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COMPARATIVE    GRAMMAR 


OP  THE 


TEUTONIC    LANGUAGES. 


COMPARATIVE  GRAMJVIAR 


OF   THE 


TEUTONIC    LANGUAGES. 


BEI50  AT  THB  8AXB  TIliB 


A  HISTORICAL  GRAMMAR  OF  THE  ENGLISH  LANGUAGE. 


.4  lid  comprising 
GOTHIC,  ASGLO.SAXOa,  EARLY  ESGLISIi,  MODKRS  EXOUSir, 

■ 

ICELANIUC  {OLD  NORSK),  DANIHU,  HWKDISII, 
OLD  HIGH  GERM  AS,  MIDDLE  IIIOIl  GERMAN,  MODERN  GERMAN,  OLD  SAXON, 

OLD  FRISIAN,  DUTCH, 


BY 


JAMES     HELFENSTEIN,    Ph.  D. 


MACMILLAN   AND    CO. 


[Ail  riffkts  reHrvtd\ 


OXFORD: 

BT  T.  COMBE,  M.A.,  E.  B.  OARONEB,  AND  E.  PICKARl)  HALL, 
FEINTBE8  TO  THE  UKIVEB81TT. 


0Lfea4S^ 


PREFACE. 


The  advantages  of  a  systematic  study  of  our  own  language 
are  now  so  generally  understood  that  it  will  hardly  require  an 
apology  for  any  attempt  to  promote  and  facilitate  research  in 
this  direction.  By  offering  my  Grammar  to  the  kind  con- 
sideration of  the  public^  I  intend  above  all  to  offer  the  student 
of  English  a  guide  which  may  lead  him  through  its  different 
stages  of  development,  and  show  how  it  arrived  at  its  present 
grammatical  structure.  Thus  then  my  volume  may  be  used 
as  an  Historical  Grammar  of  the  English  language. 

In  order  to  gain  a  clear  insight  into  the  development  of  the 
English^  or  any  other  idiom,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  pay 
attention  to  the  historical  course  of  its  sister  dialects^  as  the 
German,  the  Dutch,  the  Danish  —  to  compare  the  different 
phenomena  they  present^  and  thus  to  arrive  at  the  laws  which 
directed  the  growth  of  each.  I  have  therefore  placed  the 
Teutonic  languages  in  their  different  phases  of  development 
side  by  side^  so  that  they  may  be  studied  in  the  relation  they 
bear  to  one  another  and  to  the  English  language  in  particular ; 
and  I  hope  I  have  given  all  the  necessary  data  for  the  study 
of  Comparative  Grammar.     Thus  far  I  have  had  in  view  the 

b 


vi  PREFACE. 

educated  classes  in  general,  who  are  perfectly  alive  to  the 
interest  and  importance  attached  to  the  study  of  their  own 
language. 

In  working  out  the  chapters  on  the  Ancient  and  Middle 
Teutonic  languages  I  took  care  not  to  omit  any  grammatical 
form  the  knowledge  of  which  is  required  for  the  study  of 
ancient  literature,  whether  Gothic,  or  Anglo-Saxon,  or  Early 
English.  The  reader  will  find  the  grammar  of  each  dialect 
sufficiently  complete  to  enable  him  who  has  mastered  the 
details  contained  therein  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  study  of  the 
literature  of  his  chosen  dialect. 

In  order  not  to  stop  short  in  our  studies  at  a  point  where 
they  promise  to  become  most  interesting,  I  have  added  at  the 
opening  of  each  chapter  a  sketch  showing  the  relation  of  the 
Teutonic  to  the  cognate  languages,  Greek,  Latin,  and  Sanskrit. 
Thus  then  the  student  of  English  is  enabled  to  follow  up  certain 
parts  of  his  language,  such  as  numerals,  pronouns,  &c.,  to  their 
most  ancient  forms  —  forms  which  in  antiquity  reach  back  to 
the  very  dawn  of  civilization. 

If  on  the  one  hand  I  have  endeavoured  to  enter  as  far  as  pos- 
sible into  the  details  of  Ancient  and  Middle  Teutonic  Grammar, 
I  have  abstained  on  the  other  from  giving  a  detailed  account  of 
the  Grammar  of  Modern  English,  German,  or  Danish.  These 
languages  were  treated  only  so  far  as  is  required  to  show  the 
peculiarities  of  their  grammatical  structure  and  the  way  by 
which  they  arrived  at  the  same.  Those  who  wish  to  acquire 
any  of  these  languages  for  practical  purposes  must  apply  to  the 
respective  Grammars. 

Another  object  (last  not  least)  I  had  in  view,  was  to  supply 


P  HE  FACE.  vii 

a  preparatory  manual  for  those  students  who  intend  to  make 
Teutonic  language  and  literature  a  special  study,  and  who  must 
have  recourse  to  the  works  of  Grimm,  Bopp,  Pott,  Schleicher, 
and  others,  celebrated  on  the  field  of  Teutonic  and  Comparative 
Grammar.  He  who  has  been  obliged  to  pass  directly  to  the 
study  of  Grimm^s  works  will  be  able  to  acknowledge  the  desir- 
ableness of  an  introductory  text-book. 

I  have  tried  to  consult  the  best  authorities  and  to  convey  to 
the  reader's  mind  the  established  results  of  modern  research. 
In  the  chapters  which  treat  on  the  Science  of  Language  and 
Comparative  Grammar  in  general  I  have  made  use  of  the  works 
of  Bopp,  Schleicher,  and  Max  Miiller.  Those  on  the  ancient 
Teutonic  languages  owe  the  greater  part  of  their  materials  to 
Grimm ;  while  Heyne's  volume  on  the  same  subject  has  supplied 
much  valuable  information.  As  to  the  English  language  in 
particular  I  have  chiefly  consulted  Koch's  Grammar  and  Marsh's 
Lectures.  All  these  authors  and  their  respective  works  are 
enumerated  on  a  separate  list. 

I  have  every  reason  to  feel  anxious  about  the  fate  of  my  book. 
Comparing  the  magnitude  of  the  subject  with  the  smallness  of 
my  abilities  and  the  limitedness  of  my  knowledge,  I  might  quail 
before  the  censure  of  the  public,  if  there  were  not  some  points 
redeeming  the  rashness  of  my  enterprise.  The  first  lies  in  the 
fact  that  there  are  many  educated  men  in  England  and  America 
who  apply  themselves  to  the  study  of  Early  English,  Anglo- 
Saxon,  and  the  Teutonic  languages  in  general,  while  no  work 
exists  as  yet  in  English  treating  on  the  Teutonic  languages 
collectively.  Further  I  may  plead  the  earnestness  and  diligence 
with  which  I  pursued  my  work,  endeavouring  by  this  means 

ba 


Viii  PREFACE. 

to  supply  the  deficiency  in  knowledge  and  abilities.  But  even 
these  considerations  would  fail  to  set  my  mind  at  rest^  if  I 
were  not  penetrated  with  the  conviction  that  the  English 
public  are  always  ready  to  promote  every  work  which  aims  at 
the  advancement  of  science  and  art^  if  conducted  with  persever- 
ance and  earnestness  of  purpose  and  which  promises  to  be 
usefulj  on  however  limited  a  scale,  to  some  one  or  other. 

ThuSj  then,  I  take  leave  of  my  work^  which  for  six  years  has 
been  my  constant  companion  in  trials  and  sorrows ;  and  I  dare 
to  hope  that  it  may  not  be  altogether  rejected  by  those  for 
whom  it  is  intended, 

THE  AUTHOR. 

Whitsuntidb,  1870. 


CONTENTS. 


PAOB 

INTRODUCTION i 

Languages  and  Dialects 4 

Tribes  of  Teutonic  Langnages— Gothic,  Old  High  Qennan,  Middle  High 

German,  New  High  German 5 

Languages  spiiken  in  Britain — Celtic,  Latin,  Anglo-Saxon       ...  8 

Southern  and  Northern  Dialect      .         . lO 

Old  Norse  and  Anglo-Saxon.     Norman  and  French,  reaction  against  its 

use II 

Late  Saxon  (Scmi-Sazon),  Old  and  Middle  English  .  .11 

Modern  English 13 

Old  Norse,  Icelandic 14 

Swedish,  Danish,  Low  German,  Old  Frisian,  Old  Saxon  .  .  .  •  15 
Tribes  of  Aryan  language* — ^the  Indian  dais,  the  Iranic^  Greek,  Italic, 

Slavonic,  Lithuanian,  Celtic 16 

The  Primitive  language  (Ursprache).    Relationship  of  the  Aryan  languages  18 

DiAORAMS  SBOWINO  TBB  RbLATION  Or  THE  AbTAN  AND  Or  TBB 

Teutonic  Languages 40 

VOWEL  SOUNDS. 

Pitch  of  the  Vowels at 

Primitive  Vowels ;  Gradation  of  Vowels  (Steigerung)       .        .        .         .at 

Degradation  or  Weakening  (Schwifcchung) 23 

Table  of  Gradations 34 

I.  Old  Teutonic  Vowels. 

Short  VowtU:— 

The  Vowel  d  in  Grothic  and  Old  High  German  ....  46 
Umlant  in  Old  High  German  ;  d  in  Old  Saxon  and  Anglo-Saxon  26 
d  for  a  in  Anglo-Saxon  ;  Umlaut  of  d  in  Anglo-Saxon  .  •  ^7 
d  in  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse ;  Umlaut  in  Old  Norse  a8 
The  Vowel  %  in  Grothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon,  Anglo- 
Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  Old  Norso 29 


CONTENTS. 

PAOB 

The  Vowel  ik  in  Gothic  and  Old  High  German.    Weakening  of 

the  u  into  0 31 

The  Vowel  U  (and  its  weakened  form  0)  in  Old  Saxon,  Anglo* 

Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  Old  Norse ;  its  Umlaut  y  in  Old  Norse  .  5a 

The  Vowels  ^,  «,  y 33 

Brechung  (breaking)  of  Vowels  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German, 

Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Norse 33 

AssimiUition 37 

Long  Vowels: — 

The  Vowel  a  in  Old  High  German 38 

The  Vowel  d  in  the  different  Dialects ;  <e  the  Umlaut  of  a         .  39 
«  supplanting  d  in  Anglo-Saxon.     The  Vowel  e        ...         •40 
i  -  ei  (Gothic  at).    The  Beduplicational «                  .        .        •41 
e,  Umlaut  of  6  (H)  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Frisian.    The  Pro- 
duction of  e 4a 

The  Vowels  i,  6 43 

The  Vowel  14 ;  p  Umlaut  of  tf 45 

Diphthongs : — 

ai,  ei 47 

iu  and  its  weakened  form  io 48 

to  {Uf  ia)  for  the  ancient  Reduplication 49 

eS  in  Anglo-Saxon  for  Gothic  iu 50 

au  in  different  Dialects 51 

ofi,  Old  High  German  for  Gothic  au 52 

ea,  Anglo-Saxon  for  Gothic  au.    uo,  Old  High  German  for  6,  ey. 

Old  Norse  Umlaut  of  aa 53 

II.  MiDDLR  Teutonic  Vowels. 

Short  Vowph : — 

Tiie  Vowel  a  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  and  Middle  English  54 
The  Vowel  e  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English 55 

The  Vowel  i  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English 57 

The  Vowel  0  in  Middle  High  German 58 

6  Umlaut  of  0  in  Middle  High  German 59 

0  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English 60 

The  Vowel  u  in  Middle  High  German,  ii  Umlaut  of  u  .  .  60 
The  Vowel  u  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  .  .  .61 
The  Vowel  y  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English 61 

Brechung  of  Vowels  in  Middle  Teutonic 61 

Long  Vowels:^" 

The  Vowel  a  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English 63 


CONTENTS.  xi 

PA  OB 

The  Vowel  a  Umlaut  of  d  in  Middle  High  German ;  the  Vowel 

«  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English      ....  64 
The  Vowel  i  in  Middle  High  Oerman,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English 64 

The  Vowel  %  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English 64 

The  Vowel  6  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English 65 

The  Vowel  t2  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English  ;  y  and  u  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English    .        .  66 
Diphthongs : — 

H  in  Middle'  High  German 66 

if,  in,  014  in  Middle  High  German 67 

uOy  ai,  au,  ey^  oi,  oy,  cU,  om,  eu,  IH  in  Middle  High  German  68 

ou,  ed,  ed  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English    ....  69 

III.  Nbw  Teutonic  Vowels. 

The  Vowel  a  in  German,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish  .  70 

The  Vowel  a  (<e)  in  German,  Swedish  and  Danish      •         •         •  73 

The  Vowel  e  in  German,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish  .  74 

The  Vowel  i  in  German  and  English 76 

The  Vowel  i,  in  Dutch  y  (Flemish  y),  the  long  i       .         .         •  77 

The  Vowel  i  in  Swedish  and  Danish 78 

The  Vowel  0  in  German,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish  .  78 
The  Vowel  &  in  German,  Swedish  and  Danish  .        .        .        .81 

The  Vowel  u  in  German,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish  .  83 

The  Vowels  u  {u^f  y,  in  German 84 

The  Vowel  y  in  English,  Swedish  and  Danish   ....  85 
Diphthongs : — 

The  German  ai,  au 86 

du  Umlaut  of  the  German  au ;  the  German  ei ;  ti  and  eu  ,        •  ^7 

The  German  6u,  ie ;  the  English  ai 88 

The  English  ate,  aw,  ea,  et,  ew,  ey,  ie,  oa,  oe,  <m,  ow,  ue     .        .  89 

The  Diphthongs  in  Romance  words 90 

The  Dutch  ai,  au,  ei,  eu,  ie,  oe,  ou,  ue,  ui 91 

Diphthongs  in  Swedish  and  Danish 93 

The  Danish  au,  ei,  6i,ju,  ou 94 

Triphthongs : — 

The  Insertion  of  ^  in  Danish 95 

CONSONANTS. 

Physiological  Alphabet 97 

Table  of  Consonants  in  Sanskrit,  in  the  Primiti?e  Languages,  and  in 

Gothic 98 

Grinim*s  Law 99 

General  Table  of  Grimm^s  Law 103 


xii  CONTENTS, 


,  PA  OK 


Old  Tbvtonic  Consonants 104 

Liquids : — 

The  r  in  Gothic 105 

Rhotacism  (5  changed  into  r) 106 

The  m  and  n  in  different  Dialects 107 

Spirants: — 

V  and  w  in  Gothic  and  Old  High  Gterman         .                 .         .109 
vf  in  Old  Saxon  and  Anglo-Saxon no 

V  and  tp  in  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse 112 

8  and  z  in  Gothic ;  s  in  Old  High  Grerman  and  Old  Saxon  .         •  1 13 
The  combination  sc  in  Anglo-Saxon ;  the  s  in  Old  Frisian  and 

Old  Norse 114 

The  spirant  j  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon,  Anglo- 
Saxon,  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse 115 

The  h  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon,  Anglo-Saxon, 

Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse 116 

Mutes  (Labials)  : — 

h,  Pf  f  in  Gothic,  c  and  p  in  Old  High  German  .        .         .119 

The  Labial  Aspirates  p^  p/,  /,  v  in  Old  High  German  .120 

Table  of  Labials  in  Old  High  German i  ao 

h  and  p  in  Old  Saxon 1 20 

The  Aspirates  9,  v,  /,  ph  in  Old  Saxon no 

The  Labials  b,  p,  f  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  and   Old 

Norse iii 

—  (Dentals) : — 

The  Gothic  d,  f,  ]) 125 

The  Old  High  German  (2,  <,  s,  S 123 

Table  of  Dentals  in  Old  High  German 125 

The  Old  Saxon  Dentals,  d,  t,f,  th.    The  Anglo-Saxon  d,  t,  0,  >  125 

The  Dentals  (/,  ^  <A  in  Old  Frisian 126 

The  Dentals  d,  t,^,^'m  Old  Norse 127 

(Gutturals)  :— 

The  Gothic  g,k,q 1 28 

The  Old  High  German  g,  h,ch  (hh,h) 1 28 

Table  of  Gutturals  in  Old  High  Grerman.  .129 

The  Old  Saxon  g,c{k) 1 29 

The  Anglo-Saxon  g^  c  {h) 130 

The  Old  Frisian  g,  k 1 30 

Change  of  Gutturals  into  Palatals 131 

The  Old  Norse  ^,  * 13a 

Middle  Teutonic  Consonants. 

Liquids  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle  English   .  132 

Spirants  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle  English  134 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

PAOB 

Jfiitet;— 

Labials  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle  English  138 
Dentals  in  Middle   High  German,  Old  English   and  Middle 

English 141 

Gutturals  in  Middle  High  German,  Old  English  and  Middle 

English 143 

Nkw  Teutonic  Consonants. 

Liquids  in  German,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish  •147 

Spirants  in  German,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish        .        •  149 

Labials  in  German,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish  .        '153 
Dentals  in  German,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish  .        .156 

Gutturals  in  Grerman,  English,  Dutch,  Swedish  and  Danish  160 

ROOTS  AND  THEMES 166 

Suffixes  usbd  in  thb  Fo&mation  of  Thvmbs. 

(i)  Verbal  Themes : — 

ya  (a-yo) 168 

(3)  Nominal  Themes  : — 

ayi 169 

u,  ya 1 70 

ra  (van) 171 

ma  {rnan),  ra  iJUt) 17a 

an,  ana,  na 173 

ni^nu^ta 1 74 

iar.tra 175 

ti,tu    ,        . 176 

ant  (fU),  OS 177 

la 178 

PRONOUNS. 

Personal  Pronouns. 

Tsble  of  Personal  Pronouns  in  the  Cognate  Languages              .        •  x  79 
Remarks  on  the  Personal  Pronouns  of  the  Cognate  Languages  .        .180 

Table  of  the  Old  Teutonic  Personal  Pronouns 186 

Remarks  on  the  Pronouns  in  the  Old  Teutonic  Languages        .        .187 
Table  of  Personal  Pronouns  in  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Lan- 
guages   188 

Adjective  Pronouns. 

Pronominal  Bases 190 

Table  of  Old  Teutonic  Pronouns  of  the  3rd  person   .                         •  '93 

Remarks  on  the  Pronouns  of  the  3rd  person 194 

Table  of  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Pronouns  of  the  3rd  person        .  195 

Remarks  on  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Pronouns  of  the  3rd  person  196 


xiv  CONTENTS, 

P0S8B88IVB  Pronouns. 

Table  of  Old  Teutonic  Possessive  Pronouns 197 

Tablo  of  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Possessive  Pronouns  .                 .  198 

Remarks  on  the  Possessive  Pronouns  (Appendix)  ....  517 

Demonstrative  Pronouns. 

First  Demonstrative  (ia) 199 

Table  of  Demonstrative  Pronouns  in  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic 

Dialects               .   ' aoi 

Remarks  on  the  New  Teutonic  Demonstratives        ....  aoa 

Second  Demonstrative  (hie) 204 

Third  Demonstrative  (ille) 106 

The  Suffixed  Article  in  the  Scandinavian  Languages                   .  ao7 

Other  Demonstratives 3o8 

Interrogative  Pronouns 209 

Table  of  Interrogative  Pronouns a  10 

(i)  QuisJ 210 

(a)  Uteri an 

(3)  Quiacorumi an 

(4)  QualUf an 

Relative  Pronouns aia 

Indefinite  Pronouns 213 

NUMERAX.S. 

Cardinals. 

Table  of  Cardinal  Numerals  in  the  Cognate  Languages              .        .  ai5 

Remarks  on  the  Cardinal  Numerals  in  the  Cognate  Languages .         .  ai6 

Table  of  Cardinals  in  the  Old  Teutonic  Languages    .         .         .         .  aaa 
Table  of  Cardinals  in  the  Middle  Teutonic  Languages                        .aaa 

Table  of  Cardinals  in  the  New  Teutonic  Languages  .                          .  aa3 

Remarks  on  the  Teutonic  Cardinals 224. 

Declension  of  Cardinals : — 

Old  Teutonic  Languages 232 

Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Languages 234 

Ordinals. 

Table  of  Ordinals  in  the  Cognate  Languages 23^ 

Table  of  Ordinals  in  the  Teutonic  Languages 240 

Remarks  on  the  Teutonic  Ordinals 241 

Other  Numerals. 

Old  Teutonic  Languages 244 

3Iiddle  and  Modem  Teutonic  Languages 246 


CONTENTS,  XV 

PAOB 

COMPARISONS. 

COMPABJ^nTB   BA8B8   IN  THB   COONATB   LaNOUAOBS. 

(i)  Formations  with  the  Suffix  yan» 248 

(a)  Formations  with  the  Suffix  tara  and  ra 249 

SupsALATivB  Bases  in  thb  Coonatb  Lanouaoks. 

(i)  Formations  with  the  Soffiz  -ia 250 

(a)  Formations  with  the  Suffix  -umi 251 

(3)  Formations  with  the  Suffix  torma 251 

do  Teutonic  Languages. 

(i)  The  Comparative      .........  252 

Remarks  on  the  Gomparatife  Form  in  the  Different  Dialects   .  253 

(a)  The  Superlative 254 

Table  of  Comparisons 255 

(3)  Anomalous  Forms 255 

(4)  Defective  Comparisons 256 

(5)  Comparison  of  the  Adverbs 259 

Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Languages. 

Formations  in  ir a6o 

Formations  in  or a6i 

Anomalous  and  Defective  Comparisons 263 

DECLENSIONS. 

The  Cognate  Languages. 

Numbers,  Cases,  Genders 265 

The  Terminations  of  Nominal  Themes 267 

(i)  Consonantal  Themes 268 

(2)  Vocalic  Themes 268 

Formation  of  the  Cases 269 

The  Old  Teutonic  Languages. 

Strong  Declension 38 1 

Formation  of  the  Cases 281 

The  Plural  Neuter  with  the  Suffix  ir aS6 

The  Umlaut a86 

Paradigms. 

Vocal  Themes  (Strong  Declension) : — 

Themes  in  a  in  Gothic,  Old  High  Grerman,  Old  Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  Old  Norse    ....  289 

Notes  to  the  Declension  in  a 292 

Themes  in  ja  (ya),  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Norse 297 

Notes  to  the  Declension  in  ^a 299 


xvi  CONTENTS, 

Themes  in  va,  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon, 

Old  None ^ 

Notes  to  the  Declension  in  ra 303 

Themes  in  i  in  Gothic,  Old  High  Grerman,  Old  Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  Old  Norse    ....  304 

Examples  and  Remarks  to  the  Declension  in  t  .        .        .  306 
Themes  in  u  in  Grothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse       .        .         .311 

Notes  and  examples  to  the  Declension  in  u        •        .        .  31s 

CoMonanUd  Themes  (Weak  Declension) : — 

Themes  in  n  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  Old  Norse    •        •        .        .     315 
Remarks  on  the  Weak  Declensions   .        .        .        .         •     317 
Words  belonging  to  the  Weak  Declension  in  Gothic,  Old 
High  G^erman,  Old  Saxon,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian, 
and  Old  Norse •        .         .     390 

Other  C&Moncmtal  Thcfnes : — 

Declension  of  Themes  in  tar  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German, 
Old  Saxon,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  Old  Norse  .        .33s 

Themes  in  nd  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon, 
Old  Frisian,  Old  Norse '     3«4 

Themes  ending  in  a  Guttural  or  Dental  in  Gk>thic,  Old 
High  German,  Old  Saxon,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian, 
and  Old  Norse 335 

Anomalous  Declensions  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old 
Saxoo,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse    .         •337 

DxcLBNSioN  OF  pROPER  Nambs  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German, 

Old  Saxon,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse        .        .     329 

Dbclxnsxon  of  Aojxcnvxs. 

Strang  Dedennon  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse      •        .         .        .  331 

Remarks  on  the  Strong  Declension  of  Adjectives       .        .        .  334 
Weak  Declension  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse      ....  339 

Remarks  on  the  Weak  Declensions 340 

Declension  of  the  Participles : — 

Present  Participle 341 

Preterite  Participle 34a 

Declension  of  the  Infinitive 343 

MiDOLE  Teutonic  Declensions 343 

Declensions  in  Old  and  Middle  English,  Middle  High  German,  and 
Middle  Dutch 344 


CONTENTS.  xvii 

PAOB 

Modern  Tbutonic  Dkclknsions 

Dedensions  in  English,  Gkiman,  Dntch,  Swedish,  and  Danish          .  349 

Dkclknsion  of  thk  Adjective  in  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic 
Dialects. 

Dedension  oi  the  AdjeetiTe  in  Old  English,  Middle  English,  Middle 

High  German,  Middle  Dutch,  Grennan,  Dutch,  Swedish,  Danish  .  359 

THE  VERB. 

Stem  Yerhs  and  DerivatiTe  Yerhs — ^Yerhal  Roots  and  Themes        .        .  365 

Personal  Terminations — Modi,  Tenses 366 

Formation  of  the  Persons  in  the  Cognate  Languages  .  •  367 
Formation  of  the  Persons  in  the  Teutonic  Languages                       •        •37a 

The  Persons  of  the  Medium  or  Middle  Yoice 376 

Formation  of  the  Modi  (Moods) 377 

The  Modi  in  the  Teutonic  Languages 378 

Tempora  (Tenses) — Formation  of  the  Present  Theme     ....  380 

Formation  of  the  Present  Theme  in  the  Teutonic  Languages   .        .        .  388 

Themes  myo,  in  d,  in  a< 389 

Formation  of  the  Perfect  Theme  in  the  Cognate  Languages     .                •  39> 

Perfect  in  -#- 40X 

The  Compound  (Weak)  Perfect  in  the  Teutonic  Dialects  .                 .  40X 

The  InfinitlTe 403 

Participles : — 

Present  Participle  Active 404 

Perfect  Participle  Passive  of  Stem  Yerbs 406 

Perfect  Participle  Passive  of  Derivative  Verbs .        .        *        .        .  406 
The  Perfect  in  the  Teutonic  Languages — Reduplication  (Ablaut) — Classi- 
fication of  Strong  Yerbs 408 

Conjugation — General  Remarks 423 

I.  Paradigm  to  the  Strong  Conjugation  in  the  Old  Teutonic  Dialects        .  426 

II.  Pkradigm  to  the  Strong  Conjugation  in  the  Old  Teutonic  Dialects  .  438 
Remarics  on  the  Strong  Conjugation       .......  439 

Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Conjugations 439 

Classification  of  Strong  Yerbs 445 

Paradigms  to  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Strong  Conjugations  .  .  459 
Remarks  on  the  Conjugation  in  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  .46  a 
Weak  Conjugations : — 

First  conjugation  (Connective ^a) 475 

Second  Conjugation  (Connective  6) 478 

Third  Conjugation  (Connective  at) 479 

Remarks  on  the  Weak  Conjugations : 

First  Conjugation  .        .        .        , 480 

Second  and  Third  Conjugations 484 

Verbs  belonging  to  the  Weak  Conjugations 487 

Varbs  bebnging  to  the  Second  and  Third  Conjugation     .        .        •  489 


•  •• 

XYUl 


CONTENTS, 


Weak  Conjugation  in  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Languages 

Anomalous  Verbs 

Verbs  without  a  Connective  or  Thematic  Vowel 

The  Verb 'to  be' 

Remarks  on  the  Paradigm 

Prseterito-Pnesentia  in  the  Old  Teutonic  Languages 
Remarks  on  the  Paradigms  of  the  Prseterito-Praesentia 
Verbs  following  the  analogy  of  Prseterito-Prsesentia 
Pneterito-Pnesentia  in  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Languages 
Verbs  following  the  analogy  of  Prseterito-Presentia 

Appendix. 

Remarks  on  the  Possessive  Pronouns  (fimiUed  in  proper  place) 


PAflS 

49« 

499 
500 

504 
508 

SIS 

518 

5*9 

527 


TECHNICAL  TEEMS. 

Ablaut.  The  modification  of  the  radical  vowel  of  the  verb  in  the 
preterite  tense  and  preterite  participle ;  e.  g.  English  wr/te, 
wrote,  written,  sing,  sang,  swng ;  German  gdten,  gait, 
g^golten,  s/ngen,  sang,  gesungeu. 

Umlaut.  The  modification  of  a  vowel  caused  by  another  vowel  in 
the  succeeding  syllable ;  e.  g.  Old  Norse  giafa,  dative  gic'fu, 
where  o,  the  Umlaut  of  a,  is  caused  by  the  u  in  the  succeed- 
ing syllable;  Old  High  German  pale,  plural  pdki,  where 
the  a  of  the  root  is  changed  into  e  under  the  influence  of  a 
succeeding  i.  The  same  changes  take  place  in  German 
inflexions ;  e.  g.  vater,  plur.  vater ;  hc^ch,  comparative  hoher  ; 
kli^g,  kl^'glich. 

Triibungy  Scbwachung.  Barkening^  Weakening  {Degradation)^  of 
vowels ;  e.  g.  Gothic  helpa,  Anglo-Saxon  hdpe,  i  weakened 
into  €',  Gothic  stfdans^  Anglo-Saxon  stolen,  i^  weakened  into 
0 ;  Gothic  stal,  Anglo-Saxon  stal,  a  weakened  into  a.  Com- 
pare Latin  corpws,  corpor-is ;  pulv/s,  pulv^r-is ;  facio,  conf /cio. 

Brechnng.  Breaking  of  vowels  takes  place  in  Gothic,  where  an 
i  or  w,  under  the  influence  of  a  succeeding  A  or  r,  is  changed 
into  ai,  aw,  respectively — broken,  as  it  were,  in  two  vowels ; 
e.  g.  Latin  v/r,  Gothic  vair ;  Latin  d^ximus,  Gothic  tai^hum. 

Metathesis.  The  transposition  of  certain  letters  in  the  same  word  ; 
e.  g.  Anglo-Saxon  gars  and  gras ;  English  hearse,  German 
(h)ross.     Compare  Latin  spemo,  sprevi. 

Bhotacism.  The  change  of  8  into  r,  e.  g.  Old  High  German  ror, 
Gothic  rau^,  English  wa«,  German  war.  Compare  Latin 
honor  and  hono«,  ru«,  rur-is. 

Gradation.  The  combination  of  a  primitive  vowel  (a,  i,  u)  with 
the  vowel  a,  whence  result  a  -f  a,  a  -f  i,  a  4-  7^ ;  which  com- 
binations occur  in  the  difierent  languages  under  various 
modifications,  as  the  Grammar  will  show.  (See  Introduc- 
tion.) 

All  other  terms  are  used  in  the  same  sense  as  in  Latin  Gram- 
mar, or  they  will  find  their  special  explanation  in  their  proper 
places. 


WORKS  PRINCIPALLY  USED. 

A  Comparative  Grammar  of  tie  Sanskrit,  Zend,  Greek,  Latin, 
Lithuanian,  Gothic,  German,  and  Slavonic  Langtiages^  by 
Professor  P.  Bopp.  Translated  from  the  German  by  Edward 
B.  Eastwick,  P.R.S.,  P.S.A.  London:  Williams  and  Nor- 
gate,  1862. 

Compendium  der  Fergleichenden  Grrammatii  der  IndogemianiBchen 
Sprachen,  von  August  Schleichee.  Zweite  Auflage.  Wei- 
mar :  Hermann  Bohlau,  1866. 

Lectures  on  the  Science  of  Language,  by  Max  Mullee.  First 
Series.     Pourth  edition.     London:  Longmans,  1864. 

Lectures  on  the  Science  of  Language,  by  Max  Mullee.  Second 
Series.     London,  1864. 

Deutsche  Grammatik,  von  Jacob  Obimh.  Erster  Theil.  Dritte 
Aosgabe.     Grottingen:  Dietriehsche  Buebhandliing,  1840. 

Deutsche  Grammatik,  von  Jacob  Grimm.  Erster  Theil.  Zweite 
Ausgabe.     Gottingen,  18^2. 

Deutsche  Grammatik,  von  Jacob  Grimm.  Zweiter,  Dritter,  Vierter 
Theil:  Gt)ttingen,  1831-37. 

Grammatik  der  Altgermanischen  Sprachstdmme,  von  M.  Heyne. 
Paderborn,  1862. 

Die  Laut-  und  Fleononslehre  der  Englischen  Sprache,  von  C.  Pried- 
RiCH  Koch.     Weimar:  Hermann  Bohlau,  1863. 

Lectures  on  the  English  Language,  by  Marsh.    London,  i86i. 

The  Origin  and  History  of  the  English  Language  and  of  the  Early 
Literature  it  embodies,  by  Marsh.     London,  1S62,, 


TEUTONIC    GRAMMAR. 


INTRODUCTION. 

VfRAMMAR  describes  the  organisms  of  languages  as  natural 
history  describes  the  organisms  of  natural  objects.  What  plants 
and  animals  are  to  the  natural  philosopher^  words  are  to  the 
grammarian.  The  naturalist  may  satisfy  himself  with  taking 
notice  merely  of  the  outward  characteristics  represented  by  any 
particular  object;  or  he  may  enter  upon  a  dissection  of  its 
organism^  lay  open  the  peculiar  structure  of  each  organ,  show 
its  connection  with  the  whole  and  the  functions  it  has  to  per- 
form in  this  connection.  Thus  then  one  and  the  same  object 
may  receive  a  different  treatment,  viewed  either  from  the  stand- 
point of  natural  history  or  from  that  of  anatomy  and  physiology. 
Thus  again  the  grammarian  may  view  the  particular  word  laid 
before  him  in  its  merely  outward  garb,  classify  it  to  its  proper 
sphere,  record  the  changes  it  may  incur  under  certain  condi- 
tions— ^in  short,  give  the  natural  history  of  the  word ;  this  is 
*  Descriptive  Grammar.^  Or  he  may  dissect  the  word  into  its 
component  parts,  or  let  us  boldly  say  its  organs,  show  the 
structure  of  these  organs  and  their  functions  in  the  whole,  trace 
the  word  back  to  its  first  origin,  show  how  it  grew  and  gave 
birth  to  a  progeny,  which,  though  displaying  all  the  diversity 
of  varieties,  nevertheless  preserve  Hhe  type  of  the  species.' 
This  anatomical  and  physiological  handling  of  the  word  belongs 
to  the  sphere  of  the  '  science  of  language.' 

We  give  a  few  examples,  taken  at  random ;  say  the  wordifoof. 
Descriptive  Grammar  teaches  us  that  it  belongs  to  the  class 
'noun,'  the  order  ^concrete,'  the  genus  ^ common;^  that  this 
word  as  it  stands  has  the  form  of  the  singular,  but  that  as  soon 
as  it  has  to  perform  another  function,  that  is,  to  denote  the 

B 


TEUTOSIC    GRAifitAR. 

plonJity  of  the  tfaiog  oalled  '  foot,'   it  adopts  the  form  ^/Js 
Having  t-old  us    this,  Descrijitive  Grammar  has  jierformea  i 
task.     Now  it  is  just  here  that  the  science  of  grammar  ta 
it  up  and  explains  to    ng  the  phsenomcnon   nhich   DescriptH 
Grammar  simply  meDlions  as  a  fact.     The  English  ^w/,  pioH 

/eet,  we  oan  trace  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  _/bV,_ft5,-  here  then  i 
change  of «  into  /  had  alrendy  taken  place.  We  must  theTefot 
make  our  way  still  fiirther  back,  to  a  still  more  ancient  fca  ' 
and  thus  we  arrive  at  the  Gothic  fatut.  This  has  in  1 
plural  ybV/iw,  a  form  in  which  the  modification  of  the  vowel  h 
not  yet  taken  place.  How  then  did  it  take  place  ?  To  leam  tl 
we  may  best  turn  to  the  nearest  relative  of  Anglo-Saxon,  i.e.  0 
Saxon.  There  we  leam  the  following  facts.  The  word  'foo 
which  in  Gothic  belonged  to  the  declension  in  u  {JStut,  pioi 

f6fj«»)  took  in  Old  Saxon  the  plural  in  »',  hence  fot,  plural  /i 
Now  this  terminational  i  had  in  the  old  Teutonic  dialects,  Goth 
excepted,  a  peculiar  influence  under  which  the  vow^l  a,  or  som 
times  0,  of  the  root  was  changed  into  f.  This  modifica^ 
occurs  so  regularly  under  certain  given  conditions  that  wc  m 
look  upon  it  as  a  law,  and  this  law  is  known  under  the  Genni 
name  of  'Umlaut'  (mutation  of  sound).  According  to  thia  li 
then  tlie  Old  Saxon  foti  appears  in  Anglo-Saxon  as  Jeti,  » 
then  aaf^'t,  the  phsenomenon  of  the  '  Umlaut'  remaining,  thoni 
the  final  i,  the  cause  that  gave  it  birth,  had  disappeared,  if 
•  Umlaut,*  which  originally  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  wi 
the  plural,  but  was  merely  the  result  of  the  modifying  inflnenc 
of  the  (',  came  later  on  to  he  looked  upon  as  the  sign  of  t* 
plural. 

Let  us  take  another  e\ample  Descriptive  Grammar  tells  X 
that  the  imperfrct  of  1  luie  is  /  hred;  but  how  it  is  that  I 
the  addition  of  ed  the  present  is  changed  into  a  past  act, 
does  not  teach.  If  we  apply  to  the  science  of  language,  we  ai 
first  referred  to  the  Anglo-  Saxon  lufoih,  which  still  leav( 
us  in  the  dark  as  to  the  force  and  meaning  of  that  pn 
tcrite  BufHx.  We  consequently  apply  to  Gothic.  Here  nr 
find  the  preterite  of  the  weak  verb,  say  nasjaii  (salvare)  fn 
instance,  is  nat-i-da  in  the  singular,  a  form  from  which  w 
derive  no  information  as  yet;  bnt  the  plural  uas-'t-dedvm  show 
us  in  its  suffix  most  distinctly  the  plural  dednm  of  ilad  (did 
which  is  the  preterite  of  d'ldan  (to  do).  The  English  /  lov-i 
consequently  means  /  love-did,  I  did  love. 

If  we  wish  to  trace  a  word  to  its  first  origin,  to  observe  hw 
it  grew  and  had  offspring,  and  how  these  offspring  develope 
themselves,  the  science  of  language  again,  laying  open  the  Ian 


INTRODUCTION.  3 

by  wbich  all  development  was  regulated^  guides  us  in  our  re- 
searches.  Take  the  words /hlAer,  mother y  for  examples.  Looking 
atonnd  us  in  the  modem  sister  languages  we  meet  the  German 
toter,  mMtTy  the  Dutch  voder y  moeder,  the  Danish  and  Swedish 
/«fer,  moder,  the  same  words  everywhere,  hut  all  equally  obscure 
as  to  ongin  and  meaning.  Their  Old  Teutonic  ancestors,  as  the 
Anglo-Saxon ySk^^^  moder,  Old  High  German  /ater,  moCer,  reveal 
no  more^  and  consequently  we  tui-n  to  the  cognate  languages 
where  we  find  the  Greek  Tranjp,  firjn^p,  the  Latin  pater,  mater, 
the  Sanskrit/Mi^fi,  matri — ^foroQS  which  refer  us  back  to  a  primitive 
fotof,  mdiar.  In  these  words  we  have  to  deal  with  two  distinct 
dements — ^the  roots  pa  and  ma,  and  the  suffix  tar.  The  root 
pa  means  '  to  protect/  the  root  ma  ^  to  bear,^  '  to  bring  forth/ 
the  soflSx  tar,  tara  indicates  personal  agency,  whence  the  Latin 
/»•  in  actor,  genitor,  &c.  Thus  then  'father'  means  'he  who 
protects,'  'protector;'  'mother/  'she  who  brings  forth,'  'geni- 
iiix.'  Casting  a  glance  at  the  development  of  this  word  in  the 
Cerent  lang^uages  we  have  mentioned,  we  find  that  not  only 
the  root,  but  even  the  very  suffix,  is  preserved  intact,  as  Latin 
p^ier,  Greek  ira-nyp,  German  va-ter,  English ya-M^r.  But  then 
we  oWrve  that  the  Teutonic  dialects  substitute  f  for  the  initial 
^  of  the  root.  Now  this  is  quite  in  accordance  with  a  certain 
Uw  which  directs  that  wherever  a  word  in  Sanskrit  (or  Greek  or 
Latin)  uses  p,  that  is  the  tenuis,  the  Low  German  languages,  as 
English  for  instance,  must  use^  the  aspirate,  and  High  German 
w^i/touse  the  media.  Where  Sanskrit  has  the  media,  the  Low 
German  dialects  have  the  tenuis,  the  High  German  the  aspirate, 
uid  so  forth.  This  law,  which  is  known  as  Grimm's  law,  shall 
find  a  detailed  exposition  hereafter. 

As  another  and  more  faithful  instance  of  the  application  of 

this  law  we  mention  the  word  we  have  examined  already  :  now 

let  us  trace  it  to  its  origin.     The  English  ^oo^,  the  German />/f, 

have  their  relatives  in  the  Latin  pea,  ped-is,  Greek  ttovs,  -noh-oi, 

SaDskrit  pad^a,  and  these  we  refer  to  the  root  pad^  '  to  go.' 

Here  again  the  initial  tenuis  p  is  in  Low  German  represented 

by  the  aspirate,  and  ou^At  in  High  German  to  be  the  media; 

wit  the  German  is  often  obstinate  in  resisting  the  law.     Now  let 

08  look  at  the  final  consonant :  here  all  is  in  strict  accordance 

to  the  law ;   hence  the  media  in  the  Sanskrit  pad,  the  Greek 

p<^,  the  Latin  ped,  the  tenuis  in  the  English  foot,  and  the 

aspirate  in  the  German yi<f  (Old  High  German /woj).     Thus  we 

see  the  offspring  of  the  same  parent  all  preserving  the  family 

likeneaB,  or,  to  use  a  more  scientific  expression,  the   type  of 

the  'species;'  but  taking  by  a  kind  of  '  natural  selection,'  or 

B  2 


4  TEUTONIC    GRAMMAR. 

whatever  Mr.  Darwin  might  call  it,  a  particular  consonant  in 
particular  languages,  they  form  so  many  'varieties;'  in  plain 
words,  that  which  originally  was  one  language,  splits  into 
different  dialects. 

Now  I  hope  the  difference  is  clear  between  the  task  proposed 
to  Descriptive  Grammar  and  that  which  is  left  to  Scientific 
Grammar,  or,  as  it  is  commonly  termed,  Comparative  Grammar ; 
the  former  stating  the  facts  or  the  phsenomena  of  a  language  or 
languages,  the  latter  explaining  these  facts,  guided  ^ways  by 
certain  laws.  These  laws  are  the  result  of  repeated  observation 
and  rigid  examination ;  they  have  been  discovered  by  exactly 
the  same  mental  process  as  all  laws  of  nature.  When  we  treat 
on  Comparative  Grammar  we  have  therefore  not  only  to  put  the 
grammatical  forms  of  cognate  dialects  or  languages  together, 
but  we  have  also  to  trace  tliem  to  their  origin  and  follow  them 
through  the  different  stages  of  their  growth.  Comparative 
Grammar  must  consequently  be  historical  too.  But  languages 
have  no  history  as  mankind  has  its  history,  taking  the  word 
in  its  limited  sense :  languages  do  not  act  like  men,  but  they 
grow  and  live  like  natural  organisms.  When  therefore  we  speak 
of  Comparative  and  Historical  Grammar,  or  Scientific  Grammar, 
we  mean  the  science  of  the  anatomy  and  physiology  of  language 
or  of  languages.  If  we  treat  on  language  in  general,  we  are 
dealing  with  General  Grammar ;  if  on  a  particular  language  or 
languages,  we  are  dealing  with  Specific  Grammar.  The  tribe 
of  Teutonic  languages  being  our  special  object  in  this  volume, 
our  grammar  belongs  to  the  class  of  the  specific. 

Now  one  word  as  to  the  terms  '  language'  and  '  dialect/  We 
speak  of  Teutonic  languages  and  of  Teutonic  dialects,  of  the 
English  language  and  of  English  dialects.  Dutch,  German, 
English,  Gothic,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Norse,  are,  when  viewed  by 
themselves,  independently  of  the  rest,  to  be  designated  each  by 
the  term  of '  language ; '  but  when  considered  in  their  connection 
and  relation  to  each  other  and  to  their  common  Teutonic  mother, 
then  we  call  them  'dialects.'  English,  considered  as  an  inde- 
pendent form  of  speech  as  distinct  from  French  or  German,  is 
a  'language;'  but  English  as  seen  in  the  different  provincial 
idioms  into  which  it  is  split  up  consists  of  an  aggregate  of 
'  dialects.'  The  '  literary'  language  is  only  one  of  these  dialects^ 
chosen  as  the  medium  of  thought  for  the  educated  classes ;  such 
is  the  Castilian  of  Spain,  the  West-Saxon  of  English,  the  High- 
land dialect  in  German.  From  all  this  the  reader  will  easily 
understand  that  we  often  apply  the  terms  'dialect'  and  'lan- 
guage' indiscriminately. 


INTRODUCTION.  5 

Having  to  deal  chiefly  with  the  Teutonic  form  of  speech, 
we  muat  devote  a  short  reviewinff  glance  to  the  dilferent 
languages  which  fall  within  that  sphere,  consider  their  relation 
to  c-a«h  other  and  to  the  ooguate  languages,  Greek,  Latin,  and 
SsQskrit— all  being  derived  from  the  sume  jirimifive  tongue,  or 
*  Ur»prache.' 

We  find  the  modem  Teutonic  languages  settled  in  almost 
exactly  the  same  localities  which  had  heen  the  seat  of  their 
mother  dialects.  SweiUfth  and  Danish,  are  the  offspring  of 
one  of  the  dialects  spoken  by  the  Norsemen,  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Scandinavian  pcninsum  and  adjacent  islands.  Though 
High  German  has  become  tlie  sole  literary  dialect  of  Germany, 
tht;  Low  German,  or  '  Platt-Deutsch/  still  holds  the  ground 
of  its  ancestor  the  QUL^autOr  whilst  tlie  High  German  in  speech 
is  now,  as  it  was  a  thousand  years  ago,  confined  to  the  south- 
east of  Germany,  Bavaria,  Austria,  and  some  adjacent  districts. 
The  Modem  Frisian  dialects  still  nestle  in  those  dear  old 
'  Halligs'  along  the  coast  of  the  North  Sea,  between  the  Weper 
and  the  Elbe,  and  into  Holsteiu  and  Schleswig.  In  spite  of 
centuries  of  humiliation  and  neglect  under  the  Norman  invaders, 
the  Anglo-Saxon  language  yet  holds  its  ground  all  over  Eng- 
land, and  the  English  of  the  present  day  is  in  its  grammatical 
form  quite  as  Teutonic  as  the  Anglo-Saxon  of  the  tenth  century. 
The  West  Saxon  dialect  was  destined  to  become  the  literary 
language  of  England;  but  the  speech  of  the  East  Saxons  and 
South  Saxons,  of  the  North  and  the  South  Angles,  continued 
to  6ourish,  and  often  had  a  more  luxuriant  existence  than  the 
literarj-  language  which  was  more  than  once  deposed  by  foreign 
intruders.  Our  numerous  dialects  are  the  offspring  of  those 
children  of  nature  which  in  their  independent  state  escaped 
the  mandates  of  conquerors  who  attempted  to  uproot  them. 
As  to  the  modem  languages  we  need  not  enter  into  ethno- 
graphical discussion  when  we  state  that  wo  have  to  deal  with 
the  literary  dialects  of  England,  Germany,  Hollaud,  Sweden, 
and  Denmark.  Their  ancient  mother  dialects  will  require  a 
more  detailed  exposition. 

The  oldest  dialect  and  the  most  perfect  in  its  inflexional 
forms  is  the_Galiub  ITiis  statement,  however,  must  not  be 
taken  without  some  qualification.  When  we  say  Gothic  is  the 
oldc&t  diali'ct  we  wish  this  to  be  undyratood  with  reference  to 
literary  documents  only,  which  in  Gothic  reach  back  to  the 
foarth  century',  while  no  other  dialect  possesses  any  literary 

'   Gonptlt,  nbaut  A.c.  j6o- 


6  TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR, 

documents  which  date  back  further  than  the  sixth  century'.  As 
we  shall  point  out  hereafter  more  fully,  Gothic  is  not  superior 
to  the  other  dialects  throughout;  on  the  contrary,  Old  High 
Grerman  and  Anglo-Saxon  possess  in  several  inflexional  forms 
the  advantage  over  Gothic.  Hence  it  will  become  apparent 
also  that  Gothic  is  not  the  primitive  dialect  from  which  the 
others  were  derived,  but  that  all  the  ancient  Teutonic  dialects, 
though  closely  related,  are  independent  of  each  other,  and,  for 
all  we  know,  equally  primitive  in  their  type — ^venerable  old 
sisters  among  which  Gothic  is  the  most  venerable,  the  eldest 
sister. 

The  only  literary  document  which  has  come  down  to  us  in 
the  Gothic  dialect  is  the  translation  of  the  Bible  by  Ulfilas,  a 
Gothic  bishop.     At  the  birth  of  Ulfilas  the  Gothic  occupied 
the  ancient  province  of  Dacia  north  of  the  Danube.     Though 
politically  they  were  divided  into  Ostro-Goths,  or  East-Goths, 
and  Visi-Gotha,  or  West-Goths,  their  language  was  the  same. 
Kindred  tribes  also,  occupying  the  extreme  frontiers  of  Eastern 
Germany,  such  as  Vandals,  Gepidae,  and  others,  are  supposed 
te  have  spoken  the  Gothic  language,  though  probably  in  dialects 
slightly  differing  from  that  of  Ulfilas.     The  Gothic  language 
must  have  become  extinct  before  the  final  disappearance  of  East 
and  West  Goths  from  the  scene  of  histery;  it  left  no  daughter  or 
derivative  language  behind.     Ulfilas  was  bom  in  a.d.  311.     His 
parents  were  of  Cappadocian  origin,  and  had  been  carried  away 
from  their  home  as  captives  about  a.d.  267,  when  the  Goths  made 
a  raid  from  Europe  te  Asia,  Galatia,  and  Cappadocia.     Prom 
these  Christian  captives  the  Goths  first  received  their  knowledge 
of  the  Gospel.      Ulfilas  was  born  among  the  Goths;    Gothic 
was  his  native  language,  though  in  after  life  he  was  able  to 
write  and  speak  both  in  Greek  and  Latin.     When  the  Goths 
were  persecuted   on  account  of  their   Christianity,  Ulfilas  led 
them  across  the  Danube  into  the  Roman  Empire.     As  a  young 
man  of  education,  he  was  sent  on  an  embassy  te  the  Emperor 
Constantine,  who  received  him  wdth  great  respect  and  called 
him  the  Moses  of  his  time.     Another  interview  is  mentioned 
between  Ulfilas  and  the  Emperor  Constentine  which  occurred 
in  A.D.  348,  when  Ulfilas  had  been  for  seven  years  bishop  among 
the  Goths.     Though  the  exact  date  of  the  Gothic  exodus  is 
still  a  disputed  point,  it  is  likely  that  Ulfilas  acted  as  their 
leader  on  more  than  one  occasion.     Ulfilas  never  changed  his 
religion,  but  belonged  to  the  Arian  denomination  all  his  life. 

^  Law9  of  Ethdbert,  a.  d.  597. 


INT  ROD  UCTION.  7 

He  died  at  Constantinople  in  a.d.  38  i  ^  Of  his  translation,  which 
comprised  the  whole  Bible  except  the  Books  of  Kings,  we  still 
possess  the  greater  part  of  the  Gospels,  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul, 
and  small  fragments  of  Esdras  and  Nehemiah.  Besides  these 
portions  of  the  Scriptures  there  are  extant  fragments  of  an 
exposition  in  Gothic  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  and  a  fragment 
of  a  Gothic  calender. 

Old  High  German  comprises  a  number  of  dialects  which  were 

spoken  in  Upper  or  South  Germany,  e.  g.  the  Thiiringian,  Pran- 

oonian,  Swabian,  Alsacian,  Swiss  and  Bavarian  (Austrian),  and 

wiich  are  embodied  in  the  literary  documents  of  three  centuries, 

dating  from  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  to  the  middle  of  the 

eleventh  century.     We  have  already  observed  that  none  of  the 

Teutonic  dialects  can  be  said  to  have  been  derived  from  Gothic. 

Old  High  German,  therefore,  is  a  sister  dialect  of  the  Gothic,  of 

the  Anglo-Saxon,  and  the  Old  Noi'se ;  though,  on  the  other  hand, 

it  most  be  acknowledged  that  the  family  likeness  between  the 

two  former  dialects  is  more  intimate  and  obvious.     From  the 

eleventh  century  a  gradual  change  takes  place  in  the  structure 

of  Old  High  German,  the  inflexional  vowels  are  gradually  worn 

down  or  weakened;    the  full -sounding  a  is  flattened  into  the 

tiinner  vocal  sound  of  e ;   the  vowel  of  the  root  itself  is  more 

and  more  affected  by  the  terminational  e,  so  that  not  only  a 

appears  modified  into  ^,  but  u  also  into  »,  0  into  0. 

Thus  we  see  &om  the  Old  High  German  a  new  dialect  gradually 
developing  itself,  which  stands  to  the  former  in  the  relation  of 
a  daughter  to  a  mother.  This  derivative  dialect  is  called  Middle 
High  Grerman.  It  belonged  to  Upper  Germany  in  the  same 
manner  and  to  the  same  extent  as  its  parent  tongue.  Its  literary 
productions  reach  over  a  period  of  four  hundred  years,  from  the 
^finning  of  the  twelfth  to  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
^Vlilgt  the  literary  documents  in  Old  High  German  are  far  from 
leing  abundant.  Middle  High  German  has  bequeathed  to  us  a 
literature  so  various  in  its  details,  so  clear  in  its  ideas,  so  grand 
in  its  conceptions,  so  refined  and  melodious  in  its  diction,  that  it 
has  rightly  been  called  ^  the  first  classical  period  of  German 
literature/  Exposed,  however,  to  the  continued  wear  and  tear 
of  time,  the  language  of  the  Nibelungen  and  of  the  Gudrun,  of 
a  Wolfram  von  Eschenbach  and  Gottfried  von  Strassburg,  pro- 
ceeds on  its  course  down  the  phonetic  scale  until,  in  Modern 
High  German,  it  has  almost  arrived   at   zero,  the  inflexional 

'  Max  MiiUer,  Lectures  on  the  Science  of  Language,  First  Series  (5th  ed.)  pp. 
19^208. 


6  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

forms  having  dwindled  down  into  a  few  meagre  e  vowels.  This 
modified  High  German  dialect,  this  daughter  of  the  Middle,  and 
grand-daughter  of  the  Old  High  German,  presents  us  with  its 
first  literary  production  of  note  in  Luther's  translation  of  the 
Bible,  and  reaches  its  culminating  point  in  the  language  of 
Goethe^s  Iphigenia  and  Torquato  Tasso,  the  most  classical  of  all 
works  of  ^  the  second  classical  period  of  German  literature/ 

The  same  course  which  we  have  attempted  to  trace  in  this 
short  sketch  will  be  observed  when  we  turn  to  the  other  Ten- 
tonic  dialects  and  their  modem  derivatives.  Anglo-Saxon,  the 
literary  langyage,  is  one  of  the  dialects  transplanted  into  Celtic  soil 
by  the  invaders  who  came  from  the  western  and  north-western 
districts  of  Low  Germany  ^. 

The  Celtic  language  was  spoken  not  only  by  the  primitive 
inhabitants  of  Britain,  but  sJso  by  the  inhabitants  of  Graul,- 
Belgium,  and  part  of  Spain.  No  literary  documents  from  that 
primitive  or  pre- Roman  time  have  come  down  to  us,  probably 
because  the  Druids,  according  to  Caesar^s  account,  shrunk  from 
committing  their  sacred  rites  and  doctrines  to  writing.  The 
most  ancient  Irish  documents  do  not  reach  back  further  than 
to  the  eighth  or  ninth  century. 

The  Roman  legions  brought  their  language  and  customs  to 
Britain.  The  long  duration  of  the  Roman  occupation,  their 
perennial  encampments,  the  colonies  founded  by  their  veteran 
soldiers,  the  rise  of  flourishing  cities,  the  construction  of  high- 
roads, and  other  monuments  of  art  and  science  which  are  partly 
extant,  show  how  deeply  Roman  civilization  had  struck  root  in 
this  country.  And  yet  there  are  no  Latin  words  dating  from 
that  time  preserved  in  the  language,  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  compounds,  as  colonia,  coin,  in  Lincoln,  and  castra,  cestra, 
cester,  in  Chester,  Winchester,  Gloucester,  &c.  It  was  only  with 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  that  a  copious  Latin  vocabulary, 
chiefly  referring  to  ecclesiastical  afiairs,  found  admission  into  the 
language  of  the  country.  With  the  scholastic,  and  subsequently 
the  classical  studies,  new  supplies  of  Latin  terms  were  intro- 
duced into  the  vernacular;  and  the  mania  of  latinizing  the 
language  in  the  time  of  Queen  Elizabeth  became  so  general, 
that  Thomas  Wilson  (died  1581)  bitterly  complains  of  the 
'  strange  ink-horn  terms'  introduced  into  English.  '  Some  seek 
so  far  for  outlandish  English,  that  they  forget  altogether  their 

^  There  are  some  who  consider  the  Anglo-Saxon  of  our  ancient  documents  to  be 
a  compound  of  several  dialects  which  took  its  rise  after  the  Saxon  invasion  of 
England,  *a  new  speech,  resulting  from  the  fusion  of  many  separate  elements/ 
Marsh,  Lfcturet,  p.  43. 


INTRODUCTION.  ^ 

mother's  lan^age.  And  I  dare  swear  this,  if  some  of  their 
mothers  were  alive,  they  were  not  ahle  to  tell  what  they  say; 
and  yet  these  fine  English  will  say  they  speak  in  their  mother 
tongue,  if  a  man  should  charge  them  with  counterfeiting  the 
King's  English/  And  of  Sir  Thomas  Browne  it  is  asserted,  not 
without  reason,  that  to  persons  acquainted  only  with  their 
native  tongue,  many  of  his.  sentences  must  be  nearly  unintelli- 
gible; and  the  author  is  himself  of  opinion  that,  if  the  desire 
after  elegancy  continued  to  work  in  the  same  direction,  it- 
would  soon  be  necessary  to  learn  Latin  in  order  to  understaud 
English. 

We  return  to  Anglo-Saxon.     The  four  Teutonic  tribes  that 
invaded  Britain  have  left  no  record  in  the  dialect  peculiar  to 
each ;  we  therefore  have  no  facts  from  which  to  obtain  any  idea 
ais  to  the  nature  of  their  language.     The  Jutes  who  settled  in 
Kent,  Hampshire,  and  the  Isle  of  Wight,  may  probably  have 
spoken  a  Low  German,  that  is,  a  dialect  most  closely  akin  to 
Anglo-Saxon,  for  we  find  in  those  districts  no  traces  whatever 
which  point  to  the  Old  Norse  dialect.     But  on  the  other  hand 
it  must  be  admitted  that  if  their  dialect  had  been  Old  Norse,  it 
might,  from  its  constant  and  immediate  contact  with  the  over- 
whelming  Saxon  element,  have  gradually  become   extinct   in 
proportion  to  the  amalgamation  of  the  Jutes  with  the  Saxons. 
The  Angles  who  came  from  Western  Schleswig  settled  north  of 
the  Saxons,  between  the  Thames  and  the  Wash.    Their  language 
must  have  closely  resembled  the  Saxon  dialect.     But  as  to  the 
latter,  we  have  no  better  evidence.     The  Saxons  who  settled  in 
England  called  themselves  simply  Saxons  in  contradistinction 
to  the  '  Old  Saxons,'  that  is,  those  tribes  of  their  nation  which 
had  remained  behind  in  the  old  country.     Though  the  Saxon 
emigrants  and  the  German  Old  Saxons  must  have  been  most 
intimately  related,  it  is  still  doubtful  whether  they  belonged 
exactly  to  one  and  the  same  tribe.     On  the  contrary,  judging 
from  the  intimate  relation  existing  between  Saxons  and  Angles, 
their  joint  enterprises  and  settlement  in  a  new  country,  one 
might  feel  inclined  to  take  the  English  Saxons  as  belonging  to 
a  tribe  which  occupied  the  district  north  of  the  Elbe,  and  which 
is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Southern  Saxons.     Still   the 
question   remains   to  be  settled,  whether   their   language   was 
identically  the  same  or  not. 

If  we  take  the  degree  in  which  the  language  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Beowulf  differs  from  that  of  the  Old  Saxon  Heliand  as 
the  only  criterion,  we  must  admit  that  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old 
Saxon    were   two    distinct   dialects.      This  difference    however 


10  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

may  be  accounted  for  in  another  way.  The  Old  Saxons  who 
stayed  behind  in  their  country  were  generally  stationary,  and 
not  exposed  to  external  influences  which  make  themselves 
keenly  felt  among  emigrants  by  causing  rapid  changes  in 
manners,  customs,  and  language.  The  English  Saxons,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  eminently  exposed  to  those  influences.  They 
found  themselves  in  a  new  country,  in  novel  scenery  and  con- 
ditions of  life;  they  soon  forgot  their  old  country  with  its 
songs  and  sagas;  they  gradually  mingled  with  the  Celtic 
natives,  scpjirated  into  different  parties,  and  founded  seven 
jHjtty  stakes,  which  were  to  a  certain  extent  independent  of  each 
other.  What  wonder  that  such  conditions,  differing  so  materi- 
ally from  those  of  the  German  Saxons,  should  bring  about  a 
different  course  of  development  in  their  language,  and  account 
for  the  divergrnce  which  we  perceive  on  comparing  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  ()ld  Saxon  dialects  ^ 

Under  the  term  of  Anglo-Saxon  we  include  all  the  Teutonic 
dialects  which  were  spoken  in  England  from  the  fifth  century. 
Ilio  term  itself  was  of  a  later  date,  and  supplanted  the  earlier  terms 
of  'Saxon'  and  'Anglisc.'  Grammarians  divide  this  Anglo-Saxon 
into  two  periods.  Old  and  New  Anglo-Saxon,  or  Semi-Saxon. 
I1ie  Hteniry  documents  in  Old  Anglo-Saxon  extend  over  a  period 
of  almost  live  hundred  years,  beginning  with  Beowulf,  a  poem 
which  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  imported  from  their  own  country, 
and  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  written  in  the  seventh  cen- 
ttiry,  although  there  are  no  manuscripts  that  can  be  referred 
beyond  the  tenth  century.  Old  Anglo-Saxon  again  may  be 
distinguished  into  two  principal  dialects,  the  Saxon  and  the 
Anglian,  or  Southern  and  Northern  dialect.  These  again  were 
)rol)ably  subdivided  into  local  dialects,  among  which  that  of  the 
Vest  Saxons  gained  the  ascendancy  and  became  the  literary 
lungtiage,  used  in  Beowulf,  in  Caedmon's  Metrical  Paraphrase, 
and  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle.  The  Northern  or  Anglian 
dialect  is  divided  again  into  the  North  and  South  Anglian 
(Mercia,  Anglia — Northumberland),  the  former  being  largely 
tinged  with  the  Danish  or  Old  Norse  element.  The  dialect  of 
Mercia  is  supposed  to  have  been  partly  made  use  of  in  the  com- 
position of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  and  the  Durham  Book 
is  written  in  the  dialect  of  Northumbria. 

The  first  period  of  Old  Anglo-Saxon  is  characterized  by  its 
purely  Teutonic  elements,  its  consonants  which  closely  corre- 

*  It  is  true  that  generally  colonization  fixes  a  language,  as  we  learn  from  the 
Icelandic  for  instance  ;  but  then  the  fact  is  chiefly  owing  to  the  isolated  position  of 
a  people,  and  want  of  intercourse  with  other  nations. 


\ 


INTRODUCTION,  11 

pond  with  the  Gothic,  its  rich  and  varied  vocalism  and  its 
nflcsional  forms,  which,  though  greatly  worn  and  weakened, 
re  still  full-sounding  vowels.  Besides  the  natural  decline  and 
)honetic  changes  which  we  have  observed  in  the  transition  from 
)ld  High  German  to  Middle  and  Modern  High  German,  we 
ind  in  the  English  language  other  agencies  at  work  which 
combined  to  give  the  English  language  of  the  present  day  its 
iiversified  aspect,  and  which  therefore  deserve  some  further 
ttotice. 

The  Old  Norse  dialect,  which  we  shall  have  especially  to 
mention  hereafter,  exercised  a  great  influence  chiefly  upon  the 
language  of  the  north  of  England,  where  from  a.d.  787  the 
Norsemen,  that  is  Danes  and  Norwegians,  made  repeated  in- 
roads and  gradually  settled  in  the  country.  The  reign  of  the 
Danish  Kings  too,  from  a.d.  1002  to  1041,  cannot  have  passed 
without  admitting  the  Danish  element  more  freely  into  the 
language  as  well  as  the  customs  of  the  Saxons.  The  Anglo- 
Saxon  vocabulary  has  consequently  adopted  a  certain  stock  of 
Old  Norse  words,  part  of  which  are  still  preserved  in  the  English 
of  the  present  day.  The  northern  dialects  above  all  may  owe 
their  broad  full  vowels  to  Old  Norse  influences. 

Even  before  the  Conquest,  Norman-French  found  entrance 
into  England,  chiefly  at  court.  Edward  the  Confessor,  having 
been  educated  at  the  Norman  court,  had  naturally  a  pre- 
dilection for  the  Norman  system,  which  he  also  imitated  by 
introducing  Norman-French  as  the  language  of  his  court.  With 
the  Conquest  Norman-French  found  ready  entrance  among  the 
higher  classes.  The  succession  of  Norman  barons  to  the  con- 
fiscated estates  of  the  Saxon  nobility,  the  appointment  of  the 
Norman  clergy  to  the  higher  dignities  of  the  Saxon  Church ; 
the  erection  of  convents  inhabited  by  Norman  monks  and  nuns  ; 
the  intimate  connection  between  the  clergy  and  nobility, — all  this 
tended,  in  a  comparatively  short  time,  to  make  the  Norman 
tongue  the  language  of  rank  and  education,  while  Anglo-Saxon 
continued  to  be  that  of  the  nation  at  large,  that  is,  the  language 
of  the  needy  and  the  oppressed.  But  there  is  always  some 
intercourse  between  the  upper  and  lower  classes,  and  where  their 
languages  are  different,  they  will  of  necessity  create  a  mixed 
tongue,  as  the  occasion  requires. 

But  with  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  a  reaction 
began.  The  loss  of  Normandy  by  King  John  suspended  further 
immigrations  from  that  country,  and  the  agreement  made  be- 
tween the  Kings,  Henry  III  and  Louis  IX,  according  to  which 
subjects  of  one  crown  could  not  acquire  landed  property  under 


1?  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

the  other^  put  a  stop  to  Norman  transmigrations.  The  despotic 
aggressions  of  the  English  Kings  soon  joined  Normans  and 
Saxons  in  a  common  league  against  their  royal  oppressors^  and 
in  these  movements  the  freedom-loving,  honesty  Saxon  element 
made  itself  conspicuous  and  regained  its  ascendancy  over  the 
Norman-tVench  type.  The  proud  Norman,  who  heretofore,  in 
order  to  pronounce  dissent  or  unbelief  was  wont  to  exclaim  with 
an  oath,  '  Then  I  shall  become  an  Englishman!'  or,  in  order 
to  spurn  at  an  unbeconiing  proposal, '  Do  you  take  me  for  an 
Englishnaan^  ?'— that  same  Norman,  a  hundred  years  aflber,  was 
proud  of  the  appellation  of  Englishman.  He  in  fact  gradually 
lost  the  consciousness  of  his  Norman-Prench  nationality,  so  that 
in  1308  he  joined  the  Saxon  in  opposing  the  French  favourites 
whom, King  Edward  had  called  over,  and  in  compelling  the 
King  to  dismiss  them.  These  anti-French  feelings  were  still  more 
fostered  by  the  ware  with  France  which  commenced  in  1339 
under  Edward  III,  and  which  more  than  anything  else  tended 
to  amalgamate  the  Norman  and  Saxon  into  one  compact  nation- 
ality— a  nationality  of  which  both  parties  had  good  reason  to  be 
proud.  The  result  of  these  political  changes  becomes  plainly 
manifest  in  the  history  of  the  English  language.  Already  in 
1 258  Henry  III  ordered  the  enactments  of  the  Mad  Parliament> 
to  be  published,  not  only  in  Latin  and  French  but  also  in  th^ 
vernacular ;  and  the  victory  of  the  Saxon  element  was,  about  a 
hundred  years  after,  so  decided  that  Edward  III  in  1 363  decreed 
that  henceforth  causes  pending  in  courts  of  law  should  be  con- 
ducted in  English  and  registered  in  Latin,  because  the  French 
language  was  too  little  known.  This  remarkable  document  was 
composed  in  pure  Saxon,  unmixed  with  French^.  The  literary 
documents  of  this  period  in  general  are  characterized  by  a  con- 
siderable loss  in  the  inflexional  forms,  and  an  important  admix- 
ture of  Norman-French  with  the  Old  Anglo-Saxon. 

English  again  is  divided  into  three  periods:  Old  English,  Middle 
English,  and  Modem  English.  The  period  of  Old  English  com- 
prises a  hundred  years.  During  this  period  the  old  inflexional 
forms  continued  their  decline,  so  that  the  declension  of  sub- 
stantives hardly  show  more  than  the  debris  of  the  old  inflexional 
forms.  To  the  Old  English  period  belong  Robert  of  Gloucester's 
Chronicle,  Peter  Langtoft^s  Chronicle,  and  the  Early  English 
Psalter.  To  the  Middle  English  period  belong  the  writings  of 
Wycliffe,  Chaucer  and  Sir  John  Mandeville.  The  period  of  Middle 
English  is  commonly,  and  I  consider  rightly,  introduced  with 
Chaucer,  '  the  father  of  English  poetry,^  who  undoubtedly  had 

*  Koch,  EinUitung,  p.  14.  *  Ibid.  p.  15. 


INTRODUCTION.  13 

Lt  vastly  greater  influence  ou  the  thoughts  and  on  the  speech 
of  UU  countrymen  than  Wycliffe,  whose  translation  of  the  Bible 
was,  up  to  the  time  of  the  Reformation,  most  probably  knouii 
to  none  except  the  learned  few.  Midtile  English  is  characterized 
by  the  rapid  dilapidation  of  all  inflesionnl  forms,  the  diminution 
of  strong  verbs,  and  the  almost  total  abt^euee  of  declensions 
i>f  substantives  as  well  as  adjeetives. 

Modem  English  continued  the  eame  decline,  and  has  bj 
this  time  succeeded  in  Ktripping  itself  of  all  inflexional  forms 
with  the  exception  of  the  «  and  st  of  the  present,  the  ed  of 
the  preterite  of  the  verb,  the  «  of  the  genitive,  the  degrees  of 
comparison  of  adjectives,  and  a  few  pronominal  cases.  As  the 
first  important  work  in  Modem  English,  we  may  consider  the 
translation  of  the  Bible  under  the  auspices  of  King  James  the 
FSmt,  forming  the  authorized  version  up  to  the  present  time. 
It  was  ba^ed  upon  the  Bishop's  Bil^le,  and  the  translations  of 
Coverdale,  Tyndale,  &c.,  were  to  be  consulted  whenever  they 
were  in  closer  harmony  with  the  original  text  than  the  Bishop's 
Bible.  In  spite  of  the  drawbacks  we  have  mentioned,  the 
Modem  English  language  has,  according  to  Jacob  Grimm, 
gained  in  spiritual  maturity  what  it  has  lost  in  the  more  material 
advantages  of  inflexional  tbnns ;  and,  according  to  another  au- 
thority, it  has  during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
bt*n  worked  out  so  elaborately  that  it  combines  the  vigour  of 
the  Teutonic  with  the  elegance  of  the  Latin  languages,  and 
must  be  considered  completely  sufficient  for  the  expression  of 
every  thought  in  poetry  or.  prose. 

As  to  the  constituent  elements  composing  modern  English  the 
following  observations  may  find  their  place  here.  The  I^euch 
element  having  been  engrafted  on  the  German,  all  inilexions  in 
the  English  language,  such  as  they  are,  are  German.  This  is 
therefore  the  case  with  auxiliary  verba  and  all  verbal  inflexions, 
the  pronouns,  the  numerals,  conjunctions,  and  prepositions  (with 
few  exceptions).  German  appellations  are  preferred  for  natural 
objects  and  phEenomena  of  nature,  such  as  animals,  plants  and 
minerals,  the  parts  of  the  human  body,  the  sky,  the  weather, 
and  everything  connected  with  them.  German  are  the  names 
which  designate  articles  of  dress  and  weapons ;  and  the  farmer 
characteristically  enough  uses  only  German  words  in  the  course 
of  bis  daily  occupation  ;  and  so,  on  the  whole,  does  the  sailor. 
The  names  for  articles  of  food  are  mixed,  some  German,  others 
French.  Here  again  it  is  interesting  to  observe  the  characteristic 
application  of  French  terms  for  certain  kinds  of  meat,  and  Ger- 
man for  the  animals  from  which  the  food  is  derived :  the  Saxon 


14  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

farmer  speaks  of  ox  and  cow,  calf  and  sheep,  out  of  which  the 
French  or  Gallicized  cook  produces  beef,  veal,  and  mutton.  The 
French  element  has  decidedly  the  ascendancy  in  such  appella- 
tions as  refer  to  the  political  organization,  the  titles,  and  dignities 
of  the  state,  to  arts  and  sciences. 

Old  Norse  we  call  that  dialect  which  in  the  olden  times,  and 
as  late  as  the  eleventh  century,  was  spoken  and  generally  under- 
stood in  Sweden,  Norway,  Denmark,  and  the  adjacent  islands. 
This  language  was  preserved  almost  intact  in  Iceland,  while  in 
Denmark  and  Sweden  it  grew  into  two  different  dialects,  the 
Modern  Danish  and  Swedish.  The  Icelandic  of  the  present  day 
has  a  closer  aflBnity  to  the  Old  Norse  dialects  in  the  literary 
documents  of  the  ninth  century  than  the  Old  High  Grerman  of 
the  eighth  shows  to  the  High  German  of  the  eleventh  century. 
This  stationary  existence  of  the  Norse  language  in  Icelandic 
can  be  explained  partly  by  its  secluded  position  in  an  island  far 
out  of  reach  of  continental  influence,  partly  by  the  stereotyped 
form  which  it  assumed  in  the  old  songs  and  sagas  most  zealously 
cultivated  by  the  Icelander  of  later  times.  Their  island  had 
been  known  in  the  ninth  century  when  voyages  of  discovery 
were  made  thither.  Even  afterwards,  when  the  despotic  reign 
of  Harold  Haarfagr  threatened  to  reduce  the  northern  free- 
men to  a  state  of  vassalage,  many  inhabitants  of  the  Scan- 
dinavian islands,  a  number  of  noblemen  amongst  them,  emi- 
grated to  the  distant  shores  of  Iceland,  while  others  directed 
their  voyage  towards  France  and  England.  In  Iceland  the 
Northmen  established  an  aristocratic  republic,  their  settlement 
began  to  thrive,  and  they  adopted  Christianit}''  in  the  year  looo. 

The  old  poetry  which  flourished  in  Norway  in  the  eighth 
century,  and  which  was  cultivated  by  the  Skalds  in  the  ninth, 
would  have  been  lost  in  Norway  itself  had  it  not  been  for  the 
jealous  care  with  which  it  was  preserved  by  the  emigrants  of 
Iceland.  The  most  important  branch  of  their  traditional  poetry 
was  short  songs  (hliod  or  Quida)  relating  the  deeds  of  their  gods 
and  heroes.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  their  age,  but  they 
existed  at  least  previously  to  the  emigration  of  the  Northmen 
to  Iceland,  and  probably  as  early  as  the  seventh  century.  Those 
ancient  songs  of  the  Northmen  were  collected  about  the  middle 
of  the  twelfth  century,  and  are  still  preserved  in  the  two  Eddas, 
of  which  the  elder  or  poetical  Edda  contains  old  mythic  poems, 
the  younger  or  Snorri's  Edda  gives  the  ancient  myths  in  prose. 
Both  Eddas  were  composed  in  Iceland  and  form  the  most 
valuable  part  of  Old  Norse  literature  ^ 

*  Max  M tiller,  Lectures,  First  Scries,  p.  an. 


INTRODUCTION.  15 

From  the  Old  Norse  are  derived  the  modern  Swedish  and  Danish 
ing^uages,  although  it  may  reasonably  be  doubted,  whether  they 
ave  sprung  from  exactly  that  form  of  speech  which  is  preserved 
1  the  Old  Norse  literary  documents.  It  is  indeed  now  txiken 
or  granted  that  Old  Norse  at  a  very  early  date  was  split  into 
wo  sister  dialects,  one,  spoken  in  Norway,  being  the  mother  of 
)ld  Norwegian  or  Icelandic,  the  other  the  parent  of  Swedish 
knd  Danish.  The  first  germs  of  Swedish  and  Danish  are  con- 
idered  to  have  existed  long  before  the  eleventh  century  in  the 
lialects  of  the  numerous  clans  and  tribes  of  the  Scandinavian 
•ace.  That  race  is  clearly  divided  into  two  branches,  called  by 
Swedish  scholars  the  East  and  West  Scandinavian.  The  former 
ivould  be  represented  by  the  old  language  of  Norway  and 
[celand,  the  latter  by  Swedish  and  Danish.  This  division  of 
jhe  Scandinavian  race  had  taken  place  before  the  Northmen 
settled  in  Norway  and  Sweden^. 

All  the  dialects  spoken  in  the  Lowlands  of  Germany  between 
the  Rhine  and  the  shores  of  the  Baltic  are  comprised  under  the 
term  of  Low  German.  Anglo-Saxon  is  a  Low  German  dialect, 
and  there  are  belonging  to  the  same  category  several  others 
which  require  a  passing  allusion.  On  the  north  coast  of  Ger- 
many between  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe,  and  to  the  north  of  the 
Elbe,  extended  the  Old  Frisian  dialect.  Though  it  is  preserved 
in  literary  documents  which  do  not  reach  back  beyond  the  four- 
teenth century,  and  therefore  are  contemporary  with  the  Middle, 
not  the  Old,  High  German  literature,  the  Old  Frisian  dialect 
nevertheless  displays  a  more  antique  cast  and  resembles  more 
closely  Old,  than  Middle,  High  German.  ^The  political  isola- 
tion and  the  noble  adhesion  of  the  Frisians  to  their  ancient  laws 
and  traditions  imparted  to  their  language  also  a  more  conserva- 
tive tendency.  For  the  same  reason  we  see  about  that  time, 
nay  up  to  the  present  day,  the  Icelandic  language  but  slightly 
deviating  from  the  grammatical  forms  which  are  characteristic 
of  the  Old  Norse  dialect.  After  the  fourteenth  century  the  old 
Frisian  forms  become  rapidly  extinct,  whilst  in  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries  they  were  almost  on  a  parallel  with  the 
Anglo-Saxon  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries.* ' 

Old  Saxon  is  the  dialect  which  was  spoken  in  the  German 
Lowlands  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe  in  the  districts  which 
lie  at  the  foot  of  the  central  plateau  of  Germany.  This  language 
we  know  from  literary  productions  which  date  from  between  the 
ninth  and  eleventh  centuries,  and  had  their  origin  in  the  dis- 
tricts of  Mimster,  Essen  and  Cleve.    The  most  ancient  and  most 

*  Max  MtiUer,  Leeture$t  i.  p.  aio.  '  Ibid.  p.  196. 


16  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

important  document  in  Old  Saxon  is  the  Heliand  (the  Healer^ 
or  Saviour,  German  heiland),  a  free  version  of  the  Gospels, 
written  for  the  newly  converted  Saxons  about  the  ninth  century. 
The  Old  Saxon  is  the  mother  of  the  Middle  Low  German  which 
is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Middle  German  and  Middle 
Netherlandish  or  Middle  Dutch,  and  the  modem  derivative  of 
which  we  find  in  Modem  Low  German  or  '  Platt-Deutsch/  Old 
Saxon  most  closely  approaches  Old  High  German,  whilst  the 
dialect  spoken  in  the  districts  of  Thuringia,  Hesse,  &c.,  situated 
between  Upper  and  Lower  Germany,  formed  a  kind  of  transition 
between  High  and  Low  German.  The  Dutch  language  boasts 
of  no  such  antique  documents  as  we  find  in  English  and  German, 
for  its  literature  cannot  be  traced  fiirther  back  than  the  six- 
teenth century.  Still  it  is  to  the  present  day  a  literary  and 
national  language,  although  confined  to  a  small  area.  Flemish 
too  was  in  those  times  the  language  used  in  the  courts  of  Zan- 
ders and  Brabant,  but  at  a  later  period  it  had  to  give  way  before 
the  official  languages  of  Holland  and  Belgium,  and  its  use  is 
almost  completely  confined  to  the  Flemish  peasantry. 

Having  so  far  sketched  the  relative  position  of  the  difierent 
Teutonic  languages  spread  over  their  resi>ective  areas  in  Europe, 
we  must  direct  our  attention  to  the  degree  of  relationship  in. 
which  they  stand  to  each  other,  and  in  which  they  a<2^n,  taken- 
collectively,  stand  to  other  cognate  languages.  We  take  for 
this  purpose  the  Old  Teutonic  dialects,  in  which  the  modem 
derivative  languages  will  find  their  illustration  at  the  same  time. 
The  six  old  Teutonic  dialects,  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old 
Norse,  Old  Frisian,  Old  Saxon,  and  Anglo-Saxon,  ihay  accord- 
ing to  their  greater  or  lesser  affinity  be  classified  in  three  groups : 
Gothic  with  its  nearest  relatives,  namely,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old 
Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  forming  the  Low  German  group ;  by  the 
side  of  which  we  place  as  a  second  group  Old  High  German,  as 
a  third.  Old  Norse.  All  the  Teutonic  languages  however  are 
descended  from  one  common  mother  which  we  call  the  primi- 
tive Teutonic  (Grundsprache),  and  the  relation  of  the  diffisrent 
groups,  ancient  and  modern,  to  this  primitive  tongue  will  appear 
from  the  following  diagram. 

The  Teutonic  dialects  again,  of  which  the  Gothic  is  our  repre- 
sentative, belong  to  a  group  which  formerly  went  under  the  name 
of  ^  Indo-European,'  now  by  that  of '  Aryan  languages '.'  To  the 
same  group  belong  the  following  classes. 

I .  The  Indian  class  of  languages.  Sanskrit,  the  most  important 

*  Some  German  lingaists  use  the  tenn  of '  Indo-Grermanic' 


iXTRODUvrwif.  ir 

langnflge  for  the  student  of  Comparative  Grammar,  ia  tlie  sacred 
language  of  the  Hindoos.  It  had  ceased  to  be  a  spoken  languaije 
at  least  three  hundred  years  before  Christ.  At  that  time  the 
jwople  of  India  sjioke  dialects  standing  to  the  ancient  Vedic 
Sanskrit  in  the  relation  of  Italian  to  Latin.  The  dialects,  called 
Prakrit,  are  known  partly  from  inscriptions  which  are  still  pre- 
served, partly  from  the  Pali,  the  saered  langTiage  of  Buddhism 
in  Ceylon,  and  partly  from  the  Prilkrit  idioms  ns«d  in  later  plays 
and  poetical  compositions;  and  we  see  at  last  bow  through  a 
mixture  »vith  the  languages  of  the  various  conquerors  of  India, 
and  through  a  concomitant  eorruption  of  their  grammatical 
system,  they  were  changed  into  the  modem  Hindi,  Hindustani, 
Mahratti,  and  Bengali,  During  all  this  time,  however,  Sanskrit 
continued  as  the  literari'  language  of  the  Brahmins.  Like 
Latin,  it  did  not  die  in  giving  birth  to  its  numerous  offspring, 
and  even  at  the  present  day  an  educated  Brahmin  would  write 
with  greater  fluency  in  Sanskrit  than  in  Bengali '. 

2.  The  Iranic  class  of  languages,  among  which  most  closely 
allied  to  the  Sanskrit  is  the  Zend,  or  sacred  language  of  the 
Zoroastrians  or  worshippers  of  Ormuzd.  To  the  same  class  belong 
Old  and  Modern  Persian,  the  Kurdic,  Armenian,  &c. 

3.  The  Greek  language,  with  its  derivative.  Modem  Greek. 

4.  The  Italic  class,  represented  in  several  dialects — the  Umbric, 
Osk,  Sabine,  and  Latin ;  and,  derived  from  the  latter,  the  Modern 
Latin  or  Romance  languages — Italian,  Spanish,  Portuguese, 
Provencal,  French,  and  Rumanic. 

5.  The  Slavonic  class — Russian,  Bulgarian,  Polish,  Bohemian, 
and  lUyrian. 

6.  The  Lithuanian  class,  represented  by  LettJc  and  Old  Prus- 
sian (now  extinct). 

7.  The  Celtic  langnages,  comprising  Welsh,  Erse  or  Gaelic, 
the  Manse,  the  Breton,  and  the  Cornish  (now  extinct). 

To  these  difierent  groups  or  classes  of  languages  we  must 
then  refer  our  Teutonic  directs  for  the  sake  of  comparison  and 
explanation.  But  it  would  be  erroneous  to  suppose  that  every 
word  or  every  grammatical  form  which  we  meet  in  Gothic  must 
be  preserved  in  Sanskrit  too,  or  that  for  every  Latin  word  we 
can  give  the  parallel  in  Celtic  or  Slavonic.  Where,  however,  one 
class  leaves  us  without  a  clue,  another  may  step  in  to  supply 
the  defect.  If  Gothic  does  not  show  an  analogy  to  a  certain 
word  in  Sanskrit,  Latin  will  do  so,  or  Greek.  'I'his  holds  good 
ecially  for  the  etymology  of  words,  while  for  our  grammatical 

'  .Mu  MUllur,  Leetaret,  i.  |i.  IS4. 


18  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

forms^  inflexions^  and  terminations,  a  reference  from  the  Teutonic 
to  the  Latin,  Greek,  or  Sanskrit  languages  will  generally  suffice 
to  trace  them  to  their  primitive  types. 

The  Aryan  languages  which  we  have  just  enumerated^  being 
again  looked  upon  as  the  daughters  of  an  older  parent  stock, 
are  very  often  reduced  to  a  primitive  idiom,  called  by  Grerman 
grammarians  the  '  Ursprache.'     From  the  results  Comparative 
Grammar  has  gained  on  the  field  of  the  cognate  lang^uages, 
science  has  succeeded  in  building  up  the  grammar  of  the  pri- 
mitive language,   the  mother  of  the  whole  Aryan  tribe,  the 
*  Ursprache'  of  German    linguists,   the   language   which   was 
spoken  by  our  Aryan  ancestors  before  Sanskrit  was  Sanskritj 
Greek  was  Greek,  or  Latin  was  Latin.     It  is  not  without  a 
feeling  of  wonder  and  awe  that  one   follows  the  bold  philo- 
sopher  into    those   regions  of   antiquity,  in   comparison  with 
which  the  most  ancient  documents  of  Greek  or  even  Sanskrit 
literature   are  but  of  yesterday.     We   shall  introduce  all  the 
grammatical  forms  of  the  ^  primitive  language'  as  far  as  they" 
have  been  traced,  and  as  &r  as  they  may  tend  to  throw  lights 
upon  the  grammatical  forms  of  the  Teutonic  languages.     Whea 
we  speak  of  the  ^  primitive  language'  we  understand  of  course 
that  language  which  was  the  mother  of  Sanskrit,  Greek,  Latin, 
and  Gothic ;  as  Latin  was  the  mother  of  French,  Italian,  and 
Spanish.     But  we  do  not  speak  of  the  on^  primitive  language 
of  mankind,  because  everything  tends  to  prove  that  there  ex- 
isted many  primitive  languages,  some  of  which  became  extinct, 
others  gave  birth  to  filial  tongues.     Looking  apart,  however, 
from  these  questions,  which  belong  to  Comparative  Grammar  in 
general,  we  confine  ourselves  to  giving  as  far  as  possible  the 
primitive  types  of  all  the  grammatical  forms  which  the  English- 
man, Dane,  or  German,  uses  in   his  daily  speech.     To  effect 
this  we  have  of  course  to  trace  our  way  first  to  the  Old  Teutonic 
dialects,  to   the  cognate  languages,  and  thence   to   the   most 
ancient  form  of  Aryan  speech ;  or,  vice  versa,  placing  the  primi- 
tive form  at  the  head,  we  follow  its  course  of  development  in 
the  cognate  and  Old  Teutonic  languages,  thence  through  the 
Middle  to  the  New  Teutonic  dialects. 

The  different  Aryan  languages,  though  all  of  them  descend- 
ants of  the  same  mother,  do  not  stand  in  exactly  the  same  degree 
of  affinity  to  their  parent,  but  show  more  or  less  family  likeness. 
Thus  Sanskrit,  for  instance,  approaches  in  most  cases  most  nearly 
the  primitive  language,  while  Gothic  most  widely  diverges  from 
it.  We  may  therefore  look  upon  Sanskrit  as  the  eldest,  Gothic 
as  the  youngest  sister  of  the  Aryan  family,  though  it  must  be  well 


INTRODUCTION.  19 

understood  that  this  comparison  holds  fifood  only  to  the  extent 
wre  have  pointed  out :  Sanskrit  looks  older,  Gothic  younger,  in 
the  garment  in  which  we  find  them  dressed  up  in  the  most  ancient 
docaments.     From  what  we   have  stated  it  will  also  become 
apparent  that  there  must  exist  a  greater  or  less  affinity  of  the 
Aryan  languages  to  each  other,  in  proportion  as  they  have  more 
or  less  preserved  the  family  likeness  to  their  common  mother. 
This  family  likeness  is  greater  in  the  languages  of  those  nations 
which  settled  down  in  the  East,  it  is  less  in  the  languages  of 
Western  nations ;  the  former  contain  more  of  the  ancient  forms, 
the  latter  have  more  often  replaced  them  by  modern  formations. 
From  this  again  it  follows  that  the  allied  Slavonic  and  Teutonic 
tribes  first  separated  from  their  ancient  home  and  nation  and 
began  their  migration  to  the  far  West ;  after  them  the  united 
Greek,  Italic,  and  Celtic  tribes  emigrated  in  the  same  direction, 
while  the  tribes  that  remained  behind  in  their  ancient  home 
split  again  in  two,  the  Iranians  (Persians)  settling  in  the  south- 
west, the  Indians  in  the  south-east  of  the  plateau  of  Central 
Asia,  the  original  home  of  the  Aryan  tribes.     The  divisions 
of  the  primitive  language  into  the  different  Aryan   tongues 
Schleicher  has  very  ingeniously  represented  in  a  diagram,  given 
on  the  following  page,  where  the  length  of  the  lines  indicates 
the  duration,  the  divergence  of  the  lines  the  degree  of  rela- 
tionship of  these  languages. 


c  2 


20 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


TEUTOMC 


PRmiTIVK 


ARYAN 


ICKLAMOIC 


KIIGLI8N 


DUTCH 


PUITT- 
OEUTSOM 


CCRMAN 


DiAOBAM   SHOWING  THE  RELATION  OF  THE  TEUTONIC  LaNOUAOSS'. 


'  The  arrangement  I  have  made  in  this  diagram  differs  materially  fron^that  made 
by  Schleicher  in  his  diagram  of  the  Aryan  languages  in  the  pamphlet '  Die  Darwin* 
fdie  Theorie  unddie  Sprachwissenschaft,*  Weimar,  1863. 


VOWEL   SOUNDS. 


VowBLS  are  formed  by  the  configuration  of  the  mouthy  or  the 
bnccal  tube;  but  the  pitch  or  tone  inherent  to  each  vowel  is 
determined  by  the  chordae  vocales.  On  emitting  the  breath 
from  the  lungs  through  the  buccal  tube  in  order  to  pronounce 
a  vowel,  we  may  give  the  interior  of  the  mouth  two  extreme 
positions.  In  one  the  lips  are  rounded  and  the  tongue  is  drawn 
down,  'so  that  the  cavity  of  the  mouth  assumes  the  shape  of 
a  bottle  without  a  neck,'  and  we  pronounce  u.  In  the  other 
we  narrow  the  lips  and  draw  up  the  tongue  to  its  utmost,  so 
that  the  buccal  tube  represents  'a  bottle  with  a  very  narrow 
neck,'  and  we  pronounce  i.  Intermediate  between  the  u  and 
I,  with  lips  less  rounded  than  in  the  case  of  the  former,  and 
lees  narrowed  than  in  the  case  of  the  latter,  the  tongue  neither 
drawn  up  nor  down,  and  therefore  in  its  natural  position,  we 
pronounce  a^.  Between  these  there  is  an  indefinite  variety  of 
vocal  sounds,  but  every  language  has  fixed  upon  a  limited 
number,  just  as  music,  though  the  number  of  notes  in  the 
octave  is  unlimited,  contents  itself  with  twelve  which  sufiice 
to  give  expression  to  the  most  wonderful  creations  of  genius. 
a,  t,  and  u  may  be  considered  as  the  types  of  all  vowels  which 
differ  not  only  in  the  quality  but  also  in  the  pitch  of  the 
sound.  Their  relative  position  will  be  seen  from  the  follow- 
ing table : — 

i— pitch,  or  inherant  tone :  D"" 
a — pitch,  or  inherent  tone :  B"  flat 
-pitch,  or  inherent  tone  :  F. 


From  this  table  it  becomes  clear  that  u,  as  it  is  the  extreme 
of  i  in  the  quality  of  sound,  so  it  is  in  its  pitch  or  inherent 
tone;  and  that  a  in  both  respects  occupies  an  intermediate 
position.     The  last-mentioned  vowel  being  equally  distant  from 

'  Max  MtUler,  Ledureit  ii.  p.  1 19  sqq. 


22  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

either  extreme^  and  pronounced  while  the  organs  occupy  their 
natural  position^  it  is  easily  understood  that  a  had  every  chance 
of  becoming  a  favourite  vowel. 

Now  if  the  physiologist  may  regard  the  a,  i,  and  u,  as  the 
types  of  all  vowels^  the  linguist  will  as  readily  acknowledge 
that  they  are  the  '  primitive '  vocal  sounds^  and  that  all  others 
owe  their  origin  to  a  modification  of  these.     From  the  sounds 
of  the  '  primitive  language/  the  '  Ursprache,*  all  the  sounds  in 
the  different  Aryan  languages  have  been  developed  according 
to  certain  phonetic  laws  which  we  see  at  work  in  the  vital 
processes  of  language;    and   to  these  primitive  vowels  conse- 
quently all   vowels   in  the  different  Aryan  languages  can  be 
traced  as  to  their  common  source.     The  ^primitive  language' 
in  its  most  primitive  form  was  limited  to  the  three  typical 
vowels,  which  later  on,  certainly  before  the  first  breaking  up 
of  the  Aryan  family,  were  multiplied  by  the  a  entering  into 
combination,  first  with  its  own  like,  and  then  with  the  tw  ^^ 
other  vowels.     Thus  we  get  the  following  table  of  gradatioiB^ - 
of  sounds : — 

Primitive.  I.  Orctdatian.  II.  Gradation. 

z.  a    .     .     .    a  +  a^^aa     .     .     .    a  +  cut^aa 

2.  i     .     .     .    a-^i»ai     .    .     .    d  +  ai^&i 

3.  tt    .     .     .    a  +  u^au    .    .    .    a  +  ausdtt. 

The  combinations  aa  and  da  were  probably  contracted  into  d^^ 
at  an  early  period.      The  vowel  a  is  so  characteristically  dis^ — • 
tinct  &om  its  two  fellows  that  it  may  be  considered  as  forming^ 
a  class  of  its  own  in  contradistinction  to  that  which  comprisei^ 
the  vowels  i  and  u.     The  latter  have  in  their  suit,  and  are  often  ^ 
replaced  by^  the  consonants,  or  semivowels,  J  and  t?,  while  a  -^ 
never  passes   into  a  consonant,  and  thus  displays  more  ener- 
getically its  vocalic   nature.      Each    vowel   is   limited   to   the 
combinations  mentioned  in  the  table,  and  these  combinations 
are  used  as  a  means  of  expressing  in  the  root  itself  its  rela- 
tions in  connected   speech.      The  vowels   of  suffixes   also  are 
capable  of  forming  those  combinations,  because  they  originally 
proceeded  from  independent  roots;  but  the  primitive  form  of  a 
root  is  always   rendered   with  a  primitive,  that   is,  a  simple 
vowel.      In  a  root  with  two  consonants  the  combinations  do 
not  occur,  and  such  a  root  has  always  the  radical  a,  never  i 
or  u.     Thus  then  the  essence  of  all  inflections  we  find  in  the 
system  of  vowels. 

Long  vowels  being  of  a  secondary  formation  they  did  not 
exist  in  the  primitive  language ;  where  nevertheless  they  occur 


VOWEL  SOUNDS,  23 

equally  in  different  Aryan  dialects,  as  Sansk.  pita  (rs),  Greek 
varrip,  Qotii.  /adar=zfatAdr,  &c.  Schleicher  supposes  them  to 
be  of  later  introduction^  perhaps  of  a  period  when  the  different 
lang>uages  had  already  separated;  and  he  therefore  claims  for 
the  last-mentioned  words  in  the  primitive  language  the  genuine 
form  pa  tars. 

The  Sanskrit  has,  besides  the  short  vowels  i  and  «,  the  length- 
ened forms  {  and  tl.  The  combinations  ai  and  au  are  fused 
into  the  single  vowels  e  and  o;  e  being  the  intermediate  sound 
between  a  and  i,  the  former  ascended,  the  latter  descended  to 
the  pitch  of  e,  hence  twice  ^,  or  ^4-^=/.  In  the  same  manner 
in  the  combination  au  the  a  descended,  the  u  ascended,  to  their 
intermediate  pitch  e>,  hence  for  a  -f «  we  have  o-^  o  =  S,  A 
peculiar  feature  in  the  vital  process  of  vowels  is  the  weakening 
of  a  full  into  a  thin  vowel,  the  '  Schwdchung^  of  German  gram- 
marians, a  phenomenon  which  chiefly  occurs  with  the  vowel  a, 
which  may  be  *  degraded,'  as  it  were,  in  this  scale  into  i,  u^  and 
«,  4.     Thus  then  we  arrive  at  the  following  table : — 

DegrculcUum  or 
weakening.     Primitive.      I.  Oradation.    II.  Qradation, 

I.  a  sounds  i,  «;  (,  4    .     .     a     .     .     .     .    d    .     .    .     .     a 

a.    i  Boandfl i     ....     ^     ....     d{ 

3.  u  sounds tf     ....     ^     ....     dtf 

The  Teutonic  languages,  of  which  Gothic  is  the  most  ancient 
^presentative,  have,  with  characteristic  perseverance,  kept  each 
^tulical  vowel  in  its  proper  order,  and  thus  girded  the  main 
Principle  of  inflections.     The  vowel  a  is  weakened  both  into  i 
^nd  «,  and  these  weakened  forms  occur  quite  as  reg^arly  as  the 
gradations.     The  first  and  second  gradations  are  kept  strictly 
distinct^  the  former  in  Gothic  being  ^  the  latter  S,     The  pri- 
mitive  au  has,  in  Gothic,  weakened  the  a  into  i,  and  thus  the 
primitive  combination  is  replaced  by  iu ;  in  ai  the  a  by  assimi- 
lation to  the  i  becomes  e,  and  consequently  Gothic  ei  stands  for 
the  primitive  ai.     iu  (= primitive  au)  is  sometimes  represented 
by  4.     Thus  we  get  the  table : — 

II.  DtgradaHon.   I.  Degradation.   Primitive.    I.  Oradation.    II.  Gradation. 

I,  Order  a.4....u...      a,,,.i,,»,6 

i.  Order  i i    ,    ,     ,     .     ei  .     .     .    ,     ai 

3.  Order  u u    ,    ,    .     .    iu  {H).     .    .    au 

In  order  to  give  a  comprehensive  glance  over  the  course  of 
development  of  vowels  in  tie  Old  Teutonic  languages  in  general, 
aad  the  relation  of  these  vowels  to  those  in  Gothic,  Sanskrit^ 


24  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

and  the  primitive  language^  I  subjoin  a  table  arranged  according 
to  the  different  orders. 

1.  Order  a. 

Degradation^  or 
weakening.         Primitive.      I.  Gradation.     II.  Oradation, 

Primitife a     .     .     .     aa  .     .     .     .     aa 

Sanikrit.     .     .    .     i,  w,  i,  H    .     .    a    .     .     .     a     .     .     .     .     a 
Gothic   ....<;       u.,.a...i....6 

Old  High  German     t a    .     ,    .     a    .    .     .     .     uo 

Old  Sazon  .     .     .     e a     .     .     .     a  {e)     ,     .     ,     6 

Anglo-Hazon  .     .     d,  o,f  .     .     .     .     a    .     .     .    <^  (a)   .     .     .     tf 

Old  Friiian     ..e a    .     .     .    a    .     .     .     ,     6 

Old  Norte       .     .     e     -    .     .     •     -     a     .     .     .     a     .     .     .     .     6 

2.  Order  t. 

Prin»itiT« t  ...     at  ....  at 

Haimkrit t  ........  at 

Gothic • t  ...    e<    ....  a< 

Old  High  German      e t  ...    t     ....  ei(^) 

Old  Saxon   .     .     .    « <  ...    I     ....  ^ 

Anglo-Saxon    .     .     e i  ...(....  d  (^ 

Old  FriiUn  .     .     .    e t  .     .     .    t     .     .     .    .  « (a) 

Old  Norte   .     .     .     e <  .     .     .    t     .    .     .    .  H 

3.  Order  u. 

Primitive u  .  .  ,  au  ,    .  ,  ,  au 

Santkrit u  ...  ^     ....  /?u 

Gothic u  .  .  .  iu{u)  ,  ,  ,  au 

Old  High  German      0 u  .  .  .  tu  (u)  .  .  .  ou  (d) 

Old  Saxon   ...     0 u  .  .  .  tu  (4)  .  .  .  d 

Anglo-Saxon     .     .     0 u  .  ,  ,  e6{ii)  ,  ,  .  €d{i) 

Old  Fritian  ...     0 t*  .  .  .  <w  (tl)  .  .  .  d  (i) 

Old  Norte   ...     0 tf  .  .  .  tu  (ii)  .  .  .  au 

These  different  vowels  of  the  different  languages  just  enume- 
rated are  liable  to  certain  modifications  brought  about  under 
the  influence  of  other  vowels  or  of  consonants.  Such  modifica- 
tions taking  place  according  to  phonetic  laws  did  not  exist  in 
the  primitive  language.  Where  two  vowels  happened  to  suc- 
ceed, hiatus  probably  took  place,  though  it  could  but  rarelj 
occur,  because  the  elision  of  consonants  was  not  vet  known.  At 
a  very  early  period,  however,  a,  with  a  succeeaing  vowel,  may- 
have  formed  a  compound  vowel  or  diphthong,  as  a  and  i^ai. 
But  in  the  cognate  languages  we  find  various  phonetic  laws 
which  regulate  the  changes  and  modifications  of  vowels.  Of 
these  we  have  already  mentioned  the  *•  gradation'  or  '  Steigerung/ 
according  to  which  the  vowel  a  enters  into  combination  with  its 
own  kind  (a-\-a^aa]  aa-\-a  =  da),  or  with  i  and  u  (ai,  au,  &c.), 
combinations  which  in  the  cognate  languages  are  often  con- 


VOWEL  SOUNDS.  26 

tracted  into  one,  and  then  of  course  a  lon^  vowel.  The  degrada" 
Hon,  or  weakening,  or  'Schwachung'  attacked  first  of  all  the 
most  powerful  of  vowels,  the  a,  which  in  Sanskrit  we  find  weak- 
ened into  i  and  u,  in  most  of  the  Teutonic  dialects  weakened 
into  e ;  the  latter  again  often  weaken  the  u  into  o,  the  i  into  e. 


Vowels  in  the  different  Teutonic  Dialects^. 

I.  OLD  TEUTONIC. 

Short  Vowels. 

& 

Gothic.  ( I )  At  the  beginning  of  a  word : — alev,  oil ;  arja, 
I  plough  (Lat.  aro);  arbaidja,  I  work  (Germ,  arbeite);  asnei^s, 
slave;  andeis,  end.  (2)  In  the  middle  of  a  word:  —  skalis, 
servus ;  favdi,  few ;  dal,  valley,  dale  (Germ,  thai) ;  farja,  I  sail 
(Germ,  fahren) ;  hvar,  where ;  ^«r,  there ;  fadar,  father.  (3)  At 
the  end  of  a  word : — ba,  both ;  fra,  from ;  hva,  what ;  sa,  he ; 
9va,  so;  tva,  two;  ja,  indeed,  yes  (Germ.  ja).  In  Gothic  this 
short  a  is  nowhere  encroached  upon  by  other  vowels.  Where  in 
foreign  words  two  a's  meet,  they  are  rendered  in  Gothic  either 
with  an  intermediate  h  or  by  one  a  being  dropped,  e.  g.  Abraam, 
Goth.  Abraham;  Isaak,  Goth.  leak.  In  Gothic  words  however, 
two  a's  can  only  meet  where  a  particle  is  prefixed  to  a  noun  or 
verb,  and  in  this  case  they  remain  intact,  e.  g.  ga-arbja,  co-heir ; 
ga^arman  to  have  pity  (Germ,  sich  erbarmen). 

Old  High  German  has  adopted  the  a  under  pretty  nearly 
the  same  conditions  as  Gothic ;  it  goes  even  farther  and  admits 
an  a  between  liquids,  and  between  liquids  and  mutes,  which  in 
Gothic  stoutly  refuse  the  admission  of  an  a;  as  for  instance, 
Gothic  arms,  poor ;  akrs,  field) ;  tagr,  tear  \ — Old  High  Germ. 
aram  (Germ,  arm) ;  achar  (Germ,  acker);  zahar  (Germ,  zahre). 

But  the  Old  High  German  a  is  considerably  modified  by  the 
Umlaut,  by  the  inorganic  production  d  (Goth.^a,  O.  H.  Germ. 
jd) ;  by  contraction  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  and  in  a  few  cases 
by  deviation  into  o,  such  as  holon  for  halon,  to  fetch  (Germ, 
holen) ;  scol  instead  of  seal,  shall  (Germ,  soil) ;  joh  for  Goth,  jah, 
also ;  and  finally  in  the  weak  inflexions  where  Old  High  German 

'  AU  Towels  to  be  pronounced  u  in  Italian  or  German,  unless  directed  otherwise. 


TEUTONIC  GHAMMAR. 

has  Aano,  cock  (Germ,  hahu);  pliuton,  blind,  for  Goth.  ka» 
iliniian. 

The  origin  of  the  Umlaut  we  have  already  discussed. 
Gotliic  there  is  no  trace  of  it  to  be  discovered,  while  ia  C 
High  German  it  appears  to  have  arisen  in  the  sixth  or  sevea 
centiirj',  and  to  lia\'e  gradually  developed  itself,  exposing  tiiC 
Ui  modification  into  e,  chicHy  before  a.  eingle  consonant  foUi 
by  i.  But  even  in  Old  High  German  the  Umlaut  is  not 
matically  carried  ont;  even  the  latest  writers,  as  Notker  (or 
stance,  preferring  sometimes  the  original  pure  a  to  the  Uml 
Thus  we  find  a/(ia,  all,  by  the  side  of  hella ;  angil,  and 
angel  (Germ.  vngfF) ;  eitli  together  with  anli.  As  an  ini 
rule,  it  must  be  laid  down  that  the  /  of  the  termination 
aflect  the  a  of  the  root  unless  it  stands  at  the  beginning  of  th 
tcrmitiationat  syllable,  as  in  ensl-i.  eng-il,  &c.  The  posits 
of  a  ia  exceptional  in  the  gen.  and  dat.  sing.  maso.  and  neat, 
the  weak  declension,  where  the  inflexional  i  has  no  power  ov^ 
to  create  Umlaut.  Therefore  AaniK  not  Aenin,  of  a  cock 
of  a  lame  miin ;  sceJin  for  scatliii  (Germ,  schaden),  and  H^mut : 
naiiiin,  of  a  name,  are  exceptions. 

Among  the  Saxon  dialects,  Old  Saxon  most  closely  apprOBcl 
Old  High  German,  and  takes  a  kind  of  intermediate  positi 
between  it  and  Anglo-Saxon.  Its  vowel  a  is  throughout  idt 
tical  with  that  of  Gothic  and  Old  High  German,  and  with  i 
latter  it  adopts  it  even  between  liquids  and  mutes  j  e.  g.  foi 
and  aorai/a,  care  (Germ,  sorge) ;  bij'tilhan  and  bifif'lahan,  to  oi 
{Germ,  befehlen).  It  wavers  less  between  a  and  o  than 
High  German,  with  the  etception  of  a  few  caaes  eneli  its  fat 
for,  particle  for-  (Germ,  ver-);  wala  and  leo/a,  well 
and  werolii,  vemlil,  Ki-rlil,  world.  The  particles  an  and  of 
turned  into  on  and  of. 

The  Umlaut  is  adopted  but  not  generally  applied,  and  th* 
original  vowel  holds  it«  place  before  At  ana/t;  as  in  nuAti^' 
mahlig,  mighty  (Germ,  maehtig) ;  era/li,  erajlig,  strong  (of.  crafty: ' 
Germ,  krnltig);  occasionally  also  in  the  3rd  sing,  pres, 
strong  verbs,  e,  g.  AaliHd  for  helilid,  he  holds  (Germ,  hilt)  'jfalUi^ 
he  falls  (Germ,  fallt);  while  verbs  generally  waver  between 
and  c;  e.  g.  slundiJ,  tlendid,  he  stands;  shAtl,  althU,  he  sleeps 
hebbjan  and  habbcan,  to  have. 

Anglo-Saxon  has  in  but  very  few  cases  preserved  the  ponil 
vowel  a,  which  is  generally  weakened  into  a  or  flattened  into 
The  original  a  keejis  its  position  before  a  single  consonant  whii 
ia  followed  by  a,  o,  or  «;    e.g.   Atea/ai,  plur.  of  ^iriiV,  whale. 
dagat,  diiguta,  nom.  and  dat.  plur.  of  dag,  day ;  even  before  e,  il 


VOWKl    SOrjfDS.  27 

the  latter  had  its  origin  in  a,  o,  or  u ;  chiefly  in  inflexional  forms, 
as  care,  tux.  sing,  of  cam,  care.  Foreign  words  always  [ireserve 
their  pure  a  sound,  e.  g.  JprelU  {Jprilii),  aa/iuh  {aijiis),  carceru 
{eareer),  &c.  Before  m  and  n,  pure  a  may  stand  or  be  replaced 
by  o,  e.  g.  team  and  worn,  stain  ;  van  and  coh,  to  know  (Germ. 
kennen)  ;  lami  and  loiab,  lamb.  But  a  is  invariably  weakened 
to  a  in  monosyllabic  words  which  end  in  a  single  consonant,  or 
in  polysyllabic  which  terminate  in  e  preceded  by  a  single  con- 
Bunant.  Examples: — (i)  ^wa/,  whale  ;  jAi'*,  glass  ;  fldff,day;  bar, 
bare,  naked ;  derr.  Here,  field ;  biicre,  baker ;  fager,  fair,  pretty. 
(2)  Beforey  and  «  followed  by  another  consonant :  craft,  crafUg, 
traft,  strength  (Germ,  kraft,  kriiftig);  after,  after;  gmt,  guest 
[Germ,  gafrt) ;  also  before  a  doubled  mute  or  sibilant,  e.g.  kabhan 
and  habban,  to  hare  (Germ.  haben)i  dppei &ud  appel,  apple.  (3)  In 
other  combinations  of  cousonauta  which  are  brought  about  by 
the  elision  of  s,  e,  g.  _/apr«,  gen.  oi' Jager,  dpi  tor  appel.  Two 
Consonants  beginning  with  r  tolerate  only  the  broken  vowel  ea 
in  the  preceding  syllable,  except  in  cases  where  r  succeeds  the  a 
in  traoBpositioDS,  such  us  gars  for  gras,  grass ;  bdral  for  braai, 
burst.  These  rules  however  do  not  hold  good  for  all  cases; 
because  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  vowel  a,  unless  it  is  sheltered  or 
supported  by  a  succeeding  low-pitched  vowel  (a,  0,  or  u),  wavers 
in  all  directions,  so  that  we  cannot  look  upon  its  modification  in 
a  as  a  strictly  fixed  law,  such  as  '  Umlaut,'  or  a  systematical 
Weakening  of  the  a,  but  rather  as  an  aberration  of  the  a  from 
its  original  pure  sound  which  it  has  in  Gothic  and  Old  High 
German.  In  a  few  cases  the  primitive  a  kept  its  place  where 
one  might  expect  its  transition  into  a,  e.  g,  blac  for  bld<,  black; 
appel  for  appel,  ange  and  onge  for  dnge,  narrow  (Germ.  enge). 

As  to  the  orthography  of  this  modified  a-sound,  gi-ammarians 
are  at  variance.  Grimm  writes  a,  in  order  to  distinguish  this 
short  vowel  from  the  long  «,  a  distinction  marked  out  by  others 
spelling  ai  and  a.  I  adopt  Grimm's  mode  of  spelling,  because 
it  keeps  the  r^hort  and  long  vowels  distinct,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  runs  parallel  with  the  d  and  a  in  other  Teutonic  dialects. 

The  Anglo-  Saxon  e  as  Umlaut  of  a  must  he  kept  distinct  from 
the  modification  of  the  a  just  mentioned.  Very  ollen  the  ( 
\rhich  brought  about  the  Umlaut  is  dropped  or  changed  into 
another  vowel,  and  thus  arises  the  hidden,  Umlaut,  e.g.  fen,  fen; 
kel,  hell ;  net,  net ;  forms  which  are  used  in  the  place  of  the 
geminated _/en»,  hell,  nelt :  these  again  were  introduced  instead  of 
/eue,  hele,  nele,  and  the  latter  stand  for  Gothic^«(,  hali  (Aalja), 
ttali.  Thus  we  trace  the  hidden  Umlaut  to  its  original  con- 
ations, under  which  alone  it  could  occur. 


28  TEUTOXIC  GRAMMAR. 

Old  Ftisian  preserved  the  Towel  a  before  m  and  n,  whether 
single^  geminated,  or  combined  with  a  mute^  unless  it  gives 
way  V!k»  other  dialects  to  an  inclination  towards  o ;  hence  nama 
ana  mama,  name;  Jtampa  and  komp,  fight  (Germ,  kampf);  man 
and  «k>if,  man.  But  the  vowel  a  can  never  pass  into  o  where 
Umlaut  takes  place.  Therefore  the  pure  a  in  /ramd,  foreign 
(Uerm«  fremd) ;  rnanM,  mantle;  mattHUia,  man  (Germ,  mensch); 
ia«iy«/y  horse  (Germ,  hengst);  Ih  cause  bjthe  side  of  these  appear 
the  modified  forms,  /rtmti^  memtel,  men^ia,  hengsL  The  voweb 
It  and  m  in  the  termination  preserve  the  a  of  the  penult :  knafa, 
boy  ((Jerm.  knabe);  /ara,  to  go  (Germ,  fahren);  balu,  evil 
(comp.  baleful).  Before  the  double  consonants,  a  or  e  maj  occur, 
but  so  that  the  former  appears  preferable  in  the  following  cases : 
before  /,  x  (sks),  and  geminated  mutes,  Q.g.falla,  to  &11; 
hiMhh,  soon  (Germ,  bald) ;  m//,  salt ;  even  kalde,  the  cold  (Germ, 
kalte),  instead  of  the  Umlaut  kelde ;  tax,  knife,  sword;  aUa^ 
father ;  kaiie^  cat. 

Old  Norse  has  very  largely  patronized  the  pure  a,  after  Gothic 
perhaps  more  so  than  anv  other  dialect.  This  vowel  occurs  in 
gala,  to  sing ;  9nar,  quick ;  napr,  cold  ;  hrafn,  raven;  slag,  blow 
(Germ,  schlag) ;  vagn,  currus  (Germ,  wagen). 

Where  a  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  word  it  is  always  lengthened 
into  a;  this  lengthened  form  is  also  adopted  by  some  gram- 
marians and  rejected  by  others,  before  consonantal  combinations 
with  /  and  n  ;  ?/,  Im,  Ip,  Ig,  Ik,  U,  ng,  nJt. 

The  Umlaut  of  a  into  €  is  caused  by  the  occurrence  of  an  t  in 
the  succeeding  syllable,  and  that  of  a  into  d  by  «  in  the  same 
position.  Hence  the  vowels  a,  e^  and  o  may  occur  in  one  and 
the  same  word  in  different  cases  of  the  declension  according  to 
the  terminational  vowel ;  a  circumstance  which  imparts  to  the 
Old  Norse  dialect  a  peculiar  flexibility  and  softness  which  we  can 
readily  perceive  on  looking  at  the  different  forms  of  the  word 
magu,  which  declines  thus  —  mog-r,  magar,  megi,  mog ;  plur. 
megir,  maga,  mbgum,  mogii.  Whenever  t  does  not  cause  the 
Umlaut  of  a  in  the  preceding  syllable,  it  must  be  considered 
inorganic,  as  for  instance  in  skari  (Germ,  schaar),  Danir  (Danes). 
The  Umlaut  o  is  marked  differently  in  different  manuscripts  and 
editions  of  manuscripts,  either  simply  by  o  (hence  Aon  and 
Aonum  for  hon,  honum) ;  or  by  the  sign  q  (whence  the  Danish  ^); 
or  by  au  and  av.  The  sign  o,  which  is  now  in  general  use,  is  of 
a  far  more  recent  date. 


rowEi  sou^'J}s. 


Towel  in  Qothia  is,  after  a,  the  most  prominent.  Though 
tmetimes  encroached  upon  by  the  '  Brechung'  before  A 
it  receives  on  the  other  Iiand  a  numerical  increase  by  the 
ption  of  the  semi-vowel  J  wherever  the  latter  happens  to 
list  the  end  of  a  word  or  before  a  consonant,  e.  g.  katja, 
yii;  naman.,  preterite  nasida.  A  radical  i  followed  b^ 
(  Towel  likes  to  admit  the  semi-vowel y,  e.  g-/y'»»  forjStid, 
f  (cf.  fiend) . 

High  German  preserves  the  pure  Gothic  i  before  m  and 
Hier  geminated  or  combined  with  a  mute,  e.  g.  swimtuan, 
;  in  words  which  have  dropped  a  final  i  or  u ;  in  nouns 
belong  to  the  themes  in  i  and  u;  in  the  imperative  of 
Terbs;  in  the  past  participles  of  the  fifth  conjcgational 
IB  monosyllabic  particles.  Some  prefixes  waver  between 
if  e.  g'/ar-,Jir-,  even  Jbr-,  and  later  on/er-  {Germ,  ver-) ; 
■  /  W-,  li-;  at',  if-;  dttrah-,  duriA-. 
Saaij  cases  however  the  pure  Gothic  t  is  weakened  or 
•d  into  e  by  the  power  of  assimilation  exercised  by  an  a 
succeeding  syllable.  Hence  the  rule — 'Whenever  i  is 
d  by  a  in  the  succeeding  syllable  it  is  changed  into  e ; 
i  and  u  and  in  the  above-mentioned  cases  it  remains 
jCiMi.'  On  this  rule  are  based  the  modifications  of  the 
in  the  two  first  classes  of  the  strong  conjugation;  and 
i  will  be  perceived  why  we  read  in  the  sing.  pres.  ijl/u, 
ijHiJit!  nimu,  nimia,  nimU;  and  in  the  plural,  kelfamit, 
lai/'ani;  inf.  helfan,  to  help;  nemamh,  nemat,  nemant; 
wUiH,  to  lake.  Monosyllabic  words  which  have  dropped 
oninational  a,  nevertheless  retain  the  modified  vowel  e, 
h=Kega,vtay;  sper=apera,s\ieBj;  i?*j,  it  (Goth.  fVa)  ;  and 
on  the  contrary  which  have  dropped  an  i  or  u  retain,  in 
^ice  with  our  rule,  the  pure  i  unchanged,  e.  g.  mh(  (Goth. 
,  lid  (Goth,  iipu),  list  {Goth,  litli).  How  sensitive  the 
*  German  dialect  is  with  res]>ect  to  the  law  of  assimila- 
l  be  perceived  from  the  fact  that  the  modification  e  is 
tiv-exchanged  for  the  original  pure  i  whenever  it  is  fol- 
lly  the  adjective  termination  in,  e.  g.  /el(,  skin  (Lat. 
[^  adjective  Ji'/i^tn,  of  skin  (Lat,  pelliceus) ;  gfrata,  barley, 
n  girttin,  of  barley.  In  several  words  ilie  i  has  kept  ila 
D  in  spite  of  the  following  a,  such  as  fek  =Jhka,  fish; 
bitter,  &c.;  in  others,  either  t  or  e  may  be  used,  e.  g. 
ad  skip,  ship;    toiit  and  iceht,  thing;    irdiii  and  iirdin, 


30  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

earthen  (Germ,  irdenj  terrenus).   Concerning  the  'Brechung'of 
f  into  e  we  shall  have  to  say  a  few  words  hereafter. 

The  rules  which  we  have  just  mentioned  as  to  the  weakening 
of  i  into  e  in  Old  High  German,  will  hold  good  for  the  Lov 
German  dialects  as  well.  Here,  however,  it  is  interesting  to 
notice  how  they  more  or  less  apply  this  rule  in  proportion  to 
their  greater  or  less  affinity  to  Old  High  German.  Old  Saxon, 
the  nearest  relative  to  Old  High  German,  from  its  geographicil 
position  as  well  as  its  general  characteristics,  follows  the  Old 
High  German  rule  which  we  have  laid  down  above;  but  it  so 
far  deviates  that  it  retains  the  unmodified  i  before  m  and  « 
where  they  are  geminated  or  combined  with  a  mute;  hence 
windy  wind ;  singan,  to  sing,  &c. 

The  conjugatioual  forms  are  affected  as  in  Old  High  G^muuii 
but  niman  retains  its  i  throughout  the  present  tense.  Forma- 
tions such  as  berg,  mountain  (Germ,  berg),  and  gihirgi  (Germ, 
gebirge) ;  gemta,  girsfin ;  the  fluctuating  forms  geba  and  giba,  1 
JiAu  And  feAu,  and  the  forms  remaining  unmodified  in  opposition 
to  the  rule,  wi^ar,  against;  diMar,  bitter, — all  these  cases  have 
already  received  their  explanation  in  Old  High  German. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  dialect  has  preserved  the  rule  in  a  veiy 
imperfect  condition,  or  it  has  perhaps  never  fully  adopted  it- 
It  is  true  that  m  and  n  protect  the  pure  «,  but  so  do  other  con- 
sonants as  well :  thus  we  find  swimman,  to  swim;  spinnan,  to  spin; 
and  also  gifan,  to  give  (O.  H.  Germ,  gepan,  Germ,  geben); 
lifer y  liver  (O.  H.  Germ,  lepar.  Germ,  leber);  cniAt,  knight, 
boy,  puer  (O.  H.  Germ,  cneht,  Germ,  knecht,  servus).  In  the 
conjugation  of  strong  verbs  the  rule  is  partly  preserved.  The 
ist  sing,  yields  to  e\  but  the  2nd  and  3rd  retain  the  i;  hence 
1st  Aelpe  (O.  H.  Germ,  hilfu,  Germ,  ich  helfe),  1  help;  2nd  Ailp*^ 
( O.  H.  Germ,  hilfis.  Germ,  hilfst ),  thou  helpst ;  3rd  Atlp^ 
(O.  H.  Germ,  hilfit,  Germ,  hilft),  he  helps. 

The  Old  Frisian  dialect  agrees  with  Old  High  German  by 
applying  our  rule  in  the  following  examples  :  Aehuj  helm ;  aelfi 
self;  Aerte,  heart;  AMpa,  to  help;  werpa^  to  throw  (Germ, 
werfen) ;  hercAy  mountain  (Germ,  berg) ;  swester,  sister,  &c. ; 
but  a  succeeding  ?/,  or  its  representative  0,  has  no  longer  the 
power  of  preserving  the  pure  ?,  hence  fe/o,  many  (Germ,  viele) ; 
jfretAoy  peace  (Germ,  friede) ;  aelover,  silver;  and  the  change 
between  *  and  e  which  we  traced  in  the  strong  conjugation  of 
Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon,  and  Anglo-Saxon,  has  altogether 
disappeared,  and  the  verb  is  reduced  to  tlie  monotonous  forms, 
werpCy  werpstj  werptA, 

The  Old  Norse  dialect  in  this  respect  follows  the  Old  High 


VOWEL   SOUNDS. 


31 


nan  more  closely  than  some  oFthe  Low  German  dialeets  do. 
reserves  the  rule  so  far  as  it  always  admits  the  modification 
whenever  succeeded  by  a,  and  rejects  the  same  before  simple 
A  a  ^minated  mute. 

oncerning  the  strong  conjugationB,  we  find  in  the  inf.  and 
.  of  the  eighth,  ninth,  and  teuth  classes  the  original  i  re- 
ed in  some  roots  and  before  nn,  nd,  m,  and  a  geminated 
[iar-—finaa,  to  Had ;  spinna,  to  spin ;  ihula,  to  hind;  mtuia,to 
d  ;  vinna,  to  work ;  liggia,  to  lie,  &e.,  and  in  the  part.  pret. 
h,G  fifth  class ;  the  rest  have  ailopted  e,  which,  where  it  once 
entered,  keeps  its  ground  throughout  as  it  does  in  Frisian. 
Old  Norse,  as  well  as  in  other  dialects,  the  application  of  e  or 
innot  always  be  det-ermined  by  a  rule,  but  must  be  simply 
1  to  the  utiu  loquendi. 


nzed  t 


in  Gothic  we  find  this  letter,  as  well  as  i.  in  its  pm¥  sound  at 
e  beginning,  the  middle,  and  the  end  of  wonls,  in  which  caacs 
tier  dialects  fre(|uently  allow  the  vowel  to  be  Icnglhcned  or 
iakencd.  But,  like  i,  the  letter  m  also  is  subject  to  Brechung 
fore  the  consonants  h  and  r,  in  which  position  it  is  changed 
to  au.     More  of  this  phenomenon  in  its  proper  place. 

Hoots  ending  in  v  vocalize  this  consonant  into  u,  just  as  roots 
iding  in  j  vocalize  this  consonant  into  i.  Hence  the  theme 
ffl  forms  the  nom.  ^ins  instead  of  yivi,  servant,  voc,  yui :  the 
^et.  of  shivan,  to  hasten,  and  }fivan,  to  serve,  is  snau,  \nu.  The 
:)poEit«  cose  occurs  when  the  vowel  u  is  dissolved  in  the 
>nsonant  or  semi-vowel  v,  especially  in  the  inflexional  forms 
here  the  hiatus  must  be  avoided,  e.  g.  hand-iee,  gen.  pi.  of 
indui,  hand;  tun-ivS,  gen,  pi.  of  suhiu,  son. 

Tiie  Old  High  German  dialect  prestTvea  the  pure  vowel  k  in 
lany  instanceH ;  hut  it  modifies  it  to  n  under  the  same  circum- 
ances  under  which  it  changes  the  i  into  e.  Hence  the  rule — 
iVhenever  u  is  followed  by  a  in  the  succeeding  syllabk',  it  is 
u-kened  or  weakened  into  o;  but  when  the  succeeding  syltable 
ings  H  or  i  instead  of  a,  the  original  sound  ti  regains  its 
ifiition  in  the  root.'  Thus  will  easily  be  understood  forms  such 
I  the  following:  c&lapuniai,  we  clove,  fidimus;  cAlapi,  thou 
ovest,  iidisti,  and  chlopan,  cloven,  fissum;  and  on  the  other 
md  »tpumniume»,  K&  swam,  part.  »v>unnnan,  swum;  »un.gumr», 
irt.  tunffan,  we  sung,  sung ;  in  which  forms  the  doubled  m, 
id  «  combined  with  the  mute  ff,  preserve  the  v.  from  the 
icroachment  of  the  succeeding  a. 


■ 


32  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

In  Old  Saxon  the  Towel  u  is  kept  intact  in  many  places,  asxB 

the  words  sevld^  debt  (Germ,  schuld) ;  sumar,  summer;  nm, 
son;  ubif,  evil.  But  it  allows  the Triibung,  or  darkening,  intD^ 
under  the  same  conditions  as  Old  High  German.  Flnctufttinf 
forms  are,  droAtin,  druhiin,  lord;  drohtingy  druhting,  fijen^ 
familiaris;  fohsy  vusso,  fox;  /or,/ur,  before,  fore;  gomo,pm», 
man;  corni,  curni,  corn.  The  «  is  restored  to  its  position  in  the 
root  by  the  influence  of  the  terminational  t,  e.  g.  hom,  hem, 
comu;  adj.  Aurnid,  of  horn,  cornutus;  gold,  gold,  aurum;  adj. 
guldin,  golden,  aureus ;  foray  fore,  pro,  andyi^n. 

Anglo-Saxon  goes  even  beyond  Old  High  German  in  its  ten- 
dency to  preserve  the  organic  u  in  the  root,  so  that  it  allows » 
before  single  7n  and  n,  and  even  before  other  consonants,  whiW 
Old  High  German  preserves  it  only  before  geminated  m  asd 
n,  or  a  mute  combined  with  one  of  these  liquids.  Examples  :— 
gumuy  man;  \tunor,  thunder;  yimian,  to  thunder;  Jkl,  foil; 
fugoly  bird  (Germ,  vogel) ;  words  which  have  invariably  th© 
weakened  o  in  Old  High  German.  In  the  conjugation  of  tb^ 
strong  verb,  especially  in  the  preterite,  the  vowel  u  is  sheltered 
by  a  succeeding  m  and  n,  e.  g.  ^wummon,  we  swum,  natavimos  ^ 
swmnfnen^  swum,  natum ;  clumhoriy  we  climbed,  scandimns  ^ 
clumben,  climbed,  scansum ;  su?igon,  we  sung,  cantavimns; 
sungen,  sung,  cantatum ;  but  in  the  past  participle,  if  it  is  fol* 
lowed  by  any  other  consonant  than  m  or  n,  it  is  weakened  into 
Oy  e.  g.  muflouj  pret.  pi.  of  melton,  '  to  melt,'  part,  molten;  taurpon, 
worpen;  hudo7i,  boden  ;  curofi,  coren,  8cc, 

Peculiar  to  Anglo-Saxon  is  the  transition  of  w  into  u  where  it 
appears  in  combination  with  i,  in  which  case  the  latter  vowel 
is  often  dropped.  Thus :  wudu,  wood,  for  widu  ;  caiman ,  to  come, 
for  cwiman ;  suster,  swusler,  sister,  for  swisier.  This  i  preceded 
by  to  is  however  safe  from  encroachment  when  it  is  followed  by 
the  liquid  m  ox  n  combined  with  another  consonant. 

In  Old  Frisian  the  vowel  u  is  but  rarely  preserved,  since  it 
has  greatly  given  way  to  the  '  Triibung'  in  o. 

Old  Norse  approaches  far  more  nearly  to  Old  High  German 
in  the  preservation  of  the  pure  Gothic  vowels  a,  i,  and  «,  but  in 
this  dialect  also  the  'Triibung'  o  may  take  the  place  of  the 
organic  m  before  all  consonants,  except  such  as  are  combined 
with  m  or  n.  An  analogy  to  the  Old  High  German  conjuga- 
tions we  find  in  the  exchange  of  u  and  o  in  the  pret.  pi.  and 
part.  pret.  of  the  sixth  and  tenth  classes;  as,  spumum,  sporninn; 
spruUian,  sprottinn  ;  bu^Mm,  bo^uui,  &c. 

TAe  Umlaut  of  u  is  y.  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon,  and 
Old  Frisian  reject  this  Umlaut  altogether,  whilst  in  two  other 


rOJFBL  SOUXDS.  33 

ni'e  dialectd  we  find  it  more  or  less  develojied.  Aiiglo- 
KOD  shows  mimy  examples  of  this  Umlaut:  eyning,  kiiij;, 
itn  cvnitn,  to  know;  ilyrstii/,  darinff,  trom  duran,  \n  dare; 
if",  goddess,  from  g>tii,  god.  In  a  few  inetaDCes  the  word 
racB  between  tlie  Umlaut  ^  and  the  original  u,  e.  g.  vurt, 
Kvort,  herb ;  murw,  v^rm,  worm,  worm ;  and  in  othera  the 
Hot  9  takes  place  in  derivations  where  the  root  has  the 
pmed  rowel  o  iDBt«ad  of  the  original  u,  e.  g.  gyden  from  god, 
ri«i  from  \or»a,  thorn;  gyld^n  from  gold.  In  Old  Norst', 
lich  has  most  widely  and  persistently  developed  the  system 
Umlaut,  the  g  ocenrs  regularly  for  the  radioal  a,  or  its  weak- 

\  form  0,  under  the  conditionB  which  we  have  enumerated 
e.g.    *g^i,  dat.  sing,  of  sow r,   son;    kyn,   kin,   genus; 

I  to  fill ;  bryggja,  bridge,  &o. 

e.  6,  y. 

short  vowels  are  altogether  unknown  in  Gothic.  Their 
iment  and  relative  position  in  the  other  Teutonic  dialects 
already  had  occasion  to  dwell  upon,  so  that  we  need 
Jo  more  than  sum  np  our  remarks  made  in  the  preceding 
ipha.  The  vowel  ^  is  of  twofold  origin,  either  Umlaut 
or  the  'broken'  or  'weakened'  form  of ».  Old  High  Ger- 
m,  Old  Sason,  and  Old  Norse  hardly  go  beyond  this  rule  in 
!  adoption  of  the  letter  e,  but  Anglo-Saxon  sometimee,  and 
[]  Frisian  often,  admit  e  instead  of  the  pure  a  in  cases  which 
ire  often  show  the  modification  o  in  Anglo-Saxon. 
The  letter  3  we  met  either  as  the  'broken'  or  'weakened' 
TO  of  s  in  all  the  dialects  except  Gothic,  or  as  the  represen- 
lire  of  a  in  coses  of  assimilation,  so  much  favoured  in  Old 
i^h  German. 

'lie  rowel  y  has  a  proper  place  but  in  few  dialects ;  the  Gothic 
ifaage  uses  the  sign  p  in  Gothic  words  as  a  consonant  only ; 
t  in  foreign  words  this  letter  represents  the  Latin  vowel  y  as 
11.  In  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon,  and  Old  Frisian  the 
tin  form  y  is  used  in  foreign  words  only,  whilst  Anglo-Saxon 
CHd  Norse  adopt  this  vowel  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
ig  the  Umlaut  of  u.  At  the  same  time,  y  in  Anglo-Saxon 
n  the  representative  of  other  vowels;  namely  of  i,  of  e 
it  is  the  Umlaut  of  a,  and  of  the  '  Brechung'  ea  and  eo. 

Brec-iung. 

hie;     When  the  consonants  r  and  h  directly  succeed  the 
I  or  w  they  alfect  the  purity  of  the  pronunciation  in  such 


34  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

a  maimer  as  to  make  an  a  to  precede  the  sound  of  i  or  u.  The 
inorganic  diphthongs  which  are  thus  produced  in  the  Gothie 
dialect  have  nevertheless  the  value  of  a  short  vowel^  and  ai  and 
au  must  consequently  have  sounded  in  pronunciation  similarly 
to  e  and  6,  In  order  to  distinguish  this  ^  Brechung '  £rom  the 
true  diphthongs  di  and  du,  modem  grammarians  have  adopted 
for  the  former  the  accentuation  a{  and  ai.  Gbthic  documents 
write  both  Brechung  and  diphthong  perfectly  alike;  and  it 
was  left  to  the  researches  of  modem  philology  to  point  out  and 

Erove  the  difiPerence  from  corresponding  words  in  the  kindred 
mguages  which  always    render    the   Gothic  Brechung  by  a 
short  vowel,  and  the  Gothic  diphthong  by  a  long  vowel.     Thus 
Goth,  vair  is  Lat.  vir ;    Goth,  tauhum,  Lat.  duximus;   Goth. 
fair,  Lat.  pir  ;  Goth,  bavra^  Jjdki.fero,  Gr.  pMro;  Gt>th.  ia{ AuMf 
Gr.  deka ;   Goth,  saihs,  Gr.  Mx ;   Goth.  dauAtar,  Gr.  ihygateff 
O.  H.  Germ.    i6htar ;    Goth,  dins^  Lat.  iwrny  O.  H.  Germ,  eim, 
A.  S.  driy  O.  S.  and  O.  Fris.  en.     Further  light  is  thrown  on  tho 
pronunciation  of  the  Brechung  ai  and  au  by  the  fact  of  tb& 
Goths  having  rendered  the  short  ^  or  o  in  foreign  words,  without^ 
any  regard  to  the  succeeding  consonants^  by  the  very  same  letter^^ 
of  the  Brechung,  certainly  because  ai  and  au  in  pronunciatioiR' 
came  nearest,  or  were  perfectly  alike,  to  ^  and  i.     Hence  they" 
write  not  only  ?Wid5/nw*= Tiberius,  Faurtunatu%-=^ox\xxx!aiim^ 
which  are  in  accordance  with  the  Gothic  Brechung  before  the 
consonant  r ;    but  also  aipistaule,  epistole ;   Naudaimbair,  No- 
vember.    By  diflferent  accentuation  of  Brechung  and  diphthong 
we  keep  up  distinctions  which  must  have  been  heard  in  Gt>thic 
pronunciation,  such  as  the  diphthong  di  in  the  singular  and  the 
Brechung  at  in  the  plural  of  the  verb.     Thus  Goth.  IdiAv,  oom- 
modavi ;  O.  H.  Germ  leA  ;  A.  S.  IdA^  pi.  laiAvum,  commodavimus; 
O.  H.  Germ,  RAumes;  A.  S.  ligon  ;  Goth.  iduAy  traxi;  O.  H.  Germ. 
z6A;  A.  S.  iedAy  pi.  tauAum,  traximus;  O.  H.  Germ.  zugumSs;  A.  S. 
tUffon.     In  very  few  cases,  and  then  only  before  the  consonantB 
r  and  A,  it  can  be  doubtful  at  all  whether  we  have  to  deal  with 
the  Brechung  ai  or  the  diphthong  di,  and  then  comparison  with 
kindred  dialects  will  soon  remove  the  difficulty.     Thus  gdiru 
requires  the  diphthong  on  account  of  the  Old  High  Grerman 
Aer ;  Aairm  the  Brechung  on  account  of  the  Old  Norse  Aiorr, 
Before  any  other  consonant  but  r  and  A  the  vowels  ai  and  au 
are  always  true  diphthongs.     A  few  exceptional  cases  have  pre- 
served the  original  vowel  intact  even  before  r  and  Ay  e.  g.  skura^ 
shower;  AuArus^  hunger;  Ain,  hear  you,  audi;  Aifyip,  hear  ye, 
audite,  &c.  &c. 

Old  High  German  has  least  of  all  Teutonic  dialects  adopted 


row  EL  aOVNDS. 


3S 


i  system  of  Brechung,  aince  it  rentlere  the  Gotbic  Broehung 
and  au  by  the  vowels  e  and  o,  which  are  quite  identical  with 
and  o  th(>  weakened  forms  of  (  and  ».  We  may  indeed  eay 
At  the  €  in  peryan  and  in  teha  ie  the  Brechung'  because  it 
suds  for  at  !□  Goth,  hairgan  and  »aihs ;  but  this  dietiuction 
oes  not  avail  us  much,  since  the  same  vowel  e  may  occur,  not 
inly  before  k  and  r,  but  before  any  other  consonant  as  well. 

More  perfectly  perliaps  than  any  other  dialect  except  Gothic 
has  Anglo-Bazon  developed  the  syetem  of  Brechung.  In  thia 
diklect  the  Brechung  ea  for  a  occurs  regulai'ly  before  a  com- 
btnatioD  of  consonants  beginning  with  an  I,  r,  or  A,  e.g.  ieald, 
bold ;  eea/d,  cold  (Germ,  kalt) ;  guM,  old  (Germ,  alt) ;  eall,  all ; 
fealian,  to  fall ;  veana,  warm ;  *tfare,  strong  (Germ,  stark) ; 
eaAiB,  eight  (Germ,  acht) ;  taz  [x=k»=hs),&^ii;  weuir,  wax.  In 
such  consonantal  combinations  it  may  often  happen  that  one 
or  other  consonant,  perhaps  even  the  h  itself  which  caused  the 
'  Brechung'  has  been  dropped,  and  yet  the  Brechung  continues 
to  exist,  e.g.  ml=eoll,  all;  mear  =  mearh,  mare;  ear  =  earh, 
the  sea.  Sometimes  Brechung  appears  beibre  the  single  con- 
sonant  h,  as  in  betieah,  he  needs ;  grfeak,  he  rejoiced  ;  in  the  verb 
'^M,  to  slay,  and  i^ioean,  to  wash,  the  Brechung  continties 
though  k  has  been  dropped  by  the  contraction  of  sleakan, 
v^tahaK*.  Even  before  an_/'and  before  liquids  we  sometimes 
Weet  with  ea  instead  of  the  osual  a,  e.g.  cTeaJ'iig=CTiiftig,  strong 
(Oerm.  kraftig) ;  beadu,  heitftti,  battle.  On  the  other  hand  it 
fay  t>ecur  that  the  Brechung  we  should  expect  before  certain 
t^Jiisonants  has  been  replaced  by  the  Umlaut  e. 

As  <w  is  the  Brechung  of  a,  so  is  eo  the  Brechung  of  *,  which 
tK^urs  most  frequently  before  consonantal  combinations  be- 
ginning with  an  r,  e.  g.  eorl,  earl  j  tweord,  sword ;  heurte,  heart ; 
t<ir6e,  earth  ;  ateorra,  star;  neorc,  dark,  murky;  steorfan,  to  die 
(Germ,  sterben) ;  weorpan,  to  throw  (Germ,  werfen).  With 
these  examples  corresponds  the  Brechung  m  Old  Norse  and 
Gothic:  O.N.  iarl,  earl;  Goth.  hairU,  heart;  a'tr\a,  earth; 
O.N.  atiama,  Goth,  ataimo,  star;  vairpan,  to  throw.  Less 
frequently  it  is  found  before  /,  as  in  feola,  much  (Germ,  viel) ; 
neaU,  milk ;  aeol/or,  silver :  and  before  k,  leoht,  light ;  eoh, 
horse :  or  before  mutes,  J'reo^e,  pence  (Germ,  friede) ;  heofon, 
beaven.  k  seems  to  patronize  an  i  preceding  it,  whilst  r,  I,  and 
the  mutes  prefer  the  weakened  form  e  to  the  Brechung  eo,  the 
Yowel  e  occurring  alternately  with  the  Brechung  eo  in  kindred 
words,  e.  g.  vser,  man,  vir ;  Keorod,  crowd,  turma ;  meolc,  milk ; 
melcaa,  to  milk  ;  aeo!/or,  silver,  argentum  ;  aiffren,  of  silver, 
'  Some  inite  itcdn.  tvfdn.  ■■  a  diphthong,  on  accoutit  of  the  contrtctlon- 


36  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

argent^us.  In  tliose  instances  eo  seems  to  be  sheltered  by  the 
0  in  the  suceeedinof  syllable,  and  may  consequently  be  considered 
an  assimilation ;  as  in  general,  bisyllables  with  a  dark  vowel 
in  the  last  syllable  prefer  eo  in  the  penult.  Verbs  which 
admit  the  Brechung  eo  restore  the  original  i  in  the  and  and 
3rd  persons  singular,  e.  g.  wearpan,  to  throw,  wirpsl,  wirpi 
(Germ,  werfen,  wirfst,  wirft);  sfeorfan,  to  die,  sHrfst,  ditfi 
(Germ,  sterben,  stirbst,  stirbt)  The  close  resemblance  in  tiie 
pronunciation  of  the  double  vowels  ea  and  eo  may  be  the  cause 
of  an  occasional  confusion  in  their  application,  and  of  the  ortho- 
graphy eo  instead  of  ea,  e.  g.  eofor  and  ecifor,  boar  (Lat.  aper, 
Germ,  eber)  ;  bearht  and  hearhty  shining.  Another  form  of  the 
Brechung,  though  of  rare  occurrence,  is  that  in  ie,  which  how- 
ever belongs  to  Old  Saxon  rather  than  Anglo-Saxon.  It  is 
sometimes  used  for  the  Brechung  eo,  hiere=zheore,  of  her,  ejus; 
for  the  weakened  e,  gieI4=gel(Iy  money  (Germ,  geld) ;  for  h 
siex=six,  six :  even  for  a,  gi€st-=zgdstj  guest. 

Old  Nopse  has  not  the  great  variety  of  Brechung  we  find  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  but  it  is  not  so  capricious  either.    Wherever  /  or  f 
succeed  an  i,  this  vowel  is  modified  into  ia.    Sometimes  a  single 
consonant,  or  a  combination  with  mutes,  may  produce  the  same 
effect.    Examples : — giald,  money ;  stiama,  star;  biarlr,  shining; 
iqfn,  even,  level.     The  Umlaut  of  m  to  id  is  caused  by  the  letter 
n  in  the  succeeding  syllable ;  but  when  the  inflexional  syllable 
contains  an  i  the  Brechung  is  removed  altogether,  and  the  radical 
i  is,  according  to  the  law  of  assimilation,  restored  to  its  place- 
The  influence  of  these  different  euphonic  laws  gives  the  declen- 
sion the  aspect  of  a  variegated  colouring,  and  imparts  to  the 
language  a  peculiar  and  melodious  softness.     Thus  compare  sing- 
nom.  hiorir  {r=ur)  stag,  gen.  kiarlar,  dat.  Airli,  ace.  kiori;  pi* 
nom.   hiriir,  gen.  hiarta,  dat.  hidrtum,  ace.  hiortu.     Whenever 
the  weakened  e  has  taken  the  place  of  i  the  Brechung  cannot 
occur.     Hence  the  verbs  of  the  tenth  conjugational  class  ha^e 
either  preserved  the  original  i,  or  they  have  e  throughout,  with 
the  exception  of  four  verbs,  biarga,  to  conceal ;  gialla,  to  sing  > 
gialda,  to  spend ;  eUalfa,  to  tremble,  which  have  in  the  infinitive^ 
imperative  and  subjunctive  present  ia,  in  the  indicative  present  €' 

The  other  Teutonic  dialects  have  less  persistently  than  Anglo^ 
Saxon  and  Old  Norse  carried  out  the  law  of  Brechung.  But 
with  the  exception  of  perhaps  Old  High  German  none  i^ 
altogether  without  some  traces  of  Brechung.  Old  Saxon 
offers  the  following  forms  of  Brechung:  weard,  ward;  geomo 
(Germ,  gern) ;  sleorro,  star,  instead  of  ward,  gemo,  sterro — forms 
which  however  may  be  explained  by  Anglo-Saxon   influences 


rOWEl   SUUXLS. 


37 


can  here  aiid  there  he  traced  in  Old  Sason.  The  Bn-chung 
need  iustead  of  the  vowels  e,  e,  and  even  (?,  in  the  following 
i,  army  (Crerm.  heer);  tkie»es,  hiijtu;  Ihlexon,  hiiic; 
kiemr,  emperor  (Germ,  kaiser).  Another  ie  of  an 
tther  different  nature  seems  not  bo  much  dependent  on 
ig  coDsonnats  (which  is  the  eharai^'teristic  feature  of 
Brechuntr)  as  the  unsettled  nature  of  the  vowel,  and  which 
ly  instajices  gradually  passed  through  ve  into  ».  Thus 
id  puhu,  I  CDufess,  for  gihu  ;  bo  also  iuhu  for  Utthu  =  jiaha. 
t  must  be  considered  a  Brechung.  This  Breclmng  in  /« 
more  reguLirly  in  Old  Frwian  whenever  i  precedi?s  the 
ints  ekl,  e.  g.  riiicA(=rkAi,  right ;  riucAla^ricif-a,  to 
;,  richt^n;  Iniudf,  servant  (of.  Germ,  kneeht  and  Eng. 
it);  gliueAi,  plain  (Germ,  Bchlicht);  tiuchl,  he  sees  {Germ, 
and  sicht).  A  few  other  cases  where  it  seems  to  occur  are 
latfke,  church ;  turiutt,  wrist ;  and  tziutt,  pellicium. 

The  only  traces  of  Brechung  which  we  detect  in  Old  High 
Gnman  are  in  Notker,  who  has  ie  for  i  before  h  in  jleio,  »ieio. 
He  Essen  Rotule  has  twice  iMoret  holier  in£tead  of  Ihnrrea 
WiM;  for  Old  High  German  prvH  everywliere  hrwul,  hremi — 
piatiomena  wluL'h  we  perceive  in  Old  Saxon  and  Old  Frisian 


I  Well. 


A»^, 


dial.., 


Words  of  three  and  more  syllables  often  show  an  inclination  to 
unmiUle  to  each  other  the  nou-radit»l  vowels  iu  such  a  manner 
•«  to  convert  the  vowel  of  the  preceding  iuto  the  vowel  of  the 
■wcwding  syll.ible.  Gothic  does  not  yield  to  this  assimilating 
t«Ddeney.  but  Old  High  German  has  devclojKKl  it  most  syste- 
EUticully.  In  words  of  three  syllables  the  last  syllable  ostiimi- 
^^  the  pcntdt,  e.  g.  Konara  for  aedaora  ;  gareaem  for  ganinAa  ; 
^Uun  for  liiiiaru  ;  spihiri  for  tpikiin.  Words  of  four  syllables 
^milate  either  the  third  to  the  fourth,  as  gikolnno  for  ijiholano  ; 
''iotfoao  for  irbolgano:  or  the  secoud  to  the  third,  ns  Aiingifita 
^'akuHgarila;  tvachordta  for  Kachar^U ;  or  the  second  and  third 
to  the  fourth,  as  hungoroijon  for  Aungaragon.  The  assimilated 
>oveU  remain  short  though  the  assimilating  be  long,  e.  g. 
fitiiri  for  fitfari,  not  pitiiri.  Assimilated  vowels  have  the  same 
mflaence  as  organic  vowels  upon  the  root  in  causing  Umlaut, 
Weakening  &c.,  so  that  for  instance  the  assimilated  ai/ali  he- 
i  edili  when  the  vowel  of  the  penult  is  assimilated  to  the 
i,  thus  causing  the  Umlaut  of  the  a  into  e ;  and  in  ferahi, 
:e  we  perwivc  the    weakening    of  the  nulical   i  into  e  on 


38  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

account  of  the  succeeding  a,  the  original  i  is  restored  to  i 
place  when  the  a  of  the  penult  is  assimilated  to  the  final  i,  ai 
thus  we  get  the  form  firihi,  vulgus.  Thus  then  we  see  that  tl 
assimilation  of  vowels  took  place  according  to  strictly  fixt 
laws,  though  it  was  applied  in  certain  authors  only  and  ncfi 
generally  adopted.  Since  towards  the  end  of  the  Old  Hig 
Oerman  period  the  final  vowels  are  more  and  more  flattene 
and  weakened,  cases  of  assimilation  become  scarcer,  and  finalt 
disappear  altogether. 

Old  Saxon  manifests  some  traces  of  assimilation  in  trisyllablei 
such  as  helogo  for  hSlagOy  holy;  mikulun  for  miiilun,  great 
sorogon  for  soragon,  curis ;  and  between  liquids  and  mutes,  when 
instead  of  the  letter  a,  the  vowel  of  the  root  finds  entrance,  e.{ 
bereht  for  beraht,  brilliant;  burug  for  burg,  borough,  uA 
wuruhtjo  for  wurohtioj  workman.  Whilst  Old  Saxon  dispU] 
scanty  traces  of  assimilation,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Frman  di 
card  it  altogether.  Old  Norse  again,  like  Old  High  Germ 
adopts  this  law  and  applies  it  regularly  under  certain  conditio] 
Thus  the  trisyllabic  plural  of  the  preterite  of  weak  vei 
invariably  assimilates  the  letter  a  of  the  penult  to  the  termii 
tional  «,  e.g.  ritu^u  for  rila^u,  scripserunt ;  blottc^u  for  bloUA 
immolaverunt.  This  u  produced  by  assimilation  may  can 
Umlaut  in  the  root,  e.  g.  skopu^u,  creaverunt,  of  scapa  ;  idllfd 
vocaverunt,  of  kalla.  In  the  same  manner  are  to  be  explain 
the  feminine  forms  gdmul=gdmulu,ydgurz=/ogurUj  hdgul=z^dgui 
of  the  adjectives,  gatnall,  old;  /agar,  fair;  ^agal,  silent.  T. 
Brechung  ia  may  return  to  the  original  i  by  assimilating  itself 
a  succeeding  i,  e.  g.  kiorlr,  hiartar,  Airti,  mentioned  above. 


Long  Vowels. 

& 

This  vowel  is  wanting  in  Gothic.  Where  therefore  it  occ 
in  the  cognate  dialects  its  place  is  taken  in  Gothic  by  e.  Tl 
we  find  a  for  Goth,  /in  O.  H.  Germ.  Jar,  Goth,  jSr,  yej 
mdl,  met,  time  (cf.  Germ,  ein-mal,  zwei-mal.  See.) ;  wan,  Go 
vem,  hope  (cf.  Germ,  wahn)  ;  alafan,  O.  S.  sldpan,  Gt) 
slepan,  to  sleep ;  ddd,  Goth.  d4d9,  deed ;  mdno,  Goth,  me 
moon;  O.N.  vidl,  Goth,  m^l,  time;  mdni,  Goth,  mena,  moc 
Udsa^  Goth,  hleaan,  to  blow  (of.  Germ,  blasen).  In  seve 
dialects  the  Gothic  e  of  the  plural  preterite  of  the  eighth  s 
ninth  coiijuga tional  classes  is  commonly  rendered  by  a,  thuj 


VOWEL  SOi'.VDS.  39 

n&atuM,  siimpsimus;  O.  H.Oerm.  ndmitmet,  0.  S.  udmun, 
-      i,O.N.  nammn. 

[uently  the  long  a  has  its  origin  in  ed  inorganic  leiigthon- 
tlic  short  a.  Thus  then  we  find  for  &  of  the  Gothic 
I,  to  catch;  hrSkfa,  attiili,  I  brought;  jUi,  yes  (Germ,  ja), 
■  H. Germ. /aian,prdAta,Jd;  O.  S./dAa,n,U>  catch;  ir<Ma, 
)th.  \>3,  then  ;  fva,  eo,  sic,  A.  S.  W  and  «wa:  Goth.  »j 
;  »W(i,  so,  sic,  O.  N.  td  and  «■«.  This  production  of  the 
:  a  into  d  in  the  other  dialecta  must  invariably  bike  place 
two  a's  or  an  S  and  another  vowel  are  contracted  into  one, 
ere  an  elision-  of  congonants  occnrs.  Thus  O.  H.  Germ, 
or  Siatitm,  breath,  spiritus ;  Wimrd  for  H^intrSAS,  Weser  j 
for  Aip^,  to  have ;  Ai't  for  A&pet,  he  has ;  O.  N.  hd,  hay ; 
tear;  %dtt,  night;  dtta,  eight;  dit,  favour,  for  Goth, 
iin,  V&^,  nHhU,  5A/aM,  Smfs.  In  some  dialects  we  find  the 
Gothic  t^rminational  ^  of  the  nominative  and  accusative  plural 
of  the  declension  in  -a  replaced  by  a,  as  in  0.  H.  Germ,  viacd, 
ifpi  (also  kepd),  for  Goth.  fscSg,  gihot ;  and  O.  S.  has  besides 
pfit,  daijon,  also  jite&t,  dagdt.  On  the  other  hand  the  long  a 
]mm,  occasionally  into  the  boundaries  of  the  long  n,  as  O.  S. 
/nfifl  for  frdho,  Goth,  fraitja,  lord  ;  ff6,  for  frdk,  joyful  (Germ. 
fr"h) ;  A.  S.  mdna  for  O.  H.  Germ,  mdno,  Goth,  »^na,  moon ; 
1*1  for  M.  H.  Germ,  idti,  soon ;  and  in  Old  Norse  we  find  a 
fcw  cases  in  which  the  long  a  is  even  converted  into  the  short  o, 
e.g.  jBjn  for  qudn.,  Goth,  qem,  wife;  v^d  for  md,  O.  H.Germ. 
'«'',  dress ;  v^n,  for  t.'rf»,  Goth,  ren*,  hope. 

In  Anglo-Saxon  the  long  a  oecnrs  most  frequently  as  the 
fi^presentative  of  the  Gothic  diphthong  &i  (O.  U.  Germ,  c*), 
'I'll*  Iwing  moat  prol>ably  the  condensation,  as  it  were,  of  a  more 
*Dci*iit  Anglo-Saxon  diphthong  at.  Examples  : — A.  S.  dgaH, 
'"  We;  Ideeu,  token;  hidf,  bread;  Mre,  docti-ine;  acedilen, 
'"  separate ;  kdm,  home,  for  Goth,  aigan,  lAikna,  Aldi/'s,  IdUeini, 
^^idan,  hdifift.  The  same  relation  to  the  Gothic  ui  we  find 
'1  Ihe  Old  Frisian,  e.  g.  a,  A.  S.  d,  Goth,  di,  law  ;  Adm,  home  ; 
"S*,  to  have,  &c.  In  this  dialect  however  the  long  d  is  most 
'fpquenlly  found  in  the  place  of  the  Gothic  diphthong  da,  which 
'D  Anglo-Saxon  i&  replaced  by  ed,  as  we  shall  have  tu  show 
'feafttr.  Hence  O.Fris.  are,  ear;  dge,  eye;  Aldpa,  to  run;  gd, 
region  or  district  (Germ,  gau),  for  Goth,  dnao,  dugo,  Afdupan, 
S^yaitt.  In  very  few  cases  the  Old  Norse  dialect  has,  like  the 
^lo-Saxon  condensed  di  into  d,  as  ^,  toe ;  «dr,  sore,  vulnus; 
w^  I  have ;  by  the  side  of  which  we  find,  as  in  Old  High  German, 
Ha*  diphthong  ei  in  eiga,  to  have. 
^B  Tlie  vowel  a,  analogous  to  ?  the  Umlaut  of  It,  appears  an  the 


40  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Umlaut  of  d.  In  this  capacity  however  we  meet  it  only  in 
Old  Norse,  and  exceptionally  in  Anglo-Saxon.  O.N.  ^=0.H. 
Germ.  d\  e.g.  aall^  happy;  (Brr,  year;  vanay  to  hope;  JtfS, 
6eed=0.  H.Germ.  sdligy  jar,  wdnen,  sdi :  O.N.  £t=(}oth.  &] 
(Ky  always ;  *^,  lake,  sea  (Germ,  see) ;  Bna,  snow  (Grerm.  schnee); 
URray  to  teach  (Germ.  lehren),=Goth.  div,  sdivs,  sndivs,  Idii/an. 
This  same  Umlaut  appears  occasionally  in  Anglo-SaxoDi 
chiefly  in  the  conjugations,  e.  g.  kdle,  vocor  (Germ,  ich  heife); 
Aalst,  haty  Goth,  hdita  Adlli^,  Aditi}f,  As  a  rule  however  the 
vowel  CB  in  Anglo-Saxon  has  less  of  the  nature  of  the  Umlaat 
than  of  that  wavering,  transitional  sound  of  a,  which  on  a  former 
occasion  we  found  encroaching  upon  the  position  of  the  vowel  ^ 
Thus  again  iS  replaces  the  a  which  undoubtedly  in  Anglo-SaxoDi  g 
as  in  Old  High  German,  was  the  original  vowel,  and  often  indeed 
preserved  its  position  intact  before  the  consonants  «,  v,  p,  /,  <,^, 
in  the  preterite  of  verbs  :  in  most  cases  however,  jrielding  to  % 
weakening  influence,  it  was  gradually  thinned  into  a.  This 
sound,  more  nearly  than  the  Old  High  German  d,  approaches 
the  Gothic  sounds  of  e  and  aiy  which  it  has  to  represent.  For 
O.  H.  Germ,  a,  Goth,  e,  we  meet  it  in  the  following  words:  «tf/) 
happiness ;  dad,  deed ;  stnet,  street ;  wag,  wave  (Germ,  woge) ; 
and  in  the  preterite  plural  of  the  verbs  of  the  eighth  and  ninth 
conjugational  classes,  e.  g.  Uegon,  scewon,  saewon,  Ueron,  S^ 
In  this  instance,  however,  the  original  a  preserves  its  place 
before  the  consonants  which  we  have  just  mentioned.  Hence  we 
find  l4gon  for  lagan,  sdwon  for  sanoon.  For  Goth,  di  we  meet 
A.  S.  <g  in  sa,  sea ;  dcel,  deal,  pars ;  clone,  clean ;  hcs^f 
heathen ;  flasc,  flesh. 

This  vowel  has  in  Gothic  to  fill  the  place  of  the  long  rt. 
Examples  :—;;'/r,  year,  O.  H.  Germ.y^^r;  depan,  to  sleep,  O.  H* 
Germ,  sldfan ;  mena,  moon,  O.  H.  G^rm.  mane ;  mel,  time^ 
O.  H.  Germ,  mdl ;  reus,  hope,  O.  H.  Germ,  wdn:  verbs  in  th^ 
preterite  plural  of  the  eighth  and  ninth  conjugational  classed; 
nemum,  O.  H.  Germ,  ndmumes :  terminational  in  declensions^ 
dag-e,  of  days,  dierura. 

Very  rarely  we  find  the  vowel  e  in  the  other  Teutonic  dialects 
correspond  in  meaning  with  the  Gothic  vowel  of  the  same 
kind,  since,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  the  Gothic  e  is 
commonly  replaced  by  d  in  the  other  dialects.  As  rare  instances 
of  the  Gothic  e  being  preserved  in  its  position  we  may  enu- 
merate in  Old    High   German   a   few   derivative   forms,   such 


I 


VOWEL   mVNUS. 


11 


%,  ff-m,  gf-t,  gi-t,  »t/m,  »t4s,  atft,  from  the  roots  gii,  »tii  of  tlie 
')« ^'«,  to  ^,  nt4n,  to  stand :  in  OM  Saxon  tlie  occasional 
e  of  the  Gothic  /  instead  of  the  typical  Old  Stixon 
s  in  y//  instead  of  jdr,  year ;  weg  instead  of  ^dy,  wave 
m.  woge).  In  Anglo-Saxon  also  this  /occurs  now  and  then, 
Bjwcially  liefore  the  consonants  m  and  »  instead  of  the  orgiinic 
'="';  e-ff-  cwtiaan,  to  please;  even,  queen;  »Sn,  hope  (Goth. 
jA*,  rA#,  &c.).  Old  Frisian  has  its  exceptional  exam|>les  of  the 
Maw  kind  :  m«l  ■=.  mdl,  time ;  K^pen  =  icdpen,  weapon  ;  tre'ron, 
ihey  were;  jenon,  they  gave.  That  this  4  has  repl!ice<l  a  more 
frwienl  a  becomes  evident  from  some  later  forms,  where  we  find 
thf  original  d  still  preserved  in  the  6  of  nomon,  they  took,  cope- 
rent,  and  komon,  they  came,  venerunt. 

But  the  proper  sphere  of  the  vowel  /  is  the  representation 
of  the  diphthong  m  (  =  Gothic  ««'),  which  it  renders  in  a  condensed 
fomi  n-hen  it  occurs  before  the  consonants  w,  h,  and  r,  and  in 
Imrinations  and  inflexions.  Thus  O.H,  Germ.  seitM,  Goth, 
*>ifM,  wrtPM,  Goth,  tndirit,  gen,  sing,  of  wo,  sea;  *neo,  snow; 
I'i,  Goth,  tdih  (Germ,  zieh,  accusavi) ;  leran,  Goth,  lahjan, 
ti)  teach  ;  ^fr,  G(ith.  ^Aim,  spear.  The  consonant  w  in  Ihc  roots 
KT,  nnr,  in  the  mentioned  examples,  is  vocalized  when  lermina- 
tional,  and  thns  in  the  nominative  singular  it  becomes  u,  a,  or  a, 
»nd  later  on  it  is  dropped  altogether :  e.  g,  ««*,  tto,  s^  (Germ. 
W,  sea,  lake);  aneo,  *«/ (Oerm.  sehtee,  snow).  Before  w  the 
wndensed  /interchanges  with  ei,  therefore  en  and  ein,  one;  lii-n, 
feis,  bone;  rarely  peda  for  peide,  both,  and  Aeon  for  eucon,  to 
wk.  In  the  inflexions  c  is  the  characteristic  vowel  of  the  third 
"eak  comugation:  hap4t=Goi\i.  habdii;  iajj^i  =  Goth.  iti&di\>; 
%>Ai=Gotb,  iiibdida,  habes,  hal>et,  habni;  as  in  general  the 
Gothic  inflexional  dl  is  represented  by  c  in  Old  High  Gerninn. 
Tbe  other  dialects  also  yield  abundant  examples  of  the  con- 
drasntioD  of  the  Gothic  di  into  e,  such  as  O.  S.  se,  sea ;  hem, 
bome ;  era,  honour ;  het,  heal,  mIvus  ;  etei^  (Germ,  ewig), 
Bt«ial ;  h<''t^ln  (Germ.  Aei^en,  vocari) ;  fe»e,  flesh ;  0.  ^Vis.  re, 
«»;  »eln,  ponl ;  i/dr,  spear ;  w4pen,  weapon  ;  teken,  token  ;  O,  N. 
tne=:kit/ff  and  ineiff  (Germ,  netg-le,  inclinatua  sum};  sU=«tel'j 
piann,  ttifg,  scandi);  dga^ei^a,  to  have;    ttUH,  major;    menlr, 


A  very  characteristic  feature  chiefly  of  the  Low  German 
'  oi»lects  is  the  rednplicational  e.  Id  Old  High  German  too 
I  's  tind  occasionally  the  Gothic  reduplication  preserved  in  this 
\  •ontrairted  form  :  e.g.  /e«c  for  fieuc,  Goth,  falfali,  pret,  of 
I  /■A'»,  to  catch  i  slefitn,  Goth,  m'ltlep,  pret.  of  depoii,  to  sleep ; 
'H  ti-r  /-V|,   Gtilh.  hiihl,  pret.  "f  luUm,  u,  scold  ;   gaiff,  Goth. 


42  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

gaigagg;  but  the  pret.  form  used  in  Grothic  is  iddja  and  gaggida, 
pret.  oi  gaggariy  to  go;    O. S.  Mldy  pret.  of  kaUan,  to  hold; 
hety  pret.  of  hetan  (Germ.  hei^Uy  vocari);  ISt,   pret.  of  UUmj 
to  let;   A.  S.  gengy  pret.  of  gangan^  to  go;  let,  pret.  of  ktian^ 
to  lot ;  slep,  pret.  of  slcppan,  to  sleep ;  fengy  pret.  oi  f6n:=zfangaiiy 
to  catch ;   heng^  j)ret.  of  hangan,  to  hang ;   ^if,  pret.  of  idtau, 
to  order;  and  a  few  other  verbs  of  a  similar  form.     This  pre- 
t<Tite  e  is  the  condensation  of  the  diphthong  eS,  as  in  Old  High 
German  of  ie,  which  latter  vowel  preserved  its  place  in  sevenl 
verbs ;  in  others  it  is  found  alternately  with  e  :  Old  Frisian  W, 
preterite  oi  Lid,  to  blow,  and  the  preterites  kety  heldyfengy  gh^y 
lety  which  correspond  in  form  and  meaning  with  the  same  verbs 
in  the  other  dialects  already  mentioned;  and  the  list  may  be 
completed  by  adding  several  forms  in  Old  Norse,  such  as  i//, 
heUy  fekky  gekky  UL      In  all  the  mentioned  dialects  the  long 
e  is  the  condensation  of  diphthongs,  as  in  Old  High  G^rmaD  of 
itty  ioy  hy  in  Anglo-Saxon  of  e6y  or  the  lengthened  forms  of  short 
vowels  caused  by  the  elision  of  the  redupHcational  consonants. 
Similar  productions  of  the  radical  vowel  by  elision  of  the  redn- 
plicational  consonants  and  contraction  of  the  vowels  are  found 
in  the  cognate  languages,  such  as  the  Latin  jadoy  feciz=ifefici. 

In  a  few  dialects  the  long  e  has  a  wider  range  than  we  have 
hitherto  mentioned.  Tlius  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Frisian  it 
is  used  to  indicate  the  Umlaut  of  6,  and  in  the  latter  dialect^ 
even  the  Umlaut  of  u,  which  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  rendered  by  g. 
Examples  in  A,S.:—/eran  (Germ  fahren),  to  go ;  tetany  to  weep; 
/e/i,  pi.  oifoty  foot ;  me^cTy  pi.  of  mo^efy  mother ;  ^,  pi.  of  t^y 
tooth.  O.  Fris.  Umlaut  of  o—ferOy  wepaUy  awety  sweet,  fety  feet ; 
Umlaut  of  ii — sele  (Germ,  sduhy  pillar) ;  hedCy  hide,  skin. 

The  long  e  as  the  condensation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  ed  and 
the  Gothic  du  is  also  met  with  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Frisian, 
e.  g.  A.  S.  nedy  Goth.  ndu)f8y  need ;  heran^  to  hear  (Goth,  dmoy 
ear);  stepafiy  to  erect,  from  stedpy  high,  steep;  b^g  for  bedhy 
ring ;  depauy  to  dip,  and  dedpvvgy  a  dipping ;  and  so  likewise  in 
O.  Fris.,  nedy  need ;  depa,  to  dip,  and  akene  (Germ.  8ckdn,  pretty), 
Goth,  skduns. 

Not  uncommon  in  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse  is  the  condensed 
form  of  e  for  the  Gothic  diphthong  iu  —  K,  S.  edy  e.  g.  O.  Fris. 
kve^  Goth,  kniuy  knee  ;  pre-=^K.  S,  preoUy  muscle,  and  O.  N.  Jtney 
knee ;  lre=A,  S.  fred,  tree. 

For  Gothic  ei  we  find  in  a  few  cases  e  again  in  O.  N.,  e.  g.  sdy 
A.  S.  and  O.  H.  Germ,  si,  sim;  vdy  Goth,  veiisy  temple;  vel, 
A.  S.  wily  fraud. 

Not  uncommon  is  the  production  of  Cy  or  of  any  short  vowel 


VOWEL  SOUNDS.  43 

in  hd,  hj  the  elision  of  consonants.  Thus  we  have  in  O.  N. 
/e(GensL  viei,  pecus^  cf.  Eng.  /ee,  pecunia)^  Groth.  fa{hu;  sS, 
video,  Goth,  saikva  ;  nd,  nee,  Goth,  nih ;  reUre,  right,  Goth. 
n^;  fieUa  {Genn.  Jlechten,  nectere),  Goth,  flaihian. 

A 
1 

The  }  has  in  Old  High  German  and  most  other  dialects  re- 
placed the  Gothic  diphthong  ei.  Thus  O.  H.  Germ,  dri,  three ; 
/ft,  free ;  Auila,  time ;  ictn,  wine ;  Itp,  life ;  zil^  time :  O.  S. 
tin,  /ri,  kuUa,  win,  Uf,  lid :  A.  S.  iwil,  win,  lif,  tid,  wif,  wife ; 
tf»,  time :  O.  Fris.  hwUe,  time,  delay ;  V^,  life ;  wif,  wife ; 
hAl,  white ;  gwin^  swine :  O.  N.  vin^  9vin,  titni,  vif,  hvitr, 
white; — all  being  nearly  identical  even  to  the  very  words  in 
which  they  replace  by  *  the  Goth,  ei  in  }freU,  three ;  freU,  free ; 
p«&,  time ;  vein,  wine,  &c.  &c. 

Sometimes  the  long  i  is  the  result  of  production  which  takes 

place  in  cases  of  elision  where  I  and  ^  meet.     Thus  we  have  Old 

High  German  piht  (Germ,  beicht,  confession),  from  ptgthi  ;  chit, 

dicit,  from  ckidU.     More  frequent  is  the  inorganic  production 

of  short  i  at  the  end  of  words,  and  even  of  syllables,  before  an 

inflexional  vowel  or  consonant ;   e.  g.  in  the  Goth,  preposition 

hi,  apud,  O.H.GeTTCL.  pi;  O.  S.  bi,  O.  H.  Germ,  si,  sU,  si-mes, 

^t,  n-n,  for  the  Gt)thic  sl-au,  si-au,  or  sij-du,  sij-dis,  &c. :  and 

in  the  same  manner  fiant,  enemy,  fiend ;  friunt,  friend ;   Goth. 

fj-ands,  frij^ands ;   where  we  see  in  Gothic  the  semi- vowel  y 

introdaced  in  order  to  preserve  the  short  vowel  i  which  precedes 

it.    A  few  examples  of  the  same  kind  we  have  in  the  O.  N.  bi, 

a  bee;   m,  to  see,  Goth,  aaihvan ;    i,  in;   diar  r=z  divar,  gods. 

Correption  takes  place — i.  e.  the  organic  z  (  =  Goth.  ei)  is  replaced 

by  the  short  i — in  some  forms  of  the  possessive  pronouns,  as 

0.  H.  Germ   mines,  dines,  mi^ia,  dina,  sina,  by  the  side  of  miuy 

din^sin;   and  O.N.  minn,  mitt;  }finn,  hitt;  sirifi,  sitt,  by  the 

side  of  min,  sin,  \in.     This  correption  ot  the  long  i  also  occurs 

m  Old  Norse  where  the  termination  i'S  of  the  adj.  is  assimilated 

to  the  neutral  termination  ti  e.  g.  bli^r,  polite ;  neut.  blitt, 

6 

'This  is  a  long  vowel  which  in  Gothic  has,  together  with  /, 
t<^  fill  the  place  of  the  long  a.  TStii2im\AQs\—dgan,  to  dread; 
^^i  doom;  mods,  mood,  mind,  courage;  bio  ma,  Germ,  blume, 
"'ooni,  flower ;  *^<?/*,  seat,  stool ;  ^rt^l?^/-,  brother;  hoka,  hook. 


,        .  -    -  iOT^fiiBlilMB  therefore  the 

t  nUiim  to  OcGaUr  is  a.  /ki  to  Oe  Gothic  >£•  It 
upeats  ngBlxAf  befiica  ^  a,  r.  i,  ani  the  hngoala  ;  d,  t,  m, 
BwipWa: — Mbb,  a  nptand  petaoa,  benuoeus;  /(Jk  (Germ. 
Ufan),  Kwaid;  nfr(G«na.  Wifar),  ned;  Ml,  higfi;  /raU  (Genn. 
t(d«).  eoMolatnii:  Afanf  (Geim.  Asteni).  Enter;  id^  (Gen. 
tU),dna;  a«(GenD.iidtIi)i  und;  /«£(  (G«m.  bi4d).  btflid: 
fHx  (Genn.  gi«#).  gnat;  plA  (G«nii  bl6«).  bare,  nude;  M, 
lord.  PbrtfaistfoBeoftheOUH^G«naandiAWet5  tuee  tbe 
diphUwag  m;  hcBne  immy  raw,  jhm/,  &c.,  io^ead  of  tS»,  r^, 
prtt,  kc  The  naie  dialect  wfaiA  Kfdaccs  o  bj  no  malcea  ma 
of  the  fanner  nmcl  ia  the  place  of  the  (waunon  O.  H.  Germ.  «9 
=GotlL.  4,  «fc>eh  the  Low  G«Tiiian  dialects  also  render  by  S> 
Hcoe*  the  duketie  .^  =  eommon  O.  H.  Germ,  fuor  (Germ. 
fi&hr),  iTi;  flSmt  =pilaioma  (Germ,  bliime),  Hower,  bloom;  Ar4m 
=ini<M  (G«niL  HUun),  gkwT,  £une, — forms  wliich  are  identical 
with  the  O.  S.  _^,  UtW,  'ir^.  The  Low  German  dialecta 
fnrtber  ^ree  with  Old  High  German  in  admitting  the  S  for 
Oothic  iu,  whidi  in  Old  High  German  n-as  commonly  rendered 
by  Ml,  bnt  then  cooden:^  from  a  diphthi>Dg  into  a  single  long 
TOweC  The  forms  fro,  /o»,  ioh,  6tvJ,  mol,  yrol,  doJ,  are  again 
therefore  identical  with  the  Old  Ilig'h  German  words  which  we 
mentioiwd  above. 

He  Anglo-SaxoD  o  is  identical  with  the  Gothic  o  tbruugbont. 
Examples : — USma,  flovrer,  bloom ;  dom,  doom ;  /or,  ivit ;  don,  to 
do  J  m^r,  moor;  km/,  roofj  grMk  (Germ,  frenug),  enoagh;  Mc, 
book ;  blM,  blood ;  ^l,  Bood ;  /ol,  foi.t ;  hroix-r,  brother. 

Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse  follow  the  same  rale  in  preserving 
the  original  Gothic  S.  Thns  O.  Fris.  d6m,  doom  ;  bloja,  to 
bloom ;  broker,  brother ;  hok,  boot ;  and  O.  N.  domr,  doom ; 
hok,  book  ;  tHgr,  forest ;  /d'5,  eourse,  Pceuliar  to  all  tbe  Low 
German  dialects  is  the  occasional  interchange  between  S  and  i 
which  we  have  already  poinleil  out  Hence  O.  S.  and  A.  8. 
teona,  moon,  eSm,  soon,  for  mdna  and  W«  ;  O.  Pris.  »6n  and 
*«'»,  soon;  mSna,  moon;  lomon,  cepenint  (Germ,  nahmeo); 
i^moH  (Germ,  k&men),  veneruut :  and  in  Old  Norse  it  ie  preferred 
to  a  where  an  assimilation  or  elision  of  consonants  has  taken 
iilace;  e. g. a3/'Hm=«'M/i*»i, dormivimus;  »o'=«on,sic;  rfi«  =  Goth. 
,iyhi»,mm;  droff'n=0. 11. Germ,  iroklin,  lord;  il4Uir=O.R. 
Germ,  tohlur,  daughter. 


70WEC  sorxijs. 

Hi 

ThiB    vowel  replaces  in  Old  High  German  and  in  the  Low 
German  dialects  three  diflerent  Gothic  vowels ;  namely,  i,  iu,  dv. 
For  Gothic  il : — O,  H.Genn.  difiini,  thousand;   rJna,  mystery; 
prut   [tiertn.  braut),  bride;  pri!ehan   (Gerni.  brauclieii),  to  use: 
O.  S.    runa,    colloquy ;    br4d,    bride ;    brican,    to    make   use    of, 
frui  :     A.  S,   rv»,   mystery ;   Mce,   utor ;    T^m,   room,   Bjmce  ; 
VtUr  (Germ,  maiier),  wall ;   hil»,  hoaee  :   O,  Fris.  br4ka,  ufi ;    hui, 
bouse  ;  ful,  foul ;  and  O.  N.  f4H^  rUn,  iSs  /—forms  whieh  cor- 
respond with  ihe  «  in  Gothic  y«V*,  foul;     rilma,  room;    runa, 
mystery  ;  his,  house ;  liriba,  bride ;  brikjan,  uti, 
^^      For  Gothic  *'» : — 0  H.  Germ.  4f,  upwards,  sursnm ;  IMAan,  to 
^^^Aock;  mifan,  to  drink  (cf.  Germ,  eaiifen);  tikau  (Germ,  sauehen), 
^^P  to  Mick  :   O,  S.  up,  sursum ;   cugco  (M.  H,  Germ,  k'msche),  reve- 
^^1  renter:   A.S.  au/^tf,  bibo;  O  ¥T\B.fruildf=friudel/,\oyet;  krioie, 
^H  *^,  cross ;  flinckl,  fiucU,  fugit :  O.  N.  Mka,  to  look ;   siga,  to 
^H  «uck. 

^^P     Por Gothic  (f» : — O.  H.  Germ  /^aaw,  to  dwell ;  ka-ir4-en  (Genu. 
^V  Wr-trau-en),  to  trust;    aul  (Germ,  saule),  column:   O.  S.  buan, 
^     *»Z,-  eliUtar  for  Latin  clamtrum:  O.N.  bua,  irm,  tuL 
1  The  long  vowel  a,  where  it  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  wordj  is  a 

I       Hler  production  of  the  Gothic  short  w.     Hence  this  vowel  is, 
L      even  iu  Old   Hifjb  Gennan  and  several  Low  German  dialects, 

■  ""^n  short  or  at  least  doubtful.     O. H.Genn.  naf,  now,  and  dil, 

■  "lou,  for  the  earlier  uu  and  <IS,  Goth.  nS.  and  \n.    The  quantity 
^     Oi  jgj,  g„j  (^„  j„  Qjj  gjijjon  is  doubtful,  whilst  in  Anglo-Saxon 

. '®  length  of  nu  and  ^u  is  undoubted.  In  Old  Frisian  this  vowel 
'^  a*  in  Old  Saxon,  wavering  between  short  and  long,  whilst 
^^  Norse  gives  it  undoubted  length,  since  as  a  rule,  in  Old 
^*^'"Be  all  radical  vowels  suffer  production  when  occurring  at  the 
^?^  of  a  word.  Umlaut  of  «  occurs  in  several  Low  German 
'''*««ct6,  Tlie  Old  High  Gennan  in  its  latest  documents  has 
?"^^^ionally  iu  as  Umlaut  of  ti,  thus  /im,  house,  pi.  Aivaer ;  cAri/t, 

iP?'''j,  pi.  ehriuler.  In  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Norse  the  Umlaut 
'  T^is  vowel  belongs  only  to  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Norse,  In 
**Sl'^Sason  it  is  Umlaut  of  three  vowels : — (l)  of  it,  c.  g.  «?, 
*'*^j  pi-  c$,  kine;  Iva,  louse,  pi  Iga,  lice;  w^«,  mouse,  pi.  }ii§t, 
wicej  irrf./,  bride,  pi,  i/^<f,-  (  )of  erf  (Goth  iu),  e.g.  %e  (Germ. 
i*gc),  a  lie ;  rjre,  election  :  (3)  of  ed,  e.  g.  hpritii,  to  hear ;  gel^fan, 


4G  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

to  believe.  In  Old  Norse  ^  is  Umlaut  (i)  of  w,  e.  g.  kyr,  pi.  of 
k4^  cow ;  mislay  mus  femina ;  l$k,  I  lock  :  (2)  of  iu,  or  the  weak- 
ened form  to,  e.  g^J^r^  fire;  J?^/*,  servant;  fl^r,  animaL 

In  conclusion  of  our  survey  of  the  long  vowels  we  have  to 
state  one  more  fact  which  forms  a  peculiar  feature  of  several 
Low  Qcrman  dialects,  especially  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Norse, 
and  which  consists  in  the  dropping  of  the  consonant  n  before 
sibilants,  and  the  lengthening  of  the  short  vowel,  especially  o, 
which  preccKles  it.     Examples : — A.  S.  tS^j  O.  H.  Oerm.  zatd^ 
tooth ;  gds,  O.  H.  Germ,  kans^  goose ;  aSftj  O.  H.  Germ,  iti^j 
soil.    Umlaut  of  6  is  e\  fe^,  gesy  aefie  (see  above).     Analogous 
forms  are,  ^rfS,  sooth,  true ;  6^ery  Goth,  atibar,  other.    Examples 
of  other  vowels  : — moi^y  strong,  Goth,  svinps;  /if,  five,  Goth. 
Jitn/*;  flier y  our,  Goth,  unaar ;  cil^ey  novit;   «»«?8,  mouth,  (joth. 
viiiu]yft.      Some  grammarians  deny  however  the  length  of  the 
vow«»1h  ill  the  words ,/j['/',  five ;  o^er,  other ;  to^y  tooth ;  «f8,  nottis; 
wwS,  mouth.     In  Old  Norse  the  lengthening  of  the  vowel  takes 
place  regularly  when  the  consonant  n  suffers  elision  before  the 
sibilant  a,  not  before  8.     Hence  we  read  gas,  goose ;  dsty  favoii^» 
(loth,  ajtftfft;    while  ffta^r,  man;    fuuiy  mouth;    i^rum  (dat  ^* 
afttinr,  other),  presei'vc  the  short  vowel. 

Scttiulinavian  grammarians  have  moreover  proposed  to  assut^ 
the  lengthening  of  the  vowels  a,  o,  «,  before  the  following  co^' 
binations  of  consonants,  Im,  Ipy  Ify  Igy  liy  Isy  ngy  nk,  and  of  t^  ^ 
vowel  i  before  vg  and  71k.     It  is  however  considered  doubtf^ 
whether  the  Old  Norse  dialect  really  had  adopted  such  distin^^ 
tions,  which  after  all  might  be  the  creation  of  a  later  period.    A-^ 
to  the  letter  i  the  case  appears  less  doubtful ;  but  the  productio#^ 
of  a  and  o  is  considered  very  rare  before  consonantal  combina^ 
tions  with  an  /,  especially  in  the  'Ablaut,'  whence  forms  lik^ 
skn(f,  sko/Jfnn,  stmlg,  svolgmriy  preserve  the  short  a  and  0,     Ther 
Umlaut  of  it  beft>re  ng  and  nk  is  e  or  o,  both  of  which  are  short 
vowels  and  must  correspond  with  «,  not  with  d. 

As  a  rule  German  grammarians  mark  the  length  of  a  vowel 
in  all  the  different  dialects  by  the  sign  a  ;  but  some  have,  in 
publishing  Old  Norse  and  Anglo-Saxon  documents,  occasionally 
adopted  the  mode  of  Scandinavian  and  English  grammarians, 
according  to  which  the  length  is  marked  by  the  acute  (').  The 
student  will  therefore  read  ^J^  = /(?5 ;  mu^z=z7nu^;  m^s^im^s. 


VOWEL    SO  USDS. 


61 

Gotliie  tbie  diphthong  occurs  rather  frequently.  Examples  ; 
'  7a,  sea,  lake ;  main,  snow  ;  sdh'ala,  soul ;  ddih,  deal,  part ; 
t,  home,  village ;  dim,  one;  t/Aini,  stone;  6di,  both;  hdih», 
,  caecus ;  hdiU,  heal,  whole ;  bditrs,  bitter.  Always  in  the 
ipUcation  of  the  verb.  Thus  sdi-tall,  »kdi-ikdid,  «(ai-i(aut, 
tiislep,  Idi-lo,  f-di-tdk,  are  the  reduplicated  preterita  of  the  verba 
laltan,  to  salt ;  tididan,  to  separate  (Oerm.  seheiden) ;  ttauian, 
to  push,  l>eat  (Germ,  stflpeii);  tidpan,  to  sleep;  lilmn,  to  ecold  ; 
l/Jean,  to  touch.  This  Gothic  di  is  in  the  other  dialects  generally 
rtmdered  by  ei  or  its  condensation  e  and  i  (vide  sub  litt.  ei,  §j  i)- 


ei 

This  diphthong  in  its  organic  nature  is  met  with  only  in  Gothic, 
Old  High  German,  and  Old  Norse.  In  these  dialects  however 
it  has  difierent  tasks  to  perform.  The  Gothic  ei  is  commonly 
rcpliic*<l  in  Old  Higli  German  and  Old  Norse  by  the  long  vowel 
S,  while  the  diphthong  ei  in  the  latter  dialects  stands  for  Gothic 
<S«-  Examples  of  Gothic  ei : — eiaarn,  iron ;  reiian,  to  rise ;  (neijls, 
(lonlt  (Germ,  zweifel);  freia,  swine,  pig;  rein,  wine;  meim, 
V^'M,  leina  (Germ,  mein,  dein,  sein);  compare  O.  li.Genn, 
^*«n(,  ritan,  saival,  tuttin,  win,  min,  diu,  tin.  It  further  occurs 
*&  Gatiie  as  the  termination  of  substantives  of  the  weak  dcclt- n- 
^on,  e.  g.  di]>ei,  mother ;  svijibei,  strength. 

The  Old  High  German  ei  in  helm,  home;  ttein,  stone;  eiu, 
one;  keil,  heal,  whole  ;  evjan,  to  own  ;  fieiac,  flesh  ;  and  the  Old 
^orse  ei  in  eitre,  poison,  venom  (Germ,  eitcr) ;  eir,  iron ;  irer'Sr, 
"Wad ;  ieill,  heal ;  e^a,  to  own, — correspond  with  the  Gothic  ui 
?*  We  have  already  mentioned.  In  Old  High  German  and  Old 
^orse  we  find  the  diphthong  also  in  the  preterites  of  tlie  verlis 
*"  the  fifth  class,  e.  g.  dreif,  pcpuli ;  hrein,  claraavi ;  beil, 
""iDiordi ;  rein,  surrexi. 

Concerning  the  condcnsalion  of  ei  into  e  we  refer  to  what  we 
"W^e  stated  sub  lit.  g.  The  other  dialects  offer  hardly  any 
[fst-es  of  the  diphthong  ei  in  its  organic  nature,  that  is,  coineid- 
^e  with  the  Gothic  di;  but  Old  Frisian  has  abundant  examples 
"•  m  inoi^nic  «.  Thus  we  find  ei  originating  in  contraction 
III  the  terminations  eg  and  ag,  e.  g.  m«,  way ;  dei,  day ;  slei, 
Dioff;  but  pi.  wegar,  degar,  where  the  consonant  reappears.     Aa 


48  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

the  contraction  of  eg  we  meet  it  in  ein^zeffin,  own,  proprim; 
heia-=hega,  tollere.  tf/  =  ^  in  deilf  for  del,  dale;  weUa^wesa,  to 
be;  ei=zu,  iu,  ou ;  ^tfi=0.  H.  Germ,  kon,  a  blow;  beiU—O.VL 
Germ,  blufe,  a  tumor  (Germ,  beule);  ir^«/=  O.  H.  Germ. /fi^ 
bride,  spouse.  In  a  few  words  introduced  from  Old  High  Gw* 
man  the  Old  Frisian  ei  is  identical  with  the  same  diphthong  ii 
Old  High  German,  such  as  ieimr,  emperor ;  leia,  layman. 

iu 

This  is  the  only  Gothic  diphthong  which  is  rendered  in  its 
pure  and  original  sound  in  other  dialects  as  well,  though  most 
of  them  also  allow  of  a  weakened  form,  and  Anglo-Saxon  ^^ 
places  it  by  an  altogether  different  diphthong,  namely  «^. 
Examples: — Gothic  friit,  tree;  kniu,  knee;  niujis,  new;  jinUit 
July ;  b'ntgariy  to  bend  (Germ,  bieg^n) ;  iup,  sursum. 

Old  High  German  ///  coincides  with  the  same  diphthong  in 
Gothic,  but  it  is  occasionally  replaced  by  4  or  the  weakened  »tf. 
The  latter  stands  to  in  in  the  same  relation  as  does  the  vowels 
to  Uy  and  consequently  it  occurs  under  the  same  conditioitfi 
namely,  when  the  following  syllable  contains  the  vowel «,  whik 
i  or  n  in  the  succeeding  syllable  ])reserve  the  pure  diphthong  >•• 
The  same  rule  holds  good  for  monosyllables  which  form  th6 
theme  in  a,  i,  or  ?/,  as  well  as  for  the  conjugation  of  the  verb- 
Hence  we  have  the  forms  kiuyi,  fundo ;  kiu^-is,  tivnl^  iiojameit 
kioiant ;  imp.  k'ui^  ;  inf.  k'w^an.     So  also  in  the  declensions  and 
derivatives  of  words,  as  (liot^y  people ;   diutisk,  popular,  vema^ 
cular,  hence  BeuUchy  German ;  lioht,  light ;  liuhtjauy  to  lighten 
(Germ,  leuchien,  splendere).     The  plurals  diopdy  stiordy  or  niunij 
Ihiti,  explain  forms  such  as  diopy  thief;  siiory  bull  (G^rm.  stier), 
or  niiin,  Ihit,  people.     Fior^  four,  Goth,  fdvar,  has  formed  the 
diphthong  by  the  elision  of  consonants,  in  the  same  manner  as 
dlorna,  ancilla,  j^uella  (Germ.  dime). 

As  to  the  use  of  the  weakened  form  of  iu,  the  Old  High  Ger- 
man documents  differ  vastly,  so  that  from  the  original  pure 
diphthong  iu  we  see  them  pass  through  the  whole  scale  of  vowels, 
iu  and  etiy  io  and  eo,  ia  and  ea,  and  finally  i€.  This  variation  of 
sounds  is  partly  owing  to  dialectic  differences,  partly  to  the 
rapid  wearing  down  of  full-sounding  vowels,  which  we  observe 
towai'ds  the  close  of  the  Old  High  German  period. 

Otfrid,  where  he  makes  use  of '  Scbwachung,'  chooses  io  for 
monosyllabic  words :  in  polysyllables  he  yields  to  the  influence 
of  assimilation ;  so  that  he  prefers  io  where  the  following  syllable 
contains  an  o,  ia  or,  rarely,  i^,  where  a  high-pitched  vowel  such 


VOVTKl    ^iOl'.VDS. 


4a 


n  a  ot  f  succeeds.  Therefore  rioro,  thiouSnti,  and  ziari,  I'mb'-, 
Ut&a.  Bat  monosyllabic  nouns,  thoiij^h  they  aeBumv  a  high 
»w»el  in  the  inflexion,  Devertheleas  retain  their  to,  hence  (Awf^t, 
Usiln;  except  ie  in  tifdei,  CBrminis.  Later  authors,  from  the 
timeof  Tatian,  and  especially  Notker,  flatten  the  it/  Ktill  furtlier 
into  it.  The  ia  however  ia  peculiar  to  Oti'rid.  The  more 
■adent  antbors  down  as  far  as  Isidor  have  a  diphthong  fu  fur 
ii  in  ancient  proper  names,  noons,  and  prononns,  e.g.  en,  vobis ; 
,  cirii,  ros ;  hrrunin,  poenitentiam,  for  in,  iuwik,  iritinun.  Kero 
d  Isidor  have  «'  and  ea  for  io  in  the  inflexions,  as  waUend-eo, 
li  sometimes  instead  of  iu  There  occurs  another  la 
pM  in  Kero  and  Otfrid  which  corresponds  with  Goth.  ^,  not  in; 
(,  HieiiM,  table,  Goth.  me»;  hiar,  here,  Goth,  i^r, 
With  this  one  exception  all  the  vowels  mentioned  are  weakened 
■  r.  There  is  however  another  diphthong  ia  (Otfrid), 
p(Kero,  Isidor),  or  ie  (Tatian,  Notker),  which  has  its  origin 
ptlie  condensation  or  contraction  of  a  more  ancient  reduplica- 

Thus  hialt,  healt,  pret.  of  haltan  ;  bliai,  Ueiu,  bliei,  prelT ^ 
if  bktan.     The  original  reduplication  still  shows  itaelf  uumig.  J 
ably  in  a  form  heiall,  used  by  Kero  instead  of  iialt,  and  whichj 
_-lielv  approaches  the  Gothic  haiknlil,  pret.   of  Aal4ait.     Th»  i 
tqiuion^  ii)  we  find  in  the  preterite  of  tliose  verbs  which  hava.l 
[fctbe  present  the  radical  vowel  on,  6,  or  uo ;    e.g.  lou/u,  pret.  j 
|"V(Gath.  il.ivpiin\  pret.  hla'ihUmp  ;  sfj^u,  iiti/>^  ;  levo/u,  mo/.      ^ 
_  In  Old  Saxon  the  relation  between  in  and  i')  is  the  snme  ai 
moid  High  German,  and  the  same  rules  are  npplicaMe  as  tcrj 
I  At  use  of  10  where  a,  and  of  iu  where  f    or  u  follow  in  the  ^ 
Uit  syllable.     Tims  in   the  conjagation  biudit,  oBer ;   biudu^ 
IniHl;  pi.  biodal ;  inf.  Hodan.     So  also  in  other  words :  kiuiHf  j 
kodieiOcrm.  hento);  tkiudfi,  darkness;  tkiodan,  king;  tkioma^ 
•folia  (Germ.  dime).     Sometimes  the  distinction  of  iu  and  W  \ 
WDOtee  words  of  a  different  meaning,  e.g.   ihiit,  ancilla;  thio,' 
inrtnim,  of  lie;  fiur,  fire;  fior,  four;  and  occasionally  one  and  1 
Ltf"  »D)e   word   wavers  between  /«  acd  io,  e.  g.  Jiund,  /»nd, 
,  Gend;    dlatiul,  dtOflol,  diabolus.     The  weakened  eo  ap- 
iBDot  onfreijuently  for  Jo.-  lAeqf,  tiiiet';  fireoaf,  breast;  iheoihn, 
ia,  en  are  rare  :   Me»an,  to  choose  {Germ,   kiesen) ; 
(,  ancilla ;  liakt,  light. 
iTbese  vowels  are  in  Old  Sitxon  as  in  Old  High  German  used 
t  to  indicate  ancient  reduplication.     Thus  ie  by  the  side  of 
Btbe  preterite  of  those  verbs  which  have  an  d  in  the  present — 
'    'w*  for  Wi,  pret,  of  Idtan,  to  let ;   andried  for  andrgd,  pret.  of 
i^rddan,   to  dread,   io,  eo,   or  ie  in  the  pret-  of  those  verbs 
which  have  d  in  the  present — h!iop,  hliep,  pret.  of  hlSpa-a,  to 


50  TECTOyiC  GRAMMAH. 

run  {Germ.  Imifen);    mop,  teeop,  loifp,  pret.  of  wopn«,  to  t 
Ciiiiceniiug  the  reduplication  in  4,  vide  siib  lit,  e- 

Old  Frisian  is,  like  Old  Saxon,  restrictod  to  the  sole  < 
tliong  iw,  of  whicli  it  also  admits  the  weakened  form  in  *  , 
80  tliat  iM  and  I'o  are  met  wliere  tbe  following  syllable  conta 
nr  orif^nally  contained,  i  or  »,  and  ia  wbere  it  eont 
ExaniplcH : — hindega,  hodie ;  friund,  friend ;  niugvn,  nine ; 
seven ;  and  Hiore,  dear;  Jiover,  four;  liode,  people;  sliora,  i 
Some  words  waver  between  «'«  and  in,  as  fur  and  _/iof, 
divre  and  dliyri^,  dear;    liude  and  Unde,  people  (Gem 
iu  at  tbe  end  of  wonis,  e,  g.  thriu,  three ;  kiu,  ea ;  thitt, 
but  d'utr.  Jeer,  fera ;  I'tak,  sick ;  thiade,  people ;  kriapa,  to  o 
liaht,  light. 

Old  Norse  also  uses  the  diphthong  iv  ne  identical  with  C 
IK.  At  tbe  end  of  words: — niy,  nine;  tiu,  ten;  ^ri 
Before  labials  or  gutturalg  : — diiipr,  deep  ;  biugr,  curved ;  I 
sad ;  riii-ka,  to  smoke,  reek  ;  except  }^ii>fr,  thief.  The  wea 
form  io  is  used  before  liquids  and  dentals  : — biar,  beer  ;  jUot,  rt 
{Germ,  flu^) ;  rf/o/,  wheel;  ^wm,  to  choose  (Germ,  kiesen). 
words  however  even  here  preserve  >'»  :  examples — (itirr,  t 
(Germ.  !^lier];  7iiv»(/i,  nonus  ;  liundi ,  Accimws.  As  n  rule,  thas 
in  Old  Norse,  the  use  of  tbe  pure  diphthonfi  in,  or  its  weakc 
form  ill,  does  not,  as  in  Old  High  German,  depend  on  the  voffi 
of  tbe  followiug  syllabic,  but  on  the  nature  of  the  succeedinj 
consonant  The  conjugation  of  the  verb  does  not,  as  in  otbai 
dialects,  present  an  alternation  between  ia  and  io,  simply  becaiM 
both  these  diphthongs  are  in  the  singular  present  of  the  v« 
replaced  by  their  common  Umlaut  j?.  io  also  makes  occasionj'' 
its  appearance  in  tbe  remains  of  an  ancient  reduplication; 
amples — nwSo,  gignere,  pret.  I'o'S  ;  ansa,  to  draw,  haurire,  pr^ 
ioa;  bua,  tO  dwell,  pret.  bio;  hhupa,  to  run  (Germ,  laufen],  pr^ 
hliop  {Germ.  lief).     On  the  rcdnplicatiou  in  e  vide  sub  lit.  e. 

e6 

This  diphthong  may  be  considered  as  exclusively  Anglo-Si 
and  stands  to  the  Gothic  iw  in  the  same  relation  as  tbe  (H 
High  German  d,  for  instance,  does  to  the  Gothic  di.  It  them 
fore  must  by  no  means  be  regarded  as  identical  with  eOy 
any  other  Schwachung  of  in  which  may  occur  in  the  oth 
dialects,  but  as  an  independent  vowel  which  in  Anglo-Saxi 
replaces  the  Gothic  J«  without  being  a  mere  Schwachung  oft! 
diphthong.  In  this  character  it  chiefly  occurs  in  the  middle 
a  word :  examples — be6r,  beer ;  be/in,  to  be;  de6r,  deer,  fera;  ( 


VOWEL  SOlWm.  51 

eel,  sliip;  ceiiiun,  to  choose;  dciSj),  deep;  Mil,  people;  iedSf, 
ight.  This  e^  was  in  later  times  often  replaced  by  ^,  egpecially 
D  verbs  of  the  sixth  class :  silpan  for  seopan,  to  drink ;  sHcan 
br  leScan,  to  suck ;  litcan  for  le6caii,  to  lock.  More  about  this 
(vide  sul).  lit.  ^. 

This  diphthong  we  find  in  various  other  places  where  it  has 
BO  relation  to  the  Gothic  iu.  It  very  often  appears  as  the 
Brechung  of  i,  which  has  its  origin  in  a  mistaken  analogy  to 
tbe  Brechung  of  %  into  eo  before  the  consonants  h  and  v.  Hence 
the  verbs  wrMun,  to  cover;  tthan,  to  amuse;  ^Aan,  to  thrive, 
We  been  removed  into  the  sixth  conjugational  class,  and 
lius  throwing  off  the  h,  they  appear  as  wreSn,  teSii,  ^e6n,  pret. 
mtdk,  tedk,  yedh.  Of  similar  formation  \sfe6l,  file,  O.  H.  Germ. 
jHi/d,  /,7a. 

At  the  end  of  a  word  where  J  has  been  dropped,  i  is  replaced 
by  e4 :  esamples— ieiJ,  bee,  O.  H.  Germ,  bi ;  feed,  free,  Goth. 
Jta»,  0.  H.  Germ.  fri.  It  appears  that  a  final  i  is  repugnant  to 
the  natare  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  idiom ;  wherever,  therefore,  the 
i  is  preserved  in  prei'erence  of  e6,  it  is  under  the  shelter  of  a 
following  consonant,  e.g.  frik,  fT\g,^ffe6 ;  tig,  sint,  for  8e6 ;  kig 
for  ieS. 

So  also  we  see  fS  occur  where  i  is  followed  by  w,  e.  g.  gne6wan, 
to  go,  Goth.  «n/(.'<(«;  c»e6ic,  cneou'ea,  Goth,  kmii,  knh-is,  knee; 
('«Jw,  tree,  &c.  The  ancient  forme  are  cne6  and  lre6,  where 
«i  appears  in  it«  organic  character  as  the  representative  of  the 
Gothic  IB  in  kniu,  triit. 

Simitar  to  to  and  ie  in  other  dialects,  e6  is  in  Anglo-Saxon 
^e  contraction  of  the  ancient  reduplication  which  is  more 
mmmonly  represented  by  the  condensed  vowel  e  (vide  sub  lit.  S) : 
ttamplea — -gedni),  ivi  (Germ,  gieng) ;  he6n,  jtissi;  spe&n,  junsi; 
^'toi,  timoi ;  reird,  resi  ;  leile,  lusi ;  le6rt,  sivi :  i/angan,  bannan, 
^ntnan,  drisdan,  rtedan,  lacan,  laian,  occasionally  form  their 
pfeteritefl  by  e6  instead  of  the  more  o 


\ 


&u 


Gotbio.  Examples: — bdiian,  to  dwell;  gduil,  sun;  /rdiija, 
"rt;  ldub»,  leaf  (Germ,  laub) ;  galdiihjan,,  to  believe  (Germ. 
Bliiiiben);  hldnpan,  to  run  (Germ,  laufen) ;  dugo,  eye  (Germ. 
Wge)  i  amo,  ear ;  hiauts,  lot,  fate. 

'e  have  seen  before  how  j  is  transformed  into  i,  v  into  n, 
Enb.  lit.  u-  In  the  same  manner  \},  iv,  av  are  transformed 
ri,  IK,  au  when  they  occur  at  the  end  of  a  word  or  precede 


8S 

a  conBonant.     Examples : — eig,  ija,  ije;  frei*,  /rijU,  frija  ;  ^ 
)hct*,  \iva ;   naui,  navit,  in  which  the  roots  xj,  Ji^,   ^v,  i 
before  the  conBonantal  termination  s  of  the  nominative,  ad  _ 
the  corresponding  diphthongs  ei,  m,  an.     Between  aj  tutd  4 
such  relation   does  not  exist  except  in   the   words  6di,  botll 
b^jo^t  1  vdij  vie,  vajam/reina,  contumely  ;   but  we  find  tdian,  tl 
sow;   IdiaH,  to  smile;    not  lajan,  lajan.     The  forms  av  atid  ( 
are  also  vocalized  into  iu  and  au  before  the  inflexional  c 
_;';  where  however  this  consonant  itiielf  is  vocalized  into  t,  tJ 
mentioned    diphthongs    are    again   dissolved   into   iv  and  n.  '. 
Hence  the  nominative  mari  of  the  theme  mdaja,  }fiva  of  ^anjt, 
and  the  preterite  tavida  of  tutijan,  to  do  (root  t^ar). 

Among   other  dialects  Old  Norse   alone   has   preserved  t 
integrity  of  the   Gothic  diphthong  dii.      Examples; — Jrw 
dream;  baun.heaa;  dau/r,  de&f ;  /««/",  leaf ;  4/iiu^,  a  mn  (Gi 
lauf)  ;   aui/a,  eye  (Germ,  auge);  gluitmr,  clamour,  noise. 
fl«,  vide  sub  lit.  6,     Very  rare  is  d  for  au,  as   har,  high,  I 
iauhi.     In  fdr,  few,  and  alrd,  straw,  we  have  the  regular  p 
ductions  of  the  terminational  a.     Goth,  fdua ;  theme,  Java; 
ttrari,  O.  H.  Germ.  siri!. 

Old  High  German  in  its  moet  ancient  documents  has  i 
the  Godiic  a."  instead  of  the  later  em;  but  as  a  rule  we  a 
have  to  loolt  upon  ou  as  (he  Old  High  German  representatili 
of  the  Gothic  di>.  ' 

Anglo-Saxon  has  a  vowel  of  its  own,  the  diphthong  ed  t 
the  place  ol"  the  Gothic  dv. 

Old  Frlsiui  has  a  diphthong  an,  which  however  is  not  t 
organic  vowel  representing  the  Gothic  du,  hut  an  inorganic 
diphthong  originating  in  the  contraction  of  dtc,  as  na»t-^- 
Hdwei, -atmg\\i  ;  auder,\iter  {  =  aiieeilder);  naWer,  neqwe  (=iwjS' 


OU 

This  is  the  Old  High  German  representative  of  the  Oothil 
du.  Examples: — ^/^owm,  tree  (Germ,  baum);  irotf/n,  dream  (Gel 
traum)  ;  houbit,  head  (Germ,  haupt)  ;  gtlmiba,  faith  (GennJ 
glaube) ;  hitf,  a  run  (Germ,  lauf) ;  ouga,  eye  (Germ.  auge). 

This  diphthong  is  however  often  encroached  upon  by  tbft 
vowel  6,  into  which  it  is  contracted  (d  for  ou,  vide  sub  lit.  6)  > 
but  the  diphthong  is  invariably  preserved  before  the  liquid  m, 
before  labials  and  gutturals.  Sometimes  it  is  rendered  by  ft 
SchwUchung  in  no,  oi,  eu ;  these  forms  however  are  mere  dift> 
lectic  variations,  and  of  very  rare  occurrence. 


VOWEL  SOUNDS.  53 

LEadoTy  one  of  the  Old  High  Gterman  anthora^  has  an  Umlaut 
an  xsL  eu.      'Examplea  i^-Jreuwidia,  joy ;  ftiuwidHf  laetare; 
iiLe  other  documents  haYe/rauwit,  he  rejoices; /rauwi,  hetaie. 

This  18  the  characteristic  diphthong  of  Anglo-Saxon,  which 
tts  to  represent  the  Gothic  du.  Examples : — at  the  end  of  words 
sO.  H.  Oenn.  6  or  au:  Jred,  lord ;  fed,  few.  By  the  elision  of 
the  tenninational  i,  e.  g,  ied^^AeaJk,  nigh ;  ed,  water;  Goth,  aiva, 
0.  H.  Germ.  oAa;  ned,  near.  This  diphthong  is  very  common 
Wore  the  liqnids  m  and  n.  Examples: — iedm,  beam;  gledm, 
glesm;  9edm,  seam ;  ttedm,  steam;  siredm,  stream  ;  iedm,  team ; 
Ms,  bean.  Before  the  liquid  r  only  in  edre,  ear,  Goth.  dtuS ; 
ieh,  a  tear;  iredrung,  a  distilling.  Before  the  liquid  /,  no 
emnples.  Preceding  other  letters:  dedf,  desS;  Aedfod,  head; 
ifli^  leaf;  iedp,  heap;  sledp,  sleep;  edge,  eye;  iredd,  bread; 
iid,  dead ;  ledd,  lead;  nedd,  need. 

Whilst  in  Grothic  and  Old  High  German  the  terminal  v  join- 
ing a  is  vocalized,  and  forms  the  diphthong  au,  it  has  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  a  tendency  to  r^;ain  its  position  after  the  vocalization 
W  taken  place.  Thus  then  a  root  dav  would  be  Goth,  ddu, 
and  Goth,  ddu  again  A.  S.  ded:  the  consonant  v  however  turns 
^  again  in  its  old  position  and  urges  upon  us  the  form  deaw, 
dew;  80  also  bredw,  eye-brow;  fedwa,  few,  Got}i.favdi;  heawan, 
to  hew,  O.  H.  Germ,  hawan,  hauwan.  Sometimes  ed  is  con- 
ttacted  in  e:  vide  sub  lit.  e- 

UO 

This  diphthong  is  peculi^  to  Old  High  Grerman,  in  which 
it  represents  a  dissolution  of  a  more  ancient  6  into  the  double 
▼owe!  or  diphthong  uo.  Examples  \—fuoran  ^zf&ran  ;  tuam  = 
^;  pluomo^plom;  luan=t6n,  &c. 

In  the  inflexions  6  is  preserved  throughout.  One  Old  High 
(^nnan  dialect,  which  inclines  to  the  Low  Grerman,  prefers  the 
^1  even  in  roots,  to  the  common  Old  High  German  uo:  oa  for 
w  is  scarce ;  ua  for  uo,  where  we  meet  also  ia,  ea,  for  iu. 


ey 

Belongs'  to  Old  Norse  exclusively  as  Umlaut  of  au :  freyr, 
Goth,  frduja,  lord ;   hey,  Goth,  hari,  hay ;  dreyma,  to  dream, 


64  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

from  drauma.  Sometimes  ey  for  oe :  beyki,  beech  {=boeii),  GotL 
bSia;  deya,  to  die ;  ffeya,  to  rejoice ;  XJmlant  of  au,  pret.  A 
and  ^6. 


II.  MIDDLE  TEUTONIC. 

Short  Vowels. 

a 

Middle  High  German.  Examples: — al,  all;  ^al,  somid;  not' 
tegal,  nightingale;  mal^  I  grind,  molo;  9wal,  swallow;  kit 
valley,  dale ;  bar,  naked,  bare ;  spar,  I  spare ;  kamer^  hammer; 
achamy  shame;  ^«;i,  cock ;  man,  man;  maget,  nudd;  zagel,\xSi\ 
tac,  day;  ake,  water;  trahen,  tear;  blat,  leaf;  vater,  father; 
gra^,  grass. 

Examples  of  the  pure  a  sound  are  very  numerous,  deviations 
of  this  sound  into  that  of  any  other  vowel  very  rare;  ih«y 
occur  in  almost  the  identical  words  which  show  a  fluctuatioi^ 
of  sound  in  Old  High  German  already.     Thus  harsher,  hither  i 
wal=wol,  well;  8al=zsol,  ohsl];  van^von^  prefix  de,  ab;  mah^ 
=  mohte,  might ;  kam  =  kom,  came,   a  is  used  in  the  place  of  ^j 
especially  where  the  latter  is  Umlaut  of  a :  thus  achdmltck,  adj^* 
oi  scham,  shame;  zdglichy  adj.  oi  zage,  coward;  scAdfleltck,  adj*' 
schade,  damage.     More  about  this  Umlaut  sub  lit.  e. 

Old  and  Middle  English.  The  Anglo-Saxon  a  in  late  Saxot^ 
retained  its  position  before  syllables  with  a  fiill  vowel,  and  before 
m  and  w,  in  which  latter  case  it  fluctuates  into  o.  Hence  we 
\idiNQ  fram  ksiA.  from;  lang,  long;  man,  mon ;  occasionally  with 
a  preluding  e,  heond,  leondy  &c.  The  Ablaut  of  the  first  strong 
conjugation  is  conmionly  o :  bond,  bound ;  wond^  wound ;  drone, 
drank;  aprong,  sprang;  along y  stung;  more  rarely  a,  9wang, 
aprang ;  others  have  always  a  to  the  exclusion  of  o,  kannd, 
lannd,  mann,  cann.  Old  English  and  Middle  English  keep  up 
the  fluctuation  of  sound  before  m  and  n,  e.  g.  man,  mon ;  kand, 
hond ;  aprang,  aprong. 

Another  source  of  the  Middle  English  a  is  the  Anglo-Saxon 
a.  In  late  Saxon  some  writers  choose  a  representative  in  a  (a), 
a,  €,  even  ea,  whilst  others  strictly  adhere  to  the  vowel  a.  Thus 
we  find  brec,  brdc,  breac,  broke;  apac,  apec,  apdc,  spoke;  que^, 
qna^,  said,  quoth;  what,  what,  whet;  craft,  craft;  graa,  grda* 
Old  English  renders  the  a  commonly  by  a,  rarely  by  e,  as 
af^l,  bare,  brak,  apak,  or  atel,  ber,  brec,  apec;    amal,  fader,  pat. 


OWSl  SOUNDS. 

ttitf;  and  in  the  same  manner  Mtddlu  English  has  loiaf,  ffnft, 
p««,  Taren. 

The  third  a  derives  ita  origin  from  the  A.  S.  ea,  the  Brechiinjj 
of  Gothic  a,  before  the  eonamantfi  I,  r,  and  h.  Even  tlie  Itite 
Sawn  authors  re<luce  the  va  to  a,  as  a(,  A.  S.  eall;  wal,  A.  S. 
«Mo/;  fl/c,  A.  S.  eaU;  suit,  warm.  Sometimes  the  sound  is 
Wavtring  between  a,  a,  and  e:  heard,  kitril,  kiirdy  heril ;  l-earea, 
'fewi,  tears.  The  Ablauts  in  the  eighth  and  tenth  conjngations 
Bnctuate  between  a,  a,  and  e.  Some  words  even  inehne  to  o : 
I  We,  iaiden,  kolde ;  dUl,  old;  taMe,  ea/de,  s/dde.  These  fliie- 
mu  Iieeome  gradually  leas  I'reqiient  in  Old  Knglish  until 
«  different  sounds  settled  down  in  a  :  al,  a/le,  htith  ;  walli-, 
;  the  Ablaut  in  the  tenth  conjugation :  /mljj,  help ;  dalf, 
.  M:  »agi,  taw,  mu.  Exeeptious  : — old,  kotden,  bold.  So  alwo 
'"  Middle  English  a  has  the  preference,  e.  g.  alle,  fallen,  halle, 
'^rpyharde,  harm,  arm;  and  the  Ablaut  in  the  tenth  conjugation 
f'>»3ki,fagkt,  half,  dalf.  The  Umlaut  of  a  is  as  in  Anglo-Saxon, 
Jnouyh  it  is  in  the  later  Saxon  occasionally  written  «,  e,  g.  hate, 
™-f,  hate;  maU,  mdl,  meat;  tallen,  tiillen,  to  tell.  In  Old  and 
MjiJJIg  English  again,  the  vowel  e  is  firmly  established,  e.  g.  Iwa, 
L  ■''*»  men,  helle,  nel,  del,  fj't,  bench,  mete,  sellett,  Mien,  weiidea. 


*aiddle  High  Oerman.    The  vowel  e  is  by  Grinmi  distinguished 

''"-o  two  sounds,  onf  thinner  and  softer  as  Umlaut  of  a,  and 

.!«    other  nuirked  H  of  a  fuller  and  broader  sound  as  Brt'chung 

The  lact  of  a  differenee  really  existing  in  the  nature  of 

*^se  sounds   the  same    authority  proves   from  the   rhymes  in 

^*  <<3dle  High  German  poetry,  where  in  good  classical  produc- 

u  **'  ^'^  hardly  ever  find  e  the  Umlaut  of  a  rhyming  upon  e 

Jl* e - Brechung  of  i.     Examples  of  e  as  Umlaut  of  a  \ — lier,  army; 

*^^*#,  bed;  helle,  hell;  herle,  hard — here  the  Umlaut  is  owinjj 

"*   the  initeiional  i  which  has  been  dropped — rede,  speech ;  etcl, 

"*^  ;  gletin,  vitreus ;    elle,    ellin,   omnia;    swcllev-^   to   inflate ; 

?*"^»iBcM,  to  hum  J  henne,  hen ;  nieppe,  step.     The   vowel  a   and 

itB    Umlaut  e,  by  their  frequent  exchange,  give  the  inflexional 

'■^'TiiB  a  diversified  and  pleasing  modulation.     Thus  we  find  often 

9    *n  the  singular  of  the  substantive  declension  replaced  by  e 

^'^    the  plural,  e.g.  ffinf,  guest,  pi.  gesle;   blut,  leaf,  pt.   bleter. 

^*aiinine  nouns  of  the  second  declension  preserve  a  in  the  nom. 

aotl  ace.  sing.,  but  in  the  gen.  and  dat,   tliey  already  replace 

it  by  its  Umlaut  e,  e.  g.  krnfle,  krefle,  strength  ;  hand,  hcndv, 

hand.    The  present  of  the  first  weak  conjugation  yields  to  Ihe 


th, 


L 


56  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Umlaut  Cj  whilst  the  preterite  often  preserves  the  original  i, 
e.g.  vellen,  to  fell;  fcenden,  to  turn;  pret.  vaUe,  tponde.  in 
interesting  contrast  is  produced  by  the  Umlaut  occurring  in  tlie 
adjective^  and  the  original  a  in  the  adverbial  form,  as  iertt, 
hard ;  iarf^,  hardly ;  fesie,  firm ;  /aste,  firmly.  The  UnJi^ 
of  a  has  been  generally  adopted  in  monosyllabic  and  bisylUw 
words  from  the  thirteenth  century,  so  that  we  never  find  iar  for 
ier,  army ;  varn  for  nern,  to  preserve ;  an^iel  for  en^el,  angeL 

Thus  then  we  have  the  Umlaut  of  a  represented  by  two  dif- 
ferent letters,  a  and  e ;    and  what,  might  be  the  question,  is 
the  meaning  of  these  difierent  signs  7     It  appears  that,  as  itr 
as  the  intrinsic  value  of  each  of  these  letters  or  sounds  is  oon- 
cemed,  they  are  identical.     We  therefore  find  the  words  whiA 
we  have  enumerated  above  under  the  Umlaut  a  quite  as  often 
rendered   by  the  Umlaut  e,   so   that  9chdmlich   and  9ckem^ 
zdglich  and  zeglich,  schadelich  and  ackedelich  were  used  without 
discrimination.     If  there  be  any  difierence  at  all,  it  would  seem 
to  lie  in  this,   that  a  is  used  in  derivations  which  were  stall 
traceable  to  their  roots,  as  scMffilicA  to  scAam,  zagKci  to  zaj^f 
schddelich  to  sch^de ;   while  the  vowel  e  renders  that  Umlarf 
which  owes   its   origin   to  a  more  ancient  modification,  suet 
as  hcTy  from  O.  H.  Germ,  hari,   where  the  modifying  vowel 
was  dropped  in  the  course  of  time,  but  the  Umlaut  kept  ifc 
place,  though  the  Middle  High  German  author  may  not  hav< 
been  so  conscious  of  the  relation  between  her  and  O.  H.  G«rn» 
hari  as  he  was  of  that  between  schade  and  scAddeltcA :  a  thet 
is  the  more  modern,  e  the  more  ancient  Umlaut.     More  abou^ 
this  distinction  under  the  chapter  of  modem  German  vowels. 
e,  the  result  of  Brechung.     In  the  inflexions  we  meet  this  e 
chiefly  in  the  plur.  pres.  ind.,  and  sing,  and  plur.  pres.  subj.j 
of  several  strong  verbs ;  in  the  substantives  of  the  first  strong 
declension;  and,  in  general,  in  all  those  words  which  have  ai 
in'flexional  a  after  the  radical  vowel  i.     Thus  then  in  inflexion 
and  derivations  e  exchanges  with  i  in  the  same  manner  as 
with  a;  hence  berc,  gehlrge ;  v'elty  gevilde;  gerste,  girsiin;    win 
we  men;  wirhe,  w'erben.     Compare  Old  High  German  6^*  and  i. 

The  distinction  of  e  and  e  is  of  great  importance,  since  sold 
by  its  means  we  are  enabled  to  keep  distinct  many  words  whic 
have  the  same  spelling  but  a  diflerent  meaning ;  e.  g.  ber,  berri 
bcTy  a  bear ;  heVy  army ;  her,  hither ;  helle  (Germ.  hoUe),  hel 
(Germ,  helle);  velty  cadit,  v'eli,  ager;  sferben,  caedere,  to  kill 
sierbeuy  cadere,  to  die ;  nebelin,  diminutive  of  nabel€,  umbilicus 
nebe/m,  diminutive  of  7iebel,  nebula.  But  in  spite  of  all  thes 
facts  which  6j)eak  in  favoui*  of  a  distinction  between  e  and  e,  : 


WWEL    SOUNDS.  57 

^ot  be  denied  that  their  sounds  even  in  refined  utterance 

inot  have  differed  much,  since  even  the  most  redaed  poets  of 

■  classical  period  make  e  and  e  rhyme  occafiionally. 

<)ld  and  Middle  English.  The  Anglo-Saxon  f,  Schwachung  of 

it  retained  in  late  Saxon,  though  rabject  to  many  fluctuations. 

roples: — Ae,me,]ie,6ere)t,6reien;  ttelen  and  aleohn ;  eel/'aad 

Nay,  this  unsettled  fluctuating  state  of  things  goes  so 

jtK  to  extiuguish  all  difference  between  S  the  Schwachung  of 

|uid  e  the  Umlaut  of  a,  and  consequently  the  letter  a  (=a) 

I  often  used  for  both  indiscriminately.     Heuce  deliien,  ddlfen  ; 

}n,dien:  helm,  Aaln;  or  both  a  and  eo  are  substituted  for  e: 

n,  halpeti,  heolpen.      Old  English   ag^in  displays  a  more 

'  d  state  of  things,  and  the  sound  is,  as  of  yore,  represented 

8  legitimate  e  (rarely  t).     Middle  English  already  shows  a 

'  tendency  of  lengthening  the  short  vowel  e  into  i  (  =ee),  toee, 

^,fee,  lere  and  ker,  breke  and  breek. 


Middle  EUgb  Qemus.  This  vowel  is  used  to  the  same  extent 
■*  «»  Old  High  German,  and  consequently  appears  in  the  nomi- 
"•tive  of  the  second  and  third  declensions  in  the  sing.  pres.  of 
^'^ng  verbs  which  exchange  e  and  t,  and  finally  in  derivations 
"hich  originally  had  the  vowel  i  or  w.  Examples : — sil,  rope 
(yerm.  seil) ;  spil,  play  (Germ,  spiel)  ;  vil,  much ;  himel,  heaven ; 
°'.*',  sura;  bin,  a  bee;  kin,  illuc;  m»,  tin;  aiien,  seven;  tige, 
^ctory  (Germ.  Bieg) ;  ffltcie/,  great ;  «i^r»T^,  a  line;  sjszV,  smith; 
"'E,  this;  »tz,  seat;  ml,  I  will;  xoitn,  I  take;  bir,  I  bear;  gibe,  I 
Pve;  briche,  I  break;  tihe,  I  see;  sing.  pres.  of  welleti,  nemen, 
,'^en,gehen,  brechen,  »ehen.  The  vowel  i  is,  however,  very  limited 
*U  Ae  conjugation.  Since  e  rules  throughout  the  pres.  subj.  as 
^ell  as  in  the  pi.  of  the  pres.  indie,  the  relation  between  i  and  e 
in  the  Middle  High  German  is  most  readily  explained  by  a  refer- 
ence to  Old  High  German,  where  an  a  in  the  following  syllable 
modifies,  *  or  M  preserves,  the  preceding  (.  Thus  nebel,  eden, 
^geH,Tegen,ieken, »tEe»teT=.0.  H,  (ierm. ne6al,epan, deiatt,rekan, 
zekan,  sueftarj  and  kimei,  michel,  birke,  iirc^e  =  O.  H.  Germ. 
himil,  micAil,  piricha,  chirichd ;  and  siben,  sicher,  videle,  tciiewe^ 
O.  H.  Germ.  »ibuK.  seven;  siehur,  aoSe;  fidul4,  fiddle;  vriluKd, 
widow.  The  » in  all  adjectives  in  tn  or  ic  is  easily  explained;  as, 
girtUn,  adj.  of  gersfe,  barley;  rilKn,  adj.  of  vel,  skin  ;  and  the 
B^le  which  has  been  laid  down  will  quite  as  easily  explain  the 
lehange  of  /  and  e  in  the  conjugational  forms ;  c.  g.  pres,  sing. 
■  ,  bint,  birt ;  plur.  bern,  bert,  berni,  —  0.  H.Germ.  pirn,  pirit. 


68  TECTONIC   CJIAMMAR. 

pirii,  jiiram,  //r^raf,  peraul.    Singular  it  is  to  find  »  commonly 
coding  tho  consonants  t  and  t:,  and  many  doabled  conson 
apparently  for  no  other  reason  but  the  terroinational  t  which  li 
been  dropped  in  the  course  of  time;  e.  g.  tpiz,  vUrwiz,  =  O.  1 
Ocrm.  apiiiy/uriwUi.     Several  monosyllables  of  frequent  oco 
ri'nce  in  daily  speech  have  escapeil  all  modifyin^r  influences  i 

Sireaerved  the  i  intaot,  e.  (f.  iek,  Kick,  dick,  viek,  mir,  dir,  i 
iat,  i»l,  in  (eum,  m  and  prep.),  min,  minuE,  &c. ;  er  and  i 
(Qoth.  M  and  idi)  yielded  to  the  grencral  decline,  but  ir  (Goth 
ii^t,  itdi,  iiJ,  it^]  pron.  possess,  has  retained  its  dtstinctire  i 
Thoiiph  Grimm  is  fond  of  calling  the  modiKcation  of  i  into 
'n  Brechuncf,'  ho  at  the  same  time  acknowledges  that  GotU 
dilTors  from  Miilille  as  well  as  Old  High  German  Breehung  il 
its  eHsentiul  cbamct  eristics,  the  former  chun^ng  i  into  at  ani^ 
the  influence  of  Bucoe^ing  consunante  [r  and  /*),  the  latter  ondt 
the  intluonco  of  siic<'c<^diiig  vowl'Is.  Being  unable  to  discera  an 
lieneKt  nwulting  from  an  adhesion  to  Btiontific  distinctions  whic 
are  no  longer  outborne  by  facts,  we  may  perhaps  discard  th 
term  of  Brechung  for  the  Middle  as  well  as  Old  High  German  i 
which  we  consider  in  all  ca:«es  as  a  mere  Triibung  or  Schwachnnf 
of  the  original  vowel  i. 

Old  and  Hiddle  Bnglioh.  The  Anglo-Saxon  eo  is  rarely  t 
tuiued  in  the  suL-i-ceding  iierioils,  but  tat«  Saxon  often  replaces 
by  rt.  Exiimplos: — Acur/,  hart;  keorle,  heart;  /eoU,fele,  tasa^ 
((iiTHi.  vide)  i  *«>/«f/',  ic/wf,  silver;  ttecvnl,  tiKeril,  evord ;  eorSi 
trtk,  ((trie,  eartli ;  Acvueiui,  Aeanit,  heaven.  Or  by  0 :  wennM 
worelil,  world;  tUorTf,  stfiir,  storrc,  star.  In  Old  and  Middli 
English  the  Anglo-Saxon  cit  is  commonly  represented  by  e :  keri^ 
hart ;  k«rt«,  heart ;  mcrtl,  erl,  ieirit,  erthe,J'el^,  aelj'e  ; — rarely  ll 
0 :  wort,  KQrlti,  even  hor^  earn ;  kour,  iis.  A  few  words  retuv 
to  tlie  original  vowel  i,  which  even  in  Anglo-Saxon  speech  l 
already  been  split  into  e  and  w;  and  we  therefore  meet  wi 
W/cor  and  miVi  for  the  Anglo-Saxon  wc/rcz-and  meolc.  In  tli&l 
inst4Ui(!i>  it  may  indeed  be  argtied  with  great  plausibility  th«l 
Anglo-Saxon  too  allowed  the  more  ancient  forms  aifver,  mUc,  I 
the  side  of  thv  later  breaking  in  scofrer  and  meofc. 


Kiddle  High  Q«rman.  jVnalagous  to  the  Old  High  German 
3.  Examples: — ii/,  u  \ni\v  ;  ofe.oi];  tW,  full ;  »«/,  well;  Aone^ 
honey;  iaiitf,  wil'v ;  litchof,  bit-hop;  ocen,  oven,  furnace;  rt^ 
bird;  hen<ige,A.\\^'i;  stcoif,  stick  (Germ. stock) ;_/oci,  yoke;  htA 
cook ;    worm  and  wurtit,  worm ;   iom,  horn ;   com,  com ;   dorf 


VOWSL    SOUNDS. 

,    gorge,  care  j  gebrochen,  broken  ;  gekrochen,  crept,  reptns. 
derives  its  origin  sometimes  from  a,  Bometimes  from  u, 
b  vowels  it  ie  merely  a  Schwacbung  or  Triibung.    Henee 
ial,  shall;  holn  =  ialn,  to  fetfli;   kom  =  Icam,  x'on  =  ran, 
=  fuahte,  might  (Germ,  mochte,  potui).     More  common  is  o 
the  Schwachung  of  u,  to  whieh  class  most  of  the  examples 
phich  we  have  given  belong :  o  for  is  in  wo/,  for  vrela,  well ;  Kovie 
wecha,  week;    kone  for   quena,  wife;    komen,  for  queman,  to 
inve ;  koden  for  quedan,  to  say  (cf.  quoth). 
The  Umlaut  of  o  is  6,     This  Umlaut  however  is  of  rare  oceur- 
lence ;  a  fact  which  may  be  demonstrated  a  priori  when  we  con- 
sider that  the  vowel  o,  of  which  it  is  the  modificatioD,  replacua 
the  origpnal  v,  then  only  when  it  is  not  followed  by  i,  the  vowel 
which  chiefly  causes  the  Umlaut  in  the  root.     It  is  still  more 
interesting  to  observe  that,  wherever  Umlaut  of  o  does  occurj  it 
is  not  this  o  which  is  modilied,  but  the  original  u  for  which  it 
stands     Thus  then  we  find  by  the  side  of  tor,  door ;  vor,  prau, 
fore;  tUr  and  vur,  not  tor  and  vor — because  in  Old  High  German 
already  the  organic  u  is  sheltered  by  the  i  in  turi  andyw/'*.    In  the 
^me  manner  we  shall  easily  explain  the  Umlaut  U  in  the  words 
^acilx,  dUmin,  giildin,  hiilsJn,  adjectives  of  hoc,  lie-goat;   thru, 
thoTD;  wo^&.wool;  golt,gcAi;  kotz,mQoA;  and  by  the  side  of  the 
i**rtieiples  geworfen,  gtborgen,  the  subjunctives  iBurfe,  bUrge,  which 
*J^e  modified  forms  of  the  pi.  indie.  v>utfen,burgen, '-inftn.  wirfea,\.iy 
h*}  *i}vi ;  b'ergen,  to  hide.     Exceptional  wises  arc  the  following  : — 
"*ld  High  German  nouna  passing  from  the  first  to  the  second 
^^clension  sometimes  assumed  the  plurals  in  i  instead  of  a,  hence 
^^veeki./rvtci  Kqx  poceka,f rosea,  he-goats,  frogs;  whence  Middle 
*3  igii  Grerman  plurals,  snch  as  bocke,  froscke,  ttScke,  rocke,  by  the 
j-*'^Je  of  the  formation  of  the  first  declension,  boeke,  froiche,  &o, 
^  Old  High  German  already  we  find  words  fluctuating  in  the 
^**und  between  o  and  »,  e.g.  luchir  and  lochtr,  hulir  and  kolir, 
r^liiih  explain  the  Middle  High  German  pluials  lacker,  hiiltr, 
^*~(w.  &c.    Old  High  German  diminutives  fluctuating  in  the  same 
^J^aiiner,  are  luckUi  and  lockUi,  puekili  and  pochili,  whence  tbe 
~^4.  H.  Germ,  lockelin,  bockelCa,  rddelin,  not  lUchelin,  &c. 

Aa  to  the  further  development  of  this  Umlaut  we  have  only 

'-^  observe  that  it  took  place  in  the  same  way  as  that  of  a  into  e, 

**amely,  under  the  influence  of  a  succeeding  i :  thus  then  we  find 

l>arullel  to  temelick,  similar ;  gremelich,  irascible — O.  H,  Germ. 

*<imaliA,  gramalih — the  forms  golelich,  divine  ;  lobelich,  laudable  — 

O.  H,  Germ,  gotalik,  lopaltk.     The  weak  preterites  dorfk,  mokle, 

tohU,  have    in   the  siilijunctive  ddrpe,  tiuiiie,   (okle ;    »olde  and 

violde  remain  unchanged  in  the  subjunctive. 


60  TEUTOSIC  GMAJOUJL 


Old  JDod  Middle  '"■■fl^^***  Tlie  #  rtrj  <rfien  takes  the  pkoe 
of  an  original  «,  as  h  aometiBei  did  in  Anglo-Saxon  alreidj. 
TlraB  Mid.  Eng.  mom,  ha^,  iemd^  Umd^  wiromd^  for  aunt,  laaib,  &&; 
ezoeptionanT  for  A.  S.  «&,  as  in  cvrV,  awi/  for  A.S.  n—fil, 


IGddle  'Higi  Qennan.  Examples ;  fmme,  man ;  iniipm, 
bridegroom  (Germ,  briotigam) ;  simmi,  dumb ;  mmer,  summer; 
vrum,  pious  (Germ,  fronmi}  ;  Jmmgr,  thond^ ;  Jkmlde,  ttLYoax; 
seimUe,  gmity  debt;  rmrm,  worm;  imrm,  tower;  wmrz^  wort, 
herb;  wmrzei,  root;  /■«»/,  art;  Im/f,  air;  raib^  fox;  imm,  Yenio. 
PL  jnet.  of  strong  rerhs  :  ariain,  tmsimos ;  ilmiem,  fidimns  ; 
Im^em,  mentiti  somas ;   trv^em,  fefeUimns ;   r/nym,  Yolayimiis. 

»  bears  the  same  relation  to  o  as  does  i  to  e .  As  a  rule  th^ 
original  vowels  a  and  i  exehide  their  respective  intruders  o  and  ^ 
from  any  hold  npon  their  position  before  consonantal  combina-^ 
tions,  SQch  as  ««,  aa,  mi,  mgf,  a^,  mi,  md,  mz,  ms;  the  liquids  i 
and  #9  fortified  by  another  sncoeeding  consonant  afibrding,  it>" 
would  appear^  sufficient  shelter  to  the  originsil  vowels  f  and  a. 
Where  the  position  is  open  to  both  competitors^  the  original 
vowel  u  always  depends  on  a  succeeding  •  or  t  for  its  safety, 
while  a  succeeding  a  is  sure  to  bring  in  the  intruder  o.  Thus 
the  pi.  pret.  kluiem,  bugem,  iugen,  we  explain  by  the  O.  H.  Germ. 
ehlupun,  pugnuy  tugun  ;  and  the  o  in  Aomee,  avem,  iohter,  by  the 
O.  H.  Germ.  Aonac,  ovan,  U^Atar, 

u  is  the  Umlaut  of  «  brought  about  by  a  terminational  i 
Examples: — Aiil,  hole,  O.  H.  Germ.  Auli;  ra/,  puledrus^  O.H. 
Garm,  full ;  kur,  election,  O.  H.  Grerm.  cAuri;  tur,  door^  O.H. 
Germ,  turi ;  vur,  fore,  prae,  O.  H.  Germ,  /uri ;  miinecA,  monk, 
O.H. Germ.  tnuniA;  AubescA,  courteous,  pretty ;  iibel,  evil,  O.H. 
Germ.  ubiL  (To  these  examples  may  be  added  those  quoted  sub 
lit.  o.) 

Considering  that  the  radical  vowel  u  is  exposed  to  the  modify^ 
ing  influences  of  both  a  and  i,  and  that  a  terminational  u  (which 
again  is  scarcer  than  terminational  i)  alone  can  save  the  positioi^ 
of  its  twin  brother  in  the  root,  we  shall  have  no  difficulty  it% 
explaining  the  preponderance  of  the  Umlaut  ii  over  the  original 
vowel  u — a  preponderance  which  would  be  still  greater  if  it  wer^ 
not  for  certain  consonantal  combinations  which  reject  the  Umlaut ; 
as  for  instance,  Id,  It,  ng,  nh,  so  that  the  forms  9cAuld€,  Aulde, 
scAuldic,  gtildin,  are  preferred  to  schiilde,  Aulde,  scAiildic,  gUldtn. 

From  these  exceptional  cases  it  becomes  sufficiently  evident 
that  the  Umlaut  of «  had  pervaded  far  less  generally  the  vocal 


FOW£L    SOUNDS. 


61 


fstem  of  the  Middle  High  German  language  than  the  (Imlniit 
r  a  had  done ;  that  w  is  a  vowel  unknown  in  Old  High  German ; 
ind  ttat  by  degrees  it  developed  itself  in  Middle  High  German 
ID  tte  same  manner  ab  e,  the  Umlaut  of  a,  had  done  in  Old  High 
German.  Where  in  Old  High  German  there  still  remained  a 
fluctuation  between  the  Umlaut  e  and  its  original  a,  Middle 
ttigU  German  decides  in  favour  of  the  former;  and  so  again 
Modern  High  German  adopts  the  Umlaut  «,  where  Middle 
High  German  was  still  wavering  between  the  vowel  n  and  its 
Umlaut  (*.  Grimm  places  the  first  transitions  from  «  into  ii  in 
the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century. 

Old  and  Middle  Englisli.  The  Old  £nglish  11  ib  to  a  great 
extent  identical  with  the  same  letter  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Examples  : 
— mm,  funae,  tunge^  ^«'f,  «unde,  sound,  healthy  (Germ,  gesund) ; 
tut  it  is  not  unfrequently  replaced  by  o,  rarely  ou ;  tomer  = 
mwtT,  dombe  =  dumCe,  io«e  =  tune,  son;  ncmne  =  nvnne,folle  = 
/ulU,  a>orm  =  vmrm,  iiot(i(=(lt/tt.  The  pi.  Ablaut  in  the  tenth  con- 
jugation is  oft«n  o,  sometimes  ».  Old  English  reduces  the  number 
of  e  vowels  and  commonly  supersedes  them  by  0  or  oit ;  whence 
J^l~ful,  dotv=ditre,  som  =  »um,  borgk  and  bourgh=burgh ;  and 
Middle  English  makes  a  kind  of  compromise  between  the  con- 
flicting elements  of  sound  by  engaging  in  some  words  the 
Vowel  u,  in  others  o,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  rival  vowel.  We 
therefore  read  /ul,  Aiingre,  under,  schulUre,  last,  dnat,  and  worm, 
*!>*der,  dore,  note,  nonne.  Still  open  to  the  competition  of  the 
Rnls  are  aune,  tone,  son ;  sunne,  sonne,  sun  ;  mme.  some. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  u  which,  under  the  influence  of  a  preceding 
*j  Was  developed  from  the  vowel  1,  either  retains  it  place,  inter- 
foanging  sometimes  with  0,  as  cumen,  comen ;  Kude,  Kode ; 
""^T,  toaier  :  ^iia,  ))o*,-  or  it  ia  reduced  to  the  original  vowel  i; 
^•Qviie^  widewe,  widow ;  Kike,  week.  The  fluctuation  continues 
'"  Old  and  Middle  English ;  we  therefore  read,  woke,  wuke,  wyke  ; 
"fume,   to  come;  wude,  mode,  wood ;   wAilk,  wuci,  mcA ;   noilk. 


Itiddle  High  Qermiui.  This  vowel  is  not  German,  and  has 
therefore  in  Middle  High  German  no  better  position  than  in 
Old  High  German.  It  is  looked  upon  as  a  foreigner,  and  solely 
^itt«d  in  words  of  the  Latin  and  Romance  languages.  Ex- 
Miplea : — Tylurd,  Gynover.  German  worils  too  which  had  been 
Komanized  and  re-admitted  into  German  literature  allowed  of 
the  vowel  y.  Examples  -.—Tyball= Bielhalt,  Y8ewfrtm= Iteitgrim. 
"&  sound  was  no  doubt  like  that  of  i,  though  occasionally  it 


iz  7irz:^sic  grammar, 

3ZSST.  rx  Trial.' i:  ▼'rrrS'^  brre  bad  fOSDetfaing  of  the  sonnd  of 
Ix  \m  3:«iz-:^inx  f«ETzrr.  az»d  liter  co  still  morey  the  Bomance 
irTmSt-i.  ::s*i'l:  ixt:  T*cr^7  GerjcAai  w^tztk.  sod  in  manj  cas 
s3:Tcitr':<*i  'ua  sbm  ;.  'Knif  iLai  ii  beeune  cnstomaiy  to  wn' 
r  '^.  «i«*,  ff**.  n  .'  .rrar  w*  £z>i  :?  i3so  in  the  plaee  of  f.  and  i 
lie  £iii:b:ii:^  rf.  -nr.  ''7.  r':c  i.  r",  i**"- 

OQd  &:»£  KddOe  '»'ic^irf»  t  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  Umlao 
cf  »-  Tbf  T  ^£'1  •  is  .-.ncz.  v{&kf2ied  into  o ;  henoe  we  find , 
cc:<2i  jsi  tit  U—Jii::  :f  .  Jk^  ir.  r.-V.  rtui^^  annun^  anreos.  L 
lite  Six  r  tI:-  Uzl1i:i'  *  is  r-.c^c^  :o  tbe  original  vowel  «;  as 
f*»ir  ::r  ni?-.  w  /  tr.—  f:r  w^rwr^*-,  *»i?  (or  ymle^  lukl  k 
ij:':  :jr  it«  Trr:::z;^  ::  rtifcf.  ;*;«/.  for  rrw^^  arrival ; /«//« 
rW  r%^  z<:  ::y.:Tr:  cc.  "ir^i:*:  tie  f^-^ind  of  the  Umlaut  is  pre- 
V^rve^i,  ::>  v-LirArtcriffi  *  lericy  i>  di^azded  and  replaced  by  th( 
Wtur  i\  e.iT.  r  F/.  ^  US'.  *%'*«',  ^i*>rJf,  kirk,  church;  bigg^^ 
to  buy :  .r  trf  £-i  »  ar^i  i  siie  tr  side;  e-g.  btuiy  bUi,  busy 
cfc*«,-^8.-'.  r  /.w-.  titc-b^r :  mn*^,  r^'ta^,  joy  (Germ,  wonne) 
/».j*r»,  /  '•.'*,  ^:I££:i.  Tri-c-Tti:?!  in  this  manner  the  sign  of  thi 
I'niliu:  has  'r^^r.  a.tcrwi  fir:m  t  into  i,  we  have  every  reasoi 
to  surrv><*e  tiit  f  iri  >  w^ere  sv"*vemed  exactlv  alike,  and  tltt 
thus  tho  ^5,^^.::i  vf  the  Umlatit  was  kept  mtaicL  The  letter 
haviiiir  thus  Kxr  tne  super-nuniefv-cs  as  it  were  in  native  word 
it  was  borct:V>r:h  as^'^r^^ed  to  new  functions  in  foreign  word' 
a^a^:i^^u^  t.^  the  i  in  Middle  Hig^h  German,  e.  g.  Ananja 
/iV'^-.-y.-j,  M  /s.r'f.  Prrhaps  the  adoption  of  jr  in  Latin  won 
has  causod  its  tXT::!s::s  fK-m  the  vemacolar.  In  Old  Engfe 
the  apj lioation  '■:  this  vowel  is  in  a  state  of  great  confiisio: 
some  writers  preferring'  h,  others  r,  others  i.  Hence  we  me 
c.i  «r  A'  It*,  t" ! }  r*  ^  e*,  .y. " tv  .;  « >  '<^.Vr,  K i  \$tfr  ;  Imt^i,  li/ttl :  bng§ 
Iri^i:^,  From  this  confusion  of  sounds  and  signs  arises  al 
the  error. oous  form  Jy  ;V  for  )';  ;V,  as  well  as  bir/Ar.  suiiie.  Tl 
chaotic  state  eontiiiues  in  Middle  English ;  out  in  this  peri 
the  I  gradually  begins  to  gain  the  preponderance  among  1 
conflicting  elements.  Hence  we  read,  i-Zny,  l-im,  din^  biggen,  i 
to  buy ;  /:  .':V.',  kU4€,  birU  ;  but  also,  l^tUl,  fyu€,  and  bury. 

Brechu'.ig. 

In  the  Middle  Teutonic  dialects  the  system  of  Brechnng 
gradually  reduced  to  a  few  isolated  instances  which  finally  ( 
apj>ear  altogether.  Old  High  German  never  had  a  fully 
veloped  system  of  Brechung  like  Gothic,  Old  Norse,  j 
Anglo-Saxon,  and  it  is  therefore  but  natural  that  Middle  H 
German,  its  offspring,  should  be  very  deficient  in  the  sa 
respect.      Still    the    latter    has   more   frequently  adopted 


rorvEi  soL^^^DS.  es 

Brcclmngr  Je,  which,  however,  must  he  owing  to  Low  German 

inftuenccs,  and  may  therefore  hardly  he  considered  as  pure  Higli 

German.     Thus,  viele,  much,  A.S.Jeoloj  iiejiiel,  heaven-,  fiietie- 

1  Mr/,  departure, — comp.  A.  S,  htona,  keonon,  hinc ;  SI.  H.  Germ. 

1  weieM,  seven,  A.  S,  geo/on;  M.  H,  Germ.  sie»,  to  see,  A.  S.  teon. 

'  Middle  High  German  as  well  as  Old  and  Middle  Kuglish  have,  in 
tact,  gradually  disposed  of  the  Breehung  by  absorbing  the  broken 
Towels  in  one  or  other  of  the  nearest  related  simple  vowels,  thus 
loueiug  them  to  return  to  the  sources  whence  they  had  started. 
An  attentive  examination  of  the  facts  wc  have  advanced  concern- 
iii{,'  the  course  of  the  different  Middle  Teutonic  vowbIr,  especially 
ia  Old  and  Middle  English  will  sufficiently  bear  out  these  views. 


SCiddle  Higli  Qentuui.  In  this  dialect  the  vowel  d  corresponds 
flosely  to  the  0.  H.Gcrm.  4,  Goth.  S.  Examples: — d,  water, 
"*  compound  names  of  rivers;  dd,  there;  Ard,  crow,  gen. 
*'"<3»ii,-  i/a,  claw.  gen.  klmoe ;  zted,  duo,  two;  wd,  where;  dl, 
^.'^l ;  mdl,  sign;  ilrdle,  arrow;  hdr,  bair ;  _;'<//■,  year;  star,  star- 
'"^ig;  wdr,  true;  krdm,  tavern;  mdne,  moon;  van,  hope;  gdfie, 
E^*t;  sldf,  sleep;  atr&fe,  punishment;  wajen^  weapons;  grdve, 
^**-»'l;  rdl,  counsfl.  Very  often  produced  by  contraction: — hdn 
'^*:i(n  haien,  to  have;  t/etrdn  from  getriujeii,  borne;  ilda  from 
'^^Aen,  to  stay;  Irdii  from  trahen,  tear;  thus  also,  gdiiy  to  go; 
*'^fl,  to  stand;  lixn,  to  let;  geldn,  done.  This  vowel  is  fre- 
'i^ently  met  with  in  foreign  words,  as  b&begi,  pope;  tdvel,  table; 
^specially  in   the  terminations,  Asid,  PoHegdl,  Addm,  Afftkdii, 

»*'*UUUdn,  capettdn,  majeifdi,  triiiUdt. 
Old  and  Middle  English.     The  Anglo-Saxon  d  is  sometimes 
detained  in  Lit*  Saxon,  somelimos  inclines  to  6 : — bd,  both ;  wdc, 
*eak ;  snaw.  tnou-e,  snow ;  Adl.  Aul  {G-  rm.  heil),  sahis  ;  Adlie,  Aolic, 
holy;    »dr,  »dr,  pain,  sore;    Adm,  A6m,  home;    ddn,  biiH,  bone; 
ttdn,  itd»,  stone;  lirdd,  6rdtl,  broad;  cldd,  cldd,  cloth;  gd»t,  gdti, 
ghost  (sometimes  a  as  gasi,  &c.) ;  gd.  yd,  to  go ;  ienaae,  ienowe, 
tdme,  tCnne,  &c.     Ablaut  d,  or  fluctuating  between  d.  ft,  &. 
Old  English  preserves  the  d-.—du,  ntdne,  hdli ;  Ablaut,  drdf, 
nmdt,   rdd ;    occasionally  also  druf,  »m6l,  rdd.      Middle  English 
adopts  d  for  a,  the  length  of  the  o  sound  being  marked  by  a 
terminational  e  mute,  following  a  single  consonant,  or  by  wv 
'  stooH  =  g(one,  boon  =  bone,  gooat  =  gd»l ;   Ablaut,  droof=i  druv 

ihoi'e=»toi'e,  itntool=tmole,  &c. 


i 


64  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 


8B 

Middle  High  German.  ^  is  the  Umlaut  of  ^.  Examples:^ 
alCy  anguillse,  from  dl ;  harln,  crinaliB,  from  kdr;  grammHj 
comitissa,  from  grave  ;  rate,  couBilia,  from  rdt ;  hrttmey  tabenuPj 
from  krdm. 

Old  and  Middle  English.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Umlaut  et  of 
d  continues  to  exist  in  late  Saxon — stdn^  stanig ;  or  it  wavers 
between  a  and  6 — I^ren^  Uren  ;  cl^ne,  cline.  In  Old  and  Middle 
English  it  is  fixed  down  as  /or  ee — clene,  tecie,  wkeie;  except 
any  and  lady. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  ^=Goth.  di.     Old  High  G^erman  ei  take« 
pretty  nearly  the  same  course  as  the  Umlaut  a  just  mentioned. 

Anglo-Saxon  often  represents  the  d  by  «,  which  in  sound 
seems  nearly  to  approach  the  Umlaut,  but  in  its  derivation  it 
must  be  kept  strictly  distinct.     (Comp.  Anglo-Saxon.)    This 
Anglo-Saxon  iB,  answering  to  the  Gt)thic  6,  Old  and  Middle 
High  German  d,  continues  to  hold  its  position  in  Late  Saxon* 
siraete,  street;    nuely  meal;    har,  hair;    spache,   speech;    ditif 
deed;    wapon^  weapon;  graf{M.  H.  Germ,  grdre,  earl);  some- 
times it  is  supplanted  by  S :  s^l,  nedle^  8Sd--OT  waverin<^  betweel^ 
a,  6  and  a  (especially  in  the  Ablaut  of  the  pi.  of  the  eighth  ani 
ninth   conjugational   class) :   ateiiy  sSien,  quSien,  bSren,  stdlen^ 
brdkeriy   spceken.      In   Old  and  Middle  English   this    doubtfiil 
a  sound  finally  settles  down  in  6 :   ele,  slepe,  dede,  strete,  nedle, 
mele  (eel,  sleep,  deed,  street,  needle,  meal). 

Middle  High  German.  In  this  dialect  it  holds  the  same 
position  as  in  Old  High  Grerman.  Examples : — i,  law ;  S,  prius 
(cf.Germ.  eher,  Eng.  ere);  ilS,  clover;  mS,  more;  ri^  roe;  snS,  snow, 
nix,  snSwes,  nivis;  sS,  sea;  wS,  wSwe  (Germ,  wek,  malum),  sSle, 
soul ;  sSr,  dolor  (cf.  sore).  This  vowel  rarely  arises  from  contrac- 
tions :  gescM  from  geschehe,  eveniat ;  itvire  from  sweAere,  socero. 
In  manuscripts  the  different  e  sounds  are  sometimes  a  little  con- 
fused, and  can  only  be  kept  distinct  by  strictly  referring  them 
to  their  respective  class  of  e,  e,  or  ^;  e. g.  mer,  sea;  mer^  misceo, 
mix ;  mer,  more ;  Aer,  army ;  A'er,  hither :  Aer,  clams ;  ier, 
berry ;  6er,  a  bear ;  ber,  verres.  In  foreign  words  not  uncom- 
mon :  PSni^lopS,  Ninivi,  MicAa^l,  adS,  adieu ;  ced^r,  cedar. 

Old  and  Middle  English.  The  vowel  e  in  Old  and  Middle 
English  derives  its  origin  from  divers  other  vowels,  as  we  had 


VOWEL  SOUNDS.  65 

already  occarion  to  point  out.  (i)  Prom  A.  S.  a  (Goth,  e,  O.  H. 
G&m.d),slepe,  stpeeAe,  dede,  streU,  &c.  (2)  Prom  Umlaut  of  6: 
fi^ifiU  top,  i^y  and  to  kepe,  to  feU^  to  dtme^  &c.  (see  sub  lit.  6.) 
(3)  From  A.  S.  ^=Goth.  ii^  O.  H.  Germ,  ei :  see^  sea  \  deleuy  to 
&!;  meneny  to  mean ;  bredey  bread  \flehsy  flesh.  (4)  Prom  A.  S.  a^ 
Wmt  of  a :  wetey  clenCy  teehe,  (5)  Prom  A.  S.  ed  :  tre,  knejlcy 
(ftpfj  dere,  tkefpyjrertd,/end, 

A 
1 

IGddle  High  Gtorman.  Examples : — bi,  by ;  bH,  lead  (Germ. 
Uei);  dri,  three  (Germ,  drei);  H,  sim,  sit;  vriy  free;  ^fe,  bee; 
^  fiend ;  te^/!^^  time  (of.  while  and  Germ,  weile) ;  swin,  swine ; 
VM^wine;  wip,  woman;  zity  time  (of.  tide);  (sy  ice;  «^^^  iron. 
Fonned  by  contraction :  gU=gilety  dat.  gelin=zgeligeny  &c.  e^ 
occus  where  an  original  j,  g,  Wy  has  been  dropped :  snie=9nigey 
nie^zwige.  Often  in  foreign  words:  lirey  lyra;  /iny  fine; 
ftroMiy  ami€y  and  anngCy  arzeniey  medicine ;  benedieuy  maledieny 
lotedioeie^  maledicere.  I  and  C  distinguish  tdne,  friend^  and 
»w,  wine ;  ^e,  victory,  and  sige,  trouble,  disease ;  also  pret. 
Kid  pres.  of  verbs  kliben^  haesimus,  and  kliben,  haeremus. 

Old  and  Middle  inngiiBh,  The  A.  S.  ^,=:Goth.  ei,  continues 
in  late  Saxon  and  in  Old  and  Middle  English,  the  latter  dialects 
Qsbg  occasionally  y  for  »,  and  denoting  the  length  of  the  vowel 
\  tabling  the  i :  Hjf  for  Uf,  abijde  for  aMd^y  whijle  for  while, 
^toT  foif, 

o 

Uiddle  High  Gterman.  Examples: — d^,  then;  McA,  high; 
K  liighly ;  vlSy  flea ;  vrOy  joyful  (Germ,  froh) ;  zwo,  duae ;  mor, 
Jwwr;  grty  ear;  tSr,  fool;  krone,  crown;  tSn,  reward  (Germ. 
Wm);  seAdney  pulchre;  Jr^i^,  bread;  nSt,  need;  ^/,  death ;  /(>|, 
'ot  The  vowel  S  stands  in  the  same  relation  to  ou  as  e  to  ei ;  0 
^(m  can  be  traced  to  Gothic  du,  /and  el  to  Goth  di.  Foreign 
»re  mSr,  krdney  klost-er.  Dido,  Plato,  Observe  the  difference 
wtween  tor,  door,  and  tor^  fool ;  roSy  horse,  and  rSs,  rose ;  ko8fe, 
I  taste,  gusto,  and  kSste^  caressed,  blanditus  sum. 

ot  is  the  Umlaut  oi 6:  hoerey  I  hear;  ore,  ear;  moerinne,  fern, 
of  a^,  moor;  roemisCy  adj.  oi R6m;  koehe,  height,  from  hoc/iy 
%h;  toete,  I  kill,  occido;  and  toetlichy  mortalis,  from  (olj  death, 
^«.  The  absence  of  Umlaut  in  words  such  as  noiecj  volic, 
^ost  be  explained  by'the  Old  High  German  form  no/ac. 

Old  and  Middle  English.  The  d  retains  its  place  as  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  late   Saxon.      Thus  the  late  Saxon  dom,  hoc,  blody 


•  mm  a_.  r-m  aial  ^^f»  mifitt. 


•I  •&  afr.  >^  jr^ 


Ik  lap  •  «r  Aaglo-Suao 
If  «— i  iliimlili  with  »«, 


■  fiaappcBn  aba 
to  lb  uiitiiual  t  s 
ffam  it  br  (:  faA,  iraA',  rwM,  cSc.  and  ftr^.  >,  i*^ 

■■I  I  ii  rMrtianri,  ■>  Uat«c  md  ads  W  side, /tr  and/ 


itfi<t^ia  iTie*i  Oerman  n=Otd  High  G«nnan  n,  Gotliio  i 
Exam[tles: — n,  tffg;    fx«i',  <]oo;    i^iV,  salofi ;    ttil,  rape;   i 
part;    iWa,  home;   ieiM,  bone;  «/«'«,  stone  j  Idp,  bread,  T 
zeicifn,  sign ;    ibvi|,   ciTfI« ;    ;«'{,  goat,   capra ;    mvij.    sk 
greif,  eripni  (Germ,  griff);  ;oAj^,  6stn!avi   (Germ.  pM) ;  ita 
itcandi    (Germ,   stieg)  ;    mkcU,  tacoi  (Germ,  schwie^)  ;    tif' 
pugnavi  (Germ,  stritt).   The  diphthong  rt  often  origioatee  in 
eliiion  of  the  medial  g  between  a  and  a  succeeding  »,  e.  g. « 
(Goth,  maist)  tneil  (Goth,  mail) — contractions  which  are  i 
very  ancient  AA\»~ge'in  =  gagin,  againet  (Germ,  gegen)  ; 
mnijU,  mA\^\    Tein  =  ragin,    counsol ;    getreide  =  getregcdt. 
foreign  origin  are  meige,  meiger,  Keiter,  lurtM,  conleifei, ." 
tfi*,  H'ei/cif,  Brilt'tmii. 


ronsi.  souyps.  a? 

Wiwthy  of  obsen-atioD  is  the  diflemice  between  ei  and  »:— 
*■,  ari^illa;  fim,  gluten;  »«'»,  scclus  (ef.  Gorm,  mein  in 
in-cid) ;  wi»,Dieiis;  aeAff/s,  spleniliii ;  w^i'n,  splendor ;  twein, 
er;  ptin,so%\  ffip,  panie;  tip,  vita.  Inaccurate  raoniiseripU 
Mr  occasionallj  ei  for  a,  even  for  the  sliort  vowels  c  and  c. 

ie 

Middle  High  Q«nnan  iV=01d  High  Gemmii  te,  as  well  as 
,  i«  for  )'«,  Examples: — dk,  hie;  iifte,  knee;  nie,  never;  ie, 
v;  rie=nhe,  cattle  (Germ,  vieh) ;  kiel,  koel;  bier,  beer;  rfiW, 
10^,  gens;  liet,  song;  /'lef,  eiicurri :  rief,  voejvvi ;  »lie/,  dor- 
"'  1 ;  iif^,  vocavi ;  lies,  sivi.  Many  of  the  verbs  whicli  formerly 
reduplicated  preterites,  show  now  the  diphthong  iV .  Foreign 
*<irds: — lierel,  diabolus;  priester,  pre§byter;  Spiegel,  speeiiliim  ; 
fder,fier,  iaittfr,  rerier,  unMier,  parlierfH,/ormieren,  turniereii. 

XXL 

Viddle  High  Oerman  =  Old  High  Gorman.  Examples  :— 
Ci,  ancilla ;  kaiu,  knee;  »ih,  new;  gelriu,  faithful  (Germ. 
|«tKu);  iuicer,  vcster;  friuire,  fides;  «i//e,  column  (Germ,  saule) ; 
Wfr,  potresco  (Germ,  faule) ;  iiute,  hoe  anno  (Germ,  heuer) ; 
Anfe,  hodle  (Genn.  heute) ;  tiure,  dear  (Germ,  teuer) ;  viitr,  fire ; 
a^f,  depth  (Germ,  tiefe) ;  liuffe,  lie  (Germ,  iiige).  The  alter- 
Mie  oee  of  /«  and  /'«  we  observe  chiefly  in  the  verhal  forms : — 
Hfll  and  diele,  liiuge  and  biege,  &c. ;  hut  briutee,  Muwe,  blivice, 
W  always  iu,  never  ie.  The  transition  from  ie  to  ('«  may 
QrtlieT  be  traced  in  the  relation  between  substantives  and  their 
ftpective  adjective  or  verbal  forms,  e.g.  adj.  aieeh,  sulist.  »lni:/i  ; 
•ij'i^,  suhst.  liu/e;  liehl,  lux;  Uuhte,  luceo ;  diep,  fur;  diiibir, 
vtivns,     The  t«rminatJonal   iu   sometimes   adopts  the   fuller 

Km  in  iutee,  e.  g.  niu,  getriu  ;  niuwe,  getritme. 

OU 

lliddia  High  Gonnan=01d  High  German.  Esamples  -.—ou, 
iecp,  ovia ;  Ivu,  dew  (Gerra.  tau) ;  vrote,  woman  (Gei'man.  frau) ; 
*IM,  water ;  bviini,  tree  (Germ,  baum) ;  ttroum,  stream ;  (roiim, 
beam  (Germ,  traum) ;  l<mp,  leaf  (Germ,  laub) ;  iioup,  dust 
^mi.  staub) ;  /ua/",  baptism  (Germ,  taufe)  j  oiige,  eye  (Gorm. 
~pe);  roucA  (Germ,  rnueh,  fumus).  Tliis  diphthong  has  to 
lid  its  place  to  4  (which  may  be  considered  its  representative 
a  more  condensod  form)  whenever  the  terminational  m  which 
UlowM   is  weakened  into  n  iis  bon  =  bourn.       ou  is   Umlaut  ol' 


68  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

OH :  goHy  pa^s  (Gterm.  gau) ;  iouy  hay  (Oerm.  heo)  ;^  tiaogamte, 
houioe ;  ONwey  gen.  of  ou,  sheep,  ovis;  vrauwtn,  femininiiB^  frwa 
rrou ;  lonbin,  foliaceus,  Iduber,  folia,  from  laui,  folium ;  vmie, 
joy  (Germ,  freude).  This  Umlaut  is  comparatively  scaroei  and 
seems  to  have  a  predilection  for  a  position  preceding  the  v  soanif 
as  in  o«ip=  Gothic  avi,  O.  H.  Germ,  atpi,  ewi,  ouwi.  Its  ortho- 
graphy is  unsettled :  besides  ou  we  find  oi,  oy,  and  still  more 
frequently  en. 

no 

Middle  High  German.  Examples:  —  druo,  weight,  firat; 
kuo,  cow;  ruo^  rest  (Germ,  nihe);  9chuo,  shoe;  vmo,  earij 
(Germ,  friihe);  scAuo/e,  school;  sluol,  chair,  stool;  muoTy  moor, 
palus ;  dluof^e,  flower  (G«rm.  blume) ;  ruomy  glory  (Gterm.  ruhm); 
sHOfiy  son  (G^rm.  sohn);  Anqf,  hoof;  stuofe,  step  (Germ,  stofe); 
pfuocy  plough ;  hruoder,  brother ;  bluotf  blood ;  guot,  good ;  mnukf) 
mother;  vuoz,  foot;  slnoc,  cecidi;  truoc,  tuli. 

ve  is  the  Umlaut  of  no : — bliien,  florere ;  glUen,  fervere ;  grie^i 
virere ;  niuen,  vescare ;  also  bliiejen,  glUejen,  &c. ;  Aueve,  hoofe  J 
bUec/iel,  libelUis ;  bUechtn,  fagineus ;  blUele,  flores ;  gemUie,  ani- 
mus ;  fue^e,  feet.    The  Umlaut  in  bliien^  glUen,  8cc.,  was  brougW 
about  by  a  succeeding  i  which  has  been  dropped,  but  which 
however  is  sometimes  found  as  the  semivowel  j,  as  in  blMe-j-eih 
gliie-j-ai — forms  in  which  the  e  of  the  infinitive  also  re-appear^ 
and  which  in  bluen,  glUen^  is  absorbed  by  the  diphthong  of  th^ 
root. 

ai,  au,  ey,  oi,  oy 

In  Middle  High  Gterman  these  diphthongs  appear  m  ioreigi^ 
words,  chielly  such  as  are  imported  from  the  Biomance  dialects^ 
c.  g.faiie^refumy  voile  ;  faiUerenz=^fallere,faillir;  Lauriu,  Kaih 
iasas;  iemjjle^s,  wdle^s;  boie,  gloie,  troie ;  royn^poyi,  troys. 


ai,  au,  eu,  oi 

Middle  High  German.  These  vowels  are  occasionally  used 
to  rejilaee  one  or  other  of  the  organic  diphthongs  which  we  have 
examined  in  detail.  It  is  therefore  hardly  necessary  to  say  that 
they  cannot  be  considered  as  organic  diphthongs,  and  that  they 
hold  a  position  in  dialectic  variations,  and  not  in  such  produc- 
tions as  come  up  to  the  standard  of  good  Middle  High  German. 

Examples: — au=oti,u:  haubet, gelauhe, haus, auge ;  =a  :  slauff 
Taut,  taut^sl4ff  rdt,  tdi.     This  au  is  very  hsjrsh  and  repulsive. 


VOWEL    SOUNDS.  6d 

fc=ot( :  frende,  geuden=fmtiiU,  gSuileu.  This  ev  mny  be  traced 
^Gothic  terminations  in  avi,  and  thus  be  eonaideivd  the  direct 
■inlikut  of  Goth  a» :  freude  from  frawiila,  O.  H.  Germ. ;  ttreule 
%Jm  O,  H.Germ.  Hravita,  Gotb.  glravida.  mt=iu:  hiule,ljriufe. 
I  occafiioiially  replaces  ou  the  Umlaut  of  on :  gdi=goti,  pagug, 
'     ',  fivi<k=frdude,loy\  Ioiber=louber,io[\&. 

OU 

Old  and  Mi<1rtlff  Eaglish.  (i)  For  Anglo-Saxon  o,  indicating 
■  fc  production  of  the  original  vowel,  as  in  J'uiigleH,J'oui/it=^foogle, 
RpjffiT — very  rare,  because  o  commonly  holds  its  own.  (2)  For 
FiUiglo-Saxon  «.  In  late  Saxon  the  long  u  preserves  its  position, 
Bitt  quantity  being  denoted  by  a  simple  consonant  following  it, 
Wf-  g-  fal,  ^u,  dun,  nir/t,  mir,  ure  (see  sub  lit.  fi) ;  but  even  here 
t  must  sometimes  give  way  to  »«  ;  Joule,  aoure,  ()oh,  &c. 

In  Old  and  Middle  English,  ou  (ow)  has  gained  supremacy 
"ver  a,  the  latter  vowel  being  apparently  applied  only  to  indi- 
'at«  the  short  u  sound, 

(3)  For  Anglo-Saxon  e6  we  find  the  diphthong  ou  in  Middle 
f^uglish  (see  sub  Itt.  e6]. 

e6 

The  Anglo-Saxon  e6  begins  in  late  Saxon  already  to  be  su])- 
P'a-nted  often  by  simple  vowela,  especially  the  long  e.  Thus  we 
^'^*X  feoud,  fiend  ;  aeoc,  seek ;  Jleo,  flea  ;  dear,  door ;  iteore,  dear ; 
'^^^,  leaf;  leom,  gleam;  deop,  deep;  breast,  breast, — by  the  side 
'^*    ^e,  dtr,  dere,  lef,  lem,  dep,  lireai. 

C)ld  English  rarely  retains  the  diphthong  eo,  as  in  ieo,  deol, 
^'^cft;  but  fills  it«  place  indiscriminately,  as  it  were  with  any 
"*i«er  vowel,  e,  i,  o  or  « :  e.g.  e — Awe,  tre,  Jle ;  0 — leae,  lose, 
/***"^w,_/br/<>«(", /oitf,  to  lock  J  lout;  u — alvye ;  i — /ie, 

Hn  Middle  English  eo  disappears  altogether,  being  superseded 
"*     certain  words  by  a  long  e,  in  others  by  the  diphthong  ou ; 

g,  tf — tree,  kite,  dere,  \e,  th^fe,  f rend,  fend ;  on— foure,  youth, 

itrouie,  to  louie. 


r 


This  Anglo-Saxon  diphthong  was  already  abandoned  in  late 
^ajon,  and  its  place  filled  by  le,  seldom  by  a  or  e ;  e.  g.  (?  (A.  S. 
'"*«,  water,  river),  are  (A,  S.  edre,  ear),  itram  (stream),  stream ; 
"'^t  laf,  bhsd.  Old  English  has  occasionally  ea,  as  in  gleam, 
^w,  bnt  commonly  e,  c.  g.  tlreme,  depe,  chepe,  defe ;  and  Middle 
English  adopts  the  long  e,  which  is  sometimes  rendered  liy  ec, 


k 


70  TEUTONIC    GRAMMAR. 

as  Heed,  breed,  reed  (Wycliffo),  Tlie  Anglo-Saxon  Ablaut  ed  i> 
the  sixth  conjugntion  ib  also  siipplantetl  by  a  and  its  cognate 
vowels  e  and  a :  icief.  teef,  tenf,  site,  toe,  IcBa,  let.  Old  EnglutB. 
cleftfiet,  chet.fresei  Middle  English,  clee/,fieet,  cieet, frees. 


III.  NEW  TEUTONIC. 

a 


I 


Oerman.  In  Modem  High  German  this  vowel  has  preserved 
its  original  pure  sound,  and  may  therefore  be  considered  as  per- 
fectly identical  with  the  a  sound  in  Old  High  German,  deviating 
neither  towards  the  higher  pitched  e  nor  the  darker  sound  of  o ; 
and  this  rule  holds  good  not  only  for  cases  in  which  it  remains 
ehort,  but  for  those  also  which  show  it  converted  into  a  long 
vowel.  Hence  Hh,  de,  pnep ;  min  (French  on) ;  wald,  forest, 
contain  a  sound  which  is  identical  with  that  in  l^&eH,  to  refresh ; 
vd(er,  father ;  Adte,  hare ;  sdffe,  tale,  saga ;  and  with  the  organi- 
cally long  a  in  gndde,  grace ;  tfrd^e,  street ;  frdge,  rogo. 

Whilst  in  Middle  and  Old  High  German  the  sound  was  often 
fluctuating  between  a  and  o.  Modern  German  has  decided  in 
favour  of  one  or  the  other,  and  thus  ohne,  sine ;  mond,  moon ; 
monat,  month,  voge,  wave,  for  the  M.  H.  Germ,  due,  mane, 
vtdnet,  Kde ;  and  monai,  briiuligam,  bridegroom;  eidant,  ^faei', 
ieimal,  home,  for  O.  H,  Germ,  mdnS,  priitigomo,  eiditm. 

English.  The  Anglo-Saxon  /p  (for  High  German  a)  whieb 
already  in  Old  and  Middle  English  had  been  commonly  replaced 
by  a,  finds  in  Modern  English  also  its  expression  in  the  vowel  a, 
but  it  seems  still  to  preserve  its  original  sound  wherever  the 
vowel  is  short.  Examples : — sal,  glad,  at,  that,  cat,  (tpple, 
ati,  &c. 

When  the  vowel  is  lengthened,  the  a  sound  is  modified  in  two 
directions  so  as  to  become  identical  with  e  or  o,  e.  g,  leiale, 
grave,  ale,  late,  raven,  and  spoke,  broke,  stole,  bore.  The  consonanta 
II  at  the  end,  and  w  at  the  beginning  of  a  word,  darken  the  a 
sound  into  a,  {d),  the  medium  between  a  and  o,  e.  g.  small,  vsater, 
tekal,  was,  &c.  The  Anglo-Saxon  a,  which  often  inclines  towards 
o,  ie,  in  Modem  English,  either  rendered  by  o  or  has  finally 
adopted  the  original  a,  which,  in  pronunciation  however,  is 
treated  in  the  same  manner  as  the  a  (=Anglo-Saxon  er)  which 


yOVEL  SOUNDS. 


1 

71  1 


»t  hire  just  examinMl.  Thus  we  read  o  in  long,  ttnmg,  Urong, 
tMf,mf,ti/tng ;  short  a  in  max,  can,  camp,  iiani,  a»d,  aamJ, 
litd,  iammer ;  long  a  in  name,  lame,  lame,  lane,  lamt ;  a  sound 
^eoei)  \>y  preceding  w  m  van,  nean, 

He  Ang-Io-Saxnn  ea  is  in  Modern,  jnst  as  in  Old  and  Middli?, 
&|iish  rendered  by  a,  which  however  under  iliflereut  eonso- 
BJiifal  influences  assumes  a  different  sonnd.  Pare  a  sound  l)efi>rp 
f—hm, /ami,  gam,  mark,  sharp,  hard;  darkened  into  a  («') 
before  //,  //,  Ik— all,  kail,  fall,  tiutit,  talt,  talk,  valk ;  rmm.'A 
lowiida  the  higher  pit^h  of  e — tiall,  thadow,  «j*,  mar;  identical 
Bti  t  when  lengthened — thame,  ale,  *cale  ;  supplanted  by  c — 
An,  Ulei. 

Dutch.  The  distinction  between  long  and  ehort  vowels  being 
|pt«erT«d  in  this  more  than  in  any  other  Teutonic  dialect,  we 
pre  the  examples  classified  under  the  heads  of  short  and  long. 

Sbort  before  a  single  consonant :  ilal,  dale,  valley ;  anuil,  small ; 
JM,  tune ;  nam,  cepi  (Oerm.  nahm) ;  gaf,  dedi,  gave ;  graf, 
pure;  ita/,»\aS;  dag, day,  swak,veak;  i/a./,  leaf ;  a/,all;  f/^ll, 
ihll;  ait,  shall ;  iam,  comb  ;  lam,  lamb  ;  _fiasi,  flame  ;  wuta,  man. 
Short  before  double  consonants:  galm,  sonnd;  Aal/",  half; 
ulf,  talf;  ialg,  neck;  arffl,  arm  ;  ijit^,  long,  Wh^,  song  ;  land, 
lootti;  gaiu,  goose;  arm,  warm,  damp,  hard,  band,  humt,  land, 
Geminated  consonants  :  alle,  itallen,  mamien,  &c. 
The  Huctuations  of  the  a  sound  which  via  haxc  so  frequently 
dwervcd,  chiefly  in  the  ancient  Low  German  dialects,  is  kept 
»tiw  in  Dutch  loo,  the  vowel  a  rising  into  e  in  the  words  seherji, 
iWp;  erg,  wicked  (Gcvm.  arg) ;  »lerk,  strong  (Germ,  stark) ; 
Mid  descending  to  the  lower  pitch  of  o  in  the  preterite  of  strong 
fwbs;  TOM,  cncurri,  ran,  run;  tVig,  cecini,  sang,  sung;  dnmk, 
nbi,  drank,  drunk.  Dutch  a  for  e  in  hart,  heart  (Germ,  her?.) ; 
*iri(Germ,  schmerz);  pard,  horse  (Germ,  pferd);  ztedrd,  sword 
(Gcnn.  schwert). 

I«ng  a,  spelt  in  Dotch  aa,  in  Flemish  ae,  is  organic  in  dl, 
*"';  idr,  hair;  jar,  year;  todr,  true;  gran,  grain,  frumentnra; 
'»,  moon;  tedn,  Iioik;;  tcAdp,  sheep;  iprdi,  speech;  d</d, 
Vfi ;  long  by  production  in  l^l,  language ;  ddr,  there ;  wfr, 
wicre ;  tehdm,  shame ;  Ai/n,  cock ;  dp,  ape ;  wdk,  wake ;  idn, 
■He;  long  by  contraction  in  ilda  foliis  {=(iladen) ;  rdr,  father 
|=mAt};  »l4n,  slay  (=*/«fc»};  ^dfw,  drag,  traliere  (=./™^e«) ; 
*i$d,  maid  {  =  mage<t)\  tragi,  fertis  (=irage().  In  the  penult 
Wore  single  consonants  the  Dutch  dialect  writes  simply  a, 
•tether  the  vowel  is  originally  long  or  short,  and  in  this  case 
femm  recognizes  his  Middle  Dutch  '  Schwcbelaut,' '  (luctnatiiig 
•WEd,' which  is  neither  decidedlj  long  nor  short;   as  alen.un- 


72  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

quilhe  (sizdlen);  iaren,  anni  {tsjdren);  spraienjlihguaB  (s=spiilim); 
and  hanen^  phalli ;  ka^n,  lepores ;  apen,  simisB, — ^in  which  the  s 
was  originally  short. 

Swedish.    The  vowel  a  has  its  prototTpe  in  the  Old  None 
vowel  of  the  same  quantity^  but  it  Temains  short  only  before 
double  consonants :  all^  all ;  Jalla,  to  £ei1I  ;  ialla,  to  oali ;  Ml, 
shall ;  f/aminaly  old ;  hamfnare,  hammer ;  tacta,  to  thank  ;  vatteM, 
water;  e/m,  elm;  Aalf,  half;  barn,  injfant;  sharp,  shaip;  idi, 
salt;  uamUy  iwixtiQ^  hampa,hviiri^r\  krank,si(^\  Aand,  lanJ,ic. 

The  vowel  a  preceding  the  combinations  Id,  rg,  ng,  is  con- 
verted into  a,  of  which  below. 

Before  single  consonants  the  pure  a  sound  is  retained,  bnt 
lengthened  in  pronunciation :  d-al,  dale ;  bar,  bare^  nnde ;  toj 
bore,  tulit ;  ^haniy  shame ;  hane^  cock ;  graf,  grave ;  dag,  day; 
lag,  law ;  mat,  meat ;  vara^  to  be,  for  vara  ;  qvar,  quiet,  for  jwr 
(cf.  the  use  of  the  Dutch  a  for  e). 

The  Swedish  a  which  stands  for  the  Old  Norse  d,  has  un- 
doubtedly had  its  origin  in  the  lengthened  a  or  aa.     Analogous 
is  the  frequent  decline  of  the  Enghsh  a  into  the  middle  sound 
between  a  and  o  under  the  influence  of  certain  consonants,  as  (^ 
w,  &c. ;    and  still  more  so  the  fluctuation  between  a  and  o  i^ 
some  Old  Teutonic  tongues,  as  iond  for  Aand^  hoMn  for  AflW*» 
7ndn  for  nuhi.     Though  this  vowel  is  now  identical  with  o  i^ 
must  originally  have  had  a  middle  sound  between  a  and  o,  ^ 
the  English  a  in  wall^  war^  &c.     Examples : — a/,  eel ;  i«a/,  laa^ 
guage ;  ar,  year ;  far,  sheep  ;  hdr,  hair ;  indney  moon ;  ra»,  hope  ^ 
sprdk,  speech  ;  gas,  goose ;  a,  river ;  gd,  to  go ;  sld,  slay ;  /a,  toe  ^ 
std,  to  stand ;  strd,  straw ;  alder,  age ;  gdrd,  viDa  (cf.  yard  and 
garden);    /idnl,  hard;    /a«^,  long;   dtUi,  eight;    matter   might; 
l)ut  uatt,  night  (Germ,  nacht). 

Danish.  Before  single  consonants  organically  short  and  long 
vowels  are  identiciil ;  before  double  and  geminated  consonants 
they  are  always  short.  Examples  : — dal,  dale ;  gale^  to  sing ; 
bar,  bare,  nude ;  bar,  bore,  tulit ;  hare,  hare ;  skam,  shame ;  hane, 
eoek  ;  grav,  grave;  hare,  to  have;  dag,  day;  blad,  leaf;  had, 
hate,  odium ;  mad,  meat ;  alle,  all ;  takke,  to  thank ;  halv^  half; 
kalde,  to  call ;  talf,  salt ;  ^rt;-w,  infant ;  skarp,  sharp  ;  ^r^,  wicked 
(Germ,  arg) ;  harnj),  hamper ;  vand,  water ;  tnand,  man ;  land, 
sand,  &c. 

Transitions  into  aa  and  o  are  not  easily  fixed  by  rules,  and 

sometimes  deviate   from   the  Swedish:  e.g.  alder z^^w.  alder ; 

foldc,  to  fold;  hfdde,  to  hold;  vold^,  to  command;  4o/</,  kold— 

S\y.  /alia,  hdlla,  raUa,  kail;  hwifalde,  gal d^,  kalde ^^w,f alia, 

gal  la  ^  kalla  ; — gaard,  yard,  haard,  hard  (  =  Sw.  gdrd,  hard).     By 


I 


^  ^sieodamiwe  have  baand and  Aaan'l=Sw.  laiiil,  haittl.hand ; 
■■   br,  Ijir[=Sw,  il^). 

J  Duuh  pitsEosses,  like  Swedish,  the  sound  a,  a  medium  bu- 
U  luiai  D  atid  o,  which  however  most  Danish  authors,  with  tho 
?H  toeplion  iif  Rask  and  other  grammariaDs,  write  aa,  though 
V  D  its  iinmunciatirin  it  touehee  very  cloeety  oo  the  Swedish  d. 
W  hlie chiefly  to  fill  the  phice  of  the  Old  Norse  d :  aai,  eel ;  raati/, 
m  isguige  ;  lar,  year ;  /aar,  sheep  ;  Aaar,  hair  ;  war,  sore  ;  nunim; 
I  QhMD ;  raabfK,  weapon  ;  'laud,  deed  ;  an,  river ;  i/uu,  doe  ;  J'a", 
I  Aw;  ^aae,  to  go  ;  ^raa,  grey ;  raa,  raw  ;  taa,  so  ;  /ua,  toe  ;  alraa, 
I  Mair.  Tliis  vowel,  like  the  Swedish  a,  is  chiefly  met  with  before 
pk  coowDants  id,  itd,  rd,  which  cannot  be  preceded  by  the  pure 
bainl  Whilst  however  the  Swedish  represents  otdy  the  Old 
HHbL  the  Danish  aa  stands  also  for  Old  Norse  S :  kaare,  to 
H^BiBw.  hira;  aaOea,  open,  O.N.  opinu;  draabe,  drop,  O.N. 
Bl^  «a=Old  Norse  S:  raa6e,  to  ehout,  Sw.  rojaa,  O.  N.  kropa. 
■<=Goth.  a«,  O.  H.Germ.  ok,  6i  »iaane,  to  spare,  Sw.  gioaa, 
Cwnn.  icAonen  ;  /iaan,  scorn,  Germ.  Aoin ;  daai,  Sw.  dop,  hap- 
*sio,  Germ,  t-auf'e. 

a  (SB) 

Qerman.  a  [if)  is  Umlaut  of  a  (n); — wdl,  choice,  uiisle/i,  to 
'  chooee' ;  zdl,  number,  zcelen,  to  count ;  idm,  tame,  zamen,  to 
*«me;  iand  (sing.),  Mnde  (pL) ;  grdben,  to  dig,  yrait  (3rd  pers. 
I  Wig),  Differ,  riaier;  bliitt,  hldlUr;  grdt,  gra»er:  arm,  armer,  poor, 
ptwer;  kart,  hdrt^r,  hard,  harder,  &c.  From  these  examples  it 
mil  be  seen  that  the  origrinal  a  V6  atiil  alive  side  by  aide  with 
tiieUmlanl,  Where,  on  the  contrary,  the  word  with  the  original 
i"  wnnd  has  become  extinct,  and  the  Umlaut  in  the  derivative 
form  ia  no  longer  felt  as  Buch,  we  find  the  Umlaut  expressed  by  e ; 
*if.  hter,  army,  O.H.  Germ,  kari;  ende,  end,  O.  H,  Germ,  anii; 
^,  heir ;  elld,  ell ;  J'remd,  foreign  ;  Aetad,  shirt ;  engel,  angel ; 
"iw,  hen, — ivorda  in  which  the  original  a  is  extinct. 

Swedish.  The  vowel  a  in  Swedish  has  superseded  five  dif- 
ferent Old  Norse  vowels,  (i)=O.N.  a:  grdfs,  grass  (A.  S.  gras). 
(2)=0.  N.  c,  Umlaut  of  a :  tdi/a,  to  sell ;  bar,  berry ;  Sdr,  army ; 
'««/»,  to  tame ;  toga,  to  say ;  bddd,  Ijed,  glad/a,  to  gladden ; 
»dU,  net ;  falla,  to  fell ;  iigg,  edge  and  egg ;  dragg,  dreg  ;  f'dgga, 
(o  lay ;  »dtta,  to  set ;  itnatUt^  to  smelt ;  angel,  angel ;  aple,  apple  ; 
horse.  {3)=0.  N.  e,  Brechung  and  Triihung  of  »':  vSl, 
ar,  is,  est ;  bdra,  to  bear ;  vr'ig^  way  ;  vdder,  weather ;  itla, 
eat;   srartl,  sword.     (4)=0,  N.  le,  whether  Umlaut  of  a  or 

'  iDril,  H-rln.  c-onimonly  s^kU  hwAI.  iciiklrn. 


74  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

contraction  of  ai,  ei :  mala,  to  talk ;  9aU  (felix  f.  A.  S.  saligji 
9ddy  seed ;  frande,  friend  ;  am,  honour  (Germ,  ehre) ;  Idra,  Geim 
lehren ;  kliide^  vestis  (Germ,  kleid) ;  mdiiare^  master  (Germ, 
raeister).  (5)= O.N.  /,  only  at  the  end  of  words :^,  cattle 
(Germ,  vieh) ;  hnd,  knee;  tra,  wood  (cf.  tree). 

Banish.  The  Danish  a  stands  to  the  Old  Norse  in  aboat  the 
same  relation  as  Swedish.  Hence  Danish  a  (i)  =  O. N.  a\ 
grds^  grass  ;  &>,  burden.  (2)=0.  N.  e :  bar,  berry ;  kar^  army; 
rad^  net ;  gldde^  gladness ;  idmme,  to  tame ;  tdiUy  to  set ;  idl^p 
to  sell ;  mdrke,  to  mark ;  handCy  pi.  of  hand.  (3)=0.  N.  e\  bdrre, 
to  bear ;  vdre,  to  be ;  vdve,  to  weave ;  ode,  to  eat ;  md^  mos 
(Germ,  sitte) ;  mVfer,  ram  (Germ,  widder) ;  svdrd^  sword.  (4)= 
O.  N.  ^ :  male,  to  talk ;  dre,  honour ;  Idre^  to  teach ;  ildde, 
vestris;  sdd,  seed.  (5)=0.  N.  e:Ja,  cattle;  ind,  knee;  W, 
tree. 

e 

German.  This  letter  can  even  in  Modern  German  still  be 
tracod  to  the  Umlaut  of  a,  or  to  the  Brechung  or  Triibung  of  u 
The  vowel  e  is  Umlaut  of  a  in  the  words  keer,  meer^  erbe^  siellen, 
//cmdj/remd,  end,  &c.  (Concerning  this  Umlaut  and  the  Umlaut 
d,  see  sub  lit.  a.)  The  sound  e  as  Triibung  of  i  we  find  in  regen, 
rain ;  degen,  sword,  which  Grimm  considers  different  in  pronun- 
ciation from  lege?i  and  bewegen,  where  the  e  is  caused  by  Umlaut ; 
but  I  must  plead  ignorance  of  that  distinction.  The  difierent 
shades  in  the  pronunciation  of  the  German  e  are  o^ving  to  con- 
sonantal influences  (cf.  mehr,  meer^  sehr^  seele^  heer^  herr^  f«w,  de- 
gen^ legen^  regen^  segen^  sprechen^  sleeken)  rather  than  etymological 
deductions ;  nay  the  ^  usus  loquendi',  the  mode  of  pronunciation, 
has  even  corrupted  the  legitimate  spelling  of  certain  words, 
writing  d  {(e)  for  e:  bcer^  a  bear;  geb(eren^  to  bear;  rdcien,  to 
revenge ;  ddmmern^  to  dawn,  on  account  of  the  close  analogy 
to  the  pronunciation  of  the  modem  Umlaut  d  in  wterey  gabe^ 
lase. 

English.  The  Anglo-Saxon  e,  as  Umlaut  of  a,  is  retained  in 
the  words  den^  hen^fen^  men^  hell^  bed^  net^  better ^  bench^  to  sell^  to 
telly  &c.  But  the  Umlaut  has  returned  to  the  original  a  in  ^ 
bare^  to  tame^  to  hate^  to  quaJce^  angel.  This  fact  may  be  explained 
by  the  analogy  of  the  adjectives  bare^  t-amey  which  never  were 
subject  to  the  Umlaut. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  e,  Brechung  and  Triibung  of  1,  on  the  whole 
preserves  its  pronunciation,  but  not  its  spelling,  in  Modern 
English.     Short  e  remains  in  welly  spelly  knelly  helmy  selfy  helpy 


VOWEL   SOUNDS.  ?5 

if /ret.  matier,  to  tread,  to  burtt  (  =  to  bertf),  to  Jam  (=to  fw«). 
Tbe  soDiul  is  lengthenetl  m  /o  bear,  to  break.  In  plaf,  waj/,  rain, 
the  a  luu  superseded  the  0,  and  y  or  i  takes  the  place  of  g :  rain 
=rri»=rtgen;  Hwjy=»tf^=«rey.  Lengthened  e  for  the  A.  S.  e 
io  i*,  f,  lAee,  thield,Jield,  to  apeak,  to  eat,  to  weave,  to  steal. 

Lmg  e,  spelt  ee,  is  a  very  favourite  vowel  in  Modern  English, 
vbidi  however  in  pronunciation  is  identical  ivith  the  lengthened 
i  ot  tie  other  Tentonic  dialects.  It  stands  (i)  for  A,  S.  if — ee/, 
i^p,  ipMci,  greedy,  teed,  weed,  deed;  but  it  is  supplanted  by  ea 
^noDonoced  =  ee)  in  read,  meal,  deal,  whilst  the  long  e  suund 
RnuinB  in  hair,  were,  there,  gregy  strait.  Short  e  in  weapon  : 
note  briar=A.  8,  brar.  (2}  «=  A.  S.  /,  Umlaut  of  o ;  to  feel, 
M,  to  dtem,  to  teem,  green,  keen,  (o  Keep,  io  seek,  to  bleed ;  feel, 
j\,o{Jbot;  leetA,^\.oi tooth;  geese,  pi.  ai goose,  (3)  ef=:A.S,  ed 
and /.  O.  H.  Germ.  W.  o:  e.  g.  eheei,  A.  8.  cede ;  leek,  reek,  need. 
But  ea  is  more  commonly  used  as  the  direct  representative  of 
the  A.  S.  ea,  though  in  pronunciation  it  is  identical  with  ee. 
[4;  «= A.  S.  «f,  Goth.  (■«,  O.  H.  Germ,  io ;  e,  g.  bee,  A.  S.  be<i; 
irtt.  A,  S.  tre6 ;  glee,  A.  S.  gled ;  deep,  meek,  meed,  reed.  (5)  ee= 
A.  S.  i :  free,  three,  peep. 

Dutch.  The  Yowel  e  is  rare  before  single  consonants  in  mono- 
•jlUbles,  more  common  in  connection  with  double  consonants. 
Emmplea:— -Se/,  clear  (Germ,  hell);  hel,  hell  (Germ,  hiillc); 
net,  qnick  (Germ,  schnell) ;  tel,  skin  {Germ,  fell);  ster,  star; 
hen  (Germ,  ich  bin),  I  am ;  hen,  pen,  bed,  net,  leg,  lay,  pono  ; 
«pj,  way;  leg,  say,  dico;  helle,  tnelle,  velle,  stcrrcn,  heune, petine, 
brdde,  Ugyen,  zeggen ;  me/i,  milk  ;  Wrf,  field;  wtf/-i,  work  ;  itenken, 
to  think ;  enkri,  ankle ;  menteh,  homo.  The  vowel  e  in  all  these 
words  arises,  as  in  High  German,  partly  from  the  Umlaut  of  a, 
partly  from  the  weakening  of  i,  but  in  pronunciation  it  is  the 
rame  throughout. 

The  long  c  is  in  Dutch,  as  in  English,  spelt  ee.  Organic  it 
18  lu  deel,  deal ;  heel,  heal ;  meer,  more  ;  seer,  sore,  pain  ;  tfeeii, 
stone;  werii,  weak;  hleef,  mansit;  dreef,  populit;  peeg,  iuclina- 
rit;  nrreff,  tacuit.  Production  of  e:  steel,  steal,  furor;  beer, 
Mar;  beei,  beach;  pleeg,  soleo;  breek,  frango;  sleep,  pungo. 
By  syncope  oi  de:  vre^=vrede,  peace  (Germ,  friedc);  veer= 
"^er,  feather;  neer=neder,  neither.  It  must  be  specially  re- 
"isrted  that  the  short  e  placed  in  the  penult  before  a  single 
wDsonant  is  not  doubled,  though  it  becomes  long  by  production 
*u^  rhymes  with  the  long  e  of  the  wor»ls  mentioned  Iwfore ;  e.  g. 
''^1,  beaven  {Germ,  hnnnel) ;  gene,  ille  (Germ,  jener) ;  leven, 
'"live;  geren,  to  give;   brekeu,  to  break;   eten,  to  eat",  zegel, 

HU'l. 


76  TEVTOJIC   G MAMMAE, 


t  ic|«catfnu  diree  ueiait  Tovds :   Old  None  i; 
Umhat  (ff  d,  in  whidi  paatioo  hoverar  it  is  lare,   becmie 
Swedish  'jfthaenphT  prefers  a  Xo  nark  the  Umlaut.    Ezamplei: 
— ^//;  O.X.  «f>j,  nrer  Ltf.  albb^;  e/5, alces  (O. N.  dgr);  atii^ 
widow  O.  X.  eckja  :  a^v^Miki,  homo.   This  Umkot  is,  like  tk 
Umlaut  t  in  German,  no  longer  felt  as  such  in  the  vowel-STifteB 
of  the  language.     ^r=0.  N.  /,  rardr  rmdered  by  a.     EzaiofilBi: 
— .^/.  {'lav  Genn.  spiel  ;  /<n,  limb ;  re^^  rain ;  tei^  wood ;  isdl^ 
sweat :  /r^J.  f«aoe :  «n«4i.  sinew :  thk  vowd  is  diieflj  met  wHk 
in  the  pi.  pret.  of  the  strong  conjngation  (bat  not  in  the  piii 
pret.^  ;  e.  g.  drtfro^  pepoleront :  wrtho^  fefeUerant ;  tctdo^  dolne- 
rnnt;  l^o^  momordenmt.     ^=0.  X.  t%\  del^  put,  deal  (Oenn. 
tbeil, ;  kd^  heal  ;^Germ.  heil^ ;  i^w,  home  (Genn.  heim) ;  fcii 
bone    Germ,  bein) ;  #/^s,  stone  (Germ,  stein) ;  tk^  oak  (Gens, 
eiche..     In  prononciation  e  and  a  tooch  doeelr  npon  each  otber, 
heoce  their  occasional  interchange,  as  ^and  dff^  river ;  UtoM 
and  ttdnne^  bini ;  yet  e  approaches  more  nearly  the  f,  and  s  the 
a,  a  circumstance  which  may  be  explained  from  their  origin  in 
the  Old  Norse  i  and  </. 

Daniflh.    The  Danish  «  is  in  its  origin  identical  with  tte 
Swedish^  though  its  occorrence  may  be  more  or  less  frequent 
according  to  accidental  circumstances.     «=0.  N.  e^  commODly 
before  doubled,  rarely  before  single  consonants;   e,g.fremM^^ 
foreign  (Germ,  fremd);   menneske,  homo;   elv,  river;   ehkef  ^ 
love ;  enke,  widow ;  ende,  end ;  send^,  to  send ;  keH,  horse.   €^ 
O.  N.  ei :  deelf  been,  sfeen,  eg,  Germ,  tkelly  beim,  stein,  ei. 


I 


■^    L 


:i^" 


I '-  -     — 


(German.     This  vowel   is  less  frequently  used  than  in  tb-^ 
Middle  High  German,  the  original  i  being  only  preserved  befor"^ 
double  consonants ;  e.  g.  slill,  nimm,  accipe ;  sinn^  sense ;  sil(^^ 
mos ;  7aiid,  sind,  sunt ;  wird,  Lat.  fit ;  whilst  before  single  con-^^' 
sonants  it  is  lengthened  into  t:  mir,  mihi ;  dir^  tibi ;  tsi,  ei ;  •«  V 
cum ;  or  it  is  changed  into  ie.     The  Middle  High  German  inter- 
change between  e  and  /  in  the  conjugation  of  the  verb  is  con- 
tinued :   werden,  fieri ;    ivirdy  fit ;  geben^  dare ;  giUy  dat ;  seken^ 
videre ;  neht^  videt ;  wlc/isen,  to  polish,  erroneously  for  ioecisenz= 
wdchnen  from  wachs^  wax. 

English.  Short  i  before  single  consonants :  him,  dim,  spin^ 
swimy  rid,  lip^  ship.  For  the  more  ancient  v  in  «»,  kin.  Before 
double  consonantH :  kill^  stilly  will,  stiffs  thicky  timber^  liing,  gijft^ 

'  (/ommonly  spelt  ihm,  ikn. 


y0W£L  SOUiVDS. 

teitrA.     For  the  more  ancient  g:  ill,  mill,  hUt,  tittff,  turn, 

bridge.     Before  t  where  it  assumeB  the  sound  of  German  «■ 

:    «ir,  jir,  hwil,  bird,  ffirl,  mirth.     On  comparing  Jlr,  ffiril, 

vnih  the  German  yofftf,  *foeren,  &c,,  we  may  find  an  an- 

to  the  exceptional  sound  of  i  hefore  r,  though  it  will  be 

I   fully  to  account  for  it  in  the  manner  in  which  Grimni 

the  verb  to  stir  to  the  A.  S.  glgraii,  O.  H.  Germ,  nloriin, 

atoeren 

long  ( is  denoted  in  English  orthography  by  the  e  mute 
follows  a  single  consonant;  it  has  in  pronunciation  at- 
lined  the  sound  of  the  German  diphthong  ei .-  file  (Germ,  feile) ; 
i/c  (Germ,  weile) ;  wine  (Germ,  wein) ;  ripe  (Germ,  reif) ;  nde 
rcrm.  eeite);  tide  (Germ,  zeit) ;  rfWue  (Germ,  treiben);  vide 
[Genn.  weiC).  For  the  A.  S.  ^  :  fire,  A.  S./^^  O.  H.  Germ./«r, 
tierm.  feuer ;  bride,  A,  S.  br^d,  O.  H.  Germ,  prut.  Germ,  bi-aiil ; 
liee,  pi.  of  loMte,  A.  S.  Ip,  pi.  of  W*;  mice,  pi.  of  moiiite,  A.  8. 
■^•j  pL  of  mtU,  cf.  Germ,  lant,  lauae ;  mam,  mduse.  Before 
id  and  nd  the  long  t  has  replaced  the  short  /,  as  child,  mild, 
viifi,  bind,  /ltd,  grind;  but  the  short  i  sound  is  preserved 
■where  a  second  syllable  is  added ;  compare  the  sound  in  ehild 
■nd  children,  hind  and  hinder.  The  sound  of  the  i  is  flue- 
in  the  word  mnd.  For  y :  kind,  A.  S,  gecynde ;  mind, 
gemgnde.  Before  gh :  bright,  A.  S.  briil  =  byrhi  =  beorht; 
Jghl,  A.  S.  JihiaH;  high,  A.  S.  hedk  ;  light,  A.  S.  ledkt;  thigh, 
'*.  S.  \e6h. 

Dutoh.  The  short  i  is  scarce  hefore  single,  more  frequent 
'*ofore  double  consonants ;  stil,  still ;  ml,  I  will ;  min,  love ;  ziii, 
*^Tise ;  ik,  I,  ego ;  lid,  limb  (Germ,  glied) ;  »mid,  smith ;  nchip, 
*«*ip.  This  i  which  has  commonly  been  replaced  by  e,  is,  in  pro- 
***anciation,  an  intermediate  sound  between  the  German  i  and  e, 
**^  that  min,  ik,  lehip,  are  almost  identical  with  mc«,  ek,  sr/tep  ; 
^»id  hence  the  fact  that  formerly  the  orthography  was  indeed 
^Victuating  between  schep  and  icAip,  led  and  lid,  smed  and  stnid, 
**id  that  monosyllables  in  i  which  do  not  geminate  their  con- 
^«^nant«  upon  adding  another  syllable,  change  the  i  into  e,  e.  g, 
^cJiip,  seiipen;  lid,  leden ;  gmid,  tmeden.  Before  double  con- 
sonants :  glillen,  willen,  mittne,  ziane,  tcAild,  mid,  vinffer,  zingen, 
^rinten,  blind,^mnd,  kind  (child).  It  represents  a  more  ancient  ie 
^n  the  redupltcational  vowel  ging  {=gieng),  ivit;  hing,  pcpendit; 
♦^i"?,  cepit;  vrind  for  vriend. 

The  long  i  is  spelt  y,  Flemish  y.  The  pronunciation  of  this 
Vflwel  is  very  much  like  the  English  i  in  might,  and  the  German 
diphthong  «,  but  so  that  the  e  element  of  this  diphthong  comes 
■"OK  decide^y  to  the  surface ;  and  hence  ij  sounds  almost  like 


7H  TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 

e  +  i  pronounced  separately  but  rapidly  oue  after  the  other.  The 
Dutch  diphthong  el  may  be  considered  identical  with  the  German 
ei  in  pronunciation  as  well  ae  derivation,  if  with  Grimm  we  may 
consider  ij  the  representative  of  the  Gothic  ei,  and  the  Dutch  ei 
of  the  Gothic  diphthong  di.  Examples  of  i : — mijn,  dijn,  sijn,  to 
be  (Germ,  sein) ;  teij'n,  wine  (Germ,  wein) ;  rifp,  ripe  (Germ,  reif) ; 
iijii,  tide  (Germ,  zeit);  ^ijfen,  to  bite;  nij'd,  envy  (Genn.  neid); 
^'J/'i  life ;  HJi,  body  (cf.  Germ.  leiche) ;  ij»,  ice  (Ger,  eis). 

Swedish.  The  vowel  i  in  thie  dialect  corresponds  with  tlie 
Old  Noree  i  as  well  as  *.  Before  single  consonants  it  is  scarce, 
and,  just  as  in  Dutch,  approaching  the  e  in  its  sound — a  fact 
which  here  again  finds  an  explanation  in  the  still  undecided 
orthography  of  some  words,  as  Jrid  and  Jreii,  peace ;  further  in 
the  pi.  pret.  and  part.  pret.  of  strong  verbs,  the  former  adopting, 
the  latter  rejecting  the  e,  bb  drejvo,  drijven.  Words  retaining  the 
('  are  (il,  to,  ad ;  vil/'a,  to  will  j  i^i/ha,  to  give ;  mig,  dig,  aig,  me,  Xe, 
Be ;  Jnd,  kid,  vid.  It  is  the  more  frequent  before  double  con- 
sonants; B.g.  illa,\\\;  lille,  little;  </tV/a,  quietus  (Germ,  stille) ; 
till,  ad ;  vill,  vult ;  himmel,  heaven ;  avinuiia,  to  swim  ;  finna,  to 
iind ;  viinne,  memory ;  qcinna,  woman  ;  sinne,  mind ;  spinna,  to 
spin ;  ilippa,  to  slip  ;  ligga,  to  lie ;  dricka,  to  drmk ;  bitter, 
mild,  vild,  vinler,  blitul,  ^fiugr,  gil/ver.  «t=0.  N. »;  bila,  hatchet 
(Germ,  beil) ;  HI,  wedge  (Germ,  keil) ;  siir,  pure  j  spira,  spire ;  ^n, 
fine  J  P(»,  wine;  drifca,  to  drive;  lik,  like;  spxk,  spike;  fida,  to 
ride  ;  vid,  wide ;  lisa,  leisure.  At  the  end  of  words  ;  hi,  bee ; 
w,  ecce ;  skn,  clamor  (Germ,  schrei).  i  for  0.  N.  e :  fick  and  gick 
iorfeck  and  geek. 

Danish.  Danish  i  stands  to  Old  Norse  in  the  same  relation 
as  Swedish,  (i)  =  O.N.  %:  gpil,  play  (Germ,  spiel);  til,  ad; 
vill,  volo ;  tin,  give,  tJtip,  ship ;  mif,  dig,  tig,  me,  ta,  se ;  iid, 
himmel,  heaven ;  ligge,  to  lie ;  drikie,  to  drink ;  bitter,  mild,  vild, 
ring,  jinde,  qvinde,  woman ;  lind,  mind  (Germ,  sinn) ;  npivde,  to 
spin ;  vinter.fsk,  fish  ;  vrtit.  (2)=0,  N.  t,  before  liquids  com- 
monly spelt  H :  hull,  hatchet  (Germ,  beil) ;  tpvr,  spire ;  viin, 
wine ;  in  all  other  cases  spelt  i :  drive,  Uv,  life ;  viv,  woman  (lit 
wife) ;  tid,  tide  (Germ,  zeit) ;  lig,  like  ;  lig,  body  (Germ,  leiche^ 
At  the  end  of  woi'ds :  hi,  bee  ;  ^t,  ten ;  sH,  sty ;  slie,  stem  (GemLJ 
Btichel). 


Gterman.     Before  two  consonants  it  has  remained  organically 

short :  vo/l,  full  ;  fromm,  pious ;    aonne,  sun ;   gott,  God ;   gold, 
irorl.     Before  a  single  consonant  it  is  either  organically  long,  as 


1 


VOW^EL    SOUNDS.  79 

(W,  dead;  roi^,  red;  s^,  trairit;  Ion,  reward;  r^r,  read;  tfr, 
ear ;  bone,  beciD ;  or  it  has  been  lengihened  by  inorganic  produc- 
tion ;  «)'«,  eon ;  iob,  praise ;  io^en,  bow ;  rd^el,  bird ;  bote,  mea- 
seng«r. 

English.  The  relation  of  the  o  sorind  is  rather  complicated, 
since  this  vowel  derives  ita  origin  from  divers  Anglo-Saxon 
vowels,  from  a,  o,  u,  a  and  o,  (] )  o  organically  deriv^  from  n : 
iale,  boTougi,  for,  fore,  or,  nor,  to  come,  some,  ion,  love,  above,  God, 
gotpel,  folk,  gold,  ford,  short,  worth,  fox,  ox;  strong  pret.  part. 
stolen,  oorn,  shorn,  lorn,  fnom,  got,  fvri/ot,  spoken.  The  Boiind  of 
the  short  o  is  everywhere  preserved  except  before  combinations 
with  r,  such  as  r,  rm,  rn,  rd,  rl,  where  it  is  pronounced  as  an  inter- 
mediate sound  between  the  German  a  and  o.  {2)  o  from  a  chiefly 
before  Id,  mq,  ng :  bold,  cold,  fold,  hold,  old  ;  ef.  Germ.  kalt,falte, 
kailen,ali.  Strong  pret, :  stole,  broke,  trod,  bore,  von;  ef.  Germ. 
dald,  brack,  trat,  gebahr,  gewann;  s<ft  and  other,  long  in  Anglo- 
Baion,  for  Germ,  sanft  and  ander,  and  identical  with  the  A.  S.  6 
in^  and  16%,  goose,  tooth,  which  latter  words  have  in  modem 
English  expressed  their  length  by  00,  and  hence  adopted  the  pro- 
DEmciation  of  this  vowel  as  in  tool,  pool,  &c.  In  the  same  manner 
It  we  find  the  organic  ?  lengthened  into  6,  we  find  the  long  o 
occaaionally  yielding  to  correption  and  becoming  short,  as  in 
JfoAier,  mother,  bosom,  blossom,  Motulay  (  =  M(iaday,  Moonday), 
te.  (a)  o=A.  S.  a,  in  which  case  it  is  always  long.  Example  ; 
•-viok,  A.  S.  hdl  (Germ,  heil) ;  home,  A.  S.  idm  (Germ.  Iieim) ; 
Jew,  A.  S.  bdn  (Germ,  bcin) ;  both  (Germ,  beide) ;  ghost  {Germ. 
geisl);  most  (Germ,  meist).  But  the  Anglo-Saxon  d  ia  more 
nmally  rendered  in  English  by  oa,  of  which  hereafter.  {4)  0= 
A.S.  ed  in  the  pret.:  crope,  repsit.  A.S.ereap;  chose,  elegit, 
is.  eeds ;  froze,  alsit,  A.S.freds.  (5)  The  final  o  is  of  difierent 
origin  in  different  words :  so,  A.  S.  svd;  tteo,  A.  S.  twd;  to  do, 
AS.  don;  to  go,  A.  S,  gangan,  gongan.  Contractions  are,  lord 
from  Maford,  woman  from  wif-tuan. 

The  English  Inng  0  is  spelt  00,  and  corresponds  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  6,  Old  High  German  «o,  German  u  ;  with  the  last  it  ia 
identical  also  in  pronunciation.  Examples  : — cool  (Germ,  kuel) ; 
pool  (Germ,  pful) ;  stool  (Germ,  stul)* ;  ioof  (Germ,  hfif)  ;  boot 
(Germ,  buch) ;  good  (Germ  gut);  mood  (Germ,  mut) ;  rood 
((jenn.  Tiite);foot  (Germ.  fu&) ;  bloom  (Germ,  blume) :  ef,  the 
Dotcli  bloevt,  koel,  &c.  To  be  noted  are  a  few  exceptions  iu  the 
pronunciation  of  the  00,  such  as  the  shortening  of  the  vowel  in 


'  CoBHnonlj  spplt  WH,  y/wH,  rt'iW,  Sic. 


80  TEUTONIC    GRAMMAR. 

good,  foot,  looi,  and  the  deviation  from  the  oo  sound  in  5/W 
(Germ.  blQt).  d  (oo)  for  the  ancient  a,  which  however  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  is  already  rendered  by  ^,  while  in  Germati  it  is  in  some 
words  kept  alive  to  the  present  day :  moon,  A.  S,  »«?»«,  M.  H. 
Germ,  miine,  Germ,  mond;  soon,  A.  S.  t^na,  M.  H.  Germ,  sam 
looiA,  A.  S.  foli,  M.  H.  Germ,  eant,  Germ.  zdii.  Other  and  soft 
have  preserved  the  o  sound.  Choose,  lose {=loote)  answer  to  AS. 
ee6san  and  leSsan  ;  loose  =  loosen,  to  A.  S.  l^san.  The  termi- 
nation jioor'/=Germ.  heit  is  the  A.  S.  had;  room  is  A.  S.  rUn; 
door,  A.  S.  dSr;  wood,  A.  S.  vudu. 

Datch.  Short  o  occurs  before  single  consonants  in  mono- 
syllables and  before  double  consonants  in  trisyllabic  words.  Ex- 
amples : — hoi,  hole;  v>ol,  wool;  dom,  silly  (Germ,  dumm} ;  hof, 
court  (Germ,  hof) ;  lof,  praise  (Germ,  lob) ;  row,  sun  ;  kop,  head 
(Germ,  kopf) ;  fi/o«  (blossom) ;  vos,  fox ;  morren,  htorren,  to  munnnr 
(Germ,  murren,  knurren);  kommer,  an^ish  (Germ,  kummer); 
woMHf,  nun;  wo/ite«,  clouds;  ffolf,Ko/f,siorm.t{'orm,iOHff,tougae; 
hoad,  dog  (Germ,  liund) ;  mond,  mouth  (Germ,  mund) ;  vend, 
wound.  o=e  in  wordea=KerdeH,  fieri.  In  the  preterite  of  the 
strong  verbs  o  for  a :  borg,  sprang,  zong,  bond,  vovd;  cf.  Germ. 
bartf,  sprang,  sang,  band-,  fand.  o  for  oe :  zoeht-e,  Germ,  aveitf, 
(qutesivit)  and  the  termination  dom,  Eng.  dam,  Germ,  ihum ;  but 
doemen,  to  doom.  Sometimes  o  before  r  with  another  consonant 
is  converted  into  o,  and  thus  becomes  an  inorgimic  production ; 
doom,  thorn;  hooni,  horn;  loom,  wrath  (Germ,  zorn) ;  oord^ 
plae*  (Germ,  ort) ;  woord,  word. 

The  long  o  is,  as  in  English,  spelt  no,  but  is  pronounced  like 
the  German  6  in  tkor,  lokn,  and  the  English  in  bore,  bone.  It 
occurs  organically  long  in  the  words  hoor,  audio,  hear;  rerloar, 
perdidi ;  moor,  moor ;  oor,  ear ;  roor,  reed ;  boom,  tree  {Germ, 
baum) ;  st/>itt,  steam ;  slroom,  stream ;  boon,  bean ;  loof,  leaf; 
oog,  eye ;  dood,  death ;  brood,  bread ;  nood,  need ;  Aooren,  andire ; 
ooren,  aures ;  oogeti,  oculi,  &c.  It  occurs  as  production  of  o  in 
iool,  coal ;  tooti,  son ;  boog,  bow ;  nool,  net ;  syncope  of  de  in 
goon=goilen,  diis;  hoi>n=boden,  nuntiis — words  which  rhyme  on 
loon,  kroon,  zoon.  In  the  following  words  we  have  o  organically 
short,  and  yet  it  is  pronounced  long  so  as  to  rhyme  upon  the 
examples  with  oo  just  mentioned:  geboren,  bom;  iotiien,  to 
come;  zoiiier,  summer;  gebroken,  broken,  &c. 

Sweduh.  0  =  0.  N,  5  or  i!.  The  sound  of  a  which  we  ex- 
amined above,  being  almost  identical  with  o,  modern  orthography 
has  largely  adopted  the  former  Iett«r  to  supply  the  latter,  e.  g. 
hU,  spar,  bdge,fdgel,  for  hoi,  spor,  boge,  fogel  i  but  historically 
the  0  is  preferable.     Examples:  —  hoi,  hole;    kol,  coal;   spor. 


roW/il    SOUNDS. 

track  (Germ,  apuhr) ;  houHug,  honey ;  koiui,  woman ;  »on,  son ; 
k<if,  court;  /o/',  praise;  boi/e,  'hovr;  fogel,  bird;  ok,  yoke;  och, 
and  ;  hod,  messenger.  Production  is  prevented  by  the  gemina- 
tion of  the  consonant :  tjiorre,  spur ;  komtna,  to  come ;  iommar, 
summer  ;  dmppe,  a  drop  ;  kopp,  hope;  flotta,  fleet ;  far,  oxe,  ox. 
Before  double  consonants:  hoha,  island;  oma,  snalce;  horn. i 
mofyoH,  early;  ard,  word ;  Jrogi.  0  =  O.  N.  o:  got,  sun;  glol, 
stool;  a/or,  great;  iotufon,  thunder;  dom,  doom;  bog,  bow; 
thy,  wood  I  boi,  book;  bM,  blood;  broder,  brother  ;yu^,  foot; 
iof,  Enstulit ;  for,  ivit  j  drog,  trasit ; — cf.  the  German  preterites 
hub,  fukr,trttij.  o  =  Gotli,  uk,  O.  H.Germ.  o«:  </i'^,  baptism 
[Germ,  laufe).  At  the  end  of  words  :  ho,  to  dwell ;  hro,  bridge  ; 
JK>,  to  grow ;  ko,  cow ;  ro,  rest ;  »o,  a  sow.  Though,  as  we  have 
stated,  a  is  sometimes  placed  for  o,  it  is  only  for  the  o  of  the  first 
class,  i.  e.  that  which  represents  the  Old  Norse  o  or  u,  never  for 
0=0.  N.  0 ;  because  it  would  appear  that  the  difference  in  pro- 
nunciation is  still  great  enough  to  deter  a  fine  ear  from  rhyming 
^M  and  dom,  lag  and  toi/,  «tdl  and  siol. 

Daniali  Tlie  rules  laid  down  for  Swedish  will  hold  good  for 
this  dialect  too ;  wherefore  few  examples  may  siiRice,  o=0.  N. 
S  oT  S  :  »;ior,  track  ;  »yjore,  spur ;  ione,  woman  ;  og,  and  ;  /os, 
foi ;  Aolta,  island  ;  orm,  worm  j  6om,  thorn.  o=a :  aolde,foliIe, 
ioide; /op, ]bw(=:O.N.  lag).  o=O.N.i:/;  W,  sun  ;  s^o/, stool  ; 
dom,  doom  ;  bog,  book  ;  biod,  blood ;  Jod,  foot — preterites  of  the 
vtih^  for,  drog,  slog,iog,&c.  o=0.N.  d  (compare  the  Swedish 
a  for  o) :  *prog,  language.  Germ,  sprache,  Sw.  sprak  \  rofe,  audure, 
Germ,  toageu,  Sw,  v^a  :  cf.  Germ,  mond,  6iie^,  for  M.  H.  Germ. 
Twane,  dne.  At  the  end  of  words :  bo,  dwelling ;  hro,  bridge,  &e., 
see  Swedish. 


a«niian.  o  is  Umlaut  of  o :  xe'M^r,  pi.  of  wmt,  word ;  aohne, 
pi.  of  *ohn,  son ;  lohlich,  adj.  of  lob,  praise ;  vogel,  pi.  of  Togel, 
bird ; — sometimes  Umlaut  of  an  original  a  :  holle,  sehopfer,  schoffe, 
ISffel,  SKolf,  liiice;  cf.  Goth,  ialja,  tvalif,  &c.  In  the  sixteenth 
century  we  even  meet  monsck  for  mensck,  word  for  tcerd,  island : 
moHch,  monk,  is  an  inorganic  o  for  tiiUnck;  thus  also  kiinig  for 
kinig. 

English  and  Dutch  do  not  possess  this  vowel. 

Swedish,  ii  stands  for  six  difierent  sounds  of  the  Old  Norse. 
i=g,  Umlaut  of  o,  or  rather  u ;  hence  Swedish  S  stands  to  Old 
Nurse  g  in  the  same  relation,  as  does  the  German  d  to  «.    When 

'  Common  spelling  olme. 


i2  TZrjnjyir  GRxMMAE. 


the  Unili:n  r  viis  »>  k^ser  disdsctlT  fdt.  a  new  Umlaut  was 
cieau:*!  direetlr  &:-m  ibe  ;.  jsft  a«  in  German  the  spirit  of  tbe 
lansQage  f^r:o:>^cd  the  mp>lem  Umliiit  a,  when  the  more  ancient 
•  bi?9an  tc-  die  'ict.      Exjjnp4es :^-4J{hi.  billow,  O.N.  hylgja; 
f^}^r  ^•-*  fv-vw.  O.  y. /VV*j;   -iorT^  door  ^Germ.  thiire) ;  iwi, 
kin,  A-S.  \$%  ;  *.^»>^-,  ilii.  Germ.  «Ji«^;  /<oi^,  lie.  Germ,  /iy^; 
■<J/.  net.  O. X.  itt *.     Where  howeTer  m  keeps  its  position  in 
the  stem  of  iLe  w :  ni.  jr  ak»?  remains  as  its  Umlaut.        J=:a», 
which  diphthv'C^  ar  a  Teiy  early  date  began  to  be  contracted, 
first  into  V.  then  into  :f:    i<^j,  mngire,  O.  X.  baula ;   lordagy 
Saturday.  O.N.  hw^r^lj^r ;  <//«>«.  dream  :  sirom^  stream;  bona, 
bean ;  «A>/C  deaf;  >.-j.  eye :  /i.Vs  cnrsns :  fyrod^  bread ;— cf.  Germ. 
framm^  fj»^.  j«^;«e.  /^*«/I        J=^r:  <£>,  to  die;  iJ,  hay  ;  aiJ,  may; 
o,  island  :  iJrj.  hear :  -'^rj,  ear :  fiVti.  to  tag ;  roit,  re^ ;  ^^,  de- 
sertns  ^Germ.  tide  .      J= t>? :  y^ni.  dncoe  ^Germ.  fiihren) ;  domwU^t 
to  deem,  judicare :  ^ji.  preces ;  yr^a.  green ;  ilMa,  hen  ;  modrafj 
mothers,  pL  of  it.>ifr  ;  foii^^  feet.  pi.  cifoij  foot.       o=k> :  /r?» 
seed :  #«J.  snow :  d  -J#f,  breast.       J=/.  onlv  in  the  reduplication' 
of  the  Terb  :  fo^.  i<>//.=0.  N.  /«7,  k/!J. 

Danish.    Tbougb  Danish  grammarians  distingaish  two  sounds 
of  the  vowel  J = namely  one  like  the  French  *  en  ferme'  in  f^eu^ 
and  the  other  like  the  French  '  en  oovert '  in  rwirr,  c€tur — th^ 
former  maiked  f.  the  latter  o — we  need  not  keep  np  this  distinct 
tion,  because  it  is  not  warranted  by  etymology ;  and  we  therefor^' 
write  alwavs  o.      J = O.  N.  ir :  a>ji.  ^h,  where  we  find  the  Umlauts 
in  the  singular  already,  while  Swedish,  with  greater  nicety  and 
better  tact,  uses  the  Umlaut  to  denote  the  plural  of  «>«,  and  bon^ 
liean  :  dor.  d*:»or.  no  /,  nut :  '.•^7'\;e^  billow ;  foi^^^  follow.      ^=0.  N. 
I :  lotnmer^  O.  N.  timbr ;  *./7r,  O.  N.  W//r.       J=0.  N.  Oy  Umlaut 
of  a  :  ^jOm.  pi.  o{  larn^  child.        <>=0.  N.  <iif :  dram,  dream  ;  slrom, 
stream  ;  forenhij^  Saturday  ;  brod,  bread  :  dod^  death  ;  nod^  need, 
&c.,  see  Swedish.       <>  =  0.  N.  ^jf :  doe^  to  die  ;  i^,  hay ;  mo^  maid ; 
o,  island  ;  kore,  hear,  audire :  ore^  ear ;  wr,  reed,  &c.,  cf.  Swedish. 
0  =  0.  N.  oe:    fvre,  to  lead.  Germ,  /ihren  ;    bou,  preces;  pron^ 
^rreen  ;  Ao.ie,  hen  ;  ^yer,  libri  :  do  in  me,  to  deem.         d=a  :  so,  sea, 
O.  N.  */?r,  Sw.  *ji;;  /ro.  seeil,  O.  N./>f^,/^l^.>. 


U 

(German.  Before  double  consonants  m  represents  the  Old 
German  short  vowel :  ttud,  and  ;  mttad,  mouth  ;  inimm,  crooked ; 
iini^f,  art ;  brusf,  breast ;  bur^^,  castle  ;  Aitld,  grace.  Before  a 
single  consonant  it  is  the  ancient  long  vowel :  zuff,  trmg,  fiig. 


VOWSL  SOIWDS.  83 

lmgen4,  or  Schwichung  of  the  ancteiit  diphthong  uo:  T4m\ 
f^OTy,^=  ruom ,■  kl4i/,-^Tn.&ent,=kluog;fil^,iQoi,=fii"t;  hiin,hw  ; 
but,  blood  ;  fir,  pret.  of  f.fren  ;  »eh4/,  pret.  of  schaffeit.  Excep- 
tions ; — itj)ur  =  M.  H.  Germ.  »p»r,  track  ;  zHber  =  O.  H.  Germ. 
zvipar,  pail. 

English.  This  vowel  is  not  found  so  frequently  as  the  rest  in 
words  of  Teutonic  origin.  Before  a  single  vowel  its  sound  is  a 
medium  between  the  tierraau  o  and  o,  whilst  the  modern  Dutch  » 
in  pronunciation  I'esembles  the  French  u.  Examples : — dun,  rtiii-, 
tuH,  tirub^  ltd,  up,  tug,  hut,  a&vt.  In  the  verb  lo  hnrif  it  has  the 
floond  of  the  German  short  e ;  and  in  the  termination  buty^  as 
Canlerburff,  Salisbury,  TUburVy  it  is  almost  entirely  dropped  in  pro- 
nimciation.  The  tendency  in  this  case  of  the  n  inclining  towards 
thee  is  already  testified  by  the  mediaeval  mode  of  spelling  Can' 
tirberifnsit,  Sarfiberien»is,  Tilberieima.  (Concerning  the  sound 
of « in  busy,  vide  sub  lit.  i.)  Before  double  conBonunts  «  shows 
the  same  tendencies  in  its  sound :  summer,  gulf,  burden,  tnjf, 
^nger,  tktiiider.  It  assumes  a  long  sound  before  a  consonant 
fbllnwed  by  tlie  e  mute;  in  which  case  it  might  he  rendered  in 
"Srman  by  ju,  e.  g.  nivU,  mute,  duke,  to  mure,  plume  (mulua, 
ttutua,  dux,  murus,  pluma),  and  other  words  of  escluaively  Latin 
"id  French  derivation.  The  same  words  wo  find  in  Middle 
High  German  with  the  vowel  4 — tndl,  mur  ;  in  Modern  German 
with  the  vowel  an — maul,  mauer ;  but  even  the  Middle  High 
"erman  dialect  admits  of  a  vowel  iw  as  the  Umlaut  of  a,  e.  g. 
JoxiMW,  Germ,  gemuuer.  This  phEenomenon,  according  to  which 
'  Md  «  when  succeeded  by  an  e  assume  the  sounds  of  n  and  la, 
^  shall  have  to  consider  more  closely  elsewhere.  Words  which 
•■ad  the  long  «  in  Anglo-Saxon  already  did  not  preserve  that 
»owel  in  English,  but  converted  it  into  ou,  since  the  sound  of* 
lad  then  yielded  to  the  long  0=00 ;  hence  A.  S.  )>«,  mi/j.  Us,  Ms, 
•^^  ure,  e4,  brun,  Eng.  thou,  mouse,  louse,  house,  lour,  our,  cow, 

Dutch.  The  Dutch  u  in  short  syllables  resembles  the  English 
ui  svH,  but,  though  it  has  at  the  same  time  a  shade  of  the 
''reneh  «  in  it.  It  may  occur  before  single  and  double  con- 
Wnants.  Examples  : — dun,  thin ;  druk,  pressure  (Germ,  druck) ; 
""y,  bridge;  pvt,  pit;  zuU.en,  debere,  shall;  kuniien,  posse 
(uenn.  konnen);  kussen,  to  kiss;  sckuld,  debt;  zuster,  sister; 
"^iken,  premore  (Germ,  driicken) ;  rukken,  dlmovere  ((Jerra. 
'aeken).  It  does  not  occur  before  the  liquids  m,  n,  r.  It  flim- 
tiiW*s  l>etween  0  and  »  in  vollen,  rul/en. 

'  L'nmnion  apelling  yubm.  hihn.  fnhr,  Stc. 


>*  TEcr-jyi':  oeammae. 


Tii^  IfTi'j  k  -xtsrs  Trrr  arv-Ir.  bet  l^^-ie  r  exdosiTelv.  In 
FVtXiufa  it  U  ^^<jl  »<,  in  I>:rol;  •«.  Most  of  the  ancient  woids 
m  tik'h  or^nUitc^d  An  »  LiTe.  i^  n>?den:  Dotcfa.  i«p]jced  this  Towd 
l/V  the  dipLtLoc;;  ni  :  r^:  Lri-cnoed  like  Gennan  rv,  Fnglish  oi),  i 
cirrruDifttariC^  which  fhivs  hcr«.  in  tlie  sune  manner  ms  in  the 
and^nt  dialects,  the  £  >.-tiLati*>n  of  socnd  between  itty  m,  and  ff. 
Tlie  proriuhciation  of  r  ns?eml-!e5  m«>st  neariy  that  of  theFrendi «. 
Kxar/i  files  •.^—fluiir,  dear :  Jit »  r.  dcx^>  Genn.  daoem^ ;  ma&rj  mnros 
((jirnL.  znaaer, :  kn/'^  hoar  Germ,  nhr  ;  rwar,  fire;  rarar,  sour; 
huren.  to  hire  :  g^hvr^n,  mstici   Germ.  hioem% 

8wediah«  vi  stands  for  the  Old  Xoi^e  short  and  long*  vowels  of 
the  name  w»mvA.  '  i  ,  O.  N.  a  "  :  f^rr*^  fir ;  ^md^  God ;  /if//,  fidl ; 
>Ertf //,  u<.'<»t ;  kurra^  to  murmor.  :  Germ,  knorren,  Dutch  knorreD) ; 
ruhfja^  to  rob  'Germ,  rauben, ;  %hdd^  g^lt  ;Germ.  sehnld);  ^wM, 
^old;  r«//i/>tf ,  tail ;  K^,wolf;  pret.of  verbs:  itra^, erept,  repsenmt ; 
klvfro^  cleft,  fiderunt ;  ^ri'^-o,  broke,  fiegerunt ;  9pmmno^  span, 
neverunt.  ^2;  -  O.  N.  4-.  ful^  turpi^  (of.  foul^ ;  mmr^  waU  (Germ, 
mauer; ;  Kur^  sour ;  rum,  room  ;  ikum^  scom  ;  fi^iga^  flj  (Germ. 
flie^^Cy ;  ^ytf//,  bride ;  ««#,  mouse ;  iif-t,  house. 

Daniah.  This  vowel  often  keeps  its  place  in  Danish  where 
the  other  dialects  weaken  it  into  o.  It  stands  for  O.  N.  u  (o) : 
hulf  liollow  ;  kulf  coal ;  dnniy  dumb ;  mgt^  week  (Grerm.  woche) ; 
gudy  Vj(A  (Germ,  gott) ;  guld^  gold ;  muld^  mould ;  fugl^  bird 
(Germ,  vo^el; ;  mvndy  mouth.  =0. N.  a\  dug,  dugge,  dew; 
hugge,  to  hew  (Germ,  hauen).  =0.  N.  a,  and  spelt  uu  before 
lirjuids  and  ft :  funl,  foul ;  hruuiiy  brown ;  skunm,  scum ;  muur, 
wall  (Germ,  mauer) ;  dn(d,  bride  (Germ,  braut) ;  kud,  hide  (Germ, 
haut;.  At  tlie  end  of  words  :  dme,  grape  (Germ,  traube)  ;  6ue, 
bow  ;  Jlue,  fly  ;  Jri^e,  Germ,  frau  ;  due,  dove  (Germ,  taube)  ;  lue, 
flame  (Germ.  lobe). 

u  (ue),  y 

Gk)mian.  v,  Umlaut  of  ti :  krummen  from  krumrn,  crooked ; 
hilrger  from  fjurg,  castle;  kiinsfUchy  adj.  of  kmist,  art;  kuener^, 
pi.  of  Mn,  hen,  &c.  Tlie  Middle  High  German  u  as  Umlaut  of 
o  \H  (Iroj)ped  and  supplanted  by  o,  so  that  the  derivative  forms 
of  Ao/z,  gnldy  vogely  are  Iwlzerriy  golden y  gevogel :  gulden^  though 
oceaKionally  used  in  poetry,  may  be  considered  obsolete.  The 
wordrt  Vfff  and  J'ur  (vor-sehung,  f lir-sehung),  for,  gate,  and  luer^, 
door,   artj   still   fluctuating,      koejisck^  hoeflick'^,   courteous,    and 

'  ('ornmou  HpcUing  hilhiicr,  huhn.  ^  Common  spelling  thor,  ihUr. 

*  hOJisch,  h6fiich. 


t 


VOWEL    SOUNDS.  85 

I,   prottv,   originalty  expressed   the   same  meaning;,  both 
derived  from  iiif,  court. 

i  Bpctling  is  iluct  I  lilting  between  w  and  i  in  the  words  iit/e, 
,  help;  giit'ff,  ffiff/'ff,  valid  ;  gehirge,  gebiirge,  mountitin-rangti  ; 
iwi,  Kiirken,  to  work ;  Kpr'ichworl,  sjirUekwort,  proverb.  Grimm 
'es  in  favour  of  geb'irge,  hilj'e,  »prich«jorf,  and  giltig,  because 
are  analn^us  to  the  Old  German  forms :  wiirkea  he  con- 
B  the  more  preferable  orthography  on  account  of  the  Gothic 
■kjan,  though  in  Old  High  German  already  KKtehan  and  wir- 
are  used  indiscriminately.  The  vowel  y  is  in  Germun  snper- 
us ;  and  though  it  may  he  used  for  foreign  words,  its  sound 
easily  be  rendered  by  /.  The  Romans  already  wroie  and 
e  silva  for  »^lra,  and  it  may  therefore  be  considured  as 
lething  byper-classical  when  GermnD  scholars  affectedly 
pronounce  tun/ax,  gunleiit,  for  x^nf-ax,  xgxlem.  Still  more 
pe<liuitic  is  the  manner  in  which  German  authors  strive  to 
keep  diatinct  the  little  monosyllables  iiein  (suns)  and  neyn 
(esse),  which  are  now  both  rendered  by  sein,  since  they  have  tlie 
same  sound  and  can  be  traced  to  the  same  form  sin  in  Middle 
High  German. 

English,  This  dialect  does  not  know  the  Umlaut  of  u,  and 
thereforedoesnot  require  the  vowel  k.  The  Umlaut  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  u  was  y,  and  this  is  still  preserved  in  sound  at  least  if  not 
in  spelling.  Hence  A,  S.  m^t,  lis,  pi.  mf»,  l§s ;  Eng.  mouse, 
/ante,  pi.  mice,  liee.  The  letter  ji  therefore  replaces  in  the  Eng- 
lish of  the  present  day  Anglo-Saxon  vowels  of  a  different  kind. 
y=i,  originating  in  the  Anglo-Saion  termination  ig :  any,  A.  S. 
aitig  ;  holy,  A.  S.  hdfig  ;  it'y,  A.  S.  i/iif  ;  fPoriiy,A.S.  vgrhig. 
y=i,  German  eii  £_y,  apud  (Germ,  hei) ;  my,  meus  (Germ,  mein) ; 
tAjf,  tnus  (Germ.  dcin].  y=^ :  viy,  cnr,  A  S.  Awf,  Goth,  io^, 
O.H.Germ.  -t«;«.  ^=rf:  %,  A.S.  Mtf«,  O.N.  *^.  ^=A.S. 
edt  fy,  volare,  Pi..S.  Jle6gan,  Gorm.  Jflegen  ;  J/g,  musea,  A.  S. 
JU&ge,  GuTTD.JIiege;  shy.  Germ,  srheu;  sly,  Germ,  sc/iltni.  y  ciri- 
Kglinating  in  g :  eye,  A.  S.  eage,  Germ.  avge. 

Dutob  does  not  recognise  either  the  vowels  k  or  y. 
SwediBtL  The  votvel  y  takes  in  sound  and  meaning  the  place 
of  the  German  a.  It  therefore  is  chiefly  used  for  the  Old  Norse 
y  Umlaut  of  «  :  ,fy/l»,  to  fill ;  gyllen,  golden  (cf.  Germ,  gulden) ; 
mynning,  ostium  (Germ,  mundung) ;  bygga,  to  build  ;  Tygg,  back 
(Germ,  riicken) ;  lyeka,  tuck  ;  vyckd,  key  ;  stycke,  jiiece  (Germ, 
stiick);  shyldig,  guilty  (Germ,  schuldig).  _y=0.  N.  j?:  rymtna, 
abire  (Germ,  rgnmen) ;  snyle,  snout  (Germ,  schnauze) ;  hysa,  domo 
ipere  (Germ,  behausen).  ^=0.  N.  §,  contracted  from  in,  to  : 
;  dear ;  Jyr,  four ;  krypii,  to  creep  ;  Jlyga,  to  fly  ;  fyta,  fluere, 


8S  TEUTONIC  GKAMMAH. 

to  float.     At  the  end  of  words  :  bly,  lead  (Germ,  blei) ;  fy,  to 
flee  ;  lii/,  hue  ;  ny,  new  ;  ski/,  nubes,  sky. 

Danish  y  appears  under  the  same  conditionB  as  the  Swedish. 
y=O.N,y:yyr,  fir;  ^yW«n,  golden  ;  ^^^/,  alder  (Germ,  holder) ; 
pifff^t  junior  {Germ,  jiinger) ;  i^nd,  ain  (Germ,  siinde)  ;  lyih, 
luck ;  kysse,  kiss ;  ir^sl,  breast ;  dyd  =  dygd,  virtue  (Germ, 
tugend),  j'=^(  O.N.  Umlaut  of  «  :  myre,  mere,  lake;  ^rf, 
south  (Germ,  suden).  ^=0.N.^,  condensed  ijt,  io:  syn,  eight; 
(lyr,  dear  ;  dyr,  deer  (Germ,  thier) ;  /yr,  fire  ;  ^yee,  to  fly ;  i/jfve, 
to  cleave.  At  the  end  of  words :  6fy,  lead  (Genn.  blei) ;  ly, 
town ;  tiy,  new ;  sky,  sky. 


Diphthongs. 


\ 


The  different  double  vowels  in  English,  Elutch  and  Danish, 
have  already  been  examined,  since  we  arranged  them  under  the 
simple  vowels  aa,  ce,  ii,  oo,  ««,  as  identical  with  a,  e,  i,  6,  i. 
The  diphthongs  properly  so  called  are  bo  different  in  the  different 
modern  dialects,  and  represent  ancient  vowels  so  divergent  in 
form  and  meaning,  that  we  consider  it  advisable  here  to  abandon 
our  plan  of  grouping  the  dialects  together  under  each  vowd, 
and  to  arrange  all  the  different  diphthongs  under  each  dialect] 
respectively. 

Oerman. 

fli.  It  is  merely  an  orthographical  whim  which  retaine  Ha  I 
ai  in  several  words,  the  sound  of  which  might  quite  as  well  bei 
rendered  by  ei :  mat.  May  ;  Main,  the  river  Mein  ;  Aain,  grovejj 
sai/e,  chord ;  loaite,  orphan ;  Kaiser,  Emperor ;  but  gelraide  muE^ 
gelreide,  com ;  waize  and  weize,  wheat ;  whence  it  becomes 
e^-ident  that  there  is  no  difl'erence  of  sound.  In  wahe,  orphan, 
and  weise,  a  sage;  saiie,  chord,  and  seite,  side,  the  different 
spelling  is  some  help  for  the  eye,  and  nothing  more,  hain  might 
be  justified  as  originating  in  the  ancient  hagan^  hagin,  just  as 
Beiii'hart  from  Regin-hari,  Mein-fried  from  Megin-fried. 

aiL    This  diphthong  represents  three  different  vowels — M.  H. 
Germ.  4,  on,  die. 

an  =  M.  H.  Germ.  H :  ban,  building ;  m«,  a  sow ;  /aul,  foul ; 
rainn,  room ;  iraun,  brown  ;  tanei;  sour  ;  aehaver,  shower  ;  haufe, 
heap ;  saiige,  suck ;  brnul,  bride ;  Uaut,  skin,  hide ;  hnt,  loud ; 
aux,  out;  hnus,  house;  laua,  lonse;  )aau»,  mouse.  But  (' 
M.  H.  Germ.  d4  and  »i/,  thou,  now,  remain  d4  and  n4n. 


rOW£L  SOUN£>S. 


87 


(iu=M, H.Omth.  ou:  6aun,  treCj  beam;  laitm.  Beam;  (ravm, 
drwim  ;  fau6,  leaf;  iaui,  deaf;  au^e,  eye,  A.  S.  eiiffe,  M.  H. 
Germ,  ovffe. 

a=M.  H.Genn.  rf,  nw:  i^H,  blue;  ffraii,  grey  ;  ^i'h,  flaw  ; 
M.  H.  Germ,  ffrd,  gniwe;  hid,  hUwe,  &c. 

A  reference  to  the  Dutch  langua^  will  more  fully  explain 
ite  nature  of  the  a«  from  «,  and  a»  from  ou.  For  tlio  former 
tile  Dutch  has  «,  for  the  latter  6 ;  hence,  Dutch  mm,  M.  H. 
(!srm,  r4m.  Germ,  rmun  ;  Dutch  drom,  M.  H.  Germ,  trimm.  Germ. 
i'lism;  cf  «/yc,  Miige,  and  (5^(f,  oa^e.  Thus,  then,  German 
niiiea  op  two  ditferent  vowels  which  Dutch  still  keeps  distinct. 
Even  German  prefers  before  certain  consonauts  the  vowel  o  to 
""  in  place  of  the  M.  H.  Germ,  on;  e.g.  /-rfa',  reward;  hone, 
'*an  ;  fdy,  flew  ;  sted,  straw ;  h6ek,  hig-h  ;  not,  need,  &c. 

an  is  Umlaut  of  an.  Examples  : — sau,  a  sow,  pi.  »aue;  ranm, 
*paoe,  room,  pi.  ran  me  ;  liuum,  tree,  pi.  hiiume ;  iaus,  house,  pi. 
yitser;  auge,  eye,  diminutive  dugleiu.  eiu,  the  modem,  stauds 
'f>  the  same  relation  to  eu,  the  more  ancient  Umlaut,  as  does 
"  to  ^  [see  sub  htt.  a.  e)- 

©i  stands  for  M.H.Germ./  and  cj,  Dutch  y'=  *,  and  ee  =  c; 
^   au  for  M.  H.  Germ,  rf  and  ou. 

To  test  the  nature  of  the  German  ei  a  reference  to  the  parallel 
^c»iiis  in  Dutch  is  sometimes  sufficient,  e.  g.  reif,  hoop,  Dutch 
ff^tsj, ;  re'if,  ripe,  Dutch  rijp. 

li^iamples  of  ef=M.  H. Germ,  i:  aei,  sit;  y^i,  free;  meite, 
••^ile ;  veile,  while ;  mein,  dein,  »ein,  meus,  tuus,  suua ;  wein, 
'^'Tjie;  reif,  ripe;  geide,  aillr ;  «e!te,  side;  eis,  ice;  eken,  iron; 
**^Ue,  wise ;  /eind,  fiend ;  retcA,  rich, 

n'=M. H.  Grerm,  «:  ri^,  hoop;  ei,  egg;  ^«^,  heal;  ^eint, 
nome;  bein,  bone;  »to'n,  stone;  klein,  little;  eic&e,  oak;  iffwfo, 
'>oth ;  gei^,  goat ;  leei^,  white ;  we/f ,  novi ;  Aei^,  hot. 

In  some  cases  the  spelling  is  wavering  between  ei  and  eu 
[M.  H.  Germ,  i  and  j'm)  :  he'iral  and  Jieural,  keint  and  heunt. 
Tliere  is  indeed  a  difference  in  the  meaning  of  zeigen,  to  show, 
and  zeuaen,  to  bring  forth,  gigncre;  but  it  is  sometimes  difficult 
to  keep  them  distinct,  as  in  the  expression  '  Freundsohaft  bezei- 
gen'  and  '  bezeugen',  which  are  all  but  identical.  It  is  however 
altogether  erroneous  to  write,  as  is  commonly  done,  ereignen, 
to  happen,  ereignk,  event,  instead  of  erdugnen,  erdar/nU,  O.  H. 
Germ.  aToucnian.  The  fluctuating  orthography  in  heiral,  henrat, 
marriage,  and  heint,  ieunt,  hac  nocte,  we  find  already  in  the 
yM.  II-  Germ,  hirdt  and  huirnt,  kiiU  and  hiiiiii, 

'  Mm.  bohm.  \r. 


gg  TEUTOXir  GRAMMAR. 

ea  is  alao  adopted  in  pbce  oi  two  Middle  High  German 
¥i>wda,  im  and  o^n.  eu-^^im:  metr^new  (M.  H.Germ.  a/ff) ;  inr^, 
hoc  anno  M.  H.  Germ.  Aiure  ;  tem/ei,  deril ;  inr/tf,  hodie  (M.  H. 
Genn.  Umie  ;  lemU,  people  ijlem^^  kreucktjjtem^ij  (atjliegi,  kriecit^ 
Hie^j  M.  H.  Germ.^/i(^.  kriucJkLJiim^, 

eu='SL  H.  Germ,  an  :  i^m,  har ;  tirtw,  ^tnw ; /reuemy  lejoioe; 
frendt^  joj. 

ie.     We  consider  this  a  diphthong,  though  it  is  not  pio- 
noanced  like  i-t  but  i,  the  English  tt.    Examples : — di^nen^  to 
serve ;  iier,  beer ;  JM,  thief;  friertn^  freeze ;  /i^,  dear  (cf.  lief)* 
Formed  by  contraction :  prieiter^  firom  prtAyier^  tpiegel  froDt^. 
tpeeulum^  fiebcr  from  ftbii^  (French  tpiegle^  Jierrt),     For  short  * 
in  nW,  mach ;  JpiV/,  plav,  &:c.     For  Middle  High  German  ei  i^ 
the  preterites  scAien,  miedj  fried ;  Parodies  for  ParadeU.     OofS^" 
sionallj  for  no,  me :  mieder^  M.  H.  Germ.  mModer,  licderlici  for  lu^' 
derlick — sometimes  liderlieA,  derived  from  luder.     As  we  see  tl^^ 
ancient  I  occasionally  lengthened  into  ie,  so  we  find,  vice  vers^^ 
ie  shortened  into  i :  dime  for  dierne,  O.  H.  Germ,  dioma ;  lich^ 
nicht  for   liekt,  niekt;    ging^  ^it^t  fi^^^   for  the   reduplicate^ 
preterites  gieng^  kieng^  feng:    the  latter  mode  of  spelling  \^ 
preferable. 

iu  is  no  organic  diphthong  in  (German,  and  occors  only  ir:=== 
4;//,  pfni^  exclamations  for  M.  H.  (xerm.  hoi,  hei — pfi,  pf^^ 


English. 

aL  This  diphthong  has  its  origin  in  the  A.  S.  dg  :  hail^  A.  S. 
hdgel.  Germ,  hagel ;  tail,  A.S.  Idg^l,  Germ,  zagel;  maid,  A,  S, 
mdg^y  Germ,  magd  ;  said,  dixit,  A.S.  sdgde,  Germ.  9agte ;  main, 
A,  S.  mdgtn,  M.  H.  Germ,  megin  (cf,  M.  H.  Germ,  m^n,  meii, 
geseit,  for  megin,  megii,  gesegit) ;  dmsi/y  from  A.  S.  ddges  edge, 
day's  eye,  oculus  diei.  ai  represents  the  A.  S.  eg  (botn  eg  and 
eg)  in  mil,  A.  S.  and  Germ  segel;  lain,  A.  S.  and  Germ,  legen  ; 
rain,  A.S.  and  Germ,  regen;  laid,  A.S.  legde.  Germ,  legie;  again, 
against,  A.  S.  and  Germ,  gegen.  In  this  case  the  original  e  has 
been  replaced  by  a,  so  that  we  read  rain,  sail,  laid,  instead  of 
rein,  seil,  leid,  an  occurrence  which  may  be  explained  by  the  fact 
of  ai  answering  more  closely  to  the  sound  of  the  contracted 
vowels.  ai=iA.  S,  ag  in  stair,  from  stmger,  a/=A.  S.  d  in 
hail,  by  the  side  of  whole  (sanus,  salvus),  stoain,  fl/=A.  S.  a 
in  hair,  A.S.  hrnr  ;  raise,  A.S.  rresan.  This  diphthong  is  also 
*^fton  met  with  in  words  of  Romance  origin,  where  it  is  derived 


TOWEL   SOUIfDS. 

■om  the  Latin  atfi,  as  tlie  English  at  is  trom  the  A. S.  op: 
tail,  fragilis. 
ay  is  but  a  different  mode  of  spelling  the  same  diphthong  at 
■  the  end  of  words;  ns  day  from  dap,  vay  from  ivep,  hiy  from  leijan, 
7  Mj  from  tegan. 

au.  This  diphthong  is  rare  and  answers  to  the  Anglo-Saxon 
^in  a  few  eases  before  the  consonants  gh.  Examples  ; — daunhler, 
A,8.  d6htar ;  draught,  A.  S.  dro/d ;  aught,  A.  S.  Uieht,  dwilil, 
0.  H,  Germ,  iowlhl, 

aw.  For  A.  S.  ag,  tg,  eah,  af:  awe,  A.  S,  epc  (cf.  Goth,  aggaii) ; 
iiitn,  A.  S.  ititgian;  draw.  A,  S.  dragan ;  hawk,  A.  S.  Aafoc, 
O.N.  haukr ;  law,  A.  S.  /u^;  aaw  (serra),  A.  S.  aega ;  aaio  (vidit), 
A.  S.  teak  ;  raiB,  A.  S.  ireaie,  O.  H.  Germ.  Arn,  Germ,  n? ",  rough 
(from  A.  S.,  O.  H.  Germ.  r«i,  Germ.  rauA  and  rauch) ;  tlrow,  A.S. 
*trair.  Germ.  atro^. 

ea.  A  diphthong  of  frequent  occurrence,  and  faithful  to  its 
tniditions,  commonly  representing  the  A.S.  ed.  (i)  Exuniples 
of  this  kind  are, — beam,  dream,  gleam,  fteam,  stream,  seam,  team  ; 
^"r,  hear;  bean,  lean;  cheap,  heap,  leap;  leaf,  deaf;  bread,  head 
fh«afud),  dead;  great,  death,  east.  (2}  ea=A,S.  rf:  weak,  A.S. 
•e'ac;  tveat,  A.  S,  siedt ;  eheath,  A.  S.  aeed^.  (^)=A..  S.  a :  deal, 
^^tl,  tear,  year,  clean,  mean,  weapon,  ready,  thread,  wheal.  (4) 
^=A, S.  erf:  dear,  eleare,  breoit.  In  most  cnaes  this  diphthong 
"**«  assumed  the  pronunciation  of  ee;  but  in  certain  positions, 
*^^I>ecial]y  before  dentals,  it  takes  the  sound  of  the  originally 
^*iort  ea  in  il^ad,  tread,  as  bread,  dread,  lead:  exceptions  are 
^^"(al  and  wheal. 
_  el.  Rare  in  words  of  Teutonic  origin,  and  correaponding  to 
^*ie  most  hetert^neous  vowels  in  A.  S. :  thus — their,  A.  S.  Jjor 
^*ifer,  A.S.  heahfore,  heafre;  eight,  A.S.  eahta ;  neigh,  A.S. 
^^nagan ;    either,    A.S.    dhwd^er,    dwder,   anZer;    neither, 

^^*ahwd^er.  ndvr&er,  nau^er. 
0W  ifl  rather  frequent,  and  baa  the  diphthongal  pronunciation 
^f  B,  but  of  00  after  /  and  r.  As  a  rule  it  answers  to  the  A.  S. 
Wip,  but  occasionally  to  other  vowels,  such  as  1?,  ea,  &e.  Ex- 
amples:— to  brew,  A.S.  breSwnn  ;  to  chew,  A.S.  ceSwan  ;  ewe, 
A.  8,  «f«  ;  deio,  A,  S,  (fetfw ,-  cs]>eciBl1y  in  the  preterite  of  strong 
xerbs,  e.  g.  crew.  A,  S.  ere6ie,  cantavit ;  greio,  A.  S.  gredw,  viruit ; 
)cntK,  A.  S.  c)ie6m,  novit ;  blew,  A.  S,  ble6w,  flavit. 

Oy.    Of  rare  occurrence,  replacing  the  A.S.  ed  and  it,  e.g. 


eye,   A. S.  edge;   grey,  A.S.  grag :   prey  is   the    French 
pncda. 

ie  answers  to  the  A.  S,  «f  in  Jiend, /Head,  lie/,  and  thief. 

oa  staods  for  A,  S.  d  and  «  :  boar,  oar,  Aoar,/oam,  loam,  g 
moan,  broml,  goad,  toad.,  goat,  oat,  oath  ;  occasionally  replaCM    i 
0,  with  which  it  is  identical  in  prununciatioo,  as  lome  for  /M 
the  preterit«a  of  thu  verbs  however  have  regularly  o,  i 
shone,  smot^e^  drove,  &c.     Even  the  French  o  has  been  dressell 
in  the  English  garb  of  oa :  coach  for  coche,  coat  for  cole,  I 
for  broche,  road  for  rote,  loatt  for  toste,  coatt  for  e6le=coste. 

06  is  no  true  diphthong,  but  simply  a  long  vowel,  hence  ] 
noiincetl  as  o:    doe,  A.S.  iM ; /oe,  K.^./d ;  roe,  A.S.  rd; 
A.  S,  fdie,  id:  «!oe,  A.  S.  W. 

In  Old  High  German  and  Middle  High  German  these  w 
pass  from  the  diphthong  et  into  the  simple  vowel  d  on  accoun 
a  following  h,  v,  or  *.    (Cf  German  rei,  sehc,  weh.) 

OU  answers  in  sound  and  position  to  the  German  an,  and  as      ^ 
latter  stands  occasionally  for  Old  High  German  u,  eo  also  En^'lsi 

OU  stands  for  Anglo-Saxon  t^or  the  production  ofu.      ou=A S. 

4:  /oul,  ovr,  sour,  laud,  out,  mouth,  gouli,  mouse,  lonte.  Cf.  A-  5- 
/Al,  tdr,  4t,  md^,  mds,  ld»i  and  Garm. /anl,  saner,  au^  {awi 
laus,  mans.  o«=the  production  of  «  before  /i/and  nd:  t 
should,  would,  bound,/otind,  hound,  ground,  toon nd— cases  in  whid 
German  commonly  has  preserved  the  short  u,  as  gelunden,  g 
den,  hvnd,  grund,  wunde.  ou  before  gh  represents  divers  i 
Saxon  voweb :  bought,  emi,  A.  S.  boUe ;  dough,  A,  S.  ddh,  i 
leig ;  Hough,  A.S.  heah;  through,  A.S,  \urh  ;  soul  from  A.ft 
sdioel,  sdwl,  sdul ;  four,  A.  ^./eower. 

OW.  (i)=AngIo-Saxon  «V,  which  is  in  accordance  with  t 
general  rule,  that  A.S.  d  becomes  in  English  6.  To  this 
belong  chiefly  the  strong  verbs  which  have  the  preterite  in  t 
as  to  blow,  to  grow,  to  htow,  to  crow,  to  blow,  A.  S.  bldwait,  ttrdwam, 
cndu>an,  crdwan,  bldwan.  Exceptions  : — grow,  A.  S.  growan  ;  own, 
dgen  {transition  of  g  into  w).  {3)= A.  S.  4:  bow,  A.  S.  bdgan; 
bower,  A.  S.  bUr;  brown,  A.  S.  brdn;  cow,  A.  S.  cH ;  down,  O.  N. 
ddn  ;  how,  A.  S.  hd  i  town,  A.  S.  Idn ;  /owl,  A.  S./Hgel,/dl. 

ue.     Replacing  Anglo-Saxon  eo  or  ea  and  i,  but  v 
hue,  A.  S.  hiwj   rue,  A.  S.  hreSm ;  true,  A.  S.  tre6we ;  '. 
A.  S.  Tiwesddg. 


eo,  eii,  01,  oy  o 


1  Rom 


only. 


VOWEL  SOUNDS.  91 


Dutch. 

aL  No  independent  diphthongs  but  merely  a  different  mode 
tfqielliog  the  vowel  dy  Belgian  ae^  Dutch  oa,  as  hair  for  ha&r, 

ML  This  diphthong  is  softer  than  its  Grerman  relative,  so 
dot  its  sonnd  might  almost  be  rendered  in  German  by  a-uw ; 
Iwt  it  oocnrs  in  few  words  only,  and  these  mostly  of  a  foreign 
origin.    Examples  : — f)au9,  pope  ;  dauwy  dew  ;  lauwer^  laurel. 

el  The  Dutch  language  has  two  diphthongs,  ei  and  ij,  resem- 
Ung  the  German  ei,  English  i,  in  sound,  yet  neither  of  the  for- 
mer agreeing  quite  with  the  latter,  so  that  their  pronunciation 
coffers  no  slight  difficulty  to  a  foreigner,  ei  comes  nearest  to  the 
Cerman  «,  and,  like  the  latter,  chiefly  represents  the  Gothic 
diphthong  diy  whilst  ij\  the  doubled  i,  allows  the  element  of  the  e 
toprevaU,  and  its  sound  might  therefore  be  rendered  by  German 
^pronounced  in  rapid  succession.  In  its  pronunciation,  as  well 
«8  derivation,  it  is  the  representative  of  the  Gothic  diphthong  ei. 
Examples: — Aeil,  hail,  whole  (Germ,  heil) ;  rein,  pure  (Germ, 
nil) ;  weinipy  little  (Gterm.  wenig) ;  eik,  oak  (Germ,  eiche) ; 
to,  both  (Germ,  beide) ;  leiden,  to  lead  (Germ,  leiten) ;  ^eit, 
(Germ.  geif).  While  in  some  words  however,  the  ei  has 
preserved,  it  has  in  others  given  way  to  / ;  as  for  instance 
^  the  Ablaut  of  some  strong  verbs,  as  7ied,  led.  From  the 
fact  that  words  ending  in  Aeid  form  their  plural  in  /led^n,  as 
^pperieid  (valour),  dupperkeden,  it  would  appear  that  monosyl- 
labic forms  favour  the  diphthong,  while  the  penult  prefers  the 
vowel  /.  In  some  words  this  diphthong  has,  like  the  English 
«',  and  the  Middle  High  German  ei,  its  origin  in  the  softened  e(jf, 
as  zeil  for  ze^el,  sail ;  fneid,  maid ;  zeide,  said,  dixit.  For  e,  the 
Umlaut  of  a,  we  find  it  in  keiry  army  (Germ,  heer) ;  meir,  sea 
(Germ,  meer) ;  eifide,  end ;  peifizen,  to  think  (Fr.  penser). 

eu.  In  pronunciation  it  approaches  the  French  eu,  German  o  ; 
as  to  derivation,  it  is  a  doubtful  diphthong,  replacing  o  and  e, 
even  oe  and  H. 

fu=o:  deufy  door;  geuTy  smell;  ieur,  election,  choice;  euvel, 
evil;  kreupely  cripple;  jeugdy  youth;  deugen  (Germ,  taugen), 
^^d  (Germ,  tugend). 

f«=e :  neuBy  nose  (Germ.  nase).  For  long  vowels :  steuueuy 
^^  groan  (Germ,  stoonen) ;  treureriy  to  mourn  (Germ,  trauren) ; 
^mgd  (Germ,  freude),  heukey  bocke,  beech  (Germ,  buche).  For- 
"^^riy  this  diphthong  was  more  generally  in  use,  and  in  Belgium 


92  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

especially^  in  the  place  of  the  Dateh  6y  as  zeun  for  zoon  (son), 
d^urpel  for  dorpel,  &c. 

ie.     A  diphthong  of  frequent  occurrence,  equivalent  to  the 
Middle  High  German  iu  and  ie^  and  the  Modem  Grerman  ie. 
Examples : — wiel,  wheel ;  bier,  beer ;  dier,  deer,  animal ;  tien,  i/a 
draw  (Germ,  ziehen)  ;  vier^  four ;  dietien^  to  serve ;  die/,  thief; 
liefy  dear  (Germ,  lieb) ;  diep^  deep ;  riet,  reed ;  siek^  sick ;  dier^ 
dear  (M.  H.  Germ,  diur) ;  vier,  fire  (M.  H.  Germ,  viure) ;  stieren, 
to   steer   (M.  H.  Germ,   stiuren) ;    vrienl,   friend   (M.  H.  Germ, 
vriunt).     In  strong  verbs,  pres.  sing. :  diel,  offert  (M.  H.  Genn. 
biut) ;  vliet^  fiuit  (M.  H.  Germ,  vliut) ;  tiel,  ducit  (M.  H.  Germ, 
ziut). 

oe.     In  pronunciation  and  derivation  like  English  ao,  Germ. 
«,  answering  to  the  Gothic  (?,  Middle  High  German  w>.    Ex- 
amples : — stoel,  stool  (Germ,  stiil) ;  vlocTy  floor  (Germ,  fliir) ;  A^) 
to  do  (Germ,  tun) ;  droek,  brook  (Germ,  bruch) ;  droeder,  brother,     \ 
bruder;    7noef,  mood  (Germ,  mut) ;    bloei,  blood  (Germ,  bl&t);      ' 
fnoeder,  mother  (Germ,  mutter) ;  aoeken^  to  seek  (G«rm.  suchen)* 
roed€,  rod  (Germ,  rftte) ;  groeten,  to  greet  (Germ,  gniefen) ;  go^^^ 
good  (Germ.  gut). 

OU,     This  OM,  like  auy  stands  for  the  (Jerman  a«,  sligbw 
modified  in  sound :  while  the  latter  is  pronounced  more  delit^ 
rately  than  the  German,  the  former  is  enounced  with  grea^^ 
rapidity,  so  as  to  resemble  more  closely  perhaps  the  English  ou  ^ 
h(wse.     Examples  : — howen^  to  hew  (Germ,  hauen) ;  vrouw,  ^^^^^A 
(Germ,  frau) ;    honden^   to   hold ;    koud^  cold ;    oudy  old ;    too^^^ 
wood  (Germ,  wald) ;  kout  (Germ,  holz) ;  zout,  salt^ 

ue.     Used  in  Belgium  as  a  different  mode  of  spelling  t^,  e.  ^' 
muer  for  mnur,  wall. 

ui  has  the  sound  of  the  German  eu,  with  which  it  also  gene^^ 
rally  corresponds  in  derivation,  though  it  often  represents  th^ 
German  an.  Middle  High  German  ii.     Examples: — 6uil,  tumor^ 
bile  (Germ,  beule) ;    //ul/efi,  to  howl  (Germ,  heulen) ;  vuil  (foul 
(Germ,  faul) ;  ::inl  (Germ,  sd?fle,  column)  ;    ruim^  room  (G«rm. 
raum) ;  schuim,  scum  (Germ,  schaum) ;  dui/\  dove  (Germ,  taube) 
sfuiveu  (Germ,  stauben) ;    duivel  (Germ,  teufel) ;    struik,  shrub 
drnid,  bride ;   ^?/id,  hide ;  kruid,  herb ;  luid,  loud ;  kiiis,  house 
7rfu?s,  mouse;    lu?s,  louse.       Cf.  German   stranch^  braut,  haul, 
kraui^  laut,  haus^  maus^  laus. 

^  In  these  examples  the  diphthong  has  its  origin  in  the  contraction  of  the  words 
halden,  kald,  aid,  wald,  zalU  &c. 


VOWEL   SOL'JfDS 


Swedish. 

This  tlialect  is,  strictly  speaking,  dtiprived  of  diphthouga  alto- 
jelUor  ;   for  tlie  Old  Norse  ei  and  an,  are  condensed  into  e  and  o 
Wid  Ju.    The  only  combination  looking  like  a  diphthong  concen- 
trates the  accent  on  the  «,  leaving  the  i  merely  as  a  preluding 
soand,  resembling  herein  the  English  «  in  tune,  June,  July,  or 
the  Gothic  ya  in  jm,juk,  the  Gerioaa  Jk It,  Juki  ;  but  altogether 
distinct  from  the  Gothic  diphthong  t«  in  iup,  or  the  Old  Norae  in 
tittfr.     The  (  or  J  in  this  peculiar  position  participates  in  the 
nature  of  a  consonant,  half-way  at  least;  whence  it  is  rightly 
ranked  with  the  semi-vowels.      From  this  fact  again  may  be 
explained  the  total  suppression  in  pronunciation  of  consonanto 
preceding  j  or  their  combinations  in  n  mixed  sound  ;  hence  ijul, 
Ijuf,  lJD'l—snand,jul,jit/,fu4;  whilst  in  Old  Norse  we  have  the 
mphthong  iiol,   liufr,   Allo^.      Examples :  —  hjul,  wheel ;  Jul, 
Chriatimis;  djur,  aaimal  (Germ,  thier,  deer;    Ijiif,  lief  {Germ. 
lieb);  (?'«/",  thief  {Germ,  dieb) ;  c^'ujo,  deep  (Germ,  tief) ;  ljv.ga,\a 
lie  (GCTm.  lugen) ;  tkjvAa,  to  shoot  (Germ,  schiefen).     Swedish 
pt  is  never  weakened  intoy'o :  where  this  latter  form  appears  it 
iloM  SO  by  Brechung.    je  is  more  easily  proved  by  forms  such 
*s  ((>na,  to  serve  (Germ,  dJenen);  tjenit,  service  (Germ,  dienst), 
I     for  the  Old  Norse   Schwaohung   io  in   \iona,  \ionust:     Other 
L^pIithongB  do  not  exist  in  Swedish  ;  for  ja,  jo,  jo,  must  be  con- 
^Hdered  as  belonging  to  Brechung. 


Tlq.Tiinh , 


The  Old  Norse  diphthongs  el  and  an  have  in  Danish  ex- 
perienced the  same  fate  as  in  Swedish,  dwindling  down  into  the 
nieagre  e  and  o  sounds ;  and  i«,  ou,  are  condensed  into  y,  rarely 
Kplnced  by  ju,  je,  which  can  hardly  be  considered  true  diph- 
wmgs,  since  the  accent  is  concentrated  on  the  6nal  h  and  e. 
But  while  ancient  diphthongs  disappear,  new  ones  spring  out  of 
tile  fertile  soil  of  language,  owing  their  origin,  as  in  English, 
'io^iy  to  the  vocalization  of  ff  and  v  into  i  and  «.  Thus  the 
i^osh  language  has  established  three  new  diphthongs,  an,  ei, 
^'i  wliich  are  wanting  in  Swedish,  and  impart  to  the  otherwit^e 
inonotonous  vocalism  of  the  Danish  laugui^e  something  of  a 
fnplionic  change.  To  write  and  pronounce  tiv,  ej  and  oj,  metead 
"f  ttie  true  diphthongs,  Grimm  rightly  considers  n  retrograde 
"Wvement,  depriving  the  Danish  language  of  one  of  the  few 
media  of  variation  of  sound  that  arc  at  its  disposal. 


94  TRV TONIC  GRAMMAR, 

au.     As  we  have  just  mentioDed,  this  diphthong  is  developed 
out  of  ai\  especially  when  oeeuning  before  g  and  *.    Thus  Grimm 
takes  the  preterite  taug  of  the  verb  ticy  tacere,  as  the  condensed 
form  of  a  weak  preterite  tagde  (of.  O.  N.  'pagii^  \^id^)i  and  the 
adj.  tauSf  taciturnus,  the  contraction   of  a  more  ancient  tar«, 
tagse  (cf.  Swedish  varsCy  vilse.  &c.) ;   haug,  pascuum^  from  hive 
(O.  N.  kagiy  Sw.  hage),  laug,  law,  for  lav^  lag  (O.  N.  lag) ;  faHt 
from  faver^  f^g^^  (cf.  Eug.  fair  from  fager).     In  many  other 
words  the  v  touches  very  closely  on  the  u  without  however  being 
quite  transformed.     Examples: — ave^  discipline;  tnare^  stomach 
(Germ,  magen) ;    raim,  raven.     But,  after  all,  this  diphthong 
must  be  considered  of  rare  occurrence. 

ei.  It  is  more  frequent  than  the  preceding  diphthong.  Ex- 
amples : — deif  dough  (Sw.  deg,  Germ,  teig) ;  sei^  show  (Sw.  seg); 
vei,  way  (Sw.  viig,  Germ,  weg) ;  eie^  to  own  (Sw.  ega,  cf.  Genn. 
eigen) ;  feie^  to  polish,  Sw.  fa?gja,  Germ,  fegen) ;  veie^  to  weigh» 
(Sw.  vega,  Germ,  wiegen) ;  sell^  sail  (O.  N.  sCgl,  G«rm.  segel) ; 
leir,  lair  (Sw.  lager,  M.  H.  Germ.  lt?ger).  It  will  be  interesung 
from  the  preceding  examples  to  observe,  that  while  Danish  an^ 
English  prefer  the  contraction  of  eg  into  the  diphthong  ei  (tfO» 
Swedish  and  German  preserve  the  old  form  eg  in  its  integri^* 
On  the  other  hand,  Danish  retains  eg  in  words  where  EngU^'^ 
contracts  it,  as  negl^  nail ;  regn^  rain ;  cf.  Germ,  nagel  and  regef^' 

Oi.     Tliis  diphthong  is  historically  the  same  as  «',  owing  ^^ 
origin  to  the  condensation  of  g  and  its  preceding  vowel.     Tl^ 
same  remarks  thereibre  we  have  under  ei  will  hold  good  for  tf^ . 
diphthong  oi.    Examples  :—foly  flew  (Sw.  fliig,  Grerm.  flog) ;  Aci^\ 
high  (Sw.  hog,  Germ,  hoch) ;   die,  eye  (Sw.  oga,  Germ,  auge^     * 
ploie,  to  plough  (Sw.  ploga.  Germ,  pfliigen). 

ju  stands  for  Old  Norse  in  in  but  few  words :  Ajul  (wheel)  ^ 
Jul  (feast),  and  sljul  (latebra) — in  all  other  words ^w  is  condensed 
into  y,  so  that  for  the  Swedish  djitr,  fjuf,  djup,  deer,  thief,  deepr 
(Germ,  thier,  dieb,  ticf),  we  have  in  Danish  rfyr,  /J^>,  dyb.     Here 
again  Swedish   and  German  show  some  analogy  on  the  one, 
Danish  and  English  on  the  other  hand.     Swedish  preserves  the 
old  diphthong  iu  almost  intact,  German  renders  it,  at  least  in 
spelling,  by  the  Schwachung  ie,  while  Danish  and  English  con- 
dense it  into  the  i  sound  (=0- 

OU  occurs  in  but  very  few  words :    brouk,  braute,  to  boast ; 
ploug,  an  obsolete  mode  of  spelling  for  j^lov,  plough ;  toug,  tow 

(Sw.  tog). 

The  preceding  list  of  examples  will  sufficiently  tell  how  in 
Danish  too,  since  the  organic  diphthongs  of  the  Old  Norse  dialect 


VOWEL   SOUNDS, 

\Kve  disappeared,  these  full  sonorous  vowel  sounds  are  but  ex- 
ceptionally found ;  whence  Danish  voealism  sutfers  of  a  certain 
thinne&s  or  apareness  which  Swedish,  thoufjh  entirely  devoid  of 
diplithoiiga,  displays  less  sensibly,  l>ecause  it  has  more  suceess- 
ftiHy  sheltered  the  fiill  vowels  a  and  w,  which  in  Danish  again 
bad  greatly  to  yield  to  the  deterioration  into  e  and  o. 


1  TfilPHTHON'CS. 

These  vocalic  combinations  belong,  among  Modem  Teutonic 
dialects,  to  Dutoh  exclusively.  They  niay  be  considered  as  diph- 
thongs having  one  of  the  vowels  lenffthened  or  doubled.  Ex- 
amples : — aauie,  pronounced  like  an  witb  a  short  rest  on  the 
vowel  a.  as  in  pa/niw,  pea-cock ;  hauw,  luke-warm  (Germ,  law) ; 
I  oai,  the  diphthong  at  with  a  lengthened  and  i  hardly  audible ; 
trtiai,  crow ;  fraai,  fair ;  eenw,  in  which  e  is  lengthened  and  w 
l>©comes  more  audible  than  in  the  diphthong  e« ;  heiiw,  lion  ; 
*»«i;uip,  snow ;  ieiiw  might  in  Germau  be  rendered  by  ia>,  the  » 
*>ardlv  perceptible  ;  nifuw,  new  ;  iieiite,  gill. 

!V  irmcrlhn  of  j  in  Danish. — The  insertion  of  _/  before  a  vowel 
*^liich  regularly  occurs  after  the  consonants  q,  k,  «k,  and  occa- 
^omJly  after  other  consonants,  must  be  kept  distinct  from  the 
J^wshung  and  the  organic  diphthongs  on  which  we  have  already 
'•'"'^ated.  Before  a,  aa,  o,  «,  and  e  in  Danish,  the  consonants  k 
**»d^  are  always  hard,  as  in  tlie  English  words  cow,  t/omi ;  and 
'**  order  to  produce  a  double  sound,  as  in  the  English  cure,  a  J 
**>-Tist  be  inserted,  e.  g.  ikjaM,  bard ;  kjolo,  coat ;  skjule,  to  con- 
*~^'^tal ;  gjaldt,  valuit,  cost ;  gjfd,  goat ;  gj6rde,  made. 

Thus  then  the  Old  Norse  g,  k,  and  «i,  in  gauhr,  kaup,  »iaut, 

*'*^U9t  have  been  audible  until  the  gradual  modification  of  the 

^^owel  into  o  influenced  the  pronunciation  of  the  preceding  con- 

^*^iiant  too.    In  Swedish  this  affection  of  the  consonant  is  marked 

?**  its  pronunciation,  whence  the  sound  of  giik,  kHp,  iikSl,  might 

^^  rendered  in  German  by  Uchoky  isehop,  and  achat ;  while  the 

*^iiish   language   adopted  a  particular  mode  of  spelling  and 

^^udcrs  a  sound  almost  similar  to  the  Swedish  in  the  forms  2/%, 

^?o*,  »kj6il.     That  the  whole  difference  consists  in  nothing  but 

^   different  representation  of  the   same  sound,   may  be  further 

*^oncluded  from  the  fact  that  even  in  Danish  the  simple  k  and  g 

^^  preferred  before  a,  o,  y,  and  i,  as  gog,  kob,  skod,  and  iiir,  koti, 

I     -Kohenkaven,  instead  of  kjar,  kjon,  Kjobenkaveu ;  and  that  it  is 

b  ^*^onledged  to  be  erroneous  to  insert  the  J  when  the  primitive 

^V  "Word  has  ka,  ko,  ga,  go,  &c.  without  j  :  e.  g.  kjiimhs  for  kamhe,  to 


96  TEC  Toy  I€   GRAMMAB. 

figlit,  woald  be  m  &alt,  becmose  the  origiiud  word  is  kamp;  so 
also  ijamme  for  idmmej  to  comb,  from  kam  comb. 

Now  whether  we  consider  the  modification  of  the  vowel  owing 
to  the  preceding  consonant,  or  the  softenings  of  the  consonant 
ari^g  &om  the  modified  Towel,  thns  much  is  certain,  and  can 
be  proTed  by  examples  from  the  Old  Teotonic  dialects, — ^that  cer- 
tain consonants,  and  especially  the  consonants  we  have  mentioned 
aboTCy  exercise  a  modilVing  influence  on  the  succeeding  vowel. 
Thus  Bask  teaches  ns  to  pronounce  the  Icelandic  /  after  g,  k^ 
and  si^ie,  and  it  is  a  &ct  that  in  the  sixteenth  centuiy  alz%adj 
the  spelling  ie  for  e  was  introduced,  e,  g.  giefa  for  g^a,  gift ; 
Hem  tor  ientj  come,  venio ;   Mera  for  st^,  shear.     Still  more 
interesting  is  it  to  trace  this  tendency  of  vocalic  modification 
as  &r  back  as  Anglo-Saxon,  where  after  4c  {z=si)  regularly,  and 
after  g  occasionally,  it  is  optional  to  write  seealy  shall,  debet, 
or  icai ;  sceacan^  to  shake,  or  scacau  ;  ^ctare,  to  shear  or  9care; 
geecPS  (= sheath)  or  saiPS  ;  sceS  (shoe)  and  9c6.     (Mark  the  differ- 
ence of  the  double  vowels  ed^  eo  and  the  diphthongs  e&y  eS,  and 
that  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  write  scfdd^  seedy  for  seeddj  9ceS.) 
Here  the  vowel  e=i  was  inserted  under  the  influence  of  the 
preceding  9c,  ns  j  in  Danish  after  g^  i,  si;  and  vice  versa,  the 
pronunciation  of  the  softened  guttural  in  the  English  sAall,  %kake, 
share y  shoey  may  have  arisen  under  the  softening  influence  of  the 
modified  vowel  ea  for  ar,  which  must  be  kept  altogether  distinct 
from  the  Anglo-Saxon  Brechung  ea  and  the  diphthong  ed. 


CONSONANTS. 


PHYSIOLOGICAL  ALPHABET'. 


PlAC«8. 


X.  Glottis  .... 
a.  Root  of  toDgoe  and  I 

soft  palate    .     .     .  j 
3>  Root  of  tongue  and  1 

hard  palate  .    .    .  j 

4.  Tip  of  tongue  and  1 

teeth f 

5.  Tongue  rerersed  and  1 

palate      .... 

6.  Tongne  and  edge  of 

teeth ^ 

7.  I/)wer  lip  and  upper  1 

teeth / 

8.  Upper  and  lower  lips 

9.  Upper  and  lower  lips  1 

rounded .     .     .     . j 


Brbaths. 

Checks. 

Hard. 

Soft. 

Trilled. 

Hard. 

Soft. 

Nasal. 

'    hand 

'     and 

'A  loch 

*h  tage,  G. 

f 

h   {hh) 

9W 

n(ng) 

y  ich,  G. 

y  ye« 

• 

ch  {chh) 

J  w 

»i  (ny) 

f    rice 

z    to  rise 

/ 

t  m 

d{dh) 

n 

$    sharp 

z     pleasure 

r 

f  w 

4(4h) 

9 

fA  breath 

dh  breathe 

/  life 

V    live 

•         • 

fD   quell,  6. 

. 

p  {ph) 

b(f>h) 

m 

lb  which 

1 

•A  with 

V 

J  I 

ii 

Continue. 

Pi 

rohibitivie 

Y 

sive  Ex; 

»lo8iv«. 

As  will  appear  from  the  preceding  table,  consonants  may  be 

^'fissified  according  to  the  organs  which  produce  them,  and  ac- 

*^i'ding  to  the  duration  of  the  sound.     If  they  are  produced  by 

^ie  opening  or  closing  of  the  organs,  their  sound  will  last  only 

j^Mle  this  transaction  is  taking  place  and  it  is   incapable   of 

^ing  prolonged:   such  consonants  are  called  C/iecis  or  Mutes 

(^I'ohibitivaB  sive  Explosivae) .    Or  they  are  produced  so  that  the 

^'■g^ms  do  not  momentarily  open  or  close,  but  merely  modify  their 

'^l^tive  position  and  allow  the  soimd  to  be  prolonged  at  pleasure : 

^^^li  consonants  are  called  Breaths  or  Spirants  (Continuse). 


*  Max  Milller,  Lectures,  ii.  p.  153. 
H 


d8 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


According  to  the  organs  which  are  chiefly  active  in  producing 
the  different  consonants^  we  classify  these  as  gutturahy  palataUy 
linguahy  dentals,  and  labiah.  If  produced  by  a  greater  effort  of 
the  organs,  they  will  be  hard  (tenues);  by  a  leas  effort,  sofi 
(mediae);  when  accompanied  with  a  breath,  tenues  and  medis 
will  make  aspirates^. 

Spirants  again  may  be  guttural,  dental,  nasal,  palatal,  labial 
and  lingual  (liquids). 

Thus  a  great  variety  of  sounds  is  produced  which  but  few 
languages  possess  in  its  unlimited  richness.  AnK>ng  the  Aiyan 
languages  Sanskrit  has  the  most  complete  system  of  consonants, 
which  we  are  able  to  appreciate  by  comparing  the  following 
paradigm  of  Sanskrit  consonants  with  those  of  the  PrimitiYe 
and  Gothic  languages. 


Sanskrit. 

PROHIBlTIViB. 

Continue 

• 

Not  Aspirated, 

Aspirated, 

Tenues. 

Medie. 

Tenues. 

Mediae. 

Sibilants. 

Naaias. 

Liquids. 

Gutt.  it 
Pal.     ch 
Ling,  f 
Dent,  t 
Lab.  p 

9 

• 

J 

4 
d 
h 

hh 

chh 

{h 

th 

ph 

dh 
dh 
ih 

:*(X) 
i 

sh 

n 
ft 

fi 
m 

h 

y 

r 
I 

V 

Primitive*. 

Prohibitive. 

CONTINUiB. 

Not  AspinUed, 

Aspirated. 

Tenues. 

Mediae. 

Tenues. 

Medis. 

Sibilants. 

Nasals. 

Liquids. 

Gutt.  it 
Pal.     . . 
Ling.  .. 
Dent,  t 
Lab.   p 

9 

•  • 
«  • 

d 
h 

J* 

•  • 

dh 
hh 

a  • 
•  • 

f 

•     • 

•  • 
<  • 

•  * 

n 
m 

• . 

W 

r 

m  • 

V 

*  Comp.  Max  Mfillcr,  Liectures,  ii.  p.  130  iqq. 

'  We  have  arranged  in  these  tables  the  Primitire  and  Gothic  consonants  in  aocofd- 
ance  with  the  c-.>minonly  adopted  arrangement  of  Sanskrit  consonants,  and  this  for 
the  sake  of  uniformity  and  comparison ;  but  when  treating  on  the  Teotonic  con- 


CONSONANTS, 


99 


Gothio. 

pROHIBITIViB. 

CoNTINUiE. 

Not  AtpiraUd. 

Attpirattd. 

Tenoes. 

Medife. 

Tennes. 

Medie. 

Sibilants. 

Nasals. 

Liquids. 

Gntt.  k 
Pal.      .. 
Ldng.  .. 
Dent,  i 
Lab.    p 

9 

•  • 

*  • 

d 
h 

•  • 
■  ■ 

•  • 

ih 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

th 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  ■ 

f 

•  • 

•  • 
n 
m 

h 

« 

J 

r 

I 

V 

TH 

PH 

D 

B 

T 

P 

Grimm* 8  Law  \ 

'  If  the  same  roots  or  the  same  words  exist  in  Sanskrit,  Greek, 
Liatin,  Celtic,  Slavonic,  Lithuanian,  Gothic,  and  High  German, 
then,  wherever  the  Hindus  and  the  Greeks  pronounce  an  aspirate, 
the  Goths  and  Low  Germans  generally,  the  Saxons,  Anglo- 
Saxons,  Frisians,  &c.,  pronounce  the  corresponding  soft  check, 
the  Old  High  Germans  the  corresponding  hard  check.  We  thus 
arrive  at  the  first  formula : — 

I.  (i)  Greek  and  Sanskrit    .     .     .  KH 

(2)  Gothic,  &c.  (Low  German)  .  G 

(3)  Old  High  German      .     .     .  K 

^Secondly,  if  in  Greek,  Latin,  Sanskrit,  &c.,  we  find  a  soft 
check,  then  we  find  a  corresponding  hard  check  in  Gothic,  a 
corresponding  hreath  in  Old  High  German.  This  gives  us  the 
second  formula : — 

II.  (4)  Greek,  &c G 

(5)  Gothic K 

(6)  Old  High  German      .     .     .  CH 

•Thirdly,  when  the  six  first-named  languages  show  a  hard 
consonant,  the  Gothic  shows  the  corresponding  breath,  Old 
High  German  the  corresponding  soft  check.     In  Old  High  Ger- 

sonants  speciallj,  we  shall  keep  up  the  following  divisions  and  discuss  them  in  this 
order 'w — Liquids.  Z,  m,  n,  r.    Spirants,  v,  id,  8,  z  (i^aott  a),  j  (=y  in  year),  h. 
Mutes  :   (i)  Labitdg,  b,  p,  /,  r,  pA,  hh,  &c. ;   (2)  DentaU,  d,  t,  th  (J>),  dh  (^),  2 
(High  German  aspirated  dental,  |,  soft  z) ;  and  (3)  Gutturahf  g,  k,  c  {^k),  ch,  &c. 
^  Max  MiUler,  Lectures,  ii.  p.  199  sqq.  - 

Ha 


D 

B 

T 

P 

Z 

F  (Ph) 

100  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

man^  however^  the  law  holds  good  with  regard  to  the  dental 
series  onlj^  while  in  the  guttural  and  hibial  series  the  Old  High 
German  documents  generally  exhibit  h  andy^  instead  of  the  cor- 
responding medisB  g  and  b.     This  gives  us  the  third  formula : — 

III.  (7)  Greek,  &c K  T  P 

(8)  Gothic H(G,F)     Th(D)    F(B) 

(9)  Old  High  German    .  H  (G,K)     D  F(B,V)/ 

Proceeding  to  the  illustration  of  the  diflferent  formulas,  we 
begin  with  the  first  class,  which  in  Sanskrit  shows  the  aspirate 
ghy  dh.  bh\  Greek  x>  ^>  <t> ;  Latin  fluctuating  between  soft  checks 
and  guttural  and  labial  spiritus.  This  class  must  in  English, 
Anglo-Saxon,  Gothic,  and  all  Low  German  dialects  be  repre- 
sented by  the  corresponding  mediae  g,  d,  b,  whilst  High  German 
chooses  for  the  same  purpose  the  tenues  k,  t,  p. 

L  (i)  KH.  Greek  x ;  Sanskrit  gi,  i ;  Latin  A,/. 
G.      Gothic  g ;  Latin  gv,  g,  v, 
K.      Old  High  German  k. 

Examples^ : — 'Engl, goose,  Goth,  gafis,  Qerm.gana,  O.  H.  G«rm. 
ians,  Sansk.  Aansa,  Gr.  \rivy  Lat.  anser  (=hanser).  Engl,  yester^ 
day.  Germ  gesterny  Goth. gist ra,  O.  H.  Germ,  keslar,  Sansk.  AyM, 
Gr.  \6h,  Lat.  keri,  Engl,  garderij  Germ,  garien,  Goth,  gards, 
O,  H.  Germ,  karlo,  Gr.  xopros,  Lat.  ho^rtus,  Sansk.  lih^  Gr.  Ae^x^> 
Lat.  lingo y  Goth.  IdigOy  O.  H.  Germ,  lehom.  Corresponding  to 
gall  (bile),  we  find  Gr.  x^^^j  Lat.  fely  instead  of  heL  Engl,  to 
dragy  Goth,  drag-aiiy  O.  H.  Germ,  trak-any  Lat.  trah^ere,  Gr. 
i\'€ivy  Goth,  dig -an  y  O.  H.  Germ,  eik-an. 

(2)  TH.  Greek  6,  0 ;  Sanskrit  dh ;  Latin/. 
D.      Gothic  d ;  Latin  d,  b. 
T.      Old  High  German  t. 

Examples: — Engl,  daughter y  Goth,  dauhtaty  Germ,  tackier y 
O.  H.  Germ,  tohfar,  Gr.  Ovyarrjp.  Engl,  door,  Goth,  daur,  Germ, 
and  O.  H.  Germ,  tory  Gr.  &vpa,  Engl,  deer,  A.  S.  dear,  Goth. 
diuSy  Germ.  Her,  O.  H.  Germ.  tioTy  Gr.  $rip  (<^?}p),  liat.Jera  (wild 
beast).  Engl,  lo  dare,  Goth,  ga-datirsan,  O.  H.  Germ,  tartan^  Gr. 
fiap'TfiVy  Sansk.  dhrish.  To  Engl,  doom  (judgment),  Goth,  dom^, 
corresponds  Gr.  dijfjus  (law).  Engl,  mid-dley  Germ,  mit-tey  Goth. 
vNf/-ijf,  O.  H.  Germ,  mil-i,  Lat.  med-iiis,  Sansk.  madk^ya.  Engl. 
;vW,  Gonn.  rnf-e  (\drga),  A.  S.  r6d  (crux),  O.  H.  Germ,  ruol-a 
(virga),  San.sk  nih=.rn(lh  (crescere). 

'  The  examples  arc  partly  taken  from  Max  MUller,  1.  c,  partly  from  other  loitroes. 


CONSONANTS. 


(3)  PH.  Greek  0;  Sansfe.  hk;  Latin/ 
B.     Gothic  b ;  Latin  b. 
P.      Old  High  German  p. 
-MtampUf : — Etigl.  U  bear,  Goth,  baira,  0,  H.  Germ,  pirn,  Gr. 
^^p»,  Lat./ero,  Sansk.  Wn.     Engl.  Sro^^e;-,  Goth.  brSthar,  O.  H. 
^^rm. prnoder,  hat./raler,  Sansk.  bhralri.     Engl,  /o  ireai,  Goth. 
J\*^v,  O.  H.  Germ,  prechan,  ha.t.frangere,  Sansk.  bkanj.     Germ. 
*»**,  A.  S.  beam,   0.  H.  Germ,  pirn,  Gr.  ^liu,   Lat.  fit  (in  /wj"), 
•Ss^tisk.  Uavdmi.    Engl,  icw^,  Goth.  ioXa,  LaL/ajiH  (cf.  Gr. 
***?7(Is}.  O-  H.  Germ,  puacia. 

Tlie  second  class  oomprises  examples  which,  for  the  medias  y,  d, 
»  in  Sanskrit  and  Greek  words,  show  the  correspnnding  tenues 
*    /,p,  in  English,  Gothic,  &c.,  and  the  aepirates  H  (ch),  tA  and 
■P^  in  Old  High  German. 

II.   (4)  G.       Sanskrit,  Greek,  Latin  g. 

K.      Gothic  k. 

KH.  Old  High  German  cL 
Examples: — En"!.  (0  knoiD,  Germ,  keinien  and  ionuen,  A. S. 
^^Heow,  Goth,  kail,  0.  H.  Germ,  chan,  Lat.  gno»co,  Gr.  yvaiu, 
Sansk,  yiM.  Eng  i/n  (relationship),  Goth.  itf»i,  O.  H.  Germ. 
^Auni,  Lat.  genut,  Gr.  yt'i-os,  Sansk.  y*?^*  (from  y^w,  to  be  bom), 
tlngl.  knee,  A.  S.  wierf,  Goth,  k'l'ia,  O.  H.  Germ,  chain,  Lat.  ^eww. 
Or.  yoCTj,  Sansk.  y««T(.  A.S.  mie-el  {cL  SC'itch  mickle),  Goth. 
*nii~iU,  O.  H  Germ,  mik-il,  Lat.  moff-itm,  Gr.  fity-oAor,  Sanak. 
*ruzA-at.  Engl.  cAtVrf,  O.S.  kind,  Gr.  yoVos  (offspring).  Engl. 
^aeeit,  Golh.  ^mo  or  ^ffff*,  A.S.  even,  O.N.  iojia,  0.  H-Germ. 
oAena,  Gr.  yu;^,  Sansk .yoB*  (originally  meaning  '  mother').  Engl. 
Jtinff,  Germ,  konig,  A.S.  egning,  O.  H.Germ,  cliuainc,  Sanak. 
Janaka  (originally  meaning  '  father').  Gr.  eyti,  Lat.  eg-o,  Goth. 
\k,  A.  S.  ic,  0.  N.  ek,  0.  H.  Germ,  ik,  Germ.  (V4. 

(5)  D.      Sanskrit,  Greek,  Latin  d. 

T.       Gothic  f: 

TH.  Old  High  German  s. 
Examples: — Engl./co^,  Germ./up,  Lat.^erf-t*  (pes),  Gr.TroB-rfs 
(not!?),  Goth.  f6l-m,  0.  H.  Germ.  dh«s,  Sansk.  pdd-a».  Engl. 
vat-er,  Goth.  raZ-o,  Germ,  wa^-er,  0.  H.  Germ.  wa;-ar,  Lat.  und-a, 
Gr.  C5-iop,  Sansk.  K//-n.  Engl,  iiwr;,  Goth,  hairl-d,  Germ,  /err, 
O.  H.  Germ,  herz-a,  Lat.  eord-h  (cor),  Gr.  «opB-/o,  Sansk.  hrkl- 
aya.  Engl,  ^ear,  A.  S.  tear,  Goth,  ^^r.  Germ,  zahre,  O.  H. 
Germ,  sn^ur,  Lat.  kcruma  {  =  dac-ntma),  Gr.  Jaxpv,  Snnsk.  aunt 
(=datTu).     Engl,  iwc,  Goth,  tval,  Germ.  ;««,  O.  H.  Germ,  iiiei. 


102  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Lat.  duo^  6r.  hita,     Engl,  ten,  Goth,  taihun,  Oerm.  zehn^  O.  H. 
Germ,  zehan,  Lat.  decemy  Gr.  hUa^  Sansk.  daian, 

(6)  B.      Sanskrit  d  or  t? ;  Greek  and  Latin  i. 
P.      Gothic jo  (scarce). 
PH.  Old  High  German  jdA  cry*. 

*  There  are  few  really  Saxon  words  beginning  with  /?,  and 
there  are  no  words  in  Gothic  beginning  with  that  letter,  except 
foreign  words  ^^  No  suitable  examples  can  therefore  be  given, 
except  a  few  where  the  mentioned  consonants  occur  at  the  end 
of  the  root,  e.  g.  Gk.  xcirrajQ-is,  O.  N.  hunp-r^  O.  H.  Germ,  hancf ; 
Engl,  help^  Goth,  hilpa^  Germ,  helfe^  O.  H.  Germ,  hilfu. 

The  third  class  embraces  words  which  in  Sanskrit,  Greek  and 
Latin  have  the  tenuis  hy  ty  or  p^  which  in  Gothic  and  the  other 
Low  German  dialects  is  replaced  by  the  aspirates  h  (for  <?A,  kh), 
ih  and  ph  [f)  respectively,  while  Old  High  German  should  make 
use  of  the  media  y,  dy  b.  But  in  the  last-mentioned  dialect  the 
law  breaks  down.  Instead  of  the  mediae  b  and  ^,  the  aspirates 
y*  and  A  are  preferred,  and  only  d,  the  media  of  the  dentals^  has 
been  preserved  to  represent  the  Gothic  tA  and  Semskrit  t. 

III.  (7)  K.       Sanskrit  and  Greek  k;  Latin  c,  qu. 
KH.  Gothic  A,  g  {/) ;  Sanskrit  A. 
G.       Old  High  German  A  {g,  k). 

Examples:  —  Engl.  Aead,  A.  S.  Aeafody  Goth.  AavbilA,  Germ. 
Aaupiy  O.  H.  Germ.  Aoupit,  Lat.  cajmty  Gr.  k^^oAt;,  Sansk. 
kapdla,  Engl,  hearty  Goth.  hairtOy  Germ,  herzy  O.  H.  Germ. 
herzay  Lat.  coTy  Gr.  Kaphiay  Sansk.  hridaija  {Arid,  irregular  instead 
of  krid).  Engl.  wAoy  wAaty  A.  S.  Away  Awdt,  Gt)th.  AvaSy  Avo,  Ava, 
Germ,  iver^  iva^,  O.  H.  Germ,  wer.  Transliterating  this  into 
Sanskrit,  we  get  kas.  hdy  had ;  Lat.  quis^  quce^  quid ;  Gr.  jcrfj  and 
ttJs.  Engl,/^^,  G^rm^viehy  A.S.JeOy  Goth, /aiAu^  hsit,  pectus. 
A.  S.  edg-e  (eye),  Germ,  aug-e,  O.  H.  Germ,  oug-ay  Lat.  oc-ulvs, 
Gr.  dK-Js=<37r-Js,  gen.  from  o\/^. 

(8)  T.       Sanskrit,  Greek,  and  Latin  t. 
TH.  Gothic  tA  and  d. 
D.      Old  High  German  d. 

Examples: — Engl.  tAou,  Goth.  tAu,  Germ,  and  O.  H.  Germ. du, 
Lat.  tUy  Gr.  tv,  Sansk.  twam  (nom.).  Engl.  tAe  (cf.  tAis,  tAqf), 
Goth.  tAanay  Germ,  defiy  O.  H.  Germ,  den,  Lat.  is'tum,  Gr.  top, 
Sansk.  tarn  (ace).  Engl.  tAree,  Goth.  tArei^,  Germ,  drei,  O.  H. 
Germ,  dri,    Lat.  tres,   Gr.  rpeis,  Sansk.  trayas  (n.  pi.).     Engl. 

'  Max  Miiller,  Zec^ures,  ii.  p.  219. 


1 

1                                           CONSONANTS.                                  IM 

oth-er,   A.  S,  o^-er,  Goth.  anU-ar,  Germ,  anii-er,   0.  H.  Gem. 
aytfi-ar,    Lat.   all-er,  Gr.    Jr-epor,  Sansk.  a«^orfl.     Enffl.   tooth, 
A.S.  toV^,    Goth.  iaflM,    O.  H.Germ.   zand,    Lat.   t/tfiw,  (fes/.M, 
Gr.  olois,  6l6vT-os,  Sansk.  ilanf-aa. 

(9)  P.      Sanskrit,  Greek,  liEtin  p. 

PH.  Gothic/ and  i. 

B.      Old  High  German/and  v. 
Examples :— Engl  Jire,  Goth.  Jim f.   Qerm.  Jiiii/,    Gr.    Wfiire, 
Sansk.  panchan.     Engl.  /«//,  Gotli./H//*,  Germ,  ro^/,  Lat.  planus, 
Gr.  ttA^os,  Sansk.  p^ma!    ^nqX./ather,  Goih./adar,  Germ,  m^, 
O.  H.  Germ,  vafar,  Lat.  pater,  Gr.  uflT^p,  Sansk.  pi/W.     Engl. 
or*r,  Goth.  ff/«r,  Germ,  uber,  0.  H.  Germ.  uA<7r,  Lat.  tuper,  (Jr. 
iw/p,   Sansk.  tipari.     The  last  example  is  one  of  the  veiy  few 
within  the  range  of  the  mute  labials  in  whifh  the  law  of  dis- 
placement is  Htrictly  carried  out  in  the  different  dialects. 

General  Taile  of  Gri?im'»  Law '. 

\ 

I. 

II. 

III. 

1.    1  .. 

J. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7.       1    8. 

9 

Satukrit  .     . 
1.     Greek     .     . 

II.     Golhic    .    . 
III.    O.H.Gemi. 

X               < 

i        1      ? 

M(A) 
P 

7 

i 

eh 

d 
t 
d 

b 
a 

A 

c,  g'l 

A.ffC/) 
Kg.  t 

th,d 

P 

h 

1 

1 

Exeeptiom  lo  O-rimm't  Lau>. 

'  As  in  other  aciences,  so  in  the  science  of  language,  a  law  is 
not  violated — on  the  contrary,  it  is  confirmed — by  exceptions  of 
which  a  rational  explanation  can  he  given  ^'     These  exceptions 
are  owing  to  distnrbing  influences  to  which  chiefly  consonants 
in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words  are  liable  and  of  which 
wo  examine  a  few  cases. 

A  consonant  often  preserves  its  position  in  the  different  dia- 
lects under  the  shelter  of  a  preceding  consonant.     Thus,   lor 
instance,  mutes  protect  a  succeeding  i,  and,  whenever  the  tenuis 
is  preceded  at  the  beginning  of  words  by  an  s,  h,  or  f,  these 
letters  protect  the  h,  f,  p,  and  guard  it  against  the  execution  of 
the  kw.    Thus  the  Sansk.  <iMu,  Gr.  ^htw,  Lat.  ocio,  is  in  Goth. 
aAlau,   0.  H.Germ.  ailo,  where  i  (=Germ.  ci)  preserves   the 

'  Coupue  Mu  Mailer,  iertB™,  u.  p.  21,.                          •  Ibid.  p.  113. 

J 

104  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

accusative) ;  6r.  vv^,  pvkt6s,  Lat.  nax,  noctis,  is  the  Gt>th.  naAli, 
O.  H.  Germ,  nail,  A.  S.  niAt  (night).  Thongh  Ghrimm's  law  is 
most  strictly  enforced  at  the  beginning  of  words^  it  becomes^ 
even  there^  powerless  under  the  mentioned  conditions.  Thus  the 
Sanskrit  sfri,  plural  staras  (in  the  Veda),  Latin  alella  (=8temla), 
is  in  Gothic  sfaimo  (star),  the  tenuis  owing  its  preservation  to 
the  preceding  9, 

Since  in  Gothic  and  several  other  Teutonic  dialects  the  gut- 
tural aspirate  is  wanting,  it  is  replaced  by  the  hard  breath  k, 
sometimes  the  media  ^,  which  consonants  are  both  adopted  in 
Old  High  German ;  or  ^  is  displaced  by  ^ ;  or  the  Gothic  ff  returns 
to  A  again.  The  Gothic  aspirate^/^  which  takes  the  place  of  the 
Sanskrit  p,  should,  in  Old  High  German,  be  represented  by  the 
media  b ;  but  the  Old  High  German  dialect  makes  in  this  case 
again  rather  free  with  the  law,  replacing  the  media  by  the  labial 
soft  breath  r,  and  discarding  this  again  in  favour  of  the  hard 
breath  /,  the  Gothic  representative.  Instead  of  the  dental 
aspirate  fA  (|>)  the  Old  High  German  has  its  own  characteristic 
consonant  z,  which,  according  to  its  position,  may  be  hard  (z)  or 
soft  (|). 


TEUTONIC  CONSONANTS. 

Liquids  : — ^1,  m,  n,  r 

The  Gothic  dialect  keeps  strictly  distinct  the  simple  initial 
liquids  I,  n,  ;*,  and  their  aspirated  compounds  Al,  An,  Ar ;  e.  g. 
luftuSy  air  (Germ,  luft),  and  hliftus,  fur,  a  thief;  reisan,  to  rise,  and 
Arisjan,  to  shake;  Idif,  mansi,  and  Aldify  bread,  loaf.  This  dis- 
tinction is  kept  alive  in  the  other  Low  German  dialects,  Anglo- 
Saxon,  Old  Saxon  and  Old  Frisian,  and  in  Old  Norse ;  while  the 
Old  High  German,  since  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century 
renders  the  initial  compounds  Al,  An,  Ar,  by  the  single  /,  «,  r. 
The  Old  Norse  I  and  r  is  certainly  found  for  the  fol  and  wr  of 
the  other  dialects,  but  never  for  A I  and  Ar, 

Gemination^  or  the  doubling,  of  liquids  occurs  in  Gothic  after 
a  short  vowel,  but  it  is  not  there  yet  developed  to  a  -necessary 
law,  whence  the  single  liquid  is  often  retained  in  the  place  of 
the  gemination.  The  liquid  r  especially  prefers  to  lead  a  single 
existence.  Old  High  German  at  a  very  early  stage  produces 
gemination  by  assimilating  more  ancient  combinations,  such  as 
Ijy  nj,  rjy  rz,  rn,  &c.,  to  the  liquid,  and  thus  forming  the  com- 
binations //,  nn,  rr,  &c. ;  e.  g.  zellun  from  zaljan,  zeljan  ;  werran 


CONSONANTS. 


105 


from  varjan ;  brunna  from  bfunja ;  tttmma,  voice  (Germ,  stim- 
me),  from  an  older  I'orm  stimna,  Goth,  stibna ;  nennan,  to  name 
(Germ,  nennen),  from  nemvjan  ;  merran,  to  impede  (Gotli,  marz- 
jan);  «lerro,  star  (Germ,  eteni),  Goth,  sfalrnd.  If  a  geminated 
liquid  should  happen  to  find  its  place  at  the  end  of  a  ivord,  it  is 
reduced  to  a  simple  consonant;  e,^.  fa[,fiillei ;  man,  vianiies. 

The  Low  German  dialects,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  tVisian, 
agree  with  Old  High  German  in  rejecting  gemination  at  the 
end  of  a  word,  while  Old  Sason  even  in  this  position  sometimee 
retains  the  doubled  liquid.  Hence  Anglo-Saxon  writes  like  Old 
High  German,  Sil,  hille» ;  man,  mannea ;  grim,  i/rimmes. 

Peculiar  to  several  Low  German  dialecU  is  the  gemination  of 
the  liquid  «  arising  from  the  contraction  of  two  n's,  which  in 
consequence  of  the  elision  of  one  or  several  vowels  came  into 
doser  contact.  Thus  Anglo-Saxon  has  dnne  for  iiiiene,  one; 
MMfltf  for  minene,  mine;  Old  Frisian  enne  for  eiiime,  minne  i'or 
mdieite,  thinne,  &c. 

Gemination  in  the  middle  of  a  word  is  sometimes  destroyed 
by  an  inflexional  syllable  being  added  to  the  word,  e,  g,  grimra 
iustcad  of  grimmera ;  or,  under  the  influence  of  metathesis  (vid. 
infra),  as  i-Qr*e»  for  iroasea  (equi). 

Old  Norse  has  in  its  geminations  eertiiin  peculiarities  of  its 
oivn  which  deserve  separate  enumeration.  The  geminiilion  U 
W  often  its  origin  in  assimilation  :  (i)  /S — ifiill iram iih('&,  gold; 
«//r  from  Pi'/Sr,  wild ;  i/allr  from  l/al^r,  bold ;  (2)  %l  (of  later 
Occurrence),  e.  g.  milli,  inter,  for  mi^li ;  frilla,  pelles,  for  frl^la, 
iralla,  quickly,  for  hra^la  ;  (3)  I  of  the  root  with  r  of  the  termi- 
nation, when  in  monosyllables  preceded  by  a  long  vowel  or  diph- 
thong, in  bisyllables  after  a  short  vowel  as  well ;  e.  g.  heill,  heal 
(Germ,  heil),  for  Aeilr ;  deell,  sweet,  for  dalr  (but  voir,  staff, 
stick);  gaman=gamatr,  old;  lUUl=lUUr,  small,  little.  But  Ur 
remains  unchanged,  as  ballr,  v'tflr.  As  Ir,  so  at  a  later  phafic  of 
the  language  H,  aUo  may  be  converted  into  U,  as  iall  for  iarl, 
Pari ;  kelUnij  for  kerlivg  (vetula). 

It  is  a  characteristic  feature  of  Old  Norse,  which  distinguishes 

it  from  the  High  as  well  as  the  Low  Germiiii  dialecls,  thut  //, 

like  every  other  gemination,  is  preservefl  intact  at  the  end  of 

Words  too.  where,  besides  Old  Norse,  Old  Saxon  only  allows 

-exceptionally  of  the  gemination. 


This  liquid  in  Oothio  is  safe  from  the  interchange  viith  the 
vBbilant  *,  while  all  the  other  Teutonic  dialects  have,  like  the 


106  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Greek  nnd  Latin,  more  or  less  yielded  to  the  iticlinatioD  ( 
the  a  towards  the  liquid  r.  Thin  clmnge  of  i  into  r  is  ofta 
called  '  Rhofaciatn.' 

Old  High  German  allows  both  the  sharp  and  Eoft  Gotliis 
sibilante  {a  and  z)  to  be  supplanted  by  r :  (i)  id  the  inflexion  and 
com]>arisoii  of  tlie  adjectives,  e.  g,  pl'inter  (blind),  pUntoro,  Gtitib* 
blindt,  blindSza ;  (2)  in  roots,  e.  g.  ror,  Goth.  rdus.  dew  (compt 
Lat.  ros,  roris);  6ra,  Goth,  aufio,  ear.  Especially  the  Gothic  1 
has  aliuotit  in  every  instance  made  room  to  the  liquid  t,  e.  Bi 
rarta,  tongue,  language  (Goth,  razda);  merran,  to  impede  (GntE^ 
marzjan);  korl,  treasure  {comp.  Engl,  hoard),  Goth.  kuzd.  Thft 
Gothic  z  is  however  preserved  laferaiia,  heel  {Germ,  ferse),  Goth. 
fairina  ;  anca,  ashes  (Germ,  asche),  Goth.  aztfS.  (3)  Some  strong 
verbs  which  in  the  ist  pers.  aiug.  pret.  show  a  final  4,  convert  this 
«  into  r  where  another  inElexional  syllable  is  added,  e.  g.  tioiOM, 
eligere;  Ms,  elegi;  hiri,  elegisti;  iiinimet,  elegimus;  Aoranir, 
electus ;  thus  also,  nas,  pari,  ndrumes,  neraner,  of  ne»an^  servaii^ 
and  log,  luri,  lurvmea,  loran^r  of  lioaan,  perdere.  The  inflexiona]  fi 
of  the  strong  declension  of  the  substantive  remains  intact.  So 
also  does  the  t  at  the  Iteginning  of  a  word,  while  in  the  middle 
or  at  the  end  it  may  or  may  not  pass  into  the  domain  of  the 
liquids — a  fact  for  which  no  rule  can  be  laid  down. 

Old  Saxon  has,  like  Old  High  German,  both  the  organic  r 
and  the  inorganic  r,  replacing  the  sibilant  ».  Elision  of  r  has 
taken  place  in  linon  for  Union,  to  learn;— apocope  in  he, is;  Aue, 
quis;  (Aese.  hie;  vtica,  vtuirtpo^;  inva,  (rt/jtuirepos ;  »«c,  noster; 
iva,  vester.  Prefix  a^ar,  Wi!  have  mctalhesis  of  the  r  in 
J'roikan  iox  forhhu,  to  tear. 

Anglo-Saxon  Ibllowa  the  general  rule  in  replacing  »  by  r,  bnt 
still  it  has  often  the  sibilant  preserved  where  Old  High  German 
yields  to  the  r;  e.g.  bii*o,  Goth,  bani,  O.  H,  Germ,  j^irr;',  berry  j 
ifsffan,  irasci,  Goth,  /i/rzjai/,  0.  H.  Germ,  irran  ;  in  other  words, 
again,  Old  High  German  preserves  the  8  where  Anglo-Saxon 
prefers  r ;  e.  g.  O.  H.  Germ,  haso.  A,  S.  hara  (Germ,  base,  Engl. 
hare).  Apocope  of  the  r  sometimes  takes  place  at  the  end  of 
words,  as  !pe,we;  ge,  ye;  jwe,  mihi ;  ))(;,  tibi  :  o,  prefix  for  arv 
md,  more,  for  mar.  The  metathesis  of  the  organic  r  is  mors- 
fully  developed  than  in  Old  Saxon,  this  letter  being  especially" 
fond  of  taking  up  its  position,  whenever  possible,  immediately  be-' 
fore  *,  or  the  sibilant  combinations  it,  sc,  e.  g.  hom,  horse,  inst*"^ 
of  kroa  (comp.  Germ,  ross) ;  beratau,  to  burst,  O.  S.  breatan  ;  ford 
for  froat,  }peracan  for  ^rescan,  to  thrash.  Other  instances  of' 
metathesis  sua— forma,  primus,  Go\h.  fruma ;  bird  and  brid  (bird), 
^dr* and  jra»  (grass);  iirnaM,  to  burn,  O.  H.Germ./jWnaan  (Germ. 


CONSONANTS.  107 

nnen) ;  iman,  O,  H.  Germ,  rlnnan,  to  run ;  cerse,  O.  H,  Germ. 


Old  Frisian  yields  more  than  any  of  the  preceding  dialects  to 
iie  tendency  of  replacing  s  \>y  r,  so  that  this  liquid  takes  the 
IjAace  of  the  sibilant  even  in  the  plural  of  the  substantive  in- 
wxion,  e.  g.  jinkar,  degiir,  instead  of  Goth.  Ji»k(l»,  fishes,  dagSt, 
iavB.  Tliis  inflexional  r  is,  however,  frequently  dropped.  Meta- 
llieaa  takes  place  under  the  same  conditions  as  in  Anglo-Saxon, 
kenee  the  forms  bergla,  to  burst ;  fersk,  fresh  ;  har^,  horse ;  gen, 
gnk»;  bama,to  burn ;  ybfmc,  primus ;  warld=wrald  from  wer- 
ild.    The  case  is  inverted  in  forms  such  as  6reii  for  l/ent,  child. 

Old  Norse,  of  all  Teutonic  dialects,  has  most  generally  intro- 
dmed  the  liquid  r  for  the  sibilant  s.  As  to  the  verb,  the  Old 
Norse  60  far  agrees  with  the  Low  German  dialects,  that  it  allows 
rhotacism,  or  the  displacement  of  »  by  r  only  in  the  plur.  pret. 
■nd  the  part,  pret,,  as  iurum,  korinn,  of  kiosa,  to  choose ;  fronim, 
/mmn,  i>{  Jriota,  to  freeze,  except  vera,  to  be,  which  has  in  the 
siug.  pret.  already  ear,  1  was  {comp.  Germ.  war),  r  is  assimilated 
to  its  compeer  in  the  combinations  Ir,  rl,  nr,  rk,  and  sometimes 
"tvid,  sub  litt.  1,  -n,  k).  T  has  gained  the  siipremacy  injiarri 
=jami,  far  {comp.  Germ,  fern),  and  ferri=: re™,  worse. 

m,  n 

Old  High  German.  Since  the  ninth  century  the  liquid  m  is 
ofleD  weakened  into  »,  chiefly  in  inflexional  forms,  a  case  in 
Hich  the  inflexional  vowel  also  is  frequently  weakened  acctird- 
uig  to  tiie  rules  indicated  above.  Thus  werfamet  becomes  werfan, 
«5^j  Kurfunfa,  lourfoji,  wurfen;  aagem,  aagen ;  iagum,  tagon; 
iMlj  gebSn ;  krefiim,  kreften.  The  consonantal  combination 
Vm  iftgolarly  converted  into  nf,  c.g.jTinf,  Ga\^.  Jimf,  five; 
««/7o  for  sam/h,  meek  ;  kunft  for  kum/i,  arrival. 

Old  Saxon.  The  termination  m  of  the  dat.  plur.  is  replaced 
h  ".  e.  g.  wordun  for  wcrrf«w,  verbis;  rikiujt  for  nkiitm,  poten- 
tibiisi  the  adjectives  of  tlie  strong  declension  also  change  the 
tennination  umu  occasionally  into  oit. 

It  is  a  characteristic  feature  of  Old  Saxon,  and  tlie  Low  Ger- 
nun  dialects  generally,  that  before  certain  consniianta  they  drop 
tU  liqind  «.  This  consonant  is  omitted  (i)  before  »;  e.g.  «'», 
nuliis  (Germ,  uns);  cuH,  virtus  (Germ,  kunst);  but  retained  in 
"wi, favour:  (2)  before  8;  e.g.  oBar,  alius,  =anilar  (Germ,  ander) ; 
"%  known;  jf8o»  smd  Jladan,  to  find;  wi?5,  mouth  (Germ. 
'niind,&c.):  (3)  before/;  e.g.^/;  five  (Goth,  fimf,  Germ,  fiinf); 
"•fio,  0.  H.  Germ,  «an/(o,  ■=mmft« .-  (4)  before  d  in  the  termini 


i 


108  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

tions  of  the  pres.  indie,  plur.  of  all  verbs;  e«g.  MlbSd^salbSwi^ 
kverfad^  krerfandy  kebbiad= kMiand. 

Anglo-Saxon.     The  liquid  m,  which,  at  the  end  of  woid^ 
other  dialects  weaken  into  n^  is  retained  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

%  occurring  in  the  middle  of  a  word  is  dropped,  (i)  before  #— 
esty  grace^  =  Goth,  amt^  O.  S.  anst;  ItUl^  sacrifice^  Ooth.  isM^: . 
canst^  noyisti,  retains  the  u :  (2)  before  IS-^-ctfS,  known  (cf.  Gent 
kunde) ;  mui,  mouth  (cf.  Germ,  mund) ;  td^,  tooth  (cf.  Gcna. 
zahn,  O.  H.  Germ,  tand) ;  a^  =  andj  termination  of  the  pra. 
plur.  of  the  verb :  (3)  hetore/—/ff,  five  (Germ,  fiinf,  Groth.  fimf);  ' 
idfie^  sefUy  meek,  soft  (cf.  G^rm.  sanft^  O.  H.  Germ,  senfti). 

Old  Frisian.  The  m,  when  occurring  in  terminations,  b» 
throughout  been  changed  into  n. 

n  is  dropped  under  the  same  conditions  as  in  Anglo-Saxon. 
Compare  the  following  examples  with  those  of  Anglo-Saxon 
given  above : — us,  nobis ;  ev^est,  invidia;  /j^  five;  m4th,  month; 
toihy  tooth ;  other ^  alius,  n  sufiers  apocope  at  the  end  of  tlte 
infinitive  of  the  verb:  werlAa,  to  be(M:)me  (Germ,  werden).  In 
the  same  manner  the  terminations  of  the  subjunctive  of  the  yeA, 
and  of  the  weak  inflexions  of  the  noun^  have  dropped  their 
final  u. 

Old  Norse.  The  terminational  m  is  never  weakened  into  •; 
fnm  mfmm  is  the  wj/'of  the  Goth,  fmf,  five. 

The  liquid  n  is  afleeted  in  various  ways.     It  is  dropped  in 
roots  (i)  before  s\  oss,  nobis;  dsl,  favour;  (2)  before  a  %  which 
is  followed  by  r:    twSr,  known;    muir,  mouth;    uwfBr,  man; 
dirum   from  annar,  other   (By  the  side  of  JkuVr  and  muir  we 
meet  the  forms  l-nnnr  and  munnr) ;  (3)  bef  re  k  which  is  preceded 
by  a  long  vowel,  e.  g.  mukr,  monk ;  kaniikr,  canonicus ;  but  if  » 
short  vowel  precedes  tl^e  nk,  the  gemination  kk  may  take  place, 
e.g.  Frakklandy  Frank  land,  terra  Francorum;   akkeri,  anchor; 
drekka,  to  drink ;  okkar^  ykkar,  Goth,  uggara^  iggara,  v^v,  crc^p. 
(4)  The  terminational  ng  of  strong  verbs  is,  in  t^e  sing.  pret.  and 
imperative,  converted  into  kk,  e.  g.  apringa^  to  spring,  imp.  sprikk, 
pret.  sprakk,   sprung  (Germ,  sprang);    hdnga,  to   hmg,    imp. 
hakk^  pret.  hekk.  In  the  plur.  pret.,  if  followed  by  a  terminational 
syllable,  ng  preserves  its  position ;  hence  spiiingum,  hengum,  plur. 
of  sprakk,  hekk.    (5)  tt  replaces  nd  in  exactly  the  same  manner ; 
hence,  bind^,  to  bind,  imp.  bitt^  pret.  bait;  hrinda,  trudere,  pret, 
hratf  ;  but  the  plurals  are  again  bundum,  hrundum. 

The  final  n  of  the  root  has  been  dropped  in  the  particles  t,  a.  6^ 
Goth,  -in,  -ana,  -nUj  a  circumstance  which  caused  the  vowel  to 
become  long. 

The  n  of  the  terminations  is  dropped  (i)  in  the  infinitive  ol 


^  ML  «f  m-Qm.    &KC3B    Gxm.  f»-«':rA!n.  :   /t«'  -J  ak.-< 

B  air  ■  B  o^RMt    £   a.  r!  iz-stit  «  s  kc  cr:ccy«l 
^^g.  MCBM.  ^B.  -Uf  *r5r.  sua  ;  _T«*C  ^  tai :   tV. 
,  Btt    Gfck.  xaJTHi  :     :    ia  *-r,  the  ^sm 
to  tW  taJftsudr  «^  ip.  » 


Sfimi*:— T,  w,  s,  1;  j,  h 
▼,  w 

'  Mac  yinA-hiwwmd  tcaAaaitioa»  at  tbt  hea^iaaiaff  of 
■n<i'  ET9  '-■-  Bad  rt,  wUcli  in  the  other  djalect<  uv  i.'4\«n  le- 
Ifiwdbv  the  ^implmBd/.  ExainpLei: — r/tit.v'a.rimimffpic^rv: 
■  "ill,  ipex  btO»;  rroijiim,  to  accuse:  n'^iU,  rullus.  lu  the 
llUle  of  a  woad  r  piuuies  its  pociti'>n  aAer  n>iiA>aantd,  e.  g. 
Ifm,  qmrriw;  tn6cmm,TMpm;  ii'J^/rj,  b«sgar ;  tr/ttrstiWr/dM, 
I KB^Bhidow ; — twfim  s  loo^,  and  between  two  short,  vowels, 
mlt./mrmi,  few;  i«n,  bar;  ^Vi,  aocilU;  »fiirj»,  silere:  but 
I  neaati  it  tdica  its  place  at  the  end  of  a  won),  aflor  a  short 
I  MkI,  or  before  n  ctHuonant,  it  is  vocalized  ^vid.  sub  lit.  u^. 
I  Ifce  fens  n^t-'hrrjt^  izrit  [itr^iftarf^  is  an  esiwption ;  and  sti  are 
'  '  1  word~  and  pioper  names  in  which  the  Gothio  s)H-lliii^  ur- 
B  th«  Itrzantine  pronanciation  of  the  Cireek  diphtlinii^  at; 
m  hrrtJffO,  I'^lta.  At  the  end  of  words  r  never  ofoiirs  ex*fjit 
vlien  preceded  either  bj  a  diphthong  or  a  consonant,  v.  g.  liir, 
Mir,  ralv,  mir. 

(Md  HU^  Oennan.  llie  Gothic  r  in  the  initial  conthiim- 
timu  rr,  vl,  wer^  in  the  oldest  forms  of  Old  Hi^h  (icnnnn,  cx- 
|lllMlil  hf  ir,  U,  bnt  in  later  documents  n.'pn>senl ihI  liy  tlu< 
rimple  r  and  /;  in  the  same  manner  as  the  more  uiicii>nt  Old 
High  Oennan  iw  is  later  on  replaced  by  the  simplu  «r,  e.  g. 
wir  for  beer,  who ;  wedar  for  kredar,  whether. 

The  Old  High  German  v,  which  in  pronuncinlion  eoineidea 
with  the  English  v,  is  rendered  in  manuscripts  by  nb,  Nr>,  fit, 
bnt  aller  a  consonant,  or  before  the  vowel  m,  simjily  by  h. 

When  it  oecurs  at  the  end  of  a  word  in  the  combinations  ww 
(ow),  i«,  it  is  vocalized  into  ou  {on),  in,  but  it  re-aasumcs  ita  ]w«i- 
tron  when  an  intlexionul  syllable  is  added,  hence  fan  (ton),  gonitiv« 


110  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

tavtt  yfo9te$) ;  ciaim,  genitive  einiwes.  In  these  forms,  howei 
a  pecaliar  tendenej  becomes  manifest  to  retain  the  diphtlic 
even  before  the  restored  w,  and  thus  to  destroy  the  short  vo' 
altogether,  hence  fun  \foii)^  genitive  iautoes  {t4>uwes) ;  cAniu,  ge 
tive  ciMt Mires.  From  the  combination  aw  we  get  ew  (eu) 
Umkiut,  and  or  [on)  by  Schwaehung,  in  the  same  manner  as 
and  ou  from  an  ;  and  these  again  yield  the  genitive  forms  euK 
oMfCtr*,  instead  of  the  simple  etces,  owes;  and  in  ouwes  again  f 
OM  may  be  replaced  by  d  which  is  a  greater  &voarite  to  w,  hen 
oVc^.  Xow  all  these  different  combinations  may  be  used  ind 
criminately,  just  as  the  different  manuscripts  prefer  the  one 
the  other.  Thus  then  we  find /rawjan,/rewjan,/rawjan,/rau 
jiiHy  frcHirjan,  frdnrjon,  frouwjan^  as  different  modes  of  spellii 
one  and  the  same  word — the  German  freuen,  delectari.  Wh€ 
VIC  is  found  instead  of  iw^  it  stands  on  the  same  principle 
Triibuno:  as  does  e  for  i ;  and  as  iw  becomes  iuw,  so  also  ew^ 
lengthened  into  euw,  e.g.  iwih^  iuwik;  ewii,  euwiJk,  vobis.  £ 
ceptional  forms : — ptucen  {ptien),  kaMlwen  {kaMlen),  for  the  Goth 
btiMtui,  to  dwell ;  gairduan^  to  trust ;  where  we  should  expect  i 
find  pairuH,  kefrawan^  in  Old  High  Grerman.  (The  former  for 
occurs  once,  the  latter  not  at  all.)  In  three  verbs  the  original 
is  su]>posed  by  some  grammarians  to  have  been  converted  into  f 
grirumcs  for  grhrumeSy  acrlrumes  for  scriwumes,  and  pimnM  fi 
2)iwumt''ity  from  the  verbs  grian^  g^nnire;  scrian,  clamare.  fcr 
icumt'is  has  actually  maintained  its  position  against  serirnmf 
More  j)lausil)le  is  the  view  of  others,  according  to  which  the 
has  roplaced  a  more  ancient  s,  as  scrirumes  for  scrUumeSt  &' 
See  the  oonjui>ation  of  the  strong  verb. 

In  the  middle  of  a  word  the  w  which  terminates  a  root 
usually  dropped,  when  between  it  and  the  vowel  of  the  rex 
another  consonant  intervenes,  e.  g.  Goth,  aggvus,  O.  H.  Gerr 
engl ;  Goth.  safhraHy  O.  H.  Germ,  sehan ;  Goth,  gatvdy  0.1 
Germ,  ga^^a :  in  all  other  cases  it  retains  its  position,  thoug 
at  the  end  of  the  word  it  may  have  been  dropped  or  vocalize( 
hence  faraira,  colour;  me/eires,  farin©;  garawer,  paratus;  grave 
grey  (Germ.  grau).  At  the  end  of  a  word  w  cannot  susta 
itself,  and  is  therefore  vocalized  in  u  or  o,  as  garo,  spear;  tnei 
flour,  meal ;  /;«/(/,  ciedes :  where  no  consonant,  but  merely 
vowel,  precedes  it,  this  vocalized  w  may  be  dropped  altogetb* 
as  grd  for  grao,  grey  (Germ.  grau). 

Old  Saxon.  In  this  dialect  the  spirant  w  was  probably  ide 
tical  with  that  of  Old  High  German,  and  is  rendered  by  «», 
rarely  by  r.  Examples : — dualon,  pnestigia ;  aiiarty  swart,  blac 
huefbarty  to  go ;  tkuaAan,  to  wash ;  tueho,  doubt.    This  w  has  hi 


CONSONANTS.  HI 

vocalized  and  has  superseded  the  radical  vowel  in  cuiaan  for 
MinuiN,  to  come  i  suUc,  such  (G'oth.  svaleiks).  The  coiDbi nation 8 
»I  and  vr  (written  uul  and  uur),  which  were  extinct  in  Old  High 
Gennao,  reUioed  their  iioBitJun  in  Old  Saxon. 

4i»  and  iie  show,  like  the  same  combinations  in  Old  High 
German,  a  tendency  to  lengthen  themBelves  into  auv,  iuw,  e.  g. 
iflKon  and  hauwan  (spelt  hauuan  and  iauiiHau),  fflawet  and  fflau- 
v«i,  ixar  and  iawar,  Jiwar  and  Jiuwar,  used  alternately.  Like 
Old  High  German  the  Old  Saxon  dialect  drops  the  w  when,  at 
the  end  of  a  root,  it  is  preceded  by  another  consonant,  e.  g.  sehan, 
lo  see  (Goth,  saihvan) ;  ett{/i,  narrow  (Germ,  enge) ;  also  between 
two  vdwoIb,  »eola,  bouI  (Goth,  saivala).  At  the  end  of  a  word 
it  is  always  vocalized  in  «  or  o,  e.g.  jziiu,  prudent;  8eo,&ea,;  eo, 
IkW;  but  when  an  inflexional  syllable  is  added  it  re-appears 
Bgain,  and  hfiice  the  genitives  glau-et,  itieen,  ^lees. 

Anglo-Saxon.  »•  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  as  in  Gothic  the  puro 
giirant  which  in  the  manuscripts  is  rendered  by  uu,  m,  or  hy  the 
Runic  sign  wen  (p).  Where  w  is  preceded  by  another  consonant 
ud  followed  by  the  vowel  (,  this  vowel  is  dropped  and  the  k 
nmlized  in  «,  e.g.  enman  from  cteimuH,  to  come;  nuiler  from 
ttiih-,  sister;  hulie  from  ^wiViV,  which ;  uht  from  tciht,  thing. 
Here  again  we  have  something  similar  to  the  reappearance  of 
Ihe  Old  High  German  w,  which,  though  vocalized  into  w,  retains 
its  position.  So  also  the  Anglo-Saxon  w,  though  vocalized  in  u, 
may  yet  appear  in  its  original  position,  e.  g.  swusler  for  mmter, 
6om  tm»Ur ;  tcahl  for  nhl,  from  mhl- ;  »wiira  for  »«rfl,  from 
tvira,  neck.  In  a  few  cases  the  vocalized  w  =  u  is  weakened  into 
0,  hence  the  preterite  com,  comon,  instead  of  cum,  cilmon,  from 
evam,  veni,  cwdmon,  venimus. 

The  initial  w  is  regularly  dropped  when  the  negative  particle 
M  enters  into  a  compound  with  a  verb,  e-  g.  nas=iie  kus,  non 
fiiit;  itaron=ne  learon,  non  fuerunt;  niUin=iie  wilan,  nescire; 
iultan=ne  willan^  nolle. 

The  Gothic  combinations  av  and  iu  are  in  a  few  cases  preserved 
in  their  integrity,  as  tlaw,  riow,  lazy;  Iriwen,  wooden,  of  a  tree; 
but  as  a  rule  Anglo-Saxon  follows,  like  Old  High  German  and 
Old  Saxon,  the  law  of  vocalization,  wherever  those  combina- 
tions occur  BB  final  consonants,  which  consequently  are  converted 
into  the  diphthongs  ed,  e6.  Bat  here  again,  as  in  Old  High 
German,  the  w,  though  vocalized,  resumes  its  position  before 
the  diphthong  to  whieli  it  gave  birth,  and  in  this  respect  Anglo- 
Saxon  goes  I'urther  still  than  Old  High  German,  preserving  the 


112  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

w  even  as  final  conBonant.    Examples : — The  Qothic/ari,  few,  we 
should  expect  to  see  rendered  in  A.  S.  by  ed,  hence  Jed  j  w  how- 
ever retains  its  place,  and  hence  we  get  the  dedensional  fonn 
fedwa ;  the  same  is  the  case  with  Aedtoan,  to  hew ;  seedwm,  to 
contemplate  (Germ,  schauen);   but  even  withoat  a  final  vowd 
the  forms  edto,  eSio  preserve  their  position  (contrary  to  the  nsagef 
of  O.  H.  Germ.),  e.g.  cne<fw,  knee,   O.  H.  Germ.   cAuiu;  eh, 
vobis,    O.  H.  Germ,   iu ;    gledw^   prudent,   O.  H.  Germ,  glau; 
dedio,  dew,  O.  H.  Germ.  ton.     Very  rarely  this  final  w  has  been 
dropped.     Where  a  final  to  is  preceded  by  a  consonant,  it  u 
vocalized  into  u  {o),  but  it  reappears  when  an  inflexional  sylkUe 
is  added,  e.g.  6eaiu,  evil,  gen.  bealwes;  melo,  meal ,  flour, gen. 
melwes ;  or,  w  and  its  vocalization  u  may  occur  together,  i> 
bealuwes — bealwea ;  the  u  weakened  into  ^,  meleves  ^s  meluva^ 
melves. 

Old  Frisian.    The  spirant  to  must  be  kept  distinct  firom  the 
labial  aspirate  v,  with  which  it  is  occasionally  mixed  up.     ^» 
ho,  and  similar  combinations,  are,  as  a  rule,  strictly  preserve^ 
from  any  intermixture  with  the  succeeding  vowel ;  the  few  ca^ 
in  which  the  Anglo-Saxon  vocalization  is  admitted  are  nw/^' 
sister,  iuma,  to  come ;   iom,  came,  for  svuier,  itnma,  kvam*    f^ 
is  often  rendered  by  a  simple  to,  e.  g.  tcllen  for  toullen,  tonnen  f^ 
founnen,  wrdon  for  wurdon  ;  into  and  auto  instead  of  w,  ato,  »^ 
to  be  explained  in  the  same  manner  as  the  identical  forms  ^ 
Old  Hi^h  German.     Examples:— /wirtfr=/jper,  four;   tnuwe-^ 
triwe,  faith  (Germ,  treue);  ^7/?rflw=A/iirfl»,  verberatum  (Gern^ 
ge-lumen\     Instead  of  a  diphthong  the  w  has  produced  a  lon^ 
vowel  in  ddwe^  dew,  xor\\  frdica,  lady  (Germ,  frau);    Hrewa,  iM 
strew.      At  the  end  of  a  word  the  w  is  sometimes  preserved 
sometimes  dropped,  e.g.  daw,  dew;    bldw,  livid;    ^a,  country 
(Germ,  gau);  a,  law.     When  it  is  final,  to  is  not  vocalized,  ex^ 
cept  perhaps  in  hiiu  (ace.  of  kni,  knee)  and  bahi-mund,  malus-* 
tutor.     Sometimes  w  is  dropped  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  as  sela, 
soul;    it  is  vocalized  in   najU=naioet,  naught,  nothing,  O.  S. 

nioioi/d. 

Old  Norse,  r  at  the  beginning  of  a  word  is  dropped  before 
11,  before  1/  its  Umlaut,  and  0  its  Schwachung,  as  well  as  before 
d  and  oe  :  it  is  also  rejected  from  the  initial  combinations  sv,  hv, 
by;  hence  ur^nm,  yr^i,  or^inn,  from  ver^a,  fieri  (G«rm.  werden) ; 
ox,  oexi,  pret.  of  vaxa,  to  wax,  grow ;  O^inn,  O.  H.  Germ. 
Wuotan;  sulf/um,  si/Igiy  solginn,  from  8velgia,  glutire  (Germ, 
schwel'ren) ;  sor,  sderi,  from  8verga,  jurare  (Germ,  schworen); 
hnllum,  hylli,  hollinn,  from  hvella,  tinnire ;  }furrum,  jym,  >pr- 
rinn,  from  \rerra,  decrescere.    Sometimes  v,  in  combination  with 


CONSOXAXTS.  113 

AeTvnrd  «,  makes  o,  e.  g.  ^ii=raW,  hope  ^ef.  Germ,  wan; ;  <>^irM 
^fipm^  interfecimiis,  from  rega.  Also  in  the  combinatioDs  ir, 
iPi  Uff  fdlowed  by  a  vowel  which  is  affected  hv  L  mlaat  or 
Sdiwichimgy  v  is  vocalized;  e.  g.  komay  kom,  for  kr^wa,  kram  ; 
hm  fi>r  hsana  and  kcen^  woman ;  mfa  for  trefay  to  sleep ;  iMvgu 
Sir  tmiMgu,  twenty.  At  the  end  of  a  word,  and  Wfore  the 
tomiziation  r  of  the  nominative^  r  is  dropped,  but  in  the  inflex- 
itsal  or  derivative  forms  it  may  re-appear ;  e.  g.  ut-r,  lake  G^rm. 
ne,  Goth,  tdiv^),  gen.  9avHir;  ka-r,  high,  weak  form  hdr^i ; 
Stt^,  blacky  ace.  dokkv^n;  mibl^  flour,  meal,  dat.  mio/c-i. 
Words  with  a  long  vowel  in  the  root  have  dropped  the  r  alto- 
gether, as  kbfj  claw,  gen.  klS-ar;  fruy  lady  (Germ,  frau,  O.  H. 
Genn.  frawe);  skjj  sky;  hldr^  blew,  &e.  At  the  end  of  words  r 
ii  never  vocalized. 

8,  Z 

Qotliie.  These  letters  represent  in  Gothic,  as  in  modem 
Enghsh,  two  distinct  stages  of  the  sibilant  sound,  9  the  hard,  z 
tlte  soft :  the  latter,  therefore,  has  nothing  in  common  with  the 
Old  and  Modem  German  z.  Hence  they  may  exchange  places, 
the  softer  z  especially  taking  the  place  of  the  hard  «,  when  the 
latter  recedes  from  the  end  to  the  middle  of  a  word,  e.  g.  }?m, 
g'ns,  fem.  pizos;  slqaan,  prct.  Mizlep  ;  anSy  trabs,  dat.  anza :  s^j 
iisofairzna,  heel  (Germ,  ferse),  azgOy  ashes ;  iuzfly  hoard,  treasure. 
At  the  beginning  of  a  word  z  never  occurs,  but  at  the  end  if  the 
following  word  begins  with  a  vowel.  This  z,  or  soft  *,  is  in  the 
other  dialects  represented  by  r.  In  conjugational  and  derivative 
fonns  9  very  often  is  the  result  of  the  dissimilation  of  dentals ; 
thug  nauH  for  naut~i  ;  rarst  for  varp-l ;  mostu  for  nwl-da  ^ ;  bios- 
treii^  worshipper,  from  blotan ;  deist,  yeast,  from  heitan.  In 
f««^,  favour  (Germ,  gunst),  alabrunsiSy  holocaustum,  the  %  is 
inserted  between  n  and  t  for  euphonic  reasons,  a  case  which 
occurs  far  more  frequently  in  the  other  dialects. 

Old  High  Qerman.  The  Old  High  German  %  corresponds 
b  the  Gothic,  but  in  many  cases  it  has  been  encroached  upon  by 
the  letter  r  (rhotacism),  of  which  we  have  already  treated.  The 
combination  sk  which  occurs  frequently  is,  towards  the  end  of 
the  Old  High  German  period,  worn  down  to  schy  chiefly  before 
the  vowels  e  and  f .  Gemination  is  avoided  at  the  end  of  words, 
e.  g.  ro% — tosses. 
Old  Saxon.     Rhotacism  of  s  into  r  takes  place  as  in  Old  High 

^  See  the  conjugation  of  the  strong  verb. 

I 


114  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

German.  9  is  inserted  for  enphonic  pnrpofles  in  ami,  favour; 
ciiMt^  virtus  (Germ,  kunst)^  and  in  tiie  preterite  of  verbs,  as 
con-'9'ta,  on-B'ta,  &c.  z  seems  in  Old  Saxon  to  occupy  the  same 
relation  to  «  as  in  Gothic,  and  may  often  interchimge  with  «, 
e.  g.  blidzean,  delectare  (A.  S.  bledsjan,  to  bless);  bezt^^best  from 
betiat,  lazio  and  lezto=zlaato,  letisto, 

Anglo-Saxon.  A  characteristic  feature  of  this  dialect  is,  that 
the  often  occurring  combination  sc  (cf.  O.  H.  Genn.  ak)  when 
preceding  the  vowels  a,  a,  o,  6y  assumes  an  e  immediately  after 
itself^  which  vowel  has  the  effect  of  changing  the  pronunciatioo 
into  the  sound  of  the  English  ahj  e.  g.  9ceal^  shall ;  sceapiany  to 
create  (Germ,  schaffen).  pret.  sceSp;  8cedn,  splendoi,  shone;  teeS^ 
shoe;  sceoCy  shook.  This  combination  must  be  kept  altogether 
distinct  from  the  firechung  ea,  eo,  and  the  diphthongs  ed,  e6. 
The  insertion  of  the  letter  e  is  more  common  in  later  documents, 
and  even  in  these  it  is  occasionally  omitted.  Peculiar  to  the 
Anglo-Saxon  dialect  is  the  metathesis  or  inversion  of  9  and  h, 
and  *  and  p,  e.  g.  froscas,  frogs,  and  froxas  ;  flascM  and  flaxM, 
flasks;  f^cas  anifxas,  fishes;  cosp  and  cops,  compes;  cUtpe  and 
apse,  tremulus.     z  does  not  occur  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

Old  Frisian.  In  this  dialect  the  s  sound  is  treated  as  in  Old 
High  German  nnd  Old  Saxon,  especially  with  regard  to  rhota- 
cism ;  therefore  the  s  is  preserved  in  the  pres.  and  pret.  sing,  of 
strong  verbs,  while  the  pret.  plur.  and  the  part,  adopt  r,  e.  g. 
kiase,  kds,  heron ^  keren  ;  wesa,  was,  w&ron  ;  urliase,  urlds,  urleron, 
vrleren.  Metathesis  of  sc  and  sp  does  not  take  place.  The 
softening  of  sk  into  sch,  which  is  characteristic  of  the  later  Old 
High  German,  occurs  in  Old  Frisian  as  a  dialectic  variation 
only,  where  we  find  schet  for  sket^  treasure  (Germ,  schatz) ;  sckeU 
deck,  guilty  (Germ,  schuldig) ;  schel  for  skel,  shall ;  schilling, 
shilling;  and  in  two  cases  before  a  and  « — schangt  (Germ,  schenkt 
ein)  and  schule,  shelter,  hut. 

Old  Norse.  This  dialect  has  more  thoroughly  than  any  other 
developed  the  system  of  rhotacism ;  yet  the  spirant  s  is  always 
preserved  at  the  beginning,  and  very  often  in  the  middle  and  at 
the  end  of  words.  Geminated  s  {ss)  occurs  often  in  the  middle 
and  at  the  end  of  words :  it  may  result  from  rs.  The  Old  Norse 
z  has  nothing  in  common  with  the  same  letter  in  Old  High 
German,  but  it  is  merely  used  to  supplant  certain  other  con- 
sonants and  consonantal  combinations.  Thus,  (i)  for  the  s  of 
the  gen.  sing.,  masc,  and  neut.,  e.  g.  Aestz  =  Aests,  ordz  =  ords; 
also  for  the  s  which  occurs  in  the  formation  of  the  superlative, 
e.  g.  sterkaztrr=zst€rkastr,fr6^aztr=^fr6^astr  ;  and  on  otiier  occa- 
sions, as  menzkir^mefisiir,  humani :  (2)  for  ds  and  ts,  e.g.  lanz^ 


CONSONANTS.  11 B 

*,  helzt^hehht,  maxime;  peizla=veihla,  oonvivium:  {^)  for 
inEtexional  ei,  the  later  st,  of  the  middio  voice,  e.  g.  re^S«r= 

ftiMit,  rd^zz=rd^iik,  hiiTaz=-bernsk :  {4)  ibr  the  m  of  a  Infer 

Me,  e.g.  ve2tr=ver8lr,  aloeztr=ttijeralr. 


Qothio.  This  letter  occurs  in  Gothic  only  aa  &n  initial,  never 
«t  the  end  of  a  syllahle,  e.  g.  jah,  and ;  »nn-jnt,  fihi,  sons.  Con- 
cerning the  vocalization  of  this  letter  when  it  is  tcrminational, 
or  when  it  occurs  hofore  coneonants,  vide  supra,  siih  lit.  L 

Old  High  German.  This  dialect  renders  j  hy  i.  When 
towever  it  occurs  at  the  beginning  of  a  word  it  is  rendered  by 
J  Wore  e  and  (',  by_;'  before  another  vowel  such  as  a  or  d,  e,  g. 
Jtfcri,  affimiarc ;  gihit,  aflirmat ;  jak,  (ifRrmavi ;  jAhumh,  afBrra- 
•rimns,  j  however  occnra  betbre  e  and  /  also  in  Notker.  In  the 
middle  of  a  wordy  is  rarely  supplanted  by  g  even  before  e  and  *', 
yet  ffe  read  eiijir,  eggs ;  friger,  ingenuus.  In  tlie  middle  of 
"ords_/  often  is  assimilated  to  the  sueeeeding  consonant,  and 
pnas  gemination,  e,  g.  kiirran  for  hSrgati,  mitler  for  mitjer.  It 
"  Toi-alized  as  in  Gotbic  when  it  stands  between  two  consonants 
Wit  the  end  of  a  word,  e.g.  verjan,  snlvare,  nerifu;  heri,  army, 
gen-  herjea.  Initial  j  is  occasionally  dropped,  as  i'ner  for  jeni'e 
or^rse/-,  ilie ;  dmer  for  jdmer,  plauctua  (Germ,  jammer). 

Old  B^on.  J  and  i  designate  the  same  sound.  At  tlie  end 
ofvotisj  is  always  supplanted  by  1,  in  the  same  manner  us  w 
l^K.  "Hjis  dialect,  like  Old  High  German,  renders  ^  befoi-c  e, 
Wd  i  by  J,  whether  at  the  beginning  or  in  the  middle  of  a  word, 
^■^■ger  farjdr,  year;  gchan,  aiErmare,  futcri;  gi,  ye;  n'lgi,  new, 
^th.  ninjif ;  and  before  other  vowels  it  is  often  supplanted  by 
J»>  e.g.  ^'ww^flTO^ywnjrtro.diseipIe (Germ. jiinger);  ghiiku-=jnilen, 
Je».  This  gi  for  j  has  notliiug  to  do  with  the  prefix  g'l.  The 
fWerBe  rarely  oeenrs,  that  is,  j  instead  of  g  before  a  thin  vowel 
('  w  %),  a  case  which  is  more  common  in  Old  Frisian.  Before 
■"  inflexional  a  it  has  a  tendency  to  yield  its  place  to  the  vowel  c, 
\  ^  «miean  for  wentljan,  bliiean  for  bli^jaa,  and  before  a  consonant 
n  'B  vocalized,  e,  g.  idida  from  sdjan,  to  sow. 

Anglo-Saxon.  In  the  more  ancient  manuseriptsy  is  rendered 
"7  s  or  i,  so  tliat  before  e  and  i  we  find  g,  before  other  vowels  ge. 
(f^ompare  Old  Saxon).  Examples  -.—ge,  ye ;  git,  you  two ;  gear, 
,  S'-'Ai;  geoc,  yoke;  geaiig,  young,  Rarelyj=_/:  id,jd,yes;  ioe,joc, 
yoke.  The  latter  consonant  is  however  preferred  in  the  middle  of 
*  *ord  ;  eardjan,  to  dwell,  for  which  we  find  eaitilgean  too.  After 
1    the  liquid  r  the  consonant  g  is  more  commonly  used,  as  nergaH=s 

I 


i 


116  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

nerjati,  wergan^werjan.  I(j  at  the  end  of  a  word  is  not  dropped, 
it  is  also  replaced  by  g :  sig,  sit,  may  be  (=«,  Germ,  sei) ;  iiy. 
they  {^At) ;  frig^fri  smA/reS,  free.  This  g  which  is  used  forj 
may  yield  to  the  spirant  w^  as  buwan  for  buian  or  bugian,  to 
dwell. 

Old  Frisian.     While  the  other  dialects  which  we  have  just 
examined  often  supplant  y  by  ^,  Old  Frisian  on  the  contrary  ms, 
besides  the  organic  jy  used  this  consonant  in  the   place  of  §.      \ 
The  sibilant  y  is  organic  m  jer,  year;  jung,  young;  federfBy      \ 
patruus;    makja,  to  make;    sparja,  to  spare;    erja,  to  honour 
(Germ.  eren).    Still,  this  consonant  is  rather  scarce,  because  it  is 
commonly  vocalized  where  it  forms  part  of  the  root,  as  ma,  new 
(Goth,  niujis);  fri,  free  (Goth,  freis,  frijis).    g  for  j  is  rarely 
used,    j  once  vocalized  into  i  is  lost  altogether  from  the  word; 
hence  hiri,  army  (Germ,  heer),  has  in  the  dative,  not  >l»)7i,but 
hiriy  contrary  to  the  rule  followed  by  the  other  dialects. 

Old  Norse.    At  the  beginning  of  words  ^  is  dropped  throug^^ 
out,  except  in  jd,  ita,  and  jSl,  feast ;  hence  Old  Norse  writes  ^^» 
ok,  ungfy  instead  oijdr,jok,jungr.    In  the  middle  of  a  derivati^.? 
word  j  before  i  is  dropped,  hence  mV&i  for  mi^ji,  dti  for  w(^** 
As  in  Anglo-Saxon,  so  also  in  Old  Norse,  j  may  produce  i>*^® 
gemination  gg,     Scandinavian  grammarians  spell  the  Brechut^S 
ifl,  id,  and  the  diphthongs  io,  iu,  hy  ja,jd,jo,ju.     Grimm,  ho^' 
ever,  prefers  the  former  mode  of  spelling. 


Gothic.  At  the  beginning  of  a  word  it  has  a  soft,  in  the 
middle  or  at  the  end,  a  hard  sound.  It  is  often  produced  out  of 
g  or  k  where  these  consonants  are  followed  by  t  (vide  infra,  Ben- 
t-als),  Gothic,  as  well  as  other  Teutonic  dialects,  is  fond  of 
supplying  the  h  with  the  additional  spirant  v,  which  however 
must  be  regarded  as  merely  euphonic  and  without  any  etymo- 
logical value.  The  cognate  languages,  with  the  exception  of 
Latin,  render,  in  accordance  with  Grimm's  law,  the  Gothic  h 
by  k,  as  Goth,  hvas,  O.  H.  Germ,  huer,  Sansk.  ka^;  Goth,  hve^ 
leiks,  Gr.  Krj\iK<as :  while  Latin  shares  the  Gothic  tendency  and 
says  quis  and  quails.  The  double  spirant  is  avoided  at  later 
times,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  usurper  v  preserves  its  place  and 
the  original  A  is  dropped.  Some  editors  use  to  for  the  combi- 
nation Av, 

When  the  derivative  suffix  ta  follows  upon  a  guttural  of  the 
root,  the  guttural  ^  or  >l  is  changed  into  A,  e.  g.  mak^ta,  pret.  of 
mag^n  (posse). 


I  CONSONANTS.  117 

I  (Ad  W^  Germaiu  This  dialect  has  two  distinct  sounds 
I  vUeh  are  both  represented  by  the  letter  h ;  in  one  case  it  is  the 
I  qannt  which  corresponds  to  the  Grothic  k,  in  the  other  it  is  the 
I  a^nmted  guttural^  answering  to  the  Gothic  k,  and  in  pronuncia* 
tioi  approaching  the  German  ek.  At  the  beginning  of  a  word 
the  Old  Hi^h  Grerman  k  is  always  identical  with  the  Gothic 
ipnnt  of  the  same  character^  eg.  kano^  cock^  Goth,  kana; 
idt,  laity  clandus,  Goth.  kalU;  but  in  the  middle  and  at  the 
end  of  a  word  it  may  be  either  the  spirant  or  the  aspirate.  The 
ktter,  when  occurring  in  the  middle  of  the  word,  is  rendered  by 
lyhky  or  ck ;  at  the  end  of  the  word  almost  always  by  A.  In 
Older  therefore  to  determine  whether  in  a  given  case  we  have 
to  deal  with  the  spirant  or  the  aspirate^  we  must  collate  the  Old 
^fa  German  with  the  Gothic  form^  the  latter  always  render- 
ing the  Old  High  German  spirant  by  A,  the  Old  High  German 
aspirate  by  k.  Thus  we  have  in  the  words  mihil,  zeikan,  hrdhun^ 
tte  aspirate^  because  they  are  rendered  in  Gothic  by  mikiU, 
UUmi,  brSkun;  in  9lakan/iiku,  ziokan,  the  spirant,  Goth,  slakan, 
I  fidn,  iiuhan;  at  the  end  of  words,  ik,  mik,  juky  the  aspirate 
again,  because  we  find  them  in  Gothic  rendered  by  iky  mikyjuk, 
vhile  Moky  zek,  fiSky  display  the  spirant  just  as  the  Goth,  nakvy 
UHy^Mmk. 

When  occurring  in  the  middle  of  a  word  the  spirant  k  is  often 
dropped,  and  then  causes  the  preceding  vowel  to  be  lengthened^ 
tg,d=akay  water;  bil=6ikily  bipennis.  k  has  been  dropped 
before  s  in  misl,  fimus,  Goth,  mafkstus ;   zesawery  dexter,  Goth. 

Under  the  influence  of  an  inflexional  t  the  guttural  ^  or  >&  is 
cbaDged  into  k,  e.  g.  makr-tay  pret.  of  magaUy  mugariy  posse. 

In  the  middle  of  words  spirants  can  interchange,  e.  g.  sdjaUy 
tdiany  sdwaHy  to  sow;  fokeryfowery  few  ;  crdjiiy  grdtcu,  cana. 

Old  Saxon.     The  Old  Saxon  k  corresponds  <ixactly  to  the 

Gothic     The  combinations  kl,  kr,  kn,  &c.,  are  preserved  in  some 

documents,  in  others  the  k  is  dropped.    As  in  Old  High  German, 

an  inorganic  k  is  produced  out  of  g  and  k  under  the  influence  of 

an  inflexional  ^,  e.g.  sSk-ta,  pret.  of  sok-jauy  to  seek;    mah-tay 

pret.  of  mugauy  posse.     ^  is  no  favourite  consonant  in  the  middle 

of  a  word,  and  is,  therefore,  either  dropped  or  hardened  into  a 

guttural;   hence  8ifan=s8ekany  to  see;  gean=ge7iany  to  affirm; 

geungan  instead  of  gewikauy  to  bless  (Germ,  weihen) ;   and  tlie 

plur.  pret.  Idgofiy  MgoUy  of  lakan,  to  blame,  slakan,  to  slay,     k  is 

occasionally  dropped  after  vowels,  e.  g.  ^e'ray  anima,  for  ferak  ; 

frdy  ketus  (Germ,  froh),  for  frdh ;    or  it  is  hai-dcned  into  the 

media,  ginog  for  ginoky  enough. 


\ 


U8  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

In  9es9y  Aji,  and/«««,  fox,  the  doable  9  takes  the  place  of  the 
spirant  combination  hs. 

In  the  middle  of  words  spirants  can^  as  in  Old  High  Grennanj 
interchange^  e.  g.  sdhuriy  sdwun  (even  aduu  and  adgon,  videmnt)^ 
kneohon  and  knemoon,  dat.  plur.  oikneo,  knee;  adjan  and  sihauj 
to  sow. 

Anglo-Saxon.  As  in  other  dialects  an  inorganic  h  is  pro- 
duced out  of  g  and  c  {k).  Where  the  media  g  occurs  at  the  end 
of  a  word  it  is  replaced  by  hy  as  burh  (borough),  burge,  beat  (ring)^ 
hedges ;  but  it  retains  its  position  after  short  vowels,  hence  iSg\ 
day;  vidgy  may,  podest;  Idgy  law;  ««a^,  boy;  «7^,  way.  In  the 
pret.  of  verbs,  g  yields  its  place  to  hy  e.  g.  bealhy  pret.  of  belgan; 
fieahy  pret.  o{  JleSge;  birAst,  WMS,  of  beorgan  ;  fledkaty  fle6h^  of 
Jfeogan,  Before  the  inflexional  t  of  the  preterite,  the  guttural  e  (i) 
must,  as  in  other  dialects, be  changed  into  hy  e.g.  sScany  to  seek; 
so/itey  sought ;  recauy  curare,  pret.  r^Ate.  We  have  interchange  of 
spirants  in  geseo=geseohey  I  see,  pret.  geseah,  plur.  gesawoHy  part 
geseicen  ai  i  d  gesegen .     hh^=.h. 

Old  Frisian.  The  initial  h  is  identical  with  that  of  the  other 
dialects.  The  combinations  hly  hfy  and  hwy  are  also  spelt  Iky  rhy 
wh.  Initial  h  is  inorganic  in  hdgay  to  have,  Groth.  digan.  In  the 
middle  of  a  word  h  is  either  dropped  or  hardened  into  ^,  e.  g. 
slay  to  see;  liafi,  ten;  slogotty  plur.  pret.  of  sld,  to  slay;  hUgey 
conj.  pres.  of  Alia,  fateri,  O.  H.  Germ.  JeAan;  Adgoaly  superl.  of 
AdcA,  high  (Germ.  hoch).  The  hardened  spirant  A  appears  as  ch 
at  the  end  of  a  woi-d  (unless  it  is  dropped,  as  mfiay  pecus,  Germ. 
vieh),  e.  g.  AacA,  high ;  nocA,  yet,  adhuc;  in  the  middle  of  a  word 
always  before  t,  e.g.  docAtery  daughter;  acAtay  eight;  riucAty  right; 
and  thus  every  g  or  h  is  changed  into  cA  before  the  inflexional  i^ 
as  fnacA-tCy  pret.  of  meg-ay  may,  posse ;  socA-Uy  pret.  of  sek-^y  to 
seek.  The  media  g,  except  in  the  combination  ng  and  egy  changed 
into  ely  always  becomes  cA  when  it  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  word, 
or  before  the  tenuis  t,  e.  g.  bercAy  mountain  (G^rm.  berg),  gen. 
berges ;  orlocA^  war,  gen.  orloges ;  fliucAty  volat,  oifiiaga. 

Old  Norse.  The  more  ancient  forms  Aly  Auy  Aty  drop  the  h 
in  later  documents.  In  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words  h 
has  been  dropped  everywhere :  ^a,  to  see,  O.  H.  Germ,  aehan ; 
ior,  horse  (O.  S.  eAu) ;  likamTy  body  (Germ,  leichnam),  for  likAamr. 
At  is  changed  into  tty  and  by  this  change  the  preceding  vowel  is 
lengthened,  e.  g.  rettr^  right,  Goth.  raiAU  ;  drdUiny  lord,  O.  H. 
Germ.  tniAtin,  The  combination  kty  which  in  the  other  dialects 
is  converted  into  Aty  either  remains  intact,  or  is  changed  into  tty 
e.  g.  ]wktr  and  }fStiry  part,  of  }fykjay  videri ;  aStti  and  sSktiy  pret. 
of  soekja,  to  seek. 


C02f SON  ANTS. 


1.  layiaU:—h,  p,  f  (ph,  V,  t>) 

Gothio.  The  media  4  occurs  frequently  at  the  beginning  of 
*otds,  but  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  it  is  oft«n  replaced  by 
tbe  labial  aspirate  _/  Before  the  tenuis  t  the  media  6  must  in- 
lariBbly  be  changed  intoy":  hent-e  ffr^i  from  grahan,  drdijl  from 
Awiiaii.  Where  the  h  is  terminatiooal  it  can  retain  its  place 
OBly  after  a  liquid,  as  dumb,  dumb ;  ^arb,  poor,  needy ;  after  any 
otber  sound  it  must  yield  iof,  e.  g.  gaf,  pret.  of  gihan,  to  give ; 
p(f,  pret.  oi'  graban,  to  dig  (Germ,  grab  en ) ;  i/4i/,  aceus.  of 
Wiii,  bread,  loaf.  Occasional  deviations  from  this  rule  occur, 
Mtlat  we  find  ildi/s  for  Aldiit,  and  (val/6  by  the  side  of  tvallf, 
ttelve.  The  prepositions  af,  uf,  afar  (after),  and  vfar  (over), 
[wfer  tho^/"  iu  every  position ;  but  where  the  interrogative  par- 
hde  u  follows,  the  media  regains  its  place,  e.  g,  «4a,  whence, 

The  tenuis  p  never  ocears  at  the  beginning  of  a  native  Gothic 
"Ofd,  but  it  is  frequent  enough  at  the  end  and  in  the  middle  of 
"ords.  In  the  latter  case  it  is  before  a  t  subject  to  the  same 
U»  as  the  media  and  must  be  changed  into  f,  e.  g.  tkapjau, 
lf>  create  (Germ,  schaffen) ;  M^ft,  creavisti ;  gaskafU,  creature 
(Germ,  geschiipf). 

The  aspirate  /  has  received  its  explanation  in  the  foregoing 
rtmarks. 

Old  High  German.  The  Gothic  media  b  should,  in  Old  High 
German,  according  to  Grimm's  law,  always  lie  rendered  by  the 
tennis  p.  This  rule  is,  indeed,  followed  in  the  more  ancient 
glossaries,  where  we  read  ipa,  slap,  prinkan,  pitah ,  for  the  Gothic 
lAi,  ne,  nonne;  stabs,  element,  rudiment;  bringan,  to  bring; 
^1^,  letter  (Germ,  buchstabe).  In  other  documents  we  find  a 
leas  strict  adherence  to  the  rule,  and  though  the  tenuis  is  pre- 
•erved  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  end,  it  is  often  replaced  by 
the  media  in  the  middle  of  words;  hence,  >tap,pvah,  but  tbu  by 
the  side  of  lepen.  In  other  documents  again  the  tenuis  beeps 
its  position  only  where  it  is  tenninational,  being  in  every  other 
pla(%  superseded  by  the  media,  and  the  final  step  in  this  deviiv- 
tion  from  the  true  Old  High  German  system  is  made  by  replacing 
the  tenuis  by  the  media  throughout ;  so  that  the  Gothic  b  is 
everywhere  rendered  in  Old  High  German  by  5  as  well.  Tlie 
Umuis  occurs  only  in  foreign  words  and  after  the  sibilant  *,  which 
renders  the  position  of  a  succeeding  tenuis  impregnable. 


TEVTOXIC  GRAMMAR.  ^^^^ 

TitK  OV\  High  Gcrroui  aspirate  may  be  exprened  l>v  ak.  p/'._  _ 
and  V :  ^  is  foonil  for  the  lAtia  p,  as  in  pkmnt,  lat.  pondt^^ 
poaadf  the  liter  gfiaUf  or  simplT  /Wsl ;  or  the  Latin  tenu  ^^ 
mnaina  mimlteRd,  pm»~L  In  the  nuddle  of  M-urds  and  at  tk:^ 
end /I  is  often  aaed  inatand  ot/",  as  iMjtiaa,  K-arpA  (Germ.  weM^ 
Cen,  waif).  TV  initial  aspirate  is  either  rendeml  by/  or  v,  Vx^ 
former  indicating  a  sonl,  the  latter  a  soft  sound,  and  cith^^ 
being'  need  aceordii^  to  tbe  propenntiee  of  the  difierent  dialect^ 
in  which  the  diSerent  antbon  have  written.  Ae  a  rule  it  ma^^ 
be  lud  down  that  an  J"  which  occnrs  at  the  end  of  a  word 
be  changed  into  r  when  socoeeded  by  another  svlUble,  e.  g. 
w&left  (the  Esme  in  English);  biteof  (bishop),  biKOVtt. 
media  i  for  r  in  the  middle  of  a  word  is  exceptional. 

pi  does  not  occur  in  Old  High  German,  the  Latin  paaln 
therefore  becomes  m/w.  (Compare  the  pronunciation  o{  ptalm 
English.)     O.  U.Genn.yi=A.S.  */i:   ve^go,  icasp,wstsp. 

Sinoe  tUe  dialectic  variations  in  the  nse  of  the  mut«s  are  ven 
complicated  in  Old  High  German,  wc  subjoin  a  table,  in  which 
their  application  by  dlSerent  authors  is  in£cated^ : — 

UlDO*.  OTFBIEII.  TlTIAS 

iliutal".     .     .       p./                    h.y\.f  h,pk,f 

Int«im      .             6./.r                fc././  .        b.f\.9 

(  Temunalioiul       p,  ph.  /           !>■/•/  t,  pA,  • 

Old  Soxoo.  CM  Saxon  labials  are  rendered  by  the  letters  ^ 
b.if,  v,f,},h. 

Tlie  tenuis  p,  which  is  rare  at  the  beginning,  occurs  frequently; 
in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words,  and  is  in  every  rcspecCi 
identical  witli  tUe  Gothic  jt». 

The  media  b  keeps  its  position  only  at  the  beginning  of  word^ji 
while  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  a  word  it  yields  to  thtt 
aitpirate,  except  in  the  combinations  mh  and  hh,  as  eamb,  combj 
lamb,  lamb ;  weW),  web  ;  kebhjan,  to  have.  ^ 

There  are  two  aspirates,  the  softer  marked  by  t  {=bh,  v),  tl 
surd  by  f;  the  fovraer  is  used  when  a  vowel  or  the  media 
succeeds,  the  latter  before  i,  I,  n,  and  commonly  before  r.  E 
amples : — cUotan,  to  cleave;  atiiiul,  even,  evening  (Germ.  abeii<^$ 
hotiii,  head  (Germ,  haupt,  cajiut);  hatila,  had,  habuit;  ^iAA^i 
lived,  visit  [  craft,  s\b;  q/'far,  a.iteT ;  f/no,  even.pariter  :  compsi^ 
further  sueiian,  somnlum,  dat.  sing,  tuefne,  aec.  plur.  «t(«&iM0ti 
At  the  end  of  words  we  always  find/  and  in  one  and  the  san^ 
word,  therefore,  we  may  find  t  and  /  alternately,  as  in  elv^iam^ 


coysoifAyrs. 


121 


cleave,  pret.  clif/^;  wo//,  gen,  KottkB ;  kof,  court,  yard  (Gi?rm. 
««f),  gen.  hi^ei. 

As  to  the  mode  of  rendering  the  soft  and  surd  fispirat«s  eome 
Ccnfasion  exists  in  documents.     The  former  is  marked  in  the 
Cottoniao  text  by  t  (rarely/),  in  the  Munich  Codex  by  *  and  b  ; 
.le  Psalms  use  always  c,  other  document*  v  and /I     For  the  ter- 
lination  f  the  Heliand  has  sometimes  ft  (in  the  Munich  Codex 
<\,  as  ^(8  for  iif,  »iS  for  vif,  See. 
At  the  beginning  of  a  word  the  Old  Saxon  is  always  identical 
I'^th  the  Gothic  f,  which  minor  documents  like  to  render  by  r : 
9a»=/tiit,  de;  Koia=fohs,  fox.     Noteworthy  is  the  digression  of 
~  into  kt,  that  is,  firom  the  labial  aspirate  into  the  guttural 
R  case  mor«  frequent  in  Dutch,  e.g.  erakl=crap,  vis; 
^Ur,  post;    compare  Dutch  eraeht  and  aciler,  for  tho 
traft  and  after,    ph  and  J/"  only  in  foreign  words. 
isfi^o-Baxon.    The  media  Z,  if  initial,  is  always  organic ;  in 
Uie  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words  it  occurs  only  in  the  combi- 
nations mil  and  bh  [the  latter  originating  in  i/").     Examples: — 
Umb,  dumb,  comb  ;  Ubban,  to  live;  hdbban,  to  have. 

Tlie  tennis^  is  always  organic,  and  never  encroached  upon  by 
other  consonants. 

The  aspirate  /  also  ia  always  organic,  and  therefore  identical 
irith  the  Gothic,  if  it  occurs  at  the  beginning  of  a  word,  while  in 
the  middle  and  at  the  end  its  occurrence  is  far  more  frequent 
than  in  Old  High  German,  even  more  so  than  in  Gothic,  for  it 
often  supplants  the  Gothic  i.  Old  High  German  j5.  The  organic 
y  we  have  in  the  words  wulf,  gen.  wuffet,  Goth,  vulfn,  O.  H, 
Germ,  teolf,  wolves,  O.  S.  kuI/,  wuibej ;  heojian,  to  mourn,  Goth. 
iiW^jt,  O.S. -Jwfcn. 

The  inorganic  /  in  the  place  of  the  media  h  we  find  in  seofon, 
seven  (Goth.  sHun,  O,  H.  Germ,  gipun,  O.  S.  situn)  ;  yeof,  thief, 
gen.  \e^fe»  (Goth,  yiuba,  ^iiibk,  0.  H.  Germ,  diop,  dwbes,  O.  S, 
iksof,  Ikeatex).    From  these  examples  it  will  become  evident  that 
' '"  le  range  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  f  is  still  further  enlarged  by  the 
:nce  in  this  dialect  of  a  soft  labial  aspirate  like  Old  High 
lerman  v,  Old  Saxon  ft.     It  is  characteristic  of  Anglo-Saxon 
ihat  whilst  on  the  one  hand  it  shares  the  Low  German  inclina- 
tion of  its  sister  dialects  to  convert  the  labial  media,  where  it  is 
not  protected  by  certain  consonants,  into  the  aspirate — first  at 
the  end,  later  on  in  the  middle  of  words  as  well,  it  objects,  lite 
\e  Old  Norse,  to  a  modification  of  the  aspirate,  and  a]wa3's  uses 
le  surd  /)  where  Old  Saxon  and  Old  Frisian  smoothe  it  down 
to  V,  and  by  this  means  produce  a  greater  variety  and  elegance 
sound. 


■ihei 
Hibmi 


122  TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 

The  ^mination  pp  is  rare  ;  ff  occura  in  the  verl)  offrjan,  to 
otfi-T,  and  in  a  few  proper  names. 

Old  Frisian.  The  media  b  ie,  as  in  the  other  dialectB,  always 
organic  at  the  beginning  of  words,  and  occurs  in  the  middle  and 
at  the  cud  only  iu  the  combinations  tub  aud  bb,  e.  g.  dumbe, 
etupid  (Germ,  dmnm);  crumb,  crooked  (Germ,  knuntn);  kebba, 
to  have.     In  all  other  cases  it  yields  to  the  aspirate. 

Tiie  tennis  p  is,  in  its  relations,  identical  with  the  same  letter 
in  the  other  Low  German  dialects. 

The  aspirate y^  is  so  far  identical  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  aspirate 
as  it  occurs,  organic  and  inorganic,  in  the  place  of  tlie  media ; 
but  it  differs  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  by  admitting  a  modification 
of  the/' sound  in  the  soft  aspirate  «,  the  former  being  prefurred 
where  the  aspirate  is  initial  or  final,  the  latter  where  it  stands 
in  the  middle  of  a  word.  Examples : — lif,  life,  gen.  lives ;  gref,^ 
grave,  gen.  greves.  But  a  succeeding  i  sound  gives  shelter  to  a 
the^  hence  e/'ter,  after;  An/d,  head;  je/tha,  aut.  fl 

The  gemination  pp  is  rare ;  Jf  only  in  foreign  words,  as  offariop^ 
to  ofi'cr.  fl 

Old  ITorae.    The  media  is  iu  the  same  relation  as  in  the  Lonw 
German  dialects ;  hence  it  is  organic  at  the  beginning  of  words,   I 
and  is  superseded  by  the  aspirate  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end 
of  words,  except  in  the  combinations  mb  and  bb,   e.  g.   kamhr, 
comb;    t'lmbr,  building  (cf.  Engl,  timber  and  Germ,  zimmer); 
vomb,  womb ;  gabba,  to  cheat. 

As  to  the  tenuis  p,  it  is  characteristic  of  the  Old  Norse  dialect 
that  it  preserves  that  consonant  in  the  combinaton  pt  in  which 
the  Low  German  dialects  invariably  reject  it  and  form  the  com- 
bination ft,  e.  g.  lopt,  air  (Geim.  lufL),  Goth,  luflus  \  opt,  oftes^ 
(Germ,  oft),  Goth,  vfta ;  krapt,  strength,  craft  (Germ .  kraft),  A.  S.  ■ 
craft.     In  this  respect  Old  Norse  occupies  one  and  the  same, 

Ciition  with  the  cognate  languages,  as  O.  N.  skripl,  a  picture,  and 
t.  ecriptiim,  A.  S.  scrift  (Germ,  Bchrift).  Even  where  the  root 
ends  in/'  it  is  changed  into  ^  if  a  (  follows  it ;  e.  g.  gef-a,  to  give ; 
gip-ta,  in  matrimonium  dare ;  rif-a,  to  tear ;  rip-ta,  to  cleave. 
The  radical  /'  keeps  its  position  before  a  i  only  in  the  and  pers. 
aing,  of  the  preterite  of  the  verb,  e.  g.  ravf-t,  destruxisti,  from 
riuf-a.  In  later  documentB,  however,  pt  is  occasionally  con- 
verted into  Jt  in  the  middle,  and  into  tt  at  the  end  of  wordsj 
e.g.  eftir  for  eptir,  after;  dlt  for  opt,  oft.  I 

The  gemination  pp  has  its  origin  in  mp,  as  kupp,  fight  (Germ.  I 
kampf),  O.  Fris,  komp,  hemp,  O.  H.  Germ,  kempko.  1 

The  aspirate/' is  organic  at  the  beginning  of  the  word ;  in  the4 
middle  and  at  the  end  it  often  represents  the  media  b,  and,  se  is  f 


^^■^p  co^•so^'AyTs. 

Anglo-Saxon,  rcfusee  the  modification  into  v,  unless  we  except  a 
few  cases  where  an  initiuly  ia  replaced  by  v. 

Tliis  dialect  in  certain  words  vacillates  between  the  combina- 
tions /n  and  ^^n,  so  that  ati^n,  for  instance,  forms  the  dative 
i/aani,  and  ianin  stands  for  tafn;  and,  vice  versa,  safna  forO.H. 
Germ.  »antatton.     The  gemination  j?"  only  in  foreign  words. 


\ 


a.  2?enfa/,.— d,  t,  d  (dh)  \  (th),  B,  3 


Oothio  djtf  \.  In  the  dental,  as  in  the  labial  ovder,  the  media 
and  aspirate  stand  in  close  relationship,  so  that  the  latter  in 
certain  positions  takes  the  place  of  the  former.  Only  the  com- 
biuatious  /*/,  '"^j  fit,  where  the  liquid  slieltera  the  media,  are 
organically"  distinct  from  /|),  n\,  t\,  as  haldSy  cold;  bal\s,  bold, 
which  can  never  become  hal'fs  and  hald* ;  vind^,  wind;  soin^t, 
strong;  vaurd,  word;  vair\g,  worth.  If  it  occurs  in  any  other 
combination,  the  media  yields  its  place  to  the  aspirate  as  soon 
as  it  becoraes  t«rminational,  e.  g.  hiutlan,  pret.  bav^  (exceptionally 
Sduii) ;  the  nominatives  kaubiy,  liuAap,  vito^,  and  their  genitives, 
Aaitbid-ia,  liuhad-is,  vildd-U.  The  aspirate  may  transplant  the 
media  even  where  the  terminational  a  of  the  nominative  follows 
it,  as_/aA^*  for^^eJ^,  joy;  midihs  for  milada.  The  tendency 
which  manifests  itself  in  the  Gothic  version  of  St.  Luke's 
GoBpel  to  restore,  or  perhaps  rather  to  preserve,  the  ancient 
media  in  preference  to  the  aspirate,  is  peculiar;  hence  nimid, 
cajnt,  not  nimi^  ;  aa4,  not  aa^,  &c. 

The  tcnms  is  in  many  cases  organic,  in  others  it  has  usurped 
the  place  of  the  media.  In  the  latter  capacity  we  find  it  chiefly 
after  the  spirant  h  in  the  pret.  of  anomalous  verbs  which  have 
dropped  the  derivative  vowel,  e.  g.  brahta,  brought,  for  brakda  ; 
niahta,  might  (Germ,  mochte},  for  maAdaj  yaurfla  for  \iaurfda 
(Germ,  durfte);  kaupa»la=kattpatta=kaupat-ila  {«  from  the  dis- 
similation of  the  t,  vide  aub  ht.  b),  from  the  verb  kdupatjan, 
colaphizare;  further,  the  anomalous  pret«rite  vi»sa=vUta=v'U(a 

»^rU-tla  from  vif-aa,  scire  (Germ,  wissen '}. 
The  aspirate  [j  is  in  sound  identical  with  the  English  li,  and 
is  sometimes  represented  by  the  former,  the  Runic,  sometimes 
ly  our  modem  sign.  Where  the  aspirate  belongs  to  the  root  it 
remains  unaltered  though  it  recede  to  the  middle  of  the  word, 
hence  qi]iaji,  to  say,  qa]r,  qe]fitm ;  yet  we  must  notice  frdpjan, 

^roy,  sapcre,  axiA/rdds,  sapiens. 

Old  Hijili  German  d,  i,  ss,  |.     According  to  Grimm's  law  the 

'  See  the  strong  coDJug&tion  of  tho  verb. 


124  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Gotliic  media  is  in  Old  High  German  represented  by  the  t€nai^ 
and  this  is  done  in  strictly  Old  High  German  authors  such  i' 
Kero  and  Tutian,  whilst  in  Isidor  and  Otfricd  the  Gothic  medj 
is  preserved,  so  that  the  Ibrmer  uses  the  media  at  the  begimt 
and  in  the  middle,  the  tenuis  always  at  the  end  of  a  word, ) 
therefore  writes  doiter,  daughter  (Goth,  daahtar) ;  worde,  won 
(Goth,  vavrda),  hut  nom.  sing.  warl.  The  latter  leaves  the  medi 
at  the  beginning,  but  he  replaces  it  not  only  at  the  end,  bafe 
often  in  the  middle  of  a  word  as  well,  and  therefore  writes  doAicTf, 
like  Isidor,  hut  tlantan,  to  stand,  Goih.  atandan ;  kant,  hxad^ 
Goth.  h«ndua.  In  Old  High  German  we  should  for  the  Gotlu<i 
combinations  !d,  nd,  rd,  expect  //,  nf,  rt,  and  for  the  Goth.  A^ 


«]),  r|j,  O,  H,  Germ.  Itl,  nd,  rd;   but  great  confusion  prevails 
tlie  practice  of  different  authors,  so  that  we  find  hlinilett  instew 
of  btinUtt,  hand  instead  of  Aani  (Goth,  blindan,  kandim),  and  mvM 


instead  of  mitnd  (Goth.  mvnYg,  mouth). 

For  the  Gothic  tenuis  Old  High  German  haa  the  aspirate  t^ 
occasionally  rendered  by  e,  a  sound  which  occurs  in  two  modifica<i 
tions,  as  a  surd  or  hard,  and  as  a  soft,  of  which  Grimm  reudem 
the  former  by  ;,  the  latter  by  |,  whilst  in  the  Old  High  Germaa- 
documents  i  is  put  indiscriminately  for  both  sounds,  z  alwan 
occurs  as  the  initial  aspirate :  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  m 
word  it  is  found  only  when  preceded  by  a  liquid,  as  vehait,  to 
revolve  (Germ,  walzen];  kran:.  garland  (Germ,  kranz);  trvn^ 
wort  (Germ,  wiirz),  and  where  it  eorreeponds  to  a  Gothic  H, 
e.g.  scaz,  treasure,  Goth.  acatU;  sizatt,  to  sit,  Goth,  iilta». 
The  soil  aspirate  j  is  used  only  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of 
words,  and  always  corresponds  to  the  Gothic  t,  watar,  Gotll. 
val4,  water  (Genu,  wa^er'};  y»o|,  Gotb.^Vw*,  foot  (Grerm.  fQf)^ 
sa^,  Goth,  gal,  sat  (Germ.  saf). 

The  Gothic  aspirate  is  in  the  stiict  Old  High  German  replaced^ 
by  the  media ;  but  in  many  documents  this  law  is  much  rel&xed. 
Isidor  uses  for  the  Gothic  J>,  in  whatever  position  it  may  occur, 
dh,  which  in  sound  may  have  resemble<l  the  Anglo-Saxon  ^  (thA; 
English  soft  ih),  e.  g.  f^»,  tu;  dh&r,i&;  Kfrdhan,fteTi\  ckindk, 
infans  (Goth,  ^v,  vair\>an,  &c.). 

Otfried  and  Tatian  use  (A  for  Gothic  \>  only  at  the  beginnings 
and  replace  it  by  d  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words. 

The  gemination  It  results  by  assimilation  from  fj,  Goth,  df, 
Uttaa,  Goth,  bidjan,  to  l>eg  (Germ,  bitten),  dd  occurs  rarel; 
and  is  identical  with  ft:  laddun  {asseies)  =  la lluii ;  but  edtio 
the  Goth,  af^yau. 

1  Commonl;  upclt  iroMcr. 


COaVSOiVANTS.  125 

The  dentals  as  applied  by  different  authors  yield  the  following 
L  paradigm ' : — ■ 


M.^ 


'.id 


Old  Saxon  (f,  t,  iS,  ti.  At  the  beginning  of  a  word  the  media 
is  Used  just  as  in  Gothic;  so  also  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end 
of  words,  but  with  the  following  esceptione  ;— The  O.  S.  Id,  nii, 
^  represent  the  identical  Gothic  combinations  as  well  as  the 
Goth,  ly,  «|j,  and  r\t  hence  Goth.  kaliU,  bindan  and  bal^s,  anyar, 
"how  in  O.  S.  the  media,  ca!d,  bindan,  bald,  andar.  When  how- 
*ver  the  «  is  dropped  the  aspirate  finds  its  jilace  ajjain,  hence 
J^^n  for  findan,  to  find ;  mu%,  Goth.  B»«n|ij,  O.  H.  Germ,  mnnt, 
^Ooutb  (Germ,  miind).  Old  Saxon  does  not  object  to  the  use  of 
Wie  media  at  the  end  of  wonls  where  Gothic  replaces  it  by  the 
•spirate,  therefore  O.  S.  god^  dous,  for  Goth.^w}j#;  hf4<l,  bride 
\Genn.  braut),  Goth.  brH\s  ;  so  also  the  termination  of  the  3rd 
■ing.  prea.  of  verbs  :  iir-id,  ner-iil,  salb-od.  But  the  Old  Snxon 
'termi national  media  is  sometimes  allected  in  another  way,  so 
that  it  yields  to  the  tenuis  i  {perhaps  under  Old  High  German 
influence)  when  it  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  word,  e.g.  got  for 
god,  but  gen.  goilig  again ;  in  the  same  manner  dof,  death,  gen. 
diditj  weroll,  world,  gen.  KeroldU ;  behteft,  pret,  of  lielialdan, 
conservare. 

The  tenuis  t,  with  the  exception  of  the  few  mentioned  cases, 
preserves  its  organic  character  and  keeps  aloof  from  any  inter- 
change with  media  and  aspirate  alike. 

The  aspirate  appears  hard  in  ik,  soft  in  fi ;  but  these  signs  are 
not  always  adhered  to  in  the  different  manuscripts.  The  Munich 
Codex  has  d  and  5,  rarely  th ;  the  Cottonian  th  and  S  indiecri- 
minately ;  smaller  documents  commonly  ih,  rarely  S, 

Anglo-Saxon  d,  t,  'S,  ]>.  Besides  its  organic  functions  the 
media  has  frequently  to  form  the  substitute  of  the  aspirate,  the 
latter  keeping  its  pkce  after  the  liquids  n  and  r,  hut  yielding  it 
to  the  media  after  /,  so  that  the  original  distinction  between  Id 
and  ^5  is  no  longer  preserved.  Hence  we  find  cald,  ceald,  cold, 
Goth,  kald-g;  and  bald,  bold,  Goth.  i«/J>*.  Compare  Old  Saxon. 
In  tlie  preterite  of  strong  verbs  the  termiuational  5  ol'  the 
root,  as  soon  as  it  recedes  from  the  end  of  the  word,  is  replaced 
by  the  media,  e,  g,  toeor^e,  fio ;  pret.  wear^,  icurde,  wurdon,  part. 
vordt;  cw^e,  dico,  cwdlS,  cwade,  acredon. 


126  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

The  tenuis  »  organie  with  one  exoeptionj  which  is  chaimcter- 
istic  of  this  dialect.  Whenerer  the  tennination  'S  in  the  3rd 
sing,  of  strong  Teibs  follows  npon  m  dentid  or  spirant  of  the  root, 
d'\'%,  or  J+'Sy  make  i,  and  thus  himd^i,  he  biifdsj  becomes  biui; 
becomes  efft,  he  chooses. 

The  aspirate  is,  as  in  most  Low  German  dialects^  modified 
into  hard  {\)  and  soft  (^^  which  nndoobtedfy  represent  tiie  two- 
fold aspirates  still  extant  in  modem  English,  tiie  soft  in  Hint 
and  90othey  the  hard  in  ikim  and  joo/i.  As  to  the  nse  of  the  soft 
or  hard  aspirate  the  manuscripts  are  so  irregular  as  to  render  it 
impossible  to  form  a  role  from  them,  and  many  editors  of  mana- 
scripts  follow  this  lawless  course.  Bask,  howcTcr,  and  Grimm 
after  his  example,  make  it  a  rale  to  nse  the  hard  aspirate  y  at 
the  b^^inning,  the  soft  8  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words. 
Dr.  B<^orth  places  ];  where  the  corresponding  word  in  English 
has  the  hard  thy  and  8  where  we  find  the  soft  Ik ;  hence  he  always 
pnts  \  at  the  beginning  of  words  not  prouominal,  as  yincan^  \fin, 
and  at  the  end  of  radical  and  inflectional  terminations,  as  smiy, 
wriidb.  The  soft  8  he  always  uses  in  the  beginning  of  pr(mouns 
and  m  words  derived  from  pronouns,  as  %di^  and  ^lUe;  and 
also  between  two  vowels,  as  banian.  Anglo-Saxon  words  are 
thus  assimilated  to  modem  English. 

The  connection  between  /8  and  Id  has  already  been  mentione<l. 
Gemination  of  the  aspirate  is  the  result  of  assimilation,  as  in 
oi^e,  or ;  si^^an,  since  (O.  Engl,  sith) ;  or  of  contraction,  as  in 
cyHi/,  home,  O.  H.  Germ,  chnndida  ;  or  it  is  superfluously  applied, 
as  in  scd^^e  for  scd^e,  damage  (Germ,  schaden,  cf.  Engl,  scathe). 

Old  Frisian  d,  t,  th.  The  Old  Frisian  dentals  occupy  very 
much  the  same  position  as  the  Anglo-Saxon.  The  media,  when 
initial,  is  organic.  In  the  middle  of  a  word  the  combination  nd 
remains  intact,  as  in  dindan,  tlie  combination  nth  drops  the  n 
(compare  A.  S.,  &c.),  as  in  hUA  ;  Id  is  either  organic  or  it  takes 
the  place  of  lih,  hence  Italda,  to  hold,  Goth,  haldan,  and  bild^z=z 
biUhc,  O.  S.  bili^i ;  rd  and  rlA  are  kept  distinct,  as  gerdel,  girdle ; 
word;  and  irf/ie,  earth,  /iirlA,  hearth.  At  the  end  of  words  the 
Old  Frisian,  like  the  Old  Saxon  media,  remains  faithful  to  its 
function  in  the  words  breid,  bride;  god;  id/d,  head;  bed,  asked 
(Germ,  bat,  Goth,  ba]?) ;  but  in  the  terminations  of  the  verb,  d 
and  ad  yield,  as  in  Gothic,  to  the  influence  of  the  aspirate,  and 
become  tk  and  atk,  as  werp-tA,  he  throws  (Germ,  wirft) ;  salv-alA, 
he  anoints ;  Goth,  va^rp-iy,  salb-dy,  but  O.  S.  wirp-id,  aalb-Sd. 

The  tenuis  is  almost  throughout  organic.  When  termina- 
tional  it  is  sometimes  dropped  after  a  ch,  as  riuch  for  riuchtjjiuch 
for  finch t ;  in  the  3rd  sing.  pres.  of  the  verb  it  replaces  excep- 


CONSONANTS. 


127 


tionally  the  Ih,  as  nimal  for  nxmath,  and  in  like  manner  it  stands 
for  ddt  =  ,Ulh,  death;  Hit=ihth,  cloth  (Germ,  kleid).  Other 
documents  place  vice  versa  th  for  t,  as  weth  for  wet,  A.  S.  %eaf; 
w^et ;  vy'iih  for  wiV.  This  Inst  chang;e,  however,  seeniH  never  to 
occur  where  i  follows  U))nn  a  mute  or  a  spirant,  and  i  therefore 
always  preserves  its  position  in  words  such  as  hrmf,  nacht,  aft. 

The  aspirate  occurs  under  the  sole  sign  of  tk,  yet  it  is  supposed 
by  grammarians  to  have  had  a  softer  sound  in  the  middle  and 
at  the  end,  than  at  the  beginning  of  words.  The  aspirate  and 
media  interchange  occasionally,  as  siMa  for  siilAa,  cespcs,  and 
»tetk  for  nM,  stead,  place.  Tlie  gemination  i/tth  in  athlha, 
father,  judge,  ia  better  replaced  by  the  single  aspirate  M. 

Old  none  d,  (,  ^,  Ji.  The  media,  if  initial,  keeps  always  dis- 
tinct from  both  tenuis  and  aspirate.  In  the  middle  and  at  the 
end  of  words  the  combinations  iM,  mil,  nd,  and  lil,  are  prescrvod, 
v^bLIe  n5  and  /5  are  everywhere  changed  into  ««  and  II.  In  all 
other  cases  the  aspirate  has  much  encroached  on  the  media  in 
the  middle  as  well  as  at  the  end  of  words. 

The  tenuis  t  takes  the  place  of  the  media  in  the  sing.  prot.  of 
etrong  verbs,  as  gialda,  vulere,  ffalf ;  halila,  to  hold,  halt ;  Jalda, 
to  io\A,felt;  compare  fm-ther5»w/fa,4«W;  blanda,  hleU  (vide  supra, 
snb  lit.  n).  The  gemination  ti  is  organic  in  tkattr,  tribute :  it 
arises  from  B^  in  miVi,  mcum ;  ()iW,  tuum;  «i7^,  suum;  AiV,  illud; 
n'W,  uuum;  instead  of  mint,  yliif,  »tnt,  &c. ;  luU)igu  =  lvint,ugu, 
twenty.  We  find  caused  by  assimilation  also  the  gemination 
in  the  neuter  of  adjectives,  the  roots  of  which,  having  dropped  a 
consonant,  end  in  a  vowel,  e.  g.  fd-tt,  paucum,  (roiaja-r ;  kd-U, 
altum,  from  iu-r,  instead  o^/d-t,  kd-t.  For  other  encroachments 
on  the  media,  see  below. 

The  aspirate  ia  either  hard  (jj),  or  soft  (5),  the  former  being 
met  with  only  at  the  beginning  of  words.  The  soft  aspirate 
comprises  a  far  wider  range  than  it  does  in  the  Saxon  dialeete. 
The  media  which,  as  we  have  seen  above,  can  only  stand  after  /, 
m,  H,  and  in  the  gemination  dd,  is  replaced  by  the  aspirate  'S, 
after  all  the  vowels  and  the  consonants  r,f,  h,  g,  while  u]xin  the 
oonsonants  p,  I,  k,  »,  the  tennis  t  usurps  its  place ;  hcnoe  d  and  S 
can  no  longer  he  distinguished  after  a  vowel  or  the  liquid  r,  as 
proved  by  the  following  examples : — orS,  word,  Goth,  vnurd ; 
wr!S,  earth,  Goth,  atV}) ;  ver^a,  to  become  (Germ,  werden),  Goth. 
vafr^an;  ffd^r,  good,  Goth.  gods.  This  mle  concerning  the 
replacement  of  the  media  by  the  aspirate  or  the  tenuis  in  certain 
positions  is  of  great  importance  in  the  formation  of  the  preterite 
of  weak  verbs  where  the  termination  da  is  to  be  added,  either 
unaltered  or  changed  either  into  Sa  or  ia,  according  to  the  rule 


i 


IIS  rrrri  T7.;  grammar. 


TKC  iDfSiraraiK.  Haiw  v^  wt*  i]ke  preterites  vU-^^framria^ 
?#^i-fi.'.  ti~f-?tf-  iT't^-X*.  r^_j-;a.  £rc«i  the  verbs  r/A/a,  fremrja^ 
F#"*Ti-r.  i;.  ~-/.  *'f^'^-  t'r2-^'*c.  Tbe  toniiiiatioiial  1$  is  dropped 
:««H:r«  -11,*  -  :c  tie  ir^i-^r  ^•iz^ir.  and  we  therefore  find  i^ir/  for 
hL'\r^  fr  d  /i/-V.  :•  :ui:  'v^  x'-r  ?>**'&,  firom  r^rBr,  worthy;  but 
-riif^  tiii  *.-  s  T«•^*Ofi  :t  x  rrwel  it  is  assimilated  into  tty  and 
*c?  r:^c:*  *:  lif*  «tz^»  lizD*  t-e  r?«eieding  vowel,  e.  %.  goti,  neut. 


5-  -=i~i-'^ —g,Ck,  Q  (lew),  cli,li,lih 

Gcc^if  r.  i,  :.  Tz.*  ri^edia  f  in  the  middle,  as  well  as  at  the 
*■-•£  ::  1  ir.rL  Ss  5»::sfci=5e5  replaced  bv  the  spirant  i,  a  change 
wl:::i  '^ — --t  re  jfcxc-:ir^  for  by  any  apparent  law.  Hence 
z.j'f.'t  &=.•!  ^  i^tS*.  !^^V*'*?  s'*-'''^-  1^  geminations  ffg,gi,gq, 
arv  like  :i-r  G:^?e^  ??.  >*•  nssal,  and  are  therefore  rendered  in 
the  other  Tentcnio  diaWis  by  miy,  mi,  e.  g.  Goth,  stiffen,  A.  S. 
#/»»:;-■«.  G:ti.  .f^,.*cji,  O.  H. Germ,  irimiam,  to  drink:  Gk>th. 
r»%:jz%,  O.  S.  /'**-«,  to  sink,  pgk^  ggq^  =  ^^i  ^?-  As  the 
single  dcviid,  >:•  als^.-^  has  its  gemination,  a  certain  relation  to 
the  Shiran:  «,  the  Litter  appearing  in  derivative  forms  often  in 
the  place  of  the  former,  e.  g.  <hippa»,  to  go,  gaiis,  gait  (Germ. 
ganir  ;  /*t  //#.  youn^r,  comp.yifi/r'f. 

Whenever  the  derivative  suffix  t  follovrs  upon  a  radical  g  or  i, 
the  ffuttural  must  l-e  ehanjjed  into  ^,  as  mah-ta,  potui,  from 
wwy-i.'/;  vJh'trj  from  rai\iii,  to  wake:  but  in  the  and  sing, 
pret.  the  guttural  is  preser\-ed  before  the  terminational  ^,  as 
MiiP'f,  potes ;  roi'f  from  ral-^n,  soi-t  from  sai-an,  ineusare. 

q  is  identical  with  our  qu^kw.  As  in  ir,  so  in  the  combina- 
tion qz=tir,  the  fr  sound  seems  to  be  a  euphonic  addition  which 
has  no  etymological  claim  to  its  position,  wherefore  ^  is,  in  the 
cognate  languages  represented  by  the  simple  guttural,  e.  g.  qens, 
wife,  Sansk.  Junh,  Or.  yvii^.  In  later  times,  however,  the 
usurper  occasionally  expels  the  legitimate  guttural  altogether, 
as  in  Goth,  vaurms,  worms,  instead  of  qaurms,  Sansk.  krimU. 
This  phenomenon  becomes  more  frequent  in  O.  H.  Germ.,  e.  g. 
weinSn,  to  weep  (Germ,  weinen),  which  in  Gothic  still  shows  the 
original  guttural  qdinSn, 

The  Greek  f  is  rendered  by  ks. 

Old  High  Gterman  g,  k,  ch  {hk,  h).  The  media,  which  in  the 
strict  Old  High  German  should  be  replaced  by  the  tenuis,  does 
indeed,  but  rarely,  occur  instead  of  the  legitimate  tenuis ;  but  it 
is  fre<iuently  used  to  fill  the  place  of  the  spirant  /  But  here 
again,  as  in  the  case  of  the  dentals  and  labials,  Old  High  German 


CONSOxyA  N2'S.  1 29 

llltliors  differ  in  the  mode  of  applying  the  media.  Isidor  keeps 
3  the  Gothic  media  both  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  end  of  a 
roidj  but  be  applies  the  tenuis  only  at  the  end,  hence  ffoi  ; 
t*,  sUie  (Germ,  steigen,  stieg).  Before  a  thin  vowel,  e  or  7, 
!  ititroduees  an  A,  which  appears  to  find  a  place  there  merely 
S>r  the  sake  of  preserving  the  guttural  pronunciation  of  the .?,  an 
^eban,  to  give,  pret.  gab,  ghdaf,  ghost  (Germ,  geiat).  Otfried 
nd  Tatian  nse  the  media  quite  in  the  Gothic  fashion. 
In  strict  Old  High  German  tlie  Gothic  tenuis  k  shnidd  be  re- 
placed by  the  aiipirate  ck,  as  is  the  case  in  Isidor,  while  OtrnL-d 
1  Tatian  preserve  the  Gothic  tenuis  where  it  is  term i national, 
bnt  replace  it  by  ch  in  the  middle  and  at  the  l>eginuing  of  words, 
seept  in  the  combinntions  Ik,  nk,  rk,  which  even  Isidor  likes 
>  retain.  The  combination  sk  is  in  Olf'ried  and  Tatian  already 
■•oftened  int^)  sg,  which  seems  to  be  the  transition  sound  to  the 
'\ateT  ack.  Hence _^«j=^*c,  fish  (Germ,  fisch);  hhitUiaif^=himilUc, 
heavenly  (Germ,  hinimlisch),  by  the  side  of  ei*co»,  eltcuta. 

The  aspirate  i,  eh  [^=kh'),  as  we  have  already  seen,  ivplaces  the 
Gothic  k.  In  the  middle  of  li  word  this  vk  is  sometimes  ren- 
dered by  Kh,  rarely  by  h,  while  at  the  end  the  latter  has  the 
preference.  This  h  has  of  course  nothing  to  do  with  tJie  spirant 
',  from  which  it  differed  etyraologically  as  well  as  in  pronun- 
ciation. 

qu,  answering  to  the  Gothic  q,  is  in  strict  Old  High  German 
authors  rendered  by  ehu;  herein  also,  ibllowitig  Grimm's  law, 
others  write  quh,  or  ahu,  or  simply  ch,  as  cluedan,  quhedan,  eke- 
dait,  all  different  modes  of  spelling  one  and  the  same  word. 
X  in  Old  High  German  is  commonly  rendered  by  h. 
The  geniiiiation  kk  (cd)  used  by  Isidor  and  others  is  rendered 
by  ffg  in  Otfried  and  Tatian,  and  their  kk  is  identical  with  the 
Gothic  gemination  of  the  same  kind  which  iu  strictly  Old  High 
German  is  often  replaced  by  ech. 


The  list  of  gutturals 
mtbors  appears  thus'  :- 


used  in  the  different  Old  High  Gorman 


ISIDOB. 

Initkl  .     .     . 
Interior      .      , 
Tenninslionsl 

9  Ish).  fA 
g  to*).  AA 

Old  8axon  ff,  c  {k) .     The  media,  besides  its  organic  functions, 
IS  often  lo  supply  the  spirants  y  and  A  iu  certain  positions, 
CComp.  snpra,  sub  litt.  j,  li.) 

The  gemination   has  not  the  nasal  sound  of  the  Gothic,  but 


'   Heme.  p.  ]o6. 


i 


130  TEVTOyiC   GRAMMAR. 

represente  the  Old  High  German  kk,  as  in  segg,  man,  vir ; 
horse ;  feggjaa,  to  say. 

The  tenuis  ie  rendered  by  c  or  k,  both  representing  the  s 
^ttural  sound.     In  the  combination  k  the  c  has  been  droppc 
in  the  words  ml,  shall,  debet;  iobtu,  debent.    qu=kii'. 

The  guttURiI  aq>irate  occurs  only  eiceptionally,  and  then  it  is 
inorganic,  as  in  ahlodock,  eighty,  by  the  side  oi  ahted^g,  dehnno 
is  llc-hamo. 

Anglo-Saxon  g,  c  (  =  i).  The  media  before  thin  vowels,  <  and 
i,  was  very  likely  pronounced  like  the  spirant  _;',  whence  we  find 
the  preterites  oi gipan,  to  gape;  gifnn,  to  give;  gitan,  to  con- 
ceive, to  be  geap,  geaf,  geai,  where  Uie  e  seems  to  be  introduced 
for  the  sake  of  preserving  for  the  g,  before  the  preterite  a,  the 
same  soft  pronunciation  it  must  have  had  before  the  vowel  i  of 
the  present.  Even  before  the  full  vowels  g  can  form  alliteration 
with  ge,  and  with  the  spirant  j  itself.  The  organic  media  ia  in 
later  documents  often  dropped  in  consequence  of  contraction, 
e.g.  ren,  rain,  for  regeii  {Gterm.  regen) ;  (>«»,  servant,  for  ^egen; 
\inett,  maid-servant,  for  yignan  git  occurs  inverted  into  ng  in 
the  iorms  fringe, /rang,  frungon,  gefrungen,  instead  o£ /riffiie, 
frdgn,  &c.  (Concerning  the  conversion  of  the  terminational  ^  to  -i, 
see  sub  lit.  Il)  The  gemination  gg  in  later,  eg  in  earlier  docu- 
ments is  preserved  even  at  the  end  of  words,  where  other  gemi- 
nations prefer  dissolution,  e.  g,  ecg,  edge ;  fie?,  horse ;  »ecg,  man ; 
meeg,  man;  leegan,  to  lay  (Germ,  legen). 

The  tenuis  is  commonly  rendered  by  c,  rarely  by  k,  whence 
ice,  cirm,  sound  eke,  kirm.  Before  &  i  it  must  be  changed  into 
i.  cv=qu.  ^  is  frequent,  and  occnrs  sometimes  for  ht,  as  in 
fear,  coma,  O.&.  faht ;  sometimes  as  the  inversion  of  ca,  as 
Ji-xaa  for  Jiicat  ;  axe,  ashes,  for  ance,  Goth.  azgd. 

The  guttural  aspirate  ch  occurs  only  in  later  documents  instead 
of  the  tenuis  c,  as  chirche,  ich,  for  egrce,  ic.  The  words  liehoma 
(corpus),  fitfsckoma  (corpus),  bldekleor  (pale-faced,  fair),  must  he 
read  ltc-homtt,J!asc-homa,  hldc-kleor. 

Old  Frisian  g,  k.  The  initial  g  preceding  e  or  e  may  be  ren- 
dered by  the  spirant _;,  asjeva,  to  give ;  jelii,  money  (Germ,  geld) ; 
Je»f.,  ghost.  The  prefixes  g,je,gi,  drop  the  initial  consonant,  as 
vnge,  eat;  ungaiA,  eunt,  for  gtutge,  gungafh  ;  ivth,  fundit,  from 
giata.  When  in  the  middle  of  a  word  *;  occurs  preceded  by  e 
and  followed  by  a  thin  vowel  or  consonant,  it  is  vocalized,  and 
with  its  antecedent  vowel  forms  the  diphthong  ei,  which  occasion- 
ally is  condensed  into  i;  e.  g.  rein,  rain,  from  regen ;  drein,  brain, 
from  bregen;  neil,  nail,  from  negel ;  further  condensed  into  1»^m 
ntf,  &c.    Before  full  vowels,  as  a  and  v,  the  media  g  is  preserved,  1 


COA'SOXAXTS. 


13t 


ts  in  the  plural  forms  iletjar,  degnm,  tcega,  Kegena ;  ein,  own 
(Germ-  eigeD),  for  e(p.n ;  keia,  key ;  heia  for  hepen,  retain  the 
Tocalized  forms.  At  the  end  of  a  word  g  can  only  occur  in  the 
•ombinations  ng  and  pg ;  in  all  other  coses  it  is  either  vocalized, 
•s  ten,  humour,  for  weg  \  or  it  is  replaced  by  e&.  The  ^mination 
gp  is,  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  either  replaced  by  the  palatal  liz 
I  (vid.  infra],  as  in  suka  for  «ippa,  sepqa,  to  say;  or  it  has  been 
vocalized,  leia  for  0. S.  leggjan,  to  lay;  but  rarely  it  remaina 
■8  in  eg,  gen.  egge»,  edge. 

The  tenuis  is  represented  both  by  h  and  e,  the  latter,  however, 
never  occurring  before  e  or  i;  k  preserves  its  position  in  the 
middle  and  at  the  end  of  words,  except  where  it  yields  to  ch  or 
the  palatal.  The  gemination  of  the  t«nuis  occurs  rarely,  as  in 
tmek,  taste  (Germ,  geschroack),  gen.  smekhi;  ekker,  acre;  siok, 
tiokkeg,  stick  (Germ,  st^ck),  qu  =  he.  m  =  hs  in  sax,  knife, 
Bword ;  sexlieh,  sixty. 

Change  of  Gutiurala  into  Palatals. — Peculiar  to  Old  Frisian  is 
the  conversion  of  a  guttural  into  a  palatal  whenever  at  the  be- 
gicning  or  in  the  middle  of  a  word  it  is  followed  by  i  or  its 
Triibung  e,  even  when  the  vowel  is  dropped.  At  the  beginning 
of  a  word  the  media  q  is  not  affected :  the  tenuis  k  is  replaced 
ty  a  palatal  sound,  which  we  find  rendered  by  k  and  sth,  when- 
ever it  precedes  an  i  or  e  which  is  followed  by  a  single  consonant 
or  by  a  combination  which  coutains  a  liquid ;  e.  g  sthereke, 
cbnrcli;  urn  for  ii'n,  chin  i  ^  remains  in  i^ema,  findere,  to  carve; 
lersUn,  Christian.  Owing  tfl  a  mistaken  analogy  this  change 
is  also  effected  before  e  where  it  is  Umlaut  of  a,  and  e  then 
is  food  of  passing  into  t,  e.  g.  »zefel  and  slhitel  by  the  side  of 
ketel,  kettle,  Goth,  katih;  tztUh,  Lat.  calix;  tzirl,  tzerl,  churl, 
A.  S.  ceorl;  szelner,  cellar,  Lat.  cellarivm.  The  tenuis  remaina 
in  fteila,  chain,  Lat.  catena;  kempa,  champion,  &c. 

In  the  middle  of  a  word  g  is  replaced  by  dz,  and  it  by  is,  iz, 
Iti,  under  the  same  conditions  as  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
case.  The  combination  ng  is  converted  into  jwr,  nk  into  nz,  e.  g. 
ledza,  O.S.  lepgjaa,  to  lay;  Udza,  O.S.  liggian,  to  lie;  sedza,  to 
wy ;  spretsa  and  spreka,  to  speak ;  thenzja  and  ihanka,  to  think. 
As  to  the  pronunciation  of  these  palatals,  sz,  sth,  tz,  and  Isz, 
may  have  sounded  like  the  English  ck  in  'church,'  dz  like  g  in 
'  gentleman.'  In  West  Frisian,  where  the  palatal  is  far  more 
common  than  in  East  Frisian,  they  adopted  a  simpler  mode  of 
tendering  the  palatal  sounds  by  the  letter  z  or  s. 

The  negation  wu  as  well  as  pronouns  may,  as  occasionally  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  be  joined  to  the  following  word,  in  which  case  an 
initial  w,  h,  Ik,  is  dropped,  e.g.  neUa  =  ne  leilh,  nolle;  n-eftlia  = 


132 


TEUTONIC  GHAllMAR. 


ne  wertia,  non  fieri;  iie»a  =  ni!  vnsa,  nou  eaaej  neli6a  =  ne  AM 
nonhaWre;  mdt-^ma  liil ;  th«t=thu  hit ;  mujem  for  mape  i 

Old  Norse  ,17,  £.  The  terniiuatioiial^^in  thepref.  aiiig.  of  stron 
vei'bs  is  ofton  dropped,  and  in  this  case  a  preceding  diphthoi 
condensed  into  a  single  long  yowel ;  np  under  the  same  circui 
stances  becomes  M,  but  a  terminatioDEd  p  can  in  this  case  nev 
become^.  The  gemination  ^  may  be  (i)=A  S.  cp,  O.  S.  j 
as  seppr,  man ;  teoffja,  to  say ;  lepg/a,  to  lay,  better  ^ep/a,  lef^ 
as  in  older  manuscripts,  since  the  gemination  was  the  lattr  re«| 
of  the  suppression  of  the  j.  (2)  In  the  combinations  epff  and  | 
tlie  media  a  is  a  converted  _;'  and  was,  according  to  Old  Noi 
tendencies,  doubled  at  the  end  and  in  the  middle  of  words,  til 
egij,  egg  (A.  S.  dp,  O.  H.  Germ.  «').  (3)  The  combinations  m 
yga=Goth.  aptjv,  ipifv,  which  in  Old  Norse  may,  as  in  oti 
dialects,  be  also  rendered  by  diplithongs;  e.g.  glopgr,  Got 
pUggvus,  O.  H.  Germ,  klaicer,  kUiMwer,  A.  S,  gledv ;  ho^^'a, 
hew  (O.  H.  Germ.  haHtoau,  A.  S.  htdvan). 

The  tenuis  k  is  also  rendered  by  e,  chiefly  at  the  end  of  word 
the  gemination  is  ck  in  earlier,  kk  in  later  documents.  The  C 
Norse  gemination,  however,  very  rarely  occurs  in  cases  paral 
to  the  Anglo-SnsDD  gemination  ce  or  the  0.  S.  kk,  as  rekja,  e 
vere,  0.  S.  rekkjan ;  but  it  commonly  takes  tlie  place  of  ng,  i 
kl  is  sometimes  assimilated  into  U.  x=h  in  lax,  salmonj  » 
ox  i  vaxa,  to  wax,  grow,  «=«■«  in  ox,  ax,  0. 8.  acm;  aex,  bii-^ 
droppe.l  in  telti,  sixth,     qu  =  kv. 


MIDDLE  TEUTONIC. 

Liquids. 


Middle  High  German.  /  in  some  very  rare  cases  supersedes 
r,  and  is  itself  superseded  by  n,  e.  g.  kilche  for  kircie  or  chircke, 
church ;  knohdouck,  garlic,  for  O.  H.  Germ,  chlobtloueh :  by  the 
side  of  ode,  oder,  or,  we  find  frequently  aide. 

The  terminational  m  of  the  inflexions  is  now  throughout  (except 
dat,  sing.)  weakened  into  n,  and  even  the  m  of  the  root  yields 
occasionally  to  n,  e.g.  iein  for  hftm,  home;  oAein  for  oheim, 
uncle ;  Ian  for  lam,  lame ;  am  for  arm.  But  whenever  this 
inorganic  h  takes  its  place  again  in  the  middle  of  the  word  it , 
must  return  to  la ;  lein,  kime» ;  am,  arme».  In  modern  Germ"  ~ 
the  terminatibnal  m,  has  in  this  latter  case  been  replaced, 
dropped  in  nen  for  nemen,  to  take ;  kim  for  komen,  to  ci 
yhin  {or /rumen.     These,  however,  are  quite  isolated  forms. 


CONSONANTS. 


I,  ia  tte  middle  of  words,  occasionally  dropped  :  tint,  8:_^-, 
Ks  nt  (Oerm.  eeit,  cf.  O.  Engl,  sith) ;  O.  H.  0«rm.  chuning, 
becomes  kunic  {Grenn.  konig). 

offers  apocope  in  eeveral  adverbs :   d^,  there  (Germ,  da) ; 

here  (Germ,  wo);  hie,  here   (Germ,  hier,  oba.  hie);  m,  so 

so),  for  O.  H.  Germ,  dar,  iuar.  Mar,  mr ;    but  the  r  is 

■ed  in  rfar,  thither ;  icur,  whither ;  ^(-V,  hither  (O.  H,  Germ. 

aara,  hiara).     Both  me  and  mer,  more  (Germ,  mer),  are 

The  6uctuatioii  between  r  and  a  we  shall  notice  hereafter 

sub  liL  8),     Peculiar  tfl  some  manuscripts  is  the  inversion 

B  prefix  er  when  preceded  by  a  word  ending  in  a  vowel,  or  r, 

;  e.g.  dorefjei^le=do  erbei^te,  wirreslagen=wir  er»liigeH,unre- 

eka%t=UHerciant.     The  r  is  dropped  in  welt  for  vierlt,   world 

(Gem,  welt). 

The  gemination  of  liquids  is  rather  freqaent :  U  is  organic  in 

tke  words  all,  all;  vallen,  to  fall;  glal,  gen.  stalle*,  stall;  vel, 

n.  velUi,  skin ;  gellen,  to  shout ;  tKellea,  to  swell :  inorganic 

arises  chiefly  out  of  U,  e.g.  kelle,  hell;  atellen,  to  put;  w'tlte, 

ill;  kilUf  cover.        mm  is  organic  in  ilimmtn,  to  climb;  aiPtm- 

m,  to  swim ;    brimmen,  to  roar ;  —  inorganic  for  mli  {mp),  in 

xmme  =  mamde,  womb ;  iam  =  kamb,  comb ;    zimmer  =  zimber, 

;  building ;  ami  =  ambet,  O.  H.  Germ.  orabaM,  ambitus ; — 

Ibr  nil,  tCinime=  tlimne,  voice ;  verdammen  from  dainnen,  to  damn, 

condemn.       nn  is  organic  in  spinnen,  to  spin  ;  gewinnen,  to  win ; 

haimen,  to  banish;    tanne,  fir;    minne,  love;    brunne,  fountain; 

Mnne.sun;  d&nne,\hAa; — inorganic  from  nt:  Aenne,hQTi ;  kSnne, 

kin;   bruHne,  armonr,   breast-plate; — from  iiin:    nennen,  Goth. 

Mwiyjfi.      rr  organic:   we'rren,  to   impede;    ierren,  to  grunt; 

tperren,  to  close ;  zerren,  to  tear,  to  tease ; — inorganic  from  rs  : 

irre, erroneous;  diirre,  f\ry  ^ — from  r«  :  werre  for  fsme,  far  (Germ. 

fern);  but  a/erre  is  only  dialectically  used  for  the  common  aterne, 

•tar  (Germ,   stern,  Golh.  staimo,  0.  N.  stiama,  0.  H.  Germ. 

ftemo ;  but  O.  S.  stSrro,  A.  S.  steorra). 

Old  and  Uiddle  Englisli.  I  in  words  of  Anglo-Saxon  origin 
i«  eommonly  preserved ;  in  such  of  French  derivation  it  is  often 
nfUned  into  u,  e.  g.  O.  Engl,  J'aua,  false ;  aManl,  assault ;  cau- 
Avn,  caldron  ;  j^o/aw/,  scaffold'.  It  is  dropped  in  ecAe,  each, 
A.S.  ale;  vkicht  ior  wilke,  A.  S.  hn'§lic,  which  ;  O.  Engl,  atcilke, 
H.  Engl.  amcAe,  A.  S.  aw^Uc,  such. 
K  and  tt  occupy  the  same  position  as  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Where 
this  dialect  they  are  dropped,  they  remain  so  through  Old 
English,    Middle   English,   and   New  English,     vi  is  dropped 


133  ■ 


184  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

rfready  in  A.  S.^  for  GotH.  fimf,  five  (Germ,  fiinf) ;  9^,  O.  tt 
Germ.  ^avtfU^  soft  (Germ,  sanft).     n  is  regularly  omitted  befixi 
y*,  «j  % :  A.  S.  g6%^  goose ;   tffS^  tooth ;   ^,  us^  for  O.  H.  GenB» 
huniy  Goth.  iufC^^  unsis  ;  Germ,  gafu,  zain,  un9,  where  the  •  ii 
preserved :  so  adso  Jtonnte  for  Engl,  eemld,  M.  Engl,  caude,  A  & 
eilde,  pret.  of  cunnan.    Bat  Old  English  freqaently  drops  n  vihm 
Anglo-Saxon  had  retained  it,  i.  e.  in  inflexions  and  the  tormini- 
tions  of  adverbsj  e.g.  A.  S.  a/tan, /Sran,  iinan,  iwanan,  niStmf 
4tan,  ^fanan ;    O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl,  rfety  c^ter,  before,  tos^ 
henneSf  Aens,  hence ;  icanne,  icAennes,  wAens,  wnence,  &c. 

r  occupies  the  same  position  as  in  Anglo-Saxon.  The  mdA* 
thesis  of  r,  which  in  Anglo-Saxon  already  had  began,  oontimiM 
in  Old  English,  as  brid,  bridde,  bird ;  A.  S.  brid  and  bird;  wroiU, 
wrought,  worked,  A.  S.  woirle,  wrohte;  frast,  A.S.  firoH  and 
/brst;  bemen,  to  bum,  A.  S.  beoman,  brinnan  (Grerm.  Dremi^)i 
rennen  and  emen,  to  leak,  to  ran,  A.  S.  rinnen,  iman  (Germ,  ib^* 
nen) ;  terse,  cress,  A.  S.  eresee  and  eeree, 

SpmANTS. 

Middle  High  German,    w  must  be  kept  altogether  distil^^ 
from  the  soft  aspirate  r,  so  that  icinden,  wand,  wunden,  are  diffi^^.* 
ent  words  from  vinden,  vand,  tmnden.   In  the  middle  of  words  t!>  ^ 
spirant  occurs  chiefly  between  two  vowels,  e.g./rouwe,  wom^^ 
(Germ,  frau);   riutce,  repentance  (G^rm.  reue);  eenewe,  sincf 
(Germ,  sehne),  where  the  preceding  vowel  may  be  dropped,  ^^ 
melwe  for  melewe,  meal  (Germ,  mehl) ;   vance  for  varetoe,  qo\ox0  ^ 
(Germ,  farbe);  so  also  in  grdwen,  to  become  grey  (Germ,  ergrauen]^  ^ 
cldwen,  ungulis  (Germ,  klauen) ;  pfdwe,  peacock  (G«rm.  pfau)  f 
klewesy  gen.  of  kUy  clover  (Germ.  klee).     While  thus  the  spiran# 
w  remains  in  its  ancient  position  after  long  vowels,  it  appears 
that  it  affects  short  vowels  which  precede  it,  and,  in  accord- 
ance with   the  general   tendency  of  the  development  of  the 
language  to  destroy  ancient  correptions,  changes  ew,  w,  «v,  into 
euWy  iuw,  ouWf — iuw  especially  being  a  most  favourite  combina- 
tion in  the  Middle  High  German  dialect,  so  that  it  stands  not 
only  for  iw,  but  even  for  the  organic  i«,  as  fiuwer,  tiuwer,  for 
fure,  fire  (Germ,  feuer);    tiurey  dear  (Germ,  teuer).     By  this 
concision  of  iw  and  iuw  the  strong  conjugations  are  materially 
affected  and  two  classes  thrown  into  one,  so  that  scArien,  pret. 
scirei,  has  in  the  plur.  and  part,  schriuwen,  gescAriuwen,  instead 
of  scAriwen,  gesckritoen  ;   and  bliuwen,  pret.  blou^  has  in  the  plur. 
and  part,  dliiiwen,  gebliuwen,  instead  of  bluwen,  gebluwen.      In 
all  these  cases  the  iv  is  not  introduced  for  the  sake  of  euphony, 


CONSOSANTS. 


ISB 


nt  lias  l»een  organically  developed  from  the  vowi-1  it,  an  origiD 
Hrhicfa  plainly  ehows  its  nature  as  a  true  spirant  and  its  distinot- 
IvMa  from  tlie  aspirate  v ;  and  thia  fact  is  furtlicr  illustrated  by 
I  ibe  interchanfje  of  le  and  h  which  existed  in  Old  High  German 
I  already,  asO.  ^.  Germ.  »dAeH  for  »dwen,io&ow,f6A^{orfov!e,  few; 
I  and  M.  H.  Germ,  tckiuKen  for  tchiuhen,  vereri  (Germ,  scheuen), 
K  M  the  end  of  words  the  spirant  was  preserved  in  Gothic  after 
B  long  vowels  or  consonants,  as  div,  valv ;  after  a  short  vowel  it 
I  was  vocalized  in  »,  as  mau,  kmu,  instead  of  unav,  kiiiv :  in  Old 
I  High  German  the  spirant  at  the  end  of  words  was  always  either 
H   vocsJized  in  k  or  o,  or  suSered  apocope ;  in  Middle  High  German 

■  it  always  suiTers  apocope  without  being  vocalized,  where  it 
H    stands  m  unaccentuated  terminations,  as  mel,  gar,  O.  H,  Germ. 

■  mi(o,  meal,  garo,  ready ;   also  in  the  accentuated  root,  when  it 

■  follows  alter  a,  e,  i,  ao,  ie,  as  qrd,  grey;  br^,  brow;  spi,  spue; 
■I    no,  quiesce ;  Aie,  snccidit ;  as  also  in  the  terminational  ou,  in,  ew, 

■  w  have  apocope  of  the  w,  e.  g.  biou,  tow,  »tu,  gelriu,  for  blouio, 
M  "gellavit  (conf,  Engl,  blow,  ictus) ;  fcuw,  dew ;  niuie,  new,  &c. 
^P^An  in.  the  middle  of  words  w  is  always  dropped  where  syncope 
^K  'f^  terminational  e  takes  place,  whence  br4n  instead  of  brdxen, 
V  •tplnr.  of  bra,  brow;  froude  instead  oi /roHwde,  ioua  instead 

I    _J  at  the  beginning  of  words  is  not  very  frequent.   Examples  are 
I  -^^lyes;  Jar,  year;  _;'B^e«,  to  chase;  y'i^we;",  grief  (Germ,  jammer) ; 
I   Mien,  to  say,  speak,  admit;  juhc,  young;  jener,  iJle.     In  the 
I     liiddle  of  words  y  has  commonly  been  dropped,  except  in  a  few 
I    ^orda  where  it  kept  its  position  after  /  and  /  by  transforming 
I    'Wlf  into  g,  &s  ferge,  ferry,  nautus,  for/'er/e;    lilgen,  delere, 
I     A. S.  dilgjan;    but  immediately  after  a  long  vowel  the  spirant 
I     lus  more  frequently  been  preserved,  as  bluejen,  to  bloom  (Germ. 
I     bluben);  Sntejen,  Germ,  briihen  ;  glvejen,  to  glow  (Germ,  glii- 
hen);  fruege,  early,  pnecox  (Germ,  friihe).     In  all  these  words 
the  KC  is  the  Umlaut  of  uo,  caused  by  the  spirant  y,  the  remainder 
of  the  verbal  suffix  ja  -.  where,  therefore,  the  _;'  is  dropped  the 
cause  of  the  Umlaut  is  removed,  and  the  original  vowel  uo  re- 
sumes its  place,  as  in  the  contracted  infinitives  bbion,  bruon, 
pliu/n.     The  same  rule  holds  good  for  the  combination  Of  in 
krajen,  to  crow;  trejett,  te  sow;  majeii,  to  mow,  which  are  con- 
tracted inte  bidn  or  bitten,  krdn  or  kretn,  &c.     After  ve  as  well  as 
a  the  spirant _;'  is  occasionally  replaced  in  manuscripts  by  g.    The 
contractions  we  have  just  mentioned  have  led  te  some  contiision, 
because  words  with  the  combination  <ek  are  also  contracted  into 
*f,  as  han,  drten,  for  bahen,  dr/eien,  }ust  as  achuon  for  sciuohcn, 
calceis,  and  raon  for  ruoKen,  quieacere;  and  when  the  conlrac- 


1 


136  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

tion  again  was  dissolved^  it  easily  happened  that  dr€m  becaBivIl^ 
drajen,  and  kran  became  kraken,  l^i^ 

9.  The  simple  spirant  is  preserved  in  many  words.   Exanqte: 
— ^^^  glass;  ffras,  grass;  io^^^hare;  fi^M^^nose;  e9el,aB8;  ftn 
giant ;  sm,  thus ;  kase,  cheese ;  whey  wise  (Germ,  weis) ;  tfttt^ 
meat  (Germ,  speise) ;  Ivs,  loose ;  rSse,  rose ;  mis,  mouse  (GenBi . 
maus) ;   I  us,  loase  (Germ,  lause) ;    tttsent,  thousand  (Germ,  tio- 
send).     ros,  horse ;  kus,  kiss ;  pewis,  certain,  take  in  the  middia . 
of  the  word  the  gemination.     The  s  which  in  Old  High  Genntt 
had  been  changed  into  r  is  not  replaced  again^  therefore  far, 
berry ;   mer,  more ;    ror,  reed,  Gt)th.  basi,  mdU,  rdus.     On  the 
whole,  the  spirant  s  shows  far  more  stability  than  either  wax  it 
if  we  except  the  case  of  rhotacism  we  have  just  mentioned. 

h^  as  an  initial,  is  inorganic  in  heischetiy  to  urge^  where  the 
older  manuscripts  have  still  the  correct  form  eiscken :  in  a  simibr 
manner  heUkchse  by  the  side  of  eideckse,  lizard.     At  the  end  « 
words  k  is  always  converted  into  ck.     In  the  middle  of  words  * 
is  retained  between  two  vowels,  as  slaken,  to  slay  (G«rm.  scU*" 
gen) ;  Ira  ken,  a  tear  (Germ,  thrane) ;  zaker,  a  tear  (Germ.  zahre)» 
seken,  to  see  (Germ,  sehen) ;    vike,  cattle  (G^rm.  vieh) ;  zek^ 
ten  (Germ,  zehn) ;   ddie,  clay  (Germ,  thon) ;   vaken,  to  cat^ 
(Germ,  fangen);    imken,  near  (Germ.  nahe).     It  is  interpola^^ 
between  two  vowels,  an  occurrence  which  in  Gothic  and  C?^ 
High  German  already  is  observed,  and  then  tends  to  prese<^^. 
the  shortness  of  the  precedins;  vowel.     In  modern  German  tJ^ 
object  would  be  obtained  by  doubling  the  consonant,  while  k       ^ 
used  just  in  the  opposite  case,  to  lengthen  the  preceding  vow^^' 
Middle  High  German  consequently  writes  Ddnikel,  Gdhrikel,  ^^  ^ 
order  to  avoid  the  forms  Daniel,  Gabriel,      k  is  dropped  altc^^ 
gether  with  its  succeeding  vowel  where  syncope  takes  place,  fljj^ 
sfdl,  van,  hdn,  for  stakel^  steel  (Germ,  stahl);  vaken,  to  catc^^ 
(Germ,  fangen) ;   kahen^  to  hang  (Germ,  hangen). 

The  most  important  combinations  which  this  spirant  form^^ 
are  ks  and  ht.     Examples  of  the  combination  ks\ — v>aks,  wai^^ 
(Germ,  wachs);    wahsen,  to  wax  (Germ,  wachsen);    aksel^  axler 
(Germ,  achsel) ;  sehs,  six  (Germ,  sechs) ;  fuke,  fox  (Gterm.  fiichs); 
okse,  ox  (Germ,  oehse) ;  fahs^  flax  (Germ,  flachs)— examples  all 
of  which  are  found  in  Old  High  German  already,  and  which  in 
Anglo-Saxon  and  English  render  the  kshy  ks  {x),  and  in  Modern 
German  by  chs  pronounced  like  ks,     kt  occurs  in  the  words  akt, 
eight  (Germ,  acht) ;    maht,  might  (Germ,  macht) ;  nakt,  night 
(Germ,  nacht) ;   man-slaht,  man-slaughter  (cf.  Germ,  schlacht)  ; 
rekt,  right  (Germ,  recht)  ;   fekten^   to   fight  (G^rm.  fechten) ; 
fokter,  daughter    (Germ,  tochter);    Uekt,   light   (Germ.    licht). 


CONSONANTS.  137 

.Witii  this  M.  H.  Gterm.  kt  corresponds  A.  S.  kt  in  the  identical 
vwds,  miia,  mSii,  mUi,  ke.,  the  former  represented  by  the  Modem 
Gsnn.  aU,  the  latter  by  the  Engl.  ffiL  kt  has  arisen  from  the 
H  in  dUien  (Lat.  dicta^,  Gterm.  dichten),  and  in  rare 
is  used  for  the  German  ct  and  pt,  as  in  the  anomalous 
jniaiteB,  mokUj  might  (Grerm.  mochte),  suohte,  sought  (Germ, 
ndtte}^  &c.^  which  in  O.  H.  Germ,  already  had  ht.  ht  is  some- 
tinei  ued  for  the  organic  cki,  as  in  laht,  maAfe,  schahie. 

Old  and  iff^HHi^*  Tgngii«ii-  The  spirant  w  is  in  Old  English 
•nm^fciTOAtt  r^laoed  by  the  aspirate  v^  as  teas  and  vas,  ioetide  and 
weiUe.  The  Teutonic  w  is  rendered  in  French  by  gu,  and  many 
TeatoQic  words  haye  come  back  into  English  in  their  French 
garb.  Hence  it  happens  that  of  some  words  we  haye  in  English 
the  Gernian  and  the  French  form  side  by  side^  as  mle  and  guile, 
wtad  and  guard,  &c.  (Compare  the  same  letter  under  the  head- 
inga.  New  Teutonic^  English.)  to  is  presented  in  the  middle  of 
wwds  afler  long  yowelsj  e.  g.  blawe,  knatoe,  sowe,  gretce,  but  it  is 
dropped  in  O.  Engl.  feor,f<mr,  A.  S.  feower;  saule,  soul,  A.  S. 
siwei;  wkeol,  wheels  A.  S.  iweowol;  and  in  compounds,  as 
O.  Engl^  oil,  aught,  A.  S.  Mt,  duht,  d-wikty  quaedam  res ;  noht, 
naughty  A.  S.  nrd^hi.  n  is  the  negation  ne.  The  terminal 
tiomil  w  is  dropped  in  O.  Engl,  tre  and  kne,  where  Anglo- 
Saxon  already  writes  more  frequently  treS  and  cneS  than  treSw 
wiAcneSw;  it  is  yocalized  when  following  e,  as  M.  Engl,  bleic, 
grew,  sew,  ikrew.  The  Anglo-Saxon  combination  wl  drops  the  w, 
bat  wr  retains  it,  as  O.  Engl.  wrd}fe,  wrath ;  wreken^  to  wreak. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  cw  is  represented  in  Old  English  by  qu :  quel'- 
lem,  from  which  N.Engl,  to  quell  and  to  kill;  O.  Engl  comen, 
to  come,  A  S.  cuman  and  cwiman.  The  A.  S.  Aw  is  inyerted  in 
wi,  O.Engl.  icAar,  wAat,  wAite;  or  w  simply  is  used,  as  wer, 
wat,  wen.     Middle  English  adopts  wA  exclusiyely. 

j,  the  Anglo-Saxon  spirant,  is  replaced  in  Old  English  by  g  or 
y,  as  ge  and  ye,  get  and  vet  Where  j  occurs  in  the  middle  of  a 
word.  Old  English  assimilates  it  to  the  preceding  consonant,  and 
the  gemination  is  preseryed  in  Middle  English  and  New  English, 
e.  g.  Mellan  for  eeljan,  Sut  for  the  lost  Anglo-Saxon  spirant 
letter  a  new  J  comes  into  the  language  with  the  French  spirant/, 
which  in  Old  English  is  rendered  by  g  orj,  as  gewes  and  Jews, 
ggwel  kdiSl  jewel.  In  Middle  English  it  becomes  more  frequent, 
the  greater  the  number  of  French  words  imported,  and  here  also 
it  is  sometimes  replaced  by  g^  sometimes  eyen  by  cA,  as  subjettee, 
suget,  socket — all  standing  for  the  French  sujet;  magesf-ee  for 
majeste.  From  this  it  would  almost  appear  as  if  g,J,  and  cA,  had 
been  yery  similar  if  not  identical  in  pronunciation. 


138  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

I  in  Anglo-Saxon  already  yields  often  to  rhotacisnij 
rang,  eeat,  elegi;  forledi,  amisi;  dred»,  eecidi ;  plnr.  cttroH,/orlm 
tlruron  ;  part.  c»ren,  forCoren,  liroren.  In  Old  English  the  r  i 
appears  from  the  preterite,  but  is  prefierved  in  the  participli 
ycom,  lorn  ;  but  even  iu  these.  Middle  English  drops  the  r  and 
replaces  the  » — chosen,  lout  (but  the  Old  English  form  in  the 
M.  Engl,  and  N.  Eugl.Jariom).  g  is  preserved  by  a  succeeding 
t,  as  in  dors/;  durst,  dare.  A,  S.  dearr=ileart,  Goth.  da«r».  A.  S. 
sc  beoomcs  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  sA  and  tcA,  or  tt 
and  si,  e.  g.  siam  and  scham,  ship  and  schip  (sometimes  even  ss). 

k  before  /,  n,  r,  where  in  Anglo-Saxon  it  was  often  omitted, 
is  never  used  in  Old  English,  hence  A, S.  Ha/',  bread;  hladan, 
to  lade ;  Mud,  loud ;  hring,  ring ;  hnecca,  neck,  are  in  Old  English 
lime,  lad«n,  lud,  ring,  nede.  Aw,  as  we  have  already  observed, 
becomes  in  Old  English  wj},  or  simply  w ;  in  Middle  English 
always  wi.  A  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words  was,  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  already  oflen  dropped,  as  sleaAan,  stedn,  to  slay  ; 
seokon,  seSn,  to  see;  taker,  tter,  tear;  rah,  rd ;  J'dA,  fd ;  tdk,  td ^ 
feoh,/eo;  tceoA,  sceo ;  0.  Engl,  slen,  sen,  tere,  roe,  foe,  toe,fe, 
eho.  Final  k  is  often  turned  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English, 
into  g,  sometimes  gh,  as  A.  S.  keak,  0.  Engl,  ktg,  hie,  M.  Engl. 
kig,  heig,  N.  Engl,  high  ;  A.  S.  neah,  O.  Engl,  nig,  nte,  M,  Engl. 
nig,  neig,  N.  Engl.  Mi^^y  A.S.  yeoh,  O.Engl.  \egh,  M.Engl,  thigh 
and  tAie,  N.Engl.  tAigh;  A.S.  \edh,  O.Engl,  ^ogh,  M.Engl. 
tho,  though,  N.  Engl,  though.  The  A.  S.  h  in  the  combination 
ht  is  rendered  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  by  ht,  gl,  or 
ghl,  the  latter  remains  in  New  English  (vid.  New  Teutonic, 
English).  The  h  in  French  words,  when  iuitial,  was  sometimes 
dropped,  sometimes  retained,  probably  never  proaouncedj 
honour  and  onour,  homage  and  omage,  heir  and  eyr. 


Mutes. 
I.  Labials, 


Hiddle  High  German.  The  relation  of  the  tenuis  and  medis 
of  Iabiiiin,  as  of  mutes  in  general,  is  regulated  by  rules  unknown 
■to  Old  High  German,  according  to  which  at  the  end  of  words 
only  the  teimes,  in  the  middle  of  words  only  the  medisB,  are  ad- 
missible. If  therefore  a  media  happens  to  occur  at  the  end  of  a 
word,  it  must  be  changed  into  the  tenuis,  and  if  a  tenuis  finds 
it«  place  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  it  must  be  changed  into  the 
media,  e.  g.  geben,  gap,  give,  gave;  diep,  thief,  gen.  dtebes. 

The  relation  of  the  aspirate  is   rather  complicated,  becai 


i 


the 


COXSOXIXTS. 


139  T 

rs  very  oftun  I 


1  Old  Hig:h  German  already,  this  class  of  letters  very 
!  the  application  of  Grimm'E  law.  The  Gothic  or  Saxon 
is  ID  Middle  High  Grerman  in  accordance  with  the  nde 
fated  by  the  aspirate;  but  the  oi^anic  b  of  Low  Ger- 
1,  which  in  High  German  shonid  be  rendered  hy  p  {as  d  by  /), 
mly  preserves  its  position  in  the  latter  dialect  too,  and 
)  the  tennis  p  only  at  the  end  of  words.  The  media, 
;,  which  in  High  German  properly  hae  to  take  the 
the  Low  German  aspirat«,  is  already  engaged  else- 
'  wbere,  and  the  aspirate  left  to  shift  for  itself.  Thus  then  we 
bne  two  distinct  aspirates  in  High  German,  one  which  stands 
lor  tlie  Gothic  tenuis,  the  other  which  runs  parallel  to  the 
Gothic  aspirate.  The  former  occurs  as  an  initial  chiefly  in  wonls 
tiken  from  the  Latin,  wliere  they  show  the  tenuis  p  which  Old 
High  German  already  Germanized  into  pi,  pph,  pf,  as  pfaffe, 
papa;  pfawe,  pavo;  pfanze,  planta ;  }fttnt,  pondus;  pfilaere, 
piUritis.  These  words  consistently  retained  in  Low  German  the 
utin  tenuis,  as  we  see  on  comparing  the  Eugliph  words  plant, 
pound,  pillar,  &c.  It  indeed  appears  that  all  the  words  begin- 
ning with  a  pf  are  of  a  foreign  origin,  though  in  many  cases  they 
ue  of  such  ancient  date  and  thorough  German  t^-pe  that  one 
feels  inclined  to  seek  for  a  Teutonic  descent.  But  in  this  we 
most  chiefly  inquire  whether  the  word  exists  in  several  or  in 
but  one  Teutonic  dialect,  whether  it  has  a  root  in  a  Teutonic  or 
in  a  foreign  language;  if  the  former  is  the  case,  its  Teutonic 
origin  is  more  likely,  if  the  latter,  we  may  put  it  down  as  a 
foreign  word.  Thus  Grinam  derives  jo/a/,  path,  O.  S.pddA,  from 
the  Gr.  virot :  for  if  it  were  German  it  would  use  the  common 
Mpiratey  or  v  instead  of  the  pi,  as  does  vuoz,  L.  Genn./dt,  foot,  for 
ffoWs,  Even  pjltioc,  A.  S.pldg',  O.  N.  ^^^r,  plough  (Germ,  pflug), 
is  set  down  as  foreign;  and  the  verb  pfiegen,  solere,  which  has 
Ibe  essentially  Teulflnic  characteristics  of  the  Ablaut,  claims  in 
Tain  a  Teutonic  descent,  for  the  existence  of  its  Ablaut,  though 
beyond  a  doubt  in  Middle  High  German,  is  very  uncertain  in 
Old  High  German,  Old  Norse  and  Old  Saxon ;  and  in  Gothic 
the  word  is  wanting  altogether.  In  the  middle  of  words  this  pf 
(instead  ofy)  occurs  as  a  favourite  combination  with  the  liquid 
«,  e.g.  kampf,  fight;  tamjif,  vapour  (Germ,  darapf);  slnimpf, 
stocking ;  ttnmpf,  truncus,  stump :  pf  with  n  occurs  only  after  the 
preGx  en  for  en/,  O.  H,  Germ,  avli,  as  enpfdhm,  to  receive  (Germ, 
empfangen) ;  enpftiden,  to  feel  (Germ,  empfinden) ;  enjUiehen,  to 
etcape  (Germ,  ent£iehen).  This  pf  is  very  common  after  short 
Vowels,  as  zopf,  cirrus ;  npfel,  apple ;  zapfe,  tap ;  kripfen,  to  gripe, 
mpere ;  ropfer,  copper ;  tropfe,  drop.     (But  the  same  words  occur 


L 


140  TEUTONIC  URAMMAR. 

with  tf"  as  well.)      After  long  vowels,  however,  whetlier  in  1 
middle  or  at  the  end  of  words  we  find  onlyy",  never  })f  or  £ 
tUf,  gfdfeg,  sleep  ;  grifen,  greif,  to  gripe ;  trie/en,  trouf,  to  cu 
_/ always  after  /,  commonly  after  n  and  r,  never  after  m. 

The  second  aspirate,  which  runs  parallel  to  the  aspirate  i 
German  is  sometimes  indicated  by  v,  sometimes  \iyf,  which  t 
manuscripts  use  indiscriminately.     Grimm  proposes  to  use  p  iil| 
all  cases  ;  but  editors  of  manuscripts  generally  adopt  _/"  before  «, 
and  some  of  them  even  hefore  iu,  /,  and  r,  where  others  prefer  v, 
so  that  we  may  in  one  and  the  same  word  find  r  and  /  as  the 
initial,  e.g.  viitiie>i,  sunl,  fiinilen,  find,  found,  found.       In  the 
middle  of  a  word  c  should  always  be  used,  never  /';  for  in  this 
position  it  really  indicates  the  soft  aspirate  and  exchanges  with/^ 
as  does  b  with  p,  or  d  with  t ;  hence  wo/f,  wolve»,  wolf;  zKtvet, 
doubt;  /revel,  crime;  Aof,  horei,  court:   hut  on  the  whole  ex- 
amples of  this  kind  are  rare  in  purely  Teutonic  words.     For  the 
opposite  reason  for  which  we  require  v  in  the  middle,  we  puty 
always  at  the  end  of  words.     Foreign  words  always  retain  their  ■ 
f;  hut  the  c  of  foreign  woi-ds  always  becomes  f  at  the  end,  m  fl 
brief  [Lat,  breve),  whilst  at  the  beginning  it  may  be  rendered  I 
by/orr.  " 

The  organic  gemination  oi  p  is  very  frequent;  ff,  where  it 
occurs,  ia  inorganic,  and  stands  for  the  terminational  pf,  which 
is  commonly  changed  into  ff  in  the  middle  of  the  word,  bb  is 
found  in  foreign  words  only,  i 

Old  and  Uiddle  English.     The  tenuis  holds  the  same  position  I 
as  in  Anglo-Saxon.     It  is  interpolated  in  the  words,  O.  EngL  1 
sempiler,  seamstcr,  A.  S.  seaiaestre;  golevipne,  solemn.     (Compare] 
New  Teutonic,  English.)    The  media  also,  when  occurring  at  the  1 
beginning  or  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  remains  intact;  but  as  ■  I 
final  letter  it  is  often  dropped,  as  lam,  dum,  warn,  clime,  by  the  * 
side  oi'  lamb,  dumb,  wamb  (womb),  climb.     It  is  interpolated  after 
M  in  M.  Engl,  ilomber,  Xa  slumber,  A.S.  tlumerian;   O.  Engl. 
and  M.  Engl,  limb,  A.  S.  lliit.     The  aspirate  ^  is  often  replaced 
in  Old  English  hy  its  softer  relative  v,  where  it  is  initial,  as 
voffel,  bird,  for  /aifel,  vnl  ioxful,  vitc  for  jisc,  fish — in  which  case 
New  English  always  replaces  the  hard  aspirate;  and  frequently 
in  the  middle  of  a  word — in  which  latter  ease  the  soft  aspirate 
remains  in  New  English  too  (see  New  Teutonic,  English).    /  is 
dropped  in  M.  Engl,  hefed,  ked,  head.  A,  S.  keafod,  0.  Engl,  and 
M.  Engl,  wi/man,  wimman,  womiauii,  A.  S.  tcif-nuin.    pi  and/are 
in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  often  used  indiscriminately, 
as  Fnri»ee  and  Pkarisee,  FiUppe  and  Philippe,  and  Middle  English  . 
replaces  ph   hy ./",  as  in  fant-om,  fantaiiie.    Tbus  we  observe  in  I 


COA'SONA.Vrs.  141 

i  English  and  Middle  En^lieh  a  great  inconsistency  in  the 
^ication  of  the  letters  »■  and/, /and  pi,  until,  inNewEngliali, 
*  national   idiom  decides  in  favour  of  one  or  another  in  each 

pwticular  word. 
The  Romance  v  ie  always  adopted  with  the  foreigh  word,  e.  g. 

Tfra^,  true,  very  {French  vrai),  verfew,  vesnell,  &c. 

3.   Beiifiih. 

Middle  High  German.  The  general  relatione  between  mfdia 
and  tennLs  we  have  touched  upon  already;  as  a  inile  the  tenuis 
always  supplants  the  media  at  the  end  of  a  word,  and  vice 
versa,  the  tenuis,  when  receding  Irora  the  end  to  the  middle  of 
a  word,  must  l>e  changed  into  the  midia.  This  rule  however 
must  80  far  he  modified,  as  the  roots  of  strong  verbs  ending  in 
id,  ieil  =  Goth.  «|?,  iu\i,  change  (/  into  i  not  only  at  the  end 

»bnt  in  the  middle  of  the  word  too,  if  they  have  a  short  vowel 
in  the  Ablaut.  Examples  : — mvfen,  aneit.  mite,  getttUen,  to  cut 
(Germ,  schneiden,  schnitt,  geschnitten) ;  xieden-,  s6i,  tuten,  genokn, 
to  seethe,  boil  (Germ,  sieden,  sott,  gesotten).  This  process  in 
Middle  High  German  is  something  parallel  to  the  change  of  {S 
into  d  in  Anglo-Saxon,  e,  g.  tnt^an,  tnidon  ;  xeo^an,  suilon. 

When  two  words,  the  former  ending  in  *,  the  latter  beginning 
with  d,  coalesce  into  one,  the  d  is  changed  into  the  tenuis  t,  e,  g, 
iutu,  muotitit,  llttu,  de»tti=ilea  din  (  =  Lat.  qiw  and  eo  with  the 
Comp.),  lia  du  (imp.  lege). 

As  the  tenuis  supplants  the  media  at  the  end,  in  a  like  manner 
the  media  may  supersede  the  tenuis  when  in  the  middle  of  a 
word  it  ocouFB  after  i,  m,  or  n.  This  is  chiefly  the  case  with  the 
termination  te  of  the  weak  verb,  as  hante  and  kaade,  cognovit  ; 
rumte  and  riimde,  excessit;  wolte  and  wolde,  voluit.  The  com- 
binations de  and  it  are  sometimes  dropped  by  syncope,  as  »cha(^ 
teAadei,  gesmit = geamidet,  erinorl  ^ermordet,  gekleit  =  gekleidet, 
trit^tritet,  b'U=bitel.  This  syncope,  as  we  see  from  the  ex- 
amples, takes  place  in  the  3rd  pers.  sing,  of  the  present  tense, 
ind  especially  in  the  pret.  part,  of  weak  verbs.  It  is  strange 
that  it  does  not  affect  the  radical  vowel  at  all,  while  similar 
syncope  with  gutturals  lengthens  the  preceding  vowel. 

occurs  in  two  modifications  s  and  j  (see  supra.  Old  High  Ger- 
-1,  and  the  rule  for  their  application  is  pretty  much  tlie  sanie 
88  in  Old  High  German.  At  the  beginning  of  a  word  we  find 
•Iways  1,  as  also  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words  after  f  ho 
liquids  I,  n,  r,  and  after  short  vowels;  j,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
rarely  used  after  consonants,  but  very  frequently  after  vowels. 


» 


J 


142  TSUTOSIC   GSAMMAB, 

With   consonants  it   chiefly  occurs   where   syncope   has   ■ 
place,  e.^.  /idn^=kan  e^,iirt=iir  e^.    When  it  is  used  after  h 
vowels  we  put  it  hoth  at  the  end  and  in  the  middle  of  a  woi 
occurring  after  a  short  vowel  it  is  single  j  at  the  end,  and  j^ 

the  middle  of  the  word,  e.  g.  uj  d^en,  6ei^  bi^^en.     j  is  dropp 

in  the  verb  Idn,  Idt,  lie,  for  Id^en,  lae^nt,  het,  and  before  the 
superlative  termination  sle,  where  |,  together  with  it«  sncceeding 
vowel  suffers  syncope,  as  groegie,  Seale,  teste,  for  (troe^i^te,  bf^^iiU, 
le^kfe,  greatest,  bestj  last;  sometimes  with  'rui'k-Unilaut,'>i 
grotte,  ba»ie,  M 

Tlie  gemination  U  occurs  after  the  vowels  a  and  especially  ta 
dd  never,  zz  is  commonly  rendered  by  Iz  (sometimes  c  or  nu 
e.  g.  katM,  cat ;  tatze,  foot,  cl&w ;  aetzen,  to  place,  to  set ;  »v£z«ih| 
to  wet;  witoe,  wit;  switsxn,  to  sweat;  kitze,  heat.  {Compare  Uul 
t  in  the  identical  Engliab  words  and  the  Iz  in  Germ,  katze,  tatat^ 
^'^•)  SS'  S^ll^'  street  (Germ.  ga§e');  va^^er,  water  (Germ, 
wager);  Aa^^m,  to  hat«  (Germ,  ha^n) ;  ne^^d,  nettle  (Germ. 
ne§el);  me^^er,  knife  (Germ,  mcger);  fjjen,  to  eat  (Germ,  e^en); 
lerMen,  to  wit,  know  (Germ,  wigen}.  (Concerning  the  relation  of 
this  J  to  the  Modern  German  §  and  the  English  (,  see  New  Teu- 
tonic, German.) 

The  combinations  into  which  dentals  enter  with  other  oon- 
Bonants  remain  on  the  whole  the  same  as  in  Old  High  German, 
so  that  even  tw  and  dw  are  still  kept  distinct,  as  in  twerc,  dwarf 
(Germ,  zwerg),  and  ilwercA,  athwart  (Germ,  zwerch);  the  hitt«r, 
however  assuming  in  late  Middle  High  German  documents  the 
inorganic  form  tw,  which,  like  the  organic  Itn,  is  in  New  Hi^K. 
German  converted  into  aw  (see  New  Teutonic,  Qerman),  wliilu 
the  Middle  High  German  iw  represents  the  same  combination 
in  Old  High  German. 

Old  English  and  Middle  English.  The  Anglo-Saxon  tenuis 
/,  in  its  initial  position,  is  prei^erved  through  Old  English,  Middle 
English,  and  New  English,  and  even  in  the  middle  and  at  the 
end  of  words.  Old  English  persistently  keeps  up  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  tenuis  which  in  Middle  English  occasionally,  and  more 
frequently  in  New  English,  had  to  yield  to  the  encroachment  of 
other  consonants.     (See  New  Teutonic,  English.) 

The  fluctuation  between  the  media  d  and  the  soft  aspirate  B 
which  had  commenced  in  Anglo-Saxon  already,  continues  in  Old 
English  and  Middle  English,  as  hitler,  wider,  weder,  or  wilier, 
&c.,  until  New  English  finally  decided  in  favour  of  the  aspirate 
kiiher,   wMt/ier,   weather.      The  media  is  dropped  in  O.  Engl. 

'  t'uniDiDlily  apell  gatsr,  Ilv. 


CONSONANTS.  148 

ptfM^  fbr  Am  S.  ^od-^pell;  O.  Engl,  antweren,  A.  S.  aud-^itpdriam, 
mU-wariem.     d  is  interpolmted  in  yumder,  thunder,  A.S. 


Tbougii  the  distanctioii  of  a  soft  and  a  hard  aspirate,  which 
Ai^^o-Saxon  indicated  by  the  signs  i  and  p  very  probably 
eontiniied  in  Old  English  (as  in  &ct  it  exists  in  the  English  of 
the  present  daj),  the  distincticMi  was  no  longer  kept  np  in  writ- 
isg^  and  Old  English  docnments  commonly  rendered  both  aspi- 
atw  by  y.  Middle  English  by  tik. 

^  for  tf  in  O.  Engl,  magde^  maid ;  redit,  ready  (A.  S.  magf^ 
tnd  mmgdtm^  iraS  and  Arad) ;  M.  Engl,  cude^  could ;  O.  Engl, 
fsoif,  qnoth ;  A.  S.  ewai. 

I9  which  is  no  Anglo-Saxon  letter,  becomes  in  Old  English 
miher  nnmeroos^  being  imported  with  French  words,  and  later 
on  assuming  an  anasnal  position  by  supplanting  the  organic 
ff  e.  g.  dazUr  for  dogier^  daughter,  zeres  for  geres^  zimmes  for 
fimmes,  gems.  From  this  inorganic  position,  however,  z  soon 
dinqppean  again,  and  is  restricted  to  its  place  in  foreign,  i.  e. 
ncm-Teatonic  words. 

3.  Guiturah. 

iffiii^irt  High  Qerman.    The  tenuis  is  commonly  rendered  by 

hy  in  some  manuscripts  hj  c,   Grimm  puts  c  at  the  end,  k  at 

the  beginning  and  the  middle  of  words.     The  gemination  kk  is 

expressed  by  ck.     Some  manuscripts  use  ch  in  words  where  the 

eonectness  of  the  tenuis  k  cannot  be  doubted,  and  such  erroneous 

spelling  must  be  considered  a  fanciful  innovation  of  the  copyists. 

This  is  especially  the  case  at  the  banning  of  words,  where 

High  German,  mstead  of  following  Grimm's  law  by  placing 

the  aspirate  eh  for  the  Low  German  tenuis,  prefers  to  adopt  the 

latter  and  keep  it  up  in  spite  of  rules  and  laws,  while  the  dentals 

and  labials  are  more  consistent  in  this  case  and  introduce  the 

regular  aspirate,  z  for  t,  and  pf  for  p.     But  on  the  other  hand 

the  High  German  k  also  takes  the  place  of  the  Gothic  ^,  and 

follows  in  this  the  dictates  of  Grimm's  law.      Thus  then  in 

Oerman  words  k  commonly  corresponds  (i)  to  the  Gothic  k, 

chiefly  at  the  beginning  of  words,  which  however  may  be  turned 

into  the  aspirate  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words,  and  (2) 

to  the  Gothic  media  g  chiefly  at  the  end  of  words,  where  Middle 

High  German  never  tolerates  any  media  whatever,  but  always 

converts  it  into  the  tenuis.     The  interchange  of  the  guttural 

tennis  and^  media  is  regulated  by  the  same  rules  laid  down  for 

dentals  and  labials. 


U'l 


TEUTONIO    GRAMMAR. 


p  is  a  FreqiicDtly  occarnng  consonant  at  tbe  beginning 
in  tbe  middle  of  words ;  at  the  end  it  in,  as  we  have  just  statec 
always  replaced  by  the  tenuis,  ff  suffers  syncope  in  mwue  ft 
worgeiie,  to-morrow;  pjlil,  tit  for  pjliget ;  lipt,  sucscit,  jacet,  1 
is  vocalized  in  i  in  t)ie  combiiiatioD  eg,  e  being  the  Umlaut  of 
more  ancient  a  in  a;}i  (the  Umlaut  produced  by  the  inflexional  A, 
and  somt'times  both  the  forms  eg  nnd  ei  are  used  side  by  sii^ 
e.g.  leUe=legle,  laid,  posuit;  (reil  =  tregl,  fert;  eUe  =  eg«at 
fear;  meide  =  megeile,  maid;  gein  =  pegen,  versus  (cf.  a-gain 
a-gain-st^  ;  gelreiile=getregeiie,  corn.  Later  authors  introdace  tin 
vocatizatiou  ei  even  for  age,  as  meit=magft,  kleil=klaget,-^\an' 
git;  seit^saget,  dicit;  ge-»eil  =  ge-saget,  dictus  :  the  Umlaut 
in  these  words  ie,  of  course,  inorganic,  because  for  klagt,  magl,^ 
forms  like  kl^gf,  meiji  esist.  A  case  opposite  to  this  vocalizattoa 
of  <7  in  i  is  the  development  of  17  fromy  (see  sub  lit.  j). 

The  media  g  sometimes  supplants  the  h  in  the  conjugatioa  Ol 
the  strong  verb,  so  that  (i)  the  verb  iie/ien,  for  instance,  in  tbi 
pret.  and  pret.  part,  adopts  everywhere  g  for  i  when  tbe  latter 
recedes  from  the  end  to  the  middle  of  the  word,  as  zUffe,  traxisti ; 
zugen,  traserunt ;  qezogen,  tractiiB ;  at  the  end  however  it  must  not 
be  changed  into  the  tenuis  zoc,  zuoe  ;  though  we  6nd  tbe  aspirate 
in  z4cA,  which  stands  for  the  original  A  in  eiW.  (3)  Some  verbs 
change  the  final  cA  [which  stands  for  i)  into  c  (which  stands  for  g), 
e.  g.  tlaheH,  to  slay,  pret.  »luoc,  slttege,  tluogen,  geslapen,  instead 
of  dvoh,  tluehe,  &c.  To  tbe  same  category  belongs  the  word 
genuoc,  genuoge,  enough,  for  Goth,  ganohf,  ganShdi,  and  the  ia-* 
organic  forms  of  the  verb  sehen,  to  see.  Such  changes  of 
into  c  and  g  in  the  conjugation  of  the  strong  verb  occur  somi 
times  in  Old  High  German  already,  and  become  still  mi 
frequent  in  New  German,  where  they  even  affect  the  forms 
the  present  tense, 

th  has  two  distinct  sources  from  which  it  derives  its  origin 
(i)  it  stands  for  the  spirant  k:  nock,  ad  hue;  doch,  tomen 
atque;  in  the  preterites  iacli,  saw;  geachack,  happened; 
drew ;  j?tfc^,  flew ;  wat-A,  after ;  ^oc-4, high;  w/Hot/i, shoe ;  (2) 
tbe  Gothic  tenuis  when  preceded  by  a  vowel  in  the  middle  or  a1 
the  end  of  a  word.  This  ch  is  essentially  distinct  from  the  pre- 
ceding one,  inasmuch  as  it  retains  its  position  on  receding  from 
the  end  into  the  middle  of  the  word,  where  the  first  tk  is  re- 
placed ngaia  by  k.  Examples; — ach  (interj.),  bach,  brook 
dach,  roof;  «H)ucJ,  weak ;  viaeken,  to  wake;  iireckea,  to  break; 
rechen,  to  wreak ;  ick,  miek,  dick,  sick,  pronouns ;  woeke,  wedtj 
Ueick,  bleak,  pale;  e/cA,  oak ;  kVc^,  sick;  iwocA,  book;  t  '~~ 
to  seek.     (3)  When  it  occurs  in  combination  with  *,  the 


coysoyAyTs.  145 

dways  becomes  cA,  as  scAin,  splendour;  scAri/i,  writ;  lescAin, 
quencli.  These  three  different  kinds  of  cA  are  preserved  in 
Bw  High  German,  whilst  all  others  with  few  exceptions  are  re- 
aoed  again  by  the  tenuis  k.  As  we  have  mentioned  before,  even 
L  Middle  High  German  tlie  aspirate  cA  does  not  occur  at  tlie  be- 
jinning  of  a  word.  In  Middle  High  German  cA  has  occasionally 
ts  origin  in  the  conflux  of  two  syllables,  as  siecAeit=zsiecA-Aeil, 
ackness;  juncAerre  =jun€-Aerre,  a  young  nobleman,  a  Junier, 
Where  thus  c  and  A  flow  together  New  High  German  puts  A 
mstead,  as  in  junker.  Where  cA  occurs  before  the  termination  t 
of  the  verb,  it  does  not,  like  the  N.  H.  Germ.  cAij  supplant  Ai^ 
bat  is  owing  to  contraction,  as  bricAt  =  hricAet ;  N.  H.  Germ. 
cA/  is  always  M.  H.  Germ.  At,  The  geminations  kk  (ck)  and  ^^ 
sre  frequent.     (Concerning  the  combinations  As  and  Ai,  see  sub 

Kt.h.) 

Old  and  Middle  English.  The /&  sound  of  Anglo-Saxon  words 
^  commonly  preserved  before  dark  vowels  and  the  liquids  /,  w,  r. 
whilst  Anglo-Saxon  uses  c  only  to  indicate  the  guttural  tenuis. 
Old  English  and  Middle  English  apply  c  and  k  indiscriminately 
for  the  same  purpose.  Before  the  thin  vowels  e  and  i  we  some- 
times find  in  late  Anglo-Saxon  already  k  changed  into  cA,  and 
this  wayward  alteration  has  been  kept  up  to  the  present  moment. 
Thus  in  O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl,  kejje,  keue,  king,  we  have  the 
Anglo-Saxon  guttural  tenuis  cepan,  cene,  ci/nivg  ;  but  in  O.  Engl, 
md  M.  Engl.  cAin,  cAild,  chicken^  the  Anglo-Saxon  tenuis  chi^ 
'ild,  cicen,  has  been  converted  into  the  palatal  cA.  In  teutonic 
rords,  late  Saxon  and  early  Old  English  authors  sometimes  used 

(c)  and  cA  side  by  side,  as  ic  and  icA,  I ;  die  and  die  A,  thee ; 
me  and  bencA,  awaken  and  awai^Aen  ;  where  cA  no  doubt  had  the 

sound.  Before  the  A.  S.  y,  which  is  Umlaut  of  n^  one  would 
spect  to  see  the  guttural  tenuis  preserved;  but  even  in  this  case 
I  sometimes  yielded  to  cA ;  thus  we  find  the  k  sound,  preserved 
I  O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl,  k'm^  king,  A.  S.  ct/n,  ci/ning;  changed 
ito  cA  in  O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl.  cAircAe,  church,  for  kirke 
5cotch).  Where  in  Anglo-Saxon  c  precedes  ea,  eo,  edy  Old 
inglish  decides  in  favour  of  cA,  whether  the  thin  vowel  or  the 
ark  vowel  ultimately  gained  sole  possession;  e.  g.  O.  Engl,  and 
[.  Engl.  cAalky  cAaff,  cAesteVy  cAerl,  chepmon,  merchant  (Germ, 
aofman),  A.  S.  cealc,  ceaf,  ceaster^  ceorl,  cedpman,  O.  Engl,  kerf  en 
lone  preserves  the  guttural  of  A.  S.  ceafor,  where  New  English 
irther  introduces  the  guttural  qfi,  cAa/er, 

The  Anglo-Saxon  ^,  in  its  initial  position,  commonly  remains 
itaet  in  the  succeeding  periods  of  Saxon  speech  ;  but  in  the  com- 
bination ge  it  is  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  commonly 

L 


'  s 


146  TEr TOXIC   GRAMMAR, 

vocalized  in  i  or  y  ^  especially  in  the  past  participle  of  the  iinjji^> 

where  it  represents  the  augment  ge-  which  is  still  presenred 

the  German  and  Dutch  verb.     Examples  are  abundant  in  tiMjp.;^ 

Old  English  and  Middle  English  author^  of  which  we  mentka 

few  for  the  sake  of  illustration : — useen,  seen  (Germ. 

ucume^  come   (Germ,  ge-kommen) ;    i-geten,  eaten    (Qenn.  g*^f  "^ 

gessen) ;   i-Zasf,  lasted ;  i-wm,  certain  (Germ,  ge-wiss) ;  y-w^ 

wont,   accustomed    (Germ,  ge-wohnt);    i-^rmed,  y^et  (GernL 

ge-setzt) ;  y^lone  (Germ,  ge-than) ;    u-name,  taken  (Germ,  g©* 

nommeu). 

g,  in  the  combination  eg  and  ag^  is  vocalized  in  i,  which,  witk 
the  preceding  vowel,  forms  in  Old  English  the  diphthong  d 
(N.  Engl,  ai),  whilst  in  German  the  g  is  preserved;  e.g. 
O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl.^/i*i>  or /air,  fair;  neil  or  nail^  nail(6enn» 
nagel) ;  firein^  twain;  m/t  (Germ,  regen)  ;  seil  (Germ,  segd); 
seiffe^  said  (Germ,  sag-te) ;  icei,  way  (Germ,  weg), — A.S.fif^t 
miff  el,  fmyeHy  regen,  sepel,  segede,  wega, 

g  and  w  maintain  in  Anglo-Saxon  already  a  kind  of  relation^ 
ship,  by  which  the  spirant  w  sometimes  takes  the  place  of  ^ 
guttural  media.  This  occurs  in  certain  verbal  forms^  as  A.S. 
sapon,  sdwon,gesegen,gesewen,  gesen  (see,  saw,  seen,  &c.)  ;  0.  Enp* 
and  M.  Engl,  drage,  drawe,  dragen,  drawen  (drag  and  draw); 
O.  Engl,  siogen,  slowen,  i-dagen,  udawen  (slay,  slew,  slain); 
M.  Engl,  slog^  sloic,  slew. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  final  g  is  rarely  preserved,  but  commonly 
vocalized  in  /,  and  thus,  with  the  preceding  vowel,  again  fonns 
the  diphthong  ei  or  cei  (N.Engl.  ai/\  e.g.  O.Engl,  dai^  day; 
m(eiy  may ;    heie,  hay,  —  A.  S.  ddg^  heg^  "ff^dg^  Germ,  tag^  map* 
Tlie  g  is  dropped  in  O.Engl,  bodi,  mani^  gredi,  greedy;  A  S. 
bodig,  ma  nig,  gradig.    The  Anglo-Saxon  combination  ig  is  turned 
in  Old  English  into  ewe,  and  vocalized  in  the  New  English  ow, 
as,  A.  S.  ^ory  (Germ,  sorge),  O.Engl,  sorewe,  N.Engl,  sorrow; 
A.  S.  gealga  (Germ,  galgen),  ^i,l^\\^\.  galwe,  'N.l&ngL  gallows; 
A.  S.  mearg,  M.  Engl,  fnereg,  merew,  N.  Engl  marrow. 

The  Romance  g  has  the  sound  of  the  guttural  media  before 
dark,  that  of  the  soft  palatal  before  thin  vowels. 

ck  does  not  exist  in  Anglo-Saxon,  but  has  been  introduced 
into  late  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  English  from  the  French,  where 
it  undoubtedly  had,  as  it  still  has,  the  sound  of  the  English 
sibilant  sk. 

The  gemination  of  the  tenuis  is  frequent  in  Old  English  and 
Middle  English,  and  continues  to  be  marked  ck,    gg  exists  in 

*  The  transition  sound  is  marked  by  3  which  may  have  had  the  sound  of  the 
English  spirant  ^^  as  in  *  year/  and  thus  partook  of  the  nature  of  a  semi-vowel. 


coysoxAxrs.  n5 

i  alnmjB  becomes  ei,  as  scAih,  splendour;  ^ckri/t^  writ ;  frjfchin^ 
to  qnendi.  These  three  diflTerent  kinds  of  ch  are  prc-sor^ed  in 
New  Hi^h  German,  whilst  all  others  with  few  exec-j»tions  are  re- 
plaoed  again  by  the  tenuis  k.  As  we  have  mentiout^  iH-iure.  even 
m  Middle  High  German  the  aspirate  ch  diX'S  not  ixvur  at  tlie  l*e- 
guning  of  a  word.  In  Middle  High  German  ch  has  occasionally 
its  origin  in  the  conflux  of  two  sj'llables,  as  ifi^c/tetf^xiech-kitfy 
admess;  junekerre  ^s^junc^kerrfy  a  young  nobleman^  ti  jvnker. 
Where  thus  c  and  k  flow  together  Xew  High  German  puts  k 
instead^  as  in  junker.  Where  ch  occurs  before  the  termination  f 
of  the  verb,  it  does  not,  like  the  N.  H.  Germ,  ckf,  supplant  M, 
hnt  is  owing  to  contraction,  as  fjri^hf  =  hnchet ;  X.  H.  Germ. 
Al  is  always  M.  H.  Germ.  hL  The  geminations  kk  -ck)  and  ijg 
•re  frequent.     (Concerning  the  combinations  hi  and  ht^  see  sub 

Kth.) 

Old  and  M^<^^^*»  English.  The  /*  sound  of  Anglo-Saxon  words 
is  commonly  preserved  before  dark  vowels  and  the  liquids  I,  n,  r. 
Whilst  Anglc^axon  uses  c  only  to  indicate  the  guttural  tenuis. 
Old  English  and  Middle  English  apply  e  and  /'  indis:criniinately 
for  the  same  purpose.  Before  the  thin  vowels  e  and  /  we  some- 
times find  in  late  Anglo-Saxon  already  /*  changed  into  r/t,  and 
this  wayward  alteration  has  been  kept  up  to  the  present  moment. 
Thus  in  O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl,  k^'pe^  kette,  king,  wc  liave  the 
Anglo-Saxon  guttural  tenuis  eepaiiy  cf'ne,  ct/n'mg ;  but  in  O.  Engl, 
and  M.  Engl,  chin,  child,  chicken,  the  Anglo-Saxon  tenuis  cin, 
eild,  cicen,  has  been  converted  into  the  i)a1atal  ch.  In  Teutonic 
words,  late  Saxon  and  early  Old  English  authors  sometimes  used 
i  (e)  and  eh  side  by  side,  as  ic  and  ich,  I ;  r/ic  and  ///c//,  thee; 
bene  and  bench,  avaken  and  awachen  ;  where  ch  no  doubt  had  the 
i  sound.  Before  the  A.  S.  y,  which  is  Umlaut  of  u^  one  would 
expect  to  see  the  guttural  tenuis  preserved;  but  even  in  this  case 
it  sometimes  yielded  to  r^ ;  thus  we  find  the  k  sound,  preserved 
in  0.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl,  kin,  king,  A.  S.  cijn,  ct/ning;  changed 
into  ch  in  O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl,  chirche.  church,  for  kirke 
(Scotch).  Where  in  Anglo-Saxon  c  precedes  ca,  eo,  ea.  Old 
English  decides  in  favoiu*  of  ch,  whether  the  thin  vowel  or  the 
dark  vowel  ultimately  gained  sole  possession ;  e.  g.  O.  Engl,  and 
M.  Engl,  chalk,  chaff,  chesf^r,  cherl,  chepmon,  merchant  (Germ, 
kaufman),  A.  S.  ceah,  ceaf,  ceader^  ceorl,  ceapman,  O.  Engl,  kerf  en 
alone  preserves  the  guttural  of  A.  S.  ceafor,  where  New  English 
further  introduces  the  guttural  q/i,  chafer. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  g,  in  its  initial  position,  commonly  remains 
intact  in  the  succeeding  periods  of  Saxon  speech  ;  but  in  the  com- 
bination ge  it  is  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  commonly 


148 


TEUTONIC  QRAMMAli. 


n  has  fiiipersodeil  m  in  the  words  count,  Lat.  comes ;  noii»,  Lai 
nomen.    The  intrusion  oip  in  the  place  of  m  is  pocullar  in  wi 
such  as  Fe<f=3Iep,  Margaret ;  Polly=^MftUy,  Mary. 

H  is  never  ag»in  restored  in  tlie  words  where  Anglo-Suxon 
dropped  it,  hence  we  have  Engl,  gome,  tooth,  ulher,  could,  mo 
us,  for  Germ,  (lant,  zakn,  ander,  konnte,  rnnnd,  vn*.    After 
Anglo-Saiton  period  it  has  been  dropped,  together  with  the 
minatioue ;    e.  g.  afler,  before,  hence,  out,  whence,  thexce, — A 
a/tan,  foran,  hinan,  Ht^in,  hminan,  \anan  ;  while  it  is  pr^ei 
in  Germ,  ram,  kintien,  au^,  leantten,  dtinnen.    In  derivatioi 
warie,  A.  S.  wAfr;i;   ffitme,  A.  S.  gdmen  ;  eve,  A.  S.  afeti — w 
fve»  prebcrves  the  old  form,   In  componnds :  eleven,  A,  S.  end 
Thurtdajf,  A.  S.  ^uvreiiddg ;    Ocfonl,   0.  Engl.   Oxenford, 
Oxnaford;    Sunday,  0  Engl.  Soneuda^y,  A.  S.  Sunandag. 
inorganic  in  Ned  for  Ed-icard,  Nanry,  Nanaj/,  for  An-na  ;  men 
ger,  Fr.  metmger ;  pmienqer,  Fr.  pansaqer.     n  is  superseded  1; 
in  some  words,  especially  where  it  precedes  p  or  f,  e.  g    h> 
A.  S.  Aanep,  Germ,  hau/^';  tempt,  Fr.  /enter;  comfort,  O.  Fr. 
fort;  Cambridge,  A.  S.  Caida-brycge.     «  is  mute  where  it  fo 
Upon  m,  ss  k^aa,  tolcmu,  autimii. 

r,  with  few  eiceptions,  retains  the  pliice  which  it  occupied 
Anglo-Saxon.  It  is  dropped  in  to  speitk,  A.  S.  upreean,  Genn, 
gprechen ;  it  is  inorganically  introduced  in  groom,  bride-grooM 
A.  S.  guma,  man.  Metathesis  of  the  r  as  in  Old  English  am 
Middle  English. 

Dutoh.     Prosthetic  n,  \.  e.  an  inorganic  n  placed  before  t1 
initial  vowel,  occurs  in    nargt,  =  argl,  erst,   first;    narm  =  ar[ 
{Compare  Engl.  ]\'ed,  Nanni/,  and  the  dialectic  naunl  =  avnt^ 
We  have  mefatliesis  of  r  in  borat=broat,\irea.si ;  l/Hrn  =  broH,wtP 
fountain :    comp.  Germ,   bom   and  bnitinen.     Interchange  of 
and  s:   bes  und  ier,  beiry;    men  and  weV,  parus.     The  Dut<4 
language  shows   a  predilection  for  the  corahinatinn  mp  whi" 
occurs  in  very  many  words.    Whenever  a  terminational  m  of  I 
root  is  followed  by  the  diminutive  particle  k,  a  p  is  intei 
lated,  and  thus  the  favourite  combination  obtained,  e.g.  hU 
bloom,  blossom,  flower,  bloempje ;  Korm,  wormpje:  but  if  the 
ends  in  /  or  n,  a  /  is  preferred  as  an  intermediate  letter  between 
root  and  the  particle,  as  vogel,  bird,  vogellje  ;  sten,  stone,  st^^ti 

Swedish.  Initial  I,  »,  t,  represent  the  same  consonants 
Old  Norec,  as  well  as  the  combinations  hi,  hn,  hr,  of  the  latl 
dialect.  Old  Norso  vl  is  represented  by  simple  l;  hv  and 
retain  their  position.  Initial  as  welt  ns  terminational  n  remoj 
excluded  from  words  where  Old  Norse  had  dropjied  it.  r  anifi 
remain  in   the  same  relation  in  which  we  found  them  in  "' 


CONSONANTS.  149 

lioiae,  tkerefore  r  in  hSr^  berry;  hare,  hare;  vdra^  to  be;  rar, 
oar;  %  in  oss,  us.  <^  is  nasal^  as  rdgn  (rain)  ^ranan;  vagn 
(trig^n)=rranjjr».  Alternation  between  Id  and  //  is  to  be  noticed 
in  9vM,  gold ;  gyllen,  golden ;  //  for  It  in  kail,  cold  (Grerm.  kalt) ; 
UUa,  to  hold  (Gkrm.  halten).  In  the  same  manner  occurs  nn 
lor  nd^  nn  for  m,  mm  for  mb :  thus  ^m,  kam=Llammy  hammr^lamh, 
hsoA^  lamb^  oomb.  mn  stands  for  O.  N.  y»  :  hamn  =  hafn^ 
Imboar  (Germ,  hafen). 

Banialu  Old  Norse  II,  nn,  become  Id,  nd;  hence  galde^  gall ; 
HM,  stall ;  ialde^  call ;  i/ifife,  ill ;  /uld,  full ;  ^^/^t^,  skin ;  kind^ 
kin ;  rindey  to  rin :  but  we  find  the  O.  N.  II  preserved  in  a/,  a/^, 
omnis ;  still€^  to  still ;  nenne,  to  dare ;  and  //  for  O.N.  ///  in  heller, 
pottos.  As  a  rule  the  O.  N.  Id  and  nd  remain  in  Danish  too^  as 
^Mer,  age  (Grerm.  alter) ;  hold,  cold  (Germ,  kalt) ;  holde^  to  hold 
(C3erm.  halten) ;  haand,  hand ;  vinde,  to  find ;  while  Swedish 
pvefers  the  geminations  II  and  nn^  rejecting  the  O.  N.  d  even  in 
^rords  like  faila,  to  fall ;  halla^  to  hold ;  munn,  mouth  (Germ, 
xxiund).  K  Danish  has  on  one  hand  lost  many  of  the  Old  Norse 
S^Q^nations  U  and  nn,  it  founds  on  the  other,  new  inorgfanic 
S^^in^tions,  as  mollay  to  mould;  domme,  dumb;  kammen,  the 
comb ;  lammei,  the  lamb.  O.  N.  mp  remains.  Dronning,  queen, 
bag  arisen  by  assimilation  of  droUning  (comp.  O.  H.  Germ. 
fruUin^  lord). 

Spirants. 

German.  The  spirant  to  in  Old  High  German  was  vocalized 
if  occurring  between  two  vowels,  and  thus  formed  diphthongs 
SQch  as  au  out  of  aw,  eu  out  of  eia ;  and  then  at  a  later  stage  of 
the  language  it  re-assumed  its  place  even  after  the  diphthong, 
80  that  frawe  became  fraue^  and  fraue  again  frauwe.  This  v)  is 
preserved  still  in  Middle  High  German,  but  modern  German 
has  dropped  it  altogether  in  the  middle  as  well  as  at  the  end  of 
Words,  hence  yra«,  treu^  hlau  ;  mel,  meles^  schnSe,  schnees.  After  I 
aod  r  the  labial  media  has  taken  the  place  of  the  spirant  w^  as 
farbe,  colour ;  milbe ;  wittib,  widow,  and  witwe ;  the  w  remains 
in  loewe,  lion,  and  moewe,  gull. 

*  is  inorganic  in  many  words  where  ^  ought  to  be  used.  This 
is  chiefly  uie  case  in  the  neuter  pronouns  dds  and  wds,  and  the 
neuter  termination  of  all  the  adjectives,  wei^es,  gutes,  schdues,  &c. 
(More  about  this  s,  see  infra,  sub  lit.  f .)  The  Middle  High  Ger- 
man combinations  sly  sm,  m,  sw,  turn  the  8  into  sch,  as  schlagen 
for  slagen,  schmecien  for  aineken,  schnell  for  enel,  achwach  for 
iwae;  in  the  combinations  sp  and  st,  however,  the  9  remains^ 


150  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

but  only  iti  writing,  white  the  sound  is  identical  witb  acki 
tteieii,  apreckeii,  pronounced  tehtehen,  schprecheii. 

j  stands  as  an  initial  spirant  eince  tlie  most  ancient  timed 
words  like  ja,  jdr,  Jung,  where  it  is  replaced  in  English  onlj 
spelling,  not  in  sound,  by  v :  ya,  year,  yoke,  yoimff.  The  spin 
j  b  inorganic  in  je  jeUt,  lor  ie,  Uzt,  which  are  dialeotically  i 
pronounced  i,  izl,  while  ie  has  preserved  its  place  in  the  nega' 
me=ne  ie :  ef.  Engl.  »ever=ne  ever  {aff=not).  In  the  middj 
a  word  it  is  no  longer  used,  but  €0010101117  replaced  by  4,  as  j) 
ken,  to  glow  ;  hluehen,  to  blossom  ;  dr^heUf  to  turn  ;  ireken  {M 
to  sow,  instead  of  M.  II.  Germ,  glxejen,  bluejea,  dr^jeit,  tajen 

k  has  regained  its  ancient  position  in  tdh,  gesehdh,  instei 
the  M,  H.  Germ,  lach,  geaebach.  It  is  inorganically  used  I 
in  glnehen,  b/ueien,  &c.,  as  we  have  just  seen  ;  so  also  in  r4' 
tHiee,  and  most  frequently  where  it  is  introduced  merely  a 
mark  of  the  long  vowel,  as  leAtieH,  dehnen,  mainen,  for  *?»«  _ 
4^ne»,  mdnen.  Instead  of  the  more  ancient  kt,  hi,  we  find  always 
ckt,  cAs;  e.g.  macH,  might;  nackt,  night;  wachaen,  to  wax, 
grow — M.  H.  Germ,  makt,  naht,  teaAten. 

English.  Where  the  spirant  w  interchanged  in  Old  Eng> 
lisb  with  the  labial  aspirate  f,  modern  English  has  again  estab- 
lished the  former;  therelbre  always  io  leaie,  teat,  lotuA,  wood, 
never  vake,  vua,  &c.  It  has  become  mute  in  wAo,  uiktise,  wiom  ; 
is  dropped  in  ooze  (A.  S.  toon,  sap) ;  while  in  wAole  (A.S,  k4t)  and 
its  compounds,  and  in  whoop  it  is  an  inorganic  addition.  The 
German  spirant  w  is  rendered  by  the  French  g,  gu,  e.  g.  A.  S. 
wile,  O.  Pr.  guile;  A.S.  veard,  O.  Fr.  gnard ;  and  the  words 
having  been  re-imported  from  Prance,  it  so  hapj>ens  that  in 
modem  English  we  have  both  the  Saxon  and  French  forms  of 
the  same  word  side  by  side,  e.  g.  Saxon  Karranl,  warrantee, 
French  guarantee;  Saxon  ward,  IVench  guard;  Saxon  re-vard, 
French  ^uerd-on;  Saxon  wise,  French  guiae;  Saxon  wile,  teilg, 
French  gvile. 

Terminational  w  is  always  mute  after  dark  vowels :  (&  aow,  to 
faow,saw :  it  is  vocalized  in  hew  (pronounce<l=^«), O.Engl, -iejce, 
A.  S.  kedioe ;  dropped  in  four,  soul,  wheel,  aught,  naught ;  at  the 
end  in  tree,  hiee,  and  vocalized  in  grew,  blete,  knew.  The  combi- 
nation wr  remains,  but  the  w  is  mnt>e:  wrath,  wreak,  wrettU. 
The  combination  Avi  becomes  wh,  but  in  pronunciation  it  is  still 
like  the  ancient  hw,  as  where,  when,  why=hwere,  &c 

j.  This  spirant  is  replaced  in  modern  English  by  g :  get,  gear, 
yoke,  young.  The  present  English  _;'  is  imported  from  PVance, 
and  is  therefore  chiefly  found  in  words  of  French  derivation,  as 
y".f  1  j"y,  jitat,  Jest;  jaie — but  it  has  found  its  way  into  German 


CONSONANTS,  151 

words  too,  replacing  the  media  g,  Visjump  ;  jabber ,  by  tlie  side  of 
gmlMe.  Li  the  same  manner  we  still  have  j  and  y,  side  by  side. 
Jail  and  gaoly  Lat.  caveolay  gabiola^  O.  Fr.  gaioley  jaiofe  ;  jen'net 
and  gemnet^  IjbL  genista,  Fr.  genet ;  jill  and  gill,  jingle  and  gingh, 
9,  The  Old  English  r  for  *  is  preserved  only  in  /orlom, 
everywhere  else  the  s  is  replaced :  cAose,  choseny  lose,  lost ^  froze, 
yirwsen,  Tlie  s  is  preserved  by  the  succeeding  t  in  durst.  It 
often  cedes  its  place  to  c,  as  mouse,  micey  A.  S.  m^s,  m^s  ;  pence, 
G.TSsif^,  pens ;  ice,  A. S.  is;  twicCy  M.Engl,  twies ;  so  also 
iJkfieey  whence,  thence,  since,  M.  Engl,  sithens,  A.  S.  simian.  The 
-Anglo-Saxon  combination  sc  is  conmionly  rendei'ed  by  sh :  shame, 
^i^rp,  sheep,  shot,  shut,  shrub ;  sc  however  is  preserved  in  scale, 
^erape,  scurf,  score,  screech,  st  is  preserved  throughout.  Meta- 
thesis of  s  still  occurs  in  dialects :  claps  for  clasp,  ops  for  asp,  ax 
£or  ask. 

The  French  s  became  much  modified  in  English.  It  has  been 
Replaced  by  c  in  peace,  O.  Fr.  pais ;  paluce,  O.  Fr.  paleis  ;  by  sh 
'Oi  finish,  ¥t.  JinisS'Ons  o(  Jinir;  and  in  the  same  manner  most 
Irendi  verbs  in  ir  with  the  characteristic  ss,  s  has  been  dropj)ed 
loth  in  Saxon  and  French  words :  cherry,  O.  Fr.  cherice  ;  riddle, 
-A.  8.  radelse;  alms  (now  used  as  a  plural),  A.  S.  alffiesse  ;  richesy 
O.Fr.  richesse;  noisome  for  noise-som;  exiU,  Lat.  exsuL  This 
spirant  has  been  added  inorganically  in  smelt  from  melt,  squash 
fiom  quash;  scratch.  Germ,  kratzen ;  sneeze,  Germ,  niesen;  and 
Jn  island,  A.  S.  ealandy  Fr.  isle ;  aisle,  Fr.  aile. 

We  distinguish  in  English  a  surd  and  a  sofb  s  sound,  the 
former  indicated  by  s,  the  latter  by  Zy  a  distinction  we  met  in 
the  Gothic  already.  Surd  or  hard  s  is  commonly  used  at  the 
banning  of  words,  after  short  vowels,  after  liquids,  and  after 
gemination  or  doubled  consonants ;  the  soft  s  we  usually  pro- 
nounce between  two  vowels,  after  vowels  and  soft  consonants, 
the  inflexional  s,  and  «  as  a  termination  before  e  mute. 

h.  This  letter  had  in  Anglo-Saxon  already  to  represent  both 
the  spirant  and  aspirated  guttural.  The  initial  h  has,  after  many 
flactoations  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English,  resumed  its 
position  in  New  English ;  but  the  Anglo-Saxon  hit  remains  in 
New  English  as  in  Old  English  it.  Before  the  consonants  /,  n,  r, 
the<  h  is  never  replaced,  and  hence  we  write  as  in  Old  English, 
kijf,  lade,  loud,  ring,  neck — A.  S.  hldf,  &c.  hw  is  inverted  into 
whi  who,  what,  while — A.  S.  hwa,  hwdt,  hwile ;  but  the  ancient 
sound  remains  in  what,  while,  &c.  h  is  dropped  in  the  middle 
and  at  the  end  of  words :  wheel,  slay,  see,  tear ;  roe,  foe,  doe,  fee, 
shoCy  for  A.  S.  hweoholy  sleahan,  &c.,  and  rdh,  fdh,  &c.  This 
letter  is  preserved  and  strengthened  into  ghy  but  the  combination 


162  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

is  mute,  as  in  high^  nigh,  though^  thigh — A  S.  heah^  neah,  &c. ;  waA*:, 
knighty  sights  lights  wight ^  night — A.  S.  cniht,  siht,  &c.      So  ftbor. 
with  the  h  which  has  its  ori<>in  in  c  org,  as  right,  A.  S.  riht,  {Tom-., 
recian  ;  sovght^  A.  S.  Mte^  from  secan  ;  mighty  A.  S.  meaht,  from 
tftag ;  bought,  A.  S.  iohfe,  from  hijcgan.     This  gh  makes  every-  . 
where  the  preceding  vowel  long,  even  in  French  words,  iprigU^  • 
Fr.  esprit ;  but  in  delight^  and  the  obsolete  extraught,  diUrangkt^ 
it  more  probably  renders  the  Latin   c   in   delicium,  extraeium^ 
disfractum.     In  a  few  instances  the  h  is  strengthened  into  gh, 
and   the  combination  pronounced  =/*,  e.  g.  draught  and  draft, 
A.  S.  drohty  O.  Engl,  draht ;   enough  (rarely  enow),  A.  S.  pendA, 
O.  Engl,  inoh  ;  to  laugh,  A.  S.  hleahhan^  O.  Engl,  hhhgen;  iouqh, 
A.  S.  toh,  O.  E.  toge.     The  initial  h  in  Romance  words  which 
Old  English  and  Middle  English  had  often  dropped,  as  in  onour, 
omage,  is  replaced  in  New  English,  but  it  remains  mute,  as  in 
honour,  homage^  Lat.  honor ^  homaginm.     In  the  word  inveigh^  Lat. 
iurehere,  the  h  follows  the  Saxon  course,  while  in  convey,  Lat. 
conreherey  it  is  dropped  after  the  French  fashion. 

Dutch.  As  to  the  spirant  w  we  have  only  to  observe  that  it 
preserved  its  position  where  New  High  German  has  rejected  it, 
i.  e.  after  the  diphthongs  which  have  been  formed  by  the  vocali- 
zation of  the  ancient  w.  Hence,  where  we  read  in  New  High 
German  ym/;,  hauen,  Dutch  continues  the  forms  vrovWy  woman  ; 
homceu,  to  build;  komv,  cold;  iaanw,  lukewarm  (Germ,  lau); 
paauWy  peacock  (Germ.  pfau). 

j  corresponds  to  the  same  spirant  in  German  and  the  semi- 
vowel t/  in  English,  e.  %'ja,jaar,jong,  Germ.  ja,jahr,jung,  Engl. 
yes,  year,  young. 

The  Dutch  language  has,  like  the  English,  two  letters  for 
the  s  sound,  i.  c.  8  indicating  the  hard,  z  the  soft  sibilant,  of 
which  the  latter  never  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  word  or  syllable, 
but  commonly  finds  its  place  in  the  middle  and  at  the  begin- 
ning before  vowels,  while  the  former  is  commonly  used  at  the 
end  pi  words  and  at  the  beginning  before  most  consonants,  e.  g. 
zon,  sofe ;  zoeken,  to  seek ;  zouten,  to  salt ;  zalf,  ointment  (Germ. 
salbe) ;  zwaard,  sword ;  slim,  bad  (Germ,  schlimm)  ;  snel,  quick 
(Germ,  schnell) ;  sprang^  leap  (Germ,  sprung) ;  stehn,  to  steal ; 
spreken,  to  speak  (Germ,  sju'echen) ;  slaen^  to  slay;  ons,  us 
(Germ,  ims);  n^as,  was;  is,  is.  The  combinations  si,  sn,Scc,,  are 
never  changed  as  in  German  into  schl,  schn,  nor  do  st  and  sp 
ever  adopt  the  broad  pronunciation  as  in  the  German  siecAen, 
sprechen. 

h,  which  in  Middle  Dutch  was  subject  to  many  irregular 
influences,  resumes  again  its  organic  position,  chiefly  at  the  be- 


CONSONANTS,  153 

ginning  of  words.     Remarkable^  however,  is  the  fact  of  this 

spirant  being  supplanted,  in  some  words,  by  the  media  d,  e.  g. 

««flrfer,  nearer  (Germ,  naher) ;  vlieden,  to  flee  (Germ,  fliehen) ; 

^;^^^     ^hiedeny  to  happen  (G«rm.  geschehen) — forms  which  are  used 

b  the  place  of  the  more  common  rlien^  geschieii. 

Swedish.    The  spirant  s  remains  on  the  whole  as  in  Old  Norse. 
h  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  derivative  forms  of  nouns  and 
^erbs,  as  gumsCy  ram ;  renaay  to  rinse ;  gramsay  rapere,  by  con- 
action  of  gumise,  &c. ;  but  especially  in  adjectives^  e.  g.  armse, 
^^UTff  ^«*^>  concors ;  *t>r^^^,  anxious. 

The  spirant  y  is  a  very  favourite  letter  in  Swedish,     Its  rela- 
tion to  the  gutturals  will  be  examined  later  on :  it  is  organic  in 
/^^^  yes ;  jdga,  to  hunt  (Germ,  jagen) ;  and  in  the  combinations 
'f^  ^  j^9  j^i  jd,  joy  juy  where  it  is,  of  course,  consonantal,  like  the 
^^*^^rman  j  and  the  English  semi- vowel  y  in  y^*,  i/ear,  &c.     The 
^^^^^'^nbination  sj  sounds  like  the  English  shy  as  sjettey  ftJUy  yaely^ 

*'^^  ^lf€,  &C. 

A  occurs  only  at  the  beginning  of  words,  and  is  pronounced  as 
j^^^-  the  other  Teutonic  dialects ;  but  before  j  and  v  it  is  mute, 
^  •^^nce  Aveie,  wheat;  hjeriay  hejiriy=ve6ey jerta, 

Danislu    The  spirants  of  this  dialect  are  identical  with  those 
the  Swedish.     As  peculiar  to  Danish  we  may  mention  the 
'equent  omission  of  the  initial  y,  as  oar,  year,  (or  Jaar,    y  com- 
monly represents  the  Old  Norse  i,  in  the  combinations  ioy  ia,  id, 
*,.,  as  ^om,  bear;   ijoely  keel.     Where  a  guttural  precedes  a 
in  vowel,  y  is  interpolated  between  them,  probably  in  order  to 
^^^^dicate  a  softer  pronunciation  of  the  guttural,  e.g.  kjendcy  kjoebCy 
f'est  for  kendCy  &c. 

h  never  occurs  at  the  beginning  or  the  end  of  words. 

• 

Mums. 

I.  Labials, 

German.  Though  there  are  two  different  letters  to  denote 
the  aspirated  labial,  yet  both  f  and  v  now  express  one  and  the 
same  sound.  The  former  is  used  at  the  beginning  of  a  word 
before  u,  ei,  euy  /,  r,  and  in  foreign  words ;  in  all  other  cases  v 
stands  as  the  initial  labial,  e.  g. /utter ,  fodder ;  /ein,  fine ;  /euer, 
fire ;  Jluckt,  flight ;  freundy  firiend :  but  viel^  much ;  volly  ftdl ; 
v6gely  bird ;  vdtety  father ;  v&ty  fore ;  and  the  prefix  ver.  In 
many  cases,  however,  the  original  v  has  been  supplanted  by  f\ 
folgen^  to  follow;  fangeuy  to  catch;  befekleuy  to  command; 
always  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  hence  grdfeuy  earls;  zweifel, 


154  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

doubts ;  v^olfe,  wolves ;  which  words  in  Middle  Hig^h  Grerman 
always  had  r :  frerely  crime,  alone  preserves  the  v  in  the  middle 
of  a  word. 

English.  In  a  few  cases  the  media  takes  the  place  of  the 
tenuis,  as  lohsiery  A.  S.  loppestre ;  slab,  A.  S.  alapp.  The  tenuis 
p  is  interpolated  occasionally  between  m  and  I,  or  m  and  s,  e.  g. 
empfjf,  O.  Engl,  ejtili ;  plimpse,  A.  S.  gleam;  in  other  cases  again 
New  English  omits  this  p  where  Old  English  had  interpolated 
it,  as  O.  Engl.  Bempdery  A.  S.  sedmestre,  N.  Engl,  seamsier ; 
O.  Engl,  solempne,  N.  Engl,  solemn. 

The  media  b  is  still  written  in  English,  though  not  pro- 
nounced, at  the  end  of  words  after  ««,  where  other  modem  Teu- 
tonic dialects  have  dropped  it  altogether,  e.  g.  lamb,  dumb^  womb^ 
climb — words  in  which  Old  English  too  used  to  drop  the  b. 
English  also  restores  the  6,  though  it  leaves  it  mute  again,  in 
Latin  words  which  had  lost  the  media  in  French,  as  debt,  Fr. 
deUe,  Lat.  d^blta  ;  doubly  Fr.  doutery  Lat.  dubitare.  In  the  words 
slnmbery  AS.  slumerian ;  limb,  A.S.lim;  thumby  A.  S.  '}fdma ; 
crnmby  A.  S.  crum/i ;  humblCy  Lat.  humilis  ;  number y  Lat.  numeruSy 
the  media  has  been  interpolated.  A  peculiar  and  isolated  case 
is  the  transition  of  the  media  b  into  m  in  the  word  summersel, 
Fr.  soubresauL 

The  aspirated  labial  is  represented  by  two  letters,/*  and  t?;  the 
former  of  which  denotes  the  hard,  the  latter  the  soft  aspirate. 
Initial/ of  Anglo-Saxon  words  is  always  restored  in  New  English 
where  Old  English  used  occasionally  to  replace  it  by  t? ;  while  at 
the  end  and  in  the  middle  of  words  the  soft  aspirate  gains  the 
better  over  its  harder  twin,  hence  JivCy  A.  S.  ff;  stiver,  A.  S. 
seolfor ;  devily  A.  S.  deofol;  givey  A.  S.  aifan;  eveuy  A.  S.  efen/ 
ravetiy  A.  S.  Arafen.  The  transition  already  observed  in  Old 
English,  of  the  final/  into  v  when  it  recedes  into  the  middle  of 
a  word  is  continued  in  New  English,  as  wifey  wives  ;  calfy  calves — 
a  transition  which  must  have  arisen  first  at  a  time  when  the 
plurals  where  still  pronounced  as  bi-syllables,  calvSsy  &c.  The/  is 
dropped  in  head^  woman ^  A.  S.  heqfod^  wijman  (see  Old  English). 

phy  which  properly  belongs  to  foreign  words  only,  is  partly 

preserved  in  New  English,  partly  repla^  ^Vf*  2&  fancy yfantomy 

frenzy y  and  phenomenony  phrasCy  pheasant.     In  the  word  nephew, 

the  pk  stands  for  the  /  of  the  A.  S.  nefay  O.  Fr.  and  O.  Engl. 

neuew. 

The  use  of  the  soft  aspirate  v  in  words  of  Saxon  derivation 
we  have  already  mentioned  ;  far  more  extensively,  however, 
it  is  found  in  words  of  Latin  origin,  examples  of  which  will 
occur  to  any  one.     We  have  only  to  point  out  a  few  extra- 


CONSONANTS.  155 

ordinary  modifications  and  changes  of  the  soft  aspirates^  as  for 

example  the  transition  of  v  into  w  in  the  word  periwinkle^  Fr. 

fervenehe,  Lat.  perivinca  ;  of  v  into  f»,  malmsey,  O.  Engl,  malvesie, 

¥r,  malvoi^e:  in  the  word  sennight^s^seven-'nighty  elision  of  the  v 

vA  contraction  has  taken  place. 

Butch.  Like  English  the  Dutch  language  very  often  softens 
the  more  ancient  hard  aspirate/*  into  the  softer  v,  in  which  case 
it  corresponds  to  the  German  media  5,  e.  g.  l^ven,  to  live  (Germ, 
l^ben) ;  geven^  to  give  (Germ,  g^ben) ;  nevely  mist  (Germ,  n^bel) ; 
t^CHy  seven  (Germ,  sieben).  Peculiar  to  Dutch  is  the  conver- 
sion of/i  into  cAl,  as  kracht  for  Engl,  craft.  Germ,  hraft;  achter^ 
Engl,  after ;  fluctuating  between /i^  and  cht  is  schaft  and  schachty 
Engl,  dutfty  Germ,  schacht 

Gemination  of  the  labials^  as  pp,  bb,  ff,  is  very  frequent  in 
Dutch.  In  the  word  efen  the  ff  is  inorganic  for  v :  Engl,  even, 
Germ,  eben  ;  n^ens,  juxta,  Germ,  neben. 

Swedish.  Ijqc  labials  hold  very  much  the  same  positions  as  in 
Old  Norse.  The  terminational  /,  when  followed  by  a  vowel,  be- 
comes^, which  indicates  a  softer  sound  of  the  aspirate,  as  hafca, 
\xi  have;  lefva,  to  live;  the  same  modification  takes  place  be- 
tween liquids  and  vowels,  e.g.  sperf,  sparrow  (Germ,  sperber), 
speffven;  ulf,  wolf;  ulfven,  wolves.  This/t?  answers  in  sound  to 
the  English  v,  and  perhaps  the  O.  S.  t  {bh)  and  O.  H.  G«rm.  v. 

Organic  geminations  of  the  labials  are  frequent,  ff  occa- 
sionally stands  inorganically  in  words  imported  from  German : 
trdffa,  to  hit  (Germ,  treffen) ;  straffa^  to  punish  (Germ,  strafenj ; 
skaffa,  curare  (G^rm.  schafien);  but  the  same  words  occur  m 
their  Scandinavian  form  and  with  a  different  meaning :  drdpa, 
to  strike ;  tiapa^  to  create.  The  old  aspirate  v  is  still  preserved 
before  r  in  the  words  vrdkj  wreck,  ejecta  maris ;  vrceka,  to  cast 
out,  ejicere;  vrang,  wrong. 
ft  stands  for  O.  N.  pt ;  mn  for  O.  'N.fn, 
Daniah.  This  dialect,  like  Swedish,  preserves  the  labials  on 
the  whole  in  their  ancient  position.  But  quite  peculiar  to  Danish 
is  the  introduction  after  vowels  of  the  media  for  the  tenuis,  which 
we  have  already  mentioned.  Thus  sMb,  gribe,  for  the  Sw.  sk^^ 
gripa,  Engl,  ship,  gripe.  Exceptional  is  the  gemination  pp  in 
skipper  (Engl,  skipper  and  shipper). 

The  aspirate/*,  after  vowels  and  the  liquids  /  and  r,  is  changed 
into  f?,  e.  g.  hdv,  pelagus  (Germ,  hafen) ;  ^ve,  gav,  for  O.  N.  gefa^ 
gaf  Sw.  gif)a,  gafj  solv,  silver.  The  f  remains  only  in  the 
combination  ft.  The  soft  aspirate  f  is  a  favourite  sound  of  the 
soft  Danish  language,  and  occurs  in  all  different  positions.  It 
is  in  pronunciation  neither  exactly  like  the  English  v  nor  the 


ISfl  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Gt'i-man  w,  but  somewhat  between  the  two,  bo  that  it  might 
well  be  mentioued  under  the  head  of  spirants,  by  which  it 
indeed  rendered  in  the  cognate  dialects ;  as,  vimlien,  weapca>| 
(Germ,  waffen) ;  vand,  water  (Germ,  wassi-r).  It  is  inorganil 
for  the  media  g  in  lav,  low;  vidve,  stomach  (Gei-m.  mtlgcn)) 
vocalized  ia  plou^ploe-^pfog  (Germ,  pflug),  Aau^/iare^Aa^g^ 
where  the  j  occasionally  reajipears.  as  in  fiiouff,  hdug. 
The  gemioation  of  labials  is  frei^uent. 

3.  DtnUh. 

Oennaa.  th,  which  had  disappeared  in  Middle  High  Gen 
reappears  again  in  New  German,  but  it  is,  wherever  it  is  i 
inorganic  and  objectionable,  because  it  is  both  in  eouad  oo^ 
derivation  nothing  else  biit  the  Old  Higli  German  tenuis,  cor* 
responding  to  the  media  in  English  and  Low  German  geDerallVj 
Examples : — thai,  dale,  valley  ;  tkun,  to  do ;  ikau,  dew ;  Ike*^ 
deal;  noth,  need;  mutk,  mood,  courage;  roth,  red.  The  h  allMI 
the  tenuis  has  probably  been  introduced  in  order  to  mark  out 
and  preserve  the  lenfjth  of  the  riulicul  vowel ;  but  if  this  U  tlU 
case,  it  has  been  put  in  the  wrong  position,  and  it  wotild  havH 
been  more  to  the  purpose  to  have  written  tahl,  luhti,  &c.  ThlM 
misappUcation  of  the  k  was  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeentife 
centuries  far  more  frequent  than  it  is  now.  Modern  writent 
discard  it  altogether  in  fi4t,  flood ;  br^l,  breed ;  but  very  ineon^ 
sistently  keep  it  up  in  T6th  and  m-ith ;  those  only  who  foll< 
the  teachings  of  historical  grammar  reject  it  in  all  cases  wh« 
it  is  used  merely  for  the  saJke  of  indicating  a  long  vowel.  P« 
fectly  absurd  is  the  attempt  to  distinguish  certain  homophono_ 
words  of  different  meaning  by  the  introduction  of  the  letter  4 
as  hit,  hat,  and  hilk,  pascuum ;  ton,  sound,  and  (Mt^,  clayn 
while  we  are  obliged  to  look  for  some  other  criterion  than  tl 
of  spelling,  if  we  wish  to  know,  whether  in  a  given 
word  thoT  is  used  to  indicate  a  gale  or  a.  fool. 

The  relation  between  tenuis  and  media  contiuiies,  as  it  was 
Middle  High  German  already,  rather  complicated,  nay,  it 
comes  more  so  by  the  interchange  of  d  and  ti,  as  in  achnel 
to  cut,  pret.  scAnUl;  sieden-,  to  seethe,  boil,  pret.  sott;  bi 
meiden,  to  shun,  a  verb  of  the  same  conjugational  class,  foi 
the  pret.  mied.  The  preterite  termination  of  the  weak  conJ! 
tion  is  in  New  German  always  le  instead  of  d^.  In  the  i 
det-to  the  tenuis  inEt<.'ad  of  the  media  in  the  second  syltablo 
kept  np  by  the  preceding  *, 

e  occurs,  as  in  Old  High  German  and  Middle  High  Get 


CONSONANTS.  157 

iiB  a  hard  and  as  a  soft  sibilant ;  but  while  the  former  has  pre- 
served its  ancient  pronunciation  of  fe,  the  latter,  instead  of  pre- 
ferring the  sound  ds^  has  been  flattened  into  s,  and  is  written  ^. 
'Rie  German  z  then  corresponds  to  Middle  High  German  Zy  and 
^nan  ^  to  Middle  High  German  j.  Examples :— :/ttf ,  foot ;  gro^^ 
peat;  ^f,  that;  af,  ate;  i^,  eat,  imper. ;  la^^  let,  imper.     The 
loorganic  change  of  long  and  short  vowels  in  the  same  word,  as 
<f^,  to  eat,  a^,  ate ;  mS^en,  to  measure,  md^y  is  as  inconsistent 
^  the  change  of  f  into  the  gemination  ss  in  essen,  messeyi.     It  is 
*fi  arbitrary  rule  that  0,  when  succeeding  a  long  vowel,  is  allowc  d 
j^  stand  at  the  end  or  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  but  that  it  must 
^    changed   into  ss  in  the   middle  of  the  word  after  a  short 
''owel.     The  old  grammarians  therefore  write  y«p,  plur.  fu^^ 
^^ty?»f,  barrel,  plur.ya>*er;  essen,  pret.  a^\  messen^  pret.  ma^; 
**^^^ys  wasser^  not  wa^.     As  to  pronunciation,  this  letter  is 
^J^^ectly  identical  with  *,  and  might  therefore  be  rendered  by 
i^^  latter,  since  fis  and  gros  would  sound  like  fd^  and  grS^, 
i^'^is  change  has  actually  been  effected  where  the  Middle  High 
^^^rman  j  was  the  termination  of  the  neuter  adjective  or  pro- 
P^J^^Tm,  as  «r,  it;    dds^  that;    wdsy  what;   gutes^  bonum;    M.  H. 
L^^^rm.  e^y  d/xK^  wa^^  guote^.      An  absurd  mode  of  spelling  has 
.  ,^^en  invented  for  the  distinction  of  the  pronoun  and  conjunc- 
"^n,  the  former  being  spelled  daSy  the  latter  da^  ;  though  both 
«re  originally  one  and  the  same  word  and  should  therefore  be 
^iformly  spelled,  just  as  well  as  thaty  their  English  equivalent, 
th  as  a  pronoun  and  as  a  conjunction. 

Historiod  grammar  teaches  us  to  use  f  in  all  cases  where  Mid- 

e  High  German  applied  the  organic  j,  and  this  rule  is  now 

^^requently  obeyed  by  German  authors  even  in  works  which  have 

o  direct  bearing  upon  grammar  and  which  are  written  for  the 

^^ublic  at  large.    It  will  therefore  be  well  to  lay  down  the  rule  so 

^s  to  render  it  intelligible  to  those  who  are  not  versed  in  Middle 

^igh   Grerman.      It   may  be  stated  as  a  safe   guide  in   most 

K^ases,  that  in  words  where  the  German  s  sound  is  rendered  in 

^English  or  Dutch  by  i.  High  German  should  write  f ,  e.  g.  wa^ty 

not  wasser^  because  of  the  Dutch  and  Engl,  water ;  la^en,  not 

lasseity  Engl,  to  lei^  Dutch  laten;   Aa^en,  not  kassetiy  Engl,  to 

hatey  Dutch  haten, 

zw  represents  three  ancient  combinations,  i.  c.  dwy  tWy  and  zw, 
which  are  organically  quite  distinct;  e.  g.  zwergy  zwerchy  zwei, 

Englislu  The  tenuis  t^  when  initial,  remains  as  in  Old  Eng- 
lish and  Anglo-Saxon.  It  is  changed  into  the  media  in  proiid, 
O.Engl,  prout,  A.  S.  pr4t ;  diamond^  Fr.  diamant ;  and  into  the 
aspirate  th  in  Thames  (but  pronounced  i)y  A.  S.  Temese ;  au/hoTy 


168 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Lat.  a^ttoT.     We  havL'  »  instvad  of  t  in  the  words  vtmt,  ma»-UM 
tnot-te  ^  miti-ite,  debui;  tcUt,  A.  S.  vrit-te  ^  wit-te  (comp.  A.  f 
sub  lit.  b);  gliiten,  A.  S.  glmim=ylitian.     t  is  ott«n  mut«  whflj 
it  occurs  between  two  consonaQta,  as  CkrUt-mat,  chest-nut,  cmH 
mUtietoe,     It  is  dropped  in  the  words  liesl,  A.  S.  beieat,  iett 
bent;  E«»ex,  O.  Engl.  Eat-aex;  We*sex,  O.  Engl.  JTett-aex;  dant' 
lion,  Fr.  denC-de-lion.     A  ^  is  added  atler  a,  especially  after  the  I 
of  the  genitive,  and  in  the  particles  amid*-l,  amongs-l,  wkil 
agaim-t,  &c. ;  and  in  the  words  behest,  A.  8.  beiat ;  thwart;  A.  9 
'^weorh  ;   tgrant,  Lat.  t^rannut ;   aneienl,  O.  Fr.  ancit 
went,  O.  fV.  parcliemin. 

The  media  rf  on  the  whole  occupies  the  same  position  t  ^^ 
Anglo-Saxon.  It  is  changed  into  /  in  tho  words  abbot,  A.  3.^ 
ahbad :  paring,  ¥t.  perilriir  {a  change  more  frequent  in  \ 
dialects).  The  media  d  and  the  soft  aspirate  S,  which  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  are  otl^n  fluctuating,  in  New  English  finally  settle  inta 
tk,  as  Kihethcr,  together,  father,  mother,  A.  S,  hieader,  togddi 
fader,  modor.  d  is  dropped  in  gospel,  A.  S.  god-spell;  to  ammet^.-^ 
A.  S.  and-awdriaa  ;  wood-bine,  A.  S.  vndu-bind  (dialectitailly  e?es^3 
vine,  mine,  ioijind,  mind).  The  media  is  interpolated  in  gaxde^i^^ 
A.  S.  gandra,  masc.  ai gSs ;  alder,  A.  S.  alor ;  gender,  Lat.  iji'iiMir  ■ 
jaundice,  ^.jaunuse.  In  the  termination  ed  of  the  weak  co7~^; 
Jugation  the  d,  when  following  upon/j,yi  k,  ch,  &c.,  has  the  pc 
DUDciation  of  the  tenuis,  as  plucked,  lehipped,  marked=plue 
toAipf,  tnarit, — a  pronunciation  with  which  the  spelling  formea 
harmonized. 

th.  In  Anglo-Saxon  the  soft  (hor1S  is  occasionally  replai 
by  the  media  d,  or  both  are  used  indiscriminately  in  i 
words.     This  wavering  between  the  two  sounds  ceases,  howCT 
in  Old  English  already  which  adopts  either  one  or  the  otiter,  ' 
e.  g.  A.  S.  ArarS  and  Arad,  O.  Engl,  redie  and  rather,  N.  Engl. 
ready  and  rather;    A. S.  mdgeS  and  rndgden,  O.Engl.  majrSf, 
N.  Engl,  maid;  A.  S.  /iS  and  lid,  N.  Engl,  lithe;  but  A.  S.  burtSn 
and  bnr-len,  N.  Engl,  bnrthen  and  burden.    The  media  has  b«n 
adopted  for  the  aspirate  in  murderer,  A.  S.  tnyr^ra  ;  eoul4,  A.  S. 
caSf,  O.Engl.  coK|;e,  M.Engl,  cude ;  fiddle,  A.S./Selei 
and  thatch,  A.S.  bcccan,  to  cover.     For  O.Engl,  quod,  N.EogL 
reassumcB  the  Aspirate,  and  writes  iiuolh,  A.  S.  cwd'6.    The  i^ 
rate  is  replaced  by  the  tenuis,  chiefly  after  the  consonants/, i, 
a,  r,  as  tiejt,  A.  S.  bw/«  ;  height,  A.  S.  AeahSo ;  dart,  A.  S.  <&««.  J 
M  is  dropped  in  Norwich  for  NorlA-wich,  A.  S.  NvrHwic;  JVwWU  f 
/o/-  Nortk-man,   A.  S.   Nor^tnaa;    -worship  for  worlhthip,  A,S.f 

2  is  not  an  Anglo-Saxon  letter,  but  in  Old  English,  where  il 


COySOyAXTS.  159 

jnidiiefly  imported  with  French  worcbt,  it  is  rather  frequent.  It 
ii  TOjpecnliar  that  in  Old  English  this  letter  occasionally  replaces 
/  (or  3),  as  dozter  for  dogter^  zere$  for  geren  ;  but  from  this  posi- 
b»  it  soon  disappears  again,  and  the  letter  is  limited  to  foreign 
voids.  In  New  English  it  continues  to  occupy  its  place  in 
ftnign  words,  and  frequently  encroaches  upon  the  range  of  the 
■Uuits  M  and  ^ ,  as  ^  freeze^  A.  S.  freomn  ;  hazel ^  A.  S.  hdsel ; 
Wrf,  Yt.  iasard;  to  seize,  Fr.  saUir;  lizard,  Lat.  lacerla.  Very 
ibuige  is  the  word  ginger  for  Lat.  zifiziber,  the  inversion  of  the 
^  of  Old  English  which  places  the  z  for  the  g  in  dozter  ^flogter, 
'tnd  z  we  have  side  by  side  in  glass  and  glaze,  gloss  and  gloze. 

Dnteli.    The  media  is  terminational  again,  hence  the  preterite 

^the  weak  yerba  ends  in  d  instead  of  the  Middle  Dutch  L    The 

tt  in  thans  is  caused  by  the  contraction  of  te-hans,  at  hand 

(Ctenn.  zor  hand).    The  use  of  the  media  d  in  the  place  of  A 

^^  peculiar,  as  ndder,  nearer  (Germ,  naher) ;  vlieden,  to  nee  (Germ. 

flidien),  getchieden,  to  happen  (Germ,  geschehen),  used  instead 

oCtihe  more  oonunon  vlien,  geschien.    Dutch  has  a  great  facility 

^A  sHi^ing  over  the  media  d  and  its  succeeding  e^  thus  forming 

^  oontraction  and  lengthening  the  vowel  of  the  root,  e.  g.  vdr= 

^^^iier,  fiither /  dr=ader,  vein  (G«rm.  ader) ;  h6-=.hode,  messenger, 

C^jerm.  bote);   bldn=.bl^den,  foliis;   g6n^=.g6den,  diis;    woenzs. 

'^^^oeden,  to  rage  (Germ,  wiithen);  bien=dieden,  to  oflTer  (Germ. 

^ieten) ;  ner=^neder,  nether  (G«rm.  nieder).     The  Dutch  way  of 

^ivriting  these  contractions  is,  vadr,  neer,  go6n,  &c.     Just  the 

^posite  course  is  followed  in  the  case  o{  I,  n,r  being  succeeded 

^  er,  where  always  a  d  slips  in  between  them ;  as  minder,  minor 

C^rm.  minder) ;  merder,  more  (Germ,  mehr) ;   ileifuler,  smaller 

CGerm.  kleiner) ;  helder,  lighter  (Germ,  heller) ;  schonder,  prettier 

COerm.  schoner).     (As  to  the  relation  between  z  and  s,  see  sub 

it.  g.) 

.  Swediah.    The  Old  Norse  aspirate  disappears ;  where  it  was 

jl'U'tial  it  is  replaced  by  the  tenuis,  as  iwtga,  tongue ;  twi^,  heavy ; 

^^ce  the  Swedish  t  stands  for  German  d  (or  z),  and  English  th, 

^-  g.  Sw.  ting.  Germ,  ding,  Engl,  thing;  tistel,  Germ,  disf/l,  Engl. 

^istle.     The  tenuis  and  media  retain  the  same  position  as  in 

^Id  Norse.     The  gemination  tt  is  very  frequent  in  Swedish ;  it 

?tands  (i)=0.  N.  tt,  as  in  *fe^^  (treasure),  Aa^^;  (2)=0.  N.  ht 

^t\  natt  (night);  (3)= O.N.  nt  in  mitt  (meum),  ditt  (tuum),  sitt 

(^uum).     The  combination  dt  is  of  frequent  occurrence  as  the 

Neuter  termination  of  the  adjectives  in  d. 

Danish.  In  this  dialect  also  the  aspirate  gives  way^  some- 
times to  the  tenuis,  sometimes  to  the  media  (as  in  the  pronouns 
^ien,  de,  der,  &c.),  whence  a  great  confusion  prevails  in  this  class 


160  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

of  mules.  When  d  is  terminatioDaU  and  follows  upon  a  vowd^it 
is  almost  pronounced  like  the  soft  English  th  (O.  N.  dk\  so  that  x 
in  fW,witli,  it  sounds  veth.  In  the  middle  of  a  word  it  is  hardfy 
heard  at  all,  and  the  word  manden^  therefore,  almost  sounds  maiir 
fien.  The  media  is,  as  in  Duteh^  often  dropped  between  yowelsi 
e.g.Jaery  moer^  broer,  lar,  ve/r,  iotfdder^  father;  taSder^  mother; 
brSder^  brother;  l^edery  leather;  t^edery  weatlier.  The  gemina* 
tions  dd  and  tt  are  of  frequent  occurrence. 

3.  Gutturals, 

German.  The  guttural  tenuis  is  represented  by  k  and  ek^  and 
in  foreign  words  by  c.  The  media  may  occur  at  the  end  of  a 
word  where  in  Middle  High  German  it  was  always  replaced  by 
the  tenuis,  ch  represents  different  ancient  letters;  it  stands 
(i)  for  the  spirant  A:  dochy  yet;  hochy  high ;  nock^  still ;  nackty 
night ;  wachsen,  to  wax^  to  grow ;  but  the  spirant  is  replaced  in 
the  preterite  of  the  strong  verbs :  sdhy  vidi ;  gesckdky  accidit ;  Jloky 
fugi,  instead  of  Middle  High  German  sack,  gesckacky  &c. ;  (2)= 
Gothic  k,  where  we  still  use  k  in  English,  e.  g.  sckwack,  weak ; 
machen,  to  make;  wachetiy  to  wake;  hreckeUy  to  break;  eickcy 
oak ;  %i€cky  sick. 

The  Gothic  sk  is  always  rendered  in  German  by  9cky  Engl.  *i, 
e.g.  Qio\ki,  skaduSy  Germ,  schattetjy  Engl,  shad^ ;  Goth,  skabatiy 
Qerm,  sck^ben,  Engl,  to  s/iare  ;  Goth.  skUdufi,  Germ,  sckild,  Engl. 
skield ;  Goth.  skiUiggs,  Germ,  schilling,  Engl,  shilling;  Goth. 
skohsy  Germ,  schuh,  Engl,  shoe,  ch  had  in  Old  High  German 
and  Middle  High  German  a  much  wider  range  than  it  has  in 
New  High  German,  for,  with  the  exception  of  the  different  cases 
just  mentioned,  it  is  now  commonly  replaced  by  the  tenuis  ky 
e.g.  M.  H.  Germ,  dechen,  N.  H.  Germ,  deckeiiy  to  deck,  cover; 
M.  H.  Germ.  chindiskCy  N.  H.  Germ,  kindi^chy  childish;  M.  H. 
Germ,  chirchcy  N.  H.  Germ,  kirche,  church. 

English.  Tlie  tenuis  k  answers  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  tenuis  c. 
In  Old  and  Middle  English  c  and  k  are  used  indiscriminately ; 
New  English  decides  for  the  initial  k,  where  it  is  mute,  and  for 
c  where  it  is  pronounced,  and  then  the  c  always  ])reserves  the 
Anglo-Saxon  k  sound  before  dark  vowels  and  the  liquids  /,  w,  r, 
e.  g.  to  knoWy  knee,  knoty  knife ;  to  creep,  crafty  deatiy  cl-otk. 
Before  the  thin  vowels  €  and  ?,  the  c  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  already 
sometimes  replaced  by  ch\  Old  English  adopted  either  one  or 
the  other  for  each  particular  word,  and  the  adopted  letter  has 
been  preserved  to  the  present  day;  e.g.  to  keepy  A.  S.  cepan ; 
cheese,  A.  S.  cese  ;  keen,  A.  S.  cene  ;  chin,  A.  S.  cin  ;  childy  A.  S. 


roxsoxAxrs.  lei 

fSd;  ekiehen,  A.  S.  cieea.  (See  Old  English  and  Middle 
iBtf&ah.) 

Before  the  Anglo-Saxon  j^,  which  is  the  Umlaut  of  u,  one 
vonld  expect  to  see  the  i  sound  preserved,  but  it  yields  even 
Wre  sometimes  to  ci,  e,g  kin,  A.  S.  rj^n ;  king,  AS.  cuning ; 
Ukkem,  A.  S.  cycene  ;  ekurek  (Scotch  kirie),  A.  S.  cyrice.  Where 
in  Anglo-Saxon  a  c  precedes  ea^  eo,  ed^  Old  English  already 
decided  in  favour  of  ^^,  which  in  New  English  has  been  kept  up^ 
e.g.  chalty  A.  S.  cealc;  cheater,  A.  S.  ceaaUr;  churl ^  A.  S.  ceorl; 
ekajman  (still  in  vogue  as  a  proper  name^  meaning  '  merchant/ 
Germ,  kaufmann),  A.  S.  cedpman;  except  care,  A.  S.  cearu  ;  keely 
A  S.  ceoL     A.  S.  (Tie?  is  N.  Engl,  qn. 

In  the  middle  of  words  c  is  replaced  either  by  k  or  ch,  as  acre^ 
AS.  deer ;  fickh,  A.  S.  ficol ;  wreak^  A.  S.  wrecan ;  sink,  A.  S. 
iineau;  to  seek  and  beseech^  A.  S.  secan;  to  teach^  A.  S.  tacan;  to 
reaeh,  A.  S.  racan.  The  k  sound  is  commonly  preserved  at  the 
end  of  words:  ark^  rank,  clerk,  folk,  A.  S.  arc,  ranc,  clerc,  folc. 
e  is  dropped  in  the  ist  sing,  of  the  personal  pronoun :  A.  S.  ic, 
N.Engl.  /,  Germ.  icA,  Dutch  ik,  and  in  the  suffix  lie,  N.  Engl. 
//,  Germ.  lick.  It  appears  that  in  late  Anglo-Saxon  already  the 
c  before  thin  vowels,  as  e  and  i,  assumed  the  sound  of  the  sibi- 
lant 8,  and  hence  the  interchange  between  c,  s,  and  z,  which 
we  have  already  dwelt  upon  (see  sub  lit.  s).  The  Romance  c 
takes  in  English  a  somewhat  different  course  from  that  in  French. 
(i)  It  preserves  its  k  sound  as  in  French  before  dark  vowels  and 
before  /  and  r,  e.  g.  cajdain,  courts  causin,  cross,  clear,  (2)  It  has 
the  k  sound  in  English,  though  it  is  sibilant  in  French,  e.  g. 
carpenter,  Fr.  charpevtier ;  carrion,  0,Fv.  charoigne,  Lat.  caro ; 
kennel,  Fr.  chenil,  Lat.  canile.  Or  (3)  the  French  sibilant  is  in- 
troduced in  English  too,  e.  g.  chapel,  Lat.  capella ;  chair,  Lat. 
caikedra  ;  to  challenge,  O.  Fr.  chalonge,  Lat.  calutntiiari  ;  chamber, 
Lat.  camera.  Or  (4)  we  have  both  sounds  side  by  side,  as  candle 
Mid  chandler,  A.  S.  candel,  Lat.  candela ;  carnal  and  charnel-house, 
from  Lat.  caro ;  cattle  and  chattel,  O.  Fr.  catel,  chatel,  Lat. 
^pitalis. 

The  Romance  c  before  e  and  i  {y)  either  remains  and  is  sibilant 
^?  in  French  city,  cignet,  or  it  is  replaced  by  s,  succory,  Lat. 
^^hmurn  ;  search,  O.  Fr.  cercher ;  or  it  is  thickened  into  ch,  sh, 
cherry,  Fr.  cerise  ;  shingle,  O.  Fr.  cengle,  Lat.  cingulnm.  It  takes 
the  same  course  in  the  middle  of  a  word.  At  the  end,  how- 
®^®r,  it  has  the  k  sound  when  it  is  terminational,  and  the  s 
®^^nd  when  it  is  followed  by  e  mute,  e.  g.  public,  lilac  ;  pumice, 
chalice.  Before  a  Ht  is  converted  into  h,  as  delight,  Lat.  delec* 
^^i;  straight,  Lat.  si  rictus. 

M 


162  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

The  media ^  cummonly  remains. unaltered  where  it  is  initiaf; 
but  in  the  words  gwest  and  ghost  (A.  S.  gasty  gd^C)  the  g  is  un- 
necessarily sheltered  against  sibilation  by  the  addition  <^  u  and 
h.  The  vocalization  of  g  takes  place  on  a  y^xj  large  scale  io 
Old  English.  We  have  remnants  of  this  vocalization  still  pre- 
served \xi  hani-i-work  (A.  S.  hand^e'we<>rc)y  kandAn^raft,  kaui^ 
stroke.  Initial  g  is  dropped  in  tfy  A.  S.  g^;  icicle,  A.  S.  w-^^. 
g,  if  in  the  middle  of  a  word  it  occurred  in  the  combinations  e^, 
dg^  has  been  vocalized  into  i^  and  thus  forms  a  diphthong,  N.EngL 
ai  (O.  Engl,  and  M .  Engl.  ex)y  ^s/air,  kail,  maiden,  nail^  sail,  8^9 
A.  S.  fdger,  kdgel,  mdgden,  ndgel,  segeL  In  the  combinjitiot^ 
arckard,  A.  S.  ort-geard,  fruit-garden,  the  media  g  is  eonvei 
into  the  hard  palatal  ck.  Anglo-Saxon  already  allows  of  a  tnn- 
sition  of  the  media  g  into  the  spirant  ia^  chiefly  in  verbal  forms^^ 
which  in  New  English  are  still  preserved,  as  A.  S.  sagon^  wc*^ 
see;  sdwon^  wc  saw;  gesegeriy  geseweUy  gesSn,  seen;  so  also  are  to 
be  explained,  to  drag  and  to  draw,  dragged  and  drew^  dragged  and 
drawn;  sleiv  and  slain:  further^  the  words  laWy  A.  S.  lag;  to 
gnaw,  A.  S.  gnagan  ;  to  daian,  A.  S.  dagian,  from  dag,  day ;  /owl, 
A.  S./ugol;  morrow,  A.  S.  morgen.  Compare  Germ,  nagen,  tagen, 
vogel,  morgen, 

a  when  terminational  is  rarely  preserved^  as  in  twig,  egg,  A.  S. 
twig,  dg ;  but  it  is  commonly  vocalized  into  i  [y),  forming  with 
the  radical  vowel  the  diphthong  ey  or  ay,  e.  g.  grey  and  gray^ 
hay,  may,  lay,  day,  A.  S.  grag,  keg,  mdg,  lag,  ddg.  It  is  dropped 
in  the  suffix  ig,  N.Engl.  ^,  2^  holy,  Orerm.  keilig  ;  body,  A.  S. 
bodig ;  mxiny,  A.  S.  manig ;  greedy,  A.  S.  gradig  (O.Engl,  and 
M.  Engl.  /).  The  A.S.  ig  is  in  Old  English  converted  into  w,  eice, 
N.  Engl,  otc,  in  the  words  sallow,  sorrmo,  marrow,  gallows,  A.  S. 
salig,  sorg,  mearg,  gealg,  g  is  mute  and  the  preceding  vowel 
long  in  foreign,  JjaX.forensis ;  feign,  Ywfeindre;  sovereign,  Yr. 
souverain. 

In  Anglo-Siixon  the  media  g  is  sometimes  replaced  by^,  and 
later  on  is  altogether  couvei*ted  into  the  spirant  y.  In  New 
English  it  occurs  both  with  the  sound  of  the  guttural  media  and 
that  of  the  spirant,  or  rather  the  soft  palatal,  in  Saxon  words,  as 
well  as  in  such  of  Latin  origin.  We  have  the  media  in  garden, 
get,  go,  give,  geese,  of  Saxon  origin  ;  and  in  gain,  giist,  guttural, 
glory,  grace,  of  French  derivation  ;  the  soft  palatal  in  the  Saxon 
singe,  cringe,  angel,  and  in  the  French  gem,  giant,  elegy,  deluge, 
refuge,  and  always  before  e  and  i.  Even  the  Teutonic  gemina- 
tion gg  is  rendered  by  dg,  as  edge,  bridge,  hedge,  instead  of  egge, 
&c.  It  must  have  been  at  a  comparatively  recent  period  of  the 
language  that  the  German  element  was  in^cted  with  the  French 


CONSONANTS.  163 

pTonunciationj  aince  terminational  g  is  commonly  doubled  at  the 

end  \  and  this  doubling  or  gemination  of  t1)e  media  preserves  it 

{rom  being  converted  into  the  palatal.     The  French  sound  of 

nbilant  ^  is  a  soft  sh^  and  thus  we  find  in  Middle  English  too 

iMi^hen  instead  of  oblidge.     The  transition  is  supposed  to  have 

taken  place  towards  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century^. 

g  is  mute  before  n :  gnash,  gnarly  gnaw,  foreign,  sign,  impugn, 
jM>iffnanf',  The  letter  u  is  sometimes  added  to  g  in  order  to  in- 
dcate  the  sound  of  the  guttural  media,  first  of  all  in  French 
"^ords,  e.g.  guide,  guise,  guile — then,  though  unnecessarily,  in 
:on  words,  e.  g.  guesl,  guild,  while  we  use  the  simple  g  in  gel, 
we»  In  the  words  dislingtiish,  Lat.  disiinguere  ;  extinguish,  Lat. 
^sxtinguere  ;  anguish,  Lat.  anguus,  we  pronounce  g  and  u  distinctly, 
^K)6cause  the  w  is  not  euphonic  but  belongs  to  the  root. 
^^  ^A  is  in  different  words  of  different  origin  and  sound,  (i)  It 
s  the  Italian  way  of  writing  the  guttural  media,  identical  to  the 
French  gu,  e.  g.  Ghent,  and  even  ghost.  {%)  It  is  derived  from 
i,  strengthened  into  k\  hough,  shough,  (3)  It  is  derived  from 
Ae  guttural,  but  the  strengthened  form  nas  the  sound  o(  f,  a 
^^drcumstance  which  may  originate  in  the  fact  of  the  to  having 
>metimes  taken  the  place  of  the  guttural  h  and  g  (see  sub  lit.  w), 
j.g.  cough,  trough,  tough,  laugh,  (4)  It  is  derived  from  the 
laxon  guttural  h,  but  in  this  case  gh  is  always  mute,  e.  g.  fght, 
^-^right,  might,  night,  A.  S.  riht,  miht,  niht,  while  Scotch,  like  Ger- 
:anan,  still  preserves  the  guttural :  fecht,  recht,  mecht.  Germ,  nacht, 
-WMchL 

ch.  This  letter  was  foreign  to  Anglo-Saxon  and  imported  with 
French  words.  Later  on  it  found  its  way  into  words  of  Teutonic 
origin.  As  to  the  development  of  this  letter  in  Old  English  and 
Middle  English,  vide  supra.  It  is  now  need  as  a  palatal  aspirate 
in  many  words  of  German  and  French  origin,  as  child,  chin,  church, 
cheese,  Chester — and  chamber,  chapel,  chief,  chapter ;  choose  is  the 
A.  S.  ceosan;  choice,  the  French  choix.  In  some  French  words 
it  preserves  the  French  sibilant,  as  machine,  moustache,  charade, 
chandelier,  ch^^k  in  Greek  words:  chaos,  chemist,  chord,  chyle. 
It  is  mute  in  drachm  and  schism. 

As  to  gemination  we  have  only  to  remark  that  ck  as  the  gemi- 
nation of  k  continues  to  exist ;  the  gemination  of  g  is  commonly 
dropped,  but  remains  in  egg ;  it  becomes  a  soft  palatal  aspirate 
in  sledge,  edge,  bridge,  for  slegge,  &c. 

I>atoh.  The  distinction  of  M.  Dutch  ch  and  gh  is  lost,  hence 
for   M.  Dutch   dock,  daghen,  N.  Dutch  writes  ddg,  ddgen.     In 

*  Koch,  i.  p.  139. 
M  2 


164  TEUTOJIC  GRAMMAR. 

many  caeetf  the  old  ck  is  superseded  by  the  media  a,  as  nagif 
night ;  rlmgt,  flight ;  where  certainly  the  ciber  mode  of  spelling 
nackt^  rlMcif,  is  preferable,  as  cA  geneially  is  a  iavoorite  letter 
before  /.  The  M.  Dateh  M  for  Germ,  and  Engl.yt  ranaina  in 
N.  Dutch,  as  fackty  air  fGerm.  loft) ;  froci/y  strength,  craft  (Germ, 
kraft).  llie  cA  in  ricA  (ae)  is  inorganic  for  i :  compare  Goth,  it, 
Mii,  tit.  Germ.  tVi,  mi/^A,  sicA^  Dateh  it,  mi,  sick ;  6om  which 
we  see  that  while  all  the  German  forms  have  their  oiganic  eis 
Goth,  h  (see  Grimm's  Law),  in  Dntdi  the  ist  person  onlj  haa  its 
organic  it;  in  the  2nd  penon  the  h  soffers  apoocqte  as  the  k  in 
Engl.  /,  A.  S.  le ;  and  the  3rd  person  adopts  inorganic  ck  for  k. 
The  combinations  ck,  qu^  x,  are  now  rendered  by  kk^  kw^  ks. 

Swedish.  Peculiar  to  this  dialect  is  the  transition  of  the 
guttural  k  into  the  sound  of  the  palatal  ck  or  /,  similar  to  the 
course  A.  S.  c  (k)  takes  in  English  before  all  thin  vowels  and 
vowels  preceded  by  j\  As  to  the  pronunciation  grammarians 
differ,  some  preferring  the  sound  of  the  English/,  others  that  of 
cA  (Rask),  the  latter  undoubtedly  being  preferable,  because,  it  is 
more  general  among  the  natives  and  more  agreeable  to  etymo- 
logy. Thus,  then,  the  words  kek  (maxilla).  Ml,  wedge  (Grerm. 
keil) ;  kyss,  kiss ;  kaer,  dear ;  koen,  chin,  are  to  be  pronounced 
jeky  jil^  &c.,  or  better,  with  Bask,  ckek^  cAil,  &c.  Before  the 
dark  vowels  a,  0,  u,  the  guttural  remains,  and  may  therefore  in 
one  and  the  same  word  alternate  with  the  palatal,  as  kam,  comb 
(Germ,  kamm) ;  kdmma  =  chdmma^  to  comb  (Germ,  kammeu). 
But  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words  k  retains  its  pure 
guttural  sound.    In  some  cases  it  is  indeed  replaced  by  the  media, 

as  j^9^  Ggo  f  ^f^^Qy  i"6  >  ^'i^>  ^  >  ^^9  se ;  instead  of  the  organic  k 
in  O.  N.  jak^  7nik,  dik,  sik. 

Tlic  sound  of  the  media  g  is  changed  into  the  soft  palatal  j 

before  the  same  vowels  where  the  k  must  be  changed  into  ch, 

e.  g.  get  {goRi)=jet;  gdlla  (to  sound)  =^^7^,  goek  (cuckoo) =/c>tf/t; 

but  before  the  combinations  je^  jd^  jo^  ju^  the  media  is  not  heard 

at  all,  and  the  words  gjdrn^  gjoernay  gjuta^  sound  like  jdrn^Joema, 

juia.    As  k  and  ch^  so  also  g  andy — that  is,  guttural  and  palatal — 

may  alternately  be  heard  in  different  forms  of  the  same  word,  as 

gifva  (to  give)  =y/^'flr,  and  gafy  gave;    quld^  gold,  and  gtfllen:=^ 

jyllen^  golden.     In  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words  g  retains 

the  pure  sound  of  the  guttural  media,  except  after  /  and  r,  where 

again  it  changes  its  pronunciation  into  j\  and  the  neuter  of 

adjectives  in  lig^  where  before  t  it  is  pronounced  like  k,  as  keliqt 

^helikt. 

ch  occurs  only  in  the  particles  ach  and  och,  pronounced  ack 
and  ock. 


CONSONANTS.  165 

The  geminations  gg  and  kk  {ck)  are  frequent.  qv=kv.  x^ks. 
The  use  oi  gt  and  kt  is  unsettled.  The  M.  H.  Germ,  ht  (A.  S.  hL 
'Ejjkgl.gAf)  should  eveiywhere  be  rendered  by  U.  But  by  the 
side  of  nail,  night  (A.  8.  niht,  M.  H.  Germ,  naht^  Germ,  naeht) ; 
reU^  right ;  lell,  light,  we  read  makl,  might ;  rigligf  right ;  vigl^ 
"weight. 

I^aniflh.    The  gutturals  g  and  k  have  before  thin  vowels  a 

softer  pronuneiation,  approaching  in  fact  the  palatal  modification 

of  the  Swedish  guttural,  which  is  indicated  by  a  j  interpolated 

between  the  guttural  and  the  vowel,  as  kjende,  kjoede,  gjesl. 

(This  y  is  to  be  kept  distinct  from  the  j  answering  to  the  O.  N.  i 

in  to,  ia,  &c.:  see  sub  lit.  j.)    Before  hard  vowels  the  full  guttural 

sound  is  retained.     In  the  middle  and  at  the  end  of  words  the 

tenuis  k  makes  place  to  the  media  g.    We  find  organic  g  changed 

into  V  after  vowels  in  liquids,  e.g.  voven  for  vogen,  waggon 

(Germ,  wagen) ;  after  soft  vowels  into  J,  e.  g.  lejr,  camp  (Germ. 

lager);  regn  pronounced  rejn.    g  is  dropped  after  it  and  i,  as 

itie^  stairs  (Germ,  stiege);    due^  valere  (Germ,  taugen,  O.N. 

ck  occurs  only  in  foreign  words. 

The  geminations  gg  and  kk  at  the  end  of  words  are  not 
written  but  pronounced,  as  lyk  {thick)  =zlykk  or  lyck,  dg,  egg. 
For  the  O.  N,  Al  we  should,  as  in  Swedish,  expect  11,  which 
in  &ct  does  occur  in  nally  night;  aalle,  eight;  but  gl  instead 
of  the  gemination  we  find  in  magl^  might ;  /rugl,  fruit. 


EOOTS  AND  THEMES\ 


The  most  ancient  and  primitive  constituents  of  words  in  the 
Aryan  languages  are  the  roots.  A  root  is  the  syllable  which  is 
the  bearer  of  Qie  meaning  or  signification  of  a  given  word ;  as 
for  instance,  the  primitive  as,  to  be,  is  the  root  of  the  words 
as'tni;  I  am ;  as-ti,  he  is.  But  the  suffixes  also  which  are  used 
for  the  formation  of  themes  and  words  were  originally  nothing 
but  roots  joined  to  the  principal  root  or  root  of  sig^nification,  re- 
linquishing thereby  their  independence,  and  becomings  as  it  were, 
roots  of  relation^  that  is^  expressing  a  certain  meaning,  not  for 
its  own  sake,  but  for  the  purpose  of  defining,  limiting,  directing, 
the  sense  of  the  principal  root.  Then  the  consciousness  of  their 
formerly  independent  position  was  gradually  lost,  and  they  be- 
came mere  sufi[ixes,  appendages  to  the  principal  root,  without 
which  they  did  not  appear  capable  of  any  signification  and 
existence  of  their  own.  It  forms  one  of  the  most  important 
tasks  of  the  science  of  language  to  restore  these  suffixed  roots 
to  their  primitive  independence,  to  show  them  in  their  original 
shape  and  signification.  Thus  we  have  for  instance  in  the  word 
a^ffd  the  root  as,  meaning  *  to  be/  and  the  root  ma,  which  is 
weakened  into  mi  and  expresses  the  relation  of  the  principal 
root  to  the  ist  person.  As  an  independent  root  ma  means  'to 
measure,'  '  to  think,'  '  man'  (homo),  '  I'  (ego) ;  as-^i  then  means 
de'I=I  am,  As-li,  again,  contains  the  principal  root  as  and  the 
root  la,  weakened  into  li,  expressing  the  relation  of  the  principal 
root  to  the  3rd  person.  The  original  meaning  of  fa  is  'this' 
(hie,  haec,  hoc),  *  he'  (is,  ea,  id) ;  as-ti,  then  means  he-he-^he  is. 
Hence  the  Sansk.  as-mi,  Gr.  eljuii  (=l(r-/uii),  Lat.  sum,  Groth.  im, 
Engl.  a7n ;  and  Sansk.  as-ti,  Gr.  ^cr-ri,  Lat.  est,  Goth,  isty  Engl. 
is,  originally  mean  nothing  else  but  simply  '  be-I,'  *  be-he,'  i.  e. 
'  I  am,'  *  he  is'.  Again,  the  primitive  vak-s,  speech  (nom.  sing.), 
consists  of  the  principal  root  vak,  speech,  and  the  root  sa,  short- 
ened into  s,  and  meaning  *  this,'  *  the' ;  so  that  vak-^  originally 
means  *  speech-the,'  and  is  a  formation  similar  to  that  caused  by 
the  suffixed  article  in  the  Scandinavian  languages. 

*  Bopp,  i.  pp.  96-123.     Schleicher,  pp.  341-479. 


ROOTS  AND  THEMES.  167 

To  get  at  the  root  {the  root,  the  principal  root)  of  a  word  in 
its  original  shape,  we  must  divest  it  of  all  efjllables  and  letters 
which  are  used  merely  to  express  certain  relations,  and  of  all 
modifications  which  may  have  been  caused  by  suffixes  and  termi- 
nations ;  so  that  th^  radical  vowel  especially,  where  it  is  length- 
ened or  otherwise  modified^  is  always  reduced  to  its  primitive 
form :  e.  g.  of  the  primitive  du-^d-miy  I  give,  da  is  the  root ;  of 
vaks^  speech,  vak;  of  daii>-a-Sy  shining,  heavenly,  god,  div ;  of 
dyaU'By  heaven,  dyu^  =idiv;  of  m-nu^s,  son,  *w,  to  beget,  to  bear. 

All  roots  in  the  Aryan  languages  are  monosyllables.  They 
may  occur  in  the  following  combinations  of  letters : — 

1.  A  single  vowel,  or  rather  a  combination  of  'spiritus  lenis' 
and  a  vowel;  as,  a  (demonst.  pron.),  i,  to  go ;  «^^  to  rejoice. 

2.  One  consonant  -f  one  vowel,  e.  g.  da,  to  g^ve ;  biu^  to 
become. 

3.  One  vowel  -f  one  consonant,  e.  g.  ad,  to  eat ;  «*,  to  burn* 

4.  One  consonant + one  vowel  +  one  consonant,  e.  g.  pat,  to  fly, 
to  fall ;  vid,  to  see ;  bAu^,  to  bend. 

5.  Two  consonants -f one  vowel,  e.g.  sta,  \o  stand;  km,  to 
hear ;  pri,  to  love, 

6.  One  vowel -f two  consonants,  e.g.  ardk,  to  grow;  ari,  to 
shine,  to  lighten. 

7.  Two  consonants  -h  one  vowel  +  one  consonant,  e.  g.  slar^  to 
scatter ;  sli^A,  to  mount,  to  ascend  (Germ,  steigen). 

8.  One  consonant  +  one  vowel  +  two  consonants,  e.g.  dark,  to 
see ;  vart,  to  turn. 

9.  Two  consonants  +  one  vowel -f  two  consonants,  e.  g.  skand^ 
scandere. 

Out  of  roots  our  languages  formed  themes.  A  theme  is  that 
part  of  the  word  which  remains  after  we  have  removed  from  it 
all  the  terminations  which  declensions  or  conjugations  require. 
The  simple  root,  therefore,  may  be  a  theme  as  well.  Thus  in 
(u-mi  and  aa-tiy  as-  (to  be)  is  the  root  as  well  as  the  theme  of  the 
present  tense;  in  dyau-s,  heaven,  dyu  {=div)  is  the  nominal 
theme  as  well  as  the  root. 

Another  mode  of  forming  themes  we  observe  in  the  addition  of 
suffixes  to  the  simple  or  r^uplicated  root  with  its  vowel  length- 
ened, or,  as  we  called  it,  gradated ' ;  e.  g.  daiv-a-,  nom.  sing. 
daivGnSy  divus,  deus,  where  the  root  is  div,  out  of  which  we  form 
the  theme  by  the  gradation  of  the  radical  vowel,  hence  daiv^y 
and  adding  the  suffix  a  (demonst.  pron.),  hence  the  theme  daivon, 
which  in  the  nom.  sing,  assumes  the  inflexional  termination  -«, 
and  thus  becomes  the  word  daivorS.     Themes  formed  directly 

^  Vide  p.  13,  8qq. 


uj^  TECTos::  grammar. 

firm  th«^  T-y.r.  ^'^  inll  *  primazv/  asnd  tlie  suffixes  used  ^primarj 
sz£xd:»' :  tLecnes  r'.rxLeil  &:iil  ockff  tibesies  we  call  'secondaiy/ 


ami  the  ii£xes  :::aeii  '  «a-  «./<i/7  ^affixes.'  One  mnd  the  same  suffix 
wasf  \it  Qsed  to  t'lrm  a  thiaiie  ficom.  the  root,  or  from  another 
theme ;  one  a&i  the  same  sa£x  thori^re  may  in  one  position  be 
primary,  in  an*:ther  set.H>adary. 


SUFFIXES  USED  EN'  THE  FORMATION  OF  THEMES. 

I.  Verbal  Thesces. —  IXsriTatiTe'.) 

yaia-ya) 

The  radical  vowel  takes  gradation,  forming  chieflj-  cansativ^^ 
and  transitive,  bat  also  derivative  and  intiansidve  verbs.    ^$C0^ 
consists  of  ci,  the  final  vowel  of  the  verbal  or  nominal  theme,  an^ 
jfrj,  a  suffix  freqaentlv  used  in  the  formation  of  themes.     (Com- 
pare the  proDomioal  root  jtj,  relative  and  demonstrative.) 

Sanskrit.  Ihara-ya-^iy  3rd  pers.  sing.  pres.  of  the  causative 
verb,  from  the  root  Ihar^  nominal  theme  bAdra,  burden,  or  the 
verbal  theme  bhara-   iAara-fi,  he  bear5\ 

GreelL.  a-ya  becomes  ^a-i/f,  *<-yc,  o-yc  ij  dropped),  e.g.  rifia, 
he  honours,  =Tifia£i="nfuiy€-Ti,  from  the  theme  rifiij^  honour. 

Iiatin.  >'  I )  tfy^J  is  contracted  into  a\  as  feJa-t,  he  causes  to  sit, 
=  *«tf</dV  = '*<!•'/'///-/,  root  *«'(/ V'/-«'o,  I  sit),  [z)  u^a  contracted 
into  /,  as  mnitt^-mnJi^ iuoneyi^MU^^  root  mo,.' ^  f/fUM.  to  think; 
Mon-eo,  I  remind.  ^3  a^'i  contracted  into  /.  e.  g.  sopioy  to  cause 
to  sle^.'p,  =*o/jiyo,  \ifo^=.aya^  hence  *(>/>yr(>'=prim.  trdpayd-ss-std' 
pat/d-mi^  root  srap,  sleej». 

Gothic,  (i)  a^a  contracted  into  6  (=prim.  d\  e.g.  ist  sing. 
ga-leiko^  3rd  sing.  y6r-/<'/"X*(?-J>,  ist  ^\a,  galeiho-m^  =prim.  ^leika- 
t/d-mi,  hihi-ya-li^  ^'It'ika-i/d-ma^'i ;  ji^rt, ga-Wiko^la ;  irom, ga-Ieik-s^ 
themo  feihi'^  like,  similar.  (2)  aya  becomes  ai,  parallel  to  the 
Jjatin  <%  e.g.  vei/iai-  =*vel^a'ya,  to  consecrate  (Germ,  weihen), 
theme  rei/ia-,  nom.  sing,  reih-s,  holy.  (3)  aya  becomes  jra,  hence 
1/i  (ji)y  hence  el,  corresponding  to  the  Latm  i ;  e.g.  from  the  verbal 
theme  slfa^,  sifi-^  prim,  sada-,  to  sit,  we  have  the  3rd  pers.  sing. 
prcH.  j?//i-}7,  prim,  sarfa-ti ;  from  the  theme  Siifja,  safjiy  to  set, 
to  cause  to  sit,  3rd  sing.  pres.  *a(/7-|?,  prim,  sada'^a-ti. 

*  These  form  the  verbs  wliit^h  in  our  Teutonic  conjugations  we  call  *  Weak.' 


ROOTS  AND  THEMES.  169 

We  frequently  find  nominal  themes  without  any  alteration 
used  as  verbal  themes,  occasionally  with  the  addition  of  the 


2.  Nominal  Th£mes^ 

a 

This  suffix  is  used  very  frequently  ;  the  root  preceding  it  has 
^he  radical  vowel  sometimes  lengthened^  sometimes  in  its  primi- 
^^re  form. 

Samples : — 

Sanskrit.  bAav^-,  masc.  being,  origin,  root  lAuj  to  be ;  hhar-a-^ 
**^^sc,  burden,  root  Vhar^  to  bear ;  hodh-a^  masc.  knowledge,  root 
^^dAj  to  know. 

Qreek.  Fipy'0'{v),  neut.  work,  root  Fepy-  (ipy-aCo-imi,  I  work) ; 
♦op-o-,  adj.  bearing,  4>6p^-,  tribute,  <f)op^,  offer,  root  ^ep,  to  bear ; 
^tnry'Tf,  fem.  flight,  root  ^vy  {(ptvy-oa,  i-^^vy-ov,  to  flee). 

^  Iiatm.  vad-O'^  neut.  vadum,  a  ford,  root  vad,  to  go ;  div-chy 
divine ;  deo-y  God,  from  ^dev-o~,  ^deiv-o-,  root  prim,  divy  to  shine. 
Gk>thio.  vig-a-y  masc,  nom.  sing.  vigSy  way,  root  vag^  vig^any  to 
xiaove  (Germ,  be-wegen);  vulf-ay  masc,  nom.  rulfs^  wolf,  root 
prim,  varky  to  tear;  gti-ay  fem.,  nom.  sing,  gibay  gift  (Germ, 
gabe),  root  gtdty  gib-^iny  to  give ;  staig-^,  path,  root  stig,  steigauy 
to  moimt,  to  ascend  (Germ  steigen,  conip.  Engl,  to  sty). 


Ftixnitive.  ak-iy  eye  (A.S.  cage.  Germ,  auge),  root  aky  to  have 
an  edge,  to  be  sharp,  to  see. 

SaoBkrit.  lip-U,  writing,  root  lipy  to  smear ;  bSdk-iy  wise,  root 
hudh,  to  know. 

Greek.  3ic-i-, neut.  eye;  preserved  in  the  dual  S(ra€=z6Ky€f  6ki€, 
root  prim,  aky  to  have  an  edge,  to  see ;  rpo;(-i-,  masc.  runner, 
root  Tp€Xi  I'P^w,  I  run. 

Latin.  (w«-,  ewi*,  sheep  (comp.  Greek  df-4-y,  Sansk.  av-i-s),  root 
«,  aVy  perhaps  in  the  sense  of '  to  clothe.' 

(3k>thio.  maUi'y  nom.  sing.  matSy  meat,  root  mat,  mairjauy  to 
eat;  qeni^kven-in,  fem.  woman,  prim,  gdn-iy  root  gauy  to  bear, 
bring  forth. 

^  Mnny  of  these  suffixes  are  also  used  in  the  formation  of  verbs  belonging  to  the 
'  Strong  *  conjugation.  In  this  respect  they  are  treated  under  the  chapter  of  Strong 
Conjugations,  Formation  of  the  Present  and  Perfect  Theraef*. 


170  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


U 


Sanskrit.  praih-Uy  prik-Uy  broad,  root  prath,  to  be  extended ; 
pnr-Uy  much,  =:^par-Uy  root par^  to  fill;  wad^it^  sweety  root  *Farf, 
to  taste. 

Greek.  irXaT-ii,  broad,  =  Sansk. /?r^^«,  root  Sansk.  j9ra/^,  prim. 
prat;  irok-v,  much,  =Saiisk.  pur-Uj  prim.  par~u;  §d-i;,  swe«*t, 
=  Sansk.  svadu,  root  srad. 

Latin.  Themes  in  u  have  passed  into  the  declension  in  I, 
whence  the  u  is  always  followed  by  ».  Examples :  —  ienM^i-^ 
tennisy  thin,  from  ^ten-u-,  prim,  ian-u-^  root  tan^  to  extend,  to 
stretch;  sudi'-i",  sweet,  for  ^suadu-i,  from  svdd-u^  (comp.  Gr. 
^8-v-,  Sansk.  svad^ti").  The  form  in  u  is  preserved  in  ac-u-y  acus, 
tern,  needle^  root  ak,  to  have  an  edge^  to  be  sharp,  and  several 
others. 

Gothic,  fot-n-y  fotn^^  foot,  root  prim,  pad^  to  go ;  Aand-u-, 
Aandns,  hand ;  faih-u^  cattle,  wealth.  But  adjectives  have  the 
form  in  u  in  the  nom.  only,  in  the  other  eases  they  follow  the 
themes  in  ya^  e.g.  ]faur^ii',  nom.  sing.  masc.  ^aursu^y  neuL 
\>aur8u,  dry,  ace.  sing.  masc.  ^aurs-ja-na,  &c.,  &c. 

ya 

This  suffix  is  used  very  frequently  in  all  Aryan  languages. 

Sanskrit.  rhUijdy,  feni.  knowledge,  root  vidy  to  know ;  rdk-ya^ 
neut.  sj)eech,  root  vnch  ;  cJie-t/a^  root  chi,  to  gather;  pdk^ya,  root 
pack,  to  cook.    CliieHy  used  to  form  the  participium  necessitatis. 

Greek.  Sy-io-,  holy,  prim,  yag-ya^^  Sansk.  yaj-ya-,  venerandus, 
root  yaj,  to  revere  ;  7rd>-to-,  fast,  firm,  root  iray,  Tr^y-in;/uu,  I 
fasten. 

Latin,  ad-ag-io'^  adagium^  adage,  saying,  proverb,  root  ag^  to 
say  (comp.  (tjo'==.ag'y6)\  exim-lo-^  exhnifis,  excellent,  root  im,  ex^ 
ini'Oy  I  take  out ;  conjiig-io-^  C07tjitgifnn,  marriage,  root  jug,  to  join 
(comj),  Jung-o,  jf/g-unt)  ;  Jh(v~io-,  Jluviiis,  river,  root  fiu^jluerey  to 
flow.  The  suflix  uMn-  seems  an  extension  of  io  by  means  of  «/, 
e.  g.  feg'lvni^=  !eg'io^7ii-,  root  leg,  leg^re ;  reg-iou",  reg-ioni^,  root 
reg,  reg-ere. 

Gothic,  hand-ja-'y  fern.  nom.  sing,  handiy  band,  bandage ;  ga- 
hund-ja-y  fern.  nom.  sing,  ga-hundi,  Germ,  ge^und^  Engl.  bundr-U^ 
root  bandy  bind-any  to  bind;  kun-ya-,  neut.  nom.  sing,  kuni, 
genus,  gens,  root  kauy  prim.  gaUy  to  beget.  Adjectives: — un- 
qe^'ja-,  nom.  sing,  lai-ge^f-s,  inexpressible,  root  qdp,  aty-aUy  to 
speak;  aiida-^iefn-Ja-,  nom.  sing,  anda-yiems,  agreeable  (comp. 
Germ,  ange-nehm^  root  naniy  7iim-any  to  take  (Germ,  nehmen). 


ROOTS  AND  THEMES,  171 

Gotliici,  like  all  Tentonic  languages,  frequently  extends  the 
ja  hj  adding  s,  originally  perhaps  ni.  With  adjectives 
thifl  li  has  the  function  to  impart  to  the  adjective  a  certain 
idatioD  or  direction ;  hence  anda-nem-jan  by  the  side  of  anda-- 
wewhia;  bandrjany  masc.  nom.  sing,  handrja^  a  prisoner^  root 
lamd^  bind^an^  to  bind ;  gasin^-Jan,  companion,  root  san^,  to  go 
(eomp.  tiny^t  path,  way ;  sand^'an,  to  send). 

fa  also  occurs  as  a  secondary  suffix  in  all  Aryan  languages. 
Enunples  in  Gothic  are : — iaird-Ja-y  masc.  nom.  sing^.  haird^isy 
Aep-Jierd^  Qerm,  AiH-€y  from  hairday  herd ;  anda-vaurd-ja,  neut. 
(comp.  G^erm.  ani^wart)^  from  vaurda-^  word  (Germ,  wort). 
also  are  extended  by  »,  as  fisk-jan^,  fisher^  fisher-man^ 
tmai  fiMka-f  nom.  sing.  fisk-B^  fish ;  manag-ein-  for  manag^jan-y 
nom.  sing,  manageig  multitudcj  many^  from  managa-y  adj.  much. 

Va;  related  to  it,  van 

SttDflkxit.  pad-va^  masc.  way,  root  pad,  to  go ;  pak-va-^  adj. 
eooked,  root  jmk;A,  to  cook ;  e-va^  masc.  ituSy  walk,  root  i,  to  go ; 
so  also  pad^an-,  way  (comp.  pad-va-). 

Qreek.  It  is  difficult  to  recognise  the  suffix  t'a  on  account 
of  the  total  disappearance  of  the  letter  v  from  this  dialect. 
Examples  are:  —  tirro-y  horse  for  ^tV-fo-,  =Lat.  equo-,  prim. 
ak-va-;  voKKd  (=:iroXt^,  from  ^iroX-fo,  prim,  parva,  root  par,  to 
fill.  The  suffix  van  we  have  in  aldv,  time,  time  of  life  (  =  ai- 
fuv),  prim,  ai-van-  (comp.  Lat.  ce-vo-,  Or.  ai-va-,  Sansk.  e-va-), 
root  i,  to  go. 

Latin,  eq-vo^,  horse ;  a-vo-  (see  Greek) ;  ar^vo^,  ploughed, 
arvw^m,  field,  root  ar,  arnire,  to  plou^i^h;  vac-uo-,  empty,  root 
vac,  vac^rey  to  be  empty;  al-vo-,  fem.  belly,  root  a/,  alere,  to 
feed.     Also  formations  in  ivOy  as  noci-vo-y  vaci-vo-  for  noc-uOy  &c. 

Gothic  ai-va-,  masc.,  nom.  sing.  aivSy  time,  root  /,  to  go  (comp. 
Sanskrit,  Greek,  Latin) ;  O.  S.  eAu-,  horse,  requires  a  Gothic  aiA^ 
r«-  for  a  more  ancient  ih-va-,  prim,  ak^va. 

rant,  used  to  form  a  part.  pret.  active,  probably  a  compound  of 
va-^-nt  {^san{)y  in  the  same  manner  as  yant^ya-\-nt  (ant)  (see 
the  comparative),  and  mani^=,ma'\-7it  {ant),  and  afit=a'{-ut  {auf)\ 
80  that  we  get  the  orders  anC,  t^ant,  yant,  mant,  by  the  side  of 
an,  yan,  vaiiy  man,  and  a,  ya,  va,  ma,  consisting  of  one,  two,  and 
three,  component  elements.  It  frequently  occurs  that  suffixes  of 
the  second  order  may  be  used  for  those  of  the  first,  and  suffixes 
of  the  third  order  may  replace  those  of  the  second. 

vant  does  not  occur  m  the  Teutonic  languages,  unless  we 
except  the  nom.  plur.  masc.   Goth,  hernajdny  parents,  which  is 


172  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

supposed  to  stand  for  a  more  ancient  bSransfd^szhalar-^nsga^, 
root  bary  Sansk.  bkar,  to  bear,  to  beget 

ma  and  man  {^ma-^-an) 

Sanakrit.  Jan-many  neut.  birth^  root  jan^  gignere ;  nd^man^^ 
nent.  name,  =r^^ii^iffjif-,rDot  gna-gan^  to  know ;  usir^nan-^  sum- 
mer, root  usky  to  burn. 

Greek.  Otp-yud-j  adj.  hot,  Bip-iiriy  fem.  beat,  root  tfep,  Oip^itm^ 
to  grow  hot;  yvA-iiii,  opinion,  root  yvo^  prim.  ga%,  to  know; 
ii'^f-yLo^,  wind,  prim,  root  an,  to  breathe ;  yv^^iijov^y  masc.^  nonL 
sing.  yv^yMVy  one  who  knows^  root  yM>,  prim.  gan. 

lAtin.  an-i-mO',  nom.  sing,  animus,  mind,  root  an  (see  Greek) ; 
al^mo'^  almus,  nourishing,  root  a/,  alere ;  fd-ma^  report,  rooty!*, 
/a-W,  to  say. 

Gothic.  The  suffix  ma  is  rarely  used  except  in  the  saperlatiye 
(see  below).  Examples : — ^wir-iwo-,  adj.,  nom.  sing,  rarwt-*,  warm ; 
O.  H.  Germ.  ^«-m,  smoke,  Sansk.  dku-ma-y  £ftt.  /w-mo-,  root 
dhuy  to  move.  More  frequent  in  Gh)thic  is  the  suffix  man,  e.  g. 
maUman-y  masc,  nom.  sing.  maJr-ma^  sand^  root  mal,  mat-an, 
Germ,  ma-len^  to  grind ;  na-^an-,  neut.,  nom.  sing,  namd^  name 
(comp.  Sansk.  nd-man).  This  suffix  appears  in  an  extended 
form  with  ya  and  with  its  vowel  a  weakened  into  »,  as  /a«i- 
munja-y  nom.  sing,  lauh-mani,  lightning,  prim,  rui-^nanyay  root 
/«A=prim.  ru^,  to  shine,  to  lighten. 

ra(la) 

Sanskrit,  dip-ra-,  shining,  root  dip,  to  shine;  aj-ra-^  a  plain, 
floor,  root  q/,  to  go,  to  drive;  a»-i-&,  wind,  air,  root  a«,  to 
breathe. 

Greek.  ipvO-po-y  red;  iK-po-^  topmost,  highest;  iK-pa,  top, 
root  prim,  a^,  to  have  an  edge,  to  be  sharp ;  6«-/»o-,  gift,  root  do, 
to  give ;  Trrc-po-,  neut.  wing,  root  wer,  =  Sansk. j»<i^,  to  fly  ;  fxey- 
(iAo-,  great,  strictly  *  grown',  root  prim,  mag  or  mag  A,  to  grow ; 
ar^-Ai;,  column,  root  ora,  to  stand. 

Latin,  ruh-ro-^  red,  root  r«i,  prim,  mdh;  gnorra-y  experienced, 
root  gna'=^gan^  to  know;  pk-ro-y  much,  root  ple^pra^par^  to 
fill ;  sella^  chair,  =  sed-la-,  root  sed,  sederCy  to  sit ;  cande-la, 
candle,  light,  root  cande-,  cand^rCy  to  glow,  to  be  white. 

Gothic,  bait-ra,  bitter,  O.  H.  Germ,  biitar,  bitter,  root  bit, 
beitan^  to  bite;  viik-ila-y  great,  =Gr.  /mcyciAo-,  prim,  root  ma>g  or 
w/a^//,  to  grow ;  ^it-lay  seat,  nest,  root  %at,  to  sit. 


ROOTS  AND  THEMES.  178 


an 

It.  raJHtn-^  nom.  sing,  raj-a,  king,  root  ro;,  to  shine ; 
miSkr-an^  friend,  root  anih^  to  love ;  ud-^n-,  neut.  water,  root  ud, 
to  moisten, 

Greek,  rep^v-^  nom.  sing.  masc.  r^fy-^rjv,  tender,  root  rep,  t€C-p<m}, 
I  rub ;  ciic-di^,  fern.,  nom.  cIir-cDi;,  image  (eomp.  i^oi-Ka,  perf.  I 
resenible) ;  Acix^^y  lichen^  root  A4Xi  Xeix<<^>  I  lick ;  KAv5-:i>i'« 
billow,  root  xXvd^  icAi/C»^  I  wash. 

lAtin.  com-pag^en^^  nom.  sing,  compago,  fixture,  root  pag^  pango, 
I  fasten;  pecUen,  neut.  comb,  jo^c^e?,  I  comb;  ed^n-,  glutton, 
root  edy  edo,  I  eat. 

Oothio.  liub-a-j  nom.  sing.  masc.  Hubs,  G«rm.  lieb,  dear,  in 
an  indefinite  sense ;  liub^n^,  nom.  sing.  masc.  liub-a,  dear,  in  a 
definite  sense,  root  lub,  Sansk.  lubA ;  raud-^-y  red,  indef. ;  raud^ 
an-'y  red,  def.,  root  prim.  rudA,  to  be  red. 

ana 

Used  chiefly  in  the  formation  of  themes  which  occur  as  iufini- 
tives ;  farther,  nomina  actionis  and  nomina  agentis. 

Sanskrit,  gam-ana-,  to  go,  root  gam,  to  go ;  bAar-ana-,  to  bear, 
root  bAar ;  nay-and-^  neut.  eye,  *  that  which  guides,'  root  «i,  to 
guide ;  vadHma-,  mouth,  *  that  which  speaks,'  root  vad,  to  speak ; 
vaA-ana-j  wagjgon,  *that  which  conveys,'  root  vaA,  to  fare,  to 
convey. 

Greek,  hpir^-avo-,  sickle,  root  ipcTr,  hpi-n-oixai,  I  cut  off;  nJ/uiTr- 
ot^o-,  neut.  drum,  root  rvir,  rvuruiy  I  beat;  8\'avo^,  handle,  root 
^X>  ^X**>  I  have,  hold. 

IiBtin.  pdg-ina,  fem.,  leaf,  page,  root  pag,  to  join,  fix ;  dom-itKh^ 
master,  fem.  dom-dnay  mistress,  root  doMy  domo,  to  overcome,  to 
tame. 

Gothic.  Infinitives :  bair-an,  to  bear,  theme  prim.  bAar^anor^ 
pres.  theme  Goth,  baira^,  root  bar,  Sansk.  bAar ;  it^an,  to  eat, 
pres.  theme  ita^y  root  at,  prim,  ad ;  sit-an,  to  sit,  pres.  theme  sita-y 
root  0at,  prim.  sad. 

na 

Themes  with  na  are  frequently  used  as  part.  pret.  passive, 
identical  in  meaning  to  those  in  fa, 

Sanskrit. >rajeM^^l-,  sleep,  root  srap,  to  sleep  ;  antia,  food,  =^a^- 
fia,  root  ad  J  to  eat;  part.  pret.  pass,  pur^na-,  root  par,  to  fill ; 
Htr-ita-^z^ sfar'7fa,  root  sfar,  sternere,  to  scatter. 


1 74  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Greek.  Adjectives:  ir€fiP((=^(r€/3-v((-^  revered^  root  aefi^trifi- 
oixaL,  I  revere;  &y-i^o-^  revered,  sanctified,  root  iy,  aC^ffuu,  I 
revere. 

Latin,  pfe-no^^  filled,  full,  root  ple=:pla=:pra=:parj  to  fill; 
fiio^iio^,  great,  literally  *  grown,'  root  ntoff^  Sansk.  moA,  to  grow. 

Gothic.  Part.  pret.  passive :  baira-na^  pres.  theme  baira,  root 
bar^  to  bear;  vigoriia^  pres.  theme  vipor^  root  vag^  to  move; 
buya-na,  root  iw^,  to  bend  (Germ,  biegen) ;  bar-m^^  nom.  sing. 
barn,  child,  *  that  which  has  been  born,'  root  bar, 

na,  nd  (Gothic),  used  in  the  formation  of  passive  intransitiTe 
verbal  forms,  as  ga-hail-ni-^f,  he  is  healed,  from  heil^y  heal,  theme 
haila-  (c(»nip.  hall-ja-n,  to  heal);  veiA-ni-p^  he  is  sanctified,  he 
becomes  lioly,  from  veiA-^  holy,  theme  veika-. 

ni 

Compare  ti«  Orders  of  similar  meaning  are  na,  ni,  nu,  an<3 
lay  fi,  lit, 

Sanskrit,  ///a-ni-,  fatigue,  root  gla,  to  lose  strength;  Ad-ni^ 
abandon,  abandonment,  root  ia,  to  abandon. 

Greek.  H^ij-vi-y  hV^i-Sf  wrath,  root  prim,  tna,  to  think. 

Latin,  ig-ni^,  fire,  Sansk.  ag^ni- ;  pa-ni-,  bread,  root  pa  (comp. 
pa-^co,  to  foed). 

Gothic,  /lausei'vi',  hearing,  ^hauya-ni,  verbal  theme  A^uya  , 
to  hear ;  t/olei-ui-,  greeting,  verbal  theme  golja^,  to  greet ;  libai' 
w/-,  life,  verbal  theme  llLai',  to  live. 

nu 

Sanskrit,  (n-nu-y  thin,  root  ta,  tan,  to  stretch;  su-nn-,  bom, 
trou,  root  fiity  to  l>egot,  to  bear  (comp.  Goth,  barn^  son,  root  bar)) 
blia-nn^  sun,  root  bha^  to  shine. 

Greek.  Opij-ro-,  stool,  root  6 pa,  OpTJ^aaa-Oai,  to  sit  down,  Opor 
roy,  seat,  root  i)rini.  (///ra,  dharj  to  hold,  support. 

Latin,  te-nn-i',  thin  (comp.  Sansk.  fa-uu^)',  perhaps  also  ma-nu-, 
hand,  prim,  root  fna,  to  measure,  to  form. 

Gothic.  i<U'UU',  son  (comp.  Sansk.) ;  as  to  kinnu-^  it  is  doubtful 
whether  it  is  formed  by  the  sufiix  nu. 

ta 

Comi)a!e  the  pronominal  root  ia.  This  suffix  is  frequently 
usod  to  form  the  part  perf.  passive,  the  3rd  person  of  the  verb, 
perhaps  also  the  abl.  sing,  of  the  noun. 


ROOTS  AND  THEMES.  175 

Banakrit.  ma-ta^,  root  ma^  man^  to  think ;  bkr-ta-y  root  bhar^  to 
bear ;  yuk-ta-^  root  yuj^  to  join. 

Greek.  icAv-ro-,  root  kKv,  to  hear ;  (nrap-Td",  root  <rjr€p,  to  sow ; 
oTa-ro-,  root  oro,  to  stand. 

Latin,  da-^to-^  root  <;?«,  to  give ;  sla-lo-^  root  sla^  to  stand ; 
di-rv-^,  root  ruj  to  fall  down;  pasao-^^pas-to^ pat-to ^  root 
fa/,  to  suffer. 

Gkxthic.  sati-^a-  of  eatjan,  root  *«^,  to  set ;  veihai-da- ;  mah-ta" 
for  mag-da-^  from  the  perf.  theme  wat^,  I  am  able,  may ;  }?rt^-^« 
for  ^ak-da-y  root  )7fli,  to  think  ;  brah-i-a  for  brag-da^  root  im<7,  to 
bring,  (On  the  change  of  the  final  g  of  the  root  into  h  before 
the  dental,  see  the  letters  h  and  g,  pp.  1 16,  128.) 

tar,  tra 

The  sufiix  "tar  is  used  to  form  nomiua  agentis,  and  the  part, 
foi active;  -/r«,  nomina  which  denote  an  instrument  and  the 
Kke.  The  origin  of  these  suflixes  is  obscure ;  perhaps  they  both 
we  derived  from  tara^  a  compound  of  ta  +  ra,  in  the  same  manner 
as  «wn  and  mna  from  mana=ma'^na.  Formations  with  these 
suffixes  are  traced  to  the  primitive  language,  especially  those  in 
-fer-,  used  as  family  terms ;  e.  g.  md-tar-y  genitrix,  mother,  root 
««,  gignere,  to  produce,  to  bear ;  pa-tar-y  father,  root  pa,  to  pro- 
*^  to  govern ;  bhrd-tar-y  brother,  root  bhar^  bhra^  to  bear,  to 
support ;  dor-tar-y  giver,  root  rfa,  to  give ;  su-^tar-^  woman,  root 
**)  to  beget,  to  bear,  hence  svastar^sva'Sutar-,  sister;  gan-tar-, 
S^oitor,  begetter,  root  gan^  to  beget.  Instrumental  nouns  in 
'^^«,  as  dak'tra-y  tooth,  root  dak^  to  bite  ;  gd-tra-y  limb,  root  ga^ 
^  go,  to  move ;  krau-tra-^  ear,  root  kru^  to  hear. 

Sanskrit,  pi-tar-y  father ;  md-tary  mother ;  bhrd-iaty  brother ; 
ft^a^ar-  (sister)  for  ^ sva-star^.^ si'asutar- ;  kar-tar^  root  kafy  to 
Diake ;  pak-tar-,  root  pack^  to  cook,  &c. ;  du-tuvy  fem.  nom.  sing. 
ioriri  =  da-trydy  the  feminine  being  formed  by  the  addition  of 
the  secondary  suffix  ya,  except  in  family  terms  where  both  the 
masculine  and  feminine  may  end  in  tar  (comp.  md-tar,  mother). 
Suffix  'tra :  gd-tray  limb,  root  ga,  to  go  ;  vas-tra-,  vestis,  clothes, 
root  vas,  to  clothe ;  vak-tra,  mouth,  root  vacAy  to  speak. 

Greek,  -rep,  -rrjp,  -rop,  for  the  primitive  -tar,  e.g.  Tta-rip', 
father ;  /xTj-rcp-,  mother ;  ho-rfip"  or  fica-r?}/),  giver ;  pfj^rop-y 
orator,  root  p^^^py  to  speak;  Fia-rop-y  loTwpy  one  who  knows, 
who  bears  witness,  root  f  18,  to  know ;  -rvp  only  in  /uwip-rvp-, 
witness,  root  amar,  to  remember.  The  primitive  -tra  becomes  in 
Greek  -rpo,  -Opo  (neut.),  -rpa,  -Opa  (fem.).  Examples : — Spo-rpo-, 
plough,  from  the  verbal  theme  apo-y  to  plough,  root  ip ;  ^la-rpo-^ 


176  T  FA' TO  NIC  GRAMMAR. 

physician,  verbal  theme  ia,  'td-o/utat,  to  heal;  fia-Opc,  ground, 
l.ottom,  root  j0a=prim.  ga,  to  go;  KoijjLri-Opa,  sleeping  place, 
dormitory,  verbal  theme  KOifia-,  ko(/ui((»,  to  cause  to  sleep. 

Latin.  The  family  terms  end  in  ler,  tr^  the  nomina  agentis 
in  toTy  for  the  primitive  tar  \  e.  g.  pa-ter,  md'teryfrd-ter  (but  toror- 
from  ^sosor-,  ^sos-lor,  ^sva-s-far,  ^ sva-^u-tar) ',  vio-tSr^,  root  vie; 
censor'=ce7iS'for,  root  cen/i^  censeo.  Future  participles:  da-^uro^j 
vio-turo' ;  the  fern,  tura  forms  nomina  actionis,  e.g.  sepul-tura 
(comp.  8€pul-iu8\  sepelio^  to  bury.  ^r(?=prim.  ira^  e.g.  rds^tro^, 
rostrum^  beak,  =  ^ro^-/rf>,  root  rody  rddare^  to  gnaw;  clam-trozs: 
^claud'trOy  root  claud^  claudere^  to  lock.  We  have  an  extension 
of  the  suffix  tra  by  the  addition  of  the  suffix  ya  in  the  termi- 
nations 'ffio^y  and  -lorio-y  as  pa-tr^io-j  audi'-tor-io,  &c. ;  trie^  by 
the  addition  of  ic,  as  vic-tr-ic' ;  trinay  by  the  addition  of  ina,  as 
doc^lr-inaj  root  fl?d?c. 

Gothic.  The  suffix  lar  is  preserved  in  family  terms  only,  e.  g. 
fa-daVy  father;  br6'^fary  brother;  dauh^tary  daughter;  gms-tar, 
sister.  Suffix  fra  forms  neuter  nouns,  as  maurbray  nom.  sing. 
w^rfr-]?r,  murder,  prim,  root  mary  to  die;  O.  H.  Germ.  i/a-Ziir, 
laughter,  root  Alaky  Goth.  Alai-Jan,  to  laugh;  O.  H. Germ,  ruo- 
dar,  rudder,  oar  (Germ,  ruder),  root  ra=^ar  (comp.  ar^arCy  &c  ). 

ti 

Sanskrit,  ma^ii-y  opinion,  root  mOy  matiy  to  think;  uk-tiy  speech, 
root  vachy  to  speak ;  yuk-tiy  junction,  root  yujy  to  join ;  pd-ti-y 
lord,  root/'tf,  to  protect. 

Greek,  rt  or  (n :  /txTi-ri-,  prudence,  root  may  to  think ;  ^d-n-, 
sayin^r,  report,  root  </>a,  to  say ;  <(>v-ti,  nature,  root  0v,  to  grow. 

Latin,  do^t'i',  doSy  dowry,  root  doy  to  give ;  men-li,  menSy  mind, 
root  men  =^ man y  mOy  to  think;  ves-fi-y  root  prim,  ro^,  to  clothe. 
An  extension  of  ti  is  tio,  tia=ti+o  (ay  perhaps  forya)  :  in~i^tio^y 
beginning,  root  i,  to  go;  jusfi-tia"  {rom Justo,  &c. 

Gothic  has  -di  and  'tAi  for  the  primitive  -tiy  e.g.  knth-di-y 
genus,  gens,  prim,  root  gna^gatiy  gignere;  mah^ti^y  might, 
power  =  ^;//^/ J-//,  root  7nagy  to  be  able;  ga-muyi-^i-y  remembrance, 
root  mun=.many  inOy  to  think  ;  anS'ti'  favour,  root  ««,  to  favour; 
fa-di-,  nora.  sing.  fo\-Sy  lord,  prim,  root  pay  to  protect  (comp. 
Sansk.  j}tf'ti~), 

tu 

Used  in  the  formation  of  verbal  nouns. 

Sanskrit,  da-in-u}^  root  da^  to  <>ive ;  stha-tu-my  root  May  to 
stitnd ;   vet-tu-iit^  root  r/V/,  to  know  ;  kar-lu-niy  ro<jt  Xv/r,  to  make. 


ROOTS  AND  THEMES.  177 

Qmtikm  fipiOfTi'f  meat,  root  fipo  (comp.  Pi-Pfni-aKio) ;  ^di^-ri-^ 
root  ^,  to  eat;  ia-jv ^r^Fiff-rv,  town,  prim,  root  i*as,  to 
dwelL  Secondary  suffix  is  -<n;v?y=*-rvji7,  e.g.  iuaic-oi/i^?;  from 
duiuo-j  just ;  [Apqiw^iti,  remembrance^  theme  pi^fior-,  mindful^ 
root  ficvssaum,  Ma,  to  think. 

Tiatin  Mia-4U'^  nom.  sing^  tiatus,  root  «//7,  to  stand ;  dl(yfH'^  root 
rfir,  to  say ;  vic^u^y  root  ryr,  r*r,  r/r-o,  to  live,  &c..  &c.  Secondiiry 
raffixes  used  in  the  formation  of  abstracts  arc  lu-li-,  tu^lon-,  and 
im^iu't  as  iervp4uli-,  ulti-tudin'. 

Ootliio.  dau'-yu'^  death,  root  fJau,  dii\  duy  to  die;  vrato-^lu-^ 
jonmey,  theme  t>rai4y  to  go ;  vaAs-fn-,  root  vaie,  to  grow.  Tlie 
suffix  'iiea  (^Sansk.  -tcay  Lat.  -iiio)  forms  secondary  themes,  as 
yi€€Hdta^f  servitade,  from  ]^»ra-,  \iuSy  servant. 

ant,  nt 

Used  chiefly  in  the  formation  of  the  participle  active  out  of 
the  theme  of  the  present  tense. 

Saiiakrit.  adnint,  root  and  theme  of  the  present  ad^  to  eat; 
imda-ni,  root  ind,  to  jiush,  to  strike ;  fem.  ad-^fi,  nout.  rt^/w//,  &c. 

Qreek*  ^pt^  -vt,  fem.  ^-^mya,  ^"irrya,  which  becomes  ^ova-a, 
"Ovaa,  e.g.  <^€pc-rT-,  fem.  <l>€povaa=^^<t>€p>.'vaa=^^<f)fpO'i'Ti/ny  root 
^€p,  to  bear;  riOl^vj-^  root  ^f,  to  set;  ficSo-w-,  root  do,  to  give, 
so  also  the  and  aor.  Oi-vr-,  6c?-yr-. 

Iiatin.  -eni,  ancient  -071/,  -ujit:  tche^ni-y  root  %ehy  to  fare,  to 
convey;  xol-enU^  ancient  tol-ontry  tol-^ni-^  root  tol,  to  will. 
{pra)r9-ent''z=.e9-^it,  root  ai)d  pres.  theme  esy  Sansk.  as^  to  be; 
f-en(^,  e^un^zsz^e^anl',  root  1,  to  go.  Secondary  fonnations  are 
the  abstracts  in  antiay  eniia,  antiunf^  evtiinn^—ant,  e)tt-{ia,  ?V>, 
prim,  ya,  e.g.  silenf-iu'-m,  licenf-ia,  abundanf-ia. 

Qotiiio.  lairandSy  pres.  YiarX.  =  dira-//d{ays,  root  dar^  to  bear; 
ffibor-nd'y  root  gaby  pres.  theme  yiba-.  Other  Teutonic  dialects 
show  with  these  participles  an  extension  of  the  theme  by  means 
of  adding  the  suffix  ya,  as  O.  S.  helpandja-^  helping,  definite 
form  helpandjan. 

as 

The  themes  in  -hm  are  commonly  used  as  neuter  nomina  actionis, 
rarely  as  nomina  agentis. 

Sanskrit.  ya;/-a«,  genus,  root  Jan,  gigncro;  man-^Sy  sense,  root 
muMy  to  think  ;  vach-^aSy  speech,  root  rachy  to  speak ;  ajy-aSy  work, 
root  ap. 

GreelL.  yAv-oSy  sense,  courage,  wrath,  gen.  /xcV-ea-os,  \iiv^os, 
fjL€i'ovs,  root  fjL€v:=matty  to  think;  yii-osy  gen.  yu-icos,  ycrors  > 


178  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

h-os^Fiit-oi,  fAr-c<j^,  word,  root  Fm,  prim.  «ai,  Sansk.  eacA, 
speak ;  fA^K-09,  fx^ic-€«r-,  lengthy  root  fuuc,  fian^p^-,  long, 

Latin,  gen-us,  ancient  ^gen-as^  Samk.  jan-as,  root  gen^  gT^^ei 
op'US,  work,  old  form  ^ap-os,  Sansk.  ajh-as;  Jbed^n^,  old  ioi 
/oid-os,  root  fdy  fido ;  corp-us,  Sansk.  root  iarp  ;  juSy  right,  c 
form jov^s,  root  Ju,  iyo  join;  pu9y  old  form  j»ot>^*,  root  j»w,  to  r< 
The  masculines  in  or=os,  e.g.  arb-or^arb^s ;  sop-or^  prim,  re 
scap^  to  sleep. 

Gothic  expresses  the  primitive  cis  by  -wa,  as  if  it  came  fix 
an  ancient  -asa^  theme  in  a.  Examples : — kat^Ua^^  nom.  sic 
AafU,  hate,  root  Aaf,  Jiatni,  I  hate ;  ag-isa-,  nom.  sing,  ag^^y  fcj 
root  ag,  og,  I  fear.  In  Old  High  German  the  suffix  prim,  i 
Goth,  "isa,  O.  H.  Germ,  -/ra,  is  used  in  the  plural  only,  wb 
the  suffix  a  forms  the  singular,  e.  g.  sing,  grab,  grave,  from 
primitive  grada-jn^  plur.  nom.  grab-ir,  =  ancient  ^grab-isa,  mc 
ancient  ^grab-asd,  (Concerning  the  formation  of  the  plural 
ir,  er,  see  the  Teutonic  Declensions  of  the  Noun.) 

ka 

Sanskrit.  This  suffix  is  rarely  used  in  primary,  but  more  f 
quently  in  secondary  themes,  as  putra-ka,  little  son,  from  put 
sou. 

Greek,  secondary  suffix  in  (pvai-Kc-,  theme  ipytTi-;  6rj\v- 
Orjkv'  ;   Kap5ia-K0-,  KapbCa, 

Latin,  secondary  suffix  in  civi-^o-,  theme  dvi^ ;  urbi-< 
theme  urbi-;  belli-co-,  theme  belli-, 

Gothic,  primary  suffix  in  O.  H.  G^rm.^/i?/-ra,  neut.  folk  (cob 
Slavonic  plii-kiiy  multitude,  army),  prim,  joar-fe,  root/;ffr,  to  1 
Secondary  suffix  in  anda-qay  beatus,  theme  anda-y  happinei 
/landu-gay  wise,  skilful,  theme  handu^y  hand  ;  at-aina-ha-y  petre 
theme  siahia-^  stone  (Germ,  stein).  The  suffix  -isha  is  used 
derivative  adjectives  which  correspond  to  those  ending  in  -ika 
Greek  and  Latin,  as  barn-iska-y  childish,  from  the  theme  barn 
neut.  child. 

Note, — All  other  suffixes  will  be  explained  in  their  proj 
places,  when  we  tr:?at  on  the  Comparisons,  Numerahy  &c.,  &c. 


PRONOUNS. 


PERSONAL  PRONOUNS. 


TABLE  OP  PERSONAL  PRONOUNS  IN  THE  COGNATE  LANGUAGES. 

ist  and  2nd  Person, 


SIKOULAR. 


Sanskrit. 

Greek. 

Latin. 

Gothic. 

Nona,   aham 

h^ 

ego 

ik 

tvam 

(r{, 

tu 

\m 

Acciia.  mam,  ma 

W,  M^ 

mi 

mik 

tvam,  tvd 

ir4,r4 

ti 

puk 

Instr.   may& 

... 

•         •         • 

•     *     • 

tvayti 

•     •     • 

•         •         • 

... 

Dat.     mahyam 

iljdp 

mihi 

mia 

mi 

•     •     • 

•         •         • 

•         •         • 

tvhhtfam 

T«ty,  ^i¥ 

tihi 

\>ui 

tre,  ti 

•               •              • 

•         •         • 

•          •         • 

Abl.      mcU 

•              •               • 

me{d) 

•          •         • 

mattaa 

•              •               • 

•          •        • 

•         •         • 

irat 

•               •             • 

U(d) 

«         *          ■ 

tratt€U 

•               •              • 

•          •          • 

•         •         • 

Gen.     mama 

iyLOVf  fiov 

met 

metna 

me 

•          •          • 

•         •         • 

•                •                 9 

tava 

ffOV 

tui 

peina 

U 

■          •          • 

•                 •                 9 

•         •         • 

Log.     mayi 

ifiolf  fiol 

m^ei      \ 

mif 

ivayi 

aol 

tui 

|>ia 

Nom.   avam 

yuvdm 
Accus.  av&m 

nau 

yuvdm 

ram 
Instr.    avabhyam 

yuvabhydm 
Dat.     avabhyhm 

nau 

yuvabhydm 

vdm 
Abl.      dvdbhydm 

yurd'hydm 
Gen.     dvayds 

nau 

yuvayds 

vdm 
Log.      dvayos 

yuvayoa 


DUAL. 


I  i^tf,  pan 


*  •  * 


mtiP,  vi^p 


(r<pmp. 


(T^ifp 


N  2 


^yut 
ugkis 


tgqu 


vgkis 

•         • 

igqis 


9  9 


9  9 


9  9 


^ugkara 

m  m 

igqara 


9  9 


180 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 


PLURAL. 


Banskrit. 


Nom.   vayam 

€ume 

yi2yam 

yuahnU 
Accos.  aaman 

yiu&mafi 

vah 
Inatr.  atmahkih 

yuthmabkiJ^ 
Dat.     atmabhjfam 

nah 

yuthfiuMyam 

vaA 
AbL     lumai 

yuthmat 
Gen.    atmakam 

fUlh 

yuihmakam 
vah 


Loc. 


aitnaau 
yushmoiu 


Greek. 

Latin. 

GoOiic. 

tffi/if  fy  ^if 

not 

veU 

•    •     • 

•    •    ■ 

VM 

•  •  • 
yiiff 

•       •       • 

tifi/At,  iifuis 

•      •      • 
llOf 

•    •    • 

«flfU 

•     •     • 

•      •      • 

•         ■        • 

•  •     • 

•  •     • 

•  ■     • 

•      •      • 

noMf 
vo6m 
iio6if 

•  •         • 

•  •          • 

•  •          • 

unti» 

•       •        • 

•    •    • 

•    •     • 

•  ■        • 

•  •        • 

•  •        • 

•    •    • 

vo&if 
no&tri 

•  •         • 

•  •       • 

•  •         • 

wiMra 

•     •     • 

•  •      • 

•  •      • 

•  •       • 

•  •    • 

•  •    • 

•  •    • 

•  •    • 

•  •    • 

•  •     • 

•  •    • 

•  •     • 

Pr&k. 

Accusative 
Instrnmental  . 
Dative  «l 

Genitive  U 

Locative 


yrd  PenoH, 

SINGULAR^ 


•        •       • 

io7,  ol 

•  •      • 

tibi 
mi 

•  •        • 

9ih 

•  •      • 

•  •         • 

REMARKS  ON  THE  PERSONAL  PRONOUNS  OF  THE  COGNATE 

LANGUAGES. 

From  the  personal  terminations  of  the  verb,  as  well  as  from 
the  different  cases  of  the  pronoim  itself,  the  primitive  root  of 
the  1st  singular  appears  as  tna^  of  the  2nd  singular  as  tu  or 
tva,  Schleicher  considers  this  ma^  '  ego/  identical  with  the  verbal 
root  ma^  *  to  measure^  to  think/  a  root  from  which  is  also  derived 
*  man/  Sansk.  fna-nu-,  Goth,  ma-n-,  i.  e.  the  being  that  *  thinks' ; 
a  very  appropriate  term  for  individual   self-assertion,  quite  as 

^  The  singular  supplies,  except  in  Greek,  the  place  of  the  plural. 


PRONOUNS.  Igl 

distinct  as,  and  fiur  more  oondse  than^  the  well  known  '  cogito, 
eigo  warn'  of  the  scholastic  school.  The  derivation  of  the  root 
ka  is  obscure. 

ist  Pkbsok  Nohikative  Singular. 

Primitive  (Ursprache)  aaam  or  agham.  Whether  ay,  agh  is 
the  root  and  Him  a  termination^  which  occurs  in  Sanskrit  too  not 
im&eqaently,  or  the  initial  a  is  the  remainder  of  the  root  ma^  and 
o^hm  stands  for  ma^hormy  is  not  decided.  The  primitive  ag-am 
is  represented  in  Sanskrit  by  ah-dm^  Or.  ^/-<i,  .^1.  iy^^v^  Lat. 
9-0,  Goth.  ik. 

2nd  Pbbsok  Nominative  Sikgxjlaa. 

The  primitive  ink-am  is  in  Sanskrit  represented  by  tvdm  [^iur- 
m),  Gr.  (TV  for  the  more  ancient  and  Doric  rv.  Dor.  ana  Ep. 
rvp-17,  BcBot.  Toivy  where  the  final  v  is  considered  the  last  rem- 
nant of  the  termination  am,  of  the  primitive  tu-^m,  just  as  in 
fyiv  for  agam.  The  Latin  tu  and  the  Gothic  ^u  are  the  weakened 
fonns  of  Iva. 

AccusATivB  Singular. 

In  this,  as  well  as  in  the  remaining  cases  of  the  singular^  the 
pioper  bases  of  these  pronouns  become  distinctly  apparent,  i.  e. 
(0  na,  (2)  IvGy  (3)  sva.    The  primitive  language  probably  used 
for  the  accusatives  (1)  tna-m,  (2)  tva-m,  (3)  sva-m ;  so  also  in  San- 
sbit  the  roots  ma,  tva^  are  treated  as  bases  in  a  and  form  the 
MDsatives  (i)  md-my  (2)  ivd-m  (enclit.  ma,  tvd).     Oreek  (i)  i^yA, 
M(a)  fri,  Dor.  W  for  rFi,  (3)  i,  Mo\.  Fi=aF4,  Horn.  i4,  pro- 
bably for  acf  €.     Characteristic  of  all  these  Oreek  accusatives  is 
the  loss  of  the  accusative  termination  m.     The  Latin  accusatives 
(i) «/,  (a)  te,  (3)  se,  for  me-m,  le-m,  tve^m,  ee-m,  sve^m,  seem  to 
lead  us  to  an  original  mi-m,  tvi^m,  svi-^m,  where  we  have  the 
bases  m,  tvi  and  svi,  instead  of  the  primitive  ma,  tva  and  eva^ 
as  they  distinctly  appear  in  the  datives  ti-bi,  H-biy  and  in  the 
Umbr.  iinom  for  tu-om,  Osc.  si^m  for  su-om.     The  Gothic  also 
shows  the  base  ^mi  for  ^ma^ma-m  in  the  accus.  (1)  mv-ky  where 
&e  k  corresponds  to  the  primitive  gay  Sansk.  gha^  ha^  Or.  y€y  a 
particle  of  emphatic  force,  so  that  mi^k  would  be  represented  by 
a  primitive  ^ma-m-gay  Or.  V^-yc.    In  the  same  manner  the  accus. 
(2)  \ifrk  would  be   rendered  by  a  primitive  ^tu-tn^ga^  (3)  ai-k^ 
9va/''M''g(i, 


1S2  TECTOSIC  GRAMMAR, 


The  locttiTe  case  in  the  Ur^ndie  is  fonned  by  adding  the 
termination  i  to  the  root,  (i)  ao-f,  (2)  /ra-t,  (3)  tra-i.  These  are 
itendered  in  Sanskrit,  ^i^  mth-f-i,  (2)  iri-yH ;  a  more  ancient 
form  was  (O  m/.  ^2^;  //,  /c/,  which  though  originally  a  locative 
came  to  be  chiefly  employed  as  an  enclitic  form  to  express  the 
relations  of  the  goiitire  and  dative.  Gr.  (1)  l-ino^  M^»  (2) 
0-0-1=  o-fo-i^rfo-c,  (3)  o£y  ioij  primitive  form  laoa-i.  In  Latin 
wanting.  Tlie  form  which  in  Gothic  expresees  the  rektions  of 
the  dative  is  supposed  to  have  originally  been  a  locatiYe,  so  that 
the  words  ^1)  ariW,  (2)  )w^,  (3)  «w^  are  tiie  relics  of  locatives,  i.  e. 
ma-tmim^  /«-M»ia,  «ra-Mria. 

Datttb  SiNoriAB. 

Primitive  (i)  ma-bkiam^  (2)  tm-bkiam^  (3)  sva^kiam.  The  suffix 
bkiam  which  we  find  added  to  the  root  is  one  of  the  extensions  of  the 
simpler  form  Mi,  a  form  which  in  various  modifications  is  applied 
to  perform  the  functions  of  the  locative  and  the  dative,  in  nouns 
as  well  as  pronouns.  The  Sansk.  (i)  ma-^yam  for  ^ma-ikyam, 
(2)  iu-hkyam  ;  Gr.  (i)  Dor.  ^ylp,  (2)  Horn,  rc-6^,  Dor,  rlv,  (3)  kh 
(korinna),  contracted  tr,  probably  derived  from  the  more  ancient 
forms  ^ifu-ifnv,  *re-0u',  *€-^u',  *-^us  being  a  true  dative  suffix 
in  the  place  of  the  primitive  bhiamy  and  altogether  distinct  from 
the  locative  hhl.  The  Latin  (1)  tfii^ki=mi'di=mi-6ei;  (2)  fi-^bi 
^fi-bei,  (3)  91-61  =  si-bei,  show  the  bases  «i,  fi=tri,  and  *i=#r/, 
which  are  the  weakened  forms  of  the  primitive  ;;/fl,  tca^  sra^  the 
inflexional  suffix  bf,  dii,  from  the  primitive  b/tiam  (eomp.  Sansk. 
above),  which  gradually  declined  to  bei{m)y  bei,  bi{m)  (comp.  sit 
for  aiet,  self).     In  Gothic  the  dative  is  supplied  by  the  locative. 

ABI^iTIVE    SlNGl'LAR. 

Primitive  (1)  ma-t,  mama-t,  (2)  tta-t,  (3)  STa-4.  The  Sanskrit 
forms  are  identical  with  these:  (1)  via-t,  (2)  tva-ty  followed  by 
the  ablative  termination  fas  (i)  mat'-taSy  (2)  ioat-tas  (comp.  i-^*, 
a-tas,  from  here,  from  there).  In  Greek  it  is  wanting:  the 
termination  -^O^v  in  ifii-Oevy  (T€-0ev,  e-O^Vy — oUo-dtv  is  not  the 
Sanskrit  las,  but  diaSy  as  in  a-d^as,  down  from.  Latin  (i)  fue-^, 
(2)  te-d^tve-^^  (3)  se-d^sve-d^  which  forms  are  considered  regular 
ablatives  (for  ^mei-d^  ^iei-d,  ^sei-d)  of  the  Latin  bases  mi,  ti,  ii. 
Gothic  wanting. 


f 


PRONOUNS.  183 


Genitive  Singular. 

The  primitive  language  is  supposed  to  have  at  an  early  period 

formed  this  case  by  means  of  the   reduplication  of  the  root^ 

(i)  mar9,  tnanui'^,  (2)  iva^,  tvatvas.      The  Sanskrit  drops  the 

case  termination:   (i)  mama^  (2)  tava,      Greek   (i)  ^-/ute-io  = 

MOr^Gf  with  the  usual  case  suiBSx  sya,  whence  i-fUo  by  dropping 

the  sibilant^  and  then  by  contraction :    i'fi€v,  /xcv,  ^-fiov,  fjLov ; 

{2)  r€<y-io=:tava^a,  root  tava,  Gr.  t€Fo;  from  ^tFc-ho  it  became 

^•^o,  (Tcv,  crov;   (3)  k~lo  =:  sva^ya,  hence  ?o,  ci,  oS.     The  Doric 

forms,  such  as  i^iiost  iiitvs,  ifMvsy  add  the  genitive  termination  s 

k>  the  old  genitive.     The  genuine  genitive  is  wanting  in  Latin^ 

*nd  its  functions  are  performed  by  the  genitive  of  the  possessive 

pronouns  mei,  tut,  »ui,  for  ^me~io^  ^tovo^  ^*apt>,= primitive  ma-ya, 

^^•^ntt,  sa-va,    (Compare  the  Latin  tuu8=^^tovo^y  ^tevo-s  with  the 

f^^ek  T€F6-!fy  iuus=^sovo^,  ^sevo^,  Gr.  kF6s.)    The  Gothic  forms 

fj*  i  meina^  (2)  yeina^  (3)  seina  are  considered  of  a  more  recent 

^^^mation,  having  no  connexion  with  the  primitive  mana^  mama^ 

^"^t  originating  perhaps  in  the  plural  genitive  of  an  adjective 

(Compare  Latin  mei^  &c.) 

Instrumental  Singular. 

Its  existence  in  the  Ursprache  is  uncertain,  the  Sanskrit  forms 
(1)  morya^  (2)  tvorya.     The  Greek,  Latin,  and  Gothic  lan- 
guages are  devoid  of  these  forms. 

Plural. 

The  base  of  the  plural  pronouns  is  in  its  origin  perhaps 
nothing  but  a  compound  of  the  bases  for  the  pronouns  of  the 
1st  and  2nd  singular  with  the  sufBx  srna :  (i)  masma^  (2)  tvor^ma 
(ma^&ma^  'I  and  he,**  fva-sma,  *  thou  and  he^).  As  to  the  termi- 
nations, it  is  doubtful  whether  to  these  bases  were  joined  the 
usual  case  suffixes  of  the  plural,  or  those  of  the  pronominal 
declension,  or  those  of  the  singular ;  and  on  the  whole  the  termi- 
nations are  of  minor  importance  in  the  formation  of  the  plural 
of  the  personal  pronoun  where  the  modifications  of  the  root  im- 
print a  peculiar  character  on  the  different  languages :  Sansk. 
(i)  asma,  (2)  yu-sAma,  where  the  a  and yu  are  considered  to  be  the 
remains  of  the  primitive  ma  and  tva.  The  case  suffixes  are  partly 
tliose  of  the  plural,  partly  of  the  singular. 

In  Greek  all  the  plural  bases  are  treated  as  themes  in  i ;  they 
are  (1)  primitive  asma-,  hence  icrfxi,  from  which  by  assimilation 


184  TECTOX/C  GRAMMAR. 

the  .£ol.  afific-,  dfi^  and  the  uscml  fonn  $fu-  for  M/u;  (2} 
mitive  jrir<^M<i-,  whence  futmi^^  .Sol.  v/«|i€-,  w«-,  and  the 
men  #fu-,  where  the  vowel  is  lengthened  on  acconnt  of  the  i 
of  s  (comp.  €^u  for  ^cctu),  and  the  spirant  jr  is  replaced 
The  nominatives  (i)  ^^w,  (2)  viicw,  (3)  cr^cw,  are  legalar  /bma- 
tions  of  themes  in  f\  while  the  .Eol.  ^fificv,  Dor.  o/m^,  &c.,  showtb 
same  termination  with  the  vowel  shortened^  i.  e.  €s  instead  of  m^ 
€19.    Tlie  accusatives  ^fias,  &c.,  are  the  contracted  forms  of  ij^ 
&c.,  and  regular  themes  in  1  (primitive  ^a^may^ns),     Hie  .£flL 
aixii€,  &c.,  is  formed  analogously  to  the  sing,  ijlii.    The  dat  JE/L 
imii{v)  and  the  common  rifup  are  in  analogy  to  the  dal  sing. 
c/AUs  primitive  (umi^Aj^am,  whence  *amu-Ht>u*,  &c.     (r^-Hri(p}  is  of 
course  the  common  locative  dative.    The  genitives  .^^1.  iiifiMt 
^/i€i-«i>r^  ^fii^iav,  are  regular  transformations   of  the  primitiie 
asmajf^am.    The  bases  of  the  and  and  3rd  persons  follow  a  similir 
course. 

The  Lat.  (1)  nd9,  (2)  r^^  seem  to  have  introduced  an  in(Ny 
ganic  6  in  place  of  a  more  ancient  n^,  r^,  which  would  slridily 
cori*espond  to  the  Sansk.  na9  and  r<M.     The  datives  and  ablatives 

(1)  nobUy  (2)  robis,  have  the  plural  in  bi^  like  tibi,  where  iisiei 
stands  for  the  primitive  bh^am^;  to  and  no  for  vo9^  t8-s,  and  no9, 
ud'S  (comp.  noS'fer,  rosier),  and  these  are  the  remains  of  no-'tmo, 
vo^mo  ;  so  that  no^is,  vo^is,  stand  for  the  more  ancient  ^nSf- 
bei'is,  ^  ro9'bel'i8  {s  dropped  before  b  and  compensated  for  by  the 
production  of  the  vowel),  primitive  ^ ma-sma-ihyam-^y  ^ima-^na- 
bhifam^.     The  ^^enitives  (1)  nos-tru^m,  noi-tri,  (2)  vos-iru-m,  ro#- 
fri,  are  pronominal  adjectives  in  fero,  the  primitive  suffix  fara, 
chiefly  used  in  the  formation  of  comparatives ;  the  genitives  in  i 
have  the  singular,  those  in  um  the  plural  termination,  the  latter 
being  sometimes  replaced  in  Plautus  by  onim,  e.  g.  nosirorum  for 
nosh'iim,  primitive  forms  ^ 7na'Sma-taram^  ^ tvasma-iaram. 

Goth.  nom.  (1 )  rm,  plural  of  a  base  in  i,  t?/-,  perhaps  for  i»/,  ma, 

(2)  jus.  The  accus.  and  dat.  (i)  unsis,  nns  (abbreviated  form), 
(2)  izvHs,  where  s  seems  to  stand  in  analogy  to  that  of  the  dat. 
sing.,  and  the  themes  (i)  laisi,  (2)  izvi,  are  considered  inversions  of 
the  original  (1)  ma-sfjia,  (2)  Iva-sma,  The  genitives  (1)  unsara^ 
(2)  izvara,  are  adjective  stems  in  the  same  inflexional  case  as  the 
sing,  meina,  &c.,  that  is,  most  likely,  the  genitive  plural. 

The  Dual. 

Sanskrit  (1)  base,  ^r«-,  (2)  base,  yuva-^  which  are  treated  as 
if  they  were  feminine.  These  bases  arc  thought  to  be  the  muti- 
lated forms  of  the  more  primitive  ^via-dva-,  ^tva-dca-;  the  a  and 


PRONOUNS.  185 

ftt  ihe  beginning  of  the  dual  bases  would  then  be  the  remains 
the  pronouns  ma  and  tva^  and  va  might  very  likely  be  the 
ated  numeral  dva  (two).  Greek  (i)  nom.  and  aceus.  vd, 
a  base  vi»- :  rSi  seems  to  be  formed  in  analogy  to  the  dative. 
[%)<r^^  probably  from  a  more  ancient  ^rFfa,  with  cnftiaij  seems  to 
'.m  an  analogon  to  (3)  (r<^^^  which  consists  of  (r</>a>-^  as  the  base^ 
nd  -€  a  new  dual  termination^  as  we  find  with  the  substantives. 
lathe  dat.  and  gen.  (i)  v^^iv,  (2)  (r<^cS-«',  (3)  ac^ou-fi;,  we  have 
"tte  termination  -«^==-<^ti^,  corresponding  to  the  Sanskrit  bhydm, 
Inse  bhi.     In  Latin  the  dual  is  wanting. 

Gothic  nom.  (i)  w-^;  vi-  is  the  pronominal  base  (comp.  nom. 
phr.  vei^\  and  the  -t  is  the  relic  of  the  numeral  tva  (two); 
(3)  does  not  occur  in  the  documents,  but  in  analogy  to  the  Old 
Norse  it  may  have  been  i'-t^ju-t,  which  would  be  formed  simi- 
larly to  the  1st  person,  the  -l  being  the  numeral  Iva,  and  the  i- 
the  remnant  of  the  pronoun  ju-  (comp.  2nd  plur.  Jus).     In  the 
dat.  and  accus.  (i)  ugki-s^  (2)  igk-vis,  the  -«  is  the  same  termi- 
nation as  in  the  dat.  sing,  and  plur.     The  origin  of  the  bases 
ugii-f  igivi'  is  obscure ;  they  are  considered  as  being  of  a  more 
recent  formation.     Gren.  (i)  ugha-ray  (2)  igkva-ra  have  the  same 
termination  as  the  plur.  (i)  unsa-ra,  (2)  izva-ra.    From  this  simi- 
larity between  the  dual  and  plural  forms  it  will  appear  that  the 
former  is  not  organic,  but  merely  an  inflexional  modification  of 
the  plural,  since,  according  to  Bopp,  the  dual  and  plural  bases 
are  the  mutilated  remains  of  one  and  the  same  suffix  which  was 
originally  used  in  the  plural  only,  and  later  on  came  to  be  applied 
to  express  the  dual,  i.  e.  sma,  which  by  metathesis  becomes  in 
the  plural  msa=Teut,  nsi,  and  in  the  dual  7n/ia =Teut.  nki. 

We  cannot  more  aptly  conclude  this  chapter  than  by  quoting 
a  remark  made  by  Schleicher  with  regard  to  these  pronouns : — 
*  On  reviewing,'  he  says, '  the  bases  of  the  personal  pronouns  which 
differ  so  widely  in  the  various  languages,  it  becomes  evident  that 
here  we  have  not  to  deal  with  changes  occurring  in  accordance 
with  phonetic  laws,  but  with  more  or  less  arbitrary  commuta- 
tions. It  appears  as  though  the  different  languages  had  avoided 
the  distinct  expression  of  the  bases  of  the  ist  and  2nd  persons, 
a  fact  in  which  we  may  perhaps  recognise  a  kind  of  euphemism 
such  as  is  often  manifested  in  languages  by  a  squeamishness 
which  shrinks  from  pronouncing  the  '  ego'  and  *  tu.'  (Schleicher, 
p.  657.  Anm.) 


186 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


TABLE  OF  THE  OLD  TEUTONIC  PERSONAL  PRONOUNS. 


I8t  Perion. 


SINGULAR. 


I. 
Gothic. 

2. 

A.  8. 

3- 
O.8. 

4- 
O.Fris. 

5- 

O.  ILGerm. 

6. 
O.None. 

Nom.   ik 
Gen.     nuina 
Dat.     mis 
Accus.  mik 

ic 
min 

MM 

meCf  me 

ie 

min 
mi 
mie,  tni 

ft 

min 

mi 

mi 

iktfhka) 

mir 
mik 

A 
mik 

DUAL. 


Nom. 

Gen. 

Dat. 

Accus. 

tit 

ugkara 
ugkit 
uykia 

wit 
uncer 
unc 
uncitf  unc 

wit 

uneero 
wne 
unc 

... 
•     .     • 
... 

.     «     • 

imdicM* 

^unek 

^unek 

ckkar 

okkr 

okkr 

PLURAL. 

Nom. 

Gen. 

Dat. 

Accus. 

veit 
unsara 
unsiSf  uns 
unsis,  UHS 

ux 

fUser  {Urt) 
Us 
dsic,  us 

wit  we 
user 

us 

wi 

user 

4s 

us 

uns 

var{t 
om 

OSS 

ind  Person, 

SINGULAR. 

Nom. 
(ion. 
Dat. 
Accus. 

|»«iMa 
Pik 

]>%n 

K 
\>cc,  \>c 

thu 
thin 

thi 

thic,  thi 

thu 
thin 
thi 
tM 

du,  du 
din 
dir 
dik 

\nn 
Per 
Pik 

DUAL. 


Nom.    ^JHt 
(icn.     itjqara 
Dat.      i'jqis 
Accus.  iiiqis 


Nom.  j\ts 
Gen.     izvara 
Dat.     izvtH 
Accus.  isvis 


git 

incer 
inc 
incii,  inc 

git 

^incero 

inc 

inc 

... 
•     .     * 

... 
... 

^jiz,  iz 
Hnckar 
Unck 
Hnck 

it,\^ 
ykkar 
ykkr 
ykhr 

PLURAL. 

#- 

9C 

cower 
e/no 
coiciCf  cow 

9h  9^ 
iwar 

iu 

iu 

iy  gi 
iuwer 

iu,  io 

iu,  io 

icr,  ir 
iwar 
iu 
iwik 

er^  per 
yfJr 

187 


Dual  wanting. 


Notii. 


PLURAL. 


(siht  ng,  sic) 
(sih,  tig,  ne) 


»ih 


sin 
ser 
sik 


•      EWARKS  ON  THE   PRONOUNS  IN  THE  OLD  TEUTONIC 

LANGUAGES. 

Concerning  the  primitive  forms  of  the  Teutonic  pronouns,  and 
;  ft«  idation  of  the  latter  to  the  pronouns  of  the  cognate  lan- 
pMges,  we  must  refer  to  the  remarks  we  advanced  on  the  proper 
<*CttHHL  (See  p.  1 80  sqq.)  Here  we  have  to  add  a  few  words 
ad/  in  explanation  of  some  unusual  forms  which  occur  in  the 
iusent  Teutonic  dialects. 

Oothic    The  nom.  dual  2nd  person^  which  does  not  occur  in 

fte  docaments,  has  been  set  down  as  Jul  in  analogy  to  the  plur. 

/9i,9Bwe  find  nom.  dual  ist  person  vit  analogous  to  the  plur. 

iwir.  y»-  in  Jul,  Jus  is  the  softening  of  the  sing,  base  ]?u,  and  veis 

the  extension  of  the  root  vi ;  the  I  in  Jul,  vil  is  the  dual  termi- 

ottion  from  Iva  (Sansk.  dca),  two.     The  accus.  plur.  ist  and  2nd 

penons  are  anomalous,  which,  instead  of  selecting  the  forms 

identical  with  the  dative,  should,  in  analogy  to  the  A.  S.  ilsic, 

eSmCf  and  the  O.  H.  Germ,  unsih,  iwih,  be  in  Goth,  unaik,  izvik. 

Old  High  Oerman.  wir  and  ir  arc  sometimes  marked  as  long 

on  account  of  the  corresponding  veis  and  Jv^  in  Gothic ;   but 

in  later  Old  High  German  the  i  of  the  nom.  plur.  mr,  ir  is  short. 

The  gen.  plur.  and  dual  ends  in  er  as  well  as  ar.     Instead  of 

koeff  imh,  there  occurs  iuwer,  iuwiA,  and  again  for  iu  and  iuwik 

we  find  eu,  euwiA,     The   dual   forms,  with  the  exception   of 


188 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


umcAar,  which  alone  ocean  in  the  docomentei,  are  GFrimm's  con- 
stractions. 

Anglo-Saxon.  The  most  ancient  docaments  only  have  the 
accusatiyes  MeCyb€c,  utie,  e6wic;  in  later  times  the  accns.  is  iden- 
tical with  the  oat  me^  ye,  &c.  Very  remarkable  is  the  accm* 
dual  (2)  iMcii,  which  occurs  in  Csedmon^  and  according  to  which 
we  may  presume  an  accus.  dual  (i)  uncU.  The  forms  ^Uer,  4$, 
of  Anglo-Saxon  and  other  Low  German  dialects  come  from 
un^er,  tms,  ninth  elision  of  the  n  before  8.  (Concerning  the  elision 
in  Anglo-Saxon  of  the  n  before  "S^/^  and  s,  see  the  respective 
letters.)  And  for  the  more  ancient  tlser  we  find  in  later  Anglo- 
Saxon  fire,  with  transition  of  s  into  r.  The  Gothic  spirant  J  in 
Jul  is  hardened  into  the  media  ^  in  the  Saxon  ^t;  but  in  the 
oblique  cases,  in  Gothic  as  well  as  in  Saxon^  the  J  is  vocalized 
into  f  ^  and  in  e^wic  the  i  is  lengthened  into  the  diphthong  ed. 
From  what  we  have  stated  it  wiU  become  evident  that  Anglo- 
Saxon  has  in  some  cases  of  the  pronoun  more  ancient  forms  tiban 
even  the  Gothic. 

Old  Norse.  The  vdr,  vor,  or,  of  the  gen.  plur.  ist  pers.  stand 
in  the  same  relation  to  a  more  ancient  assar  or  osar^  as  the  A.  S. 
ure  to  user.  In  oiJkar,  ykkar,  &c.,  the  n  preceding  the  k,  as  in 
Goth,  ugkar^  A.  S.  uncer,  O.  H.  Germ,  unckar,  is  assimilated  to 
the  k,  and  thus  forms  the  gemination  kk. 

All  other  modifications  in  the  various  dialects  will  easily  be 
explained  by  a  reference  to  the  Phonetic  Laws. 


TABLE  OF  PERSONAL  PRONOUNS  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AND  NEW 

TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 

isC  Person, 

SINGULAR. 


1. 
M.  11.  Germ. 


Nom.   ich 
Gen.     min 
Dat.     mir 
Accus.  mick 


2. 

N.n.G. 

3- 
O.E. 

4- 
N.E. 

5 
M.D. 

6. 
Dutch. 

7. 
Swed. 

ich 

ich 

I 

• 

tc 

ik 

jag 

mein 

mill 

mine 

miuM 

mijju 

•    m 

mtr 
mxch 

me 
me 

me 
me 

mi 
mi 

mtj 

mtg 
mig 

s. 

Danish. 


•  • 

mip  {me\ 
mig  {me) 


Nom.   tvir 
Gen.     unscr 
Dat.     una 
Acrus.  unHch  (Uns) 


PLURAL. 


wir 

tec 

we 

wi 

u?y 

VI 

tinser 

ours 

ours 

onser 

omer 

.  • 

uns 

us 

us 

ons 

ons 

OSS 

vn$ 

»(■" 

HS 

ons 

ons 

OSS 

vGres 

at 

0$ 


PRONOUNS, 


189 


2nd  Person. 

SIKOULAB. 


I. 

3. 

3- 

4- 

5- 

6. 

7- 

8. 

H.H.G. 

N.  H.  6. 

p.B. 

N.E. 

M.D. 

Dutch. 

Swed. 

Danish. 

Nom. 

dii 

dM 

Ixm 

ihou 

du 

singular 

du 

du 

GCB. 

dim 

detn 

K» 

ihint 

dim 

wanting, 

•  • 

•  • 

D^ 

dir 

dtr 

1»« 

thee 

di 

plur.  used 

dig 

dig 

dieh 

dick 

>« 

thee 

di 

in  its  place. 

dig 

dig 

Nom. 


ir 

iuwer 
iu 
iueh 


PLURAL. 


Ir 

yhe 

ye,  you 

ghi 

•  • 

9^3 

i 

euer 

tfhoun 

youn 

h4wer 

uwer 

. . 

eueh 

yhou 

you 

U 

u 

eder^Sr 

eueh 

yhou 

you 

U 

u 

ider,  ir 

i 

eders 
eder  (jer) 
eder  (jer) 


I«  om. 

Gen.      ills 
Dai. 

Aocut.    ficA 


Gen* 
Dai. 

Aocns. 


tick 


8i€h 
tick 


yd  Person, 

SINGULAR. 


wanting. 


•    • 

•  • 

•  • 

tins 

zijna 

•  ■ 

•  • 

zich 

ng 

•  • 

tick 

8ig 

PLURAL. 


wanting. 


zieh 


sig 
Big 


tig 
tih 


tig 


Note, — ^The  personal  pronouns  display  more  tenacity  in  the 
preservation  of  their  ancient  inflexional  forms  than  any  other 
species  of  words.  This  is  a  phenomenon  which  we  observe 
among  other  tribes  of  languages  also.  The  Romance  tongues, 
which  have  greatly  mutilated  and  mostly  dropped  the  inflexional 
forms  of  their  ancient  mother,  the  Latin,  in  the  declension  of 
the  noun,  were  far  more  conservative  in  the  sphere  of  the  pro- 
noun,  where  many  of  the  inflexional  forms  were  retained.  One 
of  the  main  characteristics  of  the  modem  Teutonic,  especially 
German  forms,  is  the  lengthening  of  the  vowels  in  some  of  the 
oblique  cases,  as  niir,  toir,  for  the  ancient  tntr,  wlr;  the  dropping 
of  final  consonants,  as  the  English  /  for  ic  (Germ,  ich),  me  for  mec 
(Germ,  mich),  botii  forms  being  used  in  Anglo-Saxon  already. 
For  the  ancient  genitive  form  mine,  thine,  modem  English  pre- 
fers the  new  formation  of  me,  &c. ;  German  uses  the  inorganic 
formation  meiner  by  the  side  of  m^in^  the  latter  occurring  rarely, 


190  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

except  in  poetry.     The  English  me,  theCy  has  lost  its  force  as    ■ 
dative^  and  consequently  designates  that  relation  by  meaiui 
the  preposition  to^  to  me,  to  thee.     All  other  pecuIiaritieB  ^ 
student  will  be  able  to  explain  by  applying  to  the  phonetic  hem 
of  vowels  and  consonants. 


ADJECTIVE  PRONOUNS. 

Pronominal  Bases. 

Sansk.  ta^  fern,  td  (he^  this^  that)^  Goth,  tha^  fern.  thS.  From 
the  same  base  are  derived  the  Lat.  talis,  tantne,  tot ;  further  f»-to 
for  ia-to-Sy  Gk.  av-ro-y,  ot-ro-s.  The  Sanskrit  demonstratives  M, 
sd,  tat,  Goth,  sa,  aS^  ifata,  Gk.  6,  ^,  rd,  where  in  the  masculine 
and  feminine  the  root  ta  is  replaced  by  a  pronominal  root  9a, 
which  is  used  in  no  other  case,  sa  stands  for  sa-s,  as  Gr.  6  for 
i'i,  the  case-sign  of  the  nom.  sing,  being  easily  dropped.  (Comp. 
Lat.  Ut^  for  isto-Sy  ipse  for  ipso-s,  qui  and  qui-s,) 

Sansk.  sya  —  tya-zztu-yay  consisting  of  ta  and  a  relative  base^a 
and  occurring  only  in  the  nom.  sing.,  Goth,  si,  O.  H.  G^rm.  ««. 
Til  is  base  is  of  greater  importance  for  Old  High  German,  which 
derives  its  definite  article  from  it  (diu  from  ty(C)y  while  Gothic 
uses  the  base  ta  for  that  purpose.  The  O.  H.  Germ,  der,  des, 
&c.,  Bopp  considers  to  come  from  the  older  forms  dyar,  dyas. 
Remnants  in  Old  High  German  of  the  base  ta  we  have  perhaps 
in  r/<7|  (hoc)  and  de  for  fl?/^=  Sansk.  te^  Goth,  thai. 

The  base  i  is  used  in  Latin  to  form  the  pronoun  of  the  3rd 
pers.  sing,  is  (he),  and  in  Sanskrit  for  the  demonstrative  tki^,  and 
adverbs  only,  as  it'as  (from  here).  This  base  is  in  Latin  length- 
ened by  an  inorganic  0  or  n,  and  weakened  into  e,  and  conse- 
quently passes  from  the  third  into  the  second  declension,  using 
the  forms  euniy  eo^  eonimy  instead  of  iniy  i,  ivniy  while  in  Gk)thic 
it  remains  intact,  as  accus.  sing.  Goth,  ina,  Lat.  etim;  accus. 
plur.  Goth,  ins,  Lat.  eos.  As  in  Sanskrit  a  so  is  d  in  Gothic  *  the 
fulcrum  of  the  feminine  base^  (Bopp),  and  the  base  *  is  thus 
extended  into  fem.  ijo  (=?-f  (/),  accus.  ija,  plur.  nom.  and  accus. 
ijos. 

Deserving  of  special  mention  is  the  combination  of  the  radical 
base  i  with  the  radical  base  ta,  both  ha^^ng  the  force  of  demon- 
strative pronouns.  The  pronominal  root  fa  we  have  met  already 
in  the  Sansk.  ta-t,  the  neuter  of  the  demonstrative  sa ;  Goth. 
J?^-/^,  the  neuter  of  sa,  and  Gr.  to  (=^to-t),  the  neuter  of  6. 


PRONOUNS.  191 

neuier  root,  if  we  may  use  the  term,  is  employed  in  most 
^inmoiiiis  for  the  formation  of  the  neuter  gender  (comp.  Lat.  i-Sy 
[■•*rf|  fuU^y  qui'd,  aliurdy  Utu-d,  quo^d).  In  Gothic  this  neuter  i 
Vtt  been  sheltered  as  it  were  by  the  adoption  of  the  final  vowel 
tjM  )^a-^-a=prim.  ta-t;  i~Ua=:i-t.  (The  t  is  dropped  in  Ava, 
quod,  =rprim.  ia-f).  The  importance  of  this  fact  will  become 
nu)ie  evident  when  we  treat  on  the  declension  of  the  substan- 
tives. The  Gothic  relative  particle  ei  is  by  GWmm  derived 
direct  from  the  base  t,  by  Bopp  from  the  relative  particle 
Sansk.  ya,  though  the  latter  too  admits  that  the  Sansk.  relative 
fcweya  is  to  be  traced  to  the  demonstrative  base  i.  (Concerning 
^he  application  in  Gothic  of  this  relative  suffix  ei,  see  Relative 
I^ronouns.) 

The  demonstrative  base  ana  with  the  comparative  suffix  tara 
^e  have  in  the  Sansk.  antara  (alius),  Goth.  an}fara  (alius,  alter, 
^eeandns),  as  well  as  in  the  Lat.  al-ter  and  al4n9  (where  the 
liquid  /  replaces  the  liquid  n). 

•  The  relative  root  ya  we  find  in  the  Sansk.  yas,  yd,  yal,  6r.  Sy, 
i7i  8,  the  Gothic  adjective  sufiix  jia,  ja,  jata^,  and,  as  mentioned 
alrrady,  probablv  in  the  Gothic  ei  too. 

As  interrogative  bases  we  may  mention  three :  ka^  ku,  ki — the 
two  latter  owing  their  existence  to  the  modification  of  the  vowel 
a  of  the  first.  The  root  ka  appears  in  the  prim,  ka-^,  neut.  ka-4 
{quia,  quid;  qui,  quod);  in  Greek  under  the  form  tto,  Ionic  ko, 
as  ir(Pr€=jc(f-re,  'R'c^s=icfi^9i  1101-05:=  Koi-oy;  Lat.  quo,  quo-d,  &c. 
The  Grothic  form  shows,  in  accordance  to  Grimm^  law,  initial  k 
for  the  prim,  k,  hence  Goth.  Ava  (quod).  (Comp.  O.  S.  Aua-^y 
O.  H.  G^rm.  Aua^^.) 

The  root  ku  may  be  recognised  in  the  Sanskrit  adverbs  ku-tra, 
where ;  ku-ias,  whence ;  perhaps  too  in  the  Latin  cu^'us,  cu-i^  if 
these  forms  are  considered  as  ancient  as  quo-iua,  quo-i;  but  it 
is  more  likely  that  cu  is  a  later  modification  of  qifOy  in  the  same 
manner  as  cunde,  cubi  (ubi),  in  ali-cunde,  ali-cubi  of  an  earlier 
quonde,  quobi. 

The  base  ki  is  easily  discovered  in  the  Sansk.  kirm  (what),  the 
Lat.  j^f-«,  qui-^,  and  Ai~c  (-c  is  the  enclitic  particle  of  emphasis 
etf=w.  ye),  where  the  primitive  k  has  been  supplanted  by  the 
spirant  A^  a  fact  which  occurs  even  in  Sanskrit.  This  base  kiy 
modified  according  to  Grimm's  law  into  Ai,  appears  also  in  the 
Gothic  Aimnuiy  Aina,  adv.  Aita,  but  only  in  certain  combinations, 
as  Aimma  daga  (hoc  die,  to-day),  whilst  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old 
Frisian  use  it  regularly  in  the  formation  of  the  demonstrative 

*  For  the  declension  of  this  demonstrative  suffix  see  under  the  strong  declension 
of  the  adjective  in  Gothic. 


192  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

pronoun  (see  below).  In  Old  High  Oerman  its  application  is 
restricted  to  certain  combinations  where  it  appears  as  the  instru- 
mental hiuy  e.  g.  hiu-jdru  (M.H.  Germ,  hiure,  N.  Germ,  heuer), 
this  year,  hoc-anno ;  hiu-tagH  (M.  H.  Germ,  hiute^  Germ,  heute), 
to-day  (comp.  hoodie ^  hodie) ;  kiu-naht  (M.  H.  Germ,  hiunte, 
Germ,  heunt),  this  nighty  hac-nocte. 

As  to  the  declension  of  these  pronouns  in  the  cognate  lan- 
guages few  words  must  suffice^  their  inflexional  changes  in  the 
Teutonic  languages  receiving  special  attention  hereafter. 

The  nom.  sing,  takes  -«,  which  is  the  termination  of  the  same 
case  in  the  declension  of  nouns.    (Concerning  the  derivation  of  this 
inflexional  -«,  see  the  declension  of  nouns.)     Thus  Sansk.  ka-^^ 
who^  sa-^  (and  sa),  is,  ipse.     The  case-sign  s  is  dropped  in  Greek 
and  Gothic :  6=0-0^  Goth,  sa,  for  0-09,  Goth.  909.    In  Latin  also  the 
case-sign  is  wanting  in  is^te  for  ^U-to^  and  in  several  other  pro- 
nouns.  The  accus.  sing,  has  the  nominal  termination  am,  except  in 
Gothic^  where  the  m  has  been  changed  into  «,  which  is  preserved 
from  elision  by  a  final  a  it  has  adopted^  hence  ^a-n-a  from  ^pa-i^^ 
and  this  from  the  primitive  ta~m.    The  nom.  and  accus.  neut.  are 
formed  by  the  suiBSx  /=/^,  a  demonstrative  root.     Examples: — 
Sansk.  ta~l  (id),  ia-l  (q^id);    in  Gr.  t6  for  ^ro-r  it  has   been 
dropped.     In  the  Lat.  u-tu-d,  i-d,  qui^,  quo-d^  the  d  stands  for 
the  primitive  t\   and  in  the  Goth,  ^a-iniy  i-tni,  the  t  has  been 
preserved  by  the  addition  of  the  vowel  a. 

The  termination  of  the  nom.  plur.  in  its  primitive  form  was 
^ta-i^  which  may  be  the  remnant  only  of  a  full  form  ^ta-i-sa9  {fa, 
the  demonstrative  root,  sas  the  plur.  termination  as  in  the  de- 
clension of  nouns).  The  primitive  termination  is  preserved  in  its 
original  form  only  in  the  Goth.  ]>ai,  whilst  in  the  Sansk.  t^,  the 
Lat.  qui,  Ai=qifei,  hei  =  quels,  the  Gr.  rol  (later  01)  it  appears  in 
weakened  and  otherwise  modified  forms.  The  nom.  and  accus. 
dual  have  the 'same  inflexions  as  the  nom.,  so  also  the  accus. 
plur.  The  ablative  sing.,  as  well  as  the  locative  sing,  and  dative 
sing.,  is  formed  by  joining  to  the  stem  the  sufiix  sma^  which 
probably  arose  from  the  demonstrative  Ua-ma,  a  base  in  -ma- 
from  the  pronominal  root  sa  (hie).  The  gen.  sing.  masc.  and 
neut.  originally  had  the  same  termination  as  the  noun,  that  is, 
Sansk.  and  prim,  tasya,  Gr.  roto  from  ^rocrto,  Goth.  \fis:  the  #y 
is  the  remnant  of  smi=sma  (vid.  supra). 

The  gen.  plur.  has  the  full  termination  sdm,  Sansk.  tdsidm ; 
Gro.ek  and  Latin  the  same  as  the  noun ;  Gothic  masc.  and  neut. 
^i-ze,  fem.  ^i-zo,  i.  e.  ^li-sdm.  Dat.  sing.  prim,  and  Sansk.  /<£- 
smdiy  from  the  base  tasma-  [-^ta-^  sma,  vid.  supra),  which  appears 
also  in  the  Gothic  masc.  \amma  ;=  t^ismdi,  fem.  }fizai  =  ti-^vty-^i. 


psojroujfs. 


The  datiTe  and  ablative  plur.  have  the  same  inflexions  as  the 
noon,  bat  Gothic  increases  the  stem  by  adding  >  (which  in  San- 
skrit is  always  added  in  this  case  to  the  nominal  stems  in  a 
nuuc  and  neat),  hence  Ooth.  iiai^m. 


TABLE  OF  OLD  TEUTONIC  FBONOUNS  OP  THE  sn]  PERSON. 
Masculine. 

SIKOniAB, 


Gothic 

Anglo-auan. 

OldSuon 

Old  FrisiMi. 

O.H.GCTm 

Old  Norw. 

tM.       imma 
Acctu.   ina 

llHt 

him,  -e,  -a 

Aann 

AanHM,  Aonutn 
ham 

PLtTBAL. 

Nom.     tU 
Oon.      M 
tkL       im 

fill 

Hi 
M 

tii 

Aim,  Alam 

wutiog. 

I  •i«  Uw,  (I  I  tfo  (■&,  *C 

ini  Airi  ira,  M 

Nnt  AM  ini,M 

IHm  [Ami,*!  |na,*(b*i 

PLUHAL. 

[  lii  I  Aid,  tt  t  lit,  tit 

I  M  Aira,  hiaixt  irS 

im  him.  hiam  im,  hi 


Neuter, 


Aim  (htom)      im»{-o)       him 


1^^ 
\it,  et 
inn  <-«) 


\hla.i» 
Afro,  Ata 

Ihi^m 


\iift,lit,tl  \ 

\ir» 
\tm,iH 


IM  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAS. 


»»WA»g^  £fS  TEE  PBOKOCSCS  OF  THB  jid  FBR80N. 

From  the  prsoedmg  table  it  will  become  evident  that  the 
different  dialects  tut  oonsiderBblj  in  the  formation  of  these 
pronoons.  This  Tariation  is  owing  to  the  diflerent  choice  the 
diakets  haTe  made  out  of  the  Tarioos  demonstrative  bases  which 
we  haTe  just  examined.  The  Gothic  chose  for  all  cases,  with 
the  exception  cf  one,  the  demonstratiTe  base  J,  which  it  occasion- 
allj  lengthened  into  ija ;  the  simple  forms  in  t  it  has  in  common 
with  OM  High  German  and  Old  Saxon,  hot  instead  of  the 
lengthened  base  iJa  the  latter  dialects  nse  an  altogether  difierent 
base,  the  demonstratiTe  si  (comp.  Sansk.  sa,  sd,  Groth.  $a,  96, 
A.  S.  «f,  seoj  &e.),  which  occurs,  thoogh  in  a  rather  mutilated 
form,  in  Gothic  too,  si,  fem.  of  is.  Bat  in  Old  High  German 
and  Old  Saxon  oat  of  tiiis  base  all  the  cases  are  formed  which 
Gothic  deduces  from  ija,  the  lengthened  form  of  the  base  1; 
hence  O.  H.  Germ.,  O.  S.  fem.  siu,  plur.  siS,  sid.  &c.  The  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  Old  Frisian  again  have  a  base  of  their  own  out  of 
which  they  construe  their  pronouns  of  the  3rd  person.  Their 
base  is  the  demonstrative  ii,  which,  as  we  have  seen  before, 
stands  for  the  prim.  Jti,  ia,  and  yields  in  Latin  the  demonstrative 
pronoun  ^i{c),  k^c),  ko{c).  Old  Saxon  also  makes  use  of  it  in 
the  nom.  sing.  masc.  of  the  3rd  person,  whilst  Gk>thie  and  Old 
High  German  use  it  in  but  few  isolated  cases  which  we  have 
mentioned  already.  From  these  forms  deviates  the  Old  Norse 
han-  again,  which  however  is  used  only  in  the  sing.  masc.  hann, 
and  fem.  hon,  while  all  other  cases  are  wanting.  Old  Frisian 
and  Old  High  German  supply  the  genitive  by  the  genitive  of  the 

Sjrs.  pron.  of  the  3rd  pers.  ««,  whilst,  vice  versa,  we  see  in  later 
alects  the  demonstrative  of  the  3rd  pers.  supplying  the  pers. 
pronoun  of  the  3rd  person.  The  word  man  in  Gothic  is  used 
merely  in  the  sense  of  '  homo^,  but  in  all  other  dialects  we  find 
it  already  in  the  sense  of  the  German  'man^,  French  'on'. 

To  recapitulate  then,  we  have  in  Gothic  the  demonstrative 
base  iy  except  in  the  nom.  sing.  fem.  the  demonstrative  si. 

In  Old  High  German  the  demonstrative  base  i  occurs  in  all 
those  cases  which  have  in  Gothic  the  simple  base  1,  but  si  in 
all  those  cases  which  in  Gothic  show  the  lengthened  form 
ija  of  the  base  ^.  The  Old  High  German  gen.  sing,  masc 
is  supplied  by  the  gen.  of  the  3rd  pers.  pron.  dn. 
Old  Saxon  uses  the  base  i  in  the  same  cases  as  Old  High 
German,  except  the  nom.  sing.  masc.  where  it  prefers  the 


PRONOUNS. 


196 


demonstrative  hii  the  base  H  is  employed  as  in  Old  High 

German. 
Anglo-Saxon  makes  use  of  the  demonstrative  hi  throughout. 
Old  Frisian  the  same  as  Anelo-Saxon^  except  in  the  gen.  sing. 

masc.  and  neut.,  where  it  uses  the  gen.  of  the  3rd  pers. 

pron.  sin,  like  Old   High  Oerman;    in  the  nom.  plur. 

throughout,  and  in  the  nom.  sing,  fem.,  we  find  by  the  side 

of  hi  the  base  9%  as  weU. 
Old  Norse  stands  isolated  in  its  pronominal  forms  hann^  fem. 

hon  (hun). 


TABLE  OF  BflDDLE  AND  NEW  TEUTONIC  PBONOUNS  OF  THE 

3rd  PERSON. 

Masculine. 

SINOULAB. 


I. 

M.H.O. 


€T 


Nom. 
Gen. 
Dat 
Aocos.     Ml 


4. 
N.H.6. 


In' 


Old  Engl. 


he 
him 


4. 

,S. 

6. 

7. 

N.E. 

M.Du. 

Dutch. 

Swed. 

U 

hi 

^ 

han 

•  • 

• . 

. . 

hone 

Kim 

htm 

hem 

honom 

him 

htai 

hem 

honom 

8. 
Danish. 


han 

hOM 

harnQM/nnem) 
ham 


Nom. 
tim. 

Accm. 


tie 

tr 
tn 
tie 


tie 

irer^ 
fneA 
fie 


Aeo,  H  >e> 
hir 
hem,  Jkuii 
hem,  ])o,  )KMfi 


PLURAL. 
they 


them 
them 


hiur 

hen 

H 


hvmner 

hun 

eig 


wanting. 


Feminine. 


SINOULAB. 


Nom. 
Gen. 
Dat. 
Accns. 


fie 


fie 


f<e 

§rtr 

It 

He 


heo  {echo) 

•  • 

hire  {hir) 
hire  (Mr) 


ihe 

foe 

«> 

h^ 

•  • 

haer 

hdn 

AeiMief 

her 

haer 

har 

Aenne 

her 

• 

ft 

hdr 

AeiiMe 

Attn 
hendee 
hende 
htnde 


xioni. 
Cron. 
Dst. 
Aocm. 


fie 

tr 
lit 

fie 


f<e 

Wer 

Ifieit 

f<e 


heoy  hiy  )>el 
hir 
hem,  ^am 
hem,^,\am 


PLURAL. 
they 


ihem 
ihem 


H 

haer 
hen 
ft 


2^ 

hSkrer 

Aar 


wanting. 


1  C!ommon  spelling^  ihm^  ihn,  ihrer,  &c. 

O  2 


19f> 


TEU TOXIC  GRAMMAR. 


a. 
M.HG. 

N.H  G, 

5.        i  4-    :  5. 

OUEttfL    :N.B.]f.D. 

1           1 

6. 
Dafedi. 

Swcd. 

8. 
Daniflh. 

Nam. 
Gm. 

•  • 

'kirn 

m  • 

•• 

hem 

wantini^. 

▲draft 

*? 

« 

PLUHAL. 

Xom. 

Gn 

9H 

m 

• 

irrr 

%mfm 

1  A^A.  AC  pn 

ftfli 

A«iM€r 
Aim 

wanting. 

ACTBft 

tit 

Mf 

«& 

OF  THE  314  PERSON. 

In  Old  and  Xew  En^ish  ibe  Anglo-Saxon  ie  (Jki)  remains- 
thiougfaout ;  but  in  Old  Englisii  we  find  by  the  side  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  iA>  a  feminine  9cio,  which  mar  have  been  intro- 
du<>ed  into  English  through  tbe  Old  Saxon  M,  or  the  Old  Norse 
/IT,  and  which  gain?  the  supremacy  over  ieo  in  the  Middle  Eng- 
lish *'/!<•.  New  English  $if.  The  Anglo-Saxon  genitives  of  the 
sing.  iif>,  tire,  disappear  in  Old  English.  The  dative  and  accu- 
sative ^Alm,  Aine,  kc,^  hegin  already  in  late  Anglo-Saxon  to  l)e 
mixed  up,  and  in  Old  English  the  dative  has  expelled  the  accu- 
sative and  usurped  its  place.  In  order  then  to  distinguish 
between  Jihn,  the  accusative,  and  iim^  the  dative^  it  became  neces- 
sary to  intrcKluce  a  new  sign  for  the  dative  which  presented  itself 
in  the  preposition  fo.  Old  English  however  continued  to  use 
iim  for  the  dative  neuter  until  New  English  did  away  with  this 
dative  also  and  supplanted  it  bv  the  accusative  joined  to  the  dative 
sign  to.  The  plur.  Ai  and  its  derivative  cases  have  been  supplanted 
in  late  Anglo-Saxon  already  by  the  demonstrative  9e  Q^e), 

The  Middle  High  German  pronoun  is  the  regular  derivative 
of  the  Old  High  German^  no  other  changes  having  taken  place 
than  the  weakening  or  apoc-ope  of  final  vowels,  as  m,  M.  H. 
Grerm.  fem.  nom.  sing,  for  O.  H.  Germ.  Ww  {siu  rare  in  M.  H, 
Germ.),  ir  M.  H.  Germ.  gen.  plur.  for  O.  H.  (Jerm.  in?.  These 
pronominal  forms  have  been  more  seriously  affected  in  their 
transition  into  New  High  German.    All  organically  short  vowels 


PRONOUNS. 


197 


have  been  lengthened,  hence  er,  im  (lAm),  in  (lAn),  for  M.  H. 
Germ.  ^,  Im,  in.  The  dat.  plur.  N.  H.  Germ,  inen  {iAnen)  is  an 
inorganic  form  for  the  M.  H.  Germ,  in,  O.  H.  Germ,  im,  in,  with 
which  it  has  no  affinity^  but  it  reminds  one  rather  of  the  O.  H. 
Germ,  accus.  sing,  inan.  In  the  neut.  sing.  nom.  and  accus.  we 
write  erroneously  s  for  f,  in  the  place  of  the  M.  H.  Germ,  and 
O.  H.  Germ.  j.  The  gen.  sing.  neut.  M.  H.  Germ,  es,  O.  H. 
Germ,  is,  es^naa  disappeared  altogether  and  is,  like  the  gen. 
sing,  masc.,  replaced  by  the  3rd  pers.  pron.  or  reflective,  aein, 
seiner. 

The  Middle  Dutch  dat.  plur.  Aen  is  still  used  in  New  Dutch 
in  the  place  of  the  inorganic  Aun,  and  gen.  plur.  Aaarer  instead 
of  Aunner, 

The  Swedish  and  Danish  forms  are  the  direct  and  organic 
representatives  of  the  Old  Norse. 

TABLE  OF  OLD  TEUTONIC   POSSESSIVE   PRONOUNS. 


Gk>thio. 


Masc. 


Fem. 


Neut. 


Old  High  German. 


Masc. 


Fem. 


Neut. 


Old  Norse. 


Blase. 


Fem. 


8nfG. 


Neut. 


xst    mdn$ 
and   >e»4U 
3rd   tftnt 

meina 

tneinata 

^eincUa 

ieinata 

minSr 
dinir 
tiner 

minu 
dinu 
sinu 

mina^ 

dina^ 

»ina^ 

III 

min 

^n 

•in 

Dual. 
I8t    vgktxr 
and  igqar 

ugkara 
igqara 

ugkar 
igqar 

^ 

granting. 

oktar 
ykkar 

okkwr 
ykkur 

Pluk. 
1st    vntar 
and             ^ 

vnaara 
(ranting 

unaar 

• 

ufuarir 
iwarir 

unsaru 
iwaru 

unaara^ 
iwara} 

var 

vtirr 
y^wr 

nUtt 

yiu 

HU 


ohkart 
ykkart 


vart 
j^art 


Note.-^The  Old  High  German  dialect  already  in  the  neut. 
sing,  prefers  the  undeclined  to  the  declined  forms^  hence  min, 
din,  nn,  and  these  undeclined  forms  are  used  in  all  the  dialects 
except  those  already  mentioned.  Hence  we  have  to  complete 
our  table  as  follows : — 


Old  Saxon. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

Old  Frisian. 

ISt 

Sing,    min 
Dnai    vfioi 

Plur.    ^a 

and 
thin 
inca 

iwa 

3rd 

•  • 

•  t 

1st 
min 
wncer 

Hitr  (lire) 

and 

\nn 

incer 

edwtr 

3rd 
tin 

. . 

1st 
min 

wani 
J  unter  {4ae)  1 

I     (««•)      1 

and 

thin 

ting. 

iwoer 

ittwer 

3rf 
Bin 

•  • 

•  • 

IM 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


TABLl  OF  MIDDU  AND 


TBUTONIC  P08SE88IVB  PBONO0>^ 


A*  QWB* 


IfC 


«wl      3rd 


H^«  H«  Quriii* 


ifi 

wneim 


%mwtr 


and 


yd 


Old  Sngluli. 


lit 


and 


Sfd 


HewXni^iah. 


5^. 


ind 


3«d 
Ait,  Acr(4y  iU 
(f*Wr(f)) 


Middlo  Botdii. 


lit 

9iid 

3ni 

ml* 

d(m 

j6» 

<mt 

kA 

•• 

H«w  Dttleh. 


Swediflh. 


and 
erfcr 


3rd 
tSn 


JHadBhm 


isC 

m(ii 

v6r 


and 
f2{i» 
ederija) 


3rf 


Tho  form  jfrW  bv  the  side  of  titer  appears  to  be  the  genitive  of5 
tho  )ws.  )^Tv>n.  which  enoioached  upon  the  original  possessive. 
Wht^w  x^  prxxwU'^  sovoral  consonants^  as  rr,  ffi,  it  suffers  elision, 
t'*  jf,  W'^,"  lor  •AT'Hif ,  iHrrr  for  M^rrt,  In  the  most  ancient  period 
of  Au>rUv-Sa\on  wc  And  the  possess,  mm  which  later  on  is  replaced 
bv  tho  J^nulivc  of  the  pron.  of  the  3rd  pers.  {kis,  hire,  &c.)  Old 
Nors*^  shortens  the  mdi^^al  vowel  of  these  possessives  whenever 
the  th\;il  ^  iussimilates  the  succeeding  consonant,  hence  masc. 
m-H'i  .'^  fAit-'^,  nout.  Hgitizs^miH-t,  Instead  oi  vdr  we  find  also 
ro'*'*.  ,'••»,  ju\d  in  the  oldest  documents  <w^,  as  099um  (nostro),  o^ir 
^nostn\  v^o, 

TJie  iH^ssessive  #/a»  having  originally  the  signification  of  the 
riMUvtive,  it  gradiuilly  lost  its  possessive  signification  and  was 
n^phuHxl  hy  the  ^nutive  of  the  pronoun  of  the  3rd  person,  hence 
the  A.  S.  i/\t,  hire,  Kngl.  i/>,  her,  instead  of  the  more  ancient 
»tM  ;  and  in  the  same  manner  the  Dutch  hoar  (her)  from  the 
gen.  hiirs;  further  the  if.  H.  Germ,  ir,  iriu,  ir^,  plur.  ire,  N.  H. 
Oerm.  ir  and  ire  (her  and  their),  from  the  gen.  sing.  fern,  and 
p>u,  plur.  O.  II.  Germ.  /></.  In  late  Anglo-Saxon  already  we  find 
m  the  place  of  the  plur.  heore,  here,  the  genitive  of  the  demon- 
starative  pep^re,  whence  the  New  English  possessive  Ueir  («) ;  min, 
^in  (mine,  thine),  are  shortened  into  mi,  pi  (my,  thy),  but  the 
complete  forms  are  preserved  before  a  word  beginning  with  a 


P MONO  UN 8. 


199 


fowA,  €at  when  they  follow  after  the  noun,  a  rule  which  may  be 
Mondered  stiU  in  force  in  the  poetical  style  of  Modern  English. 
Ibr  the  neater  form  kU  Modem  English  introduced  its,  first  spelt 
ifi^  as  ft  neater  poflaeasiYe  genitive  analogous  to  the  possessive 
goitive  iuotie. 

The  Swedish  and  Danish  pooocooives  require  no  further  expla- 
Mtioii  when  we  state  that  they  are  the  direct  derivatives  of  the 
Old  NcMTse  ponpoanive  pronouns.  Their  genders  also,  Sw.  min, 
■MM,  miUj  Dan.  min,  mine,  mil,  will  be  easily  accounted  for  by 
areferenoe  to  the  O.  N.  minn  (=mtM-r)  and  mitl  {=min'f)y  which 
we  have  jost  examined.  In  Danish  the  neuter  gender  of  the 
jrd  persoDj  as  also  its  plural  in  all  genders,  are  supplied  by  the 
demonstmtiYe  pionoun  den,  del,  plur.  de. 

The  New  Teatonic  pronouns  take  the  inflexions  of  the  strong 
deelensiom  of  the  adjective,  where  they  are  used  as  possessive 
adjectives,  as  Germ,  mein^  meine,  tnein,  gen.  meines,  meiner,  fneines; 
Dutch  mdjn,  mijne,  mifn^  gen.  mijnSy  mijner,  mijns ;  and  in  the 
aune  manner  Sw.  min,  mina,  mitt,  Dan.  min^  mine,  miL  But 
where  they  are  used  as  substantives,  and  then  preceded  by  the 
article,  they  take  the  inflexions  of  the  weak  declension,  as  Germ. 
ier  meine,  or  meinige^  Dutch  de  mijne,  &c.,  &c. 


DEMONSTRATIVE   PRONOUNS. 


First  Demonstrative  (is). 
Masculine, 


SINGULAR. 

I. 
Suiikr. 

9. 

Gothic. 

3. 
Ang.-S«x. 

4- 
O.N. 

5. 
Old  Suon. 

6. 
0.  FriB. 

7- 
O.  H.  Oenn. 

ueo.      fa«ya 
^       tatmmi 
Aoeot.  tarn 
kttar.     Uma 

Paimma 
yama 

Pam 
pone 

M 

Pesi 

Peim 

pann 

.  • 

thie,  the,  te 
ihies  thes 
themu,  thiem 
thana,  than, 
thi,  thiu 

thi 
thes 

tham,  tha 
thene 

•  • 

dir,  de,  ihie 

dee 

demu 

den 

diu,du 

Nom.  U 

Gen.  titham 

Dat.  tebhyoA 

Aocoi.  <4» 


PLURAL. 


fU 

r« 

peir 

\ta 

para,  Pdra 

peirra 

pcum 

pam,  pcem 

peim 

Peme 

Iw 

l« 

ihia,  thie,  tht    tha 


thero 

thietn,  thim 
thia,  thie 


thera 
tham,  tha 
tha 


dU.  dia,  dS 
dero 

diem,  dim 
dU,  dia,  de 


200 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Femniue. 

sraouLAB. 


I.             a.      !     3- 
Suiskr.    Gothic. '  A.  8. 

4- 
O.N, 

5- 
Old  Saxon. 

6. 
O.Fru. 

7. 
O.  H.Gcm. 

Nob.     m           i  90            tto 
Gen.       tofyoA      yis^       \mrt 
Dw.       tetyol       ^hai        pSrt 
Aontt.   tern          ^            pa 

peirrar 

ytil'Ft 

Aiu^Ae 
Aera,-M 

Aia,A€ 

Aim 
Aen 
Aert 
Aa 

dira,  dmm 
dintf  dira 
dia,di€,di 

Non. 
Ocn. 


PLURAL. 


foA 

\>Ab 

i« 

)«r 

fdJOM 

M 

^ro 

Jftftti 

caMyoA 

^M 

N« 

M« 

<aA 

y^ 

l« 

)»r 

fA»a,a€ 

Aa 

diot  dia,  dS 

lA€ro 

Aara 

dSro 

tiU« 

Aaw^Ad 

dUm^dim 

Aiu 

Aa 

diS,tUa,di 

Neut^. 


SINQULAB. 


Nom. 

UU 

^a 

Nil      i 

)»< 

tMat,tke 

Aet 

da} 

Gen. 

tatya 

W» 

pas 

t«M 

tkOB 

tka 

dM 

Dmt. 

tatmai 

|ia«jiia 

Jum 

►"• 

fAanHtfAcm 

tkoMftha 

dimu 

Aocua. 

tai 

\iaia 

\»t 

pat 

fAof 

AH 

dM 

Instr. 

tina 

W 

V^.Yi 

Aiu,  tkio 

tkiia 

diu^du 

PLURi 

kU 

Nom. 

tani 

h5 

:  ^ 

Vau 

Aiu,  Aia 

tka 

diu,  die 

G«n. 

tfiJiAm 

:  \>izt 

1  Inra 

thero 

tkera 

diro 

Dmt. 

tibkifah 

^Ullll 

\^IH 

]feim 

tkem 

tkam^tha 

diim,  dem 

Accus. 

tani 

M 

r« 

N» 

Aim.  Aia 

tka 

diuydie 

"We  have  to  deal  with  three  demonstratiTes  which,  accord- 
ing to  their  meaning,  answer  to  the  Lat.  w.  He,  and  if^,  Gr. 
aifTos,  ovTosy  and  iK€Lvos.  The  first  of  these  is  derived  from  the 
demonstrative  base  fa,  concerning  which  we  must  refer  the  student 
to  preceding  paragraphs.  The  Gothic  8a,  s6,  jwiAi,  and  its  declen- 
sion will,  after  our  previous  remarks,  offer  no  difficulties  to  the 
student.  As  to  the  corresponding  forms  in  O.  H.  G^rm.  flfe'r, 
diu,  daXy  the  masc.  de-r  might  be  explained  so  that  d€  represents 
the  primitive  ta  (O.  H.  Germ,  d  for  Sansk.  i  according  to 
Grimm's  law,  and  e  the  weakening  of  a),  and  r  is  the  termina- 
tional  s,  so  that  the  analogous  form  of  O.  H.  Germ,  der  would  be 
Goth. J?M.  But  as  to  the  O.  H.  Grerm.  fem.  diu  we  are  inclined 
with  Bopp  to  refer  it  to  the  double  base,  Sansk.  ^ya^itj^a^ita^j^a, 
consisting  of  the  demonstrative  ta  and  the  relative  base  ya,  so 
that  the  O.  H.  Germ,  diu  stands  for  an  ancient  fya.    The  O.  H. 


rJCitFi^rFE 


TABU  or  umaassiKiXTri  >9c 


j!n»UE:2.  *j^a 


nf:/ir« 


OX    If 


Km 

DM. 


G«. 
DM. 


d^ 

Ok    'i«* 

<^ 

fi^r- 

Or-    «i«9i' 

'>- 

ba 

f^si.    *j0a 

<«« 

CCk 

V.    'i** 

C»» 

*:*:,n.u^ 


fiir-y-.-i 


fu 


D^ 


6C^ 


202 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


PLURAL. 


.*.■" 


1. 
M.H.G. 


Nom.  dU 

Gen.  der 

Dat.  dm 

Aocns.  dM 


Nom.  dan 

Gen.  de» 

Dat.  dem 

Accns.  da^ 

Nom.  ditt 

Gen.  der 

Dat.  (ien 

Accus.  diu 


a. 
N.H.Ger. 


3- 
O.E. 


die 

der,  dertn 

den 

die 


K)«< 


das 

det,  desien 

dem 

dm 


N.  Engl. 


the,  that 


5 
M.Du. 


die 
der 
den 
die 


Neuter. 


8IKOTJLAB. 


dot 
det 
den 
dot 


PLURAL. 


6. 
New  Dutch. 


de,  die 
der,  diet 
den,  dien 
de,  die 


7- 
Swedish. 


de 

tUrae 
dem 
de 


8. 


de 
dim 


{kei)diU 
dee,  dien* 
den,  dien 
Qiei)dat 


dA 
det»,de98 
dd 
dd 


dU 

•  • 

•  • 

die 

de,die 

de 

der,  dertn 

•  • 

•  • 

der 

der,  dier 

diroM 

den 

•  • 

•  • 

den 

den,  dien 

dem 

die 

•  • 

•  • 

die 

de,  die 

de 

da 

deU 

da 

da 


de 

diree 
dem 
de 


REMARKS  ON  THE  NEW  TEUTONIC  DBMON8TRATIVBS. 

This  demonstrative  in  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  dialects 
continues  to  be  used  as  the  definite  article.  But  New  High 
German  and  New  Dutch  develope  difiPerent  forms^  where  it  has  a 
demonstrative  force.  Dutch  indeed  has  a  separate  declension 
for  the  article  and  the  demonstrative  pronoun,  though  both  are 
equally  derived  from  the  Middle  Dutch  die,  die,  dat,  so  that  the 
Dutch  article  is  de,  de  {het),  the  demonstrative  proper  die,  die^ 
dat.  The  article  being  without  a  neuter,  this  gender  had  to  be 
supplied  by  the  neuter  (het)  of  the  personal  pronoun.  In  Ger- 
man the  article  and  the  demonstrative  pronoun  have  the  same 
forms  throughout,  with  the  exception  of  the  genitives,  where 
the  demonstrative  assumes  masc.  and  neut.  dessen  by  the  side  of 
des,  fem.  and  plur.  der€?i  by  the  side  of  der.  The  article,  more- 
over, is  unaccented,  while  the  demonstrative  always  lias  an  em- 
phatic accent.  But  all  these  distinctions  are  rather  arbitrary, 
and  we  might  designate  the  article  and  the  demonstrative 
pronoun  as  identical. 

As  to  the  Danish  and  Swedish  article  we  shall  have  to  devote 
to  this  subject  a  separate  chapter  hereafter. 

The  fate  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  demonstrative  on  its  course 
through  Old  English  and  New  English  deserves  a  more  detailed 
notice.  In  late  Anglo-Saxon  the  nominatives  se  and  se6  dis- 
appear, and  the  use  of  the  pronoun  as  definite  article  assists 
much  in  weakening  and  destroying  its  inflexional  forms.  In 
order  to  give  a  notion  of  the  gradual  dissolution  of  the  declen- 


PRONOUNS.  203 

ikm  we  subjoin  the  different  inflexional  forms  in  late  Anglo- 
Saxon^. 

SOrOULAJL 

FenuidBe.  Neater. 


Noan.    >e,  )« 

>M,  )MW,  ^  >00^  >tf,  >e 


DmL  ^CBIft,  ^oa,  ^mc  >oim^  ^oiiik> 
AecQS.  ^eii€,  >aney  ><Biie,  ^Oh  >aiiiw» 
Instr.    >e 


^CN%  \€BTt%  f€tt,  ft 

\art%  yxTt,  ^ire,  ft 


Geo.  umI   Dit. 


PLUaAL. 

Nom.    ^a£e.  K^t  Nt  ^ 

Gen.     jMire,  ^ere 

D»t.      )Nm,  )Nm,  ^en,  ^ame,  \ctn,  ^eom 

Accut.  ^aU,  ^  \ft 

From  this  table  it  will  become  evident  how  the  undeclinable 
}fe  invaded  the  declension  and  g^radually  supplanted  all  the  in- 
flexional forms ;  but  it  was  in  Old  English  that  the  final  break 
np  took  place,  and  the  havoc  which  at  that  period  was  made  in 
aU  the  grammatical  forms  of  the  language  can  nowhere  be  better 
observed  than  in  the  case  of  this  pronoun,  The  plural  nom.  )>a», 
yd,  and  accus.  yaim,  pern,  are  detached  altogether  from  the 
demonstrative  to  which  they  belonged^  and  enlisted  among  the 
personal  pronouns.  The  sing,  he,  ^aly  plur.  pa,  ho,  retain  their 
position  as  demonstratives^  so  that  in  combination  with  prepo- 
sitions they  are  used  to  supply  aU  cases,  e.  g.  of\fO,  of\a  (eorum), 
to  \o,  io\a  (iis).  When  used  as  the  definite  article  this  pronoun 
in  Old  English  simply  sounds  \e^  and  this  \e  is  undeclinable. 
Though  we  find  occasionally  inflexional  forms  of  this  ^e^  as  for 
instance  the  accus.  \en,  the  total  absence  of  all  consciousness  of 
its  inflexional  value  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  this  accusative 
form  is  used  for  the  nominative  case.  The  instrumental  \e  finds 
its  place  before  comparatives. 

The  Middle  English  preserves  the  Old  English  forms,  so  that 
tiei  and  them  are  personal  pronouns ;  the  sing,  that  and  the  plur. 
tho  remain  demonstrative;  the  undeclinable  article  is  the,  and 
the  instrumental  the  keeps  its  position  before  comparatives. 

The  same  relation  we  find  in  New  English :  they  and  them  are 
personal  pronouns,  that  and  thoBe  remain  demonstrative,  the 
latter  being  derived  from  tho  by  the  addition  of  the  plural  «  and 
final  e  to  indicate  the  length  of  the  radical  vowel.  The  unde- 
clinable article  is  the,  and  the  instrumental  the  continues  to  be 
used  before  comparatives,  as  *  the  sooner  ihe  better.' 

»  Koch,  i.  p.  475. 


204 


TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 


Second  Demonstrative  (hic)< 
Masculine, 


SINGULAR. 


I. 
A.& 

a. 
Old  Baxod. 

3. 
Old  FrisUm. 

A 

Old  None. 

5- 
0«  a*  Gnvni* 

Nom.    ]ie-f 
G«n.      yiHM 
Dat       \uum 
Accus.  \i»ne 

thMOB 

thetumu 
thesan 

thii,  the$ 
thiua 

Jwwtim 

dium 
d€$emu 

rfliOtt 

Nom. 

\>as 

thesa 

Gen. 

^issa 

thesaro 

Dat. 

\fi8wn 

thissun 

Accus. 

\ku 

theaa 

PLURAL. 

thiste,  theste 
thesaera 
thiue^  theise 
thitse 

Feminine. 

SINGULAR. 


]te8air 

^eaaara 

pe89um 


dia  (deal) 
deaen>  {diro) 
detim 
deBUdMBi) 


Nom.  ^e6-8 

Gen.  ^isie 

Dat.  \nt9e 

ACCUB.  ))CU 


Nom.  Voj 

Gen.  pista 

Dat.  pisum 

Accus.  pat 


thesu  (thiu$)    tfUu-9 
thS$ara  thUse 


thesaru 
thesa 


thetfa 
thesaro 
thissun 
thesa 


Nom. 

Gen. 

Dat. 

Accus. 
Inst. 


pises 
pisuin 
Pis 
peos 


Nom.  pas 

Gen.  pissa 

Dat.  pisum 

Accus.  )^as 


thit 

thesas 

ihesumu 

thit 

thius 


thius 
thesaro 
thesun 
thius 


thisse 
thisse 

PLURAL. 

thisse 
thessera 
thisse 
thisse 

Neuter. 

SINGULAR. 

thi't 
thissts 
tkissa 
thit 


PLURAL. 

thisse 
thessera 
thisse 
thisse 


pes'ti 

pessarar  (pesiar) 
peasari  (petti) 
petta 


\>estar 
petsara 
pestum 
petsar 


di-tu  {dir§iu) 
detera 
determ 
dita 


dite  (d^^) 
desero  {ditro) 
de»em 
detd  {dite) 


pet'ta 
Pessa 
pessu 
petta 


pessi 
pessara 
pessum 
pessi 


di-s  {di'tzi) 
ditaet 
destmu 
diz  (dutzS) 
de^u 


ditiu 
desero 
desem 
disiu 


The  demonstrative  in  Gothic  receives  emphatic  force  by  add- 
ing to  the  simple  pronouns  aa,  so,  hata,  the  suffix  uA,  which 
drops  its  vowel  afber  monosyllabic  forms  or  such  as  end  in  a 
long  vowel ;  which  however  retains  its  u  and  absorbs  the  preceding 


PRONOUNS. 


205 


Towel^  if  it  follows  upon  bi-fiyllabic  forms  ending  in  a  short 
Towel:  hence  Goth,  m-h  (=«a-vA),  iS-h,  }fai^h  (hie,  hffic, 
hoe)^  gen.  yiz-4iA,  ^fizSz-uh,  ^iz-^A,  &o.  In  the  other  dialects 
this  demonstrative  is  formed  oat  of  two  distinct  bases^  tya,  the 
extension  of  the  demonstrative  root  ta^  and  its  relative  base  &ya, 
so  that  tya-^a  would  answer  to  O.  H.  Germ,  di^er,  di-su,  di-z, 
A.  S.  yes,  }fe6s,yi-s,  O.  N.  yessi,  yetta.  In  O.  N.  ^e-t,  the  t  is 
organic  for  O.  H.  Germ,  z  in  di-z ;  the  O.  H.  Germ,  d  organic 
for  the  low  Germ.  lA,  The  A.  S.  gen.  sing.  fem.  and  gen.  plur. 
yUse  and  hissa  are  inorganic  forms  standing  for  ^Mre,  ^ura  (r 
assimilatedf  to  the  preceding  9).  The  weak  forms  ]>essi,  ^essa,  in 
Old  Norse  nom.  and  gen.  sing,  are  unexpected,  as  are  also  the 
terminations  -arar,  -^ri,  »ara^  for  ^rar^  -ri,  -m.  This  demon- 
strative assumes  in  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  dialects  th& 
following  forms : — 


M.  H.  (ierm. 

N*.  S«  Oonn. 

O.Eng. 

ir.Eng. 

Middle  Dutch. 

Masc    Fem. 

Neot. 

MaBc. 

Fem. 

Neat. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Nent. 

.  disen 

^di§e 
.  dirre 


disc 


disiu  I  dU  V  diier^  I  di$e^ 
dirre  dite$  I  discs  diser 
dirre  disemal  dUem  diser 
diss    I  du      II  disen  \  dtse 


dim  I  duiu 
dirre  dirre 
disen  disen 
diss      disiu 


dtses^ 
dtses 
disem 
dtses 


>M,  >ef 


thU 


dese 

de«es 

desen 

desen 

V 


dese 
dure 
desre 
dese 


dUidiUi 
deses 
desen 
dU 


dise 
diser 
disen 
dise 


yise,  ^ese 


these 


*  • 


dese 
desre 
desen 
dese 


New  Dutch. 


Masc. 


Fem. 


Neut. 


Swedish, 


Masc. 


Fem. 


Neut. 


Danish. 


Masc. 


Fem. 


Si  NO. 

Nom  deze 

Gen.  dezes 

Dat.  dezen 

Ace  dezen 


Plur. 

Nom. 

deze 

Gen. 

dezer 

Dat. 

dezen 

Ace. 

deze 

desse 

dessa 

desse 

desses 

desses 

dessa 

dessa 

dessa 

dessa 

dessa 

desse 

disse 
dieses 
disse 
disse 


Neat. 


deze 

dit 

denna 

denna 

deOa 

denne 

denne 

dezer 

dezes 

dennas 

dennw 

deltas 

dennes 

dennes 

dezer 

dezen 

denna 

derma 

deUa 

denne 

denne 

deze 

dU 

denna 

denna 

detta 

denne 

denne 

deUe 
dettes 
detU 
deUe 


'  Common  spelling,  dieser,  diese,  8cc. 


206 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Concerning  the  Oerman  and  Dutch  pronouns  which  are  regu* 
larly  derived  from  Old  High  Oerman  and  Middle  Dutch  we 
have  no  special  remarks  to  make.  The  Swedish  and  Danish 
pronouns  however  in  the  singular  of  the  masculine  and  feminine 
are  inorganic  forms,  probably  derived  from  the  simple  pronoun 
deuy  whilst  the  neuter  delta,  dette,  may  be  traced  to  the  O.  N. 
}fetta,  or  also  to  the  simple  pronoun  det.  The  plural  is  regularly 
formed  after  the  O.  N.  \es9i. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  demonstrative  is  in  Old  English  already 
stripped  of  all  inflexions,  and  the  only  remains  of  the  old  declen- 
sion are  the  singular  forms  yU,  and  the  plural  be«,  \ise,  pese, 
which  in  Middle  English  are  sing.  tAis^  plur.  tkue,  tAese^  thes, 
theiae.  The  genitive  singular  occurring  m  Wydiffe  is  remark- 
able :  yiiis  fader,  pater  ejus  ;  N.  Engl.  ihU,  plur.  theie. 


Third  Demonstrativb  (ille). 

This  demonstrative  is  represented  only  in  Oothic,  High  Grer- 
man,  and  Old  Norse,  while  the  Saxon  and  the  Frisian  dialects 
are  deprived  of  it.  In  Gothic  and  Old  High  German  this  pro- 
noun is  declined  after  the  strong  adjective  declension,  in  Old 
Norse  it  follows  the  declension  of  the  numeral  einn,  ein^  eitt ; 
hence  Goth,  jains,  jain-a,  jain  ata,  O.  H.  Grerm.  getirSr,  gen-u, 
gen-a^,  M.  H.  Germ,  jener,  Jeniu,  jene^y  N.  H.  Grerm.  Jener,  Jene, 
Jenea,  Dutch  gene  (commonly  weak  declension  de  gene) ;  from  it 
we  have  the  Anglo-Saxon  adverb  geond  (illic,  illuc),  whence  the 
Engl,  yony  yand,  yonder.     The  Old  Norse  forms  are  : — 


Singular. 

Plural. 

Masc.          Fern.          Neut. 

Masc. 

Fern. 

Neut 

Nom.  in-n  (  =  iri-r)    in           it-t  {in  « it) 

Nom.  in-ir 

in-fxr. 

in 

Gren.  wi-«,                  in-nar,    ins. 

Gen.  in-na. 

in-na, 

inna 

&c.                    &c. 

&c. 

&c. 

Instead  of  inn,  in,  illy  we  also  meet  enn,  en,  ell,  and  in  later 
documents  always  hlnny  hin,  hilL  From  this  pronoun  are  derived 
the  Swed.  and  Dan.  hin,  hin,  hinl,  plur.  hine,  which  are  used  in 
the  nominative  only.  When  employed  as  pronominal  adjectives, 
they  take^  like  other  demonstratives,  the  genitive  sign  s.  It  is 
very  peculiar  that  the  modern  Scandinavian  dialects  here  reject 
the  Old  Norse  gemination  (hill)  which  in  other  words  they 
commonly  adopt,  and  render  the  neuter  in  its  primitive  form 
{hin-l). 


PRONOUNS.  207 

^ke  Suffixed  ArtieU  in  tie  Scandiaauian  Lai^uagei. 
Tiiia  Old  Noree  proDoan  ib  of  more  than  commoD  intereet, 
iecaOBe  it  has  first  been  osed  as  the  suffixed  article,  which  is  a 
dtancteriBtic  feature  of  the  ScandtnaviaD  laD^Ma^es  up  to  the 
pnent  day.  The  prononn  inn,  in,  ill,  in  its  functton  as  article 
nar  |>ra(»de  the  noun  or  folJon'  after  it — form  an  appenda^  or 
aiffiz  to  it.  In  the  latter  case  both  the  noun  and  jtronoun  are 
fcdnied,  and  the  t  or  «  of  the  aoffixed  pronoun  ia  incapable  of 
tumag  TJmlaat.  In  this  combinatioD  the  following  rules  are 
iaejtA:  (i)  the  deoloinott  of  the  noun  remains  unaltered,  except 
flwt  in  tiw  dative  plonl  •km  with  -inum  becomes  -wmum  (not  -um- 
inHs) ;  (a)  the  ladical  vowel  of  the  pronoun  is  always  absorbed 
\ij  the  final  vowel  of  the  noun,  but  it  remains  where  the  noun 
ends  in  a  conaonant,  except  nom.  plur.  masc,  and  uom.  and 
■ocas.  plnr.  fem.,  where  the  pronominal  vowel  is  also  dropped, 
tt  dagarnir  for  dagaMnir,  giqfamar  for  gia/ar-inar.  We  subjoin 
ntae  examples  for  the  sake  of  illustrating  pur  remarks. 


WithatAtAnidt. 

WitkthtArt 

ittt 

SlKB. 

Plus. 

8rno. 

Pi 

Kom. 

fia- 

flu- 

Non>. 

Mit 

jet 

On. 

S«i-M 

f«t^ 

Geo. 

f<u,.i«. 

/" 

DiL 

fia^ 

/K-«m 

Dot. 

Ui-"" 

fiit 

iacM 

/«*- 

> 

Accut 

fuUit 

fit 

WlOeatlitJilieU. 

WiAlhtAHidt 

BlNO. 

Plvk. 

SlNO. 

ia-f 

4an-or 

Nom.     hani-^n           K- 

ia^ 

iU.-<i 

Gen.       iawi-ni            h, 

i<m-a 

ite-m 

Dat.       hana-nun       hi 

L   A<M-a 

kan-a 

Accus.   Aano-M*          lu 

Strong  Deolension. 
Theme',  ffiafa  (gift). 


WOumtaeArticU. 

Wilk  the  ArHeU. 

BlNO. 

ffUf- 

Pldr. 
fftaf-ar 

Nam. 
Gen. 
Dat. 
Accni 

Si  NO.               Plvb. 

Is   the  same   manner  the   modem  Scandinavian   languages 
nffix  the  definite  article  to  its  respective  noun,  Swedish  and 


( 


7M  TErrOJir  ^RAMMAE^ 


T^vboAl  'gm  &r  dbe  iii  iiirnrrnf  and  (tHwinuir  eeadkr,  cf  ftr  the 
nmscr;  p&xzal  SweiL  «tf  or  «r  fibr  am,  4ar  Doi.  ar  'fior  erne), 
Tbe  i^iKiiCETes  are  <«»#,  ft»j  mu^  mg» ;  JL  ucIkk  cbbbk  aie  like  the 
■AfnxiifldTea.     m  s»  otT  enime  t&ifr  O.X.  hm^  m;  «f  tbe  O.N.  ii. 

A  fiew  csEampbes  max  szfiee : — 


3(.  D.  IL  hmmm^».m^  jam  iin^ 


X.  D.  ^  4«r>i^  cfaft  caMUt 


y .  D.  A.  4c?v 

Gen.  ^tHBrwama.  iii\ 


y.  D.  A.  /bsa^-fit.  tke  kxBi^ 


N.  D.  A.  kimeri-^i,  the 


Asotber  demonstrative  which  we  have  abeadT  noticed  is  the 
hase  ki,  occnrring  in  the  Latin  hie  and  in  several  Teatonic  forms. 
Most  of  the  Low  German  dialects  have  osed  this  base  to  make 
up  the  whole  (Anglo-Saxon)  or  part  (Old  Saxon^  Old  Frisian)  of 
their  pronominal  cas^.-s  of  the  3rd  person,  while  Gothic  and  Old 
High  German  show  merely  a  few  cases  formed  of  this  base^  and 
these  even  are  used  merelv  with  reference  to  tiwu :  as  dat.  masc. 
and  neut.  himma,  e.  g.  himma  daga,  (on)  this  dav,  to-day;  /ram 
htmma  ^nu),  from  now^  henceforth;  accos.  masc.  kima^  e.g.  Mmd 
hina  dag,  unto  this  day ;  accus.  neut.  klta^  e.  g.  und  kita  (mm), 
until  now.  Old  High  German  has  besides  a  mutilated  form  of  the 
accusative  in  hUnaht^  from  hia  naht,  this  night,  to-night  (whence 
the  M.  H.  Germ.  hinU^  N.  H.  Germ,  keunt,  to-night),  preserved 
only  the  instrumental  hiu  in  the  following  adverbial  compounds : 
hiu-tu  or  hiu'toy  from  hiu  taguy  this  day,  to-day;  whence  the 
M.  H.  Germ.  Mute,  N.  H.  Germ,  heute,  to-day;  hiu-ru  or  kiu-ro, 
from  hiu  jaru,  this  year ;  whence  the  M.  H.  Germ,  hiure^  N.  H. 
Germ,  heuer — forms  which  are  partly  preserved  in  the  Saxon 
dialects  too,  as  A.  S.  heoddg,  this  day,  to-day,  O.  S.  kiu-du^  &c. 

The  Goth,  aama^  fem.  samS,  neut.  samo^  theme  9aman  (ipse,  6 


PRONOUNS.  209 

o&rcfs),  follows  the  weak  declension ;  so  does  the  Old  High  Grer- 
man  samo,  fern,  samay  neut.  sama,  which  rarely  occurs  (hence 
N.H.Grerm.  samt,  together,  zu-^ammen,  kc.),  and  the  O.  N.  sami, 
fern,  sama,  neut.  sama  j  the  latter  however  may  also  be  inflected 
after  the  strong  declension  satn-r,  aotiy  sunt  (hence  Sw.  aamma, 
Dan.  samme,  gen.  sammes,  the  same).  The  Anglo-Saxon  dialect 
does  not  possess  this  word,  except  as  an  adverb  same,  together 
(whence  the  Engl,  same),  and  its  place  as  a  pronoun  is  supplied 
by  yloa,  fern,  and  neut.  ylcCy  which  occurs  in  combination  with 
the  demonstrative  se^  sed,  bat,  as  se  ylca,  "pat  yhe  (the  same). 
Compounds  of  this  are  \^lic  (such)  and  fwilc  (such),  only  the 
latter  being  preserved  in  English,  for  it  is  from  this  pronoun 
that  we  have  the  O.  Engl.  swUky  M.  Engl.  sioicAe,  8ucAe,  N.  Engl. 
sucA. 

The  Goth,  silbuj  fern,  and  neut.  $ilbo,  theme  Mban  (ipse,  avrds:), 
goes  after  the  weak  declension ;  the  Old  High  German  may  be 
strong  or  weak,  selper,  aelpiu,  ^^^^|)  and  aelpo^  aelpa,  selpa  ;  in 
Old  Saxon  the  weak  form  selboy  selda^  8etda,  is  more  common 
than  the  strong  self,  while,  vice  versa,  in  Anglo-Saxon  the 
strong'  self  is  more  frequent  than  the  weak  se^a ;  Old  Norse 
may  be  strong,  sialf-^,  sialf,  sialf-t,  or  weak,  sialfi^  sialfa,  sialfa. 
From  these  are  derived  the  M.  H.  G^rm.  selp,  gen.  selbes  (ipse) 
and  the  N.  H.  Germ,  der  seU)e,  which  go  after  the  weak  declen- 
sion and  the  undeclinable  selbst,  the  O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl,  silf, 
silue^  seluey  selfy  N.  Engl,  self,  Sw.  sjelfva,  sjelf. 


INTERROGATIVE  PRONOUNS. 

There  are  difierent  interrogative  pronouns  for  the  different 
questions  (i)  quis?  {2)  uter  ?  {3)  quis  eorum  ?  (4)  qtuzlis?  or, 
to  express  (i)  a  question  aft;er  a  person  or  thing  in  general;  (2) 
aft^er  one  out  of  two  persons  or  things ;  (3)  after  one  out  of 
several  or  many  persons  or  things ;  (4)  after  the  kind  or  quality 
of  a  person  or  thing. 


210 


TEUTON IC  GRAMMAR. 


TABLE  OF  INTERROGATIVB  PBONOUNS. 

I.  quit?  (Sansk.  lot.) 

L  Old  Tentoidc. 
snrorLAX. 


Gothic 


MSK. 


Nom.  Anzf 

Gen.  Art! 

Dftt.  hvamma 

Accus.  Avana 
Intr. 


Fen. 


hv6 

^kvai 
hv6 


Nest. 


hva 

hvU 

hvamma 

hva 

kvi 


A2ig.-Saz. 

1     Old  Sajum. 

Mbk. 

Nent. 

MaM. 

Kent. 

kva 
kv&i 
kvam 
kvone 

m   m 

kvSl 

kvS8 

kvam 

kvdt 

kvP 

Ave 
AmA 

Aaim» 

■■ 

•2*S*«t'4e*< 

OldFrisiaiL 

0.  H.  Oerm. 

Old  Norse. 

MaBc. 

Nent. 

Masc 

Neat. 

ICmc 

Keot. 

Nom.    hwa 
Gen.     hwammet 
Dat.      A  10am 
Accua.  hwane,  kwtne 
Intr. 

hwamm/n 

hwam 

kwet 

•  • 

Aiae-r 
kwgs 
kwemu 
kwenan,  kwen 

•  • 

rifri 

kvanr 
kveu 
kveim 

•  • 

kvai 
kveu 
k^ 
kvai 

•  • 

PLURAL  cUeti. 


ii.  Middle  and  New  Teutonic. 


SINGULAR. 


M.  H.  Gterm. 


MaMc. 


Ncut. 


Nom.  Iter 

Cion.  ir«» 

Oat.  wem 

Actus.  wfH 

Intr.  •• 


v«5 
ires 

wtm 


«>i5 
wiu 


N.  H.  Gterm. 

Old  English. 

N.£ngl. 

Masc. 

Neut. 

Masc. 

Nout. 

Masc 

Neut. 

wer 

tcfsten 

wem 

•  • 

woe 

weaaen 

wem 

loas 

•  • 

wha,  who 
whos,  woe 
wham, 

whom  (to) 
wham,  whom 

m  m 

whcU,  wot 

•  m 

•  m 

what 

•• 

who 
whoee 
fsAom 
{to) 

whom 

wkat 

•  m 

•  • 

what 

m  m 

Middle  Dutoh. 


MiMir 


Nom,  H'lV 

Cion.  tcirs 

lUt.  H'ifH 

Acvua.  in'rH 


Nout. 


w*U 


New  Dutch. 

Swedish. 

Danish. 

MajK\ 

i 

Fern.    Nout 

Masc. 

Neut. 

Masc. 

Neut. 

iriV 
•riVn 

iriV 
wier 

1 

Wtit 

wieM 

wirn 

ton/ 

(A<)^  hrem 
{hi'arf)hrfmt 
hvan 
kvem 

hrad 

.  • 

knad 

{hroShrem 
(Arw^Aimu 
1  Ar«m 
'  kvem 

hvad 

m  • 

AlW 

PRONOUNS.  211 

Hole, — ^The  New  High  (Jennan  genitive  toessen  is  an  inorganic 

•^tension  of  the  old  toes. 
^  Old  English  the  dative  and  accusative  become  identical^ 

•*^4  the  former  therefore  adopts  the  dative  sign  to. 
.The  New  Dutch  fem.  form  loie,  wier,  is  a  very  remarkable 
^1^  of  grammatical  vitality  in  a  modern  language,  this  form 
^*ii^  altogether  wanting  in  Middle  Dutch.  The  gen.  wiens 
•**o  for  the  Middle  Dutch  wiea  is  an  inorganic  form  developed 
^  of  the  accus.  wien  with  the  genitive  sign  s, 
^be  Swedish  and  Danish  dialects  have  rejected  the  organic 
^^  of  the  nom.  gen.  sing,  masc,  and  instead  of  these  have 
^^ted  the  accus.  hvem  as  nominative,  and  out  of  this  formed 
^genitive  by  the  case-sign  *. 

%.  Titer? 

0    ^^^^i^  there  occurs  only  the  nom.  masc.  and  neut.  hvd}far  ; 
^\  -S.  Germ.  hwedarSty  hwedaru^  hwedarax,  is  declined  like  an 
Ij^^ctive,  as  well  as  the  O.  S.  hue^ar,  A.  §.  hvd^er.     Old  Norse 
/^   nom.  hvar-^^  hvclr,  Avar-t,  gen.  Avars,  Avdr-^rar,  Avars,  &c. 
ji^'ter  on  we  find  the  form  Avorr,  Avart,  for  the  same  pronoun* 
j|/^^  Grerman  and  English  weder^  wetAer,  are  used  only  as  con- 
actions,  and  of  course  undeclinable. 


3.  Quis  eorum  ?  (who  out  of  many  ?) 

The  Gk)th.  Avarjis,  Avarjata^  is  declined  as  an  adjective.     No 

^^her  dialect  possesses  the  same  word  except  Old  Norse,  where  it 

^tiows  the  forms,  nom.  Aver-r,  Aver,  Aver-t,  gen.  Avers ^  Averrar, 

^vers,  &c.,  &c.     It  appears  that  from  this  gen.  Avers  is  derived 

^lie  obsolete  Sw.  gen,  Avars, 

4.  Qualis? 

Gk)th.  Aveleiks,  Aveleiia,  AvSlaikata  ;  O.  H.  Germ.  AicioHAAsr, 
AweliAAer  (weler),  fem.  -iw,  neut.  -«| ;  O.  S.  Auilic,  A.  S.  Awilc 
{Awyl€\  O.  N.  Avtlik-^,  Fris.  Awelk  (Jiweh),  M.  H.  Germ.  welcAer 
{wel,  gen.  loels,  accus.  weln^  &c.),  N.  H.  Germ.  welcAer,  M.  Dutch 
welke,  N.  Dutch  welke,  O.  Engl.  wAylc,  wAilke,  wucAy  100c A,  wicA^ 
M.  Engl.  toAicAe,  N.  Engl.  wAicA  (Scotch  wAilk),  Sw.  and  Dan. 
AvUken. 

Note. — ^All  these  are  declined  as  adjectives. 

p  a 


.    f.:    Ujfdf. 


7"    -•-    -  :  -       ■    -  7    ."  "   ■  .ir'^ioj*^.  iZ':i-fr*t  or  m'.Jcrn, 

-  -T"  ' —  •  ~  ••"  :- "•  i.-'"r*":T-  "r-  -   "in.  G'»tb   .*•'.*'., 

"--::  1  r    :  £...  ^...    ?ef  the  Demoiistra- 

-  -        :  '  -•-   ^\  i  -   i^z.  .'.'r-rr  vrit.Te  ,•  -*  and  ';>'''/?, 

r«:                            *  -  -  •  -  Z^r  '  -.  : '  *'\  us^i  in  a  relative 

=.-•-  *  ■      -:  •-    -'     : -:-  •  • 'irr  ' ^  ?^  i.tiv.es  in  the  m'"Ji»ni 

7    .■    •        .".'..:_•—   -•     ■-■   :  •  — '  xz.-i'Vrr.r.^  V- the  Lat. '/'''/'V, 

i-        —                                   ■  .    Zz^i-   '" '  ''..  IV:tch  icr^ke,  iff'^l'j 

f  V    L  •  .  7  -.  •  :    :j  I  nerv  partio-le,  or  :.4)  hy 

T*. -  ::.-.  -  -.-  -.  _-  .-T  :  iz  :  •  ••:•.  :t  '.r.  the  ancient  Teutonic 
-.1  -•  ■-  I'  .-..-..  -^^.^  .  ^  ,  -j^  -jei  as  a  relative  suftix 
i>z  1  -  -  7  •  .  :  -  -  -L  rr  zi  *if  ?;i.zi-r  t  r:c.  •  minal  base  as  the 
:-i:     i--;-     -    .        .7  7:  -^7  V  arr^rU'led  to  personal  ur 

-.-1-  :>-••.-  -•  -  .-i  11 ;  ::'  liir-:.  inpart*  to  these  pro- 
:"•-*-.-  ■  -  ■  -  J  /-  ----  .li.  I  wh:*:  {'K-t'/,  tu  qui. 
■      -   ■  -       •  'I-      n    .u-rsi;    .'.--»■.'",  is  qui,  he 

-  =    -  .•.:-;•      ?'r  ?:  :r-.-,uently  this  enclitic 
;.  ."                -■•              -         .   11  t--:-!:.-.-:    '•.  •'.]'•'.',  whieh  thus 

-  '      ■  .:     .  -    .     —  .  r*'-'      iui.  qua*,  qii'Hl , 

-  :-         .   >  .  i:.  1  >:  •  n  thrvu^h  all  castas 


■  ■  ««     *i  ■>  ■ 


'.'.    rj>  «i:5N;ij«peared  from  the 
.:vn:  ::<:rative  it  occurs  very 
a:.:  h.     But  the  Old  High 
•  :  :"i r: i o : e  in  the  d emonstra- 
•;"   ''"'•  "^  :".-    ■■....;.:..:■   :  rin  ••''-.  ♦/'./■,  e.ff.  /^  (//r,  1 

t/  •"     <      ".      :     •  ■  *■  •    *•    i  ''••"•  5^1  <lU.xl. 

*••••  ■'^*^  •     i:-^  .-  -^     ■      -      •:,-;  jj  j.artiole  used  in  a  rela- 


ft'""  ■.'■ 


•  ..«.' 


V\  . 


<   «'ni|t.   I*.  |(;|. 


PRONOUNS,  213 

In  the  same  manner  the  Frisian  dialect  uses  the  particles  ther 
and  the ;  the  Old  Norse,  the  particle  er,  later  on  sem  as  well, 
which  may  express  all  cases  except  the  genitive ;  e.  g.  ^pann  er, 
quern;  ^feim  er,  cui;  sa  er,  qui:  a  mere  8  also  added  to  the 
demonstrative  sa,  «?,  \ata,  may  express  relative  connexion,  e.  g. 
«ew,  qui;  su-^,  quae;  J?a2^=J?a^,  quod;  "panns,  quern;  ^^eim^^ 
cui.  This  9  is  nothing  but  the  remainder  of  the  particle  er  in 
its  more  ancient  form  es. 


INDEFINITE  PRONOUNS. 

1.  Goth,  sum-^,  sum-a,  sum-nita  {mm),  answers  to  the  Greek 
indefinite  rfc,  t^;  it  may  or  may  not  be  combined  with  tlie 
particle  uh  without  altering  its  sense.  O.  H.  Germ.  sumSr^ 
sutniu,  suma^^  O.  S.  sum^  A.  S.  9ii7n,  O.  Fris.  sum,  O.  N.  sum-r, 
O.  Engl,  sum,  summe,  som,  some,  N.  Engl,  same ;  Dan.  somt,  plur. 
somme^  some  people ;  Dutch  sommige,  several.  It  goes  through- 
out after  the  strong  declension  of  the  adjectives.  The  meaning 
in  the  Low  German  dialects  of  this  pronoun  added  to  cardinal 
numerals  is  explained  under  the  chapter  of  Numerals. 

2.  The  Goth,  man,  which  is  used  only  in  the  sense  of  *  homo,' 
acquires,  when  preceded  by  the  negation  ni,  and  sometimes  fol- 
lowed by  the  suffix  hurt,  the  negative  sense  of  ^  nemo'  ( —  ne  ho7no), 
e.  g.  ni  manna,  or  ni  mannor-hun  (nemo),  gen.  ni  mans-hun,  &c. 
The  O.  H.  Germ,  eo-man,  ie-man,  is  formed  with  the  adverbial 
accusative  io,  So,  answering  to  the  Goth,  div  from  divs  (time),  as 
div  (ever),  ni  aiv  (never) ;  eo-man  then  would  mean  ^  ever  a  man,' 
and  ni  or  ne-eoman,  'never  a  man;'  M.  H.  Germ,  iaman,  iemen; 
niaman,  niemen;  N.  H.  Germ,  je-mand  {d  inorganic,  y  inorganic 
for  i)  and  nie-mand,  ullus  and  nullus.. 

In  the  modern  Teutonic  dialects  man  is  of  frequent  use  as  an 
indefinite  pronoun  of  the  3rd  person,  in  its  sense  answering  to  the 
French  '  on'.  Thus  the  Germ,  man  sagt  (on  dit),  Sw.  man  sade 
sa  (on  I'a  dit).  (Swedish  may  use  Be  instead  of  man :  Be  sade  sd), 
Dan.  man  ialer  meget  d^rom,  on  parle  beaucoup  de  cela.  It  is 
used  only  in  the  nominative,  the  oblique  eases  being  supplied  in 
German  by  eines,  einem,  ein,  in  Swedish  and  Danish  by  I!n,  gen. 
Ens, 

3.  Gk)th.  aifis  is  not  used  as  an  indefinite  pronoun,  but  when 
the  suffix  Aim  is  added  to  it,  it  assumes  the  meaning  '  ullus,'  as 
oins^n,  fem.  ainS-hun,  neut.  ain-hun,  gen.  ainis^hun,  ainalzSs^ 
Atw,  dat.  ainumme-ku7i,  &c.  In  Old  High  German  eifier^  einiuy 
^^M$i  is  used  in  the  sense  of  'quidam';  derived  from  this  is 


214  TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 

einiger-^UHity  aliquis;  diA-ein,  doh-ein^  ullns;  nik'-eimy  noi^n, 
nullus.  So  also  O.  S.  nig-en^  neg^n^  ni-en,  nnllos;  A.  S.  an, 
ullus^  one ;  n-^dn,  nullus^  none ;  A.  S.  tenig^  ullos ;  n^-auig,  nnllas; 
O.N.  ein^Uy  uUus;  n-^ein'^,  nullus.  Compare  the  Germ,  ein, 
i-ein,  n^iuy  the  Engl.  anCy  n-one  ;  and  from  A.  S.  €mig,  the  O.E. 
and  M.  E.  ony,  any,  N.  Eng.  any.  The  Old  Norse  suffix  gi  also 
has  a  negative  force  like  the  particle  ni,  ne,  hence  O.  N.  ein^, 
nuUus^  and  in  the  same  manner  svd-gi,  ita  non;  ul/r,  wolf; 
i?^-^i,  no  wolf ;  m^,  ipsa;  m^^t^  ipsa  non.  With  verbs  Old 
Norse  used  the  suffix  -a,  -at,  or  -t,  as  sial-a,  he  shall  not; 
verSr-ai  (Germ,  er  wird  nicht),  em-k-at  for  ek  am  a^,  I  am  not, 

4.  The  Old  High  German  as  well  as  Low  German  wihi  (thing, 
res),  with  the  prefix  So,  is  used  in  the  sense  of  *  aliquid/  StMciki 
(quelquechose,  something),  and  with  the  negation  nSiwiht,  nir 
wiht  (nothing,  nihil).  Hence  the  M.  H.  G^rm.  iht  (something), 
negative  niht,  N.  H.  Germ,  icht  (obs.)  nicht  (not),  and  mekU 
(nothing) ;  O.  S.  io-wiht  (aliquid),  nichwihi  (nihil) ;  A.  S.  d^JU 
(aliquid),  n-d-wiht  (nihil).  Hence  the  Anglo-Saxon  vocalized 
forms  auhty  nauht,  aht,  naht,  the  O.  Engl,  ouht,  nouAt,  o^t,  no^t^ 
M.  Engl,  ought,  nought,  ow^t,  nou^t,  N.  Engl,  aught,  naught. 

Many  indefinite  pronouns  are  compounds  of  pronouns  (chiefly 
the  interrogatives)  with  particles  or  other  words.  Thus  we  have 
with  the  Goth,  leik,  O.  H.  Germ,  lih,  A.  S.  He  (original  meaning 
' flesh ,^  ^body';  hence  'stature',  'form',  shape'  &c.)  the  com- 
pounds, Goth,  sva-leiks,  O.  H.  Germ,  sulih^  solih,  A.S.  \^-lic  and 
%ioilc  {  =  swi-li<!,  s^ca-lU\  and  O.N.  ydlikr,  s-likr  {=:svd-Hkr)^ 
Compare  Germ,  solch-er,  -^,  -e%,  O.  Engl,  swilk,  such,  M.  Engl. 
siviche,  suche,  N.  Engl,  such  (Scotch  sic,  sicken^  &c.).  All  other 
compounds,  ancient  and  modern,  find  their  explanation  in  the 
respective  dictionaries. 


NUMERALS. 


CARDINALS, 


I'AtLK  OP  CARDINAL  NUMEBALS  IN  THE  COGNATE  LANGUAGES. 


^ 

I. 
Primithre. 

a. 
8«iBkrit 

3- 
Greek. 

4. 
Latin. 

5. 
Gothic. 

1 

ai-na- 

^o- 

its,  hf,  t  /da 

tt-tio,  Old  oi-no- 

aina 

2 

dmor,  dwor 

(fra- 

H^o- 

duo 

tva- 

Z 

trU 

iri- 

rpi-  (rpus, 
rpla) 

tri- 

thri- 

1 

htOwtr- 

chatvar,  cktUur 

rrrrap-,  Tt tf"- 
<rafHCf 

qucUuor- 

fidvor- 

6 

fawihiH 

pdnckan 

quinqwt 

fimf 

6 

ktvakt 

skath 

»fX 

aaiht 

7 

tapkut- 

adptan^ 

hrrd 

tseptem 

Hbun 

8 

aktu 

euhfofi^ 

hitrA 

octo 

dhiau 

9 

NOIUM- 

ndfHM' 

iw4a 

twvem 

niun 

10 

dakan-' 

d<Uan 

Una 

decern 

taHiun 

11 

&ca-daian 

cK-^ica 

un-decim 

ain-lif 

12 

dm&dakan 

dva-daian 

8fl^««ca 

duo-decim 

tva-lif 

14 

ehatuT'dtUan 

Scica 

quatuor-deeim 

Jidv&r'taihun 

20 

vum 

^Kom 

vigirUi 

tvai-iigjui 

40 

ehatvarUdt 

TtrrtipdKoirra 

quadraginta 

60 

ihaahfi 

i^-flKoma 

sexaginia 

saiht^igU' 

70 

sapUUi 

i^fiilKotrra 

aeiytuaginta 

nbun-tehund 

100 

kan-ta-im) 

iota 

iKar6-{y) 

centum 

hunda- 

200 

dve  iaie  {dvUa- 
tarn) 

8(aK^(rio(i) 

ducerUi 

tva-hunda 

300 

tri^i  Bolani  (tri- 

itUam) 
ehatvdri  iatani 

TptaK6irto{i) 

trecenti 

trijorhunda 

400 

rerp(uc6<rio(i) 

quadringenti 

0) 

{chatuksatam) 

500 

paiich<iiatani 
{paflchct^atam) 

w§yraK6iru}{i) 

qtdngenti 

fimf'hwnda 

1000 

daJa  iaJtani  {da- 

X«Afo(i) 

mille 

thu8un4i<»-(^'i) 

216  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


BEMARKS  ON  THE   CARDINAL  NUMERALS   IN  THE   COGNATE 

LANGUAGES. 

one 

There  is  in  the  different  Aryan  languages  a  great  variety  of 
stems  for  the  number  '  one/  but  all  are  formed  &om  the  root  i^ 
which  in  the  primitive  language  may  have  been  represented  by 
the  word  aUna^,  In  Sanskrit  the  word  Ska-  shows  the  prono- 
minal root  i  and  the  suffix  or  pronominal  root  kd.  The  Greek 
cly  (=lr^s),  neut.  &,  gen.  kv^Sy  fern.  /ui6x,  has  the  base  kv^  from 
the  primitive  form  san-  =sam  (comp.  Lat.  sim-plex,  sem-el^  sin- 
guli)^  contained  in  the  Sansk.  sama  (similis;  a  superlative  of  the 
demonstrative  pronominal  base  «a-).  This  view  is  corroborated 
by  the  feminine  form  fiCa  (for  ^fiCa  —  sm-yd=^9myd,  a  feminine 
base  in  yd)  which  presupposes  a  base  sormyay  as  Ij^,  a  base  io^n- 
from  one  and  the  same  root  sa.  Latin^  in  its  more  ancient  form 
oi-no^  the  later  H-no-  shows  clearly  the  primitive  form  ainna-, 
and  is^  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Sanskrit  pronominal  base  /-mo-, 
formed  from  the  pronominal  root  i  with  the  suffix  na.  The 
Teutonic  dialects  have  cultivated  a  form  which  is  identical  with 
the  Latin,  Engl,  one,  Germ,  ein,  A.  S.  an  being  represented  by 
the  Goth,  ains^  the  theme  of  which  is  Al-^a-. 

The  expression  of  the  number  ^  one'  in  the  following  Teutonic 
words  is  peculiar: — Goth.  AaiAs,  one-eyed;  Aanfs,  one-handed; 
halts  y  halt,  one-footed,  lame ;  Aalds,  half.  In  all  these  words  the 
number  *  one'  is  expressed  by  Aa,  and  this  Aa  answers  to  the 
Sansk.  I'a  in  e-ka ;  iAa,  the  second  half  of  the  word  AaiAs,  theme 
Aa-iAa,  is  the  Sansk.  asAi,  eye.  The  Latin  cacus  =  calico  is 
formed  on  the  same  principle.  In  Aanfs,  theme  Aa^ufa  we  have 
again  the  pronominal  root  Aa  and  nifay  a  transposition  of  the 
Sansk.  pdniy  hand,  {f  for  p  harmonizes  with  Grimm's  law.) 
halts,  theme  Aa-lta,  consists  of  two  roots,  the  pronominal  ha  and 
the  verbal  root  lUA,  to  go,  from  which  also  is  derived  lUAus, 
limb,  i.  e.  that  which  is  moved ;  hence  Aa-litAa,  Aalta,  Aalts, 
halt = one-limbed,  one-footed:  Aalds,  theme  Aa-lba  from  Aa  and 
leiba,  remnant,  part ;  hence  haliia,  Aalis,  half  =  one  part  of  a 
whole  that  has  been  divided. 


NUMERALS,  217 

two 

The  Sansk.  base  dva^  Gr.  h6o'^  Lat.  duo^  Groth.  tva-  all  point 

to  a  primitive  form  dua-  or  dva-.   The  Latin  prefix  bi  and  adverb 

Msy  6r.  his,  seem  to  have  arisen  from  the  same  form,  the  initial  d 

being  dropped  and  v  hardened  into  b.     The  same  prefix  we  have 

in  the  A.  S.  tvi  (Gr.  and  Lat.  d  is,  according  to  Grimm's  law^ 

in  Low  German  t,  and  in  High  German  z)  and  O.  H.  Grerm.  zui, 

e.g.  A.S.  tvi-fingeTy  two  fingers  long;    tvi-hivey  bicolor;  O.  H. 

Grerm.  zuirieine^  bipes;   zui^all,  duplex.      The  English  adverb 

twicey  O.  H.  Germ,  zuiro,  more  fully  zuiror,  O.  N.  tvis-var,  again 

contains  the  prefix  tvi  (bis,  bis)  and  var,  Sansk.  vara,  time ;  hence 

twice  :=  two  times,  &c.     (This  var  also  appears  in  the  Latin  ber  in 

8q)tem-^er,  i.  e.  the  seventh  time^  or  part,  of  the  year.) 

three 

Li  Sanskrit,  Greek,  and  Latin,  the  theme  or  base  is  tri,  in 

Groth.  tAri,0.  H.  Germ,  ^ri^the  displacement  of  the  initial  dentals 

being  in  strict  accordance  with  Grimm's  law.     It  is  considered  a 

shortened  form  of  a  more  ancient  tar-i  or  tra-i ;  the  Sanskrit  fem. 

form  is  ti-^ar-  which  Bopp  takes  for  a  reduplication^  ti-tar-, 

four 

As  the  primitive  form  is  laid  down  katvar-y  which  in  Sanskrit 
is  represented  by  chatvar-,  base  chatur,  theme  of  the  feminine 
chat^Mar-.  This  word  is  strictly  formed  after  the  analogy  of 
*  three/  Sansk.  fem.  theme  ti-^ar-,  and  cAa=iay  one  (comp.  e-ia 
above),  hence  cAa-tasar  =1-^3,  The  Gr.  rdrTap-,  Haaap-,  stand 
for  ^T€TFap-,  KirFap-,  Dor.  T^rop^,  ^rirFop,  Boeot.  irdTTap-,  Hom. 
and  -^ol.  ntfTvp-,  where  we  find  r  or  w  in  the  place  of  the  pri- 
mitive K.  In  the  Lat.  quatuoT,  the  q  stands  for  the  primitive  k, 
and  the  t^  (=«?)  is  a  favourite  sound  in  Latin  after  the  tenuis  k, 
just  as  in  Gothic  the  aspirate  h  at  the  beginning  of  a  word. 
(Comp.  Gr.  rfc,  Lat.  miid,  Goth,  hvas.)  The  Gothic  Jidur  (with 
f=ip:=^k)  is  the  simple  theme  o(  fidvor,  analogous  to  the  Sansk. 
ciatur  for  cAatwdr-, 

five 

The  primitive  form  laid  down  by  Schleicher  as  kan-kan-  is 
evidently  a  reduplication,  where  in  Sanskrit  p  crept  in  for  the 
first  k  in  the  theme  pcmcAan"  ;  but  Bopp  derives  the  word  from 
pa-^ka  (the  n  in  the  middle  considered  a  later  addition^  and  the 


218  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

final  consonant  euphonic),  and  thus  he  gives  it  the  meaning 
'  and  one/  i.  e.  one  in  addition  to  the  preceding  number  four. 
Gt.  TtivT€  puts  first  TT  for  K,  and  next  r  for  k  (both  dislocations 
occur  under  4),  Mo\.  Tr^/iire ;  while  the  Lat.  quinque  preserves 
the  primitive  k  sound,  and  the  OroHh.  fintf=fimfi  (from  a  primi- 
tive kanki")  haa/^p  and/?  for  i.    (Comp.  4, 11, 12,  &c.) 


The  primitive  form  is  supposed  to  have  been  isvet^iiva^  again 
a  reduplication,  from  which  the  Sansk.  gAasA  may  be  exphdned 
by  an  intermediate  form  kshakshy  which  again  stood  for  lualu. 
6r.  ff.  Dor.  Fi(^  Lat.  sex^  presuppose  a  more  primitive  wex^ 
9ve-o^y  the  Greek  spiritus  asper  answering  here  as  elsewhere  to 
the  original  8.  Ooth.  sai-A^s  is  formed  on  the  same  principle  as 
the  Lat.  sex,  Gothic  A  being  the  representative  of  &e  Latin  i 
(see  Grimm's  law). 

seven 

The  primitive  form  was  probably,  like  the  Sansk.  base,  sapian-^ 
which  is  rendered  by  the  Gr.  kitri  (a=an),  Lat.  septem  for  septim^ 
Goth,  sibftn.  (Gr.  A  again  for  s,)  Bopp  thinks  that  the  m  in 
septem  has  crept  in  from  the  ordinal  septim-o,  an  opinion  which 
is  contradicted  by  Schleicher  upon  the  evidence  of  the  analogous 
forms  in  the  other  Aryan  languages. 

eight 

A  primitive  base  aktu  must  have  given  origin  to  the  Sansk. 
asAlaUy  ashtu^  ashtdu  (probably  from  akidv-as),  Gr.  Jkrco,  Lat. 
octoy  Goth,  ahiauy  akin.  Sanskrit,  Greek,  and  Latin,  are  appa- 
rently dual  forms.  The  primitive  form  of  the  theme  aktu  is 
quite  distinct  in  the  ordinals  octav-o,  ^oyboF-o :  the  same  base  is 
apparent  in  the  Goth,  ahtau^  theme  aAtavi-  (comp.  sunau,  loc. 
sing,  sunavi) ;  so  also  in  the  Gothic  ordinal  aACu^-da-n,  aAiu  = 
akin  (Goth.  A  =  Sansk.  ^,  Grimm's  law)  we  trace  the  primitive 
base  again. 

nine 

The  primitive  and  Sansk.  navan  appears  in  Greek  as  ivvia  for 
^  v€Fa{v),  with  the  favourite  prelude  €  introduced,  and  v  dropped ; 
Lat.  fwvem  instead  of  novim ;  Goth,  niun,  theme  niuni,  from 
^  nivani = ^navani. 


NUMERALS.  219 


ten 

Primitive  dakan^  Sanskrit  base  daSan,  Gr.  5^fca=^5^icar^  Lat. 
deeemrszdecim;  Gk)th.  taihun,  theme  liAuni,  O.H.Gerjn.  zeAan, 
(Observe  Qrinmi^s  law :  Sansk.  d,  Goth,  t,  O.  H.  Germ,  z.)  The 
Sansk.  daian,  or  rather  its  primitive  form  daian,  stands  for 
dra^kan;  dtfa^ttco,  han  for  kanhan,  pwnchan^Jive^  and  hence 
diiiauj  oar  teny  means  'two  times  five/ 

11,12 

For  these  numbers  the  primitive  language  had  distinct  words, 
as  dud  dakan  (12)^  &c. ;  so  also  in  Sansk.  Skordaian  (11),  dvd^ 
daian  (12),  Gr.  liN-Scxa^  dco-dcjca,  Lat.  un^cim  =  uni-decim,  duo^ 
decim,  Goth.  af«-^  (11),  tvarli/{19!)y  are  the  nominatives  of 
ain^lUn,  tva-Ubi.  The  bases  ain  and  tf)a  have  been  treated  on 
above ;  the  second  part  of  the  compounds,  libi,  is  derived  from 
tbe  daJean  (10)  of  the  Ursprache,  which  in  Gothic  may  first  have 
assumed  the  form  tigi,  substituting^  according  to  Grimm's  law, 
t  for  the  Sansk.  d^  and,  instead  of  proceeding  according  to  the 
same  law  from  the  Sanskrit  guttural  to  the  aspirate,  returning 
into  the  media  g.  This  guttural  media  was  then  exchanged  for 
the  labial  media  b,  an  occurrence  which  is  not  without  a  parallel 
in  other  words.  The  further  exchange  of  the  initial  dental  for 
the  liquid  I  is  withouft  a  parallel  in  Gothic,  but  not  unknown  in 
the  cognate  languages.  The  Lat.  lacruma  is  the  same  word  as 
the  Gr.  ddicpi;,  /  taking  the  place  in  the  Latin  which  d  holds  in 
the  Greek  word.  The  replacement  of  the  rf  by  /  in  dakauj  or 
rather  its  Gothic  form  tigi,  tibi,  may  have  been  facilitated  by  the 
close  resemblance  between  this  word  and  the  Gothic  verb  leib-an^ 
to  remain,  leave,  pret.  laif,  plur.  libum ;  so  that  finally  the  two 
words  of  different  origin  become  phonetically  the  same.  Our 
eleven,  twelve,  therefore  mean  1  -f  10,  2  + 10  respectively. 

13-19 

These  numerals  are  in  Sanskrit  compounds  of  daian  and  the 
respective  unit,  as  t/rayo-dakan  (13),  chatur^aian  (14) :  the  cor- 
responding Greek  words  are  merely  joined  by  the  copulative  ica/, 
as  rp€i$-icai-5^«ca  (13),  W(r(7ap€9-Ka(-5^Ka  (14),  whilst  Latin  forms, 
like  Sanskrit,  compounds,  as  Ire^decim,  quin^decim  (15),  se-d^cim 
(16),  and  on  the  same  principle  are  formed  the  Goth.  Jidvor- 
taihun  {\^ ,  fimf-taihun  (15). 


220  TEUTONIC  ORAMMAR. 


20—90 

We  have  to  consider  the  'tens'  only;  the  intermediate  mem- 
bers^ i.e.  their  combination  with  'units'  require  no  explanation^ 
because  in  none  of  the  languages  here  considered  do  they  form 
compounds,  but  are  merely  put  together,  occasionally  joined  by 
the  copula  '  and.' 

In  the  manner  of  forming  these  numerals  the  South-Earopean 
differ  from  the  North-European  or  Slavono-Teutonic  languages : 
the  former  express  the  '  tens '  by  an  agglutination  of  the  units 
with  a  substantive  derived  from  dakan  (10)^  which,  by  means  of 
abbreviation  or  other  modifications^  has  dwindled  down  into  a 
mere  termination ;  while  the  latter  express  the  '  tens'  and 
'  units'  by  distinct  words,  which  however  may  form  compounds. 

Sanskrit  originally  expressed  the  'tens'  by  daSa-ti,  daia^ia^  of 
which  nothing  remained  but  iatiy  or  only  iiy  or  hat,  as  tfi-^aU 
(20)  for  ^dvi'daiati,  shash-ii  (60)  =:sAasA'daiatiy  paficia^iai  (50)  = 
=pancAa'mla,  In  the  Gr.  cikoo-i-  the  first  syllable  shows  the 
base  h  (one) ;  Ko-cri  is  the  primitive  dakd-ti,  or  rather^  dropping 
the  first  syllable,  /-a-^i.  The  Kov-ra  of  the  other  'tens'  is  per- 
haps derived  from  a  neuter  plural  base  kan^ta  for  daian-4a, 
Tlie  Latin  vi-ginti  presents  in  its  first  syllable  vi  the  base 
dvi  (two),  and  yi-ginti  stands  for  a  form  ^dvp-ginti  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Sansk.  vihli  for  a  ^dviiati ;  and  ghiti  stands  for 
^deginti=.^decinti,  from  a  primitive  form  dakan-ti,  so  that  the  fuU 
form  of  trig? nf-a  would  be  ^tria-decinta, 

Gothic,  our  representative  of  the  North-European  or  Slavono- 
Teutouic  tribe,  forms  the  'tens'  from  10  to  60  by  putting  two 
distinct  words  togetlier,  expressing  the  *  tens'  by  tigu,  a  base  in 
n  for  dahiy  derived  from  dakan  (10),  hence  tvai^tiggu-s  (20);  the 
'tens'  from  70  to  90  are  formed  by  dakan  with  the  suflix  tu,  in 
the  Gothic  garb  reading  tehwi-d,  e.  g.  siiun-leAund  (70). 

100 

The  genitive  base  used  to  indicate  this  number  appears  to 
be  kaitt^iy  an  abbreviation  of  dakan-dakan-ia,  a  form  which  in 
English  might  be  rendered  by  an  analogous  compound,  namely 
ieH't^^i/axi  times  ten,  in  the  same  manner  as  we  say  nine-lyz^ten 
times  nine,  and  in  Greek  and  Latin  the  compounds  would  be 
^h€KY)KovTay  ^centagbita.  The  n  of  the  primitive  kanta  is  preserved 
in  Latin  and  Gothic,  cent-ntn,  hundni ;  but  it  is  dropped  in 
Sanskrit  and  Greek,  mta,  k-KOJo  {k=h).     The  Gothic  language 


NUMERALS.  221 

has,  besides  the  word  Aunda,  a  more  modern  form  to  denote  the 
same  number,  taihunr-taihutird^  which  is  composed  exactly  on 
the  principle  of  the  dakan-dakanr-tay  ten  times  ten  (compare  stiunr- 
iehundy  seventy). 

200—900 

The  primitive  language  undoubtedly  applied  two  words  to 
express  the  foregoing  figures;  Sanskrit  also  uses  two  distinct 
words,  or  contracts  them  into  one,  e.  g.  dve-iate  or  dMaia  (200), 
ktta  being  of  course  the  base  kanta  again.  The  Oreek  forms  are 
«aro,  KOTO,  with  the  derivative  suffix  if  a — Kario,  kotio,  later  form 
K6au} ;  compare  rpia-itaTto-,  a  Doric  form,  and  the  Attic  Tpia-it6<rio-. 
The  Latin  base  cenlo  is  used  as  an  adjective  in  the  plural,  tre-^enti 
(800)  for  trecento,  quiti'-genti  for  quin^cento  (700),  where  the  c 
after  n  is  softened  into  the  media  g ;  and  in  the  same  manner 
septin-^enii,  where  the  septin  answers  exactly  to  the  primitive 
sapian,  (See  above,  sub  70  Gothic  never  forms  compounds  by 
agglutination,  like  Oreek  and  Latin,  but  it  simply  puts  the  two 
words  together,  e.g.  tva-hunda  (i^OO). 


1000 

A  word  for  this  number  does  not  seem  to  have  existed  in  the 
primitive  language.  The  Sanskrit  sahasra,  Gr.  x^^^i.  ^x^^*^* 
(leading  to  a  primitive  ^x^^*o=gharya),  the  Latin  mili",  tnilli^^ 
are  all  of  an  obscure  origin.  The  Gothic  word  is  thusundja 
(thousand),  in  which  Schleicher  finds  the  number  ^ten  times  hun- 
dred' expressed,  namely,  daka  (10)  in  the  initial  syllable  thu 
{=lu),  iantya^  kanti  (100)  in  the  form  sundi,  sundja;  and  this 
would  yield  as  the  result  daka-kant-t  (10  x  100). 


222 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


TABLE  OF  CARDINALS  IN  THE  OLD  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 


Masculine. 

No. 

I. 
Gothic. 

1. 
Anglo-Saxon. 

3- 
Old  Saxon. 

4. 
Old  Frisian. 

5* 
O.None. 

6. 
O.H.Gem. 

1 

aifw 

an 

in 

Sn 

[ein^] 

cm 

2 

tvai 

tvtgen 

tuina 

tio$n€ 

tveir 

2W€n€ 

S 

tJ>r<M 

yri 

thria 

thri 

yrir 

dri 

4 

fidvdr 

ftdvtr 

fiwar 

Jiwer 

fiorir 

vior 

0 

Mf 

fif 

M 

fif 

fimm 

fimf 

6 

taiht 

six 

sehM 

sex 

sex 

sOs 

7 

tihwfi 

seofon 

sSbvm 

sigun 

siau 

sibun 

8 

ahtd% 

aJUa 

aktd 

eti^ta 

atta 

ahtS 

9 

nian 

nigon 

nigun 

nigun 

nSu 

niitn 

10 

taikun 

tin 

tehan 

tian 

tin 

gikan 

11 

am4{f 

end4eofan  and 
chlrfan 

^mif 

and4ova,t^ 
leva 

sUifu 

em-lij 

12 

tra-Hf 

tW€lf 

tue4if 

twUif 

taf 

rwe-lif 

18 

^prij<i-4a%hun 

pred-teonit^) 

; 

•  • 

^ihrHins 

prettian 

dn<eka» 

14 

fidvdr-taihun 

fedver-teon 

•  a 

Jiuwer^ne 

ficT4ian 

fior-agh» 

15 

fin\f-taihun 

fif-teon 

m  • 

fif-tine 

Jimrtian 

finf<ikB» 

16 

^taiks-taihnn 

six-tton 

m    m 

sex^ine 

sextan 

sihs-siha^ 

17 

^nbun-taihun 

seofen-leon 

•  • 

siugun-tine 

siaurtian 

sibun-ah^* 

18 

^ahUiw4aihun 

eaht-teon 

•  • 

aehtortime 

attian 

akt&^ha!^ 

19 

fniun-taihun 

nigon-Uon 

m  m 

niugen^init 

nitian 

niun<ih^* 

20 

tvni  tigjus 

ttren-tig 

tuenrtig 

twint-ich 

tut-tUffU 

zwein-zVr^ 

80 

preis  tigjus 

]>ri-tig 

thri-Hg 

tkri'tieh 

\)riartigi 

dri-zug 

40 

fidror  tigjus 

feorer^ig 

fitcar-tig 

fiuwer-tieh 

fior^tu 

fior-zug 

£0 

fimf  tigjus 

fif-tig 

fif-tech 

fif-tedi 

fimm-tiu 

fi^f-^ 

60 

saihs  tigjus 

six-tig 

sehs-tig 

sex-tich 

stxriiu 

sehit'Zng 

70 

sibun-tehund 

seofen-tig 

ant-sibunrta 

siugun-tich 

si6-tigi 

sibun<i 

80 

ahtau-tehund 

eaht-tig 

ant-nhtd-da 

etehtcm-tieh 

aUa-tigi 

akto-U 

90 

niun-tehund 

nigon-tig 

^ant-nigun-da  t 

nigonrtich 

ntu-iigir 

mun-zd 

100 

taihun-tihund 

tean-tig 

hund 

hundred 

hundrad 

sihan-s6 

TABLE  OF  CARDINALS  IN  THE  MIDDLE  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 


No. 

Old  and  Middle 

EngUsh. 

MLiddle  High  German. 

1 

aw,  on,  oon 

ein(er),  (f.  einiu^  n.  einet) 

2 

twey  ttcij  twein. 

twe. 

two 

zwine  (f.  zevd,  zweS) 

8 

|>re,  tkrte 

dn  {dri,  dnu) 

4 

four 

vier{e^  (rierc,  vieriu) 

5 

five 

vunf  (rtinve,  vunviu) 

6 

sixe 

schs 

7 

seuen 

siben  (stbeniu) 

8 

tigte^  aught 

aht  {ehU,  ahtiu) 

9 

nynt,  nye 

niun  (ntune,  niuniu) 

10 

ten 

z^hen 

11 

elUuen,  elleue 

einlif  dnUf^  einleve 

12 

twelue 

zurtlrft  zwdf  sweleve 

NUMERALS. 


223 


No. 

Old  and  Middle 

Bnglish. 

Middle  High  German. 

13 

yroUmt,  yriUene 

dri-zehen,  drizin 

14 

four-iene 

vier-zehen^  <H 

15 

Jif-tate 

mmf-zehen 

16 

tixttne 

tehszehen 

17 

setietUefM 

tibemehen 

18 

tigtetene^  eigiene^ 

auhtene 

ahizehen 

19 

nineUne 

niumehen 

20 

tuen-4i 

twein<€Ct  zweinzich. 

80 

thrirUi 

dri-zec,  -ach 

40 

i/ourti  f) 

vwrzee 

50 

fufti 

vur^fzee 

60 

•  <  • 
nxt% 

aehtzec 

70 

teuetUi 

tibemee 

80 

eigtdi 

aktzec 

90 

nietUi 

ntumtec 

100 

hundred 

zehm-uct  zehenzi^  hunt,  hunderi 

1000 

^utend 

tvUent 

TABLE  OF  CARDINAL  IN  THE  NEW  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 


German. 

English. 

Dutch. 

Swedish. 

Danish. 

an 

one 

iin 

en  (N.  ett) 

een  (eel) 

zwet 

two 

twee 

tvd 

to 

drei 

three 

drie 

tre 

tre 

vier 

four 

vier 

fyra 

fire 

fin/ 

Jioe 

vijf 

fern 

fSm 

Hchs 

nz 

ze9 

sex 

sex 

Heben 

seven 

zeven 

ma 

syv 

€Uht 

eifhi 

acht 

aatte 

neun 

ntne 

^Mgen 

nid 

ni 

zehn 

ten 

tien 

tid 

H 

df 

eleven 

tV 

dfva 

aieve 

nMf 

twelve 

twaalf 

tolf 

tolv 

dreC^ehn 

thir-tten 

der^ien 

tre4Um 

tre-tten 

vieT'tehn 

fowr-leen 

veer-tien 

fj6r4on 

^br-ten 

fun/zehn 

fifteen 

vijftien 

femton 

femten 

ieehzehn 

sixteen 

zettien 

sexton 

sejden  {sexten) 

gUbenzehn 

seventeen 

zeventien 

button 

syften 

aehtzehn 

eighteen 

achttien 

aderton 

atten 

neumehn 

nineteen 

negentien 

nitton 

nitten 

zwan-Hg 

twen-ty 

twin-tig 

tjugu  {-6  -i) 

tyve 

drei'^ 

thir-ty 

der-tiq 

tre-ttid  i-e) 

tri-dive 

vier-zig 

for-ty 

veer-ttg 

fyr-tiS  {-e) 

fyrre-tyve 

funfzig 

fifty 

vijftig 

femtid 

halvtris  (indetyve) 

Hchzig 

sixty 

zestig 

sextid 

ires  (tresindstyoe) 

tiebemig 

seventy 

seventig 

sguttid 

halvfjirs  {indstyve) 

athtasig 

eighty 

tachtig 

dttatid 

firs  Ifirsindstyve) 

neumig 

ninety 

negentig 

niUid 

halvfhns  (indstyve) 

hunderi 

hundred 

honderd 

hundrade  (hundra) 

hundrede 

1  zweihun  eri 

two  hwmlred 

tweehonderd 

tvd  hundrade 

tohundrede 

tautend 

thousand 

duixend 

tusende  {tusen) 

tusinde. 

224  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


REMARKS  ON  THE  TEUTONIC  CARDINALS. 

one 

We  find  the  primitive  base  fli«a-  for  the  number  'one'  in  all 
Teutonic  hinguages,  ancient  and  modern^  modified  of  course  in 
accordance  with  the  phonetic  character  of  each  dialect,  as  O.  H. 
Germ,  eiuy  A.  S.  dn^  Germ,  ein^  Butch  een,  O.  Engl,  ewe,  Engl. 
oncy  &c.^ 

two 

The  Goth,  tvdi  is  not  the  base  from  which  the  Anglo-Saxon 
and  Old  High  German  forms  are  derived,  but  rather  uie  distri- 
butive tveiAnai,  which  in  Old  High  German  has  dropped  the  A 
(zwene)  and  hardened  it  in  Anglo-Saxon  into  g=^twegen.  The 
Gothic  gen.  tvaddje  also  cannot  result  from  the'nom.  tvdi,  but 
requires  a  base  tvaddja,  which  Bopp  brings  into  connection  with 
the  Sanskrit  ordinal  dcitiya. 

In  the  other  Low  German  dialects,  O.  S.  tuSna^  O.  Fris.  twdne^ 
the  A  again  suffers  elision^  and  in  the  Modem  Engl,  two,  Dutch 
twee,  Dan.  to,  Swed.  tvd,  contraction  has  taken  place.  Very 
ancient  forms  are  preserved  in  the  Old  Norse  datives  tveu^mr  and 
\fri-mr  for  tvei-ms  and  yri-ms,  where  the  case-sigi^  of  the  dative 
plural  is  found  in  a  completeness  unparalleled  in  the  Teutonic 
languages.  This  numeral  is  especially  noteworthy  for  its  strict 
adhesion  to  Grimm^s  law,  according  to  which  we  have  the  media 
d  in  the  cognate  languages^  dva,  duo;  the  tenuis  t  in  the 
Low  German  dialects,  Goth,  tvai,  A.  S.  twegen,  O.  S.  tuetuty 
O.  N.  tveir ;  and  the  aspirate  z  in  the  O.  H.  Germ.  zwenS,  The 
law  continues  to  be  observed  in  the  O.  Engl,  twey  and  M.  H. 
Germ,  zwene,  even  in  the  N.  H.  Germ,  zwei  for  the  Low  German 
forms  with  t,  as  Engl,  two,  Dutch  twee,  Dan.  to,  Swed.  tvd. 
The  O.  N.  r  in  tvei-r  has  usurped  the  place  of  the  Goth.  *. 

three 

The  Goth,  yri-  (in  \rija,  ^reis)  harmonizes  with  the  ^n-  in 
the  cognate  languages  by  using  the  aspirate  tA  in  place  of  the 
tenuis,  a  submission  to  law  which  is  equally  practised  by  all  the 
Old  Low  German  dialects  (A.  S.  J>r?,  O.  N.  ^rir,  8cc.),  whilst  Old 
High  German  adopted,  as  by  law  it  was  directed,  the  media  d. 
As  to  the  modern  dialects  we  observe  that  Middle  and  New 

*  Concerning  the  radicals,  Goth,  ai,  A.S.  a.  Germ.  e»»  see  the  table  of  gradations, 
Order  i,  p.  24. 


NUMERALS.  225 

High  German  follow  the  conrse  of  their  ancient  mother  by  pre- 
serving the  media ;  but  among  the  Low  German  it  is  English 
alone  that  keeps  up  the  ancient  lawful  tk^  while  the  Dutch  and 
the  Old  Norse  dialects  yield  to  intruders,  the  former  adopting 
the  media  (probably  under  High  German  pressure),  the  latter 
hardening  tiie  aspirate  into  the  tenuis  for  the  simple  reason 
that  they  have  expelled  the  aspirate  altogether  from  their 
domain.  / 

foup/ 

The  Gothic /d^t;or  {fdur)  which  renders  fully  the  Sansk.  chat- 
vdr  (ciatur),  primitive  iat-var,  replaces  the  guttural  tenuis  by  the 
iabial  aspirate^  a  change  which  equally  occurs  in  all  the  Teutonic 
dialects^  ancient  as  well  as  modem,  with  this  modification  only, 
that  the  High  German  dialects  (and  Dutch  following  their  ex- 
Unple)  supplant  the./ by  v,  a  distinction  however  which  is  merely 
>raphical,  the  sound  of  H.  Grerm.  v  and /at  the  beginning  of  a 
9voi^  being  identical.  But  the  Gothic  /ei^ror  appears  in  a  more 
[nutilated  form  in  the  other  Teutonic  dialects,  the  d  .being 
dropped  in  all,  and  in  Old  High  German  the  10  as  well^  which 
latter  consonant  is  vocalized  in  the  modem  dialects.  This 
Dumeral  has  thus  mostly  become  monosyllabic^  as  'Engl. /our, 
Dutch  and  Germ.  vier. 

five 

In  this  numeral  all  the  Teutonic  dialects  adopt,  Uke  Gothic^ 
and  in  accordance  with  Grimm's  law^  the  labial  aspirate  /  in  the 
place  of  the  tenuis  p  which  occurs  in  the  cognate  languages,  the 
only  exception  being  Middle  High  German  and  New  Dutch,  where 
the  letter  v  is  used  to  denote  the  same  sound  as  /.  The  m  how- 
ever of  the  Goth.  Jimfy  which  stands  for  the  primitive  «,  has  been 
subject  to  divers  modifying  influences.  In  the  H.  Germ./ilnf 
we  see  the  original  n  Tutored  in  its  place.  The  Norse  dialects 
to  the  present  day  preserve  the  m  and  dismiss  the  final  y*  (hence 
O.a.^mm,  Dan,  and  Swed.Jem),  while  the  Low  German  dia- 
lects, which  never  tolerate  an  n  before  /or  "8  (see  sub  lit.  n), 
preserve  the/ and  dismiss  the  n  (m)  instead :  A.  S.^,  Engl.  Jive, 
&c.,  compart  to  Qerm./un/,  DMt.Jem. 


The  Gothic  i  in  saik-s  duly  represents  the  k  of  the  cognate 
languages,  as  Latin  sex^zsec-^.  This  guttural  k,  which  must 
not  be  confounded  with  the  sibilant  marked  by  the  same  letter. 


226  TEU TOXIC  GRAMMAR. 

is  foand  in  Old  Saxon  mocording  to  the  nde^  and  in  Old  and 
Middle  High  German  in  spite  of  it.  All  the  other  Teutonic 
dialects  have  hardened  the  kt  into  h^  et,  x,  as  A.  S.,  Engl,  su, 
Scandinavian  mx^  &c.  Exceptional  forms  are  the  Dutch  zes  and 
the  Germ.  Meeks,  the  former  having  dropped  the  guttural  alto- 
gether and  sof^ned  9  into  z,  the  latter  having  developed  the 
Old  and  Middle  German  i,  into  ck,  a  change  which  occurs  in  all 
words  which  in  Old  (xerman  ended  m  hs  or  lU. 

seven 

The  Goth.  Mun^  which  renders  the  primitive  mpian  in  m^^ 
greatly  modified  and  rather  irregular  form^  is  still  furthf r  modi— — 
fied  according  to  the  spirit  of  each  dialect.     Thus  the  Higfac.^ 
German  dialects  have  the  b  in  common  with  the  Gothic  contrary^ 
to  the  rule^  but  so  far  only  as  Gk)thic  is  here  in  the  wrong  and  3 
High  German  in  the  rights  because  the  p  of  the  cognate  Ian-  ^ 
guages  should  be  represented  in  Gothic  by  the  aspirate  {ph^f),    *- 
and  consequently  in  Old  High  German  by  the  media  b.    If^^ 
therefore  we  put  for  instance  the  A.  S.  uofon  as  the  representa- 
tive of  the  Low  German  dass^  we  find  Grimm's  law  strictly 
applied  in  the  order  P^  PH,  B.    ^e  Old  Saxon  dialect  replaces 
the  media  by  the  soft  aspirate  #=r,  a  course  which  is  followed 
in  most  of  the  modern  Teutonic  languages,  as  Engl,  seven^  Dutch 
zeven,  Dan.  s^v,  while  German  remains  faithful  to  the  H.  Germ. 
bf  lsi{e)6en :  the  e  is  an  inorganic  addition.   Peculiar  is  the  vocali- 
zation of  V  for  the  Gothic  b  in  the  O.  N.  siau  for  siav,  which 
yields  the  Swedish  sj'u,  and  the  completely  isolated  case  of  the 
O.  Fris.  »?^iin,  where  the  guttural  replaces  the  labial  media. 

eight 

The  Goth,  akldu  is  a  regular  rendering  of  the  primitive  aiiu, 
the  k  of  the  cognate  languages  being  in  Gothic  supplanted  by 
the  guttural  aspirate  ^,  and  the  i  preserved  by  the  preceding  ^, 
which  like  /,  suflTers  no  other  letter  but  the  tenuis  after  it.  In 
the  other  Teutonic  dialects,  however,  the  guttural  has  experienced 
divers  vicissitudes.  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Saxon  adopted,  like 
Gothic  and  according  to  law,  the  guttural  aspirate  k,  and  Old 
High  German  adapted  itself  here  again  to  Low  German  usage^ 
while  Old  Frisian,  in  advance  of  its  sister  dialects,  developed  the 
A  into  the  hard  guttural  cA,  a  course  which  was  followed  later 
on  by  modern  dialects,  the  German  and  Dutch  having  acAi  for 
aAt,  while  the  English  developed  out  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  A  the 


h 


^1' 


;v 


NUMERALS,  227 

combination  gh,  eight — ^for  which  Old  English  ei'^t  and  aught. 
The  O.  N.  dtta  has  assimilated  the  guttural  to  the  succeeding  t^ 
whereby  gemination  is  produced  with  the  lengthening  of  the 
preceding  vowel.  The  form  is  strictly  preserved  in  the  Dan. 
aatte  and  the  Swed.  atta. 

nine 

The  Goth,  niun  shows  the  primitive  navan  in  a  contracted 
form,  with  which  the  O.  H.  Germ,  niun  is  identical ;  and  Old 
Norse  would  be,  but  for  the  n  it  has  dropped,  niu.     From  the 
O.  H.  Germ,  and  M.  H.  G^rm.  niun  we  have  the  German  neun 
[eu  for  iu  according  to  the  rule),  and  from  the  O.  N.  niu  the 
Danish  ni^  giving  preponderance  to  the  first  of  the  two  vowels' 
to  the  loss  of  the  second,  the  Swedish  patronising  the  latter  in 
nio.     But  far  more  noteworthy  is  the  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Saxon, 
and  Old  Frisian  guttural  media  g  in  the  place  of  the  primitive  v 
in  navan,  so  that  the  A.  S.  nigon,  O.  S.  nigun,  O.  Fris.  nigun^ 
nyun,  correspond   to  the   Goth,  niu-n  =  nivu-n»      Here  agnin 
Gothic  is  far  outdone  in  point  of  antiquity  and  primitive  charac- 
teristics by  its  Low  German  sister-tongues.    The  modem  dialecls 
followed  the  course  commenced  in  Gothic  already,  and  dropping 
the  middle  consonant,  contracted  the  two  syllables  into  one,* 
hence  the  Engl,  nine,  O.Engl,  still  «y^  nyne,  probably  bisyl- 
labic,  from  A.  S.  nigon,  or  perhaps  rather  O.  N.  niu.  Germ,  neun  . 
from  niun\    Dutch  alone  has  preserved  the  full  Low  Gefman 
form  in  negen. 

ten 

Grimm's  law  is  strictly  carried  out  by  the  Goth,  taihun  and 
all  its  Low  German  representatives  rendering  the  primitive 
media  d  by  the  tenuis  t,  and  the  High  German  using,  also 
according  to  law,  the  aspirate  z.  But  the  middle  guttural  of 
the  primitive  dalnin  is  greatly  modified  not  only  in  the  Teutonic 
but  in  the  cognate  dialects  as  well.  It  is  preserved  in  the  Gr. 
hiK^<L,  the  Lat.  decern  and  the  Goth,  taih-nn  {h  in  Gothic  being 
the  lawful  representative  of  the  primitive  k),  while  the  Sanskrit 
has  adopted  the  sibilant  s  in  dai-an.  Among  the  Teutonic  lan- 
guages Old  Saxon  and  High  German  have  preserved  the  ^,  O.  S. 
tehan,  O.  H.  Germ,  zehan,  M.  H.  Germ,  zehen  (and  contracted 
zen),  N.  H.  Germ,  zehen,  zehn.  The  other  old  Teutonic  dialects 
and  their  modem  derivatives  drop  the  middle  guttural  and 
contract  the  word  into  a  monosyllable,  as  A.  S.  tin,  Engl,  ten, 
Dutch  tien,  O.  N.  tin,  Dan.  ti,  Swed.  tio. 


229  TEr TOXIC  GRAMMAR. 


11,12 

CcfMCTintg  the  fomntioii  of  these  nnmenk  we   hmve  seen 
al»Te  how  the  Goth.  I  if  in  aim-Zif,  iw^j/',  corre^Kmds  to  tiie 
LoL  iectm,  Gr.  ^csa  and  Saosk.  iaiim^  and  that  conseqnentlj 
oar  words  tle^em^  twe^r^^  simplr  mean  10-hl  and  10+2  respeo- 
tiTC^F.     The  same  c»mpoand  of  numeral  and  snSLs  oocurs  in  the 
other  TeatoDic  dialects  too,  but  in  forms  greatly  modified  bj 
elisions  and  contractions.     The  soffix  ftfwe  find  follT  piesenred 
in  Old  Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  and  Old  High  Germaii;    Middk 
High  German  modified  the  /j/"  into  Irf,  and  Ang^lo-Sason  and. 
Old  Norse  drop  the  Towel  altogether,  leaving  simply  ^to  repr^- 
sent  the  soffix.   This  ^ooeors  in  all  Uie  modem  Teutonic  dialects 
except  in  Engli^  and  Danish,  where  the  ancient  y  is  rendered- 
by  r  its  softer  twin  a^irate.  » Very  strange  is  the  ooconenoe  o^ 
tne  inorganic  d  in  the  A«  S.  end^eafam^  O.  Fris.  amd-Java,  ihx^ 
unit  in  the  former  langoage  being  an,  in  the  latter  en.     The  Oldll-^ 
High  German  and  Middle  High  German  preserve  the  numeral  - 
'  one'  intact  in  the  word  ein-lif,  ein'4efy  whilst  Old  Norse  drops 
the  vowel  and  assimilates  the  n  to  the  succeeding  /,  hence  el^i/u; 
thus  also  in  O.  Engl,  elleue,  Dan.  elleve.   Most  mutflated  are  the 
German  and  Datch  elf,  Engl,  eleven^  where  the  numeral  is  repre- 
sented merely  by  e.     The  numeral  tva  in  tva~lif  (12)  is  preserved 
in  the  different  dialects  with  a  modification  of  the  vowel,  as  twi, 
twe,  H.  Germ,  zwe  ;  the  Scandinavian  dialects,  however,  vocalize 
the  va  into  6,  O.  N.  to-lf,  Swed.  tolfy  Dan.  tolv. 

13-19 

All  these  numerals  are  in  the  difierent  Teutonic  lang^uages, 
just  as  in  Gothic,  compounds  of  the  *  units*  with  the  word  'ten,' 
so  that  the  O.  N.  iian,  A.  S.  teon  {tin,  f^n),  O.  H.  Germ,  zehan, 
bear  their  explanation  in  themselves,  and  the  terminations  of 
these  numerals  in  the  modern  Teutonic  dialects  are  easily  ex- 
plained as  derivatives  of  the  ancient  forms. 

20-90 

The  tigjua  of  the  Goth.  tvai'iiijiJM  (20)  having  been  explained 
already,  we  may  confine  ourselves  to  a  short  review  of  the  cor- 
responding forms  and  their  peculiarities  in  the  other  Teutonic 
lanjjua^s. 

The  O.  N.  tigi  in  ^ria-tigi  and  \itt  in  fior-4iu  are  modifications 


NUMERALS.  229 

of  the  ftiller  form  iugu  in  tu-Uugu,  which^  like  the  O.  H.  Germ. 
zmg  in  zwein-zug^  represent  the  Goth.  tigju9^  a  base  in  u^  daiu 
from  dakan  (1 0) ;  and  quite  as  readily  will  be  perceived  the  rela- 
tion of  A.  S.,  O.  S.  tig^  O.  Fris.  tick.  The  final  consonant  is 
dropped  in  the  O.  Engl,  tuen-iiy  N.  Engl,  twen^ty^  with  the 
nsoal  change  of  the  final  i  into  ^.  The  Swed.  tiS  is  the  direct 
descendant  of  the  O.  N.  tiu^  while  the  Dan.  dive  undoubtedly 
owes  its  origin  to  some  other  source.  Very  characteristic  in  this 
form  is  the  use  of  the  labial  aspirate  for  the  guttural  media,  dive 
^di^e^  which  is  the  reverse  of  the  O.  Fris.  sigiin  for  A.  S.  aeofon^ 
0.  S.  9ibun  (7),  and  the  A.  S.  nigotiy  O.  Fris.,  O.  S.  nigun  for  the 
Goth.  niun:=niv'uny  primitive  nav-an, 

•    For  the  formation  of  the  ^  tens'  from  '  seventy'  upwards,  most 
of  the  Old  Teutonic  dialects  use  a  word  differing  from  tigjua  in 
form  and^  to  a  certain  extent^  in  derivation,  though  not  in  mean- 
ing*.   The  Goth.  teAun-d,  which  is  used  in  sibuft-lMund  (70),  &c., 
preHBupposes,  as  we  have  explained  before^  a  primitive  dakan-ta^ 
and  answers  in  meaning  to  the  Gr.  hUas.     This  yfehund  we  meet 
in  the  other  dialects  in  more  or  less  fiiodified  forms.     Tlie  whole 
form  we  find  contracted  in  the  O.  H.  G^rm.  £6^  sihun^zS,     The- 
most  ancient  mode  of  forming  the  numerals  ^seventy/  &c.,  in 
Anglo-Saxon  was  to   place   the   undeclinable  hund^  shortened 
from  tehundy  and  expressing  the  ^tens/  side  by  side  with  the 
respective  unit  of  the  ordinals,  e.  g.  hundeaeofo^e  (70),  hundr- 
eahto^e  (80),  hundnigo%e  (iK)) ;  in  a  tike  manner  the  O.  S.  ant  is 
used  (though  its  identity  with  the  A.  S.  hund  is  not  proved),  and 
forms  the  ^  tens'  by  -entering  into  a  combination  with  the  ordi- 
nals, e.  g.  anUiiunda  (70),  a7itahtoda  (80),  antnigunda  (90),  forms 
which  may  be  rendei^  in  Latin  by  decas  aeptima,  decaa  octava, 
decaa  nona.     But  in   later   times  the  Anglo-Saxon  suffix .  tig 
(=Goth.  tigjus),  which  had  been  used  for  the  numerals  from 
10  to  60  only,  found  entrance  also  in  the  higher  numbers,  as 
aeofontig  (70)  (in  the  same  manneif  as  in  late  Old  High  German 
we  find  sibunzug  for  sibunz6\  although  the  ancient  prefix  hund 
did  not  yield  its  place  at  once ;   ana  thus  it  happened  that  in 
forms  like  hundaeofontig  (70),  hundeahtattg  (80),  &c.,  the  'ten.' 
is  expressed  twice,  by  the  suffix  tig  and  the  prefix  hund.     The 
same  pleonasm  occurs  in  the  O.  Fris.  t'a(j^tich  (80) ,  tAiiogenticA 
(90),  and  the  last  trace  is  in  the  Modern  Dutch  of  the  present 
day,  where  the  t  in  tachtig  (80),  is  as  in  T)ld  Frisian  the  mutilated 
form  of  a  word  like  O.  S.  ant,  expressing  the  *  decas,'  which  is 
repeated  in  the  sufiix  tich,  tig. 

Prom  this  circumstance  may  perhaps  be  explained  a  peculiar 
mode  of  reckoning  from  70  upwards,   which   was  adopted  in 


»\ 


CAc  IjnTTHn    17  'ifbt  si^  Iff  lait    1  ^  !<■  <«e  irntMincil  in  our 

Kfircni;  -s:  -v^bn.  issat  TWiWn  woe  ei|MtBHed  bf 
-  fixrr^r'  ami  is  ^vineszver  aidEakn,  e.  ^.  mti  oii^ 
wkwtemt  T*? .  «.«&  x'.»r  >r.jsn«f  TS  .  a  ikr  suae  ^-^-^tpt  ai  do^ 
tu  FpBiea  »7  9i*jrt:tr^  mr^Ds.  muttemm^ii  tngise.     From  *  eighty 

lin  .     k  Ticlfi  ar^iesr  js  If!  wtth  tfe  i^x  hmmd^  whidi 

drcf^«»i  ^  dbif  <i:cz<»t  lif  tisifr.  ibe  ramenl  itsdf  bad,  thoogl^ 

cb!t  f  :r  a  p»>i  acni  E&  cisr&Kn  koHtiess.  frDoi  into  disose. 

^  hmf.^iz  iIk  acAecTTe^su'ifuc  trr:«s  the  nxkoning  br  'decades^ 

did  &:<  s;:c^  l«r2r:  v  tltir  '  hsikircd«'  but  die  btter  nombar  itself, 

and  tbe  ncmli^R  up  to  IdO  veie  cxfinaBed  like  their  piede- 

eeaaws  Ukrv  hnsdral.     Uroei^  the  Golhic  iaUmm-iamud,  A.  S. 

iumd-4itcm^i^,  O.  N.  (U-fim,  which  we  coold  imitat»»  in  "RngliA  if 

we  were  allowed  to  say  t^-m^f  as  well  as  aiar-Zf  or  iwem  ij.     Hub 

mode  of  reckoning  was  indeed  preserved  so  late  as  the  poiod  of 

Middle  High  German,  where  we  find  sAea^rici  used  hy  the  side 

o(  immdert    100,.     The  differmt  foims  in  tiieTeatonic  dialeets 

for  the  word  '  hondn^d '  have  their  prototype  in  the  Gothic 

Jkumd-a,  which,  like  the  Latin  ctnt-mm^  may  be  traced  to  a  primi- 


No. 

EBfL 

Old  EdzL    An^.Sax. 

Dutch. 

Old  Sax. : 

O.Fris. 

Drnnish- 

Swedish. 

O.N. 

1    «nc            < 

'en 

fn 

fn 

em(€et) 

m{eU) 

tin 

3'  two 

rwry,  Cmo          ( 

\wfjen           { 

Itm 

tmrma 

1 

txfne 

to 

Ufi 

twHr 

S'  thru 

Ke 

^r\ 

drie 

thria             1 

tkri 

trt 

trt 

ynr 

4  /t>ur 

/5/ur                  feover 

tier 

At^^r 

Mwer 

firt 

/ifra 

fimer 

6  fivt 

flV€ 

fKf 

rijf 

A^ 

*/ 

fhm 

fim 

fiwtM 

fi   tiJC 

tixe 

fix 

UM 

uks 

MX 

MX 

Mur 

$tx 

7  1  tevfn 

iruen 

$e((fun 

xercn 

situn 

tigvn 

999 

<ni 

tim 

H    eiffht 

eiijU,  awfht 

ahta 

acht 

ahto 

achta 

aaite 

dtta 

dUa 

9 

nlnf 

nyn^,  nyt 

niffon 

neijen 

nigun 

nigtm 

ni 

nid 

nhf 

10 

Un 

tat 

tin 

tvn 

tthan 

tian 

ti 

as 

(1« 

11 

e.lcvni 

rlleum 

end-Uo/an 

tlf 

(rf-«/) 

and-lova 

^Ikvc 

ekfva 

eUifu 

n 

IWflW 

tuvltu 

tuxl/ 

twaalf 

tue-lif 

twiMf 

tokt 

W 

tdtf 

13 

(hirtrrn 

]trottnn',\>rU- 
triw 

}freo-tion 

dtr-tien 

(n 

(thr^Uine) 

tretten 

trtUon 

yrtttian 

20 

titfuly 

tui-nli 

hcen-tii) 

Ucin-tiij 

tuentig 

twin-tick 

tyve 

tfugu 

tuUtugu 

30 

Ihirly 

thritti 

\frUig 

der.lvj 

thrUig 

thri-tich 

tredive 

trtUid 

^riatigi 

70 

tfVtttly 

neui'nii 

Mt'ofnt-tiij 

si-wn-lii) 

ant-*ibunda 

riugun-tich 

halqO^ 

tjvtUd 

tiMigi 

t<M)    huhflml 

hutuirM 

htrntUrd 

hutid 

hundrfd 

hundrtde 

kmndrade 

hmnfrad 

UMM) 

'  thoummi 

|li)f(*Vfl(/ 

\ni»t'ml 

1  duizend 

thiuend 

thu4atd 

tutinde 

tutendc 

m  • 

NUMERALS. 


231 


tive  dakan^ta  for  dakan^aka7i-ta  (10x10)^  and  the  ancient  word 
'hundred'  would  consequently  be  identical  in  meaning  and  in 
formation  with  the  more  modem  iaiAun'leAund=  ten  times  ten. 

As  to  the  modem  Teutonic  languages  none  give  occasion  to 
any  special  notice  except  the  Danish.  The  compounds  tresind- 
9tjfve  l60),Jir8indslyve  {^)yfemsind9tyve  (100),  the  latter  not  used 
in  this  form,  express  the  meaning  'three  times  twenty/  'four 
times  twenty/  *  five  times  twenty,  and  form  an  analogon  to  the 
French  qnafre^vingt.^  They  contain  (i)  the  cardinals  treSyfrffen^^ 
(3,  4,  5),  (a)  the  word  finds  =  Goth.  8in}fS  or  neut.  mihy  O.  H. 
Germ,  sindy  A.  S.  wiS  (meaning  '  a  walk/  *  a  turn'),  which  were 
used  to  form  adverbial  numerals,  e.  g.  Goth,  ainamma  sinha,  ^ir^f, 
Ivaim  mnpam,  bk,  &c.;  AS.  /eower  ai^um  (quater),  aeofon  svSum 
(septies),  &c.,  where  we  B&yjive  times,  seven  times y  &c.  (3)  The 
numeral  tifve  (20).  The  forms  hahtresindstyve  (50),  hahjjersindr^ 
siyve  (70),  Aalvfemsindstyve,  (90),  prefix-  the  adverbial  noun  Aah 
(half)  to  indicate  that  half  the  amount  of  twenty  is  reckoned, 
hence  Aahtresindslyve  is  tresindstyve,  i.  e.  '  sixty/  but  half  the 
amount  of  tyve  or  twenty  is  taken  off  the  sixty,  hence  it  means 
'  fifty ;'  fhnsindstyve,  for  '  hundred,'  is  not  used,  but  halofemsin^' 
siyve  to  express  the  number  '  ninety.' 


ic. 

Germ. 

M.  H.GeiTD. 

0  H.G. 

Latin. 

Greek. 

Sanskrit. 

Primitive. 

No. 

ein{i) 

ein 

ein 

UH'tU 

etc,  «r- 

^ka. 

aino' 

suei 

awfne{e() 

swHii 

duo 

669 

dva 

dua,  dva 

dni 

dri 

dri 

trti 

rptU,  TfH 

trU 

tri- 

vier 

vUr 

9ior 

quiUuor 

f  irTApcv 

chcMr 

katvar 

Anf 

wiV 

fimf 

quinque 

w4m 

pdnchan 

kankan 

$ee/u 

Mks 

tiht 

tex 

H  (f^) 

tKath 

ksvakt 

iH0\hm 

t(bm 

Hbttn 

teptem 

hrrd 

sdptan 

$aptan 

aehi 

4Mht 

ahta 

octo 

Ur^ 

oihfau 

akiu 

nmm 

fifon 

novem 

irr4a 

ndvan 

navan 

wekm 

gfkm 

sihan 

decern 

UUL 

ddian 

dakan 

10 

r 

^ 

eUdif 

Hn-Hf 

un-d^im 

SvStKa 

ikd-dakm 

aina-^lakan 

11 

• 

U09^ 

wiedtf 

moi-l^f 

dmo-deeim 

i^Stxa 

dvo-doMn 

dud-dakan 

18 

\ 

dnixiAn 

drUM 

• 

drUzihan 

tre-decim 

rpctv-xol- 

•  • 

•  • 

IS 

^^ 

gwanz^ 

twein»ee{xieh) 

noHnmg 

ffiginti 

tUovi 

vUdti 

•  • 

80 

feM 

drd$ig 

drixee 

drixyg 

trijfUUa 

rpMJtovra 

* . 

•  • 

80 

d 

HAenzig 

Hbetume 

Hbwud 

teptuoffMa 

Korra 

saptaU 

•  • 

70 

wti- 
i 

humdkri 

udunMechun' 
dert 

xihanzd 

centum 

iiiaer6v 

iatd 

kanta 

100 

Unuend 

tiUent 

m    • 

miUe 

XiAiot 

daiasaH 

•  • 

1000 

232 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 


DECLENSION    OF  CARDINALS. 


Old  Teutonic  Lanouages. 


In  Gothic  the  numerals  <  one'  to  '  three'  only  have  a  complete 
declension  through  all  cases  and  genders;  the  other  numerals 
are  of  common  gender  and  uninflected,  or^  extending  the  theme 
bj  i,  thej  form  a  few  isolated  cases.  The  same  remark  holds 
good  for  the  other  Low  German  dialects^  while  in  the  Old  High 
German  we  find  the  distinction  of  genders^  and  sometimes  the 
complete  declension,  with  the  numerals  above  'three/  the  in- 
flexion being  brought  about  as  in  Gothic  bj  the  addition  of  the 
thematic  i. 


one 


Gothic. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

Old  Saxon. 

Masc. 

Fern. 

Neut. 

The  A.S.  masc.  am,  fern,  an,  neut.  an. 

Nom.   avna 
Gen.     ain-M 
Dat.     ain-amma 
Accus.  ain-ana 

ain-a 
ain-aizds 
ain-ai 
ain^ 

ain,  ain-nta 
ain-is 
ain-amma 
ain,  ain^ata 

and  the  O.S.  masc.  h^  fern,  ht, 
neut.  en,  take  the  inflexions  of  the 
strong  adjective  declension. 

Old  Frisian. 

Old  IV'orse. 

O.  H.  G(erm. 

Masc. 

Fern. 

Neut. 

Masc. 

Fern. 

Neut. 

Masc.  ein,  ein-er,  fem. 

Nom.     f »,  an 
Gen.       enctt,  an€3 
Dat.       fna 
Accus.   enne,  anne 

en,  an 
enere 
enere 
ene 

in,  an 

enes 

ena 

<•      • 

en 

ein-n 
einrs 
ein-um 
ein-n 

ein 

ein-nar 
ein-ni 
ein-a 

eit-t 
eins 
ein'U 
eit-t 

ein,  ein-ju,  neut.  ein, 
etn-a  J,  have  the  inflex- 
ions of  the  adjective. 

J^ote, — This  numeral  is  in  several  Old  Teutonic  dialects  used 
in  the  singular  feminine  also,  and  then  it  assumes  the  meaning 
of  sola;  this  is  the  case  in  Gothic,  Old  High  German,  Old 
Frisian  (which  in  this  case  supplies  the  prefix  al  before  the 
numeral),  and  Anglo-Saxon,  where  the  masculine,  also  may  be 
applied  in  the  sense  of '  solus.' 

The  plural  also  occurs,  and  renders  in  Gothic  the  meaning  of 
/xoVoi,  in  Old  IIi<?h  German  and  Old  Norse  of  ^quidam/  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  of  *singuli,'  ^nonnuUi.'  (Compare  the  French  les  uns^  qu^l^ 
ques  w;w,and  the  Spanish  unos  in  the  sense  of 'quidam,'  'nonnmli.*) 


NUMERALS, 


233 


two 


Qothio. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

Maac 

Fain* 

Neat. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neat. 

Nom.   tvai ' 
Gen.     tvaddj^ 
Dat.     tvaim 
Accus.  tvane 

tv6e 

^tvaddj-^ 
tvaim 
ttde 

tea 

^tvaddj^ 
tvaim 
tva 

twegen 

•  • 

•  • 

twegen 

tw^ 

twegra,  twega 

tw& 

tw&m 

twa,twig 

•  • 

•  • 
tw&,  twig 

Old  Saxon. 

Old  Frisian. 

Masc. 

Fern. 

Neut. 

Masc 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Nom.  tiUna,  tuine 

Gen.            •  • 

Dat 

Accna.  tiUiutt  tuene 

tuA,tud 
tuijd 
hUm 
tud,tud 

tiU 

•  • 

•  • 

tui 

twine 

» . 

•  • 

twine 

twa 
twira 
twam 
tw& 

twA 

•  • 

■  • 

tw& 

Old  Norse. 

Old  High  (German. 

Maac. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Masc 

Fem. 

Neat. 

Nom.     tveir 
Gen. 
Dat. 
Acxnifl.    tva 

tvoer 
tveggja 
tveimr,  tveim 
tvoer 

tvau,tvO 

• » 

tvau,tv6 

zwini 

•• 

.  • 

vwini 

ewd,  zw6, 
zweii,  tweierd 
sweim,  twim 
Ew6,zwd 

vwei 

. . 

*  a 

swet 

three 


Gtothic. 


Masc. 


Nom.  ^jireis 
Gen.  )>riii 
Dat.  )>r»m 
Accns.  prins 


Fem. 


^prijd 
^Ttm 
^yrine,  prijis 


Neut. 


\nyi 

JWMH 

prija 


Anglo-Saxon. 


Masc. 


Fem. 


M 


M 


^€6ra 

yrim 

yred 


Neut. 
^red 


\>re6 


Old  Saxon. 

Old  Frisian. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Kent. 

Nom.     th9ia{ea,  ie) 

Gen. 

Dat. 

Accus.  thria{ea,  ie) 

thria{ea,  ie) 
^tkiyd,  thfijerd 
,thnm 
thria{ea,  ie) 

thriu 

•  • 
•  • 

thriu 

thri 

•  • 

thiri 

thria 
thrira 
thrium 
thria 

thriu 

•  ■ 

thrim 
thriu 

•  • 


•«*"l.".'.vl 


NUMERALS,  1» 

with  file  stiong  dedenskm  of  the  ad|ecti¥CB,  mnd  thai  tbcrcCare 
a  tabular  view  of  their  nominatiTe  fiiniis  in  the  ditfmAt  gcsdos 

may  here  aoffioe : — 

one 


» 

II.H.Gcn. 

timer 

T 
•      •          I         •         - 

N.  H.Gn. 

• 

ciacr 

€iM          CWSfl 

CMd  Kiighwh  1 

aa(0«,«) 

^■^                          ^^^ 

NevEi^liik. 

MM  («■««> 

1    #MC           #MC 

SwiBOML 

im 

'  im      I  m 

DBmsh. 

im 

H     .a 

Middle  DataL 

H 

im          im 

NevDvtdi 

im 

U       ,  U 

Noie.^We  have  obeenred  before  that  in  serend  Old  Tcntonie 
dialects  tiie  munend  '  one'  was  used  in  the  sense  of  *  qindam  -/ 
'^^Qoe  it  came  to  be  used  as  the  indefinite  article  in  the  Middle  and 
^^  Teutonic  hmgnagesy  in  exactlr  the  same  manner  in  which 
^Italian^  Spanish  and  French  kngnages  derived  their  indefinite 
.^cfe  fiom  the  Latin  nomend  aa-at.     Becoming  a  rei^nlar  link 
j?  tiie  stractore  of  the  hingaagey  it  gnidoallv  lost  its  numeric 
^^nctiveness,  jnst  as  the  definite  article,  originally  a  demon. 
^^tjre  pronoun,  lost  much  of  its  demonstrative  force,  and  con- 
tinently it  dwindled  down  in  Modem  English  to  the  single 
l^wel  a,  while  before  vowels  am  reappears,  and  on^  was  chosen 
^^  express  the  number.      In  Modern  German,  where  both  the 
f^^unenl  and  the  article  are  rendered  bj  eim,  Una  word  has,  where 
^  is  used  in  its  numeric  force,  more  emphasis  than  in  its  position 
^  indefinite  article,  where  it  is  very  slightly  accented  in  conver- 
^tion,  and  in  dialects  becomes  scarcely  audible ;  so  that  it  has 
^me  sound  similar  to  the  English  an  or  a.    The  Middle  High 
German  preserved  the  full  accent  or  tone  on  the  word  eiu, 
Av^hether  article  or  numeral,  and  used  it  even  in  rh  vmes,  but  the 
wear  and  tear  of  time  and  circumstances  can  be  observed  alreaily 
in  the  license  it  gave  to  shorten  the  nominative  and  s^jcrisative 
forms,  einer,  einiu,  eine^ — eiMn,  eine^  ^'^l*  into  the  simple  eim. 
In  this  respect  the  Modem  German  is  superior  to  it^  mother 
dialect,  as  it  allows  no  abbreviation  except  in  the  nominative 
masculine  and  neuter. 

The  entire  loss  of  inflexional  forms,  which  dates  back  as  far  an 
the  period  of  Old  English,  may  coincide  with  the  conver 
the  numeral  into  the  indefinite  article;  in  Laymn* 
century),  at  any  rate,  we  find  full  inflexiona  ' 


236  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

nom.  an,  a\  gen.  masc  ane9,  annes,  ones;  fern,  are:  dat.  masc. 
ane,  anne;  fern,  are :  aoc.  masc.  anne,  fern,  ane,  one.  In  Hig^h 
German  the  numeral  appears  to  have  first  been  used  as  the 
indefinite  article  by  Otfried  (ninth  century). 

This  numeral  has,  whether  used  as  such  or  as  the  indefinite 
article,  abandoned  its  plural  form^  unless  we  reckon  as  such  the 
modem  German  die  einen  (Fr.  lee  unij^  where  it  occupies  the 
position  of  a  substantive.  A  similar  plural  we  observe  in  modem 
Swedish^  where  the  '  tens'  may  be  turned  into  substantiyes  by 
connecting  them  with  the  definite  or  indefinite  article,  e.  g.  en 
etiay  a  number  consisting  of  one ;  ittany  the  number  consisting 
of  one;  ellor-na,  the  numbers  consisting  of  one;  tvd-^n,  the 
number  consisting  of  two;  tvdor-na,  the  numbers  consisting  of 
two.  (Compare  the  Dutch  eene  zee,  a  number  of  six ;  drie  zeeeen, 
three  numbers  of  six.)  These  may  be  rendered  by  the  Lat. 
singuli,  bint,  &c 

The  English  one  preserves  the  genitive  »  where  it  is  used  as  a 
substantive,  one^e. 

two 

Mmc.        Fern.        Neut.     ^ 

M.  H.  Germ,    zwene       zw6  twei         Gen.  zweier,  npeiger ;  6mI.  zwein 

N.  U.Grerm.     zwH  zwei         zwH         Gen.  tweler;  dat.  fKvt'n 

three 

Masc.        Fein.        Neut. 

M.H.Germ.    dri  dri  driu         Gen.  drier;  AbL  drin 

N.  H.  Germ,     drei  drei  drei         Gen.  dreier;   dat.  drden 

Note, — In  the  other  modern  dialects  these  numerals  have  lost 
their  inflexions  altogether  ;  where  old  inflexional  forms  are 
preserved,  they  have  lost  their  old  inflexional  meaning,  as 
N.  Germ,  zwei  and  zwo,  N.  Engl,  two  and  twain  (Shakesp.),  Swed. 
tvd,  tu,  tventies  {^Z) ;  tre,  trenne  (3) ;  which  latter  forms  do  not 
indicate  inflexional  modifleations,  but  render  diflerent  shades  of 
meaning,  and  are  therefore  used  in  diflerent  combinations. 


NUMERALS. 


237 


ORDINALS. 

The  ordinal  numerals  are^  with  the  exception  of  two,  super- 
latives,  though  in  certain  peculiarities  they  differ  from  the  super- 
latives of  adjectives. 

TABLE  OF  ORDINALS  IN  THE  COGNATE  LANGUAGES. 


No. 

Suukrit. 

Greek. 

Latin. 

Gothic. 

1st 

pT<l4h(lfM^ 

T^-TO^f) 

pri-mo-it) 

fru-mcMi' 

2nd 

dviriUyor 

8c^-Tcpo-(f) 

4ee-ttmfo-(«) 

an-thara 

8rd 

tri4%ya 

Tp/-Ta-(j) 

ter-Ho-^8) 

thri-dja-n-- 

4th 

ehatur-tha 
{turya) 
{pancha^ha) 

T^Tap-TO-(f) 

quar-to-it) 

(JiduMha-n) 

5th 

Wfiir-ro-(f) 

quin(€yt(h(8) 

(Jin^-tcMi) 

pancha-ma 

6th 

dia9h-4ha- 

€#f-TO-(s) 

tex-to-^s) 

taihs-tor^n- 

7th 

tapta-ma- 

W<J-Aio<f) 

Bepti-mo-^i) 

(iihun-da-n-) 

8th 

<iAfa-ma 

iy^6-o-  (M«^-fa>(0 

octo-w-(«) 

ahti^-da-nr 

9th 

nava-nui- 

^i'a-To-(j) 

no-fio-(«) 

niftun-dorn- 

10th 

da4a-m€h 

JAco-To-(v) 

deci-mo^s) 

taihun-dor^t^ 

11th 

eka-^na4cb- 

lr-8€<ca-To-(») 

un-deci-^mo^s) 

m    m 

15th 

paHdui-dctici- 

w^-ros  iral  94iearos 

quintiu  decimui 

fimfia  taihtmda-n- 

20th 

vinUati-tama 

{vkhia) 
iatoriama 

91kOC'T6-(s) 

vi-cen-ww)-(«) 

wanting. 

100th 

4icar<Mr-T^-(t) 

eerU-i8imO'{8) 

wanting. 

one— ten 

The  Sanskrit  term  for  '  first'  is  pra-tAama,  which  consists  of 
the  preposition  pra  (fore,  before),  and  lAama=tama;  and  of 
analogous  formation  is  the  Gr.  7r/>a>-ro-,  Dor.  mpa-To-,  showing 
the  preposition  and  the  suffix  ta.  The  Lat.  pn-mo^  stands  for 
pro^imO',  and  this  for  pro^tinuh-  (compare  the  Sanskrit  suffix 
ihama) ;  and  the  Goth,  fru-ma^n-  for  prormcHa-  (for  Sansk.  p^ 
Crrimm's  law),  where  we  find  the  sufiix  ma  instead  of  ta^. 

The  Sansk.  dvirti^a  ^econd),  dvutya  is  derived  from  dvi  (2) 
and  the  suffix  ta ;  the  Gr.  htirr^po-  is  a  comparative  of  b€v=dva 

g);  the  Lat.  seeundo'  from  the  root  sec,  seq  (sequi).  The 
ortbeni  languages  form  their  term  from  a  base  An-taron,  as 
Goth,  tmtikara  (the  other^  the  second)^  which  is  the  comparative 
of  the  demonstrative  pronominal  base  ana. 

The  term  '  third'  may  be  derived  from  a  primitive  tar-tya  or 
ilm  hm  ('three/  and  the  base  ta  in  its  extended  form  tya)y  in 
Am  OMik.  tr^Uya  we  have  in  the  form  tr=tra,  tar,  the  number 

the  chapter  on  the  formation  of  the  Superlative  of  Adjectives. 


238  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

three.  In  Greek  all  the  ordinals  (with  the  exception  of  7th  and 
8th)  are  formed  from  the  cardinals^  to  which  to  {=td),  the  sufBx 
of  the  superlative,  is  added,  e.g.  rpl-ro.  The  Lat.  ter-lio  and 
the  Goth,  thri-^ja-n-  are  formed  in  analogy  to  the  Sanskrit  with 
the  suffix  tya. 

The  ordinal '  foui-th'  may  in  the  Ursprache  have  been  Jtatvar- 
ta ;  Sansk.  chatur^tha  {lAa=zla)  or  tur'ya=c/ialur-ya.  The  two 
suffixes  to  and  ya  may  occur  in  the  combination  tya,  or  each  may 
form  a  superlative  independently  of  the  other.  Gr.  rirapTo^ 
T€TFap^Oy  Lat.  quarto  =  quattior-4o,  parallel  to  which  we  may 
assume  a  Goth.  Jidur-tAa — the  suffix  ta  throughout. 

five 

Ursprache  kakan-ta-  or  iani-ta,  Sansk.  panch-a-ma,  Ved. 
pancha-tha,  Gr.  iriix'tt'To-j  Lat.  quin{cyto,  Goth,  ^tnf-ta. 


The  suffix  ta  throughout.  Ursprache  Juvaks-fa,  Sansk.  akash- 
tha^  Gr,  ?ic-to  for  i^-ro,  Lat.  sez-to,  Gt)th.  miAs-ta-n. 

seven 

Ursprache  sapta-ma  or  sapta-ta^  Sansk.  aapta^ma^  Gr.  l^bo-fMo 
for  ^liTTo-fxo  (comp.  the  old  and  poet.  lj3do-/xaro),  Lat.  septinw, 
Goth,  sibun-da-n, 

eight 

Ursprache  aktv^ma^  Sansk.  asAta-ma,  Gr.  Syboo-^^ 6yboFo'z= 
^oKToFo-,  Lat.  octavo-,  probably  from  a  primitive  aitdv^a,  where 
the  suffix  a  only  is  added  to  the  stem  aitu,  which  appears  very 
distinctly  in  the  Goth,  ahtu-da-n. 

nine 

Ursprache  nava-ma  or  nava-ta,  Sansk.  nava-ma,  Gr.  Iva-ro, 
ivpa'To  =  ^ iv^Fa-To,  Lat.  no-no- =  ^noV'no-=^novi'no,  Goth,  ninn- 
da-n. 

ten 

The  Sansk.  daia-ma  and  the  Lat.  deci-mo  are  compounds  of 
the  cardinal  with  the  suffix  ma,  the  Gr.  b^Ka-ro,  Goth,  taihun- 
da-n  with  the  suffix  ta. 


NUMERALS.  239 

U— 19 

The  Sanskrit  uses  the  compound  of '  units'  and  '  tens'  of  the 
cardinal  numbers^  but  daian  (10)  drops  its  n^  and  thus  the  final 
a  is  treated  as  the  suffix^  e.g.  ekd-daia  (llth)^  dva-daia  (ISth). 
The  Latin  language  adopted  the  suffix  ma,  as  un-deci-mo-,  kc, 
the  Greek  and  Gothic  again  the  suffix  ^,  e.  g.  iv^4Ka-To  (llth)^ 
Gk>th.  fitnf'-tar'taihun-da'n  ;  compare  Lat.  quintus  decimus,  where, 
as  in  Gothic,  both  the  'unit'  and  the  'ten'  take  the  ordinal 
suffix. 

20—90 

The  Sanskrit  numerals  of  this  class  assume  either  the  suffix 
tama,  as  vimiatirtama  (20th),  or  thej  drop  the  terminational  ti  {i) 
of  mnsati  (SO),  and  then  put  the  final  a  as  in  the  termination, 
just  like  the  ordinals  1 1-19>  e.  g.  vimSa  (SOth).  In  Greek  the 
suffix  TO  {la)  is  added  to  the  termination  xcfri,  kovto  of  the  cardinal 
numerals,  which,  after  dropping  the  final  vowel,  yield  the  form 
KOTTo^  from  which  arises  Koa-rOf  as  rpioicJoTo  (80th).  The  Latin 
suffix  of  ordinal  numerals  is  timo^  old  form  tumo  {=:zla-\-ma?), 
which  is  added  to  cintij  cinta  after  the  latter  has  dropped  the 
final  vowel,  and  thus  we  get  the  form  cent-tumo,  and  from  this 
cesumo,  cenmo,  ^esimOy  as  vi-cesirmo  (20th),  quadra-gesi-mo  (40th). 
In  Gothic  these  ordinals  are  wanting,  but  in  Old  High  German 
they  are  formed  by  adding  the  termination  of  the  adjective  super- 
lative osta-ii  to  the  cardinals,  2a  fior^zug-^ata-n  (40th)  i. 

100—1000 

Sansk.  kator-tama  (100th)  adds  the  suffixes  ta  and  ma  to  the 
cardinal  hata,  Gr.  aTo-=4a'-ro;  w  corresponds  to  the  primitive 
yaiM,  a  comparative,  and  lo  —  tay  the  superlative  termination, 
e.  g.  iKaro-orrf.  The  Latin  word  cenl-esimo  is  irregularly  formed, 
as  if  the  termination  were  esimOj  whilst  after  the  analogy  of  the 
'  tens'  it  should  be  expected  to  be  cenaenmo  from  eent-tesimo. 
In  Gothic  these  ordinals  are  wanting. 

The  words  we  have  just  mentioned,  and  which  express  the 
ordinal  of  100  in  the  difierent  languages  are  further  used  toge- 
ther with  the  units  to  form  the  compounds  which  denote  the 
ordinals  from  200  to  900. 

1000 

Sansk.  saiasra-tama,  Gr.  xikui-'aTo,  Lat.  mill-esiino,  Gothic 
wanting. 

^  Compare  the  chapter  on  the  formation  of  the  Superlative. 


o 


z. 

o 

H 

s 

g 

00 

£ 

c 

o 

H 

S 

O 

H 

•J 

pa 


E  t 


liilll  lilt 


.  ' 


Hi 


i  i*  fe  a  -8  5  4  1 

-    f  5  I  ^  i  >  5  I 


I 


i> 


JL    r 


<    « 


-3 

1  ^  i 


« ? 


I 

5li 


&    9   £    «• 

2       T         •      ^ 


=  ^1^11 


SI  s 

"5 


*   1 
i   I 


I 


e 

M 

X 


w 


1^ 


•al       •      ^      to      at 


^11 
III 


2 

I 


V 


5   ^ 


ills 


I 


ill 


s 
14 


I 


I  1 

S      is 


■g  i:  s  1  * 


III 


1 


.a 

c 


Itllf 


11 


0 

O 


B 


"I 


>S 


S 


»5 


til 


i  i 


U 


2 


«  1.5  S  I 


1 1 « 9 

iiii^ 


3 


i    •   • 


O 


S    ISSSSt    St||    I 


NUMERALS.  241 


REMARKS  ON  THE  TEUTONIC   ORDINALS. 

We  have  had  occasion  already  to  remark  that  the  ordinals  in 
the  cognate  languages^  as  well  as  in  Gothic^  are  superlatives. 
The  other  Teutonic  ordinals  agree  on  the  whole  with  the  Gothic, 
and  differ  from  it  only  in  a  few  peculiarities  which  we  are  about 
to  discuss. 

one 

The  Gothic  fruma-^  has  already  been  explained  as  an  ancient 
superlative,  to  which  would  answer  a  primitive  pra-ma-n  (Goth. 

^for  Sansk. /?,  Grimm^s  law),  consisting  of  the  preposition  pra 
(fore,  before,  pro)  and  the  superlative  suffix  ma.  This  fruma 
again  undergoes  another  superlative  inflexion  ^by  adding  the 
comparative  termination  u  (primitive  yana^),  and  the  superlative 
suffix  ta,  /rum^i^ta.  This,  no  doubt,  is  a  later  formation,  and 
originated  at  a  time  when  the  consciousness  of  the  superlative 
force  oi  fruma  itself  was  lost.  In  the  other  Low  German  dia- 
lects the  Gothic  form  is  sometimes  preserved,  as  in  the  A.  S. 

frutna,  or  the  u  is  weakened  into  o,  or  metathesis  of  the  r  takes 
place;  hence  A.  S.,  O.  S.,  and  O.  Fris.  forma.  Then  we  further 
find  the  more  recent  superlative  termination  with  it,  and  thence 
we  have,  corresponding  to  the  Ooihicfrumista,  the  A*  &0fyrmesia, 
where  y  is  the  Umlaut  of  «,  which  is  caused  by  the  succeeding  i 
in  the  termination  w/,  here  weakened  into  est :  fyrmeda  again  is 
contracted  into^r^^a.  The  Frisian  superlative /bnw-^*/,  the  Old 
High  German  superlative  vur-isl-er,  and  the  O.  ^.fyrsl-r,  are 
formed  on  the  same  principle.  We  n^ight  also  explain  the  forms 
vur-ist-er,  &c,,  as  being  directly  derived  from  the  preposition 
O.  H.  Germ,  fora^  Goth.^awrff,  the  Teutonic  garb  in  which  the 
preposition  jora,  Gr.  irprf  commonly  appears.     Besides  the  ordinal 

fntma  and  its  derivative  forms  we  meet  another  word  in  the 
Teutonic  tongnes,  exclusive  of  Gothic,  in  the  shape  of  the  A.  S. 
{Er-est-a,  O.  H.  Germ,  er-isir-er,  which  is  fonned  of  the  adverb 
A.  S  ar  (Engl,  ere),  O.  H.  Germ.  Sr  (Germ,  ehe,  eh-er),  meaning 
'fore,'  ^before,'  and  the  suffix  ist^  est  (=w-^),  a  form  which 
undoubtedly  is  of  a  much  later  formation,  since  it  is  represented 
neither  in  Gothic  nor  the  cognate  languages. 

From  these  Old  Teutonic  words  their  Middle  and  New  Teu- 
tonic representatives  will  easily  be  explained,  where  mostly 
preposition  and  suffix  are  still  clearly  traceable,  as  O.  Engl./brw- 
est-e,  vor-^tey  fr^t^,  M..H.  Germ,  viir-est-ej  and  er-st^,  Engl. 

'  Aboat  these  suffixes  see  the  chapter  o|i  Comparison,  p.  148  sqq. 

E 


242  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

fir^,  er-^,  Gterm.  er^t,  Dutch  eer^i,  Swed.^^fr-*^-a,  Dan.Jor- 
iUe^  some  of  the  modem  tongaes  adopting  both  terms^  othera 
selecting  one  of  the  two. 

two 

The  Oothic  aniAara,  second,  derives  its  origin  from  the  de- 
monstrative pronominal  base  ana  and  the  comparative  suffix 
iara^  which  consistently  with  Grimm^s  law  is  tAara  in  Gh>thic. 
The  Low  Grerman  tA  is  duelj  represented  in  the  O.  Fris.  oUerf 
and  in  its  softened  form  in  the  A.S.  and  O.S.  %.  These  dialecte, 
however^  do  not  tolerate  an  n  preceding  the  aspirate  ti,  and 
therefore  drop  it  regularly,  hence  A.  S.  a^Ser,  O.  S.  d^r  (by  the 
side  of  O.  H.  Grerm.  andar).  The  Old  Norse  dialect,  in  its  pro- 
pensity for  geminated  forms,  assimilates  the  d  (for  tA)  from  andar 
into  annar,  whilst  Old  High  German  preserves  the  Gothic  form 
most  completely,  and  at  the  same  time  carries  out  the  law  of 
the  mutation  of  sound,  rendering  the  Goth.  tA  by  the  media  d, 
hence  andar. 

Few  remarks  will  suffice  with  reference  to  the  history  of  this 
form  in  the  later  Teutonic  dialects.  Old  English  and  New 
English  preserve  the  Anglo-Saxon  form  in  the  words  d^Ser  and 
otAer;  but  in  Old  English  already  it  yields  its  ancient  position  to 
the  Latin  form  secund^,  which,  as  the  N.  Engl,  second,  supplants 
the  Teutonic  word  altogether,  the  latter  being  exclusively  used 
in  the  sense  of  alter,  alius,  a  fate  which  also  befalls  the  Germ. 
ander,  replaced  by  zwei-tey  Dutch  twee-de.  The  Swedish  and 
Danish  languages  alone  not  only  preserve  the  ancient  forms  in 
their  original  position,  but  in  retaining  the  media  d,  surpass  in 
correctness  even  the  Old  Norse  dialect  —  Swed.  andra,  Dan. 
an  den. 

three 

The  Goth,  thri-dja  shows,  like  the  same  form  in  Sanskrit,  the 
suffix  tt/a,  an  extension  of  the  superlative  base  ta,  Li  the  other 
Old  Teutonic  dialects  we  find  the  sibilant  y  of  the  base  dja  assimi- 
lated to  the  preceding  d,  hence  the  A.  S.  ]^ri^da,  O.  Fris.  lAre- 
dda,  O.  S.  thri-ddi,  O.  H.  Germ,  dri-tto  (d  for  Goth.  M,  and  t  for 
d,  Grimm's  law). 

Old  English  preserves  the  A.  S.  \ri'd(h,  which  in  New  Eng- 
lish introduces  metathesis  of  the  r  in  tliir-d,  so  also  Dutch  der^e. 
The  O.N.  \ri-di  is  surpassed  in  correctness  of  form  by  the  Swed. 
tre-dje,  Dan.  tre-die.  The  Germ,  dn-tte  remains  faithful  to  its 
Old  High  German  source. 


NUMERALS.  243 


4-19 

The  other  Teutonic  ordinals  up  to  '  nineteen^  are  formed  by 
the  superlative  suffix  ta^  the  t  of  which  in  Gothic  and  the  other 
Teutonic  dialects  ought  to  be  rendered  in  Low  German  by  th, 
Old  High  German  by  d,  which,  however,  appears  as  ^,  rf,  and  ih^ 
in  the  Old  Teutonic  dialects,  either  of  these  dentals  being  chosen 
agreeably  to  the  preceding  consonant.  Thus,  for  example,  it  is 
a  law  common  to  all  the  ancient  Teutonic  languages  that  no 
other  dental  but  the  tenuis  can  follow  upon  the  aspirate  f;  hence 
Goth,  ffff/'ta,  A.  S./f-ia,  O.  Fris.  ff-la,  O.  S.f/'lo,  O.  H.  Germ. 
jtrnf-to.  The  omission  of  the  m  in  the  Low  German  dialects  is 
analogous  to  the  omission  of  the  n  before  "8  which  we  have  just 
mentioned.  The  O.  ^.fem-te  drops  the/*.  The  same  rule  holds 
good  for  the  Gothic  saihs-ta^  A.  S.  six-ta,  O.  H.  Germ.  seA^to,  &c. 
As  to  the  other  numerals,  it  is  Anglo-Saxon  exclusively  which 
adopts  the  aspirate,  the  regular  representative  in  Low  German 
of  the  tenuis  in  the  cognate  languages,  A.  S.  ?,  O.  Engl.  ]>, 
N.  Engl.  lA,  as  A.  S.  seqf-iSa^  O.  Engl.  seue-}pe,  N.  Engl,  aei^en^th  ; 
while  the  other  Low  German  dialects,  like  Gothic,  prefer  the 
media;  so  that  Old  High  German  also  gets  into  a  confusion, 
adopting  the  regular  media  d  in  ^or-do  (4th),  sidun-do  (7th),  and 
ahto-do  (8th)  only,  in  the  remaining  ordinals  to. 

The  modern  languages  follow  the  footsteps  of  their  mothers, 
but  so  that  they  introduce  the  favourite  dental  throughout, 
hence  Engl.^f^^  for  A.&.ff-ta;  Germ.  r/Vr-/^  (4th)  for  O.  H. 
Germ.  Jior-do,  sieben-te  (7th)  for  siiun-do.  In  the  Swed.  and 
Dan.  fenv-U  (5th),  sjeUte  (6th)  only,  we  find  the  Old  Teutonic 
tenuis  of  the  O.  'N.Jim-ti,  aet-ti  preserved. 


20—1000 

From  'twenty^  upwards  the  ordinals  are  wanting  in  Gothic, 
whilst  in  the  other  Teutonic  dialects,  Anglo-Saxon  excepted, 
they  are  formed  by  the  common  superlative  suffix  (fe^,  a^t-, 
e.  g.  O.  H.  Germ.  drizugSsto  (30th),  O.  Fris.  thritig-osta,  O.  N. 
yriiug-asH.  Anglo-Saxon,  on  the  other  hand,  forms  the  ordinals 
above  like  those  below  twenty,  i.  e.  with  the  suffix  S«,  which  is 
added  to  the  cardinal  by  means  of  the  connective  vowel  d.  The 
Modem  Teutonic  dialects  followed  various  courses;  the  High 
German  remained  faithful  to  its  traditions,  and  adopted  the 
O.  H.  Germ,  osl  in  the  weakened  form  est,  contracted  8t,  which 

E  2 


244 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 


is  also  preserved  in  Dutch.  The  Scandinavian  languages  aban- 
doned the  ast  of  Old  Norse  and  continued  the  ordinals  above 
'twenty'  with  the  suffix  de.  Old  English  and  New  English 
preserve  the  A.  S.  "Sa,  as  A.  S.  ^riUiffHh'^a,  O.  EngL  pryftti-^e, 
N.  Engl,  thirti-if^th. 


OTHER  NUMERALS. 


Old  Teutonic  Languages. 


Li  all  the  Teutonic  dialects  we  have^  besides  the  cardinal  twOf 
the  numeral  both,  answering  to  the  Gr.  ifx<l>6T€poi,,  Lat.  ambo» 
It  appears  in  Gothic  as  bai,  O.  S.  be^ja,  O.  N,  ba^ir,  O.  Fris. 
bethe,  A.  S.  begen  {bd,  bu).  The  declension,  it  will  be  seen,  id 
very  defective  in  Gothic. 


Gothio. 


Masc. 


Gen. 

Dat.  \^jf.f,        \ 
I  bajop-um  j 

Accus.  bans 


Fem. 


Neut. 


wanting. 


ha 


ha 


Anglo-Saxon. 


Masc. 


bigen 


Fem. 


ha 


Nent. 


&« 


bega,  begra 
banif  b<pm 
hegen  |         ba         \    bu 


Old  Saxon. 


Masc. 


bitSja 


Fem. 


hi^ja 


Neut-' 


b^i^ 


hetSerd 


befSjun 
be9Ja\  heSJa    \  be^ju 


Old  Frisian. 

Old  Norse. 

O.  H.  Gterm. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Masc 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Nom.      hethe 

bethe 

hetha 

hafiir 

I. 

hafSar 

hcFfii 

pede 

pedd 

pediu 

J 

Gen. 
Dat. 

Accus.     bMhe 

hithera 

bitha 

bethe 

1  hetha 

ba'fSa 

hcggja 

baiSum 

hdiSar 

\hctiSi 

pedi 

piderd 
pidim 
\pid6 

1  pidiu 

In  Anglo-Saxon  some  forms  of  this  word  combine  occasionally 
with  the  numeral  '  two/  e.  g.  hdtwd-=.hd  (both)  -f  twd  (two),  neut. 
butu ;  they  occur  also  declined,  e.g.  dat.  bdm  twdm. 

Distributive  numerals  we  have  in  the  Goth,  tveinaih,  occur- 
ring in  the  accus.  fem.  tveihnos  ;  O.  H.  Germ.  zwenSy  which  was 
adopted  to  supply  the  cardinal   numeral   'two'  —  O.N.  einn, 


NUMERA  L8. 


245 


icennTj  yrennr,  fern :  plur.  of  tvennr,  yrennr,  is  tvennir,  tvennar, 
tvenuj  &c. ;  they  may  be  used  in  a  distributive  or  multiplicative 
si^ifieation^  so  that  ivennr  may  mean  binus  and  duplus^  '}frennr 

=triuus  and  triplex. 

Multiplicatives  are  formed  in  Gothic  by  fatbs  (fold),  fem. 
fal\ay  neut.  fal\.      This  Gothic  fal\  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  feald^ 

Old  Saxon  and  Old  Frisian /a^^,  Old  'Norse  falrl-r,  Old  High 

German  /aH.     Examples :  —  Goth.  ain-/al\h-s,  one-fold,  simple ; 

A.  S.  dn-'feald^  O.  S.  and  O.  Fris.  en-fald,  O.  N.  ein-fald-r,  O.  H. 

Germ,  ein-falt^er^  Goth.  fdur-fal^'Sy  four-fold;  A. S.  twinfeald^ 

two-fold ;  O.  S.  tekin-fald,  ten-fold ;  O.  Pris,  thri'-fald,  three-fold ; 

O.  N.Jimm'fald^r,  five-fold  ;  O.  H.  Germ,  dri-falt^  three-fold. 
Numeral   adverbs  answering  to   the  question  qiioties?   how 

often  ?  are  not  met  with  in  Gothic,  but  some  occur  in  the  other 

old  dialects. 


Examples : — 

SBMBL. 

BIS. 

TER. 

O.  H.  Oer.      eina,  einest 
Ang.-Sax.        (vne  (ams) 
Old  Saxon       ines 
Old  Frisian     inis,  Sne8  (ense) 
Old  Norse      einna 

swiror^  stciro,  snoiron 
twiwa 
ttoiwa 
tmra 
tytvar 

driror 
)>rttra 
thnjo^  tkriwo 
thria 
l^rygvar 

To  supply  the  wanting  numeral  adverbs,  the  Low  German  lan- 
guages, Gothic  included,  use  the  dative  of  the  word  */«))-,  mean- 
ing way,  turn,  time,  punctum  temporis,  Goth,  ^npa,  A.  S.  and 
O.  S.  sip  {n  dropped  on  account  of  the  succeeding  aspirate  "8), 
O.  Pris.  seth  (for  dth,  sintA),  O.  N.  sinn  (the  final  ?  assimilated  to 
the  preceding  n),  while  Old  High  German  uses  for  the  same  pur- 
pose the  substantive  atunta^  stunt  (punctum  temporis,  hour,  comp. 
Germ,  stunde),  a  word  which  is  occasionally  used  in  Old  Frisian 
too.  Examples :  —  Goth,  ainamma  sinpa,  one  time,  once ;  an* 
\aramma  sin\a^  a  second  time ;  tvdim  sinpam,  two  times,  twice. 
A.  S.  o?i  {enne  ^"8,  once ;  eahto^an  si^e,  for  the  eighth  time ; 
eakta  sHon,  eight  times.  O.  S.  siihm  si^un,  seven  times ;  teAan 
si^un,  ten  times.  O.  Pris.  tian  setAen  or  tian  stunda,  ten  times. 
O.  N.  dtta  sinnum,  eight  times ;  tuttugu  sinnufn,  twenty  times. 
O.  H.  G^rm.  Jlar-stunt,  four  times ;  zeAan-stunt,  ten  times,  and 
drim  atuntoniy  driS  stunto,  three  times. 

There  is  another  kind  of  numeral  adverbs  in  the  Teutonic 
languages,  which  express  companionship  of  as  many  persons  as 
are  indicated  by  the  numeral.  For  this  purpose  the  Anglo-Saxon 
language  makes  use  of  the  indefinite  pronoun  sum^  which  it  adds 
to  the  respective  cardinals,  e.  g.  eode  eaAta-sum,  we  went  eight 


246  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

together,  including  myself:  eahfa^^um  can  be  rendered  in  Ge^ 
man  by  one  word,  selh-achUr.  This  Germ,  ielh  (meaning  'self) 
has  its  forerunner  in  the  O.  H.  Germ,  selp^  aelhy  e.g.  selp-aniar 
(Germ,  selb-ander,  i.  e.  we  were  two  together,  I  was  the  second); 
sUp-dntlOy  selbnlritt,  we  were  three  together,  I  was  the  thiri 
In  Frisian  and  Old  Saxon  sum  is  used  as  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

Tlie  Old  Noree  has  some  forms  answering  to  the  Latin  nnmenl 
adjectives  in  -arius,  e.g.  yftitug-ry  tricenarius;  sextug^r^  sexagen- 
arius. 

Middle  and  Modern  Teutonic  Languages. 

The  root  ha  is  preserved  in  the  modem  dialects,  and  appears 
in  the*  Engl,  hoth^  from  O.  E.  hei\ey  bo^e  for  bege^  bo,  A.  S.  begm, 
bd,  bu.  The  Germ,  beide,  M.  H.  Germ,  beid^  (for  bede),  are  de- 
rived from  the  Old  High  German  neuter  form  beidiu  (for  bediu); 
the  Swed.  bdrle,  Dan.  baade,  from  the  O.  N.  h&^ir ;  Dutch  heedij 
O.  S.  b^ja. 

The  distributive   numerals  answering  to  the  question  'how 
often  ?^  have  disappeared  from  all  Modern  Teutonic  languages 
except  the  English,  where  they  are  preserved  in  the  forms  once, 
twice,  thrice.     The  word  once  is  derived  from  the  O.  Engl,  oones 
(exchanging  the  sibilant  c  for  s),  A.  S.  dues,  dne,{B7ie  ;  twice  from 
O.  Engl,  twies,  twie,  with  w^hich  corresponds  the  A.  S.  twtica ; 
but  still  more  so  the  O.  Fris.  twira  =  tirim  and  the  O.  N.  tysvar^ 
from  which  it  becomes  sufficiently  evident  that  the  full  form 
must  have  been  twiswa,  the  s  of  which  was  dropped  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  but  restored  in  Old  English  from  some  other  source, 
perhaps  Old  Frisian  or  Old  Norse.     The  same  case  we  have  in 
thrice,  O.  Engl,  thries  for  thrie,  A.  S.  ]>r!wa^  O.  N.  ^rysrar. 

The  Modern  Teutonic  languaq-es  being  deprived  of  these 
numeral  adverbs  have  to  suj)ply  them  by  circumscriptive  forms, 
an  expedient  adopted  already  in  Old  Teutonic  dialects ;  but  the 
word  sin]fa,  sinlS,  sin/f,  has  disai)peared,  and  others  have  taken  its 
place  in  the  diffrrent  modern  tongues.  (The  Old  Norse  si)ijf  in 
the  Danish  cardinals,  see  above.)  The  English  makes  use  of  the 
word  *time^ :  three  times, /our  times, Jive  times,  &c.  The  equivalents 
in  the  German  and  Dutch  languages  are  inal,  maal  respectively, 
as  ein-jnal,  een-maal ;  zwei-mal,,  twee-maal ;  drei-maal,  drie-maul, 
&c.  The  word  7)fdl  which  occurs  in  Old  High  German  already, 
and  in  the  Goth.  7nel,  means  ^punctum/  a  point,  and  hence 
'punctum  temporis/  a  point  of  time,  or  moment— a  meaning 
which  corresponds  to  that  of  the  words  sin^a  and  stunt  used  in 
the  Old  Teutonic  dialects.     It  is  certain  that  this  form  was 


NUMERALS.  247 

adopted  in  High  German  before  Lather's  time;  but  in  Middle 
High  German  the  O.  H.  Germ,  dunt  is  used  for  the  same  pur- 


The  ScaDdinavian  languages  employ  for  the  same  purpose  the 
word  gang,  which  originally  means  walk,  step,  turn,  and  hence 
time ;  e.  g.  S wed.  engdng^  tvd  ganger,  ire  ganger ;  Dan.  engang, 
to  gauge,  ire  gange. 

The  A.  S.  ^m,  mentioned  above^  is  no  lon^r  used  in  English 
with  its  peculiar  meaning  when  in  combination  with  cardinals ; 
and  in  German  too  the  O.  H.  Germ,  sell  has  disappeared  alto- 
gether^ except  in  the  term  selbander,  we  two  together :  aellh-dritt, 
&c.^  are  out  of  fashion. 

Multiplicatives  are  formed  in  the  modem  as  well  as  in  the 
ancient  dialects  by  the  termination  fold,  Germ,  fait,  fdltig, 
Jhitch.  voudig ;  e.g.  three-fold,  dreifdltig,  drie-voudig ;  air-fold, 
secha-fdltig,  zes-voudig. 

Fractions  are  rendered  either  by  the  ordinals^  as  in  English 
and  Dutch — e.  g.  a  fourth,  een  vierde  ;  a  twelfth,  een  ttoaalfde — or 
by  adding  the  word  deal  to  the  cardinal^  as  is  done  in  the  Germ. 
tel  =  theU,  and  the  Danish  and  Swedish  deel,  del,  e.  g.  Germ. 
mer'tel=ivier'theil,  Dan,  en fjerde^deel,  Swed.  Snfjerde-dSl. 


COMPARISONS. 


THE  COGNATE   LANGUAGES. 


COMPARATIVB   BaSES. 

I.  Formations  with  the  suffix  -yailS. 

The  primitive  suffix  yans  is  perhaps  the  modifioation  of  a  still 
more  ancient  yant,  and  related  to  the  suffixes  ant^  mant^  vanL 
In  the  last  of  the  three  just  mentioned  it  also  occurs  that  the  t 
is  replaced  by  s,  and  so  it  may  be  in  yans  for  yant.  This  suffix 
is  always  joined  directly  to  the  root  and  limited  to  certain  roots, 
as  nav-a,  new,  comp.  nav-yans  ;  avad-u,  sweet,  svad-yans. 

In  Sanskrit  the  primitive  yans  becomes  yas  or  iyds,  e.  g.  nava, 
new,  comp.  na'c^yds ;  hhu-ri^  much,  hhu-yds ;  yuvan^  young, 
yav-tyds ;  mah,  great,  mah-iyds. 

The  Greek  language  drops  the  s  of  yans^  changes  y  into  i,  or 
combines  it  with  the  preceding  consonant  into  crcr  or  f;  e.g. 
KQK-J-,  bad,  comp.  KaK-toz/*-',  Ka^tcar ;  Max-i^,  hgh^^  levis,  iKaa-aov, 
for  ^iKax^LOv-;  ixiy-a^^  fjL€y-6.\o^,  great,  fxelCtav  for  /Ltey-toi/;  ttoA-i^, 
much,  TrAetor-,  primitive  form  pra-ya7ts  from  par-u;  TOot  pra  = 
par,  to  fill ;  fxe-lov-,  less,  primitive  form  ma-yaiis  from  a  root 
ma,  commonly  weakened  to  mi  (comp.  Lat.  mi-imi). 

In  Latin  the  primitive  yans  became  yons,  -ions,  -i^s,  the  final  s 
yielding  later  on  to  rhotacism  which  produced  the  form  -ior;  but 
the  original  s  was  always  preserved  in  the  neuter  -ius  =  yu^ 
(comp.  Sansk.  ydif).  Examples  : — mag-no-,  great,  comp.  md-jor, 
for  ^inag-ior^  neut.  7na-jus=.^mag-ius ;  plus,  more,  {rom  pious  = 
^plo-iiis  (comp.  TrAc-toi^)  primitive j??m-ya?/*,  root pra= par,  to  fill; 
plur€s=pleores=z^pl^-ior'es,  comp.  oi' ple-ro-,  jAerns.  ple-no^,  full, 
root  ple=ploz=:pra=zpar,  to  fill;  minor,  less,  =min-ior,  min-us=z 
min-ius,  root  min  =  man,  ma  ;  facil-ior  comp.  of/acil-i-,  root ^fac. 

The  Gothic  comparative  terminations  are  -is,  Ss,  both  derived 
from  yans\  is—yas  {i=ya)  6s=a-as  (Goth.  dz=a-j-a):=a-yas= 
a-yans.  To  these  comparative  bases  is  added  the  termination  an 
in  the  masculine, y^j/f  {=:yan)  in  the  feminine  form  of  the  adjec- 


COMPARISONS,  249 

live,  so  that  the  comparative  suffix  in  Gothic  is  izan,  fem.  izjan, 
izein  (final  *  is  softened  into  z  in  the  middle  of  the  word),  -^zan, 
fem.  -ozjan^  ^dzein.  Examples : — manag-izan^,  nom.  sing.  masc. 
fnanagiza,  neut.  managizo  {Sznan),  fem.  managizei,  theme  manega, 
nom.  sing,  manegs,  (much,  many) ;  maizan"  =  mah-izan  (compare 
Liat.  mag^is,  major,  mag^ior,  6r.  /mey-ioi^-),  comparative  of  theme 
mii-ila-,  nom.  sing,  mikils,  great,  root  mik,  Lat.  mag,  Gr.  piey, 
Sansk.  mah,  primitive  mag,  great.  In  the  adverbial  form  of  this 
word  the  case  termination  has  disappeared,  and  it  therefore  ends 
in*:  mais =Ij&t,  mag^is  ;  AauA'is,  comj)B,TQ,tiYe  AauA-izan",  theme 
kauha^j  nom.  sing,  hauhs,  high ;  even  the  i  of  w  is  sometimes 
dropped :  mins,  adverbial  comparative  of  minn-iza,  less  (comp, 
Lat.  min-u8  for  miririus), 

2.  Formations  with  the  suffixes  -taXE  and  -ra. 

These  suffixes  are  chiefly  used  in  Sanskrit  and  Greek  for  the 
formation  of  the  comparative  -,  -tara  is  probably  a  compound  of 
the  frequently  occurring  suffixes  ta  and  ra.  The  latter  by  itself 
expresses  comparison,  e.g.  Sansk.  ava-ra,  inferior,  com  p.  of  the 
preposition  ava,  de,  of,  from ;  apa-ra,  after,  of  prep,  apa,  ab,  of, 
from.  Compare  with  these  examples  the  Latin  sup-eru^  (sup-er), 
inf-eru-^  {inf-^r),  which  have  the  ancient  comparative  suffix  ra. 
The  consciousness  however  of  the  comparative  force  of  the  ter- 
mination er  being  lost,  the  common  comparative  suffix  tor  was 
superadded,  so  that  in  the  Latin  superior,  inferior,  we  have  in 
fact  double  comparatives. 

tara  forms  in  the  Ursprache  the  very  old  stem  an-tara,  interior, 
from  the  demonstrative  base  ana-,  root  an;  and  ka-tara,  uter, 
from  the  interrogative  base  and  root  ka. 

This  suffix  appears  in  Sanskrit  as  the  masculine  termination 
'taraSy  fem.  -tard,  and  is  simply  added  to  the  nominal  stem,  e.  g. 
punya^tara,  comp.  of  punya,  pure ;  ka-tara  (uter)  of  ka,  quis ; 
ya-tara  (uter)  of  the  relative  ya,  qui ;  i-tara,  other,  from  demon- 
strative i,  is ;  an-tara,  exterior. 

The  comparative  base  tara  is  rendered  in  Greek  by  -rcpo,  e.  g. 
w<>-T€po-  =  Ko-repo-,  uter,  root  tto,  ko,  =  Sansk.  ka  ;  Kov<l>6^T€po^, 
comp.  of  KovifH)',  light,  levisj  (roffai-i^po-  (co  on  account  of  the 
preceding  short  syllable).  The  termination  ea^r^po  seems  to 
have  been  adopted  from  the  adjectives  ending  in  co-,  as  in  aa^eo-- 
T6po-  of  a-aiprjs,  to  other  adjectives  as  the  combining  syllable 
between  the  root  and  the  termination,  e.  g.  fvhaifjLov'-ia'Tfpo'  of 
cvW-fuor.  The  form  la-r^po  must  be  kept  distinct  altogether 
from  the   preceding,  it  being  a  compound  of  la,  the  shortest 


230  TEUTOJIC  GRAMMAM. 

contracted  fijnn  of  jw«,  rad  r^w^fov,  e.g^.  XaXria^-npo-,  oom- 

parmtiTe  of  AoXa-,  tftlkatnre. 

In  Latin  the  suffix  Urm  is  Tcry  rare.  It  oceim  in  w4ero= 
cu'^.ero,  quo^^rOj  root  km,  ko^  Gr.  uo,  so,  Simsk.  ia;  ar-^,  fent 
«-/«,  neat,  wntn^m  elision  of  ^^ ;  i«-/^,  dej>4er.  Farther  ex- 
amples arc : — «i«-wHVrr>-,  minor,  minister,  serrant^  from  the  root 
mUj  small :  ma^9-t^^y  major,  maister,  from  the  root  mag,  gred; 
tim-l^ero^y  left,— examples  irhere  we  find,  as  in  the  Greek  AoA- 
Ca-Tfpo,  the  suffixes  jt'Ijm  -h  tara. 

In  Gothic  the  suffix  iara  does  not  occur  frequently.  It  is 
nsed  in  the  following  words: — am^iara^,  nom.  sin^.  anriiar, 
other,  second,  where  the  Gothic  /i  represents  the  Sansk.  t  (see 
Grimm's  law) ;  ica-iAara,  nom.  sing,  hva-^kar,  nter,  whether,  I 
for  Sansk.  k  (Grimm's  law),  r  introduced  after  k  (see  the  respeo- 
tire  letters) ;  Aifh-dar,  hinder,  posterior;  af-ira,  after,  retro,  prep. 
of,  of;  kra'-tkro,  whither,  theme  ira-/iAi-r=  primitive  ht-iara^ 
ika-ikrOy  thither,  primitive  ta'4ara;  kva-dre,  whither;  kirdtiy 
hither,  primitive  ki-^ara. 


Superlative  Bases. 

I.  Formations  vUk  ike  suffix  -t&. 

The  regular  suffixes  nsed  in  the  formation  of  the  superlative 
are  ta  and  ma  (which  have  other  functions  besides  this),  and 
their  combinations  iamay  matay  tatCy  which,  as  secondary  suffixes 
are  sometimes  added  to  the  comparative. 

ta  is  used  chiefly  in  the  formation  of  ordinals  ^  It  forms  super- 
latives by  joining  the  comparative  suffix  yana.  The  reduplicated 
tu=iiata  is  in  Greek  the  regular  termination  of  the  superlative 
by  the  side  of  the  comparative  in  tara. 

The  primitive  language  either  used  the  full  form  in  yans-ta, 
as  magh-yaiis-ta  (fi^yLCTos),  ak-yavs-la  (5kiotos),  or  the  shortened 
form  of  yans,  i.  e.  isy  e.  g.  magk-is^tay  ak-is^ta,  Schleicher  decides 
in  favour  of  the  former. 

In  Sanskrit  the  superlative  suffix  t^  is  joined  to  the  compara- 
tive yds,  'iydS',  shortened  in  w,  and  the  combination  i^ta  be- 
comes uh'thay  e.  g.  mah-uhtha^  greatest,  of  root  mak ;  gar-Uktka^ 
superl.  of  guru ^  heavy. 

The  Greek  language  joins  the  superlative  to  (=^)  to  the 
comparative  base  lo-  i^ans)^  e.  g.  Kdic-KJ-ro-,  ^ft-ic-ro-,  txiy-Lo-'To-y 
TrAc-icr-ro-.     The  reduplicated  form  tata^  Gr.  roro,  of  this  suffix, 

*  See  the  respective  chapter,  p.  237  sqq. 


COMPARISONS,  251 

forms  the  r^alar  superlative  to  the  comparatives  in  taray  Or. 
r€/)o,  e.  g.  icov<J>o-TaTO-,  ao</)<o-roTo-,  cvbaiixov^ia-TaTo^,  AaA-((r-Taro-. 

The  Latin  renders  the  suffix  ^  by  lo,  tu,  but  it  is  not  used  in 
the  superlative,  where  mo  (Sansk.  ma),  and  ^mOy  timo  (the  primi- 
tive ta-ma)  have  the  preference,  e.  g.  lont/'issimo^,  brev-issifno^, 
op^i-mo-  (see  below). 

The  primitive  la  is  rendered  in  Gothic  by  ^-»,  the  n  being 
an  addition  peculiar  to  the  Teutonic  tongues,  and  d  standing 
irregularly  for  lA,  which  should  represent  the  Sansk.  t  (see 
Grimm^s  law).  Here  again  the  superlative  is  added  to  the  com- 
parative case  -is,  -os,  and  the  d  of  da  is  then  replaced  by  ^,  on 
account  of  the  preceding  *  (see  the  chapter  on  Consonants),  e.  g. 
mana^uh-ta,  AauA-is-ta,  minn-is-ta,  ma-is-la^  arm-6s-ta, 

2.  Formations  with  the  suffix  -ma. 

It  occurs  in : — the  Sansk.  ava-md,  lowest,  last,  from  prep,  dva^ 
of  a  demonstrative  base ;  madhya-md,  medius ;  para^mdy  furthest ; 
ddi-ma,  first,  from  ddi,  beginning ;  and  in  many  ordinals. 

In  Greek  it  is  very  rare;  it  occurs  in  €/35o-/xaTo-  (combined 
ma  +  ta,  and  with  the  remarkable  change  of  irr  into  ^h)  and  in 
vv-fxaTO",  last. 

ma  is  the  favourite  suffix  in  the  Latin  superlative,  where  it 
appears  as««o,  e.g.  sum-mo-=sup-mo-,like  the  comparative ^w/?-^/-, 
from  sup  (sud);  inf-mo-,  comp.  inf-ero-;  mini-mo-,  comp.  min-or; 
pluri-mo-,  old  form  pliisi-mo-^t)lo-is-umo-,  where  we  have  again 
the  primitive  j^tf 7?^  + «wt.  Perhaps  it  may  come  from  a  primitive 
Latin  form  plo-yus-VHtao-,  as  plus^=^plous^=plo-yus,  and  min-us=s 
min-yus. 

It  occurs  rarely  in  Gothic,  and  where  it  does  it  is  accompanied 
by  the  Teutonic  final  »,  e.  g,  innu-ma-n,  intimus,  inmost ;  y>«- 
ma-n,  foremost,  first,  and  with  an  additional  superlative  suffix 
in  fru-yn-is-iay  an  example  which  shows  that  the  consciousness 
of  the  superlative  force  of  the  suffix  ma  must  have  been  lost  at 
an  early  time. 

3.  Formations  with  the  suffi^x  tarllia* 

It  is  in  Sanskrit  the  regular  superlative  termination  by  the 
side  of  the  comparative  in  tara,  as  ka-tamd,  which  out  of  many, 
interrogative ;  ya-tamd,  which  out  of  many,  relative. 

In  Greek  it  is  wanting. 

The  Latin  language  uses  it  as  the  regular  superlative  termi- 
nation, where  the  primitive  tam/i  is  rendered  by  simx>y  sum^o,^ 


252  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

timo,  tumo,  and  commonly  added  to  the  comparatiye  suffix  k 
(primitive  yans)^  e.  g.  long^ia-aimo-,  brev-is-sima-^  op^iimo-y  op4ih 
mo- ;  ul-timo-y  in-limo-,  maxima- = ^mag-simo- — ^mag-timo'.  Adjeo* 
tives  which  have  dropped  their  final  vowel  and  end  in  r  or  /join 
the  Buffix  iimo^  simo,  immediately  to  the  root,  as  veter-rimo^  for 
^  vefersimo-,  ^veter-limo-,  stem  veler;  pulcAer-rimo-,  stem  pulchenhy 
facil-limcH  for  ^facilsimO',  "^facH-titnxH,  But  these  superlatives 
may  be  explained  in  another  manner,  so  as  to  derive  them  firom 
a  form  veter-is-timo,  velersimo-,  velerrimo^,  &c. 

The  suffix  tam^  appears  in  Gothic  under  the  form  du-ma-n 
(compare  Lat,  tumom  op-tumo-)^  where  we  find  ^  inorganic  in  the 
place  of  th  to  represent  the  Sansk.  t  and  the  final  n  superadded, 
e.g.  af'tu-ma-ny  aft-most,  last,  to  which  a  further  superlative 
suffix  is  added  in  af-tu-m-is-ta-ny  a  double  superlative  containiog 
four  suffixes  which  are  added  to  the  preposition  af^  namely,  ta- 
ma-yans-ta ;  thus  also  hin-du-ma-n^  hindmost,  latest,  last,  and 
hin-du-m-is-ta-ii^  if-tu-ma-tiy  the  next,  following. 


OLD  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 

I.  The  Comparative. 

As  we  have  already  stated,  the  Gothic  comparative  of  the 
adjectives  is  formed  by  the  terminations  is  and  6s,  which  answer 
to  the  Sanskrit  suffix  yds,  primitive  yans,  the  final  s  being 
softened  into  z  when  the  comparative  suffix  is  followed  by  a  ter- 
mination, hence  izan,  ozan,  of  which  either  one  or  the  other  is 
used,  the  selection  being  made  perhaps  on  euphonic  rather  than 
grammatical  grounds.  While  the  termination  for  the  masc.  and 
neut.  is  an,  the  fem.  adopts  y^;/,  hence  ein, 

Examjiles : — 

manags,  much,  many,  theme  manega  ;  comparative  manag-izau-, 
nom.  sing.  masc.  ynanagiza,  fem.  managizei,  neut.  managizd  (o 
=.an), 

blinds y  blind,  theme  blinda ;  comparative  blind-dzan-,  nom. 
sing.  masc.  blinddza,  fem.  blinddzei,  neut.  blind^zo, 

azets,  light,  easy,  theme  azeta ;  comparative  azel^izan-,  nom. 
sing.  masc.  azeiiza,  fem.  azefizei,  neut.  azetizo, 

/rd]>s,  prudent,  wise,  theme  froda ;  comparative  frod-dzan-, 
nom.  sing.  masc. /rdddza,  ^em.  frdddzei,  neut.  J^rddozd. 

In  the  other  Teutonic  dialects  rhotacism  has  taken  place 
throughout,  that  is,  the  *  of  the  terminations  is  and  ds  has  been 


t 


COMPARISONS.  253 

Bopplanted  by  r,  bo  that  the  comparative  suffiites  are  in  Old 

Sigh  German  ir  and  6r^  in  Old  Saxon  ir  and  6r,  in  Old  Frisian 

«r  and  ar,  whilst  Anglo-Saxon  has  dropped  the  vowel  altogether 

and  merely  puts  r.     But  we  can  prove  that  this  dialect  also 

originally  used  both  ir  and  (?/•,  because,  wherever  the  former 

occurred,  it  caused  the  Umlaut  of  its  adjective,  which  Umlaut 

remained  after  the  i  of  ir  had  been  dropped ;  the  termination  Sr^ 

on  the  other  hand,  never  caused  Umlaut.     Similar  is  the  case  in 

Old  Norse,  where  ar  stands  for  6r,  Goth.  6Sy  and  r  for  ir,  Goth. 

u,  the  latter  being  always  distinct  bv  the  Umlaut  which  the  i 

of  the  suffix  r,  originally  ir^  had  caused. 

Examples  ;— 

Goth,     blindsy  bUnda,  comp.  blind^z-a^  blind-Sz^i,  blhid-^z^. 
O.K.G. plint   ...       „      plint-o?'-^, plint-or^y jplint^r-a. 

blind^T'^y  bli7td'6r-a,  blind-ar^i, 

blindr^-a^  &c. 

blind-or-a,  or  blind- er-a,  or  blind-r-a, 

blind-ar^i,  blindHir-4j  blind-ar-a. 


O.  S.  blind 
A.  S.  blind 
O.  Fris.  blind 
O.  N.      blindr 


9} 


REMARKS  ON  THE  COMPARATIVE  FORM  IN  THE  DIFFERENT 

DIALECTS. 

1 .  Old  High  German  allows  of  the  assimilation  of  the  vowel 
in  the  suffixes  ^r  and  ir  to  the  vowel  of  the  succeeding  termina- 
tion, e.  g.  plintara  for  plintSra,  richoro  for  ricAiro,  where  S  has 
been  assimilated  to  the  succeeding  a,  and  i  to  the  succeeding  o. 
The  i  of  ir  may  cause  the  Umlaut  of  the  vowel  in  the  preceding 
syllable. 

2.  Old  Saxon  may,  like  Anglo-Saxon,  drop  the  i  of  ir  alto- 
gether, or  weaken  it  into  e,  ana  weaken  the  S  of  Sr  into  a  ;  e.  g. 
bet-er-a  for  bet^ir-^,  ald-r'^  for  ald-ir-o^  jtrng-ap-o  for  jung-Sr-o^ 
for  which  we  even  find  jung-r^o^  so  that  it  would  appear,  as  if  by 
the  side  of  jungSr^Oy  a  comparative  jung-ir-o  had  been  in  use. 
It  is  a  peculiarity  of  the  Old  Saxon  dialect  that  it  likes  to  pre- 
serve the  derivative  spirant  j  even  before  the  terminations,  so 
that  from  the  word  9uMi,  theme  suotja^  sweet,  we  have  the  com- 
parative suofj-er-a  and  suot-^r^x^  wo^j-erni  and  w6^~erHi  from 
tDO^iy  ico^ja,  joyful.  Gothic  and  Old  High  German  never  allow 
this  derivative  spirant  to  appear  before  the  comparative  suffixes. 

3.  Anglo-Saxon  comparatives  in  ir  are — ^Id-r-a  from  eald,  old ; 
leng^r^a  from  lang^  long :  in  6r — earm-r-a  from  eamiy  poor  (Germ, 
arm) ;  brdd-r-^  from  brad,  broad ;  the  former  causing  the  Umlaut 
(on  account  of  the  i),  the  latter  not. 


254  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

4.  Old  Frisian  often  weakens  the  forms  ir  and  or  into  er^  tbe 
former  being  always  recognizable  by  the  Umlaut  it  causes  in 
the  preceding  syllable,  e.  g.  alt,  old,  comp.  eld-^er-^  ;  sometimes 
nothing  but  the  consonant  of  the  suffix  remained,  as  fir^  fiir, 
comp. y<?r-r-a  ;  hdch^  high,  comp,  ha^-THi  for  hag-er-ni. 

5.  Old  Norse  also  drops  the  %  of  «>,  which  however,  just  as 
in  the  other  dialects,  leaves  the  traces  of  its  original  presence 
behind  by  the  Umlaut  it  has  caused  in  the  preceding  syllable ; 
e.g.  fuller,  full,  comp.  fylt-r-i ;  diup^r,  deep,  comp.  d^p^r-L 

6.  All  the  comparatives  in  all  the  dialects  have  the  inflections 
of  the  weak  declension. 

2.  The  Supeelative. 

In  the  Teutonic  dialects  the  superlative  is  formed  just  as  in  Gothic 
and  some  of  the  cognate  languages^  by  adding  the  superlative 
suffix  la  to  the  comparative  suffix  yans,  and  this  primitive  yam^a 
(Sansk.  i9-ta)  appears  in  Gothic  as  i9-ta  or  Ss-ta  [a  reinstated  for 
z  on  account  of  the  following  i,  and  t  instead  of  the  regular  d^ 
or  rather  th,  on  account  of  the  preceding  s),  and  these  combined 
suffixes  uta,  osta,  appear  in  all  the  Teutonic  dialects  with  modi- 
fications similar  to  those  which  afiect  the  comparative  termina- 
tions, i,  e.  the  i  of  iat  being  often  weakened  into  e  or  dropped 
altogether,  and  the  0  of  ost  weakened  into  a.  From  what  we 
have  just  stated  it  will  be  self-evident  that  the  superlative  in  kt 
answers  to  the  comparative  in  /r,  and  the  superlative  in  ost  to 
the  comparative  in  6r.  Concerning  the  different  Teutonic 
dialects  our  remarks  may  be  brief.  In  Anglo-Saxon  the  super- 
lative terminations  resume  their  ancient  vowels  in  est  {=.ist)  and 
ost,  while  the  comparative  suffix  r  had  dropped  both  i  and  0 ; 
e.  g.  leng^st,  sup.  of  lang  ;  earvi-ost,  sup,  of  earm.  But  on  the 
other  hand,  Anglo-Saxon  does  not  strictly  keep  apart  the  termi- 
nations ist  and  ost  for  the  comparatives  ir  and  or  respectively, 
but  frequently  uses  one  for  the  other,  as  geong-ost  for  gyng^st, 
and  vice  versa  leof-est  for  leSf-ost.  In  Old  Frisian  the  vowel  of 
the  superlative  suffix  is  rarely  dropped,  but  it  may  appear  in 
various  modifications  as  isty  and  e,st,  and  ast.  Old  Norse  is  the 
only  dialect  which  regularly  drops  the  vowel  of  the  suffix  isi, 
while  it  changes  ost  into  ast ;  e.  g.  S(rI-1,  happy,  sup.  scBl-st-r ; 
full-r,  full,  ^u^,fyl~st'r;fr6^'r,  prudent,  sup,y/*<?5-a*/-r. 

Where  i  in  the  comparative  causes  Umlaut,  it  does  the  sanie 
in  the  superlative;  e.g.  O.'N./ull-r,  comp. /y//-;-i',  sup. ^/-*/-ry 
A.  S.  ealdy  eld-r-a,  eld-est. 

The  superlative  may  follow  both  the  weak  and  strong  declensions. 


COMPARISONS. 


255 


TABLE  OF  COMPARISONS. 


Positive. 

Comparative. 

Superlative. 

Gothic     hauhMf  high 
hlindt,  bUnd 

hauh-iz-aiV' 
Uwdrdz-^va- 

hauh-iet-or 
hlind^it'ii' 

O.  H.  G.  gtMHty  good 
plinit  blind 

plint-dr-o- 

peiyist-c- 
phntSit-O' 

O.  Sax.     old,  old 
«2;d9it,  &ir 

cUd-ir-O',  (Ud-r-o- 
scdnj-or-ih 

ald-ist-O' 
8c6nj-6st- 

A.  S.        eald,  old 
earm,  poor 

yldrr-a 
earm-r-a 

yld-est 
earm-ost 

O.Fris.    AacA,  high 

kag-er-a,  hag-r-a 
akSn-r^  (pr-a) 

hag-Ut 
aken-ast 

O.Norae/itflr,  fall 

fr&S'T,  prudent 

fyn-r4 
frdlS-ar-i 

fyjrst-r 
frdH-ast^. 

3.  Anomalous  Forms. 

We  have  had  an  opportunity  already  to  mention  that  there 
are  various  suffixes  for  the  comparative  as  well  as  superlative^ 
out  of  which  the  different  cognate  languages  select  one  or  an- 
other. Thus  the  Teutonic  dialects  prefer  the  suffix  yans  for  the 
formation  of  the  regular  comparative,  while  Greek  chooses  the 
suffix  lara  (rfpo-) ;  the  former  use  the  suffix  ta  added  to  yans  in 
order  to  form  the  superlative,  whilst  Latin,  for  the  same  purpose, 
selects  the  suffix  tama  {tumo,  timo)  added  to  t«  =  yans^  hence 
issimo-.  But  by  the  side  of  the  common  forms  of  comparatives 
and  superlatives  ending  in  the  usual  suffixes,  the  Teutonic 
languages  make,  like  all  others,  occasional  use  of  other  suffixes 
for  the  formation  of  comparatives  and  superlatives. 

The  comparative  suffix  tara  we  meet  in  the  Goth,  an-thara^, 
an-thar^  other,  which  is  modified  in  the  O.  H.  Germ,  an-dar^ 
Germ,  an-der,  A.  S.  S^er^  Engl,  other ;  Goth,  hxm-thar^  uter, 
whether,  A.  S.  htoa^er^  Engl,  whether;  Goth.  hva-^thrS,  A.  S. 
Awdder^  Engl,  whither  ;  Goth,  tha^thrdy  A.S.  thider,  Engl,  thither; 
Goth,  hin-^ar,  A.S.  hinder;  aftra  (o/^ preposition  ofy  ab,  de,  retro), 
A.  S.  dftery  Engl,  after. 

Far  more  common  are  superlatives  formed  not  by  the  regular 
suffix  yam  +  ta^  but  by  the  suffix  ma  simply,  or  by  the  suffixes 
ta-tna. 

The  simple  suffix  ma  we  have  in  the  Goth./rw-w^a-  (compare 

fru  with  the  Sansk.  preposition  pra^  Lat. ^ro),  A.S, /or-m-a^ 

O.  Fris.  /br-m-a,  first  (compare  Lat.  prinno-) ;   Goth,  iyinu-wa-y 

A.S.  inne-ma^  intimus;.  Goth,  auhu-^a-,  superus.     The  suffix 


256 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 


tama  occurs  in  the  Gotb.  if-tuma  (proximus^  sequens),  {rf-tuma 
(ultimus)^  hin-^uma-  (postremus) ;  and  in  the  A.  S.  kin-dema 
(ultiraus),  and  ut'-ema  (extimus),  st^-ema  (novissimus^  ultimus), 
Idir^ma  (ultimus)  7ii^-ema  (infimus),  which  very  probably  have 
dropped  the  d  in  the  suffix  dema  (=ztama)  because  it  followed  a 
dental.  These  combinations  do  not  occur  in  the  other  Teutonic 
dialects.  They  take  the  inflexions  of  the  weak  declension.  In 
Gothic  already  the  superlative  force  of  these  suffixes  must  have 
been  lost  at  an  early  date,  whence  it  occurs  that  these  superla- 
tives assume  the  regular  terminations  of  comparison  as  well;  e.g. 
Goth,  J^ruman,  comp,  Jrum-oz-a,  sxx^,  frum^ist^  ;  aftuman,  (iftum' 
UU ;  Ainduman,  hindumists.  In  the  same  manner  are  formed 
the  Anglo-Saxon  superlatives  forme%t  or  fyrmeai  from  forma; 
medema  (medius),  comp.  medemra,  sup.  medemeat;  tHema,  sup. 
iltemest  or  ^temest ;  nv^ema^  sup.  nrSemasl,  It  is  in  general  a 
characteristic  feature  of  Teutonic  comparison  to  double  its  suf- 
fixes, in  order  perhaps  to  create  greater  emphasis.  Such  double 
comparatives  we  have  in  the  Goth,  vairsiza  (which  ought  to  be 
vairiza)y  A.  S.  vyr%a^  worse,  where  vyr  already  is  a  comparative, 
and  sa  the  ancient  comparative  8  of  iza,  (Compare  O.  N.  ver^ri 
where  the  suffix  s  has  submitted  to  rhotacism.)  Thus,  again,  we 
find  in  O.  H.  Germ,  beKerSro  for  the  simple  comp.  be^ir^  and  meroro 
for  simple  mero^  whicn  sounds,  as  if  we  said  betterer,  morer,  and 
as  some  do  say  lesser,  worser. 

Deserving  of  special  notice  are  the  Anglo-Saxon  double  super- 
latives which  are  derived  by  adding  the  superlative  suffix  est  or 
ost  to  the  old  superlative  ending  in  ma,  dema,  e.  g.  hin-dem-est 
from  kin-dema,  ul-em^est  from  ut-ema,  Idt'em-esi  from  Idt-enmy 
st^-em-esl  from  si^-e??fa.  Compare  the  English  hindmost^  ut- 
most^ foremost^  &c.,  superlatives  which  are  no  compounds  with 
most  (maximus),  but  have  gradually  grown  out  of  the  m-est  of  the 
foregoing  Anglo-Saxon  superlatives. 

4.  Defective  Comparisons. 


Gothic. 


O.H.G. 


Bonus. 

Pos.      (j6d-8 
Comp.  hat  iza 
Sup.      hat'Uts 

Malus. 

Pos.      uhil-8 

Comp.  vair-8-iza 
Sup.     rair-s-ist-e 


O.S. 


Anglo-Saxon. 


Old  Frisian. 


O.N. 


gnot 
pe^iro 

uhil 

wirsiro 
mrsuft-er 


god 

bciiro 

best 

ubil 
tnrso 


wirsiet,  wyrst 


god 

bet  era  {betra) 

betoet  {betst) 

mprsa 


g6d 

httera 

beat 

evel 

wirra  {tcerra) 


god 

hdri 

heztr 

r  illr 

\  randr 
reiTi 
rertftr 


COMPARISONS. 


257 


Gothic. 


O.  H.  G. 


O.Saz. 


A.S. 


Old  Frisian. 


O.N. 


Pos.      UUiU 
Comp.  minnrita 

Sap.    mifnn-iit^ 


(moltiis).  «- 
Pos.      mScii^ 
Comp.  moua 
Sup.     mai»U9 


minniro 


ivua 

m  m 

minniet 


mihhU 

mika 

miro 

miro 

meid-4r 

mSst 

lytd 
Idssa 

last 


mycd 
mdra 
mcest 


lita 

lesaa  {mirmira) 
nUekest  (leUt)  ^ 
<  minagt  > 

[lerest  J 

mara 
matt 


litiU 
minni 


minstr 


mikiU 

• • 

mcin 
meUtr 


In  the  Gothic  mdiza  {=zmak-4za\  mdistSy  the  i  of  the  root  mii 
in  mii-ils  has  been  dropped^  and  the  primitive  a  reappeared  ^ 
(comp.  Lat.  root  ma^,  Sansk.  mak).  The  other  dialects  still  more 
modify  the  Gothic  mdiza  by  contractions,  &c.,  as  O.  H.  Germ. 
mero,  A.  S.  mdra^  where  the  8  suffers  rhotacism  and  the  Gothic 
diphthong  is  represented  by  the  long  e  and  d^.  The  O.  S.  lat^ 
late  (comp.  latSro),  has  contracted  the  superlative  into  lasl^  lezt 
{=ilet^Uo).  The  Anglo-Saxon  comparative  Idssa  of  lytel  stands 
for  minra,  which  is  wanting  in  this  dialect.  This  comparative 
may  be  explained  by  the  Goth,  lasiv-dz-a  (infirmior),  comp.  of 
lasic-^  (infirmus). 

The  O.  Fris.  mdra  (more,  greater)  is  deprived  of  the  positive 
mikel  which  we  find  in  the  other  dialects.  There  is  in  this 
dialect  a  form  let^  which  in  the  positive  signifies  piger,  tardus ; 
in  the  comp.  letera,  tardior,  posterior ;  in  the  sup.  letast^  contracted 
lest,  tardissimus,  ultimus.  The  comparative  yb--r-tf  (dexter)  and 
the  superlative  yj^r-^?*^,  y5?r-^*^  are  derived  from  the  preposition 
fara  (prae,  pro).  The  Old  Norse  has  a  few  other  comparisons  for 
which  we  find  no  aualogies  in  the  other  dialects.  These  are,  margr 
(multus),  comp.  fleiri,  sup.  JleUtr  ;  gamall  (old),  comp.  eldri,  sup. 
elzir;  ungr  (young),  comp.  yngri,  Bup,  nydr,  from  n^r. 

The  explanation  of  the  defective  comparisons,  commonly  called 
irregular,  is  the  same  as  that  which  we  give  of  the  defective 
comparisons  in  Greek  and  Latin.  There  are  certain  adjectives 
which  only  occur  in  the  positive,  without  being  able  to  form 
a  comparative  or  superlative ;  there  are  others  which  have  a 
comparative,  or  superlative,  or  both,  but  are  devoid  of  a  posi- 
tive, which,  though  we  may  still  be  able  to  trace  to  its  probable 
form,  has  become  obsolete  or  fallen  out  of  use  altogether.     We 

*  Grimm  assames  that  the  positive  may  have  been  mag-$. 
^  Compare  the  Table  of  Gradations,  p.  34. 

S 


258  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

have  a  positive  of  the  adjective  good^  but  a  comparative  ud 
superlative  of  it  are  wanting.  We  therefore  h^r  hold  of  tbe 
comparative  better  and  the  superhitive  best  to  snpply  the  mean- 
ing of  a  'gooder'  and  'goodest'  which  are  forbidden  fi>rai& 
But  on  the  other  hand  the  positive  good  returns  the  compli- 
ment and  supplies  that  in  which  the  forms  belter  and  be»t  are 
deficient,  namely  a  positive.  There  is  nothing  irr^r°l&r  i'^  ^ 
this ;  better  ana  best  are  regular  forms,  and  good  is  a  regular 
form,  but  both  parties  are  defective  in  their  comparison  and  must 
therefore  supply  each  other  wherein  they  are  wanting. 

The  Goth,  gdd^^  batiza,  batiste  (good,  better,  best),  has  its 
equivalent  and  analogous  forms  in  all  other  Teutonic  dudedBi  as 
will  be  seen  from  our  Table  of  Defective  Comparisons.  'Skese 
comparative  and  superlative  forms  would  require  a  positive  which 
might  be  in  Goth,  ^bat-^^  O.  H.  G«rm.  ^paK  (comp.  pegir),  and 
this  positive  would  be  a  relation  to  the  Gothic  verb  batan^  pret. 
bSt,  which  signifies  '  to  be  useful/  '  to  be  good.' 

The  Goth,  ubils,  vairsiza^  va4rsists  (evil,  worse,  worst)  is  also 
represented  in  the  other  Teutonic  dialects.  As  the  base  of  this 
comparative  form  there  must  have  been  some  word  which  was 
related  to  the  M.  H.  Germ,  verb  werreny  to  disturb,  to  molest,  to 
do  evil,  and  the  A.  S.  werian,  to  weary,  to  molest. 

The  Goth,  leitil^  (little)  forms  the  comparative  minn-iza  and 
the  superlative  minn-ist-s.  These  forms  occur  in  all  the  other 
dialects  except  Anglo-Saxon.  The  comparative  minn-iza  (ad- 
verbial mitt-^)  is  derived  from  the  same  root  as  the  Lat.  min-ns, 
min^or  (for  min-ius,  min-ior).  This  form  is  supplanted  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  by  Idssa,  and  in  Old  Frisian  too  we  have  a  comparative 
lessa  by  the  side  of  minnira.  The  A.  S.  Idssa  is  the  same  as  the 
Gothic  comparative  lasivoza  of  IcLsivs  (infirmus),  and  may  perhaps 
be  an  assimilation  of  r  to  ^,  hence  Idssa  for  Idsra ;  or  the  more 
primitive  s  of  the  comparative  termination,  as  in  the  case  of 
vyrsa  (worse),  may  have  resisted  the  transition  into  r.  The 
same  rules  apply  to  the  superlative :  Goth.  minnistSj  A.  S.  last, 
O.  Fris.  minnist  and  lerest^  where  the  s  of  the  root  submits  to 
rhotacism^ 

*  Tho  A.  S.  Uma  (minor),  la^t  (minimiiB),  must  be  kept  well  distinct  from  latwra 
(posterior),  and  latoet  (postremus). 


COMPARISONS.  269 


5.    COMPAEISON   OF  THB  AdYERBS. 

Only  the  'Adverbia  qualitatis'  are  at  all  capable  of  taking  the 
degrees  of  comparison ;  these  degrees^  however,  are  no  indepen- 
dent adverbial  forms,  developed  out  of  the  adverbial  positive^  but 
tfaey  are  mere  modifications  of  the  degrees  of  comparison  of  their 
corresponding  adjectives.  The  formation  of  the  adverbial  degrees 
may  take  place  in  two  different  ways^  either  the  accusative  neuter 
is,  as  in  the  positive,  used  as  an  adverb^  or  a  distinct  form  is 
developed.  As  to  the  superlative  there  is  only  the  former  mode 
put  into  practice;  it  never  has  a  form  of  its  own,  and  must 
alwavs  be  considered  as  an  accusative  of  the  adjective.  Ex- 
amples : — Groth.  frumut  (irpciTov) ;  O.  H.  Germ,  ^risi  (primum), 
meist  (maxime)^  be^^est  (optime),  gemost  (lubentissime) ;  A.  S. 
(Brest  (primum)  mast  (maxime),  geomost  (lubentissime) ;  latost 
(ultimum).  O.N.  best  (optime);  optast  (saepissime)^  vid<ist 
(latissime). 

The  comparative  of  the  adverb  may  either  be  expressed  by  the 
accus.  neut.  of  the  adjective^  or  it  developes  a  form  of  its  own. 
To  the  former  belong  the  adverbial  comparatives :  Goth,  mana- 
gizS  (plus),  minnizS  (minus),  frumSzS  (prius) ;  O.  H.  Germ,  mera 
(plus),  minnira  (minus). 

Adverbial  comparatives  of  the  latter  class  may  b'e  formed 
either  in  is  or  Ss^  like  the  adjectives.  In  is  we  have  the  Goth. 
mdis  (magis^  from  mdiza  (major),  O.  H.  Germ.  mSr,  O.  S.  mer 
and  merr,  A.  S.  md^  O.  Fris.  mdr  and  md,  O.  N.  meir ;  Goth. 
mins  or  minz  (minus)  from  minniza  (minor),  O.  H.  Germ,  miny 
O.  S.  {min  ?),  A.  S.  to>,  O.  Fris.  min^  O.  N.  minnr  or  mi^r;  Goth. 
bats  (melius)  from  batiza  (melior),  O.  H.  Germ.  paK^  O.  S.  bet^ 
A.  S.  bet^  O.  Fris.  bet^  O.  N.  betr ;  Goth,  vairs  (pejus),  O.  H.  Germ. 
tinrs,  O.  S.  mrs,  A.  S.  toi/rs  (adj.  wyrsa),  O.  N.  verr. 

In  OS : — Goth.  raihtSs  (rectius),  smnifds  (fortius) ;  O.  H.  Germ. 
gernoT  (lubentius),  leidor^  (proh  dolor,  Germ,  leider),  of  tor  (sae- 
pius) ;  O.  S.  diopSr  (profundus),  suithor  (fortius) ;  A.  S.  smalor 
(tenuius),  adj.  stndlra  (tenuior) ;  spar  or  (parcius),  adj.  spdrra 
(parcior) ;  O.  N.  breidar  (latins),  vidar  (amplius).  A  list  of  the 
anomalous  or  defective  comparisons  of  the  adverbs  may  conclude 
our  remarks  on  this  subject. 

*  This  compantive  with  positive  signification  serves  to  express  the  interjection 
'alas!' 


S  % 


2»» 


CTOXIC    GBAMMAE. 


Gockic 

aH.Gtfm. 

O.SL 

AJ^S^ 

.  O.Fkis. 

Old  None. 

PlTM. 

r«fl« 

wAm 

«^ 

ma 

«f 

•a 

Cosp. 

ta<« 

F*i 

.4^ 

fc*(«0 

M 

b<tridirr) 

S*p. 

Aafuf 

F*^ 

bat 

«ar 

(cat 

btMittiM) 

Male. 

Pot. 

^iMahz 

upSo 

-  - 

rv« 

.- 

ifla 

Conp. 

rain 

Kin 

•  • 

«yf» 

•  • 

xirr 

Pos. 

^«tiv 

•en  ^mikkm 

•  • 

tort   ■JFCw 

« . 

mOk 

Comp. 

nJt* 

mer 

wker 

Md 

m 

s^. 

Miir 

meut 

m  • 

Mnf 

rndittL 

Pwe. 

IVm. 

Uita,  leid 

lms3,  Imsilo 

•  • 

1^ 

.    , 

Ktt^UHt 

Comp. 

minM 

min 

Mia 

las 

*    • 

flM»,«iSr 

Sop. 

wkimmid 

mimmid 

miMMUt 

IdM 

1 

•    ■ 

Jmuui,«id 
1     («««iO 

MIDDLE  AND  NEW  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 

Li  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  languages  the  ancient  suffixes 
ir,  isl,  and  or,  osi  are  mixed  up  and  usuaUy  represented  by  er^ 
est,  or  simply  r,  sL  The  only  criterion  by  which  we  can  trace 
a  comparative  to  the  form  in  ir  is  the  Umlaut.  WTierever  we 
have  to  deal  with  an  adjective  which  has  taken  Umlaut  in  the 
comparative,  we  may  be  certain  that  this  adjective  took  the 
suffix  ir  in  the  comparative.  But  this  rule  is  necessarily  very 
limited  in  its  application,  because  there  are  adjectives  which 
have  Umlaut  in  the  positive  already,  or  they  have  a  vowel  in  the 
root  which  cannot  take  Umlaut,  such  as  e  and  i',  and  then  it  is 
impossible  to  tell  whether  the  comparative  belongs  to  the  forma- 
tion in  ir  or  or. 


Formations  in  ir. 

In  Old  English  there  prevails  some  confusion  as  to  the  appli- 
cation of  the  suffixes  ir  (er)  and  or,  the  latter  being  sometimes 
used  where  undoubtedly  er  should  be  expected,  i.  e.  after  Umlaut ; 
e.  g.  strong y  strengor  for  strenger  ;  eldod  for  eldest.  The  termina- 
tions or  and  ost  have  altogether  disappeared  in  Middle  English, 
but  the  Umlaut  with  comparatives  in  ir  sometimes  continues, 
e.  g.  long,  lenger ;  strong,  strenger,  strengest ;  old,  elder,  eldest ; 
but  also  longer,  stronger,  older.  New  English  has  rejected  the 
formations  with  the  Umlaut,  and  thus  obliterated  all  distinction 


COMPARISONS,  261 

between  the  comparison  in  ir  and  that  in  or,  the  only  example 
left  being  the  comparative  elder  and  superlative  eldest  of  the 
adjective  old,  which  however  uses  the  modem  forms  older  and 
oldest  as  well,  though  in  a  slightly  different  sense. 

Middle  High  German  has,  like  Old  English,  occasionally  re- 
tained the  formations  in  o,  but  in  most  cases  it  was  like  i  con- 
verted into  e,  and  thus  the  re::^ular  terminations  were  er,  est. 
But  the  Umlaut  having  in  High  German  more  than  in  any 
other  language  preserved  its  ancient  position,  we  can  tell  with 
tolerable  accuracy  where  we  have  to  deal  with  a  comparative  in 
ir.  Such  examples  are  hertre,  hard,  herter ;  iaU,  cold,  kelter ; 
irank,  sick,  krenker;  scAoene,  fair,  scAoener;  ien/le,  gentle,  senfter; 
Strang,  severe,  strenger ;  veste,  fast,  firm,  vester.  Some  of  these^ 
kerte,  schoene,  &c.  have  the  Umlaut  in  the  positive  already,  and 
then  retain  it  of  course  in  the  comparative  and  superlative. 
New  High  German  on  the  whole  follows  the  same  rule  as  its 
predecessor,  the  formation  in  i  causing  Umlaut  wherever  Umlaut 
is  possible  (a,  o,  u) ;  e.  g.  scAmal,  narrow,  scAmdler,  schmdlest ; 
arm,  poor,  drmer,  drmest ;  toarm,  warmer,  warmest ;  fromm^  pious, 
frommer,  fromm^st ;  gesund,  healthy,  gesilndtr,  gesundest.  Those 
adjectives  which  have  the  Umlaut  in  the  positive  already  retain 
it  throughout  the  degrees. 

The  Scandinavian  languages  also  have  in  a  few  adjectives 
retained  the  Umlaut  and  therewith  the  distinctive  feature  of  the 
formation  in  ir ;  e.  g.  Swed.  Idg^  low,  himible,  Idgre,  Idgst ;  Idng, 
long,  Idngre^  Idngst ;  Dan.  lang^  Idngere,  Idngst ;  Swed.  star, 
great,  st'Orre,  storst ;  Dan.  stor,  storre,  storst ;  Swed.  ung,  young, 
yngre,  yngst ;  Dan.  urigy  yngre^yngst;  Swed.  tung,  heavy,  tyngre, 
tyngst ;  Dan.  tung,  tyngere^  tyngest ;  Swed.  smA^  small,  little, 
smdrre,  smdrst. 

Middle  and  New  Dutch,  which  reject  the  Umlaut  and  adopt 
er  and  est  for  the  formation  of  the  degrees  throughout,  know  no 
longer  any  distinction  between  the  comparison  in  i  and  that  in  o. 
The  only  trace  of  Umlaut  left  in  Dutch  are  the  anomalous  forms 
beter,  best,  of  which  hereafter. 

Formations  in  or. 

In  Old  English  the  fluctuations  between  er  and  or,  est  and  ost 
make  it  diflScult  to  assign  any  adjective  to  the  formation  in  i  or 
0,  for  we  read  faire^  fairor  and  fairest,  by  the  side  of  vayrost ; 
holy,  holyor;  jeblor,  feebler;  jpoueror,  poorer,  and,  as  we  have 
already  mentioned,  even  afl«r  an  Umlaut  eldost  for  eldest ;  but  in 
Middle  English  er  and  est  become  more  and  more  settled,  and  in 


262  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

New  English  they  moat  be  considered  the  regnlar  suffixes  of  tiie 
degrees  of  comparison  which  unite  in  them  the  ancient  fonna- 
tions  in  i  and  o. 

In  Middle  High  Oerman  there  are  many  a^yectives  which 
reject  the  Umlaut,  and  thus  indicate  the  ancient  formation  in  o\ 
e.  g.  alt,  old,  aldtfy  cddest;  lang,  long,  lander,  langest;  zart^  tender, 
gentle,  dear,  zarter,  zartest ;  lam,  lune,  lamre.  Local  adjectivei 
even  retain  the  o  in  the  superlative  (not  in  the  compaiatiTe)i 
as  'oorderSsty  foremost ;  oberSsty  topmost ;  niderSst,  lowest. 

New  High  Grerman  forms  the  degrees  in  most  cases  by  reject- 
ing the  Umlaut,  and  leaving  the  root  of  the  adjective  oxialtered; 
nay,  it  has  removed  the  Umlaut  from  words  which  used  it  in 
Middle  High  German,  as  for  instance  in  sanfi,  soft^  «0fs/fef, 
sanfte%t;  and  in  the  literary  language  this  removal  of  tiie  ancient 
Umlaut  continues  to  be  attempted,  as  va  frommet  {oTjrommer 
(fromm,  pious) ;  pesunder  for  gesUnder  {gesund,  healthy),  whilst 
the  language  of  the  people  favours  the  Umlaut  and  introduces  i^ 
in  words  where  the  literary  language  rejects  it,  where  it  was 
wanting  even  in  Middle  High  German,  e.g.  zdrter  for  zarter 
{zarf.,  gentle),  fidcher  for  flacher  {flach,  flat).  These  facts  un- 
doubtedly prove  the  higher  antiquity  of  the  forms  with  the 
Umlaut,  or,  what  is  identical,  of  the  formation  in  i.  Compari- 
sons without  the  Umlaut  are  very  numerous;  we  give  a  few 
examples:  blank,  blanker,  blankest;  klar,  clear,  klarer,  klarest; 
zart,  gentle,  zarter,  zartest;  matt^  weak,  matter,  mattest;  voll, 
full,  voller,  volht ;  stolz,  proud,  stolzer,  stolzest;  bunt,  variegated, 
bu?iter,  bimt^st ;  blau,  blew,  blauer,  blauest.  To  these  belong  all 
adjectives  ending  in  sam,  bar,  haft,  el,  en,  er,  and  adjectives  end- 
ing in  ig,  if  their  positive  has  no  Umlaut,  and  the  adjectives 
indicating  a  locality,  which  however  use  the  superlative  only,  as 
oberst,  topmost ;  unterst,  lowest ;  vord^rst,  foremost. 

In  the  Scandinavian  languages  all  adjectives,  except  those 
mentioned  under  ir,  are  formed  by  the  suffix  or,  which  in  Swedish 
is  rendered,  as  in  Old  Norse,  by  ar  and  ast,  in  Danish  by  the 
modern  er  and  est.  Umlaut  is  in  these  adjectives  impossible. 
Examples  :  —  Swed.  varm,  warm,  varmare,  varmast ;  Dan.  varm, 
varmere,  varmest ;  Swed.  stark,  strong,  sturkare,  starkast;  Dan. 
stark,  stdrkere,  starkest;  Swed.  rik,  rich,  rikare,  rikast ;  Dan. 
rig,  rigere,  rigest ;  Swed.  mag  tig ,  mdgtigare,  mdgtigst^;  Dan. 
mdgtig,  magtigere,  mdgtigst. 

^  In  adjectives  ending  in  vq  the  inflexional  vowel  suffers  syncope  before  «£  in  the 
superlative. 


COMPARISONS, 


263 


Anomalous  and  Dbpectivb  Compabisons. 


M.  H.  Germ. 

N.  H.  G. 

O.  Engl. 

N.  Engl. 

Dutch. 

Swedish. 

Danmh. 

IB. 

^~-  \  Adv.     wol 

gtU 
wohl 

god 
wtl 

good 
weU 

goed 

•  • 

g6d  {bra) 
vol 

god 

Sup.                 htst 

hej^er 
best 

J  better     \ 
1   {hetur)] 
best 

better 
best 

beter 
best 

b&ttre 
hast 

bedrt 
hedst 

na. 
Pm* 
Comp. 
Sap. 

•  • 

uvd 

wor$,toers 
worst,  werst 

eml(bad) 

worse 

worst 

•  • 

•  • 

•   a 

{elai,6nd)  (ond^sUm) 
vdrre            wkerrt 
varrst           vaerst 

Itos. 

0       /  Adj.     michd 
*^^-  \  Adv. 

•  • 

muchd 
muche 

•  • 

much 

•  • 

mycken 

•  • 

megen 

•  • 

Comp.                   tMTTt 

Sop.                mewt 

^mere 
^meist 

more 
moste 

more 
most 

m^er 
meest 

mera 
meet 

mere 
meest 

Pos.                  lutzel 
Comp.              minner 
Sop.                minnest 

(hlevn) 
minder 
mvndegt 

lUd 
less 

leest 

litOe 

less 

least 

m  • 

minder 
minst 

liten 

mindre 

minst 

liden 

mindre 

mindst. 

Besides  these  there  are  various  other  defective  comparisons  in 
the  different  dialects,  such  as  the  Engl,  many.  Germ,  viele,  which 
adopt  the  comparative  and  superlative  of  M.  H.  Germ,  michel^ 
O.  Engl.  mucAel,  whilst  Danish  has  preserved  the  true  Old 
Norse  comparison  of  many — Dan.  mange ^  flerey  fleesi  ;  few ^  Dan. 
faa,  faerre,  fa^rrest,  -  The  Swed.  ndray  near^  ndrmarey  ndrmaat ; 
Dan.  naer,  naermere,  naermest,  are  derived  from  the  ancient 
superlative  ndrmu.  The  Engl,  next  by  the  side  of  nearest,  last 
by  the  side  of  latest ^  are  contractions,  the  former  of  which  stands 
for  A.  S.  nehst,  the  regular  superlative  of  neah^  nigh,  of  which 
nearrey  our  near,  is  the  comparative.  The  comparative  further, 
farther^  used  for  the  positive  far,  was  originally  the  comparative 
oifor{th). 

The  comparatives  in  iher,  A.  S.  \ery  Goth,  ^fary  as  other, 
whither,  hither,  thither,  nether,  whether.  Germ,  ander,  nieder, 
wed^r,  &c.,  will  find  their  explanation  by  a  reference  to  the  Old 
Teutonic  forms  ^ 

The  superlatives  utmost,  hindmost,  inmost^  &c.,  are  no  com- 
pounds of  most  (maxime)^  but  a  superlative  termination  est  con- 
verted into  ost,  and  combined  with  the  preceding  w,  which  is  the 
remainder  of  an  ancient  superlative  termination.  (See  Anglo- 
Saxon^  p.  256.) 

1  See  pp.  250.  355. 


«4  rZCTOSIC  GRAMMAB. 


L  Dfiden  TemuMc  fAifi  Jkm  of  a  eompanson  effected 
hr  list  mi^^:a  cf  ifafr  ah^eris  a«rv  smd  wtoti^  inBtead  of  tenni- 
Bsbms.     I2  ^^&A  ««  OK  tliis  mode  of  comparison  wiiii  moet 
ft^ectivBi&s:  c«  nex  ■>ua»iHiMea^  heoce  weaiy  beamtiful^  More, 
min^  iemiAJ,    This  fcc^  is  oed  in  Gcnnin  wli^re  two  qnalitieB 
are  ocwnpared,  e.e-  m^  ia^«f  a^  ^sf^i  moie  prudent  than 
bnre.  pratkci  n^ber  tban  ^mve.     Buticiides  never  take  the 
ten&zsasijQs  ^  S««disb,  Dmiali  and  Datdi,  but  always  form 
tiiar  ecflipansiTCfes  bj  Mflnt,  aei/,  aKvr,  meed ;  e.g.  Swed«  flimi 
Sisisfy  DtUL  «tfvr  ^ftfefef^y  DKse  belored ;  aeei^  god^^fdrenie,  most 
riiaritabb:    Dotdi  matt  dhwrfroafcay  ■«»<  daordrtm^em^  more 
pexKCialed.  Jdc. 


DECLENSIONS. 


THE  COGNATE  LANGUAGES. 


NUMBERS,  CASES,  GENDERS. 

Boots  and  themes  (stems)  are  not  yet  words,  parts  of  a  phrase 
or  sentence.  In  the  Aryan  lang^uages  every  real  word,  every 
part  of  a  phrase,  is  either  a  verb  or  a  noun.  (Interjections  are 
no  words^  bnt  mere  sounds ;  adverbs,  particles,  prepositions,  &c., 
were  originally  nominal  or  verbal  forms.)  Themes  of  themselves 
are  neither  one  nor  the  other ;  they  may  become  such  or  such 
under  the  influence  of  a  case-suffix  of  the  noun,  or  a  personal 
termination  of  the  verb.  Case-suffixes,  therefore,  and  personal 
terminations  in  the  Aryan  languages  are  the  agents  chiefly  at 
work  in  the  formation  of  words,  in  contradistinction  to  the 
elements  which  constitute  themes  or  stems.  The  suffixes  em- 
ployed in  the  formation  of  words  are  easily  recognised  as  the 
primary  elements  of  pronouns,  which  at  an  earUer  period  of 
Aryan  life  were  still  independent  roots. 

Since  verbs  and  nouns  are  in  such  relation  to  each  other  as  to 
constitute  the  defined  forms  of  heretofore  undefined  elements  of 
speech,  the  former  cannot  occur  without  the  latter.  A  language 
either  distinguishes  the  forms  of  nouns  from  those  of  verbs,  or 
it  possesses  neither  of  the  two.  We  cannot,  therefore,  speak  of 
the  priority  of  either:  the  noun  and  the  verb  started  into 
existence  at  one  and  the  same  time. 

The  inflexional  elements  of  the  noun  belong  to  two  distinct 
spheres — ^the  cases  and  numbers.  In  the  Aryan  languages  we  dis- 
tinguish three  numbers,  the  Singular^  Dual,  and  Plural ;  the  dual, 
however,  is  rightly  considered  a  mere  modification  of  the  plural ; 
it  is  a  number  therefore  which  easily  disappears  again  from  a 
language.  The  Latin  is  altogether  devoid  of  it,  and  the  ancient 
Teutonic  languages  miss  the  dual  form  in  the  declensions  of  the 
noun ;  Gothic  alone  has  a  dual  of  the  verb,  all  have  the  dual  of 


266  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

certain  pronouns.      Our  modern  languages  have  lo^t  the  dual 
altogether. 

The  Aryan  languages  had  originally  eight  cases,  namely  the 
Nominalive,  Accusalive,  Locative^  Dative,  Ablative^  Genitive,  and 
two  InstrumenMs,  which  however  coalesced  into  one  at  a  veiy 
early  date.     The  vocative  is  no  case,  not  even  a  word ;  it  is  tlw 
simple  theme  or  stem  used  as  an  interjection.     The  eight  cases 
together  with  the  vocative  are,  even  hy  the  most  ancient  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Aryan  tribe,  distinguished  in  the  singular  only. 
The  locative  and  dative,  the  ablative  and  genitive  of  the  singular 
are  closely  related.      The  plural  partly  possesses  case-suffixes 
which  differ  irom  those  of  the  singular,  partly  it  joins  two  cases 
into  one,  as  the  dative  and  ablative,  to  which  the  instrumental 
bears  a  close  resemblance.     The  dual  has  but  three  cases:  (i) 
nominative   and   accusative;    {%)   dative,  ablative,   and  instra- 
mental ;   (3)  genitive  and  locative.     At  a  very  early  period  our 
Aryan  languages  began  to  drop  one  and  another  of  the  case- 
signs,   and   consequently  cases  which  originally  were   distinct 
coalesced  into  one.     Thus  in  Greek  the  ablative  was  lost  in  the 
genitive;  the  instrumental  begins  to  disappear  even  in  the  most 
ancient  form  of  the  language ;  the  dative  and  locative  are  joined 
in  one.      A  similar  course  is  followed  by  the  Latin  language. 
As  to  our  Teutonic  languages,  in  their  ancient  constitution  they 
are  as  perfect,  or  as  mutilated,  as  either  Greek  or  Latin  in  the 
declension  of  cases ;    but  in  their  further  development  through 
the  periods  of  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  they  were  gradually 
stripped  of  most  inflexional  forms,  so  that  now  it  is  only  German 
(and  ])artly  Dutch)  which  show  anything  like  a  declension  of 
the  substantive  or  adjective  through  the  first  four  cases  (as  com- 
monly arranged),  while  English  and  the  Scandinavian  dialects 
have  preserved  but  one  case,  namely  the  genitive  or  possessive 
in  's ;   all  other  cases,  the  nominative,  dative,  and  accusative, 
being  identical  with  the  theme  or  stem  of  the  word. 

The  Aryan  languages  distinguish  three  genders,  while  other 
languages  do  not  at  all  take  them  into  account,  or  others  again 
form  more  numerous  distinctions  than  ours.  A  particular  in- 
flexional sign  for  the  distinction  of  the  genders  does  not  exist  in 
the  Aryan  languages,  and  it  is  perfectly  evident  that  at  an  early 
stage  the  primitive  Aryan  language  knew  no  discrimination  of 
genders,  which  in  the  course  of  time  was  gradually  developed  and 
marked  out  by  secondary  inflexional  forms.  We  mention  a  few 
only  of  the  means  which  our  languages  apply  for  the  expression 
of  the  different  genders,  (i)  The  themes  which  end  in  con- 
sonants or  the  vowels  i  and  u  do  not  pay  any  regard  to  gender, 


DSCLESSIOyS.  267 

wUle  Ae  ihemes  in  a  mark  out  the  feminine  by  the  production 
of  the  themstic  a  into  a,  a  process  however  which  is  not  to  be 
ooDsideied  exclnsively  chjuacteristic  of  the  feminine.  (Comp.  the 
Greek  c/xr^ff,  ^oA^n^y.)  (2)  The  gender  is  distinguished  bv  case- 
suffixes  whidh  are  adopted  only  in  certain  genders,  e  g.  Lat. 
masc.  qMir9,  neat.  fui^=qtii^.  (3)  The  gender  is  marked  out  in 
the  theme  itself  by  the  application  of  particular  suffixes.  Thus, 
for  instance,  the  themes  in  jra  (ja)y  e.  g.  Sansk.  dM  (goddess) s 
dSo^^  theme  dev-ya-^  while  the  masc.  is  not  der-ya-^^  but  the 
tndent  dio-<u ;  Sansk.  dditi  (datrix,  she  who  gives)  =  ddir^^d^ 
tiiODe  idir^ya  fiom  ddtar^ya^  for  the  more  ancient  daiar  which 
wu  common  to  all  genders ;  thus  also  the  Or.  hor^ipa^^hor^f^y^ 
along  with  which  tliere  does  not  exist  a  masc.  5oV€ifX)-9,  primi- 
tire  datarwor^j  because  in  the  masc.  form  the  more  ancient  5o-n}p-, 
oai 
Gr 

which  were  used  for  the  feminine  as  well ;  thus  also  the  Latin 
theme  vie-^ric-  for  the  feminine  only  by  the  side  of  the  masc. 
^ic-^or.  (4)  Of  a  comparatively  recent  introduction  is  the  mode  of 
distinguishing  the  genders  by  a  phonetic  change  in  terminational 
forms  which  at  first  were  identically  the  same;  e.g.  Sansk. 
pati-n  (fem.)  for pati-ms;  Gr.  ImtoTrj-s  (masc.),  dpfTrj  (fem.);  Old 
Lat.  abl.  sing.  masc.  novd^y  fem.  novd-^,  the  primitive  form  of 
both  navd^t;  Gtothio  gen.  phir.  masc.  and  neut.  -^,  fem.  in 
several  themes  -^^  both  -/  and  S  standing  for  an  original  -dm. 


THE  TERMINATIONS  OF  NOMINAL  THEMES. 

The  termination  of  a  nominal  theme  has  a  decisive  influence 
on  the  declension,  because  the  theme  is  the  changeable  element 
of  the  noun,  while  the  case-terminations  are  for  all  nouns  and 
declensions  ever  the  same.  We  might  therefori*  speak  of  different 
themes  rather  than  of  different  declensions.  The  themes  deserve 
special  arrangement  and  examination,  for  it  is  with  them  that 
the  case-suffixes  enter  into  an  alliance,  and  by  them  that  they, 
according  to  their  nature,  are  differently  affected  and  modified. 
Themes  are  either  consonantal  or  vocalic,  that  is,  ending  in  a 
consonant  or  a  vowel.  The  former  easily  disappear  from  lan- 
guages because  they  have  a  tendency  to  follow  the  analogy  of 
the  latter.  The  consonantal  themes,  moreover,  may  modify  their 
final  consonant  and  lengthen  or  shorten  their  final  syllable  before 
certain  case-suffixes,  or  they  remain  the  same  throughout.    They 


268  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

therefore  are  divided  into  mutable  and  immutable  themes.  He 
vowels  nearest  related  to  the  consonants  are  u  and  i,  for  the^ 
may  easily  go  over  into  the  semi-vowels  or  consonants  o  and  j 
respectively.  Next  then  to  the  consonantal  we  place  the  tbemei 
ending  in  a  diphthongs  as  du  or  dv,  and  those  in  u  and  i  (long 
or  short).  The  themes  in  a  (the  most  fineqoent  in  onr  languages) 
are  peculiar  in  this  respect,  that  a  never  can  pass  into  a  con- 
sonant (that  is,  follow  the  analogy  of  a  consonantal  theiiie)i 
a  fact  which  imparts  to  them  certain  characteristic  featnrei 
distinct  from  anything  we  find  with  the  rest. 

I.  Consonantal  Themes. 

(i)  Immutable  themes.  The  final  consonant  of  the  root  is 
also  the  termination  of  the  theme ;  e.  g.  Sansk.  vdck^  speech,  6t, 
dTT-,  Lat.  v6c~,  Goth,  man-,  homo.  Some  of  these  follow  the 
analogy  of  vocalic  themes. 

(2)  Themes  in  wm,  the  thematic  sufiix  of  which  is  changed 
by  the  phonetic  influence  of  the  case-su£Sx  added  to  it,  as  LbL 
cini/t'^  ciner-,  arbos-^  arbor-,  geno^^  gener-y  vetus-^  veter^. 

(3)  Themes  in  -».  These  are  subject  to  considerable  modifica- 
tions, as  Or.  TToifih",  shepherd,  yA\a»-,  black;  Lat.  Aomen^, 
man,  s&rmon-,  speech ;  Gt)th.  hanan-^  cock ;  fem.  tuggon-,  tongue ; 
managein-  =  maimgjan^y  many,  multitude ;  neut.  Lat.  nomen-^ 
Goth,  naman-^  name. 

(4)  Themes  in  -^nt-,  -ans-,  occurring  in  active  participles  and 
comi)aratives.  These  are  subject  to  great  changes ;  they  may 
drop  the  w  and  exchange  t  and  s,  using  the  latter  before  vowels, 
the  former  before  consonants;  as  in  the  part,  active,  pres.  and 
I'ut.,  e.  g.  Sansk.  b/mranC-,  Gr.  (fiipovr-,  Ijat.Jerenf^,  bearing,  Goth. 

Jfjand'  (hating,  enemy,  fiend) ;  the  part.  pret.  active,  e.  g,  Sansk. 
ridran/,-  (tor  primitive  vithid-vauf-),  Gr.  €i6or-  (for  Ffib-FoT-), 

(5)  Themes  in  -r.  Sansk.  dd/ar-y  giver;  b/irdtar^,  brother; 
iiidiar-,  mother;  Gr.  SoT7/p-,  giver;  itaTlp-,  father;  iunrip-y 
mother;  Lat.  dator-,  pater- ,  vidter-;  Goth,  broihar-y  brother; 
dauhtur-y  daughter. 

2.  Vocalic  Themes. 

(6)  Themes  ending  in  a  diphthong;  e.g.  Sansk.  waw-,  ship; 
Gr.  rav". 

(7)  Themes  in  u  and  i\  they  are  no  primitive  forms,  as  little 
as  the  long  vowels  upon  which  they  are  based;  Sansk.  bhru-y 
brow,  for  the  primitive  Mrw-,  Gr.  dc^pv- ;  Lat.  *?/-,  sow,  pig ; 
before  vowels  su. 


DECLENSIONS,  269 

(8)  Themes  in  -w.  Sansk.  iHnu^,  son,  fem.  hanu-^  cheek ;  Gr. 
yhny-y  chin,  yAvw-,  sweet;  Jj^i./ructu'^  fruit;  Goth,  sunu^,  son, 
fisnnu  Aandu'y  hand :  neut.  Sansk.  madAu',  honey,  Gr.  iiebv-  ;  Lat. 
peeu^y  cattle;  Qoth./aiAu',  possession,  wealth  (comp.  Germ.  vieh. 
Engl.  fee). 

(9)  Themes  in  -1.  Sansk.  avu  (masc.  and  fem.),  sheep ;  Gr. 
ipvai^y  nature;  Lat.  ovi^,  sheep;  Goth,  mahti^y  might,  power: 
masc.  Sansk.  patU^  lord;  Gr.  'n6(Ti''^  husband;  Lat.  hostu, 
enemy;  Goth,  gasti-y  guest:  neut.  Sansk.  van-,  water;  Lat. 
mari-,  sea. 

(10)  Themes  in  a.  Masc.  primitive  aiva-,  horse ;  Gr.  t-mro', 
Lat.  ^0-;  Goth,  vulfa-y  wolf:  neut.  Sansk. yw^a-,  yoke;  Gr. 
fvyj-,  \ja\,.  jugo-y  Goth./tt^a-:  fem.  (cjommonly  with  lengthened 
a),  Gt.  Xf^pa^y  X^P^">  I^**'  ^?w^"j  Goth,  giha^y  gift. 

The  themes  in  ya  have  in  several  languages  certain  peculiari- 
ties which  are  the  result  of  their  respective  phonetic  laws :  as  in 
Sanskrit  where  the  feminines  in  -yd  contract  this  suffix  ihto  ^, 
e.g.  hharanlAr-  ((pipovaa).  Compare  Gothic  masc.  karj'a,  army 
(Germ,  heer) ;  Aaird/a,  shepherd  (Germ,  hirte) ;  neut.  iunja,  kin, 
kind,  genus ;  fem.  bandja^  band,  bandage. 


FORMATION  OP  THE  CASES. 
NOMINATIVB   SiNGULAE. 

Masculine  and  feminine  nouns  add  the  case-sign  s  to  the  ter- 
mination of  the  theme ;  neuter  nouns  supply  the  nominative  by 
the  accusative.  The  *  of  the  nominative  is  undoubtedly  the 
remainder  of  the  pronominal  root  sa,  which  is  used  in  a  demon- 
strative sense  in  Sanskrit  and  Gothic,  and  appears  also  in  the 
Grreek  article  6 =*(?=*«.  (See  Demonstrative  Pronouns.)  The 
neuter  of  sa  is  in  Sanskrit  tat^  Goth.  );a-^a.  Gr.  to»  The  t  in 
ta~t  and  thorta  is  the  remainder  of  the  root  ia  which  is  used  to 
indicate  the  neuter  gender  in  the  pronominal  declension,  as 
Sansk.  masc.  and  fem.  ^w,  neut.  hi-ty  Lat.  ^i«w,  qui-t  {quini). 
Here  we  find  8  and  i  representing  the  genders  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  in  the  independent  pronouns  sa  and  la,  and  we  therefore 
conclude  that  in  the  pronominal  as  well  as  nominal  declension 
we  have  to  deal  with  the  same  pronouns,  applied  as  case-suffixes. 
This  fact  again  is  a  proof  that  the  inflexional  terminations  in 
the  Arj'an  languages  were  originally  nothing  but  independent 
roots  added  to  the  simple  noun — that  our  declensions  were  simply 
'  post-positions.' 


270  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

The  addition  of  the  nominatiye  sign  8  to  the  theme  most  of 
course  take  place  in  accordance  with  the  phonetic  laws  adopted 
in  each  of  the  Aryan  lang^oages.  What  changes  mast  hereby 
necessarily  occur  will  best  be  seen  from  a  selection  of  examines 
which  we  give^  numbered  according  to  the  number  of  the  theme 
to  which  they  belong,  and  which  is  to  be  found  by  reference  to 
the  preceding  paragraph. 

Examples : — 

Sanskrit,  (i)  vdk  for  vdch^  (no  ch  final) ;  iiaran,  bkaras, 
(5)  ddtdy  hhrdtdy  mdt4y  with  loss  of  -^^  and  lengthening  of  the 
final  vowel;  (6)  nau^,  (7)  hhru-^y  (8)  sunu-^,  hdnu^^  (9)  rft?i-#, 
pdti-8,  (10)  vrkUs  for  ^vrkyd^y  she-wolf;  siAi^,  lioness,  for 
siAyd^;  gna-  and  gnd^^  woman,  goddess. 

Greek.  The  loss  of  the  case-suffix  %  causes  the  lengthening  of 
the  preceding  vowel.  Examples : — (1)  Stt-s  (o^),  (3)  xrotfiijr  from 
"^woifxer-y,  TiffjiAV  from  '''reicToj^y,  but  /ui^Aasfor  ^ficAav-f ;  (4)  ^pw0 
fit>m  ^(PfpovT'Si  but  Tidfk,  larisj  b€iKv6s  for  ^ridcvr-y,  "^loroyr-s, 
^buKPvvT'9;  elhds  from  ^FfibFor-s :  (5)  borrip  from  boTTjp~s  ;  varriPf 
yi'ffrqp  for    ^Trarep-s,  ^firjrcp-s:    (6)  vav^s,  (7)  i<i>p6*s^    (8)    yhfv^^ 

(9)  ^VO-l'S,  (10)  tTTTTO-y. 

Latin,  (i)  rSc^,  vox;  pes  {or ped-s;  milis  (later  on  m%Ui\  for 
milet^ ;  (2)  flr^(?«  for  arbos-s,  cinis^  for  cinis-s;  (3)  yloi»a  for 
Aow2^«-*,  but  tuhicen  for  tuhicen-s  ;  {^feren{f)^;  {5)p^^^''f  mdfer, 
d^itor,  as  in  Greek  (the  short  vowel  of  the  second  syllable  is  of 
later  origin)  ;  (6)  bo-s  (originally  bcyu-Sy  like  Gr.  fioi-s) ;  (7)  su-s, 
(8)  fructn-Sy  (9)  otv'-*  ;  but  mors  for  morts  for  tnarti-Sj  root  w^/-, 
suffix  ^i ;  ar*  for  ar^-*,  for  artis  ;  deer  and  dcri-^,  vigil  and  vigili'S : 
(10)  equo-8,  hwtpiier  {or  pueros,  vir  for  viros, 

Gothio.  Nos.  3  and  5  lengthen  the  final  vowel  if  the  nom. 
case-suffix  is  dropped :  M7ia  for  "^hand  from  ^hanan-s ;  fem. 
tngg6  {rom  ^tuggan-s;  managei  for  ^managjan-s;  {4)  Jijand-^;  (5) 
brSfAar,  dan^far,  for  broihdr  from  brotlar-s,  &c. ;  (8)  sunns, 
handU'S ;  (9)  mahUSy  gasf-s  for  mahtis,  gasfi-s,  (10)  vul/'s  for 
^vul/a-Sy  giba  for  ^^aM,  harjirs  for  harjas,  hatrdms  for  hairdja-s; 
fem.  ^awt/i  for  bandjd. 

Nominative  Plural. 

In  addition  to  the  termination  *  (*a)  of  the  nominative  sin- 
gular, the  nominative  plural  takes  the  plural  sign  *,  which  again 
appears  to  be  the  abbreviation  of  sa,  so  that  the  original  termina- 
tion of  the  nom.  plur.  may  have  been  sasa,  thence  sas^  which, 
dropping  the  first  *  for  the  sake  of  euphony,  became  as. 


DECLENSIONS.  271 

JSxamples:— 

Banskrit.  (i)  vdch-as^  (4)  bi^rant-^s,  (5)  ddldr-ai,  mcHar-^i, 
(6)  wrftHfl*,  (8)  sflnav-as. 

Greek.  Tlie  primitive  suffix  is  represented  by  -ey ;  the  themes 
in  a  have  a  formation  analogous  to  that  of  the  pronouns.  Ex- 
amples:— (i)  07r-€9,  (2)  Ji;o"/ji€ws  =  ^-ft6W-es=^-ft€2;^o^€9,  (3)  Wk- 
Toivey,  (4)  ipipovr^^Sy  eififJr-ey,  (5)  fionjp-ey,  irar^p-es,  fxr}Tip'€S, 
(6)  vaF'€s,  vrjF'fSj  (7)  ^</)ptJ-€S,  (8)  r^icv-ey,  yXvicets  =  yXvKcf-69. 
(10)  fTTTTOi  and  CfVKTal  are  formed  on  the  same  principle  as  ol  and 
al,  more  ancient  roi  and  rai,  perhaps  from  ta-y-^s,  fem.  td-y^aa. 
The  loss  of  the  final  «  may  partly  have  been  caused  from  an 
attempt  to  dissimilate  the  nominative  -049^  -aty  from  the  locative 
forms  -019,  -ois  for  -oktc,  -auri.  (See  the  Declension  of  the 
Pronouns.) 

Latin.  All  the  consonantal  themes  have  adopted  the  form 
of  the  themes  in  f,  hence  voc^y  bov^s,  m-^s  from  voceia,  boveis, 
sueis,  in  the  same  manner  as  oves  from  oveis  (theme  in  i) ;  (8) 
fruct4sy  probably  from  ^fructous,  fmctov-os^  fnictev-es,  as  wiJx^*s 
from  ^7n7x«f-es;  or  it  may  be  derived  from  ^fructu-^s  (comp. 
l\Oi^€s)i  so  that  the  primitive  form  of  both  the  Greek  and  Latin 
would  be  -www.  ( i  o)  equi,  more  ancient  equei,  equeU,  equoe^  ^eqtwi, 
^equois.  The  *  dropped  as  in  Greek,  a  rather  frequent  occur- 
rence in  Latin.  (Compare  pote  and  potis,  mage  and  magisj  amare 
and  amaris ;  Ai,  hei  for  heis  ;  magislri,  magUtrei  for  magistreis,) 

Gothic.  All  vocal  themes  put  -*  directly  to  the  lengthened 
final  vowel .  (i)  man-s  from  ^man^as)^  (3)  Aanan-^  from  ^hatian^as, 
{A^  Jyand^  [^z^fijaiid-as),  (5)  brothrjus  (a  theme  in  r  follows 
the  analogy  of  the  themes  in  «,  imder  8);  (8)  su7ij'U8  from 
^suniv^y  ^auniv'OS,  ^sunav-as;  (9)  maAleis,  gastei-^^  from  ^mah-^ 
iejs,  mahtag-a9 ;  (10)  vul/b~8j  primitive  varkors^aa) ;  fem.  gibd^y 
primitive,  gibd-^aa). 

Nominative  Dual. 

The  dual  forms  of  the  noun  being  wanting  in  the  Teutonic 
languages^  we  omit  examining  them. 

AccTJSATivB  Singular. 

The  case-sign  with  a  consonantal  theme  is  -^m,  with  a  vocalic 
theme  -«i,  very  probably  the  abbreviation  of  -am.  The  neuter 
themes  in  a  adopt  this  form  for  the  nominative  too^  all  other 
neuters  have  in  the  accus.  and  nom.  no  suffix  whatever.  This 
'ttnij  -m  seems  to  be  related  to  the  -m  which  is  frequently  used 


272  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

in  the  formation  of  themes,  and  it  must  be  derived  from  a  pro- 
nominal base,  the  principal  part  of  which  is  m :  this  we  might 
find  in  the  Sansk.  ama-  (hie),  amiurs,  amis  (ille),  perhaps  from  i 
pronominal  root  am. 

Examples : — 

Ckmakrit*  (i)  vdck-am,  (4)  bkarant-^m,  (5)  birdUtr-am,  mdhr- 
am^  daiar^am;   (6)  ndv-am^  (7)  bhrutMim,  (8)  0§ln»~mj  sint-am; 

(9)  avi'-m,  {\o)juffa^m. 

Greek.  According  to  the  phonetic  laws,  Greek  adopts  11  (v) 
for  m;  with  a  consonantal  theme  v  is  dropped  and  simple  a  need 
in  the  accusative:  (i)  J^nwz,  (3)  ^oc/i^v-a,  (4)  f^i(H>vT'a^  ctfior-o, 
(5)  Ttaripna^  firirip^a,  boTfjp-a,  (6)  6<l>pv-'Pg  (7)  vaoo^v,  Hom.  pQF-o, 
prim,  ndv-am  ;  (8)  ykvKi^Vy  (9)  vdat-'V,  ^ifri-v ;  (lo)  tvno^v,  (vy6^t 

Latin.  The  consonantal  themes  follow  the  analogy  of  themes 
in  i ;  hence  they  have,  instead  of  the  regular  -(m»  or  -^m  which 
they  should  use  for  the  primitive  -am,  the  termination  -«»=^tJi, 
witn  the  weakened  e  for  i,  adopted  also  by  the  themes  in  t: 
(i)  vac-em  ;  (2)  cmer-em,  neut.  ffenus  ;  (3)  Aomin-em^  neut.  nomen; 
(4)  ferent-em,  (5)  patr-em,  mdir-em ;  (6)  bov-em^  (7)  eusm,  (8) 
Jrucfu-tfi,  neut.  coniu;  (9)  navi-m,  nave-m,  neut.  nwre  for  ^mari; 

(10)  equo-m^  n^xxi,  jvgn-m, 

Oothio.  The  terminational  m,  which  in  Gothic,  as  in  Greek, 
was  replaced  by  n  (as  we  still  see  in  the  declension  of  the  pro- 
noun), was  dropped,  together  with  the  short  vowel  preceding  it; 
and  consequently  in  themes  in  i  and  a  the  accus.  sing.  be<kme 
identical  with  the  nominative :  (3)  Aanan=^Aanan-an,  neut.  natuo 
=  tia7n-Sn  =  7iam-an;  {^  fjand^-an),  (5)  brdlAar{-an),  dauhtar{-aH); 
(8)  suiu({-n)^  fem.  handu{-^i),  neut.  fui/iu ;  (9)  maht{-in),  ga8t[-in)  ; 
(10)  vn(/\-a-?i),  neut.  jtii(-a'7i),  fem.giba  from  ^gihd-n.  Themes  in 
ja:  hari  =  harja'7i,  neut.  kuni=kunja-7iy  fem.  6andja  =  bandja'n. 

Accusative  Plubal. 

Masculine  and  feminine  nouns  add  the  plural  sign  s  to  the 
termination  of  the  accusative  singular,  so  that  the  primitive  case- 
sign  of  the  accus.  plur.  may  have  been  -ams,  which  became  -aTu 
(in  most  languages  the  n  is  preferred  to  the  m  before  *),  and 
dropping  the  a,  -ns.  This  ns  in  Sanskrit  was  again  dissected  into 
-n  and  s,  the  former  being  used  with  the  masculine,  and  the 
latter  with  the  feminine  vocalic  themes  which  end  in  a  long 
vowel.  But  the  original  -7/18  is  preserved  with  masculine  vocalic 
themes  before  t  and  ck,  and  all  the  consonantal  themes  have  -as. 


DECLENSIONS.  273 

Neuters  end  in  i  (weakened  a).  The  Greek  and  Latin  languages 
reject  the  n  altogether,  and  thus  we  have  the  terminations  dy,  ds^ 
d*,  while  Gothic  alone  preserves  the  primitive  form  of  the  case- 
sign,  using  always  -m*  in  the  accus.  plur.  with  vocalic  themes, 
which  with  consonantal  themes  is  replaced  by  -a*.  The  neuter 
ends  throughout  in  a  which  is  also  used  in  the  nom.  plur. 

Examples : — 

Sanskrit,  (i)  vacA^a^,  (3)  neut.  naman-i,  (4)  iAarat-as,  neut. 
biaranl-i ;  (5)  ddtf-n  {datf-s),  neut.  ddtf-n-i^  bhrdtf-n^  mdtf-^ ; 
(6)  nav-aSy  (7)  bhruv^aa,  (8)  sUni-n^  sunv-as,  fem.  hanU-s ;  (9) 
patUn^  fem.  avis;  (10)  ahd'-n,  fem.  adva-^,  neut.  t/uga-tii, 

Greek*  (i)  Jw-as  =  ^Foit^q,^  =  ^Foir-aifs,  {])  riKTov-^s,  neut. 
TctAar-a ;  (4)  ^^povr^as,  neut.  (f>4povT'a ;  (5)  itarip^as,  (6)  vrjF-aSj 
vav9,  (7)  6(ppvHi9,  6(f>pi''9 ;  (8)  ^yKvKdF-as,  yXvK€is  ;  IxOu-as,  l\6vs ; 
y€vi;-as,  y€vv-s.    (9)  ^iroAcy-as,  iroAcis ;  ( 1  o)  ?7r7rovy=^?7r7ro-i;ff,  neut. 

Iiatin.  (2)  gener-a  {=^ganas'd),  (3)  nSmin-a,  {^fereniu-a  (as 
theme  in  i);  {dt)  fmctus^^fruciur-nay  neut.  cornuHi;  (9)  o?;m, 
^n?w,  t>r^*  (comp.  Gr.  iroActs  and  ttoAIs),  from  ^ovins,  neut.  mari-a 
(comp.  iSpt-a).     (10)  equo-s=^ eq?io-ns,  fem.  equd-s=i^ equa-ns. 

Gk>thio.  (i)  mans  {=^man^3)j  (3)  hanan-s  {=^Aanan-as), 
neut.  namn-a  (prim,  ndnian-^  ;  in  neuter  themes  the  termination 
-an-  is  changed  into  -(?«-,  if  the  theme  is  bisyllabic,  or  -an- 
succeeds  two  consonants,  e.  g.  hairton-a,  theme  hairtun- ;  (4) 
fjand-a  ( =fjand^s),  ( - )  hrdthru-ns  follows  the  analogy  of  themes 
in  «.  (8)  sunu'fiSj  Aandu~ns;  (o)  mahti-iiSy  gaathis  ;  (10)  vulfans, 
nei\xi.juka  {=yuid),  fem.  gibos. 

Ablative  Singular. 

This  case  is  formed  by  the  termination  -at,  or  its  abbre- 
viated form  't,  which  is  a  frequently  occurring  element  in  the 
formation  of  themes,  and  may  be  identical  with  the  pronominal 
demonstrative  root  ta,  in  an  inverted  form  at.  This  case  being 
lost  in  the  Teutonic  languages  we  abstain  from  examining  it 
any  further. 

Genitive  Singular. 

The  case-suflBx  of  the  genitive  singular  is  -as^  -*,  which  is 
added  to  the  theme  in  the  same  manner  as  -at^  -t,  in  the  abla- 
tive, both  suffixes  being  nearly  related  with  regard  to  form  as 
well  as  function.  The  masc.  and  neut.  themes  in  a  do  not  take 
•s  but  -*ya,  also  of  pronominal  origin,  probably =*«4-y^.  (Com- 
pare the  demonstratives  sa-  and  ^^-,  sya  and  tya,) 

T 


274  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Exampha : — 

Sanskrit.  ( i )  vdcA-aSy  (2),  manasHM,  (3)  naMnF-€U,  (4)  biarai- 
as,  (5)  ddtU'Sy  bkrdtu'8^  mdtus  (ved.  piir-aSj  the  more  ancient 
form)  from  diitr-s,  mdirs  =  datr-aBy  mdir-^s^  prim.  ddtaMa, 
rndfar-as.  (6)  ndv-as,  (7)  bhruv^aa,  (8)  sind-s ;  fern,  hano-i  or 
kanv-dSy  neut.  madhu-n-aa,  madv^aa,  madh-^8.  (9)  jpaie-i,  also 
pafy-us  -=pafy'a8:  fern,  ave^ -sri  avy-aa^  neut.  vari-n-as;  neut 
yugasya, 

Qreek.  Ca«e-sufl5x  o?  =  prim,  a* ;  sometimes  lengthened  in 
0)9.  Tlie  themes  in  a  masc  and  neut.  have  ^-ayo= prim.  -*yfl; 
the  fem.  in  a  have  the  common  case-suflBx  prim.  -£W,  the  a  of 
which  is  absorbed  by  the  final  vowel  of  the  theme.  Examples: 
— (l)  FoTT'Os,  (3)  riKTOv-'O^j  (4)  <f}ipovT^oSj  ciWr-oy;  (5)  irorp-os, 
IxrjTp'-os,  for  iraHp-os,  fxrjT^p-o^,  which  also  occur ;  (6)  vdF-6s,  wyf- 
dy.  (7)  (Tv-dy,  (8)  y^inM)y,  perhaps  for  yer-vf-oy ;  (9)  Ion.  irdAi-05, 
•7rdAf-a)y.  (10)  ^rTTTro-cryo,  iTTTro-to,  tinro  0,  tiriTov;  nent.  (i/yow, 
fvyoG ;  fem.  ^dopd'-s^  Ttju?j-y ;  masc.  ttoXCtov,  from  woAir-ao  (ao 
Hom . )  =  ^  ToX  iT-ayo  =  ^  TroXtT-a-ayo. 

Latin.     Suffix  -0*  as  in  Greek,  later  -tis,  -w.     Examples : — (1) 
voo^s  (as  preserved  in  se7uilU'OS,  domu-os,  &c. ;  perhaps  for  -mphw, 
•ov-os^  comp.  Gr.  yAvK^f-oy),  hence  vdc-ics  (as  preserved  in  vener-My 
ionor-vs,  parUus),  hence  vooia.     It  is  the  same  with  all  other 
consonantal   themes.      (2)   ^  genesis y  gener-ia ;    (3)  Aomin-ia  ^ 
^homeii-oSy  v6iniu-h:=z^noHieii-os;  {^)  ferent-ia^ferent'Oa^  {5)P^^^ 
ia=^^patr-o.s,  (6)  dor-is^^dov-os,  {j)  su-ia :=  s?i'OS ;  {S)JrJtc(U'a= 
\fnicfU"Os^fniclov-os  (comp.  ykvK^f'Os),  like  auna  from  aoroa,  or 
f nidus  from  JrHctu-'is  (oomp.  ftenafu-is).      Sometimes  after  the 
analotry  of  themes  iu  a\  ae/iafi,  sujupit,  quceMi ;  (9)  ori-s^  yci^ 
ably  =  ^(>i*/-.5  =  6»r^v't?,  ^ove-la,  ^ oriels ;  by  the  shortening  of  -ia  the 
consonantal  are  mixed  up  with  the  themes  in  i,      (10)  Masc. 
neut.  cqvc'i^  equl ;  jugei^  jngl^  probably  ^equeia=equoia  the  more 
ancient  form.     (As  wc  have  already  observed,  the  loss  of  the 
final  a  is  of  rather  frequent  occurrence  in  the  Latin  hin^uage.) 
This  ^equeis,  ^ equals^  in  its  primitive  shape  might  be  ^akcay-aa. 
Yemininc, /a7/iilid-a,  ferrd^s,  vid-s,  de'ird-s=:.\inpa'S,  Goth,  giio-a; 
or,  Diff/iaeSy   Oclffviaea,  dimidlaes,    suaes ;    -aea  =  -aia  =  prim. 
-dj/as,  as  masc.  -ois  for  a//as,  in  both  genders  an  extension  of  the 
termination  -as  having  taken  place.     To  this  -hi is  will  also  lead 
forms  Yikcfiiweliaij  rifai,  Jiomai yO^id  the  common  -^=  -ae  which 
replaced  the  more  ancient  -aL    TlTe  themes  in  ya  masc.  and  neut. 
in  the  more  ancient  form  contract  -ii  into  -i,  as /"//if,  consili, 

Gothic.  Suffix  'S  for  the  primitive  -^la ;  the  themes  in  /  and 
n  lengthen  their  final  vowel  and  take  -as ;  the  masc.  and  neut. 
themes  in  a  shorten  much  their  termination:   (i)  man-a  {^i^man- 


DECLENSIONS.  275 

flw),  (3)  hanin^y  neat,  naming  =  tjianifi-is,  ^namin-i^y  primitive 
naman-HU.  {^fijandis  (like  10),  (5)  hrothr^  (=prim.  bhrdtarnzs), 
dauhtrs,  (8)  auiiaus^  handaii-Sy  faihau-s ;  this  -au-^  points  to 
a  more  ancient  ^sunav-isy  prim,  sunav-^as,  from  which  Goth, 
^»unav-Sy  sunaus.  (9)  ^aslu  (masc.  like  10),  fem.  mahtai-Si  the 
Hiis  pointing  to  a  more  ancient  mahtay-isy  prim,  mahtay-as.  (10) 
vulf'Sy  dagis,  like  Old  Saxon  dagas  from  a  primitive  -^sya,  with 
the  loss  of  the  final  ya  ;  fem.  gibo-s. 

Genitive  Plubal. 

The  genitive  plural  ends  in  -dm  and  -^dm^  the  latter  suffix 
being  almost  exclusivelv  used  in  the  pronominal  declension.  It 
appears  that  -^m  has  its  origin  in  -sdm,  as  the  nom,  plur.  ^as 
in  -ms.  Perhaps  this  -sdm  is  a  fuller  or  lengthened  form  of 
the  original  genitive  suffix  which  seems  to  have  lost  the  sign  of 
the  plural.  This  sign  being  supplied  and  the  lengthened  form 
reduced,  we  shall  get  -^sams  as  the  primitive  form.  With  this 
we  may  compare  the  dat.  dual  -bhydm  from  -ihydtrm^  by  the  side 
of  the  dat.  plur.  -ihyas  from  -hhyam^s.  In  the  same  manner  as 
we  find  the  form  bhy-am  by  the  side  of  the  case-suffix  -^hi,  so  we 
have  together  Nvith  the  sufl^  -*,  -as^  the  form  -^am.  With 
this  sam  must  originally  have  been  joined  the  plural  sign  -s, 
hence  -sani^s^  as  we  have  already  stated. 

Sanskrit.  The  suffix  --dm  is  joined  to  the  shortest  form  of 
mutable  themes ;  vocalic  themes  increase  themselves  by  adopting 
ft,  before  which  they  lengthen  the  vowel  of  the  theme;  the 
ar  of  themes  in  ar  is  weakened  into  r,  and  this  r  treated  as  a 
vowel.      Examples: — (i)  vdc/i^dm,  (2)  nianas-dm,  (3)  ndrnn-dm, 

(4)  bharatndmy  (5)  ddb^n-dmy  bhdtf-n-dm ;  ved.  nar^m  {nar^, 
man),  svasr-dm  (svasar^,  sister) ;  (6)  vdv~d?n,  (7)  bhruv-dm^  (8) 
sunu'-n-^m,  (9)  am-n-dm,  (10)  aivd-fi-dm,  neut.  yifgd-^n-^m. 

Greek*  The  case-suffix  is  'iav=-am,  (i)  Fott-&v,  (2)  tiev^v 
^fi^via-'^v;  (3)  T€KToi?-a)r,  (4)  <^^f>6vT-(aVy  ^Ihoi-tav^  (5)  Sonjp-wr, 
fjLr)T€f>-^v;  (6)  vdF^v,  ^oF-m';  (7)  av-iaVy  (8)  ytvy-iav,  (9)  Ion. 
TToKi-Hov,  7roA€-a)i'=^7ioA€^-a)r.  (lo)  KifK-aiv,  fem.  \(M>po^v^=^\(M>pa' 
{(Ty<ai; ;  -(Ta)i^=prim.  -sdm, 

Latin.  Suffix  -ow,  -?/w=prim.  -dm;  with  themes  in  a  it  is 
--rot/f,  -rum,  from  -^^/y2  =  prini.  -^dm.  Examples: — {1)  vdc^Jim^ 
^vdcSffi;  gener-um  =  genes^m ;  (3)  ndmin-um^  (4)  parentr-um, 
sapient-unij  or  after  the  analogy  of  the  themes  in  i,  sajjiefUi^im  ; 

(5)  datSr-um^  patr-um ;  (6)  bo^um=:^ bov-um ;  (9)  fructu-um^  ^(hx- 
haps  from  ^fniciov'dm ;  (9)  ovi-um^  (10)  eqnum^  equd-nim ;  fem. 
equarum  (comp.  Gr.  x(api'a<i>v,  r=s). 

T  2 


276  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Gothic.  The  primitive  suffix  dm  was  in  Oothic  reduced  to  /. 
The  feminines  of  3  and  10  change  the  primitive  d  of  dm  into  6. 
Examples :  —  (3)  hanan-e  auhstiS  (theme  auhsan~y  ox),  neat. 
hairtan-^^iiamn-^yiem.  tvggon-o ;  {^)  fijand-e  Qjke  10);  {^)  drdlAr-e^ 
duuhtr-e ;  (8)  mmic-e,  fem.  handit-e  (-ir-^=prim.  -flr-€»i«);  (9) 
gast-e^  fern,  anst-e  (like  10).  (10)  Masc.  vuIfSy  ii&Mt.  juke,  prim. 
vulfdmyjugdm  ;  (em.  gilh-d. 

LocATi\TB  Singular. 

With  nominal  themes  i  is  the  case  termination,  but  in  the 
pronominal  declension  the  locative  takes  the  suffix  i*«,  probably 
the  weakened  form  of  an  which  may  be  derived  firom  the  pro- 
nominal demonstrative  base  ana-  (to  which  belongs  the  prepo- 
sition i«,  Lat.  in,  Gr.  h,  Goth.  afia).  The  locative  is  preserved 
as  an  independent  case  in  Sanskrit  and  several  other  Aryan 
languages,  but  in  the  Teutonic  as  well  as  Latin,  Greek  and 
Celtic  tongues,  it  has  become  identical  with  the  dative,  to  which 
it  originally  bore  a  close  relationship. 

Sanskrit.  The  suffix  i  is  in  mutable  themes  joined  to  the 
shortest  thematic  form.  Vocalic  feminines  in  *,  rf,  d,  have  -dm 
as  case-suffix,  which  is  joined  to  a  (10)  by  means  of  the  spirant  y. 
The  themes  in  u  have  lost  the  case-suffix  and  terminate  in  -a«, 
which  stands  for  a  more  ancient  -av-i ;  themes  in  %  follow  this 
analogy  ;  neuters  in  i  and  u  extend  the  theme  by  n.  Examples : 
— (1)  vdch'i^  {2)  manas-iy  {^)  7idman-i  and  ndnin-i ;  {4)  6Aarat-i, 
(5)  ddtar-i,  mdlar-i ;  (6)  ndv-i,  (7)  bhruv-i  and  hhruv-dm ;  (8) 
mndu^  handily  ved.  sitnav-i,  hanv-'i^  neut.  madhu-n-i ;  (9)  avdn^ 
fem.  avy-am  ;  (10)  masc.  aive-=^^aSva-i^  neut.  Juge,  fem.  aha- 
y-dm. 

Greek.  The  locative  has  the  functions  of  the  dative;  the 
masc.  and  neut.  themes  in  a  (10)  have  both  cases,  locative  and 
dative,  the  former  however  is  not  used  as  a  regular  case  of  the 
noun,  but  as  an  adverb.  Examples  : — ( i )  ott-i,  (2)  ^4i;€i=z^ fievta-i ;  , 
(3)  riKTov-L,  (4)  (p€povT-i,  (IboT^i ',  (5)  6oT7/p-i,  firjTp-C ;  (6)  vrjF'ij 
(y)  (Tv-C,  (8)  yAi/KCt:=^yAi»K€f-t ;  (9)  7roA6t  =  ^7roA€y-i;  (lo)  ot*co-t, 
Tioi,  ot,  fem.  xa^ja-L  (humi,  theme  xafxa-), 

Latin.  Locatives  j^roper  are  the  following  forms  of  the  themes 
in  a:  /nimi,  domt,  belli,  Corinthi ;  i=ei=:ol  (comp.  oIkol)  ;  fem. 
l{oma€=^^ Romal  (comp.  xaixai)-,  (ruri,  or  r?ire,  is  a  common  abla- 
tive, no  locative.)  As  to  the  rest  the  locative  has  the  functions 
of  the  dative. 

Gothic.  The  locative  has  the  functions  of  the  dative ;  only 
the  themes  in  a  have  the  form  of  the  dative  proper ;  the  case- 


DECLENSIONS.  277 

suffix  i  is  dropped  throughout;  themes  in  u  and  i  (feminine) 
lengthen  the  final  vowel.  Examples  : — ( i )  mann{-i)^  (3)  ^awm-(-i), 
{4)fjand{'t)  (5)  brothr-{i)^  dauhtr{'i) ;  (8)  sunau=i^simav{i')^  fern. 
handau  =  ^ handav{-i),  (9)  fem.  7nah(m  =  mahtaj["i) ;  masc.  ^a*to 
(dative  like  10).  (10)  Masc.  and  neut.  form  a  dative;  the  fem. 
ffibai  may  be  taken  as  the  dative  or  the  locative. 

Dative  Singulae.     (See  Locative.) 

Sanskrit.  The  dative  suffix  is  -/  for  -a>,  of  which  the  former 
may  be  the  weakened  form ;  ai  is  perhaps  the  lengthened  form 
of  the  locative  i.  Examples: — (i)  vdcA-e,  (2)  manas^^  (4)  bha^ 
rat^^  ddlr-e^  mdtr-e^  (6)  ndv-e,  (7)  hhruv-ey  (8)  iHnav-e^  (9)  patay-^y 
( I  o)  akxHiyay  d-y-a = ^d-y-ai. 

Greek.  The  true  dative  with  the  themes  in  a  ( 1  o),  as  tirir^ 
srrjTTrwi,  prim.  akvai=^aiva-ai;  X(opq^  f^hVf  9>  rj^di^d-ai. 

Iistin.  As  in  Greek  the  true  dative  with  the  themes  in  a  only 
(10),  as  equd=equSi ;  thus  popnloiy  romanoi,  quoi;  fem.  equae= 
eqndi, 

Gk>thio.  The  same  as  with  Greek  and  Latin.  Themes  in  a 
(10):  vul/a=:^vulfd=ivulfdi;  km.  gibai:=gibdL 

Locative  Plubal. 

The  suffix  of  this  case  is  prim,  -sva  (comp.  the  pronominal 
root  «;a,  relative  and  reflective),  Sansk.  -suy  Gr.  <T(Ti,=aFi  (used 
for  the  dative).     In  the  Teutonic  languages  this  case  is  lost. 

jst  Instetjmental  Singulae. 

The  instrumental  singular  is  rendered  by  two  distinct  suffixes, 
where  it  has  been  conjectured  that  originally  there  must  have 
been  two  distinct  instrumentals.  The  case-suffix  of  the  first  in- 
strumental is  «  (a  demonstrative  base  frequently  occurring  in  the 
formation  of  themes  or  stems) ;  it  is  exclusively  used  in  Sanskrit, 
while  in  Greek  and  Gothic  we  find  it  in  adverbial  forms  only,  or 
by  the  side  of  the  second  instrumental  suffix  in  certain  nominal 
themes. 

Examples : — 

Sanskrit.  (1)  vd^A-d^  (2)  manas-d^  (^)  ndmn-^,  (4)  bharaird^ 
(5)  bhrdir-d,  ddtr-d ;  (6)  ndv-d,  (7)  bhniv-d,  (8)  sutiu-n-d,  (9) 
pati-^'df  (10)  aivmd,  yugena. 


278  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Greek.  Probably  the  adverbs  in  17  and  a,  as  vimii.  Dor. 
TsavT-a,  T^x-ttj  4^"^,  perhaps  t-r-o. 

Gk>thio  (see  below). 

Old  Hi^  Qerman  in  feminine  themes  in  a,  as  *mii  ereni 
(wd^  certa  lege ;  zwifalM  Ifrd^  duplici  doctrina. 

2nd  Instrumental  Sinoulab. 

Case-suiBx  bht^  of  doubtful  origin^  but  frequently  occurring  in 
the  formation  of  cases ;  witli  the  plural  sign  $  (-oii-#)  it  forms 
the  plural  instrumental;  it  is  used  moreover  to  discharge  the 
fiinctions  of  the  dative  and  ablative  {iu-^ip-amy  tibi ;  ma^ki'-am, 
mihi) ;  in  the  dative  and  abl.  plur.  it  appears  again  in  the 
form  -ihi-ain^.  This  suffix  -ihi  forms  the  instrumental  singular 
in  the  Teutonic  and  other  languages,  by  the  side  of  the  suffix  -4 
(sec  1st  Instr.)  used  with  feminine  themes  in  a. 

Qreek  very  scarce  :  Hom.  suffix  <t>i=bii ;  it  is  not  limited  to 
the  instrumental,  but  may  express  locative  and  ablative  relations 
as  well.    Examples : — Hom.  ^<f>L  pCrj<f>i ;  KpaT€pr}(f>i  fiiqif>i ;  or^cff- 

Gk>thio  has  this  case  but  in  few  examples ;  in  Old  High  Qer- 
man, on  the  contrary,  we  meet  it  as  a  regularly  occurring  for- 
mation, where,  with  themes  in  a,  it  ends  in  -«,  -if  (later  o)  This 
-if,  -w,  is  derived  from  -am,  -ami,  or  rather  -dmi^  e.g.  wol/Uy 
woHh^  pliniii ;  tcolfu  from  ^wolfam^  wo/Jd-mi.  With  pronouns 
this  case  is  commonly  found  after  the  analogy  of  themes  in  y/i, 
as  /ifclji^  theme  /iiva-  (intcrrog.)  from  hwyd-mi ;  feminines  in  a 
use  the  first  instrumental  sing.     (See  ist  Instr.  above.) 

The  Gothic  language  has  this  case  only  in  the  (after  preposi- 
tions, and  as  particle  before  the  comparative)  of  the  demonstra- 
tive tha- ;  hce  (as  dv  hxe^  wherefore,  why)  of  the  pronominal 
theme  hva-  ;  «r<?'(ho\v)  of  the  pronoun  *rrt-^ 

Instrumental  Plural. 
This  case  is  wanting  in  the  Teutonic  languages. 

^  Old  Saxon  nnd  Anglo-Saxon  also  have  an  instrumental  in  the  declension  of 
nouns  and  atijectives,  the  former  ui*ing,  like  Old  High  German^  the  terniination  ti, 
the  latter  the  termination  e^  lilte  (jothic.  Old  Xorse  possessi'S  no  instrumental, 
and  the  only  instance  where  it  occurs  in  Old  Frisian  is  the  form  ihixt  of  the  demon- 
strative pronoun.     (Comp.  the  Declension  of  l^onouns,  p.  199  sqq.) 


DECLENSIONS.  279 


Dative  and  Ablative  Plubal. 

The  suffix  hhi  with  -am  forms  the  dative  singular  of  the  per- 
sonal pronouns.  This  dat.  sing,  suffix  -bhyam^  to  whieh  was 
added  the  plural  sign  «,  yields  the  suffix  -^hhyam-B  for  the  forma- 
tion of  the  dative  and  ablative  plural.  These  cases  occur  in  all 
Aryan  languages  except  the  Greek,  which  uses  the  locative 
instead  of  the  dative,  and  the  genitive  instead  of  the  ablative. 

Sanskrit,  Suffix  hhya-^  for  bhyams,  which  is  added  to  the 
theme  in  the  same  maimer  as  the  instrumental  suffix  -bhis.  Ex- 
amples : — (i)  vag-hhi/a9y  (2)  mans-bJiyds^  (3)  ndma-bhyas,  (4)  bha-- 
rud-^fhyaSf  (5)  bhrdtr-bhyaSf  (6)  ndu-bhyas,  (7)  bhrit-bhyaa^  (8)  9unU' 
bhyaa^  (9)  pati-bhyaSy  ( 1  o)  ahe-bhyas^  neut.  juge-bhyaa. 

IiatuL  Suffix  'bo8y  -bus,  for  a  more  ancient  ^-bios^  ^-bins  (comp, 
minus  for  minius) ;  a  different  development  in  the  pronouns  vo- 
bi-^= volets  (as  ti-bi  for  ti-bei);  themes  in  a  reject  the  b ;  con- 
sonantal themes  follow  those  in  i.  Examples  : — (i)  vSci-bus,  (3) 
ndmini-buSj  (5)  mdtri-his,  (8)  acu-bus ;  but  themes  in  u  also 
usually  follow  those  in  *,  Sisjrucii-bua:  (9)  ovi-btis,  (jo)  ambo-bus, 
dtiv^uSj  exceptional  forms  which  strictly  follow  the  rule.  Forms 
such  as  parvi-^us,  amici-bus,  dii-bus,  prove  how  in  compounds  the 
final  0  of  the  theme  was  weakened  into  i.  The  usual  dat.  and 
abl.  suffix  -w  seems  to  pre-suppose  an  ancient  -bios,  or  -fos  for 
the  prim,  bhyams,  Sansk.  bhyaSy  as  for  instance,  ^eqiio-JioSy  whence 
equo^hios,  whence  equo-ios,  whence  equo-ia,  whence  eque-is,  whence 
eqnh.  Feminine  themes  in  a  have  frequently  preserved  the 
primitive  form,  as  equd-bus,  ded-bus^filid-bua;  the  usual  is  which 
has  rejected  the  b  must  be  derived  from  aisj  as  mensis  from 
^mensais^  ^mensa-bios. 

Gothic,  Of  the  primitive  suffix  bhyam-s  nothing  remained 
but  the  simple  -my  while  in  Old  Norse,  where  we  find  tAri-mr 
(tribus)  by  the  side  of  t/iri-m,  the  primitive  s  also  is  represented 
of  a  form  ^thri-mas  or  ^ Ikri-miis^  tn-bAyams  (r  for  s).  Themes 
in  n  take  occasionally,  as  themes  in  a  always  do,  am  instead  of 
-iw.  Examples : — (3)  Aa?ia-m,  neut.  Aairta-m,  fem.  tuggo-m^  from 
^hanan-m,  &c. ;  but  abn-am^  theme  aban-,  man ;  (4)  fijandam 
(like  10),  (5)  broiAru-m  (like  8) ;  (8)  sunu-m,  (9)  mahti-mj  gasii-m. 
(10)  masc.  vulfa-m,  nevit.  J uia-m,  fem.  gibd-m. 

Vocative. 

The  vocative,  as  we  have  said  before,  is  no  case,  not  even  a 
word,  but  the  noun  in  the  form  of  an  interjection,  devoid  there- 


280  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

fore  of  a  case-suffix.  Only  the  singular  has  a  vocative^  whOsi 
dual  and  plural  supply  it  by  the  nominative^  a  &ct  which  ofi^ 
occurs  in  the  singular  too. 

Sanskrit.  The  accent  always  on  the  first  syllable;  conso- 
nantal themes  appear  in  the  simple  thematic  form ;  mase.  and 
fem.  of  themes  in  i  and  u  lengthen  the  final  vowel ;  feminine 
themes  in  d  {\o)  weaken  the  d  into  e\  themes  ending  in  a  diph- 
thong or  a  long  vowel  do  not  form  a  vocative,  but  supply  it  by 
the  nominative.  Examples : — (i)  vak^  (2)  manas,  (3)  ndman, 
(4)  bharan  for  ^hharant ;  (5)  mdtar,  (6)  ndus,  (7)  bhrwt,  (8)  rinS^ 
(9)  palCy  av/ ;  (10)  a4ca^  neut.  yuga, 

Greek.  Consonantal  themes  commonly  use  the  nominative 
for  the  vocative.  Examples : — ( 1 )  Trat  for  ^itaih ;  (3)  doifiov  (but 
fiy€^i<iif,  nom.) ;  (4)  yipop  (but  <t)ip<av  part,  nom.) ;  (5)  oQrfp, 
pfJTop,  Trdr€p,  (6)  vavj  (7)  ovs,  (8)  yXvidj^  (9)  irocri,  voAi;  (lo) 
tiTTTe,  neut  (vyov ;  fem.  x<ipd,  yXcitTa-a, 

Latin.  A  vocative  with  masc.  themes  under  No.  10  only,  as 
eque  {  =  XinT€),  prim,  aiva  ;  themes  in  ya,  aafili  (or  filie, 

Qothio.  The  vocal  themes  only  form  a  vocative  (3= nom.; 
^  giband^  likeio;  5  =  nom.);  (8)  sunau,  kandan,  hut  slso  iunu. 
(9)  gasl  for  gasti,  fern,  ansf  ;  (10)  vu/f=^rulfa,  fem,  giba;  themes 
iny^;  iari,  hairdi=.^harja,  ^hirdja. 


THE  OLD  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 

STRONG  DECLENSION. 

All  tlie  ancient  Teutonic  dialects  preserve  in  the  declensions 
the  distinction  of  themes  in  a,  1,  and  u;  and  these  thematic 
vowels  giving  the  declension  a  peculiar  colouring,  we  may  well 
arrange  all  nouns  under  three  declensions :  viz.  the  declension  in 
a,  that  in  i,  and  that  in  U-  The  declension  of  themes  ending 
in  a  consonant  we  shall  treat  under  a  separate  head  hereafter  ^ 

Though  we  find  the  themes  in  a,  1,  U^  in  all  the  different 
Teutonic  dialects,  we  must  not  omit  to  notice  that  it  is  in  Gothic 
only  where  they  appear  altogether  distinct ;  though  even  here 
the  thematic  vowels  are  frequently  dropped  or  weakened  and  the 
case-terminations  much  mutilated. 

The  thematic  vowel  of  the  declension  in  a  is  in  Gothic  dis- 
tinctly preserved  only  in  the   dative   singular  and  the  dative 

'  Comp.  pp.  169,  170,  and  pp.  ^68,  269. 


DECLENSIONS,  281 

»nd  accusative  plural^  while  we  find  it  in  a  lengthened  form  in 
he  nominative  and  vocative  plural.  The  feminiues  of  this 
Leclension  lengthen  the  thematic  vowel  a  into  6^  except  in  the 
lom.  accus.  and  voc.  sing,  where  the  a  remains.  The  neuter 
lom.  and  accus.  sing,  drop  the  thematic  vowel  as  well  as  the 
sase-sign. 

While  the  declension  in  a  comprises  all  three  genders,  the 
declension  in  i  has  only  substantives  of  the  masculine  and  femi- 
nine. The  feminine,  always  showing  an  inclination  to  full  and 
lengthy  forms,  which,  as  already  mentioned,  changed  in  the  first 
declension  the  thematic  vowel  &  into  6,  follows  its  natural  pro- 
pensities in  the  second  declension  also  and  takes  ^  gradation/  or 
what  Sanskrit  grammarians  call  'gima,^  by  introducing  an  a 
before  the  thematic  vowel  i^. 

The  declension  in  u  shelters  its  thematic  vowel  most  persist- 
ently, so  that  we  find  the  u  preserved  before  the  case-sign  s  of 
the  nom.  masc.  and  fem.  as  well  as  in  the  nom.  neut.,  where  the 
other  two  declensions  have  dropped  their  thematic  vowels. 

In  the  other  Teutonic  dialects  also  the  three  delensions  in  a* 
i,  and  u,  can  be  traced ;  but  it  is  the  first  only  which  is  in  a 
flourishing  condition,  uncorrupted  by  the  influence  of  the  other 
declensions  and  comprising  the  three  genders.  The  declension 
in  u  is  in  most  dialects  in  a  dilapidated  condition  or  encroached 
upon  by  the  other  declensions.  In  Old  Norse  however  the 
declensions  are  in  their  fullest  vigour,  in  some  respects  more  so 
than  in  Gothic,  while  Old  High  Oerman,  though  it  has  pre- 
served some  ancient  case-signs  which  are  lost  in  Gothic,  has 
suffered  great  losses  with  the  dilapidation  of  its  declension  in  u, 
the  plural  of  which  has  transgressed  into  the  declension  in  i. 
In  the  same  manner  the  Low  German  dialects,  Anglo-Saxon, 
Old  Frisian,  and  Old  Saxon  appear  greatly  mutilated,  though 
in  some  respects  they  too  show  more  ancient  forms  than  we  find 
in  the  Gothic  dialect. 

As  to  the  case-terminations  in  the  different  Teutonic  dialects 
we  must  let  them  pass  a  short  review  in  order  to  compare  them 
with  the  primitive  case-signs  which  we  have  eliminated  above. 

Nominative  Singular. 

The  primitive  case-sign  -*,  from  the  demonstrative  root  sa, 
has  been  dropped  in  all  the  Teutonic  dialects  except  the  Gothic 
and  Old  Norse,  the  latter  however  following  its  propensiiy  to 

^  Comp.  pp.  32>a5. 


282  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

rhotacize^  that  is^  to  convert  the  eibilant  m  into  r.  Bat 
and  Old  Norse  too,  like  all  the  other  Teutonic  tongues,  InmMHL^^ 
the  thematic  vowel  in  the  nom.  sing.,  so  that  for  the  Qil^B5\'^ 
Germ.,  A.  S.,  O.  S.,  O.  Yris.fisk  {visk  or  fw\  ive  find  iiiGdli^^^' 
Jtsks,  in  Old  Norse /*/--r.  An  exception  to  this  rule  is  fiwJ" 
the  u  declension,  which  retains  its  thematic  vowel  in  all  Ai' 
dialects  but  Old  Norse,  and  in  Gothic  yields  the  full  tenin» 
tion  w«,  as  in  nom.  sin^.  Goth,  sunus  (son),  O.  H.  Germ.i  A.8, 
O.  S.,  O.  Fris.  *//////,  O.  N.  son-r.  The  feminine  nouns  letM 
the  thematic  vowel  in  the  a  and  u  declensions,  asGoth.|iii, 
O.  H.  Germ.,  O.  S.  ffe*'6a,  A.  S.  i/i/u  (a  darkened  into  «),  O.ftk 
jere;  but  O.N.  y/o/!  Neuter  nouns  dispense  with  the  theina& 
vowel  as  well  as  the  termination.  Even  in  the  cognate  langugs 
the  aceusiitive  is  used  to  supply  the  nominative  case;  oomput 
Goth,  rauf'f/,  O.  H.  Germ,  icori,  A.  S.,  O.  S,,  O.  Fris.  word^  O.N. 
orS,  Lat.  rerbum. 

Nominative  Plural. 

Tlie  primitive  case-sign  -as  (for  sas^sa-^a)  is  most  completdy 
preserved  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Saxon,  where  the  theme 
Jiskii'  with  the  case  termination  -as  }nelds  the  legitimate  form 
fskas^  whilst  in  Gothic  the  combination  of  a  +  a  results  in 
the  long  vowel  (?,  and  hence  the  nom.  \i[\xT,Jlskos.  Old  Frisian 
and  Old  Norse  rhotacize  the  ease-sign  -*  and  join  the  final  -r 
directly  to  the  thcmo,  so  that  their  nom.  plur.  is  Jiskar,  Old 
High  German  preserves  the  long  a  which  is  the  product  of  the 
combined  a  of  the  theme  and  a  of  the  termination,  but  the  final 
s  is  droj>pcd,  hence  nom.  plur.  viskd.  In  the  feminine  gender 
the  Gothic  and  Old  Norse  alone  retain  the  case-sign  *  (O.  N.  r), 
while  the  other  dialects  either  use  the  simple  thematic  vowel 
(A.  S.  f/ifa,  O.  Fris.  ^cTtf),  or  its  lengthened  form  (O.  S.  giha^ 
O.  H.  Germ,  gibd  or  (/llju)  ;  but  Goth.  giljo-H^  O.  N.  g'mfar.  The 
neuter  rejects  the  thematic  vowels  as  well  as  the  case-sign,  ex- 
cept in  Gothic,  where  we  find  in  the  nom.  plur.  the  termina- 
tion a. 

Accusative  Singular. 

The  primitive  case-sign  -am  after  consonants,  -m  after  vowels, 
from  the  demonstrative  root  am  (eomp.  Sansk.  aw/^-, hie),  is  alto- 
gether lost  in  the  Teutonic  strong  declensions  (themes  in  a,  i,  u), 
but  preserved  in  the  weak  declension  (consonantal  themes  in  n)S 
where  it  is  conveiied  into  n  (compare  the  accus.  sing.  Lat.  -w, 

•  Weak  Declension,  fw»  below. 


DECLENSIONS.  383 

^  -1') ;  wherefore  the  scchb.  bid^.  of  the  theme  haniM-  is  in 
^.  Gern).  and  O.  S,  kanun,  Goth,  and  A.  S.  hanan  ;  but  the  ft 

,  dropped  in  O.  Fris.  iona,  O.  N.  hana.  Very  remarkable  in 
^^■^  ii'gh  German  is  the  preservation  of  the  ancient  case-eign  -» 
^^  "&e  masculine^  chiefly  of  proper  notins  in  a,  where  even  Gotbio 
^^*«  coinpleiely  lost  the  case-sign  ;  e.  g.  O.  H,  Germ,  got  (deua), 
b**^  sing.  i;o(a-n. 

ACCUSATTVI!   PlTJEAL. 

The  primitive  -ams  (=am,  the  case-sign  of  the  accus.  sing.  +  t, 
the  termination  of  the  plural)  appears  in  Gothic  as  -ans,  -nt,  » 
\)eing  preferred  to  m  before  the  sibilant  » ;  bence  fakans  (a)i  l<tl- 
fifu  (i),  sununt  (u),  in  the  strong,  and  hanans  (n),  in  the  weak 
declension;  so  again  the  feminine  anatins  (i),  kanduna  (u))  tttg- 
jAm  (n),  but  giioa  for  gibana  (a).  Nest  to  Gothic  the  Anglo- 
8&xon  and  Old  Saxon  dialects  most  faithfully  render  the  ancient 
case-sign,  but  suppress  the  consonant  n  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  Gothic  feminine  in  a,  which  elision  causes  the  preced- 
ing to  wel  to  be  lengthened,  hence  A..S.fsc^i,0.^.fakda  and 
fASa.  Old  High  German  drops  the  case-sign  altogether  and 
lengthens  the  thematic  vowel,  hence  accus.  like  nom.  phir.  viaMj 
and  Old  Frisian  rhotacizes  the  final  t,  hence  the  accus.  like 
the  nom.  pinr.  ^aiar.  Old  Norse  drops  the  caae-sign  altogether 
and  uses  the  simple  thematic  vowel  as  its  accusative  termination. 
This  example  is  followed  by  the  other  dialects  in  the  fern,  accus. 
plur.,  as  in  the  A.  S,  ffifa,  O.  Fne.  j'eva,  while  Old  High  German 
and  Old  Saxon  lengthen  the  thematic  vowel  in  ge'd^,  gebd. 

Genitivb  SmoiTLAB. 

The  primitive  termination  -aa,  -a,  is  found  in  all  the  Teutonic 
dialects ;  even  Old  Norse,  which  on  other  occasions  so  frequently 
supjilanta  the  sibilant  by  the  liquid  t,  preserves  the  original 
case-sign  of  the  genitive  singular,  at  least  in  the  declension  in  a, 
while  those  in  i  and  u  admit  rbotacism.  The  thematic  vowel 
preceding  the  case-sign  is  variously  modified.  The  Gothic  has 
gradation  of  the  thematic  u  into  av,  and  yields  the  thematic  a 
for  t  in  the  genitive  jiaki-»,  where  the  Old  Saxon  dialect  still 
owns  the  more  ancient  form  fiaka-i.  But  in  the  latter  as  well 
as  in  the  other  dialects.  High  and  Low  German,  the  thematic  a 
is  usually  weakened  into  i  or  e,  hence  the  genitive  forms  O.  H. 
Germ,  vtakea,  A.^.fiacea,  O.Vris.fiakea;  while  Old  Norse,  reject- 
ing the  thematic  vowel  altogether  in  the  a  declension,  hasjitka. 


284  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

In  the  fem.  the  thematic  vowel  is  in  most  dialects  len^hened, 
whether  it  be  succeeded  by  the  ease-sig^  or  not ;  hence  Grothie 
giboSf  O.  H.  Germ,  gebo^  O.  S.  gebd^  but  A.  S.  gife^  O.  Fris.  jm 
(a) ;  Goth.  anst^U  (gradation  of  i  into  di\  O.  H.  G^rm.  auA^ 
but  O.  S.  ensti  (i).  The  genitive  forms  in  Old  Norse  are  peculiar, 
wliere  the  masculine  in  a  alone  has  the  regular  ancient  case* 
sign^  while  the  masculines  in  i  and  u,  and  the  feminines  in 
a  and  i  adopt  the  liquid  r,  which  is  preceded  throughout  by  the 
vowel  a. 

Genitive  Plural. 

The  ancient  case-sign  -aw,  the  probable  derivation  of  which 
we  have  given  above,  is  in  Gothic  reduced  to  the  simple  vowel  f, 
feminine  6 ;  hence  the  genitives  Jiske,  gibo.     The  other  Teutonic 
dialects  also  have  the  lengthened  6  or  a,  or  simply  a  as  the  geni- 
tive termination,  as  O.  H.  Germ,  vuko,  O.  S.fskd  or  ^^id,  A.  S. 
Ji^cd,  but  O.  Fris.  and  O.^.Jijfka,     The  same  terminations  are 
used  for  the  genitive  plural  feminine  in  the  declensions  i  and  n, 
but  in  the  a  declension  the  genitive  feminine  has  in  Old  High 
German  and  Old  Saxon  the  extended  termination  d-^fi-d,  A.  S. 
and  O.  Fris.  e-n-a,  which  seems  to  have  been  formed  in  analogy 
to  the  weak  declension,  where  it  occurs  as  the  regular  termina- 
tion.    Though  Gothic  has  the  simple  S  in  gibd  for  the  O.  H. 
Germ.  ged6?i6,  the  introduction  of  the  liquid  ri  must  be  of  very 
ancient  date,  since  it  occurs  in  the  Indian  dialects  too.     (Comp. 
the  gen.  plur.  fem.  in  a,  Sansk.  dsra-n-am  for  dira?n,  where  the 
Sanskrit   termination   a-u-^m  corresponds  to  the  O.  H.  Germ. 
6-71-6,  A.  S.  e-7i-a.) 

Dative  Singular. 

A  dative  proper  we  have  only  in  the  masculine  of  the  declen- 
sion in  a  and  of  that  in  i,  the  latter  having  adopted  the  thematic 
vowel  of  the  former.  Thus  we  find  in  Gothic  the  Aai\\Q  Jiska^ 
O.  H.  Germ,  rhka,  O.  S.Jhka,  or  weakened  into^*^'^,  A.  S,Jisce, 
O.Yris,  Ji\ska,  or  jMi,  ov  Jiske,  O.^.Jxffkl  (a).  The  same  termi- 
nations occur  in  the  dative  singular  of  the  declension  in  i,  e.  g. 
Goth,  balga,  O.  H.  Germ,  pa/ka,  O.  S.  gasta.  The  case-sign  e  or 
i  is  throughout  the  weakened  form  of  a,  wherefore  the  i  cannot 
cause  Umlaut.  But  in  all  declensions  and  genders  other  than 
those  just  mentioned  the  Teutonic  languages  are  deprived  of  a 
true  dative,  and  consequently  use  the  locative  singular  to  per- 
form its  functions.  The  termination  of  this  locative  is  ?-,  the 
origin  of  which  we  have  mentioned  before.    ,It  is  generally 


DECLENSIONS.  285 

iiopped,  and  the  thematic  vowel  then  has  gradation^  as  in 
maAtai  (i)  for  maAtaJ{'i)y  handau  (u  fem.)  for  Aandav{'i); 
funau  (u  masc.)  for  sunav{^i);  hanin  for  hanin{'i)  (n).  The 
dative  feminine  gibai  (a)  may  be  considered  a  locative  or  a  true 
dative. 

Dative  Plukal. 

The  primitive  suffix  hhyam%  has  in  the  Teutonic  languages 
dwindled  down  to  the  simple  -w,  e.g.  Goth,  fi^ka-m  (masc), 
gibo-m  (fem.)  (a) ;  halgi'-m,  ansti-m  (i) ;  sunu^m,  handu-m  (u) ; 
hana^m,  tuggo-m  (n).  Gothic  only  preserves  the  thematic  vowels 
distinct  in  the  terminations  -«;»,  -iniy  -urn ;  Old  High  German 
puts  um  for  am  in  the  a  declension,  and  all  the  other  dialects 
prefer  in  all  declensions  the  darkened  form  um  in  the  different 
genders,  though  it  must  be  mentioned  that  we  meet  also,  chiefly 
in  Old  Frisian,  with  weakened  forms  such  as  em  and  on.  This 
leads  us  to  notice  another  change,  namely,  of  m  into  n,  which 
already  occurs  in  late  Old  High  German,  sometimes  in  Frisian 
and  almost  regularly  in  Old  Saxon,  a  change  which  moreover  is 
accompanied  by  a  weakening  of  the  thematic  vowel  from  u  into 
o ;  hence  the  termination  of  dat.  plur.  on.  Deserving  of  special 
notice  is  a  form  in  Old  Norse  thri-m-r  by  the 'side  of  thrim 
(tribus),  tveim-m~r  for  Iveim  (duobus),  in  which,  besides  the  m, 
the  s  of  the  original  case-sign  is  preserved,  changed  of  course 
into  r  according  to  the  phonetic  laws  of  the  Old  Norse  dialect, 
so  that  tAri-mr  stands  for  tAri-ms  =  thri-mas  =  primitive  tri~ 
bAjam^. 

Instrumental. 

There  were  originally  two  distinct  suffixes  for  the  instrumental 
singular,  and  therefore  probably  two  distinct  instrumentals  with 
different  functions,  a  distinction  however  which  at  an  early 
period  was  obliterated.  The  first  instrumental  was  formed  with 
the  demonstrative  suffix  a,  rudiments  of  which  we  have  in  Old 
High  German  in  one  or  two  examples  of  feminine  nouns  in  a^ 
The  second  instrumental  is  formed  with  the  suffix  bAiy  which  is 
also  frequently  used  to  form  the  dative.  (Comp.  the  declension 
of  the  Latin  pronoun,  e.g.  ii-bi-^tu^bAi^m^  &c.)  In  the  north 
European  languages,  both  Slavonic  and  Germanic,  the  suffix  bAi 
appears  in  the  form  of  ;/«/,  probably  in  the  combination  --am  for 
-amiy  out  of  which  the  termination  il  or  u  oi  the  instrumental  in 
Old  High  German  and  Old  Saxon  are  explained,  so  that  the 

^  Comp.  p.  37S. 


286  TBUTOSIC  OBAMMAR. 

O.  H.Oerm.  leolfu  would  come  from  ^wolfam  and  tliis  bm\ 
Kol/a-mi.  The  Gothic  has  this  instrumental  in  but  few  at 
verbial  pronominal  forms^  such  as  the  (comparative  particle)  fiw 
the  ]>ronominal  theme  tka-  ;  ire  (as  du  Ive,  why),  from  the  pnh 
nominal  base  Aca-;  #r/ (as)  from  «ra-.  If  these  instrument^ 
forms  were  the  first  instrumental  with  the  suffix  a^  they  wooU 
appear  as  tka^,  ica^,  &e.,  and  these  as  (Ad^  Avd,  rather  thu 
iie,  Ace.  This  instrumental  e  then  originates  like  the  Old  Higli 
German  «  or  «  in  the  primitive  a^mi,  Teutonic  for  a-iAL  Wbt 
we  have  said  with  regard  to  the  instrumental  e  in  Gothic  hdik 
good  for  the  /  of  the  instrumental  in  Anglo-Saxon,  where  it  u 
used  as  the  regular  case-sign  with  all  nouns  that  are  capable  of 
forming  the  mentioned  case. 

The  Plural  Nelter  with  the  Suffix  ir. 

Several  Teutonic  dialects  apply  the  suffix  -iV  (or  its  modified 
form  -er  or  -r,  or  even  -ar)  in  the  formation  of  the  plur.  neut.  of 
the  declension  in  a.     In  Old  High  German  we  find  this  suffix 
often  used  with  tliose  neuter  nouns  which  have  lost  their  ancient 
termination  -«.     Thus,  for  example,  ta/p  (calf)   has  the  nom. 
plur.  kelh-ir  (the  i  of  the  suffix  ir  causes  the  Umlaut  of  a  into  e), 
and  to  this  form  are  added  the  respective  case-signs  of  the  other 
cases,  as  in  the  ^n.  plur.  kelb-irS,     The  use  of  this  suffix  is 
more  limited  iu  Old  Saxon,  where  we  find  but  few  forms,  such 
as    the   genitives    plur.   ei-er-o,  hm-er-o  of  e/,   egg,  horiy  hen. 
Anglo-Saxon  too  does  not  patronize  this  suffix  very  largely,  and 
in  the  few  words  where  it  does  occur  it  is  always  followed  by  the 
ancient  cuse-sign  -w  of  the  nom.  plur.  as  well,  e.  g.  aciy  egg,  nom. 
iij-r-n  ;  ceafj\  calf,  nom.  plur.  ceaff-r-u  ;  c/ A/,  child,  nom.  plur. 
cild-r-u  ;  lainby  lamb,  nom.  plur.  lamh-r-v.     For  the  plural  hry^ 
er'?ij  armenta,  there  is  no  singular  ^;yS,  but  Arjf^er,  the  suffix  -fr 
having  been  adopted  in  the  singular  too.     In  Old  Frisian  the 
suffix  -//*,  in  the  modification  -a/*,  or  -er,  is  used  in  the  formation 
of  the  plural  of  the  following  words :  ki?i(i,  child,  plur,  kind-er^ 
or  k'nid-er^  or  the  ancient  form  k'nula;  kldth^  cloth,  dress,  j)lur. 
k/dfli-er-a,  or  kldth-aTy  or  kid  I  ha  ;  horn^  horn,  plur.  horn-ar  ;  bon, 
mandatiim,  plur.  bonn-^r^  bonna  and  bon,    hrither  (Germ,  rind), 
has,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  suffix  in  the  singular  also. 

The  Umlaut  in  the  Old  Teutonic  Declensions. 

The  reader  will  do  well  first  to  refer  to  our  remarks  concern- 
ing the  formation  of  Umlaut  in  general,  in  our  chapter  on  Old 


DECLENSIONS.  287 

Teutonic  ▼owel8\  In  na  Teutonic  language  have  the  inflexional 
Ibrms  so  wide  a  range  of  influence  upon  the  vowel  of  the  stem 
of  the  word  as  in  the  Old  Norse^  where  both  i  and  Uy  vowels 
which  very  frequently  occur  in  the  terminations,  may  cause 
Umlaut,  while  in  the  other  Teutonic  languages  this  prerogative 
is  restricted  to  the  vowel  i,  and  the  Gothic  dialect  is  deprived 
of  Umlaut  altogether.  The  frequent  occurrence  of  the  Umlaut 
in  the  declensions  of  the  Old  Norse  imparts  to  this  language  a 
degree  of  softness  and  richness  of  sound  for  which  we  might 
hardly  find  a  parallel  in  any  other  Teutonic  tongue,  ancient  or 
modem.  In  order  to  illustrate  this  remark  we  need  only  quote 
the  different  cases  of  the  declension  of  the  theme  :  magu-y  son  j 
sing,  mogry  magr^  megi,  mog ;  plur.  megir,  maga^  mognmy  mogu. 
The  reader  will  be  able  to  account  for  these  different  changes  or 
modifications  of  the  vowel,  if  he  will  apply  to  this  particular 
instance  the  laws  and  rules  which  regulate  the  occurrence  of  the 
Umhmt  in  general.  We  may  therefore  here  restrict  ourselves  to 
certain  phenomena  of  Umlaut  which  are  peculiar  to  particular 
declensions  and  particular  dialects. 

Declension  in  a. — In  Old  High  German  this  declension  shows 
no  Umlaut  except  in  the  neuter  plural,  where  it  may  be  effected 
by  the  sufiix  -?r,  as  in  kalp,  plur.  kelbir.  The  Old  Saxon, 
Anglo-Saxon,  and  Old  Frisian  languages  have  no  Umlaut  in 
the  declension  in  a,  because  the  case -signs  lack  the  element 
which  begets  the  Umlaut.  In  Old  Norse,  on  the  contrary,  it  is 
of  frequent  occurrence,  as  a  reference  to  the  paradigms  will 
teach.  A  few  cases  require  special  explanation.  The  feminine 
nouns  have  in  the  nom.  sing,  dropped  an  u^  the  weakened  form 
of  an  original  a,  the  effect  of  which  u  is  still  perceptible  in  the 
Umlaut  of  the  a  of  the  stem  into  o.  The  same  Umlaut  occurs 
in  the  dat.  sing.,  where  the  u  was  dropped  at  a  later  period  of 
the  language,  but  its  effect,  the  Umlaut,  remained.  Examples : 
— theme  giafa,  gift,  nom.  sing,  giof  (for  giofu)^  dat,  gidf{u). 
Neuter  nouns  orififinally  had  in  the  nom.  and  accus.  plur.  the 
termination  -a^,  which,  though  dropped,  left  the  Umlaut  of  a 
into  0  behind,  e.  g.  fat,  vessel,  plur.  fot  for  fotu. 

Declension  in  i. — All  the  Teutonic  dialects  (Gothic  of  course 
excepted)  show  Umlaut  in  this  declension. 

Old  High  Oerman.  Umlaut  of  a  into  e,  caused  by  the  i  of 
the  termination,  takes  place  in  the  plural  throughout,  as  well 
as  in  the  gen.  and  dat.  sing,  of  the  feminine  (unless  the  fem.  is 

*  See  pp.  26-28. 


288  TEU TOXIC  GRAMMAR. 

redaced  to  the  simple  stem  of  the  word).  Examples  :—jNr&r, 
hide,  \\\xr.  pelki ;  ansl,  gen.  enslij  plur.  ensti.  In  the  gen.  plur. 
the  j  (from  the  thematic  i)  is  often  dropped,  but  the  Umlaot 
remain  ^,  as  pelko^  ensiOy  for  pelkjS,  eMtjS, 

Old  Saxon.  The  Umlaut  of  a  into  e  may  occur  in  the  plural, 
and  in  the  feminine  in  the  gen.  and  dat.  sing,  as  well,  but  it  is 
not  of  general  occurrence.  Examples : — gast^  guest,  plur.  ge^U 
(or  gas(i) ;  anst,  favour,  plur.  eiisti  (or  ansti). 

Anglo-Saxon.     The  termination  i  of  the  dat.  sing,  and  of  the 

nom.  and  ace  us.  plur.,  which  in  the  course  of  time  was  dropped, 

caused  Umlaut,  which  remained,  e.  g.  masc.  nom.  sing./ol,  dat 

fet  {or/eti,  (roia /of i;  nom.  accus.  plur.yj?i^,  fern.  nom.  sing,  jww, 

dat.  wj/*,  nom.  accus.  plur.  w^j?,  &c. 

Old  Frisian.  The  masculine  gender  has  two  words  where 
Umlaut  remained  after  the  terminational  i  had  been  dropped, 
namely  /ol,  uom.  accus.  plur  Jel ;  tdth,  nom.  accus.  plur.  telh ; 
but  there  is  no  Umlaut  either  in  the  dat.  sing,  of  the  masculine 
or  in  any  case  of  the  feminine  gender. 

Old  Norse.  Some  of  the  masculine  nouns  of  this  declension 
adopt  dkj  before  the  vowels  a  and  u  of  the  terminations,  which y, 
whether  retained  or  dropped,  causes  Umlaut  of  the  preceding 
syllable,  as  in  belgr^  b^^gjoiT^y  where  the^  appears  in  certain  cases, 
and  gedr^  gestaVy  where  it  is  dropped  throughout  and  yet  its 
Umlaut  remains.  In  the  feminine  nouns  gds^  mm^  lu9  and  hritn, 
the  terminations  \r  and  /,  dropped  later  on,  caused  the  Umlaut 

Declension  in  u. — This  declension  shows  no  Umlaut  in  any 
dialect  except  in  Old  Norse,  where,  just  in  this  declension,  the 
Umlaut  is  most  richly  developed.  (See  the  paradigms  in  u.) 
It  recjuires  but  few  explanations.  The  nom.  niogr  of  the  theme 
magit'  (son)  owes  its  Umlaut  to  an  earlier  ?ndgitr  for  magur,  Goth. 
7nagus,  The  dat.  sing.  fern,  ionn  of  the  theme  tannu-  (tooth), 
owes  its  Umlaut  to  the  ancient  case-sign  ?/,  which  was  dropped 
at  a  later  period. 


^^ofe. — The  weak  declension  has  Umlaut  in  no  dialect  except 
Old  Norse,  where  the  terminational  u  converts  the  a  of  the 
stem  into  o. 


DECLENSIONS. 


289 


PARADIGMS. 


VOCAL  THEMES  (STRONG   DECLENSIONS). 


Themes  in  a. 


Gothic. 

Themes  '.—fikka^y  pbd-,  vatirda^. 


Masculine. 

Feminine. 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Norn.    /fttr-«(fish) 
G«n.     fiiki^ 
Dat.      fiska 
Accus.  fitk 
Voc.      jUk 

Plur. 

JUk-^ 
Jitka-m 

fiska-m 

Sing. 

giba  (gift) 

gibd-a 

gibai 

giba 

giba 

Plur. 

g%b6-» 

gib^ 

gibS-m 

gibS-e 

gibd^ 

Sing. 

ta^rd  (word) 

vaurdi^ 

vaurda 

vaurd 

va^ird 

Plur. 
vaurda 

vaunkMn 

vaurda 

vaurda 

Old  High  Gtermaou 

Themes : — vUka^^  gebd-  (for  kepd-),  worta-. 


Masculine. 

Feminine. 

Sing. 

Norn.    VM2r(fUh) 
Gen.      vUike-§ 
Dftt.      vUka 
Accus.  vUk 
Inslr.    vuib-ti 

Plur. 

vUkd 
vUk-d 
vUhurm 
vitkd 

•  • 

Sing. 
got  {god) 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

Sing. 

geba  (gift) 
g'iM,  g'Ad 
gebd,  g'ebu 
geba 

•  • 

Plur. 

g'eb6,  gebd 
geb6-fir6 
gebd-m 
gebd,  gebd 

•  • 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Nom.    wort  (word) 
Gen.      foorte-a 
Dat.      worta 
Accus.  wort 
Instr.    wort'U 


Plur. 

wort 
worts 
wcrtu-m 
wort 


Sing. 

ita2p  (calf) 

kad>t^ 

kalba 

kalp 

kaUhu 


Plur. 

keUhir 
kelb-drS 
JW6-tru-m 
kelb^ 


V 


290 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Old  Saxon* 

Themes  i^—Jisca-^  g'ebd-^  word^i^. 


Masculine. 

Fem 

ININB. 

Nom. 

Dat. 

Actnis. 
Instr. 

Sing. 
fiK  (fish) 

Ji»ca,  fixt 

fite 

fitou 

Plur. 

fisca-nt  fiscal 
fiac6-i,  fiscal 

•  • 

Sing. 

geba  (gift) 
gfba,  gibd 
gUbHf  gdtS 
geba 

•  • 

Plur. 

geba 
gebo-nS 
g3fu-H,  gibo^ 

g'M 

Neutsb. 

Sing. 

Nom.  uard 

Gien.  fror</a-«,  tforcfe-t 

Dat.  wonia,  worde 

Ace.  vortl 

luttr.  ironi-tt 


Plur. 

fpord 
tcord-d 
wordu-n 
viovd 


Sing. 

bae  (back) 
baeori,  bace^ 
haca,  baee 
bac 
hac-u 


Plur. 


hacu 
h<u>6 
baeuHH 
haeu 


Anglo-Saxon. 

Tliemes  :—fsca^,  daga-,  gif^^y  worda^yfata-. 


Masculine. 

Feminixb. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Nom. 

(3on. 

Dat. 

Atvus. 

lustr. 

fifc  (fish) 
risce 

M 

fifra-a 

Jiscu-m 
jUcd-a 

gi/a  (gift) 
gife 

{life 

•  • 

gife-n-a 

gifu-m 

gifa 

•  • 

Neuter. 


Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Nom. 

voni 

vonl 

fat  (vat) 

fatu 

(".on. 

wonfc-n 

trord-A 

ftifes 

fat-a 

Dnt. 

iconh' 

%corda-m 

fate 

fatu-m 

Acvus. 

irorii 

icord 

fat 

fatu 

In8tr. 

icord'f 

•  • 

fdt-e 

•   • 

DECLENSIONS, 


291 


Old 


Themes:— ;/?«^*a-,y^a-,  worda^y  skipa^. 


Masculine. 

Feminine. 

Sing. 

PlUP. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Kom.    ;Ea2;(fish) 
Gen.     jitki-t.fidcerB 
I>at.      /ail-a,  -t,  -e 
Acciu.  fi«k 

fiskorr,  fiska 
JUk-a 

fisku-m^  -en,  -^m 
fitkorT,  fiika 

jeve  (gift) 
jeve 

jeva 
jeve-fira 
jevu-m,  -on 
jeva 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Nom.     tpord  (word) 
Gen.      wordit,  -ei 
Dat.       vjorda,  -e 
Accos.    «0ord 

wcTd{a) 
toord-a 
vordtnn,  -on 
tporda 

«il'tp  (ship) 
ekipi-s,  -es 
tkipat  -e 
9ktp 

ikipu,  -0 
skip-a 

tikipu-m,  -on 
skipu,  -0 

Old  Norse. 

Themes  \—Ji 

isia-,  armory  gia^ 

fa^f  or^a^yfatd-. 

Ma8C1 

DLINE. 

Feminine. 

Sing. 

Plnr. 

> 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Nom.    fifk-r  (fish) 
Gen.     fiik-9 
Dat.      fitkh 
Accua.  fitk 

fiskorr 
fidc-a 
fiitku-m, 
JUka 

-OWl 

arm-r  (arm) 
arms 
armi 
arm 

arma-r 
oflrm-a 

arma 

ffif^A^) 
ffi^f 

giafa-r 
giaf-a 
giiifu-m,  om 
giafarr 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Nom.  orfJ  (word) 

Gen.  oriSs 

Dat.  orfSi 

Accns.  or*^ 


Plur. 

offi-a 

or^u-m 

ottS 


Sing. 

fat  (vat) 
fat-t 
fati 
fat 


Plur, 

fbt 

fcU-a 

f&tu-m,  -om 
fdt 


U  2 


292  TEUTOMC  GRAMMAR, 


Notes  to  the  Decietmou  im  A- 

Gk>ihio. 

1.  Tlie  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  a* 

Masc.  «/}?*,  oath  (Germ,  eid) ;  asfs,  branch  (Germ,  ast) ;  hapt. 
Inn*  (Germ,  baum^  cf.  beam) ;  fiag*^  day  (Germ. tag);  ivxAjdog 
((■(Tm.  Iiiind,  vW  hound);  filaibn^  bread,  cf.  loaf;  /<airi«,  lof 
((i<Tin.  lunb) ;  MfahiM,  stone  (Germ,  stein):  rafr,  man,  cf.  I^ 
rlr;  vlf/^,  way  (Germ,  weg) ;  rulfs,  wolf;  pMs,  thief;  M/r«,  eei 
((ierni.  see) ;  ttmiivs^  snow  (Germ,  sclmee) ;  fugh^  bird  (Genn. 
vo<;'('l^  cf.  fowl);  aithy  seat  (Germ,  sessel);  sribls,  sulphur  (Genn. 
Rchwerel);  ]fi?fr/ans,  king;  A/zv/W,  heayen  (Germ  himmel);  aht, 
fioM  ((ierm.  acker,  cf.  acre);  jiggrsy  finger;  i4igr9^  tear  (Germ, 
ziilire). 

Fkm.  a}r\ay  earth;  hohay  book;  fa\a^  path  (Germ,  pfed); 
gafrtla^  girdle  (Germ,  gurte) ;  giba,  gitt  (Germ,  gabe) ;  iairdaf 
licnl  ((ijTni.  heerde) ;  /ivei/ay  hour,  cf.  while  (Germ.  weile=time); 
Tfisftt,  rcot  ((ierm.  rast) ;  saurgay  care  (Germ,  sorge) ;  afdigay  path 
((it'nii.  steii;') ;  rumba^  womh;  )?/Wtf,  people, gens;  M^/a,  needle, 
nad<'l ;  mira/a,  soul  (Germ,  seele) ;  sf/bna,  voice  (Germ,  stimme); 
gaifi<tt,  goat  (Germ,  geif) ;  ahva.  water;  diupipa,  depth;  sunja, 
truth. 

Nki'T  /yf/n/,  (jliild :  baitnly  ))lank  (Germ,  bord) ;  blif)^,  blood 
((JtMu.  blutl ;  <hnh\  door  (Germ,  thiir) ;  hus,  house  (Germ,  haus); 
jt'r,  yrar  ((Jerm.  jahr) ;  Juk,  yoke  (Germ,  joeh) ;  kainiy  com; 
Ituiih,  laml)  ((mtri.  lamm)  ;  fnndy  land  (Germ,  land);  le'iky  boily 
(cf.  (iiM-m.  Icirhe,  Engl.  like);  met  (time,  cf.  Germ,  mal)  ;  mei^ 
month;  nail,  salt  (Germ,  salz);  skip^  ship;  tY/?/r//,  word ;  tagl^ 
hair  (cf.  Vav^\,  tail,  Germ,  zagel) ;  dig'in^  property  (cf.  Germ. 
ei<^«'n,  Hnyl.  own);  m(tir)fry  murder  (Germ,  mord};  silnbr^  silver 
((irnn.  sillu'r)  ;  r/wr;/,  iron  (Germ,  eisen) ;  halifty  hatred,  hate 
((icrni.  hafO  ;  //d/dji]},  head  (cf.  Germ,  haupt)  ;  knuiy  knee  (Germ, 
kin'e) ;  Irit/,  tree. 

2.  Words  of  tlio  masculine  gender  which  have  no  plural  may 
In^long  to  the  declension  in  a  or  i,  because  both  are  in  the 
singuhu'  alike;  and  those  of  which  the  nominative  singular  is 
lost   may  belong  to  tlic  masculine  or  neuter  gender. 

J.  ^'htMues  ending  in  w  reject  the  *  of  the  nominative  singular 
al'tiM-  tlie  .V  of  the  stem,  in  order  to  avoid  tlie  harsh  succession 
of  two  identical  sibilants,  hence  ka/Sj  neck  (Genu,  hals),  instead 
of  kalft-A  from    the   theme   ka/sa-.     The  genitive  is  of  course 


DECLENSIONS.  293 

ialzi^,  &c.  Tliemes  ending  in  ra  also  suppress  the  casensign  « 
if  the  r  is  preceded  by  a  vowel,  hence  va{r,  vir,  nom.  sing,  of 
the  theme  vaira  ;  but  if  a  consonant  precedes  the  r,  the  regular 
formation  takes  place,  as  akr^^  &c. 

4.  Words  of  the  feminine  gender  which  occur  in  the  dat.  sing. 
only  might  belong  to  the  declension  in  a  or  i ;  those  of  which 
we  know  the  nom.  plur.  only  might  be  masculine  or  feminine. 

5.  Neuter  nouns  which  show  the  gen.  sing,  only  may  be  con- 
sidered masculine  or  neuter. 


Old  High  Gherman. 

1.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  Declension  in  a. 

Masc.  diop,  thief  (Germ,  dieb) ;  //or;/,  thorn  (Germ,  dorn) ;  eid, 
oath  (Germ. eid);  ^/^, neck  (Germ,  hals);  Aleip,  bread  ;  huud,Aog 
(Germ,  hund) ;  hof,  court-yard  (Germ,  liof) ;  keist^  spirit  (Germ, 
geist,  cf.  goast) ;  muot,  animus  (Germ,  muth,  cf.  mood) ;  vnuid^ 
mouth  (Germ,  mund) ;  nid,  envy  (Germ,  neid) ;  pou7n,  tree  (Germ. 
haum^  cf.  beam) ;  scaz^  treasure  (Germ,  schatz) ;  sfap,  8tiiff  (Germ. 
stab);  Hein,  stirme  (Germ,  stein);  vw>t,  fish;  uoXra/,  bird  (Germ, 
vogel) ;  aram,  arm ;  fadumy  thread  (Germ,  faden) ;  rekan,  rain 
(Germ,  regen) ;  achat ^  field  (Germ,  acker) ;  viniar,  finger ;  mdnod, 
month  (Germ,  monat). 

Fem.  aka,  water ;  ea,  ewa,  law ;  erda,  earth  (Germ,  erde) ; 
Amla,  mora  (Germ,  weile)  ;  kepa,  gift  (Germ,  gabe) ;  lera,  doc- 
trine (Germ,  lehre) ;  sela,  soul  (Germ,  seele) ;  stimna^  voice 
(Germ,  stimme) ;  stunla,  hour  (Germ,  stunde) ;  atra^a^  street 
(Germ,  stra^) ;  wampa^  womb. 

Nbut.  chini,  child  (Germ,  kind) ;  chorn,  corn ;  chruty  herb 
(Germ,  kraut) ;  dinCy  thing  (Germ,  ding) ;  hroSy  horse  (Germ, 
ross) ;  jdvy  year  (Geim.  jahr) ;  joky  joke  (Germ,  joch) ;  laynp,  lamb 
(Germ,  lamm) ;  loupy  leaf  (Germ,  laub) ;  paruy  chihl ;  pein^  bone 
(Germ,  bein) ;  self,  ship  (Germ,  schiflp) ;  scaf,  sheep  (Germ,  schaf) ; 
isam,  iron  (Germ,  eisen) ;  silapar,  silver  (Germ,  silber) ;  wa^ar, 
water  (Germ,  wafer) ;  houpity  head  (Germ,  haupt). 

2.  In  Old  High  German  also  the  singular  of  nouns  masculine 
is  the  same  in  the  declensions  in  a  and  i^  and  it  therefore  is 
sometimes  difficult  to  say  to  which  declension  they  belong, 
especially  since  such  words  often  form  their  plural  in  a  different 
manner^  either  in  a  or  i,  in  different  documents. 


*^'*»  TEUTOMC  GRAM  MAR. 


Old 

I.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  a. 

Masc.  huui^  tn.'c  rCierm.  baum) ;  d^^.  day  Germ,  tagr; :  d^,ie^ 
((irnii.  Uicil;;  drom,  dream  (Germ  traum  :  f^k,  feh;  hid, 
(lojr;  kuMHy  kiss;  mufJi,  mouth;  */«>,  sleep  :Germ.  sctlaf;;  #/!«, 
Htoiic  ((imii.  stein);  fhioh,  thief;  sfroi^^  stream:  (korn,  thoin; 
"•;'//,  way  ((ierin.  we^; ;  /r^>,  vir,  man;  ett^if,  an^l ;  fugl,  biid; 
hi  mil,  \mi\m\  i'riy  rarl ;  //^'*rt//,  heaven;  fagar^  finger;  «iJti«^, 
kiii^'  ((i4Tm.  koiiijrj;   ^^V^y,  mountain  (Germ,  berg;;  teo,9isk\ 

MHVit,  HI  low. 

Vv.W.  aha,  water;  iirtha,  earth;  ^c-*^,  gift;  i^i'/pa,  help;  i«ffa, 
tiiiif,  while  ((lerrn.  weile) ;  /era,  doctrine;  *eofa,  soul;  jo/yfl, 
I'inv  ((icTiii.  Horf^e) ;  strata,  street ;  stetmia^  voice  (Germ,  stimme); 
ivahta^  wat<h  ((irrm.  wacht) ;  minnea^  love  (Germ,  minne). 

N  i:i!T.  fja*\  ba(;k  ;  IjfatI,  leaf  (Germ,  blatt) ;  bam,  child ;  /d/, 
vi'KM'l,  vat  ((ierni.  fafO  ;  Jiur,  fire;  ./(>/<7,  folk,  people;  gohJ^  gold; 
////v.  house;  /V/V,  yv\\r\  kind,  proles;  corn,  corn;  ^nrV,  herb 
((iriiu.  kraul);  iinht,  light;  ai't/al,  sail  (Germ,  segel);  ^«m«, 
tokrn  ;  nifiifnir,  silvrr;  wafar,  water;  icedar^  weather  (Germ. 
wetN'i);  hdtjid,  head  ((ienn.  haupt);  kneo,  knee  ;  treOy  tree. 

X,  The  two  dillereiit  forms  of  the  nom.  and  accus.  plur.  neut 
(h'sj-rve  s|m'<m:iI  notice;  they  are  not  ay)i)liL'd,  one  or  the  other,  at 
nuulonj,  hut.  us  it  would  appriir  in  aecoi-danee  with  the  following 
I'uIrM :  All  words  consisting  of  a  short  syllable  have  preserved 
the  nucii'ut  Icrniination  v^w^r^hacjjacn;  hhul^bladu.  ;  fjrab,grabu; 
f,it,  tii/tf  :  while  words  with  a  lon^  syllable  rejeet  the  termina- 
tit»u;  whence  /;.////,  rr//(/,  thiinj^  irih^  irord^  remain  unehanged  in 
ihc  nominal ive  and  aeeusative  plural. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

I.  The  lollowiui^  words  l>eloii<^  to  the  deelension  in  a. 

M  \s(  .  /'..'/•'/,  luijuntain  ((ierni.  bero;) ;  cvW,  keel;  copp,  cup; 
I/.//;',  i-ral'l  ;  /A///,  <lay  ^^(Jerni.  taj^) ;  da'K  deal;  doui,  doom;  tw//, 
r.oil  :  /f  A/,  lieM  ;  y/v,  iisli  ;  (jast ,  o«uest ;  ijdat^  ghost  ;  heap,  heap; 
/////./,  riu^;-;  /.'.>'/',  marsh;  /////tS,  mouth;  rap,  rope;  Hecgyy\x\ 
.v/.«/",  jilall";  sU\,iy  stone;  f<firauiy  stream;  tiuWy  tear;  ?rrtV7,  wave; 
/r,./,  wa\  ;  /rr  .//•./.  warden,  j^uard  ;  /r/;/^/,  wind  ;  wi((f\\\o\^\  wt/miy 
worm  ; '//.//A'/,  nail;  hro/o,i,  heaven;  ///-a///,  raven;  slp?t,  sign; 
//,/.;,/•,   linj^-cr;    ]»/'//«'/•,  thunder;    ct/ning,  king;    mdm^,  month; 

/tlaf'ord^  h»rd. 

V'km.  duru,  (h»or  ;  ////w,  gift ;  hifn,  love  ;  sreamu,  shame  ;  scSlu, 


DECLENSIONS,  296 

hool ;  -^oaru,  compIexuB  incolarum ;  land-toaru,  province ;  burA- 
iru,  civitas ;  ceasler-waru,  arx. 

Neut.  d(/,  eg^;  bdc,  back;  ban,  bone;  beam,  child;  cifalf^ 
If;  cild,  child;  Jat,  vessel  (cf.  vat,  Germ,  faf ) ;  ^eai,  gate; 
i>,  ^lass ;  ^rds,  grass;  hors^  horse;  lamb,  lamb;  leaf\  leaf; 
jhty  Ught ;  sweord,  sword  ;  wearc^  work ;  wif,  woman  (cf.  wife) ; 
n-d,  word ;  ^el,  evil ;  cicen^  chicken ;  maden,  maiden ;  tdcen, 
ken;  wdsten,  waste,  desert. 

a.  In  Anglo-Saxon  we  have,  as  in  Old  Saxon,  two  forms  for 
le  nom.  and  accus.  plur.  neut.,  the  termination  u  being  pre- 
rved  in  words  consisting  of  a  short  syllable,  and  rejected  after 
ng  syllables  and  in  words  consisting  of  more  than  one  syllable. 


Old  Frisian. 

1 .  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  a. 

Masc.  bdm,  tree  (Germ,  baum),  bur,  villager  (Germ,  bauer) ; 
Uy  deal ;  enn,  arm ;  eth^  oath ;  Jisk,  fish ;  hdp^  heap  ;  kldth,  coat, 
oth  ;  stef,  staff;  tusk^  tooth,  tusk ;  wei^  way  ;  degan,  man,  vir ; 
nger,  finger ;  monath,  month  (Germ,  monat). 

Fem.  ierde,  earth  (Germ,  erde) ;  nose^  nose ;  sele,  soul  (Germ. 
*ele) ;  nne,  sinew,  nerve ;  spreke^  speech  (Germ,  sprache) ;  did^ 
eed  ;  ned,  need  ;  ild^  time,  tide ;  wrald^  w^orld. 

Neut.  ben,  bone;  berii^  child;  her,  hair;  hus^  house;  kind^ 
bild;  Idf,  leaf;  tnuth,  mouth;  haved,  head;  rike^  kingdom 
jerm.  reich). 

2.  In  documents  of  a  later  period  the  plural  of  the  masculine 
ikes  in  the  nominative,  and  especially  in  the  accusative,  a  or  4, 
istead  of  ar,  and  in  the  dative  an  for  um, 

3.  The  feminine  nouns  of  this  declension  are  not  easily  dis- 
nguished  from  those  of  the  declension  in  i,  because  the  nom. 
ng,  and  the  gen.  plur.  only  have  distinctive  terminations. 

4.  The  plural  of  the  neuter  has  the  two  forms  of  the  nomi- 
ative  as  in  the  Saxon  dialects,  one  preserving  the  case-sign  w, 
tie  other  rejecting  it  and  forming  the  nom.  plur.  like  the  nom. 
ng. 

Old  Norse. 

I .  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  a- 

Masc.  armr^  arm ;  brunnr,  fountain,  well  (Germ,  brunnen) ; 
agr,  day  (Germ,   tag);    ddmr,  doom;    draumr,  dream   (Germ. 


296  TEU TOXIC  GRAMMAR. 

traum) ;  /*itr,  fish ;  kamtr,  hawk ;   keimr^  world ;    kcMir^  hone; 

krimgry   ring;   MoSr^  mind,  mood;   sCockr,  wood;    vindr,  wind; 

sUiitn^,  stone;   praeff,  slave;    r^r,  vir,  man;   «ii?r,  wall  (Genn. 

mauer>;   Aa7s,  neck  (Germ,  hals);   «,  ice;    en^ill^  angel;  yk^ 

bird  (Germ,  vogel) ;    iarly  earl;   ^iodan,  king;    Aimin,  heayen; 

iru/ii,  raven;  iamiir,  hammer;  aiur,  field  (Germ,  acker);  #yif, 
victory  (Germ,  sieg) :  konnngr,  rex. 

Fem.  glof,  gift;  ^/<»S,  girdle;  ^r^  grave  (G«rm. grab);  iKS, 
hall;  i(»S,  earth;  moHf  mane;  nos,  nose;  ros,  rest;  Wn,  sinew; 
#ei7,  rope  (Germ,  seil);  siomm,  shame;  vomd,  womb;  fdiw, 
feather. 

Neut.  ial,  back,  tergum;  bam,  child;  6la9j  leaf  (Germ, 
blatt);  /df,  vessel,  vat  (Germ.  fa0);  glas,  glass;  gras,  grass; 
krass,  horse  (Germ,  ross)  ;  iamb,  lamb ;  mdl,  time ;  rwi»,  room, 
space;  oHS,  word  ;  mj-, knife;  skip, sh\^;  tal,  speech,  tale;  kagl^ 
hail  (Germ,  hagel);  tag!,  tail  (Germ,  zagel) ;  r>»,  wine;  ]iak, 
roof  (Germ,  dach);   na/n,  name;   vain,  water;  sumar,  summer; 

/<fSr,  fodder ;  */^r,  silver. 

2.  The  case-sign  -/  of  the  dative  sing.  masc.  is  sometimes 
dropped  in  monosyllabic  words  with  a  long  radical  vowel,  as  in 
kriHg,  M,  &c. ;  on  the  whole  this  termination  seems  to  be  inor- 
ganic, because  it  never  causes  Umlaut  (except  in  degiy  dative  of 
dagr,  day,  which  however  seems  to  pass  into  the  declension  in  u, 
as  do  many  other  words  which  sometimes  form  the  whole  plural 
after  the  latter  declension). 

3.  Some  words  adopt  forms  from  the  declension  in  i,  others 
form  their  plural  both  in  a  and  i,  as  vegr,  way,  plur.  vegar  and 
vegir. 

4.  Most  words  of  the  feminine  in  a  incline  to  the  declension 
in  i,  after  which  they  in  later  times  regularly  form  their  plural, 
as  giof,  gift,  plur.  giafar,  later  on  giajir.  These  words  also  form 
their  dative  singular  sometiihes  in  -?^,  as  giofu  for  giof;  the  latter 
seems  to  be  the  more  recent  form. 

5.  The  case-sign  -?  of  the  dative  sing,  neuter,  like  that  of  the 
masculine,  does  not  cause  Umlaut. 

'  The  case-sign  -r  of  the  nominative  singular  is  assimilated  to  the  preceding 
consonant,  hence,  steinn,  pmell,  for  stein-ry  &c. ;  in  haUf  iarl,  kimin,  &c.,  it  is 
dropped  altogether. 


DECLENSIONS. 


297 


Themes  in  ja  (ya). 


Gothic* 


Hiemes :  —  harjor'^  army  (Grerm.  heer) ;  hairdjor-^  herdsman 
(Grerm.  hirte);  sunjd^y  truth;  \iuj6,  servant;  kunja-,  genus^ 
kin ;  andbahtja,  ministerium  (Germ.  ami). 


Masculine. 


81NO. 


Gen.      harji$ 
Dat.      hatja 
Aociu.  hari 
Voc.      hari 

Plur. 

Nom.    harj6$ 


(     man) 
hairdeia 
hairdja 
hairtU 
hairdi 


hairdjSi 
ftc. 


Feminine. 


tunjdi 


\nuj6s 
&c. 


Neuter. 


'  suiya     ) 
(truth)) 

^vi 

kuni 

9unj6s 

\fiuj6M 

hunjit 

tunjat 

\nt^ai 

kunja 

nmja 

piuja 

kurU 

»unja 

yivi 

,  kuni 

kur^a 


andbahH 

andb<ifUei$ 
andbcihtja 
andlnUUi 
andbcthti 


andbahtja 
&c. 


Old  High  Gterman. 


Masculine. 

% 

Feminine. 

Sing. 

Nom.     hirti  (herdsman 
Gen-      hirU^ 
Dat.       kirta 
Accus.  hirti 
Inrtr.    hirt^ 

) 

Plur. 
hiri^ 

kind 

kirtu-m 
kirta 

•  * 

Sing. 

iippja,  tippa  (peace) 
iippjd,  8ipp6 
nppjd,  nppS(-u) 
Hpfja,  tippa 

•  • 

Plur. 

tippjd,  9ipp6{-^) 
nppjd^-df  sippdnd 
tippjd-m,  sippdm 
tippjd,  tippd 

•  • 

Neuter. 

Nom. 

(ren. 

Dat. 

Accus. 

Instr. 

k 
k 
k 
k 
k 

Sing. 

unni 

unnje-4,  kw 
unnje,  kunt 
unni 
unnjut  hum 

nnes 
u 

nu 

Plur. 

kunni 

kunryS,  kuwid 
kunnjvrm,  kuni 
kunni 

•  • 

>mm 

■ 

I 


293 


TEUTOXiC   GRAMMAR. 


Old 


Mji^CrLINE. 


Nom.       h  ir*fi 
IcMr.      Atru  ■ 


Plur. 


Keutkr. 


Sing. 


kinij^        1 1  mmil  (kin) 

kinijmm       \\  cunnje, 
kinij6t        ;|  cunni 
!.  cmni^'h 


Flnr. 
cunmi 


Axiglo-8ax<m« 


Mascclixb. 

Nbutbr. 

Sing. 

Plnr. 

Sing. 

Plnr. 

Nom. 

Ain/< 

AirtloM 

rice  (regnnm) 

ri€u 

Gen. 

hi  r J  ft 

hirdii 

rices 

nva 

IHt. 

hirdt 

AirrfMiM 

1  rice 

rfcum 

Accus. 

Minit 

AirticM         I 

rice 

rUu 

Instr. 

• 

1 

'  rici 

•  • 

Old 


Themes:  —  ^erja-,   army;    hir^ja-,   herdsman;    eggja^^   edg< 
fes^Ja-y  fetter,  ehain ;    h/nja-,  kin;  rlJcja-,  regnum. 


Masctline. 

Feminine. 

Sing. 

riur. 

Sin  jr. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plui 

Nom. 

Afr-r    I 

h(r}it-r    '. 

hl)'^i  r 

hir'^a-r 

^iW 

eoiJa-r 

fcM 

fetta 

Gen. 

h€r-$ 

hcrj  (I 

h  ir^i-n 

h  irii-<i 

€(j(jjn-r  !  egtjj-a 

/(fjj/a-r,  fest-t 

Dat. 

h(r{'i) 

herju-jn  ; 

h  ir^i 

hiri^u-vi 

(O'A-J'i)     <':/.'7>-n» 

fisti       fcstu 
fe»ti     '  fata 

Accus. 

her 

hcrja       1 

h  i/5i 

h  iV^rt 

^VO         :  egtjjar 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing.            Plur. 

Nom. 

fryn 

Jii/n 

riki 

riki 

Gen. 

I'yn-s 

kf/nj-a 

riki'S 

rikj-ai'O) 

Dat. 

kyni 

kynju-^m 

riki 

rikju-m  {-urn) 

Accus. 

kyn 

ky 

n 

r 

iki 

rih 

• 

300  TEUTOyiC  GRAMMAR. 

wh«at  ,^Genn.  waizen"! ;  lakki,  physician ;  rUi,  g^ant  (GeriBi 
ries^; ;  «-/«!,  friend;  and  all  words  with  the  ending*  -are,  -M 
I -an  ,  Goth.  -areU. 

Fem.  dlti\  old  ac^e  Germ,  alter) ;  ekundi  (Germ,  kunde,  Do- 
titxa  ;  i/n.  glory;  iW^i'  Germ.  heiJJ,  salus)  ;  kuldi^  tsLYOwr  {(ksm. 
huM  ;  mikkifL  macfnitude  ;Germ.  gro^) ;  ndki^  proximity  (Germ, 
nahi'  ;  AV/T,  de)  th  .Germ,  tiefe) ;  9c6hi^  beauty  (Germ,  sdione]; 
/'.>«/ V,  baptism  .Germ,  taufe). 

Neut.  fl/y;i,  inheritance  ^Germ.  erl>e) ;  ampakti,  office  (Gem. 
amt  ;  cknici,  cross;  cknitMi,  kin;  kinti,  brain  (Germ,  hira); 
attt/hfti,  face  ;^Germ.  antlitz) ;  cktcini,  com;  entiy  end  ;  im^azmj 
i^Germ.  beer);  *<'JJ',  net  (Germ,  netz);  ofi,  oil;  peri,  beny; 
/i^ffi,  bed  ;Germ.  bett) ;  rikki,  empire  (Germ,  reich) ;  animwri^ 
answer ;  sfeiiiili,  calculus ;  vingiri^  annul  us ;  keimimkiy  home 
(Germ,  heimat^  patria) ;  arunti^  messenger ;  einSti,  solitude 
(Germ,  einode) ;  tiicdfi,  dress,  vestitus. 

2.  The  masculine  and  neuter  in  ja  vocalize  the^  in  the  nom. 
and  accus.  sing,  into  I,  if  it  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  word,  as  UrA 
from  the  theme  klrfj'a,  ckuntii  theme  chnnnja  ;  in  the  other  cases 
they  is  usually  dropped.  More  frequently  the  thematicy  is  pre- 
served in  the  feminine,  though  weakened  into  e. 

Old  Saxon. 

I.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  ja. 

Masc.  /iin/l,  custos  (Germ,  hirte) ;  ffieti,  meat;  iclni,  friend; 
s/effi,  honiioidia  ;  w^/Xv,  sword  ;  words  ending  in  dri,  eri. 

Fem.  hendly  bandage  (Germ,  binde) ;  eldi,  age  ;  heri  \  army ; 
hulilly  favour ;  merty  sea  (Germ,  meer) ;  menniaki,  humaiiitas. 

Neut.  arbedi,  labour  (Germ,  arbeit);  aruudi,  messenger;  hi- 
Ud'i^  picture  (Germ  bikl);  ejidi^  end;  kunni^  kin;  ctfnii,  corn; 
iirlagl,  war ;  rlki,  emj)ire  (Germ,  reich) ;  giwddiy  dress ;  giwirkij 
work;  ded,  bed;  ifuvid  (dolus)  for  beddi^  inwiddi,  gen.  beddjer, 
iniciddjes. 

%,  Tlie  j  of  the  themes  in  ja  is  preserved,  except  in  the  nom. 
and  accus.  sing.  masc.  and  neut.,  and  in  the  nom.  and  accus. 
plur.  neut.,  because  these  cases  have  no  case-signs,  and  conse- 
quently the  j  is  vocalized  into  /,  as  hirdly  ctinni.  But  if  in  the 
case-terminations  the  original  a  is  preserved,  then  the^  is  com- 
monly weakened  into  e,  as  accus.  sing,  hlrdea  for  hirdja  (compare 
the  dative  hirdje) :  the  same  weakening  process  also  occurs  before 
the  case-vowel  d. 

^  Mon'  frtM|U('iitIy  of  the  nmsrulin;'  and  neuter  gender. 


DKLESSIOSS. 


r  be  floosdend  lajf-cglug  : 


Ufe  ^  iiM 


I.  The  following  n-ords 
edennon  in  jft. 
Uisc.  &«TV,  hoidemn ;  iry*^.  «4ifiisna;<i :  Hf.  C'C : 
nd;  i«re,  army  G«rm.  hta  :  i>/rr.  ^'icDd,  ivirv,  « 
(ctt,  phTsician ;  ^t^*,  flame:  «*^,  sword;  unr,  i^*: 
Wit;  •yf,  vietoiy;  w^.rds  eDChig  ia  -?«.  at  j-tnert,  i 
iuttn,  hunter. 

Fa.  irtrdo,  breadth;  ia'-:-.  b«ahb :  it--l-,  ttr.:*::-.  n 
uhitDde ;  Jff'fo,  o\A  a^. 

Sect.  immf.  hoa^,  cf.  itn :  jr^f.  iiib«Tta&:« :  '^.  < 
(Gtnru  reich);  gtmttre.  bocBdarr;  gti'.mit.  IcfjiEa^:  j 
otu  (Germ.  g«^leite  . 

1.  Masculine  nonns  in  jt  weaken  the ,'  into  t.  ia  tae 
■ud  accQB.   sin^.,   and    lT«aj-;<r:.:>r  dr:f>  h   ia  a^    ■;;<Aer 
Sometimes  the  j  is  preserred  befcri*  the  (aic-4amiaa£K««  ) 
mkened  fonn  e.     The  nectrr  D-.citi  vLkeh  cave  nCki3rf< 
mtbe  nom.  and  acvas.  >!□».  in  the  s«ake&Hi 
IHM.  ind  aceus.  plnr.  the  tfnnibati-D  ■.    S^ec  s>: 
^Qse  moft  of  them  have  eiitii^lr  ket  tLe  dan 
vowel  of  the  tbematioyn. 

OldniBaii. 
Of  the  the  themes  ia  ja  do  Xmx  is  kft  ezMfiC  tlw  Vr 
^n  ■(  in  the  nom.  sidk,  of  mas';,  and  sei:tcr  socaa.  t  ^,  < 
{ut-beaiet;,  gen  io-l^rrs ;  iUktAe  &m£T  ,  E*ct-.  ^eo.  i 
"oris  derived  from  Larto  lTC>:|QeDtlT  dnip  tha  -*,  th*  w? 
"^  »0';  e.  g.  oJijV  for  a^^/r,  aUAt :  aJi^  Uje  tiXdft,  abtm; 
fi^list  fTftiere,  priest.  Bat  i  for/ ToeaHaed  ia  j(.<  iiae, 
e™-  *'(«;  iiri  (amv,.  gen.  kiret. 

OU  Hofw. 

i-^Thc  following  words  belong  to  the  deeieims  ia  ja- 

"^ii",  herdsman  ^Germ.  hirtej ;  *i«;r,  jaaip«r;  ^J.r, 
',  doi ;  kellir,  antram  (Geim.  bi^le, ;  Uubvtr.  poT- 
"*"'   "~     '       HUlif,  Viog;    ttjrir^  emperor;    -flfc/'. 


^If,  lirer;  Art*,  <ha:s  ; 
■a,  «d  ae- 1 


/,  Mt;  i^t.dw^Qa^- 


302 


TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 


engi,  meadow ;  epli,  apple ;  fyliky  province ;  hlae^i^  dress  (Getm. 
kleid)  \  merii,  mark^  sign. 

2.  Words  with  a  short  syllahle  preserve  the  J  ot  ja  then  only 
when  it  is  followed  hy  the  thematic  vowel  or  by  a  case-sign; 
words  with  a  long  syllable,  on  the  contrary,  drop  the  j  before  a 
termi national  vowel,  but  they  preserve  it  in  the  vocalized  form  i 
before  the  case-sign  r  of  the  nominative,  and  s  of  the  genitive 
singular,  and  in  all  those  cases  which  have  lost  the  termination 
altogether,  i.  e.  dat.  and  accus.  sing.,  nom.  sing.^  and  nom.  and 
accus.  plur.  of  the  neuter. 


Themes  in  va. 

Gtoihio. 
Themes  :—J?/t'a-,  servant,  famulus;  ^it7a-,  knee;  sdiva^. 


Singular. 

Nom. 

\du-8 

tatr-i 

hniu 

Gen. 

^vi-8 

sdivi-t 

kniv{-€ 

Dat 

yiva 

sdiva 

kniva 

Accus. 

\du 

sdiv 

hniu 

Voc. 

\nu 

ediv 

hniu 

Old  High  German. 

Themes : — snewa-,  snow ;  kniwa^y  knee. 


Singular. 

Nom. 

sneo  (snow) 

hniu,  hneo 

Gen. 

smwt'S 

Jtniice-8,  kneiJDe-» 

Dat. 

snewa 

hniwe,  hnewe 

Accus. 

sneo 

kniu,  kneo 

Instr. 

aneW'U 

hniw-Uf  hnew-^ 

Old  Saxon. 

Themes  : — snewa-,  snow  ;  trewa-^  tree. 


Singular. 


Nom. 

snexiy  sneo 

tr'ea,  trio 

Gen. 

snewa-e 

tre\c<i-9 

Dat. 

snewa 

irewa 

Accus. 

»neOt  sneu 

treu,  tree 

Instr. 

snew-u 

treit-u 

DECLENSIONS. 


303 


Old  I^orse. 

Themes : — hiarva,  sword ;  ddggva-^  dew ;  fiorva^,  life. 


Masculine. 

Femininb. 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Nodi.     Ki6r 
Gen,      hiGr^ 
Dat.      hidrvi 
Accna.  hiHr 

Plur. 

hidnya 

Aior(t)tt-wi 

hi&rva 

Sing. 

ddgg 
ddggva-r 
ddgg(vu) 
d6gg 

Plur. 

ddggva-r 
ddggv-a 
ddggvH-m 
ddggva-r 

Sing. 

Ji6r 
fibr-B 
fiorvi 
fi6r 

Plur. 

fidr 
fibrv-a 
fi&rvu-m 
fi6r 

Notes  to  tie  Declension  in  va. 


Gothic. 


Themes  in  va,  preceded  by  a  short  syllable,  vocalize  the  v  when 
it  is  followed  by  the  case-sign  s  of  the  nom.  sing.,  and  when  it 
occurs  at  the  end  of  the  word ;  hence  of  the  theme  ]>iva  (famulus) 
the  nom.  sing,  is  'pius^  the  accus.  and  voc.  piu;  of  the  neut. 
theme  kniva  (knee)  the  nom.  and  accus.  iniu.  But  when  v  is 
preceded  by  a  long  vowel  it  remains  unaltered^  e.  g.  theme  sdiva^ 
sea,  nom.  sdivs,  accus.  sdiv. 


Old  High  German. 

Themes  in  va  {tea)  are  confined  to  the  masculine  and  neuter. 
The  nom.  and  accus.  sing,  always  vocalize  the  w,  while  the 
oblique  cases  of  the  singular  and  all  cases  of  the  plural  preserve 
it;  e.g.  sne^,  snow,  gen.  snewes;  iniu,  knee,  gen.  kniwes. 


Old  Saxon. 

The  V  before  the  thematic  vowel  is  vocalized  into  u  or  o  when 
it  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  word;  hence  the  masc.  themes  seioa^ 
sea ;  Swa,  law ;  snewa,  snow,  have  in  the  nom.  and  accus.  sing. 
seu  or  zeo,  eu  or  eo,  sneu  or  sneo ;  the  neuter  themes  trewa,  tree ; 
hrewa,  corpse,  in  the  nom.  and  accus.  sing,  and  plur.  treu^  treo  ; 
hreu,  hreo.  But  occasionally  the  w  is  dropped  altogether,  e.  g. 
se,  sea,  dat.  sing,  see;  or  the  vocalized  w  causes  the  thematic 
vowel  or  case-sig^  to  be  dropped,  e.  g.  So,  law,  dat.  sing,  eo  by 
the  side  of  ewa.     The  feminine  theme  thiwS  (ancilla)  drops  the 


304  TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 

thematie  vowel  altogether  and  vocalizes  the  Wy  hence  nom. 
accua.  sing.  Uiu.  The  nom.  Hiwi  which  occurs  in  but 
instance  may  be  explained  from  a  theme  thiujS, 


The  feminine  noons  ta  (sea),  ed  (river),  are  indecb'nable  in 
the  singular ;  occasionally  we  find  the  genitive  sa^y  ed~s  (OoflL 
9dicH4y  ain^) ;  nom.  plar.  sa-^^  ed-^  ;  dat.  plur.  sd^m^  ed-m. 


Old 

The  mascaline  and  neater  themes  drop  the  w  altogether^ 
^*ff*  *^>  s^  dat.  and  accus.  «/;  kni^  tne,  dat  kni^  ine,  accoa. 

Oldl^orae. 

In  all  genders  r  is  preserved  when  followed  by  a  terminatdonal 
vowel;  where  it  has  disappeared  the  Umlaut  which  it  has 
caused  still  lemains. 

Encroaching  forms  of  the  declension  in  i  we  have  in  the 
masc.  tii^r,  colour ;  /<y*r,  sea,  lake ;  kio/r,  ship ;  si^r,  mos^ 
which  in  the  dat.  sing,  drop  the  i,  and  in  the  accus.  plur.  adopt 
•  for  a.  Forms  of  the  declension  in  a  we  find  in  kior,  swoid. 
The  dat*  sing,  of  the  feminine  iomi  is  ieiidi.  The  forms  of  the 
neuter^/?  (j>eciui^  are  alti>gether  irregular. 


Tremjss  in  L 

Gothic 
Themes : — &i/yt*  ^Germ.  balg>,  aits/ai-,  favour. 

Ma^cuxs.  '  Fkmixins. 

,| 


Plur. 


DECLENSIONS, 


305 


Old  High  Gtorman. 
Themes : — •palki-,  pellis ;  anati-,  favour. 


Masculins. 


Sing. 

l>^om.  pale 

Gen.  pdlke'9 

Dat.  palk-a 

AccuB.  pale 

Instr.  paik'U 


Plur. 

pdki 

pdkj-d  (-ed) 
pelkirtn 
peOa 


Fbmininb. 


Sing. 

anst 

ensti,  anst 
enstif  antt 
antt 


Plur. 

entti 
enttj-6  {eS) 

ensti 


Old  Saxon. 

Themes : — •gasti^^  guest ;  ansti^,  favour. 


Masculins. 


Nom 
Gen. 
Dat. 


Sing. 

gwta-^t  -€» 
gatt-a,  -e 


Accos.  gati 
Instr.    gast-^ 


Plur. 

g<ut\,  geiti 
gastfs,  geile-d 
gattju-n,  ge$tjvrn 
gaattf  getti 


Feminine. 


Sing. 

antt 

anstit  ensti 
ansti,  ensti 
anst 


Plur. 

ansti,  ensti 
anstj-d,  ensteS 
amstju-m,  ens^u-n 
ansti,  ensti 


Anglo-Saxon. 
Themes  i^buri-,  son,  bam ;  JSii^,  foot ;  dadi,  deed ;  milsi-,  mouse. 


Masculine. 

Feminine. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Nom.     byre 
Gen.     fbyres 
Dat.      *byre 
Accus.   byre 
Instr.    tbyr-i 

byre 
byr-a 
byrvrm 
byre 

m    m 

fst 

fdtt-s 
fit 
ftt 
f6t-i 

fit 

ftt-h 

fdtwm 

fit 

•  • 

dad 
dcede 
dcede 
dafd(e) 

m    • 

dceda 
dted-d 
ciedu-m 
dijeda 

mHae 

mUs 

mUs 

•  a 

Plur. 

mUs 
mUs-a 
mUsu-m 
mUs 


Old  Frisian. 

Tliemes : — liodi^,  song  (Germ,  lied) ;  fdti'^  foot;  nedi-,  need. 


Masculine. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Nom.    wanting. 
Gen. 

Dat. 

liode 

liod-a 

iliode-m       ) 
t      -Mill,  -on) 

fdt 
fSte-s 

f6t-{e) 

f^ 
fdt-a 

Aecos. 

liode 

fdt 

fit 

Feminine. 


Sing. 

nid 
nide 

nide 

nide 


Plur. 

nida 

nid-a 
J  nidi-fn  (-«»»,  -mw, 
1     -on) 

nida 


i 


306 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Old  None. 

Themes: — bragi^,  carmen;   belgfi-^  follis;    dHi-,  amor;  mii^ 
mouse. 


Masculine. 

Fbminenb. 

Sing. 

Nom.    hroff^ 
Gen.      braga-r 
Dat.      brag 
Acctts.  brag 

Plnr. 

bmgirr 
bra^ 
brdgurm 
bragi 

Sing. 

bdg-r 
bdgforir 
bdg 
bdg 

nor. 

bdgi-T 
bdgj-a 
belgfu-m 
bdgi 

Sing. 
aUtHT 

att 

Plnr. 

ast-a 
dttuHm 

Sing. 

mdt{n) 
m4s 

Fkr. 

•#1 

Examples  and  Remarks  to  Themes  f»  L 

Gkithio. 

1.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  i. 

Masc.  divs,  aevimi;  arms^  arm;  baurs,  genitus;  gadrauUi, 
soldier ;  ya\fs,  dux ;  gards,  house ;  gasis,  stranger^  guest  (Germ, 
gast) ;  fduis,  homo ;  tnats,  meat ;  saggvs,  song ;  stads,  place  (cf. 
stead) ;  vegs^  wave  ((Jerm.  woge). 

Fem.  alds^  age;  ansis^  &vour;  dedSy  deed;  mails,  might; 
quens,  qimfis,  woman^  wife ;  vaihts^  thing  (cf.  Engl,  wight,  Germ, 
wicht);  vatiriSy  root,  wort;  gabaurps,  birth  (Germ,  geburt); 
gamdinps,  iKKKrjaCa,  congregation  (Germ,  gemeinde). 

2.  Words  which  in  their  simple  stem  end  in  *  or  r  reject,  like 
those  of  the  first  declension,  the  case-sign  of  the  nom.  sing. ; 
hence  of  the  theme  batiri  the  nom.  is  baur;  of  garunsai  (fem.) 
the  nom.  is  garuns.  The  theme  vaurisai  preserves  its  *  in  the 
singular  and  drops  it  in  the  plui*al,  e.  g.  gen.  sing,  vaurisais, 
nom.  plur.  vatirleis, 

3.  The  theme  navi  (mortuus)  vocalizes  the  v  before  the  case- 
sign  -5  of  the  nom.  sing,  nau-^,  and  in  its  terminational  position 
in  the  accus.  and  voc.  sing,  nati, 

4.  Feminine  nouns  derived  from  verbs,  and  formed  with  the 
derivative  suffix  -ein,  substitute  in  the  plural  the  theme  -eino  for 
the  theme  -eiuai :  e.  g.  the  theme  laise'uiai,  doctrine,  from  the 
verb  laisjau,  to  teach,  has  the  sing.  nom.  luiseins,  gen.  iuiseinak, 
&c. ;  plur.  nom.  laiseinSs,  gen,  iaiseino,  dat.  -eindm,  accus.  -einos. 
But  the  dative  and  accusative  occasionally  occur  also  in  ^einim, 
•^hdfis.  In  a  similar  manner  the  theme  haimai^  vieus  (cf.  home), 
in  the  plural  adopts  forms  in  a^  as  haimoSy  huimd,  &c. 


DECLENSIONS,  307 

Old  High  German. 

1 .  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  i. 

Masc.  Sing,  am,  plur.  emi,  eagle  (Germ,  aar) ;  ast,  esti,  ramus ; 
jAds,  chad,  cheese ;  halm,  helmi,  reed^  stalk  (Germ,  halm) ;  heit, 
ieiti,  person;  cast,  kesti,  guest;  lid,  lidi,  limb  (Germ,  glied); 
pale,  pelki,  skin ;  scilt,  scilti,  shield ;  9un,  sunt,  son ;  tisk,  tiski, 
table  ((Jerm.  tisch) ;  vuo^,  vuo^i,  foot  (Germ,  fuf ) ;  zand,  zendi, 
tooth ;  zahar,  zahari,  tear  (Germ,  zahre) ;  vnhs,  vuhsi,  fox ;  luft, 
lufti,  air  (Germ,  luft) ;  scaft,  8cefU,  shaft,  spear ;  mnft,  sunJUy 
pool  (Germ,  sumpf). 

Pem.  ankufist,  anxiety  (Germ,  angst);  anat,  favour;  arapeit, 
labour  (Germ,  arbeit) ;  arm,  harvest  (Germ,  ernte) ;  chraft, 
strength  (Germ,  kraft,  cf.  Engl,  craft) ;  chuo,  chuoi,  cow ;  diu, 
diwi,  serva ;  eih,  oak  (Germ,  eiche) ;  hant,  hand ;  hilt,  skin 
(Germ,  haut) ;  kans^  goose  (Germ,  gans) ;  kei^y  goat  (Germ,  geif ) ; 
^j/^>  g^ft ;  ^ly  burden  (Germ,  last) ;  lusty  desire  (Germ,  lust) ; 
makad,  maid ;  naht,  night  (Germ,  nacht) ;  not,  need ;  prust,  breast ; 
prilt,  bride  (Germ,  braut). 

2.  Before  the  termination  d  of  the  genitive  plural  the  J  which 
stands  for  the  thematic  vowel  i  is  often  weakened  into  e,  or 
dropped  altogether,  as  pelkj-S,  or  pelke-o,  or  pelk-6 ;  enstj-d, 
ensie-o,  or  enst^. 

3.  The  feminine  nouns,  and  partly  the  masculine  too,  of  the 
Gothic  declension  in  u  have  in  Old  High  German  adopted  the 
declension  in  i,  such  as  hu7it,  vtwK,  sun,  &c.  A  trace  of  an 
ancient  Old  High  German  declension  in  u  is  left  in  the  dat. 
plur.  hantu-m,  and  in  its  weakened  form  hanio-n. 

Old  Saxon. 

1.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  i. 

Masc.  liudi,  homines  (Germ,  leute) ;  foty  foot ;  segg,  vir ;  scild, 
shield;  gast,  guest;  plur.  trahni,  gender?  lacrym©  (Germ, 
thrane). 

Fem.  bank,  benki,  bench ;  buok,  book  ;  burg^  arx  (Germ,  burg, 
cf.  borough) ;  brud,  bride,  wife ;  dad,  deed  ;  fard^  journey  (Germ. 
farth) ;  hartd,  hand ;  anst,  favour ;  idis,  woman ;  maht,  might ; 
n6d,  need  ;  jugu^,  youth ;  craft,  power ;  list,  knowledge ;  magad, 
maid ;  werold,  world  ;  wiht,  thing ;  wurt,  root,  wort. 

2.  In  the  dative  plural  the  termination  -^an  of  the  first  declen- 
sion (a)  has  found  its  way  into  the  second  declension  (i)  as  well, 

x  2 


308  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

and  expelled  the  legitimate  termination  -in,  the  only  tnoe  of; 
which  is  left  in  the  dat.  plnr.  traknin,  by  the  side  of  irahfrn^ 
trahnun^  thence  traAni,  tear  (Germ,  thrane). 

3.  Some  feminine  nouns  have  a  genitive  in  -^  by  the  ale 
of  ~i,  as  theme  weroldi-,  worlds  nom.  werold^  gen.  weroUa  ail 
iceroldi ;  theme  cuHi^^  choice^  nom.  ciuty  gen.  custet  and  euA 
This  -^s  may  be  considered  the  weakened  form  of  the  ancient -H 
which  in  Gothic  we  find  lengthened  into  -^ia,  as  ansidit,  gen. 
of  anaU. 

4.  The  feminine  nouns  of  the  declension  in  u  have  adq>ted 
the  declension  in  i :  a  trace  of  the  former  we  find,  as  in  Old 
High  German,  in  the  dat.  plur  handun,  handon,  manibus,  by  the 
side  of  nom.  accus.  iandi,  hendi. 


Anglo-Saxon. 

1 .  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  i. 

Masc.  In  the  singular  the  word  byre  (son)  only ;  in  the  plural 
le6de,  homines;  the  national  appellatives  Bene,  Danes;  Engle, 
Angles;  and  compounds  of  -vare,  incolse,  as  burh-varey  cives; 
cant'Vare,  cantium  habitantes,  inhabitants  of  Kent:  but  even 
these  may  have  the  plur.  in  -as  (a)  by  the  side  of  -^  (i),  as  bjfrds 
and  dyre,  vards  and  vare  ;^f6t^  fet^  foot,  feet;  /^5,  ^d^,  tooth, 
teeth,  iurf\  ti/rt\  turf. 

Fem.  dfy  honour  (Germ,  ehre);  hen^  wound;  ben,  prayer; 
bend^  band ;  hlhy  joy  ;  bri'ost,  breast ;  br^d,  bride ;  d<edy  deed ; 
dun^  hill  (cf.  downs) ;  ecg,  edge ;  heal,  hall ;  hen,  hen ;  Idr,  doc- 
trine (Germ,  lehre) ;  mag,  maid  ;  mearc,  mark  ;  7ned,  meed  ;  mihf, 
might;  nihl^  "ight ;  rod,  cross,  rood;  sprcec,  speech  (Germ, 
sprache) ;  street,  street ;  syn,  sin ;  tid,  time  (cf.  tide) ;  womb, 
womb;  wornld,  world;  wund,  woimd;  v^i/n,  joy;  jrS,  wave; 
bi/r^en,  burden,  burthen ;  ellen^  strength ;  gyd^n,  goddess  ;  stefen^ 
voice  ;  ceaster^  arx,  castra  ;  ides,  woman ;  meoloc,  milk ;  dngii^^ 
virtue  (Germ,  tugend) ;  yrm^,  poverty  (Germ,  armuth)  ;—boCy  bee, 
Ijook  ;  broc,  brir,  bracca ;  gos^  ges,  goose,  geese ;  c^,  c^,  cow,  kine ; 
I  us,  l^s,  louse,  lice;  mus,  m^s,  mouse,  mice;  burh,  by  rig,  arx, 
borough. 

2.  As  we  see  under  No.  i,  the  masculine  nouns  in  i  very  fre- 
quently pass  into  the  declension  in  a. 

3.  Fot,  t(PS,  Sec,  have  in  Anglo-Saxon,  as  in  other  dialects, 
migrated  from  the  third  declension  (u)  into  the  second  (i). 


DECLENSIONS.  309 

4.  On  the  whole  the  declension  in  i  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  much 
mutilated^  and  appears  in  mere  fragments,  either  as  the  termi- 
nation e,  the  weakened  form  of  the  ancient  thematic  i^  or  in  the 
Umlaut  which  was  caused  by  an  ancient  terminational  e,  and 
which  continued  to  exist  after  the  final  vowel  had  been  dropped. 
But  in  both  instances  the  forms  in  a  have  much  encroached 
upon  those  in  i^  especially  in  the  plural. 

Old  Frisian. 

1.  In  Old  Frisian,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon^  we  find  but  few  rem- 
nants of  the  declension  in  i.  These  remnants  may  either  be  the 
thematic  i  weakened  into  e,  or  the  Umlaut,  which  continued  to 
exist  after  its  cause,  the  final  iy  had  been  removed.  To  the 
former  class  belong  but  two  substantives,  liode  (homines),  and 
rumere  (romipeta) ;  to  the  second,  fot  (foot)  and  tSth  (tooth), 
which,  as  in  the  other  dialects,  originally  belonged  to  the  third 
declension  (u),  Goth,  fStu-^,  tun^us.  The  forms  of  the  first 
declension  (a)  have  here  again  much  encroached  upon  those  of 
the  second  (1) ;  but  still  Old  Frisian  is  so  far  superior  to  Anglo- 
Saxon,  as  in  the  dative  plural  of  the  feminine  we  find  occasionally 
the  original  vowel  i  instead  of  the  ususper  a  or  its  weakened 
form  u. 

2.  The  -d  of  the  oblique  cases  is  gradually  admitted  into  the 
nominative  too,  so  that  there  exists  no  longer  a  distinction  be- 
tween the  nom.  sing,  dede  (for  ded)  and  the  dat.  sing.  dede. 

3.  The  feminine  nouns  6di  (book),  iu  (cow),  have  not,  as  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  the  Umlaut; 

Old  I^orse. 

I.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  1. 

Masc.  (i)  Words  interpolating  y  in  the  genitive  singular,  and 
genitive  and  dative  plural : — becir^  scamnum  ;  bel^r,  foUis ;  d^lr, 
turbo;  drengry  vir;  d/ryehfy  drink;  hety  army;  hryggr^  back 
(Germ,  riicken) ;  Ayr,  fire ;  laekty  rivus ;  leggty  crus ;  reyJcTy  reek, 
smoke ;  neggty  vir;  sechvy  sack ;  verhty  grief;  hoety  town ;  he^ty  bed. 
(2)  Words  which  do  not  interpolate  the^: — holty  trunk;  hragty 
poem,  song ;  huty  son ;  dairy  dale ;  geatr^  guest ;  gramry  hero ; 
hamTy  skin;  hagr,  condition;  hlutry  thing;  hugry  mind;  hvalvy 
whale;  iJ^Sr,  nation;  mary  horse;  mutfy  meat;  refry  fox;  rettry 
right;  salr^  hall  (Germ,  saul) ;  starry  place,  stead;  *^/r,  stafi*; 
vegr^  way  ;  vinr^  friend. 


310  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

Fem.  dsty  favour,  love;  brauty  way;  ^WS,  deed,  ill-deed;  rf/A, 
maid ;  fer^^  journey  (Grerm.  farth) ;  grund,  ground ;  kidlp,  hdp; 
t^,  business ;  krd^y  meat ;  lei^y  way ;  nav^,  need  ;  9SI,  sun ;  tiS, 
time  (cf.  tide) ;  9ul,  pillar  (Germ,  saule) ;  undy  wound ;  »««, 
wave ;  r<f5,  dress ;  au^n,  desertum ;  eigUy  property ;  hofny  haven; 
dyg^,  virtue  (Grerm.  tugend) ;  aett,  genus ;  ambSU^  ancilla;  tadt^ 
weight ;  gas,  goose ;  tnHs^  mouse ;  I4s,  louse ;  brin^  brow. 

2.  We  have  just  enumerated  certain  masculine  nouns  which 
interpolate  the  semi-vowel  j  throughout  all  cases.  Though  this 
letter  does  not  come  to  appearance  except  in  the  genitive  sin- 
gular, and  the  genitive  and  dative  plural,  its  presence  at  a  more 
ancient  stage  of  the  language  is  certified  by  the  Umlaut  which  | 
runs  throughout  all  cases  in  the  mentioned  words.  On  the 
other  hand  it  is  curious  to  observe  that  the  masculine  noons 
enumerated  under  No.  (a),  and  which  do  not  interpolate  the  semi- 
vowel y,  never  have  an  Umlaut  caused  by  the  final  i,  not  even  in 
the  nominative  and  accusative  plural,  where  t  is  the  thematic 
vowel.  In  the  same  manner  most  feminine  nouns  reject  the 
Umlaut,  except  gas^  mils,  lus,  hrin^  which  have  the  plural  ^«r, 
mjsy  1^8,  hr^n,  and  the  plur.  neut.  dyr,  valvae,  gen.  dura^  Sc- 
an Umlaut  which  was  efiected  by  the  plural  terminations  nom. 
«r,  accus.  i,  and  which  continued  to  exist  after  these  termina- 
tions had  been  dropped. 

3.  There  are  a  few  words  which  have  the  Umlaut  though 
they  reject  the  interpolation  of^,  as  gestr,  gfuest;  brestr,  defect; 
/ySr,  nation,  &c.,  where  the  Umlaut  is  of  course  considered 
inorganic. 

4.  The  nominatives  bur,  mar,  byr^  &c.,  stand  for  burr^  fnarr,  &c. 

5.  The  feminine  nouns  brtf6r,  bride ;  kildr,  war ;  and  the 
proper  nouns  Bo^vildr,  BorgvUdr,  retain  the  case-sign  -r  of  the 
nominative  singular,  and  have  commonly  the  termination  i  in 
the  dative  and  accusative  singular. 


DECLEXSIONS. 


311 


Themsb  IK  u 


Gkstliio. 


liemes:  —  mjut-,  son;   AatuHau^,  hand;  faHvn^  catde  (Grerm. 
vieH ;  comp.  Engl.  fee). 


Masculijte. 


Sing. 

Norn.  Mmif-t 

Oen.  «iciMiif-« 

Dat.  miiav 

Aociu.  num 
Voc 


■,i 


Flnr. 


fimtr-l 


Flnr. 


kamiau-i  i  kamdir  € 

«iMii-««  ^  kamdu       '.  kandm-ma 
$tmjm-€  i  hamdnm       koMdJMrg 


foam 

faOa 

faiMau 

faau 

faikau 


Flnr. 


Old  High  Gterman. 
Themes : — sunn  ,  eon ;  Jiiu',  cattle. 


Masctlixz. 


Sing. 

Nom.  jmiH  (-0) 

Gen.  turner 

Dai.  nrnfui-u) 

Aocnt.  fanif  (•<>) 

Instr.  sunj^  (-«) 


Phir. 

»uni 
amMJ-6 


Xcrm. 


il 


Sing. 
:  W 

!     fikuf-o) 


Pfair. 

/*;»  (-«f  -o) 

fiki^i-6) 


fikjfm  i-Uj  -0) 


Old 


Themes  :—«<««-,  son ;  fehu-.  pecos. 


MAflCCLfiri:. 

NacT... 

Nom. 

Gen. 

Dat. 

Aocns. 

Instr. 

Sing. 
fiuni(-o) 

tunm  (-«),  sna/e 
mNJi  (-4) 

Plor. 

•  • 

Sing. 
fiha-a  (-«> 

Plar. 
wanting. 

312 


T£ r TOXIC  GRAMMAR. 


Tlieme: 


|r— 


I-:- 


Hascuuxs. 

Sing. 

1 

Plnr. 

Nom. 

fVWI 

mma 

G«B. 

«iiii-a 

np»-a 

Dw. 

mat^ 

1 
1 

«IIIIIM» 

Accvs. 

AMU 

1 

1 

nma 

Instr. 

♦fM-lr 

^  ^ 

Old 


Thanes : — miik-,  son ;  Jihw-^  pecos. 


Mascixixe. 


Siof.  Plur. 

Nom.     mmu  \-«>  '     wiia-r  ^-a) 
Gen.      i»tfiki  Munra 

Dw.       raii-a  funii-n 

Accns.   ^iiiiH  tuna-r  (-<i) 


Sing. 


Plnr. 
wanting. 


Old  I^one. 


Themes  :— 

SOHU-,  son ;  magu-^  son  ; 

tannu^, 

tooth ;  fiu', 

pecus. 

MXiiCULINE.                                  II           FeMIXIXE. 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Nom.    ton-r 
Gen.     tona-^ 
Dat.      »^/}| 
Acciu.  8on 

Plur. 

iyni-r 
ion-a 
tonu-m 
8onu 

Sing.          Plur. 

'■  mo*j-r        m€g{-r 
mwja-r  .;  may-a 
[  m€'j-i         miif/u-m 
•  mOg           mbgu 

1 

Sing. 

i 

tonn 
tanna-r 
tonn-u 
tonn 

Plur. 

tfnn-r 
tann-a 
tonnu-m 
tenn-r 

,  Sing. 

Plur. 
wanting. 

Notes  to  the  Declension  in  U. 

Gk>thio. 

I.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  u. 

Masc.  airuSy  messenger ;  ddup?is,  death ;  Jtodus^  river  (Grerm. 
fluf ,  cf.  flood)  ;  fStuSj  foot ;  fiamis,  sword ;  //)>?/*,  limb  (Germ, 
glied) ;  hstus^  lust ;  magus ^  boy ;  sakkus,  sac ;  skadiis,  shade ; 
stuhjus^  dust  (Germ,  staub) ;   sunus^  son ;    tigus,  decas ;    tiai^ns. 


DECLENSIONS.  313 

>oth  ;  vintrus,  winter;  vul\mSy  glory ;  ^aurnus,  thorn ;  asilus,  ass ; 
^^^laulu9^  diabolns ;  praufetus^  propheta  ;  apau4tlaulus,  apostolus. 

7^.  Aandus,  hand;  (uilus,  she-ass;  vaddjjiM,  vale;  kinnm, 
tlaxilla  ;  vritus,  herd^  flock. 

Nbut.  fodhuy  pecunia  (cf.  Germ,  vieh  and  Engl.  fee). 

2.  This  declension  has  more  fiilly  than  any  other  preserved 
the  ancient  case-signs,  as  well  as  the  thematic  vowel  which  pre- 
cedes them^  and  which  in  several  cases  is  strengthened  by  the 
gradation  (gona)  of  u  into  iu, 

3.  It  occurs  in  later  documents  that  the  ancient  use  of  the 
gradation  is  abandoned  and  the  simple  thematic  vowel  adopted^ 
as  gen.  sing,  sunus,  dat.  and  voc.  sunu^  for  the  organic  forms 
sundus  and  sundu. 

4.  A  few  substantives  have  the  derivative  J  before  the  the- 
matic vowel,  but  the  case-signs  remain  unaltered ;  hence  stubjwiy 
gen.  stubjdiis  ;  vaddjus^  gen.  vadd/'dus. 

Old  High  German. 

1.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  u. 

Masc.  karu,  linum ;  Aukuy  mind ;  situ,  victory  (Germ,  sieg) ; 
ntu,  mos  (Germ,  sitte);  sunu,  son;  vridu,  peace  (Germ,  friede); 
perhaps  also  maku,  boy ;  eru^  messenger ;  herUy  sword ;  apostolu, 
apostle;  mdgUy  mag^s^  sapiens. 

Nbut.  vihu,  pecus  (Germ,  vieh) ;  witu,  wood. 

2.  The  declension  in  u  is,  in  Old  High  German^  as  already 
observed,  nearly  extinct,  few  words  only  belonging  to  it,  and 
most  of  these  forming  the  plural  almost  regpularly  after  the 
declension  in  i.  "We  find  a  few  remnants  of  the  declension  in  u 
in  the  dative  and  accusative  plural. 

3.  In  later  documents  sunu  appears  in  the  nominative  singular 
as  8uny  and  follows  the  declension  in  a ;  so  does  likewise  vuoi^  foot, 
Goth,  foiua  (u). 

4.  The  number  of  neuter  nouns  is  limited  to  two,  and  these 
do  not  occur  in  all  the  difierent  cases. 

Old  Saxon. 

I.  The  following  words  belong  to  the  declension  in  U. 

Masc.  frv^u^  peace  (Germ,  friede) ;  heru^  sword ;  lagUy  water ; 
magu,  boy ;  sidu,  mos  (Germ,  sitte) ;  sunu,  son ;  wUuy  princeps ; 
ehii,  horse ;  eru,  messenger. 


314  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Neut.  Jihv,  pecus;  toidu^  wood. 

2.  The  declension  has  adopted  not  only  forms  in  i  (diiefy  in 
the  plural),  but  also  in  a>  especially  in  the  neater  singxilar. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

The  few  nouns  masculine  which  in  the  nom.  singp.  have  pie- 
served  the  thematic  u  (sometimes  weakened  to  o)  hardly  occnr  in 
any  other  cases  than  the  nom.  and  accus.  sing^.,  9unu,  son,  onlj 
being  an  exception  (see  the  Paradigm).  The  dat.  sing,  in  a  is 
found  with  several  other  masc.  nouns^  namely,  winter ,  winter; 
9U7ner,  summer ;  /eld,  field ;  Jbrd,  ford,  as  well  as  with  the  fern, 
nouns  iandy  hand,  and  duru^  door.  The  masc.  laudu,  wood,  has 
the  gen.  and  dat.  sing,  wudu,  but  also  the  gen.  sing,  wndes,  nom. 
plur.  tovdds,  following  the  declension  in  a. 

Old  Frisian. 

We  find  a  few  renmants  of  this  declension  in  the  masc.  sun%j 
son,  imA.  fretho^  peace,  and  the  neut.  Jia,  pecus.  Perhaps  the 
dative  hondu  of  the  feminine  hondy  hand,  may  also  be  mentioned 
as  a  remnant  of  this  declension. 

Old  I^orse. 

1.  The  following  nouns  belong  to  the  declension  in  u* 

Masc.  dm,  eagle  (Germ,  aar);  hidrriy  bear;  borkfy  bark;  bogr^ 
armus  (Germ,  bug) ;  JeliJr,  hide  (Germ,  fell);  fdr^r,  sinus,  bay, 
gulf;  frvSr,  peace  (Germ,  fricde) ;  //a/^r,  mos ;  hidrtr,  stag  (Germ, 
hirsch,  cf.  hart) ;  k'wlr,  ship  (cf.  keel) ;  //iSr,  limb  (Germ,  glied) ; 
limr,  limb ;  logr,  water ;  mdttry  might  (Germ,  raacht) ;  ^/'Sr, 
mos  (Germ,  sitte);  skioldr,  shield;  so^ir,  son;  rfSr,  wood;  vdllr, 
vale  ;  volr^  stick  ;  vondr,  wand ;  vorSr,  warden  ;  J^ra^r,  thread. 

Fem,  ond,  mind,  soul;  dok,  book;  eik^  oak  (Germ,  eiche); 
geil,  goat  (Germ. geip);  Aond,  hand;  kind,  cerva;  ^/»m, maxilla ; 
viiolk,  milk  ;  not,  sagina  ;  ni/f,  nut ;  rond,  margin  (Germ,  rand) ; 
rot,  root ;  steik^  caro  frixa,  steak  (?) ;  strond^  shore  (Germ,  strand) ; 
tong,  tongs  (Germ,  zange);  tonn,  tooth  (Germ.  zahn). 

Neut.  fe,  fihu,  pecus. 

2.  Concerning  the  Umlaut,  which  is  particularly  developed 
in  this  declension,  we  have  already  gpiven  the  necessary  expla- 
nations. 

3.  As  to  the  influence  of  a  final  i  in  neutralizing  the  preceding 
Brechung  wf,  see  p.  36. 


TEUTONIC   GBAifMAS. 


Old  High  airman. 


I  Themes: — iattaft-,  cock  ;  zuni/an 
heart  (Germ,  herz) ;  manugin- 


;  tongue  (Gei 
,  multitude. 


Masculini. 

F»na». 

Sing. 
Nam.   Aane 
Oo>.      lom'n 
D.t.      haniu 
A<xiu.  AunxB 

Plur. 

Aand-m 

SiaR.       Plur.    1 
ratlin   CM^rin 

Sing. 

Plor. 


Old  Saxon. 
Themes : — hanan-,  oock ;  tttngan-,  ton^e  ;  kerlan-,  he&rt. 


Mabculinb. 

F—ixuo. 

N«IIT»K. 

SiDg, 

Norn.     AoH 
God.      AoHun 
Dat.      Aanun 
Accus,   Aanun 

Ptor. 

Aannn 

Plar. 

ang. 
A«4a 

hirtan 

Plot. 

iirtSnS 
hcrlu-n 

Airtmt 

Ajiglo>Baxon. 
Themes : — Aanan~,  cock ;  iangan-,  tongue ;  eoffan-,  eye. 


"""— 

Feminine. 

NBunK. 

Sing. 
Nodi,     hana 
Geo.       haitan 
D.t.      Annan 
Acpns.   AanaH 

Plur, 

hanai-a 
Aanan 

Sing. 

fuiiguu 

Hut. 

Sing. 

Plnr. 

B 

wjron 

Old  FrifiiAn. 
Themes: — Aonan-, cock ;  iunsaii-.toagae;  dgaii-,eye;  dran~,eai. 


Ma  SCO  LINE. 

Feminine. 

Neot... 

Sing. 
Norn,   kma 
Osn.    hona 
IML     a™. 

Plur. 

honan-a  (-uiMi) 

hona-m 

hona 

Sing. 
funga 

Plur. 
lunga 

l«pffa 

Si-g. 

1 

Plur.          Ilsing.    Plnr. 
agon                      d«     a™ 
*^-a                  ara     flnn-a 
ri^n-Utn.  agtt-m     <ira     uru-n 
ngvH,  Agne             Art      nra 

»        .   «         ■  ■. 


rrrr^yic  oRAyfMAR, 


OLd  High  German. 

^  r'lr:  thematic  -n  is  variously  modifid,* 

T^e  fcQiininc  shows  here^  as  in  GoAk^ 

i-y^irlniT  as^  viij  f'n  as  ifi.    With  respect  to 

:  :>:}"  :.l!  w  a  ditierent  course  in  difirat 

«   :^  ic.zi::tc^i  in  the  nom.  siiig^.  and  then  pw- 

•   -  .'isc*.  ::  rt-rvtcJ  in  the  nom.  sing,  and  tbtt 

:  r  ..Lst*.  >  :hat  the  word  appears  withoat  iny 

>     .  ^  .*   •   .  wbioh  remains  unaltered  throogk- 

'^     '  12.-:  : :  ::::..r.ir.es  in  in  i>asses  sometimes  into 

.IS'  c   :~   a.  ?c  that  of  manaffin  we  have  tk 

•»;  z,  11.  '.  lur.  :r.  w.:*./////!,  and  the  strong  fow 


;..<  IT  -:e  i-.::rt  forms  of  strong  dedenaoo 
T  A.   ".t  ill  icvlon>ions  being  indeed  closelj 

-.:.  . :  :r.t  j^n.  and  dat.  sing.  masc.  and 
>v  V:-."-.::.  Tr.v  frms  newiM  and  «(n»/iJi  for 
;  .        .    Ikiv.:..    arv  esoeptious. 


Old 


.  .  V 


:1-::"l>  :n  -••/  is  rarelv  met,  its 

:^t"  :>  wi-akoneil  into  on  and  r«. 

>:7  :.j  i;«.v'c:>i'»u  in  a  freiiuentlv 

.-■  ".  .IS  V  r  iiistauL-o  er^a  (earthy 

.:■.:  ./..v  iii.iixl  in  -in  have  dropped 
V >i-. v.; :.:'.v without  auv  iutlexioiial 
fv  iiioiimos  do  in  the  plural, 


,,   •        >v 


Ar^Io-Saxou. 

I'v  :.  .>  •.:".:  v.  :..>  :-i:ir.;i'.!y  tirminatinjj  in  the  spirants 
. :  *  ■  Cv:  \  ::.  ::rir.::..i::  r.i!  \\\\«.I.  l»ut  adopt  the  case-si^u  -?/ 
.:  :';.v  V. v..k  •':  t !:  i.>:  r.  .  :!i>o  aro  '  ■■  ■  IvnlMor/Vt'i /'-//,  Goth. 
-  ;.:>:  ;  ■ .  •l.-ul-:  i-.  r  -  ■  '-  . ,  O.  S.  frt  'I-'s  which  have  in  the 
IT;".-.  '  ■.,  **•"•  '•■:.  Alia!' -iT*  US  aro  the  forms  of  the  feminine 
V.  ;:  s  '  t.-f  ti-r  ••"-.  O.  ll.Cionii.  .'r '//-«/,  jj^en.  dtn,  nom.  plur. 
.'  ■  '.  \v'..  and    .'.     l»iv  .  ]>hir.  '-ri''. 


DECLENSIONS.  319 

9»  As  in  Old  High  German  and  Old  Saxon  we  have  feminine 
VOL  in  which  drop  the  thematic  coDsonant  and  then  remain 
in  all  cases^  so  we  meet  in  Anglo-Saxon  corresponding 
line  nouns  ending  in  -u,  h),  later  on  weakened  to  -^,  which 
reject  inflexional  forms ;  e.  g.  nienigo,  multitude ;  ai^elu  or 
>,  nobility ;  yldo,  old  age,  &c.     If  they  form  a  plural  at  all, 
■HtuBj  follow  in  this  the  strong  declensiou. 


Old  Frisian. 

1.  The  masculine  and  feminine  nouns  have  lost  the  thematic 
<-«  throughout ;  but  in  the  neuter  plural  we  find,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  very  ancient  form  dgon,  nom.  plur,  of  dge  (eye),  which 
improaches  very  near  the  Goth.  augSna;  and  in  the  dat.  plur. 
i^enu-^niy  where,  as  in  the  Gothic  vattuimy  &;c.,  the  thematic  con- 
sonant -It  has  been  preserved  before  the  case-sign  -;». 

2.  In  this,  as  in  the  preceding  dialects,  there  are  feminine 
nouns  of  the  weak  declension  which  have  dropped  the  thematic 
vowel  and  appear  with  the  termination  -e ;  e.  g.  keldCy  cold ;  hrene^ 
smell,  &c.,  used  in  the  sing.  only. 

3.  Several  documents  still  show  in  the  nom.  and  accus.  of 
the  masc.  and  fem.  the  case-sign  -n,  which  usually  was  dropped 
in  the  mentioned  cases;  e.  g./ona,  vexillimi  (Germ,  fahne),  accus. 
"pixxr.fonan;  frStoey  woman  (Germ.  trdM),fTQwan. 


Old  Norse. 

1.  The  weak  declension  has  in  the  Old  Norse  tongue  many 
peculiarities  which  will  be  appeciated  upon  a  comparison  of  the 
paradigms  we  have  given  above.  The  nominative  singular  of 
the  masculine  has  generally  weakened  the  original  a  io  i,  two 
words  only  preserving  the  ancient  a,  namely  herruy  herus  (Germ, 
herr),  and  9ira^  lord. 

2.  The  thematic  -»  is  but  rarely  preserved  in  the  plural  of  mas- 
culine nouns,  to  which  exception  belong  gumnar^  homines ;  hrag^ 
nary  soldiers ;  gotnaty  horses ;  skatnary  kings ;  oxnar,  oxen,  &c. ; 
but  these  words  also  show  the  plural  without  n,  as  gumary 
bragafy  &c. 

3.  Feminine  nouns  terminating  in  -n,  suppress  the  thematic 
n  before  the  case-sign  n  of  the  genitive  plura),  as  konay  wife, 
gen.  plur.  konay  instead  of  kon-n-^.  The  same  process  takes  place 
in  feminine  themes  ending  in  -jan,  unless  this  termination  is 
preceded  by  a  guttural ;    hence  lilja,  lily,  gen.  plur.  lilja  (the 


322  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Old  Frisian. 


Masc.  boda,  messenger  (Genn.  bote) ;  frdna,  judge ;  grha, 
earl  (Germ,  graf) ;  hona,  cock  (Grerm.  hahn) ;  hSra^  lord  (Germ, 
faerr);  knapa^  servus  (cf.  Germ,  knabe  and  knappe);  fKogay 
stomach  (Germ,  magen) ;  mutha^  mouthy  i.  e.  of  a  river ;  »«?«, 
nepos ;  iwma^  name  ;  omma^  spiritus ;  tAuma,  thumb;  fpiUa^wUl; 
menuiska,  homo  (Germ,  mensch). 

Fe^,  /ovne,  woman;  Aerte,  heart;  lun^e,  lungs;  sunne,  son; 
iwarde,  skin ;  lane,  toe ;  tun^e,  tongue. 

Neut.  d^e,  eye ;  are,  ear. 

Old  Karse. 

Masc.  andl,  animus;  apt,  ape;  ari,  eagle;  arfi,  heir;  bani, 
murderer;  bo^i,  bow;  dau^i,  death;  dropi,  drop;  gumi,  homo; 
kaniy  cock ;  mdniy  moon ;  nefi,  brother ;  skati,  king ;  9ki$ggi, 
shade;  uxiy  ox  ;  ]fduki,  mens;  vili^fnlji,  will;  ti^f/i,  king. 

Fem.  aska,  ashes;  bdra,  wave  ;  egda,  eagle,  fem. ;  dufa,  dove; 
gdnga,  iter;  harpay  lyra;  pipa^  pipe;  ^aga,  tale;  «/a>la,  verse; 
iala^  speech  (cf.  tale) ;  tungay  tongue  ;  vikay  week  ;  bylgja,  billow; 
dryckjay  drink ;  gg^ja,  goddess ;  kirkjay  church  ;  manneskja,  homo 
(Germ,  mensch). 

Neut.  auga,  eye  (Germ,  auge);  egra,  ear;  Aiar^,  heart;  Innga, 
lungs. 


OTHER   CONSONANTAL  THEMES. 

Theme  :  primitive  -tara,  -tar. 

Gothic. 

The  primitive  suffix  -far,  -lara,  was  employed  to  form  nouns  ex- 
pressive of  family  connections.  On  the  whole  thse  nouns  are  the 
same  in  all  the  cog-nate  lang-uages  with  regard  to  the  suffix  as 
well  as  the  respective  root  of  which  they  are  formed.  (Concern- 
ing the  origin  and  derivation  of  these  words,  see  the  chapter  on 
Roots  and  Themes  under  the  respective  suffixes.)  To  these 
themes  in  -r  belong  in  Gothic  the  words  Jadar,  father ;  bro]>ar, 
brother;  dauhtary  dau^fliter;  svistar,  sister.  Where  a  case-sign 
is  added  to  these  words  they  drop  the  vowel  of  the  suffix  -tar 
(|?ar  or  dar),  so  that  br6}fary  for  example,  has  in  the  sing.  nom. 
accus.  and  voc.  brd'par,  and  in  the  gen.  brd^r-s,  dat.  brSpr;  plur. 


DECLENSIONS.  323 

nom.  and  voc.  brdbr-ju-s^  gen.  brdbrS^  dat.  if^r-«-»i,  accus. 
broyr-u-ms.  The  plond  evidently  follows  the  strong  declension 
inu. 

Old  High  GtonnaxL 

The  masc.  nouns,  in  -r  either  have  in  the  singular  no  inflexions 
at  all^  or  they  take  those  of  the  strong  declension  in  a ;  hut 
their  accus.  is  formed  in  ^an,  h&fatar  {pater),  Jalar-an  (patrem), 
pruodar.  (frater),  pruodar^n  (fratrem).  The  fem.  nouus  muotar 
(mother),  swester  (sister),  tohtar  (daughter),  have  in  the  sing,  no 
inflexions,  and  muotar  and  swestar  remain  unchanged  in  the 
nom.  and  accus.  plur.  as  well,  but  the  latter  by  the  side  of  the 
uninflected  form  9wesiery  also  shows  awesterd  in  the  nom.  and 
accus.  plur.  The  plural  of  tohtar  is  declined  both  strong  and 
weak,  as  nom.  tohterd  or  toAterdn,  gen.  tohterS  or  tohterSno,  dat. 
iohterum  or  tohterSm^  accus.  tohterd  or  tohteriln. 

Old  Saxon. 

The  words  fadar  (father),  hrS^ar  (brother),  mSdar  (mother), 
dohtar  (daughter),  8U€8tar  (sister),  are  undeclined  in  the  singular, 
and  in  the  nom.  and  accus.  plur.  There  occurs  of  brS^ar  the 
dat.  plur.  bro^run ;  of  other  cases  we  have  no  examples ;  the 
genitive  might  hejfiidard  oxfadro,  &c. 

Anglo-Saxon, 

fader  (father)  is  in  the  singular  uninflected ;  the  genitive  fa- 
deres  is  of  rare  occurrence.  In  the  plural  it  has  adopted  the 
terminations  of  the  strong  declension  in  a*  hence  nom.  accus. 
fdderds,  gen.fdderd,  Aat,  fdderum.  The  word  brS^or  (brother) 
has  in  the  dat.  sing,  the  Umlaut;  and  in  the  nom.  plur.  the 
theme  is,  as  in  Gothic,  enlarged  into  bro^ru.  It  is  in  the  sing., 
nom.,  gen.,  accus.  brd^or,  dat.  br^er;  plur.  nom.  and  accus. 
brd^ru  or  brS^or,  gen.  brSdrd,  dat.  broirum.  In  the  same  manner 
are  declined  mSdor  (mother),  dohtar  (daughter),  sveoster  (sister). 

Old  Frisian. 

The  masculine  themes  in  -r,  /eder  (father),  brother  (brother), 
are  either  undeclined  in  the  singular,  or  they  take  -«  in  the 
gen.  and  -e  in  the  dat.  as /eder-s,  brSther-^ ;  fedei-e,  brSther-e ; 
the  plural  has  the  nom.  federal  gen.  federal,  A&i.federu-m,  accus. 
federa  ;  nom.  brStheraj  «c.    The  feminine  nouns  mSder  (mother), 

Y  % 


SS4  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

noetter  (sister)^  and  doeiter  (daughter)^  are  dedined  in  the 
manner,  but  in  the  gen.  sing,  they  may  also  take  tiie  tenniBt- 
tion  -€ ;  hence  the  gen.  sing,  of  mSder  for  instance  may  be  mSier^ 
or  mSderSy  or  modere. 

Old  Korse. 

/aiir  (fiither),  brdiir  (brother),  m^ir  (mother),  d^Mr{damgbia), 
tjfsiir  (sister),  take  in  all  cases  of  the  sing,  ur ;  hence  gen.y2rS«r, 
braSur,  &e.  (exceptionally  ySfSr.)  In  the  plural  the  nom.  and 
accus.  areyJrSr,  i/wSr,  gen. /e^ra,  broeira,  daLJ^^Srum,  broef&nm. 
The  J  in  the  termination  ir  of  the  nom.  sing,  does  not  caine 
Umlaut,  because  it  stands  inorganic  for  a  more  ancient  sr; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Umlaut  of  the  plural  is  caused  by 
the  I  of  the  termination  ir  which  has  been  dropped,  so  that^iri^ 
stands  (or  /e}Sir{=z/aHr\  and  the  gen.  may  have  been^irSmr, 
dat./e^iVwM,  wherefore  we  see  the  Umlaut  e  of  a,  caused  byi, 
preserved  in  the  gen.  and  dat.  plur.  instead  of  the  formsyoSm, 
/o'^rHm,  which  we  should  expect  in  accordance  with  the  vowels  a 
and  u  of  the  terminations. 


Themes  in  -nd. 

Gk>thio. 

The  themes  in  -nd  comprise  present  participles  declined  as 
substantives.  In  the  gen.  sing,  and  dat.  plur.  they  adopt  the 
forms  of  the  strong  declension  in  a.  The  word  nasjamU  (saviour), 
for  example,  has  in  the  singular,  gen.  nasjandi-^^  dat.  accus.  voc 
nasjand;  in  the  plural,  nom.  accus.  voc.  nasjand^,  gen»  nasjandrS^ 
dat.  nas/anda-ffi.  In  the  same  manner  goes  tnen^  (month),  but 
dat.  plur.  meno}fU'm. 

Old  High  German. 

The  themes  in  -«^,  as  friunt  (friend),  may  follow  the  strong 
declension  in  a  by  the  side  of  the  following  forms  which  are 
more  common :  sing.  nom.  dat.  accus.  friunt^  gen.  friunte-^ ; 
plur.  nom.  accus.  friunt^  gen.  friuntS^  dat.  fnuntur-m.  In  the 
same  manner  mdnSd,  month. 

Old  Saxon. 

The  participial  themes  in  -«rf,  as  friund  (friend),  may  in  the 
oblique  cases  adopt  the  forms  of  the  strong  declension  in  a-    The 


DBCLENSIOHra.  825 

eomiDLon  decleneion  is  smg.  nom.  ^iccxib.  friund^  gen, /riunde^^ 
dat.  friunde  ;  plor.  nom.  accos.  /rinnd^  gen.  Jriund-d,  dat.  /ri- 
imdm-n.  In  Old  Saxon  however  this  declension  is  limited  to 
oertain  words,  v^friund,  friend ;  fiSndy  enemy  (of.  fiend) ;  lerjand^ 
teacher ;  heljand^  saviour,  and  a  few  others. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

Among  participial  themes  in  -«rf,  freSnd  (friend)  and  fednd 
(enemy^  fiend)^  have  adopted  the  strong  declension  in  a>  hence 
'^ja.fre6nda9,fednd(u;  but  hy  the  side  of  these  we  also  find  the 
f\nra^/rednd,Ji6nd,  or,  with  Umlaut,  >^»rf,^«rf.  Other  themes 
of  this  kind  either  have  the  nom.  plor.  like  the  nom.  sing.,  or 
tliey  form  the  nom.  plur.  after  the  strong  declension  in  a* 

OldFriflian. 

Participial  themes  in  -nd:  friund^  friend;  nom.  accus.  sing. 

friund^  gen. /riunde^^  da,t,/nund  ov  friunde;  plur.  nom.  accus. 

Jriundy  gen.  Jriund-a  or  /riundorn-e,  dat.  friund-um.  In  the 
same  manner  is  declined  /iand,  enemy ;  also  the  masc.  mdnath^ 
month,  which  later  on  however  has  the  strong  plural  mSnathor-r 
as  well;  wigand  (miles,  filius)  and  werand  (autor)  are  doubtfiil. 

OldKorse. 

The  participial  themes  in  'fid  have  in  the  singular  adopted  the 
weak  declension ;  the  plural  in  -r  has  the  Umlaut,  so  that  tha 
plural  sign  -r  appears  to  have  its  origin  in  the  suffix  -ir.  Ex- 
amples:— frandt,  friend,  gen.  dat.  v^xicws.  franda  ;  plur.  nom. 
accus.  frandHTy  gen.  frand-a^  dat.  frctnau'm.  In  the  same 
manner  are  declin^^»J»',  enemy ;  hondiy  ruricola,  plur.  hoendnr. 


ThSHES  BNDINa  IN  A  OUTTUBAL  OE  DbNTAL. 

Oothic. 

Theme  hairg^  borough,  nom.  gen.  baurg^ ;  dat.  accus.  voc. 
haurg  ;  plur.  nom.  accus.  voc.  baurg-s^  gen.  baurg^^  dat.  baurgi-m. 
In  the  same  manner  are  declined  naits,  night,  with  the  dat.  plur. 
nahta^m;  miluks,  milk;  vaiAU,  thing;  bruits,  breast;  dulps, 
feast :  dutp  and  va^Ai  also  follow  the  strong  declension  in  i  from 
the  themes  dul^aiy  vaiAiai. 


326  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Old  High  Qermaii. 


In  this  dialect  the  mentioned  themes  have  adopted  the  strong 
declension  in  i^  such  as  jon^^^  breast  (dat.  plor.  has  bXso  pruitum)] 
pure,  borough ;  miluk,  milk ;  naAl,  night.  The  last-mentioDed 
has^  however,  preserved  some  traces  of  the  ancient  declension : 
sing.  nom.  accus.  naAt,  gen.  naAle-s,  dat.  nahte  ;  plur.  nom.  accos. 
naht,  gen.  naht-Oy  dat.  naktu^m,  naAio-n. 

Old  Saxon. 

Most  of  the  themes  have  passed  into  the  strong  declension  in 
i ;  nakl,  nighty  has  preserved  more  of  the  ancient  forms :  sing, 
nom.  dat.  accus.  naAt  (dat.  once  nahta\  gen.  noAie^ ;  plur.  nom. 
accus.  nakl^  gen.  naht-S,  dat.  nahtu^n ;  burg,  borough,  which 
follows  the  declension  in  i  has  the  exceptional  gen.  burgee,  and 
rarely  the  dat.  burg  for  burgi ;  maga^^  maid^  dat.  accus.  sing,  and 
accus.  plur.  maga^, 

Anglo-Saxon. 

Some  traces  of  the  ancient  declension  of  these  themes  we  find 
in  the  words  nikt^  night ;  mht,  vuht,  thing ;  plur.  nom.  nikt^  viki^ 
vuht ;  burhy  castle,  borough,  which  follows  the  declension  in  i, 
has  the  gen.  sing,  bj/rg^  b^rig,  by  the  side  of  burge. 

Old  Frisian. 

nahty  night:  sing.  nom.  accus.  naht^  dat.  naht  and  nak(^,  gen. 
naJite-8  ;  plur.  nom.  and  accus.  naht  and  nahta,  gen.  ^uaAt-a,  dat. 
7iahtu-m.    burcA,  castle,  dat.  sing.  burcA,  nom.  plur.  burga. 

Old  Norse. 

ndtt  for  nahty  night:  nom.  dat.  ace.  ndtt,  gen.  ndttu^ ;  plur. 
nom.  accus.  naetHr,  gen.  ndtta,  dat.  ndttum,  nott,  for  ndU^  has  the 
gen.  noet-r,  dat.  accus.  iwtt ;  plur.  noet-r^  gen.  mil-Hi,  dat.  nottum. 


DECLENSIONS.  327 


ANOMALOUS  DECLENSIONS. 

Gk>thio. 

1.  The  consonantal  theme^  man  (homo)  is  in  some  forms  en- 
larged into  mannan-,  and  then  follows  the  weak  declension; 
hence  sing.  nom.  manna,  gen.  man-^,  dat.  mann,  accus.  mannan, 
voc.  manna;  plur.  nom.  man-^,  mannan-s,  gen.  mann^e,  dat. 
manna-m,  accus.  man^Sy  mannans,  voc.  mans,  7nannans, 

2.  fadrein  (status  parentis)  is,  strictly  speaking,  a  neuter 
noun,  but  in  the  nom.  and  accus.  plur.  it  is  used  as  a  masculine, 
\ai  fadrein,  ^^ans  fadrein  (parentes),  otherwise  regular.  When 
used  as  a  feminine  theme  in  i,  as  gen.  eing.Jadreinais,  it  means 
*  family.' 

3.  /ffn  (fire)  an  indeclinable  neuter,  substitutes  in  the  gen, 
and  dat.  sing,  the  masculine  theme  Junan-,  without  the  plural. 

Old  High  GermBJU 

man,  homo,  forms  its  cases  in  the  singular  in  a  twofold  man- 
ner, namely,  either  man  throughout,  or  nom.  man,  gen.  mannis, 
dat.  manne,  accus.  mannan;  plur.  nom.  man^  gen.  mannS^  dat. 
mannum,  accus.  man. 

Old  Saxon. 

I.  man,  in  a  similar  manner  as  in  Old  High  Grerman,  has  the 
singular  indeclinable,  or  nom.  man,  gen.  mannas,  ss,  dat.  manna, 
'€,  accus.  man  ;  plur,  nom.  man,  gen.  mannS,  dat.  mAnnvrn,  accus. 
man, 

a.  The  feminine  strong  theme  1iellj6,  infemus,  nom.  hellja, 
is  sometimes  supplanted  by  a  masc.  theme  hella,  nom.  hell  or  hel, 
thiodS  (gens)  is  often  superseded  by  the  fem.  theme  thiodi,  nom. 
thiod, 

Anglo-Saxon« 

1.  man,  gen.  mannea,  dat.  men,  accus.  man;  plur.  nom.  men, 
gen.  manna,  dat.  mannum,  accus.  m£n, 

2.  The  feminines  sa  (sea),  a  (law),  ed  (river),  are  in  the  singu- 
lar indeclinable ;  but  occasionally  there  occur  the  genitives  sies, 
Goth,  saivis;  eds,  Goth.  ahvSs;  the  nom.  plur.  also  is  sas, 
eds  ;  dat.  plur.  sa-m,  ed^m, 

3.  drfi,  magus,  has  the  nom.  plur,  drfide,  but  the  gen.  dr^-r-d. 


328  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


OldFrisiaiL 

man  (vir)^  gen.  monneSy  dat.  mon^  moHne,  accns.  man;  plar. 
nom.  man,  gen.  nwnna^  dat.  monnum,  accus.  mon. 

Old  Korse. 

1.  fwaiS-r  (homo),  gen.  mann-^,  dat.  mann-i,  accus.  mann;  plar. 
nom.  menu  (also  m^-r),  gen.  mann-a,  dat.  i996'itii»-i»,  accns.  m^ 
Both  forms  ma^r  and  mann,  according  to  Old  Norse  phonetic 
laws,  spring  from  a  more  ancient  mau^r  (see  p.  io8). 

2.  Corresponding  to  the  Goth,  itdivs,  A.  S.  sa,  sea,  lake,  the 
Old  Norse  has  in  the  singular  a  variety  of  forms,  as  nom.  Mt-f^ 
gen.  savar^  dat.  sa,  accus.  sa;  or  nor^  itas^  Ho,  no;  or  iiar^ 
sioar  (siofar,  siavar),  sia^  9ia ;  plur.  savar,  sava,  sam  (9um\ 
sava.  In  the  same  manner,  corresponding  to  the  Gt>th.  midit^i 
snow,  the  O.  N.  mar,  snior^  miar, 

3.  fingr^fingur  (finger),  gQn.fingr-s,  follows  the  declension  in 
a,  but  in  the  nom.  accus.  plur.  it  hosjingr  (or  Jingrar,Jingra;  in 
the  same  manner  vetr,  vetur  (declension  in  u),  has  in  the  nom. 
accus.  plur.  vetr  for  veirir^  vetru. 

4.  fotr  (foot),  follows  the  declension  in  u;  gen.fotar  {or /ots, 
a),  dat,  foeti  {or  foli,  a) ;  nom.  j)\ur,/oetr  for Jaetir. 

5.  Monosyllabic  words  ending  in  a  vowel,  which  in  other 
dialects  follow  the  declensions  in  a  or  u,  never  have  a  thematic 
vowel  in  Old  Norse;  hence  they  are  declined,  e.g.,  masc.  wa-f 
(corpse),  gen.  nd-s,  dat.  ndy  accus.  nd ;  plur.  nd-r,  gen.  wd-e/,  dat. 
?id'?n,  accus.  nd.  Fern,  ^^^(vaticinium) ,  gen.  spd-r,  dat.  spa,  accus. 
spa  ;  plur.  nom.  spd-r^  gen.  spd^,  dat.  spd-^n,  accus.  spd-r.  To 
this  declension  belong  masc.  ^-r  (arcus),  sko-r  (shoe),  io-r  (horse) ; 
fern,  d  (river),  brd  (brow),  mei/  (maid),  ey  (island),  |?f  (serva), 
havey  before  the  thematic  vowel  by  which  the  latter  is  preserved ; 
hence  the  gen.  mej/jar,  ei/jar,  &c.,  plur.  nom.  the  same;  plur. 
dat.  mei/jvrn^  eyjum  ;  neut.  (which  decline  like  masc.  except  nom. 
plur.)  hil  (nis,  country),  dat.  sing,  bui^  dat.  plur.  huum ;  kne 
(knee),  tre  (tree),  dat.  plur.  knia-tn,  tria-m ;  ve  (temple),  gen.  plur. 
re-a,  dat.  veu-m.  Forms  in  analogy  to  the  declension  in  u  we 
have  in  td  (toe),  gen.  td-r,  plur.  nom.  Ut-r,  gen.  ^a-a.  Words 
with  u  have  the  vowel  a  before  the  case-sign ;  e.  g.  hni  (bridge), 
gen.  briiar.  The  secondary  form  k^-r  for  kd  (cow)  has  the  case- 
sign  -r  of  the  nom.  sing,  preserved;  compare  a^  (sheep),  ma^ 
(maid) . 


DECLENSIONS. 


DECLENSION  OP  PROPER  NAMES. 


^^  Gothic  proper  names  no  examples  occur  in  Ulfilas ;  foreigii 
~^e  uses  either  ondecliDed,  or  with  their  Greek  inflexionSj  or 
1^;^  ^ulapted  to  one  of  the  Gothic  declensions.  A  few  proper 
^^^^6,  as  Aileitaiaip,  Magdaleni,  S^laiaim,  are  indeclinable. 
:^^  «iave  Greek  inflexions  in  the  nom.  Amias,  accus.  Teitaum,  gen. 
^  **Jo*,  noia.  plur.  Israelitai.  More  frequently  we  find  them 
^^^^^v  the  (jh>thic  declensions,  so  that  all  Greek  proper  namea 
i^^Xng  in  a  consonant  (except  those  in  ot  and  aa)  are  declined 
^,^=*  the  Gothic  in  a,  as  Adam,  gen.  Adamis,  dat.  Adama.  After 
t«^^  Gothic  in  1  go  the  names  of  nations,  of  which  we  have 
^^■■^fly  the  plural  nom.  in  cw,  as  RumSneii,  MakidSneU.  After 
^!|^^t  in  u  the  proper  names  ending  in  -iua,  -tu,  -aiut,  the  last 
^^^^  having  in  the  nom.  gen.  plur.  always  -tit,  -f,  the  first  men- 
.^*^tied  remaining  unaltered  in  the  nom.  plur.  All  the  masculine 
^^tnes  in  -a,  -6,  -6n,  and  -at,  and  the  feminines  in  -a,  follow  the 
^Mk  declension,  as  Marja,  gen.  Marjint ;  laireikS,  laireikSns  j 
"diaritn,  AiarSnt, 

Old  High  Oennsn. 

Proper  names,  whether  native  or  foreign,  follow  the  strong 
declension  in  ai  commonly  fonning  the  accus.  sing,  in  -an,  as 
Hlmdmg,  accus.  Hludwi^an  and  Hludwig ;  Swap,  Suevus,  accus. 
Swapan,  plur.  Swapd,  Svap/S,  SKapvm.  The  strong  declension  in 
i  we  find  in  Hihi,  plur.  H4ni;  but  no  examples  of  the  declension 
in  n.  After  tiie  weak  declension  go  the  names  Br^no,  Kero ; 
Pramlco,  SaAto,  Saxon.  Feminine  proper  names  follow  the  strong 
declension  in  a,  as  SHiifUna,  RSma,  or  the  declension  in  i  (espe- 
cially those  ending  in  -lind,  ~rdl,  -gund,  -triti),  or  the  weak 
declension,  as  Marjd,  gen.  Marjin.  The  strong  neutral  declen- 
■ion  is  used  in  some  names  of  cities,  as  in  Betlehem,  &x6n,  gen. 
BeUhut.mnet. 

Old  fiazon. 

Masculine  names  follow  the  strong  declension  in  a.  In  this 
dialect  there  appears,  as  in  Old  High  German,  the  ancient  accn- 
sative  termination  -an,  as  Lazarm,  accns.  Lazanaan.  and  Lasarut. 
The  feminine  names  Suma,  Setiania,  GaliUa,  follow  the  strong 
declension  in  a,  Maria  the  weak  declension.     The  masc.  J»deo 


330  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

is  weik.  Some  mascoliDe  noons  dedme  strong  or  weak  accord- 
ing to  difTerent  stages  of  the  language  and  different  docaments. 
Some  are  indeclinable. 


All  masculine  names  which  decline  strong  follow  the  declen- 
sion in  a ;  90  do  the  words  Swa/^  Finn,  pyring^  plur.  Swaf<u,  &c. 
Feminine  names  in  a  occur  very  rarely.  After  the  declension  in 
i  go  the  words  D^e,  EmgU,  and  those  ending  in  -vare  (as  already 
mentioned^ ;  to  these  may  be  added  GrSce  (Greek),  Surpe  (Sorbi), 
and  a  few  others.  Many  names^  especially  feminine,  follow  the 
weak  declension,  as  Marie,  gen.  Marian y  Eve,  gen.  Evan;  the 
names  of  nations,  &ujrair,  Saxons;  Frifam,  Frisians,  &c. :  /«- 
d/a's,  Jews,  is  strong.  Foreign  proper  nonns  often  appear  with 
their  respective  foreign  declensions. 

Old  Frisian. 

The  native  names  follow  the  strong  declension ;  foreign  ones 
may  have  the  strong  Frisian,  or  their  own  foreign  declension,  as 
Peder,  Pedere4,  or  Pefnt4,  Petri;  or  some  are  indeclinable,  as 
Leo,  the  pope.  Of  names  of  nations  some  decline  strong,  others 
weak  :  Bio^fring^  plur.  Rimtringa,  is  strong  ;  Frem,  Frisian,  Saxa, 
Saxon,  &o.,  are  weak.  Names  of  towns,  such  as  Bremey  Col-ene, 
Bume,  which  are  feminine,  may  decline  strong  in  a,  or  weak. 
Marie  is,  as  in  the  other  dialects,  weak ;  Eca  is  indeclinable. 

Old  Norse. 

Some  of  the  masculine  proper  nouns  follow  the  strong,  others 
the  weak  declension  ;  the  former  commonly  have  the  thematic  -a^ 
as  Gunnary  gen.  Gunnars^  dat.  Gunnari ;  Askr^  Alfr,  &c.  Such 
as  Gripir,  Brunir,  &c.,  follow  the  declension  of  Air^ir,  that  is, 
the  themes  in  -Ja,  The  declension  in  u  is  frequently  followed 
by  proper  names,  esi>ecially  those  ending  in  -mundr,  -undr, 
hiortr,  -btortiy  ^vindr,  -vi^r;  as  Saemundry  Vdiundry  Arn-bidrriy  &c. 
Some  decline  weak,  as  Bragi,  Loki.  Feminine  nouns  which 
decline  strong  may  be  attributed  either  to  the  declension  in  a  or 
i,  because  both  are  identical  in  the  singular.  The  words  Edda, 
Nannay  &c.,  are  weak.  Names  of  nations,  such  as  Alfry  Finnry 
Svafr,  and  those  in  -ungry  follow  the  declension  in  a ;  Banry  plur. 
Baniry  Grikr,  plur.  Grikir,  the  declension  in  i ;  Saxiy  Goti,  Judi^ 
decline  weak.  As  has  in  the  sing.  gen.  As-Sy  plur.  Aesir,  gen. 
Asa,  dat.  Asum,  accus.  Asuy  thus  showing  forms  in  a  &nd  u 


DECLENSIONS.  331 

mixed.  Names  of  towns  (which  are  no  compounds  of  borg  or 
stair)  ending  in  a  consonant^  follow  the  declension  in  a  or  i,  as 
ParU,  gen.  Parisar ;  those  ending  in  the  vowel  -a  have  the 
weak  declension,  as  Troja^  gen*  Troju. 


DECLENSION  OP  ADJECTIVES. 

Adjectives  in  the  Teutonic  languages  show  a  greater  flexibility 
than  those  of  the  cognate  tongues^  such  as  Greek  and  Latin; 
for  not  only  do  they  display  special  inflexional  forms  for  the 
three  difierent  genders,  but  they  follow  moreover  two  distinct 
declensions,  commonly  known  as  the  strong  and  weak  declension. 
The  former  is  produced  by  a  demonstrative  pronoun  which  is 
sufl^ed  to  the  adjective  root,  and  which  by  its  various  inflexional, 
forms  yields  the  case-signs  to  the  declension  of  the  adjective; 
the  latter  assumes  the  case-signs  of  the  weak  declension  of  the 
noun,  and  consequently  stands  on  a  parallel  with  the  adjective 
declensions  in  the  cognate  languages.  The  former  might  be 
more  properly  called  the  pronominal,  the  latter  the  nominal, 
declension  of  adjectives.  In  the  strong,  or  pronominal,  declen- 
sion the  adjective  adopts  a  form  which  is  analogous  to  a  sufiixed 
article ;  this  declension  therefore  is  chiefly  used  where  the  adjec- 
tive is  not  preceded  by  the  article  or  a  pronoun  supplying  it. 


STRONG  DECLENSION. 

The  thematic  vowels  a,  i,  u,  which  yielded  us  three  strong 
declensions  of  the  noun,  are  not  all  adopted  by  the  adjectives ; 
themes  in  a  are  most  frequent,  themes  in  ja  still  appear  dis- 
tinctly in  the  Gothic,  but  in  the  other  Teutonic  dialects  merely 
in  a  few  remnants ;  themes  in  u  we  find  in  Gothic  only,  while 
such  in  i  do  not  appear  in  any  of  the  Teutonic  languages. 

The  terminations  or  case-signs  of  the  strong  declension  are, 
as  we  have  already  stated,  derived  from  the  different  inflexional 
forms  of  a  demonstrative  pronoun.  This  pronoun  occurs  in 
Sanskrit  as  a  relative  under  the  forms  ^as,  yd^  yad,  whUe  in  the 
Germanic  tongues,  where  it  assumed  a  demonstrative  force,  its 
most  ancient  forms  will  appear  from  the  following  table. 


332 


TEUTONIC  OEAMMAB. 


ttaarGci^K. 

Mmc. 

Fern. 

rvflHi* 

Nooi. 

•  • 

• 

irt. 

Gen. 

a* 

jaizU 

^ 

D»t. 

• 

jamma 

jtzm 

jama 

>• 

>ri> 

Ncift. 

These  pronominal  forms  however,  when  soffixad  to  the 
tiTe,  do  not  always  appear  in  their  foil  integrity,  bat  are  in 
different  dialects  more  or  less  modified.    The  following 
may  soffice  to  convey  an  idea  of  these  modificationa. 


Teems  in  IL 
Gothic 


SiNOCLAm. 


3Iaac 

Nom.   kardu^  (hard) 
G«n.     kard'jU 
Dat.     kard-jamma 


Fem. 

kardu^ 

kard-jaizAt 

kard-jai 


Neut. 

hardu,  kard-jaia 

kardrfii 

kard-jamma 


II 

hard-f€d 
kard-jaiti 

kard^iaim\hard-jaim 
&C.       I       See 


kardriaiab 


mhU 

\in2lm 


All  the  remaining  eases  are  formed  r^folarly  by  the  suffixed 
pronoun  as  it  appears  in  the  paradigm  above. 

Themes  in  a. 


KiNGULAR. 


Masc. 

Nom.  hlind'9 

Gon.  hlind-U 

Dat.  hlind-amma 

Amis.  Uitul-ana 


Fem. 

hlirui-a 
hlind-aizoe 
Wind-ai 
hlind-a 


Neut. 

hlind-<Ua 
hlind-is 
hlind'-amma 
hlind-ata 


Plural* 


Masc. 

hlind-ai 
blind -aizi 
Hind^im 
hlind-am 


Fem. 

hlind-As 
blindraizS 
hlind-aim 
hlind-6s 


Neat. 

UtW-a 
hitnd-abi 
Umd-ttim 
hlind-a 


Old 


German. 


81NOULAR. 


Nom.  plini'^r 

Gon.  ptint-fs 

Dat.  plint-cmn 

Actus.  pHnt-an 

liistr.  plint'U 


Fern. 

plint-ju^  tt 
pUnt-era 
plint-tru 
plint-a 


Neut. 

pLint-a'^ 

j)Iint-e8 

plint-ftnu 

plint-a^ 

plint'U 


Plural. 


Maac 

plint-4,  -a 
pUnt-tro 
plintSm 
plifU-i 


Fem. 

plini-6 
pUnt-trd 
phnt-im 
plint-d 


Neat 

plirU-jih  "• 
plifU-ir6 

plint-em 

pUrU-ju,  •» 


DtCLSSSIOSS. 


SlXGI7I.A.>. 

Plckal. 

btimd-am 

Nemt 
Hind 
blindia 

tl^md 

Uimf-o.  -«  1  lli»d-i.  t     hlim*^  •  bli>4> 
lliMd-m,-t     bUmt^^-t  ^iUm*^-m. VSMd. 

iliMa^rt,-n       Uia-i^-i 


334  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Remarks  on  the  above  Paradigms. 

Qothio. 

1.  Adjectives  preserve  the  thematic  vowel  u  in  the  nom.  ang*. 
of  the  three  genders ;  in  the  oblique  cases  however  thej  drop 
this  thematic  vowel  and  suffix  the  pronoun  jie  in  its  full  intc^ 
rity,  as  hardu-^y  hard-jis,  &c. 

2.  Themes  ending  in  a  drop  the  thematic  vowel  as  well  as  Uie 
j  of  the  suffix y/*  throughout  all  cases,  as  blind-s,  blinds,  &c. 

3.  Adjectives  with  the  theme  in  Ja  display  four  different  modeB 
of^the  nom.  sing,  masc;  namely,  (i)  If  the  thematic  >  is  pre- 
ceded by  a  vowel  or  a  short  syllable  ending  in  a  single  consonanti 
the  nom.  has  the  termination  jis=ja^,  the  a  being  weakened  to 
i,  e.g.  sak'ji-Sy  rixosus;  tnid-Ji-^,  mediuB;  fullato-ji'^,  perfect; 
niu-ji'S,  new.     Where  the  thematic  termination  /a  is  preceded 
by  a  long  syllable  ending  in  a  consonant,  three  different  modes 
of  formation  occur,  namely,  (a)  ja  is  contracted  into  «,  e.g. 
viiy^i-Sy  vei-us ;   a/)?-ef-*,  old ;    or  (3)  ja  is   contracted   into  », 
e.  g.  8tlt-i'^  {<Slv^kto%),  airkn-i-^  (So-ios) ;  or  (4)  ja  is  dropped  alto- 
gether, e.  g.  biaip'S,  mitis ;   A  rains,  clean,  pure  (Germ.  rein). 
But  under  all  circumstances  the^  of  ^a  re-appears  in  the  oblique 
cases,  except  with  the  adjectives  in  eis  which  preserve  this  con- 
tracted form  in  the  gen.  sing.  masc.  and  fem.,  as  the  following 
examples  will  suffice  to  show  :    (i)  sakjis,  gen.  sakjis,  dat.  sa It- 
jam  ma,  &e.  ;    (i)   vl/'peis,  gen.  viDpeis,  dat.  vilbjamma,  &c. ;    (3) 
si/fis,  gen.  sflfjisy  dat.  mtjamma,  &c. ;    (4)  hrains,  gen.  hrainjUy 
dat.  hraivjamma,  &c. 

4.  Themes  in  ja  which  suppress  this  thematic  termination  in 
the  nom.  sing,  masc,  form  sometimes  the  feminine  in  the  same 
manner,  as  masc.  fem.  hruh-Sy  useful;  ^iw-*, clear;  8el-9y  benign; 
the  neuter  is  probably  without  any  termination,  as  bruk^  skeir, 
sel, 

5.  Adjectives,  the  stem  of  which  ends  in  *,  do  not  adopt  the 
case-sign  -s  in  the  nom.  sing. ;  as  n^es,  proprius,  gen.  svesis :  in 
the  same  manner  the  nom.  a^i^ar,  other :  but  all  other  adjectives 
ending  in  r  take  the  termination  -^  in  the  nom.,  as  *r/r-j,  hono- 
ratus;  gaur  s,  moestus. 


DECLENSIONS,  336 


Old  High  German. 

I.  In  Old  High  Oerman^  as  well  as  in  all  other  dialects  which 
e  shall  yet  mention^  every  s  which  occurs  hetween  two  vowels, 
id  wldch  in  this  position  in  Gothic  already  had  been  converted 
ito  z,  is  changed  into  r.  This  change  occurs  in  Old  High 
rerman   in   the   nom.  sing.  masc.   too,   hence  plini-er,   Goth. 

a.  Old  High  German,  as  well  as  the  other  dialects,  drops  the  J 
f  the  pronominal  sufiSx  throughout,  with  the  exception  of  the 
)ld  High  German  nom.  sing.  fern,  ending  in  ju ;  but  in  other 
espects  the  pronominal  suffix  is  sometimes  more  intact  than 
ven  in  Gothic.  Thus  the  nom.  sing.  mase.  pUnt-er  may,  accord- 
Tkg  to  Bopp,  be  a  contraction  ot plinta-ir,  ir  the  suffix  answering 
»  Gothic  is  =jis. 

3.  The  case-termination  is  often  dropped,  so  that  plinl  stands 
!br  the  nom.  sing.  masc.  plini-er,  fem.  plint^u,  neut.  plinl^a^, 

4.  For  the  termination  Ju  we  find  in  the  nom.  sing.  fem.  u 
>nly ;  and  the  gen.  and  dat.  fem.  may  take  erd~  for  -/m,  -eru, 
nespectively ;  the  dat.  sing.  masc.  -emo  for  -emu. 

5.  The  plural  has  sometimes  in  the  nom.  accus.  d  for  e,  and, 
in  later  documents,  eti  for  em  in  the  dative. 

6.  The  J  of  the  thematic  ja  is  either  dropped  or  assimilated  to 
the  preceding  consonant,  as  in  mitt-er  for  mitj-er.  But  where 
the  stem  is  uninflected,  the  j  remains,  hardened  in  i,  as  miti, 
Diedius ;  kleini^  subtilis ;  Areini,  pure ;  wildi,  wild.  The  adjec- 
tive Jri  preserves  the  thematic  y,  as  frigSry  friju,  frij^sif  or  cotL" 
\x2iQii^  frier,  friuyfriaz. 

7.  Tbe  spirant  w,  at  the  end  of  the  stem,  is  in  the  uninflected 
nom.  vocalized  into  0,  as  nom.  plawer,  lividus,  uninflected  jt?/a(?. 

Old  Saxon. 

1 .  The  ftill  inflexional  vowels  are  frequently  weakened ;  thus 
the  genitive  terminations  -as,  -aro,  are  replaced  by  -es,  -era,  or 
-eru ;  the  dative  -umu,  -aro,  by  -emu,  -nm,  -on,  and  -eru,  -uru. 
But  the  accusative  suffix  is  sometimes  preserved  in  its  complete- 
ness, especially  in  compound  or  polysyllabic  adjectives,  as  lang- 
mm,  slow;  unsundig,  unhealthy;  accus.  langsam-ana,  unsundig- 
ina  ;  or,  dropping  the  first  a,  it  is  shortened  into  -na,  as  mdhtig, 
mighty,  ace.  mdhtig-na.     This  -na  is,  later  on,  weakened  into  -ne. 

2.  The  nom.  plur.  neut.  has  more  frequently  the  weakened  -u 


336  TEUTONIC  ORAMMAH. 

instead  of  the  original  -a;  and  the  dat.  plnr.  -mi  is  often  nok-' 
ened  into  -(mi. 

3.  Themes  in  -ja  vocalize  the  j  into  %  in  the  uninflectedfU 
preserve  the  j  in  the  inflected  cases  or  weaken  it  into  e,  cigi 
middi,  medius,  g^n.  masc.  middj-es,  or  middents,  fem.  miiJ^  ■% 
&c.  But  occasionally  it  occurs  that  the  j  is  dropped  altogcth^ 
e.  g.  demif  occultus,  g^n.  plur.  dem^-erS. 

4.  A  stem  ending  in  w  commonly  vocalizes  this  w  in  the  imi^ 
fleeted  nominativCj  as  glau,  prudent^  gen.  glaw^eM. 


Anglo-Saxon. 

1.  The  termination  -s  of  the  nom.  sing.  fern,  is  preserved  dim 
monosyllabic  adjectives  with  a  short  vowelj  as  ivaiuj  polysyl- 
labic words  weaken  it  into  -«,  and  adjectives  with  a  loiog  rraal 
vowel  drop  it  altogether. 

2.  Monosyllabic  adjectives  with  the  short  radical  a  weaken 
this  vowel  into  a,  unless  it  is  sustained  by  a  terminational  vowei, 
e.  g.  nom.  sing.  masc.  Avdi,  acer,  fem.  kvai-u ;  nom.  plor.  ins^ 
gen.  krdt^a.  Other  adjectives  of  this  kind  are,  kdr,  naked; 
blde^  black ;  hrai^j  quick ;  Idt,  late ;  ipdr,  sparej  &c. 

3.  A  double  consonant  ending  a  stem  is  shortened  into  a  ain^ 
one  before  terminations  b^inning  with  a  consonant,  as  ^tnr, 
gen.  masc.  grimm-esy  gen.  fem.  grim-re. 

4.  Themes  in  ja  show  a  remnant  of  the  thematic  j  in  the  tei^ 
minational  e  of  the  uninflected  nominative  and  in  the  Umlaut  of 
the  radical  vowel,  as  hlPSe,  blithe ;  grene,  green  (O.  H.  Germ. 
gruoni) ;  but  the  inflected  cases  drop  this  e  throughout^  hence 
bli^rCy  gren-re,  &c. 

Old  Frisian. 

The  tenninational  vowels  are  generally  weakened^  and  the 
dative  of  the  masc.  and  neut.  sing,  and  plur.  has  dropped  the 
final  m,  so  that  this  form  is  identical  with  the  nom.  and  accus. 
plur.  of  the  three  genders. 

Themes  in  ja  have  only  in  the  nom.  sing,  preserved  a  trace  of 
the  ancient y  in  the  termination  e,  as  diare,  dear;  grene,  green; 
rike,  rich,  &c. 


DECLENSIONS.  337 


,  Old  Norse. 

j - 


.  ¥ieciiliar  is  the  dat.  sing.  neut.  in  -f^^  which  bears  no  analogy 

the  casensign  -um^  derived  from  the  pronominal  suffix  '■amtna, 

the  other  dialects ;  and  the  nom.  plur.  masc.  in  -ir,  from  -is. 

appears  that  in  the  first-mentioned  ease  the  instrumental  case- 
_  -»  has  expelled  the  termination  of  the  dative  and  usurped 
^' Ha  place;  in  the  latter  the  nominative  case-sign  of  the  substan- 
tire  seems  to  have  found  admission  into  the  declension  of  the 
a^ective. 

Concerning  the  assimilation,  or  omission  of  the  r  in  the  nom. 
aiDg.  as  well  as  in  the  case-suffixes  -rar,  -ri,  -ra,  the  same  rules 
hold  good  which  are  observed  in  the  declension  of  the  substan- 
tive. The  -r  therefore  is  dropped  if  the  stem  terminates  in  r,  rr, 
0,  or  Hy  which  is  preceded  by  a  consonant,  e.  g.  snar,  quick^  gen. 
fern,  rniar-ar ;  vis,  wise,  vt&^r ;  iqfn,  even,  iqfn-ar.  It  is  assi- 
milated to  I  and  n  final  of  long  or  polysyllabic  stems,  as  sael-lj 
happy,  for  sael-r,  gen.  fem.  sael-lar  for  sael-rar;  brin^n,  brown, 
for  Mn-r,  gen.  fem.  hrUn-nar  for  brUn-rar.  But  the  r  remains 
unassimilated  after  II  and  nn  ending  the  stem,  e.g.  all-r,  all, 
gen.  all^ar,  &c.  ,*  and  after  single  I  and  n  which  are  preceded  by 
a  short  vowel,  as  Aol^,  hollow,  gen.  fem.  hoUrar. 

The  suffix  "t  of  the  nom.  sing.  neut.  assimilates  a  preceding  "S 
which  follows  upon  a  vowel;  if  this  vowel  is  long  it  becomes 
short  under  the  mentioned  circumstance ;  hence  neut.  glat-t  from 
masc.  gla^-r,  goUt  from  g6^S-r,  good.  If  a  stem  terminates  in 
nd,  r8,  sty  the  dental  is  dropped  before  the  neuter  suffix,  as  blin-t 
for  blittd-6,  from  masc.  blind-r;  har^t  for  har^-t^  from  har^-r, 
hard.  The  gemination  of  /,  w,  «,  r,  *,  ^,  is  reduced  to  the  single 
consonant,  e.  g.  snial-t  for  sniall-t,  A  preceding  r  is  dropped  in 
annate  from  annar,  other. 

Adjectives  which,  in  consequence  of  having  dropped  a  final 
spirant,  end  in  a  long  vowel,  double  the  case-sign  of  the  neuter ; 
e.  g.  bld-r,  blew,  O.  H.  Germ,  pldo,  pldia-er,  has  in  the  neuter 
bld~U;  n^-r,  new,  Goth,  niujis,  has  the  neuter  n^-U;  so  that  ap- 
parently the  spirant  has  been  assimilated  to  the  neuter  suffix  -^. 
For  the  same  reason  the  initial  consonants  of  the  suffixes  -rar^f 
'ri,  -ra,  may  be  doubled;  e.g.  Mrrar^  n^rrar,  by  the  side  of 
hdrar,  n^rar. 

Derivative  adjectives  in  -i»  have  in  the  neut.  i-^  for  in^-t,  and 
in  the  masc.  accus.  in-^  for  in~an ;  e.  g.  steinin^n,  lapideus,  has 
the  neut.  sieinut^  accus.  masc.  steinin-n, 

litil'l  (little)  and  miHi-l  (great)  have  the  neut.  lUi-t,  miki-t 
for  Util-t,  miiil't;   accus.  sing.  masc.  lititM^i  mikin'ti:   lUiM 


338 


TECTOXIC  GRAMMAR, 


moreover  shortens  the  radical  Towel^  if,  before  an  inflexioul 
vowel,  elision  of  the  vowel  in  the  derivative  syllable  takes  place; 
e.  ^.    dat.   sing.    /Ul-nm,   fitl-n,   plur.   lill^ir ;     but    gen.  sin^. 

The  vowel  /.  where  it  occurs  in  the  pronominal  suiBx,  does  dq4 
caiLse  Umlaut ;  but  u  does,  even  in  the  nom.  sing.  fern,  and  it 
the  nom.  and  aecus.  plur.  neut.,  where  it  has  been  dropped ;  henee 
the  iV>rm  long  in  the  mentioned  cases.     The  process  which  oocon 
in  adjectives  ending  in  al  and  ar  is  remarkable.     In  the  casei 
just  mentioned,  where  the  case-sign  h  is  dropped,  they  supplant 
the  a  of  those  syllables  bv  the  vowel  a.  which  then  causes  Um- 
laut  of  the  preceding  vowel ;  e.  g.  gamal-ly  old,  fem.  gomul  for 
^«i««i/,-j('' ;  yj'.wr,  fair,  iem.  fognr  iox  fagar{-u).     Elision  of  the 
vowel  in  the  derivative  syllables  al  and  ar  always  takes  place 
when  the  case-sign  begins  with  a  vowel,  as  gamUan  for  gamal-dn. 

The  adjective  annar,  other,  Goth,  auj^ar,  forms  some  cases  with 
the  stem  jjia,  others  with  the  stem  a'S,  both  standing  for  the 
more  ancient  <imS. 

The  decleusion  runs  thus  : — 


SiNGCLAR. 

Pl.VKAL. 

Ma«c. 

Kom. 

NeQt. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Nom. 

anf^tjT 

onnnr 

annat 

afVrir 

a5rar 

dnnur 

Gen. 

annar* 

uunanjr 

an  nan 

annarra 

annarra 

annarra 

Dat. 

(i^;-:;  .1 

o  n  uarri 

o^ru        ' 

!  6^rum 

diHrum 

o^rum 

Accus. 

aiimin 

a^ra 

annat      | 

aSra 

aSrar 

onnur 

Themes  in  Jtt  have  generally  drop|K^d  the  J,  except  in  the  ad- 
jectives mi^r  (niedius),  wy-r  (new),  r/'X--r  (rich),  where  it  is  often 
preserved  before  the  oase-sisrn  beginning  with  the  vowel  a  or  ?/, 
as  ml<fj-t(/tt,  nf(j-iiUy  rlkj-u  ;  but  where  it  is  dropped  it  has  caused 
the  Umlaut  of  the  preceding  vowels,  as  groenn,  green,  O.  H. 
Germ,  grotii,  A.  S.  grcne  ;  djr,  dear. 

The  spirant  r  at  the  end  of  a  stem,  though  dropped,  has  often 
caused  the  Umlaut  of  the  preceding  a  into  o,  as  clokk-r,  dark, 
black ;  gorr,  done  (comp.  Germ.  gar).  It  frequently  reappears 
before  case-signs  beginning  with  a  vowel,  as  dokkv-atn,  dokkv^f?, 
&c.  ;  sometimes  hardened  into  f,  as  //d-r,  celsus  (Germ,  hehr), 
accus.  /utoan  and  haf-an ;  but  disappears  generally  in  later 
documents,  hence  hd-'ir  for  hdv-ir ;  hd-nm,  hd-m  for  hdt-ron. 


DECLENSIONS. 


389 


WEAK  DECLENSION  OF  ADJECTIVES. 


Parapioms. 

Oothio. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Nom.     hlinda 
Gen.      hlindinM 
Dai.       hlindtn 
Acms.   hlindan 

hlindS 
hlind^ns 
Uind6n 
hUnddn 

blinds 
hlindins 
hlindin 
hlindS 

hlindans 
hlindan  i 
hlindam 
hlindana 

hlindSnt 
hlindSnS 
hlindSm 
UindSn 

hlindSna 
HindanS 
hlindam 
hlindSna 

Old  High  Gtermaii. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Nom.     plinto 
Gen.       plintin 
Dat.       plintin 
Accus.   plintun 

plinta 
plintUn 
plintUn 
pUntdn 

plinta 
pliniin 
plintin 
plinta 

plintun 
pHniSnS 
plintSm 
plintun 

plintdn 
plintSnd 
plintdm 
plintiin 

plintdn 
pliniSnS 
plintSm 
plintiin 

Old  Saxon. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

Ma 

sc.  Fem.  > 

feut. 

Nom. 
Gen. 
Dat. 
Accus. 

hlindo{-a) 
hlindun 
hlindun 
hlindun 

hlinda 
hlindun 
hlindun 
hlindun 

hlinda 
blindun 
hlindun 
blinda 

hlindu 
hlindSnS 
blindun 
hlindun 

Anglo-Saxon. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut. 

xMa 

8&  Fem.  ^ 

eut. 

Nom. 

Gen. 

Dat. 

Accus. 

hlit 
hlii 
hlin 
hlif 

uia 
tdan 
\dan 
\dan 

hh 
hi 
hh 
hli 

Inde 
Indan 
■ndan 
Indan 

Ui 
hli 
hh 
hli 

nde 
ndan 
ndan 
nde 

hlindan 
hlindena 
blindum 
hlindan 

Z  2 


340 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


OldFrudaa. 

StNGULAR. 

Plukal. 

Mmc 

Nom.     Uinda 
GeQ.       blinda 
Dat.       blinda 
Aocus.    blinda 

Fern. 

blinde 
blinda 
blinda 
bUnda 

Neut. 

blinde 
blinda 
Uinda 
blinde 

Blase  Fein.  Neat 

blinda 
blindena 
blindum 
blinda 

Old  Norse. 


Singular. 


Ma9c. 

Nom.  langi 

Gen.  langa 

Dat  langa 

Accus.  lanffa 


Fern. 

langa 
Idngu 
Idngu 
Uhtgti 


Nent. 

langa 
langa 
langa 
langa 


Plural. 


Maac  Fern.  Neut 

lortgu 
langu 
l»ngu 


Remarks  an  tie  Paradigmf, 

As  we  have  already  stated^  and  as  will  readily  be  seen  from 
the  preceding  paradigms^  the  weak  declension  of  the  adjectives 
is,  with  regard  to  its  case-signs  or  terminations,  in  all  Teutonic 
dialects  perfectly  identical  with  the  weak  declension  of  the  noun. 
A  few  peculiarities  in  the  different  dialects  deserve  a  short  notice. 

In  Gothic  the  a  of  the  thematic  termination  -a^  is,  in  the 
feminine,  lengthened  into  6,  hence  the  lengthened  theme  -on. 
Adjectives  in  ja  preserve  the  thematic  ja  in  the  weak  declension, 
though  the  j  may  have  been  dropped  in  the  strong  declension, 
e.  g.  hrainja,  gen.  hrainjins,  dat.  hrainjin^  &c.  (strong,  hrain-s,  &c.) 
Themes  in  u  adopt  the  forms  in  Ja,  hence  hardja,  hardjinSy  &c. 
(strong,  harduSy  &c.)  The  weak  adjective  ainaia,  solus  (Germ, 
einiger),  has  the  fem.  auiohS. 

Old  High  German  and  Old  Saxon  have  preserved  the  Gothic 
feminine  theme  in  6n  in  the  darkened  form  «w,  which  in  Old 
Saxon  however  may  rather  be  the  shortened  -un.  Anglo-Saxon 
adopts  the  theme  in  -an  for  the  singular  of  all  genders,  with  the 
exception  of  the  nominative  feminine  and  neuter  and  accusative 
neuter.  The  plural  is,  in  Old  Saxon  and  Anglo-Saxon,  identi- 
cally the  same  for  all  genders. 

Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse  reject  in  the  singular  of  the  adjec- 
tive as  well  as  of  the  substantive  declension  the  thematic  -«,  and 
allow  the  word  to  end  in  the  bare  vowel  a,  or  its  modification  in 


DECLENSIONS.  '  341 

i  or  u.  In  Old  Norse^  moreover^  it  is  the  siDg^olar  only  which 
has  preserved  the  terminations  of  the  weak  declension  of  the 
nonn^  while  the  plural^  rejecting  whatever  case-signs  the  nonn 
has  preserved,  adopted  the  neuter  termination  u  for  all  cases  and 
all  genders. 

The  Old  Norse  themes  in  jan  and  van  preserve  their  respective 
spirant  throughout,  except  that  the  nom.  -ji  is  commonly  ren- 
dered by  iy  as  tiki,  rikja ;  dokkvi,  dokkva.  Some  adjectives  have 
the  weak  declension  only,  e.  g.  lami,  lame  ;  faxi,  jubatus ;  full- 
ti^iy  full-grown^  or  they  adopt  in  all  genders  the  indeclinable 
termination  -a,  as  lama. 


DECLENSION  OF  THE  PARTICIPLES. 

PRBSEirr  Pabticiplb. 

These  participles  have  in  all  Teutonic  dialects  a  substantive  as 
well  as  an  adjective  declension ;  as  to  the  former  we  refer  to  the 
proper  placed  The  adjective  declension  of  the  present  participle 
again  may  be  strong  or  weak. 

The  Gothic  dialect  uses  the  strong  form  in  the  nom.  masc. 
only ;  in  the  weak  declension  the  feminine  is  not  formed  after 
the  analogy  of  the  adjectives  in  -^n,  but  by  a  more  ancient  theme 
in  -ein,  hence  the  fem.  of  Ailpandaj  helping  (Germ,  helfend)^  is 
hilpandeiy  gen.  Ailpandeins^j  &c. 

Old  High  German  declines  the  adjective  form  of  the  participle 
regularly  after  the  analogy  of  the  strong  and  weak  declensions 
of  the  adjective ;  hence  strong,  ffebanter,  gebantjuy  gebanta^ ; 
weak,  gebanio,  gebatUdj  gebania. 

Old  Saxon  is  fond  of  introducing  the  spirant  y  before  the  case- 
signs  ;  as  to  the  rest  it  follows  the  strong  and  weak  declensioiis 
of  the  adjectives ;  e.  g.  strong,  Mlpandi,  helpandi,  helpandij  gen. 
he^andjes,  helpandjerOy  helpandjeSy  &c.  From  this  example  it  will 
appear  that  the/  m  the  nominative  (as  in  all  indeclinable  cases) 
is  vocalized  into  i.  Such  an  ^  we  find  in  Old  High  German  too 
where  the  cases  of  the  strong  declension  of  the  participle  adopt 
the  indeclinable  form,  as  gebanti  in  all  genders  instead  oigebantery 
gebantju,  gebanta^.  This  i  must  of  course,  like  that  in  Old  Saxon, 
have  its  origin  in  an  ancient y,  which  in  the  participle  declension 
was  commonly  preserved  before  the  case-signs  by  the  Old  Norse, 
but  rejected  by  the  Old  High  German  dialect. 

'  See  the  declension  of  the  themes  in  -mi,  p.  324. 
'  Compare  the  weak  noun  managtiy  moMtgeinB, 


342  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Anglo-Saxon  hardly  differs  at  all  from  the  preceding  dialects 
in  the  declension  of  the  participle  present.  Like  them  it  follows 
the  strong  and  weak  declension  of  the  adjective,  and  like  them 
it  shows  the  trace  of  an  ancient  j  before  the  case-signs  in  the 
termination  e  of  the  uninflected  cases  of  the  strong  declensioD, 
as  nom.  gifende,  gen.  gifendes  ;  weak^  masc.  gifenda^  fern,  nent 
g'ifende. 

Old  Frisian  follows  in  every  respect  the  rules  laid  down  for 
An^lo-Saxon. 

Old  Norse  has,  like  Gothic,  preserved  in  the  feminine  the  an- 
cient termination  %  (Goth.  e%)y  which  has  been  lost  in  all  the 
other  dialects.  This  fem.  t  has  in  the  plural  usurped  the  positioa 
of  all  other  terminations;  hence  sing.  masc.  gefandi,  ge/andi, 
gefanda,  gen.  gefanda,  gefandi,  gefanda,  &c.  like  the  adjective; 
plur.  gefandi  in  all  cases  and  genders.  But  by  the  side  of  this 
indeclinable  plural  the  masculine  has  the  strong  substantive 
forms  in  -r  (from  tV,  therefore  causing  Umlaut),  as  nom.  gefend-Ty 
gen.  gefanday  &c. 

Pbeterite  Participle. 

It  follows  in  Gothic  and  all  other  Teutonic  dialects  the  strong 
and  weak  declensions  of  the  adjective. 

With  regard  to  Old  High  German  we  have  however  to  observe 
that  the  pret.  part,  of  the  weak  conjugation  drops  the  charac- 
teristic vowel  /  (./«),  from  which  cause  '  Riick-Umlaut'  may  be 
produced  ;  e.  g.  gl-nant'er^  named  (Germ,  ge-nannt),  instead  of 
gi-iiennit-cr ;  l)ut  where  the  participle  is  uninflected  the  charac- 
teristic vowel  remains,  hence  y'l-nennit. 

Old  Norse  displays  a  peculiarity  in  forming  the  pret.  part,  of 
weak  verbs  with  a  short  radical  in  -/S;*  instead  of  -Sr.  The  forms 
in  v^r  may  exchange  the  Sr  for  nn^  an  exchange  we  have  often 
observed  with  wS  and  nn ;  hence  we  have  the  forms  t^H^r,  tali^, 
(ali^y  talHy  and  tallnn^  talini^),  talit ;  and  from  both  forms  may 
be  derived  oblique  cases,  as  gen.  masc.  (ali^'S,  {lalin-s  ?),  gen. 
fem.  talin-7iary  plur.  fem.  nom.  tald-ar,  gen.  ialin-na :  from  which 
examples  it  would  appear  that  case-signs  beginning  with  a  con- 
sonant prefer  the  form  in  -w  to  precede  them. 


DECLENSION   OF  THE   INFINITIVE. 

The  Teutonic  dialects,  with  the  exception  of  the  Gothic  and 
the  Old  Norse,  possess  a  declension  of  the  infinitive  which  is 
analogous  to  the  strong  declension  of  the  noun.     In  Old  High 


DECLENSIONS.  343 

Oerman  the  infinitive,  though  in  itself  it  is  but  the  accusative  of 
a  verbal  noun,  developes  a  new  theme  in  -a,  from  which  it  forms 
two  new  cases,  a  genitive  and  a  dative ;  e.  g.  helfan^  to  help, 
gfen.  helfanneSy  dat.  helfanne ;  nerjan,  servare,  gen.  nerjannes^ 
dat.  nerjanne.  In  the  same  manner  proceeds  the  Old  Saxon 
infinitive ;  e.g.  helpan^  gen.  helpannas{'es)j  dat.  helpanna{''e) ; 
nerjan^  nerjannasy  nerjanna.  Here  too  we  occasionally  fiud  the 
derivative  j  before  the  thematic  vowel.  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old 
Frisian  have  only  the  dative,  which  however  occurs  pretty  fre- 
quently;  e.g.  A.  S.  faranne,  etenne ;  O.Yx\%.  farane  gungane. 
As  to  the  latter  we  observe  that  the  n  of  the  infinitive,  which 
is  usually  dropped,  in  this  case  reappears. 


MIDDLE  TEUTONIC  DECLENSIONS. 

In  the  Middle  Teutonic  dialects  the  declensions  imdergo 
great  changes,  and  in  consequence  thereof  can  no  longer  be 
brought  under  the  same  classification  which  we  adopted  in  the 
Old  Teutonic  languages.  The  terminational  vowels  are  each 
and  all  weakened  into  ^,  so  that  in  the  singular  the  declension 
in  a  can  no  longer  be  kept  distinct  from  that  in  i,  both  i  and  a 
being  rendered  by  e.  The  declension  in  u  disappears  altogether ; 
and  thus  it  happens  that  a  distinction  of  three  strong  declen- 
sions, characterized  by  three  different  thematic  vowels,  becomes 
all  but  impossible,  fiut  on  the  other  hand  there  continues  to 
exist  the  distinction  between  the  strong  and  the  weak  declen- 
sions— a  distinction  which  in  some  dialects  has  been  preserved 
up  to  the  present  day.  We  further  observe  the  continuation  of 
the  different  inflectional  forms  of  the  different  gendei*s,  and  we 
therefore  arrange  the  declensions  of  the  Middle  and  New  Teu- 
tonic languages  under  the  heads  of  Strong  and  Weak,  and  then 
again  sub-divide  according  to  the  different  genders,  always  indi- 
cating the  thematic  vowel  as  far  as  it  can  be  traced.  Features  of 
development  which  are  peculiar  to  one  or  the  other  of  the  Middle 
Teutonic  dialects  will  be  delineated  in  their  proper  places. 

The  weakening  down  of  the  different  thematic  and  terminal 
tional  vowels  into  the  one  flat-sounding  e  deprived  the  Teutonic 
.languages  of  their  finest  phonetic  ornament,  and  the  inflectional 
forms,  where  such  still  continue  to  exist,  have  a  wearisome  same- 
ness about  them,  so  that  it  is  almost  difficult  to  say  which 
serves  the  highest  praise  and  admiration : — ^New  High  German, 
for  its  fidelity  to  ancient  inflexional  forms,  though  they  be  ever 


344  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

so  mutilated,  flat,  and  unmusical ;  or  Modem  English  for  bftYing, 
with  wonderful  discrimination^  eliminated  from  its  system  the 
shattered  remains  of  inflexional  forms  which,  their  fonctioiis 
bein^  performed  by  other  means^  have  often  become  moe 
cumbersome  ballast. 


Old  and  Middle  English. 

Among  late  Anglo- Saxon   authors   Layamon   alone  distiii- 
guishes  three  declensions  for  the  three  different  genders.    Hie 
masculine  follows,  on  the  whole^  the  Anglo-Saxon  dedension  in 
a,  so  that  the  genitive  singular  commonly  shows  ef,  the  dative  e, 
the  latter  being  sometimes  replaced  by  e^i.    The  instrumental  is 
lost.     In  the  plural  we  find  es  and  en  side  by  side^  the  latter 
having  perhaps  found  its  way  from  the  dative  into  other  cases, 
or  being  formed  in  analogy  to  the  weak  declension  in  n-    The 
genitive  plural  has  the  termination  ene  (A.  S.  ena),  besides  a 
and  en\  the  dative  plural  en  (A.  S.  um,  on).     Nouns  which  in 
Anglo-Saxon  already  had  the  Umlaut^  preserve  it  in  the  plonl 
(though  not  always),  and  drop  it  in  the  dative  singular.     Ex- 
am]>les  :  —  sing.  nom.  dal  (day)=A.  S.  dag;  gen.  da^iy  da^; 
dat.  da'^e,  daye.    The  dative  is  formed  with  en  in  cniAien,  Ungen. 
The  nom.  plur.  has  es  or  en,  e.  g.  dagee^  duwen  [^dagen);  soHes^ 
9onen  ;  the  gen.  plur.  ert,  es,  ena,  ene,  as  dagen,  kinges  or  kingena^ 
eorlene  ;  the  dat.  en,  e.g.  d^^en,  da  wen  {z=dngen)\     The  Umlaut 
is  preserved  \\\  fet/ffet,  by  the  side  of  which  occurs  also  the  plur. 
fote  (feet) ;  vian  has  the  plur.  men  and  monnen  ;  wifman,  wlman, 
icomman  (woman),  plur.  wifmen,  wimen. 

The  feminine  nouns  follow  chiefly  the  Anglo-Saxon  declension 
in  i.  In  the  genitive  and  dative  singular  they  have  the  termi- 
nation e;  but  in  the  genitive  the  termination  es  begins  to 
encroach  u])on  the  legitimate  ^,  so  that  in  this  case  the  feminine 
form  becomes  identical  with  the  masculine  and  neuter.  The 
j)Iural  shows  in  the  nominative  the  terminations  es  and  en^  gen. 
e^  dat.  en,  accus.  e.  But  es  often  assumes  the  place  of  all  other 
terminations  in  the  different  cases  of  the  plural.  Umlaut  is 
preserved  only  in  boc,  plur.  bcec,  by  the  side  of  hoc  and  bokes. 
Examples: — burJi  (borough,  castle),  gen.  bury,  A2kt.  bury,  plur. 
nom.  buries,  gen.  bnr^e^  dat.  burden,  accus.  bur^e. 

The  neuter  has  the  regular  terminations  in  analogy  to  the 
Anglo-Saxon  declension  in  a,  gen.  <?*,  dat.  e ;  but  in  the  latter, 
as  in  the  dative  singular  masculine,  we  find  also  en^  as  londe, 
londen^  dat.  of /(>;/^/ (land).     The  plural  nominative  preserves  the 

'  Concerning  the  relation  of  the  consonants  3,  ir,  ^r,  \o  one  another,  and  to  the 
somi-vowel  y,  see  the  respective  se(*tionson  OhI  English  consonants,  pp.  146  and  16a. 


DECLENSIONS,  345 

ancient  uninflected  forms^  e.  g.  hern,  9cep,  horn ;  but  also  en — 
9cipen,  leolen;  childe  has  the  plur.  childre  and  children;  even  €9 
IB  introduced — scipes.  The  genitive  plural  has  sometimes  ene 
for  e,  as  seipene. 

The  weak  declension  in  n  begins  to  be  broken  up  since  the  n 
was  no  longer  considered  as  an  inherent  part  of  the  theme^  but 
as  an  inflexional  form.  Consequently  the  n  is  often  dropped  or 
superseded  by  the  termination  es ;  but  on  the  other  hand  the  n 
encroaches  upon  the  nominative  too^  where  e  (rarely  a)  occupies 
the  place  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  a.  So  again  in  the  genitive  plural^ 
n  is  added  to  the  ancient  termination  ene  (A.  S.  ena).  Ex- 
amples : — sing.  nom.  noma,  name  ;  sioiien  ;  gen.  draken,  drakes  ; 
dat.  numen^  mone  (moon) ;  plur.  nom.  draken,  drakes  ;  gen.  gumenCy 
gumenen  ;  dat.  sterreny  slorre;  accus.  teonen,  teone  ;  namen,  names. 
The  feminine  is  subject  to  the  same  fluctuations ;  as  gen.  sing. 
ehmrche  and  churches  ;  dat.  snnne  and  sunnen  (sun) ;  accus.  eorben 
and  eorpe;  plur.  nom.  hearten  and  heortes ;  gen.  wikene;  aat. 
accus.  viken  and  taike;  accus.  chirchen  and  chirches.  Neut.  eie 
(eye),  plur.  nom.  accus.  e^ene  ;  dat.  e^an,  e^enen.  The  themes  m 
-r,  such  zsfdtder  (father),  moder  (mother),  &c.,  are  in  the  singular 
indeclinable ;  in  the  plural  we  find  eriy  es,  and  s,  side  by  side ; 
the  genitive  is  sometimes  uninflected,  sometimes  with  the  termi- 
nation ne,  as  dohter  and  dohteme  (fih'arum). 

The  forms  we  have  just  enumerated,  and  which,  as  we  have 
already  stated,  most  frequently  occur  in  Layamon,  are  far  more 
extensively  modified  by  other  authors.  We  may  limit  ourselves 
to  pointing  out  the  most  important  modification,  which  consists 
in  the  introduction  of  the  case-sign  es,  or  ess,  in  the  genitive 
singular  and  in  the  plural  of  all  genders. 

Old  Engliah  abandons  the  grammatical  gender,  or  identifies 
it  with  the  sexes,  and  the  distinction  therefore  of  the  genders 
in  the  declension  is  discontinued.  Inflexional  forms  are  limited 
to  the  genitive  singular,  the  plural,  and  some  remnants  of  the 
dative. 

The  Plubal  is  commonly  formed  by  the  termination  -s  {-es, 
'is,  -ys),  as  dayes,  kinges,  townes ;  rarely  by  -^,  as  erle^  monke, 
monjfe;  more  frequently  by  en  or  n,  e.g.  clerken,  applen,  oxen, 
chirchen,  honden  (hands),  eyen  ;  by  -er — childer,  childir,  to  which 
is  added  a  second  plural  termination,  child-er^n.  The  Umlaut 
indicates  the  plural  in— ^^,  /el ;  io\,  tejf ;  man,  men  ;  wommann, 
wymmen  ;  gos,  gese  ;  kou,  kvfi. 

With  regard  to  the  chief  plural  signs  en  and  es,  it  must  be 
observed  that  they  do  not  in  Old  English  represent  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  plurals,  the  former  of  the  weak  declension  in  -a»,  the 


346  TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 

latter  of  the  strong  in  -ai,  but  that  one  or  the  other  was  adopted 
quite  arbitrarily ;  hence  we  find  O.  Engl,  dayes^  leuedyi^  rMJei, 
for  A.  S.  dagas,  hl<tfd'igany  ricu ;  and  O.  Engl,  cl^reken^  hondei^ 
oxen,  and  heuenden  for  A.  S.  clericas,  Aund^is,  oxan^  and  Aerfod, 

Concerning  the  Cases,  none  but  the  genitives  and  isolated 
traces  of  the  dative  are  preserved. 

Tlie  genitive  singular  eommonlj  has  the  case-sign  -jf#,  -e#,  -'#, 
as  kf/nges,  God^s,  yre's  (anni);  in  the  phrase  'kyng  KenulfyB 
fader/  it  is  doubtful  whether  ^s  must  be  taken  as  the  genitive 
case-sign,  or  the  possessive  pronoun.  (Koch,  i.  p.  415.)  Some- 
times it  is  dropped  altogether,  as  '  for  his  bro}?er  de}>/  *  J>e  quene 
fader,^  '  my  fader  name.'  Observe  '  |?e  name  of  |;e  fadere'  (Koch| 
loc.  cit.)  as  the  first  appearance  of  the  preposition  of  for  the  indi- 
cation of  the  genitive. 

The  genitive  plural  remains  where  the  plural  sign  is  «,  unin- 
flected,  as  '  [?e  Danes  king';  but  if  the  plural  does  not  end  in  1 
already,  the  genitive  adopts  the  case-sign  e*,  as  men^  menne*; 
the  old  case-sign  ene  is  rarely  met,  e.  g.  moniene,  clerkene. 

Traces  of  the  dative  are  considered  to  be  left  in  the  following 
phrases;  t/8  owne  honde,  with  his  own  hand;  Gode  next,  near^t 
to  God. 

Middle  English.  The  inflexional  forms  of  the  dative  disap- 
pear, and  the  declension  is  limited  to  the  formation  of  the  plural 
and  of  the  genitive  case. 

The  Pli  J{AL  is  formed  by  the  termination  s  [es,  is,  ys,  rarely 
/^v),  e.g.  thorneH^  ihontf/s,  soues,  folkts,  thlngiSy  thingus,  houdls^ 
/i  Olid  us  ;  sometimes  z  for  s  in  Romance  words,  as  cUez  and  citeei. 
After  V  tlie  *  is  always  preceded  by  e,  as  wives,  knives,  iheves. 

The  i)lural  in  en  must  be  considered  an  exceptional  mode  of 
formation.  Examples  are  —  kneen,  shoon,  oxen,  ashen,  eyen, 
Hii, siren  (sisters),  danghtren,  kien,  hretheren.  We  have  two  plural 
terminations,  er  and  en,  in  the  words  child^er-en,  calv-er-en, 
lainb-r-en  ;  et/-r-en  (eonip.  Germ,  eier),  by  the  side  of  the  regular 
plui'al  egges  (eggs). 

Tlie  plural  is  indicated  by  the  ancient  Umlaut  in  the  following 
words:  fete,  feet,  but  we  find  iAso  fate ;  goos,  gees;  lous,  Igs ; 
wous,  mys,  mees  ;  man,  men  ;  womman,  wommen,  wemmen,  icymmen ; 
tooth,  teeth  ;  brother,  bretheren^. 

Some  words,  which  in  Anglo-Saxon  were  neuter,  appear  with- 
out the  i)liiral  sign  s,  and  consequently  seem  to  follow  the  analogy 
of  the  anc^ient  unintlected  forms,  e.  g.  hors,  scheep,  swyne,  thing, 
frut  (fruit),  but  also  horses,  t hinges,  f rates  ;  pent/  has  penyes  and 

*  About  the  irregularities  in  the  phonetic  system  of  Old  and  Middle  £ngli$h,  the 
student  will  find  explanations  in  the  chapters  on  Vowels  and  Consonants. 


DECLEXSIOXS. 

;  the  measares  spam  znA  Ja^wu    istlKw 

^e9f  furUmges,  urith  the  plaraJ  srgn  jl 

lie  genitiYe  siDgnlar  is  formed  by  -♦.  -*#,  -♦#   ^Wr^jidlt ,  -t 

(ChaDcer) ;   e.  g^.  GoddU,  ciyhmjfs  aad  f^i:^  /  rU'twst     v€  ^ 

ow).  Hones  (of  a  stone;;  *tr^me4  JUjt^Lf   f<ck  . 

!he  genitiTe  plaral  is  not  indicated  after  v.rif  nna.  is^^ 

plural  case-sig^  #;  bat  where  the  plxzral  k  iirsaec  i<^  ^rjif 

Utty  et  serves  to  indicate  the  jrenrtiTe  ^se«.  sm-  i»-^.«<»  r-rr^^. 

ft'swits.     The  old  genitive  f'*rm  €%^   A- S. -f 

ttie  words  children^  (of  children  .  ^^btr^, 

the  words  of  relationship,  as  /aii^r,   m:rkr^.  we^  Uinu^jiUfaf 

d  without^  more  often  with,  the  gebitiTc 

Jthcr  love' ;    bnt  *  thi  fathris  brother/ 

vi'    Observe  '  tiie  brother  of  his  £ader'  X.->^  L  7. 


Iflddlft 

An  the  different  terminatiooal  voweb  are  w^^aiatsi^  nrk  ^ 
e  features  of  the  thematic  deelen^iotis  arc  Vumijrt  n.  ^ui.  at 
the  other  Middle  Teutonic  dialeetf.  zt*^t  siruLlxtf^i^  «*4i^-- 
oes  hardly  traceable.     This  ciretuoftaaKsEr  <atia«»  a  •r\«di«u<iL 
tween  the  declension  in  a  «nd  that  in  i-  t'^»*:  «-Jbjru'air  tif  ^ric 
ing  perfectly   alike,  a    defect   whieh   iz,  Oid   H-urt  f^<n 
■eady  becomes  apparent.     The  plorak  ^.4  ^^ajl  ^»ft^i«>si««vfi* 
ien  kept  strictly  apart  by  means  of  the  VvLJMMi  7*^  'Jii.^ 
we  in  words  with  the  theme  in  L     But  ti»wL  m&bol  ^au^s^  m^ 
my  words  that,  from  the  natore  of  the  raditat  -fvm^  ^amtutr. 
ve  the  Umlaut,  as  /wri,  &e.     These  tb*flQ  ^am  10^  Mnp^  vt 
tingaished  from  the  declension  in  a^  ^^  wr<^   i-^^tA    m  f. 
dining  exactly  like  rwri  fin  a;.     Word*  in  a^  mi  ^awr  i«i« 
n^  sometimes  adopt  an  inorganic  Umlaut,  jo*^  tiii»  ^nu<igffa» 
on  the  declension  in  L     The  orij^inal  evutt  "I  tW  Uauimr  n, 
ncnil  being  no  longer  peroeired,  Uaaliwit  m  4w«i^  «.  ,^^^ 
Jogy,  and  we  thus  meet  with  the  plural  fcrif,-^/>u«^    tt  X 
rtead  of  bocJce,frimke  (in  aj-     Bat  as  a  rule,  mMtif^tut  uwtm, 
e  atem  of  which  ends  with  a  gemioaUfi  ««»«wixiir  >«»i*«^^  ^5«: 
Bnd  in  a,  and  consequently  rgeet  Uaelwrt,  ^-1k:-_  ^*^   *•». 
or.  isM^y  but  in  the  fourteentli  eentarr  aua«ati:v  i4i«»  v^^nia 
A  inorganic  Umlaut,  plur.  Jtus9t. 

"      "  of  the  Middle  Higk  Gertiatt  tiiw5.-ai*w« 

of  the  ^  in  tibe  twwuiaiu^ii*'    Tiii«  ii. 
words  which  €»d  in  a  aiM^>^  '.vi«vfu**it 
^  thesis  drof^^&d;  *  ^  ^^  w^^j^^ 
yaunaemm  we  <iU«rr*r  m*  laue  Vfiuuni^ 


348 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 


the  tenniiiatioiial  e  of  the  genitiye  and  dfttivCj  and  tlien  the  woid 
18  uninflected  in  the  singukr.  The  neuter  perfonns  the  dincA 
of  the  e  under  the  same  conditions  as  the  mascoline  ;  henoe  ^, 
gen.  9per^;  tal,  plur.  telr  for  leler.  If  neuter  nomia  which  origi* 
nally  belonged  to  the  declension  in  ja  drop  the  e,  as  thej  do 
sometimes^  they  may  be  ranked  under  the  declension  in  ay  » 
ber  (for  bere),  gen.  ber^. 

Concerning  the  Umlaut  in  the  plural  of  the  words  in  i  no 
strict  rule  can  be  laid  down^  further  than  the  remark  that  oer> 
tain  combinations  of  consonants  seem  to  &vour  its  occurrence. 
Some  neuter  nouns  take  in  the  pluriil  the  termination  er  (comp. 
O.  H.  Germ.  ir\  which  termination  causes  Umlaut,  e.  g.  htip, 
kelber ;  oH^  drier;  loch^  locker;  most  of  which  may  also  have 
the  old  uninflected  plural  without  er.  While  some  nouns  always 
adopt  this  termination^  others  never  do  so. 

Neuter  nouns  in  ja  always  adopt  the  Umlaat,  wherever  this 
modification  of  the  radical  vowel  can  take  place. 

The  weak  declension  adopts  the  same  rules  for  the  elision  of 
the  terminational  e  which  we  have  just  pointed  out  in  the  strong 
declension ;  e.  g.  kol,  koln  ;  ar,  am. 

We  subjoin  the  paradigms  of  the  different  declensions^  indi- 
cating the  thematic  vowels  as  far  as  they  can  be  traced. 


a 

Ja 

i 

Masculine 

1 

1 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Nom. 

viseh 

rische 

hirte 

hirte 

hale 

beige 

Gen. 

visches 

vische 

hirte* 

MrU 

halges 

bdge 

Dat. 

vische 

vUcken 

hirte 

hirten 

haige 

bdgen 

Accus. 

vusch 

vUche 

hirt€ 

hirte 

bale 

bdge 

Feminine. 

Nom. 

gehe 

gebe 

.  • 

. . 

krqft 

krtfU 

Gen. 

grhe 

gehen 

•  • 

•  . 

krrfU 

krefu 

Dat. 

gdte 

gehcn 

■1 
•  •  ■ 

•  • 

krrfe 

hriften 

Accus. 

gd>e 

gebe 

•  • 

• . 

krafi 

krefu 

Neuter. 

Nom. 

wort 

wort 

hunnt 

kunne 

•  m 

•  • 

Gen. 

wortes 

wortt 

kunnei 

kunne 

•  • 

•  • 

Dat. 

wortt 

%Dorten 

kunne 

kunnen 

•  • 

«  ■ 

Accus. 

wart 

wort 

hunne 

kunne 

•  • 

•  • 

As  to  the  declension  in  a  the  paradigms  will  show  it  to  be  the 
only  one  traceable  in  all  three  genders;  the  declension  in  ja  is 


DECLENSIONS.  349 

loet  in  the  feminine  and  becomes  identical  with  that  in  a^  be- 
eause  Old  High  German  i  {=-ja)  and  a  both  become  e.  The 
neater  never  had  a  declension  in  i.  We  omitted  giving  examples 
of  the  declension  in  u>  because  there  are  but  few  remnants  of  it 
lefb^  and  these  are  doubtful.  Among  these  Grimm  reckons  such 
words  as  end  in  e  without  causing  Umlaut^  a  circumstance  from 
which  he  concludes  that  the  e  stands  for  the  ancient  u^  e.g. 
scAate  (never  scAete),  damage.  He  further  takes  to  the  declen- 
sion in  u  the  words  si^e  (victory),  wile  (wood),  site  (manner), 
vride  (peace) ;  but  in  the  thirteenth  century  all,  except  vride, 
drop  the  e  and  go  after  the  declension  in  a-  Among  the  ancient 
class  in  u  may  also  count  the  neuter  viAe,  cattle;  wile  is 
sometimes  neuter,  commonly  masculine. 

Middle  Dutch. 

Masc.  (a)  viasch,  -^s,  -^,  visscA  ;  plur.  visscAe,  -^,  -^»,  -^. 

Fem.  (a)  sing,  miede,  plur.  mieden  throughout  all  cases  (i) 
sing,  duet  throughout ;  plur.  dade,  -^,  -e^,  -^. 

Neut.  (a)  wort,  word-€S,  -e,  wSrt;  plur.  wdrt,  -^,  -tf«,  wSrt. 
Ancient  themes  in  ja  end  in  e  and  go  after  the  weak  declension. 

The  Weak  Declension  is  for  the  masculine,  feminine,  and 
neuter  alike^  e.  g.  Aane,  -en,  ^en,  -^ ;  plur.  -en  throughout. 


MODERN  TEUTONIC  DECLENSIONS. 

FmgliBh. 

All  the  case-signs  of  the  ancient  declensions  have  disappeared 
with  the  exception  of  the  's  of  the  genitive  singular,  and  the  -« 
(or  -^s)  which  all  nouns  have  adopted  for  the  formation  of  the 
plural.  A  few  renmants  of  the  ancient  forms  are  still  extant, 
especially  in  words  which  indicate  the  plural  by  Umlaut ;  these 
are  brotAer,  bretAer-en  (Umlaut  and  ancient  termination  en) ; 
man,  men;  foot,  feet ;  goose,  geese;  tootA,  teetA;  mouse,  mice; 
louse,  lice;  cow^  kine; — ow,  ox-en^  preserves  the  ancient  plural 
sign  en,  and  cAild,  cAild-r-en^  has  two  plural  terminations,  r^er 
(O.  H.  Germ,  ir)  and  en :  the  old  plural  egren,  of  egg^  is  disused 
in  the  modem  language. 

The  foreign  plural  forms  which  have  been  adopted  in  English 
together  with  the  foreign  word — such  as  French  beau,  beaux ; 
Latin  index,  indices ;  Greek  pAenomenon,  pAenomena;  Hebrew 
serapA,  serapAim — may  still  be  considered  as  foreign,  and  there- 


350 


TEU TOXIC   GRAMMAR. 


fore  hardly  to  fall  within  the  range  of  Teutonic  grammar, 
circumscriptive  case-formation  with  the  prepositions  of  vAk^ 
which  occasionally  occurs  in  Old  £nglish  already,  came  mm 
and  more  into  use,  the  more  the  ancient  case-signs  disappeini 


Gtorman. 


Masculink. 


Dfclennon  in  a. 


Sing. 

Nom.  ^^A 

Gen.  jiwehes 

Dat.  Jufche 

Accus.  jUch 


Plnr. 

fueke 
Ji»che 
Jischen 
Jische 


Dedension  in  i. 


Sing. 

Nom.  halg 

Gen.  haigea 

Dat.  haiffe 

Accos.  haig 


Flor. 

hdlffe 
haige 
hdlgen 
haigt 


The  declension  in  u  is  extinct ;  the  declension  in  ja  is  repw- 
seiited  by  one  word,  kaese,  cheese,  gen.  iaeses,  &c.,  whilst  iJl 
those  words  which  of  old  belonged  to  this  declension  have  be- 
come weak,  e.  g.  iirte,  shepherd,  gen.  hirten. 

Many  words  in  a  also  have  passed  from  the  strong  into  the 
weak  declension ;  others  have  done  so  partly,  that  is,  forming 
their  singular  after  the  strong,  their  plural  after  the  weak  de- 
clension, as  masty  gen.  masies^  plur.  masUn;  stnckel  (sting),  gen. 
9i<ichehy  plur.  sfacheln. 

The  Umlaut  is  more  extensively  adopted  in  the  plural  of 
words  in  a ;  and  the  presence  or  absence  of  Umlaut  being  the 
only  distinctive  feature  between  the  declension  in  a  and  that 
in  1,  these  words  may  be  considered  as  having  passed  into  the 
declension  in  i.  This  is  the  case  with  all  those  words  which  are 
capable  of  Umlaut,  i.  e.  having  a,  o,  n,  or  au  in  the  root,  with 
the  exception  of  about  nine  that  reject  the  Umlaut  and  conse- 
quently remain  faithful  to  the  declension  in  a;  e.g.  aa/,  eel, 
plur.  aa/e ;  idg,  day,  plur.  idge ;  hund^  dog,  plur.  hunde ;  schuh, 
plur.  schnhe. 

Feminize. 


Declension 

in  a. 

Declension  in  i. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Nom. 

Gen. 

Dat. 

Accus. 

gabe 
gabe 
gahe 
gahe 

gahen 
gaben 
gaben 
gahen 

Nom.      hraft 
Gen.       hraft 
Dat.       l-raft 
Accus.    hraft 

hrdfte 
hrdfte 
hrdften 
hrdfte 

The  declensions  in  ja  and  u  are  extinct. 
The  singular  has  dropped  all  inflectional  forms. 
Words  in  i  which  cannot  have  the  Umlaut,  follow  the  declen- 
sion in  a  and  take  in  the  plural  the  termination  eriy  e.  g.  arbeii, 


DECLENSIONS.  351 

l^ork,  labour^  plur.  arbeiten ;  the  same  course  is  pursued  by 
flome  words  which  are  capable  of  Umlaut,  as  burg  (castle),  geburt 
(birth),  that  {deed),  jiigend  (youth),  tugend  (virtue),  plur.  burgen, 
&c.  Some  pass  altogether  into  the  declension  in  s,,  and  con- 
sequently adopt  the  e  (the  representative  of  the  ancient  a)  in 
the  singular,  e.  g.  eicAe  (oak),  gesc/iicAte  (history,  story),  bluete, 
(blossom)  j  M.  H.  Germ,  eick,  geschiht,  bluot^  plur.  eichey  gea- 
chihte,  &c.  From  this  old  plural  form  the  e  probably  penetrated 
into  the  modem  singular. 

Neuter.  Declension  in  a:  worty  gen.  wortes,  is  declined  like 
the  IDB8C.  f^cA, 

The  plural  in  er  is  more  frequent,  and  causes  Umlaut ;  e.  g. 
bucA  (book),  biicAer,  dacA  (roof),  ddcher. 

Words  in  ja,  which  on  the  earlier  stage  of  Modem  German 
ended  in  e,  as  bette,  bilde,  glilcie,  have  now  dropped  the  e  and  go 
after  the  declension  in  a*  as  bett,  gen.  bettes. 

Weak  Declension, 

To  this  declension  belong  all  words  which  in  the  nominative 
singular  end  in  e;  they  have  the  termination  en  through  all 
other  cases  of  the  singular  and  plural;  e.g.  Aase,  hare,  gen. 
Aasen, 

Some  drop  the  final  e  of  the  nominative  singular,  as  baer,  bear ; 
fiirst,  prince ;  graf,  earl ;  Aerr,  lord,  master ;  menscA,  man, 
homo.  This  apocope  has  perhaps  been  caused  by  a  tendency 
in  the  mentioned  words  towards  the  strong  declension.  The 
same  course  towards  the  strong  declension,  though  from  a  differ- 
ent starting-point,  we  observe  in  words  such  as  bogen,  bow,  gen. 
bogens,  for  the  M.  H.  Germ,  bdge,  bogen — words  in  which  the 
inflexional  en  seems  to  have  been  mistaken  for  a  derivative  ter- 
mination, and  then  were  supplied  with  the  genitive  case-sign  -* 
of  the  strong  declension.  To  this  class  belong  grdben,  ditch  ; 
hrunnen,  well ;  glauben,  faith  ;  Aaufen,  heap ;  AueAen,  cake  ;  ndmen, 
name ;  loillen,  will ;  frieden,  peace ;  scAatten,  shade.  Some  of 
them  preserve  the  ancient  e  by  the  side  of  en,  as  friede,  scAatte, 
glaubcy  mile.  Their  origin  in  the  weak  declension  is  further 
recognized  by  the  fact  of  their  having  no  Umlaut,  which  always 
occurs  with  originally  strong  nouns  in  euy  as  wdgen,  carriage, 
waegen ;  bdden,  floor,  boeden.  In  but  few  instances,  and  then 
erroneously,  have  such  words  as  were  originally  of  weak  declen- 
sion taken  the  Umlaut,  e.  g.  garten,  garden,  gdrten ;  grdben, 
ditch,  graeben  ;  rndgen,  stomach,  maegen  ;  krdgen,  collar,  kraegen. 


352  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

The  M.  H.  Germ,  spar  (spur),  spam^  ong^ht^  in  New  Higll6c^ 
man,  to  have  become  spSre^  9p6ren^  or  (like  bSgen)  spSren^  spSmM; 
but  it  adopted  a  mixed  form,  i.  e.  the  singular  of  the  strong  at 
the  plur.  of  the  weak  declension,  sparuy  gen.  spomes^  plnr.  spofWBL 

The  following  words  pass  altogether  from  the  weak  into  tks 
strong  declension :  dr  and  adUr  (eagle),  mond  (moon),  ibwy 
(germ),  sUm  (star),  declension  in  a ;  ^»  (cock)^  ialm  (salmon^ 
schicdn  (swan),  herzog  (duke),  declension  in  i. 

We  find  digression  from  the  strong  (in  a)  into  the  wok 
declension  in  the  words  held^  hero ;  mfe,  gen.  rabeH,  for  the  old 
rabeH,  rab^ns, — which  shows  the  ease  of  bSgeUy  &c.,  inverted :  fitMH 
the  strong  in  ja,  hirie  (shepherd),  rncke  (back),  weize  (wheat); 
but  the  latter  again  follow  the  anaJogy  of  boge^  hogen,  and  return 
into  the  strong  declension  in  the  forms  riiclen,  tceizeit,  gen. 
rUciens,  treizens, 

Tlie  feminine  of  the  weak  declension  is  identical  with  tlie 
feminine  of  the  strong  declension  in  a* 

The  weak  neuter  nouns  ^^r^- (heart),  auge  (eye),  Sr  (ear),  have 
adopted  a  strong  singular,  gen.  herzenHy  auges,  Sres ;  but  the 
plural  continues  to  follow  the  weak  declension. 

Of  the  anomalous  forms,  vater  (father)  and  sckwager  (brother- 
in-law)  now  follow  the  declension  in  i;  mutter  (mother)  and 
tochter  (daughter)  are  in  the  singular  unchangeable,  in  the  plural 
they  take  the  I^'^mlaut,  iniitter^  tochter ;  schwester  (sister)  and 
schicujer  (mother-in-law)  are  in  the  sin<^ular  indeclinable,  in  the 
plural  weak,     jnann  has  the  plural  mannen  and  manner. 

Examples : — 

Strong.  Masculine  in  a  *• — «V,  eel ;  berg,  mountain;  d/^,  bite; 
died,  tliief ;  Jisch,  fish;  freund,  friend  ;  feind,  enemy;  geist^  spirit 
(cf.  ghost);  hirschy  stag;  hundy  dog,  hound;  krieg,  war;  ielb, 
body ;  pfeU,  arrow ;  stein,  stone ;  sper,  spear ;  tag,  day ;  theity 
deal;  tisch,  table;  iceg,way;  wein,  wine;  zwerg,  dwarf;  zweig, 
twig.  In  1 : — ast,  branch  ;  back,  brook ;  balg,  skin,  hide;  baum, 
tree;  Jtn^,  river;  froschy  frog;  fu^,  foot;  fuchs,  fox;  grundy 
ground;  hofy  court,  yard;  kochy  cook;  mundy  mouth;  pfady 
path  ;  pJliJg,  plough ;  wolf. 

Feminine  in  a: — ammCy  nurse;  berCy  berry;  bittCy  prayer; 
blarney  flower  (cf.  bloom) ;  ere,  honour ;  heyinCy  hen ;  fllegey  fly ; 
minne,  love;  ndse,  nose;  quelle^  fountain;  rutCy  rod;  «tfy^,  tale, 
saga ;  schicalbey  swallow ;  sonne,  sun ;  strafe,  street;  woche,  week ; 
zunge,  tongue.  In  i  : — angst,  fear,  anxiety ;  bajik,  l>ench ;  brusty 
breast ;  fattsty  fist;  gans,  goose;  hand ;  kraft,  strength  (cf.  craft); 
knnsty  art;  Infl,  air;  macht,  power,  might;  nacht^  night. 


DECLENSIONS.  353 

^^         Neater  in  a : — b^l,  hatchet ;  brS6,  bread ;  din^^  thing ;  eis 

;  Jleiseij  AoBh ;  gold;  hdr^  hair;   heu^  hay;  Jdr^yesLr;  knie^ 

;    ma^,  measure;  pferd^  horse;    ro^^   horse,   steed;    schdf^ 

dieep;  whiffy  ship;  schwert,  sword;   thier^  animal;  vih,  pecus; 

werki  work ;  wort^  word. 

Weak.  Masculine  : — affe,  ape ;  MbCy  boy ;  drache^  dragon  ; 
falhey  falcon ;  gotzey  idol ;  hasej  hare ;  Junge,  youth  ;  knabe,  boy ; 
late,  layman ;  lowey  lion ;  ochse^  ox ;  rise,  giant ;  waise^  orphan ; 
zeuge,  witness. 

Concerning  feminine  and  neuter  nouns,  see  above. 

Butch. 

This  dialect  no  longer  distinguishes  between  strong  and  weak 
declensions. 

All  noims  may,  instead  of  the  inflexional  forms  of  the  genitive 
and  dative,  use  the  circumscriptive  cases  formed  by  the  preposi- 
tions van  {pi)  and  aan=zdn  (to) ;  e.  g.  van  den  vader^  aan  den  voder  ; 
van  de  vaders,  aan  de  vaders  ;  van  de  moedety  aan  de  moeder  ;  van 
de  moeders^  aan  de  moeders ;  van  het  boek,  aan  het  boek ;  van  de 
boeken,  aan  de  boeken,  just  as  English  of  the  father,  to  the  father ^ 
of  the  book,  &c. 

Masc.  All  nouns  have  in  the  genitive  singular  the  case-sign  -s 
(after  ft,  cht,  st,  sch,  -ea),  in  the  plural  -en  throughout ;  or  in 
other  words,  they  follow  the  strong  declension  in  the  singular, 
the  weak  in  the  plural ;  hence  sten  (stone) ,  formerly  of  the  strong 
declension,  has  in  the  genitive  stem,  in  the  plural  stenen ;  and 
kdn  (cock),  formerly  weak,  has  likewise  hana  in  the  genitive  sin- 
gular, hanen  in  the  plural.  The  genitive  and  dative  singular,  as 
a  rule,  show  no  inflexional  forms,  though  occasionally  the  dative 
singular  still  preserves  the  ancient  case-sign  -e,  especially  where 
it  is  preceded  by  the  article,  as  den  vosse^  vulpi. 

Nouns  ending  in  el,  em,  er,  dr,  may  form  the  plural  with  s ; 
e.  g.  vader,  father,  plur.  vaders  ;  wdgen,  carriage,  wdgens  ;  diendr, 
servant,  diendrs ;  but  the  weak  forms  vaderen,  &c.  also  occm*, 
especially  in  the  higher  style  of  writing ;  words  in  en  only  take 
always  s. 

Sometimes  we  meet  in  the  nominative  singular  with  the  ter- 
mination e  which  is  the  remnant  of  the  ancient  termination  or 
of  the  weak  declension,  as  in  vrSde,  peace  ;  rugge,  back ;  yonge, 
youth  ;  ewe,  heir ;  name,  name. 

The  word  veulen,  foal,  gen.  veulens,  passes  from  the  weak  into 
the  strong  declension,  analogous  to  the  Germ,  bdgen,  bogenSy  &c. 
(vide  supra,  p.  351.) 

A  a 


354  TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 

The  weak  genitives  in  ai  are  exceptional^  as  kSren  (domim)^ 
^dttn  (comitis)^  wun^eken  (hominis)^  hertSgen  (ducis)^  which  ii 
High  German  aie  the  r^;nlar  forms,  kerren,  grqfen,  memdn; 
but  kerzogt. 

Fem.  The  feminine  nonns  take  in  the  genitive  and  datin 
singular  the  case-sign  e,  in  the  ploral  en  through  all  cases^  the 
former  being  derived  from  the  strong,  the  latter  from  the  weak 
declension.  Hence  krackt,  power  (Germ,  krafb^  cf.  crafl)^  gen. 
krackte^  dat.  krackte ;  plur.  krachten  (formerly  of  the  strong 
declension),  and  tong,  tongue,  gen.  tonge,  dat.  Umge,  plur.  iofn^tM, 
(formerly  of  the  weak  declension). 

As  in  the  masculine,  nouns  in  el^  en^  er,  may  form  the  ploial 
in  -«,  as  meieisj  9piimier$, 

Feminine  nouns  which  originally  ended  in^a  or  a,  or  belonged 
to  the  weak  declension,  sometimes  preserve  the  e,  the  weakened 
form  of  the  ancient  termination^  and  then  all  the  cases  of  the 
singular  are  alike;  e.g.  drde,  earth;  bede,  prayer;  duive,  dove; 
kenney  hen ;  koudty  cold ;  sf^mme,  voice^  or  simply  stem,  ken,  &c. 

The  declension  of  the  Neuter  coincides  with  that  of  the  mas- 
culine. 

Here  also  the  plural  in  -«  may  occur,  as  waters,  bloemjyes,  &c. 

The  ancient  plural  form  of  the  neuter  in  ^  is  in  the  refined 
style  followed  by  the  plural  sign  -en,  in  the  common  language 
by  -^,  e.  g.  ^fV/,  bone ;  benJeren,  benders  ;  bldd,  leaf  (G^rm.  blatt) ; 
ei/,  egg;  kind,  child;  Iain,  lamb;  plur.  hnderen,  lammeren.  But 
these  words  may  also  haye  the  regular  plural  in  -en,  as  bldd, 
bidden ;  so  that  consequently  certain  words  may  adopt  three 
ditferent  forms,  as  bhid^  plur.  bidden,  or  bidder  en,  or  bidders. 

The  old  termination  -e  occurs  occasionally  in  the  nominative 
singular,  as  herte  (heart),  bedde  (bed),  for  hert,  bed. 

Examples : — 

Masc.  did,  kind ;  arm  ;  her,  bear ;  bom,  tree ;  dag,  day ;  dkf, 
tliief;  d\i<ch,  table  (Germ,  tisch)  ;  dod,  death;  gast,  guest;  gest, 
ghost ;  grand,  ground ;  hond,  dog  (Germ,  bund,  cf.  hound) ;  kus, 
kiss ;  Mond,  mouth  ;  sldj),  sleep ;  smid,  smith ;  slen,  stone  (Germ, 
stein);  riscA,  fish;  vloed,  flood;  ro*,  fox;  t'W^w^,  friend  ;  icol/; 
worm  ;   wcg,  way. 

I'em.  dr,  ear  of  corn  (Germ,  aere);  hrnid,  bride;  dad,  deed; 
deugdy  virtue;  deur,  door;  er,  honour  (Germ,  ere);  gans,  goose; 
gelt,  goat  (Germ,  gei^);  jetigd,  youth;  kracht,  power  (Germ, 
kraft,  cf.  craft) ;  luchl,  air  (Germ,  luft) ;  mdgd  and  mexd,  maid ; 
min,  love;  muis,  mouse;  stad,  town;  tdl,  language;  vroutc,  wife 


Z2;:ZJJ-fD:rt, 


fWT^i.    ST'nl.      *.  ~      - 


■  •«. 


Sl^ 


Ten.    -Wrj 


T     Z. 


T.  tf 


dikt  It „ 

Meet  Oid  y  Lrsit  li.fiiift  il  x  i— r 
&:  some  p'KsacrT*  *^**>  TiLanr  i^ 
^''wr,  teftjry  iniiiira   ir-nj  x  i*  -^ 


Ftmjr 


Noa.    ^ 

^       Mil 

Accn  A 


The  critenm  cf  ia^ 
jje  nutecaline,  tlitr  U; 
^e  abeence  of  ihc  U 


-ft  • 


jx  X  ii-  n  'is'^ 


bL 


^    »  4f  < 


ASS 


rrrmair  CBJJBK<CL 


Wminfirmi^a 


lis  bmiitatiotMi  gmn  in 
neiiU. 

FaniaiiM  maiw  oocar  in  the 
ron;  tdg,  ware  (Oenn.  woge). 


are  nsed  in  old 
withoat  the  a, 


Anomafout. 

/dd«r,  brStler,  form  the  plnral  /aedar,  broedar^  or  faedmr, 
drar :  m6d*r,  moedrar ;  dotler,  dottrar ;  man,  manner,  in 
])Otm(Li  man. 

Tho  rniiiininc  noum  ffSt,  g^ooec ;  fu3,  louse;  nii»,  mouse,  ] 
Uie  pliinil  «'#*.  ''*".  mt'»». 

Monoflyilahio  ntoms  ending  in  a  vowel  commonly  are  inflej 
rcffitlftrly,  but  Homctinuv  they  dmp  the  inHexional  rowel. 

Ki-arnpieii  ;■ 

Stuoso.     Mttsi 
Bull  ;    ii'iiif,  horse 
Uw ;  firm,  worm 
wohIn  midinjf  in 
i : — 6alt,   btmm  (( 
linih;   riilt,  right 
boy,  KWRin ;  mah, 


DLrLEXSIOyS. 


35; 


Feminine  in  a  : — d/«,  all :  V-rc.  l^jtch  ;  rf.  >jak  ;  UJ,  ikin 
nn.  Viaut")  ;  J'-'^^^y  tarth;  *!ii*i,  mare :  ^/v«^^,  s*MiI ;  ■f^iiAy 
me;  *o7,  sun;  rtW^-!/,  world.  In  i: — 5*. •=*«- prayer;  i*<?(o, 
ip',  iJHf?,  bind;  trqfJ,  fNi-wer:  ''•^■».  rewmi  Germ.  \*\n  ;  «««, 
len ;  not?*!,  need  ;  c^r.^  wr.rt :  *;v.  taose  :  r*'-/.  time,  tide.  In 
•.— io'l,  book,  plur.  l<i:krr ;  kiih  hand,  k.itdtsr ;  «»i/.  night, 
Bf^r;  r<?/,  root,  rotUr ;  A.''i7,  t«v.th.  .'-•■'  Vr. 

Neuter  in  a:  — «'''?  year:  h^ir-i,  child:  h-'^t^.  K-re;  ^rry, 
JKwmtain;  i/a</,  leaf;  *.//'*  r,  animal  Germ,  thier  ; /Vv,  jitj^ple, 
folk;  ^/d*,  glass;  ^d^'sea:  har^  hair;  *'i»ii  ;  '*;k'/;  A'«^,  Uifht ; 
wd,  word ;  #ar,  wound.  sc«re;  *•-'//•'/.  sword:  ^'y-!*/.  h««r5e-tail; 
idwx,  name;  r«/ //<»«,  water;  k¥/rw*I,  head.  In  ja  : — <i<*rr*ii/^, 
iMssage;  appU,  apple;  irr-V-r,  wheat;  kf*j^*I^,  dress;  k^t^ae,  kin; 
««»€,  memory  ;  niUU^  nest ;  rdni^,  wi.rth. 

^EAK.     Masculine : — ande^  spirit ;    hui^k^y  f^eam  ;    ^tf,  bow 
(Gem.  bogen) ;    kdrty  hare ;   i<iV,  cock ;    lung^^  lung ;    maae^ 

moon;  wf,  ox. 

feminine: — a^kay  ashes;   l^jfu^ay  bean;   Ao^na.  hen;   m<iji- 
«Mw,  man   (Germ,    mensch  : ;    na^sa,   nosse ;    qtinna,  woman ; 

'^Vnw,  star. 

Neuter: — kierta,  heart;    n^$tay  glomus;    oega,  eve  (Germ. 

*"g«);  oera,  ear. 


Danish. 


^SCCLl) 


LIXB   IX 


IX  JA 


Sing. 


Plnr.  Sine.  Plur. 

.  fid:€  jUker  Jitkert 

!  ;C«t«r  juken  ji*kercs 

JUke  I  /idtcr  jid:€rt 


IX  i 


Sing. 


Plor. 


rmiwrv 
roi  N«r 
tVMiwr 


IX  a 


Sing. 

fdd 
f6€U 
fid 
fdd 


Plor. 

fidder 
fidden 
fidder 
fidder 


JfJT*  ^ords  in  a  suffer  syncope  in  the  plural,  %s  finger ^  plur. 
•^*>  whilst  those  in  ja  always  preserve  all  syllables  intact,  and 

Din!  rP  ^^^  declension  distinct  from  that  in  a,  hence /r>fcr, 
P'55'alwayB>it^re,not/rfre. 

UmkL^^^^^^  in  i  is  characterized  by  its  rejection  of  the 
**^  that  in  u  for  introdudng  it  in  the  plural. 


Plor. 


M^cr 


UkndfT 

tdnder 
ia'nda' 


TBUTOmc  GKiUUAS. 


N.»t« 

H. 

J 

Slic. 
Om.       oA 

Dm.         anl 

Plor. 
onti 

1    /srf 

1 

The  imnin&tion  f  is  chieftr  used  in  the  plural  of 
PtiginMUjilad  m  short  rwIicaJ,  though  this  radical 
luoe.  This  t  is  renuirkiiMe  as  heing  the  represeal 
ancumt  termination  u,  and  still  more  striking  ig  th< 
iora,  child,  plur,  6dn,  ui  Umlaut  which  was  origi 
hj  the  t«>rminatiuii  o,  and  which  was  preserved  aftei 
vowel  hud  Ki'n  drugijied. 

The  plund  in  fr  occurs  in  the  nouns  ir^sC,  bre 
ISceti,  hciul,  k<^if<lrr ;  Ml,  place,  ttAltr,  &c. 

Nouns  in  j&  Iiavc  fre*iut^ntly  passed  into  the  decl 
those  which  remained  faithful  to  their  declension 
Swc'dish,  the  sint^ulor  in  f,  and  in  the  plural,  if  th« 
all,  er,  or  tlie  auflixed  article  ;  e.  g.  klaedt,  dress ;  pli 


Weak  Leclen^on. 

Maicvlini. 

Fit!  IN  INI. 

Nkctib. 

Nam.     AJtu 
Gen.      hAM 
Drt.      Ari« 
Accu>.    Unt 

Plur. 

k&iur 
hhntr 

Like 
Mabculink. 

Sing. 

hierte 
kUrU 

PI 

Some  weak  nouns  suffer  apocope  of  tlie  e  in  the 
aand,  spirit ;  ox*.  ox,  lias  the  pluml  oj-ene,  oxne,  nt 
haps  from  a  singular  Men  of  the  strong  declension. 

Examplet : — 
Stronh.     Masculine  in  a : — AioVn.  hear;  'fiti/.^y 
;  droem^ 


I,  wood, 


(Germ,  engel) ; 
ja : — words  end 
e/l,  oath ;  f^d,  i 


oak;  iiorti,ao<^;' 


1  (Gei 


DECLENSIONS. 


355 


[Germ,  frau);   wereld,  world;    wik^  vicus;    zdh,  thing  (Germ, 
sache^  cf.  sake) ;   ziel,  soul  (Germ.  sSle), 

Nbut.  bed;  biddy  leaf  (Germ,  blatt);  bloed,  blood;  dal^  dale; 
dely  deal ;  ding^  thing ;  gondy  gold ;  hdr^  hair ;  hofd^  head ;  huia^ 
house ;  jar,  jeBiT ;  JmiM,  cross  ;  lid^  limb ;  I6d,  lead ;  mel,  meal ; 
Bckdp,  sheep ;  werk,  work ;  «7(^^^  word ;  zouty  salt ;  zwerdy  sword. 


Swedish. 

Masculine  in  a 

IN  ja 

IK  1 

IN  a 

Sing. 

Nom.    fide 
Gen.      ;£«I» 
Dat.       fiJc 
Accus.  fish 

Plur. 

fiskar 
fiskars 
fiskar 
fiskar 

Sing. 

fidcare 
fi^kares 
fitkare 
fiskare 

Plur. 

fiskare 
fiskarea 
fiskares 
fiskare 

Sing. 

vaen 
vaens 
vaen 
vaen 

Plur. 

vdnner 
vanners 
vdnner 
vdnner 

Sing. 

sdn 
sdns 
hdn 
sdn 

Plur. 

soener 
soeners 
soener 
soener 

The  declension  in  ja  shows  the  singular  and  plural  perfectly 
alike.  It  comprises  many  words  ending  in  are  (Engl,  and  Germ. 
er;  eom^.  fit  tare  with  Engl.^*^^,  Germ.  JiscAer). 

Most  Old  Norse  nouns  in  u  have  passed  into  the  declension  in 
a :  some  preserve  the  Umlaut ;  as  dm,  eagle ;  bidrfif  bear,  phir. 
omary  biornar;  others  drop  it,  as  vall^  valley,  trad,  thread,  plur. 
vallar,  trddar. 


Feminink  IK  % 

IN  ja 

IN  i 

IN  u 

Sing. 

Nom.     sH 
Gen.      s6U 
Dat.       s^ 
Accus.   s6l 

Plur. 

sdlar 
sdlars 
sdlar 
sdlar 

wanting. 

Sing. 

kraft 
krafts 
kraift 
kraft 

Plur. 

krafter 
krafters 
krafter 
krafter 

Sing. 

tand 
tands 
tand 
tand 

Plur. 

tdnder 
tdnder 
tdnder 
tdnder 

The  criterion  of  the  declension  in  u  is,  in  the  feminine  as  in 
the  masculine,  the  Umlaut;  the  declension  in  i  is  recognized  by 
the  absence  of  the  Umlaut. 


Nbutbr  IK  a 


Sing. 

Nom.  ord 

Gen.  ords 

Dat.  ord 

Accus.  ord 


Plur. 

ord 
ords 
ord 
ord 


IN  ja 


Sing. 

kynne 
kynnes 
kynne 
kynne 


Plur. 

kynne 
kynnes 
kynne 
kynne 


The  singular  and  plural  of  the  neuter  declensions  are  identical. 
The  plunJ  sometimes  shows  the  casensign  -r,  as  klaedCy  klaeder, 

A  a  2 


358 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 


Nbutbr  19  » 


Sing. 

Nom.  ord 

Gen.  ordt 

Dat.  ord 

Accus.  (yrd 


Plur. 

ord 
ord* 
ord 
ord 


Sing. 

fdd 
fads 
fdd 
fU 


Plur. 

fhidit 
fdden 
fade 
fade 


The  termination  e  is  chiefly  used  in  the  plural  of  words  which 
originallif  had  a  short  radical^  though  this  radical  may  now  he 
long.  This  e  is  remarkable  as  being  the  representative  of  the 
ancient  termination  u,  and  still  more  striking  is  the  Umlaut  in 
bam^  child,  plur.  bom^  an  Umlaut  which  was  originally  caused 
by  the  termination  u^  and  which  was  preserved  after  the  ending 
vowel  had  been  dropped. 

The  plural  in  er  occurs  in  the  nouns  br^st,  breast^  br^ster; 
hSvedj  head^  hSveder ;  sted,  place,  stSder^  &c. 

Nouns  in  ja  have  frequently  passed  into  the  declension  in  a; 
those  which  remained  faithful  to  their  declension  have,  as  iix 
Swedish,  the  singular  in  e,  and  in  the  plural,  if  they  form  it  at 
all,  er,  or  the  suffixed  article ;  e.  g.  iklaede,  dress ;  plur.  klaeder. 


Weak  Declension. 


Masculine. 

Feminine. 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Nom,     hAne 
Gen.       hdnes 
Dat.       hdne 
Accus.   Jutne 

Plur. 

hdner 
hdnera 
hdner 
hdner 

Like 
Masculine. 

Sing. 

hierte 
hiertes 
hierte 
hierte 

Plur. 

hterten 
hierten 
hierten 
hierten 

Some  weak  nouns  suffer  apocope  of  the  e  in  the  singular,  as 
aand,  spirit;  oo'e,  ox,  has  the  plural  oxene,  oxne,  not  oxer,  per- 
haps from  a  singular  oxen  of  the  strong  declension. 

Examples : — 

Strong.  Masculine  in  a : — biorn,  bear ;  dag,  day ;  ddl,  dale ; 
dSniy  doom ;  droem,  dream ;  fsk,  fish  ;  hesty  horse ;  dm,  eagle ; 
skov,  wood,  grove ;  himmel,  heaven  (Germ,  himmel) ;  engel,  angel 
(Germ,  engel) ;  finger;  fugl,  bird  (Germ,  vogel) ;  ravn^  raven.  In 
ja  : — words  ending  in  er :  fisker,  fisher,  &c.  In  i  : — bdlg,  hide  ; 
ed,  oath  ;  flod,  river,  flood  ;  giest,  guest ;  hm,  limb ;  ret,  right. 

Feminine  in  a : — boeg,  beech  ;  borg,  castle ;  brud^  bride  ;  eg, 
oak;  A^rf,  flock;  skam,  s\\waiQ\  siael,  ^ovX;  sol,  snn.       Ini: — 


DECLENSIONS. 


357 


Feminine  in  a : — (^l^y  all ;  boeky  beech ;  Sk,  oak ;  h4dy  skin 
(G«rm.  haut)  j  jord,  earth ;  mduj  mane ;  sjael^  soul ;  skdm^ 
afaame ;  *<?/,  stm ;  vdrld,  world.  In  i : — hoen,  prayer ;  hielp^ 
help ;  hind^  hind  ;  krafty  power ;  loerty  reward  (Germ.  16n) ;  min, 
mien  j  noedy  need ;  orty  wort ;  sak,  cause  \  iid,  time,  tide.  In 
U  : — ^<?i,  book,  plur.  hoeker  ;  handy  hand,  hdnder ;  nat^  night, 
natter ;  rSt,  root,  rotter ;  tundy  tooth,  tdnder. 

Neuter  in  a: — dr^  year;  barUy  child;  beny  bone;  bergy 
mountain ;  biddy  leaf;  diur^  animal  (Germ,  thier) ;  folky  people, 
folk;  gldsy  glass;  ^4/^  sea ;  hdr^  hair;  lumb ;  land;  litis ,  light; 
&rdy  word ;  sary  wound,  sore ;  svdrd^  sword ;  tdgel^  horse-tail ; 
namn,  name;  vatf-euy  water ;  hufmidy  head.  In  ja  : — aerende^ 
message ;  dpple^  apple ;  hvetCy  wheat ;  klaede^  dress ;  kynn^y  kin  ; 
minney  memory ;  ndste^  nest ;  vdrdcy  worth. 

Weak.  Masculine : — andcy  spirit ;  bidlkcy  beam  ;  bogey  bow 
(Germ,  bogen) ;  hdrey  hare ;  hdnSy  cock ;  lungCy  lung ;  mane^ 
moon;    oxey  ox. 

Feminine: — askay  ashes;  boenay  bean;  hoenu^  hen;  man- 
niskay  man  (Germ,  mensch);  naesa,  nose;  qvinnay  woman; 
stierna,  star. 

Neuter: — hiertay  heart;  nysta,  glomus;  oega^  eye  (Germ, 
auge);    oera^  ear. 

Danish. 


Masculine  in  a 

IN  JS 

IN  1 

IN  u 

Sing. 

Nom.     fiak 
Gen.      fiaka 
Dat       fiak 
AccQS.  fiak 

Plur. 

fiake 
fiakea 
fiake 
fiake 

Sing. 

fiaker 
fidcera 
fiaker 
fiaker 

Plur. 

fiakere 
fiakerea 
fiskere 
fiakere 

Illll 

Plur. 

vewner 
vennera 
venner 
venner 

Sing. 

fdd 
fdda 
fdd 
fSd 

Plur. 

fbdder 
fiddera 
fidder 
fidder 

Some  words  in  a  sniffer  syncope  in  the  plural,  vlq  finger y  plur. 
fingrey  whilst  those  in  ja  always  preserve  all  syllables  intact,  and 
thus  keep  their  declension  distinct  from  that  in  a,  hence  ^*^^r, 
plur.  vXvf ay B  fiskere y  not  fiskre. 

The  declension  in  i  is  characterized  by  its  rejection  of  the 
Umlaut,  that  in  u  for  introducing  it  in  the  plural. 


FXMININK 

IN  a 

Sing. 

Plur. 

Nom. 

861 

86le 

Gien. 

86h 

a6Ua 

Dat. 

861 

86le 

Accus. 

861 

86U 

IN  i 


IN  U 


Sing. 

8dg 
8hg8 
Bag 
8ag 


Plur. 

8ayer 
8ager8 
8ager 
8ager 


Sing. 

fand 
tanda 
land 
tand 


Plur. 

lander 
tdnder 
tdnder 
tdnder 


360 


TEUTONIC    GRAMMAR. 


Middle  High  German. 

Strong  Becletmon, 


Masculine. 


Nom. 
GeD. 
Dat. 
Accus. 


Sing. 

hUnd-er 
blind-es 
hlind-ftn  {eme) 
hlind'en 


Plur. 

hlind-€ 
hlindrtr  {ere) 
hUnd'-en 
hlind-e 


Feminiks. 


Sing. 

blind-iu 
blindrer  {ere) 
blind-er  (ere) 
hlind-e 


Plnr. 

htind-er  (en) 
hlfnd-€m 


Neuter. 


Sing. 

Nom.  hUnd-e^ 

Gen.  blind-es 

Dat.  hlind-em  (erne) 

Accus.  blind-ei^ 


Plnr. 

blind-iu 
blind-er  {ere) 
Uind-^n 
blind-iu 


The  terminations  ma^  be  dropped  in  all  genders  and  cases. 

The  Umlaut  before  the  inflexional  iu  (which  stands  for  the  Old 
High  German  Ju)  does  not  occur  in  the  more  ancient  manu- 
scripts. 

Syncope  and  apocope  of  the  e  mute  occur  in  the  same  manner 
as  with  the  substantive.  As  to  the  terminations  which  have 
two  vowels,  as  eme,  ere,  &c.,  the  following  general  rule  may  be 
laid  down :  monosyllabic  adjectives  with  a  long  radical  preserve 
the  first  inflexional  vowel  and  reject  the  second;  those  with  a 
short  radical  preserve  the  second  and  reject  the  first  after  the 
consonants  /,  ?n,  r,  e.  g.  dat.  sing,  -eme,  blind'em ;  but  hol-me^ 
bar-me,  lam-me  ;  fern,  -ere,  blind-er,  but  hol-re,  bar-re,  I^am-re, 

The  thematic  ja  shows  some  trace  of  its  existence  in  nom.  -e, 
as  boese,  bad ;  enge,  narrow ;  mitte^  medius ;  naehe,  near,  &c. 
All  adjectives  of  this  kind  have  Umlaut  if  the  radical  is  capable 
of  it. 

Weak  Declension. 

Masc.^  fern.,  and  neut.  : — bliiid-e,  blind-en,  &c.,  the  same  as 
the  weak  declension  of  the  noun.  The  rules  applying  to  e  mute 
are  also  the  same. 

Some  adjectives  are  used  only  in  the  weak  form. 

The  ancient  suffix  ja^  is  preserved  in  the  e  of  the  nom.  h^rtCy 
hard,  never  harte ;  its  inflexions  are  regular,  and  the  Umlaut 
koeps  its  place  throughout. 

*  ComjMire  the  Old  Teutonic  adjectivei  p.  331  sqq. 


DECLENSIONS. 


361 


Middle  Dutch. 

Strong  Declension, 


Masculine. 

FuflNINB. 

Nbutuu 

Sing. 

Nom.     hlint 
Gren.      blind-e9 
Ihit.       hlind-en 
Accns.  hUnd-en 

Plur. 

hlind-e 
blind^re 
Uinden 
hlind-e 

Sing. 

hlint 
blind-re 
blind-re 
hUnd-e 

Plnr. 

hlind-e 
blind-re 
hlind-en 
blind-e 

Sing. 

Uint 
hlind-et 
hlind-en 
hlint 

Plur. 

hlint 
hlind-re 
hlind-en 
hlint 

The  nominative  singular  is  without  any  inflexion ;  all  other 
cases  of  the  three  genders  may  be  used  without  such. 

The  genitive  and  dative  feminine  and  the  genitive  plural  may 
end  in  -er,  or  -re  (from  ere) ;  but  the  use  of  one  or  the  other  of 
these  terminations  does  not,  as  in  Middle  High  German,  depend 
on  the  nature  of  the  radical  vowel,  but  on  the  consonant  preced- 
ing the  termination;  thus  re  always  after  n,  nd;  er  after  d,  ty 
g,  i,  kc. 

The  suffix  ja  is  preserved  in  the  nominative  termination  e ; 
as  dinnCf  thin;  clene,  small  (Germ,  klein). 

JFeai  Declension. 

The  terminations  of  the  weak  declension  are,  sing,  -e,  en^  -en, 
en;  plur.  -^,  -e«,  -en^  -tf,  for  the  three  genders. 

These  terminations  differ  &om  the  Middle  Dutch  weak  noim 
by  using  accus.  sing,  en  for  e,  and  nom.  accus.  plur.  e  ior  en\ 
but  they  are  identi^  with  the  terminations  of  the  weak  noun 
and  adjective  in  Middle  High  German. 


The  adjective  has  no  inflectional  forms. 


Gtorman. 

Strong  Declension. 


Masculine. 

Feminine. 

Nrutbb. 

Sing. 

Nom.    hlindrer 
Gen.      bUndret 
Dat.      blind-em 
Accus.  hlind-en 

Plup. 

blind-e 
hlind-er 
hlind-en 
bUnd-e 

Sing. 

blind-e 
blind-er 
hUndrer 
blind-e 

Plup. 

blind-e 
hUnd-er 
blind-er 
blind-e 

Sing. 

hUnd-et 
bUnd-ee 
blind-em 
hUnd-ei 

Plup. 

blind-e 
blind-er 
blind-en 
blind-e 

362 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


In  the  nominative  and  accusative  singiilar  and  plnnl  ot  A 
ganders  the  uninflected  form  blind  may  be  used. 

The  Middle  Hi^h  German  iu  is  lost.  The  Middle  Higb  Go^ 
man  neuter  termination  -e^  first  was  rendered  by  f^y  next  pinel 
into  -^«,  so  that  now  the  nominative  and  accusative  neater  hiie 
the  same  case-sig'n  as  the  genitive. 

The  ^nitive  and  dative  singular  feminine^  and  the  gemini 
plural  have  always  simply  er  for  the  Middle  High  Genmn  eve, 
re,  er. 

The  rule  of  syncope  is  no  longer  of  any  great  conseqneim. 
All  polysyllabic  adjectives  should  have  syncope  like  nouns;  e.g. 
noims,  gen.  engeU^  fi^^rs,  regent ;  adjectives,  gen.  dunkeU,  ieiten^ 
elends ;  but  the  e  is  always  preserved,  hence  dunkeUt^  &c.  Bat 
the  accusative  singular  masculine  and  the  dative  plural  «f 
have  syncope,  as  dunkeln  for  dunkelen.  Instead  of  the  tenniu- 
tional  e,  however,  they  prefer  to  throw  off  the  derivative  «,  as 
dunkler,  heitrer,  dunklen  ;  the  accusative  singular  masculine  and 
dative  plural  have  better  dunkeln  than  dunklen. 

ja.  Many  adjectives  have  dropped  its  last  remnant,  the  nonu- 
native  termination  e,  as  mild',  dUrr,  schoen^  for  milde,  &c  In 
some  adjectives  it  is  preserved  in  the  uninflected  form,  e.  g.  trrf, 
enge,  boese, 

Dutch. 

The  strong  and  weak  declensions  are  identical.    (Grimm.) 


Masculine. 

Feminine. 

Neuter. 

Sing. 

Nom.     hlind-e 
Gen.      hlind-en 
Dat.       hlind-en 
A  ecus,  hlind-en 

Plur. 

hlind-e 
hlind-en 
hlind-en 
hlind-t 

Sing. 

hlind-e 
hlind-e 
hlind-e 
hlind-e 

Plur. 

hlind-e 
hlind-en 
blind-en 
hlind-e 

Sing. 

hlind-€ 
hlind-en 
blind-en 
hlimi-e 

Plur. 

blind-e 
hlind-en 
hlind-en 
hlind-e 

When  without  the  article,  the  nominative  and  accusative  mas- 
culine have  the  termination  e,  the  neuter  r,  as  goede  icijn,  wiiU 
wot,  h elder  water.     Is  this  r  the  representative  of  an  ancient  s  ? 

The  genitive  forms  of  the  above  paradigm  are  hardly  ever 
used,  this  case  being  commonly  circumscribed  with  the  preposi- 
tion van.  In  the  higher  style  of  writing  there  is  the  old  genitive 
preserved,  namely  masc.  blind^s,  fem.  blittd^r,  neut.  blindes, 
plur.  blind-er. 

Sometimes  the  nominative  singular  occurs  uninflected  :  blind. 


DECLENSIONS. 


363 


Strong  Declension, 

InlAie  sin^lar  the  inflexions  have  disappeared,  with  the  excep- 

ion  of  the  neuter  termination  -4,  which  is  added  to  the  preceding 

^xmsonant  of  the  stem ;  but  it  is  omitted  after  the  combinations 

Uf  et,  nt,  si,  mSt  rs.     Adjectives  ending  in  a  vowel  take  in  the 

Beater  tt ;  e.  g.  blorU,  blew  ;  frUtl,  free ;  rd-ll,  raw.     Those  in  n 

drop  this  consonant  before  the  neuter  l\  e.  g.  Uteuy  little^  lilel ; 

^n,  own  (Germ,  eigen),  egel. 

The  plural  has  the  weak  forms  throughout. 


Weak  Declension. 

In  the  singular  the  masculine  has  in  all  cases  the  e,  the  femi- 
nine and  neuter  have  a;  in  the  plural  all  cases  of  the  three 
ganders  have  the  termination  a.  Exceptionally,  for  instance 
when  the  adjective  is  used  as  a  substantive^  the  old  genitive 
singular  still  appears,  e.  g.  masc.  blind^s,  plur.  blindas. 

Syncope  occurs  in  polysyllabic  adjectives,  as  gamle^  gamla^  for 
ffammaUy  gammala. 

The  declension  of  the  adjective  in  Old  Swedish  is  deserving 
of  special  notice^  as  it  is  commonly  used  in  the  translation  of  the 
Bible. 

Strong  Declension. 


MA8CULINB. 

Fbmininb. 

Nbutbr. 

Sing. 

Nom.     Uind-er 
Oen.       Uindrt 
Dat.       Hind-cm 
Aocos.   blindran 

Plur. 

blindre 
blind-et 
Hind-am 
Hind-€ 

Sing. 

blind 
blind-9 
blind-e 
blind-a 

Plur. 

blindni 
blind-€U 
blind-om 
blind-a 

Sing. 

blind-t 
blinds 
Hind-o 
blind-t 

Plur. 

blind-t 
blind-ea 
blind^^mh 
blind-t 

Weak  Declension. 


Singular. 


Masc. 

Nom.  HindrC 

Gen.  Hind-u 

Dat.  blind-t 

Accus.  Hind-t 


Fern,  and  Neut. 

blindra 
blind'M 
Hind-a 
blind-a 


Plural. 


Masc  Fem.  Neut. 

blind-a 
blind-ai 
blind-a 
Hind-a 


364  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Danish. 

The  sin^lar  of  the  strongs  declension  as  in  Swedish.  The 
neuter  -/  is  dropped  after  /  (=//)»  *^>  e* ;  d  and  9h  sometimeB 
retain,  sometimes  drop  it.  Vowels  take  i  {-=.11  Swed.),  e.g. 
hlaa-i^  blew ;  nig^t^  new  :  some  refuse  it.  Adjectives  in  «i  dw^ 
the  n  before  /. 

The  plural  takes  the  weak  declension  in  e.  Syncope  as  in 
Swedish^  e.  g.  gamie.  In  Old  Danish  there  are  traces  of  perfect 
inflexions^  masc.  nom.  sing,  -^r,  gen.  -«,  accus.  -en. 

The  weak  declension  has  e  throughout. 


THE  VERB. 


3s  are  either  of  primary  or  secondary  formation ;  that  is^ 
bal  theme  is  formed  directly  from  the  root,  or  it  is  derived 
nominal  or  another  verbal  theme.  Verbs  belonging  to 
•mer  class  are  commonly  called  primary  verbs  or  stem- 
those  of  the  latter,  derivative  verbs.  Thus  the  Gothic 
our  English  to  bear,  are  primary  or  stem- verbs,  because  the 
theme  or  stem  bair-a^,  for  ^bir-a-,  is  formed  directly  from 
)t  bar;  but  the  Gothic  saltan,  our  English  to  salt,  are 
ive  verbs,  because  the  Gothic  theme  or  stem  salt-a^  is 
lly  a  nominal  theme,  the  base  of  the  Gothic  and  English 
jlt,  from  which  the  verb  is  derived, 
root  is  the  first  element  of  words,  verbs  as  well  as  nouns : 
oot  is  not  a  verb ;  to  become  such  it  must  be  provided 
3rsoDal  terminations,  which  are  as  indispensable  to  a  verb 
case-signs  are  to  a  noun.  The  terminations  of  the  per- 
lay  be  added  to  the  root  immediately,  or  by  means  of  one 
•e  connective  letters ;  in  the  former  case  the  root  itself  is 
•bal  theme,  in  the  latter  the  theme  must  be  formed  by 
of  a  suffix.  Thus,  for  instance,  take  the  root  as  (to  be) 
e  termination  of  the  ist  pers.  sing,  ma,  weakened  to  mi, 
u  will  derive  from  these  two  elements  the  Sansk.  as-mi, 
'.  €tyLi=zia-yLC,  the  Lat.  sum^es-u-m,  the  Goth,  i-m,  the 
o-m,  the  English  a-m.  But  given  the  root  bAar  (to  bear) 
2  termination  of  the  ist  pers.  sing,  mi,  we  require  a  con- 
in  order  to  join  the  latter  to  the  former ;  and  this  con- 
we  find  in  the  suffix  -a-  which  we  add  to  the  root  bkar, 
us  form  the  theme  bAar-a-,  and  from  this,  by  means  of 
rsonal  termination,  the  ist  pers.  sing,  bhar-d-mi,  I  bear, 
same  manner  the  Gr.  (f>€p-o-fi€v  (we  bear)  is  formed  from 
jme  ffi^p-o-  {o=a),  root  ^ip  (to  bear),  the  Lat.  veh-i^mus 
Qvey),  from  the  theme  veh-ir-  (J=a),  root  veh,  and  the 
haira  (I  bear),  dropping  the  personal  termination,  from 
ime  batr^'  ^z^bir-a,  root  bar. 


{ 


>■"■■  TfSrroxiC  GRAMMAR. 

By  means  of  the  personal  tenninatioiui  we  distingiuBh  fj 
llirve  f^rammatiial  persons  in  three  numbers,  the  singulu,  dn^' 
and  plural ;  so  that  the  Xryxa  languagts,  in  their  most  primitif^ 
tj')(e  known  to  u«,  required  nine  personal  terminationB.  Tbcff 
tvmiinatiuDS  are  the  roots  of  the  respective  personal  prononni, 
added  to  the  root  or  tlioroe  of  the  verb,  a  formation  which  %t 
mi^bt  imitate  bv  eompounding  the  verb  and  our  personal  pn>- 
nouns,  as  lovt-l,  /nrr-fioH,  (ore~ke,  &c. 

Another  uli'ment  in  the  formation  of  the  verb  which  craTei 
attention  in  projiortion  as  it  modifies  the  form  of  the  verb,  is  the 
m<*A  or  modus.  Let  iit>  take  af^in  the  roots  ai  (to  be)  and  Mar 
(to  iM-ar).  Of  these  root*  we  ffot  the  indicative  by  adding  the 
|)erw)Ual  ti'rminalionE  directly  to  the  root  or  the  theme  developdl 
i'roni  it.  Now  if  we  wish  to  express  with  the  same  roots  tbe 
n-lal  ir>iiR  of  any  other  mood,  the  optative  for  instance,  we  retjoin 
a  distinct  snIKx  for  thix  purjxtse.  The  root  at  and  tjie  tennina- 
tion  Mf,  when  jointxl,  yield  the  ist  ein^.  indie,  at-mi;  in  order  h> 
otittiiii  the  optative  the  Aryan  languages  avail  themselves  of  tlie 
sullix  -y/-,  which  they  very  proiwrly  place  between  the  root  or 
theme  unil  the  i>ersonaI  termination.  Thus  then  we  have  the 
root  a*,  the  thc-me  bhur-a-,  and  the  personal  termination  mi, 
typical  lorms  which  may  be  modified  but  never  suppressed.  The 
niillix  cxpnveing  the  modus  of  the  action  takes  its  plaoe  between 
thcni,  uiitt  thus  we  get  the  optative  primitive  at-fo-m  {m  for  «i], 
Saiisk.  it-yu-m,  Gr.  e&ji' =  ^<r-tfii-;»,  Lat.  nni^»-ie-m=^e»-w-m: 
tind  of  the  theme  primitive  bhara-  we  get  biaror^-m  {i=3^ 
SjinNk.  hilihr-'iy-ii,  tlicmc  hlbhar-,  Gr.  hiha-ofv,  theme  j(S»-, Goth. 
iin*.  tense  biiimu  =^ l>ira-i-u=:*ifini-i-"i,  prim.  hkara-i~m,  titena 
A.i.'M-,  ]>rim.  Iiham- ;  ]icrf.  tensi'  Lfr-ja-ic,  prim.  bkabidf-fA^.i 
tlii'nic  Air,  prim,  hhuhhie-.  As  tlic  optative  by  -jia-,  so  th»MWi 
imu'livc  iw  liirmwl  by  means  of  the  suffix  -a-,  while  the  ini]i«(in 
1i:iv  no  TniKid  siiflix  at  all,  and  the  imperative  is  merely  tJie  Uutnu 
«itli  (he  (KTsonul  tcrmimitioD  in  the  vocative,  sod  rnayn' 
Iv  I  iilliil  a  verbal  iuterje<.'lion. 

A  thii^l  function  to  be  perfoniied  by  the  verb 
l>ii".-in):  rx'ialiciis  of  time;  the  modified  formi 
\<-\V  lor  ihiH  [inrjHise  we  call  the  tempom  Oi 
i>.  iii<'u<^  llniri  n.-wnmed  may  consist    a' 
i.'.'i,  oi  in  llie  gradation  of  the  n 
ii.l.v.i^      As  Ui  onr  Teutonic  langin 
I'..  Ill  ii.'tiiv  :iri'  t1io  present  and  t. 
\\\.A\  \\\\\  Iv  snbiDilted  to  an  CXaA 
lu.t    II  .-ih.- tviiiiml  till'  reader  how  B 
UI..    i!>.-    tvH.vt    .-liiirui'U'rizcs   our  \ 


THE  VERB,  367 

~  flbflsify  according  to  this  formation  in  Gothic  as  well  as  in  the 
:jhiigaages  of  the  present  day.  The  English  steals  stolcy  stolen^ 
fte  German  stele^  stdl^  stolen,  are  as  expressive  of  their  type^  as 
file  Anglo-Saxon  stele,  stdl,  sialan,  and  the  Gothic  Hila,  stal, 
MtuMy  stulan9 — all  being  examples  of  the  perfect  formed  by  the 
modification  of  the  radical ;  while  in  the  English  lovCy  I  lav-ed, 
the  German  lieden,  ich  lieb-et-e,  the  Anglo-Saxon  nerian,  ner-e-de, 
the  Gothic  nayan^  ttas-i^day  we  have  examples  of  the  perfect 
formed  by  means  of  composition,  an  auxiliary  verb  being  added 
to  the  root.  Verbs  belonging  to  the  former  class  we  call 
*  simple/  or  with  Grimm  'strong;'  those  of  the  latter  'com- 
pound/ or  with  Grimm  '  weak  K' 

Thus  then  we  have  to  consider  three  elements  which  enter 
into  the  formation  of  every  verb, — the  Persons,  the  Moods,  and 
the  Tenses.  Though  the  signs  which  originally  expressed  these 
different  relations  may  in  our  modern  Teutonic  languages  be 
partly  or  wholly  obfiterated,  they  are  nevertheless  of  such 
supreme  imports^ce  for  the  right  understanding  of  the  Teutonic 
verb  as  to  render  a  detailed  exposition  absolutely  necessary. 


FORMATION  OP  THE   PERSONS. 

ist  Person  Sinoulab. 

The  1st  person  singular  is  formed  by  the  suffix  -ma,  which  is 
the  base  used  in  Sanskrit  in  the  declension  of  aAam  (ego),  the 
1st  person  singular  of  the  personal  pronoun,  where  we  find  the 
ablative  mor-t,  the  genitive  ma-mu.  In  the  perfect  tense  the  a 
only  remained;  and  as  secondary  suffix,  in  the  optative  for 
instance,  it  appears  merely  as  -m.  Hence  we  get  of  the  root 
bhar  (to  bear),  the  primitive  present  tense  babhdr-a^  perf.  babhdr-^. 
But  at  a  very  early  period  the  a  ot  ma  was  weakened  into  i,  so 
that  mi  appears  as  the  regular  primary  suffix,  e.  g.  as-mi  (sum, 
I  am);  the  secondary  suffix  -m  we  have  in  a^ya-m  (sim=sie-m). 
In  the  same  manner  are  formed  the  Sansk.  as-mi^  and  optative 
pres.  9ifarm;  the  Gr.  €r-/Lu=^^<r-ji4  and  €lr\v=^^ ka-^ri^y, ;  the  Lat. 
sum  =  ^es-iJL-m  =  ^es-mi  =  as-mi,  sim  =  aie^m  =  a^ya-m  =  M^a^m, 
The  last -mentioned  language  does  not  distinguish  between 
primary  and  secondary  suffix,  but  applies  -m  in  all  examples. 
This  -m  we  find  everywhere  in  the  present  subjunctive,  as  veha-m, 

^  The  active  and  the  passive  voice  do  not  form  distinct  themes,  but  express  their 
different  relations  merely  by  different  modifications  of  the  personal  terminations. 


368  TEUTOXIC  GRAMMAR. 

and  in  the  imperfect  in  -la^m.  The  Gothic  has  the  -m  only  ib 
im^*i^mi—a4'mi ;  everprhere  else  it  has  dropped  the  tenmitt- 
tion  of  the  ist  person  singular. 

ist  Pebson  Plurai^ 

As  suffix  of  the  ist  person  plural  the  Ursprache  used  -madj 
secondaiT  form  -mas^  e.  g.  pres.  indie.  (U-ma^i  (we  are)^  optative 
a^ja-ma-i.  In  tliis  termination  grammarians  see  two  prono- 
minal roots  ma  +  #/  combined.  The  former^  as  we  have  already 
stated,  is  the  root  of  the  ist  pers.  sing. ;  si  stands  for  ti^  and  ii  is 
held  to  be  derived  from  fra  the  base  of  the  2nd  pers.  sing,  of  tlie 
personal  pronoun ;  and  -masi  consequently  means  '  I-thoo,'  *  I 
and  thou/  hence  '  we.'  But  the  plurality  of  the  ist  person  miy 
also  include  the  ideas  of  '  I  and  he/  '  I  and  ye/  &c,  combiner 
tions  for  which  the  primitive  language  no  doubt  had  its  special 
forms,  which  however  in  the  course  of  time  were  lost,  and  of  the 
different  words  expressing  the  different  kinds  of  '  we  *  only  one 
remained  and  took  the  })lace  of  the  other  forms  as  well.  In 
Sanskrit  the  primaiy  suffix  is  -m/is,  Ved.  -tiuisi^  as  t^masi,  i-mat 
(  imus),  vakd'tna^i,  vahd-mas  (vehimus) ;  the  secondary  suffix, 
-/;/</,  the  shortened  form  of  -masi,  as  vahe-ma.  The  correspond- 
ing form  in  Greek  is  -/bicr,  that  is,  lu  with  v  ephelkysticon,  which 
succeeded  in  establishing  itself  for  good ;  e.  g.  l-yL€v  =  prim. 
i'tiiasi.  More  primitive  is  the  Doric  -/i€9= primary  ^fjuisi,  secon- 
dan'  -miis,  and  is  closelv  allied  to  the  Latin  -w?/^,  more  ancient 
^mos,  as  i-mu'i,  vehi-mus.  The  Gothic  has  preserved  nothing  of 
this  suffix  but  the  ;//,  e.g.  viga-m  (movemus)  =  prim,  tmgha-tna^i ; 
the  secondary'  suffix  in  Gothic  is  -;>/-a,  that  is,  -w  which  was 
preserved  from  destruction  by  the  final  a  supporting  it*,  e.g. 
vigai-ma  (moveamus)  for  *vigai'f?i,  prim,  vaghal-mas. 

ist  Person  Dual. 

The  plural  m  was  modified  into  r,  hence  prim,  rasi,  Sansk.  ras, 
perf. -r</;  e.g.  pres.  raZ/d-vas,  impf.  a-rahd-va.  In  Greek  and 
Latin  this  form  is  wanting ;  the  Gothic  drops  the  v  of  the  pri- 
mitive 'Vas,  -rasi,  and  thus  forms  vl//ds=^  viga-{7s= riga-ras,  prim. 
vaghd'Vasi,  The  perfect  has  lost  the  termination  and  ends  in  the 
connective  vowel,  as  vegn  for  vt^gitv,  from  prim,  vavagh-ras.  The 
secondary  -va  corresponds  to  the  plur.  -;//a,  as  vigai-vay  optative 
pres.  for  vigai-v,  from  prim,  vaghai-vas. 

'  S<'lierer  does  away  with  tlie  auxiliary  a  by  contending  that  this  a  is  the  re- 
maind<*r  of  an  ancient  termination  -niii^  =  Gr.  av,  Sansk.  u;  in  the  pronoun  also, 
e.  \r.  hvata,  he  takes  it  as  the  remainder  of  an  ancient  am^  as  in  Sannk.  iddm. 


THE  VERB.  369 


and  Pebson  Singular. 


The  primitive  theme  of  the  2nd  person  singular  of  the  personal 
pronoun  is  tva^  as  we  find  it  in  the  Sansk.  tvaty  Ivam,  &c.  As 
a  termination  we  meet  it  in  its  completest  form  in  the  suffix 
-^a  of  the  perfect  and  the  nlAi  of  the  imperative.  But  as  a  rule 
n  is  put  for  li=tva,  perhaps  in  order  to  keep  the  ti—tva  of  the 
and  person  distinct  from  the  ti^ta  of  the  3rd  person.  The  per- 
fect termination  of  the  Sanskrit  is  -tha^  e.  g.  chakar-tha  (fecisti), 
root  Imt  (faeere),  veMha  (vidisti,  dla6a)^vaid'iAa,  root  vid  (to 
see,  to  know).    The  imperative  ends  in  -^Ai. 

The  Greek  -Oa  after  a  is  the  oldest  Greek  form  of  the  primitive 
ta,  e.  g.  oItr-^a=for<r-da= Sansk.  vet-tha.  The  termination  -(rBa^ 
as  in  the  subjunctive  pi\r)^0a^  optative  ^ciAoi-o-^a,  indicative  rCdri- 
o^,  seems  to  be  so  formed  that  to  the  usual  termination  s  (as  in 
^€t-s)  there  was  added  the  suffix  -ta,  the  t  of  which  following  the 
spirant  s  was  changed  into  the  aspirate  6.  The  Greek  language 
is  rather  fond  of  the  termination  -aOa  in  the  conjugation  of 
verbs;  but  the  commonly  used  suffix  is  9=0-^  as  we  find  it  in 
the  termination  -eis  of  the  indicative,  and  -/ys  of  the  subjunctive, 
e.g.  4>ip€is  =  ^ <l>€p€-^i,  (f>4prfs  =  ^ (f)€pri-ai ;  the  secondary  suffix 
always  -9,  as  in  l-^epe-s,  (f>4poi'S. 

The  Latin  perfect  has  -ii  for  -ta ;  the  s  preceding  it  belongs 
not  to  the  termination  but  to  the  theme  of  the  periect.  The  i 
probably  stands  for  an  older  ei,  as  lutudis^li^iuludis-tei.  The 
length  of  the  i  was  perhaps  adopted  in  analogy  to  the  long  i  of 
the  1st  person  (vide  infra).  The  imperative  in  --dM  is  lost,  but 
the  emphatic  imperative  in  'to{d),  Ved.  -tdl,  preserves  the  original 
^  in  a  very  primitive  form.  In  Latin,  as  in  Greek,  the  common 
suffix  is  -*=-«,  e.g.  €8^68-^  and  ^ed'8,  prim.  <w-w,  root  a8  (to 
be)  and  ad-8i,  root  ad  (to  eat),  vehi^8,  prim.  vagha-8i;  optative 
present «/-«,  prim.  a8-yd/~8. 

The  Gothic  has  -t  for  -^,  e.  g.  vdis-l,  prim,  vivdid-ta;  simple  per- 
fect nam-l,  root  nam  (to  take),  prim,  nandm-ta.  But  the  common 
primary  suffix  is,  as  in  Greek  and  Latin,  -^=prim.  -*i,  e.  g.  vigi-8, 
prim,  vagha-^;  i8  (thou  art)=i*-^,  prim,  as-^i ;  also  in  the  com- 
poimd  perfect,  as  na8-i^e'8,  iab-ai-de-^,  salbS-de-^,  The  secon- 
dary suffix  is  -«=prim.  -*,  e.  g.  vigai-8,  prim,  vaghai-8.  Specially 
to  be  noticed  is  the  rule  according  to  which  in  Gothic  a  dental 
(rf,  tf  th)  which  precedes  the  terminational  -t  of  the  and  pers. 
sing,  of  the  perfect  is  changed  into  the  sibilant  -*,  e.  g.  Tdi8't 
for  vditr-t  {pldOa),  mos-t  for  mStr-t  (debes),  qa8't  for  yaj?-^,  perf.  of 
qi\an  (to  say).  Thus  the  st  gradually  came  to  be  considered 
the  termination  of  the  2nd  person,  and  invaded  other  verbs,  e.  g. 

Bb 


FT  TEUTOJIC  GRAMMAR. 


ihat  G.nij;  iij:;-Hi>Hrr  izk«tad  of  a  regular  *aai''s6-t,  root  m  (to  bov,) 
ui£  7  nk"7  r:  3$!ZTT«ed  ilk^  positioD  of  the  older  -#  and  -i  in  boft 
Vbt  jnaiefL*  izic  liii^  j^erfect  tense  in  all  Teutonic  languages,  t 
&.'*:  w  iJ2&Z  hMT*  ic>  Device  hereafter.  This  perfect  in  il  mif 
v%I  :if  takeL  »  a&  azml::^  to  the  Greek  perfect  in  -o^. 


TVf  7?i2EhiT«  sc£x  is  -4j*i,  which   consists   of  two  rooti, 
TaTT^elj  ^  =  rrz  aai  #i  =  fj = /rj  ;   whence  -/a*i  =  ^ra  +  Ita^  and 
T^fc^i*  *  tb:*^  a^  :b->T:/  that  if, '  ye/     In  Sanskrit  it  is  repre- 
Afct^  :t  -^k  rriznary  -i'ij  and  the  secondary  '4a y  e.g.  present 
isir.   ri^*i-:*N5,  imj«rrf.  j-iij/'j-Ai.    The  perfect  has  lost  the 
ft.os^-CAz:':  :i  ibe  ^^rsiznarion ;  hence  balkra  for  babkar-a^  for  &t^ 
i*--"r.  f:c  3c:.*j'-^*#;".     The  Gneek  verb  has  -re  throoghoat,  m 
4Ku.«-nf.  fr^-«.  o«.-cir-7c;  the  Latin  '4i4=^ii^=^t4i^i,  e.g.  e^, 
£a^->'^.  iH'i/:cr<^^  w,<i^\*.    The  imperative  in  -/o^  contadiu 
t'.cv   c:i*^Zr:^lT  ^ren  than  the  Ved.  -iut  twice  the  pronominal 
•ifcj^r  — -  :  tbc  inj^rative  in  -4^  is,  like  the  Grreek  -re  and  the 
SuLijir.*  -'.J.  a  >bvr:ea€d  form.     The  Gothic  has  -(A  throaghonti 
w'r.jjc.  :*  tie   rtriainier  of  an   older  -/ia  =-/<?,    e.g.  present 
ir.iv.^r>r  '■^  rz  ^'i^  c-jiative  n'yjfWi,  perfect  indicative  vegu4kf 
r>.:  r.-.'    :o  move  . 

m 

2nd  Person  Dual. 

Y:i.  s-tr.x  in  SAnssrit  i?  -r*.:^.  j>erf.  -<i(iujf  [-fJin^  a  weakened 
*':rTi  "1  -'':'  '  :  >tvviidarr  sutfix  -tuM ;  which  in  Greek  are 
r:*.  r:<<Ti:c«:  'y  --::•.  in  G  thic  by  -^^  \t  preceding  9  resists 
Or.:v:v.'>   Ij"*  .    o.  ir.  present   indie.  laha-Uy  optative  bairai-U, 

-  -»v.  r\  tative  irrci-l^.     The  -^*=prim.  -tas,  -(aii. 


,^,..  .*. ■&  ^- 


^rvi  Persox  SixcrLAR. 

Tr.-:  rr!r.*t:ve  -':  is  a  domt-knstrative  root:  as  a  verbal  termi- 
navin  we  rni  ::  woakenod  into-//,  secondary  -^  e.g.  present 
indio.  .U-'  i-st  .  r:  ■: ;-"''  vohit^-,  optative  as-jy(i-f  (siet,  sit), 
r.:  t:  -:  vth:it  .  The  imporative  suffix  is  fafay  whence  the  Ved. 
/:'.  tho  L;it.  '  :' .  an-l  the  Gr.  ra»(r).  The  Sanskrit  j>erfect 
suthx  is  -:  t*«r  -.":,  ;is  hit^.h-ir-'i  for  "^hahhar-fa  ;  the  primar}'  suffix 
-^"  in  :M-'\  h\.irz-t' ;  the  seoi^iiar}-  -t  in  bhare-fy  st/d-t.  The 
Vovl.  imivrative  ends  in  Utf  =  f'i-fa.  Greek  has  in  the  perf.  €= 
Sanskrit  d  f.^r  -A/,  e.  o-.  \i\oii:-^  =  nrdik-a  for  rirdik-ta.  But  the 
primary  suffix  -Ti^-fd  is  preserved  in  etr-ri,  and  in  the  Dor.  TiOr^n ; 
cri  tor  Ti  in  Titfrf-<TL  and  tlie  Homeric  subjunctive  ixn-aiy  Ka^ij^^i. 
But  the  ,♦  of  (Ti  is  commonly  dropped  after  the  thematic  vowel, 


I! 


372  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

THE  PERSONS  OF  THE  VERB  IN  THE  TEUTONIC 

LANGUAGES. 

ist  Person  Singular. 

Tho  suflix  mi  =  Ma  of  the  primitive  language  ia,  as  in  Gotiue, 
j»iV55t»rvcd  in  the  termination  -;«  in  the  Old  Teutonic,  and  ts  •■ 
lu  s«.nuo  of  the  Modern  Teutonic  languages ;  among  the  latter, 
K]i;;^Ush  alone  shows  the  primitive  -?«.     It  occurs  chieftj  in  the 
viirii'us  forms  of  the  verb  'to  be;'  thus  from  the  root  <w(tobe) 
HO    have    the    Goth,    i-m   {=  ^is-mi  =  a^mi)^    the  O.  N.  mi 
;  = ' ' r-#«  = "  /.*- w / = u^Mi),  the  A.  S.  eo^m  ( = * eor-m  =  ^ i^-mi^a*- 
nii\  wheuoe  tho  Engl,  am;  from  the  root  6m = prim,  biu  (tol«e) 
thorv  is  the  O.  H.  Germ.  pi^?/t    (comp.   Sansk.   diar^-ml),  the 
C>.  S.  V'  fi-m,  the  O.  Fris.  be-m,  the  A.  S.  dech-m,  M.  Dutch  be-mjlvaX 
Middle  and  New  High  G^rm.  i/-«,  and  following  their  analogy 
N,  Out  oh  JC'fi.     These  are  the  only  forms  in  which  all  the  Ten- 
tonio  languages  have  preserved  the  primitive  suffix ;  but  there 
an^  ."»  few  other  words  with  the  termination  -»i  in  which  Old 
High  German   api>ears  more   primitive  than   Gothic,  namely 
tn  >-'•*  J  do\  als<»  in  the  O.  S.  (/o-m^  do-n  ;  pd-m  (I  go),  */</-»  (I 
standi  .     The  derivative  themes  in  ^'  and  o,  perhaps  following 
tho  anali^gy  of  the  mentioueil  verbs,  also  take  in  Old  High  Ger- 
man the  >utlix  -  /  iu  the  1st  sing.,  as  /lape-m,  saldd-m. 

I  St  Pkrson  Plural. 

Tlio  primitive  siitlix  -mrt.ii  aj>{x\irs  in  it^  complet4?st  form  in 
tho  Old  Hiirh  Ciorman  -'///^i,  while  Gothic  and  Old  Norse 
havo  rotlucod  it  to  a  single  -///,  which  f/i  the  Middle  and  New 
Hijjfh  Goniian  and  Putoh  havo  converted  into  ?/,  while  the  Saxon 
dialoots  havo  dropped  this  termination  altogether  and  put  in  its 
stoad,  Old  Saxon  that  of  tho  3rd,  Anglo-Saxon  that  of  the  2nil 
jK^rson  plural ;  0.  g.  O.  H.  Germ.  Jind-a-meSy  Goth.  Jin}^i-my 
0.^,jnni'fi-tn,  (jvrm.  jif/f/f'^u,  O.  S. /r*//</-fl-^/,  A.  S. //«</-/7-S,  by 
the  side  of  which  wo  havo  tho  unintlected  plural  in  the  Engl,  we 
Jiud.  In  the  pretoritc  and  subjunctive  the  Saxon  dialects  adopt 
for  tho  1st  person  tho  termination  -w  of  the  3rd  person  plural, 
e.  g.  Old  Saxon  subjunctive  jind-a-Uy  liTotcnte/uftd-n-n,  Anglo- 
Saxon  subjunctive  ////^/-r'-;/,  ])retoriteyw>///-o-w.  From  this  fact 
we  may  perhaps  explain  a  curious  phenomenon  which  we  observe 
in  Early  English.  It  is  this, — that  in  Layamon  we  find  the  plural 
thn>ugliout  formed  with  the  termination  -fi,  in  the  Ormulum 

^  Compare  geilo-nif  do^m,  gesea-m^  gato-m  (I  sec)  in  the  Durliam  Book. 


t- 


v^ 


THE  VERB.  373 

Gdommonly  with  the  termination  -en,  or  ^i^,  while  in  Old  English 

K^^in  the  former,  in  Middle  English  the  latter  predominates, 

ontil  New  English  discards  thim  hoth,  though  at  the  dawn  of 

our  modem  period  -en  was  still  in  favour.     The  form  in  -th  and 

tihat  in  -»  were  kept  distinct  in  Anglo-Saxon;  but  both  were  often 

dropped  when  the  pronoun  succeeded  the  verb,  as  *  ne  ^a  ge'  for 

gtPS,  'hwat  ete  we'  for  eien.     The  subjunctive  rarely  had  any 

termination  in  Old  English,  and  even  the  indicative  drops  the 

ending  not  unfrequently,  as  '  we  kalle*  for  kalleth,  *  thei  luf  for 

lufetA.     From  all  this  it  becomes  evident  that  at  an  early  period 

a  confusion  set  in,  which  was  finally  solved  by  the  total  dismissal 

of  all  terminations  in  the  subjunctive  as  well  as.  in  the  indicative 

ploral. 

2nd  Person  Singular. 

The  primitive  suffix  -£i  and  its  representative  -«  appear  in 
the  Old  Teutonic  languages  in  the  present  tense  originally  as  -«, 
in  the  perfect  as  -4.  Thus  in  the  present  tense  Old  High  Ger- 
man has,  like  Gothic,  -s;  e.g.  O.  H.  Germ.,  O.  S.,  and  Goth. 
Ailjh-i^,  Goth,  kab-ais,  O.  H.G^rm.  kaj)-e-s,  even  A.  S.  Aa/es 
(thou  hast),  though  in  the  last-mentioned  dialect  this  form  is 
rare,  and  occurs  chiefly  when  the  verb  is  succeeded  by  a  pro- 
noun, as  spreces  jfu  (loqueris),  leornas  ]>u  (discis),  and  in  contrac- 
tions between  verb  and  pronoun  as  geaiistu  (vides),  cue^estu 
(dicis).  The  Old  Norse,  and  Swedish  and  Danish  also,  have  the 
termination  -*,  but  in  the  favourite  shape  of  r.  In  a  few  words, 
however,  all  the  Teutonic  languages  prefer  the  still  more  ancient 
suffix  't  to  its  modified  form  s.  This  takes  place  chiefly  in  the 
verbs  commonly  called  Praeterito-PrsBsentia,  which  have  the 
form  of  the  perfect  though  the  meaning  of  the  present  (comp. 
Gr.  oSba,  Lat.  memini).  Thus  Goth,  kan-t  (potes),  yarf-t  (eges), 
skal-t  (debes),  mag-i  (potes),  &c. ;  O.  H.  Germ,  darf-t^  scal-i, 
mag-t^  but  can-H  for  ^can-t  (vide  infra) ;  O.  S.  tharf-t,  scal-t, 
mah-t,  but  canst ^  far-man-st ;  A.  S.  \earf-ty  but  canst ^  ge- 
manst,  dearst;  O.  Fris.  skila,  skal-t.  Though  the  verb  'will' 
often  ends  in  a  vowel  in  the  2nd  singular,  it  also  has  the  form 
wii^t  in  the  Old  Teutonic  dialects :  M.  H.  Germ,  sol-ty  darf-t, 
wil^t.  Among  the  Modem  Teutonic  dialects  English  has  pre- 
served the  ancient  forms  shalr-t,  wil-t,  while  Modem  German  has 
given  way  to  the  corruption  into  st,  kannst,  wiliest,  sollst,  &c. 
The  regular  suffix  of  the  perfect  2nd  singular  was  -t,  which 
however  we  find  intact  only  in  Gothic  and  Old  Norse,  while 
Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon,  Anglo-Saxon,  and  Old  Frisian 

^  The  Ormulum  has  chrUtt%e\i\>  and  chriBtnenn, 


374  TEUTOXIC  GRAMMAR, 

hare  the  Tocalic  tenninatinp  i,  or  weakened  e.     Some  gm- 
Eiari&cs  ecnadtr  this  i  or  r  as  having  oome  orer  together  wi& 
thr  fnTzial  Ablaat  from  the  snbjiinctive^  others  take  it  as  the 
ec'iin€ctire  Towel  which  remained  behind  after  the  terminatiQi 
ha^l  ><en  droj'p<d.     This  terminatioQ  is  greatlj  modified  bf 
a  law  which  we  have  alxeadv  mentioned  under  Gkythic,  ad 
acoc<rding  to  which  the  stem  of  a  verb  ending  in  a  daitd 
changed  this  dental  into  m  befoie  the  termination  -4  of  the  pe^ 
feet.     Thus  the  Gothic  ^9^  for  ^^-/»  and  in  the  pneieritxH 
prsEsentia   mo^  fur   mot-^j   rais-/  for  raii'4.     Now  m  imili- 
tion  of  these  forms  Old  High  German  has  already  the  fina 
€»«->-/,  where  the  stem  does  not  end  in  a  dental,  bnt  the  #  has 
simplv  been  interpolated^  and  thns  the  present  tenae^  following 
the  analogy  of  the  prBBterito-prsBsentia^  adopted  «l  as  its  re^jidar 
termination  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  and  all  the  Middla 
and  Xew  Teutonic  dialects  (onlv  Middle  Dutch  has  commonly  «). 
While  in  Gothic  and  Old  Higli  German  the  compound  peifect 
ends  in  the  2nd  singular  as  the  present  in  -«,  the  other  dtaleeti^ 
such  as  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Saxon,  which  adopted  a  vocalic 
termination  for  the  simple  perfect,  imported  the  termination  -^ 
in  the  compound  perfect  too,  and  finally  this  termination  was 
generally  adoiited  in  the  2nd  sing,  present  and  perfect,  indicativB 
and  subjunctive. 

2nd  Person  Plural. 

The  primitive  suffix  -ta^i  has  been  curtailed  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  primitive  termination  of  the  ist  plural.  It  ap* 
pear-?  in  Gothic,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  and  Old  Norse,  as 
"(h,  in  Old  High  German  as  -^j  in  Old  Saxon  as  -rf.  In  Early 
English  it  either  reigns  supreme,  invading  all  the  persons  of  the 
plural,  or  yields,  together  with  the  ist,  to  the  usurpation  of  the 
termination  -n  of  the  3rd  person.  (Compare  the  ist  and  3rd  per- 
son plural.)  It  is  peculiar  that  this  -n  is  still  preserved  in  the 
2nd  pers.  plur.  of  the  Swedish  verb,  while  it  has  been  dropped 
in  the  3rd  pers.  to  which  it  originally  belonged. 

3rd  Person  Singular. 

Corresponding  to  the  primitive  suffix  -to,  Gothic  -/A,  we  find 
'ih  in  tlie  Anglo-Saxon  and  Frisian  dialects,  -rf  in  the  Old  Saxon, 
and  't  in  the  High  German  and  Dutch.  The  root  as  (to  be) 
forms  the  3rd  person  everywhere  by  means  of  the  ancient  -/, 
which  is  protected  by  the  preceding  s,  hence  Gothic  is-t^  Germ. 
is-t  (he  is);  the  Engl,  is^as  has  dropped  the  terminations  and 


TUB  VERB,  375 

IB  reduced  to  the  simple  root.  We  have  irregular  forms  in  the 
Norse  and  English  l^guages.  The  Old  Norse^  and^  following 
it,  Swedish  and  Danish,  have  -r  in  the  3rd  pers.  sing.,  a  termi- 
nation which  stands  in  no  relation  whatever  to  the  legitimate 
msS&i,  which  undoubtedly  in  Old  Norse  too  was  originally  -/>j, 
perhaps  in  the  form  of  -1$.  This  suffix^  however^  was  at  a  very 
early  period  expelled  and  its  place  taken  by  that  of  the  2nd  pers. 
fling.,  where  we  find,  in  accordance  to  Old  Norse  phonetic  laws, 
-r  for  -*,  which  -r  took  possession  of  the  3rd  pers.  sing,  as  well. 

A  peculiar  course  was  adopted  in  Modern  English,  where 
the  primitive  -ih  (though  still  used  in  poetry)  had  to  give  way 
to  a  new  comer  in  the  shape  of  -«.  This  s  has  no  legiti- 
mate claim  whatever  to  its  position,  and  it  is  very  difficult  to 
account  for  its  introduction.  It  makes  its  appearance  in  the 
Durham  Book  already,  where  we  find  forms  such  as  forgefes, 
does^  iingeSf  geheres;  Layamon  and  the  Ormulum  refuse  it  ad- 
mittance. In  Old  English  it  is  used  side  by  side  with  "tk^ 
Chaucer  himself  applies  -th  exclusively,  but  the  scribes  of  the 
Northern  Strother  he  makes  to  use  the  form  in  s,  as  it  gas^ 
falles,  has.  In  Modem  English  Ben  Jonson  still  prefers  the 
"iky  but  Shakespeare  the  -*,  while  Spenser  uses  either  one  or  the 
other  on  rhythmical  and  euphonic  grounds.  Some  suppose  this 
«  to  be  the  result  of  Norse  influence  and  the  representative  of  the 
Old  Norse  -r  in  the  3rd  (or  2nd)  pers.  sing.,  others  take  it  to 
be  merely  a  corruption  of  the  original  Anglo-Saxon  termination 
-fk.  The  former  opinion  can  hardly  be  maintained  when  we 
consider  that  Old  Norse  forms,  where  they  are  imported  at  the 
expense  of  native  elements,  are  taken  in  'ready  made,'  not  in 
their  primitive  shape.  When  the  Norsemen  came  into  contact 
with  the  Saxons  they  had  no  doubt  lost  all  consciousness  of  the 
fact  that  the  -r  of  the  3rd  person  of  their  verb  was  originally  «, 
converted  according  to  the  law  of  rhotacism  ^  We  consider  it 
far  more  likely  that  the  terminational  s  originated  in  a  corrup- 
tion of  the  legitimate  M,  first  in  pronunciation.  It  is  a  well- 
known  fact  that  foreigners  who  have  not  made  themselves 
masters  of  English  orthoepy  always  pronounce  the  th^  especially 
at  the  end  of  words,  more  or  less  like  «,  and  it  is  not  unrea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  the  introduction  of  8  was  a  kind  of 
accommodation  the  natives  made  to  foreign  weakness,  a  being 
the  nearest  approximation  which  a  Norman,  for  instance,  could 
make  to  the  sound  of  th  ^. 

^  Goncemmg  the  oonTonion  of  «  into  r  (Rhotacism),  see  the  phonetic  laws  under 
the  respectiTe  consonants. 
'  Marsh,  The  Origin  and  History  of  the  English  Language,  &c.,  p.  a  16. 


376  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

3rd  Person  Pluilal. 

The  primitive  -antiy  --nti,  appears  only  in  the  Gh>thic  -iai,  -i^ 
and  the  Old  and  Middle  High  German  -nl;    in  all  the  otkr 
dialects  it  has  been  lost.     But  the  secondary  saffix  -«^  wtiA  in 
Gothic  and  Old  High  German  already  was  used  for  the  preBeni 
subjunctive  and  the  perfect  indicative  and  subjunctive,  we  find 
ai^iin  in  all  the  other  dialects,  not  only  for  the  3rd  person,  hat 
forming  the  plural  throughout.     In  Early  English  it  often  coik- 
tt^tcil  the  place  with  the  legitimate  tA  in  the  present  indicattre, 
and  so  successfully  that  at  the  dawn  of  our  modem  period  it 
rt^istcd  the  levelling  tendencies  of  the  age,  until  it  shared  the 
fate  of  most  inflexions  and  disappeared  together  with  the  other 
terminations  of  the  plural.    Modem  Gbrman  supplanted  the  pri* 
mitive  -m/,  which  was  still  used  in  Middle  High  German  by 
the  Siwmdary  sufiix  -»,  which  we  find  also  in  Modem  Dutch; 
Swcilish  and  Danish  have,  like  English,  dropped  the  termination, 
which  in  Old  Norse  had  already  been  vocalized,  in  the  present 
indicative  into  <i,  perfect  m,  subjunctive  i. 

The  Dual. 

The  ditlcrcnt  ^^ersons  of  the  dual  do  not  claim  any  further 
exiHv^ition  hero,  because  they  appear  in  Gt)thic  only,  and  have  so 
far  alri^adv  ri\»civcil  our  attention  elsewhere. 


THE   PEUSONS  OF  THE  MEDIUM  OR  MIDDLE 

VOICE. 

The  primitivo  nunlial  forms  we  find  in  none  of  the  Teutonic 
laui^uairi^s.  s;ivo  the  (lothie,  and  we  shall  therefore  consider  them 
8\^  t'ar  i>iilv  as  thoy  oivur  in  the  mentioned  language.  The  per^ 
soiial  t<'n\ni\atiinis  of  the  meilium  arose  from  the  respective  pro- 
nominal vihU  InMUir  twice  addeil  to  the  verbal  theme.  These 
compound  terminations  weri\  for  the  singular  ist  -wa/»/,  2nd 
•^v,'  V \  ^rd  -/<//: ;  ^nl  plnv.  -nhuitL  Derived  from  these  primitive 
forms  weiv  -//.•<//,  ->tii/,  -A//,  -wA//,  as  preserved  in  the  Sanskrit 
subjunetive,  and  the  Greek  terminations  -^i,  -<ra4,  -rcu,  -rrat. 

I  St   Sl\GUL-VK. 

This  t*orm  is  wanting  in  Gothic,  and  is  replaced  by  that  of  the 
^nl  |vi*son,  a  dettvt  which  shows  that  at  the  time  when  Ulfila 
trai\slated  the  Bible  the  meilial  form  had  in  Gothic  also  begim 
to  ^.oUapse. 


ti  • 


THE  VERB,  377 

and  SiKGULAB. 

Primary  suffix  -21a  for  -«ai,  e.  g.  da^a-;2»=Gr.  ^^pc-o-oi^  Sansk. 
tkara-^f  prim.  bAara-9a{9)i,  Secondary  ~zau,  e.g.  bairai-zau. 
Hie  latter  suffix  seems  to  stand  for  a  more  ancient  9dm^  in  the 
same  manner  as  ist  sing,  optative  perfect  hir-jau  for  a  more 
ancient  hdr-yam^  so  that  ndm  comes  firom  «a^  as  Sansk.  -idm 
(3id  sing,  imperative  medial)  from  ta, 

3rd  SiNOULAB. 

Primary  suffix  ^da^^taiy  e.  g.  haira-da  =  Gr.  (^pc-roi ;  prim. 
diara-^(/)i.  Secondaiy  -^u^dm  (comp.  2nd  sing.  zau=^9dM), 
e.  g.  optative  bairai^Uy  prim.  bAaraintdm;  imperative  baira-^u, 
Sansk.  bAara-tdm. 

3rd  Plubal. 

Primary  suffix  "fida  =  -;»^i^  e.  g.  baira-^a  =  Gr.  ffApo^vraiL, 
Sansk.  bhara-nte^  prim.  bhararnta{nt)i.  Secondary  -ndau^-ntdm 
(comp.  2nd  and  3rd  sing.),  e.  g.  optative  present  batraiHtdau^ 
prim,  bharai-ntdm  ;  imperative  baira-ndaUy  Sansk.  bharorntdm. 

ist  and  2nd  Plural. 

Wanting  in  Gothic,  and  replaced  by  the  3rd  plural  which  we 
have  just  examined. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  MODI  (MOODS). 

The  mood-suffix  is  placed  between  the  verbal  theme  and  the 
personal  termination.  The  indicative  and  imperative  have  no 
mood-sulQGbc,  and  are  therefore,  strictly  speaking,  no  modi.  The 
imperative  is  only  the  vocative  form  of  the  personal  termination. 

The  Subjunctive  Mood. 

The  theme  of  the  subjunctive  mood  is  formed  by  means  of  the 
demonstrative  suffix  ^-,  which,  where  an  a  belonging  to  the 
temporal  theme  precedes,  is  contracted  with  it  into  d]  e.  g.  prim, 
present  theme  bhara^,  subjunctive  theme  bharaHi"=.bhard^,  Thus 
Latin  vekd-m,  vehd-s^  vehd-t  for  ^veAa-a-m,  &c.  (the  short  vowel 
of  the  Latin  subjunctive  is  a  correption  of  a  later  date) ;  Gr. 
<^^p<0,  <l)ipji^  =  (l>€pri'^ij  <^^pn  =  (l>€prj-Ti,  The  subjimctive  mood 
being  totally  absent  in  the  North-European  languages  (Teutonic 
and  Slavonic),  we  need  not  submit  it  to  a  detailed  discussion. 


TEC  TOXIC  GRAMMAR. 


TuE  Optative  Mood. 


►     — 


Tr  0  :hor.io  of  the  optative  mood  is  formed  with  the  rafii' 
1-^  :vv.:  r.'v  ;:Tu*:a:t\l  into -vc/-,  which  also  yields  the  base  oft 
rt.AV.vi  yr  ::  .:n.     \\  it  suooeeds  \\\)on  a  temporal  theme 
ir.    :.  v:x  sv.tr.x  is  weakened  into  /.     The  optative  thi 
b.As    :r.o   5k\>  :u:an"   jvrs*.nial   sulBxes.     Examples:  — 
ih-::'.;o    :<.  S.i:;>k.  .-■«.  Or.  <<t,  Lat.  eSj  Goth.  U — ^hence 
».::.i::ve   is:  >:!:sr.  \t\u\.  c.'j^-Vff-w,  Sansk.  s-^a^w,  Gr.  cDjr=^l^Bl'»  '^ 
•."--.   l-i.:.  <;"  =  .*•..-■-  '.  Goth.  sijtiuz=*s-ija^pn=^^i'i^ja-m.  Hi' 
I  r:::i:::vo  ::uiv.o  .:«-.'J-  is  in  Guthic  extended  into  fl^-^y*-,  ta* 
.<    :-.  whivh  tVrm  is  treated  as  a  theme  in  a  and  assumes  Ai 
usual  |H  rs^>::;il  terminations  of  the  optative,  as  and  pers.  ij^t 
;rvi   "    .:.      is:  plur.  prim.   ci^«-v»/'-/«<i*,   Sansk.   s^yd-ma,  GA 
*  -  -    .     Tr.imo  prim,  'f.-j-,  Sansk.  Ihara-^  Gr.  ^pe,  GA 
b--  •■-;  heiuv  prx^seut  optative  ist  sinjS^.  prim,  b^ara-i-m,  Sani 
^i  ■• '-.  -f .  Gr.  «;vt.x^--vx\  Goth.  Latrau^bira^i'-m.     andflo^ 
prim.    ":::--.*.    San>k.  i«.;rc'-*,   Gr.  c^cpo-i-s,    Gt>th.  6fl»ra44. 
Thus  thon  we  have  in  the  Gothic  optative  present  the  optatin 
thrill  in  ;.  Kvause  the  prvs^^'nt  theme  ends  in  a;  but  the  perfert 
1 1: vino  oiidiriT  in  the  tinal  of  the  root,  the  optative  perfect  ii 
t«r:iu\l  by  moans  k^(  the  sutlix  -VJ-;  e.g.  perfect  theme  4rr (ot 
'5    -.  to  Ivar  .  jvrUvt  optative  ist  sing.  it^V^/j-tf,  prim.  AiaMar- 
V  ■-■/.  inJ  siuiT.  .*«'-^.-i<,  prim,  bkabhar^j/d^. 


rm:  modi  in  the  teutonic  languages. 

r.  0  .  v:,i:i\«  in  :!:o  Tciitonio  lauiruasjos,  whioh  is  commonly 
v.;  "i\I  ^  :  ".'/..v  :i\\  o:-  s;il'^:ii.;::vo.  is  fvrnu\l  on  the  Siime  rules  as 
:'..v  li-  ;-.:i-.  .r,  \vi«  l.a  i  |\:-h.ips  bottor  say,  derivt»il  from  a  primi- 
t:\i'  IVuT.'nir  f.  nn  t.-  whiv'li  :lio  G-^thio  hoai-s  the  closest  resem- 
M:iiuv.  I:  is,  in  nv-s:  of  tiio  Tont«»nio  dialoots,  ancient  and 
m-iliTn.  an«l  in  it>  irnatost  ir.tOjCrity,  preservt^l  in  the  root  as 
^l.»  l»f  ,  wliirh  invariably  supplies  the  present  subjunctive,  except 
in  tlhi  -Mo«bTn  Xi.rse  laniruaires,  and  in  Early  and  Modem 
Jji;4li.-}i.  'J'hr  snbjnnt'live  ihcnio  or  stem  is  in  Old  High  Ger- 
innn  and  .'ill  the  Low  German  dialects  «*/,  in  Old  Frisian  and  Old 
Norsr  nr\  whicb  may  be  explaineil  by  reference  to  the  Gothic. 
'J'h<'  //  nflhr  (iotbic  iiijuH  being  dropped,  the  remainder  appears 
in  a  cnnlrach-d  form  in  the  si  and  st'  of  the  other  dialect^j  the 
former  pre>npiMi.sing  perhaps  the  v^x^ilization  of  the  Gothic  sij 
into  t<'i'i  and  hence  */\  and  the  latter  the  elision  of  they  in  Gothic 
sija,  thus  producing  sia  and  hence  se.     Thus  then  we  have  in 


^^  THB  7RRS.  379 

let   and  jrd  sin^.  of  the  present  sabjnnctire  the  O.  H. 

».,  O,  S.,  A.  S.,  M.  H.  Germ.,  M.  Dutch,  N.  I>ntch  ti;  the 

^3^%.  and  O.N.*?;   the  N.H.  Germ,  wi  (N.H.Germ.  «= 

E.  Germ.  J),  the  other  persona  bein^  only  modified  by  the 

lonal  tertiiinations  io  several  of  the  dialects  mentioned.     Id 

Sason  (Xjaramon  and  the  Ormolum)  the  subjunctive  n  is 

^nally  supplanted  by  the  BubJTmctive  heo  of  the  root  hhu, 

icli  exii«tecl  in  Anglo-Saxon  already,  and  which  in  the  shape 

&e  became  the  sole  form  of  the  present  subjunctive  in  Old 

rlish,  and  remained  so  in  Middle  English  and  New  English. 

he  subjunctiTe  of  other  verbs  forms  its  theme  in  the  present 

»8e  by  means  of  /  {Old  Saxon  d),  in  the  perfect  by  means  of  i. 

v-^^se  thematic  vowels  may  again  be  explained  by  a  reference  to 

.^^e  Gothic.    Take  the  Gothic  present  theme  baira-  which  in 

^^e  optative  yields  the  form  fia^o«='frini-»-n,  and  baira-i-t,  the 

^^i  i/a  being  weakened  to  i  on  account  of  the  preceding  a  of 

^e  theme.     The  thematic  a  and  the  suffixed  »  combine  m  Old 

-tiigh  German  and  other  dialects  to  produce  the  form  /,  e.g. 

,    3nd  Bing.  lerS^,  a  contraction  which  corresponds  to  that  in  the 

Sanskrit  bhaT-4-9  compared  to  the  prim,  bkara-i-t.     The  Old 

Saxon  a  which  stands  in  the  place  of  the  i  was  undoubtedly 

originally  long,  a  length  which  was  lost  in  the  course  of  time, 

just  as  it  was  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisiwi,  Old  Norse,  and  the 

New  Teutonic  dialects,  where  it  can  no  longer  be  distinguished 

from  the  thematic  e;  so  that  in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian, 

fiMd-e,  the  Old  Norse  find-i,  we  may  simply  see  the  thematic 

form  (a  weakened  to  e  or  i)i  <"^  ^^^  ^  (0  n^y  be  considered  as 

the  correption  of  the  optative  ^(=a+t)  which  we  still  find  in 

Old  High  German.     Thus  again  in  Middle  High  German  the 

subjunctive  and  indicative  forms  are  identical  j   in  New  High 

German  a  distinction  is  kept  up  in  so  far  as  the  e  in  the  siu>- 

jimctive  termination  may  not  suffer  syncope,  as  indicative  du 

»ag-»t,  but  subjunctive  du  tage-it,  where  the  thematic  e  (=a]  is 

preserved. 

The  vowel  of  the  perfect  subjunctive  theme  is  i  in  Old  High 
Grerman,  Old  Saxon,  and  Old  Norse,  the  length  being  preserved 
only  in  the  former  two  dialects;  the  i  is  flattened  to  e  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  Old  Frisian  as  well  as  in  the  Modern  Teutonic  dia- 
lecta,  if  they  have  preserved  any  vowel  at  all.  The  Old  High 
German  i  corresponds  to  the  Gothic  « *,  and  the  Gothic  et  to 
the  primitive  -ya~ ;  hence  we  have  for  the  Gothic  and  sing. 
/unth-^,  theO.  n.Qerm.  fund-i-t,  0.  S./«jw/-w,  O.N.^«-f-r, 

'  Compara  the  Table  of  Gndatioiu,  p.  14. 


3S4  TECTOSIC  GRAMMAM. 

«f  ^  fRtmk  tfat  I  «r  «  g— o>  be  coondered  to  be  Uk 
«M<  -'  J.  b«anM  an  tke  Old  TcofawK  dnketo  n 

lfcr*-rfifcff»wM  AatM  Agp«fc*t,««Gqriiic|jiewiii 
UnB^  A^n*>  ^^1^  pa£^  ^'^^  <^>  ^^^f"*^  >  ptactice  b 
i>  ^  KjA^  G«s.  jA&.  &^^  >«J^,  peiC  jfaY.  i«^ 
Tvwwl  difB  w&kfc  is  aUra  »  tW  perfrct  cabjniKti 
0t  be  the  manBtutatiTg  < 


TEMPORA   TKXSESi. 

T^oB  w«  oS  iht  n^susc  Tase  ia  die  Arrsa  bnefBgo 
pciiws  A  aooMMr  jc  ircnaciuiB  aiacpfai.^^^KaQT  dEtiiict  one 
^DifC&i^.  T!bfSK  imfiaauB  S^raaf  nuKt  on^inallT  bin  bai 
MvttC  j)^wib.-«cui)i»  a$  veil :  ^ir.  :»  %AiiaAa  nsbtir  ok 
«  iuSneiKe  ji  3iic3i  wTtauoc  i  liaSaeDK  is  tbe  ■kwub^  » 
^et^r  3KUB>.-errute.  V^  ami.  murwvn'.  m  t&e  estaal 
^n^cs  MtMaunaily  nifieKac  6mctiuiK  pex&nKd  br  Ae  £1 
ZDvniKs  ii  tae  3PK«aC  anee.  auw^  it  h  tnw  tbat  the  t 
>it'  :^tik.-cv(i£  3)K  3KA^y  .o^pDUumL  whilie  a  TarwCr  of  i 

TRIOS  TVOBUWa. 

T^tf  TwrwiK*!  ■vrminatfi'iBi  ire  j>^i^^  tc  tie  d«ne  is  i 


rw  .-K^  - 


ft«ua:.f«.     a^"*:  ■■»    ~-   ';•;  -    lit  antf.  w-«.  2ki 

c^-«'. 

j*^,-       -^  -.ur    .-.»— *»t      sii,'jiun;CLT«  i«  gaff.   j»-i^-W 

■■  -'P* 

1st  Siiii;.   rf-jii-.* 

iMiittr*       W  soar   «-":-  Wt  aior-  *-»»  5-'r  "w-m 

M.     ] 

m1>                        -«.  at  «»-«f==«»^^MiM 

riB 

THE  VERB.  381 

09^;  andplur.  M-tis,  ist.  plar.  *-iM«iw,=^«*-M-»fiw=^^*- 
priia.  (U-^nasi* 

ed  (to  eat),  3Td  sing,  es-t  firom  ed-^f)i;   in  the  same 

e^tis,  &c.     But  edo,  edimus  belong  to  the  themes  of 

H.     In  their  extant  form  Bta-t  and  da-i  belong  to  Class  I, 

^h  originally  to  Class  IV.     (Comp.  Sanskrit  and  Greeks 

IV.) 

U.  To  the  simple  pure  root  is  added  the  suffix  -a-. 

^jj^  This  formation  probably  occurs  only  with  roots  which  have 
^*^e  radical  a.     The  suffix  a  of  the  theme^  that  is^  the  finals  a  has 
gradation  in  the  ist  singular  and  plural^. 

FrimitlYe.  Root  bhar  (to  bear) ;  present  theme  hhar-a^  ist 
%iDg.  bhar-d-mi^  2nd  bhar-a-^i;  ist  subjunctive  bhar^a-^-mi, 
lience  hhar-d-mi  ;  optative  ist  bhara-i-m.  In  the  same  manner 
sre  formed  the  present  themes  pat-or,  root  pat  (to  fly,  to  fall) ; 
«i0fi-a-,  root  vart  (to  turn) .  To  this  formation  belong  most  of 
the  derivative  verbal  themes^  especially  those  in  -aya-^  e.g. 
theme  viad-aya^  (to  make  known)^  root  vid  (to  know)^  ist  sing. 
naid-ayd-mi, 

Sanskrit.  Boot  tud  (to  strike),  present  theme  tudd-^  ist  sing. 
iuddr-mif  1st  plur.  tudd-tnasi.  Boot  bhar,  present  theme  bhard-^ 
ist  sing,  bhard-mi.  Derivative  verbs  in  -aya-,  e.  g.  root  vid^ 
present  theme  vedaya-  (to  make  known),  ist  sing,  vedayd-mi. 

Gkreek*  Boot  <^^p  (to  bear)^  present  theme  <t^€p€'',  4>^po-9  iBt 
sing.  ^^/>-a)(-pu),  1st  plur.  (^€p-o-/bi€Xf.  Derivative  verbs  in  -ay a- : 
nominal  theme  (Popo-,  verbal  theme  <f>op'(yo'j  ist  plur.  <l>€poviJL€v 
^  ^p-€yo'yL€Vy  prim,  bhar-^ya-masi ;  nominal  theme  rtfij),  verbal 
theme  nfi-ayo-,  ist  plur.  ri/xc^/i€i;=rt/xayo-/i€r. 

Latin.  Boot  veh,  prim,  va^h  (to  move,  convey),  theme  veh-i-, 
1st  sing.  veho=:^veho'mi,  prim,  vaghd-mi;  vehp-t,  prim,  vagha-ti, 
1st  plur.  vehi-muSy  prim,  vaghd^masi.  (Conjugation  in  -ere.)  In 
Ijatin  and  Greek  the  ist  plur.  difiers  from  that  of  the  preceding 
languages  in  not  having  the  gradation  of  the  suffix  -a-.  The  de- 
rivative suffix  -ay a-  is  represented  by  e,  i,  d,  as  monetis^  ^moneiiis 
=  ^mon-eyi^tis,  prim,  mdn-aya-tasi,  (Conjugations  in  -are,  -ere, 
-ire,) 

Gk>thio.  The  formations  in  -a-  are  very  frequent  in  Gothic, 
chiefly  with  primary  themes^.  The  radical  a  is  with  few  excep- 
tions weakened  to  ».  It  is  not  weakened  in  ist  wmg.fara^fardy 
-pTim. /ard-miy  root  far  (to  go) ;  graior^  root  grab  (to  (fig) ;  slaha-^ 
root  slah  (to  slay) ;  valda-^  root  vald  (to  govern).    It  is  weakened 

^  Gradation  of  Towels,  p.  a  2  sqq. 

'  Concerning  |>riiiiary  and  iecimdary  themes,  see  pp.  167,  168. 


382  TEUTONIC  ORAMMAR. 

to  1  in  giba-^  root  gai  (to  give) ;  brika^^  root  6ral  (to  break) ; 
hilpa-,  root  halp  (to  help) ; — weakened  to  f^  in  truda--  (perf.  trapf 
plur.  ire-dum)^  root  Irad  (to  kick).  To  the  themes  in  -a-  belong 
also  the  verbs  with  gradated  radical  (commonly  second  gradation, 
and  the  gradation  remaining  throughout),  e.  g.  hdita^y  to  be 
called  (O.  Engl,  to  hight,  Germ,  hei^en) ;  hvopa^y  to  IxMUst ;  Ula-, 
to  let ;  slepor^  to  sleep ;  stduta^,  percutere  (Germ,  sto^n).  The 
final  a  of  the  theme  is  treated  according  to  the  primitive  law ;  so 
that  corresponding  to  the  d  in  the  primitive  language  we  have  a 
in  Gothic,  corresponding  to  the  short  a  in  the  primitive  we  have 
the  weakened  form  i  in  the  Gothic  language :  e.  g.  ist  sing,  viga 
for  ^vigd,  prim,  vaghd-mi;  2nd  vigis  for  ^vigi^y  prim,  vagha^; 
1st  plur.  vigam  for  f)igd'mas{?),  prim,  vaghd^nasi;  2nd  vi^Uh  for 
^vigtr}fi3(^j  prim,  vagha-^tasi ;  3rd  mga-nd  for  viga-ndi,  prim. 
vagha-nti.  In  the  3rd  plural  the  a  is  preserved  by  two  saooeed- 
ing  consonants  of  the  termination.  The  ist  dual  vigSs  arises 
from  vigaas,  viga-vas  (Goth.  a+a=S),  prim,  vagkd-vasi;  the  2nd 
dual  vigar-ts  seems  as  if  it  were  derived  from  a  more  primitive 
form  with  the  thematic  vowel  gradated  or  lengthened. 

The  primitive  -aya-,  used  for  the  formation  of  derivative  verbs, 
appears  in  Gothic  in  three  distinct  forms :  (i)  the  first  a  dropped, 
ja;  (2)  the  y  of  aya  dropped,  makes  «-f  a=<?;    (3)  the  final  a 
dropped,  ai. 

1.  The  verbs  in  ya  (corresponding  to  the  Latin  in  t)  form  the 
present  theme  in  ja,  jiy  or  ei,  and  all  other  themes  in  i ;  e.  g. 
present  theme  nasja^,  ^lasji-  (to  save),  perf.  theme  nasi-,  hence 
present  ist  sing,  nasja,  2nd  nasjis^  ist  plur.  nasjam,  &c.,  perf.  ist 
sing,  nasida.  Instead  of  ji  we  have  ei  after  a  long  radical,  e.  g. 
theme  sokja-y  2nd  sing,  sokeisj  but  the  combination  ja  always 
remains  intact,  as  ist  sing,  sokja,  ist  plur.  sokjam, 

2.  Verbs  in  6  (=prim.  a)  can  easily  be  traced  to  nominal 
themes  from  which  they  are  derived ;  thus  from  theme  leika-, 
adj.  ga-leiks  (similar,  like),  we  get  ist  sing,  ga-leiko  (compare 
Germ,  ver-gleiche),  3rd  sing,  ga-leikdy,  ist  plur.  ga-leikom  for 
^leika-jd-mi,  ^leika-ja-ti,  ^ leika-jd-ynasi ;  irom  Jiska-^  Jisks  (fish), 
3rd  sing.^^^'^  (piscatur).  In  leikajdmi  the  j  was  dropped  first, 
and  a-\-a  make  6. 

3.  The  verbs  in  ai  (= Latin  e,  Greek  ec)  for  the  primitive  -aya- 
have  this  derivative  form  only  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  sing,  and  2nd 
plur.,  and  in  the  perfect ;  but  in  all  other  persons  of  the  present, 
and  in  the  optative  of  the  present  throughout,  they  assume  the 
form  of  primary  themes,  so  that  they  have  always  two  themes,  one 
for  the  former,  another  for  the  latter  forms ;  e.  g.  the  theme  habai-y 
of  the  root  hab  (to  have),  makes  2nd  sing,  habai^,  3rd  habai-}^, 


THE  VERB,  383 

and  plnr.  hahai-^^  perf.  habairda;   the  theme  Aaia-  forms  ist 
plur.  haia-niy  3rd  haka-nd. 

m.  The  root  has  first  gradation  and  takes  the  mffw  -a-. 

FrimitiTe.  Boot  dik  (to  show)^  present  theme  daika  ;  root 
hkug  (to  bend)^  hhauga-;  root  sru  (to  flow),  srava^. 

Sanskrit.  Boot  budh  (to  know),  3rd  sing.  bSdha-tiy  ist  plur. 
(fdhd--mas. 

Greek.  This  formation  very  frequent.  Boot  (pvy  (to  flee), 
present  theme  (f>€vy^,  <^€vy-o-,  plur.  ^cify-o-ixtv,  (t>€vy-€^€ ;  root 
kiv  (to  leave),  theme  Xctw-e,  Actir-o,  plur.  X^lTs-^-yL^Vf  A€t7r-€-T€; 
root  Aa^  (to  be  hid),  theme  A»y^-o-,  ist  plur.  Ai/^o-ftcx^. 

lAtin.  Boot  due  (to  lead),  theme  duc-i—douo-ir-^  prim,  dauk-a^^ 
3rd  sing,  douo-i-t.  Thus  also  dio-irt^deic-i-t,  root  rfw?  (to  say); 
fid-i-t^feid-^ty  root  fid  (to  trust). 

Gk)thio.  This  formation  occurs  regularly  with  primary  themes, 
containing  the  radical  i  or  Uy  e.  g.  root  ^t^^  (to  pour),  ist  sing. 
giuta^  2na  giuti^;  part.  pret.  pass,  gutnins ;  root  ^r/p  (to  seize, 
gripe),  ist  sing,  greipa,  and  greipi-Sy  part.  pret.  pass,  grip-ans, 

IV.  jRitf  roo^  w  reduplicated,  and,  if  ending  in  a  vowely  assumes 
first  gradation.  The  gradation  is  subject  to  the  same  rules  as 
under  11. 

FrimitiYe.  Boot  da,  present  theme  dordd,  ist  sing,  da-ddrmi, 
and  daHid-si,  ist  plur.  da-dd-masi,  subjunctive  ist  sing,  da-dor 
d-miy  optative  da^doryd-m;  root  dha  (to  put,  to  set,  to  doj,  pre- 
sent theme  dha-dhd"  ;  root  ga  (to  go),  present  theme  ga-^d-. 

Sanskrit.  Boot  hhi  (to  fear),  ist  sing.  bi-^hS-fni  ;  root  da  (to 
give),  1st  sing,  dct-dd-mi,  1st  plur.  da-d-mas;  root  dha  (to  put), 
1st  sing,  da-dhd-miy  ist  plur.  da^h-mas.  Peculiar  to  the  two 
last-mentioned  verbs  is  the  loss  of  the  thematic  a  in  the  un- 
gradated  forms. 

Greek.  The  vowel  of  the  reduplication  is  i ;  the  plural  has 
no  gradation.  Boot  bo  (to  give),  theme  bi-bo-,  ist  sing,  bi-boa-fu, 
ist  plur.  bC-bo-^v;  root  <rra  (to  stand),  theme  l-<rra-  for  si-sta^, 
ist  sing.  f-oTiy-fu,  ist  plur.  r-<rro-/i€i; ;  root  $€  (to  put),  theme 
Ti-^€-,  1st  sing.  TC-drf-fUy  ist  plur.  Tl-0€'fi€v ;  root  v\a  (to  fill), 
1st  sing.  wf-/bi-7rAi;-/bi4 ;  root  irpa  (to  bum),  ist  sing.  wf-jLt-7rpi;-/bii 
(comp.  ttA^o-o),  irAi^^o)  and  'tt^o-o),  'TrpT^^v).  The  two  last-men- 
tioned verbs  add  a  nasal  to  the  reduplication,  and  thus  connect 
the  themes  under  V  with  those  under  IV. 

Latin.  This  formation  is  rare,  and  recognizable  in  but  few 
fragments,  and  even  in  these  not  without  the  suffix  -a- ;  e.g.  gignit 
for  ^gi-genri4,  prim,  ga-gan-a-ti  (comp.  yly{€)vO'imi,) ;   root  gan 


384  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

(to  be^t) ;  Mtitj  i.  e.  si^M,  prim,  sirsta-ti^  root  sta  (to  stand); 
serity  1.  e.  ^sirsinty  prim,  sp-sar-ti^  root  *a  (to  sow) ;  birii-t,  root  4^ 
prim.  jM,  joa  (to  drink). 

Gk)thio.  This  formation  is^  strictly  speaking,  wanting  in 
Gothic  j  for  the  only  fragment  this  language  possesses  is  a  theme 
with  the  suffix  -a-,  in  which,  moreover,  the  reduplicational  syl- 
lable is  nasalized :  ist  sing,  gagga^  3rd  gaggiAhy  from  a  prim.  i£i 
ga-n-g-d-mi,  3rd  ga-n-g^i^tiy  root  ga  (to  go).  In  Old  High  Ger- 
man we  find  a  few  more  remains  of  this  formation ;  namely  from 
the  root  ga  (to  go),  ist  sing.  gd-rHy  prim,  ga-gd'tniy  and  ^<w,  3rd 
gd^ty  1st  plur.  gd-mes ;  from  the  root  9ta  (to  stand),  1st  sing. 
std-My  prim.  ^ta-atU'tniy  2nd  std-Sy  &;c. ;  root  ta  (to  do),  1st  sing. 
tuo-niy  prim.  dAa-dAd-mi ;  but  these  again  have  lost  the  reduph- 
cation,  and  the  gradation  crept  into  the  plural  too;  in  their 
extant  form  therefore  they  more  properly  belong  to  Class  I. 

y.  To  the  root  is  added  the  suffix  --nor-  and  the  vowel  of  ike  suffis^ 
gradated  in  the  ist  sing. 

PrimitiYe.  Root  star  (to  scatter,  to  strew),  ist  sing,  sf^r-ni- 
mi,  1st  plur.  star-na^masi.  This  suffix,  as  well  as  -««-,  are  demon- 
strative roots,  and  occur  frequently  in  the  formation  of  nominal 
themes. 

Sanskrit.  Root  grahh,  grah  (to  seize),  3rd  sing.  med.  grk- 
na-tcy  grh-ni-te ;  root  yu  (to  join,  jungere),  ist  sing,  yn-nd-miy 
1st  plur.  yu-ni-mas.     na  in  the  ungradated  forms  is  weakened 

to  '7ii, 

Greek.  Root  h&ii  (to  tame),  theme  hiii-va-y  ist  sing,  bifi-vrj- 
fjLiy  1st  plur.  bdLjx-ifa'jxev ;  root  irip  (to  sell),  ist  sing.  -Tr^p-nj-zxi. 
This  form  often  occurs  in  combination  with  the  suffix  -ya-  (Gr. 
-0-),  as  iK'V€-o-fxai,  I  come.  The  a  of  7ia  is  treated  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  final  of  the  themes  in  -a-,  e.  g.  root  ttC  (to  drink), 
theme  TrC-ve-,  tiC-vo-,  ist  sing.  irC-voiy  2nd  Tr^-rc-ty,  ist  plur.  iri-ro- 
fjL€v,  Almost  exclusively  peculiar  to  Greek  is  the  formation  of 
the  present  theme  with  the  suffix  -cu^e-,  -arc-,  prim,  anay  e.g. 
root  Ik  (to  come),  theme  iK-dvo-,  ist  plur.  U-di/o-jutcr ;  root  auy, 
av(  (to  increase)  av^'dvo-^xev.  If  the  radical  is  short,  the  nasal  m 
is  inserted  between  it  and  the  final  of  the  root;  e.g.  Aa/3  (to 
take),  theme  Xa-ix-fi-ivo-y  ist  plur.  Aa-/ut-/3-cii;o-/uici/. 

Latin.  The  a  of  the  suffix  -wa-  is  treated  as  the  final  of  the 
themes  in  -a-.  This  formation  occurs  chiefly  after  vowels  and 
roots  ending  in  r,  e.  g.  root  li  (to  smear),  3rd  sing.  li^7ii-t ;  root 
si  (to  let),  si'ui't ;  root  ere,  cer  (to  separate),  cer-ni^t ;  root  spre, 
sper  (to  despise),  sper-ni-t.  On  a  more  ancient  stage  of  the 
language  we  find  da-n-nnty  root  da  (to  give),  prodi-n-unt,  &c. 


THE  VERB.  385 

Gk>tbio.  The  a  of  the  suffix  "fta-  *  is  treated  as  in  the  cognate 
languages.  Exclusively  belonging  to  the  present,  we  find  -«a- 
only  in  the  theme  ^frih-^a-  from  the  root  frahy  to  ask  (Germ,  fra- 
gen),  in  which  the  a  of  the  root  is  weakened  to  ^ ;  ist  sing. 
fraih-^a^  and  fraih-^i^y  ist  plur.  fraih-na-mj  perf.  sing,  frah, 
plnr.  freh^'Urm,  Prom  these  present  themes  there  has  been 
developed  in  Gothic  a  class  of  derivative  verbal  themes  (with 
pasmve  functions)  which  gradate  this  na  into  nS  in  the  perfect 
tenge,  so  that  we  have  a  theme  in  -^o-  for  the  present,  a  theme 
in  -«rf-  for  the  perfect,  which  moreover  follows  the  system  of  the 
weak  conjugation ;  e.  g.  present  theme  veihna-  (to  be  sanctified), 
from  veiA{a)^  (holy).  Present  sing,  ist  veih-na^  and  veiA-ni-^, 
3rd  veik-ni-tAy  ist  plur.  veiA-na-m^  &c.,  going  exactly  as  fraiAna 
(Latin  eemo);  but  the  second  theme  is  veiA-716-y  whence  the 
perfect  veiA-no-da  ;  thus  also  fullnan  (to  be  filled),  from  fulljwn 
(to  fill) ;  andbundtian  (to  be  loosened),  from  andbindan  (to  loosen); 
usluknan  (to  be  opened),  from  nslukan  (to  open) ;  af-dumbna  (to 
be  dumb,  to  be  silent),  from  dumha  (dumb). 

VI.  TAe  demonstrative  -nor'  or  its  sAortened  form  ^n-  is  infixed 
to  tAe  root  itself  before  tAe  final  consonant. 

Primitive.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  this  infix  occurred 
in  the  primitive  language,  though  from  its  occurrence  in  all  the 
cognate  languages  it  would  appear  that  it  did.  The  pronominal 
root  -na-,  which  first  was  used  as  a  sufiix,  seems  to  have  gradually 
crept  into  the  root  itself  and  to  have  become  the  infix  of  which 
we  now  treat,  so  that  to  the  Latin  ju-n^g-i-t  (root  jug^  Sansk. 
yu)y  to  join)  corresponds  a  primitive  ytt-n-^-a^ti^  which  originally 
may  have  been  yug-^a-ti.  This  infix  also  occurs  in  nominal 
themes,  as  the  Gr.  Tt5-/ui-7r-ai;o-i;,  root  tuts  (to  strike) ;  Goth. 
dn-m-b-s  (dumb),  root  dub,  from  which  also  daub-^  (deaf).  Com- 
pare also  the  Goth,  morma-g-a  (many),  root  mag^  prim,  mag  A  (to 
grow)  with  the  Lat.  mag^nu-s^  from  a  primitive  magA-na-^  as  the 
Gothic  from  a  primitive  ma-nor-gAa^. 

Sanskrit.  Root  yvj  (to  join),  present  theme  yu^na-j-^  yw-»'-^-, 
ist  sing,  yvrnorj^miy  ist  plur.  yu^^'-j-mas ;  root  mucA  (to  loosen), 
present  theme  mu^-cAa-,  ist  sing.  mu-n-cA-^z-mi. 

Greek.  This  formation  is  very  rare :  one  example  we  have 
in  (ril>Cyy<ay  root  (rc^ty  (to  squeeze) ,  comp.  aif)ly-yLa^  at^iy^y^s. 

'  A  near  relation  to  this  is  the  suffix  -nu-  which  Schleicher  discards  from  the 
Teutonic  languages ;  but  Delbrueck  (in  Deutsche  Lautverschiebung,  Zacher*s  Zeit* 
schrift  fUr  Deutsche  Philologie,  i.  p.  13)  recognizes  it  in  Goth,  hrinnan  (to  bum), 
where  he  takes  nn  as  the  assimilation  of  nv,  and  this  nv  for  nu;  hri,  the  root 
corresponding  to  a  Sansk.  hhar, 

C  C 


386  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

Latin*  Chiefly  with  roots  ending  in  a  oonaonant;  e.g.  looi 
tag  (to  touch),  ta^-g-Ui;  pag  (to  flEUBten),  jHi-n-g^-i;  fy  (to 
form),  /-H-y-f-Z ;  fitd  (to  poor),  fm-n-d^t ;  rup  (to  break), 
ru-m-p-i^. 

Gothic.  1st  sing,  gf^i-^^da,  root  static  siady  an  extensicm  d 
the  simple  root  $ta  (to  stand) ;  perf.  stotA.  The  form  gagga  also 
might  be  mentioned  here,  if  we  assume  a  compound  root  yiy, 
formed  by  means  of  reduplication  from  the  simple  ga  (to  go). 
But  the  explanation  given  under  lY  is  preferable,  because  ifb 
find  nasalized  roots  in  Greek  and  Sanskrit  also.  To  this  formt- 
tion  belong  the  following  verbs,  though  they  form  their  perfect 
like  the  derivative  verbs  by  means  of  composition;  ist  sing. 
brigga^  I  bring  (Goth,  gg  ^  ng,  gi  =  ni;  oomp.  ihe  Greek), 
perf.  drak-ta,  root  (frag  (the  radical  is  weakened  to  >  in  the  pre- 
sent) ;  tkagkja,  I  think  (comp.  A.  S.  thencan,  Grerm.  denken), 
and  thugkjay  I  opine  (comp.  A.  S.  ihincan,  Grerm.  dunken, 
Engl,  me-think-s),  perf.  tkak-4ay  tAuA'4a,  root  tiai^  iAul,  In 
the  present  they  have  both  besides  the  infix  -Jt-  the  suffix  -^ 
(See  II.) 

Vn.  To  the  root  is  added  tke  suffix  -jra-,  tie  a  of  which  is  treated 
like  that  of  the  themes  in  -a-. 

Primitive.  Root  svid  (to  sweat),  theme  svid-^a-,  ist  sing. 
srid'^a-miy  2nd  svid-^a-si^  &c.,  like  bhar-d-mi, 

Sanskrit.  Root  nah  (to  bind),  pres.  theme  nah^ya-^  3rd  sing. 
nah-ya-t'i  ;  root  mad  (to  be  intoxicated),  3rd  sing,  tnad-ya-ti  (with 
the  radical  gradated). 

Greek.  A  favourite  formation ;  the  ya  occurs  in  various 
modifications,  (i)  The  y  of  ya  remains  as  i ;  root  5a  (to  divide), 
theme  ha-i^-,  prim,  da-ya-,  1st  sing.  ha-Co^ixai. ;  root  <^i/  (to  beget), 
JEo\,  ifjV'i(o,  (2)  The  y  is  transplanted  as  i  into  the  preceding 
syllable,  that  is,  into  the  root,  e.  g.  root  t€v  (to  stretch),  ist  sing. 
TciVo)  for  ^T€V'i/(ji} ;  root  ^a,  prim,  ga  (to  go),  theme  fiorv-yo-,  ist 
sing. /Sa^i^o)  for  ^;3a-r-i/a) ;  root  <^a,  prim,  bha  (to  shine),  hence 
with  the  suflBx  -n  the  root  <f>av  (to  appear,  to  show),  ist  sing. 
<^aiv<ji  for  ^(pav-i/ta.  In  the  last  two  cases  we  have  the  suffixes  n 
and  ya,  that  is.  Class  II  and  V  combined.  (3)  The  y  joins  the 
final  of  the  root,  and  this  combination  appears  in  the  form  of  ( 
or  ca ;  but  if  the  final  consonant  of  the  root  is  A,  the  y  is  assimi- 
lated to  it;  e.g.  root  o5  (to  smell),  ist  sing,  ofco  for  ^Sb-gu); 
thus  also  (l>v\d(T(T(M>  =  ^  <i>vKaK'-yiti,  Taacrta  =  ^raic-yai,  Xiaaofiai  = 
^AtT-yo/jtat,  root  Atr  (to  implore),  Kopva-aoi  ^  ^ KopvO-gca ;  but 
oTeAAa)  =  ^<rTcA-yo).     (4)  The  y  disappears  between  two  vowels, 


THE  VERB.  387 

u,  ifw'OOy  comp.  ^ol.  {fnhhif  in  which  the  spirant  y  is  vocalized 
into  u 

Iiatin.  The  y  of  the  suffix  ya  is  vocalized  into  i,  but  dropped 
where  another  i  succeeds^  e.  g.  root  cap  (to  take),  ist  sing,  cap^o, 
ist  plur.  cap~irmus  for  ^cap^yi-mus ;  in  the  same  manner  fug^io^ 
raot  fug  (to  flee),  aio^ag-yo^  root  ag  (to  say),  ero  for  ^e^o, 
^M-io;  erunt  for  ^es^unt,  es-iunl,  have  dropped  the  i  of  the  primi- 
tive -yc^  before  the  o  and  u.  The  last  two  forms  assumed  in 
Latin,  as  in  other  Aryan  languages,  the  meaning  of  the  future — 
a  phenomenon  which  we  observe  also  in  the  form  -bo,  used  as 
the  termination  of  the  future,  which  stands  for  a  more  ancient 
^bio,  bu-io  (comp.  -^ol.  <^t;-(«),  root  bu,  fu,  prim,  bhu  (to  be). 
The  suffix  -ya-  occurs  in  derivative  verbs,  as  atatuo  for  ^atatuio, 
from  a  prim,  sfaiu^d-mi,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  6r.  ixi&6<a 
for  ^fjL€&vu»,  prim.  midAvr-yd-mi  ;  moneo^  prim,  mana-^yd-mu 

Gk>thio.  Root  yra^^  (to  understand),  present  \heme  frath-ja'^ 
1st  sxng, frath-jaj  %uAfratAji-Sy  i%ti^\MT.frath-ja-m;  i^ri.frSth; 
thus  also  1st  sing,  hlahja  from  the  root  hlah  (to  laugh).  If  the 
root  ends  with  a,  ya  is  changed  into  ia,  e.  g.  root  sa  (to  sow). 
1st  sing.  «a-Mt,  3rd  sa'ii^lA,  ist  plur.  sa-ia-m ;  prim,  ist  sing. 
sor-yd-mij  3rd  sa-ya-ti,  ist  plur.  sa-yd-ma^i;  in  the  same  manner 
vaia,  root  va  (to  breathe,  to  blow,  &erm.  wehen),  laia,  root  la  (to 
Bcold).  Perf.  of  sa  is  sdisS,  of  va,  vdi-^S,  of  /b,  Idi-lS.  All  these 
are  stem-verbs  and  to  be  kept  distinct  from  the  derivative  verbs 
in  -aya-.     (See  Class  11.) 

Vm.  lb  the  root  is  added  the  suffix  -ta-. 

Sanflkrit,  and  very  likely  the  Primitive  language  too^  did  not 
make  use  of  this  suffix. 

Greek.  A  frequent  formation ;  the  suffix  ta  occurs  as  -re-, 
'^O',  chiefly  after  labials,  e.  g.  root  tvtt  (to  strike),  ist  plur.  rinf' 
rO'fjL€v ;  p6xf>  (to  sow),  pdir-To-fi^v ;  iriK  (to  comb),  7rcic-To-/iev. 

Iiatin.  This  formation  occurs  in  but  few  cases,  chiefly  where 
the  root  ends  with  a  guttural;  e.  g.  nec-ti-t  {neciOy  I  bind), 
Sanskrit  root  ruih  (nectere);  thus  2\bo  pe<yti^t,fleotut,  plec-ti-t. 

Gk>tliio.  One  single  trace  of  this  formation  is  found  in  the 
Old  High  Oerman  root  JUiht,  to  weave  (G«rm.  flechten). 


c  c  2 


388  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


THE  FORMATION  OP  THE  PRESENT  THEME  IN 
THE  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 

I.  The  theme  cannsts  of  the  simple,  pure  root. 

To  this  formation  belong,  as  in  Gk)thic^  the  present  themes  of 
the  root  as,  to  be^  which  take  the  personal  terminations  withoat 
any  thematic  or  connective  vowel ;  e.  g.  A.  S.  eo-m  =  ^«>mi, 
O.N.  e^m^^er-m,  Goth.  i-«=^w-«i  =  ^w-«ii,  prim,  ae-mi,  EngL 
fl-wf;  Goth,  is't,  prim,  as-tiy  G^rm.  ie-i ;  Goth.,  A.  S.,  Germ., 
s-ind  (they  are)  =  ^  w-iW,  prim,  (u-anti ;  O.  H.  Grerm.,  O.  S.,  #w, 
Goth.  si-Jai-^y  prim,  ag-ya-^,  optative  present  of  o^,  to  be.  In  the 
same  manner  the  root  ^j  prim,  bhuy  to  be,  forms  in  Anglo-Saxon 
the  present  ist  beo-m^  2nd  bi-st,  yA  di-'S,  O.  S.  biu-m,  bi^i, 
O.  Fris.  be-m^  bi^t^  O.  H.  Germ,  pi^m,  pi-^,  Grerm.  Ji-ii,  bi-ti, 
A.  S.  bit,  to  dwell,  inf.  buan,  2nd  b^^t,  3rd  ^-'5.  To  these  be- 
long also  the  O.  H.  Germ,  ^a-wi,  sfu-m,  tuo-m,  A.  S.  1st  gd,  and 
giB'Hy  3rd  ga^i;  ist  d^m,  2nd  dast,  &c.    (See  IV.) 

II.  To  the  simple  pure  root  is  added  the  suffix  -a-. 

This  formation  is  one  of  the  most  frequent  in  the  Teutonic 
langua^s,  occurring  in  almost  all  the  stem-verbs.  As  in  Gothic 
it  weakens  the  radical  <7  to  / ;  but  the  pure  radical  is  preserved 
cliielly  in  those  verbs  which  gradate  the  a  into  0  in  the  perfect ; 
hence  the  root  far,  to  go,  has,  for  its  present  theme, /tir-a-  (perf. 
Jvr) ;  thus  also  the  present  themes  scap-^-,  create ;  grab^-,  dig ; 
staml-a-,  stand ;  svar-a-,  swear.  The  radical  is  weakened  to  i  in 
the  present  themes,  Goth,  giba-,  sfil-a,  hilp-a  ;  and  again  the  i 
is  weakened  to  ^  in  the  A.  S.  st^-e-^  help-e-y  and  in  all  modem 
dialects,  e.  g.  Germ,  siel-^-^  helf-e-,  Dutch  stel-e-,  help-e-.  Other 
modifications  of  the  radical  in  the  ditferent  ancient  and  modem 
dialects  are  discussed  in  the  chapter  which  treats  on  the  strong 
conjugations ;  but  as  to  the  a  of  the  theme  we  have  to  mention 
that,  as  in  Gothic,  it  is  preserved  in  the  ist  sing,  and  ist  and 
3rd  plural ;  weakened  into  i  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  singular.  But 
while  Gothic  weakens  it  also  in  the  2nd  plur.  the  other  dialects 
preserve  the  a  intact.  In  the  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  and  in 
the  modern  dialects,  the  i  is  further  weakened  into  e,  and  in  the 
latter  the  thematic  a,  where  it  occurs  at  all,  is  represented  by 
the  weakened  form  e. 

The  themes  in  -aya-  which  occur  chiefly  with  the  derivative  or 
so-called  weak  verbs  may  appear  in  three  distinct  forms,  or  as 
three  distinct  conjugations  in  Old  High  German  as  in  Gothic, 


» - 


m  timtwe  tmi 
moieoiver  ibe  ibemt  is 
rbile  in  Godiic  it  k 
11^.  and  let  ad  jrd  f  the. 
i^-W,  we  hsvt  O-  H-  ~ 
ytiue  *ia^k^ 
v  fanner  ^hetats^ 
?  three  fonnf  br  tii£- 
tlier.    Tlie  eccLlcxaOdiiL 
Ib,  but  Ji    d  tike  2£ 


L  If 


i.4m        I  JI 


:.Ir  & 


O.H. 


r . 


H  J 


r.lit 


3rd 
r.  lit 


3.  Br  at 


Vit-1 


890  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

in.  The  root  ka9  ike  first  gradation,  and  takes  the  suffix  -^. 

To  this  class  belongs  in  the  Teutonic  hmgnages,  all  stem-Toh 
which  have  the  radical  »  or  « ;  e.  g.  Gothic  root  skin  (to  shine), 
present  ist  sing,  skeina^  O.  H.  Germ,  scinu^  O.  S.  siinu,  A.S. 
sc*ne  ;  root  grip  (to  seize,  §r"P®)*  Goth,  greipa,  O.  H.  Germ,  irjfi, 
O.  S.  grtpu,  A.  S.  gripe,  O.  Fris.  gripe,  O.  N.  grtp  ;  root  gut  (to 
pour  out,  fundere),  Goth,  giuta^  O.  H.  Germ.  khtXH,  O.  S.  gwtif 
A.  S.  geSte  ;  root  ^v^  (to  choose),  Goth,  hiusa,  O.  H.  Germ,  ckvui^ 
O.  S.  kiusu,  A.  S.  c^«^^  O.  Fris.  kiuse, 

IV.  7%^  roo/  f>  reduplicated  and,  if  ending  in  a  vowel,  assumes 
tie  first  gradation. 

We  have  abeadj  remarked  that  this  formation  is  ahnort 
totally  wanting  in  Gothic,  and  we  may  now  add  that  none  of 
the  ancient  Teutonic  dialects  has  anything  more  than  mere  rodi- 
ments  or  fragments  of  themes  of  this  class.  To  these  belong 
the  O.  H.  G^rm.  gd-m,  std^fUy  and  tuo~m,  of  the  roots  ga  (to  gc^ 
sta  (to  stand),  t^i  (to  do),  which  yield  the  forms  ist  sing,  gd-m^ 
sfif-m,  iuo-m,  from  the  prim,  ga-gd-mi,  sta^td-mi,  dAa-dkd-mi, 
2nd  sing,  gd^,  sid-Sy  tuo^,  ist  plur.  gd-mes,  sid-mes,  tuo-^es, 
for  the  prim,  ga-ga^masi,  sta-^ta^m/isi,  dha^dAa-masi,  the  long 
vowel  having  crept  irregularly  into  the  plural  too.  Here  we 
must  also  mention  the  A.  S.  gd,  ga-st,  ga-^j  plur.  ^a-"5  ;  dS-m, 
fA-.*/,  ^/<'-5,  plur.  do'i.  But,  as  we  said  before,  these  verbs  as 
thev  now  are  before  us  belong  more  properly  to  Class  I. 

V.  To  the  root  is  added  the  suffix  -na-. 

It  occurs  in  Old  High  German  and  the  other  dialects,  except 
Gothic,  only  in  one  particular  form,  e.  g.  O.  H.  Germ,  gtfregin' 
ih  ^^t'ando  accipio),  O.  ^,fregnan  (fando  accipere). 

VI.  The  demonstrative  -yia-  or  its  shortened  fonn  -»-  i>  infixed 
in  the  root  itself  before  the  final  consonant. 

To  this  class  Wlongs,  throug^h  extension  of  the  root,  the  verb 
to  fifand  as  it  ix>eurs  in  the  different  dialects,  derived  from  the 
primary  root  sta,  a  secondary  root  stath,  stad,  which,  with  the 
infix,  iVvomcs  sta-n-d ;  Goth,  standa,  perf.  */<>b  ;  O.  H.  Germ. 
sf^j.'ifti,  stuont ;  O.  S.  standu,  stdd ;  A.  S.  standee  st<}d ;  Engl./ 
sf.nd,  I  stood.  In  the  same  manner  we  derive  from  the  simple 
!\H>t  yj,  by  means  of  reduplication,  the  compound  root  gag, 
which,  with  the  infix  -w-,  forms  the  present  theme  ga-n^-a  in 
the  diilbrent  dialects ;  from  the  root  6rag  (to  bring)  the  present 
thonio  dri'H^-iM-  (with  the  weakening  of  the  radical  into  i),  in- 


THE  VERB.  391 

finitiye  O.  H.  Germ.,  A.  S.  bringan,  O.  S.  brengjan,  O.  Frig. 
Irenga.  Thus  we  have,  by  the  side  of  the  Go^,  fahan  (to  catch), 
and  hakan  (to  hang),  in  O.  H.  Germ,  and  A.  S.  fa-n-g-an^ 
l«-ii-^-affy  £rom  the  root  \akf  dak,  the  Goth.  '}fagkjan^lpa^n^ 
t-^an,  O.  H.  Germ,  de-n-i-an,  O.  S.  tie^n-i-jan,  A.  S.  |7^-«-{?-««, 
O.  N.  pe-n-i-ja,  O.  Fris.  tha^n^k^a  or  the-n^zja,  Germ.  de-n-Jk-en, 
IBiDgL  lAi-n-i;  from  the  root  tAui,  dui.  Goth.  pugkjan=^]fu-n-k'' 
jan^  O.  H,  G«rm.  du-n^k^n,  O.  S.  thu^n^k-jany  A.  S.  j^^-w-c-flfw, 
O.  Fris.  tAi-n-azja,  Germ.  dU-n^k-en  ;  but  O.  N.  \yhhja  (in  nh  the 
«  assimilated  to  the  Jg). 

VII.  2b  ^A^  root  M  a^2fifee^  ^Atf  mffix  ja^  prim.  ya. 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  class  are  stem-verbs,  and  must  not  be 
oonfounded  with  the  derivative  verbs  in  ja,  prim.  aya.  They 
can  easily  be  kept  distinct,  because  the  former  take  the  suffix  ja 
only  in  the  present  and  form  the  perfect  like  other  stem-verbs, 
the  latter  preserve  the  derivative  suffix  throughout  the  conjuga- 
tion. In  the  present  tense,  of  course,  both  classes  are  inflected 
alike,  so  that  at  first  sight  it  would  appear  as  if  the  strong  verbs 
vcLJa  had  adopted  something  of  the  weak  verbs  in /a,  wherefore 
Grimm  considers  them  of  a  mixed  character.  In  Gothic  we 
have  already  mentioned  frd^jan  (to  understand,  to  know),  hlah" 
jan  (to  laugh) ;  we  may  add  hqfjan,  to  lift  (Germ,  heben) ;  ra|?- 
jan,  to  reckon ;  fkapjan,  to  create ;  ska\jan^  to  damage,  to  scathe 
(Germ,  schaden),  which  make  the  perf.  in  (^,  as  fr6)fy  hldh,  hdf, 
&c. ; — bidjan  (to  ask,  to  bid),  has  the  perf.  bd}f,  be^um,  perf.  part. 
bidans.  In  Old  High  German  we  have  to  mention  bittan,  to 
ask  (Germ,  bitten) ;  aizzan,  to  sit  (Germ,  sitzen) ;  liggan  to  lie 
(Germ,  ligen) ;  heffan,  to  lift  (Germ,  heben) ;  seffan,  to  under- 
stand ;  swerratiy  to  swear.  The  doubling  of  the  final  consonant 
of  the  root  is  the  result  of  the  assimilated  y,  as  bUian  for  bitjan, 
&c.,  they  being  still  preserved  in  some  forms  such  as  biijuypitju, 
swerju  ;  hefjan,  swerjan  ;  imperative  piti,  sizi,  &c.  In  the  verbs 
piUan,  liggan,  sizzan,  it  is  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  J  that 
the  radical  i  was  not  weakened  into  e,  and  to  the'  same  influence 
must  be  ascribed  the  Umlaut  of  a  into  e  in  the  verbs  awerran, 
seffan,  heffan.  Old  Saxon  has  biddjan,  liggjan,  dttjan,  hebbjan^ 
suerjan,  af-sebbjan,  animadvertere.  The  gemination  which  occurs 
in  most  of  them  is  not,  as  in  Old  High  German,  organic,  that 
is,  caused  by  the  assimilation  of  the  j  to  the  final  consonant ;  it 
is  dropped  in  the  and  and  3rd  sing,  present  and  in  the  impera- 
tive ;  e.  g.  biddjan,  2nd  sing,  bidisy  3rd  bidid,  imperative  bidi,  &c. 
In  the  perfect  they  make,  had,  badun,  lag,  Idgun,  &c.  Anglo- 
Saxon  has,  like  Old  High  German,  commonly  assimilated  the  j 


301  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

to  tiie  final  coa^ooant  of  the  root ;  bence  hiddam,  ntt^n,  lie§n, 
il'T-ta.  nrpr»*hend'*re :  ^^7^1*,  to  toach;  k^bban,  nterjan.  Buy 
are  in  the  present  iadectisi  like  the  weak  verbs  in  ja ;  exeefl 
«rff7'r«.  wiiioh  hjs  not  a&suniUted  the  thematieya^  makes  in  tk 
lit  f^rs.  rr*-rJ^  -.^z*? ,  2nd  nc^r-^i^t^  3rd  «r^r-^-iS,  ist  plnr. 
W'^'-''*-5  ;  imperatiTe  trtr^i,  O.  Fris.  ii^Ma^  bidja  ;  lidza,lidg^ 
to  lie  A.  >.  li-;^Mi  ;  « ^'a,  to  sit ;  «r«r^'a,  to  swear.  In  the  vd 
sire,  oc  *  Jj  *  tae  gemination  is  dropp<^ ;  hence  /W/i,  /iVA;  0.«. 
*^'f  ]l'-^T  to  not-  slotire  Germ,  schwelgen)  ;  erja,  to  ploogti, 
arare;  S/?;j.  ^i'j:r*i,  r^^j-iy  ^iiPjJ'^y  to  get;  Uikju  and  i/fib,  to 
glitter:  f^iijiy  to  disteive;  n'i^'tf,  to  yield  (Germ,  weichen); 
#/^i;j.  to  s-ng;  *'>'*j;'j,  to  sling,  projicere;  t^ggja,  to  chew; 
5^jr'.S  to  bark:  '/<X'J-  ^  <ii«;  ^^'*'>  ^«^'«j  to  squeeze;  ii^fa, 
to  Ua^h  ;  fcrTj,  to  suppress ;  Mt^rja,  to  swear  ;  ^kekja  and  #ibia, 
to  shjkke.  The  present  throoghout  is  conjugated  in  the  &shioQ 
of  the  weak  Terbs. 

W51.  To  tk€  root  U  adfUd  tie  $wffix  ^-. 

As  we  had  occasion  to  observe  before,  there  is  no  sign  of  this 
formation  in  Gothic ;  the  only  trace  we  find  in  the  Old  High 
German  root  faht  z=,jiak't^  to  weave  (Germ,  flechten) ;  present 
1st  sing,  flkfu^  and  /i4/i-#,  \<\.  plur.  fiekir-a-mes,  perf.  fiahi. 
Comf^ared  with  pUc-to,  Gr.  ^XcV-w,  the  compound  character  of 
fah'f  Ix-oom  5  soon  apparent,  the  suflSx  iz=zta  having  crept  into 
the  root  its /If.  Tlie  t  not  affected  by  Grimm's  law  on  account 
of  the  preceding  h.) 


FORMATION  OF  THE  PERFECT  THEME. 

As  lonj>  as  the  primitive  Aryan  language  preserved  its  most 
simj)le  character,  roots  kept  the  place  of  words ;  roots  conse- 
quently were  used  as  verbs  or  verbal  themes,  whether  present  or 
perfect.  On  this  stage  the  language  possessed  no  other  means 
to  express  the  various  relations  of  an  action,  but  that  of  repeti- 
tion, that  is,  the  repetition  of  the  root,  called  Reduplication. 
Thus  then  all  temporal  relations  also  were  originally  expressed 
by  means  of  the  reduj>lieation  of  the  root.  In  order  to  form  the 
perfect  of  the  root  v'nly  to  see,  the  root  was  reduplicated  into  ind 
vhl ;  to  the  perfect  theme  thus  formed  were  added  the  personal 
pronouns,  and  thus  was  obtained  the  ist  sing,  rw/  vid  ma,  vidi; 
3r(l  sing,  vid  vid  fa,  vidit.  On  the  secondary  stage  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  language  the  three  roots  were  agglutinated  into  one 


THB  VERB.  393 

\f  hence  ist  vidvidma,  3Td  vidvidta,  and  tien  only  the  first 
*  ynd*  might  rightly  be  called  the  reduplication,  and  'ma'  and 
^  ta^  terminations.    The  language  having  thus  passed  through  the 
dflty  or  radical,  and  second,  or  agglutinative,  to  the  third,  or 
inflexional,  stage,  fnrther  changes  and  modifications  took  place 
irhich  tended  more  emphatically  to  distinguish  the  primary  rootj 
ma  the  bearer  of  the  meaning  or  sense  of  the  word,  from  the 
secondary  roots,  expressing  merely  the  relations  of  the  former. 
This  distinction  the  language  brought  about  by  means  inherent 
in  itself,  that  is,  by  strengthening  the  primary  root,  and  by  cur- 
tailing and  weakening  the  secondary  roots.     The  former  was 
strengthened  by  the  gradation  ^  of  the  radical  vowel,  i,  o,  or  u^ 
which  gave  rise  to  the  following  scale : — 

PrimitiTe 
nuiicaL  I.  Gradation.      II.  Gradation. 

CI  •  •  •  .  oa  .  •  .  •  oQ 
t  •••.ixf....dt 
M    ....    an    ....    all 

This  gradation  always  took  place  in  the  perfect  theme,  except 
where  the  root  ended  in  two  consonants  succeeding  a,  and  it  is 
a  peculiar  phenomenon  that  as  a  rule  the  second  gradation  was 
applied.  Thus  then  the  root  vid,  to  see,  appears  m  the  perfect 
as  vdid;  iru,  to  hear,  as  irdu;  ruk,  to  shine,  as  rduk;  da^  to  g^ve, 
SB  da;  sta,  to  stand,  as  sCd;  ad,  to  eat,  as  dd.  The  secondary 
roots,  on  the  other  hand,  were  curtailed  in  various  ways.  The 
reduplicational  root  commonly  lost  the  final  consonant  (except 
when  the  primary  root  consisted  of  but  one  consonant  and  one 
vowel),  so  that  the  reduplicated  perfect  of  the  root  vid  was  vivdid^ 
of  ruk^  Twrduky  but  of  da,  dadd,  of  sta^  staatdy  of  ad,  addd.  The 
perfect  theme  being  thus  completed,  all  now  required  was  the 
personal  termination.  The  terminations,  as  we  have  seen  before, 
were  supplied  in  the  demonstrative  roots  added  to  the  theme  as 
sufi^es.  These  suffixes  also,  when  the  language  had  entered  on 
the  inflexional  stage,  were  gradually  more  and  more  curtailed 
and  weakened  down,  until,  in  the  course  of  time,  their  original 
character  was  hardly  perceptible.  In  the  primitive  language 
however  these  modifications  were  not  yet  so  great  as  to  oblite- 
rate the  radical  character  of  the  personal  suffixes ;  nay,  in  one 
instance  the  suffixed  pronoun  gained  the  better  over  the  primary 
root.  This  remarkable  phenomenon  occurs  in  the  perfect  plural, 
where  the  long  bisyllabie  termination  resisted  all  change  and 

*  Conoeming  the  gradation  of  vowels,  see  p.  2  a  sqq. 


394 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


even  prevented  the  gradation  of  the  primary  root.  It  muflt 
have  existed  in  the  primitive  language^  before  Goths^  Greeks, 
and  Indians  had  separated^  for  we  observe  it  equally  iu  the  dif- 
ferent languages  of  the  Aiyan  tribe.  The  following  facts  will 
sufficiently  illustrate  the  phenomenon  to  which  we  refer.  Hie 
primitive  and  Sanskrit  root  vid,  to  see^  appears  in  Greek  as  fed, 
and  if  the  root  itself  occurred  in  Grothic  it  would  be  vU,  We 
meet  it  in  the  form  of  the  perfect^  but  with  the  meaning  of  the 
present,  *  I  know^'  a  meaning  which  it  has  acquired  in  Sanskrit^ 
Greek,  and  Grothic  alike.  The  perfect  theme  of  this  root,  aocoid- 
ing  to  the  rules  mentioned  before,  must  be  in  the  primitive  vivdid-^ 
which  in  Sanskrit  we  find  as  ved-,  in  Greek  oI8-=fo45-,  in  Gothie 
vdit-.  Its  course  through  the  different  persons  will  appear  from 
the  following  paradigm. 


Primitive. 

Sanskrit. 

Oreek. 

Gothic 

Sing,  ist    vivaid-{rn)a 
and  vivaid'ta 
3rd   v\vaid-(t)a 

Plur.  ist    virid-maH 
2nd  vivid-tcLsi 
3rd  vivid-anti 

vid-a 

ved-tha 

ved-a 

vid-VM, 
vid-a 

o7S-a  for  foiBa 

la'fity  for  fiJ^iuy 
le-curi 

vdit 

rdi»^  for  vaU-t 

vdit 

rtt-u-m 
vit-u-tk 
vU-vnn 

Though  it  lies  beyond  the  limits  of  this  book  to  enter  upon  a 
detailed  exposition  of  the  reduplicated  perfect  in  the  cognate 
lan<j^uages,  a  short  sketch  will  nevertheless  be  necessary  in  order 
to  make  us  more  fully  to  appreciate  this  part  of  grammar,  which 
is  of  such  high  importance  in  the  Teutonic  languages  also.  The 
laws  of  reduplication,  which  in  the  primitive  language  were 
no  doubt  very  simple,  became  in  the  different  cognate  dialects 
more  numerous  and  complicated ;  but  our  sketch  shall  comprise 
merely  those  most  important  for  our  purpose. 


Sanskrit. 

Tlie  first  syllable  of  a  root  (i.  e.  that  portion  of  it  which  ends 
with  a  vowel)  is  repeated,  e.  g.  hnilh  (to  perceive),  bu-budh  ;  but 
d/tu  (to  be),  ba-^/iu.  Aspirated  letters  are  represented  in  redupli- 
cation by  their  corresponding  unaspirated  letters ;  e.  g.  dAid  (to 
cut),  bi-bhid ;  dim  (to  shake),  du-dku.  Gutturals  are  represented 
in  reduplication  by  their  corresponding  palatals,  h  hy  J ;  e.g. 
iuf^  (to  sever),  chu-kui ;  gam  (to  go),ja'gam;  has  (to  laugh), ^^ 
has.  If  a  root  begins  with  more  than  one  consonant,  the  first 
only  is  reduplicated,  e.  g.  krus  (to  shout),  chu-krus ;   kship  (to 


THE  VERB.  395 

lihrow)^  eki-ksAip,  If  a  root  begins  with  a  sibilant^  followed  by 
a  tenais  or  aspirated  tenuis^  the  tenuis  only  is  reduplicated ;  e.  ^. 
ito  (to  praise)^  turshtu ;  atan  (to  sound),  ta-^tan  ;  sthd  (to  stand), 

The  reduplicated  perfect  theme  has  commonly  the  first  grada- 
tion of  the  radical  vowel,  e.g.  tud  (to  strike),  tu-tod-;  ^r  (to 
make)^  cka-kdr  ;  bhia{^  cleave),  U-bhed-.  Final  vowels  may  have  ■ 
first  or  second  gradation,  e.g.  dha  (to  place),  da-^hd-;  stu  (to 
praise)^  tu^htdu-;  hri  (to  be  ashamed),  y/-^r^/-.  In  the  plural 
and  dual  active,  and  in  the  medium,  the  gradation  does  not  take 
place.  Boots  in  a  sometimes  drop  the  radical,  as  tan  (to  stretch), 
ta-inirS'.  Boots  in  a  in  the  ist  and  3rd  pers.  sing,  have  du^ 
▼ed.  commonly  d,  e.  g.  da^  da^da,  ved.  da-dd. 

Ghreek. 

The  reduplicational  syllable  does  not  repeat  the  radical,  but 
supplants  it  by  e,  probably  in  analogy  to  the  great  number  of 
roots  with  the  radical  77= prim,  d.  Of  two  consonants  only  one 
is  admitted  in  the  reduplication,  e.  g.  irAay  (to  beat),  Trc-TrAr^y-a ; 
ifiov  (to  show),  'nd'<l>r)v^a.  This  also  happens  in  a  few  archaisms, 
as  /Ai^  =  man  (to  think,  remember),  ^d-^ivrj-fxai,.  But  as  a  rule 
the  reduplicational  syllable  repudiates  a  combination  of  two 
initial  consonants,  as  kt€v  (to  kill),  l-icror*a. 

The  Attic  reduplication  is  either  the  doubling  or  repetition  of 
the  whole  root,  as  6b  (to  smell),  o5-a)^a ;  Sir  (to  see),  ott-wtt-o  ; 
or,  in  analogy  to  the  preceding  case,  the  doubling  of  the  first 
psu-t  of  the  root,  as  dActc^  (pres.  dAet</>a>,  I  anoint ;  a  primitive 
root  with  a  prefixed),  dA-^Ai0-a. 

The  radical  vowel  has  either  the  first  or  the  second  gradation. 
First  gradation  :  Aa^  (to  be  hid),  A^-Aiy^-a,  A^-Add-a ;  Fay  (to  break), 
Fi^Fdy;  Fepy  (to  do,  to  make),  Fi-Fopy^a ;  <l>vy  (to  flee),  W€-<^ci;y-a. 
Second  gradation:  Fpay  (to  break),  l/)^ya=^€-f/Moy-a;  Aitt  (to 
leave),  A^Aoitt-o  ;  ^\v0  (to  come),  elK-riXovd^a.  The  gradation  does 
not  take  place  in  the  plural,  just  as  in  Sanskrit ;  compare  ocda, 
plur.  r<7-fi€v=^fi8-/bi€i;  with  Sansk.  veda^  plur.  md-Tna ;  itiO  (to 
trust),  w^-TToi^-a,  1st  plur.  pluperf.  ^-W-7ri^-fX€i; ;  tAo  (to  sufier), 
W-rAiy-ica,  plur.  rtrrXa-yL^v ;  ^a  (to  go),  ^i'^rfKa,  plur.  pi-fia-fxev ; 
bi  (to  fear),  d^-doi-xa,  plur.  hi-hi-yL^v,  This  law  however  is  percep- 
tible only  in  a  few  old  formations ;  as  a  rule  most  verbs  follow  a 
new  formation  which  has  grown  up  in  analogy  to  the  compound 
aorist,  and  thus  assumed  for  the  perfect  theme  a  final  a  which 

Max  MUller,  Sanskrit  QrammWt  p-  145. 


TEVTOSIC  GRAilJlAS. 


tb^  ^xJr 


'  was  fiyreign  to  it.     Thus  then  we  g^ 

Bing.  ist  A^(Mrii-(>i]   for  'A«Au.- 
t  for  'AtAwi-ra;  1st  plor.  AfAotVa-i^cv  for  'A«Ai 
1  gitMral  manjr  new  fonnatioiis  in  the  Gi 
Ptf  wbicli  we  meDtioD  od«  more,  that  whi<^   oODf'' 
,  known  in  gruninar  am  PerfectOD  F 
I  bite),  V  Mxr^ ;  4«^a«  (to  inxud,  watc^,  vi 
I  hart.  iiqiiR),  ffi-^Xa^  ■.    "Hias  boirerer  onlj 
d  Uiiais,  not  the  deotals  are  aepinttiO. 
Aaotber  pbeooraoKin  mnst  be  mmtioned,  wbtdi^ 
■M^^isatad  to  a  veiy  imkote  peiiod,  becau^  we  shall 
e  IB  I^tin  and  even  in  some  of  th«  Teutooie  lai ' 
B  the  perfect  in  •*-,     Voodie  tbetoes  have  Dot 
set  aiad.  aa  iacivate  of  the  root  bj  *a  ailditioMil 

.-fl),  • 


TW  Sml  of  the  pedect  stua  is  prewrred  in  bat  few  ol 
fcr—, »  fitmm=.''_frc-m-=^ft-fae~in,  and  ^so  fnxim-'fac-mm^ 
/w  ■1.     In  all  other  fotina  it  ta^es  as  i  as  tb«  Goal  to 
the  pariMt  tboae,  which  *  ••  ofaBoire  in  its  origin,  as/«a 
^_fta-mm=^'fi^ti~ntm  =  'fift,<i-^em.     In  the  ist  nog. j 
oAn  vwd  titxl  wioA  wtrr  Hkdf-  is  the  icmaiader  ot 
mnml  -^im ;  in  the  jid  sii^.  A,  ^=«/,  as  d«A4,/i4./ 
Mt,  n£fH.     Both  the  1st  and  yd  aag.  m  well  as  the  ut^ 
M  hand  Wfam  the  theme  ia  ■';   e.  g.  let  sii^.  /a-Zarf^jn 
Imim^Vt  phr.  /»-4a^.i-M*.  perfect  theme  tm-tmd-i-,  not^ 
I*  alrifce;    nt  in  the  2ad  nt^.  and  plor.  we  faan  a  | 
Acae  in  -*^  tfi'^'9-  the  GnA  paC  in  -«-,  as  tAv,  ->/  ' 
a^thepaHm^iaOUH^hGermn  and  Old  N< 
«ad  tan^.   Im-i^i»tt\  pin-.  tm-tmJ  it-Hs.     In    the  t 

_**•  y^  pws-  pim-.  the  long-  *  is  of  later  origin;  1 
'  "       -Awai,  as  yee~fr^mm£=  'Jrf  i»  eaJi,  ^j 

I  KM  ponct  tnfiiiilmjQ 
,    .  kijeat.     Knal«£nf 

■  or  H«rthe  poC  theme;   m  not  die.  poC  t 
Ue^;  mot  <«a,  per£  theme  4fc-«4-,  j<«-«-m-. 

K  wimnnh- fast  the  gndatks  « 
ilifthewinfeetKd  fcnn  of  j' 


tH^aM  «««n  rtplamd  it  h« 


THE  VERB.  897 

^t  gradation  we  possess  in  scdbi  for  ^ice^cdb^i;  figi  for 

B^f  fih  from  a  more  ancient  ^fivi^^^fu^fmivi;  thus  also 

f4i,  &c. ;  tu^t4d'i  (in  Priscianus),  for  tttr-toud^i,  root  tudy  to 

e.    At  an  early  epoch  of  the  language^  therefore^  there  may 

'    been  in  Latin^  as  in  Sanskrit^  Greeks  and  Gothic^  the 

i]ar  alternation  of  long  and  short  vowels  in  the  singular  and 

^  as  3rd  sing,  tu-tond-^i-ty  ist  plur.  tu^tud-'i'-mus.     Later 

tdie  short  vowel  penetrated^  just  as  it  did  in  the  Teutonic 

Ifoages,  from  the  plural  into  the  singular. 

Sifter  what  we  have  stated  we  may  arrange  all  the  different 

Q&omena  we  observe  in  the  formation  of  the  perfect  in  Latin 

tder  three  heads :  namely^  we  find  either  ( 1 )  the  reduplication 

leserved,  or  (a)  the  reduplication  simply  dropped,  or  (3)  the 

oitial  of  the  root  lost  and  then  the  vowel  of  the  reduplication 

Mtracted  with  that  of  the  root.     (The  vowel  thus  formed  is  of 

Ooorse  always  long.) 

1.  Beduplication  preserved. 

The  laws  of  reduplication  are  very  simple  in  Latin,  because 
very  primitive  in  their  origin,  and  may  be  brought  under  two 
distinct  heads,  (i)  The  initial  consonants  are  unaltered  in  the 
reduplicational  syllable,  even  the  combinations  at^  sp^  and  sc ; 
bnt  in  these  the  root  itself  when  reduplicated  loses  the  spirant 
#,  e.  g.  ^ond  (to  vow),  8po-pond~i ;  acid  (to  cleave),  aci-cid-i ;  ata 
(to  stand),  ate-t^i,  for  apo^pond-i,  aci^acid-i,  aie^t-i.  (Comp.  Gr. 
t-^mf^i^ai-alar'mi,  and  Sansk.  ti^hthd-^nL)  (2)  The  reduplica- 
tional syllable  preserves  the  radical  vowel ;  but  roots  in  a  have 
always  the  reduplication  with  e,  e.  g.  can  (to  sing),  ce-cin^i ;  tag 
(to  tonch),  te^tig^i ;  pag  (to  fasten)  pe-pig-i  ;  man  (to  think),  me^ 
tnin-i;  pare  (to  sjpsxe),  pe-perc-i.  The  radical  0  always  remains 
in  the  reduplication,  e.  g.  Sansk.  root  mard,  to  rule,  Latin  pre- 
sent mord^eo  (I  bite),  mo-mord-i;  poaCy  to  demand  {=poraCy  Sansk. 
prachh:=. pfaalc)y  po-poac-i.  In  the  more  ancient  style  (Nonius, 
G^Uius)  also  me^mord-iy  pe^poac-i.  Radical  i  remains  in  the  re- 
dnplicatioD,  e.g.  acid  (to  cleave),  aci^idi;  bi^o  (I  drink,  root 
pi^pa),  bi-bi:  radical  u  remains,  e.g.  lud  (to  strike),  tu-tud-i ; 
jpug  (to  sting),  pu-pug-  i ;  curro  (I  run,  root  probably  iar),  cu- 
curr-i;  archaic  (Gellius)  jo^-joi^-i,  cenmrr-i. 

2.  Beduplication  dropped. 

Examples: — tuli ^ te^tuli ;  acidic aci-^cid-i  (not  for  the  later 
aci'-cidi^y  fidi^fi-jidi.  The  loss  of  the  reduplicational  syllable 
chiefly  occurs  in  composition,  e.  g,  con~cidiy  ex-puli,  but  ce- 
cidij  pe-puli.     Further  examples  are  ftlgi  =,jfh^f4gi,  rdpiy  fidi^ 


398  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

vtdi^vi'-veid'if  prim,  vi-vdidni,  viciy  icdbi.  Bat  these 
oft^n  doubtfal^  and  might  belong  to  those  to  be  mentioned 
No.  3.  We  must  also  consider  the  reduplication  to  biie  \ 
lost  in  all  those  verbs  which  have  the  theme  of  the  perfect  y 
tical  with  that  of  the  present,  as  d^fendo,  defendi ;  MaMio,ieaij 
vertOf  verfi=V€'Veri^i,  &c. ;  also  the  themes  in  «,  e.  g./wsjM 
^z^Ju/ou-ri,  and  in  the  same  manner  j9/«t,  rui,  9ol%i;  indtl 
derivative  themes  in  u,  as  tribu-i,  a/alu-i,  present  triUjft' 
8iaiu(j)o  ;  perhaps  also  Juvi  (present  juvo),  cam  (present  dm^ 
ydvi,  Idvifpari^  mSui  (moveo),  vSvi. 

3.  The  initial  of  the  root  lost,  and  the  vowel  of  the  rednjBar 
tion  contracted  with  that  of  the  root. 


fretfi^^fre-frigi  (or  rather yrfl;/<yyi  ?   comp.  spo-pondi 
the  same  msLnner  Jeci,  cepi,  egi^  Itgi^  vAti^^^vevini  {comf.te^ 
of  f<ffie(f).     This  formation  seems  to  be  limited  in  Latin  to  rooka 
with  the  radical  a,  a8jac,jaCj  cap,  ag,  &c. ;  but  it  deserves  the 
greater  attention  the  more  frequently  it  occurs  in  the  Teutomc 
languages,  where  for  instance  the  Grerman  perfect  AieU  (of  kaUei^i 
to  hold)  must  be  referred  to  the  O.  H.  Grcrm.  Atall:=z^ Aei^iaUjhj 
the  side  of  the  Grothic  reduplicated  form  hdi^hald ;  Germ,  f/i^ 
(of  afo^en,  to  push,  to  butt),  to  O.  H.  Germ  8ffo^=^sfei-st^^jhy 
the  side  of  the  Gothic  reduphcated  form  sfui-sfdul,  and  numerous 
other  examples  which  we  shall  mention  hereafter  both  in  the 
ani'ioiit  and  modern  Teutonic  dialects.     The  loss  of  the  redupli- 
cation in  these  verbs  may  j)erhaps  be  ascribed  to  a  tendency  of 
lanuruairi^*«  in  ^jfcneral  to  suppress  one  of  two  succeeding  elements 
whioh  arc  eitlior  similar  or  identical  in  form.     The  Latin  lan- 
giuii^*  unilor  sui-h  circumstances  is  fond  of  suppressing  at  least 
one  i\MiSi>iumt  of  the  root  where  it  begins  with  two,  as  sle-ti, 
jt/ii>-/.\'//./:\  yht-ftigi,  i,Q,jWgi^ 

Gothio. 

Only  the  stem-verbs  and  a  few  derivative  verbs  which  are 
analogous  to  them  ^as  saltan  from  salt)  form  a  simple  perfect ; 
the  perfect  of  the  derivative  verbs  is  always  compound.  In  the 
Gothic  perfect  their  remained,  as  a  rule,  either  the  reduplication 
or  the  gradation  of  the  radical.  The  former  we  find  chiefly  with 
verbal  themes  which  do  not  allow  of  gradation,  namely  such 
as  have  the  radical  a  followed  by  two  consonants,  or  taie  the 
highest  gradation  in  the  present  theme  already ;  we  rarely  find 
reduplication  along  with  gradation  of  the  radicid  a  into  6,  e  into  6, 


^^^*e  reduplicational  eylkble  the  vowel  at  has  rapplanted  the 
2*'^1  of  the  root,  which  no  doabt  origituJlf  occurred  in  the 
S^Tplicatiou  too. 

"^fce  more  primitive  ino(io  of  rednplicating  k  preserved  in  the 

■      13.  Germ,  tei-ia  =  la-lti,  root  ta  (to  do),  which  in  Gothic  woald 

»   *ii-da  =  da-'hi,  and  which  answers  to  tiie  Sansk.  dadhdu,  prim. 

^*«4W.     Of  two  consonants  the  initial  only  remains  in  the  re- 

^l^licatioD,  except  the  combinations  hv,  »k,  and  st,  which  remain 

J**iie,  e.  g.  depa  (I  slei-p),  »di-zlep ;  gref^a  (to  weep),  g&i-grSt ; 

r^t  MAupa,   I   run   (Germ.  laufe),  hldi-hldup ;    ttauta,  percutio 

^^erro.  stog^),  ufai-n/aii/ ,-   ikdida,  I  separate  (Germ,  scheide), 

\^^i-»kdld.     According  to  the  laws  of  reduplication  and  grada- 

•^D  we  have  to  distinguish  three  fonne  of  the  Gothic  perfect, 

^hich  are  produced  l>y  reduplication  and  gradation  combined, 

liy  reduplication  without  gmdation,  and  by  gradation  without 

tednplicatlon. 

J.  RednplicatioD  and  gradation  combined. 

In  all  verbs  coming  nnder  this  head  the  radical  is  either  a  or 

t,  gtadated  in  the  perfect  into  6.    (i)>The  radical  a  (the  pre- 

■ent  tense  formed  with  the  snffix  -yo-) :  ist  sing,  present  vaia, 

^prim.  va-ya-mi,  root  va,  fiara   (Germ,  wehen),   perf.  vai-v6. 

1\am  also  the  roots  la,  to  scold,  sa,  to  sow.     (2)  The  radical  /; 

infinitive  present  letan,  to  let,  perf,  lai-lSt.    The  long  e  in  the 

present  tense  is  espl^ned  by  some  to  be  the  effect  of  a  nasal 

consonant  having  been  dropped  after  the  radical  a,  which  nasal 

is  still  preserved  in  the  cognate  languages,  e.  g.  Goth,  tele-a,  Lat. 

tango;  Go^.flek-a,  l^t.plang-o,  Qo^.gr^t-a,  Saaek. ikrand-dmi. 

%.  Bedaplication  without  gradation. 

According  to  the  rule  laid  down  before,  all  the  verbs  falling 
imder  this  head  should  be  (1)  such  as  have  the  radical  a  followed 
by  two  consonants,  or  (2)  such  as  have  the  highest  gradation  in 
the  present  theme  already.  To  the  former  belong  ialda  (I  hold), 
kdi-hald;  valda,  I  govern  (Germ,  walte),  vdi-vald:  hat  fahan, 
to  catch  (Germ.  &ugen),  and  hahan,  to  hang  (Germ,  hangen), 
tiiough  they  end  with  but  one  consonant,  make  by  analogy _/a»- 
Jiah  and  kdi-kah  in  the  perfect.  To  the  class  under  (3)  belong 
hv^pan  (to  boast)  kvdi-hvop ;  tkdidan,  to  separate  (Germ,  schei- 
den),  ikdi-Bkdid;  tlautan,  percutere  (Germ,  stolen),  ttdi-tldut; 
because  we  have  in  these  verbs  the  highest  gradation  in  the  pre- 
sent tense,  namely  6  being  the  highest  or  second  gradation  of  a, 
di  of  >,  and  du  of  u.  But  ilepan,  to  sleep,  following  the  analogy 
of  these  verbs,  also  makes  idi-zUp,  though  its  ^  is  only  the  firat 
gradation  of  a. 


400  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

3..  Gradation  without  reduplication. 

(A)  In  the  verbs  belonging  to  the  sub-class  (A)  the  singular  of 
the  perfect  has  the  second  (or  highest)  gradation,  while  the  ploial, 
the  dual^  and  the  optative  present  the  simple  radical  i  or  «.  Thus 
of  the  root  vit,  prim,  'oid  (to  know),  we  have  the  per£  sing,  ist 
vdit,  2nd  vdis-t^^vdiUt,  3rd  vdU,  plur.  ist  mt-Hr-m^  &c.  Comp. 
prim.  1st  sing,  vivdida,  ist  plur.  vUnd^masi  as  well  as  the  cor- 
responding forms  in  Sanskrit  and  Greek,  p.  394. 

In  the  same  manner  we  have  of  the  root  grip  (infinitive  gretp" 
an,  to  gripe ;  Germ,  greifen),  the  perf.  grdip^  grip-um  ;  root  *ti^, 
infinitive  stetgan,  ascendere  (Germ,  steigen),  stdigy  stig^um;  root 
tiih,  theiha,  cresco  (G^rm.  ge-deihe),  iMiA,  thaik-um — a4  for  i 
on  account  of  the  succeeding  k ;  root  gut  (infinitive  giutan^  to 
pour ;  G^rm.  gief  en),  gdut,  guir-um  ;  root  iuh  (infinitive  tiuJian,  to 
draw,  to  pull ;  Germ,  ziehen),  tduA,  tauh-um — au  for  u  on  account 
of  the  succeeding  h, 

(B)  The  radical  is  a  in  the  perfect  gradated  to  S,  which  grada- 
tion remains  in  the  plural,  dual,  and  optative  also;  e.  g./ar-an, 
to  go,  present  prim,  Ja-^/arUy  perf.y<?r,  plur. /Sr-«w,  prim.  J^-^ra, 

fa-fdr^maai;  ilah^Ln^  to  slay,  pert.  %l6hy  Bloh-^m;  malr<Ln^  molere 
(Germ  malen),  mol,  mSl-um ;  haf-ja-fiy  to  lift  (Germ,  heben), 
hofy  hSf'Um  ;  root  %tathy  stud,  infinitive  sta-n^dHin,  to  stand,  perf. 
stoth.  These  verbs  seem  to  have  preserved  the  radical  a  intact 
in  the  present,  under  the  shelter  of  an  ancient  reduplication,  as 

Jara-^fd-fara,  8ta{n)(la'y  from  a  reduplicated  form  slasta--. 

(C)  The  singular  of  the  perfect  has  weakened  the  original  a 
into  a,  while  the  plural  preserved  it  in  the  form  of  e,  e.  g.  root 
vag,  to  move  (Germ,  be-weg-en),  perf.  sing,  vag,  prim,  va-vagk-a, 
plur.  veg-u?n,  prim,  vavdijli-mau.  In  the  present  tense  ^tig-a 
the  radical  a  is  weakened  into  i.  Thus  we  have  of  the  root  at 
(to  eat),  present  ?V-«,  perf.  sing,  at^  perf.  plur.  et-um ;  sial  (to 
steal),  stilay  stal,  steluni ;  sat  (to  sit),  sita,  sat,  selum;  vas  (to  be), 
visa,  vas,  vesu?n.  The  radical  of  the  perfect  may  have  resisted  the 
weakening  into  i  under  the  influence  of  its  ancient  reduplication, 
hence  nani  =  7fa'?ia?fi,  vag-=^va-vag, 

(D)  The  singular  of  the  perfect  has  the  radical  a,  but  the  plural 
the  weakening  of  a  into  w,  while  in  the  present  tense  again  the 
a  is,  as  in  the  preceding  case,  weakened  to  i^.  To  this  class 
belong  chiefly  verbs  which  have  the  radical  a  succeeded  by  two 

*  •  In  the  preterite  the  reduplication  which  the  Gothic  but  sparingly  preserved, 
has  been  torn  away  in  the  course  of  time  ;  but  the  strong  vowel  placed  behind  was 
sheltered,  and  where  it  was  weakened  it  was  not  degraded  to  the  weakest  form  (t), 
but  to  an  intermediate  degree  (u),  hence  Imndum  (we  bound),  by  the  side  of  hindam 
(we  bind).*  Bopp,  VoccUumuSf  p.  215. 


^^^—  TEE  VERB.  401 

JzJ**>nants ;  8.  g.  root  rann,  to  leak  (Germ.  riDDen),  preeeat  rinna, 
■\^^~~  Tann,  plnr.  nmii'Um ;  prim,  rarann-a,  plur.  rarann-tnati :  in 
^^^  came  nunoer,  Ailpan  (to  help),  ialp,  Aulpumj  bindan  (to 
\^^*\hanil,bundtim;  niliau  (io  Aid),  trail,  tvullum  ;  giggnan  [to 
■^_^fe},  »a/jffe,  tuggvum ;  singgqan  =  siggkvan  (to  sink),  taggq, 
f^^^^in.  In  this  clase  there  are  many  secondary  roots  ;  tlie 
--^^ti  rann  (to  leak),  for  instance,  is  formed  as  a  present  theme  by 


•  i'^^^ns  of  the  suffix  -no-  from  the  primitive  root  ar,  to  go;  band 
Vt^  lind)  hai  an  inorganic  n ;  »aggv  and  saggq  also  are  unprimitive 
^'^  'tteir  final  element. 

Fbsfect  in  -b>> 

In  Old  High  German  and  in  Old  Norse  there  are  remains  of 

(perfect  formed  with  «,  as  the  Latin  and  sing  and  plur.  in  w 

II-"-'.'  -i»-/h) ;  e.  g.  Old  Noree  root  w,  to  sow,  perf.  s»-ra,  ae-ri, 

■sti,  ^le-ti;  root  gra,  vivere,  perf.  grS-ri;  root,  ar,  ra,  to 

w,  perf.  ri~ri.    Old  High  German  root  tcri,  to  shriek,  ist  plur. 

"perf.  aerirT-K-meg,  from  a  primitive  thi-g-man  {u  is  the  connec- 

fcye  Towel) ;  root  jn,  pu,  prim,  bhu,  to  be,  ist  plur.  perf.  pi-r-u- 

m£$,  prim.  6Au-i-mati,  and  pi-r-u-i,  prim,  bhu-t-tati.     (Compare 

flie  consonants  v>  and  r,  i  and  r.) 


The  Cokpound  (Weak)  Pbefbct  ih  the  Teuiosic  Dialects. 

The  componnd  perfect  ia  formed  by  the  addition  of  the  pre- 
terite of  the  verb  '  to  do'  to  the  verbal  theme.  This  formation 
we  might  imitate  by  coining  new  compouDds,  such  as  '  I  love- 
did/  'thoD  love-didst,'  &c.  It  is  not  found  in  the  cognate 
langnages,  bat  was  produced  in  the  Teutonic  primitive  language 
after  the  separation  from  its  Aryan  sisters;  it  ia  tlierefore  often 
called  the  New  Perfect,  and  by  Grimm  the  Weak  Form,  because 
it  does  not  affect  the  radical  vowel.  Our  English  do,  did,  the 
German  thu,  that.  Old  High  German  ln6-m,  and  the  Gothic 
noon  di-d-»  (deed)  may  be  referred  to  a  Gothic  root  da,  prim. 
dha,  from  which  we  get  the  ist  sing.  prea.  da-dhortni.  Now  in 
the  Gothic  compound  the  reduplication  of  the  ori^nal  ^dida-= 
^ da-da  is  lost  in  the  singular,  but  preserved  in  the  plural  and  in 
the  optative,  and  the  a  is,  in  the  last-mentioned  forms,  gradated 
to  /=df,  following  the  analogy  of  the  frequently  occurring  perf. 
themes,  as  »at,  plur.  «et.  The  reduplicated  da,  however,  m  the 
form  of  ^dad-y  plur.  ded-,  appeared  then  in  the  form  of  a  true 
verbal  theme. 

Dd 


■*^ 


i£ '±ll^  vBC&ct  dik  word  B 


9ixBiies3i':t'  3ii<*aiiKL  m-  'rdl  muuol  ira/L  cbe-  feOovicg.  lift 
^n^  -iitr  "ETHDnaiiLtii  if  "zm  yscL  if-  *96«  &c  "dtds  (O.  H. 
"t-m  .  IT- in  XII  MtLbT  ^A/>f.  ^iTfT-  <tfdg-4t>j.  .aid  -^  for 
#/.//-r.  iitibT  ic^'^t.  ^rrii  rot*  >5^iiuil  iinfix  «•  whack  w  do  not 
-tnif  ^iie^nr?*^  ji  -iie  Y^'mrim:  it^zsts.  Olr  ^nit  aonawd  perfect 
'jttfnn  "  Ui»i.  -ntf  miL  i«2s.  T-nrmi  iit  iwyM^=*A*ii-t.  jid  pen.  hai 
«i  it£3iii  3ir  ~  ^'4<^  iF  ^«/l  P-HoL  zsti  ^^i^-»Hk.  daad  daim,  primu 
ioit^tih^mujfi.  f  :..    Ttf>  -riie  idt?  djbis  3l  jnau^cy  to  the  eoDunon 

•iiTTSk  Wr-/ — ..'1.  w.^,'— ^-r.  imn.  iTiutM^-tfi'M^  UtAik  f«V,     Thas  then 

•  _  «  « 

•Tie  3«»ri-;^  IE  Till*  "ncaid  nz-rf'/-.  •!£«-•  i»  3.  ^ae  i*t  ang*.  mofh-da, 
L-tC  lijir.    iii^-c^/r-if.ii  ..-    IE  lie  "intymt*  ioJitl^,  i^  sng.  stiU-Mj 

4Fnr:a  1jE!ii  zi  'ais  Trarmt^  i  nfw  peckct :  t  g.  lat  ang.  mik4* 
Sir  'miti^'*i^  Vtt-m^  ir  ;at**!k3  s^:c«  dtscik  are  danged  into 
tai»  «3irazir:3  it  ':3if  ^gryrr**  ifrs^vL,  ZEiii  ev^a]r  doital  Boust  be  ren- 

T'xx  ma* J.  ^•:*!saiiL:  '^^trnt  3:r  'rr^t-^-*  fsr  ^fi^-dti,  of  r»//,  root  ri<, 
v  IcL*:^ :  fATi'—f^e  :t  r,^^'.  iCiiZ.  'jiflwo.     Besdes  these  tbeie  are 


ii^  -^zxnzijtis   :t  tzJs  vrrratitra.  saeh  a&  jiuJ-/ii  for  *tJkat4a^  I 

Ii.  "irr  Tr*i*->!    IzjLjr^tTA  ^.^^rr^.-T  tt-*  ciMnp^aiid  perfect  IS 
:':nir-!i  is  zi  'j-rl^-:.  tJL»r  -^"^t  •  lii'  aLseuming  the  following 

»..■». rj_,-.         ;?  H. 'J.      O  5.       A-S.    O.Fri*.    O.N. 


Sraj   :?c    :-x  -B  ii  '^^  •!*  rfa 

:i«i  i>j  *J4  i-.Vi  tfifltf-  <ifii<'  air 

5ri    15  :3  ij  fif*  •;<  di 

PI~L'   ir:    d<iLfk  timici  dtm  drm  dt^u  \   dmm 

2 -A  C'f -A'A  tii  «f«a  i/'./«  d'ym  {   <f«i9 

^   d'i'I^n  t*«  <f«  ,  d<;«  cfoa  '  dm 

Dual  i*t    <//./«              ..  ..  •' 
ir.d  didtts            ..        i 


I 

I  ::  i 


These  modified  forms  are  added  to  the  theme  of  the  derivative 
verl/s  in  aya,  which  a4>ain  appears  in  three  modifications :  (i)  The 
first  a  drof.p^^d,  fi^j^,ji,  in  the  present  and  -i-  (-^)  in  the  per- 
ftict ;  e.  g*.  Goth.  na*ja,  na4jU,  perf.  n/i^-i-da,  O.  H.  Grerm.  ner-i- 
la,  O.  S.  ner-i^la,  A.  S.  ner-e-de^  O.  Fris.  ner-e^e,  O.  N.  (without 

'    Hie  -«/  in  Anglo-Saxon,  and  Old  Frisian  -dett^  would  answer    to  a  Gothic 
^d^M,  -=.  ihulri,  and  ii  more  correct  than  the  -i  in  the  termination  of  the  other  dialects. 


THE  VERB,  403 

^^the  derivative  suffix)  ken-da,  {%)  The  y  of  ay  a  being  dropped 
'  -^+a  appears  as  <?,  e.  g.  Goth.  salh^S^  aalh^o^s,  perf.  sall-S-day  O.  H. 
Germ.  aalp^S-ta,  O.  S.  icaw^d-da  (ist  sing.  pros,  scaic-d-n,  2nd 
scaw-d-^);  A.  S.  sealf-d-de  (ist  sing.  seaif-Je,  2nd  sealf-a^st)  \ 
O.  Pris.  8alr-a^,  O.  N.  kalUa-^a,  (3)  The  last  a  of  aytf  disap- 
pears, and  the  derivative  suffix  is  a/^  e.  g.  Goth,  ist  sing,  present 
indicative  ^3a^  2nd  hath-ai-a^  perf.  hah-ai-da,  O.  H.  Germ.  ^fl[/?- 
^-^.  Thus  Gothic  and  Old  High  German  have  three,  the  other 
dialects  only  two  conjugations  of  the  weak  form.  Concerning 
the  details,  see  the  Conjugations.  The  modern  dialects  either 
drop  the  thematic  suffix  altogether  and  join  the  termination 
directly  to  the  root^  or  the  suffix  always  appears  in  the  weakened 
form  e. 


THE  INFINITIVE. 

The  suffix  -ana-  is  used  in  Sanskrit,  Greek,  and  the  Teutonic 
languages,  to  form  themes  which  are  used  as  infinitives,  which 
therefore  must  have  belonged  to  the  primitive  language. 

In  Sanskrit  the  dative  and  locative  singular  of  abstracts  in 
-ana-  {^andya^  -ane)  have  the  function  of  the  infinitive,  e.  g.  dative 
gam-andya,  locative  gam-anS,  theme  gam-ana-,  nom.  sing,  gam- 
anor-m  (neuter  noun),  root  gam,  to  go ;  ds-and,  root  ds,  to  sit. 

The  Greek  language  forms  with  the  suffix  ana  the  infinitive 
in  -€i;oi,  which  Schleicher  looks  upon  as  the  locative  of  feminine 
themes.  Thus  k^Xom-ivai  refers  us  to  a  primitive  theme  rirdik- 
ana-,  i.  e.  a  nomen  agentis  derived  from  the  perfect  theme  by 
means  of  the  suffix  -ana-.  Themes  which  end  with  a  vowel  com- 
monly take  -na  instead  of  -ana,  hence  bibS-vai,  larrdvai,  b^iKvvvai, ; 
but  0€lvai:=^ 0€-€vai,  bovvai=^ bo-€vai,  -€iv,  Dor.  -€r,  are  short- 
ened forms  of  -€vai. 

The  Gothic  infinitive  has  lost  the  case-sign  of  the  noun  as 
well  as  the  final  a  of  the  theme-suffix  a7ia,  and  it  consequently 
always  ends  with  an.  This  suffix  however  is  so  added  as  to  sup- 
press the  final  a  of  the  theme,  or  we  might  say,  vice  versa,  the 
final  a  of  the  theme  is  also  the  initial  of  the  suffix,  e.  g.  theme 
baira-,  prim,  hhara-^  infinitive  lair-an^  prim,  hhar-ana-^  root  har^ 
prim,  hhaty  to  bear;  thus  also  it-an,  to  eat;  prim,  ad-ana-,  pres. 
theme  ita-,  prim,  cwfo-,  root  ai^  prim,  ad',  steig-an,  to  ascend 
(Germ,  steigen),  prim,  staigh-ana-  ;  safjan,  prim,  saday-ana-. 

As  in  Gothic  so  in  the  Teutonic  dialects  generally  -an  is 
adopted  as  the  termination  of  the  infinitive,  which  in  Old  Frisian 
and  Old  Norse  is  curtailed  to  a,  o&faran,  O,  Fris.  and  O.  iJ./ara, 

D  d  2 


404  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

This  an  appears  in  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  dialects  as  en^ 
e.g.  Germ,  lieb-en,  Dutch  be-minn-en.  The  English  language 
also  preserved  the  termination  of  the  infinitive  as  late  as  to  the 
times  of  Spenser  and  Shakespeare,  though  we  find  also  in  Laja- 
mon  already  forms  where  the  n  is  dropped,  and  the  force  of  the 
infinitive  imparted  to  the  verb  by  the  preposition  '  to/  Swedish 
and  Danish  follow  their  Old  Norse  mother,  the  former  rendering 
the  infinitive  by  the  termination  a,  the  latter  weakening  it  to  e. 


PARTICIPLES. 

Present  Participle  AcnvB. 

The  suffix  -anty  -nty  which  occurs  in  all  the  Aryan  languages, 
is  chiefly  employed  in  the  formation  of  the  present  participle. 

Primitive.  Root  bhar^  to  bear,  present  theme  bhara-,  present 
part,  bharor-nt'  ;  root  ntar^  to  strew,  present  theme  ntar^na^^  pre- 
sent part,  star-na-nir-, 

Sanskrit.  Root  and  present  theme  ad-,  to  eat,  part,  ctd-^nt^; 
root  and  present  theme  tf*-,  to  be,  part,  (u^ni- ;  root  tud,  to 
strike,  present  theme  tuda-,  present  part,  tuda-nt ;  root  yu,  to 
join,  present  theme  yuna-^  present  part,  pma-nf-, 

Greek.  The  suffix  appears  in  the  shape  of  ^oirr,  -irr,  fem. 
'Ovcra=:^ -ov(ra=:^ ovT^a.  Root  (f>€p,  to  bear,  theme  (f)€po-y  part. 
(f)€po-vT',  fern.  (f)€povaa ;  root  bo,  to  give,  theme  6t8o-,  part.  5i8o- 
VT' ;  root  ^e,  to  set,  theme  rt^c-,  part,  ri^c-rr ;  root  ora,  to  stand, 
theme  tora-,  part.  Icrra-VT. 

Latin.  Suffix  -ent,  -nty  in  a  more  ancient  form  -unl,  ^-ont; 
e.  g.  root  vek,  to  move,  theme  ve/ie-,  part,  veke-nt- ;  root  i,  to  go, 
present  theme  z  =  6'/',  part,  i-ent-y  e-unt-z^^e-ont', 

Gothic.  The  form  of  the  suffix  is  -nd,  -nda.  Root  bar,  to 
bear,  present  theme  baira-  for  bira-y  part  nom.  sing.  masc.  batra- 
nd'S,  from  a  primitive  bhara-nt-s  or  bhara-ntia^'S ;  very  likely 
the  latter,  because  it  is  treated  as  a  theme  in  -a  in  all  the  other 
cases.  Under  these  circumstances  the  form  of  the  theme  -nda, 
"iidja^  is  extended  by  the  addition  of  the  suffix  -««,  fem.  -jan^ 
so  that  we  arrive  at  the  thematic  suffix  -ndan^,  -ndjayi^,  which 
forms  are  treated  like  the  themes  in  -n  of  the  definite  adjective; 
e.  g.  accus.  sing.  masc.  baira-ndan,  from  a  prim,  bkara-ntan-am; 
loo  (dat.)  baira-ndiv,  from  a  prim,  bhara^ntan-i  ;  nom.  sing.  fem. 
baira-ndeiy  from  a  prim,  bhara-ntydfi-s  ;  gen.  balra^ndein-s,  prim. 
bhara-ntydn-as. 


THE  VERB. 


405 


But  when  these  participles  are  used  as  substantives^  they  still 
show  the  older  consonantal  theme  in  -andy  ^nd,  in  several  cases^ 
e.  g.  nom.  sing.  giba^nd-Sy  one  giving,  a  giver,  theme  giba,  root 
gab  ;  bi-^ia-nd-s,  one  sitting  near,  a  neighbour,  theme  sita-,  root 
sat.  These  nominatives  may  fairly  be  considered  true  conso- 
nantal themes^  because  they  are  supported  by  the  consonantal 
character  of  the  locatives  (datives),  e.  g.  giband,  bislfand,  from  a 
primitive  locative  sadant-iy  &c.  Thus  also  the  plural  sitand^s 
from  a  prim,  sadant-as^. 

The  other  Teutonic  dialects  also  have  preserved  the  participial 
suffix,  and  some  of  them  to  the  present  day.  It  occurs,  as  in 
Gothic,  in  the  form  -««?,  respectively  -nly  which  is  joined  to  the 
vowel  of  the  theme.  The  participle  is  in  the  ancient  dialects 
treated  in  the  same  manner  as  the  definite  adjective,  in  the 
modern,  as  any  other  adjective,  definite  or  indefinite,  as  the  case 
may  be.  The  difierent  forms  will  easily  be  understood  from  the 
following  paradigm. 


Gothic. 

O.  H.  Germ. 

Old  Saxon.     Anglo-Saxon. 

0.  Fris. 

Old  Norse. 

finth-a^nd-$f  1 
finding      j 

na»-ja-nd-8,  \ 
saving       J 

hab-a-Ttd-^,  1 
having       / 

find-a-nt-ir 
hap-4'nt'4r 

Jind-a-nd 

r  $ca%D^nd, 
\     looking 

Jind'-e-nd'e 

ner^je-nd-e 

Uc-e^nd-e^  \ 
seeking  j 

Jind-a'tid 

ner-a-nd 

$ec-a-nd 

Jinn-a-nd-i 

f  tel-ja-nd-4, 
1      telling 
J  kenn-a^nd-i, 
\      knowing 

In  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  dialects  the  e  of  the  termi- 
nation ^e-nd  is  no  longer  felt  as  the  thematic  vowel,  but  treated 
as  belonging  to  the  participial  termination,  so  that  in  Late  Saxon 
we  have  inde,  ande,  instead  of  the  original  end€.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  Modem  English,  the  whole  form  is  supplanted  by  the 
verbal  substantive  in  -ing,  a  fact  which  occasionally  occurs  in 
Layamon  already,  while  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  we 
find  the  participial  form  in  end,  indy  pid,  and,  side  by  side  with 
the  verbal  substantive  in  ingy  inge,  ynge,  performing  the  func- 
tions of  the  participle.  New  English  discarded  the  legitimate 
form  altogether  to  the  benefit  of  the  intruder,  so  that  now  the 
participle  and  the  verbal  substantive  are  identical.  Some  of  the 
modern  dialects  however  have  preserved  the  participle  in  end,  as 
we  see  in  the  German  Jind-end,  lieb-endy  hab-endy  &c.,  where  the 
Old  High  German  t  has  yielded  to  the  influence  of  the  Low 
German  d. 

'  On  the  declension  of  the  partinple,  see  Themes  in  -ftdy  p.  324. 


406  TEUTONIC    GRAMMAR, 

Perfect  Participle  Passive  of  Stem -Verbs. 

Suffix  -na. 

This  form  occurs  in  Sanskrit  in  very  few  examples,  sucb  as 
pHr-na-  for  ^par-na^,  root  par,  to  fill ;  hugh^na^,  root  bhug^  to 
bend ;  in  Greek  and  Latin  also  it  is  only  fragmentary,  chiefly  in 
adjectives ;  but  in  Gothic  all  stem- verbs  form  their  perfect  par- 
ticiple in  -wa,  which,  combined  with  the  thematic  a  and  the 
case-sign  s,  yields  the  terminations  for  the  nominative  singular 
masculine  an^s,  fem.  ana,  neut.  an^  from  the  primitive  forms 
masc.  ^anas^  fem.  -and,  neut.  -anor-m ;  e.  g.  9alta  (salio),  perf. 
part,  saltans,  saltana,  saltan;  hdita  (voco),  hditan-s ;  giba  (I 
give),  giban-s ;  stila  (I  steal),  stulans  ;  or,  if  we  take  the  the- 
matic vowel  separately,  salt-a^ns,  Adit^a-ns,  &c.  At  any  rate 
we  may  say  that  the  theme  of  this  participle  ends  in  Gothic 
with  -an-. 

The  same  termination  is  taken  up  by  the  other  Teutonic 
dialects  ancient  and  modern,  the  latter  weakening  it  to  -e»,  a 
form  which  even  Modern  English  has  preserved  among  the  few 
grammatical  fragments  handed  down  from  its  Anglo-Saxon 
mother.  The  suffix  -an,  -en,  is  used  only  with  stem-verbs, 
which  form  their  perfect  by  modifying  the  radical,  and  belong  to 
Grimm^s  stronoj'  conjugation.  One  example  may  suffice  for  the 
sake  of  illustration.  The  Gothic  stila n  (to  steal),  perf.  stal,  plur. 
sfe/fifN,  makes  the  perfect  participle  stula)i-s\  O.  H.  Germ. 
-sfolan-er'^,  O.  S.  stohni,  A.  S.  stoleUy  O.  Fris.  stolen,  O.  N.  stollun, 
M.  H.  Germ,  stain ,  M.  Dutch  stolen,  Late  Sax.  stolen?i^,  O.  Engl. 
stolen,  M.Engl,  stoln,  N.Engl,  stolen  and  stoln,  N.  H.  Gerra. 
-stolen,  N.  Dutch  stolen,  Swed.  stulen,  Dan.  stiaalen. 

Perfect  Participle  PASSI^^J  of  Derivative  Verbs. 

The  primitive  suffix  is  -ta,  which  in  the  masculine  assumes  the 
case-sign  -s,  in  the  neuter  -m,  in  the  feminine  gradates  the  final 
vowel;  so  that  the  terminations  are,  masc.  as,  fem.  a,  neut.  a-m', 
Greek  suffix  -to-,  terminations  0-9,  -q,  o-v,  Latin  suffix  "tu-  for 
'to-,  terminations  u-s  (for  ^c-.v),  a  (for  a),  ti-m  (for  ^o-m). 

^  Concerning  the  modification  of  the  radical,  see  the  Formation  of  the  Perfect 
Theme  in  Gotliic,  p.  398  sqq. 

*  Where  we  prefix  the  hyphen  to  the  participial  form,  it  indicates  the  augment  ge. 
Old  High  German  ga,  which  precedes  the  verb. 

'  Layaraon  has  in  this  word  dropped  the  n,  and  makes  the  participle  9toU :  but 
he  has  cumen,  toren,  hroken,  &c. 


THE  VERB.  407 

Primitive.  Participles  d^i-ta-^  kni-ta-,  kak-f-a-,  sddaya^ta^,  of 
the  roots  da  (to  give^,  kru  (to  hear),  kak  (to  cook),  sad  (to  sit). 

Sanskrit.  Participles  ma^-ta^y  bhr-ta^  bad-dha-  for  Had-ta-,  of 
bhe  roots  man  (to  think),  bhar  (to  bear),  badh,  bandh  (to  bind). 

Greek.  Participles  kAv-tJ-,  ^€VK'T6'y  ara-ro^,  O^-to-,  yroj-rrf, 
3f  the  roots  kXv  (to  hear),  ^vy  (to  flee),  ara  (to  stand),  ^e  (to  set), 
yvo  (to  know). 

Iiatin.  Participles  da-to^,  stasia,  i-to-^  coc-to-,  of  the  roots  da 
[to  give),  sta  (to  stand),  i  (to  go)  coc  (to  cook). 

Gothic.  The  suffix  in  the  form  of  -da,  nom.  sing.  masc.  'tk^s 
for  ^da^s,  neut.  ~tk  for  ^da^m,  fem.  -<fo.  These  terminations  are 
added  to  the  theme  of  derivative  verbs ;  e.  g.  theme  sSki-,  part, 
masc.  sSki^th-^,  neut.  sSki-th,  fem.  sSki-da ;  theme  fisko^^  part. 
tnasc  fiskS'tk-Sf  neut.  fsk^-tk,  (era.  Jiskd-da.  This  sufiix  is  also 
ased  in  all  those  verbs  which  apply  the  perfect  theme  for  the 
functions  of  the  present  ( Praeterito-Praesentia )  and  their  ana- 
logues, such  as  mah-tay  thah-ta^  brah^ia,  of  the  roots  mag  (to  be 
able),  tkak  (to  think),  brag  (to  bring). 

The  other  Teutonic  dialects  apply  the  same  suffix  in  the  form 
of  -d^  or  -^,  respectively,  which  they  add  to  the  thematic  vowel 
of  the  derivative  or  weak  verb ;  e.  g.  O.  H.  Germ.  -ner-i-Uery 
O.  S.  -ner-i-dy  A.  S.  ner-e-dy  O.  Fris.  ner-i-dy  Goth,  nas-i-tk-s  for 
^nas^i-da-Sy  from  nasjauy  to  save;  thus  also  the  O.  N.  taUd-r  for 
an  older  ^taUu-da^B  from  taljauy  to  count,  to  tell ;  O.  H.  Germ. 
salp^'t-eTy  Goth.  salb^o-tk-B  for  satt-d^a^s  ;  compare  O.  N,  kail-- 
o-"8-r  for  ^kalUa-da^s ;  O.  S.  scdw-S-dy  looked;  A.  S.  ^sealf-S-d; 
Late  Saxon  makod^  and  makede^  ascode  and  askede ;  O.  Engl. 
thanked  and  thankld;  N.Engl,  thanked y  N.  H.  Germ,  ^dankt. 
In  the  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  languages  the  distinction  of 
different  weak  conjugations,  that  is,  of  different  themes  formed 
by  the  derivatiye  sufi^  aya^  is,  with  few  exceptions,  lost ;  hence 
the  thematic  or  connective  vowel  is  always  e^  and  the  participial 
termination  -ed^  -ety  respectively ;  or,  dropping  the  thematic  e 
altogether,  -rf,  -t.  On  the  whole  the  thematic  e  and  the  suffixed 
participial  d  are  treated  in  the  same  manner  as  the  perfect  termi- 
nation and  its  preceding  thematic  vowel,  and  we  shall  therefore 
leave  the  details  of  their  various  modifications  for  the  section  on 
Weak  Conjugations. 


408  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


THE  PERFECT  IN  THE  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGE. 


REDUPLICATION  (ABLAUT).    CLASSIFICATION  OF  STRONG  "^VKA 

Reduplication  was  in  the  Teutonic,  as  in  the  other  Atjtt 
languages,  the   most  primitive  mode   of  forming  the  perfect 
This  fact  must  always  be  borne  in  mind  if  we  wish  to  arrive  it 
something  like  order  and  system  in  a  subject  which  is  ittlier 
complicated  in  its  nature  because  often  obscure  in  its  origin  and 
development.      Many  phenomena  in   the  Ablaut  of  Teutonie 
verbs  can  only  be  explained  by  the  influence  of  a  reduplicationil 
syllable  upon   the  radical^  the  effect  of  which  remamed  even 
when  the  cause  had  ceased  to  exist.     Several  examples  of  tiie 
kind  in  Gothic  we  had  already  occasion  to  notice.     As  to  the 
other  Teutonic  languages  our  rule  is  of  the  same  importance. 
Though  the  reduplication  has  completely  disappeared  from  tbe 
verb,  it  has  left  an  indelible  impression  on  the  system  of  Ablaut 
Under  *  Ablaut'  Teutonic  grammarians  understand  a  modification 
of  the  radical  which  takes  place  in  the  perfect  tense  and  tbe 
perfect  participle.     This  modification  consisted  originally  in  the 
gradation  of  the  root  in  the  perfect  singular,  gradation  or  weak- 
ening in  the  present  tense,  weakening  in  the  perfect  participle; 
and  it  was  a  phonetic  change  of  secondary  importance,  conco- 
mitant with  the  reduplication,  but  not  necessary  for  the  forma- 
tion of  the  perfect,  far  less  sufficient  of  itself  to  denote  that 
tense.     Tbe  more  however  the  ancient  mode  of  reduplication  was 
abandoned,  the  more  important  became  the  modification  of  the 
radical  in  the  formation  of  the  tenses,  until  finally  it  was  the 
only  means  of  expressing  the  temporal   relations  of  the  verb. 
Still  it  would  be  impossible  to  deny  the  influence  of  reduplica- 
tion on  the  Ablaut,  not  merely  in  the  ancient  Teutonic  verb,  but 
in  verbal  forms  of  the  present  day.     This  point  we  are  about 
to   examine.      Reduplication,  in  its  original  form,  must  have 
contained  the  vowel  of  the  root ;  the  perfect  of  the  verb  AalduH 
must  have  been   ha-hald  in  the  primitive  Teutonic.     Now  we 
find  that  in  the  Gothic,  such  as  it  is  in  extant  documents,  the 
radical  is  everywhere  replaced  by  the  vowel  ai  in  the  redupli- 
cational  syllable.      This  change  may  have  occurred  before  the 
separation  of  the  different  Teutonic  tribes  took  place,  and  must 
therefore  have  affected  all  the  dialects.     Thus  then  the  Old  High 


THE   VERB.  409 

^^^"inaii  would  use  kei-halt  for  Aa-ialt,  the  Low  German  hUhald 
Ap-iald,  Anglo-Saxon  probably  Aeo-keald.  {eo  for  i,  see  Anglo- 
»^on  Brechung  of  the  vowel  i,) 
'^^^^e  loss  of  the  reduplication  seems  to  date  from  a  period 
^^Oen  the  Teutonic  nation  had  lost  the  centre  of  unity,  and  had 
^^parated  into  tribes  independent  of  one  another.  While  Gothic 
^ais  preserved  the  reduplication  in  many  verbs,  the  other  dialects 
lUve  lost  it  altogether — all  of  them,  however,  show  traces  of  the 
ancient  grammatical  form.  We  have  seen  how  in  Latin,  through 
a  process  of  contraction,  forms  arose  such  as  cepi  from  ^ca-capi, 
feci  from  ^ fa-fact^  fi^9h  from  ^fra-fragi  or  rather  ^fra-fagL  A 
similar  inclination  to  combine  the  reduplicational  and  the  radical 
syllable  came  upon  the  Teutonic  languages,  and  a  like  effect  was 
produced  in  the  contraction  of  the  vowels;  hence  O.  H.  Germ. 
kialt,  O.  S.  held  for  the  Goth,  hai-hald.  In  the  first-mentioned 
dialect  the  diphthong  still  represents  the  l^isyllabic  nature  of 
the  ancient  perfect,  while  in  the  Low  German  they  were  more 
closely  amalgamated  into  e.  This  process  of  contraction  becomes 
clearly  apparent  frt>m  two  examples  left  in  Old  High  German. 
One  we  find  in  the  perfect  pi-hei-alt,  used  by  Kero  (eighth  cen- 
tury), which  is  but  one  step  from  the  primitive  form  hei-halty  the 
reduplicated  perfect  of  haltHin.  From  this  example  it  would 
appear,  that  the  initial  consonant  of  the  root  was  lost  first,  and 
that  then  the  vowels  were  more  and  more  closely  contracted,  so 
that  fit>m  heialt  we  arrive  in  later  documents  at  the  forms  hialt^ 
Aialtj  hieliy  until  in  Modem  German  it  is  pronounced  hilt^  though 
still  spelt  as  a  diphthong  in  hielt.  The  closest  contraction 
took  place  in  the  ancient  Low  German  dialects,  which  passed 
through  the  diphthongal  form  to  held^  hild.  Another  example 
we  have  in  the  O.  H.  Germ,  ana-^tero^  (impingebat),  which  stands 
for  anasleso^,  the  *  of  the  original  form  being  changed  into  r, 
and  the  e  being  the  weakened  form  of  /,  the  remainder  of  the 
original  reduplicational  vowel  ei,  so  that  we  arrive  next  at  stestS^ 
and   finally  at  siei-sto^,  the  parallel   to  the  Gothic  stai-stduty 


the  perfect  of  slogan  is  stio^  {siia^  and  siie^  are  peculiarities  of 
special  dialects)  with  to,  because  of  the  dark  full  radical  O.  H. 
Germ.  S,  Goth,  du,  in  which  case  the  Low  German  dialects  also 
have  the  diphthongal  form  io  or  eo ;  but  of  haldauy  Aei^an,  it  is 
Aialdj  hia^  (never  hiold,  hio^,  Low  Germ,  held  (A.  S.  heold),  het, 
ia,  Sy  on  account  oithe  high-sounding  radicals  a,  ^2* = Goth,  a,  di, 
A  fewfingments  of  redupication  are  preserved  in  Anglo-Saxon 


■I ^i     7-j'        r 


7i     .*JJ 
r-.  -  =L r.  >-?:?-•  -T  -iT -'i.  "n  xr.     wad.  tl  &  saxniljii  ma, 

'SMitf*  -f  uc  T'-".  1   -is*-  Tiu-M  Hii^  lit  '.'imiiu-Ts^  !<•  iLe  losso 
axv?  u'-'uiirarr-  lie  r-nnruriiiL  'rirrt— Oi.  .-■••.'  TiK^nmes  .V<.  then 

T^^JTL  "uisr  -j»fi    r  use;'  i«   -.lirar  iir»r  lii*  A'lifcn.  «  modifi- 

TT-TTiixii'.  dausr*>  \^  nxt  r-inaiinacj  il  nr  T^Tiity  lin-  Ires  rfthe 
T-rinziii-jni  n.  Kui  -r-t  T:f-.r-ii.r*  d-t^  rnsriti-i  ir  &:Tineing  the 
cifHT-^u:   rein.iui:    ^'f:^   n.   liif    soxii    ^»"^-**'  as  ve  did  in 

T^t  ffij*l  n:^  -ail  "ii**  ^":iunr  n:  •ii*  T»f!r:-rt  psrdciple  abo 
zxr.;  fc*r.r.ii3:L  :»-.aiT:si-  r:  »  iriMt  :c  "iijt  lOM  :^£iLriic*:c7ia^ics  in  the 
KiLTurjr^.a.  :c  "lik  TTrroi?  -tir:  li  'Jiit  zi^ni^r.  T«n.>Tiic  dialects, 
a^i  :»*r»ast  n  £r^-*  "-irt  "!*-«j7-r-r»*^   .a,*  irrmra  Cv-re  to  dircct 

W^  fjv:   ir>»f«i£   ::   ^be    difi9si».uri:3:  cc  ibe   Old  Teotonk 


I. 

.z.irT  t-i*  L-*-!  wc  o:-:L5:irr  t-:  il-  i-  :r.-:««e  verbs  which  in 
G.thic  havr:  r^"::^!;:-ji::::i  ar.:  2T-iiiti::i  o:n::'int?i.  The  radical 
Ik  "Jtf-T  a  or  ^';  whrrr  tic  ::nz.rr  •>A'::r=-  tie  present  theme  is 
fonii*^  with  th»r  snffii  -^fc--.  t.i:  i?.  j/;  in  the  j-erfevt  singular 
ar;d  pliiml  v.e  have  the  ?-e«X'nd  graniation  S;  the  perfect  participle 
haii  the  ndv.-ial  of  the  j-resent.  In  the  other  Teutonic  languages 
the  e  of  the  Gothic  present  is  re] -n rented  by  their  respective 
vowelfi  of  the  first  gradation  ;  e.  g.  Old  High  German  a,  Anglo- 
Saxon  /?,  &<;.'  The  radical  of  the  perfect  is  of  course  modified 
l>y  the  reduplication.     Thus  we  get  the  vocalic  system  of — 

'  'Jlie  Table  of  ikndaiioDM  eboold  Blvavt  be  ooDMilted  \p.  14). 


THE  VERB. 


411 


Class  I.    (Grimm  IV,  V,  VI.) 


Badical  a,  6\ — 


Gothic 

O.  H.  Gcmi. 

OldSuEon 

Ang^lo-Saxoo 

OldFrisUo 

Old  None 


a»  (a)  t 
a. 

a. 


Perf.  Sing. 
6. 


ta 


Perf.  Plur 


i,  ie 


i  . 


Perf.  Part. 
a 

a 


Examples  :— 


Gothic 

O.  S.  Oenn. 
OldSazon 
Anglo-Saxon 
Old  Frisian 
Old  None 


$aia . 
lita  . 

latu  . 
IceU  . 

lata  . 


iai-^6 
lairlH 
lia^  . 
Ut  . 
Ut  . 
lit  . 
Ut     . 


sai-s&um 
lairlStum 
lia^umei 
letum  . 
Uton  . 
UUm 
Utum    . 


BttiaJU 

Wans 

Idfaner 

latan 

laten 

Uten 

latinn 


Verbs  belonging  to  tAis  Cldss. 

Gothic,  saia^  sow  (Germ,  ssee;  sero) ;  lata,  scold,  irrideo ;  vaia, 
breathe,  blow  (Germ,  wehe;  flo);  greta,  cry,  weep,  ploro;  jleka^ 
complain,  plango ;  leta^  let  (Germ,  laf e ;  sino) ;  teka,  touch, 
tango,  slepa,  sleep  (Germ,  schlafe ;  dormio),  makes  the  perf.  sai- 
zlep,  avoiding  the  second  gradation. 

Old  High  (German,  sldfu^  sleep  (Germ,  schl&fe) ;  rdtu^  advise 
(Germ,  r&te  j  consulo);  ^|w,  let  (Germ,  lape;  sino).  hdhu,  hang 
(Germ,  hange ;  suspendo),  and  fahu^  catch  (Germ,  fange ;  capio), 
take  the  perfect  of  hankan,  vankan,  (Class  II.) 

Old  Saxon,  sldpu^,  rddu,  Idtu^  ondrddu,  fear,  dread,  metao. 
hdhu  2kvAfdhu  make  their  perfect  after  Class  II. 

Anglo-Saxon,  slcepe^  grate,  late,  ondrade.  sdwe,  sero  =  Goth. 
saia,  follows  the  analogy  of  Class  III. 

Old  Frisian,    slepa^  reda,  leta^  wepa,  weep ;  plorare. 

Old  Norse,  grdta,  lata,  rd^a,  bldsa,  breathe,  spirare.  fd 
(catch,  capere)  makes  the  preseutyie,  perf.  Ang.Jeck^  plur.y5?»- 
gum,  perf.  fBit./enginn, 

^  Of  Old  Frisian  and  Old  None  we  give  the  infinitive  instead  of  the  ist  singular 
present  indicative. 

'  Where  no  translation  is  given,  the  meaning  of  the  word  maj  be  seen  from  the 
parallels  in  the  preceding  cognate  dialects. 


412 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


II. 

Under  this  head  we  group  in  Gothic  all  those  verbs 
have  reduplication  without  gradation.  They  have  either  tk 
radical  a  followed  by  two  consonants  (commonly  liquid  witk 
mute),  or  highest  gradation  in  the  present  theme  already;  fte 
radical  of  the  present  remains  throughout.  In  the  other  Teutonk 
languages  the  radical  a  is  preserved  in  the  present,  and  in  tlie 
perfect  }>artioiple ;  in  the  perfect  it  is  changed  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  reduplication.  The  verbs  with  the  second  gradataon 
have  either  ai  (second  gradation  of  t)  or  au  (second  gradation  of 
n)  in  the  present  tense^  which  gradation  is  rendered  in  the  other 
Teutonic  languages  by  the  corresponding  vowels. 

Thus  we  get  three  classes,  of  which  we  give   the  vocalic 
system  in  the  following. 


Radical  a : — 

Pres. 

(jothic  a .     . 

O.  H.  Germ,  a  . 

Old  Saxon  a .     . 

Anglo-Saxon  a,  ea 

Old  Frisian  a .     . 

Old  Norse  a  .     . 


Class  II.     (Grimm  I.) 

Perf.  Sing.  Perf.  Plur. 


a. 
ia 
it  ie 

t.  « 

€   . 


a .  . 
ia  . 
^,  ie . 
i,  e6, 
i  e   . 

A 

e  .     . 


Perf.  Part. 

a 

a 
a 

a,  ea 
a 
a 


Examples : — 


Gothic 
O.  H.  Germ. 
Old  Saxon 
Anglo-Saxon 

Old  Frisian 
Old  Norse 


kalda 

haltu 

kaldn 

healde 

spnniie 

halda 

halda 


hai-hald 
hialt 
held, 
hculd 
8]ien . 
htlt  . 
hilt  . 


hai-haldum 
hialt  umii 
heldan  . 
htohion  . 
spenon  . 
h  ildon  . 
heldum . 


haUJanM 

haltaner 

haidoH 

healden 

spannen 

haldm 

haldinm 


Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class* 

Gothic,  salta,  salt  (Germ,  salze ;  salio) ;  halda ^  guard,  pasco ; 
walda,  rule,  command  (Germ,  walte  ;  impero) ;  faDoa^  fold  (Germ, 
falto;  plico)  \fahay  catch  (Germ,  fange;  capio);  hahay  hang  (Germ. 
lian<^e ;  suspendo) . 

Old  High  German,  vallu,  fall  (Germ,  falle;  cado) ;  haltu ^  hold 
(Germ,  halte;  teneo) ;  spaliu,  cleave  (Germ,  spalte;  sciudo);  valiiu, 
fold  (Germ,  falte;  plico);  salzu,  salt  (Germ,  salze;  salio);  kanku, 
gangUy  ^o,  eo  \fangu,  receive  (Germ.  em(p)  fange;  suscipio) ;  haniu, 
hangu,  hang  (Germ,  hange;  suspendo);  am,  plough,  aro. 


THE  VERB. 


413 


Old  Saxon,  fallu^  haldu^  taaldu,  fangu^^  gangu ;  blandu,  mix^ 
blend^  misceo. 

Anglo-Saxon.  feaUe^  healde,fange,  hange,  occur  in  tlie  perfect 
^f^Ji  spanne,  span  (Germ,  spannen;  tendo)^  wealde,  rule^  com- 
mand, dominor. 

Old  Frisian.  Aalde,  valde,  impero. 

Old  Norse,  /alia,  Aalda,  valda,  dlanda,  ganga;  Aangi,  pendeo ; 
falda^  plicare.  As  to  the  irregularities  of  this  class,  see  our 
remarks  below. 


Class  III.    (Grimm  II.) 


Badical  ai  ( 

:i):- 

Free. 

Perf.  Sing. 

Perf.  Plur. 

Perf.  Part. 

Gothic 

ai     ,    .    . 

.     .    a»     .     .    . 

.    ,    ai     .... 

ai 

O.  H.Germ. 

• 

e»     .    .    . 

.    .    ta     .    .    . 

,    .  .ta     .... 

€% 

Old  Saxon 

1      .    .    . 

,     .    i,ie,    .     . 

,    .    i,  ie  .    .    .    . 

i 

Anglo-Saxon 

&      .    .    , 

%,  e6 , 

,     .    i,  ed ,     .     .    . 

& 

Old  Frisian 

S      ,    .    , 

,    .    i,i  .    .    . 

.CI    ...     . 

i 

Old  None 

• 

•             w     •              •             •             « 

.    i 

• 

Examples  :- 

— 

Gothic 

tkaida  .    . 

.    shai-^aid  . 

,     .    shai-^aidum . 

sJcaidanM 

>» 

haUa     .     . 

.    .    hai-hait 

,     .    hui-haitum    , 

haitans 

O.  H.Germ. 

ikeidu  .    . 

.    .    Aiad     . 

,    .    tkiadumi$.    . 

tkeidanir 

Old  Saxon 

akedu    .    . 

.     .    tkid,    .    . 

,     .    skedun  .     .     . 

ikidan 

Anglo-Saxon 

icade     .    , 

.    .    scedd     . 

.    .    tceddon.    .    . 

scMen 

•» 

haU,     .     . 

.    .    hit    .    . 

.     .    hiton     .    .     . 

haten 

Old  Frisian 

heU  ,     ,     . 

,    .    hit  .    . 

.     .    hiton     .    .    . 

hiten 

Old  Norse 

keita     .    . 

,   .   hit  .   , 

.    .    hUam   .    .    . 

heitinn 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class. 

Gk>thio.  haitay  am  called  (Germ,  heifie,  O.  Engl,  hight;  vocor); 
maita,  cut  off,  abscido ;  skaida,  separate  (Germ,  scheide ;  separo) ; 
fraisa,  tempt,  tento;  af^aika,  deny,  nego;  Uiika^  leap,  jump, 
rejoice,  ludo. 

Old  High  (German,  hei^^  skeidu,  mei^u,  zeisu,  carpo. 

Old  Saxon.  Aelu,  skidu,  suepu,  verro. 

Anglo-Saxon.  Adle,  scdde^  stodjae,  lace. 

Old  Frisian,  hete,  skethe. 

Old  Norse.  hdUii  leika,  sweipa. 


Class  IV.    (Grimni  HI. 
Radical  au  («)  :— 


Old  FriwMi  i . 

OU  Norao  au 

Examples : — 

Gothii-  Wo»pa 

O.  H.o™.  k'onfu 

Old  S«x<in  itip<t 

Old  Fri»i»n  htipa 

Old  NoMo  AMpo 


Eadical  ^  (fl)  :— 
Gothic  "  ■     ■ 

O.  H-  Gwm.  •«>  ■ 
Old  a«on  *.  iw 
Angln^'^o":'"'  «.  ^  ■ 
Old  Frisian  fl,  '  ■ 
Old  Norte       i .    ■ 

Examples : — 

Gothic  M«o 

O.  H.Genn.    p/uol» 

GUI  Ssion  krapu 
Aoglo-Saion  W^ 


OH       . 

io,ia 
to.  it 

ti    . 

t.lo. 

io,i. 

hlai-kiaap 

.    hliop 
.    hU6p 


Paf.  Fluf 
Id.  la    ■    - 


Class  IV  a. 


OtiF 


Jlika 


,    AWop 

'.  w>  ■ 


>4W 


Feris  hflonffing  to  lAU  Class. 
IV.  Gothic,  h'au^.  run  (Gem..  ^f'^i^;S: 
butt  (Crm.  st«^-;  Pe-ubo);  -J^^j;-,!^'  ^'(GerHutf  i. 
Old  High  G^rm"^-     '*'"f"-  '""-'^  \       '•       "-^  -*'*^--^ 

Old  saxoo.  -i/^a^fct.!^'-  r^»-  °*^ 

perf.  part,  of'*^'''' 
ijiglo-Saxon. 


414 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Rjdicil  am  («) : — 

—        , 

P»ca. 

FteflSiiif 

PefC  Phir. 

Pot  Put 

Gotliie             «■    .     . 

.     .    a»    .    . 

.    .    on    .    .    . 

.      OK 

O.H.Germ.    «m,  $     . 

.    .    io,  M     . 

.    .    to,  la     .    . 

.    on,  ^ 

Old  Saxon       4.     .     . 

.    .    fo,tf     . 

.    .    to,  ie 

.    4 

Aiiflo-Sazoa  m     .     . 

.    .    ctf     .    . 

.     .     €rf       ... 

.    etf 

OUFmba      m.    .     . 

.     .     t.  io.     . 

.    .    i,to  .    .    . 

.    a.6 

OU  None       a»    .     . 

.   .   io,i,   . 

.     .     to,  0  .     .     . 

.    a» 

Examples : — 

GoChic              hiaupa . 

.    .    kUii-Uam 

9,    .    A/at-JUaiiptwi.    iUcngMiat 

O.H.Germ.     A/ov/v  . 

.    .    Aita/     . 

.     .    kHafumet  . 

.    iUo«/»*> 

OldSuon       AMpv    . 

.      .      kliop       . 

.     .    Uiopm» 

klopam 

An^Uy-Saxon   Ueape  . 

.    .    Ueop     . 

.     .    hU6pcm.     . 

.    hledpen 

OldFrisao      A/ajM    . 

.    .  Wicp     . 

.    .    A/tofNm] 

.     &M/I0I 

OUNone       klapa    . 

.     .    JUm^     . 

•  *  • 

Ct.ass  r 

VtL 

Radical  ^  (a) : — 

(xothic             6 . 

?  .     .     . 

?      .            .            .            . 

> 

O.  H.  Germ,    uo    .     . 

.      .      to,  MB      . 

.     .     to      ... 

.    tio 

Old  Saxon       ^,  ico     . 

.    .     to,  i« 

.    .    fo.fe     .    . 

.      ^,  MO 

An^lo-Saxon   6,  i  .     . 

.      .      «J       .      . 

.    .    erf     ... 

.      ^,1 

Old  Frisian      6,  e  .     . 

.      .      f .  U)  .      . 

.    .    1.  to.    .     . 

.      d.« 

Old  Norse        6  . 

«  .      .     . 

« .     .    .     . 

.      6 

Examples : — 

Gothic              biota      . 

.     .     bai-blot  ? 

.     .     bai-hlStum  ? 

.     hlStans  ? 

O.  H.  Germ,    pluo^u  . 

.     .    plia^}    . 

.     .    pliazumes  ? 

.    pluo^aner 

„              hruofu  . 

.     .     hriof     . 

.     .    hriof ume$  . 

.     hruofaner 

Old  Saxon        hropu    . 

.     .     Ario;>     . 

.     .     hriopun 

.     hropan 

Anglo-Saxon  2»/o^c .     . 

.     .     blciSt      . 

.     .     bleoton  .     . 

.     6/o^en 

ff             firepan  . 

.     .    hreop     . 

.     .    hrcopon 

.     hrepcn 

Old  Frisian     Jloka      . 

.     .    Jliok 

.     .    fiiohon  .     . 

.    /<5jk«t 

,,             tr«/>a 

.     .     triop 

.     .     wiopon  .     . 

.     vepeu 

Old  Norse       biota      . 

.     .     blit  .     . 

.     .     blelum  .     . 

.     bldtinn 

Feris  belonging  to  this  Class. 

IV.  Gothic,  hlaupay  run  (Germ,  laufe ;  ciirro) ;  staut^^  strike, 
butt  (Germ,  sto^e  ;  percntio) ;  ana^xuha^  add,  join,  addo. 

Old  High  German,  hlovfu ;  hotiwu^  cut,  hew  (Germ,  haue; 
cffido);  scruiu,  cut  (Germ,  schrote ;  seco);  *^|«  =  Goth.  stauta. 

Old  Saxon,  hlopn,  Scan,  perf.  part,  of  oku,  aug^eo ;  ^ddan, 
perf.  part,  o^^odn^  g^ioj-no ;  glhauwan^  perf.  part.  ot^Jmuwan. 

Anglo-Saxon,  hledpe;  hedwe;  hedte,  beat,  verbero ;  part,  edden^ 
fifonitus;  edcen,  auctus,  from  ^edde^  ^eSd ;  ^edce,  ^edc. 


THE  VERB.  416 

OldFrisiaD.  hlSpe^Qtoih,  hlaupa ;  itite=:Ooth.  stauta. 

Old  Norse,  hlaupa ;  auUnn,  genitum,  perf.  part,  of  ^eyV ; 
ansa,  haurire;  auka,  augere;  bua,  dwells  habitare;  apua^  spit 
(Grerm,  speien;  spuere^;  hoggva^  to  cut,  strike,  C8edere=0.  H. 
Germ.  h(mwu^  A.  S.  heawe. 

IV a.  Gk>thio.  blotaf  revere,  deum  colo;  Avopa?  boast, 
glorior. 

Old  High  (German.  Anto/u,  call  (Germ,  rufe;  clamo);  pluo^u, 
saerifice,  libo;  wnofu^  weep,  groan,  ululo,  plango,  ejuio; 
vlnoAAu,' cuTBCy  maledico  =  Goth,  ^/^ia  (Class  I). 

Old  Saxon.  Aropu;  wSpu,  weep;  fiocauy  maledictus,  perf.  part. 

Anglo-Saxon.  Arepe,  wepe;  r6we,  row,  remigo. 

Old  Frisian.  Arepa,  voepa;  fioka^  maledicere. 

Old  Norse.  bUta^  saerifice. 


III. 

Under  this  head  we  enumerate  verbs  which  in  the  perfect 
take  gradation  without  reduplication.  These  again  may  be 
divided  into  different  classes.  Some  have  in  the  perfect  singular 
second  gradation,  but  in  the  plural  the  simple  pure  root,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  primitive  rule  of  gradation.  The  perfect 
participle  has,  like  the  perfect  plural,  the  short  radical ;  the  pre- 
sent tense  commonly  raises  the  radical  to  the  first  gradation. 
This  class  again  may  be  subdivided  into  such  as  have  the  radical 
»,  and  others  with  the  radical  u.  As  to  the  mode  of  gradation 
in  the  present  and  the  perfect  singular,  compare  the  Table  of 
Gradations.  Where  the  radical  is  Uy  it  is  in  all  the  dialects, 
except  Gothic,  weakened  to  o  in  the  perfect  participle;  Old 
Frisian  weakens  it  to  ^  in  the  perfect  plural  and  the  perfect 
participle. 

Class  V.    (Grimm  VIII.) 
Badical  J:— 

Pres.  Perf.  Sing.  Perf.  Plur.  Perf.  Part. 

Gothic  e<      ....  at     ....  < i 

O.  H.  Germ.    I et,  I .    .     .     .  < t 

Old  Saxon       i I i i 

Anglo-Saxon  I d i i 

Old  Frisian     I % i i 

Old  Norse       I d     ,    ,    .    .  i i 


416 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Examples : — 


Free. 


Gothic 


•f 


9re\pa 
Itihva 
O.  H.  Germ.  IcHfu 
Old  Saxon  grxpu 
Anglo-Saxon  gripe 
Old  Frisian  gripa 
Old  Norse       gripa 


Perf.  Sing, 

.  graip 
Idihv 

.  kreif 

.  grip. 

.  grap 

.  grip. 

.  greip 


Pert  Plur. 

Perf.Fto1 

gripum .    . 

.    gripau 

laihvum     .     . 

,    faiJbanf 

hri/um .     .     , 

,    hifamt 

grtpun  .    •     . 

.    gripm 

gripon  .     .     . 

.    pn>e» 

gripon  .     .     . 

gripon 

gripum .     .     . 

,    gripinn 

Verba  belanging  to  this  Class, 

Gothic,  keina^  germ  (Germ,  keime  ;  germino) ;  sieina,  shine 
(Germ,  seheine ;  luceo) ;  greipa^  seize,  gripe  (G^rm.  greife;  rmpio); 
dreiba,  drive  (Germ,  treibe ;  pello) ;  sveiba,  cease,  desino ;  iiuira, 
bow  (Germ,  neige ;  inclino) ;  speiva,  spit  (Germ,  speie ;  spuo) ; 
smeita,  smite,  smear  (Germ,  sehmeife,  schmiere;  illino) ;  in-teitay 
adore;  beida,  expect,  abide;  lei}fay  go,  eo;  sneip^a^  cut  (Genn. 
scbneide ;  seco) ;  ur^reisa^  rise,  surgo ;  steiga,  ascend  (Germ, 
steigen) ;  ga-teiha,  announce  (Germ,  an-zeige,  zeihe,  di^ayyAAo)) ; 
ydha,  grow  (Germ,  ge-deihe;  cresco). 

Old  High  German.  cMnu,  germino ;  scinUy  luceo  ;  iri/u,  rapio ; 
tripu,  pello ;  knihu,  inclino ;  stiM^  scando ;  dihu^  cresco,  proficio ; 
zihu,  annuntio,  accuse;  scripu,  write  (Germ,  schreibe,  scribo); 
sjnwu,  spuere;  midu,  avoid  (Germ,  meiden ;  evito) ;  snidu,  seco; 
pUuy  expecto  ;  ritu,  ride  (Germ,  reiten;  equo  vehor) ;  fc^/jw,  know 
(Germ,  wei^ ;  impute) ;  griuy  gannio ;  scriuy  shriek  (Germ,  schreie; 
clamo),  perf.  plur.  grirumeSy  scrincmea^  see  Perfect  in  -*-,  p.  401. 

Old  Saxon,  ^/'w?/,  germino;  *^/;27/,  luceo;  ^njow,  arripio ;  drVm^ 
pello;  s/jiwu,  spuo;  writUy  scribo;  biduy  expecto;  mi^u,  evito; 
sni^Uy  seco ;  siigu,  scando. 

Anglo-Saxon,  sctney  fulgeo ;  grtpe,  arripio ;  dnfe,  pello ;  sjnwey 
spuo;  smite y  percutio;  buhy  expecto;  li^e,  proficiscor;  hnige,  in- 
clino ;  stige^  scando ;  iUey  arguo  ;  pihey  proficio. 

Old  Frisian,  gripa^  prehendere ;  drifuy  pellere ;  snitha,  secare ; 
hniga,  flectere ;  atigay  scandere,  perf.  deck. 

Old  Norse,  skiuy  luceo ;  gripy  prehendo ;  drify  pello ;  zx\fy 
moveor ;  hUy  bite,  mordeo ;  /iS,  proficiscor ;  ^pfS,  metuo ;  nS, 
equito  ;  sn'v^y  seco ;  swi^y  doleo ;  rUy  surge ;  %:iky  yield  (Germ, 
weiche ;  cede) ;  hnig^  inclino. 


THE   VERB. 


417 


Class  VI.    (Grimm  IX.) 
Radical  u : — 


FK8. 

Perf.  Sing. 

Perf.  Plur. 

Perf.  Part 

Gothic 

iu     ,    ,    , 
iu,  io.  4    . 

au    . 

tt .     .    .     . 

u 

O.  H.  Gorm. 

.    ou,6^    .     . 

•         vv  •          •          • 

0 

Old  Saxon 

iu,io,u     . 
e6,  u     .     . 

.     0  .     .     .     . 

« .     .     .     . 

0 

Anglo-Saxon 
Old  Frisian 

ta      ,     .     . 

1*  .     .     .     . 

0 

iu,  ia,  4 
iu,  io,  4 

.   a.   .   .   . 

«  .     .     .     . 

e 

Old  None 

au    . 

ti  .     .     .     . 

0 

Examples  :- 

Gothic 
ft 

giuta     .     . 
%iu9a     .     . 

.    .    gaut,     . 
.    kau8     .    . 

.     .    gutum  .     . 
.    kusum  .     . 

.    gutans 
,     .    kusans 

O.  H.  Genu. 

91 

kiu^u 
ehiusu  . 

.     .    cfiSs .    . 

.     .    ku^umis 
,     .     churumes  . 

.    choranir 

Old  Saxon 

trit{fu   . 

giutu 

kiusu 

.     .    trouf 
,     .    g6t    .     . 
,     ,     kds   .     . 

.     .     tnrfumet    . 
.     .     kurun    . 

.    gotan 
.    koran 

Anglo-Saxon 

gedte 

,    .    gedt  .     . 

.     .    guton    . 

.     .    goten 

«9 

eedse.     . 

.     .     ceds  .     . 

,     .    curofi    . 

.     .    corcn 

Old  Frisian 

kiuea     .     . 

.     l&s  .     . 

.     .    keron     . 

rCCfClh 

Old  Norse 

kiosa     .     . 

.    kau8 

.     .    kusum  . 

.     .    jkon'nn 

Fi?ri«  belonging  to  this  Class, 

GotMo.  dis^Aniupa,  break,  dirumpo ;  Aiiifa,  weep,  fleo ;  snivay 
basten,  go,  come,  verto,  vado,  for  ^sniua,  perf.  sing,  snau^  plur. 
snivum,  snevum  for  snuum^  perf.  part,  snivans  for  ^snuans  ;  giuta, 
pour  out  (Germ,  gief e ;  fundo) ;  biuda,  offer  (Germ,  biete) ;  dri- 
usa,  fall,  cado ;  kiusa,  choose  (Germ,  kiese ;  eligo) ;  /ra-liusa, 
loose  (Gterm.  ver-liere  ^  perdo) ;  biuga,  bend  (Germ,  biege ;  flecto) ; 
liuga.  He  (Germ,  luege;  mentior);  ga-Mha^  lock,  claudo;  tiuak, 
tug,  pull  (Germ,  ziehe,  traho). 

Old  High  Gtorman.  cAliupu,  cleave,  findo ;  silfu,  drink  (Germ, 
saufe ;  bibo) ;  triufu,  drop  (Germ,  traufe ;  stillo) ;  cAiuwii,  chew 
(Germ,  kaue ;  mando) ;  piutu,  offero ;  siudu,  seethe  (Germ,  siede ; 
coquo) ;  kiufu^  pour  out  (Germ,  gpe^e ;  fundo) ;  cAiusu,  choose 
(Germ,  kiese  ;  eligo) ;  vliti^u,  flow  (Germ,  flief  e,  fluo) ;  sliu^n, 
lock  (Germ,  schlie^e ;  claudo) ;  liusu,  loose  (Germ.  ver-Here ; 
perdo) ;  vritisu,  freeze  (Germ,  friere ;  gelo) ;  piuiu,  flecto ;  vliukuy 
fly  (Germ,  fliege ;  volo) ;  vliuAu,  Aee  (G^rm.  fliehe ;  fugio) ; 
ziuAUf  traho  ;  liuiuy  mentior. 

Old  Saxon.  Aiu/ii,  ploro ;  cliufu,  findo ;  giutu,  fundo ;  nivtu, 
enjoy  (Germ,  ge-nie^e  j  fruor) ;  biudu,  offero ;  driusn,  cado ; 
iiusu,  eligo ;  far-liusuy  perdo ;  liugu^  mentior ;  lUkuj  claudo  ; 
riuku,  reek  (Germ,  rauche ;  fiimo) ;  tiuAn,  traho. 


^  6  chiefly  before  dentals  and  sibilants. 

E  e 


418  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Anglo-Saxon,  credpe^  creep,  repo ;  deSfCy  merge  (Germ,  taafe} ; 
nceofe,  trudo ;  r^fiy  rumpo ;  bredice,  brew  (Germ,  braue) ;  r«Jrf, 
chew  (Germ,  kane,  mandueo) ;  kreowe,  rue  (Germ,  reue ;  pcenitet 
me) ;  breute^  break,  f rango ;  geSte^  pour  out,  fimdo ;  neSUy  enjoy, 
fruor  (Germ,  fje-nie^e);  scedU,  shoot  (Germ,  schiefe;  jacnlor); 
btAIe,  offero  (Germ  biete) ;  seo^,  seethe,  boil  (Germ,  siede ; 
coquo);  cedse,  choose  (Grerm.  kiese;  Aigo)  i  Jreo^e,  freeze,  gelo; 
/or^eose,  loose,  perdo ;  liice^  lock,  chiudo ;  ^tice^  sago  (Germ, 
saugc) ;  reoce,  exhalo,  reek  (Germ,  rauche) ;  smetfce,  fumo, 
smoke  (Germ,  schmauche) ;  beSge,hend  (Germ,  biege;  flecto); 
dreoge,  ago ;  fie6ge^  volo,  fly  (Germ,  fliege) ;  leoge^  mentior,  lie 
(Germ,  luege);  fleSke,  flee  (Germ,  fliehe;  fugio);  ieShe^  traho, 
tug  (Germ,  ziehe) ;  se6y  colo;  teS^  arguo ;  }fe6y  proficio;  wrd^ 
proficio,  perf.  sedh,  tedh^  pedA,  wredA,  plur.  svgon,  tugon,  ]nf^^> 
tcrugon. 

Old  Frisian,  driupe,  stillo ;  krinpa,  repere ;  niaia^  uti ;  ikiata^ 
jaculari;  sldta^  claudere;  biada,  oflerre;  kiam,  eligere;  liafa, 
perdere ;  liaka,  elaudere. 

Old  Norse,  briotuy  frangi ;  fiiuga^  volare ;  luha^  elaudere ; 
kiosay  eligere ;  driupa,  stillare ;  fiiota^  fluere ;  niota,  fmi ;  liwjo^ 
mentiri. 

Some  of  the  verbs  whicb  apply  the  gradation  without  redupli- 
cation have  tlie  radical  a  which,  under  various  circumstanei'>', 
was  variously  affected  in  the  different  tenses  '.  Where  the  radical 
was  protecttxl  by  an  ancient  reduplication,  it  is  still  preserved 
in  the  present  tense,  as  in  fara,  from  an  ancient  fa-fara  ;  these 
verbs  have  the  perfect  in  6^  as  for,  probably  from  a  primitive 
fa-fdra.  In  those  verbs  in  which  the  radical  a  was  not  sheltered 
in  the  ])resent  tense  by  reduplication,  it  was  weakened  into  /,  as 
gifjd^  stiluy  hilpay  probably  from  a  more  ancient  gaba,  stala,  hafpa ; 
in  the  perfect  singular  the  pure  short  radical  is  preserved,  per- 
haps also  under  the  influence  of  reduplication,  as  halp,  st^il,  gab, 
from  a  more  ancient  ha-halp,  8fa-s(<ily  ga-gab.  In  the  plural 
perfect  some  have  e,  the  first  gradation  of  ^,  others  weaken  the 
radical  a  to  w.  The  verbs  which  gradate  the  radical  to  e  in  the 
])lural,  weaken  it  to  /  or  to  u  in  the  perfect  participle.  Thus  then 
the  different  modifications  of  the  radical  give  rise  to  four  more 
classes,  the  vocalic  system  of  which  is  as  follows. 

*  Compare  pp.  400-403,  A,  B,  C,  and  D. 


THE  VERB. 

Class  VII.     (Grimm  VII.) 
Badical  a : — 

Pres.                  Perf.  Sing.          Perf.  Plur. 
Gothic             a 6 6 .     .    .     . 

Perf.  Part 
a 

O.  H.  Germ,   a .     .     . 
Old  Saxon       a .     .     . 
Anrlo*  Saxon   a.  ea 

.     .    uo    . 
.     .    6,  uo 
.     .    6,     . 

«o  .  .  . 
d  .     .     .     . 

.    a 

.    a 
a 

Old  Frisian      a.  e  . 

.     .    6 .     . 

d.     .     .     . 

a,  e 

Old  Norse       a .     . 

•            m           0    ,           m 

<3  .     .     .     . 

a,  e 

Examples : — 

Gothic            fara 
O.  H.  Germ,    varu 
Old  Saxon       faru 
Anglo-Saxon  fare  .    . 
Old  Frisian     fcmi 
Old  None      fara 

.     ,    f6r    , 
.     .    vuor . 
.     ,    fdr    . 
.     ,    fdr   . 
,     .    fUr    . 
.     .    /dr    . 

f6rum  .  . 
vuarume8  . 
fSntn  .  . 
/5ron  .  . 
/(Uiw*  .  . 
fdrum   .     . 

.    farans 
.     varaner 
.    /aran 
.    faren 
.    /ar«n 
.    farmn 

419 


Fifri^  belonging  to  this  Class. 

Gothic.  US-ana^  expire ;  standa,  stand,  sto,  perf.  st6}f  ;  Jara,  go, 
travel  (Germ,  l&re ;  proficiscor) ;  svara,  swear  (Germ,  schwoere ; 
juro) ;  graba,  dig  (Germ,  grabe ;  fodio) ;  Aq/)'a,  lift  (Germ,  hebe ; 
toUo) ;  Jrdpja,  understand,  know,  sapio ;  siapa,  create  (Germ, 
scbaffe ;  creo) ;  rahja,  count,  reckon,  numero ;  siapja,  damage, 
scatbe  fGerm.  scnade ;  noceo) ;  saia,  scold,  increpo ;  AlaAJa, 
laugh  (Germ,  lache ;  rideo) ;  slaAa,  slay  (Germ,  schlage ;  per- 
cutio) ;  vahya^  grow,  wax  (Germ,  wachsen  ;  cresco). 

Old  High  G^erman«  stantu,  sto;  varu,  vehor;  suerju,  juro; 
krapu,  fodio;  skafu,  creo;  heffu,  tollo;  wasku,  wash  (Germ, 
wasche ;  lavo) ;  traku^  bear  (Germ,  trage ;  porto) ;  slaAuy  per- 
cutio ;  hlahhu,  rideo ;  waAsu^  cresco. 

Old  Saxon,  standu,  faru,  skapu,  grahu;  hebbju,  tollo  ;  skaku, 
shake,  quatior ;  dragu,  porto ;  hlahu^  rideo ;  slahu,  ca^do ;  wahsu, 
cresco. 

Anglo-Saxon,  gale,  sing,  cano ;  standi,  sto ;  fare,  eo ;  swerige, 
juro ;  scape^  creo ;  hebbe,  elevo ;  grafe,  fodio ;  wasce,  lavo ;  scace^ 
shake,  quatio;  bace,  bake,  pinso;  tacey  take,  prehendo;  drage, 
porto,  drag;  sleahe,  slay,  csedo;  hleahh^,  laugh,  rideo;  weaxe, 
grow,  wax,  cresco. 

Old  Frisian,  fara,  skapa,  vacra,  draga^  slaga,  perf.  sloch. 

Old  Norse,  gala,  canere ;  standa,  stare ;  fara,  proficisci ;  svara, 
jurare ;  skapa,  creare ;  grafa,  fodere ;  hafa,  toUere ;  va^a,  ire,  perf. 
oS  ;  vaxa,  crescere,  perf.  ox  ;  skaka,  concutere ;  taka,  capere ;  draga, 
ferre — all  these  have  the  pres.  in  e ;  deya,  die,  moriri,  perf.  d6, 
part,  ddinn;  gey  a,  latrare;  fid,  itovafiaga,  flay,  excorire,  fves.fia, 

E  e  2 


420 


TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR, 


perf.  sing,  flo,  plur.  flSgum,  part,  fleginn :   in  the  same  mttiiMr 
klajaj  laugh^  ridere ;  sld  from  nlaka^  slay,  percutere. 


Radical  a  :- 

'^^j 

k^*— •*— *  *-• y 

Pres. 

Perf.  Sing 

Vert  Plnr. 

F^Ftoi 

Gothic 

• 
t    •         •         . 

.    .    a.    . 

....... 

.    i 

.    9 

U-  H .  C3#nii. 

•      •• 

a . 

.     .     .     a .     .     •     • 

Old  Saxon 

• 

t,  e  , 

.     .     a.     ,     .     . 

€ 

Anglo-Saxon 

i,e  . 

.    .    .    a,a.    , 

.     .     ^flp  .     .     . 

.      <.   « 

Old  Frisian 

i.  e   . 

.    .    .    a,  e  . 

.          a»  0  . 

.    i,< 

Old  None 

L  t  . 

a . 

a.     .     . 

tf 

Examples  :• 

•j     V        • 

Gothic 

giba,    , 

.     .    gab  .     , 

.     .    gibum   .    . 

.    gibata 

O.  H.G^^nn. 

kipu     . 

.     .    hap  .    . 

.     .    .    kapumit    .     . 

.    Ir^pcmlr 

Old  Saxon 

gibu .     . 

,     ,     .    gaf  ,    . 

.     .     .    gBbun   ,     . 

.    glSban 

Anglo-Saxon   gift  .     . 

.    .    jrea/. 

.     .     .    gt^fon  .     .     . 

.    gifm 

tf 

ete    . 

.     .     .     at     .     . 

(XtOH 

.    etm 

Old  FriHian 

jefa  . 

.     .    .    jrf    .     . 

.     .    jef<m     .     .     . 

i^f^ 

Old  None 

g^^a. 

.    ,    .    g<^  . 

.    .     .    gafwm  .     .    . 

g^fii^m 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class, 

Gk>thio.  gibuy  give  (Germ,  gebe ;  do) ;  bi-^ita,  find,  get,  in- 
venio  ;  frituy  devour  (Germ,  fre^e ;  voro) ;  itn^  eat  (Germ.  e§e ; 
edo);  sitcty  sit  (Germ,  sitze ;  sedeo);  bidja,  pray  (Germ,  bitte; 
oro) ;  try  (la,  tread  (Germ,  trete ;  ealeo) ;  mita,  measure  (Germ, 
mepe ;  metier) ;  in-vida,  deny,  abnego ;  qvi\fa,  say,  dico ;  li^a, 
eolligo  (Germ,  lese);  ga-nisa,  recover  (Germ,  ge-nese;  saiior); 
visa,  am,  remain,  maneo ;  ga'bril'a,  break  (Germ,  breche ;  fran- 
go) ;  ligUf  lie  (Germ,  lige ;  jaceo) ;  viga,  move  (G^rm.  be-wege ; 
moveo,  vebo) ;  fraiha^  ask  (Germ,  frage ;  interrogo) ;  saihva,  see 
(Germ,  sehe ;  video). 

Old  High  German,  kipu,  dono;  pittu^  rogo ;  tritu^  calco; 
quidu,  dico;  ?j«,  edo;  vri^u,  voro;  tw/jm,  metior;  sizu,  sedeo; 
wisu^  sum,  existo ;  liht,  jaceo ;  sihu,  video. 

Old  Saxon,  gibu,  itu,  bi-gitu,  consequor ;  sittu,  biddu,  quithuj 
lisn,  wisUy  liggu,  sihu^  perf.  plur.  sdhun  and  sdwun^  part,  sewan, 

Anglo-Saxon,  gife  ;  wefe^  weave  (Germ,  webe ;  texo) ;  ete,freUy 
mete  ;  on-gite,  intelHgo ;  sitte^  irede^  bidde^  cwe^e,  lese,genese,  wese  ; 
wrece^  wreak,  ulciscor;  liege;  geseo,  see  (Germ,  sehe;  video), 
perf.  sing,  geseah^  plur.  gesdwon^  part,  gesewen,  gesegen,  plur.  ge- 
sene=zgesewene. 

Old  Norse,  gefa^eta;  geta,  acquirere;  sita;  bi^a,  petere;  lesa, 
legere ;  vera,  only  in  the  perf.  var  for  vas ;  leka,  leak,  stillare ; 


THE  VERB, 


421 


fr^a,  interrogare,  perf.  mxig.frd  (or  frag,  ^Ixxr.frdgum:  in  the 
nine  manner  vega^  interficere ;  ligga,  jacere ;  ')figga,  obtinare ;  rid^ 
see,  videre^  =  HAa^  nAva,  pres.  iS  for  se,  plur.  seum^  perf.  sd, 
plur.  idunty  perf.  part,  weak  se^r;  tro^a,  caleare^  pres.  tre^y  perf. 
iraS ;  sofa,  to  sleep,  =  avefa,  pres.  sef  for  svef  perf.  svaf,  plur. 
tvdfum^  part.  *<?/?»«  for  svejinn  ;  vefa^  to  weave,  texere,  perf.  plur. 
vdfum  and  Sfuniy  part.  ^»;»  for  t^dj/f^t;}  y  compare  the  analogous 
form  ioma:=qvema,  Class  XI. 


Class  IX.    (Grimm  XI.) 


Radical  a  :- 

Pres. 

Perf.  Sing. 

Perf.  Plur. 

Perf.  Part. 

Gothic 

i ,    .    .    . 

a .    , 

.    .    ^  .    .     .    . 

u 

O.  H.  Germ. 
Old  Saxon 

•  •• 

.    .    a.    .    . 
a .    .    . 

.    .    a.    .    .    . 
.   .   a.   .   . 

.      .      0 

.      .      U,  0 

Anglo-Saxon 
Old  Frisian 
Old  Norse 

i.e  .    .    . 
i,e  .    .    . 

.    a,e  .    .    . 
a .    .    .    . 

.   .  a,  ^ .   .   . 

a .     .     .     . 

.      .      U,  0 
tf  t  0 

Examples  :- 

Gothic 

stOa.    . 

.    .    sta2  .    . 

.     .    ttilttm  .     . 

,    .    ttulant 

If 

M 

O.  H.  G^nn. 
Old  Saxon 

haira     .     . 
Btila .    .    . 

.    qvcnn 
,     .    bar  .    .     . 
.    .    ttal  .    . 
.    .    stal  .    . 

,     .     bSrum   . 
,     .     ttdlumSt 

,     .    qvumant 
.     .    Sai<ran« 
,     .    ttolanir 
.     .    itolan 

»f 
Anglo-Saxon 

Old  Frisian 
Old  Norse 

cumu    •    , 
sfeZe.    .    . 

MtUa.    .    . 
sl&a,    .    , 

.    .    quam    . 
,     .    ttal  .     . 

.    conif  cwotn 
.    .    s^e2  .    .    . 
,     .    ttal  .     . 
.    .    h)m,  kvam 

.     .    quamum    . 
.     .     ttcelon    .     . 
.     .    cdmon  .     . 
,    .    ttiUm    .    , 
.     .    ttalum  . 
.    .    kvdmum 

,     .    cumatt 
,    .    ttolen 
,    .    Ctffii^ 
.     .    tteUn 
,    .    ttolinn 

F<frd«  belonging  to  thU  Class. 

Oothio.  siila^  steal  (Germ,  st^le;  furor);  nima,  take  (G^rm« 
nSme;  sumo);  qvima,  come  (Germ,  kommej  venio);  gor-timan, 
decere  (Germ,  ge-zimen);  bafra,  bear,  fero;  ga-taira,  tear, 
destroy,  destruo. 

Old  High  Oerman.  sUlu,  nimu,  quimu,  ziman,piru,  fero ;  ziru, 
consume;  sciru,  shear  (Germ,  scheere,  tondeo);  riAAu,  wreak 
(Germ,  raehe ;  ulciscor) ;  priAAu,  break  (Gterm.  breche ;  firango) ; 
spriAAUy  speak  (Germ,  spreche;  loquor);  sUAAu,  sting,  prick 
(Germ,  steche;  pungo);  viAtu,  fight  (Germ,  fechte;  certo); 
vliAlUj  weave  (Germ,  flechte ;  plecto). 

Old  Saxon*  stilu,  nimu,  cumu  (venio),  biru,  briku,  stiku  (pungo), 
brikuy  spriku,  wriiu  (persequor). 

Anglo-Saxon,  steisy  nime,  cume,  bere,  scire  (tondeo),  tsre  (scindo), 
brece,  sprece. 


422 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Old  Frisian.  Classes  YIII  and  IX  are  identical,  because  tte 
perfect  participle  has  in  both  the  weakened  radical  ei  bira,  itSk, 
niina,jyfa  (dare),  iveaa  (esse),  breka^  spreka. 

Old  Norse,  sielay  nemu^  koma  for  kvema  (venire),  hera,  dxn^ 
tondeo ;  9venia  (natare),  svam,  swaminn  ;  erja  (arare),  ar,  onmi. 


Class  X.     (Grimm.  XII.) 
Radical  a : — 

Pres.  Perf.  Sing. 

Oothic  i a «. 

O.  H.  Genn.  {,  0   ....    a u . 

Old  Saxon       tf,  e   .     .     .     .    a u . 


Examples : — 

Gothic 


O.  H.  G^nn. 

Old  Saxon 

Anglo-Saxon 
ti 

Old  Frisian 

»> 
Old  Norse 


>> 


kUpa 

vairpa 

hiJfu 

rinnu 

hilpu 

rinnu 

heipe 

{me  . 

iceorpe 

hclpa 

irinna 

rhtna 

sicclla 


Perf.  Plnr. 


Anglo-Saxon  i,  e^  €o  .     .     .    a,a,ea,     .     .     u 

Old  Frisian     i,  e  ,     .     ,     .    a ti 

Old  None 


i,  Ct  ia  .    .    .    a 


halp. 

varp. 

half. 

rann 

hcUp. 

rann 

healp 

am  . 

wfarp 

ha!  p. 

icann 

rann 


Peril  FBI 

« 

« 

0,U 


kulpum 

.    .    hwipam 

vaurpum    . 

,     .     vwitpanB 

hulfumSs 

.    .     kolpanir 

runnumSs 

.     .    miifiaiier 

hulpun  . 

.     .     kclpam 

runnwn. 

.     .     rumtan 

hulpon  . 

.     .     hoiptn 

umon    . 

.     .    umtn 

wurpon.     . 

vorpm 

halptm  .     . 

hufpen 

vunnon 

tCHHJtfn 

runnum 

runntnn 

skullam 

.     skoliinn 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class, 

Gothic,  hilpa^  help  (Germ,  helfe ;  adjuvo) ;  vilva,  seize,  rob, 
rapio ;  sviltciy  die,  morior;  gilda,  am  worth  (Germ,  gelte;  re- 
peiulo);  brinnQy  burn  (Germ,  brcnne;  ardeo) ;  du-pinna,  be-gin 
(Germ,  be-ginne;  incipio) ;  nw;/rt!,  flow,  run  (Germ,  rinne ;  fluo); 
spinnay  spin  (Germ,  spinne ;  neo) ;  vinnaj  suffer,  patior;  binda^ 
bind  (Germ,  binde;  neeto);  bi-vinda^  wind  (Germ,  winde;  eir- 
cumdo) ;  fn]>a,  find  (Germ,  finde ;  invenio) ;  drigka,  drink  (Germ, 
trinke ;  bibo)  ;  bliggva,  cut,  kill,  caedo ;  siggva,  sing,  read 
(Germ,  singe ;  cano,  lego) ;  sigkva,  sink,  fall  (Germ,  sinke ; 
cado);  Tairjja,  throw  (Germ,  werfe ;  jacio);  ^t-azWa,  walk,  turn 
about,  verto ;  gamh,  gird  (Germ,  giirte ;  cingo) ;  va{r}fa,  be- 
come (Germ,  werde ;  fio). 

Old  High  Gorman,  hilfu  j  til/u,  delf,  fodio ;  kiltu,  rependo ; 
sciltu,  scold  (Germ,  schelte;  increpo) ;  s^nilzu,  smelt  (Germ, 
schmelze;   liquefio) ;   suimmu,  swim  (Germ,  schwimme ;   nato); 


THE  VERB,  423 

prinnu^  ardeo ;  rinnu,  fluo ;  spinnu,  nco ;  tainnu,  laboro ;  pintu, 
necto ;  iuintu^  evanesco  (Germ,  schwinde) ;  vindu,  invenio ;  siniu, 
cano;  ^inhu,  cado;  stinhuy  stink  (Oerm.  stinke;  oleo^  odorem 
spargt));  trinAu,  bibo;  Auirpu,  revertor;  slirpAu,  die  (Germ. 
sterbe ;  morior) ;  mrfu,  jacio ;  wirdu,  fio. 

Old  Saxon.  Ailpu,  dilbu,  miltu  (morior),  gildu,  bnnnuy  bi- 
ffinnu,  winnUf  bindu,  findu^  singu,  drinhi,  wirpu,  huirhu,  wirthu 
(fio). 

Anglo-Saxon,  kelpe^  d^lfe,  melte,  swelte,  gihh,  perf.  healp^  &c. ; 
an-ginne,  incipio^  perf.  on~gan  ;  spinne,  winne,  birnez=bnnne,  perf. 
bam;  im€:=rinne,  perf.  ran;  binde,  perf.  band;  in  the  same 
manner  grinde,  grind,  molo;  8wind^,  tabesco  (Germ,  schwinde); 
winde,  wind  (Germ,  winde ;  pleeto) ;  drince  ;  swince,  laboro ;  stince, 
oleo ;  bringe ;  singe ;  springe ^  salio ;  meorne,  mourn,  euro,  angor, 
perf.  meam ;  in  the  same  manner  spearne,  spurn  (Germ,  sporne ; 
calcitro) ;  toeorpe^  jacio ;  hweor/e^  revertor ;  weor^e^  fio. 

Old  Frisian,  hilpa^  binda,  findu^  winna,  berna  (ardere),  werpa, 
wertha. 

Old  Norse,  gialla^  sing)  shout,  resonare ;  st^elia,  esurire ; 
vella,  roll,  turn,  volvere ;  gialda^  expenderc ;  brenna,  ardere ; 
renna,  fluere ;  spinna,  nere ;  vinna^  laborare ;  finna^  invenire ; 
6inda,  ligare,  perf.  bait ;  winda,  torquere ;  drecia,  bibere,  perf. 
drack;  springa,  ssXire,  sprack ;  verpa,J2LceTe;  r^a,  fieri. 


CONJUGATION. 

General  Remarks. 

Conjugation  teaches  us  to  combine  the  various  elements  which 
we  observed  in  the  formation  of  the  verb,  so  as  to  express  cor- 
rectly the  difierent  relations  of  a  certain  action.  The  action 
independent  of  all  relations  is  expressed  in  the  root.  The  verb, 
however,  is  not  merely  the  expression  of  an  action,  but  it  renders 
at  the  same  time  an  exact  account  as  to  the  person  by  whom, 
the  time  when,  the  modus  or  condition  under  which,  that  action 
took  place.  In  order  to  express  those  various  relations  of  per- 
sons, time,  modus,  activeness,  or  passiveness — in  short,  to  make 
the  root  a  verb,  it  is  necessary  that  secondary  roots,  or  suffixes, 
be  added  to  the  primary  root,  and  thus  force  it  out  of  its  indefi- 
niteness,  and  impart  to  it  life  and  individuality.  A  condition 
without  which  a  verb  is  inconceivable  is  that  of  personality : 
without  the  personal  suffixes  or  terminations  a  verbal  root  or 


—  -    r  ■^  r  » 


:~-tr   ■— ■  Hit  1.  "^^r:    le  i  •-Mniml  r>:t  or  theme  a 
'2  k:>-.— -r  V— _L.  .1-  -.It  la-j^c-i^jm*.    If  then  ibe  |^r- 

itc  a  verb  oat 


Z  :-  :;  n-  -r    ia— *  "i-  r  •  -  rr.  ".JLres  &  :"'"r.r.e:tiTe.  a  binding 
T-      -  :  r-j£;i  -     -:j.   jt  :*  ".     -zr.rz  Ji'y.    :-:iz.nunication  with 

-.  -.  ":»-ii-~  L.i'i  "._i-  :  "iL'^—  1  11-:  r.»  •  i :*.'.: iivd  bv adopting 
'  V-  -._-.  - :-  ■  :■:  z^-  :  ^--rr — iIt  t^t.^i^.  :*:-rzit'.  a*  on  another 
-   ^r-    :  TT z  ri:        !•  II.Z-.-  *.l-.n^      Tir  TKZ   '.i.:''  re«pires 

•  -:f_i  —  -  -'.-'.^  .L'  •  n  ■  -i-i.'-.  -  -v.l  "ir  j«c-r=*.L.il  tenni- 
:."     1   -'    i-i'i  ~     :  r:_   *i'T    r^i  T^r*.  ?i:^.  TT>e«,  :nd- Wi2/Hi-//, 

1---  -K-T   ?:•-•..-£     :  iz.  i':s  .i'-  l::t.  -^nf-zcnoed  ly.  and  inde- 

rzi'-^'.    :    .•_-;':z-:r*^L:::*rs  ll-L  :''z.'L.r.  -y.  z'l^z  i?.  in  :he  icdica- 

"    -    r  •  •!  ~  r  -   1  - :-  :t=rs  :  l1  'rrn-'Z-izi  -*  ininaaijtelr  to  the 

:  •  ■     •  "i-nt    r-    '.i^i   ;".:    ;:  .-^  ^r  riikr   .;j-":.  vut  of  ihiir-a-y 

—  ::  -  I:--.  ~T  r-^ir  'It  i:*i  '    Ir: •r::der.t  on  certain 

•  \'.-    z-  J-.L     — i-n-'iT.  -TTT. -.j^:  :>.  :_  -.:.r  •>:  tative  and  sub- 
.:  -  --     •  1  i:  -  --  rf-.  .:rr  :ir  jl::  .:  jr. ::hrr  suffix,  which 

T  -  ..   T   ■----•-.  "1    TtLIt  .:. i '.'ir  >:r>.L^l  V/rminations.    It' 
"     1    ■   ■■-       1   •-"  ~T  :it  ::".:_: "iiTr  liij-uj^r  use^J  simp!y  rt*-^/, 

.  -  -■  ---*:.-■.■  •-  -".     B.:t  tiiv  s.ime  aoti-n 

:  .  ■ .    -   :     \-    :  r     :   ".rM  :  ::   :.;.iv  '.  e  Mosont  or 

-    '  .  ■->•:"_     •    ..  ':-.:>.!.:   *:''.::>.■   a:.d  a   ivrfoct 

— "    :  :     :.    :  .j  -  -.":..  "./::r  v  ..s  :  :n:i.-<.I  :  \  r« '.]^:]>lica- 

".  -    ■ -.    .  :t-  '■r  1  ' '   -  "     -  -.     Tjkr.  :i:v  G.-thie  ni-'t  ^t'.^ 
■-■.  *   ■;  ■  rr-;-:.:  —-../•;:.?  "'..-.  r.- :::a'  :l:  ■    .  Lt-iiro  the  theiiiL^ 
--:::.  :..T  ■- rTr  .*  ::  '.t:!I  ::iko  :hc  lir?:  irra«.lati«'n  vf 
:*-  :    '.    .:".   ;:.  i  :  :: .    .     -.  •::  ; :  ""-T  "^'-v  thvmatic  vowel  of  the 
■-■-•.*.  "":. .     ::u".ivv  s  nix  i^      .  benoe  i-  -jj- ;    added  to  this 
i..-   :•  >  :...'.  -  .r.\  -     —  ■.:".  i  '  r  :     -    -    .  but  aj-j tears  as  ''/,•- '.;/"; 

•  ..  •  :  '..  V  ■:.•-  t;  •::-.. -r  ar...*.;.*.:«.al  o.-r.r^f.  yfiven  the  (rothie 
f -•  -  ■-•  -  ■  ;:.  'ivr  I-:  :  l.::a!  ,  .  ■  =  '','-  '-•-/■'-'',  in  whioh  the 
:.:...!  •  i-  a:,  i:.-.  rj-.ii.:  ;i.:  liti  :i  :  •  sr.jj^-rt  tlie  preoediuj;^  /./,  the 
L'*- r  is  tii«.-  jer-::;;!  tviii.ii.ati-.n  «if  the  ist  pUiral,  '"=//'  the 
-=*[?; A  of  tlie  'j'tativf-  II.'" h1.  i/  the  final  of  the  present  thenio 
'"J-''-'.   '-"J  ^^•*'  woakeneil  f«.«rm  of  the  root  vaj,  ]>rimitive  '••^//i, 

Thonoh  u»-  may  ree«>i>nize  all  these  different  elements  in  the 
T«-ii1oiiir',  and  <-liiellv  the  Old  Teutonic  verb,  thev  are  not  all  «»f 
i'«|ii;il  iniportancr.  We  niii^ht  indeed  divide  verbs  into  siioh 
a-   bavi'  the  llnTuatir-  suffix.  Jinil  (»thei*s  that  have  nut  :   but  the 


THE  VERB,  426 

latter  are  so  very  few,  as  to  render  such  classification  imprac- 
ticable. There  are  many  ways  to  form  the  present  theme,  but 
out  of  the  many  the  Teutonic  languages  have  chosen  a  few,  and 
these  few  became  part  and  parcel  of  the  inflexions  or  the  conju- 
gation, so  that  we  cannot  attempt  to  erect  anything  like  the 
Gonjugational  classes,  as  in  Sanskrit  for  instance.  That  element 
however  which  truly  and  most  distinctly  characteiizes  the  Teu- 
tonic verb,  and  places  it  in  contraposition  to  the  verb  in  all  other 
Aryan  languages,  is  the  formation  of  the  perfect.  Though  the 
sister-languages  also  have  the  gradation  of  the  root,  though 
most  of  them  have  the  reduplicational  system  far  more  complete, 
yet  nowhere  do  we  find  this  element  to  enter  so  deeply  into  the 
whole  organization  of  the  language.  We  therefore  unhesitatingly 
follow  former  grammarians  and  divide  the  whole  conjugational 
system,  according  to  the  formation  of  the  perfect,  into  two  great 
classes.  To  the  first  conjugational  class  belong  all  those  verbs 
which  form  the  perfect  by  modifying  the  vowel  of  the  root 
(mostly  stem-verbs),  to  the  second  those  which  form  the  perfect 
by  assuming  an  auxiliary  suflBx-verb  (derivative  verbs).  The 
former,  which  the  Teutonic  languages  have,  partly  at  least,  in 
eonmion  with  their  cognate  sisters,  we  may  fairly  call  the  '  Old 
Form,'  because  it  must  have  existed  before  the  separation  of  the 
Aryan  tribes ;  the  latter  the  *  New  Form,'  because  it  is  peculiar 
to  the  Teutonic  languages,  and  must  have  been  created  after  the 
Aryan  separation.  The  verbs  of  the  old  form  have  a  simple  per- 
fect, consisting  of  but  one  word ;  those  of  the  new  form  have 
a  compound  perfect,  consisting  of  the  verb  and  its  suffixed 
auxiliary  verb.  Grimm  caUs  the  former  the  *  Strong  Conjuga- 
tion,'  because  the  verbs  belonging  to  it  form  their  perfect  by 
means  lying  in  the  root  itself,  gradation,  &c. ;  the  latter  ^  Weak 
Conjugation,'  because  its  verbs  form  the  perfect  with  the  assist- 
ance of  an  auxiliary.  We  do  not  see  any  cause  why  we  should 
not  follow  the  last-mentioned  terms,  which  have  been  applied  by 
the  father  of  Teutonic  philology,  which,  moreover,  are  sufficient 
to  keep  up  the  distinction  and  serve  the  purpose  quite  as  well  as 
any  other  terms  as  yet  proposed. 


426 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


I.  PARADIGM  TO  THE  STRONG  CONJUGATION. 


JniKfl 

»ENT  INDICA 

TTVE. 

Gothic. 

0.  H.  Giemi. 

Old  Saxon. 

Ang.-Saz. 

O.Fii*. 

OldNone. 

81NG. 

I8t  fin^ 
and  finy^-9 

3rd  yrnH-> 

Jindri-i 
find4-i 

Jind-u 
find-x» 
findri-d 

findrt 

find-e-€t 

find-fH 

find-e 

find-t-^ 

findrftk 

fa»f 

Plur. 

I9t  /n]>-a-f}i 
and  finyir"^ 
3rd  fin^-ornd 

find-ortnet 

find-Qrt 

findra-rU 

Jind-ord 
findrOrd 
find-a'd 

find-OrtS 
find-iiS 

findro-ik 

findrOrik 

findro-th 

fifOra 

Dual. 

I8t  /»H« 
and  finy<b4% 

•  •                                  •  • 

•  •                                  •  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

Pebsent  Subjun 

cnvE. 

* 

Sing. 

ist  finy^u 
and  /n))-at-^ 
3rd  finy<ii 

findt 

find-e-B 

find-t 

find-a  (e) 
findrOrB  ifli) 

find-a  (0 

findt 
find-e 
find-e 

find-€ 
find-e 
findt 

finn^ 

finn-W 

finn4 

Plur. 

1st  /wj)-ai-m-a 
2nd  fin\>-ai]f 
3rd  /;t|)-at-M-a 

find-e-mU 

find-e-t 

find-€-n 

Jind-a-n  (en) 

find-a-n 

find-a-n 

find-e-n 
find-€-n 
find-€-n 

find-e 
find-e 
find-e 

finn-^-Si 
finn-i-^ 
finn-i 

Dual. 

1st  j\n\h<d-v-a 
2nd  jin\Hii-t« 

m    • 
•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

Present  Passive. 


Gothic. 


Indicative. 

Sing.  1st    fin]>-a-cla 
2nd  fin\>-a-za 
3rd    fin]>~a-<Ia 

I'liir.  1st  fin\}-a-n  a 
2nd  finp-a-nda 
.^rd   fin\>-a-mia 


Subjunctive. 

fin\>-ai'dau 

fin]>-ai-zau 

fin\>-ai-dau 

finlhai-ndan 
fin]>-ai-nd(iu 
fin]Mji-ndau 


THE  VERB. 
Imperative. 

42; 

Oothic. 

O.H.Germ. 

OldSvcon. 

Anglo-Sax. 

Old  Frisian. 

Old  None. 

and  Jin^ 

1st  finyorm 
and  fin'^p 

and  fnya-is 

\find              1 

•• 
findra-i 

1 

find          1 

•  • 

find'Od 

••     1 

find 

•  • 

findra-^ 

1 

find 

• « 
find-orth 

1 

finn 

•  • 

•  • 

Infinitive. 

SiKO. 

2nd  fin^€t-n      \  find-a-n        |  find-orn    \  find-a-n      \  find<t  \  finn-a 

and  finy^t-ndr*  \  find-a-^-ir  \  find-a-nd  \  find-e-nd-e  \  find-a-nd     \  finrnt^-^ 


Preterite  Indicative. 


8l90. 
ISt 

and 
3rd 

Plcr. 

I8t 

and 
Srd 
Dual. 

and 


/oii> 

fant-i 

fofnp 

funy-u-p 

fun^u 
funjhu^ 


fand 

fund-i 

fand 

fund-u-mU 

fund-u-t 

fund-Urn 


fand 

fund-i 

fand 

fund-^-n 
fund-u-n 
fumd-u-n 


fand 

fund-e 

fand 

fundr<Hn 
fund-o-n 
fundro-n 


fand 

^fund-e 

fand 

fund-o-n 
fund-(H* 
fund-(Hn 


famn 

fann-4 

fann 

funn-u-m 

funn-vr6 

funn-u 


Preterite  Subjunctive. 


Sing. 

i8t  fun\hjau 
and  funp-H-^ 
3rd  fun^ 

Plur. 

1st  fun^-^-m-a 
and  /tm|>-f»-|» 
3rd  fanp^n-a 

Dual. 

i8t  fanp-H-v-a 
and  funp-eirU 


fundri 

fund-i-t 

fund-i 

fund-i 

fund-i-9 

fvnd^ 

fund-e 
fund-€ 
fund-e 

fund-e 
fund-e 
fund-e 

funn-4 

fynn-i-r 

fynnri 

fund4'mSs 

fund-i-t 

fund-i^ 

fund-t-n 
fund-i-n 
fund-i-n 

fundrt-n 
fu/nd-^n 
fund-e-n 

fund-t-n 
fund-e-n 
fund-e-n 

fynn-i-m 

fynn-d-e 

fynn-i 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  m 
•• 

Preterite  Participle. 


funp-amre 


ga-fund-a-  I  fundroyn  \  fund-e-n 
n-ir 


fund-en 


funn-i-nn 


428 


TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR. 


IL  PARADIGM  TO  THB  STRONG  CONJUGATION. 


Pbxssnt  Ikdicattvb. 


O.  H.  Germ.  Old  Sazon. 

An^o-Suc 

Old  Friniikii. 

Old  None. 

Srao.        • 

1 

1 

iflt   Ail/-ic 

kilp-u 

\Ap-t 

Htw-e 

^» 

tdt 

and  kUf-i^ 

kUp4^ 

kUp-f^ 

kioa-e-ti 

H* 

td^ 

3rd  A«I/^ 

hUp4^ 

hiliht4i 

kiM-t-a 

H* 

tdtf 

Plub. 

I  St   kilf-eMMi 

ktlp^-d 

kdp<t4i 

Uof-o-a 

Iriof-M-fii 

tdk-*m 

and  hilf-iirt 

kHpord 

kelp-a-iS 

kia9Ht^ 

Kof-t-0 

tak49 

3id  AelZ-o-nf 

mp-a-d 

kdp-orii 

kia»'a-4k 

H09Hi 

taha 

PmCSKNT  SuBJUNCnVB. 

Siiro. 

ist  ASlf-e 

MjHB 

kelp-t 

Ha»^ 

Jdoi^ 

taH 

and  kilf-U 

Kelp-ar€ 

hdpt 

fcioj-e 

hioa^i^ 

tahi-r 

Snl  heff-e 

hdp^ 

kdp-^ 

kia»-€ 

kio§-4 

UA4 

Pldb. 

ist   h^-^^tOi 
and  iU(]M-l 

Mp-anm 

kdp-e^ 

kiaat 

kioe^-fn 

ksk4-m 

A<<p-€MI 

Ha»-€ 

kioa4-4i 

fdb44S 

3rd  iU{/'.^ 

Aelp-a-n 

kdp-€^ 

ki<i»^ 

hio94 

tah4 

Impekativb. 

vSlXG. 

2nd  hUf 

klip 

kdp            \kioe 

ki08 

tak 

Plur. 

and  htlf-a-i        \ 

hdp-Qrd 

{help-a-a     \hiat-a'th      \ 

ki€u-a'1S 

tak-ir'^ 

Infinit] 

[VB. 

SiN(;. 


and  helf-a-n       \  help-a-n      |  help-a-n     |  kioi^  \  kioi^  tak-a 

Present  Participle. 

hdf-a-nt-er  |  help-^i-nd  \  hclp-^-nd-€\  hiat-a-nd     \  kios-a-nd-i    tak-a-nd- 


Preterite  Indicative. 


halp 

healp 

has 

kaus 

tok 

hulp-i 

kulp-€ 

tjtere 

kaua-t 

toh-t 

halp 

healp 

kds 

kaiu 

t<^k 

Sing. 

I  St  half 

2nd  hulf-i 

3rd  half 

PLITR. 

1st  hnff-H-mei<    j  hulp-u-ti     I  hulp-o-n 

and  hulf-u-t  huJp-n-n     \  hulp-^y-n 

,^rd  hnlf-n-n        \  hul^Mt-n     '  htdp-o-n 


ker-o-n 
ker-on 
kcr-(hn 


I  kua-u-m 
I  kiut-U'ff 
!  kuS'U 


tok-u-m 
tok-u-tS 
tok'U 


THE  VERB. 

A 

PrBTBBITB  SUBJTJNCnVE. 

O.  H.  Germ. 

Old  Saxon. 

Anglo-Saz. 

O.Fris. 

Old  None. 

Sing. 

II               1 

1st   K^fA 
and  hulf  t't 
3rd  hidf-i 

kulpA 

hulp-i-§ 

hulp-i 

hulp-e 
hulp-e 
hulp^ 

ker-e 
ker-e 
ker-e 

ky9-i        toek-i 
kysA-r     toek-i-r 
hf8-i        toek-i 

Plub. 

ist   hulf  i-mU 
and  hidf-i-t 
3rd  hulf4-n 

htUp-t-^ 
hiUp-i-n 
hulp-t-n 

hulp-e-n 
hulp-e-4h 
hulp-e^ 

ker^e 
ker-e 
ker-e 

kyt-i-m    toek'i-m 
kye-i        toek-i 

429 


Pebteeitb  Paeticiple, 

gorholf-ar^-lr  \  holp-Orn     |  holp-&n     \  ker-en   \  ko%A-wn   tek-i-nn 


REMARKS  ON  THE  STRONG  CONJUGATION. 

L  The  vowels  of  the  Ablaut. 

I.  In  Old  High  Oerman  the  reduplicational  vowel  is  rendered 
in  different  documents  according  to  dialectic  differences.  Isidor 
(eighth  century)  uses  ea,  eo ;  Tatian  (ninth)  ie,  io,  Otfried  (ninth) 
ia  for  iojBsua  for  uo ;  Notker  (tenth)  ie,  io ;  the  Vienna  Gospel 
of  St.  Matthew  (eighth)  e,  io. 

Old  Saxon  uses  as  reduplicational  vowel  S,  where  the  root 
itself  has  the  high-sounding  a  or  ^;  in  Class  IV^  where  the  radical 
is  the  dark-sounding  6  or  uo,  we  find  the  diphthongal  preterite 
io,  weakened  to  ie. 

Anglo-Saxon  has,  as  reduplicational  vowel  of  the  preterite^  Sy 
or  e6^  the  former  chiefly  in  verbs  which  have  n  m  I  after  the 
radical  a. 

Old  Frisian  uses  the  contractions  e  and  i,  the  former  exclu- 
sively in  Class  I  if  the  radical  is  followed  by  a  consonantal 
combination  with  n ;  in  all  other  cases  the  reduplicational  vowel 
is  *.  It  is  doubtful  whether  in  Class  IV  the  vowel  of  the  pre- 
terite was  the  diphthongal  io. 

Old  NorsOy  on  the  whole^  follows  the  analogy  of  the  Low 
German  dialects. 

%.  There  is  in  most  Teutonic  languages  in  the  present  singular 
of  Classes  VIII,  IX,  and  X  of  the  strong  conjugation  an  jJter- 
nation  of  i  and  e  as  vowels  of  the  root,  which  the  student  will 
easily  explain  on  referriDg  to  the  phonetic  laws  mentioned  under 
the  respective  letters. 


430  TEU TOXIC  GRAMMAR. 

Thus  we  find  in  Old  m^  Qennan  kU/m,  nimm,  iilJU,  nimi, 
because  the  vowel  of  the  root  is  followed  bj  i  or  u  of  the  pxe- 
pr«edin^  syllable  —  but  kclfame*^  nemamAy  kel/at,  nemat,  kt^ 
because  the  vowel  of  the  root  is  followed  b v  a  in  the  succeeding 
syllable.  The  same  alternation  of  sound  takes  place  in  the  pre* 
terite  participle  of  Class  IX  between  «  and  o,  directed  bj  the 
same  law  as  that  of  i  and  e,  and  in  the  present  tense  of  Class  YI, 
between  iu  and  its  weakened  form  io.  (See  the  diphthong  ii.) 
Of  these  changes  nothing  is  observed  in  Gothic. 

Old  Saxon  submits  to  the  same  laws  as  Old  Hi^h  Gemum, 
but  where  a  contraction  takes  place,  the  original  u  is  preserved 
in  the  participle  preterite  of  Class  IX,  as  cnmam  firom  criman, 

Anglo-Saxon,  which  in  its  phonetic  changes  is  &r  more  capii- 
cious  than  anv  other  dialect,  follows  in  this  also  a  few  rules  qS 
Its  own.  The  vowels  i  of  the  present,  a  of  the  preterite  singular, 
IT  of  the  preterite  plural  remain  intact  in  but  few  instances,  that 
is,  if  followed  by  doubled  m  or  »,  or  by  either  of  the  two  com- 
bintd  with  a  mute,  where  a  however  is  found  to  turn  into  o. 
But  e,  eOy  are  used  in  the  present;  a,  ea  in  the  preterite  singular, 
and  0  in  the  preterite  participle.  In  Classes  VIII  and  IX  those 
verbs  only  preserve  the  »  of  the  present  which  end  in  «,  besides 
a  few  others,  such  as  kipan  (liiare),  gifaa  (to  give),  gitan  (to  get), 
&c.,  and  the  strong  verbs  which  form  the  present  theme  in  ja^ 
as  hldilaHy  to  bid,  beg,  &c.  The  preterite  shows  the  regular 
vowels  a^  dr=iGo\\i,  a,  e,  only  in  nime,  nam,  ndmon,  pfc/;e,  ]f(i^ ; 
but  ])lur.  ]fiF^Ofi ;  Hcge,  pretorite  sing,  lag,  but  plur.  Idgon  and 
l{Btjnn  ;  r/eseo,  fj^riieah,  gesdvon.  All  others  have  ^ir"  in  the  singular, 
CF  in  the  plural  of  the  preterite.  In  the  present  of  Classes  VIII, 
IX  and  X,  /  and  e,  eo,  interchange  in  the  same  manner  and  after 
the  same  rules  as  in  Old  High  German  and  Old  Saxon,  except 
that  the  ist  sing,  indicative  and  the  2nd  sing,  imperative  have 
always  e,  eOy  the  weakened  form  of  /,  as  helpe,  hilpst,  hiljj^,  plur. 
heJjja^,  imperative  help  ;  sfeorfe,  slir/sf,  stirf^,  plural  steor/a^, 
imperative  ateorf.  An  interchange  between  iu  and  io  in  the 
present  of  Class  VI  cannot  take  place,  because  the  diphthong  iu 
occurs  regularly  in  the  weakened  form  eo. 

Old  Frisian  preserves  the  i  of  the  present,  Class  X,  before 
double  n,  or  n  with  a  mute.  The  preterite  participle  has  always 
the  original  n ;  but  once  worpeyi  for  wurpen.  The  /  of  the  pre- 
sent, Classes  VIII  and  IX  is  kept  up  in  verbs  which  form  the 
present  theme  in^^,  before  m  in  nima,  and  in  verbs  which  end  in 
a  vow^el ;  e.  g.  sia  (to  see),  skia  (to  happen) ;  but  ia  (to  confess) 
has  €  in  the  present.  Tlie  same  classes  have  the  a  of  the  singular 
and  d  of  the  plural  preterite  before  m  ;  but  they  may  pass  into 


THE  VERB.  431 

o^  6y  respectively.  (See  letter  a,  o^  Old  Frisian.)  The  preterite 
participle  of  the  verbs  of  Class  IX  having  rejected  the  radical  o 
f»),  and  adopted  that  of  the  present,  a  distinction  between  the 
Classes  VIII  and  IX  no  longer  exists,  and  they  may  be  con- 
sidered as  identical. 

The  alternation  or  interchange  of  i  8nd  e  in  different  persons 
of  the  present  is  unknown  in  Old  Frisian,  the  vowel  adopted  in 
the  infinitive  keeping  its  place  throughout  the  present  tense. 
But  Class  VI  uses  the  interchange  of  io  {iu)  and  ia  on  the  same 
conditions  as  the  other  dialects  already  mentioned ;  but,  like 
Anglo-Saxon,  it  has  the  weakened  form  too  in  the  ist  sing,  pre- 
sent. Old  Norse  shows  the  i  in  the  present  of  Class  X  if  a  verb 
ends  in  «,  or  n  combined  with  a  mute  ;  also  in  the  verb  spirna, 
to  spurn ;  but  e  we  find  in  brenna,  to  burn,  and  renna,  to  run. 
The  verbs  gialla  (to  shout,  sing),  gialda  (rependere),  and  sklalfa 
(to  tremble),  retain  the  ia  in  the  infinitive,  plural  indicative,  and 
throughout  the  subjunctive.  In  the  preterite  participle  all  verbs 
ending  with  «,  or  »  with  a  mute,  have  u ;  brenna  and  renna  also 
take  w;  all  others,  spirna  too,  have  o.  In  Classes  VIII  and 
IX  we  find  the  i  of  the  present  only  with  strong  verbs  which 
form  the  present  theme  in  ja  ;  also  'msvima  (to  swim),  which 
occurs  side  by  side  with  svema.  An  interchange  or  alternation 
between  i  and  tf,  or  iu  and  io,  in  difierent  persons  of  the  present, 
does  not  take  place. 

3.  Some  verbs  of  Class  VI  have  condensed  the  iu  of  the  pre- 
sent into  4,  as  Gothic.  O.  H.  Germ,  sufu,  bibo  (Germ,  saufe) ; 
9ukuy  suck  (Germ,  sauge ;  sugo) ;  luhhu,  lock,  claudo.  O.  S. 
I4can^  to  lock.  A.  S.  brucan,  to  use ;  hriltan,  to  fall ;  8ilpan,  to 
drink ;  s4cany  to  suck  ;  stilnan,  strepere ;  strdtan,  populari ;  lucany 
to  lock.  O.  Fris.  MJcay  to  lock ;  sMva,  protrudere ;  slilta,  to  lock 
(O.  H.  Germ,  sliuxu) ;  spriita,  to  sprout.  O.  N.  luca,  silpa  and 
siupa,  sorbere ;  si^a  and  siuga,  to  suck. 

4.  The  preterites  of  Classes  V  and  VI,  in  Old  High  German, 
condense  their  diphthongs  ei,  ouy  into  the  long  vowels  /,  (?,  re- 
spectively, the  former  before  w,  h^  the  latter  before  h^  r,  *,  and 
dental  mutes;  in  Anglo-Saxon,  on  the  contrary,  the  a  of  the 
present  and  6  of  the  preterite  are  dissolved  intx)  two  vowels, 
namely  ea  and  eo^  e.  g.  sceapan,  sceop^  aleahan^  sleoh. 

5.  Verbs  of  Class  VII  in  Old  Norse,  which  end  with  a  guttural 
{k,g\  have  in  the  preterite  participle  e  instead  of  a. 

6.  Umlaut  affects  the  verbal  stem  more  or  less  in  the  conju- 
gation of  the  Old  Teutonic  verb. 


432  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Gothio  of  course  repudiates  this  as  well  as  any  other  Umlaut 

In  Old  High  German  the  Umlaut  of  a  into  e  may  take  place 
in  the  present  of  Class  II  (reduplicated  verbs)  and  Class  YII,  if 
an  i  follows  in  the  second  syllable,  e.  s.  wallu,  2nd  wallU  or  weUu; 
rant,  2nd  varis  or  veris.  As  in  general,  so  also  in  the  verb,  old 
documents  preserve  the  Original  a,  more  recent  ones  adopt  more 
largely  the  Umlaut. 

Old  Saxon  favours  occasionally  this  modification  of  sound  in 
the  2nd  and  3rd  sing,  present  of  Classes  II  and  III,  just  like  Old 
High  German ;  e.  g.  tcaldu,  2nd  weldis,  3rd  tceldid. 

Anglo-Saxon  admits  of  Umlaut  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  sing,  pre- 
sent, even  if  the  final  vowel  which  caused  the  Umlaut  has  suffered 
syncope.  In  this  manner  a  is  modified  into  e  {a)*,  d  into  a ;  e6^ 
ea,  4y  into  §  ;  S  into  e\  e.  g.  hdte^  3rd  sing.  pres.  kat,  blSte^  3rd 
sing,  blet^y  aceSf^y  3rd  sing,  sc^t ;  fare^  3rd  sing.y^r8,yar8. 

Old  Frisian  seems  to  do  without  tne  Umlaut  in  its  verbal 
inflexions.  Though  forms  occur  such  as  1st  fere,  2nd  Jeresl,  3rd 
ferethy  plur.  ^araM,  it  would  no  doubt  be  preferable  to  explain 
the  ^  as  a  weakening  rather  than  Umlaut  of  the  a,  for  tiie  e 
occurs  in  the  preterite  participley^rm  too,  where  it  is  no  Umlaut^ 
but  the  inorganic  representative  of  an  original  a;  thus  also 
the  infinitive  drega  and  the  participle  dregin. 

Old  Norse,  which  favours  Umlaut  in  every  possible  position, 
makes  use  of  it  largely  in  the  conjugation  of  the  verb  through- 
out the  singular  of  the  present  indicative  and  the  whole  of  the 
preterite  subjunctive.  We  find  it  therefore  in  all  reduplicat^l 
verbs  (except  Class  III,  of  course),  and  in  all  the  remaininjof 
classes,  except  V,  because  the  ei  of  Class  III  and  the  i  of  Class  V 
are  not  capable  of  Umlaut.  Verbs  of  Class  VII,  which  in  con- 
sequence of  dropping  an  h,  end  in  a,  have  in  the  singular 
present  the  Umlaut  (V,  as  sld  (to  strike,  slay)  from  slahay  present 
slo^ ;  fld  (to  flay),  present  Jl(e ;  hid  (to  laugh),  present  hla. 
Umlaut  of  a  into  '6  occurs  with  verbs  of  Classes  II  and  VII  in 
the  1st  plur.  present;  with  the  former  only  if  they  have  ia  in 
the  infinitive,  ^a&  giallay  1st  "pluT,  gio Hum  ;  gialda,  gioldum :  hut 
skldlfa  makes  skidlfum, 

II.  Tlie  consonants  affected  by  the  inflexions. 

I.  The  consonants  of  the  theme  or  stem  are  variously  affected 
in  the  different  dialects  by  the  terminations  of  the  persons.  We 
have  already  seen  that  in  Gothic,  before  the  t  of  the  personal 
termination  of  the  2nd  sing,  preterite,  a  dental  of  the  stem 
preceding  it  must  be  changed  into  s. 


THE  VERB.  433 

In  Anglo-Saxon  the  connective  (thematic)  vowel  almost  re- 
pilarly  suflTers  syncope  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  sing,  present  indi- 
oatiye^  and  the  consonants  of  the  termination  and  those  of  the 
stem  or  theme  are  joined  directly,  the  former  influencing  the 
Istter  to  a  certain  degree.  As  to  the  2nd  person  we  have  to 
notice  the  following  facts.  Before  the  termination  st  no  dental 
can  keep  its  position  except  i ;  d  and  %  are  dropped ;  the  combi- 
nation nd  is  changed  into  nL  Hence  hladan^  blotan^  cwe^an, 
siandan^  make  the  2nd  sing,  hlesty  blet^t,  cioisi,  stenir^t.  In 
tiie  same  manner  a  final  a  or  st  of  the  stem  is  dropped  before  the 
Mt  of  the  termination ;  e.  g.  c^-st  from  ceSsan^  birst  from  berstan. 
As  to  the  3rd  person  the  following  rule  must  be  observed :  The 
*S  of  the  personal  termination  is  dropped  after  a  ^  or  9^  of  the 
stem,  e.  g.  blel  for  blet-^,  birst  for  birst-^  ;  the  terminational  ? 
following  dy  both  are  rendered  by  t^  as  hlei  for  Aled^,  stent  for 
siend-i ;  "8  preceded  by  «,  both  make  st,  as  c^st  for  c^s-^  y  a  "8 
of  the  stem  is  dropped  before  i  of  the  termination,  e.  g.  cwv-i 
for  cun^i. 

Old  Frisian,  As  to  the  2nd  person  the  same  rules  hold  good^ 
that  is^  no  dental  but  t  remains  before  the  termination  st ;  -d-^t, 
'4k'^t^  -s-st,  -^t-st,  are  all  contracted  into  st ;  hence  halda^  haht ; 
finda^  finst :  xst  becomes  xt,  as  wext  from  wax^.  In  the  3rd 
person  the  termination  th  is  contracted  with  a  preceding  d  into 
t,  as  kalt^fint;  with  a  preceding  t  into  t;  with  a  preceding  th 
into  th;  with  a  preceding  s  or  st,  to  st;  with  a  preceding  x 
\o  xt. 

Old  Norse.  The  r  of  the  2nd  sing,  is  assimilated  to  a  preced- 
ing I  orn  of  the  stem  ;  it  remains  a^r  //  and  nn  If  the  stem 
ends  with  an  s,  r,  rr,  it  is  dropped  altogether,  and  the  2nd  and 
3rd  persons  become  identical  in  form  with  the  ist.  In  the  2nd 
sing,  preterite  before  the  personal  termination  t  a  final  dental  of 
the  stem  is  changed  into  Zy  e.g.  lez-t  from  Idt-a,  galzrt  &om 
gialda,  quaz-t  from  que^-a ;  but  the  2nd  of  the  preterite,  stSd 
(from  standan)  is  stStt.  A  preterital  form  which  after  dropping 
an  i  or  ^,  ends  in  a  long  vowel,  has  also  tt  in  the  2nd  sing.,  e.  g. 
sis  for  sliSh  (from  slahan),  2nd  preterite  sldtt. 

2.  Bhotacish  gpreatly  afiects  the  terminational  s  of  the  stem 
in  the  bisyllabic  or  polysyllabic  forms  of  the  plural  preterite, 
especially  in  verbs  belonging  to  Classes  V  and  VI,  where  the 
change  seems  to  be  less  obstructed  by  the  preceding  short  vowel 
than  it  is  in  the  singular  by  the  long  radical ;  e.  g.  vriosan  (to 
freeze),  preterite  plur.  vrurumes,  part,  vroraner  ;  hiosan  (to  choose), 
preterite  sing.  k6s,  2nd  hiri,  3rd  k6sy  plur.  kurumes,  part,  koraner; 

Ff 


434  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

rUan  (decidere),  present  sing.  reU^  2nd  riri^  3rd  m#,  plor.  rin- 
meSf  part,  riraner;  wenan  (to  be),  was,  warumes^  part,  wesaner^ 
and  a  few  others. 

In  Old  Saxon  we  have  only  one  instance  of  rhotacism  in 
Class  VIII,  i.e.  foesan  (to  be),  was,  lodrttn,  weaan;    several  of 
Class  VI,  i.  e.  kiosan^  k6%y  iuri^  kSs^  plur.  iurun,  part,  koran,  and 
/br-lioaan,  to  loose. 

Anglo-Sa'^on  offers  but  few  examples,  namely  wesan,  vat, 
ware,  was,  plur.  waron,  part,  wssan;  ceSsan,  ceds,  cure,  ceds,  plur. 
curon,  part  caren ;  thus  also  freSsan  (to  freeze),  for^eSsan  (to 
loose),  hreSsan  (ruere). 

Old  Frisian  adopted  rhotacism  in  the  plural  preterite,  e.g. 
weaay  was,  weron,  wesen;  kiasa,  kds,  keron^  keren;  in  the  same 
manner  ur^liusa,  to  loose. 

Old  Norse.  Rhotacism  throughout  in  vera  (to  be),  var^  va- 
rum, verinn  by  the  side  of  the  Gothic  visa,  vas,  vesum,  visans ;  it 
may  also  occur  in  frioaa  (to  freeze)  and  kiosa  (to  choose),  which 
have  the  preterite  ^\\XT,frurum,  kurum^  part.yrm»«,  kerinn^  by 
the  side  o^frusum,  kusum, /rosinn,  kosinti, 

3.  Gemination,  or  a  double  consonant  occurring  in  the  middle 
of  a  word,  is  dissolved  into  the  single  consonant  at  the  end  of  the 
word,  and  after  a  long  radical,  e.  g.  Old  High  Gtorman  spinnan, 

span;  wallan,  wialumes. 

Old  Saxon  r'mnan,  ran^  thrinnan,  thran ;  reduplicated  verbs 
may  have  the  sing'le  consonant  or  its  gemination,  e.  g.  fallan, 
pret.  fel  and  fell. 

The  same  law  holds  good  for  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Frisian, 
where  gemination,  moreover,  is  dissolved  into  the  single  conso- 
nant before  the  consonants  of  the  termination. 

Old  Norse  does  not  obey  this  law.  Gemination  is,  on  the 
contrary,  produced  in  Old  Norse  in  the  singular  preterite  and  in 
the  imperative,  where  ng  is  changed  into  kk,  and  nd  into  it ; 
e.g. /a7iga  (to  catch),  preterite  smg,  fekk,  imperative  ^H; 
spring  a  (to  jump),  preterite  sprakk^  imperative  sprikk ;  except 
spnga,  sl^nga,  which  make  saung,  daung  ;  hlanda  (to  mix,  blend), 
present  blett,  imperative  blutt ;  hrinda  (trudere),  preterite  hratt, 
imperative  hritt, 

4.  The  media,  when  final,  is  often  exchanged  for  the  tenuis, 
especially  in  the  preterite  singular,  often  in  the  plural  too ;  e.  g. 
Old  High  German  quedan  (to  say),  preterite  singular  quut,  plural 
qudtumes  and  quddumes ;  snidan  (to  cut),  preterite  aneit^  plural 
snitumes,  participle  snitaner. 


THE  VERB.  486 

Thus  also  in  Old  'Sane  Id,  when  at  the  end  of  the  monosyl- 
labic preterite^  is  converted  into  It,  e.  g.  falda^felt;  ffialda,  gait. 

5*  The  spirant  h  and  the  media  g  are  in  close  relationship  in 
many  verbs. 

In  Old  High  Oerman  an  h  belonging  to  the  root  is  replaced 
by  y  in  the  preterite  plural  (rarely  in  the  singular)  and  in  the 
preterite  participle ;  e.  g.  alahan  (to  slay)^  pret.  sing,  sluok^  or 
9luog,  plur.  sluogumeSy  part.  slaganSr ;  zihan  (to  accuse),  pret. 
zSi,  plur.  zigumes,  part.  ziganSr, 

In  Old  Saxon  the  g  is  nsed  regularly  in  the  preterite  singular 
too ;  e.  g.  slaAan,  sl^g,  slSgum^  but  the  part,  slahan, 

AngloSaxon  makes,  like  Old  High  Oerman,  sleahan,  ist  slSh^ 
and  9l6ge^  3rd  alShj  plur.  slSgon,  part,  alagen,  where  the  media 
creeps  into  the  2nd  singular. 

In  Old  Norse  the  h  of  the  root  has  commonly  been  dropped, 
bnt  reappears  again  in  the  form  of  g  in  the  bisyllabic  forms  of 
the  preterite ;  e.  g.  M  (to  slay)  for  slaha,  plur.  preterite  slSgum 
(also  sUum),  preterite  part,  aleginn  ;  thus  also  ilaa  (fricare),  and 
Alaa  (to  laugh). 

6.  The  occurrence  of  both  the  spirants  A  and  10  in  the  Old 
Sazon  preterites  adAun  and  sdwun,  and  farliwi  from  farliAan 
(eoncedere),  may  be  explained  by  the  Oothic  forms  saiAvan, 
leiAvan,  from  which  AngloSaxon  adopted  either  one  or  the 
other  of  the  spirants.  A  similar  exchange  we  observe  in  the 
A.  S.  9eon  (to  see)  for  seoAan,  preterite  ist  seaA,  2nd  sdwe,  3rd 
9eaA,  plur.  idwon. 

7.  Syncope  of  A  is  frequent  in  the  present  and  infinitive  of 
Anglo-Saxon  verbs,  where  it  is  dropped  together  with  the  the- 
matic vowel ;  e.  g.  slean^  ^fwean,  seon  for  sleaAan,  ^weaAan,  seoAan. 
Some  write  sledn,  seSriy  &c.,  considering  the  case  one  of  contrac- 
tion rather  than  of  syncope. 

8.  The  reverse  of  the  case  we  have  considered  under  5  is  given 
in  Anglo-Saxon  verbs,  the  radical  of  which  is  followed  by  g. 
Wherever  the  media  has  to  take  its  position  at  the  end  of  the 
word  or  before  the  inflexional  consonants,  it  is  changed  into  A ; 
e.  g.  stige^  ascend,  2nd  stiA-at,  3rd  stiA-^,  plur.  stiga^^  pret.  8tdA  ; 
plur.  9tigon;  beige,  bilAat,  bilAi,  pret.  deaf  A,  plur.  bulgon.  In 
the  combination  ng  the  g  remains  intact. 

9.  The  relation  between  i$  and  d  is  this,  that  the  former  is 
replaced  by  the  latter  in  the  bisyllabic  forms  of  the  preterite, 
e.g.  cwe^auy  to  say,  pret.  cwd^^  2nd  cwade,  3rd  cwd^,  plur. 
cwadon,  part,  etoeden. 

F  f  2 


436  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

lo.  In  Old  Norse  the  g  is  often  dropped  in  the  preterite,  and 
if  so,  the  ei  is  condensed  into  e,  and  au  into  o,  and  the  Ablaut  of 
the  singular  remains  in  the  plural  too.  Thus  hniga  may  have 
the  preterite  hneig^  Anigum,  or  Ane,  hnegum;  smiuga^  may  have 
smaug,  smugum,  or  gm^,  8m6um.  The  combination  ff^  is  dropped 
in  the  sing,  preterite,  brd  of  hreg^a,  and  the  ploral  again  is 
brug^um.  The  verb  hbggva  (to  hew,  cut)  has  the  sing,  preterite 
kio  ;  in  all  other  instances  the  gg  of  this  verb  is  preserved,  but 
the  V  is  dropped,  and  yet  the  Umlaut  it  has  caused  remains ; 
hence  the  forms — ^pres.  indie,  hogg^  hogg-r,  hogg-r^  plur.  hoggum, 
AoggvH,  Mggva^  pres.  snbj.  hdggvi,  pret.  indie.  hiOj  pret.  subj. 
hioggvi,  imper.  hogg^  plur.  hoggvU.  Spua  (to  spit)  makes  the 
preterite  spio,  plur.  spioggum;  thus  also  bua  (to  inhabit)^  bio, 
bioggum. 

III.  Isolated  changes. 

1.  The  Gothic  language  changes  the  vowel  i  into  a(  before  i 
and  r,  the  vowel  u  into  au;  this  phenomenon  is  known  as 
Brechung,  'a  break'.'  It  occurs  in  verbs  too;  hence  the  forms 
bairga  for  ^birga,  baurgum  for  ^  bur  gum,  laihvum  for  lihvum,  plau" 
hans  for  \luhans ;  and  vocalic  systems  such  as  baira,  bar,  bSrum^ 
baurans,  and  leihva,  Idihv,  laihvunty  laihvans,  will  be  easily 
understood. 

2.  The  thematic  vowel  is,  as  a  rule,  preserved  in  the  present, 
but  dropped  in  the  preterite.  All  the  ancient  dialects,  except 
Old  Norse,  have  it  intact  in  the  ist  and  3rd  plural,  and  (except 
Gothic  and  Old  Norse)  in  the  2nd  plural  present  indicative ;  all 
weaken  it  to  /,  or  still  further  to  e,  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  singular, 
Gothic  also  in  the  2nd  plural.  The  ist  sing,  present  indicative 
ends  in  the  thematic  a  in  Gothic,  while  Old  High  German  and 
Old  Saxon  weaken  it  to  w,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Frisian  to  e ; 
Old  Norse  drops  it  altogether.  The  last-mentioned  dialect  drops 
it  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  sing,  also,  and  joins  the  personal  termina- 
tion r=s  directly  to  the  root.  In  the  ist  pers.  plur.  Old  Norse 
weakens  the  thematic  a  to  w.  The  preterite  in  all  the  dialects 
drops  the  thematic  a  and  adds  the  termination  of  the  2nd  sing, 
directly  to  the  root,  or  rather  the  perfect  theme.  In  the  plural 
the  personal  terminations  join  the  perfect  theme  by  means  of  the 
connective  vowel  u,  which  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  thematic  a. 
The  connective  u  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Frisian  regularly, 
in  the  other  dialects  occasionally,  weakened  to  0, 

3.  The  Gothic  verb  trudan  (to  tread,  calcare),  of  Class  VIIT, 

'  See  p.  33. 


THE  VERB.  437 

has  in  the  present  the  radical  u  instead  of  i»  Bopp  considers 
this  to  be  the  weakened  form  of  a,  while  Orimm  adopts  for  this 
verb  an  Ablaut  of  its  own^  namely  truda,  trad,  trddum,  trudans* 
We  follow  Bopp  by  inserting  it  among  the  regular  verbs  of 
Class  VIII. 

4.  Verbs  in  -ma  are  inflected  after  the  strong  conjugation  in 
the  present,  and  after  the  weak  in  the  perfect  tense.  In  the  former 
the  a  of  the  suffix  7ia  is  treated  like  the  thematic  a  mentioned 
above ;  in  the  perfect  it  is  gradated  to  d,  and  thus  is  formed  the 
snffix  nS  which  acts  as  connective  between  the  root  and  the 
weak  terminations.  Of  this  formation  we  have  only  fragments 
left  in  the  other  Teutonic  languages.  (See  Formation  of  the 
Present  Suffix  --na^.)  The  most  common  verbs  of  this  class  are, 
af-hvapnauy  extingui ;  af-dShnany  obmutescere ;  af^lifnan,  super- 
esse  ;  di^inaupnan,  rumpi  ;  dU^kritnan,  iindi  ;  fra^gistnan^ 
feriri ;  ga-hailan^  sanari  ;  ga-^taurknatiy  rigescere  ;  ga-^nipnan, 
moerere ;  ga^unan,  revivescere ;  ga-haursnan,  arescere ;  ga-pla9^ 
nan,  turbari. 

5.  Concerning  the  strong  verbs  in  -ja  we  have  only  to  men- 
tion that  in  their  conjugation  they  differ  in  nothing  from  other 
strong  verbs ;  in  the  present  they  treat  the  a  of  ja  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  thematic  a.   As  to  the  contraction  of  the  thematic 

ja  in  some  of  the  Teutonic  languages  and  other  points  in  con- 
nexion with  this  formation,  see  p.  391. 

6.  The  verb  mivan  (to  go)  for  ^sniuan,  Sanskrit  root  snu^  has 
the  preterite  singular  of  Class  VI,  sfidu ;  but  the  plur.  snevum 
by  the  side  of  the  regular  snwum :  in  the  same  manner  divan, 
to  die^  mori. 

7.  standan  (stare),  root  atath^  stad,  from  sta,  drops  the  infix  -«- 
in  the  preterite  and  makes  sto\f,  8fS\fum  for  ^stodum.  The  forms 
in  the  other  Teutonic  languages  follow  the  analogy  of  the  Gothic, 
as  Old  Saxon,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Frisian,  slod,  plur.  siSd-uny 
9t6d-on ;  Old  Norse  stff^,  plur.  stff6um ;  but  Old  High  German 
preserves  the  infix  -«-  in  the  preterite  atuonf,  plur.  Huontvmea. 

8.  The  Gothic  gaggan  (to  go)  ought  to  have  the  preterite 
gaigagg,  but  it  takes  the  weak  form  gaggida  ;  the  preterite  iddja^ 
iddjes,  idd;'a,  plur.  iddjedum^  is  commonly  used,  formed  irregu- 
larly from  the  root  i  (to  go).  This  verb  in  the  other  Teutonic 
dialects  goes  regularly  like  the  other  strong  verbs  with  lost 
reduplication  after  Class  II. 

9.  The  Gothic  verb  briggan  has  not  the  strong  preterite  hragg, 
but  the  weak  brahta ;  Old  High  German  has  both  strong  and 
weak  forms,  hence  brang^  brungumea,  and  brahta,  brdhtumes ;  the 


438  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Old  Saxon  brengjan  has  only  the  weak  preterite  brdUa.  Anglo- 
Saxon  follows  the  analogy  of  Old  High  Oerman  in  fonniDg  botii 
a  strong  and  a  weak  preterite  of  the  verb  brin^an,  namely  6ran^, 
brungon^  and  brokt,  brohion.  We  have  also  strong  and  m&k 
forms  side  by  side  in  the  Old  Norse  erja  (to  plough,  arare),  paf. 
ar  and  ar&i ;  qui^  (to  fear),  perf.  queiih  and  quidda ;  kanga  (to 
hang)^  perf.  hekk  and  hangia  ;  blSta  (to  sacrifice),  perf.  blet  and 
blSta^a,  part,  blotinn  and  blota^r. 

10.  The  Gothic  fahan  (to  catch),  and  hahan  (to  hang),  whidi 
form  their  perfect  regularly  with  reduplication  after  Class  11, 
cannot  preserve  their  short  radical  in  the  other  Teutonic  dialects, 
they  therefore  must  take  the  infix  -»-  and  make  the  present 
themesyan^a-,  hangn-^  or  they  adopt  the  inorganic  length  of  the 
Yowel,  as  O.  H.  Germ.,  O.  ^.fdhauy  hdhan ;  or  thirdly  they  are 
contracted  into  fdn^  kdn,  A.  S.  fSn,  hSn^  O.  Fris.  fd,  hda.  The 
Anglo-Saxon  declines  ist  fS,  2wAfe8t,fastjfahst^jtTAfe^^fa^i 
fcth^y  plur.yjf-S;  in  the  same  manner  h6^  &c. ;  O.  iris.  3rdySi, 

plur.  fdthy  subjunctive /J?.  But  the  preterite  is  in  all  dialects 
always  the  regular  perfect  of  the  infinitive ^ii^a«,  hangan,  after 
Class  II.  In  Old  Frisian  however  the  preterite  participle  occurs, 
v^fangenyfen8z€n^fen,fdnyjin8en;  Ailen,  Auendzen,  hinsen, 

1 1 .  The  verb  bridu  (trahere).  Old  Frisian  for  bregda^  has  in 
the  3rd  sing,  breitk,  brith^  preterite  participle  bruden,  bmgd^n. 
A  similar  inclination  to  get  rid  of  the  media  we  find  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  bregdan  (nectere),  which  thus  passes  from  Class  X 
to  IX  and  forms  brad,  brcedoUy  broden. 

12.  As  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  bregdan^  so  we  observe  in  other  verbs 
an  inclination  to  pass  from  one  eonjugational  class  to  another. 
Thus  the  Anglo-Saxon  \V^^^  (proficere),  sihan  (colere),  tiha% 
(arguere) ,  wrihan  (operire),  pass  from  Class  V  to  VI  by  changing 
the  iy  which  is  succeeded  by  an  liy  into  eo  (wrongly  following  the 
analogy  of  Brechung  of  i  into  eo)y  the  preterite  d  into  ed^  and 
thus  adopting  the  forms  \€6n^  seouy  &c.,  preterite  sing,  ^edky 
sedky  &e.,  plur.  ]>7/go?i,  sitgon,  &c.,  for  ]>igony  sigatiy  &c.  The  Old 
Norse  verbs  i<yngja  (to  sing)  and  sl^ngja  (to  sling,  jactare)  have 
passed  from  Class  X  into  VI,  and  have  the  forms  saung^  sungum, 
SMiiginn^  &c. 

13.  There  is  in  Old  Norse  a  number  of  verbs  ending  in  a 
vowel  which  have  in  some  forms  j^assed  from  the  strong  to  the 
weak  declension.  They  make  the  preterite  weak,  the  preterite 
participle  commonly  strong;  e.g.  gnua  (fricare),  present  gn^, 
plur.  gnuuniy  preterite  g^iu^Sa,  preterite  part.  g?iuinn;  nd  (con- 
cepi),  present  ««,  plur.  ndi(,my  preterite  nd^ay  part,  ndinn ;  knia 


THE  VERB.  439 

^cogere),  present  ibtjf,  pinr.  initum,  preterite  knilia,  part.  kn4inn; 
ike  (fieri),  sie,  skeum,  sieia,  skeinn  ;  strd  (spargere),  strdi,  strdum, 
%triPSa,  slraiun;  tr4a  (fidem  habere),  trUi,  (rtlum,  tritVa,  tr4inn 
and  tT4^r^  &c.  The  verb  na  (to  see)  has  lost  the  strong  parti- 
ciple, and  has  the  following  forms :  present  sSy  preterite  sd^  plur. 
ndum^  part.  9e^r ;  valda  (to  command)  has  in  the  preterite  ollif 
ollum  (from  valdiy  valdum)  instead  of  velt,  veldum, 

14.  There  are  in  Old  High  German  and  Old  Norse  remains  of 
a  preterite  formed  with  -*-,  like  the  Latin  perfect,  2nd  sing,  and 
plur.  (in  -iWi,  -w-^w*).  Such  are  in  O.  H.  Germ.  «(?n-r-«-w/*, 
root  <m,  to  shriek;  pi^r-u^mes,  2nd pi-r-u-t,  root  joi  {or  jm,  prim. 
6Au,  to  be ;  Bpi-r^u^mes,  root  spiv,  to  spit ;  grp-r^u-mSsj  root  gri, 
gannire.  They  belong  to  Class  V,  and  form  their  perfect  as  fol- 
lows :  e  g.  sing,  screi,  scriri,  screi;  plur.  scrirutnes;  part,  scriraner. 
In  these  examples  r  stands  for  s,  and  u  is  the  connective  vowel  of 
the  plnral.  Some  consider  this  r  to  have  arisen  from  an  original 
«7,  a  view  which  they  support  by  a  form  scri-w-vr-misy  which 
occurs  by  the  side  of  scri-^^u-mes.  But  the  former  opinion  is 
strengthened  hy  a  number  of  similar  formations  which  occur  in 
Old  Norse.  Thus  of  the  root  gra,  prim.  gAra  (virere)  the  infini- 
tive is  grda,  present  groe,  plur,  grSum,  preterite  greri,  part,  gr^ 
inn;  gre^r-i^^^ gre-9'i=:^ gre-s-a ;  in  the  same  manner  nda  (fri- 
eare),  preterite  neri;  roa,  to  row,  reri ;  snila,  torquere,  sneri; 
9da,  to  sow,  seri, 

15.  The  Old  High  German  preterites  sterS^,  pleru^,  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  perfect  formation  in  -^,  but  find  their 
explanation  in  an  ancient  reduplication^. 


MIDDLE  AND  NEW  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 

The  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  languages  continue  their  pro- 
gress on  the  road  their  predecessors  had  taken.  In  the  conjuga- 
tion the  system  of  Ablaut  gained  absolute  sway,  and  the  ancient 
reduplication  was  no  longer  felt,  though  it  had  left  indelible 
traces  in  the  modifications  of  the  radical  whicli  it  bad  caused. 
The  Ablaut  itself  did  not  remain  stationary,  but  developed  itself 
in  the  different  dialects  more  or  less  in  accordance  with  the  pho- 
netic laws  of  each.  Thus  the  transition  from  Old  High  German 
to  Middle  High  German,  and  again  to  New  High  German,  is 
extremely  regular  and  simple,  and  the  different  conjugational 

*  See  the  Fonnation  of  the  Perfect  in  the  Cognate  Languages. 
'  See  the  Fonnation  of  the  Perfect  in  the  Teutonic  Languages. 


..-•1 


re    -r-senT    iar.   ut.  jb  nar  as  'Jk 
.  r   -T-rr-  ar    listanr  ^m  thoee  of 
sui'i    ■  .ir?    jT^.      In  EniTJish-  ''o  Ae  aAff 
L--:       "=-^r.j!n  ~:'jj  <•    •rten  And  so  violffldT 
rr"". —  •-      ':  ~     "■.--■     i^nr  — ''^in  n    'zics    mdrr  "he  indumce  of 

"■i:     ^^:i^"    :    -..-      -^  ■-    :  ~z*t^    s.^.xjr.  Liiii   >rt:en  in  two  lhih- 
t:i-   ^zi-    ^ .7?    ~-      -*t::J"-— -r   drrntar   --vsrems  adopt^; 

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—  — .       ..     ...  ^..,-     ...^       -^      "''-c-rrrf  "n-m  "he  «in«2:nlar. 

.•J?     —  \       n.-    •vi--:^5.r:/:-   n    lii    "he  Middle 

—V     ■    ■    -.  -.-~   •:     .;^    :j  vr*'.«i*.  'he    :hanu:ter.>tic 

i.T-  "' ■  -  --r-     ~-^    :r"^-r       l:rrr.ire«i :   the  Abbmt 

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.."-:'■-."  ^ -^  "    -•  "T^-:  ".i»-ir  T.'-.t:iTrr 'i:ai-ei:t5 

■    _  .. -.     V-     1    :  .::j.:i -.r-:   ~.:;ir    ".:e    -ert*-rt:t    tec^ 

-    ^    ■        -'■*.  ".  '.'.'*      *"*•■•:'.  iZ'i  ".'.I*  ter^'ieiit  plural 

..---.  •_■: ,.  ■     -  ::t-.:2.-        'j.^  \    ai'.     The  m«>lem 

>  L-r.    •-   i.~-'~i~'  1  "z  li'iis  law   handed 

--    --       'L:r'^AiL     z   i.'...w:":^  th*  perfect 

v-.    -  •."-    .::-. -i^i   !-•  c.  It  the  ndial  of 

i.---i  M-  Th.-jl    c  the 


-k       w 


%.     ( 


_  •  ^   ■■-     -— M  .     :   z'^  ir. :  -r   ten  o 

.   --  -i     -■.  ^  ''-n    ''.  .  tiie  piziral  ot  whidi 
.     .  -..-     --r:..:ir.      :'  t.-iav  sirs   in   the 

j^  -  -  -  -^-^7  -r-  fir.;::.  *''-•'.  ic.d  in  the  piitui 

.•i    i-i  *  z^-LiT  ir.ave  the  same  Abhafc;  but 
*-^   r-r- -      ir-.  ■  ">   •'•■•^   special  Allact  <>,  O.  H.  Genn. 

»•-  :-'•  M  F:.  '--.T.-    iv:  N.  H.Germ-  ^^^/^n.    The DntdmiAn 


THE  VERB,  441 

F  five  centuries  ago,  said,  like  his  High  German  cousin,  stele^ 
Uil,  stulen,  part.  Holen  ;  the  Dutchman  of  tonlay  has  steUy  sM, 
iolen,  part,  stolen,  importing  the  vowel  o  from  the  preterite  par- 
iciple  into  the  plural  of  the  perfect  tense.  In  this  manner  all 
lie  Teutonic  languages  of  modem  times  have  abolished  the 
pecial  Ablaut  of  the  preterite  plural,  the  only  exception  occur- 
ng^  in  Swedish,  where,  as  we  shall  see,  the  distinction  is  still 
£ept  up  in  some  conjugational  classes.  Before  we  proceed  to 
mrvey  these  classes  we  examine  as  shortly  as  possible  the  differ- 
snt  modifications  of  the  Ablaut  which  took  place  in  the  Middle 
and  New  Teutonic  languages. 

The  Middle  High  German  is  in  some  respects  hardly  distinct 
From  its  Old  High  German  parent ;  the  vocalic  systems  of  both 
are  almost  identical.  It  needs  little  demonstration  to  show  that 
the  Ablaut  of  the  conjugational  classes  is  essentially  the  same  in 
both  dialects ;  a  glance  at  the  succeeding  tables  will  suffice  to 
prove  this.  We  therefore  may  confine  ourselves  to  examine  the 
few  points  in  which  they  really  difier.  The  reduplicational 
Ablaut  (i.e.  the  Ablaut  formed  by  the  amalgamation  of  the 
reduplicational  vowel  and  the  radical)  was  in  Old  High  German 
ia  for  verbs  having  a  high-sounding  radical  in  the  present,  io 
for  those  which  had  the  dark  radical  ^  or  ou.  The  latter  (io) 
however  was  often  rendered  by  ia  also,  and  ])oth  were  in  Old 
High  German  already  occasionally  weakened  to  ie.  In  this 
weakened  form  the  Ablaut  always  occurs  in  Middle  High  Ger- 
man, so  that  there  is  no  longer  any  difference  in  the  preterite  of 
our  first  four  classes,  its  radical  being  always  ie.  Further 
changes  do  not  occur  in  Middle  High  German,  unless  we  men- 
tion the  weakening  of  the  Old  High  German  u  of  the  preterite 
participle.  Classes  IX  and  X,  into  o  in  Middle  High  German,  a 
form  which  occurred  in  Old  High  German  already  side  by  side 
with  the  original  «.  But  in  Modem  German  the  vocalic  system 
experienced  a  few  modifications  which  make  themselves  felt  of 
course  in  the  Ablaut  too.  First  of  all  we  have  to  mention  the 
inorganic  production,  or  lengthening  of  the  radical  vowel,  which 
was  not  dictated  by  any  discernible  causes.  In  all  the  different 
classes  the  radical  has  become  long,  unless  it  was  protected  in  its 
original  character  by  its  position.  Thus  we  have  for  the  Middle 
High  German  pUe,  gab,  the  New  High  German  gebe^  gab  • ;  the 
nice  distinction  between  the  sing,  gab  and  the  plur.  gdben  dis- 
appears,  of  course,  and  with   it  that  richness  and  variety  of 

*  To  make  these  observations  more  useful,  the  student  should  always  compare 
the  tables  of  the  conjugational  classes  of  the  ancient  dialects  which  precede,  and 
of  the  modem  dialects  which  follow  below. 


442  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

modulation  of  the  voice  so  peculiar  to  our  ancient  dialects.  A 
further  change  for  the  worse  we  find  in  the  weakening  of  the  i 
to  e  wherever  it  may  occur  in  the  ist  singular  of  the  present 
tense  or  in  the  preterite  participle ;  hence  we  always  meet  for  the 
M.  H.  Germ,  gibe^  hilfe,  the  N.  H.  Germ,  gebe^  helfe.  The  redu- 
plieational  preterite  is  in  New  High  German  as  in  Middle  High 
German  always  %e  for  the  O.  H.  Germ,  ia^  io.  The  M.  H.  Germ. 
ou  (like  O.  H.  Germ,  ou  =  Goth,  du,  second  gradation  of  u)  is 
rendered  by  the  N.  H.  Germ,  au ;  hence  Goth.  klaupa%y  O.  H. 
Germ,  hloufauy  M.  H.  Germ,  loufeii,  N.  H.  Germ,  laufen.  The 
M.  H.  Germ.  *  {like  O.  H.  G^rm.  *=Goth.  ei,  first  gradation  of  i) 
we  find  in  New  High  German  as  ei,  e.  g.  Goth,  greipa^  O.  H. 
Germ,  knfu,  M.  H.  Germ,  grife^  N.  H.  Germ,  greife;  and,  vice 
versa,  the  M.  H.  Germ,  ei  (like  O.  H.  Germ.  et=Goth.  ii,  second 
gradation  of  %)  is  represented  in  New  High  German  by  ♦  (spelt 
ie^  which  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  ie  of  the  reduplication 
verbs) ;  hence  Middle  High  German  present  achide^  preterite  9ckeiii 
is  in  New  High  German  sckelde,  sckid  {achied).  The  iu  of  the 
present  tense  of  our  Class  VI,  which  in  Grothic,  Old  High  Ger- 
man, and  Middle  High  German  is  used  as  the  first  gradation  of 
Uy  we  find  in  New  High  German  again  in  the  weakened  form  iCy 
while  the  ou  of  the  preterite  is  rendered  in  New  High  Grerman 
hy  6  ov  0  instead  of  the  corresponding  diphthong  au.  Correspond- 
ing to  the  Middle  High  German  preterite  in  no  of  Class  VII,  New 
Higli  German  has  v.  All  other  vowels  are,  in  sound  at  least,  in 
both  languages  the  same,  though  they  may  differ  in  quantity. 

Modern  Dutch  has,  like  Modem  German,  lengthened  all  origi- 
nally short  vowels,  except  in  certain  positions.  The  reduplica- 
tional  preterite  is  in  Middle  Dutch  and  New  Dutch  ie  through- 
out. Here  we  may  take  occasion  to  notice  that  Middle  Dutch 
and  Middle  High  German,  and  New  Dutch  and  New  High  Ger- 
man, following  their  example,  are,  in  certain  important  points 
of  grammar  more  primitive  than  several  of  the  Old  Teutonic 
languages  of  far  greater  antiquity.  The  Goth,  di  (O.  H.  Germ, 
and  M.  H.  Germ,  ei)^  as  the  second  gradation  of  i  in  the  present 
of  Class  III,  is  in  Middle  Dutch  and  New  Dutch  rendered,  as 
in  Old  Saxon,  by  /;  the  Goth,  da  (O  H.  Germ,  and  M.  H. 
Germ.  (??/,  N.  H.  Germ.  au)y  second  gradation  of  u,  is  given  in 
Middle  Dutch  and  New  Dutch,  as  in  Old  Saxon,  by  ^;  in  the 
same  manner  the  Dutch  /  of  the  present,  Class  V,  answers  to  the 
O.  H.  Germ,  and  M.  H.  Germ,  i,  N.  H.  Germ,  eiy  Goth,  e/,  while 
in  the  preterite  of  the  same  class  we  have  again,  as  above,  c= 
Goth,  di.  In  Class  VI  we  have  for  the  Goth,  iu,  first  gradation 
of  n  in  Middle  Dutch  as  in  N.  H.  Germ,  ie,  but  in  New  Dutch 


THE  VERB,  443 

uiy  a  diphthong  which  in  sound  corresponds  to  the  German  eu, 
the  frequent  representative  of  an  ancient  iu,  and  even  preserved 
in  some  verbal  forms^  as  kreuchtf  fleuckt^  for  the  ancient  fiiuhty 
&c.  The  preterite  of  the  same  class  has  for  the  Goth,  da  (O.  H. 
Germ,  and  M.  H.  Germ,  on)  the  6  which  we  find  in  Old  Saxon 
already.  The  Gothic  6  of  the  preterite,  Class  VII,  which  in  Old 
High  German  and  Middle  High  German  has  the  diphthong  uo^ 
takes  in  Dutch  the  diphthong  oe^  which  in  sound  is  identical 
with  the  New  High  German  ^of  the  preterite  of  the  same  class. 
All  other  vowels  need  no  further  explanatory  remarks. 

As  to  the  development  of  the  vocalic  system  from  Anglo- 
Saxon  to  Modem  English  we  have  already  stated  that  its  devia- 
tions are  so  multifarious,  as  to  make  it  sometimes  difficult  to 
recognize  any  system  whatever.  But  we  may  at  any  rate  notice 
a  few  leading  points  which  will  help  us  more  easily  to  survey 
the  following  table  of  the  conjugational  classes  and  the  list  of 
words  belonging  to  each  class,  to  which  we  must  refer  the  stu- 
dent for  further  details.  The  reduplicational  preterite,  which  in 
Anglo-Saxon  had  the  radical  eo^  or  its  more  condensed  form  /, 
we  find  in  the  writers  since  Layamon  rendered  in  two  ways, 
either  as  a  diphthong,  eo^  or  its  occasional  substitute  ea,  or  as  a 
simple  vowel,  ^,  or  its  cognate  in  sound,  a.  Sometimes  we  meet 
with  0  in  the  preterite,  which  may  be  explained  as  the  substitute 
of  a,  the  latter  again  having  taken  the  place  of  the  original  e. 
In  the  Ablaut  verbs  there  was  not  so  much  room  for  an  arbitrary 
choice  of  vowels,  because  its  peculiar  character  was  too  deeply 
impressed  on  each  vowel  to  render  it  liable  to  so  great  changes* 
as  its  confreres  in  the  reduplicational  class.  Still  the  deviations 
from  the  original  form  are  many,  a  few  of  which  may  be  men- 
tioned. 

The  most  stable  of  all  vowels  is  t,  which,  through  all  periods, 
is  either  preserved  in  its  original  state  or  rendered  by  the  weak- 
ened form  e.  The  vowel  a,  the  most  stable,  energetic,  and  per- 
sistent of  vowels  in  other  languages,  such  as  German,  is  exposed 
to  considerable  modifications;  it  may  be  darkened  into  (?,  or 
weakened  to  e.  The  vowels  a  and  ^,  perhaps  identical  in  sound, 
seem  to  have  been  interchangeable  in  most  periods  of  Early 
English.  The  ancient  «,  chiefly  in  the  preterite  participle,  is 
regularly  rendered  by  <?,  as  in  other  Teutonic  languages.  The 
Anglo-Saxon  d  we  find  either  as  a  or  (? ;  6  commonly  as  Oy  oo^  or 
ou ;  the  Anglo-Saxon  a  commonly  returns  to  its  original  form, 
a ;  the  long  vowel  a  occurs  in  Late  Saxon,  but  in  Early  English 
it  is  already  supplanted  by  a  or  its  neighbours  o  and  e.  On  the 
whole  we  £md  the  Anglo-Saxon  system  of  the  Ablaut  most  con- 


444  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

sistently  applied  in  the  Ormulum,  where  in  general  licence  and 
arbitrary  changes  are  repudiated^  and  a  strict  grammatical  sy»- 
tem  is  strictly  carried  out.  There  we  find  not  only  the  ancient 
distinction  between  the  singular  and  preterite  pluial  kept  up  bj 
diflterent  vowels,  but  even  the  original  quantity  often  preserved ; 
as  in  Class  VIII,  Anglo-Saxon  present  i,  e^  pret.  sing,  a,  plnr. 
^,  pret.  part,  i,  e ;  Ormulum,  pres.  i,  e,  pret.  sing,  a,  plar.  a, 
pret.  part,  i,  e.  Layamon,  on  the  other  hand,  allows  himself 
a  vast  range  of  vowels  to  make  up  his  system  of  Ablaut.  But 
both  agree  in  keeping  up  the  ancient  distinction  between  the 
radical  of  the  singular  and  that  of  the  plural  of  the  preterite. 
Even  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  it  is  occasionally  pre- 
served, though  its  gradual  disappearance  in  the  latter  dudects 
cannot  be  overlooked. 

The  Scandinavian  languages  of  the  present  day,  though  not 
the  direct  descendants  of  Old  Norse,  have  nevertheless  much  in 
common  with  the  ancient  dialect.     As  peculiar  to  the  Swedish 
alone  among  all  the  modern  languages  of  the  Teutonic  tribe,  we 
must  mention  the  nice  distinction  it  makes  between  the  Ablaut 
of  the  preterite  singular  and  the  preterite  plural  of  verbs  bdong- 
ing  to  the  Ablaut  class;    e.g.  Class  VIII,  O.N.   i,,.a.,.d...e 
(Goth.  i,,.a,.,e,..i),  Swed.  i.,.d...d...i\  Class  X,  O.N.  i,..a,,,u,..n 
(Goth    »... a... »...«),    Swed.   d,..a...n...u.      Danish    makes  the 
plural    and   singular   always   alike.      As  to  the  vowels  of  the 
Ablaut  a  few  observations  may  suffice.     Old  Norse  already  ren- 
ders the  reduplicated  perfect  by  the  most  condensed  form  of  the 
vowels  of  the  root  and  the  reduplication,  applying,  instead  of 
the  diphthong,  the  long  vowel  e,  with  the  exception  of  Class  IV, 
where  the  Gothic  du  gives    rise  to  the  diphthong  io,  though 
even  this  is  often  replaced  by  e,     Swedish  and  Danish  follow 
the  analogy  of  their  Old  Norse  relative,  so  that  in  Class  I  they 
make  the  preterite  rt?  =  0.  N.  /;  in  Class  II,  Swed.  o,  Dan.  a  (<>) 
=  0.  N.  e;  in  Class  III  both  e  =  0.  N.  e;  in  Class  IV,  Swed.  o,  o, 
Dan.  oc'y  ?<  =  0.  N.  io  (/).     It  is  peculiar  to  the  Danish  language 
that  in   the  redui)licational   classes  the  vowel  of  the   ]ireterite 
becomes  the  radical  of  the  present  too,  or  vice  versa,  that  the 
vowel  of  the  present  is  preserved  in  the  other  tenses  as  well,  so 
that  in  this  case  we   can  hardly  speak  of  any  Ablaut  at  all. 
Swedish  follows  more  closely  the  analogy  of  Old  Norse.     The 
radical  of  the  present.  Class  I,  O.N.  a  =  Goth,  e,  is  rendered  in 
Swedish  by  a;    in  the  same  manner  O.  N.  a  =  Goth,  a  in  Class 
II.     The  O.  N.  ei,  in  the  present  of  Class  III,  is  identical  with 
the  ei  in  High  German,  and  corresponds  to  the  Goth,  di ;  it  is  in 
Danish  condensed  into  /.     The  O.  N.  a?^=Goth.  du  of  Class  IV, 


THE  VERB. 


445 


Swedish  and  Danish  render  by  oe  or  u.  In  the  Ablaut  classes 
the  analogy  between  Old  Norse  and  Swedish  is  still  greater^  the 
only  disadvantage  of  the  latter  being  the  total  absence  of  diph- 
thongs in  the  Modem  Scandinavian  languages.  In  Class  V 
we  find  in  Swedish  and  Danish^  as  in  Old  Norse,  i  in  the  present 
for  the  O.  H.  Germ,  i  and  the  Goth.  ei.  The  Gothic  preterite  di 
18  in  Old  Norse  ei,  which  in  Swedish  and  Danish  is  again  con- 
densed into  e.  The  Gothic  and  Old  Norse  iu  of  the  present  in 
Class  VI  remains  the  same  in  Swedish ;  but  occasionally  it  is 
rendered  as  in  Danish  by  ^,  the  representative  (Umlaut  ?)  of  a 
more  ancient  4,  In  Class  VII  Old  Norse  and  Swedish  are  iden- 
tical. This  identity  might  be  observed  in  the  last  three  classes 
also^  if  Swedish  had  preserved  the  ancient  shortness  of  the 
vowels ;  but  like  its  modem  sisters  it  has  in  most  cases  g^ven 
way  to  inorganic  production.  Still,  if  not  by  diflferent  quan- 
tities, it  does  keep  up  the  distinction  of  singular  and  plural  pre- 
terite by  diflTerence  of  sound,  putting  for  the  Old  Norse  a  and  d 
(Gothic  a  and  e)  d  and  a  respectively. 

The  distinction  in  Class  X  is  perfect.  The  details  may  be 
further  examined  in  the  vocalic  system  of  the  classes  and  the 
examples  which  we  g^ve  in  the  following. 

Class  I. 


Ir68. 

O.  H.  Germ.  & . 

M.  H.  Grerm.  d  . 

N.  H.  Genn.  a . 

Old  Saxon  a . 

Middle  Dutch  a . 

New  Dutch  d . 

Old  Norse  d . 

Swedish  d . 

Danish  a 

Anglo-Saxon  (e 

Layamon  (?,  e 

Ormulum  a 

Old  English  e  . 

Middle  English  e  . 

New  English  e  . 


Pret. 

ia    . 
ie 
ie 

ie,  e . 
ie 
ie    . 

i     . 

OB 

eo,  i 

a,e,ea 

e 

e 

e 


Part. 

a 
& 
a 

a 
a 

a 
a 

a 

(«) 

a 

e,  a 
(F,  e 
e,  a 
e 
e 


Ferbs  belonging  to  this  Class, 

Middle  High  Gtennan^  sldfe,  slief,  sldfen,  to  sleep ;  brdten, 
to  roast ;  rdten,  to  advise ;  Id^en,  to  let ;  bldsen,  to  blow ;  hdhey 
hie,  to  hang;  vdhe^  vie,  to  catch. 

*  For  examples  in  the  Old  Teutonic  languages,  see  above,  p.  411  sqq. 


446  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

New  Hi^  Gtannan.  McUafe,  %cJdief^  9ekldfen^ ;  rdten^  la^ 
bidden. 

Middle  Dutch,  slape^  aliep^  alapen  ;  lalen,  to  let ;  raden,  NamB. 

Kew  Dutch.  */ap,  aiiep,  Mpen  ;  Inten^  rdden^  drdden,  bUzeiL 

Swedish,  jrra/^r,  graf^  griten,  to  weep ;  later,  lat^  Idfen. 

Deniah.  grader,  gretd,  grad,  to  weep ;  Idder  follows  CIabs  VII. 

lAymmoQ.  Prts.  9l4gpe,  pret.  slap  (sleap),  sleep;  pies,  lak 
(leU)y  pret.  le/te  {laiie,  leaUe\  part.  iUte;  drede,  I  diead,  part 
adtfdde,  adrdd. 

Ormulum.  slape^  slepte  (weak) ;  lale  {lete),  let,  leienn  {laieMn): 
dradey  pret.  drtdde. 

Old  "RnglJRh,  slepe,  pret.  slep ;  leie  {late),  pret.  let  {lete,  letie), 
part,  ilefe  {ilate,  laten) ;  drede,  pret.  dred. 

Middle  'RwgiiMh,  slepe,  pret.  slep  {sleep,  slepte),  part  defit 
(wtak);  lete  {la/),  pret.  leot  {lete,  lette),  part,  letun  {lete);  drede 
{drtede\  pret.  dred  {dredde,  dradde),  part,  adred,  adrad. 

New  SntfiBh.  sleep  {weeik);  let;  dread  {weak). 

Class  II. 

Ptcs.  Pret.  Plurt. 

O.  H.  Germ.  a ie a 

M.  H.  Germ.  a ie a 

N.  H.  Germ.  a ie a 

Old  Saxon  a ie^  S   .     .     .     .  a 

Middle  Dutch  a ie,  e,  i     .     .     .  a 

New  Dutch  a ie a 

Old  Norse  a e a 

Swedish  d 6 d 

Danish  a,  o    .     .     .  a,  o   .          .  a^  o 

Anglo-Saxon  a^  ea .     .     .     .  eo,  e  .     .     .     .  o,  ra 

Layamon  a^o     .     .     .     .  e,  eo,  a    .     .     .  a,  o 

Ormulum  a c a 

Old  English  a e^  o     .     .     .     .  a^  o 

Middle  English  a,  f,  o     .     .     .     e o,  e 

New  English  a^  o    .     .     .     .  c,  ic    .     .     .     .  e^u 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class. 

Middle  High  German,  valle,  viel,  vallen,  to  fall ;  halten,  to 
hold  ;  schalten^  to  rule;  spalten^  to  cleave;  tcalten^  to  command; 
salzeuy  to  salt ;  bannen,  to  banish^  interdicere. 

New  High  German,  falle,  fiel^  fallen  ;  halteii ;  hange,  hxengy 
hangen,  to  hang;  fange,jieng,fangen,  to  cateh;  gange  (obsolete), 
gleng,  gangen,  to  go. 

*  I  give  the  perfect  participle  without  the  augment  ge-,  though  in  Modem  Ger- 
man it  is  essential  in  the  formation  of  the  past  participle,  while  its  use  was  optional 
in  Old  High  German. 


THE  VERB. 


447 


iddle  Butch,  valle^  veil,  vallen  ;  houde  {=ialle^)  helt  {hilt), 
en,  to  hold ;  sonde,  seU  {sili),  soud-en ;  banne,  ben,  bannen  ; 
he,  ghinc,  ganghtny  to  go ;  vanghe,  vine,  vanghen,  to  catch 
p.  gaeuyfaen) ;  heffe^  hief,  heven,  to  lift,  from  Class  VII. 
ew  Dutch,  vat,  viel,  vallen;  Aoud^,  hield,  houden;  hang, 
,  hangen ;  vang  (usually  vd),  vittg,  vangen  ;  gd  {gange^  obso- 
,  ging,  gangen  ;  hef,  hiefy  heven. 

vediah.  fallevy  foil,  fallen ^  to  fall ;  holler ^  holly  hailen,  to 
;  f^^i  fi^^i  plur.  finge,  fdngen,  va&a.fa,  to  catch ;  gar,  gick, 
?,  gangen,  infin.  gdy  to  go. 

iniah.  f alder y  faldt,  falden,  to  fall ;  holder,  holdl,  holten,  to 
;  faaeryfikyfangen,  to  catch ;  gaaer,  gik,  gangeny  to  go. 
lyamon.  halde  {halde,  holds),  pret.  heold  {held,  haldy  huld), 

ihalden,  iholden ;  falde,  feoldy  to  fall;  walde  (walde, 
?),  pret.  walde  {welde),  part,  awald ;  fo,  pret.  ifeng,  part. 
en  {ifon) ;  hangCy  heong  {heng),  hongen  {hon) ;  ga,  go ;  part. 
{igon). 

rmulum.  falle,  fell,  fallenn  ;   halde,  held,  haldenn  ;  fange 
feng;  hange,  heng,  hangenn  ;  gange  (ga),  ^ede^,  gan, 
jd  EngUah.  falle,  fel,  fallen;    halde,  held  {huld)y  yholde ; 
*9  f^  {f^)  {f^^^^  weak),  -psirt,  fanged ;   hange  {honge), 

hong  [honge)  {hanged  weak) ;  go  {ga)y  ^ede,  ^eode,  ^ode,  part. 
on,  gone,  gane. 

iddle  Exiglisb.  fonge,  feng,  fongen;   honge  {hange),  henge 
g)  {hangid^,  honged^,  weak),  heng  {hanged,  hongid,  weak) ; 
(gon,  go,  goo),  ^ede  {wenie),  aoon  {gon,  go,  ygo). 
3W  Tgngiiftii.  fall,  fell,  fallen  ;  hold,  held,  held  ;  hang,  hung, 
;  go  {wenf),  gone. 


Class  HI. 


Pres. 


O.  H.  Germ. 
M.  H.  Germ. 
N.  H.  Germ. 
Old  Saxon 
Middle  Dutch 
New  Dutch 
Old  Norae 
Swedish 
Danish 
Anglo-Saxon 
Layamon 
Ormulum 
Old  English 
Middle  English  o 
Kew  English      o 


a  . 

a<,a^o 
a,  (z 
a,e,o 


Pret. 

ia 
ie 
ie 

ie 
ie 
i  . 


S 


eo,  S 
e,  eo,  CB 
Of  ce,  tt  eo 
e  . 


e 
e 


Part. 

ei 

ei 

.    ei 

.     S 

.   i 

.   i 

.    H 

.    S 

.    i 
.   a 

.    a,  o 
.    a 

o 


Tocalixed  in  <m ;  see  the  phonetic  laws  of  New  Dutch. 


'  A.  8.  eddt. 


448 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class, 

High  German.  scAeide,  schiet,  scAeiden,  to  separate; 
eischen,  to  demand ;  Aei^en,  to  command,  to  be  called ;  s9Pe^ 
vibrate. 

New  High  German.  Aei^,  Aie^,  hei^  ;  scAeide  follows  die 
analogy  of  Class  VIII. 

Middle  Dutoh.  Aete,  Aiet,  heten,  to  order,  to  be  called ;  seUe, 
sciet,  sceden,  to  separate ;  t^escAe,  vriescA,  vrescAen,  to  demand. 

New  Dutch.  Aet,  Aiet,  heten  ;  eiscA,  escA,  eiscAen. 

Layamon.  Aate  {Aate,  Aote),  pret.  AaAte  (AeAte),  part,  biiaim 
(iAote),  blawe  (blawe,  hlowe^  &c.)^  pret.  bleou  {bleu),  paurt.  ihUm- 
en  ;  enawe  {cnowe\  cneow  (cnew\  cnawen  {cnowe) ;  sawe  (#(W^)j 
pret.  seow  ;  matce  {mawe)^  meow  (mew). 

Ormuluxn.  Aate,  Aet,  Aatenn;  blatae,  part,  blawen;  enawe, 
cnew  {cneow) ;  sawe,  part,  sawenn. 

Old  English.  Aote,  Aet,  part.  Aatte  (yAote) ;  blowe  {Uawe)^Uewe; 
knowe  {knawe),  knew,  knowen  {knawen) ;  sowe,  sewe  {seu). 

Middle  Tringliff^.  Aote,  pret.  beAote,  part.  biAoten ;  blowe.  Hew, 
blowun  {blowen);  knowe,  knew  {knew^,  kne^,  knowide),  hunm 
{know);  sowe  {sewe),  pret.  sewe  {sowide  weak),  sowen  {sowid). 

New  EnglJBh.  blow,  blew,  blown;  know,  knew,  known;  crow, 
crew,  crown  (obs.  for  crowed) ;  tArow,  tArew,  thrown. 


Class  IV. 


O.  H.Gerra. 
M.  II.  Germ. 
N.  H.  Germ. 
Old  Saxon 
Middle  Dutch 
New  Dutch 
Old  Norse 
Swedish 
Danish 
Anglo-Saxon 
Layamon 
Ormulum 
Old  English 
Middle  English 
New  English 


Pres. 

ou,  d,  no 
ou,  6,  uo 
au,  6 
6,  uo 
6  . 
6,  oe 
au,  6 

Off  u 
0€,  u 
ea,  6t  e 
a,  e 
cc,  o 

e,  o 

f ,  0 
6     . 


Pret. 

io  . 
ie  . 
ie  . 
iot  ie 

ie  . 
ie  . 
io,  e 
o,  6 
oe,  u 
eo,  e 
eo,  e 

•        • 

tf,  o 

e,o 
e   . 


Part. 

oUf  6,  uo 
ou,  6,  uo 
au^  6 
6j  uo 
6 

6t  oe 
au,  6 
oe,  u 
oe,  u 
ra,  6,  i 
eOy  ea,  e 

(F,  o 

c 

e,  o 
6 


Verbs  belonging  to  tAis  Class, 

Middle  High  German,  loufe,  lief,  loufen,  to  run ;  Aouwe,  hiu, 
plur.  A  in  wen,  part.  Aouwen,  to  hew,  cut;   stS^e,  stie^,  stolen,  to 


THE  VERB. 


449 


jtrike;  schrSte,  schrieiy  schrSten^  to  cut;  ruofe,  rief,  ruofen^ 
• 

w  High  Gtorman.  haue,  hieh,  hauen,  cut^  strike ;  lattfe^  liefy 
;  ald^j  slie^j  sto^n ;  schrSie,  scAriel,  schrSten;  rdfe^  rief^ 
to  call. 

Idle  Butoh.  ISpe^  Hep,  Idpen,  to  run ;  Aoioej  Aieu,  plur.  Aou~ 
stSie^  to  strike,  butt,  atiet^  9t6ten  ;  roepe,  riep,  roepen, 
w  Dutch.  ISp^  liep^  ISpen;  houWy  hieuw,  houwen  ;  roep^  riep, 
,  to  call. 

ramon.   tape  {lepe),  pret.  leop  {lep^  letip,  leoupy  ilecpe),  plur. 
leopen;  toepe  (weope),  ptet.  weep  {wep);  hewe  (^^e««7tf),  pret. 
heawe) ,  part,  heawen  {ieouwen,  hewen) ;  rowe  (rouwe),  part. 
;  growe,  pret.  greu  {greawen,  gratoe). 
aulum.   lope,  pret.  lupe;  htBwe,  part.  Aatcenn;  bate,  part. 

L  Engliah.   lepe,  pret.  lepe  {lept,  weak) ;    wepe,  pret.  wep 
and  wepte,  weped^  weak);    hewe,  pret.  hew  (hewe),  part. 
y  growe  {grewe),  pret.  grew  {greu). 

Idle  TgwgHgii.  lepe,  pret.  /^^  {leep  and  /^^^,  leppide,  weak), 
lopen  {leppid,  lept  weak);  hewe,  heew  {hew  and  hewide 
,  part,  hewun  {hewen  and  Ae«;/ J  weak) ;  growe,  pret.  ^«(; 
frowide  weak),  part,  growun  {growen). 

w  English,  hew,  part,  hewn  ;  grow,  grew,  grown  ;  weep,  wept, 
weak) ;  leap^  leapt,  leapt  (weak) ;  beat^  part,  beaten,  Ex- 
Ij  some  verbs  of  Classes  III  and  IV  are  identical  in  form  ; 
different  origin  will  be  seen  on  reference  to  Classes  III  and 
Anglo-Saxon. 

CiASs  V. 


Pres.  Pret.  Sing. 


Plur. 


O.  H.Germ.  I 

M.  H.  Germ.  I 

N.  H.Germ.  ei 

Old  Saxon  t 

Middle  Dutch  % 

New  Dutch  t 

Old  None  t 

Swedish  i 

Danish  I 

Anglo-Saxon  I 

Layamon  i 

Ormulum  i 

Old  English  t 

Middle  EngUsh  t 

New  EngliA  t 


ei  .     . 
ei  .     . 
I,t     . 

e     .     . 
.     H  . 
.     e    . 
.     i    . 

it 

a    .     . 

a,  ce 
.    a   . 
.     0,0 

0,  00 
.     0,  t 

i    .     . 

1,0 

Part 
t 

t 

t 
I 

t 

i 
i 

t 

0,  t 


Gg 


"•  '  r  -  r         ;^ 


•r:  /,; 


-ii,     T 


yXfsrniajL 


Li't. 


~ .     t 


'i.r 


■^m- 


-Ixr^ 


iL.    ..  . 


:t  -■      '  --V.  to 

.  •  •      >        ■       • 

.  --.  ■■\H. 

*  ■  ■ 


.4^1    ->  ..     - 


ft  ^  »  - 


^•vTr  Z-Tz::. 


■■  ■■   ■■  '    --line      ■•  ■■'■■'    -.■  r-.'^nain  . 

' '     ■.•'.■•-■.-;■    -i:::ir: :      ■  ■::.:■? 


:  -» ; 


•  '       "^'IT"^        ■  ■  -    ■ »  ■  ■  ' 

■*  ■  ^^    ■  -  •  ^^.i-t    ,        I.         ■   ■   .     •' 


.  •'  ■• 


-xr:. 


J  ■  - 


•'  .-     •■••    ■'.   To   st'ize; 

t 


f.  *«   »•■..,  ,. 


••  ~-  .r 


.1     »■-•-'■ 


^  ■ 


/  . 


^/.vj  p:. -../.....'. 


f-- 


'// 


•  -  .         "  '      ■         ■ 

".-■.■     ■  ■  '  .    -  •   -'.  T-"-.:r.     ■'■• '.■^r'.  part. 


^'"^',.(..ri    ///A-,/;   ,-...'.  ,.-,..     .  .■..r::;^.    - .,    ■    'art.  r".-.v 

Mri/H,.  K.,,ii,f,.   v/y...;,.,/.   .,    .,:       ■.:-::ir!.;.vV.!].art.^>^;^/<v; 

'AvM,,    ,/,„/,    ,Ay...,,^     /A;y.,/v/;     >/•,.,,     .".;../:     ^/,v  ,.,  „,     ^/ry/v,/ ; 

^■•"  :   ////"/,   //„„..,/,   ////;;/<v^;    /,,,/^,  ^,.,.^  hHou  t^-'.lU;  ^si.uik, 
;"■'•   ■■";'^'''"'  •■•''''/'''•";  /ov//-,  //;a..,/,.,  in'lUn.icrlUn;  rede,  rood, 


THE  VERB.  461 

HewSngUBh.  shine ,  shone ^  part,  ehane;  drive ^  drove,  driven: 
thus  also^  ihrive,  thrive;  bite,  bit,  bitten ;  smite,  emote,  smitten; 
aUde,  abode,  abode;  ride,  rode,  ridden;  rise,  rose,  risen;  strike, 
sirueiy  struck  {stricken). 

Class  VI. 

Pres.  Pret  Sing.         Plur.  Part. 

O.  H.  Germ.  tu .    .    .    .  ou     ...    u  ....  o 

M.  H.  Germ.  iu,    ,     .     .  ou      ...     u  ....  o 

N.  H.  Germ.  f€ .    .     .     .  d,  o    . 6,  o 

Old  Saxon  <m,  io,  ^ ..  d  ....    u  ....  o 

Middle  Dutch  te,  4  .    .    .  d  .     .     .     .    o  .     .     .     .  o 

New  Dutch  tit ....  d S 

Old  Norse  iu,  %o,  ^  *     ,  au     ...     u  ....  o 

Swedish  iu,  P .    .     .  oe ....    ^  ....  t2 

Danish  P  .     .    .     .  oe 4 

Anglo-Saxon  eo .    .    ,    .  ea      ...v....o 

LaTamon  eo,  e  .    .    .  cb,  a  .    .    .    u,  o   .    .     .  o 

Ormnlum  eo,  «...  cb  ....     u  ....  o 

Old  English  e....e....o....o 

Middle  English  e  .     .     .     .  e,  o o 

New  English  e,o    .    .    .  o o,  e 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class, 

Middle  High  Gtormazu  scAiube,  schoup,  schuben,  schoben,  to 
push ;  kliube,  kUmp,  kluben,  to  adhere^  stick ;  stiuben,  to  move ; 
sliufen,  to  glide ;  triufen,  to  drop ;  briuwen,  to  brew ;  riuwen,  to 
me,  repent :  giu^e,  gS^,  gy^^en,  go^^en,  in  the  same  manner,  i/«- 
ten,  to  offer ;  siuden,  to  boil ;  kiuse,  kSs,  kum,  kom,  to  choose ; 
verliuse,  verlSs,  verlum,  verlorn;  vriuse,  vrds,  vrurn,  vrom,  to 
freeze ;  snge,  souc,  sugen,  sogen,  to  suck ;  ziuhe,  z6ch,  zugen,  zogen, 
to  pull. 

BTew  High  (German,  triefe,  troff,  troffen,  to  drop ;  siede,  sott, 
sotten,  to  boil ;  also,  riechen,  to  smell ;  kriechen,  to  creep ;  schli' 
efen,  to  lock ;  schie^en,  to  shoot ;  schiebe,  schSb,  schoben,  to  push ; 
schnaube,  schnob,  schnoben,  anhelare;  erkiese,  erkor,  erkSreUy  to 
choose :  thus  also  verliere,  to  loose ;  friere,  to  freeze ;  biegen,  to 
bend ;  luegen,  to  lie,  mentiri ;  saugen,  sSg,  sSgen,  to  suck  ;  fiiehe, 
floh,  flohen,  to  flee;  fliege,  fi6g,fi6gen,  to  fly;  ziehen,  zSg^  zSgen, 
to  pull. 

Middle  Dutch,  drupe,  drop,  dropen,  dropen,  to  drop ;  cripen, 
to  creep  ;  slupen,  to  glide ;  scuven  ;  giete,  gSt,  goten,  goten :  thus 
also,  verdrieten,  to  offend ;  scieten,  to  shoot ;  verliese,  verlos,  ver- 
loren,  verloren :  thus  also,  kiesen,  to  choose ;  vriesen,  to  freeze ; 
lilke,  ISc,  token,  token,  to  lock ;  bUghen,  to  bend ;  vlieghen,  to  fly ; 
vlien,  to  flee. 

Gg  2 


452  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

New  Butch,  druip,  drSp^  drSpen,  to  drop ;  thus  also^  iruipen, 
to  creep ;  sluipen,  to  glide;  iluyfen,  to  cleave;  sehuifen,  to  push; 
ffiet,  got^  gotetiy  to  pour  out:  thus  also,  verdrieten,  to  offend; 
vluiten,  to  flow ;  sluiten,  to  lock ;  bied^  bod,  boden  ;  kifs^  kd*  and 
kSfy  kSzen  and  koren,  to  choose ;  vries,  vrSa  and  vrSr,  vrozen  and 
vrSretiy  to  freeze. 

Swediah.  dr^ner,  droep,  dripe,  drilpeny  to  drop :  also  krjpa, 
to  creep;  br^ta,  to  break;  giuta,  to  pour  out;  sluta,  to  lock; 
biuda,  to  bid ;  //if^a,  mentiri ;  m^ta,  to  cut. 

Danish,  kryber^  kroeb,  kroebe,  kroeben,  to  creep :  also,  bjd€, 
to  bid ;  skjdey  to  shoot ;  m^d^^  to  cut ;  g^se,  to  pour  out ;  k§sefi 
koeSy  k^sen^  to  choose;  fl§ger  [fyver),  fioei,  fioejen,  to  fly;  l^^ 
{l^ven),  loei,  loejen,  to  lie. 

Layamon.  crepe,  pret.  cr^jo,  plur.  erupon,  part,  -cropen;  cleouie^ 
ckef,  cluuen,  clouen  ;  geote,  gat,  geolen,  -^oten,  to  pour  out ;  sceoU, 
seeat  {acat),  scuten,  -acoten ;  beode  (bede),  bad  {bad,  bed),  budon 
{biden) ,  ^oden,  -beden  ;  cheose,  chas^  curon  (icAose)^  icoren  {ichoaen); 
leose^  laa  {lees,  losede  weak) ;  iloren  {ilosed  weak) ;  fieo,fl<Bh  {feh\ 
flu'^en  {fluwen)^  flw^en  {foy),  to  fly ;  fleo^  flah  (fleh^  fleik^  fei)^ 
Jilu^en^Jiuwen,  ifi^yn  {iflowe),  to  flee. 

Ormulum.    clefe,  clafy  clvfenn^  chfenn;    gete^  gat,  guienn, 

gotenn  ;   bidde  {bede),  badd  {bad),  budenn,  beod^nn;   chees,  ckaSf 

curenn  ?  chosen  ;  forl€se,forlase,forlurenn,forTloTenn  ;  le^e,  I^l, 

lu-^henn^  lo^henn;  jle^heyfiah,fiwihe^in,fio^henn,  to  fly;  fe{o\fahy 

flic^Iien^fo'^hen, 

Old  English,  clere,  clef,  clouen,  ycloue ;  brewe,  brew,  browen ; 
Scheie,  sc/iel,  plur.  sc/iol,  part,  scholten ;  ^hete,  pret.  plur.  ^hoUen^ 
part,  '^holen^  ^el ;  bede,  bed,  hoden^  boden  ;  chese,  ches,  plur.  chosen, 
part,  ycorn,  chosen  ;  lie  {Iv^he),  liihed ;  fie,  \}VQt,flegh,  j>\uT.Jlowen, 
part,  yflowe,  to  fly  ;  fie,fiew  {fiey^jled),  ^uv.Jlo^wen  {fed),  part. 
fed. 

Middle  English,  crepe,  crope,  plur.  cropen,  part,  cropen  ;  bede, 
bad  ibeede),  plur.  beden,  part,  boden  {beden) ;  ^eele,  gotte  {^ei\dt\ 
part,  ^otun ;  schete,  schotle  {schefe),  plur.  schete,  part,  schoii; 
chese,  chees  [cheside),  plur.  chosen  (chesen),  part,  chosen  ;  li^e  {lie) ; 
lei'^h  {liede),  plur.  lieden,  part,  lei'^ed  {lowen,  lyed) ;  flee  (fe^c, 
fiege),  few  {feii),  plur.  flewen  (to  fly) ;  flee,  flei^  {fled<le),  plur. 
flow  en  {fedden),  ^•ari.fled,  to  flee. 

New  English,  creep,  crept  (weak) ;  clear e,  clove  {clave,  cUft 
weak),  part,  cloven  {cleft  weak) ;  seethe,  sod  {seethed  weak),  sod- 
den {seethed  weak) ;  shoot,  shot,  shott^n,  shot ;  choose,  chose, 
chosen ;  freeze,  froze,  frozen ;  fly,  flew,  flown ;  flee,  fled,  fl^d. 


THE  VERB, 


453 


Pres. 

O.  H.  Oerm.  a 

M.  H.  Gterm.  a 

N.  H.  Germ.  d 

Old  Saxon  a 

Middle  Dutch  a 

New  Dutch  a 

Old  Norse  a 

Swedish  d 

Danish  & 

Anglo-Saxon  a 

Layamon  o. 

Ormulum  a 

Old  English  a. 

Middle  English  a, 

New  Englidi  a. 


Class  VII. 

Pret.  Sing.  Plur. 


Part. 


.      .      .      ICO    .      .      . 

.1*0., 

.    .     a 

,     .      .     tco   .     .     . 

.      1*0        .      . 

a 

.    .    d    .    .    . 

.     .     d 

.     .     .     ^  (mo)  . 

.    .    ^M 

.    .    a 

.     .     .     oe   .     .     , 

.    oe  .    .    . 

.    .    a 

oe  . 

.    a 

.     ,     .    6     .     . 

.     .    d  .     . 

.     .     a.  e 

.     .     .     d     .     .    , 

.     .    d  .    . 

.     .     ft 

.    .     .    oe,  6    . 

.     .    oe,d.    . 

.   a 

.    ,    .    6     .    . 

.     .    d  .    . 

.    .    a 

a,  < 

i    .    .    o,ea,eo 

.     .     0   .     .     , 

a,  0 

• 

.     .     .     0      .     . 

.     .     0   .     .     . 

a 

e,  c 

»    .     .    0,  ott,  a,  e 

.     .     0,  ou,     , 

.0,0 

0,  < 

;    .     .    0,00, 

.      .      0^00  . 

.    .    a,  0 

«a 

.      .      .      Of  00      , 

•           ••••■ 

a,  0 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class. 

yjHHiA  High  German,  mal,  muol,  main,  to  grind,  molere; 
var,  vuor,  varn,  to  go,  drive,  convey;  grade,  gmop,  graben,  to 
dig :  also,  schaben,  to  scrape  j  schaffen,  to  work,  create ;  Aeben,  to 
lift ;  waschen,  to  wash ;  tragen,  to  bear,  carry ;  bache,  to  bake ; 
slake,  sluoCy  sluogen,  sUxgen^  to  strike,  slay. 

Kew  High  (German,  /^r^,  fir,  fdren ;  grdbe,  grib,  graben ; 
schaffe,  schuf,  schaffen ;  wasche,  wusch,  waschen ;  tragen,  schlageUf 
to  strike,  slay ;  backen,  to  bake ;  wachsen,  to  grow. 

MiHiiiA  Dutch,  male,  moel,  malen ;  vare,  voer,  varen ;  grave^ 
groefj  graven:  also,  draghen,  to  bear;  waden,  transire;  scapen,  to 
maKC,  create;  slaghe,  sloech,  plur.  sheghen,  part,  sleghen,  to 
strike,  slay. 

Kew  Dutch,  vdr,  voer,  vdren ;  grdf,  groef,  grdven,  to  dig ;  sld, 
sloeg,  sldgen,  to  strike,  slay :  also,  std,  stond,  gestdn,  to  stand. 

Swedish.  fdr,f6r,  fdren;  sfdr,  stSd,  stdden,  infin.  std,  to  stand ; 
skdper,  skSp,  skdpen :  also  grafva,  to  dig ;  hafva,  to  lift  up ; 
drdga,  to  move,  drag,  bear ;  vcdfva,  to  weave ;  sldr,  slog,  sldgen, 
to  strike,  slay. 

'D2^D^Au  fdrer,  foer,  fdren  ;  staaer,  siSd,  standen:  also  grdve, 
to  dig;  Idae,  to  let;  drdge,  to  bear;  slaaer,  slog,  sldgen. 

IiayainoiL.  fare,  for,  foren,  ifaren;  stonde,  stod,  istanden,  to 
stand ;  swerie,  swor,  istooren,  to  swear ;  sceke,  scoc,  plur.  scceken, 
part,  asceken,  to  shake ;  take,  toe,  token,  itaken  ;  dra^e,  droh,  plur. 
droyn  {drowen),  idra^en  {idrawen);  sle  {sla),  sloh  {slah),  sloven 
{slowen),  islagen  {islawen);  waxe,  toeox  {wax,  wex),  plur.  weoxen 
(tauxen),  part,  iwaxen  [iwox,  itooxen). 


4M  TEUTOJIC  GRAMMAR. 


to  ftaad :  fynahem,  m>Miem^  tiin ;  Jrs^,  JroA,  pliir.  dnf^keu, 
poTL  drj^in  ;  mUj  «/'>i,  plnr.  J/f^kemm,  put.  j^o^rsji;  voiif^  m^ 
pier,  w^^^nm,  port,  cvjima. 

Old  'i^gH*'*  ^'^r  y-^^7  ,/arfa  /  titonde,  9iod^  Hamdem  ;  swere, 
nr/r,  twyyrm  ;  *riai<f,  *Tkok^  ^kahm  ;  take,  UJt,  latem  ;  wake,  wokt; 
draK<,  dr*-/9r€  'dmff^  dromJk  ,  dmwcm  \dramktm) ;  9le  {9io\  dtm 
'jti^^jk,  *i&mky  */.o^  ;  part-  d»iw:^,  dain;  //^icf,  low  (6mc3)j  phr. 
t'Afyk;  W4UK  'k^jk^j  itex  .rax  ,  porL  itatem  ',jwojt). 

Kiddle  Kngtiah  fart^  ^reu  fared  ,weaik},  ^aat^/arem  {/an); 
9tond^^  9iood  '*tod^^  pairt.  *tomdtn ;  swetr,  twoar,  pfair.  mtwn 
{*iteren\,  part,  nrorem  ;  formke^  formkey  fonat^m  ;  seJkate,  tchook 
[9ckoke,  $ciakide^  weak),  part,  sciaimm  ;  take,  ^^le),  phir.  ^fyfeflh 
part,  (akem ;  §rake,  trook,  phir.  wokem,  part,  wakeu  :  drawe,  drtm 
{dreic],  part,  dratr^m ;  mU  («/^,  #^),  p^et.  tla^  (j^ow,  dot),  pari 
dai»  (jflaiceu,  slatre] ;  wexe  {waxe),  wojte  (rar,  *p^^^)>  put.  waion 
(w€Lzen^  vexen). 

Hew  '^gKali  stand  J  stood;  swear,  strore  {svare),  sworn;  hate, 
kove,  hoten  (also  weak) ;  forsake,  forsook^  forsaken ;  wake,  woke; 
draw,  drew^  drawn;  slay,  slew,  slain;  wax,  part,  waxen  (ebe 
weak). 

Class  ym. 

Pres.  Pret.  Sing.  Plnr.  FiL 

O.  II.  Germ.  t    ....     a  ....     d  ....     « 

M.  H.Genn.  i....a....a....e 

N.  H.  Germ.  e   ....     a i 

Old  Saxon  i.  e    ...     a  ....     d  ....     « 

Middle  Dutch  e   ....     a  ....     a  ....     e 

New  Dutch  e   ....     a « 

Old  Norse  i,  e     ...     a  ....     a  ....    c 

Swedii»h  %....a....d....i 

Jy&nhh  if  (B    ...     a i^  a 

Anglo-Saxon  /,«...     d  ....     (S  ....     t\  e 

Layamon  i,  e     .  a,  a  .  cPj  t   .  .     t,  % 

Ormulum  {,  t...a....(X....t^i 

Old  English  c,  i     .     .     .     a,  e    .     .     .     a^  o,  e     .     .    o,  e 

Middle  English  e,  i     .     .     .     a  .     .     .     .     a,  o,  e     .     .     o,  e 

New  EngUsh  e,  i    .     .     .     a,  o o,i 

Kerbs  belong'mg  to  this  Class, 

Middle  High  German,  gibe,  gap^  gdberty  g'eberiy  to  give  ;  hiitn^ 
to  ask,  beg  ;  tr'iten^  to  tread  ;  liseiiy  to  read ;  Ugen^  to  lie,  jacere; 
pjligeuj  to  be  accustomed ;  wigen,  to  move ;  i||tf,  a^y  ^H^^y  ^H^^i 
to  eat;  vergi^en,  to  forget;  mi^^eHf  to  measure;  siAe,  sach^ 
sdh€n,8e/ien,  to  see;  geschihe, gesckach, geschdhen^ geschehen ;  wise^ 
waSf  wdreyj^  wesen,  to  be. 


Ser  finglish.  tMne,  ihone,  part,  shwe ;  drire,  drove,  driven  ; 
WW  also,  airive,  ihrive ;  bite,  bit,  bitten  s  tmite,  tmote,  tmitten  ; 
*^,  abode,  abode ;  ride,  rode,  ridden  ;  riae,  rote,  riaen  ;  strike, 
*tat,  ilruei  (atricien). 


O.  H.  Genn. 
U.  H.  Germ. 
N.  H.  Gb™. 
Old  Sunn 
Sliddle  Dutch 
New  Datch 
Old  None 
Sireduh 


Ormolam  t 

OH  Engliih  « 
Middle  BDglish  e 
New  Bngliih      c 


Ferba  belonging  to  thia  Claaa. 

I  High  OennuL  icMuie,  tchoup,  achuhen,  achoben,  to 
po^;  klivbe,  iloup,  kluben,  to  adhere,  stitk;  ttiuhen,  to  move; 
lUtifen,  to  glide ;  triufen,  to  drop ;  briuwen,  to  brew ;  riuwen,  to 
rufl,  repent :  ffiu^e,  g6^,  gv^wn,  go^en,  in  tlie  Bame  manner,  ii»- 
fa*,  to  offer;  aiu<kn,U>  boQ;  kiute,  kos,  kum,  torn,  to  choose; 
veriinae,  verlSi,  terlwm,  verlom;  vritue,  vr6a,  vrum,  vrom,  to 
freeze ;  a^e,  aoue,  tugen,  aogen,  to  suck ;  ziuie,  zSch,  zvgen,,  zogen, 
to  pall. 

IFev  High  G«Tinaii.   trirfe,  troff,  troffen,  to  drop ;  aiede,  lolt, 
totten,  to  boil ;  also,  riecken,  to  Bmell ;  kriecken,  to  creep ;  aehli-' 


1    «j«»,  lo  loci! ;  trhcie 
'    Khnaale,   sehiiih,  salt 
ehooBe :  thus  also  ve 
L  bend ;  luegm,  to  Ii% 
tMh,  pkK,  to  OMitt 
l-to  puU.                   3 
i     uiddle  Datofa.^ 
Wto  crueii ;  WtlJBMJjH 

WUh',  lirjSy^^ 
fcv^Mft^  to  SeCj^^H 

,to 
Sba 

lioot ;  icfiiehe,  schob,  achChen,  to  push  ; 
anhclare;    erkiese,  erkdr,  erkoren,  to 
to  loose ;  /Wc;-e,  to  freeze;  biegett,  to 
UjKK£«n,  log,  aSgen,  to  suck  ;  fiiehe, 
^^HHBjk^to  % ;  Ziehen,  z6g,  xdgen, 

^^^^^^Brfrvpf  n,  to  drop  ;    crujien, 
^^^^^^^K^J^t,  ffo/en,  go/en :  thus 

^^^^^^^HttffMMe  freeze 

454  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Ormulum.  fare ^  for,  ^\\xi,forenn^  ipsTt,farenn:  also,  ftanndeny 
to  stand ;  forsaien,  waken,  taken ;  dra^e,  droh,  plur.  dra^Mi 
part.  drayAen ;  sla,  sloA,  plur.  alo^nn,  part,  sla^enn ;  toaxe,  wexj 
plur.  tvexenUy  part,  waxenn. 

Old  English,  fare,  fore,  faren  ;  stondCy  stody  standen ;  sverCj 
swor,  9wom ;  scAaie,  scAok,  schaien ;  take,  iok,  taken;  wake^wole; 
drawe,  drowe  {drewe,  drouA),  drawen  {drauAen) ;  sle  {slo),  tlow 
{slogA,  slouA,  slou);  part,  dawe,  slain;  li'^Aey  low  {low^),  plur. 
lou^A;  waxe  (wexe),  wex  {wax),  part,  waxen  (ywox). 

Middle  English,  fare,  pret.  ^ar^^  (weak) ,  part.yar«»  [fore); 
standi,  stood  {stod),  part,  stonden;  sweer,  swoor,  plur.  noom 
(sweren),  part,  sworen  ;  forsake,  forsoke,  forsaken  ;  scAake,  school 
(scAoke,  scAakide,  weak) ,  part.  scAakun ;  take,  tok{e),  plur.  token, 
part,  taken ;  wake,  wook,  plur.  woken,  part,  waketi :  drawe,  drow 
(drew),  part,  drawen;  sle  {sle,  slea),  pret.  slo^  (slow,  slew),  part 
slain  {slawen,  slawe) ;  wexe  {waxe),  woxe  {wax,  wex),  part,  woxtn 
{waxen,  wexen), 

New  English,  stand,  stood;  swear,  swore  {sware),  sworn;  heave, 
Aove,  Aoven  (also  weak) ;  forsake,  forsook,  forsaken;  wake,  wokcr 
draw,  drew,  drawn;  slay,  slew,  slain;  wax,  part,  waxen  (else 
weak). 

Class  VIII. 

Pres.  Pret.  Sing.  Plur.  Part. 

O.  H.  Germ.  %   .     .     .     ,  a  .     .     .     .     a  .     .     .     ,  € 

IVI.  H.Gerin.  i    ....  a  ....     a  ....  e 

N.  H.  Germ.  S   ....  a i 

Old  Saxon  t.  d'    ...  a  ....     a  ....  « 

^Middle  Dutch  e   ....  a  ....     a  ....  e 

New  Dutch  e   ....  a e 

Old  Norse  i,  e     ...  a  ....     a  ....  t 

Swedish  i....a....&....i 

Danish  iyCB    .     .     .  a C,  ce 

Anglo-Saxon  rf,  e     ...  a  ....     cc  ....♦,  « 

Layamon  i.e     .     .     .  ce,a.     .     .     (f,  e   .     .     .  e,  i 

Ormulum  ^,  e     .     .     .  a  .     .     .     .     cr  .     .     .     .  e,  t 

Old  English  f , »     .     .     .  a^  e    .     .     .     a^  o,  e     .     .  o,  c 

Middle  English  e,  t     .     .     .  a  .     .     .     .     a,  o,  e     .     .  o,  c 

New  English  e,  t     .     .     .  a,  o o,  < 

Verbs  helo7iging  to  this  Class, 

Middle  High  German,  gibe,  gap,  gdben,  geben,  to  give  ;  hiten^ 
to  ask,  beg ;  triten,  to  tread  ;  Usen,  to  read ;  li^en,  to  lie,  jaeere ; 
pfigen,  to  be  accustomed ;  wigen,  to  move ;  i^^e,  a^,  d^^en,  e^^en, 
to  eat;  vergi^^en,  to  forget;  vii^^en,  to  measure;  sihe,  sach^ 
sdAen,  sehen,  to  see;  geschi/ie, gesckach, gescAdAen, gescAeAen ;  wise^ 
was,  wdren,  wesen,  to  be. 


0.  B.  OciH.  m 

M.H.GaB.  « 

N.H.O«n.  * 

OUStauw  > 

HiUleDirtitk  « 

NnrDMik  « 

(NdNone  « 


F^6t  idanfi*^  i-i  ii-4  C-mc 

IB;-,  wwr,  ran$,  to  go,  drire,  cbht-w;  ^ir^.  f^-i  ••">r>_  M 
dig:  also,  acM^A^n,  to  scrape;  trLif-rt.  V.  v-.Hc  >.->a7<i  <•«»»,  V. 
lift;  mueien,  to  wadh;  tra^tn,  L>  b>'a7,  -;a;77  :  v&:-i^  v.  '.aiM; 
ifaii;,  «/ifmr,  U*oge»,  tiage*,  b  strike  *{aT. 

HewSflSi  OeiMMML  /are,  far, /trt*  ;  fri-jt.  j-»i,  /^i5«*; 
teiaffe,  «ei^  aeiafem;  WMeie,  nxA,  wMai/f»  :  (r*^M.,  tKkim^tm, 
to  strike,  >)>7  j  iaateM,  to  bake;  H-dir.i4ra,  &.  gr'/v. 

Ifiddl*  DntA.  ■sJl;,  woe/,  maien;  eart,  rotr.  rirft;  ynrt, 
gro^jfrmett:  sIbo,  dragie*,  to  bear;  k-^^ck,  tfa£»t?e;  muttf*.  Vi 
inalce,  create;  *lagie,  theei,  plnr.  tl^gi^*,  [Art.  «^Xn,  b> 
strike,  aUy. 

Hnr  Dnteh.  vii'r,  e»r,  rdren  ;  graf,  m'/^,  9r4tf,  b>  di^ ;  «^, 
fbiyj  Jdge»,  to  •trike,  sUy :  alio,  *t4,  ^/»4,  ^td*,  t/>  vUni. 


.        Swediali.  /"V 

/■">../ 

,V..-r;, 

'^'..' 

■'.  ".^,..,i,,:,... 

'^   x.-'.uA: 

t  akdper,  »kCp,  tiJi^ft  -. 

alio  J 

ri?/Vj, 

to    dig;     lUFfra 

f<    lltt    np; 

fcrfraja,  to  move. 

"ragj 

bear; 

r*/™ 

,  to  weave ;  'tUf 

*%,  *i->-, 

■jto  strike,  elar- 

I      D8iiiab./aftt- 

1  to  <%  ;  Jio^i*,  ta 

|Mm^ 

,jUm 

T,  aSd,  ^mJe» 

aliw  jrrfw. 

j^H 

Hfe 

iiifcmr.  <%,  <Ai>««. 

1      ZAyamon.  ^ 

^^H 

^^1 

^^»^,  «ftx/. 

utoMden,  to 

plur.  »eakeit. 

466  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR, 

Class  IX. 

Free.  Fret.  Sing.         Plnr.  Fivi 

O.  H.  Germ.  <«...a....d....o 

Bl.  H.  Cremi*  f....o....a....o 

N.  H.  Germ.  ^   .     .     .    .     d  (o) 6 

Old  Saxon  t\  0    ...     a  ....    a  ....«*  o 

Middle  Dutch  e....a....a....o 

New  Dntch  ^....a ^ 

Old  None  <.  e...a....a....ikO 

Swedish  (r....a....d....« 

Danish  <k  .     .     ,     .     a oa 

Anglo-Saxon  <   ....     a,  a  ...<?,  a  ...     0 

Layvnon  e  i    *     >     *     a,  0  ,     .     .    a  0  e    .     .    0,^ 

Ormolum  e,  t    .     .     .     a^o  .     .     .     <7.  0  .     .     .    0. « 

Old  English  e,  t     .     .     .    a^  o  .     .     .    a,  o,  e    .     .    0,  a 

Middle  English  e  i    .     .     .    a,  0   .     .     .     a.  o^  e    .     .    0  a 

New  Englidi  ^,  ea     .     .    a.  0 0 

^i?rd«  belonging  to  lAis  Class. 

Middle  High  (German,  slil,  staly  sldlen,  stain,  to  steal ;  nimj 
nam,  ndmen,  nomen,  to  take;  kome  {=iguime),  kam  {kom^quam\ 
kdmen  {konien),  komen:  also,  stimen^  cohibere;  zimen,  decere; 
biren,  to  bear;  siciren,  to  swear;  triffen,  to  hit;  driscken,  to 
thrash ;  spricien,  to  speak ;  stichen,  to  prick,  to  sting ;  bricheny 
to  break ;  erschricke,  erschrac^  erschrdken^  erschrocken  ;  vxhten,  to 
fig-lit ;  vlihten,  to  weave. 

New  High  German,  steie^  stdl^  stSlen ;  neme,  nam,  nommen ; 
komme,  kdm,  kommen  ;  gehcere,  gebdr,  geboren  ;  treffe^  Irdf,  troj^en : 
also,  (iresc/teri,  sj^rechen,  st^chen,  brechen,  erschrecken. 

Middle  Dutch,  stele,  stal,  stalen,  stolen  :  also,  nemeji,  to  take ; 
beren^  to  bear ;  sc'eren^  to  shear ;  breken,  to  break ;  come,  quam^ 
qua  men,  comen^  to  come. 

New  Dutch,  sfelj  stdl,  siolen :  also,  nemen^  to  take ;  hreken, 
sjneken  ;  plege,  pldg^  part,  pldgen  for  plogen  ;  kom,  qudm,  komen. 

Swedish,  sficeler^  sldl,  stdU,  stuleji ;  bter,  bdr^  bare,  buren ; 
sk(2r,  skdr,  skdre,  skuren,  to  shear;  kom,  komme,  kommen, 

Danish,  simler,  stldl^  stiaalen  ;  beer,  bdr,  baaren ;  skiccr,  skdr, 
skaaren, 

Layamon.  stele,  sfal^  st<ileny  stole;  nime^  nam  {nam,  nam), 
nomen  (namen^  numen)^  nomen  (numen) ;  kume  (come),  com,  comen, 
comen  {ciimen) ;  bere,  b(^r  (bar),  beren,  boren  (iborne) ;  breke,  brae 
(braCy  breac),  brecon  (braken)  broken;  speke  (sp^ke)^  spac  (sp^c), 
spcvken  (spekeii),  ispecen, 

Ormulum.  stele,  stall,  st/ehnn,  stohnn ;  nime,  namm,  mtmenn^ 
niivienn  ;  cnme,  cowm,  comenn,  cumenn  ;  bere,  barr,  barenn,  borenn  ; 
breke,  brace,  br(Bcen,  brokenn ;  speke,  space,  spakenn. 


THE  VERB.  457 

Old  •gngHaii^  stele,  stel^  plur.  stal,  part,  stolen ;  nimey  nam 
{nam),  plur.  nam  {nomen),  ipirt.  namen  (ynome) ;  come^  cam  (com), 
plur.  cam  {comen)^  part,  eamen  {yeome) ;  bere^  ber  (bare),  plur.  bere 
{bare),  part,  ybore  {bom,  ybome) ;  schere^  scAare,  plur.  icAere ; 
part.  ecAom  ;  breke,  brae  {brek),  plur.  braken  (breke)  part,  broken ; 
epeke,  spac  {epec) ,  plur.  speke,  part,  spoken  (speke), 

'^jAtUi^  Tgngiiaii.  stele,  stal  {staal),  plur.  stolen,  part,  stolen 
(stoln) ;  nyme,  nam,  nomen  {nemen\  nomen  ;  cume  (com),  cam  (com), 
plur.  camen  {comen),  part,  comen  (cummen) ;  schere,  schar,  scharen, 
schorun  {schor) ;  breke  {breek)^  brak  (bracke),  plur.  braken  {breeken), 
part,  broken  {broke) ;  speke,  spac  {spake),  plur.  sjpaken  {speken), 
part,  spoken. 

Hew  IBngiifth^  steal,  stole,  stolen  ;  come,  came,  come  ;  bear,  bore 
{bare),  bom,  borne;  shear,  shore,  shorn;  tear,  tore,  torn;  speak, 
spoke  {spake),  spoken. 

Class  X. 

VteA,  Fret.  Sing.         Plar.  Part. 

O.  H.  Germ.  t,^...a....u....tt 

M.  H.  Germ.  Y....a....tt....o 

N.  H.  Germ.  tf....a o 

Old  Saxon  {,  e    ...    a  .........    tf,  o 

Middle  Dutch  €....a....o....o 

New  Dutch  e....o o 

Old  Norse  %»  t.ia   .     .    a  .    .     .     .    u  .     .     .    .    v,  o 

Swedish  a.*..a....tt....tt 

Danish  a....a....a....tt 

Anglo-Saxon  i,  e  eo   .    .    a  ea,  a  ,    .    u  .     .     .    .    u,o 

Layamon  i,  e,  to   ,     .    a,  cs,  o    .     .    u,  o   ,    .     .     UyO 

Ormulum  €,  t    .     .     .    a  .     .     .     .    u  .     .     .     .    u,  o 

Old  Knglish  e.  %    .    .     .    a^  o   ,     .    .    a,  OyOU  ,    .     o,  ou,  u 

Middle  English  e,  {     .    .    .    a^OtOO.    .    a,  o,  oo,  oii .    u,  o 

New  English  e^  t,  ii     .    .    a,u,o,<yu, o^UtOU 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  Class. 

Middle  High  German*  hilfe,  half,  hulfen,  holfen,  to  help : 
also,  gilten,  to  be  worth;  schilten,  to  scold;  milken,  to  milk; 
swilgen,  to  riot,  glutire;  klimmen,  to  climb;  brinnen,  to  bum; 
rinnen,  to  ruu,  to  flow,  to  leak ;  spinnen,  to  spin  ;  sinnen,  to 
cogitate ;  binden,  to  bind ;  vinden,  to  find ;  schinden,  to  flay ; 
irinken,  to  drink;  dringen,  to  urge;  singen,  to  sing;  springen, 
to  leap;  stirben,  to  die,  moriri;  wirfen,  to  throw;  toirden,  to 
become. 

Hew  High  German,  ^tf^,  ^0^  plur.  half  en,  part,  holfen: 
also,  gelten,  melken,  molk,  molken;  klimme,  klomm,  klommen; 
brenne,  brannte,  gebrannt  (see  the  Anomalous  Verbs) ;  rinne,  rann, 


458  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

ronnen :  also,  spinnen ;  binden,  band,  bunden :  sIbo,  idkimf 
Jtuden,  irinken,  drinffen,  nn^en ;  ^mnge,  tprang^  getprm^; 
nUrbe,  Harb,  9iofben;  mrfe,  warf,  worfenj  werde,  ward  {wwrJi\f 
wurden^  warden. 

lEiddle  Dutoh.  kelpe^  k^>  holpen :  alao,  delven,  to  ddv^dig; 
smelie,  ^maut  {=:9malf)j  %mauten;  elimme^  elam,  dommen;  fc- 
gkinne^  began^  begonnen,  hegonnen:  also,  rinnen^  spinnen^  JinAi, 
fiinden,  drinken^  sinken,  werpen,  9ierven ;  werde,  warif  plar.  worda^ 
part,  warden. 

Hew  Ihitoh.  kelp,  kolp,  kolpen:  also,  melken,  eekelden^  IKv* 
men,  beginnen,  rinnen,  binden,  vinden,  drinken,  epringen,  wefpe», 
9f'erven,  treffen^  veckten.  Bat  kelpen,  werpen,  9ierven,  oommonly 
make  the  preterite  kielo^  ^i^,  eiterf. 

Swedish,  kidlper^  kalp^  kutpe^  kulpen;  evdller,  evatt,  tnBft 
evnlten,  to  die  :  also,  nimma,  to  take ;  brinna^  to  bom ;  /iim>  to 
find ;  binda,  to  bind ;  siunga,  to  sin^ ;  kdnga^  to  hang ;  tdrpa^  to 
throw ;  varfva  (GFerm.  werben) ;  dncker,  to  drink. 

Danialu  kidlper,  kialp,  kiulpen:  iJso,  gidlde,  binde,  pi^^ 
ejnke,  kdnge^  springe,  trdffe,  drikke. 

Layamoxu  nelpe,  kalp,  plur.  keolpen  ;  delue,  pret.  plnr.  dulfti'^i 
part,  idoluen;  ewimme,  twomm,  plur.  ewummen;  cUmbe,  eMy 
plur.  clumben,  part,  iclumben;  aginne,  agon,  gunnen,  gunner  > 
trne  (eome)y  orn  (ran),  plur.  nmen,  to  run ;  beame,  bom,  plnr* 
bumen^  to  bum ;  binde,  bond,  bnnden,  ibunden;  finde,fond,frnde%% 
ifunden;  weorpe,  warp,  tcurpen,  iworpen ;  kerfe,  carf  {corf)) 
curuen,  cornen  ;  feh(e,faht  (feaht),  fuhten,  iuohten. 

Ormuliun.  hellpe,  hallp,  hulpenn,  hollpenn  ;  dellfe,  dallf?  dull* 

fenn?  doll/enn?  biginne,  gann,  gunnenn,  higunnenn ;  erne  {eorne)i 

rann,  part,  runnenn,  to  flow,  leak ;  binde,  band,  bunden ;  find^y 

fand,fund€nn,fundenn;  drinnke,  dranke,  drunnkenn,  drunnienn; 

werrpe,  warrp,  wurrpenn  ?  tcorrpenn. 

Old  English,  kelpe,  halp  {kelp),  plxir.  holpe,  part,  ykolpe  {helped 
weak)  ;  delne,  dulf,  dolue,  doluen  ;  clim{b),  clam,  clommpe, 
yclombe ;  swim,  swam,  plur.  swam  ;  ginne,  gan,  plur.  gonne,  part. 
gun;  binde,  bond  {band),  plur.  bonde  {bounde),  part,  bonden 
{ybounde) ;  Jinde,  fond  {fand),  plur.  fonde  {founds),  part./tf«(fe» 
{gfonde);  drinke,  drank  {drank),  plur.  dronke  {drunken),  part. 
drunk  {ydro7ike)  ;  werpe,  warp ;  bersie,  barsi,  plur.  borsie,  part. 
yborste. 

Middle  English,  helpe,  halp  {helped  weak);  plur.  holpen  {helpe* 
den  weak),  part,  holpen  {helped  weak);  delue,  dalf  {deluide), 
doluen  {delueden),  dolueri  {deluen) ;  sicimme,  swam,  plur.  swommen? 
part.  swomynenF  cltmbe,  clamb  {clomb),  clainben  {clomben),  part. 
elomben ;    beginne,  began,  hi  gunnen   {gonnen),  part,  bigunnen  {bi- 


THE  VERB. 


459 


ganne);  renne,  ran  (rennede),  runnen  {ronnen),  part,  ronnen;  binde, 
honde  {bounde),  plur.  bounden,  part,  bounden  (ybound);  fin de^  fond 
{foond\  fonden  {foonden^  founden),  liOTt, /ounden ;  drmie,  drank 
{drank),  plur.  dranken,  part,  drunken  {dronken);  steniey  starf, 
ftarven,  yslorven,  to  die ;  Ji^f^e  {fei^t\  fayt  {/au^le,  Jau'^t),  plur. 
fo^len,  {Jbu^ten^Jbuf/hlen),  paTt./bo^le  (jmc^i^n^foughten). 

Hew  English,  help,  holp  (helped  weak)^  holpen  {helped  weak) ; 
meliy  molt  {melted  weak)^  molten  {melted  weak);  swim,  swum 
{swam)y  swum  {swam) ;  climb ^  clomb  {climbed  weak)^  clomb  {climbed 
weak) ;  begin,  begun  {began),  begun ;  run,  ran,  nin ;  bind,  bound, 
bound;  Jind,  found,  found ;  burst,  burst,  burst;  fight,  fought^ 
fought. 


PARADIGMS  TO  THE  MIDDLE  AND  NEW  TEUTONIC 

STRONG  CONJUGATION. 

High  German. 


Present  Indicativb. 


O.  H.Ger. 


Sing.  i8t  Ai//-f« 

and  hdj-i^ 

Plnr.  I  at  A^{/'-a-mlf 

and  helf'a-4 

$rd  hilf-orfU 


M.  H.Ger. 


hUf-e 
hdf-e-t 


N.  H.  Ger. 


Mf-e 
haf-{e)-t 

helf'(eH 


Present  Subjunctive. 


O.  H.  Ger. 


helf-e 

h'eff-i-a 

hetf-e 

Kelf-i-mU 

haif-i-t 


M.  H.Ger. 


helf-e 

helf't'tt 

helf-e 

helf-e-n 
heif-^-t 
helf-e^ 


N.  H.Ger. 


hdf-e 

helf-e-st 

hdf-t 

helf-e-n 
helf-e-t 
helf-trn 


Pebtbritb  Indicative. 


Sing.  I8t  half 

and  hulf-i 

Srd  half 

Plur.  ist  hvlf-^irmi$ 

and  hulf-^if4 

3rd  huif'Vf^ 


half 

hulf-e 

half 

hidf-e-^ 
hulf-e-t 
hniJif't^ 


half 

half-{e)-8t 

half 

half-e-n 

half-e-t 

half-e^ 


Preterite  Subjunctive. 


htdf-i 

hviYu 

hulf-i 

hulf-i-met 

hiUf-t-t 

hulf-i-n 


hidf-e 

hulf-e-tt 

hulf-e 

hulf-e-n 

hulf-e-t 

hulf-e-n 


hulf-e 

hulf-ergt 

hulf-e 

hulf-e-n 

hulf-e-t 

hulf-e-n 


Imperative. 


O.  H.Ger. 


Sing,  and    hUf 
Plur.  and    hS\f-a-t 


M.  H.Ger. 


hilf 
helf-e-t 


N.  H.Ger. 


hUf 
helf-{e)-t 


I 


TEVTOSIC  GMAJIMJB- 
Pkctuitb  PjanopLK. 


PKESE5T    IsDICIHTB. 


Qm.    |O.E<ie.    H.Kne. 


Ndc.  t*t     btr-* 


Fkssent  Subjusottvi. 


Aiig.-Su. 

& 

O.Enf. 
M.Boj. 

N.Bdk. 

Sing,  irt  t<r< 
iDd  fctr-e 
3rd    6ove 

Plar.           i«r<» 

bert 

bear 
ittir 

her-M   I  ier-c)>     |    ber^  |    bear 
PttKTBEITB  ImDICATIVB. 


O.  Eng.     M.  Eng. 

har{t)  bar< 

har-t  iar-t 

hari^  iar-t 

Uir-t  I    bar-at 


THE  VERB, 


461 


Prrtbiutb  Subjtjnctivb. 


Ang.-Saz. 

Lay. 
Orm. 

0.  Eng. 
M.  Eng. 

N.  Eng. 

Sing.  let     bcer-e 
2nd    b(iT-« 
3rd    bar-e 

Plnr.           bar-cf^ 

ber-e 
ber-e 
ber-e 

ber-e{n) 

bare 
bare 
bare 

bare 

bore 
bore 
bore 

bore 

Inpinitits  ber-an     \ 

Prks.  Participlb    ber-ende  | 
pRKT.  Participlb    boren      \ 


ber-en  \    bear 

ber-^nde        \    bearing 
boren  |    bom{e) 


Dutch. 


Pres.  Indicative. 


M.Dutch. 


8ing.  ist  hdp^ 

and  hdp-e-8 

3rd  help-e^ 

Plnr.  I  at  hdp-e-^ 

and  htlp-e-i 

3rd  Ae^p-e-n 


N.  Dutch. 


help 

(2nd  pi.) 
hdp-ert 

hdfhe-n 
heljhe-i 
help-e-n 


Pres.  Subjunctive. 


M.  Dutch. 


help-e 

help-e^ 

hetp^ 

help-t-n 

help^'t 

help-e^ 


N.  Dutch. 


hdp^ 
(and  pi.) 
hdp-e 

h'lp-e^ 
help-e^ 
help-e^ 


Prbt.  Indicative. 


Sing.  1st  halp 

and  halp-e-^ 

3rd  halp 

Plur.  ist  holp-e^ 

and  holp-e-t 

3rd  Ao2p-e-n 


halp 
(and  pi.) 
halp 

holp-e-n 

holp-trt 

holp-e-n 


Pret.  Subjunctive. 


Ao/p-e 

holp-e-s 

holp-e 

holp-e-n 

holp-e-t 

holp-e-n 


holp-e 

(and  pi.) 

holp-e 

holp-e^ 
holp-e-t 
holp-e-n 


M.  and  N.  Dutch. 
Impehativb  helpe,  helpet 

Inpinitivk  help-en 

Pres.  Participlb     help-end 

Pret.  Participle     holp-en 


462 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


ScandinaTian. 


Pres.  Indicative. 


Swedish. 


Sing.  1st  hidlp-e^ 

and  hidlp-e-r 

3rd  hidlp-^-T 

Plur.  1st  hidlp-a 

and  hidlp-e-n 

3rd  hialp-a 


Danish. 


hidlp- 

hidlp't^ 

hidlp'C^ 

hialjhe 
hialp-e 
hidlp-t 


Pees.  Subjunctivb. 


Swedish. 


hialp-e 
hidlp-€ 
hinlp-t 

kidlp^ 

hidlp-e^ 

hialp^ 


Danish. 


hicUp-^ 
huUp-^ 
hialp^ 

Atalp-e 

hidlp-e^ 

kialpH 


Prbt.  Indicative. 


Sing.  1st  lialp 

and  ha.'p 

3rd  halp 

Plur.  I  St  hulp^ 

and  hulp-e^ 

3rd  hulp^ 


hicUp 
hialp 
hialp 

hialp-t 
hialp-e 
hialp^ 


Prbt.  Subjunctive. 


hulp^ 
hiUp^ 

hulp^ 
htdrhe^ 


KUdp-€ 

JUulp^ 
hiulp^ 
hiulp-e 


{hialp 
hidlptn 


Swedish. 

Imperative 

Infinitive  hidlpa 

Pres.  Participle     hidlpande 
Pret,  Participle     hulpit 


Danish. 

hWp 

hidtper 

hldlpc 

hidlpende 

hulp€t{€n) 


REMARKS   ON  THE   CONJUGATION   IN   MIDDLE   AND  NEW 

TEUTONIC. 


English. 

Reduplicatignal  Classes  (I — IV.)  It  is  a  peculiarity  of 
the  Ant^lo- Saxon  language  and  its  daughters  to  treat  the 
radical  vowel  in  a  very  arbitrary  manner :  a  glance  at  our  tables 
will  sufficiently  illustrate  the  fact.  This  vacillation  in  the 
choice  of  vowels  seems  to  have  increased  since  Anglo-Saxon 
ceai^ed  to  be  the  literary  language  of  educated  writers,  and  was 
handed  down  through  the  channels  of  the  various  dialects 
spoken  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  populace.  When  therefore  native 
writers  resumed  the  vernacular  language  for  literary  purposes, 


THE  VERB.  463 

they  must  have  been  at  a  loss  as  to  the  choice  they  had  to 
make  out  of  a  great  variety  of  forms,  chiefly  in  the  vocalic 
system,  where  great  confusion  apparently  prevailed.  Layamon, 
as  we  see  from  the"  conjugational  tables,  availed  himself  largely 
of  the  abundance  of  vowels,  and  often  renders  one  and  the  same 
form  of  a  verb  by  four  or  five  different  radicals  in  different 
places ;  his  language  mastered  him,  not  he  his  language.  The 
writer  of  the  Ormulum,  on  the  contrary,  is  commonly  content 
with  one  or  two  vowels  in  one  and  the  same  verbal  form,  and  he 
goes  often  so  far  as  to  surpass  many  Anglo-Saxon  writers  in  this 
wise  economy  of  choosing  his  material  out  of  a  heap  of  matter. 
In  this  tasteful  choice,  it  would  appear,  he  had  Anglo-Saxon 
writers  of  the  older  and  better  period  as  models  before  him  ;  his 
own  unaided  power  of  discrimination  would  hardly  have  been  a 
safe  guide  through  so  intricate  a  subject.  It  is  interesting  to 
observe  how  in  many  instances  the  special  forms  he  selects 
approach  not  only  the  purest  Anglo-Saxon,  but  are  often  more 
in  harmony  with  the  laws  that  directed  Teutonic  speech  in 
general,  than  those  of  many  an  Ang'o-Saxon  author  before  him. 

It  would  lead  us  too  far  to  follow  Layamon  with  an  endeavour 
to  systematize  the  prolixity  of  radicals  he  uses  in  his  conjugation. 
So  far  as  they  can  be  judged  by  the  standard  of  phonetic  laws, 
the  student  will  find  some  direction  for  their  explanation  in  pre- 
vious paragraphs.  (See  the  chapters  on  Vowels  and  Consonants.) 
Here  we  shall  limit  ourselves  to  mention  a  few  of  his  peculiarities. 
Before  a  t(?  he  likes  to  introduce  a  u^  e.g.  Aceuwe?i  for  hawen^ 
A.  S.  hedwan.  He  has  preserved  some  fragments  of  the  ancient 
reduplication  in  the  forms  hehie  (he  called,  appellavit)  and  lieyte 
(he  ordered,  prascepit) ;  but  he  had  no  idea  of  the  force  of  tnis 
reduplicated  form,  for  he  used  it  in  the  present  as  well,  hahtey 
hahte  (appello,  prsecipio).  Where  a  w  succeeds  the  radical  eo,  it 
often  converts  this  diphthong  into  eUy  as  heuwen  for  heowen, 
bleuwen  and  blewen  for  bleowen.  Not  unfrequently  this  w  is 
vocalized  into  «,  hence  forms  such  as  greu  for  grewe^  growe,  bleu 
for  blewCf  cneou  for  cnewe^  cneowe.  Verbs  which  in  Anglo-Saxon 
always  followed  the  strong  conjugation  occasionally  assumed 
weak  forms  in  Layamon,  as  leap  and  leopl,  pret.  of  lapen  (to 
leap).  The  preterite  of  gan,  gon  (to  go),  eode,  ^eode,  finds  its  ex- 
planation in  the  A.  S.  e(}de=Goth.,  iddja  (preterite  oi  gatigan). 

The  writer  of  the  Ormulum  has  a  peculiarity  which,  like 
several  others,  reminds  one  of  Old  Frisian  and  Old  Norse  influ- 
ence ;  the  Anglo-Saxon  vowel  eo  of  the  preterite  he  uses  only 
before  w,  while  in  every  other  position  he  renders  it  by  e,  the 
favourite  form  of  the  Northern  dialects.     In  Old  English  the 


464  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

w  is  (reqnently  Tocalized  into  »,  and  tbe  forms  preuy  iett,  ^m, 
occur  side  by  side  with  km^tte^  b/^ire^  yretre.     More  and  more 
strong  Terbs  aasome  weak  forms,  as  weeped  and  wept  for  wef. 
The  verb  po,  gan,  has,  besides  the  preterite  yede,  yode^  jrtfe,  the 
form  K-ende,  venL    In  Miilcilft  Kngfiah  the  radicals  b^^  to  be 
established ;  out  of  the  great  number  nsed  in  the  older  langnage 
one  is  fixed  upon  for  a  certain  form  of  the  verb ;  and  the  more  tie 
English  language  approached  a  settled  condition,  the  more  the 
vowels  of  the  verb  also  became  subject  again  to  rules  and  liable 
to  systematic  arrangement.     The  participle  commonly  has  the 
radical  of  the  present,  but  sometimes  it  is  occupied  by  that  of 
the  preterite  as  in  Aeid,  henp.     The  preterite  takes  the  vowel  e, 
or  rather  e,  which  is  rendered  by  ee,  as  in  leep^  beei^  ieew,  creew, 
heengy  or  by  tf,  the  length  of  the  vowel  being  indicated  by  the 
mute  final  e^  as  lepe^  beU^  &c.    yede,  ied€y  and  wente  are  nsed  as  in 
Old  English ;  in  the  participle  we  find  poN,  goan^  gone^  ygo^  go^  in 
the  infinitive  goouy  go,    New  Tgwgiiaii  has  lost  many  strong  veibs 
altogether  which  had  existed  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Early  English, 
such  as  l^can  (to  leap,  play),  wealdan  (to  rule),  krepan  (to  call), 
fangen  (to  catch),  &c.,  which  are  partly  still  preserved  in  Ger- 
man, as  walten^  rufen^  fangen^  &c.     The  difierent  forms  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  hdtun  (to  be  called)  have  become  obsolete;   but 
Spenser  has  *  he  higlit*  (he  is  called),  pret.  'hot;'  and  Byron 
uses  the  part,  'hight'  (called);  ^behight/  'behott/     Some  verbs 
of  the  nduplicational  class  have  become  weak,  as  to  ira/k,  to 
roir^  fo  loir  J  Uj  fold,  to  leap^  to  sleep,  &c.     The  o  in  the  Modern 
English  hold,  blow,  sow,  and  the  other  verbs  of  this  class  arises 
eitlicr  from  Anglo-Saxon  ea  (as  /lealihiu),  or  Anglo-Saxon  a  (as 
hid  wan  ^  sdwaii) ;  in  tlie  same  manner  go  from  gan,  gd\  but  the  o 
oi'  grow  was  already  in  Anglo-Saxon,  growan.     The  distinction  of 
a  stronf^"  and  a  weak  preterite  of  the  verb  hang,  we  find  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  verbs  hangan  and  hangjan  already,  and  ever  since 
in  all  the  different  periods  of  the  English  language;    but  the 
distinction  in  the  meaning,   i.  e.  one  with  transitive  the  other 
with  intransitive  signification  was  then  a  general  rule  as  little  as 
now.     The  i)articii)le  holden  is  now  used  only  in  the  court  and 
law  style,  the  preterite  from  held  having  invaded  the  participle 
too.     The  preterites  greu\  lleic,  knew,  threw,  though  preserving 
the  consonant  w  in  writing,  have  vocalized  it  into  u  in  pronun- 
ciation. 

In  Ablaut  \terbs  (Classes  V  to  X)  the  radical  was  less  ex- 
posed to  change,  because  it  had  too  deeply  taken  root  to  yield 
easily  to  external  influences.  We  observe  therefore  in  these 
verbs  a  more  regular  course  of  the  Ablaut  through  all  periods  of 


THE  VERB.  465 

the  English  langiiage.  For  the  direction  ot  the  flndent  it  may 
snffice  to  refer  to  the  respective  taMes  of  the  cimjugati'inal 
classes  and  oar  remarks  which  precede  them. 

Class  V.     lAyamon  admits   here  as  el>ewhere  a  variety  of 
vowels,  while  the  uTiter  of  the  Onnulmn  leaves  the  Antrl'>-Saxon 
Ablaat  unchanged.     As  to  the  latter  we  have  more^iver  to  notice 
that  he  does  not  mark  the  shortness  of  the  vowel  in  the  ]>n-t4:rite 
plural,  whilst  everywhere  else  he  strictly  adheres  to  this  rule. 
Perhaps  the  fact  may  be  explained  from  a  ehan<>e  in  the  quantity 
of  the  radical  in  the  preterite  plural      A  clearly  Old  X«^»rp*:?  f^rirm 
be  has  in  yrifann^  part,  of  ^rifen   to  pmsper  .     In  Old  Engliah 
already  it  nappens  that  the  i  of  the  preterite  plural  is  Irjst  and 
the  Ablaut  of  the  singular  adopted  for  the  plural  as  well.     We 
find  in  the  Ablaut  of  the  preterite  some  dirit-rence  in  the  radical 
according  to  the  locality  of  the  dialect ;  Northern  authors  use  in 
the  preterite  a^  while  in  the  south  o  is  the  favourite  voweL 
iffi^iHifl  'Bngliflh  is,  in  some  respects,  more  Anglo-Saxon  than 
Old  English,  for  the  plural  /  of  the  preterite  is  cr>mmonly  pre- 
served m  the  former,  while  the  latter  usually  adopts  the  radical 
of  the  singular  in  the  plural  also.     Wydiffe  renders  the  6  (=: 
A.  S.  a)  commonly  by  oOy  while  Chaucer  and  Maundeville  dosi<»>. 
nate  the  length  of  the  vowel  by  the  e  mute,  hence  Wvrliffc  Jtmrtof 
Chaucer  and  Maundeville  9mo(€.     "New  Engliah  has  l^st  manv 
verbs  of  this  class  which  were  in  use  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Earlv 
English;  others  have  passed  over  into  the  weak  declension.     In 
the  participle  we  often  find  the  vowel  /  of  the  present  and  n  of 
the  preterite  side  by  side,  as  rode  and  mh/tn,  nmote  and  milhn, 
Ben  Jonson  has  some  similar  i)articipial  forms  of  his  own,  e.  i>. 
rw,  ro9e,  and  in  the  same  manner  of  9mitey  tcrit^  bite  rule  &c 
Some  verbs  have  adopted  the  plural  i  of  the  preterite  in  the 
singular  too,  as  btte,  Ini,  bitten  ;  chide,  rhid,  rhhlde^t 
^    Ckss  yi.  Layamcm  render  the  Ablaut  of  the  plunil  preterite 
in  several  ways,  while  the  wntc.r  of  the  Ormulum  pr.s.  v.-s  tl^ 
ancient  «,  and  renders  the  Anglo-Saxon  ../  hv  ..  in  th^  .n-toiX 
singuhir.    Old  English  condensed  this  r,  to  /s.,  tK  .♦  \'     i 

of  the  present  and  preterite  singular  are  intTr.  '*";"''^^!: 
replaced  it  by  other  vow.ls,  so  as  to  maVp  '  .,  '  ;^>'n;*times  ,t 
sible.     But  the  preterite  plural  coLTn I v  ^T^  '"•'  T''^ 

ihe^ikr     m"^^V  ^T'J.'tr"  '-^  >t  has  taken  th.  Abl.ut  of 
the  singular.     Middle  English  arloptol  th«  Ahlaut  of  the  nrete! 
nte  angular  almost  generally  for  the  plural :  thranricnt  r 
.8  preserved  .n  b.^few  form.,  su.h  a/...y>.;^.5/.     S" 
singular  cond.nnr^  the  ancient  ^^  '=  \  S  e/i ,  Jnt«  t  . 
ened  the  radical  /  of  the  present  inio  ^  Zl  tW  b. 

11  h 


466  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

became  identical.  In  order  then  to  have  some  distinction  for 
these  tenses,  the  weak  conjugation  became  more  and  more  gen- 
eral in  verbs  of  this  class,  hence  r«f wfe,  brewed y  9elkede^  ff^^% 
for  the  A.  S.  hredw,  bredw^  sedlS,  &c.  In  the  preterite  plunl 
there  exists  a  great  vacillation  between  the  vowel  e  of  the  pre- 
sent and  0,  the  original  vowel  of  the  plural ;  e.  g.  cAo9en  and 
ciesen,  flouren  and  fleKcn  ;  but  also  weak,  chesiden.  Hew  Sng- 
liah  has  lost  altogether  some  verbs  of  this  class,  for  others  it  liaB 
adopted  the  weak  form,  as  creep,  crept ;  cleave y  cleft ;  flee^  Jiei; 
sAool,  shot.  But  by  the  side  of  these  we  find  the  strong  preterite 
preserved  in  clare^  the  strong  participle  in  cloven^  shotten.  Many 
verbs,  on  the  other  hand,  which  in  Anglo-Saxon  were  weak, 
follow  in  New  English  the  strong  conjugation  of  this  class,  as 
vear,  stick,  betide^  spit,  dip,  skofr,  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  weak 
verbs  werjan,  sticjan,  tidjan,  tpitt^in,  dicjan^  scedtcjan ;  but  the 
strong  forms  spat  and  spitt^n  have  become  obsolete. 

Class  VII.  The  vowels  of  this  class  are  perhaps  less  than 
those  of  any  other  subject  to  the  fluctuation  of  sound,  the  original 
Anglo-Saxon  Ablaut  being  preserved  through  all  periods  up  to 
Modem  English.  LayBmon  uses  stonden  for  the  A.  S.  siandeAy 
and  fftrren  by  the  side  oi  faren  ;  but  on  the  whole  the  a  of  the 
present  is  left  intact.  In  the  preterite  the  original  o  is  used  almost 
without  exception  {swar  for  swor ;  sfop^  plur.  stepen),  though 
weak  forms  are  occasionally  introduced,  asferde,  takede,  wakeden; 
in  the  participle  Layamon  has  been  uncommonly  strict  and  per- 
sistant in  the  apj)lication  of  the  original  vowel  a  which  but  rarely 
passes  into  the  nei«ifhbouring  sounds  of  o  and  e.  The  writer  of 
the  Ormulnm  displays  his  usual  tact  and  sagacity  in  the  applica- 
tion of  the  Ablaut.  The  present  retains  its  pure  a,  except  in  sicert 
and  hefe  (lift),  where  it  has  Umlaut ;  the  only  exception  is  wts%k, 
irax,  Kcx^  in  which  the  preterite  however  shows  the  legitimate 
6\  the  preterite  participle  has  but  once  6,  in  ho/en,  in  all  other 
words  the  ancient  a^  which  in  ladenii  and  start nd^nn  is  marked 
short,  in  all  other  jiarticiples  long.  Old  English  also  preserves 
the  a  of  the  present  except  in  stonde  ;  the  preterite  o  is  sometimes 
replaced  by  a  or  ^,  but  in  most  words  it  retains  its  position. 
The  participle  keeps  its  ancient  a  in  most  words ;  occasionally 
it  passes  into  o,  e,  a,  as  isnore,  np-hoven  and  heren,  forsake  and 
forseke.  Middle  English  retains  the  a  of  the  present  (except 
sfondc),  but  commonly  marks  it  long,  as  schaak  and  shake,  taak, 
aak  and  ake ;  the  e  in  sicere^  heue^  sle  is  of  more  ancient  date. 
The  i)retente  o  is  commonly  preserved  ;  but  where  the  o  is  fol- 
lowed by  w  it  is  frequently  replaced  by  ^,  hence  the  new  pre- 
terites slew^  dreio,  for  the  more  ancient  sloto,  drow,=zslo^,  dro^, 


A.S.  tlok^  droi,  pier.  #:.!:•.--:*.  i^.'.--;i      Tbe  :4m-:r:"-r  i-ks  :h^ 
•ocient  a,  except  in  seme  eases  vbere  h  k  irTiided  It  iLe  :■  of 
tie  preterite,  e.  g.  #r>!?f»tf,  «'-;^<?«    rf  rt^*f%.  to  etc^-  -  juemI  r>:j>r« 
lyy  tlie  side  of  rarem  ^zmI  r>srf-4.      WtU  K^nzis  ftre  intrc^nced 
ni  the  preterite  tia/nde  for  ^'p,   rc«riiJlf  fc^r  tr*:4*if,  wfrni^, 
nd  the  participle  Mkapid  for  tisf^en.  c'^s^^  £:*r  ^Ji^n.  &c.     The 
weak  verb  amate  has  in  Chancer  a  strcn^  pfcterite  ^^.i?.     Ifew 
Bngiiaii  folIowB  the  ancient  forms  in  ^b'lwin^  an  mo!:nat:on  to 
pref«r¥e  the  Abhint  of  this  daes  in  its  ictt^ritv.     It  k^s^.  siniost 
without  any  exception,  the  ancient  o  in  tLe  prE<4E*Dt    thouo-h 
eommonly  assuming  the  German  ^-s^i'iiLd.  as  in  ^ji^;  cnce  the 
0-sound,  troai) ;  the  ancient  6  is  rendered  either  bv  C'?,  or  the  o 
denoted  as  long  by  the  final  i  mute,  as  #^.^2-.  ("^'k ;  but  kore^ 
woke.    The  Anglo-Saxon  *(4Mn>l€,  whic-fa  in  Old  Erglish  and  Mid- 
dle English  had  taken  the  radical  o,  »io)^J<^  resumes  its  orginal 
vowel  in  the  English  fiund.     The  participle  commonly  takes  the 
legitimate  a,  except  in  $tood,  attok^,  where  the  Towel  ot  the  pre- 
terite encroaches  upon  it.     Some  of  the  verbs  of  this  class  hare 
grown  weak  in  New  English^  as  they  hare  strong  and  weak 
forms  side  by  side^  especially  in  the  participle,  as  skacttf  and 
skaveHy  load€d  and  leaden,  laded  and  laden,  graved  and  graven. 

Class  Yin.  lAjamon  commonly  weukens  the  present  /  to  e^ 
and  replaces  the  latter  by  a ;  the  preterite  singular  Anglo-Saxon 
a  he  renders  with  a,  e^  a,  even  ea^  and  tlie  plural  with  e  ox  fe\ 
the  participle  retains  e,  rarely  /.  In  the  Ormulum  the  present 
tense  has  the  vowels  of  the  Anglo-Saxon.  The  distinction  be- 
tween the  plural  and  the  sing^^r  preterite  is  kept  up  in  the 
sound  as  well  as  the  quantity  of  the  vowels,  as  gaff,  gaffenn; 
gati^  gaien,  &c.  The  participle  has  e,  except  y/enn.  Old  English.. 
While  Southern  writers  (as  Robert  of  Gloucester)  apply  several 
vowels  in  the  preterite  {e,  o,  a).  Northern  authors  (as  in  the 
Psalms)  retain  here  as  elsewhere  the  ancient  a ;  participle  e, 
rarely  t .  Middle  English  also  has  a  great  variety  of  vowels  in 
the  preterite  singular  and  plural,  which  may  be  seen  from  our 
examples  to  Class  VIII  (see  p.  455).  New  THngiifth  preserves 
the  ancient  forms  in  give,  gave,  given  ;  hid,  lade^  bidden  ;  but  in 
most  cases  it  allows  the  vowel  of  the  preterite,  a  or  0,  to  encroach 
upon  the  participle,  as  get^  got,  got ;  sit,  sat,  sat,  &c.  Some  verbs 
have  become  weak,  as  mete,  wreaks  &c.  The  termination  en  of 
the  participle  has  frequently  been  dropped  in  this  as  in  other 
classes. 

Class  IX.    Layamon's  vowels  arc  subject  to  the  usual  fluctua 
tions,  while  the  Ormulum  displays  ^  strict  vocalic  system 
Ablaut  conformable  to  that  of  Anglo-Saxon.     In  the  present 

H  h  2 


468  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

find  the  Anglo-Saxon  vowels ;  in  the  preterite  singular  Anglo* 
Saxon  a,  supplanted  by  the  primitive  a ;  in  the  preterite  plunl 
the  Anglo-Saxon  a  again,  and  in  the  participle  the  ancient  o 
or  u. 

Old  English.  The  distinction  between  the  Ablaut  of  the  sin- 
gular and  that  of  the  plural  preterite  has  almost  disappeared, 
except  in  the  diiferent  quantity.  Southern  writers  (as  Robert  of 
Gloucester)  prefer  e  as  the  Ablaut  of  the  preterite,  the  Northern 
(as  in  the  Psalms)  adhere  to  the  ancient  a ;  the  former  have  itel, 
6er,  hrehy  the  latter  ataly  nam^  cam,  &c.  The  participle  has  o 
throughout.  Middle  English  preserves  the  ancient  vowels  of 
the  present,  but  the  quantity  seems  to  be  altered  in  WydiflTe's 
teerey  breek^  perhaps  also  in  stelCy  bere^  and  the  like.  The  plural 
and  singular  of  the  preterite  are  rarely  distinguished  by  the 
Ablaut  j  perhaps  the  distinction  of  quantity  remained,  as  in 
bracke,  plur.  braken,  breeken ;  but  also  beer^  plur.  beered.  The 
participle  has  o  ;  but  in  its  termination  en^  either  the  ^  or  the  « 
IS  sometimes  dropped,  e.  g.  sloln  for  stolen,  come  for  comen,  New 
English.  The  verb,  come,  came,  came,  appears  to  deviate  from 
the  forms  of  this  class ;  but  it  will  soon  be  understood  if  we 
bear  in  mind  that  its  present  is  a  contracted  form,  as  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  cuman  for  an  ancient  qniman,  qviman ;  the  participle  has 
the  same  vowel  <?,  originating  in  the  same  contraction.  The 
preterite  a  is  commonly  replaced  by  <?,  which  has  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  participle  too ;  torn,  horn,  have  dropped  the  e,  coMt 
the  n  of  the  participle  termination  en. 

Class  X.  Layamon  has  the  i  of  the  present  usually  before  f^ 
and  Hy  sometimes  the  weakened  form  e;  in  other  verbs  he  uses 
e,  or  eOy  or  ^,  or  even  m.  The  Ablaut  a  and  ea  of  the  preterite 
singular  still  occurs,  the  former  being  replaced  by  o  before  fH 
and  n.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Brechung  ea  is  rendered  with  f,  ^, 
or  a.  The  u  of  the  plural  preterite  is  weakened  to  a,  and  thui^ 
the  singular  and  plural  Ablaut  are  in  many  eases  identical, 
and  every  distinction  between  the  two  gradually  disappears.  In 
the  participle  ic  is  usually  kept  before  m  and  «,  in  all  other 
positions  o.  We  find  some  weak  forms  already  in  use  side  by 
side  with  the  strong,  as  harnde  and  horny  rongen  and  ringedcny 
clem  (I e  and  clurnben.  The  Ormulum  also  has  i  in  the  present 
before  m  and  w,  elsewhere  e.  Metathesis,  as  in  Layamon,  is  used 
in  the  verbs  erne,  eorne-=.irne,  Goth,  rinna.  The  Ablaut  of  the 
preterite  singular  never  fluctuates  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  and 
primitive  a.  The  shortness  of  the  a  is  everywhere  marked  by 
the  gemination  of  the  following  consonant ;  but  n  followed  by  a 
media  is  never  doubled.     What  we  stated  with  regard  to  the 


THE  VERB.  469 

singular  Ablaut,  holds  good  for  the  plural  Ablaut  u.  Participles 
have  u  before  m  and  n,  in  every  other  ease  o.  Old  English. 
The  present  is  treated  as  in  the  preceding  dialects.  In  the  sin- 
gular preterite.  Southern  writers  prefer  o,  Northern  the  original 
a.  The  plural  Ablaut  u,  or  its  weakened  form  o,  is  sometimes 
preserved,  but  it  often  gives  way  to  singular  a,  as  in  stcany  pan, 
ran,  /and,  and  the  like,  used  both  in  the  singular  and  plural. 
The  participle  has  commonly  o,  rarely  u.  Middle  English  has 
in  the  present  tense  the  same  radicals  as  the  preceding  dialects. 
It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  Wycliffe  makes  the  radical  of  the 
preterite  long  before  n  with  a  media,  asfoonde,  soong,  bounde, 
ISHaj  we  bring  this  fact  io  bear  on  the  omission  of  gemination 
in  the  Ormulum  under  the  same  circumstances,  and  draw  the 
conclusion  that  the  writer  of  the  Ormulum  considers  the  radical 
long  in  the  position  just  mentioned?  The  plural  Ablaut  u  is 
sometimes  preserved,  or  changed  into  o,  often  however  replaced 
by  the  Ablaut  of  the  singular.  The  participle  as  in  Old  Eng- 
lish. New  English.  Many  verbs  of  this  class  have  been  lost, 
others  have  turned  weak;  others  again  use  strong  and  weak 
forms,  as  climbed  and  clowby  melted  and  molten y  &c.  The  i  is 
commonly  preserved  in  the  present,  though  often  lengthened 
into  the  diphthongal  sound  (  =  Germ.  ei).  The  preterite  sin- 
gular has  retained  the  original  a  in  some,  but  adopted  the  plural 
tf,  or  its  lengthened  form  ou  in  far  more  verbs ;  the  Ablaut  of 
the  participle  is  identical  with  tliat  of  the  present.  Distinguish 
between  to  wind  (spirare,  canere),  and  to  wind  (torquere) ;  the 
latter  is  strong,  the  foimer,  derived  from  windy  should  be  weak. 
Sir  Walter  Scott  has  ^  again  his  horn  he  wound^  in  the  Lady  of 
the  Lake ;  but  *  he  winded  his  horn'  in  Ivanhoe. 

High  German. 

Middle  High  German.  The  thematic  or  connective  vowel  is 
everywhere  weakened  to  e,  while  the  radical  of  the  present  theme 
remains  the  same  as  in  Old  High  German,  and  in  some  cases 
where  the  radical  is  i  it  is  unchanged  in  verbs  in  which  Old 
High  German  had  weakened  it  to  e.  Concerning  the  thematic 
or  connective  e  which  precedes  the  personal  terminations,  we 
have  a  few  remarks  to  make  as  to  the  manner  in  which  it  is 
affected  by  the  latter.  It  is  a  rule  generally  observed  in  Middle 
High  German  that  the  unaccented  e  is  mute  if  preceded  by  a 
short  vowel  with  a  simple  consonant,  and  that  this  e  mute  is 
dropped  altogether.  With  regard  to  the  verb  we  have  to  con- 
sider the  following  cases.     Where  the  thematic  e  is  final  and 


470  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

preceded  by  /  or  r,  apocope  must  take  place,  as  mal^  var,  bir,  M^ 
for  ma/e,  tare,  6ire,  ttile.     Apocope  according^  to  this  role  must 
occur  in  the  ist  sing,  present  indicative^  and  ist  and  and  sing, 
present  subjunctive  of  verbs  of  Classes  YII  and  IX,  in  the  2nd 
sing   preterite  of  Chisses  V  and  VI,  &c.     If  the  thematic  e  is 
followtnl  bv  the  personal  terminations  ^^t^  -4,  -u,  -nly  and  the 
intinitive  -«,  it  suiFers  syncope  in  all  those  verbs  where  it  is  sub- 
ject to  apocope  when  final ;  hence  meUt  (molis)  for  mel-e^i,  itilt 
(^volat).  ftidin   molamns),  ma/l  (molitis)^  ieit  (celatis)^  r»V«  (oeci- 
derunt",    Jt-uri   (eligistis),   iiiri   (eligeretis),  main   (molere),  kel» 
(celare),  sf (*'//»  (volare),  &c.     This  syncope  may  take  place  also 
after  m  and  »,  though  the  rule  is  not  generally  observed,  and 
before  an  -/i  or  -nt  of  the  termination  syncope  must  be  avoided ; 
hence   nemeuy  nemeni,  not  Hemn,  nemnt.     But  in  this  position 
both  the  e  and  the  termination  are  dropped  together,  as  in  nan 
(to  reminds  for  manen.     Sracope  may  further  occur  after  #  and 
ky  if  the  thematic  e  is  followed  by  the  terminations  -«/,  -/,  as 
i'ijsi  'Jegis)  for  H^-e^i  {Ih-sf  is  of  course  contracted  into  Ud\  ihi 
(legit)  for  ii^-e-t,  sikst  (vides),  si  hi  (videt).     Syncope  may  take 
place  after  the  media  b  or  g  if  the  thematic  e  is  followed  by  the 
terminations  -*/  or  -/,  as  pibt  (dat),  ligt  (jacet).     Though  after  t 
no  syncope  is  admitted,  it  may  happen  that  where  a  ^  of  the 
root  is  followed  by  a  /  of  the  termination,  the  latter,  t4>gether 
^^^th  the  thematic  vowel  may  be  dropix*d,  as  gif  (evellit)  {or  giteL 
(Compare  ;/^///  for  ni'inen,  mentioned  above.)     The  unaccented  e 
may  nut  be  omitted  where  it  is  not  mnte  or  silent,  that  is,  if 
preceiled  by  a  lon£^  vuwel   in  the  root   or  by  two   consonants. 
Peculiar  to  some  Middle  High  German  dialects  is  the  tendency 
to    drop    the    infinitive    termination    w,    sometimes    together 
with  the  thematic  c,  as  seht\  vafle,  inaji,  var,  for  selien^   vaHtiif 
vhiiten^  rare/f,  a  tendency  which  has  its  parallel  in  Anglo-Saxon 
already,  while  what  there  was  an  exception  becomes,  since  the 
period  of  Old  English,  the  general  rule.     Not  to  be  mixed  up 
with    this    loss  of  the  infinitive   termination  is  the    occasional 
disai)pearance    of   the    personal    terminations    under   the    influ- 
ence of  a  succeeding  or  suffixed  pronoun,  a  phenomenon  w^hich 
is   known   as  inclination.      Such   takes   j)lace  in    Middle   High 
German    in   the   ist  plur.,   as    /ici^a-vir  (apj)ellamur),    neme-wlr 
(capimus),  for  Iici^cn,  iiemen.     It  is  difficult  to  account  for  the 
termination  a  which  is  added  occasionally  to  the  singular  imj)era- 
tive,  as  in  ht^n^  rdia,  for  /r/V,  rat,     Grimm  considers  it  as  a  new 
suffixed  particle  and  not  the  old  thematic  a. 

Concerning  the  manner  in  which  the  radical  is  affected  by  the 
inflexions  a  few  remarks  may  sufHce.     There  is  an  alternation  of 


THE  VERB.  All 

the  radicals  iu  and  ie  in  Middle  High  Oerman,  as  of  in  and  to 
in  Old  High  German;  thus,  sing,  gvu^e^  piu^esl,  giv^et,  plur, 
ffie^&n,  pie^ety  gie^eu.  About  tlie  original  cause  of  this  alternation 
of  sound  compare  p.  430.  Umiaut  takes  place  in  Classes  II  and 
VII,  where  a  is  converted  into  e,  as  valle,  reilesf,  vellet ;  var, 
eert ;  grabe,  greht;  except  before  -It,  -Ik^  where  the  radical  a 
remains,  as  walte,  toalkst,  wallet.  Umlaut  of  a  into  a  takes 
place  in  Class  I,  e.  g.  rdle,  ratet ;  Id^e^  Itp^eL  In  the  2nd  sing, 
preterite  indicative  and  throughout  the  preterite  subjunctive  we 
6nd  the  Umlaut  of  uo  into  ue^  of  u  into  i/y  of  a  into  a,  as  vuaren, 
mere,  kum,  kur,  Idsen,  l^%e. 

The  consonants  of  the  root,  especially  if  final,  are  also  vari- 
ously affected  by  the  inflexions.  Gemination  is  always  reduced 
to  the  simple  consonant  when  at  the  end  of  the  word,  or  in  any 
position  after  a  long  vowel;  e.g.  ine,  a^,  d^en;  iriffe^  traj\ 
trd/en^  A  media,  when  final,  is  converted  into  the  respective 
tenuis,  as,  tribe,  treip,  sige,  seie ;  in  the  same  manner  h  converted 
into  ck^  as,  sihe,  sack  (see,  saw).  Where  syncope  takes  place  it 
is  often  accompanied  by  a  vocalization  of  the  preceding  con- 
sonant, thus  trege%t  by  syncope  becomes  tregst  {tre-g^t),  and  then 
treut  (tre-i'Sf),  tregt^  treit,  gibst,  gUt^  ligt,  lit.  The  relation  be- 
tween g  and  h  and  ch  respectively  has  been  slightly  modified 
since  Old  High  German  times.  There  are  still  the  forms  slahe, 
twahe,  giwahe,  in  the  present,  but  in  the  singular  preterite  we 
find  sluoc,  iwuoCy  gewuoc^  while  according  to  Middle  High  Ger- 
man phonetic  laws  we  should  expect  sluoch  for  Old  High  Ger- 
man sluoh.  The  exceptional  form  sluoc^  &xj.,  may  be  explained 
as  the  representative  of  Otfried's  Old  High  German  sing,  pre- 
terite sluog ;  the  imperative  however  is  slack,  twach^  geioach.  A 
similar  relation  of  the  mentioned  consonants  we  find  in  Classes 
V,  VI,  VIII,  as  lihe^  lech  ;  xliuhe,  vloch ;  sihe,  sach,  the  ch  being 
used  in  the  imperative  also ;  but  in  the  preterite  plural  and  par- 
ticiple some  verbs  retain  the  spirant,  others  replace  it  by  the 
guttural  media,  as  sdhen,  lihen,  vluhen ;  but  sluogen,  iwuogen^ 
geicuogen^  zigen^  rigen,  &c.  Rhotacism  occurs  in  the  forms  rim 
(Class  V) ;  kum,  verlum,  vncrn  (Class  VI) ;  wdren^  and  some- 
times ndren,  Idren  (Class  VIII) ;  gir,  gar,  gdren,  gorn  (Class  IX), 

The  strong  verbs  with  the  su&nja,  as  Severn  (to  swear),  heben 
(to  lift),  cntseben  (to  taste,  sapere),  biteii  (to  ask,  pray),  sUzen  (to 
sit),  are,  as  in  Old  High  German,  weak  in  the  present  only, 
strong  in  all  other  forms. 

New  High  German.  The  short  radical  being  everywhere 
lengthened,  the  Middle  High  German  rule  concerning  the  apo- 
cope of  the  e  mute  is  of  course  no  longer  in  force.     Syncope  of 


K-:  Tt:r TOXIC  grammar. 

\\w  ilu'uuitio  r*  oan  nover  tnko  \A\wq  crxcrpl  before  the  fcnn^EAt:':* 
.»  A  \\w  :tul  siijsj.  aiul  tho  -^  of  tin*  3rd  sinij.,  while  Urf-re  izA 
•  x'l  \\w  :nJ  |«lur.  s\nr»»|»o  is  nithcT  avoided,  thocffh  it  is  -•:% 
I'.,  '..vvt  i^»  usi»  it.  \\\\\  ill  tho  |Misit  ions  just  nirnti-.-nei  ?}:>'f* 
ti'.;\  rtxiv  lako  j^Uuv  if  the  tluMiiatic  v  is  ]»rectd»fd  liv  a  siicjle  i 
s"     .  .ivaI  ilio  xowil  i»r  tlu*  nu)t  is  uniiKxlified  ;  we  ther^iV-re  sar. 

»   ,    '•    •■.•"\  i'^lr/y,  //  (///.v/ ,  //  (i//  (tor   /  />  ^f'^  *  .    T'.:  '  '  -f  • .  ''» ■ » 

•     .    •    »:'  ^t'»»r  //f/|;-f'.v/  and  hn^tt)^  hut   wulfrJ^-,  »^:  >'. 

'  ,  '         .         '<',  f'ri^Kf,  f/it'li/t'Jt/^  Mt'ulcf,     In  the  ?uhJT;n/:vc 

x\    *.:v-  i>  axvuUd.  as  iit'i./t-tf^  /ni//t'Jif,  rutJttJti ;   2nd  plur. /'.  ?r', 

I*  v"  •.■.i*.',  .1!  :n  in  various  wavs  alU'rtcd  hv  the  inflfxi'»n?.     The 
\    »\v'.     ,»;  '.::t*  piv^'ut  has  yioUlod  its  pnsition  in  the  i&t  <:n:r.  to 
(^*'  ^\   .i'w-v.aI  umiu  i\  hut  in  tho  iud  and  3rd  sin^.  tlie  oriy^inal 
N  ;  ^\x,-\v\i.  whilx'  in  llio  phir.  a^iin  c  iinds  phice  in  the  r-i't, 
■   x:    j^  '.••   M-,Ml,'   lliirh  Cirrnian  and  OKI  HijLrh  German.    The 
M  V*  •','  \\.\\  Vu*r!v..i!i   /':   is,   in  Now  Ili^h  (lerman,  curamnly 
■•. -,\  v\'   \.  :*«      .  I'ut  wlu'iv  an  alternation  of  vuweU  occurs  ia 
'."•  '   ••-•.  -»    '.   u  "^0.  as  Ivlwion  the  OKI  llij^h  Gorman  hf  and  /V-, 
^l•.'.'^    H  .;'•  Viv*:'.na!t  ■     ami  /V.  tiio  ii»nnor  is  occasionally  jriven 
^*  '. "•       .  '.    .-  \\\w\'  .il\\;i\s  V;   0.*;:.  I sty/Z/We' (not y/tw/ze,  because 
Nv-\\    II'  ■*'    vIvM'.Mu  i\a>i  o\vivortod  the  radical  /  into  <',  and  '»» 
*••  '/'.v-  i>i  ^lUi;-. :  it'  Middle  ni*»:h  Gorman  conditions  still 
'.'■     :    \\   -.-.M  v>-:.ii:i!\    ho  /'wfU  2nd  //r////.v/,  ^rd  /^c"*?^; 
\     .  ^x':-.         !!iri''.ii:li.'Ut  ;    in  tlio  s-anio  niannor  "f 
:     :    ■    .■-    ;■■/.        •;  .  »'!'  •'    ij   :,  /''f/|V,  ff /'•/•/>/•/«!'//,  X-zv/'-Z^', 
Iv  .   ;  -^x,'  il'vv.>  wiili  .      aro   u^oil  only  in  tho  ]'o.iii: 
■■  \".-    w'.  •    w^'   x-'^-   ,»i    •  Al'n  <  was    krouoht   und   floiij^t/  hut 
^'    •■    •   '  •■  -•   *"v'.V-N    ;        ''.    ••,    ',   all    |)oi*5ions  of  the   ]»rosfnt 
'.  ^-  /  •.:.■.  \m!  Imi  vrr  ooours  in  the  2nd  and  ^rd 

V      ^^  ^  I.  1 1.  \  1 1,  u  h,  ro  .-•  is  ronwrtod  into  H,  tt  into  <'/', 

.  ^  ".    '      .  ''  . '.     Tlio  <//^  and  ?'' of  C'la>s 

l^     -x      '.    :    .■  I  v'.l;;:.    '.■:;        aioopJs  tlio    linlaut    /><',  as  //'///<■;, 


•  k  i  i     \ 


»    , »;'.      I'lio  |uvtorito  suhjunotive  has 


1    ••■■•,  •••■..>     .       :ti:o     •.  ■   int.'  -,  "  .' /'•'  /',  fi  into  tt*-,  o.  ij. 

^  •  ,  .  .  '■,"■■','  ■■'  I  f'. 

I  \-  V  x  v--.".-i  .i'v-  !.  xs  t'u\|;:iMitly  atuvtod  hy  tho  inlloxioiis 
\\\.v.\  ■'.  XInM'v'  ll-.;!i  iJi'inian.  Goniination  or  any  other  com- 
h:;M;:.'v  ,'.  »,  vx,vmi^:<  nin.iin^  unolianir^d.  whothor  it  ooour  at 
liio  or\l  »v  "a  I'w  niuldlo  *'ta  Nwrd.      Hut  inoriranie  ;romination 

I'.-    •■.  «\   . 'rnM!».«:i>    %    :  ■"  ■■   .  iV.Mii    tI  i-   i«Iur.il>  .•'tOj./j  N,  /»fi'Vw.  luul  hftttT 


TUE   VERB,  473 

lometimes  takes  place  and  then  prott'cts  the  original  shortness 
9f  the  vowel,  as  neme^  nimfust,  nimmt,  but  the  plur.  again  nemen^ 
fee. ;  kommen,  kommst^  kommt,  plur.  ionnnen,  &e.  The  inorganic 
Dorreption  of  the  radical  of  the  preterite  singular  is  often  accom- 
panied with  gemination,  as  reUen,  pret.  rill,  plur.  rillen,  by  the 
ride  of  M.  H.  Germ,  ride,  pret.  reil,  plur.  riden.  The  consonants 
k  and  ^  have  settled  their  mutual  relations  to  the  effect  that  g 
occupies  the  only  verb  schldgen  (M.  H.  Germ,  slahen,  O.  H. 
Germ,  slahan,  to  slay)^  while  h  takes  possession  of  all  the  rest,  as 
leihen  (to  lend),  zeihen  (to  accuse),  Jliehen  (to  flee),  geschehen  (to 
happen) ;  but  they  share  the  possession  of  one  verb,  ziehen  (to 
draw,  pull),  pret.  zog.  Where  syncope  is  admitted  in  the  3rd 
sing,  a  ly  dy  or  Ih  of  the  root  al>sorbs  the  I  of  the  termination ; 
e.  g-  raslh  for  rdlh-el,  hall  for  hall-el,  Iml  for  Idd-el. 

Khotacism.  The  r  for  s  which  first  appeared  in  the  pret.  plur. 
forms  wdreuy  froren,  horen,  verloren,  penetrated  from  there  into 
the  pret.  sing,  tear ,  f tor ,  kor,  verUr,  and  then  again  into  the 
New  High  German  "pres.  friere,  verUere;  but  the  pres.  of  kor  is 
still  kiese,  not  kiere. 

Strong  verbs  originally  formed  with  the  suffix  ja,  namely 
schwoeren  (for  schweren,  to  swear),  heben  (to  lift),  hilfen  (to  beg), 
gilzen  (to  sit),  are  still  inflected  strong  except  in  the  present, 
where  they  are  weak,  as  we  see  from  the  imperative,  achwoere, 
Aebe,  lille,  silze, 

Dutch. 

Middle  Dutch.  The  alternation  of  i  and  e  does  not  occur, 
but  a  few  verbs  have  f,  most  of  them  e,  throughout  the  present 
tense ;  as  Ifidden,  sillen,  liggken,  but  gheven,  helpen,  &c. 

Concerning  the  manner  in  which  the  vowels  are  affected  by 
the  inflexions,  we  have  chiefly  to  mention  the  change  of  a  into 
ae  before  77;,  rf,  rl,  which  resembles  the  Breehung  in  the  Old 
Teutonic  languages,  as  waerp,  stuerf,  loaerL  The  contraction  of 
H)ld  {=ald)  into  -oud  is  one  of  the  most  characteristic  features 
of  the  Dutch  languages ;  e.  g.  houden  for  holden,  halden ;  goitden 
for  golden,  M.  H.  Germ,  gullen.  The  conjugation  is  greatly  dis- 
turbed by  the  inorganic  production  or  correption  of  the  radical 
under  the  influence  of  the  succeeding  inflexional  vowels;  thus 
varely  wevel,  become  vcerl,  wefl;  thus  also  by  inclination,  as 
wafl,  for  waf  het. 

Consonants  are  not  considerably  affected  by  the  inflexions. 
Gemination  is  reduced  to  the  simple  consonant  at  the  end  of  a 
word,  as  vel  from  vallen.    The  coni^nants  rf,  gh,  v,  can  never 


474  TEUTOXIC  GRAMMAR. 

hold  m  final  position^  bat  are  changed  into  their  corresponding 
teLue$^  so  that  as  final  consonants  there  occur  ovAj  p,  t,  c,f,  cL 
AVhere  srncope  is  admitted,  z  t  or  d  of  the  root  and  the  /  of  the 
termination  appear  as  one,  as  itf  (vocatur),  ril  (equitat),  U 
(sinit .  bi^t  ;offert\  bif  (rc»gat),  v^  (transit),  for  i/Uff,  riM,  bUH, 
iietUf,  biddet,  vrodet.  ;^Comp.  M.  H.  Germ,  and  N,  H.  Gerat 
]ip.  470,  471.)  The  i  is  dropped  in  tJaen^  dwaen^  sieny  rilen,  bat 
api^ears  as  ri  in  the  pret.  iioecky  dtroeck,  ^aci,  plur.  sloegkeHf 
dtcoepkcHy  tapken,  Rhotacism  takes  place  in  rerloren,  part  of 
reriieseMy  rerlo*;  the  same  in  koren,  vroren,  parL  of  hemif 
rriesen. 

The  strong  verbs  in  Ja^  namely  stcereM,  ieffen,  besefen,  biddn, 
titUn,  make  the  present  weak. 

Hew  Dutch.    The  e  for  i  in  the  present  tense  is  almost  gen- 
eral  even   before  m  and  n.     Transitions   from   one  c'ass  into 
another  are  frequent,  as  from  Class  VII  to  II,  so  from  X  to  IV; 
e.  g.  kltf,  tcUsy  where  iV  (Class  II)  stands  for  oe  (Class  All) ;  but 
vierp  and  X*iVr/*may  be  considered  the  result  of  the  r  in  fy,  rf) 
like  the  Brechung  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  tcearp,  cearf^  and  perhaps 
the  Middle  Dutch  icaerp,  caerf.    It  is  veiy  remarkable  that  New 
Dutch  dissolves  again  the  combination  -ond  which  Middle  Dutch 
had  produced  of  -oldy  and  thus  makes  smolt,  9molf€Hy  gold,  goMen, 
for  the  Middle  Dutch  smoul,  smonUny  gouty  gonden.     Inflexional 
accuracy,  says  Grimm ',  gained   the  better  of  phonetic  nicety. 
The  only  iorm  hvnilen  was  j»reserved  by  the  side  of  the  preterite 
Iiie!<l.     Gemination  is  reduced  to  the  simple  consonant,  if  final; 
/•  and  :  at  the  end  of*  a  word  turn  /'and  <?f ;  d  and  a  may  he  fin«il. 
The  dentals  d  and  t  are  dropped  before  the  t  of  the  termination, 
\\s  alu'it  (clauditj  for  sluitef. 

Scandinavian. 

Swedish.  The  Old  Norse  Umlaut  finds  no  place  in  this  New 
Scandinavian  dialect.  The  occurrence  of  ^,  iv  (^jn)  and  v  in  the 
present  of*  Class  VI  is  independent  of  the  law  that  directed  the 
use  <»f  one  or  the  other  of  those  vowels  in  Old  Norse.  All  g'emi- 
nations,  excei)t  ww,  ?///,  remain  at  the  end  of  the  word.  Syncope 
takes  place  occasionally  in  the  present  sing-ular  as  b^er  for  barer j 
blir  for  hJifver, 

The  stronf*"  verbs  in  ja  retain  the  ancient  Umlaut  and  the 
gemination  of  the  consonant,  and  re-introduce  the  ;,  as  svarja^ 
htvfja,  hedjd,  sittjiiy  lujga  ;  and  added  to  these  le  (for  leja),  doe  (for 
doeja), 

'  Grammar,  i.  p.  992. 


THE  VERB. 


476 


Daniflh.  The  present  faldt,  holdt,  bandl,  fandty  have  no 
Ablaut.  Boots  ending  with  Id^  nd,  of  Classes  II  and  X  are 
changed  into  tdt,  ndt,  in  the  preterite,  as  faidt,  bandL  The 
plural  preterite  not  only  loses  its  own  Ablaut,  but  even  its  termi- 
nation e,  and  is  perfectly  identical  with  the  present ;  necessarily  so 
after  a  combination  of  consonants  in  Classes  II  and  X,  optionally 
after  a  single  consonant.  We  have  the  reverse  of  the  case  in 
9aae  and  ktae  for  aaa  and  laa,  where  the  plural  e  has  penetrated 
into  the  singular. 

The  strong  verbs  in  ja  with  weak  present  may  be  recognized, 
as  in  Swedish,  by  the  Umlaut,  gemination,  and  the^  of  the  deri- 
vation ;  they  are — Aedder  (O,  N.  heitir\  svdrger,  ler^  doety  sidder^ 
ligg^y  some  of  ancient,  some  of  more  modern  formation. 

Strong  and  weak  preterites  occur  side  by  side  in  fdrede^foer^ 
jdgede^  jog^  grinte^  gren^  &c.  Some  verbs  have  assumed  a  weak 
preterite  chiefly  in  Classes  V  and  VI. 


WEAK  CONJUGATIONS  >. 


PARADIGMS^ 


FIRST  CONJUGATION  (Conkbctive  ja). 


Present  Indicative. 


Gothic 


Sing,  ist  tuj»-ja  tdk-ja 

and  na9-ji-$  sdk-ei-^ 

Plur.  1st  fMM^'o-m  9dk-Ja-m 

Dual  1st  fuu-jd^  §dk'j6-^ 


Old  High  German. 


ner-ju  aend-u 

ner-i-t  senct-is 

ner-ja-m^     aend-ormis 


Old  Saxon. 


ner-ja-d 


Knd'ju 
aend'i'^ 
send-ja-n 


Anglo-Saxon. 


3ing.  ist   ner-je  B^oe 

and  ner-e-tt         tec-e  it 

Plur.  ist   nev'ja'fi       tic-a-fi 


Old  Frisian. 


ner-e 

(ner-at) 
ner-a-th 


8ik-€ 
aei'-i-tt 

{sel'ttf) 
t^k-a-ih 


Old  Norse. 


id 
Ul-r 


kenn-i 
kenn-i-r 


tel'ju-m        kenn-u-m 


*  Concerning  the  three  conjugations  of  deriyative  verbs,  the  three  modes  of  adding 
the  suffix  aya,  the  formation  of  the  weak  preterite,  the  use  of  personal  terminations, 
&c.,  compare  pp.  366,  382,  388,  389. 

'  Only  the  ist  and  md  singular,  1st  dual,  and  ist  plural,  are  given  in  the  para- 
digms ;  the  student  who  has  mastered  the  strong  conjugations  will  easily  make  out 
the  rest  for  himself.  Peculiarities  of  the  different  weak  conjugations  will  be  noticed 
In  our  Remarks  following  upon  the  Paradigms. 


476 


TEUTOXIC  GRAMMAR, 


Present  Subjunctive. 


Gothic. 


Sing.  1st    iNW-jwiii         wSh-jaiL 

Plar.  1st    ua^'jai'tHa  M-jai-ma 
Dual  1st    •KW^'at-m     M-jai-va 


Anglo-Saion. 


Sing  1st    ner^je  ttc-t 

and  fttr-jt  tec-e 

Plur.  I  St    n^r-Je^         Uc-t-n 


Old  High  German. 


ner-je-9 
tur-je-ines 


Btndrt 

9end-4-€ 

fend-i-mi* 


Old  Frisian. 


ntrA  iih-i 

n«^\«)  $ik'i(e) 


OldSaxoD. 


ner-jaie) 
ner'}a-4{Je$)  amij^ 


Old  Norse. 


td-i  heiat^ 

td-i-r  hoM^ 

td-i-m 


Imperative. 


Gothic. 


2Sing.  2nd  na*^  $6l>ti 

Plur.  2nd  naih-ji'^  sok-ei-^ 

ist  mu-ja-m  adk-ja-m 

Dual  3nd  tuu-ja-tt  adk-ja-U 


Old  High  German. 


ner-i  aemi'i 

ner-ja-t      Bend-a-t 


Old  Saxon. 


ner-i  seiid-i 

ner-ja-d     tend-ja-d 


Anglo-^xon. 


Sing.  2nd  ner^  see 

Plur.  2nd  ner-Ja-fS     fec-a-d 


Old  Frisian. 


mer^  woe 

ntr-a-th      eeoa-th 


Old  Norse, 


td'i'^ 


kmn 


Infinitive. 


(lOthic. 

O.H.Oorin. 

Old  Saxon. 

Ang.-Sax. 

0.  Fris. 

Old  Nor?e. 

u  isja-n 
suk-j<i-n 

fend-a-n 

ner-ja-n 
send-a-n 

ncr-ja-n 
sec-u-n 

fur^ 

td-ja 
I'tnn-a 

na*-jand-s 
$oh  ja-nd-s 


Present  Participle. 


ner-ja-nt-tr       ncr-Ja-nd 


scnd-a  ni-er 


8cnd-ja-nd 


ner-Je-nd-e 
secc-nde 


ner-a-nd 
sti-a-nd 


te^'ja-nd-i 
lenn-a-nd'i 


Preterite  Indicative. 


(iothic. 


Sing.  1st  iuiJ>-i-da^  sok--i-da 

2iu\  V{U-i-<fe-8  i<ok-i-de'8 

Plur.  1st  nas-i-ilaf-H-m  aok-i-ded-u-m 

Dual  ist  nas'i-dtd-u  sok-i-ded-u 


Old  High  German. 


ner-i-ta  mn-ta 

ner-i'td-s       san-tds 
ner-i-twrnes  san-tu-mes 


Old  Sa\on. 


ner-i-da  *an-d 
ner-i-do-s  kui-^ 
ner^i-da-n  san-d 


*  The  suffix  of  the  weak  preterite  is  the  preterite  of  a  Gothic  verh,  the  forms  ol 


THE  VERP. 


4^11 


Preterite  Indicative  {continued). 


Anglo-Saxon. 


ner-t-de 

ner-e-de-H 
mr't-do-n 


idh-U 

i6h-te-tt 
adh-to-n 


Old  Frisian. 


ner-e-de 
{ner-de) 
ner-e-de-et 
ner-e-do-n 
(ner-don) 


tdch-te 

i6ch-te-tt 
s6ch-tQ-n 


Old  None. 


tal-da 


hen-da 


tal-di-r       hen-di-r 
t6l-du-m     ken-da-m 


PeETEEITB   S0BJTOCTIVB. 


Gothic. 


ftae-i-dS^l-jau  edk-i-did-jau 
ncu-i-did-e{r»  edh-v-did-ei-e 
naM-i-ded-\     ( M-i-did- 

H-m       J    \     eirma 
na$-i-dedr  \    /  »dk-i-did- 

ei^      I  {     a-va 


Old  High  German. 


ner^-ti 
ner^-ii-t 


$an^ti 
$an-ti-8 


ner-i-tt-mis    ean-ti-mU 


Old  Saxon. 


ner-irdi       nan-di 
ner-i-di-9    aan-di-e 

ner-i-di-n  tan-di-n 


Anglo-Saxon. 

Old  Frisian. 

Old  Norse. 

ner-e-d^             idh-te 
ner-fde  '           $6h-te 
ner-e-de-n         edh-te^ 

ner-de            edch-te 
ner-de            edeh-te 
ner-de            tdch-te 

tel-di         ken-di 
(el-di-r       ken-di-r 
tclrdi-m     ken-di-m 

Preterite  Participle, 


Gothic. 

O.  H.  Ger. 

Old  Sax. 

A.S. 

O.  Fris. 

O.N. 

neL8-i-\>-i 
»6k-i-\h» 

ga-ner-i-t 

ga-«end4-t 
iga-ean-t) 

ner-i-d 
tend-i-d 

ner-ed 
s-dh-t 

ner-i-d 
edch-t 

•  • 

•  • 

Passive  Present. 


Gothio. 


Indicative. 

Sing.  I  si  noi-ja-da 

and  nae-ja-za 

3rd  naa-ja-da 

Plor.  nae-ja-nda 


Subjunctive. 

nas-jai-<l<iu 
ncu-jai-zau 
nws-jai-daii 
nae-jai-indan 


would  be  didan,  dad^  didum,  didans  (to  do) ;  the  terminations  da,  die, 
nd  for  an  original  dad,  dcut,  dad;  the  rest  are  the  regular  forms  of  a 
▼erl>. 


478 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


SECOXD  CONJUGATION  (Coxnbctive  6). 
Present  Indicative. 


Gochk. 


Sing.  1st   jo/M 

Plvr.  ist   9aJBho-m 
Dosl  1st  9aSb-^ 


O.  H.G«nn.       Old  Saxon,    i  Anglo-Saxon.  I  Old  FruUn. .  Oil 


9aip-6^m 
mdp'6-4 


9eaW'6'n 

(•cair-^'a-<f) 

•  • 

teaif'je 

{'talf-ige) 
ttalf-a-ti 
ieal/'ja-fS 

•  • 

talv-jt 
stdt-a-it 

•• 

Sing.  1st    miIb-4 

2nd  9aib-^ 
PIv.  1st  mlb'6-m 
Dual  1st   Mlb-^ 


Peesent  Subjunctive. 

mip-6-t-mii 


(seair-^fa) 
tcaft-o-t 


ftaHf-jt 
tttUf'je 


tealf-jf-n 
(stalf-igt-n) 


talr-J€ 


Mlh-v-n         I  salp^n 


Infinitive. 

tcatc-/^  I  fcalj'-Ja-n  taiv-ja 

{gcaw-ogean'^     {fealj-if/a-n)    i 
{scaw-djan)  |    {sca!f-iyca-n)  \ 


htlh 


Sing.  :nil  ini/?»-o 

Plur.  2nd  *(i/6-<>-^ 

Plur.  1st    faP'-6-m 

Dual  1st    tiilb-^U 


talp-A 
salp-d-t 


Imperative. 


seal f -a  j  saltHi 

8tulf-Ja-fS  ;  »alv-ja-tk 

{sialf-itjca-^) 


$alb'6'7nh 


Present  Participle. 

salp-d-ni-tr    >  ^irair-o-wd        I  sealf-Je^id-f     \  salv-ja-nd    \  IttH-fl-' 
\{scaw-d-f;€a-nd)[  {sealf-ige-nd-e), 


Preterite  Indicative. 


Sing.  1st    falh-d-da      I  salp-A^a 
Slid  *<!//>-<>-</«•-*    I  mli^'>-t6-6 

Dual  1st    Mi/6-<M^(i-« 


fcav-onla 
scau>o-d6^ 

Bcav-d-du-n 


teal/S'iie'St 
Bealf-o-do-n 


salr-a-de 
iMlc-a-de-st 

galv-a-do-n 


hdl^ 
Icad-a 

koll-u 


THE  VERB. 


479 


Pretbrite  Subjuxctiye. 


Gothic 

O*  H«  Cwnii* 

OldStfon. 

Anglo-SAZon. 

Old  FruUn. 

Old  None. 

•    mMlb'6-did\ 

jau         i 

d  taOh^-ded') 

€i-ma     ) 

nUp-d-ti-i 

^ecLw-d-da 
9eaw-4-dd^ 

Mtalf-S-de 
tealf-d-de 

KdfMt-de 
§alc^-d€ 

hall-n-U 

kall-a-fii-r 

kaU-a-tSi-m 

Preterite  Participle, 


$alc-a-d 


k<dl-a-fi^ 


THIRD  CONJUGATION  (CoyyECTiVE  ai). 


Present  Indicative. 


Gothic.  I  O.  H.Germ. 


Sing,  irt    kaifMU 

and  hah-ai-^ 
Plnr.  ist  Aofr-o-m 
Dual  I8t    hab-d^ 


hap-i-m 

hap-i-i 

hap-4-mSs 


Pres.  Subjunctive. 


Oothio. 


O.  H.Genn. 


hab-au 

kah-ai't 

Aa6-ai-ma 


hap'f-e 
hap-i-e-m^ 


Preterite  Indicative. 


Sing,  ist    kab-ai'da 
and  kab-ai-di-8 
Plnr.  ist    hab^i-did-u-m 
Doal  1st    kab-ai-dSd-a 


hap-4-ta 

hap-i-t6-s 

hap^turinSs 


Pret.  Subjunctive. 


ii 


kab-ai-dSlJau 

hab-ai-dMeU 

hab-ai-dhieima 


hap-i-ti 

hap4'ti-8 

liap-i-ti-m^ 


IllPIRATIVK 


iNFiNrnvi 
Pres.  Participle 
Pret.  Participle 


Grothic. 
hab-ai 

Jutb-a-m 
hab-a-U 

hab-a-n 

hab-a-ndi 

hdb^i'ps 


O.  H.  Genn. 

hap-^ 
hap-i-i 


kap-^^ 

hapS^nt-ir 

hap-i-t-h* 


4«->  TECTOSIC  GRAMMAR. 


1 .  In  all  the  dialects  there  are  verbs  conjagated  after  the  Mj 
and  fiewnd;  the  third  conjugation  is  limited  to  the  Gothic  < 
Old  Higffa  German.  Parallel  verbs  in  the  other  dialects,  wUdk- 
in  the  latter  belonged  to  the  third,  must  follow  either  the  ink 
or  the  second  coDJngation. 

2.  The  jjersonal  terminations  are  the  same  as  in  the  stronf 
conjogati'^ns ;  the  few  exceptions  are  mentioned  in  the  cbpUr 
on  perbonal  terminations  in  the  Teutonic  languages. 

FiBST  COXJCGATIOK. 


Isi 


Gothic.    The  radical  is  either  short  or  long ;  if  the  formffi 
the  suffix  ja  is  treated  in  the  same  manner  as  the  suffix  -a  i& 
strong  verbs,  hence  it  is  changed  into  ji  in  the  2nd  and  31^ 
singular  and  2nd  plural.     After  a  long  radical  the  suffix  jd,  tf 
rather yi,  is,  in  the  pers^ms  just  mentioned,  changed  into  ei\  e.g. 
nas-Ji^,  naJhji'}^ ;  idk-ei^,  soi^i-y.     In  the  preterite,  aU  vciIb 
of  this  class  change  the  suffix ^^,^1,  into  the  connective  vowdt, 
as  nas'i-da,  sol-i-da. 

Old  High  German  also  makes  a  distinction  between  veibs 
with  a  short  or  lonq:  radical.  The  former  condense  the  ^a  or 
rather  Ji  of  the  2nd  and  3rd  singular  into  /,  and  in  the  preterite 
into  i  again;  hence  ner-Jti  {a  of  Ja  weakened  to  w,  like  the  a  of 
strong  verbs),  2nd  ner-i-s^  &c.,  preterite  ner-i-tn.  Sometimes 
the  J  of  the  suffix  appears  as  g,  as  nergan  for  nerjan,  nerige  for 
ner-Ju,  or  it  is  assimilated  to  a  preceding  /*,  as  in  nerran  ;  but 
where  Ja  is  already  condensed  into  i  gemination  cannot  take 
I)hico,  hence  ?/<?rM,  fifrif. 

I'hose  verbs  which  have  the  radical  long  by  nature  or  position 
ntuin  only  the  vowel  a  and  drop  they  of  the  combination  ;<^ 
except  where  it  is  already  condensed  in  /,  e.g.  semlu^  sendamf'.^; 
])ut  >se/i(/i'S,  itr.7ulit ;  in  the  preterite  the  connective  /  is  usually 
drop])e(l  altogether,  and  if  so,  Ruck-Umlaut  takes  place  ;  asMti-fti, 
l)reterite  oi*  •sciidan^  rarely  send-i-ta.  In  this  case  the  preterite 
suffix  t<i,  if  jn-ecedel  by  d  or  t,  in  combination  with  another  con- 
sonant, causes  these  dentals  to  be  dropped ;  as  san-f<i  for  sandM^ 
/itfl-au^  haf-(a;  and  if  preceded  by  a  gemination,  resolves  it  into 
the  simple  consonant,  e.g.  nenn-an,  nan-f^ ;  but  the  sim]>le 
dental  is  retained,  e.  g.  haot-aa,  huot-Uiy  jdUI-an,  plid-ta.  Several 
authors,  chiefly  Isidor  (eighth  century),  and  Tatian  (ninth  cen- 
^"0')>  join  the  suffix  da  to  the  root  by  means  of  the  connective  /, 


THE  VERB.  481 

the  preterite  quite  after  the  analogy  of  the  Gothic,  so 
a  difference  in  the  treatment  of  the  long  and  short  radicals 
not  exist.  Other  writers,  on  the  contrary,  go  far  to  anni- 
^tmte  the  short  forms  altogether,  and  to  treat  dl  the  verbs  of 
"^1  class  as  those  with  a  long  radical.  This  is  brought  about  by 
assimilation  of  the/  of  ;a  to  the  preceding  consonant  and 
piemination  thus  produced;  e.  g.  zellan  for  zeljan^  makes  zelluy 
^4Bw^  zellU,  pret.  zal-ta — an  example  where  the  verb  is  treated  as 

its  gemination  was  organic,  they  is  dropped  altogether,  the 
^^eterite  suffix  joined  to  the  root  without  the  connective  /,  and 
J-^k-Umlaut  takes  place.  In  the  course  of  time  this  transi- 
^«n  of  verbs  with  a  short  radical  into  the  rank  of  those  with  a 
^ng  radical,  become  more  and  more  frequent  in  this  as  well  as 
t|  the  other  dialects. 

Old  Saxon  keeps  up  the  distinction  between  verbs  with  a 
Ong  or  a  short  radical,  but  it  frequently  mixes  the  two  classes 
10  as  to  deprive  certain  verbs  of  their  original  character.  Thus 
it  uses  the  connective  i  after  long  radicals  on  one  hand,  and,  on 
the  other,  renders  short  radicals  long  by  inorganic  gemination 
md  makes  them  drop  the  connective  i  in  the  preterite.  We 
lad  therefore  better  classify  all  these  verbs  into  such  as  take  the 
xmnective  i  and  such  as  do  not.  Verbs  with  the  preterite  in 
ida  are  (i)  the  few  which  still  have  a  short  i*adical  followed  by 
I  simple  consonant,  z&ferjan  (remigare),  nerjan  (servare),  queljan 
cruciare).  Like  these  are  sometimes  treated  those  which  dis- 
K>lye«  their  inorganic  gemination  into  the  simple  consonant  in 
tihe  preterite,  e.  g.  quelljan  (necare),  pret.  quelida.  (a)  Verbs 
nrhich  join  the  thematic  ^a  directly  to  the  long  vowel  of  the  root, 
18  9djan  (to  sow),  strSjan  (to  strew).  (3)  Verbs  in  which  the 
raffixya  is  preceded  by  a  combination  of  consonants  one  of  which 
is  a  liquid,  or  by  the  combination  sk;  e.g.  rnahljan^  to  speak; 
IrenkjaUy  potare  (Germ,  tranken) ;  wernjan^  recusare;  na%jan^, 
aiti ;  nemnjan^  to  name ;  leskjan,  to  extinguish.  (4)  Verbs  which 
[lave  a  long  radical  followed  by  a  single  consonant,  may  take  the 
preterite  in  -^ida,  or  in  w/a ,  e.  g.  dSpjan  (to  baptize),  pret.  dSpida 
md  dSpta ;  hSIjan  (to  heal),  Aelida  and  heldu.  All  other  verbs 
Brhich  do  not  belong  to  one  of  the  clasRCs  just  enumerated,  must 
Doake  their  preterite  in  ^da^  that  is,  without  the  connective  vowel 
f.  Verbs  of  the  latter  claFs  mat/  have  Riick-Umlaut  in  the  prete- 
rite, about  which  however  no  rule  can  be  fixed  upon.  Examples 
ire  hebbjan  (to  have),  pret.  habda;  leggjan  (to  lay),  lagda  and 
\egda  ;  ieggjan  (to  say),  iagda  ;  selljan  (to  give,  sell),  salda  ;  ielU 

*  "S  »  nrf,  vid.  sub  litt.  n  and  15. 
I  1 


THE  VERB.  483 

^eriyative  e^  as  sec^  and  sing,  imper.  of  secan^  secjan,  to  seek. 
Hie  preterite  suffix  de  is  changed  into  te,  if  preceded  by  a  tenuis 
or  the  spirants  s^  Ay  single  or  double;  in  this  case  the  guttuial 
tenuis  i  must  be  changed  into  A  (except  in  the  combination  nc), 
^g.  aeo-e,  iSA^ie.  As  in  Old  Saxon,  a  dental,  if  the  last  letter  in 
a  combination  of  consonants  which  precede  the  suffix  de  or  te^ 
miist  be  dropped,  mn  must  give  up  the  n  and  every  gemination 
most  be  dissolved ;  e.  g.  send-any  sen-de  ;  Aafi-an,  hdf-ie  ;  nemn-- 
am,  nemnle;  cyss-an,  cy%~te. 

The  Riick-Umlaut  is  limited  to  the  following : — e  returns  to  a, 
and  e  to  6y  in  all  those  verbs  of  which  the  stem  ends  in  /  or  <? ; 
e  g.  fellan  (to  fell),  pret.  fedlde  ;  d-sfellan  (statuere),  d-steald ; 
reecan  (to  count,  exponere),  reaAte ;  secan  (to  seek),  soAte ;  recan 
(to  care),  rSAte, 

Old  Frisian.  Short  and  long  as  in  the  preceding  dialects. 
Short  verbs  also  dismiss  the  j  of  the  derivative  suffix.  They  are 
▼ery  few  in  number :  bera  (decere),  era  (arare),  nera  (servare),  wera 
(defendere),  lema  (debilitare),  9pera  (investigare).  These  may 
add  the  preterite  suffix  by  means  of  the  connective  e  {=i=zja)y 
though  very  rarely  they  make  use  of  it.  There  is  a  great  num- 
ber of  short  verbs  which  by  means  of  inorganic  gemination  have 
become  long,  as  sella  (=sel/a,  tradere);  selia,  to  set;  tella,  to 
number ;  se^^ay  to  say,  &c.,  which  in  the  same  manner  as  verbs 
with  organic  gemination,  add  the  suffix  da  without  the  connec- 
tive. In  this  case  de  or  te  may  be  the  form  to  be  chosen  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  of  the  preceding  consonant.  (See  Old  Saxon.) 
The  participle  preterite  also  has  d  (id,  ed,  in  verbs  with  short 
radi(4l)  or  ty  as  the  preterite  takes  de  or  le ;  e  g.  sell-a,  sel-dey 
seM;  wUay  wis-de,  ms-d;  but  kess-a^  ies-le,  ies-i;  acAt-a,  acA-tey 
acA'L  Riick-Umlaut  occurs  in  the  preterite  only  where  the 
stem  had  a  final  k  or  its  gemination,  as  sek-Oy  socA-ie ;  iAekkay 
ihacA'te,  Where  syncope  of  the  derivative  or  connective  vowel 
takes  place,  the  consonants  of  the  root  and  of  the  personal 
terminations  are  liable  to  the  same  modifications  as  in  the  strong 
conjugation.     (See  p.  429  sqq.) 

Old  Norse.  Long  or  short  radical.  The  present  of  those 
with  a  short  radical  has  lost  in  the  singular  the  derivative  ja^ 
except  in  segja  (to  say)  and  \egja  (to  be  silent),  where  the  deri- 
vative suffix  appears,  as  in  those  with  a  long  radical,  condensed 
into  % ;  as  segiy  segity  &c.  In  the  plural  the  ja  always  reappears, 
but  under  divers  modifications.  They  of  the  suffix ^a  is  assimi- 
lated to  the  preceding  consonant  only  in  the  case  of  ^',  and  forms 
the  inorganic  gemination  gg  ;  but  nevertheless  they  is  not  lost, 
but  finds  its  place  again  behind  the  gemination  it  has  caused, 

I  i  % 


484  TEUTONIC   GRAMMAR 

benoe  ^eggja  for  9esja.    The  soffix  ja  preceded  by  the  coneoofoti 
/,  IN,  «,  r,  neyer  assiinilates  its  /,  and  therefore  neyer  wm 

S^minatioQ  in  these  positions.     Contrary  to  the  rule  obeyed  m 
Id  High  German  the  Old  Norse  dialect  admits  of  Riick-UmU 
in  verbs  with  a  short,  not  in  those  with  a  long  radical    Bnl 
$efja  (to  set)  and  $elja  (to  deliver,  to  give),  thongh  of  shwt 
radical,  make  pret,  seif/iy  selda^  not  satfa,  salda.     Under  any  cir- 
cumstance the  suffix  of  the  preterite  joins  the  verb  without  ihe 
connective  t,  except  in  the  participle  &^-i-'5-r,  occurring  in  tta 
Edda,  for  /tf^-"5-r.     The  verbs  with  a  long  radical  have  dropped 
the  j  of  the  suffix  ja,  but  preserved  the  a  variously  modifiei 
Only  those  verbs  in  which  g  or  k  precedes  the  suffix  ja  we  find 
the  spirant  j  preserved,  as  in  Old  High  German,  whenever  in 
the  combination  ja  or  ju ;  but  in  ji  the  vocalization  in  i  tabs 
place,  as  kengja^  sing,  keng-i^  keng-i-r  (for  ^keng^ji^  ^keng-jirf\ 
plur.  keng-ju-m,  keng-i-'^y  keng-ja ;   in  the  same  manner  merk-jt^ 
The  suffix  of  the  preterite  appears  as  da  after  I,  m,  n;  as  {ki  upon 
r,y.  If,  g^  and  upon  a  vowel ;  as  (a  when  succeeding  a  jd,  t,  k,  or  i. 
As  in  the  other  dialects,  gemination  is  dissolved  before  tiie  pre- 
terite suffix,  except  the  combination  kk.     The  dentals  d  and  ^ 
preceding  the  preterite  suffix  are  dropped ;  %  is  assimilated  to 
the  d  of  the  suffix  and  they  thus  make  the  geminations  -dda,  as 
que^ja,  pret.  quadda. 


Second  and  Third  Conjugations, 

Gothic.  Some  forms  fluctuate  between  the  third  and  first 
conjugations,  as  hat^n  and  hatjan^  to  bate.  The  strong  verb 
bduan,  to  build  (Germ,  bauen),  has  in  the  3rd  sing.  pres.  bdnff 
and  bdifaiy.  The  modus-sufliix  i  disappears  where  it  comes  in 
direct  contact  with  the  thematic  or  connective  vowels  0  of  the 
second,  and  ai  of  the  third  conjugation. 

Old  High  German.     Two  Old  High  German  writers,  Tatian 
and  Otfried  (both  ninth  century)  throw  out  the  modus-suffix  e 
(^=zi=zya)  in  the  subjunctive  present  of  the  third  and  fourth  con- 
jugations, and  join  the  personal  terminations  immediately  to  the 
thematic  0,  or  /,  as  saljjo,  salp6s^  salpo,  salpSmes ;   hipcy  hape^, 
kapSj  kapemes ;   for  salpoe^  salpoes,  hapeCy  hapees,  &c.     Fluctua- 
tions between  the  second  and  third  conjugations  are  not  unfre- 
quent,  e.  g.  hazen,  ha^Sn^  to  hate ;  fagen,  fagon,  exhilarate ;  or, 
between  the  third  and  first  conjugation,  as  h^pen,  hehjan  ;  lepvn^ 
libjan,  to  live;    between  the  third,  second  and  first,  as  dolen, 
dolSn^  doljan^  io  sufier.     Some  verbs  take  in  the  preterite  the 


THX^VERB.  485 

MASsaii,  B8  well  as  the  suffix  ta^  and  theref  r6  nre  commonly  design 
Slated  as  belonging  to  the  mixed  form  of  conjugation,  as  denkan^ 
hf^  think ;  dunkan^  videri,  which  make  the  preterite  ddht-a^  dihta. 
ttore  about  these  under  the  chapter  of  Anomalous  Verbs,  hapen^ 
lifliich  makes  some  forms  after  the  first  conjugation,  we  find  in 
the  late  Old  High  German  often  contracted  in  the  ist  and  3rd 
sing.,  e.  g.  kdn^  hdt,  for  hapem,  habem^  hapet,  habeL 

Old  Saxon  shows  in  the  second  conjugation  a  peculiar  ten- 
dency of  addinfip  the  sufiix  ja  twice  to  the  root,  which,  for  in- 
fltence,  appears  m  the  infinitive  termination  Sjan,  or  -^gean  (^^= 
/),  where  we  have  the  second  ja  unchanged,  and  the  first  primi- 
ttve  ja  converted  into  6,  Thus  we  find  for  the  infinitive  fragSn 
(to  ask),  the  forms  fragSjan  or  fragSgean,  We  meet  sometimes 
a  for  the  derivative  S^  as  katan  for  hatSn,  to  hate ;  giwisadin  for 
ffimsddin,  instruerent.  Fluctuations  between  the  second  and 
first  conjugations  are  not  rare ;  examples  are  nemnjan,  namdn, 
to  name;  lo96n,  ISsjan^  to  loosen,  set  free;  minnjon,  minnjan, 
to  love.  Verbs  of  the  mixed  conjugation  as  in  Old  High 
German. 

Anglo-Saxon.  As  in  Old  Saxon  wo  meet  sometimes  a  in  the 
singular,  and  moreover  e  in  the  plural  of  the  preterite,  for  the 
denvative  S.  The  use  of  this  derivative  suffix  has  further  been 
limited  hj  the  encroachments  of  the  suffix  ja  which  has  taken 
possession  of  the  present  tense  to  the  exclusion  of  the  forms  in 
S\  hence  it  happens  that  the  verbs  in  6  have  divers  forms  in 
common  with  those  mjay  and  the  two  conjugations  are  no  longer 
kept  strictly  distinct.  The  terminations  -ige^  -igan,  -igean,  for 
the  infinitive  termination  jan,  and  the  pres.  ist  sing,  je,  have 
their  origin  in  the  ancient  mode  of  spelling  the  sound  of  y  by  ge^ 
afl  bryttigean^  bryUigan  {or  bryHian=i^bry(tjan,]firgin;  lufgeioT 
^lufjey  lufigom;  lujigean  for  Ivijan^  Injian,  to  love.  There  is  no 
douDt  that  in  the  spelling  of  lufgean  instead  of  lufjariy  lufian^ 
one  thing  is  superfluous,  either  the  i  or  the  ge,  so  that  in  these 
forms  we  have  perhaps  twice  the  suffix  ja,  Comp.  O.  S.  ogean. 
Transitions  from  one  conjugation  into  the  other  we  find 
rather  frequently,  so  that  some  forms  of  the  verb  are  derived 
from  a  theme  of  the  first,  others  from  a  theme  of  the  second 
conjugation;  e.g.  leofjan,  libhan,  to  live;  first  pres.  leofige  or 
libbe^  second  leofast,  third  leofa^^  plur.  libha^  ;  imper.  leofay  plur. 
Ubba^ ;  pret.  leofSd'S ;  Kabban,  hdbban^  to  have;  first  habbe, 
second  hqfast^  Adfst^  third  hafa^,  hdf^,  plur.  habba^^  imper  hiifa, 
pret  haj^e.  In  the  same  manner  hycgan  and  kogjan,  to  think ; 
tellan  and  taljan,  to  speak,  tell ;  secgan  and  sagjan,  to  say ;  the 
first-mentioned  themes  following  the  first  conjugation,  the  last- 


486  TEUTONIC   QRAMMAR. 

mentioned,  the  second  conjugation :  different  forms  of  the  verb 
are  derived  from  the  one  or  the  other.  Mixed  Verbs  see  under 
Anomalous. 

Old  FriBian.    While  in  Old  Saxon  the  vowel  a  but  occasion- 
ally replaces  the  thematic  6^  this  change  becomes  the  rule  in  Old 
Frisian.     As  in  Anglo-Saxon  we  meet  the  enlarged  spellmg 
-t^ifl,  -^gia  for  ja  ;  "ige^  -^ge^  "igi  for  je ;  skaikigia  for  sluUija,  to 
damage,  to  scathe ;  rdvege  for  rdvjey  subjunctive  of  rdvja^  to  rob. 
Perhaps  these  extended  themes  contain  twice  the  suffix  ya  as  tbe 
Old  Saxon  themes  in  -6^ea~^^ S-ja.     Sometimes  the  first  part 
ig  of  the  suffixed  igea  is  mistaken  for  a  part  of  the  root  or  stem 
and  therefore  treated  as  such  in  the  formation  of  the  preterite; 
e.  g.  nedigia,  to  urge^  oblige,  pret.  nSdigade,  part,  nedgad.    The 
fluctuation  of  certain  verbs  between  themes  of  the  first  and  sncli 
of  the  second  conjugation  occurs  as  in  the  other  dialects.     Sach 
themes  are  achtja  and  echta^  to  condemn  ;  fullja  dkndifeUay  to  fill ; 
fa/;a  and  tella^  to  number  (Germ,  zselen) ;  rdvja  and  rdva,  to  rob. 
"To  live'  is  represented  by  the  themes  libba  and  levja  or  Uvja; 
hence  3rd  sing.  levHi-th,  iiv-a-thy  plur.  libbathy  subj.  libbe,  prei 
liv^~de  and  Ixf-de,     Contractions  of  the  verb  hebba^  Aadia,  are 
frequent:  ist  sing,  hebbe,  Aabbe;  2nd  hesl,  hast;  3id  heik,  kdi; 
plur^  hebbath ;  subj.  hebbe,  Aabbe;  pret.  AS^de ;  pret.  part,  ieced, 
hevd.     Mixed  verbs  as  in  the  other  dialects. 

Old  Norse.  The  derivative  suffix  6  is,  as  in  Old  Frisian, 
always  rendered  by  a.  This  a  in  the  preterite  plural  is  changed 
into  n^  under  the  influence,  probably,  of  the  u  in  the  preterite 
suflix.  Under  these  circumstances  the  derivative  «  (  =  a)  causes 
the  Umlaut  of  the  a  of  the  root  into  O]  e.  g.  kall-a,  pret.  sing. 
1st  kall-a-^Qy  pres.  plur.  ist  koll-u-^um.  The  connective  u  of 
the  present  ist  plural  also  causes  the  Umlaut  of  a  into  o»,  hence 
kall-a,  plur.  koH-u-m.  The  modus-suffix  i  of  the  subjunctive 
never  causes  Umlaut.  It  is  peculiar  to  this  class  that  it  com- 
prises verbs  which  in  the  present  theme  have  no  Umlaut,  while 
the  verbs  of  the  first  conjugation  have  Umlaut  in  the  present 
theme  already,  or  do  not  modify  the  vowel  at  all.  Among  the 
former  there  are  a  few  which  have  extended  the  preseirt  theme 
by  the  addition  of  j,  which  spirant  has  caused  Umlaut ;  e.  g. 
eggja  (acuere),  emja  (ululare).  Such  verbs  keep  the^  everywhere 
before  the  derivative  vowel. 

There  occur  in  Old  Norse,  as  in  the  other  dialects,  verbs  which 
derive  their  diiferent  forms  partly  from  themes  of  the  first,  partly 
from  such  of  the  second ;  e.  g.  li/a^  to  live  ;  spara,  to  spare,  save ; 
trua,  to  trust;  ]>ola,  to  sufler;  vaka,  to  watch,  wake ;  rara,  to 
beware,  which  form  their  present  after  the  first  conjugation,  as 


THE  VERB.  4«7 

b  Vori^  irii^  without  taking  Umlaut;  the  preterite  after  the 

or  second  conjugation,  as  lif^a^  9par^y  tru^^  or  lif-a-^a^ 

•&i,  if4'a''^  ;  pret.  part.  lifa^Ty  9para^,  Mta%r.    iqfa,  to 

has  in  the  present  first  Ae/iy  second  kefir,  third  Aejir,  plur. 

iqfitm,  iafi^y  hafa,  pret.  haf^a. 


Ybbbs  belonging  to  the  Fiust  Weak  Conjugation. 

Gotliio.  (i)  Radical  short,  aljan^  to  feed,  saginare,  alere; 
^^jam,  to  choose  (Gtrm.  waelen),  eligere ;  arjan,  to  plough,  arare ; 
J^rfa/m,  to  sail,  navigare;  varjariy  to  defend  (Germ,  w^ren);  maU 
j^  to  eat  (comp.  Engl,  meat) ;  satjan,  to  set,  ponere ;  raijan,  to 
i«ek,  extendere ;  lagjan^  to  lay,  ponere ;  hugjatiy  to  think,  cogi- 
tue;  sirdujaHy  to  strew,  spread  (Germ,  streuen),  sternere,  pret. 
thravida  ;  stSjan,  to  judge,  judicare. 

(a)  Badical  long,  valtjan,  to  turn,  volvere ;  namnjariy  to 
name^  nominare;  brannjan,  to  burn,  urere;  sandjan,  to  send, 
mitt^;  vand/an,  to  turn  (Germ,  wenden),  vertere  ;  dragghjany  to 
cause  to  drink  (Germ,  triinken),  potare,  potum  prsebere ;  varmjan, 
to  warm,  calefacere ;  andbakfjan,  to  serve,  officiate,  ministrare ; 
timrfany  to  timber,  to  fabricate,  to  build;  gaUindjariy  to  make 
blind  (Germ,  verblenden),  occoecare ;  fidljan,  to  fill  (Germ,  fiillen), 
implere ;  huggrjan^  to  hunger  (Germ,  hungem),  esurire ;  '^ugkjan, 
to  seem  (Germ,  diinken),  videri ;  maurbrjan,  to  murder  (Germ. 
morden),  occidere ;  gavaurkjan,  to  work,  operari ;  faurhfjan^  to 
fear  (Germ,  fiirchten),  timere ;  mefjariy  to  write,  seribere ;  venjan, 
to  hope,  sperare  (comp.  Germ,  waenen);  dowjan^  to  judge,  judi- 
care (comp.  to  deem,  doom) ;  ddiljauy  to  deal  (Germ,  teilen),  par- 
tiri ;  haU/an,  to  heal  (Germ,  heilen),  sanare ;  sldinja7i,  to  stone 
(Germ,  steinigen),  lapidare ;  arlfdidjan,  to  work  (Germ,  arbeiten), 
laborare;  kisduljan,  to  soil,  contaminare;  daupjan^  to  baptize 
(Germ,  taufen);  hausjan,  to  hear  (Germ,  horen),  audire;  lauy'an, 
to  loosen  (Germ,  losen),  solvere ;  skeiiyan,  to  interpret ;  kUkjan^ 
to  kiss,  osculari ;  liukfjan,  to  give  light  (Germ,  leuchtcn),  lucere. 

Old  High  Gtorman.  (i)  Radical  shokt.  queljan,  to  kill,  ne- 
care ;  seljan,  to  make  over,  sell,  tradere ;  toeljauy  to  choose  (Germ, 
wselen);  denjatiy  to  stretch  (Germ,  denen);  nerjan,  to  save,  pre- 
serve, servare ;  werjan^  to  defend  (Germ,  wercn) ;  atreiojan,  to  strew 
(G^rm.  streuen) ;  lekjan^  to  lay  (Germ,  legen),  ponere ;  sekjan,  to 
say  (Germ,  sagen),  dicere;  spurjan,  investigare  (Germ,  spuren). 

(2)  Radical  long,  stelian,  to  put  (Germ,  stellen),  collocare ; 
vellan,  to  fell  (Germ,  fallen) ;  nennan,  to  call,  to  name  (Germ, 
nennen);  prennan,  to  bum  (Germ,  brennen);   rennan,  to  run; 


iSS  TEUTOSIC  GRAMMAR. 

seMdam,  to  send ;  semdtam,  to  siiik,  to  lower  (Germ,  aemkeo),  vidSr 
nare;  fpcrwutm^  to  wuin  (Oenn.  winnen) ;  Momm,  to  set  (Gcol 
wetzen) ;  deeeiau,  to  cover  (Germ,  deekea);  sireedUm^  to  stietek 
(QernL  strecken);  miUan,  miaereri;  vuUa*,  to  fill;  omitFwrUMf 
to  answer  (Germ,  antworten),  respoodete ;  il^ro*,  to  hear  (Gobl 
hoeren) ;  lasan^  to  loosen  (Germ,  losen) ;  Uilan^  to  deal  (Gena. 
teilen) ;  Aeilan,  to  heal  (Germ,  heilen) ;  spreiian,  to  q>read  (Genn. 
f  preizen) ;  liuJUan  (Germ,  leochten)^  loeere ;  tmomamy  to  doom. 

Old  Sfuum.  (i)  Radical  shokt.  qm^ljau^ /rumjam,  Jrm/M^ 
effioere ;  nerjan^  werfan,  rekjan,  to  relate ;  wekfam,  to  waken. 

(2)  Radical  lono.  dojpjan^  to  baptize;  ISffam,  to  loosen; 
$elljan,  to  sell ;  Ulijan^  to  tell ;  lebbfan,  to  have;  je^j^^Wy  to  saj; 
leggjan^  to  laj ;  uendjan^  to  send  ;  endjan,  to  end  ;  ledjam^  to  knd; 
grStjaUy  to  greet;  cuss^an,  to  loss;  Mfan,  to  seek;  fMjam^  ta 
fill;  dSljan^  to  Aeali  fSljan,  to  feel;  domjan^  to  doom;  futlmJM, 
to  kill ;  brennjan^  to  bum  ;  k6rja%y  to  hear. 

Anglo-Saxon,  (i)  Radical  shoet.  eweljan^  to  kill,  to  qneD; 
Beljatiy  to  sell ;  ie^an,  to  tell:  also  cwellam,  sellan^  UUam  long; 
fr^'ezn^  to  ear,  to  plough,  arare ;  wer/an,  to  prohibit,  defend ;  s^r- 
yaf^^  to  save^  preserve  ;  smytjan,  to  smear. 

(2)  RiJ)iCAL  long,  aaellan,  sellan,  lellan;  fdlan^  to  M; 
nemnan,  to  name ;  sendan^  to  send ;  drenean^  potare ;  sencau,  to 
sink,  mergere ;  slreccan,  to  stretch ;  reccan,  exponere ;  iMmis,  to 
waken ;  leccjan,  to  lay ;  fyllariy  to  fill ;  cyssan^  to  kiss  ;  dalan,  to 
deal;  JuBlan,  to  heal;  sianan^  to  stone,  lapidare;  ladaUy  to  lead; 
i(ecnn,  to  teach,  pret.  tahte-,  deman^  to  judge,  to  deem,  to  doom; 
grcfan,  to  greet;  metan^  to  meet;  spedan,  to  speed;  fedan^  to 
feed;  secaii,  to  seek;  h^ran,  to  hear;  l^san^  to  loosen,  solvere. 

Old  Frisian,  (i)  Radical  short.  «7^ra,  to  defend;  ^ra,  to 
car,  to  plough,  arare ;  ^^ra,  to  behove,  dccere ;  ^w^i,  to  weaken, 
debilitare;  nera^  to  save;  spera,  to  investigate,  search. 

(2)  Radical  long,  sella,  to  sell,  tradere;  *e/^^,  to  set; 
ihekkuf  to  cover  (Germ,  decken);  strekkay  to  stretch;  tellu,  to 
number;  *<?//ya  and  sedza^  to  say. 

Old  Norse.  (1)  Radical  suort.  dvelja,  to  stay,  to  dwell, 
morari ;  qvelja,  to  torture  (Germ,  quselen),  crueiari ;  telja,  to 
number;  lemja,  to  tame;  ]>enja^  to  stretch  (Germ,  denen) ;  yrja, 
Uy  car,  plough,  arare ;  smj/rja,  to  sinear ;  setjay  to  set ;  wekja,  to 
waken  ;  If'gyj^t,  to  lay  ;  hyggja^  to  think. 

(2)  Radical  LONG,  tfuela,  to  B^esik ; /ella,  to  fell  ;^/^,  to 
fill ;  r/^>>6v;/<?,  to  judge,  doom,  deem;  dreyma^  to  dream ;  ^^««a, 
to  ])urn  ;  UerUy  to  tt'ach ;  leifay  to  leave ;  lel%a^  to  lead ;  foe^^ 
to  feed ;  reisa^  to  raise,  rouse,  excitare ;  gir^Sa^  to  gird ;  byggja, 
to  build ;  fylgja,  to  follow  (Germ,  folgen). 


THE  VERB.  489 


Vbsbs  belonginq  to  the  Second  and  Thied  Cokjtjoatioks. 

Oothio.  Second  Conjugation,  \iudan6ny  to  reign^  regnare; 
frdujinSn^  to  command ;  gudjinSuj  sacerdotio  fungi ;  ragindn,  to 
xeign,  regnare ;  reikinSuy  to  govern ;  skalkinSn,  to  serve ;  salbdn, 
to  anoint  (Germ,  salben),  nngere ;  fisi^n,  to  fish^  piscari;  vundon, 
to  wound,  vulnerare ;  kaup^n,  to  huy,  to  cheap  (Germ.  kaufen)| 
emere ;  raubdn,  to  rob  (Germ,  rauben)^  spoliare ;  liupdn,  to  sing, 
canere ;  Jrydn,  to  love. 

Thied  Conjugation,  skaman,  to  be  ashamed  (Germ,  schsemen), 
pudere;  haban^  to  have,  hold,  tenere;  hahan,  to  hang,  pendere ; 
paian,  taoere ;  s^ilan,  silere,  to  be  silent ;  liban,  to  live ;  vilan,  to 
observe;  gakunnan,  to  observe;  mauman^  to  mourn,  moerere; 
hfSparif  to  boast,  gloriari;  blStan,  deum  colere,  pret.  blStaida 
(weak  ?)  or  bai-^lSt  (strong  ?) ;  aUtan^  to  revere ;  bduan,  to  build 
(Germ,  bauen) ;  ga-hveilatiy  to  stay,  delay,  morari ;  galeikan^  to 
please ;  veiAan,  to  sanctify  (Germ,  weihen) ;  Jijan,  to  hate. 

Old  High  German*  Second  Conjugation,  halotiy  to  fetch 
(Greyn.  h61en) ;  namSn,  to  name,  nominare ;  mandn,  to  admonish 
(Germ,  m&nen),  monere ;  scawSn,  to  behold  (Germ,  schauen),  con- 
templari;  ladSriy  to  invite  (Germ,  l&den) ;  scaddn^  to  damage 
(Germ,  sch&den) ;  spilotiy  to  play  (Germ,  spilen) ;  petSn,  to  pray 
(Germ.  bSten);  damnSn,  damnare;  danchSn,  to  thank  (Germ, 
danken) ;  Aa^Suy  to  hate  (Germ,  ha^en) ;  minnSuy  to  love  (Germ* 
minnen) ;  irrouy  to  err  (Germ,  irren) ;  wuntSn^  to  wound  (Germ, 
ver^wunden) ;  mdlSn,  to  paint  (Germ,  malen) ;  steinSn,  to  stone, 
lapidare;  and  all  derivatives  from  substantives  and  adjectives 
ending  in  ^am,  -a/,  -i/,  -e>/,  -an,  -m,  -ar,  -u/,  Sdy  'iky  -aA,  ahL 

Third  Conjugation,  skamen,  to  blush  (Germ,  schsemen), 
erubescere ;  sparen,  to  spare  (Germ,  sp^ren),  parcere ;  mken^  to 
say  (Germ,  sdgen),  dicere;  lepSn,  to  live  (Germ.  ISben),  vivere; 
hankeny  to  hang  (Germ,  hangen),  pendere ;  ha^Sn^  to  hate  (Germ, 
hafen),  odisse ;  lahheuy  to  laugh  (Germ,  lachen),  ridere ;  lemen, 
to  learn  (Germ,  lemen),  discere ;  ar-stummetiy  to  grow  dumb  or 
silent,  obmutescere  (Germ,  vernstummen) ;  vraken,  vrahen,  to  ask, 
(Germ,  fragen),  interrogare ;  irdreuy  to  mourn  (Germ,  trauren), 
moerere :  also  derivatives  in  -a/,  -am,  -an,  -^r,  &c.,  though  not 
80  frequent  as  in  the  second  conjugation. 

Old  Saxon.  Second  Conjugation.  truSn,  to  trust  (Germ, 
trauen),  credere ;  spildn,  to  play ;  full6n^  to  fill ;  folgSn,  to  fol- 
low (Germ,  folgen) ;  tnanSu,  monere  (G^rm.  mftnen) ;  endSuy  to 
end ;  hang6u,  pendere ;  erSn^  to  honour  (Germ.  £ren) ;  ardSn,  to 
dwell;    wardSn^  to  guard;    cSpSn,  to  buy;    scawSn,  to  behold 


TECTOJ7C  QRAHMAM, 

;  UiSmy  to  Inte;  fcsdKi,  to  pm; 
I,  t»  wak«y  to  valdi,  Tigifaue ;  /rd^oth  ^ 
iAik.  %  ae  fi^oct    Gem.  sdnraeen'! :  mtmrntom,  to  love; 
/vi«>rMi,  ^  Udum    Germ,  fee  tMitn,,  gotire;  merk^m,  agmn 


SKan>  CasfTGLiXiixy.  Ul^,  to  tdl,  loqui; 
l;i..]/«rt.  ^  t£I,  eciem  AOBJ^iffs,  to  aiioait»  ungere;  folfjan^  to 
f .4!j:^.  fcc-^ :  ttj^MSy  mii^  ii  ;  wmmjam^  to  dwell  (Germ,  wonoi), 
kiLc^Jze ;  fwMf «,  to  cad.  fink ;  ymm^mm^  to  tihank ;  iij^^y  to 
k^ciiiiir :  l^t*^i»sm^  to  km ;  memrrfmm,  to  mark,  notue ;  cl§jiJMj 
to  caJI,  T«csre;  re^Jmm^  to  rob;  iicgj^y  ^^^^y  to  love;  0&^ttS| 
to  «bb.  Rccdert;  wiwnmmy  to  lunw  ;  ^eA^oji,  to  serve;  yriwfasi^ 
to  sci&r;  ^^ithMMy  to  b^;  Am^pm,  to  bode,  annoonee  (oompu 
(jcc^-oode  ;  n^««  Tiataue;  A^m,  to  please  (oomp.  to  like); 
fi^i^'Mm^  to  piai- ;  ^mcc^my  to  pliick ;  icj^mm,  to  tbink,  meditttbe. 
IXenraitiTes  m  -<f/,  -ea,  -«r,  -/,  -a,  -r,  as  wueijamy  magnificare; 
9ef^j^mj  to  safl;  im^cmJMm^  agiiaie;  tdcem^  a  tolxn,  sign;  ^0^a^»i 
^'flMJi,  to  scire  /  ftrefrnjam^  ffvemjmm^  to  adorn ;  Ueodtjam^  per- 
aocare;  wmUr^m,  to  glocift'.  IXenTatives  in  -v,  -«,  -;^,  e.g. 
9ca*irJ4m^  to  sbade.  ombnie;  UriPfiaa,  hiedsfau,  ble^^am^  to  UesB; 
ri^*2M,  to  reign;  ifmg^m^  to  sin;  Uod^jam,  to  bleed  (Gemu 
blaten  ,  sangmnare.  DeriratiTeB  in  -mm  .-  ^ijnma^am,  to  obey 
(Germ,  geborchen;,  obedire. 

Old  Frisian.  Secoxd  CoyjTGAXiox.  capja^  to  bay ;  maija,  to 
miike :  ij'/J.  to  fetch;  ncmja,  to  name^  call;  rdrja,  to  rob; 
ehJ-J-2,  to  end,  finish  ;  /'.'V/j,  to  follow;  dsJtJa,  to  ask,  to  de- 
mand; i'a^ij,  to  ci»mplain,  to  accuse  Germ,  klagen) ;  radja,  to 
FyKrak  Germ,  reden  ;  skafAJj,  ^k^jthujia^  to  damage  (Germ,  scha- 
den,  oi-mp.  to  s<:iithf  ;  vmija,  to  iruard  (oomp.  ward). 

Old  Norse.     Slcoxd  Coxjugatiox.  tala,  to  speak^  tell ;  kalk^ 
to  call;  mana,  pruv«>care;    hanna,  interdicere ;    kanna^  scrutari 
trara,  to  answer,  respondere ;  vara^  to  beware ;  marka,  to  mark 
skapa,  to  create  (comp.  to  shape) ;  ka(<iy  to  hate  j  fasta,  to  fast 
ha  At  a  J  to  hasten  ;  ^t;X*<i,  to  bake  ;   ritu,  to  write  ;   llkay  to  please 
hrojja,  to  shout ;  ^/oV^z,  to  sacrifice  (also  strong  bl6t<iy  pret.  blet) 
ywnay  to  serve  (Germ,  dienen) ;  hlio^a,  to  sound.     Derivatives 
m  -l,  -n,  -r :  as  hamla,  to  impede ;  Bagla^  to  lock ;  sqfna,  to  fiill 
asleep;    kli/ra,  to  ascend.     Derivatives  in  -/,  -</,  -*:    fi«7^,  to 
deny    (Germ,    ver-neinen),    negare;    gata,   to   assert,    affirmare 
(Germ,  be-jaen) ;  hreinsGy  to  cleanse  (Germ,  reinigen).    Derivatives 
in  'ky  -y :  as  elska,  to  love ;  minka^  minuere,  to  diminish ;  syndga^ 
Xa)  sin.     Verbs  which  insert  j  before  the  termination  of  the  in- 
finitive: einja,  ululare ;  synja^  to  deny,  negare;  herja^  debellare; 
akcpja,  ordinare  ;  ^ifjaj  sanare  ;  eggja,  acuere. 


THE  VERB.  491 


THE  WEAK  CONJUGATION  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AND 

NEW  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 

English. 

It  will  be  well  to  remind  the  student  that  the  verbs  of  the 
weak  conjugation  form  their  preterite  and  past  participle  by 
means  of  a  suffix,  while  those  of  the  strong  conjugation  attain 
the  same  end  by  means  of  tlie  Ablaut^  the  modification  of  the 
radical.  Verbs  of  the  former  class  are  derivative^  those  of  the 
latter  primitive,  or  stem  verbs.  The  derivative  suffix  of  the 
weak  verbs  is  aya,  which  in  Gbthic  appears  as  »,  ai^  and  6^  vowels 
which  enter  as  connectives  between  the  root  and  the  termina- 
tions, and  according  to  which  we  distinguish  three  weak  conju- 
gations. The  suffix  of  the  preterite  is  did,  the  preterite  of  the 
verb  to  do,  which  is  added  to  the  connective.  The  personal 
terminations  are  the  same  as  in  the  strong  conjugations.  In  the 
Middle  and  New  Teutonic  dialects  the  connective  is  weakened 
to  tf,  and  of  the  suffix  did  nothinc^  is  left  but  the  consonant  d^ 
followed  by  the  personal  terminations ;  hence  the  weak  preterite 
ends  in  English,  for  example,  in  ed,  in  German  in  et-e  (German 
/= English  dy  see  the  phonetic  laws).  Compare  pp.  2,  366,  382, 
388,  389,  477  (foot-note). 

In  late  Saxon  already  the  two  conjugations  are  mixed  up^ 
because  the  connective  0  is  commonly  weakened  to  e,  and  thus 
becomes  identical  with  that  of  the  first  conjugation.  Though 
Layamon  still  has  makode  by  the  side  of  tnaiede,  and  Old  English 
ascode^  robbode^  and  even  the  Romance  word  deslruiode,  tiiese 
forms  are  nevertheless  exceptional ;  even  Layamon  has  e  for  both 
conjugations,  and  the  writer  of  the  Ormulum  rejects  the  connec- 
tive 0  altogether.  We  therefore  distinguish  no  longer  different 
conjugations  characterized  by  the  thematic^  or  connective,  vowel, 
but  arrange  all  verbs  in  two  classes,  those  with  a  short,  and 
others  with  a  long  radical. 

I.  Radical  short.  The  connective  e  is  retained  in  the  prete- 
rite and  participle,  its  short  character  is  clearly  indicated  by  the 
spelling  -edd  in  the  Ormulum ;  e.  g.  sweuen  (to  sleep),  pret.  fweu- 
e-de,  ^art.  i-sweu-ed^  J   \ankien  (to  thank),  Jifani-e-de,  ipani-ed. 

*  I-,  or  y-,  the  early  Bngliah  form  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  augment  ffe^,  Gkrman  ge-. 
Old  High  German  go-.  The  ancient  dialects  admitted  the  augment  in  the  past 
partidpk ;  modem  German  requires  it,  and  modem  English  has  dropped  it  altogether. 


492  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

Old  "PTigiinh  uses  -^-^,  or  -i-J  in  the  preterite  and  participle,  as 
end'i'dy  command-i-dy  and  end-e-d,  command-e^.    Middle  Engfiih 
has  the  same  terminations :  e.  g.  tAanie,  pret.  tkank^-de,  iimih' 
i'de,  part,  thank-e^,  thank-ud,  and  IVew  iJiTigiiah  confines  itsetf 
to  -^-d  for  the  preterite  and  participle,  as  thank^  tkank-e-d,  iiani» 
e-d,  where  e  is  the  thematic  or  connective  vowel  and  represmti 
the  primitive  suffix  ya ;  the  d  of  the  preterite  stands  for  the  sat^ 
fixed  auxiliary  verb  ^  did  \  and  the  d  of  the  participle  is  the  rem- 
nant of  the  participial  suffix  -d!t7-,  Greek  and  Latin  rto-.    The 
termination  -ed  however  has  nowhere  preserved  full  pronuncia- 
tion except  where  following  upon  a  dental  of  the  stem^  as  ^rd- 
edj  reward-ed,  weti-ed;    in  every  other  position  the  e,  though 
preseiTcd  in  writing  is  dropped  in   pronunciation,  and  hved, 
praised^  are  pronounced  as  lov*dy  pravfd.     Though  such  forms 
with  syncope  occur  in  Old  English  and  Middle  English  docu- 
ments, the  interchange  between  e  and  %  seems  to  prove  that  it 
was  not  the  rule  then  to  slur  over  the  vowel  of  the  termination. 
Modern  poets  leave  or  drop  the  tf,  often  merely  guided  by  reasons 
of  metrical  conveniance  or  euphonic  predilections^.     There  are  ft 
few  phonetic  changes  in  New  English  brought  about  by  the 
addition  of  the  termination  -ed  which  deserve  a  passing  notice. 
Single  y  before  -ed  is  changed  into  % ;  a  verb  with  a  short  vowel 
and  simple  consonant  doubles  the  latter;  e. g,  carry y  carrUd,  but 
convey,  conveyed ;  beg,  hegg-ed,  wet,  wett-edy  wedy  wedded.     The 
ed  of  the  termination  is  changed  into  t  after  verbs  with  final 
gemination  or  any  combination  of  consonants,  e.  g.  smell,  smelly 
spill,  sjyilt ;  past,  bund,  are  obsolete.     Formerly  the  change  also 
occurred  upon  p  and  k,  as  whlpt,  dropi,  knockt^  which  are  still 
pronounced  in  this  fashion  though  spelled  whipped,  &c. 

II.  Radical  long,  (i)  The  preterite  and  participle  suffix  -d 
is  added  immediately  to  the  stem  of  the  verb,  as  Iiayamon,  dem- 
en^  dem-de,  idem-ed ;  lenen,  len-de,  ilen-ed,  to  lean;  l^edcuy  lad-de, 
ledd ;  fed^nn,  fed-tlcy  fedd,  Ormulum.  demenn^  d^menUy  d^mm- 
de^,  dem-edd;  rafenn,  rcpf-^e,  hi-rcef-ed,  to  rob;  ledenn,  led-d^, 
ledd,  to  lead; /edenn^Jed-^e,  Jedd,  to  feed.  Old  English,  d^l^, 
d^lde,  deled;  deme,  demde ;  fede,  fedde,  fed.  Middle  English. 
here,  herde,  herd,  to  hear;  fede, fedde y fed ;  dredCy  dredde,  drad, 
to  dread. 

(2)  Where  the  suffixed  d  follows  upon  hi,  nd  {dd)y  the  d  of  the 
combination  is  dropped ;  after  the  tenuis  Mhe  suffixed  d  is  lost. 

'  For  some  interesting  details  concerning  the  use  of  the  termination  -ed  in  Spenser 
and  Shakespoare,  see  Koch,  i.  p.  309. 

^  The  spelling  in  the  Ormulum  shows  that  the  radical  becomes  short  in  the 
preterite. 


THE  VERB.  493 

Examples: — Layamonu  Benden^  sende,  (send;    wenden,  wende^ 

tmemi  and  iwend;  resten,  reste^  irasle;  casten,  cast,  icast.     Ormu- 

ImcL   senndenHf  sennde,  sennd;  reddenn,  redde,  redd  (to  save); 

9ttten,  ieUe,  sett    In  verbs  of  this  class  Layamon  often  replaces 

d  hy  if  BB  weuden,  went^  iwent.     Old  English,  bulde^  bulde  (to 

bnild);  bende^  bende;  sende,  sende  and  sendy  send,  send;  caste^ 

€iuU,  east;   sette^  sette,  yset.    The  change  of  d  into  t  becomes 

more  frequent,  chiefly  among  northern  writers^  e.  g.  sende,  sent ; 

wende,  went,  mendCy  ment,  &c.      Middle  English  regularly  con- 

TeriB  the  d  into  t;  e.g.  blende,  blent,  blent,  blent;  sende,  sente, 

semi;  wende,  loente,  went;  schende,  schente,  schent.     The  suffix  d 

is  dropped  altogether  after  a  combination  of  consonants  with  the 

tenuis  i,  e.  g.  casten^  caste,  cast ;  renten,  rent,  yrent ;  resten,  reste, 

reste. 

(3)  The  suffix  -d  is  changed  into  -^  after/?,  ch,  cch,  ss,  and  t; 
ei  must  then  become  A,  nch  becomes  ng,  or  is  vocalized.  £.  g. 
Layamon.  drenchen,  pret.  drengte  and  dreinte  (to  water) ;  tachen, 
tahkte,  tahht;  kepen,  kepte,  kept.  Ormulum.  kepenn,  kepple, 
heppt;  lacchenn,  laAAte?  lahht  (to  seize).  Old  English,  kepen, 
kepte,  kept;  meten,  mette ;  lefen,  left  (to  leave);  cache,  ca^te,  ca^t 
(to  catch).  Middle  English,  kepen,  kepte  and  kepide,  kepi-e  and 
kepi;  leve,  leeve,  pret.  lefte  and  la/t,  part,  left  and  la/t;  greten, 
greiie,  gret;  pliecAen,  plight,  plight  (to  pluck) ;  quenchen,  queinte, 
queinte;  drenchen,  dreint,  dreint. 

(4)  Riick-Umlaut  occurs  throughout  all  the  periods  of  the 
[English  language^  though  it  is  no  longer  felt  as  such^  and  might 
he  mistaken  for  Ablaut.  Examples : — Layamon.  sechen,  isohte, 
isokt;  tellen,  talde,  itald  and  itold;  seollen,  salde  and  solde, 
isalde.  Ormulmn.  sekenn,  sohhte,  sohht ;  tachenn,  tahhte,  tahht ; 
ielleny  talde,  tald.  Old  English,  seche,  so^te,  so^t;  teche,  taght 
and  tauht;  telle,  talde  and  tald;  selle,  solde,  sold.  Middle  Eng- 
]iah«  telle,  tolde,  told;  selle,  soold  and  selde,  solde  and  seeld; 
seche,  sought,  ysought;  biggen,  bou^te,  bou^te;  teche,  tou^te,  tow^t 
and  tau^t.  New  English,  tell,  told,  told;  seek,  sought,  sought; 
teach,  taught,  taught ;  reachy  raught,  ranght ;  catch,  caught,  caught ; 
buy,  bought,  bought.  There  are  a  few  peculiarities  in  Modern 
English  in  the  treatment  of  the  suffixed  d  which  deserve  a  sepa- 
rate notice,  (a)  The  d  remains  and  the  radical  is  shortened,  as 
in  hear,  hear-d,  hear-d,  flee,  fl^^,  fle-d,  (b)  The  suffixed  d  is 
dropped  after  a  ^  (^  of  the  stem,  and  the  radical^  if  long^  is 
shortened;  e.g.  lead^  led,  led;  read,  read,  read;  speed,  sped, 
sped;  feed,  fed,  fed;  spread,  spread,  spread,  (c)  t  has  replaced 
d,  probably  for  the  sake  of  indicating  the  short  radical  in 
feel,  felt,  felt ;  deal^  dealt,  dealt;    also  after  gemination  and 


494  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

certain  combinations  of  liquids^  as  smelly  9meU,  twult;  spell^  tpdt 
and  spelled;  bum,  burnt  and  burned;  learn,  learnt  and  learnei, 
(d)  We  find  t  and  d  side  by  side^  e.  g.  mean,  meant  and  meanei, 
meant  and  meaned ;  dream,  dreamt  and  dreamed,  dreamt  and 
dreamed,  (e)  t  has  replaced  d  after  j9,  f^  s,  and  the  radical  ii 
shortened^  e.  g.  *fe^,  slept,  slept ;  creep,  crept,  crept ;  u>eep,  wept, 
wept;  cleave^  cleft,  cleft,  (f)  Verbs  ending  with  Id,  nd,  ri, 
change  the  d  into  t  in  the  preterite  and  participle  withoat  adding 
the  suffix,  e.  g.  biiildy  builtj  built ;  blend,  blent,  blent ;  gild,  ffili, 
9^^l'  (^)  ^^'^  preterite  suffix  is  simply  dropped  after  d^  t,  ud 
the  combinations  st,  rt,ft,  the  present^  preterite,  and  participk 
being  thus  identical  in  form ;  e.  g.  to  put,  to  set,  to  rid,  to  spr&td. 
Some  of  these  have  regular  forms,  as  quit,  quitted;  to  light  and 
to  alight  have  lighted  and  lit,  alighted  and  aiit. 

Middle  High  German* 

The  thematic  vowel  has  become  e  throughout,  taking  the  place 
of  the  different  forms  of  the  derivative  suffix,  O.  H.  Germ,  i  [ja) 
in  the  first,  6  in  the  second,  and  e  in  the  third  conjugation.    The 
only  distinction  we  might  draw  between  the  first  and  second 
conjugation  is  this,  that  in  the  former  the  derivative  e  is  com- 
monly dropped,  and  almost  as  regularly  preserved  in  the  latter ; 
it  being  in  one  case  the  representative  of  the  thin  vowel  i,  in  the 
other   of  the   full-sounding  6.      The  derivative   or   connective 
vowels  6  and  e  (of  the  second  and  third  conjugation)  appear  only 
in  few  isolated  eases,  as  volgot,  manSt,  &c.,  chiefly  in  the  parti- 
ciple.    But  here  again  so  many  exceptions  occur,  where  the  deri- 
vative e  is  dropped  also,  that  the  two  conjugations  continually 
meet  on  common  ground,  and  that  therefore  a  distinction  of 
several    weak    conjugations  is   no  longer  practically   advisable. 
From   the   standpoint   of   historical    grammar,   however,    some 
advantage  may  result  from  the  endeavour  to  keep  still  separate 
the  two  conjugations  in  Middle  High  German,  until   in  New 
High  German  they  have  with  few  exceptions  lost  all  the  charac- 
teristic features  of  former  days,  all  weak  verbs  following  the 
same  conjugation. 

Both  the  first  and  the  second  conjugation  contain  verbs  with 
a  short,  and  verbs  with  a  long  radical.  To  distinguish  the  short 
verbs  of  the  first  from  those  of  the  second,  we  have  to  bear  in 
mind  that  short  verbs  of  the  first  conjugation  necessarily  have 
Umlaut  in  the  present  theme,  while  those  of  the  second  are 
devoid  of  it.  (Exceptions  occur,  as  in  hern,  herte.)  The  long 
verbs  have  several  characteristics  of  their  own,  by  means  of  which 


THE  VERB.  496 

the  stodent  may  know  the  verbs  of  the  first  from  those  of  the 
seoond  conjugation.  Those  of  the  first  conjugation  are  commonly 
intransitive  in  meaning ;  they  have  Umlaut  in  the  present^  and 
Biick-Umlaut  in  the  preterite^  .where  such  is  possible ;  hence  in 
the  present  only  the  vowels  e,  ii,  a,  oe,  iuy  ue^  may  occur^  but  in 
the  preterite  a,  «,  dy  6,  il,  uo — that  is,  vowels  which  from  the 
modified  return  to  their  original  form — a  phenom6non  we  call 
Biick-Umlaut :  they  suffer  syncope  of  the  derivative  e  in  the  pre- 
terite. Long  verbs  of  the  second  conjugation  follow  in  every- 
thing the  opposite  course;  the  meaning  attached  to  them  is 
commonly  intransive;  they  have  neither  Umlaut  nor  Riick- 
Umlaut ;  they  do  not  suffer  syncope  in  the  preterite.  Useful  as 
these  rules  may  be  in  a  general  way,  they  admit  so  many  excep- 
tions as  to  be  no  sufficiently  safe  guides  in  certain  cases,  and  the 
student  will  often  have  to  recur  to  Old  High  Oerman  in  order 
to  determine  the  conjugation  to  which  a  given  verb  in  Middle 
High  Oerman  originally  belonged. 

Verbs  of  the  first  conjugation  were  originally  short,  as  queln 
(to  torture),  nem  (to  save,  preserve),  em  (to  plough,  arare)^  lef/en 
(to  lay),  zein  (to  count) ;  but  many  of  this  class  have  adopted 
inorganic  gemination  and  are  therefore  treated  as  long  verbs, 
though  they  are  no  longer  traceable,  as  in  Old  High  Oerman,  to 
the  assimilated  J  of  the  suffix ;  e.  g.  zellen,  zalte,  twellenj  iwalte, 
the  short  forms  of  which  are  zeln,  Iweln,  not  zeljen,  twe^jen.  One 
verb  only  occurs  with  the  suffix  y,  namely  werjen  for  wern  (the 
M.  H.  Germ,  j  almost  identical  with  g).  These  verbs  always 
allow  the  syncope  of  ^  in  the  preterite,  as  iter^te^  leg-te,  for  nereU, 
legete,  and  in  the  present  necessarily  after  I  and  r,  and  usually 
after  i»,  «,  ^,  b,  g.  The  vowel  of  the  root  is  e  or  u  which  never 
makes  Ruck-Umlaut  in  the  preterite. 

Verbs  of  the  first  conjugation  which  have  a  long  radical  reject 
the  ^  (=i)  in  the  preterite  and  have  Riick-Umlaut.  In  this  re- 
spect they  not  only  follow  the  analogy  of  Old  High  German, 
but  go  beyond  it  by  admitting  Riick-Umluut  of  in  into  u^  though 
the  former  is  organic,  not  the  Umlaut  of  i.  A  dental  preceding 
the  i  of  the  preterite  suffix  is  usually  dropped ;  every  geminar 
tion  is,  under  the  same  circumstance,  resolved  to  the  simple  con- 
sonant, and  a  media  converted  into  the  corresponding  tenuis; 
c  and  ch  preceding  the  t  of  the  preterite  are  sometimes  preserved, 
sometimes  changed  into  h.  Examples  to  these  rules  are:^- 
brenn^n  (to  bum),  bran^le ;  send^en  (to  send),  san-te ;  engen  (to 
narrow),  ancle;  decken  (to  cover),  dacte  and  dahte;  suocAifu, 
suochie  and  suoAie.  There  are  some  exceptions  with  regard  to 
the  Umlaut  which  may  be  noticed  here.    The  Umlaut  is  rejected 


496  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

by  all  verbs  of  this  class  which  end  in  -«?rf,  -««^,  the  verbs  in 
^<m,  and  some  in  -tio  ;  the  Riick-Umlaat  is  not  adopted  by  thoee 
in  -tfft,  -erty  -iirly  -endy  -erd,  -etl,  -est.  Only  those  verbs  which  have 
no  Riick-Umlaut  in  the  indicative  of  the  preterite,  take  XJmlant 
in  the  subjunctive.  Though  the  vowel  of  the  derivative  suffix 
(^=i==;a)  suflfers  syncope  in  the  preterite,  it  may  keep  its  place 
in  the  pwiiciple  of  the  preterite ;  e.  g.  brenfien,  pret.  bran^ie,  part 
ge^ran-tj  and  ge^rennei;  erkennen,  pret.  erkant,  part.  ertatU 
and  erkennet. 

Verbs  of  the  second  conjugation  drop  the  n  or  ^»  (=0.H. 
Germ.  Sn)  in  the  sing,  pres.,  e.  g.  lebe  for  lehen^  dol  for  dokn. 
The  e  mute  (that  is,  e  following  upon  a  short  radical  and  a  single 
consonant)  is  always  dropped  after  /  and  r,  in  which  case  the 
second  and  first  conjugation  become  identical ;  but  e  preceded  by 
III  or  n  and  followed  by  n  or  nt  keeps  its  position ;  e.  g.  zal,  zaUe^ 
Aoly  holie,  spar,  sparte,  zaln,  Aoln,  spam;   but  in^iif^fi,  maneniy 
wonen,  wonenL      After  b,  d,  g,  the  e  may  be  retained,  as  hhe, 
hbete,  rarely  lobte.     Where   syncope  takes  place  the  t  of  the 
termination  sometimes  absorbs  a  preceding  dental,  as  schat  for 
ichad^t^  reht  for  red^t^  gereit  for  geredeU     A  lengthening  of  the 
radical  by  contraction  of  the  radical  and  the  terminational  sylla* 
bles,  as  in  the  preceding  example,  we  find  also  in  «m^,  geseit  for 
sagesty  gesaget.     Verbs  with  a  long  radical  preserve  the  thematic 
or  derivative  e  in  the  present,  as  mdle,  mdledy  minne,  minnet ; 
they  also  keep  it  in  the  preterite,  but  the  e  of  the  suffix  as  ter- 
mination, te^  testy  &e.,  becomes  often  mute,  as  minnet,  rinnet  for 
7Mmn€te,  rinnete ;  sometimes  the  derivative  e  is  dropped,  as  erf^ 
for  erete ;  but  more  often  the  full  form  is  preserved,  as  tndlei^j 
danket€y  viuniete,  &c. 

New  High  German. 

The  distinction  of  the  different  conjugations  is  lost  altogether, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  traces  of  the  ancient  types.  Thus 
we  still  find  the  ])reterites  kannte^  nannte,  brannte,  satidte,  wandte, 
which  we  noticed  as  peculiar  to  verbs  with  long  radical  in  the 
first  conjugation ;  but  by  the  side  of  these  we  have  nennte, 
hrennte^  sendete,  ivevdete  (not  kennte) ;  then  again  the  inorganic 
forms  rannte^  tnumtey  which  should  always  be  replaced  by 
rennte,  trennte.  The  preterites  with  Riick-Umlaut  resume  their 
e  in  the  subjunctive,  hence  kennt€y  nenntey  sendeie,  not  kdnnie^ 
&c.  The  d  in  sandte,  wandte  was  introduced  at  a  time  when 
the  ancient  forms  gantCy  &c.,  were  no  longer  understood.  With 
the  general  production  of  vowels  in  New  High  German  the 


THE  VERB.  497 

short  radical  has  everjrwhere  turned  long.  The  preterite  of 
weak  verbs  suffers  syncope^  to  whatever  conjugation  they  may 
have  belonged;  as  naren,  futrte,  legen^  Ugte^  salben,  salbte^ 
minneuy  minnte:  but  if  the  t  of  the  preterite  is  preceded  by  a 
dental  the  e  must  necessarily  be  retained ;  hence,  wdtetiy  todtete, 
kueten,  Aiietef-e,  reden^  redete^  retten^  retietey  todien,  iodtete.  The 
preterite  of  the  weak  conjugation  has  never  Umlaut,  hence 
wdteie^  hddete^  iSbte^  raufte ;  while  verbs  of  the  strong  conjuga- 
tion take  Umlaut,  as  hulfej  wiirde,  gabe,  go^e,  subj.  of  Aalf 
(plur.  hxlfen  for  hulfeii)^  wurde,  gab,  go^.  Derivatives  in  -^/, 
-««,  -en,  -er,  -ig,  suffer  syncope,  so  that  those  in  -el,  ^er,  drop 
the  thematic  or  connective  e ;  e.  g.  s^icieln,  wundern,  &icielle, 
Kninderie :  sichlen,  loundren,  is  wrong.  But  those  in  em,  en,  drop 
the  e  of  the  nominal,  and  preserve  that  of  the  verbal  theme; 
e.  g.  dtAem  (breath),  dthmen  (to  breathe)  ;  regen  (rain),  regnen  (to 
rain) ;  dthtnete,  regnete  in  the  preterite. 

Middle  Dutch. 

The  characteristic  features  of  the  different  conjugations  are 
more  effaced  than  in  Middle  High  German,  both  admitting  the 
syncope  of  the  e  in  the  preterite,  and  the  first  having  lost  the 
consciousness  of  its  Umlaut  and  the  use  of  Riick-Umlaut.  As  a 
practical  guide  we  may  follow  Grimm's  rule,  that  most  verbs 
with  the  radical  e  (that  is.  Umlaut)  belong  to  the  first,  and  those 
with  the  radical  a  to  the  second  conjugation.  It  is  a  peculiarity 
of  the  Middle  Dutch  to  turn  the  radical  a,  followed  by  a  singlei 
consonant,  into  ae  before  the  termination  of  the  preterite ;  e.  g. 
maietiy  tnaeete,  wanen,  waetide.  Before  the  termination  d  the 
consonants  v  and  gA  become  /  and  ri,  as  scraven,  scr^de,  vraghen, 
vracAde,  sorgAen,  sorcAde;  but  mingAen,  mincte.  The  termina- 
tional  d,  on  the  other  hand,  must  be  changed  into  t  afber  the 
tenues  jo,  t^  <?,  and  8  (from  w) ;  e.  g.  dr6pen,  drSpte,  vdgen,  vacte, 
haten,  Aaite,  cussen,  custe. 

New  Dutch. 

The  derivative  or  connective  e,  is  dropped  throughout,  even 
in  those  words  which  in  Middle  Dutch  still  had  ede  as  the  prete- 
rite termination.  The  use  o{  de  or  te  is  continued  in  accordance 
with  the  nature  of  the  preceding  consonant ;  -de  is  put  in  most 
cases,  'te  after  /?,  I,  i,  /  (from  /),  cA,  a  (from  ss) ;  /  and  «  take 
the  suflix  'de  if  they  are  derived,  the  former  from  v,  the  latter 
from  z.    Every  gemination  is  dissolved  into  the  single  consonant. 

K  k 


498  TSUTOyiC  GRAMMAR. 

Exampfes: — iSrtn^  kSrde^ ;  bemimmem,  hewdnde ;  Mturen},  sturde; 
lAen,  yfde^;  dnJtitm^  druiU ;  seiaffen,  scAqfU;  kSpen,  kopU; 
ietlUtfm^  U*ii4i€.  Contnctions  mre  leit  for  legt  (ponit),  leid€  for 
U^ie  -  pcwait),  zeit  (dicit\  zeide  for  zegde  (dixit) ;  kopen  has  kocU 
^loft,  for  hSpi€^.  DeriTatiTes  in  -^/,  -tm,  -en,  -^,  -ig,  drop  the 
tiienuitie  or  denTatiYe  e  in  the  preterite ;  e.  g.  sneuvelen,  regenen^ 
womderem^  pret.  MnenrMe,  regemde,  wonderde^  Compare  Genn. 
ftgmeU;  bat  also  wmuderte. 

Swediah. 

The  distinction  of  the  first  and  second  conjogation  is  still  Teiy 
aocnrate,  the  former  conjugation  showing  je,  ja  in  the  presenti 
and  de  {=i&-de)  in  the  pretmte,  the  latter  tiie  connective  a  in 
the  pies^it,  and  the  termination  -a-de  (O.  N.  -tf-dl»=Goth.  -S-dd) 
in  the  preterite.     The  first  conjugation  always  drops  tiie  the- 
matic or  connective  vowel  e  before  the  termination  of  the  pre- 
terite; as  tdij&Ty  idldey  hrdnner^  brdnde.     The  J  ot  Jolja, /oljde, 
/orja^f^rjd^y  has  its  origin  in  an  original  g  of  the  stem,  and  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  derivative  ja.     The  regular  termination 
of  the  preterite  is  -d>,  but  after  p^  ty  k,  it  uses  te ;  gemination  is 
always  dissolved,  as  brdniM,  brdmdt.     Those  which  originally  had 
the  radical  short,  have  often  preserved  the  thematic  j  and  the 
Riick-Umlaut  in  the  preterite ;  e.  g.  t/elja^  tdlde  ;  doelja^  dSldt ; 
Utmja^  UinuU  ;   spoeria,  fporde.     Verbs  which   originally  had  a 
long  radical  have  neither  the  j  in  the  present,  nor  the  Riiek- 
Umlaut  in  the  preterite;  e.  g.  brdnna,  hrdnde;  fyla^fylde ;  droema, 
droemde.     On  comparison  with  the  Old  Teutonic  dialects  it  will 
be  seen  that  this  rule  is  in  accordance  with  the  one  observed 
in  Old  Norse,  but  just  the  opposite  of  that  followed  in  Old  High 
German  and  other  dialects.     Thoug-h  the  characteristic  forms  of 
the  second  conjugation  are  preserved,  the  spirit  of  the  language 
tends  more  and  more  to  assimilate  them  to  those  of  the  first 
conjugation,  first  by  allowing  the  syncope  of  the  derivative  a  in 
the  preterite,  as  nekfe  for  nekade,  tdlte  for  tdlade,  and  then  by 
weakening  the  present  termination  ar  into  er,  as  neker  for  n/kar, 
iiener  for  tienar.     X^vy  few  verbs,  on  the  contrary,  have  passed 
firom  the  first  into  the  second  conjugation  ;  as  dela,  dilade;  bocrja, 
boerjade. 

*  Spelt  hoordCy  stuurde,  leefde,  &c.,  to  keep  the  length  of  the  vowel  before  two 
consoDAots. 

'  The  spirant  /  instead  of  the  tenuis  p  before  another  tenuis  ;  the  use  of  eh  tot  ft 
a  peculiarity  of  the  Dutoh  language.     See  p.  163. 


THE  VERB,  499 

DaniBh. 

This  dialect  has  nothing  of  the  ancient  distinction  of  the  two 
conjugations  left,  but  the  syncope  of  the  e  in  the  preterite  termi- 
nation -e-^  in  the  first,  and  its  preservation  in  the  -^-rf^  =  -awfe 
of  the  second  conjugation.  The  termination  de  of  the  first  con- 
jugation is  preserved  only  after  vowels,  and  a  simple  b^v,g;  it 
is  changed  to  -te  in  all  other  cases,  especially  after  dentals  and 
the  spirant  « ;  e.  g.  valgte,  ntrakte^  tdnkfe^  vufe,  which  modern 
writers,  contrary  to  g^rammatical  tradition,  sometimes  spell 
valffde,  strakde^  tdnkde,  ^yisde.  The  original  verbs  with  short 
vowel  may  still  be  recognized  in  the  gemination,  as  fdlle,  skille^ 
smorre,  rdkke,  for  O.  N.  telja,  akilja,  »myrja^  rekja ;  or  in  the 
media  g  into  which  the  j  of  the  derivative  ja  was  hardened,  as 
vdlge^  dolgCy  for  O.N.  velja^  dylja.  Riick-Umlaut  also  we  still 
find  in  the  preterite  of  some  verbs  of  this  class,  e  g.  tdlte^  rdkte^ 
9m4rte  of  tdlle^  smolle,  rdkke.  Those  verbs  which  originally  had 
a  long  radical  reject  gemination,  the  hardening  of  y  mto  g,  and 
the  Riick-Umlaut ;  only  few  exceptions  to  this  rule  occur.  The 
second  weak  conjugation  takes  always  -ede  in  the  preterite. 
Derivatives  in  /,  m,  n,  r,  dismiss  the  e  of  the  nominal  theme,  as 
samle,  tumley  roedme,  ehke.  The  connective  e  of  the  preterite  is 
sometimes  dropped,  as  in  elskte  for  elskede.  The  d  of  the  preterite 
termination  is  changed  into  t  under  the  same  circumstances  as 
in  Swedish. 


ANOMALOUS  VERBS. 

Under  this  head  we  range  all  those  verbs  which  in  their  in- 
flexional forms  show  certain  peculiarities  so  as  to  require  separate 
treatment  as  a  class  of  their  own.  We  avoid  the  term  irregular, 
for  it  is  high  time  that  this  designation,  which  cannot  but  con- 
vey erroneous  notions,  should  disappear  from  the  terminology  of 
grammarians.  There  is  nothing  irregular  in  these  verbs,  and 
nothing  irregular  in  language  generally.  Every  phenomenon  is 
founded  upon  a  law ;  it  is  not  the  product  of  hap-hazard  or  of 
an  arbitrary  will.  Where  the  law  has  not  yet  been  discovered, 
it  remains  the  noblest  task  of  linguists  to  strive  after  its  dis- 
covery and  elucidation.  What  as  yet  evades  explanation  may 
be  left  standing  over  as  a  fact  which  is  sure  to  find  some  day- 
sufficient  illustration  from  other  corollary  facts  grouped  around. 
But  we  must  do  away  once  and  for  all  with  notions  of  irregu- 
larity, and  therefore  drop  the  term  which  keeps  such  notions 

K  k  2 


600  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

alive.    The  verbs  whicb  we  amnge  mider  the  head  of  Anomalooi 
(a  temiyif  not  much  differing  in  meanmg  from  thatof  irre^nhr/ 
le  at  least  not  firaaelit  with  pveoonceived  ideas)  mqr  be  diridei 
into  two  classes.    One  comprises  all  those  veribs  which  finm  the 
present  theme  by  adding  the  personal  terminatbns  direetly, 
without  a  connective  vowel^  to  the  root — a  class  which  may  hm 
mastered  many  verbs  in  the  most  primitive  times;  whidi  bofw- 
ever  in  oar  Teatonic  langoages^  ancient  and  modern,  is  xedooed 
to  a  few  isolated  forms,  most  verbs  formii^  the  present  theme 
witb  the  saffix  -a  (strong),  or  with  the  samx  -jna  (weak).    He 
other  dass  embraces  verbs  which  ase  the  perfect  theme  to  sopply 
the  meaning  of  the  present,  and^  in  order  to  render  the  meaning 
of  the  participle^  form  a  new  ont  of  the  ancient  perfiect  by  adding 
to  it  tae  saffix  'da  of  the  weak  preterite,    lliese  are  commonlj 
designated  by  grammarians  as  Prnterito-Prnsentia,  a  tenn  which, 
for  tiie  sake  of  convenience,  we*  adopt. 


VERBS  WITHOtnr  A  CONNBCTiVB  OR  THEMATIC  TOWEL. 

There  are  only  few  roots  in  the  Teatonic  langiia|pe8  which 
may  take  the  personal  terminations  without  a  connectmg  soffix, 
binding  the  root  and  termination  together.    As  we  mentioned 

on  a  former  occasion^  these  roots  are  da,  prim,  dha  (to  do);  ga  (to 
go),  9ta  (to  stand),  and  as  (to  be) ;  to  which  may  be  added  in 
the  Teutonic  languages  buy  prim,  bhu  (to  be),  though  in  Sanskrit 
it  forms  the  present  theme  in  -a.  This  formation  we  find  in  its 
most  perfect  state  in  Old  High  Grerman,  while  in  Gothic  it  is 
limited  to  the  root  aa^  and  in  the  other  Teutonic  dialects  shows 
few  traces  besides  the  present  themes  of  the  roots  as  and  da. 
But  even  in  Old  High  German  this  formation  does  not  pass 
beyond  the  present  theme,  the  perfect  being  derived  from  a  root 
and  theme  of  its  own.  Concerning  the  manner  in  which  the 
terminations  of  the  persons  are  joined  to  the  root  we  need  not 
enter  into  further  details  after  the  remarks  we  had  occasion  to 
make  in  previous  chapters.  As  to  the  root  itself  we  find  it  quite 
intact  in  the  O.  H.  Germ,  gd^m^  std-m,  tuo-niy  where  the  pri- 
mitive gradation  is  preserved  but  the  reduplication  has  been 
dropped,  prim,  ga-gd-miy  sta-^td^mi^  dka-did^mi.  It  is  altogether 
difierent  with  the  roots  as  and  bu,  which  have  been  greatly  modi- 
fied under  the  addition  of  the  personal  termination  so  as  to  be 
sometimes  hardly  recognizable.  Thus  the  prim,  ist  sing,  oi-mi 
appears  as  the  Gothic  t^m  for  ^is-mi,  the  prim.  3rd  plur.  as^nti, 
as  the  Goth,  s^ind,  where  nothing  is  retained  of  the  root  but  its 


THE  VERB. 


501 


consonant.  Similar  modifications  of  the  root  as  occur  in  the 
other  Teutonic  dialects.  The  root  bu,  prim,  bhu^  takes  the  ter- 
minations without  a  connective  in  several  of  the  Teutonic  lan- 
guages, while  in  Sanskrit  and  in  the  primitive  langfuage  it  forms 
the  theme  in  -a,  and  gradates  the  root  from  bhu  to  bhau,  chang- 
ing under  the  influence  of  a  succeeding  vowel  the  final  u\n  vi 
hence  the  pres.  tense  bhav-d^mi.  The  g^dated  condition  of  the 
root  may  perhaps  still  be  recognized  in  the  O.  S.  biu^,  the  A.  S. 
beo,  while  the  O.  H.  Germ,  joi-  is  a  weakened  form  of  j»w=prim. 
bku.  Whether  the  r  in  the  plur.  pu-r-u-mes  took  the  place  of  w 
in  pp-to^Ur-meH  and  would  thus  correspond  to  the  v  in  the  prim. 
bha-v^-man,  or  represents  the  *  of  the  ancient  formation  of  the 
p€rfect\  is  a  question  unsettled  as  yet.  Further  details  about 
the  modifications  of  the  mentioned  roots  in  the  different  Teutonic 
dialects  may  be  gathered  from  the  paradigms  as  well  as  the 
remarks  following  upon  them.  For  the  sake  of  comparison  we 
give  the  different  roots  with  their  inflexions  as  they  appear  in 
the  primitive  language,  before  we  lay  before  the  student  the 
paradigms  in  the  difierent  Teutonic  dialects. 


I. 

II. 

III. 

Root  dha,  to  do. 

Root  ga,  to  go. 

Root  BtSy  to  stand. 

Sing,  ist    dhcrdha-mi 
3nd  dha'dlia^ 
3rd  dhordharti 

ga-ga-mi 

ga-ga-H 

ga-ga^i 

tta-ata-mi 
Btasta-ii 

Flar.  I  at   dha-dka-moH 
2nd  dha-dha-taH 
3Td  dha^iha-nti 

gorga-^masi 

ga-ga-tan 

ga-ga-nti 

Ua-tAa-maH 

itOrStOrUui 

IV.                              V. 

Root  asy  to  be. 

Root  bhUy  to  be. 

Sing.  1st    as-mi 
2nd  as-ai 
3rd   (U4i 

hhaf>a-n 
bhatha-ti 

Plor.  I8t 
2n(i 
3rd 

€u-m(ui 

hkuv-i 
hhav-i 
hhavH 

i-mcui 

j-tan 

i-nti 

The  paradigms  of  the  Teutonic  languages  follow  in  the  same 
order ;  but  the  roots  as  and  bii  must  be  treated  conjointly,  be- 
cause in  different  Teutonic  dialects  some  forms  of  the  present  are 
derived  from  the  root  as,  others  from  the  root  bu.  The  preterite 
is  formed  with  a  different  root  altogether,  namely  vas,  which  is 

*  About  the  perfect  in  -«-,  see  p.  401. 


502 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


the  preterite  of  the  verb  visan  (manere).  Though  it  has  nothing 
in  common  with  the  roots  now  under  discussion^  we  nevertheless 
introduce  it  into  the  paradigm,  in  order  to  give  the  verb  *  to  be' 
complete. 


Root  da,  ta. 

Present  and  Preterite  Ikdicatiye. 


O.  H.  O. 

'•  M.  H.  G. 

N.H.G. 

1 

A.-Su. 

L.y. 

Onn. 

O.  E. 

M.E. 

N.H 

tmo-€ 

flfO-M 

tuo-U 

1    '*!<> 

dd-m 
\d^ 

dd-m 
de^ 

•do         *  do 
dftt     '  d4h{9)tt 

do{e) 
dt-9t 

dott 

do 

tmhi 

ttUht 

tm-i 

dd^ 

di^ 

{do^) 
c2f-5         dih'fS 

{do^) 

{dOOd)  ;  (<M 

{dnitt) 
do-ik       <M 

iHO-aUf 

ttfUhn 

i4^ 

d6^ 

d&Ai 

{do4^ 
cfo-'S      '  do-n 

{do-0) 

do-p 

(rfoef) 
do-n 

(M 

lico-l 

iuo-t 

tu-t 

<<fii-a-d) 
d&^ 

d^« 

doS 

do-n 

do-^ 

{d^xn) 
((io-t(A) 

•  « 

•  • 

tWMU 

i'to-nt 

tU'H 

d6^ 

dd-« 

do-5 

do-n 

do-^ 

•  • 

•  • 

iHa 

tHe 

tat 

dida 

did€ 

dide 

dide 

did 

UUi 

tifU 

tat-M 

didM 

didett 

didest 

dUi€(t 

didd 

tHa 

tete 

tAt 

{dadi) 
deda 

didt 

diile 

dide 

did 

tatU'inSt 

ti'iti  n 

til  ten 

d'edun 

didon 

diden 

dUU 

did 

ti'lt-Ht 

tAttt 

1 

1 

tatit 

(d'uiun) 
dolun 

{difdon) 
did  »n 

{didc) 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

tdt-u-n 

tadn 

tiUtn 

diedun 

didon 

« 

1 

• 

• « 

Present  and  Preterite  Subjunctr'e. 


O.  H.G. 

M.H.G. 

X.  H.  G. 

Old  Sax. 

A.-Sax. 

Onn. 
Lay. 

O.K. 
M.E. 

n.e. 

tUO-f 

tao 

ttle 

dita 

dS 

do(e) 

do 

do 

tuo-ti 

tUfMit 

'     ttlmt 

dua 

do 

do{e) 

do 

do 

tU'J^ 

tuo 

tilf 

dua 

do 

do{e) 

do 

do 

tiio-t!-mes 

tuon 

tt'un 

du-an 

do-n 

dv{cn) 

don 

do 

tuo-^-t 

tuot 

tan 

du-an 

•  • 

■  • 

m  m 

•  • 

tuo-C'-n 

tuon 

tucji 

du-an 

•  • 

•  • 

m  • 

tat-i 

tatc 

tat€ 

detii 
{dAdi) 

didc 

didc 

didc 

did 

taf'i-8 

tatat 

tatc 

detlis 
{diidis) 

dide 

dide 

dide 

•  ff 

tat-i 

late 

tate 

dedi 
{dadi) 

dide 

dide 

didc 

•  • 

tiit-i-mes 

taten 

tatcn 

d'edin 
{di'idin) 

diden 

dide{n) 

dide 

•  • 

tat'i-t 

tivtet 

tiTtcn 

m  • 

m    • 

•  • 

•  • 

* 

tat-i-n      1 

tatcn 

Vrtcn 

. . 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

504 


TMUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


THE  VERB  'TO  BE/ 


Boots  as,bA»va8. 


Pbbsiht  Ihdigativi. 


GOIU0. 


u 


•tf- 


OUEDgkCtonMii. 


M.  bit 


•• 


IlilM 


•• 


<pl-r-ii-ii     V 


•• 


•  • 


OldSaimi. 


M.  M. 


U^ 


f-tMl(-llfl) 


&0O-(m) 


O.Mt.      OUKmh 


if  M-'8 


M.       bft. 


fti-«c 


aa.   M. 


•• 


Pbbsiht  Subjukoiivb. 


Gothic. 

O.H.G. 

Old  Saxon. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

O.Pris. 

Old  None. 

as. 

as. 

as.      vas. 

as.     bvL.      vas. 

as. 

aa. 

irtLB. 

tt-i 

B-t 

9-i      heo       VfeB-e 

9-i 

94 

ver-i 

ti-is 

«-!-« 

9-i        heo          Wi9-€ 

94 

a-^-r 

rer-i-r 

*  *        9 

8-i 

9-4       (wua) 

9-i      heo       wi»-€ 

94 

84 

ver-i 

g-i-nies 

B-i-n 

9-t^n  he(hn    tMt-«-n 

94 

94i'm 

ver-i-m 

8-('t 

»-<-» 

f-C-n  heo-n    WM-e-w 

94 

S^'P 

rer-i'p 

t^-w-na 

s-i-n 

t-i-n 

94-%  heo-n    vO^-e^ 

94 

94i 

ver^ 

Imperative. 


O.  H.  Germ. 


bu. 


Sing,  and  pi-it    tn9 
Plur.  and  (si-t)    wes-at 


Anglo-Saxon. 


b^. 


wti  heo 

we9-a'fS    heo-iS 


O.Fris. 


we9'e 


O.Nopse. 


ver 
ver-i-fS 


THE  VERB. 


505 


Boot  vas. 


Pebtbritb  Indicative. 


Gothic. 

O.  H.  Grorm. 

Old  Sax. 

Ang.-Sax. 

O.  Fris. 

O.  None. 

Sing,  ist 

V€LS 

was 

was 

w&s 

was 

var 

and 

vati 

var-i 

war-t 

wcere 

wire 

var^ 

3nl 

vas 

was 

was 

was 

was 

ffor 

Fhir.  I  St 

ves-u-m 

war^Urfnis 

war^n 

woer-cn 

wir-on 

(var^HHn 
\  (vof-tim 

and 

vU^»-p 

war-tL-t 

wdr-wn 

wcer-on 

wir-on 

ivat'tt-iS 

irar-u 
i    (wr-w) 

S^rd 

ves-urn 

war-Vrn 

wdr^n 

war-on 

wir-on 

Sing.  I  St 

vis-ja-u 

rEBTRKT 

TE  C»UBJ 
war4 

UNCnVB. 
wctr-t 

wSr-e 

V€Br-i 

and 

vis-ei-s 

war-i'S 

warA-s 

wofr-e 

wir-e 

vasr-i-r 

3Td 

ves^ 

war-i 

war-i 

wcer^ 

wSr-e 

vctr-i 

Flor.  i8t 

vU-H^ma 

war-i-mSs 

wdr-i-n 

fcarr-e-n 

wSr-e 

varA-^m 

and 

vis^'^ 

war-i-t 

war-i-n 

icoT-e-w 

wer-e 

twr-t-tJ 

3rd 

vSs-^ima 

wdr-i-n 

wdr-i-n 

wcer-e-n 

wer-e 

wxrA 

I 

MFlTOnVB. 

vis^n 

wis-an 

•  • 

wes-<i,n 

wes^       1 

ver-a 

«i-n 

hto-n 

Present  Paeticiplb. 

vis-Ornd-s  \  wes-^i-nUer  \       ..        |  wes-e-ifid^  \  wes-^irnd   \  ver-a-^-i 


Pebteeitb  Participle. 


vis-a-nrs    \  wes-€Hi-ir    \  toss-a-n  \  ffe-weaen     \  wtsen        \  wr-t-nn. 


k   k  fc  s  s  s 


i 

o 


I 


SB 

I 

m 


I    fe    fe   f   I    I 

I  I  I  {  9  I 
J  I  3  I  1  I 

i   i   i   ll^ll 


f  i 


%z  •• 


a 
H 


i3 


^ 


■»i?f 


a 


i^j-» 


a 

9 


6 
S 


g 

a 

IB 


*•  •     5    5 

i     i  i 

tS     ■§     -E     tS     "S 


a 


1 

III  !i 

IB 

■xi  u 

X 

^xi  «i 

1 

hiw 

X 

Ui «« 

JS 

•  •  9         •    • 

•  afO           •    • 

^ 

^ 

^ 

i^ 

h     ,     ,  ft        •   • 

J-8   =   • 


a 


^2 


%)    p    «> 

•<  »  vk 


s  .? 


?l 


:  ^c  te  'O  »e 
d  ^  d  $ 


§  «  I 
bl,C  g 

a  gJS 


i 


i 


ft 


» 


1 


I 


1 


§    Si 


»» s  *$  s 


«•§ 

S  §  S  S  8 


"S    "S 


> 


fi 


s 

^ 
9 


6 


2  i" 


IS 


I 


n 


I 


8 


11 


•i- 


s    ^ 


I 


I 


:S 


JiJ 


1-2 

«   CO 


tn 


•§•2 


O 


a 


S 


3 
s 


S     "^ 


508  TEU TOXIC  GRAMMAR, 


EKWARKS  ON  TUB  PARADIGMS. 

Hie  root  da  (to  do) ;  O.  H.  Germ,  ia ;  Prim.  dka. 

GoUlic  Hiis  root  never  appears  except  in  the  preterite  ter- 
minations of  the  weak  conjugation,  considered  above,  and  in  the 
noan  dAU  ^deed\ 

Old  ffi^  Qerman.  The  diphthongal  form  of  the  present 
corresponds  to  the  second  gradation  dkd  of  the  Sanskrit  and  Pri- 
mitive; the  preterite  t^ta  is  one  of  the  few  traces  of  complete 
reduplication  in  Old  High  German,  and  stands  for  a  more 
ancient  /i/fi=/4j/4i.  The  lengthened  form  in  2nd  sing,  tdti  is  the 
contraction  of  ^ta^ta^ti  (-/i  is  personal  termination),  prim,  dkor 
Ma-ti ;  and  in  the  same  manner  the  plural  tdl^M-mA^ta-ta^meSf 
prim.  dJka-dkd-moM,  A  conjugation  somewhat  differing  from 
that  in  the  paradigm  we  find  in  Ot&ied's  dua-n,  dua--9  (dui-^), 
dua^t  (dMh-f) ;  1st  plur.  da^tiy  3rd  duani,  duent. 

Old  Saxon«  The  6  corresponds  to  the  second  g^dation  uo  in 
Old  High  German,  a  in  Sanskrit  and  Primitive.  The  short 
forms  dm-a-d  by  the  side  of  do^  in  the  plural  of  the  present,  and 
the  lengthened  radical  in  dddiy  dudun  by  the  side  of  dedos,  dedun 
in  the  preterite,  indicate  a  tendency  to  leave  the  ancient  mode  of 
conjugating  this  verb  and  to  assimilate  it  to  that  of  the  verbs 
in  a, 

Anglo-Saxon  admits  Umlaut  of  0  into  e  in  the  2nd  and  3rd 
siui::-  present.  The  plur.  dfcd-it-fi  by  the  side  oidid-o-n  corresponds 
to  the  O.  S.  dad'U'H  bv  the  side  of  ded-u-n.  the  O.  H.  Germ. 
fat~u-vies. 

Old  Frisian  has  the  prineipal  forms  of  this  verb  left :  pres. 
1st  due,  3rd  de-th,  plur.  du-a-fh ;  subj.  du-e,  pret.  dede,  plur. 
dedon  ;  pret.  part.  A-;/,  dd-n.  The  forms  will  show  of  them- 
selves how  they  approach  certain  peculiarities  in  the  preceding 
dialects. 

Old  Norse  has  as  little  as  Gothic  any  of  the  verbal  forms  of 
the  root  da. 

The  roots  ga  (to  go);  O.  H.  Germ,  gd,  id,    sta  (to  stand). 

Gothic  possesses  this  root  in  its  extended  form  gaggany  but 
never  makes  any  verbal  forms  out  of  the  simple  root  ga.  The 
root  sta  also  occurs  in  no  other  but  the  extended  form  sta-n-d-an. 

Old  High  German  has  by  the  side  of  the  forms  sUt)n^  sf<is, 
sfdt ;  gam,  gd,s^  gdf :  also  stem,  stes,  stet ;  gem,  ges,  get,  and  even 
gcist,  gcit,  steist,  steit.     The  extended  roots  ga-n-g-an,  sta-n-t-an. 


THE  VERB,  509 

formed  by  means  of  reduplication  and  the  infix  -»-  are  used  too 
side  by  side  with  the  simple  forms  in  the  present,  and  in  the 
preterite  exclusively,  because  the  latter  do  not  form  this  tense; 
hence  g'mng,  stuo7it :  the  preterites  of  gangu^  atantu,  belong  also 
to  gam  and  stdm. 

Old  Saxon  has  but  few  fragments  of  the  verb  gdn,  namely 
3rd  sing.  pros,  ge-d^  and  the  in  fin.  U-gdn-de.  In  the  Heliand 
no  trace  is  found,  the  whole  verb  being  replaced  by  the  extended 
form  gangan.  Of  the  verb  stdn  are  found  the  2nd  sing,  stea,  3rd 
stddy  atMy  sieid,  3rd  plur.  stdd,  infin.  stdn.  All  other  forms  are 
replaced  by  those  of  stundan, 

Anglo-Saxon  has  all  the  principal  forms :  ist  sing,  gd^  2nd 
gast,  gd^  ^ ;  subj.  sing.  3rd.  gdy  imper.  gd,  plur.  gd^^y  infin.  gdiiy 
part,  ge-gdn  ;  but  those  of  gangan  occur  side  by  side  with  them  : 
the  preterite  is  gieng,  geongy  geng  of  gangan^  or  eodcy  like  the 
Gothic  iddja,  derived  from  the  root  i  (to  go),  with  the  suffix  of 
the  weak  preterite.  The  verb  stdn  does  not  occur,  but  only  the 
extended  form  standan^  pret.  stod,  st^don. 

Old  Frisian  has  of  the  root  ga  only  3rd  sing.  gdtAy  geitA,  plur. 
gd^tA  ;  pret.  part,  gm ;  all  other  forms  supplied  by  gunga^  pret. 
geng^  gengon^  part,  gangen^  gengeny  gendzen.  Of  the  root  sta  we 
find  only  the  infin.  stdn  and  3rd  sing,  stet;  everywhere  else 
stonda,  stdd,  stvdony  stend^n  (stinsen). 

Old  Norse  has  no  forms  of  the  roots  ga  and  sta,  which  are 
supplied  by  gangUy  gekk^  genganiy  genginn,  and  standa^  stoi, 
sto^mny  sta^inn. 


The  Middle  and  New  Teutonic  Languages. 

(German. 

Middle  High  German  and  New  High  German  develop  the 
difierent  forms  of  the  verb  tuom  from  the  Old  High  German 
according  to  the  phonetic  laws.  The  diphthong  uo  is  preserved 
in  Middle  High  German,  but  replaced  by  tl  in  New  High  Ger- 
man ;  as  to  the  personal  terminations  ^ey  are  subject  to  the 
same  rules  here  as  in  the  strong  conjugation.  The  forms  of  gdn 
and  stdn  are  the  same  as  in  Old  High  German,  and  may,  as  in 
the  latter  dialect  interchange  with  sten,  stesty  stet^  gen^  gesty  gety 
and  even  geisty  geity  steisty  steit.  New  High  German  has  appa- 
rently lost  these  forms  unless  we  derive  geh-Cy  geh-sty  geh^t^ 
from  gSy  ge-^t,  ge-t,  &c.,  which  would  correspond  to  the  Old  High 

'  The  Umlaut  is  no  doubt  owing  to  the  fact  that  gttst  and  gafi  were  considered 
to  have  arisen  by  syncope  of  garufestf  ganged. 


510  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 

German  ^*»,  gd^t^  gd-t;  ggh-enzizgd'n.  The  preterite  ia  of 
course  both  in  Middle  High  Oerman  and  Old  High  Gemuui 
giemc^  gieng^  from  an  obsolete  gangen.  The  N.  H.  Getm.  fUie^ 
HA*i  for  «t/,  ife-st,  infin.  ttik^en  for  sten  gtands  in  the  same  re- 
lation to  O.  H.  Germ.  i/a-»,  std^^  infin.  std-n.  The  pret.  standi 
plor.  M.  H.  Germ,  iiunden,  N.  H.  Germ,  sianden,  belongs  to  an 
obsolete  infinitiTe  9t<ind€n.  The  result  therefore  with  r^;ard  to 
Modem  German  would  be  this :  the  forms  of  the  present,  inclad- 
ing  the  infinitive  and  participle  are  derived  from  the  simple  roots 
g^  and  x/a,  those  of  the  preterite  including  the  participles  from 
the  extended  roots  in  the  lost  infinitives  gangen^  standen. 

EngUah. 

The  diSerent  forms  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  ddn  are  preserved  in  the 
difier^dt  periods;  but  in  late  Saxon  already  the  ist  singular  pre- 
faent  ki^es  the  personal  termination  -m,  while  the  st  of  the  2nd, 
the  t^  of  the  3rd^  and  the  ii  of  the  plural  are  still  found  in  Middle 
£nirli$h.     New  English  has  dropped  the  plural  termination  and 
replaced  the  /i  of  the  3rd  singular  by  s.    The  forms  of  the  simple 
rvx>t  g%9  have  gained  the  better  over  the  extended  gangan,  which 
at  an  early  date  disappeared  from  English  altogether.    Layamon 
ka^s  as  in  de^i,  rfe*^S,  thus  ako  in  gatt^  ^eS,  preserved  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Umlaut.      The  writer  of  the  Ormulum  returns  to  the 
v^riiriiuil  vowob  ('  and  a  in  tf(>^f,  gast,  &c.     Old  English  has  still 
tho  rmlaut  in  ^/f'SJf^  (/c-|>,  but  rejects  it  in  ga,  where  it  darkens 
tho  v^riiTinal  t?  into  «;•>,  yi^t/,  /;t>--l',  forms  which  were  adopted  in  all 
sxib5it\|uont  ^vrivxls  to  the  present   day.      The  simple  root  sta, 
on  tho  othor  hanvl,  hiis  dis;ip|vared  from  English  since  the  late 
Sa\on   times,    Lcuamon  and  the  Ormulum    already    using  the 
o\tonvU\l   torm   9*<ind<n^  darkened    into   sfondeiiy  instead    of  it, 
whiv^li  torms  run  side  hv  side  in  Old  Ensflish  and  Middle  English 
auvl  s^^ttlo  vlown  into  tho  New  English  stand, 

Dutch. 

Tho  dvtVorvMit  torms  of  the  verb  ^  to  do'  are  mostly  preserved  in 
tho  Middle  I'Kitoh  intinitive  di^n  :  pros,  doe,  does,  doef,  plur.  doen  ; 
vxrX.  ddc-,  </»:</<',♦,  dc'de,  plur.  do  den  ;  subj.  dade  ;  pret.  part,  daen. 
Now  Outoh  has  the  intin.  dot^n,  pros.  1st  doe,  3rd  doef,  plur.  doen; 
pr\^t.  did.  plur.  dc\i(^H:  ]>art.  ge-dan,  Germ. ge-tdn.  gaen  and  staen 
have  sovonil  forms  in  the  present  besides  the  infinitive  just  men- 
tioni\l :  ^r\l  sin^".  giwf,  staet ;  occasionally  (7^//,  stet ;  ist  sing. 
g.u\  s\u\  Tho  forms  of  the  preterite  are  derived  from  aangen 
atul  s\iHdeH,     The  Now  Dutch  infinitives  pan  {gaan)  and  sfa'n 


THE  VBRB.  611 

[itaan)  may  scarcely  be  considered  the  forms  of  the  simple  root, 
but  rather  contractions  of  the  extended  infinitives  gangeuy  standen^ 
in  the  same  manner  as  ist  sing,  stajpa,  seem  to  be  used  for  stande^ 
gange^  geatan  for  gestanden.  The  preterites  are  regularly  ging 
and  stand  oigangen  and  standen. 

Scandinavian. 

Swedish  and  Danish  have  no  verbal  forms  derived  from  the 
root  da.  The  Swedish  infin.  ga^  pres.  gar  toaj  be  taken  as  the 
representatives  of  the  simple  root  ga  or  as  contractions  of  ganga, 
ganger  ;  the  pret.  gichy  ginga,  will  find  its  explanation  in  the  Old 
Norse  gekk,  gengum.  In  a  similar  manner  must  be  viewed  the 
forms  sldr,  stSd,  stdden,  infin.  std.  Analai^us  to  the  Swedish 
are  the  Danish  forms  gaaer,  gik,  gangen,  infin.  gaae  ;  and  staaer, 
stSdj  standen^  infin.  staae. 


The  roots  OS,  bft,  vas  (to  be). 


Gothic  makes  all  the  forms  of  the  present  out  of  the  root  as^ 
all  the  forms  of  the  preterite  out  of  the  root  va9.  Concerning 
the  other  Old  Teutonic  languages  \^e  may  lay  down  as  a  general 
rule  that  as  and  hu  are  used  in  the  formation  of  the  present 
tense,  vas  in  the  formation  of  the  preterite.  The  latter  is  the 
preterite  of  an  infinitive  visan  (manere),  which  follows  our  eighth 
conjugational  class^  visa^  vas,  vesum,  visans.  This  fact  will  suffice 
for  our  guidance  in  explaining  the  different  forms  of  this  root 
used  to  supply  certain  forms  of  the  verb  *  to  be.'  As  to  the  first- 
mentioned  roots  a  few  remarks  will  not  be  out  of  place  here. 
We  leave  it  for  the  student  to  compare  the  paradigm  of  the  pre- 
sent tense  in  the  Teutonic  languages  with  that  of  as-mi  in  the 
primitive  language^  and  to  trace  the  modifications  to  which  the 
root  as  well  as  the  personal  terminations  are  liable :  our  remarks 
are  intended  to  direct  his  attention  to  a  few  important  points. 

Root  as.  The  primitive  radical  a  is  in  the  Teutonic  languages 
weakened  to  i  ;  but  this  i  appears  in  Anglo-Saxon  as  eo,  which 
must  be  looked  upon  as  the  Brechung  of  i.  The  Brechung  was 
most  likely  caused  by  a  succeeding  r,  which  would  stand  for  the 
primitive  *  of  the  root  as ;  hence  as~mi  is  modified  into  the  Gothic 
i{sym{i)y  this  again  by  rhotacism  into  i(r)-  w«(i),  whence  the  A.  S. 
eo(ry-mlt),  the  O.N.  e{rym{i),  i.e.  eom,  ^OT=Goth.  im.  By  the 
side  of  eom  we  find  in  some  of  the  northern  Saxon  dialects  eam^ 
am,  forms  in  which  the  English  am  will  find  its  explanation. 
The   and  person,  where  the  Goth.  f-«=i'(*)-*(a)  represents  the 


The  ydf 


TMVntMC   tilLlMMAS. 

t»-mf  Ae  A.  SL  tmt,  matk  be  hj—MluiI  an  uulogmu  Ghbi  J 
■.  »  Aat  tk  Baifciil  mi'=«»^,  fera  stiU  more  aodnt  f 
,  lypey  in  AaASmxoa  with  tbe  most  prtm^'W  1 
-t^  lAiA  IB  a  rue  we  find  ocJr  in  the  and  sngulir  r 
of  dM  Goth,  and' H.  Germ.  M-/= '»«'  I 
die  pnnitne  form  a>-/i  =  »*-bM  (to  be  lipt  i 
i,  m»-ii  =  m»-ttm  of  tbe  and).  Anglo-JtUB 
iad  its  ffwgfirfi  dseendaatB,  drop  the  temunatioDil  -t 
not  M=M.  The  3Td  plnr.  of  Goth..  0.  E- 
Omm^  and  M-'Ini  Gem.  »-i»d=U-iHti  laa  the  personal  Miffix 
ef  ifce  pcim.  e^eaft'  almoet  iatact.  This  furni  was  in  the  couim 
tt  tone  aa  laager  mdafrtood  in  its  plaral  capacity,  wheref'^ 
the  Aagla-Saxaiia  aopendded  the  |diinl  terminatioQ  {oit  s  ■* 
•f  tl»  pnlAile)  IB  MdM,  on  Saxon  nWva.  Modern  GerdV 
inlndaced  the  form  mitf  into  tiie  ist  plural  as  well,  whicb  '^\ 
— liiU  to  SCddk)  Hiefa  Genmu  ought  to  be  tein  ioEtea^J^  . 
^^'  Tlie  doidde  plural  form  in  Anglo-SaioD  is  peculiar,  ^^^1,  L 
aide  oftiMJom,  we  hare  from  the  same  root  the  plur.  "'"''^Ij 
ftfa  nJen  to  the  O.  N.  ir-it-m,  and  is  somotimes 
*"~  Mine.  From  this  and  the  Old  Norse  form  we  tt--r^oj~ 
ited  to  take  the  a  as  the  represenbitiTe  of  the  Brechi^J^J 
latter  to  have  arisen  from  the  fact  of  the  vowel  t--'     ^g 

loot  f«=at  being  onder  the  influence  of  a  succeeding  r  'af^^^^\f 

which  the  ancient  *  was  converted,  so  that  the  course  would  ^ 

from  a*-mAu  to  'i>-m,  and,  the  two  succeeding  consonants  ^f-  < 
quiring-  a  connectire  vowel,  is-u-m,  tr-u-m,  O,  N.  er-u-m,  A.  ^^\ 
ear-m-M,  ar-o-a,  whence  the  English  ve  arty  &C.  The  Gotl*^*^ 
iBt  and  2nd  plural  as  well  as  the  subjunctive  haviug  lost  tC-^|^ 
vowel  of  the  root  at,  and  dropped  everything  of  the  terminati^-*** 
except  the  oonsonant,  would  be  reduced  to  nothing  hut  two  co^^^ 
sonants,  e.g.  ist  plur.  *-«  for  prim,  ax^magi.  A  vowel  bei»'-*'^5U 
necessary  for  the  sake  of  pronunciation  it  adopttd  the  theme  ^^^e ' 
the  subjunctive  for  the  plural  as  well.  Now  the  suhjanc(i:*x->ji'p 
theme  is  formed,  not  like  Iho  primitive  aii-i/-m  by  bringing  ^^^^\jief 
of  the  root  and  the  sufiis_/"ff  in  direct  contact,  whifh  would  [»— -^^. 
i-ja-,  but,  by  suppoi ' '  "  — '--'    -  '       *  "-»'-*- — ' — 

subjunctive  as  if  it 
This  theme  then 
2nd  plural,  and  af 
connective  «,  hence 
forms  after  the  anal! 
in  the  O.  N. 
the  O.  H.  G. 
fin,  2nd 


THE  VERB.  613 

j^kme  uja^  in  a  contracted  state.     Thus  also  we  explain  the  sub- 
ives  n  or  «/,  often  sio,  sie,  Germ,  sei,  as  the  contracted  form 
^  ViR'flie  theme  sija-  of  the  Goth.  subj.  sij'auy  sij-ai-^,  &c. 

Boot  bA.     It  appears  in  Old  Saxon  as  biu,  in  Anglo-Saxon  as 
Ji0i  in  Old  High  German  in  the  weakened  form  pi.   Anglo-Saxon 
•lone  derives  from  this  root  forms  for  all  the  persons  of  the 
present  tense,  indicative  as  well  as  subjunctive ;  so  that  in  the 
mentioned  dialect  we  have  two,  sometimes  three,  forms  for  each 
person  side  by  side  in  the  present  tense.      Old  High  German, 
Old  Saxon^  and  Old  Frisian^  use  the  root  6tl  in  the  ist  and  2nd 
singalar^  and  Old  High  German  throughout  the  plural.     Com- 
pare O.  H.  Germ,  pirn,  O.  S.  bium,  A.  S.  beom,  O.  Fris.  dem  ;  2nd 
O.  H.  Germ,  pis  or  pi-st,  O.  S.  6/-*^,  A.  S.  di-sf,  O.  Fris.  bi-sL 
Derived  from  these  are  the  M.  H.  Germ,  and  N.  H.  Germ.  6i«, 
,bist,  M.  Dutch  bem,  best,  N.  Dutch  ben  ;  m  changed  to  n  accord- 
ing to  the  phonetic  laws.     In  the  ^rd  singular  and  the  phu*al  of 
the  indicative,  and  throughout  tne   subjunctive,  Anglo-Saxon 
alone  derives  its  forms  from  the  root  M,  which  through  Late 
Saxon  and  Old  and  Middle  English  run  side  by  side  with,  forms 
derived  from  the  root  as,  and  even  in  Modem  English  he  is 
sometimes  used  dialectically  for  are  in  the  plural.    The  Old  High 
German  plural  pir-r-ti^mes,  &c.,  has  been  formed  in  analogy  to 
the  ancient  perfect  themes  in  s.     Some  consider  this  r  to  stand 
in  place  of  an  original  w,  hence  pi-r-n-mea  for  pi-w-u-mes,  primi- 
tive bha-fMl-mas ;   but  I  incline  to  the  view  of  those  who  refer 
the  r  to  a  more  ancient  8,  because  this  view  is  borae  out  by  the 
analogy  of  the  Old  Norse  perfect  forms,  *m,  greriy  &c.     (See  p. 
40 1 .)   In  later  documents  pimmes  is  shortened  to  pinm,  then  pirn^ 
pirut  to  pirt,  forms  which  still  appear  in  Middle  High  German  as 
bin/  ana  biri.     There  is  also  in  Middle  High  German  a  form  bint 
in  the  2nd  plural  which  must  originally  have  come  from  the  3rd 
plural,  and  is  formed  with  the  root  bil,  bi,  as  aint  with  the  root 
aSy  the  former  perhaps  in  analogy  to  the  latter.     The  formations 
of  the  present  subjunctive,  as  far  as  they  are  derived  from  the 
root  <M,  have  already  been  touched  upon.     Anglo-Saxon  however 
makes  its  subjunctive  out  of  three  diflFerent  roots,  as,  bi  and  va8. 
Later  English  dialects  have  selected  out  of  these  the  root  bA,  beo, 
which,  since  Old  English  times,  assumes  the  form  be  for  the 
present  subjunctive ;  for  the  infinitive,  the  present  and  preterite 
participle,  N.  Engl,  to  be,  being,  been.     The  modern  Scandinavian 
dialects  adopted  the  form  of  the  3rd  person  (Swed.  ar,  Dan.  er) 
for  the  1st  and  2nd  as  well,  and  in  the  plural  use  the  same  root 
with  the  usual  termination.     Their  subjunctive,  if  subjunctive 
they  have,  is  formed  by  means  of  the  root  var^vas.     Thus  then 

Ll 


614  TEUTONIC  GRAMMAS. 

we  might  sum  ap,  to  the  eflEeot  that  the  English  dialects  font 
their  sabjunctiye  with  the  root  M,  High  German  and  Datdi  witt 
the  root  m,  the  Scandinavian  languages  with  the  root  mu.  (Old 
Norse  has  0$  and  voi  side  by  side,  e.  g.  ist  sing.  *-/and  ver-i) 

Boot  vas.  It  is  used  in  all  the  Teatonic  d&eets,  andent  ud 
modem,  to  form  the  preterite  of  the  verb  *  to  be.'  It  is  one  offk 
verbs  of  Class  V III,  and  treated  as  such ;  its  Ablaut  therefore  ii 
Gk)th.  pita^  voi,  vAum,  vUant;  O  H.  Germ.  wUu^  was,  wdrwmu, 
wSwair^  A.  S.  wese^  wm^  waran,  wuen.  We  need  tbeiefim 
hardly  point  out  the  manner  in  which  it  forms  its  pinrdi  aad 
subjunctive,  the  former  being  conditioned  by  tiie  oonjugatioiiil 
class  to  which  the  verb  belongs,  the  latter  being  depeiuknt  oa  . 
the  form  of  the  plural.  As  to  the  and  pen.  sing,  it  fidlowi  fhe 
analogy  of  other  strong  verbs,  that  is,  in  GK>thio  and  Old  None 
it  has  the  form  of  the  flingular  with  the  termination  -/,  in  the 
other  dialecte  it  taikes  the  form  of  the  plural  with  the  vooA 
termination  %  or  e.  The  «  of  the  root  va$  is  intact  in  Gothic 
while  in  Old  Norse  it  submits  to  rhotacism  throughout;  in  OU 
High  (German  and  the  other  dialects  (Middle  High  Gennaa  in- 
cluded^ the  «  remains  in  the  ist  and  3rd  sing.,  but  yields  to 
rhotecism  in  the  plural  and  all  forms  dependent  on  ii  Tbe 
Modem  High  German  and  Scandinavian  languages  have  t 
throughout ;  the  English,  early  and  modem,  as  well  as  the  Modem 
Dutch,  keep  the  8  iu  the  singular  and  submit  to  rhotacism  in  the 
plural  and  the  subjunctive  which  is  dependent  on  it.  The  infini- 
tive, the  participles,  and  the  imperative,  avail  themselves  of 
different  roots  in  different  languages,  the  details  of  which  forma' 
tions,  to  gather  from  the  paradigm,  may  be  left  as  an  interesting 
and  profitiible  task  to  the  student. 

A  few  hints  about  the  forms  of  Modern  English  must  con- 
clude our  remarks.  The  present  indicative  is  formed  exclu- 
sively with  the  root  as,  where  Scandinavian  forms  have  gained 
the  ascendancy,  chiefly  in  the  plural.  The  root  beo  (6u)  is  used 
for  the  formation  of  the  present  subjunctive,  the  infinitive, 
the  participles  and  the  imperative.  The  preterite  indicative 
and  subjunctive  are  formed  with  the  root  vas,  which  still  pre- 
sents the  ancient  Ablaut  between  the  radicals  of  the  sing,  and 
plur.  wMy  were.  The  and  sing,  indie,  instead  of  the  A.  S.  were, 
makes  the  form  wast,  which  occurs  in  Gothic  already,  though  in 
the  Saxon  tongue  it  does  not  reach  back  beyond  Middle  English; 
by  its  side  we  find  icerf,  which  is  formed  after  the  analogy  of 
sAaU  and  wiU  with  the  primitive  suffix  -^  of  the  2nd  sing.  It 
is  against  grammar  to  use  this  werl  for  the  2nd  sing,  subjunc- 
tive, which  should  always  have  were. 


THE   VERB.  515 


PRiETERITO-PRiESENTIA. 

There  are  in  the  Teutonic  as  well  as  in  other  languages  verbs 
virhieh,  after  having  lost  their  present,  express  the  meaning  of 
the  l(»t  tense  by  means  of  the  preterite.  Well  known  among 
these  are  the  Latin  verbs  odi,  coepi,  memini,  the  Greek  olha. 
Verbs  of  this  class  in  the  Teutonic  languages  have,  moreover, 
the  peculiarity  to  substitute  a  new  preterite  form  in  the  place  of 
that  which  has  undertaken  the  functions  of  the  present.  This 
new  preterite  is  formed  by  means  of  the  suffix  -da  of  weak  verbs, 
which  is  added  to  the  plural  of  the  original  strong  preterite. 
It  results  from  this  as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  preterite  of 
this  class  of  verbs  shows  both  the  Ablaut  of  the  strong  and 
the  tense-suffix  of  the  weak  conjugation. 

In  considering  the  meaning  of  the  verbs  of  this  class  we  ex- 
amine first  those  which  occur  in  Gothic  and  the  other  Teutonic 
dialects  equally,  and  then  a  few  which  are  not  found  in  Gothic ; 
it  will  be  convenient  to  interpret  them  by  their  Latin  equiva- 
lents :  ianu  (novi)  has  its  origin  in  a  verb  kinnan  (gignere)  with 
which  we  may  compare  the  root  in  the  O.  H.  Germ.  cAind,  Germ. 
iind  (proles) ;  kann,  the  preterite  of  kinnan  therefore  originally 
was  identical  in  meaning  with  the  Latin  genui.  \>arf  (egeo)  is 
the  preterite  of  a  lost  infinitive  ^mrban  (agere,  facere,  operari), 
and  must  originally  have  been  an  expression  used  in  religious 
rites^  with  the  signification  *  I  have  spent,  oflfered/  *  I  am  with- 
out a  sacrifice  and  wait  for  another/  JJars  (audeo),  from  duirsan, 
perhaps  with  the  original  signification  ^I  have  fought.^  Skal 
(debeo)  must  come  from  a  present  akila,  which  meant  *  I  kill/ 
and  with  which  we  may  compare  skilja  (butcher) ;  skaly  there- 
fore, meant  *I  have  killed,'  'I  must  pay  penance,  wergeld;' 
hence  'I  am  under  an  obligation,'  *I  am  obliged,'  'I  must.' 
Man  refers  us  to  a  present  form  miua  (cogito),  and  has  the  signi- 
fication of  the  Latin  memini^ '  I  have  thought  over,'  therefore  '  I 
remember.'  Mag  (possum)  is  the  preterite  of  an  ancient  verb 
migan  (crescere,  gignere),  and  thus  originally  expresses  the 
meaning  '  I  have  begotten,  produced,'  hence  •  I  am  able.'  Nah 
(sufficere),  from  an  infinitive  naiAan,  is  considered  to  have  been 
of  the  same  signification  as  the  preceding  verb.  AiA  (habeo) 
comes  from  an  infinitive  eigan  (to  labour,  to  work),  whence  the 
preterite  would  mean  '  I  have  worked,' '  I  have  earned,'  therefore 
'  I  possess.'     Lais  (didiei,  oZda)  comes  from  a  lost  present  leUa 

L  1  2, 


tic 


TMCTOSIC  QRAXMAR. 
latncdjri 


'  I  1mt»  traoed,'  'I 

/  bp  CMBfM»d  wtth  the  O.  H.  Germ.  1 

TUt  {mia)  ttmts  from  Uk  root  fit 

igyiif  a  |UMgit  forot  vtiUm  (ndcre),  wiiich  is  in  reality 

■£f  flMwfwri  wig.'wny  SHiBt  'I  bare  eeeo/  hence  'lb 
Coaqane  tl»  Gr.  mKm,  SaaA  ivU*,  both  from  the  same  roal 
^to  Mc],  sod  vitk  Ac  ■«mi»g  '  I  know.'  Damf  (pToroin, 
6>an  a  fwj^  dhptm,  jmAmJtAr  n-tth  tbe  meaning  of  '  gigH 
*la  Ite^ft.'  iUt  (locam  kabeo)  from  s  prcsi^nt  mato,  wnil 
olMDate  IB  iU  4m%ui  sad  sigoifiatiott.  Oji  [tinieo)  comes  & 
prowpt  tfm  (tn^)  of  wkich  the  pre^jent  porticiple  is  praa 
IB  mmtmtmJt  (^ritlnwit  fear,  feariegg ' )■  Jn  ((aveo),  which  doc 
oeenr  ta  Gvtuc,  bat  is  ptewjred  in  Old  Hi^b  German  and 
other  dtikcts,  initst  oorae  bom  an  infinitive  innan.  Knd 
eam,\,  irfaich  ocmrg  in  Old  Norse  only,  is  no  doubt  lelafa 
the  O.  U.  Germ,  kawot  (natan),  tlie  Goth,  kiioda  (y&<oO, 
Sanskrit  root  Jan  [gign»v].  Ibe  Old  Xorsc  muna  (re 
and  mnma  (/leUcu-l  are  no  duubt  of  the  same  origin,  as  th( 
mach  alike  in  me&nuig:  tbe  ilifierence  of  the  infinitive  foi 
rrmarkablc,  the  former  b(.-ing  the  present  infinitive,  tbe 
very  likely  &  remnant  of  the  aneieot  preterite  infiiiitive  i 
Norse, 


PARADIGM. 

Pri-».  Sing. 

PK*.Plar. 

TiHtTiU. 

lafinitits. 

O.II.Oorm,    an    .     . 

»-«»*• . 

.    «nila.a»t« 

()[.l  6u«n       [«r]     . 

[ox-**]    . 

'.     iunnnn] 

Aii([lM-S«on  an   .    . 

'-     iJSe.     '-     '. 

OIJ  Norte       unH      . 

HBBIim 

.     HiiRa.    . 

ODlbie              lana     . 

^'innoM    . 

.    t»n^  .    . 

.    l„nuan. 

O.H,0mqi.    l^n.     . 

taanumSi. 

.    Jniiirf.i.^HHi 

Olil  lirton      fUB . 

.    rwwfii  .    . 

An((Ui-3.t0B   «in  ,     . 

.    eiSc     .    ^ 

OIJ  Frid<ii     Jv">i,^_ 

i;..^lJ^ 

I    t.„na 

UIJ  None       'l^^H 

;JH 

If-- 

^^H 

.     J^ 

^. 

O.  n.Grnn.    ^^^1 

■g^ 

Old  Suon        ^^^H 

Aii^lo-Si.x'X.  I^^H 

OM  Pritlm.      (]^^H 

Old  Not»       I'J^H 

^^^^^H 

^^^^^H 

^^^^H 

TZ2JL 


Ui 


»      WM»p 


I-       -     - 

m    oik    . 

1      idk  . 

a 

raii . 
a.    weh} 

tret  . 
cm    ra<  . 


^ 


rtit. 


"*$ 


r 


mmpuit 


t^i 


wiit 


vitmm  . 


dugtin  . 
dwg<m  . 


I 
i 


I 

i 


TtLCJk 


wHa 


riUi 


dmgmM 

dukle      .     .     dM^n 
<f«^ 


difii'wwe 


rmlert 


518 


TEUTONIC  GRAMMAR. 


Pres.  Sing.        Fres.  Pinr.      Preterite. 


O.  H.  Germ,  mmo} 

Old  Saxon  mM . 

Anglo-Sftxon  mM  . 

Old  Frisian  mU . 


Gothic 
Old  None 
Old  None 


6g    ,    .     , 


mUwn 

mdtom 

SguM 
mMmiiit . 
knigum . 


wUda 
imuoaa  1 

mStta 

.    ^;Ua  .    . 
.    hnatta    . 


InfinitXTe. 
.    wUkan 

muaytm  « 

f  Mtmu    1 
'  i  mundn  J 

khiga     . 


locom 


timere 


REMARKS  ON  THE  PARADIGM  OF  PRiETERITO-PR^SENTIA. 

Gothic.  The  inflexions  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  strong 
preterites  in  general ;  the  2nd  singular  therefore  of  the  present 
(the  ancient  preterite)  has  -ty  the  ist  plural  -n-m^  &c.  The  pre- 
terite suffix  -da  is  inflected  as  in  weak  verbs  and  added  dire<;tly 
to  the  preterite  theme  without  a  connective  vowel,  so  that  the 
consonant  of  the  termination  da  and  the  preceding  consonant  of 
the  preterite  theme  often  modify  one  the  other;  hence  the  pret. 
o{  iann,  kunpUj  otpar/]  plur.  ^aurbum^  pret.  paur/ta^ ;  mctgy  pret. 
mahta^ ;  vdif.,  plur.  vitum,  pret.  vissa  for  ^vU-ta*,  ^vii-ta;  mot^ 
pret.  most^^  for  indt-ta — modifications  which  are  strictly  in  ac- 
cordance with  Gothic  phonetic  laws.  As  to  the  Ablaut,  it  is  to 
be  noticed  how  the  radical  of  the  present  (ancient  pret.)  plural  is 
changed  in  skulum  for  ^skelmn,  muniim  for  ^menum,  while  the 
plur.  mdgum  retains  the  a  of  the  preterite  singular  instead  of  the 
common  plural  in  e.  The  infinitive  has  always  the  radical  of  the 
present  (ancient  pret.)  plural.  The  verb  ogan  has  a  2nd  sing, 
imper.  ogs ;  may  we  thence  infer  an  imper.  moU^  dugi  ?  With 
regard  to  kiuinan,  mnnany  vitan,  it  may  be  observed  that  their 
confreres  mmiafi  (mente  agitare,  velle,  fx^XXav),  vltan  (observare), 
and  ga-kunnan  (observare)  follow  the  third  weak  conjugation. 

Old  High  Gterman.  The  inflexions  are  the  same  as  with  the 
strong  conjugation  in  general ;  only  in  the  2nd  sing.  pres.  (an- 
cient pret.)  the  ancient  termination  -i  is  preserved,  which  in  the 
2nd  pret.  of  all  other  strong  verbs  has  been  lost.  An  *  is  added 
to  the  t  in  the  verb  chan^  chan-st.  This  '^H  probably  arose  in 
analogy  to  the  s-t  in  vaist  for  vait-t^  where  the  Gothic  phonetic 
law  requires  the  change  of  a  dental  into  8  before  the  termination  /. 
How  this  termination  -d  gradually  crept  into  the  2nd  person  of 


*  /  and  h  owing  to  the  succeeding  t. 


^  Dental  before  dental  changed  into  «. 


THE  VERB.  519 

^  ^  present  and  preterite  we  have  observed  elsewhere  \  as  well  as 
(vi.^  persistency  with  which  the  ancient  -l  keeps  its  place  in  some 
^  the  pneterito-praesentia  up  to  the  present  day.  an  forms  the 
"^^t.  onda  and  onsta ;  kann,  pret.  konda^  konsia,  kunda,  kunsta ; 
^^d  bi-ginnan^  following  their  analogy^  makes^  by  the  side  of  its 
^^gular  pret.  bi-gan,  also  bigonday  bi-gansi^, 
«  Old  Saxon,  llie  termination  of  the  2nd  singular  is  -t,  except 
-^ti  canst  vluA  far-mansl :  biginfian  has,  besides  the  regular  pret. 
^egan,  the  form  begonsta. 

Anglo-Saxon.  The  2nd  singular  had  originally  the  termina- 
"tion  -^,  but  the  vocalic  ending  of  the  common  preterite  of  strong 
Verl)8  gradually  replaced  the  ancient  termination ;  hence  an, 
^4nne,  can,  cunne,  ^fearf,  \urfe,  &c. ;  but  dear  has  by  the  side  of 
Hurre  the  more  ancient  dearH :  besides  this  there  are  preserved 
canity  gemanH,  dhst — all  having  interpolated  the  *  before  the 
ending  -^.     cu^e,  with  ^  for  nd  (comp.  the  letters  n  and  S). 

Old  Frisian.  The  2nd  singular  occurs  only  once,  of  the  verb 
skiiay  2nd  skalL  skilu  and  mugu  appear  to  be  dual  forms  used 
in  the  signification  of  the  plural.  Some  of  the  prajterito-prae- 
sentia  in  this  dialect  adopt  forms  of  the  weak  conjugation  ;  thus, 
for  example,  wet  (of  wit^i)  has  sometimes  the  weak  form  wit,  plur. 
wifuth  ;  of  duga  there  occurs  the  3rd  sing.  ducAt ;  plur.  in  late 
Frisian  ddged ;  of  dga  we  find  a  3m  sing.  dcht.  bijenna  has,  by 
the  side  of  the  regular  preterite,  also  bigunde,  bigonste. 

Old  Norse.  The  2nd  singular  ends  in  -t,  as  the  preterite  of 
strong  verbs  generally.  Under  the  influence  of  this  terminational 
t  consonants  are  aflectcd  in  the  same  manner  as  we  showed  above 
with  regard  to  strong  verbs,  ^ara  (andere)  and  dnga  (valere) 
make  the  pres.  pori,  dugi,  pret.  \or^a,  dug^a ;  oga  (motuere) 
follows  the  second  weak  conjugation. 

The  infinitives  skvlu  and  munfi  are  considered  by  Grimm  as 
remnants  of  an  ancient  formation  of  a  preterite  infinitive  in  Old 
Norse.  As  such  Grimm  mentions  alsoy^Tn*  (ivisse),  sld^u  (stet- 
isse) ;  there  occur  also  ikyldu,  myndu^  and  bendn,  preterite  infini- 
tive of  benda. 


VERBS  FOLLOWING  THE  ANALOGY  OF  PR.ETERlTO-PR.IiSENTlA. 

There  are  a  few  verbs  in  the  Teutonic  languages  which  in  the 
formation  of  their  preterite  follow  the  analogy  of  the  pneterito- 
praBsentia,  that  is,  they  take  both  the  Ablaut  of  the  strong,  and 

^  See  p.  369. 


'.  has  ^tnaJNi   a  liaiX 
&«  tf  39  im  wVKtL  iatr*^  rnKtsai  stsnaia.    T^  FiMtii   tit/m 


«neiiiaA7  m^uup^  ^i  due  ^tfaerrse.  tr  ^at  ^Le  ^  As  Ack 
BobC  ^ao%  iMSL  JO.  aoKifiu:  suctf^Bw  |ert^a&  ™f-  nil,  ptsr. 
ri'.nB.  ami  *  ^rtsRS  ffiitr-  vtM  C^^  V .  Ik  yemiig  nb- 
^Bicsrnt  »  -Kwii  »  *>39^T  ^^i^  ivcmt  «£  dv  fi.utat  iiliiiliii. 
aarf  Siw  sev  xii-.Bab.aH  pteSsk^  riiit  i*  C»Hed  otf  ^  tW  pbiJ 
lank  ribw.     ILcr  HoeU,  iciaS'  «n;^>^r  *^  lalj— rtiii  of 


■  m~M.  tn  ^  K 


THE  VERB.  621 

conjugation,  as  viljau,  vilehy  vili,  &c. ;  the  new  preterite  makes 
the  indicative  vilda^  vildes,  &c.,  and  the  subjunctive  vildetljau, 
&e.,  after  the  manner  of  weak  verbs  in  general.  Old  High  Qer- 
man.  The  verb  wellan  strives  after  indicative  forms  in  the  present 
t«iise,  and  the  conjugation  is  therefore  subject  to  considerable 
anomalies.  Thus  we  have  true  preterite  subjunctive  forms  in 
«?i//,  wilts f  will ;  but  present  subjunctive  forms  in  the  plur.  welle^ 
meSy  &c.  An  endeavour  to  assume  indicative  forms  we  see  in 
the  2nd  sing,  wilty  a  form  analogous  to  the  praeterito-prassentia ; 
and  in  the  3rd  plur,  wollenty  toellent,  wellant  for  wellen,  &c. ;  3rd 
sing,  wilt  for  wili.  The  preterite  indicative  is  always  in  imi- 
tation of  the  praeterito-pnesentia  wolta,  rareljr  welta,  subj.  wolti. 
Old  Saxon  has,  more  decidedly  than  Old  High  German^  acquired 
indicative  forms  for  the  verb  willjan,  so  that  we  find  in  the  pre- 
sent an  indicative  and  subjunctive  kept  strictly  distinct,  as  indie. 
wil/ju,  will  or  wilty  wili,  wil,  or  wilit^  plur.  will/ad;  subj.  willje 
{-ea),  willjes  (-^as),  plur.  willjen  (-^a») ;  pres.  welda^  wolda  ;  subj. 
weldiy  woldi.  Axiglo-Saxon  takes  a  similar  course :  pres.  sing. 
willey  wilty  wille ;  plur.  willa^,  pret.  wolde.  Old  Frisian  pres. 
sing,  wille,  wilt^  wille  (also  willy  wily  &c.) ;  plur.  willath  ;  pret. 
welde,  wolde.  Old  Norse  viljay  velle,  has  the  following  forms : 
pres.  sing,  vil,  vill  and  vilty  vill  (for  vil^r)y  plur.  viljum,  vili^^ 
mlj'a;  subj.  vili,  pret.  vilda. 


MIDDLE  AND  NEW  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES. 

EngUah. 

The  Goth,  kann,  A.  S.  can  (con)  we  find  throughout  all  the 
periods  of  the  English  language.  It  takes  st  in  the  and,  hence 
canst ;  in  the  plural  we  find  the  Ablaut  n  down  to  Middle  Eng- 
lish, hence,  cunnen,  kunnen  ;  New  English  makes  the  plural  and 
singular  alike.  The  n  of  the  Grothic  pret.  iunha  was  dropped 
in  the  A.  S.  ciUcy  Orm.  cn]fe,  O.Engl,  cou^e,  M.Engl,  caiide; 
N.  Eng.  couldy  perhaps  in  analogy  of  would  and  should. 

The  Goth.  }farf,  A.  S.  ^eaify  appears  in  the  Late  Saxon  plur. 
\uffeny  pret.  \iirftey  O.  Engl,  tharf;  it  is  lost  in  New  English. 

The  Goth,  rfar*,  A.  S.  deaty  is  preserved  in  the  der^  dar  of  Early 
and  dare  of  Modern  English.  The  2nd  sing,  -^t  throughout. 
The  3rd  sing,  (as  all  the  prseterito-prsesentia)  like  the  ist ;  but 
New  English  introduced  d^ires  by  the  side  of  datCy  plur.  Late 
Saxon  dnrren^  O.  Engl.  durrCy  M.  Engl.  durUy  N.  Engl.  dare. 


m  TMUTOMIC  9M4MMAM. 


n»  iMlirili  G«lk  dtmwim,  A.8«dbi^  IM  find  in  tiie  kte 


ip>  find  Ml  lyDOtt  —  m^  jha^i  mnneB^  pwi 

#K  Om«  A^  Mid  im  tiw  Old  &«iMi  mm.  ang;  and  infin.  ii* 
Qolk  M  A.  &  Md;  Otm.  «i«l^  O.  &«l!  ud  ILSDgL 

^dWi;  N.BwL  dkff;  Md»  -I  timMglMHii;  plor.  A.3.  mmlm, 
I«7.  Mfc^Okm  iMbHH  O.EiigL  «dfadSfa^  1^ 
MottBwL  AMi  imt  Godi-dbMt,  A.S.  §emU§^  Im^.  mtlUk, 
Qm^MUUb,  aBi«L  and  ILBagl.  «i»lib^  M.EiigL  ^ImU; 
O*  I  wpfraRd  im  fnwaMiatiHi»  poring  in  ndogr  to  esitf 


odhr  a  ilAS><Anff.dM€(tiwOniiiihil 

Bi^dlvi. 

G«yL  MVa  A.  &  MV^  Liff .  ««H  Orm.  MQS,  O.  BD|r.«  M.  S 

EiSL  MiiOf.SML  wmt^;  mU^  aTs.  mi^,  O.BogL 
prat,  A.&  MtM%  (XBl«L  wUlr, agrsl^ fce.^  M.En^ 


Qolkf^  A.&  mfi^  Lite  fin.  «Ml»  O. &igL  and  ILEofiL 
|Ml(t)»M»Ba^flwl;  aad,«PMi;«Mlttaoiiglioal^loBfeiiiN.Eii|;Ls 

ear* ««Imi»  vtlm  tiurooglioot^  ket  in  N.Engl.;  pt€t.  A.  S.  wu^ 
y.  ftiuity  Onn.  misiie^  O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl.  wUlej  N.  Engl. 
«^m  ;  infin.)  A.  S.  triUm,  Late  Sax.  tri/^^  O.  Engl,  and  M.  Engl. 
iri/ni«  iri/f ,  N.  Engl,  io  trif. 

Goth,  ifa,  A.  S.  tfi.  Late  Sax.  ai,  O.  Engl.  a«i,  ^i,  M.  Engl. 
«irf ,  mry,  N.  Engl,  otre  ;  and  sing.,  -^^/,  or  -m/  ;  plor.  -en ;  pret. 
Goth,  if/i/a,  A.  S.  ai/^.  Late  Sax.  aAie,  akhie,  O.  Engl.  03^, 
M.  Engl.  0x3/^^  N.  Engl.  im^iL  Layamon  already  applies  this 
T^rb  in  the  two  distinct  senses  of  possession  and  duty ;  the 
latter  we  find  in  phrases  such  as  'he  ah  to  don'=*he  has  to 
do,^  *  he  onght.^  In  connection  with  this  sense  it  developed  the 
meaning  of  being  in  debt,  *  to  owe/  which  verb  follows  the  weak 
conjugation,  om^ht  being  quite  reserred  for  the  expression  of 
moral  obligation.  The  meaning  of  possession  is,  in  Modem 
English,  atta<died  to  the  verb  ^to  own/  which  seems  to  have 
ansen  firom  the  part  d^en^  awem,  awen,  or  fiom  the  A.  S.  dgnjtm 
(to  possess). 

The  A.  S.  tmSi  we  find  with  slight  varmtions  throughout  all 
periods ;  the  present  is  lost  in  New  English ;  pret.  Groth*  mSUa^ 
A.  S.  m6^  we  find  in  Early  English  as  moiie^  N.  Engl.  mMd. 
The  A.  S.  wille  appears  as  wiUe^  woi/e^  wnlU  in  the  different 
Early  English  peruxls,  N.  Engl,  will;  and  sing,  will  (or  woU, 


TUB   VERB.  B»»- 

't  in  Early  English) ;  jiiur,  wUh}f,  leiilk)^,  &e.,  or  teilen,  wohti, 
I.  Engl.  wiV/;  pret,  A.  S.  wolde.  Early  Engl,  woltle,  v>aMe, 
r.  Engl,  would,  I  not  pronounced,  perhaps  in  analogy  to  could, 
[.Engl,  coutte. 

Oerman, 

M.  H.  Germ,  ist  muos,  and  muo»i,  plur.  mve^en,  pret.  muosle 
klso  muosa,  mtie»e)  ;  N.  H.  Germ,  mu^,  mu^t,  mii^en,  mufte. 
I.  H.  Germ.  weU,  tceisi,  wi^en,  wiate  {wette,  www',  wetge); 
r.  H,  Germ.  v>ei^,  we'i^l,  toi^en,  w«^U.  M.  H.  Germ,  (oue,  t6U, 
ten,  toklet  N.  H.  Germ,  tauge  (weak).  M.  H.  Germ,  woe, 
\ht,  muffen,  moAte  {inahte) ;  N.  H.  Germ,  mag,  magtl,  tnoei/en, 
•chU.  M.  H.  Germ,  sol,  toll,  tUln,  solfe  ;  N.  H.  Germ,  toU 
weak).  M.  H.  Germ,  ffan,  gamt,  gilitnen,  gnniU ;  N.  H.  Germ. 
OHne  (weak).  M.  H.  Gerra.  kan,  kan»l,  ktiunen,  kande ;  N.  H. 
}erm.  kann,  kannil,  konnen,  konnle.  M  H,  Germ,  tar,  tani, 
UrrffH,  liirtlt;  N,  H,  Germ,  lort,  M.  H.  Germ,  darf,  daijt, 
htr/tnt,  dorfle ;  N.  H.  Germ,  datf,  daifst,  dUr/en,  durfte.  M.  H. 
Germ,  wil  [tcelle),  ml  {velleai,  wellen,  wolif) ;  N.  H.  Germ.  v>ill, 
trillst,  wolteit,  KollU.  Inorganic  Umlaut  is,  in  the  ]>reBent  indica- 
tive plural  and  in  the  infinitive,  both  in  Middle  High  Gorman 
•nd  New  High  German.  But  perhaps  we  may  suppose  in  Middle 
Bigh  German  the  infinitives  vinozeu,  tngen,  iumien,  dttrfen,  &c., 
by  the  side  of  muezen,  fugen,  kunaen,  durfen.  The  preterite  sub- 
anctive  which  has  never  Umlaut  in  weak  verbs  (e.  g.  brennen, 
Bret,  subj.  M,  H,  Germ,  branle,  N.  H.  Germ,  brannie,  not  brenle, 
wdmik). 

Dutch. 

M.  Dutch  Ifit  vioef,  and  moetet,  plur.  moefen,  pret.  mottle; 
N.  Dut«h  1st  mod,  plur.  moeteit,  pret.  moe»i,  part,  gent^eltit. 
M.  Dutch  d4ck,  dogheg,  doghen,  doeklf ;  N.  Dutch  deug,  deugen, 
docht.  M.  Dutch  mack,  wojhes,  mogkeit,  mockle  ;  N.  Dutch  vidg, 
mogen,  mocht,  geinochl.  M.  Dutch  »al,  »uUt,  rulen,  guide  [»oude'); 
N.  Dutch  sal,  zulkn,  zoude'  {:ou).  M.  Dutch  an,  onnes,  onnen, 
ontle ;  N.  Dutch  lost.  M.  Dutch  can,  conties,  connen,  eoatte ; 
N.  Dutch  kan,  koitnea,  konde  (kon,  ko»t),  gekonnen  {gekoat). 
M.  Dutch  dar,  dorret,  dorrett,  (hmte ;  N.  Dutch  derr  (weak). 
M.Dutch  darf,  dorveg,  dorven  \dorfle'\;  N.  Dutch  rf«{^  durven, 
doT»t  {this  preterite  originally  belonged  to  der).  M,  Dutch  kHU, 
willei,  willen,  icilile  (woude) ;   N.  Dutch  kU,  willen,  wilde  (vulg. 

'  Compnre  Gull'.  <i'im.  ■  The  conlnrtion  ou  for  ofrf,  afJ. 


I 


APPENDIX. 

The  reader  is  requested  to  compare  with  these  notes  the  Tables  of 
Possessive  Pronouns  on  pp.  197  and  198,  where  they  ought  to 
have  been  inserted. 


REMARKS  ON  THE   POSSESSIVE   PRONOUNS. 

The  possessive  pronouns  are  in  close  relationship  to  the  geni- 
tives of  the  personal  pronouns,  the  theme  of  both  being  identical. 

They  take  the  infloxions  of  the  strong  declension  of  adjec- 
tives; the  weak  inflexions,  as  they  occur  in  Old  High  German 
alone,  are  quite  isolated. 

In  Gothic  the  nora.  sing,  and  plur.  of  seins,  seina,  seinata,  is 
not  used,  but  the  gen.  of  the  demonst.  pron.  of  the  3rd  person. 
(Gen.  masc.  is,  fem.  izo,  neut.  is;  plur.  ize^  izOy  ize ;  compare 
the  use  in  Greek  of  the  genitive  of  the  personal  instead  of  the 
possessive  pronoun.) 

The  O.  H.  Germ,  nnsarer,  iwarSr,  occur  in  a  shortened  form 
nnser,  iicer. 

The  A  S.  user  has  a  parallel  form  in  ure.  User^  whenever  *  and 
r  (after  the  elision  of  e)  meet  in  the  inflexions, -assimilates  the  r 
to  the  s  and  thus  produces  the  gemination  ss. 

The  declension,  therefore,  of  the  A.  S.  4ser  and  ure  is  as 
follows : — 


Singular 

Norn. 
Gen. 
Dat. 
Accus. 

Masculine. 

tUer^       Ure 

iUereSf     uMet 
werum,  iiseum 

tideme,  ume 

Feminine. 

User,     Ure 
d^erre,  Hue,  4rre 
werre,  ii^e,  urre 
Utere,    iinse,    Ure 

Neuter. 

User,    fUre 
4res     .. 
Arum  . . 
U8cr^    Hire 

Plural. 

Masculine. 

Norn.  iUcrtf  ^M,        ure 

Gen.  ..       iUera^     iUta 

Dat.  weram,  vLuam 

Accus.  uftret  f2s«e,        ure 


Neuter. 

4mt^  Are 
Are 
Arum 
A$ert  ure 


t 

I 


-.-  5»