural, which geuerally is the same as tbo
first person singular (where, however, v stands for vt). The
form ^¥ has passed over a whole syllable, and is exceeded hy
tlie Latin cram (from etam, sec §. 22.) in tnie preservation
of the original form, ua in general the \jMin has, in the
verb subslantivv. nowhere permitted itself to be robbed of
tvr-
ha«^
FOBMATIOK OF TENSES.
751
tlie radical coiiaoiiaiit, with the exception of tbe second
person present, but, acconling to its u»ual inctuiatioti, fans
WFnkcnrd the original s bctweeu two vowels to r. It is
highly probable* that i-ram wus originally ^mm with the
augraent The abandonment of th<.? augtnvnt rests, there-
fore, simply on the shortcaing of the initial vowel.
S3l. In the seooiitl and tJiird person singiilnr the Sanscrit in-
troduces between tlic root and the peraoniil si<;n vand t anl'ns
the conjunctive vowel ; licncc<ljw, dxi?. Without thisauxiliary
vowel these two persons would necessarily have lost their cha-
racteristic, as two conHuiiai3ts are not admissible at tlie end of
a word, as also in the Veda-diiileet, in the {G. EJ. p. 772]
third person, there really exists a form wn^ d«, witli which
the Doric ?? agrees very well. But the Doric ^y, also, might,
Trilli Kiihner (p. 234), be deduced from ?t, »o that f would be
the chamcter of the third ixtsoii, the original t of wliiL-h, as
it cannot stand at the end of n word, would have been changed
into the cognate ;, which is admissible for tlie termination.
According to this principle, I have detUieed neuters like
Tcru^t. Ttpay, from Tervi^r, xtpar, as flrpos from irpOTi'^
Sanskrit prali (see §. 1 52. conel.). If tji has arisen in a similar
manner from JJt. this form would be tlie more remaikable,
because it would then be a solitary example of tlie retention
of th(3 sign of the third person in secondary forms. lie this
how it may, still the form ^t is important for this rcKison, as
it explains t(i us the* common form ?jv, the external identity of
which witli the ^v of the first person must appear surprisiug;.
Ill this person ijv stands for tjpi (middle ^fvju); but in
the third, Jfv has tJie same relation to tlie Doric ^ tliat
TWirroju*!" has to Twroixtc. or that, in the dual, rifmercv,
tcpnerov, have to the Sanskrit tarpalhas, turixilot (J 97.);
nod [ doubt not, also, tlint the v of ^v, "be was," Is a
corruption of s.
"Remark.— In Sanskrit it is a rule, that roots in s, when
VS2
■VERBS.
they belong, like as, to n cIusb of conjugntion which, in
special tenses, interposes no middle syllable between the root
and personal tcrminatiou, change the radical s in the third
person into t; and at will iu tbe second person also, where,
nevertheless, the placing an s and its euphonic permutations
is prevalent(9eemy smnller Sanskrit Grammar. §.291.): thus
^T\ i6s, " to govcrD," forms, \a the third person, solely
fisAl,- in the second aids (vfTT: asdli). or likewise aadt. As
regards the third person aUl, I believe that it is better
cnusitltT its / us the character of the tliird person than as
permutation of the radical .v. For why else should the
have been retained priDcipally iu the third person, while
the second person prefers the Torui nsds'/ At the period
nhen the Suuskrit, like its sister langunges. still admitted
two consonants at the end of a word, the tliird person will
[G. £d. p. 773.] have been asth-t, and the second adM-n, as
a before another « freely passes into i (see §. 51". Rem.}; in
the present state of the language, however, the last letter but
one o{aiAii4 has been lost, and asAl-s has, at n-ill, either in
like manner dropped the last but one, which it has generally
done — hence, os'«((Os— or the last, hence n«iJ/(«).*'
532. With ^r^^^Asi-st. "thou wast." 'WI^ rlW-t, "he
was." the forms Asm. dsnf. may aUo have existed, as several
other verbs of the SHtnc class, ia the persons tncntinncd, Hssuine
at will u or t' OS eonjunetive vowel ; as aroili\, ariidii, "thou
didst weep/' " he did weep"; or arAdait, nrddat, from rud (the
Old High Gorman riu.:!/, "I weep," pre-supposcs the Gothic
riiiia, Latin rut/o). 1 believe that tlle forms in as. al, arc the
elder, and tliut tliu forms in i^), il", have found their way from
the aorist(third formation), vrhcrc the \tm^f of ab6dhu.ahidhii,
is to be explained as a couipeusation for the sibilant which had
been dropped, which, in the other persons, is united with the
root by a short i (alMh-i-^ham, abfidh-i-Hhu"a, tbAdh-i-yhma).
The prc-suppo&«d forms dnu, &»aU arc vonfiroied by the Zend,
I
J
FORMATION OF TENSES.
793
bIso, where, in the third person, the form i»a>u'^ anAof "
occurs, with suppression of the augment [O. E<l. p. 774.3
(orfierwise it would be duuhni) and the insertion of a nasal.
Odc-ording to §. &0*. I am Qoi abit! to i^uote the second pcr<
son, but it admits of no doubt thnt it is nnhH (with eka, " and,"
anhai-cfui). The origimdity of the conjunctive vowel a is
coiifirmed also by the Latin, wliich ueverllielcss lengthens
the vime inorganically (but again, through the influence ofa
final m and t, shortens it), and which extends that lelt«r.
also, to tlioiie persons in which the Sanskrit and Greek,
and probably, also, tlie Zend, although wanting in the
examples which could be desired, unite the tcruiiiiatioiis
to the root direct. Compare —
vV
SINGULAR.
/Liit (Zetld anhat, iis, t Vedic da), i;;, ijv,
DUAL.
A*wa ....
djfam, Jjrrotf
iittAm, ^Ttjif
nam.
erAt.
crat.
*■ I ouuwti wiOt Buruouf (Yn^tiA, Nolto, p. CXIV.}, explain tliia
oiiliat-, ntitl iie plural anh^n, ns n atilijiinctive (/>^) or a« nn ftoriat ; for n
Lfi^ alwaj-B reijiiircA n lung i-uiijunctivv vow], and, jii tho third pcraon
|ilLir;it, aitn for ifn. And Bimtonf nctDslly uilroduccs Bs Lit ihtt fiimi
atftJidi (Yofna, p.CXVUI.], ivtucit is >iir>Prior \oanhat\a XhtX itixrlaJna
tbo augmfitit. But it need not surprise vs,, rrum wimt luu \ieva n-mnrki''!
in^.fi*J<>., duiC aifhitt and aWiivi occur vrittitk niKjuni-iiie ni^uificntioa.
Aad BurDuafgivc* hi tliv f«Tm nipdraifanta, nn.-ntiviii.'d in ^ J30. Rem,,
a aubjunciivv ni«iuuiig, without ri'ieogniuDg in it n fririiiol nibjonctiri?.
TliB diffKn-riM ofllif Zfiiil avhat frotii tlit; :?niulcrit rfnr, with rv^nllothe
conjniiutivi: vowel, Bhould (urprlxi qs tliclcw, lu tliv ifcml not anfrc^utniJy
diflbr* from tbo Sansb^t in more imporlant poinU, as in the prcacrration
ofthfl nominative iign in bases ending wiih a c«nwDnnl {i/k, druci, me
754
VERBS.
Atma.
data,
PI.URAL.
flRKES.
UTtX.
erim
us.
er&lM.
eraut.
" Remark. — The aiialoa^ with bam, but, may Iwve occa-
sioned tli« lengthening inorganicaJlyof the conjunctive vowel
in Latin, where; the length of qunntity appctira ns an uncon-
scious result of contraction, since, as has been shewn above
(G. Ed. p. 775.] (sol* §. 52fi). 6am. Ms, &f.. correspond to
the Sanskrit ti-bfifivim, a-hhnvos. After dropping the r, the
two short vowels coalesced and rndted down into n long* one*
in a similar maimer to that in which, in the Lntin first con-
jtig^Uion. the Sanskrit character aya (of the tenth class), after
rejecting the y has become A (§. 504.); and beuw, amAs, amA-
tia, correspond to the Sauiirit Mmat/asi, "thou lovest,"
kiimnynlhri, "ye love." The iicct'Ssiiy of Btljiistiiig wiUi Uio
utmost nicety the forms cram, fMi, Sec, to those in bn7ii, M#,
and of placing tliroiighont a lonf^ ^, where the final conso-
nant does not extort its shortening influencei must appear so
much the greater, us in tlie ftiture, alsn, cr? s. cnV, <^im«s, erithi.
atiuid in the fullest agreement with fti.v, lilt, btmus, bilh; and
for the practical use of tlie langu.tge the difference of the two
tenses rests on the difference of the vowel preceding the per-
sonal termination. A contrast so strong as tliat between tlie
Jcugth of the gravest and tlio shorliicss of the lightest vowel
could ilicrefore be found here only through the fulk'st rea-
sons for wishing its appearance. Tliat the i of the future ia
not simply a conjunctive vowel, but an actual expression of
the future, ajid that it answers to the Sanskrit ya of -yuri,
-yali, &c i or, reversing the cose, that the d of the imperfect
is simply a vowel of conjunction, and has uotJaug to do with
the expression of the nOation uf time, this can be felt do
longer from tlie particular point of view of the Lntin.
533. In roots which begin with i, I h, A or ri. the
Sanskrit augment does not follow the common rules of
FORMATION OF TKNSES.
755
souud, acconJing to which a witli t or f is contracted into
^[=a-\-i), ojtd with « or il to 6 (=a+u), and with r»
Cfroni or) becomes t;r, but id* is eraployeil for ^h for^du,
^ A; and ^n^ At for Vf, ar: ao from ichh. " to wish" (as
substitute of lyi), comes Akhham, "\ wished"; from ufrjA.
"to sprinkle," c-oines Aiik^ham, "I sprinkled." It can-
not bo ascertnined with certainty what thv ruasou for this
deviation from tho common path is. Perhaps the iiigher
augmeiit of the vowel is to ha ascribed to the iui))ortuiic« of
the augment for thi; modification of the relation of time, and
to the endeavor to miikc the augmeut more perceptible to
the ear, in roots begiimiiig witli a vowtl, thmi it would
bo if it were contracted with i,t, to fi, or with u, il, to A,
thereby giving up its jndi%-iduality. [G. Ed. p. 77G,]
Perhaps, too, the preponderating example of tlie roots of
the first class, which require Guua before aiuiple radical
consonants, has operated upon the roots vrhich possess
no Guiia, so that <!khham and <iut.-ithtim would be* to be
regatxled us rugular eoutraetious of a-^cbhnm, a-Qkxham,
nithongh, owing to ichh belonging to the sixth clnss, and the
vowel of the uk^h class beiog long by position, no other Guna
is admitted by titcm.
iM. lu roots which begin witlm. tlie augment and redupli-
cation produce, in Siniakril. aoeSect exactly tlie same as if to
tlie root v^ as ("to be**) a was prefixed as tho augment or
the syllable of rcdiipIicAtioo; so in both cases from a-us only S»
• As i c«iifii«t« tif a Vi, nnil A ofa^u, so the fir§t eleiaiini ofUiciw
dij'blhongannturall}' meludovn villi aprcce Jingo tu it, oiiil the prci'laci
ut the whole is Si, tiu, la roole which be|pn with ri, wo might ngaid
the fcirui 4lr, which arises thnmgh iJie BUgaivnt, at iimoi-iiliiig ori^nally
not from ff, but froia lh« orl^nal ar, of nhk-h ti in wn abbrcvimion, aa,
nlAcr. [h« r^upUehtioasylLabU oibiUiarmi hns bMO duvclopcd Doi Itum iAri,
U'liich ttie graiiimnrliinii lunumu jia the mat, but from Dio pmp(>r root bhar
(see VijcalismnB, p. 15ft, iie,), by vrcHki-ninc tin; a to i, white in tlis redu-
pliuited iiTvtcritv this wcald-ning vooeo, aod babhara or bakhdra iiiroiw " 1
W«."
756
VBRBS.
can arise, and um is (he first and third iwrson of the perfect.
Id roots, however, which bc^n with ■ or u the operations oT
the augment and of reduplication are different; for hh, "to
wish," and utb, "to tiuro" (Latin uru), form, through the auj;-
meiit, liitih,* Au»h, and, by reduplication, ixk. uah, as the re^-
lar contraction oti-hh, u-u*h. In the persons of the suigular,
however, which talie Gunii, the i and u of the reduplicalinn-
syllable pass into ty and uv before tlie vowel of the root, wliicli
[G. Ed, p. 777.] is extended by Guiia; lience, ty-^iA<7, "I
wished," uv-dtka, " I burned," eorresimnding to the phiral
iskimn, ^shima, without Guna.
533, In roots beginning with a vowel the tenses which
have the augment or reduplication are pitwed, by the Greek,
exactly on the same footinu;. The reduplinition. however,
cannot be so much disregarded, as to be overlooked where it
is OS evidently present as in the just-mentioned (f. 53-1.)
Sanskrit iuhinvt, H^hima {=i-ifhima, u-u*hmo). When from
an orieiually short i and v a longT and v arise, as in ixe-
TOfov, iKcToiKa, i0pi^oy, v^piaii.ai, I regard this, ns I have
already done claewherc.t as the efFect oF the rt-dupliention.
* KmvAdiifhiaJiain; iho inipurfcclin fnnncd from tlio subatitutc ieAA.
t Aiuiat«i>fOTieninlLitenUui'«(Ivondni», I8'.*0, p, 41). When, tbcrclbrv,
Kvtig<T(Cril. Gruniii. ^.PO.)ni»ki«t)ie lentporBl nug^inait voasist to tlue,
tlut the vowel of the r^b ia douliUd, tlibcorruspoiids in reganl lo iiurn<ar,
\'fip\(,t)r, i/jiijiifffuii, iB^rui',o>>iAT(«o,whli tlieopiiiIonex])resM!d,l,C|by me;
but M. Krug«r'» cxplnnntion of liic oiattw Kann to mc too gvaenl,
ill LliU, accardinf; lo II, verb* bcgimiing witU a vowa-I ix-ver liiul nn aug-
ment ; and iliat tlmrvrvrr, while \Xw ?nu»li rii rfwn, " ihty wcrr," is <»in-
pauiiil«] of a-<uafl, i. t. of ttt suf^ment niid ihf rooi. tlie Greok ^c
WDDid indeed have been melted down from i-*anv, but tbo firat < wouM not
only be to tbe ruol a foreign elcnieiK ixdileii tally agiveiii;; with it* initisl
■oyiidt I'ut \Xm rvpctitioit or ivilu^limlion of llie rAitical vowi'l. TIku
{<Hu-, in «p)to of iu Hunt agreement with tbeSAiulrritdMn, would nat b*vft
lobengSTde<1 naontofttumou rerparknblo traniiniMioiiii trom tlie ]>ri-
rolllve period uf the languflgCt hut tlie o^n^emcni would be mainly forMjN
toiu^ m&iim wftuldcoatAtD Ihososmcnt, ^am; however, a »yll(tblv of reJu-
pUcation
FORMATION OF TBNSBS.
757
and look upon the long vow«1 as proceeding from the n^pcti-
tion of the short ooc, as, in the Sanskrit I'Miiin, ^nhimtt.
For why ahoiild no 7 or y arise out of e + * [G. Ed. p. 778.]
or V. when this contraction occurs nowhere else, and besides
when er is so fnvoiiriten diplithong in Greek, that even £-|-e,
nlthou^^h of rare octurrent-w in the augment, is ratlier eon-
tfActed to c( thnn to t^, nnd the diphthong «■ niso accord* well
HiCh that Irin^ungc? As to o becoming at in the au^^mciitcd
tenses, one uii^ht, if re<iuiped. reeogiiise therein the aug-
mciit. since e and o arc originally ono, and botli arc cor-
ruptions from a. Nevertheless, I prefer seeing in iivo{ia^cv
the reduplication, mther than the niignient, since we else-
where find e + o always contracted to of, not to w, althotigb,
ii) dialects, the u occurs as a contpcnsiition for ov {Doric
rw v6fi.Ut Tuc voykoi),
53fi. The middle, the imperfect of which is diatingaislicd
from the regular active only by the personal terminations,
described in §§. 4RS. &c., ej^liihils only in the third person
singular and phiral a rescmbliinee between the Sanskrit, Zend,
and Greek, wlUch strikes the eye at the first glantc : compare
iip£p-€-TO. e^ip-o-vTo, with the Sanskrit ubfiur-a-la, abliar-'i-
-n(fi, and the Zend Itar-a-ta, bar-a-nia. In the second person
singular, forms like eSeiV-i-u-iTo answer very well to the Zend,
like hu-wi-nhu, "thou didst praise" (§. 169.); while in the first
conjugation the agreement of the Greek and Zend is some-
wliat disturbed, in that the Zend, Recording to a universiU
law of sound, has changed the original termination ta after
a prcL-cditi^ n tu /m (see ^. .'>6'.), and attached to it a nanHl
sound (fi), but the Greek has contracted c-<ro to ov; thus,
etpepov from iipep-€-(Jo. answering to the Zend bar-ftn-ha, for
which, in Sanskrit, a-bAar-u-Mdv (see §. 41)9.). In the 6rst
pUcatuiti. I should carlAinly, however, iirefi-T rvcnfn>i-''ii>f[, '» <dl (ircrk
v«t1m IwgiDnitii; with a vowttt, t)i« red □ plication alone rather than Urn
nugiiicnt nlunn; and from the Greek point of riev, wilbont rt-fen>nco to
the Saoshrit, thl» viev would appear mxirc comet.
758
VERBS.
person singular v^abharfi froni nftftar-o-i for abhar-a-tM',
{9eQ%.\l\,), appears very disndvantageously compared witfaj
e^cff-v-ittfv. In the Brst person plural, e(p€p-o-iif.$a nnswcrs,
ill rcsjicL-t to tlie personal terniinatinn, better to tlie ZeoA
haT'A-vxniiJhi tlmn to the SansVrit nhharih-maht, tbe rndiDgl
[G. Ed. p. 770.] of which, mahi, is clearly ahbreviated fronil
mndhi [«ee §- 4"9.). In the sci-oiid person plural, i-tf^ef-c-trffe"
forrcBiKHida to the Sanskrit obhar-a-dfm-^'m,* and Zend htir'
-n-(lhirfm:' in the dual, for the Greek iipcp-e-irdov, e^»c^-e-<
~ad>iv (from iupcp-t-Trov, i^p-t-mjv, (sec $. -17-1.), stind, in
Saus\ir\t,u{>hfirflhAm.ahbuT^liim, from a6^n r-«->W/i'(fii, nbhartt-
-d-Mm (according to the third class ahibhr-iUhdm, abihhr'
-*Mdm). and this, aceortling to the conjecture exprnssed above,
(J, 4H.)« f"^™ fibhar-a-thfUhfim, abhar-a-tStAm.
"Remark. — I can (iiiotu in Zend only iho thini person
sin^lrir aud plural, the latter instanced in nip<irayanOi,
which occurs in the Vend. S. p. 434 in the sense ofa sub-
junctive presenlf [nipiiTayaula Apem. * trnnsf/rediantur'
ntiu(im') which, according to what has heen rcmnriced at
§. J20., need not surprise us. The tliird person flin^lar
can be copiously cited. I will here notice only the fre-
quently recurrint^ M^iSihu adi-ta. 'he spolte.' ju^«xij^Joua)
finili-a6da, *he answered,* the a of which I do not regard
as the augment, as in general the augment has almost db-
nppcarod in Zend (see §. ft IS.), hut as the phonetic prefix
mentioned in I- ?9. But how is the remaining Acta re-
luted to the Sanskrit r* The root nw oacft is not used in
the middle; but if it were, it would. Lo tlic third person
• From tf^p-1-TTt, ahhar-a-ddhfcam, bhar-a-dHku^mJ (lee $.4*4.
t CompKn) Itnnwuf, Yn^ndjp.SIS. In Sanskrit tho Terb pdnrydMi,
mid. jMtrojF^, corrMpotids, nhidi I do tint il«riirt! with iJie Imliiui gnnt-
inarians from the root ii pr'i^ " tn fnUil,'* 1iut regnnl il« iIic ildimiii lutive
otpAra, "th« further nfuin"; this pSra, hoirev«r, Is Wt dmred IJoro
para, " the Mlier."
^
POBMATIOS OP TBNSES.
759
singular of the iaiperfcct, form avukla. without the
augment vakla; and hence, by cltanging fo to a + H (for
u + v). tlic Zend ai;x]Ju» ^a might be de<luL>ed, with the
regular contraction of the « + u to !>.• As, in Sanskrit, the
root mc/i, in many irregular forms, has laid aside a, nad vo-
calized the k to ii.t we might, uUo, for rt-i-n(Wo, [G. EJ, p. 780.]
• On ihe viilne of ly as long d wc f . ■147- Nole.
|- As rrgardstnyiaplanBlionof ilie Mwhitti takoa OicpIiiCH (ifru in the
rofit vac/i, Bind mnny oiliere. In certain funtit) <luv«iil of Ounn, Privfcnor
Hofcr (Conlributiorw to Etj-molt^y, ]>, 38-1), Hwh it rcmnrknHc llist w«
*o ol^cn ovorlonk ulutt ih juNt ul Iwiid, and tlitnlct thai in t)i>o case under
JiscunioD lliu II U not to be dniuccd fioiD tlio ti at voy bnt that tVom vu
rti bu been formed ; and ofthi*, oficr rrjcctiDg tlac i', oa\y tbe u hu re-
mninpd. In this, hoMc^vi^r, M. HUht Has, on liis part, ovrrlnokcd, that
the iluiifAlion of u frnm vu cannot be sr]iarntcd from the {ibenotnrtiK
wliii'h niD imralliJ thereto, accoidiiiK to which i proceeds from y/t nut] ri
from fw. It ta impoHaible t» doducc grihifall, "capitiir," for grafiyatf,
ill *iii:h n muiiier m to ilerive rri from rri, as f.-u frotn ivi, an<) tliu» pre-
nipposc for grikyali a grrihyatf, luid hmcr drop the r. Bui what U
more natural than that tbo ««mi-vowcl8 sliould at tints leject tlic rowul
whlth aetorapBolM them, aalhey themselves ean liecomi* a vow^lT If
not the nlution ciftli* Old High German tr, " yt," to t)i« Gothic yix
foBoded on this? and evvn tliat of the Oothtc gcnitirc i-nsira t« the to*
-1>e-4'Xpf0l«d ^u-svaraf Or fnuat from t/v* be naxt formed^, and
hence ir by rejecting the |i F Can it l>v tlmt tin- (iotlitc nominative tAiiu,
" llie BiTvivnt," hns ariKU from the theme Ihn'a, not, wliich it ihc TKoditai
iray of deriving it, by the p twcoming u aDrr Iho a has )>cwd rejected,
but by formiDg fVom tkira flmt tliiva, and then, by dropping tha v,
in the nominative thiut, ai»1 in llio ncciisativv t/i^ul T folly nvknow-
lodge M. Ufifer't valu«lilci lultour^ with regard la th« Prnkrii, bat boli«v«
thai. In Ube uuw beforv ub, Iu) litwKuirenid liimw-lf to hu mivlfd by Ibisin-
(ereaiingnnd Instmctivo dialect. It a trac ilial ihc Piftkrit u mora &»•
<|a«titly founded ob forms older than tliOM vhich coone before us in cinwic
Sanifcril. 1 hare shewn this, among other plnctiB, in the I mtrn menial
plural tf- 220.), where, howeycr, n» unual, the I'ralni, in spite of banng
an older fvrui belbre it, liw m-vcithelee« 1>««b guilty of admilungi at the
same time, n Mroog corni)iiliHL Thio is the cnae wllh the Prfikflt
tvrJiehatii, "dicilur." 1 willingly concede to M. Hufer, that tliii form U
baaed
760
VERBS.
suppose a form a-ulin (without the euphonic contractioo),
and tient-e, iu Zend, deduce, according to the common oon-
[G. Ed. p. 781] traction, the forra Ma, to which /Jcta theo,
according to §. 28., nn a would be further prefixed ; »o that
ill M^^ifM nSda an augment would in reality lie concealed,
without being contained in the initial a. Tliis apcciat
case is here, [loweveri of no great iiuportanoe to us ; but
this nione is so, that u6cla, iu its termination, is idc-ntical
with the Snnskrit, and comes very nenr the Greek to of
eifiep-e-Te, eJc/k-vw-to. To the latter answers tlie often re-
curring hii-nu-la, ' he praised' (compare Greek C-fn-oi), with
an inorgiinic lengthening of tlie u. From the latter luay.
with certainty, be derived the abovc-metitioDed secxuid
person /lu-iiu-s/m, after the analogy of the aorist
urdTuJhiisim (see J. 409.). Iu the first person plural I
have contnisted the form bat'O-mnldM, which is not dis-
tinguishable from the ]ire8ent, with the Greek e-iftc/^-ofieSa ;
for it is clear, from the obovcnientiQncd (§.472.) potcntiul
WE^^J'^-iiQ**^ liuidhyiiimuidlii, tliat tlie secondary fonus
are not distinguished, in the first person plural, from the
primary ones: after dropping tlie augment, therefore, no
dilference from the ])resent can exist. The form hnr-a-
-dhvxin of tlie second person plural follows from the im-
perative quoted by Burnouf (Ya^jia, Notes, p. XXXVfU.),
as 5firf(»jU>iA|5 :royat/Au;5m, 'live ye,' and the precative
^gaO^ftffAAA'g dayaiihwem, ' may ye give,""*
Ixueil on some other older one iluui llie prtrMnt Snnskrit uchyati, hnt I do
not thence dcdm-t' a nicAyttfi?, hnt iiier<?]y nitfif/aif.fbT wbich the PrAkrit
if not at all rtqnirvd, Tbc PriLkrit, like many other litn^ungea, hso, in
very mftny placp*, n-cnkmcij nn originni « In u (wo p. 3C;! Note*): why,
then, shoold il not Imrc orcBsionnlly done bo nfier tlic r, wliirb is lio>aa>
gvnccus to the H, ai tho ZcnJ, iwcordiii;; to Hurnintrit coiijit-clDrc, Itos
Mtnctimes, thrangh Oio uiflu?iic« of a t>, chiuigcd a foUawiRga ta£l
• In oiy opinion, this form (of which mon hvicoftcr} must b* tuVen
fbt & t^'^cuive, out fur oa iinpcmtivc.
FOBMATION OP TENSES. 761
ORlOtN OF THE AUGMENT.
537. 1 hold the augment to be idcutlcal in its origin mih
the a privative, and regard it, therefore, as the cxprcsaion
of the negation of the present. This opiuion, which has
been already brought forward in the "Annals of Oriental
Literature," has, since thon, been supported by Ag. Benary"
and Hartuiig {Greek Particles, II. 1 10.), but opposed by
Lassen. As. liowever, Professor Lassen will allow of no ex-
planation wliatever of gramtnutical forms by annexation, and
bestows no credit on the verb substantive, clearly as it mani-
fests itself in Sanskrit iu many tenses of [O. Ed. p, 782.3
attributive vprba, treating it like the old *' everywhere" and
*' nowhere," I am not surprised that he sees, in the explana-
tion of the augment just given, the culminating point of tlie
agglutination system, and is astonished that the first ances-
tors of the human race, instead of saying " I saw." should be
supposed to have said "I see not." This, however, they did
not do, since, by the negative particle, they did not wish to
remove the action itself, but only the present time of the
same. The Sanskrit, iu genera], uses its negative particles in
certain compounds in a way which, at the first glance and
without knowing tlie true object of the language, appears
very extraordinary. Thus, uflamti-ii. " the highest." does not
lose its signification by having the negative particle a pre-
fixed to it (wliich, as in Greek before vowels, receives the
addition of a nasal}: an-allamits is not " tlie not highest,**
or " the low," but in like manner " the highest," nay,
even emphatically *' tJie highest," or " the highest of all."
And yet it cannot be denied that, in antiHama-s, the par-
ticle un, has really its negative force, but onuHtima-s is a
possesave compound, and as. c. y., uhah-s (from a and halo),
" not having strength," means, therefore," weak;" so anutla-
ma-i signifies properly "qui (dtiasimum non habet" and
•
• BerLiu iakrh., July 163^ pp. 36, kc.
3n
F
762 ORIGIN OF THE ACOMENT.
hence. " tjuo ru>mo allior etl" It might Wexjiectcd. that every
superlative or comparative would be used similarly, that, e. (/.,
apunyotama-s or <iputiyat(ira-ii would signify" tlie purest";
hut the language makes no further use of this capability ; tt
docs not a second time rejieat this jest, if we would so call
it; at least I am unacquainted with any otlier examples of
this kind. But what comes much nearer tliis use of the
[G. Ed. p. 783,] DugntL'iit, as a negative particle, than
the just cited an of anuttama, is this, that lika, " one," by
the prcEuEing negative particles, just as little receive*
the meaning " not one" (ouiei's), " none," as ijftl vtd'mt, " I
know," through the a of a-vid-am, gets that of " t know
□ot." By the negative power of the augment, vfdmi loaea
only a portion of its meaning, a secondary idea, that of pre-
sent time, and thus t^ka-s, " one," by the prefix an or na
{anika, ndika), does not lose its existence or its personality
(for Ska is properly a pronoun, see f. 3U8.), uor even tbo
idea of unity, inasmuch as in G, 7, A, &c., the idea of "one "
is also contained, but only the limitation to unity, as it
were the st-vondary idea. " simply." It would not be sur-
prising if anSka and toiiha expressed, in the dual, " two,''
or, in the plural, *■ tliree," or any other higher number,
or also " a few," "some") but itsiguihcs, such is the docisiou
- [G. Ed. p. 784.] of the use of language, " many." • It
cannot, therefore, he matter of ustouishment, thut avidam,
throogli its negative a, receives tlie signification "' I knew."
• When VoriiiniliT, in his T/*Atisc, wliicli I have jusl bmii, entidcd
** Bteia of &a arganii: Mc(juruiitanc« uiih tlia humnit wnl," p. 317, says,
**NegBdoii of present is not yet pan time,' he is in the tight; Imt it may
he nid witli rquiU right, "negation of one is not 3-'M plomllty " (il might,
in bet, Iwttro-ness, thrw-ncss, or nothing), «nd yet Llio idea "lUdBj." »
clearly csprcsacd liy tlie nvj(AiioQ of tiiuty, or ttiuttAtJoD to unit; ; nod in
AafraiM of the Uttj^ua^ it may be Hni<l, tluiC tkougti tho u«^tiuu of pre-
sent lime is not ym past lim«, and iluil of unity not plnntlity, itill tbepom
Id RsUy a ntgation oflbo pr«»rnt, plnrnlity a uegnliou, an ovtrh-aping oF
ntuiy ; and henoo both idcaa arc adftplcd to be cxprvesed with tho aid of
nrgatiT*
I
FORMATION OF TBNSES, 763
and not that or "I sliat) know." For*] the rest, the
post, which is irrevocably lost, forms n far more decided
contraat to the present, th»n the future does, to which we
Approach ia the very same proirortion as we dfjMirt further
from tlie pasl And iu (orta, tuo, the future is ofteii no way
distinguished from the present.
53S. From the circumstanee that the proper u privative,
which clearly manifests a negative force, assamea, both in
Sanskfit and Creek, an euphanio n before & vowel initial-
souod. while tiw. a of the augment, in both languages, is coa*
densed with the following vowel (J. 530.), we ciinnot infer a
different origin for the two purtivles. Observe, that e.tj.
twAdu, " sweet," as feminine, forma, in the instrumental,
au'6dw-A, while in the masculine and neuter it avoids the
hiatus, not by changing u into w, but by the insertion of an
euphonic n (compare §. US.). And the augment and tJio
common a privative arc distinguished in [G. VA, p.7U.3 ,
the same way, since tliey both apply diOerent means to avoid
n«(^ti7« |HwticlM. Viee v4riJL, in oeruun cases nas^oD eui bIm b« ex-
pressed by a phrase for the puai :
'* Btaen, Btten,
Scid's gcxctsm !"
where ^fwtaen means the sxtav as "now no more." Langunge never cx-
prcasM any tiling p^rfoclly, bat ovtryvrhcrc vuly l>ruig)i forwnri the most
conapiniion* |Hiint, or i)ist wliich appears en. To diacoTer this potDl is
the businras of elymology. A "toodi-liflveT" Is nm yet an "eli'phaiit,"
■ *'hair-hnvcr"do<anotfu!lyexpn;69B"hi>i)''; nmi yet the ^nnskrit calls
the elephant dantin, the lion klUn. If, thnn, a tooth, dan^a, is derived
froiin <u/, "toeat" (dnippliig ttivu), or from «/«>», "to bitu" (dmppinjt
the Hibilaui), WQ inayaKaiii say, "an mteror bitcT in not cxclusirvly a
tooth (it mi^lit also be a dog Ar a moQth);'' and t}iiis tlio luajpinj^-r re-
volves tii HcirrlrtofincoTnp!cl«cxprw«ion*, Mi'l ilenotmlliirgsimpprrivtly,
by any one qaality whatever, which is itself impi^rfccdy potntcil out. I(
it, however, certain, that the luost prtKOiioenl quality of the past in what
mny be toroieil the "non-present," by whieh the former is deiutieil more
cOfTPcdy (liau Uwalepluuit is«xprea>wl by " touth-havwr."
3l} 2
764 OUIOIN OV THB ADGMBNT.
the hiatus. The division may have arisen at a period wbeit,
though early (so early, in fact, as vrhen Greek and Saoskril
w(.Tu one), tlie augment was no longer conscious of its
negative power, and was no more than the exponent of
past time; but the reason why? was forgotten, as, in
general, tJie portions of words which express gnunmatit.'al
reUtioDS tlieo first become grammatical forms, when the
reason of their becouiing so is uo longer felt, auJ, r. ff., tlic «.
which expresses the nominntivc, would ptiss as the expoueut
of a certain case relation only when the perception of iti.
idt-ntity with the pronominal base sti was extinguialied.
539. From tilt' Latin privative prefix in. and our Ger-
man un, I should not infer — even if, as is highly probable^
tliey are connected with the a privative — that the nasal
originally belonged to the word ; for here three witnesscl
— three languages in fact — which, in most resjieets, exceed
the Latin and German in the true preservation of their
original stai^, speak in favour of the common opinion,
that the nasal, iii the negative particle under discu&aion, ia
Siuiskfit. Ztmd, and Greek, ia not a radical. It cannot,
however, surprise us, if a sound, which is very often intro-
duced for the sake of euphony, lias remHincd fixed ju one or
more of the cognate diatevts, since the language has. by
degrees, become so accustomed to it that it could no lon^r
dispense with it. We may observe, moreover, as regards the
German languages, the great disposition of these languages,
even witliout cuphouic occasion, to introduce an inorganic n,
when^by so many words have been transplanted from
the vowel declension into one terminating with o consonant,
[G. EU. p. 780] viz. iuto that in r. or, as Grimm terins it,
into tlie weak declension; and i-.j.. the Sanskrit tidhavd,
" widow," Latin vidua, Sclavonic vJova (at ouce theme
and nominative), is In Gothic, in tlie tJicme. viduv6tt
(genitive viduvin-s), whence is formed, in the nominative,
according to %. 140., by rejecting the n.v'ultwA. If un was.
FORMATION OP TENSES. 765
in Sanskrit, the original form of tiie prefix under discus-
sion, its n would stilt be dropped, not only before conso-
nants, but also before vowria; for it is a ^neral rule in
Sanskrit, tlitit words in n drop this sound at the beginning
of compounds; hence, Ttljnn. "kin*;," fiinns, witb pulra,
rAja-putro, " king's son," «nd, with indra, " prince." rtl-
jindra, "prince of kings," since the a ofrrfjan, after tirop-
ping the «, is contracted with a following i X,o i (=o + ().
The insejmrable prcKxea, however, in respect to the laws
of sound, follow the same principles as the words which
occur also in an isolated state. If an, therefore, were the
originiil form of the nbove oegntive pnrticle, and of the
anginent identical with it, then the two would have become
separated in the course of time, for this reason, that tlic
latter, following strictly tlie nntversal fundamental lavr.
would have rejected its ji before vowels as before conso-
nants; the Former only Iwforc consonants. "^ -
540. In §.371. we liave deduced the Sanskrit negative
particles a and na from the demonstrntive bases of the same
sound, since the latter, when taken in the sense of " that," are
very well adapted for denoting the absence of a thing or qua-
lity or the removing it ton distance. If on were the original
form of the a privative and of llie augment, then the deraon>
stnitivo base «iT ana, whence the Lithuanian anas or an-t,
and tile Sclavonic on, " that," would aid in ita explanation.
The identity of the augment with the privative a might, how-
ever, be also explained, which, indeed, in essentials would be
the same, by assuming that the language, [G. E<l. p. 7&70
in prefixing an a to the verbsi did not intend the a n^ative,
nor to deny the presence of the action, but. under the a.
meant the actual pronoun in the sense of "that," and thereby
wished to transfer the action to the other side, to the distant
time already part; and that it therefore only once motyj
repeated tEic same course of ideas as it followed in the
creation of negative expressions. According to tJiis explu-
760 ORIQIN OF THE AUGMENT.
nslion, the augment and i1il> a privative would rntbor stiiiid
in a fntternal notation than in that oFoHspring and progenitor.
The way to both would lead directly from the pronoun, while
!□ the first method of eiplsnation we arrive, from the remote
demons trativi'. first to the negation, and thence lo the expres-
sion of past tJiuB, as contrary lo present According to the
last exposition, the designation of the past through the aog-
ment would bo in principle idcntitsal with that in which,
through the isolated particle m smti, the present receives
a post aigaiScation. I hold, that is to say, this tma tor
a pronoun of the third person, which occurs declined only
in certain coses in cooipositiou with other pronouns of the
third person (§§. 165. &c,), and in the plural of the two first
[wrsoiia, where asm? means (iu the V^a-dialect) properly
" i aa<? •ho" (" tliis, that woman"), jru-xAm*?. " thou and she"
(§•^^3.).* As on expression of past time, aiwi, which also
oftti, oc.™*;^ without a perceptible mcujiiiig. must be taken
in the sense of "that peraoii," "that side." "tJiere," as
W. von Humboldt regards the Tagiilisli and, Tongian ex-
pression fur past time nrt, which I have compared with
[Q. Ed, p. VOB.] the Sanskrit demonstrative base na, and
thus indirectly with the negative particle fwi,-t where I will
further remnrk that 1 have endeavoured to carry back the
expreseioii for the ftiture also, in Tongian niid Madngas-
eariai), to demonstrative bases; viz. tho Tongian te to the
Sanskrit bo-ie IT fn (which the languages of New Zealand and
Tahiti use in the form U as article), and the Mudagascnr
ho to the base Ji sa {§. 34 5.}, which appears in the Tongian
he, as in the Greek o. as the article.^
• To tliu derivation aitma, given at ii.4&4, NolsT, it may be further
Bd<lcd, tbnt it may also br idcniiiicJ whh the pratiominBl base tira (aee
$.34l).t:Ulicr by cooaidcrin^ its ni ns a hnrdvncj farm ofr.' (conip. p. 114],
OT 0iM vtrtA tho V of nod a wenkraing of the m of tma.
t Ste my Treatitw " Oa itie ConnectioD of the Malay- Poly ncdan I«n-
Kuugunilh tlic Inilo-Eumpcau," pp. 100, ^c
I L. e pp. 101, 104. I
VORMATION OF TENSKS. 7S7
541. No one would consider the circumstanee that, in
Greelc. the auj^meiit apf>ear& iu tlie form e, bnt the ne-
gative particle in the form a, which is identical vrith. tho
Sanskrit, as a valid objct-tioa ngoiost the ori}»inBl identity
of relationship of llic two partidctij for it is fxtrcnicly
coauuon iu Greek for one and the same a to niaiiitaiii itself
in one place, and be corrupted in another to « ; as Tcrv^a
T£Tvtp€ both lead to the Ssnxskrittutii/u], which stands both
in the Gi-st and iu the tliird pt-rion, as the true jiersonal
terminution has been lost, and only the conjunctive vowel
bus retuuinc-d ; wliich in Greek, except iu tlie third person
singular, appears everywhere else as a. it is, however, cer-
tain, that, from the |)oint of view of the Greek, we should
hardly have supposed the auguicut antl tlic a privative to be
related, as the spiritual points of contaet of the two prelixes
lie much too concealed. Battrannn dfrivea the augment
from the reduplication, so that ervmov would be an abbrevi-
ation of TETimrov. To tliia, however, the SanAkrit opposes
the most forcible objection, iu that it contrasts with the im-
perfect ervJTTOv its atdjmm, but with the [U. Ed. p. 78tf.]
really reduptiented rerv^a its UttApa. The Sanskrit aug-
mented tenses have not the smallest connection with tlie re-
duplicated perfect, which, in the rc|jcatcd syllftblc, always
receivcB the radical vowel (shorteiicdt if long), while tlic aug-
ment pays no regard to the root, and always uses a. If r were
tbe vowet of the augment, theu in the want of u more satb-
factory explanation, we might recognise in it a syllable of
reduplication, because the syllables of reduplication have a
tendency to weakening, to a lighteniiif* of their weight; and t,
as tbe lightest vowel, ia adapted to supply the place of the
heaviesta, and docs, also, actually represent this, as well as its
long vowel, in the reduplication-syllabic of dcsidcrativcs,* and,
n
i
•Hence pif>&», "to wish to Jrink," for pap&4 or pdpA», from jiA;
pijM(ifh, *' lo vi^ to cWaitf" &}T jiapathb, fntni pal ; no, aita, hitharmi,
" I carry,"
I
763 ORIGIN oe ran avombkt.
ID a certain cose, supplies the place of the vowel u too, wiiicti
is of middling weiglit, vis. where, in tlie second aoriat in
verbs beginning witli a vowel, the wltole root is twice giveo:
e g. wffHHH Auninam for ^1^^ Aunuiutm, from un, " to di-
Diinisii." 1 c»]ii)oi, liowever, see the ElLghtest probability in
Pott's opinion (Etym. Forseh. II. 73.), that the a of the aug-
meot may be regarded as a vowel absolutely, find as tlie re-
presentative of all vowels, aud tlius as n varic^~ of tlie redu-
plication. This explanation would be highly suitable for
siieh verbs as have weakened a radical o to u or i, and of
whicli it might be said, that their augment descends from the
time when their radioal vowel was not as yet u or i, but a.
But if, at all hazards, the Sanskrit augment should be consi-
[Q. £d. p. 700.] dered to lie the reduplication, I should pre-
fer saying that a radical t, t', u. d has received Guna in the syl-
lable of rejietitioii:, but theGuna vowel alone has remained ; and
ihM avf dam for 4 uidajn{=aivaidiim). and this from rvhiAlani ;
abCJham for Shddhom {^aubuudhain), and this from bdb/idham,
" Remark. ^According to a conjecture expressed by Htifcr
(Contributions, p. 389), the augment would be a prt^jiositiou
expressing- ' with,' and so far identical with our ys of parti-
ciples like ijfsatjt, gemacht, as tlie German preposition, which,
ill Gotliie, sounds gn, aud signifies ' witli,' is, according to
Grimm's hypothesis, connected with the Sanskrit Tl «n, «^
tarn (Greek avv, Latin cum). Of the two forms H xa, m iom,
the latter €M:curs only in combination with verbs, the former
only with substantives.* In order, ihfrefore, to arrive from
sam to the augment a, we must assume that, from tlie earliest
"I cnrry," for fuMtirmi, from bhar (Mri) ; ti^h'/idmi, "I natul," for
liiadmi, eeo^. £08.; in Greek, 8iia/u for So^^t (Sonftkrit doiLimi); and
* 'I'hta wcim ta re(|uire TjuiiliftcAliun Sunt is foand constantly ia
dunbination with •abiunlivM, o* in 4^mX. itf^V, WRT, io. In
Krnio caacB the form nuty ba conridcred ai d>-rivL-d tltroDfth n eniBfemtA
rvrif, but aol in alltulD the LuHence of tiunanJu,-^TaiuUti>T.
POKMATIOK OF TBNSES. 769
period, that of the identity of the Sanskrit and Greek, tlio
said preposition, where used to express past time, laid aside its
initial and termiiiating sound, like its bo<ly, aud only pre>
SLTVcd tlie soul, that is, the vowel; while, in tlie common
com biofit ions with verbs, the s nnd m oFsom hnve lived u long
na the language itself; and while, in German, vre make uo
formal distinc-ttOD botwe«o the ijc which, mt-rul; by an error,
attuelies itself to our passive piirticles. and that which accom-
piinie<( the whole verb and its derivatives, as in yebiiren, Ge-
hurt, yenieanLif, GenusH. If, for the explanation of the aug-
ment, BO trifling a similarity of form is satisfactory, lu that
between a and som, then other inseparable prepositions pre-
sent themselves which Imvc equal or greater claim 1o be
identified with the expression of past time; for instance.
^W tipa. ' from,* ' away,' and ww ava, ' from,' ' down.'
'off'; wfw all, 'over' (atikrom, 'to go over,' also 'to
pass,' ' to elapse,' used of time). We might also refer to
the particle jn gma, mcotioned above, xvhich gives past
meaning to the present, and nssunie the rejCL-tion of its
double consonant It is certain, however, that that expla-
nation is most to the purpose, by which tlie past prefix has
suffered either no toss at all, or, if an is assumed to be the
original form of the negative panicle, only such as, accord-
ing to whfit has been remarked above (§. 53!).), takes place
regularly at the beginmng of compounds. It is also certain
that the past stands much nearer to tlie idea of negation than
to that of combination, particularly as the [C. Ed. p. 791.]
augmented preterites in Greek stand so far in contrast to
tlie perfect, as their original destination u, to point to past
time, and not to express the completion of an action. We
will not here decide how far, in Gothic aud Old High Ger-
man, an especial preference for the use of tlie particle t/a. ge,
is to be ascribed to the preterite ; but J. Grimm, who was the
first to refer this circumstance to the language (11. 843. 844.),
adds to the examples given this remark : ' A aumber of
I
770
THE AOBI8T.
passages in Gotfaic, Old High German, and Middle Higb
Gennan, will exhibit it (the preposition under discussion] as
well before the present as wanting bcrorc Uie preterite, even
where thr action might lie taken as perfect I maintain only
a remarkable predilection of the particle for i)ie preterite,
and for the rest I believe that, for the oldest state of the
language, as in New High German, the tff became inde-
|>endent of temporal differences. It had tlien still its more
subtle meaning;;, ffhicb could not be separated from any tense.'
Tliis observation says little in favour of Hbfer's opioioo,
according to which, so early as the period of Ungual identity,
we should recognise in the expression of the \yasl the pre[K>-
sition tarn, wliieh is hyjiuthetieally akin to our preposiliou ye.
Here we have to remark, also, tliat though, in Gothic and Old
High German, a predominant inclination for the use of the
preposition ga, tfi; must be ascribed to tJie preterite, it ao%'er
possessed per sc the power of expressing past time iiloue;
for ID gavasida, ' he dressed,' gavaiididun, ' tticy dressed '
(did dress), the relation of time is expressed in the
appended auxiliary verb, and the preposition gtj, if not here.
OS I think it is. entirely without meaning, and a mcclianlcaJ
accompaniment or prop of the root, which, through constant
use, has become inseparable, can only at most give an
emplusis to the idea of the verb. At all events, in yavasidn
the stgniBeation which the preposition originally had, aud
which, however, in verbal combinations appears but seldom
(as in g/i-*jvimon, "to come together"), can no longer be
thought of."
THE A0K1ST.
543. The second Sanskrit aug^meuted-preterite, which, on
account of its seven difTerent formntions, I term the multi-
form, corrcs|>onds in form to the Greek aorist, in such wise,
tluit four fomuitions coincide more or less exactly with tlie
[O. FA. p. 702.^ first aorist, and three witli the second. The
forms which coincide with tlie first aorist all add tto tlie root.
I
FORMATION OP TENSES. 771
«iitlicT(iiroctly, or by mcana of a conjunctive vowel i. [recog-
nise in this *, wtiii'h, unrler certain i-onditions. becomes « ah
(see f 21. and Sanskrit Grammar, {. 10 1*.), tlio verb substantive.
with the itniicrfrct of whicli the first formation agrees quite
exactly, only tliat ihe d of Asam. &e., is lost, and in the third
person plural the termination tis stands for an, thus sua for
Aian, The loss of the A need not surprise us, for in it the aag-
uieut is contained, which, iu the compcand tense under dis-
cussion, la prefixed to the root of the principal verb: the
short a which rcniAias after stripping olT the augment might
be dropped on account of the iucumbrance caused by com-
position, so much the easier, as in the present. iiJso. in its
isolated state liefore tlie heavy terminations of the <tuiiJ mid
plural, it is suppressed (see p. 695 G.ed.)* Thus the 9ma of
ak)hdip-sma, "we did cast,'' is distinguished from sinat,
" we are," only by tlie weakeiwd termination of the secon-
dary forms belonging to the uoriat In tlie third person
plural. u£ stands for an, because us passes f<:)r a lighter ter-
mination thiiu on ; and hence, in the imperfect also, in the
roots encumbered with reduplication, it rcfjularly takes the
place of an ; hence, abibhr-tia, " tliey bore," for al>ihhr-<in ;
and/aceonlbig to the same principle, nktih'iip-ntii tor aknh&ip-
■saii, on account of the encumbering of the root of the verb
substantive by the preceding attributive root,
543. Before the personal terminations beginning with t, th,
and dh, roots which end with a consonant other than n,
reject the s of the verb substantive in order to avoid the harsh
eombination of three consonants ; hence, aluthAip-ta, " ye did
coat," ioT akthAip-da^ as in Greek, from a similar euplionic
reason, the roots terminating with a consonant abbreviate, in
the perfect passive, the terminations aBov, [G. Ed. p.7»3.]
aBe, to 9ov. 6c ; -rhutpGe, T&rox&e, for jhviptrBe, Terd^fle : and
in Sanskrit, from a similar reason, the root sthA, " to stnod."
loses its sibilant, if it woukl come directly iu contact vritlt
tlic prefix ut; hence ut-lhita, "Up-stood," for tit-sUiita.
F
in
THE AOHIST.
51 1. For a view of tlie middle voice, we here give tUe
iiDiJerfect middle of the verb substantive, wliich is »caroeIy
to be found in iaoktcd use —
MNOVI.AR. DVAL.
Until, (isdMm,
iismahi.
iiddhwam OT Adhtvam.
lUala.
545. As an example of tliu aorist formation under dis-
cussion, ve select, for roots terminating with a vowel*
1^ n^ " to lead": &nd, for roots euding with a consonaut.
ttf^^iship. "to cast." The radical vowel receives, in the
former, iu tlie attivc, Vridtlhi; in tlie middle, only Guna,
on account of the personal termiiiations being, on tlie arc-
rage, heavier; in the latter, in the active, in like manner,
Vriddhi; in tlie middle, no increase at all.
ACTIVE.
■iNRitun. n(i*L. n.uui..
anAi»ii<im,<d-xhAipmtn, avAinhuv. atxMipswa, anii^hma. akahAipama.
an&i^hia, iik»Ji(lips&f, umih/ilam, ak'sfiAiptam, uTiiiiJihla, nk»Mipta}
onAuhif, chkiiipsil, an^ishfdm, aksMiptilm,^ anrfisAtw, aJfthdipsus.
UIDHLE.
aniifhi^ akthipti, anfi-jfiwnfii, alishfpftti'ahi, anhhmahi, ahahipamahi.
aniaMtda, ak^hlpthAa,^ unhhUhAm, ukiih\piiAtMm,ani'I<ihwQ,m^ak»h'^{uvam.^
atU-ihta, uk»Jnpla} anhlidtilm, uJc»liip»<Him, anS^liala,* akifiipmia.*
[Q. Ed. p. TIMO ' nrgAjdine tb-? \om of tlie », flee f 643. * SM for
t, SM $. 21. ' Or an&ihtcam, also an^hwam, far * before the dh of
thepenonftl Mirminntioiu (litlicrfimukit inio t/, or is r(-jec-(cd ; tuid f»r i/ftuviiN,
ia this and itio third fiinnnliciti, (fhujam also may be u»*d, probably from
the eatlier dJioant, for thdwattt. * Kigoxdiag the Ions of tti« n,
whioh WloDga to tbi^ persanftl termination, ac«^.4&0.
546. The simUaritj' of the middle u/cshipsi to I^atin per-
fects lilcc xcripti u very surprising; for only^the ang-
FORMATION OF TENSES. 773
ment is wanting to complete a perfect countcrtypc of the
Sanskrit form. The third person scripsU answers better
to the active form ahsfiAipxit, which, witliout Vridc3hi,
would sonnA akithipsU : the Latin wtit [wc-sif) answers to
the Sanskrit wqiqlt^ twak-atdf. of the same import; and
asain, veii corresponds to the middle avaJcshi. The two
languages have, from a rt-gard to euphony, changed their
A before the s of the verb subatanlivc into the guttural
teniiia, and ft requires, in Sanskrit, w sh for w a (see p. 2l).
The comparison of vexi with avat^hi may appear the
better subatautiated. as the second person also vfxiati may-
be traced baek to a middle termiaation; viz. to th'ia of
aJcship-thAs {for ahkipsthAft); so that the final x nouM have
been dropped, and ill have been weakened to •. 1 noir
prefer this explanation to that according to which I have
formerly identified the termiaation tti witli the Sanskfit
perfect termination tka; and in general I consider the
Latin perfect, which, according to its meaning, might just
as well have been called aorist, entirely iiidependeut of
the Greek and Sanskrit perfect, in order that, in all ita
forms, I may refer it to the aorist In this no great
obstacles stand in our way; for while perfects in m, at
the first glance, shew thcmsiulves to be aorists, although not
BO readily by comparison with the Greek as with the
Sanskrit, evea cucurri, momonli, cfc'mi, and simiJar forms,
in spite of their reduplication, do uot oppugn the theory
of the aorist formation, and very well Cf*- Ed. p. 795.]
admit of buiiig placed beside forma like achAchuTam. middle
nchikchmi (from aeht^huTo'i), from ehur, " to steal," and
Greek forms, as hve^paSav, encipvav, of which more here-
after. They would, therefore, like the imperfect aiid the
aorists, as aartjm, vexi, manaf, have merely lost the aug-
ment, and have thus been associated with the Sanskfit and
Greek jx;rfect.
547. Perfects like icAbt, vidi. I^ffl, /^</i. f'idi. exclusive of
tlie loDgtliening of their vowel, might be compared willi
774 THB AOniST.
Sanskrit aorists like vf^im alipam, middle atij>t (from
aUpai), &nd Greek as tXtTrav. On account of the leoglh-
euing of the vowel, lioweTer. tliis coni|mrisou appcan
iDOctmissiblc ; and 1 believe that, in tlictr origin, thev
agree with forms like icripsi, vexi. or with such as mcurri,
tutudi. lu iho Erst uase, Uie lengtlieuing of the vowd
must pnss us campemntinti fnr the « of the veri> eulMtaii-
ttve, which lias hceii dropped, on the same principle na
that nil which diviii from div'uhi. on account of thtJ loaa
of the d, lias lengthened its short radical vowel, or bs in
Greek, forms like fiiXa.^. ivras, dcdcvut. iiiox/i, iiov^, ri&it^,
in compensation for the loss of a consonant, have received
an indemnitication in tlic preceding vowel. Still closer
lies the comparison vrith aoriats like i^rivot ^tjfuxt eu^
^pdva. iarciKa, cftciva. It is certain that the li<|Diils.
also, most, in ttie oorist, have originully admitted the com-
bination with (T, and tliat forms like tpavna (as in SaosiiPil;
nnuiiivi. in Latin, mansi). e-i/rceAera. errcXcra, have existed, and
that in these aorists the length of the vowel is in conse-
quence of tlie Biipprci-ssioi] of the u. But if I^tin perfects
like ligi, fAgi, according tu their origin, should fall to tim
Sanskrit seventh uorist formation ((icAilcAuriiwi. mia'tlnm,
or itsix^m from xif), they then contain a concealed mluplU
vation, as, ac-cordtng to Grimm, do oar preterites, ns hif/».
Old High German hiaz (=Gothic haihait), aud ligi, rcdM,
f&ffi, fAtli, would coDBcquently be contractions from lr~rgi,
[O, Ed. p. TiW.] aca-tibi, /u-ugi, fv-odi, for Iclegi, soaatbi. &o„
with suppression of tbc consonant of the second ayllable.
by which that of the first loses the appearance of a cou-
sonant afTixml by rcdupliciitioii, aa is the case in tlie Greek
yivcuai from yiyvonai (for •^i-ytv-o-ficu), where, after rc-
movit^ the 7 of tbc base syllable, the syllable -^v receives
tiie appearance of a radical ayUablc, while in fact only the ¥
represents the root.*
* A. B«nary, Also {Syst«>ai of RaaU) Sotmda, pp. 4l,fc«.J, »|>la]n«
fcrins
a
4
I
FORMATION OK TENSES. 775
648. I must deeiderlly pronounce forms like c^i, JHffU
pci, to be reduplicated, and 1 liavc already done this, when
I further recognised in them true perfects.* As perfects,
they would be analogous to Sanskrit forms like iH^
tipima. " we atoned." of which hereafter. As aorists.
they have v^^ ntriium " I was ruined," for their proto-
type, whifh I deduce from nrtfiniiim, by droppinf;^ the n of
tlie second syllable; and I rvfer it to tbc seventh aorJst
formation, wliilc the Indian grsiumnriana regard it as an
anomaly of the sixth. Therefore, like w^?I*( aviMim from
ona(n](-vVm. I regard c^jn as a eoutraeliou of aicipf, as tlie
Latin ^ as a coll iq nidation of a + i frequently imsweni to the
Sanskrit <?; e.g. in ISvir, corresponding to the Sanskrit tUvar
(dSitri), With regard to the sceond syllable of the pre-snp-
posed forma like aicipi, fajici. we may com- [G-lid.p.7&7.J
pare such perfects as cectni, M'tyl, wliiuli in like inaniJer. on
account of the root being loaded with the reduplication,
have weakened the radical a toi. The forms v^pi. jic'i. Sic,
must, however, have arisen at a period when the law had
not as yet been prescribed to the syllables of r(>dupIication
of replacing the heaviest vowel a by e, bat when as yet
the weakening of the radical vowel in the syllable of the base
was suUiciunt. But if the previous existence of forma
like cacipi, /njici, is not admitted, and ceclpi, ffjici, are
made to precede the present v^i, fh:'u we must then
fbrma IikeJ%!H,/nrf!J, Grom rednplkatinu. but aMumrt xXm (Iroppin}! of the
syllatilo orrtHlufilicAtiim ftnd ili« Icn^bcnln^ of Uic railJOHj sjUabla in
compenaatian for its loai, aSjainst which 1 have nqirrsaeil my ii|iininn in
the Bi^tlin Jnhrb. (Jhd. isas, p. lU); ginee dm i;x|>lan»tion. aniike ilia
te-aatiFDefTi-cl of oMipiim^ou, Uy campeiLmtioaia the prcccdio); sylla-
bi*, haa no other luinlof^oni cnai? lo cormbaralc !t.
• In my Rtivivw- uf Buijary's SyUeiu of Ruraaii Sounds (Berlin •FahrTi.
1. c. p. 10). ?ince ihcn. Poll, oLw, in lib Review of the same bwk (in ilia
null. Jikhi4>.) ho* not4ced this onu, but <1mUiv<1 htmael^ wlthoot Bufii.
ci«ni grauDilB in iny opinion, agsinst my view or the muller.
r
776 tHE A0BI8T.
deduce n&pi from c'/^ipi. fhi from /eici. in sach wise that the
first vowel absorbs the second, iind thereby becomes long.
just as I have already, tn my System of Conjiigntion, de-
duced subjunctives like /(^yli, Uydmus, froia hgais, Icgaimus,
The form Sfji has this advantage over oUier perfects of the
bind, that it has not lost a consonant btftwceo tlic two ele-
ments of wliioli its ^ is compofied, i. e, between the syllnble of
repetition and that of tlio base: it is tlio eontrncljon o(a-iyi
or e-tgi, and therefore, togetlier with 4di, 4mi, if the latter
are likewise regarded as reduplicated forms (from t-edi,
e-emi), deserves particular notice. As we ascribe au aoristic
origin to the Latin perfects, we might also aee in (yi, id'u
tmi, a remnant of the augment.
549. I return to the second person singutar in sli. If in
H, of sfrphti, VffxinJi, eucurrisH, c('/)isfi, we recognise the San-
skrit middle terminatioii Ihda. and in tlie whole an aoriat,
then aprpmti docs not answer so exactly to akshipikAn for
akMpd/is as to the fourth aorist formation, which, indeed,
is not used in the middle, and in roots enifing with a conso-
nant, not in the active also, but which originally can srarcely
[G. Ed. p.70B.] have hud ao confined a use aa in the pre-
sent state of the language; and, together with the active
oj/Asiaham (from j/d, " to go "), we might expect the previous
existence of a middle, whence the second person would be
ayd'sixhttuU, in which forms like serp-siiti are, as it were.
rcflc{!t<>d. The SMnskrit tn urip (from tarp), would, ac-
cording to this formation, if it were used in the middle, pro-
duce asrip-ahhthiis. Wc may notice, also, with regard to
the s which precedes the t in the forms srrpxUU, eerpsitlU,
which, in ^.454., has been explained as an euphonic addi-
tion, that the Sanskrit precative, which in the middle like-
wise unites tlie v of the verb substantive with the root
(either directly, or through a conjunctive vowel i), pre-
fixes another s. which is, perhaps, merely euphonic, to the
personal tcrminationa beginning with I or Ih, which s.
4
FORMATION OF TBNSKS. 77?
through tlie iaflueiipe of the proccding- f, becomes ah. Tlic
secoiitl person singular of the root arip, if it were usod ia
tlie middle, would be sripttshihAs, to which the Latin
terpi'iHti approaches closely, where, however, it is to be
observed, that the ■ of the Latin M~rp-s-i-rti ia only a con-
junctive vowel, while ihe i of fJ^rtVT^^ »ripsiahthaa expresses
the relntioD of mood. The third person tingtilar is
aripatahta, the second and third jierson diml, nrlp^uj/lttMin,
sripsiy/Ut/lm; but the second sibilant docs not extend
ferther; t.g. the first person plural is no more tripiUh-
mahi, than, in Latin, terpxlnnuit but sppnmtth'i, like xerp-
Wrarm Yet tfie Sanskp* readily admits iho comlnnation
xhm; Tor it uses, according to the third aorist formation,
obMhtshma. "we knew." xaiAtWe, aMdhixhrnnhi.
550. In supjiort of the opinion, that, in the sceond
person singular of the Latin aorists, which are colled
perfects, a middle termination is contained, which, however,
has lost sight of this ori^n, and passes oa a common
active, I will call attc^ntiun to the fiict. that even in Greek,
in spite of its possessing a perfect middle [O. Ed. p. 799,]
voice, on original miildle form has. in a particular case,
taken its position in the active voice; for, in the third
person plnrnl imperative, reptrovritiv corresiwinds almost as
exactly OS possible to the Sanskrit middle tarpanlAm. lu
langi)n|^i-a in which the middle, as a voice, is wanting, indi-
vidiml forma) rcnmanta of titat voice can hnvc been only
maintained, where they Gil up tlte place of any hiatus, which
has arisen in the active, or stand beside an active termi-
nation, which has been likewise retained, bearing tlie same
meaning as It does, and being, as it were, a variation of
it; OS in Iriah, in tlie first person plural, together with the
form i»f?r (=Sanskrit tiki*. Latin mus, Greek p£%), a maold
exists, which at will assumes its place, and wltich I have
already elsewhere fx}mpBred with the Zend mtitilhi, and
3K
*,: ■ ---T. - .iT "-J-
•• .— ~ - - ^Jfc —I B^
f, ^A i ' ^. _ lit ■ ■ ifcit wi vinriiir^ & se ^ u "at ir?-
MtfS* **«"> 'f^ ■■"■ .t.l'^UUjp* Util. V.iT^'aer ▼Til "Sst KS*^
»-/,«**f,/A '/ * n'>.<V..^ •:i«U!ft -^u* fc^'^.na zts-sai v^iaui ae
^f-f|/f.t'f| 'Id'- •l'i/.i(rc»t ly^ »7t/> -r'ic •iT^ . vunuL.
ihtttihfi Ui ^^ti^ t'ftUiHium, it jt w^r^ qjihI u ibe
/|(H-i. //«/'/' tlifilli/it, Wf. titiiy UffUet, wiao, «i
ilti. ■ «iiif'ti \itiffi\v% Um / in the formic
-'Itlfli, Irr i I'll,, tiiM Inm» fflpUa
Midi, flml HihNmm
<
778
THB AORIST.
Greek fieda. for which Uie Sauskpt gives mahf, a* an abbre-
viation, otmadhi (§. 472.).
fi9t. As regnrds the I.-itiii firnt ])enon singular in ti,
in spite of the atrikin^ roseniblnuce of forms like rcxi. mantl.
to the Sanskrit like avalcjlii, ammsi, the eoineideoce may
so far be said to be accidental, as their i may be explained
to be a weiikuning of a, so that the tertntiiation si of
Lutin perfects would correspond to the Greek era of cAimtoi
bTvn~ca. I am rcntly of opinion, that the I>atin Forma
in ti do not correspouil to the Sanskrit first aorist rortiiatioii,
but, at k-ast for the majority of iK^rauiis, to the stH.'Oiid,
whieh, like the Greek lirst aorist, inserts an a between
the H of the verb substatitis'c and the personal tertuinations.
This a is treated nearly as, in Uie special tenses, the a of
first and sixth classes (see §. 109'. 1.), viz. lengthened, in.
tlie Grst person dual and plural, before ta and ma. As.
then, the a ctvah'a-ai. vnh'n-ti, vah-a-tha, appears in tfaa
Latin vpft-i-t. veh-i-^i, veh-i-t'ta, as i. in like manner the A of
vah-A-mus appears as i in veh-i-mufi; so that wc soon arrive
at the conjectwre that tlic » of Jtf-iti-.vf(, tiic-»i-l. dic-si-mus,
dic-ai-titU. ia a weakening of a, mid tliat therefore ai cor-
[G,Ed.p.B00.] responds to the Greek aa, the Sanskrit »o. *rf
(euphonic situ, Khi'i) ; thus, dic'si-tnuii=e5etK-<Ta'iiei', adii-MhA-
~ma: dic-ai-9tis=^eSeU'<Ta-Te, adik-sha'ta. Tlie CODDection,
tlierefore. between vec-siA and the Sanskrit atHi-shi-t would
not bo so close, as I before SBsiimed, ami for tnAt:-»hi-t wo
should liHve to imngine a form of the second formatioo — thus
cvak-sfia-t — in order to compare with it vec-sH, aa dic-sx-t
actually aoswers to adik-slia-t (Greek e9eiK-<j-e from kS&ic-
~ca-T, compare cSciW-tra-To). In the second person, die-
-li-sii answers to the Sanskrit middle adik-sha-thiit. "thou
ahewedst," if the «. wliich precedes the t, is only of a euphonic
nature, and introduced by the iDclinatiou of the I to a
preceding s.
FORMATION OF TENSES. 779
5i2. But even if tbc Latin perfect forma in « are
allotted to the Sanskrit seL-oud and Greek first tiortst forma-
tion, still it remains most IJghly probable that tlie 6r&t
person siugular belongs to tbe iniddlu voice; fortlie vowel a
of tlie aorist fornintion under diiioussion is rejeutoj in San-
skrit before the termination i of the first person middle; and
while, aceording to the analogy of ihe impprfet-t, adik^iM
{=Qdik-*ha-i) mip;ht be expected, instend of it is found 'idik-
•ghi in moat exact accordance with tlie Latin dic-si. From
tlic active form atlikiiham it 19 a difficult step to the Latin
dixi; for although, in Grcclc. a final m is sometimes entirely
!ost, and, for example, *3*j|a corresponds to the Sanskrit adik-
ahum, and, in the aeeu&ative siugular of bases endinf^ with a
consonant, « answers to the Sauakritwm {ti^a, pudam,yfdem)\
yet, in Latin, the final m of the Sanskrit has, in similar cose*,
always been retained; for example, in tiie first person tltc
blunt termination of the secondary forms has been, without
exception, maintained, in preference to the more full m\ of
the primarj' furms; tJius, dicibnm, ditfiin. dicerem, dizerim :
and 90 it is highly prohjible that, in the perfect also, dhim
*woutd bn said, if the first person was based on the Sanskpt
aetivc adiksliam, and not on the middle. [G. Ed. p. uoi.]
It is certain tliut. at tliu period of tbo unity of language,
the abbreviated form mlikM could not ua yet Itavc existed,
but for it, perhaps, adikahama or adiitiham^m (=e5e»Ja>ii7f.
see 1.471.). But even tliese formsconduct us more readily
tlifuj adiksham to tlie Latin dizi." since thu first person sin-
guUir in Latin has lost its termination exactly whera another
vowel stood after the m.
5&3. In the third person plum!, the I^tin diifnini ap-
parently corresponds to tlie Sanskrit and Greek o(/iA-*A(in,
cJafav. It scarcely admits of any doubt, that the r has pro-
ceeded from X (aa is common between two vowels), and
that. tJicrefore, in dic-»trmit for dic-»itunl (aa ertnii, em, for
• Of.p.lJJ?C.ed.N<itet.
3 K 2
780
THE AORIST.
e.inm. mo), tiie auxilary verb is twice contnincd, or ia
reduiilicatnJ, whether this form belongs to the Sanskrit
fourth formiition, where e. g. a-yA-si^hvs lias proceeded from
a-yl-sishiml, or. as is more prohnble, the third person. 6rst on
Romnii ground, nml after the nim and origin of the s of die-xi
had been forgotten, felt the necessity for being clearly
invested with the verb suijstniitive. This distinctness, how-
CTer, subspquently betaniu indistinct. As regards this au-
[wriority of the third (person plural to the other persons, it ia
iu Hccordaiice with tlie phenomenon, ih&t, in Greek, eride-
-aa-ir, e$£-fra-v, are used, but not eriBe-fTa-fzev, i-ridi-fra-Tei
not €64-aa-iiO', iSe-e-a-re. Tlio short tt'rmiiifition not form-
ing- a syllable may have favored the anQexation of the aux-
iliary verb : this reason, however, did not exist in the middle-
passive; heufe, Iriffe-vTo. not eriBe-ira-irTo. The Prakfit
re/^ularly annexes, ii] llie 6rst person plural of ilie present
and imperative, the verb substantive, without extending it to
the second and third jwrson, ns, n?'^ gachchhamUa (mAo
fmm w «Jim) " wc go."
[G. £4. p. 802,] 551. To return to the Latin daSruvl, wc
might, instead of it, expect da^runt. with short e, as t bt-forc.
r is rctulily replaced by c : the long e, however, is just aa
* See p.lIO.^.lOO*. (Ij); aaicoiap.Lniatn Fnttifjitiona Liitff. PrAcr.,
pp. 199, 335; E$iai $ur fe iWI, p. Itll ; llfifcr /X- i'mrr. 2>W., p. 184.
Aa PmfeBwr Luaen lutt, in this flwx, rocognisod the verb subauntire,
ftud been Ukc Ant to remarlE it. aldiou^h U Is in lilce raaunftr r«pr«wnlcd
Mily by a single Iclttr, i[ is^liflicult to coiircive why he prt-fen to i«cc^
Dim in the*, whith, in MTcrAl Siuukrit, (Jreet, and Lutiii tenaea, extends
to nil ilic perrons ofllic thrco nuinbcK, rnthrr ilieotd "everywhere and
DawhcTc" Uian tho verb euLstanlivi! (hid. Bihlioth. III. p. 78). Such
Mntrndictton mnst appear to me more flntlering than to h«ar that the
nrb aubaiontirc wiia §o pxlpHliIe iu llie plucvw iiifiitiuiied, i«peciaUy in
Sanikrii, iltui It cuulJ not cacajro even tlic most ah ort -sighted c^-c. I mnU
eertainly coniidcr it honorahli? to mo to hnvft [X'.rmvcJ ao long ago M
the year l&ld that which astoniahen Prurtaeor Ijuimii in IWO. whoM
amtvncai liaa bcca to abaodanlly icatiiitit in oihor dcp>arlmcol8 oTSmu-
alirit phllulogy.
FORMATrON OF TENSES.
781
tnrpming as that of t{ic-t-bam for dic-i-biim; anil it may be
added tu wlukt was remarked iu %. 527., that the t of teg^-bam
and tliat otlfg^unt pt^>bnbly rest on the same principle!,
tliat ill botli forma the originally eliort vowel has beeu
leugtJiL'iicd, that the whole might gain mure power, to
bear the appended auxiliary verb. From, this priuei|i]c
may also be explained the Vriddbi increase of ^i^tga
ek^hAijimm, whieh do(« not pn^veut the assumption, that
ou ticcuutit of tlie preponderating- weight of the middle
termmntions, this vowel increase has been witlidrawn, in
order Dot to moke the whole too unwieldy. Itemnrk the
ease olrnuly mcntioncdi that the im|)crative termination
fit dhi 1ms preserved its full form only under the pro-
tection of 8 preceding- cousonaul; and in the Gothic pre-
turite all verbs which have a long vowel or diphthong
in the root, and a part of those with a before a doubled
eousonant, on account of this jwwerful build can bear the syl-
lable of reduplication. But if only powerful [G. Ed. p. 80S.]
forms can bear certain burthens, it ui-cJ not surprise us.
if tlic language, in order to extend to its vocables tlic re-
quisite capacity, introduces a lengthening of vowels, or
diphtboDgizattons, which have this obji-ci alone. It is
probable that, in Sanskrit, a middle aUo, with di for *, cor-
responded to the above-mentioned (i;t-.*h(l(ps(?m (§. 511.), and
the abbreviation may have commenced, through the re-
acting influence of the |>ersonal terminations of the middle,
which were heavy at tlie time when no abbreviation existed
— at a period wlien the language was no longer conscious
that the great vowel fulness of ukxhAiptnm was caused
precisely iu order to nfibi-d a more |>owerfuI supjxirt for
the burthen of tlie auxiliary verb.
m. The furmatiou of the aorist under discussion, in
spite of its wide diffiistnn in Greek and Latin, is. iu San-
skrit, of but very limited use, and \wa been retained only
in roots iu i, xh, and h, without, however, necessarily
?82
THE AOBIST.
Jjelonging to tliose letters, or extending to nil roots witJi
these tcTiiiinatioiiB. as before g they all pass into t. On
account of the i, accorclinf^ to §.21.. the t of the aiixilinry
verb U changed intosA,- and tlius kth oi tidiMnm, miUcnbi.
"I shewed," corresponds to the Greek and Latin » {^ttu)
of tJerfa, dix'f* 1 annex a general view of the complete
conjugation of the two active forms —
BINOULAR.
I
SANSKRIT.
HREEK.
t-ATnc. ■
unm.
KTDDL*.
icnrc.
UIDOU.
1
nd}]c-aUn-m.
adifc-shi,
eieiK-tra.
cJp/K-ffd-^IJf.
dic~»i.
miik-thn-s.
ndUi-*fin-thA»,
^SciK-ra-^,
eSeiK-trta,
die-n-gli.
ndilt-^m-t.
adik-fhn-ta.
DVA1.
e3eiV-(T«-T*,
dic-n-f,
i
adilr'fbd-vfi.
adil'-ithA-vaht.
• 4 1 «
€^€IK-<Td-ueBl
... •■
^ udik-shn-tnm, ndik-shA-lhAm!
^ adik-^ha-tdm, adit-ihd-tdm,*
a
adii:-xh/i-mn, ndit-ffiA-mnhi.
eS'ei'w-irii-Ti;!', e9ef K-trei-c^r
n.nui,.
rtic-^-rmu.
adifc-*ha-tit, ud'ik-*hii'dhn\im, eSe!x'(ra-Tt, fSeiK'tra-ade. f/ton-sfrt.
adik~;ha-n. odik-fhii'nUi, cieiK-<ra-v. eieiK-ca-vro, die~ti~runt.\
• From odMr-ifia-drtdm. ^ Prom aiHk-tha-Atdni.
556. As the Snnekfit, in its periphrastic formntion of
the reduplicated preterite, of which we will speak more in
iletail liereofter. to^ctliur with X-ri, "to make," applies tbc
two roots of " to be," since e.y. ch'>myAm-AAa, like ch6raytim-
hnbhUvn, signi6e8 "I" and "he stole;" so the l^tin. also,
for its aorist ]wrfrcta, lias called in the aid both of £.V
and FU. From Ft/ I have already, in my S}-stetn of
Conjugation, derived the syllable et, ui, of oma't,% otK^-rt,
and mon-ui. I think, however, I have been wrong in com-
I
* The ctnineclion of dteo wlili dtfkrvfu Is nnacVnowlcd^ A : mnark tlw
motto o-f (rxprMiUin difU fvuta.
FOfiM\TION OF TENSES.
783
pnring the i' and u of ri, ui, with the / olfui. It appear*
lirttcr, iiiatcarl nrngtrcting the u of/ui, to assuDie that the
/ has beei) dropped ; just hs the d ot <Iao has been lost in
viyinii, his. hi (At-p-.v), or hs. in Tonglan, no corrr»]>oii(ls to
the New Zcalund diia, "two" (sSanakrit dwa).
557. The u ot{f)ui, accortiiiig to the prevailing principle,
hu been clmnged between two vowels into v, but with a con-
sonant preceding it is retained; hence HmuvU auiiivi, con-
trnsted with moaui. /'uf Found occasion Tut [G. E<1. |i.60A.l
nbbrevtatioD in the incumbrance of the preceding prineipiil
verb, flcfonling to thp sftme principle ns that by which tlie
first syllitble of the Lntin decern, tlrc'im (urn/mm, duodecim),
hns escaped tho French voutmetions like doun, trtiee, or aa
the <■/ of tho number " ten," in several Asiatic and European-
Sanskrit dialects, is weakened to t or I.*
55S. The most uonvindng iiroof that in amavi, audtvi,
mnnui. the verb substantive is contained, is furnished by
jmtui ; for this form Iwlongs to a x'lrb, throughout which the
eombiiialion with the verb sulretaritive prevails. The t4->ns«s
from ES, which are in use, select this root; thus, pi^s-xum
(from pot-fum). pti-firam. pot-trn, pos-tim, pos-tem ; but the
perfect mast betake itself to FU,fuii Xwnoc pol-td, for pot-
fill, wliich would be inadmissible. P»f-fui might have been
expected, bat the language preferred abandoning one of the
irreeoncilcable cnnsoniuits ; and il would be difficult for anir
one. on account of the loss of t\wf. to declare the form pottii,
contrary to the annbgj- of all the other tenses, to be simple.
But if fXit-ui is compounded, then the application of this un-
inistakcabie hint of the language, with regard to tnon-txi, oma-
v}, nndi-v't, iif-vi. si-vi. wd-vi, is apparent of itself. Wc may
observe, that thlsvi. also, just as bam and rant {legi-ham, letft-
* P. 447- G. «d., tte. To lUe suive cUuii bclonj; the MaL atvl Jnvan.
ia* and Maldirian f/u of foruis like dSta-h-loM (M«l,). n>-lat (Jav.), ro-lot
(M*ldW.)."lwclvc."'
784
THB AORIST.
rant, tcriptl-runt). fwla the necessity of being supported Ny
n long vowel; and heuce, in place of the short vowel of ji>rB.
tfVum, »Ino, »itum, «n^t«o, motum, exhibits a long one (com-
pare §§.&a7. 554.)
559. In order tbat tbc perfects in ut, v{, may, from their
origin, appear aa aorista, wo must carry back tho aimple/iii
[0. EJ. p. 600.] itself to an aorist, and this is easily done.
It is only necessary to obser^'e the close conncctiou butweeu
/uit and tlie Sanskrit and Greek aorist a-hhut, e^(t). Onar-
count of its personal sijpi UfttU answers less to babh^vn, W^ukc.
if the losaoftlie syllable of reduplication is admitted as readily
as that of the augment I shall return hereafter to this subject.
560. TItc third Sauskfit aortat fornjatioo ia distinguished
from the second in this, that the auxiliary verb is counectcd
with the root of the attributive verb by means of a conjunc-
tive vowel i. Through the influence of this i the a is changed
into «/(, but is. at the same time, preseri-ed from suppression
in tliosc cases where tijc first formation, to avoid the aecu-
molatioD of three consonants, drops the sibilant (see §. 643.).
VfliilCt c, g., kshij}, in tlie second person plural, ezJii bits oit-
^hmpta for akiMipata, from badk, " to know," comes, in the
same person tibudii-i->thta. On the other hand, in the thinl
formation in the second and tliird person singular active. iJie
sibilant is lost, and the conjunctive vowel Is leugtheoed in
compcusatiou, as it appears to me, for this lose; hence, abiidh-
-i'S, " thou knewest," a6iUlh-i-t, " he knew," in contrast witli
abiidk-i-aham, and all the otlier persons. I believe I per-
ceive the ground of tliia isolation in tliis, thfit as the second
and third person sinfjniar have a simple s and t for their ter-
minations, the retention of the sibilant would occasion the
forms tiUUihili/h (euphonic for oboiUii^k-s), abiiiltiishti wltence.
according to a univer-sal law of sound (see §. 94.), the last
consonant would have to be rejected. lu the case before us,
however, the language preferred, for the sake of perspicuity,
rather to give up the uuKiliary verb tluin the personal sigu,
FORMATION OF TRNSES.
788
al though, iu the imperfect, the vase frequently occurs tlmt the
second and third person aiii^-ir are of the same sound, be-
cause they hare lost tlieir distinguishini^ mark; hcDce,
obibhar, avat, sigiiify hoth " ihou didstcarry." [G. Ed. p, 807.]
•' Ihou didst Bptafc," and ** he did carry," ** he did apeak"; in
the first ease for uhibkar-sh, avak-fh (« (tfter r aud k becomes
ah), it) tlic st^cond for ahihhar-t, avti/c-l. I annex the full
formation of abdilh-i'tham and its middle, with the remark.
tliat tlie radical vowel in roots endiug with a conaonaut
rt!<ceives Ouna in the two active forms; while roots ending
with a vowel, as in the first formation, hnv^?, in the active,
Vriddhi, in the middle, Gunai e.y. andviaham, anuvij/ii,
from un, " to praise."
ACTIVE.
llnaULJlll. SCAL. rLDHAU
abodk-i-aham, abiidlfi-ahwa, abSdh-i-ihma.
abudJt-i-a, eh&dh-i-shtam, abuJk-i-shia.
abCdh-i-t, ahiidh-i-ahlAm, ahddh-i-idtwi.
HtDDt.G.
iiMdh'i-shi, ahAdh-i-Hhtixihi,
ubCdh-i-idilhAs, abddh'i-sMlhAm,
abSdh'i-fbtn, nbiidh-i-jftAtdm,
> Accord ing to the Ikw of soniul for abMUtfhiifam. * fk-garding Uio
rejection of n, we $. 459., and cotnpKre lutuc farms like 7r(iriii/uT<u.
abiidh-i-thmahi.
ahJldb-i-ddhwam.'
ahiidh'i-»hata}
561, The contrast of abAdhii, ub6dh&. with abtidh'ukam
and all otlier forms combined with the verb substantive, is
very remarkably iii accordance with the pheDOmciion, that
tlie Old Sclavonic preterite, in which we have recojjnised
the [udo-Greek aorist (sec §. :i&5. tn.)> has likewise, in the
second uikI third perauii singular, dropped the verb substan-
tive, hut retained it in all the otiicr persons. But From forms
like W^nrN (ibadht'a, wiWh( nbiidlii'l, the final consonant
also, in Sckvouic. must be dropped, because the Sclavonic
generally, according to the conjecture expressed in ^ SS5. A,
786
THE A0B18T.
[G. Ed. p. 806.;] tifts lost all tlie original BdaI conftonanto;
lience bvaii biidi. " thou tlidat wake," nnswera to «wtlA^
nMh-i-s. "llioti didst know." or "dWst awnkc." gvah b^i.
" he did awake," 1o wiftiAw ahikUiil. " lie (lid know." " he did
awnke"; and on the otlit-r liaiid, siTAiiCTi buJ-i-nte, "ye. did
awake." to wwrN? uhddk'i-ihta, "ye did know,"" "ye did
nwake," 1 annex tlie whole for compnriton, in which,
liowever, the remarks of tlio following paragrnplis are not
to bo overlooked.
SINODLAR.
DtFAL.
stimtRfT.
oLn «CTftV.
MN«K)ITT. Dt.n »CIXV.
nhAdh-i-nhnm, hA^-'ich^
ubMh-i-xhuo, h&d'i-chovn\
tibUcIfi-i-s.
ftd^-i-'.
ah6dh-i-shUim, bAti-i-sta.
nhm-U,
hM-i-\
ftbiidh-i-shUim. Ittifl-i~sta.
PLL-RAL.
(INIKRrT-
Di.n nn.ATOKir.
iiMdh-'i-shmtt.
hHil'i-vhwn*.
vbMh-i-;hta, .
b&d-i-xte. '
abSdfi-i-ihu9,
h^-i-9jian.
1
8ea^.i66.m.
*6i»§§.i6!i.m.MS.
&63. Tltn prcccdinj* compnrison ftimislies one of the
fairest parallels whith can be ftiiywiiere drawn butvreen
the Snnskrit and its Gurojiean sister idioms. Tlic Bg:ree-
ment of the two iHrgtin^cs, liowcvrr. if wc [jo hiick to their
original forms, is not (juitc bo perfect as might be at firEt
glanee believed. Tlio i of the Sclavorie (iiifl-i-ch is, for
instance, in its derivation, dilTtrent from the i of the Sanskrit
nbfiJb-i-\ham ; for bdi-i-ti, " lo wake," does not correspond
to the Sanskrit primitive vrrbs. whence ahMh-i-nham pro-
eerds, but to the causal b&dUatjAmi, " ] make to know.
[G. Ed. p. 600.] bring to consciousness, waktt^': Oil which
aocount we have above compared (§. 4t7. p. fi4S G. ed.) the
secoiwl person present b^-i-jh-i, with Mtih-ayn-ai, and in
§. &0&. idcntiliod the vaiMle i of bAd-i-fi with the oliaractcr
FORMATION OF TENSES.
787
aya of tile San9k|-it tenth class, with wliich the cAtisal forms
agree. In spite of this, the circumstatic-e that 1h« Sclavonic
verbs in general retain tlivir v]mn syllubleB in the tenae
undor discussion, produc^ea, in llio prctt-rite. n remarlinble
similiirtty between such verbs ns hnve i ns the cJerivntion-
vowet and the Sanskrit third formation of the aorist, although,
ill fsct, the St'lnvonic preterite belongs to tlie lirst Siinskrtt
norist formation. Coropiire \Ax ^"•'^fi' " I gnvc," aActe,
dri-stf, " ye gave," with Sanskrit forms likr anAl-Hlimn, nmii-
•^hta: ^dA, "to give." follows the fourth formation, but
would form tiildmm. tiMtin. oecordingto the first.
5C3. In the first person dual and plural the Old Selavonic
inserta between the auxiliary verb and the personal character
on o, as a conjunctive vowel, so that in this respect da-ch-o-va,
da-r.h-o-m, agree more with the Sunakrit second and Greek
first aorist formation {ttd'tkxh-A-vn. adik»h~i\'ma, fiu^-a-^iev)
than with wnAixhu-a. cndithma; but the o is not an old heredi-
tary possession brought from the Haet, but a subsequent in-
sertion to avoid the combination cfiv, chm. The Servinn, also,
which has in its preterites (in the imperfect and in the so-
called simple preterite) left the sibilant of the verb substan-
tive (where it has not been entirely dropped) iu its original
form, has kept free from the conjunctive vowel ; as, ie/ratmo.
" we played." For the most part, the aorist, in Old Scla-
vonic, is comipted by the gutturnlization oftlie sibilant in
the first person of the three numbers. The relation to
the Sanskrit in this manner becomes similar to tliat of the
plural locative in rh to the Sanskrit in su or fhu. oa in
tf(/efff-eA = f^^^Tn rif/Aatv3-sn, " in the widows"; nnorba-eh
= W^re«ir(fM-sw,"in tbednugliters-in-l.iw"; [G.Ed p.BlO.]
also similar to thiit of the proiiouiiriul plural genitives in th
to the Sanskrit in aAm or ffidrn, so timt TR^ iye'<^, has the
same relation to ir^ti-fftu, in respect of its mutation and
ahhreviation. as b&fhi-ch has to (iA»WA-(-\ftain.
564. In the third person plural, in Old Sclavonic, instead
i
1
788 TBB AOEIST.
of ahn. c/Hl also is use<i, but only in tlic cnsc where the pne-
ceding vowel ia an n or It ye, and tlien both aha and eft tl (re-
garding d from on ace ^ 463.) uix* used at plena u re ; e.g.
MAojiraA mit^riKha. or iHA^A^^s ma^nch&. " tlxcy anointed";
Bli;^tf byechi or RtiuA b^eslm, " they were."*
565. In the seuond and third person singnlRf, aceordin;; to
Dobrowskv, instead of the forms without tt-TiuiuHtion, endin>;
with the class or root-\owel. tliose in uiE she also occur.
He gives, indeed, in his first conjugation (p. bH) froui t/ltigo-
Ittch. ■■ I spoke," gUttjolu aa second and third person; but from
niA^A;^ mti^uch, " I anointed,"' he gives HA3ARIE ma^ashe as
sec-ond and third person, for which, in both i)er»oii8, we fijid
in Kopitar masa vm^n. From tho sjitfcial point of view oF
the Sclavonic we might easily fiincy wc saw tlie personal
sign in the mc tht- of sia^aoie mo^nthe, " thou didst anoint,"
compared with the present NAikemti maacfie^hi, "thou
anoiutesti" with the slight sUerntion of s/it to sA^; and then
assume an iucrguoic transfer from the second to the third per-
[G. Ed. p. 811.] son. as our German aind has made its vsny,
from its proper place, into the first person, or, ns inOld and An-
glo~Suxon, the termination of the second [terson plural has been
imparted both to the first and third, and in the Gothic passive
the third person plurul has replaced both tho second and first.
But if, in the Old Sclavonic preterite, we hnvc recognised the
Sanskrit aoristand the euphonic law. which has destroyed all
original final consonants ($. 255. L), we easily perceive that
the she of MA^Auie ma^aahp, " thou didst auoiut," stands fur
#A«, andthatof MA^AniE nwi^a«A«, " he anointed," forshel; and
— ™^
" The difforanoe of writing the tbtrd penoD i>luml IwtwaeB Ktipit&r
anil Dubrotrsky lind tacapod mc in $ , 463. oqiI 405. ; tho fnnner (Ulago-
litti, p[>. CI, lU) vrrit«» U1-* silt/a, Uic lutU:r, whom 1 luvo followoil, OU |
a^a. ThoDgfa KopiUr, as 1 doubt nof, is riglit. still tlie forta a&a, if it
never orcn occare, or very nrely, la » fiir the tldtr, as lie ji of thija a \o
bo coaaiUcTcd no iaorgutic frvitx, oi ut mauy odiur funus (tea ^.StMi.H.).
FORUATION OF TBNSB8.
789
that this xft^(»). tAcCO. of tlie second and third person rests on
the Sans, wj, sA, of the above-Dieationed alshAipsu, uhliiiipsiU
(§. 54&). I do Dot say ou ahas, that, of ndik-a.ha», adik-.jhal
=cictKraau cietK-ve., (p. 782); for nlthou^h tlie termination
of MA^Amf ma^a-tfic is nearly identical with lljat of CSetK-ve.
still the accoiid person plurul MA3A(TB?nn^a.fff (notiuA^AuiETe
ma^aa/icte) tenchea lis that the Sclavouie aori^t formation be-
long to the Sanskrit 6r8t. not to tlie second (^Grcek first).
566. I believe, too. that forms like the nbove-mentioned
b^di, " thou didst wake." " he did walce." originally had ano-
ther syllable she after it; tlms bitli from btldhhe ; nese,
"tliou didat bear," "he bore," from iwnvshe; os in Servian
all imperfects in the second and third jierson sing;iilar aetimlly
terminate in ahc. Dut in the siud dialect the Saiiskfit
aoriat has split into two tenses, ofwliich one is called in
Wuk'a Grammar (translated by J. Grimm) " imiTcrfect." the
other "simple preterite.** The former carries the sibilant
of the verb substantive, in the form of ui th or e^, ihrougfa
all the persons, with the exception of the first persoD singular
and third plural; tlic latter has entirely lost it in the sin-
gular, but exliibits it in the plural also, in the third person.
I annex for comparison tlie two tenses of DrpSn )gram,
" I play." in full.
IMFERFECr.
siurLE r&zTEnrTE. '
?!/rS.»
Igraahe,
igriumo,
igraxte.
"igruu.
HMO.
hjra,
hjT?i,
igratmo,
\gTasie.
igrathe.
2
&67. The Bohemian has a remnant of the preterite
* The sign ^ (KVUTS, Kconl'mg to Wuk, Ja Ry]labloa "in which the
tone lemtiDBtn roundly.' tt'insrk that in iho fini person nngnlsr and
FH-i^oiiJ (jtraon. plural ibc simple i^rei*iil« Is dirtingoished from the imper-
frct simply by the ibsenco of ttiie accrnu
790
THS AOmST.
correspoiiding; to tlte Sanakrit aorist, in tlie tense dcsi^-
niitctl by Dobrowsky ns the imperfect of the optiitivc, in
which ()i/vli, which is ilistiti^ishcd from the Old Sclnvouic
K*^ hyech. " I was," only by a difFereut form of the
radiL-al vowel, in conibiiintton with the |iast participle byi,
(thus bi/!-bjfch) cxprfBaea the idea, '■ I were," or '• would
be-" If the participle pri?ti>ritQ follow a second time thU^H
hyl'btjch, this forms the ijhi|)erfect ofthi* mood, and hyfbtjer^*
hyl signifies " if I had k-eii," or " I would have been." Cvm-
pnre the conjngntion of i^/-£jrrA (feminine Ajr/u-Aj/cA. neuter
byto-bych). or rather that of bych alone, with that of the
Old Sclavonic Bt;|j hyech, " I was."
BOHEMIAN.
■IK a. PLUBAI,.
byi^h, bythom,
hy». btittfi,
by, by.
OLD SCLAVONIC.
hwch, byechom,
buf, huntf-
hyp, bvetiha {ftyethpa).
'• Ri-miirk. — The second p*i-8on singular hya has
advautage over (In; Old Sclavonic bye of retaining the
sibilant of the auxiliary verb, while in the third person
[G.Ed. p.Bls.] phiral, Btui* bi/eslm. ho«. in this respect,
tliQ advantage over by. From the Buhctntaii, as uur point
of view, the s of byn can only mnrk a personal tcrminatiuii,
particularly as « in Bohemian actually expresses tlie second
person. According to that, howfver. which was previuualy
remarked reg;arding the xke which occurs in Servian, nnd
occasion ally, also, in Old Sclavouip, in the second :uid third
person singuhir. it can admit of no doubt that the » of by>
is identical with thiit of the second person plural byatr,
and that it has preserved iho first, and not the second
sibilant of the Snuskfil singular persona, like aksht\ip%i»^
nnAitht'a, p. 703 G. ed. Tl(e root ii^A/iu, 'to he.' according
to the lirst aorist formation, would, in th« second person
FORMATION OF TBNSBS.
791
singtihr. form abhiiuaht*. and, without VriiUlhi. nbhAtib, the
mi(Id)« part of which is coutainud iu ibe Boheminti bifi"
569. The Old Sclavoniu dac/i, " f gnve," and aualogoa*
formMioiis, reiiiiiul us, tliroiigli their guttunil, whiuh tiikea
the place of a sibilant, uf the (xrvL>k aorists cSwko, cdtiKa,
^Ka. That wlucli. in Old Sclavoaic, lias become u rule in the
first person of tlic thrrc numbers, viz. the gulturali/ntioD
of an originnl s, may have occasionally taken place iu
Creek, but carried throuj^hout all the pei'soiis. No con-
jecture lies closer at baud, than that of ref^urclin^ ^Suita as a
corruption of cJi^ffa. whether it he that the it \ins with ono
step passed into k, or that a k has placed itself beside tlie
sibilant of the verb eubatantlve, as in the imperfect cvfrov,
eoKe, in the old Latin future eacit, and in the imperfecte and
aorists in Ivkov, itrKOfitjv, doKOv, auKOfitjv, as Jivnjtiixf, koXI-
eoKov, KaJ\J:aKf.To. tKaoKe. SatraffKeTo. in which the accession
of the verb substantive is not to be overlooked, which tliero-
foit! is doubly contained in the forms in <ra-o*roi', aa-a-KOfoiv.
But in eioiKa, eQ>iKa, >iKa, it beio^ presu])p09cd that th«y
were formerly cSoxtko, &c., only the euphonic uccompmii-
mcnt of the (T would have remained, and thus an original
tSia/ra would have next become eSwiTKa and then iSuKa.
Perhaps, also, a k may have originally beeu prefixed to the
ff of the to- be -presupposed ^BiMra, as iu ^Cv from o-w^Sah-
sk ri t sam, "with"; so tliat tlios cJwca would be an abbre-
viation of eSiii^a, as perhaps a form rum [G.Ei).p.8U.]|
preceded the Latin rum if it is akin to ^vv, truv, «w iam.
&69. The Lithuanian also presents a form which is
alciu to the Greek and Sanskrit aorist, in which, as it
appears to me. k assumes the place of an original »; I
mean the imperative, in which [ recognise that Sanskrit
mood which agrees with the Greek optative norist, and
through which, therefore, the k of dttk, "give," dukite,
"give yc" (Sauskiit r/diyu/Aiw/m, "may ye give," precative
middle), is connected with the k of the Greek eSuuca, Bui
792
THE AOIUST.
if, then, the K of €$uKa, edtjKo, ^Kot, tuu cither, as I prefer
to assume, directly, or tlirough t)ic medium of ax or f.
procevdcJ from (t,* then there is no difficulty in deducing
nlao tbti K of perfects like StStaxa from o*. and titerefore from
the verb substantive, althougiL [he Sanskrit in this setae
refrains from combining with Uie mot ag. Hal fuiid«-
mcntdlly all tenses hnve aa equal cinim to this root, to
express the copula, and if, in Greek, imperfects like
kStSuv. and aorists like tSiay, in the third person plural.
combine with tlie verb aiibstantivc. vrliile tlie Snosicrit
forms ndiftAm, nilAin, renuiin simple; and if. further, the
Greek dLnlectieiilly combines the imperfwt ecKov witli the
imperfects of attributive verbs, and the Latin here iiae*
its bam, while the Sanskrit imperfecta nowhere reoeivo
the verb subatanlive, it cannot surprise us if the Greek
restores that in the perfect nhic-h tlic Sauskiit has neglected.
TUe incumbrance of (ho root, which occurs in the perfect
through reduplication, is not favorable to tlie reception
of the verb substantive; and the Greek also admits the
addition of the k only there where the least ditDculty
existe, viz. after towcIs and tlic lightest couaononts, the
[O. Ed. p. 815.] liquids ; Urns, 5e3u.xa, indeed. ire^tXi/fca.
iijtdapKa, t-ffTcA«a, xt^oyKa, but not TCTiniita, vinKeiCKa: but.
in order to avoid the Liirsliness of this combiuutiou, the tc of
die auxiliary verb is changed to /i, as it were in the spirit of
the German law for tlie mutation of sound,t and tliis. with
tJie preceding tenuis or medial, is vJiaugcd to an aspiratc;
• Regarding the nvene cose, tho Hunsition of gattnrali into v, aae
$.501.
t Sm $. S7. In tlK MalAy-P«lynaii*n knf^agcs, slso, niuUt»ou» of
tennes into aipimics occur ; for Mnmpir, h for k and / for p. In Uw
langnage of MiutniiaHcnT, nl»D, It for f, as iaGcrrann z hmuul of the a^-
ntegff; w/ufW, "whit«,"corrvepoDdtD(;totboMiiIay/;ijfiAMi4 S«iiskrit
pdlo, "(itiK/'oftliu uunemconlng. Sm iny TrcntiM on tha ContMotioB
of ilio UbIb/- PtilyDciiiut Lmgiwgcs wiili the ludo-European, Rerauk 13.
I'OKMATION OF TKNSBS.
793
tlius. Tenifia for t€tuw'« from lerw-na, w^irAc^a for Ticir\c»£'a
from viii\€KKa. On tlie otlier hand, io T-sounds tho lan-
guage luu) preferred dropping lht'8c eutircly before k, sivd
leaving' tile K in its full right uiul [wssession; thus, e^vKa,
ireweixa. for i^f/eviKa, veitttBKa. The piissive, od nccotint of
its lieav^r termLuaUons. is less favorable to the reception of
tlic auxiliary verb. And us, togirther witli i^'iifivav, t.^ofrav,
no forms iii^oeavTo, iZoaavro, exist, so to the active perfects
in Ka no passi^'es in Ka^at (or aafiai, with tlie original sound
preserved) eorrespond. It might, however, be assumed, that
the (T, which has remained in forms like TCTe\c<r/^«i, ctnas-
l*tti, tjnicttai, ebpecisHly after abort vowels, somctituca also
after lung ones (^xouirjuai), is Doteuphunic, but belongs to the
verb substantive; for it is assuredly treated precisely like
the tr which takes tlie plaeeof a radical 7*-aound (t^i/cr-juat.
Treite/ff-^a*) and is only dropped before auother a {nhtn-
•trai, i]Kov-c-cu). In verbs in i^, the v and tr eonteud to a cer-
tain degree for the honor of being retained: tti^avrfitu
would be an iuipossibitity in the present sttite of the lan-
gUHgi;, but TTe^a-fT/iai has obtained eurrcney in prcferenee to
■niipaii-iiai (as e^fipa^fivu and others); wliile in the third
person tc^v-to* baa carried off the vietory from vetf>a-<TTa.t.
perhaps under tho protection of wc<^av-<r«(, [G, Ed. p. sis.]
whidi necessarily gutned the pfcfurence over ni^a-iKrou,
a form repugnant to all custom, and over utipa-aai, in which
the k would have hern unnecessarily abandoned. The eir*
cumstance that verbs of this kind exiubit the <t also iu the
formation of words, before suflixe^ which begin witli /x or t
[Te\ie9iia, tiKoorrii), is ao argument ngalost tlie opinion that
the V in the perfect ))a8sivc has more than a euphonic foun-
dation; for withontderiviDgsucb words from the perfect pas-
sive, still the custom of writing cfi. in, which have good
foundation in the perfect passive, may have exerted an influ-
ence on such forms, in which the a before /j and r can only
appear as an idle or euphonic accompnnitneut.
794
TUB AOBIBT,
570. Tlmt aorist furmation, to which, in vay Sanskrit
graminnrt I have assigned titc fuurtit place is of les* inH
portance for comparison witli Ilie Europmn cognntc lanH
guAges. but deserves notice oii this account, tliat it maJcea
the verb nubstnnttve so brond thnt it cnnnot be overlooked j
for in forms like nyA-xUftnm, " 1 went,* it receive* the wordj
in its broadest extent, ant] exhibits its mdical consooaiita ioj
a double form; ojid so in the otlier [lersons. with the cxcep-J
tion of the second and third singular, in which we have'
ayti-vu, oyAsii. for ay(^ik-s. oyiUhht. on the same ground oit<
whieh, in the third furuintion, nbddhia, oMdhil, are used, cooi'.
pletely piissing over the auxiliary verb (see §. 360.), TJkAi
full conjugation of nytUkham is as follows : —
SlKOt'LAa.
ay&sixham,
ayi\-sis,
ayA-sit,
VVAL.
(tyii-sishtavu
aifd-nshlAm,
PLt-IUL.
ayd-ti^ita.
[fi. EJ. p.817.'] 571. This aorist formation is not used i?
the middle, or has fallen into disuse; probably because the ,
broml form of the auxiliary verb fteeorded just oe little with '
the heavier middle terminntioiis, as in Greek the syllable
(TO of eJ/5o-To-i', eSc-aa-v, with the passive iilio-yro, tSo-vro.
The active also, in Sanskj'it, avoids this formation in roots
nhii'h are encumbered with n final consonant, with the |
exception of three roots in m: ram. " to play." ntwii, "to |
ben<l," ymn. " to restrain." As. however, m before ji miut I
pass into tho very weak nasal soupil of Anuswara {»),
which, in eomparisoD with other consonants, is almost
nothing', the forms, therefore, ttrnn-iii-ihiim, anaH-shkam,
ayan-sijham, come, in respect to the weight of the root, vcry
Dear to forms like nytUufiom.
*■ Remark. — If it is asked, in what way the language
has arrived nl the form tishnm, two modes of deriving it
present tlivmsclvea. Either, as I have before assamed, «j '
FORMATION OF TENSBS.
79S
is a aytliiblo of redu[tlication, and xhtim (properly snm, the
i of which, through the influence of a preceding i, beconica
»li} the principrJ syllable; or sr-xham was originally «o«njn;
ihfitun, »trsw't or sd.swi; mid itishma, nl^m'^ or sitsma, &c.;
ami these forms have been so developed from the second
aorist formation, corrcspaiiiling to the Greek first
(see§. &6&.); thiit to the verb substantive, which already
existed accompaiiifd by rf. tliv same attiiched itself a second
time. prec(.-din^ the personal terminations (probably at a
time when the auxiliary verb was no longer recognised as
such); just as in Latin third pentons plura). like Hfrpserunt
from sfrps^snnf. From «/lro, s/lmn {ii<I'li:^Mi-ir, ndikxfjilma. eiei-
if a^ci'), would conscfincntly nest be formed *A\Wfi,3ii^mri; from
aritam, »<t!a {ad'd-aji'ilam, aclihthuln, iSet^arov, eid^ctre), would
come .imfrtm. sasUi. But 8ubset|UcntIy, after the d and « of the
first syllable hnd, in order to lighten tlie weight, become f, the
following a necessarily became ;/j ; thus, dual xhhvti, shhritm,
shhliirn, from adutva, sontnm, softtdm; and, in the first and
second person plural, shhma, shkta, from sclsmi, smku The
root 5im^ i(U. * to rule.' in some persona Bifordsu* an excel-
lent prototype or counterpart of this proc<'fl8 of corruption. It
■weakens, viz. before the heavy personal terminations begin-
ning with mutes (not, however, before tlie weak v and i») its
A Xo i, and coiisenuemly must also cliange [O. Ed. p. 818.]
its final n into sA, nnil a following f, ik, into I, ih \ and
exhibits, therefore, ia the dual, aiafiiam, iis/iihCm, instead
oiJ'hf'im /tlsMi-d, in the plural, shhthn for hUdn. In tJic
third person plural the appended auxiliary verb under dis-
cussion exhibits the teruiination us for on; tlius, aijAiii*hu^
for ayA-inhan, as might be expected according to the
analogy oiadikahav. eSet^av. The replacing of the termiiia-
nation us by nn is easily oxplaioed by considering that u.«
passes OS a lighter termiuatioD than im ($. 462.), and lliat,
on HccDunt of the doubting of the auxiliary verb, occasion
arises for lightening the word in every other maimer possible.
3 I 2
^96
THE AOHIST.
Tlic TX)Ot liAi, too, nliivh is so Hnble to be wcnkenetl. :
ill tlie tliird person plural of tbe imperfect, the tcmiinntioR
1M for fin ; thus aiAt-ua, correspnixlin^ to the second
person mhh-la. If, then, as I scarce doubt, ilic norisi
Torm in siwham, Sec, lias arisen in this nny, that the!
auxiliary verb has been re-nttflched to itsolf. being first
8imp)y combined with the root; then this form in principle
correspondB with the Ionic norist-foruis like c\do-ao'«e (For^
ij\ai7€ from !}\aaixT). iairaaKerro for eSatraro, The dropping^
of the augment in these norists mid similar imperfects iij
clenrly oocnsioned by the new harthen which has been!
attached; and we mi<;ht therefore, in Ijitin nl«o, nscriba
the dislodgcment of tlic aujfincnt to the drciirostanee {or
find it promoted thereby), that alt im)>erfeets and perfects!
(aorists) of nttrihiitivo verbs, Recording to what haa hceri,
before remark«I, are or were encumbered with an aiix-^
ihiiry vprh (ham, si, jti.iii). or asyllable of rcdiiplicilion. either
visible or concealed by subsecjuent contrnction (cweurri, c^/).:
In the isolated and unsupported tram for fTam = W:^n /iaam,
the augment nas laid aside by the simple ubbreviatiun of]
the vowel."
573. lu Zend, those aorist forms which uuite tbe verb^
substantive with the mot. are of rare use. butarenoicntirelv
wanting. The only instance which I can cite is, hovrevtr.
the form AipdJju^ mnnstn. "he spoke" {Vend. S. p. 132), a;
middle of the first formation, corresponding to the Sanslnitl
^gJsm amaniUi. " he thought," from the root wi«n, nhioh,
in Zend, has assumed the meaning " to s|)eak," aud has
also produced the substantive W'V^f maM}tra, " speech."
Tlie frequently -occurring *>fpM*i^ daita, " he gave," is boti j
us might be imagined, an norist, but is based as imiwrfcct
(G. Ed. p. eio.] on the Sanskrit «^ uiiatta (from adod-Ui
for adatt/l-la=ei!JfoTo), since, according to {. 103. (end), tite
first I must be ehiinged into i.
573. Wc now pass on lo those formations of Uie San-
KOBMATION OV TBNSKS.
797
skrit aorist. nhich are knowu in Gruek under llie uauie
of the second. To tliis clnss belong, lux'orditig to the
iiiTiuiijfQient of my Surjslipit fjraininnr, llio fittli. sixtli. untl
suveiitiL formalioas. The fifth annexes the iJCi-sonal tttrmi-
tiatioaa direct to thu root, and h dUtiiig'uished from tlie
itu}>errcct ouly by thu removal uf vltias charaetcristics ;
thus as, in Grcelc, eiuv is distinguished from Eiiiinv; so,
in Siinsk^it, adiim is diBtin<{uiHhe(] from mind'hn (see p. 61-1);
nud ill Zend, where, too, this kind of aorist furmatioti is in
Jikc manner fouml. ^-m^ dmhn from 5»t(t«j d'tdUanm (re-
garding dh fori/, sec §. 39.). To ihe Greek i^jrtiv, torj^r,
tOTfj, vni^ ustiiiim, WWra axifitin, W^VTW nxtfiAl. correspond,
in opiKJsition to tlie reduplicated, but, in tlie nidical vowel,
irregularly shortened iiti^hihnm, alinfiilias, utis/Uhut (see §. 508.).
Tlie relation of the Greek eOrjv to eri'ftji' corresponds to that
of tidluirt to mlitdhtim (trom<l/ui), " to lay," "to place.*" The
(treek t^tii-v, c^ii-f, «^t)-(T), have the same relation to
^tpu-o-v. e^i^-e-?, etpu-f, that the Sanskrit abhth^-nm, " I waa"
(not aiftti-m. see §. 137. Rem.), ab/id-v, itMu-l. have to
(ibfiav-a-m, nbhav-a-t, ubkava-t, since Md, as belongiuj; to
the first elms, assumes, in the special tenses, an a, but with-
draws it in the aorist, as the Greek dues its o. e.
lil\. The Latin fni, nliicli. like al! pt-rfeets, according
to what I have before remarked (see §^. 'jXQ. &c.), I re-
gard as originally an norist, diverges rn)ni the correspond-
ing form of tlie Sanskrit and Greek, by the assumption of
a conjunctive vowel », and thus corresponds to the sixth
formation; Iicnce /u-(-«H* for ahhi-a, e-^w-r, {|0. Ed. p. 820.]
or rather for the Sanskrit middle form fi-bh^-{hAi\ for
although ttie fifth formation is not used in the middle,
and no ad/i-la, tts-ihii-tn, adhii-ta. eorrespoud to the Greek
tio-To, e/rra-Tc eSt-ro, still it may be presumed that they
were origically in use. In the third person, /u<H, stands for
• llwpi'ciiiig tlw ( td'/ii-t-Wi. fu-i-UU, bm ^ M&
'KtS
THE AOB18T.
abhu-t, e^u; ill the plural, /u-i-mit-t for oi/i J-m«i, etpvfte* ', /u-
-i-Mtia for abhii-ta. e<pu^t. If this aorisfc formation were em-
ployed in Saitfikrit iu the nitddle also, the first person
singular would bt' niAiii>-i,* .and, without eiijiiiouic per-
matation of sound, abhi-i. To the former tlie obsolete
fuvi corresponds; to the latter, /u-i. I do not, howe%'er.
place any weight on this surprising accordance; for
although /(It is ba^ed ou a middle form (the ni of ahhitvm
would probably have been retained, see §. 43L), still it ia
oertain that, in Sanskrit, the termination of tlie first
person singular middle, before the division of languages,
had not yet fallen into tlio abbreviated condition in which
we now see it; and, according to the analogy of the pre-
supposed third penon, abfiA-ta, in place of ab^tir-r, o&AiJ-nio,
(from abhiljimm or -miim, see §. 552.), must have existed.
I do not, tlierefon', rcjjard the i of /u-i as identical with
the Sanskrit i of llie pre-supposed abhOvi. but as identical
with the conjunctive vowel i nlfu-i-s(u fu-i-t, &c. Conae-
Huenlly. tlie form /«-(. just like present forms, e.^.r^h-a ssraJi-
•d'mi. is entirely deficient in n personal termiontioo.
575. The sixth Sanskrit aorist formation is distinguished
from the fifth simply by this, tliat the personal terminations
Qti. Ivd. p. 821.] are united with the root by a conjuuctive
vowel a, and this a is treated iu conjugation exactly like
the class vowel of the first and sixth class (§. 109*. I.). This
aorist. therefore, is distiuKuislied from the im|ierfect of the
lirstclass simply by tlie withdrawul of the Guua; e.g. tJie im-
perfect of rwA, "to injure." class I, is ari^h-a-m (=ara*;Aam),
and the aorist arith-n-m. Wc have, therefore, here the rela-
tion of the Greek eXeiir-o-v to the aorist i\iV'0-v, which is
* The cummnii nilv would rrtjuire iihhuvi (itriili n tlinrt u), but Utfi haa
tlihiiropcri}', that befon- vowets it bctomea /^Ailii ; hoaM-jin liie first jier-
sousiugulor, o^A^rHtm, and in the third plural ui-AAv-nn ; in Ihoilntiuiil
thir<| person ungnlar of (lie reduplicatnl prvlcritc bobh&va standi inrfpi.
larl> for imUtdi^-a.
FOBMATION OK TBNSB:^.
79!)
witliout Guua. From buM, " to Iciiow." tlaas 1, comca the
imperfect abi!dh-a-m {=ttbaudh-a-m), and thv norist ahuM-a-m,
just as, in Greek, from <tTr, cl>cvy-o-v opposed to€it>vy-«-v-
576. In tlte Sanskrit eixtli claas, which has a as ita class-
vowcl in coiniuon with Uie Bist. but dura not admit of Guna
in the special tenses, which would have to be withdrawn in
the aorist, the formntiou ituder disuussiuu ia |)08Bihle only in
a. sitialt iiEimbLT of Jrrt'guSar vt-rba, which, in tUp bjh^l'ihI
tenses (see §. 1»9'. 1.) insert a nasal, and again reject it in
tlte aorist, as generally in the common tenses. Thus Up,
which has been repeatedly uienlioned, "to aniear" (eouiiwre
oAc/^u), forms, in the impcrrcct, alimpnm. and in the aoriat
alipttm. Another form of this kind is alupitm. " I did cut
off." in coutradisliiictiuu to aiumpam (compare the Latin
Tumpv, riipi, Titpiiim). The same is the relation of Greek
ttoriats like^'AaiGoc (Sansk)-it lubh. " to obtain"), bx»Sov, e^a9o^'.
to their imperfects c.\ifi0avov, cjfivSavov, ^vivBavov, only
tlmt these, besides the iiiserti'd nasal, have also another ex-
ternal addition, whieli is likewise rejected, as. iu Sanskfit.
the fifth and ninth einsses reject their intermediare sj'llabid
nu. nd. As to the imperfect amk-nnv-am and the aorist aiak-
-a-m, which, in Sanskrit, come from iiik. "to be able," class
five, these two forms stand in a relation to one another similar
to that in which the Greek [wssive aorists Hiu-^rfv. lm'y*}v,
evaytjv. stand to tlieir imperfect 8cti\-«9 [ti. £d. p.633.]
el^eCyvvv. tfiiyvw, hi^vvv; and as for the imperfect <^-/iV-
-rtd'tn, and the aoriBt ntlii-a-m, whiel) come from A-/fif, class
□ine, this corresponds exactly to the relation of the Gtvek
eSaft-vtj-v to tSafi-o-v, From ntriii, " to sweat," class four,
come tlte imperfect affw-iJ-j/a-m. and the aorist asu-id-a-m .•
here the relation is similar to the correspondence of an
Hoiist t'^a\-o-v, in Greek, to the imjjurfect e^a7<J^p, it being
pre-suppuscd that the f*eminatioii of/3aMw* is the conse-
* If w Btsnnae in poKXtt the luutAtiau ot ou originiU Icnub to ils
800
THR AORtST.
qucnce of an nesimitntion (see {. &0I.), anj tiiat therefore
0i\\(a has arisen from 0a\yta. as oiAAoc from a\ifOi.
&77. Ill roots which i^iid with vowels this soriat forma-
tion is, in Siinskrit, little usi^d, atiA n-licru it occurs the
radical vowel is rejected before the rowel of conjunction,
with the exception of ^ n and ^fl. of whicli the former
becomes ar, the latter iV: e.g. asar-n-m, itjir-n-m, from
■n sri (originally sfir), "to go," ^jp (pro^jerly _/in^V).
" to grow old," (i«M'-«i.7»j. from swi, " to grow." Roots in
u and tl do not ocfur in this aorist formation ; otherwise
from bhu. " to be," if it followed this formation, and in
like manlier rejected its vowel, would cotnc ahham, nhhat,
tib/tat. which would approach the Latin bum of ama-bfim
very closely ; or. if tlie d were not rejected, but. according
to §. 5T4,. changed into ilv. or. according to the geitemi
law ofsoiiml, into uv, then, in respect to the coujnnctive
vowel, in the third person singular the Latin /u-i-^, and, in
[O. Ed. p. e93.] the first |>erson plural, /a-Z-nm-r. would
have thu same relation to ubhuva-t, ubhuv-A-ma, or ahhUv-
-a-l, nftAili.'-d-nifi. that, as above (§, A07.), veU-i-t, neA-i-ouM,
have to vaA-a-ii, i^ah-'i-mas,
579. In Zend it is hardly possible to distinguish every-
where willi certaiaty the aorist formation under discua-
■ioD from the imperfect, at least not in examples of the
kind like the frctjuently-occurring zniwl, " he ntruck."
This form may be regarded as nn iiorist, because the root
^w Artn, to which the Zend jaw zov (for which also /**ii.J"B)
corresponds, belongs to the second class ; and therefore, in
the second and third person singular, the imperfect forms
nudiol, u, vieet*ra&, in nve^^ui/A, "to know," a tcnnkstsniliinpUca
of 8 medial, then ^biXXu would Im rcferabti: Ui tliu Sanskrit rooxpad, whence
paxij/(, " I go" (inidfllc), ossumlng a cstuiai mcntiin^, Ae reganU tha
wcnkeuiiiK of iho d to /, HAA aaswrs, in this rrsjipct, to the Vrikntpat. The
tame naj' b« Mid of iraXXw, where the initial Kniad presents tio dtflicultjr.
VORMATION OF TBNSES.
SOI
iihtin for ahans, ahani, according to §. 94. Iti Zend, also,
tliis root prevnils chiefly in the second class. We Gad in
the Vend. S. p. 158. &c. repeatedly jninVt, "he beats," Also
zuliilfi (p. I.')7. perhaps crrtmcously for znenli, or it is a
middle); but nt p. 177 wc find j(pjx\fu^tivniti, according
to th(.> first class, and tliereforc iwAtJAif zannt niso may ba
allotted to the first class, and regarded as the imperfect.
Ont although jxaitut should be explained as belonging to
the class to vrhich this verb is principally referable, it
may he still rcgartlcd as the imperftict, and, in fact, as
following the analogj- of the Sanskrit WTVupi ortkUit. "he
wept," and the Zend MAtu*^ unhai, "he was" (see §,532,).
579. The Sauski-it sev«at)i aorist formation is dlnio-
guished from the sixth by n syllable of reduplicntion pre-
ceding the root, and thcreforo answers to the Grt'ck
aoi'ists, as Litc^t-ov, ctE^paSov, mcicAxto, aiid such as havo
dropjied the ougnicnt, as riruKov, itl'ntQov. Wc have already
fuidnced above (^. M6) Latin perfects lite cuairri, tutudi.
decinr, and reaiarked, tluit such us vi}pi,/ri^>jr,/^i, ami pro-
bably also sach as /*V/j, /<Jt/), scAbi, vidi, f&gi, (if iu the
latter the length of the vowel is not to be regarded as
com|>cn3ation for an ,t. which has been dropped after the
Gual conaonuut of the root.) contain a coticculcd reduplication
(seeH-M^-^*^)- The Sanskrit apaptam. C0-Ed.p.834j
"I f«ir(*)._for apapatam. from pat, "to fall," corresixinds
exactly to the above- nientionwl Greek vnfipvov iu its entire
structure, atid therefore, also, in the rejection of the radical
vowel. While the Greek reduplicates tliis root iu the present
oitd imperfect, and witlidraws lliu reduplication in the aorist.
so that the Doric effcrov (commonly entaov) has the same
relation to eniirrov that iitav, edt)v, Htmjv, have to e.^liuv,
eri6r}v, umjv, the Sanskrit, with this verb, adopts the rcrcrso
method, and opposes to the imperfect apalam &n aorist
• !^ my Jcaict Sonakfil UraiaDur,$.ll99-, fWmark,
S02
TRBAOBIST.
apnptnm. The Grwk impcrrcct. tlifn-forc. eviimv, corre-
sponds most surprisingly witii this Korist apnptam. and the
Greek aurist eTtfrrov wiUl the Sanskrit iui|>(rrr(.>i;t njmtam.
M^o. In Siinskrit all verbs uf the Ufntli class fotlow this
sevcDth aomt formnlion, and, wbtcli is the same thing,
all causal forms, for these an; in their formation identicul
with the tenth cluss. And here the rhythmical law ia valid,
that cither tlie syllable of reduplication, or tlie base> syllable,
must be long, whetlier by natural length of the vowel or
by position, as in apaptam. Goth kinds are often at will
admissible in one and the same root, hut in most cases tbe
u»e of language has exclusively decided for one or the
other kind, and, in fact, roost frequently for the length of
the syllable of reduplieation; e.g. from tft!, ** to make,"
conies aimlatn or aiisilam; from chur, "to steal," comes
achtichiiram.
581. Besides the verbs of the tenth class and causal
forms, Hs the above-mrntiotied apaptain, anil sonic otiicrs
to he f^iveu in tlie following puragraphs, only four other
roots ending with a vowel belong to this class, viz. »ri, " to
[G.Ed, p.B'i5.J go," xtei, "to grow," "to go,'"* dru, "to
run," srii, "to hear," anu, "to flow,"! whence tUiiriyam,
aiiswii/am, aJudruvjin, ulusruvam, asumutam.
582, I have already remarked (§. A4S.) that an^xam,
" I went to ruin," from nar, in my opinion contains a
concealed syLbible of reduplication, and luis arisen from
ananiatm (for nnnnai-a-m') by rejection of the second n ;
and. moreover, that Latin perfects like c^i rest on the
same principle. In "BT^Hk nv^cliani, also, " 1 spoke,'* I
* TliciH' two roolx mny Ih' ori |;iiinlly lt]cnljcsl,iia K-mivowelB antti^iy
iaterch&Dged (Me j. 20.), sail di« Latin tret'io may be rererred in oan or
kbo other.
"t Thia ti coiuiecltd with ir«, " to flow," by ilic HfRaily of the liqaitla ;
ttimpftic tho Gruk muj wv-os^oi ; pi**, pni-vtyuii.
KOKMATION OF TBNSKS.
803
recognise a redu[jUcntiou, Uiough it appears that the 6 is
only an alteration oF the a of the root. The root vaeh
has, however, a teiidcnc-y to suppress its radical vowel and
vocalize its t>: hence, iu the participle passive, iikla, and
in the plural of the reduplicated prrtcrite tlcA-i-mn. from
H-uchima. If. then, it is assumed tlint in the oorist forma-
tion under discassion the root rack has been contracted to
uch, then vikh may very satisfactorily be deduced from
va'uck for vavach. The syllabic of reduplication, there*
fore, has in this form, with regard to gravity, carried off"
tilt! superiority over ihe base-sytlabk-, tis in forms lilceaL-Ail-
ehuram, " I stolo." Whether the Zeiid {j^i>i»Aj^ tia6ckem,
" 1 spoke," the tliird person of which, vft^tchat, occurs ^-ery
frequently, is identical with the Sanskrit avwham, and
therefore, in like manner, reduplicated, cannot bo decided
with certainly, for this reason, that, us Buruouf has ahewu,
the Zend has a tendency to chnngi: an a, through tlic
inflaonco of a preceding v, into J* ii, and thus to make
it more homogeneous to the nature of the v, but, accord-
ing to §. S9.. an a is prefixed the i (3. A present middle,
also, »^(j^A>(^ va^chi, occurs in Zend ", and a potential (op-
tative) T^j^'^ol/jwt tWc/i^i?(Vcnd. S.p. 163), [«■ E<1. p- S2B.]
wliieh might, however, also bo rcgiirded as aorist of the po-
tentiiil.
5S3. Id arimflham. also. "I injured," "I slew," from die
root rndh. I tliink I discover a reduplication,-)- assuming an
• Vend.S.p.83: tat vacJi£ vaSrAS, '' iim sptuxh I fsptak." Orshoald
vaitAi bo cniuidcrMi n rc(Iuplicftt<!il prclcriln I IliacrrtAin thnt Ani|n«lil
is wrung In regarding it as the imperativp, und CmiiBlaiiiig tho passBge by
*' prvnantrx him aite jmroU. "
1 Tlii« root m«y be akin lo va4k, " to leaf,'* " to stay " (mo ^. SO.), lo
which A. liMiBTy lisfl rrfrm'il thi* Ijttin liiedo, which, therMoK. «'nn)'J Iw
nlao c<iDnect«d \Tith ra^/A, ntid standi ncflrpr ta the Uitcr, as r and I an
•ilmo^t iiliiiilicul.
804 TUB AOKIST.
rxchange of tlic lic|uiils; tliMi, uTrindlifim (or arnrdfiam, frotu
uraTtidham-, aa apajjium fi'oiii oji/tpalnm. With res'*'^ **> t'*c
exchange of tlie r for n. it may hv jirtiper to advert t" tlic
Toitgiail nimfi, "five." in a|>|)osttion to runti. limtt, of tlie disi-
k-cts near akin. Obsnrve, niso, tliat in the intensive forms
^^c5 chanvhiil and ^^ i:}mv.chur* tlic nasal oftlic syllabic:
of reduplication is thu lepreaentativu of tliK / and r of Uic
root, just as of the ^ of the Greek TtlimKti^t, -ninTtp^iu, where,
therefore, ft for A stands in the reverse relation of tlie Latin
flare for the Sanskrit WT dhmii.^
534. In verlj* which begin with a vowel the whole root is,
in Sanskrit, in this aorist formation, twice employed, and tlic
first time, indeed, uniting the radical vowel with that of the
augment, according to the principle of {. 530, in accordance.
tlierefore, with the Greek aorista witli Attic reduplication, as
yjyayav, iifopov. The Sanskrit, however, recjuires, in the
aoeond anuexntion of the root, the lightest vowel of all, i,
[O. Ei. p, 827.] as the representative of all tJic rest. Not
only, tlierefore, arc i" and the diphthon;; e (u + 1) ahorteni-d to
i, and, e. y., from Mtiy (causal from id. " to praise '") AiiJlidum
formed, but a and A also are weakened to J, aft«r the
principle of Latin forms like Utiyi, ctmlimjif, where tlic
encumbrance of the root by tlie syllable of redtiplicatioa
or tlie preceding preposition is the occasion of the vowel
being weakened. Hence, in Sanakfit, from «_bii/ (causal
of fit, " to go,") couicrs llie aorist tUiUtm, and from Apay
(caiisnl of iip, " to obtain.") Apijxim, with which llw.
Lalin adtpheor far nditphcor may be compared, and the
* From ckai, rJttu-; nc my lomer Sanskrit (iranimnr. ^}. SOO. M>7*
t Pott (Eiym. Forach. II.COO.) property- <Itriv«i ilic Ixiti. dMndurit,
"liomct," from dur-i, 'Mostick"; ii 1ia«, therefore, iu ihercpnlcilsyUii-
1>I« ItkciTiu BD «]cchAii^ of liqai4« : tliDN, nlso, tlie G rock bi>ip«» is t« be
derh'ed from RipApoi; and uekiavo ifivt and tlic Sanskrit druma, '* Uti?,''
(coiiipiirv Pott, 11.2^0-
PORHATION OF TBNSES.
B05
Greek retlupli rated Torms iTiT6iWu, ivitujfu, ^ntTcvia. for
araTciWui, qvoviji^i. itsotrreuia (compiirc PotI, II. GSO.). And
7 w, also, and mi. and tlie diphthongs in which u is oon-
tninc-d, are chauf;cd into i; h«iiue AuniJidnm from tindiiy
(cans, of wm/, " to mnke wpt," compart! Latin unfiit),
Aunmnm from ^n, class ten, " to abate." It waa first from
these fornintions, and the aonlogous forms of desiderntivea,
that I perceived that the weight of tlie u i» borne less
readily by the language than that of the i; for otherwise
it would not be replnoed by i in syllables, where the whole
attention of the languago is directed to make tliem as
light as possible. But in the whole of Sanskrit Grammar
no other case exists where u, to lighten the syllabic weight,
bccomrs i : for while in roots beginaing with a consonant
de»ideratives in the syllable of reduplication weaken n
radie.il a to i (<■. jr. pipnti>/h from pnf, " to cleave"). « remains
unaltered {ijuyvh, from ymlh, "to fight,"), which servtB
ns a proof tliat u is lighter than a, because, were it hea-
vier than a, it would liavc a better right to bo changed
into i.
bH!). In roots which end with two consonants, of which tlie
first is a licjuid, this is rejected, in order the more to relieve
the weight lu the base syllable, but it ia retained in the syl-
lable of repetition; hone*; above (§. 631.), [U. I-y. |..82«.]
riiinJhl'im for fJundundam; 80. also, drjijum for drjarjmii, from
nrj. class ten, "to earn." According tu this principle, in Latin
also, piinr/o, if cnctimhcrcd by reduplication, loses its nasal;
iim».piij)uyi, not pupumji. Tlie loss of the nns.nl in Mj^/i. txUtitii,
surprises us less, because ta these verbs it in general belongs
less strictly to tlie root, and is dropped also in tlic supine
and analogous formations. But if. in Sanskrit, tlic first of
two final consonants is a mutci and tlic second a sibilant, then
the syllable of repetition receives only the firat of the two
eonsoaanis, and the base syllable roLiins them both; as from
ik<thmj (causal of ik»h, "to see"), comes Aich'tkthnm, for
806
THB AORIST.
Aikihham or Aihhihham.* TUis principle is followed by
the Greek &\a\Kov, for whicli, according to the [irinciple of
the nbove-montioned iinndidam, aKKanov. or, witli the irng-
menC, ^Xkukov would be titled.
586. In the few verbal bases whicli, exclusive of the cau-
sative affix ny, contain more than one syllabic the Sanskrit
receives, in the syllable of rcpelitioii. only as much as can l>e
contained in one syllubli?; ns from avtidhtr, class ten. "to
despise"! eom'-'Sdi-niwiMiVrtm. The CJreek follows tlie same
principle in forms like a^-^^i(^«, ay-i'/ycpKa, 6p-u>pv)(a.
587, Tile Zend supplies us with an excellent aorist-form
of the seventh formation, whicli hns been already several
times mcntionct). and which was first brought to lij»ht by
Burnouf, viz. aih^^^*^'* Hrunidtiiha, "thou didst grow" (see
§. 'liiO.), from the root nidfi. "to grow," which, in the Sanskrit
^ Titk, liM preserved of the dU only the aapimtion. With
[G. Ed. p. iHtf] tijspcct to the IcngtJi of the syilnble of re-
duplication this form answers to thoee in Sanskrit like
achuchuram (see §. MO.). Tlie initial « of Atcuy^^j^A mtu-
Tttdusfm is rpgiirded nbove (§. .'>1H.) as the representative of
the a of the nngment, through the assimilating influence of
the 6 of the followint; syllable. But it now appears to me more
correct to recognise, in the jnilinl vowel of the form spoken of,
only the original accompaniment of the augment, which has
been dropped, and that, therefore, from nrAruiIkntfia. by the
r«tro-active influence of the fl ofthe second .lyllnble, next orose
aururttdJiu^hn, as, in §. 16.,! have endeavored to derive ajwAjou*
haun-a from tlic Sanskrit n'lrva, through the euphonic influence
ofthe i>; and as tlie base worddJAnman. "priest" in the weak
cases, in which the final svUable van is contracted to an. adds.
* (iut(anl« in the lyllablca of rcpetiti«n arc lUways rtplniwd hj pn.
latsK
'f I explaia aim m the prcpa«iti«ii n-hidi has f^ttvm up with the hur.
imdrognrt Ihet^rminalion asaktn to dhydi, " to ihink," dhlra,'* u^'*
yOHMATION OF TRN8BS.
8«7
through the influence of tlie » of this aylUble, a « to the pre-
ceding a. ihvia at haurun' from which, by dislodginjf the a, ia
fornieii the more common athitruriff as for [O. Ed.p.B30.]
tlip Snnakrh tarutm. "yoiiug." we find in Zend boUi latirutia
and furittia. The h of the penultimate of iiriirHflh-ti'sha eor-
respoiids to tbti conjanctive vowel a of Sanskrit forma like
ncfiiifhur-a-», acht'ickaT-a-thAa, nml mny have proceeded from <i
by an anaimilating inBucncc of Uic h of tlic pnx-cdinf; syl-
lable. If the older a had heen retained, we should then fiod
(according to §. i6*.). uT^rudhanha.
THE PERFECT.
58S. It has b««n nlrendy rt-ninrked, thnt that Sanskrit
preterite which agrees in form with the Greek perfect is.
according to its signification, not a perfect, hut is most fre-
quently used in tlie sense of tiie Greek aorist (§. iia).
• I find the initW 4 of the etnog casen ibbreviat«d in the f-KJimplcn I
Imvc lii-fiiK roe of Ihe weak caxa. The strong uuu-} rliongw tlip proper
themo dlharvan to Athravan ; htncc Uic ncimiiiAtirc athrava (Vend. fl.
p.Cfi). Without trnnsponlion, iin ?, ttt some otlirr noxilisry vowd, mort
hftvc hecn inserted between tlia r nni] r, brcnnso r can neither stYinil nt ttio
rnil, n(ir til CHmbuuttion with u consonanl.
t Thua VwriiJ, S. p. r^, ihd fi«n\\.\ve •ithurun6, arA. p. 23-i t»viw, tlio
dntive tiihunmi : un the other hand, p. SA, 1. 13. the necuanlivv [>]nnU
fifAiJururuirU'-cAu. The viow I now take ol'lho ptienommon under dis-
cuMioii diffirrt frvin iliul in {'. 40. in ihiis that I Ihcrc rcprcsmteii lliiu u of
tlio wcond syllable afathvrvn as precMdinff directly from llio a of the
original form, in consequence of an fiasimiUtifm, wtiili' ! now rrgnril itoa
n remnant of au. and look upon the a no loniccr nn n prHixed vowel, hut
withe oTi^n&lnnp, by the side of which a ti him be«n pinccd through tbo
intlutnconf the u of th« fulbwinHsvlInhle ; RNfriijiiriitly happens with an
i, throDg'h the iiiflurmw of a folluwiiij; t or^ fstic 5.41.) I fully ugne
in this point with the opinion txpreawd by Hnmouf in his review oftlic
First I'lirt Dflhia 1)onk(Joumal des i^vans. 1833, In ihe ■cpnmta imprra-
a[on,p. 8), where, ab», the Zend aurvaf, "horse," is In thia way compared
with the Sanskrit aman.
609
THE A0B18T.
Our CJcrman iinpnrnphr.iai^d preteriti?, wIuL-h, in its origin.
coiucides with tlic Greek piTfect and Saiukrit reduplicated
{iretcritCt bus likewise reaounced the perfect meanlDg,
but in Gothic represents both the Gretrk imperfctt and
till? aorisl, as well as tKe [wrfett, and. in tlie earliest Old
High Geriuuu authorities, bL'sidi's these tenses, the plu-
perfect. Id the ninth, and, »s Grimm remarks, perhaps
so enrly as the eighth century, begin the uircunilocutory
forms uf the perfect by the passive participle with the
auxiliary verb bnixn, and, in neuter verbs, with tlie verb
substantive, in wldch respect we must advert to the practice
of the Sanskrit language, in cxpressioua like gnio '»mi (for
ytlat usmi], " icA bin geyanrftn," " I am having gone "
(sec §. 613.): as also to tlie circumstance, that, in the forms
in imi tavat (tavant). the idea of possession is contaiaed,
nnil th;it vltniAir atmi, "dvii," properly means. "I am gifted
with hftviiig said" (therefore "having said") (see §.513.).
[G. Ed. p. 831,] The Old High German usci beside the
verb correspondiug to our hahen, also eigttn, which has the
sanio imimrl. for its paraphrase of the perfect; in the*
indU-ative. only in the plural; but, in the subjunctive, in
the singuliir also (see Grimm. [V. UO).
689. As regards the formation of the Gorman unpara-
phrascd preterite, tlio Gothic has, in the strong conjuga-
tion, under certain circumstances, regularly preserved tliu
TiHluplication. which, from the earliest period, bel(H^ to
tliia tense; viz. first, in all verbs (their number is, it must
be allowed, but small) which hnve a long vowel iu tlie
root (not, perhaps, merely in consequence of a GuQa in
the present, and the forms tliereto belonging); secondly,
in those verbs which exhibit unchanged, in tlie present,
nil a long by position ; as, from the roots «Wy>, *' to sleep,"
ti?. "to blow" (Sanskrit wl), Imit, "to be called." nu/r, " to(
increase," fttd, "to fold" (present /nWn), the first nnd]
third person singuhir are mish^, vahv, haiiiaii, ai
FORMATION OP TENSES. 809
/ui/aUh (for/aifaid, see 5. 93*.) The form aatxlfp (regarding
a for 3, see §. S6. (5.)) stands so far isolated, as all other
verbs, which exhibit An i in the presenti replace this
in tlie preterite by A. They are the following: (fka.
" I loach." t<iit4l; ■• 1 touched " ; tjriUi. " I weep " (Sanskrit
krand, "to wocp"), gaiyriit, "I wept"; IHn, "I leave,"
lail6t "I left";^/,'a, "I lament" (Latin planijn), fn\fiAk,
"I lamented"; r^du, "\ advise," rniTiith, "I advised."
This change of tht- vowel cannot surprise as. as e and A
are the common representatives of the original long A
(see %. 69.), us, iu Greek, e and o are tiic usual representa-
tives of tlie short a : talU'ik. therefore, has the same relation
to Uka, that, ill Greek, rirrpoi^a hns to rpli^ia, AfA»iira to
\cr'iru, vivwQa to iKi9ui or, more strictly, that eppuya has
to p'fywui ; for in Greek, too, ij and m are representatives of
the long a. I helieve tliat the reason of this excliauge of
vowels in both languages is to be fomwl in [G. V.A. p. S32.]
this, that the quality of 0 is heavier than that of E, and that
the tcusu under discussion, on account of its being enmm-
bered tvitli reduplication, feels a necessity to appear iicavier
in its rout than the unencumbered present; as also, in
Gothic, the redupUcatiou lias in geuerul maintained ilscif
Only in roots of strong build.*
5tfO. yahaya, " I grow " (Zend AWjSy uca, " to grow "),
from the root vahs. with the cliaraeter of tlie Sanskrit
fourth class (see %. 109*. 'i.), and standa, " I stand," are tiie
only verbs which, notwithstanding that tliey exhibit in
Uie present an u loug by position, have ucvertbcless per-
mitted the reduplication to disup[»car. They form, in the
first and third person singular preterite v6fts, sttith. The
dropping of the class syllabh* va of vahsyn is regular, as
this sylhible belongs only tu Uie special tenses (S4>e §. 109*.}.
* I hta^by retnct tb* eonjtctan I formerly made that th« □ which
follows the rooi of the Greek pcifoctB exercises an tnfl tuact in dutnging
th« ( of th« root { VocaliamiiA, p. U>}.
30
810
TB£ PBRVECT.
la this respect, thererore, rnka lifts tlie stunc rtUtioa t»
vabna, tliat, in Snnakrit, nnvA'w liaa to nasyAmi. " 1 go to
ruin " : aiid Itie A of viilia and sfV/i corresjxtiuls a» ibe
regular long vowwl of tlie n (see §. 69,) to the Sanskrit d rf
forms like pawiii. White the Old Higli Oerman cod-
trasts with its present stanfa a preterite ttttonl (aer
4. I09^ 1. p. 1L9) sfiJ/A, which has abaadoned Uie inorganic
nRsrtI of atnndn, presents, moreover, the irregularity tAsl
the ih, which, according to §. 93V has oAsutned the pboe
of the d. is preserved also in the terminations which are
aHnexed ; thus, 6r.st (Jerson plural, ntbiMhum for MMdtttn, a
the analogy o{ bauth, budum, from the root 6ucf, would Itftid
ua to expect.
&91. The difficulty thnt, in Gothic, there are two Tcrbs
[fl. E<1, p. nsa,] witli a radiiTBl a in the pi-esent, which, in
spite nf their I(?iiglh by position, have nevertheless lost ihe
reduplication of tlie preterite, is again, in a certiiiu degrep.
obviated by the existence of two pretorites, wliich have pre-
Berved the reduplii-ation without their vowels beinfj long
natURilly or by jiosUion; viz. kaihah, " I hanged." /iri/ii A, "I
»ei2ed " (present haha.faha). But if it is considered that
these verbs, in the other Germnn diateets, have really length
by position, and probably originally hnd it in Gothic aIso»
the violation of the proposition expressed above, that the
reduplication is borne in Gothic only by roots with long
syllables, appenra, through tliis consideration, less im-
portant.*
* In OldHijfbGcraiauthrprttcrilc u, hiany, Jiang (hiane.fiane}, which
would \v&A ns 10 expect A jtrcst-nt haniju.fawm^ for whkti, however, occur
ktiftti,/iiAa, iD&mtive MJuin,JtiJiaii. (iratt');iVfHOiily to tb« funnn-along
a, to t1io Inltcr » nliDii dhc ; but Oie i|uot(-i examples oouBrm oho lbs
ten^h of tht-' furruor, not by circutnfli.-x or doubling of ihc a. It ia highly
probaUe, howovi-r, tliRl tlie tame ijuniitity l>elongK to bolh ri'rba: Utna
tliay are either hahan oaA/tihan, nr Adiimi taul fS/ian. Ab ili«y hav* no
preunu-, if tho length of thn a it not pn)vc<I, it cflrmot be decided btan the
poini
FORMATION OF T£NSES, 811
692, J. Grimm first acutely remarked, that tlie oilier
German iliitlcct^, in those classes of verbs which in Gothic
ciciirly rxliibit tlie reduplication, continue it in like mnnoer,
although scarcely jwrceptibly. The syllablenof reiluplication
I use the appearance of ii sylliible ofredupli' [G. Ed. p. 834,]
cation, when the following syllable is cither tjiute passed
over, or only loses its coiisonaat, anil unites its vowel with
tlint of the syllable of reduplivatioii. Thu former is tlie caec
ill some Siinskrit dcsiitcrativc fomia, as lipx, pit* (Lesser
Sanskrit Grauimar, §. -ISu.). for whicli, according to rule, we
should have Ulapt, pipatt;* wherefore it appears to me
far more proper to assume the suppression of tlie second
syllable, than that of reduplicatiou, together with the
cbniigc of a into i, for which iio reason at all could exist,
because ilia Form would have been nlrcndy sufficiently
weakened by the suppression of the syllable of reduplicn-
tiou. A simple cou!ton:i]it is suppressed iu the Greek
yivofiat from yi-yvofiai, which is, however, itself an abbrevi-
ation of yiyivofim: moreover, in the Sau&krit aorist
ari^^nm (^annfiam) from anoiiunm, aiid. in the Latin
perfects analogous with It, aa cipi (see §. j-lS,) : finally, iu
llie Old High German preterites, as hiaJt (our A(>//) from
hiluiU, for which, in Gothic, hmhnld.
593. It must. ptTliajJS, be regarded as n dialectic peculia-
rity in Gothic, that the syUiible of reduplication hits always
at. It was the custom, perhaps, at the time when all Ger-
poU)t of vXbWoi die Olil IligJi Oemmii, wliotlior thoy arc to l>« sllottvil to
(■ rim rii'x fourth ckaa (with long « in tin- prcwiit). or to lh» wv*!!!)! (with
Hhort a ill the prewiit). The Aliitdk- Iligli GiTniBn hiht, t^e, heelitti,
vahcti, protoritc hit, vie (l«r hirh, vM], qtesk is favour of th« fbtuth
clnaa, to whicli they are aarribed by Grimm bIso, ivUo writes Mhu, fiibu.
InOiilhic, ihc^ii, instead ofthv Kxi*i.m^ haka.fahay w itlicitiM ex|>cct AMa,
fiha, &9 iUi>a, iita, Kiiawcring; to the Old Higii Gtrnmn »laftt, Uhu.
■ I cnniildcr, idio, dhikih, " in Uindlv,' whicti i< hi^ld to be A primhiv*
root, u fl dMideralira of this kind, aad I derive it from rff(f/Aa)ft*A from
daft "to barn."
^
r
812 THE PBBFECT.
man launtiugus were still one, tiiat the heavit'st vowel, a, was
weakened in the syllable of repetition to the lightest, ;,
u is the cnse in Snnskrit in the syllable of repetition of
cleaiderativt-s, where, e.ij., from dafi. "to burp," comes di-
dhakah, not dadhakth; and as in Latin retlu plicated forras
like cecfni, the a in the syllable of repetition becomes e, and
ID the base i, while a radical o and u in both places remain
tinchanged (momordi, tuiudi). For the diphthong at, e.g., of
MAIT. "to be called," i would be, in the syllable ofrrpc-
[G. Bd. p.835.^ tition. quite as much in ita place; for, iu
Snoskpt, only the last element of the diphthong v^ ( = q + iX
and of diphthongs generally enters the syllable of retlupHua-
tion; wherefore, i". </., the reduplicated preterite oi k^t {^kail},
" to invite," is cAik^la (first and third person sjn;;^lar). If an
infriogeDient of tbe law for the tnutation of sounds, by pre-
serving the old tenuis in the final sound (asiu s!fpa = vrfVfk
gu-apiiiii, "I sleep'), he assumed, it might be said that the
Gothic HAIT would correspond to this SaiiHkrit kfi, and
therefore kaihait (for hihait) to the above-mentioned f^l^
chik&a. But though au also is, in Gothic syllables of redu-
plication, rcprcscnti-d by ai, aa ai-auk, " I increased," while,
iu Sanakfit, 6 (=a -f u) becomes u, as, pirjtriitha, from prvlh,
"to aiiliafy;'* still the i of tliis «i may be regarded as a
weakening of u. as we have seen above, in Sanskrit, the re-
duplicated aorist Atindidam for dundudam proceed from
T«^ line/ (I. 5S4.). We might also regard the i of ai~auk
u a weakening ofthe<i of the base-syllable, which, how-
ever, appears to me less probable, as in diphthongs the
second element always has the etymological preponde-
rance, and the first is a mere phonetic prefix ; on which
account I prefer recognising in the syllable of repetition
of tile Latin cecidi, of cado (— caWu), the second element
oftlie diphthong ts, ratlier than tbe fir^t, although a in
tlie I^atin syllables of repetition is regularly rcjdat'cd by e.
Be this, however, as it may, 1 consider this as certain.
I
FOBMATION OF TENSES. 8l3
that tUe ai in Gothic syllables of reduplication wns fop-
merly a simple b, and timt this ai is A dialectic peculiarity
limited lo the Gothic, like that wliicli, nc€ordin<f to §. 62.,
the Gothic eraploys instead of a simple i before h and r;
which latter, in the other dialects also, is nlone repre-
sented. We mist), therefore, in the Old High Germnn
fiiriH for Gothic bnitmld (From hihntii), only the A of the
second syllable ; and in the OM Nortliern i<>i, " I " or "Ije
increaaed." nothing is waatinj; of the Gothic [U. Ed. p. 830.]
ni-axik. as for as the latter is an inorganic extension oti-auk;
but ail hiis, according to the Sunskrit principle, been con-
tracted to (J. while in the p.'»rticip!e passive nuk'mn it has
remdined open, and in tlie present, by ii doubled Umlaut'
become ^ i/.
b9i. The Old Nortliero reduplicated preterites of verbs
with a nidieol a (Grimm's first conjugation) npj>eiir to me to
stand upon a different footing from the Gothic like hni-fiald,
in so far as the latter have wcnkeiied the a in the syllable of
repetition to i, and have prefixed to it an a, while the formep
[the Old Northern), quite in aceordnncc with the Sauakrit
principle, have left the a of the ayllahic of reduplication un-
altered and without addition, but, on the other hand (tike the
I>atin perfects tftiyi. ccc'tni), have weakened the a of the baae
lo i. and. in agreement with the Sanskrit law of sound, have
contracted tlie latter with the a of the syllable of repetitiou
to (?. In this way only, in my opinion, can we explain it,
that as. in Old Northern, from the root HALD, " to hold,"
(whence the present is, by the Umlaut, held, and the participle
passive haUiim), comes the preterite /Ml (the tenuis for the
medial fit the end of the word, as in Middle High German,
see 5. »:»".), plural MUlum; therefore kHl from htUntl for
hahalt, z& tlie reverse ease of the Old High German hi~aU
from hihatt for haiiaii. So also in roots with a long &, for
1
* Hy ihc Vmlaul the a becomes J ^c, nnO tbo v, i^istjf — TraiutiUor.
«I4
to *• OUB^
.mmmt %m^. «^ bum GMJT, im
Che Mwpv^M thrOU
CO, Ul rOT] -I fdl.*>« -I UL-frw/^:
»>. Verfca «Udt, is GoOic. hire cfe<
rafical TO«eL 1*7 wde, id Oy E%b Grran. n tke Imb-
jjfcMl, tiw h« ckMMlt of the nid dipfctkmg, maA retain
snff tiM fint. nther Boaltered, or eottapCed to r,
iadwA htppcM is om« of tbe received antbonties;
10 tkm Gottk preterite iMbn/. -I wm eaJkd.' is Otfrid him*
(far Attn from Wtaiz), ta tfae oCfaer HtbofitKa iiwMtd bjr
OnC kirz. eomtpaaiA; which Utter, in ropect to in r,
•BMren brCter to the prMnit Amm ( = Gothic heita\ where.
htrntrrrr, the v is not yd to be regarded am out eoand ( =/).
at io our New GerxDan hitm. Of the Gothic diphthooff m,
we ind, aceorttflf m atttliorities rai-jr. ettfacr the first or
dw iec«Ml etcoMUt prarrrcd, and the former. iDdeed.
rithrr nnallered or changed to t. and also the Utter either
DDcltanged or corrupted to o (tee $.77.); «.^. from Uaupa
eumoK, in Gottiic, the preterite haiklaup (tee J. 598.). for
wLicti, lu OIiI Uif(h German, vrc 6nd in Graff the forms
lifi/rrrom lilaffar ht'iMlau/j, lief, liaf, I'wf.
WO. In Sarukfit the sjiJabtc of reduplication olwaya
fau the nulical vowrl, only shortened , if long ; and. as baa
been already remarked, of diplithongs only the last ele-
* PmKDt, with llw Vmtaat^ grat, &£r*, pMliciple pnanre jFrilrnut,
bUMmn. With r«*pc«t t« the Rjection of* dooUt nrMirniiil in the n-
dnpltcttUi) [•rvicritc, oOTn|»ra the reltlicoof IhaOUHt^Cieniiati nor,
"liwr,'far(iolhic>Us4r.
KOHMATIUN OF TKNSliS. 8l9
ment (aQO§.593}; hence, bibaadh,^ from /kwc/Zi. "to bind";
bobfid^, from i/hdt, "to shine"; bibhid. from bltld, "to
cleave"; d'uh'p. from f/i/*, "to shine"; liitud. from /u(i, "to
beat, push"; ;i«;(tir, from pAr, "to fill." If for tlic vowel
r* the syllable of red ti plication receives an a. this proL-eeds
from the primitive form or; e.g. mnmnrda, [G. Ed. p. 83S.]
" I and he crnslic(l,"t comes not froui turid, but from murd,
wJiich in tliu duaj and plurnl is contracted to mrld; hence
first person plural mrimridimn. Roota whieli be^n with
vowels we hnve iilrvady cliifcuued (see ?r. i3 1.) ; only tliis may
be here farther mentioned, that roots which bpgin with n
and end witli two cousuimuts proceed in a very peculiar
and remarkable way, since tliey first contrnut the vowel of
D^pctition with tlmt of the root to a long a, then add an
euphonic n. and then annex the wliole root a secoud time, so
that thus the radical vowel occurs three times; as, i'n-unj
from on-n-anj, from anj, " to anoint" (Latin un<fo).
r)97. The Greek piiys no regard, in its syllables of redn-
plicutioii in roots beginning witli a vowel, to the vowel of
the base, but always replaces it by e, which the Latiii docs
in its perfects (which ai-u reduplicated and carried back to
the Sanskrit seventh aorist formation), only in llie case, in
which the root exhibits the heaviest of all vowels, viz. a.
which appears too lieavy for the syllable of reduplication,
as, in Sanskrit, it is found inadoiissible in the syllables of re-
duplication of dcsideratives, and ta replaced by tlie lightest
Toweli i. Thus iu Greek the perfect reTa<l>ci corresponds
to the Snnskrit fafitpa or (aUipa, " I burned," just as rcn/^a
to the Sanskpt tutdpa (pi. tutupima=nerv^aitev) " 1 beat,
* I give die lli«iiie witltouiony itKreoiud terminatum whaicver.
t Cyiaptfc di« Latin mamortli, aliliouftl) diis is linacil »u tlic tt<iri»t of
thottath fiiruisiioa, where amamardam, oiiddk atnamartii, might hare
bwn uxpccifd.
816
THE fEBFKCT.
wouoded, sikvr" Tre^(A>rKa" to the Saitskrit p'tpraya or pi-
pr/iija, from pri, " to rejoice, to love" (compare the Gothic
[G. Ed. p. 839.] /rhf'l " I love"). Ic is certain, that origi-
iiutly the Greek, also, must, in the syllable of reduplication,
have bad rcgiirtl to the radical vowel ; thnt. however, io the
course of time, all vowels iu this place were weakened to e,
as is the case in New German iu tho Boal syllables of poly-
syllabic worJa; ns,e.ff., wv coniTOSl bindc, saibr, fjabm. vrith
the Gothic hitufo, mlM, gahiim, aiid (i'dile, GUdtm, with the
Go^\uc ynsteh. <faiitim. A similar weakness or vitiation to
that which has overtaken our liDul Evllabtes might easily
have befallen a Greek initial syllable not belouging to the
base itself.
5&8. As regards the laws to which the consonants in
the syllables of reduplication arc subjected, tlic Sanskrit
replaces the gutturals by corresponding palatals, and, in
agreement with the Greek, the aspirated cousonatits by
coiTesponding non-aspirates; f.g. cKalciU, from hU, "to
give light *";f jdjim, from yim," to go"; dadM, from t/Ad.
"to set, lay"; as. iu Greek, Tcftj, from the corresponding
root Oil. Of two consonants combined iu the initial soand
ill Sanskrit, the first is usually repeated ; hence ehakrand,
from krond, "to weep"; chikvhip. from kMp, "to cast"
The Gothic follows the same principle, if the second of the
combined consonants is a liquid; hence ffuiyrdt, "I wept,"
corresponds to the Sanskrit word uf the same import, cfta-
knindn ; and saizUp (see %. 8G.(a.)). " I slept," to ihe S&n-
skritauf/myipf-t We wight hence infer that the preterite
" I{<prding tbe origin of (h«A;sn<l thoa9]>irAteflfTfrv^,sM$.66d.&c
t 1 refer tlie Uotttic haJ^':, "lorcli" i(: a soflpn«d «, soc $.60. (5.)) la
this root.
\ The root map \» irrtfiiAax in thi>, tti&t it is coatractcd before Um
licmvy Urminalionii ioto rup (#liup) ; and on thisi fcrm is fonodnl the wji-
Inblc <W reiluplicatioD, ihf uugh the u of which iliv « fiillawing becomes tk.
FORMATION OF TENSES. 817
which nowliere occurs, of hlaitpa is haihlnup, not hfaihlaup,
But if, in Gothic, the second of the cotDbined consonnnU ia
a mute, thia finds its way into the syllabic [G. EJ. p.S-JO.]
of rcttupUc-ation al&o; hence sl-niaimUh, "[ separated/' the
third peraun plurul uC which, xjtnJsvtarVAin.occursiu Lukeix. 33:
hence might be deduced, nliio. stiiffaut, from STAUT.
The other German dialects have, uurestrictcdly, left two
combined consonants together in the syllable of repetition ;
hence, iu Old High Gcrmun, al'mf, "I slept," sp'viU, "I
cleft," from slixUtf, sphpnll; unless in the second syltnble
one of the two consonants would bu rejected, ns iu die Latin
!tpnp<mdi, afeti. for spmpimiU. slesli. But the Gotliic altai'
s/caiih spetilts ngninst the latter.
aas. It remains to be remnrked. with respect to the
Sanskrit syllables of reduplication, that if a root begins
with a sibilant before a mute, the syllable of repetition,
according to the gcncrul law, docs not contain the first
consonant but the second, respect being had to the rules
of sound before mentioned; f.f/. from sllnl comes taalbdu,
"I, he stood;" from apris (sfparsj; pasprtrsa, "I or lie
touched." in opposition to the Latin steti, tpapomti. The
Zend, closely as it is allied to the Sanskrit, does not
recognise tliis rule, I cnunot. iudced, quote the perfect
of -ui^cK,) stA, nor any other perfect of routs witli an initial
sibilant before a mute, but ns sHiA in Sanskfit has a syl-
lable of reduplication in the special tenses also, and forms,
in tlie present, tiihtliAmi, we see, from the Zend jfljM^enJJW*
hialtimi, that the law of reduplication uudi^r discussion, at
the time of the identity of the Zend with the Sanskpt.
was not yet in force, or at least not in its full extent.
Of the Latiu it deser\'es further to be remarked, that iu its
sisla, which is properly the counteqjart of the Sanskrit
thbrltiimi, Gr. Trrijui, and Zeud /ualimi (see §. 508.), it fcHows
the general law for syllables of reduplication, while analo-
gously witli sieli a present stila might Imve been expected.
I
818 THB PERFECT.
[O. Ed. p.sil.] 600. With respect to tho Greek, as soon
vre T«ogDiae in the ■' of "irrtjfn, 09 in the Zend &$ of hialAmi,
a syllnble of redHplication, to wbicb wc arc compelled, by
its iiiuilogy witli SiSuifti, Tt'dij^ii, 0i0i]fii, &c., and by the cir*
cumstancc thiit a ia tlie iaitiat aouiiit is cnsily vreakeued to
tbe rough breathing, we must allow, thnt in the perfec-t
emjKa, also, the rou^'h broatliing stands Tor a. and that,
Ihcrcforf, we have in this form a more perfect syllable of
reduplication than is usuntly the case in roots which bavo in
the initial sound a heavier consonaQt combination than that
of a mute before a litguid. We eaiinot place i'tmjita on the
same footing with etfiapTar, whieh we would suffer to rest on
itself; for the latter lias just as much right to the rougli
btv>athin|> as the Latin xUto to its *.- and when Buttman says
{Gr. §. 83. Rem. 6.)> "The often-oucurricg di>GrTa\Ka (pre-
supixising ?irra\Ka) in the Milesian inscription giveu by
Chislinll, p. 67, furnishes a proof that the rough breathing
iuatead of the redupUeation of the perfect weut further in
the old dialects timit tlie two eases to be met with in the
current language (eVrtjua. e"/*«f>Ta()." it is important to ob-
serrc, that hero, also, tlie i-oot begins with tr, which has been
presented ia the syllable of re|)elitiuu as tlie rough breathing.
Ill etrr^Ka this pheuoniencin liajt been preserved iu the lan-
guage as commonly nsed, because, in luy opinion, tlie analogy
of the present and imperr^et has protected the breathing
which belongs to the reduplication of the perfect.
&U 1. Moreover, if, iu other cousumintal combinations than
tbat of u tuute before a liquid, the syllable of rcpetitiou lias
usually dropped the consonant to be repeated, tliis clearly hap-
pened because a greater weight of sound in the base syllable
rendered n lightening of the syllable of re]»etitioi) desirable;
hence.e.g. e\(fo^Ka, eif>8opa, frcat Tte-il/aKKa, -nirpBopa. Iu these
and similar forms the coincidence of tlie initial syllable with
[G. Ed. p. 043.] the augment is only easual; and if in tbe e
a remnant of a syllable of rctlu plication is recognised, we are
4
FORMATION OV TBNSKS. 819
not thereby fOinp«IIed to explain the e i>f ci^oMoi*, Kt^deipov
also, ns the syllable oF redupliunlion. sincu in the imporrect aud
aoriat (and tlits appears Troiu the San'-krit) a simple vowel,
indf |>endcnt of the root, lias just na much a primitive riiuiidii-
tiou. as in the perfect. In roots beginning with a consonant, a
syllable beginning n-ith the radit-al consonant or its represen-
tative hna. ftcnnnot, however, be denied, that in some cases,
through an error in the use of language, the example of tho
augmented preterites bos opeiMtcd on the i>tirfi.*ct. It may
be. tint the e of ^aya, coupi}Ka, is just as much the augment
Wi that of cof a.* lowpow: but it also admits of biHiig re-
garded in the j>crfect as the r>.'dti plication, since c uuil o are
originally identical with a, and have proceeded from it by
eorrtiption (see {. 3.); and since both a and o easily beeome
e OS, e.g., the final e ofLjcifc (^^ififfln adikshat, flee p. 803,
G. ed.) is. according to its origin, identical with the a of
tSei^a, eiet^a-i, &c., and the e of vocatives, like Xi^tce ( = ^
vrihi), is only a weakening of the o concluding the bascvword.
and corrupted from tlie older a (see §.204.).
602. To pass over, then, to the alterations, to which the
radical yowol in tlic Sanskrit reduplicated preterite is sub-
jected, we will consider first the roots with «. This is
lengthened before a simple consonant in the third person
singular active, and ut pleasure, also, iu tlie Grst; hence,
from char, "to go," to which the Gothic root F.4il, " to wan-
der," corresponds, come ehnflu'tm or chachara, " I went,"
chadiAra, "he went. This analogy is [G. Ed. p. 843.]
followed by those Gotliio verbs which have preserved a
radical a before simple consonants in the present, but re-
place it iu the preterite with A; as fara, tlio preterite of
which, /tlr. iu respect to its vowel, corresponds as exactly as
possible to the Sanskrit ciiAr of chachAra, for d is, in Gothic,
■ Th« iljgamms belmijpng to Uii* verb, wlikli rp«lii nn the Saniikrit M
of Mfliy, *' to bF9&k," leaila na to tncja-ci an aoriot, ifti^a, nnd In ilie mtMt
ancient time a p^rTecl R^tyn for th« Sanskrit bdAanja.
F
820 THE PERFECT.
the regular representative of the long 6, and takes the place
of the short a, where tlie latter is to be lengthened, as. vicf
rtvsA. a. in case of abbreviation, becomes a; ou which account
feminine bases iu d (=Smiskrit d) ejctiibit in the uiiinfleeted
nominative an a, since long vowels nt the end of n. word are
tlie easiest aubjecled to abbreviation (sec §. 137.). The rela-
tion, therefore, of //r to/nr« is based originally not on an
alteration of quality, but only on tliat of quantity ; and the
vowel difference has here just as little influence in the de-
signation of the relntinn of time. as. in the noun, on that of
the case-relation. As, however, in f*h the true expression
of past time. viz. the reduplication, has disappeared, aud/th
atanils for/ut/Jr, tlie function iierformed by the difTcrence of
the vowel of the root, in common with that of the penional
terminations {or of the absence of terminations, as in/«r as
first and third person siJigular), is. for the practical use of
language, the designation of lime. Thus, in our German sub-
junctive preterite in the plural, the Umlaut is the only sign by
which we recognise tlio relation of mood, and which, there-
fore, is to be held as the exponent of the modal relation, since
tlie true expression of the same, viz. the vowel e (e.g.oftvfirefi,
tciirel]. which was formerly an i" [Old Hif^Ii German wAr!mf.i,
uvlri'l), and, as such, has produced the Umhttl by its assi-
milative power, is no longer, in its corrupted form, distiii-
guislmble from the tcrmimition of tlie indicative.
[G. Ed.p.&44.] C03. Tlip Gothic Air is distinguished from
the Sanskrit chi}r of cfutchAra by this, that it retains its long
vowel through all (lersong and numbers, while in Sanskrit U
is neeessary only in the third person singular, and is found or
not, at will, in the ftrst person singular. To the Gothic, how-
ever, the Greek second perfect corresponds in the case where
a radical a is leugtheiicd to d, or its reprraentative. tj. The
relation of itp«Cw (eKpAytM-) to K^Kpaya. of 6dhXta {9a\ij) to
Te6t)\a, corresponds exactly to the relation of the Sanskrit cho-
Tiimi and Gothic /um to ch<Kh6rfi,fAr. Id Greek verbs which
have changed a radical a, in the present, to e. the clmtigc of
yOBMATION OP TENSBS. ' 821
this € into the heavier o is substitute for the lengtbeniiig-
(aee J. 689.).
fi04. In roots wiiich eud with two consonants the length-
ening or the a io A is, in Sftnnkrit. quite omitted, and so, in
Gothic, that of a to d; as. in Smiskpt, tiuimiinthn. '* I or lie
shook." mamanthima, "we shock," from moiiM; so, in Go-
thie, tJoiwi/rf, " I or he ruled," roh'aWum, "we ruled," from
vafd. Tliose Gothic verbs whicli weaken, in the present, a
radical a before a double consonant to i (see p. lltt G. fd.).
replace the same in the plural numbers of the preterite, and
in the whole subjunctive preterite, by u ; hence, BAND, " to
bind" (from wliich the present bhidu), forms in the singular
of tlie preterite fiuml. bajis-l (see $. lOS.), band, answering tn
the Siinskrit bahandha, babandk-i-tha, babatidha: in the se-
cond person dual, however, bund-ii-lt for Sanskrit bnbanJa-
-Iktu; and in the plural, bund-u-m, bund-u-t, bund-u-n, for
Sanskrit bubandli-i-mn, babandh-a-{thri'). btibundh-us. 'the
subjunctive is buvJyau, &c. The Old High Geriimn, which
has for its termination in the second person singular in-
stead of the Gothic t au i, which, in my opinion, eorresponds to
the Sanskrit conjunctive vowel i, exhibits, before this i, also
the alteration of thco to u ; hence, in the first and third per-
son singular h/mt corresponding to theSiujaknt bubandbti and
Gutliic bund; but in the second person [Q. Ed. p. 845.]
hunUi. answering to the Sanskrit bnbandh~i'tha and Gothic
bans-t. Hence we perceive that the change of the a into n
depends on the extent of the word, since only the monosyltabie
forms liave preserved the origiaol a. We perceive further,
that the weight of tlie u appears to the German idioms lighter
than that of the fl, otherwise the » would not relieve then
in the same way as we saw above fti and an replaced by i
in tlie polysyllabic Tortus, or before heavy terminations (see
p. 707G. ed.); and as, In Latin, the a oF calco and aaUutt,
uuder the encumbrance of a preceding preposition, is repre-
sented by a (cencii/co, inaitlxvu).
1
822 * TUB PKBFBCT.
60i. Where, in Gothic, a. radical a is weakened before
simple eoDSoniuits. in the present, to i, bnt retained in the
aiagtUar of Uie preterite, we find ioBteod of it, in both the
plural numbers and in the whole subjunctivi; preterite, in all
the polysyllabic post forms, therefore, on r, and for that in thft
Old and Middle High German an A, which here, however,
occurs as soon as iu tlie second person singular iudiL'ativc.
because it is polysyllabic ; in Middle Uigh German, liow-
ever, it is ehanged to o*. The present of the rorrt LAS. " to
read " is, in Gothie, rati, in Old High German li»y, in Middle
Hi<^b German Use; llie preterite iu Gothic is las, las-t, to*,
lAritm, Ihut lituH ; subjunctive Ihyau, &e. ; in Old Uig^
German Ian, twii, Ini, Ijistnnfx, Mjii/. /dtrirt ; subjunctive liiri,
8cc : in Middle Hi";)) German bis, Ittse, tat, Mwn. UUtt, M-ien ;
subjunctive (tFsf. This phenomenon stands in contradiction
to all other stron^j verbs, because here tlie polysyllabic forms
have a heavier vowel tlian the monosyllabic; but the reverse
nutunilly appears everywhere else. Even in the Sanskrit
we find this apparent contradiction to the tawof gravity, aitd
the surpriaiiig. atthougb. perhaps, aeeidenlal. coincidence
with the Gothie, that in both languages in similar placev —
[Cr. Ed. p. 84C.1 vix. before the heavy tcnniuations of the
dual and plural— a radical a is changed into e, in both lan-
guages only in roots which temuiiatc in a sinipiL- consonant ;
to winch is further added, in Sanskrit, the limitation, that tlie
initial consonant, also, must as a rule hv simple, and cannot
be 1' or the like, which, in the syllable of repetition, aouording
to §. 599., experiences a change. The syllable of repetition,
however, la suppressed in the cases in which theo i5chang(.<d
into i. This is the practical view of the rule, which nx- shall
■ubsequently endeavour to elucidate theoretically. Let the
root tan, " to exteud," servo as example.
r
1
1
POBHATIOH OF TBNSES. 8^3
ACTIVE.
BiNauui.
BUiL. PLVKaI.
itAna or tatana,
liRtva fur lafnnivn. Unimii for fo'fririmn.
idtjitba,
r i?n''tha for tulaniUia
v^naf/iw« for talanatbus, tfna for (tt?ana.
tiAnn,
(^nu^Ks for/afana^us, Miujt for fufuntu.
MIDDLE.
';it' for iniaTit,
IfnJviih^ for tulaniviikS, l^.nimahi for tutanimiJii,
hiiiihf for kitaniyhfi.
(InAlhl for (alanAlhl. i?iuiUnc& for talamdhtee.
'(«? for iutanf.
(^ndW for ia(ii?i(lW, iAiii-t! for tiUaniT^.
It appears, tlierefore, from IhU paradigm, tliat the form (^u
used for taUin, thoiii^h far tiie most vommon, ib adopted
only bi'fore heavy tomiinntions, or in such persons as, in
their full form. wouM appear to consist of four syllables; for
alttioiigli, ill the second pirrsoii plural, tSmi stands for iatona,
and ill the third person plural, Ifiiias for Intunus. still ui io tliis
place is an abbreviation of anti (compare §. 462.), and a is
clearly only the remuant of on original termination afha:
the a ot ifina, for i^n-n-iha, corresponds [G. Ed.p,8«.]
merely to tlic conjunctive vonel of the Greek Tcrv^a-rc and
of the Gothic vaivuld~u-ih, fAr-a-th, Ua-u-lh.* Tlie reason of
* I liavr alrvnily. In my SjRlem of Cotijirfvation, and In t]i« AimitUof
OrivntAl Literature (Lciidou, 16:M], (.■allu'l Atteuticti lu tliv fnct, tliot the
SiLiiskril luttipa in Itio trcond person plural Is an nhbraTiatcd forni,niKt in
Ihe foriDET parts of iliii 1iook the fact has oTtta iicma nihulcd to. tlial llie
Sannlcrit, in particular caacs, appears in diaBdrontngTous coDtrc&i wilh Irn
European sister idioms. It ha« thcnfo'r* tur|>ri»d mt> tiiat I'mfi wor H &jcr.
In Ilia TrtaUw " Contributions," ic, p. 40. Iiaa mode n gpnoral an naae>r-
lion, tlinl nccnt invt^mitpnota have not l>een desirous " of keeping per-
fectly freo from the unfortnaat^ error of believing in the iniSKinuy inriff-
labiliiy and pristine fidtliiy and pvrff^ionof ilie Sanskrit." For my part
1 liAvc never conct^d to die Sanikrit Buch priniiM fidelity; and it hna
always ftivi-n me pKoiarv to aoticatfae caess ia whicli lh« Euniptan lislcr
langnagesflEiTiiaatit, tuthe Lithunniaa do«« at tliie day, in cveiywhcrc
F
824
THE PKBPBCT.
the Abbreviation ia clcnrly apparent in tli« aRcond person
sin^Iar; for if here the termination fAa is joined directly to
the root, the full red ii plication remains; but if the number of
syllahleB is increased by a twiijunctive vowel, then Wn is used
for tofan; thus t^nifhn (from Ui(anUlm) nnswerjiig to tataniha.
1 rccofjnisc, as has bconnlready observed (see §. 548.). iu forms
like; fill a concealed reduplication; thus tin from tattn (as In
Latin cecini for cacan'i), and tliia from taion, whence, by re-
jecting tlie second f, Mn (for la-an) may have been formed, and
BO, in earlier times, have been used for ifn; and [ think that
the Golhie 6, in furnis like Iham, is uot found there becnusc the
Sanskrit, in niinlogous forms, bus an ^, but for this reason, that
the Sanskrit ( was formerly an <1. but tlie Ootliic i represents
the A (§. 69.}. The Old High German has preserved tlie ori-
ginal sound, and exhibits lAxum^s (from Itdnmimfx). which, in
contrast with the Gothic Ihiimfs. appears like a Doric form
[G. Ed. p. 848-3 contrasted with an Ionic one,* While, in
the second person singular, the Gotliic las-Uon accoam of its
monosyllabic nature, is based on Sanskrit forms Mke latanthat
the Old High German hisi answers to the contracted form tt-
nUha. It must be assumed that the Gothic las, laat, was for-
merly lailug. lailn-Ht; and tlieu, too, the plural l&tum stood in
the proper relation to latliu {lalaa), i.i». in the relation of
tlie weaker to the stronger radical form. We give, for a
complete general view of the analogies existing between
the Sanskrit and the German in the ease before D8, the
i
I
CTpTMaing Ui« idea "who?'' \>y ktu, whtU the SAnslirJt Jtiu, McoHingto
fixed laws of »auDd, hecomea nt one time kali, at anolher It^, at anotlicr
Jbd, iind appMira m iti arj^ttud r^rni only before I ta\A Ih.
* It<.-gsrOiiig llic Latin forma like r^i, bcc $. MS, It m&y be here
farther runarkcd, tbiti Ajc. Bcuiiry,iilso (Doctrine of LatinSoaoda, p.27fi,
&c.), traces back the Irftlin pt-rfcct iti all ita fonnnlions lo the SaDskrit
BoriBl.
FORMATION OF TRNSBS.
825
redapHcatcd preterite of W^ sad, " to sit." " to place one-
self," fornapouiiirig to the Gothic sat aiid Old High
Qermon sax, " I sate," connected with it in form and
sense.
SEXOULAR.
UNULKIT.
OQTIIIO.
OLOMtaH nutuH.
las&d'Q or
maad-a,
(aai)sai.
{si)xaz.
suxat-tha ovsSd-i-tha,
(.«j)sfl«-(.
adj-i-
ans'id-a.
DUAL.
(#i)aru.
afd-i-va.
sftu ? (see
§. 441.)
■ . 1
stkl-a-th us.
iit-tt-tM
. • •
s^d-a-tU4
PLURAL.
r
iid-i-ma.
^H-u-m,
sAs-tt-m^M.
%id-a-,
sJt-u-th,
sAx-u-t
i&i-us,
tH-u-n,
t/ke-tt-n.
•• Remark I.— That in the example here CO. Ed. p. MO.;}
given. OS generally in Grimm's tenth, eleventh, and twelftli
eoujugations, the a of the preterite is the real radical vowel —
that iu tlie prvseot it is weakened to i. and that the i of the
present has not, vice vtrsA, been strengthened in the preterite
to a — I infer, not only because tlie Suiiskrit, where it admits
of coDiparJaon, everywhere exliibits a us the uiiinistjikcablc
radical rowel, but especially from the circunistauce that
the Gothic causal verb, where any sucli corresponds to the
primitive verb, everywhere use* the a in tlie present
even, while the primitive verb has it merely in the prete-
rite; for instant-e, from SAT, "to sit," comes the causal
mtya,"l set"=Sau8lc|:it tSdaydmi, If it w«re merely the
objeetofthe tang^aage to gain in the causal a vowel con-
nected with the primitive verb, but strengtlicnrd. then if
3 H
S3G
THE PERFECT.
SIT vrrre tbc root, from it would perhaps have proceeded
aeitya l_=silya) or milva ; and la reality tbe verbs, to which
I ascribe t as tUe radicul vowrl, exhibit, iu the vausat. at. as
those with a radiciilMetuploythe diphthong ait; in exnt-tagree-
muot with the Sanskrit, wh«ru Jond h receiveGunn in the causal
i. r. prefix o. Thus in Gothic, from ur'RIS, ' to stand up,*
(tjr-Tmn, ur-raia, ttr-riaum) comes vr-ratsua, 'I raise Up';
from DRVS, 'to fall ' idriuxfi, dmut, Hrnsnm). ga'drautyiu
'I plunge'; ns, iu Sanskrit, frotn vid and bvdb. ' to know *
vfJayAmi (=vnHJnydini), MdhaifAmi {=baudiiayAmi), ' I
mak*' to know.* The cirt-umstance, that Sanskrit verbs
with a radical a correspond to the Gothic lal, • I sate,' banJ,
' i bound,' would not alone ftirniah any snOicient ground
for assuming that the said and anaioj;oiis Gothic verbs
exhibit the root in the singular of the pret*rritc ; for it
might certainly l>e allowed that binda proceeds from the
Sanskrit bandh, aita from sad, and that an original a
has here been cormpted to i; but it might still be main-
tiiiued that the rr of the preterite irfiifj, nn/, is not a trans*
minaiuu fruia tlic period of identity with the Sanskrit,
but that it Itas been newly developed from tbe i of the
present, because tlie change of sound of i to a is the
symbol of past time. I object to this view, however, first,
becattse not only does ani answer to msada or nisdda, but
also the plural zfttim from Mum, Old High German ti\samca,
to Mima from sti/iimu {M{n)udiriui)t and it is impossible to con*
sider this double and surprising coincidence as fortuitous :
secondly, because, as has been above remarked, the e:iusnls
too reeogtiise the a of the verbs under diseuasiou as a radi-
cal vowel ; thirdly, because substantives also, like the German
Band, S<d^, which have nothing to do with the ex]>re8-
aion of past time, or any other temporal relation, conform
tG. ^ p. BfiO.} to tbe vowel of the preterite; fourthly,
because geuemlly, in the whole Indo-Europi-an family of
lai^ioages, no case occurs of grammatical relations being.
FOHMATION OF TBNSBS.
827
expressed by the change or the radical vowel; fifthly,
because the reduplication, whicfi is the real expression of
the pRst, is still clenrly retuiiied ia Gothic, in the verbs
mentioned above, and is therefore adoqimie ground for
assuming that sat is an abbreviation of nGisal, but that
upturn for sAlum ie a contraction of sf i(ii)«i-t am,"
"Remark 2. — The Sanskrit roots which begin with a
ccmsonnnt which must be repl.aired by another cognate
one, refrain from the contraL-tion described above; for if
the g of the base syllable of jagnm dropped out. and the
two a were melted down to i', then j/m would assume an
appearance too much estranp-d frnm the root ; and thta
is certainly the reason why the contraction i:<i avoided. It
is omitted, also, in roots whitrh begin with two consonants,
and, indeed, for the same reason; for if, e.g., the tt of the
second syllable of insfnn was dropped, the contraated form
would be tin, in which the root slan would no longer be
recognised. There are. Iiowever, a few exceptions from
the rcstrietiou specified ; as, bfibfinj from Muij, ' to pay
homage,' is always contracted to i>»(^ bh^, as far us is yet
known, though ^ &t.f/ might be expected ; but the aspi-
ration of the bose-conaonaiit, which has been dropped, has
been carried back to the syllable of repetition, according
to the jirineiple of the above-mentioned fSm tlbikxk for
liidfintsh, from dah. ' to burn ' (see §. 393.). It is more
difficult to account for tlie fact of some roots, which begin
with two consonants having jiermittcd themselves to be
contracted, and having retained both consonants in the
syllable of rei>etitiou, since, e-jy.. to the reduplicated perfect-
theme tatruM a contracted form trf.^ corresponds, while
from talras, by rejecting the (r of the second sjfllable.
should come Ua. Either, then, in (rrfj the r, which is sup-
pressed in the full reduplicated form {tatraa for iratrat), is
again restored, in order to comply with the requirement
thut the form of the root be not too much disfigured, or
3tiS
F
818 THE PERFECT.
[G. za. p.84IO 600. With respect to the Greek, as soon as
we recognise in the i of "uTrjfu. as in tiie Zend M of MiatAmi,
a syllaliic of reduplication, to wbich wc arc compelled, by
ilA aniilo^ with SiSuitti. ridrjfu, /3ij8)i>u, Sw., and by the cir-
cumstance that a in the initial sound ia cnsily weakened to
tbe rough breathing, we must alloir. that in the perfect
cTTtjKa, also, the rouffh breathinf; flianils for «■. and that.
thercforr, wc liave in this form a more perfect syllable of
reduplication than is usually the cnse in roots which have in
the iniiinl sound a heavier eonsouant combination ^aa that
of !i mule before a lifjuid. We cannot place t(m}Ka on the
same footing with ctnaprai, which we would suffer to rest on
itself; for the latter has just us much right to the rough
breathing as the Latin nisto to its »: and when Buttmon says
(Gr. §. S3, Rem. 6.), "The ofteu-ocuurriug a^m-oX^a (pre-
supposing STTaXfca) in the Miiirsian inscription given by
Chisbull, p. 67, famishes a proof that the rough breathing
instead of tlie reduplieation of the perfect went further in
the old dialects than the two cases to be met with in the
current language (ea-njna, el'juapTOti)." it is important to ob-
serve, that here, also, the root bt^ius vritbtr. vrliich liOft been
preserved in the syllable of repetition iia the rough breathing.
In £ffT7]Ka tills phenomenon has been jireserved in the lan-
guage as eommojtly used, because, iu my opinion, the analog;}'
of the present and imperfeet has protected the breathing
which belongs to the reilup Mention of the perfect
601. Moreover, if, iu otlier consunantnl combinations than
tliat of a mute hf:fore a liquid, tbe syllable of repetition has
usuAlly dropped the consonant to be repeated, this clearly hap-
pened because a greater weight of sound in the base syllable
rendered n lightening of the syllabCe of n'|«.'iilion desiniblc ;
hence, e.g. e^aXxa, t'pdcfm, from ire^oAKa, iii<f>$opa. In the«e
au(] similar forms the coincidence of the initial syllable with
[G. Ed. p. Qt2.] the augment is only casual ; and if in the e
a rcmuant of a syllable of reduplication is recognised, we are
I
I
K0HMATION OF T8NSES.
829
rally at a time, when the syllnWe of rupfftition was mill
fmibful to the radic-al syllable as regiirtls the vowel. The
cortroction ofiHilysylliLbic forms into monosyllabic, by re-
jecting the consonant of the setond syllable, or tJie consonant
to;5cther with its vowtl (ns above in ^'p.T for W^'/w, §. 5!>2.),
is so natural, that dilTcrent [niigiingi:!i may easily chance to
coincide in this point; but such an omisaion might tnost
yasily occur in ivdu|)lifated forms, because [G. ICd. p. 865.]
the expression of the same syllabic twice running might
he fatiguing, and therefore there would be a direct occa-
sion for the suppression oFlho second Byllable or its con-
sdiiaiit. In verbs with a nidical a the occasiou is the more
urgent, because « is the heaviest vowel, and hence there
is the more reason to seek for n diminution in weight.
Latin forms like cedn't, ieiigi (com[]Bred with such as
tutadi, momorrfi), comply with the rcijuircment to he weak-
ened by reducing; the n tii t in tht: [basc-ay liable, and
to « in the syllable of repetition, while perfects (aorists)
like c^pi, /fci, in their process of diminishing the weight,
coincide with the Sanskrit sfJimn and Gothic uHnm, which
docs not prevent the assumption that each of the three
languages has arrtvc^l at the contracted form in its own
way, as the Persian tm and English am ( = nn). "I aiu*"
n|)]iroach so closely, because they both, but tjuite inde-
pendently of pjich other, have abbreviated the primitive
form (untf tn the same way, while in the third person
the Persian and Latin M coincide, through a similar cor-
ruption of the old form nsti; or as tlie Old High German
^tir, vhr, stand in the aanic relation to the GoUue Jidc^r that
tlie Latin i/uot of tjuar-ttu does to the to-bc-presuppnsed
qwitiioT-tui. In conclusion. [ shall furtlier observe that tJic
Gotliie man, " I mean," thongli. acconlinjj to form, a pre-
terite, and based on the Sanskrit mamuna or ttuxmAna,* sUII
*Tbc root num, '*to Ihiok," ii imlec^), rn the |ireM«t cfinditioii uf tJ»
UflfEuage, uxsl ocly in Ibc niiiiillc (ihin mini, " I, he tb<>U|tlil "). which,
liunrcrrr.
I. -I J".
830
TOE PERFBCT.
in the plural forms not minum, after the auftloKJ" of mfnima,
but triuittiitR, which lends »s to conjecture au older maimunum
for mtinmn II tn. as buniliim for hnilmndmn. Itolumihrn. Sinii-
[O. Etl. p. ssa.} lai'Iy. sl-ulnm, " we should," uot xk^iam (sin-
gular «fr«r). From mnff, •' I can," comes maijum, without vreak-
cjiing the a to «. In rcs|)cct to tlvia ond similar verba it may,
however, be obaerved, that in tlic Sanskrit viiJa, " \ kpow,"
and Greek oT5a (=Gothic vaU, see p. 7 1 1 G. cd.), the redu-
plication is lost, and perluips. also, all Gertnau \crba. which
assuL-iute the sense or the |ircsent with the terminations of
the pretf^ritc, have never had redupHt-atioix, on which account
there would be no reason to expect a mfnum fov m&num troai
mutnmtwn.
607. Verbs with a radical i or it before a simple Gunl conso-
nant have Guna, in Sanskrit, before the light terminations of
the reduplicated preterite, and, therefore, only in the singular
of the active. TIusGunais the insertion of ana before the ra-
dical vowel, juataa in Gothic (Grimm's eighth ami ninth con-
jugations). As, however, with the exception of the few verbs
which belong to the Sanskrit fourth class (see §. 109V 2.), all
Btpong verbs belong only to the Sanskrit first class, which, in
the special tenses, has Guna pervading it; so also, in the Ger-
mnn verbs with a radical i and u, Guna must be looked for iu
the present and the moods dependent thereon. The Guna
vowel a has, however, in the present, been weakeufil to (,and
is only retained us n in the monosylhtbic preterite singular.
While, tlierefore, thcSanskrit roaXbmlh, cl. 1, "toknow." forms,
in tlie present, fiudMrni. pi. budh^mau {=bjiudhAmi, baudhii-
m«j). and, in llie reduplicated preterite, biibiUiho {^^^bubnutthu),
plural hubufthnna, the corrosp'Onding Gothic root MUJ) (•• lo
offer," " to order,"*) forma, iu the present, btuda* plural
I
howcvrr, don not prevent llie aasuinption that origioalljr ita ncUv* al^
hat exielfd.
• Graff, who hiw in general (nppnrteii «iih his ns^at my theory of i
GurmAii Ablaut (chanjtr of flaoaJ), wLidi I firsi aiiljinilttid in my Rct-i^w ,
(•riming
roilUATlOS OF TKX8B3.
83 1
biuUam,anii in tliu prctrrite haiiih (spc {. 93'.)i plur»l hudum.
In verba with a radical i tlie Gnua rowel [0. Ed. p. eM.]
i is metlcd down in German with the radical vowel to a long
i', whifli. in Gothie, is written t>i ;" hvnuc the Gothic root
filT, "to bite," forms, iu ihe p^t'9en^ beit<t{ = liita. Old High
German bisu). ami in the singular of the preterite iffi/. plural
ffUuiit, ai)swi;riii<^ to the Sanskrit bihhlda (from bihhnkla), " I
aiid he cleft." bihhulima, " we clefl." In the present fti?
hitid, if it belonged to the first class, would form byihimi. to
which the Gothic bfUo (from biila) hns the snniti ralntion an
nbnve biiid/r to hMhAmi. The relation of the Gothic br-iin
from biilii to the Sanskrit bhiddini from bkimhhui, is like that
of the plurftl nominative /M(Jff(-.'* (from the base FADI) to tlie
Hanakftt piUatf-as from pnlt, " lord." only that in pfi(fli/-ojr the
^, = (;+(. is resolved into at/ on account of the following vowel.
608. We give here, once more, the Gothic buil, "IbiC
and bavt), " I bowed," over against the corresponding San-
skrit forms, but so that, varying from §. 4Sd. and our usnnl
method, we express the S:uiflki'it diphthongs ? i nud ^ 6,
according to their etymological value, by at and an, la order
(irimmeGermonGratniiwir, diffuiBtnUiiiipoint rromiliBviewalKHTctiiken,
llint livdueanotrDcngniK' in the i of htudu and in i\te dr^l t of lieila (=i>ita,
fn>ni biiia) tlie wtAki;ning of tlii; Sanskpt Quiio vowel «, but eadenroun ill
1hr«c different wuj's to ^iii frHRi tlio nidiciil i And u, in llie jirM^nt f
(wriilPnWin fioiliic) anit iu (Olit Iltgh nvrnum ThnaurnB I. pp.-2l,i2),
of vrliich uimlm, hiiwcrcr, noiu: is ao dmit and conciM &h that, accmrtliiip;
tn which t)i« I tX bitidu n the trenkpiilnj^of tliea <if th^ %iiim\T\tbauilhiimi
<ccintrHct<xl, biiiih^ii), ta whicli biudu has ihv Min« ri-ktii)ii tluit th« Old
High Cimnsn dative statin, " to the vm," liaa to iIm (iotliic kuiuiu nnd
Sunglnit niinnv-t, from the biwe lumt, the fiiia! u of nhich rwcivcH Gunn
in [lie dative sirgiilnr and nntiiiiintive {diiraL In iliv fiiriiirr plm-e iho
Gothic liaaretalnnl thr old liDnaa; anA it is not till svrcml ccntDrics
lairr that we firet ee« thU in OM Hifih tiennsn weftlttncvj to t .■ tn lh«
latter place (in the nominnlive plnrsl) the Oothii; even luut adiulited tbo
wi-itliMibi; to I, hut changed it lo [/: heaoe«un^ii-«forSiin»krii«dnBoa«.
* See ').'0., uid Vocolisinw, p. 2-24, Reninrk 13.
k
8^2
THE PBBFSCT.
to moke the really astonishing agreement of the tn'o Inn-
[G. Ed. p. 865.] giiages mor« iip|)areiit. We also annex
the Old High German, which replaces the Gothic diphthong ni
by rr, and <iu by ou (berorc T sounds, s and h by 6). In the
Old High German it is cfipeuially important to remark, iltat it
replaces by the pure vowel of the root the dipbthonj^ in the bo
cond person singular, on account of the dissyllabic form, whit-h
here correspoiuls to the Gotlilc monosyllabic one, og a clear
proof that the vowel u|)po8ition between singular anil plural
depend* on the extent of the word or the weight of the ter-
minations, as we have already perceived by the opposition
between a m monosyllabic And the lighter u lo polysylliibic
forms (fxmi. bunti, buntttmis, see {. 604.).
Gotftie.
Sanakrit. Golhic. O. B. Germ. Sanskrit.
BOOT.
Witrf, bit. biz, bhuj,
"toapUt." "to bite." "id." "to bend."
SINGULAR.
Irlhhind-a. bail, beh. hubhauj-a,
Iribinj'td-i-tha, bfiis't, bix'i. buhhauj-i-tha,
hibhaid-a. bait, beiz. bubhavj-a,
DUAL.
bU'liid-i-va, bit-ii, , , , , fmbknj-l-va,
bibhid-a'thus, bit-u-U, .... babhuj'a-tht.t,
bibhid-a-tua, .... .... hnbhuj-a-dis
PLURAL.
hihhid-'i-mn, Int-n-m, biz-utafia. hubhnj-i-ma.
bihkid-a-, int-U'th. biz-u-t huhlmj'a-.
hibh'id-us, bit-u-n, biz-u-n. buhhuj-ut,
'See $.103. 'SmJ. 441.
[O. Ed. p. 83fl] (i09. The Greek second perfeets like
TciTioiBa, ^e?lo(7ra, eoiKo, vcipevya. in respect to their Gunft
answer to the Sanskrit just discussed, b'tbhaida {bibb&ia),
hahliauja {bubhSja), and Gothic bait, bnug. The circum-
O.H.G«m.
bnvif,
haug-U
bat^,
hvff-H
buy-a-U
buffti-m. bujf-u~
bttg-u-th. huff-u-t
biig-H-n, buff-u-n.
FORMATION OF TENSER.
833
jtanue, however, that thu Greek retoiiu the Giinn in the
dual and plural, and uses Dot veviOanev, Tt€<l>Ciy<xn€v. bat
veitoiSaiiev, iteil/cvyafiev, raises n suspicion against tlie ortgt-
niUity of the principle followed by the Sanskrit luid Gcrtniin.
We will thfrcforc It-ave it undecided whether the Greuk has
extended inorgnnicilly to the plural nunibcrs the Guna,
which was created only for tlie singular, or whether the
vowel strengthening of the reduplicated preterite were origi-
nally inti-ndfd for the three numbers of the active; and the
coincidence of the Sanskrit and German in this point be only
accidental, that tliey have, in the tense under disciission.
aceordeil to the weight of the terminations, or extent of the
word, an influence in shortening the bose-sy liable. This in-
fluence is so DQlural, iimt it need not surprise us if two
languages, in the course of time, had admitted it inde-
pendently of each other, and then, in the upcmtion of this
influence, coincided; as, on one side, the Gotliic /j(/ifrii,&«</i(m,
answering to bait, buuy, and, on the other side, the Sanskrit
hibhUiimn, bubhiijimn, answering to bihhmtiti, bybhauja. The
German obbiiiis a separate individuality in that the Old
Migli German, in the second person singular, employs hUi,
bagi, and not behi, bov//i, on account of their being dissyl-
labic; while the Sanskrit, in spite of their being of three
syllables, uses bibfiiiidiiliu, hubhnujilhn. It is certain that the
Sanskrit, in its present stAte, has given to tlie weight of the
personal terminations a far greater influence thau could have
existed at the period of the unity of langunge ; and that, e.tf.,
the Greek SeiopKajtcv, with reference to tlic singulur SiSopKcu
stands nearer to the primitive condition of the language than
the Sanskrit thdriiima. which has abbreviated the syllable nr
of the singular riniinritt tori. Observe. QG. Ed. p. ft^iT.]
also, what has been remarked above regarding the retention
of the Gothic A and Greek a or >; in the dual and plural, while
the Sanskrit exhibits the lengthening of a radical u to d only
in the first and third persons singular (§. 6t>3.),
831
THE PBRPBCT.
redf
610. As to tliR pRrsonal trrminittions orthe rpdupHca'
preterite, tliej deserve especial (.onsider&tiun, sini'e they
not aiiawer exactly to the prtiiini'y endings, nor ti> the secon
dary. The gromitt of their varying from the primnry termi-
nations, to which they moat incMite (in Greek more dearly
thai) in Sanskrit), lies paljMibly in the root beiug incuiuhe
witli the syllable of reduplication, whieb in various places hu
produced an abbreviation or entire extinction of the personal
termination s. The first and third person singular hnve tlie
same sound in Sanskrit, and terminate with the vowel, which
should properly be only the bearer of the personal termi-
nation. The Gothic lins lost even this vowel; henec. above,
briut/. bait, answering to hubhauja {hitbMJn), hihhatda {hibliMa).
TheGreeii, however, has, in the third person, corrupted thi^H
old a to c. just fls in the iiorist, where we saw tSei^r answer '
to the Sanskj-it miilc^huf. In the same way, in the perfect,
TCTi/^, JedopKe, ftcnnswerto the ^fnakrii I utii/ia {=tu(aupa\
dadana; while in the first person, r^Tfi^o, SeSapKu, stand oa^|
the •tame footinfj with tlic Saiinknt tuliijin, ditdnrm (^from
ifmiarkii). As three languages, the Sanskrit, Greek, nud
Gothic, nnd n fourth, the Zend (where dadaria appears in
the Form mmc^mw^ dadania), a»rec with one another in thit^j^H
that in the first and third person of the t*-ime under discus- ^i
sion tliey have lost the personal designation, it might be
inferred that this loss occurred as early as the period of the
unity of language. But tliis inferenee is not necessary; for
in the incumbraneeof the root by the syllable of reduplication
there lies so natural an occasion for weakening the teruii-
[G. Et). p. BCJ8.] nation, that the different cognate tan|^iag;e«
might nL-tl have fullowed this impulse independently of envh^|
other. And the three languages (the Zend, whose longaojourn^^
with the Sanskrit is evident, may rcmiiiu unnoticed) do not
stand quite on the same footing with respect totlie disturbing
influence which they have permitted to the syllable of redu-
plication ; the Sanskrit has yielded more to this intluencc
FORMATIOK OV TENSES.
1=t35
iia Greek and German sisters; and our forms like il,r biaset,
"ye bit," fkr hngel, "ye bent," are more perfect in their
termination at tliis day tlian what wc can draw from the
Sanskpt, to coinpnre with tliem, from tSie oldest period of
its titeramre. The Sanskrit reduplicated pn-tiTit*- has. for
instance. loiSt t)ie teriuinatioii of the second person plural
from the oldest time ; and this person is therefore eithereom-
plctely the same with the first and third person singular, or
distinjjHtslied from it ouly by the removal of tKe Gunn, or
by an abbreviation in tlic intoriar of the root from wliich the
siagutar has remaiDed free; t^.g. tlie Grst and third {lerson sin-
gular and second person plural at brnnd. "to weep," are cha-
h-andti: in the two former plnt-es the Gothic 50 jyrcl/ corre-
sponds to it, and, indeed, shews to disadvantage through its
loss of the Gual vowel: iu the !»ecoud person plural, however,
gaitjriil-a-th aiirpftsses the Stmakrit chnkTand-n, which has
evidently been preceded by a form chnkrami-a-Om or cha-
Irrnnd-ti'bi. To TeTvif>-a-Te, ieiopK-a-re, in Greek, tnlnp-a,
dttdrii'U, for tutup-n-thn, iladrii-n-tha, correspond in Sanskrit
CI I. The Sanskrit reduplicated preterite stands in disad-
vantageous comtmrison with the Greek perfect in this jroint
also, that iu thi? middle and passive it bos not only, like the pre-
sent, lost the m of the first |M-rson. but also the t of the third ;
thus, tulii}}^ stands for ttitup-m^ and fiitup-it\ and in the former
case is surpassed by Tervfi-futt, in the tatter by rcTt/irrai, as
respects thucorrect preservation of the ter- [G. Ed. p. 869.)
ruination. From jlrv^'nai. Tervn-jm, it may be inferred that
the active was formerly Tt^{ma^lt,Tt:^\^ttxTl,ov^^:r^l'patu,^e■tv<^
-a-Ti, and in Sanskrit MAp-n-mi (or ivtAp-A-mi. sec J. 434.X
tuHip-a-ti, The conjunctive vowel is suppressed in Greek be-
fore the weightier terminations of the middle jmssive. aeeord-
ing to the principle by which tlie »; of the optative, and the
corresponding A of the Sanskrit jjotential. is dropped in the
ntiddlcuud, e.fj„SiBoift£9atdtitliinnhi. correspond to the active
iiSorijuev, (hdi/Aiaa, The Sanskrit, in the middle and the
836
THK PBRyBCT.
pnsbivc. which in this tense is fully iilenlical with tlie middle.
prefixes to the personal terminntions bi'ginninp witli a coii-
sonnnt For tike oiost part n c-onjunctive vowel j (see §. 605.
p. S4G G.iNl.); Iieuce lutfiji-i-ih^ answering to the Greek
T€Tuw-<ro(. Yet in Qte Vcilu-ilialect the form lutiip-s4 might
be expected, as this dinlect often snppresse! the coujunctive
Towcl of the common language, and, if.g., it) the Rig Veda
(XXXII. 4.). from rid, cliiss 6. "to fiud," the form vivil-t^
"ihou didat find," occurs for the common fJivrf-i-sW.
612. Tlic third person |)]ural of the middle passive exhibits
in Sanskrit the terrainntion r^, which, in the common lan-
gUJigy, is nhvays jireceded by the eonjinictive vowel i, wbich.
however, may be witlidrawn in the Vi-dfi-dmlect, where,
e,g., dadrU^i, *' they were seen," occurs for dadruirf (Wg
Vfida, XXIV. 10.)' It is hanily [Kisaiblc to give a sntisfactory
explanation of this temiinalion. I have elsewhere (Lesser
Sanskrit Grnmmar. §, 373. Rem. 4.) remarked, thut its r is
pcrlmpB a corruption of an original s, which otherwise, in
Sauakrit, occurs only in the terminating aound, and regu-
larly, indeed, before sonant letters, in cose u vowel oLlicr than
n or ^ precedes the ». This being the case, this r would belong
to the verb substantive ; and we should remark, that in Greek.
also, this verb, in certiin tenses, is fouiid only in the third
[G. Ed.p.OfiO.] [>ersnn pluml, while the rest are simple
(ISiSoirar, eSoffav). The Sanskrit intended probably, ia the
case before us — if the r really stands for a — by this change to
lighten the sound, as occurs in the Old High German, where,
in atl roots in h and at, and in part of tlie roots in ng, tlie
radicat sibilant in the preterite is retained only in tlie niono-
syllubic Forms, but in the polysyllabic is weakened to r ;
hence, from RIS. "to fall" (Sanskrit fiArf/rit), r*M, rirf, r«»,
Tirumes, &c. ; from L US, " to lose." W«, luri (see §. SOS.), tat,
lurvmis. &G.; from teas, "1 was.** "he was," comes the
second person trdri, the plural ic/irumh. Sec.
Oi:i. With the T of the Sanskrit terminntioD rS is
FOHMATtON OF TENSES.
837
clearly oonnpcted that of tlie terminntiDu rnti of the third
person [ilural, middle, of ttie poCentiat and preoattve, where
rdTiiio my o])iuion, is an abbreviation of ran/d ; and also the r,
whicli the root *i^ "to lie" (Grixk (ceiftar). inserts, in the
third pcraoa plumi of all specinl tenses {^^It " tiiey- lif,"
oPrrz/a " thoy lay," iiraUm. " let them lie"). Tlie root vid.
" to know," class 2, in coinbinntiun with the preposition »tim.
ndniits at will the addition of such an r in the present, im-
perfect, luut iin|>LTati\'e ; hence, sanvidral^ or saimiiait,
•' they know " (Panini VII. I. 7.). The Veda-dialcct gives to
the addition of this eni>;matical r, iu the middle and passive,
aalill nider extension (Panini Vlf. 1.9.], and exhibits uduhra,
" tliey uiilked." for aduhraia. instead of the coramon aduhota.
ReninrVablo, also, are the forms w^ udri'sran and wtnji
atrigran,' fK>m xr^rr^ fidriiranln, WW^TJT [G. Ed. p. 861.]
turigranlti, for udninidu, anrijntdo. The Anuswara of this
Vctlic termination rnir. which may have been formerly rmw
(with s frooa /, compare p. 754 G. rd.}, passca into m before
vowels : hence, Rig Veda tX. 4., ^r^^n?^ ^ it Ittt: tisrigram
Indra ff i/rr'tH " ''Jftii'i smu/. Indru ! titii /lywiiii" ; L 3,
W^pW^^ WW «lir^ f^ rpnft inrt trg adriiram atya k&av4 li
rnimatfii jan&a anu " conitpiciuntur rjut coUualranleM radu
hUtrr Uominex''^
614. Tlie conjunctive vowel i, which the middle uses in
" Tbe rnrmer to on oorist of the sixth forniAtbn, fWim die ronl drii,
wliith isiiiit uitnl iiitlic Rjx-cinl Uimt*; bur arriyTaii, in wliich llio tpten-
tionof t]ic originnl gaUunil insCcndof the paUtid of llic rommnn lon^UA^
is io be noticed, Aots ttnt, in my n]iini4n, ndmit of being explained as ah
norist, ai Wcsti-f jjajird makes It, but a|i|)enn to me to be ta imperfwl ; u
thr rootn iif [he bixiIb cliuw, when iticr tlu Dot inaert m nnaa] in the apcciol
tcn«c8, srn tucnpAblc of tbc uxth AOiisI forniAtlon, beoMiie they woold D<i(
be distinct ishnlila I'rom tlii< imperlrct. Vihy sfaoulcl not thp impc^rfvct, at
wull ns ihL' Aorial, be cajtiilik- of replacing the termtnation nnta liy rtin T
t Comimre Wt-BliTKnard, Ilodtcn, p. 200. Bown Ukcs a^fiiraH «c-
liroty, and, in tho tirsi pAAM^, nuriffrcm, lat the lirst {lereon Bingnlarnc-
live, whicEi. howBr«r, will not da. I^lcritn with a |>reaeDL elgniJiGation
are very commaain Uu: V^na.
838
THE PERFECT.
almost all persons, may formerly Itavc been ana; Rnd it
is still moi-e jirobitbli: tliut tlic active everywliere had, as
iti Greek, an o as conjunctive vowel; thiit therefore tlie
form tutup-i-tna was preceded by a form latap-a~mn
(or toUiji-ii-mtt. see §. 434.), us analogous to tlie Greek
TeTvip-a-fiEv ; — iiji opinion which is also corroborated by the
Gothic u-rn, na in yaiyroi-u-m, "wc wept," which leads us
to expect a Sanskrit chtihranii-a-ma or A-mu (or cimin-anti-i-
mic, since the Gothiu u very often occurs as the weakening
of an original a, but not ni (he increase of an* ori-
ginal J.
615. In the second and third person dual tlie SanskfU
has firmly retained tlie old conjunctive vo«el a; but the
aof the primnry terminations tlias, iaji, has been weakened
to «, prolwbly on atxount of the root being encumbered by
the syllable of rerliiplication : lienee, lulup-n-tlws, triiup-a-fus,
corresponi) to the Greek tctw^-o-toi', TeTV(p-a-Teir from -toj,
TOf, see §. 9*7,) ; and chokrnnd-a-ihus, "ye two wept" to Iho
[G. EJ. i».8(J2.] Gotiiic 5rw<;r<J/-«-f.i of tliesarae import. The
V a of thfsc dual forms is never suppressed, and hence is
regardtd liy j^animarians as belonging; to the termination
itself, while the terminations va and ma of the first person
dual ami plural oeca«ioimMy oeeur, also in direct combination
with the root ; as from Htdh, " to stop," come both sishidkiva,
wihidiiima, and shhidhunt, s'nkidkma. Thus we find in Greek,
also, the a ocx-asionally suppressed before the heavier ter-
minations of the dual and plural. To this class belong, be-
sides, iffjucf for oi'da^ev (see §. 491. p. Ill G.ed,), &>tyitc\',
ctKTov, avuy^ek', iihuev. But on these fonns ito special
relntionship is to be based, but only a coincidence of prin-
ciple; for tu the o))eration of the law of gravity it lA so
natural that two languages should, independently of one
another, free themselves before heavy terminations of an
auxiliary vowel, not indispensable for the idea to be convoyed,
tliat it is quite unneeesaary to nssumc here an old trans-
mission.
roBMATION OF TENSES,
839
616. With r^nrd to the tcrmiuation -v Iht of the second
})erson singular, we refer to §. -t53. It may be here odtli-
tionftlly remarktil, that if the Oreefc 7f<t-8a — which ia there
referred to wtflW Ai-i-lka, for which would staiul, without
the vowel of conjunction, ds'tha—ia not u rcuiuant of tho
perfect, but actually belongs to the imperrcct, the SaDskrit
miilille impEtrfect wivrm dulb^a would admit of comparisou
with it But I pruft'P rcfepriu;^ this ^<r8a to the perfect, and
plnuing it on the snme footing with oi<T-8a, whic^h, vitli re-
spect to its tcrnk illation, correspouds so well with %ra vftt-llm
nnd the Gothic vais-K The Old High Gcrmiui also, which,
in its strong prcteritt^, has preserved only the eoiijuuclive
vowel of the Stuittkrit i-thti. and hence opposes to the San-
skrit buhhriuj-i-thn (bubiuij-i-tha) and Gothic bnurj't, "thou
didtit bow," the furoi buy-i, has iu preterites, which, liko
the Sanskrit viJn, Greek otiai. and Gothic vait, have present
aigiiificutiou, retained the old I in direct corabiiiatioii with the
root; as, vxis-t {ouphouic for tceis-i) corresponds to the
Gothic vriia-t. Greek otO'Ba, nnd Sanskrit v4t-tha (vn'U'tbn).
We nitiBt likewise chiss liere muas-i, "thou must," iiiJi-t,
"tliou art tit,"* mnh-U "thou canst," letU-i, " thou shouldst,"
an-t-t, "thou art inclined," "dost not grudge" (with cuplwuio
V, 9ee$. 9j.: the form cannot be cited, but is indubitable),
chan-s-f. "tlioH caiist,*' " thou kiiowtrst," fjtlan-t, " tliou
venturest,"! darf-t. "thou requirest"
617. It deserves further to be remarked with respect to
the OoUiie, tiiut the roots terminntitig with a vowul pre6x ait
X to the t of the second person : at least the second person
' Does not occur, but can b«iwrrly <l»<luoed from tlio lliird person fotik
luiil ib« prottrilc l&h-ta.
t The «ia noi, as I form<-rly lumomvd, onphonio (). 04.), hnt licirm;:*
to the root, whicb, bi-rvni v(iwv1k, nwimilAm its » to ttic prvoriling r (rs
Gxcck^(iji;jat, Aiji'/iiw) Tfjccttd nhcn in llto terminating sounii, bin prctwrrcd
before t : hcncf, in tb? finl And (liird jwncn sinfroUr fft-tar, third i>enoii
plnnO j/r-tumtn, gt'tnrren. In Ssiutkrit dhar^h (dhrith), "to vnmire,"in
Lilliuauian,f/ryii-(<,"ideiiV'co''"»P™"J; coiwp. l'«u, I.2iO,Graff,V.<41.
840
TBS l>BHFRCT.
of saisti, " I sowed," is wi«f-j/, (Luke xix. 21.): from which
we may also infer vah'^-tt, froQi Uie root I'O, "to blow"
(Samkrit v<i), and la'd'i-sf, from LO. "to langb." As to tlic
relation of the ai of llie present (i-oia, la'ui, «uto) to the A of
the preterite and of the root, it resembles tbut of binda.
-*I biod," to BJMD; i.e. as the a of this and similar roots
baa weakened itself in the present to i, the same has be<-ti
done by tUa latter luUf of the ii=A, or u + u. In the same
way. in Sanskrit, a long d is sometimes wcakeuctl to 6=ial;
e.g. in the vocative of the feuiiuine bases in d (sec §• 20*.).
But to return to the Gothic root SO, I am not inclined to
infer from the third person present aait/'i-th, which aetuallv
occurs (Mark iv. II.), a first person nnii/a. but hellerc, that
only before i a y is added to the diphthong ai, and that the
[G. Ed. p. iSfi*.] tliird person singular aud seeoud person
plural of vaia and laia also must be vaivith, Utiyith, and the
seeoiid person singular vahf'n, luruta. But if the root SO had.
Id the first person singular, formed tait^a, tlien the tliird
person plural would certainly have been sniunnd, the infi>
uitive sah/nn. and the present jwrticiple smyands; on the
otlier hand, at Mattli.* iv. 20. occurs taumd, "they sow";
1. c. 4, a, sainndx, " the sower," and aainn, " to sow,"
619. The Sanskrit roots in A (the aiinIog\' of which is fol-
lowed by those also with a final dtphthoiii;, which arc, for
the most part dealt with in the general tenses as if they
ended with fl) employ in the first and third persons An for A
or (I, for the A of the root should be melted down with the a
of the termination to A. or be dropped as before the other
terminations beginning with u vowel. Instead of this, how-
ever, flu is used; f.(f. 5^ dndAu, "I gave." "be gave," from
dA; it^tatth&tt, " I stood." "he stood," from gfbA. If Au
was found only in tlie first person, I should not hesitate
• So ia the Gcmuut ; bat u there are oat SSR rersea in the 4th
Malili., the rrfercnco is probsbl; to cliap. vi. :iti., and tli« next i
kUouIiI be Mark iv, 3.
FOSMATION OV TENSBS.
841
recognising in the u the vocal izntiuii of tlic pcrsonnl clinracter
m, Ba ill tlic Gothic ai^nii, " I mny be," anawerin^ lo tlic-
Sniislci-it WIJI itj/tiw. and in Lithuanian forms in au(§. 438.).
This view of tlie uiJiller, however, RppearK less siitisfactiipy,
if we are compelled to nssiime thiit the terniinntion rt«, nfiiT
its meaning had been for^tten, and the lan^a^e had lost
slj^lit or its derivation, had found its way iuorgauically into
tlic tliird [lersoii, though such t:hiin>;c5 of pcTson arc not
unheard of in the history of language ; as, in the Gothic
jmssive, where the first and third persons have likewise the
saiuo term i nation, hut reversed through the tnuisjmsition of
tJie endinjjf of the third person to the first, and, in the plural,
also into the second (§. -Ititi.). But if the termination Au of
(tadiiu, "Jfiiii, dedil," stnmU with the aimc right in the third
person that it dues in the Grat. and no personal ending is
couttiitii'd ill it. then the u of the diplulionj; t!u may Ix; re-
garded as the weakening of the common [G. Ed. p. 865.3
termination, or conjunctive vowel a; so that the u, accord-
ing to ttie principle of Vriddhi. would have united with
the preceding d into rlu (sec {.29.]; while in the ordinary
contractions on d is shortened before its conibinntioii with
>i or i to a, and then, with u, becomes A=ait, and with i,
619. The SnnsVrit verbs of the tenth class, and all deri-
vative verbs, pcriphrastically express the reduplicated pre-
terite by one of the auxiliary verbs — kri " to make," im
and 'jAd. " to be" — the reduplicated preterites of which are
referable to the accusative of lui aintrac-t substantive in
(}, which is not used in the other cases, before which the
ehamcter rfy of the tenth class and ofthecjiusal forms is
retained; *•. J. cAfJcfiiy'lite/ioWrvi (enplmnie for ch'in/Am-ch-),
"he made stculingr or chSratfiimttifi,or eti^rayimbabhiivat*
" he was to stenl." The opioion expressed in the 6rst
•The itKA hhti iTrrgnlnil; cuntnina in the syllable oFrapetiliAn nn
n int>t«ii<l if the alwrl«u>d r«i(3lcal vawd, oinili in ihc (ml nrcl tliirl
3 I I'creoii
842
THE PERFBCT.
edition of my Sanskpt Onunmnr. thnt the form
must be reganled as the accusative of an abstroct sob*
stontive, I hiive aiiiue found is supported fay the Zeud, wfanv
tlic corresponding form occhp» ns nn infiiiitive in the af-
CTiaalivc relntion, as 1 have already shewn by citing Uk
followins lucid passnge (Vend. S. p. 196,) : ^^ai^ ■JS^-C,
5«>>iAi^\i/ ^vK M)03Mi^*JAe»^ yi-zi vaitn mnzdaifaJmn ioaim
•rnAilfmyunm.' " [fthe worshippers of Mnzda wisli to m^
\G. FA. p. wifi.] the earth graw (cultivate)." The Sio-
skrit, instend of hi, " to make." oceaaioiialiy uses another
verb of similar import, to paraphraae the reduplicated pre-
terite. Tims we refid in tlic Mjiliabliarat (I. I S09.) : <1|MI%<
^mrn kmAW: vapush/umdHhum vurtiij(\m praehak raiwrf.
" tliey solicited Vapushtaina;"" literally, " they made soli-
citation on ncTouiit of Viipiishtjinifi," or "they went to ■
st>licititinn ;" ior prtt-ftram means, properly, "to go;" but
verbs of motion frequently take the place of those of nuik-
ing, since the coniplelioa of an action is reprcscDted u
lite going to it.
pcTatJii atngaknliftCruna or VriJdhi augment, aod clianj^M irrcgnlsTlf Us
& licforc vciwcla into uv imltatl of ut;.
" TliUK I rcfld fnr the I. e. oceumnff rafidhiinhm, for w]t!cli, p. S90^
roidhof/fn ocetin: th»twnfiiriTi«giiiili'il ran 'm rostnrin^ t)i<> rij^lit ivadii^
which hna since Urn confirm e il hy Buraniif,l)ycmn]>aringM33. Anqtw-
til tranaUtcs thiia, •*lor*^utlmMaz<ifift7ianM itnlmt ertukerdr^ niinniMi
pedant ttaulma- il'uiit tfrir;" in ncciiriliuici; nitli which I bcforu N^iluRd
the cx\>TVtsionr<n><l/ui]/tiiim'by " jirrforitrf." It i», Iiowerer, probabljrilM
counal form of raoilfi, " tji pjow" (compnrc BiiriKHiro Ya^iu, NoteSi
p. xxxr.), whldi is bawd on the Snnskrit ru,A frnm rwih (we 6. 23.), jtnJ
with wliich the <iothic LVD, ''to grow," lautlis. lauJit, '* man " (ow
J^ttte), Ucoimtcted. It ia possible that ihis cjiusaI rorin nuty Iww as-
>D mil J, in Zend, tlM meaning "lo burf," at one of Uie means of growttt.
Thit), howet-ur, U uriiut mDchimport&iicu tuuahi-re: it suffices (o Ioiaw
wliAl is vrry imp'OrtAnt, ihAt ritAdhoynnm .iti[>f>ll«s the pliK-« of na {ofini-
live, liHiAti n(^L>ii<Attv« icrmiDaiiDn, sod mnlirTiia my oxptanatioii of the
Siui^rit ftimi niick'r ilim:iiiMioii.
FORMATION OK TBNSBS.
843
030. It 19 very important to olMerre, that it is tho
verbs of tlie tenth clnss. eansnl forras, and other derivative
wrbs, which pflrticulnrly employ this periphraalic fortua-
tiuii vf tlie redupliL-atcrcl preterite, aud do not oduiit the
simple runnntioii; for hereby tlm way is. in a ninnncri
pre|)nred for the German idioms, which, without excep-
tion, paraphrase their preterite by an auxiliary verb
signifying "to Jo," prceisely in that conjugation in which
wt! hnve reeiignised the Siinskrit tenth cltiss in three
difieri'Dt forms (see §§. 10»'. 6. 304.). I have asserted this,
aa regards the Gothic, already in my System of Conjuga-
tion (p[i. 151, &(■.), where I have shewn, in plurals like
ii6kiii4dum, " we aouglii," (did seek), and in tlie suhjunc-
tive in the singnlar also {xfi/cidfdyau. " I would do seek ")
an auxiliary verb signifying "to do." and [G. Ed. p.««7.}
a word related to dt^fhs, "the act,"* (tlicme d^Ji). Since
then, Grimm, with whom 1 fully coincide, has extended
th<i existence of the auxiliary verb also to the singular
xiikidet, and therefore to the other dialects; for if in nikitla
the verb "to do" is contained, it is self-evident that it
exists also in our sttchfe. I had before derived the lin-
guiar ftkida from the passive participle sokUhn (theme
H'}ku/a). But since 1 now recognise tho verb (Man)
"to do" also iu siikida, "I souglit." I believe — in which I
dtlTer from Grimm — that we must, in respect to their
origin, fully separate from one another the pa.isiTe parci-
eiplc and the indicative preterite,! great as the agirement
of the two forms is, which, in Gothic, amounts to complete
identity; for ^e theme ot lU-ifht, "the sought." Is tM/da
[see §. 1 3.'i.), thus fully the same as it^kitla. "I sought"
and aalMda. the theme of salbdlfis, "the nnoiutcd," is in
* It is prcMnrH nnly in ini*ta-dilh»^ " iiii«di«i]," but is Mjmologi colly
iilenttcfll with ttie rirminn That, OM High Oomuui t/it, OM Sitxon Md,
f Campsre my VoMJinmait, pp.SI, Jee.
31 S
844
TOB PERFECT.
fortn identical nitlt nalbdda, " I anointed." This circmn-
atnnt-'r. ioo, was likely to mislead, tliat participles in da
(noniiiintive thx) occur only iu verljs which form tJ»rir
preterites in Jo. while in stpong verbs tlic pnssiva parti-
ciple tt-Tiii'rcmttfs in nn (nominative ni), and. f.ff., httg-a-nt.
"bent" fthprne hug-a-na), copposponda to the Sanskrit
hhitg-nri-i. Ill Snnslcrit, however, passive participles in im
arc comparatively rare, and the vast mnjority of verbs form
them by the sufTix fa.* on which tJic Latin (t/-«. Gre«k to;
\G. Ed. p. 668.^ (itTVeiCTOt, ttoittoi), Lith. ta-s (xut-ia-a,
" liirm-d"). are Ijil-jccI. Tliin suffix has. however, nothing in
t<ummon with the verb /'i«», "to do," under discussion; and
thereroro, also, the Gothic suffix da of SOK-I-DA, tAkHJu,
can hav*e notliinj^ to do with the da oF tdlnda, " I soughL"
]>rovi(led that tliia da sij^nifits *' I did," just as <IMutn in
stikitlMum melius "we did." and d^iba, "the deed."
«2I. The JHst-mentioned tU-tb»,\ to which the Old
Saxon Md and Old High German tAt corrospond, is, in
the theme, liMi. the i of which is sappresscd in the nomi-
iiativR (see §. I3i.) : the ^nitivc is iMai-x, the accusative
plural tlMuva. The finnl syllable of tlic Imse dA/i corre>
sponds to the Sanskrit anfUx it, wtiich forms nhstract sub-
st.nntive8, and, in Gothic, occurs under the form trf" It,
tlii, ovdi, according to the measure of tlie letter preceding
* Cainpnrc.' ti/ak-la'ii, " fonakni," Art ta-i, *' mnile," bH'ta-M, *■ beans."
I ri-iunrli, rn ptunant, tlint tlic Latin la-tut might become mnnccU-d wi
britai, from bhartat, in tlio luiii'' wny im IntuM, "linwiJ," with prilfim-
irXuTtt : thus, ilu' Ubud Iwiiig IobI, r Iwiiiffi (■rcIianip'J witli /, and at tru»- 1
jioticd ioUti^ra, m, in Gnxk, iiypanoy I'or liapnor. ^fl
i I write (lie nnn-orcurring nominnlive dfllii, not flM», sine* el atim ^V
vowpIs, lipforp H final «, Hnd at tlic cnil of nunlo, gfnenilly Ixteomts M ,* 1
hrnce, also, tAkilkt, "muKhi." fnxn thi; htae nAkitLt^ ivnd mannnaitka,
*' wpil J," lilvmlly " luimtm-JWiiii," from ihf Imuo *<-<*■ ftnd the root *ii, " w
Mw" {tttia, taM, Me (^. <n7.)- -V(/i liuilieBame reliUiiiu to»A, {iir(^«td '
t" its mil'rjd vowt-l, lUai <i^ka, " I touch," hox to iho |in:tcrito Iait6k.
FOBMATION OP TENSES,
845
it (sec §. 91.)- There remains, therefore, tii\ in Old Saxon
dA, in Old High German M. as the root, and tliis regularly
eorrespootla to the Samkrit-Zi'ntl \n dhi\, j»y dA, " to sot,"
"to niaku" (see p. Wi); Trom wbic-h uii^lil bi' expected nn
abstract substantive wftnt dh&ti-s, ^vsj^jm^ (ld-U-«, which
would answer to the Greek 6i<ni (from fltT«). It is a. (jues-
tioii, then, vrlifthcr, in the (iotiiic d^dum of si'ifcid^tlum, the
firat syllable ia fiilty ideiitieal wiili that of DE-DI. "the
deed".^ 1 think it ia not; and consider deihim, and th«
subjunctive d^yau. pluml dMehna. as redai>licntec! forms;
so that tliiis the seeond syllable of d^dtitn, dfidyau. would
be to be compared with the first of J>EdI. "deed." The
ddcidMum. "we did," df-d^au, "\ would [O. Kd, |..8ao.]
dOi" etmstdcrcil as the syllable of rt-duplicatioii, is dis-
tiiifiitshcd from the uomnioii r<?duiflii;att?d [irftfritca like
tiut-ij<}-iim, " wo blew," sai-sii'ttm, " we sowed," tiiU6kum,
" we touched," by its 0 for ai. It may be, then, (hat this f,
whit-h has proceeded from ai, is the contraetion of a+i to
a mixed sound, ac^-ording to the Sanskrit principle (sec ^. 2.) ;
or tlmt, according to an older principle of rt;ilu plication,
the j! of di-dum.jti^t like that of DED!, " deed," represents
the original long A of the Sanskrit root dhA (see §. tt'J.), whieli
is retained unchanged in the Old Hi;{li German (<((, and
Old Saxon did. In the last syllable of di-iium, di-d^au, we
miss the radical vowel: according to the analogy of twt~
vA-um, sai-ati'tim, we should expect dMdum. The abhrt-
viation may be a coiisequence of the inctiuibranee owing
10 com))08ition with the principal verb: however, it oeeura
in Siinnkrit, even in the simple word; since, in the rcdapli-
eitted preterite, da-dh-i-jna, "we did set," da-tth-itv, "they
did set," are correctly used for d'l'dhd-i-ma, dodliA-u» (see
p. 8-16 G. od.). Even in the present, the root dhtl, wbteb,
as a verb of the tiiird class, has reduplication in the special
tenses also, with dii. class 3, " to giie," irregularly reject the
nidieal vowel bcfuiv the heavy terminations of the dual and
S46 fHE FEBFECT.
plural ; thus, dadh-mas for dadhA-mas ; just bo, in the
whole potential mood, where dadh-ydm (for dadhA^yAm),
"ponam," answers remarkably to the Gothic dSd-i/au (from
tdkidSd'ifau, " [ would do," for d&dd-yau,
Q-22. The singular of s6kUl6dum, sdkidMuth, sdkidSdun, is
tdkida. adkidis, s6kida, with the loss of the syllable of
reduplication. Yet dia is perhaps an abbreviation of dist,
as, in the preterite, /, answering to the Sanskrit ^ tha, is
properly the character of the second person {see §. 453.).
before which a radical T-sound passes, according to §. 102.>
into s; as, baii-t, bans-t, for bait-t, band-t. So, also, d^
[G. Ell, p. 870.] might have proceeded from dh-t, and this
from did-4. In the simple state, the auxiliary verb under
discussion is wanting in Grothic ; at least, it does not occur in
Ulfilas; but in Old Saxon dA-m, dA-a, dd-t (or dd-d), cor-
respond admirably to the Sanskrit dndh&-mU dadhAsi,
dadhA-li, with 6 for a, according to the Gothic principle (see
§.69.), and with the suppression of the syllable of redupli-
cation, which, as has been already remarked, the Sanskrit
verb, according to the principle of the third class, exhibits,
like the Greek rldtuju, in the present also. The preterite in
Old Saxon, as in all the other German dialects, has pre-
served the reduplication, and is, deda. ded4-s, deda, plural
detlun, also d&dun, properly the third person, which, in
the Old Saxon preterite, as in the Gotliic passive {%. 466.),
represents both the first and second person. In this
ded-u-n or ddd-u-n, therefore, the radical vowel, as in the
Gothic sdkidSdun (for adkididH-u-n), is dropped before tlie
conjunctive vowel. The e of deda, &c., has arisen from
I, which has been actually retained in Anglo-Saxon. Here
the preterite under discussion has dide, didest, dtde, plural
didon, in the three persons. These forms, therefore, in
respect to their reduplication syllable, answer to the pre-
* See Sulinuillcr'B GloBsarium SaxouicDm, p. 25.
POBM&TION OF TBN'SER.
8i7
teritcs with concealed reduplication, as Old High Grcrmnn
hi-alt for kihatl (see §. Sfrz). The Old Saxon dUdun. whith
ofcura in the plural, together with tl'^itun, hs nlso in the se-
cond person singular flAdi is found together with df'tlfi-s (see
Si'hmcllcr's Gloss.), is inorgnnie, nnd follows the analogy of
Grimm's tenth and eleventh coujugattons ; i «. it is produced
in the feeling, aa if tJad were the root mid first and third
person of the sin^lnr preterite, and the present were clidu.
Thus, also, in the subjunctive, wiih d'^di tlie form cWt/i exists.
In Old High German, also, the forniB which have a long A
in the conjugations named, employ this L^. Ii<l. p-S?!.)
letter in the auxiliary verb under di^eussion, and. indeed,
without a dissentient authority,* without, however, in a single
one, the first and third person singultr being (at, as might
have been expected from the second person M/i (.lilte gdxi
answering to sax, see the second table in §. eOa.). I annex
the prt'lerite in full, accordui^ to Grimm; it'tn, f&t'u f^la;
tAtumff, lAtut, t^un ; subjunctive tAii. lAlt's, Wt; W'lme*.
(Ati'l. lAlln. The present is ttin-m. lun-s, tuo-l. ttio-mh, imH,
tuii-nt; which, in its way. answers to the Sanskrit da-dhimi,
just as well as the Old Saxon di-m. &c, ; sinee mo, in Old High
German, is the most common representative of the Gotbio
and Old Siixon (% and therefore of the Sanskrit A ; as, in
fuor, answering to the Gothic/or and Sanskrit cluir, from
cfiacMra. "l went,'' "he went." The Middle High Ger-
man is, in the present, /uo-n. iHo-sUttii^f ; ttio-ti,luo-t.tuO'tit;
in the preterite, tetf, ta^e, ti't&:\ plural, tdlett. titel, Idlen:
subjunctive taie, &c. Our German thai, tliHIe, follow ex-
actly tite analogy of forms like tral, iriiie, tat, lUtf (Grimm's
tenth conjugation)* and would lead us to expect a present
* See Or^t V. 3&7.. when^ boiraitef maarlc that yiaj few ratlumtiM
iislia^iuiih graphically iholoqga fima Uie Aort.
t Alio l?l nod fete, llie Intter inorgnnif, aiwl imiriliefinit elindnotbem
[Jiwluced from t, bul, by I'mlaul, fromo. ikcGrinitn, I. p. 060.
1^
B48
THE FKRFBCT.
ifiete tromtliite; the recollection of a reduplication which is
eoiitiunc-d in tliut is completely destroyed, but just as much
so the ptiBsibility of connection with the weak preterites like
suchlfi, lo which recourse muht be hud, if we wish to reject
the opinion lirsl given hy Grimm (I. (i. 10 w), but not firmly
held by him, that the Old Saxon dcda, Augio-SaxoQ dith.
Old High Germnn i€<a, Middle High Gcrmaii tele, rest on
rcduplicntion." The passive participle yi-ld-nfr, tje-fha~ntT,
[O, EiJ. p. 672. ] answers to tlie S:mskrit like n/rl-nn.
"witherpd," from niMi (mlA), or eUi-na, "gitV (properly
"timt given"), from dA. of which the common poTticiple is
iliiUa (from dud&la), the reduplication being irn-guJarly re-
tained. The Sanskrit tenth class u|p~ccs with the Germiin
weak conjiig!ition (the prototype of which it is) in this
point, that it never forms its passive participSes in na, hut
always in In; on which is bused the Gothic da oi SOKID^,
nominative mnHcnline s6kHhs, "sought**
623. To return to the Gothic sdkidti, " I soQght," " did
Beek." nftcr ackaowk-ilgiiig in the ya of s6fcjja, " I seek,*"
the charncter of the Sanskfit tenth cIilss w^ aya, and in
lAkhtla. " I did seek.*' a copy of the Sanskiit e/i^raydn-
-chukHra (or cUohara), "\ did steal," we now consider the
i of siihida as tlw contraction of the syllable w, in which we
agree with Grimm. The i of sUkida. therefore, represents the
Sijnskrit ayAm of chSruyAn-ckakAru (l^ n euphonic for t»).
"[ did stent"; or. in order to select kindred verbs, the !
of the Gothic *ali of aaii-da, "I did place," corrcBponda to
I
* Th* aabstoQtive di-thi (tlieino di-di), M't, cannot alanU in our vajr,
since its formBlioii bna nought 1u ia with llie reduplication, nor wiUi th*
weak ci>iijii{>aii(iu ; liul hum dri, id, ilto tlie rnut. Mid dl. (i, the derivatioa*
■ullix meiitioneii in y.DI. Nor cnn llii- pttrticipI«yi-M-iifr,W-W-i»rfr,yr.
iha-ntr, in<Iuc« ui In look f'>T pniuive fuiriicipleR In the wcaIc conjagittiotu
likepf-wi/M'fdnprinnlrsi! oi t]i-*iilfioifr, ije-aalhtir, liccauw) we mak« thi»
pariiciplc juilepcDdcnt of tlic auxiliary vcrbMun (comporD Vocalismas,
M7).
FORMATION OP TENSBS.
649
the Siinskrit nt/iim ('or rather, ouly its y) of tdrfayAn-chakAra,
"I mndetoHt"; thp Gothic ihani of thani-da, "I exU'uded,"
corresponds to the Siinakrit (ilitni/Ain of MnaijAn-chakdra, "1
did mnkc to extend"; the Gothic vaai, of vnat-dn, "I did
clotlu'," corresponds to the Saiiakrit vAsaijAm of vtUayAn'
-rhatcAra, "I did eiiuae to be clothed" {vizaydmi, "I cause
to tilotlie," as causal of va$, " to clothe"). It might be con-
jccturetl that the first member of the Gothic [«}. Kil. p. B73.]
compounds undcrdiscussiou originatly, in tike manner, carried
aa accusative-tcrmiDation, just as to idea it is an accusative.
As, that is to 8ay» in the present state of the lani^un^, Gothic
substantives liave entirely lost thu accusative sign, it would
not surprise us to find it wanting in these compounds also.
At an ear!ier period of the language, antin-tla, thfinin-ila,
frtMin-c/fl, may havR corresponded to the Sanskrit stUlai/dm',
tdniijfAin', vhni/dm-, the m of which before the cH of the aux-
iliary verb must become ir n. The selection of another aux-
iliary verb in German, but which has the same meaning,
cannot surprise us, as th« Sanskrit also, occasioually, as has
been already shewn, employs another verb for the idea of
"doint^" (see p. 866G. ed.), or ttses in its place the verb
substantive as or iA4
624. Grimm's second conjut^tion of the weak form, of
vrhich milliti is ^iven ns exauiple, lias, as has already been ob-
Served, cast out, like the Latin firat conjugation, the semi-
vowel which holds the middle pliicc in the Sanskrit a>/a uf the
tenth class, and the two short « then touching one another
coalesce, inGothic, into $= o -f n, as, in Latin, into 6. Ucucc,
in the preterite, Gothic forms like sa/h^-da, "1 did anoint,"'
correspond to the Sanakiit like cbiirnyAa-chnhAra, " I did
stenl"; as litif/ti. from taiijd-Ja, " I did lick." answers to the
Sanskrit l^ha^dm ( = tii/iayrfm) from UhayAn-chakAra. " I did
cause to lick." It must not be forgolteii that the Sanskrit
tenth class is at the same time the form of causiil verbs,
which admit of b«>ing formed from all roots; hencv, also^ io
850 THE PERFECT.
Grimm's third class of the weak conjugation (which has pre-
served the two first tetters of the Gothic aya in the form of
at, in accordance with the Latin i of the second conjugation,
[G. Ed. p. 874.3 and the analogous Prakrit forma*), the
Gothic preterites munai-da, " I thought," 6anai-da, " I built,"
ga-yukai-du, "I subjected to the yoke," correspond to the
Sanskrit causal preterites m&nayAn-chnkAra, " I did make to
think," bhAmydn-chakdra, " I did make to be^" " I produced,
created."t
625. In Sauskrit, besides the tenth class and derivative
verbs, there are verbs which paraphrase the reduplicate
preterite by forming directly from the root an abstract sub-
stantive in S, and combining with its accusative one of the
above-mentioned auxiliary verbs. All roots, for instance, do
this, which begin with vowels which are long either natu-
rally or by position, with the exception of an & )ong by po-
sition, and the root dp, "to obtain," as iddn-chakdra, " I did
rule," from is, " to rule." Compare with this the Gothic brah-ta,
" 1 brought," answering to the strong present brigga (6rtnya}.
Compare, moreover, the paraphrased preterites, to which,
instead of the present, a simple preterite with present mean-
ing corresponds (see §. 616.), and which, in the preterite, just
like brak-ta, combine the auxiliary verb ikun direct with the
root, in which junction its T sound is governed by the final
consonants of the principal verb ; and in Gothic appears at one
time as t, at another as th, at another as d {compare §.91.),
and after the * of VIT, "to know," as s (see §. 102.): hence,
mdji-ta, "I must," (preterite) (mot, "1 must," (present)); mun-
tha, " I meant " (man, " I mean") ; gkul-da, " I should" (jtkah
" I should," (present)) ; vis-sa, for via-ta, " I knew " {vail, ** I
•Seep, no.
t The Gothic verb, also, is, according to its meaning, a CAtisal from a
lost primitive, which, in Old High German, in tlic first person pr^iacnt, ia
btm, sec §. 610.
rOKMATIO.N OF TBNSBS.
851
know." sec $.491). A few weak verbs, atao, with tiw deri-
vative ya, suppress its rc--prcaentalive t, tind Annex the aiixiti-
Ary verb direct to the root. They are. io [0- £d. p. 076.]
Gotbie. but four. viz. Ihdi-in, " I thought" (preaent,//i«//jtya);
bonh-Ja, " I bought" (with au for m, accorcliog to §. 88, pre-
sent bngva) ', vaurh-ta, " I made " (|)resent vourkyn) ; tliuJt-la
" it ap|)eared " {thuijk, " it appears "J. Tiie Old High Ger-
man, however, usu&lly suppresses the derivative t after a
long radieal syllable, and witii the cauac disappears also Uie
eflVel, vh. the Umlaut produced by the i (see §. 73.), in as far
OS the ori*piial vowel is an a : hencL>, n«7i-/«,* '■ I named";
wan-ta,t " I turned "; iSr-ta, " I taught"; answering to tJie
Gothic namai-da, vrmdi-cUi, luisi-da. These, and similar verbs,
have also, in the present and tlie forms dej)endiiig on it, lost
the u or r of the derivative «o,t but have prescrvu-d the Ura^
latit, whence it is elear. that the y or » must liave here
adhered aiueli longer than in the preterite {itennv, wenda, lim%
626. Tile passive participle in Gothic, with respect to the
suppreesion or retention of the derivative i, and with regard
to tiie euphonic chan^ of the final consonant of the root»
always keepjt equal pace with the preterite active. We may
therefore infer from the Gothic fiA-Zo. ■■ I feared." a participial
base of a similnr sound, iih-ta, "feared," nominative ahta,
though this participle cannot be cited aa [G. Ed. p.87C.3
■ For nann-ta, tn j. 102.
1 Fiir uwid-l^t, seflS. IW. I oonBidcr tliia verb as identical with ths
Siuiskrit vitrt {vrit), " to go," " to Its " (with the prepo*itioB nt, " tote-
tuni"), nini tlio Ijtiin verlo, with KEohonge of the Hiiuids r nm! n. This
doM ncl prvTent l]i» German irrrtten bciii); referred Io the root varl, as It
often happcDa that a root suporalrs into difrvreat fomu with ilifltiucl nieiui-
ings.
I As th« Old High Gvrtoan does not distinguiih (lie ^ from I It cannot
bo known whviiicr the nerlu, rurtai/iJ*, which TOireepowJ to the Qodiio
wfi»yn, " I anve," wa/pani, *' we«vc," ihoalil li« [ironounced fiprj/u, »*r-
t/rtmSf (ir ttrritt, rutrjiunff, though M the oldest piriod ^ wat cerlaiuly
tlic ]ironuuciutioii.
852
THE PERFECT.
occiiTrinj;. To^Rther witli vaurh-ta, " I made." from tmirkxfa.
a pnrticiple vaurht», " mnde" (theme vQurhla), Mnrk xiv. 59,
exists; and vilh fra-banh-la, "I sold," from /rfib'itff/a is
found fra-bnvhh, "aold." John xii. 5. From such eujihouiv
coincidences, however, we canoot deduce aii liisturical de-
scent of the passive jiarticiple from the preterite active,
or vice WT»A ; just ns little ns it could be said, that, in Latin,
the participle* in tux and tiirus, and the nouns of agency in tor,
really proceed from the supine, because from doctum, mnnitum.
may bo inferred tloctui, monitus, dodurus, monittrru*, doctor,
moniloT. It is natural that suffixes, which begin with one
nnd the same letter, even if they have nothing in comin<Hi
in their origin, should still, iii external analogy, approscli
one another, and combine simibirly witli the root. lu Ger-
man, indeed, the auxiliary verb t/iun, and tlie suffix of the
passive participle, if we reciir to their origin, liave diSereut
initial sounds, as the former rests on the Sanskrit m dhA,
the latter ou the suffix 7 ta : but inasmuch as the latter.
in Gothic, instead of becoming; Oia, according to the law for
the ]jermutjition of sounds, has, with the preceding derivative
vowel, assumed the form di, it is placed OD the same footing
with the auxiliary verb, which* re^jularly commences with d,
and is const-quently subject to the same fate. The same ia
the case with the suflix of abstract substantives, which is. in
Sanskrit ti, but in Gothic, after vowels, di, aud after conso-
nants, aecot'din>^ to their nature, either ti, thi, or di; and thus
may also, from the preterite tnah-in, " I could," be di'duccd a
substjintive mah-t» (theme moA-(i), "might," without th«
latter proceeding from the former.
[(). Ell \\ 077.] 627. We iimsi therefore reject the opinion,
that, in the Gothic jkUi'i/h. " I sought." and-vfUiVA.-! (theme »(fiL-i-
rfa), " the soug^ht," a^kida (theme a6kid6), " the sought" (fern.)
4
4
' Tbo Sauekirii dh Ifuls us to ex|iuit dio Gnuk 0 oiiil Gotluc </.
FOHMATION OF TENSKS.
853
stnnil to one nnotlicr in the ri:)ntion of deacotit; nnd [ still
prrsist in my nssprtioTi, alrcndy made in my System of Coii-
jngatinn, niid in my R«%iL'w of Grimm's GcrmaH Grammiir
(Vocattsmiis. |>. 72), tlint, In Persian, preterites like hiir-dam,
" I hcirp," bas-lfim, " 1 hoiiiul," pum-i-tlnm, " I askeil," are
derived from tlicir corrcspondinjif [mrticiplcs, which have
both A passive nm) an active si^niCcution. While, in San-
skrit, hri-ta (uoniinativu miisciiline hrila.i) has merely a
[lassivo meaning, and only neuter \'crbs tisc tlic forms in
in with nn active signification,* in Persian, bur-dah means
both " borne "* and, aelivuly, " hiiving borne " ; and the perfect
is expressed in Persian by usin^ the verb substimtive with
the participle jtist mentioned; thus burdfih am,f "I have
borne," or, literally, " I am having borne," I consider, how-
ever, the anrist Imrdfim as a cnntnietioti of bwrdah am,
wliit'li need not surprise us, as the Persian very generally
eombinea its verb snbKtnntive with both substantives aiid
adjeetives; e.y. mordum, "\ am n man," huztirtjam, "I am
great." In the third person singular hurd, or hardah, stamla
without tliu addition of the auxiliary verb, as, in Sauskfi^
iik(irfii,"lalurus," is used in the sense oS luluraa. a, um, est;
while the first and second [lersonsof tlie three numbers com-
bine the shij^ulur nominative masi^ulinc wiili the verb aub-
attmtive, hhnrlAxtni. " I shall mrry," &c. If we do not ehoose
to rceognise the verb substantive in the Persian aorist biirdum,
because in the present, with the exception of the third person
axl, it is so much compressed that it is nowise distiu^ished
from the terminations of other vcrhs.J [G. EA. p. 878.]
we must conclude that the simple annexation of the personal
• CuulI^. aiUu'f, "^iivit"i 8oMii/a-», "the having tvapn '* (maacaUoo).
i In til*) original, fjprdefi em, but according to tho English sj.'stcto these
vowels vronlci bo given hs hLoyv.
1 Cuirpsrv am, "I ato," t, "thou art," fm, "vrvarv," td, "yoare,"
anj, "tbeysrp," wiih barom (" lhvitt"),hari,barim,hartiI,baraHil. To
4iK{f Gorre^DUds tli« Doriu *Wi' (i>r «f*Ti ; to am tiic Englitti atu (amw).
854
THE PBttFBCT.
term in ft tio IIS to the participle, which is robbed of its end-
ing ah fopmg ihe tense under discussion. This, howpver. h
Dot my opinion ; nnd it seenia to me far'inope nstural to ex-
plain btird'-am AS Htcmlly meaning " hnving borne am I,"
tlian to raise burd to tlie rank of ei secondary verbiU root, and,
as suL-h, to invest it with the personal terminations, as they
apju-ar in the present.
62**. The Si'lfivonic languages, with the exception of the
Old Sclaroiiiu nnd Servian (sue §§. 361, Siv,), present, in tfic
formation or paraphrasing; of the preterite, a remartable
coincidence with the Persian. The participle, whivh, in Per-
sian, terminates in dah or fah, an<] in Sanskrit, in the maacul inc
and neuter theitic, in la.m the feminLnp, in M, ends, in Old*
Sclavonic, in the m.isciiline-neuter base, in !o. in the feminine,
in hr; nnd I consider the / of this participial sutlix as a wenk-
eningoft/,- as, in Latin, /nirj/'nT, /i»tvr, from dncryma, elevir
(see §. 1*7.), and. iti Lithuanian. Uka, "ten." at the end of com-
pounds, fnr diktt (see §. S19. Rem. p. 44!> G. ed.). An<l I am
hence of opinion, that, both with reference tn their root and
th«r formarton. btfl, byh. bylo, "having been" (masculine,
feminine, and neuter), may be compared with the Sanskrit
words of the same import, bfiHta-s, Wt3/4, bhlla-m, and Persian
hudnh. In Polish, li^f means " he was,'' hi/fii, " she waa,"
byht, "it was," b^ii. Iji/fy. "they were,"" without the addi-
tion of an nuxitiary verb, or a personal termination: and
[G, K<). p. 8*fl.] as in general the forms in /, f/t, to, ti, iy,
do not occur at all as proper partieipFus, but only represent
the preterite indieativf, they have assumed the complete
character of personal tcrminntions.f They resemble, there-
fore, only with the advantage of tlie distinction offender
like nouas, the Latin amttmUn, amabimini. in which words the
• The ina«cDlini> form bj/fi bclcngs only to the mn«ulinp i>rTi»nn» : to all
oiliweiilMinntiv<4 of tliK llirwt- ^aili-r> llic feminine form O^f!/ tK-loDgs.
^ Aaino nntice is taken in Grnminare, that, According to the gmdct
allii*l«d to, they arc the naminAtjro of a former pnrtioipla.
I
POHMATION OP TENSES.
855
lan^agt; is no longer conscious tliat they are masculine plural
iiouiinati vcs, (sce§.>1TS.). Still more do the above Polish forms
resi'iuble the- |)erson8 of the SMitskrit participial future, which
employs for nil genders the tnnscnline nominntives of tJie
three numbers of a |«irtieiple c-orroaponding to the Latin in
iurat; so that bknvU'l, "/uluruit," stands instead otfularu*,
n, um, cff, and iiAariWrfw. "futiiTt,'" itiati-ad of/uluTU a. a, xunU
Hut ftj/i "he was," corresponds most cxiictly to the Persian
word of the same meaning, bad or iuil'ifi, " having been,"
iu the sense of '"he was." In the first person siiiffular mas-
culine, by tern (fc^-^m) answers admirably to the Persian btielam,
which I render in Sanskrit by bhtllii 'timi (euphonic for
bhiilas afoni) i.e. "the man having been am* 1." In the
feminine iind neuter, the Polisli bytam (bytfirm) corresponds
to the Sanskrit blitlfd 'smK "the woman ha^i[lg been am
I," and iu the neuler, byium, {bt/fa-m) to the Sanskrit bhutofn
amni, "the thing having been am I," In the second per-
son, in the three genders, the Polish bytes (byt-ei) eorre-
sponds to the Sutiskrit masculine bliutii-'ni {for blidfuif njii);
bi/fiis {bylii-y), to the Sanskm feminine hhula^gi; Ay/«i(&yfo«i)
to the Sanskrit neuter bh&tnm an. In the pluml, the mas-
culine byti-smy, and feminine bytyimy,* [G. E^. p. MO.]
correspond to the Sanskrit feminiue nod masculine bhCian
xman; and so. in the second person, byiyi cif, bj/fys cie,^ to
iJie Simskrit bhilils sthn.
"Remark I.— I have no doubt that the syllable em of
the Polish hi;-i>in. and the simple m of tlie feminine hyiii-m
and neuter byU-m, belong to the verb stibstantiTc, vrhicli,
therefore, in bytn-m, bytt-jn, and so in the feminine and
neuter second jierson byta-a. byto-s, has left merely its
• Settp.BG4, Noie*.
fTbo Polish civ like oar 7, stulbu (he Hinievtyniolc^cAl vnHtmttti
for inBlsnc^, in the second [<craoii pluru) llio ((-TtitiiDition eitr utrres^ada
to theOlU SUvouic te te ; uid, in tho Inliaitlw, the tcrmijiiiiiun 0 to
(111' Old SdAvonJc I'll 0.
856
THK PKRFBCT.
personal termination, just ns in the Germnn contractions, jm.
xum, am, beim, from in dem, &c., thb article is rvprcseoted
only by its case- term iunti on. In the first and secomi jH^rson
plurat. Imwever, the nulical i-onsoiinnt has reDiniiK.-t) ; sn
that sviy, («»•, are but little ili(Tercnt from the Sanakj-it
tmas, atha, and Latin mmua (for smut). But if ^t/, aeie,
be eonipnrptl witli the form exhibited hy the Polish verb
substoDtive in its isolated state, some scruple might, |kt-
baps. iirisu in assenting to the opinion, tliat the present of
the verb substantive is contained in by^rm. 'I (a man) wns.*
In/ti-nmy. 'we (men) were,' or in czi/taf-fm. ' I read.' czi/lati-
smy, 'we rend'; for 'I nm ' is wsUm, nnd 'we nre.' wt-
(ei my. It would, in fact, be a violent timiilntion, if we
assumed that btji-cm, bi/K-'smy, have proceeded from byt-
yesletn, hyi-ijcsln my, 1 do not, however, believe this to
be the cnse, but mnintain tlint wslrvi. ' 1 am,' yrttesmy,
'wo are.' yetfek. 'thou art.' and yettri ch, 'ye are.* have
been developed from the tliirti person singular wsl. For
this yrst* answers to its nearest eognntes. the Old
Sclavonic yrshj, Russian esly, Bohemian yint (y=y). Car-
iiiolian yr (where the tl lias brcn lost), as, to the old
sister languages, the Sanskrit asH, Greek ear/. Lithuanian
eJiii, and Latin est. But wjl^m, yesletmy, &c., do not
flilinit of an organic couipariiton with the corresponding
forms of the languages more or less nearly conncctetl.
On the other hand, the lost portion of ycv/fi my, ' we are,'
answers exactly to the Russian esmy; and it must be
assumed, that the concluding part of ynl-^m. ' I am.' h»s
lost aa t before the m, Just as the m of hyi-tm, 'the
haviii(T been nm V El eaiinot be siirprisiii<^ that the
8U{i«rftuoi)s yeat is uut conjointly introduced in the com-
pound with the participle. At the period of the origin of
tliis periplirastie preterite it did not, perhaps, exist in tlio
KvKnrdinjt Uic iniiiul y, vet v.2-'i5. n.
FOBMATION OF TENSBS.
857
isoktod present, ur the langniige may still [Q. E<1 p- 8S1.]
Iiave been conscious of tlie meaning of ilie vexl of wt-Mn, and
that the whole properly expressed, ' it is 1,' ' c'tat moi.' Tliiw,
in IrUh-Guelif, w me ' I am,' according; to O'Reilly, properly
means 'it is I.' and ha mr or budh me is literally ' it was
I'ifiad/i. 'he wiis,' = San9lcrlt abh^ see §. A?3., ba, 'he
waa' = nhhavat, ^.522); aud in tbe future, in my opinion,
tlie eliantcter of the third person regularly enttTS into the
first person, nud, in the verb substautivp, niny also grow
up with tlic theme in such a manner that tlio terminntions
of the otiier persons may attach ihemsplves to it.* More-
over, the Irish /ui^im, • I am.'/iii/ir, " thou art,' /»(/,' lie is,"
fuUmid, 'we are,' &c., deserve especird remark. Here, in
my opinion, the third person lina again beeome a tlietne for
the others ; but the / of fuil, ' he is." appears to me to be
a weakening of an original d, lilie that of the Polish hyi, ' bo
was': the djflereiicc of the two forms is. liowever, that the i
of the Irish form is a personnl termination, and that of the
Polish a participial sulKx ; aiid therefore btjt-em signifies,
uot 'it was I,' as fuilim, 'it is I,' but clearly 'the person
having been am L' But from the procedure of the Irish
language this (Ejection arises, tliat the Persian blid, ' be
was,' just like the previously-mentioned Irish hudh, oiifjht
be identified with the Sauskpt aorist alhiU; and it might
be assumed that this third person has been raised into
a tiieme for the rest, and has thus produced h&dtim, • I
was,* fttJrfi''thou waat.' &c., like the Irish /iitVim. *l am,"
fuilir, 'thou art.' But this view of the matter is op-
posed by tbo circumstance, that togeUier with b{td the
full participial form biklidi also exists, which serves,
as a guide to the understauding of the former form. If
it were wished to regard the d of ftarrf, ' Iw bore," as the
• Biad M AchA "■ 1 (haU W," Uad^r or biidfdr, " tbov wilt be," Am/A,
"hc! will bo"; btim or MM-nttr or beidh-mid or buuth-niuid, "waehall
be.'' Sveoiy Tnatiw " Oa the CelliL- Ltuiguagos," pp. 44, 411.
3k
858
THE PEKFKCT.
sign of tlto person, the nliole would be to be referred to
the Sanskrit imperfect abhnraU But in very mftDj ctM
objections arise to the refcrriog of the Persiau aorist to thf
Sanskrit impcrfeL-t, or &rst auf^nicntrd preterite, sinre tlie
latter has always a common theme niUi the pn-scnt. «hilt;
e. g., the Persian kunad, ' he makes/ whic-li is based on Uw
Vtklit! kritiiUi (from kftrtuiti, ivith loss of Uic r), doM ool
answer to tlic tkcnio of kard, ' \\c made.' Ou the other
hand, this kard, like the participle hirJah, admits xaj
[O. Ed. !>. 8S-2.] easily of being compared with krita-x (from
Isaria-*), ' mnde.' Just so bnxt, biiatali, ' lie buutid.* batlali.
'bound,' and ' liaviiig bound,* does not answer tu thepreseai
handad, ' hu binds,' but to the Zend passive participle baila.
'bound'; for which the Sanskrit is bnddha, euphonic for
badh-Ui, tlic dh of wlilch, iu Zend and Fersian, has be-
come s (see §. Ifl?.)*"
" Remark 2. — In Persian there exists, toother witb on,
•I am.' a verb /iflrfrttnof the same siguifiaition, which exhi-
bits a surprising rcaemblani-o to the Polish vestan, na the third
person iI,<uJ> hast does to the Persian i/eil.' If it wen
wished to assume that the third person kl,*...* hast is akin
to Om)^ ast, and has arisen from it by prefixing an h, »t
the y of the j^olish vest and Old Sclavonic j/pxfv. is onlv
an inorganic addition (sue {. '2b^. n.). t should then derive
the Persian hasinm, haatf, &c., also, just as tlie Polish ytatem,
t/estei, from tin? third person. With regard tu the prefixed L
wc may consider as another instance the term used for the
number 'Eight.* ktvifd, contrasted with the forms bcgiunins
* ProfeMor Bopp virUr» Anf.ond A<r««B, mid thii» renders the tvteta-
blance between the Pontiuii nml I'olUtt wunLtmoraatriking. ^o,abur«,ba
vtriia Avrrf, anil ereatuvrl; but it is incorrect to «xpreM tb« short vow«] 4 '
by f, Knd to represent ' 1>y e in mill uiorv tnJcfoiisibli'. It is ime ihju an
■fisctedpronunciittunof ilic J i* crt^cpingin, nnd A-onfinpaTticalArMoften
proDounced km], n»ijtiliffe,ia English, 1:1 iKimctiinr* prouotmcM oAittof
but thia practice is niiiHinctioni-d hy audioritjr, and lo groond oiymoloKias]
affinities opon it woaldiic ^rrontXMis.^ — TYim'Attor.
FORMATION OF TBNSBS.
859
with a ^'ovol in the kindred Inngim^os. It appears to me,
however, better to compare haslam vritli tW Zend hhttHmu
' 1 iitHnil* (from shlAmi); aa, so trarlv as the Sanskrit, iht;
root of * to stand ' frequently supplies the plnce of the verb
substHiitivp, tin nlso in the Roman languages it aids in com-
pleting the conjugation of the old verb. Compare, therefore.
QWEKX.
ZBXD,
PKIUUN,
Xara^u*
hh!A m i.
hit<iiain-
IffTOI.
hi^tahi.
husfi.
TarSm,
hittaili.
hnnf.
tTtoftev,
hUt^mulii,
/laxtim.
tarare,
hhtalha.
hoMid.
\<rr&vTi,
bhfenii.
haslnnrl.
ObBerve. that the third person singiil-Jt Aarf is devoid of
the personni sign; otherwise we should have in its place
htutad, according to the analogy of bnrad, ' he bear?,' purtat,
'he asks,' dihnd, 'he gives/f and others. With respect to
the suppression of the ptTsonal terminations. [O. Ed. p. 883.]
the form fiani resembles the German wird. hull, for wirdft,
hafhl. Pott's opinion — who. in tlie derivation oftlie rorms
under discusaion, has likewise referred to the root of <to
»tand' (Ktym. Forsch. I. 27-1.), but prefers recognising in
the / of tlie Polish ycjrfrMi, as of the Persian haatam. the ( of
the passive participle — is opposed by the consideration, that
neither in Sanskrit has the root as, nor in any other cognate
language has tlie kindred root, produced or contained the
• SflDiikiit tiAlkdmi. we ^. COB.
t The h otjifiain, *' I giTc," njiiM-aTS to me s tfinnnntof tlic Zcnil as-
{umlnd *ih of dtiJhAmi ( ;. 3U.) ; as I have tlrtoAy troct^d liuuk rlaewhcnt
i]i« fi ofmhddan, "I« place" (pmcnt lu'Aam), to the ^nshrit d A of iJiA,
Bitil recogniwd in the syllable »i an ohacarci |>nriMai[Jon (the Sousltrlt
nt, "down," Vienna Ann. 18^8, II. ii.y. ZiH). Tlio fonn difiam n-
•eniblrs tlii Old Sctavonlc iliimjr for tfa-Jmy (^. 4^6.) wid our pretcHtM
like AJ</>, hiflt {}, S9i.) herrin, thnt tho irdiiiilirnie a^lUblo hu puntd
the irniblaiira of ibc pvindpal lyllnble.
3xS
k
p
860 THE PERPKCT.
participle mentioned. There i». in Sonsfcrit, no pimid|d(
aata-$, but for it bhUta-g; in Persian no aitfah, bat bidak; m
Sclavonic no ytitl. but fry/; in Lithuanian no eala-x, itt
no fatus. in tiothtc no ijIm. Uenve tticrc ia every rcaacn I
zisauuiing, tliat if tlicrc ever existed A |inrtieiple of
oth«r Toot of ' to be," nnalognus to wv bhuta^ ' been.* ii
must liave b«en lo6t at so c^riy a pt^riod, that it couU
not imve rendered nny service to the Polish and Per-
aian in the rormntioii or a preterite and present of tiu
indicntivc."
029. The Bohemian, in its preterites, places the pn-K'
of the auxiliary verb after the past piirticiple. and ^^' •■
rated from it; the Cariiiolan prefixes it; and the Russian
leaves it entirely out, and diittinguishes the persons bv the
pronouna, which are placed before the participle. *'I was,'
in Bohemian, is. accordinff to the diSereuwi of genders,
byi sem, htjln sem, byto sem; in Cuniiolan aim b'tlt aim bitit.
aim bilo; in Russian, ya bil, un byh, ya biflo. But the
present of the Carniolaii verb Aubstautive is very rv>nuirk'
able, on account of tlie almost (lerfeet identity of the three
persons of the dual, and of the two lirst of the plural, with
the Sanskrit; where, aecordin^: to a general law uf soand.
the forms sxtas, "we two are," aiaa, "yc two art;," reject
their final t before vowels (short a excepted), and hereby
[O. Ed. p. 664.] coincide euliruly with the Carniolan. ia
which vun signifies "we two are," sin, "they two are." Id
Siiuakrit tusa ihn, means "we two are here," ttn iha, "thev two
nre here." In the plural, the Carniolan amo miawers to
the S.inskrit unt Tmns (bi'^fore vowels tma), ait to ^^ atha, to
to wfjff m7>ii h is. however, to be observed, that both
lacguages have, independently of eiitli other, lost the
initial vowel, which belongs to the root, whteh has tv<-
maiucd in the Old Si;lavonic with the prefix of a w, ex-
cepting in the third person plural (see §. iBO.).
630. If tbuGeroian auxiliary verbMun is couti'Osted.as above
(f. 62 1.), with the Sauskfit root dhd, " to place." " to make,"
FOHMATION OF TENSES.
861
thea preterites like the Gothic a6kida and brurniftu suektt
appear, in respec:t to their composition, like cognate forms
to tlic Greek passive norists and futures; as, eriK^-Stiv,
Tv^-6i}ttopiai. ill which I recoguise the aorist and the future
miiltllc of Ti'9^^i = SaDskrit dmlhAmi.' The concluding por-
tion of Tvif>-dij.Tut^-Sa't}v,7V<f>-6^aoii.au, ia completely identi«Ht
with the simple du, 0eir]v, d^vofiai, ineunjuj^attoii; and eru^p-
9t}v is distinguished from tQijv by this only, aud, ludeed, ad-
vantageously, that it gives the heavit^ personal terminations
of tlie dual and plural no power of shortening; the vowel of
the root, as is the ease with the S-inskiit wn^ iulhAm=^Br]v,
even in its simple state; aiuee, in this lungtiage, ailhi-mn an-
swers to the Greek eSe-fjev fop i6>j[iev, as the Greek eg-njv,
aleo, doea not admit of the length of ita root being shortened
ill the dual or plural. Thus tlie imperative riMp-Bvjri, also, is
distinguished from 6ii by preserving thu length of the root,
as also by its more full personal termino- [G. Ed. p. 88a.]
tion. From llie future Tu^di/tro^xai an aorist eTv<pd^fx>}i'
should be looked for; or, vice eerv^, the future should have
been contented with active tcrmiuations, as well as the aorist.
Perhaps originally erv'fidijv and rw^-B^ia simuitiineously
existed, and thus also krv^-BT^-fjijv (or krv^Btfajv) and tu^-
dipoti-ou, as periphrastic active and passive teuses. In the
present state of the language, however, the norist tins lost
the passive form, and the future the active; and when tlie
sylliibli? fit; was no longer reeogiiiscd as an auxiliary verb, it
received the meaning of a passive character ; Just as the Ger-
man langua^fl no longer perceives an aaxiliary verb in tlie te
of MUfhie, but only an expression for the past ; or as we bave
ceased to recognise in the te ot heute the word Tay. "day."
and in Aeu (Old High German hiu) a demonstrative, but re-
gard the whole as n simple adverb formed to express " tlio
present day." » i :tj
• CompAn Ann. of Lit. <;:rit. la-i?. IVb,, pp. 29is kv. ; Voodisaiis,
pp. J>3, kc. ; and i'ott'a Eiyiu. Foncrh. !. 187.
862
THE PEBFBCT.
63t. An to tliu form of the Gret:k seeoud aorist and future
nnssive, I consider ervntfv nnd n/rijcro/iat as abbrcvintions of
eru^^iiu, Tvtjtd/j'jofiai. The loss of the 6 resembles, there-
fore, thnt of the a in the active aorists of verbs vritli Itqtutls
(§. 647.) : it iiced not, however, aiirpriiie hs, thnt, na the ^ of
hCi^drjv, from refjard to the & following', assumes the place
of the radical ir. after this 0 is dropju'd the original sound ftgaia
makes its nppearaDce, and therefore CTv^qi', Tv^^o^cut arenot
used. The case is similar to that of our vowel R'iick-Umlaut
(i-eBtored derivative souodj. since we use the form Krajt as cor-
responding to the Middle High German ^nitive and dative
Krepe, bc«ni8c, after the dissolution of the vowel which had
generated the Umlnut, the original vowel recars. while we, in
the plural, say Kriijle, like the Middle High German kre/if.
Various objfxrtions oppose tlieopinion thattheverb substantive
t^O. VA. i>. 88ft.] is oontnined i n eT[jTr»;i', mufhasihe appended
iiuxiliary verb agrees in its conjugation with that of ^v. Bnt
tlie double expression of past time inctvjrfjf.onccinthc prin-
cipal %'erb and once in the auxiliary, if the verb substtiiitive
be contained in it. c«nnot fail of surprising us ; trhile tlie
Sanskrit, in combining its Aaam. " I was," with attributive
verbs, withdraws the atigment, and, with it, also the radical
vowel « of the auxiliai-y verb (§. 512.). The augment in the
future rvntjCoyiat, dnd in the imperative rvvijSi, must appear
still more objeetionablc Why not Tviritrofiai, rvmadi, or. per-
ha]i8. the c being dislodged, Tuff(9f, and, iu the third person,
TtnrevTiit onuTTenii? Tlie terui! nation eif in the participle
Timeif has no hold whatever in the conjugation of tlie verb
substantive.
639. The Latin ventla, if we do not refer the auxiliary
verb contained in it to rfo=5('3wMi, ^^ifii tleuMjiti but to
ri$t}fii, ^vrfk (/(uiA/lm j, must be regarded as a cognate form
to the German formations like sAkida, m^k-idMum, " I sought,"
'■ we sought," and the Greek like e-rvipdrfv, Tvtfid^iTonai. The
Sanskrit ti'i, '• to give," and dh^, " to place," are distiDgtiiabed
only by the aspii-ation of the latter ,- and in Zend these verb*
FORMATION OF TENSES,
863
scarce to be distinguished Bt all from one another, because
d, ficoording to §. 39^ in the inner sound {itilaut) frequently
become dh, while dh iwelf lays aside the asiJiration in the ini-
tial sound ( Anlaui). In Lntin, also, ^ di and m dli/i might
cusily lie combined in ouc form, since that langungc generally
presents its d as answering to the Snnskpt dh and Greek 0.
especially in the inner sound, as & to the Sanskrit bh." But
tlic circumstance that the root VT dhd, @U, has not r«*
mained, in Latin, in its simple fumi, docs not prevent us
from recognising it in the compounds credo, perdo, abdu,
cendo, und rendo, just as in pesitundo. pes- [_ii. iid, p. 687.]
jrumf/o-t The form vmumdo answers, iti respect to the tKx:u-
satirc form of the primary word, to SanKkrit compounds
like iiiln-cfial-.ira (§§. fil9. 625.)-
633. Iti order to traee out in its full extent the influcnvo
that tlie Siuiskrit root dkd has obtained in the European coj^-
tiato languages in the formation of grumuiatical forms, [must
further remark, that 1 believe 1 may refer to this place also
the last portion of the future and imperative of the Sclavonic
verb snbstiuitive. In Old Scliivoiiic biitltl metun " I will be,"
literally, as it appears to me, " 1 do be," The lirst portion
of this compound answers very well to the Sanskrit root
bkii, and is identical with titc Zend ^j bii. As, however,
the Selavonic il regularly answers to tJic Sanskrit diphthong
«t d ( = a -hit,, see i.2ib./.\ so must we in the Sdavonie
• ^.10., anil coinpaiv maOum wilh tJie Sonakrlt madki/a-m, mediluri
■wi th viiMiu, " unH*r»|«nding,"_;fiiii with trtlSm.
+ A. W. Yoa Schtegel hna been the firsi to recognise ia Latin the 8m.
slirit irat, "iHilivf," uiil litis founil iii creth a niuiLar camponud to Uisi
cf iho Sanskrit imd-dadhdmi, which ttigniti-s llie wxao (li(er»Ily " I jJjiC*
fMlh "), uiihout, however,' identiiyinij ilin LjUin vxpressign, in re^rJ to
ilB conuluding portioa aUo, with the Sanskrit compountl (Blutgarad'OIta,
{), IW}. Credo tuifthi i.-enainly aXau mean " 1 give faith," but it in more
twtaral lo pUoo this verb Koch in itt second trni in its first portion on tlio
samt- fcjoiitig with its Indian proioiypf, as I Iiilvc already done in tbs
Virana Anu. (I(t28, B. 42, p. '2&n\ where I hare also c<rui]Mrcd iho do
oSaUlo unJ <WM(/« witk the Sanskrit rout rlM.
864
THE I'EEFECT.
bA recognise the Sanskrit Guna-form hhH. Aod »j bhu it-
scir receives Guna in the futurr. and exiiibita liere, Iti com-
binntion witli tlie other root of" to be." the form bhnv-i-Khifiimi,
of wliich we shall treat hereftfter. The second portion of the
OM Sclavonic cbas fiiJ-fW (fmm l»i-<io-m, see §.S3&. jy.) cor-
responds in its conjugation exnctly to the present fr$il,-* thus
second person bU'dcnhr, tliird, bUdflv; only the f and o of
BEsEUlU ve^-e-.ihi, BEaETb vc^-r-ty, BEaoU ur-^-om, &C., is the
clasa-vowel, or vowel of conjunction, while that of de~Mhi,
[(!'. ¥A. p. 6ti8.] df-hj. dij-m, is the abbrevintion of the A of
the Sanskrit root dhA ; for e and o are the usual reprmenta-
tivcs, in Old Sclavonic, of the Sanskrit short a (nee §. Sia. a.).
Wc must here recall attention to the Sanskrit root ithd, the
A of wliich. after bt-ing irregularly ehortened. is treated as
though it were the conjunetive vowel of the Grst class
(§, 608.). Hence, also, in the imperative the Old Sclavonic
* ye of EVA^n h^-il^t-m, "let us be" ("let us do be'T-
Etf AtiTE bH-dye-te, " be ye," answers to the Sanskrit ^ of ti»hlJi4-
-ina, " we may stand," lishlM-fa, "yc may stand" (§. 255. e.).
634. There is, in Old Sclavonic and Rnssiiui, also a verb
wliich occurs in an isolated state, wliich signifies "to do,"
"to make." and which is distinguished from that which is
contained in Atl-t/d only by theeireuai^tancu Umt it exhibits
A'B dye instead of AM df as root, wliich does not prevent mo
from dt-clariug it to be origtiiHlly identical with it Ita pre-
sent is AtiK) r/yrud.-f- and it is rightly compared by Kopicar
with our fhun and the English do. From it comes the neuter
substantive dyrlu. " deed." as " thing done." which, iu its for-
mation, answers to the imrtieiples mentioned above ({. 69S.X
and haa, in ndvantngcous contrast with them, preserved the
See $. 607. whctv, however. In ilia Snt pcreoD plural, we ahould read
m^-O-m inatend of vel-o-tne.
t Analugou* with fjw-(;d, "Imw"; u, \n GMh\c tii-th*, "d«>d,"«oJ
tt-tA*, "Mcd." iT9i on a Ulce funniilidn, «oi] roau which tciminAie nmi-
FORMATION OF TBNSES.
86;
origiiml passive meaning, wliile tbcy have erroneously been
assigiit^ to the active voice.
635. To hiiriii, " I slinll be," the Old Sclavonw Wj!. " I go"
wliicli is also placed by Dobroweky (p. 3oo) in the same
class vrith bddti. ia analogous. IJH thererore means, HCe-
nl\y, " I do go," ani] springs from the widely-diFuacd rout i
(infinitive /-(/). whence, in Gotliic. the anomalous preterite
i-dilm, "I went," plural i-dJuiihm. "we [«. Ed. p. 889.]
went." I believe that these forois have proceeded from i-da,
i-dMitm. simply by doubting tlic d and annexing- a v; and
I take them, therefore, in thr sense of" I did ^o," " we did
go"; and compare with them the Sc:lavoaic i-*l& as present.
The d of xhfd&. however, which is used in completing
the conjugation of irfil, I consider as belonging to the root,
and look upon the whole as akin to the Sfinskrit ^ gad,
" to go," 1o which belonjf also chodili, and the Greek oZot.
The forms wA'tii(iAs o-duvschd^, "I do on," "I dress,"
Tta-dymliHlixiffi, " I hope," ia-dueschd^, " anyarw, ontu
impono," which Dobrowsky, I. c likewise compares with
hil-dH, remarking that they stand for odwyti. &c., I con-
sider as reduplicate forms of the root dj/e, "to moke,"
jncationed above; for d gladly, and under certain cir-
cumstances, rcj^ularly assumes the preUx of M sch, for which
reason dnschdy. "give," and yaichdy, "eat" (for dady,
yndy), correspond to the Sanskrit dadyA,i. "thou maycst
give," adtfAs. "thou mayest eat" (see Kopitars Glogotitn,
pp. A3 and 63). The eonjeeturp, however, tliat n-dymmhdi^
na-dytnehd^ ^n-dyfsfhdii, are reduplicate forms, is strongly
Gtipported by the circumstance that the correspond in <
Sctnskrit and Greek verbs also {dodkiimi, rlBrfpu) are rcdu<
plicated in the special tenses, like dudiimi, SiSuttu; and to
the two last forms a red tt plicate verb corresponds in Scla-
vonic likewise (see §. i:!6.).
636. The Lettish possesses some verbs wbicli atv com-
bined, throughout thetr whole conjugation, with the auxiliary
verb under discussion. Of this class is dim-deh-t, " to ring*"
rib
866
THB I'KRFECT.
(deht=<U-i), together with dim-l, id. iwu-dM-/, "to mew."
with nau-fi id. Id bai-dtk-U *' to make afraid," wjtb ti-f,
"to fear" (Sansltnt v/f Hhf). /ihtmtlth-t. "to disturb." i.e. "to
make moiirnrul," witli /xkum-f, "to be mournful." the meati-
ing of tlie auxiliary verb makes itself clearly perceptible, and
[O. Ed. p. 800.] replaces the causal formatioD. In other
case* the appended d^h-t may be rendered by than, " to do."
thus dim-deUi, "to do ring" (oomparc Pott, 1. 187). Rcgnrd-
ing the Litliuanian imperfect of habitude, in which we have
recognised the aanic auxiliary verb, see §. 525.
631. Tt deserves to be noticed, tliat. iii Zeiitl also, the
verb under discussion of "placing." "making," "dfiiii^f."
occurs na an appended auxilLiry verb. Thtu. ,u)^d;A)^
y<tS,ik-di. "to purify." literally "to do purify," from which
the present middle ^ffiM)^6M^A>i>»j^ya(ith'dathrn/f, "they
do purify" (reganlin^ the extt^uded form dafh, see p. 112),
the precative middle ASf)j<^jA5^d9u*Ai,)j j?jah> pah-i yaith'
•daiihilit, "they may purify" {Vend. S. p. 2B6), imperative
j^jiuOAytteiAi^ y<t&ah-d(\ihAnu "let mc do purify" (I.e.
p. 500). The form d<Vili of ya&ith-<tAUi, " the puriGcit-
tion" (l.c. pp. 300, 301). corresponds, in radical and deri>
vativc snfRx. to the above-meutioned Gothic dt^tks (theme
dMi). For the fretjuent expressiou /pu'SAf ff^ii^'i^^'Mj^
yn'hh-dnyann ntlhen, " tliey n.re purified," we ought pcrbajw
to read y<tihkdoyanm mhtn, in which case the former
might be regarded as tliu locative of yadsfuJi, so tliat tb«
wliole would signify "tlicy are in purification."* But if
• I formerly thought, that ia this And similar exprewoiiu the toot dO,
"t« give," was contained (Cr&mrn. Crit p. 332), which mtghl very xnU
formally be the ctae, aa U also numouf s opinion, who, howrevor, uaenta^
at Yfl^na, p. 306, Rtitn.'Jl?, to Fr. WindlKhmann's i^xplanaiiao, who wm
the firel 10 rccDgn'iao Id this and siniil.tr ciimiiouiids the Sanstrii root dJut
iDitoad of dd. To tht! mimrk mmlc by Durnuuf (1. ■;. Note E. p. ij.j, that
tli« iaitinl Mruwl il/i iit Zend ia not ]j<.-ttiiiii»ill«, it may be oddvd, thai tn
tha Bitdilli! nln), afltrr a coiuiMiiint, J U iK'ceiiurily used for thd original
dk: h^ncft tlx; SantliTit impArntivn i«rininai i<iin dfti, which in ZcdiI, after
vowels, it|i|icBrd a* dhi, is, oftirr a consoiianl, di i thiu dae-di, " girt'," op.
poied to triiidhi, " licAr," Mrrirtiii-dfii. " uiitkc."
FUltUATION OP TfiNSBS.
867
the reading j(«i)jArfnyiiiin is correct, then it [O. Ed. p. 891,]
may be takvn aa the accusatU'o plural in the sense of pnrifi-
catoa i so that the verb BubRtantive would bo construed as in
Arabic witli the accusiitivc,
639. We return to the reduplicated proteritc, in order to
consider its formation in Zend. ExampIeB have been given
in $4 &20.. wluch. in their principle of furmation. correspond,
for the most part, with the Sanskrit. Thus, wjm>;oai>>^j4
dulca^ya aiifiwers to tho Saukrtt ilidu4^ha, " he liatcd," with
the prefix of an a before the Guna vonet ?, according to
§. Sd. The forms ^M^»^lf vMi^ and mum^^^ iiUatn
ahcw that tho Zciul. in departure from the Sanskrit,
admits long vowels in the syllable of repetition. i'(vti-4.
from the root vti, •• to obey." is the second person singular
middle, and wants the pi^rsona) sign ; thuii, ^ for the
Sanskrit ,»^, and Greek cau. Here, fnom want of adequate
examples, ve mo&t leave it undecided whether this sup-
prcasion, which makt-s the second person tlie same as the
first and third, takes place merely after sibilants, or prin-
cipally after consonants. The form m»ai^^^ t^iva, "he
could," from the rof>t fav* should be, according to the
Snnskfit principle, taiSva, aa a radien) a, in the third jierson
singular, is necessarily lengthened; but the Zend form above
has trausferrcd the long quantity to the syllable of redupli-
cation, and, as it appears, through the ioflaenoe of the v of
die root, Ims replaced the a sound by C. On the other hand,
the root vaeh. "to speak." which, in Sanskrit, in the syl-
lable of ruptilition suppresses llie a, and vocalixos the u to u
(uvacha or uvAcha), in Zcud regularly forms vavacha, which.
Vend. S. p. 83., occurs as the first jjcrsoo, and is rendered
by AnqaetiL "/ai pnnonce." That the Zend docs not par-
* CkimpAre jwi»jup •*5''>C» S^-' '"""'"if "iftht^y tw," Vend.S.
pp. 309 and 352, na tliinl |icmn plural of die impcrfca sobjunctirviotlie
SCUM of the pretcnt.
868
TUB PBEFBCT.
tidpate in lengtheiiiDg the a, whidi, in Sanskrit, berore aim-
[Q. £<L p, BOZ.] pie coDSODaota coters at «ill into tite first
person singular, and of necessity into tlie third person, is
proved also liy llie form u-u^ui^w^ latatu. " he formed*
(»ee Burnouf, Yn^na. p. H>4,\ the root of which is referred by
Bumouf, and with justice, to the Sanskrit n taksh, oikI
as it appears to nic, fitly compared with tho Greek rdcr^w.
639. The passage of tbe Veod. S. (p. 3), wbivb Ijos fur-
nished us with tJjc form um^m^m^ t'daia, (in Ihu litho-
graphed Codex erroneously taian). supplies us also with two
otlier ri'diiplioato preterites, which li.ive. too, {and this de-
serves notice,) a perfL-ct meaning, nliUe tlie eorrespondiog
Sanskrit tense refuses the function of a perfect ($. S13.},
We read I.e. («iJ>^>;o s'-CL. ■w-*\>*C9-»P V-C^ *'^S^J Vf V.C»
jf(] n'3 tiailhu ijii tfitata yd (ulhrvy^. " who has mode us,
who has formed (us), who Iwa sustained (»s)." The form
AiQ^ dadha, which Ncriosengh renders by ^ tiadav.
"dedif" instead of d^dh&u* is, in my opioion, of special
importtinue, on account of the rcmnrkiible manner in n-hicb
it coiiitidcs in root aud formation witJi the nlH»vc-nien-
tioned (§. 622.) Old Saion rft*/a. - 1 did," " hedid." Tius Zend
f^r/An stands for dadhA from dndhA-a (§.6 IS.), tl>e long 6
liarii)^ been shortened, ns eouiuionly happens at the end
of polysyllabic words (V 1 37.). It does not admit of doubt
tliat the first person is likewise ditdha; as we have seen
from the alM>ve-mcntione<I u^uvtul} vavocha. " I itpokc," thai
in Zend, as in SHnskrh and Geroian. it is tlie same ns Uiu
third person, i.e. it has no more a jtentoiuil termination tbiin
tlie latter. In the secuud person I conjecture the form
dodMfho ($. 4&3.).
•Thetoot 4M, "to give," might likcwiw f^nn (AmUa {$. 39. ) ; bat in
tlM puHga above, u c«r«r;'wbare wlicr« montton is nsde of ercMtia(,
uiaLiDg. il i* cimr we mtiM niMlcntfUid i>i» rerb eorreqwodiqg lo tb«
awiekriti|T(A<l,"toplocc"(witliK, "lo iiiaW).
FOBUATION OF TENSKS.
869
r640. I nm unnbte to quote the Tend pfrfect [O. Ed. p. s&X']
active ia the dual and plural, unless the form jta^^^^gui
t.' AonhinVi, which fans been alreftdy meutioiied elsewlmru,* is
I tin; plural of Aoaha, "fuiU" which litttcr rt-gulnrly corre-
■ spondN to the Snniikrit cbn {§§. 56*. and 56'.), nud occurs in the
I following passiige of the Vend. S. (p. 4()): («aiiAt wj^j
.. i^^^7jjip VJyf Mw^fMt nSU a6lem Amha nSit gharhnha,
, "there wiis neither cold nor heat" We find the form
Aonhrnii 1. c. p. 45. where fire the words ^j^roM^ i^^ifMw
j^^MJvSijis M^^f^MM^ hofimd laMiit ylU ktJtnj/4 vad-6
/niMunh'i dur/irn/i ipdrni maklimcba bacmiti. "Horn assigns
to tliose. whoever recite the Nasks. excellence and
graudeur.''f Perhnpt, loo, (ionhenti, if it really is a
perfect, is morn correctly traualated by "have been";
but we cannot be surprised at its liaving a present
meaning also, as a rad present is not intended, accord-
ing to what has been remarked in {. &20. We must not
attach too great freight to the cin-umstance thut iu
Neriosengh'a Sunskrit translntion the form ^onhenli is ren-
dered by fyrtgfTT nis/iiJaitii, " sedt:nl";t for Neriosengb
interchanges with one another the roots >(jr], "to give," and
dd, "to set, piiice, uiake," which belongs to [O. £(l.p.t)frl.]
the Sanskrit diul; and why should he not Imve fallen
• Ann. of Lit CtII. Sec. IB31. p. 8lfl.
t AniiuetU, who selilon) renders «1) the forma in a wni«ncc acoonJing
(o llii>ir rcnl gmmieAtioal vfllae, here matiH the Ihird pereon pinml the
Becand uflho impnrntlve, nTid i^hAUf^i iht iia§ertton iulo a roqunst, bjr
transluliiig diua ; " O Hatn, acconiea Fexcelience et Ut grttndeur A txtui gta
Hi dnnt ia maium Ic* A'a/f#.' '
J Sm BurnonCi valiwble llevi«w of tlie Firet Part of Oiia BmIt,
itoumnl An Siivniia^ 1633, bi the separoie imprt-wioD, p. *7. There u ha
errar in il, liwwevcr, in Ilia (vtuark, that I kAre rvpmcntc^ the form
iimhhiii M iha impcrfpct of the rerb nibiuuilive. I meant lh« redupli-
cate preterite or perfect.
870
TItR PERFECT.
into a fliniilar error with the dufwly-npiirosi mating roots wv
a«, " to be." and wth d«, " to ait," which both exist in Zend.
partic-itlarly ns the form Honhl-nti, taken as the perfect, standi,
perhnps. tjiiite isolated in the remains of Zeud literature vshivh
have been preserved to us, but, lis the present, }uu iiaiii<>-
rou8 anatogoiia forms!' Bat if Sonhettti really belongs to
the root vw Ax, "to sit," still wc cannot, in my opiuion.
tnke it, with Nerio8t;ii;;h, in this sense, hut as a representative
ofthe verb substantive, which, as has been shewn ($.309. p. 737
G. ed.). in Sanskfit, also, occasionally sopplies the place of
the verb substantive. Two of tin.- Paris MSS. give, as hns
been retnirked by Bitrnouf, for Aonh«nii the middle form
mp^gB-^giu Aottficnti; aud if this is the correct reading,
it speaks iu favor of the root of "to sit": for this, like
tile kindrrd Greek verb (r}{(r)'iiat. rja-rat), is used only in
the middk>. But if AanfiUnll is the right reading, and be-
longs, as perfect, to the verb substantive, it is. iu respect to
its termination, more ancient than tlie Sanskrit dnu
(§.162.).
6-11. In the middle we lind as the third person plural of
the verb sul»tautive the form c/jutK^ctu doahare (Vend. S.
p. 392), witli which, in regard to termination, the form
^M(3j^fh in'rilhaTf; "they are deiid," agrees (Vend. S. p. ITS):
If the reading of the two mutually corroborative forma is
correct, wc then have the termiTiiiLioa nre for tlie San-
skfit fi^; and it would be a eirrumstanre of much impor-
tanec that the Zend should have lufl the old eonjiinctive
vowel a in its original form, in a position where, in San-
skfit, it has been weakened to i. Ttie liual ( of the Sanskrit
termination is suppressed in Zand; but ns r cannot staod
(§. -tl.) at tho end of a word, the addition of an r became
necessary, as in vocatives like g'^w^Auj J/l/ora "creator,"
[G. Ed. p. ao-vj answering to ihe Satiskiit unrr iUtdlar.
If the e of the forms f^tcjpu Aonliarr, f^w<jj7j?j ir{.
riUiarr, were an error in writing, for whieh 6 ought to
FOBUATION OF TKNSBS,
8-1
sttiiiJ, then an i would necessarily stauci beside the a of the
preceding syllable (§. 41.J. But as this U not tlie case we find
some evidence of tlie correctness of Uic final ^, nt least for tlic
fart, that this form nmong others is adiainsihlc ; for beside
the jA>wtj^ dt/nhure which has beeu nieiitioui-'d, we find,
in another jjussagu of the Veud. S. (p. 4S>), the form j^j*tWifM
(ianhairi, in whivh the finni i, nccorilirig to §. 41., luis intro-
duced an i also in the syllable preceding;. The form
liotilitiiri, for vtbicli. perhaps, one or two MSS. tnny read
Aouhairf, assures us, however, in like manner, of tlie pro-
position, which is of most im}>ortance, \iz. that the con-
junctive vowel is properly an a, and not, us in Siinskpt.
Bi) i.
642, The form g^Wj?^^ iririihari is remarkable, also,
with regard to its syllable of retluplication: it springs
fi"OBi the root (wo iritli,* from which n verb of the fourth
class frct}ucnt1y occurs ; in " iriritlh' therefore, ir is tho
syllable of reduplication, after which the short initial i has
bet^n len^hened, in order, as it were, to gain strength for
bearing the reduplication (couipare the Gothic iu §. ^99.). lu
iri'rillMTi, however, the countcrtype of the Greek forms willi
Attic rcduplicatiou is easily recognised. We must not, how-
ever, seek for tlie reason of this lengtliening of the vowel of
the second sytlablu of forms like cA^\t6a, kfirj^CKa. hpuftxrj^a,
in the temporal auj^meut. which I also avoid [,ti. Ed. p. 890.]
doing. For thougli, by concretion with the augment, an e
becomes 17, and an « becomes t^, this gives no reason for sup-
posing the augment to exist e%'erywhere vrhure an initial
• Probsbljr a Mcondsrf root, with the affix tk, as in dalh for dA
(bc« p. 112). Irith, ihvreforc, might tUiid fur miri/Jt, the iailial m
tMvinn })«en Inet, snd miffht ht coiinwited with tli* Sanskrit root mri (war),
whi^nce, as tlunrnufliuthewnlo hi> rrrr]iienll):-nicnlioned Deview (p. 37),
^n9AHlt(-^ the forni merrac/i, "(a kill,' with iu)0lti«r slfix. Die noun of
agency (»f which is fotuxi iQ lh» plonl, mtr^dri, •• ibt mufdeftn."
S72
THE rEBFEC'T.
vowel of a verb is lengthened. I content aiysclf, in foms
like iht/Kvda, witli the rtniujilication ; and in the vowc^l follow*
iiig I find only a phonetic lengthening for tbc sake of the
rhythm, or to support tlie weight of the syllable of pedopll-
caitioii ; aa in the Zenrf. hirHft, or as (to lit-vp to Greek) in
d^wTori d7W7ev{, a^wy^. in which tlie u, a> is commonly
the case, is only the representative of the long a (J. AX
nnd where there is no ground for searching for the aug-
tuenl. On the whole it would be unuulural thnt tbc aug-
ment, being' an element foreia;n to tlic root, should in
pose itself in the middle of the word between tlie syllable
reduplication nnd the proper root; luid unless a necessi
rxiats, one miut not attribute sucb a pUenomcnoa to a
laoguuge.
613. \n a piissftge of the Izesline (Vend. S. p. 6.
which I understand too little to ground on il. with coi
dencc, any inference, while I am without tlie li^t which
might perhnps b« thrown on it by Neriosen^'s Sanskrit
translation. I find the expressions ^(oj^ai^ju^ ^^^)jm(
vtdiny^ mamanU^. ft does not, however, admit of any
doubt that main^ is tlie noniioiitive dual of the base
maini/tr, "spirit" (see §. 210.); and hence, even without
understanding^ the whole meaning of tlie pasange alluded
io, it appears to mc in the highest degree probable, that
mnmanili is the third person dual of the perfect. Perhaps
we ought to read muman^it?. so that. tlir«u<;li the influence
of the final i, the Sanskrit termination Atfl would have
become dif^. But if the reading muvumUf Is corrcet, and
the form is really a perfect, an original d would have been
weakened to i. The wlmte form would, however, in my opi
mon,be ofgroat importance, because it might furnish groa
for the infcreiiec. that the contraction of the reduplicatio
[0. Hd. p. 807.] in Sanskrit forms like mfnAti (rrotu mamt-
nAU for mamnntW). did not exist before the Zend becaoia
separate from the Sanskrit (com^mre $. GOfi.).
tm
on^^
FORMATION OK TENSES. 873
TUE PLUPEBFECT.
644. It luu been already remarked (§. 9U.)> that the
Siinskpt posscsaus no ptu|)i:rfei;t. and the substitute ic
usca for it Hhs been noticed. The Zend. also, is un-
doubtedly deficient in thu tense. In tlic Zend Aveatu,
however, no oocnsion occurs for makinf; use of it. or sup-
plyinf** its pliice in another iMiy. The Lntin pIupE-rfecl i»
easily perceived to be u form comjiounded of tlic perfect
base %vith the imperfect of the verb substaative. The
only point wliiuh can admit of doubt is. whether the whole
rrum is to be considered as t-xisling in fuernm. amiiveravi.
lis I have done in my System of Conjugation (p. 93), so
that the perfect base, to which tlie t of fuU faistt, &<!.,
bL'Ion^. would have lost its vowei; or whetliur vre should
assume the loss of tlie e of fr<im, and therefore divide thus,
fue-ram, fimeivc-rnm. Now, contniry to my former opinion,
I believe the latter to be the case, and I deduce /ueram
from fui-ram. througli the frequently-mentioned tendency
of the i to be corrupted before r to ^. whence, e.i/.. the con-
junctive vowel i of the third conjugation appears in the
second person of the passive, as also in the imperfect sub-
junctive and in the iuGnitive. as c (Irye-ri/i opposed to let/-
i-tuT, U(f-i-mitT). For this reason ftte-ram also ia opposed
to tlie subjunctive fui'sacm, in which, aa r does not follow
the i, that letter remains in ila original form. It would
&eem much more difficult to discover a renson w\\y fu-pssem
should liave become fu-ittem, than why fui-ram should
become fue-ram. In genend. in Latin, there exists, with-
out rcfcrcni-e to a following r. many an c which hits arisen
from an older i- I am not acquainted, [ti, E>I. p. aOfl.]
however, with any i used for an older ?. as in general llie e in
an inorganic and comparatively more recent vowel, but the r
is as old as the language itself: for thouji^h i as well as u
has very frequently arisen from tlie wcakcQinf; of tJie
3 L
THE PLUPERFECT.
moat weighty vowel a, atUt nu e|>och of the buigiug« m
Iju iiriagiiied wlifu there existed no vowel but «. ICtiHi-
ever, tin.' nuxili-iry verb in ftu-ram, /itl-tsem, liafl lost is
vowel, it shurL<u in this ri>!i|iect the siitue fnt« ns the Siuisknl
aam and Greek 9a contained in the uorist. Where llie
verb substantive cutcrs into composition with altribBti»t
verbs, sufficient traaon exiala Tor its uiutilatiou.
61^. As the Greek plu^ierrcct is Foruird from the bue
of the perfect, ns the iinperfcc-t is from that of the pnacoi,
by prefixing the sugmc-nt, by which the completion of the
ni.'ttoii is transferred to piist liuio, we &}iould cxpcvt io it
the terminations OK, cs, e. &c.; thus, eriru^v, nbtch wottld
come very ueur the Sanak|-it imperfect of the iutcnaive—
nliit<ip(im. But wiiciiee is tlie tenninntion ctv of tTcrv^ei*?
Laodvoigt and Pott rw.'ognisG in it the imperfect of the
verb subBlautive, so that irerC^etv would stand for erervpifr.
There would, therefore, be a pleunasm in this form, as crervf
nlrc&dy of itself combines the idea of the impcrfeet witb
that of the perfocL If, thuu, the verb substantive be lidded, it
must servo merely as the copula, uud not itself express a r»>
lation of time, nnd it therefore Inys aside the aii|pnent, as the
Sanskrit Asnm m aorists like vkuhSip-xnia. But it beti^
premised timt the verb subsbiativo is contained tu crerv^iY.
it is not requisite to derive its a from the ij of ^i*. Advert to
the analogy of eiv with ei'/ii', which latter would become clr, if
its primary personal termination were replaced by the mote
obtuse secondary one. It may be said tliat the radical tr is
[G. Ed. |i.8iilP.] contained in the j of ei</if. which sibiluut
h;iving first become, by assimilatioa fi {Doric emit), has Uien,
as often happens to t- (as ndciV for ttOevi). been vocalized to i.
The analog of etfii is followed in the compound form (if
ertTu^iv is really compounded as has been stated) by the
duul and plural j thus. ereT^^ei/xcf fur the more cumbrous
creru^ff^i'. Here let ttie lonit- form eifietr for ivfiev be
noticed. In the third person plural iT€-w^>&Tav (iaorgauic
FORMATION OF TKNSES 873
irerv^iffav) the composition with the tiuxiliary verb is evi-
dent ; but this person cannot be adduced as evidence for tlie
compoftitioQ of the other peraoua, aiuce in general a kiiiij of
privili-gL- is accordtxl to the third i^rson plural iictivc in re-
spect to the npiiendiiig of the verb nuhstnnti ve. which niso
extends to the iaijierfect and norUt of the conjugation in fu
{iilSo-tra-v, sSo-ca-v, opposed to (:iii<i-fi.ev, iio-fici') i and in
like manner in the Latin perfects (/uerunt from /uraun/).
But if the syllable ei of crerti^-ef-i' is identical with the et of
e'i-iii, still I nm not shaken by this in my opinion that the k
of \t\vjca and the aspiration of Trn/^a belong to the conso-
nant of the auxiliary root, and tliat the k is an intension of
tlie 0*, the afipinitioii a weakening of the k (§. .Sf>0.); thnt,
therefore, in c\e\CK€n; herC^iv, the verb substantive is twice
contained, as is the cose in Sanskrit forms like uyUifham
(§. 570.]. I believe, however, that at the time when tlie
Forms i\tkuK-ct-y, cT€Tv^ci~r, developed thcmsclvca from the
to-bc-prcsupposcd forms irervtpov, iJ-vihvKov, the rcmcm-
bmncB of the origin of the k and of the aapiraliou had been
long lost, and that tliese forms were generated by the neces-
sity for restoring the missing verb substantive,' just as in
Old Saxon the form nind-tm. " they ore,"* [G. Ed. p.800.J
may first have arisen, when, in tlie more simple and likewise
employable xind. the expression of the relation of time nod
person was no lungc-r pcreeivablu ; and hence another per>
Bonni termination, and, in fnct, that of the preterite, was an-
nexed-l The Greek medio-passive luia admitted neitlier the
first nor the second annexation of the verb substantive: from
i\e\v-Kei'V wc might expect c\eAw-ic€(Vijv, but iKe-\0-ti*}v has
■ At Ihc Btms lime iriih inorganic (raiwfvr U> tlie first ami s«canil |}er-
soil, wir tiiuf, ikrteid.
f With ihc [)r«t«rite <win«id« ilso tho Gothic forni) of rveont orif^D,
jiu-u-in, "wo mn," riyn-tb, "year*": ad4 t-inJ, "iheyuro" (fiwn
t-ani). ia nlunc a tnuuinisiiaii from tti*: |>erio(l of the oaily of UngiijiK«.
3 l2
876
THB 7UTDBB,
ariaen directly from tlie reduplicate root, by prefixing ttie
luigmcnt. ftnd descends Troju a period wheu the active vraa not
as yet iM7\VKeiv, but probiibly i\^vv.
THE FUTURE.
6-lG. The Sanskrit haa two tenses to express the future.
of which one, which is more rarely employed, consists of
the fombiiiation of a future participle with the present of
the verb substantive, the root as; in such a manntT, how-
ever, that (and this hna leeu already noticed as remarkable)
tlie masculine nominative of the titree Dumbers of the
participle lias assHoied the complete nature of a third
person of a verb, aud this jipt se without annexation of the
verb subBtonlive, and witlmut regurd to tlie gender of the
subject; e.g, ^nn ddtH. "dnturux," is used in the sense of
" he, she. vr it will give," ant! so. too, (ftjnr^ (/dfdrai,
" ({■aturi" in the sense of "they will give." Observe here
what has been said above of tlio Latin nmamini instcAd of
iimamini, -a, -a, eiitis (f>179.); and remark also the tliird
person of the Polish and Persisn preterite {§.628.)- In
the other persons the Sanskrit combines the maaculinc
[G. £d. p. DOl.] nominative singular of Uie participle
mentioned with thi^ said person of the present of the auxi-
liary verb; thus, diUAxi (from thUAtixi) =^ilijfuTus, daluia,
(fiiiuTU7ii tat. I annex the full conjugation of the two aetivo
forms of the adduced example, with the remark, that in Uie
third [jerson no diH'erenec caii exist between the oetive aud
middle, since the participle which is employed makes no
distiiictioii between the two forms.
sinauLAR.
ACTITl. NtDnLE,
dAt&mii. dA('\M.
tlimni. fMfii^.
DO At.
ACnVK. MIDDLB.
dAtAwwas, dAlAnMthfi.
dAtAiAhm. dAVixAiM,
flAiArAu. dAlAfAH.
tUKMATION OF TBNSHS.
877
PLURAL.
ACnvB. MJDPLB.
fitUtismas, tlAWimahL
ddtdittha, flAMdkwS.
diUAras, ddldran.
" Remark.— It is very surprising, tlwfe although the
tompound nature of this tcnso ia ao distinctly evident,
none of the gramnaariauB, my predecessors, have remarked
it: niiU the first mecitioD of it that has been made was in
my System of Conj ligation, where it wns noticed, without
meettug with any opposition from c)ic strongest opponents
of th« 90-called System of Agglutination. As regards the
first persoa singular middle, it ntiut bo remarked, that the
mot as, in ttiis |>crson, changes its a into h, nltliou^^h in
Sanskrit tliis exchange is to be met with nowhere else, but it
occurs frequently in Prakrit, and before m and n regularly
bikes place iu the (Intaul) middle of a word, where mti, »h,
are commonly used by transposition for hm, hn ; hence, wnfii
or rnlti (restiDg on a preceding vowel) "I am" (see Lassen,
p. 367, &c., Hiifer. p. 77). As the Sanskrit A (^£/A not ch)
is usually represented in Greek by j^, sometimes also by 7.
aud even by k,' iu dAlAiii, therefore, may be fouud a cou-
firmatton of the opinion expressed in $. 56{>., that the k of
forma Uka cStJica. de'dwKO, belongs to the verb substantive
as a thickening of a a"
Gil. Ill the third person singular, also, the verb sub-
stantive sometimes occurs combined with the [mrticiple, as
vaktAstl, -he will speak," for vakiiU] on CO. Ed. p. Ota.]
the other hnnd, we oceasionally 6ncl. in the otlier persons
also, the verb substauttvc omitted, and tlie jierson expresoed
* Compnre Iy<a, ftiyat, k!)p, mplSia, with oAara, maAat, h^id, hrittai/a,
f 3e» my coUoelion uF ihr F.pisoili-H vf lliv M«IiA-Bh&rAln (Umupaili,
111.2.), paUiah«d aodec thetitl«of '-l><tuviuin.'
878
THB FUTURE.
by a sepiirate )iroi)ouii,* oa is done in Russiau In the pre-
terite (fitx §. 62!).). Sometimes the participle is sejiarated
from the aiuiliiiry verb bL-loiiging to it by ouo or more
words ; as, hirtd tad wimi i^, "facfnrus hoc /turn tibi "
(Maliu-Bh.). 1 do uot, however, think that saoh departures
From the usual practice of the Inn^;iiagc could occur where
the subject vna not a maaculine singular; at least it is
probable, if k-nrld referred to a reniiaine. that karlrx would
be used iDstcnd of it. Except in these constructions, liow-
ever, forumtioiw iu U\r (iu the weak cast's tri, §. l-ll.) very
seldom occur as future participles it but tlieir usual function
is that iif u noun it-;cnt, like the eorrcspoudiiig forma in
Greek and I^atin in ti/js, Top, Ur; as. Jor^p. dator, didAr-hu
answer to the Srinskrit rfd/Ar (ijut dAlri, nominatife t/ijjd.
§. I-l-).). The Latin, however, ns h:is been already observed
(5- 516, p. 75S G. ed.), formed from the shorter form in ftVa
longer one in lAru, nnd has atloth'd to this exclusively the fuDc-
tioiisof the future participle. In Zend, the formations in iAr, in
my opinion, occur only as nouns of agency ; as. dAHW. •• crea-
tor." (= Sanskrit dhAlAr) nominative m^jm^ dAtn (see §. Ml.
p. 169 G. cd,). accusative f ^jlu(oju^ ddMrim, vocativu f?A*c»jM^
diitnrf {\. M.). To tliis elasB Ix-Inng in Sclavonic the forma-
[U. Ed. p. t>03.) tion& in (eh (theme ttflyv, ^.3a9.), the r
being exchanged for /. and the syllable w added: as.
(iy^riy. "/actor" corresponds to the just-mentioniMl Zend
thUflr and Sanskrit dfiAOlr (compare J.fiS^.). This dyetvty
however, docs not occur in its simple form, hut only in
combination with the preposition .*, and with dohro, "good,"
it-dueVy. "conditor," dobro-dyelel^, "benefactor." For other
4
* Couiiinrc l.t. p 114,31. 31, bkaiAtd 'ntas tvsam for hhmttAty antaSt
"tlion wilt Ira iIk- eml "
t An example occurs in lh« Ko^lia-VnnM, Vl. £'i, Ed. SUnxIc-r, itf{jg«ii
biJi) .... eifiitffaffAd aiyavaiik&r bItmUrl, " rygtm ilium pratfriit ajfai
uxar/ulum."
TOSMATION OF TENSES.
879
examples in ?f/y, see §. 259.' From the Gothic we may
here adduce the word fttiii-irebi (ttietnc bUt-iTua), which ia
quite isolated in its formation, find is connected with bfAt,
" to honor." the / of which, accordinj^ to %. 103., ba^ passed
into n before the i of the suffix. With respect to Uie
Sanskrit siillix Mr ((ri), it remains to be remarked, tliat ID
vowels ciipablc of Gunn it requires Guna, and that it Is not
always united with the root dirert. but frequently by a
conjunctive vowe! i ; in the latter respect, Jan-hU\, jutt-i-
Uirnm, correspond to the Latin gen-i-tor, gtu-i-Mfem^ while
pnkt'i, pnl-trirum, answer to c*cfvr, coctitrem.
S\3. In my Sauskfit Grammar I term the future tense
just considered, and which is peculiar to the Sanskrit, the
participial future, in accordance with its formation, to di»-
tinguisb it from that which belongs to the Sansbfit, in
common with the Zend, Greek, Lithuanian, and Latin,
and which I call the auxiliary future, because, in its cha-
racter ^ ^ya, I recognise the obsolete future of the root
ni, "to be." 1 imagine, therefore, thiit in dA-xi/ntr, " \k
will giTe,* only the syllabic yo expresses the future, but
that the s is the root of the verh " to be," with loss of its
vowel, which is not surprising, as, even when nncomjwuTidGd,
the a of the root as is frequently tost (§.180.), The final
part of c/(l-.ii/f}m( resembles very closely the potential ayihn,
" I may bci" which actually exista in isolated use. Com-
pare—
* SVilh rcgarti to the foTmntions in uryi nienlioDctl at {.259., it is rv-
qaialtc to «Wrro, that the preceding t ilocs not belong to the buITix under
iliKtwion, bat to ihe iirlniftry wonl : ^laiary, ** goldaniiUi" (in Ronim,
alsn, ^nlolary), ooin(4 from (oloto, " goM," and hralniy, " [Mirltir," rroni
brata, *• doof." Mytary, "toU-giitherw," iiruUied in iu ]irin)urjr wort,
which (1'vs not uppMr to wear, with th«< (fflrmxn Mauih : compare the
ti<>tiueni«t(trci>(theiiMmtfto^),''toU-KKthcKr,''>n^,''J>f(iuM,""loll.''
860
THE rUTDRB.
st3totn.AlL
DCAL.
Ofdmi. aydfiL
tyati. tyia.
fyofi, rydt.
MtfAva*. tj/Aea.
wyatkoM, nfdlam.
n/alat, syAi^m,
runui.
wyAmas, tyAat.
aifntha. m/tta.
tyantL tyiu.
fr49. We ace that the principal difference of the fotnt
here compared is. that the potential has a long A perradiB^
i^ bat the future a short a, which, accordiog to the priih
cipleofthe class-svllabltis of the first coujagation ((.134.).
i« lengtheoed before m and v of the first person. And
besides this, the fatun: has the full primary termination,
but the potential has the more obtuse secondary ending!,
with that of us in Uie third person plural, which ocean
occasionally also in the imperfect
650. The Latin has this great superiori^ orer the
Sanskrit, that its ero. prh. &c.. lias been prtnerved in
isolnted use, and in fiict retaining the mitial vovrcl of the
root, in wlijch respect erit, eriU &c (from e^iis, eait, {. sa.).
is as advantageously distloguisbed from atfwri, tj/ati, ai
ex-iis from stha, or as. in Greek, hrfii^ from tmoM. eario
from tlfias. stas (f -180.)
fi&l. The ( of erit, erit, &c., I liare already, in mv System
of Conjugation, represented (p. 9 i ) as a contnietion of the
[G. EJ, p. 005.] true future character yi; and I have since
been supported in this opinion by the Prnknt, where, for the
Sanskrit »yu or tyd, we occasionally find Ai,- for instanee^
in the first person, fiimt fur ay^imif and iu tho second
person hist for xyani (Latin crix). Some ex&niplca hare
been already given above (p. 401 Note)," It may be
further reiunrked, that the Sanskrit, also, sometimea ubbrv-
vintcs the syllable t/a. aa also vn and ra, by suppressing
the vowel and cliauging the semi-vowel into its vone-
• CompftM Uof^ " Do I'riikr. Did." p. 100.
FORMATION OF TENSES.
881
spending vowvl (sec p. 780 G. vd.) ; aod moreover (which,
iu the case before us, b still more important to observe with
rcgnrd to the formal connection of the fulnre and potea-
tia)], the syllable yA of tliv mood just meDlioned is uon-
tnicttit) in the middle to i, by which aytU, " be may be,"
bocomes, in the middle, s&a.
C5S. The Lithuaniau has likewise contracted tlie fiitare
character yn to i in the persons most correctly preserved ;
thus tlie sime, s'tle, of du'si-me. liu-si-te (dobimus, (Libitis),
correspond to the latin (Tj-mtw, eri-lis, and the whole word
to the Sanskfit iliUsy/l-mus, tii\-sya-tha i and in the dual
Jfi-m-ica, dii-ai-ta, corrcs|K>nd to tfic Sanskrit dA-syA'Vai,
dA-tya-thoM. But iu its simple state si has been no more
retained in Lithuaaian tlian xya has iu Sanskrit, but the verb
substantive, in the future, in tlic two cognate idioms, eom-
binL-s tlie two roots of " to be" with one another: hence,
in Lithuanian, b^-si-tea, tt^si-la, biif-si-me, bi-si-te, answering
to the Sanskrit bfmv-i-^byA-vnt, bhax'i'^hyn-thaa, bhav~i-shyA-
-mm, bkav-i-aht/a-tha, which arc ftirnialicd with Guna and
u conjuuctire vowel i, <^mparc, in regard to the com-
bination of the two roots of " to be," the Latin /ueriin/, for
which a simple fm-nt might be expected; or (which is here
more in point) the future perfect, fuera, [G. Ed. p. tfOfl.]
which I distribute, not intoyii-ffro, but into/iie-ro foryui-ro
(compare §. 644.).
653. In the 8in<;ular. the Lithuanian has almost entirely
lost the future character/, and only the s of the auxiliary
verb has romaincHl ; at least, I belierc tliat in the second
person d^-ni, " thou wilt give." tlic personal termination,
which, in the second person singular, terminates iu all
tenses in », has more claim to the i tliun the expression
of the future has. Iu the tliird person, dU-s stands for all
numbers ($.457.); and to the form b(i-s of the verb aub-
stantire the won) hhai. in Irish, of the same signification,
remurkabtv correHponds. hut wluch is ijuite isolated (see
888
THE FUTURE.
O'Rcilly'fl Lex., s.v. bhat). The Sanskrit bhav-i-9hyaU mi
7jCIvI bH-tytili, however, foriu tlie uiedium bctweea Uk
Lilhuaitiiin bilt aiid Irish hhux,
6jJ. I f*ganl tlie u in tlic first prrson singular of
rorma like du-su, " 1 will give," as in all first [lersom sii^
gulur, Hs the vocalization of tite personal cliaracter m (see
§§. -126. 438.): in the l^atin &ro, however, for which rrin oofjbl
to stmidt the second clement of the Suuskrjt t/d of xyJhia
luis been preserved in preference to the first,- aud in tbii
respect prn liaa the same relation to syAmi that rvho, uban
nit^ntioned, li.ta to vuMmi (§. 733.). The siiuie is the coe
with tilt! third person plural, in which erunt for eriunl eor-
n-spDnds to the Saaskrit tyanti from asyanti, aod in nsftiii
to its u for a answers to vekunl^irtiianlL
655. To the Latin to, erant, from rao, eaunt, correspouL
exclusive of their middle termintLtionH. the Greek taofuu,
effovrai, the active of which is loet. aa far as ita simple uie.
''EaovTol from ea-lovrai nnswers to the Sanskrit syantf (or
astj'iniiy and in the singular ^cerai to the Saaskrit -wf^
i^sijatai) from nxi/nb^. The form earcu is originally notUog
else tlmn the middle of earl; and eire'Tat also appears, fron
the iJoint of view of the Greek, like a present, with the ooih
[O. Ell. p. 807.] junctive vowel of the conjuf^ation in u (\ht-
-e-rai). The epie fnrms with double a {((nrof^eu, 6\ca\ru) cob
scarcely have been formed from a consideration of metre, hot
have been used in the construction of verse only because thev
nerc nlready in existence, and had a grammntioil daini to that
existence. I derive (aaofxai, ihiavfa, by nssimilution, from
etryojuoi, iXttryw.* aa/ieoxros from fmrt/oi for fieSvog (Sanskrit
miuihyn. Latin medium), and as aWo; from a\yo%=iaiitu,
Prakrit <r»na, Sanskj-it anj/a. The Prakrit regularly
* The Doric funa tovovfuu from iairtoiuu. for ianio^m conacquc
tfonttulu tho clisrocter of the futnr« doubled (^.6AC.); which cAiuiot
■nrprbiiig, OS, vihon tl)i-«>^ wurdx weiv [irmluccit, tberartua of the <loplJM-
tion of thv a was no longer pi-rcuTol b> Uic laaguagc.
yOBMATIOK OF TENSES.
883
niiCates, as lias been already reoinrked ($, 300, p. 4 U G. ed.),
tlic weaktT consonant to the stronj^er. whctlicr iliis prcccde«
or follows it; and according to this principle it prodnces aliw
futuros in ssati,* gmsi, uridt, &c. ; e.f/. karinsatii, answering to
the Sanskrit karitfiyoti. " he will oiaki- ." Forms of tliis kind,
whith are the couutc-rtypea of the Greek Zavoftat, are in far
more frcqacnt use than those above mentioned in himu
656. In compoaitioi) the Greek loses the radical vowel of
the auxiliary verb ; hence, hut-ata, Sio-aofiev, Je/ic-ffu, Selic
-trofiev, as in Sniiskrit tIti-nfAmi, dd-ti/Amas, dfk-shyAmi (§. 81.)_
dik-»h\/iimnx, only with the loss of the y, tor which i tutgfat
be expected, aod wliieh. too, it is very remarkable, has re-
inaiued iu some Doi*ie forms, which Keen compares at Greg.
Cor. p. 2.10. They arc tiv. following : irpafio^xcv, jfapifio/itfa.
ijvvBiai[ni\a^iOfie&a. ^oaStjtTiu). ■jrpoAe^ili'/u.t To this class be-
long the comuion Doric futures iu ou, [0. FA. p. nOB.]
9oif fi€v, from (few, trioftev, for ffi'w, triojiBv, since the » has been
first corrupted to e, and then contracted with the following
vowfl, as in tlie declension of Ikiscs in t, as iroXcij proceeded
from TtcSAeec. irdXeoi. and these from iro?Ue(, jioAwj ; as to tlie
Old High German genitives like biibje-s {fmikea) the (iothic
like bafyi-s corrcsjxind, or as, iu the feminine J bases, the
Old Htj;h German form krefii pr«^dofl tlie Middlu Hi;>h
German f>;etiitiveB and datives like kreffe. In the genitive
plural we have, in Old Elijah German even, aocordiog to the
difference of authorities, together with krc/tio, which must
originally have been kreffxjo. tlic form hefleo. and, sup-
pressing thee or i. ierrflo (^clirf/lu). These genitives, there-
fore, in tlietr gradual process of corruption, uuinvide exactly
with that of the Greek future; for from tfo we arrive first at
*Tke finl |i«nmii, in this formution, luttt the ■ of the lenninstion,
which the forrriN in himi have reuine<i.
t I ngrm widi i'oit (l-ii. llS)io thinking fiiioSijalu niul vpoXti^itt
Hlioiil^i bo written fur iini]$i]a\i^ iTfMjXti^im : as the farm in u has ari!>cn
hn\ by cvaltaclioR from «•» for tw^ the • would bo twice reprcseDted in <«•
fig!
TBB rtlTDftB.
io, thence at eo. aitd in the farthest cormplion at o : jotC »
froDi tb« SAR&krit future in tytimi. tyAmni. in Gre^ mx fini
we come ti0 9iw.oIott<t; thence to <re'(^ tr^o^r, which we iBMt
suppose to have cxUte«l before <rw, 0-ov>i«>-: finallr to ttr
common fiitare forms like SCy^ta, doK-o-w, in which the semi'
Towe! of the Sanskrit dA-xyAmi, dJt-thifAmi, baa entirely di>-
nppeared. [n the Greek second fubire, however, the aeeood
clement of the Sanskrit «yo has been retained in prefcreOK
to the sibilant ; and as the liqttidt hare expelled the «- of the
first oorist, and CttuTm is said for e<rrc\ir«. so also orcAw
comes from ctcXem for trreXlut, and this from an^jrm, me-
cording to the analogy of the aboTe-meutioood
irpoKitwam.
657. It is not probable that the Sanskrit fiitare-charaefer
ya should have originally occurred only in the root as of the
[O. Ed. p. IXX).] verb substantive i but 1 have scarce any
doubt tluit, at a very early epoch, extending back beymid the
period of the sepamtion of languages, tbc attributive verts
likewise might form thi-ir future by annexing directly ih^
sylliible ya ; that tlierefore forms like dA-i/ati have existed be-
fore or contemporaneously with mch as dA-tyaii = ftl^ini,
"bcwillgivc." In the present state of the language, bowercr.
tfao attributive verbs always reijuire the verb substantive io
order to denote the future, as the Sclavonic lai^uages also
apply the uewly-constracted future of the verb substantive
(5.633.) to fianipbrase the future of the attributive verbs,
without, however (the Servian language excepted), fomiii^
with it a coni|Kiund. The Cnmiolan and Polish employ
with the future of the auxiliary verb that participle in t,ta,lo,
which we have seen above used to expnss tlie post
($. «29. &c.): the Russian, however, and Bohemian, aiKl
sometime.'i, also, the Old Svlnvonic, use tlie infinitive.
Thus, iu Caraiolan wo 6nd, in the various genders, Mm.*
* Ths nwn complele form of i>in Is bbdem, " I do be," afl*r tfco
oaalofQr
FORMATION OF TKNSR8.
883
igrai, b&m igr/Ja, h6m igr&lo, " I will play." literally. '* I will
be he tliat plays." "she timt plays." "it that plays." lo
Polisli, h^d^.* czfjtni, c^ytafa, c^iftaft>, means "I will rend."
(" I will be rending"); in Ruasian, 6yAy [G. Ed.p.fll0.]
ABtiranib fcilrfd dvigniy, " 1 vUl move ," literally. *" I will be
moviog"; so, in Bohemiau. budtt kraati (from kradli),"!
will steal." Till; Serviiin. however, luts tliis ndvaotage over
the other Sclavonic dialects, that it does not require a peri-
phrasis of the future by the verb aubatautive, but combines
the auxiliary verb signifyiag " to do " with the Uiemes of the
attributive verbs, just as with that of th4> verb substantive :
thus, igrad^u means " I will phiy." aa bldyu does " [
will be."
6i6. Several St-lavouic Ianguftg:e8 may or must, under cer-
tain circunistanoes, express the future by a prepositiou pre-
fixed to the present, which sifjiiifies "•after." and is pro-
nounced po. We refer the reader to Dobrowsky's Bohemiau
Instructions. p|). t60,&c., respecting the ditTcroncB in sigui-
fication of the Bohemian futures wliich are expressed with
po. from those which are conveyed by a periphrasis, where
both together are used, aa jjo-hradu and badu krimfi. In
Caruiolan there .ire not more tliaii ten verbs wltich ex-
press the future by prefixiiig po ,- os pn-risfma, " I will say."f
onslogT of the Old Sdanmle bA-M (f 633.). The conlraction of Aitf/inn
to^i/mivLikc tluil olglida^ "beibold" {gliilam, "I bdiuld"), in glc^
(see Kopiiar'eCr. Gr. \i.ZZi). The uotitnicU-d form hmn rcitciiiIitcB I'or-
toitously, bot in a nrprising degree, dii: PfAkrit prcx'Ut homi, " 1 am,"
aDBbbramlioa oTMAnt, and contnctioD ofth« Sandirit iAxrvJiiti. In
th« Iciodtvl Un^ag«'a, however, a histarical ftuH lies for tiM most fart M
the iHjttuiiiof t'uriuituus eoinciOcDcra, which, in the caac bcfWoiU, COUiMi
ill tliio, tliat binn tuiil huiai, like our bill. Old Uigh Gsimaa hint, haru the
aatne root nnd the sitmc pi'rsaoal tCTmination,
' TMf=l>fndi'h, froHi liendtm, J.iiS.jr.
t Compara ihu Old Svlarfriiic reki, r^iAeM, and SwukTit tach (w
^648G cd.Not**.)
886
THS FCT13BK.
The rest oil expresa movement, as pobeftkim, " 1 will fly,"
pou^tdim. " I will ride " (Kopitnr, p. 332). The Old Sclavomc
employs other prepositions besides po, in order to give a
future meaning to the prc-sciiL After ;m tiie most in user ore
«y (i3). " by" ""^ ^'*'3 ('*^0' " upward*"; as A-vidit-, " vidrbU"
H-houd-iiyn, '• timeho" (Sanskpitb/ti " to fear," bhnya^ "fear"),
vo^-rmtA, "ertscam" (Dobr. p. 377),
65y. The pcriphrftsis by bida, "I will be," is raiv i<i O
Schivonic: on tlic other luindi ifnam, " I have." rru<|UCDtIy oc-
cars in the translation nf the Gospels »s a future auxiliar]F{
[0.1ul.|i.911.] verb in combination with the infintlive ; »s
imvHi imaxhi, " fmbebis" (" tlicm hiist to have""); priiti imuty
»yn, " vmiet fdiu9" ; ne imntif byli, "noitm/; ne imoty piti,
" non bibet" (Dobrowsky, p. 37t»). Observe the eoineidettce
of idea vrith the Roman liuiguages, the future of whieh, tltou^
it hns completely the chiiriictt^r of u simple inflexion romit
is nothing else than the combinfttion of the infinitive with
the present of the auxiliary verb " lo have." This would
perhaps have been vfith difficulty discovered, or not at all,
on Qceount of tlie contraction which the auxiliary verb ex-
perieneus in tbc plural, but for the clear indication of it we
reecivf from the iaiigunge of Provence, whii-h at times ae-
puralca the auxiliary verb from the iufmilive by a |)ronouitt
as. Jur vas nai, "jpvouaen donn'mi"; tttr voa oi, "jV votit
c/irai"; dir vot em, " now* vous dironv"; g'llat m'elx, * vom me
j^tf^ts." It is remarkable that the Old Sclavonic oecaaiunally
paraphrases the future of the verb " to have" itself by •■ to
hove." which tlie llomnn laiigufiges are always compelled to
do, beniiuse they possess no other means of expressing the
future : thus llie French tu nuran (from nroiTos) corresponds
to the aljove-nientionwi Sclavonic imyai't imaski.
660. The Gothic, also, sometimes paraphrases tlw future
by the auxiliary verb " to have "; thus. 2 Cor. xj. 12. et$uynt
haha for wot^ffw; John xii. 26. tiwin hnbaith for c<rTO( (aetj
Urimni, IV. 93.). The German languages have, tliut
KOEMATIOS OF TENSES.
887
Bfty, like their St-Iavonic cooiiate idioms, from thecnrlii-'statiti-
(piity lost tbeir primitive rutun; inflexion, wliicti the Litliun-
tiiaounJ Lettish shai-utu this day with the SiiiiskritatidGrcc-k.
As, however, the Sniiskrit futun: si/ilmt is nlmnst identical
with the potential xijAm, "I may be,'^ and tlie riitiire character
n t/a spritin^s from the snme source with the poteotial ^yrl,
it (leaerves iiotiee thnt Ulfilas frer|iieiit]y expresses l]ie Greek
fnturc by the (iothic subjunctive present, whit-h is in form
ideutical with the Sanskrit potential and [C Rd. p. 912.]
Greek optativu. Exiimplcs arc, Mark ix, 19, siyau nnd ihuhiu
for eaofiai and dve^opat; Mark ix. 35, fimi for Kcrrat : x. 7,
bileithni for KaTa\etif/ei ; x. 8, simtnn for ^aovrai. In the
rt'vei-se caao the Persian uses the only ancient future that it
has preserved, viz, -i.\j MiAam (=San9knt Wiamfijdmi)
also intlio sense of the present subjunctive. The attributive
Verba in Persian, to denote the future, prefix to tlie present a
particle beginning with 6, which, vritli regard to its voweli is
guided by that of (he initial syllable of the verb; so that for ii
[ilh'imma) the preGx also contains an u, but for other vowels
an i,-* ta bi-baram, "1 will earrj'," Ai-Adjom, "I will phiy," but
bu'purnam, " I will ask." These futures stand in an ext«rnal
aniilosy witli tlioae of the Sclavonic liuiguagca, which are
formed from the present by prefixing tlie prrjtosition po
(55- 658. &e.). We must, however, leave it undccidcil whether
the PeraisD preGx of tlie future, which may also precede the
imperative, is identical with the inseparable preposition hi,
or whether, ns apiienrs U» me far more probable, it is con-
nected with jjU liAi/ad, "oporteU" and lins, Lhereforc. nii
ideal relationship witii the periphrasis of the future, whicli
is formed by the auxiliary verb sullen, aud which still
" A'curw, innjifrlyi.whioli.liowpriT.likc/ti/fia. i.e. orlgiH&la, iauaually
pronoanccd e. — Wilbrrgnrd loihUremnTkof I'mfi'seorUiip^f a,scir m^' now
p.8A^ ThvinK>oflheTow«li//jammn, with the prvp. A> isatlMBtdoobtfal:
8i'eLuiii!*k-a'8PeraiAaGr«iniliar,Vot.2.{i. 3^)^. liowivcr, iviih imperatives
lliB Hni vowel of wbioli iaJhammu, U iiutj be aiui'ueiUt.—TraMtixlor.
888
THE FUTDBE.
remains iq 9c%'cml older and more recent Grerman dialeoM
(Grimm IV. 179. &c.). IE this is tbe case, it tony be ben
further remarked, that, ui Zotid, the imperative is oon*
siouully used in the scnso of the future. Thus we reodii
h^ urvAncm vahisthn aMm ftahAnitjfnf. " whose soul I wiJ
[G. Ell. p. 913.] make to go to the Ijest world." Alli)t)eti
trauslatea, "j« ferai alUr tibrement son ante aux dememtt
6S1. Wc return to the Gothic, in order to remark that it
employs most <-ommon!y the present indicative instead a(
the future, in which it js deCcient, as is the cose also in OH
High Germnti very frequently. Tire periphrasis, boweiw.
b^ns gradunlly by sollen and tmlltn, tJic latter only in lb
first person : that by means oftverden is petjultar to tbe Nn
German; in a CL-rtain degree, however, the Gothic pares tb
way for it, as in tUb language wairtlut sometimes occurs il
the sense of the future of the verb substantive. Grina
(rV. 177. 17S.) quotes tlie following passiiges : Matt. viiL 11
Luke i. I't. 9 Cor. xi. 15 , where c^rai is rendered bv vairi^.
' moreover, 2 Cor. vi. IQ. where vahtha, vnirihand, answer K
ttie Greek e<Tofiai, taovrai. In fact, wrrden, " to become,'* ii
tlie moat natural and surest expression of future beine, s^
far better adapted lo represent it than the nuxiliar>* vertl
wallpfi, "to will," and soilen, "to owe"; for he who is bccomiie
will certainly arrive nt being, and is one who will l>e herr-
ofter; the willing and the owing, howuver, may be iucanablt
or be prevented from doing what he would or ou"ht. Tie
• lAbrtmenl la dculy the trAnslalion of ihc preposition ooaMined ii
/ra-hdrai/Snfi. naAnquetil aUo, in tlie page pnwoding, runAern /rmvak^
(ihusi nmi tt for fmeuotim) hy "je ptirU claireititnt ;" whils in bod
cxprraaons, (uid cii|in:iall> very ofttn in Zeni, bb [o Snualcrit th« Ptno-
•itiQiis have no pcrcfptiMif mcnning, whioli ftdmils of traiudatjoii, tbMci
llic ItKlinu ^chollaata tilwi, in ihc jit-nvtinoti of verba vompouiMjgJ wM
pri'jiMiLtlftns, lAy toomucti suvwor iliR piv|MMitioiiK. W« wtU (km ha»
afUTuFtbe niiddlo iiu[>rnitivv term inn tion in ni. As causal forai Ik
verb under dlacumiDii corrMpunilx le tLw Sniukrit pra'tArayami,
FORHATION OP TBNSBS.
S89
willing person may also alter liis will, and henoe not do irhat
he iritcDcted. The Old NortKcm langriAge. [O.iy. p. flU.J
in pftraphraaing tJic future, uses the anomalous miin, " t
thipk," which employs Ihe preterite form aa tin; present;
f.tf. munt vera, "em," mrin tlilim, " rtimpftur." l-omn munu,
"venient."' To this head belongs tliecireuiuitniice, that occa-
siunnlly tlic Gothic weak verb mun/in represents, not, inileeil.
the proper future, but Uic Greek construction with >(eMw,
for which, however, A«6/in is also applied (GriiD[U,lV.93. 179,);
thus John xiv. 22, munnh t/<ihttirhtwin, " jiiAAett ett'Pavi^etv."
Ulfilns, however, could scarcely have luingini^i that his tmtnnn
and the Grtwk /ceM« are rudicalty akiii, whiL-li is the wise if
I mistake not I believe tliat fiCXKui stimds in the same re-
lation to the Sanskrit mnmj^ (only thai the tatter is n middle
verb), "I think,** "I mean," as a^Xor docs to «ny«-,?, "the
other" (§.665.). The circumstance tliat we have the San-
skrit root) in Greek also, in a truer form, aud one whicli
retains the original n (c.y. fiivo^=inrtnai), docs not prevent
the assumption that besides this the favorite exchange of
liquids takes place, and eonsequently ftiXKu might beuoma
estranged from the forms with i-.
6C3. Latin futures like amnbtt, dcceho. Imve already, in my
System of (>)nj ligation, as compniinda with the root/u (the/
of which in the interior of a word becomes h, see §. 18.), and
ho, bit. bii, ScCr been compared with tlie Anglo-Saxon ^i>,
"I will he," hyg. "thoii wilt be." byilh, "he will be." Bo,
a sister form of tbc bam of ttmabnm, docebavt, discussed before
($$, 626, &c,)t answers in fX>iijugation exactly to ero; bo. there-
fare, .stands for hio, hunt for hiunl, and the i of bit, bit, b'tmvs.
bills, is a contraction of t)ie Sanskrit future cliaracter i/a
(§.651.). Fn>m tike root Mtl. in Sanskrit, would come the
forms bhii//\mi. bt'Ai/fiai, bhuifafi, &c., or with Gunn, iMyltni,
bhdif'isi. 8v;., if the said root were not combined in the future
with the root n-t, but annexed the sylliible ya direct (before
3h
890
THE FDTVHR.
.ions by
[O. Ei p. ftlfr.] fTi aod I', yA), To this would correspond in
Latin, in its isolated state, /i^o,fuig,/ttit, iu wlui;bi honcTcri
fuit would be disiingnishcd from the perfect (aorist) /iu7 in
this, thn.t the t iii tlic latter form is notlnng but a conjuni-tivc
vovrel and the weakeuing of au origiua) a. but in the future
the contraction of va ntid expression of the relntion of time.
In bo, bht, bit, the u of the root/u is passed over, as in /<^ fih
fit, wliich is properly tlic piuaivc of /u. at>d corretsponds to tlie
Sanskrit passive bhii-yf, btiu-ya-xt, bhd-ya-t^, only with active
terminations like the Pr&kril, which preserves the charac-
teristic syllable yu of the Sanskrit passive (of which we wil\
speak hereafter), hui has replaced the middle temiioations by
active one*.
663. The question may be raised, whether the Lati
really bused on a presupposed Sanskrit 6/ir)^i1niii or Mi
and thus, whether tliis rorni existed at the time of the divi-
sioD of languages, and if alone, or, together with that, com-
pounded with the other root of "to be," oa which the Zend
bdaifimi, the Greek ^v-ata, tlic Litbuauiau bu-su, and the Irish
hhus, "ertf," mentioned aborc, are founded; or wbetlicr the
Lutiu bo likewLie, at an earlier period, was couibiard with the
other auxiliary verb; whether, therefore, in an isolated state.
a/aro from an earlier/uio, for/Msio, existed, like the Greek
^-cru from ^v-u/w? This question cannot be decided wi
certainty ; but the latter, according to which am<
amabii, &c.. would appear as eoutruetiuiis of amaburo, ama-
biirjs, appears to mc the more probable, {larticularly as the
forms, which are incumbered by the eom{K»itioD, have most
cause to be weakened. It may be observed, tliat, even with-
out any external occasion for being weakened, the Old
High German, in the very same root, eontmsts vrith iia
plural birunif-a, " we are" (=Sanskril bhtivAmaa, %■ SO.), a ain-
guliir hUn for /;truin. The Carniolan exhibits, as we haw
teen (§.(i!>7.), together with fcrit/em, "1 will be" ("do be").
reek^i
F0BMA7I0N OP TENSES.
891
responding to the Sclavonic cognate idioms. [O. TA. p. 9lflO
8 contract^ form b6m, to which the Latin bo at-videntally
ap]>i*uaL'liL's very ctosely, though with a ilitTePcnt kind of
coutniction. The Anglo-Saxon beo, mentioned above (also
tc<fm), "l will be," is properly not a formal future, but a
present, answering to Uie German bin. Old High. German
bim, and to tlie Sanskrit bfiaiuimi. which is principally used
with a future meaning, while eom = 'ismi, Golliio iffi, re-
mains devoted to Uio present. It might, also, be disputed
whether the Latin bo of amcbo is nctunlty a foture. for then
it would be necessary to identify tlie i of bh, bil, &c, with
the conjunctive vowel a of the Sanskrit bhav-a-si, bhtw-n-ii,
and to place it on tlic same fooling with the i of vth-i-a,
veh-i-i^iNih~n-s!, vak'tt'ti (see |. 507.). Remark the obsolete
subjunctive yuam , which presupjwses a present indicatirtf/tui,
fith (§. 510.). However, that opinion appeurs to be most
probably tlie trae one, that bo, bh, rest on the same prin-
ciple of formation with erv, eria. and that, therefore, there
is a reason wity amaho, moneho, have a future and not a
present signification. It appears certoiu. that the third
and fourth conjugations, did all fonn their futures ori-
ginally in bo (compare §. 529.) i futures in am, however,
are, according to tlicir origin, of the subjunetii'o mood,*
and we shall return to thorn hereafter. We have already
(§. 526.) noticed tlie remarkable coineideuce which exists
between the Latin and the Irisli, in tlie circumstoucc that
the latter combines oil attributive verbs in the future with
the labial root of tlie verb snbstantive. The Irish, however,
is superior to the Latin iu tliis, that, in the simple state
of the verb substantive, it forms the future not from the
root, which is, iu Sanskrit, as, but from that QG. Ed. p. 017.]
which has the labial initial sound (see §. 326, p, 767 G.ed.),
• Compare Systom of CwJngBlion, p. M.
3 M 2
892
THB FiJTtJBR.
664. It remains to be remarked witlt reganl to Ik
Sanskrit future, that the syllable «y/i. which prooeedi
from tlie verb Bubstaotive. is combined with tlie root
cither directly or by ineaos of a conjunctive vovel i
after the manner of the tliird aoriat formation (5- 560,), m
that the a, throu^^h tlie ioQuetice of this i. a^^n becomo
;A; as iu taifi-sfiyAmt, " eilendam," Iladlcnl vowels, capable
ofGnna. receive it;* hence, dil>-^hythnt^SetK-<Titi from Jii.
■'to shew"; Mk-shyi\ini=\iBtK-au} from lilt, "to lick"; t/A-
shydmi ={euK-aia from yuj. "to combine" (§. 19.); Mar-f-
thy/imi from bliii, " to be." The Greek has Gtina only
where tbe preset]!, also, has a Guns vowel, as in tfae
examples adduced ; it contrast*, however. ?<v-iTta, ^C-<nA
pnT-ar(i>, with the Sanskrit lav-i-iihyiimi from lil, " to cut offi*
bfiav-i-ithi/dmi from bbH. "to be." ktMp-xyAm't from hhip.
"to throw." The Zend, alsa in respect to tlie Giuia,doei
not agree exaclly with tlie Sanskrit; hoiice, f.g., bUtytm
" ero" (§. 6ii j,), both in not employing the Guna. and also
in the direct annexation of the auxiliary verh^ currosnoDib
more to the Greek tfartria and Lithuaninn bu-an than to the
Sanskrit hhav-i-tkydmi. We subjoin the full conjugation uf
this future, and apjieud to it the Latin facso, wliieh u very
isolated, and which agrees with t^v-tna, (tj-vrt, not only io
the formation, but is also mdically akin to it (§. 19.),
[G. Ed. p. 018.] SINOULAR.
■utn^TT. m(D.t u-ra.
bhav-i-^hyAmi, bH-syfmi,' bu-m,
bhav-i'^hyasi, bH-syfhi,* bU-si,*
bhav-i-ihyati. lu-ayfUi,'' bus.
tiTlM, OKBKC.
fae-fii, <pv~iTe4f,
fac-sif, tf)ii-<ret.
* Where Ounii U prescribed ia Sooahnt CiTamniwn are to nodcntand
that in tlio miiiille of roots only nhoH voweU rcccire Guna before ki
coiufiniantH, but At the end of raau Inng toitcIs aJm.
t Zend forma of the Ist jx-r. sing, like the Iheoreiically.fomed
vc DutquotaUe; cf. $.731. IteiuiirL
^
FOKMATLON OF TENSES. 893 ■
k
^^H
^^> ■ANAKIUT.
mta. UTS. LkTtH. «ftUK. ^^^1
bhav-i-sfiydva$.
bha^l-ahyalhas.
b&-!iynthd ? bii-aita, .... »ftv-aeTov. ^^^M
bhav-i'shijntat,
b&-syrtt3, like Sing. .... ^v-trerov. ^^H
^^H
6 A/( t V I -,j Ay 4 inas.
bH-xyiimahi, bd-nime. fae-aimux, tftv-ao/ieir. ^^^M
bhav-i-ihifaiha.
bd-xyatha, ha-xUe, fac-sit'n. tpC-oere. ^^^M
hbav- -^kyaniU
bi-sytmii, like iSitig. fuc-aiinl, ^v^ovri. ^^^|
' (.44. I
Prom t^vaim, §. 6S6. ' Tlic i k tiio penoool ter- ^^H
mloallOD 1 «oo $.416. ^^^|
On account of the perfect agi'eemeot between ^mifVi dd- ^^H
mjAmi, idau, and the LithuiiniaQ duitu {du<\-su), thu future, ^^H
also, may be lierc fully couj'ugflled, and tlie Latia dabo sub- ^^H
joined, aa it agrees with the Lithuanian i and SansJcrit ya, H
though not in
the niixilinry verb, still in respect to the H
future cbaructeriscic i uf dabis. &c ^^|
ACTITB. ^^ ^^M
■iMacuH. ^^H
SoMJcrU.
Qreek. LUhuanhin. Latin. ^^H
dd-tydmi.
Suk-9<a, diisu, da-bo, ^^^M
di-8y<ui,
}(^<re)f, dh-ai, da-bia, ^^^H
dA-si/ati,
SciMret, d&-», da-bil. ^^^|
OVtL. ^^^H
dA-tydviu,
dd-iyatkas.
3o-reToi', dit'tita .... ^ ^^H
dUsyalaa,
Sut-oerov, like Sing. .... -^ ^^H
PLDUL. 2t ^^^1
da-fyAmaa,
8u-aofi(v, db-iitne, da-bimus. ^^^|
dA-syatha,
dw-crcTC, dti-»Uf, da-bUU. ^^H
dtl-ayanti,
Su-^otrrt, like Sing. da^bunt. ^^^|
I!
f.cutir-c :^-!-«. i<Bamrt.
:-'-t_n:..f. it*i— rifE . Zri—t-f-'^iii.
•A—, f.r-. i.*.-rf-i_ ii-riik^. Aii-rsra:
^^U T::e Zacti f^nr? &£rees. ia tssectials. «ith the
i'tr.z. iS "--i ia--? i^raiicj Mez &«£ ihe relation of bui
Vi ':'- zrit'-.'.'ir,-- Shll ^^lis exizupje sbevs that the Z<
m-pK: K' t^e Gnz^ asti u::n>f3ctk)0 of a ocKijuactive
i. d«a Eo: everywhere keep pace with the Sanskrit, a
the fTue before tis resembles more c'.osely the Greek
and Liiho^cias &!iri thin Mf^mOl i^riiAyd'ni. I c
however, acdace (he form '.u-tyhn't e^en from the
Avesta, but from the freijaently-occarring participle
ynnt^m, "the about to be" .Vend. S. pi.59> we mav,
as mocb certainty, infer bu<i,'mi, batyfhi, &c., than w
ia Greek, tvofuu from itroftevot. and, in Sanskrit, 6AarM
[G. £d.p.920,j from bhavixhyan. The form in ^n
ilti, ia apparent from ^.4-2.; for the y invariably exei
assimilating influence upon the d or o, which precede
terminations mi, hi, ti, through which those vowels b
4. That, however, the y of the future makes no eio
to this rule is proved, if proof be required, amons
proofs, by that of j^jFo:ty»iSijJf t-ocsyeiti (Vend. S.
• Cf. j.731. Remark.
FORMATION OF TENSBS.
895
** be will suy,'" * answering to the Sanskrit vakiihj/ali From
tack, [n the dual and plural, the y abstains Troiu its assimi-
lating influence, and, in the third person plural, as generally
before n, it proteols the a following ftvm being weakened to
^i, Ai occurs clsetvliere.
€66. The third person dual would give the y^*3yiM*v^Mif
vacsnt/af^l, mentioned at §. 464. p. 646, Note if it corresponded
lo the Sanskrit m^nnr vuJishyatax, from vah, " to carrj',"
" to bear." 1 now. however, prefer regarding it as the causal
of the Sanskrit root vnkiik, " ateumidarc" which may [lerhaps
also signify "to grow" and to which llie Gothic root
VAHS regularly answers; whence, vaktva, " I grow," v'lfn,
*■ I grew," with k for k, according to a general law for the
cliaugo of sounds. The Zend uciyimi. " I grow," appears "
to be a contraction of racxi/fimi (conipftre p. 7H0 G. ed.). as,
in Saaskfit. sueh contraetioos occur only in forms devoid of
Guna; aud, e.g., from rack, "to speak," the gerund, indeed,
is ukftt^, but the iofinitive, wliieh requires Guna, is not
i/k-litm. but vfdlum. As, tlicn, in the causal verb the
vowels capable of Guna receive it. it need not surprise
us if, ill Zend, the root vacf, as a verb of the fourth class,
to which Guna does not belong, were contracted to usr.
but, in the causal, retained the full furm vac», as, in Son-
sk]-Ll, the root vyodJt of the fourth class forms, in the
present, vidhydmi for vyadhyimi, but, in the causal,
ryUJfiuyiuii.
6S7. That the Zend, also, occasionally t^. Ed. p. dSl.]
uses the conjunctive vowel i in its future is proved by tlie
form j^.^uii.*vJsju^ dnitiiaynnti. "they will disturb," from
the root duh, whieh corri'sjxtndH lo the Sanskrit diimbh, "lo
deceive," and in the preceding nnd several other forms, which
occur ia the Vend. S., has. tlirough the iuBuence of the i of
AnqneiU (p. 199), **vok\tt^pu<Ut mainUvtant.'
896
TBB FUTUBB.
the following syllable, rei'etvetl an i in the root (§. 4 I,), It is
translated by An()Retil in various paunges by ajfligcr uut
il/^aser. Tlic future furm uieotioncd cNx-urs in the V. S., p. 21 5,
jp^juJij*'Jjjj<5 guj(^ Jv-C^ Jf^' vAo d»iibixyanti^ ^' nhick
will disturb jou bolk" Anquetil rentiers ttiis strangelf
enough *' fotMi deaz, affi'ujez ceux i/ui m* timnent data top-
pression." In niiother passage (p. 223) we find the third
person plural of the fiitwre middle of the eame verb, vi«-
daHfiayantS, which Anquetil likewise regards as tho second
person iiupc;rativc, and renders by bleatex.
669. In the Zend future forms littlicrto considered, tlie
cibilnnt of the verb »ubstanlive ap|wars in the form of a
M) r, becanse it follows letters whii^h, in Sanskrit, according
to % 21., require the change of the a into jh, for whieh, in
Zend, ^ sor xp sA is regularly written. After such letters,
however, na, in Sanskrit, leave the a uualtered, aii A must be
expected in the Zend future, according to §. 53., instead of
the sibilant; and tins we find, also, in the passive participle
zaiihyamann, "the man about to be born" (Vend. S., p>. SS),
from which we may safely infer an indicative ximhyi,
"I shall bo bom." Anquettl, indeed, renders the voids
tananvtcha zanfiyamuHonniivit-lia. " and of the persons bom and
[G. E*l.p.022.] about to be boru."t by "fc? Aommes ytii
naissent et mgendrevt," according to which -u/JU^A^t^tywir
zanhtjaiu'ina nia»t be considered as a middle present par^
ticiple; but it is impossible that the root js'tin, = Sanskrit
HWyVm. can arrive at an b without thereby expressing the
future. At most we might be in doubt, whether kunht/aman^
should be regarded as of the middle or of the passive voice,
as these voices in the general tenses, as also in the special
• I believe it u to Ix! written thus, iuatnd pf —it.
t Compare Baraoar's Ya^no, Note O., p.71.
FORMATION OF TBNSBS.
897
tenses of the fourtti class, are uot distinguished from eocb
other. The Itidiuii gramnmrians taVcjAi/f. " I am born," as
a middle, so that yn passes as tlie ehjtrnL-tt'riatio of tbe fourth
class (sec §. log*. 9.); but as the passive, ulso, in the speciAl
tenses, annexes the sjlhibic yn and may reject tliu n in the
root^n, by which the o. is lengthened, so there is nothint; to
prevent us from regariliiig the verb jAyf, also, as a formal
pnssive on account of its passive meaning. Thus I consider
tile Zend partieiplu saatiynmann as pnssive.
669. From tlie roots drf, "to give," and dd, "to place,"
the future form dAonhyhni might, according to §. 56 ■., be ex-
pected : as. iion'ever, in Zend, khy also sometimes ocelli's as
the representative of the SanskrWsy (see p. 280). we must be
prcpart^ for a form Mkhy^mi; and the [0. EAp.023.]
passive participle of this we God in Vend. S., p. 99, where, in
like niaiuier, the passive past partiiHple, uS'd'Unnanm, " ot
those held up," precedes the genitive plural of the future par-
ticiple uzd'Uhynmnnitaitm (^Sanskrit udtlliAnyamthtfln&m),
" of those about to be held np,"* as above we have seen «iWa-
Tiaiim-cha and ztmhyamnnfinarim-cha close together. As we
have, therefore, the sibilant of the verb snbstoniive here
bcforu us in the sliape of a guttural, we will again draw
attention to what has been said above of the probable origin
of the K of eJwxa. Si$un(a, from <r (§§. 569. &e.). Afl the
Zend root dd, " to place," " to lay," " to maltc^f corresponds
to the Greek rtSrifu, consequently tlic d^kh of the d&khyam-
ruinanm, which has been mentioned, would be identical with
the Greek 5)j»e of tdyfxa. rcA/xa.
670. As respects, however, the origin of tlie expoueut of
' Wiih a porhftps «rroiwAiiii reJNiiAti of the a of th« pariioipial mlHz.
An()n(.HirH (nuiBlatinn, aIk, "^viijaat tov/ourt lenir tkci*," ia vTidoice
Uint tills inny be n^^dtd oa cxprceung ihv fnluiv. Cf. Btmiuuf L c
Note Q, p. 86.
t Tho coTTCflpooding ScntlirU (&d neaoi also " to hold."
II
li
898 THE FDTDRB.
the future, yn, with which that of the potential and precat;
yii is to be ranked, I am still of the opinion already expres
in my System of Conjugation, that these syllables proct
from the root ^ ii " to wish." Consequently the Greek oj
tive, which is founded on the Sanskfit potential and pre
tive, would, according to its signification, have ita name fi
the same verb to which it owes its forma) origin. If the c
junctive vowel of the first and sixth class be added to the i
\ i, it would make ya, according to the same phonetic pi
ciple by which the root i, " to go," forms, in the third per
plural, yanti. From this ynnti, therefore, the terminatioi
[G. Ed. p. 924.] dA-8~yanti, " they will give," cannot be
tinguished. It cannot be denied, too, that the root t,
go," to which Wiiliner (Origin of Lingual Forma, §5. 46.
bas betaken himself in explaining the future, is, in respec
form, just as suitable as i. But the meaning " to wish,"
will,'' is certainly more adapted to express the future and
optative than that of " to go." This is also confirmed by
use of language, as several idioms, quite independem
one another, have simply, through internal imjnilae, cc
to the decision of expressing the future by " to will." 1
certain that tlie Modern Greek and Old High German (§. 61
nay, even the various German dialects, have, in this r«sf
borrowed nothing from one another nor imitated each ot
The Old Sclavonic, also, sometime employs an auxili
verb, signifying "to will," to express the future. It is
I however, to be overlooked, tliat the examples which
browsky (p. 380.) adduces from the translation of the B
are all preceded by /leAXu in the Greek text; for vl
reiison. unless other instances occur where this is not
case, we must conjecture that the wish of keepitig as c]os«
possible to tlie Greek text must have suggested to the S
vouie translator his %oyt( ckoshckA; thus Luke xxi
ifffffla choiyat sh/a byti, orav fiiK?ifj ravra yiveo-dat ; Matt xi
chofyui priili, o fieJ^uv epxecQai. Respecting the conject
FOBUMION OF TENSES.
699
relotioDsUip of tiic Greek ft&Onn witli the ladUn manyi,
"1 think." sec p. 911 G.cd.
671. The Sniiskrit sometimes uses its desiderative form to
deuota the future, as in tbu efiiscxlL' of tho Draupadi mu~
m^T^h-u, " wishing tn die," occurs in the sense of "about to
die;" And. coovcrscly, in different languages, tlie cxpressioa
of the future is occasionally used to denote tliat of "to will:"
nnd tiie I^tin forms its desideratives from [0. Eil.|i.02S.]
the future participle iti (druy. abbreviating tlie ti.and adding
the characteristic of tiic fourth coiijugatiiaD. the f of which,
liowever, bos nothing to do with the Sanskrit futnro suffix
ya, but, as Img heen shewn, is founded on the ohamt-N'ristiu
of tlie tenth class wja, which is frequently used in Sanskrit
to form ilenomioatives. The Grevk forms deaiderativea
from the future in fftu^ or perhaps from the older form in
cibi; so that in forms like ■napaitofreiu, ye\a<r€iiji, the r would
be strengthened only by a Ounising e. These desideratives.
however, and the future, may be regarded as cognate forms,
so that both, independently of each other, but by a similar
formation, would have proceeded from the vorbal theme,
as Uiere are in Sanskrit also desideratives, which have the
form of the future but have not proceeded from it. but.
following its analogy, have sprung from a nominal base;
t.tf. vrhJia-st/dmi, "to desire the bull,*" madkttf-wiyAmi, "to
ask for honey." In the latter example the a of the root of
the verb substantive is perhaps contained. But usually in
denominative desideratives the verb substantive te quite
omitted, or baa become obsolete, and tlicy only contain tlic
syllable ya, Le. the auxiliary verb " to wish." which is chu-
ractcristic of the future; e. g. patt-yAmi, " I wish for a spouse,"
from pati, "spouBK^." It is not improbable that the desi-
deratives which luive been formed from primitive roots by
the addition of a sibilant, and which are furnished with a
syllabic of reduplication, bad originally a y after the sibilant,
and therefore, likewise, tlie root of "to wish" alluded to;
900 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJCNCTITB.
tlios, e.<f. pipfi-aimi, "I wish to drink," Troni pifta-fyAm.
freeing with pd-ayAmi, " I will drink." If this is the cay.
then pipdaSmi has the saoao relation to the preauppcMed
pip(Ut/Amt that the Greek 8u-*rM, from StMtt'ta, has to theSu-
QG. VA. p. 020.] skrit dAsyAmL Tlie root being borUieotrf
with tlie rediijjUcalion nitj{ht. perhaps, produce a weaLm-
ing in the final portion of the word, aimilar to tlmt tbroa«k
rrUicli the reduplicated verbs in the third person pluroj htre
lost the naaat belonging lo tills person; and, e.y., InUnli,
"they carry.'' is said for bibhranti (^459.). We shall nor
bereattor to the desiderativcs.
FORMATION OF THE MOODS.
POTEMTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SVUJUNCTIVe.
672. Thy Sttoflkrit potentisl, whicli. with seveml pctniliaritia
of use, comhincsin itseir the meanings of the Greek sabj^Il^
tive and optative, but in form adheres to the latter, is. in tial
coiiju^tion which correspouds to the Greek in fu, formed bj
the syllablejiil. which is prefixed to the personal terminsiioBS
The class peculiarities are retaiued; e.</.v'uly/im " sciam.'' from
viJ, ebss Z; bibkriyam "feram^ from bhri, class 3; sirinuyim,
"atemam," from stri, class 5; ttyAm for am/Am, '^gim," from st,
class 9. Wc easily recognise the modal exponent yd in ths
Greek ii), in which the semi<vowcl luu become a vowH
according to the Gre^k system of sounds i the /. howerar,
always forms a diphthong with the preceding' radical rowet
as there are no present forms like cSfu (Sanskrit ntlrni, Lithu-
anian fdmi), and therefore no optatives, too, like eittfv, whieh
would resemble the Sanskrit a^yAm. Bu t SiSoifjv correspoDdf
tolerably well to the Sonskril dmty^m, eapeciolly if its radical
vowel is restored, which, through a particular irregularity, it
has lost According to rule, dadAyAm would correspond lo
tlie Greek itioirtv; hut tlie root dA, under the retro-acUve in-
CG. Ed. p.sn.] fluenctf of the heavy personal termiuatiotia
and of the modal cluiracterUlic under discussion, suppreuea
FORMATION OP HOODS. 901
its radical rD^<rcl Qccoriling to tlio B&ine principle by which the
Greek verb sliortcns its <i> ; tlius dadt/Am =3i Jof'(/v, sa tladmos^
StioiJ.€v (see p. 698G.ed.). The Sauskpt root as, "to be."
toaefl, by a special anomaly (which is, nevertheless, foiindetl
on tbfi law of gravity, which acts with such nstoiitshiitg eon-
wqueiices (§.4S0.))> •'• initial a in those places vvhere d4
drops iu final vowel ; hence syAm, "I may be." anstvering to
the Greek en/v, which I (Ictlucc Trom evttjr, because <r between
two vowels verv' easily admits of being dislodged, but the
root E£ (irmly protects its vowel ; bonce, also, in the present
indicative, eafiiv, itrri, are more full tlutn the Sanskrit
cognate forms gmas, " we are." giha, " ye are."
673. The agreement of tlie Greek and Sanskrit is verv
remarkable in this |>oiDt, tliat both languages have, in the
middle, entirely lost the long vowel ot the niodal exponent
j/^i. irj\ hence, dfSoTro. Si8o!tif.da. for itSotrjTo, StSoit'jfieQa. as
in Sanskrit dadiia, dadinwhi, for dndyAlii. dndyiUnahi. The
cause clearly lies iu the weightier pttrsonal terminations of
the middle; but I would not miuntain, that the wound in-
flicted by them, in both langiingcs, in one and the same place,
OQ the preceding modal caiftonent, dates so early aa the
period when Greek and Sanskrit were still one. Tlic prin-
eiple of the form-weakentng, retro-active influcnec of the
weight of the personal terminations must, however, have
existed at that time ; and several cireumstnnees in our Euro-
pean circle of languages point to this, that at the time of tbo
identity of the languages, which are now separated, several
convulsions took place in tlu; orgnniKntion of each family of
langiingrs. In the preceding ease, however, the Greek
^i^orTo by its accent shews itself to be a compnratively re-
cent coutracliou ; for if the nyectjon of tlw [O. E*l. p. 928.]
i| was primitive, and had taken place before the sepamtion
of languages, itioito would be accented like ^.e^ro. The
Greek filK!W8 itself, too, in the suppression of the tj, indepen-
dent of the Sanskrit, in this, that it admits this vowel in tlic
two plural numbers oftlie active, Bud for 3i9oi'i7jx«i' employs also
t
1
902 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJCNCTIVB.
ttiotftev, while ttie Sansk rit logetlier with dadyA ma baa not ■
form dadima. but both in this and in all verbs of the wcxM
conjugation the ni<M)al syllable yA is left unwoakcncd in bolk
the plural numbers of the active voice, <hou;;b in other le-
Bpecta these two numbers follow the aaalogy of the miiUlA
u their terminatioua are heavier than those of the singinlir.
674. The Latin subjunctive coincides in form with tbt
Greek optative and Sanskrit potential. Its agreement wiii
tlie former might have been perceived, without the iotm
Tcntion of tlit^ Sanskrit, from sifii, v^Um, edim, and duim, tte
modal i oF which coincides with the Greek t oF^iSoiijr. Bvt
tlieso Latin forms resemble the Sanskrit still more rJose^
than the Greek ; for instDoee, edim nnswera admiraUT to
the Sanskfit iniyAm. tlie yA of which, in the middle, ifi^
vivTC used in that voice, must be contracted to 1^ so tktt,
ndi-mohi would correspond to the Latin edimiut. That .
for sim, anawcra to xyAm, and timus still more exactly toi
middlu stm^thi. The obsolete form siem, arcs, aref, corres|)0Bt'1
ing to the Sanskrit njiim, sy<h, xyM, ia so far a granit
jewel, that the full modal characteristic vt i/d.
It}, is contained in it, and it may thenoe be inferred, U■4^
edim, also. Sec, was preceded by an older rdifm, edit$, «W«j
adyAm, adyds, adyHt, and vdim, duim, &c., by a more M <
veliem, dt^em (from dajem). The more weighty tcmdo*-
tions of the plural liare. by their retro-active shortening In-
[O. Ed. p.DJfl.] fluence, effected the suppression of lbs •
before them earlier than before tlie more light temdnfr
tions of the singular. It may, however, be roMOoaWy
aasumed, that the forms tifmus, ti^tit, iienl=si//lma, tyiia,
syus (from xytlnf). have existed in some other more early
epoch of the language; and to them, aimtui, &c.. haa the
same relation that, in Greek, the abbreviatcil HiSoSftev bM
to j(3of>fJU«V.
67>. The German, in which the subjunctive ia likewise
based on the Sanskrit potential and Greek optative, formi
the preterite of this mood according to the principle of
FORMATION Or MOODS.
903
the Siinskrit second conjugiition of tlie second, thin), and
screnlh cl&sa, aad of the Greek conjugation in fu, i. e. by
attaching the modal element to the root direct; and, in
fact, ill Gothie. the tirat jierson in ynu rcsemblea ver^
strikiuj^ly tlu; Sanalcrit yrim, onl^ that the d has been
shorteoed, and the m Tocalisied to u (§. 432.). Compare,
after removing what betongs to the relation of time, ^Iv'iu,
"1 ate,"'" wiili the Siinskfit <idydm, "I may cat" In the
otlier persons, the Gothic follows the aoalogy of the San-
skrit and Greek middle; i.«. iu suppressing the a of ya.
while the y. aa in Souskrit, becomes loiif; f. for which, in
Gothic, fi is written; hence, il-ti-ma. Old High German
Axinth, res«mbles the Sanskrit ad-i-mahi and Latin td-i-
-inua; H-ei-lh, Otd High German dzt), the Sanskrit ad-i-
-d/twam, and Latin td-i-th; in the second person singialftr,
fl-ei'x [it-i-ii) is almost identical with the Latia ed-i-a. la the
third person, however, the personal sign has been lost (§. 43S.X
and in consequence of tliis loss the long i [G, Ed. p. 930.]
sound, which comes to stand at the end is sliortened ; thus Mi
answering to tlic Sanskrit adtta and Latin edit
61$. It Bcnrcely reqaires to be remarked, that I do not
understand the resemblance between the Gothic H-ti-ma and
Sanskrit aJ-i-mufti, as though the Gothic siihjunclive pre-
terite, with exception of ttie first person singular, was really
referable to the Sanskrit middle; the contraction of ua to
ffi^i is rather a pure Gothicism. n-faich was probably pre-
ceded by a weakening of yn to yi, according to the principle
by which nominal bases lO ya exhibit in the nominative
* Itit, " I mt," ftom ibe root a/, ia •» for lli« mtst remarkKlle ytth o(
IIrcIiiMj b«auisu Hum, " waste" (fur dtitm from tt-atum. Old High Ger-
Diah (isumi^j), contiiina ii nrdu plication widiotit hitvin^ cs|)crieiifT<1 kbbns
viatioD like titumaa^ tninilarfomuCp.M? Gtd.). TKc OIJ High Ger-
man dxHtnit comvpondi nlmost « oznctly as poadltli; lo lh« Sansltrtl to-
dupllcRled Ad-i'tna bom a-adima.
I
904 rOTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
singular vi-n for j/a-s. in case this syllable is precetled tji
onlv one syllable, and, indrcd. u short one. But if a To«(t
long by nature or by position, or more thnn one syllaUe
prt-eedes. the syllublf o« is uot only wcakene<l to yt. bal il
contractetl to long l' (t^t). und at tlis end of a word to short i]
lieucc, ant/eta "end," for andy'ii from nndyait, aceosatitq
nnd't for ant/yn. Before a Bnal nasal or n» tlte syllable jN
remains in its original state; licnce, in tlie dative iilunC
andytj-m. accusative andya'nt. On the same phonetic Isw i|
based the phenomrnon tliat the u of the first person ungahlf
of our modal-furm, which has arisen from m. has preserrg^
the syllable v" in its complete form; and hence, 4loau from
flynittt "1 Ate," may be compared with the dative phu^
amlyam; fieh. "thou atest." with tlw nominative aiid grnitirt
singiiliir antteis; and the third person singular Hi. whic
minaCes with short i, witli the Bwrusative andi.
677. In Old Scliivonic there are some remnins of llie i
conjugation in fii, or the Sanskrit second eonjogntion. Tboa
have prcsened the personal termination in the first pensi
singular of the present, and in the imperative fwhich I Wi««
I must it) its formation identify with thr Sanskrit-Zend potcDr
tial, the Latin-Gcrmnn snhjunciive. and Greek optative) amies
[0. Ed, p, &3I.] the exponent of the modnl relation dtrvfl^
to the root. The modal rlmraeteristie, however, has preserrei
only the Bemi-vowel of the Sanskrit yA, and as in the second
person singular the .1 of ^It. since from the oldrat period it had
stood at the end, must, according to a universal law uf aoun^l
disappear, so aAiXb ynsclnlv (euphonic for yady). *• eat," eci^
responds to the Sanskrit adyiU, "thou mayesleat." and Latin
edt*\ BfeifeA<> ryftchfly (fon-j/^rfu), "know." to the Sanskrit
viHyfini Qttd MTiiXb datchdy (dadt/), "give,'* to tlic Greek
SiSoitK, and still more Co the Sanskrit dadyAt. since. like iL:
it has lost tlie radioil vowel The Sclavonic forms whicti.
have been cited pass also as third persons; fur nm ^a^.|
FORMATION OF MOODS.
903
im^ yii cannot be distinguished in ScIavoDic, Inx-ausc the
rule for tlic uxtirjiatiou of final coiisonants h.<is sitnred tiie t
as tittle as tbe *, while the Greek mtmits tlic 2 at tlic end,
there also, nhuru, in the linguul ojMieh prceedin;; that of the
Greek, it stood n$ the lust jiilliirof llie word; and thus iiJoi'ijr
can be iliatinguished Troui diSoA;. which is deprived of the
fiersonnl sign.
67S. In the first person plural. QikAbUbi yaithdymy,
B£:kAi>Hbi vycsckdymy, f^i.A\.xb-»bt daschdymij, answer to
VSmtl adyAma% eiHoms, flQim^ vhlt/Amtm, CVT>n^ dadyAmat,
StSoiiAO', duimus; and in tlie at^eond, rA:fiAi<Ti yawchdyte,
B'fcJkj.bTS vimelidylf, AAiHAtiTt daschdutf, to vimt ady/Uo,
editis, fwvni vidyAt-i, '^KXW Aulydla. JtStwrt, duitis. The ae-
oonil person plural represents, in tlie Old Slavonic iiujxsra-
tivtf, also the third jwrson; a misuse wliit^h may have been
favored l>y the fact, that in the sin^lar the third person ia
itot distinguislicil from tite second, from reasons connected
with tlm law of sounds; and in the dual, also, the terminations
fh lam, JTP^ tdm. For whieh the Greek uses toi'. ttjc, Imvo
both become l^i ; for though the Slavonie n generally repre-
sent* the long Sanskrit 4, still it sometimrs stands for the
short a lUso ; and thercforo ta has as good a foundation in the
second person dual as iu tlie third ; but [O. E<1. p. D32.]
tUrougli tiie etsewliere wry (^nimon corruption of rt to r
tbe dual second person lias become like tliat of the plunU.
Moreover, ihc second |>er3on b most used iu the imperative,
and this m.iy have been an additional t-ause wliy. in the plural,
tho third person has been entirely removed from lingual exis-
tence, which is therefore l«ss surprising than tlint, iu Old and
Anglo-SiLXOu, the second person plural should represent the
other two in the preseot indicative also. But if. in the Uld
Sclavonic imjieralive. the genuine third person plural had nf-
mained In use, it would, in my opinion, be the same as tlio
second nnd third of the singular; for the fiual consonantal
sounds of tbe Greek-Zend si', 'ifin, or en, and Latin nt, would
3h
006 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SCBJUNCTITB.
have given way, and as the vowel of Uie modal expresaion
yd haa, in general, disappeared, only dflacWy could have €»r-
responded to the Zend daidhyaiin, Greek itJtoieVf and Old
Latin du'mt. This apparent identity with two persons of the
singular might have accorded leas with the language than
the actual exchange for one of the same number.
679. I refer, also, the Lithuanian imperative, in its orlgia,
to the department of the mood here discussed ; for in all
verbs, without exception, the vowel i is its characteristic,
which admits of no other comparison than with the Scla-
vonic V, just mentioned, the Greek i of all optatives, the
Latin i of sim, edtm, velm, dtiim, and the Sanskrit-Zend
yA, or t The Lithuanian imperative, however, gains a
peculiar appearance, and one which estranges it from the
corresponding mood of the cognate languages, in that it
conceals the true exponent of the modal relation after a k,
which is always prefixed to the i; only if the root itself
ends with k, for two Ar's only one is used. As in the second
person singular, in which the t ought to conclude the form,
^G. Ed. p. 033.] this final vowel is generally suppr^sed,
but the k is extended to all persons of the imperative, widi
the exception of the third, of which hereafter, we may be
easily tempted to regard tliis k as the true imperatin!
sufiix, and thus quite disengage the Lithuanian in this
mood from its otherwise close union with the other
cognate languages, From tlie root bu, " to be," proceed, e.g.,
the forms ii'iAv", or 6(U-, " be thou," bukile. "be ye," btikimt,
"let \is he," bukiwa, "let us two he," bukila, "ye two be."
So duki, or duk, "give thou," dukite, "give ye," &c. Id
most cases it happens tliat the k appears between two
vowels: for, in the preceding examples, the root, and in
Mielke's three last conjugations, the class syllable, corre-
sponding to the Sanskrit aija (§. 500.), end with a vowel:
and as the verb auk-it, " I turn," given as example of the
first conjugation, ou account of tlie k, which terminata
I
FORMATION OF M00D9.
907
the root, abstains from the aSx under diBCUssioD. Mielke'a
Grammar, therefore, is utterly deficient in an instiince
exhibiting the combinntion of the Jt of t!ie imperative witli
a consonant. But Ruhig gives, from hiiptlttii, "I praise,"
the imperative taupsink' {tuvjixinki), nnd. ticcording to
Mielke'a rule, given at p. 78, we must expect from infini-
tives likeTd«-(;, ** to find" (euphonic for rarf-(i), imperatives
like rfix-lc', or rti»-ki, since a A- should take the pUico of the
infinitive sufiix.
680. As resiwcts the origin of tlw k, which is peculiar
to the Lithuanian imperative, it is probably, as has been
alrt-ady observed, a corruption of the » of the verb sub-
stantive, and coRs<.K[uently dui-i. "give thou," is doubly
related to the Old Sclavonic dach, "I gave," and to the
Greek cBuko, StStaxa (see {{. b6S. b69.), ns also to the Zend
j^jvyiMMtfi d&khySm'u " I will give," ( = Sanskpt tlisyUmi),
which f am luiablt; to f|Uotc, but which I [O. Ed. p. »34.]
believe I may safeiydcdutrc from the above-mentioned partici-
ple of tlie root dd, " to lay," which has the same sound with dd,
"to give" (see 5. 669.), The same relation that the Zend
future dAkfnj4mi lias to the Sanskrit dAtyAmi is held, as
respects the employing a guttural instead of an original
sibilant, by the Lithuanian duk't to the Sanskrit precattve
middle c/<!ti'jfu. In the dual, tlio Litliuanian dtU-ttcvi answers
to tlic Sanskrit c/fWruAr. and, in the plural, f/uitmr to t/djfmoAi.
The Sanskrit precativc is, however, in fact, nothing else than
a modification of the potential, and has. in essentials, the
same relation to it that the Greek aorist optative luis to
tlio present optative; i.e. the class dillcrences are removed.
Compare d^tjAt, d^ifdt, for ddyiU, rfdytW ;• Zend d^i^Ao, dAijAt,
witli dofV. Soi'i;. [u all the other poraous, the Sanskrit odds
* A ndicid d, is laoel rMis, pawM iato t, Ihrovi^b ih« MsiiDilatiiig tn-
fli]«iic«, as it spitean, of the y foUowtag; but not in Zend.
3n 2
908 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, ASD SCBJUNCTIVR.
an 1, i,e. the verb substantive, to the modal exponent jrL anJ
thus df^Atam rcacmblestho Greek third person plural ioiifFta.
This dissimilar introduction of the verb substantive mi^
be r<?';nnl^d as a phennmenan, which first made its appeif
RTicc after the separation of the lungnnges ; for whU
reason the Zeiid. though tt continaed with tbe Saulnil
much lon^r thim tliL- Ruro|>ean cog^nate idioms, dors not
shaif- in it, and in t}ie plural contrasts ai9-u*^j->u4 diii/ima.
AffOAt^^ju^ (Idijatn. ffi^ii^^ lUiyann,* with the Gre^k ioajpa.
ioivfre, ioitv, and Sanskrit lifijArtmn, d^yAxta, dfiyUxoM.
the first person singular I find (^^ dyunm (prob
erroneously for </%««nj) in a passnge nlready cited wit^i
different object (sec p. 377), a form in good onologr
the Greek Soi'iji/. for which in Sanskrit dfyA.vim.
6ftl. In the middle, the Snnskrit, in the precnti*
CO. Ed. p.S35.] mils to the verb substantive the fui
denoting the modal relation, ernctly as. in the futore of ib^
two active forms, the relation of time. As, thcrefom it]
d^-syt'imi, "d'lbo," the tost portion is the future of the verlii
slHntive, BO in tH^'si-yn,^ "I may give," its precative ori
tentiai aorist is contained, and the Lithuanian dn-H,
tliou " (without any persorinj lemiinationl. is rightly nnslogoM
to dAxi, the sibilant being hardened to /.% which Alone Ah-
tinguishes the imperative from the future. Cumpsn
du-k'Oe, "g'ivo ye," witli dh-ntf, "ye will pjve." In
however, of tlie great ogreement between t/u-ki and
it is stilt rcfjuisitc to assume tliat the Lithuanian hu
brought with it from its Asiatic place of origin tJie pit-
ceding form of its imperative, and that dti-kt-l^, "eiven*
is the trnnsmission of the Sanskrit il/i-st-dfiwam, -detix" will
the substitutioii only of an netive ]»ersonal tonnioatioo for
a middle one ; but the very naianil accession of the xeA
• Compare Burnonf '« Ya^-na, Not* 8, pp. CL. 01,11.
t The y is « euplionic tnsenion, and «, for nm, th« tertninuJaii.
FORMATtON OF HOODS.
IKW
sttbstiktitive may be udmittutl in both [aiiguagi:a iDdcpcn-
dently of one anotlicr. Tlie firm adiiereiicc to llie uocieiit
modjtl charai-ter, ibu original yd of which has been cort-
tmcted iu tlie Sanskrit initttlle prucative luiil potential, to
i, in th» Lithuaiiiim inijienLlive to r. has, in the preceding
OAse, effected a surprisiag siatilarity in the languages,
which h&vo bcea from time ioiiuenaorial distinct, and »ub-
jtxt to their own separate dtntiuy. The conjecture, how-
ever, that the k of tlie Lithuanian imperative has arisen
from J, b supported by the Old Prussian, which is most
■ntiiuat<>ly coiinectett with tlie Lithnanian, aud whicli fur-
nishes us with au optative or suhjuiietivc. iu wlueh a is
contrasted with the Lithuanian k; at least, I have no
doubt that forms like da-tc, " he may give."* <jalb-te, " he
may help," bou-HC, "he may be," bowari, "they may be,"
/um-ir, "he may be silent^ (Sanskrit t^. Hd. p, 030.]
iA-ikmm, "still." " silent"), are to be looked upon as cognate
forms of tlie Lithuaniau imperative and Sanskrit precutive;
and thus da-ne (without a personal termination, like the
Greek Soi^) may be voutrasted with tlie Sanskj-it diX-ai-ahta,
" he may give."
6S2. In support of my assertion that the Lithuanian
imperative is based on ihn Siinxkfit precative, uot on tlw
potential, which answers to the Greek optative pruseul, may
be speeuilly adduced the circumstaueu that, iu the latter
c;ise, in those verbs wliich eorri'spond to the Sanskrit first
clau. it would necessarily retain the vowel inserted between
Uie root and the )HT3onal teruiinntioo. E.<j. the inserted a
of icei-H-m*. "we ride." wez-O'tr, "ye ride," would not be
losl, but most probably we should have in their place trei-
-ai-m«, tptx-ai-le, which would be analogous to the Gothic
vig-ai-ma, vig-td-th, to the Greek e^-ix-pc*-. ^c-w-tc, and
* S«« Vater'H Latig<ingv of ili« Old Prtiasiuts, |^. IM4 and 1U7.
910 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
Sanskrit vah-^-ma, vak-4-ta (from vaktufoa, vakaUa), But
according to the view juat developed, vx/z-ki-me, wefz-larie,
are founded, not on vah-4-ma, vah-i-ta, but on vah-ahS-mahi,
vak-xht-dhwam, apart from the middle tenninatioiia. The
Lettish, however, in its imperatives, has retained, of the two
modifications of the Sanskrit mood under discussioo, the
first, or the potential, corresponding to the Greek optative
present; and, in the second person plural, always uses ai
or ee in the place of the indicative a ; and thus darrait,
"do ye" {faciatis), corresponds, in its relation to darrat, "ye
do,"* admirably to the Gothic subjunctives like tu~ai-4t,
[G.Ed. p.D97.] "ye two may read." as contrasted with the
indicative lis-a-ta. I give tlie dual, as this Haa the ad-
vantage of having, in the indicative, retained the old a in
its original form; while in the plural lisith, as in general
before a final ih, that letter has become i. The two twia
sisters, therefore, the Lithuanian and Lettish, complete
one another's deficiencies in the imperative admirably, since
tlie one supplies us with the Sanskrit potential, and the
other with its aorist form, or the precative, and, in fact,
furnishes us with the same method of formation (which is
the more important) tliat is to be assigned peculiarly to
the middle, and does not occur elsewhere in any other
European cognate idiom; while, as has been aaid. the
* ThoQgfa the form in ait or eel occars in the indicative also, stUl hen
that in of is the prevailing and general one : in the imperative, howem,
that in etf or ai' is the only one, and therefore characteristic of the nMoi
The true pronunciation of the Lettish diphthong ee is Iiard to be peionnd
from the description given by Rosenlierger, p. 0: it is sufficient, howerv,
for our purpose here, that this diphthong is etymologically only a oomp-
tion of ui, and, libe this, correaponds to the Sanskrit ^(==a^n. h ii
deewi, " God," =^^ dem-s, from fi^ die, " toohme " ; eef, " hegoa."
=?fir tli, from ^ i ; ainee-t, " to Ltagh," in the root auawera to the Sid-
nbrit eoti, whence by Guna, through insiTtion of an a, smg.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
im
active process of formation is reflected in tbc Greek se-
cond aorict optative, where, in the third persoa plund,
Sot^aav is coiitnuttvd witU the Sanskrit iJ^y'Iirus for ilAtjiUant.
Biid ioleit with the Zend f^iiM^ di'iyahn.
683. The second person singular of the Lettish imperutive
is olffjiys identical with the corresponding' person of theindi-
cative, and here requires no further discussion; and thtisi
that which in Litliuaninn is adduced as the thii-d person
imperative, is nothing else tlian the tliird person of the
indicative present, which receiv« its modid function, cor-
rcspondinfj more with the subjunctive than the imperative,
by the preGx of the conjunction If. There are, however, some
ao-calEed nnomitlous verbs, which have a form differing
from the indicative, nnd this is in reality an unmistalteRbIc
brotlier of the Sanskrit potential of the s<'cond conjugation,
or of Oie Greek optiitive present of the conjugation in
lu. The personal character has (as usually \G. EJ- p- 93a]
happens io all tenses of the indicative) been dropped ;
and thus te corresponds to the Greek o;, Latin id from
Kitt, antl the Sanskrit-Zend yrl/. yAi. For example, esxie
corresponds to tlie Greek ttr) (from etrt'i/). to the Latin siet.
and Sanskrit syU. hut exceeds the Latin and Sanskrit in
preserving the radical vowel (aa in eamf, contrasted with
9-maa, aum\t^), and the Greek ett), in retaining tlie consonant
of the root, which is, however, doubled, as oocun in
Lettish, also, in stiveral persons of the indicative; r.g, va
eauam, " we are." esmt, " ye are."
684. Tlie Lithuanian tiudye, "let him |2ive." answers
to the Greek iiSelf, Sanskrit dnifyiit, and Zend daidhyAt.
The agreement with the two last forms, however, is the
greater, us the radical vowel is lost in the base itself;
thus di^U for diduye, as in Sanskrit dn'dyHt for dadAyAt,
and in Zend duidhyU for dadh&yf\U The relation ofdidir
to the other unredupUcatcd persons of the iuijx--nitive,
ns cfttiki, dukime, &e.> is exactly that i^ llie potential iu
912 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
Sanskrit and Zend to the precative, and in Greek that of the
present optative to the aoriflt of that mood ; tiius. as
f(m\ d&dyat is related to ^^mt^ tJfi-yit (tor dAydt, middle
dd-sishta), or aa in Zend mjui^jq,^ daidhydt to imjuA^au^
ddyil, and in Greek SiSoi>] to ioirj, so is d^die^ "let him
give," to duki, "give." In this lies a new, and, in ^t,
very strong proof, that the Lithuanian imperative in the
third person of anomalous verbs belongs to the potential
or optative present, but in the other persons to the preca-
tive or optative aorist ; and that the it of duki ia identical
with the K of eSwKci and the s of ddsiya. It is proper here
to recall attention to the division of the Sanskrit tenses And
[G. Ed. p. 839.] moods into special and general. The lat-
ter, to which belongs the precative, as, in Greek, the aorist,
have the class-sign removed, which, in dad&mi, SUtafu, and
the Lithuanian dudu, consists in the reduplication: this.
therefore, is wanting in d^&sam, dA-siya, Soltfv, dSki, accord-
ing to the same principle by which the verb under discuadon
forms, in the three languages, the future dd-aydm, 80-mt,
du-su. The Lithuanian root 6u, "to be" (=Sanskrit bM),
in consonance with this principle, forms, in the plural of
the future, bu-si-me, and in that of the imperative bu-ki-me ;
with which latter we would compare the corresponding
Sanskrit precative form bkav-i-shi-mahi .' on the other
hand, butm-u, " I was," belongs to the special theme
abhavam (§. 582). With regard however, to Mielke's
second, third, and fourth conjugations preserving the class
character in the. imperative, this proceeds fi-om their be-
longing to the Sanskrit tenth class, which extends its ay
also to the general tenses ; and, e. g., from wr chur, " to
steal," the precative middle ia ^^tfW^ cMr-~a^-^^,
plural chdr-ayi-sliimahL The i of ayi is a couianctive
vowel, which in other classes, also frequently enters be*
tweeii the attributive root and the verb substantive. After
rejecting this conjunctive vowel, ny would be of nwejBty
POBMATION OF HOODS.
913
contracted to t, and then eUr-i-ahimki, ch^r-^-ahimaiti,
would be identical with Litliuaman forms like petfZ'kiu'a,
"let u» two iioorisli." pcn-c-Jcimc, "let us nourisli." as
regards the clasa-sy liable*.
68i. Tlic LithaHnian offers, bi-side the imperative, anotlier
mood, whicli ire must bring into comparison with the
Sanskrit precative; — [ mv&a the subjunctive, which has
only ikQ imperfect to exhibit, wbii-U we append in full
from the root dti, " to give," with the addition of the
corresponding form of the Lettish, nhich is requisite iu
this place, iu order to understand the Litbuauiau.
CO. Ed. p. 940. J
PLUKAL. DUAL.
irmu«N. Lrmw. urn cum.
fl&tumbime, meh$ duhtum. dulumbitea.
ilufutabite, yiiht dohtut. Jitittimbittu-
lomyiwV dohiu. d&tu.
SINGULAR.
iTTii(T«ii. LtmH.
d&cliiau. f» dnhtu.
dutiimbfi, tu dohlu.
rfflfM.
im'hscA' doHiL dtdtt.
* Fvmiiiiuc lotn^wA
The third person singular, which, as is universally the
case in Litliuftnian and Lettish, represents, at the snmo
time, the plural, aiid, in Lithiuininn, also the dual, would,
eousidered of itself, lead us to the Smiskrit iiu)K.Tative, in
which dadMu, "let him give," is identical in termination
with dttfu, dohtu; and the phenomenoD, that the Lettish
dohtii also pa&aes as seuood and first person, might be
regardetl as the consequence of an erroneous use of lan-
guage; like tliat. by wliicb, in Old and Anglo-Saxon, the
second person plural of the present, and the lliird of the
preterite, have made their way into the other persons also.
Still I rcgunl the tu under dUctission, not as a personal ter-
mination, but as identical with the turn of the other
liersons, and I consider dutn on abbreviation of dulumbt,
particularly ns, in the first person plural, datum may be
used fur dulumhiine (Mtelke, p. 1-13, b), ui wliieb cuse the m
&14 POTENTIAL, OriATITB, AND SDBJDNCTIVB-
is to be r^anled as the character of the first |Mmoa, ani
[G. Ed. p. Ml.] is Dot to be confounded with tlmt vhid
precedes tlic f> in the full form diifumbime. I dedttee Ail
from tlie Lettuib, wliidi lias everywhere dislod^d the ■ji
labte bi, togalhar with the m precediiig^, but which combtM
the tu, wliich remains in the plural with the pcrsooal ajk
but ill the sini^utar, as this number has in general loBt 6t
couflottitiits of the bTin illations, leaves it witliout auv adifi-
tioD ; thus, ea, tu, winsch dohtu. A cloar intimation is tiNi
gireo Qs, tliat also in the Litlmaninn first person siogBbr
the form duchiuu, and such as resemble it. must be regirU
OS strongly niiililuted; and I have no doubt that t/AcAin
has arisen from dutumbmu. by suppressing the umh. Tin
the / came into direct contaot with several combioed
vowels, and therefore was Dueessarily changed into A.
according to a universal law of soand. The abbreriatiM
of d\tiumb\nit to (/fic/itdu (for dktiaa) is not greater than
that before luentioued oi dHiv[mhi)me to d&tiim for dtUiHv.
Ill both en»es three letters have been omitted; in tbe
first, tnb, with tbe preceding vowel; in the aecond, with ttie
vowel following.
69fi. The Lithuanian subjiiiK-tive is very important to me,
as I recognise io the syllable bi the true expuucut of dw
modal rulutioD^ and Lq this a more than casual coinetdence
with the expression of the Latin future of the first aod
second conjugation, which is in form completely the same.
Compare da-bimmt with dutum-bimf, da-bUii with dutum-bHf,
da-hia with dulum-bet, from duium-bi-U da-bo for dabio, with
the dlUum-biau presupposed above, and dubil with the c/uJiim-
-bi abbruvintcfl to d&tu, hkewisc only supposed. Tbe
idcntificatiou, however, of a Latin future form with tbe
subjunctive of a cognate language will surprise tu the
l««s, as the Latin itself, wiibiu ite own lingual province,
pliices tlie future and subjunctive on the same footing in
CG. Ed. p. 1MS.J this point, that futures tike iA^t. IryH,
FOBMATION OF MOODS.
913
Ififffmiis. h'if^is, coincide in form with the subjunctives of
the first coujjgatiou.
6S7. TliB j of the Lithiinniftn hi corresponds, there is
scarce any doubt, to the Suds krit- Zend modal chnntctcr yA,
which, in combination with bh^ " to bot" forms, in the third
]>crson of t]ic prccativc, mrv bhityiit, ibauA^ buydt. The
IJthimntiui Ims dropped the u of its rout b». whether on
account of its appt>aring in ii comjiound, or because the m
stood before a vowel, while everywhere else it appeared
before conamuuits: the syllable yd, however, is retained
pretty perfectly in the first person &ing;ular iu iau, and in the
other persons, on the coiitrnry, it is contnwtcd to i. Com-
pare Aiou (from friuin, sec §. 43S.) with tlic Zend f^}>j
butfaiim (from buiftim}, Qlid bimf, bUe, from hay«ime, buyttte,
with Ai(.juAJij buydma, M^jSMii^i bityata. As regards the
first part of the Lithuanian compound datum-bei, liu;., we
easily recognise in it the Sanskrit infinitive and the accusa-
tive of the Latin supine — ^Tini (M/um, datum. In its isniatvd
state the Lithuuninn supine ends in tu, but the lost sign of
tlie accusative baa in tlie compound been preserved in its
origina) form under the protection of the auxiliary verb fol-
lowiuf^, aud princi pally of the labial initial sound answering
to m, while everywhere else, in Lithuanian, tlie accusative
»t has become n ($. UU.)-
688. The Sanskrit first conjugation suppresses the d of tlie
potential character yA both in the active and in the middle*
• This luppraaioa vrooU U> favored l>y the faciUiy wiih which they
v«culu:vd X» i, becamis a diphthong witli a preceding it. 'Ilio prioiv
iuducuDicnt tor it, however, wu ibv vH'ort lo lighu-n tlic looilal clumcnt
ill combuMtiiin wlch a verbnl thciue, which, witbout tUat, was of two, or.
in dicicnth chus, ofthrwHjIUVk-s; thus, W-(/Am, "ihou niftyc»t kixw,"
for ti&dh-a-y&i ; bdmay^s, " tltou naAjcsi lovi-," (or kdm-aj/nifd*. In the
second coigugniioD tbe combinniion ot'llio main] tyllatilf yd viih radlul
il (thin ant aa looU in shon a) mxan only in moiiiMylUliio verbal
tbvuii:-! -, t, g. tJni -ytJM. Rwts i>f ibe third ctOM, bowovvr, aa ihcy become
polyiylUbic
DIG POTKNTIAL, OPTATIVK, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
[G. Ed- p. 913.] and the y vot-alized to t is conlrac-ied, witi
tlte preceding ci of tho class syllable, to t ; e.^. HTH 6JW&.
*• tlioii niaycst bear," for bhtn-a-ydi, as, iu Greek, ^/notiiot
^cpolrji (ifitfi-o-irn). I ain not, liowevcr, of opiuiou. thai At
diphthong, which is expressed, !□ Sauskrit by w, aod is do*
spoken as<<. had in the earliest time, beforo the separatioft «(
langufiges, n pronuncintion in n-Jiioh neither a nor t frl^pe^
coptibic; bill it is moat probable that tlie two elements wtn
beard in combinaiion, and spoken as at, which ai mav hiH
been distinguished from the Vriddlii diphtliong ^Oi bythi^
that the wimi! brciidlh was not given to the pronuucialjafiof
tile Q sound thnl it has in ^!i. The same uiuxt have been tW
c;ise with the 6: it was pranounced like ati, oud its Vriddlu
(§. 29.), like rfw. For to keep to the ?#, if this diphtboti^
[G. Ed. p. fru.] was from the early period of the laoguagf
taken as r, then the i sound, which bad become utterly ex-
tinct as a whole, would scnrcely, after the sc-paratjou of lan-
guages, have again been restored to life in single niemben
and thus tlte whole make its ap|ienraneu in Greek, at
time as ai, at another us ei or oi (see VoL-ali&mus, j>u, ) 90. 1
in Zend at one itme as ^ (or ai, §. 28.). at auutber as dii/
polj-syllabicby irJupUcation, liglileii tlie mols by snpp rearing the 4»
dad-yAm fw daddr^dm, jattyiim (nr jaht-yttm (campaiv (.MS.) Tk
ntath cUm wwkcnn tia clcvv a^lUblc rid to aC, im Wore bMry pcfsoMl
tenniuaitions (fJiW.); ihu», j/u-nS-ydm (ot yv-nJ-j/^tn ,- and thrntm
tbo combinniinn oftlic Fiill mwlid expaneutj/<f vtidi the bettviesi kiodrf
vowil is, Inpolysyllflbic thcmi-s, eiitrruly nvniJci). The n«tB which «aB«s
MM or u ilo not nufti^r any wealienitig ^lth<T in [lie bnac or iu Ji* modal
character, for the d ati/d cannot litre !w loii. since the f eannoi brcoroe ■
diphthcog with the u prtceding : tho w of the dan «yll«blc, how»rer b
Dul neceMarily wwiketit'd, linos m i* itwtf one of Ehv lighter vowdi*
hence, *.*;., dp-nu-gilm, - I umy oittain." To tJii« would conv^mtid, la
Greek, forinii like fl«u!M-i^», which, howL>ver, aa tt i^pc«B,«« avoided
on McoantoFilioJifficnhy of pronouncing llicm, and carried inUi the*
conjngation; wliilo the n>maiii> nf forms, which hiiT« rvmained irtic to
thdrowaconjuKAtion, hnvo«iiipn-m»d the i,Rnd,inconipciisatioD l«Offtll>
t-Doil the V I thus iwidtuifiifitiif for intitiianiljiiir.
rORMATION OF MOODS.
917
in Litlnianinn in one place as ai, in another aa f; in Lettish
now lu at, now ns (* or w (see §- 688.. Not*?); in Latin somc-
tiinrs as ne, aa Die next descent from ai, snnirtimi's aa ^^ But
if before the sepamtion of languages tbe <li[>htliong atill hod
its rtglit [ironunciation. (hen e»cb piirticular individunt of the
family of Innguitges which arose lifter the sepnratioo may
have either always or occjisiounlly preserved in its full value
the ai which had been brought with it from the land of its
origin ; or invariably or ocL-asioonlly contraeti-d it tu i; and
as it is nnlurnl to derive i from ai, many of tbe cognate Ian-
guagos coincide in this process of rarlting down. While,
however, the Saaskfit, according to the pmniinciation which
has licen received by us, causes the diphthong ni. when in a
position before consoiiurits, to be invariably taken as !, tfao
Greek exhibits the opimsile extreme, and disjilays to us the
Sanskfit diphthong us ai.a, or or, and, in fact, in the preceding
case, as ot, siuee the class vowel, which, in the indicative,
appears as o only before nasals, in combination with tbe
modal exjwiient t invariably assumes the o <)uality. The i;,
however, of the full modal exponent 07, as in Sanskrit the d,
is suppressed ; thus rcpv-ot-^, ripit-oi-ir), answering to Irtrp-
-tf-«. larp-f-lt Tepn-ot-TOv, Tcpn-o!--niv, to tarpS-litm. tarp-4-lAm;
7(pir-<>i~Hfv, repji-oi-re, to tnrp-^mn. inrp-f-in,
689. It Iifls been already remarked (§. 430.) that the first
person singular in (m/*( is an inorganic form, and that ri/imi-
fiJjv points to an active form Twrroiv. When I first advanced
this conjecture 1 was not aware that the . [G. Ed. p. 945.]
form arrived At by theory has been actually trananiittod to
us. though but in the single case of tfiz^iv. Resides this,
Matthitc ($. 191). 2.) i»vposes to read aftaprotv instead of
afjaprav in Snidas. Wc will leave it undecided here,
flfhether tbe forms citjv, oi't}^. &c.. which occur in contracted
verbs, have preserved the original form, and are thns more
genuine tlian those in Sanskrit like (drp-^-s for /«rp-n-^d*,
or whether, as is more probable, tlicy arc carried bnck by
POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SDBJUNCTITB.
the analoify of the ^t conjugation. Th« San^rit int«rpo«ea
a eu|)bonic y betweeo the diphthong <?, and, in the second
conjugation, between tlie i' shorteDLti from yd. and the per-
sonal termiiiattons commencing with a vowel (§. 4;i.) ; hence;
taryf-y-<tm, nnsweritig to the Greek ripiroifu for T4piroir.
Regarding the tcrminattoa am for simple fn, which vroaM
mnke the euphonic ^ superfluous, and attest a form tarpfn
for tarp^ijiim, see §. -137., Remark,
690, The Latin, in its subjuuctivea of the first conjiigntioo.
exIiibitB, like tho Sanskrit in the form of ^, the dipbthoiiK
which has arisen from the class syllable and the modal vowd
i; but in tlie first and tbinl person siiiii^ulnr. throng-h tlie in-
fluence of the Bnal m and t, this is shortened; thus, nmrm,
ami^l, in opposition to amh, nm^ut, nmMi*. The kindred
formation of these words with the Greek, like repvoifu, re/nr-
oit, Tt-pnatfiev. rip-nant, would [H.-rhapa never be discovcredl
without the medium of the Sunskrit. But \tnmfs,amfil, amt- \
mus, fimHia. be lompared n ith tlie Sanskrit forma of tlie samsl
meaning, kAma\/^», kAmnyfl, kiimutj^ma. k&mnyHa, it must be
assumed that the last a of the class character ^(ra at/a ( whence
we have deducwl the Latin vj {=« + (]) of om(I-rc {%. loy\ fi.Jt
by the dblod^mcut of the y), has combined with the modal
t, while in the d of umdi, am^mnn, amtUis, ihc two a of
[G.Ed. p. 046.] kAm-<i(tf)a-^. /cAm-o(t/yi-mua, Mtn~aiy)n-
-tha, are united. The f. therefore, of om^, &:c., corresponds
to the G reek oi in forms like Tipaot^, <^\iot^, Sf}\o^^
(§. 109*. 6.), aud the preceding sliort vowel is jioascd over.
In tlio obsolete forms wrterit. temyeriai- (Strove, p. 14ff},
the first part, also, of the diphthong 6 (= a + i) baa been lust,
and only tlie pure modal clement has been left. They may
have arisen from the consciousness that an t was bound up
ill the B of verbetet, tempcrent. or they may hitve followed the
principle ofuV, wtit, rdit (§. 674.). On ttic other hand, do
rfally belongs to tlie Sanskrit second conjugation, ami to tbc
Urcek in fu, aud therefore duim, perdaim, are regular foraia
FORUATION' OF MOODS.
919
thu i ofwhicl] (!orn?8|>oiKls to tJie Sanskrit y ot dnd-y&m and
to thu Oreok i of itioiiiv. The weakeniiif; of llie a to m in
duim rests, perhaps, on tlie circumstance, that ui U u morv
favorite (-onibinntiun than oil.
lid I. In montAs, moneAmua, Sic, i» contained the whole of
the Saiiskpt causitl theme mAn-ntja, "to make tothiuk" (see
p. ISl G. ed.}, only tliat tlie property long 6 (from a -f t = Sun-
skrit ny) is, on acroiint of its pnailion, sliortened before a
vowel, the i of tbc modal expression hus disappeared, and, in
compensation, the preceding vowel is Icngtheaed, according
to the principle of Grt^k optatives with v for vt, Aa. there-
fore, tiriJcfitkD/iijv stauds for nnJcuci-wi/u;*'. taivvvo. mj^vxTTo
fur ScuftriTO, -iTTYVUTO, SO flioTiedf fur monenals. On tht^othof
hand, tlie case it the same with carird (Struve, p. 14$), for
corf«Jn( from careuirtf, as wiih the before-ueuttoned verberH,
UmperinU
692. The same rdation that monnlx has to mmm is held by
(luJifU, from audiau, to audi* (§$. 190*. 6.. bOb,}, Thu future,
however, which in the third and fourth conjugation is. in
fact, nothing else than a suhjuuctive. as vras first rumtu-ked
in my System of Conjugation (p. 98. with wliich Struve
agrees, pp. 145, H6), has preserved the modid element, and
has been contracted with the « of the tlaas [c;. Ed. p.iM7.]
character to <?. with thu exception of tiie first person singular,
in which fegem, audum, should stand fur Ugnm, audiam. In
the older language duxm, fnckm, arc actually transmitted to
US by Quintihan, as forms used by Cato Censor (compare
Slruvu. p. U7J; and thus, in the fourth cunjugation, forma
like audiem may well have existed. As, however, in the
proper subjunctive the last element of the diphthting ai has
cost itsetr upon the a, and lengthened Uiat letter, but in tbc
future lus been contracted with the a to ^, two forms have
arisen from that which was originally one, of which each has
received for representation a portion of that mciming. which
properly belongs to the two b^gether; as, in the history of
language, similar eases have often arisen, and, e.fj.,daturi
920 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
and datdrea {I give the plural intentionally) both conduct as
to the Sanskrit ddldrtu, which unites the meaning of the two
Latin forms in itself. The use of the subjunctive in the sense
of a future reminds us of the periphrasis for the future by
means of auxiliary verbs which siguify " to be requisite," or
" to win," as also of tiie occasional use of the Zend ixnperative
in the sense of the future (see §. 680.p. 912 G.ed.). It is clear,
however, that the expression of the future, from the most
ancieut period, has bordered with surprising closeness on the
relation denoted by the Latin subjunctive, since the two are
distinguished in Sanskrit, only by the quantity of the vowel
— 1/a in tlie future, and i/& in tlie potential.
693. The future and subjunctive of the Latin third conjuga-
tion may perhaps require a little further consideration, though
what is most important to be observed respecting them is
already deducible from what has been remarked regarding
the second and fourth conjugations. Future forms likevrAei,
vehimua, have already appeared in my System of Conju<^-
tion as akin to the Sanskrit potentials like vahig, vah4tna,ajii
[G. Ed. p. 048.] Latin subjunctives as amh. am4mus. But in
the first conjugation the 6 was firmly planted ; for even if in its
& a contraction of the Sanskrit ai/n of the tenth class were not
recognised, still the d is clear to every one's eyes, and also
the possibility of melting it down with the i of the subjunc-
tive expression which follows to i. But the 4 of vekit.
vehimus appeared incomprehensible, or as a traDStnissioa
from the third conjugation to the first, as loug as the i of
veh-i-s, veh-i^mus, passed as the original form of the class
vowel of the third conjugation. Through the observation,
liowever, made above (p. 104), according to which the inter-
mediate vowel of the third conjugation is only a secondarvi
weakened from a, forms like vehfy, veh^mus. must now appear
in a totally different light. Their S contains the primitive a.
wliich has become weakened in the indicative, as it ocean
elsewhere also, that a word in composition has maiotained
FORMATION OF MOODS,
931
itaelf in n furin more close to its originni state than when iso-
lated and unprotected,* Before the forma vek-a-s, veh-<i-mnt,
had become corrupted to vek-i-s, veh-i-mua, ii] tlie iodicative,
veh-^-s, veh-t^-mus. Iind arisen from tlieoi, and, in (he aub-
juiictivv, ttk'U, reliAmux; and tlie corru|)tian of tlie class;
vovel of the indicative could have had no influence over thnt
which was melted down with tlie modal charactor.f
694. The Latin tliird coujugaliou leads us to the Gothic, in
vrliich all the twelve classes of Grimm's strong conju^tioo
coincide with the Latiu third (§. lo*l\ 1,). [n.Ed. p.IH9.I
The Gothic has, however, this advantage over the Lntiu,
that it has not admitted tlie eorniption of the old a of the ia-
dicntive throughout, but only berorc a Gnal a aad M; otbor-
viso it bus retained the a. >Vc must, thererore, carefully^
avoid deriving the forms bairais, "ferta," bairai, "feratt"
bniraltfi, "fmith" from the intlicativc 6(JtrM. buirUft, bahUh,
hy tlie insertion of an n, which would imply a priuciple of
fontiation quite unknown iti the Indo^Ruropeaa Eumily of
longiiages; but the said subjunctive forms must be regarded
as the creations of a period in which tlicir indicative pro-
totypes were still bairta, bairath, to which also ihu passive
fbrtns bair-a-za, bair-C'da, as regards the intermediatu
vowel, refer us (^. 466.). In the sccoud person of the dual
and the 6rst of the plural bair-ai-ts. btti-ai-mn, have the
same relation to the indicative bair-a-tg, bair-u-m, that, in
Sanskrit, bhar-i-tatn, blior-4-mn (from bhar-oi'tam, bhar^i-
-ma), iuive to bhar-n-lhas, bhar-d-mtia; in the tliird person
* TIma tlie gnttural of tko Lxtin/uf io lias 1>eoa ratninol in the French
moffnifujTti; while 'mfaU,faUoM, it has been corraptcd lo *,i>r, accurtllns
to llic j>ronuutiatiiia, koa bwD IwttulJrely mfais,
t I have br-flight forward thii ilie>>ry for the firat time in the Borl.
JatiTb., Jsii. lu.'^j, pp.07.:a4{h<hi Vocjiluiinns, p. SOO), to whidi A. lle:iary
DBMnu (Docuioc ofllonuui Sounds, pp. '^, 26), wbn, luiwever, derlvra
tJio utodAt vowoW from i, "lAgo." (C<iaip<iref.G?0.)
3o
922 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SDBJDNCTIVE.
plural ftair-ai-na (tranapoaed from bair-ai-aa), "ferantr ha*
the same relation to iair-a-nrf. "feruut," that the Zend
juiM^aj bar-ay'hi has to bar-tt-nti, and the Greek tpep-ot-ev
to ^p-o~vTt. In tlie first person dual the relation of bair-
-ai-va to bair-ds, from bair-a-vai (§. 44 1.), rests on the same
principle on which, in Sanskrit, that of bkar-4-va to &Aar-
-d-vas is founded.* In the first person singular 6atrau, " I
may bear," the modal vowel i is wanting, but the u is the
vocalization of the personal character m; bairau, therefore
(from bairaim), has the same relation to bairau, bairai, &&,
that, in Latin, the future feram (for/erem) has to /eria, fent,
[G. Ed. p. 950.] from feraii, /eroi/.t The Old High Ger-
man exhibits the Gothic diphthong at {=i, see {. 78.X also,
graphically in the form i, but shortens it at the end of a
word ; hence, bere (for berS), "feram," "ferat," has the same
relation to berSs ( = Sanskrit bbar&t), "ferat," bertmig, "fera-
mua" that, in Latin, amem, amet, bear to amis, amSmua.
695. The Old Prussian, a dialect which resembles the
Lithuanian very closely, employs imperatives like immms,
" take thou," immaiti. " take ye," which stand in a clearer
relation to their indicative forms imm-a-se, imm-a-ti, than,
in Gothic ntm-ai-s, "ntmas," nim-ai-th, "sumatu," to ntm-
-i~s, nim-i-tb. Compare, on the other hand, the Lettish
imperatives like darrait, "do ye," contrasted with darrat,
" ye do " (J. 682.). Dais. " give thou," daiti, " give ye " (io
Old Prussian), contrasted with date, "thou girest," dati.
* Rcepectingthe length ofded, see $.134.
i With r^ard to the snppreasioD of the i of bairau, compare, in Gothk.
Grimm's third class of the weak conjugation, in which the • of the con-
jngatiooal character at (^Sanskrit Vl "^ Latin 6) is every when lost,
wliere a final nasal, or one standing before a consonant, follows or oaeht
to follow ; thus, first person singular, haba for hohcu. Old High German
habSm ; plural, habam for koAaim, Old High German hab6tn4a • third per-
son plural, haband for habaind. Old High German hahini ; in opooii-
tiontoAabau, habaith, &c.
FOKMATION OF MOODS.
9^3
" y^ R'^^'" furuisb, aa it were, a commentary on the relation
of the Ijitin dfs, d^iU, to dns, datis, as the conibinatioD of
a-\-i. which is not perceived in the Latin ^, is evident in
theOtd Prussian. More usually, however, the Old Prus-
sian exliibits, ill the indicative, an « or i oa the conjancUvc
Towcl, and in the imperative the diphthong ei ; e.g. deri-is, " see
tbou"=)epico/r, ideiti "* «se( '" • = eJoiTC, ed&is. WtK adyAta.
The two moods, however, do not everywhere agree, since,
t.ff., tickinnaiti, "make ye" (Katcch, p, &4), does not answer
to lickinnimai, " we make " (L e. p. 6), but leads us to expect
instead of it Ikkinmtmai. Ttie simple r, also, or, in its place,
y, 13 found in Old Prussian imperatives, as. mylh, " love
tbou." enilhlt. " regnrd thou."
696. The Old Sclavonic has retained only [Q.Ed. p-OSIJ
the last element of tlio original diphtlion}* at in the second
and third person singular in its imperative in the regular
conjugation, which, as baa been before shewn, corresponds
partly to the Sanskrit first class with o annexed ($.499.),
partly to the fourth in n ija C§- 50o), partly to the tenth in
V^ at/a (§. bob.) ; as, nt^n w^i, " ride," and " let him
ride," corresponds to the Sanskfit v<thh, voMi (§. 43^.), Latin
vthAi, vefiet, and vek&s, vehatt Gothic viyuis, vigai, Greek
exoi^- ^c- If ^^(= ^°^' '"'^ pluruJi liowevcn where the
diphthong is protected by the foltowiug personal termination.
£ ve (from ^ with v prefixed, $.2AS. n.) corresponds to the
Indo-Roman 4, Gothic at, and Greek oi; thus, BE3%Mbi
vr^ye'ni/^=^fi^ vahimn, veMmun, vehdmvt, vvjaimit, e-jfatfiev;
BEatTE rf^j/rtft = ^^ vahHa, vfhilis, vehAiis, vigaith, c)f«Te;
dual BE3*TA ue^w*«=^%1''f,«"'''Aflm. I^Ttni^ vah/tAm. exoirev,
c^oi'tijv, vigaiu,
697. Among the other Sclavonic languages, the Car-
niolan e3))ecinlly deserves, with respect to the mood under
• Iii, "lie ckU," euphonic far idt, oamvpondA to the LnlEn ul.
t Tkia npreacuta the thiid pcnon also, t«e ^. 4?0.
3 o fi
924 POTENTIAL, Ol'TATlTB, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
discussion, a closer consideration, as its imperative iu those
verbs which have a as the class syllable is distinguished from
the present indicative by the placing a y (=0 beside the
a; so that thus ay is o[i[X)sed to tlic Saiikrit ^=a + « of the
potential, to the Gothic m of the subjunctive, and to the Latin
( of the subjunctive and future. The singular, which, in
Camiolan also, io advantageous contrast with the other Scla-
vonic dialects, has a first person, ends in the three persons
in ay, since the pronominal consonants, which, from the
most ancient period, have stood at the end of words, must
give place according to the rule for the extirpation of final
consonants, which extends to all the Sclavonic idioms
[G.Ed. p. 052.] (§.255./.); hence, del-aj/, "let me work,"
" work thou," " let him work," for del-ay-m, del-ay-t,
dM-av-t, opposed to the indicative tlel-it-m (from del-a-mt).
de'l'a-sh (from del-a-ahi), del-a (from del-a-ti), and, in accord-
ance with Gothic forms like bnir-ai~8, bair-ai, Sanskrit like
bkarSs, hharit, Latin like amem-, am6.% amet, vehSa, vehel
Greek like <pepoiiit, iftepoti, ipepoi. In the dual del~ay-wa
answers to the indicative del-a-wa, io the most perfect
accordance with the Gothic ha'traroa and Sanskrit bharit-a ;
in the second person dual, det-oy-fa has the same relation
to the indicative del-a-ta, that, in Gothic, buir-ai-ls, "feratia,"
has to hair'<i-ia "fertis \" and, in the plural, del-av-mo is to
dil-a-mo as, in Gotliic, ba'ir-al-ma to bair-a-m, or, in Gireek,
*p€p-oi-fiev to i}>ep-oi-Te; in the second person, del-tiy~te bears
the same relation to del-a-te that, in Gotliic, hnir-ni~th has
to that which we must presuppose as the original form of
the indicative bair-a-ih, whence tlie corruption bair^i-ik :
hence the Old High German her~i-l (from ber~ni-t), con-
trasted with its indicative ber-n-f, is better compared.
Tiie third jwrson dual and plural is wanting in the Car-
niolan imperative, and is expressed by a periphrasis of the
indicative with the conjuiictioo nay; thus, nay delalu,
wiy de/ayo.
i
FORMATION OF MOODii.
325
69B. ThcaualogT, however, of the Carntolan forms like
dei-ay-mo, " let us nork," n-itli the Gotliic like bair-at-ma
and Sanskrit like hhnr-^ma, must not be ao far exteuded ai
to ittpntify the vowel of derivation of verbs like del-n-t»
with the conjunctive vowel of the Sanskrit 6rst and sixth
cliisa, and with that of the Gothic stroug verba. I rather
Bee in ihil-atn, as in tlie Polisl; first conjugation {czyt-a-m,
"I read." r2y(-n_y, "read thou," ciift-oi/'mif, " let us read,")
tile Sanskrit tenth eltiss,* ttie ehanu-ler of which, nya, lias
sejinrnted into various forma in the Scla- [O. Ed. p. 963.]
vonie idioms na in Latin and the German weak eonjuga-
tien. The Cnrniulan de-d-m and Polish cz^l-a-m are
brought much nearer to the Sanskrit like chini-nifA-mi,
" I think." through the Russian sister forms: 4.%AaKi dyi-
tinj^. <iMniHin cliil/iwl (from (tf/f't-tit/o-m. ekit'/ivo-m ; see
§. 255. g.). In the third person plural the CnniiolaQ
defdvo and Polish czylnyn approach nearer to the Sanskrit
chint-ayn-nti : ou the other baud the Qimiolan yed6, "the/
eat," corresponds to the Sanskrit adanti, from the root ad.
• I new, al»n, nftrr Dobrowsliy's firit Coiijnf^tion in Old Sclaroak^
(cflittnrj' to ^.600.% ftl Icnil pTinci|>Ally, to lli« SonRkrit tenth cIiim;
go tlint I uminc tlin Mipprenaion of tha fimt a or ihe rlinractcr VQ,
avi>tiii>D Grttnin'ii iint conJa|pitian of Llio wmk form, whioh, by tills
toM, hMbcMnedtnilar to iIm Soiulcrii fonrth clAMfsco }. 100*. 0). The
Old SclavoDtc, bovrvTflf, liu also Dot nnfrvtiaeatl; rplained ibe lirst a of
Hw cVtrntwUKX aya ; m}a pada^tt, "1 ioQ," ehitat^ik, " I rusd " ( Dcilir. fi22.).
In Mutic rooiB catlinK with a vowtj the y iimj be a tupbunic nddilioa, nml
{Hfl^l, " r Iriion " (SftTiiltril^'w/J, *'foknow"),/»^i', " I drink" (Snnstrit
fiA, " \n AtmV), may W long ih^hher to the Suukrit foanh nor lo tho
tfnilLclMs, but (o the first, with tli« infcrtkniora y between the root nnd
the oonjuncliw vuwcl (coiii[iAni j.43.). I tnko ibis npjtortnnitjr to n-
mnrk further, ihal in $-606. Mielke's fonrtb cot^ajpuion in liihnamaa
hfl» remninptl \ty mietAko uunoticod. It iuclttdea bul vury few vrui'ds, I>ul
Wongs, ill like manner, to ilic Srtn«brit tcikih cliuo. nnd «xhi)^ttB iheclift-
rneior of tUnt rlnwi, nyn, citvtl; in its prclorilB*. m tfttk^att (jiAfr^ifya-u).
In itie prramt, togrtlwr vrilb ^»zkuM is found, nlvo, the form jwncjk^^.
926 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SDBJDNCTIVB.
the d of which in Carniolan is retained anchanged only in
the third person plural, but before t has been changed to m,
and elsewhere is dropped : thus yes-te, " ye eat," as in Latin
€t-tii, for the Sanskrit at'tha; ws-fa,"je two eat," "they
two eat," for VT<n^ at-thaa, W^ at-taa. In the impera-
tive, yey for i/«/y answers to the Sanskrit ady&m, adytla,
adyAt; dual yeyva, yeyta=ady/iva, adt/dtam; plaral if A/mo,
y^le, for adyStma, adydta.
699. The Zend appears to us, in its potential of the first
conjugation, to use the expression, in a half Greek half Indo-
Roman dress, since it exhibits the primitive diphthong oi
at one time in the shape of di, at another in that of i
[G. Ed. p. 8B4.] (§. 33.), to which latter, however, accord-
ing to §. 28., another a is prefixed. Thus Mxt^7^u ba-
rdia agrees admirably with ^pots, and mj^^ barttit
with ij)€pot{T) : on the other hand, in the middle voice the
third person Ajpn m?^ baraSta agrees better with the San-
skrit bharila, and, after withdrawing the middle a, with the
L&tinferet, than with ^ipoiro. The first and second per*
sons plural active in the first conjugation I am unable to
quote, but I have no doubt that here again ai9;das7ju
bartdma, u^joM^Mi bara&a, run parallel to the Sanskrit
bharima, bharUa, and Latin ferSmui, ferUis, and that we
should not look here for the more Greek form bardima,
bardila. For I imagine I have found that in selecting
between 6i and at the Zend is guided by what follows the
diphthong, according as it is a final consonant, or one
accompanied by a vowel. How much the selection falls
upon di, in the former position, to the rejection of aS, is
seen from this, that bases in i in the genitive and ablative
regularly exhibit the forms 6u and 6it, answering- to the
Sanskrit i-i* Through this, therefore, we may explain
" Itomark, also, the frequently-occurrinjf mj^iinoU, "not," <i„n
Itiituet. ' '
rOBMXTlON OF M0UD3.
927
till! miarvlHtioii in form between the middle jujowjo^
barafUt and the active Irnrdil, lq tlie third person singular
or tbe potential. But vrheu we find iu the first prraoa
plurnl midille the form tw^AjC.w<AJ,<^jj ItiidJti/iUmnitiht
"ciiipumujr" = Sanskrit wuprf? budhyhnnh't, " uuimtis" here
"^e exceedingly broad term iiui lion, which in the litlio-
graphcd Codex is even si.'paratod froni the preceding; part
of the word Ity a point, may have the eifect of a distinct
word; aud thus it may be observed, that in the finfti sound,
also, tho diphthong ■!* is admissible, and in [G. Ed. p.9ik&.]
this position is especially favored by a preceding y- hence
Jy-C^ .vJ». "which" (S'()=qy, j^iijjjjWjf maidhy6i, "in
medio" (§. 196,)= mimorffty^; biltalHO j^f mdi, "tome." j^p
Mi and ^yS^ thwA'i. "to thee," j^w fc^i, " to him." with
m5 mA |0(& (^. ^lAii thiri. jvw ft^. I would, therefore,
uot deducu from hiiulliyiimaiJIti forms like bitrdimaidM,
still less an active bnrAima; for in both forma the j/, which
favors tbe 6i, is deficient, and in the latter, also, the
breadth of lermination giving^ the appearance of a sepa-
rate wi>rd, for which rcnaon, in the third |>cn(on 8ing;iilar,
not bdidlii/iilla but b&idhya&tn answers to the btiidhtfiimaidlii
which h;is been mentioned (Vend.S. p. 45).
700. In the third |>erson plural the old a of the ori-
ginal diphthong; ai has h4^'>fn retained unaltered, but the i
has, on account of the following vowel of the termination,
[uisaeil into its corresponding semivowel y,- and thus,
lciiM?^ii bariti/rn answers to the Greek tftepoitv; and thus;
for llie one oi of the Gnfek optative in Zend, we have.
nccording to the quality of the termination following, three
forms, viz. tU, a&, and ay. Fretjueiitty. however, as the third
person plural in the mood under discussion of the first
nrtive form can be qaoted, the first person siii^ilar is.
• Vend.S.. i>.*S. twice t oacfjWrotiroualj./MiKftiAnwuVA^; sodotiK.
L
928 rOTEKTUl., OPTATIVE, AND saBJONCTIVB.
n
on the contrary, of extremely rare occurrcnf>r, tbcx^fi ■
ouglit properly to be our point of starting. It aw
excite our curiosity to learn wl)flh<>r it rtneuibles raatelbt
^poiv ivlticli is to be presupiwoed in Greek, aod whid
$.699. we bavo found supported by rp&potv, or rather Lus
forms like arMm, or Sanskrit as bhari~ff-nm ($. 43.). !a
in the third person plural bartiyrn answers to the SuMkpi
hhari-ff-^Hs (from bbtirfi-tf-anl), so in the firtit person sinfuW
tmra-y-vm might be expecti-d for bhuj^yam. As, howcnr.
in Zend, Hay precedes the termination em, the cf i« r^oluf;
suppressed, after which the eemivowd becomes a nrmi.
[G, Ed. p.&liG.3 BO might baraiia* or li<tr6im be ontkr
pated: neither of these forms, however, occurs, bat oat
with t!ie personal elmractt-r suppressed, and otherwise nr-
res|}ondii)t> to the soc-oud person ^tht^Au barSis, uud to tlv
third Mj^*^ hartilt, if tUc j\i^f nhniii, which twice oc-
curs Vend. S,. p. 8&9. is tlie correct r4;adii)g; ; and llim
C«>£ -'v^E/ ^t!*? kanm nmidt zanm (which AnquetU tnnf-
iatea " i/uclle ierre invo<fnerai-Je") really means Ulerallf
(as in a1I probability it docs) "t/uafem invorem f^rramfi
After this follows j^jvUm A'^^f au^>) hdJirri nrmtU aylA
&e., awording to AiKpiclil •' tfwtte priht chaitii rai-jr," |i«f-
Imps lltcnilly "whither shall I go dtK^u ay4ni ^nrft
ayAni), that I may adore?" We luuk witli eagerness for
the light which may be ibniwii on this pas$ag;c by the aidol
Nerioseugli's Safiskg-it transkition. Among the other BS-
teiitials uf the first coujiigntion which oix-ur in the Vend. 8.
we may here furtlier mention the frequctitly-occurrine
upit'X^it, "lie may beat," from the root j»in = Suuskpt n
* Aiiuirdinj; mtlidMuJagj'flf tw^iri, " we^" forthe Saaskfit vtt^am-im
ttflcr rt-jccCioK then pn'Ci'<IinK iliv m tlir [tncedinici^ muitt tto ndicrf
•lowm lo /, Mill. Mvurdiitg U> ^.'^8, hh a muitt li« pri^fixcU to tltc ^.
t ('omjum witb nhnii tlid Sanskrit nanuu^ " luluratun,* ' from tlit- mot
itnin.
POBUATION OP MOODS.
939
fiiin, which, ofter n-jecting the n of tlic pivcfJing radical
vowel, is treated as though it were the annexed vowel of
the first class; io which respect may bo observed what haa
been beforo reiiiar!c».'d regarding the Samlci-it root wt
ir/M (§. 60S.). And wjewAYE^^^''" ttcrhKi&a, " he may
strew" (Vend, S. p. 577) deserves apccial notice, aiuce iu
tins word the elnsa syllnhle nd (iiintli class), artcr abbre-
viating the rl, follows the analogy of the short a of the
Tour classes of the first ronjugntion; and tlms. in this
respect, jo(0»«^f^fpj) Sterena&a, after with- (G. Kd. p.967.]
rimwing the middlt! final a, becomes similar to tite Latin
future awmrf (4. 4!»6.).
701. [n the second conjugation the Zend answers in ibi
potential tolerably well to the Snnskrit. with th*; exception
of the tbinl j)crson plural, in whicli the termination ua,
mentioned in §.462., does not occur; and also in tlie middle
the somewhat enigmatical termination ran (§. 6ia) is repre-
sented by a form which corresponds better to the general
principle for the designation of the person, regarding
which we shall treat hereafter. In the first person sin-
gular oF the active, according to §. 6)., yanm corresponds to
the Sanskf it ydm and Greek itjv ; p. y. the dnidktjanm,
"I may place, make," already mentioned above (§.442. 5.)
corresponds to the Sanskrit ^iqni tiadhydm and Greek
TiOF.itjv, In tl]c second [wrson, according to §. &6*.. guij^ yAo
is found for ure yAs, (>k1 f-g- ^ii>\x>ii fra-mruyAo
"rficfu" = inraT»( jTrn-bruyU (Vend. S. p. 45l); and in the
third, mjuii yd/ = itra yi\t, it^r), «.g. i^M^yf^"^^^ lefrrnuydl,
"fiuiai " (Vend. S. p. «?) = ^f^^ krinuyl^ of tlie Veda
dialect (|i. 1S6 G. ed.). I am unable to quote the plural in
the proper potential, though I can do so in the precativc,
whicli has completely the same signiGcation, and whidl
occurs far more frequently in Zend tlinn in Sanskrit, and
is distinguished from the polenti'il only by the removal of
tlie class charat-teriatics, -lO tliat tlie foroi of ttie potential
930 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
may be safely inferred trom the precative. In the first
person plural ydma stands for the Sanskrit ydsma and
Greek itjfiev, e.g. ju^jui^^ buydma* = Sanskrit bhui/Aima
(Vend. S. p. 1)12); and hence I deduce the potential daidh-
ydma from the above-mentioned da'vihyakm. In the second
person, yata (with the vowel of the modal character
shortened) stands for the Sanskrit y&xta and Greek itp-e;
[G. Ed. p,958.] e.g. m^^m^^ buyata, " sitia,'"f =annH
bhiiyAsta; Mf^HiU^ d6yata "det'ui''"^ = ^m^ di-y6sta, ioirfre.
Hence I deduce, in the potential, the form daidbyata=Saa-
skrit dadhyfita, Greek iiBoltjre. Here the shortening of the
syllable yd is remarkable in comparison with the length
of quantity preserved before the termination ma of the first
person; and as this contrast can hardly he fortoitcHis, we
must perhaps assume that the termination ta, on account of
the mute with which it begins, is sustained with more
difficulty by the language than the termination ma, which
begins with one of the lightest consonants; and hence
occasion has arisen for weakening the preceding syllable,
in the sense of §. 480.
70'i. In thethird person plural the combination of the modal
syllable yA with the personal termination en, originally on,
produces the form yann for y6.n, according to the analogy of the
first person singular in yanm for y&m. Before the final nasal
therefore, the latter half of the long d^a+o has been weak-
ened to the nasal sound of the Sanskrit Anuswara. We
may take as an example /•^ii<^_^f nidithynnn, " they should
lay down" (Vend. S. pp. 2U3, 204), for which I should have
anticipated nidaithyann, as, in the third person singular
* The root b& diortenB its vowal in the precative, compare BuraoaTi
Ya^na, NoteS.,p.lS'i.
t Vend. 8., pi>. llfi, 457, 459, and, according to Burnoura Yacna,
Note S., p. 153, in the still unedited part, p. 556.
I According to Burnouf, I.e., in tlie still unedited part of the Vend. S
pp. 642, 543, 540.
i
/
FOBMATION OF MOOPS.
931
of the middle, u^fQMs^i j^jah) fMiti ni-Jaithfta, "he may
lay down" (Vend. S. p. 282. 11. 2. 7. 12, 17). is found from
the root dalh, from dA extended by the afiU of a tk (see
p. 119), whicli, through the influence of the y followinjf. has
received the h(Hx of an i, which in nt-dilhyfinn nbove has
remained alone. Prom the root (24, "to ^vc^ we should
antici|)ate /wf^j-w^ ddifar'm, or perhaps, [G. Ed. p. uooj
with the radicnl vowel shortt^ned. dni/aim. which conies very
near to the Greek 9otev, while the Sanskrit dt'i/iUux (from
d^yAsnni) agrees more with Solrjtrav. Tlie Snuskrit anuoxcs,
as Iw3 been already remarked, in its precativc the verb sub-
j stantivc to tlic root with the exception of the second and
' third p<^rson singular of the active, in which properly //I'j/djir,
I d^i/wil, would be required, which, in the present stnte of tlie
I lugiuge, aLTordinj* to a strict law of sound {%. 94.)' is iiD-
r possible, and the lanfvun^e has therefore preferred rather to
drop the auxiliary verb than the personal character; thua,
dfyAs, dii/tU, answerinf; to the Zend dAt/Ao, dAyAi. U is, how-
ever, very worthy of remark, that the Zend abatitins entirely
from employing the verb substantive, and thus sides com-
pletely with the Greek, only that the latter agrees in iolr^aav
with the Sanskrit, and in ^aicv with the Zend.
703. In the middle voice, also, the Zend precativc abstains
from annexing the verb auhstautivc; and on the contrary,
according to the principle which the Sanskrit follows in the
potential (4. 673.^ contracts tlie syllable yA to i, and in the
plum], at least in the thin) person, to short i. While, there-
fore, the Sanskrit and Lithuanian make common cAuse
through forms like dA-^-dhwam, d^-ki-te ("delis." "date"),
the previously- mentioned Zend form pniti-nirhiihita ranks
vritlt the Greek daro, since in both a simple t sound is com-
bined with the root. I view the form ya^Hh-dailhUa,* which
• TliD lut portion of iliit vcri) ts ndlcftDy ideoliud with the jiiHt-tDCO-
932 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
often occurs in the Kghtb Fai^ard, as of more importance:
it is everywhere regarded by Auquetil as singular, and we
should be the more easily led to suppose him in the right, rs
the Sanskrit gives us no direct information regarding tliis
{G. Ed. p. 060. 3 form ; and, in fact, it has more the appear-
ance of a singular than a plural, and if once recognised as a
precative, would rather lead us to the Greek 6eiTo than to
6e7vTo. The Sanskrit supplies us with no direct information
regarding the form m^mjm^^vimj^ yadshdaithUa ; for,
according to the theory of Sanskrit, we must have expected
hiran (from siran), instead of the termination itha, and kigta
for the abo%-e-mentioued singular Sa. But as the Zend pre-
cative, in the active, renounces the verb substantive, we may
be prepared for the like in the middle; and as, in the third
person singular in the potential, Qa is formed from yAt,
a similar Qa in the precative cannot surprise us. It is clear,
however, tliat daithita is a precative, and not a potential,*
since the root dath, which is extended from dd, in its eoDJu>
gationfollows the Grst class, and not the second, and therefore,
in the potential, forms daihaUa, and noidaUhita. The third
person plural, t/uiV/it/c, however, answers neither to the San-
skrit potentials middle like dadhiran, tiBbTi/to, nor to the pre-
cntives like dhdsiran, deivro; but perhaps to the universal
principle of formation of the third person plural middle, and,
in particular, to tliat form which, according to §, 459., rejects
the « belonging to the plural. Thus, m^j<3jm^ daithUa.
"tliey should lay," answers to the Sanskrit forma like dadli-
afa, "they lay," and Ionic like SiSoarai, Ttdiarau As this
rejection of the n in the Sanskrit middle special tenses lisa
become the rule of the whole class of the second conjugation,
and tlie precative agrees with the potential of the second
• I retain the terms derived from the Sanakrit, though it is ansuilablf
to distinguish varioua forma of one and the Bame mood, as if they were if
different niiiods.
FORMATION- OF MOODS.
933
class, we are the less surprised at finding tJie Zend dailhila
deficient in the n. Tliis dnithUa, however. [G. Ed. i).S4ll.]
Appears to me to be a t-on traction of daifh-yntn, since the
modiil flemcDt, wtueh we have seen above ($. 702.), lu tlio
singular dnithifa, in the form of an i^ must iu the [ilural be-
come y before the termiiiation uto, which tiw Soiiakrit rcijuires
in tlie secondary forms: frum yata, however, by casting out
the 17, would easily be fornieii ila (compare p. 780 Q. ed.).
But if the termiimtiun of tliv third pursoti plural had always
been Ut, we should be unable to perceive any reason why
the modal vowel should be lou^ in the singular and short
in the plural before the same termination.
" Hemark. — It remains furtlier to be shewn that the word
xi^y^jM^^hxij^^nljsh-dftitliH", which lias hitherto appeared
isolated, but which occurs [H^rhapa &cven timea in tlic Eighth
Fargartl of the Vciididad, is (iu ej>ite of AnquctU's or liia
Pars) teacher's opinion that tt is a singular) actually a
plural. We read in V. S, pp. 206, &c., jm^^ au^ maij
Au(j v^f^M Aip^^f J AiWJJ JMMMf JMjC^ JgWJJU ywiiixyOjirjU,^
¥^>OtP /»iiJU^ ffiX-MI Mllf M^yKiijajW^ (ttWAietUfJ^J Al^JWs)
Aiffij;OAi JJW.C., a)»;OjC^ m»m^ f^i*' f^ii»^i>Mj^ ^kU^fJuC
Ajpjdj^ntoi'A*,^ J^tt) Cjl/Aip (^»»' WAIAU <^^^M.10£''g4
j-ffiiM4iAiK>*ij^ A>UA»>A] j^.vAtg) u^MK^M jufM(j);ojj( ■*v>?n
tilt fd narii ynrUhdayann anken ■ ■ . yrl atuii {naivH?) ava
hvrtta sAn<\ v\X para-irulnhi mn^hyfM vA Aal mruAt ahurA
mttsdAn ynAxhdaxfiin aijf^n . , . kava (frtvi?) yfvn yizi afrha
na»us ^iicitf/tnictn siln'I vH kcreft-k'hanS vajf6 vA l^rifz-kharH
dat hvtmm UniQm pniri-yaSshdaiifiita yeu» muigmaua apiiclta
pmti tn'dtk'i t/avslidayann. According to Anquctil (11.
p. 3.16), " L'hommc sur Ic quel on a porle quelque chose du
cadavre d'un chicn ou de cclui d*un hoaime. est il pur?
Oroiuzd repondil, 11 est pur; comment? Lorsque (le morl)
a kte regarde par le chien qui mange les corps, ou par I'oiseau
934 rOTBNTtAL, OtTATlVB, AND SUBJUNCTIVE,
qui mange tes corps. II se ta-vero ensuttc le coqatwd
Turine dc tHieuf, avcc fie L'eati, et il »era pur." So auk
certaio, that iDcntion is here niude, not of one man, tm
Hi.E(\p.^2.] several {id tutra \/ii. "those men. nlia'i
{. 231.). and tliat i/adsh-dm/imn anbrn BJgnifitfa. not "bei
be pure," but '• they are puri6ed," or " they beeome parifiat'
Hence, it is self-evKlent livit ya6»hdrnifiit^, also, tuiut ti
plural. I trauslate hterally. "Uow do these men Ikcook^i
purifii-<i who lire touched by the carcnst; -f- either ofadn
dog or of a mao ? To this Oruuzd stiid. They becomr
rified where, or how (by what means?" tto that yfm •■
»t4nd for y(l-p4 = San«Icrit tin m y^a v6)? "Vt*
WK9SC touches (;•'), of a body-devouriiig dog or oFa hi^
devouring bird, then they (those meu) alioaid fdt
their bodies with cow uriue and with water : ao (cn^
* It nuiy ben be a<ldc<I to what has bcca irixittrkrtl in §.687.n^
iog the Mcprcesion ya6shdai/ai'n that it mi^ht lUaO tio Uie lUH^
ptnTHl of tlto prttcaiivn, ilic il uf the root dd. *' lo make," bttU^
■III) the NualoRjr of bugaioL, "titey tuny \tc" botng fuUowed (aN^X
Bnil BuraouTs Y&fva, Nolo 8., ji. 16S). The placing tc^vther «(tn «b
in l]i« thinl jwrnDti plonil would coawquently rest on a iijiiilai lii ilf
lUrilj, and ya6thda!/ahn a^Ai'ii, ■' thry ax« pDrified," would lluial; ^
nify " tliey Kv (that) lliey purify." The paariva aignificatioa vojlif
expmwnt hy n pnripliHuib, Lnwhlch the verbsnbstantivt! would b«
with tli« active vxprcnino of the ntiributive verli lu tlii> ptwc-ativci T« Mi
opinion I give the preference above that iJelivnvjui 0. 0,77. ; mni 1
the Tvadcr, that, in Arabic, the imperfect ii rzpreMrd by » LJiinuJii^ia
In whidt th« preterite of tbo verb sabstgntivn is prefixed to the
of llie attributivD vu-li, witlwut Uio iatorvciiLian of a coojtmctiaa
e.g. ■^■■y ^tS kiiui yojlisuj " he sate," properly *' be waa, b» ^'
for " he was, tliat lie aita." At the rail of tb« poMage qaoted
j^ai^JoijjJjCL. !f^'f"lit!/an» (to which (he prepowtion f«ili=S^
skrit jirati, belonf^) iti imliiipiiiably the precative.
t I will not afrirDi ttutt ava-lfrela (ttota bh-ela^ "bonm,* to
nation viih tbe pn-pesilionat'd) h«rcsignifii-« "touched"; but hiUuM
faar« not diacorcced any moia vuiiabia iDcaniiig for the wbolc
rOBMATION OF HOODS.
93rt
1
must they purify tliem." At p. 268, L. 9, &c.. we r«nl
mj^i y^AU AJpjOjAJiltbA'AJ^ J^JM!^ C^M*? ?«*»«■ l^fiMMi
Aipj^^f/fJ AlpJUJAI^tb4>JU^^ (yiAlfD 9-»>»»>' [ti. E«l.|l. lKi3.J
4al ArtJitm ffrntlm pniri-yiithiiaithila rfptJ (?) ndii mnfittnana
sasta W* jmCir^ froinAdkayen Aat yfit M xAita wJi* frainAla
iai viipnnin /ivaitm /uniiin niftiAafidoUfatn h&ren&Ua, i.«,
"Tlien ttiey should purify their bodies with wat«-, not
with uriue : they sliuulit first purify their hands, for if
tbeir bauds are not purified, then they nuike impure their
whole boilii-s." Here it is plain, from the p4il|Hib]e plumi
frahu\dh<itfh>, that ymhhdtiithiia also can be nothing but
n plurni, AtpjGjM^tbiiJU^>u ayailshdaith'da is iikewise the
third person plurut of tJu; prtrcativc in combination with
the negative particle a. But as nborr, in a peculiar
voiistruetiou {yuiSshdayann nnU?a, see p. 934, Note*) we
law the passive periplirastically tsxprewed by an active
term in combiantion with tbe verb substantive, so in
jupj<^»c/e4 Ai5>jGjAyd»i>jJ3jA> ayu^shdu'Uhit'i Ice^ivn^iia we
see tlie active expressed by me-nns of the auxiliary verb
"to make." Ai/adahdailhila keren6Ua, "they make im-
pure, they make" (projicrty contamine-nt fnciant) abould
signify nothing else than " they make impure," and is tbe
opjMiaitc to the above-mentioned passive tfwhhdayahn anhen
where onhen (^WIW^ Asan. "they were,") has a modal
function, and supplies tlie place of the potential (see §. bid.).
The present henti would scarcely be admissible here.
though wo could exchange onhen for the present indica-
tive. In ai/aSshduilhilit kerenaita botb verba are in the
• FromlhiiA/, "ml," wc wc ibat the Zm<l nflexivr, like the kindird
latin, G«nuan, Utbiuniaii, and ScUvooJc, noitce with th« fonn of the
ftlDfpiliiF the tnfiBotngs of the plaial iivmlwn^
936 rOTBNTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJCNCTIVt.
same moodi as the precattve unci potcutiul hare tlu
ruliition to one another, tliat, in Greek, the aorisl and a
jireseiit optative have. As regards tlie forru tcni»&u, ■
should perhaps, if the remUng is correct, consid(;r tlie it\
tlie GunaoE the cliiss-syllnbte; then tlie rvmaiuing 'Uku
rest oa the same principle as the terminatiou of ywhiijgilit
We might, however, explnic krrcntJUa also in thia nv,
the u of Uic clusS'S^'Uublc: nu is replaced by a. aod the
in this way brought into the llrst i--onjugnlioa : but 1
probaliility in tliis view of ihe matter ; for then the
occurring- harayen, " they may carry," tiiuat, in the
[^G. PA. p. %J.3 bar-iit'i, which, aa Ion;; as such hnatd
not traced back with certtiinty, I do not believe, as liM
rather conjecture barayanta. Id res|}ect to syntax. tiicM^
the precativc and [KitL-ntial in llie passage in questioailt
be noticed iaacnnilitioniil conclusion ; wlule, nccordingHfc
method of other lan<{Uage«, the indicative n-ould be looU
for. With regard to syntax 1 will here furtlier mes^
tliat in another passage of the Vcndidad (in Olshaaiefli pi
the potential fullows t/f<llti, " if." in the sense of the pttipofa
of the subjunctive — i/Mfd ndii daidlitfanm, "If I had M
made :" on the other Land, the present after jffizi is jimn^f
expressed by the inootl ladli'd Let, which corresponds W^
Greek subjunctive. It need not surprise ua that cacbiidb-
dual language, iu the syntactical application of its mood^
follows its own course iu certain poiuts: the gratumUici)
identity of forms in tlie diJTerent languages is not, bowerd.
desiroyed by such synlactical discrepancy.
704. Id a atill uaedited portion of tiic Zcnd-Avtak
occura the form (^ii%mjja»^ dayndlnrem, " ye niay giwi"
which Buniouf (YHc;nu, Note D. p. 38), as it appean
regards aa iin impemtive, and renders by doimez. In
order, hgwevep, to regard d»yadhwem as the imporativri
we must he able to prove that the root dA, in Zend, is
inflifctcd according to the fourth ctiiss. of which I entei
FOBMATION OF MOODS.
937
doubta Hook upon ^^nH^^iu^ (fnyadhwrm as the a«x)iiit
panoo ptuml of the prei-iUive tiiiitdlt^, mid, m such, tlic-re
ia nothing surprising io it (after our having alreiuly Been
tluit the Zend preuative, in both active rornifl, abstains frotu
aonoxing the verb substantive), except Hint the modal
cltaracter t/d is not contra<;t«d. aa in tlie tliird person sin-
gular middle, OJid ia uti persons in tlie Siinskrit, to i, but
has merirly shortened its i1, as in the corivs pond inn; [wrson
of the active, to ivhich Burnouf lina sliewu the forui di\ynla
lj«lonf*8. TTje middle dttyadltvii-m has shoi^ned the vowel
of tlie root, on account, na it nppears, of tlie greater weight
of the tcrntnation; and in this respect, therefore, r/«-yo-
-rlkmm hiis tlie same relation to d'i-yu-la, that, in Greek,
Sliojiai baa to 5!S(afjj.
70i. In the Sanskrit and Zend potential [O. Ed,p.flfla.]
there is no distiiiL-lion of tonst-'s, except that, us has bt>ea be-
fore observfd, the precative stands in the same rplation to it
that, in Greek, the optative of the s<rcond Aorist has to
that of the present. D^-y/U, etS-tfUt, for dA-yAs, dA-i/Al have
the same relation to aeltlt, udAt, that, in Greek, Joojt. do/ij
(fur Sdiit)^. 3'toi'f;), Imve to cJuc, eSu. For preeatives like
buillnjiU, hudhyiU, \\wre arc not'orrespouding indicative forms,
as the fifth formation of the Snnskfit norisl is limited to
roots termioatinjj with a vowel (sec §. S73.): it may, how-
over, origiiiiilly hiive ot:currfd also iu roots etitling with a
consonant; so that there would have existed multiForni pre-
terites like abudh-am, <ibhut (for abJiiit-s). aitUul (for ahhut-t),
(thadhmfi, &&, to ivhieh belong preoitives like budh-ydmm,
VMic forms like vidf^yam, " an'uim" tnhSi/nm, " prnnim,"
ynmiyam, "earn," vCcftimtt, " dieamus" (Piiniai. Ill, 1.86.)^
do not need to be regarded as potentials of the 6rst elass,
to which tlic roots of these forms do not belong-; but they
are, as it were, the prototypes of Greek aorists of the
optative mood, like -rxnoini, and mast be regarded u
derivatives of the aorists of the sixth forinatiou {avidam,
3 P
938 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
amkam, ayamam, avdcham), the conjunctive vowel of whiuh
has combined with the modal vowel t;ju9t as the Greek
o ot-rvKoifu has united the conjunctive vowel of erwr-o-v
(which is ioterchanged in the indicative with e) with the
modal vowel. In proof of the correctness of this opinion
may be particularly adduced the above-mentioned vd-
cMma, " dkamui" : for there is no root v6cb, which, if it
existed, conld be assigned to the first class, from 'which
might be formed vdcMma, according to the analogy of
tarpima, Tepiiotfiev ; there is. indeed, an aorist avUcbam,
which we have explained above as a reduplicate form from
a-va-ucham (for a-vavacham),
[G. Ed. p. 966.] 706. In the Veda dialect also traces exist
of modal forms, which exhibit the structure of the Greek
optative of the first aorist. As example, tarushSma is ad-
duced, according to sense = T^ tariraa, " trantgrediamur"'
(Panini, III. 1. 85.), but, according to form, a derivative from
an indicative aorist like adik-»bam, eSa^a ({. 555.), only not
with the direct adjunction of the auxiliary verb, but with the
insertion of a conjunctive vowel u. But this ir^^ taru-
thima can hardly be an isolated attempt of the language
at a modal formation, which now appears to us ahDormal ;
hut it is probable, rather, that, in an earlier state of the
language, which has in this point been transmitted to us
more correctly by the Greek, these forms extended to all
aorists of the second formation (§, 551.). We may suppose,
therefore, that, in an earlier period of the language, a
precative of adiksham existed, viz. dik-ikfi/am, plural, dik-
'aMma = Sei^atfu,S£t^aifx£v, in which the modal element ud,
contracted to i, became a diphthong with the preceding
vowel, in the same manner as above in bhar-i-y-am., bhar-4-ma,
^p-oi-fit, tpep-ot-fiev.
707. In Latin, the imperfects of the subjunctive admit
of comparison with the principle of formation of Gr«ek
aorists like Sei^aifiev, and Sanskrit like tlie presupposed
VOBMATION OP MOODS,
939
TJiKj/KJ^mo, ami tlie Vectit* tnru^ht'mn. In fact, »(n-r^Aiua is
'iurpriBiTigly similur lo ttiu Grepk trr^aaifxev, in so far »a its
' T, like that of frnm, is a cnrtniiition of x, niid its f, like that of
■om^mui, /«^^j7iu«, a contraction or«r. At. however. s<a-&ant
I b anew c«m|xunM). I cannot Imt rcrojjnise in its siiljjiinc-
i tivi*. ftlso. only ii nt-w fonuntion : and iu this rt'spfct 1 iidhiT«
to tlie opinion, which I have alreatly expressed in my Sys-
tem of Coiij ligation (p. 99), A subjunctive sta-brm from ntn-
biiim would be in conformity with the indicative nta-hnm, nnd
$tft-ntm from xlo-eT'iin would be (inftlo^ous ai an indicftttve to
tta-rrm. Tlic Un^uaffc. however, divides [,Q. Ed. p. 037.]
the two roots of /« he rX its disposnl between the iiidlcatife
and Bulijunctive. iind thus brinf»9 atn-ham and stn-rem into
a certain degree of fnlse rehttion, where it apix-nrs ns if
the r of slartm hfld a ahnnt in tlie expression of the modal
elation, which is nevertheless confined solely to tho i
antnincd in the diphthong K It will be rcndily ad-
littcd that pnssem (from polntm) contains the combicatioii
of the verb substantive with put, just ns much as pofstna
and pol-errim. \iat if pos-arm is n new and genuine Ijitin
formalion.the e.fiem, " I would eat," which is analogous to it,
from ed-atm, is so abo; and wtlli this agrees, too, thu
obsolete fae-sem, vrhii-li. in form at least, is an iuiperrcct,
as fnc's'tm is a present; for if these forms had arisen from
the jMrrfei^t /"pci, they would he ft'irm, frjim. While then.
after eonsonnnts, the old t is either retained or nsHiniilated
to a preceding r or / {fn--rem, tW-/rtn), between two vowela
it has passed intor; and this is uiunily the case, as the
imperfect preserves the clasa-sylliiblc ; tinis, ley-r-rrm, die-
'fi-rem {from Itg-i-rtm, (tic-i rem, sec ^. 544.). But if the
imperfect subjunctive were, in its origin, connected with
the Greek optative aorist, iben for rfjc-e-rem we should
anticipate dixem = iei^aifti. Tlie forms f»-$tm (*' I won Id eat ")
and/rr-ren» are established by the circumstance that Uicso
verba, as is shewn by their affinity witli the Sanskrit, dis-
31-2
940 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
tinctly belong to the conjugation without the conjunctive
vowel ; so that es-sem answers to i-a, es-f, e*-i«=SaiJskrit
alsi, at-ti, at-tha ; fer-rem to fer-a, fer-t, fer-tis^Saotkrit
hibhar~ahi, bibhar-tU bibhri-tha. Hence we see that it is in
no way admissible to derive fer-rem from fer-e^em, by
rejecting an «. We should rather be compelled to explain
[G. Ed. p. 968.] fer-e-rem, if this form existed, by including
it in the principal conjugation with the conjunctive vowel, as
from eS'Xem has been developed ed-e-rem,
708. But how stands it with es-tem, "I would be," for
which we should have conjectured erem, corresponding
with the indicative eram? But eram stands for esam=
Sanskrit &tum (§. 63-2.) ; and from tins primitive form e*am
has arisen the form espm (from esha), through the com-
mixture of the modal i, which is contracted with a to ^,
according to the same principle by which amem has been
formed from the theme ama. Were esem once formed
from eaam, then, in the course of time, the indicative
parent form may have followed its disposition to change
the a, on aci-ount of its position between two vowels,
into r, without there being hence a necessity that the
derivative form esem, also, should follow tliis impulse;
for it is not a general rule in Latin that every s between two
vowels must be changed into r. Through the firm reten-
tion, therefore, by the subjunctive, of the old, and subse-
quently doubled sibilant eram and e»em, esaem, stand in the
same opposition as, conversely, in Old High German, waa,
" I was," does to wdri, " I would be," in which the weak-
ening of the 9 to r has its foundation in the increase of
syllables (see §. 612. p. 860 G. ed.) The doubling of the
a in essem I believe may be explained according to the
same principle by which, in Greek, in the epic language,
the weakest consonants (the liquids and a) — occasionallv
and under certain circumstances, p — are, in the common
dialect, regularly doubled. The Souskj-it doubles a final n
roRMATlON OF NOODS.
941
after a sliort vowel, in case the word following; Ix^iiis
%<rith n voweF. If, llion, wliifh I bi-lieve to be the caso, the
'''doubling of til e « in the Lntiii FX.H-tn, nnd in tlic inliuitive
•^'esite, is likewise purely of a cit|>honic nRtuir, it mny be
"=ooiuparL*d cajx-cinlly with Greek norists lil(eeTc^(^<^ffa.^incc the
*ff«r of these tenses likewise bflonjf to the tO- Ed- p.flfls.]
iTerb eubstJinttv-e: obsprvp, also, the Lithuiiniiin exsh, "if
ihe be" (J.HSa.)- Rcgnpding c(j<ronai, ace §. S55. But
I should tlie double sin easem bnvcitsfnundiitton in ctymol(t«y,
which I do not believe, th('U it must be assumt^d. thnt when
I the enftn, vrhicti nrciae from estim, had (irmly tttt^ielied itself to
attributive verbs in the abbreviated furui of spui, or. more
generally, rem, nnd in this position wns no longer re-
cognised for what it really is, so ilmt the whole *(•, ri*. was
oon«i<!ered as the modal exponent, then the raolea eombinml
with itself; according to which, ea-wm would properly menn
" 1 would be be," in annlogy with n-tem, " 1 would eat," and
pos'sem, " 1 would be able." And the nnnlogy of ft-wm, " I
vroutd ent" and po»wm. " I would be nbW rs nlso tlmt of
f^rrtm niid vtilem, might have so far operated on etsrm, " I
would be," that, nceording to their exniii|jle, without the lan-
giinge^ furniahiug any piirtieulur reason for it, the eonaonant
preccdii)*; the e wiu doubled. Uc this as it may, »sir>w, and
the etnri preceding it, renmin in so far a new formation,
as in the Sanitknt no mood whatever proeecds front the
imjterfect any more than in Greek. The Latin sub-
junctive, therefore, of the imiwrfeet meets with its nearest
point of compnrison only in the Greek optative norist;
since esem {tram) is produced from e«am, jast aa Tv^aifu
from €Ty^ifa.
709. No trace of the production of moods can be shewn
to attach to tlie Sanskpt redupUunte preterite or perfeeL*
• 1 do nol sgtw with Wratrrgaard in regarding Vvdic fomw lJk«
tairi/j/dt
942 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
[O. Ed. p. 970.] As, however, the potential of the second and
sixth aorist formation in the Veda-dialect is, as it were in its
moment of extinction, still to be met with in its remnants as
tarmhima, gamiyam, vdcMyam (§. 705.). it might be assumed
that the extirpation of the moods, which have arisen from
the reduplicate preterite, only made its appearance some*
what earlier, or that tlie relics of them, which have re-
mained to the period when the Vedas were composed,
may be lost to us, together with the memorials in which
they occurred. But if there existed a potential of the
perfect, it is a question whether the conjunctive vowel a
(see §. 614.) was retained before the modal element or
not ? In the former case, forms like tu-tvp^'om, tutupi-f,
tutupi-t, would have arisen, to wliich would correspond the
Greek rervipoifu (from Tervtftotv, see §. 689.), rervi^t^. re-rt/^
(whence mi^ht be expected, also, rervipatfu, &c.) : in the latter
case, forms tike iutnjryUm would have existed, as prototypes
of the Gothic subjunctives of the preterite like haiJiaifyait,
"I might be called," or with the loss of reduplication, as
buniiyau, " I might bind," which would lead us to expect
Greek forms like rerv^t'rjv, which must afterwards have
been introduced into the u conjugation. The close coinci-
dence of the Greek and German makes the origin of such
modal forms in the time of the unity of Iang;uage very
Mtn^ydf as poteniinls of the perfect, bnt of the intensive (comp. ^.615.),
which, in the V^-dialtct, preeenta several deviaUona from the classical
language, and in roolB with middle ri (from or) exhibits in the syllable
of repetition a, more frequently d, and also, in conformity with tlic com-
mon dialect, ar. Thus vderidfidti (Rig V. 33. l-)» ^^ ^^! «*' *•»« iuten-
dve, and vdvridhastta (Rig V. 31. 18.) its impemtlve middle. Wcatergaard
also refere the participle present middle tdtrifhdita^ '• tbitating" (.Utg V.
31. 7.) to the intensive, though it might be aacV\VA\o ^-^^^ V»=»fe«t xvith
the same justice aa sasrijy^ aT.4tdtridfc„^«.
FOKMATION OF MOODS. 943
probable; the Gothic forms, alao, like Iiaihaitvau, are too
clasaical in tlieir appearance to allow of our ascribing to
them a comparatively recent origin. But ir, nevertlieless,
they are specially German, and the Greek, [G. Ed. p, 0710 '
confcHsedly rare, like rerv^oifu, are specially Greek, then the
two sister languages have, in fortuitous coincidence, only
accorded a wider extension to a principle of modal production,
which already existed in tlie period of their unity with the
Sanskrit and Zend.
710. Latin perfect subjunctives like omnre-rim, from
ama-vi-sim. are undoubtedly new productions, viit. the
combination of the base of the perfect with tim, " I nmy
be," the « of which, in its position between two vowels,
has been corrupted to r; and, on account of this r, the t of
amavi, amnvl-sfi, has been corrupted to e (compare p. 967
G. ed.). We might also, if necessitated, divide thus, amao-
-erim,* as sim stands for esim, like sum for evum. But in com ■
position there was still more reason to witlidraw the e of
esim, tlian in the uneompounded state ; and tlie corruption of
tlie t to e before an r is too much in rule not to admit of it
here.
711. We here give a general view of the points of
comparison, which have been obtained in treating of the
Sanskrit and Zend potential and prccative, and of the,
moods corresponding to them of the European sister
Ungunges.
SINGULAR.
flANKKIT. IEItl>. CKEEK. LJLTIS. UTB. OLD SCLAV.
dadyAin,^ dnidht/aiim,* StSotiv, dnim*
dadi/ds, d^iid/ii/ilu, SiSoltj^, diiis dnsihdy.*
dadytlt, d'lidliydl, SiSoit], duit, d&d'te^ dtischdy.*
dadiOi* dmdita^ hloiro
* See in my S^'Uem of CnnjugaliOD, p. 100.
944 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
[G.Ed. p. 072.]
SANSKRIT. ZEND.
DUAL.
ORBBK. LATIN.
UTB. OtD ICLAV.
dndy 'to,
dadyritam,
dady&tAm,
StSoirjTov,
SiSot^-njv,
daachdyva.
datchdyta.
datchdyta.
PLURAL.
dadyAma, dtidkyAma, StSattjfiev, duimus, .... daschdvmy,
dadydla, daidhyata* $iiotr}T€, duttis, .... daschdyte.
dadyui* daidhyann)" iiSotev, duint, .... like 2d p."
dadiran," drndlta" StSotvro
1 For daddydm, ace $.673
* §. 677. s §. OM.
» f. 442. Note n, and §. 701. ■ §. 674.
« I g7ve only the third person BinguUr and
plurftl of the middle, and for the rest I refer the reader to the doctrine
of middle terminations, ^. 466. Jcc., and to the conjagation of adtya.
'j.703. '$.701. »j.46-2. "<" f , 702. "§.6781
"J. 013. "5.703.
SINGULAR
UNSKRIT. SANSKRIT. LATIN.
GOTHIC.
0. D. □.
OLD SCLAT-
adyAm, act adiya, mid.' edin^
Slyau,'
Azi
• • • •
odyAi, act. adithAs, mid. edii.
iUis,
Azts,
ytinchdy.*
adydt, act. adita, mid. edit.
kU
dzi.
yaschdy.
DUAL.
adyAva, act. adivaki, mid. . . .
iteiva.
a * ■
yaschdycfu
adyiltam, act. adiyUhdm, raid. . . .
Heits,
. . .
yaschdyUt.
adydldm, act. adiydtdm, mid. , , .
...
■ • •
yaschdyta.
PLURAL.
adyAma, act adtmahi, mid. edimus, 6teima, AzimSs, yaschdymy.
adydla,act. adidhitxim, mid. edilh, ite'ith, Azit, ynjtchdyte.
adyus, act adiran, mid. edint, iteina, Azin, like 2d p.
' The middle of luf is not nscd in the present state of the langaage,
which, howcrer, does not prevent ua from annexing it here on accoont of
the theory. " §. 674. » §§. 075. 676. * §. 077.
POHMATION OF MOODS.
945
SINOULAR,
D
UAL.
1 ■
n
flANSKRIT. ZBKD.
OBEU:.
SAnUHlT.
ORKKK.
&
d^yAxam^ ddyanm,'
ioiTfV.
diyAsaa
....
tit
dhfAs* dfly&o.
Solrj^.
diyAatam,
ioilJTOV.
dAf^t,' d&y&t.
iotij.
dhf&st&m.
iot^T1]V.
\—i
PLURAL.
UmKQIT. BUND. OKKEX.
d^dstna, dAyAma, ioitjfiev.
dSydsta, ddyala,* ialtjTe.
diy&3U3, diyann, Soiev, Sottjirav.
' For ddydsam, see p. 934 O. pd.
' I believe I am tight in giTlog this form instead of the i^nni men-
tioned at p. 934 G. ed.
'§.703., conclnflion.
SINOULAR.
DUAL.
UNSIRIT. LITH.
UHaiKIT.
Lrm.
d&ai-y-a,
dAsd-vahi,
d&ki-uja.^
ddsi-shthAs,' d&ki.
ddsl-y-Oathdm,'
d5ki-ta.
ddsi-sluka,'
dAsS-y-dstdm^
• . ■
PLURAL.
SAKBEflT.
LTTR.
d&si-mahi.
d&ki-mp.
dAat-dhwam,
d&ki'te.
-
dA^-ran,
> « ■
< See $$. C79. 660.
» J. 649. p. 798 G.ed.
946 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
[G. Kd. p. 974.1 SINGULAR.
UNU^. tufD. oRKBi. UTIN. ooTBtc. o.n. a.
hhari-y-am,^ bardi,^ (ipepot-v,f feram* baira-u* here.*
bharSs, bar6i-»^ Akpot-s, \ , . ' \ bairai-s, h'^i-s.
iferd-s, J
bhari-t, bardi-t, Aepot-^r), j V ^ ' ] bairai, bpre,*
(fera-t, )
hhari-ta, bami-ta, ipepoi-ro, bairai-daa* ....
DUAL.
bharS-^a, bairai-va, ....
bhari-tam, ipipoi-Tov bairai-ts, ....
bharS-tdm i^epoi-Trfv, ....
PLURAL.
bhart-ma, barai-ma* <bepot~u£v, ) , , ' i bairai-ma, b'er^-mit,
[ fera-mus, )
bhari-ta, baraS-ta,* Aepot-re, ) „ ^ ' > bairai-th, beri-t,
\ferd-lts. )
bkari-v-us, baray-en, Aepm-ev, \ f bairai-na, ber4-ji,
(fera-nt, )
bbari-Tan, baray-antafipipoi-vro, bairai'ndau^ ....
POEMATION OF M00C8.
947
unaiaiT. zbmd.
vahi-y-am^ vazdi,*
vahS'i, vazdi-s,^
vahi-t.
vax3i-t.
vahi-ta.
vazafi-ta.
vahi-va.
vakS-tam,
• . • .
vahi-idin.
• • ■ •
SINGULAR.
[G.
Ed. p. 975.3
ORBXK. UTIN.
oont.
OLD KLAT.
(exoi-v^y vekam*
viga-u *
....
( vi(/ai-s,
ve(i:'
y ( vehe-l,
^'"- \velu.-t.
j «'g"'h
ve^i:'
exp'-fo
vigaUdau,
t
DUAL.
.... ....
vhjai-va.
vf^ye-va.
e)(ot-TOV, ....
vigai'ts.
velye-ta.
ej(oi~-n}v
ve^ye-ta.
PLURAL.
vahi-ma, vaisaS-ma,* ej(pi~ixev, ] , ^ * [ vhjai-ma, ve^ye-m."
, . . » 1 (veM-tit, ) , . , 5
vahe-ta, vazae-ta, e^coi-re, } Ivigat-lh, ve^ye-te.
vahi-y-us, vazay-en, ^oi-ev, vehe-nt, vigai-na, like 2d p.
vahi-ran, vazay-anta? Ej(pi-irro vigain-dau* ....
' 5 J. 688. 080.
003. ($.G94.
•{.708. '"$.000.
'§.700. »§. 689. '55.691. 602.
• }. 09». conclorioD. I §. 600. • J. 498.
" }. 896.
aiNflULAR.
tAKSKUT. t^TTN.
thhlhe-g-am, tte-m,
Ihhlhe-s, siS-s.
liahthi-t, tie-i.
FLVRAL.
UNSKHIT. UTTN.
thhtM-ma, st^-mu$.
thhty-ta, stfl'lis.
thklhS-y~us. $te-nt.
948 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
[O. Ed. p. 070.]
SINOtlLAR.
ramtrt.
Saiuhil. CanOabm.
BatukrU, Camiolan.
tmayi-mi,^
amaya-$i.
amiya-ak,
mAya^t)t
amayai-y'tan?
amayai'i,
wtaayav-t,
DUAL.
smiyay-{my
amiyay-{a),
tmeyayAf).
smayA-wu,
wmnya-thtu,
maya~ta$.
amiya-va,
ameya-ta,
ameya-ta.
amayai-va,
amayai-tmn,
tmayai-iAm
PLURAL.
amiyay-va.
an^yay-ta.
4
amay6-ma»,
Mmaya-iha,
tmayorntU
ameya~mo,
anitya-iet
amlyay-o,*
amayai-ma,
amayai-ta,
amaytu-y-us
am?yay-mo.
imkyay-te.
t
' The lotiv* of nn^ "tolaa^" whicb, t^' Onna, fbrmB fm^, and hence
-frith a th« oIiM voml, tfiH^a, la not noed in the preeeot state of the Ion-
gnaga, and atandi hen valj on aeoonnt of the snrpiising resemblance be.
twaen mMjNlmf and the Carnitdan word of the same meaninf;, mt^m
(■ee, howerer, N. *), aa also between the potentiat tmayiyam and the Car-
iddan imperatiTe jm^o^n), ka.
> 1 here ezpraK the Sanskrit dtpbthoi^ 4, aooording to its etymological
Talne^ hj af, in order to exhibit the more deorlj the remarkable antdi^
of the Sanskrit potential to the Camiolan imperatiTe (see $. 097.).
1 lite diphthong id is expreaed in Camiolui by ay. Regarding the
loH of the personal tenninationa and tlie similaiity of the three persona
idngnlar which proceeds from it, see $. 697.
* Is ezpieased by a periphrans formed of the present Indicative with
the particle nay.
* Bearding the f preceding the termination o see $. 69S. ; bnt if the y
<tf mnt^foy'V is oonoeoted with qro, the characteristio of the Sanskrit tenth
oliBB, as is naoally ttte oaae in Terba in am, then flnjy-am is properly based,
not on tmagAitd of the first class, hot on uuAi/ayd-ad of the tenth ; sccoid-
log to which mi, also, is inflected (also in the middle only), and gm^a-yo
[0. Ed. p. 977.] is therefore=(»t<JfayanK. But if this is really the
case, as 1 believe it is, then for oar present object— viz. in order to place in
a dear light the anal<^ of the Camiolan impenttive to the Sanskrit poten-
I
FORMATION OF TKNSES.
949
tlalinaverli nf Itindredrooi, it would 1m! titflter tAconttMLwSlh ttieCami-
olau trnejiata tlio worvl amaydnti, wliicli is more niwilar to it ttuui terndga-
jf&mi, tlinngh thd sflinity of the kdcT is groftt«T. For the rent, the Cor-
nioUn in tiin third person plural present extonds ihu lor ml ii At ion ^v, by
on abuM, even lu verki to wlinK ilio v liiMa not properly belong; e.g>
moRC v«rtiii iif Kopitivr'tf third osamplo* curri.'s|ii>nd (u Uoiirowsky'a third
conJugAtian in UM Sclavonic, anil tborofon) lo th« SAnslirit lint clun.
The tJiinI pinion plnrnl, thorefore, ahoujd doi bo <;rf«rj/o but grUo^^Saa-
■krit ffrar-a-nti ; and, in Ctct, maoy varln of ihi* clou may, in the tliird
ptirson plurjil, ompllo)' d iiiBieml aCet/o ( Kopitar, p. 337); mni/so, " iliey
carry " (fur ni*e^o or nrrfyo) - Old Sclavonic iif*&ty from net-o-nty (•«
$,SS$, f/.) Theiyurrormslike 7rE«rfr'7m.'ty alaoWrefpirded (uinenplionle
Inwrtiun m (ivnid n. hiniui, iw, in the Smiskrit. bJiari-yam, " I may carry "
(v\. 689,); but vv«n will) ibiH rxplnnHtioii, which I prrl'cr, ifrijimja, "they
bite," remains an tngrgnnic Torin, bIhcq llicntbo cutiju native vowel uftlic
SAnal-rii 6m clft*s remiins eontAinod in it doubled, t>nveaae,as inffrU-f-
tt, "yobiu,"=7ra*-a-rft(i. and next as », ivbieh, tnCumiolftn, npppare M
thnifriininaiiimof ihe iliirdptntim i'liir«l. liiit migtitpriipprly only loke the
•uppnrter of the dmppH t«rminuti«n, and which corTm)»oiidi lo the Greek
0 ofXiy-n-iTi, whilo the eot ifri»-*-te c6\r\eiAe» with iho Greek t of X»y-*-w.
In buth Unj^DA^a the nasitl of the t«rininalion, relained or dropped, ex-
urtai ail iiiQuciivonik tli« culoriiif; uf the cviijuui^tivn vowt-l (si-e y. 3^,^^.),
We must furl lier notice here tboCamioUn verb lium, "I giv*," since it ia
oleBF that iu the tlilrd penuin plural ftd^o (or dai/ii) tlie ^ ia a euphonic
insertion, which ia drappt^il in the more genuine rfar/i) (=5anakril dattatt
for dwianti, '^they give''), aince, in ihi* word, tliv d prcveuta the meet-
ing nf the a and o, and ttiue th« Inaertian nf a foreign letlijr Is rendered un-
nei-uMnry. lu diu-lc, "ye sSvc," i/iM-fo, " yo two (cive," " ihey two
givt-," ivQ Imvi; f<friua fxiictly cvJnciditig with tlio Siitisbiit dat-tha, dat-
thru, dai-tat[».t }.4:}6.}. With the form daa-te," yt^vt," xitAy bo com-
pared, in Zctid. the form dui-ta, whieh {lerlmpK ilw* not uucur, but may be
ULfi-ly c-oiijcclurcd to hnvo existed (arc §. 102.)
712. It u'lnaiiia to be remarked, witli (O. Ed, p. {ITS.]
respeut tu the Gothic sulijuiicUve, that thcisu wtmk verbs
whicK bave contracted the Stmskrit dnas character aya
• Orfwm, " I bile," ia perhnpa akin to the Sanakritfrmf, to "devour";
iben{oTV3rtt-<-ni,ijrU-e-tlk, s^gitu-A mi,gras-n-ti
K
950 POTENTIAL, OFTATITE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
to tJfsa + a) (see 5- 109*. 6.). are incapable of formally de-
noting the modal relation, since i in Gothic does not com-
bine with an 6 preceding it, but where 6i, would occur, the t
is swallowed up by the 6,- hence friyiis means both amas and
ames, and, in the latter case, stands for friyd'a"* so in the
plural friydtk means both amoi'a and ametvi. In the third
person singular /rw^, "amet" {ior friy6iUi) is only inoi^ni-
cally distinguished tromfriySth, "amnt" since the subjunctive,
according to §.432., has lost the personal character. The
Old High German subjunctives like aalb&e, mlMh, mlbdSmes,
are inorganic, since the i of salbdSs, &c, (which is shortened
in the Auslaut, terminating sound), is a contraction of ai
(see §. 78.), of which the a- must belong to the class character.
But in the 6, therefore, which is equivalent to a + o, the
whole of the primitive form ^n aya is contained, except
that the semi-vowel is rejected : there does not, therefore,
remain any other a, which might, had it existed, have
been contracted with the modal-vowel i to L Hence
we must assume that the ^ has found its way into this
class of verbs only through a mal-introduction from those
verba where it has a legitimate ground for entering, at
a time when the language was no longer conscious that the
Inst half of the ^=><zt belongs to tlie modal designation, but
[Q. Ed. p. 979.] the former half to the derivation. Such is
the case, for example, with forms like kab^h, "Aofteos,"
hahiimSs, "habeamus," in which the first 6 contains the two
first elements of the class-syllable ^Rt aya (which arc
alone represented in the indicative hab-i-m, hnb-i-s, see
* lam Dot of opiniun that in the indicAUve, also, we should derive m/M(
from talbSit, and, in the first person, talbd from talbSa; for as in vig-a',
vlff-i-t, viff'i-tk (see j. £07., Table), the a and i belong, not to the personal
sign, bnt to the derirative or clasB-syllable, so in salb-6-', tallf-ds, »aib6-lk,
the 6 only repreBenls the a of the strong conj ugatiun, ^liich is interchanged
with »; the personal tcrmintitionB, liowerer, are as complete as in the
strong conjugation.
FOBUATION OP MOODS.
951
191 C ed.); but tlic »econd ^ contain* the Iwt n in con-
traction with the modal vowel i; so that, thcrpfore, in var-
Mon^i'i the scxroiicl i coiuciiles vritli the Saiiiikrit H of mAnny^
aiitl the Latin A of manedt (from monfah, sec $. 691.), and
the first ft with the Latin e and Sanskrit ittf. which we have
seen above (p. 1 2 1 G, ed.) also, in the Prakrit mdn^/ni, con-
tracted to ^. The Gothic do^a not admit the diphthong ai
twice together uninterruptedly ; liencp, habais, " fitibeAt,''
starda in iHsiidvantn^enus L*ontrHHt with the Old Hivji
<jeriuan hdL^s, and is uotdistino;ni8hable from its indicative.
713. The V^a-dialect poeseases a mood wbtoh is
wanting in the clnsaic Sjinskrit. and which occurs in tite
Vedaa even only in a few scanty remnants; it is called,
liy the Indian Grammarians, L^l, and is n;>litly idenUfied
by LasHcnnriih the Greek subjunctive. For as \ey-ui-fiev,
1 XeY-ij-re, \^-«-/ia», hiy-rj^rai, \^-y-<jiJ-i'Ta(. are distinguished
from ilie corivspouding indicative forms Aey-a-^cw, Tu'-y-e-re.
|. \SY-o-fiai, Xcy-c-rai, f<ty-e-vTi, only by the lengthening of
I the vowel of the eloss-syllabJc, so, in the Veda-dialect,
fut-A-ii, " cudal" is in like manner distinguished from
" ptil-a-li. " eadU "; grihyil-nttU. " cfipluatur," from fjrik'yii-ntt,
" etifiuntur"; Qn\y tliat in the tatter form the temlem-y of
the mood under discussion to tlic utmost possible fnhicss
of form is mAnifeateil in this also, that the 6tial diphthun;^
§ (=ni) is augmeuU'd to Ai, in agreement with tlie first
persuD iuiperative, nhivh iu general accords more with
the mood Lit than witli tlic other persons of the impera-
tive, since the person of the iuipenitive which corresponds
to the first [wrsou plural middle bili/irhnu/if, " we carry."
is bih/iarAmahiiL
7M. In Greek, neither the subjunctive ror [0. M. p. 960.]
any other uiood is derived from the imperfect, but in Vedic
Sanskrit the mood JtSl comes from it; its also in Zend, which
I uaea this mood very commonly, and, indeed, principally
I in the imperfect tense, bat with the meaning of the