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COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
OP THE
TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
COMPARATIVE GRAMJVIAR
OF THE
TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
BEI50 AT THB 8AXB TIliB
A HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
.4 lid comprising
GOTHIC, ASGLO.SAXOa, EARLY ESGLISIi, MODKRS EXOUSir,
■
ICELANIUC {OLD NORSK), DANIHU, HWKDISII,
OLD HIGH GERM AS, MIDDLE IIIOIl GERMAN, MODERN GERMAN, OLD SAXON,
OLD FRISIAN, DUTCH,
BY
JAMES HELFENSTEIN, Ph. D.
MACMILLAN AND CO.
[Ail riffkts reHrvtd\
OXFORD:
BT T. COMBE, M.A., E. B. OARONEB, AND E. PICKARl) HALL,
FEINTBE8 TO THE UKIVEB81TT.
0Lfea4S^
PREFACE.
The advantages of a systematic study of our own language
are now so generally understood that it will hardly require an
apology for any attempt to promote and facilitate research in
this direction. By offering my Grammar to the kind con-
sideration of the public^ I intend above all to offer the student
of English a guide which may lead him through its different
stages of development, and show how it arrived at its present
grammatical structure. Thus then my volume may be used
as an Historical Grammar of the English language.
In order to gain a clear insight into the development of the
English^ or any other idiom, it is absolutely necessary to pay
attention to the historical course of its sister dialects^ as the
German, the Dutch, the Danish — to compare the different
phenomena they present^ and thus to arrive at the laws which
directed the growth of each. I have therefore placed the
Teutonic languages in their different phases of development
side by side^ so that they may be studied in the relation they
bear to one another and to the English language in particular ;
and I hope I have given all the necessary data for the study
of Comparative Grammar. Thus far I have had in view the
b
vi PREFACE.
educated classes in general, who are perfectly alive to the
interest and importance attached to the study of their own
language.
In working out the chapters on the Ancient and Middle
Teutonic languages I took care not to omit any grammatical
form the knowledge of which is required for the study of
ancient literature, whether Gothic, or Anglo-Saxon, or Early
English. The reader will find the grammar of each dialect
sufficiently complete to enable him who has mastered the
details contained therein to proceed at once to the study of the
literature of his chosen dialect.
In order not to stop short in our studies at a point where
they promise to become most interesting, I have added at the
opening of each chapter a sketch showing the relation of the
Teutonic to the cognate languages, Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit.
Thus then the student of English is enabled to follow up certain
parts of his language, such as numerals, pronouns, &c., to their
most ancient forms — forms which in antiquity reach back to
the very dawn of civilization.
If on the one hand I have endeavoured to enter as far as pos-
sible into the details of Ancient and Middle Teutonic Grammar,
I have abstained on the other from giving a detailed account of
the Grammar of Modern English, German, or Danish. These
languages were treated only so far as is required to show the
peculiarities of their grammatical structure and the way by
which they arrived at the same. Those who wish to acquire
any of these languages for practical purposes must apply to the
respective Grammars.
Another object (last not least) I had in view, was to supply
P HE FACE. vii
a preparatory manual for those students who intend to make
Teutonic language and literature a special study, and who must
have recourse to the works of Grimm, Bopp, Pott, Schleicher,
and others, celebrated on the field of Teutonic and Comparative
Grammar. He who has been obliged to pass directly to the
study of Grimm^s works will be able to acknowledge the desir-
ableness of an introductory text-book.
I have tried to consult the best authorities and to convey to
the reader's mind the established results of modern research.
In the chapters which treat on the Science of Language and
Comparative Grammar in general I have made use of the works
of Bopp, Schleicher, and Max Miiller. Those on the ancient
Teutonic languages owe the greater part of their materials to
Grimm ; while Heyne's volume on the same subject has supplied
much valuable information. As to the English language in
particular I have chiefly consulted Koch's Grammar and Marsh's
Lectures. All these authors and their respective works are
enumerated on a separate list.
I have every reason to feel anxious about the fate of my book.
Comparing the magnitude of the subject with the smallness of
my abilities and the limitedness of my knowledge, I might quail
before the censure of the public, if there were not some points
redeeming the rashness of my enterprise. The first lies in the
fact that there are many educated men in England and America
who apply themselves to the study of Early English, Anglo-
Saxon, and the Teutonic languages in general, while no work
exists as yet in English treating on the Teutonic languages
collectively. Further I may plead the earnestness and diligence
with which I pursued my work, endeavouring by this means
ba
Viii PREFACE.
to supply the deficiency in knowledge and abilities. But even
these considerations would fail to set my mind at rest^ if I
were not penetrated with the conviction that the English
public are always ready to promote every work which aims at
the advancement of science and art^ if conducted with persever-
ance and earnestness of purpose and which promises to be
usefulj on however limited a scale, to some one or other.
ThuSj then, I take leave of my work^ which for six years has
been my constant companion in trials and sorrows ; and I dare
to hope that it may not be altogether rejected by those for
whom it is intended,
THE AUTHOR.
Whitsuntidb, 1870.
CONTENTS.
PAOB
INTRODUCTION i
Languages and Dialects 4
Tribes of Teutonic Langnages— Gothic, Old High Qennan, Middle High
German, New High German 5
Languages spiiken in Britain — Celtic, Latin, Anglo-Saxon ... 8
Southern and Northern Dialect . . lO
Old Norse and Anglo-Saxon. Norman and French, reaction against its
use II
Late Saxon (Scmi-Sazon), Old and Middle English . .11
Modern English 13
Old Norse, Icelandic 14
Swedish, Danish, Low German, Old Frisian, Old Saxon . . . • 15
Tribes of Aryan language* — ^the Indian dais, the Iranic^ Greek, Italic,
Slavonic, Lithuanian, Celtic 16
The Primitive language (Ursprache). Relationship of the Aryan languages 18
DiAORAMS SBOWINO TBB RbLATION Or THE AbTAN AND Or TBB
Teutonic Languages 40
VOWEL SOUNDS.
Pitch of the Vowels at
Primitive Vowels ; Gradation of Vowels (Steigerung) . . . .at
Degradation or Weakening (Schwifcchung) 23
Table of Gradations 34
I. Old Teutonic Vowels.
Short VowtU:—
The Vowel d in Grothic and Old High German .... 46
Umlant in Old High German ; d in Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon 26
d for a in Anglo-Saxon ; Umlaut of d in Anglo-Saxon . • ^7
d in Old Frisian and Old Norse ; Umlaut in Old Norse a8
The Vowel % in Grothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Anglo-
Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norso 29
CONTENTS.
PAOB
The Vowel ik in Gothic and Old High German. Weakening of
the u into 0 31
The Vowel U (and its weakened form 0) in Old Saxon, Anglo*
Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse ; its Umlaut y in Old Norse . 5a
The Vowels ^, «, y 33
Brechung (breaking) of Vowels in Gothic, Old High German,
Anglo-Saxon, Old Norse 33
AssimiUition 37
Long Vowels: —
The Vowel a in Old High German 38
The Vowel d in the different Dialects ; <e the Umlaut of a . 39
« supplanting d in Anglo-Saxon. The Vowel e ... •40
i - ei (Gothic at). The Beduplicational « . . •41
e, Umlaut of 6 (H) in Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian. The Pro-
duction of e 4a
The Vowels i, 6 43
The Vowel 14 ; p Umlaut of tf 45
Diphthongs : —
ai, ei 47
iu and its weakened form io 48
to {Uf ia) for the ancient Reduplication 49
eS in Anglo-Saxon for Gothic iu 50
au in different Dialects 51
ofi, Old High German for Gothic au 52
ea, Anglo-Saxon for Gothic au. uo, Old High German for 6, ey.
Old Norse Umlaut of aa 53
II. MiDDLR Teutonic Vowels.
Short Vowph : —
Tiie Vowel a in Middle High German, Old and Middle English 54
The Vowel e in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English 55
The Vowel i in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English 57
The Vowel 0 in Middle High German 58
6 Umlaut of 0 in Middle High German 59
0 in Old English and Middle English 60
The Vowel u in Middle High German, ii Umlaut of u . . 60
The Vowel u in Old English and Middle English . . .61
The Vowel y in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English 61
Brechung of Vowels in Middle Teutonic 61
Long Vowels:^"
The Vowel a in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English 63
CONTENTS. xi
PA OB
The Vowel a Umlaut of d in Middle High German ; the Vowel
« in Old English and Middle English .... 64
The Vowel i in Middle High Oerman, Old English and Middle
English 64
The Vowel % in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English 64
The Vowel 6 in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English 65
The Vowel t2 in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English ; y and u in Old English and Middle English . . 66
Diphthongs : —
H in Middle' High German 66
if, in, 014 in Middle High German 67
uOy ai, au, ey^ oi, oy, cU, om, eu, IH in Middle High German 68
ou, ed, ed in Old English and Middle English .... 69
III. Nbw Teutonic Vowels.
The Vowel a in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . 70
The Vowel a (<e) in German, Swedish and Danish • • • 73
The Vowel e in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . 74
The Vowel i in German and English 76
The Vowel i, in Dutch y (Flemish y), the long i . . • 77
The Vowel i in Swedish and Danish 78
The Vowel 0 in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . 78
The Vowel & in German, Swedish and Danish . . . .81
The Vowel u in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . 83
The Vowels u {u^f y, in German 84
The Vowel y in English, Swedish and Danish .... 85
Diphthongs : —
The German ai, au 86
du Umlaut of the German au ; the German ei ; ti and eu , • ^7
The German 6u, ie ; the English ai 88
The English ate, aw, ea, et, ew, ey, ie, oa, oe, <m, ow, ue . . 89
The Diphthongs in Romance words 90
The Dutch ai, au, ei, eu, ie, oe, ou, ue, ui 91
Diphthongs in Swedish and Danish 93
The Danish au, ei, 6i,ju, ou 94
Triphthongs : —
The Insertion of ^ in Danish 95
CONSONANTS.
Physiological Alphabet 97
Table of Consonants in Sanskrit, in the Primiti?e Languages, and in
Gothic 98
Grinim*s Law 99
General Table of Grimm^s Law 103
xii CONTENTS,
, PA OK
Old Tbvtonic Consonants 104
Liquids : —
The r in Gothic 105
Rhotacism (5 changed into r) 106
The m and n in different Dialects 107
Spirants: —
V and w in Gothic and Old High Gterman . . .109
vf in Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon no
V and tp in Old Frisian and Old Norse 112
8 and z in Gothic ; s in Old High Grerman and Old Saxon . • 1 13
The combination sc in Anglo-Saxon ; the s in Old Frisian and
Old Norse 114
The spirant j in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Anglo-
Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse 115
The h in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon,
Old Frisian and Old Norse 116
Mutes (Labials) : —
h, Pf f in Gothic, c and p in Old High German . . .119
The Labial Aspirates p^ p/, /, v in Old High German .120
Table of Labials in Old High German i ao
h and p in Old Saxon 1 20
The Aspirates 9, v, /, ph in Old Saxon no
The Labials b, p, f in Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, and Old
Norse iii
— (Dentals) : —
The Gothic d, f, ]) 125
The Old High German (2, <, s, S 123
Table of Dentals in Old High German 125
The Old Saxon Dentals, d, t,f, th. The Anglo-Saxon d, t, 0, > 125
The Dentals (/, ^ <A in Old Frisian 126
The Dentals d, t,^,^'m Old Norse 127
(Gutturals) :—
The Gothic g,k,q 1 28
The Old High German g, h,ch (hh,h) 1 28
Table of Gutturals in Old High Grerman. .129
The Old Saxon g,c{k) 1 29
The Anglo-Saxon g^ c {h) 130
The Old Frisian g, k 1 30
Change of Gutturals into Palatals 131
The Old Norse ^, * 13a
Middle Teutonic Consonants.
Liquids in Middle High German, Old English and Middle English . 132
Spirants in Middle High German, Old English and Middle English 134
CONTENTS. xiii
PAOB
Jfiitet;—
Labials in Middle High German, Old English and Middle English 138
Dentals in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English 141
Gutturals in Middle High German, Old English and Middle
English 143
Nkw Teutonic Consonants.
Liquids in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish •147
Spirants in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . • 149
Labials in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . '153
Dentals in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . .156
Gutturals in Grerman, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish 160
ROOTS AND THEMES 166
Suffixes usbd in thb Fo&mation of Thvmbs.
(i) Verbal Themes : —
ya (a-yo) 168
(3) Nominal Themes : —
ayi 169
u, ya 1 70
ra (van) 171
ma {rnan), ra iJUt) 17a
an, ana, na 173
ni^nu^ta 1 74
iar.tra 175
ti,tu , . 176
ant (fU), OS 177
la 178
PRONOUNS.
Personal Pronouns.
Tsble of Personal Pronouns in the Cognate Languages . • x 79
Remarks on the Personal Pronouns of the Cognate Languages . .180
Table of the Old Teutonic Personal Pronouns 186
Remarks on the Pronouns in the Old Teutonic Languages . .187
Table of Personal Pronouns in the Middle and New Teutonic Lan-
guages 188
Adjective Pronouns.
Pronominal Bases 190
Table of Old Teutonic Pronouns of the 3rd person . • '93
Remarks on the Pronouns of the 3rd person 194
Table of Middle and New Teutonic Pronouns of the 3rd person . 195
Remarks on the Middle and New Teutonic Pronouns of the 3rd person 196
xiv CONTENTS,
P0S8B88IVB Pronouns.
Table of Old Teutonic Possessive Pronouns 197
Tablo of Middle and New Teutonic Possessive Pronouns . . 198
Remarks on the Possessive Pronouns (Appendix) .... 517
Demonstrative Pronouns.
First Demonstrative (ia) 199
Table of Demonstrative Pronouns in the Middle and New Teutonic
Dialects . ' aoi
Remarks on the New Teutonic Demonstratives .... aoa
Second Demonstrative (hie) 204
Third Demonstrative (ille) 106
The Suffixed Article in the Scandinavian Languages . ao7
Other Demonstratives 3o8
Interrogative Pronouns 209
Table of Interrogative Pronouns a 10
(i) QuisJ 210
(a) Uteri an
(3) Quiacorumi an
(4) QualUf an
Relative Pronouns aia
Indefinite Pronouns 213
NUMERAX.S.
Cardinals.
Table of Cardinal Numerals in the Cognate Languages . . ai5
Remarks on the Cardinal Numerals in the Cognate Languages . . ai6
Table of Cardinals in the Old Teutonic Languages . . . . aaa
Table of Cardinals in the Middle Teutonic Languages .aaa
Table of Cardinals in the New Teutonic Languages . . aa3
Remarks on the Teutonic Cardinals 224.
Declension of Cardinals : —
Old Teutonic Languages 232
Middle and New Teutonic Languages 234
Ordinals.
Table of Ordinals in the Cognate Languages 23^
Table of Ordinals in the Teutonic Languages 240
Remarks on the Teutonic Ordinals 241
Other Numerals.
Old Teutonic Languages 244
3Iiddle and Modem Teutonic Languages 246
CONTENTS, XV
PAOB
COMPARISONS.
COMPABJ^nTB BA8B8 IN THB COONATB LaNOUAOBS.
(i) Formations with the Suffix yan» 248
(a) Formations with the Suffix tara and ra 249
SupsALATivB Bases in thb Coonatb Lanouaoks.
(i) Formations with the Soffiz -ia 250
(a) Formations with the Suffix -umi 251
(3) Formations with the Suffix torma 251
do Teutonic Languages.
(i) The Comparative ......... 252
Remarks on the Gomparatife Form in the Different Dialects . 253
(a) The Superlative 254
Table of Comparisons 255
(3) Anomalous Forms 255
(4) Defective Comparisons 256
(5) Comparison of the Adverbs 259
Middle and New Teutonic Languages.
Formations in ir a6o
Formations in or a6i
Anomalous and Defective Comparisons 263
DECLENSIONS.
The Cognate Languages.
Numbers, Cases, Genders 265
The Terminations of Nominal Themes 267
(i) Consonantal Themes 268
(2) Vocalic Themes 268
Formation of the Cases 269
The Old Teutonic Languages.
Strong Declension 38 1
Formation of the Cases 281
The Plural Neuter with the Suffix ir aS6
The Umlaut a86
Paradigms.
Vocal Themes (Strong Declension) : —
Themes in a in Gothic, Old High Grerman, Old Saxon,
Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse .... 289
Notes to the Declension in a 292
Themes in ja (ya), in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon,
Anglo-Saxon, Old Norse 297
Notes to the Declension in ^a 299
xvi CONTENTS,
Themes in va, in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon,
Old None ^
Notes to the Declension in ra 303
Themes in i in Gothic, Old High Grerman, Old Saxon,
Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse .... 304
Examples and Remarks to the Declension in t . . . 306
Themes in u in Grothic, Old High German, Old Saxon,
Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse . . .311
Notes and examples to the Declension in u • . . 31s
CoMonanUd Themes (Weak Declension) : —
Themes in n in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon,
Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse • • . . 315
Remarks on the Weak Declensions . . . . • 317
Words belonging to the Weak Declension in Gothic, Old
High G^erman, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian,
and Old Norse • . . 390
Other C&Moncmtal Thcfnes : —
Declension of Themes in tar in Gothic, Old High German,
Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse . .33s
Themes in nd in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon,
Old Frisian, Old Norse ' 3«4
Themes ending in a Guttural or Dental in Gk>thic, Old
High German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian,
and Old Norse 335
Anomalous Declensions in Gothic, Old High German, Old
Saxoo, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse . •337
DxcLBNSioN OF pROPER Nambs in Gothic, Old High German,
Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse . . 329
Dbclxnsxon of Aojxcnvxs.
Strang Dedennon in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon,
Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse • . . . 331
Remarks on the Strong Declension of Adjectives . . . 334
Weak Declension in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon,
Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse .... 339
Remarks on the Weak Declensions 340
Declension of the Participles : —
Present Participle 341
Preterite Participle 34a
Declension of the Infinitive 343
MiDOLE Teutonic Declensions 343
Declensions in Old and Middle English, Middle High German, and
Middle Dutch 344
CONTENTS. xvii
PAOB
Modern Tbutonic Dkclknsions
Dedensions in English, Gkiman, Dntch, Swedish, and Danish . 349
Dkclknsion of thk Adjective in the Middle and New Teutonic
Dialects.
Dedension oi the AdjeetiTe in Old English, Middle English, Middle
High German, Middle Dutch, Grennan, Dutch, Swedish, Danish . 359
THE VERB.
Stem Yerhs and DerivatiTe Yerhs — ^Yerhal Roots and Themes . . 365
Personal Terminations — Modi, Tenses 366
Formation of the Persons in the Cognate Languages . • 367
Formation of the Persons in the Teutonic Languages • •37a
The Persons of the Medium or Middle Yoice 376
Formation of the Modi (Moods) 377
The Modi in the Teutonic Languages 378
Tempora (Tenses) — Formation of the Present Theme .... 380
Formation of the Present Theme in the Teutonic Languages . . . 388
Themes myo, in d, in a< 389
Formation of the Perfect Theme in the Cognate Languages . • 39>
Perfect in -#- 40X
The Compound (Weak) Perfect in the Teutonic Dialects . . 40X
The InfinitlTe 403
Participles : —
Present Participle Active 404
Perfect Participle Passive of Stem Yerbs 406
Perfect Participle Passive of Derivative Verbs . . * . . 406
The Perfect in the Teutonic Languages — Reduplication (Ablaut) — Classi-
fication of Strong Yerbs 408
Conjugation — General Remarks 423
I. Paradigm to the Strong Conjugation in the Old Teutonic Dialects . 426
II. Pkradigm to the Strong Conjugation in the Old Teutonic Dialects . 438
Remarics on the Strong Conjugation ....... 439
Middle and New Teutonic Conjugations 439
Classification of Strong Yerbs 445
Paradigms to the Middle and New Teutonic Strong Conjugations . . 459
Remarks on the Conjugation in Middle and New Teutonic .46 a
Weak Conjugations : —
First conjugation (Connective ^a) 475
Second Conjugation (Connective 6) 478
Third Conjugation (Connective at) 479
Remarks on the Weak Conjugations :
First Conjugation . . . , 480
Second and Third Conjugations 484
Verbs belonging to the Weak Conjugations 487
Varbs bebnging to the Second and Third Conjugation . . • 489
• ••
XYUl
CONTENTS,
Weak Conjugation in the Middle and New Teutonic Languages
Anomalous Verbs
Verbs without a Connective or Thematic Vowel
The Verb 'to be'
Remarks on the Paradigm
Prseterito-Pnesentia in the Old Teutonic Languages
Remarks on the Paradigms of the Prseterito-Praesentia
Verbs following the analogy of Prseterito-Prsesentia
Pneterito-Pnesentia in the Middle and New Teutonic Languages
Verbs following the analogy of Prseterito-Presentia
Appendix.
Remarks on the Possessive Pronouns (fimiUed in proper place)
PAflS
49«
499
500
504
508
SIS
518
5*9
527
TECHNICAL TEEMS.
Ablaut. The modification of the radical vowel of the verb in the
preterite tense and preterite participle ; e. g. English wr/te,
wrote, written, sing, sang, swng ; German gdten, gait,
g^golten, s/ngen, sang, gesungeu.
Umlaut. The modification of a vowel caused by another vowel in
the succeeding syllable ; e. g. Old Norse giafa, dative gic'fu,
where o, the Umlaut of a, is caused by the u in the succeed-
ing syllable; Old High German pale, plural pdki, where
the a of the root is changed into e under the influence of a
succeeding i. The same changes take place in German
inflexions ; e. g. vater, plur. vater ; hc^ch, comparative hoher ;
kli^g, kl^'glich.
Triibungy Scbwachung. Barkening^ Weakening {Degradation)^ of
vowels ; e. g. Gothic helpa, Anglo-Saxon hdpe, i weakened
into €', Gothic stfdans^ Anglo-Saxon stolen, i^ weakened into
0 ; Gothic stal, Anglo-Saxon stal, a weakened into a. Com-
pare Latin corpws, corpor-is ; pulv/s, pulv^r-is ; facio, conf /cio.
Brechnng. Breaking of vowels takes place in Gothic, where an
i or w, under the influence of a succeeding A or r, is changed
into ai, aw, respectively — broken, as it were, in two vowels ;
e. g. Latin v/r, Gothic vair ; Latin d^ximus, Gothic tai^hum.
Metathesis. The transposition of certain letters in the same word ;
e. g. Anglo-Saxon gars and gras ; English hearse, German
(h)ross. Compare Latin spemo, sprevi.
Bhotacism. The change of 8 into r, e. g. Old High German ror,
Gothic rau^, English wa«, German war. Compare Latin
honor and hono«, ru«, rur-is.
Gradation. The combination of a primitive vowel (a, i, u) with
the vowel a, whence result a -f a, a -f i, a 4- 7^ ; which com-
binations occur in the difierent languages under various
modifications, as the Grammar will show. (See Introduc-
tion.)
All other terms are used in the same sense as in Latin Gram-
mar, or they will find their special explanation in their proper
places.
WORKS PRINCIPALLY USED.
A Comparative Grammar of tie Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Latin,
Lithuanian, Gothic, German, and Slavonic Langtiages^ by
Professor P. Bopp. Translated from the German by Edward
B. Eastwick, P.R.S., P.S.A. London: Williams and Nor-
gate, 1862.
Compendium der Fergleichenden Grrammatii der IndogemianiBchen
Sprachen, von August Schleichee. Zweite Auflage. Wei-
mar : Hermann Bohlau, 1866.
Lectures on the Science of Language, by Max Mullee. First
Series. Pourth edition. London: Longmans, 1864.
Lectures on the Science of Language, by Max Mullee. Second
Series. London, 1864.
Deutsche Grammatik, von Jacob Obimh. Erster Theil. Dritte
Aosgabe. Grottingen: Dietriehsche Buebhandliing, 1840.
Deutsche Grammatik, von Jacob Grimm. Erster Theil. Zweite
Ausgabe. Gottingen, 18^2.
Deutsche Grammatik, von Jacob Grimm. Zweiter, Dritter, Vierter
Theil: Gt)ttingen, 1831-37.
Grammatik der Altgermanischen Sprachstdmme, von M. Heyne.
Paderborn, 1862.
Die Laut- und Fleononslehre der Englischen Sprache, von C. Pried-
RiCH Koch. Weimar: Hermann Bohlau, 1863.
Lectures on the English Language, by Marsh. London, i86i.
The Origin and History of the English Language and of the Early
Literature it embodies, by Marsh. London, 1S62,,
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
INTRODUCTION.
VfRAMMAR describes the organisms of languages as natural
history describes the organisms of natural objects. What plants
and animals are to the natural philosopher^ words are to the
grammarian. The naturalist may satisfy himself with taking
notice merely of the outward characteristics represented by any
particular object; or he may enter upon a dissection of its
organism^ lay open the peculiar structure of each organ, show
its connection with the whole and the functions it has to per-
form in this connection. Thus then one and the same object
may receive a different treatment, viewed either from the stand-
point of natural history or from that of anatomy and physiology.
Thus again the grammarian may view the particular word laid
before him in its merely outward garb, classify it to its proper
sphere, record the changes it may incur under certain condi-
tions— ^in short, give the natural history of the word ; this is
* Descriptive Grammar.^ Or he may dissect the word into its
component parts, or let us boldly say its organs, show the
structure of these organs and their functions in the whole, trace
the word back to its first origin, show how it grew and gave
birth to a progeny, which, though displaying all the diversity
of varieties, nevertheless preserve Hhe type of the species.'
This anatomical and physiological handling of the word belongs
to the sphere of the ' science of language.'
We give a few examples, taken at random ; say the wordifoof.
Descriptive Grammar teaches us that it belongs to the class
'noun,' the order ^concrete,' the genus ^ common;^ that this
word as it stands has the form of the singular, but that as soon
as it has to perform another function, that is, to denote the
B
TEUTOSIC GRAifitAR.
plonJity of the tfaiog oalled ' foot,' it adopts the form ^/Js
Having t-old us this, Descrijitive Grammar has jierformea i
task. Now it is just here that the science of grammar ta
it up and explains to ng the phsenomcnon nhich DescriptH
Grammar simply meDlions as a fact. The English ^w/, pioH
/eet, we oan trace to the Anglo-Saxon _/bV,_ft5,- here then i
change of « into / had alrendy taken place. We must theTefot
make our way still fiirther back, to a still more ancient fca '
and thus we arrive at the Gothic fatut. This has in 1
plural ybV/iw, a form in which the modification of the vowel h
not yet taken place. How then did it take place ? To leam tl
we may best turn to the nearest relative of Anglo-Saxon, i.e. 0
Saxon. There we leam the following facts. The word 'foo
which in Gothic belonged to the declension in u {JStut, pioi
f6fj«») took in Old Saxon the plural in »', hence fot, plural /i
Now this terminational i had in the old Teutonic dialects, Goth
excepted, a peculiar influence under which the vow^l a, or som
times 0, of the root was changed into f. This modifica^
occurs so regularly under certain given conditions that wc m
look upon it as a law, and this law is known under the Genni
name of 'Umlaut' (mutation of sound). According to thia li
then tlie Old Saxon foti appears in Anglo-Saxon as Jeti, »
then aaf^'t, the phsenomenon of the ' Umlaut' remaining, thoni
the final i, the cause that gave it birth, had disappeared, if
• Umlaut,* which originally had nothing whatever to do wi
the plural, but was merely the result of the modifying inflnenc
of the (', came later on to he looked upon as the sign of t*
plural.
Let us take another e\ample Descriptive Grammar tells X
that the imperfrct of 1 luie is / hred; but how it is that I
the addition of ed the present is changed into a past act,
does not teach. If we apply to the science of language, we ai
first referred to the Anglo- Saxon lufoih, which still leav(
us in the dark as to the force and meaning of that pn
tcrite BufHx. We consequently apply to Gothic. Here nr
find the preterite of the weak verb, say nasjaii (salvare) fn
instance, is nat-i-da in the singular, a form from which w
derive no information as yet; bnt the plural uas-'t-dedvm show
us in its suffix most distinctly the plural dednm of ilad (did
which is the preterite of d'ldan (to do). The English / lov-i
consequently means / love-did, I did love.
If we wish to trace a word to its first origin, to observe hw
it grew and had offspring, and how these offspring develope
themselves, the science of language again, laying open the Ian
INTRODUCTION. 3
by wbich all development was regulated^ guides us in our re-
searches. Take the words /hlAer, mother y for examples. Looking
atonnd us in the modem sister languages we meet the German
toter, mMtTy the Dutch voder y moeder, the Danish and Swedish
/«fer, moder, the same words everywhere, hut all equally obscure
as to ongin and meaning. Their Old Teutonic ancestors, as the
Anglo-Saxon ySk^^^ moder, Old High German /ater, moCer, reveal
no more^ and consequently we tui-n to the cognate languages
where we find the Greek Tranjp, firjn^p, the Latin pater, mater,
the Sanskrit/Mi^fi, matri — ^foroQS which refer us back to a primitive
fotof, mdiar. In these words we have to deal with two distinct
dements — ^the roots pa and ma, and the suffix tar. The root
pa means ' to protect/ the root ma ^ to bear,^ ' to bring forth/
the soflSx tar, tara indicates personal agency, whence the Latin
/»• in actor, genitor, &c. Thus then 'father' means 'he who
protects,' 'protector;' 'mother/ 'she who brings forth,' 'geni-
iiix.' Casting a glance at the development of this word in the
Cerent lang^uages we have mentioned, we find that not only
the root, but even the very suffix, is preserved intact, as Latin
p^ier, Greek ira-nyp, German va-ter, English ya-M^r. But then
we oWrve that the Teutonic dialects substitute f for the initial
^ of the root. Now this is quite in accordance with a certain
Uw which directs that wherever a word in Sanskrit (or Greek or
Latin) uses p, that is the tenuis, the Low German languages, as
English for instance, must use^ the aspirate, and High German
w^i/touse the media. Where Sanskrit has the media, the Low
German dialects have the tenuis, the High German the aspirate,
uid so forth. This law, which is known as Grimm's law, shall
find a detailed exposition hereafter.
As another and more faithful instance of the application of
this law we mention the word we have examined already : now
let us trace it to its origin. The English ^oo^, the German />/f,
have their relatives in the Latin pea, ped-is, Greek ttovs, -noh-oi,
SaDskrit pad^a, and these we refer to the root pad^ ' to go.'
Here again the initial tenuis p is in Low German represented
by the aspirate, and ou^At in High German to be the media;
wit the German is often obstinate in resisting the law. Now let
08 look at the final consonant : here all is in strict accordance
to the law ; hence the media in the Sanskrit pad, the Greek
p<^, the Latin ped, the tenuis in the English foot, and the
aspirate in the German yi<f (Old High German /woj). Thus we
see the offspring of the same parent all preserving the family
likeneaB, or, to use a more scientific expression, the type of
the 'species;' but taking by a kind of ' natural selection,' or
B 2
4 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
whatever Mr. Darwin might call it, a particular consonant in
particular languages, they form so many 'varieties;' in plain
words, that which originally was one language, splits into
different dialects.
Now I hope the difference is clear between the task proposed
to Descriptive Grammar and that which is left to Scientific
Grammar, or, as it is commonly termed, Comparative Grammar ;
the former stating the facts or the phsenomena of a language or
languages, the latter explaining these facts, guided ^ways by
certain laws. These laws are the result of repeated observation
and rigid examination ; they have been discovered by exactly
the same mental process as all laws of nature. When we treat
on Comparative Grammar we have therefore not only to put the
grammatical forms of cognate dialects or languages together,
but we have also to trace tliem to their origin and follow them
through the different stages of their growth. Comparative
Grammar must consequently be historical too. But languages
have no history as mankind has its history, taking the word
in its limited sense : languages do not act like men, but they
grow and live like natural organisms. When therefore we speak
of Comparative and Historical Grammar, or Scientific Grammar,
we mean the science of the anatomy and physiology of language
or of languages. If we treat on language in general, we are
dealing with General Grammar ; if on a particular language or
languages, we are dealing with Specific Grammar. The tribe
of Teutonic languages being our special object in this volume,
our grammar belongs to the class of the specific.
Now one word as to the terms ' language' and ' dialect/ We
speak of Teutonic languages and of Teutonic dialects, of the
English language and of English dialects. Dutch, German,
English, Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Old Norse, are, when viewed by
themselves, independently of the rest, to be designated each by
the term of ' language ; ' but when considered in their connection
and relation to each other and to their common Teutonic mother,
then we call them 'dialects.' English, considered as an inde-
pendent form of speech as distinct from French or German, is
a 'language;' but English as seen in the different provincial
idioms into which it is split up consists of an aggregate of
' dialects.' The ' literary' language is only one of these dialects^
chosen as the medium of thought for the educated classes ; such
is the Castilian of Spain, the West-Saxon of English, the High-
land dialect in German. From all this the reader will easily
understand that we often apply the terms 'dialect' and 'lan-
guage' indiscriminately.
INTRODUCTION. 5
Having to deal chiefly with the Teutonic form of speech,
we muat devote a short reviewinff glance to the dilferent
languages which fall within that sphere, consider their relation
to c-a«h other and to the ooguate languages, Greek, Latin, and
SsQskrit— all being derived from the sume jirimifive tongue, or
* Ur»prache.'
We find the modem Teutonic languages settled in almost
exactly the same localities which had heen the seat of their
mother dialects. SweiUfth and Danish, are the offspring of
one of the dialects spoken by the Norsemen, the inhabitants
of the Scandinavian pcninsum and adjacent islands. Though
High German has become tlie sole literary dialect of Germany,
tht; Low German, or ' Platt-Deutsch/ still holds the ground
of its ancestor the QUL^autOr whilst tlie High German in speech
is now, as it was a thousand years ago, confined to the south-
east of Germany, Bavaria, Austria, and some adjacent districts.
The Modem Frisian dialects still nestle in those dear old
' Halligs' along the coast of the North Sea, between the Weper
and the Elbe, and into Holsteiu and Schleswig. In spite of
centuries of humiliation and neglect under the Norman invaders,
the Anglo-Saxon language yet holds its ground all over Eng-
land, and the English of the present day is in its grammatical
form quite as Teutonic as the Anglo-Saxon of the tenth century.
The West Saxon dialect was destined to become the literary
language of England; but the speech of the East Saxons and
South Saxons, of the North and the South Angles, continued
to 6ourish, and often had a more luxuriant existence than the
literarj- language which was more than once deposed by foreign
intruders. Our numerous dialects are the offspring of those
children of nature which in their independent state escaped
the mandates of conquerors who attempted to uproot them.
As to the modem languages we need not enter into ethno-
graphical discussion when we state that wo have to deal with
the literary dialects of England, Germany, Hollaud, Sweden,
and Denmark. Their ancient mother dialects will require a
more detailed exposition.
The oldest dialect and the most perfect in its inflexional
forms is the_Galiub ITiis statement, however, must not be
taken without some qualification. When we say Gothic is the
oldc&t diali'ct we wish this to be undyratood with reference to
literary documents only, which in Gothic reach back to the
foarth century', while no other dialect possesses any literary
' Gonptlt, nbaut A.c. j6o-
6 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
documents which date back further than the sixth century'. As
we shall point out hereafter more fully, Gothic is not superior
to the other dialects throughout; on the contrary, Old High
Grerman and Anglo-Saxon possess in several inflexional forms
the advantage over Gothic. Hence it will become apparent
also that Gothic is not the primitive dialect from which the
others were derived, but that all the ancient Teutonic dialects,
though closely related, are independent of each other, and, for
all we know, equally primitive in their type — ^venerable old
sisters among which Gothic is the most venerable, the eldest
sister.
The only literary document which has come down to us in
the Gothic dialect is the translation of the Bible by Ulfilas, a
Gothic bishop. At the birth of Ulfilas the Gothic occupied
the ancient province of Dacia north of the Danube. Though
politically they were divided into Ostro-Goths, or East-Goths,
and Visi-Gotha, or West-Goths, their language was the same.
Kindred tribes also, occupying the extreme frontiers of Eastern
Germany, such as Vandals, Gepidae, and others, are supposed
te have spoken the Gothic language, though probably in dialects
slightly differing from that of Ulfilas. The Gothic language
must have become extinct before the final disappearance of East
and West Goths from the scene of histery; it left no daughter or
derivative language behind. Ulfilas was bom in a.d. 311. His
parents were of Cappadocian origin, and had been carried away
from their home as captives about a.d. 267, when the Goths made
a raid from Europe te Asia, Galatia, and Cappadocia. Prom
these Christian captives the Goths first received their knowledge
of the Gospel. Ulfilas was born among the Goths; Gothic
was his native language, though in after life he was able to
write and speak both in Greek and Latin. When the Goths
were persecuted on account of their Christianity, Ulfilas led
them across the Danube into the Roman Empire. As a young
man of education, he was sent on an embassy te the Emperor
Constantine, who received him wdth great respect and called
him the Moses of his time. Another interview is mentioned
between Ulfilas and the Emperor Constentine which occurred
in A.D. 348, when Ulfilas had been for seven years bishop among
the Goths. Though the exact date of the Gothic exodus is
still a disputed point, it is likely that Ulfilas acted as their
leader on more than one occasion. Ulfilas never changed his
religion, but belonged to the Arian denomination all his life.
^ Law9 of Ethdbert, a. d. 597.
INT ROD UCTION. 7
He died at Constantinople in a.d. 38 i ^ Of his translation, which
comprised the whole Bible except the Books of Kings, we still
possess the greater part of the Gospels, the Epistles of St. Paul,
and small fragments of Esdras and Nehemiah. Besides these
portions of the Scriptures there are extant fragments of an
exposition in Gothic of the Gospel of St. John, and a fragment
of a Gothic calender.
Old High German comprises a number of dialects which were
spoken in Upper or South Germany, e. g. the Thiiringian, Pran-
oonian, Swabian, Alsacian, Swiss and Bavarian (Austrian), and
wiich are embodied in the literary documents of three centuries,
dating from the beginning of the eighth to the middle of the
eleventh century. We have already observed that none of the
Teutonic dialects can be said to have been derived from Gothic.
Old High German, therefore, is a sister dialect of the Gothic, of
the Anglo-Saxon, and the Old Noi'se ; though, on the other hand,
it most be acknowledged that the family likeness between the
two former dialects is more intimate and obvious. From the
eleventh century a gradual change takes place in the structure
of Old High German, the inflexional vowels are gradually worn
down or weakened; the full -sounding a is flattened into the
tiinner vocal sound of e ; the vowel of the root itself is more
and more affected by the terminational e, so that not only a
appears modified into ^, but u also into », 0 into 0.
Thus we see &om the Old High German a new dialect gradually
developing itself, which stands to the former in the relation of
a daughter to a mother. This derivative dialect is called Middle
High Grerman. It belonged to Upper Germany in the same
manner and to the same extent as its parent tongue. Its literary
productions reach over a period of four hundred years, from the
^finning of the twelfth to the end of the fifteenth century.
^Vlilgt the literary documents in Old High German are far from
leing abundant. Middle High German has bequeathed to us a
literature so various in its details, so clear in its ideas, so grand
in its conceptions, so refined and melodious in its diction, that it
has rightly been called ^ the first classical period of German
literature/ Exposed, however, to the continued wear and tear
of time, the language of the Nibelungen and of the Gudrun, of
a Wolfram von Eschenbach and Gottfried von Strassburg, pro-
ceeds on its course down the phonetic scale until, in Modern
High German, it has almost arrived at zero, the inflexional
' Max MiiUer, Lectures on the Science of Language, First Series (5th ed.) pp.
19^208.
6 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
forms having dwindled down into a few meagre e vowels. This
modified High German dialect, this daughter of the Middle, and
grand-daughter of the Old High German, presents us with its
first literary production of note in Luther's translation of the
Bible, and reaches its culminating point in the language of
Goethe^s Iphigenia and Torquato Tasso, the most classical of all
works of ^ the second classical period of German literature/
The same course which we have attempted to trace in this
short sketch will be observed when we turn to the other Ten-
tonic dialects and their modem derivatives. Anglo-Saxon, the
literary langyage, is one of the dialects transplanted into Celtic soil
by the invaders who came from the western and north-western
districts of Low Germany ^.
The Celtic language was spoken not only by the primitive
inhabitants of Britain, but sJso by the inhabitants of Graul,-
Belgium, and part of Spain. No literary documents from that
primitive or pre- Roman time have come down to us, probably
because the Druids, according to Caesar^s account, shrunk from
committing their sacred rites and doctrines to writing. The
most ancient Irish documents do not reach back further than
to the eighth or ninth century.
The Roman legions brought their language and customs to
Britain. The long duration of the Roman occupation, their
perennial encampments, the colonies founded by their veteran
soldiers, the rise of flourishing cities, the construction of high-
roads, and other monuments of art and science which are partly
extant, show how deeply Roman civilization had struck root in
this country. And yet there are no Latin words dating from
that time preserved in the language, with the exception of a
few compounds, as colonia, coin, in Lincoln, and castra, cestra,
cester, in Chester, Winchester, Gloucester, &c. It was only with
the introduction of Christianity that a copious Latin vocabulary,
chiefly referring to ecclesiastical afiairs, found admission into the
language of the country. With the scholastic, and subsequently
the classical studies, new supplies of Latin terms were intro-
duced into the vernacular; and the mania of latinizing the
language in the time of Queen Elizabeth became so general,
that Thomas Wilson (died 1581) bitterly complains of the
' strange ink-horn terms' introduced into English. ' Some seek
so far for outlandish English, that they forget altogether their
^ There are some who consider the Anglo-Saxon of our ancient documents to be
a compound of several dialects which took its rise after the Saxon invasion of
England, *a new speech, resulting from the fusion of many separate elements/
Marsh, Lfcturet, p. 43.
INTRODUCTION. ^
mother's lan^age. And I dare swear this, if some of their
mothers were alive, they were not ahle to tell what they say;
and yet these fine English will say they speak in their mother
tongue, if a man should charge them with counterfeiting the
King's English/ And of Sir Thomas Browne it is asserted, not
without reason, that to persons acquainted only with their
native tongue, many of his. sentences must be nearly unintelli-
gible; and the author is himself of opinion that, if the desire
after elegancy continued to work in the same direction, it-
would soon be necessary to learn Latin in order to understaud
English.
We return to Anglo-Saxon. The four Teutonic tribes that
invaded Britain have left no record in the dialect peculiar to
each ; we therefore have no facts from which to obtain any idea
ais to the nature of their language. The Jutes who settled in
Kent, Hampshire, and the Isle of Wight, may probably have
spoken a Low German, that is, a dialect most closely akin to
Anglo-Saxon, for we find in those districts no traces whatever
which point to the Old Norse dialect. But on the other hand
it must be admitted that if their dialect had been Old Norse, it
might, from its constant and immediate contact with the over-
whelming Saxon element, have gradually become extinct in
proportion to the amalgamation of the Jutes with the Saxons.
The Angles who came from Western Schleswig settled north of
the Saxons, between the Thames and the Wash. Their language
must have closely resembled the Saxon dialect. But as to the
latter, we have no better evidence. The Saxons who settled in
England called themselves simply Saxons in contradistinction
to the ' Old Saxons,' that is, those tribes of their nation which
had remained behind in the old country. Though the Saxon
emigrants and the German Old Saxons must have been most
intimately related, it is still doubtful whether they belonged
exactly to one and the same tribe. On the contrary, judging
from the intimate relation existing between Saxons and Angles,
their joint enterprises and settlement in a new country, one
might feel inclined to take the English Saxons as belonging to
a tribe which occupied the district north of the Elbe, and which
is to be distinguished from the Southern Saxons. Still the
question remains to be settled, whether their language was
identically the same or not.
If we take the degree in which the language of the Anglo-
Saxon Beowulf differs from that of the Old Saxon Heliand as
the only criterion, we must admit that Anglo-Saxon and Old
Saxon were two distinct dialects. This difference however
10 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
may be accounted for in another way. The Old Saxons who
stayed behind in their country were generally stationary, and
not exposed to external influences which make themselves
keenly felt among emigrants by causing rapid changes in
manners, customs, and language. The English Saxons, on the
other hand, were eminently exposed to those influences. They
found themselves in a new country, in novel scenery and con-
ditions of life; they soon forgot their old country with its
songs and sagas; they gradually mingled with the Celtic
natives, scpjirated into different parties, and founded seven
jHjtty stakes, which were to a certain extent independent of each
other. What wonder that such conditions, differing so materi-
ally from those of the German Saxons, should bring about a
different course of development in their language, and account
for the divergrnce which we perceive on comparing the Anglo-
Saxon and ()ld Saxon dialects ^
Under the term of Anglo-Saxon we include all the Teutonic
dialects which were spoken in England from the fifth century.
Ilio term itself was of a later date, and supplanted the earlier terms
of 'Saxon' and 'Anglisc.' Grammarians divide this Anglo-Saxon
into two periods. Old and New Anglo-Saxon, or Semi-Saxon.
I1ie Hteniry documents in Old Anglo-Saxon extend over a period
of almost live hundred years, beginning with Beowulf, a poem
which the Anglo-Saxons had imported from their own country,
and which is supposed to have been written in the seventh cen-
ttiry, although there are no manuscripts that can be referred
beyond the tenth century. Old Anglo-Saxon again may be
distinguished into two principal dialects, the Saxon and the
Anglian, or Southern and Northern dialect. These again were
)rol)ably subdivided into local dialects, among which that of the
Vest Saxons gained the ascendancy and became the literary
lungtiage, used in Beowulf, in Caedmon's Metrical Paraphrase,
and in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The Northern or Anglian
dialect is divided again into the North and South Anglian
(Mercia, Anglia — Northumberland), the former being largely
tinged with the Danish or Old Norse element. The dialect of
Mercia is supposed to have been partly made use of in the com-
position of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and the Durham Book
is written in the dialect of Northumbria.
The first period of Old Anglo-Saxon is characterized by its
purely Teutonic elements, its consonants which closely corre-
* It is true that generally colonization fixes a language, as we learn from the
Icelandic for instance ; but then the fact is chiefly owing to the isolated position of
a people, and want of intercourse with other nations.
\
INTRODUCTION, 11
pond with the Gothic, its rich and varied vocalism and its
nflcsional forms, which, though greatly worn and weakened,
re still full-sounding vowels. Besides the natural decline and
)honetic changes which we have observed in the transition from
)ld High German to Middle and Modern High German, we
ind in the English language other agencies at work which
combined to give the English language of the present day its
iiversified aspect, and which therefore deserve some further
ttotice.
The Old Norse dialect, which we shall have especially to
mention hereafter, exercised a great influence chiefly upon the
language of the north of England, where from a.d. 787 the
Norsemen, that is Danes and Norwegians, made repeated in-
roads and gradually settled in the country. The reign of the
Danish Kings too, from a.d. 1002 to 1041, cannot have passed
without admitting the Danish element more freely into the
language as well as the customs of the Saxons. The Anglo-
Saxon vocabulary has consequently adopted a certain stock of
Old Norse words, part of which are still preserved in the English
of the present day. The northern dialects above all may owe
their broad full vowels to Old Norse influences.
Even before the Conquest, Norman-French found entrance
into England, chiefly at court. Edward the Confessor, having
been educated at the Norman court, had naturally a pre-
dilection for the Norman system, which he also imitated by
introducing Norman-French as the language of his court. With
the Conquest Norman-French found ready entrance among the
higher classes. The succession of Norman barons to the con-
fiscated estates of the Saxon nobility, the appointment of the
Norman clergy to the higher dignities of the Saxon Church ;
the erection of convents inhabited by Norman monks and nuns ;
the intimate connection between the clergy and nobility, — all this
tended, in a comparatively short time, to make the Norman
tongue the language of rank and education, while Anglo-Saxon
continued to be that of the nation at large, that is, the language
of the needy and the oppressed. But there is always some
intercourse between the upper and lower classes, and where their
languages are different, they will of necessity create a mixed
tongue, as the occasion requires.
But with the beginning of the thirteenth century, a reaction
began. The loss of Normandy by King John suspended further
immigrations from that country, and the agreement made be-
tween the Kings, Henry III and Louis IX, according to which
subjects of one crown could not acquire landed property under
1? TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
the other^ put a stop to Norman transmigrations. The despotic
aggressions of the English Kings soon joined Normans and
Saxons in a common league against their royal oppressors^ and
in these movements the freedom-loving, honesty Saxon element
made itself conspicuous and regained its ascendancy over the
Norman-tVench type. The proud Norman, who heretofore, in
order to pronounce dissent or unbelief was wont to exclaim with
an oath, ' Then I shall become an Englishman!' or, in order
to spurn at an unbeconiing proposal, ' Do you take me for an
Englishnaan^ ?'— that same Norman, a hundred years aflber, was
proud of the appellation of Englishman. He in fact gradually
lost the consciousness of his Norman-Prench nationality, so that
in 1308 he joined the Saxon in opposing the French favourites
whom, King Edward had called over, and in compelling the
King to dismiss them. These anti-French feelings were still more
fostered by the ware with France which commenced in 1339
under Edward III, and which more than anything else tended
to amalgamate the Norman and Saxon into one compact nation-
ality— a nationality of which both parties had good reason to be
proud. The result of these political changes becomes plainly
manifest in the history of the English language. Already in
1 258 Henry III ordered the enactments of the Mad Parliament>
to be published, not only in Latin and French but also in th^
vernacular ; and the victory of the Saxon element was, about a
hundred years after, so decided that Edward III in 1 363 decreed
that henceforth causes pending in courts of law should be con-
ducted in English and registered in Latin, because the French
language was too little known. This remarkable document was
composed in pure Saxon, unmixed with French^. The literary
documents of this period in general are characterized by a con-
siderable loss in the inflexional forms, and an important admix-
ture of Norman-French with the Old Anglo-Saxon.
English again is divided into three periods: Old English, Middle
English, and Modem English. The period of Old English com-
prises a hundred years. During this period the old inflexional
forms continued their decline, so that the declension of sub-
stantives hardly show more than the debris of the old inflexional
forms. To the Old English period belong Robert of Gloucester's
Chronicle, Peter Langtoft^s Chronicle, and the Early English
Psalter. To the Middle English period belong the writings of
Wycliffe, Chaucer and Sir John Mandeville. The period of Middle
English is commonly, and I consider rightly, introduced with
Chaucer, ' the father of English poetry,^ who undoubtedly had
* Koch, EinUitung, p. 14. * Ibid. p. 15.
INTRODUCTION. 13
Lt vastly greater influence ou the thoughts and on the speech
of UU countrymen than Wycliffe, whose translation of the Bible
was, up to the time of the Reformation, most probably knouii
to none except the learned few. Midtile English is characterized
by the rapid dilapidation of all inflesionnl forms, the diminution
of strong verbs, and the almost total abt^euee of declensions
i>f substantives as well as adjeetives.
Modem English continued the eame decline, and has bj
this time succeeded in Ktripping itself of all inflexional forms
with the exception of the « and st of the present, the ed of
the preterite of the verb, the « of the genitive, the degrees of
comparison of adjectives, and a few pronominal cases. As the
first important work in Modem English, we may consider the
translation of the Bible under the auspices of King James the
FSmt, forming the authorized version up to the present time.
It was ba^ed upon the Bishop's Bil^le, and the translations of
Coverdale, Tyndale, &c., were to be consulted whenever they
were in closer harmony with the original text than the Bishop's
Bible. In spite of the drawbacks we have mentioned, the
Modem English language has, according to Jacob Grimm,
gained in spiritual maturity what it has lost in the more material
advantages of inflexional tbnns ; and, according to another au-
thority, it has during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
bt*n worked out so elaborately that it combines the vigour of
the Teutonic with the elegance of the Latin languages, and
must be considered completely sufficient for the expression of
every thought in poetry or. prose.
As to the constituent elements composing modern English the
following observations may find their place here. The I^euch
element having been engrafted on the German, all inilexions in
the English language, such as they are, are German. This is
therefore the case with auxiliary verba and all verbal inflexions,
the pronouns, the numerals, conjunctions, and prepositions (with
few exceptions). German appellations are preferred for natural
objects and phEenomena of nature, such as animals, plants and
minerals, the parts of the human body, the sky, the weather,
and everything connected with them. German are the names
which designate articles of dress and weapons ; and the farmer
characteristically enough uses only German words in the course
of bis daily occupation ; and so, on the whole, does the sailor.
The names for articles of food are mixed, some German, others
French. Here again it is interesting to observe the characteristic
application of French terms for certain kinds of meat, and Ger-
man for the animals from which the food is derived : the Saxon
14 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
farmer speaks of ox and cow, calf and sheep, out of which the
French or Gallicized cook produces beef, veal, and mutton. The
French element has decidedly the ascendancy in such appella-
tions as refer to the political organization, the titles, and dignities
of the state, to arts and sciences.
Old Norse we call that dialect which in the olden times, and
as late as the eleventh century, was spoken and generally under-
stood in Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and the adjacent islands.
This language was preserved almost intact in Iceland, while in
Denmark and Sweden it grew into two different dialects, the
Modern Danish and Swedish. The Icelandic of the present day
has a closer aflBnity to the Old Norse dialects in the literary
documents of the ninth century than the Old High Grerman of
the eighth shows to the High German of the eleventh century.
This stationary existence of the Norse language in Icelandic
can be explained partly by its secluded position in an island far
out of reach of continental influence, partly by the stereotyped
form which it assumed in the old songs and sagas most zealously
cultivated by the Icelander of later times. Their island had
been known in the ninth century when voyages of discovery
were made thither. Even afterwards, when the despotic reign
of Harold Haarfagr threatened to reduce the northern free-
men to a state of vassalage, many inhabitants of the Scan-
dinavian islands, a number of noblemen amongst them, emi-
grated to the distant shores of Iceland, while others directed
their voyage towards France and England. In Iceland the
Northmen established an aristocratic republic, their settlement
began to thrive, and they adopted Christianit}'' in the year looo.
The old poetry which flourished in Norway in the eighth
century, and which was cultivated by the Skalds in the ninth,
would have been lost in Norway itself had it not been for the
jealous care with which it was preserved by the emigrants of
Iceland. The most important branch of their traditional poetry
was short songs (hliod or Quida) relating the deeds of their gods
and heroes. It is impossible to determine their age, but they
existed at least previously to the emigration of the Northmen
to Iceland, and probably as early as the seventh century. Those
ancient songs of the Northmen were collected about the middle
of the twelfth century, and are still preserved in the two Eddas,
of which the elder or poetical Edda contains old mythic poems,
the younger or Snorri's Edda gives the ancient myths in prose.
Both Eddas were composed in Iceland and form the most
valuable part of Old Norse literature ^
* Max M tiller, Lectures, First Scries, p. an.
INTRODUCTION. 15
From the Old Norse are derived the modern Swedish and Danish
ing^uages, although it may reasonably be doubted, whether they
ave sprung from exactly that form of speech which is preserved
1 the Old Norse literary documents. It is indeed now txiken
or granted that Old Norse at a very early date was split into
wo sister dialects, one, spoken in Norway, being the mother of
)ld Norwegian or Icelandic, the other the parent of Swedish
knd Danish. The first germs of Swedish and Danish are con-
idered to have existed long before the eleventh century in the
lialects of the numerous clans and tribes of the Scandinavian
•ace. That race is clearly divided into two branches, called by
Swedish scholars the East and West Scandinavian. The former
ivould be represented by the old language of Norway and
[celand, the latter by Swedish and Danish. This division of
jhe Scandinavian race had taken place before the Northmen
settled in Norway and Sweden^.
All the dialects spoken in the Lowlands of Germany between
the Rhine and the shores of the Baltic are comprised under the
term of Low German. Anglo-Saxon is a Low German dialect,
and there are belonging to the same category several others
which require a passing allusion. On the north coast of Ger-
many between the Rhine and the Elbe, and to the north of the
Elbe, extended the Old Frisian dialect. Though it is preserved
in literary documents which do not reach back beyond the four-
teenth century, and therefore are contemporary with the Middle,
not the Old, High German literature, the Old Frisian dialect
nevertheless displays a more antique cast and resembles more
closely Old, than Middle, High German. ^The political isola-
tion and the noble adhesion of the Frisians to their ancient laws
and traditions imparted to their language also a more conserva-
tive tendency. For the same reason we see about that time,
nay up to the present day, the Icelandic language but slightly
deviating from the grammatical forms which are characteristic
of the Old Norse dialect. After the fourteenth century the old
Frisian forms become rapidly extinct, whilst in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries they were almost on a parallel with the
Anglo-Saxon of the ninth and tenth centuries.* '
Old Saxon is the dialect which was spoken in the German
Lowlands between the Rhine and the Elbe in the districts which
lie at the foot of the central plateau of Germany. This language
we know from literary productions which date from between the
ninth and eleventh centuries, and had their origin in the dis-
tricts of Mimster, Essen and Cleve. The most ancient and most
* Max MtiUer, Leeture$t i. p. aio. ' Ibid. p. 196.
16 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
important document in Old Saxon is the Heliand (the Healer^
or Saviour, German heiland), a free version of the Gospels,
written for the newly converted Saxons about the ninth century.
The Old Saxon is the mother of the Middle Low German which
is to be distinguished from the Middle German and Middle
Netherlandish or Middle Dutch, and the modem derivative of
which we find in Modem Low German or ' Platt-Deutsch/ Old
Saxon most closely approaches Old High German, whilst the
dialect spoken in the districts of Thuringia, Hesse, &c., situated
between Upper and Lower Germany, formed a kind of transition
between High and Low German. The Dutch language boasts
of no such antique documents as we find in English and German,
for its literature cannot be traced fiirther back than the six-
teenth century. Still it is to the present day a literary and
national language, although confined to a small area. Flemish
too was in those times the language used in the courts of Zan-
ders and Brabant, but at a later period it had to give way before
the official languages of Holland and Belgium, and its use is
almost completely confined to the Flemish peasantry.
Having so far sketched the relative position of the difierent
Teutonic languages spread over their resi>ective areas in Europe,
we must direct our attention to the degree of relationship in.
which they stand to each other, and in which they a<2^n, taken-
collectively, stand to other cognate languages. We take for
this purpose the Old Teutonic dialects, in which the modem
derivative languages will find their illustration at the same time.
The six old Teutonic dialects, Gothic, Old High German, Old
Norse, Old Frisian, Old Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon, ihay accord-
ing to their greater or lesser affinity be classified in three groups :
Gothic with its nearest relatives, namely, Anglo-Saxon, Old
Saxon, Old Frisian, forming the Low German group ; by the
side of which we place as a second group Old High German, as
a third. Old Norse. All the Teutonic languages however are
descended from one common mother which we call the primi-
tive Teutonic (Grundsprache), and the relation of the diffisrent
groups, ancient and modern, to this primitive tongue will appear
from the following diagram.
The Teutonic dialects again, of which the Gothic is our repre-
sentative, belong to a group which formerly went under the name
of ^ Indo-European,' now by that of ' Aryan languages '.' To the
same group belong the following classes.
I . The Indian class of languages. Sanskrit, the most important
* Some German lingaists use the tenn of ' Indo-Grermanic'
iXTRODUvrwif. ir
langnflge for the student of Comparative Grammar, ia tlie sacred
language of the Hindoos. It had ceased to be a spoken languaije
at least three hundred years before Christ. At that time the
jwople of India sjioke dialects standing to the ancient Vedic
Sanskrit in the relation of Italian to Latin. The dialects, called
Prakrit, are known partly from inscriptions which are still pre-
served, partly from the Pali, the saered langTiage of Buddhism
in Ceylon, and partly from the Prilkrit idioms ns«d in later plays
and poetical compositions; and we see at last bow through a
mixture »vith the languages of the various conquerors of India,
and through a concomitant eorruption of their grammatical
system, they were changed into the modem Hindi, Hindustani,
Mahratti, and Bengali, During all this time, however, Sanskrit
continued as the literari' language of the Brahmins. Like
Latin, it did not die in giving birth to its numerous offspring,
and even at the present day an educated Brahmin would write
with greater fluency in Sanskrit than in Bengali '.
2. The Iranic class of languages, among which most closely
allied to the Sanskrit is the Zend, or sacred language of the
Zoroastrians or worshippers of Ormuzd. To the same class belong
Old and Modern Persian, the Kurdic, Armenian, &c.
3. The Greek language, with its derivative. Modem Greek.
4. The Italic class, represented in several dialects — the Umbric,
Osk, Sabine, and Latin ; and, derived from the latter, the Modern
Latin or Romance languages — Italian, Spanish, Portuguese,
Provencal, French, and Rumanic.
5. The Slavonic class — Russian, Bulgarian, Polish, Bohemian,
and lUyrian.
6. The Lithuanian class, represented by LettJc and Old Prus-
sian (now extinct).
7. The Celtic langnages, comprising Welsh, Erse or Gaelic,
the Manse, the Breton, and the Cornish (now extinct).
To these difierent groups or classes of languages we must
then refer our Teutonic directs for the sake of comparison and
explanation. But it would be erroneous to suppose that every
word or every grammatical form which we meet in Gothic must
be preserved in Sanskrit too, or that for every Latin word we
can give the parallel in Celtic or Slavonic. Where, however, one
class leaves us without a clue, another may step in to supply
the defect. If Gothic does not show an analogy to a certain
word in Sanskrit, Latin will do so, or Greek. 'I'his holds good
ecially for the etymology of words, while for our grammatical
' .Mu MUllur, Leetaret, i. |i. IS4.
18 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
forms^ inflexions^ and terminations, a reference from the Teutonic
to the Latin, Greek, or Sanskrit languages will generally suffice
to trace them to their primitive types.
The Aryan languages which we have just enumerated^ being
again looked upon as the daughters of an older parent stock,
are very often reduced to a primitive idiom, called by Grerman
grammarians the ' Ursprache.' From the results Comparative
Grammar has gained on the field of the cognate lang^uages,
science has succeeded in building up the grammar of the pri-
mitive language, the mother of the whole Aryan tribe, the
* Ursprache' of German linguists, the language which was
spoken by our Aryan ancestors before Sanskrit was Sanskritj
Greek was Greek, or Latin was Latin. It is not without a
feeling of wonder and awe that one follows the bold philo-
sopher into those regions of antiquity, in comparison with
which the most ancient documents of Greek or even Sanskrit
literature are but of yesterday. We shall introduce all the
grammatical forms of the ^ primitive language' as far as they"
have been traced, and as &r as they may tend to throw lights
upon the grammatical forms of the Teutonic languages. Whea
we speak of the ^ primitive language' we understand of course
that language which was the mother of Sanskrit, Greek, Latin,
and Gothic ; as Latin was the mother of French, Italian, and
Spanish. But we do not speak of the on^ primitive language
of mankind, because everything tends to prove that there ex-
isted many primitive languages, some of which became extinct,
others gave birth to filial tongues. Looking apart, however,
from these questions, which belong to Comparative Grammar in
general, we confine ourselves to giving as far as possible the
primitive types of all the grammatical forms which the English-
man, Dane, or German, uses in his daily speech. To effect
this we have of course to trace our way first to the Old Teutonic
dialects, to the cognate languages, and thence to the most
ancient form of Aryan speech ; or, vice versa, placing the primi-
tive form at the head, we follow its course of development in
the cognate and Old Teutonic languages, thence through the
Middle to the New Teutonic dialects.
The different Aryan languages, though all of them descend-
ants of the same mother, do not stand in exactly the same degree
of affinity to their parent, but show more or less family likeness.
Thus Sanskrit, for instance, approaches in most cases most nearly
the primitive language, while Gothic most widely diverges from
it. We may therefore look upon Sanskrit as the eldest, Gothic
as the youngest sister of the Aryan family, though it must be well
INTRODUCTION. 19
understood that this comparison holds fifood only to the extent
wre have pointed out : Sanskrit looks older, Gothic younger, in
the garment in which we find them dressed up in the most ancient
docaments. From what we have stated it will also become
apparent that there must exist a greater or less affinity of the
Aryan languages to each other, in proportion as they have more
or less preserved the family likeness to their common mother.
This family likeness is greater in the languages of those nations
which settled down in the East, it is less in the languages of
Western nations ; the former contain more of the ancient forms,
the latter have more often replaced them by modern formations.
From this again it follows that the allied Slavonic and Teutonic
tribes first separated from their ancient home and nation and
began their migration to the far West ; after them the united
Greek, Italic, and Celtic tribes emigrated in the same direction,
while the tribes that remained behind in their ancient home
split again in two, the Iranians (Persians) settling in the south-
west, the Indians in the south-east of the plateau of Central
Asia, the original home of the Aryan tribes. The divisions
of the primitive language into the different Aryan tongues
Schleicher has very ingeniously represented in a diagram, given
on the following page, where the length of the lines indicates
the duration, the divergence of the lines the degree of rela-
tionship of these languages.
c 2
20
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
TEUTOMC
PRmiTIVK
ARYAN
ICKLAMOIC
KIIGLI8N
DUTCH
PUITT-
OEUTSOM
CCRMAN
DiAOBAM SHOWING THE RELATION OF THE TEUTONIC LaNOUAOSS'.
' The arrangement I have made in this diagram differs materially fron^that made
by Schleicher in his diagram of the Aryan languages in the pamphlet ' Die Darwin*
fdie Theorie unddie Sprachwissenschaft,* Weimar, 1863.
VOWEL SOUNDS.
VowBLS are formed by the configuration of the mouthy or the
bnccal tube; but the pitch or tone inherent to each vowel is
determined by the chordae vocales. On emitting the breath
from the lungs through the buccal tube in order to pronounce
a vowel, we may give the interior of the mouth two extreme
positions. In one the lips are rounded and the tongue is drawn
down, 'so that the cavity of the mouth assumes the shape of
a bottle without a neck,' and we pronounce u. In the other
we narrow the lips and draw up the tongue to its utmost, so
that the buccal tube represents 'a bottle with a very narrow
neck,' and we pronounce i. Intermediate between the u and
I, with lips less rounded than in the case of the former, and
lees narrowed than in the case of the latter, the tongue neither
drawn up nor down, and therefore in its natural position, we
pronounce a^. Between these there is an indefinite variety of
vocal sounds, but every language has fixed upon a limited
number, just as music, though the number of notes in the
octave is unlimited, contents itself with twelve which sufiice
to give expression to the most wonderful creations of genius.
a, t, and u may be considered as the types of all vowels which
differ not only in the quality but also in the pitch of the
sound. Their relative position will be seen from the follow-
ing table : —
i— pitch, or inherant tone : D""
a — pitch, or inherent tone : B" flat
-pitch, or inherent tone : F.
From this table it becomes clear that u, as it is the extreme
of i in the quality of sound, so it is in its pitch or inherent
tone; and that a in both respects occupies an intermediate
position. The last-mentioned vowel being equally distant from
' Max MtUler, Ledureit ii. p. 1 19 sqq.
22 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
either extreme^ and pronounced while the organs occupy their
natural position^ it is easily understood that a had every chance
of becoming a favourite vowel.
Now if the physiologist may regard the a, i, and u, as the
types of all vowels^ the linguist will as readily acknowledge
that they are the ' primitive ' vocal sounds^ and that all others
owe their origin to a modification of these. From the sounds
of the ' primitive language/ the ' Ursprache,* all the sounds in
the different Aryan languages have been developed according
to certain phonetic laws which we see at work in the vital
processes of language; and to these primitive vowels conse-
quently all vowels in the different Aryan languages can be
traced as to their common source. The ^primitive language'
in its most primitive form was limited to the three typical
vowels, which later on, certainly before the first breaking up
of the Aryan family, were multiplied by the a entering into
combination, first with its own like, and then with the tw ^^
other vowels. Thus we get the following table of gradatioiB^ -
of sounds : —
Primitive. I. Orctdatian. II. Gradation.
z. a . . . a + a^^aa . . . a + cut^aa
2. i . . . a-^i»ai . . . d + ai^&i
3. tt . . . a + u^au . . . a + ausdtt.
The combinations aa and da were probably contracted into d^^
at an early period. The vowel a is so characteristically dis^ — •
tinct &om its two fellows that it may be considered as forming^
a class of its own in contradistinction to that which comprisei^
the vowels i and u. The latter have in their suit, and are often ^
replaced by^ the consonants, or semivowels, J and t?, while a -^
never passes into a consonant, and thus displays more ener-
getically its vocalic nature. Each vowel is limited to the
combinations mentioned in the table, and these combinations
are used as a means of expressing in the root itself its rela-
tions in connected speech. The vowels of suffixes also are
capable of forming those combinations, because they originally
proceeded from independent roots; but the primitive form of a
root is always rendered with a primitive, that is, a simple
vowel. In a root with two consonants the combinations do
not occur, and such a root has always the radical a, never i
or u. Thus then the essence of all inflections we find in the
system of vowels.
Long vowels being of a secondary formation they did not
exist in the primitive language ; where nevertheless they occur
VOWEL SOUNDS, 23
equally in different Aryan dialects, as Sansk. pita (rs), Greek
varrip, Qotii. /adar=zfatAdr, &c. Schleicher supposes them to
be of later introduction^ perhaps of a period when the different
lang>uages had already separated; and he therefore claims for
the last-mentioned words in the primitive language the genuine
form pa tars.
The Sanskrit has, besides the short vowels i and «, the length-
ened forms { and tl. The combinations ai and au are fused
into the single vowels e and o; e being the intermediate sound
between a and i, the former ascended, the latter descended to
the pitch of e, hence twice ^, or ^4-^=/. In the same manner
in the combination au the a descended, the u ascended, to their
intermediate pitch e>, hence for a -f « we have o-^ o = S, A
peculiar feature in the vital process of vowels is the weakening
of a full into a thin vowel, the ' Schwdchung^ of German gram-
marians, a phenomenon which chiefly occurs with the vowel a,
which may be * degraded,' as it were, in this scale into i, u^ and
«, 4. Thus then we arrive at the following table : —
DegrculcUum or
weakening. Primitive. I. Oradation. II. Qradation,
I. a sounds i, «; (, 4 . . a . . . . d . . . . a
a. i Boandfl i .... ^ .... d{
3. u sounds tf .... ^ .... dtf
The Teutonic languages, of which Gothic is the most ancient
^presentative, have, with characteristic perseverance, kept each
^tulical vowel in its proper order, and thus girded the main
Principle of inflections. The vowel a is weakened both into i
^nd «, and these weakened forms occur quite as reg^arly as the
gradations. The first and second gradations are kept strictly
distinct^ the former in Gothic being ^ the latter S, The pri-
mitive au has, in Gothic, weakened the a into i, and thus the
primitive combination is replaced by iu ; in ai the a by assimi-
lation to the i becomes e, and consequently Gothic ei stands for
the primitive ai. iu (= primitive au) is sometimes represented
by 4. Thus we get the table : —
II. DtgradaHon. I. Degradation. Primitive. I. Oradation. II. Gradation.
I, Order a.4....u... a,,,.i,,»,6
i. Order i i , , , . ei . . . , ai
3. Order u u , , . . iu {H). . . au
In order to give a comprehensive glance over the course of
development of vowels in tie Old Teutonic languages in general,
aad the relation of these vowels to those in Gothic, Sanskrit^
24 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
and the primitive language^ I subjoin a table arranged according
to the different orders.
1. Order a.
Degradation^ or
weakening. Primitive. I. Gradation. II. Oradation,
Primitife a . . . aa . . . . aa
Sanikrit. . . . i, w, i, H . . a . . . a . . . . a
Gothic ....<; u.,.a...i....6
Old High German t a . , . a . . . . uo
Old Sazon . . . e a . . . a {e) , . , 6
Anglo-Hazon . . d, o,f . . . . a . . . <^ (a) . . . tf
Old Friiian ..e a . . . a . . . , 6
Old Norte . . e - . . • - a . . . a . . . . 6
2. Order t.
Prin»itiT« t ... at .... at
Haimkrit t ........ at
Gothic • t ... e< .... a<
Old High German e t ... t .... ei(^)
Old Saxon . . . « < ... I .... ^
Anglo-Saxon . . e i ...(.... d (^
Old FriiUn . . . e t . . . t . . . . « (a)
Old Norte . . . e < . . . t . . . . H
3. Order u.
Primitive u . . , au , . , , au
Santkrit u ... ^ .... /?u
Gothic u . . . iu{u) , , , au
Old High German 0 u . . . tu (u) . . . ou (d)
Old Saxon ... 0 u . . . tu (4) . . . d
Anglo-Saxon . . 0 u . , , e6{ii) , , . €d{i)
Old Fritian ... 0 t* . . . <w (tl) . . . d (i)
Old Norte ... 0 tf . . . tu (ii) . . . au
These different vowels of the different languages just enume-
rated are liable to certain modifications brought about under
the influence of other vowels or of consonants. Such modifica-
tions taking place according to phonetic laws did not exist in
the primitive language. Where two vowels happened to suc-
ceed, hiatus probably took place, though it could but rarelj
occur, because the elision of consonants was not vet known. At
a very early period, however, a, with a succeeaing vowel, may-
have formed a compound vowel or diphthong, as a and i^ai.
But in the cognate languages we find various phonetic laws
which regulate the changes and modifications of vowels. Of
these we have already mentioned the *• gradation' or ' Steigerung/
according to which the vowel a enters into combination with its
own kind (a-\-a^aa] aa-\-a = da), or with i and u (ai, au, &c.),
combinations which in the cognate languages are often con-
VOWEL SOUNDS. 26
tracted into one, and then of course a lon^ vowel. The degrada"
Hon, or weakening, or 'Schwachung' attacked first of all the
most powerful of vowels, the a, which in Sanskrit we find weak-
ened into i and u, in most of the Teutonic dialects weakened
into e ; the latter again often weaken the u into o, the i into e.
Vowels in the different Teutonic Dialects^.
I. OLD TEUTONIC.
Short Vowels.
&
Gothic. ( I ) At the beginning of a word : — alev, oil ; arja,
I plough (Lat. aro); arbaidja, I work (Germ, arbeite); asnei^s,
slave; andeis, end. (2) In the middle of a word: — skalis,
servus ; favdi, few ; dal, valley, dale (Germ, thai) ; farja, I sail
(Germ, fahren) ; hvar, where ; ^«r, there ; fadar, father. (3) At
the end of a word : — ba, both ; fra, from ; hva, what ; sa, he ;
9va, so; tva, two; ja, indeed, yes (Germ. ja). In Gothic this
short a is nowhere encroached upon by other vowels. Where in
foreign words two a's meet, they are rendered in Gothic either
with an intermediate h or by one a being dropped, e. g. Abraam,
Goth. Abraham; Isaak, Goth. leak. In Gothic words however,
two a's can only meet where a particle is prefixed to a noun or
verb, and in this case they remain intact, e. g. ga-arbja, co-heir ;
ga^arman to have pity (Germ, sich erbarmen).
Old High German has adopted the a under pretty nearly
the same conditions as Gothic ; it goes even farther and admits
an a between liquids, and between liquids and mutes, which in
Gothic stoutly refuse the admission of an a; as for instance,
Gothic arms, poor ; akrs, field) ; tagr, tear \ — Old High Germ.
aram (Germ, arm) ; achar (Germ, acker); zahar (Germ, zahre).
But the Old High German a is considerably modified by the
Umlaut, by the inorganic production d (Goth.^a, O. H. Germ.
jd) ; by contraction in the middle of a word, and in a few cases
by deviation into o, such as holon for halon, to fetch (Germ,
holen) ; scol instead of seal, shall (Germ, soil) ; joh for Goth, jah,
also ; and finally in the weak inflexions where Old High German
' AU Towels to be pronounced u in Italian or German, unless directed otherwise.
TEUTONIC GHAMMAR.
has Aano, cock (Germ, hahu); pliuton, blind, for Goth. ka»
iliniian.
The origin of the Umlaut we have already discussed.
Gotliic there is no trace of it to be discovered, while ia C
High German it appears to have arisen in the sixth or sevea
centiirj', and to lia\'e gradually developed itself, exposing tiiC
Ui modification into e, chicHy before a. eingle consonant foUi
by i. But even in Old High German the Umlaut is not
matically carried ont; even the latest writers, as Notker (or
stance, preferring sometimes the original pure a to the Uml
Thus we find a/(ia, all, by the side of hella ; angil, and
angel (Germ. vngfF) ; eitli together with anli. As an ini
rule, it must be laid down that the / of the termination
aflect the a of the root unless it stands at the beginning of th
tcrmitiationat syllable, as in ensl-i. eng-il, &c. The posits
of a ia exceptional in the gen. and dat. sing. maso. and neat,
the weak declension, where the inflexional i has no power ov^
to create Umlaut. Therefore AaniK not Aenin, of a cock
of a lame miin ; sceJin for scatliii (Germ, schaden), and H^mut :
naiiiin, of a name, are exceptions.
Among the Saxon dialects, Old Saxon most closely apprOBcl
Old High German, and takes a kind of intermediate positi
between it and Anglo-Saxon. Its vowel a is throughout idt
tical with that of Gothic and Old High German, and with i
latter it adopts it even between liquids and mutes j e. g. foi
and aorai/a, care (Germ, sorge) ; bij'tilhan and bifif'lahan, to oi
{Germ, befehlen). It wavers less between a and o than
High German, with the etception of a few caaes eneli its fat
for, particle for- (Germ, ver-); wala and leo/a, well
and werolii, vemlil, Ki-rlil, world. The particles an and of
turned into on and of.
The Umlaut is adopted but not generally applied, and th*
original vowel holds it« place before At ana/t; as in nuAti^'
mahlig, mighty (Germ, maehtig) ; era/li, erajlig, strong (of. crafty: '
Germ, krnltig); occasionally also in the 3rd sing, pres,
strong verbs, e, g. AaliHd for helilid, he holds (Germ, hilt) 'jfalUi^
he falls (Germ, fallt); while verbs generally waver between
and c; e. g. slundiJ, tlendid, he stands; shAtl, althU, he sleeps
hebbjan and habbcan, to have.
Anglo-Saxon has in but very few cases preserved the ponil
vowel a, which is generally weakened into a or flattened into
The original a keejis its position before a single consonant whii
ia followed by a, o, or «; e.g. Atea/ai, plur. of ^iriiV, whale.
dagat, diiguta, nom. and dat. plur. of dag, day ; even before e, il
VOWKl SOrjfDS. 27
the latter had its origin in a, o, or u ; chiefly in inflexional forms,
as care, tux. sing, of cam, care. Foreign words always [ireserve
their pure a sound, e. g. JprelU {Jprilii), aa/iuh {aijiis), carceru
{eareer), &c. Before m and n, pure a may stand or be replaced
by o, e. g. team and worn, stain ; van and coh, to know (Germ.
kennen) ; lami and loiab, lamb. But a is invariably weakened
to a in monosyllabic words which end in a single consonant, or
in polysyllabic which terminate in e preceded by a single con-
Bunant. Examples: — (i) ^wa/, whale ; jAi'*, glass ; fldff,day; bar,
bare, naked ; derr. Here, field ; biicre, baker ; fager, fair, pretty.
(2) Beforey and « followed by another consonant : craft, crafUg,
traft, strength (Germ, kraft, kriiftig); after, after; gmt, guest
[Germ, gafrt) ; also before a doubled mute or sibilant, e.g. kabhan
and habban, to hare (Germ. haben)i dppei &ud appel, apple. (3) In
other combinations of cousonauta which are brought about by
the elision of s, e, g. _/apr«, gen. oi' Jager, dpi tor appel. Two
Consonants beginning with r tolerate only the broken vowel ea
in the preceding syllable, except in cases where r succeeds the a
in traoBpositioDS, such us gars for gras, grass ; bdral for braai,
burst. These rules however do not hold good for all cases;
because in Anglo-Saxon the vowel a, unless it is sheltered or
supported by a succeeding low-pitched vowel (a, 0, or u), wavers
in all directions, so that we cannot look upon its modification in
a as a strictly fixed law, such as ' Umlaut,' or a systematical
Weakening of the a, but rather as an aberration of the a from
its original pure sound which it has in Gothic and Old High
German. In a few cases the primitive a kept its place where
one might expect its transition into a, e. g, blac for bld<, black;
appel for appel, ange and onge for dnge, narrow (Germ. enge).
As to the orthography of this modified a-sound, gi-ammarians
are at variance. Grimm writes a, in order to distinguish this
short vowel from the long «, a distinction marked out by others
spelling ai and a. I adopt Grimm's mode of spelling, because
it keeps the r^hort and long vowels distinct, and, at the same
time, runs parallel with the d and a in other Teutonic dialects.
The Anglo- Saxon e as Umlaut of a must he kept distinct from
the modification of the a just mentioned. Very ollen the (
\rhich brought about the Umlaut is dropped or changed into
another vowel, and thus arises the hidden, Umlaut, e.g. fen, fen;
kel, hell ; net, net ; forms which are used in the place of the
geminated _/en», hell, nelt : these again were introduced instead of
/eue, hele, nele, and the latter stand for Gothic^«(, hali (Aalja),
ttali. Thus we trace the hidden Umlaut to its original con-
ations, under which alone it could occur.
28 TEUTOXIC GRAMMAR.
Old Ftisian preserved the Towel a before m and n, whether
single^ geminated, or combined with a mute^ unless it gives
way V!k» other dialects to an inclination towards o ; hence nama
ana mama, name; Jtampa and komp, fight (Germ, kampf); man
and «k>if, man. But the vowel a can never pass into o where
Umlaut takes place. Therefore the pure a in /ramd, foreign
(Uerm« fremd) ; rnanM, mantle; mattHUia, man (Germ, mensch);
ia«iy«/y horse (Germ, hengst); Ih cause bjthe side of these appear
the modified forms, /rtmti^ memtel, men^ia, hengsL The voweb
It and m in the termination preserve the a of the penult : knafa,
boy ((Jerm. knabe); /ara, to go (Germ, fahren); balu, evil
(comp. baleful). Before the double consonants, a or e maj occur,
but so that the former appears preferable in the following cases :
before /, x (sks), and geminated mutes, Q.g.falla, to &11;
hiMhh, soon (Germ, bald) ; m//, salt ; even kalde, the cold (Germ,
kalte), instead of the Umlaut kelde ; tax, knife, sword; aUa^
father ; kaiie^ cat.
Old Norse has very largely patronized the pure a, after Gothic
perhaps more so than anv other dialect. This vowel occurs in
gala, to sing ; 9nar, quick ; napr, cold ; hrafn, raven; slag, blow
(Germ, schlag) ; vagn, currus (Germ, wagen).
Where a occurs at the end of a word it is always lengthened
into a; this lengthened form is also adopted by some gram-
marians and rejected by others, before consonantal combinations
with / and n ; ?/, Im, Ip, Ig, Ik, U, ng, nJt.
The Umlaut of a into € is caused by the occurrence of an t in
the succeeding syllable, and that of a into d by « in the same
position. Hence the vowels a, e^ and o may occur in one and
the same word in different cases of the declension according to
the terminational vowel ; a circumstance which imparts to the
Old Norse dialect a peculiar flexibility and softness which we can
readily perceive on looking at the different forms of the word
magu, which declines thus — mog-r, magar, megi, mog ; plur.
megir, maga, mbgum, mogii. Whenever t does not cause the
Umlaut of a in the preceding syllable, it must be considered
inorganic, as for instance in skari (Germ, schaar), Danir (Danes).
The Umlaut o is marked differently in different manuscripts and
editions of manuscripts, either simply by o (hence Aon and
Aonum for hon, honum) ; or by the sign q (whence the Danish ^);
or by au and av. The sign o, which is now in general use, is of
a far more recent date.
rowEi sou^'J}s.
Towel in Qothia is, after a, the most prominent. Though
tmetimes encroached upon by the ' Brechung' before A
it receives on the other Iiand a numerical increase by the
ption of the semi-vowel J wherever the latter happens to
list the end of a word or before a consonant, e. g. katja,
yii; naman., preterite nasida. A radical i followed b^
( Towel likes to admit the semi-vowel y, e. g-/y'»» forjStid,
f (cf. fiend) .
High German preserves the pure Gothic i before m and
Hier geminated or combined with a mute, e. g. swimtuan,
; in words which have dropped a final i or u ; in nouns
belong to the themes in i and u; in the imperative of
Terbs; in the past participles of the fifth conjcgational
IB monosyllabic particles. Some prefixes waver between
if e. g'/ar-,Jir-, even Jbr-, and later on/er- {Germ, ver-) ;
■ / W-, li-; at', if-; dttrah-, duriA-.
Saaij cases however the pure Gothic t is weakened or
•d into e by the power of assimilation exercised by an a
succeeding syllable. Hence the rule — 'Whenever i is
d by a in the succeeding syllable it is changed into e ;
i and u and in the above-mentioned cases it remains
jCiMi.' On this rule are based the modifications of the
in the two first classes of the strong conjugation; and
i will be perceived why we read in the sing. pres. ijl/u,
ijHiJit! nimu, nimia, nimU; and in the plural, kelfamit,
lai/'ani; inf. helfan, to help; nemamh, nemat, nemant;
wUiH, to lake. Monosyllabic words which have dropped
oninational a, nevertheless retain the modified vowel e,
h=Kega,vtay; sper=apera,s\ieBj; i?*j, it (Goth. fVa) ; and
on the contrary which have dropped an i or u retain, in
^ice with our rule, the pure i unchanged, e. g. mh( (Goth.
, lid (Goth, iipu), list {Goth, litli). How sensitive the
* German dialect is with res]>ect to the law of assimila-
l be perceived from the fact that the modification e is
tiv-exchanged for the original pure i whenever it is fol-
lly the adjective termination in, e. g. /el(, skin (Lat.
[^ adjective Ji'/i^tn, of skin (Lat, pelliceus) ; gfrata, barley,
n girttin, of barley. In several words ilie i has kept ila
D in spite of the following a, such as fek =Jhka, fish;
bitter, &c.; in others, either t or e may be used, e. g.
ad skip, ship; toiit and iceht, thing; irdiii and iirdin,
30 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
earthen (Germ, irdenj terrenus). Concerning the 'Brechung'of
f into e we shall have to say a few words hereafter.
The rules which we have just mentioned as to the weakening
of i into e in Old High German, will hold good for the Lov
German dialects as well. Here, however, it is interesting to
notice how they more or less apply this rule in proportion to
their greater or less affinity to Old High German. Old Saxon,
the nearest relative to Old High German, from its geographicil
position as well as its general characteristics, follows the Old
High German rule which we have laid down above; but it so
far deviates that it retains the unmodified i before m and «
where they are geminated or combined with a mute; hence
windy wind ; singan, to sing, &c.
The conjugatioual forms are affected as in Old High G^muuii
but niman retains its i throughout the present tense. Forma-
tions such as berg, mountain (Germ, berg), and gihirgi (Germ,
gebirge) ; gemta, girsfin ; the fluctuating forms geba and giba, 1
JiAu And feAu, and the forms remaining unmodified in opposition
to the rule, wi^ar, against; diMar, bitter, — all these cases have
already received their explanation in Old High German.
The Anglo-Saxon dialect has preserved the rule in a veiy
imperfect condition, or it has perhaps never fully adopted it-
It is true that m and n protect the pure «, but so do other con-
sonants as well : thus we find swimman, to swim; spinnan, to spin;
and also gifan, to give (O. H. Germ, gepan, Germ, geben);
lifer y liver (O. H. Germ, lepar. Germ, leber); cniAt, knight,
boy, puer (O. H. Germ, cneht, Germ, knecht, servus). In the
conjugation of strong verbs the rule is partly preserved. The
ist sing, yields to e\ but the 2nd and 3rd retain the i; hence
1st Aelpe (O. H. Germ, hilfu, Germ, ich helfe), 1 help; 2nd Ailp*^
( O. H. Germ, hilfis. Germ, hilfst ), thou helpst ; 3rd Atlp^
(O. H. Germ, hilfit, Germ, hilft), he helps.
The Old Frisian dialect agrees with Old High German by
applying our rule in the following examples : Aehuj helm ; aelfi
self; Aerte, heart; AMpa, to help; werpa^ to throw (Germ,
werfen) ; hercAy mountain (Germ, berg) ; swester, sister, &c. ;
but a succeeding ?/, or its representative 0, has no longer the
power of preserving the pure ?, hence fe/o, many (Germ, viele) ;
jfretAoy peace (Germ, friede) ; aelover, silver; and the change
between * and e which we traced in the strong conjugation of
Old High German, Old Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon, has altogether
disappeared, and the verb is reduced to tlie monotonous forms,
werpCy werpstj werptA,
The Old Norse dialect in this respect follows the Old High
VOWEL SOUNDS.
31
nan more closely than some oFthe Low German dialeets do.
reserves the rule so far as it always admits the modification
whenever succeeded by a, and rejects the same before simple
A a ^minated mute.
oncerning the strong conjugationB, we find in the inf. and
. of the eighth, ninth, and teuth classes the original i re-
ed in some roots and before nn, nd, m, and a geminated
[iar-—finaa, to Had ; spinna, to spin ; ihula, to hind; mtuia,to
d ; vinna, to work ; liggia, to lie, &e., and in the part. pret.
h,G fifth class ; the rest have ailopted e, which, where it once
entered, keeps its ground throughout as it does in Frisian.
Old Norse, as well as in other dialects, the application of e or
innot always be det-ermined by a rule, but must be simply
1 to the utiu loquendi.
nzed t
in Gothic we find this letter, as well as i. in its pm¥ sound at
e beginning, the middle, and the end of wonls, in which caacs
tier dialects fre(|uently allow the vowel to be Icnglhcned or
iakencd. But, like i, the letter m also is subject to Brechung
fore the consonants h and r, in which position it is changed
to au. More of this phenomenon in its proper place.
Hoots ending in v vocalize this consonant into u, just as roots
iding in j vocalize this consonant into i. Hence the theme
ffl forms the nom. ^ins instead of yivi, servant, voc, yui : the
^et. of shivan, to hasten, and }fivan, to serve, is snau, \nu. The
:)poEit« cose occurs when the vowel u is dissolved in the
>nsonant or semi-vowel v, especially in the inflexional forms
here the hiatus must be avoided, e. g. hand-iee, gen. pi. of
indui, hand; tun-ivS, gen, pi. of suhiu, son.
Tiie Old High German dialect prestTvea the pure vowel k in
lany instanceH ; hut it modifies it to n under the same circum-
ances under which it changes the i into e. Hence the rule —
iVhenever u is followed by a in the succeeding syllabk', it is
u-kened or weakened into o; but when the succeeding syltable
ings H or i instead of a, the original sound ti regains its
ifiition in the root.' Thus will easily be understood forms such
I the following: c&lapuniai, we clove, fidimus; cAlapi, thou
ovest, iidisti, and chlopan, cloven, fissum; and on the other
md »tpumniume», K& swam, part. »v>unnnan, swum; »un.gumr»,
irt. tunffan, we sung, sung ; in which forms the doubled m,
id « combined with the mute ff, preserve the v. from the
icroachment of the succeeding a.
■
32 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
In Old Saxon the Towel u is kept intact in many places, asxB
the words sevld^ debt (Germ, schuld) ; sumar, summer; nm,
son; ubif, evil. But it allows the Triibung, or darkening, intD^
under the same conditions as Old High German. Flnctufttinf
forms are, droAtin, druhiin, lord; drohtingy druhting, fijen^
familiaris; fohsy vusso, fox; /or,/ur, before, fore; gomo,pm»,
man; corni, curni, corn. The « is restored to its position in the
root by the influence of the terminational t, e. g. hom, hem,
comu; adj. Aurnid, of horn, cornutus; gold, gold, aurum; adj.
guldin, golden, aureus ; foray fore, pro, andyi^n.
Anglo-Saxon goes even beyond Old High German in its ten-
dency to preserve the organic u in the root, so that it allows »
before single 7n and n, and even before other consonants, whiW
Old High German preserves it only before geminated m asd
n, or a mute combined with one of these liquids. Examples :—
gumuy man; \tunor, thunder; yimian, to thunder; Jkl, foil;
fugoly bird (Germ, vogel) ; words which have invariably th©
weakened o in Old High German. In the conjugation of tb^
strong verb, especially in the preterite, the vowel u is sheltered
by a succeeding m and n, e. g. ^wummon, we swum, natavimos ^
swmnfnen^ swum, natum ; clumhoriy we climbed, scandimns ^
clumben, climbed, scansum ; su?igon, we sung, cantavimns;
sungen, sung, cantatum ; but in the past participle, if it is fol*
lowed by any other consonant than m or n, it is weakened into
Oy e. g. muflouj pret. pi. of melton, ' to melt,' part, molten; taurpon,
worpen; hudo7i, boden ; curofi, coren, 8cc,
Peculiar to Anglo-Saxon is the transition of w into u where it
appears in combination with i, in which case the latter vowel
is often dropped. Thus : wudu, wood, for widu ; caiman , to come,
for cwiman ; suster, swusler, sister, for swisier. This i preceded
by to is however safe from encroachment when it is followed by
the liquid m ox n combined with another consonant.
In Old Frisian the vowel u is but rarely preserved, since it
has greatly given way to the ' Triibung' in o.
Old Norse approaches far more nearly to Old High German
in the preservation of the pure Gothic vowels a, i, and «, but in
this dialect also the 'Triibung' o may take the place of the
organic m before all consonants, except such as are combined
with m or n. An analogy to the Old High German conjuga-
tions we find in the exchange of u and o in the pret. pi. and
part. pret. of the sixth and tenth classes; as, spumum, sporninn;
spruUian, sprottinn ; bu^Mm, bo^uui, &c.
TAe Umlaut of u is y. Old High German, Old Saxon, and
Old Frisian reject this Umlaut altogether, whilst in two other
rOJFBL SOUXDS. 33
ni'e dialectd we find it more or less develojied. Aiiglo-
KOD shows mimy examples of this Umlaut: eyning, kiiij;,
itn cvnitn, to know; ilyrstii/, darinff, trom duran, \n dare;
if", goddess, from g>tii, god. In a few inetaDCes the word
racB between tlie Umlaut ^ and the original u, e. g. vurt,
Kvort, herb ; murw, v^rm, worm, worm ; and in othera the
Hot 9 takes place in derivations where the root has the
pmed rowel o iDBt«ad of the original u, e. g. gyden from god,
ri«i from \or»a, thorn; gyld^n from gold. In Old Norst',
lich has most widely and persistently developed the system
Umlaut, the g ocenrs regularly for the radioal a, or its weak-
\ form 0, under the conditionB which we have enumerated
e.g. *g^i, dat. sing, of sow r, son; kyn, kin, genus;
I to fill ; bryggja, bridge, &o.
e. 6, y.
short vowels are altogether unknown in Gothic. Their
iment and relative position in the other Teutonic dialects
already had occasion to dwell upon, so that we need
Jo more than sum np our remarks made in the preceding
ipha. The vowel ^ is of twofold origin, either Umlaut
or the 'broken' or 'weakened' form of ». Old High Ger-
m, Old Sason, and Old Norse hardly go beyond this rule in
! adoption of the letter e, but Anglo-Saxon sometimee, and
[] Frisian often, admit e instead of the pure a in cases which
ire often show the modification o in Anglo-Saxon.
The letter 3 we met either as the 'broken' or 'weakened'
TO of s in all the dialects except Gothic, or as the represen-
lire of a in coses of assimilation, so much favoured in Old
i^h German.
'lie rowel y has a proper place but in few dialects ; the Gothic
ifaage uses the sign p in Gothic words as a consonant only ;
t in foreign words this letter represents the Latin vowel y as
11. In Old High German, Old Saxon, and Old Frisian the
tin form y is used in foreign words only, whilst Anglo-Saxon
CHd Norse adopt this vowel chiefly for the purpose of ex-
ig the Umlaut of u. At the same time, y in Anglo-Saxon
n the representative of other vowels; namely of i, of e
it is the Umlaut of a, and of the ' Brechung' ea and eo.
Brec-iung.
hie; When the consonants r and h directly succeed the
I or w they alfect the purity of the pronunciation in such
34 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
a maimer as to make an a to precede the sound of i or u. The
inorganic diphthongs which are thus produced in the Gothie
dialect have nevertheless the value of a short vowel^ and ai and
au must consequently have sounded in pronunciation similarly
to e and 6, In order to distinguish this ^ Brechung ' £rom the
true diphthongs di and du, modem grammarians have adopted
for the former the accentuation a{ and ai. Gbthic documents
write both Brechung and diphthong perfectly alike; and it
was left to the researches of modem philology to point out and
Erove the difiPerence from corresponding words in the kindred
mguages which always render the Gothic Brechung by a
short vowel, and the Gothic diphthong by a long vowel. Thus
Goth, vair is Lat. vir ; Goth, tauhum, Lat. duximus; Goth.
fair, Lat. pir ; Goth, bavra^ Jjdki.fero, Gr. pMro; Gt>th. ia{ AuMf
Gr. deka ; Goth, saihs, Gr. Mx ; Goth. dauAtar, Gr. ihygateff
O. H. Germ. i6htar ; Goth, dins^ Lat. iwrny O. H. Germ, eim,
A. S. driy O. S. and O. Fris. en. Further light is thrown on tho
pronunciation of the Brechung ai and au by the fact of tb&
Goths having rendered the short ^ or o in foreign words, without^
any regard to the succeeding consonants^ by the very same letter^^
of the Brechung, certainly because ai and au in pronunciatioiR'
came nearest, or were perfectly alike, to ^ and i. Hence they"
write not only ?Wid5/nw*= Tiberius, Faurtunatu%-=^ox\xxx!aiim^
which are in accordance with the Gothic Brechung before the
consonant r ; but also aipistaule, epistole ; Naudaimbair, No-
vember. By diflferent accentuation of Brechung and diphthong
we keep up distinctions which must have been heard in Gt>thic
pronunciation, such as the diphthong di in the singular and the
Brechung at in the plural of the verb. Thus Goth. IdiAv, oom-
modavi ; O. H. Germ leA ; A. S. IdA^ pi. laiAvum, commodavimus;
O. H. Germ, RAumes; A. S. ligon ; Goth. iduAy traxi; O. H. Germ.
z6A; A. S. iedAy pi. tauAum, traximus; O. H. Germ. zugumSs; A. S.
tUffon. In very few cases, and then only before the consonantB
r and A, it can be doubtful at all whether we have to deal with
the Brechung ai or the diphthong di, and then comparison with
kindred dialects will soon remove the difficulty. Thus gdiru
requires the diphthong on account of the Old High Grerman
Aer ; Aairm the Brechung on account of the Old Norse Aiorr,
Before any other consonant but r and A the vowels ai and au
are always true diphthongs. A few exceptional cases have pre-
served the original vowel intact even before r and Ay e. g. skura^
shower; AuArus^ hunger; Ain, hear you, audi; Aifyip, hear ye,
audite, &c. &c.
Old High German has least of all Teutonic dialects adopted
row EL aOVNDS.
3S
i system of Brechung, aince it rentlere the Gotbic Broehung
and au by the vowels e and o, which are quite identical with
and o th(> weakened forms of ( and ». We may indeed eay
At the € in peryan and in teha ie the Brechung' because it
suds for at !□ Goth, hairgan and »aihs ; but this dietiuction
oes not avail us much, since the same vowel e may occur, not
inly before k and r, but before any other consonant as well.
More perfectly perliaps than any other dialect except Gothic
has Anglo-Bazon developed the syetem of Brechung. In thia
diklect the Brechung ea for a occurs regulai'ly before a com-
btnatioD of consonants beginning with an I, r, or A, e.g. ieald,
bold ; eea/d, cold (Germ, kalt) ; guM, old (Germ, alt) ; eall, all ;
fealian, to fall ; veana, warm ; *tfare, strong (Germ, stark) ;
eaAiB, eight (Germ, acht) ; taz [x=k»=hs),&^ii; weuir, wax. In
such consonantal combinations it may often happen that one
or other consonant, perhaps even the h itself which caused the
' Brechung' has been dropped, and yet the Brechung continues
to exist, e.g. ml=eoll, all; mear = mearh, mare; ear = earh,
the sea. Sometimes Brechung appears beibre the single con-
sonant h, as in betieah, he needs ; grfeak, he rejoiced ; in the verb
'^M, to slay, and i^ioean, to wash, the Brechung continties
though k has been dropped by the contraction of sleakan,
v^tahaK*. Even before an_/'and before liquids we sometimes
Weet with ea instead of the osual a, e.g. cTeaJ'iig=CTiiftig, strong
(Oerm. kraftig) ; beadu, heitftti, battle. On the other hand it
fay t>ecur that the Brechung we should expect before certain
t^Jiisonants has been replaced by the Umlaut e.
As <w is the Brechung of a, so is eo the Brechung of *, which
tK^urs most frequently before consonantal combinations be-
ginning with an r, e. g. eorl, earl j tweord, sword ; heurte, heart ;
t<ir6e, earth ; ateorra, star; neorc, dark, murky; steorfan, to die
(Germ, sterben) ; weorpan, to throw (Germ, werfen). With
these examples corresponds the Brechung m Old Norse and
Gothic: O.N. iarl, earl; Goth. hairU, heart; a'tr\a, earth;
O.N. atiama, Goth, ataimo, star; vairpan, to throw. Less
frequently it is found before /, as in feola, much (Germ, viel) ;
neaU, milk ; aeol/or, silver : and before k, leoht, light ; eoh,
horse : or before mutes, J'reo^e, pence (Germ, friede) ; heofon,
beaven. k seems to patronize an i preceding it, whilst r, I, and
the mutes prefer the weakened form e to the Brechung eo, the
Yowel e occurring alternately with the Brechung eo in kindred
words, e. g. vser, man, vir ; Keorod, crowd, turma ; meolc, milk ;
melcaa, to milk ; aeo!/or, silver, argentum ; aiffren, of silver,
' Some inite itcdn. tvfdn. ■■ a diphthong, on accoutit of the contrtctlon-
36 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
argent^us. In tliose instances eo seems to be sheltered by the
0 in the suceeedinof syllable, and may consequently be considered
an assimilation ; as in general, bisyllables with a dark vowel
in the last syllable prefer eo in the penult. Verbs which
admit the Brechung eo restore the original i in the and and
3rd persons singular, e. g. wearpan, to throw, wirpsl, wirpi
(Germ, werfen, wirfst, wirft); sfeorfan, to die, sHrfst, ditfi
(Germ, sterben, stirbst, stirbt) The close resemblance in tiie
pronunciation of the double vowels ea and eo may be the cause
of an occasional confusion in their application, and of the ortho-
graphy eo instead of ea, e. g. eofor and ecifor, boar (Lat. aper,
Germ, eber) ; bearht and hearhty shining. Another form of the
Brechung, though of rare occurrence, is that in ie, which how-
ever belongs to Old Saxon rather than Anglo-Saxon. It is
sometimes used for the Brechung eo, hiere=zheore, of her, ejus;
for the weakened e, gieI4=gel(Iy money (Germ, geld) ; for h
siex=six, six : even for a, gi€st-=zgdstj guest.
Old Nopse has not the great variety of Brechung we find in
Anglo-Saxon, but it is not so capricious either. Wherever / or f
succeed an i, this vowel is modified into ia. Sometimes a single
consonant, or a combination with mutes, may produce the same
effect. Examples : — giald, money ; stiama, star; biarlr, shining;
iqfn, even, level. The Umlaut of m to id is caused by the letter
n in the succeeding syllable ; but when the inflexional syllable
contains an i the Brechung is removed altogether, and the radical
i is, according to the law of assimilation, restored to its place-
The influence of these different euphonic laws gives the declen-
sion the aspect of a variegated colouring, and imparts to the
language a peculiar and melodious softness. Thus compare sing-
nom. hiorir {r=ur) stag, gen. kiarlar, dat. Airli, ace. kiori; pi*
nom. hiriir, gen. hiarta, dat. hidrtum, ace. hiortu. Whenever
the weakened e has taken the place of i the Brechung cannot
occur. Hence the verbs of the tenth conjugational class ha^e
either preserved the original i, or they have e throughout, with
the exception of four verbs, biarga, to conceal ; gialla, to sing >
gialda, to spend ; eUalfa, to tremble, which have in the infinitive^
imperative and subjunctive present ia, in the indicative present €'
The other Teutonic dialects have less persistently than Anglo^
Saxon and Old Norse carried out the law of Brechung. But
with the exception of perhaps Old High German none i^
altogether without some traces of Brechung. Old Saxon
offers the following forms of Brechung: weard, ward; geomo
(Germ, gern) ; sleorro, star, instead of ward, gemo, sterro — forms
which however may be explained by Anglo-Saxon influences
rOWEl SUUXLS.
37
can here aiid there he traced in Old Sason. The Bn-chung
need iustead of the vowels e, e, and even (?, in the following
i, army (Crerm. heer); tkie»es, hiijtu; Ihlexon, hiiic;
kiemr, emperor (Germ, kaiser). Another ie of an
tther different nature seems not bo much dependent on
ig coDsonnats (which is the eharai^'teristic feature of
Brechuntr) as the unsettled nature of the vowel, and which
ly instajices gradually passed through ve into ». Thus
id puhu, I CDufess, for gihu ; bo also iuhu for Utthu = jiaha.
t must be considered a Brechung. This Breclmng in /«
more reguLirly in Old Frwian whenever i precedi?s the
ints ekl, e. g. riiicA(=rkAi, right ; riucAla^ricif-a, to
;, richt^n; Iniudf, servant (of. Germ, kneeht and Eng.
it); gliueAi, plain (Germ, Bchlicht); tiuchl, he sees {Germ,
and sicht). A few other cases where it seems to occur are
latfke, church ; turiutt, wrist ; and tziutt, pellicium.
The only traces of Brechung which we detect in Old High
Gnman are in Notker, who has ie for i before h in jleio, »ieio.
He Essen Rotule has twice iMoret holier in£tead of Ihnrrea
WiM; for Old High German prvH everywliere hrwul, hremi —
piatiomena wluL'h we perceive in Old Saxon and Old Frisian
I Well.
A»^,
dial..,
Words of three and more syllables often show an inclination to
unmiUle to each other the nou-radit»l vowels iu such a manner
•« to convert the vowel of the preceding iuto the vowel of the
■wcwding syll.ible. Gothic does not yield to this assimilating
t«Ddeney. but Old High German has devclojKKl it most syste-
EUticully. In words of three syllables the last syllable ostiimi-
^^ the pcntdt, e. g. Konara for aedaora ; gareaem for ganinAa ;
^Uun for liiiiaru ; spihiri for tpikiin. Words of four syllables
^milate either the third to the fourth, as gikolnno for ijiholano ;
''iotfoao for irbolgano: or the secoud to the third, ns Aiingifita
^'akuHgarila; tvachordta for Kachar^U ; or the second and third
to the fourth, as hungoroijon for Aungaragon. The assimilated
>oveU remain short though the assimilating be long, e. g.
fitiiri for fitfari, not pitiiri. Assimilated vowels have the same
mflaence as organic vowels upon the root in causing Umlaut,
Weakening &c., so that for instance the assimilated ai/ali he-
i edili when the vowel of the penult is assimilated to the
i, thus causing the Umlaut of the a into e ; and in ferahi,
:e we perwivc the weakening of the nulical i into e on
38 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
account of the succeeding a, the original i is restored to i
place when the a of the penult is assimilated to the final i, ai
thus we get the form firihi, vulgus. Thus then we see that tl
assimilation of vowels took place according to strictly fixt
laws, though it was applied in certain authors only and ncfi
generally adopted. Since towards the end of the Old Hig
Oerman period the final vowels are more and more flattene
and weakened, cases of assimilation become scarcer, and finalt
disappear altogether.
Old Saxon manifests some traces of assimilation in trisyllablei
such as helogo for hSlagOy holy; mikulun for miiilun, great
sorogon for soragon, curis ; and between liquids and mutes, when
instead of the letter a, the vowel of the root finds entrance, e.{
bereht for beraht, brilliant; burug for burg, borough, uA
wuruhtjo for wurohtioj workman. Whilst Old Saxon dispU]
scanty traces of assimilation, Anglo-Saxon and Old Frman di
card it altogether. Old Norse again, like Old High Germ
adopts this law and applies it regularly under certain conditio]
Thus the trisyllabic plural of the preterite of weak vei
invariably assimilates the letter a of the penult to the termii
tional «, e.g. ritu^u for rila^u, scripserunt ; blottc^u for bloUA
immolaverunt. This u produced by assimilation may can
Umlaut in the root, e. g. skopu^u, creaverunt, of scapa ; idllfd
vocaverunt, of kalla. In the same manner are to be explain
the feminine forms gdmul=gdmulu,ydgurz=/ogurUj hdgul=z^dgui
of the adjectives, gatnall, old; /agar, fair; ^agal, silent. T.
Brechung ia may return to the original i by assimilating itself
a succeeding i, e. g. kiorlr, hiartar, Airti, mentioned above.
Long Vowels.
&
This vowel is wanting in Gothic. Where therefore it occ
in the cognate dialects its place is taken in Gothic by e. Tl
we find a for Goth, /in O. H. Germ. Jar, Goth, jSr, yej
mdl, met, time (cf. Germ, ein-mal, zwei-mal. See.) ; wan, Go
vem, hope (cf. Germ, wahn) ; alafan, O. S. sldpan, Gt)
slepan, to sleep ; ddd, Goth. d4d9, deed ; mdno, Goth, me
moon; O.N. vidl, Goth, m^l, time; mdni, Goth, mena, moc
Udsa^ Goth, hleaan, to blow (of. Germ, blasen). In seve
dialects the Gothic e of the plural preterite of the eighth s
ninth coiijuga tional classes is commonly rendered by a, thuj
VOWEL SOi'.VDS. 39
n&atuM, siimpsimus; O. H.Oerm. ndmitmet, 0. S. udmun,
- i,O.N. nammn.
[uently the long a has its origin in ed inorganic leiigthon-
tlic short a. Thus then we find for & of the Gothic
I, to catch; hrSkfa, attiili, I brought; jUi, yes (Germ, ja),
■ H. Germ. /aian,prdAta,Jd; O. S./dAa,n,U> catch; ir<Ma,
)th. \>3, then ; fva, eo, sic, A. S. W and «wa: Goth. »j
; »W(i, so, sic, O. N. td and «■«. This production of the
: a into d in the other dialecta must invariably bike place
two a's or an S and another vowel are contracted into one,
ere an elision- of congonants occnrs. Thus O. H. Germ,
or Siatitm, breath, spiritus ; Wimrd for H^intrSAS, Weser j
for Aip^, to have ; Ai't for A&pet, he has ; O. N. hd, hay ;
tear; %dtt, night; dtta, eight; dit, favour, for Goth,
iin, V&^, nHhU, 5A/aM, Smfs. In some dialects we find the
Gothic t^rminational ^ of the nominative and accusative plural
of the declension in -a replaced by a, as in 0. H. Germ, viacd,
ifpi (also kepd), for Goth. fscSg, gihot ; and O. S. has besides
pfit, daijon, also jite&t, dagdt. On the other hand the long a
]mm, occasionally into the boundaries of the long n, as O. S.
/nfifl for frdho, Goth, fraitja, lord ; ff6, for frdk, joyful (Germ.
fr"h) ; A. S. mdna for O. H. Germ, mdno, Goth, »^na, moon ;
1*1 for M. H. Germ, idti, soon ; and in Old Norse we find a
fcw cases in which the long a is even converted into the short o,
e.g. jBjn for qudn., Goth, qem, wife; v^d for md, O. H.Germ.
'«'', dress ; v^n, for t.'rf», Goth, ren*, hope.
In Anglo-Saxon the long a oecnrs most frequently as the
fi^presentative of the Gothic diphthong &i (O. U. Germ, c*),
'I'll* Iwing moat prol>ably the condensation, as it were, of a more
*Dci*iit Anglo-Saxon diphthong at. Examples : — A. S. dgaH,
'" We; Ideeu, token; hidf, bread; Mre, docti-ine; acedilen,
'" separate ; kdm, home, for Goth, aigan, lAikna, Aldi/'s, IdUeini,
^^idan, hdifift. The same relation to the Gothic ui we find
'1 Ihe Old Frisian, e. g. a, A. S. d, Goth, di, law ; Adm, home ;
"S*, to have, &c. In this dialect however the long d is most
'fpquenlly found in the place of the Gothic diphthong da, which
'D Anglo-Saxon i& replaced by ed, as we shall have tu show
'feafttr. Hence O.Fris. are, ear; dge, eye; Aldpa, to run; gd,
region or district (Germ, gau), for Goth, dnao, dugo, Afdupan,
S^yaitt. In very few cases the Old Norse dialect has, like the
^lo-Saxon condensed di into d, as ^, toe ; «dr, sore, vulnus;
w^ I have ; by the side of which we find, as in Old High German,
Ha* diphthong ei in eiga, to have.
^B Tlie vowel a, analogous to ? the Umlaut of It, appears an the
40 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Umlaut of d. In this capacity however we meet it only in
Old Norse, and exceptionally in Anglo-Saxon. O.N. ^=0.H.
Germ. d\ e.g. aall^ happy; (Brr, year; vanay to hope; JtfS,
6eed=0. H.Germ. sdligy jar, wdnen, sdi : O.N. £t=(}oth. &]
(Ky always ; *^, lake, sea (Germ, see) ; Bna, snow (Grerm. schnee);
URray to teach (Germ. lehren),=Goth. div, sdivs, sndivs, Idii/an.
This same Umlaut appears occasionally in Anglo-SaxoDi
chiefly in the conjugations, e. g. kdle, vocor (Germ, ich heife);
Aalst, haty Goth, hdita Adlli^, Aditi}f, As a rule however the
vowel CB in Anglo-Saxon has less of the nature of the Umlaat
than of that wavering, transitional sound of a, which on a former
occasion we found encroaching upon the position of the vowel ^
Thus again iS replaces the a which undoubtedly in Anglo-SaxoDi g
as in Old High German, was the original vowel, and often indeed
preserved its position intact before the consonants «, v, p, /, <,^,
in the preterite of verbs : in most cases however, jrielding to %
weakening influence, it was gradually thinned into a. This
sound, more nearly than the Old High German d, approaches
the Gothic sounds of e and aiy which it has to represent. For
O. H. Germ, a, Goth, e, we meet it in the following words: «tf/)
happiness ; dad, deed ; stnet, street ; wag, wave (Germ, woge) ;
and in the preterite plural of the verbs of the eighth and ninth
conjugational classes, e. g. Uegon, scewon, saewon, Ueron, S^
In this instance, however, the original a preserves its place
before the consonants which we have just mentioned. Hence we
find l4gon for lagan, sdwon for sanoon. For Goth, di we meet
A. S. <g in sa, sea ; dcel, deal, pars ; clone, clean ; hcs^f
heathen ; flasc, flesh.
This vowel has in Gothic to fill the place of the long rt.
Examples :—;;'/r, year, O. H. Germ.y^^r; depan, to sleep, O. H*
Germ, sldfan ; mena, moon, O. H. G^rm. mane ; mel, time^
O. H. Germ, mdl ; reus, hope, O. H. Germ, wdn: verbs in th^
preterite plural of the eighth and ninth conjugational classed;
nemum, O. H. Germ, ndmumes : terminational in declensions^
dag-e, of days, dierura.
Very rarely we find the vowel e in the other Teutonic dialects
correspond in meaning with the Gothic vowel of the same
kind, since, as we have already mentioned, the Gothic e is
commonly replaced by d in the other dialects. As rare instances
of the Gothic e being preserved in its position we may enu-
merate in Old High German a few derivative forms, such
I
VOWEL mVNUS.
11
%, ff-m, gf-t, gi-t, »t/m, »t4s, atft, from the roots gii, »tii of tlie
')« ^'«, to ^, nt4n, to stand : in OM Saxon tlie occasional
e of the Gothic / instead of the typical Old Stixon
s in y// instead of jdr, year ; weg instead of ^dy, wave
m. woge). In Anglo-Saxon also this /occurs now and then,
Bjwcially liefore the consonants m and » instead of the orgiinic
'="'; e-ff- cwtiaan, to please; even, queen; »Sn, hope (Goth.
jA*, rA#, &c.). Old Frisian has its exceptional exam|>les of the
Maw kind : m«l ■=. mdl, time ; K^pen = icdpen, weapon ; tre'ron,
ihey were; jenon, they gave. That this 4 has repl!ice<l a more
frwienl a becomes evident from some later forms, where we find
thf original d still preserved in the 6 of nomon, they took, cope-
rent, and komon, they came, venerunt.
But the proper sphere of the vowel / is the representation
of the diphthong m ( = Gothic ««'), which it renders in a condensed
fomi n-hen it occurs before the consonants w, h, and r, and in
Imrinations and inflexions. Thus O.H, Germ. seitM, Goth,
*>ifM, wrtPM, Goth, tndirit, gen, sing, of wo, sea; *neo, snow;
I'i, Goth, tdih (Germ, zieh, accusavi) ; leran, Goth, lahjan,
ti) teach ; ^fr, G(ith. ^Aim, spear. The consonant w in Ihc roots
KT, nnr, in the mentioned examples, is vocalized when lermina-
tional, and thns in the nominative singular it becomes u, a, or a,
»nd later on it is dropped altogether : e. g, ««*, tto, s^ (Germ.
W, sea, lake); aneo, *«/ (Oerm. sehtee, snow). Before w the
wndensed /interchanges with ei, therefore en and ein, one; lii-n,
feis, bone; rarely peda for peide, both, and Aeon for eucon, to
wk. In the inflexions c is the characteristic vowel of the third
"eak comugation: hap4t=Goi\i. habdii; iajj^i = Goth. iti&di\>;
%>Ai=Gotb, iiibdida, habes, hal>et, habni; as in general the
Gothic inflexional dl is represented by c in Old High Gerninn.
Tbe other dialects also yield abundant examples of the con-
drasntioD of the Gothic di into e, such as O. S. se, sea ; hem,
bome ; era, honour ; het, heal, mIvus ; etei^ (Germ, ewig),
Bt«ial ; h<''t^ln (Germ. Aei^en, vocari) ; fe»e, flesh ; 0. ^Vis. re,
«»; »eln, ponl ; i/dr, spear ; w4pen, weapon ; teken, token ; O, N.
tne=:kit/ff and ineiff (Germ, netg-le, inclinatua sum}; sU=«tel'j
piann, ttifg, scandi); dga^ei^a, to have; ttUH, major; menlr,
A very characteristic feature chiefly of the Low German
' oi»lects is the rednplicational e. Id Old High German too
I 's tind occasionally the Gothic reduplication preserved in this
\ •ontrairted form : e.g. /e«c for fieuc, Goth, falfali, pret, of
I /■A'», to catch i slefitn, Goth, m'ltlep, pret. of depoii, to sleep ;
'H ti-r /-V|, Gtilh. hiihl, pret. "f luUm, u, scold ; gaiff, Goth.
42 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
gaigagg; but the pret. form used in Grothic is iddja and gaggida,
pret. oi gaggariy to go; O. S. Mldy pret. of kaUan, to hold;
hety pret. of hetan (Germ. hei^Uy vocari); ISt, pret. of UUmj
to let; A. S. gengy pret. of gangan^ to go; let, pret. of ktian^
to lot ; slep, pret. of slcppan, to sleep ; fengy pret. oi f6n:=zfangaiiy
to catch ; heng^ j)ret. of hangan, to hang ; ^if, pret. of idtau,
to order; and a few other verbs of a similar form. This pre-
t<Tite e is the condensation of the diphthong eS, as in Old High
German of ie, which latter vowel preserved its place in sevenl
verbs ; in others it is found alternately with e : Old Frisian W,
preterite oi Lid, to blow, and the preterites kety heldyfengy gh^y
lety which correspond in form and meaning with the same verbs
in the other dialects already mentioned; and the list may be
completed by adding several forms in Old Norse, such as i//,
heUy fekky gekky UL In all the mentioned dialects the long
e is the condensation of diphthongs, as in Old High G^rmaD of
itty ioy hy in Anglo-Saxon of e6y or the lengthened forms of short
vowels caused by the elision of the redupHcational consonants.
Similar productions of the radical vowel by elision of the redn-
plicational consonants and contraction of the vowels are found
in the cognate languages, such as the Latin jadoy feciz=ifefici.
In a few dialects the long e has a wider range than we have
hitherto mentioned. Tlius in Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian it
is used to indicate the Umlaut of 6, and in the latter dialect^
even the Umlaut of u, which in Anglo-Saxon is rendered by g.
Examples in A,S.:—/eran (Germ fahren), to go ; tetany to weep;
/e/i, pi. oifoty foot ; me^cTy pi. of mo^efy mother ; ^, pi. of t^y
tooth. O. Fris. Umlaut of o—ferOy wepaUy awety sweet, fety feet ;
Umlaut of ii — sele (Germ, sduhy pillar) ; hedCy hide, skin.
The long e as the condensation of the Anglo-Saxon ed and
the Gothic du is also met with in Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian,
e. g. A. S. nedy Goth. ndu)f8y need ; heran^ to hear (Goth, dmoy
ear); stepafiy to erect, from stedpy high, steep; b^g for bedhy
ring ; depauy to dip, and dedpvvgy a dipping ; and so likewise in
O. Fris., nedy need ; depa, to dip, and akene (Germ. 8ckdn, pretty),
Goth, skduns.
Not uncommon in Old Frisian and Old Norse is the condensed
form of e for the Gothic diphthong iu — K, S. edy e. g. O. Fris.
kve^ Goth, kniuy knee ; pre-=^K. S, preoUy muscle, and O. N. Jtney
knee ; lre=A, S. fred, tree.
For Gothic ei we find in a few cases e again in O. N., e. g. sdy
A. S. and O. H. Germ, si, sim; vdy Goth, veiisy temple; vel,
A. S. wily fraud.
Not uncommon is the production of Cy or of any short vowel
VOWEL SOUNDS. 43
in hd, hj the elision of consonants. Thus we have in O. N.
/e(GensL viei, pecus^ cf. Eng. /ee, pecunia)^ Groth. fa{hu; sS,
video, Goth, saikva ; nd, nee, Goth, nih ; reUre, right, Goth.
n^; fieUa {Genn. Jlechten, nectere), Goth, flaihian.
A
1
The } has in Old High German and most other dialects re-
placed the Gothic diphthong ei. Thus O. H. Germ, dri, three ;
/ft, free ; Auila, time ; ictn, wine ; Itp, life ; zil^ time : O. S.
tin, /ri, kuUa, win, Uf, lid : A. S. iwil, win, lif, tid, wif, wife ;
tf», time : O. Fris. hwUe, time, delay ; V^, life ; wif, wife ;
hAl, white ; gwin^ swine : O. N. vin^ 9vin, titni, vif, hvitr,
white; — all being nearly identical even to the very words in
which they replace by * the Goth, ei in }freU, three ; freU, free ;
p«&, time ; vein, wine, &c. &c.
Sometimes the long i is the result of production which takes
place in cases of elision where I and ^ meet. Thus we have Old
High German piht (Germ, beicht, confession), from ptgthi ; chit,
dicit, from ckidU. More frequent is the inorganic production
of short i at the end of words, and even of syllables, before an
inflexional vowel or consonant ; e. g. in the Goth, preposition
hi, apud, O.H.GeTTCL. pi; O. S. bi, O. H. Germ, si, sU, si-mes,
^t, n-n, for the Gt)thic sl-au, si-au, or sij-du, sij-dis, &c. : and
in the same manner fiant, enemy, fiend ; friunt, friend ; Goth.
fj-ands, frij^ands ; where we see in Gothic the semi- vowel y
introdaced in order to preserve the short vowel i which precedes
it. A few examples of the same kind we have in the O. N. bi,
a bee; m, to see, Goth, aaihvan ; i, in; diar r=z divar, gods.
Correption takes place — i. e. the organic z ( = Goth. ei) is replaced
by the short i — in some forms of the possessive pronouns, as
0. H. Germ mines, dines, mi^ia, dina, sina, by the side of miuy
din^sin; and O.N. minn, mitt; }finn, hitt; sirifi, sitt, by the
side of min, sin, \in. This correption ot the long i also occurs
m Old Norse where the termination i'S of the adj. is assimilated
to the neutral termination ti e. g. bli^r, polite ; neut. blitt,
6
'This is a long vowel which in Gothic has, together with /,
t<^ fill the place of the long a. TStii2im\AQs\—dgan, to dread;
^^i doom; mods, mood, mind, courage; bio ma, Germ, blume,
"'ooni, flower ; *^<?/*, seat, stool ; ^rt^l?^/-, brother; hoka, hook.
, . - - iOT^fiiBlilMB therefore the
t nUiim to OcGaUr is a. /ki to Oe Gothic >£• It
upeats ngBlxAf befiica ^ a, r. i, ani the hngoala ; d, t, m,
BwipWa: — Mbb, a nptand petaoa, benuoeus; /(Jk (Germ.
Ufan), Kwaid; nfr(G«na. Wifar), ned; Ml, higfi; /raU (Genn.
t(d«). eoMolatnii: Afanf (Geim. Asteni). Enter; id^ (Gen.
tU),dna; a«(GenD.iidtIi)i und; /«£( (G«m. bi4d). btflid:
fHx (Genn. gi«#). gnat; plA (G«nii bl6«). bare, nude; M,
lord. PbrtfaistfoBeoftheOUH^G«naandiAWet5 tuee tbe
diphUwag m; hcBne immy raw, jhm/, &c., io^ead of tS», r^,
prtt, kc The naie dialect wfaiA Kfdaccs o bj no malcea ma
of the fanner nmcl ia the place of the (waunon O. H. Germ. «9
=GotlL. 4, «fc>eh the Low G«Tiiian dialects also render by S>
Hcoe* the duketie .^ = eommon O. H. Germ, fuor (Germ.
fi&hr), iTi; flSmt =pilaioma (Germ, bliime), Hower, bloom; Ar4m
=ini<M (G«niL HUun), gkwT, £une, — forms wliich are identical
with the O. S. _^, UtW, 'ir^. The Low German dialecta
fnrtber ^ree with Old High German in admitting the S for
Oothic iu, whidi in Old High German n-as commonly rendered
by Ml, bnt then cooden:^ from a diphthi>Dg into a single long
TOweC The forms fro, /o», ioh, 6tvJ, mol, yrol, doJ, are again
therefore identical with the Old Ilig'h German words which we
mentioiwd above.
He Anglo-SaxoD o is identical with the Gothic o tbruugbont.
Examples : — USma, flovrer, bloom ; dom, doom ; /or, ivit ; don, to
do J m^r, moor; km/, roofj grMk (Germ, frenug), enoagh; Mc,
book ; blM, blood ; ^l, Bood ; /ol, foi.t ; hroix-r, brother.
Old Frisian and Old Norse follow the same rale in preserving
the original Gothic S. Thns O. Fris. d6m, doom ; bloja, to
bloom ; broker, brother ; hok, boot ; and O. N. domr, doom ;
hok, book ; tHgr, forest ; /d'5, eourse, Pceuliar to all tbe Low
German dialects is the occasional interchange between S and i
which we have already poinleil out Hence O. S. and A. 8.
teona, moon, eSm, soon, for mdna and W« ; O. Pris. »6n and
*«'», soon; mSna, moon; lomon, cepenint (Germ, nahmeo);
i^moH (Germ, k&men), veneruut : and in Old Norse it ie preferred
to a where an assimilation or elision of consonants has taken
iilace; e. g. a3/'Hm=«'M/i*»i, dormivimus; »o'=«on,sic; rfi« = Goth.
,iyhi»,mm; droff'n=0. 11. Germ, iroklin, lord; il4Uir=O.R.
Germ, tohlur, daughter.
70WEC sorxijs.
Hi
ThiB vowel replaces in Old High German and in the Low
German dialects three diflerent Gothic vowels ; namely, i, iu, dv.
For Gothic il : — O, H.Genn. difiini, thousand; rJna, mystery;
prut [tiertn. braut), bride; pri!ehan (Gerni. brauclieii), to use:
O. S. runa, colloquy ; br4d, bride ; brican, to make use of,
frui : A. S, rv», mystery ; Mce, utor ; T^m, room, Bjmce ;
VtUr (Germ, maiier), wall ; hil», hoaee : O, Fris. br4ka, ufi ; hui,
bouse ; ful, foul ; and O. N. f4H^ rUn, iSs /—forms whieh cor-
respond with ihe « in Gothic y«V*, foul; rilma, room; runa,
mystery ; his, house ; liriba, bride ; brikjan, uti,
^^ For Gothic *'» : — 0 H. Germ. 4f, upwards, sursnm ; IMAan, to
^^^Aock; mifan, to drink (cf. Germ, eaiifen); tikau (Germ, sauehen),
^^P to Mick : O, S. up, sursum ; cugco (M. H, Germ, k'msche), reve-
^^1 renter: A.S. au/^tf, bibo; O ¥T\B.fruildf=friudel/,\oyet; krioie,
^H *^, cross ; flinckl, fiucU, fugit : O. N. Mka, to look ; siga, to
^H «uck.
^^P Por Gothic (f» : — O. H. Germ /^aaw, to dwell ; ka-ir4-en (Genu.
^V Wr-trau-en), to trust; aul (Germ, saule), column: O. S. buan,
^ *»Z,- eliUtar for Latin clamtrum: O.N. bua, irm, tuL
1 The long vowel a, where it occurs at the end of a wordj is a
I Hler production of the Gothic short w. Hence this vowel is,
L even iu Old Hifjb Gennan and several Low German dialects,
■ ""^n short or at least doubtful. O. H.Genn. naf, now, and dil,
■ "lou, for the earlier uu and <IS, Goth. nS. and \n. The quantity
^ Oi jgj, g„j (^„ j„ Qjj gjijjon is doubtful, whilst in Anglo-Saxon
. '® length of nu and ^u is undoubted. In Old Frisian this vowel
'^ a* in Old Saxon, wavering between short and long, whilst
^^ Norse gives it undoubted length, since as a rule, in Old
^*^'"Be all radical vowels suffer production when occurring at the
^?^ of a word. Umlaut of « occurs in several Low German
'''*««ct6, Tlie Old High Gennan in its latest documents has
?"^^^ionally iu as Umlaut of ti, thus /im, house, pi. Aivaer ; cAri/t,
iP?'''j, pi. ehriuler. In Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse the Umlaut
' T^is vowel belongs only to Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse, In
**Sl'^Sason it is Umlaut of three vowels : — (l) of it, c. g. «?,
*'*^j pi- c$, kine; Iva, louse, pi Iga, lice; w^«, mouse, pi. }ii§t,
wicej irrf./, bride, pi, i/^<f,- ( )of erf (Goth iu), e.g. %e (Germ.
i*gc), a lie ; rjre, election : (3) of ed, e. g. hpritii, to hear ; gel^fan,
4G TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
to believe. In Old Norse ^ is Umlaut (i) of w, e. g. kyr, pi. of
k4^ cow ; mislay mus femina ; l$k, I lock : (2) of iu, or the weak-
ened form to, e. g^J^r^ fire; J?^/*, servant; fl^r, animaL
In conclusion of our survey of the long vowels we have to
state one more fact which forms a peculiar feature of several
Low Qcrman dialects, especially Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse,
and which consists in the dropping of the consonant n before
sibilants, and the lengthening of the short vowel, especially o,
which preccKles it. Examples : — A. S. tS^j O. H. Oerm. zatd^
tooth ; gds, O. H. Germ, kans^ goose ; aSftj O. H. Germ, iti^j
soil. Umlaut of 6 is e\ fe^, gesy aefie (see above). Analogous
forms are, ^rfS, sooth, true ; 6^ery Goth, atibar, other. Examples
of other vowels : — moi^y strong, Goth, svinps; /if, five, Goth.
Jitn/*; flier y our, Goth, unaar ; cil^ey novit; «»«?8, mouth, (joth.
viiiu]yft. Some grammarians deny however the length of the
vow«»1h ill the words ,/j['/', five ; o^er, other ; to^y tooth ; «f8, nottis;
wwS, mouth. In Old Norse the lengthening of the vowel takes
place regularly when the consonant n suffers elision before the
sibilant a, not before 8. Hence we read gas, goose ; dsty favoii^»
(loth, ajtftfft; while ffta^r, man; fuuiy mouth; i^rum (dat ^*
afttinr, other), presei'vc the short vowel.
Scttiulinavian grammarians have moreover proposed to assut^
the lengthening of the vowels a, o, «, before the following co^'
binations of consonants, Im, Ipy Ify Igy liy Isy ngy nk, and of t^ ^
vowel i before vg and 71k. It is however considered doubtf^
whether the Old Norse dialect really had adopted such distin^^
tions, which after all might be the creation of a later period. A-^
to the letter i the case appears less doubtful ; but the productio#^
of a and o is considered very rare before consonantal combina^
tions with an /, especially in the 'Ablaut,' whence forms lik^
skn(f, sko/Jfnn, stmlg, svolgmriy preserve the short a and 0, Ther
Umlaut of it beft>re ng and nk is e or o, both of which are short
vowels and must correspond with «, not with d.
As a rule German grammarians mark the length of a vowel
in all the different dialects by the sign a ; but some have, in
publishing Old Norse and Anglo-Saxon documents, occasionally
adopted the mode of Scandinavian and English grammarians,
according to which the length is marked by the acute ('). The
student will therefore read ^J^ = /(?5 ; mu^z=z7nu^; m^s^im^s.
VOWEL SO USDS.
61
Gotliie tbie diphthong occurs rather frequently. Examples ;
' 7a, sea, lake ; main, snow ; sdh'ala, soul ; ddih, deal, part ;
t, home, village ; dim, one; t/Aini, stone; 6di, both; hdih»,
, caecus ; hdiU, heal, whole ; bditrs, bitter. Always in the
ipUcation of the verb. Thus sdi-tall, »kdi-ikdid, «(ai-i(aut,
tiislep, Idi-lo, f-di-tdk, are the reduplicated preterita of the verba
laltan, to salt ; tididan, to separate (Oerm. seheiden) ; ttauian,
to push, l>eat (Germ, stflpeii); tidpan, to sleep; lilmn, to ecold ;
l/Jean, to touch. This Gothic di is in the other dialects generally
rtmdered by ei or its condensation e and i (vide sub litt. ei, §j i)-
ei
This diphthong in its organic nature is met with only in Gothic,
Old High German, and Old Norse. In these dialects however
it has difierent tasks to perform. The Gothic ei is commonly
rcpliic*<l in Old Higli German and Old Norse by the long vowel
S, while the diphthong ei in the latter dialects stands for Gothic
<S«- Examples of Gothic ei : — eiaarn, iron ; reiian, to rise ; (neijls,
(lonlt (Germ, zweifel); freia, swine, pig; rein, wine; meim,
V^'M, leina (Germ, mein, dein, sein); compare O. li.Genn,
^*«n(, ritan, saival, tuttin, win, min, diu, tin. It further occurs
*& Gatiie as the termination of substantives of the weak dcclt- n-
^on, e. g. di]>ei, mother ; svijibei, strength.
The Old High German ei in helm, home; ttein, stone; eiu,
one; keil, heal, whole ; evjan, to own ; fieiac, flesh ; and the Old
^orse ei in eitre, poison, venom (Germ, eitcr) ; eir, iron ; irer'Sr,
"Wad ; ieill, heal ; e^a, to own, — correspond with the Gothic ui
?* We have already mentioned. In Old High German and Old
^orse we find the diphthong also in the preterites of tlie verlis
*" the fifth class, e. g. dreif, pcpuli ; hrein, claraavi ; beil,
""iDiordi ; rein, surrexi.
Concerning the condcnsalion of ei into e we refer to what we
"W^e stated sub lit. g. The other dialects offer hardly any
[fst-es of the diphthong ei in its organic nature, that is, coineid-
^e with the Gothic di; but Old Frisian has abundant examples
"• m inoi^nic «. Thus we find ei originating in contraction
III the terminations eg and ag, e. g. m«, way ; dei, day ; slei,
Dioff; but pi. wegar, degar, where the consonant reappears. Aa
48 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
the contraction of eg we meet it in ein^zeffin, own, proprim;
heia-=hega, tollere. tf/ = ^ in deilf for del, dale; weUa^wesa, to
be; ei=zu, iu, ou ; ^tfi=0. H. Germ, kon, a blow; beiU—O.VL
Germ, blufe, a tumor (Germ, beule); ir^«/= O. H. Germ. /fi^
bride, spouse. In a few words introduced from Old High Gw*
man the Old Frisian ei is identical with the same diphthong ii
Old High German, such as ieimr, emperor ; leia, layman.
iu
This is the only Gothic diphthong which is rendered in its
pure and original sound in other dialects as well, though most
of them also allow of a weakened form, and Anglo-Saxon ^^
places it by an altogether different diphthong, namely «^.
Examples: — Gothic friit, tree; kniu, knee; niujis, new; jinUit
July ; b'ntgariy to bend (Germ, bieg^n) ; iup, sursum.
Old High German /// coincides with the same diphthong in
Gothic, but it is occasionally replaced by 4 or the weakened »tf.
The latter stands to in in the same relation as does the vowels
to Uy and consequently it occurs under the same conditioitfi
namely, when the following syllable contains the vowel «, whik
i or n in the succeeding syllable ])reserve the pure diphthong >••
The same rule holds good for monosyllables which form th6
theme in a, i, or ?/, as well as for the conjugation of the verb-
Hence we have the forms kiuyi, fundo ; kiu^-is, tivnl^ iiojameit
kioiant ; imp. k'ui^ ; inf. k'w^an. So also in the declensions and
derivatives of words, as (liot^y people ; diutisk, popular, vema^
cular, hence BeuUchy German ; lioht, light ; liuhtjauy to lighten
(Germ, leuchien, splendere). The plurals diopdy stiordy or niunij
Ihiti, explain forms such as diopy thief; siiory bull (G^rm. stier),
or niiin, Ihit, people. Fior^ four, Goth, fdvar, has formed the
diphthong by the elision of consonants, in the same manner as
dlorna, ancilla, j^uella (Germ. dime).
As to the use of the weakened form of iu, the Old High Ger-
man documents differ vastly, so that from the original pure
diphthong iu we see them pass through the whole scale of vowels,
iu and etiy io and eo, ia and ea, and finally i€. This variation of
sounds is partly owing to dialectic differences, partly to the
rapid wearing down of full-sounding vowels, which we observe
towai'ds the close of the Old High German period.
Otfrid, where he makes use of ' Scbwachung,' chooses io for
monosyllabic words : in polysyllables he yields to the influence
of assimilation ; so that he prefers io where the following syllable
contains an o, ia or, rarely, i^, where a high-pitched vowel such
VOVTKl ^iOl'.VDS.
4a
n a ot f succeeds. Therefore rioro, thiouSnti, and ziari, I'mb'-,
Ut&a. Bat monosyllabic nouns, thoiij^h they aeBumv a high
»w»el in the inflexion, Devertheleas retain their to, hence (Awf^t,
Usiln; except ie in tifdei, CBrminis. Later authors, from the
timeof Tatian, and especially Notker, flatten the it/ Ktill furtlier
into it. The ia however ia peculiar to Oti'rid. The more
■adent antbors down as far as Isidor have a diphthong fu fur
ii in ancient proper names, noons, and prononns, e.g. en, vobis ;
, cirii, ros ; hrrunin, poenitentiam, for in, iuwik, iritinun. Kero
d Isidor have «' and ea for io in the inflexions, as waUend-eo,
li sometimes instead of iu There occurs another la
pM in Kero and Otfrid which corresponds with Goth. ^, not in;
(, HieiiM, table, Goth. me»; hiar, here, Goth, i^r,
With this one exception all the vowels mentioned are weakened
■ r. There is however another diphthong ia (Otfrid),
p(Kero, Isidor), or ie (Tatian, Notker), which has its origin
ptlie condensation or contraction of a more ancient reduplica-
Thus hialt, healt, pret. of haltan ; bliai, Ueiu, bliei, prelT ^
if bktan. The original reduplication still shows itaelf uumig. J
ably in a form heiall, used by Kero instead of iialt, and whichj
_-lielv approaches the Gothic haiknlil, pret. of Aal4ait. Th» i
tqiuion^ ii) we find in the preterite of tliose verbs which hava.l
[fctbe present the radical vowel on, 6, or uo ; e.g. lou/u, pret. j
|"V(Gath. il.ivpiin\ pret. hla'ihUmp ; sfj^u, iiti/>^ ; levo/u, mo/. ^
_ In Old Saxon the relation between in and i') is the snme ai
moid High German, and the same rules are npplicaMe as tcrj
I At use of 10 where a, and of iu where f or u follow in the ^
Uit syllable. Tims in the conjagation biudit, oBer ; biudu^
IniHl; pi. biodal ; inf. Hodan. So also in other words : kiuiHf j
kodieiOcrm. hento); tkiudfi, darkness; tkiodan, king; tkioma^
•folia (Germ. dime). Sometimes the distinction of iu and W \
WDOtee words of a different meaning, e.g. ihiit, ancilla; thio,'
inrtnim, of lie; fiur, fire; fior, four; and occasionally one and 1
Ltf" »D)e word wavers between /« acd io, e. g. Jiund, /»nd,
, Gend; dlatiul, dtOflol, diabolus. The weakened eo ap-
iBDot onfreijuently for Jo.- lAeqf, tiiiet'; fireoaf, breast; iheoihn,
ia, en are rare : Me»an, to choose {Germ, kiesen) ;
(, ancilla ; liakt, light.
iTbese vowels are in Old Sitxon as in Old High German used
t to indicate ancient reduplication. Thus ie by the side of
Btbe preterite of those verbs which have an d in the present —
' 'w* for Wi, pret, of Idtan, to let ; andried for andrgd, pret. of
i^rddan, to dread, io, eo, or ie in the pret- of those verbs
which have d in the present — h!iop, hliep, pret. of hlSpa-a, to
50 TECTOyiC GRAMMAH.
run {Germ. Imifen); mop, teeop, loifp, pret. of wopn«, to t
Ciiiiceniiug the reduplication in 4, vide siib lit, e-
Old Frisian is, like Old Saxon, restrictod to the sole <
tliong iw, of whicli it also admits the weakened form in * ,
80 tliat iM and I'o are met wliere tbe following syllable conta
nr orif^nally contained, i or », and ia wbere it eont
ExaniplcH : — hindega, hodie ; friund, friend ; niugvn, nine ;
seven ; and Hiore, dear; Jiover, four; liode, people; sliora, i
Some words waver between «'« and in, as fur and _/iof,
divre and dliyri^, dear; liude and Unde, people (Gem
iu at tbe end of wonis, e, g. thriu, three ; kiu, ea ; thitt,
but d'utr. Jeer, fera ; I'tak, sick ; thiade, people ; kriapa, to o
liaht, light.
Old Norse also uses the diphthong iv ne identical with C
IK. At tbe end of words: — niy, nine; tiu, ten; ^ri
Before labials or gutturalg : — diiipr, deep ; biugr, curved ; I
sad ; riii-ka, to smoke, reek ; except }^ii>fr, thief. The wea
form io is used before liquids and dentals : — biar, beer ; jUot, rt
{Germ, flu^) ; rf/o/, wheel; ^wm, to choose (Germ, kiesen).
words however even here preserve >'» : examples — (itirr, t
(Germ. !^lier]; 7iiv»(/i, nonus ; liundi , Accimws. As n rule, thas
in Old Norse, the use of tbe pure diphthonfi in, or its weakc
form ill, does not, as in Old High German, depend on the voffi
of tbe followiug syllabic, but on the nature of the succeedinj
consonant The conjugation of the verb does not, as in otbai
dialects, present an alternation between ia and io, simply becaiM
both these diphthongs are in the singular present of the v«
replaced by their common Umlaut j?. io also makes occasionj''
its appearance in tbe remains of an ancient reduplication;
amples — nwSo, gignere, pret. I'o'S ; ansa, to draw, haurire, pr^
ioa; bua, tO dwell, pret. bio; hhupa, to run (Germ, laufen], pr^
hliop {Germ. lief). On the rcdnplicatiou in e vide sub lit. e.
e6
This diphthong may be considered as exclusively Anglo-Si
and stands to the Gothic iw in the same relation as tbe (H
High German d, for instance, does to the Gothic di. It them
fore must by no means be regarded as identical with eOy
any other Schwachung of in which may occur in the oth
dialects, but as an independent vowel which in Anglo-Saxi
replaces the Gothic J« without being a mere Schwachung oft!
diphthong. In this character it chiefly occurs in the middle
a word : examples — be6r, beer ; be/in, to be; de6r, deer, fera; (
VOWEL SOlWm. 51
eel, sliip; ceiiiun, to choose; dciSj), deep; Mil, people; iedSf,
ight. This e^ was in later times often replaced by ^, egpecially
D verbs of the sixth class : silpan for seopan, to drink ; sHcan
br leScan, to suck ; litcan for le6caii, to lock. More about this
(vide sul). lit. ^.
This diphthong we find in various other places where it has
BO relation to the Gothic iu. It very often appears as the
Brechung of i, which has its origin in a mistaken analogy to
tbe Brechung of % into eo before the consonants h and v. Hence
the verbs wrMun, to cover; tthan, to amuse; ^Aan, to thrive,
We been removed into the sixth conjugational class, and
lius throwing off the h, they appear as wreSn, teSii, ^e6n, pret.
mtdk, tedk, yedh. Of similar formation \sfe6l, file, O. H. Germ.
jHi/d, /,7a.
At the end of a word where J has been dropped, i is replaced
by e4 : esamples— ieiJ, bee, O. H. Germ, bi ; feed, free, Goth.
Jta», 0. H. Germ. fri. It appears that a final i is repugnant to
the natare of the Anglo-Saxon idiom ; wherever, therefore, the
i is preserved in prei'erence of e6, it is under the shelter of a
following consonant, e.g. frik, fT\g,^ffe6 ; tig, sint, for 8e6 ; kig
for ieS.
So also we see fS occur where i is followed by w, e. g. gne6wan,
to go, Goth. «n/(.'<(«; c»e6ic, cneou'ea, Goth, kmii, knh-is, knee;
('«Jw, tree, &c. The ancient forme are cne6 and lre6, where
«i appears in it« organic character as the representative of the
Gothic IB in kniu, triit.
Simitar to to and ie in other dialects, e6 is in Anglo-Saxon
^e contraction of the ancient reduplication which is more
mmmonly represented by the condensed vowel e (vide sub lit. S) :
ttamplea — -gedni), ivi (Germ, gieng) ; he6n, jtissi; spe&n, junsi;
^'toi, timoi ; reird, resi ; leile, lusi ; le6rt, sivi : i/angan, bannan,
^ntnan, drisdan, rtedan, lacan, laian, occasionally form their
pfeteritefl by e6 instead of the more o
\
&u
Gotbio. Examples: — bdiian, to dwell; gduil, sun; /rdiija,
"rt; ldub», leaf (Germ, laub) ; galdiihjan,, to believe (Germ.
Bliiiiben); hldnpan, to run (Germ, laufen) ; dugo, eye (Germ.
Wge) i amo, ear ; hiauts, lot, fate.
'e have seen before how j is transformed into i, v into n,
Enb. lit. u- In the same manner \}, iv, av are transformed
ri, IK, au when they occur at the end of a word or precede
8S
a conBonant. Examples : — eig, ija, ije; frei*, /rijU, frija ; ^
)hct*, \iva ; naui, navit, in which the roots xj, Ji^, ^v, i
before the conBonantal termination s of the nominative, ad _
the corresponding diphthongs ei, m, an. Between aj tutd 4
such relation does not exist except in the words 6di, botll
b^jo^t 1 vdij vie, vajam/reina, contumely ; but we find tdian, tl
sow; IdiaH, to smile; not lajan, lajan. The forms av atid (
are also vocalized into iu and au before the inflexional c
_;'; where however this consonant itiielf is vocalized into t, tJ
mentioned diphthongs are again dissolved into iv and n. '.
Hence the nominative mari of the theme mdaja, }fiva of ^anjt,
and the preterite tavida of tutijan, to do (root t^ar).
Among other dialects Old Norse alone has preserved t
integrity of the Gothic diphthong dii. Examples; — Jrw
dream; baun.heaa; dau/r, de&f ; /««/", leaf ; 4/iiu^, a mn (Gi
lauf) ; aui/a, eye (Germ, auge); gluitmr, clamour, noise.
fl«, vide sub lit. 6, Very rare is d for au, as har, high, I
iauhi. In fdr, few, and alrd, straw, we have the regular p
ductions of the terminational a. Goth, fdua ; theme, Java;
ttrari, O. H. Germ. siri!.
Old High German in its moet ancient documents has i
the Godiic a." instead of the later em; but as a rule we a
have to loolt upon ou as (he Old High German representatili
of the Gothic di>. '
Anglo-Saxon has a vowel of its own, the diphthong ed t
the place ol" the Gothic dv.
Old Frlsiui has a diphthong an, which however is not t
organic vowel representing the Gothic du, hut an inorganic
diphthong originating in the contraction of dtc, as na»t-^-
Hdwei, -atmg\\i ; auder,\iter { = aiieeilder); naWer, neqwe (=iwjS'
OU
This is the Old High German representative of the Oothil
du. Examples: — ^/^owm, tree (Germ, baum); irotf/n, dream (Gel
traum) ; houbit, head (Germ, haupt) ; gtlmiba, faith (GennJ
glaube) ; hitf, a run (Germ, lauf) ; ouga, eye (Germ. auge).
This diphthong is however often encroached upon by tbft
vowel 6, into which it is contracted (d for ou, vide sub lit. 6) >
but the diphthong is invariably preserved before the liquid m,
before labials and gutturals. Sometimes it is rendered by ft
SchwUchung in no, oi, eu ; these forms however are mere dift>
lectic variations, and of very rare occurrence.
VOWEL SOUNDS. 53
LEadoTy one of the Old High Gterman anthora^ has an Umlaut
an xsL eu. 'Examplea i^-Jreuwidia, joy ; ftiuwidHf laetare;
iiLe other documents haYe/rauwit, he rejoices; /rauwi, hetaie.
This 18 the characteristic diphthong of Anglo-Saxon, which
tts to represent the Gothic du. Examples : — at the end of words
sO. H. Oenn. 6 or au: Jred, lord ; fed, few. By the elision of
the tenninational i, e. g, ied^^AeaJk, nigh ; ed, water; Goth, aiva,
0. H. Germ. oAa; ned, near. This diphthong is very common
Wore the liqnids m and n. Examples: — iedm, beam; gledm,
glesm; 9edm, seam ; ttedm, steam; siredm, stream ; iedm, team ;
Ms, bean. Before the liquid r only in edre, ear, Goth. dtuS ;
ieh, a tear; iredrung, a distilling. Before the liquid /, no
emnples. Preceding other letters: dedf, desS; Aedfod, head;
ifli^ leaf; iedp, heap; sledp, sleep; edge, eye; iredd, bread;
iid, dead ; ledd, lead; nedd, need.
Whilst in Grothic and Old High German the terminal v join-
ing a is vocalized, and forms the diphthong au, it has in Anglo-
Saxon a tendency to r^;ain its position after the vocalization
W taken place. Thus then a root dav would be Goth, ddu,
and Goth, ddu again A. S. ded: the consonant v however turns
^ again in its old position and urges upon us the form deaw,
dew; 80 also bredw, eye-brow; fedwa, few, Got}i.favdi; heawan,
to hew, O. H. Germ, hawan, hauwan. Sometimes ed is con-
ttacted in e: vide sub lit. e-
UO
This diphthong is peculi^ to Old High Grerman, in which
it represents a dissolution of a more ancient 6 into the double
▼owe! or diphthong uo. Examples \—fuoran ^zf&ran ; tuam =
^; pluomo^plom; luan=t6n, &c.
In the inflexions 6 is preserved throughout. One Old High
(^nnan dialect, which inclines to the Low Grerman, prefers the
^1 even in roots, to the common Old High German uo: oa for
w is scarce ; ua for uo, where we meet also ia, ea, for iu.
ey
Belongs' to Old Norse exclusively as Umlaut of au : freyr,
Goth, frduja, lord ; hey, Goth, hari, hay ; dreyma, to dream,
64 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
from drauma. Sometimes ey for oe : beyki, beech {=boeii), GotL
bSia; deya, to die ; ffeya, to rejoice ; XJmlant of au, pret. A
and ^6.
II. MIDDLE TEUTONIC.
Short Vowels.
a
Middle High German. Examples: — al, all; ^al, somid; not'
tegal, nightingale; mal^ I grind, molo; 9wal, swallow; kit
valley, dale ; bar, naked, bare ; spar, I spare ; kamer^ hammer;
achamy shame; ^«;i, cock ; man, man; maget, nudd; zagel,\xSi\
tac, day; ake, water; trahen, tear; blat, leaf; vater, father;
gra^, grass.
Examples of the pure a sound are very numerous, deviations
of this sound into that of any other vowel very rare; ih«y
occur in almost the identical words which show a fluctuatioi^
of sound in Old High German already. Thus harsher, hither i
wal=wol, well; 8al=zsol, ohsl]; van^von^ prefix de, ab; mah^
= mohte, might ; kam = kom, came, a is used in the place of ^j
especially where the latter is Umlaut of a : thus achdmltck, adj^*
oi scham, shame; zdglichy adj. oi zage, coward; scAdfleltck, adj*'
schade, damage. More about this Umlaut sub lit. e.
Old and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon a in late Saxot^
retained its position before syllables with a fiill vowel, and before
m and w, in which latter case it fluctuates into o. Hence we
\idiNQ fram ksiA. from; lang, long; man, mon ; occasionally with
a preluding e, heond, leondy &c. The Ablaut of the first strong
conjugation is conmionly o : bond, bound ; wond^ wound ; drone,
drank; aprong, sprang; along y stung; more rarely a, 9wang,
aprang ; others have always a to the exclusion of o, kannd,
lannd, mann, cann. Old English and Middle English keep up
the fluctuation of sound before m and n, e. g. man, mon ; kand,
hond ; aprang, aprong.
Another source of the Middle English a is the Anglo-Saxon
a. In late Saxon some writers choose a representative in a (a),
a, €, even ea, whilst others strictly adhere to the vowel a. Thus
we find brec, brdc, breac, broke; apac, apec, apdc, spoke; que^,
qna^, said, quoth; what, what, whet; craft, craft; graa, grda*
Old English renders the a commonly by a, rarely by e, as
af^l, bare, brak, apak, or atel, ber, brec, apec; amal, fader, pat.
OWSl SOUNDS.
ttitf; and in the same manner Mtddlu English has loiaf, ffnft,
p««, Taren.
The third a derives ita origin from the A. S. ea, the Brechiinjj
of Gothic a, before the eonamantfi I, r, and h. Even tlie Itite
Sawn authors re<luce the va to a, as a(, A. S. eall; wal, A. S.
«Mo/; fl/c, A. S. eaU; suit, warm. Sometimes the sound is
Wavtring between a, a, and e: heard, kitril, kiirdy heril ; l-earea,
'fewi, tears. The Ablauts in the eighth and tenth conjngations
Bnctuate between a, a, and e. Some words even inehne to o :
I We, iaiden, kolde ; dUl, old; taMe, ea/de, s/dde. These fliie-
mu Iieeome gradually leas I'reqiient in Old Knglish until
« different sounds settled down in a : al, a/le, htith ; walli-,
; the Ablaut in the tenth conjugation : /mljj, help ; dalf,
. M: »agi, taw, mu. Exeeptious : — old, kotden, bold. So alwo
'" Middle English a has the preference, e. g. alle, fallen, halle,
'^rpyharde, harm, arm; and the Ablaut in the tenth conjugation
f'>»3ki,fagkt, half, dalf. The Umlaut of a is as in Anglo-Saxon,
Jnouyh it is in the later Saxon occasionally written «, e, g. hate,
™-f, hate; maU, mdl, meat; tallen, tiillen, to tell. In Old and
MjiJJIg English again, the vowel e is firmly established, e. g. Iwa,
L ■''*» men, helle, nel, del, fj't, bench, mete, sellett, Mien, weiidea.
*aiddle High Oerman. The vowel e is by Grinmi distinguished
''"-o two sounds, onf thinner and softer as Umlaut of a, and
.!« other nuirked H of a fuller and broader sound as Brt'chung
The lact of a differenee really existing in the nature of
*^se sounds the same authority proves from the rhymes in
^* <<3dle High German poetry, where in good classical produc-
u **' ^'^ hardly ever find e the Umlaut of a rhyming upon e
Jl* e - Brechung of i. Examples of e as Umlaut of a \ — lier, army;
*^^*#, bed; helle, hell; herle, hard — here the Umlaut is owinjj
"* the initeiional i which has been dropped — rede, speech ; etcl,
"*^ ; gletin, vitreus ; elle, ellin, omnia; swcllev-^ to inflate ;
?*"^»iBcM, to hum J henne, hen ; nieppe, step. The vowel a and
itB Umlaut e, by their frequent exchange, give the inflexional
'■^'TiiB a diversified and pleasing modulation. Thus we find often
9 *n the singular of the substantive declension replaced by e
^'^ the plural, e.g. ffinf, guest, pi. gesle; blut, leaf, pt. bleter.
^*aiinine nouns of the second declension preserve a in the nom.
aotl ace. sing., but in the gen. and dat, tliey already replace
it by its Umlaut e, e. g. krnfle, krefle, strength ; hand, hcndv,
hand. The present of the first weak conjugation yields to Ihe
th,
L
56 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Umlaut Cj whilst the preterite often preserves the original i,
e.g. vellen, to fell; fcenden, to turn; pret. vaUe, tponde. in
interesting contrast is produced by the Umlaut occurring in tlie
adjective^ and the original a in the adverbial form, as iertt,
hard ; iarf^, hardly ; fesie, firm ; /aste, firmly. The UnJi^
of a has been generally adopted in monosyllabic and bisylUw
words from the thirteenth century, so that we never find iar for
ier, army ; varn for nern, to preserve ; an^iel for en^el, angeL
Thus then we have the Umlaut of a represented by two dif-
ferent letters, a and e ; and what, might be the question, is
the meaning of these difierent signs 7 It appears that, as itr
as the intrinsic value of each of these letters or sounds is oon-
cemed, they are identical. We therefore find the words whiA
we have enumerated above under the Umlaut a quite as often
rendered by the Umlaut e, so that 9chdmlich and 9ckem^
zdglich and zeglich, schadelich and ackedelich were used without
discrimination. If there be any difierence at all, it would seem
to lie in this, that a is used in derivations which were stall
traceable to their roots, as scMffilicA to scAam, zagKci to zaj^f
schddelich to sch^de ; while the vowel e renders that Umlarf
which owes its origin to a more ancient modification, suet
as hcTy from O. H. Germ, hari, where the modifying vowel
was dropped in the course of time, but the Umlaut kept ifc
place, though the Middle High German author may not hav<
been so conscious of the relation between her and O. H. G«rn»
hari as he was of that between schade and scAddeltcA : a thet
is the more modern, e the more ancient Umlaut. More abou^
this distinction under the chapter of modem German vowels.
e, the result of Brechung. In the inflexions we meet this e
chiefly in the plur. pres. ind., and sing, and plur. pres. subj.j
of several strong verbs ; in the substantives of the first strong
declension; and, in general, in all those words which have ai
in'flexional a after the radical vowel i. Thus then in inflexion
and derivations e exchanges with i in the same manner as
with a; hence berc, gehlrge ; v'elty gevilde; gerste, girsiin; win
we men; wirhe, w'erben. Compare Old High German 6^* and i.
The distinction of e and e is of great importance, since sold
by its means we are enabled to keep distinct many words whic
have the same spelling but a diflerent meaning ; e. g. ber, berri
bcTy a bear ; heVy army ; her, hither ; helle (Germ. hoUe), hel
(Germ, helle); velty cadit, v'eli, ager; sferben, caedere, to kill
sierbeuy cadere, to die ; nebelin, diminutive of nabel€, umbilicus
nebe/m, diminutive of 7iebel, nebula. But in spite of all thes
facts which 6j)eak in favoui* of a distinction between e and e, :
WWEL SOUNDS. 57
^ot be denied that their sounds even in refined utterance
inot have differed much, since even the most redaed poets of
■ classical period make e and e rhyme occafiionally.
<)ld and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon f, Schwachung of
it retained in late Saxon, though rabject to many fluctuations.
roples: — Ae,me,]ie,6ere)t,6reien; ttelen and aleohn ; eel/'aad
Nay, this unsettled fluctuating state of things goes so
jtK to extiuguish all difference between S the Schwachung of
|uid e the Umlaut of a, and consequently the letter a (=a)
I often used for both indiscriminately. Heuce deliien, ddlfen ;
}n,dien: helm, Aaln; or both a and eo are substituted for e:
n, halpeti, heolpen. Old English ag^in displays a more
' d state of things, and the sound is, as of yore, represented
8 legitimate e (rarely t). Middle English already shows a
' tendency of lengthening the short vowel e into i ( =ee), toee,
^,fee, lere and ker, breke and breek.
Middle EUgb Qemus. This vowel is used to the same extent
■* «» Old High German, and consequently appears in the nomi-
"•tive of the second and third declensions in the sing. pres. of
^'^ng verbs which exchange e and t, and finally in derivations
"hich originally had the vowel i or w. Examples : — sil, rope
(yerm. seil) ; spil, play (Germ, spiel) ; vil, much ; himel, heaven ;
°'.*', sura; bin, a bee; kin, illuc; m», tin; aiien, seven; tige,
^ctory (Germ. Bieg) ; ffltcie/, great ; «i^r»T^, a line; sjszV, smith;
"'E, this; »tz, seat; ml, I will; xoitn, I take; bir, I bear; gibe, I
Pve; briche, I break; tihe, I see; sing. pres. of welleti, nemen,
,'^en,gehen, brechen, »ehen. The vowel i is, however, very limited
*U Ae conjugation. Since e rules throughout the pres. subj. as
^ell as in the pi. of the pres. indie, the relation between i and e
in the Middle High German is most readily explained by a refer-
ence to Old High German, where an a in the following syllable
modifies, * or M preserves, the preceding (. Thus nebel, eden,
^geH,Tegen,ieken, »tEe»teT=.0. H, (ierm. ne6al,epan, deiatt,rekan,
zekan, sueftarj and kimei, michel, birke, iirc^e = O. H. Germ.
himil, micAil, piricha, chirichd ; and siben, sicher, videle, tciiewe^
O. H. Germ. »ibuK. seven; siehur, aoSe; fidul4, fiddle; vriluKd,
widow. The » in all adjectives in tn or ic is easily explained; as,
girtUn, adj. of gersfe, barley; rilKn, adj. of vel, skin ; and the
B^le which has been laid down will quite as easily explain the
lehange of / and e in the conjugational forms ; c. g. pres, sing.
■ , bint, birt ; plur. bern, bert, berni, — 0. H.Germ. pirn, pirit.
68 TECTONIC CJIAMMAR.
pirii, jiiram, //r^raf, peraul. Singular it is to find » commonly
coding tho consonants t and t:, and many doabled conson
apparently for no other reason but the terroinational t which li
been dropped in the course of time; e. g. tpiz, vUrwiz, = O. 1
Ocrm. apiiiy/uriwUi. Several monosyllables of frequent oco
ri'nce in daily speech have escapeil all modifyin^r influences i
Sireaerved the i intaot, e. (f. iek, Kick, dick, viek, mir, dir, i
iat, i»l, in (eum, m and prep.), min, minuE, &c. ; er and i
(Qoth. M and idi) yielded to the grencral decline, but ir (Goth
ii^t, itdi, iiJ, it^] pron. possess, has retained its dtstinctire i
Thoiiph Grimm is fond of calling the modiKcation of i into
'n Brechuncf,' ho at the same time acknowledges that GotU
dilTors from Miilille as well as Old High German Breehung il
its eHsentiul cbamct eristics, the former chun^ng i into at ani^
the influence of Bucoe^ing consunante [r and /*), the latter ondt
the intluonco of siic<'c<^diiig vowl'Is. Being unable to discera an
lieneKt nwulting from an adhesion to Btiontific distinctions whic
are no longer outborne by facts, we may perhaps discard th
term of Brechung for the Middle as well as Old High German i
which we consider in all ca:«es as a mere Triibung or Schwachnnf
of the original vowel i.
Old and Hiddle Bnglioh. The Anglo-Saxon eo is rarely t
tuiued in the suL-i-ceding iierioils, but tat« Saxon often replaces
by rt. Exiimplos: — Acur/, hart; keorle, heart; /eoU,fele, tasa^
((iiTHi. vide) i *«>/«f/', ic/wf, silver; ttecvnl, tiKeril, evord ; eorSi
trtk, ((trie, eartli ; Acvueiui, Aeanit, heaven. Or by 0 : wennM
worelil, world; tUorTf, stfiir, storrc, star. In Old and Middli
English the Anglo-Saxon cit is commonly represented by e : keri^
hart ; k«rt«, heart ; mcrtl, erl, ieirit, erthe,J'el^, aelj'e ; — rarely ll
0 : wort, KQrlti, even hor^ earn ; kour, iis. A few words retuv
to tlie original vowel i, which even in Anglo-Saxon speech l
already been split into e and w; and we therefore meet wi
W/cor and miVi for the Anglo-Saxon wc/rcz-and meolc. In tli&l
inst4Ui(!i> it may indeed be argtied with great plausibility th«l
Anglo-Saxon too allowed the more ancient forms aifver, mUc, I
the side of thv later breaking in scofrer and meofc.
Kiddle High Q«rman. jVnalagous to the Old High German
3. Examples: — ii/, u \ni\v ; ofe.oi]; tW, full ; »«/, well; Aone^
honey; iaiitf, wil'v ; litchof, bit-hop; ocen, oven, furnace; rt^
bird; hen<ige,A.\\^'i; stcoif, stick (Germ. stock) ;_/oci, yoke; htA
cook ; worm and wurtit, worm ; iom, horn ; com, com ; dorf
VOWSL SOUNDS.
, gorge, care j gebrochen, broken ; gekrochen, crept, reptns.
derives its origin sometimes from a, Bometimes from u,
b vowels it ie merely a Schwacbung or Triibung. Henee
ial, shall; holn = ialn, to fetfli; kom = Icam, x'on = ran,
= fuahte, might (Germ, mochte, potui). More common is o
the Schwachung of u, to whieh class most of the examples
phich we have given belong : o for is in wo/, for vrela, well ; Kovie
wecha, week; kone for quena, wife; komen, for queman, to
inve ; koden for quedan, to say (cf. quoth).
The Umlaut of o is 6, This Umlaut however is of rare oceur-
lence ; a fact which may be demonstrated a priori when we con-
sider that the vowel o, of which it is the modificatioD, replacua
the origpnal v, then only when it is not followed by i, the vowel
which chiefly causes the Umlaut in the root. It is still more
interesting to observe that, wherever Umlaut of o does occurj it
is not this o which is modilied, but the original u for which it
stands Thus then we find by the side of tor, door ; vor, prau,
fore; tUr and vur, not tor and vor — because in Old High German
already the organic u is sheltered by the i in turi andyw/'*. In the
^me manner we shall easily explain the Umlaut U in the words
^acilx, dUmin, giildin, hiilsJn, adjectives of hoc, lie-goat; thru,
thoTD; wo^&.wool; golt,gcAi; kotz,mQoA; and by the side of the
i**rtieiples geworfen, gtborgen, the subjunctives iBurfe, bUrge, which
*J^e modified forms of the pi. indie. v>utfen,burgen, '-inftn. wirfea,\.iy
h*} *i}vi ; b'ergen, to hide. Exceptional wises arc the following : —
"*ld High German nouna passing from the first to the second
^^clension sometimes assumed the plurals in i instead of a, hence
^^veeki./rvtci Kqx poceka,f rosea, he-goats, frogs; whence Middle
*3 igii Grerman plurals, snch as bocke, froscke, ttScke, rocke, by the
j-*'^Je of the formation of the first declension, boeke, froiche, &o,
^ Old High German already we find words fluctuating in the
^**und between o and », e.g. luchir and lochtr, hulir and kolir,
r^liiih explain the Middle High German pluials lacker, hiiltr,
^*~(w. &c. Old High German diminutives fluctuating in the same
^J^aiiner, are luckUi and lockUi, puekili and pochili, whence tbe
~^4. H. Germ, lockelin, bockelCa, rddelin, not lUchelin, &c.
Aa to the further development of this Umlaut we have only
'-^ observe that it took place in the same way as that of a into e,
**amely, under the influence of a succeeding i : thus then we find
l>arullel to temelick, similar ; gremelich, irascible — O. H, Germ.
*<imaliA, gramalih — the forms golelich, divine ; lobelich, laudable —
O. H, Germ, gotalik, lopaltk. The weak preterites dorfk, mokle,
tohU, have in the siilijunctive ddrpe, tiuiiie, (okle ; »olde and
violde remain unchanged in the subjunctive.
60 TEUTOSIC GMAJOUJL
Old JDod Middle '"■■fl^^*** Tlie # rtrj <rfien takes the pkoe
of an original «, as h aometiBei did in Anglo-Saxon alreidj.
TlraB Mid. Eng. mom, ha^, iemd^ Umd^ wiromd^ for aunt, laaib, &&;
ezoeptionanT for A. S. «&, as in cvrV, awi/ for A.S. n—fil,
IGddle 'Higi Qennan. Examples ; fmme, man ; iniipm,
bridegroom (Germ, briotigam) ; simmi, dumb ; mmer, summer;
vrum, pious (Germ, fronmi} ; Jmmgr, thond^ ; Jkmlde, ttLYoax;
seimUe, gmity debt; rmrm, worm; imrm, tower; wmrz^ wort,
herb; wmrzei, root; /■«»/, art; Im/f, air; raib^ fox; imm, Yenio.
PL jnet. of strong rerhs : ariain, tmsimos ; ilmiem, fidimns ;
Im^em, mentiti somas ; trv^em, fefeUimns ; r/nym, Yolayimiis.
» bears the same relation to o as does i to e . As a rule th^
original vowels a and i exehide their respective intruders o and ^
from any hold npon their position before consonantal combina-^
tions, SQch as ««, aa, mi, mgf, a^, mi, md, mz, ms; the liquids i
and #9 fortified by another sncoeeding consonant afibrding, it>"
would appear^ sufficient shelter to the originsil vowels f and a.
Where the position is open to both competitors^ the original
vowel u always depends on a succeeding • or t for its safety,
while a succeeding a is sure to bring in the intruder o. Thus
the pi. pret. kluiem, bugem, iugen, we explain by the O. H. Germ.
ehlupun, pugnuy tugun ; and the o in Aomee, avem, iohter, by the
O. H. Germ. Aonac, ovan, U^Atar,
u is the Umlaut of « brought about by a terminational i
Examples: — Aiil, hole, O. H. Germ. Auli; ra/, puledrus^ O.H.
Garm, full ; kur, election, O. H. Grerm. cAuri; tur, door^ O.H.
Germ, turi ; vur, fore, prae, O. H. Germ, /uri ; miinecA, monk,
O.H. Germ. tnuniA; AubescA, courteous, pretty ; iibel, evil, O.H.
Germ. ubiL (To these examples may be added those quoted sub
lit. o.)
Considering that the radical vowel u is exposed to the modify^
ing influences of both a and i, and that a terminational u (which
again is scarcer than terminational i) alone can save the positioi^
of its twin brother in the root, we shall have no difficulty it%
explaining the preponderance of the Umlaut ii over the original
vowel u — a preponderance which would be still greater if it wer^
not for certain consonantal combinations which reject the Umlaut ;
as for instance, Id, It, ng, nh, so that the forms 9cAuld€, Aulde,
scAuldic, gtildin, are preferred to schiilde, Aulde, scAiildic, gUldtn.
From these exceptional cases it becomes sufficiently evident
that the Umlaut of « had pervaded far less generally the vocal
FOW£L SOUNDS.
61
fstem of the Middle High German language than the (Imlniit
r a had done ; that w is a vowel unknown in Old High German ;
ind ttat by degrees it developed itself in Middle High German
ID tte same manner ab e, the Umlaut of a, had done in Old High
German. Where in Old High German there still remained a
fluctuation between the Umlaut e and its original a, Middle
ttigU German decides in favour of the former; and so again
Modern High German adopts the Umlaut «, where Middle
High German was still wavering between the vowel n and its
Umlaut (*. Grimm places the first transitions from « into ii in
the eleventh or twelfth century.
Old and Middle Englisli. The Old £nglish 11 ib to a great
extent identical with the same letter in Anglo-Saxon. Examples :
— mm, funae, tunge^ ^«'f, «unde, sound, healthy (Germ, gesund) ;
tut it is not unfrequently replaced by o, rarely ou ; tomer =
mwtT, dombe = dumCe, io«e = tune, son; ncmne = nvnne,folle =
/ulU, a>orm = vmrm, iiot(i(=(lt/tt. The pi. Ablaut in the tenth con-
jugation is oft«n o, sometimes ». Old English reduces the number
of e vowels and commonly supersedes them by 0 or oit ; whence
J^l~ful, dotv=ditre, som = »um, borgk and bourgh=burgh ; and
Middle English makes a kind of compromise between the con-
flicting elements of sound by engaging in some words the
Vowel u, in others o, to the exclusion of the rival vowel. We
therefore read /ul, Aiingre, under, schulUre, last, dnat, and worm,
*!>*der, dore, note, nonne. Still open to the competition of the
Rnls are aune, tone, son ; sunne, sonne, sun ; mme. some.
The Anglo-Saxon u which, under the influence of a preceding
*j Was developed from the vowel 1, either retains it place, inter-
foanging sometimes with 0, as cumen, comen ; Kude, Kode ;
""^T, toaier : ^iia, ))o*,- or it ia reduced to the original vowel i;
^•Qviie^ widewe, widow ; Kike, week. The fluctuation continues
'" Old and Middle English ; we therefore read, woke, wuke, wyke ;
"fume, to come; wude, mode, wood ; wAilk, wuci, mcA ; noilk.
Itiddle High Qermiui. This vowel is not German, and has
therefore in Middle High German no better position than in
Old High German. It is looked upon as a foreigner, and solely
^itt«d in words of the Latin and Romance languages. Ex-
Miplea : — Tylurd, Gynover. German worils too which had been
Komanized and re-admitted into German literature allowed of
the vowel y. Examples -.—Tyball= Bielhalt, Y8ewfrtm= Iteitgrim.
"& sound was no doubt like that of i, though occasionally it
iz 7irz:^sic grammar,
3ZSST. rx Trial.' i: ▼'rrrS'^ brre bad fOSDetfaing of the sonnd of
Ix \m 3:«iz-:^inx f«ETzrr. az»d liter co still morey the Bomance
irTmSt-i. ::s*i'l: ixt: T*cr^7 GerjcAai w^tztk. sod in manj cas
s3:Tcitr':<*i 'ua sbm ;. 'Knif iLai ii beeune cnstomaiy to wn'
r '^. «i«*, ff**. n .' .rrar w* £z>i :? i3so in the plaee of f. and i
lie £iii:b:ii:^ rf. -nr. ''7. r':c i. r", i**"-
OQd &:»£ KddOe '»'ic^irf» t is in Anglo-Saxon the Umlao
cf »- Tbf T ^£'1 • is .-.ncz. v{&kf2ied into o ; henoe we find ,
cc:<2i jsi tit U—Jii:: :f . Jk^ ir. r.-V. rtui^^ annun^ anreos. L
lite Six r tI:- Uzl1i:i' * is r-.c^c^ :o tbe original vowel «; as
f*»ir ::r ni?-. w / tr.— f:r w^rwr^*-, *»i? (or ymle^ lukl k
ij:': :jr it« Trr:::z;^ :: rtifcf. ;*;«/. for rrw^^ arrival ; /«//«
rW r%^ z<: ::y.:Tr: cc. "ir^i:*: tie f^-^ind of the Umlaut is pre-
V^rve^i, ::> v-LirArtcriffi * lericy i> di^azded and replaced by th(
Wtur i\ e.iT. r F/. ^ US'. *%'*«', ^i*>rJf, kirk, church; bigg^^
to buy : .r trf £-i » ar^i i siie tr side; e-g. btuiy bUi, busy
cfc*«,-^8.-'. r /.w-. titc-b^r : mn*^, r^'ta^, joy (Germ, wonne)
/».j*r», / '•.'*, ^:I££:i. Tri-c-Tti:?! in this manner the sign of thi
I'niliu: has 'r^^r. a.tcrwi fir:m t into i, we have every reasoi
to surrv><*e tiit f iri > w^ere sv"*vemed exactlv alike, and tltt
thus tho ^5,^^.::i vf the Umlatit was kept mtaicL The letter
haviiiir thus Kxr tne super-nuniefv-cs as it were in native word
it was borct:V>r:h as^'^r^^ed to new functions in foreign word'
a^a^:i^^u^ t.^ the i in Middle Hig^h German, e. g. Ananja
/iV'^-.-y.-j, M /s.r'f. Prrhaps the adoption of jr in Latin won
has causod its tXT::!s::s fK-m the vemacolar. In Old Engfe
the apj lioation '■: this vowel is in a state of great confiisio:
some writers preferring' h, others r, others i. Hence we me
c.i «r A' It*, t" ! } r* ^ e*, .y. " tv .; « > '<^.Vr, K i \$tfr ; Imt^i, li/ttl : bng§
Iri^i:^, From this confusion of sounds and signs arises al
the error. oous form Jy ;V for )'; ;V, as well as bir/Ar. suiiie. Tl
chaotic state eontiiiues in Middle English ; out in this peri
the I gradually begins to gain the preponderance among 1
conflicting elements. Hence we read, i-Zny, l-im, din^ biggen, i
to buy ; /: .':V.', kU4€, birU ; but also, l^tUl, fyu€, and bury.
Brechu'.ig.
In the Middle Teutonic dialects the system of Brechnng
gradually reduced to a few isolated instances which finally (
apj>ear altogether. Old High German never had a fully
veloped system of Brechung like Gothic, Old Norse, j
Anglo-Saxon, and it is therefore but natural that Middle H
German, its offspring, should be very deficient in the sa
respect. Still the latter has more frequently adopted
rorvEi soL^^^DS. es
Brcclmngr Je, which, however, must he owing to Low German
inftuenccs, and may therefore hardly he considered as pure Higli
German. Thus, viele, much, A.S.Jeoloj iiejiiel, heaven-, fiietie-
1 Mr/, departure, — comp. A. S, htona, keonon, hinc ; SI. H. Germ.
1 weieM, seven, A. S, geo/on; M. H, Germ. sie», to see, A. S. teon.
' Middle High German as well as Old and Middle Kuglish have, in
tact, gradually disposed of the Breehung by absorbing the broken
Towels in one or other of the nearest related simple vowels, thus
loueiug them to return to the sources whence they had started.
An attentive examination of the facts wc have advanced concern-
iii{,' the course of the different Middle Teutonic vowbIr, especially
ia Old and Middle English will sufficiently bear out these views.
SCiddle Higli Qentuui. In this dialect the vowel d corresponds
flosely to the 0. H.Gcrm. 4, Goth. S. Examples: — d, water,
"* compound names of rivers; dd, there; Ard, crow, gen.
*'"<3»ii,- i/a, claw. gen. klmoe ; zted, duo, two; wd, where; dl,
^.'^l ; mdl, sign; ilrdle, arrow; hdr, bair ; _;'<//■, year; star, star-
'"^ig; wdr, true; krdm, tavern; mdne, moon; van, hope; gdfie,
E^*t; sldf, sleep; atr&fe, punishment; wajen^ weapons; grdve,
^**-»'l; rdl, counsfl. Very often produced by contraction: — hdn
'^*:i(n haien, to have; t/etrdn from getriujeii, borne; ilda from
'^^Aen, to stay; Irdii from trahen, tear; thus also, gdiiy to go;
*'^fl, to stand; lixn, to let; geldn, done. This vowel is fre-
'i^ently met with in foreign words, as b&begi, pope; tdvel, table;
^specially in the terminations, Asid, PoHegdl, Addm, Afftkdii,
»*'*UUUdn, capettdn, majeifdi, triiiUdt.
Old and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon d is sometimes
detained in Lit* Saxon, somelimos inclines to 6 : — bd, both ; wdc,
*eak ; snaw. tnou-e, snow ; Adl. Aul {G- rm. heil), sahis ; Adlie, Aolic,
holy; »dr, »dr, pain, sore; Adm, A6m, home; ddn, biiH, bone;
ttdn, itd», stone; lirdd, 6rdtl, broad; cldd, cldd, cloth; gd»t, gdti,
ghost (sometimes a as gasi, &c.) ; gd. yd, to go ; ienaae, ienowe,
tdme, tCnne, &c. Ablaut d, or fluctuating between d. ft, &.
Old English preserves the d-.—du, ntdne, hdli ; Ablaut, drdf,
nmdt, rdd ; occasionally also druf, »m6l, rdd. Middle English
adopts d for a, the length of the o sound being marked by a
terminational e mute, following a single consonant, or by wv
' stooH = g(one, boon = bone, gooat = gd»l ; Ablaut, droof=i druv
ihoi'e=»toi'e, itntool=tmole, &c.
i
64 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
8B
Middle High German. ^ is the Umlaut of ^. Examples:^
alCy anguillse, from dl ; harln, crinaliB, from kdr; grammHj
comitissa, from grave ; rate, couBilia, from rdt ; hrttmey tabenuPj
from krdm.
Old and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon Umlaut et of
d continues to exist in late Saxon — stdn^ stanig ; or it wavers
between a and 6 — I^ren^ Uren ; cl^ne, cline. In Old and Middle
English it is fixed down as /or ee — clene, tecie, wkeie; except
any and lady.
The Anglo-Saxon ^=Goth. di. Old High G^erman ei take«
pretty nearly the same course as the Umlaut a just mentioned.
Anglo-Saxon often represents the d by «, which in sound
seems nearly to approach the Umlaut, but in its derivation it
must be kept strictly distinct. (Comp. Anglo-Saxon.) This
Anglo-Saxon iB, answering to the Gt)thic 6, Old and Middle
High German d, continues to hold its position in Late Saxon*
siraete, street; nuely meal; har, hair; spache, speech; ditif
deed; wapon^ weapon; graf{M. H. Germ, grdre, earl); some-
times it is supplanted by S : s^l, nedle^ 8Sd--OT waverin<^ betweel^
a, 6 and a (especially in the Ablaut of the pi. of the eighth ani
ninth conjugational class) : ateiiy sSien, quSien, bSren, stdlen^
brdkeriy spceken. In Old and Middle English this doubtfiil
a sound finally settles down in 6 : ele, slepe, dede, strete, nedle,
mele (eel, sleep, deed, street, needle, meal).
Middle High German. In this dialect it holds the same
position as in Old High Grerman. Examples : — i, law ; S, prius
(cf.Germ. eher, Eng. ere); ilS, clover; mS, more; ri^ roe; snS, snow,
nix, snSwes, nivis; sS, sea; wS, wSwe (Germ, wek, malum), sSle,
soul ; sSr, dolor (cf. sore). This vowel rarely arises from contrac-
tions : gescM from geschehe, eveniat ; itvire from sweAere, socero.
In manuscripts the different e sounds are sometimes a little con-
fused, and can only be kept distinct by strictly referring them
to their respective class of e, e, or ^; e. g. mer, sea; mer^ misceo,
mix ; mer, more ; Aer, army ; A'er, hither : Aer, clams ; ier,
berry ; 6er, a bear ; ber, verres. In foreign words not uncom-
mon : PSni^lopS, Ninivi, MicAa^l, adS, adieu ; ced^r, cedar.
Old and Middle English. The vowel e in Old and Middle
English derives its origin from divers other vowels, as we had
VOWEL SOUNDS. 65
already occarion to point out. (i) Prom A. S. a (Goth, e, O. H.
G&m.d),slepe, stpeeAe, dede, streU, &c. (2) Prom Umlaut of 6:
fi^ifiU top, i^y and to kepe, to feU^ to dtme^ &c. (see sub lit. 6.)
(3) From A. S. ^=Goth. ii^ O. H. Germ, ei : see^ sea \ deleuy to
&!; meneny to mean ; bredey bread \flehsy flesh. (4) Prom A. S. a^
Wmt of a : wetey clenCy teehe, (5) Prom A. S. ed : tre, knejlcy
(ftpfj dere, tkefpyjrertd,/end,
A
1
IGddle High Gtorman. Examples : — bi, by ; bH, lead (Germ.
Uei); dri, three (Germ, drei); H, sim, sit; vriy free; ^fe, bee;
^ fiend ; te^/!^^ time (of. while and Germ, weile) ; swin, swine ;
VM^wine; wip, woman; zity time (of. tide); (sy ice; «^^^ iron.
Fonned by contraction : gU=gilety dat. gelin=zgeligeny &c. e^
occus where an original j, g, Wy has been dropped : snie=9nigey
nie^zwige. Often in foreign words: lirey lyra; /iny fine;
ftroMiy ami€y and anngCy arzeniey medicine ; benedieuy maledieny
lotedioeie^ maledicere. I and C distinguish tdne, friend^ and
»w, wine ; ^e, victory, and sige, trouble, disease ; also pret.
Kid pres. of verbs kliben^ haesimus, and kliben, haeremus.
Old and Middle inngiiBh, The A. S. ^,=:Goth. ei, continues
in late Saxon and in Old and Middle English, the latter dialects
Qsbg occasionally y for », and denoting the length of the vowel
\ tabling the i : Hjf for Uf, abijde for aMd^y whijle for while,
^toT foif,
o
Uiddle High Gterman. Examples: — d^, then; McA, high;
K liighly ; vlSy flea ; vrOy joyful (Germ, froh) ; zwo, duae ; mor,
Jwwr; grty ear; tSr, fool; krone, crown; tSn, reward (Germ.
Wm); seAdney pulchre; Jr^i^, bread; nSt, need; ^/, death ; /(>|,
'ot The vowel S stands in the same relation to ou as e to ei ; 0
^(m can be traced to Gothic du, /and el to Goth di. Foreign
»re mSr, krdney klost-er. Dido, Plato, Observe the difference
wtween tor, door, and tor^ fool ; roSy horse, and rSs, rose ; ko8fe,
I taste, gusto, and kSste^ caressed, blanditus sum.
ot is the Umlaut oi 6: hoerey I hear; ore, ear; moerinne, fern,
of a^, moor; roemisCy adj. oi R6m; koehe, height, from hoc/iy
%h; toete, I kill, occido; and toetlichy mortalis, from (olj death,
^«. The absence of Umlaut in words such as noiecj volic,
^ost be explained by'the Old High German form no/ac.
Old and Middle English. The d retains its place as in Anglo-
Saxon and late Saxon. Thus the late Saxon dom, hoc, blody
• mm a_. r-m aial ^^f» mifitt.
•I •& afr. >^ jr^
Ik lap • «r Aaglo-Suao
If «— i iliimlili with »«,
■ fiaappcBn aba
to lb uiitiiual t s
ffam it br (: faA, iraA', rwM, cSc. and ftr^. >, i*^
■■I I ii rMrtianri, ■> Uat«c md ads W side, /tr and/
itfi<t^ia iTie*i Oerman n=Otd High G«nnan n, Gotliio i
Exam[tles: — n, tffg; fx«i', <]oo; i^iV, salofi ; ttil, rape; i
part; iWa, home; ieiM, bone; «/«'«, stone j Idp, bread, T
zeicifn, sign ; ibvi|, ciTfI« ; ;«'{, goat, capra ; mvij. sk
greif, eripni (Germ, griff); ;oAj^, 6stn!avi (Germ. pM) ; ita
itcandi (Germ, stieg) ; mkcU, tacoi (Germ, schwie^) ; tif'
pugnavi (Germ, stritt). The diphthong rt often origioatee in
eliiion of the medial g between a and a succeeding », e. g. «
(Goth, maist) tneil (Goth, mail) — contractions which are i
very ancient AA\»~ge'in = gagin, againet (Germ, gegen) ;
mnijU, mA\^\ Tein = ragin, counsol ; getreide = getregcdt.
foreign origin are meige, meiger, Keiter, lurtM, conleifei, ."
tfi*, H'ei/cif, Brilt'tmii.
ronsi. souyps. a?
Wiwthy of obsen-atioD is the diflemice between ei and »:—
*■, ari^illa; fim, gluten; »«'», scclus (ef. Gorm, mein in
in-cid) ; wi»,Dieiis; aeAff/s, spleniliii ; w^i'n, splendor ; twein,
er; ptin,so%\ ffip, panie; tip, vita. Inaccurate raoniiseripU
Mr occasionallj ei for a, even for the sliort vowels c and c.
ie
Middle High Q«nnan iV=01d High Gemmii te, as well as
, i« for )'«, Examples: — dk, hie; iifte, knee; nie, never; ie,
v; rie=nhe, cattle (Germ, vieh) ; kiel, koel; bier, beer; rfiW,
10^, gens; liet, song; /'lef, eiicurri : rief, voejvvi ; »lie/, dor-
"' 1 ; iif^, vocavi ; lies, sivi. Many of the verbs whicli formerly
reduplicated preterites, show now the diphthong iV . Foreign
*<irds: — lierel, diabolus; priester, pre§byter; Spiegel, speeiiliim ;
fder,fier, iaittfr, rerier, unMier, parlierfH,/ormieren, turniereii.
XXL
Viddle High Oerman = Old High Gorman. Examples :—
Ci, ancilla ; kaiu, knee; »ih, new; gelriu, faithful (Germ.
|«tKu); iuicer, vcster; friuire, fides; «i//e, column (Germ, saule) ;
Wfr, potresco (Germ, faule) ; iiute, hoe anno (Germ, heuer) ;
Anfe, hodle (Genn. heute) ; tiure, dear (Germ, teuer) ; viitr, fire ;
a^f, depth (Germ, tiefe) ; liuffe, lie (Germ, iiige). The alter-
Mie oee of /« and /'« we observe chiefly in the verhal forms : —
Hfll and diele, liiuge and biege, &c. ; hut briutee, Muwe, blivice,
W always iu, never ie. The transition from ie to ('« may
QrtlieT be traced in the relation between substantives and their
ftpective adjective or verbal forms, e.g. adj. aieeh, sulist. »lni:/i ;
•ij'i^, suhst. liu/e; liehl, lux; Uuhte, luceo ; diep, fur; diiibir,
vtivns, The t«rminatJonal iu sometimes adopts the fuller
Km in iutee, e. g. niu, getriu ; niuwe, getritme.
OU
lliddia High Gonnan=01d High German. Esamples -.—ou,
iecp, ovia ; Ivu, dew (Gerra. tau) ; vrote, woman (Gei'man. frau) ;
*IM, water ; bviini, tree (Germ, baum) ; ttroum, stream ; (roiim,
beam (Germ, traum) ; l<mp, leaf (Germ, laub) ; iioup, dust
^mi. staub) ; /ua/", baptism (Germ, taufe) j oiige, eye (Gorm.
~pe); roucA (Germ, rnueh, fumus). Tliis diphthong has to
lid its place to 4 (which may be considered its representative
a more condensod form) whenever the terminational m which
UlowM is weakened into n iis bon = bourn. ou is Umlaut ol'
68 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
OH : goHy pa^s (Gterm. gau) ; iouy hay (Oerm. heo) ;^ tiaogamte,
houioe ; ONwey gen. of ou, sheep, ovis; vrauwtn, femininiiB^ frwa
rrou ; lonbin, foliaceus, Iduber, folia, from laui, folium ; vmie,
joy (Germ, freude). This Umlaut is comparatively scaroei and
seems to have a predilection for a position preceding the v soanif
as in o«ip= Gothic avi, O. H. Germ, atpi, ewi, ouwi. Its ortho-
graphy is unsettled : besides ou we find oi, oy, and still more
frequently en.
no
Middle High German. Examples: — druo, weight, firat;
kuo, cow; ruo^ rest (Germ, nihe); 9chuo, shoe; vmo, earij
(Germ, friihe); scAuo/e, school; sluol, chair, stool; muoTy moor,
palus ; dluof^e, flower (G«rm. blume) ; ruomy glory (Gterm. ruhm);
sHOfiy son (G^rm. sohn); Anqf, hoof; stuofe, step (Germ, stofe);
pfuocy plough ; hruoder, brother ; bluotf blood ; guot, good ; mnukf)
mother; vuoz, foot; slnoc, cecidi; truoc, tuli.
ve is the Umlaut of no : — bliien, florere ; glUen, fervere ; grie^i
virere ; niuen, vescare ; also bliiejen, glUejen, &c. ; Aueve, hoofe J
bUec/iel, libelUis ; bUechtn, fagineus ; blUele, flores ; gemUie, ani-
mus ; fue^e, feet. The Umlaut in bliien^ glUen, 8cc., was brougW
about by a succeeding i which has been dropped, but which
however is sometimes found as the semivowel j, as in blMe-j-eih
gliie-j-ai — forms in which the e of the infinitive also re-appear^
and which in bluen, glUen^ is absorbed by the diphthong of th^
root.
ai, au, ey, oi, oy
In Middle High Gterman these diphthongs appear m ioreigi^
words, chielly such as are imported from the Biomance dialects^
c. g.faiie^refumy voile ; faiUerenz=^fallere,faillir; Lauriu, Kaih
iasas; iemjjle^s, wdle^s; boie, gloie, troie ; royn^poyi, troys.
ai, au, eu, oi
Middle High German. These vowels are occasionally used
to rejilaee one or other of the organic diphthongs which we have
examined in detail. It is therefore hardly necessary to say that
they cannot be considered as organic diphthongs, and that they
hold a position in dialectic variations, and not in such produc-
tions as come up to the standard of good Middle High German.
Examples: — au=oti,u: haubet, gelauhe, haus, auge ; =a : slauff
Taut, taut^sl4ff rdt, tdi. This au is very hsjrsh and repulsive.
VOWEL SOUNDS. 6d
fc=ot( : frende, geuden=fmtiiU, gSuileu. This ev mny be traced
^Gothic terminations in avi, and thus be eonaideivd the direct
■inlikut of Goth a» : freude from frawiila, O. H. Germ. ; ttreule
%Jm O, H.Germ. Hravita, Gotb. glravida. mt=iu: hiule,ljriufe.
I occafiioiially replaces ou the Umlaut of on : gdi=goti, pagug,
' ', fivi<k=frdude,loy\ Ioiber=louber,io[\&.
OU
Old and Mi<1rtlff Eaglish. (i) For Anglo-Saxon o, indicating
■ fc production of the original vowel, as in J'uiigleH,J'oui/it=^foogle,
RpjffiT — very rare, because o commonly holds its own. (2) For
FiUiglo-Saxon «. In late Saxon the long u preserves its position,
Bitt quantity being denoted by a simple consonant following it,
Wf- g- fal, ^u, dun, nir/t, mir, ure (see sub lit. fi) ; but even here
t must sometimes give way to »« ; Joule, aoure, ()oh, &c.
In Old and Middle English, ou (ow) has gained supremacy
"ver a, the latter vowel being apparently applied only to indi-
'at« the short u sound,
(3) For Anglo-Saxon e6 we find the diphthong ou in Middle
f^uglish (see sub Itt. e6].
e6
The Anglo-Saxon e6 begins in late Saxon already to be su])-
P'a-nted often by simple vowela, especially the long e. Thus we
^'^*X feoud, fiend ; aeoc, seek ; Jleo, flea ; dear, door ; iteore, dear ;
'^^^, leaf; leom, gleam; deop, deep; breast, breast, — by the side
'^* ^e, dtr, dere, lef, lem, dep, lireai.
C)ld English rarely retains the diphthong eo, as in ieo, deol,
^'^cft; but fills it« place indiscriminately, as it were with any
"*i«er vowel, e, i, o or « : e.g. e — Awe, tre, Jle ; 0 — leae, lose,
/***"^w,_/br/<>«(", /oitf, to lock J lout; u — alvye ; i — /ie,
Hn Middle English eo disappears altogether, being superseded
"* certain words by a long e, in others by the diphthong ou ;
g, tf — tree, kite, dere, \e, th^fe, f rend, fend ; on— foure, youth,
itrouie, to louie.
r
This Anglo-Saxon diphthong was already abandoned in late
^ajon, and its place filled by le, seldom by a or e ; e. g. (? (A. S.
'"*«, water, river), are (A, S. edre, ear), itram (stream), stream ;
"'^t laf, bhsd. Old English has occasionally ea, as in gleam,
^w, bnt commonly e, c. g. tlreme, depe, chepe, defe ; and Middle
English adopts the long e, which is sometimes rendered liy ec,
k
70 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
as Heed, breed, reed (Wycliffo), Tlie Anglo-Saxon Ablaut ed i>
the sixth conjugntion ib also siipplantetl by a and its cognate
vowels e and a : icief. teef, tenf, site, toe, IcBa, let. Old EnglutB.
cleftfiet, chet.fresei Middle English, clee/,fieet, cieet, frees.
III. NEW TEUTONIC.
a
I
Oerman. In Modem High German this vowel has preserved
its original pure sound, and may therefore be considered as per-
fectly identical with the a sound in Old High German, deviating
neither towards the higher pitched e nor the darker sound of o ;
and this rule holds good not only for cases in which it remains
ehort, but for those also which show it converted into a long
vowel. Hence Hh, de, pnep ; min (French on) ; wald, forest,
contain a sound which is identical with that in l^&eH, to refresh ;
vd(er, father ; Adte, hare ; sdffe, tale, saga ; and with the organi-
cally long a in gndde, grace ; tfrd^e, street ; frdge, rogo.
Whilst in Middle and Old High German the sound was often
fluctuating between a and o. Modern German has decided in
favour of one or the other, and thus ohne, sine ; mond, moon ;
monat, month, voge, wave, for the M. H. Germ, due, mane,
vtdnet, Kde ; and monai, briiuligam, bridegroom; eidant, ^faei',
ieimal, home, for O. H, Germ, mdnS, priitigomo, eiditm.
English. The Anglo-Saxon /p (for High German a) whieb
already in Old and Middle English had been commonly replaced
by a, finds in Modern English also its expression in the vowel a,
but it seems still to preserve its original sound wherever the
vowel is short. Examples : — sal, glad, at, that, cat, (tpple,
ati, &c.
When the vowel is lengthened, the a sound is modified in two
directions so as to become identical with e or o, e. g, leiale,
grave, ale, late, raven, and spoke, broke, stole, bore. The consonanta
II at the end, and w at the beginning of a word, darken the a
sound into a, {d), the medium between a and o, e. g. small, vsater,
tekal, was, &c. The Anglo-Saxon a, which often inclines towards
o, ie, in Modem English, either rendered by o or has finally
adopted the original a, which, in pronunciation however, is
treated in the same manner as the a (=Anglo-Saxon er) which
yOVEL SOUNDS.
1
71 1
»t hire just examinMl. Thus we read o in long, ttnmg, Urong,
tMf,mf,ti/tng ; short a in max, can, camp, iiani, a»d, aamJ,
litd, iammer ; long a in name, lame, lame, lane, lamt ; a sound
^eoei) \>y preceding w m van, nean,
He Ang-Io-Saxnn ea is in Modern, jnst as in Old and Middli?,
&|iish rendered by a, which however under iliflereut eonso-
BJiifal influences assumes a different sonnd. Pare a sound l)efi>rp
f—hm, /ami, gam, mark, sharp, hard; darkened into a («')
before //, //, Ik— all, kail, fall, tiutit, talt, talk, valk ; rmm.'A
lowiida the higher pit^h of e — tiall, thadow, «j*, mar; identical
Bti t when lengthened — thame, ale, *cale ; supplanted by c —
An, Ulei.
Dutch. The distinction between long and ehort vowels being
|pt«erT«d in this more than in any other Teutonic dialect, we
pre the examples classified under the heads of short and long.
Sbort before a single consonant : ilal, dale, valley ; anuil, small ;
JM, tune ; nam, cepi (Oerm. nahm) ; gaf, dedi, gave ; graf,
pure; ita/,»\aS; dag, day, swak,veak; i/a./, leaf ; a/,all; f/^ll,
ihll; ait, shall ; iam, comb ; lam, lamb ; _fiasi, flame ; wuta, man.
Short before double consonants: galm, sonnd; Aal/", half;
ulf, talf; ialg, neck; arffl, arm ; ijit^, long, Wh^, song ; land,
lootti; gaiu, goose; arm, warm, damp, hard, band, humt, land,
Geminated consonants : alle, itallen, mamien, &c.
The Huctuations of the a sound which via haxc so frequently
dwervcd, chiefly in the ancient Low German dialects, is kept
»tiw in Dutch loo, the vowel a rising into e in the words seherji,
iWp; erg, wicked (Gcvm. arg) ; »lerk, strong (Germ, stark) ;
Mid descending to the lower pitch of o in the preterite of strong
fwbs; TOM, cncurri, ran, run; tVig, cecini, sang, sung; dnmk,
nbi, drank, drunk. Dutch a for e in hart, heart (Germ, her?.) ;
*iri(Germ, schmerz); pard, horse (Germ, pferd); ztedrd, sword
(Gcnn. schwert).
I«ng a, spelt in Dotch aa, in Flemish ae, is organic in dl,
*"'; idr, hair; jar, year; todr, true; gran, grain, frumentnra;
'», moon; tedn, Iioik;; tcAdp, sheep; iprdi, speech; d</d,
Vfi ; long by production in l^l, language ; ddr, there ; wfr,
wicre ; tehdm, shame ; Ai/n, cock ; dp, ape ; wdk, wake ; idn,
■He; long by contraction in ilda foliis {=(iladen) ; rdr, father
|=mAt}; »l4n, slay (=*/«fc»}; ^dfw, drag, traliere (=./™^e«) ;
*i$d, maid { = mage<t)\ tragi, fertis (=irage(). In the penult
Wore single consonants the Dutch dialect writes simply a,
•tether the vowel is originally long or short, and in this case
femm recognizes his Middle Dutch ' Schwcbelaut,' ' (luctnatiiig
•WEd,' which is neither decidedlj long nor short; as alen.un-
72 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
quilhe (sizdlen); iaren, anni {tsjdren); spraienjlihguaB (s=spiilim);
and hanen^ phalli ; ka^n, lepores ; apen, simisB, — ^in which the s
was originally short.
Swedish. The vowel a has its prototTpe in the Old None
vowel of the same quantity^ but it Temains short only before
double consonants : all^ all ; Jalla, to £ei1I ; ialla, to oali ; Ml,
shall ; f/aminaly old ; hamfnare, hammer ; tacta, to thank ; vatteM,
water; e/m, elm; Aalf, half; barn, injfant; sharp, shaip; idi,
salt; uamUy iwixtiQ^ hampa,hviiri^r\ krank,si(^\ Aand, lanJ,ic.
The vowel a preceding the combinations Id, rg, ng, is con-
verted into a, of which below.
Before single consonants the pure a sound is retained, bnt
lengthened in pronunciation : d-al, dale ; bar, bare^ nnde ; toj
bore, tulit ; ^haniy shame ; hane^ cock ; graf, grave ; dag, day;
lag, law ; mat, meat ; vara^ to be, for vara ; qvar, quiet, for jwr
(cf. the use of the Dutch a for e).
The Swedish a which stands for the Old Norse d, has un-
doubtedly had its origin in the lengthened a or aa. Analogous
is the frequent decline of the Enghsh a into the middle sound
between a and o under the influence of certain consonants, as (^
w, &c. ; and still more so the fluctuation between a and o i^
some Old Teutonic tongues, as iond for Aand^ hoMn for AflW*»
7ndn for nuhi. Though this vowel is now identical with o i^
must originally have had a middle sound between a and o, ^
the English a in wall^ war^ &c. Examples : — a/, eel ; i«a/, laa^
guage ; ar, year ; far, sheep ; hdr, hair ; indney moon ; ra», hope ^
sprdk, speech ; gas, goose ; a, river ; gd, to go ; sld, slay ; /a, toe ^
std, to stand ; strd, straw ; alder, age ; gdrd, viDa (cf. yard and
garden); /idnl, hard; /a«^, long; dtUi, eight; matter might;
l)ut uatt, night (Germ, nacht).
Danish. Before single consonants organically short and long
vowels are identiciil ; before double and geminated consonants
they are always short. Examples : — dal, dale ; gale^ to sing ;
bar, bare, nude ; bar, bore, tulit ; hare, hare ; skam, shame ; hane,
eoek ; grav, grave; hare, to have; dag, day; blad, leaf; had,
hate, odium ; mad, meat ; alle, all ; takke, to thank ; halv^ half;
kalde, to call ; talf, salt ; ^rt;-w, infant ; skarp, sharp ; ^r^, wicked
(Germ, arg) ; harnj), hamper ; vand, water ; tnand, man ; land,
sand, &c.
Transitions into aa and o are not easily fixed by rules, and
sometimes deviate from the Swedish: e.g. alder z^^w. alder ;
foldc, to fold; hfdde, to hold; vold^, to command; 4o/</, kold—
S\y. /alia, hdlla, raUa, kail; hwifalde, gal d^, kalde ^^w,f alia,
gal la ^ kalla ; — gaard, yard, haard, hard ( = Sw. gdrd, hard). By
I
^ ^sieodamiwe have baand and Aaan'l=Sw. laiiil, haittl.hand ;
■■ br, Ijir[=Sw, il^).
J Duuh pitsEosses, like Swedish, the sound a, a medium bu-
U luiai D atid o, which however most Danish authors, with tho
?H toeplion iif Rask and other grammariaDs, write aa, though
V D its iinmunciatirin it touehee very cloeety oo the Swedish d.
W hlie chiefly to fill the phice of the Old Norse d : aai, eel ; raati/,
m isguige ; lar, year ; /aar, sheep ; Aaar, hair ; war, sore ; nunim;
I QhMD ; raabfK, weapon ; 'laud, deed ; an, river ; i/uu, doe ; J'a",
I Aw; ^aae, to go ; ^raa, grey ; raa, raw ; taa, so ; /ua, toe ; alraa,
I Mair. Tliis vowel, like the Swedish a, is chiefly met with before
pk coowDants id, itd, rd, which cannot be preceded by the pure
bainl Whilst however the Swedish represents otdy the Old
HHbL the Danish aa stands also for Old Norse S : kaare, to
H^BiBw. hira; aaOea, open, O.N. opinu; draabe, drop, O.N.
Bl^ «a=Old Norse S: raa6e, to ehout, Sw. rojaa, O. N. kropa.
■<=Goth. a«, O. H.Germ. ok, 6i »iaane, to spare, Sw. gioaa,
Cwnn. icAonen ; /iaan, scorn, Germ. Aoin ; daai, Sw. dop, hap-
*sio, Germ, t-auf'e.
a (SB)
Qerman. a [if) is Umlaut of a (n); — wdl, choice, uiisle/i, to
' chooee' ; zdl, number, zcelen, to count ; idm, tame, zamen, to
*«me; iand (sing.), Mnde (pL) ; grdben, to dig, yrait (3rd pers.
I Wig), Differ, riaier; bliitt, hldlUr; grdt, gra»er: arm, armer, poor,
ptwer; kart, hdrt^r, hard, harder, &c. From these examples it
mil be seen that the origrinal a V6 atiil alive side by aide with
tiieUmlanl, Where, on the contrary, the word with the original
i" wnnd has become extinct, and the Umlaut in the derivative
form ia no longer felt as Buch, we find the Umlaut expressed by e ;
*if. hter, army, O.H. Germ, kari; ende, end, O. H, Germ, anii;
^, heir ; elld, ell ; J'remd, foreign ; Aetad, shirt ; engel, angel ;
"iw, hen, — ivorda in which the original a is extinct.
Swedish. The vowel a in Swedish has superseded five dif-
ferent Old Norse vowels, (i)=O.N. a: grdfs, grass (A. S. gras).
(2)=0. N. c, Umlaut of a : tdi/a, to sell ; bar, berry ; Sdr, army ;
'««/», to tame ; toga, to say ; bddd, Ijed, glad/a, to gladden ;
»dU, net ; falla, to fell ; iigg, edge and egg ; dragg, dreg ; f'dgga,
(o lay ; »dtta, to set ; itnatUt^ to smelt ; angel, angel ; aple, apple ;
horse. {3)=0. N. e, Brechung and Triihung of »': vSl,
ar, is, est ; bdra, to bear ; vr'ig^ way ; vdder, weather ; itla,
eat; srartl, sword. (4)=0, N. le, whether Umlaut of a or
' iDril, H-rln. c-onimonly s^kU hwAI. iciiklrn.
74 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
contraction of ai, ei : mala, to talk ; 9aU (felix f. A. S. saligji
9ddy seed ; frande, friend ; am, honour (Germ, ehre) ; Idra, Geim
lehren ; kliide^ vestis (Germ, kleid) ; mdiiare^ master (Germ,
raeister). (5)= O.N. /, only at the end of words :^, cattle
(Germ, vieh) ; hnd, knee; tra, wood (cf. tree).
Banish. The Danish a stands to the Old Norse in aboat the
same relation as Swedish. Hence Danish a (i) = O. N. a\
grds^ grass ; &>, burden. (2)=0. N. e : bar, berry ; kar^ army;
rad^ net ; gldde^ gladness ; idmme, to tame ; tdiUy to set ; idl^p
to sell ; mdrke, to mark ; handCy pi. of hand. (3)=0. N. e\ bdrre,
to bear ; vdre, to be ; vdve, to weave ; ode, to eat ; md^ mos
(Germ, sitte) ; mVfer, ram (Germ, widder) ; svdrd^ sword. (4)=
O. N. ^ : male, to talk ; dre, honour ; Idre^ to teach ; ildde,
vestris; sdd, seed. (5)=0. N. e:Ja, cattle; ind, knee; W,
tree.
e
German. This letter can even in Modern German still be
tracod to the Umlaut of a, or to the Brechung or Triibung of u
The vowel e is Umlaut of a in the words keer, meer^ erbe^ siellen,
//cmdj/remd, end, &c. (Concerning this Umlaut and the Umlaut
d, see sub lit. a.) The sound e as Triibung of i we find in regen,
rain ; degen, sword, which Grimm considers different in pronun-
ciation from lege?i and bewegen, where the e is caused by Umlaut ;
but I must plead ignorance of that distinction. The difierent
shades in the pronunciation of the German e are o^ving to con-
sonantal influences (cf. mehr, meer^ sehr^ seele^ heer^ herr^ f«w, de-
gen^ legen^ regen^ segen^ sprechen^ sleeken) rather than etymological
deductions ; nay the ^ usus loquendi', the mode of pronunciation,
has even corrupted the legitimate spelling of certain words,
writing d {(e) for e: bcer^ a bear; geb(eren^ to bear; rdcien, to
revenge ; ddmmern^ to dawn, on account of the close analogy
to the pronunciation of the modem Umlaut d in wterey gabe^
lase.
English. The Anglo-Saxon e, as Umlaut of a, is retained in
the words den^ hen^fen^ men^ hell^ bed^ net^ better ^ bench^ to sell^ to
telly &c. But the Umlaut has returned to the original a in ^
bare^ to tame^ to hate^ to quaJce^ angel. This fact may be explained
by the analogy of the adjectives bare^ t-amey which never were
subject to the Umlaut.
The Anglo-Saxon e, Brechung and Triibung of 1, on the whole
preserves its pronunciation, but not its spelling, in Modern
English. Short e remains in welly spelly knelly helmy selfy helpy
VOWEL SOUNDS. ?5
if /ret. matier, to tread, to burtt ( = to bertf), to Jam (=to fw«).
Tbe soDiul is lengthenetl m /o bear, to break. In plaf, waj/, rain,
the a luu superseded the 0, and y or i takes the place of g : rain
=rri»=rtgen; Hwjy=»tf^=«rey. Lengthened e for the A. S. e
io i*, f, lAee, thield,Jield, to apeak, to eat, to weave, to steal.
Lmg e, spelt ee, is a very favourite vowel in Modern English,
vbidi however in pronunciation is identical ivith the lengthened
i ot tie other Tentonic dialects. It stands (i) for A, S. if — ee/,
i^p, ipMci, greedy, teed, weed, deed; but it is supplanted by ea
^noDonoced = ee) in read, meal, deal, whilst the long e suund
RnuinB in hair, were, there, gregy strait. Short e in weapon :
note briar=A. 8, brar. (2} «= A. S. /, Umlaut of o ; to feel,
M, to dtem, to teem, green, keen, (o Keep, io seek, to bleed ; feel,
j\,o{Jbot; leetA,^\.oi tooth; geese, pi. ai goose, (3) ef=:A.S, ed
and /. O. H. Germ. W. o: e. g. eheei, A. 8. cede ; leek, reek, need.
But ea is more commonly used as the direct representative of
the A. S. ea, though in pronunciation it is identical with ee.
[4; «= A. S. «f, Goth. (■«, O. H. Germ, io ; e, g. bee, A. S. be<i;
irtt. A, S. tre6 ; glee, A. S. gled ; deep, meek, meed, reed. (5) ee=
A. S. i : free, three, peep.
Dutch. The Yowel e is rare before single consonants in mono-
•jlUbles, more common in connection with double consonants.
Emmplea:— -Se/, clear (Germ, hell); hel, hell (Germ, hiillc);
net, qnick (Germ, schnell) ; tel, skin {Germ, fell); ster, star;
hen (Germ, ich bin), I am ; hen, pen, bed, net, leg, lay, pono ;
«pj, way; leg, say, dico; helle, tnelle, velle, stcrrcn, heune, petine,
brdde, Ugyen, zeggen ; me/i, milk ; Wrf, field; wtf/-i, work ; itenken,
to think ; enkri, ankle ; menteh, homo. The vowel e in all these
words arises, as in High German, partly from the Umlaut of a,
partly from the weakening of i, but in pronunciation it is the
rame throughout.
The long c is in Dutch, as in English, spelt ee. Organic it
18 lu deel, deal ; heel, heal ; meer, more ; seer, sore, pain ; tfeeii,
stone; werii, weak; hleef, mansit; dreef, populit; peeg, iuclina-
rit; nrreff, tacuit. Production of e: steel, steal, furor; beer,
Mar; beei, beach; pleeg, soleo; breek, frango; sleep, pungo.
By syncope oi de: vre^=vrede, peace (Germ, friedc); veer=
"^er, feather; neer=neder, neither. It must be specially re-
"isrted that the short e placed in the penult before a single
wDsonant is not doubled, though it becomes long by production
*u^ rhymes with the long e of the wor»ls mentioned Iwfore ; e. g.
''^1, beaven {Germ, hnnnel) ; gene, ille (Germ, jener) ; leven,
'"live; geren, to give; brekeu, to break; eten, to eat", zegel,
HU'l.
76 TEVTOJIC G MAMMAE,
t ic|«catfnu diree ueiait Tovds : Old None i;
Umhat (ff d, in whidi paatioo hoverar it is lare, becmie
Swedish 'jfthaenphT prefers a Xo nark the Umlaut. Ezamplei:
— ^//; O.X. «f>j, nrer Ltf. albb^; e/5, alces (O. N. dgr); atii^
widow O. X. eckja : a^v^Miki, homo. This Umkot is, like tk
Umlaut t in German, no longer felt as such in the vowel-STifteB
of the language. ^r=0. N. /, rardr rmdered by a. EzaiofilBi:
— .^/. {'lav Genn. spiel ; /<n, limb ; re^^ rain ; tei^ wood ; isdl^
sweat : /r^J. f«aoe : «n«4i. sinew : thk vowd is diieflj met wHk
in the pi. pret. of the strong conjngation (bat not in the piii
pret.^ ; e. g. drtfro^ pepoleront : wrtho^ fefeUerant ; tctdo^ dolne-
rnnt; l^o^ momordenmt. ^=0. X. t%\ del^ put, deal (Oenn.
tbeil, ; kd^ heal ;^Germ. heil^ ; i^w, home (Genn. heim) ; fcii
bone Germ, bein) ; #/^s, stone (Germ, stein) ; tk^ oak (Gens,
eiche.. In prononciation e and a tooch doeelr npon each otber,
heoce their occasional interchange, as ^and dff^ river ; UtoM
and ttdnne^ bini ; yet e approaches more nearly the f, and s the
a, a circumstance which may be explained from their origin in
the Old Norse i and </.
Daniflh. The Danish « is in its origin identical with tte
Swedish^ though its occorrence may be more or less frequent
according to accidental circumstances. «=0. N. e^ commODly
before doubled, rarely before single consonants; e,g.fremM^^
foreign (Germ, fremd); menneske, homo; elv, river; ehkef ^
love ; enke, widow ; ende, end ; send^, to send ; keH, horse. €^
O. N. ei : deelf been, sfeen, eg, Germ, tkelly beim, stein, ei.
I
■^ L
:i^"
I '- - —
(German. This vowel is less frequently used than in tb-^
Middle High German, the original i being only preserved befor"^
double consonants ; e. g. slill, nimm, accipe ; sinn^ sense ; sil(^^
mos ; 7aiid, sind, sunt ; wird, Lat. fit ; whilst before single con-^^'
sonants it is lengthened into t: mir, mihi ; dir^ tibi ; tsi, ei ; •« V
cum ; or it is changed into ie. The Middle High German inter-
change between e and / in the conjugation of the verb is con-
tinued : werden, fieri ; ivirdy fit ; geben^ dare ; giUy dat ; seken^
videre ; neht^ videt ; wlc/isen, to polish, erroneously for ioecisenz=
wdchnen from wachs^ wax.
English. Short i before single consonants : him, dim, spin^
swimy rid, lip^ ship. For the more ancient v in «», kin. Before
double consonantH : kill^ stilly will, stiffs thicky timber^ liing, gijft^
' (/ommonly spelt ihm, ikn.
y0W£L SOUiVDS.
teitrA. For the more ancient g: ill, mill, hUt, tittff, turn,
bridge. Before t where it assumeB the sound of German «■
: «ir, jir, hwil, bird, ffirl, mirth. On comparing Jlr, ffiril,
vnih the German yofftf, *foeren, &c,, we may find an an-
to the exceptional sound of i hefore r, though it will be
I fully to account for it in the manner in which Grimni
the verb to stir to the A. S. glgraii, O. H. Germ, nloriin,
atoeren
long ( is denoted in English orthography by the e mute
follows a single consonant; it has in pronunciation at-
lined the sound of the German diphthong ei .- file (Germ, feile) ;
i/c (Germ, weile) ; wine (Germ, wein) ; ripe (Germ, reif) ; nde
rcrm. eeite); tide (Germ, zeit) ; rfWue (Germ, treiben); vide
[Genn. weiC). For the A. S. ^ : fire, A. S./^^ O. H. Germ./«r,
tierm. feuer ; bride, A, S. br^d, O. H. Germ, prut. Germ, bi-aiil ;
liee, pi. of loMte, A. S. Ip, pi. of W*; mice, pi. of moiiite, A. 8.
■^•j pL of mtU, cf. Germ, lant, lauae ; mam, mduse. Before
id and nd the long t has replaced the short /, as child, mild,
viifi, bind, /ltd, grind; but the short i sound is preserved
■where a second syllable is added ; compare the sound in ehild
■nd children, hind and hinder. The sound of the i is flue-
in the word mnd. For y : kind, A. S, gecynde ; mind,
gemgnde. Before gh : bright, A. S. briil = byrhi = beorht;
Jghl, A. S. JihiaH; high, A. S. hedk ; light, A. S. ledkt; thigh,
'*. S. \e6h.
Dutoh. The short i is scarce hefore single, more frequent
'*ofore double consonants ; stil, still ; ml, I will ; min, love ; ziii,
*^Tise ; ik, I, ego ; lid, limb (Germ, glied) ; »mid, smith ; nchip,
*«*ip. This i which has commonly been replaced by e, is, in pro-
***anciation, an intermediate sound between the German i and e,
**^ that min, ik, lehip, are almost identical with mc«, ek, sr/tep ;
^»id hence the fact that formerly the orthography was indeed
^Victuating between schep and icAip, led and lid, smed and stnid,
**id that monosyllables in i which do not geminate their con-
^«^nant« upon adding another syllable, change the i into e, e. g,
^cJiip, seiipen; lid, leden ; gmid, tmeden. Before double con-
sonants : glillen, willen, mittne, ziane, tcAild, mid, vinffer, zingen,
^rinten, blind,^mnd, kind (child). It represents a more ancient ie
^n the redupltcational vowel ging {=gieng), ivit; hing, pcpendit;
♦^i"?, cepit; vrind for vriend.
The long i is spelt y, Flemish y. The pronunciation of this
Vflwel is very much like the English i in might, and the German
diphthong «, but so that the e element of this diphthong comes
■"OK decide^y to the surface ; and hence ij sounds almost like
7H TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
e + i pronounced separately but rapidly oue after the other. The
Dutch diphthong el may be considered identical with the German
ei in pronunciation as well ae derivation, if with Grimm we may
consider ij the representative of the Gothic ei, and the Dutch ei
of the Gothic diphthong di. Examples of i : — mijn, dijn, sijn, to
be (Germ, sein) ; teij'n, wine (Germ, wein) ; rifp, ripe (Germ, reif) ;
iijii, tide (Germ, zeit); ^ijfen, to bite; nij'd, envy (Genn. neid);
^'J/'i life ; HJi, body (cf. Germ. leiche) ; ij», ice (Ger, eis).
Swedish. The vowel i in thie dialect corresponds with tlie
Old Noree i as well as *. Before single consonants it is scarce,
and, just as in Dutch, approaching the e in its sound — a fact
which here again finds an explanation in the still undecided
orthography of some words, as Jrid and Jreii, peace ; further in
the pi. pret. and part. pret. of strong verbs, the former adopting,
the latter rejecting the e, bb drejvo, drijven. Words retaining the
(' are (il, to, ad ; vil/'a, to will j i^i/ha, to give ; mig, dig, aig, me, Xe,
Be ; Jnd, kid, vid. It is the more frequent before double con-
sonants; B.g. illa,\\\; lille, little; </tV/a, quietus (Germ, stille) ;
till, ad ; vill, vult ; himmel, heaven ; avinuiia, to swim ; finna, to
iind ; viinne, memory ; qcinna, woman ; sinne, mind ; spinna, to
spin ; ilippa, to slip ; ligga, to lie ; dricka, to drmk ; bitter,
mild, vild, vinler, blitul, ^fiugr, gil/ver. «t=0. N. »; bila, hatchet
(Germ, beil) ; HI, wedge (Germ, keil) ; siir, pure j spira, spire ; ^n,
fine J P(», wine; drifca, to drive; lik, like; spxk, spike; fida, to
ride ; vid, wide ; lisa, leisure. At the end of words ; hi, bee ;
w, ecce ; skn, clamor (Germ, schrei). i for 0. N. e : fick and gick
iorfeck and geek.
Danish. Danish i stands to Old Norse in the same relation
as Swedish, (i) = O.N. %: gpil, play (Germ, spiel); til, ad;
vill, volo ; tin, give, tJtip, ship ; mif, dig, tig, me, ta, se ; iid,
himmel, heaven ; ligge, to lie ; drikie, to drink ; bitter, mild, vild,
ring, jinde, qvinde, woman ; lind, mind (Germ, sinn) ; npivde, to
spin ; vinter.fsk, fish ; vrtit. (2)=0, N. t, before liquids com-
monly spelt H : hull, hatchet (Germ, beil) ; tpvr, spire ; viin,
wine ; in all other cases spelt i : drive, Uv, life ; viv, woman (lit
wife) ; tid, tide (Germ, zeit) ; lig, like ; lig, body (Germ, leiche^
At the end of woi'ds : hi, bee ; ^t, ten ; sH, sty ; slie, stem (GemLJ
Btichel).
Gterman. Before two consonants it has remained organically
short : vo/l, full ; fromm, pious ; aonne, sun ; gott, God ; gold,
irorl. Before a single consonant it is either organically long, as
1
VOW^EL SOUNDS. 79
(W, dead; roi^, red; s^, trairit; Ion, reward; r^r, read; tfr,
ear ; bone, beciD ; or it has been lengihened by inorganic produc-
tion ; «)'«, eon ; iob, praise ; io^en, bow ; rd^el, bird ; bote, mea-
seng«r.
English. The relation of the o sorind is rather complicated,
since this vowel derives ita origin from divers Anglo-Saxon
vowels, from a, o, u, a and o, (] ) o organically deriv^ from n :
iale, boTougi, for, fore, or, nor, to come, some, ion, love, above, God,
gotpel, folk, gold, ford, short, worth, fox, ox; strong pret. part.
stolen, oorn, shorn, lorn, fnom, got, fvri/ot, spoken. The Boiind of
the short o is everywhere preserved except before combinations
with r, such as r, rm, rn, rd, rl, where it is pronounced as an inter-
mediate sound between the German a and o. {2) o from a chiefly
before Id, mq, ng : bold, cold, fold, hold, old ; ef. Germ. kalt,falte,
kailen,ali. Strong pret, : stole, broke, trod, bore, von; ef. Germ.
dald, brack, trat, gebahr, gewann; s<ft and other, long in Anglo-
Baion, for Germ, sanft and ander, and identical with the A. S. 6
in^ and 16%, goose, tooth, which latter words have in modem
English expressed their length by 00, and hence adopted the pro-
DEmciation of this vowel as in tool, pool, &c. In the same manner
It we find the organic ? lengthened into 6, we find the long o
occaaionally yielding to correption and becoming short, as in
JfoAier, mother, bosom, blossom, Motulay ( = M(iaday, Moonday),
te. (a) o=A. S. a, in which case it is always long. Example ;
•-viok, A. S. hdl (Germ, heil) ; home, A. S. idm (Germ. Iieim) ;
Jew, A. S. bdn (Germ, bcin) ; both (Germ, beide) ; ghost {Germ.
geisl); most (Germ, meist). But the Anglo-Saxon d ia more
nmally rendered in English by oa, of which hereafter. {4) 0=
A.S. ed in the pret.: crope, repsit. A.S.ereap; chose, elegit,
is. eeds ; froze, alsit, A.S.freds. (5) The final o is of difierent
origin in different words : so, A. S. svd; tteo, A. S. twd; to do,
AS. don; to go, A. S, gangan, gongan. Contractions are, lord
from Maford, woman from wif-tuan.
The English Inng 0 is spelt 00, and corresponds to the Anglo-
Saxon 6, Old High German «o, German u ; with the last it ia
identical also in pronunciation. Examples : — cool (Germ, kuel) ;
pool (Germ, pful) ; stool (Germ, stul)* ; ioof (Germ, hfif) ; boot
(Germ, buch) ; good (Germ gut); mood (Germ, mut) ; rood
((jenn. Tiite);foot (Germ. fu&) ; bloom (Germ, blume) : ef, the
Dotcli bloevt, koel, &c. To be noted are a few exceptions iu the
pronunciation of the 00, such as the shortening of the vowel in
' CoBHnonlj spplt WH, y/wH, rt'iW, Sic.
80 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
good, foot, looi, and the deviation from the oo sound in 5/W
(Germ. blQt). d (oo) for the ancient a, which however in Anglo-
Saxon is already rendered by ^, while in Germati it is in some
words kept alive to the present day : moon, A. S, »«?»«, M. H.
Germ, miine, Germ, mond; soon, A. S. t^na, M. H. Germ, sam
looiA, A. S. foli, M. H. Germ, eant, Germ. zdii. Other and soft
have preserved the o sound. Choose, lose {=loote) answer to AS.
ee6san and leSsan ; loose = loosen, to A. S. l^san. The termi-
nation jioor'/=Germ. heit is the A. S. had; room is A. S. rUn;
door, A. S. dSr; wood, A. S. vudu.
Datch. Short o occurs before single consonants in mono-
syllables and before double consonants in trisyllabic words. Ex-
amples : — hoi, hole; v>ol, wool; dom, silly (Germ, dumm} ; hof,
court (Germ, hof) ; lof, praise (Germ, lob) ; row, sun ; kop, head
(Germ, kopf) ; fi/o« (blossom) ; vos, fox ; morren, htorren, to munnnr
(Germ, murren, knurren); kommer, an^ish (Germ, kummer);
woMHf, nun; wo/ite«, clouds; ffolf,Ko/f,siorm.t{'orm,iOHff,tougae;
hoad, dog (Germ, liund) ; mond, mouth (Germ, mund) ; vend,
wound. o=e in wordea=KerdeH, fieri. In the preterite of the
strong verbs o for a : borg, sprang, zong, bond, vovd; cf. Germ.
bartf, sprang, sang, band-, fand. o for oe : zoeht-e, Germ, aveitf,
(qutesivit) and the termination dom, Eng. dam, Germ, ihum ; but
doemen, to doom. Sometimes o before r with another consonant
is converted into o, and thus becomes an inorgimic production ;
doom, thorn; hooni, horn; loom, wrath (Germ, zorn) ; oord^
plae* (Germ, ort) ; woord, word.
The long o is, as in English, spelt no, but is pronounced like
the German 6 in tkor, lokn, and the English in bore, bone. It
occurs organically long in the words hoor, audio, hear; rerloar,
perdidi ; moor, moor ; oor, ear ; roor, reed ; boom, tree {Germ,
baum) ; st/>itt, steam ; slroom, stream ; boon, bean ; loof, leaf;
oog, eye ; dood, death ; brood, bread ; nood, need ; Aooren, andire ;
ooren, aures ; oogeti, oculi, &c. It occurs as production of o in
iool, coal ; tooti, son ; boog, bow ; nool, net ; syncope of de in
goon=goilen, diis; hoi>n=boden, nuntiis — words which rhyme on
loon, kroon, zoon. In the following words we have o organically
short, and yet it is pronounced long so as to rhyme upon the
examples with oo just mentioned: geboren, bom; iotiien, to
come; zoiiier, summer; gebroken, broken, &c.
Sweduh. 0 = 0. N, 5 or i!. The sound of a which we ex-
amined above, being almost identical with o, modern orthography
has largely adopted the former Iett«r to supply the latter, e. g.
hU, spar, bdge,fdgel, for hoi, spor, boge, fogel i but historically
the 0 is preferable. Examples: — hoi, hole; kol, coal; spor.
roW/il SOUNDS.
track (Germ, apuhr) ; houHug, honey ; koiui, woman ; »on, son ;
k<if, court; /o/', praise; boi/e, 'hovr; fogel, bird; ok, yoke; och,
and ; hod, messenger. Production is prevented by the gemina-
tion of the consonant : tjiorre, spur ; komtna, to come ; iommar,
summer ; dmppe, a drop ; kopp, hope; flotta, fleet ; far, oxe, ox.
Before double consonants: hoha, island; oma, snalce; horn. i
mofyoH, early; ard, word ; Jrogi. 0 = O. N. o: got, sun; glol,
stool; a/or, great; iotufon, thunder; dom, doom; bog, bow;
thy, wood I boi, book; bM, blood; broder, brother ;yu^, foot;
iof, Enstulit ; for, ivit j drog, trasit ; — cf. the German preterites
hub, fukr,trttij. o = Gotli, uk, O. H.Germ. o«: </i'^, baptism
[Germ, laufe). At the end of words : ho, to dwell ; hro, bridge ;
JK>, to grow ; ko, cow ; ro, rest ; »o, a sow. Though, as we have
stated, a is sometimes placed for o, it is only for the o of the first
class, i. e. that which represents the Old Norse o or u, never for
0=0. N. 0 ; because it would appear that the difference in pro-
nunciation is still great enough to deter a fine ear from rhyming
^M and dom, lag and toi/, «tdl and siol.
Daniali Tlie rules laid down for Swedish will hold good for
this dialect too ; wherefore few examples may siiRice, o=0. N.
S oT S : »;ior, track ; »yjore, spur ; ione, woman ; og, and ; /os,
foi ; Aolta, island ; orm, worm j 6om, thorn. o=a : aolde,foliIe,
ioide; /op, ]bw(=:O.N. lag). o=O.N.i:/; W, sun ; s^o/, stool ;
dom, doom ; bog, book ; biod, blood ; Jod, foot — preterites of the
vtih^ for, drog, slog,iog,&c. o=0.N. d (compare the Swedish
a for o) : *prog, language. Germ, sprache, Sw. sprak \ rofe, audure,
Germ, toageu, Sw, v^a : cf. Germ, mond, 6iie^, for M. H. Germ.
Twane, dne. At the end of words : bo, dwelling ; hro, bridge, &e.,
see Swedish.
a«niian. o is Umlaut of o : xe'M^r, pi. of wmt, word ; aohne,
pi. of *ohn, son ; lohlich, adj. of lob, praise ; vogel, pi. of Togel,
bird ; — sometimes Umlaut of an original a : holle, sehopfer, schoffe,
ISffel, SKolf, liiice; cf. Goth, ialja, tvalif, &c. In the sixteenth
century we even meet monsck for mensck, word for tcerd, island :
moHch, monk, is an inorganic o for tiiUnck; thus also kiinig for
kinig.
English and Dutch do not possess this vowel.
Swedish, ii stands for six difierent sounds of the Old Norse.
i=g, Umlaut of o, or rather u ; hence Swedish S stands to Old
Nurse g in the same relation, as does the German d to «. When
' Common spelling olme.
i2 TZrjnjyir GRxMMAE.
the Unili:n r viis »> k^ser disdsctlT fdt. a new Umlaut was
cieau:*! direetlr &:-m ibe ;. jsft a« in German the spirit of tbe
lansQage f^r:o:>^cd the mp>lem Umliiit a, when the more ancient
• bi?9an tc- die 'ict. Exjjnp4es :^-4J{hi. billow, O.N. hylgja;
f^}^r ^•-* fv-vw. O. y. /VV*j; -iorT^ door ^Germ. thiire) ; iwi,
kin, A-S. \$% ; *.^»>^-, ilii. Germ. «Ji«^; /<oi^, lie. Germ, /iy^;
■<J/. net. O. X. itt *. Where howeTer m keeps its position in
the stem of iLe w : ni. jr ak»? remains as its Umlaut. J=:a»,
which diphthv'C^ ar a Teiy early date began to be contracted,
first into V. then into :f: i<^j, mngire, O. X. baula ; lordagy
Saturday. O.N. hw^r^lj^r ; <//«>«. dream : sirom^ stream; bona,
bean ; «A>/C deaf; >.-j. eye : /i.Vs cnrsns : fyrod^ bread ;— cf. Germ.
framm^ fj»^. j«^;«e. /^*«/I J=^r: <£>, to die; iJ, hay ; aiJ, may;
o, island : iJrj. hear : -'^rj, ear : fiVti. to tag ; roit, re^ ; ^^, de-
sertns ^Germ. tide . J= t>? : y^ni. dncoe ^Germ. fiihren) ; domwU^t
to deem, judicare : ^ji. preces ; yr^a. green ; ilMa, hen ; modrafj
mothers, pL of it.>ifr ; foii^^ feet. pi. cifoij foot. o=k> : /r?»
seed : #«J. snow : d -J#f, breast. J=/. onlv in the reduplication'
of the Terb : fo^. i<>//.=0. N. /«7, k/!J.
Danish. Tbougb Danish grammarians distingaish two sounds
of the vowel J = namely one like the French * en ferme' in f^eu^
and the other like the French ' en oovert ' in rwirr, c€tur — th^
former maiked f. the latter o — we need not keep np this distinct
tion, because it is not warranted by etymology ; and we therefor^'
write alwavs o. J = O. N. ir : a>ji. ^h, where we find the Umlauts
in the singular already, while Swedish, with greater nicety and
better tact, uses the Umlaut to denote the plural of «>«, and bon^
liean : dor. d*:»or. no /, nut : '.•^7'\;e^ billow ; foi^^^ follow. ^=0. N.
I : lotnmer^ O. N. timbr ; *./7r, O. N. W//r. J=0. N. Oy Umlaut
of a : ^jOm. pi. o{ larn^ child. <>=0. N. <iif : dram, dream ; slrom,
stream ; forenhij^ Saturday ; brod, bread : dod^ death ; nod^ need,
&c., see Swedish. <> = 0. N. ^jf : doe^ to die ; i^, hay ; mo^ maid ;
o, island ; kore, hear, audire : ore^ ear ; wr, reed, &c., cf. Swedish.
0 = 0. N. oe: fvre, to lead. Germ, /ihren ; bou, preces; pron^
^rreen ; Ao.ie, hen ; ^yer, libri : do in me, to deem. d=a : so, sea,
O. N. */?r, Sw. *ji;; /ro. seeil, O. N./>f^,/^l^.>.
U
(German. Before double consonants m represents the Old
German short vowel : ttud, and ; mttad, mouth ; inimm, crooked ;
iini^f, art ; brusf, breast ; bur^^, castle ; Aitld, grace. Before a
single consonant it is the ancient long vowel : zuff, trmg, fiig.
VOWSL SOIWDS. 83
lmgen4, or Schwichung of the ancteiit diphthong uo: T4m\
f^OTy,^= ruom ,■ kl4i/,-^Tn.&ent,=kluog;fil^,iQoi,=fii"t; hiin,hw ;
but, blood ; fir, pret. of f.fren ; »eh4/, pret. of schaffeit. Excep-
tions ; — itj)ur = M. H. Germ. »p»r, track ; zHber = O. H. Germ.
zvipar, pail.
English. This vowel is not found so frequently as the rest in
words of Teutonic origin. Before a single vowel its sound is a
medium between the tierraau o and o, whilst the modern Dutch »
in pronunciation I'esembles the French u. Examples : — dun, rtiii-,
tuH, tirub^ ltd, up, tug, hut, a&vt. In the verb lo hnrif it has the
floond of the German short e ; and in the termination buty^ as
Canlerburff, Salisbury, TUburVy it is almost entirely dropped in pro-
nimciation. The tendency in this case of the n inclining towards
thee is already testified by the mediaeval mode of spelling Can'
tirberifnsit, Sarfiberien»is, Tilberieima. (Concerning the sound
of « in busy, vide sub lit. i.) Before double conBonunts « shows
the same tendencies in its sound : summer, gulf, burden, tnjf,
^nger, tktiiider. It assumes a long sound before a consonant
fbllnwed by tlie e mute; in which case it might he rendered in
"Srman by ju, e. g. nivU, mute, duke, to mure, plume (mulua,
ttutua, dux, murus, pluma), and other words of escluaively Latin
"id French derivation. The same words wo find in Middle
High German with the vowel 4 — tndl, mur ; in Modern German
with the vowel an — maul, mauer ; but even the Middle High
"erman dialect admits of a vowel iw as the Umlaut of a, e. g.
JoxiMW, Germ, gemuuer. This phEenomenon, according to which
' Md « when succeeded by an e assume the sounds of n and la,
^ shall have to consider more closely elsewhere. Words which
•■ad the long « in Anglo-Saxon already did not preserve that
»owel in English, but converted it into ou, since the sound of*
lad then yielded to the long 0=00 ; hence A. S. )>«, mi/j. Us, Ms,
•^^ ure, e4, brun, Eng. thou, mouse, louse, house, lour, our, cow,
Dutch. The Dutch u in short syllables resembles the English
ui svH, but, though it has at the same time a shade of the
''reneh « in it. It may occur before single and double con-
Wnants. Examples : — dun, thin ; druk, pressure (Germ, druck) ;
""y, bridge; pvt, pit; zuU.en, debere, shall; kuniien, posse
(uenn. konnen); kussen, to kiss; sckuld, debt; zuster, sister;
"^iken, premore (Germ, driicken) ; rukken, dlmovere ((Jerra.
'aeken). It does not occur before the liquids m, n, r. It flim-
tiiW*s l>etween 0 and » in vollen, rul/en.
' L'nmnion apelling yubm. hihn. fnhr, Stc.
>* TEcr-jyi': oeammae.
Tii^ IfTi'j k -xtsrs Trrr arv-Ir. bet l^^-ie r exdosiTelv. In
FVtXiufa it U ^^<jl »<, in I>:rol; •«. Most of the ancient woids
m tik'h or^nUitc^d An » LiTe. i^ n>?den: Dotcfa. i«p]jced this Towd
l/V the dipLtLoc;; ni : r^: Lri-cnoed like Gennan rv, Fnglish oi), i
cirrruDifttariC^ which fhivs hcr«. in tlie sune manner ms in the
and^nt dialects, the £ >.-tiLati*>n of socnd between itty m, and ff.
Tlie proriuhciation of r ns?eml-!e5 m«>st neariy that of theFrendi «.
Kxar/i files •.^—fluiir, dear : Jit » r. dcx^> Genn. daoem^ ; ma&rj mnros
((jirnL. znaaer, : kn/'^ hoar Germ, nhr ; rwar, fire; rarar, sour;
huren. to hire : g^hvr^n, mstici Germ. hioem%
8wediah« vi stands for the Old Xoi^e short and long* vowels of
the name w»mvA. ' i , O. N. a " : f^rr*^ fir ; ^md^ God ; /if//, fidl ;
>Ertf //, u<.'<»t ; kurra^ to murmor. : Germ, knorren, Dutch knorreD) ;
ruhfja^ to rob 'Germ, rauben, ; %hdd^ g^lt ;Germ. sehnld); ^wM,
^old; r«//i/>tf , tail ; K^,wolf; pret.of verbs: itra^, erept, repsenmt ;
klvfro^ cleft, fiderunt ; ^ri'^-o, broke, fiegerunt ; 9pmmno^ span,
neverunt. ^2; - O. N. 4-. ful^ turpi^ (of. foul^ ; mmr^ waU (Germ,
mauer; ; Kur^ sour ; rum, room ; ikum^ scom ; fi^iga^ flj (Germ.
flie^^Cy ; ^ytf//, bride ; ««#, mouse ; iif-t, house.
Daniah. This vowel often keeps its place in Danish where
the other dialects weaken it into o. It stands for O. N. u (o) :
hulf liollow ; kulf coal ; dnniy dumb ; mgt^ week (Grerm. woche) ;
gudy Vj(A (Germ, gott) ; guld^ gold ; muld^ mould ; fugl^ bird
(Germ, vo^el; ; mvndy mouth. =0. N. a\ dug, dugge, dew;
hugge, to hew (Germ, hauen). =0. N. a, and spelt uu before
lirjuids and ft : funl, foul ; hruuiiy brown ; skunm, scum ; muur,
wall (Germ, mauer) ; dn(d, bride (Germ, braut) ; kud, hide (Germ,
haut;. At tlie end of words : dme, grape (Germ, traube) ; 6ue,
bow ; Jlue, fly ; Jri^e, Germ, frau ; due, dove (Germ, taube) ; lue,
flame (Germ. lobe).
u (ue), y
Gk)mian. v, Umlaut of ti : krummen from krumrn, crooked ;
hilrger from fjurg, castle; kiinsfUchy adj. of kmist, art; kuener^,
pi. of Mn, hen, &c. Tlie Middle High German u as Umlaut of
o \H (Iroj)ped and supplanted by o, so that the derivative forms
of Ao/z, gnldy vogely are Iwlzerriy golden y gevogel : gulden^ though
oceaKionally used in poetry, may be considered obsolete. The
wordrt Vfff and J'ur (vor-sehung, f lir-sehung), for, gate, and luer^,
door, artj still fluctuating, koejisck^ hoeflick'^, courteous, and
' ('ornmou HpcUing hilhiicr, huhn. ^ Common spelling thor, ihUr.
* hOJisch, h6fiich.
t
VOWEL SOUNDS. 85
I, prottv, originalty expressed the same meaning;, both
derived from iiif, court.
i Bpctling is iluct I lilting between w and i in the words iit/e,
, help; giit'ff, ffiff/'ff, valid ; gehirge, gebiirge, mountitin-rangti ;
iwi, Kiirken, to work ; Kpr'ichworl, sjirUekwort, proverb. Grimm
'es in favour of geb'irge, hilj'e, »prich«jorf, and giltig, because
are analn^us to the Old German forms : wiirkea he con-
B the more preferable orthography on account of the Gothic
■kjan, though in Old High German already KKtehan and wir-
are used indiscriminately. The vowel y is in Germun snper-
us ; and though it may he used for foreign words, its sound
easily be rendered by /. The Romans already wroie and
e silva for »^lra, and it may therefore be considured as
lething byper-classical when GermnD scholars affectedly
pronounce tun/ax, gunleiit, for x^nf-ax, xgxlem. Still more
pe<liuitic is the manner in which German authors strive to
keep diatinct the little monosyllables iiein (suns) and neyn
(esse), which are now both rendered by sein, since they have tlie
same sound and can be traced to the same form sin in Middle
High German.
English, This dialect does not know the Umlaut of u, and
thereforedoesnot require the vowel k. The Umlaut of the Anglo-
Saxon u was y, and this is still preserved in sound at least if not
in spelling. Hence A, S. m^t, lis, pi. mf», l§s ; Eng. mouse,
/ante, pi. mice, liee. The letter ji therefore replaces in the Eng-
lish of the present day Anglo-Saxon vowels of a different kind.
y=i, originating in the Anglo-Saion termination ig : any, A. S.
aitig ; holy, A. S. hdfig ; it'y, A. S. i/iif ; fPoriiy,A.S. vgrhig.
y=i, German eii £_y, apud (Germ, hei) ; my, meus (Germ, mein) ;
tAjf, tnus (Germ. dcin]. y=^ : viy, cnr, A S. Awf, Goth, io^,
O.H.Germ. -t«;«. ^=rf: %, A.S. Mtf«, O.N. *^. ^=A.S.
edt fy, volare, Pi..S. Jle6gan, Gorm. Jflegen ; J/g, musea, A. S.
JU&ge, GuTTD.JIiege; shy. Germ, srheu; sly, Germ, sc/iltni. y ciri-
Kglinating in g : eye, A. S. eage, Germ. avge.
Dutob does not recognise either the vowels k or y.
SwediBtL The votvel y takes in sound and meaning the place
of the German a. It therefore is chiefly used for the Old Norse
y Umlaut of « : ,fy/l», to fill ; gyllen, golden (cf. Germ, gulden) ;
mynning, ostium (Germ, mundung) ; bygga, to build ; Tygg, back
(Germ, riicken) ; lyeka, tuck ; vyckd, key ; stycke, jiiece (Germ,
stiick); shyldig, guilty (Germ, schuldig). _y=0. N. j?: rymtna,
abire (Germ, rgnmen) ; snyle, snout (Germ, schnauze) ; hysa, domo
ipere (Germ, behausen). ^=0. N. §, contracted from in, to :
; dear ; Jyr, four ; krypii, to creep ; Jlyga, to fly ; fyta, fluere,
8S TEUTONIC GKAMMAH.
to float. At the end of words : bly, lead (Germ, blei) ; fy, to
flee ; lii/, hue ; ny, new ; ski/, nubes, sky.
Danish y appears under the same conditionB as the Swedish.
y=O.N,y:yyr, fir; ^yW«n, golden ; ^^^/, alder (Germ, holder) ;
pifff^t junior {Germ, jiinger) ; i^nd, ain (Germ, siinde) ; lyih,
luck ; kysse, kiss ; ir^sl, breast ; dyd = dygd, virtue (Germ,
tugend), j'=^( O.N. Umlaut of « : myre, mere, lake; ^rf,
south (Germ, suden). ^=0.N.^, condensed ijt, io: syn, eight;
(lyr, dear ; dyr, deer (Germ, thier) ; /yr, fire ; ^yee, to fly ; i/jfve,
to cleave. At the end of words : 6fy, lead (Genn. blei) ; ly,
town ; tiy, new ; sky, sky.
Diphthongs.
\
The different double vowels in English, Elutch and Danish,
have already been examined, since we arranged them under the
simple vowels aa, ce, ii, oo, ««, as identical with a, e, i, 6, i.
The diphthongs properly so called are bo different in the different
modern dialects, and represent ancient vowels so divergent in
form and meaning, that we consider it advisable here to abandon
our plan of grouping the dialects together under each vowd,
and to arrange all the different diphthongs under each dialect]
respectively.
Oerman.
fli. It is merely an orthographical whim which retaine Ha I
ai in several words, the sound of which might quite as well bei
rendered by ei : mat. May ; Main, the river Mein ; Aain, grovejj
sai/e, chord ; loaite, orphan ; Kaiser, Emperor ; but gelraide muE^
gelreide, com ; waize and weize, wheat ; whence it becomes
e^-ident that there is no difl'erence of sound. In wahe, orphan,
and weise, a sage; saiie, chord, and seite, side, the different
spelling is some help for the eye, and nothing more, hain might
be justified as originating in the ancient hagan^ hagin, just as
Beiii'hart from Regin-hari, Mein-fried from Megin-fried.
aiL This diphthong represents three different vowels — M. H.
Germ. 4, on, die.
an = M. H. Germ. H : ban, building ; m«, a sow ; /aul, foul ;
rainn, room ; iraun, brown ; tanei; sour ; aehaver, shower ; haufe,
heap ; saiige, suck ; brnul, bride ; Uaut, skin, hide ; hnt, loud ;
aux, out; hnus, house; laua, lonse; )aau», mouse. But ('
M. H. Germ. d4 and »i/, thou, now, remain d4 and n4n.
rOW£L SOUN£>S.
87
(iu=M, H.Omth. ou: 6aun, treCj beam; laitm. Beam; (ravm,
drwim ; fau6, leaf; iaui, deaf; au^e, eye, A. S. eiiffe, M. H.
Germ, ovffe.
a=M. H.Genn. rf, nw: i^H, blue; ffraii, grey ; ^i'h, flaw ;
M. H. Germ, ffrd, gniwe; hid, hUwe, &c.
A reference to the Dutch langua^ will more fully explain
ite nature of the a« from «, and a» from ou. For tlio former
tile Dutch has «, for the latter 6 ; hence, Dutch mm, M. H.
(!srm, r4m. Germ, rmun ; Dutch drom, M. H. Germ, trimm. Germ.
i'lism; cf «/yc, Miige, and (5^(f, oa^e. Thus, then, German
niiiea op two ditferent vowels which Dutch still keeps distinct.
Even German prefers before certain consonauts the vowel o to
"" in place of the M. H. Germ, on; e.g. /-rfa', reward; hone,
'*an ; fdy, flew ; sted, straw ; h6ek, hig-h ; not, need, &c.
an is Umlaut of an. Examples : — sau, a sow, pi. »aue; ranm,
*paoe, room, pi. ran me ; liuum, tree, pi. hiiume ; iaus, house, pi.
yitser; auge, eye, diminutive dugleiu. eiu, the modem, stauds
'f> the same relation to eu, the more ancient Umlaut, as does
" to ^ [see sub htt. a. e)-
©i stands for M.H.Germ./ and cj, Dutch y'= *, and ee = c;
^ au for M. H. Germ, rf and ou.
To test the nature of the German ei a reference to the parallel
^c»iiis in Dutch is sometimes sufficient, e. g. reif, hoop, Dutch
ff^tsj, ; re'if, ripe, Dutch rijp.
li^iamples of ef=M. H. Germ, i: aei, sit; y^i, free; meite,
••^ile ; veile, while ; mein, dein, »ein, meus, tuus, suua ; wein,
'^'Tjie; reif, ripe; geide, aillr ; «e!te, side; eis, ice; eken, iron;
**^Ue, wise ; /eind, fiend ; retcA, rich,
n'=M. H. Grerm, «: ri^, hoop; ei, egg; ^«^, heal; ^eint,
nome; bein, bone; »to'n, stone; klein, little; eic&e, oak; iffwfo,
'>oth ; gei^, goat ; leei^, white ; we/f , novi ; Aei^, hot.
In some cases the spelling is wavering between ei and eu
[M. H. Germ, i and j'm) : he'iral and Jieural, keint and heunt.
Tliere is indeed a difference in the meaning of zeigen, to show,
and zeuaen, to bring forth, gigncre; but it is sometimes difficult
to keep them distinct, as in the expression ' Freundsohaft bezei-
gen' and ' bezeugen', which are all but identical. It is however
altogether erroneous to write, as is commonly done, ereignen,
to happen, ereignk, event, instead of erdugnen, erdar/nU, O. H.
Germ. aToucnian. The fluctuating orthography in heiral, henrat,
marriage, and heint, ieunt, hac nocte, we find already in the
yM. II- Germ, hirdt and huirnt, kiiU and hiiiiii,
' Mm. bohm. \r.
gg TEUTOXir GRAMMAR.
ea is alao adopted in pbce oi two Middle High German
¥i>wda, im and o^n. eu-^^im: metr^new (M. H.Germ. a/ff) ; inr^,
hoc anno M. H. Germ. Aiure ; tem/ei, deril ; inr/tf, hodie (M. H.
Genn. Umie ; lemU, people ijlem^^ kreucktjjtem^ij (atjliegi, kriecit^
Hie^j M. H. Germ.^/i(^. kriucJkLJiim^,
eu='SL H. Germ, an : i^m, har ; tirtw, ^tnw ; /reuemy lejoioe;
frendt^ joj.
ie. We consider this a diphthong, though it is not pio-
noanced like i-t but i, the English tt. Examples : — di^nen^ to
serve ; iier, beer ; JM, thief; friertn^ freeze ; /i^, dear (cf. lief)*
Formed by contraction : prieiter^ firom prtAyier^ tpiegel froDt^.
tpeeulum^ fiebcr from ftbii^ (French tpiegle^ Jierrt), For short *
in nW, mach ; JpiV/, plav, &:c. For Middle High German ei i^
the preterites scAien, miedj fried ; Parodies for ParadeU. OofS^"
sionallj for no, me : mieder^ M. H. Germ. mModer, licderlici for lu^'
derlick — sometimes liderlieA, derived from luder. As we see tl^^
ancient I occasionally lengthened into ie, so we find, vice vers^^
ie shortened into i : dime for dierne, O. H. Germ, dioma ; lich^
nicht for liekt, niekt; ging^ ^it^t fi^^^ for the reduplicate^
preterites gieng^ kieng^ feng: the latter mode of spelling \^
preferable.
iu is no organic diphthong in (German, and occors only ir:===
4;//, pfni^ exclamations for M. H. (xerm. hoi, hei — pfi, pf^^
English.
aL This diphthong has its origin in the A. S. dg : hail^ A. S.
hdgel. Germ, hagel ; tail, A.S. Idg^l, Germ, zagel; maid, A, S,
mdg^y Germ, magd ; said, dixit, A.S. sdgde, Germ. 9agte ; main,
A, S. mdgtn, M. H. Germ, megin (cf, M. H. Germ, m^n, meii,
geseit, for megin, megii, gesegit) ; dmsi/y from A. S. ddges edge,
day's eye, oculus diei. ai represents the A. S. eg (botn eg and
eg) in mil, A. S. and Germ segel; lain, A. S. and Germ, legen ;
rain, A.S. and Germ, regen; laid, A.S. legde. Germ, legie; again,
against, A. S. and Germ, gegen. In this case the original e has
been replaced by a, so that we read rain, sail, laid, instead of
rein, seil, leid, an occurrence which may be explained by the fact
of ai answering more closely to the sound of the contracted
vowels. ai=iA. S, ag in stair, from stmger, a/=A. S. d in
hail, by the side of whole (sanus, salvus), stoain, fl/=A. S. a
in hair, A.S. hrnr ; raise, A.S. rresan. This diphthong is also
*^fton met with in words of Romance origin, where it is derived
TOWEL SOUIfDS.
■om the Latin atfi, as tlie English at is trom the A. S. op:
tail, fragilis.
ay is but a different mode of spelling the same diphthong at
■ the end of words; ns day from dap, vay from ivep, hiy from leijan,
7 Mj from tegan.
au. This diphthong is rare and answers to the Anglo-Saxon
^in a few eases before the consonants gh. Examples ; — daunhler,
A,8. d6htar ; draught, A. S. dro/d ; aught, A. S. Uieht, dwilil,
0. H, Germ, iowlhl,
aw. For A. S. ag, tg, eah, af: awe, A. S, epc (cf. Goth, aggaii) ;
iiitn, A. S. ititgian; draw. A, S. dragan ; hawk, A. S. Aafoc,
O.N. haukr ; law, A. S. /u^; aaw (serra), A. S. aega ; aaio (vidit),
A. S. teak ; raiB, A. S. ireaie, O. H. Germ. Arn, Germ, n? ", rough
(from A. S., O. H. Germ. r«i, Germ. rauA and rauch) ; tlrow, A.S.
*trair. Germ. atro^.
ea. A diphthong of frequent occurrence, and faithful to its
tniditions, commonly representing the A.S. ed. (i) Exuniples
of this kind are, — beam, dream, gleam, fteam, stream, seam, team ;
^"r, hear; bean, lean; cheap, heap, leap; leaf, deaf; bread, head
fh«afud), dead; great, death, east. (2} ea=A,S. rf: weak, A.S.
•e'ac; tveat, A. S, siedt ; eheath, A. S. aeed^. (^)=A.. S. a : deal,
^^tl, tear, year, clean, mean, weapon, ready, thread, wheal. (4)
^=A, S. erf: dear, eleare, breoit. In most cnaes this diphthong
"**« assumed the pronunciation of ee; but in certain positions,
*^^I>ecial]y before dentals, it takes the sound of the originally
^*iort ea in il^ad, tread, as bread, dread, lead: exceptions are
^^"(al and wheal.
_ el. Rare in words of Teutonic origin, and correaponding to
^*ie most hetert^neous vowels in A. S. : thus — their, A. S. Jjor
^*ifer, A.S. heahfore, heafre; eight, A.S. eahta ; neigh, A.S.
^^nagan ; either, A.S. dhwd^er, dwder, anZer; neither,
^^*ahwd^er. ndvr&er, nau^er.
0W ifl rather frequent, and baa the diphthongal pronunciation
^f B, but of 00 after / and r. As a rule it answers to the A. S.
Wip, but occasionally to other vowels, such as 1?, ea, &e. Ex-
amples:— to brew, A.S. breSwnn ; to chew, A.S. ceSwan ; ewe,
A. 8, «f« ; deio, A, S, (fetfw ,- cs]>eciBl1y in the preterite of strong
xerbs, e. g. crew. A, S. ere6ie, cantavit ; greio, A. S. gredw, viruit ;
)cntK, A. S. c)ie6m, novit ; blew, A. S, ble6w, flavit.
Oy. Of rare occurrence, replacing the A.S. ed and it, e.g.
eye, A. S. edge; grey, A.S. grag : prey is the French
pncda.
ie answers to the A. S, «f in Jiend, /Head, lie/, and thief.
oa staods for A, S. d and « : boar, oar, Aoar,/oam, loam, g
moan, broml, goad, toad., goat, oat, oath ; occasionally replaCM i
0, with which it is identical in prununciatioo, as lome for /M
the preterit«a of thu verbs however have regularly o, i
shone, smot^e^ drove, &c. Even the French o has been dressell
in the English garb of oa : coach for coche, coat for cole, I
for broche, road for rote, loatt for toste, coatt for e6le=coste.
06 is no true diphthong, but simply a long vowel, hence ]
noiincetl as o: doe, A.S. iM ; /oe, K.^./d ; roe, A.S. rd;
A. S, fdie, id: «!oe, A. S. W.
In Old High German and Middle High German these w
pass from the diphthong et into the simple vowel d on accoun
a following h, v, or *. (Cf German rei, sehc, weh.)
OU answers in sound and position to the German an, and as ^
latter stands occasionally for Old High German u, eo also En^'lsi
OU stands for Anglo-Saxon t^or the production ofu. ou=A S.
4: /oul, ovr, sour, laud, out, mouth, gouli, mouse, lonte. Cf. A- 5-
/Al, tdr, 4t, md^, mds, ld»i and Garm. /anl, saner, au^ {awi
laus, mans. o«=the production of « before /i/and nd: t
should, would, bound,/otind, hound, ground, toon nd— cases in whid
German commonly has preserved the short u, as gelunden, g
den, hvnd, grund, wunde. ou before gh represents divers i
Saxon voweb : bought, emi, A. S. boUe ; dough, A, S. ddh, i
leig ; Hough, A.S. heah; through, A.S, \urh ; soul from A.ft
sdioel, sdwl, sdul ; four, A. ^./eower.
OW. (i)=AngIo-Saxon «V, which is in accordance with t
general rule, that A.S. d becomes in English 6. To this
belong chiefly the strong verbs which have the preterite in t
as to blow, to grow, to htow, to crow, to blow, A. S. bldwait, ttrdwam,
cndu>an, crdwan, bldwan. Exceptions : — grow, A. S. growan ; own,
dgen {transition of g into w). {3)= A. S. 4: bow, A. S. bdgan;
bower, A. S. bUr; brown, A. S. brdn; cow, A. S. cH ; down, O. N.
ddn ; how, A. S. hd i town, A. S. Idn ; /owl, A. S./Hgel,/dl.
ue. Replacing Anglo-Saxon eo or ea and i, but v
hue, A. S. hiwj rue, A. S. hreSm ; true, A. S. tre6we ; '.
A. S. Tiwesddg.
eo, eii, 01, oy o
1 Rom
only.
VOWEL SOUNDS. 91
Dutch.
aL No independent diphthongs but merely a different mode
tfqielliog the vowel dy Belgian ae^ Dutch oa, as hair for ha&r,
ML This diphthong is softer than its Grerman relative, so
dot its sonnd might almost be rendered in German by a-uw ;
Iwt it oocnrs in few words only, and these mostly of a foreign
origin. Examples : — f)au9, pope ; dauwy dew ; lauwer^ laurel.
el The Dutch language has two diphthongs, ei and ij, resem-
Ung the German ei, English i, in sound, yet neither of the for-
mer agreeing quite with the latter, so that their pronunciation
coffers no slight difficulty to a foreigner, ei comes nearest to the
Cerman «, and, like the latter, chiefly represents the Gothic
diphthong diy whilst ij\ the doubled i, allows the element of the e
toprevaU, and its sound might therefore be rendered by German
^pronounced in rapid succession. In its pronunciation, as well
«8 derivation, it is the representative of the Gothic diphthong ei.
Examples: — Aeil, hail, whole (Germ, heil) ; rein, pure (Germ,
nil) ; weinipy little (Gterm. wenig) ; eik, oak (Germ, eiche) ;
to, both (Germ, beide) ; leiden, to lead (Germ, leiten) ; ^eit,
(Germ. geif). While in some words however, the ei has
preserved, it has in others given way to / ; as for instance
^ the Ablaut of some strong verbs, as 7ied, led. From the
fact that words ending in Aeid form their plural in /led^n, as
^pperieid (valour), dupperkeden, it would appear that monosyl-
labic forms favour the diphthong, while the penult prefers the
vowel /. In some words this diphthong has, like the English
«', and the Middle High German ei, its origin in the softened e(jf,
as zeil for ze^el, sail ; fneid, maid ; zeide, said, dixit. For e, the
Umlaut of a, we find it in keiry army (Germ, heer) ; meir, sea
(Germ, meer) ; eifide, end ; peifizen, to think (Fr. penser).
eu. In pronunciation it approaches the French eu, German o ;
as to derivation, it is a doubtful diphthong, replacing o and e,
even oe and H.
fu=o: deufy door; geuTy smell; ieur, election, choice; euvel,
evil; kreupely cripple; jeugdy youth; deugen (Germ, taugen),
^^d (Germ, tugend).
f«=e : neuBy nose (Germ. nase). For long vowels : steuueuy
^^ groan (Germ, stoonen) ; treureriy to mourn (Germ, trauren) ;
^mgd (Germ, freude), heukey bocke, beech (Germ, buche). For-
"^^riy this diphthong was more generally in use, and in Belgium
92 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
especially^ in the place of the Dateh 6y as zeun for zoon (son),
d^urpel for dorpel, &c.
ie. A diphthong of frequent occurrence, equivalent to the
Middle High German iu and ie^ and the Modem Grerman ie.
Examples : — wiel, wheel ; bier, beer ; dier, deer, animal ; tien, i/a
draw (Germ, ziehen) ; vier^ four ; dietien^ to serve ; die/, thief;
liefy dear (Germ, lieb) ; diep^ deep ; riet, reed ; siek^ sick ; dier^
dear (M. H. Germ, diur) ; vier, fire (M. H. Germ, viure) ; stieren,
to steer (M. H. Germ, stiuren) ; vrienl, friend (M. H. Germ,
vriunt). In strong verbs, pres. sing. : diel, offert (M. H. Genn.
biut) ; vliet^ fiuit (M. H. Germ, vliut) ; tiel, ducit (M. H. Germ,
ziut).
oe. In pronunciation and derivation like English ao, Germ.
«, answering to the Gothic (?, Middle High German w>. Ex-
amples : — stoel, stool (Germ, stiil) ; vlocTy floor (Germ, fliir) ; A^)
to do (Germ, tun) ; droek, brook (Germ, bruch) ; droeder, brother, \
bruder; 7noef, mood (Germ, mut) ; bloei, blood (Germ, bl&t); '
fnoeder, mother (Germ, mutter) ; aoeken^ to seek (G«rm. suchen)*
roed€, rod (Germ, rftte) ; groeten, to greet (Germ, gniefen) ; go^^^
good (Germ. gut).
OU, This OM, like auy stands for the (Jerman a«, sligbw
modified in sound : while the latter is pronounced more delit^
rately than the German, the former is enounced with grea^^
rapidity, so as to resemble more closely perhaps the English ou ^
h(wse. Examples : — howen^ to hew (Germ, hauen) ; vrouw, ^^^^^A
(Germ, frau) ; honden^ to hold ; koud^ cold ; oudy old ; too^^^
wood (Germ, wald) ; kout (Germ, holz) ; zout, salt^
ue. Used in Belgium as a different mode of spelling t^, e. ^'
muer for mnur, wall.
ui has the sound of the German eu, with which it also gene^^
rally corresponds in derivation, though it often represents th^
German an. Middle High German ii. Examples: — 6uil, tumor^
bile (Germ, beule) ; //ul/efi, to howl (Germ, heulen) ; vuil (foul
(Germ, faul) ; ::inl (Germ, sd?fle, column) ; ruim^ room (G«rm.
raum) ; schuim, scum (Germ, schaum) ; dui/\ dove (Germ, taube)
sfuiveu (Germ, stauben) ; duivel (Germ, teufel) ; struik, shrub
drnid, bride ; ^?/id, hide ; kruid, herb ; luid, loud ; kiiis, house
7rfu?s, mouse; lu?s, louse. Cf. German stranch^ braut, haul,
kraui^ laut, haus^ maus^ laus.
^ In these examples the diphthong has its origin in the contraction of the words
halden, kald, aid, wald, zalU &c.
VOWEL SOL'JfDS
Swedish.
This tlialect is, strictly speaking, dtiprived of diphthouga alto-
jelUor ; for tlie Old Norse ei and an, are condensed into e and o
Wid Ju. The only combination looking like a diphthong concen-
trates the accent on the «, leaving the i merely as a preluding
soand, resembling herein the English « in tune, June, July, or
the Gothic ya in jm,juk, the Gerioaa Jk It, Juki ; but altogether
distinct from the Gothic diphthong t« in iup, or the Old Norae in
tittfr. The ( or J in this peculiar position participates in the
nature of a consonant, half-way at least; whence it is rightly
ranked with the semi-vowels. From this fact again may be
explained the total suppression in pronunciation of consonanto
preceding j or their combinations in n mixed sound ; hence ijul,
Ijuf, lJD'l—snand,jul,jit/,fu4; whilst in Old Norse we have the
mphthong iiol, liufr, Allo^. Examples : — hjul, wheel ; Jul,
Chriatimis; djur, aaimal (Germ, thier, deer; Ijiif, lief {Germ.
lieb); (?'«/", thief {Germ, dieb) ; c^'ujo, deep (Germ, tief) ; ljv.ga,\a
lie (GCTm. lugen) ; tkjvAa, to shoot (Germ, schiefen). Swedish
pt is never weakened intoy'o : where this latter form appears it
iloM SO by Brechung. je is more easily proved by forms such
*s ((>na, to serve (Germ, dJenen); tjenit, service (Germ, dienst),
I for the Old Norse Schwaohung io in \iona, \ionust: Other
L^pIithongB do not exist in Swedish ; for ja, jo, jo, must be con-
^Hdered as belonging to Brechung.
Tlq.Tiinh ,
The Old Norse diphthongs el and an have in Danish ex-
perienced the same fate as in Swedish, dwindling down into the
nieagre e and o sounds ; and i«, ou, are condensed into y, rarely
Kplnced by ju, je, which can hardly be considered true diph-
wmgs, since the accent is concentrated on the 6nal h and e.
But while ancient diphthongs disappear, new ones spring out of
tile fertile soil of language, owing their origin, as in English,
'io^iy to the vocalization of ff and v into i and «. Thus the
i^osh language has established three new diphthongs, an, ei,
^'i wliich are wanting in Swedish, and impart to the otherwit^e
inonotonous vocalism of the Danish laugui^e something of a
fnplionic change. To write and pronounce tiv, ej and oj, metead
"f ttie true diphthongs, Grimm rightly considers n retrograde
"Wvement, depriving the Danish language of one of the few
media of variation of sound that arc at its disposal.
94 TRV TONIC GRAMMAR,
au. As we have just mentioDed, this diphthong is developed
out of ai\ especially when oeeuning before g and *. Thus Grimm
takes the preterite taug of the verb ticy tacere, as the condensed
form of a weak preterite tagde (of. O. N. 'pagii^ \^id^)i and the
adj. tauSf taciturnus, the contraction of a more ancient tar«,
tagse (cf. Swedish varsCy vilse. &c.) ; haug, pascuum^ from hive
(O. N. kagiy Sw. hage), laug, law, for lav^ lag (O. N. lag) ; faHt
from faver^ f^g^^ (cf. Eug. fair from fager). In many other
words the v touches very closely on the u without however being
quite transformed. Examples: — ave^ discipline; tnare^ stomach
(Germ, magen) ; raim, raven. But, after all, this diphthong
must be considered of rare occurrence.
ei. It is more frequent than the preceding diphthong. Ex-
amples : — deif dough (Sw. deg, Germ, teig) ; sei^ show (Sw. seg);
vei, way (Sw. viig, Germ, weg) ; eie^ to own (Sw. ega, cf. Genn.
eigen) ; feie^ to polish, Sw. fa?gja, Germ, fegen) ; veie^ to weigh»
(Sw. vega, Germ, wiegen) ; sell^ sail (O. N. sCgl, G«rm. segel) ;
leir, lair (Sw. lager, M. H. Germ. lt?ger). It will be interesung
from the preceding examples to observe, that while Danish an^
English prefer the contraction of eg into the diphthong ei (tfO»
Swedish and German preserve the old form eg in its integri^*
On the other hand, Danish retains eg in words where EngU^'^
contracts it, as negl^ nail ; regn^ rain ; cf. Germ, nagel and regef^'
Oi. Tliis diphthong is historically the same as «', owing ^^
origin to the condensation of g and its preceding vowel. Tl^
same remarks thereibre we have under ei will hold good for tf^ .
diphthong oi. Examples :—foly flew (Sw. fliig, Grerm. flog) ; Aci^\
high (Sw. hog, Germ, hoch) ; die, eye (Sw. oga, Germ, auge^ *
ploie, to plough (Sw. ploga. Germ, pfliigen).
ju stands for Old Norse in in but few words : Ajul (wheel) ^
Jul (feast), and sljul (latebra) — in all other words ^w is condensed
into y, so that for the Swedish djitr, fjuf, djup, deer, thief, deepr
(Germ, thier, dieb, ticf), we have in Danish rfyr, /J^>, dyb. Here
again Swedish and German show some analogy on the one,
Danish and English on the other hand. Swedish preserves the
old diphthong iu almost intact, German renders it, at least in
spelling, by the Schwachung ie, while Danish and English con-
dense it into the i sound (=0-
OU occurs in but very few words : brouk, braute, to boast ;
ploug, an obsolete mode of spelling for j^lov, plough ; toug, tow
(Sw. tog).
The preceding list of examples will sufficiently tell how in
Danish too, since the organic diphthongs of the Old Norse dialect
VOWEL SOUNDS,
\Kve disappeared, these full sonorous vowel sounds are but ex-
ceptionally found ; whence Danish voealism sutfers of a certain
thinne&s or apareness which Swedish, thoufjh entirely devoid of
diplithoiiga, displays less sensibly, l>ecause it has more suceess-
ftiHy sheltered the fiill vowels a and w, which in Danish again
bad greatly to yield to the deterioration into e and o.
1 TfilPHTHON'CS.
These vocalic combinations belong, among Modem Teutonic
dialects, to Dutoh exclusively. They niay be considered as diph-
thongs having one of the vowels lenffthened or doubled. Ex-
amples : — aauie, pronounced like an witb a short rest on the
vowel a. as in pa/niw, pea-cock ; hauw, luke-warm (Germ, law) ;
I oai, the diphthong at with a lengthened and i hardly audible ;
trtiai, crow ; fraai, fair ; eenw, in which e is lengthened and w
l>©comes more audible than in the diphthong e« ; heiiw, lion ;
*»«i;uip, snow ; ieiiw might in Germau be rendered by ia>, the »
*>ardlv perceptible ; nifuw, new ; iieiite, gill.
!V irmcrlhn of j in Danish. — The insertion of _/ before a vowel
*^liich regularly occurs after the consonants q, k, «k, and occa-
^omJly after other consonants, must be kept distinct from the
J^wshung and the organic diphthongs on which we have already
'•'"'^ated. Before a, aa, o, «, and e in Danish, the consonants k
**»d^ are always hard, as in tlie English words cow, t/omi ; and
'** order to produce a double sound, as in the English cure, a J
**>-Tist be inserted, e. g. ikjaM, bard ; kjolo, coat ; skjule, to con-
*~^'^tal ; gjaldt, valuit, cost ; gjfd, goat ; gj6rde, made.
Thus then the Old Norse g, k, and «i, in gauhr, kaup, »iaut,
*'*^U9t have been audible until the gradual modification of the
^^owel into o influenced the pronunciation of the preceding con-
^*^iiant too. In Swedish this affection of the consonant is marked
?** its pronunciation, whence the sound of giik, kHp, iikSl, might
^^ rendered in German by Uchoky isehop, and achat ; while the
*^iiish language adopted a particular mode of spelling and
^^udcrs a sound almost similar to the Swedish in the forms 2/%,
^?o*, »kj6il. That the whole difference consists in nothing but
^ different representation of the same sound, may be further
*^oncluded from the fact that even in Danish the simple k and g
^^ preferred before a, o, y, and i, as gog, kob, skod, and iiir, koti,
I -Kohenkaven, instead of kjar, kjon, Kjobenkaveu ; and that it is
b ^*^onledged to be erroneous to insert the J when the primitive
^V "Word has ka, ko, ga, go, &c. without j : e. g. kjiimhs for kamhe, to
96 TEC Toy I€ GRAMMAB.
figlit, woald be m &alt, becmose the origiiud word is kamp; so
also ijamme for idmmej to comb, from kam comb.
Now whether we consider the modification of the vowel owing
to the preceding consonant, or the softenings of the consonant
ari^g &om the modified Towel, thns much is certain, and can
be proTed by examples from the Old Teotonic dialects, — ^that cer-
tain consonants, and especially the consonants we have mentioned
aboTCy exercise a modilVing influence on the succeeding vowel.
Thus Bask teaches ns to pronounce the Icelandic / after g, k^
and si^ie, and it is a &ct that in the sixteenth centuiy alz%adj
the spelling ie for e was introduced, e, g. giefa for g^a, gift ;
Hem tor ientj come, venio ; Mera for st^, shear. Still more
interesting is it to trace this tendency of vocalic modification
as &r back as Anglo-Saxon, where after 4c {z=si) regularly, and
after g occasionally, it is optional to write seealy shall, debet,
or icai ; sceacan^ to shake, or scacau ; ^ctare, to shear or 9care;
geecPS (= sheath) or saiPS ; sceS (shoe) and 9c6. (Mark the differ-
ence of the double vowels ed^ eo and the diphthongs e&y eS, and
that it would be a mistake to write scfdd^ seedy for seeddj 9ceS.)
Here the vowel e=i was inserted under the influence of the
preceding 9c, ns j in Danish after g^ i, si; and vice versa, the
pronunciation of the softened guttural in the English sAall, %kake,
share y shoey may have arisen under the softening influence of the
modified vowel ea for ar, which must be kept altogether distinct
from the Anglo-Saxon Brechung ea and the diphthong ed.
CONSONANTS.
PHYSIOLOGICAL ALPHABET'.
PlAC«8.
X. Glottis ....
a. Root of toDgoe and I
soft palate . . . j
3> Root of tongue and 1
hard palate . . . j
4. Tip of tongue and 1
teeth f
5. Tongue rerersed and 1
palate ....
6. Tongne and edge of
teeth ^
7. I/)wer lip and upper 1
teeth /
8. Upper and lower lips
9. Upper and lower lips 1
rounded . . . . j
Brbaths.
Checks.
Hard.
Soft.
Trilled.
Hard.
Soft.
Nasal.
' hand
' and
'A loch
*h tage, G.
f
h {hh)
9W
n(ng)
y ich, G.
y ye«
•
ch {chh)
J w
»i (ny)
f rice
z to rise
/
t m
d{dh)
n
$ sharp
z pleasure
r
f w
4(4h)
9
fA breath
dh breathe
/ life
V live
• •
fD quell, 6.
.
p {ph)
b(f>h)
m
lb which
1
•A with
V
J I
ii
Continue.
Pi
rohibitivie
Y
sive Ex;
»lo8iv«.
As will appear from the preceding table, consonants may be
^'fissified according to the organs which produce them, and ac-
*^i'ding to the duration of the sound. If they are produced by
^ie opening or closing of the organs, their sound will last only
j^Mle this transaction is taking place and it is incapable of
^ing prolonged: such consonants are called C/iecis or Mutes
(^I'ohibitivaB sive Explosivae) . Or they are produced so that the
^'■g^ms do not momentarily open or close, but merely modify their
'^l^tive position and allow the soimd to be prolonged at pleasure :
^^^li consonants are called Breaths or Spirants (Continuse).
* Max Milller, Lectures, ii. p. 153.
H
d8
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
According to the organs which are chiefly active in producing
the different consonants^ we classify these as gutturahy palataUy
linguahy dentals, and labiah. If produced by a greater effort of
the organs, they will be hard (tenues); by a leas effort, sofi
(mediae); when accompanied with a breath, tenues and medis
will make aspirates^.
Spirants again may be guttural, dental, nasal, palatal, labial
and lingual (liquids).
Thus a great variety of sounds is produced which but few
languages possess in its unlimited richness. AnK>ng the Aiyan
languages Sanskrit has the most complete system of consonants,
which we are able to appreciate by comparing the following
paradigm of Sanskrit consonants with those of the PrimitiYe
and Gothic languages.
Sanskrit.
PROHIBlTIViB.
Continue
•
Not Aspirated,
Aspirated,
Tenues.
Medie.
Tenues.
Mediae.
Sibilants.
Naaias.
Liquids.
Gutt. it
Pal. ch
Ling, f
Dent, t
Lab. p
9
•
J
4
d
h
hh
chh
{h
th
ph
dh
dh
ih
:*(X)
i
sh
n
ft
fi
m
h
y
r
I
V
Primitive*.
Prohibitive.
CONTINUiB.
Not AspinUed,
Aspirated.
Tenues.
Mediae.
Tenues.
Medis.
Sibilants.
Nasals.
Liquids.
Gutt. it
Pal. . .
Ling. ..
Dent, t
Lab. p
9
• •
« •
d
h
J*
• •
dh
hh
a •
• •
f
• •
• •
< •
• *
n
m
• .
W
r
m •
V
* Comp. Max Mfillcr, Liectures, ii. p. 130 iqq.
' We have arranged in these tables the Primitire and Gothic consonants in aocofd-
ance with the c-.>minonly adopted arrangement of Sanskrit consonants, and this for
the sake of uniformity and comparison ; but when treating on the Teotonic con-
CONSONANTS,
99
Gothio.
pROHIBITIViB.
CoNTINUiE.
Not AtpiraUd.
Attpirattd.
Tenoes.
Medife.
Tennes.
Medie.
Sibilants.
Nasals.
Liquids.
Gntt. k
Pal. ..
Ldng. ..
Dent, i
Lab. p
9
• •
* •
d
h
• •
■ ■
• •
ih
• •
• •
• •
• •
th
• •
• •
• •
• ■
f
• •
• •
n
m
h
«
J
r
I
V
TH
PH
D
B
T
P
Grimm* 8 Law \
' If the same roots or the same words exist in Sanskrit, Greek,
Liatin, Celtic, Slavonic, Lithuanian, Gothic, and High German,
then, wherever the Hindus and the Greeks pronounce an aspirate,
the Goths and Low Germans generally, the Saxons, Anglo-
Saxons, Frisians, &c., pronounce the corresponding soft check,
the Old High Germans the corresponding hard check. We thus
arrive at the first formula : —
I. (i) Greek and Sanskrit . . . KH
(2) Gothic, &c. (Low German) . G
(3) Old High German . . . K
^Secondly, if in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit, &c., we find a soft
check, then we find a corresponding hard check in Gothic, a
corresponding hreath in Old High German. This gives us the
second formula : —
II. (4) Greek, &c G
(5) Gothic K
(6) Old High German . . . CH
•Thirdly, when the six first-named languages show a hard
consonant, the Gothic shows the corresponding breath, Old
High German the corresponding soft check. In Old High Ger-
sonants speciallj, we shall keep up the following divisions and discuss them in this
order 'w — Liquids. Z, m, n, r. Spirants, v, id, 8, z (i^aott a), j (=y in year), h.
Mutes : (i) Labitdg, b, p, /, r, pA, hh, &c. ; (2) DentaU, d, t, th (J>), dh (^), 2
(High German aspirated dental, |, soft z) ; and (3) Gutturahf g, k, c {^k), ch, &c.
^ Max MiUler, Lectures, ii. p. 199 sqq. -
Ha
D
B
T
P
Z
F (Ph)
100 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
man^ however^ the law holds good with regard to the dental
series onlj^ while in the guttural and hibial series the Old High
German documents generally exhibit h andy^ instead of the cor-
responding medisB g and b. This gives us the third formula : —
III. (7) Greek, &c K T P
(8) Gothic H(G,F) Th(D) F(B)
(9) Old High German . H (G,K) D F(B,V)/
Proceeding to the illustration of the diflferent formulas, we
begin with the first class, which in Sanskrit shows the aspirate
ghy dh. bh\ Greek x> ^> <t> ; Latin fluctuating between soft checks
and guttural and labial spiritus. This class must in English,
Anglo-Saxon, Gothic, and all Low German dialects be repre-
sented by the corresponding mediae g, d, b, whilst High German
chooses for the same purpose the tenues k, t, p.
L (i) KH. Greek x ; Sanskrit gi, i ; Latin A,/.
G. Gothic g ; Latin gv, g, v,
K. Old High German k.
Examples^ : — 'Engl, goose, Goth, gafis, Qerm.gana, O. H. G«rm.
ians, Sansk. Aansa, Gr. \rivy Lat. anser (=hanser). Engl, yester^
day. Germ gesterny Goth. gist ra, O. H. Germ, keslar, Sansk. AyM,
Gr. \6h, Lat. keri, Engl, garderij Germ, garien, Goth, gards,
O, H. Germ, karlo, Gr. xopros, Lat. ho^rtus, Sansk. lih^ Gr. Ae^x^>
Lat. lingo y Goth. IdigOy O. H. Germ, lehom. Corresponding to
gall (bile), we find Gr. x^^^j Lat. fely instead of heL Engl, to
dragy Goth, drag-aiiy O. H. Germ, trak-any Lat. trah^ere, Gr.
i\'€ivy Goth, dig -an y O. H. Germ, eik-an.
(2) TH. Greek 6, 0 ; Sanskrit dh ; Latin/.
D. Gothic d ; Latin d, b.
T. Old High German t.
Examples: — Engl, daughter y Goth, dauhtaty Germ, tackier y
O. H. Germ, tohfar, Gr. Ovyarrjp. Engl, door, Goth, daur, Germ,
and O. H. Germ, tory Gr. &vpa, Engl, deer, A. S. dear, Goth.
diuSy Germ. Her, O. H. Germ. tioTy Gr. $rip (<^?}p), liat.Jera (wild
beast). Engl, lo dare, Goth, ga-datirsan, O. H. Germ, tartan^ Gr.
fiap'TfiVy Sansk. dhrish. To Engl, doom (judgment), Goth, dom^,
corresponds Gr. dijfjus (law). Engl, mid-dley Germ, mit-tey Goth.
vNf/-ijf, O. H. Germ, mil-i, Lat. med-iiis, Sansk. madk^ya. Engl.
;vW, Gonn. rnf-e (\drga), A. S. r6d (crux), O. H. Germ, ruol-a
(virga), San.sk nih=.rn(lh (crescere).
' The examples arc partly taken from Max MUller, 1. c, partly from other loitroes.
CONSONANTS.
(3) PH. Greek 0; Sansfe. hk; Latin/
B. Gothic b ; Latin b.
P. Old High German p.
-MtampUf : — Etigl. U bear, Goth, baira, 0, H. Germ, pirn, Gr.
^^p», Lat./ero, Sansk. Wn. Engl. Sro^^e;-, Goth. brSthar, O. H.
^^rm. prnoder, hat./raler, Sansk. bhralri. Engl, /o ireai, Goth.
J\*^v, O. H. Germ, prechan, ha.t.frangere, Sansk. bkanj. Germ.
*»**, A. S. beam, 0. H. Germ, pirn, Gr. ^liu, Lat. fit (in /wj"),
•Ss^tisk. Uavdmi. Engl, icw^, Goth. ioXa, LaL/ajiH (cf. Gr.
***?7(Is}. O- H. Germ, puacia.
Tlie second class oomprises examples which, for the medias y, d,
» in Sanskrit and Greek words, show the correspnnding tenues
* /,p, in English, Gothic, &c., and the aepirates H (ch), tA and
■P^ in Old High German.
II. (4) G. Sanskrit, Greek, Latin g.
K. Gothic k.
KH. Old High German cL
Examples: — En"!. (0 knoiD, Germ, keinien and ionuen, A. S.
^^Heow, Goth, kail, 0. H. Germ, chan, Lat. gno»co, Gr. yvaiu,
Sansk, yiM. Eng i/n (relationship), Goth. itf»i, O. H. Germ.
^Auni, Lat. genut, Gr. yt'i-os, Sansk. y*?^* (from y^w, to be bom),
tlngl. knee, A. S. wierf, Goth, k'l'ia, O. H. Germ, chain, Lat. ^eww.
Or. yoCTj, Sansk. y««T(. A.S. mie-el {cL SC'itch mickle), Goth.
*nii~iU, O. H Germ, mik-il, Lat. moff-itm, Gr. fity-oAor, Sanak.
*ruzA-at. Engl. cAtVrf, O.S. kind, Gr. yoVos (offspring). Engl.
^aeeit, Golh. ^mo or ^ffff*, A.S. even, O.N. iojia, 0. H-Germ.
oAena, Gr. yu;^, Sansk .yoB* (originally meaning ' mother'). Engl.
Jtinff, Germ, konig, A.S. egning, O. H.Germ, cliuainc, Sanak.
Janaka (originally meaning ' father'). Gr. eyti, Lat. eg-o, Goth.
\k, A. S. ic, 0. N. ek, 0. H. Germ, ik, Germ. (V4.
(5) D. Sanskrit, Greek, Latin d.
T. Gothic f:
TH. Old High German s.
Examples: — Engl./co^, Germ./up, Lat.^erf-t* (pes), Gr.TroB-rfs
(not!?), Goth. f6l-m, 0. H. Germ. dh«s, Sansk. pdd-a». Engl.
vat-er, Goth. raZ-o, Germ, wa^-er, 0. H. Germ. wa;-ar, Lat. und-a,
Gr. C5-iop, Sansk. K//-n. Engl, iiwr;, Goth, hairl-d, Germ, /err,
O. H. Germ, herz-a, Lat. eord-h (cor), Gr. «opB-/o, Sansk. hrkl-
aya. Engl, ^ear, A. S. tear, Goth, ^^r. Germ, zahre, O. H.
Germ, sn^ur, Lat. kcruma { = dac-ntma), Gr. Jaxpv, Snnsk. aunt
(=datTu). Engl, iwc, Goth, tval, Germ. ;««, O. H. Germ, iiiei.
102 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Lat. duo^ 6r. hita, Engl, ten, Goth, taihun, Oerm. zehn^ O. H.
Germ, zehan, Lat. decemy Gr. hUa^ Sansk. daian,
(6) B. Sanskrit d or t? ; Greek and Latin i.
P. Gothic jo (scarce).
PH. Old High German jdA cry*.
* There are few really Saxon words beginning with /?, and
there are no words in Gothic beginning with that letter, except
foreign words ^^ No suitable examples can therefore be given,
except a few where the mentioned consonants occur at the end
of the root, e. g. Gk. xcirrajQ-is, O. N. hunp-r^ O. H. Germ, hancf ;
Engl, help^ Goth, hilpa^ Germ, helfe^ O. H. Germ, hilfu.
The third class embraces words which in Sanskrit, Greek and
Latin have the tenuis hy ty or p^ which in Gothic and the other
Low German dialects is replaced by the aspirates h (for <?A, kh),
ih and ph [f) respectively, while Old High German should make
use of the media y, dy b. But in the last-mentioned dialect the
law breaks down. Instead of the mediae b and ^, the aspirates
y* and A are preferred, and only d, the media of the dentals^ has
been preserved to represent the Gothic tA and Semskrit t.
III. (7) K. Sanskrit and Greek k; Latin c, qu.
KH. Gothic A, g {/) ; Sanskrit A.
G. Old High German A {g, k).
Examples: — Engl. Aead, A. S. Aeafody Goth. AavbilA, Germ.
Aaupiy O. H. Germ. Aoupit, Lat. cajmty Gr. k^^oAt;, Sansk.
kapdla, Engl, hearty Goth. hairtOy Germ, herzy O. H. Germ.
herzay Lat. coTy Gr. Kaphiay Sansk. hridaija {Arid, irregular instead
of krid). Engl. wAoy wAaty A. S. Away Awdt, Gt)th. AvaSy Avo, Ava,
Germ, iver^ iva^, O. H. Germ, wer. Transliterating this into
Sanskrit, we get kas. hdy had ; Lat. quis^ quce^ quid ; Gr. jcrfj and
ttJs. Engl,/^^, G^rm^viehy A.S.JeOy Goth, /aiAu^ hsit, pectus.
A. S. edg-e (eye), Germ, aug-e, O. H. Germ, oug-ay Lat. oc-ulvs,
Gr. dK-Js=<37r-Js, gen. from o\/^.
(8) T. Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin t.
TH. Gothic tA and d.
D. Old High German d.
Examples: — Engl. tAou, Goth. tAu, Germ, and O. H. Germ. du,
Lat. tUy Gr. tv, Sansk. twam (nom.). Engl. tAe (cf. tAis, tAqf),
Goth. tAanay Germ, defiy O. H. Germ, den, Lat. is'tum, Gr. top,
Sansk. tarn (ace). Engl. tAree, Goth. tArei^, Germ, drei, O. H.
Germ, dri, Lat. tres, Gr. rpeis, Sansk. trayas (n. pi.). Engl.
' Max Miiller, Zec^ures, ii. p. 219.
1
1 CONSONANTS. IM
oth-er, A. S, o^-er, Goth. anU-ar, Germ, anii-er, 0. H. Gem.
aytfi-ar, Lat. all-er, Gr. Jr-epor, Sansk. a«^orfl. Enffl. tooth,
A.S. toV^, Goth. iaflM, O. H.Germ. zand, Lat. t/tfiw, (fes/.M,
Gr. olois, 6l6vT-os, Sansk. ilanf-aa.
(9) P. Sanskrit, Greek, liEtin p.
PH. Gothic/ and i.
B. Old High German/and v.
Examples :— Engl Jire, Goth. Jim f. Qerm. Jiiii/, Gr. Wfiire,
Sansk. panchan. Engl. /«//, Gotli./H//*, Germ, ro^/, Lat. planus,
Gr. ttA^os, Sansk. p^ma! ^nqX./ather, Goih./adar, Germ, m^,
O. H. Germ, vafar, Lat. pater, Gr. uflT^p, Sansk. pi/W. Engl.
or*r, Goth. ff/«r, Germ, uber, 0. H. Germ. uA<7r, Lat. tuper, (Jr.
iw/p, Sansk. tipari. The last example is one of the veiy few
within the range of the mute labials in whifh the law of dis-
placement is Htrictly carried out in the different dialects.
General Taile of Gri?im'» Law '.
\
I.
II.
III.
1. 1 ..
J.
4.
5.
6.
7. 1 8.
9
Satukrit . .
1. Greek . .
II. Golhic . .
III. O.H.Gemi.
X <
i 1 ?
M(A)
P
7
i
eh
d
t
d
b
a
A
c, g'l
A.ffC/)
Kg. t
th,d
P
h
1
1
Exeeptiom lo O-rimm't Lau>.
' As in other aciences, so in the science of language, a law is
not violated — on the contrary, it is confirmed — by exceptions of
which a rational explanation can he given ^' These exceptions
are owing to distnrbing influences to which chiefly consonants
in the middle and at the end of words are liable and of which
wo examine a few cases.
A consonant often preserves its position in the different dia-
lects under the shelter of a preceding consonant. Thus, lor
instance, mutes protect a succeeding i, and, whenever the tenuis
is preceded at the beginning of words by an s, h, or f, these
letters protect the h, f, p, and guard it against the execution of
the kw. Thus the Sansk. <iMu, Gr. ^htw, Lat. ocio, is in Goth.
aAlau, 0. H.Germ. ailo, where i (=Germ. ci) preserves the
' Coupue Mu Mailer, iertB™, u. p. 21,. • Ibid. p. 113.
J
104 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
accusative) ; 6r. vv^, pvkt6s, Lat. nax, noctis, is the Gt>th. naAli,
O. H. Germ, nail, A. S. niAt (night). Thongh Ghrimm's law is
most strictly enforced at the beginning of words^ it becomes^
even there^ powerless under the mentioned conditions. Thus the
Sanskrit sfri, plural staras (in the Veda), Latin alella (=8temla),
is in Gothic sfaimo (star), the tenuis owing its preservation to
the preceding 9,
Since in Gothic and several other Teutonic dialects the gut-
tural aspirate is wanting, it is replaced by the hard breath k,
sometimes the media ^, which consonants are both adopted in
Old High German ; or ^ is displaced by ^ ; or the Gothic ff returns
to A again. The Gothic aspirate^/^ which takes the place of the
Sanskrit p, should, in Old High German, be represented by the
media b ; but the Old High German dialect makes in this case
again rather free with the law, replacing the media by the labial
soft breath r, and discarding this again in favour of the hard
breath /, the Gothic representative. Instead of the dental
aspirate fA (|>) the Old High German has its own characteristic
consonant z, which, according to its position, may be hard (z) or
soft (|).
TEUTONIC CONSONANTS.
Liquids : — ^1, m, n, r
The Gothic dialect keeps strictly distinct the simple initial
liquids I, n, ;*, and their aspirated compounds Al, An, Ar ; e. g.
luftuSy air (Germ, luft), and hliftus, fur, a thief; reisan, to rise, and
Arisjan, to shake; Idif, mansi, and Aldify bread, loaf. This dis-
tinction is kept alive in the other Low German dialects, Anglo-
Saxon, Old Saxon and Old Frisian, and in Old Norse ; while the
Old High German, since the beginning of the ninth century
renders the initial compounds Al, An, Ar, by the single /, «, r.
The Old Norse I and r is certainly found for the fol and wr of
the other dialects, but never for A I and Ar,
Gemination^ or the doubling, of liquids occurs in Gothic after
a short vowel, but it is not there yet developed to a -necessary
law, whence the single liquid is often retained in the place of
the gemination. The liquid r especially prefers to lead a single
existence. Old High German at a very early stage produces
gemination by assimilating more ancient combinations, such as
Ijy nj, rjy rz, rn, &c., to the liquid, and thus forming the com-
binations //, nn, rr, &c. ; e. g. zellun from zaljan, zeljan ; werran
CONSONANTS.
105
from varjan ; brunna from bfunja ; tttmma, voice (Germ, stim-
me), from an older I'orm stimna, Goth, stibna ; nennan, to name
(Germ, nennen), from nemvjan ; merran, to impede (Gotli, marz-
jan); «lerro, star (Germ, eteni), Goth, sfalrnd. If a geminated
liquid should happen to find its place at the end of a ivord, it is
reduced to a simple consonant; e,^. fa[,fiillei ; man, vianiies.
The Low German dialects, Anglo-Saxon and Old tVisian,
agree with Old High German in rejecting gemination at the
end of a word, while Old Sason even in this position sometimee
retains the doubled liquid. Hence Anglo-Saxon writes like Old
High German, Sil, hille» ; man, mannea ; grim, i/rimmes.
Peculiar to several Low German dialecU is the gemination of
the liquid « arising from the contraction of two n's, which in
consequence of the elision of one or several vowels came into
doser contact. Thus Anglo-Saxon has dnne for iiiiene, one;
MMfltf for minene, mine; Old Frisian enne for eiiime, minne i'or
mdieite, thinne, &c.
Gemination in the middle of a word is sometimes destroyed
by an inflexional syllable being added to the word, e, g, grimra
iustcad of grimmera ; or, under the influence of metathesis (vid.
infra), as i-Qr*e» for iroasea (equi).
Old Norse has in its geminations eertiiin peculiarities of its
oivn which deserve separate enumeration. The geminiilion U
W often its origin in assimilation : (i) /S — ifiill iram iih('&, gold;
«//r from Pi'/Sr, wild ; i/allr from l/al^r, bold ; (2) %l (of later
Occurrence), e. g. milli, inter, for mi^li ; frilla, pelles, for frl^la,
iralla, quickly, for hra^la ; (3) I of the root with r of the termi-
nation, when in monosyllables preceded by a long vowel or diph-
thong, in bisyllables after a short vowel as well ; e. g. heill, heal
(Germ, heil), for Aeilr ; deell, sweet, for dalr (but voir, staff,
stick); gaman=gamatr, old; lUUl=lUUr, small, little. But Ur
remains unchanged, as ballr, v'tflr. As Ir, so at a later phafic of
the language H, aUo may be converted into U, as iall for iarl,
Pari ; kelUnij for kerlivg (vetula).
It is a characteristic feature of Old Norse, which distinguishes
it from the High as well as the Low Germiiii dialecls, thut //,
like every other gemination, is preservefl intact at the end of
Words too. where, besides Old Norse, Old Saxon only allows
-exceptionally of the gemination.
This liquid in Oothio is safe from the interchange viith the
vBbilant *, while all the other Teutonic dialects have, like the
106 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Greek nnd Latin, more or less yielded to the iticlinatioD (
the a towards the liquid r. Thin clmnge of i into r is ofta
called ' Rhofaciatn.'
Old High German allows both the sharp and Eoft Gotliis
sibilante {a and z) to be supplanted by r : (i) id the inflexion and
com]>arisoii of tlie adjectives, e. g, pl'inter (blind), pUntoro, Gtitib*
blindt, blindSza ; (2) in roots, e. g. ror, Goth. rdus. dew (compt
Lat. ros, roris); 6ra, Goth, aufio, ear. Especially the Gothic 1
has aliuotit in every instance made room to the liquid t, e. Bi
rarta, tongue, language (Goth, razda); merran, to impede (GntE^
marzjan); korl, treasure {comp. Engl, hoard), Goth. kuzd. Thft
Gothic z is however preserved laferaiia, heel {Germ, ferse), Goth.
fairina ; anca, ashes (Germ, asche), Goth. aztfS. (3) Some strong
verbs which in the ist pers. aiug. pret. show a final 4, convert this
« into r where another inElexional syllable is added, e. g. tioiOM,
eligere; Ms, elegi; hiri, elegisti; iiinimet, elegimus; Aoranir,
electus ; thus also, nas, pari, ndrumes, neraner, of ne»an^ servaii^
and log, luri, lurvmea, loran^r of lioaan, perdere. The inflexiona] fi
of the strong declension of the substantive remains intact. So
also does the t at the Iteginning of a word, while in the middle
or at the end it may or may not pass into the domain of the
liquids — a fact for which no rule can be laid down.
Old Saxon has, like Old High German, both the organic r
and the inorganic r, replacing the sibilant ». Elision of r has
taken place in linon for Union, to learn;— apocope in he, is; Aue,
quis; (Aese. hie; vtica, vtuirtpo^; inva, (rt/jtuirepos ; »«c, noster;
iva, vester. Prefix a^ar, Wi! have mctalhesis of the r in
J'roikan iox forhhu, to tear.
Anglo-Saxon Ibllowa the general rule in replacing » by r, bnt
still it has often the sibilant preserved where Old High German
yields to the r; e.g. bii*o, Goth, bani, O. H, Germ, j^irr;', berry j
ifsffan, irasci, Goth, /i/rzjai/, 0. H. Germ, irran ; in other words,
again, Old High German preserves the 8 where Anglo-Saxon
prefers r ; e. g. O. H. Germ, haso. A, S. hara (Germ, base, Engl.
hare). Apocope of the r sometimes takes place at the end of
words, as !pe,we; ge, ye; jwe, mihi ; ))(;, tibi : o, prefix for arv
md, more, for mar. The metathesis of the organic r is mors-
fully developed than in Old Saxon, this letter being especially"
fond of taking up its position, whenever possible, immediately be-'
fore *, or the sibilant combinations it, sc, e. g. hom, horse, inst*"^
of kroa (comp. Germ, ross) ; beratau, to burst, O. S. breatan ; ford
for froat, }peracan for ^rescan, to thrash. Other instances of'
metathesis sua— forma, primus, Go\h. fruma ; bird and brid (bird),
^dr* and jra» (grass); iirnaM, to burn, O. H.Germ./jWnaan (Germ.
CONSONANTS. 107
nnen) ; iman, O, H. Germ, rlnnan, to run ; cerse, O. H, Germ.
Old Frisian yields more than any of the preceding dialects to
iie tendency of replacing s \>y r, so that this liquid takes the
IjAace of the sibilant even in the plural of the substantive in-
wxion, e. g. jinkar, degiir, instead of Goth. Ji»k(l», fishes, dagSt,
iavB. Tliis inflexional r is, however, frequently dropped. Meta-
llieaa takes place under the same conditions as in Anglo-Saxon,
kenee the forms bergla, to burst ; fersk, fresh ; har^, horse ; gen,
gnk»; bama,to burn ; ybfmc, primus ; warld=wrald from wer-
ild. The case is inverted in forms such as 6reii for l/ent, child.
Old Norse, of all Teutonic dialects, has most generally intro-
dmed the liquid r for the sibilant s. As to the verb, the Old
Norse 60 far agrees with the Low German dialects, that it allows
rhotacism, or the displacement of » by r only in the plur. pret.
■nd the part, pret,, as iurum, korinn, of kiosa, to choose ; fronim,
/mmn, i>{ Jriota, to freeze, except vera, to be, which has in the
siug. pret. already ear, 1 was {comp. Germ. war), r is assimilated
to its compeer in the combinations Ir, rl, nr, rk, and sometimes
"tvid, sub litt. 1, -n, k). T has gained the siipremacy injiarri
=jami, far {comp. Germ, fern), and ferri=: re™, worse.
m, n
Old High German. Since the ninth century the liquid m is
ofleD weakened into », chiefly in inflexional forms, a case in
Hich the inflexional vowel also is frequently weakened acctird-
uig to tiie rules indicated above. Thus werfamet becomes werfan,
«5^j Kurfunfa, lourfoji, wurfen; aagem, aagen ; iagum, tagon;
iMlj gebSn ; krefiim, kreften. The consonantal combination
Vm iftgolarly converted into nf, c.g.jTinf, Ga\^. Jimf, five;
««/7o for sam/h, meek ; kunft for kum/i, arrival.
Old Saxon. The termination m of the dat. plur. is replaced
h ". e. g. wordun for wcrrf«w, verbis; rikiujt for nkiitm, poten-
tibiisi the adjectives of tlie strong declension also change the
tennination umu occasionally into oit.
It is a characteristic feature of Old Saxon, and tlie Low Ger-
nun dialects generally, that before certain consniianta they drop
tU liqind «. This consonant is omitted (i) before »; e.g. «'»,
nuliis (Germ, uns); cuH, virtus (Germ, kunst); but retained in
"wi, favour: (2) before 8; e.g. oBar, alius, =anilar (Germ, ander) ;
"% known; jf8o» smd Jladan, to find; wi?5, mouth (Germ.
'niind,&c.): (3) before/; e.g.^/; five (Goth, fimf, Germ, fiinf);
"•fio, 0. H. Germ, «an/(o, ■=mmft« .- (4) before d in the termini
i
108 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
tions of the pres. indie, plur. of all verbs; e«g. MlbSd^salbSwi^
kverfad^ krerfandy kebbiad= kMiand.
Anglo-Saxon. The liquid m, which, at the end of woid^
other dialects weaken into n^ is retained in Anglo-Saxon.
% occurring in the middle of a word is dropped, (i) before #—
esty grace^ = Goth, amt^ O. S. anst; ItUl^ sacrifice^ Ooth. isM^: .
canst^ noyisti, retains the u : (2) before IS-^-ctfS, known (cf. Gent
kunde) ; mui, mouth (cf. Germ, mund) ; td^, tooth (cf. Gcna.
zahn, O. H. Germ, tand) ; a^ = andj termination of the pra.
plur. of the verb : (3) hetore/—/ff, five (Germ, fiinf, Groth. fimf); '
idfie^ sefUy meek, soft (cf. G^rm. sanft^ O. H. Germ, senfti).
Old Frisian. The m, when occurring in terminations, b»
throughout been changed into n.
n is dropped under the same conditions as in Anglo-Saxon.
Compare the following examples with those of Anglo-Saxon
given above : — us, nobis ; ev^est, invidia; /j^ five; m4th, month;
toihy tooth ; other ^ alius, n sufiers apocope at the end of tlte
infinitive of the verb: werlAa, to be(M:)me (Germ, werden). In
the same manner the terminations of the subjunctive of the yeA,
and of the weak inflexions of the noun^ have dropped their
final u.
Old Norse. The terminational m is never weakened into •;
fnm mfmm is the wj/'of the Goth, fmf, five.
The liquid n is afleeted in various ways. It is dropped in
roots (i) before s\ oss, nobis; dsl, favour; (2) before a % which
is followed by r: twSr, known; muir, mouth; uwfBr, man;
dirum from annar, other (By the side of JkuVr and muir we
meet the forms l-nnnr and munnr) ; (3) bef re k which is preceded
by a long vowel, e. g. mukr, monk ; kaniikr, canonicus ; but if »
short vowel precedes tl^e nk, the gemination kk may take place,
e.g. Frakklandy Frank land, terra Francorum; akkeri, anchor;
drekka, to drink ; okkar^ ykkar, Goth, uggara^ iggara, v^v, crc^p.
(4) The terminational ng of strong verbs is, in t^e sing. pret. and
imperative, converted into kk, e. g. apringa^ to spring, imp. sprikk,
pret. sprakk, sprung (Germ, sprang); hdnga, to hmg, imp.
hakk^ pret. hekk. In the plur. pret., if followed by a terminational
syllable, ng preserves its position ; hence spiiingum, hengum, plur.
of sprakk, hekk. (5) tt replaces nd in exactly the same manner ;
hence, bind^, to bind, imp. bitt^ pret. bait; hrinda, trudere, pret,
hratf ; but the plurals are again bundum, hrundum.
The final n of the root has been dropped in the particles t, a. 6^
Goth, -in, -ana, -nUj a circumstance which caused the vowel to
become long.
The n of the terminations is dropped (i) in the infinitive ol
^ ML «f m-Qm. &KC3B Gxm. f»-«':rA!n. : /t«' -J ak.-<
B air ■ B o^RMt £ a. r! iz-stit « s kc cr:ccy«l
^^g. MCBM. ^B. -Uf *r5r. sua ; _T«*C ^ tai : tV.
, Btt Gfck. xaJTHi : : ia *-r, the ^sm
to tW taJftsudr «^ ip. »
Sfimi*:— T, w, s, 1; j, h
▼, w
' Mac yinA-hiwwmd tcaAaaitioa» at tbt hea^iaaiaff of
■n<i' ET9 '-■- Bad rt, wUcli in the other djalect< uv i.'4\«n le-
Ifiwdbv the ^implmBd/. ExainpLei: — r/tit.v'a.rimimffpic^rv:
■ "ill, ipex btO»; rroijiim, to accuse: n'^iU, rullus. lu the
llUle of a woad r piuuies its pociti'>n aAer n>iiA>aantd, e. g.
Ifm, qmrriw; tn6cmm,TMpm; ii'J^/rj, b«sgar ; tr/ttrstiWr/dM,
I KB^Bhidow ; — twfim s loo^, and between two short, vowels,
mlt./mrmi, few; i«n, bar; ^Vi, aocilU; »fiirj», silere: but
I neaati it tdica its place at the end of a won), aflor a short
I MkI, or before n ctHuonant, it is vocalized ^vid. sub lit. u^.
I Ifce fens n^t-'hrrjt^ izrit [itr^iftarf^ is an esiwption ; and sti are
' ' 1 word~ and pioper names in which the Gothio s)H-lliii^ ur-
B th« Itrzantine pronanciation of the Cireek diphtlinii^ at;
m hrrtJffO, I'^lta. At the end of words r never ofoiirs ex*fjit
vlien preceded either bj a diphthong or a consonant, v. g. liir,
Mir, ralv, mir.
(Md HU^ Oennan. llie Gothic r in the initial conthiim-
timu rr, vl, wer^ in the oldest forms of Old Hi^h (icnnnn, cx-
|lllMlil hf ir, U, bnt in later documents n.'pn>senl ihI liy tlu<
rimple r and /; in the same manner as the more uiicii>nt Old
High Oennan iw is later on replaced by the simplu «r, e. g.
wir for beer, who ; wedar for kredar, whether.
The Old High German v, which in pronuncinlion eoineidea
with the English v, is rendered in manuscripts by nb, Nr>, fit,
bnt aller a consonant, or before the vowel m, simjily by h.
When it oecurs at the end of a word in the combinations ww
(ow), i«, it is vocalized into ou {on), in, but it re-aasumcs ita ]w«i-
tron when an intlexionul syllable is added, hence fan (ton), gonitiv«
110 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
tavtt yfo9te$) ; ciaim, genitive einiwes. In these forms, howei
a pecaliar tendenej becomes manifest to retain the diphtlic
even before the restored w, and thus to destroy the short vo'
altogether, hence fun \foii)^ genitive iautoes {t4>uwes) ; cAniu, ge
tive ciMt Mires. From the combination aw we get ew (eu)
Umkiut, and or [on) by Schwaehung, in the same manner as
and ou from an ; and these again yield the genitive forms euK
oMfCtr*, instead of the simple etces, owes; and in ouwes again f
OM may be replaced by d which is a greater &voarite to w, hen
oVc^. Xow all these different combinations may be used ind
criminately, just as the different manuscripts prefer the one
the other. Thus then we find /rawjan,/rewjan,/rawjan,/rau
jiiHy frcHirjan, frdnrjon, frouwjan^ as different modes of spellii
one and the same word — the German freuen, delectari. Wh€
VIC is found instead of iw^ it stands on the same principle
Triibuno: as does e for i ; and as iw becomes iuw, so also ew^
lengthened into euw, e.g. iwih^ iuwik; ewii, euwiJk, vobis. £
ceptional forms : — ptucen {ptien), kaMlwen {kaMlen), for the Goth
btiMtui, to dwell ; gairduan^ to trust ; where we should expect i
find pairuH, kefrawan^ in Old High Grerman. (The former for
occurs once, the latter not at all.) In three verbs the original
is su]>posed by some grammarians to have been converted into f
grirumcs for grhrumeSy acrlrumes for scriwumes, and pimnM fi
2)iwumt''ity from the verbs grian^ g^nnire; scrian, clamare. fcr
icumt'is has actually maintained its position against serirnmf
More j)lausil)le is the view of others, according to which the
has roplaced a more ancient s, as scrirumes for scrUumeSt &'
See the oonjui>ation of the strong verb.
In the middle of a word the w which terminates a root
usually dropped, when between it and the vowel of the rex
another consonant intervenes, e. g. Goth, aggvus, O. H. Gerr
engl ; Goth. safhraHy O. H. Germ, sehan ; Goth, gatvdy 0.1
Germ, ga^^a : in all other cases it retains its position, thoug
at the end of the word it may have been dropped or vocalize(
hence faraira, colour; me/eires, farin©; garawer, paratus; grave
grey (Germ. grau). At the end of a word w cannot susta
itself, and is therefore vocalized in u or o, as garo, spear; tnei
flour, meal ; /;«/(/, ciedes : where no consonant, but merely
vowel, precedes it, this vocalized w may be dropped altogetb*
as grd for grao, grey (Germ. grau).
Old Saxon. In this dialect the spirant w was probably ide
tical with that of Old High German, and is rendered by «»,
rarely by r. Examples : — dualon, pnestigia ; aiiarty swart, blac
huefbarty to go ; tkuaAan, to wash ; tueho, doubt. This w has hi
CONSONANTS. HI
vocalized and has superseded the radical vowel in cuiaan for
MinuiN, to come i suUc, such (G'oth. svaleiks). The coiDbi nation 8
»I and vr (written uul and uur), which were extinct in Old High
Gennao, reUioed their iioBitJun in Old Saxon.
4i» and iie show, like the same combinations in Old High
German, a tendency to lengthen themBelves into auv, iuw, e. g.
iflKon and hauwan (spelt hauuan and iauiiHau), fflawet and fflau-
v«i, ixar and iawar, Jiwar and Jiuwar, used alternately. Like
Old High German the Old Saxon dialect drops the w when, at
the end of a root, it is preceded by another consonant, e. g. sehan,
lo see (Goth, saihvan) ; ett{/i, narrow (Germ, enge) ; also between
two vdwoIb, »eola, bouI (Goth, saivala). At the end of a word
it is always vocalized in « or o, e.g. jziiu, prudent; 8eo,&ea,; eo,
IkW; but when an inflexional syllable is added it re-appears
Bgain, and hfiice the genitives glau-et, itieen, ^lees.
Anglo-Saxon. »• is in Anglo-Saxon as in Gothic the puro
giirant which in the manuscripts is rendered by uu, m, or hy the
Runic sign wen (p). Where w is preceded by another consonant
ud followed by the vowel (, this vowel is dropped and the k
nmlized in «, e.g. enman from cteimuH, to come; nuiler from
ttiih-, sister; hulie from ^wiViV, which ; uht from tciht, thing.
Here again we have something similar to the reappearance of
Ihe Old High German w, which, though vocalized into w, retains
its position. So also the Anglo-Saxon w, though vocalized in u,
may yet appear in its original position, e. g. swusler for mmter,
6om tm»Ur ; tcahl for nhl, from mhl- ; »wiira for »«rfl, from
tvira, neck. In a few cases the vocalized w = u is weakened into
0, hence the preterite com, comon, instead of cum, cilmon, from
evam, veni, cwdmon, venimus.
The initial w is regularly dropped when the negative particle
M enters into a compound with a verb, e- g. nas=iie kus, non
fiiit; itaron=ne learon, non fuerunt; niUin=iie wilan, nescire;
iultan=ne willan^ nolle.
The Gothic combinations av and iu are in a few cases preserved
in their integrity, as tlaw, riow, lazy; Iriwen, wooden, of a tree;
but as a rule Anglo-Saxon follows, like Old High German and
Old Saxon, the law of vocalization, wherever those combina-
tions occur BB final consonants, which consequently are converted
into the diphthongs ed, e6. Bat here again, as in Old High
German, the w, though vocalized, resumes its position before
the diphthong to whieli it gave birth, and in this respect Anglo-
Saxon goes I'urther still than Old High German, preserving the
112 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
w even as final conBonant. Examples : — The Qothic/ari, few, we
should expect to see rendered in A. S. by ed, hence Jed j w how-
ever retains its place, and hence we get the dedensional fonn
fedwa ; the same is the case with Aedtoan, to hew ; seedwm, to
contemplate (Germ, schauen); but even withoat a final vowd
the forms edto, eSio preserve their position (contrary to the nsagef
of O. H. Germ.), e.g. cne<fw, knee, O. H. Germ. cAuiu; eh,
vobis, O. H. Germ, iu ; gledw^ prudent, O. H. Germ, glau;
dedio, dew, O. H. Germ. ton. Very rarely this final w has been
dropped. Where a final to is preceded by a consonant, it u
vocalized into u {o), but it reappears when an inflexional sylkUe
is added, e.g. 6eaiu, evil, gen. bealwes; melo, meal , flour, gen.
melwes ; or, w and its vocalization u may occur together, i>
bealuwes — bealwea ; the u weakened into ^, meleves ^s meluva^
melves.
Old Frisian. The spirant to must be kept distinct firom the
labial aspirate v, with which it is occasionally mixed up. ^»
ho, and similar combinations, are, as a rule, strictly preserve^
from any intermixture with the succeeding vowel ; the few ca^
in which the Anglo-Saxon vocalization is admitted are nw/^'
sister, iuma, to come ; iom, came, for svuier, itnma, kvam* f^
is often rendered by a simple to, e. g. tcllen for toullen, tonnen f^
founnen, wrdon for wurdon ; into and auto instead of w, ato, »^
to be explained in the same manner as the identical forms ^
Old Hi^h German. Examples:— /wirtfr=/jper, four; tnuwe-^
triwe, faith (Germ, treue); ^7/?rflw=A/iirfl», verberatum (Gern^
ge-lumen\ Instead of a diphthong the w has produced a lon^
vowel in ddwe^ dew, xor\\ frdica, lady (Germ, frau); Hrewa, iM
strew. At the end of a word the w is sometimes preserved
sometimes dropped, e.g. daw, dew; bldw, livid; ^a, country
(Germ, gau); a, law. When it is final, to is not vocalized, ex^
cept perhaps in hiiu (ace. of kni, knee) and bahi-mund, malus-*
tutor. Sometimes w is dropped in the middle of a word, as sela,
soul; it is vocalized in najU=naioet, naught, nothing, O. S.
nioioi/d.
Old Norse, r at the beginning of a word is dropped before
11, before 1/ its Umlaut, and 0 its Schwachung, as well as before
d and oe : it is also rejected from the initial combinations sv, hv,
by; hence ur^nm, yr^i, or^inn, from ver^a, fieri (G«rm. werden) ;
ox, oexi, pret. of vaxa, to wax, grow ; O^inn, O. H. Germ.
Wuotan; sulf/um, si/Igiy solginn, from 8velgia, glutire (Germ,
schwel'ren) ; sor, sderi, from 8verga, jurare (Germ, schworen);
hnllum, hylli, hollinn, from hvella, tinnire ; }furrum, jym, >pr-
rinn, from \rerra, decrescere. Sometimes v, in combination with
CONSOXAXTS. 113
AeTvnrd «, makes o, e. g. ^ii=raW, hope ^ef. Germ, wan; ; <>^irM
^fipm^ interfecimiis, from rega. Also in the combinatioDs ir,
iPi Uff fdlowed by a vowel which is affected hv L mlaat or
Sdiwichimgy v is vocalized; e. g. komay kom, for kr^wa, kram ;
hm fi>r hsana and kcen^ woman ; mfa for trefay to sleep ; iMvgu
Sir tmiMgu, twenty. At the end of a word, and Wfore the
tomiziation r of the nominative^ r is dropped, but in the inflex-
itsal or derivative forms it may re-appear ; e. g. ut-r, lake G^rm.
ne, Goth, tdiv^), gen. 9avHir; ka-r, high, weak form hdr^i ;
Stt^, blacky ace. dokkv^n; mibl^ flour, meal, dat. mio/c-i.
Words with a long vowel in the root have dropped the r alto-
gether, as kbfj claw, gen. klS-ar; fruy lady (Germ, frau, O. H.
Genn. frawe); skjj sky; hldr^ blew, &e. At the end of words r
ii never vocalized.
8, Z
Qotliie. These letters represent in Gothic, as in modem
Enghsh, two distinct stages of the sibilant sound, 9 the hard, z
tlte soft : the latter, therefore, has nothing in common with the
Old and Modem German z. Hence they may exchange places,
the softer z especially taking the place of the hard «, when the
latter recedes from the end to the middle of a word, e. g. }?m,
g'ns, fem. pizos; slqaan, prct. Mizlep ; anSy trabs, dat. anza : s^j
iisofairzna, heel (Germ, ferse), azgOy ashes ; iuzfly hoard, treasure.
At the beginning of a word z never occurs, but at the end if the
following word begins with a vowel. This z, or soft *, is in the
other dialects represented by r. In conjugational and derivative
fonns 9 very often is the result of the dissimilation of dentals ;
thug nauH for naut~i ; rarst for varp-l ; mostu for nwl-da ^ ; bios-
treii^ worshipper, from blotan ; deist, yeast, from heitan. In
f««^, favour (Germ, gunst), alabrunsiSy holocaustum, the % is
inserted between n and t for euphonic reasons, a case which
occurs far more frequently in the other dialects.
Old High Qerman. The Old High German % corresponds
b the Gothic, but in many cases it has been encroached upon by
the letter r (rhotacism), of which we have already treated. The
combination sk which occurs frequently is, towards the end of
the Old High German period, worn down to schy chiefly before
the vowels e and f . Gemination is avoided at the end of words,
e. g. ro% — tosses.
Old Saxon. Rhotacism of s into r takes place as in Old High
^ See the conjugation of the strong verb.
I
114 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
German. 9 is inserted for enphonic pnrpofles in ami, favour;
ciiMt^ virtus (Germ, kunst)^ and in tiie preterite of verbs, as
con-'9'ta, on-B'ta, &c. z seems in Old Saxon to occupy the same
relation to « as in Gothic, and may often interchimge with «,
e. g. blidzean, delectare (A. S. bledsjan, to bless); bezt^^best from
betiat, lazio and lezto=zlaato, letisto,
Anglo-Saxon. A characteristic feature of this dialect is, that
the often occurring combination sc (cf. O. H. Genn. ak) when
preceding the vowels a, a, o, 6y assumes an e immediately after
itself^ which vowel has the effect of changing the pronunciatioo
into the sound of the English ahj e. g. 9ceal^ shall ; sceapiany to
create (Germ, schaffen). pret. sceSp; 8cedn, splendoi, shone; teeS^
shoe; sceoCy shook. This combination must be kept altogether
distinct from the firechung ea, eo, and the diphthongs ed, e6.
The insertion of the letter e is more common in later documents,
and even in these it is occasionally omitted. Peculiar to the
Anglo-Saxon dialect is the metathesis or inversion of 9 and h,
and * and p, e. g. froscas, frogs, and froxas ; flascM and flaxM,
flasks; f^cas anifxas, fishes; cosp and cops, compes; cUtpe and
apse, tremulus. z does not occur in Anglo-Saxon.
Old Frisian. In this dialect the s sound is treated as in Old
High German nnd Old Saxon, especially with regard to rhota-
cism ; therefore the s is preserved in the pres. and pret. sing, of
strong verbs, while the pret. plur. and the part, adopt r, e. g.
kiase, kds, heron ^ keren ; wesa, was, w&ron ; urliase, urlds, urleron,
vrleren. Metathesis of sc and sp does not take place. The
softening of sk into sch, which is characteristic of the later Old
High German, occurs in Old Frisian as a dialectic variation
only, where we find schet for sket^ treasure (Germ, schatz) ; sckeU
deck, guilty (Germ, schuldig) ; schel for skel, shall ; schilling,
shilling; and in two cases before a and « — schangt (Germ, schenkt
ein) and schule, shelter, hut.
Old Norse. This dialect has more thoroughly than any other
developed the system of rhotacism ; yet the spirant s is always
preserved at the beginning, and very often in the middle and at
the end of words. Geminated s {ss) occurs often in the middle
and at the end of words : it may result from rs. The Old Norse
z has nothing in common with the same letter in Old High
German, but it is merely used to supplant certain other con-
sonants and consonantal combinations. Thus, (i) for the s of
the gen. sing., masc, and neut., e. g. Aestz = Aests, ordz = ords;
also for the s which occurs in the formation of the superlative,
e. g. sterkaztrr=zst€rkastr,fr6^aztr=^fr6^astr ; and on otiier occa-
sions, as menzkir^mefisiir, humani : (2) for ds and ts, e.g. lanz^
CONSONANTS. 11 B
*, helzt^hehht, maxime; peizla=veihla, oonvivium: {^) for
inEtexional ei, the later st, of the middio voice, e. g. re^S«r=
ftiMit, rd^zz=rd^iik, hiiTaz=-bernsk : {4) ibr the m of a Infer
Me, e.g. ve2tr=ver8lr, aloeztr=ttijeralr.
Qothio. This letter occurs in Gothic only aa &n initial, never
«t the end of a syllahle, e. g. jah, and ; »nn-jnt, fihi, sons. Con-
cerning the vocalization of this letter when it is tcrminational,
or when it occurs hofore coneonants, vide supra, siih lit. L
Old High German. This dialect renders j hy i. When
towever it occurs at the beginning of a word it is rendered by
J Wore e and (', by_;' before another vowel such as a or d, e, g.
Jtfcri, affimiarc ; gihit, aflirmat ; jak, (ifRrmavi ; jAhumh, afBrra-
•rimns, j however occnra betbre e and / also in Notker. In the
middle of a wordy is rarely supplanted by g even before e and *',
yet ffe read eiijir, eggs ; friger, ingenuus. In tlie middle of
"ords_/ often is assimilated to the sueeeeding consonant, and
pnas gemination, e, g. kiirran for hSrgati, mitler for mitjer. It
" Toi-alized as in Gotbic when it stands between two consonants
Wit the end of a word, e.g. verjan, snlvare, nerifu; heri, army,
gen- herjea. Initial j is occasionally dropped, as i'ner for jeni'e
or^rse/-, ilie ; dmer for jdmer, plauctua (Germ, jammer).
Old B^on. J and i designate the same sound. At tlie end
ofvotisj is always supplanted by 1, in the same manner us w
l^K. "Hjis dialect, like Old High German, renders ^ befoi-c e,
Wd i by J, whether at the beginning or in the middle of a word,
^■^■ger farjdr, year; gchan, aiErmare, futcri; gi, ye; n'lgi, new,
^th. ninjif ; and before other vowels it is often supplanted by
J»> e.g. ^'ww^flTO^ywnjrtro.diseipIe (Germ. jiinger); ghiiku-=jnilen,
Je». This gi for j has notliiug to do with the prefix g'l. The
fWerBe rarely oeenrs, that is, j instead of g before a thin vowel
(' w %), a case which is more common in Old Frisian. Before
■" inflexional a it has a tendency to yield its place to the vowel c,
\ ^ «miean for wentljan, bliiean for bli^jaa, and before a consonant
n 'B vocalized, e, g. idida from sdjan, to sow.
Anglo-Saxon. In the more ancient manuseriptsy is rendered
"7 s or i, so tliat before e and i we find g, before other vowels ge.
(f^ompare Old Saxon). Examples -.—ge, ye ; git, you two ; gear,
, S'-'Ai; geoc, yoke; geaiig, young, Rarelyj=_/: id,jd,yes; ioe,joc,
yoke. The latter consonant is however preferred in the middle of
* *ord ; eardjan, to dwell, for which we find eaitilgean too. After
1 the liquid r the consonant g is more commonly used, as nergaH=s
I
i
116 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
nerjati, wergan^werjan. I(j at the end of a word is not dropped,
it is also replaced by g : sig, sit, may be (=«, Germ, sei) ; iiy.
they {^At) ; frig^fri smA/reS, free. This g which is used forj
may yield to the spirant w^ as buwan for buian or bugian, to
dwell.
Old Frisian. While the other dialects which we have just
examined often supplant y by ^, Old Frisian on the contrary ms,
besides the organic jy used this consonant in the place of §. \
The sibilant y is organic m jer, year; jung, young; federfBy \
patruus; makja, to make; sparja, to spare; erja, to honour
(Germ. eren). Still, this consonant is rather scarce, because it is
commonly vocalized where it forms part of the root, as ma, new
(Goth, niujis); fri, free (Goth, freis, frijis). g for j is rarely
used, j once vocalized into i is lost altogether from the word;
hence hiri, army (Germ, heer), has in the dative, not >l»)7i,but
hiriy contrary to the rule followed by the other dialects.
Old Norse. At the beginning of words ^ is dropped throug^^
out, except in jd, ita, and jSl, feast ; hence Old Norse writes ^^»
ok, ungfy instead oijdr,jok,jungr. In the middle of a derivati^.?
word j before i is dropped, hence mV&i for mi^ji, dti for w(^**
As in Anglo-Saxon, so also in Old Norse, j may produce i>*^®
gemination gg, Scandinavian grammarians spell the Brechut^S
ifl, id, and the diphthongs io, iu, hy ja,jd,jo,ju. Grimm, ho^'
ever, prefers the former mode of spelling.
Gothic. At the beginning of a word it has a soft, in the
middle or at the end, a hard sound. It is often produced out of
g or k where these consonants are followed by t (vide infra, Ben-
t-als), Gothic, as well as other Teutonic dialects, is fond of
supplying the h with the additional spirant v, which however
must be regarded as merely euphonic and without any etymo-
logical value. The cognate languages, with the exception of
Latin, render, in accordance with Grimm's law, the Gothic h
by k, as Goth, hvas, O. H. Germ, huer, Sansk. ka^; Goth, hve^
leiks, Gr. Krj\iK<as : while Latin shares the Gothic tendency and
says quis and quails. The double spirant is avoided at later
times, in such a manner that the usurper v preserves its place and
the original A is dropped. Some editors use to for the combi-
nation Av,
When the derivative suffix ta follows upon a guttural of the
root, the guttural ^ or >l is changed into A, e. g. mak^ta, pret. of
mag^n (posse).
I CONSONANTS. 117
I (Ad W^ Germaiu This dialect has two distinct sounds
I vUeh are both represented by the letter h ; in one case it is the
I qannt which corresponds to the Grothic k, in the other it is the
I a^nmted guttural^ answering to the Gothic k, and in pronuncia*
tioi approaching the German ek. At the beginning of a word
the Old Hi^h Grerman k is always identical with the Gothic
ipnnt of the same character^ eg. kano^ cock^ Goth, kana;
idt, laity clandus, Goth. kalU; but in the middle and at the
end of a word it may be either the spirant or the aspirate. The
ktter, when occurring in the middle of the word, is rendered by
lyhky or ck ; at the end of the word almost always by A. In
Older therefore to determine whether in a given case we have
to deal with the spirant or the aspirate^ we must collate the Old
^fa German with the Gothic form^ the latter always render-
ing the Old High German spirant by A, the Old High German
aspirate by k. Thus we have in the words mihil, zeikan, hrdhun^
tte aspirate^ because they are rendered in Gothic by mikiU,
UUmi, brSkun; in 9lakan/iiku, ziokan, the spirant, Goth, slakan,
I fidn, iiuhan; at the end of words, ik, mik, juky the aspirate
again, because we find them in Gothic rendered by iky mikyjuk,
vhile Moky zek, fiSky display the spirant just as the Goth, nakvy
UHy^Mmk.
When occurring in the middle of a word the spirant k is often
dropped, and then causes the preceding vowel to be lengthened^
tg,d=akay water; bil=6ikily bipennis. k has been dropped
before s in misl, fimus, Goth, mafkstus ; zesawery dexter, Goth.
Under the influence of an inflexional t the guttural ^ or >& is
cbaDged into k, e. g. makr-tay pret. of magaUy mugariy posse.
In the middle of words spirants can interchange, e. g. sdjaUy
tdiany sdwaHy to sow; fokeryfowery few ; crdjiiy grdtcu, cana.
Old Saxon. The Old Saxon k corresponds <ixactly to the
Gothic The combinations kl, kr, kn, &c., are preserved in some
documents, in others the k is dropped. As in Old High German,
an inorganic k is produced out of g and k under the influence of
an inflexional ^, e.g. sSk-ta, pret. of sok-jauy to seek; mah-tay
pret. of mugauy posse. ^ is no favourite consonant in the middle
of a word, and is, therefore, either dropped or hardened into a
guttural; hence 8ifan=s8ekany to see; gean=ge7iany to affirm;
geungan instead of gewikauy to bless (Germ, weihen) ; and tlie
plur. pret. Idgofiy MgoUy of lakan, to blame, slakan, to slay, k is
occasionally dropped after vowels, e. g. ^e'ray anima, for ferak ;
frdy ketus (Germ, froh), for frdh ; or it is hai-dcned into the
media, ginog for ginoky enough.
\
U8 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
In 9es9y Aji, and/«««, fox, the doable 9 takes the place of the
spirant combination hs.
In the middle of words spirants can^ as in Old High Grennanj
interchange^ e. g. sdhuriy sdwun (even aduu and adgon, videmnt)^
kneohon and knemoon, dat. plur. oikneo, knee; adjan and sihauj
to sow.
Anglo-Saxon. As in other dialects an inorganic h is pro-
duced out of g and c {k). Where the media g occurs at the end
of a word it is replaced by hy as burh (borough), burge, beat (ring)^
hedges ; but it retains its position after short vowels, hence iSg\
day; vidgy may, podest; Idgy law; ««a^, boy; «7^, way. In the
pret. of verbs, g yields its place to hy e. g. bealhy pret. of belgan;
fieahy pret. o{ JleSge; birAst, WMS, of beorgan ; fledkaty fle6h^ of
Jfeogan, Before the inflexional t of the preterite, the guttural e (i)
must, as in other dialects, be changed into hy e.g. sScany to seek;
so/itey sought ; recauy curare, pret. r^Ate. We have interchange of
spirants in geseo=geseohey I see, pret. geseah, plur. gesawoHy part
geseicen ai i d gesegen . hh^=.h.
Old Frisian. The initial h is identical with that of the other
dialects. The combinations hly hfy and hwy are also spelt Iky rhy
wh. Initial h is inorganic in hdgay to have, Groth. digan. In the
middle of a word h is either dropped or hardened into ^, e. g.
slay to see; liafi, ten; slogotty plur. pret. of sld, to slay; hUgey
conj. pres. of Alia, fateri, O. H. Germ. JeAan; Adgoaly superl. of
AdcA, high (Germ. hoch). The hardened spirant A appears as ch
at the end of a woi-d (unless it is dropped, as mfiay pecus, Germ.
vieh), e. g. AacA, high ; nocA, yet, adhuc; in the middle of a word
always before t, e.g. docAtery daughter; acAtay eight; riucAty right;
and thus every g or h is changed into cA before the inflexional i^
as fnacA-tCy pret. of meg-ay may, posse ; socA-Uy pret. of sek-^y to
seek. The media g, except in the combination ng and egy changed
into ely always becomes cA when it occurs at the end of a word,
or before the tenuis t, e. g. bercAy mountain (G^rm. berg), gen.
berges ; orlocA^ war, gen. orloges ; fliucAty volat, oifiiaga.
Old Norse. The more ancient forms Aly Auy Aty drop the h
in later documents. In the middle and at the end of words h
has been dropped everywhere : ^a, to see, O. H. Germ, aehan ;
ior, horse (O. S. eAu) ; likamTy body (Germ, leichnam), for likAamr.
At is changed into tty and by this change the preceding vowel is
lengthened, e. g. rettr^ right, Goth. raiAU ; drdUiny lord, O. H.
Germ. tniAtin, The combination kty which in the other dialects
is converted into Aty either remains intact, or is changed into tty
e. g. ]wktr and }fStiry part, of }fykjay videri ; aStti and sSktiy pret.
of soekja, to seek.
C02f SON ANTS.
1. layiaU:—h, p, f (ph, V, t>)
Gothio. The media 4 occurs frequently at the beginning of
*otds, but in the middle and at the end it is oft«n replaced by
tbe labial aspirate _/ Before the tenuis t the media 6 must in-
lariBbly be changed intoy": hent-e ffr^i from grahan, drdijl from
Awiiaii. Where the h is terminatiooal it can retain its place
OBly after a liquid, as dumb, dumb ; ^arb, poor, needy ; after any
otber sound it must yield iof, e. g. gaf, pret. of gihan, to give ;
p(f, pret. oi' graban, to dig (Germ, grab en ) ; i/4i/, aceus. of
Wiii, bread, loaf. Occasional deviations from this rule occur,
Mtlat we find ildi/s for Aldiit, and (val/6 by the side of tvallf,
ttelve. The prepositions af, uf, afar (after), and vfar (over),
[wfer tho^/" iu every position ; but where the interrogative par-
hde u follows, the media regains its place, e. g, «4a, whence,
The tenuis p never ocears at the beginning of a native Gothic
"Ofd, but it is frequent enough at the end and in the middle of
"ords. In the latter case it is before a t subject to the same
U» as the media and must be changed into f, e. g. tkapjau,
lf> create (Germ, schaffen) ; M^ft, creavisti ; gaskafU, creature
(Germ, geschiipf).
The aspirate / has received its explanation in the foregoing
rtmarks.
Old High German. The Gothic media b should, in Old High
German, according to Grimm's law, always lie rendered by the
tennis p. This rule is, indeed, followed in the more ancient
glossaries, where we read ipa, slap, prinkan, pitah , for the Gothic
lAi, ne, nonne; stabs, element, rudiment; bringan, to bring;
^1^, letter (Germ, buchstabe). In other documents we find a
leas strict adherence to the rule, and though the tenuis is pre-
•erved at the beginning and at the end, it is often replaced by
the media in the middle of words; hence, >tap,pvah, but tbu by
the side of lepen. In other documents again the tenuis beeps
its position only where it is tenninational, being in every other
pla(% superseded by the media, and the final step in this deviiv-
tion from the true Old High German system is made by replacing
the tenuis by the media throughout ; so that the Gothic b is
everywhere rendered in Old High German by 5 as well. Tlie
Umuis occurs only in foreign words and after the sibilant *, which
renders the position of a succeeding tenuis impregnable.
TEVTOXIC GRAMMAR. ^^^^
TitK OV\ High Gcrroui aspirate may be exprened l>v ak. p/'._ _
and V : ^ is foonil for the lAtia p, as in pkmnt, lat. pondt^^
poaadf the liter gfiaUf or simplT /Wsl ; or the Latin tenu ^^
mnaina mimlteRd, pm»~L In the nuddle of M-urds and at tk:^
end /I is often aaed inatand ot/", as iMjtiaa, K-arpA (Germ. weM^
Cen, waif). TV initial aspirate is either rendeml by/ or v, Vx^
former indicating a sonl, the latter a soft sound, and cith^^
being' need aceordii^ to tbe propenntiee of the difierent dialect^
in which the diSerent antbon have written. Ae a rule it ma^^
be lud down that an J" which occnrs at the end of a word
be changed into r when socoeeded by another svlUble, e. g.
w&left (the Esme in English); biteof (bishop), biKOVtt.
media i for r in the middle of a word is exceptional.
pi does not occur in Old High German, the Latin paaln
therefore becomes m/w. (Compare the pronunciation o{ ptalm
English.) O. U.Genn.yi=A.S. */i: ve^go, icasp,wstsp.
Sinoe tUe dialectic variations in the nse of the mut«s are ven
complicated in Old High German, wc subjoin a table, in which
their application by dlSerent authors is in£cated^ : —
UlDO*. OTFBIEII. TlTIAS
iliutal". . . p./ h.y\.f h,pk,f
Int«im . 6./.r fc././ . b.f\.9
( Temunalioiul p, ph. / !>■/•/ t, pA, •
Old Soxoo. CM Saxon labials are rendered by the letters ^
b.if, v,f,},h.
Tlie tenuis p, which is rare at the beginning, occurs frequently;
in the middle and at the end of words, and is in every rcspecCi
identical witli tUe Gothic jt».
The media b keeps its position only at the beginning of word^ji
while in the middle and at the end of a word it yields to thtt
aitpirate, except in the combinations mh and hh, as eamb, combj
lamb, lamb ; weW), web ; kebhjan, to have. ^
There are two aspirates, the softer marked by t {=bh, v), tl
surd by f; the fovraer is used when a vowel or the media
succeeds, the latter before i, I, n, and commonly before r. E
amples : — cUotan, to cleave; atiiiul, even, evening (Germ. abeii<^$
hotiii, head (Germ, haupt, cajiut); hatila, had, habuit; ^iAA^i
lived, visit [ craft, s\b; q/'far, a.iteT ; f/no, even.pariter : compsi^
further sueiian, somnlum, dat. sing, tuefne, aec. plur. «t(«&iM0ti
At the end of words we always find/ and in one and the san^
word, therefore, we may find t and / alternately, as in elv^iam^
coysoifAyrs.
121
cleave, pret. clif/^; wo//, gen, KottkB ; kof, court, yard (Gi?rm.
««f), gen. hi^ei.
As to the mode of rendering the soft and surd fispirat«s eome
Ccnfasion exists in documents. The former is marked in the
Cottoniao text by t (rarely/), in the Munich Codex by * and b ;
.le Psalms use always c, other document* v and /I For the ter-
lination f the Heliand has sometimes ft (in the Munich Codex
<\, as ^(8 for iif, »iS for vif, See.
At the beginning of a word the Old Saxon is always identical
I'^th the Gothic f, which minor documents like to render by r :
9a»=/tiit, de; Koia=fohs, fox. Noteworthy is the digression of
~ into kt, that is, firom the labial aspirate into the guttural
R case mor« frequent in Dutch, e.g. erakl=crap, vis;
^Ur, post; compare Dutch eraeht and aciler, for tho
traft and after, ph and J/" only in foreign words.
isfi^o-Baxon. The media Z, if initial, is always organic ; in
Uie middle and at the end of words it occurs only in the combi-
nations mil and bh [the latter originating in i/"). Examples: —
Umb, dumb, comb ; Ubban, to live; hdbban, to have.
Tlie tennis^ is always organic, and never encroached upon by
other consonants.
The aspirate / also ia always organic, and therefore identical
irith the Gothic, if it occurs at the beginning of a word, while in
the middle and at the end its occurrence is far more frequent
than in Old High German, even more so than in Gothic, for it
often supplants the Gothic i. Old High German j5. The organic
y we have in the words wulf, gen. wuffet, Goth, vulfn, O. H,
Germ, teolf, wolves, O. S. kuI/, wuibej ; heojian, to mourn, Goth.
iiW^jt, O.S. -Jwfcn.
The inorganic / in the place of the media h we find in seofon,
seven (Goth. sHun, O, H. Germ, gipun, O. S. situn) ; yeof, thief,
gen. \e^fe» (Goth, yiuba, ^iiibk, 0. H. Germ, diop, dwbes, O. S,
iksof, Ikeatex). From these examples it will become evident that
' '" le range of the Anglo-Saxon f is still further enlarged by the
:nce in this dialect of a soft labial aspirate like Old High
lerman v, Old Saxon ft. It is characteristic of Anglo-Saxon
ihat whilst on the one hand it shares the Low German inclina-
tion of its sister dialects to convert the labial media, where it is
not protected by certain consonants, into the aspirate — first at
the end, later on in the middle of words as well, it objects, lite
\e Old Norse, to a modification of the aspirate, and a]wa3's uses
le surd /) where Old Saxon and Old Frisian smoothe it down
to V, and by this means produce a greater variety and elegance
sound.
■ihei
Hibmi
122 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
The ^mination pp is rare ; ff occura in the verl) offrjan, to
otfi-T, and in a few proper names.
Old Frisian. The media b ie, as in the other dialectB, always
organic at the beginning of words, and occurs in the middle and
at the cud only iu the combinations tub aud bb, e. g. dumbe,
etupid (Germ, dmnm); crumb, crooked (Germ, knuntn); kebba,
to have. In all other cases it yields to the aspirate.
Tiie tennis p is, in its relations, identical with the same letter
in the other Low German dialects.
The aspirate y^ is so far identical with the Anglo-Saxon aspirate
as it occurs, organic and inorganic, in the place of tlie media ;
but it differs from the Anglo-Saxon by admitting a modification
of the/' sound in the soft aspirate «, the former being prefurred
where the aspirate is initial or final, the latter where it stands
in the middle of a word. Examples : — lif, life, gen. lives ; gref,^
grave, gen. greves. But a succeeding i sound gives shelter to a
the^ hence e/'ter, after; An/d, head; je/tha, aut. fl
The gemination pp is rare ; Jf only in foreign words, as offariop^
to ofi'cr. fl
Old ITorae. The media is iu the same relation as in the Lonw
German dialects ; hence it is organic at the beginning of words, I
and is superseded by the aspirate in the middle and at the end
of words, except in the combinations mb and bb, e. g. kamhr,
comb; t'lmbr, building (cf. Engl, timber and Germ, zimmer);
vomb, womb ; gabba, to cheat.
As to the tenuis p, it is characteristic of the Old Norse dialect
that it preserves that consonant in the combinaton pt in which
the Low German dialects invariably reject it and form the com-
bination ft, e. g. lopt, air (Geim. lufL), Goth, luflus \ opt, oftes^
(Germ, oft), Goth, vfta ; krapt, strength, craft (Germ . kraft), A. S. ■
craft. In this respect Old Norse occupies one and the same,
Ciition with the cognate languages, as O. N. skripl, a picture, and
t. ecriptiim, A. S. scrift (Germ, Bchrift). Even where the root
ends in/' it is changed into ^ if a ( follows it ; e. g. gef-a, to give ;
gip-ta, in matrimonium dare ; rif-a, to tear ; rip-ta, to cleave.
The radical /' keeps its position before a i only in the and pers.
aing, of the preterite of the verb, e. g. ravf-t, destruxisti, from
riuf-a. In later documentB, however, pt is occasionally con-
verted into Jt in the middle, and into tt at the end of wordsj
e.g. eftir for eptir, after; dlt for opt, oft. I
The gemination pp has its origin in mp, as kupp, fight (Germ. I
kampf), O. Fris, komp, hemp, O. H. Germ, kempko. 1
The aspirate/' is organic at the beginning of the word ; in the4
middle and at the end it often represents the media b, and, se is f
^^■^p co^•so^'AyTs.
Anglo-Saxon, rcfusee the modification into v, unless we except a
few cases where an initiuly ia replaced by v.
Tliis dialect in certain words vacillates between the combina-
tions /n and ^^n, so that ati^n, for instance, forms the dative
i/aani, and ianin stands for tafn; and, vice versa, safna forO.H.
Germ. »antatton. The gemination j?" only in foreign words.
\
a. 2?enfa/,.— d, t, d (dh) \ (th), B, 3
Oothio djtf \. In the dental, as in the labial ovder, the media
and aspirate stand in close relationship, so that the latter in
certain positions takes the place of the former. Only the com-
biuatious /*/, '"^j fit, where the liquid slieltera the media, are
organically" distinct from /|), n\, t\, as haldSy cold; bal\s, bold,
which can never become hal'fs and hald* ; vind^, wind; soin^t,
strong; vaurd, word; vair\g, worth. If it occurs in any other
combination, the media yields its place to the aspirate as soon
as it becoraes t«rminational, e. g. hiutlan, pret. bav^ (exceptionally
Sduii) ; the nominatives kaubiy, liuAap, vito^, and their genitives,
Aaitbid-ia, liuhad-is, vildd-U. The aspirate may transplant the
media even where the terminational a of the nominative follows
it, as_/aA^* for^^eJ^, joy; midihs for milada. The tendency
which manifests itself in the Gothic version of St. Luke's
GoBpel to restore, or perhaps rather to preserve, the ancient
media in preference to the aspirate, is peculiar; hence nimid,
cajnt, not nimi^ ; aa4, not aa^, &c.
The tcnms is in many cases organic, in others it has usurped
the place of the media. In the latter capacity we find it chiefly
after the spirant h in the pret. of anomalous verbs which have
dropped the derivative vowel, e. g. brahta, brought, for brakda ;
niahta, might (Germ, mochte}, for maAdaj yaurfla for \iaurfda
(Germ, durfte); kaupa»la=kattpatta=kaupat-ila {« from the dis-
similation of the t, vide aub ht. b), from the verb kdupatjan,
colaphizare; further, the anomalous pret«rite vi»sa=vUta=v'U(a
»^rU-tla from vif-aa, scire (Germ, wissen '}.
The aspirate [j is in sound identical with the English li, and
is sometimes represented by the former, the Runic, sometimes
ly our modem sign. Where the aspirate belongs to the root it
remains unaltered though it recede to the middle of the word,
hence qi]iaji, to say, qa]r, qe]fitm ; yet we must notice frdpjan,
^roy, sapcre, axiA/rdds, sapiens.
Old Hijili German d, i, ss, |. According to Grimm's law the
' See the strong coDJug&tion of tho verb.
124 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Gotliic media is in Old High German represented by the t€nai^
and this is done in strictly Old High German authors such i'
Kero and Tutian, whilst in Isidor and Otfricd the Gothic medj
is preserved, so that the Ibrmer uses the media at the begimt
and in the middle, the tenuis always at the end of a word, )
therefore writes doiter, daughter (Goth, daahtar) ; worde, won
(Goth, vavrda), hut nom. sing. warl. The latter leaves the medi
at the beginning, but he replaces it not only at the end, bafe
often in the middle of a word as well, and therefore writes doAicTf,
like Isidor, hut tlantan, to stand, Goih. atandan ; kant, hxad^
Goth. h«ndua. In Old High German we should for the Gotlu<i
combinations !d, nd, rd, expect //, nf, rt, and for the Goth. A^
«]), r|j, O, H, Germ. Itl, nd, rd; but great confusion prevails
tlie practice of different authors, so that we find hlinilett instew
of btinUtt, hand instead of Aani (Goth, blindan, kandim), and mvM
instead of mitnd (Goth. mvnYg, mouth).
For the Gothic tenuis Old High German haa the aspirate t^
occasionally rendered by e, a sound which occurs in two modifica<i
tions, as a surd or hard, and as a soft, of which Grimm reudem
the former by ;, the latter by |, whilst in the Old High Germaa-
documents i is put indiscriminately for both sounds, z alwan
occurs as the initial aspirate : in the middle and at the end of m
word it is found only when preceded by a liquid, as vehait, to
revolve (Germ, walzen]; kran:. garland (Germ, kranz); trvn^
wort (Germ, wiirz), and where it eorreeponds to a Gothic H,
e.g. scaz, treasure, Goth. acatU; sizatt, to sit, Goth, iilta».
The soil aspirate j is used only in the middle and at the end of
words, and always corresponds to the Gothic t, watar, Gotll.
val4, water (Genu, wa^er'}; y»o|, Gotb.^Vw*, foot (Grerm. fQf)^
sa^, Goth, gal, sat (Germ. saf).
The Gothic aspirate is in the stiict Old High German replaced^
by the media ; but in many documents this law is much rel&xed.
Isidor uses for the Gothic J>, in whatever position it may occur,
dh, which in sound may have resemble<l the Anglo-Saxon ^ (thA;
English soft ih), e. g. f^», tu; dh&r,i&; Kfrdhan,fteTi\ ckindk,
infans (Goth, ^v, vair\>an, &c.).
Otfried and Tatian use (A for Gothic \> only at the beginnings
and replace it by d in the middle and at the end of words.
The gemination It results by assimilation from fj, Goth, df,
Uttaa, Goth, bidjan, to l>eg (Germ, bitten), dd occurs rarel;
and is identical with ft: laddun {asseies) = la lluii ; but edtio
the Goth, af^yau.
1 Commonl; upclt iroMcr.
COaVSOiVANTS. 125
The dentals as applied by different authors yield the following
L paradigm ' : — ■
M.^
'.id
Old Saxon (f, t, iS, ti. At the beginning of a word the media
is Used just as in Gothic; so also in the middle and at the end
of words, but with the following esceptione ;— The O. S. Id, nii,
^ represent the identical Gothic combinations as well as the
Goth, ly, «|j, and r\t hence Goth. kaliU, bindan and bal^s, anyar,
"how in O. S. the media, ca!d, bindan, bald, andar. When how-
*ver the « is dropped the aspirate finds its jilace ajjain, hence
J^^n for findan, to find ; mu%, Goth. B»«n|ij, O. H. Germ, mnnt,
^Ooutb (Germ, miind). Old Saxon does not object to the use of
Wie media at the end of wonls where Gothic replaces it by the
•spirate, therefore O. S. god^ dous, for Goth.^w}j#; hf4<l, bride
\Genn. braut), Goth. brH\s ; so also the termination of the 3rd
■ing. prea. of verbs : iir-id, ner-iil, salb-od. But the Old Snxon
'termi national media is sometimes allected in another way, so
that it yields to the tenuis i {perhaps under Old High German
influence) when it occurs at the end of a word, e.g. got for
god, but gen. goilig again ; in the same manner dof, death, gen.
diditj weroll, world, gen. KeroldU ; behteft, pret, of lielialdan,
conservare.
The tenuis t, with the exception of the few mentioned cases,
preserves its organic character and keeps aloof from any inter-
change with media and aspirate alike.
The aspirate appears hard in ik, soft in fi ; but these signs are
not always adhered to in the different manuscripts. The Munich
Codex has d and 5, rarely th ; the Cottonian th and S indiecri-
minately ; smaller documents commonly ih, rarely S,
Anglo-Saxon d, t, 'S, ]>. Besides its organic functions the
media has frequently to form the substitute of the aspirate, the
latter keeping its pkce after the liquids n and r, hut yielding it
to the media after /, so that the original distinction between Id
and ^5 is no longer preserved. Hence we find cald, ceald, cold,
Goth, kald-g; and bald, bold, Goth. i«/J>*. Compare Old Saxon.
In tlie preterite of strong verbs the termiuational 5 ol' the
root, as soon as it recedes from the end of the word, is replaced
by the media, e, g, toeor^e, fio ; pret. wear^, icurde, wurdon, part.
vordt; cw^e, dico, cwdlS, cwade, acredon.
126 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
The tenuis » organie with one exoeptionj which is chaimcter-
istic of this dialect. Whenerer the tennination 'S in the 3rd
sing, of strong Teibs follows npon m dentid or spirant of the root,
d'\'%, or J+'Sy make i, and thus himd^i, he biifdsj becomes biui;
becomes efft, he chooses.
The aspirate is, as in most Low German dialects^ modified
into hard {\) and soft (^^ which nndoobtedfy represent tiie two-
fold aspirates still extant in modem English, tiie soft in Hint
and 90othey the hard in ikim and joo/i. As to the nse of the soft
or hard aspirate the manuscripts are so irregular as to render it
impossible to form a role from them, and many editors of mana-
scripts follow this lawless course. Bask, howcTcr, and Grimm
after his example, make it a rale to nse the hard aspirate y at
the b^^inning, the soft 8 in the middle and at the end of words.
Dr. B<^orth places ]; where the corresponding word in English
has the hard thy and 8 where we find the soft Ik ; hence he always
pnts \ at the beginning of words not prouominal, as yincan^ \fin,
and at the end of radical and inflectional terminations, as smiy,
wriidb. The soft 8 he always uses in the beginning of pr(mouns
and m words derived from pronouns, as %di^ and ^lUe; and
also between two vowels, as banian. Anglo-Saxon words are
thus assimilated to modem English.
The connection between /8 and Id has already been mentione<l.
Gemination of the aspirate is the result of assimilation, as in
oi^e, or ; si^^an, since (O. Engl, sith) ; or of contraction, as in
cyHi/, home, O. H. Germ, chnndida ; or it is superfluously applied,
as in scd^^e for scd^e, damage (Germ, schaden, cf. Engl, scathe).
Old Frisian d, t, th. The Old Frisian dentals occupy very
much the same position as the Anglo-Saxon. The media, when
initial, is organic. In the middle of a word the combination nd
remains intact, as in dindan, tlie combination nth drops the n
(compare A. S., &c.), as in hUA ; Id is either organic or it takes
the place of lih, hence Italda, to hold, Goth, haldan, and bild^z=z
biUhc, O. S. bili^i ; rd and rlA are kept distinct, as gerdel, girdle ;
word; and irf/ie, earth, /iirlA, hearth. At the end of words the
Old Frisian, like the Old Saxon media, remains faithful to its
function in the words breid, bride; god; id/d, head; bed, asked
(Germ, bat, Goth, ba]?) ; but in the terminations of the verb, d
and ad yield, as in Gothic, to the influence of the aspirate, and
become tk and atk, as werp-tA, he throws (Germ, wirft) ; salv-alA,
he anoints ; Goth, va^rp-iy, salb-dy, but O. S. wirp-id, aalb-Sd.
The tenuis is almost throughout organic. When termina-
tional it is sometimes dropped after a ch, as riuch for riuchtjjiuch
for finch t ; in the 3rd sing. pres. of the verb it replaces excep-
CONSONANTS.
127
tionally the Ih, as nimal for nxmath, and in like manner it stands
for ddt = ,Ulh, death; Hit=ihth, cloth (Germ, kleid). Other
documents place vice versa th for t, as weth for wet, A. S. %eaf;
w^et ; vy'iih for wiV. This Inst chang;e, however, seeniH never to
occur where i follows U))nn a mute or a spirant, and i therefore
always preserves its position in words such as hrmf, nacht, aft.
The aspirate occurs under the sole sign of tk, yet it is supposed
by grammarians to have had a softer sound in the middle and
at the end, than at the beginning of words. The aspirate and
media interchange occasionally, as siMa for siilAa, cespcs, and
»tetk for nM, stead, place. Tlie gemination i/tth in athlha,
father, judge, ia better replaced by the single aspirate M.
Old none d, (, ^, Ji. The media, if initial, keeps always dis-
tinct from both tenuis and aspirate. In the middle and at the
end of words the combinations iM, mil, nd, and lil, are prescrvod,
v^bLIe n5 and /5 are everywhere changed into «« and II. In all
other cases the aspirate has much encroached on the media in
the middle as well as at the end of words.
The tenuis t takes the place of the media in the sing. prot. of
etrong verbs, as gialda, vulere, ffalf ; halila, to hold, halt ; Jalda,
to io\A,felt; compare fm-ther5»w/fa,4«W; blanda, hleU (vide supra,
snb lit. n). The gemination ti is organic in tkattr, tribute : it
arises from B^ in miVi, mcum ; ()iW, tuum; «i7^, suum; AiV, illud;
n'W, uuum; instead of mint, yliif, »tnt, &c. ; luU)igu = lvint,ugu,
twenty. We find caused by assimilation also the gemination
in the neuter of adjectives, the roots of which, having dropped a
consonant, end in a vowel, e. g. fd-tt, paucum, (roiaja-r ; kd-U,
altum, from iu-r, instead o^/d-t, kd-t. For other encroachments
on the media, see below.
The aspirate ia either hard (jj), or soft (5), the former being
met with only at the beginning of words. The soft aspirate
comprises a far wider range than it does in the Saxon dialeete.
The media which, as we have seen above, can only stand after /,
m, H, and in the gemination dd, is replaced by the aspirate 'S,
after all the vowels and the consonants r,f, h, g, while u]xin the
oonsonants p, I, k, », the tennis t usurps its place ; hcnoe d and S
can no longer he distinguished after a vowel or the liquid r, as
proved by the following examples : — orS, word, Goth, vnurd ;
wr!S, earth, Goth, atV}) ; ver^a, to become (Germ, werden), Goth.
vafr^an; ffd^r, good, Goth. gods. This mle concerning the
replacement of the media by the aspirate or the tenuis in certain
positions is of great importance in the formation of the preterite
of weak verbs where the termination da is to be added, either
unaltered or changed either into Sa or ia, according to the rule
i
IIS rrrri T7.; grammar.
TKC iDfSiraraiK. Haiw v^ wt* i]ke preterites vU-^^framria^
?#^i-fi.'. ti~f-?tf- iT't^-X*. r^_j-;a. £rc«i the verbs r/A/a, fremrja^
F#"*Ti-r. i;. ~-/. *'f^'^- t'r2-^'*c. Tbe toniiiiatioiial 1$ is dropped
:««H:r« -11,* - :c tie ir^i-^r ^•iz^ir. and we therefore find i^ir/ for
hL'\r^ fr d /i/-V. :• :ui: 'v^ x'-r ?>**'&, firom r^rBr, worthy; but
-riif^ tiii *.- s T«•^*Ofi :t x rrwel it is assimilated into tty and
*c? r:^c:* *: lif* «tz^» lizD* t-e r?«eieding vowel, e. %. goti, neut.
5- -=i~i-'^ —g,Ck, Q (lew), cli,li,lih
Gcc^if r. i, :. Tz.* ri^edia f in the middle, as well as at the
*■-•£ :: 1 ir.rL Ss 5»::sfci=5e5 replaced bv the spirant i, a change
wl:::i '^ — --t re jfcxc-:ir^ for by any apparent law. Hence
z.j'f.'t &=.•! ^ i^tS*. !^^V*'*? s'*-'''^- 1^ geminations ffg,gi,gq,
arv like :i-r G:^?e^ ??. >*• nssal, and are therefore rendered in
the other Tentcnio diaWis by miy, mi, e. g. Goth, stiffen, A. S.
#/»»:;-■«. G:ti. .f^,.*cji, O. H. Germ, irimiam, to drink: Gk>th.
r»%:jz%, O. S. /'**-«, to sink, pgk^ ggq^ = ^^i ^?- As the
single dcviid, >:• als^.-^ has its gemination, a certain relation to
the Shiran: «, the Litter appearing in derivative forms often in
the place of the former, e. g. <hippa», to go, gaiis, gait (Germ.
ganir ; /*t //#. youn^r, comp.yifi/r'f.
Whenever the derivative suffix t follovrs upon a radical g or i,
the ffuttural must l-e ehanjjed into ^, as mah-ta, potui, from
wwy-i.'/; vJh'trj from rai\iii, to wake: but in the and sing,
pret. the guttural is preser\-ed before the terminational ^, as
MiiP'f, potes ; roi'f from ral-^n, soi-t from sai-an, ineusare.
q is identical with our qu^kw. As in ir, so in the combina-
tion qz=tir, the fr sound seems to be a euphonic addition which
has no etymological claim to its position, wherefore ^ is, in the
cognate languages represented by the simple guttural, e. g. qens,
wife, Sansk. Junh, Or. yvii^. In later times, however, the
usurper occasionally expels the legitimate guttural altogether,
as in Goth, vaurms, worms, instead of qaurms, Sansk. krimU.
This phenomenon becomes more frequent in O. H. Germ., e. g.
weinSn, to weep (Germ, weinen), which in Gothic still shows the
original guttural qdinSn,
The Greek f is rendered by ks.
Old High Gterman g, k, ch {hk, h). The media, which in the
strict Old High German should be replaced by the tenuis, does
indeed, but rarely, occur instead of the legitimate tenuis ; but it
is fre<iuently used to fill the place of the spirant / But here
again, as in the case of the dentals and labials, Old High German
CONSOxyA N2'S. 1 29
llltliors differ in the mode of applying the media. Isidor keeps
3 the Gothic media both at the beginning and at the end of a
roidj but be applies the tenuis only at the end, hence ffoi ;
t*, sUie (Germ, steigen, stieg). Before a thin vowel, e or 7,
! ititroduees an A, which appears to find a place there merely
S>r the sake of preserving the guttural pronunciation of the .?, an
^eban, to give, pret. gab, ghdaf, ghost (Germ, geiat). Otfried
nd Tatian nse the media quite in the Gothic fashion.
In strict Old High German tlie Gothic tenuis k shnidd be re-
placed by the aiipirate ck, as is the case in Isidor, while OtrnL-d
1 Tatian preserve the Gothic tenuis where it is term i national,
bnt replace it by ch in the middle and at the l>eginuing of words,
seept in the combinntions Ik, nk, rk, which even Isidor likes
> retain. The combination sk is in Olf'ried and Tatian already
■•oftened int^) sg, which seems to be the transition sound to the
'\ateT ack. Hence _^«j=^*c, fish (Germ, fisch); hhitUiaif^=himilUc,
heavenly (Germ, hinimlisch), by the side of ei*co», eltcuta.
The aspirate i, eh [^=kh'), as we have already seen, ivplaces the
Gothic k. In the middle of li word this vk is sometimes ren-
dered by Kh, rarely by h, while at the end the latter has the
preference. This h has of course nothing to do with tJie spirant
', from which it differed etyraologically as well as in pronun-
ciation.
qu, answering to the Gothic q, is in strict Old High German
authors rendered by ehu; herein also, ibllowitig Grimm's law,
others write quh, or ahu, or simply ch, as cluedan, quhedan, eke-
dait, all different modes of spelling one and the same word.
X in Old High German is commonly rendered by h.
The geniiiiation kk (cd) used by Isidor and others is rendered
by ffg in Otfried and Tatian, and their kk is identical with the
Gothic gemination of the same kind which iu strictly Old High
German is often replaced by ech.
The list of gutturals
mtbors appears thus' :-
used in the different Old High Gorman
ISIDOB.
Initkl . . .
Interior . ,
Tenninslionsl
9 Ish). fA
g to*). AA
Old 8axon ff, c {k) . The media, besides its organic functions,
IS often lo supply the spirants y and A iu certain positions,
CComp. snpra, sub litt. j, li.)
The gemination has not the nasal sound of the Gothic, but
' Heme. p. ]o6.
i
130 TEVTOyiC GRAMMAR.
represente the Old High German kk, as in segg, man, vir ;
horse ; feggjaa, to say.
The tenuis ie rendered by c or k, both representing the s
^ttural sound. In the combination k the c has been droppc
in the words ml, shall, debet; iobtu, debent. qu=kii'.
The guttURiI aq>irate occurs only eiceptionally, and then it is
inorganic, as in ahlodock, eighty, by the side oi ahted^g, dehnno
is llc-hamo.
Anglo-Saxon g, c ( = i). The media before thin vowels, < and
i, was very likely pronounced like the spirant _;', whence we find
the preterites oi gipan, to gape; gifnn, to give; gitan, to con-
ceive, to be geap, geaf, geai, where Uie e seems to be introduced
for the sake of preserving for the g, before the preterite a, the
same soft pronunciation it must have had before the vowel i of
the present. Even before the full vowels g can form alliteration
with ge, and with the spirant j itself. The organic media ia in
later documents often dropped in consequence of contraction,
e.g. ren, rain, for regeii {Gterm. regen) ; (>«», servant, for ^egen;
\inett, maid-servant, for yignan git occurs inverted into ng in
the iorms fringe, /rang, frungon, gefrungen, instead o£ /riffiie,
frdgn, &c. (Concerning the conversion of the terminational ^ to -i,
see sub lit. Il) The gemination gg in later, eg in earlier docu-
ments is preserved even at the end of words, where other gemi-
nations prefer dissolution, e. g, ecg, edge ; fie?, horse ; »ecg, man ;
meeg, man; leegan, to lay (Germ, legen).
The tenuis is commonly rendered by c, rarely by k, whence
ice, cirm, sound eke, kirm. Before & i it must be changed into
i. cv=qu. ^ is frequent, and occnrs sometimes for ht, as in
fear, coma, O.&. faht ; sometimes as the inversion of ca, as
Ji-xaa for Jiicat ; axe, ashes, for ance, Goth. azgd.
The guttural aspirate ch occurs only in later documents instead
of the tenuis c, as chirche, ich, for egrce, ic. The words liehoma
(corpus), fitfsckoma (corpus), bldekleor (pale-faced, fair), must he
read ltc-homtt,J!asc-homa, hldc-kleor.
Old Frisian g, k. The initial g preceding e or e may be ren-
dered by the spirant _;, asjeva, to give ; jelii, money (Germ, geld) ;
Je»f., ghost. The prefixes g,je,gi, drop the initial consonant, as
vnge, eat; ungaiA, eunt, for gtutge, gungafh ; ivth, fundit, from
giata. When in the middle of a word *; occurs preceded by e
and followed by a thin vowel or consonant, it is vocalized, and
with its antecedent vowel forms the diphthong ei, which occasion-
ally is condensed into i; e. g. rein, rain, from regen ; drein, brain,
from bregen; neil, nail, from negel ; further condensed into 1»^m
ntf, &c. Before full vowels, as a and v, the media g is preserved, 1
COA'SOXAXTS.
13t
ts in the plural forms iletjar, degnm, tcega, Kegena ; ein, own
(Germ- eigeD), for e(p.n ; keia, key ; heia for hepen, retain the
Tocalized forms. At the end of a word g can only occur in the
•ombinations ng and pg ; in all other coses it is either vocalized,
•s ten, humour, for weg \ or it is replaced by e&. The ^mination
gp is, in the middle of a word, either replaced by the palatal liz
I (vid. infra], as in suka for «ippa, sepqa, to say; or it has been
vocalized, leia for 0. S. leggjan, to lay; but rarely it remaina
■8 in eg, gen. egge», edge.
The tenuis is represented both by h and e, the latter, however,
never occurring before e or i; k preserves its position in the
middle and at the end of words, except where it yields to ch or
the palatal. The gemination of the t«nuis occurs rarely, as in
tmek, taste (Germ, geschroack), gen. smekhi; ekker, acre; siok,
tiokkeg, stick (Germ, st^ck), qu = he. m = hs in sax, knife,
Bword ; sexlieh, sixty.
Change of Gutiurala into Palatals. — Peculiar to Old Frisian is
the conversion of a guttural into a palatal whenever at the be-
gicning or in the middle of a word it is followed by i or its
Triibung e, even when the vowel is dropped. At the beginning
of a word the media q is not affected : the tenuis k is replaced
ty a palatal sound, which we find rendered by k and sth, when-
ever it precedes an i or e which is followed by a single consonant
or by a combination which coutains a liquid ; e. g sthereke,
cbnrcli; urn for ii'n, chin i ^ remains in i^ema, findere, to carve;
lersUn, Christian. Owing tfl a mistaken analogy this change
is also effected before e where it is Umlaut of a, and e then
is food of passing into t, e. g. »zefel and slhitel by the side of
ketel, kettle, Goth, katih; tztUh, Lat. calix; tzirl, tzerl, churl,
A. S. ceorl; szelner, cellar, Lat. cellarivm. The tenuis remaina
in fteila, chain, Lat. catena; kempa, champion, &c.
In the middle of a word g is replaced by dz, and it by is, iz,
Iti, under the same conditions as mentioned in the preceding
case. The combination ng is converted into jwr, nk into nz, e. g.
ledza, O.S. lepgjaa, to lay; Udza, O.S. liggian, to lie; sedza, to
wy ; spretsa and spreka, to speak ; thenzja and ihanka, to think.
As to the pronunciation of these palatals, sz, sth, tz, and Isz,
may have sounded like the English ck in 'church,' dz like g in
' gentleman.' In West Frisian, where the palatal is far more
common than in East Frisian, they adopted a simpler mode of
tendering the palatal sounds by the letter z or s.
The negation wu as well as pronouns may, as occasionally in
Anglo-Saxon, be joined to the following word, in which case an
initial w, h, Ik, is dropped, e.g. neUa = ne leilh, nolle; n-eftlia =
132
TEUTONIC GHAllMAR.
ne wertia, non fieri; iie»a = ni! vnsa, nou eaaej neli6a = ne AM
nonhaWre; mdt-^ma liil ; th«t=thu hit ; mujem for mape i
Old Norse ,17, £. The terniiuatioiial^^in thepref. aiiig. of stron
vei'bs is ofton dropped, and in this case a preceding diphthoi
condensed into a single long yowel ; np under the same circui
stances becomes M, but a terminatioDEd p can in this case nev
become^. The gemination ^ may be (i)=A S. cp, O. S. j
as seppr, man ; teoffja, to say ; lepg/a, to lay, better ^ep/a, lef^
as in older manuscripts, since the gemination was the lattr re«|
of the suppression of the j. (2) In the combinations epff and |
tlie media a is a converted _;' and was, according to Old Noi
tendencies, doubled at the end and in the middle of words, til
egij, egg (A. S. dp, O. H. Germ. «'). (3) The combinations m
yga=Goth. aptjv, ipifv, which in Old Norse may, as in oti
dialects, be also rendered by diplithongs; e.g. glopgr, Got
pUggvus, O. H. Germ, klaicer, kUiMwer, A. S, gledv ; ho^^'a,
hew (O. H. Germ. haHtoau, A. S. htdvan).
The tenuis k is also rendered by e, chiefly at the end of word
the gemination is ck in earlier, kk in later documents. The C
Norse gemination, however, very rarely occurs in cases paral
to the Anglo-SnsDD gemination ce or the 0. S. kk, as rekja, e
vere, 0. S. rekkjan ; but it commonly takes tlie place of ng, i
kl is sometimes assimilated into U. x=h in lax, salmonj »
ox i vaxa, to wax, grow, «=«■« in ox, ax, 0. 8. acm; aex, bii-^
droppe.l in telti, sixth, qu = kv.
MIDDLE TEUTONIC.
Liquids.
Middle High German. / in some very rare cases supersedes
r, and is itself superseded by n, e. g. kilche for kircie or chircke,
church ; knohdouck, garlic, for O. H. Germ, chlobtloueh : by the
side of ode, oder, or, we find frequently aide.
The terminational m of the inflexions is now throughout (except
dat, sing.) weakened into n, and even the m of the root yields
occasionally to n, e.g. iein for hftm, home; oAein for oheim,
uncle ; Ian for lam, lame ; am for arm. But whenever this
inorganic h takes its place again in the middle of the word it ,
must return to la ; lein, kime» ; am, arme». In modern Germ" ~
the terminatibnal m, has in this latter case been replaced,
dropped in nen for nemen, to take ; kim for komen, to ci
yhin {or /rumen. These, however, are quite isolated forms.
CONSONANTS.
I, ia tte middle of words, occasionally dropped : tint, 8:_^-,
Ks nt (Oerm. eeit, cf. O. Engl, sith) ; O. H. 0«rm. chuning,
becomes kunic {Grenn. konig).
offers apocope in eeveral adverbs : d^, there (Germ, da) ;
here (Germ, wo); hie, here (Germ, hier, oba. hie); m, so
so), for O. H. Germ, dar, iuar. Mar, mr ; but the r is
■ed in rfar, thither ; icur, whither ; ^(-V, hither (O. H, Germ.
aara, hiara). Both me and mer, more (Germ, mer), are
The 6uctuatioii between r and a we shall notice hereafter
sub liL 8), Peculiar tfl some manuscripts is the inversion
B prefix er when preceded by a word ending in a vowel, or r,
; e.g. dorefjei^le=do erbei^te, wirreslagen=wir er»liigeH,unre-
eka%t=UHerciant. The r is dropped in welt for vierlt, world
(Gem, welt).
The gemination of liquids is rather freqaent : U is organic in
tke words all, all; vallen, to fall; glal, gen. stalle*, stall; vel,
n. velUi, skin ; gellen, to shout ; tKellea, to swell : inorganic
arises chiefly out of U, e.g. kelle, hell; atellen, to put; w'tlte,
ill; kilUf cover. mm is organic in ilimmtn, to climb; aiPtm-
m, to swim ; brimmen, to roar ; — inorganic for mli {mp), in
xmme = mamde, womb ; iam = kamb, comb ; zimmer = zimber,
; building ; ami = ambet, O. H. Germ. orabaM, ambitus ; —
Ibr nil, tCinime= tlimne, voice ; verdammen from dainnen, to damn,
condemn. nn is organic in spinnen, to spin ; gewinnen, to win ;
haimen, to banish; tanne, fir; minne, love; brunne, fountain;
Mnne.sun; d&nne,\hAa; — inorganic from nt: Aenne,hQTi ; kSnne,
kin; bruHne, armonr, breast-plate; — from iiin: nennen, Goth.
Mwiyjfi. rr organic: we'rren, to impede; ierren, to grunt;
tperren, to close ; zerren, to tear, to tease ; — inorganic from rs :
irre, erroneous; diirre, f\ry ^ — from r« : werre for fsme, far (Germ.
fern); but a/erre is only dialectically used for the common aterne,
•tar (Germ, stern, Golh. staimo, 0. N. stiama, 0. H. Germ.
ftemo ; but O. S. stSrro, A. S. steorra).
Old and Uiddle Englisli. I in words of Anglo-Saxon origin
i« eommonly preserved ; in such of French derivation it is often
nfUned into u, e. g. O. Engl, J'aua, false ; aManl, assault ; cau-
Avn, caldron ; j^o/aw/, scaffold'. It is dropped in ecAe, each,
A.S. ale; vkicht ior wilke, A. S. hn'§lic, which ; O. Engl, atcilke,
H. Engl. amcAe, A. S. aw^Uc, such.
K and tt occupy the same position as in Anglo-Saxon. Where
this dialect they are dropped, they remain so through Old
English, Middle English, and New English, vi is dropped
133 ■
184 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
rfready in A. S.^ for GotH. fimf, five (Germ, fiinf) ; 9^, O. tt
Germ. ^avtfU^ soft (Germ, sanft). n is regularly omitted befixi
y*, «j % : A. S. g6%^ goose ; tffS^ tooth ; ^, us^ for O. H. GenB»
huniy Goth. iufC^^ unsis ; Germ, gafu, zain, un9, where the • ii
preserved : so adso Jtonnte for Engl, eemld, M. Engl, caude, A &
eilde, pret. of cunnan. Bat Old English freqaently drops n vihm
Anglo-Saxon had retained it, i. e. in inflexions and the tormini-
tions of adverbsj e.g. A. S. a/tan, /Sran, iinan, iwanan, niStmf
4tan, ^fanan ; O. Engl, and M. Engl, rfety c^ter, before, tos^
henneSf Aens, hence ; icanne, icAennes, wAens, wnence, &c.
r occupies the same position as in Anglo-Saxon. The mdA*
thesis of r, which in Anglo-Saxon already had began, oontimiM
in Old English, as brid, bridde, bird ; A. S. brid and bird; wroiU,
wrought, worked, A. S. woirle, wrohte; frast, A.S. firoH and
/brst; bemen, to bum, A. S. beoman, brinnan (Grerm. Dremi^)i
rennen and emen, to leak, to ran, A. S. rinnen, iman (Germ, ib^*
nen) ; terse, cress, A. S. eresee and eeree,
SpmANTS.
Middle High German, w must be kept altogether distil^^
from the soft aspirate r, so that icinden, wand, wunden, are diffi^^.*
ent words from vinden, vand, tmnden. In the middle of words t!> ^
spirant occurs chiefly between two vowels, e.g./rouwe, wom^^
(Germ, frau); riutce, repentance (G^rm. reue); eenewe, sincf
(Germ, sehne), where the preceding vowel may be dropped, ^^
melwe for melewe, meal (Germ, mehl) ; vance for varetoe, qo\ox0 ^
(Germ, farbe); so also in grdwen, to become grey (Germ, ergrauen]^ ^
cldwen, ungulis (Germ, klauen) ; pfdwe, peacock (G«rm. pfau) f
klewesy gen. of kUy clover (Germ. klee). While thus the spiran#
w remains in its ancient position after long vowels, it appears
that it affects short vowels which precede it, and, in accord-
ance with the general tendency of the development of the
language to destroy ancient correptions, changes ew, w, «v, into
euWy iuw, ouWf — iuw especially being a most favourite combina-
tion in the Middle High German dialect, so that it stands not
only for iw, but even for the organic i«, as fiuwer, tiuwer, for
fure, fire (Germ, feuer); tiurey dear (Germ, teuer). By this
concision of iw and iuw the strong conjugations are materially
affected and two classes thrown into one, so that scArien, pret.
scirei, has in the plur. and part, schriuwen, gescAriuwen, instead
of scAriwen, gesckritoen ; and bliuwen, pret. blou^ has in the plur.
and part, dliiiwen, gebliuwen, instead of bluwen, gebluwen. In
all these cases the iv is not introduced for the sake of euphony,
CONSOSANTS.
ISB
nt lias l»een organically developed from the vowi-1 it, an origiD
Hrhicfa plainly ehows its nature as a true spirant and its distinot-
IvMa from tlie aspirate v ; and thia fact is furtlicr illustrated by
I ibe interchanfje of le and h which existed in Old High German
I already, asO. ^. Germ. »dAeH for »dwen,io&ow,f6A^{orfov!e, few;
I and M. H. Germ, tckiuKen for tchiuhen, vereri (Germ, scheuen),
K M the end of words the spirant was preserved in Gothic after
B long vowels or consonants, as div, valv ; after a short vowel it
I was vocalized in », as mau, kmu, instead of unav, kiiiv : in Old
I High German the spirant at the end of words was always either
H vocsJized in k or o, or suSered apocope ; in Middle High German
■ it always suiTers apocope without being vocalized, where it
H stands m unaccentuated terminations, as mel, gar, O. H, Germ.
■ mi(o, meal, garo, ready ; also in the accentuated root, when it
■ follows alter a, e, i, ao, ie, as qrd, grey; br^, brow; spi, spue;
■I no, quiesce ; Aie, snccidit ; as also in the terminational ou, in, ew,
■ w have apocope of the w, e. g. biou, tow, »tu, gelriu, for blouio,
M "gellavit (conf, Engl, blow, ictus) ; fcuw, dew ; niuie, new, &c.
^P^An in. the middle of words w is always dropped where syncope
^K 'f^ terminational e takes place, whence br4n instead of brdxen,
V •tplnr. of bra, brow; froude instead oi /roHwde, ioua instead
I _J at the beginning of words is not very frequent. Examples are
I -^^lyes; Jar, year; _;'B^e«, to chase; y'i^we;", grief (Germ, jammer) ;
I Mien, to say, speak, admit; juhc, young; jener, iJle. In the
I liiddle of words y has commonly been dropped, except in a few
I ^orda where it kept its position after / and / by transforming
I 'Wlf into g, &s ferge, ferry, nautus, for/'er/e; lilgen, delere,
I A. S. dilgjan; but immediately after a long vowel the spirant
I lus more frequently been preserved, as bluejen, to bloom (Germ.
I bluben); Sntejen, Germ, briihen ; glvejen, to glow (Germ, glii-
hen); fruege, early, pnecox (Germ, friihe). In all these words
the KC is the Umlaut of uo, caused by the spirant y, the remainder
of the verbal suffix ja -. where, therefore, the _;' is dropped the
cause of the Umlaut is removed, and the original vowel uo re-
sumes its place, as in the contracted infinitives bbion, bruon,
pliu/n. The same rule holds good for the combination Of in
krajen, to crow; trejett, te sow; majeii, to mow, which are con-
tracted inte bidn or bitten, krdn or kretn, &c. After ve as well as
a the spirant _;' is occasionally replaced in manuscripts by g. The
contractions we have just mentioned have led te some contiision,
because words with the combination <ek are also contracted into
*f, as han, drten, for bahen, dr/eien, }ust as achuon for sciuohcn,
calceis, and raon for ruoKen, quieacere; and when the conlrac-
1
136 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
tion again was dissolved^ it easily happened that dr€m becaBivIl^
drajen, and kran became kraken, l^i^
9. The simple spirant is preserved in many words. Exanqte:
— ^^^ glass; ffras, grass; io^^^hare; fi^M^^nose; e9el,aB8; ftn
giant ; sm, thus ; kase, cheese ; whey wise (Germ, weis) ; tfttt^
meat (Germ, speise) ; Ivs, loose ; rSse, rose ; mis, mouse (GenBi .
maus) ; I us, loase (Germ, lause) ; tttsent, thousand (Germ, tio-
send). ros, horse ; kus, kiss ; pewis, certain, take in the middia .
of the word the gemination. The s which in Old High Genntt
had been changed into r is not replaced again^ therefore far,
berry ; mer, more ; ror, reed, Gt)th. basi, mdU, rdus. On the
whole, the spirant s shows far more stability than either wax it
if we except the case of rhotacism we have just mentioned.
h^ as an initial, is inorganic in heischetiy to urge^ where the
older manuscripts have still the correct form eiscken : in a simibr
manner heUkchse by the side of eideckse, lizard. At the end «
words k is always converted into ck. In the middle of words *
is retained between two vowels, as slaken, to slay (G«rm. scU*"
gen) ; Ira ken, a tear (Germ, thrane) ; zaker, a tear (Germ. zahre)»
seken, to see (Germ, sehen) ; vike, cattle (G^rm. vieh) ; zek^
ten (Germ, zehn) ; ddie, clay (Germ, thon) ; vaken, to cat^
(Germ, fangen); imken, near (Germ. nahe). It is interpola^^
between two vowels, an occurrence which in Gothic and C?^
High German already is observed, and then tends to prese<^^.
the shortness of the precedins; vowel. In modern German tJ^
object would be obtained by doubling the consonant, while k ^
used just in the opposite case, to lengthen the preceding vow^^'
Middle High German consequently writes Ddnikel, Gdhrikel, ^^ ^
order to avoid the forms Daniel, Gabriel, k is dropped altc^^
gether with its succeeding vowel where syncope takes place, fljj^
sfdl, van, hdn, for stakel^ steel (Germ, stahl); vaken, to catc^^
(Germ, fangen) ; kahen^ to hang (Germ, hangen).
The most important combinations which this spirant form^^
are ks and ht. Examples of the combination ks\ — v>aks, wai^^
(Germ, wachs); wahsen, to wax (Germ, wachsen); aksel^ axler
(Germ, achsel) ; sehs, six (Germ, sechs) ; fuke, fox (Gterm. fiichs);
okse, ox (Germ, oehse) ; fahs^ flax (Germ, flachs)— examples all
of which are found in Old High German already, and which in
Anglo-Saxon and English render the kshy ks {x), and in Modern
German by chs pronounced like ks, kt occurs in the words akt,
eight (Germ, acht) ; maht, might (Germ, macht) ; nakt, night
(Germ, nacht) ; man-slaht, man-slaughter (cf. Germ, schlacht) ;
rekt, right (Germ, recht) ; fekten^ to fight (G^rm. fechten) ;
fokter, daughter (Germ, tochter); Uekt, light (Germ. licht).
CONSONANTS. 137
.Witii this M. H. Gterm. kt corresponds A. S. kt in the identical
vwds, miia, mSii, mUi, ke., the former represented by the Modem
Gsnn. aU, the latter by the Engl. ffiL kt has arisen from the
H in dUien (Lat. dicta^, Gterm. dichten), and in rare
is used for the German ct and pt, as in the anomalous
jniaiteB, mokUj might (Grerm. mochte), suohte, sought (Germ,
ndtte}^ &c.^ which in O. H. Germ, already had ht. ht is some-
tinei ued for the organic cki, as in laht, maAfe, schahie.
Old and iff^HHi^* Tgngii«ii- The spirant w is in Old English
•nm^fciTOAtt r^laoed by the aspirate v^ as teas and vas, ioetide and
weiUe. The Teutonic w is rendered in French by gu, and many
TeatoQic words haye come back into English in their French
garb. Hence it happens that of some words we haye in English
the Gernian and the French form side by side^ as mle and guile,
wtad and guard, &c. (Compare the same letter under the head-
inga. New Teutonic^ English.) to is presented in the middle of
wwds afler long yowelsj e. g. blawe, knatoe, sowe, gretce, but it is
dropped in O. Engl. feor,f<mr, A. S. feower; saule, soul, A. S.
siwei; wkeol, wheels A. S. iweowol; and in compounds, as
O. Engl^ oil, aught, A. S. Mt, duht, d-wikty quaedam res ; noht,
naughty A. S. nrd^hi. n is the negation ne. The terminal
tiomil w is dropped in O. Engl, tre and kne, where Anglo-
Saxon already writes more frequently treS and cneS than treSw
wiAcneSw; it is yocalized when following e, as M. Engl, bleic,
grew, sew, ikrew. The Anglo-Saxon combination wl drops the w,
bat wr retains it, as O. Engl. wrd}fe, wrath ; wreken^ to wreak.
The Anglo-Saxon cw is represented in Old English by qu : quel'-
lem, from which N.Engl, to quell and to kill; O. Engl comen,
to come, A S. cuman and cwiman. The A. S. Aw is inyerted in
wi, O.Engl. icAar, wAat, wAite; or w simply is used, as wer,
wat, wen. Middle English adopts wA exclusiyely.
j, the Anglo-Saxon spirant, is replaced in Old English by g or
y, as ge and ye, get and vet Where j occurs in the middle of a
word. Old English assimilates it to the preceding consonant, and
the gemination is preseryed in Middle English and New English,
e. g. Mellan for eeljan, Sut for the lost Anglo-Saxon spirant
letter a new J comes into the language with the French spirant/,
which in Old English is rendered by g orj, as gewes and Jews,
ggwel kdiSl jewel. In Middle English it becomes more frequent,
the greater the number of French words imported, and here also
it is sometimes replaced by g^ sometimes eyen by cA, as subjettee,
suget, socket — all standing for the French sujet; magesf-ee for
majeste. From this it would almost appear as if g,J, and cA, had
been yery similar if not identical in pronunciation.
138 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
I in Anglo-Saxon already yields often to rhotacisnij
rang, eeat, elegi; forledi, amisi; dred», eecidi ; plnr. cttroH,/orlm
tlruron ; part. c»ren, forCoren, liroren. In Old English the r i
appears from the preterite, but is prefierved in the participli
ycom, lorn ; but even iu these. Middle English drops the r and
replaces the » — chosen, lout (but the Old English form in the
M. Engl, and N. Eugl.Jariom). g is preserved by a succeeding
t, as in dors/; durst, dare. A, S. dearr=ileart, Goth. da«r». A. S.
sc beoomcs in Old English and Middle English sA and tcA, or tt
and si, e. g. siam and scham, ship and schip (sometimes even ss).
k before /, n, r, where in Anglo-Saxon it was often omitted,
is never used in Old English, hence A, S. Ha/', bread; hladan,
to lade ; Mud, loud ; hring, ring ; hnecca, neck, are in Old English
lime, lad«n, lud, ring, nede. Aw, as we have already observed,
becomes in Old English wj}, or simply w ; in Middle English
always wi. A in the middle and at the end of words was, in
Anglo-Saxon, already oflen dropped, as sleaAan, stedn, to slay ;
seokon, seSn, to see; taker, tter, tear; rah, rd ; J'dA, fd ; tdk, td ^
feoh,/eo; tceoA, sceo ; 0. Engl, slen, sen, tere, roe, foe, toe,fe,
eho. Final k is often turned in Old English and Middle English,
into g, sometimes gh, as A. S. keak, 0. Engl, ktg, hie, M. Engl.
kig, heig, N. Engl, high ; A. S. neah, O. Engl, nig, nte, M, Engl.
nig, neig, N. Engl. Mi^^y A.S. yeoh, O.Engl. \egh, M.Engl, thigh
and tAie, N.Engl. tAigh; A.S. \edh, O.Engl, ^ogh, M.Engl.
tho, though, N. Engl, though. The A. S. h in the combination
ht is rendered in Old English and Middle English by ht, gl, or
ghl, the latter remains in New English (vid. New Teutonic,
English). The h in French words, when iuitial, was sometimes
dropped, sometimes retained, probably never proaouncedj
honour and onour, homage and omage, heir and eyr.
Mutes.
I. Labials,
Hiddle High German. The relation of the tenuis and medis
of Iabiiiin, as of mutes in general, is regulated by rules unknown
■to Old High German, according to which at the end of words
only the teimes, in the middle of words only the medisB, are ad-
missible. If therefore a media happens to occur at the end of a
word, it must be changed into the tenuis, and if a tenuis finds
it« place in the middle of a word, it must be changed into the
media, e. g. geben, gap, give, gave; diep, thief, gen. dtebes.
The relation of the aspirate is rather complicated, becai
i
the
COXSOXIXTS.
139 T
rs very oftun I
1 Old Hig:h German already, this class of letters very
! the application of Grimm'E law. The Gothic or Saxon
is ID Middle High Grerman in accordance with the nde
fated by the aspirate; but the oi^anic b of Low Ger-
1, which in High German shonid be rendered hy p {as d by /),
mly preserves its position in the latter dialect too, and
) the tennis p only at the end of words. The media,
;, which in High German properly hae to take the
the Low German aspirat«, is already engaged else-
' wbere, and the aspirate left to shift for itself. Thus then we
bne two distinct aspirates in High German, one which stands
lor tlie Gothic tenuis, the other which runs parallel to the
Gothic aspirate. The former occurs as an initial chiefly in wonls
tiken from the Latin, wliere they show the tenuis p which Old
High German already Germanized into pi, pph, pf, as pfaffe,
papa; pfawe, pavo; pfanze, planta ; }fttnt, pondus; pfilaere,
piUritis. These words consistently retained in Low German the
utin tenuis, as we see on comparing the Eugliph words plant,
pound, pillar, &c. It indeed appears that all the words begin-
ning with a pf are of a foreign origin, though in many cases they
ue of such ancient date and thorough German t^-pe that one
feels inclined to seek for a Teutonic descent. But in this we
most chiefly inquire whether the word exists in several or in
but one Teutonic dialect, whether it has a root in a Teutonic or
in a foreign language; if the former is the case, its Teutonic
origin is more likely, if the latter, we may put it down as a
foreign word. Thus Grinam derives jo/a/, path, O. S.pddA, from
the Gr. virot : for if it were German it would use the common
Mpiratey or v instead of the pi, as does vuoz, L. Genn./dt, foot, for
ffoWs, Even pjltioc, A. S.pldg', O. N. ^^^r, plough (Germ, pflug),
is set down as foreign; and the verb pfiegen, solere, which has
Ibe essentially Teulflnic characteristics of the Ablaut, claims in
Tain a Teutonic descent, for the existence of its Ablaut, though
beyond a doubt in Middle High German, is very uncertain in
Old High German, Old Norse and Old Saxon ; and in Gothic
the word is wanting altogether. In the middle of words this pf
(instead ofy) occurs as a favourite combination with the liquid
«, e.g. kampf, fight; tamjif, vapour (Germ, darapf); slnimpf,
stocking ; ttnmpf, truncus, stump : pf with n occurs only after the
preGx en for en/, O. H, Germ, avli, as enpfdhm, to receive (Germ,
empfangen) ; enpftiden, to feel (Germ, empfinden) ; enjUiehen, to
etcape (Germ, ent£iehen). This pf is very common after short
Vowels, as zopf, cirrus ; npfel, apple ; zapfe, tap ; kripfen, to gripe,
mpere ; ropfer, copper ; tropfe, drop. (But the same words occur
L
140 TEUTONIC URAMMAR.
with tf" as well.) After long vowels, however, whetlier in 1
middle or at the end of words we find onlyy", never })f or £
tUf, gfdfeg, sleep ; grifen, greif, to gripe ; trie/en, trouf, to cu
_/ always after /, commonly after n and r, never after m.
The second aspirate, which runs parallel to the aspirate i
German is sometimes indicated by v, sometimes \iyf, which t
manuscripts use indiscriminately. Grimm proposes to use p iil|
all cases ; but editors of manuscripts generally adopt _/" before «,
and some of them even hefore iu, /, and r, where others prefer v,
so that we may in one and the same word find r and / as the
initial, e.g. viitiie>i, sunl, fiinilen, find, found, found. In the
middle of a word c should always be used, never /'; for in this
position it really indicates the soft aspirate and exchanges with/^
as does b with p, or d with t ; hence wo/f, wolve», wolf; zKtvet,
doubt; /revel, crime; Aof, horei, court: hut on the whole ex-
amples of this kind are rare in purely Teutonic words. For the
opposite reason for which we require v in the middle, we puty
always at the end of words. Foreign words always retain their ■
f; hut the c of foreign woi-ds always becomes f at the end, m fl
brief [Lat, breve), whilst at the beginning it may be rendered I
by/orr. "
The organic gemination oi p is very frequent; ff, where it
occurs, ia inorganic, and stands for the terminational pf, which
is commonly changed into ff in the middle of the word, bb is
found in foreign words only, i
Old and Uiddle English. The tenuis holds the same position I
as in Anglo-Saxon. It is interpolated in the words, O. EngL 1
sempiler, seamstcr, A. S. seaiaestre; golevipne, solemn. (Compare]
New Teutonic, English.) The media also, when occurring at the 1
beginning or in the middle of a word, remains intact; but as ■ I
final letter it is often dropped, as lam, dum, warn, clime, by the *
side oi' lamb, dumb, wamb (womb), climb. It is interpolated after
M in M. Engl, ilomber, Xa slumber, A.S. tlumerian; O. Engl.
and M. Engl, limb, A. S. lliit. The aspirate ^ is often replaced
in Old English hy its softer relative v, where it is initial, as
voffel, bird, for /aifel, vnl ioxful, vitc for jisc, fish — in which case
New English always replaces the hard aspirate; and frequently
in the middle of a word — in which latter ease the soft aspirate
remains in New English too (see New Teutonic, English). / is
dropped in M. Engl, hefed, ked, head. A, S. keafod, 0. Engl, and
M. Engl, wi/man, wimman, womiauii, A. S. tcif-nuin. pi and/are
in Old English and Middle English often used indiscriminately,
as Fnri»ee and Pkarisee, FiUppe and Philippe, and Middle English .
replaces ph hy ./", as in fant-om, fantaiiie. Tbus we observe in I
COA'SONA.Vrs. 141
i English and Middle En^lieh a great inconsistency in the
^ication of the letters »■ and/, /and pi, until, inNewEngliali,
* national idiom decides in favour of one or another in each
pwticular word.
The Romance v ie always adopted with the foreigh word, e. g.
Tfra^, true, very {French vrai), verfew, vesnell, &c.
3. Beiifiih.
Middle High German. The general relatione between mfdia
and tennLs we have touched upon already; as a inile the tenuis
always supplants the media at the end of a word, and vice
versa, the tenuis, when receding Irora the end to the middle of
a word, must l>e changed into the midia. This rule however
must 80 far he modified, as the roots of strong verbs ending in
id, ieil = Goth. «|?, iu\i, change (/ into i not only at the end
»bnt in the middle of the word too, if they have a short vowel
in the Ablaut. Examples : — mvfen, aneit. mite, getttUen, to cut
(Germ, schneiden, schnitt, geschnitten) ; xieden-, s6i, tuten, genokn,
to seethe, boil (Germ, sieden, sott, gesotten). This process in
Middle High German is something parallel to the change of {S
into d in Anglo-Saxon, e, g. tnt^an, tnidon ; xeo^an, suilon.
When two words, the former ending in *, the latter beginning
with d, coalesce into one, the d is changed into the tenuis t, e, g,
iutu, muotitit, llttu, de»tti=ilea din ( = Lat. qiw and eo with the
Comp.), lia du (imp. lege).
As the tenuis supplants the media at the end, in a like manner
the media may supersede the tenuis when in the middle of a
word it ocouFB after i, m, or n. This is chiefly the case with the
termination te of the weak verb, as hante and kaade, cognovit ;
rumte and riimde, excessit; wolte and wolde, voluit. The com-
binations de and it are sometimes dropped by syncope, as »cha(^
teAadei, gesmit = geamidet, erinorl ^ermordet, gekleit = gekleidet,
trit^tritet, b'U=bitel. This syncope, as we see from the ex-
amples, takes place in the 3rd pers. sing, of the present tense,
ind especially in the pret. part, of weak verbs. It is strange
that it does not affect the radical vowel at all, while similar
syncope with gutturals lengthens the preceding vowel.
occurs in two modifications s and j (see supra. Old High Ger-
-1, and the rule for their application is pretty much tlie sanie
88 in Old High German. At the beginning of a word we find
•Iways 1, as also in the middle and at the end of words after f ho
liquids I, n, r, and after short vowels; j, on the other hand, is
rarely used after consonants, but very frequently after vowels.
»
J
142 TSUTOSIC GSAMMAB,
With consonants it chiefly occurs where syncope has ■
place, e.^. /idn^=kan e^,iirt=iir e^. When it is used after h
vowels we put it hoth at the end and in the middle of a woi
occurring after a short vowel it is single j at the end, and j^
the middle of the word, e. g. uj d^en, 6ei^ bi^^en. j is dropp
in the verb Idn, Idt, lie, for Id^en, lae^nt, het, and before the
superlative termination sle, where |, together with it« sncceeding
vowel suffers syncope, as groegie, Seale, teste, for (troe^i^te, bf^^iiU,
le^kfe, greatest, bestj last; sometimes with 'rui'k-Unilaut,'>i
grotte, ba»ie, M
Tlie gemination U occurs after the vowels a and especially ta
dd never, zz is commonly rendered by Iz (sometimes c or nu
e. g. katM, cat ; tatze, foot, cl&w ; aetzen, to place, to set ; »v£z«ih|
to wet; witoe, wit; switsxn, to sweat; kitze, heat. {Compare Uul
t in the identical Engliab words and the Iz in Germ, katze, tatat^
^'^•) SS' S^ll^' street (Germ. ga§e'); va^^er, water (Germ,
wager); Aa^^m, to hat« (Germ, ha^n) ; ne^^d, nettle (Germ.
ne§el); me^^er, knife (Germ, mcger); fjjen, to eat (Germ, e^en);
lerMen, to wit, know (Germ, wigen}. (Concerning the relation of
this J to the Modern German § and the English (, see New Teu-
tonic, German.)
The combinations into which dentals enter with other oon-
Bonants remain on the whole the same as in Old High German,
so that even tw and dw are still kept distinct, as in twerc, dwarf
(Germ, zwerg), and ilwercA, athwart (Germ, zwerch); the hitt«r,
however assuming in late Middle High German documents the
inorganic form tw, which, like the organic Itn, is in New Hi^K.
German converted into aw (see New Teutonic, Qerman), wliilu
the Middle High German iw represents the same combination
in Old High German.
Old English and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon tenuis
/, in its initial position, is prei^erved through Old English, Middle
English, and New English, and even in the middle and at the
end of words. Old English persistently keeps up the Anglo-
Saxon tenuis which in Middle English occasionally, and more
frequently in New English, had to yield to the encroachment of
other consonants. (See New Teutonic, English.)
The fluctuation between the media d and the soft aspirate B
which had commenced in Anglo-Saxon already, continues in Old
English and Middle English, as hitler, wider, weder, or wilier,
&c., until New English finally decided in favour of the aspirate
kiiher, wMt/ier, weather. The media is dropped in O. Engl.
' t'uniDiDlily apell gatsr, Ilv.
CONSONANTS. 148
ptfM^ fbr Am S. ^od-^pell; O. Engl, antweren, A. S. aud-^itpdriam,
mU-wariem. d is interpolmted in yumder, thunder, A.S.
Tbougii the distanctioii of a soft and a hard aspirate, which
Ai^^o-Saxon indicated by the signs i and p very probably
eontiniied in Old English (as in &ct it exists in the English of
the present daj), the distincticMi was no longer kept np in writ-
isg^ and Old English docnments commonly rendered both aspi-
atw by y. Middle English by tik.
^ for tf in O. Engl, magde^ maid ; redit, ready (A. S. magf^
tnd mmgdtm^ iraS and Arad) ; M. Engl, cude^ could ; O. Engl,
fsoif, qnoth ; A. S. ewai.
I9 which is no Anglo-Saxon letter, becomes in Old English
miher nnmeroos^ being imported with French words, and later
on assuming an anasnal position by supplanting the organic
ff e. g. dazUr for dogier^ daughter, zeres for geres^ zimmes for
fimmes, gems. From this inorganic position, however, z soon
dinqppean again, and is restricted to its place in foreign, i. e.
ncm-Teatonic words.
3. Guiturah.
iffiii^irt High Qerman. The tenuis is commonly rendered by
hy in some manuscripts hj c, Grimm puts c at the end, k at
the beginning and the middle of words. The gemination kk is
expressed by ck. Some manuscripts use ch in words where the
eonectness of the tenuis k cannot be doubted, and such erroneous
spelling must be considered a fanciful innovation of the copyists.
This is especially the case at the banning of words, where
High German, mstead of following Grimm's law by placing
the aspirate eh for the Low German tenuis, prefers to adopt the
latter and keep it up in spite of rules and laws, while the dentals
and labials are more consistent in this case and introduce the
regular aspirate, z for t, and pf for p. But on the other hand
the High German k also takes the place of the Gothic ^, and
follows in this the dictates of Grimm's law. Thus then in
Oerman words k commonly corresponds (i) to the Gothic k,
chiefly at the beginning of words, which however may be turned
into the aspirate in the middle and at the end of words, and (2)
to the Gothic media g chiefly at the end of words, where Middle
High German never tolerates any media whatever, but always
converts it into the tenuis. The interchange of the guttural
tennis and^ media is regulated by the same rules laid down for
dentals and labials.
U'l
TEUTONIO GRAMMAR.
p is a FreqiicDtly occarnng consonant at tbe beginning
in tbe middle of words ; at the end it in, as we have just statec
always replaced by the tenuis, ff suffers syncope in mwue ft
worgeiie, to-morrow; pjlil, tit for pjliget ; lipt, sucscit, jacet, 1
is vocalized in i in t)ie combiiiatioD eg, e being the Umlaut of
more ancient a in a;}i (the Umlaut produced by the inflexional A,
and somt'times both the forms eg nnd ei are used side by sii^
e.g. leUe=legle, laid, posuit; (reil = tregl, fert; eUe = eg«at
fear; meide = megeile, maid; gein = pegen, versus (cf. a-gain
a-gain-st^ ; gelreiile=getregeiie, corn. Later authors introdace tin
vocatizatiou ei even for age, as meit=magft, kleil=klaget,-^\an'
git; seit^saget, dicit; ge-»eil = ge-saget, dictus : the Umlaut
in these words ie, of course, inorganic, because for klagt, magl,^
forms like kl^gf, meiji esist. A case opposite to this vocalizattoa
of <7 in i is the development of 17 fromy (see sub lit. j).
The media g sometimes supplants the h in the conjugatioa Ol
the strong verb, so that (i) the verb iie/ien, for instance, in tbi
pret. and pret. part, adopts everywhere g for i when tbe latter
recedes from the end to the middle of the word, as zUffe, traxisti ;
zugen, traserunt ; qezogen, tractiiB ; at the end however it must not
be changed into the tenuis zoc, zuoe ; though we 6nd tbe aspirate
in z4cA, which stands for the original A in eiW. (3) Some verbs
change the final cA [which stands for i) into c (which stands for g),
e. g. tlaheH, to slay, pret. »luoc, slttege, tluogen, geslapen, instead
of dvoh, tluehe, &c. To tbe same category belongs the word
genuoc, genuoge, enough, for Goth, ganohf, ganShdi, and the ia-*
organic forms of the verb sehen, to see. Such changes of
into c and g in the conjugation of the strong verb occur somi
times in Old High German already, and become still mi
frequent in New German, where they even affect the forms
the present tense,
th has two distinct sources from which it derives its origin
(i) it stands for the spirant k: nock, ad hue; doch, tomen
atque; in the preterites iacli, saw; geachack, happened;
drew ; j?tfc^, flew ; wat-A, after ; ^oc-4, high; w/Hot/i, shoe ; (2)
tbe Gothic tenuis when preceded by a vowel in the middle or a1
the end of a word. This ch is essentially distinct from the pre-
ceding one, inasmuch as it retains its position on receding from
the end into the middle of the word, where the first tk is re-
placed ngaia by k. Examples; — ach (interj.), bach, brook
dach, roof; «H)ucJ, weak ; viaeken, to wake; iireckea, to break;
rechen, to wreak ; ick, miek, dick, sick, pronouns ; woeke, wedtj
Ueick, bleak, pale; e/cA, oak ; kVc^, sick; iwocA, book; t '~~
to seek. (3) When it occurs in combination with *, the
coysoyAyTs. 145
dways becomes cA, as scAin, splendour; scAri/i, writ; lescAin,
quencli. These three different kinds of cA are preserved in
Bw High German, whilst all others with few exceptions are re-
aoed again by the tenuis k. As we have mentioned before, even
L Middle High German tlie aspirate cA does not occur at tlie be-
jinning of a word. In Middle High German cA has occasionally
ts origin in the conflux of two syllables, as siecAeit=zsiecA-Aeil,
ackness; juncAerre =jun€-Aerre, a young nobleman, a Junier,
Where thus c and A flow together New High German puts A
mstead, as in junker. Where cA occurs before the termination t
of the verb, it does not, like the N. H. Germ. cAij supplant Ai^
bat is owing to contraction, as bricAt = hricAet ; N. H. Germ.
cA/ is always M. H. Germ. At, The geminations kk (ck) and ^^
sre frequent. (Concerning the combinations As and Ai, see sub
Kt.h.)
Old and Middle English. The /& sound of Anglo-Saxon words
^ commonly preserved before dark vowels and the liquids /, w, r.
whilst Anglo-Saxon uses c only to indicate the guttural tenuis.
Old English and Middle English apply c and k indiscriminately
for the same purpose. Before the thin vowels e and i we some-
times find in late Anglo-Saxon already k changed into cA, and
this wayward alteration has been kept up to the present moment.
Thus in O. Engl, and M. Engl, kejje, keue, king, we have the
Anglo-Saxon guttural tenuis cepan, cene, ci/nivg ; but in O. Engl,
md M. Engl. cAin, cAild, chicken^ the Anglo-Saxon tenuis chi^
'ild, cicen, has been converted into the palatal cA. In teutonic
rords, late Saxon and early Old English authors sometimes used
(c) and cA side by side, as ic and icA, I ; die and die A, thee ;
me and bencA, awaken and awai^Aen ; where cA no doubt had the
sound. Before the A. S. y, which is Umlaut of n^ one would
spect to see the guttural tenuis preserved; but even in this case
I sometimes yielded to cA ; thus we find the k sound, preserved
I O. Engl, and M. Engl, k'm^ king, A. S. ct/n, ci/ning; changed
ito cA in O. Engl, and M. Engl. cAircAe, church, for kirke
5cotch). Where in Anglo-Saxon c precedes ea, eo, edy Old
inglish decides in favour of cA, whether the thin vowel or the
ark vowel ultimately gained sole possession; e. g. O. Engl, and
[. Engl. cAalky cAaff, cAesteVy cAerl, chepmon, merchant (Germ,
aofman), A. S. cealc, ceaf, ceaster^ ceorl, cedpman, O. Engl, kerf en
lone preserves the guttural of A. S. ceafor, where New English
irther introduces the guttural qfi, cAa/er,
The Anglo-Saxon ^, in its initial position, commonly remains
itaet in the succeeding periods of Saxon speech ; but in the com-
bination ge it is in Old English and Middle English commonly
L
' s
146 TEr TOXIC GRAMMAR,
vocalized in i or y ^ especially in the past participle of the iinjji^>
where it represents the augment ge- which is still presenred
the German and Dutch verb. Examples are abundant in tiMjp.;^
Old English and Middle English author^ of which we mentka
few for the sake of illustration : — useen, seen (Germ.
ucume^ come (Germ, ge-kommen) ; i-geten, eaten (Qenn. g*^f "^
gessen) ; i-Zasf, lasted ; i-wm, certain (Germ, ge-wiss) ; y-w^
wont, accustomed (Germ, ge-wohnt); i-^rmed, y^et (GernL
ge-setzt) ; y^lone (Germ, ge-than) ; u-name, taken (Germ, g©*
nommeu).
g, in the combination eg and ag^ is vocalized in i, which, witk
the preceding vowel, forms in Old English the diphthong d
(N. Engl, ai), whilst in German the g is preserved; e.g.
O. Engl, and M. Engl.^/i*i> or /air, fair; neil or nail^ nail(6enn»
nagel) ; firein^ twain; m/t (Germ, regen) ; seil (Germ, segd);
seiffe^ said (Germ, sag-te) ; icei, way (Germ, weg), — A.S.fif^t
miff el, fmyeHy regen, sepel, segede, wega,
g and w maintain in Anglo-Saxon already a kind of relation^
ship, by which the spirant w sometimes takes the place of ^
guttural media. This occurs in certain verbal forms^ as A.S.
sapon, sdwon,gesegen,gesewen, gesen (see, saw, seen, &c.) ; 0. Enp*
and M. Engl, drage, drawe, dragen, drawen (drag and draw);
O. Engl, siogen, slowen, i-dagen, udawen (slay, slew, slain);
M. Engl, slog^ sloic, slew.
The Anglo-Saxon final g is rarely preserved, but commonly
vocalized in /, and thus, with the preceding vowel, again fonns
the diphthong ei or cei (N.Engl. ai/\ e.g. O.Engl, dai^ day;
m(eiy may ; heie, hay, — A. S. ddg^ heg^ "ff^dg^ Germ, tag^ map*
Tlie g is dropped in O.Engl, bodi, mani^ gredi, greedy; A S.
bodig, ma nig, gradig. The Anglo-Saxon combination ig is turned
in Old English into ewe, and vocalized in the New English ow,
as, A. S. ^ory (Germ, sorge), O.Engl, sorewe, N.Engl, sorrow;
A. S. gealga (Germ, galgen), ^i,l^\\^\. galwe, 'N.l&ngL gallows;
A. S. mearg, M. Engl, fnereg, merew, N. Engl marrow.
The Romance g has the sound of the guttural media before
dark, that of the soft palatal before thin vowels.
ck does not exist in Anglo-Saxon, but has been introduced
into late Anglo-Saxon and Old English from the French, where
it undoubtedly had, as it still has, the sound of the English
sibilant sk.
The gemination of the tenuis is frequent in Old English and
Middle English, and continues to be marked ck, gg exists in
* The transition sound is marked by 3 which may have had the sound of the
English spirant ^^ as in * year/ and thus partook of the nature of a semi-vowel.
coysoxAxrs. n5
i alnmjB becomes ei, as scAih, splendour; ^ckri/t^ writ ; frjfchin^
to qnendi. These three diflTerent kinds of ch are prc-sor^ed in
New Hi^h German, whilst all others with few exec-j»tions are re-
plaoed again by the tenuis k. As we have mentiout^ iH-iure. even
m Middle High German the aspirate ch diX'S not ixvur at tlie l*e-
guning of a word. In Middle High German ch has occasionally
its origin in the conflux of two sj'llables, as ifi^c/tetf^xiech-kitfy
admess; junekerre ^s^junc^kerrfy a young nobleman^ ti jvnker.
Where thus c and k flow together Xew High German puts k
instead^ as in junker. Where ch occurs before the termination f
of the verb, it does not, like the N. H. Germ, ckf, supplant M,
hnt is owing to contraction, as fjri^hf = hnchet ; X. H. Germ.
Al is always M. H. Germ. hL The geminations kk -ck) and ijg
•re frequent. (Concerning the combinations hi and ht^ see sub
Kth.)
Old and M^<^^^*» English. The /* sound of Anglo-Saxon words
is commonly preserved before dark vowels and the liquids I, n, r.
Whilst Anglc^axon uses c only to indicate the guttural tenuis.
Old English and Middle English apply e and /' indis:criniinately
for the same purpose. Before the thin vowels e and / we some-
times find in late Anglo-Saxon already /* changed into r/t, and
this wayward alteration has been kept up to the present moment.
Thus in O. Engl, and M. Engl, k^'pe^ kette, king, wc liave the
Anglo-Saxon guttural tenuis eepaiiy cf'ne, ct/n'mg ; but in O. Engl,
and M. Engl, chin, child, chicken, the Anglo-Saxon tenuis cin,
eild, cicen, has been converted into the i)a1atal ch. In Teutonic
words, late Saxon and early Old English authors sometimes used
i (e) and eh side by side, as ic and ich, I ; r/ic and ///c//, thee;
bene and bench, avaken and awachen ; where ch no doubt had the
i sound. Before the A. S. y, which is Umlaut of u^ one would
expect to see the guttural tenuis preserved; but even in this case
it sometimes yielded to r^ ; thus we find the k sound, preserved
in 0. Engl, and M. Engl, kin, king, A. S. cijn, ct/ning; changed
into ch in O. Engl, and M. Engl, chirche. church, for kirke
(Scotch). Where in Anglo-Saxon c precedes ca, eo, ea. Old
English decides in favoiu* of ch, whether the thin vowel or the
dark vowel ultimately gained sole possession ; e. g. O. Engl, and
M. Engl, chalk, chaff, chesf^r, cherl, chepmon, merchant (Germ,
kaufman), A. S. ceah, ceaf, ceader^ ceorl, ceapman, O. Engl, kerf en
alone preserves the guttural of A. S. ceafor, where New English
further introduces the guttural q/i, chafer.
The Anglo-Saxon g, in its initial position, commonly remains
intact in the succeeding periods of Saxon speech ; but in the com-
bination ge it is in Old English and Middle English commonly
148
TEUTONIC QRAMMAli.
n has fiiipersodeil m in the words count, Lat. comes ; noii», Lai
nomen. The intrusion oip in the place of m is pocullar in wi
such as Fe<f=3Iep, Margaret ; Polly=^MftUy, Mary.
H is never ag»in restored in tlie words where Anglo-Suxon
dropped it, hence we have Engl, gome, tooth, ulher, could, mo
us, for Germ, (lant, zakn, ander, konnte, rnnnd, vn*. After
Anglo-Saiton period it has been dropped, together with the
minatioue ; e. g. afler, before, hence, out, whence, thexce, — A
a/tan, foran, hinan, Ht^in, hminan, \anan ; while it is pr^ei
in Germ, ram, kintien, au^, leantten, dtinnen. In derivatioi
warie, A. S. wAfr;i; ffitme, A. S. gdmen ; eve, A. S. afeti — w
fve» prebcrves the old form, In componnds : eleven, A, S. end
Thurtdajf, A. S. ^uvreiiddg ; Ocfonl, 0. Engl. Oxenford,
Oxnaford; Sunday, 0 Engl. Soneuda^y, A. S. Sunandag.
inorganic in Ned for Ed-icard, Nanry, Nanaj/, for An-na ; men
ger, Fr. metmger ; pmienqer, Fr. pansaqer. n is superseded 1;
in some words, especially where it precedes p or f, e. g h>
A. S. Aanep, Germ, hau/^'; tempt, Fr. /enter; comfort, O. Fr.
fort; Cambridge, A. S. Caida-brycge. « is mute where it fo
Upon m, ss k^aa, tolcmu, autimii.
r, with few eiceptions, retains the pliice which it occupied
Anglo-Saxon. It is dropped in to speitk, A. S. upreean, Genn,
gprechen ; it is inorganically introduced in groom, bride-grooM
A. S. guma, man. Metathesis of the r as in Old English am
Middle English.
Dutoh. Prosthetic n, \. e. an inorganic n placed before t1
initial vowel, occurs in nargt, = argl, erst, first; narm = ar[
{Compare Engl. ]\'ed, Nanni/, and the dialectic naunl = avnt^
We have mefatliesis of r in borat=broat,\irea.si ; l/Hrn = broH,wtP
fountain : comp. Germ, bom and bnitinen. Interchange of
and s: bes und ier, beiry; men and weV, parus. The Dut<4
language shows a predilection for the corahinatinn mp whi"
occurs in very many words. Whenever a terminational m of I
root is followed by the diminutive particle k, a p is intei
lated, and thus the favourite combination obtained, e.g. hU
bloom, blossom, flower, bloempje ; Korm, wormpje: but if the
ends in / or n, a / is preferred as an intermediate letter between
root and the particle, as vogel, bird, vogellje ; sten, stone, st^^ti
Swedish. Initial I, », t, represent the same consonants
Old Norec, as well as the combinations hi, hn, hr, of the latl
dialect. Old Norso vl is represented by simple l; hv and
retain their position. Initial as welt ns terminational n remoj
excluded from words where Old Norse had dropjied it. r anifi
remain in the same relation in which we found them in "'
CONSONANTS. 149
lioiae, tkerefore r in hSr^ berry; hare, hare; vdra^ to be; rar,
oar; % in oss, us. <^ is nasal^ as rdgn (rain) ^ranan; vagn
(trig^n)=rranjjr». Alternation between Id and // is to be noticed
in 9vM, gold ; gyllen, golden ; // for It in kail, cold (Grerm. kalt) ;
UUa, to hold (Gkrm. halten). In the same manner occurs nn
lor nd^ nn for m, mm for mb : thus ^m, kam=Llammy hammr^lamh,
hsoA^ lamb^ oomb. mn stands for O. N. y» : hamn = hafn^
Imboar (Germ, hafen).
Banialu Old Norse II, nn, become Id, nd; hence galde^ gall ;
HM, stall ; ialde^ call ; i/ifife, ill ; /uld, full ; ^^/^t^, skin ; kind^
kin ; rindey to rin : but we find the O. N. II preserved in a/, a/^,
omnis ; still€^ to still ; nenne, to dare ; and // for O.N. /// in heller,
pottos. As a rule the O. N. Id and nd remain in Danish too^ as
^Mer, age (Grerm. alter) ; hold, cold (Germ, kalt) ; holde^ to hold
(C3erm. halten) ; haand, hand ; vinde, to find ; while Swedish
pvefers the geminations II and nn^ rejecting the O. N. d even in
^rords like faila, to fall ; halla^ to hold ; munn, mouth (Germ,
xxiund). K Danish has on one hand lost many of the Old Norse
S^Q^nations U and nn, it founds on the other, new inorgfanic
S^^in^tions, as mollay to mould; domme, dumb; kammen, the
comb ; lammei, the lamb. O. N. mp remains. Dronning, queen,
bag arisen by assimilation of droUning (comp. O. H. Germ.
fruUin^ lord).
Spirants.
German. The spirant to in Old High German was vocalized
if occurring between two vowels, and thus formed diphthongs
SQch as au out of aw, eu out of eia ; and then at a later stage of
the language it re-assumed its place even after the diphthong,
80 that frawe became fraue^ and fraue again frauwe. This v) is
preserved still in Middle High German, but modern German
has dropped it altogether in the middle as well as at the end of
Words, hence yra«, treu^ hlau ; mel, meles^ schnSe, schnees. After I
aod r the labial media has taken the place of the spirant w^ as
farbe, colour ; milbe ; wittib, widow, and witwe ; the w remains
in loewe, lion, and moewe, gull.
* is inorganic in many words where ^ ought to be used. This
is chiefly uie case in the neuter pronouns dds and wds, and the
neuter termination of all the adjectives, wei^es, gutes, schdues, &c.
(More about this s, see infra, sub lit. f .) The Middle High Ger-
man combinations sly sm, m, sw, turn the 8 into sch, as schlagen
for slagen, schmecien for aineken, schnell for enel, achwach for
iwae; in the combinations sp and st, however, the 9 remains^
150 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
but only iti writing, white the sound is identical witb acki
tteieii, apreckeii, pronounced tehtehen, schprecheii.
j stands as an initial spirant eince tlie most ancient timed
words like ja, jdr, Jung, where it is replaced in English onlj
spelling, not in sound, by v : ya, year, yoke, yoimff. The spin
j b inorganic in je jeUt, lor ie, Uzt, which are dialeotically i
pronounced i, izl, while ie has preserved its place in the nega'
me=ne ie : ef. Engl. »ever=ne ever {aff=not). In the middj
a word it is no longer used, but €0010101117 replaced by 4, as j)
ken, to glow ; hluehen, to blossom ; dr^heUf to turn ; ireken {M
to sow, instead of M. II. Germ, glxejen, bluejea, dr^jeit, tajen
k has regained its ancient position in tdh, gesehdh, instei
the M, H. Germ, lach, geaebach. It is inorganically used I
in glnehen, b/ueien, &c., as we have just seen ; so also in r4'
tHiee, and most frequently where it is introduced merely a
mark of the long vowel, as leAtieH, dehnen, mainen, for *?»« _
4^ne», mdnen. Instead of the more ancient kt, hi, we find always
ckt, cAs; e.g. macH, might; nackt, night; wachaen, to wax,
grow — M. H. Germ, makt, naht, teaAten.
English. Where the spirant w interchanged in Old Eng>
lisb with the labial aspirate f, modern English has again estab-
lished the former; therelbre always io leaie, teat, lotuA, wood,
never vake, vua, &c. It has become mute in wAo, uiktise, wiom ;
is dropped in ooze (A. S. toon, sap) ; while in wAole (A.S, k4t) and
its compounds, and in whoop it is an inorganic addition. The
German spirant w is rendered by the French g, gu, e. g. A. S.
wile, O. Pr. guile; A.S. veard, O. Fr. gnard ; and the words
having been re-imported from Prance, it so hapj>ens that in
modem English we have both the Saxon and French forms of
the same word side by side, e. g. Saxon Karranl, warrantee,
French guarantee; Saxon ward, IVench guard; Saxon re-vard,
French ^uerd-on; Saxon wise, French guiae; Saxon wile, teilg,
French gvile.
Terminational w is always mute after dark vowels : (& aow, to
faow,saw : it is vocalized in hew (pronounce<l=^«), O.Engl, -iejce,
A. S. kedioe ; dropped in four, soul, wheel, aught, naught ; at the
end in tree, hiee, and vocalized in grew, blete, knew. The combi-
nation wr remains, but the w is mnt>e: wrath, wreak, wrettU.
The combination Avi becomes wh, but in pronunciation it is still
like the ancient hw, as where, when, why=hwere, &c
j. This spirant is replaced in modern English by g : get, gear,
yoke, young. The present English _;' is imported from PVance,
and is therefore chiefly found in words of French derivation, as
y".f 1 j"y, jitat, Jest; jaie — but it has found its way into German
CONSONANTS, 151
words too, replacing the media g, Visjump ; jabber , by tlie side of
gmlMe. Li the same manner we still have j and y, side by side.
Jail and gaoly Lat. caveolay gabiola^ O. Fr. gaioley jaiofe ; jen'net
and gemnet^ IjbL genista, Fr. genet ; jill and gill, jingle and gingh,
9, The Old English r for * is preserved only in /orlom,
everywhere else the s is replaced : cAose, choseny lose, lost ^ froze,
yirwsen, Tlie s is preserved by the succeeding t in durst. It
often cedes its place to c, as mouse, micey A. S. m^s, m^s ; pence,
G.TSsif^, pens ; ice, A. S. is; twicCy M.Engl, twies ; so also
iJkfieey whence, thence, since, M. Engl, sithens, A. S. simian. The
-Anglo-Saxon combination sc is conmionly rendei'ed by sh : shame,
^i^rp, sheep, shot, shut, shrub ; sc however is preserved in scale,
^erape, scurf, score, screech, st is preserved throughout. Meta-
thesis of s still occurs in dialects : claps for clasp, ops for asp, ax
£or ask.
The French s became much modified in English. It has been
Replaced by c in peace, O. Fr. pais ; paluce, O. Fr. paleis ; by sh
'Oi finish, ¥t. JinisS'Ons o( Jinir; and in the same manner most
Irendi verbs in ir with the characteristic ss, s has been dropj)ed
loth in Saxon and French words : cherry, O. Fr. cherice ; riddle,
-A. 8. radelse; alms (now used as a plural), A. S. alffiesse ; richesy
O.Fr. richesse; noisome for noise-som; exiU, Lat. exsuL This
spirant has been added inorganically in smelt from melt, squash
fiom quash; scratch. Germ, kratzen ; sneeze, Germ, niesen; and
Jn island, A. S. ealandy Fr. isle ; aisle, Fr. aile.
We distinguish in English a surd and a sofb s sound, the
former indicated by s, the latter by Zy a distinction we met in
the Gothic already. Surd or hard s is commonly used at the
banning of words, after short vowels, after liquids, and after
gemination or doubled consonants ; the soft s we usually pro-
nounce between two vowels, after vowels and soft consonants,
the inflexional s, and « as a termination before e mute.
h. This letter had in Anglo-Saxon already to represent both
the spirant and aspirated guttural. The initial h has, after many
flactoations in Old English and Middle English, resumed its
position in New English ; but the Anglo-Saxon hit remains in
New English as in Old English it. Before the consonants /, n, r,
the< h is never replaced, and hence we write as in Old English,
kijf, lade, loud, ring, neck — A. S. hldf, &c. hw is inverted into
whi who, what, while — A. S. hwa, hwdt, hwile ; but the ancient
sound remains in what, while, &c. h is dropped in the middle
and at the end of words : wheel, slay, see, tear ; roe, foe, doe, fee,
shoCy for A. S. hweoholy sleahan, &c., and rdh, fdh, &c. This
letter is preserved and strengthened into ghy but the combination
162 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
is mute, as in high^ nigh, though^ thigh — A S. heah^ neah, &c. ; waA*:,
knighty sights lights wight ^ night — A. S. cniht, siht, &c. So ftbor.
with the h which has its ori<>in in c org, as right, A. S. riht, {Tom-.,
recian ; sovght^ A. S. Mte^ from secan ; mighty A. S. meaht, from
tftag ; bought, A. S. iohfe, from hijcgan. This gh makes every- .
where the preceding vowel long, even in French words, iprigU^ •
Fr. esprit ; but in delight^ and the obsolete extraught, diUrangkt^
it more probably renders the Latin c in delicium, extraeium^
disfractum. In a few instances the h is strengthened into gh,
and the combination pronounced =/*, e. g. draught and draft,
A. S. drohty O. Engl, draht ; enough (rarely enow), A. S. pendA,
O. Engl, inoh ; to laugh, A. S. hleahhan^ O. Engl, hhhgen; iouqh,
A. S. toh, O. E. toge. The initial h in Romance words which
Old English and Middle English had often dropped, as in onour,
omage, is replaced in New English, but it remains mute, as in
honour, homage^ Lat. honor ^ homaginm. In the word inveigh^ Lat.
iurehere, the h follows the Saxon course, while in convey, Lat.
conreherey it is dropped after the French fashion.
Dutch. As to the spirant w we have only to observe that it
preserved its position where New High German has rejected it,
i. e. after the diphthongs which have been formed by the vocali-
zation of the ancient w. Hence, where we read in New High
German ym/;, hauen, Dutch continues the forms vrovWy woman ;
homceu, to build; komv, cold; iaanw, lukewarm (Germ, lau);
paauWy peacock (Germ. pfau).
j corresponds to the same spirant in German and the semi-
vowel t/ in English, e. %'ja,jaar,jong, Germ. ja,jahr,jung, Engl.
yes, year, young.
The Dutch language has, like the English, two letters for
the s sound, i. c. 8 indicating the hard, z the soft sibilant, of
which the latter never occurs at the end of a word or syllable,
but commonly finds its place in the middle and at the begin-
ning before vowels, while the former is commonly used at the
end pi words and at the beginning before most consonants, e. g.
zon, sofe ; zoeken, to seek ; zouten, to salt ; zalf, ointment (Germ.
salbe) ; zwaard, sword ; slim, bad (Germ, schlimm) ; snel, quick
(Germ, schnell) ; sprang^ leap (Germ, sprung) ; stehn, to steal ;
spreken, to speak (Germ, sju'echen) ; slaen^ to slay; ons, us
(Germ, ims); n^as, was; is, is. The combinations si, sn,Scc,, are
never changed as in German into schl, schn, nor do st and sp
ever adopt the broad pronunciation as in the German siecAen,
sprechen.
h, which in Middle Dutch was subject to many irregular
influences, resumes again its organic position, chiefly at the be-
CONSONANTS, 153
ginning of words. Remarkable^ however, is the fact of this
spirant being supplanted, in some words, by the media d, e. g.
««flrfer, nearer (Germ, naher) ; vlieden, to flee (Germ, fliehen) ;
^;^^^ ^hiedeny to happen (G«rm. geschehen) — forms which are used
b the place of the more common rlien^ geschieii.
Swedish. The spirant s remains on the whole as in Old Norse.
h is of frequent occurrence in derivative forms of nouns and
^erbs, as gumsCy ram ; renaay to rinse ; gramsay rapere, by con-
action of gumise, &c. ; but especially in adjectives^ e. g. armse,
^^UTff ^«*^> concors ; *t>r^^^, anxious.
The spirant y is a very favourite letter in Swedish, Its rela-
tion to the gutturals will be examined later on : it is organic in
/^^^ yes ; jdga, to hunt (Germ, jagen) ; and in the combinations
'f^ ^ j^9 j^i jd, joy juy where it is, of course, consonantal, like the
^^*^^rman j and the English semi- vowel y in y^*, i/ear, &c. The
^^^^^'^nbination sj sounds like the English shy as sjettey ftJUy yaely^
*'^^ ^lf€, &C.
A occurs only at the beginning of words, and is pronounced as
j^^^- the other Teutonic dialects ; but before j and v it is mute,
^ •^^nce Aveie, wheat; hjeriay hejiriy=ve6ey jerta,
Danislu The spirants of this dialect are identical with those
the Swedish. As peculiar to Danish we may mention the
'equent omission of the initial y, as oar, year, (or Jaar, y com-
monly represents the Old Norse i, in the combinations ioy ia, id,
*,., as ^om, bear; ijoely keel. Where a guttural precedes a
in vowel, y is interpolated between them, probably in order to
^^^^dicate a softer pronunciation of the guttural, e.g. kjendcy kjoebCy
f'est for kendCy &c.
h never occurs at the beginning or the end of words.
•
Mums.
I. Labials,
German. Though there are two different letters to denote
the aspirated labial, yet both f and v now express one and the
same sound. The former is used at the beginning of a word
before u, ei, euy /, r, and in foreign words ; in all other cases v
stands as the initial labial, e. g. /utter , fodder ; /ein, fine ; /euer,
fire ; Jluckt, flight ; freundy firiend : but viel^ much ; volly ftdl ;
v6gely bird ; vdtety father ; v&ty fore ; and the prefix ver. In
many cases, however, the original v has been supplanted by f\
folgen^ to follow; fangeuy to catch; befekleuy to command;
always in the middle of a word, hence grdfeuy earls; zweifel,
154 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
doubts ; v^olfe, wolves ; which words in Middle Hig^h Grerman
always had r : frerely crime, alone preserves the v in the middle
of a word.
English. In a few cases the media takes the place of the
tenuis, as lohsiery A. S. loppestre ; slab, A. S. alapp. The tenuis
p is interpolated occasionally between m and I, or m and s, e. g.
empfjf, O. Engl, ejtili ; plimpse, A. S. gleam; in other cases again
New English omits this p where Old English had interpolated
it, as O. Engl. Bempdery A. S. sedmestre, N. Engl, seamsier ;
O. Engl, solempne, N. Engl, solemn.
The media b is still written in English, though not pro-
nounced, at the end of words after ««, where other modem Teu-
tonic dialects have dropped it altogether, e. g. lamb, dumb^ womb^
climb — words in which Old English too used to drop the b.
English also restores the 6, though it leaves it mute again, in
Latin words which had lost the media in French, as debt, Fr.
deUe, Lat. d^blta ; doubly Fr. doutery Lat. dubitare. In the words
slnmbery AS. slumerian ; limb, A.S.lim; thumby A. S. '}fdma ;
crnmby A. S. crum/i ; humblCy Lat. humilis ; number y Lat. numeruSy
the media has been interpolated. A peculiar and isolated case
is the transition of the media b into m in the word summersel,
Fr. soubresauL
The aspirated labial is represented by two letters,/* and t?; the
former of which denotes the hard, the latter the soft aspirate.
Initial/ of Anglo-Saxon words is always restored in New English
where Old English used occasionally to replace it by t? ; while at
the end and in the middle of words the soft aspirate gains the
better over its harder twin, hence JivCy A. S. ff; stiver, A. S.
seolfor ; devily A. S. deofol; givey A. S. aifan; eveuy A. S. efen/
ravetiy A. S. Arafen. The transition already observed in Old
English, of the final/ into v when it recedes into the middle of
a word is continued in New English, as wifey wives ; calfy calves —
a transition which must have arisen first at a time when the
plurals where still pronounced as bi-syllables, calvSsy &c. The/ is
dropped in head^ woman ^ A. S. heqfod^ wijman (see Old English).
phy which properly belongs to foreign words only, is partly
preserved in New English, partly repla^ ^Vf* 2& fancy yfantomy
frenzy y and phenomenony phrasCy pheasant. In the word nephew,
the pk stands for the / of the A. S. nefay O. Fr. and O. Engl.
neuew.
The use of the soft aspirate v in words of Saxon derivation
we have already mentioned ; far more extensively, however,
it is found in words of Latin origin, examples of which will
occur to any one. We have only to point out a few extra-
CONSONANTS. 155
ordinary modifications and changes of the soft aspirates^ as for
example the transition of v into w in the word periwinkle^ Fr.
fervenehe, Lat. perivinca ; of v into f», malmsey, O. Engl, malvesie,
¥r, malvoi^e: in the word sennight^s^seven-'nighty elision of the v
vA contraction has taken place.
Butch. Like English the Dutch language very often softens
the more ancient hard aspirate/* into the softer v, in which case
it corresponds to the German media 5, e. g. l^ven, to live (Germ,
l^ben) ; geven^ to give (Germ, g^ben) ; nevely mist (Germ, n^bel) ;
t^CHy seven (Germ, sieben). Peculiar to Dutch is the conver-
sion of/i into cAl, as kracht for Engl, craft. Germ, hraft; achter^
Engl, after ; fluctuating between /i^ and cht is schaft and schachty
Engl, dutfty Germ, schacht
Gemination of the labials^ as pp, bb, ff, is very frequent in
Dutch. In the word efen the ff is inorganic for v : Engl, even,
Germ, eben ; n^ens, juxta, Germ, neben.
Swedish. Ijqc labials hold very much the same positions as in
Old Norse. The terminational /, when followed by a vowel, be-
comes^, which indicates a softer sound of the aspirate, as hafca,
\xi have; lefva, to live; the same modification takes place be-
tween liquids and vowels, e.g. sperf, sparrow (Germ, sperber),
speffven; ulf, wolf; ulfven, wolves. This/t? answers in sound to
the English v, and perhaps the O. S. t {bh) and O. H. G«rm. v.
Organic geminations of the labials are frequent, ff occa-
sionally stands inorganically in words imported from German :
trdffa, to hit (Germ, treffen) ; straffa^ to punish (Germ, strafenj ;
skaffa, curare (G^rm. schafien); but the same words occur m
their Scandinavian form and with a different meaning : drdpa,
to strike ; tiapa^ to create. The old aspirate v is still preserved
before r in the words vrdkj wreck, ejecta maris ; vrceka, to cast
out, ejicere; vrang, wrong.
ft stands for O. N. pt ; mn for O. 'N.fn,
Daniah. This dialect, like Swedish, preserves the labials on
the whole in their ancient position. But quite peculiar to Danish
is the introduction after vowels of the media for the tenuis, which
we have already mentioned. Thus sMb, gribe, for the Sw. sk^^
gripa, Engl, ship, gripe. Exceptional is the gemination pp in
skipper (Engl, skipper and shipper).
The aspirate/*, after vowels and the liquids / and r, is changed
into f?, e. g. hdv, pelagus (Germ, hafen) ; ^ve, gav, for O. N. gefa^
gaf Sw. gif)a, gafj solv, silver. The f remains only in the
combination ft. The soft aspirate f is a favourite sound of the
soft Danish language, and occurs in all different positions. It
is in pronunciation neither exactly like the English v nor the
ISfl TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Gt'i-man w, but somewhat between the two, bo that it might
well be mentioued under the head of spirants, by which it
indeed rendered in the cognate dialects ; as, vimlien, weapca>|
(Germ, waffen) ; vand, water (Germ, wassi-r). It is inorganil
for the media g in lav, low; vidve, stomach (Gei-m. mtlgcn))
vocalized ia plou^ploe-^pfog (Germ, pflug), Aau^/iare^Aa^g^
where the j occasionally reajipears. as in fiiouff, hdug.
The gemioation of labials is frei^uent.
3. DtnUh.
Oennaa. th, which had disappeared in Middle High Gen
reappears again in New German, but it is, wherever it is i
inorganic and objectionable, because it is both in eouad oo^
derivation nothing else biit the Old Higli German tenuis, cor*
responding to the media in English and Low German geDerallVj
Examples : — thai, dale, valley ; tkun, to do ; ikau, dew ; Ike*^
deal; noth, need; mutk, mood, courage; roth, red. The h allMI
the tenuis has probably been introduced in order to mark out
and preserve the lenfjth of the riulicul vowel ; but if this U tlU
case, it has been put in the wrong position, and it wotild havH
been more to the purpose to have written tahl, luhti, &c. ThlM
misappUcation of the k was in the sixteenth and seventeentife
centuries far more frequent than it is now. Modern writent
discard it altogether in fi4t, flood ; br^l, breed ; but very ineon^
sistently keep it up in T6th and m-ith ; those only who foll<
the teachings of historical grammar reject it in all cases wh«
it is used merely for the saJke of indicating a long vowel. P«
fectly absurd is the attempt to distinguish certain homophono_
words of different meaning by the introduction of the letter 4
as hit, hat, and hilk, pascuum ; ton, sound, and (Mt^, clayn
while we are obliged to look for some other criterion than tl
of spelling, if we wish to know, whether in a given
word thoT is used to indicate a gale or a. fool.
The relation between tenuis and media contiuiies, as it was
Middle High German already, rather complicated, nay, it
comes more so by the interchange of d and ti, as in achnel
to cut, pret. scAnUl; sieden-, to seethe, boil, pret. sott; bi
meiden, to shun, a verb of the same conjugational class, foi
the pret. mied. The preterite termination of the weak conJ!
tion is in New German always le instead of d^. In the i
det-to the tenuis inEt<.'ad of the media in the second syltablo
kept np by the preceding *,
e occurs, as in Old High German and Middle High Get
CONSONANTS. 157
iiB a hard and as a soft sibilant ; but while the former has pre-
served its ancient pronunciation of fe, the latter, instead of pre-
ferring the sound ds^ has been flattened into s, and is written ^.
'Rie German z then corresponds to Middle High German Zy and
^nan ^ to Middle High German j. Examples :— :/ttf , foot ; gro^^
peat; ^f, that; af, ate; i^, eat, imper. ; la^^ let, imper. The
loorganic change of long and short vowels in the same word, as
<f^, to eat, a^, ate ; mS^en, to measure, md^y is as inconsistent
^ the change of f into the gemination ss in essen, messeyi. It is
*fi arbitrary rule that 0, when succeeding a long vowel, is allowc d
j^ stand at the end or in the middle of a word, but that it must
^ changed into ss in the middle of the word after a short
''owel. The old grammarians therefore write y«p, plur. fu^^
^^ty?»f, barrel, plur.ya>*er; essen, pret. a^\ messen^ pret. ma^;
**^^^ys wasser^ not wa^. As to pronunciation, this letter is
^J^^ectly identical with *, and might therefore be rendered by
i^^ latter, since fis and gros would sound like fd^ and grS^,
i^'^is change has actually been effected where the Middle High
^^^rman j was the termination of the neuter adjective or pro-
P^J^^Tm, as «r, it; dds^ that; wdsy what; gutes^ bonum; M. H.
L^^^rm. e^y d/xK^ wa^^ guote^. An absurd mode of spelling has
. ,^^en invented for the distinction of the pronoun and conjunc-
"^n, the former being spelled daSy the latter da^ ; though both
«re originally one and the same word and should therefore be
^iformly spelled, just as well as thaty their English equivalent,
th as a pronoun and as a conjunction.
Historiod grammar teaches us to use f in all cases where Mid-
e High German applied the organic j, and this rule is now
^^requently obeyed by German authors even in works which have
o direct bearing upon grammar and which are written for the
^^ublic at large. It will therefore be well to lay down the rule so
^s to render it intelligible to those who are not versed in Middle
^igh Grerman. It may be stated as a safe guide in most
K^ases, that in words where the German s sound is rendered in
^English or Dutch by i. High German should write f , e. g. wa^ty
not wasser^ because of the Dutch and Engl, water ; la^en, not
lasseity Engl, to lei^ Dutch laten; Aa^en, not kassetiy Engl, to
hatey Dutch haten,
zw represents three ancient combinations, i. c. dwy tWy and zw,
which are organically quite distinct; e. g. zwergy zwerchy zwei,
Englislu The tenuis t^ when initial, remains as in Old Eng-
lish and Anglo-Saxon. It is changed into the media in proiid,
O.Engl, prout, A. S. pr4t ; diamond^ Fr. diamant ; and into the
aspirate th in Thames (but pronounced i)y A. S. Temese ; au/hoTy
168
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Lat. a^ttoT. We havL' » instvad of t in the words vtmt, ma»-UM
tnot-te ^ miti-ite, debui; tcUt, A. S. vrit-te ^ wit-te (comp. A. f
sub lit. b); gliiten, A. S. glmim=ylitian. t is ott«n mut« whflj
it occurs between two consonaQta, as CkrUt-mat, chest-nut, cmH
mUtietoe, It is dropped in the words liesl, A. S. beieat, iett
bent; E«»ex, O. Engl. Eat-aex; We*sex, O. Engl. JTett-aex; dant'
lion, Fr. denC-de-lion. A ^ is added atler a, especially after the I
of the genitive, and in the particles amid*-l, amongs-l, wkil
agaim-t, &c. ; and in the words behest, A. 8. beiat ; thwart; A. 9
'^weorh ; tgrant, Lat. t^rannut ; aneienl, O. Fr. ancit
went, O. fV. parcliemin.
The media rf on the whole occupies the same position t ^^
Anglo-Saxon. It is changed into / in tho words abbot, A. 3.^
ahbad : paring, ¥t. perilriir {a change more frequent in \
dialects). The media d and the soft aspirate S, which in Anglo-
Saxon are otl^n fluctuating, in New English finally settle inta
tk, as Kihethcr, together, father, mother, A. S, hieader, togddi
fader, modor. d is dropped in gospel, A. S. god-spell; to ammet^.-^
A. S. and-awdriaa ; wood-bine, A. S. vndu-bind (dialectitailly e?es^3
vine, mine, ioijind, mind). The media is interpolated in gaxde^i^^
A. S. gandra, masc. ai gSs ; alder, A. S. alor ; gender, Lat. iji'iiMir ■
jaundice, ^.jaunuse. In the termination ed of the weak co7~^;
Jugation the d, when following upon/j,yi k, ch, &c., has the pc
DUDciation of the tenuis, as plucked, lehipped, marked=plue
toAipf, tnarit, — a pronunciation with which the spelling formea
harmonized.
th. In Anglo-Saxon the soft (hor1S is occasionally replai
by the media d, or both are used indiscriminately in i
words. This wavering between the two sounds ceases, howCT
in Old English already which adopts either one or the otiter, '
e. g. A. S. ArarS and Arad, O. Engl, redie and rather, N. Engl.
ready and rather; A. S. mdgeS and rndgden, O.Engl. majrSf,
N. Engl, maid; A. S. /iS and lid, N. Engl, lithe; but A. S. burtSn
and bnr-len, N. Engl, bnrthen and burden. The media has b«n
adopted for the aspirate in murderer, A. S. tnyr^ra ; eoul4, A. S.
caSf, O.Engl. coK|;e, M.Engl, cude ; fiddle, A.S./Selei
and thatch, A.S. bcccan, to cover. For O.Engl, quod, N.EogL
reassumcB the Aspirate, and writes iiuolh, A. S. cwd'6. The i^
rate is replaced by the tenuis, chiefly after the consonants/, i,
a, r, as tiejt, A. S. bw/« ; height, A. S. AeahSo ; dart, A. S. <&««. J
M is dropped in Norwich for NorlA-wich, A. S. NvrHwic; JVwWU f
/o/- Nortk-man, A. S. Nor^tnaa; -worship for worlhthip, A,S.f
2 is not an Anglo-Saxon letter, but in Old English, where il
COySOyAXTS. 159
jnidiiefly imported with French worcbt, it is rather frequent. It
ii TOjpecnliar that in Old English this letter occasionally replaces
/ (or 3), as dozter for dogter^ zere$ for geren ; but from this posi-
b» it soon disappears again, and the letter is limited to foreign
voids. In New English it continues to occupy its place in
ftnign words, and frequently encroaches upon the range of the
■Uuits M and ^ , as ^ freeze^ A. S. freomn ; hazel ^ A. S. hdsel ;
Wrf, Yt. iasard; to seize, Fr. saUir; lizard, Lat. lacerla. Very
ibuige is the word ginger for Lat. zifiziber, the inversion of the
^ of Old English which places the z for the g in dozter ^flogter,
'tnd z we have side by side in glass and glaze, gloss and gloze.
Dnteli. The media is terminational again, hence the preterite
^the weak yerba ends in d instead of the Middle Dutch L The
tt in thans is caused by the contraction of te-hans, at hand
(Ctenn. zor hand). The use of the media d in the place of A
^^ peculiar, as ndder, nearer (Germ, naher) ; vlieden, to nee (Germ.
flidien), getchieden, to happen (Germ, geschehen), used instead
oCtihe more oonunon vlien, geschien. Dutch has a great facility
^A sHi^ing over the media d and its succeeding e^ thus forming
^ oontraction and lengthening the vowel of the root, e. g. vdr=
^^^iier, fiither / dr=ader, vein (G«rm. ader) ; h6-=.hode, messenger,
C^jerm. bote); bldn=.bl^den, foliis; g6n^=.g6den, diis; woenzs.
'^^^oeden, to rage (Germ, wiithen); bien=dieden, to oflTer (Germ.
^ieten) ; ner=^neder, nether (G«rm. nieder). The Dutch way of
^ivriting these contractions is, vadr, neer, go6n, &c. Just the
^posite course is followed in the case o{ I, n,r being succeeded
^ er, where always a d slips in between them ; as minder, minor
C^rm. minder) ; merder, more (Germ, mehr) ; ileifuler, smaller
CGerm. kleiner) ; helder, lighter (Germ, heller) ; schonder, prettier
COerm. schoner). (As to the relation between z and s, see sub
it. g.)
. Swediah. The Old Norse aspirate disappears ; where it was
jl'U'tial it is replaced by the tenuis, as iwtga, tongue ; twi^, heavy ;
^^ce the Swedish t stands for German d (or z), and English th,
^- g. Sw. ting. Germ, ding, Engl, thing; tistel, Germ, disf/l, Engl.
^istle. The tenuis and media retain the same position as in
^Id Norse. The gemination tt is very frequent in Swedish ; it
?tands (i)=0. N. tt, as in *fe^^ (treasure), Aa^^; (2)=0. N. ht
^t\ natt (night); (3)= O.N. nt in mitt (meum), ditt (tuum), sitt
(^uum). The combination dt is of frequent occurrence as the
Neuter termination of the adjectives in d.
Danish. In this dialect also the aspirate gives way^ some-
times to the tenuis, sometimes to the media (as in the pronouns
^ien, de, der, &c.), whence a great confusion prevails in this class
160 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
of mules. When d is terminatioDaU and follows upon a vowd^it
is almost pronounced like the soft English th (O. N. dk\ so that x
in fW,witli, it sounds veth. In the middle of a word it is hardfy
heard at all, and the word manden^ therefore, almost sounds maiir
fien. The media is, as in Duteh^ often dropped between yowelsi
e.g.Jaery moer^ broer, lar, ve/r, iotfdder^ father; taSder^ mother;
brSder^ brother; l^edery leather; t^edery weatlier. The gemina*
tions dd and tt are of frequent occurrence.
3. Gutturals,
German. The guttural tenuis is represented by k and ek^ and
in foreign words by c. The media may occur at the end of a
word where in Middle High German it was always replaced by
the tenuis, ch represents different ancient letters; it stands
(i) for the spirant A: dochy yet; hochy high ; nock^ still ; nackty
night ; wachsen, to wax^ to grow ; but the spirant is replaced in
the preterite of the strong verbs : sdhy vidi ; gesckdky accidit ; Jloky
fugi, instead of Middle High German sack, gesckacky &c. ; (2)=
Gothic k, where we still use k in English, e. g. sckwack, weak ;
machen, to make; wachetiy to wake; hreckeUy to break; eickcy
oak ; %i€cky sick.
The Gothic sk is always rendered in German by 9cky Engl. *i,
e.g. Qio\ki, skaduSy Germ, schattetjy Engl, shad^ ; Goth, skabatiy
Qerm, sck^ben, Engl, to s/iare ; Goth. skUdufi, Germ, sckild, Engl.
skield ; Goth. skiUiggs, Germ, schilling, Engl, shilling; Goth.
skohsy Germ, schuh, Engl, shoe, ch had in Old High German
and Middle High German a much wider range than it has in
New High German, for, with the exception of the different cases
just mentioned, it is now commonly replaced by the tenuis ky
e.g. M. H. Germ, dechen, N. H. Germ, deckeiiy to deck, cover;
M. H. Germ. chindiskCy N. H. Germ, kindi^chy childish; M. H.
Germ, chirchcy N. H. Germ, kirche, church.
English. Tlie tenuis k answers to the Anglo-Saxon tenuis c.
In Old and Middle English c and k are used indiscriminately ;
New English decides for the initial k, where it is mute, and for
c where it is pronounced, and then the c always ])reserves the
Anglo-Saxon k sound before dark vowels and the liquids /, w, r,
e. g. to knoWy knee, knoty knife ; to creep, crafty deatiy cl-otk.
Before the thin vowels € and ?, the c is in Anglo-Saxon already
sometimes replaced by ch\ Old English adopted either one or
the other for each particular word, and the adopted letter has
been preserved to the present day; e.g. to keepy A. S. cepan ;
cheese, A. S. cese ; keen, A. S. cene ; chin, A. S. cin ; childy A. S.
roxsoxAxrs. lei
fSd; ekiehen, A. S. cieea. (See Old English and Middle
iBtf&ah.)
Before the Anglo-Saxon j^, which is the Umlaut of u, one
vonld expect to see the i sound preserved, but it yields even
Wre sometimes to ci, e,g kin, A. S. rj^n ; king, AS. cuning ;
Ukkem, A. S. cycene ; ekurek (Scotch kirie), A. S. cyrice. Where
in Anglo-Saxon a c precedes ea^ eo, ed^ Old English already
decided in favour of ^^, which in New English has been kept up^
e.g. chalty A. S. cealc; cheater, A. S. ceaaUr; churl ^ A. S. ceorl;
ekajman (still in vogue as a proper name^ meaning ' merchant/
Germ, kaufmann), A. S. cedpman; except care, A. S. cearu ; keely
A S. ceoL A. S. (Tie? is N. Engl, qn.
In the middle of words c is replaced either by k or ch, as acre^
AS. deer ; fickh, A. S. ficol ; wreak^ A. S. wrecan ; sink, A. S.
iineau; to seek and beseech^ A. S. secan; to teach^ A. S. tacan; to
reaeh, A. S. racan. The k sound is commonly preserved at the
end of words: ark^ rank, clerk, folk, A. S. arc, ranc, clerc, folc.
e is dropped in the ist sing, of the personal pronoun : A. S. ic,
N.Engl. /, Germ. icA, Dutch ik, and in the suffix lie, N. Engl.
//, Germ. lick. It appears that in late Anglo-Saxon already the
c before thin vowels, as e and i, assumed the sound of the sibi-
lant 8, and hence the interchange between c, s, and z, which
we have already dwelt upon (see sub lit. s). The Romance c
takes in English a somewhat different course from that in French.
(i) It preserves its k sound as in French before dark vowels and
before / and r, e. g. cajdain, courts causin, cross, clear, (2) It has
the k sound in English, though it is sibilant in French, e. g.
carpenter, Fr. charpevtier ; carrion, 0,Fv. charoigne, Lat. caro ;
kennel, Fr. chenil, Lat. canile. Or (3) the French sibilant is in-
troduced in English too, e. g. chapel, Lat. capella ; chair, Lat.
caikedra ; to challenge, O. Fr. chalonge, Lat. calutntiiari ; chamber,
Lat. camera. Or (4) we have both sounds side by side, as candle
Mid chandler, A. S. candel, Lat. candela ; carnal and charnel-house,
from Lat. caro ; cattle and chattel, O. Fr. catel, chatel, Lat.
^pitalis.
The Romance c before e and i {y) either remains and is sibilant
^? in French city, cignet, or it is replaced by s, succory, Lat.
^^hmurn ; search, O. Fr. cercher ; or it is thickened into ch, sh,
cherry, Fr. cerise ; shingle, O. Fr. cengle, Lat. cingulnm. It takes
the same course in the middle of a word. At the end, how-
®^®r, it has the k sound when it is terminational, and the s
®^^nd when it is followed by e mute, e. g. public, lilac ; pumice,
chalice. Before a Ht is converted into h, as delight, Lat. delec*
^^i; straight, Lat. si rictus.
M
162 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
The media ^ cummonly remains. unaltered where it is initiaf;
but in the words gwest and ghost (A. S. gasty gd^C) the g is un-
necessarily sheltered against sibilation by the addition <^ u and
h. The vocalization of g takes place on a y^xj large scale io
Old English. We have remnants of this vocalization still pre-
served \xi hani-i-work (A. S. hand^e'we<>rc)y kandAn^raft, kaui^
stroke. Initial g is dropped in tfy A. S. g^; icicle, A. S. w-^^.
g, if in the middle of a word it occurred in the combinations e^,
dg^ has been vocalized into i^ and thus forms a diphthong, N.EngL
ai (O. Engl, and M . Engl. ex)y ^s/air, kail, maiden, nail^ sail, 8^9
A. S. fdger, kdgel, mdgden, ndgel, segeL In the combinjitiot^
arckard, A. S. ort-geard, fruit-garden, the media g is eonvei
into the hard palatal ck. Anglo-Saxon already allows of a tnn-
sition of the media g into the spirant ia^ chiefly in verbal forms^^
which in New English are still preserved, as A. S. sagon^ wc*^
see; sdwon^ wc saw; gesegeriy geseweUy gesSn, seen; so also are to
be explained, to drag and to draw, dragged and drew^ dragged and
drawn; sleiv and slain: further^ the words laWy A. S. lag; to
gnaw, A. S. gnagan ; to daian, A. S. dagian, from dag, day ; /owl,
A. S./ugol; morrow, A. S. morgen. Compare Germ, nagen, tagen,
vogel, morgen,
a when terminational is rarely preserved^ as in twig, egg, A. S.
twig, dg ; but it is commonly vocalized into i [y), forming with
the radical vowel the diphthong ey or ay, e. g. grey and gray^
hay, may, lay, day, A. S. grag, keg, mdg, lag, ddg. It is dropped
in the suffix ig, N.Engl. ^, 2^ holy, Orerm. keilig ; body, A. S.
bodig ; mxiny, A. S. manig ; greedy, A. S. gradig (O.Engl, and
M. Engl. /). The A.S. ig is in Old English converted into w, eice,
N. Engl, otc, in the words sallow, sorrmo, marrow, gallows, A. S.
salig, sorg, mearg, gealg, g is mute and the preceding vowel
long in foreign, JjaX.forensis ; feign, Ywfeindre; sovereign, Yr.
souverain.
In Anglo-Siixon the media g is sometimes replaced by^, and
later on is altogether couvei*ted into the spirant y. In New
English it occurs both with the sound of the guttural media and
that of the spirant, or rather the soft palatal, in Saxon words, as
well as in such of Latin origin. We have the media in garden,
get, go, give, geese, of Saxon origin ; and in gain, giist, guttural,
glory, grace, of French derivation ; the soft palatal in the Saxon
singe, cringe, angel, and in the French gem, giant, elegy, deluge,
refuge, and always before e and i. Even the Teutonic gemina-
tion gg is rendered by dg, as edge, bridge, hedge, instead of egge,
&c. It must have been at a comparatively recent period of the
language that the German element was in^cted with the French
CONSONANTS. 163
pTonunciationj aince terminational g is commonly doubled at the
end \ and this doubling or gemination of t1)e media preserves it
{rom being converted into the palatal. The French sound of
nbilant ^ is a soft sh^ and thus we find in Middle English too
iMi^hen instead of oblidge. The transition is supposed to have
taken place towards the end of the fourteenth century^.
g is mute before n : gnash, gnarly gnaw, foreign, sign, impugn,
jM>iffnanf', The letter u is sometimes added to g in order to in-
dcate the sound of the guttural media, first of all in French
"^ords, e.g. guide, guise, guile — then, though unnecessarily, in
:on words, e. g. guesl, guild, while we use the simple g in gel,
we» In the words dislingtiish, Lat. disiinguere ; extinguish, Lat.
^sxtinguere ; anguish, Lat. anguus, we pronounce g and u distinctly,
^K)6cause the w is not euphonic but belongs to the root.
^^ ^A is in different words of different origin and sound, (i) It
s the Italian way of writing the guttural media, identical to the
French gu, e. g. Ghent, and even ghost. {%) It is derived from
i, strengthened into k\ hough, shough, (3) It is derived from
Ae guttural, but the strengthened form nas the sound o( f, a
^^drcumstance which may originate in the fact of the to having
>metimes taken the place of the guttural h and g (see sub lit. w),
j.g. cough, trough, tough, laugh, (4) It is derived from the
laxon guttural h, but in this case gh is always mute, e. g. fght,
^-^right, might, night, A. S. riht, miht, niht, while Scotch, like Ger-
:anan, still preserves the guttural : fecht, recht, mecht. Germ, nacht,
-WMchL
ch. This letter was foreign to Anglo-Saxon and imported with
French words. Later on it found its way into words of Teutonic
origin. As to the development of this letter in Old English and
Middle English, vide supra. It is now need as a palatal aspirate
in many words of German and French origin, as child, chin, church,
cheese, Chester — and chamber, chapel, chief, chapter ; choose is the
A. S. ceosan; choice, the French choix. In some French words
it preserves the French sibilant, as machine, moustache, charade,
chandelier, ch^^k in Greek words: chaos, chemist, chord, chyle.
It is mute in drachm and schism.
As to gemination we have only to remark that ck as the gemi-
nation of k continues to exist ; the gemination of g is commonly
dropped, but remains in egg ; it becomes a soft palatal aspirate
in sledge, edge, bridge, for slegge, &c.
I>atoh. The distinction of M. Dutch ch and gh is lost, hence
for M. Dutch dock, daghen, N. Dutch writes ddg, ddgen. In
* Koch, i. p. 139.
M 2
164 TEUTOJIC GRAMMAR.
many caeetf the old ck is superseded by the media a, as nagif
night ; rlmgt, flight ; where certainly the ciber mode of spelling
nackt^ rlMcif, is preferable, as cA geneially is a iavoorite letter
before /. The M. Dateh M for Germ, and Engl.yt ranaina in
N. Dutch, as fackty air fGerm. loft) ; froci/y strength, craft (Germ,
kraft). llie cA in ricA (ae) is inorganic for i : compare Goth, it,
Mii, tit. Germ. tVi, mi/^A, sicA^ Dateh it, mi, sick ; 6om which
we see that while all the German forms have their oiganic eis
Goth, h (see Grimm's Law), in Dntdi the ist person onlj haa its
organic it; in the 2nd penon the h soffers apoocqte as the k in
Engl. /, A. S. le ; and the 3rd person adopts inorganic ck for k.
The combinations ck, qu^ x, are now rendered by kk^ kw^ ks.
Swedish. Peculiar to this dialect is the transition of the
guttural k into the sound of the palatal ck or /, similar to the
course A. S. c (k) takes in English before all thin vowels and
vowels preceded by j\ As to the pronunciation grammarians
differ, some preferring the sound of the English/, others that of
cA (Rask), the latter undoubtedly being preferable, because, it is
more general among the natives and more agreeable to etymo-
logy. Thus, then, the words kek (maxilla). Ml, wedge (Grerm.
keil) ; kyss, kiss ; kaer, dear ; koen, chin, are to be pronounced
jeky jil^ &c., or better, with Bask, ckek^ cAil, &c. Before the
dark vowels a, 0, u, the guttural remains, and may therefore in
one and the same word alternate with the palatal, as kam, comb
(Germ, kamm) ; kdmma = chdmma^ to comb (Germ, kammeu).
But in the middle and at the end of words k retains its pure
guttural sound. In some cases it is indeed replaced by the media,
as j^9^ Ggo f ^f^^Qy i"6 > ^'i^> ^ > ^^9 se ; instead of the organic k
in O. N. jak^ 7nik, dik, sik.
Tlic sound of the media g is changed into the soft palatal j
before the same vowels where the k must be changed into ch,
e. g. get {goRi)=jet; gdlla (to sound) =^^7^, goek (cuckoo) =/c>tf/t;
but before the combinations je^ jd^ jo^ ju^ the media is not heard
at all, and the words gjdrn^ gjoernay gjuta^ sound like jdrn^Joema,
juia. As k and ch^ so also g andy — that is, guttural and palatal —
may alternately be heard in different forms of the same word, as
gifva (to give) =y/^'flr, and gafy gave; quld^ gold, and gtfllen:=^
jyllen^ golden. In the middle and at the end of words g retains
the pure sound of the guttural media, except after / and r, where
again it changes its pronunciation into j\ and the neuter of
adjectives in lig^ where before t it is pronounced like k, as keliqt
^helikt.
ch occurs only in the particles ach and och, pronounced ack
and ock.
CONSONANTS. 165
The geminations gg and kk {ck) are frequent. qv=kv. x^ks.
The use oi gt and kt is unsettled. The M. H. Germ, ht (A. S. hL
'Ejjkgl.gAf) should eveiywhere be rendered by U. But by the
side of nail, night (A. 8. niht, M. H. Germ, naht^ Germ, naeht) ;
reU^ right ; lell, light, we read makl, might ; rigligf right ; vigl^
"weight.
I^aniflh. The gutturals g and k have before thin vowels a
softer pronuneiation, approaching in fact the palatal modification
of the Swedish guttural, which is indicated by a j interpolated
between the guttural and the vowel, as kjende, kjoede, gjesl.
(This y is to be kept distinct from the j answering to the O. N. i
in to, ia, &c.: see sub lit. j.) Before hard vowels the full guttural
sound is retained. In the middle and at the end of words the
tenuis k makes place to the media g. We find organic g changed
into V after vowels in liquids, e.g. voven for vogen, waggon
(Germ, wagen) ; after soft vowels into J, e. g. lejr, camp (Germ.
lager); regn pronounced rejn. g is dropped after it and i, as
itie^ stairs (Germ, stiege); due^ valere (Germ, taugen, O.N.
ck occurs only in foreign words.
The geminations gg and kk at the end of words are not
written but pronounced, as lyk {thick) =zlykk or lyck, dg, egg.
For the O. N, Al we should, as in Swedish, expect 11, which
in &ct does occur in nally night; aalle, eight; but gl instead
of the gemination we find in magl^ might ; /rugl, fruit.
EOOTS AND THEMES\
The most ancient and primitive constituents of words in the
Aryan languages are the roots. A root is the syllable which is
the bearer of Qie meaning or signification of a given word ; as
for instance, the primitive as, to be, is the root of the words
as'tni; I am ; as-ti, he is. But the suffixes also which are used
for the formation of themes and words were originally nothing
but roots joined to the principal root or root of sig^nification, re-
linquishing thereby their independence, and becomings as it were,
roots of relation^ that is^ expressing a certain meaning, not for
its own sake, but for the purpose of defining, limiting, directing,
the sense of the principal root. Then the consciousness of their
formerly independent position was gradually lost, and they be-
came mere sufi[ixes, appendages to the principal root, without
which they did not appear capable of any signification and
existence of their own. It forms one of the most important
tasks of the science of language to restore these suffixed roots
to their primitive independence, to show them in their original
shape and signification. Thus we have for instance in the word
a^ffd the root as, meaning * to be/ and the root ma, which is
weakened into mi and expresses the relation of the principal
root to the ist person. As an independent root ma means 'to
measure,' ' to think,' ' man' (homo), ' I' (ego) ; as-^i then means
de'I=I am, As-li, again, contains the principal root as and the
root la, weakened into li, expressing the relation of the principal
root to the 3rd person. The original meaning of fa is 'this'
(hie, haec, hoc), * he' (is, ea, id) ; as-ti, then means he-he-^he is.
Hence the Sansk. as-mi, Gr. eljuii (=l(r-/uii), Lat. sum, Groth. im,
Engl. a7n ; and Sansk. as-ti, Gr. ^cr-ri, Lat. est, Goth, isty Engl.
is, originally mean nothing else but simply ' be-I,' * be-he,' i. e.
' I am,' * he is'. Again, the primitive vak-s, speech (nom. sing.),
consists of the principal root vak, speech, and the root sa, short-
ened into s, and meaning * this,' * the' ; so that vak-^ originally
means * speech-the,' and is a formation similar to that caused by
the suffixed article in the Scandinavian languages.
* Bopp, i. pp. 96-123. Schleicher, pp. 341-479.
ROOTS AND THEMES. 167
To get at the root {the root, the principal root) of a word in
its original shape, we must divest it of all efjllables and letters
which are used merely to express certain relations, and of all
modifications which may have been caused by suffixes and termi-
nations ; so that th^ radical vowel especially, where it is length-
ened or otherwise modified^ is always reduced to its primitive
form : e. g. of the primitive du-^d-miy I give, da is the root ; of
vaks^ speech, vak; of daii>-a-Sy shining, heavenly, god, div ; of
dyaU'By heaven, dyu^ =idiv; of m-nu^s, son, *w, to beget, to bear.
All roots in the Aryan languages are monosyllables. They
may occur in the following combinations of letters : —
1. A single vowel, or rather a combination of 'spiritus lenis'
and a vowel; as, a (demonst. pron.), i, to go ; «^^ to rejoice.
2. One consonant -f one vowel, e. g. da, to g^ve ; biu^ to
become.
3. One vowel -f one consonant, e. g. ad, to eat ; «*, to burn*
4. One consonant + one vowel + one consonant, e. g. pat, to fly,
to fall ; vid, to see ; bAu^, to bend.
5. Two consonants -f one vowel, e.g. sta, \o stand; km, to
hear ; pri, to love,
6. One vowel -f two consonants, e.g. ardk, to grow; ari, to
shine, to lighten.
7. Two consonants -h one vowel + one consonant, e. g. slar^ to
scatter ; sli^A, to mount, to ascend (Germ, steigen).
8. One consonant + one vowel + two consonants, e.g. dark, to
see ; vart, to turn.
9. Two consonants + one vowel -f two consonants, e. g. skand^
scandere.
Out of roots our languages formed themes. A theme is that
part of the word which remains after we have removed from it
all the terminations which declensions or conjugations require.
The simple root, therefore, may be a theme as well. Thus in
(u-mi and aa-tiy as- (to be) is the root as well as the theme of the
present tense; in dyau-s, heaven, dyu {=div) is the nominal
theme as well as the root.
Another mode of forming themes we observe in the addition of
suffixes to the simple or r^uplicated root with its vowel length-
ened, or, as we called it, gradated ' ; e. g. daiv-a-, nom. sing.
daivGnSy divus, deus, where the root is div, out of which we form
the theme by the gradation of the radical vowel, hence daiv^y
and adding the suffix a (demonst. pron.), hence the theme daivon,
which in the nom. sing, assumes the inflexional termination -«,
and thus becomes the word daivorS. Themes formed directly
^ Vide p. 13, 8qq.
uj^ TECTos:: grammar.
firm th«^ T-y.r. ^'^ inll * primazv/ asnd tlie suffixes used ^primarj
sz£xd:»' : tLecnes r'.rxLeil &:iil ockff tibesies we call 'secondaiy/
ami the ii£xes :::aeii ' «a- «./<i/7 ^affixes.' One mnd the same suffix
wasf \it Qsed to t'lrm a thiaiie ficom. the root, or from another
theme ; one a&i the same sa£x thori^re may in one position be
primary, in an*:ther set.H>adary.
SUFFIXES USED EN' THE FORMATION OF THEMES.
I. Verbal Thesces. — IXsriTatiTe'.)
yaia-ya)
The radical vowel takes gradation, forming chieflj- cansativ^^
and transitive, bat also derivative and intiansidve verbs. ^$C0^
consists of ci, the final vowel of the verbal or nominal theme, an^
jfrj, a suffix freqaentlv used in the formation of themes. (Com-
pare the proDomioal root jtj, relative and demonstrative.)
Sanskrit. Ihara-ya-^iy 3rd pers. sing. pres. of the causative
verb, from the root Ihar^ nominal theme bAdra, burden, or the
verbal theme bhara- iAara-fi, he bear5\
GreelL. a-ya becomes ^a-i/f, *<-yc, o-yc ij dropped), e.g. rifia,
he honours, =Tifia£i="nfuiy€-Ti, from the theme rifiij^ honour.
Iiatin. >' I ) tfy^J is contracted into a\ as feJa-t, he causes to sit,
= *«tf</dV = '*<!•'/'///-/, root *«'(/ V'/-«'o, I sit), [z) u^a contracted
into /, as mnitt^-mnJi^ iuoneyi^MU^^ root mo,.' ^ f/fUM. to think;
Mon-eo, I remind. ^3 a^'i contracted into /. e. g. sopioy to cause
to sle^.'p, =*o/jiyo, \ifo^=.aya^ hence *(>/>yr(>'=prim. trdpayd-ss-std'
pat/d-mi^ root srap, sleej».
Gothic, (i) a^a contracted into 6 (=prim. d\ e.g. ist sing.
ga-leiko^ 3rd sing. y6r-/<'/"X*(?-J>, ist ^\a, galeiho-m^ =prim. ^leika-
t/d-mi, hihi-ya-li^ ^'It'ika-i/d-ma^'i ; ji^rt, ga-Wiko^la ; irom, ga-Ieik-s^
themo feihi'^ like, similar. (2) aya becomes ai, parallel to the
Jjatin <% e.g. vei/iai- =*vel^a'ya, to consecrate (Germ, weihen),
theme rei/ia-, nom. sing, reih-s, holy. (3) aya becomes jra, hence
1/i (ji)y hence el, corresponding to the Latm i ; e.g. from the verbal
theme slfa^, sifi-^ prim, sada-, to sit, we have the 3rd pers. sing.
prcH. j?//i-}7, prim, sarfa-ti ; from the theme Siifja, safjiy to set,
to cause to sit, 3rd sing. pres. *a(/7-|?, prim, sada'^a-ti.
* These form the verbs wliit^h in our Teutonic conjugations we call * Weak.'
ROOTS AND THEMES. 169
We frequently find nominal themes without any alteration
used as verbal themes, occasionally with the addition of the
2. Nominal Th£mes^
a
This suffix is used very frequently ; the root preceding it has
^he radical vowel sometimes lengthened^ sometimes in its primi-
^^re form.
Samples : —
Sanskrit. bAav^-, masc. being, origin, root lAuj to be ; hhar-a-^
**^^sc, burden, root Vhar^ to bear ; hodh-a^ masc. knowledge, root
^^dAj to know.
Qreek. Fipy'0'{v), neut. work, root Fepy- (ipy-aCo-imi, I work) ;
♦op-o-, adj. bearing, 4>6p^-, tribute, <f)op^, offer, root ^ep, to bear ;
^tnry'Tf, fem. flight, root ^vy {(ptvy-oa, i-^^vy-ov, to flee).
^ Iiatm. vad-O'^ neut. vadum, a ford, root vad, to go ; div-chy
divine ; deo-y God, from ^dev-o~, ^deiv-o-, root prim, divy to shine.
Gk>thio. vig-a-y masc, nom. sing. vigSy way, root vag^ vig^any to
xiaove (Germ, be-wegen); vulf-ay masc, nom. rulfs^ wolf, root
prim, varky to tear; gti-ay fem., nom. sing, gibay gift (Germ,
gabe), root gtdty gib-^iny to give ; staig-^, path, root stig, steigauy
to moimt, to ascend (Germ steigen, conip. Engl, to sty).
Ftixnitive. ak-iy eye (A.S. cage. Germ, auge), root aky to have
an edge, to be sharp, to see.
SaoBkrit. lip-U, writing, root lipy to smear ; bSdk-iy wise, root
hudh, to know.
Greek. 3ic-i-, neut. eye; preserved in the dual S(ra€=z6Ky€f 6ki€,
root prim, aky to have an edge, to see ; rpo;(-i-, masc. runner,
root Tp€Xi I'P^w, I run.
Latin. (w«-, ewi*, sheep (comp. Greek df-4-y, Sansk. av-i-s), root
«, aVy perhaps in the sense of ' to clothe.'
(3k>thio. maUi'y nom. sing. matSy meat, root mat, mairjauy to
eat; qeni^kven-in, fem. woman, prim, gdn-iy root gauy to bear,
bring forth.
^ Mnny of these suffixes are also used in the formation of verbs belonging to the
' Strong * conjugation. In this respect they are treated under the chapter of Strong
Conjugations, Formation of the Present and Perfect Theraef*.
170 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
U
Sanskrit. praih-Uy prik-Uy broad, root prath, to be extended ;
pnr-Uy much, =:^par-Uy root par^ to fill; wad^it^ sweety root *Farf,
to taste.
Greek. irXaT-ii, broad, = Sansk. /?r^^«, root Sansk. j9ra/^, prim.
prat; irok-v, much, =Saiisk. pur-Uj prim. par~u; §d-i;, swe«*t,
= Sansk. svadu, root srad.
Latin. Themes in u have passed into the declension in I,
whence the u is always followed by ». Examples : — ienM^i-^
tennisy thin, from ^ten-u-, prim, ian-u-^ root tan^ to extend, to
stretch; sudi'-i", sweet, for ^suadu-i, from svdd-u^ (comp. Gr.
^8-v-, Sansk. svad^ti"). The form in u is preserved in ac-u-y acus,
tern, needle^ root ak, to have an edge^ to be sharp, and several
others.
Gothic, fot-n-y fotn^^ foot, root prim, pad^ to go ; Aand-u-,
Aandns, hand ; faih-u^ cattle, wealth. But adjectives have the
form in u in the nom. only, in the other eases they follow the
themes in ya^ e.g. ]faur^ii', nom. sing. masc. ^aursu^y neuL
\>aur8u, dry, ace. sing. masc. ^aurs-ja-na, &c., &c.
ya
This suffix is used very frequently in all Aryan languages.
Sanskrit. rhUijdy, feni. knowledge, root vidy to know ; rdk-ya^
neut. sj)eech, root vnch ; cJie-t/a^ root chi, to gather; pdk^ya, root
pack, to cook. CliieHy used to form the participium necessitatis.
Greek. Sy-io-, holy, prim, yag-ya^^ Sansk. yaj-ya-, venerandus,
root yaj, to revere ; 7rd>-to-, fast, firm, root iray, Tr^y-in;/uu, I
fasten.
Latin, ad-ag-io'^ adagium^ adage, saying, proverb, root ag^ to
say (comp. (tjo'==.ag'y6)\ exim-lo-^ exhnifis, excellent, root im, ex^
ini'Oy I take out ; conjiig-io-^ C07tjitgifnn, marriage, root jug, to join
(comj), Jung-o, jf/g-unt) ; Jh(v~io-, Jluviiis, river, root fiu^jluerey to
flow. The suflix uMn- seems an extension of io by means of «/,
e. g. feg'lvni^= !eg'io^7ii-, root leg, leg^re ; reg-iou", reg-ioni^, root
reg, reg-ere.
Gothic, hand-ja-'y fern. nom. sing, handiy band, bandage ; ga-
hund-ja-y fern. nom. sing, ga-hundi, Germ, ge^und^ Engl. bundr-U^
root bandy bind-any to bind; kun-ya-, neut. nom. sing, kuni,
genus, gens, root kauy prim. gaUy to beget. Adjectives: — un-
qe^'ja-, nom. sing, lai-ge^f-s, inexpressible, root qdp, aty-aUy to
speak; aiida-^iefn-Ja-, nom. sing, anda-yiems, agreeable (comp.
Germ, ange-nehm^ root naniy 7iim-any to take (Germ, nehmen).
ROOTS AND THEMES, 171
Gotliici, like all Tentonic languages, frequently extends the
ja hj adding s, originally perhaps ni. With adjectives
thifl li has the function to impart to the adjective a certain
idatioD or direction ; hence anda-nem-jan by the side of anda--
wewhia; bandrjany masc. nom. sing, handrja^ a prisoner^ root
lamd^ bind^an^ to bind ; gasin^-Jan, companion, root san^, to go
(eomp. tiny^t path, way ; sand^'an, to send).
fa also occurs as a secondary suffix in all Aryan languages.
Enunples in Gothic are : — iaird-Ja-y masc. nom. sing^. haird^isy
Aep-Jierd^ Qerm, AiH-€y from hairday herd ; anda-vaurd-ja, neut.
(comp. G^erm. ani^wart)^ from vaurda-^ word (Germ, wort).
also are extended by », as fisk-jan^, fisher^ fisher-man^
tmai fiMka-f nom. sing. fisk-B^ fish ; manag-ein- for manag^jan-y
nom. sing, manageig multitudcj many^ from managa-y adj. much.
Va; related to it, van
SttDflkxit. pad-va^ masc. way, root pad, to go ; pak-va-^ adj.
eooked, root jmk;A, to cook ; e-va^ masc. ituSy walk, root i, to go ;
so also pad^an-, way (comp. pad-va-).
Qreek. It is difficult to recognise the suffix t'a on account
of the total disappearance of the letter v from this dialect.
Examples are: — tirro-y horse for ^tV-fo-, =Lat. equo-, prim.
ak-va-; voKKd (=:iroXt^, from ^iroX-fo, prim, parva, root par, to
fill. The suffix van we have in aldv, time, time of life ( = ai-
fuv), prim, ai-van- (comp. Lat. ce-vo-, Or. ai-va-, Sansk. e-va-),
root i, to go.
Latin, eq-vo^, horse ; a-vo- (see Greek) ; ar^vo^, ploughed,
arvw^m, field, root ar, arnire, to plou^i^h; vac-uo-, empty, root
vac, vac^rey to be empty; al-vo-, fem. belly, root a/, alere, to
feed. Also formations in ivOy as noci-vo-y vaci-vo- for noc-uOy &c.
Gothic ai-va-, masc., nom. sing. aivSy time, root /, to go (comp.
Sanskrit, Greek, Latin) ; O. S. eAu-, horse, requires a Gothic aiA^
r«- for a more ancient ih-va-, prim, ak^va.
rant, used to form a part. pret. active, probably a compound of
va-^-nt {^san{)y in the same manner as yant^ya-\-nt (ant) (see
the comparative), and mani^=,ma'\-7it {ant), and afit=a'{-ut {auf)\
80 that we get the orders anC, t^ant, yant, mant, by the side of
an, yan, vaiiy man, and a, ya, va, ma, consisting of one, two, and
three, component elements. It frequently occurs that suffixes of
the second order may be used for those of the first, and suffixes
of the third order may replace those of the second.
vant does not occur m the Teutonic languages, unless we
except the nom. plur. masc. Goth, hernajdny parents, which is
172 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
supposed to stand for a more ancient bSransfd^szhalar-^nsga^,
root bary Sansk. bkar, to bear, to beget
ma and man {^ma-^-an)
Sanakrit. Jan-many neut. birth^ root jan^ gignere ; nd^man^^
nent. name, =r^^ii^iffjif-,rDot gna-gan^ to know ; usir^nan-^ sum-
mer, root usky to burn.
Greek. Otp-yud-j adj. hot, Bip-iiriy fem. beat, root tfep, Oip^itm^
to grow hot; yvA-iiii, opinion, root yvo^ prim. ga%, to know;
ii'^f-yLo^, wind, prim, root an, to breathe ; yv^^iijov^y masc.^ nonL
sing. yv^yMVy one who knows^ root yM>, prim. gan.
lAtin. an-i-mO', nom. sing, animus, mind, root an (see Greek) ;
al^mo'^ almus, nourishing, root a/, alere ; fd-ma^ report, rooty!*,
/a-W, to say.
Gothic. The suffix ma is rarely used except in the saperlatiye
(see below). Examples : — ^wir-iwo-, adj., nom. sing, rarwt-*, warm ;
O. H. Germ. ^«-m, smoke, Sansk. dku-ma-y £ftt. /w-mo-, root
dhuy to move. More frequent in Gh)thic is the suffix man, e. g.
maUman-y masc, nom. sing. maJr-ma^ sand^ root mal, mat-an,
Germ, ma-len^ to grind ; na-^an-, neut., nom. sing, namd^ name
(comp. Sansk. nd-man). This suffix appears in an extended
form with ya and with its vowel a weakened into », as /a«i-
munja-y nom. sing, lauh-mani, lightning, prim, rui-^nanyay root
/«A=prim. ru^, to shine, to lighten.
ra(la)
Sanskrit, dip-ra-, shining, root dip, to shine; aj-ra-^ a plain,
floor, root q/, to go, to drive; a»-i-&, wind, air, root a«, to
breathe.
Greek. ipvO-po-y red; iK-po-^ topmost, highest; iK-pa, top,
root prim, a^, to have an edge, to be sharp ; 6«-/»o-, gift, root do,
to give ; Trrc-po-, neut. wing, root wer, = Sansk. j»<i^, to fly ; fxey-
(iAo-, great, strictly * grown', root prim, mag or mag A, to grow ;
ar^-Ai;, column, root ora, to stand.
Latin, ruh-ro-^ red, root r«i, prim, mdh; gnorra-y experienced,
root gna'=^gan^ to know; pk-ro-y much, root ple^pra^par^ to
fill ; sella^ chair, = sed-la-, root sed, sederCy to sit ; cande-la,
candle, light, root cande-, cand^rCy to glow, to be white.
Gothic, bait-ra, bitter, O. H. Germ, biitar, bitter, root bit,
beitan^ to bite; viik-ila-y great, =Gr. /mcyciAo-, prim, root ma>g or
w/a^//, to grow ; ^it-lay seat, nest, root %at, to sit.
ROOTS AND THEMES. 178
an
It. raJHtn-^ nom. sing, raj-a, king, root ro;, to shine ;
miSkr-an^ friend, root anih^ to love ; ud-^n-, neut. water, root ud,
to moisten,
Greek, rep^v-^ nom. sing. masc. r^fy-^rjv, tender, root rep, t€C-p<m},
I rub ; ciic-di^, fern., nom. cIir-cDi;, image (eomp. i^oi-Ka, perf. I
resenible) ; Acix^^y lichen^ root A4Xi Xeix<<^> I lick ; KAv5-:i>i'«
billow, root xXvd^ icAi/C»^ I wash.
lAtin. com-pag^en^^ nom. sing, compago, fixture, root pag^ pango,
I fasten; pecUen, neut. comb, jo^c^e?, I comb; ed^n-, glutton,
root edy edo, I eat.
Oothio. liub-a-j nom. sing. masc. Hubs, G«rm. lieb, dear, in
an indefinite sense ; liub^n^, nom. sing. masc. liub-a, dear, in a
definite sense, root lub, Sansk. lubA ; raud-^-y red, indef. ; raud^
an-'y red, def., root prim. rudA, to be red.
ana
Used chiefly in the formation of themes which occur as iufini-
tives ; farther, nomina actionis and nomina agentis.
Sanskrit, gam-ana-, to go, root gam, to go ; bAar-ana-, to bear,
root bAar ; nay-and-^ neut. eye, * that which guides,' root «i, to
guide ; vadHma-, mouth, * that which speaks,' root vad, to speak ;
vaA-ana-j wagjgon, *that which conveys,' root vaA, to fare, to
convey.
Greek, hpir^-avo-, sickle, root ipcTr, hpi-n-oixai, I cut off; nJ/uiTr-
ot^o-, neut. drum, root rvir, rvuruiy I beat; 8\'avo^, handle, root
^X> ^X**> I have, hold.
IiBtin. pdg-ina, fem., leaf, page, root pag, to join, fix ; dom-itKh^
master, fem. dom-dnay mistress, root doMy domo, to overcome, to
tame.
Gothic. Infinitives : bair-an, to bear, theme prim. bAar^anor^
pres. theme Goth, baira^, root bar, Sansk. bAar ; it^an, to eat,
pres. theme ita^y root at, prim, ad ; sit-an, to sit, pres. theme sita-y
root 0at, prim. sad.
na
Themes with na are frequently used as part. pret. passive,
identical in meaning to those in fa,
Sanskrit. >rajeM^^l-, sleep, root srap, to sleep ; antia, food, =^a^-
fia, root ad J to eat; part. pret. pass, pur^na-, root par, to fill ;
Htr-ita-^z^ sfar'7fa, root sfar, sternere, to scatter.
1 74 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Greek. Adjectives: ir€fiP((=^(r€/3-v((-^ revered^ root aefi^trifi-
oixaL, I revere; &y-i^o-^ revered, sanctified, root iy, aC^ffuu, I
revere.
Latin, pfe-no^^ filled, full, root ple=:pla=:pra=:parj to fill;
fiio^iio^, great, literally * grown,' root ntoff^ Sansk. moA, to grow.
Gothic. Part. pret. passive : baira-na^ pres. theme baira, root
bar^ to bear; vigoriia^ pres. theme vipor^ root vag^ to move;
buya-na, root iw^, to bend (Germ, biegen) ; bar-m^^ nom. sing.
barn, child, * that which has been born,' root bar,
na, nd (Gothic), used in the formation of passive intransitiTe
verbal forms, as ga-hail-ni-^f, he is healed, from heil^y heal, theme
haila- (c(»nip. hall-ja-n, to heal); veiA-ni-p^ he is sanctified, he
becomes lioly, from veiA-^ holy, theme veika-.
ni
Compare ti« Orders of similar meaning are na, ni, nu, an<3
lay fi, lit,
Sanskrit, ///a-ni-, fatigue, root gla, to lose strength; Ad-ni^
abandon, abandonment, root ia, to abandon.
Greek. H^ij-vi-y hV^i-Sf wrath, root prim, tna, to think.
Latin, ig-ni^, fire, Sansk. ag^ni- ; pa-ni-, bread, root pa (comp.
pa-^co, to foed).
Gothic, /lausei'vi', hearing, ^hauya-ni, verbal theme A^uya ,
to hear ; t/olei-ui-, greeting, verbal theme golja^, to greet ; libai'
w/-, life, verbal theme llLai', to live.
nu
Sanskrit, (n-nu-y thin, root ta, tan, to stretch; su-nn-, bom,
trou, root fiity to l>egot, to bear (comp. Goth, barn^ son, root bar))
blia-nn^ sun, root bha^ to shine.
Greek. Opij-ro-, stool, root 6 pa, OpTJ^aaa-Oai, to sit down, Opor
roy, seat, root i)rini. (///ra, dharj to hold, support.
Latin, te-nn-i', thin (comp. Sansk. fa-uu^)', perhaps also ma-nu-,
hand, prim, root fna, to measure, to form.
Gothic. i<U'UU', son (comp. Sansk.) ; as to kinnu-^ it is doubtful
whether it is formed by the sufiix nu.
ta
Comi)a!e the pronominal root ia. This suffix is frequently
usod to form the part perf. passive, the 3rd person of the verb,
perhaps also the abl. sing, of the noun.
ROOTS AND THEMES. 175
Banakrit. ma-ta^, root ma^ man^ to think ; bkr-ta-y root bhar^ to
bear ; yuk-ta-^ root yuj^ to join.
Greek. icAv-ro-, root kKv, to hear ; (nrap-Td", root <rjr€p, to sow ;
oTa-ro-, root oro, to stand.
Latin, da-^to-^ root <;?«, to give ; sla-lo-^ root sla^ to stand ;
di-rv-^, root ruj to fall down; pasao-^^pas-to^ pat-to ^ root
fa/, to suffer.
Gkxthic. sati-^a- of eatjan, root *«^, to set ; veihai-da- ; mah-ta"
for mag-da-^ from the perf. theme wat^, I am able, may ; }?rt^-^«
for ^ak-da-y root )7fli, to think ; brah-i-a for brag-da^ root im<7, to
bring, (On the change of the final g of the root into h before
the dental, see the letters h and g, pp. 1 16, 128.)
tar, tra
The sufiix "tar is used to form nomiua agentis, and the part,
foi active; -/r«, nomina which denote an instrument and the
Kke. The origin of these suflixes is obscure ; perhaps they both
we derived from tara^ a compound of ta + ra, in the same manner
as «wn and mna from mana=ma'^na. Formations with these
suffixes are traced to the primitive language, especially those in
-fer-, used as family terms ; e. g. md-tar-y genitrix, mother, root
««, gignere, to produce, to bear ; pa-tar-y father, root pa, to pro-
*^ to govern ; bhrd-tar-y brother, root bhar^ bhra^ to bear, to
support ; dor-tar-y giver, root rfa, to give ; su-^tar-^ woman, root
**) to beget, to bear, hence svastar^sva'Sutar-, sister; gan-tar-,
S^oitor, begetter, root gan^ to beget. Instrumental nouns in
'^^«, as dak'tra-y tooth, root dak^ to bite ; gd-tra-y limb, root ga^
^ go, to move ; krau-tra-^ ear, root kru^ to hear.
Sanskrit, pi-tar-y father ; md-tary mother ; bhrd-iaty brother ;
ft^a^ar- (sister) for ^ sva-star^.^ si'asutar- ; kar-tar^ root kafy to
Diake ; pak-tar-, root pack^ to cook, &c. ; du-tuvy fem. nom. sing.
ioriri = da-trydy the feminine being formed by the addition of
the secondary suffix ya, except in family terms where both the
masculine and feminine may end in tar (comp. md-tar, mother).
Suffix 'tra : gd-tray limb, root ga, to go ; vas-tra-, vestis, clothes,
root vas, to clothe ; vak-tra, mouth, root vacAy to speak.
Greek, -rep, -rrjp, -rop, for the primitive -tar, e.g. Tta-rip',
father ; /xTj-rcp-, mother ; ho-rfip" or fica-r?}/), giver ; pfj^rop-y
orator, root p^^^py to speak; Fia-rop-y loTwpy one who knows,
who bears witness, root f 18, to know ; -rvp only in /uwip-rvp-,
witness, root amar, to remember. The primitive -tra becomes in
Greek -rpo, -Opo (neut.), -rpa, -Opa (fem.). Examples : — Spo-rpo-,
plough, from the verbal theme apo-y to plough, root ip ; ^la-rpo-^
176 T FA' TO NIC GRAMMAR.
physician, verbal theme ia, 'td-o/utat, to heal; fia-Opc, ground,
l.ottom, root j0a=prim. ga, to go; KoijjLri-Opa, sleeping place,
dormitory, verbal theme KOifia-, ko(/ui((», to cause to sleep.
Latin. The family terms end in ler, tr^ the nomina agentis
in toTy for the primitive tar \ e. g. pa-ter, md'teryfrd-ter (but toror-
from ^sosor-, ^sos-lor, ^sva-s-far, ^ sva-^u-tar) ', vio-tSr^, root vie;
censor'=ce7iS'for, root cen/i^ censeo. Future participles: da-^uro^j
vio-turo' ; the fern, tura forms nomina actionis, e.g. sepul-tura
(comp. 8€pul-iu8\ sepelio^ to bury. ^r(?=prim. ira^ e.g. rds^tro^,
rostrum^ beak, = ^ro^-/rf>, root rody rddare^ to gnaw; clam-trozs:
^claud'trOy root claud^ claudere^ to lock. We have an extension
of the suffix tra by the addition of the suffix ya in the termi-
nations 'ffio^y and -lorio-y as pa-tr^io-j audi'-tor-io, &c. ; trie^ by
the addition of ic, as vic-tr-ic' ; trinay by the addition of ina, as
doc^lr-inaj root fl?d?c.
Gothic. The suffix lar is preserved in family terms only, e. g.
fa-daVy father; br6'^fary brother; dauh^tary daughter; gms-tar,
sister. Suffix fra forms neuter nouns, as maurbray nom. sing.
w^rfr-]?r, murder, prim, root mary to die; O. H. Germ. i/a-Ziir,
laughter, root Alaky Goth. Alai-Jan, to laugh; O. H. Germ, ruo-
dar, rudder, oar (Germ, ruder), root ra=^ar (comp. ar^arCy &c ).
ti
Sanskrit, ma^ii-y opinion, root mOy matiy to think; uk-tiy speech,
root vachy to speak ; yuk-tiy junction, root yujy to join ; pd-ti-y
lord, root/'tf, to protect.
Greek, rt or (n : /txTi-ri-, prudence, root may to think ; ^d-n-,
sayin^r, report, root </>a, to say ; <(>v-ti, nature, root 0v, to grow.
Latin, do^t'i', doSy dowry, root doy to give ; men-li, menSy mind,
root men =^ man y mOy to think; ves-fi-y root prim, ro^, to clothe.
An extension of ti is tio, tia=ti+o (ay perhaps forya) : in~i^tio^y
beginning, root i, to go; jusfi-tia" {rom Justo, &c.
Gothic has -di and 'tAi for the primitive -tiy e.g. knth-di-y
genus, gens, prim, root gna^gatiy gignere; mah^ti^y might,
power = ^;//^/ J-//, root 7nagy to be able; ga-muyi-^i-y remembrance,
root mun=.many inOy to think ; anS'ti' favour, root ««, to favour;
fa-di-, nora. sing. fo\-Sy lord, prim, root pay to protect (comp.
Sansk. j}tf'ti~),
tu
Used in the formation of verbal nouns.
Sanskrit, da-in-u}^ root da^ to <>ive ; stha-tu-my root May to
stitnd ; vet-tu-iit^ root r/V/, to know ; kar-lu-niy ro<jt Xv/r, to make.
ROOTS AND THEMES. 177
Qmtikm fipiOfTi'f meat, root fipo (comp. Pi-Pfni-aKio) ; ^di^-ri-^
root ^, to eat; ia-jv ^r^Fiff-rv, town, prim, root i*as, to
dwelL Secondary suffix is -<n;v?y=*-rvji7, e.g. iuaic-oi/i^?; from
duiuo-j just ; [Apqiw^iti, remembrance^ theme pi^fior-, mindful^
root ficvssaum, Ma, to think.
Tiatin Mia-4U'^ nom. sing^ tiatus, root «//7, to stand ; dl(yfH'^ root
rfir, to say ; vic^u^y root ryr, r*r, r/r-o, to live, &c.. &c. Secondiiry
raffixes used in the formation of abstracts arc lu-li-, tu^lon-, and
im^iu't as iervp4uli-, ulti-tudin'.
Ootliio. dau'-yu'^ death, root fJau, dii\ duy to die; vrato-^lu-^
jonmey, theme t>rai4y to go ; vaAs-fn-, root vaie, to grow. Tlie
suffix 'iiea (^Sansk. -tcay Lat. -iiio) forms secondary themes, as
yi€€Hdta^f servitade, from ]^»ra-, \iuSy servant.
ant, nt
Used chiefly in the formation of the participle active out of
the theme of the present tense.
Saiiakrit. adnint, root and theme of the present ad^ to eat;
imda-ni, root ind, to jiush, to strike ; fem. ad-^fi, nout. rt^/w//, &c.
Qreek* ^pt^ -vt, fem. ^-^mya, ^"irrya, which becomes ^ova-a,
"Ovaa, e.g. <^€pc-rT-, fem. <l>€povaa=^^<t>€p>.'vaa=^^<f)fpO'i'Ti/ny root
^€p, to bear; riOl^vj-^ root ^f, to set; ficSo-w-, root do, to give,
so also the and aor. Oi-vr-, 6c?-yr-.
Iiatin. -eni, ancient -071/, -ujit: tche^ni-y root %ehy to fare, to
convey; xol-enU^ ancient tol-ontry tol-^ni-^ root tol, to will.
{pra)r9-ent''z=.e9-^it, root ai)d pres. theme esy Sansk. as^ to be;
f-en(^, e^un^zsz^e^anl', root 1, to go. Secondary fonnations are
the abstracts in antiay eniia, antiunf^ evtiinn^—ant, e)tt-{ia, ?V>,
prim, ya, e.g. silenf-iu'-m, licenf-ia, abundanf-ia.
Qotiiio. lairandSy pres. YiarX. = dira-//d{ays, root dar^ to bear;
ffibor-nd'y root gaby pres. theme yiba-. Other Teutonic dialects
show with these participles an extension of the theme by means
of adding the suffix ya, as O. S. helpandja-^ helping, definite
form helpandjan.
as
The themes in -hm are commonly used as neuter nomina actionis,
rarely as nomina agentis.
Sanskrit. ya;/-a«, genus, root Jan, gigncro; man-^Sy sense, root
muMy to think ; vach-^aSy speech, root rachy to speak ; ajy-aSy work,
root ap.
GreelL. yAv-oSy sense, courage, wrath, gen. /xcV-ea-os, \iiv^os,
fjL€i'ovs, root fjL€v:=matty to think; yii-osy gen. yu-icos, ycrors >
178 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
h-os^Fiit-oi, fAr-c<j^, word, root Fm, prim. «ai, Sansk. eacA,
speak ; fA^K-09, fx^ic-€«r-, lengthy root fuuc, fian^p^-, long,
Latin, gen-us, ancient ^gen-as^ Samk. jan-as, root gen^ gT^^ei
op'US, work, old form ^ap-os, Sansk. ajh-as; Jbed^n^, old ioi
/oid-os, root fdy fido ; corp-us, Sansk. root iarp ; juSy right, c
form jov^s, root Ju, iyo join; pu9y old form j»ot>^*, root j»w, to r<
The masculines in or=os, e.g. arb-or^arb^s ; sop-or^ prim, re
scap^ to sleep.
Gothic expresses the primitive cis by -wa, as if it came fix
an ancient -asa^ theme in a. Examples : — kat^Ua^^ nom. sic
AafU, hate, root Aaf, Jiatni, I hate ; ag-isa-, nom. sing, ag^^y fcj
root ag, og, I fear. In Old High German the suffix prim, i
Goth, "isa, O. H. Germ, -/ra, is used in the plural only, wb
the suffix a forms the singular, e. g. sing, grab, grave, from
primitive grada-jn^ plur. nom. grab-ir, = ancient ^grab-isa, mc
ancient ^grab-asd, (Concerning the formation of the plural
ir, er, see the Teutonic Declensions of the Noun.)
ka
Sanskrit. This suffix is rarely used in primary, but more f
quently in secondary themes, as putra-ka, little son, from put
sou.
Greek, secondary suffix in (pvai-Kc-, theme ipytTi-; 6rj\v-
Orjkv' ; Kap5ia-K0-, KapbCa,
Latin, secondary suffix in civi-^o-, theme dvi^ ; urbi-<
theme urbi-; belli-co-, theme belli-,
Gothic, primary suffix in O. H. G^rm.^/i?/-ra, neut. folk (cob
Slavonic plii-kiiy multitude, army), prim, joar-fe, root/;ffr, to 1
Secondary suffix in anda-qay beatus, theme anda-y happinei
/landu-gay wise, skilful, theme handu^y hand ; at-aina-ha-y petre
theme siahia-^ stone (Germ, stein). The suffix -isha is used
derivative adjectives which correspond to those ending in -ika
Greek and Latin, as barn-iska-y childish, from the theme barn
neut. child.
Note, — All other suffixes will be explained in their proj
places, when we tr:?at on the Comparisons, Numerahy &c., &c.
PRONOUNS.
PERSONAL PRONOUNS.
TABLE OP PERSONAL PRONOUNS IN THE COGNATE LANGUAGES.
ist and 2nd Person,
SIKOULAR.
Sanskrit.
Greek.
Latin.
Gothic.
Nona, aham
h^
ego
ik
tvam
(r{,
tu
\m
Acciia. mam, ma
W, M^
mi
mik
tvam, tvd
ir4,r4
ti
puk
Instr. may&
...
• • •
• * •
tvayti
• • •
• • •
...
Dat. mahyam
iljdp
mihi
mia
mi
• • •
• • •
• • •
tvhhtfam
T«ty, ^i¥
tihi
\>ui
tre, ti
• • •
• • •
• • •
Abl. mcU
• • •
me{d)
• • •
mattaa
• • •
• • •
• • •
irat
• • •
U(d)
« * ■
tratt€U
• • •
• • •
• • •
Gen. mama
iyLOVf fiov
met
metna
me
• • •
• • •
• • 9
tava
ffOV
tui
peina
U
■ • •
• • 9
• • •
Log. mayi
ifiolf fiol
m^ei \
mif
ivayi
aol
tui
|>ia
Nom. avam
yuvdm
Accus. av&m
nau
yuvdm
ram
Instr. avabhyam
yuvabhydm
Dat. avabhyhm
nau
yuvabhydm
vdm
Abl. dvdbhydm
yurd'hydm
Gen. dvayds
nau
yuvayds
vdm
Log. dvayos
yuvayoa
DUAL.
I i^tf, pan
* • *
mtiP, vi^p
(r<pmp.
(T^ifp
N 2
^yut
ugkis
tgqu
vgkis
• •
igqis
9 9
9 9
9 9
^ugkara
m m
igqara
9 9
180
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
PLURAL.
Banskrit.
Nom. vayam
€ume
yi2yam
yuahnU
Accos. aaman
yiu&mafi
vah
Inatr. atmahkih
yuthmabkiJ^
Dat. atmabhjfam
nah
yuthfiuMyam
vaA
AbL lumai
yuthmat
Gen. atmakam
fUlh
yuihmakam
vah
Loc.
aitnaau
yushmoiu
Greek.
Latin.
GoOiic.
tffi/if fy ^if
not
veU
• • •
• • ■
VM
• • •
yiiff
• • •
tifi/At, iifuis
• • •
llOf
• • •
«flfU
• • •
• • •
• ■ •
• • •
• • •
• ■ •
• • •
noMf
vo6m
iio6if
• • •
• • •
• • •
unti»
• • •
• • •
• • •
• ■ •
• • •
• • •
• • •
vo&if
no&tri
• • •
• • •
• • •
wiMra
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
Pr&k.
Accusative
Instrnmental .
Dative «l
Genitive U
Locative
yrd PenoH,
SINGULAR^
• • •
io7, ol
• • •
tibi
mi
• • •
9ih
• • •
• • •
REMARKS ON THE PERSONAL PRONOUNS OF THE COGNATE
LANGUAGES.
From the personal terminations of the verb, as well as from
the different cases of the pronoim itself, the primitive root of
the 1st singular appears as tna^ of the 2nd singular as tu or
tva, Schleicher considers this ma^ ' ego/ identical with the verbal
root ma^ * to measure^ to think/ a root from which is also derived
* man/ Sansk. fna-nu-, Goth, ma-n-, i. e. the being that * thinks' ;
a very appropriate term for individual self-assertion, quite as
^ The singular supplies, except in Greek, the place of the plural.
PRONOUNS. Igl
distinct as, and fiur more oondse than^ the well known ' cogito,
eigo warn' of the scholastic school. The derivation of the root
ka is obscure.
ist Pkbsok Nohikative Singular.
Primitive (Ursprache) aaam or agham. Whether ay, agh is
the root and Him a termination^ which occurs in Sanskrit too not
im&eqaently, or the initial a is the remainder of the root ma^ and
o^hm stands for ma^hormy is not decided. The primitive ag-am
is represented in Sanskrit by ah-dm^ Or. ^/-<i, .^1. iy^^v^ Lat.
9-0, Goth. ik.
2nd Pbbsok Nominative Sikgxjlaa.
The primitive ink-am is in Sanskrit represented by tvdm [^iur-
m), Gr. (TV for the more ancient and Doric rv. Dor. ana Ep.
rvp-17, BcBot. Toivy where the final v is considered the last rem-
nant of the termination am, of the primitive tu-^m, just as in
fyiv for agam. The Latin tu and the Gothic ^u are the weakened
fonns of Iva.
AccusATivB Singular.
In this, as well as in the remaining cases of the singular^ the
pioper bases of these pronouns become distinctly apparent, i. e.
(0 na, (2) IvGy (3) sva. The primitive language probably used
for the accusatives (1) tna-m, (2) tva-m, (3) sva-m ; so also in San-
sbit the roots ma, tva^ are treated as bases in a and form the
MDsatives (i) md-my (2) ivd-m (enclit. ma, tvd). Oreek (i) i^yA,
M(a) fri, Dor. W for rFi, (3) i, Mo\. Fi=aF4, Horn. i4, pro-
bably for acf €. Characteristic of all these Oreek accusatives is
the loss of the accusative termination m. The Latin accusatives
(i) «/, (a) te, (3) se, for me-m, le-m, tve^m, ee-m, sve^m, seem to
lead us to an original mi-m, tvi^m, svi-^m, where we have the
bases m, tvi and svi, instead of the primitive ma, tva and eva^
as they distinctly appear in the datives ti-bi, H-biy and in the
Umbr. iinom for tu-om, Osc. si^m for su-om. The Gothic also
shows the base ^mi for ^ma^ma-m in the accus. (1) mv-ky where
&e k corresponds to the primitive gay Sansk. gha^ ha^ Or. y€y a
particle of emphatic force, so that mi^k would be represented by
a primitive ^ma-m-gay Or. V^-yc. In the same manner the accus.
(2) \ifrk would be rendered by a primitive ^tu-tn^ga^ (3) ai-k^
9va/''M''g(i,
1S2 TECTOSIC GRAMMAR,
The locttiTe case in the Ur^ndie is fonned by adding the
termination i to the root, (i) ao-f, (2) /ra-t, (3) tra-i. These are
itendered in Sanskrit, ^i^ mth-f-i, (2) iri-yH ; a more ancient
form was (O m/. ^2^; //, /c/, which though originally a locative
came to be chiefly employed as an enclitic form to express the
relations of the goiitire and dative. Gr. (1) l-ino^ M^» (2)
0-0-1= o-fo-i^rfo-c, (3) o£y ioij primitive form laoa-i. In Latin
wanting. Tlie form which in Gothic expresees the rektions of
the dative is supposed to have originally been a locatiYe, so that
the words ^1) ariW, (2) )w^, (3) «w^ are tiie relics of locatives, i. e.
ma-tmim^ /«-M»ia, «ra-Mria.
Datttb SiNoriAB.
Primitive (i) ma-bkiam^ (2) tm-bkiam^ (3) sva^kiam. The suffix
bkiam which we find added to the root is one of the extensions of the
simpler form Mi, a form which in various modifications is applied
to perform the functions of the locative and the dative, in nouns
as well as pronouns. The Sansk. (i) ma-^yam for ^ma-ikyam,
(2) iu-hkyam ; Gr. (i) Dor. ^ylp, (2) Horn, rc-6^, Dor, rlv, (3) kh
(korinna), contracted tr, probably derived from the more ancient
forms ^ifu-ifnv, *re-0u', *€-^u', *-^us being a true dative suffix
in the place of the primitive bhiamy and altogether distinct from
the locative hhl. The Latin (1) tfii^ki=mi'di=mi-6ei; (2) fi-^bi
^fi-bei, (3) 91-61 = si-bei, show the bases «i, fi=tri, and *i=#r/,
which are the weakened forms of the primitive ;;/fl, tca^ sra^ the
inflexional suffix bf, dii, from the primitive b/tiam (eomp. Sansk.
above), which gradually declined to bei{m)y bei, bi{m) (comp. sit
for aiet, self). In Gothic the dative is supplied by the locative.
ABI^iTIVE SlNGl'LAR.
Primitive (1) ma-t, mama-t, (2) tta-t, (3) STa-4. The Sanskrit
forms are identical with these: (1) via-t, (2) tva-ty followed by
the ablative termination fas (i) mat'-taSy (2) ioat-tas (comp. i-^*,
a-tas, from here, from there). In Greek it is wanting: the
termination -^O^v in ifii-Oevy (T€-0ev, e-O^Vy — oUo-dtv is not the
Sanskrit las, but diaSy as in a-d^as, down from. Latin (i) fue-^,
(2) te-d^tve-^^ (3) se-d^sve-d^ which forms are considered regular
ablatives (for ^mei-d^ ^iei-d, ^sei-d) of the Latin bases mi, ti, ii.
Gothic wanting.
f
PRONOUNS. 183
Genitive Singular.
The primitive language is supposed to have at an early period
formed this case by means of the reduplication of the root^
(i) mar9, tnanui'^, (2) iva^, tvatvas. The Sanskrit drops the
case termination: (i) mama^ (2) tava, Greek (i) ^-/ute-io =
MOr^Gf with the usual case suiBSx sya, whence i-fUo by dropping
the sibilant^ and then by contraction : i'fi€v, /xcv, ^-fiov, fjLov ;
{2) r€<y-io=:tava^a, root tava, Gr. t€Fo; from ^tFc-ho it became
^•^o, (Tcv, crov; (3) k~lo =: sva^ya, hence ?o, ci, oS. The Doric
forms, such as i^iiost iiitvs, ifMvsy add the genitive termination s
k> the old genitive. The genuine genitive is wanting in Latin^
*nd its functions are performed by the genitive of the possessive
pronouns mei, tut, »ui, for ^me~io^ ^tovo^ ^*apt>,= primitive ma-ya,
^^•^ntt, sa-va, (Compare the Latin tuu8=^^tovo^y ^tevo-s with the
f^^ek T€F6-!fy iuus=^sovo^, ^sevo^, Gr. kF6s.) The Gothic forms
fj* i meina^ (2) yeina^ (3) seina are considered of a more recent
^^^mation, having no connexion with the primitive mana^ mama^
^"^t originating perhaps in the plural genitive of an adjective
(Compare Latin mei^ &c.)
Instrumental Singular.
Its existence in the Ursprache is uncertain, the Sanskrit forms
(1) morya^ (2) tvorya. The Greek, Latin, and Gothic lan-
guages are devoid of these forms.
Plural.
The base of the plural pronouns is in its origin perhaps
nothing but a compound of the bases for the pronouns of the
1st and 2nd singular with the sufBx srna : (i) masma^ (2) tvor^ma
(ma^&ma^ 'I and he,** fva-sma, * thou and he^). As to the termi-
nations, it is doubtful whether to these bases were joined the
usual case suffixes of the plural, or those of the pronominal
declension, or those of the singular ; and on the whole the termi-
nations are of minor importance in the formation of the plural
of the personal pronoun where the modifications of the root im-
print a peculiar character on the different languages : Sansk.
(i) asma, (2) yu-sAma, where the a and yu are considered to be the
remains of the primitive ma and tva. The case suffixes are partly
tliose of the plural, partly of the singular.
In Greek all the plural bases are treated as themes in i ; they
are (1) primitive asma-, hence icrfxi, from which by assimilation
184 TECTOX/C GRAMMAR.
the .£ol. afific-, dfi^ and the uscml fonn $fu- for M/u; (2}
mitive jrir<^M<i-, whence futmi^^ .Sol. v/«|i€-, w«-, and the
men #fu-, where the vowel is lengthened on acconnt of the i
of s (comp. €^u for ^cctu), and the spirant jr is replaced
The nominatives (i) ^^w, (2) viicw, (3) cr^cw, are legalar /bma-
tions of themes in f\ while the .Eol. ^fificv, Dor. o/m^, &c., showtb
same termination with the vowel shortened^ i. e. €s instead of m^
€19. Tlie accusatives ^fias, &c., are the contracted forms of ij^
&c., and regular themes in 1 (primitive ^a^may^ns), Hie .£flL
aixii€, &c., is formed analogously to the sing, ijlii. The dat JE/L
imii{v) and the common rifup are in analogy to the dal sing.
c/AUs primitive (umi^Aj^am, whence *amu-Ht>u*, &c. (r^-Hri(p} is of
course the common locative dative. The genitives .^^1. iiifiMt
^/i€i-«i>r^ ^fii^iav, are regular transformations of the primitiie
asmajf^am. The bases of the and and 3rd persons follow a similir
course.
The Lat. (1) nd9, (2) r^^ seem to have introduced an in(Ny
ganic 6 in place of a more ancient n^, r^, which would slridily
cori*espond to the Sansk. na9 and r<M. The datives and ablatives
(1) nobUy (2) robis, have the plural in bi^ like tibi, where iisiei
stands for the primitive bh^am^; to and no for vo9^ t8-s, and no9,
ud'S (comp. noS'fer, rosier), and these are the remains of no-'tmo,
vo^mo ; so that no^is, vo^is, stand for the more ancient ^nSf-
bei'is, ^ ro9'bel'i8 {s dropped before b and compensated for by the
production of the vowel), primitive ^ ma-sma-ihyam-^y ^ima-^na-
bhifam^. The ^^enitives (1) nos-tru^m, noi-tri, (2) vos-iru-m, ro#-
fri, are pronominal adjectives in fero, the primitive suffix fara,
chiefly used in the formation of comparatives ; the genitives in i
have the singular, those in um the plural termination, the latter
being sometimes replaced in Plautus by onim, e. g. nosirorum for
nosh'iim, primitive forms ^ 7na'Sma-taram^ ^ tvasma-iaram.
Goth. nom. (1 ) rm, plural of a base in i, t?/-, perhaps for i»/, ma,
(2) jus. The accus. and dat. (i) unsis, nns (abbreviated form),
(2) izvHs, where s seems to stand in analogy to that of the dat.
sing., and the themes (i) laisi, (2) izvi, are considered inversions of
the original (1) ma-sfjia, (2) Iva-sma, The genitives (1) unsara^
(2) izvara, are adjective stems in the same inflexional case as the
sing, meina, &c., that is, most likely, the genitive plural.
The Dual.
Sanskrit (1) base, ^r«-, (2) base, yuva-^ which are treated as
if they were feminine. These bases arc thought to be the muti-
lated forms of the more primitive ^via-dva-, ^tva-dca-; the a and
PRONOUNS. 185
ftt ihe beginning of the dual bases would then be the remains
the pronouns ma and tva^ and va might very likely be the
ated numeral dva (two). Greek (i) nom. and aceus. vd,
a base vi»- : rSi seems to be formed in analogy to the dative.
[%)<r^^ probably from a more ancient ^rFfa, with cnftiaij seems to
'.m an analogon to (3) (r<^^^ which consists of (r</>a>-^ as the base^
nd -€ a new dual termination^ as we find with the substantives.
lathe dat. and gen. (i) v^^iv, (2) (r<^cS-«', (3) ac^ou-fi;, we have
"tte termination -«^==-<^ti^, corresponding to the Sanskrit bhydm,
Inse bhi. In Latin the dual is wanting.
Gothic nom. (i) w-^; vi- is the pronominal base (comp. nom.
phr. vei^\ and the -t is the relic of the numeral tva (two);
(3) does not occur in the documents, but in analogy to the Old
Norse it may have been i'-t^ju-t, which would be formed simi-
larly to the 1st person, the -l being the numeral Iva, and the i-
the remnant of the pronoun ju- (comp. 2nd plur. Jus). In the
dat. and accus. (i) ugki-s^ (2) igk-vis, the -« is the same termi-
nation as in the dat. sing, and plur. The origin of the bases
ugii-f igivi' is obscure ; they are considered as being of a more
recent formation. Gren. (i) ugha-ray (2) igkva-ra have the same
termination as the plur. (i) unsa-ra, (2) izva-ra. From this simi-
larity between the dual and plural forms it will appear that the
former is not organic, but merely an inflexional modification of
the plural, since, according to Bopp, the dual and plural bases
are the mutilated remains of one and the same suffix which was
originally used in the plural only, and later on came to be applied
to express the dual, i. e. sma, which by metathesis becomes in
the plural msa=Teut, nsi, and in the dual 7n/ia =Teut. nki.
We cannot more aptly conclude this chapter than by quoting
a remark made by Schleicher with regard to these pronouns : —
* On reviewing,' he says, ' the bases of the personal pronouns which
differ so widely in the various languages, it becomes evident that
here we have not to deal with changes occurring in accordance
with phonetic laws, but with more or less arbitrary commuta-
tions. It appears as though the different languages had avoided
the distinct expression of the bases of the ist and 2nd persons,
a fact in which we may perhaps recognise a kind of euphemism
such as is often manifested in languages by a squeamishness
which shrinks from pronouncing the ' ego' and * tu.' (Schleicher,
p. 657. Anm.)
186
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
TABLE OF THE OLD TEUTONIC PERSONAL PRONOUNS.
I8t Perion.
SINGULAR.
I.
Gothic.
2.
A. 8.
3-
O.8.
4-
O.Fris.
5-
O. ILGerm.
6.
O.None.
Nom. ik
Gen. nuina
Dat. mis
Accus. mik
ic
min
MM
meCf me
ie
min
mi
mie, tni
ft
min
mi
mi
iktfhka)
mir
mik
A
mik
DUAL.
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Accus.
tit
ugkara
ugkit
uykia
wit
uncer
unc
uncitf unc
wit
uneero
wne
unc
...
• . •
...
. « •
imdicM*
^unek
^unek
ckkar
okkr
okkr
PLURAL.
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Accus.
veit
unsara
unsiSf uns
unsis, UHS
ux
fUser {Urt)
Us
dsic, us
wit we
user
us
wi
user
4s
us
uns
var{t
om
OSS
ind Person,
SINGULAR.
Nom.
(ion.
Dat.
Accus.
|»«iMa
Pik
]>%n
K
\>cc, \>c
thu
thin
thi
thic, thi
thu
thin
thi
tM
du, du
din
dir
dik
\nn
Per
Pik
DUAL.
Nom. ^JHt
(icn. itjqara
Dat. i'jqis
Accus. iiiqis
Nom. j\ts
Gen. izvara
Dat. izvtH
Accus. isvis
git
incer
inc
incii, inc
git
^incero
inc
inc
...
• . *
...
...
^jiz, iz
Hnckar
Unck
Hnck
it,\^
ykkar
ykkr
ykhr
PLURAL.
#-
9C
cower
e/no
coiciCf cow
9h 9^
iwar
iu
iu
iy gi
iuwer
iu, io
iu, io
icr, ir
iwar
iu
iwik
er^ per
yfJr
187
Dual wanting.
Notii.
PLURAL.
(siht ng, sic)
(sih, tig, ne)
»ih
sin
ser
sik
• EWARKS ON THE PRONOUNS IN THE OLD TEUTONIC
LANGUAGES.
Concerning the primitive forms of the Teutonic pronouns, and
; ft« idation of the latter to the pronouns of the cognate lan-
pMges, we must refer to the remarks we advanced on the proper
<*CttHHL (See p. 1 80 sqq.) Here we have to add a few words
ad/ in explanation of some unusual forms which occur in the
iusent Teutonic dialects.
Oothic The nom. dual 2nd person^ which does not occur in
fte docaments, has been set down as Jul in analogy to the plur.
/9i,9Bwe find nom. dual ist person vit analogous to the plur.
iwir. y»- in Jul, Jus is the softening of the sing, base ]?u, and veis
the extension of the root vi ; the I in Jul, vil is the dual termi-
ottion from Iva (Sansk. dca), two. The accus. plur. ist and 2nd
penons are anomalous, which, instead of selecting the forms
identical with the dative, should, in analogy to the A. S. ilsic,
eSmCf and the O. H. Germ, unsih, iwih, be in Goth, unaik, izvik.
Old High Oerman. wir and ir arc sometimes marked as long
on account of the corresponding veis and Jv^ in Gothic ; but
in later Old High German the i of the nom. plur. mr, ir is short.
The gen. plur. and dual ends in er as well as ar. Instead of
koeff imh, there occurs iuwer, iuwiA, and again for iu and iuwik
we find eu, euwiA, The dual forms, with the exception of
188
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
umcAar, which alone ocean in the docomentei, are GFrimm's con-
stractions.
Anglo-Saxon. The most ancient docaments only have the
accusatiyes MeCyb€c, utie, e6wic; in later times the accns. is iden-
tical with the oat me^ ye, &c. Very remarkable is the accm*
dual (2) iMcii, which occurs in Csedmon^ and according to which
we may presume an accus. dual (i) uncU. The forms ^Uer, 4$,
of Anglo-Saxon and other Low German dialects come from
un^er, tms, ninth elision of the n before 8. (Concerning the elision
in Anglo-Saxon of the n before "S^/^ and s, see the respective
letters.) And for the more ancient tlser we find in later Anglo-
Saxon fire, with transition of s into r. The Gothic spirant J in
Jul is hardened into the media ^ in the Saxon ^t; but in the
oblique cases, in Gothic as well as in Saxon^ the J is vocalized
into f ^ and in e^wic the i is lengthened into the diphthong ed.
From what we have stated it wiU become evident that Anglo-
Saxon has in some cases of the pronoun more ancient forms tiban
even the Gothic.
Old Norse. The vdr, vor, or, of the gen. plur. ist pers. stand
in the same relation to a more ancient assar or osar^ as the A. S.
ure to user. In oiJkar, ykkar, &c., the n preceding the k, as in
Goth, ugkar^ A. S. uncer, O. H. Germ, unckar, is assimilated to
the k, and thus forms the gemination kk.
All other modifications in the various dialects will easily be
explained by a reference to the Phonetic Laws.
TABLE OF PERSONAL PRONOUNS IN THE MIDDLE AND NEW
TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
isC Person,
SINGULAR.
1.
M. 11. Germ.
Nom. ich
Gen. min
Dat. mir
Accus. mick
2.
N.n.G.
3-
O.E.
4-
N.E.
5
M.D.
6.
Dutch.
7.
Swed.
ich
ich
I
•
tc
ik
jag
mein
mill
mine
miuM
mijju
• m
mtr
mxch
me
me
me
me
mi
mi
mtj
mtg
mig
s.
Danish.
• •
mip {me\
mig {me)
Nom. tvir
Gen. unscr
Dat. una
Acrus. unHch (Uns)
PLURAL.
wir
tec
we
wi
u?y
VI
tinser
ours
ours
onser
omer
. •
uns
us
us
ons
ons
OSS
vn$
»(■"
HS
ons
ons
OSS
vGres
at
0$
PRONOUNS,
189
2nd Person.
SIKOULAB.
I.
3.
3-
4-
5-
6.
7-
8.
H.H.G.
N. H. 6.
p.B.
N.E.
M.D.
Dutch.
Swed.
Danish.
Nom.
dii
dM
Ixm
ihou
du
singular
du
du
GCB.
dim
detn
K»
ihint
dim
wanting,
• •
• •
D^
dir
dtr
1»«
thee
di
plur. used
dig
dig
dieh
dick
>«
thee
di
in its place.
dig
dig
Nom.
ir
iuwer
iu
iueh
PLURAL.
Ir
yhe
ye, you
ghi
• •
9^3
i
euer
tfhoun
youn
h4wer
uwer
. .
eueh
yhou
you
U
u
eder^Sr
eueh
yhou
you
U
u
ider, ir
i
eders
eder (jer)
eder (jer)
I« om.
Gen. ills
Dai.
Aocut. ficA
Gen*
Dai.
Aocns.
tick
8i€h
tick
yd Person,
SINGULAR.
wanting.
• •
• •
• •
tins
zijna
• ■
• •
zich
ng
• •
tick
8ig
PLURAL.
wanting.
zieh
sig
Big
tig
tih
tig
Note, — ^The personal pronouns display more tenacity in the
preservation of their ancient inflexional forms than any other
species of words. This is a phenomenon which we observe
among other tribes of languages also. The Romance tongues,
which have greatly mutilated and mostly dropped the inflexional
forms of their ancient mother, the Latin, in the declension of
the noun, were far more conservative in the sphere of the pro-
noun, where many of the inflexional forms were retained. One
of the main characteristics of the modem Teutonic, especially
German forms, is the lengthening of the vowels in some of the
oblique cases, as niir, toir, for the ancient tntr, wlr; the dropping
of final consonants, as the English / for ic (Germ, ich), me for mec
(Germ, mich), botii forms being used in Anglo-Saxon already.
For the ancient genitive form mine, thine, modem English pre-
fers the new formation of me, &c. ; German uses the inorganic
formation meiner by the side of m^in^ the latter occurring rarely,
190 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
except in poetry. The English me, theCy has lost its force as ■
dative^ and consequently designates that relation by meaiui
the preposition to^ to me, to thee. All other pecuIiaritieB ^
student will be able to explain by applying to the phonetic hem
of vowels and consonants.
ADJECTIVE PRONOUNS.
Pronominal Bases.
Sansk. ta^ fern, td (he^ this^ that)^ Goth, tha^ fern. thS. From
the same base are derived the Lat. talis, tantne, tot ; further f»-to
for ia-to-Sy Gk. av-ro-y, ot-ro-s. The Sanskrit demonstratives M,
sd, tat, Goth, sa, aS^ ifata, Gk. 6, ^, rd, where in the masculine
and feminine the root ta is replaced by a pronominal root 9a,
which is used in no other case, sa stands for sa-s, as Gr. 6 for
i'i, the case-sign of the nom. sing, being easily dropped. (Comp.
Lat. Ut^ for isto-Sy ipse for ipso-s, qui and qui-s,)
Sansk. sya — tya-zztu-yay consisting of ta and a relative base^a
and occurring only in the nom. sing., Goth, si, O. H. G^rm. ««.
Til is base is of greater importance for Old High German, which
derives its definite article from it (diu from ty(C)y while Gothic
uses the base ta for that purpose. The O. H. Germ, der, des,
&c., Bopp considers to come from the older forms dyar, dyas.
Remnants in Old High German of the base ta we have perhaps
in r/<7| (hoc) and de for fl?/^= Sansk. te^ Goth, thai.
The base i is used in Latin to form the pronoun of the 3rd
pers. sing, is (he), and in Sanskrit for the demonstrative tki^, and
adverbs only, as it'as (from here). This base is in Latin length-
ened by an inorganic 0 or n, and weakened into e, and conse-
quently passes from the third into the second declension, using
the forms euniy eo^ eonimy instead of iniy i, ivniy while in Gk)thic
it remains intact, as accus. sing. Goth, ina, Lat. etim; accus.
plur. Goth, ins, Lat. eos. As in Sanskrit a so is d in Gothic * the
fulcrum of the feminine base^ (Bopp), and the base * is thus
extended into fem. ijo (=?-f (/), accus. ija, plur. nom. and accus.
ijos.
Deserving of special mention is the combination of the radical
base i with the radical base ta, both ha^^ng the force of demon-
strative pronouns. The pronominal root fa we have met already
in the Sansk. ta-t, the neuter of the demonstrative sa ; Goth.
J?^-/^, the neuter of sa, and Gr. to (=^to-t), the neuter of 6.
PRONOUNS. 191
neuier root, if we may use the term, is employed in most
^inmoiiiis for the formation of the neuter gender (comp. Lat. i-Sy
[■•*rf| fuU^y qui'd, aliurdy Utu-d, quo^d). In Gothic this neuter i
Vtt been sheltered as it were by the adoption of the final vowel
tjM )^a-^-a=prim. ta-t; i~Ua=:i-t. (The t is dropped in Ava,
quod, =rprim. ia-f). The importance of this fact will become
nu)ie evident when we treat on the declension of the substan-
tives. The Gothic relative particle ei is by GWmm derived
direct from the base t, by Bopp from the relative particle
Sansk. ya, though the latter too admits that the Sansk. relative
fcweya is to be traced to the demonstrative base i. (Concerning
^he application in Gothic of this relative suffix ei, see Relative
I^ronouns.)
The demonstrative base ana with the comparative suffix tara
^e have in the Sansk. antara (alius), Goth. an}fara (alius, alter,
^eeandns), as well as in the Lat. al-ter and al4n9 (where the
liquid / replaces the liquid n).
• The relative root ya we find in the Sansk. yas, yd, yal, 6r. Sy,
i7i 8, the Gothic adjective sufiix jia, ja, jata^, and, as mentioned
alrrady, probablv in the Gothic ei too.
As interrogative bases we may mention three : ka^ ku, ki — the
two latter owing their existence to the modification of the vowel
a of the first. The root ka appears in the prim, ka-^, neut. ka-4
{quia, quid; qui, quod); in Greek under the form tto, Ionic ko,
as ir(Pr€=jc(f-re, 'R'c^s=icfi^9i 1101-05:= Koi-oy; Lat. quo, quo-d, &c.
The Grothic form shows, in accordance to Grimm^ law, initial k
for the prim, k, hence Goth. Ava (quod). (Comp. O. S. Aua-^y
O. H. G^rm. Aua^^.)
The root ku may be recognised in the Sanskrit adverbs ku-tra,
where ; ku-ias, whence ; perhaps too in the Latin cu^'us, cu-i^ if
these forms are considered as ancient as quo-iua, quo-i; but it
is more likely that cu is a later modification of qifOy in the same
manner as cunde, cubi (ubi), in ali-cunde, ali-cubi of an earlier
quonde, quobi.
The base ki is easily discovered in the Sansk. kirm (what), the
Lat. j^f-«, qui-^, and Ai~c (-c is the enclitic particle of emphasis
etf=w. ye), where the primitive k has been supplanted by the
spirant A^ a fact which occurs even in Sanskrit. This base kiy
modified according to Grimm's law into Ai, appears also in the
Gothic Aimnuiy Aina, adv. Aita, but only in certain combinations,
as Aimma daga (hoc die, to-day), whilst Anglo-Saxon and Old
Frisian use it regularly in the formation of the demonstrative
* For the declension of this demonstrative suffix see under the strong declension
of the adjective in Gothic.
192 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
pronoun (see below). In Old High Oerman its application is
restricted to certain combinations where it appears as the instru-
mental hiuy e. g. hiu-jdru (M.H. Germ, hiure, N. Germ, heuer),
this year, hoc-anno ; hiu-tagH (M. H. Germ, hiute^ Germ, heute),
to-day (comp. hoodie ^ hodie) ; kiu-naht (M. H. Germ, hiunte,
Germ, heunt), this nighty hac-nocte.
As to the declension of these pronouns in the cognate lan-
guages few words must suffice^ their inflexional changes in the
Teutonic languages receiving special attention hereafter.
The nom. sing, takes -«, which is the termination of the same
case in the declension of nouns. (Concerning the derivation of this
inflexional -«, see the declension of nouns.) Thus Sansk. ka-^^
who^ sa-^ (and sa), is, ipse. The case-sign s is dropped in Greek
and Gothic : 6=0-0^ Goth, sa, for 0-09, Goth. 909. In Latin also the
case-sign is wanting in is^te for ^U-to^ and in several other pro-
nouns. The accus. sing, has the nominal termination am, except in
Gothic^ where the m has been changed into «, which is preserved
from elision by a final a it has adopted^ hence ^a-n-a from ^pa-i^^
and this from the primitive ta~m. The nom. and accus. neut. are
formed by the suiBSx /=/^, a demonstrative root. Examples: —
Sansk. ta~l (id), ia-l (q^id); in Gr. t6 for ^ro-r it has been
dropped. In the Lat. u-tu-d, i-d, qui^, quo-d^ the d stands for
the primitive t\ and in the Goth, ^a-iniy i-tni, the t has been
preserved by the addition of the vowel a.
The termination of the nom. plur. in its primitive form was
^ta-i^ which may be the remnant only of a full form ^ta-i-sa9 {fa,
the demonstrative root, sas the plur. termination as in the de-
clension of nouns). The primitive termination is preserved in its
original form only in the Goth. ]>ai, whilst in the Sansk. t^, the
Lat. qui, Ai=qifei, hei = quels, the Gr. rol (later 01) it appears in
weakened and otherwise modified forms. The nom. and accus.
dual have the 'same inflexions as the nom., so also the accus.
plur. The ablative sing., as well as the locative sing, and dative
sing., is formed by joining to the stem the sufiix sma^ which
probably arose from the demonstrative Ua-ma, a base in -ma-
from the pronominal root sa (hie). The gen. sing. masc. and
neut. originally had the same termination as the noun, that is,
Sansk. and prim, tasya, Gr. roto from ^rocrto, Goth. \fis: the #y
is the remnant of smi=sma (vid. supra).
The gen. plur. has the full termination sdm, Sansk. tdsidm ;
Gro.ek and Latin the same as the noun ; Gothic masc. and neut.
^i-ze, fem. ^i-zo, i. e. ^li-sdm. Dat. sing. prim, and Sansk. /<£-
smdiy from the base tasma- [-^ta-^ sma, vid. supra), which appears
also in the Gothic masc. \amma ;= t^ismdi, fem. }fizai = ti-^vty-^i.
psojroujfs.
The datiTe and ablative plur. have the same inflexions as the
noon, bat Gothic increases the stem by adding > (which in San-
skrit is always added in this case to the nominal stems in a
nuuc and neat), hence Ooth. iiai^m.
TABLE OF OLD TEUTONIC FBONOUNS OP THE sn] PERSON.
Masculine.
SIKOniAB,
Gothic
Anglo-auan.
OldSuon
Old FrisiMi.
O.H.GCTm
Old Norw.
tM. imma
Acctu. ina
llHt
him, -e, -a
Aann
AanHM, Aonutn
ham
PLtTBAL.
Nom. tU
Oon. M
tkL im
fill
Hi
M
tii
Aim, Alam
wutiog.
I •i« Uw, (I I tfo (■&, *C
ini Airi ira, M
Nnt AM ini,M
IHm [Ami,*! |na,*(b*i
PLUHAL.
[ lii I Aid, tt t lit, tit
I M Aira, hiaixt irS
im him. hiam im, hi
Neuter,
Aim (htom) im»{-o) him
1^^
\it, et
inn <-«)
\hla.i»
Afro, Ata
Ihi^m
\iift,lit,tl \
\ir»
\tm,iH
IM TEUTONIC GRAMMAS.
»»WA»g^ £fS TEE PBOKOCSCS OF THB jid FBR80N.
From the prsoedmg table it will become evident that the
different dialects tut oonsiderBblj in the formation of these
pronoons. This Tariation is owing to the diflerent choice the
diakets haTe made out of the Tarioos demonstrative bases which
we haTe just examined. The Gothic chose for all cases, with
the exception cf one, the demonstratiTe base J, which it occasion-
allj lengthened into ija ; the simple forms in t it has in common
with OM High German and Old Saxon, hot instead of the
lengthened base iJa the latter dialects nse an altogether difierent
base, the demonstratiTe si (comp. Sansk. sa, sd, Groth. $a, 96,
A. S. «f, seoj &e.), which occurs, thoogh in a rather mutilated
form, in Gothic too, si, fem. of is. Bat in Old High German
and Old Saxon oat of tiiis base all the cases are formed which
Gothic deduces from ija, the lengthened form of the base 1;
hence O. H. Germ., O. S. fem. siu, plur. siS, sid. &c. The Anglo-
Saxon and Old Frisian again have a base of their own out of
which they construe their pronouns of the 3rd person. Their
base is the demonstrative ii, which, as we have seen before,
stands for the prim. Jti, ia, and yields in Latin the demonstrative
pronoun ^i{c), k^c), ko{c). Old Saxon also makes use of it in
the nom. sing. masc. of the 3rd person, whilst Gk>thie and Old
High German use it in but few isolated cases which we have
mentioned already. From these forms deviates the Old Norse
han- again, which however is used only in the sing. masc. hann,
and fem. hon, while all other cases are wanting. Old Frisian
and Old High German supply the genitive by the genitive of the
Sjrs. pron. of the 3rd pers. ««, whilst, vice versa, we see in later
alects the demonstrative of the 3rd pers. supplying the pers.
pronoun of the 3rd person. The word man in Gothic is used
merely in the sense of ' homo^, but in all other dialects we find
it already in the sense of the German 'man^, French 'on'.
To recapitulate then, we have in Gothic the demonstrative
base iy except in the nom. sing. fem. the demonstrative si.
In Old High German the demonstrative base i occurs in all
those cases which have in Gothic the simple base 1, but si in
all those cases which in Gothic show the lengthened form
ija of the base ^. The Old High German gen. sing, masc
is supplied by the gen. of the 3rd pers. pron. dn.
Old Saxon uses the base i in the same cases as Old High
German, except the nom. sing. masc. where it prefers the
PRONOUNS.
196
demonstrative hii the base H is employed as in Old High
German.
Anglo-Saxon makes use of the demonstrative hi throughout.
Old Frisian the same as Anelo-Saxon^ except in the gen. sing.
masc. and neut., where it uses the gen. of the 3rd pers.
pron. sin, like Old High Oerman; in the nom. plur.
throughout, and in the nom. sing, fem., we find by the side
of hi the base 9% as weU.
Old Norse stands isolated in its pronominal forms hann^ fem.
hon (hun).
TABLE OF BflDDLE AND NEW TEUTONIC PBONOUNS OF THE
3rd PERSON.
Masculine.
SINOULAB.
I.
M.H.O.
€T
Nom.
Gen.
Dat
Aocos. Ml
4.
N.H.6.
In'
Old Engl.
he
him
4.
,S.
6.
7.
N.E.
M.Du.
Dutch.
Swed.
U
hi
^
han
• •
• .
. .
hone
Kim
htm
hem
honom
him
htai
hem
honom
8.
Danish.
han
hOM
harnQM/nnem)
ham
Nom.
tim.
Accm.
tie
tr
tn
tie
tie
irer^
fneA
fie
Aeo, H >e>
hir
hem, Jkuii
hem, ])o, )KMfi
PLURAL.
they
them
them
hiur
hen
H
hvmner
hun
eig
wanting.
Feminine.
SINOULAB.
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Accns.
fie
fie
f<e
§rtr
It
He
heo {echo)
• •
hire {hir)
hire (Mr)
ihe
foe
«>
h^
• •
haer
hdn
AeiMief
her
haer
har
Aenne
her
•
ft
hdr
AeiiMe
Attn
hendee
hende
htnde
xioni.
Cron.
Dst.
Aocm.
fie
tr
lit
fie
f<e
Wer
Ifieit
f<e
heoy hiy )>el
hir
hem, ^am
hem,^,\am
PLURAL.
they
ihem
ihem
H
haer
hen
ft
2^
hSkrer
Aar
wanting.
1 C!ommon spelling^ ihm^ ihn, ihrer, &c.
O 2
19f>
TEU TOXIC GRAMMAR.
a.
M.HG.
N.H G,
5. i 4- : 5.
OUEttfL :N.B.]f.D.
1 1
6.
Dafedi.
Swcd.
8.
Daniflh.
Nam.
Gm.
• •
'kirn
m •
••
hem
wantini^.
▲draft
*?
«
PLUHAL.
Xom.
Gn
9H
m
•
irrr
%mfm
1 A^A. AC pn
ftfli
A«iM€r
Aim
wanting.
ACTBft
tit
Mf
«&
OF THE 314 PERSON.
In Old and Xew En^ish ibe Anglo-Saxon ie (Jki) remains-
thiougfaout ; but in Old Englisii we find by the side of the
Anglo-Saxon iA> a feminine 9cio, which mar have been intro-
du<>ed into English through tbe Old Saxon M, or the Old Norse
/IT, and which gain? the supremacy over ieo in the Middle Eng-
lish *'/!<•. New English $if. The Anglo-Saxon genitives of the
sing. iif>, tire, disappear in Old English. The dative and accu-
sative ^Alm, Aine, kc,^ hegin already in late Anglo-Saxon to l)e
mixed up, and in Old English the dative has expelled the accu-
sative and usurped its place. In order then to distinguish
between Jihn, the accusative, and iim^ the dative^ it became neces-
sary to intrcKluce a new sign for the dative which presented itself
in the preposition fo. Old English however continued to use
iim for the dative neuter until New English did away with this
dative also and supplanted it bv the accusative joined to the dative
sign to. The plur. Ai and its derivative cases have been supplanted
in late Anglo-Saxon already by the demonstrative 9e Q^e),
The Middle High German pronoun is the regular derivative
of the Old High German^ no other changes having taken place
than the weakening or apoc-ope of final vowels, as m, M. H.
Grerm. fem. nom. sing, for O. H. Germ. Ww {siu rare in M. H,
Germ.), ir M. H. Germ. gen. plur. for O. H. (Jerm. in?. These
pronominal forms have been more seriously affected in their
transition into New High German. All organically short vowels
PRONOUNS.
197
have been lengthened, hence er, im (lAm), in (lAn), for M. H.
Germ. ^, Im, in. The dat. plur. N. H. Germ, inen {iAnen) is an
inorganic form for the M. H. Germ, in, O. H. Germ, im, in, with
which it has no affinity^ but it reminds one rather of the O. H.
Germ, accus. sing, inan. In the neut. sing. nom. and accus. we
write erroneously s for f, in the place of the M. H. Germ, and
O. H. Germ. j. The gen. sing. neut. M. H. Germ, es, O. H.
Germ, is, es^naa disappeared altogether and is, like the gen.
sing, masc., replaced by the 3rd pers. pron. or reflective, aein,
seiner.
The Middle Dutch dat. plur. Aen is still used in New Dutch
in the place of the inorganic Aun, and gen. plur. Aaarer instead
of Aunner,
The Swedish and Danish forms are the direct and organic
representatives of the Old Norse.
TABLE OF OLD TEUTONIC POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS.
Gk>thio.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Old High German.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Old Norse.
Blase.
Fem.
8nfG.
Neut.
xst mdn$
and >e»4U
3rd tftnt
meina
tneinata
^eincUa
ieinata
minSr
dinir
tiner
minu
dinu
sinu
mina^
dina^
»ina^
III
min
^n
•in
Dual.
I8t vgktxr
and igqar
ugkara
igqara
ugkar
igqar
^
granting.
oktar
ykkar
okkwr
ykkur
Pluk.
1st vntar
and ^
vnaara
(ranting
unaar
•
ufuarir
iwarir
unsaru
iwaru
unaara^
iwara}
var
vtirr
y^wr
nUtt
yiu
HU
ohkart
ykkart
vart
j^art
Note.-^The Old High German dialect already in the neut.
sing, prefers the undeclined to the declined forms^ hence min,
din, nn, and these undeclined forms are used in all the dialects
except those already mentioned. Hence we have to complete
our table as follows : —
Old Saxon.
Anglo-Saxon.
Old Frisian.
ISt
Sing, min
Dnai vfioi
Plur. ^a
and
thin
inca
iwa
3rd
• •
• t
1st
min
wncer
Hitr (lire)
and
\nn
incer
edwtr
3rd
tin
. .
1st
min
wani
J unter {4ae) 1
I (««•) 1
and
thin
ting.
iwoer
ittwer
3rf
Bin
• •
• •
IM
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
TABLl OF MIDDU AND
TBUTONIC P08SE88IVB PBONO0>^
A* QWB*
IfC
«wl 3rd
H^« H« Quriii*
ifi
wneim
%mwtr
and
yd
Old Sngluli.
lit
and
Sfd
HewXni^iah.
5^.
ind
3«d
Ait, Acr(4y iU
(f*Wr(f))
Middlo Botdii.
lit
9iid
3ni
ml*
d(m
j6»
<mt
kA
••
H«w Dttleh.
Swediflh.
and
erfcr
3rd
tSn
JHadBhm
isC
m(ii
v6r
and
f2{i»
ederija)
3rf
Tho form jfrW bv the side of titer appears to be the genitive of5
tho )ws. )^Tv>n. which enoioached upon the original possessive.
Wht^w x^ prxxwU'^ sovoral consonants^ as rr, ffi, it suffers elision,
t'* jf, W'^," lor •AT'Hif , iHrrr for M^rrt, In the most ancient period
of Au>rUv-Sa\on wc And the possess, mm which later on is replaced
bv tho J^nulivc of the pron. of the 3rd pers. {kis, hire, &c.) Old
Nors*^ shortens the mdi^^al vowel of these possessives whenever
the th\;il ^ iussimilates the succeeding consonant, hence masc.
m-H'i .'^ fAit-'^, nout. Hgitizs^miH-t, Instead oi vdr we find also
ro'*'*. ,'••», ju\d in the oldest documents <w^, as 099um (nostro), o^ir
^nostn\ v^o,
TJie iH^ssessive #/a» having originally the signification of the
riMUvtive, it gradiuilly lost its possessive signification and was
n^phuHxl hy the ^nutive of the pronoun of the 3rd person, hence
the A. S. i/\t, hire, Kngl. i/>, her, instead of the more ancient
»tM ; and in the same manner the Dutch hoar (her) from the
gen. hiirs; further the if. H. Germ, ir, iriu, ir^, plur. ire, N. H.
Oerm. ir and ire (her and their), from the gen. sing. fern, and
p>u, plur. O. II. Germ. /></. In late Anglo-Saxon already we find
m the place of the plur. heore, here, the genitive of the demon-
starative pep^re, whence the New English possessive Ueir («) ; min,
^in (mine, thine), are shortened into mi, pi (my, thy), but the
complete forms are preserved before a word beginning with a
P MONO UN 8.
199
fowA, €at when they follow after the noun, a rule which may be
Mondered stiU in force in the poetical style of Modern English.
Ibr the neater form kU Modem English introduced its, first spelt
ifi^ as ft neater poflaeasiYe genitive analogous to the possessive
goitive iuotie.
The Swedish and Danish pooocooives require no further expla-
Mtioii when we state that they are the direct derivatives of the
Old NcMTse ponpoanive pronouns. Their genders also, Sw. min,
■MM, miUj Dan. min, mine, mil, will be easily accounted for by
areferenoe to the O. N. minn (=mtM-r) and mitl {=min'f)y which
we have jost examined. In Danish the neuter gender of the
jrd persoDj as also its plural in all genders, are supplied by the
demonstmtiYe pionoun den, del, plur. de.
The New Teatonic pronouns take the inflexions of the strong
deelensiom of the adjective, where they are used as possessive
adjectives, as Germ, mein^ meine, tnein, gen. meines, meiner, fneines;
Dutch mdjn, mijne, mifn^ gen. mijnSy mijner, mijns ; and in the
aune manner Sw. min, mina, mitt, Dan. min^ mine, miL But
where they are used as substantives, and then preceded by the
article, they take the inflexions of the weak declension, as Germ.
ier meine, or meinige^ Dutch de mijne, &c., &c.
DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.
First Demonstrative (is).
Masculine,
SINGULAR.
I.
Suiikr.
9.
Gothic.
3.
Ang.-S«x.
4-
O.N.
5.
Old Suon.
6.
0. FriB.
7-
O. H. Oenn.
ueo. fa«ya
^ tatmmi
Aoeot. tarn
kttar. Uma
Paimma
yama
Pam
pone
M
Pesi
Peim
pann
. •
thie, the, te
ihies thes
themu, thiem
thana, than,
thi, thiu
thi
thes
tham, tha
thene
• •
dir, de, ihie
dee
demu
den
diu,du
Nom. U
Gen. titham
Dat. tebhyoA
Aocoi. <4»
PLURAL.
fU
r«
peir
\ta
para, Pdra
peirra
pcum
pam, pcem
peim
Peme
Iw
l«
ihia, thie, tht tha
thero
thietn, thim
thia, thie
thera
tham, tha
tha
dU. dia, dS
dero
diem, dim
dU, dia, de
200
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Femniue.
sraouLAB.
I. a. ! 3-
Suiskr. Gothic. ' A. 8.
4-
O.N,
5-
Old Saxon.
6.
O.Fru.
7.
O. H.Gcm.
Nob. m i 90 tto
Gen. tofyoA yis^ \mrt
Dw. tetyol ^hai pSrt
Aontt. tern ^ pa
peirrar
ytil'Ft
Aiu^Ae
Aera,-M
Aia,A€
Aim
Aen
Aert
Aa
dira, dmm
dintf dira
dia,di€,di
Non.
Ocn.
PLURAL.
foA
\>Ab
i«
)«r
fdJOM
M
^ro
Jftftti
caMyoA
^M
N«
M«
<aA
y^
l«
)»r
fA»a,a€
Aa
diot dia, dS
lA€ro
Aara
dSro
tiU«
Aaw^Ad
dUm^dim
Aiu
Aa
diS,tUa,di
Neut^.
SINQULAB.
Nom.
UU
^a
Nil i
)»<
tMat,tke
Aet
da}
Gen.
tatya
W»
pas
t«M
tkOB
tka
dM
Dmt.
tatmai
|ia«jiia
Jum
►"•
fAanHtfAcm
tkoMftha
dimu
Aocua.
tai
\iaia
\»t
pat
fAof
AH
dM
Instr.
tina
W
V^.Yi
Aiu, tkio
tkiia
diu^du
PLURi
kU
Nom.
tani
h5
: ^
Vau
Aiu, Aia
tka
diu, die
G«n.
tfiJiAm
: \>izt
1 Inra
thero
tkera
diro
Dmt.
tibkifah
^Ullll
\^IH
]feim
tkem
tkam^tha
diim, dem
Accus.
tani
M
r«
N»
Aim. Aia
tka
diuydie
"We have to deal with three demonstratiTes which, accord-
ing to their meaning, answer to the Lat. w. He, and if^, Gr.
aifTos, ovTosy and iK€Lvos. The first of these is derived from the
demonstrative base fa, concerning which we must refer the student
to preceding paragraphs. The Gothic 8a, s6, jwiAi, and its declen-
sion will, after our previous remarks, offer no difficulties to the
student. As to the corresponding forms in O. H. G^rm. flfe'r,
diu, daXy the masc. de-r might be explained so that d€ represents
the primitive ta (O. H. Germ, d for Sansk. i according to
Grimm's law, and e the weakening of a), and r is the termina-
tional s, so that the analogous form of O. H. Germ, der would be
Goth. J?M. But as to the O. H. Grerm. fem. diu we are inclined
with Bopp to refer it to the double base, Sansk. ^ya^itj^a^ita^j^a,
consisting of the demonstrative ta and the relative base ya, so
that the O. H. Germ, diu stands for an ancient fya. The O. H.
rJCitFi^rFE
TABU or umaassiKiXTri >9c
j!n»UE:2. *j^a
nf:/ir«
OX If
Km
DM.
G«.
DM.
d^
Ok 'i«*
<^
fi^r-
Or- «i«9i'
'>-
ba
f^si. *j0a
<««
CCk
V. 'i**
C»»
*:*:,n.u^
fiir-y-.-i
fu
D^
6C^
202
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
PLURAL.
.*.■"
1.
M.H.G.
Nom. dU
Gen. der
Dat. dm
Aocns. dM
Nom. dan
Gen. de»
Dat. dem
Accns. da^
Nom. ditt
Gen. der
Dat. (ien
Accus. diu
a.
N.H.Ger.
3-
O.E.
die
der, dertn
den
die
K)«<
das
det, desien
dem
dm
N. Engl.
the, that
5
M.Du.
die
der
den
die
Neuter.
8IKOTJLAB.
dot
det
den
dot
PLURAL.
6.
New Dutch.
de, die
der, diet
den, dien
de, die
7-
Swedish.
de
tUrae
dem
de
8.
de
dim
{kei)diU
dee, dien*
den, dien
Qiei)dat
dA
det»,de98
dd
dd
dU
• •
• •
die
de,die
de
der, dertn
• •
• •
der
der, dier
diroM
den
• •
• •
den
den, dien
dem
die
• •
• •
die
de, die
de
da
deU
da
da
de
diree
dem
de
REMARKS ON THE NEW TEUTONIC DBMON8TRATIVBS.
This demonstrative in the Middle and New Teutonic dialects
continues to be used as the definite article. But New High
German and New Dutch develope difiPerent forms^ where it has a
demonstrative force. Dutch indeed has a separate declension
for the article and the demonstrative pronoun, though both are
equally derived from the Middle Dutch die, die, dat, so that the
Dutch article is de, de {het), the demonstrative proper die, die^
dat. The article being without a neuter, this gender had to be
supplied by the neuter (het) of the personal pronoun. In Ger-
man the article and the demonstrative pronoun have the same
forms throughout, with the exception of the genitives, where
the demonstrative assumes masc. and neut. dessen by the side of
des, fem. and plur. der€?i by the side of der. The article, more-
over, is unaccented, while the demonstrative always lias an em-
phatic accent. But all these distinctions are rather arbitrary,
and we might designate the article and the demonstrative
pronoun as identical.
As to the Danish and Swedish article we shall have to devote
to this subject a separate chapter hereafter.
The fate of the Anglo-Saxon demonstrative on its course
through Old English and New English deserves a more detailed
notice. In late Anglo-Saxon the nominatives se and se6 dis-
appear, and the use of the pronoun as definite article assists
much in weakening and destroying its inflexional forms. In
order to give a notion of the gradual dissolution of the declen-
PRONOUNS. 203
ikm we subjoin the different inflexional forms in late Anglo-
Saxon^.
SOrOULAJL
FenuidBe. Neater.
Noan. >e, )«
>M, )MW, ^ >00^ >tf, >e
DmL ^CBIft, ^oa, ^mc >oim^ ^oiiik>
AecQS. ^eii€, >aney ><Biie, ^Oh >aiiiw»
Instr. >e
^CN% \€BTt% f€tt, ft
\art% yxTt, ^ire, ft
Geo. umI Dit.
PLUaAL.
Nom. ^a£e. K^t Nt ^
Gen. jMire, ^ere
D»t. )Nm, )Nm, ^en, ^ame, \ctn, ^eom
Accut. ^aU, ^ \ft
From this table it will become evident how the undeclinable
}fe invaded the declension and g^radually supplanted all the in-
flexional forms ; but it was in Old English that the final break
np took place, and the havoc which at that period was made in
aU the grammatical forms of the language can nowhere be better
observed than in the case of this pronoun, The plural nom. )>a»,
yd, and accus. yaim, pern, are detached altogether from the
demonstrative to which they belonged^ and enlisted among the
personal pronouns. The sing, he, ^aly plur. pa, ho, retain their
position as demonstratives^ so that in combination with prepo-
sitions they are used to supply aU cases, e. g. of\fO, of\a (eorum),
to \o, io\a (iis). When used as the definite article this pronoun
in Old English simply sounds \e^ and this \e is undeclinable.
Though we find occasionally inflexional forms of this ^e^ as for
instance the accus. \en, the total absence of all consciousness of
its inflexional value is proved by the fact that this accusative
form is used for the nominative case. The instrumental \e finds
its place before comparatives.
The Middle English preserves the Old English forms, so that
tiei and them are personal pronouns ; the sing, that and the plur.
tho remain demonstrative; the undeclinable article is the, and
the instrumental the keeps its position before comparatives.
The same relation we find in New English : they and them are
personal pronouns, that and thoBe remain demonstrative, the
latter being derived from tho by the addition of the plural « and
final e to indicate the length of the radical vowel. The unde-
clinable article is the, and the instrumental the continues to be
used before comparatives, as * the sooner ihe better.'
» Koch, i. p. 475.
204
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Second Demonstrative (hic)<
Masculine,
SINGULAR.
I.
A.&
a.
Old Baxod.
3.
Old FrisUm.
A
Old None.
5-
0« a* Gnvni*
Nom. ]ie-f
G«n. yiHM
Dat \uum
Accus. \i»ne
thMOB
thetumu
thesan
thii, the$
thiua
Jwwtim
dium
d€$emu
rfliOtt
Nom.
\>as
thesa
Gen.
^issa
thesaro
Dat.
\fi8wn
thissun
Accus.
\ku
theaa
PLURAL.
thiste, theste
thesaera
thiue^ theise
thitse
Feminine.
SINGULAR.
]te8air
^eaaara
pe89um
dia (deal)
deaen> {diro)
detim
deBUdMBi)
Nom. ^e6-8
Gen. ^isie
Dat. \nt9e
ACCUB. ))CU
Nom. Voj
Gen. pista
Dat. pisum
Accus. pat
thesu (thiu$) tfUu-9
thS$ara thUse
thesaru
thesa
thetfa
thesaro
thissun
thesa
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Accus.
Inst.
pises
pisuin
Pis
peos
Nom. pas
Gen. pissa
Dat. pisum
Accus. )^as
thit
thesas
ihesumu
thit
thius
thius
thesaro
thesun
thius
thisse
thisse
PLURAL.
thisse
thessera
thisse
thisse
Neuter.
SINGULAR.
thi't
thissts
tkissa
thit
PLURAL.
thisse
thessera
thisse
thisse
pes'ti
pessarar (pesiar)
peasari (petti)
petta
\>estar
petsara
pestum
petsar
di-tu {dir§iu)
detera
determ
dita
dite (d^^)
desero {ditro)
de»em
detd {dite)
pet'ta
Pessa
pessu
petta
pessi
pessara
pessum
pessi
di-s {di'tzi)
ditaet
destmu
diz (dutzS)
de^u
ditiu
desero
desem
disiu
The demonstrative in Gothic receives emphatic force by add-
ing to the simple pronouns aa, so, hata, the suffix uA, which
drops its vowel afber monosyllabic forms or such as end in a
long vowel ; which however retains its u and absorbs the preceding
PRONOUNS.
205
Towel^ if it follows upon bi-fiyllabic forms ending in a short
Towel: hence Goth, m-h (=«a-vA), iS-h, }fai^h (hie, hffic,
hoe)^ gen. yiz-4iA, ^fizSz-uh, ^iz-^A, &o. In the other dialects
this demonstrative is formed oat of two distinct bases^ tya, the
extension of the demonstrative root ta^ and its relative base &ya,
so that tya-^a would answer to O. H. Germ, di^er, di-su, di-z,
A. S. yes, }fe6s,yi-s, O. N. yessi, yetta. In O. N. ^e-t, the t is
organic for O. H. Germ, z in di-z ; the O. H. Germ, d organic
for the low Germ. lA, The A. S. gen. sing. fem. and gen. plur.
yUse and hissa are inorganic forms standing for ^Mre, ^ura (r
assimilatedf to the preceding 9). The weak forms ]>essi, ^essa, in
Old Norse nom. and gen. sing, are unexpected, as are also the
terminations -arar, -^ri, »ara^ for ^rar^ -ri, -m. This demon-
strative assumes in the Middle and New Teutonic dialects th&
following forms : —
M. H. (ierm.
N*. S« Oonn.
O.Eng.
ir.Eng.
Middle Dutch.
Masc Fem.
Neot.
MaBc.
Fem.
Neat.
Masc.
Fem.
Nent.
. disen
^di§e
. dirre
disc
disiu I dU V diier^ I di$e^
dirre dite$ I discs diser
dirre disemal dUem diser
diss I du II disen \ dtse
dim I duiu
dirre dirre
disen disen
diss disiu
dtses^
dtses
disem
dtses
>M, >ef
thU
dese
de«es
desen
desen
V
dese
dure
desre
dese
dUidiUi
deses
desen
dU
dise
diser
disen
dise
yise, ^ese
these
* •
dese
desre
desen
dese
New Dutch.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Swedish,
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Danish.
Masc.
Fem.
Si NO.
Nom deze
Gen. dezes
Dat. dezen
Ace dezen
Plur.
Nom.
deze
Gen.
dezer
Dat.
dezen
Ace.
deze
desse
dessa
desse
desses
desses
dessa
dessa
dessa
dessa
dessa
desse
disse
dieses
disse
disse
Neat.
deze
dit
denna
denna
deOa
denne
denne
dezer
dezes
dennas
dennw
deltas
dennes
dennes
dezer
dezen
denna
derma
deUa
denne
denne
deze
dU
denna
denna
detta
denne
denne
deUe
dettes
detU
deUe
' Common spelling, dieser, diese, 8cc.
206
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Concerning the Oerman and Dutch pronouns which are regu*
larly derived from Old High Oerman and Middle Dutch we
have no special remarks to make. The Swedish and Danish
pronouns however in the singular of the masculine and feminine
are inorganic forms, probably derived from the simple pronoun
deuy whilst the neuter delta, dette, may be traced to the O. N.
}fetta, or also to the simple pronoun det. The plural is regularly
formed after the O. N. \es9i.
The Anglo-Saxon demonstrative is in Old English already
stripped of all inflexions, and the only remains of the old declen-
sion are the singular forms yU, and the plural be«, \ise, pese,
which in Middle English are sing. tAis^ plur. tkue, tAese^ thes,
theiae. The genitive singular occurring m Wydiffe is remark-
able : yiiis fader, pater ejus ; N. Engl. ihU, plur. theie.
Third Demonstrativb (ille).
This demonstrative is represented only in Oothic, High Grer-
man, and Old Norse, while the Saxon and the Frisian dialects
are deprived of it. In Gothic and Old High German this pro-
noun is declined after the strong adjective declension, in Old
Norse it follows the declension of the numeral einn, ein^ eitt ;
hence Goth, jains, jain-a, jain ata, O. H. Grerm. getirSr, gen-u,
gen-a^, M. H. Germ, jener, Jeniu, jene^y N. H. Grerm. Jener, Jene,
Jenea, Dutch gene (commonly weak declension de gene) ; from it
we have the Anglo-Saxon adverb geond (illic, illuc), whence the
Engl, yony yand, yonder. The Old Norse forms are : —
Singular.
Plural.
Masc. Fern. Neut.
Masc.
Fern.
Neut
Nom. in-n ( = iri-r) in it-t {in « it)
Nom. in-ir
in-fxr.
in
Gren. wi-«, in-nar, ins.
Gen. in-na.
in-na,
inna
&c. &c.
&c.
&c.
Instead of inn, in, illy we also meet enn, en, ell, and in later
documents always hlnny hin, hilL From this pronoun are derived
the Swed. and Dan. hin, hin, hinl, plur. hine, which are used in
the nominative only. When employed as pronominal adjectives,
they take^ like other demonstratives, the genitive sign s. It is
very peculiar that the modern Scandinavian dialects here reject
the Old Norse gemination (hill) which in other words they
commonly adopt, and render the neuter in its primitive form
{hin-l).
PRONOUNS. 207
^ke Suffixed ArtieU in tie Scandiaauian Lai^uagei.
Tiiia Old Noree proDoan ib of more than commoD intereet,
iecaOBe it has first been osed as the suffixed article, which is a
dtancteriBtic feature of the ScandtnaviaD laD^Ma^es up to the
pnent day. The prononn inn, in, ill, in its functton as article
nar |>ra(»de the noun or folJon' after it — form an appenda^ or
aiffiz to it. In the latter case both the noun and jtronoun are
fcdnied, and the t or « of the aoffixed pronoun ia incapable of
tumag TJmlaat. In this combinatioD the following rules are
iaejtA: (i) the deoloinott of the noun remains unaltered, except
flwt in tiw dative plonl •km with -inum becomes -wmum (not -um-
inHs) ; (a) the ladical vowel of the pronoun is always absorbed
\ij the final vowel of the noun, but it remains where the noun
ends in a conaonant, except nom. plur. masc, and uom. and
■ocas. plnr. fem., where the pronominal vowel is also dropped,
tt dagarnir for dagaMnir, giqfamar for gia/ar-inar. We subjoin
ntae examples for the sake of illustrating pur remarks.
WithatAtAnidt.
WitkthtArt
ittt
SlKB.
Plus.
8rno.
Pi
Kom.
fia-
flu-
Non>.
Mit
jet
On.
S«i-M
f«t^
Geo.
f<u,.i«.
/"
DiL
fia^
/K-«m
Dot.
Ui-""
fiit
iacM
/«*-
>
Accut
fuUit
fit
WlOeatlitJilieU.
WiAlhtAHidt
BlNO.
Plvk.
SlNO.
ia-f
4an-or
Nom. hani-^n K-
ia^
iU.-<i
Gen. iawi-ni h,
i<m-a
ite-m
Dat. hana-nun hi
L A<M-a
kan-a
Accus. Aano-M* lu
Strong Deolension.
Theme', ffiafa (gift).
WOumtaeArticU.
Wilk the ArHeU.
BlNO.
ffUf-
Pldr.
fftaf-ar
Nam.
Gen.
Dat.
Accni
Si NO. Plvb.
Is the same manner the modem Scandinavian languages
nffix the definite article to its respective noun, Swedish and
(
7M TErrOJir ^RAMMAE^
T^vboAl 'gm &r dbe iii iiirnrrnf and (tHwinuir eeadkr, cf ftr the
nmscr; p&xzal SweiL «tf or «r fibr am, 4ar Doi. ar 'fior erne),
Tbe i^iKiiCETes are <«»#, ft»j mu^ mg» ; JL ucIkk cbbbk aie like the
■AfnxiifldTea. m s» otT enime t&ifr O.X. hm^ m; «f tbe O.N. ii.
A fiew csEampbes max szfiee : —
3(. D. IL hmmm^».m^ jam iin^
X. D. ^ 4«r>i^ cfaft caMUt
y . D. A. 4c?v
Gen. ^tHBrwama. iii\
y. D. A. /bsa^-fit. tke kxBi^
N. D. A. kimeri-^i, the
Asotber demonstrative which we have abeadT noticed is the
hase ki, occnrring in the Latin hie and in several Teatonic forms.
Most of the Low German dialects have osed this base to make
up the whole (Anglo-Saxon) or part (Old Saxon^ Old Frisian) of
their pronominal cas^.-s of the 3rd person, while Gothic and Old
High German show merely a few cases formed of this base^ and
these even are used merelv with reference to tiwu : as dat. masc.
and neut. himma, e. g. himma daga, (on) this dav, to-day; /ram
htmma ^nu), from now^ henceforth; accos. masc. kima^ e.g. Mmd
hina dag, unto this day ; accus. neut. klta^ e. g. und kita (mm),
until now. Old High German has besides a mutilated form of the
accusative in hUnaht^ from hia naht, this night, to-night (whence
the M. H. Germ. hinU^ N. H. Germ, keunt, to-night), preserved
only the instrumental hiu in the following adverbial compounds :
hiu-tu or hiu'toy from hiu taguy this day, to-day; whence the
M. H. Germ. Mute, N. H. Germ, heute, to-day; hiu-ru or kiu-ro,
from hiu jaru, this year ; whence the M. H. Germ, hiure^ N. H.
Germ, heuer — forms which are partly preserved in the Saxon
dialects too, as A. S. heoddg, this day, to-day, O. S. kiu-du^ &c.
The Goth, aama^ fem. samS, neut. samo^ theme 9aman (ipse, 6
PRONOUNS. 209
o&rcfs), follows the weak declension ; so does the Old High Grer-
man samo, fern, samay neut. sama, which rarely occurs (hence
N.H.Grerm. samt, together, zu-^ammen, kc.), and the O. N. sami,
fern, sama, neut. sama j the latter however may also be inflected
after the strong declension satn-r, aotiy sunt (hence Sw. aamma,
Dan. samme, gen. sammes, the same). The Anglo-Saxon dialect
does not possess this word, except as an adverb same, together
(whence the Engl, same), and its place as a pronoun is supplied
by yloa, fern, and neut. ylcCy which occurs in combination with
the demonstrative se^ sed, bat, as se ylca, "pat yhe (the same).
Compounds of this are \^lic (such) and fwilc (such), only the
latter being preserved in English, for it is from this pronoun
that we have the O. Engl. swUky M. Engl. sioicAe, 8ucAe, N. Engl.
sucA.
The Goth, silbuj fern, and neut. $ilbo, theme Mban (ipse, avrds:),
goes after the weak declension ; the Old High German may be
strong or weak, selper, aelpiu, ^^^^|) and aelpo^ aelpa, selpa ; in
Old Saxon the weak form selboy selda^ 8etda, is more common
than the strong self, while, vice versa, in Anglo-Saxon the
strong' self is more frequent than the weak se^a ; Old Norse
may be strong, sialf-^, sialf, sialf-t, or weak, sialfi^ sialfa, sialfa.
From these are derived the M. H. G^rm. selp, gen. selbes (ipse)
and the N. H. Germ, der seU)e, which go after the weak declen-
sion and the undeclinable selbst, the O. Engl, and M. Engl, silf,
silue^ seluey selfy N. Engl, self, Sw. sjelfva, sjelf.
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS.
There are difierent interrogative pronouns for the different
questions (i) quis? {2) uter ? {3) quis eorum ? (4) qtuzlis? or,
to express (i) a question aft;er a person or thing in general; (2)
aft^er one out of two persons or things ; (3) after one out of
several or many persons or things ; (4) after the kind or quality
of a person or thing.
210
TEUTON IC GRAMMAR.
TABLE OF INTERROGATIVB PBONOUNS.
I. quit? (Sansk. lot.)
L Old Tentoidc.
snrorLAX.
Gothic
MSK.
Nom. Anzf
Gen. Art!
Dftt. hvamma
Accus. Avana
Intr.
Fen.
hv6
^kvai
hv6
Nest.
hva
hvU
hvamma
hva
kvi
A2ig.-Saz.
1 Old Sajum.
Mbk.
Nent.
MaM.
Kent.
kva
kv&i
kvam
kvone
m m
kvSl
kvS8
kvam
kvdt
kvP
Ave
AmA
Aaim»
■■
•2*S*«t'4e*<
OldFrisiaiL
0. H. Oerm.
Old Norse.
MaBc.
Nent.
Masc
Neat.
ICmc
Keot.
Nom. hwa
Gen. hwammet
Dat. A 10am
Accua. hwane, kwtne
Intr.
hwamm/n
hwam
kwet
• •
Aiae-r
kwgs
kwemu
kwenan, kwen
• •
rifri
kvanr
kveu
kveim
• •
kvai
kveu
k^
kvai
• •
PLURAL cUeti.
ii. Middle and New Teutonic.
SINGULAR.
M. H. Gterm.
MaMc.
Ncut.
Nom. Iter
Cion. ir«»
Oat. wem
Actus. wfH
Intr. ••
v«5
ires
wtm
«>i5
wiu
N. H. Gterm.
Old English.
N.£ngl.
Masc.
Neut.
Masc.
Nout.
Masc
Neut.
wer
tcfsten
wem
• •
woe
weaaen
wem
loas
• •
wha, who
whos, woe
wham,
whom (to)
wham, whom
m m
whcU, wot
• m
• m
what
••
who
whoee
fsAom
{to)
whom
wkat
• m
• •
what
m m
Middle Dutoh.
MiMir
Nom, H'lV
Cion. tcirs
lUt. H'ifH
Acvua. in'rH
Nout.
w*U
New Dutch.
Swedish.
Danish.
MajK\
i
Fern. Nout
Masc.
Neut.
Masc.
Neut.
iriV
•riVn
iriV
wier
1
Wtit
wieM
wirn
ton/
(A<)^ hrem
{hi'arf)hrfmt
hvan
kvem
hrad
. •
knad
{hroShrem
(Arw^Aimu
1 Ar«m
' kvem
hvad
m •
AlW
PRONOUNS. 211
Hole, — ^The New High (Jennan genitive toessen is an inorganic
•^tension of the old toes.
^ Old English the dative and accusative become identical^
•*^4 the former therefore adopts the dative sign to.
.The New Dutch fem. form loie, wier, is a very remarkable
^1^ of grammatical vitality in a modern language, this form
^*ii^ altogether wanting in Middle Dutch. The gen. wiens
•**o for the Middle Dutch wiea is an inorganic form developed
^ of the accus. wien with the genitive sign s,
^be Swedish and Danish dialects have rejected the organic
^^ of the nom. gen. sing, masc, and instead of these have
^^ted the accus. hvem as nominative, and out of this formed
^genitive by the case-sign *.
%. Titer?
0 ^^^^i^ there occurs only the nom. masc. and neut. hvd}far ;
^\ -S. Germ. hwedarSty hwedaru^ hwedarax, is declined like an
Ij^^ctive, as well as the O. S. hue^ar, A. §. hvd^er. Old Norse
/^ nom. hvar-^^ hvclr, Avar-t, gen. Avars, Avdr-^rar, Avars, &c.
ji^'ter on we find the form Avorr, Avart, for the same pronoun*
j|/^^ Grerman and English weder^ wetAer, are used only as con-
actions, and of course undeclinable.
3. Quis eorum ? (who out of many ?)
The Gk)th. Avarjis, Avarjata^ is declined as an adjective. No
^^her dialect possesses the same word except Old Norse, where it
^tiows the forms, nom. Aver-r, Aver, Aver-t, gen. Avers ^ Averrar,
^vers, &c., &c. It appears that from this gen. Avers is derived
^lie obsolete Sw. gen, Avars,
4. Qualis?
Gk)th. Aveleiks, Aveleiia, AvSlaikata ; O. H. Germ. AicioHAAsr,
AweliAAer (weler), fem. -iw, neut. -«| ; O. S. Auilic, A. S. Awilc
{Awyl€\ O. N. Avtlik-^, Fris. Awelk (Jiweh), M. H. Germ. welcAer
{wel, gen. loels, accus. weln^ &c.), N. H. Germ. welcAer, M. Dutch
welke, N. Dutch welke, O. Engl. wAylc, wAilke, wucAy 100c A, wicA^
M. Engl. toAicAe, N. Engl. wAicA (Scotch wAilk), Sw. and Dan.
AvUken.
Note. — ^All these are declined as adjectives.
p a
. f.: Ujfdf.
7" -•- - : - ■ - 7 ." " ■ .ir'^ioj*^. iZ':i-fr*t or m'.Jcrn,
- -T" ' — • ~ ••" :- "• i.-'"r*":T- "r- - "in. G'»tb .*•'.*'.,
"--:: 1 r : £... ^... ?ef the Demoiistra-
- - : ' -•- ^\ i - i^z. .'.'r-rr vrit.Te ,• -* and ';>'''/?,
r«: * - - • - Z^r ' -. : ' *'\ us^i in a relative
=.-•- * ■ -: •- -' : -:- • • 'irr ' ^ ?^ i.tiv.es in the m'"Ji»ni
7 .■ • .".'..:_•— -• ■-■ : • — ' xz.-i'Vrr.r.^ V- the Lat. '/'''/'V,
i- — ■ . Zz^i- '" ' ''.. IV:tch icr^ke, iff'^l'j
f V L • . 7 -. • : :j I nerv partio-le, or :.4) hy
T*. - ::.-. - -.- -. _- .-T : iz : • ••:•. :t '.r. the ancient Teutonic
-.1 -• ■- I' .-..-.. -^^.^ . ^ , -j^ -jei as a relative suftix
i>z 1 - - 7 • . : - - -L rr zi *if ?;i.zi-r t r:c. • minal base as the
:-i: i--;- - . .7 7: -^7 V arr^rU'led to personal ur
-.-1- :>-••.- -• - .-i 11 ; ::' liir-:. inpart* to these pro-
:"•-*-.- ■ - ■ - J /- ---- .li. I wh:*: {'K-t'/, tu qui.
■ - ■ - • 'I- n .u-rsi; .'.--»■.'", is qui, he
- = - .•.:-;• ?'r ?: :r-.-,uently this enclitic
;. ." -■• - . 11 t--:-!:.-.-: '•. •'.]'•'.', whieh thus
- ' ■ .: . - . — . r*'-' iui. qua*, qii'Hl ,
- :- . > . i:. 1 >: • n thrvu^h all castas
■ ■ «« *i ■> ■
'.'. rj> «i:5N;ij«peared from the
.:vn: ::<:rative it occurs very
a:.: h. But the Old High
• : :"i r: i o : e in the d emonstra-
•;" ''"'• "^ :".- ■■....;.:..:■ : rin ••''-. ♦/'./■, e.ff. /^ (//r, 1
t/ •" < ". : • ■ *■ • *• i ''••"• 5^1 <lU.xl.
*•••• ■'^*^ • i:-^ .- -^ ■ - •:,-; jj j.artiole used in a rela-
ft'"" ■.'■
• ..«.'
V\ .
< «'ni|t. I*. |(;|.
PRONOUNS, 213
In the same manner the Frisian dialect uses the particles ther
and the ; the Old Norse, the particle er, later on sem as well,
which may express all cases except the genitive ; e. g. ^pann er,
quern; ^feim er, cui; sa er, qui: a mere 8 also added to the
demonstrative sa, «?, \ata, may express relative connexion, e. g.
«ew, qui; su-^, quae; J?a2^=J?a^, quod; "panns, quern; ^^eim^^
cui. This 9 is nothing but the remainder of the particle er in
its more ancient form es.
INDEFINITE PRONOUNS.
1. Goth, sum-^, sum-a, sum-nita {mm), answers to the Greek
indefinite rfc, t^; it may or may not be combined with tlie
particle uh without altering its sense. O. H. Germ. sumSr^
sutniu, suma^^ O. S. sum^ A. S. 9ii7n, O. Fris. sum, O. N. sum-r,
O. Engl, sum, summe, som, some, N. Engl, same ; Dan. somt, plur.
somme^ some people ; Dutch sommige, several. It goes through-
out after the strong declension of the adjectives. The meaning
in the Low German dialects of this pronoun added to cardinal
numerals is explained under the chapter of Numerals.
2. The Goth, man, which is used only in the sense of * homo,'
acquires, when preceded by the negation ni, and sometimes fol-
lowed by the suffix hurt, the negative sense of ^ nemo' ( — ne ho7no),
e. g. ni manna, or ni mannor-hun (nemo), gen. ni mans-hun, &c.
The O. H. Germ, eo-man, ie-man, is formed with the adverbial
accusative io, So, answering to the Goth, div from divs (time), as
div (ever), ni aiv (never) ; eo-man then would mean ^ ever a man,'
and ni or ne-eoman, 'never a man;' M. H. Germ, iaman, iemen;
niaman, niemen; N. H. Germ, je-mand {d inorganic, y inorganic
for i) and nie-mand, ullus and nullus..
In the modern Teutonic dialects man is of frequent use as an
indefinite pronoun of the 3rd person, in its sense answering to the
French ' on'. Thus the Germ, man sagt (on dit), Sw. man sade
sa (on I'a dit). (Swedish may use Be instead of man : Be sade sd),
Dan. man ialer meget d^rom, on parle beaucoup de cela. It is
used only in the nominative, the oblique eases being supplied in
German by eines, einem, ein, in Swedish and Danish by I!n, gen.
Ens,
3. Gk)th. aifis is not used as an indefinite pronoun, but when
the suffix Aim is added to it, it assumes the meaning ' ullus,' as
oins^n, fem. ainS-hun, neut. ain-hun, gen. ainis^hun, ainalzSs^
Atw, dat. ainumme-ku7i, &c. In Old High German eifier^ einiuy
^^M$i is used in the sense of 'quidam'; derived from this is
214 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
einiger-^UHity aliquis; diA-ein, doh-ein^ ullns; nik'-eimy noi^n,
nullus. So also O. S. nig-en^ neg^n^ ni-en, nnllos; A. S. an,
ullus^ one ; n-^dn, nullus^ none ; A. S. tenig^ ullos ; n^-auig, nnllas;
O.N. ein^Uy uUus; n-^ein'^, nullus. Compare the Germ, ein,
i-ein, n^iuy the Engl. anCy n-one ; and from A. S. €mig, the O.E.
and M. E. ony, any, N. Eng. any. The Old Norse suffix gi also
has a negative force like the particle ni, ne, hence O. N. ein^,
nuUus^ and in the same manner svd-gi, ita non; ul/r, wolf;
i?^-^i, no wolf ; m^, ipsa; m^^t^ ipsa non. With verbs Old
Norse used the suffix -a, -at, or -t, as sial-a, he shall not;
verSr-ai (Germ, er wird nicht), em-k-at for ek am a^, I am not,
4. The Old High German as well as Low German wihi (thing,
res), with the prefix So, is used in the sense of * aliquid/ StMciki
(quelquechose, something), and with the negation nSiwiht, nir
wiht (nothing, nihil). Hence the M. H. G^rm. iht (something),
negative niht, N. H. Germ, icht (obs.) nicht (not), and mekU
(nothing) ; O. S. io-wiht (aliquid), nichwihi (nihil) ; A. S. d^JU
(aliquid), n-d-wiht (nihil). Hence the Anglo-Saxon vocalized
forms auhty nauht, aht, naht, the O. Engl, ouht, nouAt, o^t, no^t^
M. Engl, ought, nought, ow^t, nou^t, N. Engl, aught, naught.
Many indefinite pronouns are compounds of pronouns (chiefly
the interrogatives) with particles or other words. Thus we have
with the Goth, leik, O. H. Germ, lih, A. S. He (original meaning
' flesh ,^ ^body'; hence 'stature', 'form', shape' &c.) the com-
pounds, Goth, sva-leiks, O. H. Germ, sulih^ solih, A.S. \^-lic and
%ioilc { = swi-li<!, s^ca-lU\ and O.N. ydlikr, s-likr {=:svd-Hkr)^
Compare Germ, solch-er, -^, -e%, O. Engl, swilk, such, M. Engl.
siviche, suche, N. Engl, such (Scotch sic, sicken^ &c.). All other
compounds, ancient and modern, find their explanation in the
respective dictionaries.
NUMERALS.
CARDINALS,
I'AtLK OP CARDINAL NUMEBALS IN THE COGNATE LANGUAGES.
^
I.
Primithre.
a.
8«iBkrit
3-
Greek.
4.
Latin.
5.
Gothic.
1
ai-na-
^o-
its, hf, t /da
tt-tio, Old oi-no-
aina
2
dmor, dwor
(fra-
H^o-
duo
tva-
Z
trU
iri-
rpi- (rpus,
rpla)
tri-
thri-
1
htOwtr-
chatvar, cktUur
rrrrap-, Tt tf"-
<rafHCf
qucUuor-
fidvor-
6
fawihiH
pdnckan
quinqwt
fimf
6
ktvakt
skath
»fX
aaiht
7
tapkut-
adptan^
hrrd
tseptem
Hbun
8
aktu
euhfofi^
hitrA
octo
dhiau
9
NOIUM-
ndfHM'
iw4a
twvem
niun
10
dakan-'
d<Uan
Una
decern
taHiun
11
&ca-daian
cK-^ica
un-decim
ain-lif
12
dm&dakan
dva-daian
8fl^««ca
duo-decim
tva-lif
14
ehatuT'dtUan
Scica
quatuor-deeim
Jidv&r'taihun
20
vum
^Kom
vigirUi
tvai-iigjui
40
ehatvarUdt
TtrrtipdKoirra
quadraginta
60
ihaahfi
i^-flKoma
sexaginia
saiht^igU'
70
sapUUi
i^fiilKotrra
aeiytuaginta
nbun-tehund
100
kan-ta-im)
iota
iKar6-{y)
centum
hunda-
200
dve iaie {dvUa-
tarn)
8(aK^(rio(i)
ducerUi
tva-hunda
300
tri^i Bolani (tri-
itUam)
ehatvdri iatani
TptaK6irto{i)
trecenti
trijorhunda
400
rerp(uc6<rio(i)
quadringenti
0)
{chatuksatam)
500
paiich<iiatani
{paflchct^atam)
w§yraK6iru}{i)
qtdngenti
fimf'hwnda
1000
daJa iaJtani {da-
X«Afo(i)
mille
thu8un4i<»-(^'i)
216 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
BEMARKS ON THE CARDINAL NUMERALS IN THE COGNATE
LANGUAGES.
one
There is in the different Aryan languages a great variety of
stems for the number ' one/ but all are formed &om the root i^
which in the primitive language may have been represented by
the word aUna^, In Sanskrit the word Ska- shows the prono-
minal root i and the suffix or pronominal root kd. The Greek
cly (=lr^s), neut. &, gen. kv^Sy fern. /ui6x, has the base kv^ from
the primitive form san- =sam (comp. Lat. sim-plex, sem-el^ sin-
guli)^ contained in the Sansk. sama (similis; a superlative of the
demonstrative pronominal base «a-). This view is corroborated
by the feminine form fiCa (for ^fiCa — sm-yd=^9myd, a feminine
base in yd) which presupposes a base sormyay as Ij^, a base io^n-
from one and the same root sa. Latin^ in its more ancient form
oi-no^ the later H-no- shows clearly the primitive form ainna-,
and is^ in the same manner as the Sanskrit pronominal base /-mo-,
formed from the pronominal root i with the suffix na. The
Teutonic dialects have cultivated a form which is identical with
the Latin, Engl, one, Germ, ein, A. S. an being represented by
the Goth, ains^ the theme of which is Al-^a-.
The expression of the number ^ one' in the following Teutonic
words is peculiar: — Goth. AaiAs, one-eyed; Aanfs, one-handed;
halts y halt, one-footed, lame ; Aalds, half. In all these words the
number * one' is expressed by Aa, and this Aa answers to the
Sansk. I'a in e-ka ; iAa, the second half of the word AaiAs, theme
Aa-iAa, is the Sansk. asAi, eye. The Latin cacus = calico is
formed on the same principle. In Aanfs, theme Aa^ufa we have
again the pronominal root Aa and nifay a transposition of the
Sansk. pdniy hand, {f for p harmonizes with Grimm's law.)
halts, theme Aa-lta, consists of two roots, the pronominal ha and
the verbal root lUA, to go, from which also is derived lUAus,
limb, i. e. that which is moved ; hence Aa-litAa, Aalta, Aalts,
halt = one-limbed, one-footed: Aalds, theme Aa-lba from Aa and
leiba, remnant, part ; hence haliia, Aalis, half = one part of a
whole that has been divided.
NUMERALS, 217
two
The Sansk. base dva^ Gr. h6o'^ Lat. duo^ Groth. tva- all point
to a primitive form dua- or dva-. The Latin prefix bi and adverb
Msy 6r. his, seem to have arisen from the same form, the initial d
being dropped and v hardened into b. The same prefix we have
in the A. S. tvi (Gr. and Lat. d is, according to Grimm's law^
in Low German t, and in High German z) and O. H. Grerm. zui,
e.g. A.S. tvi-fingeTy two fingers long; tvi-hivey bicolor; O. H.
Grerm. zuirieine^ bipes; zui^all, duplex. The English adverb
twicey O. H. Germ, zuiro, more fully zuiror, O. N. tvis-var, again
contains the prefix tvi (bis, bis) and var, Sansk. vara, time ; hence
twice := two times, &c. (This var also appears in the Latin ber in
8q)tem-^er, i. e. the seventh time^ or part, of the year.)
three
Li Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, the theme or base is tri, in
Groth. tAri,0. H. Germ, ^ri^the displacement of the initial dentals
being in strict accordance with Grimm's law. It is considered a
shortened form of a more ancient tar-i or tra-i ; the Sanskrit fem.
form is ti-^ar- which Bopp takes for a reduplication^ ti-tar-,
four
As the primitive form is laid down katvar-y which in Sanskrit
is represented by chatvar-, base chatur, theme of the feminine
chat^Mar-. This word is strictly formed after the analogy of
* three/ Sansk. fem. theme ti-^ar-, and cAa=iay one (comp. e-ia
above), hence cAa-tasar =1-^3, The Gr. rdrTap-, Haaap-, stand
for ^T€TFap-, KirFap-, Dor. T^rop^, ^rirFop, Boeot. irdTTap-, Hom.
and -^ol. ntfTvp-, where we find r or w in the place of the pri-
mitive K. In the Lat. quatuoT, the q stands for the primitive k,
and the t^ (=«?) is a favourite sound in Latin after the tenuis k,
just as in Gothic the aspirate h at the beginning of a word.
(Comp. Gr. rfc, Lat. miid, Goth, hvas.) The Gothic Jidur (with
f=ip:=^k) is the simple theme o( fidvor, analogous to the Sansk.
ciatur for cAatwdr-,
five
The primitive form laid down by Schleicher as kan-kan- is
evidently a reduplication, where in Sanskrit p crept in for the
first k in the theme pcmcAan" ; but Bopp derives the word from
pa-^ka (the n in the middle considered a later addition^ and the
218 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
final consonant euphonic), and thus he gives it the meaning
' and one/ i. e. one in addition to the preceding number four.
Gt. TtivT€ puts first TT for K, and next r for k (both dislocations
occur under 4), Mo\. Tr^/iire ; while the Lat. quinque preserves
the primitive k sound, and the OroHh. fintf=fimfi (from a primi-
tive kanki") haa/^p and/? for i. (Comp. 4, 11, 12, &c.)
The primitive form is supposed to have been isvet^iiva^ again
a reduplication, from which the Sansk. gAasA may be exphdned
by an intermediate form kshakshy which again stood for lualu.
6r. ff. Dor. Fi(^ Lat. sex^ presuppose a more primitive wex^
9ve-o^y the Greek spiritus asper answering here as elsewhere to
the original 8. Ooth. sai-A^s is formed on the same principle as
the Lat. sex, Gothic A being the representative of &e Latin i
(see Grimm's law).
seven
The primitive form was probably, like the Sansk. base, sapian-^
which is rendered by the Gr. kitri (a=an), Lat. septem for septim^
Goth, sibftn. (Gr. A again for s,) Bopp thinks that the m in
septem has crept in from the ordinal septim-o, an opinion which
is contradicted by Schleicher upon the evidence of the analogous
forms in the other Aryan languages.
eight
A primitive base aktu must have given origin to the Sansk.
asAlaUy ashtu^ ashtdu (probably from akidv-as), Gr. Jkrco, Lat.
octoy Goth, ahiauy akin. Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, are appa-
rently dual forms. The primitive form of the theme aktu is
quite distinct in the ordinals octav-o, ^oyboF-o : the same base is
apparent in the Goth, ahtau^ theme aAtavi- (comp. sunau, loc.
sing, sunavi) ; so also in the Gothic ordinal aACu^-da-n, aAiu =
akin (Goth. A = Sansk. ^, Grimm's law) we trace the primitive
base again.
nine
The primitive and Sansk. navan appears in Greek as ivvia for
^ v€Fa{v), with the favourite prelude € introduced, and v dropped ;
Lat. fwvem instead of novim ; Goth, niun, theme niuni, from
^ nivani = ^navani.
NUMERALS. 219
ten
Primitive dakan^ Sanskrit base daSan, Gr. 5^fca=^5^icar^ Lat.
deeemrszdecim; Gk)th. taihun, theme liAuni, O.H.Gerjn. zeAan,
(Observe Qrinmi^s law : Sansk. d, Goth, t, O. H. Germ, z.) The
Sansk. daian, or rather its primitive form daian, stands for
dra^kan; dtfa^ttco, han for kanhan, pwnchan^Jive^ and hence
diiiauj oar teny means 'two times five/
11,12
For these numbers the primitive language had distinct words,
as dud dakan (12)^ &c. ; so also in Sansk. Skordaian (11), dvd^
daian (12), Gr. liN-Scxa^ dco-dcjca, Lat. un^cim = uni-decim, duo^
decim, Goth. af«-^ (11), tvarli/{19!)y are the nominatives of
ain^lUn, tva-Ubi. The bases ain and tf)a have been treated on
above ; the second part of the compounds, libi, is derived from
tbe daJean (10) of the Ursprache, which in Gothic may first have
assumed the form tigi, substituting^ according to Grimm's law,
t for the Sansk. d^ and, instead of proceeding according to the
same law from the Sanskrit guttural to the aspirate, returning
into the media g. This guttural media was then exchanged for
the labial media b, an occurrence which is not without a parallel
in other words. The further exchange of the initial dental for
the liquid I is withouft a parallel in Gothic, but not unknown in
the cognate languages. The Lat. lacruma is the same word as
the Gr. ddicpi;, / taking the place in the Latin which d holds in
the Greek word. The replacement of the rf by / in dakauj or
rather its Gothic form tigi, tibi, may have been facilitated by the
close resemblance between this word and the Gothic verb leib-an^
to remain, leave, pret. laif, plur. libum ; so that finally the two
words of different origin become phonetically the same. Our
eleven, twelve, therefore mean 1 -f 10, 2 + 10 respectively.
13-19
These numerals are in Sanskrit compounds of daian and the
respective unit, as t/rayo-dakan (13), chatur^aian (14) : the cor-
responding Greek words are merely joined by the copulative ica/,
as rp€i$-icai-5^«ca (13), W(r(7ap€9-Ka(-5^Ka (14), whilst Latin forms,
like Sanskrit, compounds, as Ire^decim, quin^decim (15), se-d^cim
(16), and on the same principle are formed the Goth. Jidvor-
taihun {\^ , fimf-taihun (15).
220 TEUTONIC ORAMMAR.
20—90
We have to consider the 'tens' only; the intermediate mem-
bers^ i.e. their combination with 'units' require no explanation^
because in none of the languages here considered do they form
compounds, but are merely put together, occasionally joined by
the copula ' and.'
In the manner of forming these numerals the South-Earopean
differ from the North-European or Slavono-Teutonic languages :
the former express the ' tens ' by an agglutination of the units
with a substantive derived from dakan (10)^ which, by means of
abbreviation or other modifications^ has dwindled down into a
mere termination ; while the latter express the ' tens' and
' units' by distinct words, which however may form compounds.
Sanskrit originally expressed the 'tens' by daSa-ti, daia^ia^ of
which nothing remained but iatiy or only iiy or hat, as tfi-^aU
(20) for ^dvi'daiati, shash-ii (60) =:sAasA'daiatiy paficia^iai (50) =
=pancAa'mla, In the Gr. cikoo-i- the first syllable shows the
base h (one) ; Ko-cri is the primitive dakd-ti, or rather^ dropping
the first syllable, /-a-^i. The Kov-ra of the other 'tens' is per-
haps derived from a neuter plural base kan^ta for daian-4a,
Tlie Latin vi-ginti presents in its first syllable vi the base
dvi (two), and yi-ginti stands for a form ^dvp-ginti in the same
manner as the Sansk. vihli for a ^dviiati ; and ghiti stands for
^deginti=.^decinti, from a primitive form dakan-ti, so that the fuU
form of trig? nf-a would be ^tria-decinta,
Gothic, our representative of the North-European or Slavono-
Teutouic tribe, forms the 'tens' from 10 to 60 by putting two
distinct words togetlier, expressing the * tens' by tigu, a base in
n for dahiy derived from dakan (10), hence tvai^tiggu-s (20); the
'tens' from 70 to 90 are formed by dakan with the suflix tu, in
the Gothic garb reading tehwi-d, e. g. siiun-leAund (70).
100
The genitive base used to indicate this number appears to
be kaitt^iy an abbreviation of dakan-dakan-ia, a form which in
English might be rendered by an analogous compound, namely
ieH't^^i/axi times ten, in the same manner as we say nine-lyz^ten
times nine, and in Greek and Latin the compounds would be
^h€KY)KovTay ^centagbita. The n of the primitive kanta is preserved
in Latin and Gothic, cent-ntn, hundni ; but it is dropped in
Sanskrit and Greek, mta, k-KOJo {k=h). The Gothic language
NUMERALS. 221
has, besides the word Aunda, a more modern form to denote the
same number, taihunr-taihutird^ which is composed exactly on
the principle of the dakan-dakanr-tay ten times ten (compare stiunr-
iehundy seventy).
200—900
The primitive language undoubtedly applied two words to
express the foregoing figures; Sanskrit also uses two distinct
words, or contracts them into one, e. g. dve-iate or dMaia (200),
ktta being of course the base kanta again. The Oreek forms are
«aro, KOTO, with the derivative suffix if a — Kario, kotio, later form
K6au} ; compare rpia-itaTto-, a Doric form, and the Attic Tpia-it6<rio-.
The Latin base cenlo is used as an adjective in the plural, tre-^enti
(800) for trecento, quiti'-genti for quin^cento (700), where the c
after n is softened into the media g ; and in the same manner
septin-^enii, where the septin answers exactly to the primitive
sapian, (See above, sub 70 Gothic never forms compounds by
agglutination, like Oreek and Latin, but it simply puts the two
words together, e.g. tva-hunda (i^OO).
1000
A word for this number does not seem to have existed in the
primitive language. The Sanskrit sahasra, Gr. x^^^i. ^x^^*^*
(leading to a primitive ^x^^*o=gharya), the Latin mili", tnilli^^
are all of an obscure origin. The Gothic word is thusundja
(thousand), in which Schleicher finds the number ^ten times hun-
dred' expressed, namely, daka (10) in the initial syllable thu
{=lu), iantya^ kanti (100) in the form sundi, sundja; and this
would yield as the result daka-kant-t (10 x 100).
222
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
TABLE OF CARDINALS IN THE OLD TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
Masculine.
No.
I.
Gothic.
1.
Anglo-Saxon.
3-
Old Saxon.
4.
Old Frisian.
5*
O.None.
6.
O.H.Gem.
1
aifw
an
in
Sn
[ein^]
cm
2
tvai
tvtgen
tuina
tio$n€
tveir
2W€n€
S
tJ>r<M
yri
thria
thri
yrir
dri
4
fidvdr
ftdvtr
fiwar
Jiwer
fiorir
vior
0
Mf
fif
M
fif
fimm
fimf
6
taiht
six
sehM
sex
sex
sOs
7
tihwfi
seofon
sSbvm
sigun
siau
sibun
8
ahtd%
aJUa
aktd
eti^ta
atta
ahtS
9
nian
nigon
nigun
nigun
nSu
niitn
10
taikun
tin
tehan
tian
tin
gikan
11
am4{f
end4eofan and
chlrfan
^mif
and4ova,t^
leva
sUifu
em-lij
12
tra-Hf
tW€lf
tue4if
twUif
taf
rwe-lif
18
^prij<i-4a%hun
pred-teonit^)
;
• •
^ihrHins
prettian
dn<eka»
14
fidvdr-taihun
fedver-teon
• a
Jiuwer^ne
ficT4ian
fior-agh»
15
fin\f-taihun
fif-teon
m •
fif-tine
Jimrtian
finf<ikB»
16
^taiks-taihnn
six-tton
m m
sex^ine
sextan
sihs-siha^
17
^nbun-taihun
seofen-leon
• •
siugun-tine
siaurtian
sibun-ah^*
18
^ahUiw4aihun
eaht-teon
• •
aehtortime
attian
akt&^ha!^
19
fniun-taihun
nigon-Uon
m m
niugen^init
nitian
niun<ih^*
20
tvni tigjus
ttren-tig
tuenrtig
twint-ich
tut-tUffU
zwein-zVr^
80
preis tigjus
]>ri-tig
thri-Hg
tkri'tieh
\)riartigi
dri-zug
40
fidror tigjus
feorer^ig
fitcar-tig
fiuwer-tieh
fior^tu
fior-zug
£0
fimf tigjus
fif-tig
fif-tech
fif-tedi
fimm-tiu
fi^f-^
60
saihs tigjus
six-tig
sehs-tig
sex-tich
stxriiu
sehit'Zng
70
sibun-tehund
seofen-tig
ant-sibunrta
siugun-tich
si6-tigi
sibun<i
80
ahtau-tehund
eaht-tig
ant-nhtd-da
etehtcm-tieh
aUa-tigi
akto-U
90
niun-tehund
nigon-tig
^ant-nigun-da t
nigonrtich
ntu-iigir
mun-zd
100
taihun-tihund
tean-tig
hund
hundred
hundrad
sihan-s6
TABLE OF CARDINALS IN THE MIDDLE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
No.
Old and Middle
EngUsh.
MLiddle High German.
1
aw, on, oon
ein(er), (f. einiu^ n. einet)
2
twey ttcij twein.
twe.
two
zwine (f. zevd, zweS)
8
|>re, tkrte
dn {dri, dnu)
4
four
vier{e^ (rierc, vieriu)
5
five
vunf (rtinve, vunviu)
6
sixe
schs
7
seuen
siben (stbeniu)
8
tigte^ aught
aht {ehU, ahtiu)
9
nynt, nye
niun (ntune, niuniu)
10
ten
z^hen
11
elUuen, elleue
einlif dnUf^ einleve
12
twelue
zurtlrft zwdf sweleve
NUMERALS.
223
No.
Old and Middle
Bnglish.
Middle High German.
13
yroUmt, yriUene
dri-zehen, drizin
14
four-iene
vier-zehen^ <H
15
Jif-tate
mmf-zehen
16
tixttne
tehszehen
17
setietUefM
tibemehen
18
tigtetene^ eigiene^
auhtene
ahizehen
19
nineUne
niumehen
20
tuen-4i
twein<€Ct zweinzich.
80
thrirUi
dri-zec, -ach
40
i/ourti f)
vwrzee
50
fufti
vur^fzee
60
• < •
nxt%
aehtzec
70
teuetUi
tibemee
80
eigtdi
aktzec
90
nietUi
ntumtec
100
hundred
zehm-uct zehenzi^ hunt, hunderi
1000
^utend
tvUent
TABLE OF CARDINAL IN THE NEW TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
German.
English.
Dutch.
Swedish.
Danish.
an
one
iin
en (N. ett)
een (eel)
zwet
two
twee
tvd
to
drei
three
drie
tre
tre
vier
four
vier
fyra
fire
fin/
Jioe
vijf
fern
fSm
Hchs
nz
ze9
sex
sex
Heben
seven
zeven
ma
syv
€Uht
eifhi
acht
aatte
neun
ntne
^Mgen
nid
ni
zehn
ten
tien
tid
H
df
eleven
tV
dfva
aieve
nMf
twelve
twaalf
tolf
tolv
dreC^ehn
thir-tten
der^ien
tre4Um
tre-tten
vieT'tehn
fowr-leen
veer-tien
fj6r4on
^br-ten
fun/zehn
fifteen
vijftien
femton
femten
ieehzehn
sixteen
zettien
sexton
sejden {sexten)
gUbenzehn
seventeen
zeventien
button
syften
aehtzehn
eighteen
achttien
aderton
atten
neumehn
nineteen
negentien
nitton
nitten
zwan-Hg
twen-ty
twin-tig
tjugu {-6 -i)
tyve
drei'^
thir-ty
der-tiq
tre-ttid i-e)
tri-dive
vier-zig
for-ty
veer-ttg
fyr-tiS {-e)
fyrre-tyve
funfzig
fifty
vijftig
femtid
halvtris (indetyve)
Hchzig
sixty
zestig
sextid
ires (tresindstyoe)
tiebemig
seventy
seventig
sguttid
halvfjirs {indstyve)
athtasig
eighty
tachtig
dttatid
firs Ifirsindstyve)
neumig
ninety
negentig
niUid
halvfhns (indstyve)
hunderi
hundred
honderd
hundrade (hundra)
hundrede
1 zweihun eri
two hwmlred
tweehonderd
tvd hundrade
tohundrede
tautend
thousand
duixend
tusende {tusen)
tusinde.
224 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
REMARKS ON THE TEUTONIC CARDINALS.
one
We find the primitive base fli«a- for the number 'one' in all
Teutonic hinguages, ancient and modern^ modified of course in
accordance with the phonetic character of each dialect, as O. H.
Germ, eiuy A. S. dn^ Germ, ein^ Butch een, O. Engl, ewe, Engl.
oncy &c.^
two
The Goth, tvdi is not the base from which the Anglo-Saxon
and Old High German forms are derived, but rather uie distri-
butive tveiAnai, which in Old High German has dropped the A
(zwene) and hardened it in Anglo-Saxon into g=^twegen. The
Gothic gen. tvaddje also cannot result from the'nom. tvdi, but
requires a base tvaddja, which Bopp brings into connection with
the Sanskrit ordinal dcitiya.
In the other Low German dialects, O. S. tuSna^ O. Fris. twdne^
the A again suffers elision^ and in the Modem Engl, two, Dutch
twee, Dan. to, Swed. tvd, contraction has taken place. Very
ancient forms are preserved in the Old Norse datives tveu^mr and
\fri-mr for tvei-ms and yri-ms, where the case-sigi^ of the dative
plural is found in a completeness unparalleled in the Teutonic
languages. This numeral is especially noteworthy for its strict
adhesion to Grimm^s law, according to which we have the media
d in the cognate languages^ dva, duo; the tenuis t in the
Low German dialects, Goth, tvai, A. S. twegen, O. S. tuetuty
O. N. tveir ; and the aspirate z in the O. H. Germ. zwenS, The
law continues to be observed in the O. Engl, twey and M. H.
Germ, zwene, even in the N. H. Germ, zwei for the Low German
forms with t, as Engl, two, Dutch twee, Dan. to, Swed. tvd.
The O. N. r in tvei-r has usurped the place of the Goth. *.
three
The Goth, yri- (in \rija, ^reis) harmonizes with the ^n- in
the cognate languages by using the aspirate tA in place of the
tenuis, a submission to law which is equally practised by all the
Old Low German dialects (A. S. J>r?, O. N. ^rir, 8cc.), whilst Old
High German adopted, as by law it was directed, the media d.
As to the modern dialects we observe that Middle and New
* Concerning the radicals, Goth, ai, A.S. a. Germ. e»» see the table of gradations,
Order i, p. 24.
NUMERALS. 225
High German follow the conrse of their ancient mother by pre-
serving the media ; but among the Low German it is English
alone that keeps up the ancient lawful tk^ while the Dutch and
the Old Norse dialects yield to intruders, the former adopting
the media (probably under High German pressure), the latter
hardening tiie aspirate into the tenuis for the simple reason
that they have expelled the aspirate altogether from their
domain. /
foup/
The Gothic /d^t;or {fdur) which renders fully the Sansk. chat-
vdr (ciatur), primitive iat-var, replaces the guttural tenuis by the
iabial aspirate^ a change which equally occurs in all the Teutonic
dialects^ ancient as well as modem, with this modification only,
that the High German dialects (and Dutch following their ex-
Unple) supplant the./ by v, a distinction however which is merely
>raphical, the sound of H. Grerm. v and /at the beginning of a
9voi^ being identical. But the Gothic /ei^ror appears in a more
[nutilated form in the other Teutonic dialects, the d .being
dropped in all, and in Old High German the 10 as well^ which
latter consonant is vocalized in the modem dialects. This
Dumeral has thus mostly become monosyllabic^ as 'Engl. /our,
Dutch and Germ. vier.
five
In this numeral all the Teutonic dialects adopt, Uke Gothic^
and in accordance with Grimm's law^ the labial aspirate / in the
place of the tenuis p which occurs in the cognate languages, the
only exception being Middle High German and New Dutch, where
the letter v is used to denote the same sound as /. The m how-
ever of the Goth. Jimfy which stands for the primitive «, has been
subject to divers modifying influences. In the H. Germ./ilnf
we see the original n Tutored in its place. The Norse dialects
to the present day preserve the m and dismiss the final y* (hence
O.a.^mm, Dan, and Swed.Jem), while the Low German dia-
lects, which never tolerate an n before /or "8 (see sub lit. n),
preserve the/ and dismiss the n (m) instead : A. S.^, Engl. Jive,
&c., compart to Qerm./un/, DMt.Jem.
The Gothic i in saik-s duly represents the k of the cognate
languages, as Latin sex^zsec-^. This guttural k, which must
not be confounded with the sibilant marked by the same letter.
226 TEU TOXIC GRAMMAR.
is foand in Old Saxon mocording to the nde^ and in Old and
Middle High German in spite of it. All the other Teutonic
dialects have hardened the kt into h^ et, x, as A. S., Engl, su,
Scandinavian mx^ &c. Exceptional forms are the Dutch zes and
the Germ. Meeks, the former having dropped the guttural alto-
gether and sof^ned 9 into z, the latter having developed the
Old and Middle German i, into ck, a change which occurs in all
words which in Old (xerman ended m hs or lU.
seven
The Goth. Mun^ which renders the primitive mpian in m^^
greatly modified and rather irregular form^ is still furthf r modi— —
fied according to the spirit of each dialect. Thus the Higfac.^
German dialects have the b in common with the Gothic contrary^
to the rule^ but so far only as Gk)thic is here in the wrong and 3
High German in the rights because the p of the cognate Ian- ^
guages should be represented in Gothic by the aspirate {ph^f), *-
and consequently in Old High German by the media b. If^^
therefore we put for instance the A. S. uofon as the representa-
tive of the Low German dass^ we find Grimm's law strictly
applied in the order P^ PH, B. ^e Old Saxon dialect replaces
the media by the soft aspirate #=r, a course which is followed
in most of the modern Teutonic languages, as Engl, seven^ Dutch
zeven, Dan. s^v, while German remains faithful to the H. Germ.
bf lsi{e)6en : the e is an inorganic addition. Peculiar is the vocali-
zation of V for the Gothic b in the O. N. siau for siav, which
yields the Swedish sj'u, and the completely isolated case of the
O. Fris. »?^iin, where the guttural replaces the labial media.
eight
The Goth, akldu is a regular rendering of the primitive aiiu,
the k of the cognate languages being in Gothic supplanted by
the guttural aspirate ^, and the i preserved by the preceding ^,
which like /, suflTers no other letter but the tenuis after it. In
the other Teutonic dialects, however, the guttural has experienced
divers vicissitudes. Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon adopted, like
Gothic and according to law, the guttural aspirate k, and Old
High German adapted itself here again to Low German usage^
while Old Frisian, in advance of its sister dialects, developed the
A into the hard guttural cA, a course which was followed later
on by modern dialects, the German and Dutch having acAi for
aAt, while the English developed out of the Anglo-Saxon A the
h
^1'
;v
NUMERALS, 227
combination gh, eight — ^for which Old English ei'^t and aught.
The O. N. dtta has assimilated the guttural to the succeeding t^
whereby gemination is produced with the lengthening of the
preceding vowel. The form is strictly preserved in the Dan.
aatte and the Swed. atta.
nine
The Goth, niun shows the primitive navan in a contracted
form, with which the O. H. Germ, niun is identical ; and Old
Norse would be, but for the n it has dropped, niu. From the
O. H. Germ, and M. H. G^rm. niun we have the German neun
[eu for iu according to the rule), and from the O. N. niu the
Danish ni^ giving preponderance to the first of the two vowels'
to the loss of the second, the Swedish patronising the latter in
nio. But far more noteworthy is the Anglo-Saxon, Old Saxon,
and Old Frisian guttural media g in the place of the primitive v
in navan, so that the A. S. nigon, O. S. nigun, O. Fris. nigun^
nyun, correspond to the Goth, niu-n = nivu-n» Here agnin
Gothic is far outdone in point of antiquity and primitive charac-
teristics by its Low German sister-tongues. The modem dialecls
followed the course commenced in Gothic already, and dropping
the middle consonant, contracted the two syllables into one,*
hence the Engl, nine, O.Engl, still «y^ nyne, probably bisyl-
labic, from A. S. nigon, or perhaps rather O. N. niu. Germ, neun .
from niun\ Dutch alone has preserved the full Low Gefman
form in negen.
ten
Grimm's law is strictly carried out by the Goth, taihun and
all its Low German representatives rendering the primitive
media d by the tenuis t, and the High German using, also
according to law, the aspirate z. But the middle guttural of
the primitive dalnin is greatly modified not only in the Teutonic
but in the cognate dialects as well. It is preserved in the Gr.
hiK^<L, the Lat. decern and the Goth, taih-nn {h in Gothic being
the lawful representative of the primitive k), while the Sanskrit
has adopted the sibilant s in dai-an. Among the Teutonic lan-
guages Old Saxon and High German have preserved the ^, O. S.
tehan, O. H. Germ, zehan, M. H. Germ, zehen (and contracted
zen), N. H. Germ, zehen, zehn. The other old Teutonic dialects
and their modem derivatives drop the middle guttural and
contract the word into a monosyllable, as A. S. tin, Engl, ten,
Dutch tien, O. N. tin, Dan. ti, Swed. tio.
229 TEr TOXIC GRAMMAR.
11,12
CcfMCTintg the fomntioii of these nnmenk we hmve seen
al»Te how the Goth. I if in aim-Zif, iw^j/', corre^Kmds to tiie
LoL iectm, Gr. ^csa and Saosk. iaiim^ and that conseqnentlj
oar words tle^em^ twe^r^^ simplr mean 10-hl and 10+2 respeo-
tiTC^F. The same c»mpoand of numeral and snSLs oocurs in the
other TeatoDic dialects too, but in forms greatly modified bj
elisions and contractions. The soffix ftfwe find follT piesenred
in Old Saxon, Old Frisian, and Old High Germaii; Middk
High German modified the /j/" into Irf, and Ang^lo-Sason and.
Old Norse drop the Towel altogether, leaving simply ^to repr^-
sent the soffix. This ^ooeors in all Uie modem Teutonic dialects
except in Engli^ and Danish, where the ancient y is rendered-
by r its softer twin a^irate. » Very strange is the ooconenoe o^
tne inorganic d in the A« S. end^eafam^ O. Fris. amd-Java, ihx^
unit in the former langoage being an, in the latter en. The Oldll-^
High German and Middle High German preserve the numeral -
' one' intact in the word ein-lif, ein'4efy whilst Old Norse drops
the vowel and assimilates the n to the succeeding /, hence el^i/u;
thus also in O. Engl, elleue, Dan. elleve. Most mutflated are the
German and Datch elf, Engl, eleven^ where the numeral is repre-
sented merely by e. The numeral tva in tva~lif (12) is preserved
in the different dialects with a modification of the vowel, as twi,
twe, H. Germ, zwe ; the Scandinavian dialects, however, vocalize
the va into 6, O. N. to-lf, Swed. tolfy Dan. tolv.
13-19
All these numerals are in the difierent Teutonic lang^uages,
just as in Gothic, compounds of the * units* with the word 'ten,'
so that the O. N. iian, A. S. teon {tin, f^n), O. H. Germ, zehan,
bear their explanation in themselves, and the terminations of
these numerals in the modern Teutonic dialects are easily ex-
plained as derivatives of the ancient forms.
20-90
The tigjua of the Goth. tvai'iiijiJM (20) having been explained
already, we may confine ourselves to a short review of the cor-
responding forms and their peculiarities in the other Teutonic
lanjjua^s.
The O. N. tigi in ^ria-tigi and \itt in fior-4iu are modifications
NUMERALS. 229
of the ftiller form iugu in tu-Uugu, which^ like the O. H. Germ.
zmg in zwein-zug^ represent the Goth. tigju9^ a base in u^ daiu
from dakan (1 0) ; and quite as readily will be perceived the rela-
tion of A. S., O. S. tig^ O. Fris. tick. The final consonant is
dropped in the O. Engl, tuen-iiy N. Engl, twen^ty^ with the
nsoal change of the final i into ^. The Swed. tiS is the direct
descendant of the O. N. tiu^ while the Dan. dive undoubtedly
owes its origin to some other source. Very characteristic in this
form is the use of the labial aspirate for the guttural media, dive
^di^e^ which is the reverse of the O. Fris. sigiin for A. S. aeofon^
0. S. 9ibun (7), and the A. S. nigotiy O. Fris., O. S. nigun for the
Goth. niun:=niv'uny primitive nav-an,
• For the formation of the ^ tens' from ' seventy' upwards, most
of the Old Teutonic dialects use a word differing from tigjua in
form and^ to a certain extent^ in derivation, though not in mean-
ing*. The Goth. teAun-d, which is used in sibuft-lMund (70), &c.,
preHBupposes, as we have explained before^ a primitive dakan-ta^
and answers in meaning to the Gr. hUas. This yfehund we meet
in the other dialects in more or less fiiodified forms. Tlie whole
form we find contracted in the O. H. G^rm. £6^ sihun^zS, The-
most ancient mode of forming the numerals ^seventy/ &c., in
Anglo-Saxon was to place the undeclinable hund^ shortened
from tehundy and expressing the ^tens/ side by side with the
respective unit of the ordinals, e. g. hundeaeofo^e (70), hundr-
eahto^e (80), hundnigo%e (iK)) ; in a tike manner the O. S. ant is
used (though its identity with the A. S. hund is not proved), and
forms the ^ tens' by -entering into a combination with the ordi-
nals, e. g. anUiiunda (70), a7itahtoda (80), antnigunda (90), forms
which may be rendei^ in Latin by decas aeptima, decaa octava,
decaa nona. But in later times the Anglo-Saxon suffix . tig
(=Goth. tigjus), which had been used for the numerals from
10 to 60 only, found entrance also in the higher numbers, as
aeofontig (70) (in the same manneif as in late Old High German
we find sibunzug for sibunz6\ although the ancient prefix hund
did not yield its place at once ; ana thus it happened that in
forms like hundaeofontig (70), hundeahtattg (80), &c., the 'ten.'
is expressed twice, by the suffix tig and the prefix hund. The
same pleonasm occurs in the O. Fris. t'a(j^tich (80) , tAiiogenticA
(90), and the last trace is in the Modern Dutch of the present
day, where the t in tachtig (80), is as in T)ld Frisian the mutilated
form of a word like O. S. ant, expressing the * decas,' which is
repeated in the sufiix tich, tig.
Prom this circumstance may perhaps be explained a peculiar
mode of reckoning from 70 upwards, which was adopted in
»\
CAc IjnTTHn 17 'ifbt si^ Iff lait 1 ^ !<■ <«e irntMincil in our
Kfircni; -s: -v^bn. issat TWiWn woe ei|MtBHed bf
- fixrr^r' ami is ^vineszver aidEakn, e. ^. mti oii^
wkwtemt T*? . «.«& x'.»r >r.jsn«f TS . a ikr suae ^-^-^tpt ai do^
tu FpBiea »7 9i*jrt:tr^ mr^Ds. muttemm^ii tngise. From * eighty
lin . k Ticlfi ar^iesr js If! wtth tfe i^x hmmd^ whidi
drcf^«»i ^ dbif <i:cz<»t lif tisifr. ibe ramenl itsdf bad, thoogl^
cb!t f :r a p»>i acni E& cisr&Kn koHtiess. frDoi into disose.
^ hmf.^iz iIk acAecTTe^su'ifuc trr:«s the nxkoning br 'decades^
did &:< s;:c^ l«r2r: v tltir ' hsikircd«' but die btter nombar itself,
and tbe ncmli^R up to IdO veie cxfinaBed like their piede-
eeaaws Ukrv hnsdral. Uroei^ the Golhic iaUmm-iamud, A. S.
iumd-4itcm^i^, O. N. (U-fim, which we coold imitat»» in "RngliA if
we were allowed to say t^-m^f as well as aiar-Zf or iwem ij. Hub
mode of reckoning was indeed preserved so late as the poiod of
Middle High German, where we find sAea^rici used hy the side
o( immdert 100,. The differmt foims in tiieTeatonic dialeets
for the word ' hondn^d ' have their prototype in the Gothic
Jkumd-a, which, like the Latin ctnt-mm^ may be traced to a primi-
No.
EBfL
Old EdzL An^.Sax.
Dutch.
Old Sax. :
O.Fris.
Drnnish-
Swedish.
O.N.
1 «nc <
'en
fn
fn
em(€et)
m{eU)
tin
3' two
rwry, Cmo (
\wfjen {
Itm
tmrma
1
txfne
to
Ufi
twHr
S' thru
Ke
^r\
drie
thria 1
tkri
trt
trt
ynr
4 /t>ur
/5/ur feover
tier
At^^r
Mwer
firt
/ifra
fimer
6 fivt
flV€
fKf
rijf
A^
*/
fhm
fim
fiwtM
fi tiJC
tixe
fix
UM
uks
MX
MX
Mur
$tx
7 1 tevfn
iruen
$e((fun
xercn
situn
tigvn
999
<ni
tim
H eiffht
eiijU, awfht
ahta
acht
ahto
achta
aaite
dtta
dUa
9
nlnf
nyn^, nyt
niffon
neijen
nigun
nigtm
ni
nid
nhf
10
Un
tat
tin
tvn
tthan
tian
ti
as
(1«
11
e.lcvni
rlleum
end-Uo/an
tlf
(rf-«/)
and-lova
^Ikvc
ekfva
eUifu
n
IWflW
tuvltu
tuxl/
twaalf
tue-lif
twiMf
tokt
W
tdtf
13
(hirtrrn
]trottnn',\>rU-
triw
}freo-tion
dtr-tien
(n
(thr^Uine)
tretten
trtUon
yrtttian
20
titfuly
tui-nli
hcen-tii)
Ucin-tiij
tuentig
twin-tick
tyve
tfugu
tuUtugu
30
Ihirly
thritti
\frUig
der.lvj
thrUig
thri-tich
tredive
trtUid
^riatigi
70
tfVtttly
neui'nii
Mt'ofnt-tiij
si-wn-lii)
ant-*ibunda
riugun-tich
halqO^
tjvtUd
tiMigi
t<M) huhflml
hutuirM
htrntUrd
hutid
hundrfd
hundrtde
kmndrade
hmnfrad
UMM)
' thoummi
|li)f(*Vfl(/
\ni»t'ml
1 duizend
thiuend
thu4atd
tutinde
tutendc
m •
NUMERALS.
231
tive dakan^ta for dakan^aka7i-ta (10x10)^ and the ancient word
'hundred' would consequently be identical in meaning and in
formation with the more modem iaiAun'leAund= ten times ten.
As to the modem Teutonic languages none give occasion to
any special notice except the Danish. The compounds tresind-
9tjfve l60),Jir8indslyve {^)yfemsind9tyve (100), the latter not used
in this form, express the meaning 'three times twenty/ 'four
times twenty/ * five times twenty, and form an analogon to the
French qnafre^vingt.^ They contain (i) the cardinals treSyfrffen^^
(3, 4, 5), (a) the word finds = Goth. 8in}fS or neut. mihy O. H.
Germ, sindy A. S. wiS (meaning ' a walk/ * a turn'), which were
used to form adverbial numerals, e. g. Goth, ainamma sinha, ^ir^f,
Ivaim mnpam, bk, &c.; AS. /eower ai^um (quater), aeofon svSum
(septies), &c., where we B&yjive times, seven times y &c. (3) The
numeral tifve (20). The forms hahtresindstyve (50), hahjjersindr^
siyve (70), Aalvfemsindstyve, (90), prefix- the adverbial noun Aah
(half) to indicate that half the amount of twenty is reckoned,
hence Aahtresindslyve is tresindstyve, i. e. ' sixty/ but half the
amount of tyve or twenty is taken off the sixty, hence it means
' fifty ;' fhnsindstyve, for ' hundred,' is not used, but halofemsin^'
siyve to express the number ' ninety.'
ic.
Germ.
M. H.GeiTD.
0 H.G.
Latin.
Greek.
Sanskrit.
Primitive.
No.
ein{i)
ein
ein
UH'tU
etc, «r-
^ka.
aino'
suei
awfne{e()
swHii
duo
669
dva
dua, dva
dni
dri
dri
trti
rptU, TfH
trU
tri-
vier
vUr
9ior
quiUuor
f irTApcv
chcMr
katvar
Anf
wiV
fimf
quinque
w4m
pdnchan
kankan
$ee/u
Mks
tiht
tex
H (f^)
tKath
ksvakt
iH0\hm
t(bm
Hbttn
teptem
hrrd
sdptan
$aptan
aehi
4Mht
ahta
octo
Ur^
oihfau
akiu
nmm
fifon
novem
irr4a
ndvan
navan
wekm
gfkm
sihan
decern
UUL
ddian
dakan
10
r
^
eUdif
Hn-Hf
un-d^im
SvStKa
ikd-dakm
aina-^lakan
11
•
U09^
wiedtf
moi-l^f
dmo-deeim
i^Stxa
dvo-doMn
dud-dakan
18
\
dnixiAn
drUM
•
drUzihan
tre-decim
rpctv-xol-
• •
• •
IS
^^
gwanz^
twein»ee{xieh)
noHnmg
ffiginti
tUovi
vUdti
• •
80
feM
drd$ig
drixee
drixyg
trijfUUa
rpMJtovra
* .
• •
80
d
HAenzig
Hbetume
Hbwud
teptuoffMa
Korra
saptaU
• •
70
wti-
i
humdkri
udunMechun'
dert
xihanzd
centum
iiiaer6v
iatd
kanta
100
Unuend
tiUent
m •
miUe
XiAiot
daiasaH
• •
1000
232
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
DECLENSION OF CARDINALS.
Old Teutonic Lanouages.
In Gothic the numerals < one' to ' three' only have a complete
declension through all cases and genders; the other numerals
are of common gender and uninflected, or^ extending the theme
bj i, thej form a few isolated cases. The same remark holds
good for the other Low German dialects^ while in the Old High
German we find the distinction of genders^ and sometimes the
complete declension, with the numerals above 'three/ the in-
flexion being brought about as in Gothic bj the addition of the
thematic i.
one
Gothic.
Anglo-Saxon.
Old Saxon.
Masc.
Fern.
Neut.
The A.S. masc. am, fern, an, neut. an.
Nom. avna
Gen. ain-M
Dat. ain-amma
Accus. ain-ana
ain-a
ain-aizds
ain-ai
ain^
ain, ain-nta
ain-is
ain-amma
ain, ain^ata
and the O.S. masc. h^ fern, ht,
neut. en, take the inflexions of the
strong adjective declension.
Old Frisian.
Old IV'orse.
O. H. G(erm.
Masc.
Fern.
Neut.
Masc.
Fern.
Neut.
Masc. ein, ein-er, fem.
Nom. f », an
Gen. enctt, an€3
Dat. fna
Accus. enne, anne
en, an
enere
enere
ene
in, an
enes
ena
<• •
en
ein-n
einrs
ein-um
ein-n
ein
ein-nar
ein-ni
ein-a
eit-t
eins
ein'U
eit-t
ein, ein-ju, neut. ein,
etn-a J, have the inflex-
ions of the adjective.
J^ote, — This numeral is in several Old Teutonic dialects used
in the singular feminine also, and then it assumes the meaning
of sola; this is the case in Gothic, Old High German, Old
Frisian (which in this case supplies the prefix al before the
numeral), and Anglo-Saxon, where the masculine, also may be
applied in the sense of ' solus.'
The plural also occurs, and renders in Gothic the meaning of
/xoVoi, in Old IIi<?h German and Old Norse of ^quidam/ in Anglo-
Saxon of *singuli,' ^nonnuUi.' (Compare the French les uns^ qu^l^
ques w;w,and the Spanish unos in the sense of 'quidam,' 'nonnmli.*)
NUMERALS,
233
two
Qothio.
Anglo-Saxon.
Maac
Fain*
Neat.
Masc.
Fem.
Neat.
Nom. tvai '
Gen. tvaddj^
Dat. tvaim
Accus. tvane
tv6e
^tvaddj-^
tvaim
ttde
tea
^tvaddj^
tvaim
tva
twegen
• •
• •
twegen
tw^
twegra, twega
tw&
tw&m
twa,twig
• •
• •
tw&, twig
Old Saxon.
Old Frisian.
Masc.
Fern.
Neut.
Masc
Fem.
Neut.
Nom. tiUna, tuine
Gen. • •
Dat
Accna. tiUiutt tuene
tuA,tud
tuijd
hUm
tud,tud
tiU
• •
• •
tui
twine
» .
• •
twine
twa
twira
twam
tw&
twA
• •
■ •
tw&
Old Norse.
Old High (German.
Maac.
Fem.
Neut.
Masc
Fem.
Neat.
Nom. tveir
Gen.
Dat.
Acxnifl. tva
tvoer
tveggja
tveimr, tveim
tvoer
tvau,tvO
• »
tvau,tv6
zwini
••
. •
vwini
ewd, zw6,
zweii, tweierd
sweim, twim
Ew6,zwd
vwei
. .
* a
swet
three
Gtothic.
Masc.
Nom. ^jireis
Gen. )>riii
Dat. )>r»m
Accns. prins
Fem.
^prijd
^Ttm
^yrine, prijis
Neut.
\nyi
JWMH
prija
Anglo-Saxon.
Masc.
Fem.
M
M
^€6ra
yrim
yred
Neut.
^red
\>re6
Old Saxon.
Old Frisian.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Masc.
Fem.
Kent.
Nom. th9ia{ea, ie)
Gen.
Dat.
Accus. thria{ea, ie)
thria{ea, ie)
^tkiyd, thfijerd
,thnm
thria{ea, ie)
thriu
• •
• •
thriu
thri
• •
thiri
thria
thrira
thrium
thria
thriu
• ■
thrim
thriu
• •
•«*"l.".'.vl
NUMERALS, 1»
with file stiong dedenskm of the ad|ecti¥CB, mnd thai tbcrcCare
a tabular view of their nominatiTe fiiniis in the ditfmAt gcsdos
may here aoffioe : —
one
»
II.H.Gcn.
timer
T
• • I • -
N. H.Gn.
•
ciacr
€iM CWSfl
CMd Kiighwh 1
aa(0«,«)
^■^ ^^^
NevEi^liik.
MM («■««>
1 #MC #MC
SwiBOML
im
' im I m
DBmsh.
im
H .a
Middle DataL
H
im im
NevDvtdi
im
U , U
Noie.^We have obeenred before that in serend Old Tcntonie
dialects tiie munend ' one' was used in the sense of * qindam -/
'^^Qoe it came to be used as the indefinite article in the Middle and
^^ Teutonic hmgnagesy in exactlr the same manner in which
^Italian^ Spanish and French kngnages derived their indefinite
.^cfe fiom the Latin nomend aa-at. Becoming a rei^nlar link
j? tiie stractore of the hingaagey it gnidoallv lost its numeric
^^nctiveness, jnst as the definite article, originally a demon.
^^tjre pronoun, lost much of its demonstrative force, and con-
tinently it dwindled down in Modem English to the single
l^wel a, while before vowels am reappears, and on^ was chosen
^^ express the number. In Modern German, where both the
f^^unenl and the article are rendered bj eim, Una word has, where
^ is used in its numeric force, more emphasis than in its position
^ indefinite article, where it is very slightly accented in conver-
^tion, and in dialects becomes scarcely audible ; so that it has
^me sound similar to the English an or a. The Middle High
German preserved the full accent or tone on the word eiu,
Av^hether article or numeral, and used it even in rh vmes, but the
wear and tear of time and circumstances can be observed alreaily
in the license it gave to shorten the nominative and s^jcrisative
forms, einer, einiu, eine^ — eiMn, eine^ ^'^l* into the simple eim.
In this respect the Modem German is superior to it^ mother
dialect, as it allows no abbreviation except in the nominative
masculine and neuter.
The entire loss of inflexional forms, which dates back as far an
the period of Old English, may coincide with the conver
the numeral into the indefinite article; in Laymn*
century), at any rate, we find full inflexiona '
236 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
nom. an, a\ gen. masc ane9, annes, ones; fern, are: dat. masc.
ane, anne; fern, are : aoc. masc. anne, fern, ane, one. In Hig^h
German the numeral appears to have first been used as the
indefinite article by Otfried (ninth century).
This numeral has, whether used as such or as the indefinite
article, abandoned its plural form^ unless we reckon as such the
modem German die einen (Fr. lee unij^ where it occupies the
position of a substantive. A similar plural we observe in modem
Swedish^ where the ' tens' may be turned into substantiyes by
connecting them with the definite or indefinite article, e. g. en
etiay a number consisting of one ; ittany the number consisting
of one; ellor-na, the numbers consisting of one; tvd-^n, the
number consisting of two; tvdor-na, the numbers consisting of
two. (Compare the Dutch eene zee, a number of six ; drie zeeeen,
three numbers of six.) These may be rendered by the Lat.
singuli, bint, &c
The English one preserves the genitive » where it is used as a
substantive, one^e.
two
Mmc. Fern. Neut. ^
M. H. Germ, zwene zw6 twei Gen. zweier, npeiger ; 6mI. zwein
N. U.Grerm. zwH zwei zwH Gen. tweler; dat. fKvt'n
three
Masc. Fein. Neut.
M.H.Germ. dri dri driu Gen. drier; AbL drin
N. H. Germ, drei drei drei Gen. dreier; dat. drden
Note, — In the other modern dialects these numerals have lost
their inflexions altogether ; where old inflexional forms are
preserved, they have lost their old inflexional meaning, as
N. Germ, zwei and zwo, N. Engl, two and twain (Shakesp.), Swed.
tvd, tu, tventies {^Z) ; tre, trenne (3) ; which latter forms do not
indicate inflexional modifleations, but render diflerent shades of
meaning, and are therefore used in diflerent combinations.
NUMERALS.
237
ORDINALS.
The ordinal numerals are^ with the exception of two, super-
latives, though in certain peculiarities they differ from the super-
latives of adjectives.
TABLE OF ORDINALS IN THE COGNATE LANGUAGES.
No.
Suukrit.
Greek.
Latin.
Gothic.
1st
pT<l4h(lfM^
T^-TO^f)
pri-mo-it)
fru-mcMi'
2nd
dviriUyor
8c^-Tcpo-(f)
4ee-ttmfo-(«)
an-thara
8rd
tri4%ya
Tp/-Ta-(j)
ter-Ho-^8)
thri-dja-n--
4th
ehatur-tha
{turya)
{pancha^ha)
T^Tap-TO-(f)
quar-to-it)
(JiduMha-n)
5th
Wfiir-ro-(f)
quin(€yt(h(8)
(Jin^-tcMi)
pancha-ma
6th
dia9h-4ha-
€#f-TO-(s)
tex-to-^s)
taihs-tor^n-
7th
tapta-ma-
W<J-Aio<f)
Bepti-mo-^i)
(iihun-da-n-)
8th
<iAfa-ma
iy^6-o- (M«^-fa>(0
octo-w-(«)
ahti^-da-nr
9th
nava-nui-
^i'a-To-(j)
no-fio-(«)
niftun-dorn-
10th
da4a-m€h
JAco-To-(v)
deci-mo^s)
taihun-dor^t^
11th
eka-^na4cb-
lr-8€<ca-To-(»)
un-deci-^mo^s)
m m
15th
paHdui-dctici-
w^-ros iral 94iearos
quintiu decimui
fimfia taihtmda-n-
20th
vinUati-tama
{vkhia)
iatoriama
91kOC'T6-(s)
vi-cen-ww)-(«)
wanting.
100th
4icar<Mr-T^-(t)
eerU-i8imO'{8)
wanting.
one— ten
The Sanskrit term for ' first' is pra-tAama, which consists of
the preposition pra (fore, before), and lAama=tama; and of
analogous formation is the Gr. 7r/>a>-ro-, Dor. mpa-To-, showing
the preposition and the suffix ta. The Lat. pn-mo^ stands for
pro^imO', and this for pro^tinuh- (compare the Sanskrit suffix
ihama) ; and the Goth, fru-ma^n- for prormcHa- (for Sansk. p^
Crrimm's law), where we find the sufiix ma instead of ta^.
The Sansk. dvirti^a ^econd), dvutya is derived from dvi (2)
and the suffix ta ; the Gr. htirr^po- is a comparative of b€v=dva
g); the Lat. seeundo' from the root sec, seq (sequi). The
ortbeni languages form their term from a base An-taron, as
Goth, tmtikara (the other^ the second)^ which is the comparative
of the demonstrative pronominal base ana.
The term ' third' may be derived from a primitive tar-tya or
ilm hm ('three/ and the base ta in its extended form tya)y in
Am OMik. tr^Uya we have in the form tr=tra, tar, the number
the chapter on the formation of the Superlative of Adjectives.
238 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
three. In Greek all the ordinals (with the exception of 7th and
8th) are formed from the cardinals^ to which to {=td), the sufBx
of the superlative, is added, e.g. rpl-ro. The Lat. ter-lio and
the Goth, thri-^ja-n- are formed in analogy to the Sanskrit with
the suffix tya.
The ordinal ' foui-th' may in the Ursprache have been Jtatvar-
ta ; Sansk. chatur^tha {lAa=zla) or tur'ya=c/ialur-ya. The two
suffixes to and ya may occur in the combination tya, or each may
form a superlative independently of the other. Gr. rirapTo^
T€TFap^Oy Lat. quarto = quattior-4o, parallel to which we may
assume a Goth. Jidur-tAa — the suffix ta throughout.
five
Ursprache kakan-ta- or iani-ta, Sansk. panch-a-ma, Ved.
pancha-tha, Gr. iriix'tt'To-j Lat. quin{cyto, Goth, ^tnf-ta.
The suffix ta throughout. Ursprache Juvaks-fa, Sansk. akash-
tha^ Gr, ?ic-to for i^-ro, Lat. sez-to, Gt)th. miAs-ta-n.
seven
Ursprache sapta-ma or sapta-ta^ Sansk. aapta^ma^ Gr. l^bo-fMo
for ^liTTo-fxo (comp. the old and poet. lj3do-/xaro), Lat. septinw,
Goth, sibun-da-n,
eight
Ursprache aktv^ma^ Sansk. asAta-ma, Gr. Syboo-^^ 6yboFo'z=
^oKToFo-, Lat. octavo-, probably from a primitive aitdv^a, where
the suffix a only is added to the stem aitu, which appears very
distinctly in the Goth, ahtu-da-n.
nine
Ursprache nava-ma or nava-ta, Sansk. nava-ma, Gr. Iva-ro,
ivpa'To = ^ iv^Fa-To, Lat. no-no- = ^noV'no-=^novi'no, Goth, ninn-
da-n.
ten
The Sansk. daia-ma and the Lat. deci-mo are compounds of
the cardinal with the suffix ma, the Gr. b^Ka-ro, Goth, taihun-
da-n with the suffix ta.
NUMERALS. 239
U— 19
The Sanskrit uses the compound of ' units' and ' tens' of the
cardinal numbers^ but daian (10) drops its n^ and thus the final
a is treated as the suffix^ e.g. ekd-daia (llth)^ dva-daia (ISth).
The Latin language adopted the suffix ma, as un-deci-mo-, kc,
the Greek and Gothic again the suffix ^, e. g. iv^4Ka-To (llth)^
Gk>th. fitnf'-tar'taihun-da'n ; compare Lat. quintus decimus, where,
as in Gothic, both the 'unit' and the 'ten' take the ordinal
suffix.
20—90
The Sanskrit numerals of this class assume either the suffix
tama, as vimiatirtama (20th), or thej drop the terminational ti {i)
of mnsati (SO), and then put the final a as in the termination,
just like the ordinals 1 1-19> e. g. vimSa (SOth). In Greek the
suffix TO {la) is added to the termination xcfri, kovto of the cardinal
numerals, which, after dropping the final vowel, yield the form
KOTTo^ from which arises Koa-rOf as rpioicJoTo (80th). The Latin
suffix of ordinal numerals is timo^ old form tumo {=:zla-\-ma?),
which is added to cintij cinta after the latter has dropped the
final vowel, and thus we get the form cent-tumo, and from this
cesumo, cenmo, ^esimOy as vi-cesirmo (20th), quadra-gesi-mo (40th).
In Gothic these ordinals are wanting, but in Old High German
they are formed by adding the termination of the adjective super-
lative osta-ii to the cardinals, 2a fior^zug-^ata-n (40th) i.
100—1000
Sansk. kator-tama (100th) adds the suffixes ta and ma to the
cardinal hata, Gr. aTo-=4a'-ro; w corresponds to the primitive
yaiM, a comparative, and lo — tay the superlative termination,
e. g. iKaro-orrf. The Latin word cenl-esimo is irregularly formed,
as if the termination were esimOj whilst after the analogy of the
' tens' it should be expected to be cenaenmo from eent-tesimo.
In Gothic these ordinals are wanting.
The words we have just mentioned, and which express the
ordinal of 100 in the difierent languages are further used toge-
ther with the units to form the compounds which denote the
ordinals from 200 to 900.
1000
Sansk. saiasra-tama, Gr. xikui-'aTo, Lat. mill-esiino, Gothic
wanting.
^ Compare the chapter on the formation of the Superlative.
o
z.
o
H
s
g
00
£
c
o
H
S
O
H
•J
pa
E t
liilll lilt
. '
Hi
i i* fe a -8 5 4 1
- f 5 I ^ i > 5 I
I
i>
JL r
< «
-3
1 ^ i
« ?
I
5li
& 9 £ «•
2 T • ^
= ^1^11
SI s
"5
* 1
i I
I
e
M
X
w
1^
•al • ^ to at
^11
III
2
I
V
5 ^
ills
I
ill
s
14
I
I 1
S is
■g i: s 1 *
III
1
.a
c
Itllf
11
0
O
B
"I
>S
S
»5
til
i i
U
2
« 1.5 S I
1 1 « 9
iiii^
3
i • •
O
S ISSSSt St|| I
NUMERALS. 241
REMARKS ON THE TEUTONIC ORDINALS.
We have had occasion already to remark that the ordinals in
the cognate languages^ as well as in Gothic^ are superlatives.
The other Teutonic ordinals agree on the whole with the Gothic,
and differ from it only in a few peculiarities which we are about
to discuss.
one
The Gothic fruma-^ has already been explained as an ancient
superlative, to which would answer a primitive pra-ma-n (Goth.
^for Sansk. /?, Grimm^s law), consisting of the preposition pra
(fore, before, pro) and the superlative suffix ma. This fruma
again undergoes another superlative inflexion ^by adding the
comparative termination u (primitive yana^), and the superlative
suffix ta, /rum^i^ta. This, no doubt, is a later formation, and
originated at a time when the consciousness of the superlative
force oi fruma itself was lost. In the other Low German dia-
lects the Gothic form is sometimes preserved, as in the A. S.
frutna, or the u is weakened into o, or metathesis of the r takes
place; hence A. S., O. S., and O. Fris. forma. Then we further
find the more recent superlative termination with it, and thence
we have, corresponding to the Ooihicfrumista, the A* &0fyrmesia,
where y is the Umlaut of «, which is caused by the succeeding i
in the termination w/, here weakened into est : fyrmeda again is
contracted into^r^^a. The Frisian superlative /bnw-^*/, the Old
High German superlative vur-isl-er, and the O. ^.fyrsl-r, are
formed on the same principle. We n^ight also explain the forms
vur-ist-er, &c,, as being directly derived from the preposition
O. H. Germ, fora^ Goth.^awrff, the Teutonic garb in which the
preposition jora, Gr. irprf commonly appears. Besides the ordinal
fntma and its derivative forms we meet another word in the
Teutonic tongnes, exclusive of Gothic, in the shape of the A. S.
{Er-est-a, O. H. Germ, er-isir-er, which is fonned of the adverb
A. S ar (Engl, ere), O. H. Germ. Sr (Germ, ehe, eh-er), meaning
'fore,' ^before,' and the suffix ist^ est (=w-^), a form which
undoubtedly is of a much later formation, since it is represented
neither in Gothic nor the cognate languages.
From these Old Teutonic words their Middle and New Teu-
tonic representatives will easily be explained, where mostly
preposition and suffix are still clearly traceable, as O. Engl./brw-
est-e, vor-^tey fr^t^, M..H. Germ, viir-est-ej and er-st^, Engl.
' Aboat these suffixes see the chapter o|i Comparison, p. 148 sqq.
E
242 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
fir^, er-^, Gterm. er^t, Dutch eer^i, Swed.^^fr-*^-a, Dan.Jor-
iUe^ some of the modem tongaes adopting both terms^ othera
selecting one of the two.
two
The Oothic aniAara, second, derives its origin from the de-
monstrative pronominal base ana and the comparative suffix
iara^ which consistently with Grimm^s law is tAara in Gh>thic.
The Low Grerman tA is duelj represented in the O. Fris. oUerf
and in its softened form in the A.S. and O.S. %. These dialecte,
however^ do not tolerate an n preceding the aspirate ti, and
therefore drop it regularly, hence A. S. a^Ser, O. S. d^r (by the
side of O. H. Grerm. andar). The Old Norse dialect, in its pro-
pensity for geminated forms, assimilates the d (for tA) from andar
into annar, whilst Old High German preserves the Gothic form
most completely, and at the same time carries out the law of
the mutation of sound, rendering the Goth. tA by the media d,
hence andar.
Few remarks will suffice with reference to the history of this
form in the later Teutonic dialects. Old English and New
English preserve the Anglo-Saxon form in the words d^Ser and
otAer; but in Old English already it yields its ancient position to
the Latin form secund^, which, as the N. Engl, second, supplants
the Teutonic word altogether, the latter being exclusively used
in the sense of alter, alius, a fate which also befalls the Germ.
ander, replaced by zwei-tey Dutch twee-de. The Swedish and
Danish languages alone not only preserve the ancient forms in
their original position, but in retaining the media d, surpass in
correctness even the Old Norse dialect — Swed. andra, Dan.
an den.
three
The Goth, thri-dja shows, like the same form in Sanskrit, the
suffix tt/a, an extension of the superlative base ta, Li the other
Old Teutonic dialects we find the sibilant y of the base dja assimi-
lated to the preceding d, hence the A. S. ]^ri^da, O. Fris. lAre-
dda, O. S. thri-ddi, O. H. Germ, dri-tto (d for Goth. M, and t for
d, Grimm's law).
Old English preserves the A. S. \ri'd(h, which in New Eng-
lish introduces metathesis of the r in tliir-d, so also Dutch der^e.
The O.N. \ri-di is surpassed in correctness of form by the Swed.
tre-dje, Dan. tre-die. The Germ, dn-tte remains faithful to its
Old High German source.
NUMERALS. 243
4-19
The other Teutonic ordinals up to ' nineteen^ are formed by
the superlative suffix ta^ the t of which in Gothic and the other
Teutonic dialects ought to be rendered in Low German by th,
Old High German by d, which, however, appears as ^, rf, and ih^
in the Old Teutonic dialects, either of these dentals being chosen
agreeably to the preceding consonant. Thus, for example, it is
a law common to all the ancient Teutonic languages that no
other dental but the tenuis can follow upon the aspirate f; hence
Goth, ffff/'ta, A. S./f-ia, O. Fris. ff-la, O. S.f/'lo, O. H. Germ.
jtrnf-to. The omission of the m in the Low German dialects is
analogous to the omission of the n before "8 which we have just
mentioned. The O. ^.fem-te drops the/*. The same rule holds
good for the Gothic saihs-ta^ A. S. six-ta, O. H. Germ. seA^to, &c.
As to the other numerals, it is Anglo-Saxon exclusively which
adopts the aspirate, the regular representative in Low German
of the tenuis in the cognate languages, A. S. ?, O. Engl. ]>,
N. Engl. lA, as A. S. seqf-iSa^ O. Engl. seue-}pe, N. Engl, aei^en^th ;
while the other Low German dialects, like Gothic, prefer the
media; so that Old High German also gets into a confusion,
adopting the regular media d in ^or-do (4th), sidun-do (7th), and
ahto-do (8th) only, in the remaining ordinals to.
The modern languages follow the footsteps of their mothers,
but so that they introduce the favourite dental throughout,
hence Engl.^f^^ for A.&.ff-ta; Germ. r/Vr-/^ (4th) for O. H.
Germ. Jior-do, sieben-te (7th) for siiun-do. In the Swed. and
Dan. fenv-U (5th), sjeUte (6th) only, we find the Old Teutonic
tenuis of the O. 'N.Jim-ti, aet-ti preserved.
20—1000
From 'twenty^ upwards the ordinals are wanting in Gothic,
whilst in the other Teutonic dialects, Anglo-Saxon excepted,
they are formed by the common superlative suffix (fe^, a^t-,
e. g. O. H. Germ. drizugSsto (30th), O. Fris. thritig-osta, O. N.
yriiug-asH. Anglo-Saxon, on the other hand, forms the ordinals
above like those below twenty, i. e. with the suffix S«, which is
added to the cardinal by means of the connective vowel d. The
Modem Teutonic dialects followed various courses; the High
German remained faithful to its traditions, and adopted the
O. H. Germ, osl in the weakened form est, contracted 8t, which
E 2
244
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
is also preserved in Dutch. The Scandinavian languages aban-
doned the ast of Old Norse and continued the ordinals above
'twenty' with the suffix de. Old English and New English
preserve the A. S. "Sa, as A. S. ^riUiffHh'^a, O. EngL pryftti-^e,
N. Engl, thirti-if^th.
OTHER NUMERALS.
Old Teutonic Languages.
Li all the Teutonic dialects we have^ besides the cardinal twOf
the numeral both, answering to the Gr. ifx<l>6T€poi,, Lat. ambo»
It appears in Gothic as bai, O. S. be^ja, O. N, ba^ir, O. Fris.
bethe, A. S. begen {bd, bu). The declension, it will be seen, id
very defective in Gothic.
Gothio.
Masc.
Gen.
Dat. \^jf.f, \
I bajop-um j
Accus. bans
Fem.
Neut.
wanting.
ha
ha
Anglo-Saxon.
Masc.
bigen
Fem.
ha
Nent.
&«
bega, begra
banif b<pm
hegen | ba \ bu
Old Saxon.
Masc.
bitSja
Fem.
hi^ja
Neut-'
b^i^
hetSerd
befSjun
be9Ja\ heSJa \ be^ju
Old Frisian.
Old Norse.
O. H. Gterm.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Masc
Fem.
Neut.
Nom. hethe
bethe
hetha
hafiir
I.
hafSar
hcFfii
pede
pedd
pediu
J
Gen.
Dat.
Accus. bMhe
hithera
bitha
bethe
1 hetha
ba'fSa
hcggja
baiSum
hdiSar
\hctiSi
pedi
piderd
pidim
\pid6
1 pidiu
In Anglo-Saxon some forms of this word combine occasionally
with the numeral ' two/ e. g. hdtwd-=.hd (both) -f twd (two), neut.
butu ; they occur also declined, e.g. dat. bdm twdm.
Distributive numerals we have in the Goth, tveinaih, occur-
ring in the accus. fem. tveihnos ; O. H. Germ. zwenSy which was
adopted to supply the cardinal numeral 'two' — O.N. einn,
NUMERA L8.
245
icennTj yrennr, fern : plur. of tvennr, yrennr, is tvennir, tvennar,
tvenuj &c. ; they may be used in a distributive or multiplicative
si^ifieation^ so that ivennr may mean binus and duplus^ '}frennr
=triuus and triplex.
Multiplicatives are formed in Gothic by fatbs (fold), fem.
fal\ay neut. fal\. This Gothic fal\ is in Anglo-Saxon feald^
Old Saxon and Old Frisian /a^^, Old 'Norse falrl-r, Old High
German /aH. Examples : — Goth. ain-/al\h-s, one-fold, simple ;
A. S. dn-'feald^ O. S. and O. Fris. en-fald, O. N. ein-fald-r, O. H.
Germ, ein-falt^er^ Goth. fdur-fal^'Sy four-fold; A. S. twinfeald^
two-fold ; O. S. tekin-fald, ten-fold ; O. Pris, thri'-fald, three-fold ;
O. N.Jimm'fald^r, five-fold ; O. H. Germ, dri-falt^ three-fold.
Numeral adverbs answering to the question qiioties? how
often ? are not met with in Gothic, but some occur in the other
old dialects.
Examples : —
SBMBL.
BIS.
TER.
O. H. Oer. eina, einest
Ang.-Sax. (vne (ams)
Old Saxon ines
Old Frisian inis, Sne8 (ense)
Old Norse einna
swiror^ stciro, snoiron
twiwa
ttoiwa
tmra
tytvar
driror
)>rttra
thnjo^ tkriwo
thria
l^rygvar
To supply the wanting numeral adverbs, the Low German lan-
guages, Gothic included, use the dative of the word */«))-, mean-
ing way, turn, time, punctum temporis, Goth, ^npa, A. S. and
O. S. sip {n dropped on account of the succeeding aspirate "8),
O. Pris. seth (for dth, sintA), O. N. sinn (the final ? assimilated to
the preceding n), while Old High German uses for the same pur-
pose the substantive atunta^ stunt (punctum temporis, hour, comp.
Germ, stunde), a word which is occasionally used in Old Frisian
too. Examples : — Goth, ainamma sinpa, one time, once ; an*
\aramma sin\a^ a second time ; tvdim sinpam, two times, twice.
A. S. o?i {enne ^"8, once ; eahto^an si^e, for the eighth time ;
eakta sHon, eight times. O. S. siihm si^un, seven times ; teAan
si^un, ten times. O. Pris. tian setAen or tian stunda, ten times.
O. N. dtta sinnum, eight times ; tuttugu sinnufn, twenty times.
O. H. G^rm. Jlar-stunt, four times ; zeAan-stunt, ten times, and
drim atuntoniy driS stunto, three times.
There is another kind of numeral adverbs in the Teutonic
languages, which express companionship of as many persons as
are indicated by the numeral. For this purpose the Anglo-Saxon
language makes use of the indefinite pronoun sum^ which it adds
to the respective cardinals, e. g. eode eaAta-sum, we went eight
246 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
together, including myself: eahfa^^um can be rendered in Ge^
man by one word, selh-achUr. This Germ, ielh (meaning 'self)
has its forerunner in the O. H. Germ, selp^ aelhy e.g. selp-aniar
(Germ, selb-ander, i. e. we were two together, I was the second);
sUp-dntlOy selbnlritt, we were three together, I was the thiri
In Frisian and Old Saxon sum is used as in Anglo-Saxon.
Tlie Old Noree has some forms answering to the Latin nnmenl
adjectives in -arius, e.g. yftitug-ry tricenarius; sextug^r^ sexagen-
arius.
Middle and Modern Teutonic Languages.
The root ha is preserved in the modem dialects, and appears
in the* Engl, hoth^ from O. E. hei\ey bo^e for bege^ bo, A. S. begm,
bd, bu. The Germ, beide, M. H. Germ, beid^ (for bede), are de-
rived from the Old High German neuter form beidiu (for bediu);
the Swed. bdrle, Dan. baade, from the O. N. h&^ir ; Dutch heedij
O. S. b^ja.
The distributive numerals answering to the question 'how
often ?^ have disappeared from all Modern Teutonic languages
except the English, where they are preserved in the forms once,
twice, thrice. The word once is derived from the O. Engl, oones
(exchanging the sibilant c for s), A. S. dues, dne,{B7ie ; twice from
O. Engl, twies, twie, with w^hich corresponds the A. S. twtica ;
but still more so the O. Fris. twira = tirim and the O. N. tysvar^
from which it becomes sufficiently evident that the full form
must have been twiswa, the s of which was dropped in Anglo-
Saxon, but restored in Old English from some other source,
perhaps Old Frisian or Old Norse. The same case we have in
thrice, O. Engl, thries for thrie, A. S. ]>r!wa^ O. N. ^rysrar.
The Modern Teutonic languaq-es being deprived of these
numeral adverbs have to suj)ply them by circumscriptive forms,
an expedient adopted already in Old Teutonic dialects ; but the
word sin]fa, sinlS, sin/f, has disai)peared, and others have taken its
place in the diffrrent modern tongues. (The Old Norse si)ijf in
the Danish cardinals, see above.) The English makes use of the
word *time^ : three times, /our times, Jive times, &c. The equivalents
in the German and Dutch languages are inal, maal respectively,
as ein-jnal, een-maal ; zwei-mal,, twee-maal ; drei-maal, drie-maul,
&c. The word 7)fdl which occurs in Old High German already,
and in the Goth. 7nel, means ^punctum/ a point, and hence
'punctum temporis/ a point of time, or moment— a meaning
which corresponds to that of the words sin^a and stunt used in
the Old Teutonic dialects. It is certain that this form was
NUMERALS. 247
adopted in High German before Lather's time; but in Middle
High German the O. H. Germ, dunt is used for the same pur-
The ScaDdinavian languages employ for the same purpose the
word gang, which originally means walk, step, turn, and hence
time ; e. g. S wed. engdng^ tvd ganger, ire ganger ; Dan. engang,
to gauge, ire gange.
The A. S. ^m, mentioned above^ is no lon^r used in English
with its peculiar meaning when in combination with cardinals ;
and in German too the O. H. Germ, sell has disappeared alto-
gether^ except in the term selbander, we two together : aellh-dritt,
&c.^ are out of fashion.
Multiplicatives are formed in the modem as well as in the
ancient dialects by the termination fold, Germ, fait, fdltig,
Jhitch. voudig ; e.g. three-fold, dreifdltig, drie-voudig ; air-fold,
secha-fdltig, zes-voudig.
Fractions are rendered either by the ordinals^ as in English
and Dutch — e. g. a fourth, een vierde ; a twelfth, een ttoaalfde — or
by adding the word deal to the cardinal^ as is done in the Germ.
tel = theU, and the Danish and Swedish deel, del, e. g. Germ.
mer'tel=ivier'theil, Dan, en fjerde^deel, Swed. Snfjerde-dSl.
COMPARISONS.
THE COGNATE LANGUAGES.
COMPARATIVB BaSES.
I. Formations with the suffix -yailS.
The primitive suffix yans is perhaps the modifioation of a still
more ancient yant, and related to the suffixes ant^ mant^ vanL
In the last of the three just mentioned it also occurs that the t
is replaced by s, and so it may be in yans for yant. This suffix
is always joined directly to the root and limited to certain roots,
as nav-a, new, comp. nav-yans ; avad-u, sweet, svad-yans.
In Sanskrit the primitive yans becomes yas or iyds, e. g. nava,
new, comp. na'c^yds ; hhu-ri^ much, hhu-yds ; yuvan^ young,
yav-tyds ; mah, great, mah-iyds.
The Greek language drops the s of yans^ changes y into i, or
combines it with the preceding consonant into crcr or f; e.g.
KQK-J-, bad, comp. KaK-toz/*-', Ka^tcar ; Max-i^, hgh^^ levis, iKaa-aov,
for ^iKax^LOv-; ixiy-a^^ fjL€y-6.\o^, great, fxelCtav for /Ltey-toi/; ttoA-i^,
much, TrAetor-, primitive form pra-ya7ts from par-u; TOot pra =
par, to fill ; fxe-lov-, less, primitive form ma-yaiis from a root
ma, commonly weakened to mi (comp. Lat. mi-imi).
In Latin the primitive yans became yons, -ions, -i^s, the final s
yielding later on to rhotacism which produced the form -ior; but
the original s was always preserved in the neuter -ius = yu^
(comp. Sansk. ydif). Examples : — mag-no-, great, comp. md-jor,
for ^inag-ior^ neut. 7na-jus=.^mag-ius ; plus, more, {rom pious =
^plo-iiis (comp. TrAc-toi^) primitive j??m-ya?/*, root pra= par, to fill;
plur€s=pleores=z^pl^-ior'es, comp. oi' ple-ro-, jAerns. ple-no^, full,
root ple=ploz=:pra=zpar, to fill; minor, less, =min-ior, min-us=z
min-ius, root min = man, ma ; facil-ior comp. of/acil-i-, root ^fac.
The Gothic comparative terminations are -is, Ss, both derived
from yans\ is—yas {i=ya) 6s=a-as (Goth. dz=a-j-a):=a-yas=
a-yans. To these comparative bases is added the termination an
in the masculine, y^j/f {=:yan) in the feminine form of the adjec-
COMPARISONS, 249
live, so that the comparative suffix in Gothic is izan, fem. izjan,
izein (final * is softened into z in the middle of the word), -^zan,
fem. -ozjan^ ^dzein. Examples : — manag-izan^, nom. sing. masc.
fnanagiza, neut. managizo {Sznan), fem. managizei, theme manega,
nom. sing, manegs, (much, many) ; maizan" = mah-izan (compare
Liat. mag^is, major, mag^ior, 6r. /mey-ioi^-), comparative of theme
mii-ila-, nom. sing, mikils, great, root mik, Lat. mag, Gr. piey,
Sansk. mah, primitive mag, great. In the adverbial form of this
word the case termination has disappeared, and it therefore ends
in*: mais =Ij&t, mag^is ; AauA'is, comj)B,TQ,tiYe AauA-izan", theme
kauha^j nom. sing, hauhs, high ; even the i of w is sometimes
dropped : mins, adverbial comparative of minn-iza, less (comp,
Lat. min-u8 for miririus),
2. Formations with the suffixes -taXE and -ra.
These suffixes are chiefly used in Sanskrit and Greek for the
formation of the comparative -, -tara is probably a compound of
the frequently occurring suffixes ta and ra. The latter by itself
expresses comparison, e.g. Sansk. ava-ra, inferior, com p. of the
preposition ava, de, of, from ; apa-ra, after, of prep, apa, ab, of,
from. Compare with these examples the Latin sup-eru^ (sup-er),
inf-eru-^ {inf-^r), which have the ancient comparative suffix ra.
The consciousness however of the comparative force of the ter-
mination er being lost, the common comparative suffix tor was
superadded, so that in the Latin superior, inferior, we have in
fact double comparatives.
tara forms in the Ursprache the very old stem an-tara, interior,
from the demonstrative base ana-, root an; and ka-tara, uter,
from the interrogative base and root ka.
This suffix appears in Sanskrit as the masculine termination
'taraSy fem. -tard, and is simply added to the nominal stem, e. g.
punya^tara, comp. of punya, pure ; ka-tara (uter) of ka, quis ;
ya-tara (uter) of the relative ya, qui ; i-tara, other, from demon-
strative i, is ; an-tara, exterior.
The comparative base tara is rendered in Greek by -rcpo, e. g.
w<>-T€po- = Ko-repo-, uter, root tto, ko, = Sansk. ka ; Kov<l>6^T€po^,
comp. of KovifH)', light, levisj (roffai-i^po- (co on account of the
preceding short syllable). The termination ea^r^po seems to
have been adopted from the adjectives ending in co-, as in aa^eo--
T6po- of a-aiprjs, to other adjectives as the combining syllable
between the root and the termination, e. g. fvhaifjLov'-ia'Tfpo' of
cvW-fuor. The form la-r^po must be kept distinct altogether
from the preceding, it being a compound of la, the shortest
230 TEUTOJIC GRAMMAM.
contracted fijnn of jw«, rad r^w^fov, e.g^. XaXria^-npo-, oom-
parmtiTe of AoXa-, tftlkatnre.
In Latin the suffix Urm is Tcry rare. It oceim in w4ero=
cu'^.ero, quo^^rOj root km, ko^ Gr. uo, so, Simsk. ia; ar-^, fent
«-/«, neat, wntn^m elision of ^^ ; i«-/^, dej>4er. Farther ex-
amples arc : — «i«-wHVrr>-, minor, minister, serrant^ from the root
mUj small : ma^9-t^^y major, maister, from the root mag, gred;
tim-l^ero^y left,— examples irhere we find, as in the Greek AoA-
Ca-Tfpo, the suffixes jt'Ijm -h tara.
In Gothic the suffix iara does not occur frequently. It is
nsed in the following words: — am^iara^, nom. sin^. anriiar,
other, second, where the Gothic /i represents the Sansk. t (see
Grimm's law) ; ica-iAara, nom. sing, hva-^kar, nter, whether, I
for Sansk. k (Grimm's law), r introduced after k (see the respeo-
tire letters) ; Aifh-dar, hinder, posterior; af-ira, after, retro, prep.
of, of; kra'-tkro, whither, theme ira-/iAi-r= primitive ht-iara^
ika-ikrOy thither, primitive ta'4ara; kva-dre, whither; kirdtiy
hither, primitive ki-^ara.
Superlative Bases.
I. Formations vUk ike suffix -t&.
The regular suffixes nsed in the formation of the superlative
are ta and ma (which have other functions besides this), and
their combinations iamay matay tatCy which, as secondary suffixes
are sometimes added to the comparative.
ta is used chiefly in the formation of ordinals ^ It forms super-
latives by joining the comparative suffix yana. The reduplicated
tu=iiata is in Greek the regular termination of the superlative
by the side of the comparative in tara.
The primitive language either used the full form in yans-ta,
as magh-yaiis-ta (fi^yLCTos), ak-yavs-la (5kiotos), or the shortened
form of yans, i. e. isy e. g. magk-is^tay ak-is^ta, Schleicher decides
in favour of the former.
In Sanskrit the superlative suffix t^ is joined to the compara-
tive yds, 'iydS', shortened in w, and the combination i^ta be-
comes uh'thay e. g. mah-uhtha^ greatest, of root mak ; gar-Uktka^
superl. of guru ^ heavy.
The Greek language joins the superlative to (=^) to the
comparative base lo- i^ans)^ e. g. Kdic-KJ-ro-, ^ft-ic-ro-, txiy-Lo-'To-y
TrAc-icr-ro-. The reduplicated form tata^ Gr. roro, of this suffix,
* See the respective chapter, p. 237 sqq.
COMPARISONS, 251
forms the r^alar superlative to the comparatives in taray Or.
r€/)o, e. g. icov<J>o-TaTO-, ao</)<o-roTo-, cvbaiixov^ia-TaTo^, AaA-((r-Taro-.
The Latin renders the suffix ^ by lo, tu, but it is not used in
the superlative, where mo (Sansk. ma), and ^mOy timo (the primi-
tive ta-ma) have the preference, e. g. lont/'issimo^, brev-issifno^,
op^i-mo- (see below).
The primitive la is rendered in Gothic by ^-», the n being
an addition peculiar to the Teutonic tongues, and d standing
irregularly for lA, which should represent the Sansk. t (see
Grimm^s law). Here again the superlative is added to the com-
parative case -is, -os, and the d of da is then replaced by ^, on
account of the preceding * (see the chapter on Consonants), e. g.
mana^uh-ta, AauA-is-ta, minn-is-ta, ma-is-la^ arm-6s-ta,
2. Formations with the suffix -ma.
It occurs in : — the Sansk. ava-md, lowest, last, from prep, dva^
of a demonstrative base ; madhya-md, medius ; para^mdy furthest ;
ddi-ma, first, from ddi, beginning ; and in many ordinals.
In Greek it is very rare; it occurs in €/35o-/xaTo- (combined
ma + ta, and with the remarkable change of irr into ^h) and in
vv-fxaTO", last.
ma is the favourite suffix in the Latin superlative, where it
appears as««o, e.g. sum-mo-=sup-mo-,like the comparative ^w/?-^/-,
from sup (sud); inf-mo-, comp. inf-ero-; mini-mo-, comp. min-or;
pluri-mo-, old form pliisi-mo-^t)lo-is-umo-, where we have again
the primitive j^tf 7?^ + «wt. Perhaps it may come from a primitive
Latin form plo-yus-VHtao-, as plus^=^plous^=plo-yus, and min-us=s
min-yus.
It occurs rarely in Gothic, and where it does it is accompanied
by the Teutonic final », e. g, innu-ma-n, intimus, inmost ; y>«-
ma-n, foremost, first, and with an additional superlative suffix
in fru-yn-is-iay an example which shows that the consciousness
of the superlative force of the suffix ma must have been lost at
an early time.
3. Formations with the suffi^x tarllia*
It is in Sanskrit the regular superlative termination by the
side of the comparative in tara, as ka-tamd, which out of many,
interrogative ; ya-tamd, which out of many, relative.
In Greek it is wanting.
The Latin language uses it as the regular superlative termi-
nation, where the primitive tam/i is rendered by simx>y sum^o,^
252 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
timo, tumo, and commonly added to the comparatiye suffix k
(primitive yans)^ e. g. long^ia-aimo-, brev-is-sima-^ op^iimo-y op4ih
mo- ; ul-timo-y in-limo-, maxima- = ^mag-simo- — ^mag-timo'. Adjeo*
tives which have dropped their final vowel and end in r or /join
the Buffix iimo^ simo, immediately to the root, as veter-rimo^ for
^ vefersimo-, ^veter-limo-, stem veler; pulcAer-rimo-, stem pulchenhy
facil-limcH for ^facilsimO', "^facH-titnxH, But these superlatives
may be explained in another manner, so as to derive them firom
a form veter-is-timo, velersimo-, velerrimo^, &c.
The suffix tam^ appears in Gothic under the form du-ma-n
(compare Lat, tumom op-tumo-)^ where we find ^ inorganic in the
place of th to represent the Sansk. t and the final n superadded,
e.g. af'tu-ma-ny aft-most, last, to which a further superlative
suffix is added in af-tu-m-is-ta-ny a double superlative containiog
four suffixes which are added to the preposition af^ namely, ta-
ma-yans-ta ; thus also hin-du-ma-n^ hindmost, latest, last, and
hin-du-m-is-ta-ii^ if-tu-ma-tiy the next, following.
OLD TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
I. The Comparative.
As we have already stated, the Gothic comparative of the
adjectives is formed by the terminations is and 6s, which answer
to the Sanskrit suffix yds, primitive yans, the final s being
softened into z when the comparative suffix is followed by a ter-
mination, hence izan, ozan, of which either one or the other is
used, the selection being made perhaps on euphonic rather than
grammatical grounds. While the termination for the masc. and
neut. is an, the fem. adopts y^;/, hence ein,
Examjiles : —
manags, much, many, theme manega ; comparative manag-izau-,
nom. sing. masc. ynanagiza, fem. managizei, neut. managizd (o
=.an),
blinds y blind, theme blinda ; comparative blind-dzan-, nom.
sing. masc. blinddza, fem. blinddzei, neut. blind^zo,
azets, light, easy, theme azeta ; comparative azel^izan-, nom.
sing. masc. azeiiza, fem. azefizei, neut. azetizo,
/rd]>s, prudent, wise, theme froda ; comparative frod-dzan-,
nom. sing. masc. /rdddza, ^em. frdddzei, neut. J^rddozd.
In the other Teutonic dialects rhotacism has taken place
throughout, that is, the * of the terminations is and ds has been
t
COMPARISONS. 253
Bopplanted by r, bo that the comparative suffiites are in Old
Sigh German ir and 6r^ in Old Saxon ir and 6r, in Old Frisian
«r and ar, whilst Anglo-Saxon has dropped the vowel altogether
and merely puts r. But we can prove that this dialect also
originally used both ir and (?/•, because, wherever the former
occurred, it caused the Umlaut of its adjective, which Umlaut
remained after the i of ir had been dropped ; the termination Sr^
on the other hand, never caused Umlaut. Similar is the case in
Old Norse, where ar stands for 6r, Goth. 6Sy and r for ir, Goth.
u, the latter being always distinct bv the Umlaut which the i
of the suffix r, originally ir^ had caused.
Examples ;—
Goth, blindsy bUnda, comp. blind^z-a^ blind-Sz^i, blhid-^z^.
O.K.G. plint ... „ plint-o?'-^, plint-or^y jplint^r-a.
blind^T'^y bli7td'6r-a, blind-ar^i,
blindr^-a^ &c.
blind-or-a, or blind- er-a, or blind-r-a,
blind-ar^i, blindHir-4j blind-ar-a.
O. S. blind
A. S. blind
O. Fris. blind
O. N. blindr
9}
REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE FORM IN THE DIFFERENT
DIALECTS.
1 . Old High German allows of the assimilation of the vowel
in the suffixes ^r and ir to the vowel of the succeeding termina-
tion, e. g. plintara for plintSra, richoro for ricAiro, where S has
been assimilated to the succeeding a, and i to the succeeding o.
The i of ir may cause the Umlaut of the vowel in the preceding
syllable.
2. Old Saxon may, like Anglo-Saxon, drop the i of ir alto-
gether, or weaken it into e, ana weaken the S of Sr into a ; e. g.
bet-er-a for bet^ir-^, ald-r'^ for ald-ir-o^ jtrng-ap-o for jung-Sr-o^
for which we even find jung-r^o^ so that it would appear, as if by
the side of jungSr^Oy a comparative jung-ir-o had been in use.
It is a peculiarity of the Old Saxon dialect that it likes to pre-
serve the derivative spirant j even before the terminations, so
that from the word 9uMi, theme suotja^ sweet, we have the com-
parative suofj-er-a and suot-^r^x^ wo^j-erni and w6^~erHi from
tDO^iy ico^ja, joyful. Gothic and Old High German never allow
this derivative spirant to appear before the comparative suffixes.
3. Anglo-Saxon comparatives in ir are — ^Id-r-a from eald, old ;
leng^r^a from lang^ long : in 6r — earm-r-a from eamiy poor (Germ,
arm) ; brdd-r-^ from brad, broad ; the former causing the Umlaut
(on account of the i), the latter not.
254 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
4. Old Frisian often weakens the forms ir and or into er^ tbe
former being always recognizable by the Umlaut it causes in
the preceding syllable, e. g. alt, old, comp. eld-^er-^ ; sometimes
nothing but the consonant of the suffix remained, as fir^ fiir,
comp. y<?r-r-a ; hdch^ high, comp, ha^-THi for hag-er-ni.
5. Old Norse also drops the % of «>, which however, just as
in the other dialects, leaves the traces of its original presence
behind by the Umlaut it has caused in the preceding syllable ;
e.g. fuller, full, comp. fylt-r-i ; diup^r, deep, comp. d^p^r-L
6. All the comparatives in all the dialects have the inflections
of the weak declension.
2. The Supeelative.
In the Teutonic dialects the superlative is formed just as in Gothic
and some of the cognate languages^ by adding the superlative
suffix la to the comparative suffix yans, and this primitive yam^a
(Sansk. i9-ta) appears in Gothic as i9-ta or Ss-ta [a reinstated for
z on account of the following i, and t instead of the regular d^
or rather th, on account of the preceding s), and these combined
suffixes uta, osta, appear in all the Teutonic dialects with modi-
fications similar to those which afiect the comparative termina-
tions, i, e. the i of iat being often weakened into e or dropped
altogether, and the 0 of ost weakened into a. From what we
have just stated it will be self-evident that the superlative in kt
answers to the comparative in /r, and the superlative in ost to
the comparative in 6r. Concerning the different Teutonic
dialects our remarks may be brief. In Anglo-Saxon the super-
lative terminations resume their ancient vowels in est {=.ist) and
ost, while the comparative suffix r had dropped both i and 0 ;
e. g. leng^st, sup. of lang ; earvi-ost, sup, of earm. But on the
other hand, Anglo-Saxon does not strictly keep apart the termi-
nations ist and ost for the comparatives ir and or respectively,
but frequently uses one for the other, as geong-ost for gyng^st,
and vice versa leof-est for leSf-ost. In Old Frisian the vowel of
the superlative suffix is rarely dropped, but it may appear in
various modifications as isty and e,st, and ast. Old Norse is the
only dialect which regularly drops the vowel of the suffix isi,
while it changes ost into ast ; e. g. S(rI-1, happy, sup. scBl-st-r ;
full-r, full, ^u^,fyl~st'r;fr6^'r, prudent, sup,y/*<?5-a*/-r.
Where i in the comparative causes Umlaut, it does the sanie
in the superlative; e.g. O.'N./ull-r, comp. /y//-;-i', sup. ^/-*/-ry
A. S. ealdy eld-r-a, eld-est.
The superlative may follow both the weak and strong declensions.
COMPARISONS.
255
TABLE OF COMPARISONS.
Positive.
Comparative.
Superlative.
Gothic hauhMf high
hlindt, bUnd
hauh-iz-aiV'
Uwdrdz-^va-
hauh-iet-or
hlind^it'ii'
O. H. G. gtMHty good
plinit blind
plint-dr-o-
peiyist-c-
phntSit-O'
O. Sax. old, old
«2;d9it, &ir
cUd-ir-O', (Ud-r-o-
scdnj-or-ih
ald-ist-O'
8c6nj-6st-
A. S. eald, old
earm, poor
yldrr-a
earm-r-a
yld-est
earm-ost
O.Fris. AacA, high
kag-er-a, hag-r-a
akSn-r^ (pr-a)
hag-Ut
aken-ast
O.Norae/itflr, fall
fr&S'T, prudent
fyn-r4
frdlS-ar-i
fyjrst-r
frdH-ast^.
3. Anomalous Forms.
We have had an opportunity already to mention that there
are various suffixes for the comparative as well as superlative^
out of which the different cognate languages select one or an-
other. Thus the Teutonic dialects prefer the suffix yans for the
formation of the regular comparative, while Greek chooses the
suffix lara (rfpo-) ; the former use the suffix ta added to yans in
order to form the superlative, whilst Latin, for the same purpose,
selects the suffix tama {tumo, timo) added to t« = yans^ hence
issimo-. But by the side of the common forms of comparatives
and superlatives ending in the usual suffixes, the Teutonic
languages make, like all others, occasional use of other suffixes
for the formation of comparatives and superlatives.
The comparative suffix tara we meet in the Goth, an-thara^,
an-thar^ other, which is modified in the O. H. Germ, an-dar^
Germ, an-der, A. S. S^er^ Engl, other ; Goth, hxm-thar^ uter,
whether, A. S. htoa^er^ Engl, whether; Goth. hva-^thrS, A. S.
Awdder^ Engl, whither ; Goth, tha^thrdy A.S. thider, Engl, thither;
Goth, hin-^ar, A.S. hinder; aftra (o/^ preposition ofy ab, de, retro),
A. S. dftery Engl, after.
Far more common are superlatives formed not by the regular
suffix yam + ta^ but by the suffix ma simply, or by the suffixes
ta-tna.
The simple suffix ma we have in the Goth./rw-w^a- (compare
fru with the Sansk. preposition pra^ Lat. ^ro), A.S, /or-m-a^
O. Fris. /br-m-a, first (compare Lat. prinno-) ; Goth, iyinu-wa-y
A.S. inne-ma^ intimus;. Goth, auhu-^a-, superus. The suffix
256
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
tama occurs in the Gotb. if-tuma (proximus^ sequens), {rf-tuma
(ultimus)^ hin-^uma- (postremus) ; and in the A. S. kin-dema
(ultiraus), and ut'-ema (extimus), st^-ema (novissimus^ ultimus),
Idir^ma (ultimus) 7ii^-ema (infimus), which very probably have
dropped the d in the suffix dema (=ztama) because it followed a
dental. These combinations do not occur in the other Teutonic
dialects. They take the inflexions of the weak declension. In
Gothic already the superlative force of these suffixes must have
been lost at an early date, whence it occurs that these superla-
tives assume the regular terminations of comparison as well; e.g.
Goth, J^ruman, comp, Jrum-oz-a, sxx^, frum^ist^ ; aftuman, (iftum'
UU ; Ainduman, hindumists. In the same manner are formed
the Anglo-Saxon superlatives forme%t or fyrmeai from forma;
medema (medius), comp. medemra, sup. medemeat; tHema, sup.
iltemest or ^temest ; nv^ema^ sup. nrSemasl, It is in general a
characteristic feature of Teutonic comparison to double its suf-
fixes, in order perhaps to create greater emphasis. Such double
comparatives we have in the Goth, vairsiza (which ought to be
vairiza)y A. S. vyr%a^ worse, where vyr already is a comparative,
and sa the ancient comparative 8 of iza, (Compare O. N. ver^ri
where the suffix s has submitted to rhotacism.) Thus, again, we
find in O. H. Germ, beKerSro for the simple comp. be^ir^ and meroro
for simple mero^ whicn sounds, as if we said betterer, morer, and
as some do say lesser, worser.
Deserving of special notice are the Anglo-Saxon double super-
latives which are derived by adding the superlative suffix est or
ost to the old superlative ending in ma, dema, e. g. hin-dem-est
from kin-dema, ul-em^est from ut-ema, Idt'em-esi from Idt-enmy
st^-em-esl from si^-e??fa. Compare the English hindmost^ ut-
most^ foremost^ &c., superlatives which are no compounds with
most (maximus), but have gradually grown out of the m-est of the
foregoing Anglo-Saxon superlatives.
4. Defective Comparisons.
Gothic.
O.H.G.
Bonus.
Pos. (j6d-8
Comp. hat iza
Sup. hat'Uts
Malus.
Pos. uhil-8
Comp. vair-8-iza
Sup. rair-s-ist-e
O.S.
Anglo-Saxon.
Old Frisian.
O.N.
gnot
pe^iro
uhil
wirsiro
mrsuft-er
god
bciiro
best
ubil
tnrso
wirsiet, wyrst
god
bet era {betra)
betoet {betst)
mprsa
g6d
httera
beat
evel
wirra {tcerra)
god
hdri
heztr
r illr
\ randr
reiTi
rertftr
COMPARISONS.
257
Gothic.
O. H. G.
O.Saz.
A.S.
Old Frisian.
O.N.
Pos. UUiU
Comp. minnrita
Sap. mifnn-iit^
(moltiis). «-
Pos. mScii^
Comp. moua
Sup. mai»U9
minniro
ivua
m m
minniet
mihhU
mika
miro
miro
meid-4r
mSst
lytd
Idssa
last
mycd
mdra
mcest
lita
lesaa {mirmira)
nUekest (leUt) ^
< minagt >
[lerest J
mara
matt
litiU
minni
minstr
mikiU
• •
mcin
meUtr
In the Gothic mdiza {=zmak-4za\ mdistSy the i of the root mii
in mii-ils has been dropped^ and the primitive a reappeared ^
(comp. Lat. root ma^, Sansk. mak). The other dialects still more
modify the Gothic mdiza by contractions, &c., as O. H. Germ.
mero, A. S. mdra^ where the 8 suffers rhotacism and the Gothic
diphthong is represented by the long e and d^. The O. S. lat^
late (comp. latSro), has contracted the superlative into lasl^ lezt
{=ilet^Uo). The Anglo-Saxon comparative Idssa of lytel stands
for minra, which is wanting in this dialect. This comparative
may be explained by the Goth, lasiv-dz-a (infirmior), comp. of
lasic-^ (infirmus).
The O. Fris. mdra (more, greater) is deprived of the positive
mikel which we find in the other dialects. There is in this
dialect a form let^ which in the positive signifies piger, tardus ;
in the comp. letera, tardior, posterior ; in the sup. letast^ contracted
lest, tardissimus, ultimus. The comparative yb--r-tf (dexter) and
the superlative yj^r-^?*^, y5?r-^*^ are derived from the preposition
fara (prae, pro). The Old Norse has a few other comparisons for
which we find no aualogies in the other dialects. These are, margr
(multus), comp. fleiri, sup. JleUtr ; gamall (old), comp. eldri, sup.
elzir; ungr (young), comp. yngri, Bup, nydr, from n^r.
The explanation of the defective comparisons, commonly called
irregular, is the same as that which we give of the defective
comparisons in Greek and Latin. There are certain adjectives
which only occur in the positive, without being able to form
a comparative or superlative ; there are others which have a
comparative, or superlative, or both, but are devoid of a posi-
tive, which, though we may still be able to trace to its probable
form, has become obsolete or fallen out of use altogether. We
* Grimm assames that the positive may have been mag-$.
^ Compare the Table of Gradations, p. 34.
S
258 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
have a positive of the adjective good^ but a comparative ud
superlative of it are wanting. We therefore h^r hold of tbe
comparative better and the superhitive best to snpply the mean-
ing of a 'gooder' and 'goodest' which are forbidden fi>rai&
But on the other hand the positive good returns the compli-
ment and supplies that in which the forms belter and be»t are
deficient, namely a positive. There is nothing irr^r°l&r i'^ ^
this ; better ana best are regular forms, and good is a regular
form, but both parties are defective in their comparison and must
therefore supply each other wherein they are wanting.
The Goth, gdd^^ batiza, batiste (good, better, best), has its
equivalent and analogous forms in all other Teutonic dudedBi as
will be seen from our Table of Defective Comparisons. 'Skese
comparative and superlative forms would require a positive which
might be in Goth, ^bat-^^ O. H. G«rm. ^paK (comp. pegir), and
this positive would be a relation to the Gothic verb batan^ pret.
bSt, which signifies ' to be useful/ ' to be good.'
The Goth, ubils, vairsiza^ va4rsists (evil, worse, worst) is also
represented in the other Teutonic dialects. As the base of this
comparative form there must have been some word which was
related to the M. H. Germ, verb werreny to disturb, to molest, to
do evil, and the A. S. werian, to weary, to molest.
The Goth, leitil^ (little) forms the comparative minn-iza and
the superlative minn-ist-s. These forms occur in all the other
dialects except Anglo-Saxon. The comparative minn-iza (ad-
verbial mitt-^) is derived from the same root as the Lat. min-ns,
min^or (for min-ius, min-ior). This form is supplanted in Anglo-
Saxon by Idssa, and in Old Frisian too we have a comparative
lessa by the side of minnira. The A. S. Idssa is the same as the
Gothic comparative lasivoza of IcLsivs (infirmus), and may perhaps
be an assimilation of r to ^, hence Idssa for Idsra ; or the more
primitive s of the comparative termination, as in the case of
vyrsa (worse), may have resisted the transition into r. The
same rules apply to the superlative : Goth. minnistSj A. S. last,
O. Fris. minnist and lerest^ where the s of the root submits to
rhotacism^
* Tho A. S. Uma (minor), la^t (minimiiB), must be kept well distinct from latwra
(posterior), and latoet (postremus).
COMPARISONS. 269
5. COMPAEISON OF THB AdYERBS.
Only the 'Adverbia qualitatis' are at all capable of taking the
degrees of comparison ; these degrees^ however, are no indepen-
dent adverbial forms, developed out of the adverbial positive^ but
tfaey are mere modifications of the degrees of comparison of their
corresponding adjectives. The formation of the adverbial degrees
may take place in two different ways^ either the accusative neuter
is, as in the positive, used as an adverb^ or a distinct form is
developed. As to the superlative there is only the former mode
put into practice; it never has a form of its own, and must
alwavs be considered as an accusative of the adjective. Ex-
amples : — Groth. frumut (irpciTov) ; O. H. Germ, ^risi (primum),
meist (maxime)^ be^^est (optime), gemost (lubentissime) ; A. S.
(Brest (primum) mast (maxime), geomost (lubentissime) ; latost
(ultimum). O.N. best (optime); optast (saepissime)^ vid<ist
(latissime).
The comparative of the adverb may either be expressed by the
accus. neut. of the adjective^ or it developes a form of its own.
To the former belong the adverbial comparatives : Goth, mana-
gizS (plus), minnizS (minus), frumSzS (prius) ; O. H. Germ, mera
(plus), minnira (minus).
Adverbial comparatives of the latter class may b'e formed
either in is or Ss^ like the adjectives. In is we have the Goth.
mdis (magis^ from mdiza (major), O. H. Germ. mSr, O. S. mer
and merr, A. S. md^ O. Fris. mdr and md, O. N. meir ; Goth.
mins or minz (minus) from minniza (minor), O. H. Germ, miny
O. S. {min ?), A. S. to>, O. Fris. min^ O. N. minnr or mi^r; Goth.
bats (melius) from batiza (melior), O. H. Germ. paK^ O. S. bet^
A. S. bet^ O. Fris. bet^ O. N. betr ; Goth, vairs (pejus), O. H. Germ.
tinrs, O. S. mrs, A. S. toi/rs (adj. wyrsa), O. N. verr.
In OS : — Goth. raihtSs (rectius), smnifds (fortius) ; O. H. Germ.
gernoT (lubentius), leidor^ (proh dolor, Germ, leider), of tor (sae-
pius) ; O. S. diopSr (profundus), suithor (fortius) ; A. S. smalor
(tenuius), adj. stndlra (tenuior) ; spar or (parcius), adj. spdrra
(parcior) ; O. N. breidar (latins), vidar (amplius). A list of the
anomalous or defective comparisons of the adverbs may conclude
our remarks on this subject.
* This compantive with positive signification serves to express the interjection
'alas!'
S %
2»»
CTOXIC GBAMMAE.
Gockic
aH.Gtfm.
O.SL
AJ^S^
. O.Fkis.
Old None.
PlTM.
r«fl«
wAm
«^
ma
«f
•a
Cosp.
ta<«
F*i
.4^
fc*(«0
M
b<tridirr)
S*p.
Aafuf
F*^
bat
«ar
(cat
btMittiM)
Male.
Pot.
^iMahz
upSo
- -
rv«
.-
ifla
Conp.
rain
Kin
• •
«yf»
• •
xirr
Pos.
^«tiv
•en ^mikkm
• •
tort ■JFCw
« .
mOk
Comp.
nJt*
mer
wker
Md
m
s^.
Miir
meut
m •
Mnf
rndittL
Pwe.
IVm.
Uita, leid
lms3, Imsilo
• •
1^
. ,
Ktt^UHt
Comp.
minM
min
Mia
las
* •
flM»,«iSr
Sop.
wkimmid
mimmid
miMMUt
IdM
1
• ■
Jmuui,«id
1 («««iO
MIDDLE AND NEW TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
Li the Middle and New Teutonic languages the ancient suffixes
ir, isl, and or, osi are mixed up and usuaUy represented by er^
est, or simply r, sL The only criterion by which we can trace
a comparative to the form in ir is the Umlaut. WTierever we
have to deal with an adjective which has taken Umlaut in the
comparative, we may be certain that this adjective took the
suffix ir in the comparative. But this rule is necessarily very
limited in its application, because there are adjectives which
have Umlaut in the positive already, or they have a vowel in the
root which cannot take Umlaut, such as e and i', and then it is
impossible to tell whether the comparative belongs to the forma-
tion in ir or or.
Formations in ir.
In Old English there prevails some confusion as to the appli-
cation of the suffixes ir (er) and or, the latter being sometimes
used where undoubtedly er should be expected, i. e. after Umlaut ;
e. g. strong y strengor for strenger ; eldod for eldest. The termina-
tions or and ost have altogether disappeared in Middle English,
but the Umlaut with comparatives in ir sometimes continues,
e. g. long, lenger ; strong, strenger, strengest ; old, elder, eldest ;
but also longer, stronger, older. New English has rejected the
formations with the Umlaut, and thus obliterated all distinction
COMPARISONS, 261
between the comparison in ir and that in or, the only example
left being the comparative elder and superlative eldest of the
adjective old, which however uses the modem forms older and
oldest as well, though in a slightly different sense.
Middle High German has, like Old English, occasionally re-
tained the formations in o, but in most cases it was like i con-
verted into e, and thus the re::^ular terminations were er, est.
But the Umlaut having in High German more than in any
other language preserved its ancient position, we can tell with
tolerable accuracy where we have to deal with a comparative in
ir. Such examples are hertre, hard, herter ; iaU, cold, kelter ;
irank, sick, krenker; scAoene, fair, scAoener; ien/le, gentle, senfter;
Strang, severe, strenger ; veste, fast, firm, vester. Some of these^
kerte, schoene, &c. have the Umlaut in the positive already, and
then retain it of course in the comparative and superlative.
New High German on the whole follows the same rule as its
predecessor, the formation in i causing Umlaut wherever Umlaut
is possible (a, o, u) ; e. g. scAmal, narrow, scAmdler, schmdlest ;
arm, poor, drmer, drmest ; toarm, warmer, warmest ; fromm^ pious,
frommer, fromm^st ; gesund, healthy, gesilndtr, gesundest. Those
adjectives which have the Umlaut in the positive already retain
it throughout the degrees.
The Scandinavian languages also have in a few adjectives
retained the Umlaut and therewith the distinctive feature of the
formation in ir ; e. g. Swed. Idg^ low, himible, Idgre, Idgst ; Idng,
long, Idngre^ Idngst ; Dan. lang^ Idngere, Idngst ; Swed. star,
great, st'Orre, storst ; Dan. stor, storre, storst ; Swed. ung, young,
yngre, yngst ; Dan. urigy yngre^yngst; Swed. tung, heavy, tyngre,
tyngst ; Dan. tung, tyngere^ tyngest ; Swed. smA^ small, little,
smdrre, smdrst.
Middle and New Dutch, which reject the Umlaut and adopt
er and est for the formation of the degrees throughout, know no
longer any distinction between the comparison in i and that in o.
The only trace of Umlaut left in Dutch are the anomalous forms
beter, best, of which hereafter.
Formations in or.
In Old English the fluctuations between er and or, est and ost
make it diflScult to assign any adjective to the formation in i or
0, for we read faire^ fairor and fairest, by the side of vayrost ;
holy, holyor; jeblor, feebler; jpoueror, poorer, and, as we have
already mentioned, even afl«r an Umlaut eldost for eldest ; but in
Middle English er and est become more and more settled, and in
262 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
New English they moat be considered the regnlar suffixes of tiie
degrees of comparison which unite in them the ancient fonna-
tions in i and o.
In Middle High Oerman there are many a^yectives which
reject the Umlaut, and thus indicate the ancient formation in o\
e. g. alt, old, aldtfy cddest; lang, long, lander, langest; zart^ tender,
gentle, dear, zarter, zartest ; lam, lune, lamre. Local adjectivei
even retain the o in the superlative (not in the compaiatiTe)i
as 'oorderSsty foremost ; oberSsty topmost ; niderSst, lowest.
New High Grerman forms the degrees in most cases by reject-
ing the Umlaut, and leaving the root of the adjective oxialtered;
nay, it has removed the Umlaut from words which used it in
Middle High German, as for instance in sanfi, soft^ «0fs/fef,
sanfte%t; and in the literary language this removal of tiie ancient
Umlaut continues to be attempted, as va frommet {oTjrommer
(fromm, pious) ; pesunder for gesUnder {gesund, healthy), whilst
the language of the people favours the Umlaut and introduces i^
in words where the literary language rejects it, where it was
wanting even in Middle High German, e.g. zdrter for zarter
{zarf., gentle), fidcher for flacher {flach, flat). These facts un-
doubtedly prove the higher antiquity of the forms with the
Umlaut, or, what is identical, of the formation in i. Compari-
sons without the Umlaut are very numerous; we give a few
examples: blank, blanker, blankest; klar, clear, klarer, klarest;
zart, gentle, zarter, zartest; matt^ weak, matter, mattest; voll,
full, voller, volht ; stolz, proud, stolzer, stolzest; bunt, variegated,
bu?iter, bimt^st ; blau, blew, blauer, blauest. To these belong all
adjectives ending in sam, bar, haft, el, en, er, and adjectives end-
ing in ig, if their positive has no Umlaut, and the adjectives
indicating a locality, which however use the superlative only, as
oberst, topmost ; unterst, lowest ; vord^rst, foremost.
In the Scandinavian languages all adjectives, except those
mentioned under ir, are formed by the suffix or, which in Swedish
is rendered, as in Old Norse, by ar and ast, in Danish by the
modern er and est. Umlaut is in these adjectives impossible.
Examples : — Swed. varm, warm, varmare, varmast ; Dan. varm,
varmere, varmest ; Swed. stark, strong, sturkare, starkast; Dan.
stark, stdrkere, starkest; Swed. rik, rich, rikare, rikast ; Dan.
rig, rigere, rigest ; Swed. mag tig , mdgtigare, mdgtigst^; Dan.
mdgtig, magtigere, mdgtigst.
^ In adjectives ending in vq the inflexional vowel suffers syncope before «£ in the
superlative.
COMPARISONS,
263
Anomalous and Dbpectivb Compabisons.
M. H. Germ.
N. H. G.
O. Engl.
N. Engl.
Dutch.
Swedish.
Danmh.
IB.
^~- \ Adv. wol
gtU
wohl
god
wtl
good
weU
goed
• •
g6d {bra)
vol
god
Sup. htst
hej^er
best
J better \
1 {hetur)]
best
better
best
beter
best
b&ttre
hast
bedrt
hedst
na.
Pm*
Comp.
Sap.
• •
uvd
wor$,toers
worst, werst
eml(bad)
worse
worst
• •
• •
• a
{elai,6nd) (ond^sUm)
vdrre wkerrt
varrst vaerst
Itos.
0 / Adj. michd
*^^- \ Adv.
• •
muchd
muche
• •
much
• •
mycken
• •
megen
• •
Comp. tMTTt
Sop. mewt
^mere
^meist
more
moste
more
most
m^er
meest
mera
meet
mere
meest
Pos. lutzel
Comp. minner
Sop. minnest
(hlevn)
minder
mvndegt
lUd
less
leest
litOe
less
least
m •
minder
minst
liten
mindre
minst
liden
mindre
mindst.
Besides these there are various other defective comparisons in
the different dialects, such as the Engl, many. Germ, viele, which
adopt the comparative and superlative of M. H. Germ, michel^
O. Engl. mucAel, whilst Danish has preserved the true Old
Norse comparison of many — Dan. mange ^ flerey fleesi ; few ^ Dan.
faa, faerre, fa^rrest, - The Swed. ndray near^ ndrmarey ndrmaat ;
Dan. naer, naermere, naermest, are derived from the ancient
superlative ndrmu. The Engl, next by the side of nearest, last
by the side of latest ^ are contractions, the former of which stands
for A. S. nehst, the regular superlative of neah^ nigh, of which
nearrey our near, is the comparative. The comparative further,
farther^ used for the positive far, was originally the comparative
oifor{th).
The comparatives in iher, A. S. \ery Goth, ^fary as other,
whither, hither, thither, nether, whether. Germ, ander, nieder,
wed^r, &c., will find their explanation by a reference to the Old
Teutonic forms ^
The superlatives utmost, hindmost, inmost^ &c., are no com-
pounds of most (maxime)^ but a superlative termination est con-
verted into ost, and combined with the preceding w, which is the
remainder of an ancient superlative termination. (See Anglo-
Saxon^ p. 256.)
1 See pp. 250. 355.
«4 rZCTOSIC GRAMMAB.
L Dfiden TemuMc fAifi Jkm of a eompanson effected
hr list mi^^:a cf ifafr ah^eris a«rv smd wtoti^ inBtead of tenni-
Bsbms. I2 ^^&A «« OK tliis mode of comparison wiiii moet
ft^ectivBi&s: c« nex ■>ua»iHiMea^ heoce weaiy beamtiful^ More,
min^ iemiAJ, This fcc^ is oed in Gcnnin wli^re two qnalitieB
are ocwnpared, e.e- m^ ia^«f a^ ^sf^i moie prudent than
bnre. pratkci n^ber tban ^mve. Buticiides never take the
ten&zsasijQs ^ S««disb, Dmiali and Datdi, but always form
tiiar ecflipansiTCfes bj Mflnt, aei/, aKvr, meed ; e.g. Swed« flimi
Sisisfy DtUL «tfvr ^ftfefef^y DKse belored ; aeei^ god^^fdrenie, most
riiaritabb: Dotdi matt dhwrfroafcay ■«»< daordrtm^em^ more
pexKCialed. Jdc.
DECLENSIONS.
THE COGNATE LANGUAGES.
NUMBERS, CASES, GENDERS.
Boots and themes (stems) are not yet words, parts of a phrase
or sentence. In the Aryan lang^uages every real word, every
part of a phrase, is either a verb or a noun. (Interjections are
no words^ bnt mere sounds ; adverbs, particles, prepositions, &c.,
were originally nominal or verbal forms.) Themes of themselves
are neither one nor the other ; they may become such or such
under the influence of a case-suffix of the noun, or a personal
termination of the verb. Case-suffixes, therefore, and personal
terminations in the Aryan languages are the agents chiefly at
work in the formation of words, in contradistinction to the
elements which constitute themes or stems. The suffixes em-
ployed in the formation of words are easily recognised as the
primary elements of pronouns, which at an earUer period of
Aryan life were still independent roots.
Since verbs and nouns are in such relation to each other as to
constitute the defined forms of heretofore undefined elements of
speech, the former cannot occur without the latter. A language
either distinguishes the forms of nouns from those of verbs, or
it possesses neither of the two. We cannot, therefore, speak of
the priority of either: the noun and the verb started into
existence at one and the same time.
The inflexional elements of the noun belong to two distinct
spheres — ^the cases and numbers. In the Aryan languages we dis-
tinguish three numbers, the Singular^ Dual, and Plural ; the dual,
however, is rightly considered a mere modification of the plural ;
it is a number therefore which easily disappears again from a
language. The Latin is altogether devoid of it, and the ancient
Teutonic languages miss the dual form in the declensions of the
noun ; Gothic alone has a dual of the verb, all have the dual of
266 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
certain pronouns. Our modern languages have lo^t the dual
altogether.
The Aryan languages had originally eight cases, namely the
Nominalive, Accusalive, Locative^ Dative, Ablative^ Genitive, and
two InstrumenMs, which however coalesced into one at a veiy
early date. The vocative is no case, not even a word ; it is tlw
simple theme or stem used as an interjection. The eight cases
together with the vocative are, even hy the most ancient repre-
sentatives of the Aryan tribe, distinguished in the singular only.
The locative and dative, the ablative and genitive of the singular
are closely related. The plural partly possesses case-suffixes
which differ irom those of the singular, partly it joins two cases
into one, as the dative and ablative, to which the instrumental
bears a close resemblance. The dual has but three cases: (i)
nominative and accusative; {%) dative, ablative, and instra-
mental ; (3) genitive and locative. At a very early period our
Aryan languages began to drop one and another of the case-
signs, and consequently cases which originally were distinct
coalesced into one. Thus in Greek the ablative was lost in the
genitive; the instrumental begins to disappear even in the most
ancient form of the language ; the dative and locative are joined
in one. A similar course is followed by the Latin language.
As to our Teutonic languages, in their ancient constitution they
are as perfect, or as mutilated, as either Greek or Latin in the
declension of cases ; but in their further development through
the periods of the Middle and New Teutonic they were gradually
stripped of most inflexional forms, so that now it is only German
(and ])artly Dutch) which show anything like a declension of
the substantive or adjective through the first four cases (as com-
monly arranged), while English and the Scandinavian dialects
have preserved but one case, namely the genitive or possessive
in 's ; all other cases, the nominative, dative, and accusative,
being identical with the theme or stem of the word.
The Aryan languages distinguish three genders, while other
languages do not at all take them into account, or others again
form more numerous distinctions than ours. A particular in-
flexional sign for the distinction of the genders does not exist in
the Aryan languages, and it is perfectly evident that at an early
stage the primitive Aryan language knew no discrimination of
genders, which in the course of time was gradually developed and
marked out by secondary inflexional forms. We mention a few
only of the means which our languages apply for the expression
of the different genders, (i) The themes which end in con-
sonants or the vowels i and u do not pay any regard to gender,
DSCLESSIOyS. 267
wUle Ae ihemes in a mark out the feminine by the production
of the themstic a into a, a process however which is not to be
ooDsideied exclnsively chjuacteristic of the feminine. (Comp. the
Greek c/xr^ff, ^oA^n^y.) (2) The gender is distinguished bv case-
suffixes whidh are adopted only in certain genders, e g. Lat.
masc. qMir9, neat. fui^=qtii^. (3) The gender is marked out in
the theme itself by the application of particular suffixes. Thus,
for instance, the themes in jra (ja)y e. g. Sansk. dM (goddess) s
dSo^^ theme dev-ya-^ while the masc. is not der-ya-^^ but the
tndent dio-<u ; Sansk. dditi (datrix, she who gives) = ddir^^d^
tiiODe idir^ya fiom ddtar^ya^ for the more ancient daiar which
wu common to all genders ; thus also the Or. hor^ipa^^hor^f^y^
along with which tliere does not exist a masc. 5oV€ifX)-9, primi-
tire datarwor^j because in the masc. form the more ancient 5o-n}p-,
oai
Gr
which were used for the feminine as well ; thus also the Latin
theme vie-^ric- for the feminine only by the side of the masc.
^ic-^or. (4) Of a comparatively recent introduction is the mode of
distinguishing the genders by a phonetic change in terminational
forms which at first were identically the same; e.g. Sansk.
pati-n (fem.) for pati-ms; Gr. ImtoTrj-s (masc.), dpfTrj (fem.); Old
Lat. abl. sing. masc. novd^y fem. novd-^, the primitive form of
both navd^t; Gtothio gen. phir. masc. and neut. -^, fem. in
several themes -^^ both -/ and S standing for an original -dm.
THE TERMINATIONS OF NOMINAL THEMES.
The termination of a nominal theme has a decisive influence
on the declension, because the theme is the changeable element
of the noun, while the case-terminations are for all nouns and
declensions ever the same. We might therefori* speak of different
themes rather than of different declensions. The themes deserve
special arrangement and examination, for it is with them that
the case-suffixes enter into an alliance, and by them that they,
according to their nature, are differently affected and modified.
Themes are either consonantal or vocalic, that is, ending in a
consonant or a vowel. The former easily disappear from lan-
guages because they have a tendency to follow the analogy of
the latter. The consonantal themes, moreover, may modify their
final consonant and lengthen or shorten their final syllable before
certain case-suffixes, or they remain the same throughout. They
268 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
therefore are divided into mutable and immutable themes. He
vowels nearest related to the consonants are u and i, for the^
may easily go over into the semi-vowels or consonants o and j
respectively. Next then to the consonantal we place the tbemei
ending in a diphthongs as du or dv, and those in u and i (long
or short). The themes in a (the most fineqoent in onr languages)
are peculiar in this respect, that a never can pass into a con-
sonant (that is, follow the analogy of a consonantal theiiie)i
a fact which imparts to them certain characteristic featnrei
distinct from anything we find with the rest.
I. Consonantal Themes.
(i) Immutable themes. The final consonant of the root is
also the termination of the theme ; e. g. Sansk. vdck^ speech, 6t,
dTT-, Lat. v6c~, Goth, man-, homo. Some of these follow the
analogy of vocalic themes.
(2) Themes in wm, the thematic sufiix of which is changed
by the phonetic influence of the case-su£Sx added to it, as LbL
cini/t'^ ciner-, arbos-^ arbor-, geno^^ gener-y vetus-^ veter^.
(3) Themes in -». These are subject to considerable modifica-
tions, as Or. TToifih", shepherd, yA\a»-, black; Lat. Aomen^,
man, s&rmon-, speech ; Gt)th. hanan-^ cock ; fem. tuggon-, tongue ;
managein- = maimgjan^y many, multitude ; neut. Lat. nomen-^
Goth, naman-^ name.
(4) Themes in -^nt-, -ans-, occurring in active participles and
comi)aratives. These are subject to great changes ; they may
drop the w and exchange t and s, using the latter before vowels,
the former before consonants; as in the part, active, pres. and
I'ut., e. g. Sansk. b/mranC-, Gr. (fiipovr-, Ijat.Jerenf^, bearing, Goth.
Jfjand' (hating, enemy, fiend) ; the part. pret. active, e. g, Sansk.
ridran/,- (tor primitive vithid-vauf-), Gr. €i6or- (for Ffib-FoT-),
(5) Themes in -r. Sansk. dd/ar-y giver; b/irdtar^, brother;
iiidiar-, mother; Gr. SoT7/p-, giver; itaTlp-, father; iunrip-y
mother; Lat. dator-, pater- , vidter-; Goth, broihar-y brother;
dauhtur-y daughter.
2. Vocalic Themes.
(6) Themes ending in a diphthong; e.g. Sansk. waw-, ship;
Gr. rav".
(7) Themes in u and i\ they are no primitive forms, as little
as the long vowels upon which they are based; Sansk. bhru-y
brow, for the primitive Mrw-, Gr. dc^pv- ; Lat. *?/-, sow, pig ;
before vowels su.
DECLENSIONS, 269
(8) Themes in -w. Sansk. iHnu^, son, fem. hanu-^ cheek ; Gr.
yhny-y chin, yAvw-, sweet; Jj^i./ructu'^ fruit; Goth, sunu^, son,
fisnnu Aandu'y hand : neut. Sansk. madAu', honey, Gr. iiebv- ; Lat.
peeu^y cattle; Qoth./aiAu', possession, wealth (comp. Germ. vieh.
Engl. fee).
(9) Themes in -1. Sansk. avu (masc. and fem.), sheep ; Gr.
ipvai^y nature; Lat. ovi^, sheep; Goth, mahti^y might, power:
masc. Sansk. patU^ lord; Gr. 'n6(Ti''^ husband; Lat. hostu,
enemy; Goth, gasti-y guest: neut. Sansk. van-, water; Lat.
mari-, sea.
(10) Themes in a. Masc. primitive aiva-, horse ; Gr. t-mro',
Lat. ^0-; Goth, vulfa-y wolf: neut. Sansk. yw^a-, yoke; Gr.
fvyj-, \ja\,. jugo-y Goth./tt^a-: fem. (cjommonly with lengthened
a), Gt. Xf^pa^y X^P^"> I^**' ^?w^"j Goth, giha^y gift.
The themes in ya have in several languages certain peculiari-
ties which are the result of their respective phonetic laws : as in
Sanskrit where the feminines in -yd contract this suffix ihto ^,
e.g. hharanlAr- ((pipovaa). Compare Gothic masc. karj'a, army
(Germ, heer) ; Aaird/a, shepherd (Germ, hirte) ; neut. iunja, kin,
kind, genus ; fem. bandja^ band, bandage.
FORMATION OP THE CASES.
NOMINATIVB SiNGULAE.
Masculine and feminine nouns add the case-sign s to the ter-
mination of the theme ; neuter nouns supply the nominative by
the accusative. The * of the nominative is undoubtedly the
remainder of the pronominal root sa, which is used in a demon-
strative sense in Sanskrit and Gothic, and appears also in the
Grreek article 6 =*(?=*«. (See Demonstrative Pronouns.) The
neuter of sa is in Sanskrit tat^ Goth. );a-^a. Gr. to» The t in
ta~t and thorta is the remainder of the root ia which is used to
indicate the neuter gender in the pronominal declension, as
Sansk. masc. and fem. ^w, neut. hi-ty Lat. ^i«w, qui-t {quini).
Here we find 8 and i representing the genders in the same man-
ner as in the independent pronouns sa and la, and we therefore
conclude that in the pronominal as well as nominal declension
we have to deal with the same pronouns, applied as case-suffixes.
This fact again is a proof that the inflexional terminations in
the Arj'an languages were originally nothing but independent
roots added to the simple noun — that our declensions were simply
' post-positions.'
270 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
The addition of the nominatiye sign 8 to the theme most of
course take place in accordance with the phonetic laws adopted
in each of the Aryan lang^oages. What changes mast hereby
necessarily occur will best be seen from a selection of examines
which we give^ numbered according to the number of the theme
to which they belong, and which is to be found by reference to
the preceding paragraph.
Examples : —
Sanskrit, (i) vdk for vdch^ (no ch final) ; iiaran, bkaras,
(5) ddtdy hhrdtdy mdt4y with loss of -^^ and lengthening of the
final vowel; (6) nau^, (7) hhru-^y (8) sunu-^, hdnu^^ (9) rft?i-#,
pdti-8, (10) vrkUs for ^vrkyd^y she-wolf; siAi^, lioness, for
siAyd^; gna- and gnd^^ woman, goddess.
Greek. The loss of the case-suffix % causes the lengthening of
the preceding vowel. Examples : — (1) Stt-s (o^), (3) xrotfiijr from
"^woifxer-y, TiffjiAV from '''reicToj^y, but /ui^Aasfor ^ficAav-f ; (4) ^pw0
fit>m ^(PfpovT'Si but Tidfk, larisj b€iKv6s for ^ridcvr-y, "^loroyr-s,
^buKPvvT'9; elhds from ^FfibFor-s : (5) borrip from boTTjp~s ; varriPf
yi'ffrqp for ^Trarep-s, ^firjrcp-s: (6) vav^s, (7) i<i>p6*s^ (8) yhfv^^
(9) ^VO-l'S, (10) tTTTTO-y.
Latin, (i) rSc^, vox; pes {or ped-s; milis (later on m%Ui\ for
milet^ ; (2) flr^(?« for arbos-s, cinis^ for cinis-s; (3) yloi»a for
Aow2^«-*, but tuhicen for tuhicen-s ; {^feren{f)^; {5)p^^^''f mdfer,
d^itor, as in Greek (the short vowel of the second syllable is of
later origin) ; (6) bo-s (originally bcyu-Sy like Gr. fioi-s) ; (7) su-s,
(8) fructn-Sy (9) otv'-* ; but mors for morts for tnarti-Sj root w^/-,
suffix ^i ; ar* for ar^-*, for artis ; deer and dcri-^, vigil and vigili'S :
(10) equo-8, hwtpiier {or pueros, vir for viros,
Gothio. Nos. 3 and 5 lengthen the final vowel if the nom.
case-suffix is dropped : M7ia for "^hand from ^hanan-s ; fem.
tngg6 {rom ^tuggan-s; managei for ^managjan-s; {4) Jijand-^; (5)
brSfAar, dan^far, for broihdr from brotlar-s, &c. ; (8) sunns,
handU'S ; (9) mahUSy gasf-s for mahtis, gasfi-s, (10) vul/'s for
^vul/a-Sy giba for ^^aM, harjirs for harjas, hatrdms for hairdja-s;
fem. ^awt/i for bandjd.
Nominative Plural.
In addition to the termination * (*a) of the nominative sin-
gular, the nominative plural takes the plural sign *, which again
appears to be the abbreviation of sa, so that the original termina-
tion of the nom. plur. may have been sasa, thence sas^ which,
dropping the first * for the sake of euphony, became as.
DECLENSIONS. 271
JSxamples:—
Banskrit. (i) vdch-as^ (4) bi^rant-^s, (5) ddldr-ai, mcHar-^i,
(6) wrftHfl*, (8) sflnav-as.
Greek. Tlie primitive suffix is represented by -ey ; the themes
in a have a formation analogous to that of the pronouns. Ex-
amples:— (i) 07r-€9, (2) Ji;o"/ji€ws = ^-ft6W-es=^-ft€2;^o^€9, (3) Wk-
Toivey, (4) ipipovr^^Sy eififJr-ey, (5) fionjp-ey, irar^p-es, fxr}Tip'€S,
(6) vaF'€s, vrjF'fSj (7) ^</)ptJ-€S, (8) r^icv-ey, yXvicets = yXvKcf-69.
(10) fTTTTOi and CfVKTal are formed on the same principle as ol and
al, more ancient roi and rai, perhaps from ta-y-^s, fem. td-y^aa.
The loss of the final « may partly have been caused from an
attempt to dissimilate the nominative -049^ -aty from the locative
forms -019, -ois for -oktc, -auri. (See the Declension of the
Pronouns.)
Latin. All the consonantal themes have adopted the form
of the themes in f, hence voc^y bov^s, m-^s from voceia, boveis,
sueis, in the same manner as oves from oveis (theme in i) ; (8)
fruct4sy probably from ^fructous, fmctov-os^ fnictev-es, as wiJx^*s
from ^7n7x«f-es; or it may be derived from ^fructu-^s (comp.
l\Oi^€s)i so that the primitive form of both the Greek and Latin
would be -www. ( i o) equi, more ancient equei, equeU, equoe^ ^eqtwi,
^equois. The * dropped as in Greek, a rather frequent occur-
rence in Latin. (Compare pote and potis, mage and magisj amare
and amaris ; Ai, hei for heis ; magislri, magUtrei for magistreis,)
Gothic. All vocal themes put -* directly to the lengthened
final vowel . (i) man-s from ^man^as)^ (3) Aanan-^ from ^hatian^as,
{A^ Jyand^ [^z^fijaiid-as), (5) brothrjus (a theme in r follows
the analogy of the themes in «, imder 8); (8) su7ij'U8 from
^suniv^y ^auniv'OS, ^sunav-as; (9) maAleis, gastei-^^ from ^mah-^
iejs, mahtag-a9 ; (10) vul/b~8j primitive varkors^aa) ; fem. gibd^y
primitive, gibd-^aa).
Nominative Dual.
The dual forms of the noun being wanting in the Teutonic
languages^ we omit examining them.
AccTJSATivB Singular.
The case-sign with a consonantal theme is -^m, with a vocalic
theme -«i, very probably the abbreviation of -am. The neuter
themes in a adopt this form for the nominative too^ all other
neuters have in the accus. and nom. no suffix whatever. This
'ttnij -m seems to be related to the -m which is frequently used
272 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
in the formation of themes, and it must be derived from a pro-
nominal base, the principal part of which is m : this we might
find in the Sansk. ama- (hie), amiurs, amis (ille), perhaps from i
pronominal root am.
Examples : —
Ckmakrit* (i) vdck-am, (4) bkarant-^m, (5) birdUtr-am, mdhr-
am^ daiar^am; (6) ndv-am^ (7) bhrutMim, (8) 0§ln»~mj sint-am;
(9) avi'-m, {\o)juffa^m.
Greek. According to the phonetic laws, Greek adopts 11 (v)
for m; with a consonantal theme v is dropped and simple a need
in the accusative: (i) J^nwz, (3) ^oc/i^v-a, (4) f^i(H>vT'a^ ctfior-o,
(5) Ttaripna^ firirip^a, boTfjp-a, (6) 6<l>pv-'Pg (7) vaoo^v, Hom. pQF-o,
prim, ndv-am ; (8) ykvKi^Vy (9) vdat-'V, ^ifri-v ; (lo) tvno^v, (vy6^t
Latin. The consonantal themes follow the analogy of themes
in i ; hence they have, instead of the regular -(m» or -^m which
they should use for the primitive -am, the termination -«»=^tJi,
witn the weakened e for i, adopted also by the themes in t:
(i) vac-em ; (2) cmer-em, neut. ffenus ; (3) Aomin-em^ neut. nomen;
(4) ferent-em, (5) patr-em, mdir-em ; (6) bov-em^ (7) eusm, (8)
Jrucfu-tfi, neut. coniu; (9) navi-m, nave-m, neut. nwre for ^mari;
(10) equo-m^ n^xxi, jvgn-m,
Oothio. The terminational m, which in Gothic, as in Greek,
was replaced by n (as we still see in the declension of the pro-
noun), was dropped, together with the short vowel preceding it;
and consequently in themes in i and a the accus. sing. be<kme
identical with the nominative : (3) Aanan=^Aanan-an, neut. natuo
= tia7n-Sn = 7iam-an; {^ fjand^-an), (5) brdlAar{-an), dauhtar{-aH);
(8) suiu({-n)^ fem. handu{-^i), neut. fui/iu ; (9) maht{-in), ga8t[-in) ;
(10) vn(/\-a-?i), neut. jtii(-a'7i), fem.giba from ^gihd-n. Themes in
ja: hari = harja'7i, neut. kuni=kunja-7iy fem. 6andja = bandja'n.
Accusative Plubal.
Masculine and feminine nouns add the plural sign s to the
termination of the accusative singular, so that the primitive case-
sign of the accus. plur. may have been -ams, which became -aTu
(in most languages the n is preferred to the m before *), and
dropping the a, -ns. This ns in Sanskrit was again dissected into
-n and s, the former being used with the masculine, and the
latter with the feminine vocalic themes which end in a long
vowel. But the original -7/18 is preserved with masculine vocalic
themes before t and ck, and all the consonantal themes have -as.
DECLENSIONS. 273
Neuters end in i (weakened a). The Greek and Latin languages
reject the n altogether, and thus we have the terminations dy, ds^
d*, while Gothic alone preserves the primitive form of the case-
sign, using always -m* in the accus. plur. with vocalic themes,
which with consonantal themes is replaced by -a*. The neuter
ends throughout in a which is also used in the nom. plur.
Examples : —
Sanskrit, (i) vacA^a^, (3) neut. naman-i, (4) iAarat-as, neut.
biaranl-i ; (5) ddtf-n {datf-s), neut. ddtf-n-i^ bhrdtf-n^ mdtf-^ ;
(6) nav-aSy (7) bhruv^aa, (8) sUni-n^ sunv-as, fem. hanU-s ; (9)
patUn^ fem. avis; (10) ahd'-n, fem. adva-^, neut. t/uga-tii,
Greek* (i) Jw-as = ^Foit^q,^ = ^Foir-aifs, {]) riKTov-^s, neut.
TctAar-a ; (4) ^^povr^as, neut. (f>4povT'a ; (5) itarip^as, (6) vrjF-aSj
vav9, (7) 6(ppvHi9, 6(f>pi''9 ; (8) ^yKvKdF-as, yXvK€is ; IxOu-as, l\6vs ;
y€vi;-as, y€vv-s. (9) ^iroAcy-as, iroAcis ; ( 1 o) ?7r7rovy=^?7r7ro-i;ff, neut.
Iiatin. (2) gener-a {=^ganas'd), (3) nSmin-a, {^fereniu-a (as
theme in i); {dt) fmctus^^fruciur-nay neut. cornuHi; (9) o?;m,
^n?w, t>r^* (comp. Gr. iroActs and ttoAIs), from ^ovins, neut. mari-a
(comp. iSpt-a). (10) equo-s=^ eq?io-ns, fem. equd-s=i^ equa-ns.
Gk>thio. (i) mans {=^man^3)j (3) hanan-s {=^Aanan-as),
neut. namn-a (prim, ndnian-^ ; in neuter themes the termination
-an- is changed into -(?«-, if the theme is bisyllabic, or -an-
succeeds two consonants, e. g. hairton-a, theme hairtun- ; (4)
fjand-a ( =fjand^s), ( - ) hrdthru-ns follows the analogy of themes
in «. (8) sunu'fiSj Aandu~ns; (o) mahti-iiSy gaathis ; (10) vulfans,
nei\xi.juka {=yuid), fem. gibos.
Ablative Singular.
This case is formed by the termination -at, or its abbre-
viated form 't, which is a frequently occurring element in the
formation of themes, and may be identical with the pronominal
demonstrative root ta, in an inverted form at. This case being
lost in the Teutonic languages we abstain from examining it
any further.
Genitive Singular.
The case-suflBx of the genitive singular is -as^ -*, which is
added to the theme in the same manner as -at^ -t, in the abla-
tive, both suffixes being nearly related with regard to form as
well as function. The masc. and neut. themes in a do not take
•s but -*ya, also of pronominal origin, probably =*«4-y^. (Com-
pare the demonstratives sa- and ^^-, sya and tya,)
T
274 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Exampha : —
Sanskrit. ( i ) vdcA-aSy (2), manasHM, (3) naMnF-€U, (4) biarai-
as, (5) ddtU'Sy bkrdtu'8^ mdtus (ved. piir-aSj the more ancient
form) from diitr-s, mdirs = datr-aBy mdir-^s^ prim. ddtaMa,
rndfar-as. (6) ndv-as, (7) bhruv^aa, (8) sind-s ; fern, hano-i or
kanv-dSy neut. madhu-n-aa, madv^aa, madh-^8. (9) jpaie-i, also
pafy-us -=pafy'a8: fern, ave^ -sri avy-aa^ neut. vari-n-as; neut
yugasya,
Qreek. Ca«e-sufl5x o? = prim, a* ; sometimes lengthened in
0)9. Tlie themes in a masc and neut. have ^-ayo= prim. -*yfl;
the fem. in a have the common case-suflBx prim. -£W, the a of
which is absorbed by the final vowel of the theme. Examples:
— (l) FoTT'Os, (3) riKTOv-'O^j (4) <f}ipovT^oSj ciWr-oy; (5) irorp-os,
IxrjTp'-os, for iraHp-os, fxrjT^p-o^, which also occur ; (6) vdF-6s, wyf-
dy. (7) (Tv-dy, (8) y^inM)y, perhaps for yer-vf-oy ; (9) Ion. irdAi-05,
•7rdAf-a)y. (10) ^rTTTro-cryo, iTTTro-to, tinro 0, tiriTov; nent. (i/yow,
fvyoG ; fem. ^dopd'-s^ Ttju?j-y ; masc. ttoXCtov, from woAir-ao (ao
Hom . ) = ^ ToX iT-ayo = ^ TroXtT-a-ayo.
Latin. Suffix -0* as in Greek, later -tis, -w. Examples : — (1)
voo^s (as preserved in se7uilU'OS, domu-os, &c. ; perhaps for -mphw,
•ov-os^ comp. Gr. yAvK^f-oy), hence vdc-ics (as preserved in vener-My
ionor-vs, parUus), hence vooia. It is the same with all other
consonantal themes. (2) ^ genesis y gener-ia ; (3) Aomin-ia ^
^homeii-oSy v6iniu-h:=z^noHieii-os; {^) ferent-ia^ferent'Oa^ {5)P^^^
ia=^^patr-o.s, (6) dor-is^^dov-os, {j) su-ia := s?i'OS ; {S)JrJtc(U'a=
\fnicfU"Os^fniclov-os (comp. ykvK^f'Os), like auna from aoroa, or
f nidus from JrHctu-'is (oomp. ftenafu-is). Sometimes after the
analotry of themes iu a\ ae/iafi, sujupit, quceMi ; (9) ori-s^ yci^
ably = ^(>i*/-.5 = 6»r^v't?, ^ove-la, ^ oriels ; by the shortening of -ia the
consonantal are mixed up with the themes in i, (10) Masc.
neut. cqvc'i^ equl ; jugei^ jngl^ probably ^equeia=equoia the more
ancient form. (As wc have already observed, the loss of the
final a is of rather frequent occurrence in the Latin hin^uage.)
This ^equeis, ^ equals^ in its primitive shape might be ^akcay-aa.
Yemininc, /a7/iilid-a, ferrd^s, vid-s, de'ird-s=:.\inpa'S, Goth, giio-a;
or, Diff/iaeSy Oclffviaea, dimidlaes, suaes ; -aea = -aia = prim.
-dj/as, as masc. -ois for a//as, in both genders an extension of the
termination -as having taken place. To this -hi is will also lead
forms Yikcfiiweliaij rifai, Jiomai yO^id the common -^= -ae which
replaced the more ancient -aL TlTe themes in ya masc. and neut.
in the more ancient form contract -ii into -i, as /"//if, consili,
Gothic. Suffix 'S for the primitive -^la ; the themes in / and
n lengthen their final vowel and take -as ; the masc. and neut.
themes in a shorten much their termination: (i) man-a {^i^man-
DECLENSIONS. 275
flw), (3) hanin^y neat, naming = tjianifi-is, ^namin-i^y primitive
naman-HU. {^fijandis (like 10), (5) hrothr^ (=prim. bhrdtarnzs),
dauhtrs, (8) auiiaus^ handaii-Sy faihau-s ; this -au-^ points to
a more ancient ^sunav-isy prim, sunav-^as, from which Goth,
^»unav-Sy sunaus. (9) ^aslu (masc. like 10), fem. mahtai-Si the
Hiis pointing to a more ancient mahtay-isy prim, mahtay-as. (10)
vulf'Sy dagis, like Old Saxon dagas from a primitive -^sya, with
the loss of the final ya ; fem. gibo-s.
Genitive Plubal.
The genitive plural ends in -dm and -^dm^ the latter suffix
being almost exclusivelv used in the pronominal declension. It
appears that -^m has its origin in -sdm, as the nom, plur. ^as
in -ms. Perhaps this -sdm is a fuller or lengthened form of
the original genitive suffix which seems to have lost the sign of
the plural. This sign being supplied and the lengthened form
reduced, we shall get -^sams as the primitive form. With this
we may compare the dat. dual -bhydm from -ihydtrm^ by the side
of the dat. plur. -ihyas from -hhyam^s. In the same manner as
we find the form bhy-am by the side of the case-suffix -^hi, so we
have together Nvith the sufl^ -*, -as^ the form -^am. With
this sam must originally have been joined the plural sign -s,
hence -sani^s^ as we have already stated.
Sanskrit. The suffix --dm is joined to the shortest form of
mutable themes ; vocalic themes increase themselves by adopting
ft, before which they lengthen the vowel of the theme; the
ar of themes in ar is weakened into r, and this r treated as a
vowel. Examples: — (i) vdc/i^dm, (2) nianas-dm, (3) ndrnn-dm,
(4) bharatndmy (5) ddb^n-dmy bhdtf-n-dm ; ved. nar^m {nar^,
man), svasr-dm (svasar^, sister) ; (6) vdv~d?n, (7) bhruv-dm^ (8)
sunu'-n-^m, (9) am-n-dm, (10) aivd-fi-dm, neut. yifgd-^n-^m.
Greek* The case-suffix is 'iav=-am, (i) Fott-&v, (2) tiev^v
^fi^via-'^v; (3) T€KToi?-a)r, (4) <^^f>6vT-(aVy ^Ihoi-tav^ (5) Sonjp-wr,
fjLr)T€f>-^v; (6) vdF^v, ^oF-m'; (7) av-iaVy (8) ytvy-iav, (9) Ion.
TToKi-Hov, 7roA€-a)i'=^7ioA€^-a)r. (lo) KifK-aiv, fem. \(M>po^v^=^\(M>pa'
{(Ty<ai; ; -(Ta)i^=prim. -sdm,
Latin. Suffix -ow, -?/w=prim. -dm; with themes in a it is
--rot/f, -rum, from -^^/y2 = prini. -^dm. Examples: — {1) vdc^Jim^
^vdcSffi; gener-um = genes^m ; (3) ndmin-um^ (4) parentr-um,
sapient-unij or after the analogy of the themes in i, sajjiefUi^im ;
(5) datSr-um^ patr-um ; (6) bo^um=:^ bov-um ; (9) fructu-um^ ^(hx-
haps from ^fniciov'dm ; (9) ovi-um^ (10) eqnum^ equd-nim ; fem.
equarum (comp. Gr. x(api'a<i>v, r=s).
T 2
276 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Gothic. The primitive suffix dm was in Oothic reduced to /.
The feminines of 3 and 10 change the primitive d of dm into 6.
Examples : — (3) hanan-e auhstiS (theme auhsan~y ox), neat.
hairtan-^^iiamn-^yiem. tvggon-o ; {^) fijand-e Qjke 10); {^) drdlAr-e^
duuhtr-e ; (8) mmic-e, fem. handit-e (-ir-^=prim. -flr-€»i«); (9)
gast-e^ fern, anst-e (like 10). (10) Masc. vuIfSy ii&Mt. juke, prim.
vulfdmyjugdm ; (em. gilh-d.
LocATi\TB Singular.
With nominal themes i is the case termination, but in the
pronominal declension the locative takes the suffix i*«, probably
the weakened form of an which may be derived firom the pro-
nominal demonstrative base ana- (to which belongs the prepo-
sition i«, Lat. in, Gr. h, Goth. afia). The locative is preserved
as an independent case in Sanskrit and several other Aryan
languages, but in the Teutonic as well as Latin, Greek and
Celtic tongues, it has become identical with the dative, to which
it originally bore a close relationship.
Sanskrit. The suffix i is in mutable themes joined to the
shortest thematic form. Vocalic feminines in *, rf, d, have -dm
as case-suffix, which is joined to a (10) by means of the spirant y.
The themes in u have lost the case-suffix and terminate in -a«,
which stands for a more ancient -av-i ; themes in % follow this
analogy ; neuters in i and u extend the theme by n. Examples :
— (1) vdch'i^ {2) manas-iy {^) 7idman-i and ndnin-i ; {4) 6Aarat-i,
(5) ddtar-i, mdlar-i ; (6) ndv-i, (7) bhruv-i and hhruv-dm ; (8)
mndu^ handily ved. sitnav-i, hanv-'i^ neut. madhu-n-i ; (9) avdn^
fem. avy-am ; (10) masc. aive-=^^aSva-i^ neut. Juge, fem. aha-
y-dm.
Greek. The locative has the functions of the dative; the
masc. and neut. themes in a (10) have both cases, locative and
dative, the former however is not used as a regular case of the
noun, but as an adverb. Examples : — ( i ) ott-i, (2) ^4i;€i=z^ fievta-i ; ,
(3) riKTov-L, (4) (p€povT-i, (IboT^i ', (5) 6oT7/p-i, firjTp-C ; (6) vrjF'ij
(y) (Tv-C, (8) yAi/KCt:=^yAi»K€f-t ; (9) 7roA6t = ^7roA€y-i; (lo) ot*co-t,
Tioi, ot, fem. xa^ja-L (humi, theme xafxa-),
Latin. Locatives j^roper are the following forms of the themes
in a: /nimi, domt, belli, Corinthi ; i=ei=:ol (comp. oIkol) ; fem.
l{oma€=^^ Romal (comp. xaixai)-, (ruri, or r?ire, is a common abla-
tive, no locative.) As to the rest the locative has the functions
of the dative.
Gothic. The locative has the functions of the dative ; only
the themes in a have the form of the dative proper ; the case-
DECLENSIONS. 277
suffix i is dropped throughout; themes in u and i (feminine)
lengthen the final vowel. Examples : — ( i ) mann{-i)^ (3) ^awm-(-i),
{4)fjand{'t) (5) brothr-{i)^ dauhtr{'i) ; (8) sunau=i^simav{i')^ fern.
handau = ^ handav{-i), (9) fem. 7nah(m = mahtaj["i) ; masc. ^a*to
(dative like 10). (10) Masc. and neut. form a dative; the fem.
ffibai may be taken as the dative or the locative.
Dative Singulae. (See Locative.)
Sanskrit. The dative suffix is -/ for -a>, of which the former
may be the weakened form ; ai is perhaps the lengthened form
of the locative i. Examples: — (i) vdcA-e, (2) manas^^ (4) bha^
rat^^ ddlr-e^ mdtr-e^ (6) ndv-e, (7) hhruv-ey (8) iHnav-e^ (9) patay-^y
( I o) akxHiyay d-y-a = ^d-y-ai.
Greek. The true dative with the themes in a ( 1 o), as tirir^
srrjTTrwi, prim. akvai=^aiva-ai; X(opq^ f^hVf 9> rj^di^d-ai.
Iistin. As in Greek the true dative with the themes in a only
(10), as equd=equSi ; thus popnloiy romanoi, quoi; fem. equae=
eqndi,
Gk>thio. The same as with Greek and Latin. Themes in a
(10): vul/a=:^vulfd=ivulfdi; km. gibai:=gibdL
Locative Plubal.
The suffix of this case is prim, -sva (comp. the pronominal
root «;a, relative and reflective), Sansk. -suy Gr. <T(Ti,=aFi (used
for the dative). In the Teutonic languages this case is lost.
jst Instetjmental Singulae.
The instrumental singular is rendered by two distinct suffixes,
where it has been conjectured that originally there must have
been two distinct instrumentals. The case-suffix of the first in-
strumental is « (a demonstrative base frequently occurring in the
formation of themes or stems) ; it is exclusively used in Sanskrit,
while in Greek and Gothic we find it in adverbial forms only, or
by the side of the second instrumental suffix in certain nominal
themes.
Examples : —
Sanskrit. (1) vd^A-d^ (2) manas-d^ (^) ndmn-^, (4) bharaird^
(5) bhrdir-d, ddtr-d ; (6) ndv-d, (7) bhniv-d, (8) sutiu-n-d, (9)
pati-^'df (10) aivmd, yugena.
278 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Greek. Probably the adverbs in 17 and a, as vimii. Dor.
TsavT-a, T^x-ttj 4^"^, perhaps t-r-o.
Gk>thio (see below).
Old Hi^ Qerman in feminine themes in a, as *mii ereni
(wd^ certa lege ; zwifalM Ifrd^ duplici doctrina.
2nd Instrumental Sinoulab.
Case-suiBx bht^ of doubtful origin^ but frequently occurring in
the formation of cases ; witli the plural sign $ (-oii-#) it forms
the plural instrumental; it is used moreover to discharge the
fiinctions of the dative and ablative {iu-^ip-amy tibi ; ma^ki'-am,
mihi) ; in the dative and abl. plur. it appears again in the
form -ihi-ain^. This suffix -ihi forms the instrumental singular
in the Teutonic and other languages, by the side of the suffix -4
(sec 1st Instr.) used with feminine themes in a.
Qreek very scarce : Hom. suffix <t>i=bii ; it is not limited to
the instrumental, but may express locative and ablative relations
as well. Examples : — Hom. ^<f>L pCrj<f>i ; KpaT€pr}(f>i fiiqif>i ; or^cff-
Gk>thio has this case but in few examples ; in Old High Qer-
man, on the contrary, we meet it as a regularly occurring for-
mation, where, with themes in a, it ends in -«, -if (later o) This
-if, -w, is derived from -am, -ami, or rather -dmi^ e.g. wol/Uy
woHh^ pliniii ; tcolfu from ^wolfam^ wo/Jd-mi. With pronouns
this case is commonly found after the analogy of themes in y/i,
as /ifclji^ theme /iiva- (intcrrog.) from hwyd-mi ; feminines in a
use the first instrumental sing. (See ist Instr. above.)
The Gothic language has this case only in the (after preposi-
tions, and as particle before the comparative) of the demonstra-
tive tha- ; hce (as dv hxe^ wherefore, why) of the pronominal
theme hva- ; «r<?'(ho\v) of the pronoun *rrt-^
Instrumental Plural.
This case is wanting in the Teutonic languages.
^ Old Saxon nnd Anglo-Saxon also have an instrumental in the declension of
nouns and atijectives, the former ui*ing, like Old High German^ the terniination ti,
the latter the termination e^ lilte (jothic. Old Xorse possessi'S no instrumental,
and the only instance where it occurs in Old Frisian is the form ihixt of the demon-
strative pronoun. (Comp. the Declension of l^onouns, p. 199 sqq.)
DECLENSIONS. 279
Dative and Ablative Plubal.
The suffix hhi with -am forms the dative singular of the per-
sonal pronouns. This dat. sing, suffix -bhyam^ to whieh was
added the plural sign «, yields the suffix -^hhyam-B for the forma-
tion of the dative and ablative plural. These cases occur in all
Aryan languages except the Greek, which uses the locative
instead of the dative, and the genitive instead of the ablative.
Sanskrit, Suffix hhya-^ for bhyams, which is added to the
theme in the same maimer as the instrumental suffix -bhis. Ex-
amples : — (i) vag-hhi/a9y (2) mans-bJiyds^ (3) ndma-bhyas, (4) bha--
rud-^fhyaSf (5) bhrdtr-bhyaSf (6) ndu-bhyas, (7) bhrit-bhyaa^ (8) 9unU'
bhyaa^ (9) pati-bhyaSy ( 1 o) ahe-bhyas^ neut. juge-bhyaa.
IiatuL Suffix 'bo8y -bus, for a more ancient ^-bios^ ^-bins (comp,
minus for minius) ; a different development in the pronouns vo-
bi-^= volets (as ti-bi for ti-bei); themes in a reject the b ; con-
sonantal themes follow those in i. Examples : — (i) vSci-bus, (3)
ndmini-buSj (5) mdtri-his, (8) acu-bus ; but themes in u also
usually follow those in *, Sisjrucii-bua: (9) ovi-btis, (jo) ambo-bus,
dtiv^uSj exceptional forms which strictly follow the rule. Forms
such as parvi-^us, amici-bus, dii-bus, prove how in compounds the
final 0 of the theme was weakened into i. The usual dat. and
abl. suffix -w seems to pre-suppose an ancient -bios, or -fos for
the prim, bhyams, Sansk. bhyaSy as for instance, ^eqiio-JioSy whence
equo^hios, whence equo-ios, whence equo-ia, whence eque-is, whence
eqnh. Feminine themes in a have frequently preserved the
primitive form, as equd-bus, ded-bus^filid-bua; the usual is which
has rejected the b must be derived from aisj as mensis from
^mensais^ ^mensa-bios.
Gothic, Of the primitive suffix bhyam-s nothing remained
but the simple -my while in Old Norse, where we find tAri-mr
(tribus) by the side of t/iri-m, the primitive s also is represented
of a form ^thri-mas or ^ Ikri-miis^ tn-bAyams (r for s). Themes
in n take occasionally, as themes in a always do, am instead of
-iw. Examples : — (3) Aa?ia-m, neut. Aairta-m, fem. tuggo-m^ from
^hanan-m, &c. ; but abn-am^ theme aban-, man ; (4) fijandam
(like 10), (5) broiAru-m (like 8) ; (8) sunu-m, (9) mahti-mj gasii-m.
(10) masc. vulfa-m, nevit. J uia-m, fem. gibd-m.
Vocative.
The vocative, as we have said before, is no case, not even a
word, but the noun in the form of an interjection, devoid there-
280 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
fore of a case-suffix. Only the singular has a vocative^ whOsi
dual and plural supply it by the nominative^ a &ct which ofi^
occurs in the singular too.
Sanskrit. The accent always on the first syllable; conso-
nantal themes appear in the simple thematic form ; mase. and
fem. of themes in i and u lengthen the final vowel ; feminine
themes in d {\o) weaken the d into e\ themes ending in a diph-
thong or a long vowel do not form a vocative, but supply it by
the nominative. Examples : — (i) vak^ (2) manas, (3) ndman,
(4) bharan for ^hharant ; (5) mdtar, (6) ndus, (7) bhrwt, (8) rinS^
(9) palCy av/ ; (10) a4ca^ neut. yuga,
Greek. Consonantal themes commonly use the nominative
for the vocative. Examples : — ( 1 ) Trat for ^itaih ; (3) doifiov (but
fiy€^i<iif, nom.) ; (4) yipop (but <t)ip<av part, nom.) ; (5) oQrfp,
pfJTop, Trdr€p, (6) vavj (7) ovs, (8) yXvidj^ (9) irocri, voAi; (lo)
tiTTTe, neut (vyov ; fem. x<ipd, yXcitTa-a,
Latin. A vocative with masc. themes under No. 10 only, as
eque { = XinT€), prim, aiva ; themes in ya, aafili (or filie,
Qothio. The vocal themes only form a vocative (3= nom.;
^ giband^ likeio; 5 = nom.); (8) sunau, kandan, hut slso iunu.
(9) gasl for gasti, fern, ansf ; (10) vu/f=^rulfa, fem, giba; themes
iny^; iari, hairdi=.^harja, ^hirdja.
THE OLD TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
STRONG DECLENSION.
All tlie ancient Teutonic dialects preserve in the declensions
the distinction of themes in a, 1, and u; and these thematic
vowels giving the declension a peculiar colouring, we may well
arrange all nouns under three declensions : viz. the declension in
a, that in i, and that in U- The declension of themes ending
in a consonant we shall treat under a separate head hereafter ^
Though we find the themes in a, 1, U^ in all the different
Teutonic dialects, we must not omit to notice that it is in Gothic
only where they appear altogether distinct ; though even here
the thematic vowels are frequently dropped or weakened and the
case-terminations much mutilated.
The thematic vowel of the declension in a is in Gothic dis-
tinctly preserved only in the dative singular and the dative
' Comp. pp. 169, 170, and pp. ^68, 269.
DECLENSIONS, 281
»nd accusative plural^ while we find it in a lengthened form in
he nominative and vocative plural. The feminiues of this
Leclension lengthen the thematic vowel a into 6^ except in the
lom. accus. and voc. sing, where the a remains. The neuter
lom. and accus. sing, drop the thematic vowel as well as the
sase-sign.
While the declension in a comprises all three genders, the
declension in i has only substantives of the masculine and femi-
nine. The feminine, always showing an inclination to full and
lengthy forms, which, as already mentioned, changed in the first
declension the thematic vowel & into 6, follows its natural pro-
pensities in the second declension also and takes ^ gradation/ or
what Sanskrit grammarians call 'gima,^ by introducing an a
before the thematic vowel i^.
The declension in u shelters its thematic vowel most persist-
ently, so that we find the u preserved before the case-sign s of
the nom. masc. and fem. as well as in the nom. neut., where the
other two declensions have dropped their thematic vowels.
In the other Teutonic dialects also the three delensions in a*
i, and u, can be traced ; but it is the first only which is in a
flourishing condition, uncorrupted by the influence of the other
declensions and comprising the three genders. The declension
in u is in most dialects in a dilapidated condition or encroached
upon by the other declensions. In Old Norse however the
declensions are in their fullest vigour, in some respects more so
than in Gothic, while Old High Oerman, though it has pre-
served some ancient case-signs which are lost in Gothic, has
suffered great losses with the dilapidation of its declension in u,
the plural of which has transgressed into the declension in i.
In the same manner the Low German dialects, Anglo-Saxon,
Old Frisian, and Old Saxon appear greatly mutilated, though
in some respects they too show more ancient forms than we find
in the Gothic dialect.
As to the case-terminations in the different Teutonic dialects
we must let them pass a short review in order to compare them
with the primitive case-signs which we have eliminated above.
Nominative Singular.
The primitive case-sign -*, from the demonstrative root sa,
has been dropped in all the Teutonic dialects except the Gothic
and Old Norse, the latter however following its propensiiy to
^ Comp. pp. 32>a5.
282 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
rhotacize^ that is^ to convert the eibilant m into r. Bat
and Old Norse too, like all the other Teutonic tongues, InmMHL^^
the thematic vowel in the nom. sing., so that for the Qil^B5\'^
Germ., A. S., O. S., O. Yris.fisk {visk or fw\ ive find iiiGdli^^^'
Jtsks, in Old Norse /*/--r. An exception to this rule is fiwJ"
the u declension, which retains its thematic vowel in all Ai'
dialects but Old Norse, and in Gothic yields the full tenin»
tion w«, as in nom. sin^. Goth, sunus (son), O. H. Germ.i A.8,
O. S., O. Fris. *//////, O. N. son-r. The feminine nouns letM
the thematic vowel in the a and u declensions, asGoth.|iii,
O. H. Germ., O. S. ffe*'6a, A. S. i/i/u (a darkened into «), O.ftk
jere; but O.N. y/o/! Neuter nouns dispense with the theina&
vowel as well as the termination. Even in the cognate langugs
the aceusiitive is used to supply the nominative case; oomput
Goth, rauf'f/, O. H. Germ, icori, A. S., O. S,, O. Fris. word^ O.N.
orS, Lat. rerbum.
Nominative Plural.
Tlie primitive case-sign -as (for sas^sa-^a) is most completdy
preserved in Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon, where the theme
Jiskii' with the case termination -as }nelds the legitimate form
fskas^ whilst in Gothic the combination of a + a results in
the long vowel (?, and hence the nom. \i[\xT,Jlskos. Old Frisian
and Old Norse rhotacize the ease-sign -* and join the final -r
directly to the thcmo, so that their nom. plur. is Jiskar, Old
High German preserves the long a which is the product of the
combined a of the theme and a of the termination, but the final
s is droj>pcd, hence nom. plur. viskd. In the feminine gender
the Gothic and Old Norse alone retain the case-sign * (O. N. r),
while the other dialects either use the simple thematic vowel
(A. S. f/ifa, O. Fris. ^cTtf), or its lengthened form (O. S. giha^
O. H. Germ, gibd or (/llju) ; but Goth. giljo-H^ O. N. g'mfar. The
neuter rejects the thematic vowels as well as the case-sign, ex-
cept in Gothic, where we find in the nom. plur. the termina-
tion a.
Accusative Singular.
The primitive case-sign -am after consonants, -m after vowels,
from the demonstrative root am (eomp. Sansk. aw/^-, hie), is alto-
gether lost in the Teutonic strong declensions (themes in a, i, u),
but preserved in the weak declension (consonantal themes in n)S
where it is conveiied into n (compare the accus. sing. Lat. -w,
• Weak Declension, fw» below.
DECLENSIONS. 383
^ -1') ; wherefore the scchb. bid^. of the theme haniM- is in
^. Gern). and O. S, kanun, Goth, and A. S. hanan ; but the ft
, dropped in O. Fris. iona, O. N. hana. Very remarkable in
^^■^ ii'gh German is the preservation of the ancient case-eign -»
^^ "&e masculine^ chiefly of proper notins in a, where even Gotbio
^^*« coinpleiely lost the case-sign ; e. g. O. H, Germ, got (deua),
b**^ sing. i;o(a-n.
ACCUSATTVI! PlTJEAL.
The primitive -ams (=am, the case-sign of the accus. sing. + t,
the termination of the plural) appears in Gothic as -ans, -nt, »
\)eing preferred to m before the sibilant » ; bence fakans (a)i l<tl-
fifu (i), sununt (u), in the strong, and hanans (n), in the weak
declension; so again the feminine anatins (i), kanduna (u)) tttg-
jAm (n), but giioa for gibana (a). Nest to Gothic the Anglo-
8&xon and Old Saxon dialects most faithfully render the ancient
case-sign, but suppress the consonant n in the same manner
as the Gothic feminine in a, which elision causes the preced-
ing to wel to be lengthened, hence A..S.fsc^i,0.^.fakda and
fASa. Old High German drops the case-sign altogether and
lengthens the thematic vowel, hence accus. like nom. phir. viaMj
and Old Frisian rhotacizes the final t, hence the accus. like
the nom. pinr. ^aiar. Old Norse drops the caae-sign altogether
and uses the simple thematic vowel as its accusative termination.
This example is followed by the other dialects in the fern, accus.
plur., as in the A. S, ffifa, O. Fne. j'eva, while Old High German
and Old Saxon lengthen the thematic vowel in ge'd^, gebd.
Genitivb SmoiTLAB.
The primitive termination -aa, -a, is found in all the Teutonic
dialects ; even Old Norse, which on other occasions so frequently
supjilanta the sibilant by the liquid t, preserves the original
case-sign of the genitive singular, at least in the declension in a,
while those in i and u admit rbotacism. The thematic vowel
preceding the case-sign is variously modified. The Gothic has
gradation of the thematic u into av, and yields the thematic a
for t in the genitive jiaki-», where the Old Saxon dialect still
owns the more ancient form fiaka-i. But in the latter as well
as in the other dialects. High and Low German, the thematic a
is usually weakened into i or e, hence the genitive forms O. H.
Germ, vtakea, A.^.fiacea, O.Vris.fiakea; while Old Norse, reject-
ing the thematic vowel altogether in the a declension, hasjitka.
284 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
In the fem. the thematic vowel is in most dialects len^hened,
whether it be succeeded by the ease-sig^ or not ; hence Grothie
giboSf O. H. Germ, gebo^ O. S. gebd^ but A. S. gife^ O. Fris. jm
(a) ; Goth. anst^U (gradation of i into di\ O. H. G^rm. auA^
but O. S. ensti (i). The genitive forms in Old Norse are peculiar,
wliere the masculine in a alone has the regular ancient case*
sign^ while the masculines in i and u, and the feminines in
a and i adopt the liquid r, which is preceded throughout by the
vowel a.
Genitive Plural.
The ancient case-sign -aw, the probable derivation of which
we have given above, is in Gothic reduced to the simple vowel f,
feminine 6 ; hence the genitives Jiske, gibo. The other Teutonic
dialects also have the lengthened 6 or a, or simply a as the geni-
tive termination, as O. H. Germ, vuko, O. S.fskd or ^^id, A. S.
Ji^cd, but O. Fris. and O.^.Jijfka, The same terminations are
used for the genitive plural feminine in the declensions i and n,
but in the a declension the genitive feminine has in Old High
German and Old Saxon the extended termination d-^fi-d, A. S.
and O. Fris. e-n-a, which seems to have been formed in analogy
to the weak declension, where it occurs as the regular termina-
tion. Though Gothic has the simple S in gibd for the O. H.
Germ. ged6?i6, the introduction of the liquid ri must be of very
ancient date, since it occurs in the Indian dialects too. (Comp.
the gen. plur. fem. in a, Sansk. dsra-n-am for dira?n, where the
Sanskrit termination a-u-^m corresponds to the O. H. Germ.
6-71-6, A. S. e-7i-a.)
Dative Singular.
A dative proper we have only in the masculine of the declen-
sion in a and of that in i, the latter having adopted the thematic
vowel of the former. Thus we find in Gothic the Aai\\Q Jiska^
O. H. Germ, rhka, O. S.Jhka, or weakened into^*^'^, A. S,Jisce,
O.Yris, Ji\ska, or jMi, ov Jiske, O.^.Jxffkl (a). The same termi-
nations occur in the dative singular of the declension in i, e. g.
Goth, balga, O. H. Germ, pa/ka, O. S. gasta. The case-sign e or
i is throughout the weakened form of a, wherefore the i cannot
cause Umlaut. But in all declensions and genders other than
those just mentioned the Teutonic languages are deprived of a
true dative, and consequently use the locative singular to per-
form its functions. The termination of this locative is ?-, the
origin of which we have mentioned before. ,It is generally
DECLENSIONS. 285
iiopped, and the thematic vowel then has gradation^ as in
maAtai (i) for maAtaJ{'i)y handau (u fem.) for Aandav{'i);
funau (u masc.) for sunav{^i); hanin for hanin{'i) (n). The
dative feminine gibai (a) may be considered a locative or a true
dative.
Dative Plukal.
The primitive suffix hhyam% has in the Teutonic languages
dwindled down to the simple -w, e.g. Goth, fi^ka-m (masc),
gibo-m (fem.) (a) ; halgi'-m, ansti-m (i) ; sunu^m, handu-m (u) ;
hana^m, tuggo-m (n). Gothic only preserves the thematic vowels
distinct in the terminations -«;», -iniy -urn ; Old High German
puts um for am in the a declension, and all the other dialects
prefer in all declensions the darkened form um in the different
genders, though it must be mentioned that we meet also, chiefly
in Old Frisian, with weakened forms such as em and on. This
leads us to notice another change, namely, of m into n, which
already occurs in late Old High German, sometimes in Frisian
and almost regularly in Old Saxon, a change which moreover is
accompanied by a weakening of the thematic vowel from u into
o ; hence the termination of dat. plur. on. Deserving of special
notice is a form in Old Norse thri-m-r by the 'side of thrim
(tribus), tveim-m~r for Iveim (duobus), in which, besides the m,
the s of the original case-sign is preserved, changed of course
into r according to the phonetic laws of the Old Norse dialect,
so that tAri-mr stands for tAri-ms = thri-mas = primitive tri~
bAjam^.
Instrumental.
There were originally two distinct suffixes for the instrumental
singular, and therefore probably two distinct instrumentals with
different functions, a distinction however which at an early
period was obliterated. The first instrumental was formed with
the demonstrative suffix a, rudiments of which we have in Old
High German in one or two examples of feminine nouns in a^
The second instrumental is formed with the suffix bAiy which is
also frequently used to form the dative. (Comp. the declension
of the Latin pronoun, e.g. ii-bi-^tu^bAi^m^ &c.) In the north
European languages, both Slavonic and Germanic, the suffix bAi
appears in the form of ;/«/, probably in the combination --am for
-amiy out of which the termination il or u oi the instrumental in
Old High German and Old Saxon are explained, so that the
^ Comp. p. 37S.
286 TBUTOSIC OBAMMAR.
O. H.Oerm. leolfu would come from ^wolfam and tliis bm\
Kol/a-mi. The Gothic has this instrumental in but few at
verbial pronominal forms^ such as the (comparative particle) fiw
the ]>ronominal theme tka- ; ire (as du Ive, why), from the pnh
nominal base Aca-; #r/ (as) from «ra-. If these instrument^
forms were the first instrumental with the suffix a^ they wooU
appear as tka^, ica^, &e., and these as (Ad^ Avd, rather thu
iie, Ace. This instrumental e then originates like the Old Higli
German « or « in the primitive a^mi, Teutonic for a-iAL Wbt
we have said with regard to the instrumental e in Gothic hdik
good for the / of the instrumental in Anglo-Saxon, where it u
used as the regular case-sign with all nouns that are capable of
forming the mentioned case.
The Plural Nelter with the Suffix ir.
Several Teutonic dialects apply the suffix -iV (or its modified
form -er or -r, or even -ar) in the formation of the plur. neut. of
the declension in a. In Old High German we find this suffix
often used with tliose neuter nouns which have lost their ancient
termination -«. Thus, for example, ta/p (calf) has the nom.
plur. kelh-ir (the i of the suffix ir causes the Umlaut of a into e),
and to this form are added the respective case-signs of the other
cases, as in the ^n. plur. kelb-irS, The use of this suffix is
more limited iu Old Saxon, where we find but few forms, such
as the genitives plur. ei-er-o, hm-er-o of e/, egg, horiy hen.
Anglo-Saxon too does not patronize this suffix very largely, and
in the few words where it does occur it is always followed by the
ancient cuse-sign -w of the nom. plur. as well, e. g. aciy egg, nom.
iij-r-n ; ceafj\ calf, nom. plur. ceaff-r-u ; c/ A/, child, nom. plur.
cild-r-u ; lainby lamb, nom. plur. lamh-r-v. For the plural hry^
er'?ij armenta, there is no singular ^;yS, but Arjf^er, the suffix -fr
having been adopted in the singular too. In Old Frisian the
suffix -//*, in the modification -a/*, or -er, is used in the formation
of the plural of the following words : ki?i(i, child, plur, kind-er^
or k'nid-er^ or the ancient form k'nula; kldth^ cloth, dress, j)lur.
k/dfli-er-a, or kldth-aTy or kid I ha ; horn^ horn, plur. horn-ar ; bon,
mandatiim, plur. bonn-^r^ bonna and bon, hrither (Germ, rind),
has, as in Anglo-Saxon, the suffix in the singular also.
The Umlaut in the Old Teutonic Declensions.
The reader will do well first to refer to our remarks concern-
ing the formation of Umlaut in general, in our chapter on Old
DECLENSIONS. 287
Teutonic ▼owel8\ In na Teutonic language have the inflexional
Ibrms so wide a range of influence upon the vowel of the stem
of the word as in the Old Norse^ where both i and Uy vowels
which very frequently occur in the terminations, may cause
Umlaut, while in the other Teutonic languages this prerogative
is restricted to the vowel i, and the Gothic dialect is deprived
of Umlaut altogether. The frequent occurrence of the Umlaut
in the declensions of the Old Norse imparts to this language a
degree of softness and richness of sound for which we might
hardly find a parallel in any other Teutonic tongue, ancient or
modem. In order to illustrate this remark we need only quote
the different cases of the declension of the theme : magu-y son j
sing, mogry magr^ megi, mog ; plur. megir, maga^ mognmy mogu.
The reader will be able to account for these different changes or
modifications of the vowel, if he will apply to this particular
instance the laws and rules which regulate the occurrence of the
Umhmt in general. We may therefore here restrict ourselves to
certain phenomena of Umlaut which are peculiar to particular
declensions and particular dialects.
Declension in a. — In Old High German this declension shows
no Umlaut except in the neuter plural, where it may be effected
by the sufiix -?r, as in kalp, plur. kelbir. The Old Saxon,
Anglo-Saxon, and Old Frisian languages have no Umlaut in
the declension in a, because the case -signs lack the element
which begets the Umlaut. In Old Norse, on the contrary, it is
of frequent occurrence, as a reference to the paradigms will
teach. A few cases require special explanation. The feminine
nouns have in the nom. sing, dropped an u^ the weakened form
of an original a, the effect of which u is still perceptible in the
Umlaut of the a of the stem into o. The same Umlaut occurs
in the dat. sing., where the u was dropped at a later period of
the language, but its effect, the Umlaut, remained. Examples :
— theme giafa, gift, nom. sing, giof (for giofu)^ dat, gidf{u).
Neuter nouns orififinally had in the nom. and accus. plur. the
termination -a^, which, though dropped, left the Umlaut of a
into 0 behind, e. g. fat, vessel, plur. fot for fotu.
Declension in i. — All the Teutonic dialects (Gothic of course
excepted) show Umlaut in this declension.
Old High Oerman. Umlaut of a into e, caused by the i of
the termination, takes place in the plural throughout, as well
as in the gen. and dat. sing, of the feminine (unless the fem. is
* See pp. 26-28.
288 TEU TOXIC GRAMMAR.
redaced to the simple stem of the word). Examples :—jNr&r,
hide, \\\xr. pelki ; ansl, gen. enslij plur. ensti. In the gen. plur.
the j (from the thematic i) is often dropped, but the Umlaot
remain ^, as pelko^ ensiOy for pelkjS, eMtjS,
Old Saxon. The Umlaut of a into e may occur in the plural,
and in the feminine in the gen. and dat. sing, as well, but it is
not of general occurrence. Examples : — gast^ guest, plur. ge^U
(or gas(i) ; anst, favour, plur. eiisti (or ansti).
Anglo-Saxon. The termination i of the dat. sing, and of the
nom. and ace us. plur., which in the course of time was dropped,
caused Umlaut, which remained, e. g. masc. nom. sing./ol, dat
fet {or/eti, (roia /of i; nom. accus. plur.yj?i^, fern. nom. sing, jww,
dat. wj/*, nom. accus. plur. w^j?, &c.
Old Frisian. The masculine gender has two words where
Umlaut remained after the terminational i had been dropped,
namely /ol, uom. accus. plur Jel ; tdth, nom. accus. plur. telh ;
but there is no Umlaut either in the dat. sing, of the masculine
or in any case of the feminine gender.
Old Norse. Some of the masculine nouns of this declension
adopt dkj before the vowels a and u of the terminations, which y,
whether retained or dropped, causes Umlaut of the preceding
syllable, as in belgr^ b^^gjoiT^y where the^ appears in certain cases,
and gedr^ gestaVy where it is dropped throughout and yet its
Umlaut remains. In the feminine nouns gds^ mm^ lu9 and hritn,
the terminations \r and /, dropped later on, caused the Umlaut
Declension in u. — This declension shows no Umlaut in any
dialect except in Old Norse, where, just in this declension, the
Umlaut is most richly developed. (See the paradigms in u.)
It recjuires but few explanations. The nom. niogr of the theme
magit' (son) owes its Umlaut to an earlier ?ndgitr for magur, Goth.
7nagus, The dat. sing. fern, ionn of the theme tannu- (tooth),
owes its Umlaut to the ancient case-sign ?/, which was dropped
at a later period.
^^ofe. — The weak declension has Umlaut in no dialect except
Old Norse, where the terminational u converts the a of the
stem into o.
DECLENSIONS.
289
PARADIGMS.
VOCAL THEMES (STRONG DECLENSIONS).
Themes in a.
Gothic.
Themes '.—fikka^y pbd-, vatirda^.
Masculine.
Feminine.
Neuter.
Sing.
Norn. /fttr-«(fish)
G«n. fiiki^
Dat. fiska
Accus. fitk
Voc. jUk
Plur.
JUk-^
Jitka-m
fiska-m
Sing.
giba (gift)
gibd-a
gibai
giba
giba
Plur.
g%b6-»
gib^
gibS-m
gibS-e
gibd^
Sing.
ta^rd (word)
vaurdi^
vaurda
vaurd
va^ird
Plur.
vaurda
vaunkMn
vaurda
vaurda
Old High Gtermaou
Themes : — vUka^^ gebd- (for kepd-), worta-.
Masculine.
Feminine.
Sing.
Norn. VM2r(fUh)
Gen. vUike-§
Dftt. vUka
Accus. vUk
Inslr. vuib-ti
Plur.
vUkd
vUk-d
vUhurm
vitkd
• •
Sing.
got {god)
• •
• •
• •
Sing.
geba (gift)
g'iM, g'Ad
gebd, g'ebu
geba
• •
Plur.
g'eb6, gebd
geb6-fir6
gebd-m
gebd, gebd
• •
Neuter.
Sing.
Nom. wort (word)
Gen. foorte-a
Dat. worta
Accus. wort
Instr. wort'U
Plur.
wort
worts
wcrtu-m
wort
Sing.
ita2p (calf)
kad>t^
kalba
kalp
kaUhu
Plur.
keUhir
kelb-drS
JW6-tru-m
kelb^
V
290
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Old Saxon*
Themes i^—Jisca-^ g'ebd-^ word^i^.
Masculine.
Fem
ININB.
Nom.
Dat.
Actnis.
Instr.
Sing.
fiK (fish)
Ji»ca, fixt
fite
fitou
Plur.
fisca-nt fiscal
fiac6-i, fiscal
• •
Sing.
geba (gift)
gfba, gibd
gUbHf gdtS
geba
• •
Plur.
geba
gebo-nS
g3fu-H, gibo^
g'M
Neutsb.
Sing.
Nom. uard
Gien. fror</a-«, tforcfe-t
Dat. wonia, worde
Ace. vortl
luttr. ironi-tt
Plur.
fpord
tcord-d
wordu-n
viovd
Sing.
bae (back)
baeori, bace^
haca, baee
bac
hac-u
Plur.
hacu
h<u>6
baeuHH
haeu
Anglo-Saxon.
Tliemes :—fsca^, daga-, gif^^y worda^yfata-.
Masculine.
Feminixb.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
(3on.
Dat.
Atvus.
lustr.
fifc (fish)
risce
M
fifra-a
Jiscu-m
jUcd-a
gi/a (gift)
gife
{life
• •
gife-n-a
gifu-m
gifa
• •
Neuter.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
voni
vonl
fat (vat)
fatu
(".on.
wonfc-n
trord-A
ftifes
fat-a
Dnt.
iconh'
%corda-m
fate
fatu-m
Acvus.
irorii
icord
fat
fatu
In8tr.
icord'f
• •
fdt-e
• •
DECLENSIONS,
291
Old
Themes:— ;/?«^*a-,y^a-, worda^y skipa^.
Masculine.
Feminine.
Sing.
PlUP.
Sing.
Plur.
Kom. ;Ea2;(fish)
Gen. jitki-t.fidcerB
I>at. /ail-a, -t, -e
Acciu. fi«k
fiskorr, fiska
JUk-a
fisku-m^ -en, -^m
fitkorT, fiika
jeve (gift)
jeve
jeva
jeve-fira
jevu-m, -on
jeva
Neuter.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Nom. tpord (word)
Gen. wordit, -ei
Dat. vjorda, -e
Accos. «0ord
wcTd{a)
toord-a
vordtnn, -on
tporda
«il'tp (ship)
ekipi-s, -es
tkipat -e
9ktp
ikipu, -0
skip-a
tikipu-m, -on
skipu, -0
Old Norse.
Themes \—Ji
isia-, armory gia^
fa^f or^a^yfatd-.
Ma8C1
DLINE.
Feminine.
Sing.
Plnr.
>
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Nom. fifk-r (fish)
Gen. fiik-9
Dat. fitkh
Accua. fitk
fiskorr
fidc-a
fiitku-m,
JUka
-OWl
arm-r (arm)
arms
armi
arm
arma-r
oflrm-a
arma
ffif^A^)
ffi^f
giafa-r
giaf-a
giiifu-m, om
giafarr
Neuter.
Sing.
Nom. orfJ (word)
Gen. oriSs
Dat. orfSi
Accns. or*^
Plur.
offi-a
or^u-m
ottS
Sing.
fat (vat)
fat-t
fati
fat
Plur,
fbt
fcU-a
f&tu-m, -om
fdt
U 2
292 TEUTOMC GRAMMAR,
Notes to the Decietmou im A-
Gk>ihio.
1. Tlie following words belong to the declension in a*
Masc. «/}?*, oath (Germ, eid) ; asfs, branch (Germ, ast) ; hapt.
Inn* (Germ, baum^ cf. beam) ; fiag*^ day (Germ. tag); ivxAjdog
((■(Tm. Iiiind, vW hound); filaibn^ bread, cf. loaf; /<airi«, lof
((i<Tin. lunb) ; MfahiM, stone (Germ, stein): rafr, man, cf. I^
rlr; vlf/^, way (Germ, weg) ; rulfs, wolf; pMs, thief; M/r«, eei
((ierni. see) ; ttmiivs^ snow (Germ, sclmee) ; fugh^ bird (Genn.
vo<;'('l^ cf. fowl); aithy seat (Germ, sessel); sribls, sulphur (Genn.
Rchwerel); ]fi?fr/ans, king; A/zv/W, heayen (Germ himmel); aht,
fioM ((ierm. acker, cf. acre); jiggrsy finger; i4igr9^ tear (Germ,
ziilire).
Fkm. a}r\ay earth; hohay book; fa\a^ path (Germ, pfed);
gafrtla^ girdle (Germ, gurte) ; giba, gitt (Germ, gabe) ; iairdaf
licnl ((ijTni. heerde) ; /ivei/ay hour, cf. while (Germ. weile=time);
Tfisftt, rcot ((ierm. rast) ; saurgay care (Germ, sorge) ; afdigay path
((it'nii. steii;') ; rumba^ womh; )?/Wtf, people, gens; M^/a, needle,
nad<'l ; mira/a, soul (Germ, seele) ; sf/bna, voice (Germ, stimme);
gaifi<tt, goat (Germ, geif) ; ahva. water; diupipa, depth; sunja,
truth.
Nki'T /yf/n/, (jliild : baitnly ))lank (Germ, bord) ; blif)^, blood
((JtMu. blutl ; <hnh\ door (Germ, thiir) ; hus, house (Germ, haus);
jt'r, yrar ((Jerm. jahr) ; Juk, yoke (Germ, joeh) ; kainiy com;
Ituiih, laml) ((mtri. lamm) ; fnndy land (Germ, land); le'iky boily
(cf. (iiM-m. Icirhe, Engl. like); met (time, cf. Germ, mal) ; mei^
month; nail, salt (Germ, salz); skip^ ship; tY/?/r//, word ; tagl^
hair (cf. Vav^\, tail, Germ, zagel) ; dig'in^ property (cf. Germ.
ei<^«'n, Hnyl. own); m(tir)fry murder (Germ, mord}; silnbr^ silver
((irnn. sillu'r) ; r/wr;/, iron (Germ, eisen) ; halifty hatred, hate
((icrni. hafO ; //d/dji]}, head (cf. Germ, haupt) ; knuiy knee (Germ,
kin'e) ; Irit/, tree.
2. Words of tlio masculine gender which have no plural may
In^long to the declension in a or i, because both are in the
singuhu' alike; and those of which the nominative singular is
lost may belong to tlic masculine or neuter gender.
J. ^'htMues ending in w reject the * of the nominative singular
al'tiM- tlie .V of the stem, in order to avoid tlie harsh succession
of two identical sibilants, hence ka/Sj neck (Genu, hals), instead
of kalft-A from the theme ka/sa-. The genitive is of course
DECLENSIONS. 293
ialzi^, &c. Tliemes ending in ra also suppress the casensign «
if the r is preceded by a vowel, hence va{r, vir, nom. sing, of
the theme vaira ; but if a consonant precedes the r, the regular
formation takes place, as akr^^ &c.
4. Words of the feminine gender which occur in the dat. sing.
only might belong to the declension in a or i ; those of which
we know the nom. plur. only might be masculine or feminine.
5. Neuter nouns which show the gen. sing, only may be con-
sidered masculine or neuter.
Old High Gherman.
1. The following words belong to the Declension in a.
Masc. diop, thief (Germ, dieb) ; //or;/, thorn (Germ, dorn) ; eid,
oath (Germ. eid); ^/^, neck (Germ, hals); Aleip, bread ; huud,Aog
(Germ, hund) ; hof, court-yard (Germ, liof) ; keist^ spirit (Germ,
geist, cf. goast) ; muot, animus (Germ, muth, cf. mood) ; vnuid^
mouth (Germ, mund) ; nid, envy (Germ, neid) ; pou7n, tree (Germ.
haum^ cf. beam) ; scaz^ treasure (Germ, schatz) ; sfap, 8tiiff (Germ.
stab); Hein, stirme (Germ, stein); vw>t, fish; uoXra/, bird (Germ,
vogel) ; aram, arm ; fadumy thread (Germ, faden) ; rekan, rain
(Germ, regen) ; achat ^ field (Germ, acker) ; viniar, finger ; mdnod,
month (Germ, monat).
Fem. aka, water ; ea, ewa, law ; erda, earth (Germ, erde) ;
Amla, mora (Germ, weile) ; kepa, gift (Germ, gabe) ; lera, doc-
trine (Germ, lehre) ; sela, soul (Germ, seele) ; stimna^ voice
(Germ, stimme) ; stunla, hour (Germ, stunde) ; atra^a^ street
(Germ, stra^) ; wampa^ womb.
Nbut. chini, child (Germ, kind) ; chorn, corn ; chruty herb
(Germ, kraut) ; dinCy thing (Germ, ding) ; hroSy horse (Germ,
ross) ; jdvy year (Geim. jahr) ; joky joke (Germ, joch) ; laynp, lamb
(Germ, lamm) ; loupy leaf (Germ, laub) ; paruy chihl ; pein^ bone
(Germ, bein) ; self, ship (Germ, schiflp) ; scaf, sheep (Germ, schaf) ;
isam, iron (Germ, eisen) ; silapar, silver (Germ, silber) ; wa^ar,
water (Germ, wafer) ; houpity head (Germ, haupt).
2. In Old High German also the singular of nouns masculine
is the same in the declensions in a and i^ and it therefore is
sometimes difficult to say to which declension they belong,
especially since such words often form their plural in a different
manner^ either in a or i, in different documents.
*^'*» TEUTOMC GRAM MAR.
Old
I. The following words belong to the declension in a.
Masc. huui^ tn.'c rCierm. baum) ; d^^. day Germ, tagr; : d^,ie^
((irnii. Uicil;; drom, dream (Germ traum : f^k, feh; hid,
(lojr; kuMHy kiss; mufJi, mouth; */«>, sleep :Germ. sctlaf;; #/!«,
Htoiic ((imii. stein); fhioh, thief; sfroi^^ stream: (korn, thoin;
"•;'//, way ((ierin. we^; ; /r^>, vir, man; ett^if, an^l ; fugl, biid;
hi mil, \mi\m\ i'riy rarl ; //^'*rt//, heaven; fagar^ finger; «iJti«^,
kiii^' ((i4Tm. koiiijrj; ^^V^y, mountain (Germ, berg;; teo,9isk\
MHVit, HI low.
Vv.W. aha, water; iirtha, earth; ^c-*^, gift; i^i'/pa, help; i«ffa,
tiiiif, while ((lerrn. weile) ; /era, doctrine; *eofa, soul; jo/yfl,
I'inv ((icTiii. Horf^e) ; strata, street ; stetmia^ voice (Germ, stimme);
ivahta^ wat<h ((irrm. wacht) ; minnea^ love (Germ, minne).
N i:i!T. fja*\ ba(;k ; IjfatI, leaf (Germ, blatt) ; bam, child ; /d/,
vi'KM'l, vat ((ierni. fafO ; Jiur, fire; ./(>/<7, folk, people; gohJ^ gold;
////v. house; /V/V, yv\\r\ kind, proles; corn, corn; ^nrV, herb
((iriiu. kraul); iinht, light; ai't/al, sail (Germ, segel); ^«m«,
tokrn ; nifiifnir, silvrr; wafar, water; icedar^ weather (Germ.
wetN'i); hdtjid, head ((ienn. haupt); kneo, knee ; treOy tree.
X, The two dillereiit forms of the nom. and accus. plur. neut
(h'sj-rve s|m'<m:iI notice; they are not ay)i)liL'd, one or the other, at
nuulonj, hut. us it would appriir in aecoi-danee with the following
I'uIrM : All words consisting of a short syllable have preserved
the nucii'ut Icrniination v^w^r^hacjjacn; hhul^bladu. ; fjrab,grabu;
f,it, tii/tf : while words with a lon^ syllable rejeet the termina-
tit»u; whence /;.////, rr//(/, thiinj^ irih^ irord^ remain unehanged in
ihc nominal ive and aeeusative plural.
Anglo-Saxon.
I. The lollowiui^ words l>eloii<^ to the deelension in a.
M \s( . /'..'/•'/, luijuntain ((ierni. bero;) ; cvW, keel; copp, cup;
I/.//;', i-ral'l ; /A///, <lay ^^(Jerni. taj^) ; da'K deal; doui, doom; tw//,
r.oil : /f A/, lieM ; y/v, iisli ; (jast , o«uest ; ijdat^ ghost ; heap, heap;
/////./, riu^;-; /.'.>'/', marsh; /////tS, mouth; rap, rope; Hecgyy\x\
.v/.«/", jilall"; sU\,iy stone; f<firauiy stream; tiuWy tear; ?rrtV7, wave;
/r,./, wa\ ; /rr .//•./. warden, j^uard ; /r/;/^/, wind ; wi((f\\\o\^\ wt/miy
worm ; '//.//A'/, nail; hro/o,i, heaven; ///-a///, raven; slp?t, sign;
//,/.;,/•, linj^-cr; ]»/'//«'/•, thunder; ct/ning, king; mdm^, month;
/tlaf'ord^ h»rd.
V'km. duru, (h»or ; ////w, gift ; hifn, love ; sreamu, shame ; scSlu,
DECLENSIONS, 296
hool ; -^oaru, compIexuB incolarum ; land-toaru, province ; burA-
iru, civitas ; ceasler-waru, arx.
Neut. d(/, eg^; bdc, back; ban, bone; beam, child; cifalf^
If; cild, child; Jat, vessel (cf. vat, Germ, faf ) ; ^eai, gate;
i>, ^lass ; ^rds, grass; hors^ horse; lamb, lamb; leaf\ leaf;
jhty Ught ; sweord, sword ; wearc^ work ; wif, woman (cf. wife) ;
n-d, word ; ^el, evil ; cicen^ chicken ; maden, maiden ; tdcen,
ken; wdsten, waste, desert.
a. In Anglo-Saxon we have, as in Old Saxon, two forms for
le nom. and accus. plur. neut., the termination u being pre-
rved in words consisting of a short syllable, and rejected after
ng syllables and in words consisting of more than one syllable.
Old Frisian.
1 . The following words belong to the declension in a.
Masc. bdm, tree (Germ, baum), bur, villager (Germ, bauer) ;
Uy deal ; enn, arm ; eth^ oath ; Jisk, fish ; hdp^ heap ; kldth, coat,
oth ; stef, staff; tusk^ tooth, tusk ; wei^ way ; degan, man, vir ;
nger, finger ; monath, month (Germ, monat).
Fem. ierde, earth (Germ, erde) ; nose^ nose ; sele, soul (Germ.
*ele) ; nne, sinew, nerve ; spreke^ speech (Germ, sprache) ; did^
eed ; ned, need ; ild^ time, tide ; wrald^ w^orld.
Neut. ben, bone; berii^ child; her, hair; hus^ house; kind^
bild; Idf, leaf; tnuth, mouth; haved, head; rike^ kingdom
jerm. reich).
2. In documents of a later period the plural of the masculine
ikes in the nominative, and especially in the accusative, a or 4,
istead of ar, and in the dative an for um,
3. The feminine nouns of this declension are not easily dis-
nguished from those of the declension in i, because the nom.
ng, and the gen. plur. only have distinctive terminations.
4. The plural of the neuter has the two forms of the nomi-
ative as in the Saxon dialects, one preserving the case-sign w,
tie other rejecting it and forming the nom. plur. like the nom.
ng.
Old Norse.
I . The following words belong to the declension in a-
Masc. armr^ arm ; brunnr, fountain, well (Germ, brunnen) ;
agr, day (Germ, tag); ddmr, doom; draumr, dream (Germ.
296 TEU TOXIC GRAMMAR.
traum) ; /*itr, fish ; kamtr, hawk ; keimr^ world ; kcMir^ hone;
krimgry ring; MoSr^ mind, mood; sCockr, wood; vindr, wind;
sUiitn^, stone; praeff, slave; r^r, vir, man; «ii?r, wall (Genn.
mauer>; Aa7s, neck (Germ, hals); «, ice; en^ill^ angel; yk^
bird (Germ, vogel) ; iarly earl; ^iodan, king; Aimin, heayen;
iru/ii, raven; iamiir, hammer; aiur, field (Germ, acker); #yif,
victory (Germ, sieg) : konnngr, rex.
Fem. glof, gift; ^/<»S, girdle; ^r^ grave (G«rm. grab); iKS,
hall; i(»S, earth; moHf mane; nos, nose; ros, rest; Wn, sinew;
#ei7, rope (Germ, seil); siomm, shame; vomd, womb; fdiw,
feather.
Neut. ial, back, tergum; bam, child; 6la9j leaf (Germ,
blatt); /df, vessel, vat (Germ. fa0); glas, glass; gras, grass;
krass, horse (Germ, ross) ; iamb, lamb ; mdl, time ; rwi», room,
space; oHS, word ; mj-, knife; skip, sh\^; tal, speech, tale; kagl^
hail (Germ, hagel); tag!, tail (Germ, zagel) ; r>», wine; ]iak,
roof (Germ, dach); na/n, name; vain, water; sumar, summer;
/<fSr, fodder ; */^r, silver.
2. The case-sign -/ of the dative sing. masc. is sometimes
dropped in monosyllabic words with a long radical vowel, as in
kriHg, M, &c. ; on the whole this termination seems to be inor-
ganic, because it never causes Umlaut (except in degiy dative of
dagr, day, which however seems to pass into the declension in u,
as do many other words which sometimes form the whole plural
after the latter declension).
3. Some words adopt forms from the declension in i, others
form their plural both in a and i, as vegr, way, plur. vegar and
vegir.
4. Most words of the feminine in a incline to the declension
in i, after which they in later times regularly form their plural,
as giof, gift, plur. giafar, later on giajir. These words also form
their dative singular sometiihes in -?^, as giofu for giof; the latter
seems to be the more recent form.
5. The case-sign -? of the dative sing, neuter, like that of the
masculine, does not cause Umlaut.
' The case-sign -r of the nominative singular is assimilated to the preceding
consonant, hence, steinn, pmell, for stein-ry &c. ; in haUf iarl, kimin, &c., it is
dropped altogether.
DECLENSIONS.
297
Themes in ja (ya).
Gothic*
Hiemes : — harjor'^ army (Grerm. heer) ; hairdjor-^ herdsman
(Grerm. hirte); sunjd^y truth; \iuj6, servant; kunja-, genus^
kin ; andbahtja, ministerium (Germ. ami).
Masculine.
81NO.
Gen. harji$
Dat. hatja
Aociu. hari
Voc. hari
Plur.
Nom. harj6$
( man)
hairdeia
hairdja
hairtU
hairdi
hairdjSi
ftc.
Feminine.
tunjdi
\nuj6s
&c.
Neuter.
' suiya )
(truth))
^vi
kuni
9unj6s
\fiuj6M
hunjit
tunjat
\nt^ai
kunja
nmja
piuja
kurU
»unja
yivi
, kuni
kur^a
andbahH
andb<ifUei$
andbcihtja
andlnUUi
andbcthti
andbahtja
&c.
Old High Gterman.
Masculine.
%
Feminine.
Sing.
Nom. hirti (herdsman
Gen- hirU^
Dat. kirta
Accus. hirti
Inrtr. hirt^
)
Plur.
hiri^
kind
kirtu-m
kirta
• *
Sing.
iippja, tippa (peace)
iippjd, 8ipp6
nppjd, nppS(-u)
Hpfja, tippa
• •
Plur.
tippjd, 9ipp6{-^)
nppjd^-df sippdnd
tippjd-m, sippdm
tippjd, tippd
• •
Neuter.
Nom.
(ren.
Dat.
Accus.
Instr.
k
k
k
k
k
Sing.
unni
unnje-4, kw
unnje, kunt
unni
unnjut hum
nnes
u
nu
Plur.
kunni
kunryS, kuwid
kunnjvrm, kuni
kunni
• •
>mm
■
I
293
TEUTOXiC GRAMMAR.
Old
Mji^CrLINE.
Nom. h ir*fi
IcMr. Atru ■
Plur.
Keutkr.
Sing.
kinij^ 1 1 mmil (kin)
kinijmm \\ cunnje,
kinij6t ;| cunni
!. cmni^'h
Flnr.
cunmi
Axiglo-8ax<m«
Mascclixb.
Nbutbr.
Sing.
Plnr.
Sing.
Plnr.
Nom.
Ain/<
AirtloM
rice (regnnm)
ri€u
Gen.
hi r J ft
hirdii
rices
nva
IHt.
hirdt
AirrfMiM
1 rice
rfcum
Accus.
Minit
AirticM I
rice
rUu
Instr.
•
1
' rici
• •
Old
Themes: — ^erja-, army; hir^ja-, herdsman; eggja^^ edg<
fes^Ja-y fetter, ehain ; h/nja-, kin; rlJcja-, regnum.
Masctline.
Feminine.
Sing.
riur.
Sin jr.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plui
Nom.
Afr-r I
h(r}it-r '.
hl)'^i r
hir'^a-r
^iW
eoiJa-r
fcM
fetta
Gen.
h€r-$
hcrj (I
h ir^i-n
h irii-<i
€(j(jjn-r ! egtjj-a
/(fjj/a-r, fest-t
Dat.
h(r{'i)
herju-jn ;
h ir^i
hiri^u-vi
(O'A-J'i) <':/.'7>-n»
fisti fcstu
fe»ti ' fata
Accus.
her
hcrja 1
h i/5i
h iV^rt
^VO : egtjjar
Neuter.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing. Plur.
Nom.
fryn
Jii/n
riki
riki
Gen.
I'yn-s
kf/nj-a
riki'S
rikj-ai'O)
Dat.
kyni
kynju-^m
riki
rikju-m {-urn)
Accus.
kyn
ky
n
r
iki
rih
•
300 TEUTOyiC GRAMMAR.
wh«at ,^Genn. waizen"! ; lakki, physician ; rUi, g^ant (GeriBi
ries^; ; «-/«!, friend; and all words with the ending* -are, -M
I -an , Goth. -areU.
Fem. dlti\ old ac^e Germ, alter) ; ekundi (Germ, kunde, Do-
titxa ; i/n. glory; iW^i' Germ. heiJJ, salus) ; kuldi^ tsLYOwr {(ksm.
huM ; mikkifL macfnitude ;Germ. gro^) ; ndki^ proximity (Germ,
nahi' ; AV/T, de) th .Germ, tiefe) ; 9c6hi^ beauty (Germ, sdione];
/'.>«/ V, baptism .Germ, taufe).
Neut. fl/y;i, inheritance ^Germ. erl>e) ; ampakti, office (Gem.
amt ; cknici, cross; cknitMi, kin; kinti, brain (Germ, hira);
attt/hfti, face ;^Germ. antlitz) ; cktcini, com; entiy end ; im^azmj
i^Germ. beer); *<'JJ', net (Germ, netz); ofi, oil; peri, beny;
/i^ffi, bed ;Germ. bett) ; rikki, empire (Germ, reich) ; animwri^
answer ; sfeiiiili, calculus ; vingiri^ annul us ; keimimkiy home
(Germ, heimat^ patria) ; arunti^ messenger ; einSti, solitude
(Germ, einode) ; tiicdfi, dress, vestitus.
2. The masculine and neuter in ja vocalize the^ in the nom.
and accus. sing, into I, if it occurs at the end of a word, as UrA
from the theme klrfj'a, ckuntii theme chnnnja ; in the other cases
they is usually dropped. More frequently the thematicy is pre-
served in the feminine, though weakened into e.
Old Saxon.
I. The following words belong to the declension in ja.
Masc. /iin/l, custos (Germ, hirte) ; ffieti, meat; iclni, friend;
s/effi, honiioidia ; w^/Xv, sword ; words ending in dri, eri.
Fem. hendly bandage (Germ, binde) ; eldi, age ; heri \ army ;
hulilly favour ; merty sea (Germ, meer) ; menniaki, humaiiitas.
Neut. arbedi, labour (Germ, arbeit); aruudi, messenger; hi-
Ud'i^ picture (Germ bikl); ejidi^ end; kunni^ kin; ctfnii, corn;
iirlagl, war ; rlki, emj)ire (Germ, reich) ; giwddiy dress ; giwirkij
work; ded, bed; ifuvid (dolus) for beddi^ inwiddi, gen. beddjer,
iniciddjes.
%, Tlie j of the themes in ja is preserved, except in the nom.
and accus. sing. masc. and neut., and in the nom. and accus.
plur. neut., because these cases have no case-signs, and conse-
quently the j is vocalized into /, as hirdly ctinni. But if in the
case-terminations the original a is preserved, then the^ is com-
monly weakened into e, as accus. sing, hlrdea for hirdja (compare
the dative hirdje) : the same weakening process also occurs before
the case-vowel d.
^ Mon' frtM|U('iitIy of the nmsrulin;' and neuter gender.
DKLESSIOSS.
r be floosdend lajf-cglug :
Ufe ^ iiM
I. The following n-ords
edennon in jft.
Uisc. &«TV, hoidemn ; iry*^. «4ifiisna;<i : Hf. C'C :
nd; i«re, army G«rm. hta : i>/rr. ^'icDd, ivirv, «
(ctt, phTsician ; ^t^*, flame: «*^, sword; unr, i^*:
Wit; •yf, vietoiy; w^.rds eDChig ia -?«. at j-tnert, i
iuttn, hunter.
Fa. irtrdo, breadth; ia'-:-. b«ahb : it--l-, ttr.:*::-. n
uhitDde ; Jff'fo, o\A a^.
Sect. immf. hoa^, cf. itn : jr^f. iiib«Tta&:« : '^. <
(Gtnru reich); gtmttre. bocBdarr; gti'.mit. IcfjiEa^: j
otu (Germ. g«^leite .
1. Masculine nonns in jt weaken the ,' into t. ia tae
■ud accQB. sin^., and lT«aj-;<r:.:>r dr:f> h ia a^ ■;;<Aer
Sometimes the j is preserred befcri* the (aic-4amiaa£K«« )
mkened fonn e. The nectrr D-.citi vLkeh cave nCki3rf<
mtbe nom. and acvas. >!□». in the s«ake&Hi
IHM. ind aceus. plnr. the tfnnibati-D ■. S^ec s>:
^Qse moft of them have eiitii^lr ket tLe dan
vowel of the tbematioyn.
OldniBaii.
Of the the themes ia ja do Xmx is kft ezMfiC tlw Vr
^n ■( in the nom. sidk, of mas';, and sei:tcr socaa. t ^, <
{ut-beaiet;, gen io-l^rrs ; iUktAe &m£T , E*ct-. ^eo. i
"oris derived from Larto lTC>:|QeDtlT dnip tha -*, th* w?
"^ »0'; e. g. oJijV for a^^/r, aUAt : aJi^ Uje tiXdft, abtm;
fi^list fTftiere, priest. Bat i for/ ToeaHaed ia j(.< iiae,
e™- *'(«; iiri (amv,. gen. kiret.
OU Hofw.
i-^Thc following words belong to the deeieims ia ja-
"^ii", herdsman ^Germ. hirtej ; *i«;r, jaaip«r; ^J.r,
', doi ; kellir, antram (Geim. bi^le, ; Uubvtr. poT-
"*"' "~ ' HUlif, Viog; ttjrir^ emperor; -flfc/'.
^If, lirer; Art*, <ha:s ;
■a, «d ae- 1
/, Mt; i^t.dw^Qa^-
302
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
engi, meadow ; epli, apple ; fyliky province ; hlae^i^ dress (Getm.
kleid) \ merii, mark^ sign.
2. Words with a short syllahle preserve the J ot ja then only
when it is followed hy the thematic vowel or by a case-sign;
words with a long syllable, on the contrary, drop the j before a
termi national vowel, but they preserve it in the vocalized form i
before the case-sign r of the nominative, and s of the genitive
singular, and in all those cases which have lost the termination
altogether, i. e. dat. and accus. sing., nom. sing.^ and nom. and
accus. plur. of the neuter.
Themes in va.
Gtoihio.
Themes :—J?/t'a-, servant, famulus; ^it7a-, knee; sdiva^.
Singular.
Nom.
\du-8
tatr-i
hniu
Gen.
^vi-8
sdivi-t
kniv{-€
Dat
yiva
sdiva
kniva
Accus.
\du
sdiv
hniu
Voc.
\nu
ediv
hniu
Old High German.
Themes : — snewa-, snow ; kniwa^y knee.
Singular.
Nom.
sneo (snow)
hniu, hneo
Gen.
smwt'S
Jtniice-8, kneiJDe-»
Dat.
snewa
hniwe, hnewe
Accus.
sneo
kniu, kneo
Instr.
aneW'U
hniw-Uf hnew-^
Old Saxon.
Themes : — snewa-, snow ; trewa-^ tree.
Singular.
Nom.
snexiy sneo
tr'ea, trio
Gen.
snewa-e
tre\c<i-9
Dat.
snewa
irewa
Accus.
»neOt sneu
treu, tree
Instr.
snew-u
treit-u
DECLENSIONS.
303
Old I^orse.
Themes : — hiarva, sword ; ddggva-^ dew ; fiorva^, life.
Masculine.
Femininb.
Neuter.
Sing.
Nodi. Ki6r
Gen, hiGr^
Dat. hidrvi
Accna. hiHr
Plur.
hidnya
Aior(t)tt-wi
hi&rva
Sing.
ddgg
ddggva-r
ddgg(vu)
d6gg
Plur.
ddggva-r
ddggv-a
ddggvH-m
ddggva-r
Sing.
Ji6r
fibr-B
fiorvi
fi6r
Plur.
fidr
fibrv-a
fi&rvu-m
fi6r
Notes to tie Declension in va.
Gothic.
Themes in va, preceded by a short syllable, vocalize the v when
it is followed by the case-sign s of the nom. sing., and when it
occurs at the end of the word ; hence of the theme ]>iva (famulus)
the nom. sing, is 'pius^ the accus. and voc. piu; of the neut.
theme kniva (knee) the nom. and accus. iniu. But when v is
preceded by a long vowel it remains unaltered^ e. g. theme sdiva^
sea, nom. sdivs, accus. sdiv.
Old High German.
Themes in va {tea) are confined to the masculine and neuter.
The nom. and accus. sing, always vocalize the w, while the
oblique cases of the singular and all cases of the plural preserve
it; e.g. sne^, snow, gen. snewes; iniu, knee, gen. kniwes.
Old Saxon.
The V before the thematic vowel is vocalized into u or o when
it occurs at the end of a word; hence the masc. themes seioa^
sea ; Swa, law ; snewa, snow, have in the nom. and accus. sing.
seu or zeo, eu or eo, sneu or sneo ; the neuter themes trewa, tree ;
hrewa, corpse, in the nom. and accus. sing, and plur. treu^ treo ;
hreu, hreo. But occasionally the w is dropped altogether, e. g.
se, sea, dat. sing, see; or the vocalized w causes the thematic
vowel or case-sig^ to be dropped, e. g. So, law, dat. sing, eo by
the side of ewa. The feminine theme thiwS (ancilla) drops the
304 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
thematie vowel altogether and vocalizes the Wy hence nom.
accua. sing. Uiu. The nom. Hiwi which occurs in but
instance may be explained from a theme thiujS,
The feminine noons ta (sea), ed (river), are indecb'nable in
the singular ; occasionally we find the genitive sa^y ed~s (OoflL
9dicH4y ain^) ; nom. plar. sa-^^ ed-^ ; dat. plur. sd^m^ ed-m.
Old
The mascaline and neater themes drop the w altogether^
^*ff* *^> s^ dat. and accus. «/; kni^ tne, dat kni^ ine, accoa.
Oldl^orae.
In all genders r is preserved when followed by a terminatdonal
vowel; where it has disappeared the Umlaut which it has
caused still lemains.
Encroaching forms of the declension in i we have in the
masc. tii^r, colour ; /<y*r, sea, lake ; kio/r, ship ; si^r, mos^
which in the dat. sing, drop the i, and in the accus. plur. adopt
• for a. Forms of the declension in a we find in kior, swoid.
The dat* sing, of the feminine iomi is ieiidi. The forms of the
neuter^/? (j>eciui^ are alti>gether irregular.
Tremjss in L
Gothic
Themes : — &i/yt* ^Germ. balg>, aits/ai-, favour.
Ma^cuxs. ' Fkmixins.
,|
Plur.
DECLENSIONS,
305
Old High Gtorman.
Themes : — •palki-, pellis ; anati-, favour.
Masculins.
Sing.
l>^om. pale
Gen. pdlke'9
Dat. palk-a
AccuB. pale
Instr. paik'U
Plur.
pdki
pdkj-d (-ed)
pelkirtn
peOa
Fbmininb.
Sing.
anst
ensti, anst
enstif antt
antt
Plur.
entti
enttj-6 {eS)
ensti
Old Saxon.
Themes : — •gasti^^ guest ; ansti^, favour.
Masculins.
Nom
Gen.
Dat.
Sing.
gwta-^t -€»
gatt-a, -e
Accos. gati
Instr. gast-^
Plur.
g<ut\, geiti
gastfs, geile-d
gattju-n, ge$tjvrn
gaattf getti
Feminine.
Sing.
antt
anstit ensti
ansti, ensti
anst
Plur.
ansti, ensti
anstj-d, ensteS
amstju-m, ens^u-n
ansti, ensti
Anglo-Saxon.
Themes i^buri-, son, bam ; JSii^, foot ; dadi, deed ; milsi-, mouse.
Masculine.
Feminine.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Nom. byre
Gen. fbyres
Dat. *byre
Accus. byre
Instr. tbyr-i
byre
byr-a
byrvrm
byre
m m
fst
fdtt-s
fit
ftt
f6t-i
fit
ftt-h
fdtwm
fit
• •
dad
dcede
dcede
dafd(e)
m •
dceda
dted-d
ciedu-m
dijeda
mHae
mUs
mUs
• a
Plur.
mUs
mUs-a
mUsu-m
mUs
Old Frisian.
Tliemes : — liodi^, song (Germ, lied) ; fdti'^ foot; nedi-, need.
Masculine.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Nom. wanting.
Gen.
Dat.
liode
liod-a
iliode-m )
t -Mill, -on)
fdt
fSte-s
f6t-{e)
f^
fdt-a
Aecos.
liode
fdt
fit
Feminine.
Sing.
nid
nide
nide
nide
Plur.
nida
nid-a
J nidi-fn (-«»», -mw,
1 -on)
nida
i
306
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Old None.
Themes: — bragi^, carmen; belgfi-^ follis; dHi-, amor; mii^
mouse.
Masculine.
Fbminenb.
Sing.
Nom. hroff^
Gen. braga-r
Dat. brag
Acctts. brag
Plnr.
bmgirr
bra^
brdgurm
bragi
Sing.
bdg-r
bdgforir
bdg
bdg
nor.
bdgi-T
bdgj-a
belgfu-m
bdgi
Sing.
aUtHT
att
Plnr.
ast-a
dttuHm
Sing.
mdt{n)
m4s
Fkr.
•#1
Examples and Remarks to Themes f» L
Gkithio.
1. The following words belong to the declension in i.
Masc. divs, aevimi; arms^ arm; baurs, genitus; gadrauUi,
soldier ; ya\fs, dux ; gards, house ; gasis, stranger^ guest (Germ,
gast) ; fduis, homo ; tnats, meat ; saggvs, song ; stads, place (cf.
stead) ; vegs^ wave ((Jerm. woge).
Fem. alds^ age; ansis^ &vour; dedSy deed; mails, might;
quens, qimfis, woman^ wife ; vaihts^ thing (cf. Engl, wight, Germ,
wicht); vatiriSy root, wort; gabaurps, birth (Germ, geburt);
gamdinps, iKKKrjaCa, congregation (Germ, gemeinde).
2. Words which in their simple stem end in * or r reject, like
those of the first declension, the case-sign of the nom. sing. ;
hence of the theme batiri the nom. is baur; of garunsai (fem.)
the nom. is garuns. The theme vaurisai preserves its * in the
singular and drops it in the plui*al, e. g. gen. sing, vaurisais,
nom. plur. vatirleis,
3. The theme navi (mortuus) vocalizes the v before the case-
sign -5 of the nom. sing, nau-^, and in its terminational position
in the accus. and voc. sing, nati,
4. Feminine nouns derived from verbs, and formed with the
derivative suffix -ein, substitute in the plural the theme -eino for
the theme -eiuai : e. g. the theme laise'uiai, doctrine, from the
verb laisjau, to teach, has the sing. nom. luiseins, gen. iuiseinak,
&c. ; plur. nom. laiseinSs, gen, iaiseino, dat. -eindm, accus. -einos.
But the dative and accusative occasionally occur also in ^einim,
•^hdfis. In a similar manner the theme haimai^ vieus (cf. home),
in the plural adopts forms in a^ as haimoSy huimd, &c.
DECLENSIONS, 307
Old High German.
1 . The following words belong to the declension in i.
Masc. Sing, am, plur. emi, eagle (Germ, aar) ; ast, esti, ramus ;
jAds, chad, cheese ; halm, helmi, reed^ stalk (Germ, halm) ; heit,
ieiti, person; cast, kesti, guest; lid, lidi, limb (Germ, glied);
pale, pelki, skin ; scilt, scilti, shield ; 9un, sunt, son ; tisk, tiski,
table ((Jerm. tisch) ; vuo^, vuo^i, foot (Germ, fuf ) ; zand, zendi,
tooth ; zahar, zahari, tear (Germ, zahre) ; vnhs, vuhsi, fox ; luft,
lufti, air (Germ, luft) ; scaft, 8cefU, shaft, spear ; mnft, sunJUy
pool (Germ, sumpf).
Pem. ankufist, anxiety (Germ, angst); anat, favour; arapeit,
labour (Germ, arbeit) ; arm, harvest (Germ, ernte) ; chraft,
strength (Germ, kraft, cf. Engl, craft) ; chuo, chuoi, cow ; diu,
diwi, serva ; eih, oak (Germ, eiche) ; hant, hand ; hilt, skin
(Germ, haut) ; kans^ goose (Germ, gans) ; kei^y goat (Germ, geif ) ;
^j/^> g^ft ; ^ly burden (Germ, last) ; lusty desire (Germ, lust) ;
makad, maid ; naht, night (Germ, nacht) ; not, need ; prust, breast ;
prilt, bride (Germ, braut).
2. Before the termination d of the genitive plural the J which
stands for the thematic vowel i is often weakened into e, or
dropped altogether, as pelkj-S, or pelke-o, or pelk-6 ; enstj-d,
ensie-o, or enst^.
3. The feminine nouns, and partly the masculine too, of the
Gothic declension in u have in Old High German adopted the
declension in i, such as hu7it, vtwK, sun, &c. A trace of an
ancient Old High German declension in u is left in the dat.
plur. hantu-m, and in its weakened form hanio-n.
Old Saxon.
1. The following words belong to the declension in i.
Masc. liudi, homines (Germ, leute) ; foty foot ; segg, vir ; scild,
shield; gast, guest; plur. trahni, gender? lacrym© (Germ,
thrane).
Fem. bank, benki, bench ; buok, book ; burg^ arx (Germ, burg,
cf. borough) ; brud, bride, wife ; dad, deed ; fard^ journey (Germ.
farth) ; hartd, hand ; anst, favour ; idis, woman ; maht, might ;
n6d, need ; jugu^, youth ; craft, power ; list, knowledge ; magad,
maid ; werold, world ; wiht, thing ; wurt, root, wort.
2. In the dative plural the termination -^an of the first declen-
sion (a) has found its way into the second declension (i) as well,
x 2
308 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
and expelled the legitimate termination -in, the only tnoe of;
which is left in the dat. plnr. traknin, by the side of irahfrn^
trahnun^ thence traAni, tear (Germ, thrane).
3. Some feminine nouns have a genitive in -^ by the ale
of ~i, as theme weroldi-, worlds nom. werold^ gen. weroUa ail
iceroldi ; theme cuHi^^ choice^ nom. ciuty gen. custet and euA
This -^s may be considered the weakened form of the ancient -H
which in Gothic we find lengthened into -^ia, as ansidit, gen.
of anaU.
4. The feminine nouns of the declension in u have adq>ted
the declension in i : a trace of the former we find, as in Old
High German, in the dat. plur handun, handon, manibus, by the
side of nom. accus. iandi, hendi.
Anglo-Saxon.
1 . The following words belong to the declension in i.
Masc. In the singular the word byre (son) only ; in the plural
le6de, homines; the national appellatives Bene, Danes; Engle,
Angles; and compounds of -vare, incolse, as burh-varey cives;
cant'Vare, cantium habitantes, inhabitants of Kent: but even
these may have the plur. in -as (a) by the side of -^ (i), as bjfrds
and dyre, vards and vare ;^f6t^ fet^ foot, feet; /^5, ^d^, tooth,
teeth, iurf\ ti/rt\ turf.
Fem. dfy honour (Germ, ehre); hen^ wound; ben, prayer;
bend^ band ; hlhy joy ; bri'ost, breast ; br^d, bride ; d<edy deed ;
dun^ hill (cf. downs) ; ecg, edge ; heal, hall ; hen, hen ; Idr, doc-
trine (Germ, lehre) ; mag, maid ; mearc, mark ; 7ned, meed ; mihf,
might; nihl^ "ight ; rod, cross, rood; sprcec, speech (Germ,
sprache) ; street, street ; syn, sin ; tid, time (cf. tide) ; womb,
womb; wornld, world; wund, woimd; v^i/n, joy; jrS, wave;
bi/r^en, burden, burthen ; ellen^ strength ; gyd^n, goddess ; stefen^
voice ; ceaster^ arx, castra ; ides, woman ; meoloc, milk ; dngii^^
virtue (Germ, tugend) ; yrm^, poverty (Germ, armuth) ;—boCy bee,
Ijook ; broc, brir, bracca ; gos^ ges, goose, geese ; c^, c^, cow, kine ;
I us, l^s, louse, lice; mus, m^s, mouse, mice; burh, by rig, arx,
borough.
2. As we see under No. i, the masculine nouns in i very fre-
quently pass into the declension in a.
3. Fot, t(PS, Sec, have in Anglo-Saxon, as in other dialects,
migrated from the third declension (u) into the second (i).
DECLENSIONS. 309
4. On the whole the declension in i is in Anglo-Saxon much
mutilated^ and appears in mere fragments, either as the termi-
nation e, the weakened form of the ancient thematic i^ or in the
Umlaut which was caused by an ancient terminational e, and
which continued to exist after the final vowel had been dropped.
But in both instances the forms in a have much encroached
upon those in i^ especially in the plural.
Old Frisian.
1. In Old Frisian, as in Anglo-Saxon^ we find but few rem-
nants of the declension in i. These remnants may either be the
thematic i weakened into e, or the Umlaut, which continued to
exist after its cause, the final iy had been removed. To the
former class belong but two substantives, liode (homines), and
rumere (romipeta) ; to the second, fot (foot) and tSth (tooth),
which, as in the other dialects, originally belonged to the third
declension (u), Goth, fStu-^, tun^us. The forms of the first
declension (a) have here again much encroached upon those of
the second (1) ; but still Old Frisian is so far superior to Anglo-
Saxon, as in the dative plural of the feminine we find occasionally
the original vowel i instead of the ususper a or its weakened
form u.
2. The -d of the oblique cases is gradually admitted into the
nominative too, so that there exists no longer a distinction be-
tween the nom. sing, dede (for ded) and the dat. sing. dede.
3. The feminine nouns 6di (book), iu (cow), have not, as in
Anglo-Saxon, the Umlaut;
Old I^orse.
I. The following words belong to the declension in 1.
Masc. (i) Words interpolating y in the genitive singular, and
genitive and dative plural : — becir^ scamnum ; bel^r, foUis ; d^lr,
turbo; drengry vir; d/ryehfy drink; hety army; hryggr^ back
(Germ, riicken) ; Ayr, fire ; laekty rivus ; leggty crus ; reyJcTy reek,
smoke ; neggty vir; sechvy sack ; verhty grief; hoety town ; he^ty bed.
(2) Words which do not interpolate the^: — holty trunk; hragty
poem, song ; huty son ; dairy dale ; geatr^ guest ; gramry hero ;
hamTy skin; hagr, condition; hlutry thing; hugry mind; hvalvy
whale; iJ^Sr, nation; mary horse; mutfy meat; refry fox; rettry
right; salr^ hall (Germ, saul) ; starry place, stead; *^/r, stafi*;
vegr^ way ; vinr^ friend.
310 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
Fem. dsty favour, love; brauty way; ^WS, deed, ill-deed; rf/A,
maid ; fer^^ journey (Grerm. farth) ; grund, ground ; kidlp, hdp;
t^, business ; krd^y meat ; lei^y way ; nav^, need ; 9SI, sun ; tiS,
time (cf. tide) ; 9ul, pillar (Germ, saule) ; undy wound ; »««,
wave ; r<f5, dress ; au^n, desertum ; eigUy property ; hofny haven;
dyg^, virtue (Grerm. tugend) ; aett, genus ; ambSU^ ancilla; tadt^
weight ; gas, goose ; tnHs^ mouse ; I4s, louse ; brin^ brow.
2. We have just enumerated certain masculine nouns which
interpolate the semi-vowel j throughout all cases. Though this
letter does not come to appearance except in the genitive sin-
gular, and the genitive and dative plural, its presence at a more
ancient stage of the language is certified by the Umlaut which |
runs throughout all cases in the mentioned words. On the
other hand it is curious to observe that the masculine noons
enumerated under No. (a), and which do not interpolate the semi-
vowel y, never have an Umlaut caused by the final i, not even in
the nominative and accusative plural, where t is the thematic
vowel. In the same manner most feminine nouns reject the
Umlaut, except gas^ mils, lus, hrin^ which have the plural ^«r,
mjsy 1^8, hr^n, and the plur. neut. dyr, valvae, gen. dura^ Sc-
an Umlaut which was efiected by the plural terminations nom.
«r, accus. i, and which continued to exist after these termina-
tions had been dropped.
3. There are a few words which have the Umlaut though
they reject the interpolation of^, as gestr, gfuest; brestr, defect;
/ySr, nation, &c., where the Umlaut is of course considered
inorganic.
4. The nominatives bur, mar, byr^ &c., stand for burr^ fnarr, &c.
5. The feminine nouns brtf6r, bride ; kildr, war ; and the
proper nouns Bo^vildr, BorgvUdr, retain the case-sign -r of the
nominative singular, and have commonly the termination i in
the dative and accusative singular.
DECLEXSIONS.
311
Themsb IK u
Gkstliio.
liemes: — mjut-, son; AatuHau^, hand; faHvn^ catde (Grerm.
vieH ; comp. Engl. fee).
Masculijte.
Sing.
Norn. Mmif-t
Oen. «iciMiif-«
Dat. miiav
Aociu. num
Voc
■,i
Flnr.
fimtr-l
Flnr.
kamiau-i i kamdir €
«iMii-«« ^ kamdu '. kandm-ma
$tmjm-€ i hamdnm koMdJMrg
foam
faOa
faiMau
faau
faikau
Flnr.
Old High Gterman.
Themes : — sunn , eon ; Jiiu', cattle.
Masctlixz.
Sing.
Nom. jmiH (-0)
Gen. turner
Dai. nrnfui-u)
Aocnt. fanif (•<>)
Instr. sunj^ (-«)
Phir.
»uni
amMJ-6
Xcrm.
il
Sing.
: W
! fikuf-o)
Pfair.
/*;» (-«f -o)
fiki^i-6)
fikjfm i-Uj -0)
Old
Themes :—«<««-, son ; fehu-. pecos.
MAflCCLfiri:.
NacT...
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Aocns.
Instr.
Sing.
fiuni(-o)
tunm (-«), sna/e
mNJi (-4)
Plor.
• •
Sing.
fiha-a (-«>
Plar.
wanting.
312
T£ r TOXIC GRAMMAR.
Tlieme:
|r—
I-:-
Hascuuxs.
Sing.
1
Plnr.
Nom.
fVWI
mma
G«B.
«iiii-a
np»-a
Dw.
mat^
1
1
«IIIIIM»
Accvs.
AMU
1
1
nma
Instr.
♦fM-lr
^ ^
Old
Thanes : — miik-, son ; Jihw-^ pecos.
Mascixixe.
Siof. Plur.
Nom. mmu \-«> ' wiia-r ^-a)
Gen. i»tfiki Munra
Dw. raii-a funii-n
Accns. ^iiiiH tuna-r (-<i)
Sing.
Plnr.
wanting.
Old I^one.
Themes :—
SOHU-, son ; magu-^ son ;
tannu^,
tooth ; fiu',
pecus.
MXiiCULINE. II FeMIXIXE.
Neuter.
Sing.
Nom. ton-r
Gen. tona-^
Dat. »^/}|
Acciu. 8on
Plur.
iyni-r
ion-a
tonu-m
8onu
Sing. Plur.
'■ mo*j-r m€g{-r
mwja-r .; may-a
[ m€'j-i miif/u-m
• mOg mbgu
1
Sing.
i
tonn
tanna-r
tonn-u
tonn
Plur.
tfnn-r
tann-a
tonnu-m
tenn-r
, Sing.
Plur.
wanting.
Notes to the Declension in U.
Gk>thio.
I. The following words belong to the declension in u.
Masc. airuSy messenger ; ddup?is, death ; Jtodus^ river (Grerm.
fluf , cf. flood) ; fStuSj foot ; fiamis, sword ; //)>?/*, limb (Germ,
glied) ; hstus^ lust ; magus ^ boy ; sakkus, sac ; skadiis, shade ;
stuhjus^ dust (Germ, staub) ; sunus^ son ; tigus, decas ; tiai^ns.
DECLENSIONS. 313
>oth ; vintrus, winter; vul\mSy glory ; ^aurnus, thorn ; asilus, ass ;
^^^laulu9^ diabolns ; praufetus^ propheta ; apau4tlaulus, apostolus.
7^. Aandus, hand; (uilus, she-ass; vaddjjiM, vale; kinnm,
tlaxilla ; vritus, herd^ flock.
Nbut. fodhuy pecunia (cf. Germ, vieh and Engl. fee).
2. This declension has more fiilly than any other preserved
the ancient case-signs, as well as the thematic vowel which pre-
cedes them^ and which in several cases is strengthened by the
gradation (gona) of u into iu,
3. It occurs in later documents that the ancient use of the
gradation is abandoned and the simple thematic vowel adopted^
as gen. sing, sunus, dat. and voc. sunu^ for the organic forms
sundus and sundu.
4. A few substantives have the derivative J before the the-
matic vowel, but the case-signs remain unaltered ; hence stubjwiy
gen. stubjdiis ; vaddjus^ gen. vadd/'dus.
Old High German.
1. The following words belong to the declension in u.
Masc. karu, linum ; Aukuy mind ; situ, victory (Germ, sieg) ;
ntu, mos (Germ, sitte); sunu, son; vridu, peace (Germ, friede);
perhaps also maku, boy ; eru^ messenger ; herUy sword ; apostolu,
apostle; mdgUy mag^s^ sapiens.
Nbut. vihu, pecus (Germ, vieh) ; witu, wood.
2. The declension in u is, in Old High German^ as already
observed, nearly extinct, few words only belonging to it, and
most of these forming the plural almost regpularly after the
declension in i. "We find a few remnants of the declension in u
in the dative and accusative plural.
3. In later documents sunu appears in the nominative singular
as 8uny and follows the declension in a ; so does likewise vuoi^ foot,
Goth, foiua (u).
4. The number of neuter nouns is limited to two, and these
do not occur in all the difierent cases.
Old Saxon.
I. The following words belong to the declension in U.
Masc. frv^u^ peace (Germ, friede) ; heru^ sword ; lagUy water ;
magu, boy ; sidu, mos (Germ, sitte) ; sunu, son ; wUuy princeps ;
ehii, horse ; eru, messenger.
314 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Neut. Jihv, pecus; toidu^ wood.
2. The declension has adopted not only forms in i (diiefy in
the plural), but also in a> especially in the neater singxilar.
Anglo-Saxon.
The few nouns masculine which in the nom. singp. have pie-
served the thematic u (sometimes weakened to o) hardly occnr in
any other cases than the nom. and accus. sing^., 9unu, son, onlj
being an exception (see the Paradigm). The dat. sing, in a is
found with several other masc. nouns^ namely, winter , winter;
9U7ner, summer ; /eld, field ; Jbrd, ford, as well as with the fern,
nouns iandy hand, and duru^ door. The masc. laudu, wood, has
the gen. and dat. sing, wudu, but also the gen. sing, wndes, nom.
plur. tovdds, following the declension in a.
Old Frisian.
We find a few renmants of this declension in the masc. sun%j
son, imA. fretho^ peace, and the neut. Jia, pecus. Perhaps the
dative hondu of the feminine hondy hand, may also be mentioned
as a remnant of this declension.
Old I^orse.
1. The following nouns belong to the declension in u*
Masc. dm, eagle (Germ, aar); hidrriy bear; borkfy bark; bogr^
armus (Germ, bug) ; JeliJr, hide (Germ, fell); fdr^r, sinus, bay,
gulf; frvSr, peace (Germ, fricde) ; //a/^r, mos ; hidrtr, stag (Germ,
hirsch, cf. hart) ; k'wlr, ship (cf. keel) ; //iSr, limb (Germ, glied) ;
limr, limb ; logr, water ; mdttry might (Germ, raacht) ; ^/'Sr,
mos (Germ, sitte); skioldr, shield; so^ir, son; rfSr, wood; vdllr,
vale ; volr^ stick ; vondr, wand ; vorSr, warden ; J^ra^r, thread.
Fem, ond, mind, soul; dok, book; eik^ oak (Germ, eiche);
geil, goat (Germ. geip); Aond, hand; kind, cerva; ^/»m, maxilla ;
viiolk, milk ; not, sagina ; ni/f, nut ; rond, margin (Germ, rand) ;
rot, root ; steik^ caro frixa, steak (?) ; strond^ shore (Germ, strand) ;
tong, tongs (Germ, zange); tonn, tooth (Germ. zahn).
Neut. fe, fihu, pecus.
2. Concerning the Umlaut, which is particularly developed
in this declension, we have already gpiven the necessary expla-
nations.
3. As to the influence of a final i in neutralizing the preceding
Brechung wf, see p. 36.
TEUTONIC GBAifMAS.
Old High airman.
I Themes: — iattaft-, cock ; zuni/an
heart (Germ, herz) ; manugin-
; tongue (Gei
, multitude.
Masculini.
F»na».
Sing.
Nam. Aane
Oo>. lom'n
D.t. haniu
A<xiu. AunxB
Plur.
Aand-m
SiaR. Plur. 1
ratlin CM^rin
Sing.
Plor.
Old Saxon.
Themes : — hanan-, oock ; tttngan-, ton^e ; kerlan-, he&rt.
Mabculinb.
F—ixuo.
N«IIT»K.
SiDg,
Norn. AoH
God. AoHun
Dat. Aanun
Accus, Aanun
Ptor.
Aannn
Plar.
ang.
A«4a
hirtan
Plot.
iirtSnS
hcrlu-n
Airtmt
Ajiglo>Baxon.
Themes : — Aanan~, cock ; iangan-, tongue ; eoffan-, eye.
"""—
Feminine.
NBunK.
Sing.
Nodi, hana
Geo. haitan
D.t. Annan
Acpns. AanaH
Plur,
hanai-a
Aanan
Sing.
fuiiguu
Hut.
Sing.
Plnr.
B
wjron
Old FrifiiAn.
Themes: — Aonan-, cock ; iunsaii-.toagae; dgaii-,eye; dran~,eai.
Ma SCO LINE.
Feminine.
Neot...
Sing.
Norn, kma
Osn. hona
IML a™.
Plur.
honan-a (-uiMi)
hona-m
hona
Sing.
funga
Plur.
lunga
l«pffa
Si-g.
1
Plur. Ilsing. Plnr.
agon d« a™
*^-a ara flnn-a
ri^n-Utn. agtt-m <ira uru-n
ngvH, Agne Art nra
» . « ■ ■.
rrrr^yic oRAyfMAR,
OLd High German.
^ r'lr: thematic -n is variously modifid,*
T^e fcQiininc shows here^ as in GoAk^
i-y^irlniT as^ viij f'n as ifi. With respect to
: :>:}" :.l! w a ditierent course in difirat
« :^ ic.zi::tc^i in the nom. siiig^. and then pw-
• - .'isc*. :: rt-rvtcJ in the nom. sing, and tbtt
: r ..Lst*. > :hat the word appears withoat iny
> . ^ .* • . wbioh remains unaltered throogk-
'^ ' 12.-: : : ::::..r.ir.es in in i>asses sometimes into
.IS' c :~ a. ?c that of manaffin we have tk
•»; z, 11. '. lur. :r. w.:*./////!, and the strong fow
;..< IT -:e i-.::rt forms of strong dedenaoo
T A. ".t ill icvlon>ions being indeed closelj
-.:. . : :r.t j^n. and dat. sing. masc. and
>v V:-."-.::. Tr.v frms newiM and «(n»/iJi for
; . . Ikiv.:.. arv esoeptious.
Old
. . V
:1-::"l> :n -••/ is rarelv met, its
:^t" :> wi-akoneil into on and r«.
>:7 :.j i;«.v'c:>i'»u in a freiiuentlv
.-■ ". .IS V r iiistauL-o er^a (earthy
.:■.: ./..v iii.iixl in -in have dropped
V >i-. v.; :.:'.v without auv iutlexioiial
fv iiioiimos do in the plural,
,, • >v
Ar^Io-Saxou.
I'v :. .> •.:".: v. :..> :-i:ir.;i'.!y tirminatinjj in the spirants
. : * ■ Cv: \ ::. ::rir.::..i:: r.i! \\\\«.I. l»ut adopt the case-si^u -?/
.: :';.v V. v..k •': t !: i.>: r. . :!i>o aro ' ■■ ■ IvnlMor/Vt'i /'-//, Goth.
- ;.:>: ; ■ . •l.-ul-: i-. r - ■ '- . , O. S. frt 'I-'s which have in the
IT;".-. ' ■., **•"• '•■:. Alia!' -iT* US aro the forms of the feminine
V. ;: s ' t.-f ti-r ••"-. O. ll.Cionii. .'r '//-«/, jj^en. dtn, nom. plur.
.' ■ '. \v'.. and .'. l»iv . ]>hir. '-ri''.
DECLENSIONS. 319
9» As in Old High German and Old Saxon we have feminine
VOL in which drop the thematic coDsonant and then remain
in all cases^ so we meet in Anglo-Saxon corresponding
line nouns ending in -u, h), later on weakened to -^, which
reject inflexional forms ; e. g. nienigo, multitude ; ai^elu or
>, nobility ; yldo, old age, &c. If they form a plural at all,
■HtuBj follow in this the strong declensiou.
Old Frisian.
1. The masculine and feminine nouns have lost the thematic
<-« throughout ; but in the neuter plural we find, on the other
hand, the very ancient form dgon, nom. plur, of dge (eye), which
improaches very near the Goth. augSna; and in the dat. plur.
i^enu-^niy where, as in the Gothic vattuimy &;c., the thematic con-
sonant -It has been preserved before the case-sign -;».
2. In this, as in the preceding dialects, there are feminine
nouns of the weak declension which have dropped the thematic
vowel and appear with the termination -e ; e. g. keldCy cold ; hrene^
smell, &c., used in the sing. only.
3. Several documents still show in the nom. and accus. of
the masc. and fem. the case-sign -n, which usually was dropped
in the mentioned cases; e. g./ona, vexillimi (Germ, fahne), accus.
"pixxr.fonan; frStoey woman (Germ. trdM),fTQwan.
Old Norse.
1. The weak declension has in the Old Norse tongue many
peculiarities which will be appeciated upon a comparison of the
paradigms we have given above. The nominative singular of
the masculine has generally weakened the original a io i, two
words only preserving the ancient a, namely herruy herus (Germ,
herr), and 9ira^ lord.
2. The thematic -» is but rarely preserved in the plural of mas-
culine nouns, to which exception belong gumnar^ homines ; hrag^
nary soldiers ; gotnaty horses ; skatnary kings ; oxnar, oxen, &c. ;
but these words also show the plural without n, as gumary
bragafy &c.
3. Feminine nouns terminating in -n, suppress the thematic
n before the case-sign n of the genitive plura), as konay wife,
gen. plur. konay instead of kon-n-^. The same process takes place
in feminine themes ending in -jan, unless this termination is
preceded by a guttural ; hence lilja, lily, gen. plur. lilja (the
322 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Old Frisian.
Masc. boda, messenger (Genn. bote) ; frdna, judge ; grha,
earl (Germ, graf) ; hona, cock (Grerm. hahn) ; hSra^ lord (Germ,
faerr); knapa^ servus (cf. Germ, knabe and knappe); fKogay
stomach (Germ, magen) ; mutha^ mouthy i. e. of a river ; »«?«,
nepos ; iwma^ name ; omma^ spiritus ; tAuma, thumb; fpiUa^wUl;
menuiska, homo (Germ, mensch).
Fe^, /ovne, woman; Aerte, heart; lun^e, lungs; sunne, son;
iwarde, skin ; lane, toe ; tun^e, tongue.
Neut. d^e, eye ; are, ear.
Old Karse.
Masc. andl, animus; apt, ape; ari, eagle; arfi, heir; bani,
murderer; bo^i, bow; dau^i, death; dropi, drop; gumi, homo;
kaniy cock ; mdniy moon ; nefi, brother ; skati, king ; 9ki$ggi,
shade; uxiy ox ; ]fduki, mens; vili^fnlji, will; ti^f/i, king.
Fem. aska, ashes; bdra, wave ; egda, eagle, fem. ; dufa, dove;
gdnga, iter; harpay lyra; pipa^ pipe; ^aga, tale; «/a>la, verse;
iala^ speech (cf. tale) ; tungay tongue ; vikay week ; bylgja, billow;
dryckjay drink ; gg^ja, goddess ; kirkjay church ; manneskja, homo
(Germ, mensch).
Neut. auga, eye (Germ, auge); egra, ear; Aiar^, heart; Innga,
lungs.
OTHER CONSONANTAL THEMES.
Theme : primitive -tara, -tar.
Gothic.
The primitive suffix -far, -lara, was employed to form nouns ex-
pressive of family connections. On the whole thse nouns are the
same in all the cog-nate lang-uages with regard to the suffix as
well as the respective root of which they are formed. (Concern-
ing the origin and derivation of these words, see the chapter on
Roots and Themes under the respective suffixes.) To these
themes in -r belong in Gothic the words Jadar, father ; bro]>ar,
brother; dauhtary dau^fliter; svistar, sister. Where a case-sign
is added to these words they drop the vowel of the suffix -tar
(|?ar or dar), so that br6}fary for example, has in the sing. nom.
accus. and voc. brd'par, and in the gen. brd^r-s, dat. brSpr; plur.
DECLENSIONS. 323
nom. and voc. brdbr-ju-s^ gen. brdbrS^ dat. if^r-«-»i, accus.
broyr-u-ms. The plond evidently follows the strong declension
inu.
Old High GtonnaxL
The masc. nouns, in -r either have in the singular no inflexions
at all^ or they take those of the strong declension in a ; hut
their accus. is formed in ^an, h&fatar {pater), Jalar-an (patrem),
pruodar. (frater), pruodar^n (fratrem). The fem. nouus muotar
(mother), swester (sister), tohtar (daughter), have in the sing, no
inflexions, and muotar and swestar remain unchanged in the
nom. and accus. plur. as well, but the latter by the side of the
uninflected form 9wesiery also shows awesterd in the nom. and
accus. plur. The plural of tohtar is declined both strong and
weak, as nom. tohterd or toAterdn, gen. tohterS or tohterSno, dat.
iohterum or tohterSm^ accus. tohterd or tohteriln.
Old Saxon.
The words fadar (father), hrS^ar (brother), mSdar (mother),
dohtar (daughter), 8U€8tar (sister), are undeclined in the singular,
and in the nom. and accus. plur. There occurs of brS^ar the
dat. plur. bro^run ; of other cases we have no examples ; the
genitive might hejfiidard oxfadro, &c.
Anglo-Saxon,
fader (father) is in the singular uninflected ; the genitive fa-
deres is of rare occurrence. In the plural it has adopted the
terminations of the strong declension in a* hence nom. accus.
fdderds, gen.fdderd, Aat, fdderum. The word brS^or (brother)
has in the dat. sing, the Umlaut; and in the nom. plur. the
theme is, as in Gothic, enlarged into bro^ru. It is in the sing.,
nom., gen., accus. brd^or, dat. br^er; plur. nom. and accus.
brd^ru or brS^or, gen. brSdrd, dat. broirum. In the same manner
are declined mSdor (mother), dohtar (daughter), sveoster (sister).
Old Frisian.
The masculine themes in -r, /eder (father), brother (brother),
are either undeclined in the singular, or they take -« in the
gen. and -e in the dat. as /eder-s, brSther-^ ; fedei-e, brSther-e ;
the plural has the nom. federal gen. federal, A&i.federu-m, accus.
federa ; nom. brStheraj «c. The feminine nouns mSder (mother),
Y %
SS4 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
noetter (sister)^ and doeiter (daughter)^ are dedined in the
manner, but in the gen. sing, they may also take tiie tenniBt-
tion -€ ; hence the gen. sing, of mSder for instance may be mSier^
or mSderSy or modere.
Old Korse.
/aiir (fiither), brdiir (brother), m^ir (mother), d^Mr{damgbia),
tjfsiir (sister), take in all cases of the sing, ur ; hence gen.y2rS«r,
braSur, &e. (exceptionally ySfSr.) In the plural the nom. and
accus. areyJrSr, i/wSr, gen. /e^ra, broeira, daLJ^^Srum, broef&nm.
The J in the termination ir of the nom. sing, does not caine
Umlaut, because it stands inorganic for a more ancient sr;
while, on the other hand, the Umlaut of the plural is caused by
the I of the termination ir which has been dropped, so that^iri^
stands (or /e}Sir{=z/aHr\ and the gen. may have been^irSmr,
dat./e^iVwM, wherefore we see the Umlaut e of a, caused byi,
preserved in the gen. and dat. plur. instead of the formsyoSm,
/o'^rHm, which we should expect in accordance with the vowels a
and u of the terminations.
Themes in -nd.
Gk>thio.
The themes in -nd comprise present participles declined as
substantives. In the gen. sing, and dat. plur. they adopt the
forms of the strong declension in a. The word nasjamU (saviour),
for example, has in the singular, gen. nasjandi-^^ dat. accus. voc
nasjand; in the plural, nom. accus. voc. nasjand^, gen» nasjandrS^
dat. nas/anda-ffi. In the same manner goes tnen^ (month), but
dat. plur. meno}fU'm.
Old High German.
The themes in -«^, as friunt (friend), may follow the strong
declension in a by the side of the following forms which are
more common : sing. nom. dat. accus. friunt^ gen. friunte-^ ;
plur. nom. accus. friunt^ gen. friuntS^ dat. fnuntur-m. In the
same manner mdnSd, month.
Old Saxon.
The participial themes in -«rf, as friund (friend), may in the
oblique cases adopt the forms of the strong declension in a- The
DBCLENSIOHra. 825
eomiDLon decleneion is smg. nom. ^iccxib. friund^ gen, /riunde^^
dat. friunde ; plor. nom. accos. /rinnd^ gen. Jriund-d, dat. /ri-
imdm-n. In Old Saxon however this declension is limited to
oertain words, v^friund, friend ; fiSndy enemy (of. fiend) ; lerjand^
teacher ; heljand^ saviour, and a few others.
Anglo-Saxon.
Among participial themes in -«rf, freSnd (friend) and fednd
(enemy^ fiend)^ have adopted the strong declension in a> hence
'^ja.fre6nda9,fednd(u; but hy the side of these we also find the
f\nra^/rednd,Ji6nd, or, with Umlaut, >^»rf,^«rf. Other themes
of this kind either have the nom. plor. like the nom. sing., or
tliey form the nom. plur. after the strong declension in a*
OldFriflian.
Participial themes in -nd: friund^ friend; nom. accus. sing.
friund^ gen. /riunde^^ da,t,/nund ov friunde; plur. nom. accus.
Jriundy gen. Jriund-a or /riundorn-e, dat. friund-um. In the
same manner is declined /iand, enemy ; also the masc. mdnath^
month, which later on however has the strong plural mSnathor-r
as well; wigand (miles, filius) and werand (autor) are doubtfiil.
OldKorse.
The participial themes in 'fid have in the singular adopted the
weak declension ; the plural in -r has the Umlaut, so that tha
plural sign -r appears to have its origin in the suffix -ir. Ex-
amples:— frandt, friend, gen. dat. v^xicws. franda ; plur. nom.
accus. frandHTy gen. frand-a^ dat. frctnau'm. In the same
manner are declin^^»J»', enemy ; hondiy ruricola, plur. hoendnr.
ThSHES BNDINa IN A OUTTUBAL OE DbNTAL.
Oothic.
Theme hairg^ borough, nom. gen. baurg^ ; dat. accus. voc.
haurg ; plur. nom. accus. voc. baurg-s^ gen. baurg^^ dat. baurgi-m.
In the same manner are declined naits, night, with the dat. plur.
nahta^m; miluks, milk; vaiAU, thing; bruits, breast; dulps,
feast : dutp and va^Ai also follow the strong declension in i from
the themes dul^aiy vaiAiai.
326 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Old High Qermaii.
In this dialect the mentioned themes have adopted the strong
declension in i^ such as jon^^^ breast (dat. plor. has bXso pruitum)]
pure, borough ; miluk, milk ; naAl, night. The last-mentioDed
has^ however, preserved some traces of the ancient declension :
sing. nom. accus. naAt, gen. naAle-s, dat. nahte ; plur. nom. accos.
naht, gen. naht-Oy dat. naktu^m, naAio-n.
Old Saxon.
Most of the themes have passed into the strong declension in
i ; nakl, nighty has preserved more of the ancient forms : sing,
nom. dat. accus. naAt (dat. once nahta\ gen. noAie^ ; plur. nom.
accus. nakl^ gen. naht-S, dat. nahtu^n ; burg, borough, which
follows the declension in i has the exceptional gen. burgee, and
rarely the dat. burg for burgi ; maga^^ maid^ dat. accus. sing, and
accus. plur. maga^,
Anglo-Saxon.
Some traces of the ancient declension of these themes we find
in the words nikt^ night ; mht, vuht, thing ; plur. nom. nikt^ viki^
vuht ; burhy castle, borough, which follows the declension in i,
has the gen. sing, bj/rg^ b^rig, by the side of burge.
Old Frisian.
nahty night: sing. nom. accus. naht^ dat. naht and nak(^, gen.
naJite-8 ; plur. nom. and accus. naht and nahta, gen. ^uaAt-a, dat.
7iahtu-m. burcA, castle, dat. sing. burcA, nom. plur. burga.
Old Norse.
ndtt for nahty night: nom. dat. ace. ndtt, gen. ndttu^ ; plur.
nom. accus. naetHr, gen. ndtta, dat. ndttum, nott, for ndU^ has the
gen. noet-r, dat. accus. iwtt ; plur. noet-r^ gen. mil-Hi, dat. nottum.
DECLENSIONS. 327
ANOMALOUS DECLENSIONS.
Gk>thio.
1. The consonantal theme^ man (homo) is in some forms en-
larged into mannan-, and then follows the weak declension;
hence sing. nom. manna, gen. man-^, dat. mann, accus. mannan,
voc. manna; plur. nom. man-^, mannan-s, gen. mann^e, dat.
manna-m, accus. man^Sy mannans, voc. mans, 7nannans,
2. fadrein (status parentis) is, strictly speaking, a neuter
noun, but in the nom. and accus. plur. it is used as a masculine,
\ai fadrein, ^^ans fadrein (parentes), otherwise regular. When
used as a feminine theme in i, as gen. eing.Jadreinais, it means
* family.'
3. /ffn (fire) an indeclinable neuter, substitutes in the gen,
and dat. sing, the masculine theme Junan-, without the plural.
Old High GermBJU
man, homo, forms its cases in the singular in a twofold man-
ner, namely, either man throughout, or nom. man, gen. mannis,
dat. manne, accus. mannan; plur. nom. man^ gen. mannS^ dat.
mannum, accus. man.
Old Saxon.
I. man, in a similar manner as in Old High Grerman, has the
singular indeclinable, or nom. man, gen. mannas, ss, dat. manna,
'€, accus. man ; plur, nom. man, gen. mannS, dat. mAnnvrn, accus.
man,
a. The feminine strong theme 1iellj6, infemus, nom. hellja,
is sometimes supplanted by a masc. theme hella, nom. hell or hel,
thiodS (gens) is often superseded by the fem. theme thiodi, nom.
thiod,
Anglo-Saxon«
1. man, gen. mannea, dat. men, accus. man; plur. nom. men,
gen. manna, dat. mannum, accus. m£n,
2. The feminines sa (sea), a (law), ed (river), are in the singu-
lar indeclinable ; but occasionally there occur the genitives sies,
Goth, saivis; eds, Goth. ahvSs; the nom. plur. also is sas,
eds ; dat. plur. sa-m, ed^m,
3. drfi, magus, has the nom. plur, drfide, but the gen. dr^-r-d.
328 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
OldFrisiaiL
man (vir)^ gen. monneSy dat. mon^ moHne, accns. man; plar.
nom. man, gen. nwnna^ dat. monnum, accus. mon.
Old Korse.
1. fwaiS-r (homo), gen. mann-^, dat. mann-i, accus. mann; plar.
nom. menu (also m^-r), gen. mann-a, dat. i996'itii»-i», accns. m^
Both forms ma^r and mann, according to Old Norse phonetic
laws, spring from a more ancient mau^r (see p. io8).
2. Corresponding to the Goth, itdivs, A. S. sa, sea, lake, the
Old Norse has in the singular a variety of forms, as nom. Mt-f^
gen. savar^ dat. sa, accus. sa; or nor^ itas^ Ho, no; or iiar^
sioar (siofar, siavar), sia^ 9ia ; plur. savar, sava, sam (9um\
sava. In the same manner, corresponding to the Gt>th. midit^i
snow, the O. N. mar, snior^ miar,
3. fingr^fingur (finger), gQn.fingr-s, follows the declension in
a, but in the nom. accus. plur. it hosjingr (or Jingrar,Jingra; in
the same manner vetr, vetur (declension in u), has in the nom.
accus. plur. vetr for veirir^ vetru.
4. fotr (foot), follows the declension in u; gen.fotar {or /ots,
a), dat, foeti {or foli, a) ; nom. j)\ur,/oetr for Jaetir.
5. Monosyllabic words ending in a vowel, which in other
dialects follow the declensions in a or u, never have a thematic
vowel in Old Norse; hence they are declined, e.g., masc. wa-f
(corpse), gen. nd-s, dat. ndy accus. nd ; plur. nd-r, gen. wd-e/, dat.
?id'?n, accus. nd. Fern, ^^^(vaticinium) , gen. spd-r, dat. spa, accus.
spa ; plur. nom. spd-r^ gen. spd^, dat. spd-^n, accus. spd-r. To
this declension belong masc. ^-r (arcus), sko-r (shoe), io-r (horse) ;
fern, d (river), brd (brow), mei/ (maid), ey (island), |?f (serva),
havey before the thematic vowel by which the latter is preserved ;
hence the gen. mej/jar, ei/jar, &c., plur. nom. the same; plur.
dat. mei/jvrn^ eyjum ; neut. (which decline like masc. except nom.
plur.) hil (nis, country), dat. sing, bui^ dat. plur. huum ; kne
(knee), tre (tree), dat. plur. knia-tn, tria-m ; ve (temple), gen. plur.
re-a, dat. veu-m. Forms in analogy to the declension in u we
have in td (toe), gen. td-r, plur. nom. Ut-r, gen. ^a-a. Words
with u have the vowel a before the case-sign ; e. g. hni (bridge),
gen. briiar. The secondary form k^-r for kd (cow) has the case-
sign -r of the nom. sing, preserved; compare a^ (sheep), ma^
(maid) .
DECLENSIONS.
DECLENSION OP PROPER NAMES.
^^ Gothic proper names no examples occur in Ulfilas ; foreigii
~^e uses either ondecliDed, or with their Greek inflexionSj or
1^;^ ^ulapted to one of the Gothic declensions. A few proper
^^^^6, as Aileitaiaip, Magdaleni, S^laiaim, are indeclinable.
:^^ «iave Greek inflexions in the nom. Amias, accus. Teitaum, gen.
^ **Jo*, noia. plur. Israelitai. More frequently we find them
^^^^^v the (jh>thic declensions, so that all Greek proper namea
i^^Xng in a consonant (except those in ot and aa) are declined
^,^=* the Gothic in a, as Adam, gen. Adamis, dat. Adama. After
t«^^ Gothic in 1 go the names of nations, of which we have
^^■■^fly the plural nom. in cw, as RumSneii, MakidSneU. After
^!|^^t in u the proper names ending in -iua, -tu, -aiut, the last
^^^^ having in the nom. gen. plur. always -tit, -f, the first men-
.^*^tied remaining unaltered in the nom. plur. All the masculine
^^tnes in -a, -6, -6n, and -at, and the feminines in -a, follow the
^Mk declension, as Marja, gen. Marjint ; laireikS, laireikSns j
"diaritn, AiarSnt,
Old High Oennsn.
Proper names, whether native or foreign, follow the strong
declension in ai commonly fonning the accus. sing, in -an, as
Hlmdmg, accus. Hludwi^an and Hludwig ; Swap, Suevus, accus.
Swapan, plur. Swapd, Svap/S, SKapvm. The strong declension in
i we find in Hihi, plur. H4ni; but no examples of the declension
in n. After tiie weak declension go the names Br^no, Kero ;
Pramlco, SaAto, Saxon. Feminine proper names follow the strong
declension in a, as SHiifUna, RSma, or the declension in i (espe-
cially those ending in -lind, ~rdl, -gund, -triti), or the weak
declension, as Marjd, gen. Marjin. The strong neutral declen-
■ion is used in some names of cities, as in Betlehem, &x6n, gen.
BeUhut.mnet.
Old fiazon.
Masculine names follow the strong declension in a. In this
dialect there appears, as in Old High German, the ancient accn-
sative termination -an, as Lazarm, accns. Lazanaan. and Lasarut.
The feminine names Suma, Setiania, GaliUa, follow the strong
declension in a, Maria the weak declension. The masc. J»deo
330 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
is weik. Some mascoliDe noons dedme strong or weak accord-
ing to difTerent stages of the language and different docaments.
Some are indeclinable.
All masculine names which decline strong follow the declen-
sion in a ; 90 do the words Swa/^ Finn, pyring^ plur. Swaf<u, &c.
Feminine names in a occur very rarely. After the declension in
i go the words D^e, EmgU, and those ending in -vare (as already
mentioned^ ; to these may be added GrSce (Greek), Surpe (Sorbi),
and a few others. Many names^ especially feminine, follow the
weak declension, as Marie, gen. Marian y Eve, gen. Evan; the
names of nations, &ujrair, Saxons; Frifam, Frisians, &c. : /«-
d/a's, Jews, is strong. Foreign proper nonns often appear with
their respective foreign declensions.
Old Frisian.
The native names follow the strong declension ; foreign ones
may have the strong Frisian, or their own foreign declension, as
Peder, Pedere4, or Pefnt4, Petri; or some are indeclinable, as
Leo, the pope. Of names of nations some decline strong, others
weak : Bio^fring^ plur. Rimtringa, is strong ; Frem, Frisian, Saxa,
Saxon, &o., are weak. Names of towns, such as Bremey Col-ene,
Bume, which are feminine, may decline strong in a, or weak.
Marie is, as in the other dialects, weak ; Eca is indeclinable.
Old Norse.
Some of the masculine proper nouns follow the strong, others
the weak declension ; the former commonly have the thematic -a^
as Gunnary gen. Gunnars^ dat. Gunnari ; Askr^ Alfr, &c. Such
as Gripir, Brunir, &c., follow the declension of Air^ir, that is,
the themes in -Ja, The declension in u is frequently followed
by proper names, esi>ecially those ending in -mundr, -undr,
hiortr, -btortiy ^vindr, -vi^r; as Saemundry Vdiundry Arn-bidrriy &c.
Some decline weak, as Bragi, Loki. Feminine nouns which
decline strong may be attributed either to the declension in a or
i, because both are identical in the singular. The words Edda,
Nannay &c., are weak. Names of nations, such as Alfry Finnry
Svafr, and those in -ungry follow the declension in a ; Banry plur.
Baniry Grikr, plur. Grikir, the declension in i ; Saxiy Goti, Judi^
decline weak. As has in the sing. gen. As-Sy plur. Aesir, gen.
Asa, dat. Asum, accus. Asuy thus showing forms in a &nd u
DECLENSIONS. 331
mixed. Names of towns (which are no compounds of borg or
stair) ending in a consonant^ follow the declension in a or i, as
ParU, gen. Parisar ; those ending in the vowel -a have the
weak declension, as Troja^ gen* Troju.
DECLENSION OP ADJECTIVES.
Adjectives in the Teutonic languages show a greater flexibility
than those of the cognate tongues^ such as Greek and Latin;
for not only do they display special inflexional forms for the
three difierent genders, but they follow moreover two distinct
declensions, commonly known as the strong and weak declension.
The former is produced by a demonstrative pronoun which is
sufl^ed to the adjective root, and which by its various inflexional,
forms yields the case-signs to the declension of the adjective;
the latter assumes the case-signs of the weak declension of the
noun, and consequently stands on a parallel with the adjective
declensions in the cognate languages. The former might be
more properly called the pronominal, the latter the nominal,
declension of adjectives. In the strong, or pronominal, declen-
sion the adjective adopts a form which is analogous to a sufiixed
article ; this declension therefore is chiefly used where the adjec-
tive is not preceded by the article or a pronoun supplying it.
STRONG DECLENSION.
The thematic vowels a, i, u, which yielded us three strong
declensions of the noun, are not all adopted by the adjectives ;
themes in a are most frequent, themes in ja still appear dis-
tinctly in the Gothic, but in the other Teutonic dialects merely
in a few remnants ; themes in u we find in Gothic only, while
such in i do not appear in any of the Teutonic languages.
The terminations or case-signs of the strong declension are,
as we have already stated, derived from the different inflexional
forms of a demonstrative pronoun. This pronoun occurs in
Sanskrit as a relative under the forms ^as, yd^ yad, whUe in the
Germanic tongues, where it assumed a demonstrative force, its
most ancient forms will appear from the following table.
332
TEUTONIC OEAMMAB.
ttaarGci^K.
Mmc.
Fern.
rvflHi*
Nooi.
• •
•
irt.
Gen.
a*
jaizU
^
D»t.
•
jamma
jtzm
jama
>•
>ri>
Ncift.
These pronominal forms however, when soffixad to the
tiTe, do not always appear in their foil integrity, bat are in
different dialects more or less modified. The following
may soffice to convey an idea of these modificationa.
Teems in IL
Gothic
SiNOCLAm.
3Iaac
Nom. kardu^ (hard)
G«n. kard'jU
Dat. kard-jamma
Fem.
kardu^
kard-jaizAt
kard-jai
Neut.
hardu, kard-jaia
kardrfii
kard-jamma
II
hard-f€d
kard-jaiti
kard^iaim\hard-jaim
&C. I See
kardriaiab
mhU
\in2lm
All the remaining eases are formed r^folarly by the suffixed
pronoun as it appears in the paradigm above.
Themes in a.
KiNGULAR.
Masc.
Nom. hlind'9
Gon. hlind-U
Dat. hlind-amma
Amis. Uitul-ana
Fem.
hlirui-a
hlind-aizoe
Wind-ai
hlind-a
Neut.
hlind-<Ua
hlind-is
hlind'-amma
hlind-ata
Plural*
Masc.
hlind-ai
blind -aizi
Hind^im
hlind-am
Fem.
hlind-As
blindraizS
hlind-aim
hlind-6s
Neat.
UtW-a
hitnd-abi
Umd-ttim
hlind-a
Old
German.
81NOULAR.
Nom. plini'^r
Gon. ptint-fs
Dat. plint-cmn
Actus. pHnt-an
liistr. plint'U
Fern.
plint-ju^ tt
pUnt-era
plint-tru
plint-a
Neut.
pLint-a'^
j)Iint-e8
plint-ftnu
plint-a^
plint'U
Plural.
Maac
plint-4, -a
pUnt-tro
plintSm
plifU-i
Fem.
plini-6
pUnt-trd
phnt-im
plint-d
Neat
plirU-jih "•
plifU-ir6
plint-em
pUrU-ju, •»
DtCLSSSIOSS.
SlXGI7I.A.>.
Plckal.
btimd-am
Nemt
Hind
blindia
tl^md
Uimf-o. -« 1 lli»d-i. t hlim*^ • bli>4>
lliMd-m,-t bUmt^^-t ^iUm*^-m. VSMd.
iliMa^rt,-n Uia-i^-i
334 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Remarks on the above Paradigms.
Qothio.
1. Adjectives preserve the thematic vowel u in the nom. ang*.
of the three genders ; in the oblique cases however thej drop
this thematic vowel and suffix the pronoun jie in its full intc^
rity, as hardu-^y hard-jis, &c.
2. Themes ending in a drop the thematic vowel as well as Uie
j of the suffix y/* throughout all cases, as blind-s, blinds, &c.
3. Adjectives with the theme in Ja display four different modeB
of^the nom. sing, masc; namely, (i) If the thematic > is pre-
ceded by a vowel or a short syllable ending in a single consonanti
the nom. has the termination jis=ja^, the a being weakened to
i, e.g. sak'ji-Sy rixosus; tnid-Ji-^, mediuB; fullato-ji'^, perfect;
niu-ji'S, new. Where the thematic termination /a is preceded
by a long syllable ending in a consonant, three different modes
of formation occur, namely, (a) ja is contracted into «, e.g.
viiy^i-Sy vei-us ; a/)?-ef-*, old ; or (3) ja is contracted into »,
e. g. 8tlt-i'^ {<Slv^kto%), airkn-i-^ (So-ios) ; or (4) ja is dropped alto-
gether, e. g. biaip'S, mitis ; A rains, clean, pure (Germ. rein).
But under all circumstances the^ of ^a re-appears in the oblique
cases, except with the adjectives in eis which preserve this con-
tracted form in the gen. sing. masc. and fem., as the following
examples will suffice to show : (i) sakjis, gen. sakjis, dat. sa It-
jam ma, &e. ; (i) vl/'peis, gen. viDpeis, dat. vilbjamma, &c. ; (3)
si/fis, gen. sflfjisy dat. mtjamma, &c. ; (4) hrains, gen. hrainjUy
dat. hraivjamma, &c.
4. Themes in ja which suppress this thematic termination in
the nom. sing, masc, form sometimes the feminine in the same
manner, as masc. fem. hruh-Sy useful; ^iw-*, clear; 8el-9y benign;
the neuter is probably without any termination, as bruk^ skeir,
sel,
5. Adjectives, the stem of which ends in *, do not adopt the
case-sign -s in the nom. sing. ; as n^es, proprius, gen. svesis : in
the same manner the nom. a^i^ar, other : but all other adjectives
ending in r take the termination -^ in the nom., as *r/r-j, hono-
ratus; gaur s, moestus.
DECLENSIONS, 336
Old High German.
I. In Old High Oerman^ as well as in all other dialects which
e shall yet mention^ every s which occurs hetween two vowels,
id wldch in this position in Gothic already had been converted
ito z, is changed into r. This change occurs in Old High
rerman in the nom. sing. masc. too, hence plini-er, Goth.
a. Old High German, as well as the other dialects, drops the J
f the pronominal sufiSx throughout, with the exception of the
)ld High German nom. sing. fern, ending in ju ; but in other
espects the pronominal suffix is sometimes more intact than
ven in Gothic. Thus the nom. sing. mase. pUnt-er may, accord-
Tkg to Bopp, be a contraction ot plinta-ir, ir the suffix answering
» Gothic is =jis.
3. The case-termination is often dropped, so that plinl stands
!br the nom. sing. masc. plini-er, fem. plint^u, neut. plinl^a^,
4. For the termination Ju we find in the nom. sing. fem. u
>nly ; and the gen. and dat. fem. may take erd~ for -/m, -eru,
nespectively ; the dat. sing. masc. -emo for -emu.
5. The plural has sometimes in the nom. accus. d for e, and,
in later documents, eti for em in the dative.
6. The J of the thematic ja is either dropped or assimilated to
the preceding consonant, as in mitt-er for mitj-er. But where
the stem is uninflected, the j remains, hardened in i, as miti,
Diedius ; kleini^ subtilis ; Areini, pure ; wildi, wild. The adjec-
tive Jri preserves the thematic y, as frigSry friju, frij^sif or cotL"
\x2iQii^ frier, friuyfriaz.
7. Tbe spirant w, at the end of the stem, is in the uninflected
nom. vocalized into 0, as nom. plawer, lividus, uninflected jt?/a(?.
Old Saxon.
1 . The ftill inflexional vowels are frequently weakened ; thus
the genitive terminations -as, -aro, are replaced by -es, -era, or
-eru ; the dative -umu, -aro, by -emu, -nm, -on, and -eru, -uru.
But the accusative suffix is sometimes preserved in its complete-
ness, especially in compound or polysyllabic adjectives, as lang-
mm, slow; unsundig, unhealthy; accus. langsam-ana, unsundig-
ina ; or, dropping the first a, it is shortened into -na, as mdhtig,
mighty, ace. mdhtig-na. This -na is, later on, weakened into -ne.
2. The nom. plur. neut. has more frequently the weakened -u
336 TEUTONIC ORAMMAH.
instead of the original -a; and the dat. plnr. -mi is often nok-'
ened into -(mi.
3. Themes in -ja vocalize the j into % in the uninflectedfU
preserve the j in the inflected cases or weaken it into e, cigi
middi, medius, g^n. masc. middj-es, or middents, fem. miiJ^ ■%
&c. But occasionally it occurs that the j is dropped altogcth^
e. g. demif occultus, g^n. plur. dem^-erS.
4. A stem ending in w commonly vocalizes this w in the imi^
fleeted nominativCj as glau, prudent^ gen. glaw^eM.
Anglo-Saxon.
1. The termination -s of the nom. sing. fern, is preserved dim
monosyllabic adjectives with a short vowelj as ivaiuj polysyl-
labic words weaken it into -«, and adjectives with a loiog rraal
vowel drop it altogether.
2. Monosyllabic adjectives with the short radical a weaken
this vowel into a, unless it is sustained by a terminational vowei,
e. g. nom. sing. masc. Avdi, acer, fem. kvai-u ; nom. plor. ins^
gen. krdt^a. Other adjectives of this kind are, kdr, naked;
blde^ black ; hrai^j quick ; Idt, late ; ipdr, sparej &c.
3. A double consonant ending a stem is shortened into a ain^
one before terminations b^inning with a consonant, as ^tnr,
gen. masc. grimm-esy gen. fem. grim-re.
4. Themes in ja show a remnant of the thematic j in the tei^
minational e of the uninflected nominative and in the Umlaut of
the radical vowel, as hlPSe, blithe ; grene, green (O. H. Germ.
gruoni) ; but the inflected cases drop this e throughout^ hence
bli^rCy gren-re, &c.
Old Frisian.
The tenninational vowels are generally weakened^ and the
dative of the masc. and neut. sing, and plur. has dropped the
final m, so that this form is identical with the nom. and accus.
plur. of the three genders.
Themes in ja have only in the nom. sing, preserved a trace of
the ancient y in the termination e, as diare, dear; grene, green;
rike, rich, &c.
DECLENSIONS. 337
, Old Norse.
j -
. ¥ieciiliar is the dat. sing. neut. in -f^^ which bears no analogy
the casensign -um^ derived from the pronominal suffix '■amtna,
the other dialects ; and the nom. plur. masc. in -ir, from -is.
appears that in the first-mentioned ease the instrumental case-
_ -» has expelled the termination of the dative and usurped
^' Ha place; in the latter the nominative case-sign of the substan-
tire seems to have found admission into the declension of the
a^ective.
Concerning the assimilation, or omission of the r in the nom.
aiDg. as well as in the case-suffixes -rar, -ri, -ra, the same rules
hold good which are observed in the declension of the substan-
tive. The -r therefore is dropped if the stem terminates in r, rr,
0, or Hy which is preceded by a consonant, e. g. snar, quick^ gen.
fern, rniar-ar ; vis, wise, vt&^r ; iqfn, even, iqfn-ar. It is assi-
milated to I and n final of long or polysyllabic stems, as sael-lj
happy, for sael-r, gen. fem. sael-lar for sael-rar; brin^n, brown,
for Mn-r, gen. fem. hrUn-nar for brUn-rar. But the r remains
unassimilated after II and nn ending the stem, e.g. all-r, all,
gen. all^ar, &c. ,* and after single I and n which are preceded by
a short vowel, as Aol^, hollow, gen. fem. hoUrar.
The suffix "t of the nom. sing. neut. assimilates a preceding "S
which follows upon a vowel; if this vowel is long it becomes
short under the mentioned circumstance ; hence neut. glat-t from
masc. gla^-r, goUt from g6^S-r, good. If a stem terminates in
nd, r8, sty the dental is dropped before the neuter suffix, as blin-t
for blittd-6, from masc. blind-r; har^t for har^-t^ from har^-r,
hard. The gemination of /, w, «, r, *, ^, is reduced to the single
consonant, e. g. snial-t for sniall-t, A preceding r is dropped in
annate from annar, other.
Adjectives which, in consequence of having dropped a final
spirant, end in a long vowel, double the case-sign of the neuter ;
e. g. bld-r, blew, O. H. Germ, pldo, pldia-er, has in the neuter
bld~U; n^-r, new, Goth, niujis, has the neuter n^-U; so that ap-
parently the spirant has been assimilated to the neuter suffix -^.
For the same reason the initial consonants of the suffixes -rar^f
'ri, -ra, may be doubled; e.g. Mrrar^ n^rrar, by the side of
hdrar, n^rar.
Derivative adjectives in -i» have in the neut. i-^ for in^-t, and
in the masc. accus. in-^ for in~an ; e. g. steinin^n, lapideus, has
the neut. sieinut^ accus. masc. steinin-n,
litil'l (little) and miHi-l (great) have the neut. lUi-t, miki-t
for Util-t, miiil't; accus. sing. masc. lititM^i mikin'ti: lUiM
338
TECTOXIC GRAMMAR,
moreover shortens the radical Towel^ if, before an inflexioul
vowel, elision of the vowel in the derivative syllable takes place;
e. ^. dat. sing. /Ul-nm, fitl-n, plur. lill^ir ; but gen. sin^.
The vowel /. where it occurs in the pronominal suiBx, does dq4
caiLse Umlaut ; but u does, even in the nom. sing. fern, and it
the nom. and aecus. plur. neut., where it has been dropped ; henee
the iV>rm long in the mentioned cases. The process which oocon
in adjectives ending in al and ar is remarkable. In the casei
just mentioned, where the case-sign h is dropped, they supplant
the a of those syllables bv the vowel a. which then causes Um-
laut of the preceding vowel ; e. g. gamal-ly old, fem. gomul for
^«i««i/,-j('' ; yj'.wr, fair, iem. fognr iox fagar{-u). Elision of the
vowel in the derivative syllables al and ar always takes place
when the case-sign begins with a vowel, as gamUan for gamal-dn.
The adjective annar, other, Goth, auj^ar, forms some cases with
the stem jjia, others with the stem a'S, both standing for the
more ancient <imS.
The decleusion runs thus : —
SiNGCLAR.
Pl.VKAL.
Ma«c.
Kom.
NeQt.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Nom.
anf^tjT
onnnr
annat
afVrir
a5rar
dnnur
Gen.
annar*
uunanjr
an nan
annarra
annarra
annarra
Dat.
(i^;-:; .1
o n uarri
o^ru '
! 6^rum
diHrum
o^rum
Accus.
aiimin
a^ra
annat |
aSra
aSrar
onnur
Themes in Jtt have generally drop|K^d the J, except in the ad-
jectives mi^r (niedius), wy-r (new), r/'X--r (rich), where it is often
preserved before the oase-sisrn beginning with the vowel a or ?/,
as ml<fj-t(/tt, nf(j-iiUy rlkj-u ; but where it is dropped it has caused
the Umlaut of the preceding vowels, as groenn, green, O. H.
Germ, grotii, A. S. grcne ; djr, dear.
The spirant r at the end of a stem, though dropped, has often
caused the Umlaut of the preceding a into o, as clokk-r, dark,
black ; gorr, done (comp. Germ. gar). It frequently reappears
before case-signs beginning with a vowel, as dokkv-atn, dokkv^f?,
&c. ; sometimes hardened into f, as //d-r, celsus (Germ, hehr),
accus. /utoan and haf-an ; but disappears generally in later
documents, hence hd-'ir for hdv-ir ; hd-nm, hd-m for hdt-ron.
DECLENSIONS.
389
WEAK DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES.
Parapioms.
Oothio.
Singular.
Plural.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Nom. hlinda
Gen. hlindinM
Dai. hlindtn
Acms. hlindan
hlindS
hlind^ns
Uind6n
hUnddn
blinds
hlindins
hlindin
hlindS
hlindans
hlindan i
hlindam
hlindana
hlindSnt
hlindSnS
hlindSm
UindSn
hlindSna
HindanS
hlindam
hlindSna
Old High Gtermaii.
Singular.
Plural.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Nom. plinto
Gen. plintin
Dat. plintin
Accus. plintun
plinta
plintUn
plintUn
pUntdn
plinta
pliniin
plintin
plinta
plintun
pHniSnS
plintSm
plintun
plintdn
plintSnd
plintdm
plintiin
plintdn
pliniSnS
plintSm
plintiin
Old Saxon.
Singular.
Plural.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
Ma
sc. Fem. >
feut.
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Accus.
hlindo{-a)
hlindun
hlindun
hlindun
hlinda
hlindun
hlindun
hlindun
hlinda
blindun
hlindun
blinda
hlindu
hlindSnS
blindun
hlindun
Anglo-Saxon.
Singular.
Plural.
Masc.
Fem.
Neut.
xMa
8& Fem. ^
eut.
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Accus.
hlit
hlii
hlin
hlif
uia
tdan
\dan
\dan
hh
hi
hh
hli
Inde
Indan
■ndan
Indan
Ui
hli
hh
hli
nde
ndan
ndan
nde
hlindan
hlindena
blindum
hlindan
Z 2
340
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
OldFrudaa.
StNGULAR.
Plukal.
Mmc
Nom. Uinda
GeQ. blinda
Dat. blinda
Aocus. blinda
Fern.
blinde
blinda
blinda
bUnda
Neut.
blinde
blinda
Uinda
blinde
Blase Fein. Neat
blinda
blindena
blindum
blinda
Old Norse.
Singular.
Ma9c.
Nom. langi
Gen. langa
Dat langa
Accus. lanffa
Fern.
langa
Idngu
Idngu
Uhtgti
Nent.
langa
langa
langa
langa
Plural.
Maac Fern. Neut
lortgu
langu
l»ngu
Remarks an tie Paradigmf,
As we have already stated^ and as will readily be seen from
the preceding paradigms^ the weak declension of the adjectives
is, with regard to its case-signs or terminations, in all Teutonic
dialects perfectly identical with the weak declension of the noun.
A few peculiarities in the different dialects deserve a short notice.
In Gothic the a of the thematic termination -a^ is, in the
feminine, lengthened into 6, hence the lengthened theme -on.
Adjectives in ja preserve the thematic ja in the weak declension,
though the j may have been dropped in the strong declension,
e. g. hrainja, gen. hrainjins, dat. hrainjin^ &c. (strong, hrain-s, &c.)
Themes in u adopt the forms in Ja, hence hardja, hardjinSy &c.
(strong, harduSy &c.) The weak adjective ainaia, solus (Germ,
einiger), has the fem. auiohS.
Old High German and Old Saxon have preserved the Gothic
feminine theme in 6n in the darkened form «w, which in Old
Saxon however may rather be the shortened -un. Anglo-Saxon
adopts the theme in -an for the singular of all genders, with the
exception of the nominative feminine and neuter and accusative
neuter. The plural is, in Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon, identi-
cally the same for all genders.
Old Frisian and Old Norse reject in the singular of the adjec-
tive as well as of the substantive declension the thematic -«, and
allow the word to end in the bare vowel a, or its modification in
DECLENSIONS. ' 341
i or u. In Old Norse^ moreover^ it is the siDg^olar only which
has preserved the terminations of the weak declension of the
nonn^ while the plural^ rejecting whatever case-signs the nonn
has preserved, adopted the neuter termination u for all cases and
all genders.
The Old Norse themes in jan and van preserve their respective
spirant throughout, except that the nom. -ji is commonly ren-
dered by iy as tiki, rikja ; dokkvi, dokkva. Some adjectives have
the weak declension only, e. g. lami, lame ; faxi, jubatus ; full-
ti^iy full-grown^ or they adopt in all genders the indeclinable
termination -a, as lama.
DECLENSION OF THE PARTICIPLES.
PRBSEirr Pabticiplb.
These participles have in all Teutonic dialects a substantive as
well as an adjective declension ; as to the former we refer to the
proper placed The adjective declension of the present participle
again may be strong or weak.
The Gothic dialect uses the strong form in the nom. masc.
only ; in the weak declension the feminine is not formed after
the analogy of the adjectives in -^n, but by a more ancient theme
in -ein, hence the fem. of Ailpandaj helping (Germ, helfend)^ is
hilpandeiy gen. Ailpandeins^j &c.
Old High German declines the adjective form of the participle
regularly after the analogy of the strong and weak declensions
of the adjective ; hence strong, ffebanter, gebantjuy gebanta^ ;
weak, gebanio, gebatUdj gebania.
Old Saxon is fond of introducing the spirant y before the case-
signs ; as to the rest it follows the strong and weak declensioiis
of the adjectives ; e. g. strong, Mlpandi, helpandi, helpandij gen.
he^andjes, helpandjerOy helpandjeSy &c. From this example it will
appear that the/ m the nominative (as in all indeclinable cases)
is vocalized into i. Such an ^ we find in Old High German too
where the cases of the strong declension of the participle adopt
the indeclinable form, as gebanti in all genders instead oigebantery
gebantju, gebanta^. This i must of course, like that in Old Saxon,
have its origin in an ancient y, which in the participle declension
was commonly preserved before the case-signs by the Old Norse,
but rejected by the Old High German dialect.
' See the declension of the themes in -mi, p. 324.
' Compare the weak noun managtiy moMtgeinB,
342 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Anglo-Saxon hardly differs at all from the preceding dialects
in the declension of the participle present. Like them it follows
the strong and weak declension of the adjective, and like them
it shows the trace of an ancient j before the case-signs in the
termination e of the uninflected cases of the strong declensioD,
as nom. gifende, gen. gifendes ; weak^ masc. gifenda^ fern, nent
g'ifende.
Old Frisian follows in every respect the rules laid down for
An^lo-Saxon.
Old Norse has, like Gothic, preserved in the feminine the an-
cient termination % (Goth. e%)y which has been lost in all the
other dialects. This fem. t has in the plural usurped the positioa
of all other terminations; hence sing. masc. gefandi, ge/andi,
gefanda, gen. gefanda, gefandi, gefanda, &c. like the adjective;
plur. gefandi in all cases and genders. But by the side of this
indeclinable plural the masculine has the strong substantive
forms in -r (from tV, therefore causing Umlaut), as nom. gefend-Ty
gen. gefanday &c.
Pbeterite Participle.
It follows in Gothic and all other Teutonic dialects the strong
and weak declensions of the adjective.
With regard to Old High German we have however to observe
that the pret. part, of the weak conjugation drops the charac-
teristic vowel / (./«), from which cause ' Riick-Umlaut' may be
produced ; e. g. gl-nant'er^ named (Germ, ge-nannt), instead of
gi-iiennit-cr ; l)ut where the participle is uninflected the charac-
teristic vowel remains, hence y'l-nennit.
Old Norse displays a peculiarity in forming the pret. part, of
weak verbs with a short radical in -/S;* instead of -Sr. The forms
in v^r may exchange the Sr for nn^ an exchange we have often
observed with wS and nn ; hence we have the forms t^H^r, tali^,
(ali^y talHy and tallnn^ talini^), talit ; and from both forms may
be derived oblique cases, as gen. masc. (ali^'S, {lalin-s ?), gen.
fem. talin-7iary plur. fem. nom. tald-ar, gen. ialin-na : from which
examples it would appear that case-signs beginning with a con-
sonant prefer the form in -w to precede them.
DECLENSION OF THE INFINITIVE.
The Teutonic dialects, with the exception of the Gothic and
the Old Norse, possess a declension of the infinitive which is
analogous to the strong declension of the noun. In Old High
DECLENSIONS. 343
Oerman the infinitive, though in itself it is but the accusative of
a verbal noun, developes a new theme in -a, from which it forms
two new cases, a genitive and a dative ; e. g. helfan^ to help,
gfen. helfanneSy dat. helfanne ; nerjan, servare, gen. nerjannes^
dat. nerjanne. In the same manner proceeds the Old Saxon
infinitive ; e.g. helpan^ gen. helpannas{'es)j dat. helpanna{''e) ;
nerjan^ nerjannasy nerjanna. Here too we occasionally fiud the
derivative j before the thematic vowel. Anglo-Saxon and Old
Frisian have only the dative, which however occurs pretty fre-
quently; e.g. A. S. faranne, etenne ; O.Yx\%. farane gungane.
As to the latter we observe that the n of the infinitive, which
is usually dropped, in this case reappears.
MIDDLE TEUTONIC DECLENSIONS.
In the Middle Teutonic dialects the declensions imdergo
great changes, and in consequence thereof can no longer be
brought under the same classification which we adopted in the
Old Teutonic languages. The terminational vowels are each
and all weakened into ^, so that in the singular the declension
in a can no longer be kept distinct from that in i, both i and a
being rendered by e. The declension in u disappears altogether ;
and thus it happens that a distinction of three strong declen-
sions, characterized by three different thematic vowels, becomes
all but impossible, fiut on the other hand there continues to
exist the distinction between the strong and the weak declen-
sions— a distinction which in some dialects has been preserved
up to the present day. We further observe the continuation of
the different inflectional forms of the different gendei*s, and we
therefore arrange the declensions of the Middle and New Teu-
tonic languages under the heads of Strong and Weak, and then
again sub-divide according to the different genders, always indi-
cating the thematic vowel as far as it can be traced. Features of
development which are peculiar to one or the other of the Middle
Teutonic dialects will be delineated in their proper places.
The weakening down of the different thematic and terminal
tional vowels into the one flat-sounding e deprived the Teutonic
.languages of their finest phonetic ornament, and the inflectional
forms, where such still continue to exist, have a wearisome same-
ness about them, so that it is almost difficult to say which
serves the highest praise and admiration : — ^New High German,
for its fidelity to ancient inflexional forms, though they be ever
344 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
so mutilated, flat, and unmusical ; or Modem English for bftYing,
with wonderful discrimination^ eliminated from its system the
shattered remains of inflexional forms which, their fonctioiis
bein^ performed by other means^ have often become moe
cumbersome ballast.
Old and Middle English.
Among late Anglo- Saxon authors Layamon alone distiii-
guishes three declensions for the three different genders. Hie
masculine follows, on the whole^ the Anglo-Saxon dedension in
a, so that the genitive singular commonly shows ef, the dative e,
the latter being sometimes replaced by e^i. The instrumental is
lost. In the plural we find es and en side by side^ the latter
having perhaps found its way from the dative into other cases,
or being formed in analogy to the weak declension in n- The
genitive plural has the termination ene (A. S. ena), besides a
and en\ the dative plural en (A. S. um, on). Nouns which in
Anglo-Saxon already had the Umlaut^ preserve it in the plonl
(though not always), and drop it in the dative singular. Ex-
am]>les : — sing. nom. dal (day)=A. S. dag; gen. da^iy da^;
dat. da'^e, daye. The dative is formed with en in cniAien, Ungen.
The nom. plur. has es or en, e. g. dagee^ duwen [^dagen); soHes^
9onen ; the gen. plur. ert, es, ena, ene, as dagen, kinges or kingena^
eorlene ; the dat. en, e.g. d^^en, da wen {z=dngen)\ The Umlaut
is preserved \\\ fet/ffet, by the side of which occurs also the plur.
fote (feet) ; vian has the plur. men and monnen ; wifman, wlman,
icomman (woman), plur. wifmen, wimen.
The feminine nouns follow chiefly the Anglo-Saxon declension
in i. In the genitive and dative singular they have the termi-
nation e; but in the genitive the termination es begins to
encroach u])on the legitimate ^, so that in this case the feminine
form becomes identical with the masculine and neuter. The
j)Iural shows in the nominative the terminations es and en^ gen.
e^ dat. en, accus. e. But es often assumes the place of all other
terminations in the different cases of the plural. Umlaut is
preserved only in boc, plur. bcec, by the side of hoc and bokes.
Examples: — burJi (borough, castle), gen. bury, A2kt. bury, plur.
nom. buries, gen. bnr^e^ dat. burden, accus. bur^e.
The neuter has the regular terminations in analogy to the
Anglo-Saxon declension in a, gen. <?*, dat. e ; but in the latter,
as in the dative singular masculine, we find also en^ as londe,
londen^ dat. of /(>;/^/ (land). The plural nominative preserves the
' Concerning the relation of the consonants 3, ir, ^r, \o one another, and to the
somi-vowel y, see the respective se(*tionson OhI English consonants, pp. 146 and 16a.
DECLENSIONS, 345
ancient uninflected forms^ e. g. hern, 9cep, horn ; but also en —
9cipen, leolen; childe has the plur. childre and children; even €9
IB introduced — scipes. The genitive plural has sometimes ene
for e, as seipene.
The weak declension in n begins to be broken up since the n
was no longer considered as an inherent part of the theme^ but
as an inflexional form. Consequently the n is often dropped or
superseded by the termination es ; but on the other hand the n
encroaches upon the nominative too^ where e (rarely a) occupies
the place of the Anglo-Saxon a. So again in the genitive plural^
n is added to the ancient termination ene (A. S. ena). Ex-
amples : — sing. nom. noma, name ; sioiien ; gen. draken, drakes ;
dat. numen^ mone (moon) ; plur. nom. draken, drakes ; gen. gumenCy
gumenen ; dat. sterreny slorre; accus. teonen, teone ; namen, names.
The feminine is subject to the same fluctuations ; as gen. sing.
ehmrche and churches ; dat. snnne and sunnen (sun) ; accus. eorben
and eorpe; plur. nom. hearten and heortes ; gen. wikene; aat.
accus. viken and taike; accus. chirchen and chirches. Neut. eie
(eye), plur. nom. accus. e^ene ; dat. e^an, e^enen. The themes m
-r, such zsfdtder (father), moder (mother), &c., are in the singular
indeclinable ; in the plural we find eriy es, and s, side by side ;
the genitive is sometimes uninflected, sometimes with the termi-
nation ne, as dohter and dohteme (fih'arum).
The forms we have just enumerated, and which, as we have
already stated, most frequently occur in Layamon, are far more
extensively modified by other authors. We may limit ourselves
to pointing out the most important modification, which consists
in the introduction of the case-sign es, or ess, in the genitive
singular and in the plural of all genders.
Old Engliah abandons the grammatical gender, or identifies
it with the sexes, and the distinction therefore of the genders
in the declension is discontinued. Inflexional forms are limited
to the genitive singular, the plural, and some remnants of the
dative.
The Plubal is commonly formed by the termination -s {-es,
'is, -ys), as dayes, kinges, townes ; rarely by -^, as erle^ monke,
monjfe; more frequently by en or n, e.g. clerken, applen, oxen,
chirchen, honden (hands), eyen ; by -er — childer, childir, to which
is added a second plural termination, child-er^n. The Umlaut
indicates the plural in— ^^, /el ; io\, tejf ; man, men ; wommann,
wymmen ; gos, gese ; kou, kvfi.
With regard to the chief plural signs en and es, it must be
observed that they do not in Old English represent the Anglo-
Saxon plurals, the former of the weak declension in -a», the
346 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
latter of the strong in -ai, but that one or the other was adopted
quite arbitrarily ; hence we find O. Engl, dayes^ leuedyi^ rMJei,
for A. S. dagas, hl<tfd'igany ricu ; and O. Engl, cl^reken^ hondei^
oxen, and heuenden for A. S. clericas, Aund^is, oxan^ and Aerfod,
Concerning the Cases, none but the genitives and isolated
traces of the dative are preserved.
Tlie genitive singular eommonlj has the case-sign -jf#, -e#, -'#,
as kf/nges, God^s, yre's (anni); in the phrase 'kyng KenulfyB
fader/ it is doubtful whether ^s must be taken as the genitive
case-sign, or the possessive pronoun. (Koch, i. p. 415.) Some-
times it is dropped altogether, as ' for his bro}?er de}>/ * J>e quene
fader,^ ' my fader name.' Observe ' |?e name of |;e fadere' (Koch|
loc. cit.) as the first appearance of the preposition of for the indi-
cation of the genitive.
The genitive plural remains where the plural sign is «, unin-
flected, as ' [?e Danes king'; but if the plural does not end in 1
already, the genitive adopts the case-sign e*, as men^ menne*;
the old case-sign ene is rarely met, e. g. moniene, clerkene.
Traces of the dative are considered to be left in the following
phrases; t/8 owne honde, with his own hand; Gode next, near^t
to God.
Middle English. The inflexional forms of the dative disap-
pear, and the declension is limited to the formation of the plural
and of the genitive case.
The Pli J{AL is formed by the termination s [es, is, ys, rarely
/^v), e.g. thorneH^ ihontf/s, soues, folkts, thlngiSy thingus, houdls^
/i Olid us ; sometimes z for s in Romance words, as cUez and citeei.
After V tlie * is always preceded by e, as wives, knives, iheves.
The i)lural in en must be considered an exceptional mode of
formation. Examples are — kneen, shoon, oxen, ashen, eyen,
Hii, siren (sisters), danghtren, kien, hretheren. We have two plural
terminations, er and en, in the words child^er-en, calv-er-en,
lainb-r-en ; et/-r-en (eonip. Germ, eier), by the side of the regular
plui'al egges (eggs).
Tlie plural is indicated by the ancient Umlaut in the following
words: fete, feet, but we find iAso fate ; goos, gees; lous, Igs ;
wous, mys, mees ; man, men ; womman, wommen, wemmen, icymmen ;
tooth, teeth ; brother, bretheren^.
Some words, which in Anglo-Saxon were neuter, appear with-
out the i)liiral sign s, and consequently seem to follow the analogy
of the anc^ient unintlected forms, e. g. hors, scheep, swyne, thing,
frut (fruit), but also horses, t hinges, f rates ; pent/ has penyes and
* About the irregularities in the phonetic system of Old and Middle £ngli$h, the
student will find explanations in the chapters on Vowels and Consonants.
DECLEXSIOXS.
; the measares spam znA Ja^wu istlKw
^e9f furUmges, urith the plaraJ srgn jl
lie genitiYe siDgnlar is formed by -♦. -*#, -♦# ^Wr^jidlt , -t
(ChaDcer) ; e. g^. GoddU, ciyhmjfs aad f^i:^ / rU'twst v€ ^
ow). Hones (of a stone;; *tr^me4 JUjt^Lf f<ck .
!he genitiTe plaral is not indicated after v.rif nna. is^^
plural case-sig^ #; bat where the plxzral k iirsaec i<^ ^rjif
Utty et serves to indicate the jrenrtiTe ^se«. sm- i»-^.«<» r-rr^^.
ft'swits. The old genitive f'*rm €%^ A- S. -f
ttie words children^ (of children . ^^btr^,
the words of relationship, as /aii^r, m:rkr^. we^ Uinu^jiUfaf
d without^ more often with, the gebitiTc
Jthcr love' ; bnt * thi fathris brother/
vi' Observe ' tiie brother of his £ader' X.->^ L 7.
Iflddlft
An the different terminatiooal voweb are w^^aiatsi^ nrk ^
e features of the thematic deelen^iotis arc Vumijrt n. ^ui. at
the other Middle Teutonic dialeetf. zt*^t siruLlxtf^i^ «*4i^--
oes hardly traceable. This ciretuoftaaKsEr <atia«» a •r\«di«u<iL
tween the declension in a «nd that in i- t'^»*: «-Jbjru'air tif ^ric
ing perfectly alike, a defect whieh iz, Oid H-urt f^<n
■eady becomes apparent. The plorak ^.4 ^^ajl ^»ft^i«>si««vfi*
ien kept strictly apart by means of the VvLJMMi 7*^ 'Jii.^
we in words with the theme in L But ti»wL m&bol ^au^s^ m^
my words that, from the natore of the raditat -fvm^ ^amtutr.
ve the Umlaut, as /wri, &e. These tb*flQ ^am 10^ Mnp^ vt
tingaished from the declension in a^ ^^ wr<^ i-^^tA m f.
dining exactly like rwri fin a;. Word* in a^ mi ^awr i«i«
n^ sometimes adopt an inorganic Umlaut, jo*^ tiii» ^nu<igffa»
on the declension in L The orij^inal evutt "I tW Uauimr n,
ncnil being no longer peroeired, Uaaliwit m 4w«i^ «. ,^^^
Jogy, and we thus meet with the plural fcrif,-^/>u«^ tt X
rtead of bocJce,frimke (in aj- Bat as a rule, mMtif^tut uwtm,
e atem of which ends with a gemioaUfi ««»«wixiir >«»i*«^^ ^5«:
Bnd in a, and consequently rgeet Uaelwrt, ^-1k:-_ ^*^ *•».
or. isM^y but in the fourteentli eentarr aua«ati:v i4i«» v^^nia
A inorganic Umlaut, plur. Jtus9t.
" " of the Middle Higk Gertiatt tiiw5.-ai*w«
of the ^ in tibe twwuiaiu^ii*' Tiii« ii.
words which €»d in a aiM^>^ '.vi«vfu**it
^ thesis drof^^&d; * ^ ^^ w^^j^^
yaunaemm we <iU«rr*r m* laue Vfiuuni^
348
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
the tenniiiatioiial e of the genitiye and dfttivCj and tlien the woid
18 uninflected in the singukr. The neuter perfonns the dincA
of the e under the same conditions as the mascoline ; henoe ^,
gen. 9per^; tal, plur. telr for leler. If neuter nomia which origi*
nally belonged to the declension in ja drop the e, as thej do
sometimes^ they may be ranked under the declension in ay »
ber (for bere), gen. ber^.
Concerning the Umlaut in the plural of the words in i no
strict rule can be laid down^ further than the remark that oer>
tain combinations of consonants seem to &vour its occurrence.
Some neuter nouns take in the pluriil the termination er (comp.
O. H. Germ. ir\ which termination causes Umlaut, e. g. htip,
kelber ; oH^ drier; loch^ locker; most of which may also have
the old uninflected plural without er. While some nouns always
adopt this termination^ others never do so.
Neuter nouns in ja always adopt the Umlaat, wherever this
modification of the radical vowel can take place.
The weak declension adopts the same rules for the elision of
the terminational e which we have just pointed out in the strong
declension ; e. g. kol, koln ; ar, am.
We subjoin the paradigms of the different declensions^ indi-
cating the thematic vowels as far as they can be traced.
a
Ja
i
Masculine
1
1
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
viseh
rische
hirte
hirte
hale
beige
Gen.
visches
vische
hirte*
MrU
halges
bdge
Dat.
vische
vUcken
hirte
hirten
haige
bdgen
Accus.
vusch
vUche
hirt€
hirte
bale
bdge
Feminine.
Nom.
gehe
gebe
. •
. .
krqft
krtfU
Gen.
grhe
gehen
• •
• .
krrfU
krefu
Dat.
gdte
gehcn
■1
• • ■
• •
krrfe
hriften
Accus.
gd>e
gebe
• •
• .
krafi
krefu
Neuter.
Nom.
wort
wort
hunnt
kunne
• m
• •
Gen.
wortes
wortt
kunnei
kunne
• •
• •
Dat.
wortt
%Dorten
kunne
kunnen
• •
« ■
Accus.
wart
wort
hunne
kunne
• •
• •
As to the declension in a the paradigms will show it to be the
only one traceable in all three genders; the declension in ja is
DECLENSIONS. 349
loet in the feminine and becomes identical with that in a^ be-
eause Old High German i {=-ja) and a both become e. The
neater never had a declension in i. We omitted giving examples
of the declension in u> because there are but few remnants of it
lefb^ and these are doubtful. Among these Grimm reckons such
words as end in e without causing Umlaut^ a circumstance from
which he concludes that the e stands for the ancient u^ e.g.
scAate (never scAete), damage. He further takes to the declen-
sion in u the words si^e (victory), wile (wood), site (manner),
vride (peace) ; but in the thirteenth century all, except vride,
drop the e and go after the declension in a- Among the ancient
class in u may also count the neuter viAe, cattle; wile is
sometimes neuter, commonly masculine.
Middle Dutch.
Masc. (a) viasch, -^s, -^, visscA ; plur. visscAe, -^, -^», -^.
Fem. (a) sing, miede, plur. mieden throughout all cases (i)
sing, duet throughout ; plur. dade, -^, -e^, -^.
Neut. (a) wort, word-€S, -e, wSrt; plur. wdrt, -^, -tf«, wSrt.
Ancient themes in ja end in e and go after the weak declension.
The Weak Declension is for the masculine, feminine, and
neuter alike^ e. g. Aane, -en, ^en, -^ ; plur. -en throughout.
MODERN TEUTONIC DECLENSIONS.
FmgliBh.
All the case-signs of the ancient declensions have disappeared
with the exception of the 's of the genitive singular, and the -«
(or -^s) which all nouns have adopted for the formation of the
plural. A few renmants of the ancient forms are still extant,
especially in words which indicate the plural by Umlaut ; these
are brotAer, bretAer-en (Umlaut and ancient termination en) ;
man, men; foot, feet ; goose, geese; tootA, teetA; mouse, mice;
louse, lice; cow^ kine; — ow, ox-en^ preserves the ancient plural
sign en, and cAild, cAild-r-en^ has two plural terminations, r^er
(O. H. Germ, ir) and en : the old plural egren, of egg^ is disused
in the modem language.
The foreign plural forms which have been adopted in English
together with the foreign word — such as French beau, beaux ;
Latin index, indices ; Greek pAenomenon, pAenomena; Hebrew
serapA, serapAim — may still be considered as foreign, and there-
350
TEU TOXIC GRAMMAR.
fore hardly to fall within the range of Teutonic grammar,
circumscriptive case-formation with the prepositions of vAk^
which occasionally occurs in Old £nglish already, came mm
and more into use, the more the ancient case-signs disappeini
Gtorman.
Masculink.
Dfclennon in a.
Sing.
Nom. ^^A
Gen. jiwehes
Dat. Jufche
Accus. jUch
Plnr.
fueke
Ji»che
Jischen
Jische
Dedension in i.
Sing.
Nom. halg
Gen. haigea
Dat. haiffe
Accos. haig
Flor.
hdlffe
haige
hdlgen
haigt
The declension in u is extinct ; the declension in ja is repw-
seiited by one word, kaese, cheese, gen. iaeses, &c., whilst iJl
those words which of old belonged to this declension have be-
come weak, e. g. iirte, shepherd, gen. hirten.
Many words in a also have passed from the strong into the
weak declension ; others have done so partly, that is, forming
their singular after the strong, their plural after the weak de-
clension, as masty gen. masies^ plur. masUn; stnckel (sting), gen.
9i<ichehy plur. sfacheln.
The Umlaut is more extensively adopted in the plural of
words in a ; and the presence or absence of Umlaut being the
only distinctive feature between the declension in a and that
in 1, these words may be considered as having passed into the
declension in i. This is the case with all those words which are
capable of Umlaut, i. e. having a, o, n, or au in the root, with
the exception of about nine that reject the Umlaut and conse-
quently remain faithful to the declension in a; e.g. aa/, eel,
plur. aa/e ; idg, day, plur. idge ; hund^ dog, plur. hunde ; schuh,
plur. schnhe.
Feminize.
Declension
in a.
Declension in i.
Sing.
Plur.
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Accus.
gabe
gabe
gahe
gahe
gahen
gaben
gaben
gahen
Nom. hraft
Gen. hraft
Dat. l-raft
Accus. hraft
hrdfte
hrdfte
hrdften
hrdfte
The declensions in ja and u are extinct.
The singular has dropped all inflectional forms.
Words in i which cannot have the Umlaut, follow the declen-
sion in a and take in the plural the termination eriy e. g. arbeii,
DECLENSIONS. 351
l^ork, labour^ plur. arbeiten ; the same course is pursued by
flome words which are capable of Umlaut, as burg (castle), geburt
(birth), that {deed), jiigend (youth), tugend (virtue), plur. burgen,
&c. Some pass altogether into the declension in s,, and con-
sequently adopt the e (the representative of the ancient a) in
the singular, e. g. eicAe (oak), gesc/iicAte (history, story), bluete,
(blossom) j M. H. Germ, eick, geschiht, bluot^ plur. eichey gea-
chihte, &c. From this old plural form the e probably penetrated
into the modem singular.
Neuter. Declension in a: worty gen. wortes, is declined like
the IDB8C. f^cA,
The plural in er is more frequent, and causes Umlaut ; e. g.
bucA (book), biicAer, dacA (roof), ddcher.
Words in ja, which on the earlier stage of Modem German
ended in e, as bette, bilde, glilcie, have now dropped the e and go
after the declension in a* as bett, gen. bettes.
Weak Declension,
To this declension belong all words which in the nominative
singular end in e; they have the termination en through all
other cases of the singular and plural; e.g. Aase, hare, gen.
Aasen,
Some drop the final e of the nominative singular, as baer, bear ;
fiirst, prince ; graf, earl ; Aerr, lord, master ; menscA, man,
homo. This apocope has perhaps been caused by a tendency
in the mentioned words towards the strong declension. The
same course towards the strong declension, though from a differ-
ent starting-point, we observe in words such as bogen, bow, gen.
bogens, for the M. H. Germ, bdge, bogen — words in which the
inflexional en seems to have been mistaken for a derivative ter-
mination, and then were supplied with the genitive case-sign -*
of the strong declension. To this class belong grdben, ditch ;
hrunnen, well ; glauben, faith ; Aaufen, heap ; AueAen, cake ; ndmen,
name ; loillen, will ; frieden, peace ; scAatten, shade. Some of
them preserve the ancient e by the side of en, as friede, scAatte,
glaubcy mile. Their origin in the weak declension is further
recognized by the fact of their having no Umlaut, which always
occurs with originally strong nouns in euy as wdgen, carriage,
waegen ; bdden, floor, boeden. In but few instances, and then
erroneously, have such words as were originally of weak declen-
sion taken the Umlaut, e. g. garten, garden, gdrten ; grdben,
ditch, graeben ; rndgen, stomach, maegen ; krdgen, collar, kraegen.
352 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
The M. H. Germ, spar (spur), spam^ ong^ht^ in New Higll6c^
man, to have become spSre^ 9p6ren^ or (like bSgen) spSren^ spSmM;
but it adopted a mixed form, i. e. the singular of the strong at
the plur. of the weak declension, sparuy gen. spomes^ plnr. spofWBL
The following words pass altogether from the weak into tks
strong declension : dr and adUr (eagle), mond (moon), ibwy
(germ), sUm (star), declension in a ; ^» (cock)^ ialm (salmon^
schicdn (swan), herzog (duke), declension in i.
We find digression from the strong (in a) into the wok
declension in the words held^ hero ; mfe, gen. rabeH, for the old
rabeH, rab^ns, — which shows the ease of bSgeUy &c., inverted : fitMH
the strong in ja, hirie (shepherd), rncke (back), weize (wheat);
but the latter again follow the anaJogy of boge^ hogen, and return
into the strong declension in the forms riiclen, tceizeit, gen.
rUciens, treizens,
Tlie feminine of the weak declension is identical with tlie
feminine of the strong declension in a*
The weak neuter nouns ^^r^- (heart), auge (eye), Sr (ear), have
adopted a strong singular, gen. herzenHy auges, Sres ; but the
plural continues to follow the weak declension.
Of the anomalous forms, vater (father) and sckwager (brother-
in-law) now follow the declension in i; mutter (mother) and
tochter (daughter) are in the singular unchangeable, in the plural
they take the I^'^mlaut, iniitter^ tochter ; schwester (sister) and
schicujer (mother-in-law) are in the sin<^ular indeclinable, in the
plural weak, jnann has the plural mannen and manner.
Examples : —
Strong. Masculine in a *• — «V, eel ; berg, mountain; d/^, bite;
died, tliief ; Jisch, fish; freund, friend ; feind, enemy; geist^ spirit
(cf. ghost); hirschy stag; hundy dog, hound; krieg, war; ielb,
body ; pfeU, arrow ; stein, stone ; sper, spear ; tag, day ; theity
deal; tisch, table; iceg,way; wein, wine; zwerg, dwarf; zweig,
twig. In 1 : — ast, branch ; back, brook ; balg, skin, hide; baum,
tree; Jtn^, river; froschy frog; fu^, foot; fuchs, fox; grundy
ground; hofy court, yard; kochy cook; mundy mouth; pfady
path ; pJliJg, plough ; wolf.
Feminine in a: — ammCy nurse; berCy berry; bittCy prayer;
blarney flower (cf. bloom) ; ere, honour ; heyinCy hen ; fllegey fly ;
minne, love; ndse, nose; quelle^ fountain; rutCy rod; «tfy^, tale,
saga ; schicalbey swallow ; sonne, sun ; strafe, street; woche, week ;
zunge, tongue. In i : — angst, fear, anxiety ; bajik, l>ench ; brusty
breast ; fattsty fist; gans, goose; hand ; kraft, strength (cf. craft);
knnsty art; Infl, air; macht, power, might; nacht^ night.
DECLENSIONS. 353
^^ Neater in a : — b^l, hatchet ; brS6, bread ; din^^ thing ; eis
; Jleiseij AoBh ; gold; hdr^ hair; heu^ hay; Jdr^yesLr; knie^
; ma^, measure; pferd^ horse; ro^^ horse, steed; schdf^
dieep; whiffy ship; schwert, sword; thier^ animal; vih, pecus;
werki work ; wort^ word.
Weak. Masculine : — affe, ape ; MbCy boy ; drache^ dragon ;
falhey falcon ; gotzey idol ; hasej hare ; Junge, youth ; knabe, boy ;
late, layman ; lowey lion ; ochse^ ox ; rise, giant ; waise^ orphan ;
zeuge, witness.
Concerning feminine and neuter nouns, see above.
Butch.
This dialect no longer distinguishes between strong and weak
declensions.
All noims may, instead of the inflexional forms of the genitive
and dative, use the circumscriptive cases formed by the preposi-
tions van {pi) and aan=zdn (to) ; e. g. van den vader^ aan den voder ;
van de vaders, aan de vaders ; van de moedety aan de moeder ; van
de moeders^ aan de moeders ; van het boek, aan het boek ; van de
boeken, aan de boeken, just as English of the father, to the father ^
of the book, &c.
Masc. All nouns have in the genitive singular the case-sign -s
(after ft, cht, st, sch, -ea), in the plural -en throughout ; or in
other words, they follow the strong declension in the singular,
the weak in the plural ; hence sten (stone) , formerly of the strong
declension, has in the genitive stem, in the plural stenen ; and
kdn (cock), formerly weak, has likewise hana in the genitive sin-
gular, hanen in the plural. The genitive and dative singular, as
a rule, show no inflexional forms, though occasionally the dative
singular still preserves the ancient case-sign -e, especially where
it is preceded by the article, as den vosse^ vulpi.
Nouns ending in el, em, er, dr, may form the plural with s ;
e. g. vader, father, plur. vaders ; wdgen, carriage, wdgens ; diendr,
servant, diendrs ; but the weak forms vaderen, &c. also occm*,
especially in the higher style of writing ; words in en only take
always s.
Sometimes we meet in the nominative singular with the ter-
mination e which is the remnant of the ancient termination or
of the weak declension, as in vrSde, peace ; rugge, back ; yonge,
youth ; ewe, heir ; name, name.
The word veulen, foal, gen. veulens, passes from the weak into
the strong declension, analogous to the Germ, bdgen, bogenSy &c.
(vide supra, p. 351.)
A a
354 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
The weak genitives in ai are exceptional^ as kSren (domim)^
^dttn (comitis)^ wun^eken (hominis)^ hertSgen (ducis)^ which ii
High German aie the r^;nlar forms, kerren, grqfen, memdn;
but kerzogt.
Fem. The feminine nonns take in the genitive and datin
singular the case-sign e, in the ploral en through all cases^ the
former being derived from the strong, the latter from the weak
declension. Hence krackt, power (Germ, krafb^ cf. crafl)^ gen.
krackte^ dat. krackte ; plur. krachten (formerly of the strong
declension), and tong, tongue, gen. tonge, dat. Umge, plur. iofn^tM,
(formerly of the weak declension).
As in the masculine, nouns in el^ en^ er, may form the ploial
in -«, as meieisj 9piimier$,
Feminine nouns which originally ended in^a or a, or belonged
to the weak declension, sometimes preserve the e, the weakened
form of the ancient termination^ and then all the cases of the
singular are alike; e.g. drde, earth; bede, prayer; duive, dove;
kenney hen ; koudty cold ; sf^mme, voice^ or simply stem, ken, &c.
The declension of the Neuter coincides with that of the mas-
culine.
Here also the plural in -« may occur, as waters, bloemjyes, &c.
The ancient plural form of the neuter in ^ is in the refined
style followed by the plural sign -en, in the common language
by -^, e. g. ^fV/, bone ; benJeren, benders ; bldd, leaf (G^rm. blatt) ;
ei/, egg; kind, child; Iain, lamb; plur. hnderen, lammeren. But
these words may also haye the regular plural in -en, as bldd,
bidden ; so that consequently certain words may adopt three
ditferent forms, as bhid^ plur. bidden, or bidder en, or bidders.
The old termination -e occurs occasionally in the nominative
singular, as herte (heart), bedde (bed), for hert, bed.
Examples : —
Masc. did, kind ; arm ; her, bear ; bom, tree ; dag, day ; dkf,
tliief; d\i<ch, table (Germ, tisch) ; dod, death; gast, guest; gest,
ghost ; grand, ground ; hond, dog (Germ, bund, cf. hound) ; kus,
kiss ; Mond, mouth ; sldj), sleep ; smid, smith ; slen, stone (Germ,
stein); riscA, fish; vloed, flood; ro*, fox; t'W^w^, friend ; icol/;
worm ; wcg, way.
I'em. dr, ear of corn (Germ, aere); hrnid, bride; dad, deed;
deugdy virtue; deur, door; er, honour (Germ, ere); gans, goose;
gelt, goat (Germ, gei^); jetigd, youth; kracht, power (Germ,
kraft, cf. craft) ; luchl, air (Germ, luft) ; mdgd and mexd, maid ;
min, love; muis, mouse; stad, town; tdl, language; vroutc, wife
Z2;:ZJJ-fD:rt,
fWT^i. ST'nl. *. ~ -
■ •«.
Sl^
Ten. -Wrj
T Z.
T. tf
dikt It „
Meet Oid y Lrsit li.fiiift il x i— r
&: some p'KsacrT* *^**> TiLanr i^
^''wr, teftjry iniiiira ir-nj x i* -^
Ftmjr
Noa. ^
^ Mil
Accn A
The critenm cf ia^
jje nutecaline, tlitr U;
^e abeence of ihc U
-ft •
jx X ii- n 'is'^
bL
^ » 4f <
ASS
rrrmair CBJJBK<CL
Wminfirmi^a
lis bmiitatiotMi gmn in
neiiU.
FaniaiiM maiw oocar in the
ron; tdg, ware (Oenn. woge).
are nsed in old
withoat the a,
Anomafout.
/dd«r, brStler, form the plnral /aedar, broedar^ or faedmr,
drar : m6d*r, moedrar ; dotler, dottrar ; man, manner, in
])Otm(Li man.
Tho rniiiininc noum ffSt, g^ooec ; fu3, louse; nii», mouse, ]
Uie pliinil «'#*. ''*". mt'»».
Monoflyilahio ntoms ending in a vowel commonly are inflej
rcffitlftrly, but Homctinuv they dmp the inHexional rowel.
Ki-arnpieii ;■
Stuoso. Mttsi
Bull ; ii'iiif, horse
Uw ; firm, worm
wohIn midinjf in
i : — 6alt, btmm ((
linih; riilt, right
boy, KWRin ; mah,
DLrLEXSIOyS.
35;
Feminine in a : — d/«, all : V-rc. l^jtch ; rf. >jak ; UJ, ikin
nn. Viaut") ; J'-'^^^y tarth; *!ii*i, mare : ^/v«^^, s*MiI ; ■f^iiAy
me; *o7, sun; rtW^-!/, world. In i: — 5*. •=*«- prayer; i*<?(o,
ip', iJHf?, bind; trqfJ, fNi-wer: ''•^■». rewmi Germ. \*\n ; «««,
len ; not?*!, need ; c^r.^ wr.rt : *;v. taose : r*'-/. time, tide. In
•.— io'l, book, plur. l<i:krr ; kiih hand, k.itdtsr ; «»i/. night,
Bf^r; r<?/, root, rotUr ; A.''i7, t«v.th. .'-•■' Vr.
Neuter in a: — «'''? year: h^ir-i, child: h-'^t^. K-re; ^rry,
JKwmtain; i/a</, leaf; *.//'* r, animal Germ, thier ; /Vv, jitj^ple,
folk; ^/d*, glass; ^d^'sea: har^ hair; *'i»ii ; '*;k'/; A'«^, Uifht ;
wd, word ; #ar, wound. sc«re; *•-'//•'/. sword: ^'y-!*/. h««r5e-tail;
idwx, name; r«/ //<»«, water; k¥/rw*I, head. In ja : — <i<*rr*ii/^,
iMssage; appU, apple; irr-V-r, wheat; kf*j^*I^, dress; k^t^ae, kin;
««»€, memory ; niUU^ nest ; rdni^, wi.rth.
^EAK. Masculine : — ande^ spirit ; hui^k^y f^eam ; ^tf, bow
(Gem. bogen) ; kdrty hare ; i<iV, cock ; lung^^ lung ; maae^
moon; wf, ox.
feminine: — a^kay ashes; l^jfu^ay bean; Ao^na. hen; m<iji-
«Mw, man (Germ, mensch : ; na^sa, nosse ; qtinna, woman ;
'^Vnw, star.
Neuter: — kierta, heart; n^$tay glomus; oega, eve (Germ.
*"g«); oera, ear.
Danish.
^SCCLl)
LIXB IX
IX JA
Sing.
Plnr. Sine. Plur.
. fid:€ jUker Jitkert
! ;C«t«r juken ji*kercs
JUke I /idtcr jid:€rt
IX i
Sing.
Plor.
rmiwrv
roi N«r
tVMiwr
IX a
Sing.
fdd
f6€U
fid
fdd
Plor.
fidder
fidden
fidder
fidder
JfJT* ^ords in a suffer syncope in the plural, %s finger ^ plur.
•^*> whilst those in ja always preserve all syllables intact, and
Din! rP ^^^ declension distinct from that in a, hence /r>fcr,
P'55'alwayB>it^re,not/rfre.
UmkL^^^^^^ in i is characterized by its rejection of the
**^ that in u for introdudng it in the plural.
Plor.
M^cr
UkndfT
tdnder
ia'nda'
TBUTOmc GKiUUAS.
N.»t«
H.
J
Slic.
Om. oA
Dm. anl
Plor.
onti
1 /srf
1
The imnin&tion f is chieftr used in the plural of
PtiginMUjilad m short rwIicaJ, though this radical
luoe. This t is renuirkiiMe as heing the represeal
ancumt termination u, and still more striking ig th<
iora, child, plur, 6dn, ui Umlaut which was origi
hj the t«>rminatiuii o, and which was preserved aftei
vowel hud Ki'n drugijied.
The plund in fr occurs in the nouns ir^sC, bre
ISceti, hciul, k<^if<lrr ; Ml, place, ttAltr, &c.
Nouns in j& Iiavc fre*iut^ntly passed into the decl
those which remained faithful to their declension
Swc'dish, the sint^ulor in f, and in the plural, if th«
all, er, or tlie auflixed article ; e. g. klaedt, dress ; pli
Weak Leclen^on.
Maicvlini.
Fit! IN INI.
Nkctib.
Nam. AJtu
Gen. hAM
Drt. Ari«
Accu>. Unt
Plur.
k&iur
hhntr
Like
Mabculink.
Sing.
hierte
kUrU
PI
Some weak nouns suffer apocope of tlie e in the
aand, spirit ; ox*. ox, lias the pluml oj-ene, oxne, nt
haps from a singular Men of the strong declension.
Examplet : —
Stronh. Masculine in a : — AioVn. hear; 'fiti/.^y
; droem^
I, wood,
(Germ, engel) ;
ja : — words end
e/l, oath ; f^d, i
oak; iiorti,ao<^;'
1 (Gei
DECLENSIONS.
355
[Germ, frau); wereld, world; wik^ vicus; zdh, thing (Germ,
sache^ cf. sake) ; ziel, soul (Germ. sSle),
Nbut. bed; biddy leaf (Germ, blatt); bloed, blood; dal^ dale;
dely deal ; ding^ thing ; gondy gold ; hdr^ hair ; hofd^ head ; huia^
house ; jar, jeBiT ; JmiM, cross ; lid^ limb ; I6d, lead ; mel, meal ;
Bckdp, sheep ; werk, work ; «7(^^^ word ; zouty salt ; zwerdy sword.
Swedish.
Masculine in a
IN ja
IK 1
IN a
Sing.
Nom. fide
Gen. ;£«I»
Dat. fiJc
Accus. fish
Plur.
fiskar
fiskars
fiskar
fiskar
Sing.
fidcare
fi^kares
fitkare
fiskare
Plur.
fiskare
fiskarea
fiskares
fiskare
Sing.
vaen
vaens
vaen
vaen
Plur.
vdnner
vanners
vdnner
vdnner
Sing.
sdn
sdns
hdn
sdn
Plur.
soener
soeners
soener
soener
The declension in ja shows the singular and plural perfectly
alike. It comprises many words ending in are (Engl, and Germ.
er; eom^. fit tare with Engl.^*^^, Germ. JiscAer).
Most Old Norse nouns in u have passed into the declension in
a : some preserve the Umlaut ; as dm, eagle ; bidrfif bear, phir.
omary biornar; others drop it, as vall^ valley, trad, thread, plur.
vallar, trddar.
Feminink IK %
IN ja
IN i
IN u
Sing.
Nom. sH
Gen. s6U
Dat. s^
Accus. s6l
Plur.
sdlar
sdlars
sdlar
sdlar
wanting.
Sing.
kraft
krafts
kraift
kraft
Plur.
krafter
krafters
krafter
krafter
Sing.
tand
tands
tand
tand
Plur.
tdnder
tdnder
tdnder
tdnder
The criterion of the declension in u is, in the feminine as in
the masculine, the Umlaut; the declension in i is recognized by
the absence of the Umlaut.
Nbutbr IK a
Sing.
Nom. ord
Gen. ords
Dat. ord
Accus. ord
Plur.
ord
ords
ord
ord
IN ja
Sing.
kynne
kynnes
kynne
kynne
Plur.
kynne
kynnes
kynne
kynne
The singular and plural of the neuter declensions are identical.
The plunJ sometimes shows the casensign -r, as klaedCy klaeder,
A a 2
358
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
Nbutbr 19 »
Sing.
Nom. ord
Gen. ordt
Dat. ord
Accus. (yrd
Plur.
ord
ord*
ord
ord
Sing.
fdd
fads
fdd
fU
Plur.
fhidit
fdden
fade
fade
The termination e is chiefly used in the plural of words which
originallif had a short radical^ though this radical may now he
long. This e is remarkable as being the representative of the
ancient termination u, and still more striking is the Umlaut in
bam^ child, plur. bom^ an Umlaut which was originally caused
by the termination u^ and which was preserved after the ending
vowel had been dropped.
The plural in er occurs in the nouns br^st, breast^ br^ster;
hSvedj head^ hSveder ; sted, place, stSder^ &c.
Nouns in ja have frequently passed into the declension in a;
those which remained faithful to their declension have, as iix
Swedish, the singular in e, and in the plural, if they form it at
all, er, or the suffixed article ; e. g. iklaede, dress ; plur. klaeder.
Weak Declension.
Masculine.
Feminine.
Neuter.
Sing.
Nom, hAne
Gen. hdnes
Dat. hdne
Accus. Jutne
Plur.
hdner
hdnera
hdner
hdner
Like
Masculine.
Sing.
hierte
hiertes
hierte
hierte
Plur.
hterten
hierten
hierten
hierten
Some weak nouns suffer apocope of the e in the singular, as
aand, spirit; oo'e, ox, has the plural oxene, oxne, not oxer, per-
haps from a singular oxen of the strong declension.
Examples : —
Strong. Masculine in a : — biorn, bear ; dag, day ; ddl, dale ;
dSniy doom ; droem, dream ; fsk, fish ; hesty horse ; dm, eagle ;
skov, wood, grove ; himmel, heaven (Germ, himmel) ; engel, angel
(Germ, engel) ; finger; fugl, bird (Germ, vogel) ; ravn^ raven. In
ja : — words ending in er : fisker, fisher, &c. In i : — bdlg, hide ;
ed, oath ; flod, river, flood ; giest, guest ; hm, limb ; ret, right.
Feminine in a : — boeg, beech ; borg, castle ; brud^ bride ; eg,
oak; A^rf, flock; skam, s\\waiQ\ siael, ^ovX; sol, snn. Ini: —
DECLENSIONS.
357
Feminine in a : — (^l^y all ; boeky beech ; Sk, oak ; h4dy skin
(G«rm. haut) j jord, earth ; mduj mane ; sjael^ soul ; skdm^
afaame ; *<?/, stm ; vdrld, world. In i : — hoen, prayer ; hielp^
help ; hind^ hind ; krafty power ; loerty reward (Germ. 16n) ; min,
mien j noedy need ; orty wort ; sak, cause \ iid, time, tide. In
U : — ^<?i, book, plur. hoeker ; handy hand, hdnder ; nat^ night,
natter ; rSt, root, rotter ; tundy tooth, tdnder.
Neuter in a: — dr^ year; barUy child; beny bone; bergy
mountain ; biddy leaf; diur^ animal (Germ, thier) ; folky people,
folk; gldsy glass; ^4/^ sea ; hdr^ hair; lumb ; land; litis , light;
&rdy word ; sary wound, sore ; svdrd^ sword ; tdgel^ horse-tail ;
namn, name; vatf-euy water ; hufmidy head. In ja : — aerende^
message ; dpple^ apple ; hvetCy wheat ; klaede^ dress ; kynn^y kin ;
minney memory ; ndste^ nest ; vdrdcy worth.
Weak. Masculine : — andcy spirit ; bidlkcy beam ; bogey bow
(Germ, bogen) ; hdrey hare ; hdnSy cock ; lungCy lung ; mane^
moon; oxey ox.
Feminine: — askay ashes; boenay bean; hoenu^ hen; man-
niskay man (Germ, mensch); naesa, nose; qvinnay woman;
stierna, star.
Neuter: — hiertay heart; nysta, glomus; oega^ eye (Germ,
auge); oera^ ear.
Danish.
Masculine in a
IN JS
IN 1
IN u
Sing.
Nom. fiak
Gen. fiaka
Dat fiak
AccQS. fiak
Plur.
fiake
fiakea
fiake
fiake
Sing.
fiaker
fidcera
fiaker
fiaker
Plur.
fiakere
fiakerea
fiskere
fiakere
Illll
Plur.
vewner
vennera
venner
venner
Sing.
fdd
fdda
fdd
fSd
Plur.
fbdder
fiddera
fidder
fidder
Some words in a sniffer syncope in the plural, vlq finger y plur.
fingrey whilst those in ja always preserve all syllables intact, and
thus keep their declension distinct from that in a, hence ^*^^r,
plur. vXvf ay B fiskere y not fiskre.
The declension in i is characterized by its rejection of the
Umlaut, that in u for introducing it in the plural.
FXMININK
IN a
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
861
86le
Gien.
86h
a6Ua
Dat.
861
86le
Accus.
861
86U
IN i
IN U
Sing.
8dg
8hg8
Bag
8ag
Plur.
8ayer
8ager8
8ager
8ager
Sing.
fand
tanda
land
tand
Plur.
lander
tdnder
tdnder
tdnder
360
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Middle High German.
Strong Becletmon,
Masculine.
Nom.
GeD.
Dat.
Accus.
Sing.
hUnd-er
blind-es
hlind-ftn {eme)
hlind'en
Plur.
hlind-€
hlindrtr {ere)
hUnd'-en
hlind-e
Feminiks.
Sing.
blind-iu
blindrer {ere)
blind-er (ere)
hlind-e
Plnr.
htind-er (en)
hlfnd-€m
Neuter.
Sing.
Nom. hUnd-e^
Gen. blind-es
Dat. hlind-em (erne)
Accus. blind-ei^
Plnr.
blind-iu
blind-er {ere)
Uind-^n
blind-iu
The terminations ma^ be dropped in all genders and cases.
The Umlaut before the inflexional iu (which stands for the Old
High German Ju) does not occur in the more ancient manu-
scripts.
Syncope and apocope of the e mute occur in the same manner
as with the substantive. As to the terminations which have
two vowels, as eme, ere, &c., the following general rule may be
laid down : monosyllabic adjectives with a long radical preserve
the first inflexional vowel and reject the second; those with a
short radical preserve the second and reject the first after the
consonants /, ?n, r, e. g. dat. sing, -eme, blind'em ; but hol-me^
bar-me, lam-me ; fern, -ere, blind-er, but hol-re, bar-re, I^am-re,
The thematic ja shows some trace of its existence in nom. -e,
as boese, bad ; enge, narrow ; mitte^ medius ; naehe, near, &c.
All adjectives of this kind have Umlaut if the radical is capable
of it.
Weak Declension.
Masc.^ fern., and neut. : — bliiid-e, blind-en, &c., the same as
the weak declension of the noun. The rules applying to e mute
are also the same.
Some adjectives are used only in the weak form.
The ancient suffix ja^ is preserved in the e of the nom. h^rtCy
hard, never harte ; its inflexions are regular, and the Umlaut
koeps its place throughout.
* ComjMire the Old Teutonic adjectivei p. 331 sqq.
DECLENSIONS.
361
Middle Dutch.
Strong Declension,
Masculine.
FuflNINB.
Nbutuu
Sing.
Nom. hlint
Gren. blind-e9
Ihit. hlind-en
Accns. hUnd-en
Plur.
hlind-e
blind^re
Uinden
hlind-e
Sing.
hlint
blind-re
blind-re
hUnd-e
Plnr.
hlind-e
blind-re
hlind-en
blind-e
Sing.
Uint
hlind-et
hlind-en
hlint
Plur.
hlint
hlind-re
hlind-en
hlint
The nominative singular is without any inflexion ; all other
cases of the three genders may be used without such.
The genitive and dative feminine and the genitive plural may
end in -er, or -re (from ere) ; but the use of one or the other of
these terminations does not, as in Middle High German, depend
on the nature of the radical vowel, but on the consonant preced-
ing the termination; thus re always after n, nd; er after d, ty
g, i, kc.
The suffix ja is preserved in the nominative termination e ;
as dinnCf thin; clene, small (Germ, klein).
JFeai Declension.
The terminations of the weak declension are, sing, -e, en^ -en,
en; plur. -^, -e«, -en^ -tf, for the three genders.
These terminations differ &om the Middle Dutch weak noim
by using accus. sing, en for e, and nom. accus. plur. e ior en\
but they are identi^ with the terminations of the weak noun
and adjective in Middle High German.
The adjective has no inflectional forms.
Gtorman.
Strong Declension.
Masculine.
Feminine.
Nrutbb.
Sing.
Nom. hlindrer
Gen. bUndret
Dat. blind-em
Accus. hlind-en
Plup.
blind-e
hlind-er
hlind-en
bUnd-e
Sing.
blind-e
blind-er
hUndrer
blind-e
Plup.
blind-e
hUnd-er
blind-er
blind-e
Sing.
hUnd-et
bUnd-ee
blind-em
hUnd-ei
Plup.
blind-e
blind-er
blind-en
blind-e
362
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
In the nominative and accusative singiilar and plnnl ot A
ganders the uninflected form blind may be used.
The Middle Hi^h German iu is lost. The Middle Higb Go^
man neuter termination -e^ first was rendered by f^y next pinel
into -^«, so that now the nominative and accusative neater hiie
the same case-sig'n as the genitive.
The ^nitive and dative singular feminine^ and the gemini
plural have always simply er for the Middle High Genmn eve,
re, er.
The rule of syncope is no longer of any great conseqneim.
All polysyllabic adjectives should have syncope like nouns; e.g.
noims, gen. engeU^ fi^^rs, regent ; adjectives, gen. dunkeU, ieiten^
elends ; but the e is always preserved, hence dunkeUt^ &c. Bat
the accusative singular masculine and the dative plural «f
have syncope, as dunkeln for dunkelen. Instead of the tenniu-
tional e, however, they prefer to throw off the derivative «, as
dunkler, heitrer, dunklen ; the accusative singular masculine and
dative plural have better dunkeln than dunklen.
ja. Many adjectives have dropped its last remnant, the nonu-
native termination e, as mild', dUrr, schoen^ for milde, &c In
some adjectives it is preserved in the uninflected form, e. g. trrf,
enge, boese,
Dutch.
The strong and weak declensions are identical. (Grimm.)
Masculine.
Feminine.
Neuter.
Sing.
Nom. hlind-e
Gen. hlind-en
Dat. hlind-en
A ecus, hlind-en
Plur.
hlind-e
hlind-en
hlind-en
hlind-t
Sing.
hlind-e
hlind-e
hlind-e
hlind-e
Plur.
hlind-e
hlind-en
blind-en
hlind-e
Sing.
hlind-€
hlind-en
blind-en
hlimi-e
Plur.
blind-e
hlind-en
hlind-en
hlind-e
When without the article, the nominative and accusative mas-
culine have the termination e, the neuter r, as goede icijn, wiiU
wot, h elder water. Is this r the representative of an ancient s ?
The genitive forms of the above paradigm are hardly ever
used, this case being commonly circumscribed with the preposi-
tion van. In the higher style of writing there is the old genitive
preserved, namely masc. blind^s, fem. blittd^r, neut. blindes,
plur. blind-er.
Sometimes the nominative singular occurs uninflected : blind.
DECLENSIONS.
363
Strong Declension,
InlAie sin^lar the inflexions have disappeared, with the excep-
ion of the neuter termination -4, which is added to the preceding
^xmsonant of the stem ; but it is omitted after the combinations
Uf et, nt, si, mSt rs. Adjectives ending in a vowel take in the
Beater tt ; e. g. blorU, blew ; frUtl, free ; rd-ll, raw. Those in n
drop this consonant before the neuter l\ e. g. Uteuy little^ lilel ;
^n, own (Germ, eigen), egel.
The plural has the weak forms throughout.
Weak Declension.
In the singular the masculine has in all cases the e, the femi-
nine and neuter have a; in the plural all cases of the three
ganders have the termination a. Exceptionally, for instance
when the adjective is used as a substantive^ the old genitive
singular still appears, e. g. masc. blind^s, plur. blindas.
Syncope occurs in polysyllabic adjectives, as gamle^ gamla^ for
ffammaUy gammala.
The declension of the adjective in Old Swedish is deserving
of special notice^ as it is commonly used in the translation of the
Bible.
Strong Declension.
MA8CULINB.
Fbmininb.
Nbutbr.
Sing.
Nom. Uind-er
Oen. Uindrt
Dat. Hind-cm
Aocos. blindran
Plur.
blindre
blind-et
Hind-am
Hind-€
Sing.
blind
blind-9
blind-e
blind-a
Plur.
blindni
blind-€U
blind-om
blind-a
Sing.
blind-t
blinds
Hind-o
blind-t
Plur.
blind-t
blind-ea
blind^^mh
blind-t
Weak Declension.
Singular.
Masc.
Nom. HindrC
Gen. Hind-u
Dat. blind-t
Accus. Hind-t
Fern, and Neut.
blindra
blind'M
Hind-a
blind-a
Plural.
Masc Fem. Neut.
blind-a
blind-ai
blind-a
Hind-a
364 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Danish.
The sin^lar of the strongs declension as in Swedish. The
neuter -/ is dropped after / (=//)» *^> e* ; d and 9h sometimeB
retain, sometimes drop it. Vowels take i {-=.11 Swed.), e.g.
hlaa-i^ blew ; nig^t^ new : some refuse it. Adjectives in «i dw^
the n before /.
The plural takes the weak declension in e. Syncope as in
Swedish^ e. g. gamie. In Old Danish there are traces of perfect
inflexions^ masc. nom. sing, -^r, gen. -«, accus. -en.
The weak declension has e throughout.
THE VERB.
3s are either of primary or secondary formation ; that is^
bal theme is formed directly from the root, or it is derived
nominal or another verbal theme. Verbs belonging to
•mer class are commonly called primary verbs or stem-
those of the latter, derivative verbs. Thus the Gothic
our English to bear, are primary or stem- verbs, because the
theme or stem bair-a^, for ^bir-a-, is formed directly from
)t bar; but the Gothic saltan, our English to salt, are
ive verbs, because the Gothic theme or stem salt-a^ is
lly a nominal theme, the base of the Gothic and English
jlt, from which the verb is derived,
root is the first element of words, verbs as well as nouns :
oot is not a verb ; to become such it must be provided
3rsoDal terminations, which are as indispensable to a verb
case-signs are to a noun. The terminations of the per-
lay be added to the root immediately, or by means of one
•e connective letters ; in the former case the root itself is
•bal theme, in the latter the theme must be formed by
of a suffix. Thus, for instance, take the root as (to be)
e termination of the ist pers. sing, ma, weakened to mi,
u will derive from these two elements the Sansk. as-mi,
'. €tyLi=zia-yLC, the Lat. sum^es-u-m, the Goth, i-m, the
o-m, the English a-m. But given the root bAar (to bear)
2 termination of the ist pers. sing, mi, we require a con-
in order to join the latter to the former ; and this con-
we find in the suffix -a- which we add to the root bkar,
us form the theme bAar-a-, and from this, by means of
rsonal termination, the ist pers. sing, bhar-d-mi, I bear,
same manner the Gr. (f>€p-o-fi€v (we bear) is formed from
jme ffi^p-o- {o=a), root ^ip (to bear), the Lat. veh-i^mus
Qvey), from the theme veh-ir- (J=a), root veh, and the
haira (I bear), dropping the personal termination, from
ime batr^' ^z^bir-a, root bar.
{
>■"■■ TfSrroxiC GRAMMAR.
By means of the personal tenninatioiui we distingiuBh fj
llirve f^rammatiial persons in three numbers, the singulu, dn^'
and plural ; so that the Xryxa languagts, in their most primitif^
tj')(e known to u«, required nine personal terminationB. Tbcff
tvmiinatiuDS are the roots of the respective personal prononni,
added to the root or tlioroe of the verb, a formation which %t
mi^bt imitate bv eompounding the verb and our personal pn>-
nouns, as lovt-l, /nrr-fioH, (ore~ke, &c.
Another uli'ment in the formation of the verb which craTei
attention in projiortion as it modifies the form of the verb, is the
m<*A or modus. Let iit> take af^in the roots ai (to be) and Mar
(to iM-ar). Of these root* we ffot the indicative by adding the
|)erw)Ual ti'rminalionE directly to the root or the theme developdl
i'roni it. Now if we wish to express with the same roots tbe
n-lal ir>iiR of any other mood, the optative for instance, we retjoin
a distinct snIKx for thix purjxtse. The root at and tjie tennina-
tion Mf, when jointxl, yield the ist ein^. indie, at-mi; in order h>
otittiiii the optative the Aryan languages avail themselves of tlie
sullix -y/-, which they very proiwrly place between the root or
theme unil the i>ersonaI termination. Thus then we have the
root a*, the thc-me bhur-a-, and the personal termination mi,
typical lorms which may be modified but never suppressed. The
niillix cxpnveing the modus of the action takes its plaoe between
thcni, uiitt thus we get the optative primitive at-fo-m {m for «i],
Saiisk. it-yu-m, Gr. e&ji' = ^<r-tfii-;», Lat. nni^»-ie-m=^e»-w-m:
tind of the theme primitive bhara- we get biaror^-m {i=3^
SjinNk. hilihr-'iy-ii, tlicmc hlbhar-, Gr. hiha-ofv, theme j(S»-, Goth.
iin*. tense biiimu =^ l>ira-i-u=:*ifini-i-"i, prim. hkara-i~m, titena
A.i.'M-, ]>rim. Iiham- ; ]icrf. tensi' Lfr-ja-ic, prim. bkabidf-fA^.i
tlii'nic Air, prim, hhuhhie-. As tlic optative by -jia-, so th»MWi
imu'livc iw liirmwl by means of the suffix -a-, while the ini]i«(in
1i:iv no TniKid siiflix at all, and the imperative is merely tJie Uutnu
«itli (he (KTsonul tcrmimitioD in the vocative, sod rnayn'
Iv I iilliil a verbal iuterje<.'lion.
A thii^l function to be perfoniied by the verb
l>ii".-in): rx'ialiciis of time; the modified formi
\<-\V lor ihiH [inrjHise we call the tempom Oi
i>. iii<'u<^ llniri n.-wnmed may consist a'
i.'.'i, oi in llie gradation of the n
ii.l.v.i^ As Ui onr Teutonic langin
I'.. Ill ii.'tiiv :iri' t1io present and t.
\\\.A\ \\\\\ Iv snbiDilted to an CXaA
lu.t II .-ih.- tviiiiml till' reader how B
UI.. i!>.- tvH.vt .-liiirui'U'rizcs our \
THE VERB, 367
~ flbflsify according to this formation in Gothic as well as in the
:jhiigaages of the present day. The English steals stolcy stolen^
fte German stele^ stdl^ stolen, are as expressive of their type^ as
file Anglo-Saxon stele, stdl, sialan, and the Gothic Hila, stal,
MtuMy stulan9 — all being examples of the perfect formed by the
modification of the radical ; while in the English lovCy I lav-ed,
the German lieden, ich lieb-et-e, the Anglo-Saxon nerian, ner-e-de,
the Gothic nayan^ ttas-i^day we have examples of the perfect
formed by means of composition, an auxiliary verb being added
to the root. Verbs belonging to the former class we call
* simple/ or with Grimm 'strong;' those of the latter 'com-
pound/ or with Grimm ' weak K'
Thus then we have to consider three elements which enter
into the formation of every verb, — the Persons, the Moods, and
the Tenses. Though the signs which originally expressed these
different relations may in our modern Teutonic languages be
partly or wholly obfiterated, they are nevertheless of such
supreme imports^ce for the right understanding of the Teutonic
verb as to render a detailed exposition absolutely necessary.
FORMATION OP THE PERSONS.
ist Person Sinoulab.
The 1st person singular is formed by the suffix -ma, which is
the base used in Sanskrit in the declension of aAam (ego), the
1st person singular of the personal pronoun, where we find the
ablative mor-t, the genitive ma-mu. In the perfect tense the a
only remained; and as secondary suffix, in the optative for
instance, it appears merely as -m. Hence we get of the root
bhar (to bear), the primitive present tense babhdr-a^ perf. babhdr-^.
But at a very early period the a ot ma was weakened into i, so
that mi appears as the regular primary suffix, e. g. as-mi (sum,
I am); the secondary suffix -m we have in a^ya-m (sim=sie-m).
In the same manner are formed the Sansk. as-mi^ and optative
pres. 9ifarm; the Gr. €r-/Lu=^^<r-ji4 and €lr\v=^^ ka-^ri^y, ; the Lat.
sum = ^es-iJL-m = ^es-mi = as-mi, sim = aie^m = a^ya-m = M^a^m,
The last -mentioned language does not distinguish between
primary and secondary suffix, but applies -m in all examples.
This -m we find everywhere in the present subjunctive, as veha-m,
^ The active and the passive voice do not form distinct themes, but express their
different relations merely by different modifications of the personal terminations.
368 TEUTOXIC GRAMMAR.
and in the imperfect in -la^m. The Gothic has the -m only ib
im^*i^mi—a4'mi ; everprhere else it has dropped the tenmitt-
tion of the ist person singular.
ist Pebson Plurai^
As suffix of the ist person plural the Ursprache used -madj
secondaiT form -mas^ e. g. pres. indie. (U-ma^i (we are)^ optative
a^ja-ma-i. In tliis termination grammarians see two prono-
minal roots ma + #/ combined. The former^ as we have already
stated, is the root of the ist pers. sing. ; si stands for ti^ and ii is
held to be derived from fra the base of the 2nd pers. sing, of tlie
personal pronoun ; and -masi consequently means ' I-thoo,' * I
and thou/ hence ' we.' But the plurality of the ist person miy
also include the ideas of ' I and he/ ' I and ye/ &c, combiner
tions for which the primitive language no doubt had its special
forms, which however in the course of time were lost, and of the
different words expressing the different kinds of ' we * only one
remained and took the })lace of the other forms as well. In
Sanskrit the primaiy suffix is -m/is, Ved. -tiuisi^ as t^masi, i-mat
( imus), vakd'tna^i, vahd-mas (vehimus) ; the secondary suffix,
-/;/</, the shortened form of -masi, as vahe-ma. The correspond-
ing form in Greek is -/bicr, that is, lu with v ephelkysticon, which
succeeded in establishing itself for good ; e. g. l-yL€v = prim.
i'tiiasi. More primitive is the Doric -/i€9= primary ^fjuisi, secon-
dan' -miis, and is closelv allied to the Latin -w?/^, more ancient
^mos, as i-mu'i, vehi-mus. The Gothic has preserved nothing of
this suffix but the ;//, e.g. viga-m (movemus) = prim, tmgha-tna^i ;
the secondary' suffix in Gothic is -;>/-a, that is, -w which was
preserved from destruction by the final a supporting it*, e.g.
vigai-ma (moveamus) for *vigai'f?i, prim, vaghal-mas.
ist Person Dual.
The plural m was modified into r, hence prim, rasi, Sansk. ras,
perf. -r</; e.g. pres. raZ/d-vas, impf. a-rahd-va. In Greek and
Latin this form is wanting ; the Gothic drops the v of the pri-
mitive 'Vas, -rasi, and thus forms vl//ds=^ viga-{7s= riga-ras, prim.
vaghd'Vasi, The perfect has lost the termination and ends in the
connective vowel, as vegn for vt^gitv, from prim, vavagh-ras. The
secondary -va corresponds to the plur. -;//a, as vigai-vay optative
pres. for vigai-v, from prim, vaghai-vas.
' S<'lierer does away with tlie auxiliary a by contending that this a is the re-
maind<*r of an ancient termination -niii^ = Gr. av, Sansk. u; in the pronoun also,
e. \r. hvata, he takes it as the remainder of an ancient am^ as in Sannk. iddm.
THE VERB. 369
and Pebson Singular.
The primitive theme of the 2nd person singular of the personal
pronoun is tva^ as we find it in the Sansk. tvaty Ivam, &c. As
a termination we meet it in its completest form in the suffix
-^a of the perfect and the nlAi of the imperative. But as a rule
n is put for li=tva, perhaps in order to keep the ti—tva of the
and person distinct from the ti^ta of the 3rd person. The per-
fect termination of the Sanskrit is -tha^ e. g. chakar-tha (fecisti),
root Imt (faeere), veMha (vidisti, dla6a)^vaid'iAa, root vid (to
see, to know). The imperative ends in -^Ai.
The Greek -Oa after a is the oldest Greek form of the primitive
ta, e. g. oItr-^a=for<r-da= Sansk. vet-tha. The termination -(rBa^
as in the subjunctive pi\r)^0a^ optative ^ciAoi-o-^a, indicative rCdri-
o^, seems to be so formed that to the usual termination s (as in
^€t-s) there was added the suffix -ta, the t of which following the
spirant s was changed into the aspirate 6. The Greek language
is rather fond of the termination -aOa in the conjugation of
verbs; but the commonly used suffix is 9=0-^ as we find it in
the termination -eis of the indicative, and -/ys of the subjunctive,
e.g. 4>ip€is = ^ <l>€p€-^i, (f>4prfs = ^ (f)€pri-ai ; the secondary suffix
always -9, as in l-^epe-s, (f>4poi'S.
The Latin perfect has -ii for -ta ; the s preceding it belongs
not to the termination but to the theme of the periect. The i
probably stands for an older ei, as lutudis^li^iuludis-tei. The
length of the i was perhaps adopted in analogy to the long i of
the 1st person (vide infra). The imperative in --dM is lost, but
the emphatic imperative in 'to{d), Ved. -tdl, preserves the original
^ in a very primitive form. In Latin, as in Greek, the common
suffix is -*=-«, e.g. €8^68-^ and ^ed'8, prim. <w-w, root a8 (to
be) and ad-8i, root ad (to eat), vehi^8, prim. vagha-8i; optative
present «/-«, prim. a8-yd/~8.
The Gothic has -t for -^, e. g. vdis-l, prim, vivdid-ta; simple per-
fect nam-l, root nam (to take), prim, nandm-ta. But the common
primary suffix is, as in Greek and Latin, -^=prim. -*i, e. g. vigi-8,
prim, vagha-^; i8 (thou art)=i*-^, prim, as-^i ; also in the com-
poimd perfect, as na8-i^e'8, iab-ai-de-^, salbS-de-^, The secon-
dary suffix is -«=prim. -*, e. g. vigai-8, prim, vaghai-8. Specially
to be noticed is the rule according to which in Gothic a dental
(rf, tf th) which precedes the terminational -t of the and pers.
sing, of the perfect is changed into the sibilant -*, e. g. Tdi8't
for vditr-t {pldOa), mos-t for mStr-t (debes), qa8't for yaj?-^, perf. of
qi\an (to say). Thus the st gradually came to be considered
the termination of the 2nd person, and invaded other verbs, e. g.
Bb
FT TEUTOJIC GRAMMAR.
ihat G.nij; iij:;-Hi>Hrr izk«tad of a regular *aai''s6-t, root m (to bov,)
ui£ 7 nk"7 r: 3$!ZTT«ed ilk^ positioD of the older -# and -i in boft
Vbt jnaiefL* izic liii^ j^erfect tense in all Teutonic languages, t
&.'*: w iJ2&Z hMT* ic> Device hereafter. This perfect in il mif
v%I :if takeL » a& azml::^ to the Greek perfect in -o^.
TVf 7?i2EhiT« sc£x is -4j*i, which consists of two rooti,
TaTT^elj ^ = rrz aai #i = fj = /rj ; whence -/a*i = ^ra + Ita^ and
T^fc^i* * tb:*^ a^ :b->T:/ that if, ' ye/ In Sanskrit it is repre-
Afct^ :t -^k rriznary -i'ij and the secondary '4a y e.g. present
isir. ri^*i-:*N5, imj«rrf. j-iij/'j-Ai. The perfect has lost the
ft.os^-CAz:': :i ibe ^^rsiznarion ; hence balkra for babkar-a^ for &t^
i*--"r. f:c 3c:.*j'-^*#;". The Gneek verb has -re throoghoat, m
4Ku.«-nf. fr^-«. o«.-cir-7c; the Latin '4i4=^ii^=^t4i^i, e.g. e^,
£a^->'^. iH'i/:cr<^^ w,<i^\*. The imperative in -/o^ contadiu
t'.cv c:i*^Zr:^lT ^ren than the Ved. -iut twice the pronominal
•ifcj^r — - : tbc inj^rative in -4^ is, like the Grreek -re and the
SuLijir.* -'.J. a >bvr:ea€d form. The Gothic has -(A throaghonti
w'r.jjc. :* tie rtriainier of an older -/ia =-/<?, e.g. present
ir.iv.^r>r '■^ rz ^'i^ c-jiative n'yjfWi, perfect indicative vegu4kf
r>.: r.-.' :o move .
m
2nd Person Dual.
Y:i. s-tr.x in SAnssrit i? -r*.:^. j>erf. -<i(iujf [-fJin^ a weakened
*':rTi "1 -'':' ' : >tvviidarr sutfix -tuM ; which in Greek are
r:*. r:<<Ti:c«: 'y --::•. in G thic by -^^ \t preceding 9 resists
Or.:v:v.'> Ij"* . o. ir. present indie. laha-Uy optative bairai-U,
- -»v. r\ tative irrci-l^. The -^*=prim. -tas, -(aii.
,^,.. .*. ■& ^-
^rvi Persox SixcrLAR.
Tr.-: rr!r.*t:ve -': is a domt-knstrative root: as a verbal termi-
navin we rni :: woakenod into-//, secondary -^ e.g. present
indio. .U-' i-st . r: ■: ;-"'' vohit^-, optative as-jy(i-f (siet, sit),
r.: t: -: vth:it . The imporative suffix is fafay whence the Ved.
/:'. tho L;it. ' :' . an-l the Gr. ra»(r). The Sanskrit j>erfect
suthx is -: t*«r -.":, ;is hit^.h-ir-'i for "^hahhar-fa ; the primar}' suffix
-^" in :M-'\ h\.irz-t' ; the seoi^iiar}- -t in bhare-fy st/d-t. The
Vovl. imivrative ends in Utf = f'i-fa. Greek has in the perf. €=
Sanskrit d f.^r -A/, e. o-. \i\oii:-^ = nrdik-a for rirdik-ta. But the
primary suffix -Ti^-fd is preserved in etr-ri, and in the Dor. TiOr^n ;
cri tor Ti in Titfrf-<TL and tlie Homeric subjunctive ixn-aiy Ka^ij^^i.
But the ,♦ of (Ti is commonly dropped after the thematic vowel,
I!
372 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
THE PERSONS OF THE VERB IN THE TEUTONIC
LANGUAGES.
ist Person Singular.
Tho suflix mi = Ma of the primitive language ia, as in Gotiue,
j»iV55t»rvcd in the termination -;« in the Old Teutonic, and ts •■
lu s«.nuo of the Modern Teutonic languages ; among the latter,
K]i;;^Ush alone shows the primitive -?«. It occurs chieftj in the
viirii'us forms of the verb 'to be;' thus from the root <w(tobe)
HO have the Goth, i-m {= ^is-mi = a^mi)^ the O. N. mi
; = ' ' r-#« = " /.*- w / = u^Mi), the A. S. eo^m ( = * eor-m = ^ i^-mi^a*-
nii\ wheuoe tho Engl, am; from the root 6m = prim, biu (tol«e)
thorv is the O. H. Germ. pi^?/t (comp. Sansk. diar^-ml), the
C>. S. V' fi-m, the O. Fris. be-m, the A. S. dech-m, M. Dutch be-mjlvaX
Middle and New High G^rm. i/-«, and following their analogy
N, Out oh JC'fi. These are the only forms in which all the Ten-
tonio languages have preserved the primitive suffix ; but there
an^ ."» few other words with the termination -»i in which Old
High German api>ears more primitive than Gothic, namely
tn >-'•* J do\ als<» in the O. S. (/o-m^ do-n ; pd-m (I go), */</-» (I
standi . The derivative themes in ^' and o, perhaps following
tho anali^gy of the mentioueil verbs, also take in Old High Ger-
man the >utlix - / iu the 1st sing., as /lape-m, saldd-m.
I St Pkrson Plural.
Tlio primitive siitlix -mrt.ii aj>{x\irs in it^ complet4?st form in
tho Old Hiirh Ciorman -'///^i, while Gothic and Old Norse
havo rotlucod it to a single -///, which f/i the Middle and New
Hijjfh Goniian and Putoh havo converted into ?/, while the Saxon
dialoots havo dropped this termination altogether and put in its
stoad, Old Saxon that of tho 3rd, Anglo-Saxon that of the 2nil
jK^rson plural ; 0. g. O. H. Germ. Jind-a-meSy Goth. Jin}^i-my
0.^,jnni'fi-tn, (jvrm. jif/f/f'^u, O. S. /r*//</-fl-^/, A. S. //«</-/7-S, by
the side of which wo havo tho unintlected plural in the Engl, we
Jiud. In the pretoritc and subjunctive the Saxon dialects adopt
for tho 1st person tho termination -w of the 3rd person plural,
e. g. Old Saxon subjunctive jind-a-Uy liTotcnte/uftd-n-n, Anglo-
Saxon subjunctive ////^/-r'-;/, ])retoriteyw>///-o-w. From this fact
we may perhaps explain a curious phenomenon which we observe
in Early English. It is this, — that in Layamon we find the plural
thn>ugliout formed with the termination -fi, in the Ormulum
^ Compare geilo-nif do^m, gesea-m^ gato-m (I sec) in the Durliam Book.
t-
v^
THE VERB. 373
Gdommonly with the termination -en, or ^i^, while in Old English
K^^in the former, in Middle English the latter predominates,
ontil New English discards thim hoth, though at the dawn of
our modem period -en was still in favour. The form in -th and
tihat in -» were kept distinct in Anglo-Saxon; but both were often
dropped when the pronoun succeeded the verb, as * ne ^a ge' for
gtPS, 'hwat ete we' for eien. The subjunctive rarely had any
termination in Old English, and even the indicative drops the
ending not unfrequently, as ' we kalle* for kalleth, * thei luf for
lufetA. From all this it becomes evident that at an early period
a confusion set in, which was finally solved by the total dismissal
of all terminations in the subjunctive as well as. in the indicative
ploral.
2nd Person Singular.
The primitive suffix -£i and its representative -« appear in
the Old Teutonic languages in the present tense originally as -«,
in the perfect as -4. Thus in the present tense Old High Ger-
man has, like Gothic, -s; e.g. O. H. Germ., O. S., and Goth.
Ailjh-i^, Goth, kab-ais, O. H.G^rm. kaj)-e-s, even A. S. Aa/es
(thou hast), though in the last-mentioned dialect this form is
rare, and occurs chiefly when the verb is succeeded by a pro-
noun, as spreces jfu (loqueris), leornas ]>u (discis), and in contrac-
tions between verb and pronoun as geaiistu (vides), cue^estu
(dicis). The Old Norse, and Swedish and Danish also, have the
termination -*, but in the favourite shape of r. In a few words,
however, all the Teutonic languages prefer the still more ancient
suffix 't to its modified form s. This takes place chiefly in the
verbs commonly called Praeterito-PrsBsentia, which have the
form of the perfect though the meaning of the present (comp.
Gr. oSba, Lat. memini). Thus Goth, kan-t (potes), yarf-t (eges),
skal-t (debes), mag-i (potes), &c. ; O. H. Germ, darf-t^ scal-i,
mag-t^ but can-H for ^can-t (vide infra) ; O. S. tharf-t, scal-t,
mah-t, but canst ^ far-man-st ; A. S. \earf-ty but canst ^ ge-
manst, dearst; O. Fris. skila, skal-t. Though the verb 'will'
often ends in a vowel in the 2nd singular, it also has the form
wii^t in the Old Teutonic dialects : M. H. Germ, sol-ty darf-t,
wil^t. Among the Modem Teutonic dialects English has pre-
served the ancient forms shalr-t, wil-t, while Modem German has
given way to the corruption into st, kannst, wiliest, sollst, &c.
The regular suffix of the perfect 2nd singular was -t, which
however we find intact only in Gothic and Old Norse, while
Old High German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, and Old Frisian
^ The Ormulum has chrUtt%e\i\> and chriBtnenn,
374 TEUTOXIC GRAMMAR,
hare the Tocalic tenninatinp i, or weakened e. Some gm-
Eiari&cs ecnadtr this i or r as having oome orer together wi&
thr fnTzial Ablaat from the snbjiinctive^ others take it as the
ec'iin€ctire Towel which remained behind after the terminatiQi
ha^l ><en droj'p<d. This terminatioQ is greatlj modified bf
a law which we have alxeadv mentioned under Gkythic, ad
acoc<rding to which the stem of a verb ending in a daitd
changed this dental into m befoie the termination -4 of the pe^
feet. Thus the Gothic ^9^ for ^^-/» and in the pneieritxH
prsEsentia mo^ fur mot-^j rais-/ for raii'4. Now m imili-
tion of these forms Old High German has already the fina
€»«->-/, where the stem does not end in a dental, bnt the # has
simplv been interpolated^ and thns the present tenae^ following
the analogy of the prBBterito-prsBsentia^ adopted «l as its re^jidar
termination in Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, and all the Middla
and Xew Teutonic dialects (onlv Middle Dutch has commonly «).
While in Gothic and Old Higli German the compound peifect
ends in the 2nd singular as the present in -«, the other dtaleeti^
such as Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon, which adopted a vocalic
termination for the simple perfect, imported the termination -^
in the compound perfect too, and finally this termination was
generally adoiited in the 2nd sing, present and perfect, indicativB
and subjunctive.
2nd Person Plural.
The primitive suffix -ta^i has been curtailed in the same
manner as the primitive termination of the ist plural. It ap*
pear-? in Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, and Old Norse, as
"(h, in Old High German as -^j in Old Saxon as -rf. In Early
English it either reigns supreme, invading all the persons of the
plural, or yields, together with the ist, to the usurpation of the
termination -n of the 3rd person. (Compare the ist and 3rd per-
son plural.) It is peculiar that this -n is still preserved in the
2nd pers. plur. of the Swedish verb, while it has been dropped
in the 3rd pers. to which it originally belonged.
3rd Person Singular.
Corresponding to the primitive suffix -to, Gothic -/A, we find
'ih in tlie Anglo-Saxon and Frisian dialects, -rf in the Old Saxon,
and 't in the High German and Dutch. The root as (to be)
forms the 3rd person everywhere by means of the ancient -/,
which is protected by the preceding s, hence Gothic is-t^ Germ.
is-t (he is); the Engl, is^as has dropped the terminations and
TUB VERB, 375
IB reduced to the simple root. We have irregular forms in the
Norse and English l^guages. The Old Norse^ and^ following
it, Swedish and Danish, have -r in the 3rd pers. sing., a termi-
nation which stands in no relation whatever to the legitimate
msS&i, which undoubtedly in Old Norse too was originally -/>j,
perhaps in the form of -1$. This suffix^ however^ was at a very
early period expelled and its place taken by that of the 2nd pers.
fling., where we find, in accordance to Old Norse phonetic laws,
-r for -*, which -r took possession of the 3rd pers. sing, as well.
A peculiar course was adopted in Modern English, where
the primitive -ih (though still used in poetry) had to give way
to a new comer in the shape of -«. This s has no legiti-
mate claim whatever to its position, and it is very difficult to
account for its introduction. It makes its appearance in the
Durham Book already, where we find forms such as forgefes,
does^ iingeSf geheres; Layamon and the Ormulum refuse it ad-
mittance. In Old English it is used side by side with "tk^
Chaucer himself applies -th exclusively, but the scribes of the
Northern Strother he makes to use the form in s, as it gas^
falles, has. In Modem English Ben Jonson still prefers the
"iky but Shakespeare the -*, while Spenser uses either one or the
other on rhythmical and euphonic grounds. Some suppose this
« to be the result of Norse influence and the representative of the
Old Norse -r in the 3rd (or 2nd) pers. sing., others take it to
be merely a corruption of the original Anglo-Saxon termination
-fk. The former opinion can hardly be maintained when we
consider that Old Norse forms, where they are imported at the
expense of native elements, are taken in 'ready made,' not in
their primitive shape. When the Norsemen came into contact
with the Saxons they had no doubt lost all consciousness of the
fact that the -r of the 3rd person of their verb was originally «,
converted according to the law of rhotacism ^ We consider it
far more likely that the terminational s originated in a corrup-
tion of the legitimate M, first in pronunciation. It is a well-
known fact that foreigners who have not made themselves
masters of English orthoepy always pronounce the th^ especially
at the end of words, more or less like «, and it is not unrea-
sonable to suppose that the introduction of 8 was a kind of
accommodation the natives made to foreign weakness, a being
the nearest approximation which a Norman, for instance, could
make to the sound of th ^.
^ Goncemmg the oonTonion of « into r (Rhotacism), see the phonetic laws under
the respectiTe consonants.
' Marsh, The Origin and History of the English Language, &c., p. a 16.
376 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
3rd Person Pluilal.
The primitive -antiy --nti, appears only in the Gh>thic -iai, -i^
and the Old and Middle High German -nl; in all the otkr
dialects it has been lost. But the secondary saffix -«^ wtiA in
Gothic and Old High German already was used for the preBeni
subjunctive and the perfect indicative and subjunctive, we find
ai^iin in all the other dialects, not only for the 3rd person, hat
forming the plural throughout. In Early English it often coik-
tt^tcil the place with the legitimate tA in the present indicattre,
and so successfully that at the dawn of our modem period it
rt^istcd the levelling tendencies of the age, until it shared the
fate of most inflexions and disappeared together with the other
terminations of the plural. Modem Gbrman supplanted the pri*
mitive -m/, which was still used in Middle High German by
the Siwmdary sufiix -», which we find also in Modem Dutch;
Swcilish and Danish have, like English, dropped the termination,
which in Old Norse had already been vocalized, in the present
indicative into <i, perfect m, subjunctive i.
The Dual.
The ditlcrcnt ^^ersons of the dual do not claim any further
exiHv^ition hero, because they appear in Gt)thic only, and have so
far alri^adv ri\»civcil our attention elsewhere.
THE PEUSONS OF THE MEDIUM OR MIDDLE
VOICE.
The primitivo nunlial forms we find in none of the Teutonic
laui^uairi^s. s;ivo the (lothie, and we shall therefore consider them
8\^ t'ar i>iilv as thoy oivur in the mentioned language. The per^
soiial t<'n\ni\atiinis of the meilium arose from the respective pro-
nominal vihU InMUir twice addeil to the verbal theme. These
compound terminations weri\ for the singular ist -wa/»/, 2nd
•^v,' V \ ^rd -/<//: ; ^nl plnv. -nhuitL Derived from these primitive
forms weiv -//.•<//, ->tii/, -A//, -wA//, as preserved in the Sanskrit
subjunetive, and the Greek terminations -^i, -<ra4, -rcu, -rrat.
I St Sl\GUL-VK.
This t*orm is wanting in Gothic, and is replaced by that of the
^nl |vi*son, a dettvt which shows that at the time when Ulfila
trai\slated the Bible the meilial form had in Gothic also begim
to ^.oUapse.
ti •
THE VERB, 377
and SiKGULAB.
Primary suffix -21a for -«ai, e. g. da^a-;2»=Gr. ^^pc-o-oi^ Sansk.
tkara-^f prim. bAara-9a{9)i, Secondary ~zau, e.g. bairai-zau.
Hie latter suffix seems to stand for a more ancient 9dm^ in the
same manner as ist sing, optative perfect hir-jau for a more
ancient hdr-yam^ so that ndm comes firom «a^ as Sansk. -idm
(3id sing, imperative medial) from ta,
3rd SiNOULAB.
Primary suffix ^da^^taiy e. g. haira-da = Gr. (^pc-roi ; prim.
diara-^(/)i. Secondaiy -^u^dm (comp. 2nd sing. zau=^9dM),
e. g. optative bairai^Uy prim. bAaraintdm; imperative baira-^u,
Sansk. bAara-tdm.
3rd Plubal.
Primary suffix "fida = -;»^i^ e. g. baira-^a = Gr. ffApo^vraiL,
Sansk. bhara-nte^ prim. bhararnta{nt)i. Secondary -ndau^-ntdm
(comp. 2nd and 3rd sing.), e. g. optative present batraiHtdau^
prim, bharai-ntdm ; imperative baira-ndaUy Sansk. bharorntdm.
ist and 2nd Plural.
Wanting in Gothic, and replaced by the 3rd plural which we
have just examined.
FORMATION OF THE MODI (MOODS).
The mood-suffix is placed between the verbal theme and the
personal termination. The indicative and imperative have no
mood-sulQGbc, and are therefore, strictly speaking, no modi. The
imperative is only the vocative form of the personal termination.
The Subjunctive Mood.
The theme of the subjunctive mood is formed by means of the
demonstrative suffix ^-, which, where an a belonging to the
temporal theme precedes, is contracted with it into d] e. g. prim,
present theme bhara^, subjunctive theme bharaHi"=.bhard^, Thus
Latin vekd-m, vehd-s^ vehd-t for ^veAa-a-m, &c. (the short vowel
of the Latin subjunctive is a correption of a later date) ; Gr.
<^^p<0, <l)ipji^ = (l>€pri'^ij <^^pn = (l>€prj-Ti, The subjimctive mood
being totally absent in the North-European languages (Teutonic
and Slavonic), we need not submit it to a detailed discussion.
TEC TOXIC GRAMMAR.
TuE Optative Mood.
► —
Tr 0 :hor.io of the optative mood is formed with the rafii'
1-^ :vv.: r.'v ;:Tu*:a:t\l into -vc/-, which also yields the base oft
rt.AV.vi yr :: .:n. \\ it suooeeds \\\)on a temporal theme
ir. :. v:x sv.tr.x is weakened into /. The optative thi
b.As :r.o 5k\> :u:an" jvrs*.nial sulBxes. Examples: —
ih-::'.;o :<. S.i:;>k. .-■«. Or. <<t, Lat. eSj Goth. U — ^hence
».::.i::ve is: >:!:sr. \t\u\. c.'j^-Vff-w, Sansk. s-^a^w, Gr. cDjr=^l^Bl'» '^
•."--. l-i.:. <;" = .*•..-■- '. Goth. sijtiuz=*s-ija^pn=^^i'i^ja-m. Hi'
I r:::i:::vo ::uiv.o .:«-.'J- is in Guthic extended into fl^-^y*-, ta*
.< :-. whivh tVrm is treated as a theme in a and assumes Ai
usual |H rs^>::;il terminations of the optative, as and pers. ij^t
;rvi " .:. is: plur. prim. ci^«-v»/'-/«<i*, Sansk. s^yd-ma, GA
* - - . Tr.imo prim, 'f.-j-, Sansk. Ihara-^ Gr. ^pe, GA
b-- •■-; heiuv prx^seut optative ist sinjS^. prim, b^ara-i-m, Sani
^i ■• '-. -f . Gr. «;vt.x^--vx\ Goth. Latrau^bira^i'-m. andflo^
prim. ":::--.*. San>k. i«.;rc'-*, Gr. c^cpo-i-s, Gt>th. 6fl»ra44.
Thus thon we have in the Gothic optative present the optatin
thrill in ;. Kvause the prvs^^'nt theme ends in a; but the perfert
1 1: vino oiidiriT in the tinal of the root, the optative perfect ii
t«r:iu\l by moans k^( the sutlix -VJ-; e.g. perfect theme 4rr (ot
'5 -. to Ivar . jvrUvt optative ist sing. it^V^/j-tf, prim. AiaMar-
V ■-■/. inJ siuiT. .*«'-^.-i<, prim, bkabhar^j/d^.
rm: modi in the teutonic languages.
r. 0 . v:,i:i\« in :!:o Tciitonio lauiruasjos, whioh is commonly
v.; "i\I ^ : ".'/..v :i\\ o:- s;il'^:ii.;::vo. is fvrnu\l on the Siime rules as
:'..v li- ;-.:i-. .r, \vi« l.a i |\:-h.ips bottor say, derivt»il from a primi-
t:\i' IVuT.'nir f. nn t.- whiv'li :lio G-^thio hoai-s the closest resem-
M:iiuv. I: is, in nv-s: of tiio Tont«»nio dialoots, ancient and
m-iliTn. an«l in it> irnatost ir.tOjCrity, preservt^l in the root as
^l.» l»f , wliirh invariably supplies the present subjunctive, except
in tlhi -Mo«bTn Xi.rse laniruaires, and in Early and Modem
Jji;4li.-}i. 'J'hr snbjnnt'live ihcnio or stem is in Old High Ger-
innn and .'ill the Low German dialects «*/, in Old Frisian and Old
Norsr nr\ whicb may be explaineil by reference to the Gothic.
'J'h<' // nflhr (iotbic iiijuH being dropped, the remainder appears
in a cnnlrach-d form in the si and st' of the other dialect^j the
former pre>npiMi.sing perhaps the v^x^ilization of the Gothic sij
into t<'i'i and hence */\ and the latter the elision of they in Gothic
sija, thus producing sia and hence se. Thus then we have in
^^ THB 7RRS. 379
let and jrd sin^. of the present sabjnnctire the O. H.
»., O, S., A. S., M. H. Germ., M. Dutch, N. I>ntch ti; the
^3^%. and O.N.*?; the N.H. Germ, wi (N.H.Germ. «=
E. Germ. J), the other persona bein^ only modified by the
lonal tertiiinations io several of the dialects mentioned. Id
Sason (Xjaramon and the Ormolum) the subjunctive n is
^nally supplanted by the BubJTmctive heo of the root hhu,
icli exii«tecl in Anglo-Saxon already, and which in the shape
&e became the sole form of the present subjunctive in Old
rlish, and remained so in Middle English and New English.
he subjunctiTe of other verbs forms its theme in the present
»8e by means of / {Old Saxon d), in the perfect by means of i.
v-^^se thematic vowels may again be explained by a reference to
.^^e Gothic. Take the Gothic present theme baira- which in
^^e optative yields the form fia^o«='frini-»-n, and baira-i-t, the
^^i i/a being weakened to i on account of the preceding a of
^e theme. The thematic a and the suffixed » combine m Old
-tiigh German and other dialects to produce the form /, e.g.
, 3nd Bing. lerS^, a contraction which corresponds to that in the
Sanskrit bhaT-4-9 compared to the prim, bkara-i-t. The Old
Saxon a which stands in the place of the i was undoubtedly
originally long, a length which was lost in the course of time,
just as it was in Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisiwi, Old Norse, and the
New Teutonic dialects, where it can no longer be distinguished
from the thematic e; so that in the Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian,
fiMd-e, the Old Norse find-i, we may simply see the thematic
form (a weakened to e or i)i <"^ ^^^ ^ (0 n^y be considered as
the correption of the optative ^(=a+t) which we still find in
Old High German. Thus again in Middle High German the
subjunctive and indicative forms are identical j in New High
German a distinction is kept up in so far as the e in the siu>-
jimctive termination may not suffer syncope, as indicative du
»ag-»t, but subjunctive du tage-it, where the thematic e (=a] is
preserved.
The vowel of the perfect subjunctive theme is i in Old High
Grerman, Old Saxon, and Old Norse, the length being preserved
only in the former two dialects; the i is flattened to e in Anglo-
Saxon and Old Frisian as well as in the Modern Teutonic dia-
lecta, if they have preserved any vowel at all. The Old High
German i corresponds to the Gothic « *, and the Gothic et to
the primitive -ya~ ; hence we have for the Gothic and sing.
/unth-^, theO. n.Qerm. fund-i-t, 0. S./«jw/-w, O.N.^«-f-r,
' Compara the Table of Gndatioiu, p. 14.
3S4 TECTOSIC GRAMMAM.
«f ^ fRtmk tfat I «r « g— o> be coondered to be Uk
«M< -' J. b«anM an tke Old TcofawK dnketo n
lfcr*-rfifcff»wM AatM Agp«fc*t,««Gqriiic|jiewiii
UnB^ A^n*> ^^1^ pa£^ ^'^^ <^> ^^^f"*^ > ptactice b
i> ^ KjA^ G«s. jA&. &^^ >«J^, peiC jfaY. i«^
Tvwwl difB w&kfc is aUra » tW perfrct cabjniKti
0t be the manBtutatiTg <
TEMPORA TKXSESi.
T^oB w« oS iht n^susc Tase ia die Arrsa bnefBgo
pciiws A aooMMr jc ircnaciuiB aiacpfai.^^^KaQT dEtiiict one
^DifC&i^. T!bfSK imfiaauB S^raaf nuKt on^inallT bin bai
MvttC j)^wib.-«cui)i» a$ veil : ^ir. :» %AiiaAa nsbtir ok
« iuSneiKe ji 3iic3i wTtauoc i liaSaeDK is tbe ■kwub^ »
^et^r 3KUB>.-errute. V^ ami. murwvn'. m t&e estaal
^n^cs MtMaunaily nifieKac 6mctiuiK pex&nKd br Ae £1
ZDvniKs ii tae 3PK«aC anee. auw^ it h tnw tbat the t
>it' :^tik.-cv(i£ 3)K 3KA^y .o^pDUumL whilie a TarwCr of i
TRIOS TVOBUWa.
T^tf TwrwiK*! ■vrminatfi'iBi ire j>^i^^ tc tie d«ne is i
rw .-K^ -
ft«ua:.f«. a^"*: ■■» ~- ';•; - lit antf. w-«. 2ki
c^-«'.
j*^,- -^ -.ur .-.»— *»t sii,'jiun;CLT« i« gaff. j»-i^-W
■■ -'P*
1st Siiii;. rf-jii-.*
iMiittr* W soar «-":- Wt aior- *-»» 5-'r "w-m
M. ]
m1> -«. at «»-«f==«»^^MiM
riB
THE VERB. 381
09^; andplur. M-tis, ist. plar. *-iM«iw,=^«*-M-»fiw=^^*-
priia. (U-^nasi*
ed (to eat), 3Td sing, es-t firom ed-^f)i; in the same
e^tis, &c. But edo, edimus belong to the themes of
H. In their extant form Bta-t and da-i belong to Class I,
^h originally to Class IV. (Comp. Sanskrit and Greeks
IV.)
U. To the simple pure root is added the suffix -a-.
^jj^ This formation probably occurs only with roots which have
^*^e radical a. The suffix a of the theme^ that is^ the finals a has
gradation in the ist singular and plural^.
FrimitlYe. Root bhar (to bear) ; present theme hhar-a^ ist
%iDg. bhar-d-mi^ 2nd bhar-a-^i; ist subjunctive bhar^a-^-mi,
lience hhar-d-mi ; optative ist bhara-i-m. In the same manner
sre formed the present themes pat-or, root pat (to fly, to fall) ;
«i0fi-a-, root vart (to turn) . To this formation belong most of
the derivative verbal themes^ especially those in -aya-^ e.g.
theme viad-aya^ (to make known)^ root vid (to know)^ ist sing.
naid-ayd-mi,
Sanskrit. Boot tud (to strike), present theme tudd-^ ist sing.
iuddr-mif 1st plur. tudd-tnasi. Boot bhar, present theme bhard-^
ist sing, bhard-mi. Derivative verbs in -aya-, e. g. root vid^
present theme vedaya- (to make known), ist sing, vedayd-mi.
Gkreek* Boot <^^p (to bear)^ present theme <t^€p€'', 4>^po-9 iBt
sing. ^^/>-a)(-pu), 1st plur. (^€p-o-/bi€Xf. Derivative verbs in -ay a- :
nominal theme (Popo-, verbal theme <f>op'(yo'j ist plur. <l>€poviJL€v
^ ^p-€yo'yL€Vy prim, bhar-^ya-masi ; nominal theme rtfij), verbal
theme nfi-ayo-, ist plur. ri/xc^/i€i;=rt/xayo-/i€r.
Latin. Boot veh, prim, va^h (to move, convey), theme veh-i-,
1st sing. veho=:^veho'mi, prim, vaghd-mi; vehp-t, prim, vagha-ti,
1st plur. vehi-muSy prim, vaghd^masi. (Conjugation in -ere.) In
Ijatin and Greek the ist plur. difiers from that of the preceding
languages in not having the gradation of the suffix -a-. The de-
rivative suffix -ay a- is represented by e, i, d, as monetis^ ^moneiiis
= ^mon-eyi^tis, prim, mdn-aya-tasi, (Conjugations in -are, -ere,
-ire,)
Gk>thio. The formations in -a- are very frequent in Gothic,
chiefly with primary themes^. The radical a is with few excep-
tions weakened to ». It is not weakened in ist wmg.fara^fardy
-pTim. /ard-miy root far (to go) ; graior^ root grab (to (fig) ; slaha-^
root slah (to slay) ; valda-^ root vald (to govern). It is weakened
^ Gradation of Towels, p. a 2 sqq.
' Concerning |>riiiiary and iecimdary themes, see pp. 167, 168.
382 TEUTONIC ORAMMAR.
to 1 in giba-^ root gai (to give) ; brika^^ root 6ral (to break) ;
hilpa-, root halp (to help) ; — weakened to f^ in truda-- (perf. trapf
plur. ire-dum)^ root Irad (to kick). To the themes in -a- belong
also the verbs with gradated radical (commonly second gradation,
and the gradation remaining throughout), e. g. hdita^y to be
called (O. Engl, to hight, Germ, hei^en) ; hvopa^y to IxMUst ; Ula-,
to let ; slepor^ to sleep ; stduta^, percutere (Germ, sto^n). The
final a of the theme is treated according to the primitive law ; so
that corresponding to the d in the primitive language we have a
in Gothic, corresponding to the short a in the primitive we have
the weakened form i in the Gothic language : e. g. ist sing, viga
for ^vigd, prim, vaghd-mi; 2nd vigis for ^vigi^y prim, vagha^;
1st plur. vigam for f)igd'mas{?), prim, vaghd^nasi; 2nd vi^Uh for
^vigtr}fi3(^j prim, vagha-^tasi ; 3rd mga-nd for viga-ndi, prim.
vagha-nti. In the 3rd plural the a is preserved by two saooeed-
ing consonants of the termination. The ist dual vigSs arises
from vigaas, viga-vas (Goth. a+a=S), prim, vagkd-vasi; the 2nd
dual vigar-ts seems as if it were derived from a more primitive
form with the thematic vowel gradated or lengthened.
The primitive -aya-, used for the formation of derivative verbs,
appears in Gothic in three distinct forms : (i) the first a dropped,
ja; (2) the y of aya dropped, makes «-f a=<?; (3) the final a
dropped, ai.
1. The verbs in ya (corresponding to the Latin in t) form the
present theme in ja, jiy or ei, and all other themes in i ; e. g.
present theme nasja^, ^lasji- (to save), perf. theme nasi-, hence
present ist sing, nasja, 2nd nasjis^ ist plur. nasjam, &c., perf. ist
sing, nasida. Instead of ji we have ei after a long radical, e. g.
theme sokja-y 2nd sing, sokeisj but the combination ja always
remains intact, as ist sing, sokja, ist plur. sokjam,
2. Verbs in 6 (=prim. a) can easily be traced to nominal
themes from which they are derived ; thus from theme leika-,
adj. ga-leiks (similar, like), we get ist sing, ga-leiko (compare
Germ, ver-gleiche), 3rd sing, ga-leikdy, ist plur. ga-leikom for
^leika-jd-mi, ^leika-ja-ti, ^ leika-jd-ynasi ; irom Jiska-^ Jisks (fish),
3rd sing.^^^'^ (piscatur). In leikajdmi the j was dropped first,
and a-\-a make 6.
3. The verbs in ai (= Latin e, Greek ec) for the primitive -aya-
have this derivative form only in the 2nd and 3rd sing, and 2nd
plur., and in the perfect ; but in all other persons of the present,
and in the optative of the present throughout, they assume the
form of primary themes, so that they have always two themes, one
for the former, another for the latter forms ; e. g. the theme habai-y
of the root hab (to have), makes 2nd sing, habai^, 3rd habai-}^,
THE VERB, 383
and plnr. hahai-^^ perf. habairda; the theme Aaia- forms ist
plur. haia-niy 3rd haka-nd.
m. The root has first gradation and takes the mffw -a-.
FrimitiTe. Boot dik (to show)^ present theme daika ; root
hkug (to bend)^ hhauga-; root sru (to flow), srava^.
Sanskrit. Boot budh (to know), 3rd sing. bSdha-tiy ist plur.
(fdhd--mas.
Greek. This formation very frequent. Boot (pvy (to flee),
present theme (f>€vy^, <^€vy-o-, plur. ^cify-o-ixtv, (t>€vy-€^€ ; root
kiv (to leave), theme Xctw-e, Actir-o, plur. X^lTs-^-yL^Vf A€t7r-€-T€;
root Aa^ (to be hid), theme A»y^-o-, ist plur. Ai/^o-ftcx^.
lAtin. Boot due (to lead), theme duc-i—douo-ir-^ prim, dauk-a^^
3rd sing, douo-i-t. Thus also dio-irt^deic-i-t, root rfw? (to say);
fid-i-t^feid-^ty root fid (to trust).
Gk)thio. This formation occurs regularly with primary themes,
containing the radical i or Uy e. g. root ^t^^ (to pour), ist sing.
giuta^ 2na giuti^; part. pret. pass, gutnins ; root ^r/p (to seize,
gripe), ist sing, greipa, and greipi-Sy part. pret. pass, grip-ans,
IV. jRitf roo^ w reduplicated, and, if ending in a vowely assumes
first gradation. The gradation is subject to the same rules as
under 11.
FrimitiYe. Boot da, present theme dordd, ist sing, da-ddrmi,
and daHid-si, ist plur. da-dd-masi, subjunctive ist sing, da-dor
d-miy optative da^doryd-m; root dha (to put, to set, to doj, pre-
sent theme dha-dhd" ; root ga (to go), present theme ga-^d-.
Sanskrit. Boot hhi (to fear), ist sing. bi-^hS-fni ; root da (to
give), 1st sing, dct-dd-mi, 1st plur. da-d-mas; root dha (to put),
1st sing, da-dhd-miy ist plur. da^h-mas. Peculiar to the two
last-mentioned verbs is the loss of the thematic a in the un-
gradated forms.
Greek. The vowel of the reduplication is i ; the plural has
no gradation. Boot bo (to give), theme bi-bo-, ist sing, bi-boa-fu,
ist plur. bC-bo-^v; root <rra (to stand), theme l-<rra- for si-sta^,
ist sing. f-oTiy-fu, ist plur. r-<rro-/i€i; ; root $€ (to put), theme
Ti-^€-, 1st sing. TC-drf-fUy ist plur. Tl-0€'fi€v ; root v\a (to fill),
1st sing. wf-/bi-7rAi;-/bi4 ; root irpa (to bum), ist sing. wf-jLt-7rpi;-/bii
(comp. ttA^o-o), irAi^^o) and 'tt^o-o), 'TrpT^^v). The two last-men-
tioned verbs add a nasal to the reduplication, and thus connect
the themes under V with those under IV.
Latin. This formation is rare, and recognizable in but few
fragments, and even in these not without the suffix -a- ; e.g. gignit
for ^gi-genri4, prim, ga-gan-a-ti (comp. yly{€)vO'imi,) ; root gan
384 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
(to be^t) ; Mtitj i. e. si^M, prim, sirsta-ti^ root sta (to stand);
serity 1. e. ^sirsinty prim, sp-sar-ti^ root *a (to sow) ; birii-t, root 4^
prim. jM, joa (to drink).
Gk)thio. This formation is^ strictly speaking, wanting in
Gothic j for the only fragment this language possesses is a theme
with the suffix -a-, in which, moreover, the reduplicational syl-
lable is nasalized : ist sing, gagga^ 3rd gaggiAhy from a prim. i£i
ga-n-g-d-mi, 3rd ga-n-g^i^tiy root ga (to go). In Old High Ger-
man we find a few more remains of this formation ; namely from
the root ga (to go), ist sing. gd-rHy prim, ga-gd'tniy and ^<w, 3rd
gd^ty 1st plur. gd-mes ; from the root 9ta (to stand), 1st sing.
std-My prim. ^ta-atU'tniy 2nd std-Sy &;c. ; root ta (to do), 1st sing.
tuo-niy prim. dAa-dAd-mi ; but these again have lost the reduph-
cation, and the gradation crept into the plural too; in their
extant form therefore they more properly belong to Class I.
y. To the root is added the suffix --nor- and the vowel of ike suffis^
gradated in the ist sing.
PrimitiYe. Root star (to scatter, to strew), ist sing, sf^r-ni-
mi, 1st plur. star-na^masi. This suffix, as well as -««-, are demon-
strative roots, and occur frequently in the formation of nominal
themes.
Sanskrit. Root grahh, grah (to seize), 3rd sing. med. grk-
na-tcy grh-ni-te ; root yu (to join, jungere), ist sing, yn-nd-miy
1st plur. yu-ni-mas. na in the ungradated forms is weakened
to '7ii,
Greek. Root h&ii (to tame), theme hiii-va-y ist sing, bifi-vrj-
fjLiy 1st plur. bdLjx-ifa'jxev ; root irip (to sell), ist sing. -Tr^p-nj-zxi.
This form often occurs in combination with the suffix -ya- (Gr.
-0-), as iK'V€-o-fxai, I come. The a of 7ia is treated in the same
manner as the final of the themes in -a-, e. g. root ttC (to drink),
theme TrC-ve-, tiC-vo-, ist sing. irC-voiy 2nd Tr^-rc-ty, ist plur. iri-ro-
fjL€v, Almost exclusively peculiar to Greek is the formation of
the present theme with the suffix -cu^e-, -arc-, prim, anay e.g.
root Ik (to come), theme iK-dvo-, ist plur. U-di/o-jutcr ; root auy,
av( (to increase) av^'dvo-^xev. If the radical is short, the nasal m
is inserted between it and the final of the root; e.g. Aa/3 (to
take), theme Xa-ix-fi-ivo-y ist plur. Aa-/ut-/3-cii;o-/uici/.
Latin. The a of the suffix -wa- is treated as the final of the
themes in -a-. This formation occurs chiefly after vowels and
roots ending in r, e. g. root li (to smear), 3rd sing. li^7ii-t ; root
si (to let), si'ui't ; root ere, cer (to separate), cer-ni^t ; root spre,
sper (to despise), sper-ni-t. On a more ancient stage of the
language we find da-n-nnty root da (to give), prodi-n-unt, &c.
THE VERB. 385
Gk>tbio. The a of the suffix "fta- * is treated as in the cognate
languages. Exclusively belonging to the present, we find -«a-
only in the theme ^frih-^a- from the root frahy to ask (Germ, fra-
gen), in which the a of the root is weakened to ^ ; ist sing.
fraih-^a^ and fraih-^i^y ist plur. fraih-na-mj perf. sing, frah,
plnr. freh^'Urm, Prom these present themes there has been
developed in Gothic a class of derivative verbal themes (with
pasmve functions) which gradate this na into nS in the perfect
tenge, so that we have a theme in -^o- for the present, a theme
in -«rf- for the perfect, which moreover follows the system of the
weak conjugation ; e. g. present theme veihna- (to be sanctified),
from veiA{a)^ (holy). Present sing, ist veih-na^ and veiA-ni-^,
3rd veik-ni-tAy ist plur. veiA-na-m^ &c., going exactly as fraiAna
(Latin eemo); but the second theme is veiA-716-y whence the
perfect veiA-no-da ; thus also fullnan (to be filled), from fulljwn
(to fill) ; andbundtian (to be loosened), from andbindan (to loosen);
usluknan (to be opened), from nslukan (to open) ; af-dumbna (to
be dumb, to be silent), from dumha (dumb).
VI. TAe demonstrative -nor' or its sAortened form ^n- is infixed
to tAe root itself before tAe final consonant.
Primitive. It is difficult to decide whether this infix occurred
in the primitive language, though from its occurrence in all the
cognate languages it would appear that it did. The pronominal
root -na-, which first was used as a sufiix, seems to have gradually
crept into the root itself and to have become the infix of which
we now treat, so that to the Latin ju-n^g-i-t (root jug^ Sansk.
yu)y to join) corresponds a primitive ytt-n-^-a^ti^ which originally
may have been yug-^a-ti. This infix also occurs in nominal
themes, as the Gr. Tt5-/ui-7r-ai;o-i;, root tuts (to strike) ; Goth.
dn-m-b-s (dumb), root dub, from which also daub-^ (deaf). Com-
pare also the Goth, morma-g-a (many), root mag^ prim, mag A (to
grow) with the Lat. mag^nu-s^ from a primitive magA-na-^ as the
Gothic from a primitive ma-nor-gAa^.
Sanskrit. Root yvj (to join), present theme yu^na-j-^ yw-»'-^-,
ist sing, yvrnorj^miy ist plur. yu^^'-j-mas ; root mucA (to loosen),
present theme mu^-cAa-, ist sing. mu-n-cA-^z-mi.
Greek. This formation is very rare : one example we have
in (ril>Cyy<ay root (rc^ty (to squeeze) , comp. aif)ly-yLa^ at^iy^y^s.
' A near relation to this is the suffix -nu- which Schleicher discards from the
Teutonic languages ; but Delbrueck (in Deutsche Lautverschiebung, Zacher*s Zeit*
schrift fUr Deutsche Philologie, i. p. 13) recognizes it in Goth, hrinnan (to bum),
where he takes nn as the assimilation of nv, and this nv for nu; hri, the root
corresponding to a Sansk. hhar,
C C
386 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
Latin* Chiefly with roots ending in a oonaonant; e.g. looi
tag (to touch), ta^-g-Ui; pag (to flEUBten), jHi-n-g^-i; fy (to
form), /-H-y-f-Z ; fitd (to poor), fm-n-d^t ; rup (to break),
ru-m-p-i^.
Gothic. 1st sing, gf^i-^^da, root static siady an extensicm d
the simple root $ta (to stand) ; perf. stotA. The form gagga also
might be mentioned here, if we assume a compound root yiy,
formed by means of reduplication from the simple ga (to go).
But the explanation given under lY is preferable, because ifb
find nasalized roots in Greek and Sanskrit also. To this formt-
tion belong the following verbs, though they form their perfect
like the derivative verbs by means of composition; ist sing.
brigga^ I bring (Goth, gg ^ ng, gi = ni; oomp. ihe Greek),
perf. drak-ta, root (frag (the radical is weakened to > in the pre-
sent) ; tkagkja, I think (comp. A. S. thencan, Grerm. denken),
and thugkjay I opine (comp. A. S. ihincan, Grerm. dunken,
Engl, me-think-s), perf. tkak-4ay tAuA'4a, root tiai^ iAul, In
the present they have both besides the infix -Jt- the suffix -^
(See II.)
Vn. To the root is added tke suffix -jra-, tie a of which is treated
like that of the themes in -a-.
Primitive. Root svid (to sweat), theme svid-^a-, ist sing.
srid'^a-miy 2nd svid-^a-si^ &c., like bhar-d-mi,
Sanskrit. Root nah (to bind), pres. theme nah^ya-^ 3rd sing.
nah-ya-t'i ; root mad (to be intoxicated), 3rd sing, tnad-ya-ti (with
the radical gradated).
Greek. A favourite formation ; the ya occurs in various
modifications, (i) The y of ya remains as i ; root 5a (to divide),
theme ha-i^-, prim, da-ya-, 1st sing. ha-Co^ixai. ; root <^i/ (to beget),
JEo\, ifjV'i(o, (2) The y is transplanted as i into the preceding
syllable, that is, into the root, e. g. root t€v (to stretch), ist sing.
TciVo) for ^T€V'i/(ji} ; root ^a, prim, ga (to go), theme fiorv-yo-, ist
sing. /Sa^i^o) for ^;3a-r-i/a) ; root <^a, prim, bha (to shine), hence
with the suflBx -n the root <f>av (to appear, to show), ist sing.
<^aiv<ji for ^(pav-i/ta. In the last two cases we have the suffixes n
and ya, that is. Class II and V combined. (3) The y joins the
final of the root, and this combination appears in the form of (
or ca ; but if the final consonant of the root is A, the y is assimi-
lated to it; e.g. root o5 (to smell), ist sing, ofco for ^Sb-gu);
thus also (l>v\d(T(T(M> = ^ <i>vKaK'-yiti, Taacrta = ^raic-yai, Xiaaofiai =
^AtT-yo/jtat, root Atr (to implore), Kopva-aoi ^ ^ KopvO-gca ; but
oTeAAa) = ^<rTcA-yo). (4) The y disappears between two vowels,
THE VERB. 387
u, ifw'OOy comp. ^ol. {fnhhif in which the spirant y is vocalized
into u
Iiatin. The y of the suffix ya is vocalized into i, but dropped
where another i succeeds^ e. g. root cap (to take), ist sing, cap^o,
ist plur. cap~irmus for ^cap^yi-mus ; in the same manner fug^io^
raot fug (to flee), aio^ag-yo^ root ag (to say), ero for ^e^o,
^M-io; erunt for ^es^unt, es-iunl, have dropped the i of the primi-
tive -yc^ before the o and u. The last two forms assumed in
Latin, as in other Aryan languages, the meaning of the future —
a phenomenon which we observe also in the form -bo, used as
the termination of the future, which stands for a more ancient
^bio, bu-io (comp. -^ol. <^t;-(«), root bu, fu, prim, bhu (to be).
The suffix -ya- occurs in derivative verbs, as atatuo for ^atatuio,
from a prim, sfaiu^d-mi, in the same manner as the 6r. ixi&6<a
for ^fjL€&vu», prim. midAvr-yd-mi ; moneo^ prim, mana-^yd-mu
Gk>thio. Root yra^^ (to understand), present \heme frath-ja'^
1st sxng, frath-jaj %uAfratAji-Sy i%ti^\MT.frath-ja-m; i^ri.frSth;
thus also 1st sing, hlahja from the root hlah (to laugh). If the
root ends with a, ya is changed into ia, e. g. root sa (to sow).
1st sing. «a-Mt, 3rd sa'ii^lA, ist plur. sa-ia-m ; prim, ist sing.
sor-yd-mij 3rd sa-ya-ti, ist plur. sa-yd-ma^i; in the same manner
vaia, root va (to breathe, to blow, &erm. wehen), laia, root la (to
Bcold). Perf. of sa is sdisS, of va, vdi-^S, of /b, Idi-lS. All these
are stem-verbs and to be kept distinct from the derivative verbs
in -aya-. (See Class 11.)
Vm. lb the root is added the suffix -ta-.
Sanflkrit, and very likely the Primitive language too^ did not
make use of this suffix.
Greek. A frequent formation ; the suffix ta occurs as -re-,
'^O', chiefly after labials, e. g. root tvtt (to strike), ist plur. rinf'
rO'fjL€v ; p6xf> (to sow), pdir-To-fi^v ; iriK (to comb), 7rcic-To-/iev.
Iiatin. This formation occurs in but few cases, chiefly where
the root ends with a guttural; e. g. nec-ti-t {neciOy I bind),
Sanskrit root ruih (nectere); thus 2\bo pe<yti^t,fleotut, plec-ti-t.
Gk>tliio. One single trace of this formation is found in the
Old High Oerman root JUiht, to weave (G«rm. flechten).
c c 2
388 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
THE FORMATION OP THE PRESENT THEME IN
THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
I. The theme cannsts of the simple, pure root.
To this formation belong, as in Gk)thic^ the present themes of
the root as, to be^ which take the personal terminations withoat
any thematic or connective vowel ; e. g. A. S. eo-m = ^«>mi,
O.N. e^m^^er-m, Goth. i-«=^w-«i = ^w-«ii, prim, ae-mi, EngL
fl-wf; Goth, is't, prim, as-tiy G^rm. ie-i ; Goth., A. S., Germ.,
s-ind (they are) = ^ w-iW, prim, (u-anti ; O. H. Grerm., O. S., #w,
Goth. si-Jai-^y prim, ag-ya-^, optative present of o^, to be. In the
same manner the root ^j prim, bhuy to be, forms in Anglo-Saxon
the present ist beo-m^ 2nd bi-st, yA di-'S, O. S. biu-m, bi^i,
O. Fris. be-m^ bi^t^ O. H. Germ, pi^m, pi-^, Grerm. Ji-ii, bi-ti,
A. S. bit, to dwell, inf. buan, 2nd b^^t, 3rd ^-'5. To these be-
long also the O. H. Germ, ^a-wi, sfu-m, tuo-m, A. S. 1st gd, and
giB'Hy 3rd ga^i; ist d^m, 2nd dast, &c. (See IV.)
II. To the simple pure root is added the suffix -a-.
This formation is one of the most frequent in the Teutonic
langua^s, occurring in almost all the stem-verbs. As in Gothic
it weakens the radical <7 to / ; but the pure radical is preserved
cliielly in those verbs which gradate the a into 0 in the perfect ;
hence the root far, to go, has, for its present theme, /tir-a- (perf.
Jvr) ; thus also the present themes scap-^-, create ; grab^-, dig ;
staml-a-, stand ; svar-a-, swear. The radical is weakened to i in
the present themes, Goth, giba-, sfil-a, hilp-a ; and again the i
is weakened to ^ in the A. S. st^-e-^ help-e-y and in all modem
dialects, e. g. Germ, siel-^-^ helf-e-, Dutch stel-e-, help-e-. Other
modifications of the radical in the ditferent ancient and modem
dialects are discussed in the chapter which treats on the strong
conjugations ; but as to the a of the theme we have to mention
that, as in Gothic, it is preserved in the ist sing, and ist and
3rd plural ; weakened into i in the 2nd and 3rd singular. But
while Gothic weakens it also in the 2nd plur. the other dialects
preserve the a intact. In the Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, and in
the modern dialects, the i is further weakened into e, and in the
latter the thematic a, where it occurs at all, is represented by
the weakened form e.
The themes in -aya- which occur chiefly with the derivative or
so-called weak verbs may appear in three distinct forms, or as
three distinct conjugations in Old High German as in Gothic,
» -
m timtwe tmi
moieoiver ibe ibemt is
rbile in Godiic it k
11^. and let ad jrd f the.
i^-W, we hsvt O- H- ~
ytiue *ia^k^
v fanner ^hetats^
? three fonnf br tii£-
tlier. Tlie eccLlcxaOdiiL
Ib, but Ji d tike 2£
L If
i.4m I JI
:.Ir &
O.H.
r .
H J
r.lit
3rd
r. lit
3. Br at
Vit-1
890 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
in. The root ka9 ike first gradation, and takes the suffix -^.
To this class belongs in the Teutonic hmgnages, all stem-Toh
which have the radical » or « ; e. g. Gothic root skin (to shine),
present ist sing, skeina^ O. H. Germ, scinu^ O. S. siinu, A.S.
sc*ne ; root grip (to seize, §r"P®)* Goth, greipa, O. H. Germ, irjfi,
O. S. grtpu, A. S. gripe, O. Fris. gripe, O. N. grtp ; root gut (to
pour out, fundere), Goth, giuta^ O. H. Germ. khtXH, O. S. gwtif
A. S. geSte ; root ^v^ (to choose), Goth, hiusa, O. H. Germ, ckvui^
O. S. kiusu, A. S. c^«^^ O. Fris. kiuse,
IV. 7%^ roo/ f> reduplicated and, if ending in a vowel, assumes
tie first gradation.
We have abeadj remarked that this formation is ahnort
totally wanting in Gothic, and we may now add that none of
the ancient Teutonic dialects has anything more than mere rodi-
ments or fragments of themes of this class. To these belong
the O. H. G^rm. gd-m, std^fUy and tuo~m, of the roots ga (to gc^
sta (to stand), t^i (to do), which yield the forms ist sing, gd-m^
sfif-m, iuo-m, from the prim, ga-gd-mi, sta^td-mi, dAa-dkd-mi,
2nd sing, gd^, sid-Sy tuo^, ist plur. gd-mes, sid-mes, tuo-^es,
for the prim, ga-ga^masi, sta-^ta^m/isi, dha^dAa-masi, the long
vowel having crept irregularly into the plural too. Here we
must also mention the A. S. gd, ga-st, ga-^j plur. ^a-"5 ; dS-m,
fA-.*/, ^/<'-5, plur. do'i. But, as we said before, these verbs as
thev now are before us belong more properly to Class I.
V. To the root is added the suffix -na-.
It occurs in Old High German and the other dialects, except
Gothic, only in one particular form, e. g. O. H. Germ, gtfregin'
ih ^^t'ando accipio), O. ^,fregnan (fando accipere).
VI. The demonstrative -yia- or its shortened fonn -»- i> infixed
in the root itself before the final consonant.
To this class Wlongs, throug^h extension of the root, the verb
to fifand as it ix>eurs in the different dialects, derived from the
primary root sta, a secondary root stath, stad, which, with the
infix, iVvomcs sta-n-d ; Goth, standa, perf. */<>b ; O. H. Germ.
sf^j.'ifti, stuont ; O. S. standu, stdd ; A. S. standee st<}d ; Engl./
sf.nd, I stood. In the same manner we derive from the simple
!\H>t yj, by means of reduplication, the compound root gag,
which, with the infix -w-, forms the present theme ga-n^-a in
the diilbrent dialects ; from the root 6rag (to bring) the present
thonio dri'H^-iM- (with the weakening of the radical into i), in-
THE VERB. 391
finitiye O. H. Germ., A. S. bringan, O. S. brengjan, O. Frig.
Irenga. Thus we have, by the side of the Go^, fahan (to catch),
and hakan (to hang), in O. H. Germ, and A. S. fa-n-g-an^
l«-ii-^-affy £rom the root \akf dak, the Goth. '}fagkjan^lpa^n^
t-^an, O. H. Germ, de-n-i-an, O. S. tie^n-i-jan, A. S. |7^-«-{?-««,
O. N. pe-n-i-ja, O. Fris. tha^n^k^a or the-n^zja, Germ. de-n-Jk-en,
IBiDgL lAi-n-i; from the root tAui, dui. Goth. pugkjan=^]fu-n-k''
jan^ O. H, G«rm. du-n^k^n, O. S. thu^n^k-jany A. S. j^^-w-c-flfw,
O. Fris. tAi-n-azja, Germ. dU-n^k-en ; but O. N. \yhhja (in nh the
« assimilated to the Jg).
VII. 2b ^A^ root M a^2fifee^ ^Atf mffix ja^ prim. ya.
Verbs belonging to this class are stem-verbs, and must not be
oonfounded with the derivative verbs in ja, prim. aya. They
can easily be kept distinct, because the former take the suffix ja
only in the present and form the perfect like other stem-verbs,
the latter preserve the derivative suffix throughout the conjuga-
tion. In the present tense, of course, both classes are inflected
alike, so that at first sight it would appear as if the strong verbs
vcLJa had adopted something of the weak verbs in /a, wherefore
Grimm considers them of a mixed character. In Gothic we
have already mentioned frd^jan (to understand, to know), hlah"
jan (to laugh) ; we may add hqfjan, to lift (Germ, heben) ; ra|?-
jan, to reckon ; fkapjan, to create ; ska\jan^ to damage, to scathe
(Germ, schaden), which make the perf. in (^, as fr6)fy hldh, hdf,
&c. ; — bidjan (to ask, to bid), has the perf. bd}f, be^um, perf. part.
bidans. In Old High German we have to mention bittan, to
ask (Germ, bitten) ; aizzan, to sit (Germ, sitzen) ; liggan to lie
(Germ, ligen) ; heffan, to lift (Germ, heben) ; seffan, to under-
stand ; swerratiy to swear. The doubling of the final consonant
of the root is the result of the assimilated y, as bUian for bitjan,
&c., they being still preserved in some forms such as biijuypitju,
swerju ; hefjan, swerjan ; imperative piti, sizi, &c. In the verbs
piUan, liggan, sizzan, it is owing to the influence of the J that
the radical i was not weakened into e, and to the' same influence
must be ascribed the Umlaut of a into e in the verbs awerran,
seffan, heffan. Old Saxon has biddjan, liggjan, dttjan, hebbjan^
suerjan, af-sebbjan, animadvertere. The gemination which occurs
in most of them is not, as in Old High German, organic, that
is, caused by the assimilation of the j to the final consonant ; it
is dropped in the and and 3rd sing, present and in the impera-
tive ; e. g. biddjan, 2nd sing, bidisy 3rd bidid, imperative bidi, &c.
In the perfect they make, had, badun, lag, Idgun, &c. Anglo-
Saxon has, like Old High German, commonly assimilated the j
301 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
to tiie final coa^ooant of the root ; bence hiddam, ntt^n, lie§n,
il'T-ta. nrpr»*hend'*re : ^^7^1*, to toach; k^bban, nterjan. Buy
are in the present iadectisi like the weak verbs in ja ; exeefl
«rff7'r«. wiiioh hjs not a&suniUted the thematieya^ makes in tk
lit f^rs. rr*-rJ^ -.^z*? , 2nd nc^r-^i^t^ 3rd «r^r-^-iS, ist plnr.
W'^'-''*-5 ; imperatiTe trtr^i, O. Fris. ii^Ma^ bidja ; lidza,lidg^
to lie A. >. li-;^Mi ; « ^'a, to sit ; «r«r^'a, to swear. In the vd
sire, oc * Jj * tae gemination is dropp<^ ; hence /W/i, /iVA; 0.«.
*^'f ]l'-^T to not- slotire Germ, schwelgen) ; erja, to ploogti,
arare; S/?;j. ^i'j:r*i, r^^j-iy ^iiPjJ'^y to get; Uikju and i/fib, to
glitter: f^iijiy to disteive; n'i^'tf, to yield (Germ, weichen);
#/^i;j. to s-ng; *'>'*j;'j, to sling, projicere; t^ggja, to chew;
5^jr'.S to bark: '/<X'J- ^ <ii«; ^^'*'> ^«^'«j to squeeze; ii^fa,
to Ua^h ; fcrTj, to suppress ; Mt^rja, to swear ; ^kekja and #ibia,
to shjkke. The present throoghout is conjugated in the &shioQ
of the weak Terbs.
W51. To tk€ root U adfUd tie $wffix ^-.
As we had occasion to observe before, there is no sign of this
formation in Gothic ; the only trace we find in the Old High
German root faht z=,jiak't^ to weave (Germ, flechten) ; present
1st sing, flkfu^ and /i4/i-#, \<\. plur. fiekir-a-mes, perf. fiahi.
Comf^ared with pUc-to, Gr. ^XcV-w, the compound character of
fah'f Ix-oom 5 soon apparent, the suflSx iz=zta having crept into
the root its /If. Tlie t not affected by Grimm's law on account
of the preceding h.)
FORMATION OF THE PERFECT THEME.
As lonj> as the primitive Aryan language preserved its most
simj)le character, roots kept the place of words ; roots conse-
quently were used as verbs or verbal themes, whether present or
perfect. On this stage the language possessed no other means
to express the various relations of an action, but that of repeti-
tion, that is, the repetition of the root, called Reduplication.
Thus then all temporal relations also were originally expressed
by means of the reduj>lieation of the root. In order to form the
perfect of the root v'nly to see, the root was reduplicated into ind
vhl ; to the perfect theme thus formed were added the personal
pronouns, and thus was obtained the ist sing, rw/ vid ma, vidi;
3r(l sing, vid vid fa, vidit. On the secondary stage of the develop-
ment of the language the three roots were agglutinated into one
THB VERB. 393
\f hence ist vidvidma, 3Td vidvidta, and tien only the first
* ynd* might rightly be called the reduplication, and 'ma' and
^ ta^ terminations. The language having thus passed through the
dflty or radical, and second, or agglutinative, to the third, or
inflexional, stage, fnrther changes and modifications took place
irhich tended more emphatically to distinguish the primary rootj
ma the bearer of the meaning or sense of the word, from the
secondary roots, expressing merely the relations of the former.
This distinction the language brought about by means inherent
in itself, that is, by strengthening the primary root, and by cur-
tailing and weakening the secondary roots. The former was
strengthened by the gradation ^ of the radical vowel, i, o, or u^
which gave rise to the following scale : —
PrimitiTe
nuiicaL I. Gradation. II. Gradation.
CI • • • . oa . • . • oQ
t •••.ixf....dt
M .... an .... all
This gradation always took place in the perfect theme, except
where the root ended in two consonants succeeding a, and it is
a peculiar phenomenon that as a rule the second gradation was
applied. Thus then the root vid, to see, appears m the perfect
as vdid; iru, to hear, as irdu; ruk, to shine, as rduk; da^ to g^ve,
SB da; sta, to stand, as sCd; ad, to eat, as dd. The secondary
roots, on the other hand, were curtailed in various ways. The
reduplicational root commonly lost the final consonant (except
when the primary root consisted of but one consonant and one
vowel), so that the reduplicated perfect of the root vid was vivdid^
of ruk^ Twrduky but of da, dadd, of sta^ staatdy of ad, addd. The
perfect theme being thus completed, all now required was the
personal termination. The terminations, as we have seen before,
were supplied in the demonstrative roots added to the theme as
sufi^es. These suffixes also, when the language had entered on
the inflexional stage, were gradually more and more curtailed
and weakened down, until, in the course of time, their original
character was hardly perceptible. In the primitive language
however these modifications were not yet so great as to oblite-
rate the radical character of the personal suffixes ; nay, in one
instance the suffixed pronoun gained the better over the primary
root. This remarkable phenomenon occurs in the perfect plural,
where the long bisyllabie termination resisted all change and
* Conoeming the gradation of vowels, see p. 2 a sqq.
394
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
even prevented the gradation of the primary root. It muflt
have existed in the primitive language^ before Goths^ Greeks,
and Indians had separated^ for we observe it equally iu the dif-
ferent languages of the Aiyan tribe. The following facts will
sufficiently illustrate the phenomenon to which we refer. Hie
primitive and Sanskrit root vid, to see^ appears in Greek as fed,
and if the root itself occurred in Grothic it would be vU, We
meet it in the form of the perfect^ but with the meaning of the
present, * I know^' a meaning which it has acquired in Sanskrit^
Greek, and Grothic alike. The perfect theme of this root, aocoid-
ing to the rules mentioned before, must be in the primitive vivdid-^
which in Sanskrit we find as ved-, in Greek oI8-=fo45-, in Gothie
vdit-. Its course through the different persons will appear from
the following paradigm.
Primitive.
Sanskrit.
Oreek.
Gothic
Sing, ist vivaid-{rn)a
and vivaid'ta
3rd v\vaid-(t)a
Plur. ist virid-maH
2nd vivid-tcLsi
3rd vivid-anti
vid-a
ved-tha
ved-a
vid-VM,
vid-a
o7S-a for foiBa
la'fity for fiJ^iuy
le-curi
vdit
rdi»^ for vaU-t
vdit
rtt-u-m
vit-u-tk
vU-vnn
Though it lies beyond the limits of this book to enter upon a
detailed exposition of the reduplicated perfect in the cognate
lan<j^uages, a short sketch will nevertheless be necessary in order
to make us more fully to appreciate this part of grammar, which
is of such high importance in the Teutonic languages also. The
laws of reduplication, which in the primitive language were
no doubt very simple, became in the different cognate dialects
more numerous and complicated ; but our sketch shall comprise
merely those most important for our purpose.
Sanskrit.
Tlie first syllable of a root (i. e. that portion of it which ends
with a vowel) is repeated, e. g. hnilh (to perceive), bu-budh ; but
d/tu (to be), ba-^/iu. Aspirated letters are represented in redupli-
cation by their corresponding unaspirated letters ; e. g. dAid (to
cut), bi-bhid ; dim (to shake), du-dku. Gutturals are represented
in reduplication by their corresponding palatals, h hy J ; e.g.
iuf^ (to sever), chu-kui ; gam (to go),ja'gam; has (to laugh), ^^
has. If a root begins with more than one consonant, the first
only is reduplicated, e. g. krus (to shout), chu-krus ; kship (to
THE VERB. 395
lihrow)^ eki-ksAip, If a root begins with a sibilant^ followed by
a tenais or aspirated tenuis^ the tenuis only is reduplicated ; e. ^.
ito (to praise)^ turshtu ; atan (to sound), ta-^tan ; sthd (to stand),
The reduplicated perfect theme has commonly the first grada-
tion of the radical vowel, e.g. tud (to strike), tu-tod-; ^r (to
make)^ cka-kdr ; bhia{^ cleave), U-bhed-. Final vowels may have ■
first or second gradation, e.g. dha (to place), da-^hd-; stu (to
praise)^ tu^htdu-; hri (to be ashamed), y/-^r^/-. In the plural
and dual active, and in the medium, the gradation does not take
place. Boots in a sometimes drop the radical, as tan (to stretch),
ta-inirS'. Boots in a in the ist and 3rd pers. sing, have du^
▼ed. commonly d, e. g. da^ da^da, ved. da-dd.
Ghreek.
The reduplicational syllable does not repeat the radical, but
supplants it by e, probably in analogy to the great number of
roots with the radical 77= prim, d. Of two consonants only one
is admitted in the reduplication, e. g. irAay (to beat), Trc-TrAr^y-a ;
ifiov (to show), 'nd'<l>r)v^a. This also happens in a few archaisms,
as /Ai^ = man (to think, remember), ^d-^ivrj-fxai,. But as a rule
the reduplicational syllable repudiates a combination of two
initial consonants, as kt€v (to kill), l-icror*a.
The Attic reduplication is either the doubling or repetition of
the whole root, as 6b (to smell), o5-a)^a ; Sir (to see), ott-wtt-o ;
or, in analogy to the preceding case, the doubling of the first
psu-t of the root, as dActc^ (pres. dAet</>a>, I anoint ; a primitive
root with a prefixed), dA-^Ai0-a.
The radical vowel has either the first or the second gradation.
First gradation : Aa^ (to be hid), A^-Aiy^-a, A^-Add-a ; Fay (to break),
Fi^Fdy; Fepy (to do, to make), Fi-Fopy^a ; <l>vy (to flee), W€-<^ci;y-a.
Second gradation: Fpay (to break), l/)^ya=^€-f/Moy-a; Aitt (to
leave), A^Aoitt-o ; ^\v0 (to come), elK-riXovd^a. The gradation does
not take place in the plural, just as in Sanskrit ; compare ocda,
plur. r<7-fi€v=^fi8-/bi€i; with Sansk. veda^ plur. md-Tna ; itiO (to
trust), w^-TToi^-a, 1st plur. pluperf. ^-W-7ri^-fX€i; ; tAo (to sufier),
W-rAiy-ica, plur. rtrrXa-yL^v ; ^a (to go), ^i'^rfKa, plur. pi-fia-fxev ;
bi (to fear), d^-doi-xa, plur. hi-hi-yL^v, This law however is percep-
tible only in a few old formations ; as a rule most verbs follow a
new formation which has grown up in analogy to the compound
aorist, and thus assumed for the perfect theme a final a which
Max MUller, Sanskrit QrammWt p- 145.
TEVTOSIC GRAilJlAS.
tb^ ^xJr
' was fiyreign to it. Thus then we g^
Bing. ist A^(Mrii-(>i] for 'A«Au.-
t for 'AtAwi-ra; 1st plor. AfAotVa-i^cv for 'A«Ai
1 gitMral manjr new fonnatioiis in the Gi
Ptf wbicli we meDtioD od« more, that whi<^ oODf''
, known in gruninar am PerfectOD F
I bite), V Mxr^ ; 4«^a« (to inxud, watc^, vi
I hart. iiqiiR), ffi-^Xa^ ■. "Hias boirerer onlj
d Uiiais, not the deotals are aepinttiO.
Aaotber pbeooraoKin mnst be mmtioned, wbtdi^
■M^^isatad to a veiy imkote peiiod, becau^ we shall
e IB I^tin and even in some of th« Teutooie lai '
B the perfect in •*-, Voodie tbetoes have Dot
set aiad. aa iacivate of the root bj *a ailditioMil
.-fl), •
TW Sml of the pedect stua is prewrred in bat few ol
fcr—, » fitmm=.''_frc-m-=^ft-fae~in, and ^so fnxim-'fac-mm^
/w ■1. In all other fotina it ta^es as i as tb« Goal to
the pariMt tboae, which * •• ofaBoire in its origin, as/«a
^_fta-mm=^'fi^ti~ntm = 'fift,<i-^em. In the ist nog. j
oAn vwd titxl wioA wtrr Hkdf- is the icmaiader ot
mnml -^im ; in the jid sii^. A, ^=«/, as d«A4,/i4./
Mt, n£fH. Both the 1st and yd aag. m well as the ut^
M hand Wfam the theme ia ■'; e. g. let sii^. /a-Zarf^jn
Imim^Vt phr. /»-4a^.i-M*. perfect theme tm-tmd-i-, not^
I* alrifce; nt in the 2ad nt^. and plor. we faan a |
Acae in -*^ tfi'^'9- the GnA paC in -«-, as tAv, ->/ '
a^thepaHm^iaOUH^hGermn and Old N<
«ad tan^. Im-i^i»tt\ pin-. tm-tmJ it-Hs. In the t
_**• y^ pws- pim-. the long- * is of later origin; 1
' " -Awai, as yee~fr^mm£= 'Jrf i» eaJi, ^j
I KM ponct tnfiiiilmjQ
, . kijeat. Knal«£nf
■ or H«rthe poC theme; m not die. poC t
Ue^; mot <«a, per£ theme 4fc-«4-, j<«-«-m-.
K wimnnh- fast the gndatks «
ilifthewinfeetKd fcnn of j'
tH^aM «««n rtplamd it h«
THE VERB. 897
^t gradation we possess in scdbi for ^ice^cdb^i; figi for
B^f fih from a more ancient ^fivi^^^fu^fmivi; thus also
f4i, &c. ; tu^t4d'i (in Priscianus), for tttr-toud^i, root tudy to
e. At an early epoch of the language^ therefore^ there may
' been in Latin^ as in Sanskrit^ Greeks and Gothic^ the
i]ar alternation of long and short vowels in the singular and
^ as 3rd sing, tu-tond-^i-ty ist plur. tu^tud-'i'-mus. Later
tdie short vowel penetrated^ just as it did in the Teutonic
Ifoages, from the plural into the singular.
Sifter what we have stated we may arrange all the different
Q&omena we observe in the formation of the perfect in Latin
tder three heads : namely^ we find either ( 1 ) the reduplication
leserved, or (a) the reduplication simply dropped, or (3) the
oitial of the root lost and then the vowel of the reduplication
Mtracted with that of the root. (The vowel thus formed is of
Ooorse always long.)
1. Beduplication preserved.
The laws of reduplication are very simple in Latin, because
very primitive in their origin, and may be brought under two
distinct heads, (i) The initial consonants are unaltered in the
reduplicational syllable, even the combinations at^ sp^ and sc ;
bnt in these the root itself when reduplicated loses the spirant
#, e. g. ^ond (to vow), 8po-pond~i ; acid (to cleave), aci-cid-i ; ata
(to stand), ate-t^i, for apo^pond-i, aci^acid-i, aie^t-i. (Comp. Gr.
t-^mf^i^ai-alar'mi, and Sansk. ti^hthd-^nL) (2) The reduplica-
tional syllable preserves the radical vowel ; but roots in a have
always the reduplication with e, e. g. can (to sing), ce-cin^i ; tag
(to tonch), te^tig^i ; pag (to fasten) pe-pig-i ; man (to think), me^
tnin-i; pare (to sjpsxe), pe-perc-i. The radical 0 always remains
in the reduplication, e. g. Sansk. root mard, to rule, Latin pre-
sent mord^eo (I bite), mo-mord-i; poaCy to demand {=poraCy Sansk.
prachh:=. pfaalc)y po-poac-i. In the more ancient style (Nonius,
G^Uius) also me^mord-iy pe^poac-i. Radical i remains in the re-
dnplicatioD, e.g. acid (to cleave), aci^idi; bi^o (I drink, root
pi^pa), bi-bi: radical u remains, e.g. lud (to strike), tu-tud-i ;
jpug (to sting), pu-pug- i ; curro (I run, root probably iar), cu-
curr-i; archaic (Gellius) jo^-joi^-i, cenmrr-i.
2. Beduplication dropped.
Examples: — tuli ^ te^tuli ; acidic aci-^cid-i (not for the later
aci'-cidi^y fidi^fi-jidi. The loss of the reduplicational syllable
chiefly occurs in composition, e. g, con~cidiy ex-puli, but ce-
cidij pe-puli. Further examples are ftlgi =,jfh^f4gi, rdpiy fidi^
398 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
vtdi^vi'-veid'if prim, vi-vdidni, viciy icdbi. Bat these
oft^n doubtfal^ and might belong to those to be mentioned
No. 3. We must also consider the reduplication to biie \
lost in all those verbs which have the theme of the perfect y
tical with that of the present, as d^fendo, defendi ; MaMio,ieaij
vertOf verfi=V€'Veri^i, &c. ; also the themes in «, e. g./wsjM
^z^Ju/ou-ri, and in the same manner j9/«t, rui, 9ol%i; indtl
derivative themes in u, as tribu-i, a/alu-i, present triUjft'
8iaiu(j)o ; perhaps also Juvi (present juvo), cam (present dm^
ydvi, Idvifpari^ mSui (moveo), vSvi.
3. The initial of the root lost, and the vowel of the rednjBar
tion contracted with that of the root.
fretfi^^fre-frigi (or rather yrfl;/<yyi ? comp. spo-pondi
the same msLnner Jeci, cepi, egi^ Itgi^ vAti^^^vevini {comf.te^
of f<ffie(f). This formation seems to be limited in Latin to rooka
with the radical a, a8jac,jaCj cap, ag, &c. ; but it deserves the
greater attention the more frequently it occurs in the Teutomc
languages, where for instance the Grerman perfect AieU (of kaUei^i
to hold) must be referred to the O. H. Grcrm. Atall:=z^ Aei^iaUjhj
the side of the Grothic reduplicated form hdi^hald ; Germ, f/i^
(of afo^en, to push, to butt), to O. H. Germ 8ffo^=^sfei-st^^jhy
the side of the Gothic reduphcated form sfui-sfdul, and numerous
other examples which we shall mention hereafter both in the
ani'ioiit and modern Teutonic dialects. The loss of the redupli-
cation in these verbs may j)erhaps be ascribed to a tendency of
lanuruairi^*« in ^jfcneral to suppress one of two succeeding elements
whioh arc eitlior similar or identical in form. The Latin lan-
giuii^* unilor sui-h circumstances is fond of suppressing at least
one i\MiSi>iumt of the root where it begins with two, as sle-ti,
jt/ii>-/.\'//./:\ yht-ftigi, i,Q,jWgi^
Gothio.
Only the stem-verbs and a few derivative verbs which are
analogous to them ^as saltan from salt) form a simple perfect ;
the perfect of the derivative verbs is always compound. In the
Gothic perfect their remained, as a rule, either the reduplication
or the gradation of the radical. The former we find chiefly with
verbal themes which do not allow of gradation, namely such
as have the radical a followed by two consonants, or taie the
highest gradation in the present theme already ; we rarely find
reduplication along with gradation of the radicid a into 6, e into 6,
^^^*e reduplicational eylkble the vowel at has rapplanted the
2*'^1 of the root, which no doabt origituJlf occurred in the
S^Tplicatiou too.
"^fce more primitive ino(io of rednplicating k preserved in the
■ 13. Germ, tei-ia = la-lti, root ta (to do), which in Gothic woald
» *ii-da = da-'hi, and which answers to tiie Sansk. dadhdu, prim.
^*«4W. Of two consonants the initial only remains in the re-
^l^licatioD, except the combinations hv, »k, and st, which remain
J**iie, e. g. depa (I slei-p), »di-zlep ; gref^a (to weep), g&i-grSt ;
r^t MAupa, I run (Germ. laufe), hldi-hldup ; ttauta, percutio
^^erro. stog^), ufai-n/aii/ ,- ikdida, I separate (Germ, scheide),
\^^i-»kdld. According to the laws of reduplication and grada-
•^D we have to distinguish three fonne of the Gothic perfect,
^hich are produced l>y reduplication and gradation combined,
liy reduplication without gmdation, and by gradation without
tednplicatlon.
J. RednplicatioD and gradation combined.
In all verbs coming nnder this head the radical is either a or
t, gtadated in the perfect into 6. (i)>The radical a (the pre-
■ent tense formed with the snffix -yo-) : ist sing, present vaia,
^prim. va-ya-mi, root va, fiara (Germ, wehen), perf. vai-v6.
1\am also the roots la, to scold, sa, to sow. (2) The radical /;
infinitive present letan, to let, perf, lai-lSt. The long e in the
present tense is espl^ned by some to be the effect of a nasal
consonant having been dropped after the radical a, which nasal
is still preserved in the cognate languages, e. g. Goth, tele-a, Lat.
tango; Go^.flek-a, l^t.plang-o, Qo^.gr^t-a, Saaek. ikrand-dmi.
%. Bedaplication without gradation.
According to the rule laid down before, all the verbs falling
imder this head should be (1) such as have the radical a followed
by two consonants, or (2) such as have the highest gradation in
the present theme already. To the former belong ialda (I hold),
kdi-hald; valda, I govern (Germ, walte), vdi-vald: hat fahan,
to catch (Germ. &ugen), and hahan, to hang (Germ, hangen),
tiiough they end with but one consonant, make by analogy _/a»-
Jiah and kdi-kah in the perfect. To the class under (3) belong
hv^pan (to boast) kvdi-hvop ; tkdidan, to separate (Germ, schei-
den), ikdi-Bkdid; tlautan, percutere (Germ, stolen), ttdi-tldut;
because we have in these verbs the highest gradation in the pre-
sent tense, namely 6 being the highest or second gradation of a,
di of >, and du of u. But ilepan, to sleep, following the analogy
of these verbs, also makes idi-zUp, though its ^ is only the firat
gradation of a.
400 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
3.. Gradation without reduplication.
(A) In the verbs belonging to the sub-class (A) the singular of
the perfect has the second (or highest) gradation, while the ploial,
the dual^ and the optative present the simple radical i or «. Thus
of the root vit, prim, 'oid (to know), we have the per£ sing, ist
vdit, 2nd vdis-t^^vdiUt, 3rd vdU, plur. ist mt-Hr-m^ &c. Comp.
prim. 1st sing, vivdida, ist plur. vUnd^masi as well as the cor-
responding forms in Sanskrit and Greek, p. 394.
In the same manner we have of the root grip (infinitive gretp"
an, to gripe ; Germ, greifen), the perf. grdip^ grip-um ; root *ti^,
infinitive stetgan, ascendere (Germ, steigen), stdigy stig^um; root
tiih, theiha, cresco (G^rm. ge-deihe), iMiA, thaik-um — a4 for i
on account of the succeeding k ; root gut (infinitive giutan^ to
pour ; G^rm. gief en), gdut, guir-um ; root iuh (infinitive tiuJian, to
draw, to pull ; Germ, ziehen), tduA, tauh-um — au for u on account
of the succeeding h,
(B) The radical is a in the perfect gradated to S, which grada-
tion remains in the plural, dual, and optative also; e. g./ar-an,
to go, present prim, Ja-^/arUy perf.y<?r, plur. /Sr-«w, prim. J^-^ra,
fa-fdr^maai; ilah^Ln^ to slay, pert. %l6hy Bloh-^m; malr<Ln^ molere
(Germ malen), mol, mSl-um ; haf-ja-fiy to lift (Germ, heben),
hofy hSf'Um ; root %tathy stud, infinitive sta-n^dHin, to stand, perf.
stoth. These verbs seem to have preserved the radical a intact
in the present, under the shelter of an ancient reduplication, as
Jara-^fd-fara, 8ta{n)(la'y from a reduplicated form slasta--.
(C) The singular of the perfect has weakened the original a
into a, while the plural preserved it in the form of e, e. g. root
vag, to move (Germ, be-weg-en), perf. sing, vag, prim, va-vagk-a,
plur. veg-u?n, prim, vavdijli-mau. In the present tense ^tig-a
the radical a is weakened into i. Thus we have of the root at
(to eat), present ?V-«, perf. sing, at^ perf. plur. et-um ; sial (to
steal), stilay stal, steluni ; sat (to sit), sita, sat, selum; vas (to be),
visa, vas, vesu?n. The radical of the perfect may have resisted the
weakening into i under the influence of its ancient reduplication,
hence nani = 7fa'?ia?fi, vag-=^va-vag,
(D) The singular of the perfect has the radical a, but the plural
the weakening of a into w, while in the present tense again the
a is, as in the preceding case, weakened to i^. To this class
belong chiefly verbs which have the radical a succeeded by two
* • In the preterite the reduplication which the Gothic but sparingly preserved,
has been torn away in the course of time ; but the strong vowel placed behind was
sheltered, and where it was weakened it was not degraded to the weakest form (t),
but to an intermediate degree (u), hence Imndum (we bound), by the side of hindam
(we bind).* Bopp, VoccUumuSf p. 215.
^^^— TEE VERB. 401
JzJ**>nants ; 8. g. root rann, to leak (Germ. riDDen), preeeat rinna,
■\^^~~ Tann, plnr. nmii'Um ; prim, rarann-a, plur. rarann-tnati : in
^^^ came nunoer, Ailpan (to help), ialp, Aulpumj bindan (to
\^^*\hanil,bundtim; niliau (io Aid), trail, tvullum ; giggnan [to
■^_^fe}, »a/jffe, tuggvum ; singgqan = siggkvan (to sink), taggq,
f^^^^in. In this clase there are many secondary roots ; tlie
--^^ti rann (to leak), for instance, is formed as a present theme by
• i'^^^ns of the suffix -no- from the primitive root ar, to go; band
Vt^ lind) hai an inorganic n ; »aggv and saggq also are unprimitive
^'^ 'tteir final element.
Fbsfect in -b>>
In Old High German and in Old Norse there are remains of
(perfect formed with «, as the Latin and sing and plur. in w
II-"-'.' -i»-/h) ; e. g. Old Noree root w, to sow, perf. s»-ra, ae-ri,
■sti, ^le-ti; root gra, vivere, perf. grS-ri; root, ar, ra, to
w, perf. ri~ri. Old High German root tcri, to shriek, ist plur.
"perf. aerirT-K-meg, from a primitive thi-g-man {u is the connec-
fcye Towel) ; root jn, pu, prim, bhu, to be, ist plur. perf. pi-r-u-
m£$, prim. 6Au-i-mati, and pi-r-u-i, prim, bhu-t-tati. (Compare
flie consonants v> and r, i and r.)
The Cokpound (Weak) Pbefbct ih the Teuiosic Dialects.
The componnd perfect ia formed by the addition of the pre-
terite of the verb ' to do' to the verbal theme. This formation
we might imitate by coining new compouDds, such as ' I love-
did/ 'thoD love-didst,' &c. It is not found in the cognate
langnages, bat was produced in the Teutonic primitive language
after the separation from its Aryan sisters; it ia tlierefore often
called the New Perfect, and by Grimm the Weak Form, because
it does not affect the radical vowel. Our English do, did, the
German thu, that. Old High German ln6-m, and the Gothic
noon di-d-» (deed) may be referred to a Gothic root da, prim.
dha, from which we get the ist sing. prea. da-dhortni. Now in
the Gothic compound the reduplication of the ori^nal ^dida-=
^ da-da is lost in the singular, but preserved in the plural and in
the optative, and the a is, in the last-mentioned forms, gradated
to /=df, following the analogy of the frequently occurring perf.
themes, as »at, plur. «et. The reduplicated da, however, m the
form of ^dad-y plur. ded-, appeared then in the form of a true
verbal theme.
Dd
■*^
i£ '±ll^ vBC&ct dik word B
9ixBiies3i':t' 3ii<*aiiKL m- 'rdl muuol ira/L cbe- feOovicg. lift
^n^ -iitr "ETHDnaiiLtii if "zm yscL if- *96« &c "dtds (O. H.
"t-m . IT- in XII MtLbT ^A/>f. ^iTfT- <tfdg-4t>j. .aid -^ for
#/.//-r. iitibT ic^'^t. ^rrii rot* >5^iiuil iinfix «• whack w do not
-tnif ^iie^nr?*^ ji -iie Y^'mrim: it^zsts. Olr ^nit aonawd perfect
'jttfnn " Ui»i. -ntf miL i«2s. T-nrmi iit iwyM^=*A*ii-t. jid pen. hai
«i it£3iii 3ir ~ ^'4<^ iF ^«/l P-HoL zsti ^^i^-»Hk. daad daim, primu
ioit^tih^mujfi. f :.. Ttf> -riie idt? djbis 3l jnau^cy to the eoDunon
•iiTTSk Wr-/ — ..'1. w.^,'— ^-r. imn. iTiutM^-tfi'M^ UtAik f«V, Thas then
• _ « «
•Tie 3«»ri-;^ IE Till* "ncaid nz-rf'/-. •!£«-• i» 3. ^ae i*t ang*. mofh-da,
L-tC lijir. iii^-c^/r-if.ii ..- IE lie "intymt* ioJitl^, i^ sng. stiU-Mj
4Fnr:a 1jE!ii zi 'ais Trarmt^ i nfw peckct : t g. lat ang. mik4*
Sir 'miti^'*i^ Vtt-m^ ir ;at**!k3 s^:c« dtscik are danged into
tai» «3irazir:3 it ':3if ^gryrr** ifrs^vL, ZEiii ev^a]r doital Boust be ren-
T'xx ma* J. ^•:*!saiiL: '^^trnt 3:r 'rr^t-^-* fsr ^fi^-dti, of r»//, root ri<,
v IcL*:^ : fATi'—f^e :t r,^^'. iCiiZ. 'jiflwo. Besdes these tbeie are
ii^ -^zxnzijtis :t tzJs vrrratitra. saeh a& jiuJ-/ii for *tJkat4a^ I
Ii. "irr Tr*i*->! IzjLjr^tTA ^.^^rr^.-T tt-* ciMnp^aiid perfect IS
:':nir-!i is zi 'j-rl^-:. tJL»r -^"^t • lii' aLseuming the following
»..■». rj_,-. ;? H. 'J. O 5. A-S. O.Fri*. O.N.
Sraj :?c :-x -B ii '^^ •!* rfa
:i«i i>j *J4 i-.Vi tfifltf- <ifii<' air
5ri 15 :3 ij fif* •;< di
PI~L' ir: d<iLfk timici dtm drm dt^u \ dmm
2 -A C'f -A'A tii «f«a i/'./« d'ym { <f«i9
^ d'i'I^n t*« <f« , d<;« cfoa ' dm
Dual i*t <//./« .. .. •'
ir.d didtts .. i
I
I :: i
These modified forms are added to the theme of the derivative
verl/s in aya, which a4>ain appears in three modifications : (i) The
first a drof.p^^d, fi^j^,ji, in the present and -i- (-^) in the per-
ftict ; e. g*. Goth. na*ja, na4jU, perf. n/i^-i-da, O. H. Grerm. ner-i-
la, O. S. ner-i^la, A. S. ner-e-de^ O. Fris. ner-e^e, O. N. (without
' Hie -«/ in Anglo-Saxon, and Old Frisian -dett^ would answer to a Gothic
^d^M, -=. ihulri, and ii more correct than the -i in the termination of the other dialects.
THE VERB, 403
^^the derivative suffix) ken-da, {%) The y of ay a being dropped
' -^+a appears as <?, e. g. Goth. salh^S^ aalh^o^s, perf. sall-S-day O. H.
Germ. aalp^S-ta, O. S. icaw^d-da (ist sing. pros, scaic-d-n, 2nd
scaw-d-^); A. S. sealf-d-de (ist sing. seaif-Je, 2nd sealf-a^st) \
O. Pris. 8alr-a^, O. N. kalUa-^a, (3) The last a of aytf disap-
pears, and the derivative suffix is a/^ e. g. Goth, ist sing, present
indicative ^3a^ 2nd hath-ai-a^ perf. hah-ai-da, O. H. Germ. ^fl[/?-
^-^. Thus Gothic and Old High German have three, the other
dialects only two conjugations of the weak form. Concerning
the details, see the Conjugations. The modern dialects either
drop the thematic suffix altogether and join the termination
directly to the root^ or the suffix always appears in the weakened
form e.
THE INFINITIVE.
The suffix -ana- is used in Sanskrit, Greek, and the Teutonic
languages, to form themes which are used as infinitives, which
therefore must have belonged to the primitive language.
In Sanskrit the dative and locative singular of abstracts in
-ana- {^andya^ -ane) have the function of the infinitive, e. g. dative
gam-andya, locative gam-anS, theme gam-ana-, nom. sing, gam-
anor-m (neuter noun), root gam, to go ; ds-and, root ds, to sit.
The Greek language forms with the suffix ana the infinitive
in -€i;oi, which Schleicher looks upon as the locative of feminine
themes. Thus k^Xom-ivai refers us to a primitive theme rirdik-
ana-, i. e. a nomen agentis derived from the perfect theme by
means of the suffix -ana-. Themes which end with a vowel com-
monly take -na instead of -ana, hence bibS-vai, larrdvai, b^iKvvvai, ;
but 0€lvai:=^ 0€-€vai, bovvai=^ bo-€vai, -€iv, Dor. -€r, are short-
ened forms of -€vai.
The Gothic infinitive has lost the case-sign of the noun as
well as the final a of the theme-suffix a7ia, and it consequently
always ends with an. This suffix however is so added as to sup-
press the final a of the theme, or we might say, vice versa, the
final a of the theme is also the initial of the suffix, e. g. theme
baira-, prim, hhara-^ infinitive lair-an^ prim, hhar-ana-^ root har^
prim, hhaty to bear; thus also it-an, to eat; prim, ad-ana-, pres.
theme ita-, prim, cwfo-, root ai^ prim, ad', steig-an, to ascend
(Germ, steigen), prim, staigh-ana- ; safjan, prim, saday-ana-.
As in Gothic so in the Teutonic dialects generally -an is
adopted as the termination of the infinitive, which in Old Frisian
and Old Norse is curtailed to a, o&faran, O, Fris. and O. iJ./ara,
D d 2
404 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
This an appears in the Middle and New Teutonic dialects as en^
e.g. Germ, lieb-en, Dutch be-minn-en. The English language
also preserved the termination of the infinitive as late as to the
times of Spenser and Shakespeare, though we find also in Laja-
mon already forms where the n is dropped, and the force of the
infinitive imparted to the verb by the preposition ' to/ Swedish
and Danish follow their Old Norse mother, the former rendering
the infinitive by the termination a, the latter weakening it to e.
PARTICIPLES.
Present Participle AcnvB.
The suffix -anty -nty which occurs in all the Aryan languages,
is chiefly employed in the formation of the present participle.
Primitive. Root bhar^ to bear, present theme bhara-, present
part, bharor-nt' ; root ntar^ to strew, present theme ntar^na^^ pre-
sent part, star-na-nir-,
Sanskrit. Root and present theme ad-, to eat, part, ctd-^nt^;
root and present theme tf*-, to be, part, (u^ni- ; root tud, to
strike, present theme tuda-, present part, tuda-nt ; root yu, to
join, present theme yuna-^ present part, pma-nf-,
Greek. The suffix appears in the shape of ^oirr, -irr, fem.
'Ovcra=:^ -ov(ra=:^ ovT^a. Root (f>€p, to bear, theme (f)€po-y part.
(f)€po-vT', fern. (f)€povaa ; root bo, to give, theme 6t8o-, part. 5i8o-
VT' ; root ^e, to set, theme rt^c-, part, ri^c-rr ; root ora, to stand,
theme tora-, part. Icrra-VT.
Latin. Suffix -ent, -nty in a more ancient form -unl, ^-ont;
e. g. root vek, to move, theme ve/ie-, part, veke-nt- ; root i, to go,
present theme z = 6'/', part, i-ent-y e-unt-z^^e-ont',
Gothic. The form of the suffix is -nd, -nda. Root bar, to
bear, present theme baira- for bira-y part nom. sing. masc. batra-
nd'S, from a primitive bhara-nt-s or bhara-ntia^'S ; very likely
the latter, because it is treated as a theme in -a in all the other
cases. Under these circumstances the form of the theme -nda,
"iidja^ is extended by the addition of the suffix -««, fem. -jan^
so that we arrive at the thematic suffix -ndan^, -ndjayi^, which
forms are treated like the themes in -n of the definite adjective;
e. g. accus. sing. masc. baira-ndan, from a prim, bkara-ntan-am;
loo (dat.) baira-ndiv, from a prim, bhara^ntan-i ; nom. sing. fem.
baira-ndeiy from a prim, bhara-ntydfi-s ; gen. balra^ndein-s, prim.
bhara-ntydn-as.
THE VERB.
405
But when these participles are used as substantives^ they still
show the older consonantal theme in -andy ^nd, in several cases^
e. g. nom. sing. giba^nd-Sy one giving, a giver, theme giba, root
gab ; bi-^ia-nd-s, one sitting near, a neighbour, theme sita-, root
sat. These nominatives may fairly be considered true conso-
nantal themes^ because they are supported by the consonantal
character of the locatives (datives), e. g. giband, bislfand, from a
primitive locative sadant-iy &c. Thus also the plural sitand^s
from a prim, sadant-as^.
The other Teutonic dialects also have preserved the participial
suffix, and some of them to the present day. It occurs, as in
Gothic, in the form -««?, respectively -nly which is joined to the
vowel of the theme. The participle is in the ancient dialects
treated in the same manner as the definite adjective, in the
modern, as any other adjective, definite or indefinite, as the case
may be. The difierent forms will easily be understood from the
following paradigm.
Gothic.
O. H. Germ.
Old Saxon. Anglo-Saxon.
0. Fris.
Old Norse.
finth-a^nd-$f 1
finding j
na»-ja-nd-8, \
saving J
hab-a-Ttd-^, 1
having /
find-a-nt-ir
hap-4'nt'4r
Jind-a-nd
r $ca%D^nd,
\ looking
Jind'-e-nd'e
ner^je-nd-e
Uc-e^nd-e^ \
seeking j
Jind-a'tid
ner-a-nd
$ec-a-nd
Jinn-a-nd-i
f tel-ja-nd-4,
1 telling
J kenn-a^nd-i,
\ knowing
In the Middle and New Teutonic dialects the e of the termi-
nation ^e-nd is no longer felt as the thematic vowel, but treated
as belonging to the participial termination, so that in Late Saxon
we have inde, ande, instead of the original end€. On the other
hand, in Modem English, the whole form is supplanted by the
verbal substantive in -ing, a fact which occasionally occurs in
Layamon already, while in Old English and Middle English we
find the participial form in end, indy pid, and, side by side with
the verbal substantive in ingy inge, ynge, performing the func-
tions of the participle. New English discarded the legitimate
form altogether to the benefit of the intruder, so that now the
participle and the verbal substantive are identical. Some of the
modern dialects however have preserved the participle in end, as
we see in the German Jind-end, lieb-endy hab-endy &c., where the
Old High German t has yielded to the influence of the Low
German d.
' On the declension of the partinple, see Themes in -ftdy p. 324.
406 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
Perfect Participle Passive of Stem -Verbs.
Suffix -na.
This form occurs in Sanskrit in very few examples, sucb as
pHr-na- for ^par-na^, root par, to fill ; hugh^na^, root bhug^ to
bend ; in Greek and Latin also it is only fragmentary, chiefly in
adjectives ; but in Gothic all stem- verbs form their perfect par-
ticiple in -wa, which, combined with the thematic a and the
case-sign s, yields the terminations for the nominative singular
masculine an^s, fem. ana, neut. an^ from the primitive forms
masc. ^anas^ fem. -and, neut. -anor-m ; e. g. 9alta (salio), perf.
part, saltans, saltana, saltan; hdita (voco), hditan-s ; giba (I
give), giban-s ; stila (I steal), stulans ; or, if we take the the-
matic vowel separately, salt-a^ns, Adit^a-ns, &c. At any rate
we may say that the theme of this participle ends in Gothic
with -an-.
The same termination is taken up by the other Teutonic
dialects ancient and modern, the latter weakening it to -e», a
form which even Modern English has preserved among the few
grammatical fragments handed down from its Anglo-Saxon
mother. The suffix -an, -en, is used only with stem-verbs,
which form their perfect by modifying the radical, and belong to
Grimm^s stronoj' conjugation. One example may suffice for the
sake of illustration. The Gothic stila n (to steal), perf. stal, plur.
sfe/fifN, makes the perfect participle stula)i-s\ O. H. Germ.
-sfolan-er'^, O. S. stohni, A. S. stoleUy O. Fris. stolen, O. N. stollun,
M. H. Germ, stain , M. Dutch stolen, Late Sax. stolen?i^, O. Engl.
stolen, M.Engl, stoln, N.Engl, stolen and stoln, N. H. Gerra.
-stolen, N. Dutch stolen, Swed. stulen, Dan. stiaalen.
Perfect Participle PASSI^^J of Derivative Verbs.
The primitive suffix is -ta, which in the masculine assumes the
case-sign -s, in the neuter -m, in the feminine gradates the final
vowel; so that the terminations are, masc. as, fem. a, neut. a-m',
Greek suffix -to-, terminations 0-9, -q, o-v, Latin suffix "tu- for
'to-, terminations u-s (for ^c-.v), a (for a), ti-m (for ^o-m).
^ Concerning the modification of the radical, see the Formation of the Perfect
Theme in Gotliic, p. 398 sqq.
* Where we prefix the hyphen to the participial form, it indicates the augment ge.
Old High German ga, which precedes the verb.
' Layaraon has in this word dropped the n, and makes the participle 9toU : but
he has cumen, toren, hroken, &c.
THE VERB. 407
Primitive. Participles d^i-ta-^ kni-ta-, kak-f-a-, sddaya^ta^, of
the roots da (to give^, kru (to hear), kak (to cook), sad (to sit).
Sanskrit. Participles ma^-ta^y bhr-ta^ bad-dha- for Had-ta-, of
bhe roots man (to think), bhar (to bear), badh, bandh (to bind).
Greek. Participles kAv-tJ-, ^€VK'T6'y ara-ro^, O^-to-, yroj-rrf,
3f the roots kXv (to hear), ^vy (to flee), ara (to stand), ^e (to set),
yvo (to know).
Iiatin. Participles da-to^, stasia, i-to-^ coc-to-, of the roots da
[to give), sta (to stand), i (to go) coc (to cook).
Gothic. The suffix in the form of -da, nom. sing. masc. 'tk^s
for ^da^s, neut. ~tk for ^da^m, fem. -<fo. These terminations are
added to the theme of derivative verbs ; e. g. theme sSki-, part,
masc. sSki^th-^, neut. sSki-th, fem. sSki-da ; theme fisko^^ part.
tnasc fiskS'tk-Sf neut. fsk^-tk, (era. Jiskd-da. This sufiix is also
ased in all those verbs which apply the perfect theme for the
functions of the present ( Praeterito-Praesentia ) and their ana-
logues, such as mah-tay thah-ta^ brah^ia, of the roots mag (to be
able), tkak (to think), brag (to bring).
The other Teutonic dialects apply the same suffix in the form
of -d^ or -^, respectively, which they add to the thematic vowel
of the derivative or weak verb ; e. g. O. H. Germ. -ner-i-Uery
O. S. -ner-i-dy A. S. ner-e-dy O. Fris. ner-i-dy Goth, nas-i-tk-s for
^nas^i-da-Sy from nasjauy to save; thus also the O. N. taUd-r for
an older ^taUu-da^B from taljauy to count, to tell ; O. H. Germ.
salp^'t-eTy Goth. salb^o-tk-B for satt-d^a^s ; compare O. N, kail--
o-"8-r for ^kalUa-da^s ; O. S. scdw-S-dy looked; A. S. ^sealf-S-d;
Late Saxon makod^ and makede^ ascode and askede ; O. Engl.
thanked and thankld; N.Engl, thanked y N. H. Germ, ^dankt.
In the Middle and New Teutonic languages the distinction of
different weak conjugations, that is, of different themes formed
by the derivatiye sufi^ aya^ is, with few exceptions, lost ; hence
the thematic or connective vowel is always e^ and the participial
termination -ed^ -ety respectively ; or, dropping the thematic e
altogether, -rf, -t. On the whole the thematic e and the suffixed
participial d are treated in the same manner as the perfect termi-
nation and its preceding thematic vowel, and we shall therefore
leave the details of their various modifications for the section on
Weak Conjugations.
408 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
THE PERFECT IN THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGE.
REDUPLICATION (ABLAUT). CLASSIFICATION OF STRONG "^VKA
Reduplication was in the Teutonic, as in the other Atjtt
languages, the most primitive mode of forming the perfect
This fact must always be borne in mind if we wish to arrive it
something like order and system in a subject which is ittlier
complicated in its nature because often obscure in its origin and
development. Many phenomena in the Ablaut of Teutonie
verbs can only be explained by the influence of a reduplicationil
syllable upon the radical^ the effect of which remamed even
when the cause had ceased to exist. Several examples of tiie
kind in Gothic we had already occasion to notice. As to the
other Teutonic languages our rule is of the same importance.
Though the reduplication has completely disappeared from tbe
verb, it has left an indelible impression on the system of Ablaut
Under * Ablaut' Teutonic grammarians understand a modification
of the radical which takes place in the perfect tense and tbe
perfect participle. This modification consisted originally in the
gradation of the root in the perfect singular, gradation or weak-
ening in the present tense, weakening in the perfect participle;
and it was a phonetic change of secondary importance, conco-
mitant with the reduplication, but not necessary for the forma-
tion of the perfect, far less sufficient of itself to denote that
tense. Tbe more however the ancient mode of reduplication was
abandoned, the more important became the modification of the
radical in the formation of the tenses, until finally it was the
only means of expressing the temporal relations of the verb.
Still it would be impossible to deny the influence of reduplica-
tion on the Ablaut, not merely in the ancient Teutonic verb, but
in verbal forms of the present day. This point we are about
to examine. Reduplication, in its original form, must have
contained the vowel of the root ; the perfect of the verb AalduH
must have been ha-hald in the primitive Teutonic. Now we
find that in the Gothic, such as it is in extant documents, the
radical is everywhere replaced by the vowel ai in the redupli-
cational syllable. This change may have occurred before the
separation of the different Teutonic tribes took place, and must
therefore have affected all the dialects. Thus then the Old High
THE VERB. 409
^^^"inaii would use kei-halt for Aa-ialt, the Low German hUhald
Ap-iald, Anglo-Saxon probably Aeo-keald. {eo for i, see Anglo-
»^on Brechung of the vowel i,)
'^^^^e loss of the reduplication seems to date from a period
^^Oen the Teutonic nation had lost the centre of unity, and had
^^parated into tribes independent of one another. While Gothic
^ais preserved the reduplication in many verbs, the other dialects
lUve lost it altogether — all of them, however, show traces of the
ancient grammatical form. We have seen how in Latin, through
a process of contraction, forms arose such as cepi from ^ca-capi,
feci from ^ fa-fact^ fi^9h from ^fra-fragi or rather ^fra-fagL A
similar inclination to combine the reduplicational and the radical
syllable came upon the Teutonic languages, and a like effect was
produced in the contraction of the vowels; hence O. H. Germ.
kialt, O. S. held for the Goth, hai-hald. In the first-mentioned
dialect the diphthong still represents the l^isyllabic nature of
the ancient perfect, while in the Low German they were more
closely amalgamated into e. This process of contraction becomes
clearly apparent frt>m two examples left in Old High German.
One we find in the perfect pi-hei-alt, used by Kero (eighth cen-
tury), which is but one step from the primitive form hei-halty the
reduplicated perfect of haltHin. From this example it would
appear, that the initial consonant of the root was lost first, and
that then the vowels were more and more closely contracted, so
that fit>m heialt we arrive in later documents at the forms hialt^
Aialtj hieliy until in Modem German it is pronounced hilt^ though
still spelt as a diphthong in hielt. The closest contraction
took place in the ancient Low German dialects, which passed
through the diphthongal form to held^ hild. Another example
we have in the O. H. Germ, ana-^tero^ (impingebat), which stands
for anasleso^, the * of the original form being changed into r,
and the e being the weakened form of /, the remainder of the
original reduplicational vowel ei, so that we arrive next at stestS^
and finally at siei-sto^, the parallel to the Gothic stai-stduty
the perfect of slogan is stio^ {siia^ and siie^ are peculiarities of
special dialects) with to, because of the dark full radical O. H.
Germ. S, Goth, du, in which case the Low German dialects also
have the diphthongal form io or eo ; but of haldauy Aei^an, it is
Aialdj hia^ (never hiold, hio^, Low Germ, held (A. S. heold), het,
ia, Sy on account oithe high-sounding radicals a, ^2* = Goth, a, di,
A fewfingments of redupication are preserved in Anglo-Saxon
■I ^i 7-j' r
7i .*JJ
r-. - =L r. >-?:?-• -T -iT -'i. "n xr. wad. tl & saxniljii ma,
'SMitf* -f uc T'-". 1 -is*- Tiu-M Hii^ lit '.'imiiu-Ts^ !<• iLe losso
axv? u'-'uiirarr- lie r-nnruriiiL 'rirrt— Oi. .-■••.' TiK^nmes .V<. then
T^^JTL "uisr -j»fi r use;' i« -.lirar iir»r lii* A'lifcn. « modifi-
TT-TTiixii'. dausr*> \^ nxt r-inaiinacj il nr T^Tiity lin- Ires rfthe
T-rinziii-jni n. Kui -r-t T:f-.r-ii.r* d-t^ rnsriti-i ir &:Tineing the
cifHT-^u: rein.iui: ^'f:^ n. liif soxii ^»"^-**' as ve did in
T^t ffij*l n:^ -ail "ii** ^":iunr n: •ii* T»f!r:-rt psrdciple abo
zxr.; fc*r.r.ii3:L :»-.aiT:si- r: » iriMt :c "iijt lOM :^£iLriic*:c7ia^ics in the
KiLTurjr^.a. :c "lik TTrroi? -tir: li 'Jiit zi^ni^r. T«n.>Tiic dialects,
a^i :»*r»ast n £r^-* "-irt "!*-«j7-r-r»*^ .a,* irrmra Cv-re to dircct
W^ fjv: ir>»f«i£ :: ^be difi9si».uri:3: cc ibe Old Teotonk
I.
.z.irT t-i* L-*-! wc o:-:L5:irr t-: il- i- :r.-:««e verbs which in
G.thic havr: r^"::^!;:-ji::::i ar.: 2T-iiiti::i o:n::'int?i. The radical
Ik "Jtf-T a or ^'; whrrr tic ::nz.rr •>A'::r=- tie present theme is
fonii*^ with th»r snffii -^fc--. t.i: i?. j/; in the j-erfevt singular
ar;d pliiml v.e have the ?-e«X'nd graniation S; the perfect participle
haii the ndv.-ial of the j-resent. In the other Teutonic languages
the e of the Gothic present is re] -n rented by their respective
vowelfi of the first gradation ; e. g. Old High German a, Anglo-
Saxon /?, &<;.' The radical of the perfect is of course modified
l>y the reduplication. Thus we get the vocalic system of —
' 'Jlie Table of ikndaiioDM eboold Blvavt be ooDMilted \p. 14).
THE VERB.
411
Class I. (Grimm IV, V, VI.)
Badical a, 6\ —
Gothic
O. H. Gcmi.
OldSuEon
Ang^lo-Saxoo
OldFrisUo
Old None
a» (a) t
a.
a.
Perf. Sing.
6.
ta
Perf. Plur
i, ie
i .
Perf. Part.
a
a
Examples :—
Gothic
O. S. Oenn.
OldSazon
Anglo-Saxon
Old Frisian
Old None
$aia .
lita .
latu .
IceU .
lata .
iai-^6
lairlH
lia^ .
Ut .
Ut .
lit .
Ut .
sai-s&um
lairlStum
lia^umei
letum .
Uton .
UUm
Utum .
BttiaJU
Wans
Idfaner
latan
laten
Uten
latinn
Verbs belonging to tAis Cldss.
Gothic, saia^ sow (Germ, ssee; sero) ; lata, scold, irrideo ; vaia,
breathe, blow (Germ, wehe; flo); greta, cry, weep, ploro; jleka^
complain, plango ; leta^ let (Germ, laf e ; sino) ; teka, touch,
tango, slepa, sleep (Germ, schlafe ; dormio), makes the perf. sai-
zlep, avoiding the second gradation.
Old High (German, sldfu^ sleep (Germ, schl&fe) ; rdtu^ advise
(Germ, r&te j consulo); ^|w, let (Germ, lape; sino). hdhu, hang
(Germ, hange ; suspendo), and fahu^ catch (Germ, fange ; capio),
take the perfect of hankan, vankan, (Class II.)
Old Saxon, sldpu^, rddu, Idtu^ ondrddu, fear, dread, metao.
hdhu 2kvAfdhu make their perfect after Class II.
Anglo-Saxon, slcepe^ grate, late, ondrade. sdwe, sero = Goth.
saia, follows the analogy of Class III.
Old Frisian, slepa^ reda, leta^ wepa, weep ; plorare.
Old Norse, grdta, lata, rd^a, bldsa, breathe, spirare. fd
(catch, capere) makes the preseutyie, perf. Ang.Jeck^ plur.y5?»-
gum, perf. fBit./enginn,
^ Of Old Frisian and Old None we give the infinitive instead of the ist singular
present indicative.
' Where no translation is given, the meaning of the word maj be seen from the
parallels in the preceding cognate dialects.
412
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
II.
Under this head we group in Gothic all those verbs
have reduplication without gradation. They have either tk
radical a followed by two consonants (commonly liquid witk
mute), or highest gradation in the present theme already; fte
radical of the present remains throughout. In the other Teutonk
languages the radical a is preserved in the present, and in tlie
perfect }>artioiple ; in the perfect it is changed under the influ-
ence of the reduplication. The verbs with the second gradataon
have either ai (second gradation of t) or au (second gradation of
n) in the present tense^ which gradation is rendered in the other
Teutonic languages by the corresponding vowels.
Thus we get three classes, of which we give the vocalic
system in the following.
Radical a : —
Pres.
(jothic a . .
O. H. Germ, a .
Old Saxon a . .
Anglo-Saxon a, ea
Old Frisian a . .
Old Norse a . .
Class II. (Grimm I.)
Perf. Sing. Perf. Plur.
a.
ia
it ie
t. «
€ .
a . .
ia .
^, ie .
i, e6,
i e .
A
e . .
Perf. Part.
a
a
a
a, ea
a
a
Examples : —
Gothic
O. H. Germ.
Old Saxon
Anglo-Saxon
Old Frisian
Old Norse
kalda
haltu
kaldn
healde
spnniie
halda
halda
hai-hald
hialt
held,
hculd
8]ien .
htlt .
hilt .
hai-haldum
hialt umii
heldan .
htohion .
spenon .
h ildon .
heldum .
haUJanM
haltaner
haidoH
healden
spannen
haldm
haldinm
Verbs belonging to this Class*
Gothic, salta, salt (Germ, salze ; salio) ; halda ^ guard, pasco ;
walda, rule, command (Germ, walte ; impero) ; faDoa^ fold (Germ,
falto; plico) \fahay catch (Germ, fange; capio); hahay hang (Germ.
lian<^e ; suspendo) .
Old High German, vallu, fall (Germ, falle; cado) ; haltu ^ hold
(Germ, halte; teneo) ; spaliu, cleave (Germ, spalte; sciudo); valiiu,
fold (Germ, falte; plico); salzu, salt (Germ, salze; salio); kanku,
gangUy ^o, eo \fangu, receive (Germ. em(p) fange; suscipio) ; haniu,
hangu, hang (Germ, hange; suspendo); am, plough, aro.
THE VERB.
413
Old Saxon, fallu^ haldu^ taaldu, fangu^^ gangu ; blandu, mix^
blend^ misceo.
Anglo-Saxon. feaUe^ healde,fange, hange, occur in tlie perfect
^f^Ji spanne, span (Germ, spannen; tendo)^ wealde, rule^ com-
mand, dominor.
Old Frisian. Aalde, valde, impero.
Old Norse, /alia, Aalda, valda, dlanda, ganga; Aangi, pendeo ;
falda^ plicare. As to the irregularities of this class, see our
remarks below.
Class III. (Grimm II.)
Badical ai (
:i):-
Free.
Perf. Sing.
Perf. Plur.
Perf. Part.
Gothic
ai , . .
. . a» . . .
. , ai ....
ai
O. H.Germ.
•
e» . . .
. . ta . . .
, . .ta ....
€%
Old Saxon
1 . . .
, . i,ie, . .
, . i, ie . . . .
i
Anglo-Saxon
& . . ,
%, e6 ,
, . i, ed , . . .
&
Old Frisian
S , . ,
, . i,i . . .
.CI ... .
i
Old None
•
• w • • • «
. i
•
Examples :-
—
Gothic
tkaida . .
. shai-^aid .
, . shai-^aidum .
sJcaidanM
>»
haUa . .
. . hai-hait
, . hui-haitum ,
haitans
O. H.Germ.
ikeidu . .
. . Aiad .
, . tkiadumi$. .
tkeidanir
Old Saxon
akedu . .
. . tkid, . .
, . skedun . . .
ikidan
Anglo-Saxon
icade . ,
. . scedd .
. . tceddon. . .
scMen
•»
haU, . .
. . hit . .
. . hiton . . .
haten
Old Frisian
heU , , .
, . hit . .
. . hiton . . .
hiten
Old Norse
keita . .
, . hit . ,
. . hUam . . .
heitinn
Verbs belonging to this Class.
Gk>thio. haitay am called (Germ, heifie, O. Engl, hight; vocor);
maita, cut off, abscido ; skaida, separate (Germ, scheide ; separo) ;
fraisa, tempt, tento; af^aika, deny, nego; Uiika^ leap, jump,
rejoice, ludo.
Old High (German, hei^^ skeidu, mei^u, zeisu, carpo.
Old Saxon. Aelu, skidu, suepu, verro.
Anglo-Saxon. Adle, scdde^ stodjae, lace.
Old Frisian, hete, skethe.
Old Norse. hdUii leika, sweipa.
Class IV. (Grimni HI.
Radical au («) :—
Old FriwMi i .
OU Norao au
Examples : —
Gothii- Wo»pa
O. H.o™. k'onfu
Old S«x<in itip<t
Old Fri»i»n htipa
Old NoMo AMpo
Eadical ^ (fl) :—
Gothic " ■ ■
O. H- Gwm. •«> ■
Old a«on *. iw
Angln^'^o":'"' «. ^ ■
Old Frisian fl, ' ■
Old Norte i . ■
Examples : —
Gothic M«o
O. H.Genn. p/uol»
GUI Ssion krapu
Aoglo-Saion W^
OH .
io,ia
to. it
ti .
t.lo.
io,i.
hlai-kiaap
. hliop
. hU6p
Paf. Fluf
Id. la ■ -
Class IV a.
OtiF
Jlika
, AWop
'. w> ■
>4W
Feris hflonffing to lAU Class.
IV. Gothic, h'au^. run (Gem.. ^f'^i^;S:
butt (Crm. st«^-; Pe-ubo); -J^^j;-,!^' ^'(GerHutf i.
Old High G^rm"^- '*'"f"- '""-'^ \ '• "-^ -*'*^--^
Old saxoo. -i/^a^fct.!^'- r^»- °*^
perf. part, of'*^''''
ijiglo-Saxon.
414
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Rjdicil am («) : —
— ,
P»ca.
FteflSiiif
PefC Phir.
Pot Put
Gotliie «■ . .
. . a» . .
. . on . . .
. OK
O.H.Germ. «m, $ .
. . io, M .
. . to, la . .
. on, ^
Old Saxon 4. . .
. . fo,tf .
. . to, ie
. 4
Aiiflo-Sazoa m . .
. . ctf . .
. . €rf ...
. etf
OUFmba m. . .
. . t. io. .
. . i,to . . .
. a.6
OU None a» . .
. . io,i, .
. . to, 0 . . .
. a»
Examples : —
GoChic hiaupa .
. . kUii-Uam
9, . A/at-JUaiiptwi. iUcngMiat
O.H.Germ. A/ov/v .
. . Aita/ .
. . kHafumet .
. iUo«/»*>
OldSuon AMpv .
. . kliop .
. . Uiopm»
klopam
An^Uy-Saxon Ueape .
. . Ueop .
. . hU6pcm. .
. hledpen
OldFrisao A/ajM .
. . Wicp .
. . A/tofNm]
. &M/I0I
OUNone klapa .
. . JUm^ .
• * •
Ct.ass r
VtL
Radical ^ (a) : —
(xothic 6 .
? . . .
? . . . .
>
O. H. Germ, uo . .
. . to, MB .
. . to ...
. tio
Old Saxon ^, ico .
. . to, i«
. . fo.fe . .
. ^, MO
An^lo-Saxon 6, i . .
. . «J . .
. . erf ...
. ^,1
Old Frisian 6, e . .
. . f . U) . .
. . 1. to. . .
. d.«
Old Norse 6 .
« . . .
« . . . .
. 6
Examples : —
Gothic biota .
. . bai-blot ?
. . bai-hlStum ?
. hlStans ?
O. H. Germ, pluo^u .
. . plia^} .
. . pliazumes ?
. pluo^aner
„ hruofu .
. . hriof .
. . hriof ume$ .
. hruofaner
Old Saxon hropu .
. . Ario;> .
. . hriopun
. hropan
Anglo-Saxon 2»/o^c . .
. . blciSt .
. . bleoton . .
. 6/o^en
ff firepan .
. . hreop .
. . hrcopon
. hrepcn
Old Frisian Jloka .
. . Jliok
. . fiiohon . .
. /<5jk«t
,, tr«/>a
. . triop
. . wiopon . .
. vepeu
Old Norse biota .
. . blit . .
. . blelum . .
. bldtinn
Feris belonging to this Class.
IV. Gothic, hlaupay run (Germ, laufe ; ciirro) ; staut^^ strike,
butt (Germ, sto^e ; percntio) ; ana^xuha^ add, join, addo.
Old High German, hlovfu ; hotiwu^ cut, hew (Germ, haue;
cffido); scruiu, cut (Germ, schrote ; seco); *^|« = Goth. stauta.
Old Saxon, hlopn, Scan, perf. part, of oku, aug^eo ; ^ddan,
perf. part, o^^odn^ g^ioj-no ; glhauwan^ perf. part. ot^Jmuwan.
Anglo-Saxon, hledpe; hedwe; hedte, beat, verbero ; part, edden^
fifonitus; edcen, auctus, from ^edde^ ^eSd ; ^edce, ^edc.
THE VERB. 416
OldFrisiaD. hlSpe^Qtoih, hlaupa ; itite=:Ooth. stauta.
Old Norse, hlaupa ; auUnn, genitum, perf. part, of ^eyV ;
ansa, haurire; auka, augere; bua, dwells habitare; apua^ spit
(Grerm, speien; spuere^; hoggva^ to cut, strike, C8edere=0. H.
Germ. h(mwu^ A. S. heawe.
IV a. Gk>thio. blotaf revere, deum colo; Avopa? boast,
glorior.
Old High (German. Anto/u, call (Germ, rufe; clamo); pluo^u,
saerifice, libo; wnofu^ weep, groan, ululo, plango, ejuio;
vlnoAAu,' cuTBCy maledico = Goth, ^/^ia (Class I).
Old Saxon. Aropu; wSpu, weep; fiocauy maledictus, perf. part.
Anglo-Saxon. Arepe, wepe; r6we, row, remigo.
Old Frisian. Arepa, voepa; fioka^ maledicere.
Old Norse. bUta^ saerifice.
III.
Under this head we enumerate verbs which in the perfect
take gradation without reduplication. These again may be
divided into different classes. Some have in the perfect singular
second gradation, but in the plural the simple pure root, in ac-
cordance with the primitive rule of gradation. The perfect
participle has, like the perfect plural, the short radical ; the pre-
sent tense commonly raises the radical to the first gradation.
This class again may be subdivided into such as have the radical
», and others with the radical u. As to the mode of gradation
in the present and the perfect singular, compare the Table of
Gradations. Where the radical is Uy it is in all the dialects,
except Gothic, weakened to o in the perfect participle; Old
Frisian weakens it to ^ in the perfect plural and the perfect
participle.
Class V. (Grimm VIII.)
Badical J:—
Pres. Perf. Sing. Perf. Plur. Perf. Part.
Gothic e< .... at .... < i
O. H. Germ. I et, I . . . . < t
Old Saxon i I i i
Anglo-Saxon I d i i
Old Frisian I % i i
Old Norse I d , , . . i i
416
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Examples : —
Free.
Gothic
•f
9re\pa
Itihva
O. H. Germ. IcHfu
Old Saxon grxpu
Anglo-Saxon gripe
Old Frisian gripa
Old Norse gripa
Perf. Sing,
. graip
Idihv
. kreif
. grip.
. grap
. grip.
. greip
Pert Plur.
Perf.Fto1
gripum . .
. gripau
laihvum . .
, faiJbanf
hri/um . . ,
, hifamt
grtpun . • .
. gripm
gripon . . .
. pn>e»
gripon . . .
gripon
gripum . . .
, gripinn
Verba belanging to this Class,
Gothic, keina^ germ (Germ, keime ; germino) ; sieina, shine
(Germ, seheine ; luceo) ; greipa^ seize, gripe (G^rm. greife; rmpio);
dreiba, drive (Germ, treibe ; pello) ; sveiba, cease, desino ; iiuira,
bow (Germ, neige ; inclino) ; speiva, spit (Germ, speie ; spuo) ;
smeita, smite, smear (Germ, sehmeife, schmiere; illino) ; in-teitay
adore; beida, expect, abide; lei}fay go, eo; sneip^a^ cut (Genn.
scbneide ; seco) ; ur^reisa^ rise, surgo ; steiga, ascend (Germ,
steigen) ; ga-teiha, announce (Germ, an-zeige, zeihe, di^ayyAAo)) ;
ydha, grow (Germ, ge-deihe; cresco).
Old High German. cMnu, germino ; scinUy luceo ; iri/u, rapio ;
tripu, pello ; knihu, inclino ; stiM^ scando ; dihu^ cresco, proficio ;
zihu, annuntio, accuse; scripu, write (Germ, schreibe, scribo);
sjnwu, spuere; midu, avoid (Germ, meiden ; evito) ; snidu, seco;
pUuy expecto ; ritu, ride (Germ, reiten; equo vehor) ; fc^/jw, know
(Germ, wei^ ; impute) ; griuy gannio ; scriuy shriek (Germ, schreie;
clamo), perf. plur. grirumeSy scrincmea^ see Perfect in -*-, p. 401.
Old Saxon, ^/'w?/, germino; *^/;27/, luceo; ^njow, arripio ; drVm^
pello; s/jiwu, spuo; writUy scribo; biduy expecto; mi^u, evito;
sni^Uy seco ; siigu, scando.
Anglo-Saxon, sctney fulgeo ; grtpe, arripio ; dnfe, pello ; sjnwey
spuo; smite y percutio; buhy expecto; li^e, proficiscor; hnige, in-
clino ; stige^ scando ; iUey arguo ; pihey proficio.
Old Frisian, gripa^ prehendere ; drifuy pellere ; snitha, secare ;
hniga, flectere ; atigay scandere, perf. deck.
Old Norse, skiuy luceo ; gripy prehendo ; drify pello ; zx\fy
moveor ; hUy bite, mordeo ; /iS, proficiscor ; ^pfS, metuo ; nS,
equito ; sn'v^y seco ; swi^y doleo ; rUy surge ; %:iky yield (Germ,
weiche ; cede) ; hnig^ inclino.
THE VERB.
417
Class VI. (Grimm IX.)
Radical u : —
FK8.
Perf. Sing.
Perf. Plur.
Perf. Part
Gothic
iu , , ,
iu, io. 4 .
au .
tt . . . .
u
O. H. Gorm.
. ou,6^ . .
• vv • • •
0
Old Saxon
iu,io,u .
e6, u . .
. 0 . . . .
« . . . .
0
Anglo-Saxon
Old Frisian
ta , . .
1* . . . .
0
iu, ia, 4
iu, io, 4
. a. . . .
« . . . .
e
Old None
au .
ti . . . .
0
Examples :-
Gothic
ft
giuta . .
%iu9a . .
. . gaut, .
. kau8 . .
. . gutum . .
. kusum . .
. gutans
, . kusans
O. H. Genu.
91
kiu^u
ehiusu .
. . cfiSs . .
. . ku^umis
, . churumes .
. choranir
Old Saxon
trit{fu .
giutu
kiusu
. . trouf
, . g6t . .
, , kds . .
. . tnrfumet .
. . kurun .
. gotan
. koran
Anglo-Saxon
gedte
, . gedt . .
. . guton .
. . goten
«9
eedse. .
. . ceds . .
, . curofi .
. . corcn
Old Frisian
kiuea . .
. l&s . .
. . keron .
rCCfClh
Old Norse
kiosa . .
. kau8
. . kusum .
. . jkon'nn
Fi?ri« belonging to this Class,
GotMo. dis^Aniupa, break, dirumpo ; Aiiifa, weep, fleo ; snivay
basten, go, come, verto, vado, for ^sniua, perf. sing, snau^ plur.
snivum, snevum for snuum^ perf. part, snivans for ^snuans ; giuta,
pour out (Germ, gief e ; fundo) ; biuda, offer (Germ, biete) ; dri-
usa, fall, cado ; kiusa, choose (Germ, kiese ; eligo) ; /ra-liusa,
loose (Gterm. ver-liere ^ perdo) ; biuga, bend (Germ, biege ; flecto) ;
liuga. He (Germ, luege; mentior); ga-Mha^ lock, claudo; tiuak,
tug, pull (Germ, ziehe, traho).
Old High Gtorman. cAliupu, cleave, findo ; silfu, drink (Germ,
saufe ; bibo) ; triufu, drop (Germ, traufe ; stillo) ; cAiuwii, chew
(Germ, kaue ; mando) ; piutu, offero ; siudu, seethe (Germ, siede ;
coquo) ; kiufu^ pour out (Germ, gpe^e ; fundo) ; cAiusu, choose
(Germ, kiese ; eligo) ; vliti^u, flow (Germ, flief e, fluo) ; sliu^n,
lock (Germ, schlie^e ; claudo) ; liusu, loose (Germ. ver-Here ;
perdo) ; vritisu, freeze (Germ, friere ; gelo) ; piuiu, flecto ; vliukuy
fly (Germ, fliege ; volo) ; vliuAu, Aee (G^rm. fliehe ; fugio) ;
ziuAUf traho ; liuiuy mentior.
Old Saxon. Aiu/ii, ploro ; cliufu, findo ; giutu, fundo ; nivtu,
enjoy (Germ, ge-nie^e j fruor) ; biudu, offero ; driusn, cado ;
iiusu, eligo ; far-liusuy perdo ; liugu^ mentior ; lUkuj claudo ;
riuku, reek (Germ, rauche ; fiimo) ; tiuAn, traho.
^ 6 chiefly before dentals and sibilants.
E e
418 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Anglo-Saxon, credpe^ creep, repo ; deSfCy merge (Germ, taafe} ;
nceofe, trudo ; r^fiy rumpo ; bredice, brew (Germ, braue) ; r«Jrf,
chew (Germ, kane, mandueo) ; kreowe, rue (Germ, reue ; pcenitet
me) ; breute^ break, f rango ; geSte^ pour out, fimdo ; neSUy enjoy,
fruor (Germ, fje-nie^e); scedU, shoot (Germ, schiefe; jacnlor);
btAIe, offero (Germ biete) ; seo^, seethe, boil (Germ, siede ;
coquo); cedse, choose (Grerm. kiese; Aigo) i Jreo^e, freeze, gelo;
/or^eose, loose, perdo ; liice^ lock, chiudo ; ^tice^ sago (Germ,
saugc) ; reoce, exhalo, reek (Germ, rauche) ; smetfce, fumo,
smoke (Germ, schmauche) ; beSge,hend (Germ, biege; flecto);
dreoge, ago ; fie6ge^ volo, fly (Germ, fliege) ; leoge^ mentior, lie
(Germ, luege); fleSke, flee (Germ, fliehe; fugio); ieShe^ traho,
tug (Germ, ziehe) ; se6y colo; teS^ arguo ; }fe6y proficio; wrd^
proficio, perf. sedh, tedh^ pedA, wredA, plur. svgon, tugon, ]nf^^>
tcrugon.
Old Frisian, driupe, stillo ; krinpa, repere ; niaia^ uti ; ikiata^
jaculari; sldta^ claudere; biada, oflerre; kiam, eligere; liafa,
perdere ; liaka, elaudere.
Old Norse, briotuy frangi ; fiiuga^ volare ; luha^ elaudere ;
kiosay eligere ; driupa, stillare ; fiiota^ fluere ; niota, fmi ; liwjo^
mentiri.
Some of the verbs whicb apply the gradation without redupli-
cation have tlie radical a which, under various circumstanei'>',
was variously affected in the different tenses '. Where the radical
was protecttxl by an ancient reduplication, it is still preserved
in the present tense, as in fara, from an ancient fa-fara ; these
verbs have the perfect in 6^ as for, probably from a primitive
fa-fdra. In those verbs in which the radical a was not sheltered
in the ])resent tense by reduplication, it was weakened into /, as
gifjd^ stiluy hilpay probably from a more ancient gaba, stala, hafpa ;
in the perfect singular the pure short radical is preserved, per-
haps also under the influence of reduplication, as halp, st^il, gab,
from a more ancient ha-halp, 8fa-s(<ily ga-gab. In the plural
perfect some have e, the first gradation of ^, others weaken the
radical a to w. The verbs which gradate the radical to e in the
])lural, weaken it to / or to u in the perfect participle. Thus then
the different modifications of the radical give rise to four more
classes, the vocalic system of which is as follows.
* Compare pp. 400-403, A, B, C, and D.
THE VERB.
Class VII. (Grimm VII.)
Badical a : —
Pres. Perf. Sing. Perf. Plur.
Gothic a 6 6 . . . .
Perf. Part
a
O. H. Germ, a . . .
Old Saxon a . . .
Anrlo* Saxon a. ea
. . uo .
. . 6, uo
. . 6, .
«o . . .
d . . . .
. a
. a
a
Old Frisian a. e .
. . 6 . .
d. . . .
a, e
Old Norse a . .
• m 0 , m
<3 . . . .
a, e
Examples : —
Gothic fara
O. H. Germ, varu
Old Saxon faru
Anglo-Saxon fare . .
Old Frisian fcmi
Old None fara
. , f6r ,
. . vuor .
. , fdr .
. , fdr .
, . fUr .
. . /dr .
f6rum . .
vuarume8 .
fSntn . .
/5ron . .
/(Uiw* . .
fdrum . .
. farans
. varaner
. /aran
. faren
. /ar«n
. farmn
419
Fifri^ belonging to this Class.
Gothic. US-ana^ expire ; standa, stand, sto, perf. st6}f ; Jara, go,
travel (Germ, l&re ; proficiscor) ; svara, swear (Germ, schwoere ;
juro) ; graba, dig (Germ, grabe ; fodio) ; Aq/)'a, lift (Germ, hebe ;
toUo) ; Jrdpja, understand, know, sapio ; siapa, create (Germ,
scbaffe ; creo) ; rahja, count, reckon, numero ; siapja, damage,
scatbe fGerm. scnade ; noceo) ; saia, scold, increpo ; AlaAJa,
laugh (Germ, lache ; rideo) ; slaAa, slay (Germ, schlage ; per-
cutio) ; vahya^ grow, wax (Germ, wachsen ; cresco).
Old High G^erman« stantu, sto; varu, vehor; suerju, juro;
krapu, fodio; skafu, creo; heffu, tollo; wasku, wash (Germ,
wasche ; lavo) ; traku^ bear (Germ, trage ; porto) ; slaAuy per-
cutio ; hlahhu, rideo ; waAsu^ cresco.
Old Saxon, standu, faru, skapu, grahu; hebbju, tollo ; skaku,
shake, quatior ; dragu, porto ; hlahu^ rideo ; slahu, ca^do ; wahsu,
cresco.
Anglo-Saxon, gale, sing, cano ; standi, sto ; fare, eo ; swerige,
juro ; scape^ creo ; hebbe, elevo ; grafe, fodio ; wasce, lavo ; scace^
shake, quatio; bace, bake, pinso; tacey take, prehendo; drage,
porto, drag; sleahe, slay, csedo; hleahh^, laugh, rideo; weaxe,
grow, wax, cresco.
Old Frisian, fara, skapa, vacra, draga^ slaga, perf. sloch.
Old Norse, gala, canere ; standa, stare ; fara, proficisci ; svara,
jurare ; skapa, creare ; grafa, fodere ; hafa, toUere ; va^a, ire, perf.
oS ; vaxa, crescere, perf. ox ; skaka, concutere ; taka, capere ; draga,
ferre — all these have the pres. in e ; deya, die, moriri, perf. d6,
part, ddinn; gey a, latrare; fid, itovafiaga, flay, excorire, fves.fia,
E e 2
420
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
perf. sing, flo, plur. flSgum, part, fleginn : in the same mttiiMr
klajaj laugh^ ridere ; sld from nlaka^ slay, percutere.
Radical a :-
'^^j
k^*— •*— * *-• y
Pres.
Perf. Sing
Vert Plnr.
F^Ftoi
Gothic
•
t • • .
. . a. .
.......
. i
. 9
U- H . C3#nii.
• ••
a .
. . . a . . • •
Old Saxon
•
t, e ,
. . a. , . .
€
Anglo-Saxon
i,e .
. . . a,a. ,
. . ^flp . . .
. <. «
Old Frisian
i. e .
. . . a, e .
. a» 0 .
. i,<
Old None
L t .
a .
a. . .
tf
Examples :•
•j V •
Gothic
giba, ,
. . gab . ,
. . gibum . .
. gibata
O. H.G^^nn.
kipu .
. . hap . .
. . . kapumit . .
. Ir^pcmlr
Old Saxon
gibu . .
, , . gaf , .
. . . gBbun , .
. glSban
Anglo-Saxon gift . .
. . jrea/.
. . . gt^fon . . .
. gifm
tf
ete .
. . . at . .
(XtOH
. etm
Old FriHian
jefa .
. . . jrf . .
. . jef<m . . .
i^f^
Old None
g^^a.
. , . g<^ .
. . . gafwm . . .
g^fii^m
Verbs belonging to this Class,
Gk>thio. gibuy give (Germ, gebe ; do) ; bi-^ita, find, get, in-
venio ; frituy devour (Germ, fre^e ; voro) ; itn^ eat (Germ. e§e ;
edo); sitcty sit (Germ, sitze ; sedeo); bidja, pray (Germ, bitte;
oro) ; try (la, tread (Germ, trete ; ealeo) ; mita, measure (Germ,
mepe ; metier) ; in-vida, deny, abnego ; qvi\fa, say, dico ; li^a,
eolligo (Germ, lese); ga-nisa, recover (Germ, ge-nese; saiior);
visa, am, remain, maneo ; ga'bril'a, break (Germ, breche ; fran-
go) ; ligUf lie (Germ, lige ; jaceo) ; viga, move (G^rm. be-wege ;
moveo, vebo) ; fraiha^ ask (Germ, frage ; interrogo) ; saihva, see
(Germ, sehe ; video).
Old High German, kipu, dono; pittu^ rogo ; tritu^ calco;
quidu, dico; ?j«, edo; vri^u, voro; tw/jm, metior; sizu, sedeo;
wisu^ sum, existo ; liht, jaceo ; sihu, video.
Old Saxon, gibu, itu, bi-gitu, consequor ; sittu, biddu, quithuj
lisn, wisUy liggu, sihu^ perf. plur. sdhun and sdwun^ part, sewan,
Anglo-Saxon, gife ; wefe^ weave (Germ, webe ; texo) ; ete,freUy
mete ; on-gite, intelHgo ; sitte^ irede^ bidde^ cwe^e, lese,genese, wese ;
wrece^ wreak, ulciscor; liege; geseo, see (Germ, sehe; video),
perf. sing, geseah^ plur. gesdwon^ part, gesewen, gesegen, plur. ge-
sene=zgesewene.
Old Norse, gefa^eta; geta, acquirere; sita; bi^a, petere; lesa,
legere ; vera, only in the perf. var for vas ; leka, leak, stillare ;
THE VERB,
421
fr^a, interrogare, perf. mxig.frd (or frag, ^Ixxr.frdgum: in the
nine manner vega^ interficere ; ligga, jacere ; ')figga, obtinare ; rid^
see, videre^ = HAa^ nAva, pres. iS for se, plur. seum^ perf. sd,
plur. idunty perf. part, weak se^r; tro^a, caleare^ pres. tre^y perf.
iraS ; sofa, to sleep, = avefa, pres. sef for svef perf. svaf, plur.
tvdfum^ part. *<?/?»« for svejinn ; vefa^ to weave, texere, perf. plur.
vdfum and Sfuniy part. ^»;» for t^dj/f^t;} y compare the analogous
form ioma:=qvema, Class XI.
Class IX. (Grimm XI.)
Radical a :-
Pres.
Perf. Sing.
Perf. Plur.
Perf. Part.
Gothic
i , . . .
a . ,
. . ^ . . . .
u
O. H. Germ.
Old Saxon
• ••
. . a. . .
a . . .
. . a. . . .
. . a. . .
. . 0
. . U, 0
Anglo-Saxon
Old Frisian
Old Norse
i.e . . .
i,e . . .
. a,e . . .
a . . . .
. . a, ^ . . .
a . . . .
. . U, 0
tf t 0
Examples :-
Gothic
stOa. .
. . sta2 . .
. . ttilttm . .
, . ttulant
If
M
O. H. G^nn.
Old Saxon
haira . .
Btila . . .
. qvcnn
, . bar . . .
. . ttal . .
. . stal . .
, . bSrum .
, . ttdlumSt
, . qvumant
. . Sai<ran«
, . ttolanir
. . itolan
»f
Anglo-Saxon
Old Frisian
Old Norse
cumu • ,
sfeZe. . .
MtUa. . .
sl&a, . ,
. . quam .
, . ttal . .
. conif cwotn
. . s^e2 . . .
, . ttal . .
. . h)m, kvam
. . quamum .
. . ttcelon . .
. . cdmon . .
, . ttiUm . ,
. . ttalum .
. . kvdmum
, . cumatt
, . ttolen
, . Ctffii^
. . tteUn
, . ttolinn
F<frd« belonging to thU Class.
Oothio. siila^ steal (Germ, st^le; furor); nima, take (G^rm«
nSme; sumo); qvima, come (Germ, kommej venio); gor-timan,
decere (Germ, ge-zimen); bafra, bear, fero; ga-taira, tear,
destroy, destruo.
Old High Oerman. sUlu, nimu, quimu, ziman,piru, fero ; ziru,
consume; sciru, shear (Germ, scheere, tondeo); riAAu, wreak
(Germ, raehe ; ulciscor) ; priAAu, break (Gterm. breche ; firango) ;
spriAAUy speak (Germ, spreche; loquor); sUAAu, sting, prick
(Germ, steche; pungo); viAtu, fight (Germ, fechte; certo);
vliAlUj weave (Germ, flechte ; plecto).
Old Saxon* stilu, nimu, cumu (venio), biru, briku, stiku (pungo),
brikuy spriku, wriiu (persequor).
Anglo-Saxon, steisy nime, cume, bere, scire (tondeo), tsre (scindo),
brece, sprece.
422
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Old Frisian. Classes YIII and IX are identical, because tte
perfect participle has in both the weakened radical ei bira, itSk,
niina,jyfa (dare), iveaa (esse), breka^ spreka.
Old Norse, sielay nemu^ koma for kvema (venire), hera, dxn^
tondeo ; 9venia (natare), svam, swaminn ; erja (arare), ar, onmi.
Class X. (Grimm. XII.)
Radical a : —
Pres. Perf. Sing.
Oothic i a «.
O. H. Genn. {, 0 .... a u .
Old Saxon tf, e . . . . a u .
Examples : —
Gothic
O. H. G^nn.
Old Saxon
Anglo-Saxon
ti
Old Frisian
»>
Old Norse
>>
kUpa
vairpa
hiJfu
rinnu
hilpu
rinnu
heipe
{me .
iceorpe
hclpa
irinna
rhtna
sicclla
Perf. Plnr.
Anglo-Saxon i, e^ €o . . . a,a,ea, . . u
Old Frisian i, e , . , . a ti
Old None
i, Ct ia . . . a
halp.
varp.
half.
rann
hcUp.
rann
healp
am .
wfarp
ha! p.
icann
rann
Peril FBI
«
«
0,U
kulpum
. . hwipam
vaurpum .
, . vwitpanB
hulfumSs
. . kolpanir
runnumSs
. . miifiaiier
hulpun .
. . kclpam
runnwn.
. . rumtan
hulpon .
. . hoiptn
umon .
. . umtn
wurpon. .
vorpm
halptm . .
hufpen
vunnon
tCHHJtfn
runnum
runntnn
skullam
. skoliinn
Verbs belonging to this Class,
Gothic, hilpa^ help (Germ, helfe ; adjuvo) ; vilva, seize, rob,
rapio ; sviltciy die, morior; gilda, am worth (Germ, gelte; re-
peiulo); brinnQy burn (Germ, brcnne; ardeo) ; du-pinna, be-gin
(Germ, be-ginne; incipio) ; nw;/rt!, flow, run (Germ, rinne ; fluo);
spinnay spin (Germ, spinne ; neo) ; vinnaj suffer, patior; binda^
bind (Germ, binde; neeto); bi-vinda^ wind (Germ, winde; eir-
cumdo) ; fn]>a, find (Germ, finde ; invenio) ; drigka, drink (Germ,
trinke ; bibo) ; bliggva, cut, kill, caedo ; siggva, sing, read
(Germ, singe ; cano, lego) ; sigkva, sink, fall (Germ, sinke ;
cado); Tairjja, throw (Germ, werfe ; jacio); ^t-azWa, walk, turn
about, verto ; gamh, gird (Germ, giirte ; cingo) ; va{r}fa, be-
come (Germ, werde ; fio).
Old High Gorman, hilfu j til/u, delf, fodio ; kiltu, rependo ;
sciltu, scold (Germ, schelte; increpo) ; s^nilzu, smelt (Germ,
schmelze; liquefio) ; suimmu, swim (Germ, schwimme ; nato);
THE VERB, 423
prinnu^ ardeo ; rinnu, fluo ; spinnu, nco ; tainnu, laboro ; pintu,
necto ; iuintu^ evanesco (Germ, schwinde) ; vindu, invenio ; siniu,
cano; ^inhu, cado; stinhuy stink (Oerm. stinke; oleo^ odorem
spargt)); trinAu, bibo; Auirpu, revertor; slirpAu, die (Germ.
sterbe ; morior) ; mrfu, jacio ; wirdu, fio.
Old Saxon. Ailpu, dilbu, miltu (morior), gildu, bnnnuy bi-
ffinnu, winnUf bindu, findu^ singu, drinhi, wirpu, huirhu, wirthu
(fio).
Anglo-Saxon, kelpe^ d^lfe, melte, swelte, gihh, perf. healp^ &c. ;
an-ginne, incipio^ perf. on~gan ; spinne, winne, birnez=bnnne, perf.
bam; im€:=rinne, perf. ran; binde, perf. band; in the same
manner grinde, grind, molo; 8wind^, tabesco (Germ, schwinde);
winde, wind (Germ, winde ; pleeto) ; drince ; swince, laboro ; stince,
oleo ; bringe ; singe ; springe ^ salio ; meorne, mourn, euro, angor,
perf. meam ; in the same manner spearne, spurn (Germ, sporne ;
calcitro) ; toeorpe^ jacio ; hweor/e^ revertor ; weor^e^ fio.
Old Frisian, hilpa^ binda, findu^ winna, berna (ardere), werpa,
wertha.
Old Norse, gialla^ sing) shout, resonare ; st^elia, esurire ;
vella, roll, turn, volvere ; gialda^ expenderc ; brenna, ardere ;
renna, fluere ; spinna, nere ; vinna^ laborare ; finna^ invenire ;
6inda, ligare, perf. bait ; winda, torquere ; drecia, bibere, perf.
drack; springa, ssXire, sprack ; verpa,J2LceTe; r^a, fieri.
CONJUGATION.
General Remarks.
Conjugation teaches us to combine the various elements which
we observed in the formation of the verb, so as to express cor-
rectly the difierent relations of a certain action. The action
independent of all relations is expressed in the root. The verb,
however, is not merely the expression of an action, but it renders
at the same time an exact account as to the person by whom,
the time when, the modus or condition under which, that action
took place. In order to express those various relations of per-
sons, time, modus, activeness, or passiveness — in short, to make
the root a verb, it is necessary that secondary roots, or suffixes,
be added to the primary root, and thus force it out of its indefi-
niteness, and impart to it life and individuality. A condition
without which a verb is inconceivable is that of personality :
without the personal suffixes or terminations a verbal root or
— - r ■^ r »
:~-tr ■— ■ Hit 1. "^^r: le i •-Mniml r>:t or theme a
'2 k:>-.— -r V— _L. .1- -.It la-j^c-i^jm*. If then ibe |^r-
itc a verb oat
Z :- :; n- -r ia— * "i- r • - rr. ".JLres & :"'"r.r.e:tiTe. a binding
T- - : r-j£;i - -:j. jt :* ". -zr.rz Ji'y. :-:iz.nunication with
-. -. ":»-ii-~ L.i'i "._i- : "iL'^— 1 11-: r.» • i :*.'.: iivd bv adopting
' V- -._-. - :- ■ :■: z^- : ^--rr — iIt t^t.^i^. :*:-rzit'. a* on another
- ^r- : TT z ri: !• II.Z-.- *.l-.n^ Tir TKZ '.i.:'' re«pires
• -:f_i — - -'.-'.^ .L' • n ■ -i-i.'-. - -v.l "ir j«c-r=*.L.il tenni-
:." 1 -' i-i'i ~ : r:_ *i'T r^i T^r*. ?i:^. TT>e«, :nd- Wi2/Hi-//,
1--- -K-T ?:•-•..-£ : iz. i':s .i'- l::t. -^nf-zcnoed ly. and inde-
rzi'-^'. : .•_-;':z-:r*^L:::*rs ll-L :''z.'L.r. -y. z'l^z i?. in :he icdica-
" - r • •! ~ r - 1 - :- :t=rs : l1 'rrn-'Z-izi -* ininaaijtelr to the
: • ■ • "i-nt r- '.i^i ;".: ;: .-^ ^r riikr .;j-":. vut of ihiir-a-y
— :: - I:--. ~T r-^ir 'It i:*i ' Ir: •r::der.t on certain
• \'.- z- J-.L — i-n-'iT. -TTT. -.j^: :>. :_ -.:.r •>: tative and sub-
.: - -- • 1 i: - -- rf-. .:rr :ir jl:: .: jr. ::hrr suffix, which
T - .. T ■----•-. "1 TtLIt .:. i '.'ir >:r>.L^l V/rminations. It'
" 1 ■ ■■- 1 •-" ~T :it ::".:_: "iiTr liij-uj^r use^J simp!y rt*-^/,
. - -■ ---*:.-■.■ •- -". B.:t tiiv s.ime aoti-n
: . ■ . - : \- : r : ".rM : :: :.;.iv '. e Mosont or
- ' . ■->•:"_ • .. ':-.:>.!.: *:''.::>.■ a:.d a ivrfoct
— " : : :. : .j - -.":.. "./::r v ..s : :n:i.-<.I : \ r« '.]^:]>lica-
". - ■ -. . :t- '■r 1 ' ' - " - -. Tjkr. :i:v G.-thie ni-'t ^t'.^
■-■. * ■; ■ rr-;-:.: —-../•;:.? "'..-. r.- :::a' :l: ■ . Lt-iiro the theiiiL^
--:::. :..T ■- rTr .* :: '.t:!I ::iko :hc lir?: irra«.lati«'n vf
:*- : '. .:". ;:. i : :: . . -. •:: ; : ""-T "^'-v thvmatic vowel of the
■-■-•.*. "":. . ::u".ivv s nix i^ . benoe i- -jj- ; added to this
i..- :• > :...'. - .r.\ - — ■.:". i ' r : - - . but aj-j tears as ''/,•- '.;/";
• .. • : '.. V ■:.•- t; •::-.. -r ar...*.;.*.:«.al o.-r.r^f. yfiven the (rothie
f -• - ■-• - ■ ;:. 'ivr I-: : l.::a! , . ■ = '','- '-•-/■'-'', in whioh the
:.:...! • i- a:, i:.-. rj-.ii.: ;i.: liti :i : • sr.jj^-rt tlie preoediuj;^ /./, the
L'*- r is tii«.- jer-::;;! tviii.ii.ati-.n «if the ist pUiral, '"=//' the
-=*[?; A of tlie 'j'tativf- II.'" h1. i/ the final of the present thenio
'"J-''-'. '-"J ^^•*' woakeneil f«.«rm of the root vaj, ]>rimitive '••^//i,
Thonoh u»- may ree«>i>nize all these different elements in the
T«-ii1oiiir', and <-liiellv the Old Teutonic verb, thev are not all «»f
i'«|ii;il iniportancr. We niii^ht indeed divide verbs into siioh
a- bavi' the llnTuatir- suffix. Jinil (»thei*s that have nut : but the
THE VERB, 426
latter are so very few, as to render such classification imprac-
ticable. There are many ways to form the present theme, but
out of the many the Teutonic languages have chosen a few, and
these few became part and parcel of the inflexions or the conju-
gation, so that we cannot attempt to erect anything like the
Gonjugational classes, as in Sanskrit for instance. That element
however which truly and most distinctly characteiizes the Teu-
tonic verb, and places it in contraposition to the verb in all other
Aryan languages, is the formation of the perfect. Though the
sister-languages also have the gradation of the root, though
most of them have the reduplicational system far more complete,
yet nowhere do we find this element to enter so deeply into the
whole organization of the language. We therefore unhesitatingly
follow former grammarians and divide the whole conjugational
system, according to the formation of the perfect, into two great
classes. To the first conjugational class belong all those verbs
which form the perfect by modifying the vowel of the root
(mostly stem-verbs), to the second those which form the perfect
by assuming an auxiliary suflBx-verb (derivative verbs). The
former, which the Teutonic languages have, partly at least, in
eonmion with their cognate sisters, we may fairly call the ' Old
Form,' because it must have existed before the separation of the
Aryan tribes ; the latter the * New Form,' because it is peculiar
to the Teutonic languages, and must have been created after the
Aryan separation. The verbs of the old form have a simple per-
fect, consisting of but one word ; those of the new form have
a compound perfect, consisting of the verb and its suffixed
auxiliary verb. Grimm caUs the former the * Strong Conjuga-
tion,' because the verbs belonging to it form their perfect by
means lying in the root itself, gradation, &c. ; the latter ^ Weak
Conjugation,' because its verbs form the perfect with the assist-
ance of an auxiliary. We do not see any cause why we should
not follow the last-mentioned terms, which have been applied by
the father of Teutonic philology, which, moreover, are sufficient
to keep up the distinction and serve the purpose quite as well as
any other terms as yet proposed.
426
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
I. PARADIGM TO THE STRONG CONJUGATION.
JniKfl
»ENT INDICA
TTVE.
Gothic.
0. H. Giemi.
Old Saxon.
Ang.-Saz.
O.Fii*.
OldNone.
81NG.
I8t fin^
and finy^-9
3rd yrnH->
Jindri-i
find4-i
Jind-u
find-x»
findri-d
findrt
find-e-€t
find-fH
find-e
find-t-^
findrftk
fa»f
Plur.
I9t /n]>-a-f}i
and finyir"^
3rd fin^-ornd
find-ortnet
find-Qrt
findra-rU
Jind-ord
findrOrd
find-a'd
find-OrtS
find-iiS
findro-ik
findrOrik
findro-th
fifOra
Dual.
I8t /»H«
and finy<b4%
• • • •
• • • •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• •
Pebsent Subjun
cnvE.
*
Sing.
ist finy^u
and /n))-at-^
3rd finy<ii
findt
find-e-B
find-t
find-a (e)
findrOrB ifli)
find-a (0
findt
find-e
find-e
find-€
find-e
findt
finn^
finn-W
finn4
Plur.
1st /wj)-ai-m-a
2nd fin\>-ai]f
3rd /;t|)-at-M-a
find-e-mU
find-e-t
find-€-n
Jind-a-n (en)
find-a-n
find-a-n
find-e-n
find-€-n
find-€-n
find-e
find-e
find-e
finn-^-Si
finn-i-^
finn-i
Dual.
1st j\n\h<d-v-a
2nd jin\Hii-t«
m •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• •
Present Passive.
Gothic.
Indicative.
Sing. 1st fin]>-a-cla
2nd fin\>-a-za
3rd fin]>~a-<Ia
I'liir. 1st fin\}-a-n a
2nd finp-a-nda
.^rd fin\>-a-mia
Subjunctive.
fin\>-ai'dau
fin]>-ai-zau
fin\>-ai-dau
finlhai-ndan
fin]>-ai-nd(iu
fin]Mji-ndau
THE VERB.
Imperative.
42;
Oothic.
O.H.Germ.
OldSvcon.
Anglo-Sax.
Old Frisian.
Old None.
and Jin^
1st finyorm
and fin'^p
and fnya-is
\find 1
••
findra-i
1
find 1
• •
find'Od
•• 1
find
• •
findra-^
1
find
• «
find-orth
1
finn
• •
• •
Infinitive.
SiKO.
2nd fin^€t-n \ find-a-n | find-orn \ find-a-n \ find<t \ finn-a
and finy^t-ndr* \ find-a-^-ir \ find-a-nd \ find-e-nd-e \ find-a-nd \ finrnt^-^
Preterite Indicative.
8l90.
ISt
and
3rd
Plcr.
I8t
and
Srd
Dual.
and
/oii>
fant-i
fofnp
funy-u-p
fun^u
funjhu^
fand
fund-i
fand
fund-u-mU
fund-u-t
fund-Urn
fand
fund-i
fand
fund-^-n
fund-u-n
fumd-u-n
fand
fund-e
fand
fundr<Hn
fund-o-n
fundro-n
fand
^fund-e
fand
fund-o-n
fund-(H*
fund-(Hn
famn
fann-4
fann
funn-u-m
funn-vr6
funn-u
Preterite Subjunctive.
Sing.
i8t fun\hjau
and funp-H-^
3rd fun^
Plur.
1st fun^-^-m-a
and /tm|>-f»-|»
3rd fanp^n-a
Dual.
i8t fanp-H-v-a
and funp-eirU
fundri
fund-i-t
fund-i
fund-i
fund-i-9
fvnd^
fund-e
fund-€
fund-e
fund-e
fund-e
fund-e
funn-4
fynn-i-r
fynnri
fund4'mSs
fund-i-t
fund-i^
fund-t-n
fund-i-n
fund-i-n
fundrt-n
fu/nd-^n
fund-e-n
fund-t-n
fund-e-n
fund-e-n
fynn-i-m
fynn-d-e
fynn-i
• •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• m
••
Preterite Participle.
funp-amre
ga-fund-a- I fundroyn \ fund-e-n
n-ir
fund-en
funn-i-nn
428
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
IL PARADIGM TO THB STRONG CONJUGATION.
Pbxssnt Ikdicattvb.
O. H. Germ. Old Sazon.
An^o-Suc
Old Friniikii.
Old None.
Srao. •
1
1
iflt Ail/-ic
kilp-u
\Ap-t
Htw-e
^»
tdt
and kUf-i^
kUp4^
kUp-f^
kioa-e-ti
H*
td^
3rd A«I/^
hUp4^
hiliht4i
kiM-t-a
H*
tdtf
Plub.
I St kilf-eMMi
ktlp^-d
kdp<t4i
Uof-o-a
Iriof-M-fii
tdk-*m
and hilf-iirt
kHpord
kelp-a-iS
kia9Ht^
Kof-t-0
tak49
3id AelZ-o-nf
mp-a-d
kdp-orii
kia»'a-4k
H09Hi
taha
PmCSKNT SuBJUNCnVB.
Siiro.
ist ASlf-e
MjHB
kelp-t
Ha»^
Jdoi^
taH
and kilf-U
Kelp-ar€
hdpt
fcioj-e
hioa^i^
tahi-r
Snl heff-e
hdp^
kdp-^
kia»-€
kio§-4
UA4
Pldb.
ist h^-^^tOi
and iU(]M-l
Mp-anm
kdp-e^
kiaat
kioe^-fn
ksk4-m
A<<p-€MI
Ha»-€
kioa4-4i
fdb44S
3rd iU{/'.^
Aelp-a-n
kdp-€^
ki<i»^
hio94
tah4
Impekativb.
vSlXG.
2nd hUf
klip
kdp \kioe
ki08
tak
Plur.
and htlf-a-i \
hdp-Qrd
{help-a-a \hiat-a'th \
ki€u-a'1S
tak-ir'^
Infinit]
[VB.
SiN(;.
and helf-a-n \ help-a-n | help-a-n | kioi^ \ kioi^ tak-a
Present Participle.
hdf-a-nt-er | help-^i-nd \ hclp-^-nd-€\ hiat-a-nd \ kios-a-nd-i tak-a-nd-
Preterite Indicative.
halp
healp
has
kaus
tok
hulp-i
kulp-€
tjtere
kaua-t
toh-t
halp
healp
kds
kaiu
t<^k
Sing.
I St half
2nd hulf-i
3rd half
PLITR.
1st hnff-H-mei< j hulp-u-ti I hulp-o-n
and hulf-u-t huJp-n-n \ hulp-^y-n
,^rd hnlf-n-n \ hul^Mt-n ' htdp-o-n
ker-o-n
ker-on
kcr-(hn
I kua-u-m
I kiut-U'ff
! kuS'U
tok-u-m
tok-u-tS
tok'U
THE VERB.
A
PrBTBBITB SUBJTJNCnVE.
O. H. Germ.
Old Saxon.
Anglo-Saz.
O.Fris.
Old None.
Sing.
II 1
1st K^fA
and hulf t't
3rd hidf-i
kulpA
hulp-i-§
hulp-i
hulp-e
hulp-e
hulp^
ker-e
ker-e
ker-e
ky9-i toek-i
kysA-r toek-i-r
hf8-i toek-i
Plub.
ist hulf i-mU
and hidf-i-t
3rd hulf4-n
htUp-t-^
hiUp-i-n
hulp-t-n
hulp-e-n
hulp-e-4h
hulp-e^
ker^e
ker-e
ker-e
kyt-i-m toek'i-m
kye-i toek-i
429
Pebteeitb Paeticiple,
gorholf-ar^-lr \ holp-Orn | holp-&n \ ker-en \ ko%A-wn tek-i-nn
REMARKS ON THE STRONG CONJUGATION.
L The vowels of the Ablaut.
I. In Old High Oerman the reduplicational vowel is rendered
in different documents according to dialectic differences. Isidor
(eighth century) uses ea, eo ; Tatian (ninth) ie, io, Otfried (ninth)
ia for iojBsua for uo ; Notker (tenth) ie, io ; the Vienna Gospel
of St. Matthew (eighth) e, io.
Old Saxon uses as reduplicational vowel S, where the root
itself has the high-sounding a or ^; in Class IV^ where the radical
is the dark-sounding 6 or uo, we find the diphthongal preterite
io, weakened to ie.
Anglo-Saxon has, as reduplicational vowel of the preterite^ Sy
or e6^ the former chiefly in verbs which have n m I after the
radical a.
Old Frisian uses the contractions e and i, the former exclu-
sively in Class I if the radical is followed by a consonantal
combination with n ; in all other cases the reduplicational vowel
is *. It is doubtful whether in Class IV the vowel of the pre-
terite was the diphthongal io.
Old NorsOy on the whole^ follows the analogy of the Low
German dialects.
%. There is in most Teutonic languages in the present singular
of Classes VIII, IX, and X of the strong conjugation an jJter-
nation of i and e as vowels of the root, which the student will
easily explain on referriDg to the phonetic laws mentioned under
the respective letters.
430 TEU TOXIC GRAMMAR.
Thus we find in Old m^ Qennan kU/m, nimm, iilJU, nimi,
because the vowel of the root is followed bj i or u of the pxe-
pr«edin^ syllable — but kclfame*^ nemamAy kel/at, nemat, kt^
because the vowel of the root is followed b v a in the succeeding
syllable. The same alternation of sound takes place in the pre*
terite participle of Class IX between « and o, directed bj the
same law as that of i and e, and in the present tense of Class YI,
between iu and its weakened form io. (See the diphthong ii.)
Of these changes nothing is observed in Gothic.
Old Saxon submits to the same laws as Old Hi^h Gemum,
but where a contraction takes place, the original u is preserved
in the participle preterite of Class IX, as cnmam firom criman,
Anglo-Saxon, which in its phonetic changes is &r more capii-
cious than anv other dialect, follows in this also a few rules qS
Its own. The vowels i of the present, a of the preterite singular,
IT of the preterite plural remain intact in but few instances, that
is, if followed by doubled m or », or by either of the two com-
bintd with a mute, where a however is found to turn into o.
But e, eOy are used in the present; a, ea in the preterite singular,
and 0 in the preterite participle. In Classes VIII and IX those
verbs only preserve the » of the present which end in «, besides
a few others, such as kipan (liiare), gifaa (to give), gitan (to get),
&c., and the strong verbs which form the present theme in ja^
as hldilaHy to bid, beg, &c. The preterite shows the regular
vowels a^ dr=iGo\\i, a, e, only in nime, nam, ndmon, pfc/;e, ]f(i^ ;
but ])lur. ]fiF^Ofi ; Hcge, pretorite sing, lag, but plur. Idgon and
l{Btjnn ; r/eseo, fj^riieah, gesdvon. All others have ^ir" in the singular,
CF in the plural of the preterite. In the present of Classes VIII,
IX and X, / and e, eo, interchange in the same manner and after
the same rules as in Old High German and Old Saxon, except
that the ist sing, indicative and the 2nd sing, imperative have
always e, eOy the weakened form of /, as helpe, hilpst, hiljj^, plur.
heJjja^, imperative help ; sfeorfe, slir/sf, stirf^, plural steor/a^,
imperative ateorf. An interchange between iu and io in the
present of Class VI cannot take place, because the diphthong iu
occurs regularly in the weakened form eo.
Old Frisian preserves the i of the present, Class X, before
double n, or n with a mute. The preterite participle has always
the original n ; but once worpeyi for wurpen. The / of the pre-
sent, Classes VIII and IX is kept up in verbs which form the
present theme in^^, before m in nima, and in verbs which end in
a vow^el ; e. g. sia (to see), skia (to happen) ; but ia (to confess)
has € in the present. Tlie same classes have the a of the singular
and d of the plural preterite before m ; but they may pass into
THE VERB. 431
o^ 6y respectively. (See letter a, o^ Old Frisian.) The preterite
participle of the verbs of Class IX having rejected the radical o
f»), and adopted that of the present, a distinction between the
Classes VIII and IX no longer exists, and they may be con-
sidered as identical.
The alternation or interchange of i 8nd e in different persons
of the present is unknown in Old Frisian, the vowel adopted in
the infinitive keeping its place throughout the present tense.
But Class VI uses the interchange of io {iu) and ia on the same
conditions as the other dialects already mentioned ; but, like
Anglo-Saxon, it has the weakened form too in the ist sing, pre-
sent. Old Norse shows the i in the present of Class X if a verb
ends in «, or n combined with a mute ; also in the verb spirna,
to spurn ; but e we find in brenna, to burn, and renna, to run.
The verbs gialla (to shout, sing), gialda (rependere), and sklalfa
(to tremble), retain the ia in the infinitive, plural indicative, and
throughout the subjunctive. In the preterite participle all verbs
ending with «, or » with a mute, have u ; brenna and renna also
take w; all others, spirna too, have o. In Classes VIII and
IX we find the i of the present only with strong verbs which
form the present theme in ja ; also 'msvima (to swim), which
occurs side by side with svema. An interchange or alternation
between i and tf, or iu and io, in difierent persons of the present,
does not take place.
3. Some verbs of Class VI have condensed the iu of the pre-
sent into 4, as Gothic. O. H. Germ, sufu, bibo (Germ, saufe) ;
9ukuy suck (Germ, sauge ; sugo) ; luhhu, lock, claudo. O. S.
I4can^ to lock. A. S. brucan, to use ; hriltan, to fall ; 8ilpan, to
drink ; s4cany to suck ; stilnan, strepere ; strdtan, populari ; lucany
to lock. O. Fris. MJcay to lock ; sMva, protrudere ; slilta, to lock
(O. H. Germ, sliuxu) ; spriita, to sprout. O. N. luca, silpa and
siupa, sorbere ; si^a and siuga, to suck.
4. The preterites of Classes V and VI, in Old High German,
condense their diphthongs ei, ouy into the long vowels /, (?, re-
spectively, the former before w, h^ the latter before h^ r, *, and
dental mutes; in Anglo-Saxon, on the contrary, the a of the
present and 6 of the preterite are dissolved intx) two vowels,
namely ea and eo^ e. g. sceapan, sceop^ aleahan^ sleoh.
5. Verbs of Class VII in Old Norse, which end with a guttural
{k,g\ have in the preterite participle e instead of a.
6. Umlaut affects the verbal stem more or less in the conju-
gation of the Old Teutonic verb.
432 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Gothio of course repudiates this as well as any other Umlaut
In Old High German the Umlaut of a into e may take place
in the present of Class II (reduplicated verbs) and Class YII, if
an i follows in the second syllable, e. s. wallu, 2nd wallU or weUu;
rant, 2nd varis or veris. As in general, so also in the verb, old
documents preserve the Original a, more recent ones adopt more
largely the Umlaut.
Old Saxon favours occasionally this modification of sound in
the 2nd and 3rd sing, present of Classes II and III, just like Old
High German ; e. g. tcaldu, 2nd weldis, 3rd tceldid.
Anglo-Saxon admits of Umlaut in the 2nd and 3rd sing, pre-
sent, even if the final vowel which caused the Umlaut has suffered
syncope. In this manner a is modified into e {a)*, d into a ; e6^
ea, 4y into § ; S into e\ e. g. hdte^ 3rd sing. pres. kat, blSte^ 3rd
sing, blet^y aceSf^y 3rd sing, sc^t ; fare^ 3rd sing.y^r8,yar8.
Old Frisian seems to do without tne Umlaut in its verbal
inflexions. Though forms occur such as 1st fere, 2nd Jeresl, 3rd
ferethy plur. ^araM, it would no doubt be preferable to explain
the ^ as a weakening rather than Umlaut of the a, for tiie e
occurs in the preterite participley^rm too, where it is no Umlaut^
but the inorganic representative of an original a; thus also
the infinitive drega and the participle dregin.
Old Norse, which favours Umlaut in every possible position,
makes use of it largely in the conjugation of the verb through-
out the singular of the present indicative and the whole of the
preterite subjunctive. We find it therefore in all reduplicat^l
verbs (except Class III, of course), and in all the remaininjof
classes, except V, because the ei of Class III and the i of Class V
are not capable of Umlaut. Verbs of Class VII, which in con-
sequence of dropping an h, end in a, have in the singular
present the Umlaut (V, as sld (to strike, slay) from slahay present
slo^ ; fld (to flay), present Jl(e ; hid (to laugh), present hla.
Umlaut of a into '6 occurs with verbs of Classes II and VII in
the 1st plur. present; with the former only if they have ia in
the infinitive, ^a& giallay 1st "pluT, gio Hum ; gialda, gioldum : hut
skldlfa makes skidlfum,
II. Tlie consonants affected by the inflexions.
I. The consonants of the theme or stem are variously affected
in the different dialects by the terminations of the persons. We
have already seen that in Gothic, before the t of the personal
termination of the 2nd sing, preterite, a dental of the stem
preceding it must be changed into s.
THE VERB. 433
In Anglo-Saxon the connective (thematic) vowel almost re-
pilarly suflTers syncope in the 2nd and 3rd sing, present indi-
oatiye^ and the consonants of the termination and those of the
stem or theme are joined directly, the former influencing the
Istter to a certain degree. As to the 2nd person we have to
notice the following facts. Before the termination st no dental
can keep its position except i ; d and % are dropped ; the combi-
nation nd is changed into nL Hence hladan^ blotan^ cwe^an,
siandan^ make the 2nd sing, hlesty blet^t, cioisi, stenir^t. In
tiie same manner a final a or st of the stem is dropped before the
Mt of the termination ; e. g. c^-st from ceSsan^ birst from berstan.
As to the 3rd person the following rule must be observed : The
*S of the personal termination is dropped after a ^ or 9^ of the
stem, e. g. blel for blet-^, birst for birst-^ ; the terminational ?
following dy both are rendered by t^ as hlei for Aled^, stent for
siend-i ; "8 preceded by «, both make st, as c^st for c^s-^ y a "8
of the stem is dropped before i of the termination, e. g. cwv-i
for cun^i.
Old Frisian, As to the 2nd person the same rules hold good^
that is^ no dental but t remains before the termination st ; -d-^t,
'4k'^t^ -s-st, -^t-st, are all contracted into st ; hence halda^ haht ;
finda^ finst : xst becomes xt, as wext from wax^. In the 3rd
person the termination th is contracted with a preceding d into
t, as kalt^fint; with a preceding t into t; with a preceding th
into th; with a preceding s or st, to st; with a preceding x
\o xt.
Old Norse. The r of the 2nd sing, is assimilated to a preced-
ing I orn of the stem ; it remains a^r // and nn If the stem
ends with an s, r, rr, it is dropped altogether, and the 2nd and
3rd persons become identical in form with the ist. In the 2nd
sing, preterite before the personal termination t a final dental of
the stem is changed into Zy e.g. lez-t from Idt-a, galzrt &om
gialda, quaz-t from que^-a ; but the 2nd of the preterite, stSd
(from standan) is stStt. A preterital form which after dropping
an i or ^, ends in a long vowel, has also tt in the 2nd sing., e. g.
sis for sliSh (from slahan), 2nd preterite sldtt.
2. Bhotacish gpreatly afiects the terminational s of the stem
in the bisyllabic or polysyllabic forms of the plural preterite,
especially in verbs belonging to Classes V and VI, where the
change seems to be less obstructed by the preceding short vowel
than it is in the singular by the long radical ; e. g. vriosan (to
freeze), preterite plur. vrurumes, part, vroraner ; hiosan (to choose),
preterite sing. k6s, 2nd hiri, 3rd k6sy plur. kurumes, part, koraner;
Ff
434 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
rUan (decidere), present sing. reU^ 2nd riri^ 3rd m#, plor. rin-
meSf part, riraner; wenan (to be), was, warumes^ part, wesaner^
and a few others.
In Old Saxon we have only one instance of rhotacism in
Class VIII, i.e. foesan (to be), was, lodrttn, weaan; several of
Class VI, i. e. kiosan^ k6%y iuri^ kSs^ plur. iurun, part, koran, and
/br-lioaan, to loose.
Anglo-Sa'^on offers but few examples, namely wesan, vat,
ware, was, plur. waron, part, wssan; ceSsan, ceds, cure, ceds, plur.
curon, part caren ; thus also freSsan (to freeze), for^eSsan (to
loose), hreSsan (ruere).
Old Frisian adopted rhotacism in the plural preterite, e.g.
weaay was, weron, wesen; kiasa, kds, keron^ keren; in the same
manner ur^liusa, to loose.
Old Norse. Rhotacism throughout in vera (to be), var^ va-
rum, verinn by the side of the Gothic visa, vas, vesum, visans ; it
may also occur in frioaa (to freeze) and kiosa (to choose), which
have the preterite ^\\XT,frurum, kurum^ part.yrm»«, kerinn^ by
the side o^frusum, kusum, /rosinn, kosinti,
3. Gemination, or a double consonant occurring in the middle
of a word, is dissolved into the single consonant at the end of the
word, and after a long radical, e. g. Old High Gtorman spinnan,
span; wallan, wialumes.
Old Saxon r'mnan, ran^ thrinnan, thran ; reduplicated verbs
may have the sing'le consonant or its gemination, e. g. fallan,
pret. fel and fell.
The same law holds good for Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian,
where gemination, moreover, is dissolved into the single conso-
nant before the consonants of the termination.
Old Norse does not obey this law. Gemination is, on the
contrary, produced in Old Norse in the singular preterite and in
the imperative, where ng is changed into kk, and nd into it ;
e.g. /a7iga (to catch), preterite smg, fekk, imperative ^H;
spring a (to jump), preterite sprakk^ imperative sprikk ; except
spnga, sl^nga, which make saung, daung ; hlanda (to mix, blend),
present blett, imperative blutt ; hrinda (trudere), preterite hratt,
imperative hritt,
4. The media, when final, is often exchanged for the tenuis,
especially in the preterite singular, often in the plural too ; e. g.
Old High German quedan (to say), preterite singular quut, plural
qudtumes and quddumes ; snidan (to cut), preterite aneit^ plural
snitumes, participle snitaner.
THE VERB. 486
Thus also in Old 'Sane Id, when at the end of the monosyl-
labic preterite^ is converted into It, e. g. falda^felt; ffialda, gait.
5* The spirant h and the media g are in close relationship in
many verbs.
In Old High Oerman an h belonging to the root is replaced
by y in the preterite plural (rarely in the singular) and in the
preterite participle ; e. g. alahan (to slay)^ pret. sing, sluok^ or
9luog, plur. sluogumeSy part. slaganSr ; zihan (to accuse), pret.
zSi, plur. zigumes, part. ziganSr,
In Old Saxon the g is nsed regularly in the preterite singular
too ; e. g. slaAan, sl^g, slSgum^ but the part, slahan,
AngloSaxon makes, like Old High Oerman, sleahan, ist slSh^
and 9l6ge^ 3rd alShj plur. slSgon, part, alagen, where the media
creeps into the 2nd singular.
In Old Norse the h of the root has commonly been dropped,
bnt reappears again in the form of g in the bisyllabic forms of
the preterite ; e. g. M (to slay) for slaha, plur. preterite slSgum
(also sUum), preterite part, aleginn ; thus also ilaa (fricare), and
Alaa (to laugh).
6. The occurrence of both the spirants A and 10 in the Old
Sazon preterites adAun and sdwun, and farliwi from farliAan
(eoncedere), may be explained by the Oothic forms saiAvan,
leiAvan, from which AngloSaxon adopted either one or the
other of the spirants. A similar exchange we observe in the
A. S. 9eon (to see) for seoAan, preterite ist seaA, 2nd sdwe, 3rd
9eaA, plur. idwon.
7. Syncope of A is frequent in the present and infinitive of
Anglo-Saxon verbs, where it is dropped together with the the-
matic vowel ; e. g. slean^ ^fwean, seon for sleaAan, ^weaAan, seoAan.
Some write sledn, seSriy &c., considering the case one of contrac-
tion rather than of syncope.
8. The reverse of the case we have considered under 5 is given
in Anglo-Saxon verbs, the radical of which is followed by g.
Wherever the media has to take its position at the end of the
word or before the inflexional consonants, it is changed into A ;
e. g. stige^ ascend, 2nd stiA-at, 3rd stiA-^, plur. stiga^^ pret. 8tdA ;
plur. 9tigon; beige, bilAat, bilAi, pret. deaf A, plur. bulgon. In
the combination ng the g remains intact.
9. The relation between i$ and d is this, that the former is
replaced by the latter in the bisyllabic forms of the preterite,
e.g. cwe^auy to say, pret. cwd^^ 2nd cwade, 3rd cwd^, plur.
cwadon, part, etoeden.
F f 2
436 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
lo. In Old Norse the g is often dropped in the preterite, and
if so, the ei is condensed into e, and au into o, and the Ablaut of
the singular remains in the plural too. Thus hniga may have
the preterite hneig^ Anigum, or Ane, hnegum; smiuga^ may have
smaug, smugum, or gm^, 8m6um. The combination ff^ is dropped
in the sing, preterite, brd of hreg^a, and the ploral again is
brug^um. The verb hbggva (to hew, cut) has the sing, preterite
kio ; in all other instances the gg of this verb is preserved, but
the V is dropped, and yet the Umlaut it has caused remains ;
hence the forms — ^pres. indie, hogg^ hogg-r, hogg-r^ plur. hoggum,
AoggvH, Mggva^ pres. snbj. hdggvi, pret. indie. hiOj pret. subj.
hioggvi, imper. hogg^ plur. hoggvU. Spua (to spit) makes the
preterite spio, plur. spioggum; thus also bua (to inhabit)^ bio,
bioggum.
III. Isolated changes.
1. The Gothic language changes the vowel i into a( before i
and r, the vowel u into au; this phenomenon is known as
Brechung, 'a break'.' It occurs in verbs too; hence the forms
bairga for ^birga, baurgum for ^ bur gum, laihvum for lihvum, plau"
hans for \luhans ; and vocalic systems such as baira, bar, bSrum^
baurans, and leihva, Idihv, laihvunty laihvans, will be easily
understood.
2. The thematic vowel is, as a rule, preserved in the present,
but dropped in the preterite. All the ancient dialects, except
Old Norse, have it intact in the ist and 3rd plural, and (except
Gothic and Old Norse) in the 2nd plural present indicative ; all
weaken it to /, or still further to e, in the 2nd and 3rd singular,
Gothic also in the 2nd plural. The ist sing, present indicative
ends in the thematic a in Gothic, while Old High German and
Old Saxon weaken it to w, Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian to e ;
Old Norse drops it altogether. The last-mentioned dialect drops
it in the 2nd and 3rd sing, also, and joins the personal termina-
tion r=s directly to the root. In the ist pers. plur. Old Norse
weakens the thematic a to w. The preterite in all the dialects
drops the thematic a and adds the termination of the 2nd sing,
directly to the root, or rather the perfect theme. In the plural
the personal terminations join the perfect theme by means of the
connective vowel u, which has nothing to do with the thematic a.
The connective u is in Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian regularly,
in the other dialects occasionally, weakened to 0,
3. The Gothic verb trudan (to tread, calcare), of Class VIIT,
' See p. 33.
THE VERB. 437
has in the present the radical u instead of i» Bopp considers
this to be the weakened form of a, while Orimm adopts for this
verb an Ablaut of its own^ namely truda, trad, trddum, trudans*
We follow Bopp by inserting it among the regular verbs of
Class VIII.
4. Verbs in -ma are inflected after the strong conjugation in
the present, and after the weak in the perfect tense. In the former
the a of the suffix 7ia is treated like the thematic a mentioned
above ; in the perfect it is gradated to d, and thus is formed the
snffix nS which acts as connective between the root and the
weak terminations. Of this formation we have only fragments
left in the other Teutonic languages. (See Formation of the
Present Suffix --na^.) The most common verbs of this class are,
af-hvapnauy extingui ; af-dShnany obmutescere ; af^lifnan, super-
esse ; di^inaupnan, rumpi ; dU^kritnan, iindi ; fra^gistnan^
feriri ; ga-hailan^ sanari ; ga-^taurknatiy rigescere ; ga-^nipnan,
moerere ; ga^unan, revivescere ; ga-haursnan, arescere ; ga-pla9^
nan, turbari.
5. Concerning the strong verbs in -ja we have only to men-
tion that in their conjugation they differ in nothing from other
strong verbs ; in the present they treat the a of ja in the same
manner as the thematic a. As to the contraction of the thematic
ja in some of the Teutonic languages and other points in con-
nexion with this formation, see p. 391.
6. The verb mivan (to go) for ^sniuan, Sanskrit root snu^ has
the preterite singular of Class VI, sfidu ; but the plur. snevum
by the side of the regular snwum : in the same manner divan,
to die^ mori.
7. standan (stare), root atath^ stad, from sta, drops the infix -«-
in the preterite and makes sto\f, 8fS\fum for ^stodum. The forms
in the other Teutonic languages follow the analogy of the Gothic,
as Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, slod, plur. siSd-uny
9t6d-on ; Old Norse stff^, plur. stff6um ; but Old High German
preserves the infix -«- in the preterite atuonf, plur. Huontvmea.
8. The Gothic gaggan (to go) ought to have the preterite
gaigagg, but it takes the weak form gaggida ; the preterite iddja^
iddjes, idd;'a, plur. iddjedum^ is commonly used, formed irregu-
larly from the root i (to go). This verb in the other Teutonic
dialects goes regularly like the other strong verbs with lost
reduplication after Class II.
9. The Gothic verb briggan has not the strong preterite hragg,
but the weak brahta ; Old High German has both strong and
weak forms, hence brang^ brungumea, and brahta, brdhtumes ; the
438 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Old Saxon brengjan has only the weak preterite brdUa. Anglo-
Saxon follows the analogy of Old High Oerman in fonniDg botii
a strong and a weak preterite of the verb brin^an, namely 6ran^,
brungon^ and brokt, brohion. We have also strong and m&k
forms side by side in the Old Norse erja (to plough, arare), paf.
ar and ar&i ; qui^ (to fear), perf. queiih and quidda ; kanga (to
hang)^ perf. hekk and hangia ; blSta (to sacrifice), perf. blet and
blSta^a, part, blotinn and blota^r.
10. The Gothic fahan (to catch), and hahan (to hang), whidi
form their perfect regularly with reduplication after Class 11,
cannot preserve their short radical in the other Teutonic dialects,
they therefore must take the infix -»- and make the present
themesyan^a-, hangn-^ or they adopt the inorganic length of the
Yowel, as O. H. Germ., O. ^.fdhauy hdhan ; or thirdly they are
contracted into fdn^ kdn, A. S. fSn, hSn^ O. Fris. fd, hda. The
Anglo-Saxon declines ist fS, 2wAfe8t,fastjfahst^jtTAfe^^fa^i
fcth^y plur.yjf-S; in the same manner h6^ &c. ; O. iris. 3rdySi,
plur. fdthy subjunctive /J?. But the preterite is in all dialects
always the regular perfect of the infinitive ^ii^a«, hangan, after
Class II. In Old Frisian however the preterite participle occurs,
v^fangenyfen8z€n^fen,fdnyjin8en; Ailen, Auendzen, hinsen,
1 1 . The verb bridu (trahere). Old Frisian for bregda^ has in
the 3rd sing, breitk, brith^ preterite participle bruden, bmgd^n.
A similar inclination to get rid of the media we find in the
Anglo-Saxon bregdan (nectere), which thus passes from Class X
to IX and forms brad, brcedoUy broden.
12. As in the Anglo-Saxon bregdan^ so we observe in other verbs
an inclination to pass from one eonjugational class to another.
Thus the Anglo-Saxon \V^^^ (proficere), sihan (colere), tiha%
(arguere) , wrihan (operire), pass from Class V to VI by changing
the iy which is succeeded by an liy into eo (wrongly following the
analogy of Brechung of i into eo)y the preterite d into ed^ and
thus adopting the forms \€6n^ seouy &c., preterite sing, ^edky
sedky &e., plur. ]>7/go?i, sitgon, &c., for ]>igony sigatiy &c. The Old
Norse verbs i<yngja (to sing) and sl^ngja (to sling, jactare) have
passed from Class X into VI, and have the forms saung^ sungum,
SMiiginn^ &c.
13. There is in Old Norse a number of verbs ending in a
vowel which have in some forms j^assed from the strong to the
weak declension. They make the preterite weak, the preterite
participle commonly strong; e.g. gnua (fricare), present gn^,
plur. gnuuniy preterite g^iu^Sa, preterite part. g?iuinn; nd (con-
cepi), present ««, plur. ndi(,my preterite nd^ay part, ndinn ; knia
THE VERB. 439
^cogere), present ibtjf, pinr. initum, preterite knilia, part. kn4inn;
ike (fieri), sie, skeum, sieia, skeinn ; strd (spargere), strdi, strdum,
%triPSa, slraiun; tr4a (fidem habere), trUi, (rtlum, tritVa, tr4inn
and tT4^r^ &c. The verb na (to see) has lost the strong parti-
ciple, and has the following forms : present sSy preterite sd^ plur.
ndum^ part. 9e^r ; valda (to command) has in the preterite ollif
ollum (from valdiy valdum) instead of velt, veldum,
14. There are in Old High German and Old Norse remains of
a preterite formed with -*-, like the Latin perfect, 2nd sing, and
plur. (in -iWi, -w-^w*). Such are in O. H. Germ. «(?n-r-«-w/*,
root <m, to shriek; pi^r-u^mes, 2nd pi-r-u-t, root joi {or jm, prim.
6Au, to be ; Bpi-r^u^mes, root spiv, to spit ; grp-r^u-mSsj root gri,
gannire. They belong to Class V, and form their perfect as fol-
lows : e g. sing, screi, scriri, screi; plur. scrirutnes; part, scriraner.
In these examples r stands for s, and u is the connective vowel of
the plnral. Some consider this r to have arisen from an original
«7, a view which they support by a form scri-w-vr-misy which
occurs by the side of scri-^^u-mes. But the former opinion is
strengthened hy a number of similar formations which occur in
Old Norse. Thus of the root gra, prim. gAra (virere) the infini-
tive is grda, present groe, plur, grSum, preterite greri, part, gr^
inn; gre^r-i^^^ gre-9'i=:^ gre-s-a ; in the same manner nda (fri-
eare), preterite neri; roa, to row, reri ; snila, torquere, sneri;
9da, to sow, seri,
15. The Old High German preterites sterS^, pleru^, have
nothing to do with the perfect formation in -^, but find their
explanation in an ancient reduplication^.
MIDDLE AND NEW TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
The Middle and New Teutonic languages continue their pro-
gress on the road their predecessors had taken. In the conjuga-
tion the system of Ablaut gained absolute sway, and the ancient
reduplication was no longer felt, though it had left indelible
traces in the modifications of the radical whicli it bad caused.
The Ablaut itself did not remain stationary, but developed itself
in the different dialects more or less in accordance with the pho-
netic laws of each. Thus the transition from Old High German
to Middle High German, and again to New High German, is
extremely regular and simple, and the different conjugational
* See the Fonnation of the Perfect in the Cognate Languages.
' See the Fonnation of the Perfect in the Teutonic Languages.
..-•1
re -r-senT iar. ut. jb nar as 'Jk
. r -T-rr- ar listanr ^m thoee of
sui'i ■ .ir? jT^. In EniTJish- ''o Ae aAff
L--: "=-^r.j!n ~:'jj <• •rten And so violffldT
rr"". — •- ': ~ "■.--■ i^nr — ''^in n 'zics mdrr "he indumce of
"■i: ^^:i^" : -..- -^ ■- : ~z*t^ s.^.xjr. Liiii >rt:en in two lhih-
t:i- ^zi- ^ .7? ~- -*t::J"-— -r drrntar --vsrems adopt^;
- :■•" . :"• *• - •> i;:'— ''^•-.s Ji-1 "i- !••* "hem m«liscr-
:■ :. - -_• ^ •:: ■ "::rr- ■■■•* " ic-r lis-riner "he 'iitferait
..-- = - - -■ "■ . --J. ::r z. at:? * ■•'Tinr'_-re*L the pre-
— — . .. ... ^..,- ...^ -^ "''-c-rrrf "n-m "he «in«2:nlar.
.•J? — \ n.- •vi--:^5.r:/:- n lii "he Middle
—V ■ ■ -. -.-~ •: .;^ :j vr*'.«i*. 'he :hanu:ter.>tic
i.T- "' ■ - --r- ~-^ :r"^-r l:rrr.ire«i : the Abbmt
^ - ■ - .1. 1 . •:!«-: •.jr.c-?* f .r? aunre. iti? meanr
^ : -- - -«■. ■ :.r •^'r^.Tir** ( "he T:?iir.-.iiie bin-
■-L^^T-. '■ —' --^'"-io* 1.A* \ts*— I "^r*'inr*i =<■' aianv and
r" -i" .-i^^-"- -ff " i./^' ~-.i ma •-:" *'*ad )ur veritable
■' -^T- -^ - -■• - -J. . • ::i:*jr»' n-m T-rh "hr^se f Moslem
•^-^ii- : ■:".. *'•- : . - "^tt: .dn^-^ vhioh ren appears
.■'"*■ _: . ~" ■■-. -^T".:.- ■ : t-t.i t naer xad ifttrcLsh-
:. ■■ ■ .". ■ ■ "ir" . " '. '^ ^^uT "::«• i:'* •r-.r^ni-e r "h.»?<e two
■ - « •
_ -—■_'>. ._• i*k-i» ..tjj*^. v_,i_-ii rrVtrH
" """"•■ *
_^ _ >. > -^ "" >-. a. ft.. .1' • —•At., .C« . 1,1 ^^ •.'•i
.."-:'■-." ^ -^ " -• "T^-: ".i»-ir T.'-.t:iTrr 'i:ai-ei:t5
■ _ .. -. V- 1 : .::j.:i -.r-: ~.:;ir ".:e -ert*-rt:t tec^
- ^ ■ -'■*. ". '.'.'* *"*•■•:'. iZ'i ".'.I* ter^'ieiit plural
..---. •_■: ,. ■ - ::t-.:2.- 'j.^ \ ai'. The m«>lem
> L-r. •- i.~-'~i~' 1 "z li'iis law handed
-- -- 'L:r'^AiL z i.'...w:":^ th* perfect
v-. - •."- .::-. -i^i !-• c. It the ndial of
i.---i M- Th.-jl c the
-k w
%. (
_ • ^ ■■- -— M . : z'^ ir. : -r ten o
. -- -i -■. ^ ''-n ''. . tiie piziral ot whidi
. . -..- --r:..:ir. :' t.-iav sirs in the
j^ - - - -^-^7 -r- fir.;::. *''-•'. ic.d in the piitui
.•i i-i * z^-LiT ir.ave the same Abhafc; but
*-^ r-r- - ir-. ■ "> •'•■•^ special Allact <>, O. H. Genn.
»•- :-'• M F:. '--.T.- iv: N. H.Germ- ^^^/^n. The DntdmiAn
THE VERB, 441
F five centuries ago, said, like his High German cousin, stele^
Uil, stulen, part. Holen ; the Dutchman of tonlay has steUy sM,
iolen, part, stolen, importing the vowel o from the preterite par-
iciple into the plural of the perfect tense. In this manner all
lie Teutonic languages of modem times have abolished the
pecial Ablaut of the preterite plural, the only exception occur-
ng^ in Swedish, where, as we shall see, the distinction is still
£ept up in some conjugational classes. Before we proceed to
mrvey these classes we examine as shortly as possible the differ-
snt modifications of the Ablaut which took place in the Middle
and New Teutonic languages.
The Middle High German is in some respects hardly distinct
From its Old High German parent ; the vocalic systems of both
are almost identical. It needs little demonstration to show that
the Ablaut of the conjugational classes is essentially the same in
both dialects ; a glance at the succeeding tables will suffice to
prove this. We therefore may confine ourselves to examine the
few points in which they really difier. The reduplicational
Ablaut (i.e. the Ablaut formed by the amalgamation of the
reduplicational vowel and the radical) was in Old High German
ia for verbs having a high-sounding radical in the present, io
for those which had the dark radical ^ or ou. The latter (io)
however was often rendered by ia also, and ])oth were in Old
High German already occasionally weakened to ie. In this
weakened form the Ablaut always occurs in Middle High Ger-
man, so that there is no longer any difference in the preterite of
our first four classes, its radical being always ie. Further
changes do not occur in Middle High German, unless we men-
tion the weakening of the Old High German u of the preterite
participle. Classes IX and X, into o in Middle High German, a
form which occurred in Old High German already side by side
with the original «. But in Modem German the vocalic system
experienced a few modifications which make themselves felt of
course in the Ablaut too. First of all we have to mention the
inorganic production, or lengthening of the radical vowel, which
was not dictated by any discernible causes. In all the different
classes the radical has become long, unless it was protected in its
original character by its position. Thus we have for the Middle
High German pUe, gab, the New High German gebe^ gab • ; the
nice distinction between the sing, gab and the plur. gdben dis-
appears, of course, and with it that richness and variety of
* To make these observations more useful, the student should always compare
the tables of the conjugational classes of the ancient dialects which precede, and
of the modem dialects which follow below.
442 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
modulation of the voice so peculiar to our ancient dialects. A
further change for the worse we find in the weakening of the i
to e wherever it may occur in the ist singular of the present
tense or in the preterite participle ; hence we always meet for the
M. H. Germ, gibe^ hilfe, the N. H. Germ, gebe^ helfe. The redu-
plieational preterite is in New High German as in Middle High
German always %e for the O. H. Germ, ia^ io. The M. H. Germ.
ou (like O. H. Germ, ou = Goth, du, second gradation of u) is
rendered by the N. H. Germ, au ; hence Goth. klaupa%y O. H.
Germ, hloufauy M. H. Germ, loufeii, N. H. Germ, laufen. The
M. H. Germ. * {like O. H. G^rm. *=Goth. ei, first gradation of i)
we find in New High German as ei, e. g. Goth, greipa^ O. H.
Germ, knfu, M. H. Germ, grife^ N. H. Germ, greife; and, vice
versa, the M. H. Germ, ei (like O. H. Germ. et=Goth. ii, second
gradation of %) is represented in New High German by ♦ (spelt
ie^ which is not to be confounded with the ie of the reduplication
verbs) ; hence Middle High German present achide^ preterite 9ckeiii
is in New High German sckelde, sckid {achied). The iu of the
present tense of our Class VI, which in Grothic, Old High Ger-
man, and Middle High German is used as the first gradation of
Uy we find in New High German again in the weakened form iCy
while the ou of the preterite is rendered in New High Grerman
hy 6 ov 0 instead of the corresponding diphthong au. Correspond-
ing to the Middle High German preterite in no of Class VII, New
Higli German has v. All other vowels are, in sound at least, in
both languages the same, though they may differ in quantity.
Modern Dutch has, like Modem German, lengthened all origi-
nally short vowels, except in certain positions. The reduplica-
tional preterite is in Middle Dutch and New Dutch ie through-
out. Here we may take occasion to notice that Middle Dutch
and Middle High German, and New Dutch and New High Ger-
man, following their example, are, in certain important points
of grammar more primitive than several of the Old Teutonic
languages of far greater antiquity. The Goth, di (O. H. Germ,
and M. H. Germ, ei)^ as the second gradation of i in the present
of Class III, is in Middle Dutch and New Dutch rendered, as
in Old Saxon, by /; the Goth, da (O H. Germ, and M. H.
Germ. (??/, N. H. Germ. au)y second gradation of u, is given in
Middle Dutch and New Dutch, as in Old Saxon, by ^; in the
same manner the Dutch / of the present, Class V, answers to the
O. H. Germ, and M. H. Germ, i, N. H. Germ, eiy Goth, e/, while
in the preterite of the same class we have again, as above, c=
Goth, di. In Class VI we have for the Goth, iu, first gradation
of n in Middle Dutch as in N. H. Germ, ie, but in New Dutch
THE VERB, 443
uiy a diphthong which in sound corresponds to the German eu,
the frequent representative of an ancient iu, and even preserved
in some verbal forms^ as kreuchtf fleuckt^ for the ancient fiiuhty
&c. The preterite of the same class has for the Goth, da (O. H.
Germ, and M. H. Germ, on) the 6 which we find in Old Saxon
already. The Gothic 6 of the preterite, Class VII, which in Old
High German and Middle High German has the diphthong uo^
takes in Dutch the diphthong oe^ which in sound is identical
with the New High German ^of the preterite of the same class.
All other vowels need no further explanatory remarks.
As to the development of the vocalic system from Anglo-
Saxon to Modem English we have already stated that its devia-
tions are so multifarious, as to make it sometimes difficult to
recognize any system whatever. But we may at any rate notice
a few leading points which will help us more easily to survey
the following table of the conjugational classes and the list of
words belonging to each class, to which we must refer the stu-
dent for further details. The reduplicational preterite, which in
Anglo-Saxon had the radical eo^ or its more condensed form /,
we find in the writers since Layamon rendered in two ways,
either as a diphthong, eo^ or its occasional substitute ea, or as a
simple vowel, ^, or its cognate in sound, a. Sometimes we meet
with 0 in the preterite, which may be explained as the substitute
of a, the latter again having taken the place of the original e.
In the Ablaut verbs there was not so much room for an arbitrary
choice of vowels, because its peculiar character was too deeply
impressed on each vowel to render it liable to so great changes*
as its confreres in the reduplicational class. Still the deviations
from the original form are many, a few of which may be men-
tioned.
The most stable of all vowels is t, which, through all periods,
is either preserved in its original state or rendered by the weak-
ened form e. The vowel a, the most stable, energetic, and per-
sistent of vowels in other languages, such as German, is exposed
to considerable modifications; it may be darkened into (?, or
weakened to e. The vowels a and ^, perhaps identical in sound,
seem to have been interchangeable in most periods of Early
English. The ancient «, chiefly in the preterite participle, is
regularly rendered by <?, as in other Teutonic languages. The
Anglo-Saxon d we find either as a or (? ; 6 commonly as Oy oo^ or
ou ; the Anglo-Saxon a commonly returns to its original form,
a ; the long vowel a occurs in Late Saxon, but in Early English
it is already supplanted by a or its neighbours o and e. On the
whole we £md the Anglo-Saxon system of the Ablaut most con-
444 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
sistently applied in the Ormulum, where in general licence and
arbitrary changes are repudiated^ and a strict grammatical sy»-
tem is strictly carried out. There we find not only the ancient
distinction between the singular and preterite pluial kept up bj
diflterent vowels, but even the original quantity often preserved ;
as in Class VIII, Anglo-Saxon present i, e^ pret. sing, a, plnr.
^, pret. part, i, e ; Ormulum, pres. i, e, pret. sing, a, plar. a,
pret. part, i, e. Layamon, on the other hand, allows himself
a vast range of vowels to make up his system of Ablaut. But
both agree in keeping up the ancient distinction between the
radical of the singular and that of the plural of the preterite.
Even in Old English and Middle English it is occasionally pre-
served, though its gradual disappearance in the latter dudects
cannot be overlooked.
The Scandinavian languages of the present day, though not
the direct descendants of Old Norse, have nevertheless much in
common with the ancient dialect. As peculiar to the Swedish
alone among all the modern languages of the Teutonic tribe, we
must mention the nice distinction it makes between the Ablaut
of the preterite singular and the preterite plural of verbs bdong-
ing to the Ablaut class; e.g. Class VIII, O.N. i,,.a.,.d...e
(Goth. i,,.a,.,e,..i), Swed. i.,.d...d...i\ Class X, O.N. i,..a,,,u,..n
(Goth »... a... »...«), Swed. d,..a...n...u. Danish makes the
plural and singular always alike. As to the vowels of the
Ablaut a few observations may suffice. Old Norse already ren-
ders the reduplicated perfect by the most condensed form of the
vowels of the root and the reduplication, applying, instead of
the diphthong, the long vowel e, with the exception of Class IV,
where the Gothic du gives rise to the diphthong io, though
even this is often replaced by e, Swedish and Danish follow
the analogy of their Old Norse relative, so that in Class I they
make the preterite rt? = 0. N. /; in Class II, Swed. o, Dan. a (<>)
= 0. N. e; in Class III both e = 0. N. e; in Class IV, Swed. o, o,
Dan. oc'y ?< = 0. N. io (/). It is peculiar to the Danish language
that in the redui)licational classes the vowel of the ]ireterite
becomes the radical of the present too, or vice versa, that the
vowel of the present is preserved in the other tenses as well, so
that in this case we can hardly speak of any Ablaut at all.
Swedish follows more closely the analogy of Old Norse. The
radical of the present. Class I, O.N. a = Goth, e, is rendered in
Swedish by a; in the same manner O. N. a = Goth, a in Class
II. The O. N. ei, in the present of Class III, is identical with
the ei in High German, and corresponds to the Goth, di ; it is in
Danish condensed into /. The O. N. a?^=Goth. du of Class IV,
THE VERB.
445
Swedish and Danish render by oe or u. In the Ablaut classes
the analogy between Old Norse and Swedish is still greater^ the
only disadvantage of the latter being the total absence of diph-
thongs in the Modem Scandinavian languages. In Class V
we find in Swedish and Danish^ as in Old Norse, i in the present
for the O. H. Germ, i and the Goth. ei. The Gothic preterite di
18 in Old Norse ei, which in Swedish and Danish is again con-
densed into e. The Gothic and Old Norse iu of the present in
Class VI remains the same in Swedish ; but occasionally it is
rendered as in Danish by ^, the representative (Umlaut ?) of a
more ancient 4, In Class VII Old Norse and Swedish are iden-
tical. This identity might be observed in the last three classes
also^ if Swedish had preserved the ancient shortness of the
vowels ; but like its modem sisters it has in most cases g^ven
way to inorganic production. Still, if not by diflferent quan-
tities, it does keep up the distinction of singular and plural pre-
terite by diflTerence of sound, putting for the Old Norse a and d
(Gothic a and e) d and a respectively.
The distinction in Class X is perfect. The details may be
further examined in the vocalic system of the classes and the
examples which we g^ve in the following.
Class I.
Ir68.
O. H. Germ. & .
M. H. Grerm. d .
N. H. Genn. a .
Old Saxon a .
Middle Dutch a .
New Dutch d .
Old Norse d .
Swedish d .
Danish a
Anglo-Saxon (e
Layamon (?, e
Ormulum a
Old English e .
Middle English e .
New English e .
Pret.
ia .
ie
ie
ie, e .
ie
ie .
i .
OB
eo, i
a,e,ea
e
e
e
Part.
a
&
a
a
a
a
a
a
(«)
a
e, a
(F, e
e, a
e
e
Ferbs belonging to this Class,
Middle High Gtennan^ sldfe, slief, sldfen, to sleep ; brdten,
to roast ; rdten, to advise ; Id^en, to let ; bldsen, to blow ; hdhey
hie, to hang; vdhe^ vie, to catch.
* For examples in the Old Teutonic languages, see above, p. 411 sqq.
446 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
New Hi^ Gtannan. McUafe, %cJdief^ 9ekldfen^ ; rdten^ la^
bidden.
Middle Dutch, slape^ aliep^ alapen ; lalen, to let ; raden, NamB.
Kew Dutch. */ap, aiiep, Mpen ; Inten^ rdden^ drdden, bUzeiL
Swedish, jrra/^r, graf^ griten, to weep ; later, lat^ Idfen.
Deniah. grader, gretd, grad, to weep ; Idder follows CIabs VII.
lAymmoQ. Prts. 9l4gpe, pret. slap (sleap), sleep; pies, lak
(leU)y pret. le/te {laiie, leaUe\ part. iUte; drede, I diead, part
adtfdde, adrdd.
Ormulum. slape^ slepte (weak) ; lale {lete), let, leienn {laieMn):
dradey pret. drtdde.
Old "RnglJRh, slepe, pret. slep ; leie {late), pret. let {lete, letie),
part, ilefe {ilate, laten) ; drede, pret. dred.
Middle 'RwgiiMh, slepe, pret. slep {sleep, slepte), part defit
(wtak); lete {la/), pret. leot {lete, lette), part, letun {lete); drede
{drtede\ pret. dred {dredde, dradde), part, adred, adrad.
New SntfiBh. sleep {weeik); let; dread {weak).
Class II.
Ptcs. Pret. Plurt.
O. H. Germ. a ie a
M. H. Germ. a ie a
N. H. Germ. a ie a
Old Saxon a ie^ S . . . . a
Middle Dutch a ie, e, i . . . a
New Dutch a ie a
Old Norse a e a
Swedish d 6 d
Danish a, o . . . a, o . . a^ o
Anglo-Saxon a^ ea . . . . eo, e . . . . o, ra
Layamon a^o . . . . e, eo, a . . . a, o
Ormulum a c a
Old English a e^ o . . . . a^ o
Middle English a, f, o . . . e o, e
New English a^ o . . . . c, ic . . . . e^u
Verbs belonging to this Class.
Middle High German, valle, viel, vallen, to fall ; halten, to
hold ; schalten^ to rule; spalten^ to cleave; tcalten^ to command;
salzeuy to salt ; bannen, to banish^ interdicere.
New High German, falle, fiel^ fallen ; halteii ; hange, hxengy
hangen, to hang; fange,jieng,fangen, to cateh; gange (obsolete),
gleng, gangen, to go.
* I give the perfect participle without the augment ge-, though in Modem Ger-
man it is essential in the formation of the past participle, while its use was optional
in Old High German.
THE VERB.
447
iddle Butch, valle^ veil, vallen ; houde {=ialle^) helt {hilt),
en, to hold ; sonde, seU {sili), soud-en ; banne, ben, bannen ;
he, ghinc, ganghtny to go ; vanghe, vine, vanghen, to catch
p. gaeuyfaen) ; heffe^ hief, heven, to lift, from Class VII.
ew Dutch, vat, viel, vallen; Aoud^, hield, houden; hang,
, hangen ; vang (usually vd), vittg, vangen ; gd {gange^ obso-
, ging, gangen ; hef, hiefy heven.
vediah. fallevy foil, fallen ^ to fall ; holler ^ holly hailen, to
; f^^i fi^^i plur. finge, fdngen, va&a.fa, to catch ; gar, gick,
?, gangen, infin. gdy to go.
iniah. f alder y faldt, falden, to fall ; holder, holdl, holten, to
; faaeryfikyfangen, to catch ; gaaer, gik, gangeny to go.
lyamon. halde {halde, holds), pret. heold {held, haldy huld),
ihalden, iholden ; falde, feoldy to fall; walde (walde,
?), pret. walde {welde), part, awald ; fo, pret. ifeng, part.
en {ifon) ; hangCy heong {heng), hongen {hon) ; ga, go ; part.
{igon).
rmulum. falle, fell, fallenn ; halde, held, haldenn ; fange
feng; hange, heng, hangenn ; gange (ga), ^ede^, gan,
jd EngUah. falle, fel, fallen; halde, held {huld)y yholde ;
*9 f^ {f^) {f^^^^ weak), -psirt, fanged ; hange {honge),
hong [honge) {hanged weak) ; go {ga)y ^ede, ^eode, ^ode, part.
on, gone, gane.
iddle Exiglisb. fonge, feng, fongen; honge {hange), henge
g) {hangid^, honged^, weak), heng {hanged, hongid, weak) ;
(gon, go, goo), ^ede {wenie), aoon {gon, go, ygo).
3W Tgngiiftii. fall, fell, fallen ; hold, held, held ; hang, hung,
; go {wenf), gone.
Class HI.
Pres.
O. H. Germ.
M. H. Germ.
N. H. Germ.
Old Saxon
Middle Dutch
New Dutch
Old Norae
Swedish
Danish
Anglo-Saxon
Layamon
Ormulum
Old English
Middle English o
Kew English o
a .
a<,a^o
a, (z
a,e,o
Pret.
ia
ie
ie
ie
ie
i .
S
eo, S
e, eo, CB
Of ce, tt eo
e .
e
e
Part.
ei
ei
. ei
. S
. i
. i
. H
. S
. i
. a
. a, o
. a
o
Tocalixed in <m ; see the phonetic laws of New Dutch.
' A. 8. eddt.
448
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Verbs belonging to this Class,
High German. scAeide, schiet, scAeiden, to separate;
eischen, to demand ; Aei^en, to command, to be called ; s9Pe^
vibrate.
New High German. Aei^, Aie^, hei^ ; scAeide follows die
analogy of Class VIII.
Middle Dutoh. Aete, Aiet, heten, to order, to be called ; seUe,
sciet, sceden, to separate ; t^escAe, vriescA, vrescAen, to demand.
New Dutch. Aet, Aiet, heten ; eiscA, escA, eiscAen.
Layamon. Aate {Aate, Aote), pret. AaAte (AeAte), part, biiaim
(iAote), blawe (blawe, hlowe^ &c.)^ pret. bleou {bleu), paurt. ihUm-
en ; enawe {cnowe\ cneow (cnew\ cnawen {cnowe) ; sawe (#(W^)j
pret. seow ; matce {mawe)^ meow (mew).
Ormuluxn. Aate, Aet, Aatenn; blatae, part, blawen; enawe,
cnew {cneow) ; sawe, part, sawenn.
Old English. Aote, Aet, part. Aatte (yAote) ; blowe {Uawe)^Uewe;
knowe {knawe), knew, knowen {knawen) ; sowe, sewe {seu).
Middle Tringliff^. Aote, pret. beAote, part. biAoten ; blowe. Hew,
blowun {blowen); knowe, knew {knew^, kne^, knowide), hunm
{know); sowe {sewe), pret. sewe {sowide weak), sowen {sowid).
New EnglJBh. blow, blew, blown; know, knew, known; crow,
crew, crown (obs. for crowed) ; tArow, tArew, thrown.
Class IV.
O. H.Gerra.
M. II. Germ.
N. H. Germ.
Old Saxon
Middle Dutch
New Dutch
Old Norse
Swedish
Danish
Anglo-Saxon
Layamon
Ormulum
Old English
Middle English
New English
Pres.
ou, d, no
ou, 6, uo
au, 6
6, uo
6 .
6, oe
au, 6
Off u
0€, u
ea, 6t e
a, e
cc, o
e, o
f , 0
6 .
Pret.
io .
ie .
ie .
iot ie
ie .
ie .
io, e
o, 6
oe, u
eo, e
eo, e
• •
tf, o
e,o
e .
Part.
oUf 6, uo
ou, 6, uo
au^ 6
6j uo
6
6t oe
au, 6
oe, u
oe, u
ra, 6, i
eOy ea, e
(F, o
c
e, o
6
Verbs belonging to tAis Class,
Middle High German, loufe, lief, loufen, to run ; Aouwe, hiu,
plur. A in wen, part. Aouwen, to hew, cut; stS^e, stie^, stolen, to
THE VERB.
449
jtrike; schrSte, schrieiy schrSten^ to cut; ruofe, rief, ruofen^
•
w High Gtorman. haue, hieh, hauen, cut^ strike ; lattfe^ liefy
; ald^j slie^j sto^n ; schrSie, scAriel, schrSten; rdfe^ rief^
to call.
Idle Butoh. ISpe^ Hep, Idpen, to run ; Aoioej Aieu, plur. Aou~
stSie^ to strike, butt, atiet^ 9t6ten ; roepe, riep, roepen,
w Dutch. ISp^ liep^ ISpen; houWy hieuw, houwen ; roep^ riep,
, to call.
ramon. tape {lepe), pret. leop {lep^ letip, leoupy ilecpe), plur.
leopen; toepe (weope), ptet. weep {wep); hewe (^^e««7tf), pret.
heawe) , part, heawen {ieouwen, hewen) ; rowe (rouwe), part.
; growe, pret. greu {greawen, gratoe).
aulum. lope, pret. lupe; htBwe, part. Aatcenn; bate, part.
L Engliah. lepe, pret. lepe {lept, weak) ; wepe, pret. wep
and wepte, weped^ weak); hewe, pret. hew (hewe), part.
y growe {grewe), pret. grew {greu).
Idle TgwgHgii. lepe, pret. /^^ {leep and /^^^, leppide, weak),
lopen {leppid, lept weak); hewe, heew {hew and hewide
, part, hewun {hewen and Ae«;/ J weak) ; growe, pret. ^«(;
frowide weak), part, growun {growen).
w English, hew, part, hewn ; grow, grew, grown ; weep, wept,
weak) ; leap^ leapt, leapt (weak) ; beat^ part, beaten, Ex-
Ij some verbs of Classes III and IV are identical in form ;
different origin will be seen on reference to Classes III and
Anglo-Saxon.
CiASs V.
Pres. Pret. Sing.
Plur.
O. H.Germ. I
M. H. Germ. I
N. H.Germ. ei
Old Saxon t
Middle Dutch %
New Dutch t
Old None t
Swedish i
Danish I
Anglo-Saxon I
Layamon i
Ormulum i
Old English t
Middle EngUsh t
New EngliA t
ei . .
ei . .
I,t .
e . .
. H .
. e .
. i .
it
a . .
a, ce
. a .
. 0,0
0, 00
. 0, t
i . .
1,0
Part
t
t
t
I
t
i
i
t
0, t
Gg
"• ' r - r ;^
•r: /,;
-ii, T
yXfsrniajL
Li't.
~ . t
'i.r
■^m-
-Ixr^
iL. .. .
:t -■ ' --V. to
. • • > ■ •
. --. ■■\H.
* ■ ■
.4^1 -> .. -
ft ^ » -
^•vTr Z-Tz::.
■■ ■■ ■■ ' --line ■• ■■'■■' -.■ r-.'^nain .
' ' ■.•'.■•-■.-;■ -i:::ir: : ■ ■::.:■?
: -» ;
• ' "^'IT"^ ■ ■ - ■ » ■ ■ '
■* ■ ^^ ■ - • ^^.i-t , I. ■ ■ . •'
. •' ■•
-xr:.
J ■ -
•' .- •■•• ■'. To st'ize;
t
f. *« »•■.., ,.
•• ~- .r
.1 »■-•-'■
^ ■
/ .
^/.vj p:. -../.....'.
f--
'//
• - . " ' ■ ■
".-■.■ ■ ■ ' . - • -'. T-"-.:r. ■'■• '.■^r'. part.
^'"^',.(..ri ///A-,/; ,-...'. ,.-,.. . .■..r::;^. - ., ■ 'art. r".-.v
Mri/H,. K.,,ii,f,. v/y...;,.,/. ., .,: ■.:-::ir!.;.vV.!].art.^>^;^/<v;
'AvM,, ,/,„/, ,Ay...,,^ /A;y.,/v/; >/•,.,, .".;../: ^/,v ,., „, ^/ry/v,/ ;
^■•" : ////"/, //„„..,/, ////;;/<v^; /,,,/^, ^,.,.^ hHou t^-'.lU; ^si.uik,
;"■'• ■■";'^'''"' •■•''''/'''•"; /ov//-, //;a..,/,., in'lUn.icrlUn; rede, rood,
THE VERB. 461
HewSngUBh. shine , shone ^ part, ehane; drive ^ drove, driven:
thus also^ ihrive, thrive; bite, bit, bitten ; smite, emote, smitten;
aUde, abode, abode; ride, rode, ridden; rise, rose, risen; strike,
sirueiy struck {stricken).
Class VI.
Pres. Pret Sing. Plur. Part.
O. H. Germ. tu . . . . ou ... u .... o
M. H. Germ. iu, , . . ou ... u .... o
N. H. Germ. f€ . . . . d, o . 6, o
Old Saxon <m, io, ^ .. d .... u .... o
Middle Dutch te, 4 . . . d . . . . o . . . . o
New Dutch tit .... d S
Old Norse iu, %o, ^ * , au ... u .... o
Swedish iu, P . . . oe .... ^ .... t2
Danish P . . . . oe 4
Anglo-Saxon eo . . , . ea ...v....o
LaTamon eo, e . . . cb, a . . . u, o . . . o
Ormnlum eo, «... cb .... u .... o
Old English e....e....o....o
Middle English e . . . . e, o o
New English e,o . . . o o, e
Verbs belonging to this Class,
Middle High Gtormazu scAiube, schoup, schuben, schoben, to
push ; kliube, kUmp, kluben, to adhere^ stick ; stiuben, to move ;
sliufen, to glide ; triufen, to drop ; briuwen, to brew ; riuwen, to
me, repent : giu^e, gS^, gy^^en, go^^en, in the same manner, i/«-
ten, to offer ; siuden, to boil ; kiuse, kSs, kum, kom, to choose ;
verliuse, verlSs, verlum, verlorn; vriuse, vrds, vrurn, vrom, to
freeze ; snge, souc, sugen, sogen, to suck ; ziuhe, z6ch, zugen, zogen,
to pull.
BTew High (German, triefe, troff, troffen, to drop ; siede, sott,
sotten, to boil ; also, riechen, to smell ; kriechen, to creep ; schli'
efen, to lock ; schie^en, to shoot ; schiebe, schSb, schoben, to push ;
schnaube, schnob, schnoben, anhelare; erkiese, erkor, erkSreUy to
choose : thus also verliere, to loose ; friere, to freeze ; biegen, to
bend ; luegen, to lie, mentiri ; saugen, sSg, sSgen, to suck ; fiiehe,
floh, flohen, to flee; fliege, fi6g,fi6gen, to fly; ziehen, zSg^ zSgen,
to pull.
Middle Dutch, drupe, drop, dropen, dropen, to drop ; cripen,
to creep ; slupen, to glide ; scuven ; giete, gSt, goten, goten : thus
also, verdrieten, to offend ; scieten, to shoot ; verliese, verlos, ver-
loren, verloren : thus also, kiesen, to choose ; vriesen, to freeze ;
lilke, ISc, token, token, to lock ; bUghen, to bend ; vlieghen, to fly ;
vlien, to flee.
Gg 2
452 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
New Butch, druip, drSp^ drSpen, to drop ; thus also^ iruipen,
to creep ; sluipen, to glide; iluyfen, to cleave; sehuifen, to push;
ffiet, got^ gotetiy to pour out: thus also, verdrieten, to offend;
vluiten, to flow ; sluiten, to lock ; bied^ bod, boden ; kifs^ kd* and
kSfy kSzen and koren, to choose ; vries, vrSa and vrSr, vrozen and
vrSretiy to freeze.
Swediah. dr^ner, droep, dripe, drilpeny to drop : also krjpa,
to creep; br^ta, to break; giuta, to pour out; sluta, to lock;
biuda, to bid ; //if^a, mentiri ; m^ta, to cut.
Danish, kryber^ kroeb, kroebe, kroeben, to creep : also, bjd€,
to bid ; skjdey to shoot ; m^d^^ to cut ; g^se, to pour out ; k§sefi
koeSy k^sen^ to choose; fl§ger [fyver), fioei, fioejen, to fly; l^^
{l^ven), loei, loejen, to lie.
Layamon. crepe, pret. cr^jo, plur. erupon, part, -cropen; cleouie^
ckef, cluuen, clouen ; geote, gat, geolen, -^oten, to pour out ; sceoU,
seeat {acat), scuten, -acoten ; beode (bede), bad {bad, bed), budon
{biden) , ^oden, -beden ; cheose, chas^ curon (icAose)^ icoren {ichoaen);
leose^ laa {lees, losede weak) ; iloren {ilosed weak) ; fieo,fl<Bh {feh\
flu'^en {fluwen)^ flw^en {foy), to fly ; fleo^ flah (fleh^ fleik^ fei)^
Jilu^en^Jiuwen, ifi^yn {iflowe), to flee.
Ormulum. clefe, clafy clvfenn^ chfenn; gete^ gat, guienn,
gotenn ; bidde {bede), badd {bad), budenn, beod^nn; chees, ckaSf
curenn ? chosen ; forl€se,forlase,forlurenn,forTloTenn ; le^e, I^l,
lu-^henn^ lo^henn; jle^heyfiah,fiwihe^in,fio^henn, to fly; fe{o\fahy
flic^Iien^fo'^hen,
Old English, clere, clef, clouen, ycloue ; brewe, brew, browen ;
Scheie, sc/iel, plur. sc/iol, part, scholten ; ^hete, pret. plur. ^hoUen^
part, '^holen^ ^el ; bede, bed, hoden^ boden ; chese, ches, plur. chosen,
part, ycorn, chosen ; lie {Iv^he), liihed ; fie, \}VQt,flegh, j>\uT.Jlowen,
part, yflowe, to fly ; fie,fiew {fiey^jled), ^uv.Jlo^wen {fed), part.
fed.
Middle English, crepe, crope, plur. cropen, part, cropen ; bede,
bad ibeede), plur. beden, part, boden {beden) ; ^eele, gotte {^ei\dt\
part, ^otun ; schete, schotle {schefe), plur. schete, part, schoii;
chese, chees [cheside), plur. chosen (chesen), part, chosen ; li^e {lie) ;
lei'^h {liede), plur. lieden, part, lei'^ed {lowen, lyed) ; flee (fe^c,
fiege), few {feii), plur. flewen (to fly) ; flee, flei^ {fled<le), plur.
flow en {fedden), ^•ari.fled, to flee.
New English, creep, crept (weak) ; clear e, clove {clave, cUft
weak), part, cloven {cleft weak) ; seethe, sod {seethed weak), sod-
den {seethed weak) ; shoot, shot, shott^n, shot ; choose, chose,
chosen ; freeze, froze, frozen ; fly, flew, flown ; flee, fled, fl^d.
THE VERB,
453
Pres.
O. H. Oerm. a
M. H. Gterm. a
N. H. Germ. d
Old Saxon a
Middle Dutch a
New Dutch a
Old Norse a
Swedish d
Danish &
Anglo-Saxon a
Layamon o.
Ormulum a
Old English a.
Middle English a,
New Englidi a.
Class VII.
Pret. Sing. Plur.
Part.
. . . ICO . . .
.1*0.,
. . a
, . . tco . . .
. 1*0 . .
a
. . d . . .
. . d
. . . ^ (mo) .
. . ^M
. . a
. . . oe . . ,
. oe . . .
. . a
oe .
. a
. , . 6 . .
. . d . .
. . a. e
. . . d . . ,
. . d . .
. . ft
. . . oe, 6 .
. . oe,d. .
. a
. , . 6 . .
. . d . .
. . a
a, <
i . . o,ea,eo
. . 0 . . ,
a, 0
•
. . . 0 . .
. . 0 . . .
a
e, c
» . . 0, ott, a, e
. . 0, ou, ,
.0,0
0, <
; . . 0,00,
. . 0^00 .
. . a, 0
«a
. . . Of 00 ,
• ••••■
a, 0
Verbs belonging to this Class.
yjHHiA High German, mal, muol, main, to grind, molere;
var, vuor, varn, to go, drive, convey; grade, gmop, graben, to
dig : also, schaben, to scrape j schaffen, to work, create ; Aeben, to
lift ; waschen, to wash ; tragen, to bear, carry ; bache, to bake ;
slake, sluoCy sluogen, sUxgen^ to strike, slay.
Kew High (German, /^r^, fir, fdren ; grdbe, grib, graben ;
schaffe, schuf, schaffen ; wasche, wusch, waschen ; tragen, schlageUf
to strike, slay ; backen, to bake ; wachsen, to grow.
MiHiiiA Dutch, male, moel, malen ; vare, voer, varen ; grave^
groefj graven: also, draghen, to bear; waden, transire; scapen, to
maKC, create; slaghe, sloech, plur. sheghen, part, sleghen, to
strike, slay.
Kew Dutch, vdr, voer, vdren ; grdf, groef, grdven, to dig ; sld,
sloeg, sldgen, to strike, slay : also, std, stond, gestdn, to stand.
Swedish. fdr,f6r, fdren; sfdr, stSd, stdden, infin. std, to stand ;
skdper, skSp, skdpen : also grafva, to dig ; hafva, to lift up ;
drdga, to move, drag, bear ; vcdfva, to weave ; sldr, slog, sldgen,
to strike, slay.
'D2^D^Au fdrer, foer, fdren ; staaer, siSd, standen: also grdve,
to dig; Idae, to let; drdge, to bear; slaaer, slog, sldgen.
IiayainoiL. fare, for, foren, ifaren; stonde, stod, istanden, to
stand ; swerie, swor, istooren, to swear ; sceke, scoc, plur. scceken,
part, asceken, to shake ; take, toe, token, itaken ; dra^e, droh, plur.
droyn {drowen), idra^en {idrawen); sle {sla), sloh {slah), sloven
{slowen), islagen {islawen); waxe, toeox {wax, wex), plur. weoxen
(tauxen), part, iwaxen [iwox, itooxen).
4M TEUTOJIC GRAMMAR.
to ftaad : fynahem, m>Miem^ tiin ; Jrs^, JroA, pliir. dnf^keu,
poTL drj^in ; mUj «/'>i, plnr. J/f^kemm, put. j^o^rsji; voiif^ m^
pier, w^^^nm, port, cvjima.
Old 'i^gH*'* ^'^r y-^^7 ,/arfa / titonde, 9iod^ Hamdem ; swere,
nr/r, twyyrm ; *riai<f, *Tkok^ ^kahm ; take, UJt, latem ; wake, wokt;
draK<, dr*-/9r€ 'dmff^ dromJk , dmwcm \dramktm) ; 9le {9io\ dtm
'jti^^jk, *i&mky */.o^ ; part- d»iw:^, dain; //^icf, low (6mc3)j phr.
t'Afyk; W4UK 'k^jk^j itex .rax , porL itatem ',jwojt).
Kiddle Kngtiah fart^ ^reu fared ,weaik}, ^aat^/arem {/an);
9tond^^ 9iood '*tod^^ pairt. *tomdtn ; swetr, twoar, pfair. mtwn
{*iteren\, part, nrorem ; formke^ formkey fonat^m ; seJkate, tchook
[9ckoke, $ciakide^ weak), part, sciaimm ; take, ^^le), phir. ^fyfeflh
part, (akem ; §rake, trook, phir. wokem, part, wakeu : drawe, drtm
{dreic], part, dratr^m ; mU («/^, #^), p^et. tla^ (j^ow, dot), pari
dai» (jflaiceu, slatre] ; wexe {waxe), wojte (rar, *p^^^)> put. waion
(w€Lzen^ vexen).
Hew '^gKali stand J stood; swear, strore {svare), sworn; hate,
kove, hoten (also weak) ; forsake, forsook^ forsaken ; wake, woke;
draw, drew^ drawn; slay, slew, slain; wax, part, waxen (ebe
weak).
Class ym.
Pres. Pret. Sing. Plnr. FiL
O. II. Germ. t .... a .... d .... «
M. H.Genn. i....a....a....e
N. H. Germ. e .... a i
Old Saxon i. e ... a .... d .... «
Middle Dutch e .... a .... a .... e
New Dutch e .... a «
Old Norse i, e ... a .... a .... c
Swedii»h %....a....d....i
Jy&nhh if (B ... a i^ a
Anglo-Saxon /,«... d .... (S .... t\ e
Layamon i, e . a, a . cPj t . . t, %
Ormulum {, t...a....(X....t^i
Old English c, i . . . a, e . . . a^ o, e . . o, e
Middle English e, i . . . a . . . . a, o, e . . o, e
New EngUsh e, i . . . a, o o,i
Kerbs belong'mg to this Class,
Middle High German, gibe, gap^ gdberty g'eberiy to give ; hiitn^
to ask, beg ; tr'iten^ to tread ; liseiiy to read ; Ugen^ to lie, jacere;
pjligeuj to be accustomed ; wigen, to move ; i||tf, a^y ^H^^y ^H^^i
to eat; vergi^en, to forget; mi^^eHf to measure; siAe, sach^
sdh€n,8e/ien, to see; geschihe, gesckach, geschdhen^ geschehen ; wise^
waSf wdreyj^ wesen, to be.
Ser finglish. tMne, ihone, part, shwe ; drire, drove, driven ;
WW also, airive, ihrive ; bite, bit, bitten s tmite, tmote, tmitten ;
*^, abode, abode ; ride, rode, ridden ; riae, rote, riaen ; strike,
*tat, ilruei (atricien).
O. H. Genn.
U. H. Germ.
N. H. Gb™.
Old Sunn
Sliddle Dutch
New Datch
Old None
Sireduh
Ormolam t
OH Engliih «
Middle BDglish e
New Bngliih c
Ferba belonging to thia Claaa.
I High OennuL icMuie, tchoup, achuhen, achoben, to
po^; klivbe, iloup, kluben, to adhere, stitk; ttiuhen, to move;
lUtifen, to glide ; triufen, to drop ; briuwen, to brew ; riuwen, to
rufl, repent : ffiu^e, g6^, gv^wn, go^en, in tlie Bame manner, ii»-
fa*, to offer; aiu<kn,U> boQ; kiute, kos, kum, torn, to choose;
veriinae, verlSi, terlwm, verlom; vritue, vr6a, vrum, vrom, to
freeze ; a^e, aoue, tugen, aogen, to suck ; ziuie, zSch, zvgen,, zogen,
to pall.
IFev High G«Tinaii. trirfe, troff, troffen, to drop ; aiede, lolt,
totten, to boil ; also, riecken, to Bmell ; kriecken, to creep ; aehli-'
1 «j«», lo loci! ; trhcie
' Khnaale, sehiiih, salt
ehooBe : thus also ve
L bend ; luegm, to Ii%
tMh, pkK, to OMitt
l-to puU. 3
i uiddle Datofa.^
Wto crueii ; WtlJBMJjH
WUh', lirjSy^^
fcv^Mft^ to SeCj^^H
,to
Sba
lioot ; icfiiehe, schob, achChen, to push ;
anhclare; erkiese, erkdr, erkoren, to
to loose ; /Wc;-e, to freeze; biegett, to
UjKK£«n, log, aSgen, to suck ; fiiehe,
^^HHBjk^to % ; Ziehen, z6g, xdgen,
^^^^^^Brfrvpf n, to drop ; crujien,
^^^^^^^K^J^t, ffo/en, go/en : thus
^^^^^^^HttffMMe freeze
454 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Ormulum. fare ^ for, ^\\xi,forenn^ ipsTt,farenn: also, ftanndeny
to stand ; forsaien, waken, taken ; dra^e, droh, plur. dra^Mi
part. drayAen ; sla, sloA, plur. alo^nn, part, sla^enn ; toaxe, wexj
plur. tvexenUy part, waxenn.
Old English, fare, fore, faren ; stondCy stody standen ; sverCj
swor, 9wom ; scAaie, scAok, schaien ; take, iok, taken; wake^wole;
drawe, drowe {drewe, drouA), drawen {drauAen) ; sle {slo), tlow
{slogA, slouA, slou); part, dawe, slain; li'^Aey low {low^), plur.
lou^A; waxe (wexe), wex {wax), part, waxen (ywox).
Middle English, fare, pret. ^ar^^ (weak) , part.yar«» [fore);
standi, stood {stod), part, stonden; sweer, swoor, plur. noom
(sweren), part, sworen ; forsake, forsoke, forsaken ; scAake, school
(scAoke, scAakide, weak) , part. scAakun ; take, tok{e), plur. token,
part, taken ; wake, wook, plur. woken, part, waketi : drawe, drow
(drew), part, drawen; sle {sle, slea), pret. slo^ (slow, slew), part
slain {slawen, slawe) ; wexe {waxe), woxe {wax, wex), part, woxtn
{waxen, wexen),
New English, stand, stood; swear, swore {sware), sworn; heave,
Aove, Aoven (also weak) ; forsake, forsook, forsaken; wake, wokcr
draw, drew, drawn; slay, slew, slain; wax, part, waxen (else
weak).
Class VIII.
Pres. Pret. Sing. Plur. Part.
O. H. Germ. % . . . , a . . . . a . . . , €
IVI. H.Gerin. i .... a .... a .... e
N. H. Germ. S .... a i
Old Saxon t. d' ... a .... a .... «
^Middle Dutch e .... a .... a .... e
New Dutch e .... a e
Old Norse i, e ... a .... a .... t
Swedish i....a....&....i
Danish iyCB . . . a C, ce
Anglo-Saxon rf, e ... a .... cc ....♦, «
Layamon i.e . . . ce,a. . . (f, e . . . e, i
Ormulum ^, e . . . a . . . . cr . . . . e, t
Old English f , » . . . a^ e . . . a^ o, e . . o, c
Middle English e, t . . . a . . . . a, o, e . . o, c
New English e, t . . . a, o o, <
Verbs helo7iging to this Class,
Middle High German, gibe, gap, gdben, geben, to give ; hiten^
to ask, beg ; triten, to tread ; Usen, to read ; li^en, to lie, jaeere ;
pfigen, to be accustomed ; wigen, to move ; i^^e, a^, d^^en, e^^en,
to eat; vergi^^en, to forget; vii^^en, to measure; sihe, sach^
sdAen, sehen, to see; geschi/ie, gesckach, gescAdAen, gescAeAen ; wise^
was, wdren, wesen, to be.
0. B. OciH. m
M.H.GaB. «
N.H.O«n. *
OUStauw >
HiUleDirtitk «
NnrDMik «
(NdNone «
F^6t idanfi*^ i-i ii-4 C-mc
IB;-, wwr, ran$, to go, drire, cbht-w; ^ir^. f^-i ••">r>_ M
dig: also, acM^A^n, to scrape; trLif-rt. V. v-.Hc >.->a7<i <•«»», V.
lift; mueien, to wadh; tra^tn, L> b>'a7, -;a;77 : v&:-i^ v. '.aiM;
ifaii;, «/ifmr, U*oge», tiage*, b strike *{aT.
HewSflSi OeiMMML /are, far, /trt* ; fri-jt. j-»i, /^i5«*;
teiaffe, «ei^ aeiafem; WMeie, nxA, wMai/f» : (r*^M., tKkim^tm,
to strike, >)>7 j iaateM, to bake; H-dir.i4ra, &. gr'/v.
Ifiddl* DntA. ■sJl;, woe/, maien; eart, rotr. rirft; ynrt,
gro^jfrmett: sIbo, dragie*, to bear; k-^^ck, tfa£»t?e; muttf*. Vi
inalce, create; *lagie, theei, plnr. tl^gi^*, [Art. «^Xn, b>
strike, aUy.
Hnr Dnteh. vii'r, e»r, rdren ; graf, m'/^, 9r4tf, b> di^ ; «^,
fbiyj Jdge», to •trike, sUy : alio, *t4, ^/»4, ^td*, t/> vUni.
. Swediali. /"V
/■">../
,V..-r;,
'^'..'
■'. ".^,..,i,,:,...
'^ x.-'.uA:
t akdper, »kCp, tiJi^ft -.
alio J
ri?/Vj,
to dig; lUFfra
f< lltt np;
fcrfraja, to move.
"ragj
bear;
r*/™
, to weave ; 'tUf
*%, *i->-,
■jto strike, elar-
I D8iiiab./aftt-
1 to <% ; Jio^i*, ta
|Mm^
,jUm
T, aSd, ^mJe»
aliw jrrfw.
j^H
Hfe
iiifcmr. <%, <Ai>««.
1 ZAyamon. ^
^^H
^^1
^^»^, «ftx/.
utoMden, to
plur. »eakeit.
466 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR,
Class IX.
Free. Fret. Sing. Plnr. Fivi
O. H. Germ. <«...a....d....o
Bl. H. Cremi* f....o....a....o
N. H. Germ. ^ . . . . d (o) 6
Old Saxon t\ 0 ... a .... a ....«* o
Middle Dutch e....a....a....o
New Dntch ^....a ^
Old None <. e...a....a....ikO
Swedish (r....a....d....«
Danish <k . . , . a oa
Anglo-Saxon < .... a, a ...<?, a ... 0
Layvnon e i * > * a, 0 , . . a 0 e . . 0,^
Ormolum e, t . . . a^o . . . <7. 0 . . . 0. «
Old English e, t . . . a^ o . . . a, o, e . . 0, a
Middle English e i . . . a, 0 . . . a. o^ e . . 0 a
New Englidi ^, ea . . a. 0 0
^i?rd« belonging to lAis Class.
Middle High (German, slil, staly sldlen, stain, to steal ; nimj
nam, ndmen, nomen, to take; kome {=iguime), kam {kom^quam\
kdmen {konien), komen: also, stimen^ cohibere; zimen, decere;
biren, to bear; siciren, to swear; triffen, to hit; driscken, to
thrash ; spricien, to speak ; stichen, to prick, to sting ; bricheny
to break ; erschricke, erschrac^ erschrdken^ erschrocken ; vxhten, to
fig-lit ; vlihten, to weave.
New High German, steie^ stdl^ stSlen ; neme, nam, nommen ;
komme, kdm, kommen ; gehcere, gebdr, geboren ; treffe^ Irdf, troj^en :
also, (iresc/teri, sj^rechen, st^chen, brechen, erschrecken.
Middle Dutch, stele, stal, stalen, stolen : also, nemeji, to take ;
beren^ to bear ; sc'eren^ to shear ; breken, to break ; come, quam^
qua men, comen^ to come.
New Dutch, sfelj stdl, siolen : also, nemen^ to take ; hreken,
sjneken ; plege, pldg^ part, pldgen for plogen ; kom, qudm, komen.
Swedish, sficeler^ sldl, stdU, stuleji ; bter, bdr^ bare, buren ;
sk(2r, skdr, skdre, skuren, to shear; kom, komme, kommen,
Danish, simler, stldl^ stiaalen ; beer, bdr, baaren ; skiccr, skdr,
skaaren,
Layamon. stele, sfal^ st<ileny stole; nime^ nam {nam, nam),
nomen (namen^ numen)^ nomen (numen) ; kume (come), com, comen,
comen {ciimen) ; bere, b(^r (bar), beren, boren (iborne) ; breke, brae
(braCy breac), brecon (braken) broken; speke (sp^ke)^ spac (sp^c),
spcvken (spekeii), ispecen,
Ormulum. stele, stall, st/ehnn, stohnn ; nime, namm, mtmenn^
niivienn ; cnme, cowm, comenn, cumenn ; bere, barr, barenn, borenn ;
breke, brace, br(Bcen, brokenn ; speke, space, spakenn.
THE VERB. 457
Old •gngHaii^ stele, stel^ plur. stal, part, stolen ; nimey nam
{nam), plur. nam {nomen), ipirt. namen (ynome) ; come^ cam (com),
plur. cam {comen)^ part, eamen {yeome) ; bere^ ber (bare), plur. bere
{bare), part, ybore {bom, ybome) ; schere^ scAare, plur. icAere ;
part. ecAom ; breke, brae {brek), plur. braken (breke) part, broken ;
epeke, spac {epec) , plur. speke, part, spoken (speke),
'^jAtUi^ Tgngiiaii. stele, stal {staal), plur. stolen, part, stolen
(stoln) ; nyme, nam, nomen {nemen\ nomen ; cume (com), cam (com),
plur. camen {comen), part, comen (cummen) ; schere, schar, scharen,
schorun {schor) ; breke {breek)^ brak (bracke), plur. braken {breeken),
part, broken {broke) ; speke, spac {spake), plur. sjpaken {speken),
part, spoken.
Hew IBngiifth^ steal, stole, stolen ; come, came, come ; bear, bore
{bare), bom, borne; shear, shore, shorn; tear, tore, torn; speak,
spoke {spake), spoken.
Class X.
VteA, Fret. Sing. Plar. Part.
O. H. Germ. t,^...a....u....tt
M. H. Germ. Y....a....tt....o
N. H. Germ. tf....a o
Old Saxon {, e ... a ......... tf, o
Middle Dutch €....a....o....o
New Dutch e....o o
Old Norse %» t.ia . . a . . . . u . . . . v, o
Swedish a.*..a....tt....tt
Danish a....a....a....tt
Anglo-Saxon i, e eo . . a ea, a , . u . . . . u,o
Layamon i, e, to , . a, cs, o . . u, o , . . UyO
Ormulum €, t . . . a . . . . u . . . . u, o
Old Knglish e. % . . . a^ o , . . a, OyOU , . o, ou, u
Middle English e, { . . . a^OtOO. . a, o, oo, oii . u, o
New English e^ t, ii . . a,u,o,<yu, o^UtOU
Verbs belonging to this Class.
Middle High German* hilfe, half, hulfen, holfen, to help :
also, gilten, to be worth; schilten, to scold; milken, to milk;
swilgen, to riot, glutire; klimmen, to climb; brinnen, to bum;
rinnen, to ruu, to flow, to leak ; spinnen, to spin ; sinnen, to
cogitate ; binden, to bind ; vinden, to find ; schinden, to flay ;
irinken, to drink; dringen, to urge; singen, to sing; springen,
to leap; stirben, to die, moriri; wirfen, to throw; toirden, to
become.
Hew High German, ^tf^, ^0^ plur. half en, part, holfen:
also, gelten, melken, molk, molken; klimme, klomm, klommen;
brenne, brannte, gebrannt (see the Anomalous Verbs) ; rinne, rann,
458 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
ronnen : also, spinnen ; binden, band, bunden : sIbo, idkimf
Jtuden, irinken, drinffen, nn^en ; ^mnge, tprang^ getprm^;
nUrbe, Harb, 9iofben; mrfe, warf, worfenj werde, ward {wwrJi\f
wurden^ warden.
lEiddle Dutoh. kelpe^ k^> holpen : alao, delven, to ddv^dig;
smelie, ^maut {=:9malf)j %mauten; elimme^ elam, dommen; fc-
gkinne^ began^ begonnen, hegonnen: also, rinnen^ spinnen^ JinAi,
fiinden, drinken^ sinken, werpen, 9ierven ; werde, warif plar. worda^
part, warden.
Hew Ihitoh. kelp, kolp, kolpen: also, melken, eekelden^ IKv*
men, beginnen, rinnen, binden, vinden, drinken, epringen, wefpe»,
9f'erven, treffen^ veckten. Bat kelpen, werpen, 9ierven, oommonly
make the preterite kielo^ ^i^, eiterf.
Swedish, kidlper^ kalp^ kutpe^ kulpen; evdller, evatt, tnBft
evnlten, to die : also, nimma, to take ; brinna^ to bom ; /iim> to
find ; binda, to bind ; siunga, to sin^ ; kdnga^ to hang ; tdrpa^ to
throw ; varfva (GFerm. werben) ; dncker, to drink.
Danialu kidlper, kialp, kiulpen: iJso, gidlde, binde, pi^^
ejnke, kdnge^ springe, trdffe, drikke.
Layamoxu nelpe, kalp, plur. keolpen ; delue, pret. plnr. dulfti'^i
part, idoluen; ewimme, twomm, plur. ewummen; cUmbe, eMy
plur. clumben, part, iclumben; aginne, agon, gunnen, gunner >
trne (eome)y orn (ran), plur. nmen, to run ; beame, bom, plnr*
bumen^ to bum ; binde, bond, bnnden, ibunden; finde,fond,frnde%%
ifunden; weorpe, warp, tcurpen, iworpen ; kerfe, carf {corf))
curuen, cornen ; feh(e,faht (feaht), fuhten, iuohten.
Ormuliun. hellpe, hallp, hulpenn, hollpenn ; dellfe, dallf? dull*
fenn? doll/enn? biginne, gann, gunnenn, higunnenn ; erne {eorne)i
rann, part, runnenn, to flow, leak ; binde, band, bunden ; find^y
fand,fund€nn,fundenn; drinnke, dranke, drunnkenn, drunnienn;
werrpe, warrp, wurrpenn ? tcorrpenn.
Old English, kelpe, halp {kelp), plxir. holpe, part, ykolpe {helped
weak) ; delne, dulf, dolue, doluen ; clim{b), clam, clommpe,
yclombe ; swim, swam, plur. swam ; ginne, gan, plur. gonne, part.
gun; binde, bond {band), plur. bonde {bounde), part, bonden
{ybounde) ; Jinde, fond {fand), plur. fonde {founds), part./tf«(fe»
{gfonde); drinke, drank {drank), plur. dronke {drunken), part.
drunk {ydro7ike) ; werpe, warp ; bersie, barsi, plur. borsie, part.
yborste.
Middle English, helpe, halp {helped weak); plur. holpen {helpe*
den weak), part, holpen {helped weak); delue, dalf {deluide),
doluen {delueden), dolueri {deluen) ; sicimme, swam, plur. swommen?
part. swomynenF cltmbe, clamb {clomb), clainben {clomben), part.
elomben ; beginne, began, hi gunnen {gonnen), part, bigunnen {bi-
THE VERB.
459
ganne); renne, ran (rennede), runnen {ronnen), part, ronnen; binde,
honde {bounde), plur. bounden, part, bounden (ybound); fin de^ fond
{foond\ fonden {foonden^ founden), liOTt, /ounden ; drmie, drank
{drank), plur. dranken, part, drunken {dronken); steniey starf,
ftarven, yslorven, to die ; Ji^f^e {fei^t\ fayt {/au^le, Jau'^t), plur.
fo^len, {Jbu^ten^Jbuf/hlen), paTt./bo^le (jmc^i^n^foughten).
Hew English, help, holp (helped weak)^ holpen {helped weak) ;
meliy molt {melted weak)^ molten {melted weak); swim, swum
{swam)y swum {swam) ; climb ^ clomb {climbed weak)^ clomb {climbed
weak) ; begin, begun {began), begun ; run, ran, nin ; bind, bound,
bound; Jind, found, found ; burst, burst, burst; fight, fought^
fought.
PARADIGMS TO THE MIDDLE AND NEW TEUTONIC
STRONG CONJUGATION.
High German.
Present Indicativb.
O. H.Ger.
Sing. i8t Ai//-f«
and hdj-i^
Plnr. I at A^{/'-a-mlf
and helf'a-4
$rd hilf-orfU
M. H.Ger.
hUf-e
hdf-e-t
N. H. Ger.
Mf-e
haf-{e)-t
helf'(eH
Present Subjunctive.
O. H. Ger.
helf-e
h'eff-i-a
hetf-e
Kelf-i-mU
haif-i-t
M. H.Ger.
helf-e
helf't'tt
helf-e
helf-e-n
heif-^-t
helf-e^
N. H.Ger.
hdf-e
helf-e-st
hdf-t
helf-e-n
helf-e-t
helf-trn
Pebtbritb Indicative.
Sing. I8t half
and hulf-i
Srd half
Plur. ist hvlf-^irmi$
and hulf-^if4
3rd huif'Vf^
half
hulf-e
half
hidf-e-^
hulf-e-t
hniJif't^
half
half-{e)-8t
half
half-e-n
half-e-t
half-e^
Preterite Subjunctive.
htdf-i
hviYu
hulf-i
hulf-i-met
hiUf-t-t
hulf-i-n
hidf-e
hulf-e-tt
hulf-e
hulf-e-n
hulf-e-t
hulf-e-n
hulf-e
hulf-ergt
hulf-e
hulf-e-n
hulf-e-t
hulf-e-n
Imperative.
O. H.Ger.
Sing, and hUf
Plur. and hS\f-a-t
M. H.Ger.
hilf
helf-e-t
N. H.Ger.
hUf
helf-{e)-t
I
TEVTOSIC GMAJIMJB-
Pkctuitb PjanopLK.
PKESE5T IsDICIHTB.
Qm. |O.E<ie. H.Kne.
Ndc. t*t btr-*
Fkssent Subjusottvi.
Aiig.-Su.
&
O.Enf.
M.Boj.
N.Bdk.
Sing, irt t<r<
iDd fctr-e
3rd 6ove
Plar. i«r<»
bert
bear
ittir
her-M I ier-c)> | ber^ | bear
PttKTBEITB ImDICATIVB.
O. Eng. M. Eng.
har{t) bar<
har-t iar-t
hari^ iar-t
Uir-t I bar-at
THE VERB,
461
Prrtbiutb Subjtjnctivb.
Ang.-Saz.
Lay.
Orm.
0. Eng.
M. Eng.
N. Eng.
Sing. let bcer-e
2nd b(iT-«
3rd bar-e
Plnr. bar-cf^
ber-e
ber-e
ber-e
ber-e{n)
bare
bare
bare
bare
bore
bore
bore
bore
Inpinitits ber-an \
Prks. Participlb ber-ende |
pRKT. Participlb boren \
ber-en \ bear
ber-^nde \ bearing
boren | bom{e)
Dutch.
Pres. Indicative.
M.Dutch.
8ing. ist hdp^
and hdp-e-8
3rd help-e^
Plnr. I at hdp-e-^
and htlp-e-i
3rd Ae^p-e-n
N. Dutch.
help
(2nd pi.)
hdp-ert
hdfhe-n
heljhe-i
help-e-n
Pres. Subjunctive.
M. Dutch.
help-e
help-e^
hetp^
help-t-n
help^'t
help-e^
N. Dutch.
hdp^
(and pi.)
hdp-e
h'lp-e^
help-e^
help-e^
Prbt. Indicative.
Sing. 1st halp
and halp-e-^
3rd halp
Plur. ist holp-e^
and holp-e-t
3rd Ao2p-e-n
halp
(and pi.)
halp
holp-e-n
holp-trt
holp-e-n
Pret. Subjunctive.
Ao/p-e
holp-e-s
holp-e
holp-e-n
holp-e-t
holp-e-n
holp-e
(and pi.)
holp-e
holp-e^
holp-e-t
holp-e-n
M. and N. Dutch.
Impehativb helpe, helpet
Inpinitivk help-en
Pres. Participlb help-end
Pret. Participle holp-en
462
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
ScandinaTian.
Pres. Indicative.
Swedish.
Sing. 1st hidlp-e^
and hidlp-e-r
3rd hidlp-^-T
Plur. 1st hidlp-a
and hidlp-e-n
3rd hialp-a
Danish.
hidlp-
hidlp't^
hidlp'C^
hialjhe
hialp-e
hidlp-t
Pees. Subjunctivb.
Swedish.
hialp-e
hidlp-€
hinlp-t
kidlp^
hidlp-e^
hialp^
Danish.
hicUp-^
huUp-^
hialp^
Atalp-e
hidlp-e^
kialpH
Prbt. Indicative.
Sing. 1st lialp
and ha.'p
3rd halp
Plur. I St hulp^
and hulp-e^
3rd hulp^
hicUp
hialp
hialp
hialp-t
hialp-e
hialp^
Prbt. Subjunctive.
hulp^
hiUp^
hulp^
htdrhe^
KUdp-€
JUulp^
hiulp^
hiulp-e
{hialp
hidlptn
Swedish.
Imperative
Infinitive hidlpa
Pres. Participle hidlpande
Pret, Participle hulpit
Danish.
hWp
hidtper
hldlpc
hidlpende
hulp€t{€n)
REMARKS ON THE CONJUGATION IN MIDDLE AND NEW
TEUTONIC.
English.
Reduplicatignal Classes (I — IV.) It is a peculiarity of
the Ant^lo- Saxon language and its daughters to treat the
radical vowel in a very arbitrary manner : a glance at our tables
will sufficiently illustrate the fact. This vacillation in the
choice of vowels seems to have increased since Anglo-Saxon
ceai^ed to be the literary language of educated writers, and was
handed down through the channels of the various dialects
spoken by the Anglo-Saxon populace. When therefore native
writers resumed the vernacular language for literary purposes,
THE VERB. 463
they must have been at a loss as to the choice they had to
make out of a great variety of forms, chiefly in the vocalic
system, where great confusion apparently prevailed. Layamon,
as we see from the" conjugational tables, availed himself largely
of the abundance of vowels, and often renders one and the same
form of a verb by four or five different radicals in different
places ; his language mastered him, not he his language. The
writer of the Ormulum, on the contrary, is commonly content
with one or two vowels in one and the same verbal form, and he
goes often so far as to surpass many Anglo-Saxon writers in this
wise economy of choosing his material out of a heap of matter.
In this tasteful choice, it would appear, he had Anglo-Saxon
writers of the older and better period as models before him ; his
own unaided power of discrimination would hardly have been a
safe guide through so intricate a subject. It is interesting to
observe how in many instances the special forms he selects
approach not only the purest Anglo-Saxon, but are often more
in harmony with the laws that directed Teutonic speech in
general, than those of many an Ang'o-Saxon author before him.
It would lead us too far to follow Layamon with an endeavour
to systematize the prolixity of radicals he uses in his conjugation.
So far as they can be judged by the standard of phonetic laws,
the student will find some direction for their explanation in pre-
vious paragraphs. (See the chapters on Vowels and Consonants.)
Here we shall limit ourselves to mention a few of his peculiarities.
Before a t(? he likes to introduce a u^ e.g. Aceuwe?i for hawen^
A. S. hedwan. He has preserved some fragments of the ancient
reduplication in the forms hehie (he called, appellavit) and lieyte
(he ordered, prascepit) ; but he had no idea of the force of tnis
reduplicated form, for he used it in the present as well, hahtey
hahte (appello, prsecipio). Where a w succeeds the radical eo, it
often converts this diphthong into eUy as heuwen for heowen,
bleuwen and blewen for bleowen. Not unfrequently this w is
vocalized into «, hence forms such as greu for grewe^ growe, bleu
for blewCf cneou for cnewe^ cneowe. Verbs which in Anglo-Saxon
always followed the strong conjugation occasionally assumed
weak forms in Layamon, as leap and leopl, pret. of lapen (to
leap). The preterite of gan, gon (to go), eode, ^eode, finds its ex-
planation in the A. S. e(}de=Goth., iddja (preterite oi gatigan).
The writer of the Ormulum has a peculiarity which, like
several others, reminds one of Old Frisian and Old Norse influ-
ence ; the Anglo-Saxon vowel eo of the preterite he uses only
before w, while in every other position he renders it by e, the
favourite form of the Northern dialects. In Old English the
464 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
w is (reqnently Tocalized into », and tbe forms preuy iett, ^m,
occur side by side with km^tte^ b/^ire^ yretre. More and more
strong Terbs aasome weak forms, as weeped and wept for wef.
The verb po, gan, has, besides the preterite yede, yode^ jrtfe, the
form K-ende, venL In Miilcilft Kngfiah the radicals b^^ to be
established ; out of the great number nsed in the older langnage
one is fixed upon for a certain form of the verb ; and the more tie
English language approached a settled condition, the more the
vowels of the verb also became subject again to rules and liable
to systematic arrangement. The participle commonly has the
radical of the present, but sometimes it is occupied by that of
the preterite as in Aeid, henp. The preterite takes the vowel e,
or rather e, which is rendered by ee, as in leep^ beei^ ieew, creew,
heengy or by tf, the length of the vowel being indicated by the
mute final e^ as lepe^ beU^ &c. yede, ied€y and wente are nsed as in
Old English ; in the participle we find poN, goan^ gone^ ygo^ go^ in
the infinitive goouy go, New Tgwgiiaii has lost many strong veibs
altogether which had existed in Anglo-Saxon and Early English,
such as l^can (to leap, play), wealdan (to rule), krepan (to call),
fangen (to catch), &c., which are partly still preserved in Ger-
man, as walten^ rufen^ fangen^ &c. The difierent forms of the
Anglo-Saxon hdtun (to be called) have become obsolete; but
Spenser has * he higlit* (he is called), pret. 'hot;' and Byron
uses the part, 'hight' (called); ^behight/ 'behott/ Some verbs
of the nduplicational class have become weak, as to ira/k, to
roir^ fo loir J Uj fold, to leap^ to sleep, &c. The o in the Modern
English hold, blow, sow, and the other verbs of this class arises
eitlicr from Anglo-Saxon ea (as /lealihiu), or Anglo-Saxon a (as
hid wan ^ sdwaii) ; in tlie same manner go from gan, gd\ but the o
oi' grow was already in Anglo-Saxon, growan. The distinction of
a stronf^" and a weak preterite of the verb hang, we find in the
Anglo-Saxon verbs hangan and hangjan already, and ever since
in all the different periods of the English language; but the
distinction in the meaning, i. e. one with transitive the other
with intransitive signification was then a general rule as little as
now. The i)articii)le holden is now used only in the court and
law style, the preterite from held having invaded the participle
too. The preterites greu\ lleic, knew, threw, though preserving
the consonant w in writing, have vocalized it into u in pronun-
ciation.
In Ablaut \terbs (Classes V to X) the radical was less ex-
posed to change, because it had too deeply taken root to yield
easily to external influences. We observe therefore in these
verbs a more regular course of the Ablaut through all periods of
THE VERB. 465
the English langiiage. For the direction ot the flndent it may
snffice to refer to the respective taMes of the cimjugati'inal
classes and oar remarks which precede them.
Class V. lAyamon admits here as el>ewhere a variety of
vowels, while the uTiter of the Onnulmn leaves the Antrl'>-Saxon
Ablaat unchanged. As to the latter we have more^iver to notice
that he does not mark the shortness of the vowel in the ]>n-t4:rite
plural, whilst everywhere else he strictly adheres to this rule.
Perhaps the fact may be explained from a ehan<>e in the quantity
of the radical in the preterite plural A clearly Old X«^»rp*:? f^rirm
be has in yrifann^ part, of ^rifen to pmsper . In Old Engliah
already it nappens that the i of the preterite plural is Irjst and
the Ablaut of the singular adopted for the plural as well. We
find in the Ablaut of the preterite some dirit-rence in the radical
according to the locality of the dialect ; Northern authors use in
the preterite a^ while in the south o is the favourite voweL
iffi^iHifl 'Bngliflh is, in some respects, more Anglo-Saxon than
Old English, for the plural / of the preterite is cr>mmonly pre-
served m the former, while the latter usually adopts the radical
of the singular in the plural also. Wydiffe renders the 6 (=:
A. S. a) commonly by oOy while Chaucer and Maundeville dosi<»>.
nate the length of the vowel by the e mute, hence Wvrliffc Jtmrtof
Chaucer and Maundeville 9mo(€. "New Engliah has l^st manv
verbs of this class which were in use in Anglo-Saxon and Earlv
English; others have passed over into the weak declension. In
the participle we often find the vowel / of the present and n of
the preterite side by side, as rode and mh/tn, nmote and milhn,
Ben Jonson has some similar i)articipial forms of his own, e. i>.
rw, ro9e, and in the same manner of 9mitey tcrit^ bite rule &c
Some verbs have adopted the plural i of the preterite in the
singular too, as btte, Ini, bitten ; chide, rhid, rhhlde^t
^ Ckss yi. Layamcm render the Ablaut of the plunil preterite
in several ways, while the wntc.r of the Ormulum pr.s. v.-s tl^
ancient «, and renders the Anglo-Saxon ../ hv .. in th^ .n-toiX
singuhir. Old English condensed this r, to /s., tK .♦ \' i
of the present and preterite singular are intTr. '*";"''^^!:
replaced it by other vow.ls, so as to maVp ' ., ' ;^>'n;*times ,t
sible. But the preterite plural coLTn I v ^T^ '"•' T''^
ihe^ikr m"^^V ^T'J.'tr" '-^ >t has taken th. Abl.ut of
the singular. Middle English arloptol th« Ahlaut of the nrete!
nte angular almost generally for the plural : thranricnt r
.8 preserved .n b.^few form., su.h a/...y>.;^.5/. S"
singular cond.nnr^ the ancient ^^ '= \ S e/i , Jnt« t .
ened the radical / of the present inio ^ Zl tW b.
11 h
466 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
became identical. In order then to have some distinction for
these tenses, the weak conjugation became more and more gen-
eral in verbs of this class, hence r«f wfe, brewed y 9elkede^ ff^^%
for the A. S. hredw, bredw^ sedlS, &c. In the preterite plunl
there exists a great vacillation between the vowel e of the pre-
sent and 0, the original vowel of the plural ; e. g. cAo9en and
ciesen, flouren and fleKcn ; but also weak, chesiden. Hew Sng-
liah has lost altogether some verbs of this class, for others it liaB
adopted the weak form, as creep, crept ; cleave y cleft ; flee^ Jiei;
sAool, shot. But by the side of these we find the strong preterite
preserved in clare^ the strong participle in cloven^ shotten. Many
verbs, on the other hand, which in Anglo-Saxon were weak,
follow in New English the strong conjugation of this class, as
vear, stick, betide^ spit, dip, skofr, from the Anglo-Saxon weak
verbs werjan, sticjan, tidjan, tpitt^in, dicjan^ scedtcjan ; but the
strong forms spat and spitt^n have become obsolete.
Class VII. The vowels of this class are perhaps less than
those of any other subject to the fluctuation of sound, the original
Anglo-Saxon Ablaut being preserved through all periods up to
Modem English. LayBmon uses stonden for the A. S. siandeAy
and fftrren by the side oi faren ; but on the whole the a of the
present is left intact. In the preterite the original o is used almost
without exception {swar for swor ; sfop^ plur. stepen), though
weak forms are occasionally introduced, asferde, takede, wakeden;
in the participle Layamon has been uncommonly strict and per-
sistant in the apj)lication of the original vowel a which but rarely
passes into the nei«ifhbouring sounds of o and e. The writer of
the Ormulnm displays his usual tact and sagacity in the applica-
tion of the Ablaut. The present retains its pure a, except in sicert
and hefe (lift), where it has Umlaut ; the only exception is wts%k,
irax, Kcx^ in which the preterite however shows the legitimate
6\ the preterite participle has but once 6, in ho/en, in all other
words the ancient a^ which in ladenii and start nd^nn is marked
short, in all other jiarticiples long. Old English also preserves
the a of the present except in stonde ; the preterite o is sometimes
replaced by a or ^, but in most words it retains its position.
The participle keeps its ancient a in most words ; occasionally
it passes into o, e, a, as isnore, np-hoven and heren, forsake and
forseke. Middle English retains the a of the present (except
sfondc), but commonly marks it long, as schaak and shake, taak,
aak and ake ; the e in sicere^ heue^ sle is of more ancient date.
The i)retente o is commonly preserved ; but where the o is fol-
lowed by w it is frequently replaced by ^, hence the new pre-
terites slew^ dreio, for the more ancient sloto, drow,=zslo^, dro^,
A.S. tlok^ droi, pier. #:.!:•.--:*. i^.'.--;i Tbe :4m-:r:"-r i-ks :h^
•ocient a, except in seme eases vbere h k irTiided It iLe :■ of
tie preterite, e. g. #r>!?f»tf, «'-;^<?« rf rt^*f%. to etc^- - juemI r>:j>r«
lyy tlie side of rarem ^zmI r>srf-4. WtU K^nzis ftre intrc^nced
ni the preterite tia/nde for ^'p, rc«riiJlf fc^r tr*:4*if, wfrni^,
nd the participle Mkapid for tisf^en. c'^s^^ £:*r ^Ji^n. &c. The
weak verb amate has in Chancer a strcn^ pfcterite ^^.i?. Ifew
Bngiiaii folIowB the ancient forms in ^b'lwin^ an mo!:nat:on to
pref«r¥e the Abhint of this daes in its ictt^ritv. It k^s^. siniost
without any exception, the ancient o in tLe prE<4E*Dt thouo-h
eommonly assuming the German ^-s^i'iiLd. as in ^ji^; cnce the
0-sound, troai) ; the ancient 6 is rendered either bv C'?, or the o
denoted as long by the final i mute, as #^.^2-. ("^'k ; but kore^
woke. The Anglo-Saxon *(4Mn>l€, whic-fa in Old Erglish and Mid-
dle English had taken the radical o, »io)^J<^ resumes its orginal
vowel in the English fiund. The participle commonly takes the
legitimate a, except in $tood, attok^, where the Towel ot the pre-
terite encroaches upon it. Some of the verbs of this class hare
grown weak in New English^ as they hare strong and weak
forms side by side^ especially in the participle, as skacttf and
skaveHy load€d and leaden, laded and laden, graved and graven.
Class Yin. lAjamon commonly weukens the present / to e^
and replaces the latter by a ; the preterite singular Anglo-Saxon
a he renders with a, e^ a, even ea^ and tlie plural with e ox fe\
the participle retains e, rarely /. In the Ormulum the present
tense has the vowels of the Anglo-Saxon. The distinction be-
tween the plural and the sing^^r preterite is kept up in the
sound as well as the quantity of the vowels, as gaff, gaffenn;
gati^ gaien, &c. The participle has e, except y/enn. Old English..
While Southern writers (as Robert of Gloucester) apply several
vowels in the preterite {e, o, a). Northern authors (as in the
Psalms) retain here as elsewhere the ancient a ; participle e,
rarely t . Middle English also has a great variety of vowels in
the preterite singular and plural, which may be seen from our
examples to Class VIII (see p. 455). New THngiifth preserves
the ancient forms in give, gave, given ; hid, lade^ bidden ; but in
most cases it allows the vowel of the preterite, a or 0, to encroach
upon the participle, as get^ got, got ; sit, sat, sat, &c. Some verbs
have become weak, as mete, wreaks &c. The termination en of
the participle has frequently been dropped in this as in other
classes.
Class IX. Layamon's vowels arc subject to the usual fluctua
tions, while the Ormulum displays ^ strict vocalic system
Ablaut conformable to that of Anglo-Saxon. In the present
H h 2
468 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
find the Anglo-Saxon vowels ; in the preterite singular Anglo*
Saxon a, supplanted by the primitive a ; in the preterite plunl
the Anglo-Saxon a again, and in the participle the ancient o
or u.
Old English. The distinction between the Ablaut of the sin-
gular and that of the plural preterite has almost disappeared,
except in the diiferent quantity. Southern writers (as Robert of
Gloucester) prefer e as the Ablaut of the preterite, the Northern
(as in the Psalms) adhere to the ancient a ; the former have itel,
6er, hrehy the latter ataly nam^ cam, &c. The participle has o
throughout. Middle English preserves the ancient vowels of
the present, but the quantity seems to be altered in WydiflTe's
teerey breek^ perhaps also in stelCy bere^ and the like. The plural
and singular of the preterite are rarely distinguished by the
Ablaut j perhaps the distinction of quantity remained, as in
bracke, plur. braken, breeken ; but also beer^ plur. beered. The
participle has o ; but in its termination en^ either the ^ or the «
IS sometimes dropped, e. g. sloln for stolen, come for comen, New
English. The verb, come, came, came, appears to deviate from
the forms of this class ; but it will soon be understood if we
bear in mind that its present is a contracted form, as the Anglo-
Saxon cuman for an ancient qniman, qviman ; the participle has
the same vowel <?, originating in the same contraction. The
preterite a is commonly replaced by <?, which has taken posses-
sion of the participle too ; torn, horn, have dropped the e, coMt
the n of the participle termination en.
Class X. Layamon has the i of the present usually before f^
and Hy sometimes the weakened form e; in other verbs he uses
e, or eOy or ^, or even m. The Ablaut a and ea of the preterite
singular still occurs, the former being replaced by o before fH
and n. The Anglo-Saxon Brechung ea is rendered with f, ^,
or a. The u of the plural preterite is weakened to a, and thui^
the singular and plural Ablaut are in many eases identical,
and every distinction between the two gradually disappears. In
the participle ic is usually kept before m and «, in all other
positions o. We find some weak forms already in use side by
side with the strong, as harnde and horny rongen and ringedcny
clem (I e and clurnben. The Ormulum also has i in the present
before m and w, elsewhere e. Metathesis, as in Layamon, is used
in the verbs erne, eorne-=.irne, Goth, rinna. The Ablaut of the
preterite singular never fluctuates from the Anglo-Saxon and
primitive a. The shortness of the a is everywhere marked by
the gemination of the following consonant ; but n followed by a
media is never doubled. What we stated with regard to the
THE VERB. 469
singular Ablaut, holds good for the plural Ablaut u. Participles
have u before m and n, in every other ease o. Old English.
The present is treated as in the preceding dialects. In the sin-
gular preterite. Southern writers prefer o, Northern the original
a. The plural Ablaut u, or its weakened form o, is sometimes
preserved, but it often gives way to singular a, as in stcany pan,
ran, /and, and the like, used both in the singular and plural.
The participle has commonly o, rarely u. Middle English has
in the present tense the same radicals as the preceding dialects.
It is a remarkable fact that Wycliffe makes the radical of the
preterite long before n with a media, asfoonde, soong, bounde,
ISHaj we bring this fact io bear on the omission of gemination
in the Ormulum under the same circumstances, and draw the
conclusion that the writer of the Ormulum considers the radical
long in the position just mentioned? The plural Ablaut u is
sometimes preserved, or changed into o, often however replaced
by the Ablaut of the singular. The participle as in Old Eng-
lish. New English. Many verbs of this class have been lost,
others have turned weak; others again use strong and weak
forms, as climbed and clowby melted and molten y &c. The i is
commonly preserved in the present, though often lengthened
into the diphthongal sound ( = Germ. ei). The preterite sin-
gular has retained the original a in some, but adopted the plural
tf, or its lengthened form ou in far more verbs ; the Ablaut of
the participle is identical with tliat of the present. Distinguish
between to wind (spirare, canere), and to wind (torquere) ; the
latter is strong, the foimer, derived from windy should be weak.
Sir Walter Scott has ^ again his horn he wound^ in the Lady of
the Lake ; but * he winded his horn' in Ivanhoe.
High German.
Middle High German. The thematic or connective vowel is
everywhere weakened to e, while the radical of the present theme
remains the same as in Old High German, and in some cases
where the radical is i it is unchanged in verbs in which Old
High German had weakened it to e. Concerning the thematic
or connective e which precedes the personal terminations, we
have a few remarks to make as to the manner in which it is
affected by the latter. It is a rule generally observed in Middle
High German that the unaccented e is mute if preceded by a
short vowel with a simple consonant, and that this e mute is
dropped altogether. With regard to the verb we have to con-
sider the following cases. Where the thematic e is final and
470 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
preceded by / or r, apocope must take place, as mal^ var, bir, M^
for ma/e, tare, 6ire, ttile. Apocope according^ to this role must
occur in the ist sing, present indicative^ and ist and and sing,
present subjunctive of verbs of Classes YII and IX, in the 2nd
sing preterite of Chisses V and VI, &c. If the thematic e is
followtnl bv the personal terminations ^^t^ -4, -u, -nly and the
intinitive -«, it suiFers syncope in all those verbs where it is sub-
ject to apocope when final ; hence meUt (molis) for mel-e^i, itilt
(^volat). ftidin molamns), ma/l (molitis)^ ieit (celatis)^ r»V« (oeci-
derunt", Jt-uri (eligistis), iiiri (eligeretis), main (molere), kel»
(celare), sf (*'//» (volare), &c. This syncope may take place also
after m and », though the rule is not generally observed, and
before an -/i or -nt of the termination syncope must be avoided ;
hence nemeuy nemeni, not Hemn, nemnt. But in this position
both the e and the termination are dropped together, as in nan
(to reminds for manen. Sracope may further occur after # and
ky if the thematic e is followed by the terminations -«/, -/, as
i'ijsi 'Jegis) for H^-e^i {Ih-sf is of course contracted into Ud\ ihi
(legit) for ii^-e-t, sikst (vides), si hi (videt). Syncope may take
place after the media b or g if the thematic e is followed by the
terminations -*/ or -/, as pibt (dat), ligt (jacet). Though after t
no syncope is admitted, it may happen that where a ^ of the
root is followed by a / of the termination, the latter, t4>gether
^^^th the thematic vowel may be dropix*d, as gif (evellit) {or giteL
(Compare ;/^/// for ni'inen, mentioned above.) The unaccented e
may nut be omitted where it is not mnte or silent, that is, if
preceiled by a lon£^ vuwel in the root or by two consonants.
Peculiar to some Middle High German dialects is the tendency
to drop the infinitive termination w, sometimes together
with the thematic c, as seht\ vafle, inaji, var, for selien^ vaHtiif
vhiiten^ rare/f, a tendency which has its parallel in Anglo-Saxon
already, while what there was an exception becomes, since the
period of Old English, the general rule. Not to be mixed up
with this loss of the infinitive termination is the occasional
disai)pearance of the personal terminations under the influ-
ence of a succeeding or suffixed pronoun, a phenomenon w^hich
is known as inclination. Such takes j)lace in Middle High
German in the ist plur., as /ici^a-vir (apj)ellamur), neme-wlr
(capimus), for Iici^cn, iiemen. It is difficult to account for the
termination a which is added occasionally to the singular imj)era-
tive, as in ht^n^ rdia, for /r/V, rat, Grimm considers it as a new
suffixed particle and not the old thematic a.
Concerning the manner in which the radical is affected by the
inflexions a few remarks may sufHce. There is an alternation of
THE VERB. All
the radicals iu and ie in Middle High Oerman, as of in and to
in Old High German; thus, sing, gvu^e^ piu^esl, giv^et, plur,
ffie^&n, pie^ety gie^eu. About tlie original cause of this alternation
of sound compare p. 430. Umiaut takes place in Classes II and
VII, where a is converted into e, as valle, reilesf, vellet ; var,
eert ; grabe, greht; except before -It, -Ik^ where the radical a
remains, as walte, toalkst, wallet. Umlaut of a into a takes
place in Class I, e. g. rdle, ratet ; Id^e^ Itp^eL In the 2nd sing,
preterite indicative and throughout the preterite subjunctive we
6nd the Umlaut of uo into ue^ of u into i/y of a into a, as vuaren,
mere, kum, kur, Idsen, l^%e.
The consonants of the root, especially if final, are also vari-
ously affected by the inflexions. Gemination is always reduced
to the simple consonant when at the end of the word, or in any
position after a long vowel; e.g. ine, a^, d^en; iriffe^ traj\
trd/en^ A media, when final, is converted into the respective
tenuis, as, tribe, treip, sige, seie ; in the same manner h converted
into ck^ as, sihe, sack (see, saw). Where syncope takes place it
is often accompanied by a vocalization of the preceding con-
sonant, thus trege%t by syncope becomes tregst {tre-g^t), and then
treut (tre-i'Sf), tregt^ treit, gibst, gUt^ ligt, lit. The relation be-
tween g and h and ch respectively has been slightly modified
since Old High German times. There are still the forms slahe,
twahe, giwahe, in the present, but in the singular preterite we
find sluoc, iwuoCy gewuoc^ while according to Middle High Ger-
man phonetic laws we should expect sluoch for Old High Ger-
man sluoh. The exceptional form sluoc^ &xj., may be explained
as the representative of Otfried's Old High German sing, pre-
terite sluog ; the imperative however is slack, twach^ geioach. A
similar relation of the mentioned consonants we find in Classes
V, VI, VIII, as lihe^ lech ; xliuhe, vloch ; sihe, sach, the ch being
used in the imperative also ; but in the preterite plural and par-
ticiple some verbs retain the spirant, others replace it by the
guttural media, as sdhen, lihen, vluhen ; but sluogen, iwuogen^
geicuogen^ zigen^ rigen, &c. Rhotacism occurs in the forms rim
(Class V) ; kum, verlum, vncrn (Class VI) ; wdren^ and some-
times ndren, Idren (Class VIII) ; gir, gar, gdren, gorn (Class IX),
The strong verbs with the su&nja, as Severn (to swear), heben
(to lift), cntseben (to taste, sapere), biteii (to ask, pray), sUzen (to
sit), are, as in Old High German, weak in the present only,
strong in all other forms.
New High German. The short radical being everywhere
lengthened, the Middle High German rule concerning the apo-
cope of the e mute is of course no longer in force. Syncope of
K-: Tt:r TOXIC grammar.
\\w ilu'uuitio r* oan nover tnko \A\wq crxcrpl before the fcnn^EAt:':*
.» A \\w :tul siijsj. aiul tho -^ of tin* 3rd sinij., while Urf-re izA
• x'l \\w :nJ |«lur. s\nr»»|»o is nithcT avoided, thocffh it is -•:%
I'., '..vvt i^» usi» it. \\\\\ ill tho |Misit ions just nirnti-.-nei ?}:>'f*
ti'.;\ rtxiv lako j^Uuv if the tluMiiatic v is ]»rectd»fd liv a siicjle i
s" . .ivaI ilio xowil i»r tlu* nu)t is uniiKxlified ; we ther^iV-re sar.
» , '• •■.•"\ i'^lr/y, // (///.v/ , // (i// (tor / /> ^f'^ * . T'.: ' ' -f • . ''» ■ »
• . • »:' ^t'»»r //f/|;-f'.v/ and hn^tt)^ hut wulfrJ^-, »^: >'.
' , ' . '<', f'ri^Kf, f/it'li/t'Jt/^ Mt'ulcf, In the ?uhJT;n/:vc
x\ *.:v- i> axvuUd. as iit'i./t-tf^ /ni//t'Jif, rutJttJti ; 2nd plur. /'. ?r',
I* v" •.■.i*.', .1! :n in various wavs alU'rtcd hv the inflfxi'»n?. The
\ »\v'. ,»; '.::t* piv^'ut has yioUlod its pnsition in the i&t <:n:r. to
(^*' ^\ .i'w-v.aI umiu i\ hut in tho iud and 3rd sin^. tlie oriy^inal
N ; ^\x,-\v\i. whilx' in llio phir. a^iin c iinds phice in the r-i't,
■ x: j^ '.•• M-,Ml,' lliirh Cirrnian and OKI HijLrh German. The
M V* •',' \\.\\ Vu*r!v..i!i /': is, in Now Ili^h (lerman, curamnly
■•. -,\ v\' \. :*« . I'ut wlu'iv an alternation of vuweU occurs ia
'."• ' ••-•. -» '. u "^0. as Ivlwion the OKI llij^h Gorman hf and /V-,
^l•.'.'^ H .;'• Viv*:'.na!t ■ ami /V. tiio ii»nnor is occasionally jriven
^* '. "• . '. .- \\\w\' .il\\;i\s V; 0.*;:. I sty/Z/We' (not y/tw/ze, because
Nv-\\ II' ■*' vIvM'.Mu i\a>i o\vivortod the radical / into <', and '»»
*•• '/'.v- i>i ^lUi;-. : it' Middle ni*»:h Gorman conditions still
'.'■ : \\ -.-.M v>-:.ii:i!\ ho /'wfU 2nd //r////.v/, ^rd /^c"*?^;
\ . ^x':-. !!iri''.ii:li.'Ut ; in tlio s-anio niannor "f
: : ■ .■- ;■■/. •; . »'!' •' ij :, /''f/|V, ff /'•/•/>/•/«!'//, X-zv/'-Z^',
Iv . ; -^x,' il'vv.> wiili . aro u^oil only in tho ]'o.iii:
■■ \".- w'. • w^' x-'^- ,»i • Al'n < was krouoht und floiij^t/ hut
^' •■ • ' •■ -• *"v'.V-N ; ''. ••, ', all |)oi*5ions of the ]»rosfnt
'. ^- / •.:.■. \m! Imi vrr ooours in the 2nd and ^rd
V ^^ ^ I. 1 1. \ 1 1, u h, ro .-• is ronwrtod into H, tt into <'/',
. ^ ". ' . '' . '. Tlio <//^ and ?'' of C'la>s
l^ -x '. : .■ I v'.l;;:. '.■:; aioopJs tlio linlaut /><', as //'///<■;,
• k i i \
» , »;'. I'lio |uvtorito suhjunotive has
1 ••■■•, •••■..> . :ti:o •. ■ int.' -, " .' /'•' /', fi into tt*-, o. ij.
^ • , . . '■,"■■',' ■■' I f'.
I \- V x v--.".-i .i'v- !. xs t'u\|;:iMitly atuvtod hy tho inlloxioiis
\\\.v.\ ■'. XInM'v' ll-.;!i iJi'inian. Goniination or any other com-
h:;M;:.'v ,'. », vx,vmi^:< nin.iin^ unolianir^d. whothor it ooour at
liio or\l »v "a I'w niuldlo *'ta Nwrd. Hut inoriranie ;romination
I'.- •■. «\ . 'rnM!».«:i> % : ■" ■■ . iV.Mii tI i- i«Iur.il> .•'tOj./j N, /»fi'Vw. luul hftttT
TUE VERB, 473
lometimes takes place and then prott'cts the original shortness
9f the vowel, as neme^ nimfust, nimmt, but the plur. again nemen^
fee. ; kommen, kommst^ kommt, plur. ionnnen, &e. The inorganic
Dorreption of the radical of the preterite singular is often accom-
panied with gemination, as reUen, pret. rill, plur. rillen, by the
ride of M. H. Germ, ride, pret. reil, plur. riden. The consonants
k and ^ have settled their mutual relations to the effect that g
occupies the only verb schldgen (M. H. Germ, slahen, O. H.
Germ, slahan, to slay)^ while h takes possession of all the rest, as
leihen (to lend), zeihen (to accuse), Jliehen (to flee), geschehen (to
happen) ; but they share the possession of one verb, ziehen (to
draw, pull), pret. zog. Where syncope is admitted in the 3rd
sing, a ly dy or Ih of the root al>sorbs the I of the termination ;
e. g- raslh for rdlh-el, hall for hall-el, Iml for Idd-el.
Khotacism. The r for s which first appeared in the pret. plur.
forms wdreuy froren, horen, verloren, penetrated from there into
the pret. sing, tear , f tor , kor, verUr, and then again into the
New High German "pres. friere, verUere; but the pres. of kor is
still kiese, not kiere.
Strong verbs originally formed with the suffix ja, namely
schwoeren (for schweren, to swear), heben (to lift), hilfen (to beg),
gilzen (to sit), are still inflected strong except in the present,
where they are weak, as we see from the imperative, achwoere,
Aebe, lille, silze,
Dutch.
Middle Dutch. The alternation of i and e does not occur,
but a few verbs have f, most of them e, throughout the present
tense ; as Ifidden, sillen, liggken, but gheven, helpen, &c.
Concerning the manner in which the vowels are affected by
the inflexions, we have chiefly to mention the change of a into
ae before 77;, rf, rl, which resembles the Breehung in the Old
Teutonic languages, as waerp, stuerf, loaerL The contraction of
H)ld {=ald) into -oud is one of the most characteristic features
of the Dutch languages ; e. g. houden for holden, halden ; goitden
for golden, M. H. Germ, gullen. The conjugation is greatly dis-
turbed by the inorganic production or correption of the radical
under the influence of the succeeding inflexional vowels; thus
varely wevel, become vcerl, wefl; thus also by inclination, as
wafl, for waf het.
Consonants are not considerably affected by the inflexions.
Gemination is reduced to the simple consonant at the end of a
word, as vel from vallen. The coni^nants rf, gh, v, can never
474 TEUTOXIC GRAMMAR.
hold m final position^ bat are changed into their corresponding
teLue$^ so that as final consonants there occur ovAj p, t, c,f, cL
AVhere srncope is admitted, z t or d of the root and the / of the
termination appear as one, as itf (vocatur), ril (equitat), U
(sinit . bi^t ;offert\ bif (rc»gat), v^ (transit), for i/Uff, riM, bUH,
iietUf, biddet, vrodet. ;^Comp. M. H. Germ, and N, H. Gerat
]ip. 470, 471.) The i is dropped in tJaen^ dwaen^ sieny rilen, bat
api^ears as ri in the pret. iioecky dtroeck, ^aci, plur. sloegkeHf
dtcoepkcHy tapken, Rhotacism takes place in rerloren, part of
reriieseMy rerlo*; the same in koren, vroren, parL of hemif
rriesen.
The strong verbs in Ja^ namely stcereM, ieffen, besefen, biddn,
titUn, make the present weak.
Hew Dutch. The e for i in the present tense is almost gen-
eral even before m and n. Transitions from one c'ass into
another are frequent, as from Class VII to II, so from X to IV;
e. g. kltf, tcUsy where iV (Class II) stands for oe (Class All) ; but
vierp and X*iVr/*may be considered the result of the r in fy, rf)
like the Brechung in the Anglo-Saxon tcearp, cearf^ and perhaps
the Middle Dutch icaerp, caerf. It is veiy remarkable that New
Dutch dissolves again the combination -ond which Middle Dutch
had produced of -oldy and thus makes smolt, 9molf€Hy gold, goMen,
for the Middle Dutch smoul, smonUny gouty gonden. Inflexional
accuracy, says Grimm ', gained the better of phonetic nicety.
The only iorm hvnilen was j»reserved by the side of the preterite
Iiie!<l. Gemination is reduced to the simple consonant, if final;
/• and : at the end of* a word turn /'and <?f ; d and a may he fin«il.
The dentals d and t are dropped before the t of the termination,
\\s alu'it (clauditj for sluitef.
Scandinavian.
Swedish. The Old Norse Umlaut finds no place in this New
Scandinavian dialect. The occurrence of ^, iv (^jn) and v in the
present of* Class VI is independent of the law that directed the
use <»f one or the other of those vowels in Old Norse. All g'emi-
nations, excei)t ww, ?///, remain at the end of the word. Syncope
takes place occasionally in the present sing-ular as b^er for barer j
blir for hJifver,
The stronf*" verbs in ja retain the ancient Umlaut and the
gemination of the consonant, and re-introduce the ;, as svarja^
htvfja, hedjd, sittjiiy lujga ; and added to these le (for leja), doe (for
doeja),
' Grammar, i. p. 992.
THE VERB.
476
Daniflh. The present faldt, holdt, bandl, fandty have no
Ablaut. Boots ending with Id^ nd, of Classes II and X are
changed into tdt, ndt, in the preterite, as faidt, bandL The
plural preterite not only loses its own Ablaut, but even its termi-
nation e, and is perfectly identical with the present ; necessarily so
after a combination of consonants in Classes II and X, optionally
after a single consonant. We have the reverse of the case in
9aae and ktae for aaa and laa, where the plural e has penetrated
into the singular.
The strong verbs in ja with weak present may be recognized,
as in Swedish, by the Umlaut, gemination, and the^ of the deri-
vation ; they are — Aedder (O, N. heitir\ svdrger, ler^ doety sidder^
ligg^y some of ancient, some of more modern formation.
Strong and weak preterites occur side by side in fdrede^foer^
jdgede^ jog^ grinte^ gren^ &c. Some verbs have assumed a weak
preterite chiefly in Classes V and VI.
WEAK CONJUGATIONS >.
PARADIGMS^
FIRST CONJUGATION (Conkbctive ja).
Present Indicative.
Gothic
Sing, ist tuj»-ja tdk-ja
and na9-ji-$ sdk-ei-^
Plur. 1st fMM^'o-m 9dk-Ja-m
Dual 1st fuu-jd^ §dk'j6-^
Old High German.
ner-ju aend-u
ner-i-t senct-is
ner-ja-m^ aend-ormis
Old Saxon.
ner-ja-d
Knd'ju
aend'i'^
send-ja-n
Anglo-Saxon.
3ing. ist ner-je B^oe
and ner-e-tt tec-e it
Plur. ist nev'ja'fi tic-a-fi
Old Frisian.
ner-e
(ner-at)
ner-a-th
8ik-€
aei'-i-tt
{sel'ttf)
t^k-a-ih
Old Norse.
id
Ul-r
kenn-i
kenn-i-r
tel'ju-m kenn-u-m
* Concerning the three conjugations of deriyative verbs, the three modes of adding
the suffix aya, the formation of the weak preterite, the use of personal terminations,
&c., compare pp. 366, 382, 388, 389.
' Only the ist and md singular, 1st dual, and ist plural, are given in the para-
digms ; the student who has mastered the strong conjugations will easily make out
the rest for himself. Peculiarities of the different weak conjugations will be noticed
In our Remarks following upon the Paradigms.
476
TEUTOXIC GRAMMAR,
Present Subjunctive.
Gothic.
Sing. 1st iNW-jwiii wSh-jaiL
Plar. 1st ua^'jai'tHa M-jai-ma
Dual 1st •KW^'at-m M-jai-va
Anglo-Saion.
Sing 1st ner^je ttc-t
and fttr-jt tec-e
Plur. I St n^r-Je^ Uc-t-n
Old High German.
ner-je-9
tur-je-ines
Btndrt
9end-4-€
fend-i-mi*
Old Frisian.
ntrA iih-i
n«^\«) $ik'i(e)
OldSaxoD.
ner-jaie)
ner'}a-4{Je$) amij^
Old Norse.
td-i heiat^
td-i-r hoM^
td-i-m
Imperative.
Gothic.
2Sing. 2nd na*^ $6l>ti
Plur. 2nd naih-ji'^ sok-ei-^
ist mu-ja-m adk-ja-m
Dual 3nd tuu-ja-tt adk-ja-U
Old High German.
ner-i aemi'i
ner-ja-t Bend-a-t
Old Saxon.
ner-i seiid-i
ner-ja-d tend-ja-d
Anglo-^xon.
Sing. 2nd ner^ see
Plur. 2nd ner-Ja-fS fec-a-d
Old Frisian.
mer^ woe
ntr-a-th eeoa-th
Old Norse,
td'i'^
kmn
Infinitive.
(lOthic.
O.H.Oorin.
Old Saxon.
Ang.-Sax.
0. Fris.
Old Nor?e.
u isja-n
suk-j<i-n
fend-a-n
ner-ja-n
send-a-n
ncr-ja-n
sec-u-n
fur^
td-ja
I'tnn-a
na*-jand-s
$oh ja-nd-s
Present Participle.
ner-ja-nt-tr ncr-Ja-nd
scnd-a ni-er
8cnd-ja-nd
ner-Je-nd-e
secc-nde
ner-a-nd
sti-a-nd
te^'ja-nd-i
lenn-a-nd'i
Preterite Indicative.
(iothic.
Sing. 1st iuiJ>-i-da^ sok--i-da
2iu\ V{U-i-<fe-8 i<ok-i-de'8
Plur. 1st nas-i-ilaf-H-m aok-i-ded-u-m
Dual ist nas'i-dtd-u sok-i-ded-u
Old High German.
ner-i-ta mn-ta
ner-i'td-s san-tds
ner-i-twrnes san-tu-mes
Old Sa\on.
ner-i-da *an-d
ner-i-do-s kui-^
ner^i-da-n san-d
* The suffix of the weak preterite is the preterite of a Gothic verh, the forms ol
THE VERP.
4^11
Preterite Indicative {continued).
Anglo-Saxon.
ner-t-de
ner-e-de-H
mr't-do-n
idh-U
i6h-te-tt
adh-to-n
Old Frisian.
ner-e-de
{ner-de)
ner-e-de-et
ner-e-do-n
(ner-don)
tdch-te
i6ch-te-tt
s6ch-tQ-n
Old None.
tal-da
hen-da
tal-di-r hen-di-r
t6l-du-m ken-da-m
PeETEEITB S0BJTOCTIVB.
Gothic.
ftae-i-dS^l-jau edk-i-did-jau
ncu-i-did-e{r» edh-v-did-ei-e
naM-i-ded-\ ( M-i-did-
H-m J \ eirma
na$-i-dedr \ / »dk-i-did-
ei^ I { a-va
Old High German.
ner^-ti
ner^-ii-t
$an^ti
$an-ti-8
ner-i-tt-mis ean-ti-mU
Old Saxon.
ner-irdi nan-di
ner-i-di-9 aan-di-e
ner-i-di-n tan-di-n
Anglo-Saxon.
Old Frisian.
Old Norse.
ner-e-d^ idh-te
ner-fde ' $6h-te
ner-e-de-n edh-te^
ner-de edch-te
ner-de edeh-te
ner-de tdch-te
tel-di ken-di
(el-di-r ken-di-r
tclrdi-m ken-di-m
Preterite Participle,
Gothic.
O. H. Ger.
Old Sax.
A.S.
O. Fris.
O.N.
neL8-i-\>-i
»6k-i-\h»
ga-ner-i-t
ga-«end4-t
iga-ean-t)
ner-i-d
tend-i-d
ner-ed
s-dh-t
ner-i-d
edch-t
• •
• •
Passive Present.
Gothio.
Indicative.
Sing. I si noi-ja-da
and nae-ja-za
3rd naa-ja-da
Plor. nae-ja-nda
Subjunctive.
nas-jai-<l<iu
ncu-jai-zau
nws-jai-daii
nae-jai-indan
would be didan, dad^ didum, didans (to do) ; the terminations da, die,
nd for an original dad, dcut, dad; the rest are the regular forms of a
▼erl>.
478
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
SECOXD CONJUGATION (Coxnbctive 6).
Present Indicative.
Gochk.
Sing. 1st jo/M
Plvr. ist 9aJBho-m
Dosl 1st 9aSb-^
O. H.G«nn. Old Saxon, i Anglo-Saxon. I Old FruUn. . Oil
9aip-6^m
mdp'6-4
9eaW'6'n
(•cair-^'a-<f)
• •
teaif'je
{'talf-ige)
ttalf-a-ti
ieal/'ja-fS
• •
talv-jt
stdt-a-it
••
Sing. 1st miIb-4
2nd 9aib-^
PIv. 1st mlb'6-m
Dual 1st Mlb-^
Peesent Subjunctive.
mip-6-t-mii
(seair-^fa)
tcaft-o-t
ftaHf-jt
tttUf'je
tealf-jf-n
(stalf-igt-n)
talr-J€
Mlh-v-n I salp^n
Infinitive.
tcatc-/^ I fcalj'-Ja-n taiv-ja
{gcaw-ogean'^ {fealj-if/a-n) i
{scaw-djan) | {sca!f-iyca-n) \
htlh
Sing. :nil ini/?»-o
Plur. 2nd *(i/6-<>-^
Plur. 1st faP'-6-m
Dual 1st tiilb-^U
talp-A
salp-d-t
Imperative.
seal f -a j saltHi
8tulf-Ja-fS ; »alv-ja-tk
{sialf-itjca-^)
$alb'6'7nh
Present Participle.
salp-d-ni-tr > ^irair-o-wd I sealf-Je^id-f \ salv-ja-nd \ IttH-fl-'
\{scaw-d-f;€a-nd)[ {sealf-ige-nd-e),
Preterite Indicative.
Sing. 1st falh-d-da I salp-A^a
Slid *<!//>-<>-</«•-* I mli^'>-t6-6
Dual 1st Mi/6-<M^(i-«
fcav-onla
scau>o-d6^
Bcav-d-du-n
teal/S'iie'St
Bealf-o-do-n
salr-a-de
iMlc-a-de-st
galv-a-do-n
hdl^
Icad-a
koll-u
THE VERB.
479
Pretbrite Subjuxctiye.
Gothic
O* H« Cwnii*
OldStfon.
Anglo-SAZon.
Old FruUn.
Old None.
• mMlb'6-did\
jau i
d taOh^-ded')
€i-ma )
nUp-d-ti-i
^ecLw-d-da
9eaw-4-dd^
Mtalf-S-de
tealf-d-de
KdfMt-de
§alc^-d€
hall-n-U
kall-a-fii-r
kaU-a-tSi-m
Preterite Participle,
$alc-a-d
k<dl-a-fi^
THIRD CONJUGATION (CoyyECTiVE ai).
Present Indicative.
Gothic. I O. H.Germ.
Sing, irt kaifMU
and hah-ai-^
Plnr. ist Aofr-o-m
Dual I8t hab-d^
hap-i-m
hap-i-i
hap-4-mSs
Pres. Subjunctive.
Oothio.
O. H.Genn.
hab-au
kah-ai't
Aa6-ai-ma
hap'f-e
hap-i-e-m^
Preterite Indicative.
Sing, ist kab-ai'da
and kab-ai-di-8
Plnr. ist hab^i-did-u-m
Doal 1st kab-ai-dSd-a
hap-4-ta
hap-i-t6-s
hap^turinSs
Pret. Subjunctive.
ii
kab-ai-dSlJau
hab-ai-dMeU
hab-ai-dhieima
hap-i-ti
hap4'ti-8
liap-i-ti-m^
IllPIRATIVK
iNFiNrnvi
Pres. Participle
Pret. Participle
Grothic.
hab-ai
Jutb-a-m
hab-a-U
hab-a-n
hab-a-ndi
hdb^i'ps
O. H. Genn.
hap-^
hap-i-i
kap-^^
hapS^nt-ir
hap-i-t-h*
4«-> TECTOSIC GRAMMAR.
1 . In all the dialects there are verbs conjagated after the Mj
and fiewnd; the third conjugation is limited to the Gothic <
Old Higffa German. Parallel verbs in the other dialects, wUdk-
in the latter belonged to the third, must follow either the ink
or the second coDJngation.
2. The jjersonal terminations are the same as in the stronf
conjogati'^ns ; the few exceptions are mentioned in the cbpUr
on perbonal terminations in the Teutonic languages.
FiBST COXJCGATIOK.
Isi
Gothic. The radical is either short or long ; if the formffi
the suffix ja is treated in the same manner as the suffix -a i&
strong verbs, hence it is changed into ji in the 2nd and 31^
singular and 2nd plural. After a long radical the suffix jd, tf
rather yi, is, in the pers^ms just mentioned, changed into ei\ e.g.
nas-Ji^, naJhji'}^ ; idk-ei^, soi^i-y. In the preterite, aU vciIb
of this class change the suffix ^^,^1, into the connective vowdt,
as nas'i-da, sol-i-da.
Old High German also makes a distinction between veibs
with a short or lonq: radical. The former condense the ^a or
rather Ji of the 2nd and 3rd singular into /, and in the preterite
into i again; hence ner-Jti {a of Ja weakened to w, like the a of
strong verbs), 2nd ner-i-s^ &c., preterite ner-i-tn. Sometimes
the J of the suffix appears as g, as nergan for nerjan, nerige for
ner-Ju, or it is assimilated to a preceding /*, as in nerran ; but
where Ja is already condensed into i gemination cannot take
I)hico, hence ?/<?rM, fifrif.
I'hose verbs which have the radical long by nature or position
ntuin only the vowel a and drop they of the combination ;<^
except where it is already condensed in /, e.g. semlu^ sendamf'.^;
])ut >se/i(/i'S, itr.7ulit ; in the preterite the connective / is usually
drop])e(l altogether, and if so, Ruck-Umlaut takes place ; asMti-fti,
l)reterite oi* •sciidan^ rarely send-i-ta. In this case the preterite
suffix t<i, if jn-ecedel by d or t, in combination with another con-
sonant, causes these dentals to be dropped ; as san-f<i for sandM^
/itfl-au^ haf-(a; and if preceded by a gemination, resolves it into
the simple consonant, e.g. nenn-an, nan-f^ ; but the sim]>le
dental is retained, e. g. haot-aa, huot-Uiy jdUI-an, plid-ta. Several
authors, chiefly Isidor (eighth century), and Tatian (ninth cen-
^"0')> join the suffix da to the root by means of the connective /,
THE VERB. 481
the preterite quite after the analogy of the Gothic, so
a difference in the treatment of the long and short radicals
not exist. Other writers, on the contrary, go far to anni-
^tmte the short forms altogether, and to treat dl the verbs of
"^1 class as those with a long radical. This is brought about by
assimilation of the/ of ;a to the preceding consonant and
piemination thus produced; e. g. zellan for zeljan^ makes zelluy
^4Bw^ zellU, pret. zal-ta — an example where the verb is treated as
its gemination was organic, they is dropped altogether, the
^^eterite suffix joined to the root without the connective /, and
J-^k-Umlaut takes place. In the course of time this transi-
^«n of verbs with a short radical into the rank of those with a
^ng radical, become more and more frequent in this as well as
t| the other dialects.
Old Saxon keeps up the distinction between verbs with a
Ong or a short radical, but it frequently mixes the two classes
10 as to deprive certain verbs of their original character. Thus
it uses the connective i after long radicals on one hand, and, on
the other, renders short radicals long by inorganic gemination
md makes them drop the connective i in the preterite. We
lad therefore better classify all these verbs into such as take the
xmnective i and such as do not. Verbs with the preterite in
ida are (i) the few which still have a short i*adical followed by
I simple consonant, z&ferjan (remigare), nerjan (servare), queljan
cruciare). Like these are sometimes treated those which dis-
K>lye« their inorganic gemination into the simple consonant in
tihe preterite, e. g. quelljan (necare), pret. quelida. (a) Verbs
nrhich join the thematic ^a directly to the long vowel of the root,
18 9djan (to sow), strSjan (to strew). (3) Verbs in which the
raffixya is preceded by a combination of consonants one of which
is a liquid, or by the combination sk; e.g. rnahljan^ to speak;
IrenkjaUy potare (Germ, tranken) ; wernjan^ recusare; na%jan^,
aiti ; nemnjan^ to name ; leskjan, to extinguish. (4) Verbs which
[lave a long radical followed by a single consonant, may take the
preterite in -^ida, or in w/a , e. g. dSpjan (to baptize), pret. dSpida
md dSpta ; hSIjan (to heal), Aelida and heldu. All other verbs
Brhich do not belong to one of the clasRCs just enumerated, must
Doake their preterite in ^da^ that is, without the connective vowel
f. Verbs of the latter claFs mat/ have Riick-Umlaut in the prete-
rite, about which however no rule can be fixed upon. Examples
ire hebbjan (to have), pret. habda; leggjan (to lay), lagda and
\egda ; ieggjan (to say), iagda ; selljan (to give, sell), salda ; ielU
* "S » nrf, vid. sub litt. n and 15.
I 1
THE VERB. 483
^eriyative e^ as sec^ and sing, imper. of secan^ secjan, to seek.
Hie preterite suffix de is changed into te, if preceded by a tenuis
or the spirants s^ Ay single or double; in this case the guttuial
tenuis i must be changed into A (except in the combination nc),
^g. aeo-e, iSA^ie. As in Old Saxon, a dental, if the last letter in
a combination of consonants which precede the suffix de or te^
miist be dropped, mn must give up the n and every gemination
most be dissolved ; e. g. send-any sen-de ; Aafi-an, hdf-ie ; nemn--
am, nemnle; cyss-an, cy%~te.
The Riick-Umlaut is limited to the following : — e returns to a,
and e to 6y in all those verbs of which the stem ends in / or <? ;
e g. fellan (to fell), pret. fedlde ; d-sfellan (statuere), d-steald ;
reecan (to count, exponere), reaAte ; secan (to seek), soAte ; recan
(to care), rSAte,
Old Frisian. Short and long as in the preceding dialects.
Short verbs also dismiss the j of the derivative suffix. They are
▼ery few in number : bera (decere), era (arare), nera (servare), wera
(defendere), lema (debilitare), 9pera (investigare). These may
add the preterite suffix by means of the connective e {=i=zja)y
though very rarely they make use of it. There is a great num-
ber of short verbs which by means of inorganic gemination have
become long, as sella (=sel/a, tradere); selia, to set; tella, to
number ; se^^ay to say, &c., which in the same manner as verbs
with organic gemination, add the suffix da without the connec-
tive. In this case de or te may be the form to be chosen accord-
ing to the nature of the preceding consonant. (See Old Saxon.)
The participle preterite also has d (id, ed, in verbs with short
radi(4l) or ty as the preterite takes de or le ; e g. sell-a, sel-dey
seM; wUay wis-de, ms-d; but kess-a^ ies-le, ies-i; acAt-a, acA-tey
acA'L Riick-Umlaut occurs in the preterite only where the
stem had a final k or its gemination, as sek-Oy socA-ie ; iAekkay
ihacA'te, Where syncope of the derivative or connective vowel
takes place, the consonants of the root and of the personal
terminations are liable to the same modifications as in the strong
conjugation. (See p. 429 sqq.)
Old Norse. Long or short radical. The present of those
with a short radical has lost in the singular the derivative ja^
except in segja (to say) and \egja (to be silent), where the deri-
vative suffix appears, as in those with a long radical, condensed
into % ; as segiy segity &c. In the plural the ja always reappears,
but under divers modifications. They of the suffix ^a is assimi-
lated to the preceding consonant only in the case of ^', and forms
the inorganic gemination gg ; but nevertheless they is not lost,
but finds its place again behind the gemination it has caused,
I i %
484 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR
benoe ^eggja for 9esja. The soffix ja preceded by the coneoofoti
/, IN, «, r, neyer assiinilates its /, and therefore neyer wm
S^minatioQ in these positions. Contrary to the rule obeyed m
Id High German the Old Norse dialect admits of Riick-UmU
in verbs with a short, not in those with a long radical Bnl
$efja (to set) and $elja (to deliver, to give), thongh of shwt
radical, make pret, seif/iy selda^ not satfa, salda. Under any cir-
cumstance the suffix of the preterite joins the verb without ihe
connective t, except in the participle &^-i-'5-r, occurring in tta
Edda, for /tf^-"5-r. The verbs with a long radical have dropped
the j of the suffix ja, but preserved the a variously modifiei
Only those verbs in which g or k precedes the suffix ja we find
the spirant j preserved, as in Old High German, whenever in
the combination ja or ju ; but in ji the vocalization in i tabs
place, as kengja^ sing, keng-i^ keng-i-r (for ^keng^ji^ ^keng-jirf\
plur. keng-ju-m, keng-i-'^y keng-ja ; in the same manner merk-jt^
The suffix of the preterite appears as da after I, m, n; as {ki upon
r,y. If, g^ and upon a vowel ; as (a when succeeding a jd, t, k, or i.
As in the other dialects, gemination is dissolved before tiie pre-
terite suffix, except the combination kk. The dentals d and ^
preceding the preterite suffix are dropped ; % is assimilated to
the d of the suffix and they thus make the geminations -dda, as
que^ja, pret. quadda.
Second and Third Conjugations,
Gothic. Some forms fluctuate between the third and first
conjugations, as hat^n and hatjan^ to bate. The strong verb
bduan, to build (Germ, bauen), has in the 3rd sing. pres. bdnff
and bdifaiy. The modus-sufliix i disappears where it comes in
direct contact with the thematic or connective vowels 0 of the
second, and ai of the third conjugation.
Old High German. Two Old High German writers, Tatian
and Otfried (both ninth century) throw out the modus-suffix e
(^=zi=zya) in the subjunctive present of the third and fourth con-
jugations, and join the personal terminations immediately to the
thematic 0, or /, as saljjo, salp6s^ salpo, salpSmes ; hipcy hape^,
kapSj kapemes ; for salpoe^ salpoes, hapeCy hapees, &c. Fluctua-
tions between the second and third conjugations are not unfre-
quent, e. g. hazen, ha^Sn^ to hate ; fagen, fagon, exhilarate ; or,
between the third and first conjugation, as h^pen, hehjan ; lepvn^
libjan, to live; between the third, second and first, as dolen,
dolSn^ doljan^ io sufier. Some verbs take in the preterite the
THX^VERB. 485
MASsaii, B8 well as the suffix ta^ and theref r6 nre commonly design
Slated as belonging to the mixed form of conjugation, as denkan^
hf^ think ; dunkan^ videri, which make the preterite ddht-a^ dihta.
ttore about these under the chapter of Anomalous Verbs, hapen^
lifliich makes some forms after the first conjugation, we find in
the late Old High German often contracted in the ist and 3rd
sing., e. g. kdn^ hdt, for hapem, habem^ hapet, habeL
Old Saxon shows in the second conjugation a peculiar ten-
dency of addinfip the sufiix ja twice to the root, which, for in-
fltence, appears m the infinitive termination Sjan, or -^gean (^^=
/), where we have the second ja unchanged, and the first primi-
ttve ja converted into 6, Thus we find for the infinitive fragSn
(to ask), the forms fragSjan or fragSgean, We meet sometimes
a for the derivative S^ as katan for hatSn, to hate ; giwisadin for
ffimsddin, instruerent. Fluctuations between the second and
first conjugations are not rare ; examples are nemnjan, namdn,
to name; lo96n, ISsjan^ to loosen, set free; minnjon, minnjan,
to love. Verbs of the mixed conjugation as in Old High
German.
Anglo-Saxon. As in Old Saxon wo meet sometimes a in the
singular, and moreover e in the plural of the preterite, for the
denvative S. The use of this derivative suffix has further been
limited hj the encroachments of the suffix ja which has taken
possession of the present tense to the exclusion of the forms in
S\ hence it happens that the verbs in 6 have divers forms in
common with those mjay and the two conjugations are no longer
kept strictly distinct. The terminations -ige^ -igan, -igean, for
the infinitive termination jan, and the pres. ist sing, je, have
their origin in the ancient mode of spelling the sound of y by ge^
afl bryttigean^ bryUigan {or bryHian=i^bry(tjan,]firgin; lufgeioT
^lufjey lufigom; lujigean for Ivijan^ Injian, to love. There is no
douDt that in the spelling of lufgean instead of lufjariy lufian^
one thing is superfluous, either the i or the ge, so that in these
forms we have perhaps twice the suffix ja, Comp. O. S. ogean.
Transitions from one conjugation into the other we find
rather frequently, so that some forms of the verb are derived
from a theme of the first, others from a theme of the second
conjugation; e.g. leofjan, libhan, to live; first pres. leofige or
libbe^ second leofast, third leofa^^ plur. libha^ ; imper. leofay plur.
Ubba^ ; pret. leofSd'S ; Kabban, hdbban^ to have; first habbe,
second hqfast^ Adfst^ third hafa^, hdf^, plur. habba^^ imper hiifa,
pret haj^e. In the same manner hycgan and kogjan, to think ;
tellan and taljan, to speak, tell ; secgan and sagjan, to say ; the
first-mentioned themes following the first conjugation, the last-
486 TEUTONIC QRAMMAR.
mentioned, the second conjugation : different forms of the verb
are derived from the one or the other. Mixed Verbs see under
Anomalous.
Old FriBian. While in Old Saxon the vowel a but occasion-
ally replaces the thematic 6^ this change becomes the rule in Old
Frisian. As in Anglo-Saxon we meet the enlarged spellmg
-t^ifl, -^gia for ja ; "ige^ -^ge^ "igi for je ; skaikigia for sluUija, to
damage, to scathe ; rdvege for rdvjey subjunctive of rdvja^ to rob.
Perhaps these extended themes contain twice the suffix ya as tbe
Old Saxon themes in -6^ea~^^ S-ja. Sometimes the first part
ig of the suffixed igea is mistaken for a part of the root or stem
and therefore treated as such in the formation of the preterite;
e. g. nedigia, to urge^ oblige, pret. nSdigade, part, nedgad. The
fluctuation of certain verbs between themes of the first and sncli
of the second conjugation occurs as in the other dialects. Sach
themes are achtja and echta^ to condemn ; fullja dkndifeUay to fill ;
fa/;a and tella^ to number (Germ, zselen) ; rdvja and rdva, to rob.
"To live' is represented by the themes libba and levja or Uvja;
hence 3rd sing. levHi-th, iiv-a-thy plur. libbathy subj. libbe, prei
liv^~de and Ixf-de, Contractions of the verb hebba^ Aadia, are
frequent: ist sing, hebbe, Aabbe; 2nd hesl, hast; 3id heik, kdi;
plur^ hebbath ; subj. hebbe, Aabbe; pret. AS^de ; pret. part, ieced,
hevd. Mixed verbs as in the other dialects.
Old Norse. The derivative suffix 6 is, as in Old Frisian,
always rendered by a. This a in the preterite plural is changed
into n^ under the influence, probably, of the u in the preterite
suflix. Under these circumstances the derivative « ( = a) causes
the Umlaut of the a of the root into O] e. g. kall-a, pret. sing.
1st kall-a-^Qy pres. plur. ist koll-u-^um. The connective u of
the present ist plural also causes the Umlaut of a into o», hence
kall-a, plur. koH-u-m. The modus-suffix i of the subjunctive
never causes Umlaut. It is peculiar to this class that it com-
prises verbs which in the present theme have no Umlaut, while
the verbs of the first conjugation have Umlaut in the present
theme already, or do not modify the vowel at all. Among the
former there are a few which have extended the preseirt theme
by the addition of j, which spirant has caused Umlaut ; e. g.
eggja (acuere), emja (ululare). Such verbs keep the^ everywhere
before the derivative vowel.
There occur in Old Norse, as in the other dialects, verbs which
derive their diiferent forms partly from themes of the first, partly
from such of the second ; e. g. li/a^ to live ; spara, to spare, save ;
trua, to trust; ]>ola, to sufler; vaka, to watch, wake ; rara, to
beware, which form their present after the first conjugation, as
THE VERB. 4«7
b Vori^ irii^ without taking Umlaut; the preterite after the
or second conjugation, as lif^a^ 9par^y tru^^ or lif-a-^a^
•&i, if4'a''^ ; pret. part. lifa^Ty 9para^, Mta%r. iqfa, to
has in the present first Ae/iy second kefir, third Aejir, plur.
iqfitm, iafi^y hafa, pret. haf^a.
Ybbbs belonging to the Fiust Weak Conjugation.
Gotliio. (i) Radical short, aljan^ to feed, saginare, alere;
^^jam, to choose (Gtrm. waelen), eligere ; arjan, to plough, arare ;
J^rfa/m, to sail, navigare; varjariy to defend (Germ, w^ren); maU
j^ to eat (comp. Engl, meat) ; satjan, to set, ponere ; raijan, to
i«ek, extendere ; lagjan^ to lay, ponere ; hugjatiy to think, cogi-
tue; sirdujaHy to strew, spread (Germ, streuen), sternere, pret.
thravida ; stSjan, to judge, judicare.
(a) Badical long, valtjan, to turn, volvere ; namnjariy to
name^ nominare; brannjan, to burn, urere; sandjan, to send,
mitt^; vand/an, to turn (Germ, wenden), vertere ; dragghjany to
cause to drink (Germ, triinken), potare, potum prsebere ; varmjan,
to warm, calefacere ; andbakfjan, to serve, officiate, ministrare ;
timrfany to timber, to fabricate, to build; gaUindjariy to make
blind (Germ, verblenden), occoecare ; fidljan, to fill (Germ, fiillen),
implere ; huggrjan^ to hunger (Germ, hungem), esurire ; '^ugkjan,
to seem (Germ, diinken), videri ; maurbrjan, to murder (Germ.
morden), occidere ; gavaurkjan, to work, operari ; faurhfjan^ to
fear (Germ, fiirchten), timere ; mefjariy to write, seribere ; venjan,
to hope, sperare (comp. Germ, waenen); dowjan^ to judge, judi-
care (comp. to deem, doom) ; ddiljauy to deal (Germ, teilen), par-
tiri ; haU/an, to heal (Germ, heilen), sanare ; sldinja7i, to stone
(Germ, steinigen), lapidare ; arlfdidjan, to work (Germ, arbeiten),
laborare; kisduljan, to soil, contaminare; daupjan^ to baptize
(Germ, taufen); hausjan, to hear (Germ, horen), audire; lauy'an,
to loosen (Germ, losen), solvere ; skeiiyan, to interpret ; kUkjan^
to kiss, osculari ; liukfjan, to give light (Germ, leuchtcn), lucere.
Old High Gtorman. (i) Radical shokt. queljan, to kill, ne-
care ; seljan, to make over, sell, tradere ; toeljauy to choose (Germ,
wselen); denjatiy to stretch (Germ, denen); nerjan, to save, pre-
serve, servare ; werjan^ to defend (Germ, wercn) ; atreiojan, to strew
(G^rm. streuen) ; lekjan^ to lay (Germ, legen), ponere ; sekjan, to
say (Germ, sagen), dicere; spurjan, investigare (Germ, spuren).
(2) Radical long, stelian, to put (Germ, stellen), collocare ;
vellan, to fell (Germ, fallen) ; nennan, to call, to name (Germ,
nennen); prennan, to bum (Germ, brennen); rennan, to run;
iSS TEUTOSIC GRAMMAR.
seMdam, to send ; semdtam, to siiik, to lower (Germ, aemkeo), vidSr
nare; fpcrwutm^ to wuin (Oenn. winnen) ; Momm, to set (Gcol
wetzen) ; deeeiau, to cover (Germ, deekea); sireedUm^ to stietek
(QernL strecken); miUan, miaereri; vuUa*, to fill; omitFwrUMf
to answer (Germ, antworten), respoodete ; il^ro*, to hear (Gobl
hoeren) ; lasan^ to loosen (Germ, losen) ; Uilan^ to deal (Gena.
teilen) ; Aeilan, to heal (Germ, heilen) ; spreiian, to q>read (Genn.
f preizen) ; liuJUan (Germ, leochten)^ loeere ; tmomamy to doom.
Old Sfuum. (i) Radical shokt. qm^ljau^ /rumjam, Jrm/M^
effioere ; nerjan^ werfan, rekjan, to relate ; wekfam, to waken.
(2) Radical lono. dojpjan^ to baptize; ISffam, to loosen;
$elljan, to sell ; Ulijan^ to tell ; lebbfan, to have; je^j^^Wy to saj;
leggjan^ to laj ; uendjan^ to send ; endjan, to end ; ledjam^ to knd;
grStjaUy to greet; cuss^an, to loss; Mfan, to seek; fMjam^ ta
fill; dSljan^ to Aeali fSljan, to feel; domjan^ to doom; futlmJM,
to kill ; brennjan^ to bum ; k6rja%y to hear.
Anglo-Saxon, (i) Radical shoet. eweljan^ to kill, to qneD;
Beljatiy to sell ; ie^an, to tell: also cwellam, sellan^ UUam long;
fr^'ezn^ to ear, to plough, arare ; wer/an, to prohibit, defend ; s^r-
yaf^^ to save^ preserve ; smytjan, to smear.
(2) RiJ)iCAL long, aaellan, sellan, lellan; fdlan^ to M;
nemnan, to name ; sendan^ to send ; drenean^ potare ; sencau, to
sink, mergere ; slreccan, to stretch ; reccan, exponere ; iMmis, to
waken ; leccjan, to lay ; fyllariy to fill ; cyssan^ to kiss ; dalan, to
deal; JuBlan, to heal; sianan^ to stone, lapidare; ladaUy to lead;
i(ecnn, to teach, pret. tahte-, deman^ to judge, to deem, to doom;
grcfan, to greet; metan^ to meet; spedan, to speed; fedan^ to
feed; secaii, to seek; h^ran, to hear; l^san^ to loosen, solvere.
Old Frisian, (i) Radical short. «7^ra, to defend; ^ra, to
car, to plough, arare ; ^^ra, to behove, dccere ; ^w^i, to weaken,
debilitare; nera^ to save; spera, to investigate, search.
(2) Radical long, sella, to sell, tradere; *e/^^, to set;
ihekkuf to cover (Germ, decken); strekkay to stretch; tellu, to
number; *<?//ya and sedza^ to say.
Old Norse. (1) Radical suort. dvelja, to stay, to dwell,
morari ; qvelja, to torture (Germ, quselen), crueiari ; telja, to
number; lemja, to tame; ]>enja^ to stretch (Germ, denen) ; yrja,
Uy car, plough, arare ; smj/rja, to sinear ; setjay to set ; wekja, to
waken ; If'gyj^t, to lay ; hyggja^ to think.
(2) Radical LONG, tfuela, to B^esik ; /ella, to fell ;^/^, to
fill ; r/^>>6v;/<?, to judge, doom, deem; dreyma^ to dream ; ^^««a,
to ])urn ; UerUy to tt'ach ; leifay to leave ; lel%a^ to lead ; foe^^
to feed ; reisa^ to raise, rouse, excitare ; gir^Sa^ to gird ; byggja,
to build ; fylgja, to follow (Germ, folgen).
THE VERB. 489
Vbsbs belonginq to the Second and Thied Cokjtjoatioks.
Oothio. Second Conjugation, \iudan6ny to reign^ regnare;
frdujinSn^ to command ; gudjinSuj sacerdotio fungi ; ragindn, to
xeign, regnare ; reikinSuy to govern ; skalkinSn, to serve ; salbdn,
to anoint (Germ, salben), nngere ; fisi^n, to fish^ piscari; vundon,
to wound, vulnerare ; kaup^n, to huy, to cheap (Germ. kaufen)|
emere ; raubdn, to rob (Germ, rauben)^ spoliare ; liupdn, to sing,
canere ; Jrydn, to love.
Thied Conjugation, skaman, to be ashamed (Germ, schsemen),
pudere; haban^ to have, hold, tenere; hahan, to hang, pendere ;
paian, taoere ; s^ilan, silere, to be silent ; liban, to live ; vilan, to
observe; gakunnan, to observe; mauman^ to mourn, moerere;
hfSparif to boast, gloriari; blStan, deum colere, pret. blStaida
(weak ?) or bai-^lSt (strong ?) ; aUtan^ to revere ; bduan, to build
(Germ, bauen) ; ga-hveilatiy to stay, delay, morari ; galeikan^ to
please ; veiAan, to sanctify (Germ, weihen) ; Jijan, to hate.
Old High German* Second Conjugation, halotiy to fetch
(Greyn. h61en) ; namSn, to name, nominare ; mandn, to admonish
(Germ, m&nen), monere ; scawSn, to behold (Germ, schauen), con-
templari; ladSriy to invite (Germ, l&den) ; scaddn^ to damage
(Germ, sch&den) ; spilotiy to play (Germ, spilen) ; petSn, to pray
(Germ. bSten); damnSn, damnare; danchSn, to thank (Germ,
danken) ; Aa^Suy to hate (Germ, ha^en) ; minnSuy to love (Germ*
minnen) ; irrouy to err (Germ, irren) ; wuntSn^ to wound (Germ,
ver^wunden) ; mdlSn, to paint (Germ, malen) ; steinSn, to stone,
lapidare; and all derivatives from substantives and adjectives
ending in ^am, -a/, -i/, -e>/, -an, -m, -ar, -u/, Sdy 'iky -aA, ahL
Third Conjugation, skamen, to blush (Germ, schsemen),
erubescere ; sparen, to spare (Germ, sp^ren), parcere ; mken^ to
say (Germ, sdgen), dicere; lepSn, to live (Germ. ISben), vivere;
hankeny to hang (Germ, hangen), pendere ; ha^Sn^ to hate (Germ,
hafen), odisse ; lahheuy to laugh (Germ, lachen), ridere ; lemen,
to learn (Germ, lemen), discere ; ar-stummetiy to grow dumb or
silent, obmutescere (Germ, vernstummen) ; vraken, vrahen, to ask,
(Germ, fragen), interrogare ; irdreuy to mourn (Germ, trauren),
moerere : also derivatives in -a/, -am, -an, -^r, &c., though not
80 frequent as in the second conjugation.
Old Saxon. Second Conjugation. truSn, to trust (Germ,
trauen), credere ; spildn, to play ; full6n^ to fill ; folgSn, to fol-
low (Germ, folgen) ; tnanSu, monere (G^rm. mftnen) ; endSuy to
end ; hang6u, pendere ; erSn^ to honour (Germ. £ren) ; ardSn, to
dwell; wardSn^ to guard; cSpSn, to buy; scawSn, to behold
TECTOJ7C QRAHMAM,
; UiSmy to Inte; fcsdKi, to pm;
I, t» wak«y to valdi, Tigifaue ; /rd^oth ^
iAik. % ae fi^oct Gem. sdnraeen'! : mtmrntom, to love;
/vi«>rMi, ^ Udum Germ, fee tMitn,, gotire; merk^m, agmn
SKan> CasfTGLiXiixy. Ul^, to tdl, loqui;
l;i..]/«rt. ^ t£I, eciem AOBJ^iffs, to aiioait» ungere; folfjan^ to
f .4!j:^. fcc-^ : ttj^MSy mii^ ii ; wmmjam^ to dwell (Germ, wonoi),
kiLc^Jze ; fwMf «, to cad. fink ; ymm^mm^ to tihank ; iij^^y to
k^ciiiiir : l^t*^i»sm^ to km ; memrrfmm, to mark, notue ; cl§jiJMj
to caJI, T«csre; re^Jmm^ to rob; iicgj^y ^^^^y to love; 0&^ttS|
to «bb. Rccdert; wiwnmmy to lunw ; ^eA^oji, to serve; yriwfasi^
to sci&r; ^^ithMMy to b^; Am^pm, to bode, annoonee (oompu
(jcc^-oode ; n^«« Tiataue; A^m, to please (oomp. to like);
fi^i^'Mm^ to piai- ; ^mcc^my to pliick ; icj^mm, to tbink, meditttbe.
IXenraitiTes m -<f/, -ea, -«r, -/, -a, -r, as wueijamy magnificare;
9ef^j^mj to safl; im^cmJMm^ agiiaie; tdcem^ a tolxn, sign; ^0^a^»i
^'flMJi, to scire / ftrefrnjam^ ffvemjmm^ to adorn ; Ueodtjam^ per-
aocare; wmUr^m, to glocift'. IXenTatives in -v, -«, -;^, e.g.
9ca*irJ4m^ to sbade. ombnie; UriPfiaa, hiedsfau, ble^^am^ to UesB;
ri^*2M, to reign; ifmg^m^ to sin; Uod^jam, to bleed (Gemu
blaten , sangmnare. DeriratiTeB in -mm .- ^ijnma^am, to obey
(Germ, geborchen;, obedire.
Old Frisian. Secoxd CoyjTGAXiox. capja^ to bay ; maija, to
miike : ij'/J. to fetch; ncmja, to name^ call; rdrja, to rob;
ehJ-J-2, to end, finish ; /'.'V/j, to follow; dsJtJa, to ask, to de-
mand; i'a^ij, to ci»mplain, to accuse Germ, klagen) ; radja, to
FyKrak Germ, reden ; skafAJj, ^k^jthujia^ to damage (Germ, scha-
den, oi-mp. to s<:iithf ; vmija, to iruard (oomp. ward).
Old Norse. Slcoxd Coxjugatiox. tala, to speak^ tell ; kalk^
to call; mana, pruv«>care; hanna, interdicere ; kanna^ scrutari
trara, to answer, respondere ; vara^ to beware ; marka, to mark
skapa, to create (comp. to shape) ; ka(<iy to hate j fasta, to fast
ha At a J to hasten ; ^t;X*<i, to bake ; ritu, to write ; llkay to please
hrojja, to shout ; ^/oV^z, to sacrifice (also strong bl6t<iy pret. blet)
ywnay to serve (Germ, dienen) ; hlio^a, to sound. Derivatives
m -l, -n, -r : as hamla, to impede ; Bagla^ to lock ; sqfna, to fiill
asleep; kli/ra, to ascend. Derivatives in -/, -</, -*: fi«7^, to
deny (Germ, ver-neinen), negare; gata, to assert, affirmare
(Germ, be-jaen) ; hreinsGy to cleanse (Germ, reinigen). Derivatives
in 'ky -y : as elska, to love ; minka^ minuere, to diminish ; syndga^
Xa) sin. Verbs which insert j before the termination of the in-
finitive: einja, ululare ; synja^ to deny, negare; herja^ debellare;
akcpja, ordinare ; ^ifjaj sanare ; eggja, acuere.
THE VERB. 491
THE WEAK CONJUGATION IN THE MIDDLE AND
NEW TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
English.
It will be well to remind the student that the verbs of the
weak conjugation form their preterite and past participle by
means of a suffix, while those of the strong conjugation attain
the same end by means of tlie Ablaut^ the modification of the
radical. Verbs of the former class are derivative^ those of the
latter primitive, or stem verbs. The derivative suffix of the
weak verbs is aya, which in Gbthic appears as », ai^ and 6^ vowels
which enter as connectives between the root and the termina-
tions, and according to which we distinguish three weak conju-
gations. The suffix of the preterite is did, the preterite of the
verb to do, which is added to the connective. The personal
terminations are the same as in the strong conjugations. In the
Middle and New Teutonic dialects the connective is weakened
to tf, and of the suffix did nothinc^ is left but the consonant d^
followed by the personal terminations ; hence the weak preterite
ends in English, for example, in ed, in German in et-e (German
/= English dy see the phonetic laws). Compare pp. 2, 366, 382,
388, 389, 477 (foot-note).
In late Saxon already the two conjugations are mixed up^
because the connective 0 is commonly weakened to e, and thus
becomes identical with that of the first conjugation. Though
Layamon still has makode by the side of tnaiede, and Old English
ascode^ robbode^ and even the Romance word deslruiode, tiiese
forms are nevertheless exceptional ; even Layamon has e for both
conjugations, and the writer of the Ormulum rejects the connec-
tive 0 altogether. We therefore distinguish no longer different
conjugations characterized by the thematic^ or connective, vowel,
but arrange all verbs in two classes, those with a short, and
others with a long radical.
I. Radical short. The connective e is retained in the prete-
rite and participle, its short character is clearly indicated by the
spelling -edd in the Ormulum ; e. g. sweuen (to sleep), pret. fweu-
e-de, ^art. i-sweu-ed^ J \ankien (to thank), Jifani-e-de, ipani-ed.
* I-, or y-, the early Bngliah form of the Anglo-Saxon augment ffe^, Gkrman ge-.
Old High German go-. The ancient dialects admitted the augment in the past
partidpk ; modem German requires it, and modem English has dropped it altogether.
492 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Old "PTigiinh uses -^-^, or -i-J in the preterite and participle, as
end'i'dy command-i-dy and end-e-d, command-e^. Middle Engfiih
has the same terminations : e. g. tAanie, pret. tkank^-de, iimih'
i'de, part, thank-e^, thank-ud, and IVew iJiTigiiah confines itsetf
to -^-d for the preterite and participle, as thank^ tkank-e-d, iiani»
e-d, where e is the thematic or connective vowel and represmti
the primitive suffix ya ; the d of the preterite stands for the sat^
fixed auxiliary verb ^ did \ and the d of the participle is the rem-
nant of the participial suffix -d!t7-, Greek and Latin rto-. The
termination -ed however has nowhere preserved full pronuncia-
tion except where following upon a dental of the stem^ as ^rd-
edj reward-ed, weti-ed; in every other position the e, though
preseiTcd in writing is dropped in pronunciation, and hved,
praised^ are pronounced as lov*dy pravfd. Though such forms
with syncope occur in Old English and Middle English docu-
ments, the interchange between e and % seems to prove that it
was not the rule then to slur over the vowel of the termination.
Modern poets leave or drop the tf, often merely guided by reasons
of metrical conveniance or euphonic predilections^. There are ft
few phonetic changes in New English brought about by the
addition of the termination -ed which deserve a passing notice.
Single y before -ed is changed into % ; a verb with a short vowel
and simple consonant doubles the latter; e. g, carry y carrUd, but
convey, conveyed ; beg, hegg-ed, wet, wett-edy wedy wedded. The
ed of the termination is changed into t after verbs with final
gemination or any combination of consonants, e. g. smell, smelly
spill, sjyilt ; past, bund, are obsolete. Formerly the change also
occurred upon p and k, as whlpt, dropi, knockt^ which are still
pronounced in this fashion though spelled whipped, &c.
II. Radical long, (i) The preterite and participle suffix -d
is added immediately to the stem of the verb, as Iiayamon, dem-
en^ dem-de, idem-ed ; lenen, len-de, ilen-ed, to lean; l^edcuy lad-de,
ledd ; fed^nn, fed-tlcy fedd, Ormulum. demenn^ d^menUy d^mm-
de^, dem-edd; rafenn, rcpf-^e, hi-rcef-ed, to rob; ledenn, led-d^,
ledd, to lead; /edenn^Jed-^e, Jedd, to feed. Old English, d^l^,
d^lde, deled; deme, demde ; fede, fedde, fed. Middle English.
here, herde, herd, to hear; fede, fedde y fed ; dredCy dredde, drad,
to dread.
(2) Where the suffixed d follows upon hi, nd {dd)y the d of the
combination is dropped ; after the tenuis Mhe suffixed d is lost.
' For some interesting details concerning the use of the termination -ed in Spenser
and Shakespoare, see Koch, i. p. 309.
^ The spelling in the Ormulum shows that the radical becomes short in the
preterite.
THE VERB. 493
Examples: — Layamonu Benden^ sende, (send; wenden, wende^
tmemi and iwend; resten, reste^ irasle; casten, cast, icast. Ormu-
ImcL senndenHf sennde, sennd; reddenn, redde, redd (to save);
9ttten, ieUe, sett In verbs of this class Layamon often replaces
d hy if BB weuden, went^ iwent. Old English, bulde^ bulde (to
bnild); bende^ bende; sende, sende and sendy send, send; caste^
€iuU, east; sette^ sette, yset. The change of d into t becomes
more frequent, chiefly among northern writers^ e. g. sende, sent ;
wende, went, mendCy ment, &c. Middle English regularly con-
TeriB the d into t; e.g. blende, blent, blent, blent; sende, sente,
semi; wende, loente, went; schende, schente, schent. The suffix d
is dropped altogether after a combination of consonants with the
tenuis i, e. g. casten^ caste, cast ; renten, rent, yrent ; resten, reste,
reste.
(3) The suffix -d is changed into -^ after/?, ch, cch, ss, and t;
ei must then become A, nch becomes ng, or is vocalized. £. g.
Layamon. drenchen, pret. drengte and dreinte (to water) ; tachen,
tahkte, tahht; kepen, kepte, kept. Ormulum. kepenn, kepple,
heppt; lacchenn, laAAte? lahht (to seize). Old English, kepen,
kepte, kept; meten, mette ; lefen, left (to leave); cache, ca^te, ca^t
(to catch). Middle English, kepen, kepte and kepide, kepi-e and
kepi; leve, leeve, pret. lefte and la/t, part, left and la/t; greten,
greiie, gret; pliecAen, plight, plight (to pluck) ; quenchen, queinte,
queinte; drenchen, dreint, dreint.
(4) Riick-Umlaut occurs throughout all the periods of the
[English language^ though it is no longer felt as such^ and might
he mistaken for Ablaut. Examples : — Layamon. sechen, isohte,
isokt; tellen, talde, itald and itold; seollen, salde and solde,
isalde. Ormulmn. sekenn, sohhte, sohht ; tachenn, tahhte, tahht ;
ielleny talde, tald. Old English, seche, so^te, so^t; teche, taght
and tauht; telle, talde and tald; selle, solde, sold. Middle Eng-
]iah« telle, tolde, told; selle, soold and selde, solde and seeld;
seche, sought, ysought; biggen, bou^te, bou^te; teche, tou^te, tow^t
and tau^t. New English, tell, told, told; seek, sought, sought;
teach, taught, taught ; reachy raught, ranght ; catch, caught, caught ;
buy, bought, bought. There are a few peculiarities in Modern
English in the treatment of the suffixed d which deserve a sepa-
rate notice, (a) The d remains and the radical is shortened, as
in hear, hear-d, hear-d, flee, fl^^, fle-d, (b) The suffixed d is
dropped after a ^ (^ of the stem, and the radical^ if long^ is
shortened; e.g. lead^ led, led; read, read, read; speed, sped,
sped; feed, fed, fed; spread, spread, spread, (c) t has replaced
d, probably for the sake of indicating the short radical in
feel, felt, felt ; deal^ dealt, dealt; also after gemination and
494 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
certain combinations of liquids^ as smelly 9meU, twult; spell^ tpdt
and spelled; bum, burnt and burned; learn, learnt and learnei,
(d) We find t and d side by side^ e. g. mean, meant and meanei,
meant and meaned ; dream, dreamt and dreamed, dreamt and
dreamed, (e) t has replaced d after j9, f^ s, and the radical ii
shortened^ e. g. *fe^, slept, slept ; creep, crept, crept ; u>eep, wept,
wept; cleave^ cleft, cleft, (f) Verbs ending with Id, nd, ri,
change the d into t in the preterite and participle withoat adding
the suffix, e. g. biiildy builtj built ; blend, blent, blent ; gild, ffili,
9^^l' (^) ^^'^ preterite suffix is simply dropped after d^ t, ud
the combinations st, rt,ft, the present^ preterite, and participk
being thus identical in form ; e. g. to put, to set, to rid, to spr&td.
Some of these have regular forms, as quit, quitted; to light and
to alight have lighted and lit, alighted and aiit.
Middle High German*
The thematic vowel has become e throughout, taking the place
of the different forms of the derivative suffix, O. H. Germ, i [ja)
in the first, 6 in the second, and e in the third conjugation. The
only distinction we might draw between the first and second
conjugation is this, that in the former the derivative e is com-
monly dropped, and almost as regularly preserved in the latter ;
it being in one case the representative of the thin vowel i, in the
other of the full-sounding 6. The derivative or connective
vowels 6 and e (of the second and third conjugation) appear only
in few isolated eases, as volgot, manSt, &c., chiefly in the parti-
ciple. But here again so many exceptions occur, where the deri-
vative e is dropped also, that the two conjugations continually
meet on common ground, and that therefore a distinction of
several weak conjugations is no longer practically advisable.
From the standpoint of historical grammar, however, some
advantage may result from the endeavour to keep still separate
the two conjugations in Middle High German, until in New
High German they have with few exceptions lost all the charac-
teristic features of former days, all weak verbs following the
same conjugation.
Both the first and the second conjugation contain verbs with
a short, and verbs with a long radical. To distinguish the short
verbs of the first from those of the second, we have to bear in
mind that short verbs of the first conjugation necessarily have
Umlaut in the present theme, while those of the second are
devoid of it. (Exceptions occur, as in hern, herte.) The long
verbs have several characteristics of their own, by means of which
THE VERB. 496
the stodent may know the verbs of the first from those of the
seoond conjugation. Those of the first conjugation are commonly
intransitive in meaning ; they have Umlaut in the present^ and
Biick-Umlaut in the preterite^ .where such is possible ; hence in
the present only the vowels e, ii, a, oe, iuy ue^ may occur^ but in
the preterite a, «, dy 6, il, uo — that is, vowels which from the
modified return to their original form — a phenom6non we call
Biick-Umlaut : they suffer syncope of the derivative e in the pre-
terite. Long verbs of the second conjugation follow in every-
thing the opposite course; the meaning attached to them is
commonly intransive; they have neither Umlaut nor Riick-
Umlaut ; they do not suffer syncope in the preterite. Useful as
these rules may be in a general way, they admit so many excep-
tions as to be no sufficiently safe guides in certain cases, and the
student will often have to recur to Old High Oerman in order
to determine the conjugation to which a given verb in Middle
High Oerman originally belonged.
Verbs of the first conjugation were originally short, as queln
(to torture), nem (to save, preserve), em (to plough, arare)^ lef/en
(to lay), zein (to count) ; but many of this class have adopted
inorganic gemination and are therefore treated as long verbs,
though they are no longer traceable, as in Old High Oerman, to
the assimilated J of the suffix ; e. g. zellen, zalte, twellenj iwalte,
the short forms of which are zeln, Iweln, not zeljen, twe^jen. One
verb only occurs with the suffix y, namely werjen for wern (the
M. H. Germ, j almost identical with g). These verbs always
allow the syncope of ^ in the preterite, as iter^te^ leg-te, for nereU,
legete, and in the present necessarily after I and r, and usually
after i», «, ^, b, g. The vowel of the root is e or u which never
makes Ruck-Umlaut in the preterite.
Verbs of the first conjugation which have a long radical reject
the ^ (=i) in the preterite and have Riick-Umlaut. In this re-
spect they not only follow the analogy of Old High German,
but go beyond it by admitting Riick-Umluut of in into u^ though
the former is organic, not the Umlaut of i. A dental preceding
the i of the preterite suffix is usually dropped ; every geminar
tion is, under the same circumstance, resolved to the simple con-
sonant, and a media converted into the corresponding tenuis;
c and ch preceding the t of the preterite are sometimes preserved,
sometimes changed into h. Examples to these rules are:^-
brenn^n (to bum), bran^le ; send^en (to send), san-te ; engen (to
narrow), ancle; decken (to cover), dacte and dahte; suocAifu,
suochie and suoAie. There are some exceptions with regard to
the Umlaut which may be noticed here. The Umlaut is rejected
496 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
by all verbs of this class which end in -«?rf, -««^, the verbs in
^<m, and some in -tio ; the Riick-Umlaat is not adopted by thoee
in -tfft, -erty -iirly -endy -erd, -etl, -est. Only those verbs which have
no Riick-Umlaut in the indicative of the preterite, take XJmlant
in the subjunctive. Though the vowel of the derivative suffix
(^=i==;a) suflfers syncope in the preterite, it may keep its place
in the pwiiciple of the preterite ; e. g. brenfien, pret. bran^ie, part
ge^ran-tj and ge^rennei; erkennen, pret. erkant, part. ertatU
and erkennet.
Verbs of the second conjugation drop the n or ^» (=0.H.
Germ. Sn) in the sing, pres., e. g. lebe for lehen^ dol for dokn.
The e mute (that is, e following upon a short radical and a single
consonant) is always dropped after / and r, in which case the
second and first conjugation become identical ; but e preceded by
III or n and followed by n or nt keeps its position ; e. g. zal, zaUe^
Aoly holie, spar, sparte, zaln, Aoln, spam; but in^iif^fi, maneniy
wonen, wonenL After b, d, g, the e may be retained, as hhe,
hbete, rarely lobte. Where syncope takes place the t of the
termination sometimes absorbs a preceding dental, as schat for
ichad^t^ reht for red^t^ gereit for geredeU A lengthening of the
radical by contraction of the radical and the terminational sylla*
bles, as in the preceding example, we find also in «m^, geseit for
sagesty gesaget. Verbs with a long radical preserve the thematic
or derivative e in the present, as mdle, mdledy minne, minnet ;
they also keep it in the preterite, but the e of the suffix as ter-
mination, te^ testy &e., becomes often mute, as minnet, rinnet for
7Mmn€te, rinnete ; sometimes the derivative e is dropped, as erf^
for erete ; but more often the full form is preserved, as tndlei^j
danket€y viuniete, &c.
New High German.
The distinction of the different conjugations is lost altogether,
with the exception of a few traces of the ancient types. Thus
we still find the ])reterites kannte^ nannte, brannte, satidte, wandte,
which we noticed as peculiar to verbs with long radical in the
first conjugation ; but by the side of these we have nennte,
hrennte^ sendete, ivevdete (not kennte) ; then again the inorganic
forms rannte^ tnumtey which should always be replaced by
rennte, trennte. The preterites with Riick-Umlaut resume their
e in the subjunctive, hence kennt€y nenntey sendeie, not kdnnie^
&c. The d in sandte, wandte was introduced at a time when
the ancient forms gantCy &c., were no longer understood. With
the general production of vowels in New High German the
THE VERB. 497
short radical has everjrwhere turned long. The preterite of
weak verbs suffers syncope^ to whatever conjugation they may
have belonged; as naren, futrte, legen^ Ugte^ salben, salbte^
minneuy minnte: but if the t of the preterite is preceded by a
dental the e must necessarily be retained ; hence, wdtetiy todtete,
kueten, Aiietef-e, reden^ redete^ retten^ retietey todien, iodtete. The
preterite of the weak conjugation has never Umlaut, hence
wdteie^ hddete^ iSbte^ raufte ; while verbs of the strong conjuga-
tion take Umlaut, as hulfej wiirde, gabe, go^e, subj. of Aalf
(plur. hxlfen for hulfeii)^ wurde, gab, go^. Derivatives in -^/,
-««, -en, -er, -ig, suffer syncope, so that those in -el, ^er, drop
the thematic or connective e ; e. g. s^icieln, wundern, &icielle,
Kninderie : sichlen, loundren, is wrong. But those in em, en, drop
the e of the nominal, and preserve that of the verbal theme;
e. g. dtAem (breath), dthmen (to breathe) ; regen (rain), regnen (to
rain) ; dthtnete, regnete in the preterite.
Middle Dutch.
The characteristic features of the different conjugations are
more effaced than in Middle High German, both admitting the
syncope of the e in the preterite, and the first having lost the
consciousness of its Umlaut and the use of Riick-Umlaut. As a
practical guide we may follow Grimm's rule, that most verbs
with the radical e (that is. Umlaut) belong to the first, and those
with the radical a to the second conjugation. It is a peculiarity
of the Middle Dutch to turn the radical a, followed by a singlei
consonant, into ae before the termination of the preterite ; e. g.
maietiy tnaeete, wanen, waetide. Before the termination d the
consonants v and gA become / and ri, as scraven, scr^de, vraghen,
vracAde, sorgAen, sorcAde; but mingAen, mincte. The termina-
tional d, on the other hand, must be changed into t afber the
tenues jo, t^ <?, and 8 (from w) ; e. g. dr6pen, drSpte, vdgen, vacte,
haten, Aaite, cussen, custe.
New Dutch.
The derivative or connective e, is dropped throughout, even
in those words which in Middle Dutch still had ede as the prete-
rite termination. The use o{ de or te is continued in accordance
with the nature of the preceding consonant ; -de is put in most
cases, 'te after /?, I, i, / (from /), cA, a (from ss) ; / and « take
the suflix 'de if they are derived, the former from v, the latter
from z. Every gemination is dissolved into the single consonant.
K k
498 TSUTOyiC GRAMMAR.
Exampfes: — iSrtn^ kSrde^ ; bemimmem, hewdnde ; Mturen}, sturde;
lAen, yfde^; dnJtitm^ druiU ; seiaffen, scAqfU; kSpen, kopU;
ietlUtfm^ U*ii4i€. Contnctions mre leit for legt (ponit), leid€ for
U^ie - pcwait), zeit (dicit\ zeide for zegde (dixit) ; kopen has kocU
^loft, for hSpi€^. DeriTatiTes in -^/, -tm, -en, -^, -ig, drop the
tiienuitie or denTatiYe e in the preterite ; e. g. sneuvelen, regenen^
womderem^ pret. MnenrMe, regemde, wonderde^ Compare Genn.
ftgmeU; bat also wmuderte.
Swediah.
The distinction of the first and second conjogation is still Teiy
aocnrate, the former conjugation showing je, ja in the presenti
and de {=i&-de) in the pretmte, the latter tiie connective a in
the pies^it, and the termination -a-de (O. N. -tf-dl»=Goth. -S-dd)
in the preterite. The first conjugation always drops tiie the-
matic or connective vowel e before the termination of the pre-
terite; as tdij&Ty idldey hrdnner^ brdnde. The J ot Jolja, /oljde,
/orja^f^rjd^y has its origin in an original g of the stem, and has
nothing to do with the derivative ja. The regular termination
of the preterite is -d>, but after p^ ty k, it uses te ; gemination is
always dissolved, as brdniM, brdmdt. Those which originally had
the radical short, have often preserved the thematic j and the
Riick-Umlaut in the preterite ; e. g. t/elja^ tdlde ; doelja^ dSldt ;
Utmja^ UinuU ; spoeria, fporde. Verbs which originally had a
long radical have neither the j in the present, nor the Riiek-
Umlaut in the preterite; e. g. brdnna, hrdnde; fyla^fylde ; droema,
droemde. On comparison with the Old Teutonic dialects it will
be seen that this rule is in accordance with the one observed
in Old Norse, but just the opposite of that followed in Old High
German and other dialects. Thoug-h the characteristic forms of
the second conjugation are preserved, the spirit of the language
tends more and more to assimilate them to those of the first
conjugation, first by allowing the syncope of the derivative a in
the preterite, as nekfe for nekade, tdlte for tdlade, and then by
weakening the present termination ar into er, as neker for n/kar,
iiener for tienar. X^vy few verbs, on the contrary, have passed
firom the first into the second conjugation ; as dela, dilade; bocrja,
boerjade.
* Spelt hoordCy stuurde, leefde, &c., to keep the length of the vowel before two
consoDAots.
' The spirant / instead of the tenuis p before another tenuis ; the use of eh tot ft
a peculiarity of the Dutoh language. See p. 163.
THE VERB, 499
DaniBh.
This dialect has nothing of the ancient distinction of the two
conjugations left, but the syncope of the e in the preterite termi-
nation -e-^ in the first, and its preservation in the -^-rf^ = -awfe
of the second conjugation. The termination de of the first con-
jugation is preserved only after vowels, and a simple b^v,g; it
is changed to -te in all other cases, especially after dentals and
the spirant « ; e. g. valgte, ntrakte^ tdnkfe^ vufe, which modern
writers, contrary to g^rammatical tradition, sometimes spell
valffde, strakde^ tdnkde, ^yisde. The original verbs with short
vowel may still be recognized in the gemination, as fdlle, skille^
smorre, rdkke, for O. N. telja, akilja, »myrja^ rekja ; or in the
media g into which the j of the derivative ja was hardened, as
vdlge^ dolgCy for O.N. velja^ dylja. Riick-Umlaut also we still
find in the preterite of some verbs of this class, e g. tdlte^ rdkte^
9m4rte of tdlle^ smolle, rdkke. Those verbs which originally had
a long radical reject gemination, the hardening of y mto g, and
the Riick-Umlaut ; only few exceptions to this rule occur. The
second weak conjugation takes always -ede in the preterite.
Derivatives in /, m, n, r, dismiss the e of the nominal theme, as
samle, tumley roedme, ehke. The connective e of the preterite is
sometimes dropped, as in elskte for elskede. The d of the preterite
termination is changed into t under the same circumstances as
in Swedish.
ANOMALOUS VERBS.
Under this head we range all those verbs which in their in-
flexional forms show certain peculiarities so as to require separate
treatment as a class of their own. We avoid the term irregular,
for it is high time that this designation, which cannot but con-
vey erroneous notions, should disappear from the terminology of
grammarians. There is nothing irregular in these verbs, and
nothing irregular in language generally. Every phenomenon is
founded upon a law ; it is not the product of hap-hazard or of
an arbitrary will. Where the law has not yet been discovered,
it remains the noblest task of linguists to strive after its dis-
covery and elucidation. What as yet evades explanation may
be left standing over as a fact which is sure to find some day-
sufficient illustration from other corollary facts grouped around.
But we must do away once and for all with notions of irregu-
larity, and therefore drop the term which keeps such notions
K k 2
600 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
alive. The verbs whicb we amnge mider the head of Anomalooi
(a temiyif not much differing in meanmg from thatof irre^nhr/
le at least not firaaelit with pveoonceived ideas) mqr be diridei
into two classes. One comprises all those veribs which finm the
present theme by adding the personal terminatbns direetly,
without a connective vowel^ to the root — a class which may hm
mastered many verbs in the most primitive times; whidi bofw-
ever in oar Teatonic langoages^ ancient and modern, is xedooed
to a few isolated forms, most verbs formii^ the present theme
witb the saffix -a (strong), or with the samx -jna (weak). He
other dass embraces verbs which ase the perfect theme to sopply
the meaning of the present, and^ in order to render the meaning
of the participle^ form a new ont of the ancient perfiect by adding
to it tae saffix 'da of the weak preterite, lliese are commonlj
designated by grammarians as Prnterito-Prnsentia, a tenn which,
for tiie sake of convenience, we* adopt.
VERBS WITHOtnr A CONNBCTiVB OR THEMATIC TOWEL.
There are only few roots in the Teatonic langiia|pe8 which
may take the personal terminations without a connectmg soffix,
binding the root and termination together. As we mentioned
on a former occasion^ these roots are da, prim, dha (to do); ga (to
go), 9ta (to stand), and as (to be) ; to which may be added in
the Teutonic languages buy prim, bhu (to be), though in Sanskrit
it forms the present theme in -a. This formation we find in its
most perfect state in Old High Grerman, while in Gothic it is
limited to the root aa^ and in the other Teutonic dialects shows
few traces besides the present themes of the roots as and da.
But even in Old High German this formation does not pass
beyond the present theme, the perfect being derived from a root
and theme of its own. Concerning the manner in which the
terminations of the persons are joined to the root we need not
enter into further details after the remarks we had occasion to
make in previous chapters. As to the root itself we find it quite
intact in the O. H. Germ, gd^m^ std-m, tuo-niy where the pri-
mitive gradation is preserved but the reduplication has been
dropped, prim, ga-gd-miy sta-^td^mi^ dka-did^mi. It is altogether
difierent with the roots as and bu, which have been greatly modi-
fied under the addition of the personal termination so as to be
sometimes hardly recognizable. Thus the prim, ist sing, oi-mi
appears as the Gothic t^m for ^is-mi, the prim. 3rd plur. as^nti,
as the Goth, s^ind, where nothing is retained of the root but its
THE VERB.
501
consonant. Similar modifications of the root as occur in the
other Teutonic dialects. The root bu, prim, bhu^ takes the ter-
minations without a connective in several of the Teutonic lan-
guages, while in Sanskrit and in the primitive langfuage it forms
the theme in -a, and gradates the root from bhu to bhau, chang-
ing under the influence of a succeeding vowel the final u\n vi
hence the pres. tense bhav-d^mi. The g^dated condition of the
root may perhaps still be recognized in the O. S. biu^, the A. S.
beo, while the O. H. Germ, joi- is a weakened form of j»w=prim.
bku. Whether the r in the plur. pu-r-u-mes took the place of w
in pp-to^Ur-meH and would thus correspond to the v in the prim.
bha-v^-man, or represents the * of the ancient formation of the
p€rfect\ is a question unsettled as yet. Further details about
the modifications of the mentioned roots in the different Teutonic
dialects may be gathered from the paradigms as well as the
remarks following upon them. For the sake of comparison we
give the different roots with their inflexions as they appear in
the primitive language, before we lay before the student the
paradigms in the difierent Teutonic dialects.
I.
II.
III.
Root dha, to do.
Root ga, to go.
Root BtSy to stand.
Sing, ist dhcrdha-mi
3nd dha'dlia^
3rd dhordharti
ga-ga-mi
ga-ga-H
ga-ga^i
tta-ata-mi
Btasta-ii
Flar. I at dha-dka-moH
2nd dha-dha-taH
3Td dha^iha-nti
gorga-^masi
ga-ga-tan
ga-ga-nti
Ua-tAa-maH
itOrStOrUui
IV. V.
Root asy to be.
Root bhUy to be.
Sing. 1st as-mi
2nd as-ai
3rd (U4i
hhaf>a-n
bhatha-ti
Plor. I8t
2n(i
3rd
€u-m(ui
hkuv-i
hhav-i
hhavH
i-mcui
j-tan
i-nti
The paradigms of the Teutonic languages follow in the same
order ; but the roots as and bii must be treated conjointly, be-
cause in different Teutonic dialects some forms of the present are
derived from the root as, others from the root bu. The preterite
is formed with a different root altogether, namely vas, which is
* About the perfect in -«-, see p. 401.
502
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
the preterite of the verb visan (manere). Though it has nothing
in common with the roots now under discussion^ we nevertheless
introduce it into the paradigm, in order to give the verb * to be'
complete.
Root da, ta.
Present and Preterite Ikdicatiye.
O. H. O.
'• M. H. G.
N.H.G.
1
A.-Su.
L.y.
Onn.
O. E.
M.E.
N.H
tmo-€
flfO-M
tuo-U
1 '*!<>
dd-m
\d^
dd-m
de^
•do * do
dftt ' d4h{9)tt
do{e)
dt-9t
dott
do
tmhi
ttUht
tm-i
dd^
di^
{do^)
c2f-5 dih'fS
{do^)
{dOOd) ; (<M
{dnitt)
do-ik <M
iHO-aUf
ttfUhn
i4^
d6^
d&Ai
{do4^
cfo-'S ' do-n
{do-0)
do-p
(rfoef)
do-n
(M
lico-l
iuo-t
tu-t
<<fii-a-d)
d&^
d^«
doS
do-n
do-^
{d^xn)
((io-t(A)
• «
• •
tWMU
i'to-nt
tU'H
d6^
dd-«
do-5
do-n
do-^
• •
• •
iHa
tHe
tat
dida
did€
dide
dide
did
UUi
tifU
tat-M
didM
didett
didest
dUi€(t
didd
tHa
tete
tAt
{dadi)
deda
didt
diile
dide
did
tatU'inSt
ti'iti n
til ten
d'edun
didon
diden
dUU
did
ti'lt-Ht
tAttt
1
1
tatit
(d'uiun)
dolun
{difdon)
did »n
{didc)
• •
• •
• •
tdt-u-n
tadn
tiUtn
diedun
didon
«
1
•
• «
Present and Preterite Subjunctr'e.
O. H.G.
M.H.G.
X. H. G.
Old Sax.
A.-Sax.
Onn.
Lay.
O.K.
M.E.
n.e.
tUO-f
tao
ttle
dita
dS
do(e)
do
do
tuo-ti
tUfMit
' ttlmt
dua
do
do{e)
do
do
tU'J^
tuo
tilf
dua
do
do{e)
do
do
tiio-t!-mes
tuon
tt'un
du-an
do-n
dv{cn)
don
do
tuo-^-t
tuot
tan
du-an
• •
■ •
m m
• •
tuo-C'-n
tuon
tucji
du-an
• •
• •
m •
tat-i
tatc
tat€
detii
{dAdi)
didc
didc
didc
did
taf'i-8
tatat
tatc
detlis
{diidis)
dide
dide
dide
• ff
tat-i
late
tate
dedi
{dadi)
dide
dide
didc
• •
tiit-i-mes
taten
tatcn
d'edin
{di'idin)
diden
dide{n)
dide
• •
tat'i-t
tivtet
tiTtcn
m •
m •
• •
• •
*
tat-i-n 1
tatcn
Vrtcn
. .
• •
• •
• •
• •
504
TMUTONIC GRAMMAR.
THE VERB 'TO BE/
Boots as,bA»va8.
Pbbsiht Ihdigativi.
GOIU0.
u
•tf-
OUEDgkCtonMii.
M. bit
••
IlilM
••
<pl-r-ii-ii V
••
• •
OldSaimi.
M. M.
U^
f-tMl(-llfl)
&0O-(m)
O.Mt. OUKmh
if M-'8
M. bft.
fti-«c
aa. M.
••
Pbbsiht Subjukoiivb.
Gothic.
O.H.G.
Old Saxon.
Anglo-Saxon.
O.Pris.
Old None.
as.
as.
as. vas.
as. bvL. vas.
as.
aa.
irtLB.
tt-i
B-t
9-i heo VfeB-e
9-i
94
ver-i
ti-is
«-!-«
9-i heo Wi9-€
94
a-^-r
rer-i-r
* * 9
8-i
9-4 (wua)
9-i heo wi»-€
94
84
ver-i
g-i-nies
B-i-n
9-t^n he(hn tMt-«-n
94
94i'm
ver-i-m
8-('t
»-<-»
f-C-n heo-n WM-e-w
94
S^'P
rer-i'p
t^-w-na
s-i-n
t-i-n
94-% heo-n vO^-e^
94
94i
ver^
Imperative.
O. H. Germ.
bu.
Sing, and pi-it tn9
Plur. and (si-t) wes-at
Anglo-Saxon.
b^.
wti heo
we9-a'fS heo-iS
O.Fris.
we9'e
O.Nopse.
ver
ver-i-fS
THE VERB.
505
Boot vas.
Pebtbritb Indicative.
Gothic.
O. H. Grorm.
Old Sax.
Ang.-Sax.
O. Fris.
O. None.
Sing, ist
V€LS
was
was
w&s
was
var
and
vati
var-i
war-t
wcere
wire
var^
3nl
vas
was
was
was
was
ffor
Fhir. I St
ves-u-m
war^Urfnis
war^n
woer-cn
wir-on
(var^HHn
\ (vof-tim
and
vU^»-p
war-tL-t
wdr-wn
wcer-on
wir-on
ivat'tt-iS
irar-u
i (wr-w)
S^rd
ves-urn
war-Vrn
wdr^n
war-on
wir-on
Sing. I St
vis-ja-u
rEBTRKT
TE C»UBJ
war4
UNCnVB.
wctr-t
wSr-e
V€Br-i
and
vis-ei-s
war-i'S
warA-s
wofr-e
wir-e
vasr-i-r
3Td
ves^
war-i
war-i
wcer^
wSr-e
vctr-i
Flor. i8t
vU-H^ma
war-i-mSs
wdr-i-n
fcarr-e-n
wSr-e
varA-^m
and
vis^'^
war-i-t
war-i-n
icoT-e-w
wer-e
twr-t-tJ
3rd
vSs-^ima
wdr-i-n
wdr-i-n
wcer-e-n
wer-e
wxrA
I
MFlTOnVB.
vis^n
wis-an
• •
wes-<i,n
wes^ 1
ver-a
«i-n
hto-n
Present Paeticiplb.
vis-Ornd-s \ wes-^i-nUer \ .. | wes-e-ifid^ \ wes-^irnd \ ver-a-^-i
Pebteeitb Participle.
vis-a-nrs \ wes-€Hi-ir \ toss-a-n \ ffe-weaen \ wtsen \ wr-t-nn.
k k fc s s s
i
o
I
SB
I
m
I fe fe f I I
I I I { 9 I
J I 3 I 1 I
i i i ll^ll
f i
%z ••
a
H
i3
^
■»i?f
a
i^j-»
a
9
6
S
g
a
IB
*• • 5 5
i i i
tS ■§ -E tS "S
a
1
III !i
IB
■xi u
X
^xi «i
1
hiw
X
Ui ««
JS
• • 9 • •
• afO • •
^
^
^
i^
h , , ft • •
J-8 = •
a
^2
%) p «>
•< » vk
s .?
?l
: ^c te 'O »e
d ^ d $
§ « I
bl,C g
a gJS
i
i
ft
»
1
I
1
§ Si
»» s *$ s
«•§
S § S S 8
"S "S
>
fi
s
^
9
6
2 i"
IS
I
n
I
8
11
•i-
s ^
I
I
:S
JiJ
1-2
« CO
tn
•§•2
O
a
S
3
s
S "^
508 TEU TOXIC GRAMMAR,
EKWARKS ON TUB PARADIGMS.
Hie root da (to do) ; O. H. Germ, ia ; Prim. dka.
GoUlic Hiis root never appears except in the preterite ter-
minations of the weak conjugation, considered above, and in the
noan dAU ^deed\
Old ffi^ Qerman. The diphthongal form of the present
corresponds to the second gradation dkd of the Sanskrit and Pri-
mitive; the preterite t^ta is one of the few traces of complete
reduplication in Old High German, and stands for a more
ancient /i/fi=/4j/4i. The lengthened form in 2nd sing, tdti is the
contraction of ^ta^ta^ti (-/i is personal termination), prim, dkor
Ma-ti ; and in the same manner the plural tdl^M-mA^ta-ta^meSf
prim. dJka-dkd-moM, A conjugation somewhat differing from
that in the paradigm we find in Ot&ied's dua-n, dua--9 (dui-^),
dua^t (dMh-f) ; 1st plur. da^tiy 3rd duani, duent.
Old Saxon« The 6 corresponds to the second g^dation uo in
Old High German, a in Sanskrit and Primitive. The short
forms dm-a-d by the side of do^ in the plural of the present, and
the lengthened radical in dddiy dudun by the side of dedos, dedun
in the preterite, indicate a tendency to leave the ancient mode of
conjugating this verb and to assimilate it to that of the verbs
in a,
Anglo-Saxon admits Umlaut of 0 into e in the 2nd and 3rd
siui::- present. The plur. dfcd-it-fi by the side oidid-o-n corresponds
to the O. S. dad'U'H bv the side of ded-u-n. the O. H. Germ.
fat~u-vies.
Old Frisian has the prineipal forms of this verb left : pres.
1st due, 3rd de-th, plur. du-a-fh ; subj. du-e, pret. dede, plur.
dedon ; pret. part. A-;/, dd-n. The forms will show of them-
selves how they approach certain peculiarities in the preceding
dialects.
Old Norse has as little as Gothic any of the verbal forms of
the root da.
The roots ga (to go); O. H. Germ, gd, id, sta (to stand).
Gothic possesses this root in its extended form gaggany but
never makes any verbal forms out of the simple root ga. The
root sta also occurs in no other but the extended form sta-n-d-an.
Old High German has by the side of the forms sUt)n^ sf<is,
sfdt ; gam, gd,s^ gdf : also stem, stes, stet ; gem, ges, get, and even
gcist, gcit, steist, steit. The extended roots ga-n-g-an, sta-n-t-an.
THE VERB, 509
formed by means of reduplication and the infix -»- are used too
side by side with the simple forms in the present, and in the
preterite exclusively, because the latter do not form this tense;
hence g'mng, stuo7it : the preterites of gangu^ atantu, belong also
to gam and stdm.
Old Saxon has but few fragments of the verb gdn, namely
3rd sing. pros, ge-d^ and the in fin. U-gdn-de. In the Heliand
no trace is found, the whole verb being replaced by the extended
form gangan. Of the verb stdn are found the 2nd sing, stea, 3rd
stddy atMy sieid, 3rd plur. stdd, infin. stdn. All other forms are
replaced by those of stundan,
Anglo-Saxon has all the principal forms : ist sing, gd^ 2nd
gast, gd^ ^ ; subj. sing. 3rd. gdy imper. gd, plur. gd^^y infin. gdiiy
part, ge-gdn ; but those of gangan occur side by side with them :
the preterite is gieng, geongy geng of gangan^ or eodcy like the
Gothic iddja, derived from the root i (to go), with the suffix of
the weak preterite. The verb stdn does not occur, but only the
extended form standan^ pret. stod, st^don.
Old Frisian has of the root ga only 3rd sing. gdtAy geitA, plur.
gd^tA ; pret. part, gm ; all other forms supplied by gunga^ pret.
geng^ gengon^ part, gangen^ gengeny gendzen. Of the root sta we
find only the infin. stdn and 3rd sing, stet; everywhere else
stonda, stdd, stvdony stend^n (stinsen).
Old Norse has no forms of the roots ga and sta, which are
supplied by gangUy gekk^ genganiy genginn, and standa^ stoi,
sto^mny sta^inn.
The Middle and New Teutonic Languages.
(German.
Middle High German and New High German develop the
difierent forms of the verb tuom from the Old High German
according to the phonetic laws. The diphthong uo is preserved
in Middle High German, but replaced by tl in New High Ger-
man ; as to the personal terminations ^ey are subject to the
same rules here as in the strong conjugation. The forms of gdn
and stdn are the same as in Old High German, and may, as in
the latter dialect interchange with sten, stesty stet^ gen^ gesty gety
and even geisty geity steisty steit. New High German has appa-
rently lost these forms unless we derive geh-Cy geh-sty geh^t^
from gSy ge-^t, ge-t, &c., which would correspond to the Old High
' The Umlaut is no doubt owing to the fact that gttst and gafi were considered
to have arisen by syncope of garufestf ganged.
510 TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
German ^*», gd^t^ gd-t; ggh-enzizgd'n. The preterite ia of
course both in Middle High Oerman and Old High Gemuui
giemc^ gieng^ from an obsolete gangen. The N. H. Getm. fUie^
HA*i for «t/, ife-st, infin. ttik^en for sten gtands in the same re-
lation to O. H. Germ. i/a-», std^^ infin. std-n. The pret. standi
plor. M. H. Germ, iiunden, N. H. Germ, sianden, belongs to an
obsolete infinitiTe 9t<ind€n. The result therefore with r^;ard to
Modem German would be this : the forms of the present, inclad-
ing the infinitive and participle are derived from the simple roots
g^ and x/a, those of the preterite including the participles from
the extended roots in the lost infinitives gangen^ standen.
EngUah.
The diSerent forms of the Anglo-Saxon ddn are preserved in the
difier^dt periods; but in late Saxon already the ist singular pre-
faent ki^es the personal termination -m, while the st of the 2nd,
the t^ of the 3rd^ and the ii of the plural are still found in Middle
£nirli$h. New English has dropped the plural termination and
replaced the /i of the 3rd singular by s. The forms of the simple
rvx>t g%9 have gained the better over the extended gangan, which
at an early date disappeared from English altogether. Layamon
ka^s as in de^i, rfe*^S, thus ako in gatt^ ^eS, preserved the Anglo-
Saxon Umlaut. The writer of the Ormulum returns to the
v^riiriiuil vowob (' and a in tf(>^f, gast, &c. Old English has still
tho rmlaut in ^/f'SJf^ (/c-|>, but rejects it in ga, where it darkens
tho v^riiTinal t? into «;•>, yi^t/, /;t>--l', forms which were adopted in all
sxib5it\|uont ^vrivxls to the present day. The simple root sta,
on tho othor hanvl, hiis dis;ip|vared from English since the late
Sa\on times, Lcuamon and the Ormulum already using the
o\tonvU\l torm 9*<ind<n^ darkened into sfondeiiy instead of it,
whiv^li torms run side hv side in Old Ensflish and Middle English
auvl s^^ttlo vlown into tho New English stand,
Dutch.
Tho dvtVorvMit torms of the verb ^ to do' are mostly preserved in
tho Middle I'Kitoh intinitive di^n : pros, doe, does, doef, plur. doen ;
vxrX. ddc-, </»:</<',♦, dc'de, plur. do den ; subj. dade ; pret. part, daen.
Now Outoh has the intin. dot^n, pros. 1st doe, 3rd doef, plur. doen;
pr\^t. did. plur. dc\i(^H: ]>art. ge-dan, Germ. ge-tdn. gaen and staen
have sovonil forms in the present besides the infinitive just men-
tioni\l : ^r\l sin^". giwf, staet ; occasionally (7^//, stet ; ist sing.
g.u\ s\u\ Tho forms of the preterite are derived from aangen
atul s\iHdeH, The Now Dutch infinitives pan {gaan) and sfa'n
THE VBRB. 611
[itaan) may scarcely be considered the forms of the simple root,
but rather contractions of the extended infinitives gangeuy standen^
in the same manner as ist sing, stajpa, seem to be used for stande^
gange^ geatan for gestanden. The preterites are regularly ging
and stand oigangen and standen.
Scandinavian.
Swedish and Danish have no verbal forms derived from the
root da. The Swedish infin. ga^ pres. gar toaj be taken as the
representatives of the simple root ga or as contractions of ganga,
ganger ; the pret. gichy ginga, will find its explanation in the Old
Norse gekk, gengum. In a similar manner must be viewed the
forms sldr, stSd, stdden, infin. std. Analai^us to the Swedish
are the Danish forms gaaer, gik, gangen, infin. gaae ; and staaer,
stSdj standen^ infin. staae.
The roots OS, bft, vas (to be).
Gothic makes all the forms of the present out of the root as^
all the forms of the preterite out of the root va9. Concerning
the other Old Teutonic languages \^e may lay down as a general
rule that as and hu are used in the formation of the present
tense, vas in the formation of the preterite. The latter is the
preterite of an infinitive visan (manere), which follows our eighth
conjugational class^ visa^ vas, vesum, visans. This fact will suffice
for our guidance in explaining the different forms of this root
used to supply certain forms of the verb * to be.' As to the first-
mentioned roots a few remarks will not be out of place here.
We leave it for the student to compare the paradigm of the pre-
sent tense in the Teutonic languages with that of as-mi in the
primitive language^ and to trace the modifications to which the
root as well as the personal terminations are liable : our remarks
are intended to direct his attention to a few important points.
Root as. The primitive radical a is in the Teutonic languages
weakened to i ; but this i appears in Anglo-Saxon as eo, which
must be looked upon as the Brechung of i. The Brechung was
most likely caused by a succeeding r, which would stand for the
primitive * of the root as ; hence as~mi is modified into the Gothic
i{sym{i)y this again by rhotacism into i(r)- w«(i), whence the A. S.
eo(ry-mlt), the O.N. e{rym{i), i.e. eom, ^OT=Goth. im. By the
side of eom we find in some of the northern Saxon dialects eam^
am, forms in which the English am will find its explanation.
The and person, where the Goth. f-«=i'(*)-*(a) represents the
The ydf
TMVntMC tilLlMMAS.
t»-mf Ae A. SL tmt, matk be hj—MluiI an uulogmu Ghbi J
■. » Aat tk Baifciil mi'=«»^, fera stiU more aodnt f
, lypey in AaASmxoa with tbe most prtm^'W 1
-t^ lAiA IB a rue we find ocJr in the and sngulir r
of dM Goth, and' H. Germ. M-/= '»«' I
die pnnitne form a>-/i = »*-bM (to be lipt i
i, m»-ii = m»-ttm of tbe and). Anglo-JtUB
iad its ffwgfirfi dseendaatB, drop the temunatioDil -t
not M=M. The 3Td plnr. of Goth.. 0. E-
Omm^ and M-'Ini Gem. »-i»d=U-iHti laa the personal Miffix
ef ifce pcim. e^eaft' almoet iatact. This furni was in the couim
tt tone aa laager mdafrtood in its plaral capacity, wheref'^
the Aagla-Saxaiia aopendded the |diinl terminatioQ {oit s ■*
•f tl» pnlAile) IB MdM, on Saxon nWva. Modern GerdV
inlndaced the form mitf into tiie ist plural as well, whicb '^\
— liiU to SCddk) Hiefa Genmu ought to be tein ioEtea^J^ .
^^' Tlie doidde plural form in Anglo-SaioD is peculiar, ^^^1, L
aide oftiMJom, we hare from the same root the plur. "'"''^Ij
ftfa nJen to the O. N. ir-it-m, and is somotimes
*"~ Mine. From this and the Old Norse form we tt--r^oj~
ited to take the a as the represenbitiTe of the Brechi^J^J
latter to have arisen from the fact of the vowel t--' ^g
loot f«=at being onder the influence of a succeeding r 'af^^^^\f
which the ancient * was converted, so that the course would ^
from a*-mAu to 'i>-m, and, the two succeeding consonants ^f- <
quiring- a connectire vowel, is-u-m, tr-u-m, O, N. er-u-m, A. ^^\
ear-m-M, ar-o-a, whence the English ve arty &C. The Gotl*^*^
iBt and 2nd plural as well as the subjunctive haviug lost tC-^|^
vowel of the root at, and dropped everything of the terminati^-***
except the oonsonant, would be reduced to nothing hut two co^^^
sonants, e.g. ist plur. *-« for prim, ax^magi. A vowel bei»'-*'^5U
necessary for the sake of pronunciation it adopttd the theme ^^^e '
the subjunctive for the plural as well. Now the suhjanc(i:*x->ji'p
theme is formed, not like Iho primitive aii-i/-m by bringing ^^^^\jief
of the root and the sufiis_/"ff in direct contact, whifh would [»— -^^.
i-ja-, but, by suppoi ' ' " — '--' - ' * "-»'-*- — ' —
subjunctive as if it
This theme then
2nd plural, and af
connective «, hence
forms after the anal!
in the O. N.
the O. H. G.
fin, 2nd
THE VERB. 613
j^kme uja^ in a contracted state. Thus also we explain the sub-
ives n or «/, often sio, sie, Germ, sei, as the contracted form
^ ViR'flie theme sija- of the Goth. subj. sij'auy sij-ai-^, &c.
Boot bA. It appears in Old Saxon as biu, in Anglo-Saxon as
Ji0i in Old High German in the weakened form pi. Anglo-Saxon
•lone derives from this root forms for all the persons of the
present tense, indicative as well as subjunctive ; so that in the
mentioned dialect we have two, sometimes three, forms for each
person side by side in the present tense. Old High German,
Old Saxon^ and Old Frisian^ use the root 6tl in the ist and 2nd
singalar^ and Old High German throughout the plural. Com-
pare O. H. Germ, pirn, O. S. bium, A. S. beom, O. Fris. dem ; 2nd
O. H. Germ, pis or pi-st, O. S. 6/-*^, A. S. di-sf, O. Fris. bi-sL
Derived from these are the M. H. Germ, and N. H. Germ. 6i«,
,bist, M. Dutch bem, best, N. Dutch ben ; m changed to n accord-
ing to the phonetic laws. In the ^rd singular and the phu*al of
the indicative, and throughout tne subjunctive, Anglo-Saxon
alone derives its forms from the root M, which through Late
Saxon and Old and Middle English run side by side with, forms
derived from the root as, and even in Modem English he is
sometimes used dialectically for are in the plural. The Old High
German plural pir-r-ti^mes, &c., has been formed in analogy to
the ancient perfect themes in s. Some consider this r to stand
in place of an original w, hence pi-r-n-mea for pi-w-u-mes, primi-
tive bha-fMl-mas ; but I incline to the view of those who refer
the r to a more ancient 8, because this view is borae out by the
analogy of the Old Norse perfect forms, *m, greriy &c. (See p.
40 1 .) In later documents pimmes is shortened to pinm, then pirn^
pirut to pirt, forms which still appear in Middle High German as
bin/ ana biri. There is also in Middle High German a form bint
in the 2nd plural which must originally have come from the 3rd
plural, and is formed with the root bil, bi, as aint with the root
aSy the former perhaps in analogy to the latter. The formations
of the present subjunctive, as far as they are derived from the
root <M, have already been touched upon. Anglo-Saxon however
makes its subjunctive out of three diflFerent roots, as, bi and va8.
Later English dialects have selected out of these the root bA, beo,
which, since Old English times, assumes the form be for the
present subjunctive ; for the infinitive, the present and preterite
participle, N. Engl, to be, being, been. The modern Scandinavian
dialects adopted the form of the 3rd person (Swed. ar, Dan. er)
for the 1st and 2nd as well, and in the plural use the same root
with the usual termination. Their subjunctive, if subjunctive
they have, is formed by means of the root var^vas. Thus then
Ll
614 TEUTONIC GRAMMAS.
we might sum ap, to the eflEeot that the English dialects font
their sabjunctiye with the root M, High German and Datdi witt
the root m, the Scandinavian languages with the root mu. (Old
Norse has 0$ and voi side by side, e. g. ist sing. *-/and ver-i)
Boot vas. It is used in all the Teatonic d&eets, andent ud
modem, to form the preterite of the verb * to be.' It is one offk
verbs of Class V III, and treated as such ; its Ablaut therefore ii
Gk)th. pita^ voi, vAum, vUant; O H. Germ. wUu^ was, wdrwmu,
wSwair^ A. S. wese^ wm^ waran, wuen. We need tbeiefim
hardly point out the manner in which it forms its pinrdi aad
subjunctive, the former being conditioned by tiie oonjugatioiiil
class to which the verb belongs, the latter being depeiuknt oa .
the form of the plural. As to the and pen. sing, it fidlowi fhe
analogy of other strong verbs, that is, in GK>thio and Old None
it has the form of the flingular with the termination -/, in the
other dialecte it taikes the form of the plural with the vooA
termination % or e. The « of the root va$ is intact in Gothic
while in Old Norse it submits to rhotacism throughout; in OU
High (German and the other dialects (Middle High Gennaa in-
cluded^ the « remains in the ist and 3rd sing., but yields to
rhotecism in the plural and all forms dependent on ii Tbe
Modem High German and Scandinavian languages have t
throughout ; the English, early and modem, as well as the Modem
Dutch, keep the 8 iu the singular and submit to rhotacism in the
plural and the subjunctive which is dependent on it. The infini-
tive, the participles, and the imperative, avail themselves of
different roots in different languages, the details of which forma'
tions, to gather from the paradigm, may be left as an interesting
and profitiible task to the student.
A few hints about the forms of Modern English must con-
clude our remarks. The present indicative is formed exclu-
sively with the root as, where Scandinavian forms have gained
the ascendancy, chiefly in the plural. The root beo (6u) is used
for the formation of the present subjunctive, the infinitive,
the participles and the imperative. The preterite indicative
and subjunctive are formed with the root vas, which still pre-
sents the ancient Ablaut between the radicals of the sing, and
plur. wMy were. The and sing, indie, instead of the A. S. were,
makes the form wast, which occurs in Gothic already, though in
the Saxon tongue it does not reach back beyond Middle English;
by its side we find icerf, which is formed after the analogy of
sAaU and wiU with the primitive suffix -^ of the 2nd sing. It
is against grammar to use this werl for the 2nd sing, subjunc-
tive, which should always have were.
THE VERB. 515
PRiETERITO-PRiESENTIA.
There are in the Teutonic as well as in other languages verbs
virhieh, after having lost their present, express the meaning of
the l(»t tense by means of the preterite. Well known among
these are the Latin verbs odi, coepi, memini, the Greek olha.
Verbs of this class in the Teutonic languages have, moreover,
the peculiarity to substitute a new preterite form in the place of
that which has undertaken the functions of the present. This
new preterite is formed by means of the suffix -da of weak verbs,
which is added to the plural of the original strong preterite.
It results from this as a matter of course that the preterite of
this class of verbs shows both the Ablaut of the strong and
the tense-suffix of the weak conjugation.
In considering the meaning of the verbs of this class we ex-
amine first those which occur in Gothic and the other Teutonic
dialects equally, and then a few which are not found in Gothic ;
it will be convenient to interpret them by their Latin equiva-
lents : ianu (novi) has its origin in a verb kinnan (gignere) with
which we may compare the root in the O. H. Germ. cAind, Germ.
iind (proles) ; kann, the preterite of kinnan therefore originally
was identical in meaning with the Latin genui. \>arf (egeo) is
the preterite of a lost infinitive ^mrban (agere, facere, operari),
and must originally have been an expression used in religious
rites^ with the signification * I have spent, oflfered/ * I am with-
out a sacrifice and wait for another/ JJars (audeo), from duirsan,
perhaps with the original signification ^I have fought.^ Skal
(debeo) must come from a present akila, which meant * I kill/
and with which we may compare skilja (butcher) ; skaly there-
fore, meant *I have killed,' 'I must pay penance, wergeld;'
hence 'I am under an obligation,' *I am obliged,' 'I must.'
Man refers us to a present form miua (cogito), and has the signi-
fication of the Latin memini^ ' I have thought over,' therefore ' I
remember.' Mag (possum) is the preterite of an ancient verb
migan (crescere, gignere), and thus originally expresses the
meaning ' I have begotten, produced,' hence • I am able.' Nah
(sufficere), from an infinitive naiAan, is considered to have been
of the same signification as the preceding verb. AiA (habeo)
comes from an infinitive eigan (to labour, to work), whence the
preterite would mean ' I have worked,' ' I have earned,' therefore
' I possess.' Lais (didiei, oZda) comes from a lost present leUa
L 1 2,
tic
TMCTOSIC QRAXMAR.
latncdjri
' I 1mt» traoed,' 'I
/ bp CMBfM»d wtth the O. H. Germ. 1
TUt {mia) ttmts from Uk root fit
igyiif a |UMgit forot vtiUm (ndcre), wiiich is in reality
■£f flMwfwri wig.'wny SHiBt 'I bare eeeo/ hence 'lb
Coaqane tl» Gr. mKm, SaaA ivU*, both from the same roal
^to Mc], sod vitk Ac ■«mi»g ' I know.' Damf (pToroin,
6>an a fwj^ dhptm, jmAmJtAr n-tth tbe meaning of ' gigH
*la Ite^ft.' iUt (locam kabeo) from s prcsi^nt mato, wnil
olMDate IB iU 4m%ui sad sigoifiatiott. Oji [tinieo) comes &
prowpt tfm (tn^) of wkich the pre^jent porticiple is praa
IB mmtmtmJt (^ritlnwit fear, feariegg ' )■ Jn ((aveo), which doc
oeenr ta Gvtuc, bat is ptewjred in Old Hi^b German and
other dtikcts, initst oorae bom an infinitive innan. Knd
eam,\, irfaich ocmrg in Old Norse only, is no doubt lelafa
the O. U. Germ, kawot (natan), tlie Goth, kiioda (y&<oO,
Sanskrit root Jan [gign»v]. Ibe Old Xorsc muna (re
and mnma (/leUcu-l are no duubt of the same origin, as th(
mach alike in me&nuig: tbe ilifierence of the infinitive foi
rrmarkablc, the former b(.-ing the present infinitive, tbe
very likely & remnant of the aneieot preterite infiiiitive i
Norse,
PARADIGM.
Pri-». Sing.
PK*.Plar.
TiHtTiU.
lafinitits.
O.II.Oorm, an . .
»-«»*• .
. «nila.a»t«
()[.l 6u«n [«r] .
[ox-**] .
'. iunnnn]
Aii([lM-S«on an . .
'- iJSe. '- '.
OIJ Norte unH .
HBBIim
. HiiRa. .
ODlbie lana .
^'innoM .
. t»n^ . .
. l„nuan.
O.H,0mqi. l^n. .
taanumSi.
. Jniiirf.i.^HHi
Olil lirton fUB .
. rwwfii . .
An((Ui-3.t0B «in , .
. eiSc . ^
OIJ Frid<ii Jv">i,^_
i;..^lJ^
I t.„na
UIJ None 'l^^H
;JH
If--
^^H
. J^
^.
O. n.Grnn. ^^^1
■g^
Old Suon ^^^H
Aii^lo-Si.x'X. I^^H
OM Pritlm. (]^^H
Old Not» I'J^H
^^^^^H
^^^^^H
^^^^H
TZ2JL
Ui
» WM»p
I- - -
m oik .
1 idk .
a
raii .
a. weh}
tret .
cm ra< .
^
rtit.
"*$
r
mmpuit
t^i
wiit
vitmm .
dugtin .
dwg<m .
I
i
I
i
TtLCJk
wHa
riUi
dmgmM
dukle . . dM^n
<f«^
difii'wwe
rmlert
518
TEUTONIC GRAMMAR.
Pres. Sing. Fres. Pinr. Preterite.
O. H. Germ, mmo}
Old Saxon mM .
Anglo-Sftxon mM .
Old Frisian mU .
Gothic
Old None
Old None
6g , . ,
mUwn
mdtom
SguM
mMmiiit .
knigum .
wUda
imuoaa 1
mStta
. ^;Ua . .
. hnatta .
InfinitXTe.
. wUkan
muaytm «
f Mtmu 1
' i mundn J
khiga .
locom
timere
REMARKS ON THE PARADIGM OF PRiETERITO-PR^SENTIA.
Gothic. The inflexions are the same as those of the strong
preterites in general ; the 2nd singular therefore of the present
(the ancient preterite) has -ty the ist plural -n-m^ &c. The pre-
terite suffix -da is inflected as in weak verbs and added dire<;tly
to the preterite theme without a connective vowel, so that the
consonant of the termination da and the preceding consonant of
the preterite theme often modify one the other; hence the pret.
o{ iann, kunpUj otpar/] plur. ^aurbum^ pret. paur/ta^ ; mctgy pret.
mahta^ ; vdif., plur. vitum, pret. vissa for ^vU-ta*, ^vii-ta; mot^
pret. most^^ for indt-ta — modifications which are strictly in ac-
cordance with Gothic phonetic laws. As to the Ablaut, it is to
be noticed how the radical of the present (ancient pret.) plural is
changed in skulum for ^skelmn, muniim for ^menum, while the
plur. mdgum retains the a of the preterite singular instead of the
common plural in e. The infinitive has always the radical of the
present (ancient pret.) plural. The verb ogan has a 2nd sing,
imper. ogs ; may we thence infer an imper. moU^ dugi ? With
regard to kiuinan, mnnany vitan, it may be observed that their
confreres mmiafi (mente agitare, velle, fx^XXav), vltan (observare),
and ga-kunnan (observare) follow the third weak conjugation.
Old High Gterman. The inflexions are the same as with the
strong conjugation in general ; only in the 2nd sing. pres. (an-
cient pret.) the ancient termination -i is preserved, which in the
2nd pret. of all other strong verbs has been lost. An * is added
to the t in the verb chan^ chan-st. This '^H probably arose in
analogy to the s-t in vaist for vait-t^ where the Gothic phonetic
law requires the change of a dental into 8 before the termination /.
How this termination -d gradually crept into the 2nd person of
* / and h owing to the succeeding t.
^ Dental before dental changed into «.
THE VERB. 519
^ ^ present and preterite we have observed elsewhere \ as well as
(vi.^ persistency with which the ancient -l keeps its place in some
^ the pneterito-praesentia up to the present day. an forms the
"^^t. onda and onsta ; kann, pret. konda^ konsia, kunda, kunsta ;
^^d bi-ginnan^ following their analogy^ makes^ by the side of its
^^gular pret. bi-gan, also bigonday bi-gansi^,
« Old Saxon, llie termination of the 2nd singular is -t, except
-^ti canst vluA far-mansl : biginfian has, besides the regular pret.
^egan, the form begonsta.
Anglo-Saxon. The 2nd singular had originally the termina-
"tion -^, but the vocalic ending of the common preterite of strong
Verl)8 gradually replaced the ancient termination ; hence an,
^4nne, can, cunne, ^fearf, \urfe, &c. ; but dear has by the side of
Hurre the more ancient dearH : besides this there are preserved
canity gemanH, dhst — all having interpolated the * before the
ending -^. cu^e, with ^ for nd (comp. the letters n and S).
Old Frisian. The 2nd singular occurs only once, of the verb
skiiay 2nd skalL skilu and mugu appear to be dual forms used
in the signification of the plural. Some of the prajterito-prae-
sentia in this dialect adopt forms of the weak conjugation ; thus,
for example, wet (of wit^i) has sometimes the weak form wit, plur.
wifuth ; of duga there occurs the 3rd sing. ducAt ; plur. in late
Frisian ddged ; of dga we find a 3m sing. dcht. bijenna has, by
the side of the regular preterite, also bigunde, bigonste.
Old Norse. The 2nd singular ends in -t, as the preterite of
strong verbs generally. Under the influence of this terminational
t consonants are aflectcd in the same manner as we showed above
with regard to strong verbs, ^ara (andere) and dnga (valere)
make the pres. pori, dugi, pret. \or^a, dug^a ; oga (motuere)
follows the second weak conjugation.
The infinitives skvlu and munfi are considered by Grimm as
remnants of an ancient formation of a preterite infinitive in Old
Norse. As such Grimm mentions alsoy^Tn* (ivisse), sld^u (stet-
isse) ; there occur also ikyldu, myndu^ and bendn, preterite infini-
tive of benda.
VERBS FOLLOWING THE ANALOGY OF PR.ETERlTO-PR.IiSENTlA.
There are a few verbs in the Teutonic languages which in the
formation of their preterite follow the analogy of the pneterito-
praBsentia, that is, they take both the Ablaut of the strong, and
^ See p. 369.
'. has ^tnaJNi a liaiX
&« tf 39 im wVKtL iatr*^ rnKtsai stsnaia. T^ FiMtii tit/m
«neiiiaA7 m^uup^ ^i due ^tfaerrse. tr ^at ^Le ^ As Ack
BobC ^ao% iMSL JO. aoKifiu: suctf^Bw |ert^a& ™f- nil, ptsr.
ri'.nB. ami * ^rtsRS ffiitr- vtM C^^ V . Ik yemiig nb-
^Bicsrnt » -Kwii » *>39^T ^^i^ ivcmt «£ dv fi.utat iiliiiliii.
aarf Siw sev xii-.Bab.aH pteSsk^ riiit i* C»Hed otf ^ tW pbiJ
lank ribw. ILcr HoeU, iciaS' «n;^>^r *^ lalj— rtiii of
■ m~M. tn ^ K
THE VERB. 621
conjugation, as viljau, vilehy vili, &c. ; the new preterite makes
the indicative vilda^ vildes, &c., and the subjunctive vildetljau,
&e., after the manner of weak verbs in general. Old High Qer-
man. The verb wellan strives after indicative forms in the present
t«iise, and the conjugation is therefore subject to considerable
anomalies. Thus we have true preterite subjunctive forms in
«?i//, wilts f will ; but present subjunctive forms in the plur. welle^
meSy &c. An endeavour to assume indicative forms we see in
the 2nd sing, wilty a form analogous to the praeterito-prassentia ;
and in the 3rd plur, wollenty toellent, wellant for wellen, &c. ; 3rd
sing, wilt for wili. The preterite indicative is always in imi-
tation of the praeterito-pnesentia wolta, rareljr welta, subj. wolti.
Old Saxon has, more decidedly than Old High German^ acquired
indicative forms for the verb willjan, so that we find in the pre-
sent an indicative and subjunctive kept strictly distinct, as indie.
wil/ju, will or wilty wili, wil, or wilit^ plur. will/ad; subj. willje
{-ea), willjes (-^as), plur. willjen (-^a») ; pres. welda^ wolda ; subj.
weldiy woldi. Axiglo-Saxon takes a similar course : pres. sing.
willey wilty wille ; plur. willa^, pret. wolde. Old Frisian pres.
sing, wille, wilt^ wille (also willy wily &c.) ; plur. willath ; pret.
welde, wolde. Old Norse viljay velle, has the following forms :
pres. sing, vil, vill and vilty vill (for vil^r)y plur. viljum, vili^^
mlj'a; subj. vili, pret. vilda.
MIDDLE AND NEW TEUTONIC LANGUAGES.
EngUah.
The Goth, kann, A. S. can (con) we find throughout all the
periods of the English language. It takes st in the and, hence
canst ; in the plural we find the Ablaut n down to Middle Eng-
lish, hence, cunnen, kunnen ; New English makes the plural and
singular alike. The n of the Grothic pret. iunha was dropped
in the A. S. ciUcy Orm. cn]fe, O.Engl, cou^e, M.Engl, caiide;
N. Eng. couldy perhaps in analogy of would and should.
The Goth. }farf, A. S. ^eaify appears in the Late Saxon plur.
\uffeny pret. \iirftey O. Engl, tharf; it is lost in New English.
The Goth, rfar*, A. S. deaty is preserved in the der^ dar of Early
and dare of Modern English. The 2nd sing, -^t throughout.
The 3rd sing, (as all the prseterito-prsesentia) like the ist ; but
New English introduced d^ires by the side of datCy plur. Late
Saxon dnrren^ O. Engl. durrCy M. Engl. durUy N. Engl. dare.
m TMUTOMIC 9M4MMAM.
n» iMlirili G«lk dtmwim, A.8«dbi^ IM find in tiie kte
ip> find Ml lyDOtt — m^ jha^i mnneB^ pwi
#K Om« A^ Mid im tiw Old &«iMi mm. ang; and infin. ii*
Qolk M A. & Md; Otm. «i«l^ O. &«l! ud ILSDgL
^dWi; N.BwL dkff; Md» -I timMglMHii; plor. A.3. mmlm,
I«7. Mfc^Okm iMbHH O.EiigL «dfadSfa^ 1^
MottBwL AMi imt Godi-dbMt, A.S. §emU§^ Im^. mtlUk,
Qm^MUUb, aBi«L and ILBagl. «i»lib^ M.EiigL ^ImU;
O* I wpfraRd im fnwaMiatiHi» poring in ndogr to esitf
odhr a ilAS><Anff.dM€(tiwOniiiihil
Bi^dlvi.
G«yL MVa A. & MV^ Liff . ««H Orm. MQS, O. BD|r.« M. S
EiSL MiiOf.SML wmt^; mU^ aTs. mi^, O.BogL
prat, A.& MtM% (XBl«L wUlr, agrsl^ fce.^ M.En^
Qolkf^ A.& mfi^ Lite fin. «Ml» O. &igL and ILEofiL
|Ml(t)»M»Ba^flwl; aad,«PMi;«Mlttaoiiglioal^loBfeiiiN.Eii|;Ls
ear* ««Imi» vtlm tiurooglioot^ ket in N.Engl.; pt€t. A. S. wu^
y. ftiuity Onn. misiie^ O. Engl, and M. Engl. wUlej N. Engl.
«^m ; infin.) A. S. triUm, Late Sax. tri/^^ O. Engl, and M. Engl.
iri/ni« iri/f , N. Engl, io trif.
Goth, ifa, A. S. tfi. Late Sax. ai, O. Engl. a«i, ^i, M. Engl.
«irf , mry, N. Engl, otre ; and sing., -^^/, or -m/ ; plor. -en ; pret.
Goth, if/i/a, A. S. ai/^. Late Sax. aAie, akhie, O. Engl. 03^,
M. Engl. 0x3/^^ N. Engl. im^iL Layamon already applies this
T^rb in the two distinct senses of possession and duty ; the
latter we find in phrases such as 'he ah to don'=*he has to
do,^ * he onght.^ In connection with this sense it developed the
meaning of being in debt, * to owe/ which verb follows the weak
conjugation, om^ht being quite reserred for the expression of
moral obligation. The meaning of possession is, in Modem
English, atta<died to the verb ^to own/ which seems to have
ansen firom the part d^en^ awem, awen, or fiom the A. S. dgnjtm
(to possess).
The A. S. tmSi we find with slight varmtions throughout all
periods ; the present is lost in New English ; pret. Groth* mSUa^
A. S. m6^ we find in Early English as moiie^ N. Engl. mMd.
The A. S. wille appears as wiUe^ woi/e^ wnlU in the different
Early English peruxls, N. Engl, will; and sing, will (or woU,
TUB VERB. B»»-
't in Early English) ; jiiur, wUh}f, leiilk)^, &e., or teilen, wohti,
I. Engl. wiV/; pret, A. S. wolde. Early Engl, woltle, v>aMe,
r. Engl, would, I not pronounced, perhaps in analogy to could,
[.Engl, coutte.
Oerman,
M. H. Germ, ist muos, and muo»i, plur. mve^en, pret. muosle
klso muosa, mtie»e) ; N. H. Germ, mu^, mu^t, mii^en, mufte.
I. H. Germ. weU, tceisi, wi^en, wiate {wette, www', wetge);
r. H, Germ. v>ei^, we'i^l, toi^en, w«^U. M. H. Germ, (oue, t6U,
ten, toklet N. H. Germ, tauge (weak). M. H. Germ, woe,
\ht, muffen, moAte {inahte) ; N. H. Germ, mag, magtl, tnoei/en,
•chU. M. H. Germ, sol, toll, tUln, solfe ; N. H. Germ, toU
weak). M. H. Germ, ffan, gamt, gilitnen, gnniU ; N. H. Germ.
OHne (weak). M. H. Gerra. kan, kan»l, ktiunen, kande ; N. H.
}erm. kann, kannil, konnen, konnle. M H, Germ, tar, tani,
UrrffH, liirtlt; N, H, Germ, lort, M. H. Germ, darf, daijt,
htr/tnt, dorfle ; N. H. Germ, datf, daifst, dUr/en, durfte. M. H.
Germ, wil [tcelle), ml {velleai, wellen, wolif) ; N. H. Germ. v>ill,
trillst, wolteit, KollU. Inorganic Umlaut is, in the ]>reBent indica-
tive plural and in the infinitive, both in Middle High Gorman
•nd New High German. But perhaps we may suppose in Middle
Bigh German the infinitives vinozeu, tngen, iumien, dttrfen, &c.,
by the side of muezen, fugen, kunaen, durfen. The preterite sub-
anctive which has never Umlaut in weak verbs (e. g. brennen,
Bret, subj. M, H, Germ, branle, N. H. Germ, brannie, not brenle,
wdmik).
Dutch.
M. Dutch Ifit vioef, and moetet, plur. moefen, pret. mottle;
N. Dut«h 1st mod, plur. moeteit, pret. moe»i, part, gent^eltit.
M. Dutch d4ck, dogheg, doghen, doeklf ; N. Dutch deug, deugen,
docht. M. Dutch mack, wojhes, mogkeit, mockle ; N. Dutch vidg,
mogen, mocht, geinochl. M. Dutch »al, »uUt, rulen, guide [»oude');
N. Dutch sal, zulkn, zoude' {:ou). M. Dutch an, onnes, onnen,
ontle ; N. Dutch lost. M. Dutch can, conties, connen, eoatte ;
N. Dutch kan, koitnea, konde (kon, ko»t), gekonnen {gekoat).
M. Dutch dar, dorret, dorrett, (hmte ; N. Dutch derr (weak).
M.Dutch darf, dorveg, dorven \dorfle'\; N. Dutch rf«{^ durven,
doT»t {this preterite originally belonged to der). M, Dutch kHU,
willei, willen, icilile (woude) ; N. Dutch kU, willen, wilde (vulg.
' Compnre Gull'. <i'im. ■ The conlnrtion ou for ofrf, afJ.
I
APPENDIX.
The reader is requested to compare with these notes the Tables of
Possessive Pronouns on pp. 197 and 198, where they ought to
have been inserted.
REMARKS ON THE POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS.
The possessive pronouns are in close relationship to the geni-
tives of the personal pronouns, the theme of both being identical.
They take the infloxions of the strong declension of adjec-
tives; the weak inflexions, as they occur in Old High German
alone, are quite isolated.
In Gothic the nora. sing, and plur. of seins, seina, seinata, is
not used, but the gen. of the demonst. pron. of the 3rd person.
(Gen. masc. is, fem. izo, neut. is; plur. ize^ izOy ize ; compare
the use in Greek of the genitive of the personal instead of the
possessive pronoun.)
The O. H. Germ, nnsarer, iwarSr, occur in a shortened form
nnser, iicer.
The A S. user has a parallel form in ure. User^ whenever * and
r (after the elision of e) meet in the inflexions, -assimilates the r
to the s and thus produces the gemination ss.
The declension, therefore, of the A. S. 4ser and ure is as
follows : —
Singular
Norn.
Gen.
Dat.
Accus.
Masculine.
tUer^ Ure
iUereSf uMet
werum, iiseum
tideme, ume
Feminine.
User, Ure
d^erre, Hue, 4rre
werre, ii^e, urre
Utere, iinse, Ure
Neuter.
User, fUre
4res ..
Arum . .
U8cr^ Hire
Plural.
Masculine.
Norn. iUcrtf ^M, ure
Gen. .. iUera^ iUta
Dat. weram, vLuam
Accus. uftret f2s«e, ure
Neuter.
4mt^ Are
Are
Arum
A$ert ure
t
I
-.- 5»