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Full text of "A comparative grammar of the Teutonic languages. Being at the same time a historical grammar of the English language. And comprising Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Early English, Modern English, Icelandic (Old Norse), Danish, Swedish, Old High German, Middle High German, Modern German, Old Saxon, Old Frisian, Dutch"

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.4 lid comprising 







[Ail riffkts reHrvtd\ 





The advantages of a systematic study of our own language 
are now so generally understood that it will hardly require an 
apology for any attempt to promote and facilitate research in 
this direction. By offering my Grammar to the kind con- 
sideration of the public^ I intend above all to offer the student 
of English a guide which may lead him through its different 
stages of development, and show how it arrived at its present 
grammatical structure. Thus then my volume may be used 
as an Historical Grammar of the English language. 

In order to gain a clear insight into the development of the 
English^ or any other idiom, it is absolutely necessary to pay 
attention to the historical course of its sister dialects^ as the 
German, the Dutch, the Danish — to compare the different 
phenomena they present^ and thus to arrive at the laws which 
directed the growth of each. I have therefore placed the 
Teutonic languages in their different phases of development 
side by side^ so that they may be studied in the relation they 
bear to one another and to the English language in particular ; 
and I hope I have given all the necessary data for the study 
of Comparative Grammar. Thus far I have had in view the 



educated classes in general, who are perfectly alive to the 
interest and importance attached to the study of their own 

In working out the chapters on the Ancient and Middle 
Teutonic languages I took care not to omit any grammatical 
form the knowledge of which is required for the study of 
ancient literature, whether Gothic, or Anglo-Saxon, or Early 
English. The reader will find the grammar of each dialect 
sufficiently complete to enable him who has mastered the 
details contained therein to proceed at once to the study of the 
literature of his chosen dialect. 

In order not to stop short in our studies at a point where 
they promise to become most interesting, I have added at the 
opening of each chapter a sketch showing the relation of the 
Teutonic to the cognate languages, Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit. 
Thus then the student of English is enabled to follow up certain 
parts of his language, such as numerals, pronouns, &c., to their 
most ancient forms — forms which in antiquity reach back to 
the very dawn of civilization. 

If on the one hand I have endeavoured to enter as far as pos- 
sible into the details of Ancient and Middle Teutonic Grammar, 
I have abstained on the other from giving a detailed account of 
the Grammar of Modern English, German, or Danish. These 
languages were treated only so far as is required to show the 
peculiarities of their grammatical structure and the way by 
which they arrived at the same. Those who wish to acquire 
any of these languages for practical purposes must apply to the 
respective Grammars. 

Another object (last not least) I had in view, was to supply 

P HE FACE. vii 

a preparatory manual for those students who intend to make 
Teutonic language and literature a special study, and who must 
have recourse to the works of Grimm, Bopp, Pott, Schleicher, 
and others, celebrated on the field of Teutonic and Comparative 
Grammar. He who has been obliged to pass directly to the 
study of Grimm^s works will be able to acknowledge the desir- 
ableness of an introductory text-book. 

I have tried to consult the best authorities and to convey to 
the reader's mind the established results of modern research. 
In the chapters which treat on the Science of Language and 
Comparative Grammar in general I have made use of the works 
of Bopp, Schleicher, and Max Miiller. Those on the ancient 
Teutonic languages owe the greater part of their materials to 
Grimm ; while Heyne's volume on the same subject has supplied 
much valuable information. As to the English language in 
particular I have chiefly consulted Koch's Grammar and Marsh's 
Lectures. All these authors and their respective works are 
enumerated on a separate list. 

I have every reason to feel anxious about the fate of my book. 
Comparing the magnitude of the subject with the smallness of 
my abilities and the limitedness of my knowledge, I might quail 
before the censure of the public, if there were not some points 
redeeming the rashness of my enterprise. The first lies in the 
fact that there are many educated men in England and America 
who apply themselves to the study of Early English, Anglo- 
Saxon, and the Teutonic languages in general, while no work 
exists as yet in English treating on the Teutonic languages 
collectively. Further I may plead the earnestness and diligence 
with which I pursued my work, endeavouring by this means 



to supply the deficiency in knowledge and abilities. But even 
these considerations would fail to set my mind at rest^ if I 
were not penetrated with the conviction that the English 
public are always ready to promote every work which aims at 
the advancement of science and art^ if conducted with persever- 
ance and earnestness of purpose and which promises to be 
usefulj on however limited a scale, to some one or other. 

ThuSj then, I take leave of my work^ which for six years has 
been my constant companion in trials and sorrows ; and I dare 
to hope that it may not be altogether rejected by those for 
whom it is intended, 


Whitsuntidb, 1870. 




Languages and Dialects 4 

Tribes of Teutonic Langnages— Gothic, Old High Qennan, Middle High 

German, New High German 5 

Languages spiiken in Britain — Celtic, Latin, Anglo-Saxon ... 8 

Southern and Northern Dialect . . lO 

Old Norse and Anglo-Saxon. Norman and French, reaction against its 

use II 

Late Saxon (Scmi-Sazon), Old and Middle English . .11 

Modern English 13 

Old Norse, Icelandic 14 

Swedish, Danish, Low German, Old Frisian, Old Saxon . . . • 15 
Tribes of Aryan language* — ^the Indian dais, the Iranic^ Greek, Italic, 

Slavonic, Lithuanian, Celtic 16 

The Primitive language (Ursprache). Relationship of the Aryan languages 18 


Teutonic Languages 40 


Pitch of the Vowels at 

Primitive Vowels ; Gradation of Vowels (Steigerung) . . . .at 

Degradation or Weakening (Schwifcchung) 23 

Table of Gradations 34 

I. Old Teutonic Vowels. 

Short VowtU:— 

The Vowel d in Grothic and Old High German .... 46 
Umlant in Old High German ; d in Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon 26 
d for a in Anglo-Saxon ; Umlaut of d in Anglo-Saxon . • ^7 
d in Old Frisian and Old Norse ; Umlaut in Old Norse a8 
The Vowel % in Grothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Anglo- 
Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norso 29 



The Vowel ik in Gothic and Old High German. Weakening of 

the u into 31 

The Vowel U (and its weakened form 0) in Old Saxon, Anglo* 

Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse ; its Umlaut y in Old Norse . 5a 

The Vowels ^, «, y 33 

Brechung (breaking) of Vowels in Gothic, Old High German, 

Anglo-Saxon, Old Norse 33 

AssimiUition 37 

Long Vowels: — 

The Vowel a in Old High German 38 

The Vowel d in the different Dialects ; <e the Umlaut of a . 39 
« supplanting d in Anglo-Saxon. The Vowel e ... •40 
i - ei (Gothic at). The Beduplicational « . . •41 
e, Umlaut of 6 (H) in Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian. The Pro- 
duction of e 4a 

The Vowels i, 6 43 

The Vowel 14 ; p Umlaut of tf 45 

Diphthongs : — 

ai, ei 47 

iu and its weakened form io 48 

to {Uf ia) for the ancient Reduplication 49 

eS in Anglo-Saxon for Gothic iu 50 

au in different Dialects 51 

ofi, Old High German for Gothic au 52 

ea, Anglo-Saxon for Gothic au. uo, Old High German for 6, ey. 

Old Norse Umlaut of aa 53 

II. MiDDLR Teutonic Vowels. 

Short Vowph : — 

Tiie Vowel a in Middle High German, Old and Middle English 54 
The Vowel e in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English 55 

The Vowel i in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English 57 

The Vowel in Middle High German 58 

6 Umlaut of in Middle High German 59 

in Old English and Middle English 60 

The Vowel u in Middle High German, ii Umlaut of u . . 60 
The Vowel u in Old English and Middle English . . .61 
The Vowel y in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English 61 

Brechung of Vowels in Middle Teutonic 61 

Long Vowels:^" 

The Vowel a in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English 63 



The Vowel a Umlaut of d in Middle High German ; the Vowel 

« in Old English and Middle English .... 64 
The Vowel i in Middle High Oerman, Old English and Middle 

English 64 

The Vowel % in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English 64 

The Vowel 6 in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English 65 

The Vowel t2 in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English ; y and u in Old English and Middle English . . 66 
Diphthongs : — 

H in Middle' High German 66 

if, in, 014 in Middle High German 67 

uOy ai, au, ey^ oi, oy, cU, om, eu, IH in Middle High German 68 

ou, ed, ed in Old English and Middle English .... 69 

III. Nbw Teutonic Vowels. 

The Vowel a in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . 70 

The Vowel a (<e) in German, Swedish and Danish • • • 73 

The Vowel e in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . 74 

The Vowel i in German and English 76 

The Vowel i, in Dutch y (Flemish y), the long i . . • 77 

The Vowel i in Swedish and Danish 78 

The Vowel in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . 78 
The Vowel & in German, Swedish and Danish . . . .81 

The Vowel u in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . 83 

The Vowels u {u^f y, in German 84 

The Vowel y in English, Swedish and Danish .... 85 
Diphthongs : — 

The German ai, au 86 

du Umlaut of the German au ; the German ei ; ti and eu , • ^7 

The German 6u, ie ; the English ai 88 

The English ate, aw, ea, et, ew, ey, ie, oa, oe, <m, ow, ue . . 89 

The Diphthongs in Romance words 90 

The Dutch ai, au, ei, eu, ie, oe, ou, ue, ui 91 

Diphthongs in Swedish and Danish 93 

The Danish au, ei, 6i,ju, ou 94 

Triphthongs : — 

The Insertion of ^ in Danish 95 


Physiological Alphabet 97 

Table of Consonants in Sanskrit, in the Primiti?e Languages, and in 

Gothic 98 

Grinim*s Law 99 

General Table of Grimm^s Law 103 


, PA OK 

Old Tbvtonic Consonants 104 

Liquids : — 

The r in Gothic 105 

Rhotacism (5 changed into r) 106 

The m and n in different Dialects 107 

Spirants: — 

V and w in Gothic and Old High Gterman . . .109 
vf in Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon no 

V and tp in Old Frisian and Old Norse 112 

8 and z in Gothic ; s in Old High Grerman and Old Saxon . • 1 13 
The combination sc in Anglo-Saxon ; the s in Old Frisian and 

Old Norse 114 

The spirant j in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Anglo- 
Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse 115 

The h in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, 

Old Frisian and Old Norse 116 

Mutes (Labials) : — 

h, Pf f in Gothic, c and p in Old High German . . .119 

The Labial Aspirates p^ p/, /, v in Old High German .120 

Table of Labials in Old High German i ao 

h and p in Old Saxon 1 20 

The Aspirates 9, v, /, ph in Old Saxon no 

The Labials b, p, f in Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, and Old 

Norse iii 

— (Dentals) : — 

The Gothic d, f, ]) 125 

The Old High German (2, <, s, S 123 

Table of Dentals in Old High German 125 

The Old Saxon Dentals, d, t,f, th. The Anglo-Saxon d, t, 0, > 125 

The Dentals (/, ^ <A in Old Frisian 126 

The Dentals d, t,^,^'m Old Norse 127 

(Gutturals) :— 

The Gothic g,k,q 1 28 

The Old High German g, h,ch (hh,h) 1 28 

Table of Gutturals in Old High Grerman. .129 

The Old Saxon g,c{k) 1 29 

The Anglo-Saxon g^ c {h) 130 

The Old Frisian g, k 1 30 

Change of Gutturals into Palatals 131 

The Old Norse ^, * 13a 

Middle Teutonic Consonants. 

Liquids in Middle High German, Old English and Middle English . 132 

Spirants in Middle High German, Old English and Middle English 134 




Labials in Middle High German, Old English and Middle English 138 
Dentals in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English 141 

Gutturals in Middle High German, Old English and Middle 

English 143 

Nkw Teutonic Consonants. 

Liquids in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish •147 

Spirants in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . • 149 

Labials in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . '153 
Dentals in German, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish . .156 

Gutturals in Grerman, English, Dutch, Swedish and Danish 160 


Suffixes usbd in thb Fo&mation of Thvmbs. 

(i) Verbal Themes : — 

ya (a-yo) 168 

(3) Nominal Themes : — 

ayi 169 

u, ya 1 70 

ra (van) 171 

ma {rnan), ra iJUt) 17a 

an, ana, na 173 

ni^nu^ta 1 74 

iar.tra 175 

ti,tu , . 176 

ant (fU), OS 177 

la 178 


Personal Pronouns. 

Tsble of Personal Pronouns in the Cognate Languages . • x 79 
Remarks on the Personal Pronouns of the Cognate Languages . .180 

Table of the Old Teutonic Personal Pronouns 186 

Remarks on the Pronouns in the Old Teutonic Languages . .187 
Table of Personal Pronouns in the Middle and New Teutonic Lan- 
guages 188 

Adjective Pronouns. 

Pronominal Bases 190 

Table of Old Teutonic Pronouns of the 3rd person . • '93 

Remarks on the Pronouns of the 3rd person 194 

Table of Middle and New Teutonic Pronouns of the 3rd person . 195 

Remarks on the Middle and New Teutonic Pronouns of the 3rd person 196 


P0S8B88IVB Pronouns. 

Table of Old Teutonic Possessive Pronouns 197 

Tablo of Middle and New Teutonic Possessive Pronouns . . 198 

Remarks on the Possessive Pronouns (Appendix) .... 517 

Demonstrative Pronouns. 

First Demonstrative (ia) 199 

Table of Demonstrative Pronouns in the Middle and New Teutonic 

Dialects . ' aoi 

Remarks on the New Teutonic Demonstratives .... aoa 

Second Demonstrative (hie) 204 

Third Demonstrative (ille) 106 

The Suffixed Article in the Scandinavian Languages . ao7 

Other Demonstratives 3o8 

Interrogative Pronouns 209 

Table of Interrogative Pronouns a 10 

(i) QuisJ 210 

(a) Uteri an 

(3) Quiacorumi an 

(4) QualUf an 

Relative Pronouns aia 

Indefinite Pronouns 213 



Table of Cardinal Numerals in the Cognate Languages . . ai5 

Remarks on the Cardinal Numerals in the Cognate Languages . . ai6 

Table of Cardinals in the Old Teutonic Languages . . . . aaa 
Table of Cardinals in the Middle Teutonic Languages .aaa 

Table of Cardinals in the New Teutonic Languages . . aa3 

Remarks on the Teutonic Cardinals 224. 

Declension of Cardinals : — 

Old Teutonic Languages 232 

Middle and New Teutonic Languages 234 


Table of Ordinals in the Cognate Languages 23^ 

Table of Ordinals in the Teutonic Languages 240 

Remarks on the Teutonic Ordinals 241 

Other Numerals. 

Old Teutonic Languages 244 

3Iiddle and Modem Teutonic Languages 246 





(i) Formations with the Suffix yan» 248 

(a) Formations with the Suffix tara and ra 249 

SupsALATivB Bases in thb Coonatb Lanouaoks. 

(i) Formations with the Soffiz -ia 250 

(a) Formations with the Suffix -umi 251 

(3) Formations with the Suffix torma 251 

do Teutonic Languages. 

(i) The Comparative ......... 252 

Remarks on the Gomparatife Form in the Different Dialects . 253 

(a) The Superlative 254 

Table of Comparisons 255 

(3) Anomalous Forms 255 

(4) Defective Comparisons 256 

(5) Comparison of the Adverbs 259 

Middle and New Teutonic Languages. 

Formations in ir a6o 

Formations in or a6i 

Anomalous and Defective Comparisons 263 


The Cognate Languages. 

Numbers, Cases, Genders 265 

The Terminations of Nominal Themes 267 

(i) Consonantal Themes 268 

(2) Vocalic Themes 268 

Formation of the Cases 269 

The Old Teutonic Languages. 

Strong Declension 38 1 

Formation of the Cases 281 

The Plural Neuter with the Suffix ir aS6 

The Umlaut a86 


Vocal Themes (Strong Declension) : — 

Themes in a in Gothic, Old High Grerman, Old Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse .... 289 

Notes to the Declension in a 292 

Themes in ja (ya), in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon, Old Norse 297 

Notes to the Declension in ^a 299 


Themes in va, in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, 

Old None ^ 

Notes to the Declension in ra 303 

Themes in i in Gothic, Old High Grerman, Old Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse .... 304 

Examples and Remarks to the Declension in t . . . 306 
Themes in u in Grothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse . . .311 

Notes and examples to the Declension in u • . . 31s 

CoMonanUd Themes (Weak Declension) : — 

Themes in n in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse • • . . 315 
Remarks on the Weak Declensions . . . . • 317 
Words belonging to the Weak Declension in Gothic, Old 
High G^erman, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, 
and Old Norse • . . 390 

Other C&Moncmtal Thcfnes : — 

Declension of Themes in tar in Gothic, Old High German, 
Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, Old Norse . .33s 

Themes in nd in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, 
Old Frisian, Old Norse ' 3«4 

Themes ending in a Guttural or Dental in Gk>thic, Old 
High German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, 
and Old Norse 335 

Anomalous Declensions in Gothic, Old High German, Old 
Saxoo, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse . •337 

DxcLBNSioN OF pROPER Nambs in Gothic, Old High German, 

Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse . . 329 

Dbclxnsxon of Aojxcnvxs. 

Strang Dedennon in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse • . . . 331 

Remarks on the Strong Declension of Adjectives . . . 334 
Weak Declension in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, 

Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian and Old Norse .... 339 

Remarks on the Weak Declensions 340 

Declension of the Participles : — 

Present Participle 341 

Preterite Participle 34a 

Declension of the Infinitive 343 

MiDOLE Teutonic Declensions 343 

Declensions in Old and Middle English, Middle High German, and 
Middle Dutch 344 



Modern Tbutonic Dkclknsions 

Dedensions in English, Gkiman, Dntch, Swedish, and Danish . 349 

Dkclknsion of thk Adjective in the Middle and New Teutonic 

Dedension oi the AdjeetiTe in Old English, Middle English, Middle 

High German, Middle Dutch, Grennan, Dutch, Swedish, Danish . 359 


Stem Yerhs and DerivatiTe Yerhs — ^Yerhal Roots and Themes . . 365 

Personal Terminations — Modi, Tenses 366 

Formation of the Persons in the Cognate Languages . • 367 
Formation of the Persons in the Teutonic Languages • •37a 

The Persons of the Medium or Middle Yoice 376 

Formation of the Modi (Moods) 377 

The Modi in the Teutonic Languages 378 

Tempora (Tenses) — Formation of the Present Theme .... 380 

Formation of the Present Theme in the Teutonic Languages . . . 388 

Themes myo, in d, in a< 389 

Formation of the Perfect Theme in the Cognate Languages . • 39> 

Perfect in -#- 40X 

The Compound (Weak) Perfect in the Teutonic Dialects . . 40X 

The InfinitlTe 403 

Participles : — 

Present Participle Active 404 

Perfect Participle Passive of Stem Yerbs 406 

Perfect Participle Passive of Derivative Verbs . . * . . 406 
The Perfect in the Teutonic Languages — Reduplication (Ablaut) — Classi- 
fication of Strong Yerbs 408 

Conjugation — General Remarks 423 

I. Paradigm to the Strong Conjugation in the Old Teutonic Dialects . 426 

II. Pkradigm to the Strong Conjugation in the Old Teutonic Dialects . 438 
Remarics on the Strong Conjugation ....... 439 

Middle and New Teutonic Conjugations 439 

Classification of Strong Yerbs 445 

Paradigms to the Middle and New Teutonic Strong Conjugations . . 459 
Remarks on the Conjugation in Middle and New Teutonic .46 a 
Weak Conjugations : — 

First conjugation (Connective ^a) 475 

Second Conjugation (Connective 6) 478 

Third Conjugation (Connective at) 479 

Remarks on the Weak Conjugations : 

First Conjugation . . . , 480 

Second and Third Conjugations 484 

Verbs belonging to the Weak Conjugations 487 

Varbs bebnging to the Second and Third Conjugation . . • 489 

• •• 



Weak Conjugation in the Middle and New Teutonic Languages 

Anomalous Verbs 

Verbs without a Connective or Thematic Vowel 

The Verb 'to be' 

Remarks on the Paradigm 

Prseterito-Pnesentia in the Old Teutonic Languages 
Remarks on the Paradigms of the Prseterito-Praesentia 
Verbs following the analogy of Prseterito-Prsesentia 
Pneterito-Pnesentia in the Middle and New Teutonic Languages 
Verbs following the analogy of Prseterito-Presentia 


Remarks on the Possessive Pronouns (fimiUed in proper place) 










Ablaut. The modification of the radical vowel of the verb in the 
preterite tense and preterite participle ; e. g. English wr/te, 
wrote, written, sing, sang, swng ; German gdten, gait, 
g^golten, s/ngen, sang, gesungeu. 

Umlaut. The modification of a vowel caused by another vowel in 
the succeeding syllable ; e. g. Old Norse giafa, dative gic'fu, 
where o, the Umlaut of a, is caused by the u in the succeed- 
ing syllable; Old High German pale, plural pdki, where 
the a of the root is changed into e under the influence of a 
succeeding i. The same changes take place in German 
inflexions ; e. g. vater, plur. vater ; hc^ch, comparative hoher ; 
kli^g, kl^'glich. 

Triibungy Scbwachung. Barkening^ Weakening {Degradation)^ of 
vowels ; e. g. Gothic helpa, Anglo-Saxon hdpe, i weakened 
into €', Gothic stfdans^ Anglo-Saxon stolen, i^ weakened into 
; Gothic stal, Anglo-Saxon stal, a weakened into a. Com- 
pare Latin corpws, corpor-is ; pulv/s, pulv^r-is ; facio, conf /cio. 

Brechnng. Breaking of vowels takes place in Gothic, where an 
i or w, under the influence of a succeeding A or r, is changed 
into ai, aw, respectively — broken, as it were, in two vowels ; 
e. g. Latin v/r, Gothic vair ; Latin d^ximus, Gothic tai^hum. 

Metathesis. The transposition of certain letters in the same word ; 
e. g. Anglo-Saxon gars and gras ; English hearse, German 
(h)ross. Compare Latin spemo, sprevi. 

Bhotacism. The change of 8 into r, e. g. Old High German ror, 
Gothic rau^, English wa«, German war. Compare Latin 
honor and hono«, ru«, rur-is. 

Gradation. The combination of a primitive vowel (a, i, u) with 
the vowel a, whence result a -f a, a -f i, a 4- 7^ ; which com- 
binations occur in the difierent languages under various 
modifications, as the Grammar will show. (See Introduc- 

All other terms are used in the same sense as in Latin Gram- 
mar, or they will find their special explanation in their proper 


A Comparative Grammar of tie Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Latin, 
Lithuanian, Gothic, German, and Slavonic Langtiages^ by 
Professor P. Bopp. Translated from the German by Edward 
B. Eastwick, P.R.S., P.S.A. London: Williams and Nor- 
gate, 1862. 

Compendium der Fergleichenden Grrammatii der IndogemianiBchen 
Sprachen, von August Schleichee. Zweite Auflage. Wei- 
mar : Hermann Bohlau, 1866. 

Lectures on the Science of Language, by Max Mullee. First 
Series. Pourth edition. London: Longmans, 1864. 

Lectures on the Science of Language, by Max Mullee. Second 
Series. London, 1864. 

Deutsche Grammatik, von Jacob Obimh. Erster Theil. Dritte 
Aosgabe. Grottingen: Dietriehsche Buebhandliing, 1840. 

Deutsche Grammatik, von Jacob Grimm. Erster Theil. Zweite 
Ausgabe. Gottingen, 18^2. 

Deutsche Grammatik, von Jacob Grimm. Zweiter, Dritter, Vierter 
Theil: Gt)ttingen, 1831-37. 

Grammatik der Altgermanischen Sprachstdmme, von M. Heyne. 
Paderborn, 1862. 

Die Laut- und Fleononslehre der Englischen Sprache, von C. Pried- 
RiCH Koch. Weimar: Hermann Bohlau, 1863. 

Lectures on the English Language, by Marsh. London, i86i. 

The Origin and History of the English Language and of the Early 
Literature it embodies, by Marsh. London, 1S62,, 



VfRAMMAR describes the organisms of languages as natural 
history describes the organisms of natural objects. What plants 
and animals are to the natural philosopher^ words are to the 
grammarian. The naturalist may satisfy himself with taking 
notice merely of the outward characteristics represented by any 
particular object; or he may enter upon a dissection of its 
organism^ lay open the peculiar structure of each organ, show 
its connection with the whole and the functions it has to per- 
form in this connection. Thus then one and the same object 
may receive a different treatment, viewed either from the stand- 
point of natural history or from that of anatomy and physiology. 
Thus again the grammarian may view the particular word laid 
before him in its merely outward garb, classify it to its proper 
sphere, record the changes it may incur under certain condi- 
tions — ^in short, give the natural history of the word ; this is 
* Descriptive Grammar.^ Or he may dissect the word into its 
component parts, or let us boldly say its organs, show the 
structure of these organs and their functions in the whole, trace 
the word back to its first origin, show how it grew and gave 
birth to a progeny, which, though displaying all the diversity 
of varieties, nevertheless preserve Hhe type of the species.' 
This anatomical and physiological handling of the word belongs 
to the sphere of the ' science of language.' 

We give a few examples, taken at random ; say the wordifoof. 
Descriptive Grammar teaches us that it belongs to the class 
'noun,' the order ^concrete,' the genus ^ common;^ that this 
word as it stands has the form of the singular, but that as soon 
as it has to perform another function, that is, to denote the 



plonJity of the tfaiog oalled ' foot,' it adopts the form ^/Js 
Having t-old us this, Descrijitive Grammar has jierformea i 
task. Now it is just here that the science of grammar ta 
it up and explains to ng the phsenomcnon nhich DescriptH 
Grammar simply meDlions as a fact. The English ^w/, pioH 

/eet, we oan trace to the Anglo-Saxon _/bV,_ft5,- here then i 
change of « into / had alrendy taken place. We must theTefot 
make our way still fiirther back, to a still more ancient fca ' 
and thus we arrive at the Gothic fatut. This has in 1 
plural ybV/iw, a form in which the modification of the vowel h 
not yet taken place. How then did it take place ? To leam tl 
we may best turn to the nearest relative of Anglo-Saxon, i.e. 
Saxon. There we leam the following facts. The word 'foo 
which in Gothic belonged to the declension in u {JStut, pioi 

f6fj«») took in Old Saxon the plural in »', hence fot, plural /i 
Now this terminational i had in the old Teutonic dialects, Goth 
excepted, a peculiar influence under which the vow^l a, or som 
times 0, of the root was changed into f. This modifica^ 
occurs so regularly under certain given conditions that wc m 
look upon it as a law, and this law is known under the Genni 
name of 'Umlaut' (mutation of sound). According to thia li 
then tlie Old Saxon foti appears in Anglo-Saxon as Jeti, » 
then aaf^'t, the phsenomenon of the ' Umlaut' remaining, thoni 
the final i, the cause that gave it birth, had disappeared, if 
• Umlaut,* which originally had nothing whatever to do wi 
the plural, but was merely the result of the modifying inflnenc 
of the (', came later on to he looked upon as the sign of t* 

Let us take another e\ample Descriptive Grammar tells X 
that the imperfrct of 1 luie is / hred; but how it is that I 
the addition of ed the present is changed into a past act, 
does not teach. If we apply to the science of language, we ai 
first referred to the Anglo- Saxon lufoih, which still leav( 
us in the dark as to the force and meaning of that pn 
tcrite BufHx. We consequently apply to Gothic. Here nr 
find the preterite of the weak verb, say nasjaii (salvare) fn 
instance, is nat-i-da in the singular, a form from which w 
derive no information as yet; bnt the plural uas-'t-dedvm show 
us in its suffix most distinctly the plural dednm of ilad (did 
which is the preterite of d'ldan (to do). The English / lov-i 
consequently means / love-did, I did love. 

If we wish to trace a word to its first origin, to observe hw 
it grew and had offspring, and how these offspring develope 
themselves, the science of language again, laying open the Ian 


by wbich all development was regulated^ guides us in our re- 
searches. Take the words /hlAer, mother y for examples. Looking 
atonnd us in the modem sister languages we meet the German 
toter, mMtTy the Dutch voder y moeder, the Danish and Swedish 
/«fer, moder, the same words everywhere, hut all equally obscure 
as to ongin and meaning. Their Old Teutonic ancestors, as the 
Anglo-Saxon ySk^^^ moder, Old High German /ater, moCer, reveal 
no more^ and consequently we tui-n to the cognate languages 
where we find the Greek Tranjp, firjn^p, the Latin pater, mater, 
the Sanskrit/Mi^fi, matri — ^foroQS which refer us back to a primitive 
fotof, mdiar. In these words we have to deal with two distinct 
dements — ^the roots pa and ma, and the suffix tar. The root 
pa means ' to protect/ the root ma ^ to bear,^ ' to bring forth/ 
the soflSx tar, tara indicates personal agency, whence the Latin 
/»• in actor, genitor, &c. Thus then 'father' means 'he who 
protects,' 'protector;' 'mother/ 'she who brings forth,' 'geni- 
iiix.' Casting a glance at the development of this word in the 
Cerent lang^uages we have mentioned, we find that not only 
the root, but even the very suffix, is preserved intact, as Latin 
p^ier, Greek ira-nyp, German va-ter, English ya-M^r. But then 
we oWrve that the Teutonic dialects substitute f for the initial 
^ of the root. Now this is quite in accordance with a certain 
Uw which directs that wherever a word in Sanskrit (or Greek or 
Latin) uses p, that is the tenuis, the Low German languages, as 
English for instance, must use^ the aspirate, and High German 
w^i/touse the media. Where Sanskrit has the media, the Low 
German dialects have the tenuis, the High German the aspirate, 
uid so forth. This law, which is known as Grimm's law, shall 
find a detailed exposition hereafter. 

As another and more faithful instance of the application of 

this law we mention the word we have examined already : now 

let us trace it to its origin. The English ^oo^, the German />/f, 

have their relatives in the Latin pea, ped-is, Greek ttovs, -noh-oi, 

SaDskrit pad^a, and these we refer to the root pad^ ' to go.' 

Here again the initial tenuis p is in Low German represented 

by the aspirate, and ou^At in High German to be the media; 

wit the German is often obstinate in resisting the law. Now let 

08 look at the final consonant : here all is in strict accordance 

to the law ; hence the media in the Sanskrit pad, the Greek 

p<^, the Latin ped, the tenuis in the English foot, and the 

aspirate in the German yi<f (Old High German /woj). Thus we 

see the offspring of the same parent all preserving the family 

likeneaB, or, to use a more scientific expression, the type of 

the 'species;' but taking by a kind of ' natural selection,' or 

B 2 


whatever Mr. Darwin might call it, a particular consonant in 
particular languages, they form so many 'varieties;' in plain 
words, that which originally was one language, splits into 
different dialects. 

Now I hope the difference is clear between the task proposed 
to Descriptive Grammar and that which is left to Scientific 
Grammar, or, as it is commonly termed, Comparative Grammar ; 
the former stating the facts or the phsenomena of a language or 
languages, the latter explaining these facts, guided ^ways by 
certain laws. These laws are the result of repeated observation 
and rigid examination ; they have been discovered by exactly 
the same mental process as all laws of nature. When we treat 
on Comparative Grammar we have therefore not only to put the 
grammatical forms of cognate dialects or languages together, 
but we have also to trace tliem to their origin and follow them 
through the different stages of their growth. Comparative 
Grammar must consequently be historical too. But languages 
have no history as mankind has its history, taking the word 
in its limited sense : languages do not act like men, but they 
grow and live like natural organisms. When therefore we speak 
of Comparative and Historical Grammar, or Scientific Grammar, 
we mean the science of the anatomy and physiology of language 
or of languages. If we treat on language in general, we are 
dealing with General Grammar ; if on a particular language or 
languages, we are dealing with Specific Grammar. The tribe 
of Teutonic languages being our special object in this volume, 
our grammar belongs to the class of the specific. 

Now one word as to the terms ' language' and ' dialect/ We 
speak of Teutonic languages and of Teutonic dialects, of the 
English language and of English dialects. Dutch, German, 
English, Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Old Norse, are, when viewed by 
themselves, independently of the rest, to be designated each by 
the term of ' language ; ' but when considered in their connection 
and relation to each other and to their common Teutonic mother, 
then we call them 'dialects.' English, considered as an inde- 
pendent form of speech as distinct from French or German, is 
a 'language;' but English as seen in the different provincial 
idioms into which it is split up consists of an aggregate of 
' dialects.' The ' literary' language is only one of these dialects^ 
chosen as the medium of thought for the educated classes ; such 
is the Castilian of Spain, the West-Saxon of English, the High- 
land dialect in German. From all this the reader will easily 
understand that we often apply the terms 'dialect' and 'lan- 
guage' indiscriminately. 


Having to deal chiefly with the Teutonic form of speech, 
we muat devote a short reviewinff glance to the dilferent 
languages which fall within that sphere, consider their relation 
to c-a«h other and to the ooguate languages, Greek, Latin, and 
SsQskrit— all being derived from the sume jirimifive tongue, or 
* Ur»prache.' 

We find the modem Teutonic languages settled in almost 
exactly the same localities which had heen the seat of their 
mother dialects. SweiUft h and Danish, are the offspring of 
one of the dialects spoken by the Norsemen, the inhabitants 
of the Scandinavian pcninsum and adjacent islands. Though 
High German has become tlie sole literary dialect of Germany, 
tht; Low German, or ' Platt-Deutsch/ still holds the ground 
of its ancestor the QUL^autOr whilst tlie High German in speech 
is now, as it was a thousand years ago, confined to the south- 
east of Germany, Bavaria, Austria, and some adjacent districts. 
The Modem Frisian dialects still nestle in those dear old 
' Halligs' along the coast of the North Sea, between the Weper 
and the Elbe, and into Holsteiu and Schleswig. In spite of 
centuries of humiliation and neglect under the Norman invaders, 
the Anglo-Saxon language yet holds its ground all over Eng- 
land, and the English of the present day is in its grammatical 
form quite as Teutonic as the Anglo-Saxon of the tenth century. 
The West Saxon dialect was destined to become the literary 
language of England; but the speech of the East Saxons and 
South Saxons, of the North and the South Angles, continued 
to 6ourish, and often had a more luxuriant existence than the 
literarj- language which was more than once deposed by foreign 
intruders. Our numerous dialects are the offspring of those 
children of nature which in their independent state escaped 
the mandates of conquerors who attempted to uproot them. 
As to the modem languages we need not enter into ethno- 
graphical discussion when we state that wo have to deal with 
the literary dialects of England, Germany, Hollaud, Sweden, 
and Denmark. Their ancient mother dialects will require a 
more detailed exposition. 

The oldest dialect and the most perfect in its inflexional 
forms is the_Galiub ITiis statement, however, must not be 
taken without some qualification. When we say Gothic is the 
oldc&t diali'ct we wish this to be undyratood with reference to 
literary documents only, which in Gothic reach back to the 
foarth century', while no other dialect possesses any literary 

' Gonptlt, nbaut A.c. j6o- 


documents which date back further than the sixth century'. As 
we shall point out hereafter more fully, Gothic is not superior 
to the other dialects throughout; on the contrary, Old High 
Grerman and Anglo-Saxon possess in several inflexional forms 
the advantage over Gothic. Hence it will become apparent 
also that Gothic is not the primitive dialect from which the 
others were derived, but that all the ancient Teutonic dialects, 
though closely related, are independent of each other, and, for 
all we know, equally primitive in their type — ^venerable old 
sisters among which Gothic is the most venerable, the eldest 

The only literary document which has come down to us in 
the Gothic dialect is the translation of the Bible by Ulfilas, a 
Gothic bishop. At the birth of Ulfilas the Gothic occupied 
the ancient province of Dacia north of the Danube. Though 
politically they were divided into Ostro-Goths, or East-Goths, 
and Visi-Gotha, or West-Goths, their language was the same. 
Kindred tribes also, occupying the extreme frontiers of Eastern 
Germany, such as Vandals, Gepidae, and others, are supposed 
te have spoken the Gothic language, though probably in dialects 
slightly differing from that of Ulfilas. The Gothic language 
must have become extinct before the final disappearance of East 
and West Goths from the scene of histery; it left no daughter or 
derivative language behind. Ulfilas was bom in a.d. 311. His 
parents were of Cappadocian origin, and had been carried away 
from their home as captives about a.d. 267, when the Goths made 
a raid from Europe te Asia, Galatia, and Cappadocia. Prom 
these Christian captives the Goths first received their knowledge 
of the Gospel. Ulfilas was born among the Goths; Gothic 
was his native language, though in after life he was able to 
write and speak both in Greek and Latin. When the Goths 
were persecuted on account of their Christianity, Ulfilas led 
them across the Danube into the Roman Empire. As a young 
man of education, he was sent on an embassy te the Emperor 
Constantine, who received him wdth great respect and called 
him the Moses of his time. Another interview is mentioned 
between Ulfilas and the Emperor Constentine which occurred 
in A.D. 348, when Ulfilas had been for seven years bishop among 
the Goths. Though the exact date of the Gothic exodus is 
still a disputed point, it is likely that Ulfilas acted as their 
leader on more than one occasion. Ulfilas never changed his 
religion, but belonged to the Arian denomination all his life. 

^ Law9 of Ethdbert, a. d. 597. 


He died at Constantinople in a.d. 38 i ^ Of his translation, which 
comprised the whole Bible except the Books of Kings, we still 
possess the greater part of the Gospels, the Epistles of St. Paul, 
and small fragments of Esdras and Nehemiah. Besides these 
portions of the Scriptures there are extant fragments of an 
exposition in Gothic of the Gospel of St. John, and a fragment 
of a Gothic calender. 

Old High German comprises a number of dialects which were 

spoken in Upper or South Germany, e. g. the Thiiringian, Pran- 

oonian, Swabian, Alsacian, Swiss and Bavarian (Austrian), and 

wiich are embodied in the literary documents of three centuries, 

dating from the beginning of the eighth to the middle of the 

eleventh century. We have already observed that none of the 

Teutonic dialects can be said to have been derived from Gothic. 

Old High German, therefore, is a sister dialect of the Gothic, of 

the Anglo-Saxon, and the Old Noi'se ; though, on the other hand, 

it most be acknowledged that the family likeness between the 

two former dialects is more intimate and obvious. From the 

eleventh century a gradual change takes place in the structure 

of Old High German, the inflexional vowels are gradually worn 

down or weakened; the full -sounding a is flattened into the 

tiinner vocal sound of e ; the vowel of the root itself is more 

and more affected by the terminational e, so that not only a 

appears modified into ^, but u also into », into 0. 

Thus we see &om the Old High German a new dialect gradually 
developing itself, which stands to the former in the relation of 
a daughter to a mother. This derivative dialect is called Middle 
High Grerman. It belonged to Upper Germany in the same 
manner and to the same extent as its parent tongue. Its literary 
productions reach over a period of four hundred years, from the 
^finning of the twelfth to the end of the fifteenth century. 
^Vlilgt the literary documents in Old High German are far from 
leing abundant. Middle High German has bequeathed to us a 
literature so various in its details, so clear in its ideas, so grand 
in its conceptions, so refined and melodious in its diction, that it 
has rightly been called ^ the first classical period of German 
literature/ Exposed, however, to the continued wear and tear 
of time, the language of the Nibelungen and of the Gudrun, of 
a Wolfram von Eschenbach and Gottfried von Strassburg, pro- 
ceeds on its course down the phonetic scale until, in Modern 
High German, it has almost arrived at zero, the inflexional 

' Max MiiUer, Lectures on the Science of Language, First Series (5th ed.) pp. 


forms having dwindled down into a few meagre e vowels. This 
modified High German dialect, this daughter of the Middle, and 
grand-daughter of the Old High German, presents us with its 
first literary production of note in Luther's translation of the 
Bible, and reaches its culminating point in the language of 
Goethe^s Iphigenia and Torquato Tasso, the most classical of all 
works of ^ the second classical period of German literature/ 

The same course which we have attempted to trace in this 
short sketch will be observed when we turn to the other Ten- 
tonic dialects and their modem derivatives. Anglo-Saxon, the 
literary langyage, is one of the dialects transplanted into Celtic soil 
by the invaders who came from the western and north-western 
districts of Low Germany ^. 

The Celtic language was spoken not only by the primitive 
inhabitants of Britain, but sJso by the inhabitants of Graul,- 
Belgium, and part of Spain. No literary documents from that 
primitive or pre- Roman time have come down to us, probably 
because the Druids, according to Caesar^s account, shrunk from 
committing their sacred rites and doctrines to writing. The 
most ancient Irish documents do not reach back further than 
to the eighth or ninth century. 

The Roman legions brought their language and customs to 
Britain. The long duration of the Roman occupation, their 
perennial encampments, the colonies founded by their veteran 
soldiers, the rise of flourishing cities, the construction of high- 
roads, and other monuments of art and science which are partly 
extant, show how deeply Roman civilization had struck root in 
this country. And yet there are no Latin words dating from 
that time preserved in the language, with the exception of a 
few compounds, as colonia, coin, in Lincoln, and castra, cestra, 
cester, in Chester, Winchester, Gloucester, &c. It was only with 
the introduction of Christianity that a copious Latin vocabulary, 
chiefly referring to ecclesiastical afiairs, found admission into the 
language of the country. With the scholastic, and subsequently 
the classical studies, new supplies of Latin terms were intro- 
duced into the vernacular; and the mania of latinizing the 
language in the time of Queen Elizabeth became so general, 
that Thomas Wilson (died 1581) bitterly complains of the 
' strange ink-horn terms' introduced into English. ' Some seek 
so far for outlandish English, that they forget altogether their 

^ There are some who consider the Anglo-Saxon of our ancient documents to be 
a compound of several dialects which took its rise after the Saxon invasion of 
England, *a new speech, resulting from the fusion of many separate elements/ 
Marsh, Lfcturet, p. 43. 


mother's lan^age. And I dare swear this, if some of their 
mothers were alive, they were not ahle to tell what they say; 
and yet these fine English will say they speak in their mother 
tongue, if a man should charge them with counterfeiting the 
King's English/ And of Sir Thomas Browne it is asserted, not 
without reason, that to persons acquainted only with their 
native tongue, many of his. sentences must be nearly unintelli- 
gible; and the author is himself of opinion that, if the desire 
after elegancy continued to work in the same direction, it- 
would soon be necessary to learn Latin in order to understaud 

We return to Anglo-Saxon. The four Teutonic tribes that 
invaded Britain have left no record in the dialect peculiar to 
each ; we therefore have no facts from which to obtain any idea 
ais to the nature of their language. The Jutes who settled in 
Kent, Hampshire, and the Isle of Wight, may probably have 
spoken a Low German, that is, a dialect most closely akin to 
Anglo-Saxon, for we find in those districts no traces whatever 
which point to the Old Norse dialect. But on the other hand 
it must be admitted that if their dialect had been Old Norse, it 
might, from its constant and immediate contact with the over- 
whelming Saxon element, have gradually become extinct in 
proportion to the amalgamation of the Jutes with the Saxons. 
The Angles who came from Western Schleswig settled north of 
the Saxons, between the Thames and the Wash. Their language 
must have closely resembled the Saxon dialect. But as to the 
latter, we have no better evidence. The Saxons who settled in 
England called themselves simply Saxons in contradistinction 
to the ' Old Saxons,' that is, those tribes of their nation which 
had remained behind in the old country. Though the Saxon 
emigrants and the German Old Saxons must have been most 
intimately related, it is still doubtful whether they belonged 
exactly to one and the same tribe. On the contrary, judging 
from the intimate relation existing between Saxons and Angles, 
their joint enterprises and settlement in a new country, one 
might feel inclined to take the English Saxons as belonging to 
a tribe which occupied the district north of the Elbe, and which 
is to be distinguished from the Southern Saxons. Still the 
question remains to be settled, whether their language was 
identically the same or not. 

If we take the degree in which the language of the Anglo- 
Saxon Beowulf differs from that of the Old Saxon Heliand as 
the only criterion, we must admit that Anglo-Saxon and Old 
Saxon were two distinct dialects. This difference however 


may be accounted for in another way. The Old Saxons who 
stayed behind in their country were generally stationary, and 
not exposed to external influences which make themselves 
keenly felt among emigrants by causing rapid changes in 
manners, customs, and language. The English Saxons, on the 
other hand, were eminently exposed to those influences. They 
found themselves in a new country, in novel scenery and con- 
ditions of life; they soon forgot their old country with its 
songs and sagas; they gradually mingled with the Celtic 
natives, scpjirated into different parties, and founded seven 
jHjtty stakes, which were to a certain extent independent of each 
other. What wonder that such conditions, differing so materi- 
ally from those of the German Saxons, should bring about a 
different course of development in their language, and account 
for the divergrnce which we perceive on comparing the Anglo- 
Saxon and ()ld Saxon dialects ^ 

Under the term of Anglo-Saxon we include all the Teutonic 
dialects which were spoken in England from the fifth century. 
Ilio term itself was of a later date, and supplanted the earlier terms 
of 'Saxon' and 'Anglisc.' Grammarians divide this Anglo-Saxon 
into two periods. Old and New Anglo-Saxon, or Semi-Saxon. 
I1ie Hteniry documents in Old Anglo-Saxon extend over a period 
of almost live hundred years, beginning with Beowulf, a poem 
which the Anglo-Saxons had imported from their own country, 
and which is supposed to have been written in the seventh cen- 
ttiry, although there are no manuscripts that can be referred 
beyond the tenth century. Old Anglo-Saxon again may be 
distinguished into two principal dialects, the Saxon and the 
Anglian, or Southern and Northern dialect. These again were 
)rol)ably subdivided into local dialects, among which that of the 
Vest Saxons gained the ascendancy and became the literary 
lungtiage, used in Beowulf, in Caedmon's Metrical Paraphrase, 
and in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The Northern or Anglian 
dialect is divided again into the North and South Anglian 
(Mercia, Anglia — Northumberland), the former being largely 
tinged with the Danish or Old Norse element. The dialect of 
Mercia is supposed to have been partly made use of in the com- 
position of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and the Durham Book 
is written in the dialect of Northumbria. 

The first period of Old Anglo-Saxon is characterized by its 
purely Teutonic elements, its consonants which closely corre- 

* It is true that generally colonization fixes a language, as we learn from the 
Icelandic for instance ; but then the fact is chiefly owing to the isolated position of 
a people, and want of intercourse with other nations. 



pond with the Gothic, its rich and varied vocalism and its 
nflcsional forms, which, though greatly worn and weakened, 
re still full-sounding vowels. Besides the natural decline and 
)honetic changes which we have observed in the transition from 
)ld High German to Middle and Modern High German, we 
ind in the English language other agencies at work which 
combined to give the English language of the present day its 
iiversified aspect, and which therefore deserve some further 

The Old Norse dialect, which we shall have especially to 
mention hereafter, exercised a great influence chiefly upon the 
language of the north of England, where from a.d. 787 the 
Norsemen, that is Danes and Norwegians, made repeated in- 
roads and gradually settled in the country. The reign of the 
Danish Kings too, from a.d. 1002 to 1041, cannot have passed 
without admitting the Danish element more freely into the 
language as well as the customs of the Saxons. The Anglo- 
Saxon vocabulary has consequently adopted a certain stock of 
Old Norse words, part of which are still preserved in the English 
of the present day. The northern dialects above all may owe 
their broad full vowels to Old Norse influences. 

Even before the Conquest, Norman-French found entrance 
into England, chiefly at court. Edward the Confessor, having 
been educated at the Norman court, had naturally a pre- 
dilection for the Norman system, which he also imitated by 
introducing Norman-French as the language of his court. With 
the Conquest Norman-French found ready entrance among the 
higher classes. The succession of Norman barons to the con- 
fiscated estates of the Saxon nobility, the appointment of the 
Norman clergy to the higher dignities of the Saxon Church ; 
the erection of convents inhabited by Norman monks and nuns ; 
the intimate connection between the clergy and nobility, — all this 
tended, in a comparatively short time, to make the Norman 
tongue the language of rank and education, while Anglo-Saxon 
continued to be that of the nation at large, that is, the language 
of the needy and the oppressed. But there is always some 
intercourse between the upper and lower classes, and where their 
languages are different, they will of necessity create a mixed 
tongue, as the occasion requires. 

But with the beginning of the thirteenth century, a reaction 
began. The loss of Normandy by King John suspended further 
immigrations from that country, and the agreement made be- 
tween the Kings, Henry III and Louis IX, according to which 
subjects of one crown could not acquire landed property under 


the other^ put a stop to Norman transmigrations. The despotic 
aggressions of the English Kings soon joined Normans and 
Saxons in a common league against their royal oppressors^ and 
in these movements the freedom-loving, honesty Saxon element 
made itself conspicuous and regained its ascendancy over the 
Norman-tVench type. The proud Norman, who heretofore, in 
order to pronounce dissent or unbelief was wont to exclaim with 
an oath, ' Then I shall become an Englishman!' or, in order 
to spurn at an unbeconiing proposal, ' Do you take me for an 
Englishnaan^ ?'— that same Norman, a hundred years aflber, was 
proud of the appellation of Englishman. He in fact gradually 
lost the consciousness of his Norman-Prench nationality, so that 
in 1308 he joined the Saxon in opposing the French favourites 
whom, King Edward had called over, and in compelling the 
King to dismiss them. These anti-French feelings were still more 
fostered by the ware with France which commenced in 1339 
under Edward III, and which more than anything else tended 
to amalgamate the Norman and Saxon into one compact nation- 
ality — a nationality of which both parties had good reason to be 
proud. The result of these political changes becomes plainly 
manifest in the history of the English language. Already in 
1 258 Henry III ordered the enactments of the Mad Parliament> 
to be published, not only in Latin and French but also in th^ 
vernacular ; and the victory of the Saxon element was, about a 
hundred years after, so decided that Edward III in 1 363 decreed 
that henceforth causes pending in courts of law should be con- 
ducted in English and registered in Latin, because the French 
language was too little known. This remarkable document was 
composed in pure Saxon, unmixed with French^. The literary 
documents of this period in general are characterized by a con- 
siderable loss in the inflexional forms, and an important admix- 
ture of Norman-French with the Old Anglo-Saxon. 

English again is divided into three periods: Old English, Middle 
English, and Modem English. The period of Old English com- 
prises a hundred years. During this period the old inflexional 
forms continued their decline, so that the declension of sub- 
stantives hardly show more than the debris of the old inflexional 
forms. To the Old English period belong Robert of Gloucester's 
Chronicle, Peter Langtoft^s Chronicle, and the Early English 
Psalter. To the Middle English period belong the writings of 
Wycliffe, Chaucer and Sir John Mandeville. The period of Middle 
English is commonly, and I consider rightly, introduced with 
Chaucer, ' the father of English poetry,^ who undoubtedly had 

* Koch, EinUitung, p. 14. * Ibid. p. 15. 


Lt vastly greater influence ou the thoughts and on the speech 
of UU countrymen than Wycliffe, whose translation of the Bible 
was, up to the time of the Reformation, most probably knouii 
to none except the learned few. Midtile English is characterized 
by the rapid dilapidation of all inflesionnl forms, the diminution 
of strong verbs, and the almost total abt^euee of declensions 
i>f substantives as well as adjeetives. 

Modem English continued the eame decline, and has bj 
this time succeeded in Ktripping itself of all inflexional forms 
with the exception of the « and st of the present, the ed of 
the preterite of the verb, the « of the genitive, the degrees of 
comparison of adjectives, and a few pronominal cases. As the 
first important work in Modem English, we may consider the 
translation of the Bible under the auspices of King James the 
FSmt, forming the authorized version up to the present time. 
It was ba^ed upon the Bishop's Bil^le, and the translations of 
Coverdale, Tyndale, &c., were to be consulted whenever they 
were in closer harmony with the original text than the Bishop's 
Bible. In spite of the drawbacks we have mentioned, the 
Modem English language has, according to Jacob Grimm, 
gained in spiritual maturity what it has lost in the more material 
advantages of inflexional tbnns ; and, according to another au- 
thority, it has during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries 
bt*n worked out so elaborately that it combines the vigour of 
the Teutonic with the elegance of the Latin languages, and 
must be considered completely sufficient for the expression of 
every thought in poetry or. prose. 

As to the constituent elements composing modern English the 
following observations may find their place here. The I^euch 
element having been engrafted on the German, all inilexions in 
the English language, such as they are, are German. This is 
therefore the case with auxiliary verba and all verbal inflexions, 
the pronouns, the numerals, conjunctions, and prepositions (with 
few exceptions). German appellations are preferred for natural 
objects and phEenomena of nature, such as animals, plants and 
minerals, the parts of the human body, the sky, the weather, 
and everything connected with them. German are the names 
which designate articles of dress and weapons ; and the farmer 
characteristically enough uses only German words in the course 
of bis daily occupation ; and so, on the whole, does the sailor. 
The names for articles of food are mixed, some German, others 
French. Here again it is interesting to observe the characteristic 
application of French terms for certain kinds of meat, and Ger- 
man for the animals from which the food is derived : the Saxon 


farmer speaks of ox and cow, calf and sheep, out of which the 
French or Gallicized cook produces beef, veal, and mutton. The 
French element has decidedly the ascendancy in such appella- 
tions as refer to the political organization, the titles, and dignities 
of the state, to arts and sciences. 

Old Norse we call that dialect which in the olden times, and 
as late as the eleventh century, was spoken and generally under- 
stood in Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and the adjacent islands. 
This language was preserved almost intact in Iceland, while in 
Denmark and Sweden it grew into two different dialects, the 
Modern Danish and Swedish. The Icelandic of the present day 
has a closer aflBnity to the Old Norse dialects in the literary 
documents of the ninth century than the Old High Grerman of 
the eighth shows to the High German of the eleventh century. 
This stationary existence of the Norse language in Icelandic 
can be explained partly by its secluded position in an island far 
out of reach of continental influence, partly by the stereotyped 
form which it assumed in the old songs and sagas most zealously 
cultivated by the Icelander of later times. Their island had 
been known in the ninth century when voyages of discovery 
were made thither. Even afterwards, when the despotic reign 
of Harold Haarfagr threatened to reduce the northern free- 
men to a state of vassalage, many inhabitants of the Scan- 
dinavian islands, a number of noblemen amongst them, emi- 
grated to the distant shores of Iceland, while others directed 
their voyage towards France and England. In Iceland the 
Northmen established an aristocratic republic, their settlement 
began to thrive, and they adopted Christianit}'' in the year looo. 

The old poetry which flourished in Norway in the eighth 
century, and which was cultivated by the Skalds in the ninth, 
would have been lost in Norway itself had it not been for the 
jealous care with which it was preserved by the emigrants of 
Iceland. The most important branch of their traditional poetry 
was short songs (hliod or Quida) relating the deeds of their gods 
and heroes. It is impossible to determine their age, but they 
existed at least previously to the emigration of the Northmen 
to Iceland, and probably as early as the seventh century. Those 
ancient songs of the Northmen were collected about the middle 
of the twelfth century, and are still preserved in the two Eddas, 
of which the elder or poetical Edda contains old mythic poems, 
the younger or Snorri's Edda gives the ancient myths in prose. 
Both Eddas were composed in Iceland and form the most 
valuable part of Old Norse literature ^ 

* Max M tiller, Lectures, First Scries, p. an. 


From the Old Norse are derived the modern Swedish and Danish 
ing^uages, although it may reasonably be doubted, whether they 
ave sprung from exactly that form of speech which is preserved 
1 the Old Norse literary documents. It is indeed now txiken 
or granted that Old Norse at a very early date was split into 
wo sister dialects, one, spoken in Norway, being the mother of 
)ld Norwegian or Icelandic, the other the parent of Swedish 
knd Danish. The first germs of Swedish and Danish are con- 
idered to have existed long before the eleventh century in the 
lialects of the numerous clans and tribes of the Scandinavian 
•ace. That race is clearly divided into two branches, called by 
Swedish scholars the East and West Scandinavian. The former 
ivould be represented by the old language of Norway and 
[celand, the latter by Swedish and Danish. This division of 
jhe Scandinavian race had taken place before the Northmen 
settled in Norway and Sweden^. 

All the dialects spoken in the Lowlands of Germany between 
the Rhine and the shores of the Baltic are comprised under the 
term of Low German. Anglo-Saxon is a Low German dialect, 
and there are belonging to the same category several others 
which require a passing allusion. On the north coast of Ger- 
many between the Rhine and the Elbe, and to the north of the 
Elbe, extended the Old Frisian dialect. Though it is preserved 
in literary documents which do not reach back beyond the four- 
teenth century, and therefore are contemporary with the Middle, 
not the Old, High German literature, the Old Frisian dialect 
nevertheless displays a more antique cast and resembles more 
closely Old, than Middle, High German. ^The political isola- 
tion and the noble adhesion of the Frisians to their ancient laws 
and traditions imparted to their language also a more conserva- 
tive tendency. For the same reason we see about that time, 
nay up to the present day, the Icelandic language but slightly 
deviating from the grammatical forms which are characteristic 
of the Old Norse dialect. After the fourteenth century the old 
Frisian forms become rapidly extinct, whilst in the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries they were almost on a parallel with the 
Anglo-Saxon of the ninth and tenth centuries.* ' 

Old Saxon is the dialect which was spoken in the German 
Lowlands between the Rhine and the Elbe in the districts which 
lie at the foot of the central plateau of Germany. This language 
we know from literary productions which date from between the 
ninth and eleventh centuries, and had their origin in the dis- 
tricts of Mimster, Essen and Cleve. The most ancient and most 

* Max MtiUer, Leeture$t i. p. aio. ' Ibid. p. 196. 


important document in Old Saxon is the Heliand (the Healer^ 
or Saviour, German heiland), a free version of the Gospels, 
written for the newly converted Saxons about the ninth century. 
The Old Saxon is the mother of the Middle Low German which 
is to be distinguished from the Middle German and Middle 
Netherlandish or Middle Dutch, and the modem derivative of 
which we find in Modem Low German or ' Platt-Deutsch/ Old 
Saxon most closely approaches Old High German, whilst the 
dialect spoken in the districts of Thuringia, Hesse, &c., situated 
between Upper and Lower Germany, formed a kind of transition 
between High and Low German. The Dutch language boasts 
of no such antique documents as we find in English and German, 
for its literature cannot be traced fiirther back than the six- 
teenth century. Still it is to the present day a literary and 
national language, although confined to a small area. Flemish 
too was in those times the language used in the courts of Zan- 
ders and Brabant, but at a later period it had to give way before 
the official languages of Holland and Belgium, and its use is 
almost completely confined to the Flemish peasantry. 

Having so far sketched the relative position of the difierent 
Teutonic languages spread over their resi>ective areas in Europe, 
we must direct our attention to the degree of relationship in. 
which they stand to each other, and in which they a<2^n, taken- 
collectively, stand to other cognate languages. We take for 
this purpose the Old Teutonic dialects, in which the modem 
derivative languages will find their illustration at the same time. 
The six old Teutonic dialects, Gothic, Old High German, Old 
Norse, Old Frisian, Old Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon, ihay accord- 
ing to their greater or lesser affinity be classified in three groups : 
Gothic with its nearest relatives, namely, Anglo-Saxon, Old 
Saxon, Old Frisian, forming the Low German group ; by the 
side of which we place as a second group Old High German, as 
a third. Old Norse. All the Teutonic languages however are 
descended from one common mother which we call the primi- 
tive Teutonic (Grundsprache), and the relation of the diffisrent 
groups, ancient and modern, to this primitive tongue will appear 
from the following diagram. 

The Teutonic dialects again, of which the Gothic is our repre- 
sentative, belong to a group which formerly went under the name 
of ^ Indo-European,' now by that of ' Aryan languages '.' To the 
same group belong the following classes. 

I . The Indian class of languages. Sanskrit, the most important 

* Some German lingaists use the tenn of ' Indo-Grermanic' 

iXTRODUvrwif. ir 

langnflge for the student of Comparative Grammar, ia tlie sacred 
language of the Hindoos. It had ceased to be a spoken languaije 
at least three hundred years before Christ. At that time the 
jwople of India sjioke dialects standing to the ancient Vedic 
Sanskrit in the relation of Italian to Latin. The dialects, called 
Prakrit, are known partly from inscriptions which are still pre- 
served, partly from the Pali, the saered langTiage of Buddhism 
in Ceylon, and partly from the Prilkrit idioms ns«d in later plays 
and poetical compositions; and we see at last bow through a 
mixture »vith the languages of the various conquerors of India, 
and through a concomitant eorruption of their grammatical 
system, they were changed into the modem Hindi, Hindustani, 
Mahratti, and Bengali, During all this time, however, Sanskrit 
continued as the literari' language of the Brahmins. Like 
Latin, it did not die in giving birth to its numerous offspring, 
and even at the present day an educated Brahmin would write 
with greater fluency in Sanskrit than in Bengali '. 

2. The Iranic class of languages, among which most closely 
allied to the Sanskrit is the Zend, or sacred language of the 
Zoroastrians or worshippers of Ormuzd. To the same class belong 
Old and Modern Persian, the Kurdic, Armenian, &c. 

3. The Greek language, with its derivative. Modem Greek. 

4. The Italic class, represented in several dialects — the Umbric, 
Osk, Sabine, and Latin ; and, derived from the latter, the Modern 
Latin or Romance languages — Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, 
Provencal, French, and Rumanic. 

5. The Slavonic class — Russian, Bulgarian, Polish, Bohemian, 
and lUyrian. 

6. The Lithuanian class, represented by LettJc and Old Prus- 
sian (now extinct). 

7. The Celtic langnages, comprising Welsh, Erse or Gaelic, 
the Manse, the Breton, and the Cornish (now extinct). 

To these difierent groups or classes of languages we must 
then refer our Teutonic directs for the sake of comparison and 
explanation. But it would be erroneous to suppose that every 
word or every grammatical form which we meet in Gothic must 
be preserved in Sanskrit too, or that for every Latin word we 
can give the parallel in Celtic or Slavonic. Where, however, one 
class leaves us without a clue, another may step in to supply 
the defect. If Gothic does not show an analogy to a certain 
word in Sanskrit, Latin will do so, or Greek. 'I'his holds good 
ecially for the etymology of words, while for our grammatical 

' .Mu MUllur, Leetaret, i. |i. IS4. 


forms^ inflexions^ and terminations, a reference from the Teutonic 
to the Latin, Greek, or Sanskrit languages will generally suffice 
to trace them to their primitive types. 

The Aryan languages which we have just enumerated^ being 
again looked upon as the daughters of an older parent stock, 
are very often reduced to a primitive idiom, called by Grerman 
grammarians the ' Ursprache.' From the results Comparative 
Grammar has gained on the field of the cognate lang^uages, 
science has succeeded in building up the grammar of the pri- 
mitive language, the mother of the whole Aryan tribe, the 
* Ursprache' of German linguists, the language which was 
spoken by our Aryan ancestors before Sanskrit was Sanskritj 
Greek was Greek, or Latin was Latin. It is not without a 
feeling of wonder and awe that one follows the bold philo- 
sopher into those regions of antiquity, in comparison with 
which the most ancient documents of Greek or even Sanskrit 
literature are but of yesterday. We shall introduce all the 
grammatical forms of the ^ primitive language' as far as they" 
have been traced, and as &r as they may tend to throw lights 
upon the grammatical forms of the Teutonic languages. Whea 
we speak of the ^ primitive language' we understand of course 
that language which was the mother of Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, 
and Gothic ; as Latin was the mother of French, Italian, and 
Spanish. But we do not speak of the on^ primitive language 
of mankind, because everything tends to prove that there ex- 
isted many primitive languages, some of which became extinct, 
others gave birth to filial tongues. Looking apart, however, 
from these questions, which belong to Comparative Grammar in 
general, we confine ourselves to giving as far as possible the 
primitive types of all the grammatical forms which the English- 
man, Dane, or German, uses in his daily speech. To effect 
this we have of course to trace our way first to the Old Teutonic 
dialects, to the cognate languages, and thence to the most 
ancient form of Aryan speech ; or, vice versa, placing the primi- 
tive form at the head, we follow its course of development in 
the cognate and Old Teutonic languages, thence through the 
Middle to the New Teutonic dialects. 

The different Aryan languages, though all of them descend- 
ants of the same mother, do not stand in exactly the same degree 
of affinity to their parent, but show more or less family likeness. 
Thus Sanskrit, for instance, approaches in most cases most nearly 
the primitive language, while Gothic most widely diverges from 
it. We may therefore look upon Sanskrit as the eldest, Gothic 
as the youngest sister of the Aryan family, though it must be well 


understood that this comparison holds fifood only to the extent 
wre have pointed out : Sanskrit looks older, Gothic younger, in 
the garment in which we find them dressed up in the most ancient 
docaments. From what we have stated it will also become 
apparent that there must exist a greater or less affinity of the 
Aryan languages to each other, in proportion as they have more 
or less preserved the family likeness to their common mother. 
This family likeness is greater in the languages of those nations 
which settled down in the East, it is less in the languages of 
Western nations ; the former contain more of the ancient forms, 
the latter have more often replaced them by modern formations. 
From this again it follows that the allied Slavonic and Teutonic 
tribes first separated from their ancient home and nation and 
began their migration to the far West ; after them the united 
Greek, Italic, and Celtic tribes emigrated in the same direction, 
while the tribes that remained behind in their ancient home 
split again in two, the Iranians (Persians) settling in the south- 
west, the Indians in the south-east of the plateau of Central 
Asia, the original home of the Aryan tribes. The divisions 
of the primitive language into the different Aryan tongues 
Schleicher has very ingeniously represented in a diagram, given 
on the following page, where the length of the lines indicates 
the duration, the divergence of the lines the degree of rela- 
tionship of these languages. 

c 2 












' The arrangement I have made in this diagram differs materially fron^that made 
by Schleicher in his diagram of the Aryan languages in the pamphlet ' Die Darwin* 
fdie Theorie unddie Sprachwissenschaft,* Weimar, 1863. 


VowBLS are formed by the configuration of the mouthy or the 
bnccal tube; but the pitch or tone inherent to each vowel is 
determined by the chordae vocales. On emitting the breath 
from the lungs through the buccal tube in order to pronounce 
a vowel, we may give the interior of the mouth two extreme 
positions. In one the lips are rounded and the tongue is drawn 
down, 'so that the cavity of the mouth assumes the shape of 
a bottle without a neck,' and we pronounce u. In the other 
we narrow the lips and draw up the tongue to its utmost, so 
that the buccal tube represents 'a bottle with a very narrow 
neck,' and we pronounce i. Intermediate between the u and 
I, with lips less rounded than in the case of the former, and 
lees narrowed than in the case of the latter, the tongue neither 
drawn up nor down, and therefore in its natural position, we 
pronounce a^. Between these there is an indefinite variety of 
vocal sounds, but every language has fixed upon a limited 
number, just as music, though the number of notes in the 
octave is unlimited, contents itself with twelve which sufiice 
to give expression to the most wonderful creations of genius. 
a, t, and u may be considered as the types of all vowels which 
differ not only in the quality but also in the pitch of the 
sound. Their relative position will be seen from the follow- 
ing table : — 

i— pitch, or inherant tone : D"" 
a — pitch, or inherent tone : B" flat 
-pitch, or inherent tone : F. 

From this table it becomes clear that u, as it is the extreme 
of i in the quality of sound, so it is in its pitch or inherent 
tone; and that a in both respects occupies an intermediate 
position. The last-mentioned vowel being equally distant from 

' Max MtUler, Ledureit ii. p. 1 19 sqq. 


either extreme^ and pronounced while the organs occupy their 
natural position^ it is easily understood that a had every chance 
of becoming a favourite vowel. 

Now if the physiologist may regard the a, i, and u, as the 
types of all vowels^ the linguist will as readily acknowledge 
that they are the ' primitive ' vocal sounds^ and that all others 
owe their origin to a modification of these. From the sounds 
of the ' primitive language/ the ' Ursprache,* all the sounds in 
the different Aryan languages have been developed according 
to certain phonetic laws which we see at work in the vital 
processes of language; and to these primitive vowels conse- 
quently all vowels in the different Aryan languages can be 
traced as to their common source. The ^primitive language' 
in its most primitive form was limited to the three typical 
vowels, which later on, certainly before the first breaking up 
of the Aryan family, were multiplied by the a entering into 
combination, first with its own like, and then with the tw ^^ 
other vowels. Thus we get the following table of gradatioiB^ - 
of sounds : — 

Primitive. I. Orctdatian. II. Gradation. 

z. a . . . a + a^^aa . . . a + cut^aa 

2. i . . . a-^i»ai . . . d + ai^&i 

3. tt . . . a + u^au . . . a + ausdtt. 

The combinations aa and da were probably contracted into d^^ 
at an early period. The vowel a is so characteristically dis^ — • 
tinct &om its two fellows that it may be considered as forming^ 
a class of its own in contradistinction to that which comprisei^ 
the vowels i and u. The latter have in their suit, and are often ^ 
replaced by^ the consonants, or semivowels, J and t?, while a -^ 
never passes into a consonant, and thus displays more ener- 
getically its vocalic nature. Each vowel is limited to the 
combinations mentioned in the table, and these combinations 
are used as a means of expressing in the root itself its rela- 
tions in connected speech. The vowels of suffixes also are 
capable of forming those combinations, because they originally 
proceeded from independent roots; but the primitive form of a 
root is always rendered with a primitive, that is, a simple 
vowel. In a root with two consonants the combinations do 
not occur, and such a root has always the radical a, never i 
or u. Thus then the essence of all inflections we find in the 
system of vowels. 

Long vowels being of a secondary formation they did not 
exist in the primitive language ; where nevertheless they occur 


equally in different Aryan dialects, as Sansk. pita (rs), Greek 
varrip, Qotii. /adar=zfatAdr, &c. Schleicher supposes them to 
be of later introduction^ perhaps of a period when the different 
lang>uages had already separated; and he therefore claims for 
the last-mentioned words in the primitive language the genuine 
form pa tars. 

The Sanskrit has, besides the short vowels i and «, the length- 
ened forms { and tl. The combinations ai and au are fused 
into the single vowels e and o; e being the intermediate sound 
between a and i, the former ascended, the latter descended to 
the pitch of e, hence twice ^, or ^4-^=/. In the same manner 
in the combination au the a descended, the u ascended, to their 
intermediate pitch e>, hence for a -f « we have o-^ o = S, A 
peculiar feature in the vital process of vowels is the weakening 
of a full into a thin vowel, the ' Schwdchung^ of German gram- 
marians, a phenomenon which chiefly occurs with the vowel a, 
which may be * degraded,' as it were, in this scale into i, u^ and 
«, 4. Thus then we arrive at the following table : — 

DegrculcUum or 
weakening. Primitive. I. Oradation. II. Qradation, 

I. a sounds i, «; (, 4 . . a . . . . d . . . . a 

a. i Boandfl i .... ^ .... d{ 

3. u sounds tf .... ^ .... dtf 

The Teutonic languages, of which Gothic is the most ancient 
^presentative, have, with characteristic perseverance, kept each 
^tulical vowel in its proper order, and thus girded the main 
Principle of inflections. The vowel a is weakened both into i 
^nd «, and these weakened forms occur quite as reg^arly as the 
gradations. The first and second gradations are kept strictly 
distinct^ the former in Gothic being ^ the latter S, The pri- 
mitive au has, in Gothic, weakened the a into i, and thus the 
primitive combination is replaced by iu ; in ai the a by assimi- 
lation to the i becomes e, and consequently Gothic ei stands for 
the primitive ai. iu (= primitive au) is sometimes represented 
by 4. Thus we get the table : — 

II. DtgradaHon. I. Degradation. Primitive. I. Oradation. II. Gradation. 

I, Order a.4....u... a,,,.i,,»,6 

i. Order i i , , , . ei . . . , ai 

3. Order u u , , . . iu {H). . . au 

In order to give a comprehensive glance over the course of 
development of vowels in tie Old Teutonic languages in general, 
aad the relation of these vowels to those in Gothic, Sanskrit^ 


and the primitive language^ I subjoin a table arranged according 
to the different orders. 

1. Order a. 

Degradation^ or 
weakening. Primitive. I. Gradation. II. Oradation, 

Primitife a . . . aa . . . . aa 

Sanikrit. . . . i, w, i, H . . a . . . a . . . . a 
Gothic ....<; u.,.a...i....6 

Old High German t a . , . a . . . . uo 

Old Sazon . . . e a . . . a {e) , . , 6 

Anglo-Hazon . . d, o,f . . . . a . . . <^ (a) . . . tf 

Old Friiian ..e a . . . a . . . , 6 

Old Norte . . e - . . • - a . . . a . . . . 6 

2. Order t. 

Prin»itiT« t ... at .... at 

Haimkrit t ........ at 

Gothic • t ... e< .... a< 

Old High German e t ... t .... ei(^) 

Old Saxon . . . « < ... I .... ^ 

Anglo-Saxon . . e i ...(.... d (^ 

Old FriiUn . . . e t . . . t . . . . « (a) 

Old Norte . . . e < . . . t . . . . H 

3. Order u. 

Primitive u . . , au , . , , au 

Santkrit u ... ^ .... /?u 

Gothic u . . . iu{u) , , , au 

Old High German u . . . tu (u) . . . ou (d) 

Old Saxon ... u . . . tu (4) . . . d 

Anglo-Saxon . . u . , , e6{ii) , , . €d{i) 

Old Fritian ... t* . . . <w (tl) . . . d (i) 

Old Norte ... tf . . . tu (ii) . . . au 

These different vowels of the different languages just enume- 
rated are liable to certain modifications brought about under 
the influence of other vowels or of consonants. Such modifica- 
tions taking place according to phonetic laws did not exist in 
the primitive language. Where two vowels happened to suc- 
ceed, hiatus probably took place, though it could but rarelj 
occur, because the elision of consonants was not vet known. At 
a very early period, however, a, with a succeeaing vowel, may- 
have formed a compound vowel or diphthong, as a and i^ai. 
But in the cognate languages we find various phonetic laws 
which regulate the changes and modifications of vowels. Of 
these we have already mentioned the *• gradation' or ' Steigerung/ 
according to which the vowel a enters into combination with its 
own kind (a-\-a^aa] aa-\-a = da), or with i and u (ai, au, &c.), 
combinations which in the cognate languages are often con- 


tracted into one, and then of course a lon^ vowel. The degrada" 
Hon, or weakening, or 'Schwachung' attacked first of all the 
most powerful of vowels, the a, which in Sanskrit we find weak- 
ened into i and u, in most of the Teutonic dialects weakened 
into e ; the latter again often weaken the u into o, the i into e. 

Vowels in the different Teutonic Dialects^. 


Short Vowels. 


Gothic. ( I ) At the beginning of a word : — alev, oil ; arja, 
I plough (Lat. aro); arbaidja, I work (Germ, arbeite); asnei^s, 
slave; andeis, end. (2) In the middle of a word: — skalis, 
servus ; favdi, few ; dal, valley, dale (Germ, thai) ; farja, I sail 
(Germ, fahren) ; hvar, where ; ^«r, there ; fadar, father. (3) At 
the end of a word : — ba, both ; fra, from ; hva, what ; sa, he ; 
9va, so; tva, two; ja, indeed, yes (Germ. ja). In Gothic this 
short a is nowhere encroached upon by other vowels. Where in 
foreign words two a's meet, they are rendered in Gothic either 
with an intermediate h or by one a being dropped, e. g. Abraam, 
Goth. Abraham; Isaak, Goth. leak. In Gothic words however, 
two a's can only meet where a particle is prefixed to a noun or 
verb, and in this case they remain intact, e. g. ga-arbja, co-heir ; 
ga^arman to have pity (Germ, sich erbarmen). 

Old High German has adopted the a under pretty nearly 
the same conditions as Gothic ; it goes even farther and admits 
an a between liquids, and between liquids and mutes, which in 
Gothic stoutly refuse the admission of an a; as for instance, 
Gothic arms, poor ; akrs, field) ; tagr, tear \ — Old High Germ. 
aram (Germ, arm) ; achar (Germ, acker); zahar (Germ, zahre). 

But the Old High German a is considerably modified by the 
Umlaut, by the inorganic production d (Goth.^a, O. H. Germ. 
jd) ; by contraction in the middle of a word, and in a few cases 
by deviation into o, such as holon for halon, to fetch (Germ, 
holen) ; scol instead of seal, shall (Germ, soil) ; joh for Goth, jah, 
also ; and finally in the weak inflexions where Old High German 

' AU Towels to be pronounced u in Italian or German, unless directed otherwise. 


has Aano, cock (Germ, hahu); pliuton, blind, for Goth. ka» 

The origin of the Umlaut we have already discussed. 
Gotliic there is no trace of it to be discovered, while ia C 
High German it appears to have arisen in the sixth or sevea 
centiirj', and to lia\'e gradually developed itself, exposing tiiC 
Ui modification into e, chicHy before a. eingle consonant foUi 
by i. But even in Old High German the Umlaut is not 
matically carried ont; even the latest writers, as Notker (or 
stance, preferring sometimes the original pure a to the Uml 
Thus we find a/(ia, all, by the side of hella ; angil, and 
angel (Germ. vngfF) ; eitli together with anli. As an ini 
rule, it must be laid down that the / of the termination 
aflect the a of the root unless it stands at the beginning of th 
tcrmitiationat syllable, as in ensl-i. eng-il, &c. The posits 
of a ia exceptional in the gen. and dat. sing. maso. and neat, 
the weak declension, where the inflexional i has no power ov^ 
to create Umlaut. Therefore AaniK not Aenin, of a cock 
of a lame miin ; sceJin for scatliii (Germ, schaden), and H^mut : 
naiiiin, of a name, are exceptions. 

Among the Saxon dialects, Old Saxon most closely apprOBcl 
Old High German, and takes a kind of intermediate positi 
between it and Anglo-Saxon. Its vowel a is throughout idt 
tical with that of Gothic and Old High German, and with i 
latter it adopts it even between liquids and mutes j e. g. foi 
and aorai/a, care (Germ, sorge) ; bij'tilhan and bifif'lahan, to oi 
{Germ, befehlen). It wavers less between a and o than 
High German, with the etception of a few caaes eneli its fat 
for, particle for- (Germ, ver-); wala and leo/a, well 
and werolii, vemlil, Ki-rlil, world. The particles an and of 
turned into on and of. 

The Umlaut is adopted but not generally applied, and th* 
original vowel holds it« place before At ana/t; as in nuAti^' 
mahlig, mighty (Germ, maehtig) ; era/li, erajlig, strong (of. crafty: ' 
Germ, krnltig); occasionally also in the 3rd sing, pres, 
strong verbs, e, g. AaliHd for helilid, he holds (Germ, hilt) 'jfalUi^ 
he falls (Germ, fallt); while verbs generally waver between 
and c; e. g. slundiJ, tlendid, he stands; shAtl, althU, he sleeps 
hebbjan and habbcan, to have. 

Anglo-Saxon has in but very few cases preserved the ponil 
vowel a, which is generally weakened into a or flattened into 
The original a keejis its position before a single consonant whii 
ia followed by a, o, or «; e.g. Atea/ai, plur. of ^iriiV, whale. 
dagat, diiguta, nom. and dat. plur. of dag, day ; even before e, il 

VOWKl SOrjfDS. 27 

the latter had its origin in a, o, or u ; chiefly in inflexional forms, 
as care, tux. sing, of cam, care. Foreign words always [ireserve 
their pure a sound, e. g. JprelU {Jprilii), aa/iuh {aijiis), carceru 
{eareer), &c. Before m and n, pure a may stand or be replaced 
by o, e. g. team and worn, stain ; van and coh, to know (Germ. 
kennen) ; lami and loiab, lamb. But a is invariably weakened 
to a in monosyllabic words which end in a single consonant, or 
in polysyllabic which terminate in e preceded by a single con- 
Bunant. Examples: — (i) ^wa/, whale ; jAi'*, glass ; fldff,day; bar, 
bare, naked ; derr. Here, field ; biicre, baker ; fager, fair, pretty. 
(2) Beforey and « followed by another consonant : craft, crafUg, 
traft, strength (Germ, kraft, kriiftig); after, after; gmt, guest 
[Germ, gafrt) ; also before a doubled mute or sibilant, e.g. kabhan 
and habban, to hare (Germ. haben)i dppei &ud appel, apple. (3) In 
other combinations of cousonauta which are brought about by 
the elision of s, e, g. _/apr«, gen. oi' Jager, dpi tor appel. Two 
Consonants beginning with r tolerate only the broken vowel ea 
in the preceding syllable, except in cases where r succeeds the a 
in traoBpositioDS, such us gars for gras, grass ; bdral for braai, 
burst. These rules however do not hold good for all cases; 
because in Anglo-Saxon the vowel a, unless it is sheltered or 
supported by a succeeding low-pitched vowel (a, 0, or u), wavers 
in all directions, so that we cannot look upon its modification in 
a as a strictly fixed law, such as ' Umlaut,' or a systematical 
Weakening of the a, but rather as an aberration of the a from 
its original pure sound which it has in Gothic and Old High 
German. In a few cases the primitive a kept its place where 
one might expect its transition into a, e. g, blac for bld<, black; 
appel for appel, ange and onge for dnge, narrow (Germ. enge). 

As to the orthography of this modified a-sound, gi-ammarians 
are at variance. Grimm writes a, in order to distinguish this 
short vowel from the long «, a distinction marked out by others 
spelling ai and a. I adopt Grimm's mode of spelling, because 
it keeps the r^hort and long vowels distinct, and, at the same 
time, runs parallel with the d and a in other Teutonic dialects. 

The Anglo- Saxon e as Umlaut of a must he kept distinct from 
the modification of the a just mentioned. Very ollen the ( 
\rhich brought about the Umlaut is dropped or changed into 
another vowel, and thus arises the hidden, Umlaut, e.g. fen, fen; 
kel, hell ; net, net ; forms which are used in the place of the 
geminated _/en», hell, nelt : these again were introduced instead of 
/eue, hele, nele, and the latter stand for Gothic^«(, hali (Aalja), 
ttali. Thus we trace the hidden Umlaut to its original con- 
ations, under which alone it could occur. 


Old Ftisian preserved the Towel a before m and n, whether 
single^ geminated, or combined with a mute^ unless it gives 
way V!k» other dialects to an inclination towards o ; hence nama 
ana mama, name; Jtampa and komp, fight (Germ, kampf); man 
and «k>if, man. But the vowel a can never pass into o where 
Umlaut takes place. Therefore the pure a in /ramd, foreign 
(Uerm« fremd) ; rnanM, mantle; mattHUia, man (Germ, mensch); 
ia«iy«/y horse (Germ, hengst); Ih cause bjthe side of these appear 
the modified forms, /rtmti^ memtel, men^ia, hengsL The voweb 
It and m in the termination preserve the a of the penult : knafa, 
boy ((Jerm. knabe); /ara, to go (Germ, fahren); balu, evil 
(comp. baleful). Before the double consonants, a or e maj occur, 
but so that the former appears preferable in the following cases : 
before /, x (sks), and geminated mutes, Q.g.falla, to &11; 
hiMhh, soon (Germ, bald) ; m//, salt ; even kalde, the cold (Germ, 
kalte), instead of the Umlaut kelde ; tax, knife, sword; aUa^ 
father ; kaiie^ cat. 

Old Norse has very largely patronized the pure a, after Gothic 
perhaps more so than anv other dialect. This vowel occurs in 
gala, to sing ; 9nar, quick ; napr, cold ; hrafn, raven; slag, blow 
(Germ, schlag) ; vagn, currus (Germ, wagen). 

Where a occurs at the end of a word it is always lengthened 
into a; this lengthened form is also adopted by some gram- 
marians and rejected by others, before consonantal combinations 
with / and n ; ?/, Im, Ip, Ig, Ik, U, ng, nJt. 

The Umlaut of a into € is caused by the occurrence of an t in 
the succeeding syllable, and that of a into d by « in the same 
position. Hence the vowels a, e^ and o may occur in one and 
the same word in different cases of the declension according to 
the terminational vowel ; a circumstance which imparts to the 
Old Norse dialect a peculiar flexibility and softness which we can 
readily perceive on looking at the different forms of the word 
magu, which declines thus — mog-r, magar, megi, mog ; plur. 
megir, maga, mbgum, mogii. Whenever t does not cause the 
Umlaut of a in the preceding syllable, it must be considered 
inorganic, as for instance in skari (Germ, schaar), Danir (Danes). 
The Umlaut o is marked differently in different manuscripts and 
editions of manuscripts, either simply by o (hence Aon and 
Aonum for hon, honum) ; or by the sign q (whence the Danish ^); 
or by au and av. The sign o, which is now in general use, is of 
a far more recent date. 

rowEi sou^'J}s. 

Towel in Qothia is, after a, the most prominent. Though 
tmetimes encroached upon by the ' Brechung' before A 
it receives on the other Iiand a numerical increase by the 
ption of the semi-vowel J wherever the latter happens to 
list the end of a word or before a consonant, e. g. katja, 
yii; naman., preterite nasida. A radical i followed b^ 
( Towel likes to admit the semi-vowel y, e. g-/y'»» forjStid, 
f (cf. fiend) . 

High German preserves the pure Gothic i before m and 
Hier geminated or combined with a mute, e. g. swimtuan, 
; in words which have dropped a final i or u ; in nouns 
belong to the themes in i and u; in the imperative of 
Terbs; in the past participles of the fifth conjcgational 
IB monosyllabic particles. Some prefixes waver between 
if e. g'/ar-,Jir-, even Jbr-, and later on/er- {Germ, ver-) ; 
■ / W-, li-; at', if-; dttrah-, duriA-. 
Saaij cases however the pure Gothic t is weakened or 
•d into e by the power of assimilation exercised by an a 
succeeding syllable. Hence the rule — 'Whenever i is 
d by a in the succeeding syllable it is changed into e ; 
i and u and in the above-mentioned cases it remains 
jCiMi.' On this rule are based the modifications of the 
in the two first classes of the strong conjugation; and 
i will be perceived why we read in the sing. pres. ijl/u, 
ijHiJit! nimu, nimia, nimU; and in the plural, kelfamit, 
lai/'ani; inf. helfan, to help; nemamh, nemat, nemant; 
wUiH, to lake. Monosyllabic words which have dropped 
oninational a, nevertheless retain the modified vowel e, 
h=Kega,vtay; sper=apera,s\ieBj; i?*j, it (Goth. fVa) ; and 
on the contrary which have dropped an i or u retain, in 
^ice with our rule, the pure i unchanged, e. g. mh( (Goth. 
, lid (Goth, iipu), list {Goth, litli). How sensitive the 
* German dialect is with res]>ect to the law of assimila- 
l be perceived from the fact that the modification e is 
tiv-exchanged for the original pure i whenever it is fol- 
lly the adjective termination in, e. g. /el(, skin (Lat. 
[^ adjective Ji'/i^tn, of skin (Lat, pelliceus) ; gfrata, barley, 
n girttin, of barley. In several words ilie i has kept ila 
D in spite of the following a, such as fek =Jhka, fish; 
bitter, &c.; in others, either t or e may be used, e. g. 
ad skip, ship; toiit and iceht, thing; irdiii and iirdin, 


earthen (Germ, irdenj terrenus). Concerning the 'Brechung'of 
f into e we shall have to say a few words hereafter. 

The rules which we have just mentioned as to the weakening 
of i into e in Old High German, will hold good for the Lov 
German dialects as well. Here, however, it is interesting to 
notice how they more or less apply this rule in proportion to 
their greater or less affinity to Old High German. Old Saxon, 
the nearest relative to Old High German, from its geographicil 
position as well as its general characteristics, follows the Old 
High German rule which we have laid down above; but it so 
far deviates that it retains the unmodified i before m and « 
where they are geminated or combined with a mute; hence 
windy wind ; singan, to sing, &c. 

The conjugatioual forms are affected as in Old High G^muuii 
but niman retains its i throughout the present tense. Forma- 
tions such as berg, mountain (Germ, berg), and gihirgi (Germ, 
gebirge) ; gemta, girsfin ; the fluctuating forms geba and giba, 1 
JiAu And feAu, and the forms remaining unmodified in opposition 
to the rule, wi^ar, against; diMar, bitter, — all these cases have 
already received their explanation in Old High German. 

The Anglo-Saxon dialect has preserved the rule in a veiy 
imperfect condition, or it has perhaps never fully adopted it- 
It is true that m and n protect the pure «, but so do other con- 
sonants as well : thus we find swimman, to swim; spinnan, to spin; 
and also gifan, to give (O. H. Germ, gepan, Germ, geben); 
lifer y liver (O. H. Germ, lepar. Germ, leber); cniAt, knight, 
boy, puer (O. H. Germ, cneht, Germ, knecht, servus). In the 
conjugation of strong verbs the rule is partly preserved. The 
ist sing, yields to e\ but the 2nd and 3rd retain the i; hence 
1st Aelpe (O. H. Germ, hilfu, Germ, ich helfe), 1 help; 2nd Ailp*^ 
( O. H. Germ, hilfis. Germ, hilfst ), thou helpst ; 3rd Atlp^ 
(O. H. Germ, hilfit, Germ, hilft), he helps. 

The Old Frisian dialect agrees with Old High German by 
applying our rule in the following examples : Aehuj helm ; aelfi 
self; Aerte, heart; AMpa, to help; werpa^ to throw (Germ, 
werfen) ; hercAy mountain (Germ, berg) ; swester, sister, &c. ; 
but a succeeding ?/, or its representative 0, has no longer the 
power of preserving the pure ?, hence fe/o, many (Germ, viele) ; 
jfretAoy peace (Germ, friede) ; aelover, silver; and the change 
between * and e which we traced in the strong conjugation of 
Old High German, Old Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon, has altogether 
disappeared, and the verb is reduced to tlie monotonous forms, 
werpCy werpstj werptA, 

The Old Norse dialect in this respect follows the Old High 



nan more closely than some oFthe Low German dialeets do. 
reserves the rule so far as it always admits the modification 
whenever succeeded by a, and rejects the same before simple 
A a ^minated mute. 

oncerning the strong conjugationB, we find in the inf. and 
. of the eighth, ninth, and teuth classes the original i re- 
ed in some roots and before nn, nd, m, and a geminated 
[iar-—finaa, to Had ; spinna, to spin ; ihula, to hind; mtuia,to 
d ; vinna, to work ; liggia, to lie, &e., and in the part. pret. 
h,G fifth class ; the rest have ailopted e, which, where it once 
entered, keeps its ground throughout as it does in Frisian. 
Old Norse, as well as in other dialects, the application of e or 
innot always be det-ermined by a rule, but must be simply 
1 to the utiu loquendi. 

nzed t 

in Gothic we find this letter, as well as i. in its pm¥ sound at 
e beginning, the middle, and the end of wonls, in which caacs 
tier dialects fre(|uently allow the vowel to be Icnglhcned or 
iakencd. But, like i, the letter m also is subject to Brechung 
fore the consonants h and r, in which position it is changed 
to au. More of this phenomenon in its proper place. 

Hoots ending in v vocalize this consonant into u, just as roots 
iding in j vocalize this consonant into i. Hence the theme 
ffl forms the nom. ^ins instead of yivi, servant, voc, yui : the 
^et. of shivan, to hasten, and }fivan, to serve, is snau, \nu. The 
:)poEit« cose occurs when the vowel u is dissolved in the 
>nsonant or semi-vowel v, especially in the inflexional forms 
here the hiatus must be avoided, e. g. hand-iee, gen. pi. of 
indui, hand; tun-ivS, gen, pi. of suhiu, son. 

Tiie Old High German dialect prestTvea the pure vowel k in 
lany instanceH ; hut it modifies it to n under the same circum- 
ances under which it changes the i into e. Hence the rule — 
iVhenever u is followed by a in the succeeding syllabk', it is 
u-kened or weakened into o; but when the succeeding syltable 
ings H or i instead of a, the original sound ti regains its 
ifiition in the root.' Thus will easily be understood forms such 
I the following: c&lapuniai, we clove, fidimus; cAlapi, thou 
ovest, iidisti, and chlopan, cloven, fissum; and on the other 
md »tpumniume», K& swam, part. »v>unnnan, swum; »un.gumr», 
irt. tunffan, we sung, sung ; in which forms the doubled m, 
id « combined with the mute ff, preserve the v. from the 
icroachment of the succeeding a. 



In Old Saxon the Towel u is kept intact in many places, asxB 

the words sevld^ debt (Germ, schuld) ; sumar, summer; nm, 
son; ubif, evil. But it allows the Triibung, or darkening, intD^ 
under the same conditions as Old High German. Flnctufttinf 
forms are, droAtin, druhiin, lord; drohtingy druhting, fijen^ 
familiaris; fohsy vusso, fox; /or,/ur, before, fore; gomo,pm», 
man; corni, curni, corn. The « is restored to its position in the 
root by the influence of the terminational t, e. g. hom, hem, 
comu; adj. Aurnid, of horn, cornutus; gold, gold, aurum; adj. 
guldin, golden, aureus ; foray fore, pro, andyi^n. 

Anglo-Saxon goes even beyond Old High German in its ten- 
dency to preserve the organic u in the root, so that it allows » 
before single 7n and n, and even before other consonants, whiW 
Old High German preserves it only before geminated m asd 
n, or a mute combined with one of these liquids. Examples :— 
gumuy man; \tunor, thunder; yimian, to thunder; Jkl, foil; 
fugoly bird (Germ, vogel) ; words which have invariably th© 
weakened o in Old High German. In the conjugation of tb^ 
strong verb, especially in the preterite, the vowel u is sheltered 
by a succeeding m and n, e. g. ^wummon, we swum, natavimos ^ 
swmnfnen^ swum, natum ; clumhoriy we climbed, scandimns ^ 
clumben, climbed, scansum ; su?igon, we sung, cantavimns; 
sungen, sung, cantatum ; but in the past participle, if it is fol* 
lowed by any other consonant than m or n, it is weakened into 
Oy e. g. muflouj pret. pi. of melton, ' to melt,' part, molten; taurpon, 
worpen; hudo7i, boden ; curofi, coren, 8cc, 

Peculiar to Anglo-Saxon is the transition of w into u where it 
appears in combination with i, in which case the latter vowel 
is often dropped. Thus : wudu, wood, for widu ; caiman , to come, 
for cwiman ; suster, swusler, sister, for swisier. This i preceded 
by to is however safe from encroachment when it is followed by 
the liquid m ox n combined with another consonant. 

In Old Frisian the vowel u is but rarely preserved, since it 
has greatly given way to the ' Triibung' in o. 

Old Norse approaches far more nearly to Old High German 
in the preservation of the pure Gothic vowels a, i, and «, but in 
this dialect also the 'Triibung' o may take the place of the 
organic m before all consonants, except such as are combined 
with m or n. An analogy to the Old High German conjuga- 
tions we find in the exchange of u and o in the pret. pi. and 
part. pret. of the sixth and tenth classes; as, spumum, sporninn; 
spruUian, sprottinn ; bu^Mm, bo^uui, &c. 

TAe Umlaut of u is y. Old High German, Old Saxon, and 
Old Frisian reject this Umlaut altogether, whilst in two other 


ni'e dialectd we find it more or less develojied. Aiiglo- 
KOD shows mimy examples of this Umlaut: eyning, kiiij;, 
itn cvnitn, to know; ilyrstii/, darinff, trom duran, \n dare; 
if", goddess, from g>tii, god. In a few inetaDCes the word 
racB between tlie Umlaut ^ and the original u, e. g. vurt, 
Kvort, herb ; murw, v^rm, worm, worm ; and in othera the 
Hot 9 takes place in derivations where the root has the 
pmed rowel o iDBt«ad of the original u, e. g. gyden from god, 
ri«i from \or»a, thorn; gyld^n from gold. In Old Norst', 
lich has most widely and persistently developed the system 
Umlaut, the g ocenrs regularly for the radioal a, or its weak- 

\ form 0, under the conditionB which we have enumerated 
e.g. *g^i, dat. sing, of sow r, son; kyn, kin, genus; 

I to fill ; bryggja, bridge, &o. 

e. 6, y. 

short vowels are altogether unknown in Gothic. Their 
iment and relative position in the other Teutonic dialects 
already had occasion to dwell upon, so that we need 
Jo more than sum np our remarks made in the preceding 
ipha. The vowel ^ is of twofold origin, either Umlaut 
or the 'broken' or 'weakened' form of ». Old High Ger- 
m, Old Sason, and Old Norse hardly go beyond this rule in 
! adoption of the letter e, but Anglo-Saxon sometimee, and 
[] Frisian often, admit e instead of the pure a in cases which 
ire often show the modification o in Anglo-Saxon. 
The letter 3 we met either as the 'broken' or 'weakened' 
TO of s in all the dialects except Gothic, or as the represen- 
lire of a in coses of assimilation, so much favoured in Old 
i^h German. 

'lie rowel y has a proper place but in few dialects ; the Gothic 
ifaage uses the sign p in Gothic words as a consonant only ; 
t in foreign words this letter represents the Latin vowel y as 
11. In Old High German, Old Saxon, and Old Frisian the 
tin form y is used in foreign words only, whilst Anglo-Saxon 
CHd Norse adopt this vowel chiefly for the purpose of ex- 
ig the Umlaut of u. At the same time, y in Anglo-Saxon 
n the representative of other vowels; namely of i, of e 
it is the Umlaut of a, and of the ' Brechung' ea and eo. 


hie; When the consonants r and h directly succeed the 
I or w they alfect the purity of the pronunciation in such 


a maimer as to make an a to precede the sound of i or u. The 
inorganic diphthongs which are thus produced in the Gothie 
dialect have nevertheless the value of a short vowel^ and ai and 
au must consequently have sounded in pronunciation similarly 
to e and 6, In order to distinguish this ^ Brechung ' £rom the 
true diphthongs di and du, modem grammarians have adopted 
for the former the accentuation a{ and ai. Gbthic documents 
write both Brechung and diphthong perfectly alike; and it 
was left to the researches of modem philology to point out and 

Erove the difiPerence from corresponding words in the kindred 
mguages which always render the Gothic Brechung by a 
short vowel, and the Gothic diphthong by a long vowel. Thus 
Goth, vair is Lat. vir ; Goth, tauhum, Lat. duximus; Goth. 
fair, Lat. pir ; Goth, bavra^ Jjdki.fero, Gr. pMro; Gt>th. ia{ AuMf 
Gr. deka ; Goth, saihs, Gr. Mx ; Goth. dauAtar, Gr. ihygateff 
O. H. Germ. i6htar ; Goth, dins^ Lat. iwrny O. H. Germ, eim, 
A. S. driy O. S. and O. Fris. en. Further light is thrown on tho 
pronunciation of the Brechung ai and au by the fact of tb& 
Goths having rendered the short ^ or o in foreign words, without^ 
any regard to the succeeding consonants^ by the very same letter^^ 
of the Brechung, certainly because ai and au in pronunciatioiR' 
came nearest, or were perfectly alike, to ^ and i. Hence they" 
write not only ?Wid5/nw*= Tiberius, Faurtunatu%-=^ox\xxx!aiim^ 
which are in accordance with the Gothic Brechung before the 
consonant r ; but also aipistaule, epistole ; Naudaimbair, No- 
vember. By diflferent accentuation of Brechung and diphthong 
we keep up distinctions which must have been heard in Gt>thic 
pronunciation, such as the diphthong di in the singular and the 
Brechung at in the plural of the verb. Thus Goth. IdiAv, oom- 
modavi ; O. H. Germ leA ; A. S. IdA^ pi. laiAvum, commodavimus; 
O. H. Germ, RAumes; A. S. ligon ; Goth. iduAy traxi; O. H. Germ. 
z6A; A. S. iedAy pi. tauAum, traximus; O. H. Germ. zugumSs; A. S. 
tUffon. In very few cases, and then only before the consonantB 
r and A, it can be doubtful at all whether we have to deal with 
the Brechung ai or the diphthong di, and then comparison with 
kindred dialects will soon remove the difficulty. Thus gdiru 
requires the diphthong on account of the Old High Grerman 
Aer ; Aairm the Brechung on account of the Old Norse Aiorr, 
Before any other consonant but r and A the vowels ai and au 
are always true diphthongs. A few exceptional cases have pre- 
served the original vowel intact even before r and Ay e. g. skura^ 
shower; AuArus^ hunger; Ain, hear you, audi; Aifyip, hear ye, 
audite, &c. &c. 

Old High German has least of all Teutonic dialects adopted 

row EL aOVNDS. 


i system of Brechung, aince it rentlere the Gotbic Broehung 
and au by the vowels e and o, which are quite identical with 
and o th(> weakened forms of ( and ». We may indeed eay 
At the € in peryan and in teha ie the Brechung' because it 
suds for at !□ Goth, hairgan and »aihs ; but this dietiuction 
oes not avail us much, since the same vowel e may occur, not 
inly before k and r, but before any other consonant as well. 

More perfectly perliaps than any other dialect except Gothic 
has Anglo-Bazon developed the syetem of Brechung. In thia 
diklect the Brechung ea for a occurs regulai'ly before a com- 
btnatioD of consonants beginning with an I, r, or A, e.g. ieald, 
bold ; eea/d, cold (Germ, kalt) ; guM, old (Germ, alt) ; eall, all ; 
fealian, to fall ; veana, warm ; *tfare, strong (Germ, stark) ; 
eaAiB, eight (Germ, acht) ; taz [x=k»=hs),&^ii; weuir, wax. In 
such consonantal combinations it may often happen that one 
or other consonant, perhaps even the h itself which caused the 
' Brechung' has been dropped, and yet the Brechung continues 
to exist, e.g. ml=eoll, all; mear = mearh, mare; ear = earh, 
the sea. Sometimes Brechung appears beibre the single con- 
sonant h, as in betieah, he needs ; grfeak, he rejoiced ; in the verb 
'^M, to slay, and i^ioean, to wash, the Brechung continties 
though k has been dropped by the contraction of sleakan, 
v^tahaK*. Even before an_/'and before liquids we sometimes 
Weet with ea instead of the osual a, e.g. cTeaJ'iig=CTiiftig, strong 
(Oerm. kraftig) ; beadu, heitftti, battle. On the other hand it 
fay t>ecur that the Brechung we should expect before certain 
t^Jiisonants has been replaced by the Umlaut e. 

As <w is the Brechung of a, so is eo the Brechung of *, which 
tK^urs most frequently before consonantal combinations be- 
ginning with an r, e. g. eorl, earl j tweord, sword ; heurte, heart ; 
t<ir6e, earth ; ateorra, star; neorc, dark, murky; steorfan, to die 
(Germ, sterben) ; weorpan, to throw (Germ, werfen). With 
these examples corresponds the Brechung m Old Norse and 
Gothic: O.N. iarl, earl; Goth. hairU, heart; a'tr\a, earth; 
O.N. atiama, Goth, ataimo, star; vairpan, to throw. Less 
frequently it is found before /, as in feola, much (Germ, viel) ; 
neaU, milk ; aeol/or, silver : and before k, leoht, light ; eoh, 
horse : or before mutes, J'reo^e, pence (Germ, friede) ; heofon, 
beaven. k seems to patronize an i preceding it, whilst r, I, and 
the mutes prefer the weakened form e to the Brechung eo, the 
Yowel e occurring alternately with the Brechung eo in kindred 
words, e. g. vser, man, vir ; Keorod, crowd, turma ; meolc, milk ; 
melcaa, to milk ; aeo!/or, silver, argentum ; aiffren, of silver, 
' Some inite itcdn. tvfdn. ■■ a diphthong, on accoutit of the contrtctlon- 


argent^us. In tliose instances eo seems to be sheltered by the 
in the suceeedinof syllable, and may consequently be considered 
an assimilation ; as in general, bisyllables with a dark vowel 
in the last syllable prefer eo in the penult. Verbs which 
admit the Brechung eo restore the original i in the and and 
3rd persons singular, e. g. wearpan, to throw, wirpsl, wirpi 
(Germ, werfen, wirfst, wirft); sfeorfan, to die, sHrfst, ditfi 
(Germ, sterben, stirbst, stirbt) The close resemblance in tiie 
pronunciation of the double vowels ea and eo may be the cause 
of an occasional confusion in their application, and of the ortho- 
graphy eo instead of ea, e. g. eofor and ecifor, boar (Lat. aper, 
Germ, eber) ; bearht and hearhty shining. Another form of the 
Brechung, though of rare occurrence, is that in ie, which how- 
ever belongs to Old Saxon rather than Anglo-Saxon. It is 
sometimes used for the Brechung eo, hiere=zheore, of her, ejus; 
for the weakened e, gieI4=gel(Iy money (Germ, geld) ; for h 
siex=six, six : even for a, gi€st-=zgdstj guest. 

Old Nopse has not the great variety of Brechung we find in 
Anglo-Saxon, but it is not so capricious either. Wherever / or f 
succeed an i, this vowel is modified into ia. Sometimes a single 
consonant, or a combination with mutes, may produce the same 
effect. Examples : — giald, money ; stiama, star; biarlr, shining; 
iqfn, even, level. The Umlaut of m to id is caused by the letter 
n in the succeeding syllable ; but when the inflexional syllable 
contains an i the Brechung is removed altogether, and the radical 
i is, according to the law of assimilation, restored to its place- 
The influence of these different euphonic laws gives the declen- 
sion the aspect of a variegated colouring, and imparts to the 
language a peculiar and melodious softness. Thus compare sing- 
nom. hiorir {r=ur) stag, gen. kiarlar, dat. Airli, ace. kiori; pi* 
nom. hiriir, gen. hiarta, dat. hidrtum, ace. hiortu. Whenever 
the weakened e has taken the place of i the Brechung cannot 
occur. Hence the verbs of the tenth conjugational class ha^e 
either preserved the original i, or they have e throughout, with 
the exception of four verbs, biarga, to conceal ; gialla, to sing > 
gialda, to spend ; eUalfa, to tremble, which have in the infinitive^ 
imperative and subjunctive present ia, in the indicative present €' 

The other Teutonic dialects have less persistently than Anglo^ 
Saxon and Old Norse carried out the law of Brechung. But 
with the exception of perhaps Old High German none i^ 
altogether without some traces of Brechung. Old Saxon 
offers the following forms of Brechung: weard, ward; geomo 
(Germ, gern) ; sleorro, star, instead of ward, gemo, sterro — forms 
which however may be explained by Anglo-Saxon influences 



can here aiid there he traced in Old Sason. The Bn-chung 
need iustead of the vowels e, e, and even (?, in the following 
i, army (Crerm. heer); tkie»es, hiijtu; Ihlexon, hiiic; 
kiemr, emperor (Germ, kaiser). Another ie of an 
tther different nature seems not bo much dependent on 
ig coDsonnats (which is the eharai^'teristic feature of 
Brechuntr) as the unsettled nature of the vowel, and which 
ly instajices gradually passed through ve into ». Thus 
id puhu, I CDufess, for gihu ; bo also iuhu for Utthu = jiaha. 
t must be considered a Brechung. This Breclmng in /« 
more reguLirly in Old Frwian whenever i precedi?s the 
ints ekl, e. g. riiicA(=rkAi, right ; riucAla^ricif-a, to 
;, richt^n; Iniudf, servant (of. Germ, kneeht and Eng. 
it); gliueAi, plain (Germ, Bchlicht); tiuchl, he sees {Germ, 
and sicht). A few other cases where it seems to occur are 
latfke, church ; turiutt, wrist ; and tziutt, pellicium. 

The only traces of Brechung which we detect in Old High 
Gnman are in Notker, who has ie for i before h in jleio, »ieio. 
He Essen Rotule has twice iMoret holier in£tead of Ihnrrea 
WiM; for Old High German prvH everywliere hrwul, hremi — 
piatiomena wluL'h we perceive in Old Saxon and Old Frisian 

I Well. 



Words of three and more syllables often show an inclination to 
unmiUle to each other the nou-radit»l vowels iu such a manner 
•« to convert the vowel of the preceding iuto the vowel of the 
■wcwding syll.ible. Gothic does not yield to this assimilating 
t«Ddeney. but Old High German has devclojKKl it most syste- 
EUticully. In words of three syllables the last syllable ostiimi- 
^^ the pcntdt, e. g. Konara for aedaora ; gareaem for ganinAa ; 
^Uun for liiiiaru ; spihiri for tpikiin. Words of four syllables 
^milate either the third to the fourth, as gikolnno for ijiholano ; 
''iotfoao for irbolgano: or the secoud to the third, ns Aiingifita 
^'akuHgarila; tvachordta for Kachar^U ; or the second and third 
to the fourth, as hungoroijon for Aungaragon. The assimilated 
>oveU remain short though the assimilating be long, e. g. 
fitiiri for fitfari, not pitiiri. Assimilated vowels have the same 
mflaence as organic vowels upon the root in causing Umlaut, 
Weakening &c., so that for instance the assimilated ai/ali he- 
i edili when the vowel of the penult is assimilated to the 
i, thus causing the Umlaut of the a into e ; and in ferahi, 
:e we perwivc the weakening of the nulical i into e on 


account of the succeeding a, the original i is restored to i 
place when the a of the penult is assimilated to the final i, ai 
thus we get the form firihi, vulgus. Thus then we see that tl 
assimilation of vowels took place according to strictly fixt 
laws, though it was applied in certain authors only and ncfi 
generally adopted. Since towards the end of the Old Hig 
Oerman period the final vowels are more and more flattene 
and weakened, cases of assimilation become scarcer, and finalt 
disappear altogether. 

Old Saxon manifests some traces of assimilation in trisyllablei 
such as helogo for hSlagOy holy; mikulun for miiilun, great 
sorogon for soragon, curis ; and between liquids and mutes, when 
instead of the letter a, the vowel of the root finds entrance, e.{ 
bereht for beraht, brilliant; burug for burg, borough, uA 
wuruhtjo for wurohtioj workman. Whilst Old Saxon dispU] 
scanty traces of assimilation, Anglo-Saxon and Old Frman di 
card it altogether. Old Norse again, like Old High Germ 
adopts this law and applies it regularly under certain conditio] 
Thus the trisyllabic plural of the preterite of weak vei 
invariably assimilates the letter a of the penult to the termii 
tional «, e.g. ritu^u for rila^u, scripserunt ; blottc^u for bloUA 
immolaverunt. This u produced by assimilation may can 
Umlaut in the root, e. g. skopu^u, creaverunt, of scapa ; idllfd 
vocaverunt, of kalla. In the same manner are to be explain 
the feminine forms gdmul=gdmulu,ydgurz=/ogurUj hdgul=z^dgui 
of the adjectives, gatnall, old; /agar, fair; ^agal, silent. T. 
Brechung ia may return to the original i by assimilating itself 
a succeeding i, e. g. kiorlr, hiartar, Airti, mentioned above. 

Long Vowels. 


This vowel is wanting in Gothic. Where therefore it occ 
in the cognate dialects its place is taken in Gothic by e. Tl 
we find a for Goth, /in O. H. Germ. Jar, Goth, jSr, yej 
mdl, met, time (cf. Germ, ein-mal, zwei-mal. See.) ; wan, Go 
vem, hope (cf. Germ, wahn) ; alafan, O. S. sldpan, Gt) 
slepan, to sleep ; ddd, Goth. d4d9, deed ; mdno, Goth, me 
moon; O.N. vidl, Goth, m^l, time; mdni, Goth, mena, moc 
Udsa^ Goth, hleaan, to blow (of. Germ, blasen). In seve 
dialects the Gothic e of the plural preterite of the eighth s 
ninth coiijuga tional classes is commonly rendered by a, thuj 


n&atuM, siimpsimus; O. H.Oerm. ndmitmet, 0. S. udmun, 
- i,O.N. nammn. 

[uently the long a has its origin in ed inorganic leiigthon- 
tlic short a. Thus then we find for & of the Gothic 
I, to catch; hrSkfa, attiili, I brought; jUi, yes (Germ, ja), 
■ H. Germ. /aian,prdAta,Jd; O. S./dAa,n,U> catch; ir<Ma, 
)th. \>3, then ; fva, eo, sic, A. S. W and «wa: Goth. »j 
; »W(i, so, sic, O. N. td and «■«. This production of the 
: a into d in the other dialecta must invariably bike place 
two a's or an S and another vowel are contracted into one, 
ere an elision- of congonants occnrs. Thus O. H. Germ, 
or Siatitm, breath, spiritus ; Wimrd for H^intrSAS, Weser j 
for Aip^, to have ; Ai't for A&pet, he has ; O. N. hd, hay ; 
tear; %dtt, night; dtta, eight; dit, favour, for Goth, 
iin, V&^, nHhU, 5A/aM, Smfs. In some dialects we find the 
Gothic t^rminational ^ of the nominative and accusative plural 
of the declension in -a replaced by a, as in 0. H. Germ, viacd, 
ifpi (also kepd), for Goth. fscSg, gihot ; and O. S. has besides 
pfit, daijon, also jite&t, dagdt. On the other hand the long a 
]mm, occasionally into the boundaries of the long n, as O. S. 
/nfifl for frdho, Goth, fraitja, lord ; ff6, for frdk, joyful (Germ. 
fr"h) ; A. S. mdna for O. H. Germ, mdno, Goth, »^na, moon ; 
1*1 for M. H. Germ, idti, soon ; and in Old Norse we find a 
fcw cases in which the long a is even converted into the short o, 
e.g. jBjn for qudn., Goth, qem, wife; v^d for md, O. H.Germ. 
'«'', dress ; v^n, for t.'rf», Goth, ren*, hope. 

In Anglo-Saxon the long a oecnrs most frequently as the 
fi^presentative of the Gothic diphthong &i (O. U. Germ, c*), 
'I'll* Iwing moat prol>ably the condensation, as it were, of a more 
*Dci*iit Anglo-Saxon diphthong at. Examples : — A. S. dgaH, 
'" We; Ideeu, token; hidf, bread; Mre, docti-ine; acedilen, 
'" separate ; kdm, home, for Goth, aigan, lAikna, Aldi/'s, IdUeini, 
^^idan, hdifift. The same relation to the Gothic ui we find 
'1 Ihe Old Frisian, e. g. a, A. S. d, Goth, di, law ; Adm, home ; 
"S*, to have, &c. In this dialect however the long d is most 
'fpquenlly found in the place of the Gothic diphthong da, which 
'D Anglo-Saxon i& replaced by ed, as we shall have tu show 
'feafttr. Hence O.Fris. are, ear; dge, eye; Aldpa, to run; gd, 
region or district (Germ, gau), for Goth, dnao, dugo, Afdupan, 
S^yaitt. In very few cases the Old Norse dialect has, like the 
^lo-Saxon condensed di into d, as ^, toe ; «dr, sore, vulnus; 
w^ I have ; by the side of which we find, as in Old High German, 
Ha* diphthong ei in eiga, to have. 
^B Tlie vowel a, analogous to ? the Umlaut of It, appears an the 


Umlaut of d. In this capacity however we meet it only in 
Old Norse, and exceptionally in Anglo-Saxon. O.N. ^=0.H. 
Germ. d\ e.g. aall^ happy; (Brr, year; vanay to hope; JtfS, 
6eed=0. H.Germ. sdligy jar, wdnen, sdi : O.N. £t=(}oth. &] 
(Ky always ; *^, lake, sea (Germ, see) ; Bna, snow (Grerm. schnee); 
URray to teach (Germ. lehren),=Goth. div, sdivs, sndivs, Idii/an. 
This same Umlaut appears occasionally in Anglo-SaxoDi 
chiefly in the conjugations, e. g. kdle, vocor (Germ, ich heife); 
Aalst, haty Goth, hdita Adlli^, Aditi}f, As a rule however the 
vowel CB in Anglo-Saxon has less of the nature of the Umlaat 
than of that wavering, transitional sound of a, which on a former 
occasion we found encroaching upon the position of the vowel ^ 
Thus again iS replaces the a which undoubtedly in Anglo-SaxoDi g 
as in Old High German, was the original vowel, and often indeed 
preserved its position intact before the consonants «, v, p, /, <,^, 
in the preterite of verbs : in most cases however, jrielding to % 
weakening influence, it was gradually thinned into a. This 
sound, more nearly than the Old High German d, approaches 
the Gothic sounds of e and aiy which it has to represent. For 
O. H. Germ, a, Goth, e, we meet it in the following words: «tf/) 
happiness ; dad, deed ; stnet, street ; wag, wave (Germ, woge) ; 
and in the preterite plural of the verbs of the eighth and ninth 
conjugational classes, e. g. Uegon, scewon, saewon, Ueron, S^ 
In this instance, however, the original a preserves its place 
before the consonants which we have just mentioned. Hence we 
find l4gon for lagan, sdwon for sanoon. For Goth, di we meet 
A. S. <g in sa, sea ; dcel, deal, pars ; clone, clean ; hcs^f 
heathen ; flasc, flesh. 

This vowel has in Gothic to fill the place of the long rt. 
Examples :—;;'/r, year, O. H. Germ.y^^r; depan, to sleep, O. H* 
Germ, sldfan ; mena, moon, O. H. G^rm. mane ; mel, time^ 
O. H. Germ, mdl ; reus, hope, O. H. Germ, wdn: verbs in th^ 
preterite plural of the eighth and ninth conjugational classed; 
nemum, O. H. Germ, ndmumes : terminational in declensions^ 
dag-e, of days, dierura. 

Very rarely we find the vowel e in the other Teutonic dialects 
correspond in meaning with the Gothic vowel of the same 
kind, since, as we have already mentioned, the Gothic e is 
commonly replaced by d in the other dialects. As rare instances 
of the Gothic e being preserved in its position we may enu- 
merate in Old High German a few derivative forms, such 




%, ff-m, gf-t, gi-t, »t/m, »t4s, atft, from the roots gii, »tii of tlie 
')« ^'«, to ^, nt4n, to stand : in OM Saxon tlie occasional 
e of the Gothic / instead of the typical Old Stixon 
s in y// instead of jdr, year ; weg instead of ^dy, wave 
m. woge). In Anglo-Saxon also this /occurs now and then, 
Bjwcially liefore the consonants m and » instead of the orgiinic 
'="'; e-ff- cwtiaan, to please; even, queen; »Sn, hope (Goth. 
jA*, rA#, &c.). Old Frisian has its exceptional exam|>les of the 
Maw kind : m«l ■=. mdl, time ; K^pen = icdpen, weapon ; tre'ron, 
ihey were; jenon, they gave. That this 4 has repl!ice<l a more 
frwienl a becomes evident from some later forms, where we find 
thf original d still preserved in the 6 of nomon, they took, cope- 
rent, and komon, they came, venerunt. 

But the proper sphere of the vowel / is the representation 
of the diphthong m ( = Gothic ««'), which it renders in a condensed 
fomi n-hen it occurs before the consonants w, h, and r, and in 
Imrinations and inflexions. Thus O.H, Germ. seitM, Goth, 
*>ifM, wrtPM, Goth, tndirit, gen, sing, of wo, sea; *neo, snow; 
I'i, Goth, tdih (Germ, zieh, accusavi) ; leran, Goth, lahjan, 
ti) teach ; ^fr, G(ith. ^Aim, spear. The consonant w in Ihc roots 
KT, nnr, in the mentioned examples, is vocalized when lermina- 
tional, and thns in the nominative singular it becomes u, a, or a, 
»nd later on it is dropped altogether : e. g, ««*, tto, s^ (Germ. 
W, sea, lake); aneo, *«/ (Oerm. sehtee, snow). Before w the 
wndensed /interchanges with ei, therefore en and ein, one; lii-n, 
feis, bone; rarely peda for peide, both, and Aeon for eucon, to 
wk. In the inflexions c is the characteristic vowel of the third 
"eak comugation: hap4t=Goi\i. habdii; iajj^i = Goth. iti&di\>; 
%>Ai=Gotb, iiibdida, habes, hal>et, habni; as in general the 
Gothic inflexional dl is represented by c in Old High Gerninn. 
Tbe other dialects also yield abundant examples of the con- 
drasntioD of the Gothic di into e, such as O. S. se, sea ; hem, 
bome ; era, honour ; het, heal, mIvus ; etei^ (Germ, ewig), 
Bt«ial ; h<''t^ln (Germ. Aei^en, vocari) ; fe»e, flesh ; 0. ^Vis. re, 
«»; »eln, ponl ; i/dr, spear ; w4pen, weapon ; teken, token ; O, N. 
tne=:kit/ff and ineiff (Germ, netg-le, inclinatua sum}; sU=«tel'j 
piann, ttifg, scandi); dga^ei^a, to have; ttUH, major; menlr, 

A very characteristic feature chiefly of the Low German 
' oi»lects is the rednplicational e. Id Old High German too 
I 's tind occasionally the Gothic reduplication preserved in this 
\ •ontrairted form : e.g. /e«c for fieuc, Goth, falfali, pret, of 
I /■A'», to catch i slefitn, Goth, m'ltlep, pret. of depoii, to sleep ; 
'H ti-r /-V|, Gtilh. hiihl, pret. "f luUm, u, scold ; gaiff, Goth. 


gaigagg; but the pret. form used in Grothic is iddja and gaggida, 
pret. oi gaggariy to go; O. S. Mldy pret. of kaUan, to hold; 
hety pret. of hetan (Germ. hei^Uy vocari); ISt, pret. of UUmj 
to let; A. S. gengy pret. of gangan^ to go; let, pret. of ktian^ 
to lot ; slep, pret. of slcppan, to sleep ; fengy pret. oi f6n:=zfangaiiy 
to catch ; heng^ j)ret. of hangan, to hang ; ^if, pret. of idtau, 
to order; and a few other verbs of a similar form. This pre- 
t<Tite e is the condensation of the diphthong eS, as in Old High 
German of ie, which latter vowel preserved its place in sevenl 
verbs ; in others it is found alternately with e : Old Frisian W, 
preterite oi Lid, to blow, and the preterites kety heldyfengy gh^y 
lety which correspond in form and meaning with the same verbs 
in the other dialects already mentioned; and the list may be 
completed by adding several forms in Old Norse, such as i//, 
heUy fekky gekky UL In all the mentioned dialects the long 
e is the condensation of diphthongs, as in Old High G^rmaD of 
itty ioy hy in Anglo-Saxon of e6y or the lengthened forms of short 
vowels caused by the elision of the redupHcational consonants. 
Similar productions of the radical vowel by elision of the redn- 
plicational consonants and contraction of the vowels are found 
in the cognate languages, such as the Latin jadoy feciz=ifefici. 

In a few dialects the long e has a wider range than we have 
hitherto mentioned. Tlius in Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian it 
is used to indicate the Umlaut of 6, and in the latter dialect^ 
even the Umlaut of u, which in Anglo-Saxon is rendered by g. 
Examples in A,S.:—/eran (Germ fahren), to go ; tetany to weep; 
/e/i, pi. oifoty foot ; me^cTy pi. of mo^efy mother ; ^, pi. of t^y 
tooth. O. Fris. Umlaut of o—ferOy wepaUy awety sweet, fety feet ; 
Umlaut of ii — sele (Germ, sduhy pillar) ; hedCy hide, skin. 

The long e as the condensation of the Anglo-Saxon ed and 
the Gothic du is also met with in Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian, 
e. g. A. S. nedy Goth. ndu)f8y need ; heran^ to hear (Goth, dmoy 
ear); stepafiy to erect, from stedpy high, steep; b^g for bedhy 
ring ; depauy to dip, and dedpvvgy a dipping ; and so likewise in 
O. Fris., nedy need ; depa, to dip, and akene (Germ. 8ckdn, pretty), 
Goth, skduns. 

Not uncommon in Old Frisian and Old Norse is the condensed 
form of e for the Gothic diphthong iu — K, S. edy e. g. O. Fris. 
kve^ Goth, kniuy knee ; pre-=^K. S, preoUy muscle, and O. N. Jtney 
knee ; lre=A, S. fred, tree. 

For Gothic ei we find in a few cases e again in O. N., e. g. sdy 
A. S. and O. H. Germ, si, sim; vdy Goth, veiisy temple; vel, 
A. S. wily fraud. 

Not uncommon is the production of Cy or of any short vowel 


in hd, hj the elision of consonants. Thus we have in O. N. 
/e(GensL viei, pecus^ cf. Eng. /ee, pecunia)^ Groth. fa{hu; sS, 
video, Goth, saikva ; nd, nee, Goth, nih ; reUre, right, Goth. 
n^; fieUa {Genn. Jlechten, nectere), Goth, flaihian. 


The } has in Old High German and most other dialects re- 
placed the Gothic diphthong ei. Thus O. H. Germ, dri, three ; 
/ft, free ; Auila, time ; ictn, wine ; Itp, life ; zil^ time : O. S. 
tin, /ri, kuUa, win, Uf, lid : A. S. iwil, win, lif, tid, wif, wife ; 
tf», time : O. Fris. hwUe, time, delay ; V^, life ; wif, wife ; 
hAl, white ; gwin^ swine : O. N. vin^ 9vin, titni, vif, hvitr, 
white; — all being nearly identical even to the very words in 
which they replace by * the Goth, ei in }freU, three ; freU, free ; 
p«&, time ; vein, wine, &c. &c. 

Sometimes the long i is the result of production which takes 

place in cases of elision where I and ^ meet. Thus we have Old 

High German piht (Germ, beicht, confession), from ptgthi ; chit, 

dicit, from ckidU. More frequent is the inorganic production 

of short i at the end of words, and even of syllables, before an 

inflexional vowel or consonant ; e. g. in the Goth, preposition 

hi, apud, O.H.GeTTCL. pi; O. S. bi, O. H. Germ, si, sU, si-mes, 

^t, n-n, for the Gt)thic sl-au, si-au, or sij-du, sij-dis, &c. : and 

in the same manner fiant, enemy, fiend ; friunt, friend ; Goth. 

fj-ands, frij^ands ; where we see in Gothic the semi- vowel y 

introdaced in order to preserve the short vowel i which precedes 

it. A few examples of the same kind we have in the O. N. bi, 

a bee; m, to see, Goth, aaihvan ; i, in; diar r=z divar, gods. 

Correption takes place — i. e. the organic z ( = Goth. ei) is replaced 

by the short i — in some forms of the possessive pronouns, as 

0. H. Germ mines, dines, mi^ia, dina, sina, by the side of miuy 

din^sin; and O.N. minn, mitt; }finn, hitt; sirifi, sitt, by the 

side of min, sin, \in. This correption ot the long i also occurs 

m Old Norse where the termination i'S of the adj. is assimilated 

to the neutral termination ti e. g. bli^r, polite ; neut. blitt, 


'This is a long vowel which in Gothic has, together with /, 
t<^ fill the place of the long a. TStii2im\AQs\—dgan, to dread; 
^^i doom; mods, mood, mind, courage; bio ma, Germ, blume, 
"'ooni, flower ; *^<?/*, seat, stool ; ^rt^l?^/-, brother; hoka, hook. 

, . - - iOT^fiiBlilMB therefore the 

t nUi i m to OcGaUr is a. /ki to Oe Gothic >£• It 
upeats ngBlxAf befiica ^ a, r. i, ani the hngoala ; d, t, m, 
BwipWa : — Mbb, a nptand petaoa, benuoeus; /(Jk (Germ. 
Ufan), Kwaid; nfr(G«na. Wifar), ned; Ml, higfi; /raU (Genn. 
t(d«). eoMolatnii: Afanf (Geim. Asteni). Enter; id^ (Gen. 
tU),dna; a«(GenD.iidtIi)i und; /«£( (G«m. bi4d). btflid: 
fHx (Genn. gi«#). gnat; plA (G«nii bl6«). bare, nude; M, 
lord. PbrtfaistfoBeoftheOUH^G«naandiAWet5 tuee tbe 
diph U wag m; hcBne immy raw, jhm/, &c., io^ead of tS», r^, 
prtt, kc The naie dialect wfaiA Kfdaccs o bj no malcea ma 
of the fanner nmcl ia the place of the (waunon O. H. Germ. «9 
=GotlL. 4, «fc>eh the Low G«Tiiian dialects also render by S> 
Hcoe* the duketie .^ = eommon O. H. Germ, fuor (Germ. 
fi&hr), iTi; flSmt =pilaioma (Germ, bliime), Hower, bloom; Ar4m 
=ini<M (G«niL HUun), gkwT, £une, — forms wliich are identical 
with the O. S. _^, UtW, 'ir^. The Low German dialecta 
fnrtber ^ree with Old High German in admitting the S for 
Oothic iu, whidi in Old High German n-as commonly rendered 
by Ml, bnt then cooden:^ from a diphthi>Dg into a single long 
TOweC The forms fro, /o», ioh, 6tvJ, mol, yrol, doJ, are again 
therefore identical with the Old Ilig'h German words which we 
mentioiwd above. 

He Anglo-SaxoD o is identical with the Gothic o tbruugbont. 
Examples : — USma, flovrer, bloom ; dom, doom ; /or, ivit ; don, to 
do J m^r, moor; km/, roofj grMk (Germ, frenug), enoagh; Mc, 
book ; blM, blood ; ^l, Bood ; /ol, foi.t ; hroix-r, brother. 

Old Frisian and Old Norse follow the same rale in preserving 
the original Gothic S. Thns O. Fris. d6m, doom ; bloja, to 
bloom ; broker, brother ; hok, boot ; and O. N. domr, doom ; 
hok, book ; tHgr, forest ; /d'5, eourse, Pceuliar to all tbe Low 
German dialects is the occasional interchange between S and i 
which we have already poinleil out Hence O. S. and A. 8. 
teona, moon, eSm, soon, for mdna and W« ; O. Pris. »6n and 
*«'», soon; mSna, moon; lomon, cepenint (Germ, nahmeo); 
i^moH (Germ, k&men), veneruut : and in Old Norse it ie preferred 
to a where an assimilation or elision of consonants has taken 
iilace; e. g. a3/'Hm=«'M/i*»i, dormivimus; »o'=«on,sic; rfi« = Goth. 
,iyhi»,mm; droff'n=0. 11. Germ, iroklin, lord; il4Uir=O.R. 
Germ, tohlur, daughter. 

70WEC sorxijs. 


ThiB vowel replaces in Old High German and in the Low 
German dialects three diflerent Gothic vowels ; namely, i, iu, dv. 
For Gothic il : — O, H.Genn. difiini, thousand; rJna, mystery; 
prut [tiertn. braut), bride; pri!ehan (Gerni. brauclieii), to use: 
O. S. runa, colloquy ; br4d, bride ; brican, to make use of, 
frui : A. S, rv», mystery ; Mce, utor ; T^m, room, Bjmce ; 
VtUr (Germ, maiier), wall ; hil», hoaee : O, Fris. br4ka, ufi ; hui, 
bouse ; ful, foul ; and O. N. f4H^ rUn, iSs /—forms whieh cor- 
respond with ihe « in Gothic y«V*, foul; rilma, room; runa, 
mystery ; his, house ; liriba, bride ; brikjan, uti, 
^^ For Gothic *'» : — H. Germ. 4f, upwards, sursnm ; IMAan, to 
^^^Aock; mifan, to drink (cf. Germ, eaiifen); tikau (Germ, sauehen), 
^^P to Mick : O, S. up, sursum ; cugco (M. H, Germ, k'msche), reve- 
^^1 renter: A.S. au/^tf, bibo; O ¥T\B.fruildf=friudel/,\oyet; krioie, 
^H *^, cross ; flinckl, fiucU, fugit : O. N. Mka, to look ; siga, to 
^H «uck. 

^^P Por Gothic (f» : — O. H. Germ /^aaw, to dwell ; ka-ir4-en (Genu. 
^V Wr-trau-en), to trust; aul (Germ, saule), column: O. S. buan, 
^ *»Z,- eliUtar for Latin clamtrum: O.N. bua, irm, tuL 
1 The long vowel a, where it occurs at the end of a wordj is a 

I Hler production of the Gothic short w. Hence this vowel is, 
L even iu Old Hifjb Gennan and several Low German dialects, 

■ ""^n short or at least doubtful. O. H.Genn. naf, now, and dil, 

■ "lou, for the earlier uu and <IS, Goth. nS. and \n. The quantity 
^ Oi jgj, g„j (^„ j„ Qjj gjijjon is doubtful, whilst in Anglo-Saxon 

. '® length of nu and ^u is undoubted. In Old Frisian this vowel 
'^ a* in Old Saxon, wavering between short and long, whilst 
^^ Norse gives it undoubted length, since as a rule, in Old 
^*^'"Be all radical vowels suffer production when occurring at the 
^?^ of a word. Umlaut of « occurs in several Low German 
'''*««ct6, Tlie Old High Gennan in its latest documents has 
?"^^^ionally iu as Umlaut of ti, thus /im, house, pi. Aivaer ; cAri/t, 

iP?'''j, pi. ehriuler. In Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse the Umlaut 
' T^is vowel belongs only to Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse, In 
**Sl'^Sason it is Umlaut of three vowels : — (l) of it, c. g. «?, 
*'*^j pi- c$, kine; Iva, louse, pi Iga, lice; w^«, mouse, pi. }ii§t, 
wicej irrf./, bride, pi, i/^<f,- ( )of erf (Goth iu), e.g. %e (Germ. 
i*gc), a lie ; rjre, election : (3) of ed, e. g. hpritii, to hear ; gel^fan, 


to believe. In Old Norse ^ is Umlaut (i) of w, e. g. kyr, pi. of 
k4^ cow ; mislay mus femina ; l$k, I lock : (2) of iu, or the weak- 
ened form to, e. g^J^r^ fire; J?^/*, servant; fl^r, animaL 

In conclusion of our survey of the long vowels we have to 
state one more fact which forms a peculiar feature of several 
Low Qcrman dialects, especially Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse, 
and which consists in the dropping of the consonant n before 
sibilants, and the lengthening of the short vowel, especially o, 
which preccKles it. Examples : — A. S. tS^j O. H. Oerm. zatd^ 
tooth ; gds, O. H. Germ, kans^ goose ; aSftj O. H. Germ, iti^j 
soil. Umlaut of 6 is e\ fe^, gesy aefie (see above). Analogous 
forms are, ^rfS, sooth, true ; 6^ery Goth, atibar, other. Examples 
of other vowels : — moi^y strong, Goth, svinps; /if, five, Goth. 
Jitn/*; flier y our, Goth, unaar ; cil^ey novit; «»«?8, mouth, (joth. 
viiiu]yft. Some grammarians deny however the length of the 
vow«»1h ill the words ,/j['/', five ; o^er, other ; to^y tooth ; «f8, nottis; 
wwS, mouth. In Old Norse the lengthening of the vowel takes 
place regularly when the consonant n suffers elision before the 
sibilant a, not before 8. Hence we read gas, goose ; dsty favoii^» 
(loth, ajtftfft; while ffta^r, man; fuuiy mouth; i^rum (dat ^* 
afttinr, other), presei'vc the short vowel. 

Scttiulinavian grammarians have moreover proposed to assut^ 
the lengthening of the vowels a, o, «, before the following co^' 
binations of consonants, Im, Ipy Ify Igy liy Isy ngy nk, and of t^ ^ 
vowel i before vg and 71k. It is however considered doubtf^ 
whether the Old Norse dialect really had adopted such distin^^ 
tions, which after all might be the creation of a later period. A-^ 
to the letter i the case appears less doubtful ; but the productio#^ 
of a and o is considered very rare before consonantal combina^ 
tions with an /, especially in the 'Ablaut,' whence forms lik^ 
skn(f, sko/Jfnn, stmlg, svolgmriy preserve the short a and 0, Ther 
Umlaut of it beft>re ng and nk is e or o, both of which are short 
vowels and must correspond with «, not with d. 

As a rule German grammarians mark the length of a vowel 
in all the different dialects by the sign a ; but some have, in 
publishing Old Norse and Anglo-Saxon documents, occasionally 
adopted the mode of Scandinavian and English grammarians, 
according to which the length is marked by the acute ('). The 
student will therefore read ^J^ = /(?5 ; mu^z=z7nu^; m^s^im^s. 



Gotliie tbie diphthong occurs rather frequently. Examples ; 
' 7a, sea, lake ; main, snow ; sdh'ala, soul ; ddih, deal, part ; 
t, home, village ; dim, one; t/Aini, stone; 6di, both; hdih», 
, caecus ; hdiU, heal, whole ; bditrs, bitter. Always in the 
ipUcation of the verb. Thus sdi-tall, »kdi-ikdid, «(ai-i(aut, 
tiislep, Idi-lo, f-di-tdk, are the reduplicated preterita of the verba 
laltan, to salt ; tididan, to separate (Oerm. seheiden) ; ttauian, 
to push, l>eat (Germ, stflpeii); tidpan, to sleep; lilmn, to ecold ; 
l/Jean, to touch. This Gothic di is in the other dialects generally 
rtmdered by ei or its condensation e and i (vide sub litt. ei, §j i)- 


This diphthong in its organic nature is met with only in Gothic, 
Old High German, and Old Norse. In these dialects however 
it has difierent tasks to perform. The Gothic ei is commonly 
rcpliic*<l in Old Higli German and Old Norse by the long vowel 
S, while the diphthong ei in the latter dialects stands for Gothic 
<S«- Examples of Gothic ei : — eiaarn, iron ; reiian, to rise ; (neijls, 
(lonlt (Germ, zweifel); freia, swine, pig; rein, wine; meim, 
V^'M, leina (Germ, mein, dein, sein); compare O. li.Genn, 
^*«n(, ritan, saival, tuttin, win, min, diu, tin. It further occurs 
*& Gatiie as the termination of substantives of the weak dcclt- n- 
^on, e. g. di]>ei, mother ; svijibei, strength. 

The Old High German ei in helm, home; ttein, stone; eiu, 
one; keil, heal, whole ; evjan, to own ; fieiac, flesh ; and the Old 
^orse ei in eitre, poison, venom (Germ, eitcr) ; eir, iron ; irer'Sr, 
"Wad ; ieill, heal ; e^a, to own, — correspond with the Gothic ui 
?* We have already mentioned. In Old High German and Old 
^orse we find the diphthong also in the preterites of tlie verlis 
*" the fifth class, e. g. dreif, pcpuli ; hrein, claraavi ; beil, 
""iDiordi ; rein, surrexi. 

Concerning the condcnsalion of ei into e we refer to what we 
"W^e stated sub lit. g. The other dialects offer hardly any 
[fst-es of the diphthong ei in its organic nature, that is, coineid- 
^e with the Gothic di; but Old Frisian has abundant examples 
"• m inoi^nic «. Thus we find ei originating in contraction 
III the terminations eg and ag, e. g. m«, way ; dei, day ; slei, 
Dioff; but pi. wegar, degar, where the consonant reappears. Aa 


the contraction of eg we meet it in ein^zeffin, own, proprim; 
heia-=hega, tollere. tf/ = ^ in deilf for del, dale; weUa^wesa, to 
be; ei=zu, iu, ou ; ^tfi=0. H. Germ, kon, a blow; beiU—O.VL 
Germ, blufe, a tumor (Germ, beule); ir^«/= O. H. Germ. /fi^ 
bride, spouse. In a few words introduced from Old High Gw* 
man the Old Frisian ei is identical with the same diphthong ii 
Old High German, such as ieimr, emperor ; leia, layman. 


This is the only Gothic diphthong which is rendered in its 
pure and original sound in other dialects as well, though most 
of them also allow of a weakened form, and Anglo-Saxon ^^ 
places it by an altogether different diphthong, namely «^. 
Examples: — Gothic friit, tree; kniu, knee; niujis, new; jinUit 
July ; b'ntgariy to bend (Germ, bieg^n) ; iup, sursum. 

Old High German /// coincides with the same diphthong in 
Gothic, but it is occasionally replaced by 4 or the weakened »tf. 
The latter stands to in in the same relation as does the vowels 
to Uy and consequently it occurs under the same conditioitfi 
namely, when the following syllable contains the vowel «, whik 
i or n in the succeeding syllable ])reserve the pure diphthong >•• 
The same rule holds good for monosyllables which form th6 
theme in a, i, or ?/, as well as for the conjugation of the verb- 
Hence we have the forms kiuyi, fundo ; kiu^-is, tivnl^ iiojameit 
kioiant ; imp. k'ui^ ; inf. k'w^an. So also in the declensions and 
derivatives of words, as (liot^y people ; diutisk, popular, vema^ 
cular, hence BeuUchy German ; lioht, light ; liuhtjauy to lighten 
(Germ, leuchien, splendere). The plurals diopdy stiordy or niunij 
Ihiti, explain forms such as diopy thief; siiory bull (G^rm. stier), 
or niiin, Ihit, people. Fior^ four, Goth, fdvar, has formed the 
diphthong by the elision of consonants, in the same manner as 
dlorna, ancilla, j^uella (Germ. dime). 

As to the use of the weakened form of iu, the Old High Ger- 
man documents differ vastly, so that from the original pure 
diphthong iu we see them pass through the whole scale of vowels, 
iu and etiy io and eo, ia and ea, and finally i€. This variation of 
sounds is partly owing to dialectic differences, partly to the 
rapid wearing down of full-sounding vowels, which we observe 
towai'ds the close of the Old High German period. 

Otfrid, where he makes use of ' Scbwachung,' chooses io for 
monosyllabic words : in polysyllables he yields to the influence 
of assimilation ; so that he prefers io where the following syllable 
contains an o, ia or, rarely, i^, where a high-pitched vowel such 

VOVTKl ^iOl'.VDS. 


n a ot f succeeds. Therefore rioro, thiouSnti, and ziari, I'mb'-, 
Ut&a. Bat monosyllabic nouns, thoiij^h they aeBumv a high 
»w»el in the inflexion, Devertheleas retain their to, hence (Awf^t, 
Usiln; except ie in tifdei, CBrminis. Later authors, from the 
timeof Tatian, and especially Notker, flatten the it/ Ktill furtlier 
into it. The ia however ia peculiar to Oti'rid. The more 
■adent antbors down as far as Isidor have a diphthong fu fur 
ii in ancient proper names, noons, and prononns, e.g. en, vobis ; 
, cirii, ros ; hrrunin, poenitentiam, for in, iuwik, iritinun. Kero 
d Isidor have «' and ea for io in the inflexions, as waUend-eo, 
li sometimes instead of iu There occurs another la 
pM in Kero and Otfrid which corresponds with Goth. ^, not in; 
(, HieiiM, table, Goth. me»; hiar, here, Goth, i^r, 
With this one exception all the vowels mentioned are weakened 
■ r. There is however another diphthong ia (Otfrid), 
p(Kero, Isidor), or ie (Tatian, Notker), which has its origin 
ptlie condensation or contraction of a more ancient reduplica- 

Thus hialt, healt, pret. of haltan ; bliai, Ueiu, bliei, prelT ^ 
if bktan. The original reduplication still shows itaelf uumig. J 
ably in a form heiall, used by Kero instead of iialt, and whichj 
_-lielv approaches the Gothic haiknlil, pret. of Aal4ait. Th» i 
tqiuion^ ii) we find in the preterite of tliose verbs which hava.l 
[fctbe present the radical vowel on, 6, or uo ; e.g. lou/u, pret. j 
|"V(Gath. il.ivpiin\ pret. hla'ihUmp ; sfj^u, iiti/>^ ; levo/u, mo/. ^ 
_ In Old Saxon the relation between in and i') is the snme ai 
moid High German, and the same rules are npplicaMe as tcrj 
I At use of 10 where a, and of iu where f or u follow in the ^ 
Uit syllable. Tims in the conjagation biudit, oBer ; biudu^ 
IniHl; pi. biodal ; inf. Hodan. So also in other words : kiuiHf j 
kodieiOcrm. hento); tkiudfi, darkness; tkiodan, king; tkioma^ 
•folia (Germ. dime). Sometimes the distinction of iu and W \ 
WDOtee words of a different meaning, e.g. ihiit, ancilla; thio,' 
inrtnim, of lie; fiur, fire; fior, four; and occasionally one and 1 
Ltf" »D)e word wavers between /« acd io, e. g. Jiund, /»nd, 
, Gend; dlatiul, dtOflol, diabolus. The weakened eo ap- 
iBDot onfreijuently for Jo.- lAeqf, tiiiet'; fireoaf, breast; iheoihn, 
ia, en are rare : Me»an, to choose {Germ, kiesen) ; 
(, ancilla ; liakt, light. 
iTbese vowels are in Old Sitxon as in Old High German used 
t to indicate ancient reduplication. Thus ie by the side of 
Btbe preterite of those verbs which have an d in the present — 
' 'w* for Wi, pret, of Idtan, to let ; andried for andrgd, pret. of 
i^rddan, to dread, io, eo, or ie in the pret- of those verbs 
which have d in the present — h!iop, hliep, pret. of hlSpa-a, to 


run {Germ. Imifen); mop, teeop, loifp, pret. of wopn«, to t 
Ciiiiceniiug the reduplication in 4, vide siib lit, e- 

Old Frisian is, like Old Saxon, restrictod to the sole < 
tliong iw, of whicli it also admits the weakened form in * , 
80 tliat iM and I'o are met wliere tbe following syllable conta 
nr orif^nally contained, i or », and ia wbere it eont 
ExaniplcH : — hindega, hodie ; friund, friend ; niugvn, nine ; 
seven ; and Hiore, dear; Jiover, four; liode, people; sliora, i 
Some words waver between «'« and in, as fur and _/iof, 
divre and dliyri^, dear; liude and Unde, people (Gem 
iu at tbe end of wonis, e, g. thriu, three ; kiu, ea ; thitt, 
but d'utr. Jeer, fera ; I'tak, sick ; thiade, people ; kriapa, to o 
liaht, light. 

Old Norse also uses the diphthong iv ne identical with C 
IK. At tbe end of words: — niy, nine; tiu, ten; ^ri 
Before labials or gutturalg : — diiipr, deep ; biugr, curved ; I 
sad ; riii-ka, to smoke, reek ; except }^ii>fr, thief. The wea 
form io is used before liquids and dentals : — biar, beer ; jUot, rt 
{Germ, flu^) ; rf/o/, wheel; ^wm, to choose (Germ, kiesen). 
words however even here preserve >'» : examples — (itirr, t 
(Germ. !^lier]; 7iiv»(/i, nonus ; liundi , Accimws. As n rule, thas 
in Old Norse, the use of tbe pure diphthonfi in, or its weakc 
form ill, does not, as in Old High German, depend on the voffi 
of tbe followiug syllabic, but on the nature of the succeedinj 
consonant The conjugation of the verb does not, as in otbai 
dialects, present an alternation between ia and io, simply becaiM 
both these diphthongs are in the singular present of the v« 
replaced by their common Umlaut j?. io also makes occasionj'' 
its appearance in tbe remains of an ancient reduplication; 
amples — nwSo, gignere, pret. I'o'S ; ansa, to draw, haurire, pr^ 
ioa; bua, tO dwell, pret. bio; hhupa, to run (Germ, laufen], pr^ 
hliop {Germ. lief). On the rcdnplicatiou in e vide sub lit. e. 


This diphthong may be considered as exclusively Anglo-Si 
and stands to the Gothic iw in the same relation as tbe (H 
High German d, for instance, does to the Gothic di. It them 
fore must by no means be regarded as identical with eOy 
any other Schwachung of in which may occur in the oth 
dialects, but as an independent vowel which in Anglo-Saxi 
replaces the Gothic J« without being a mere Schwachung oft! 
diphthong. In this character it chiefly occurs in the middle 
a word : examples — be6r, beer ; be/in, to be; de6r, deer, fera; ( 

VOWEL SOlWm. 51 

eel, sliip; ceiiiun, to choose; dciSj), deep; Mil, people; iedSf, 
ight. This e^ was in later times often replaced by ^, egpecially 
D verbs of the sixth class : silpan for seopan, to drink ; sHcan 
br leScan, to suck ; litcan for le6caii, to lock. More about this 
(vide sul). lit. ^. 

This diphthong we find in various other places where it has 
BO relation to the Gothic iu. It very often appears as the 
Brechung of i, which has its origin in a mistaken analogy to 
tbe Brechung of % into eo before the consonants h and v. Hence 
the verbs wrMun, to cover; tthan, to amuse; ^Aan, to thrive, 
We been removed into the sixth conjugational class, and 
lius throwing off the h, they appear as wreSn, teSii, ^e6n, pret. 
mtdk, tedk, yedh. Of similar formation \sfe6l, file, O. H. Germ. 
jHi/d, /,7a. 

At the end of a word where J has been dropped, i is replaced 
by e4 : esamples— ieiJ, bee, O. H. Germ, bi ; feed, free, Goth. 
Jta», 0. H. Germ. fri. It appears that a final i is repugnant to 
the natare of the Anglo-Saxon idiom ; wherever, therefore, the 
i is preserved in prei'erence of e6, it is under the shelter of a 
following consonant, e.g. frik, fT\g,^ffe6 ; tig, sint, for 8e6 ; kig 
for ieS. 

So also we see fS occur where i is followed by w, e. g. gne6wan, 
to go, Goth. «n/(.'<(«; c»e6ic, cneou'ea, Goth, kmii, knh-is, knee; 
('«Jw, tree, &c. The ancient forme are cne6 and lre6, where 
«i appears in it« organic character as the representative of the 
Gothic IB in kniu, triit. 

Simitar to to and ie in other dialects, e6 is in Anglo-Saxon 
^e contraction of the ancient reduplication which is more 
mmmonly represented by the condensed vowel e (vide sub lit. S) : 
ttamplea — -gedni), ivi (Germ, gieng) ; he6n, jtissi; spe&n, junsi; 
^'toi, timoi ; reird, resi ; leile, lusi ; le6rt, sivi : i/angan, bannan, 
^ntnan, drisdan, rtedan, lacan, laian, occasionally form their 
pfeteritefl by e6 instead of the more o 



Gotbio. Examples: — bdiian, to dwell; gduil, sun; /rdiija, 
"rt; ldub», leaf (Germ, laub) ; galdiihjan,, to believe (Germ. 
Bliiiiben); hldnpan, to run (Germ, laufen) ; dugo, eye (Germ. 
Wge) i amo, ear ; hiauts, lot, fate. 

'e have seen before how j is transformed into i, v into n, 
Enb. lit. u- In the same manner \}, iv, av are transformed 
ri, IK, au when they occur at the end of a word or precede 


a conBonant. Examples : — eig, ija, ije; frei*, /rijU, frija ; ^ 
)hct*, \iva ; naui, navit, in which the roots xj, Ji^, ^v, i 
before the conBonantal termination s of the nominative, ad _ 
the corresponding diphthongs ei, m, an. Between aj tutd 4 
such relation does not exist except in the words 6di, botll 
b^jo^t 1 vdij vie, vajam/reina, contumely ; but we find tdian, tl 
sow; IdiaH, to smile; not lajan, lajan. The forms av atid ( 
are also vocalized into iu and au before the inflexional c 
_;'; where however this consonant itiielf is vocalized into t, tJ 
mentioned diphthongs are again dissolved into iv and n. '. 
Hence the nominative mari of the theme mdaja, }fiva of ^anjt, 
and the preterite tavida of tutijan, to do (root t^ar). 

Among other dialects Old Norse alone has preserved t 
integrity of the Gothic diphthong dii. Examples; — Jrw 
dream; baun.heaa; dau/r, de&f ; /««/", leaf ; 4/iiu^, a mn (Gi 
lauf) ; aui/a, eye (Germ, auge); gluitmr, clamour, noise. 
fl«, vide sub lit. 6, Very rare is d for au, as har, high, I 
iauhi. In fdr, few, and alrd, straw, we have the regular p 
ductions of the terminational a. Goth, fdua ; theme, Java; 
ttrari, O. H. Germ. siri!. 

Old High German in its moet ancient documents has i 
the Godiic a." instead of the later em; but as a rule we a 
have to loolt upon ou as (he Old High German representatili 
of the Gothic di>. ' 

Anglo-Saxon has a vowel of its own, the diphthong ed t 
the place ol" the Gothic dv. 

Old Frlsiui has a diphthong an, which however is not t 
organic vowel representing the Gothic du, hut an inorganic 
diphthong originating in the contraction of dtc, as na»t-^- 
Hdwei, -atmg\\i ; auder,\iter { = aiieeilder); naWer, neqwe (=iwjS' 


This is the Old High German representative of the Oothil 
du. Examples: — ^/^owm, tree (Germ, baum); irotf/n, dream (Gel 
traum) ; houbit, head (Germ, haupt) ; gtlmiba, faith (GennJ 
glaube) ; hitf, a run (Germ, lauf) ; ouga, eye (Germ. auge). 

This diphthong is however often encroached upon by tbft 
vowel 6, into which it is contracted (d for ou, vide sub lit. 6) > 
but the diphthong is invariably preserved before the liquid m, 
before labials and gutturals. Sometimes it is rendered by ft 
SchwUchung in no, oi, eu ; these forms however are mere dift> 
lectic variations, and of very rare occurrence. 


LEadoTy one of the Old High Gterman anthora^ has an Umlaut 
an xsL eu. 'Examplea i^-Jreuwidia, joy ; ftiuwidHf laetare; 
iiLe other documents haYe/rauwit, he rejoices; /rauwi, hetaie. 

This 18 the characteristic diphthong of Anglo-Saxon, which 
tts to represent the Gothic du. Examples : — at the end of words 
sO. H. Oenn. 6 or au: Jred, lord ; fed, few. By the elision of 
the tenninational i, e. g, ied^^AeaJk, nigh ; ed, water; Goth, aiva, 
0. H. Germ. oAa; ned, near. This diphthong is very common 
Wore the liqnids m and n. Examples: — iedm, beam; gledm, 
glesm; 9edm, seam ; ttedm, steam; siredm, stream ; iedm, team ; 
Ms, bean. Before the liquid r only in edre, ear, Goth. dtuS ; 
ieh, a tear; iredrung, a distilling. Before the liquid /, no 
emnples. Preceding other letters: dedf, desS; Aedfod, head; 
ifli^ leaf; iedp, heap; sledp, sleep; edge, eye; iredd, bread; 
iid, dead ; ledd, lead; nedd, need. 

Whilst in Grothic and Old High German the terminal v join- 
ing a is vocalized, and forms the diphthong au, it has in Anglo- 
Saxon a tendency to r^;ain its position after the vocalization 
W taken place. Thus then a root dav would be Goth, ddu, 
and Goth, ddu again A. S. ded: the consonant v however turns 
^ again in its old position and urges upon us the form deaw, 
dew; 80 also bredw, eye-brow; fedwa, few, Got}i.favdi; heawan, 
to hew, O. H. Germ, hawan, hauwan. Sometimes ed is con- 
ttacted in e: vide sub lit. e- 


This diphthong is peculi^ to Old High Grerman, in which 
it represents a dissolution of a more ancient 6 into the double 
▼owe! or diphthong uo. Examples \—fuoran ^zf&ran ; tuam = 
^; pluomo^plom; luan=t6n, &c. 

In the inflexions 6 is preserved throughout. One Old High 
(^nnan dialect, which inclines to the Low Grerman, prefers the 
^1 even in roots, to the common Old High German uo: oa for 
w is scarce ; ua for uo, where we meet also ia, ea, for iu. 


Belongs' to Old Norse exclusively as Umlaut of au : freyr, 
Goth, frduja, lord ; hey, Goth, hari, hay ; dreyma, to dream, 


from drauma. Sometimes ey for oe : beyki, beech {=boeii), GotL 
bSia; deya, to die ; ffeya, to rejoice ; XJmlant of au, pret. A 
and ^6. 


Short Vowels. 


Middle High German. Examples: — al, all; ^al, somid; not' 
tegal, nightingale; mal^ I grind, molo; 9wal, swallow; kit 
valley, dale ; bar, naked, bare ; spar, I spare ; kamer^ hammer; 
achamy shame; ^«;i, cock ; man, man; maget, nudd; zagel,\xSi\ 
tac, day; ake, water; trahen, tear; blat, leaf; vater, father; 
gra^, grass. 

Examples of the pure a sound are very numerous, deviations 
of this sound into that of any other vowel very rare; ih«y 
occur in almost the identical words which show a fluctuatioi^ 
of sound in Old High German already. Thus harsher, hither i 
wal=wol, well; 8al=zsol, ohsl]; van^von^ prefix de, ab; mah^ 
= mohte, might ; kam = kom, came, a is used in the place of ^j 
especially where the latter is Umlaut of a : thus achdmltck, adj^* 
oi scham, shame; zdglichy adj. oi zage, coward; scAdfleltck, adj*' 
schade, damage. More about this Umlaut sub lit. e. 

Old and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon a in late Saxot^ 
retained its position before syllables with a fiill vowel, and before 
m and w, in which latter case it fluctuates into o. Hence we 
\idiNQ fram ksiA. from; lang, long; man, mon ; occasionally with 
a preluding e, heond, leondy &c. The Ablaut of the first strong 
conjugation is conmionly o : bond, bound ; wond^ wound ; drone, 
drank; aprong, sprang; along y stung; more rarely a, 9wang, 
aprang ; others have always a to the exclusion of o, kannd, 
lannd, mann, cann. Old English and Middle English keep up 
the fluctuation of sound before m and n, e. g. man, mon ; kand, 
hond ; aprang, aprong. 

Another source of the Middle English a is the Anglo-Saxon 
a. In late Saxon some writers choose a representative in a (a), 
a, €, even ea, whilst others strictly adhere to the vowel a. Thus 
we find brec, brdc, breac, broke; apac, apec, apdc, spoke; que^, 
qna^, said, quoth; what, what, whet; craft, craft; graa, grda* 
Old English renders the a commonly by a, rarely by e, as 
af^l, bare, brak, apak, or atel, ber, brec, apec; amal, fader, pat. 


ttitf; and in the same manner Mtddlu English has loiaf, ffnft, 
p««, Taren. 

The third a derives ita origin from the A. S. ea, the Brechiinjj 
of Gothic a, before the eonamantfi I, r, and h. Even tlie Itite 
Sawn authors re<luce the va to a, as a(, A. S. eall; wal, A. S. 
«Mo/; fl/c, A. S. eaU; suit, warm. Sometimes the sound is 
Wavtring between a, a, and e: heard, kitril, kiirdy heril ; l-earea, 
'fewi, tears. The Ablauts in the eighth and tenth conjngations 
Bnctuate between a, a, and e. Some words even inehne to o : 
I We, iaiden, kolde ; dUl, old; taMe, ea/de, s/dde. These fliie- 
mu Iieeome gradually leas I'reqiient in Old Knglish until 
« different sounds settled down in a : al, a/le, htith ; walli-, 
; the Ablaut in the tenth conjugation : /mljj, help ; dalf, 
. M: »agi, taw, mu. Exeeptious : — old, kotden, bold. So alwo 
'" Middle English a has the preference, e. g. alle, fallen, halle, 
'^rpyharde, harm, arm; and the Ablaut in the tenth conjugation 
f'>»3ki,fagkt, half, dalf. The Umlaut of a is as in Anglo-Saxon, 
Jnouyh it is in the later Saxon occasionally written «, e, g. hate, 
™-f, hate; maU, mdl, meat; tallen, tiillen, to tell. In Old and 
MjiJJIg English again, the vowel e is firmly established, e. g. Iwa, 
L ■''*» men, helle, nel, del, fj't, bench, mete, sellett, Mien, weiidea. 

*aiddle High Oerman. The vowel e is by Grinmi distinguished 

''"-o two sounds, onf thinner and softer as Umlaut of a, and 

.!« other nuirked H of a fuller and broader sound as Brt'chung 

The lact of a differenee really existing in the nature of 

*^se sounds the same authority proves from the rhymes in 

^* <<3dle High German poetry, where in good classical produc- 

u **' ^'^ hardly ever find e the Umlaut of a rhyming upon e 

Jl* e - Brechung of i. Examples of e as Umlaut of a \ — lier, army; 

*^^*#, bed; helle, hell; herle, hard — here the Umlaut is owinjj 

"* the initeiional i which has been dropped — rede, speech ; etcl, 

"*^ ; gletin, vitreus ; elle, ellin, omnia; swcllev-^ to inflate ; 

?*"^»iBcM, to hum J henne, hen ; nieppe, step. The vowel a and 

itB Umlaut e, by their frequent exchange, give the inflexional 

'■^'TiiB a diversified and pleasing modulation. Thus we find often 

9 *n the singular of the substantive declension replaced by e 

^'^ the plural, e.g. ffinf, guest, pi. gesle; blut, leaf, pt. bleter. 

^*aiinine nouns of the second declension preserve a in the nom. 

aotl ace. sing., but in the gen. and dat, tliey already replace 

it by its Umlaut e, e. g. krnfle, krefle, strength ; hand, hcndv, 

hand. The present of the first weak conjugation yields to Ihe 




Umlaut Cj whilst the preterite often preserves the original i, 
e.g. vellen, to fell; fcenden, to turn; pret. vaUe, tponde. in 
interesting contrast is produced by the Umlaut occurring in tlie 
adjective^ and the original a in the adverbial form, as iertt, 
hard ; iarf^, hardly ; fesie, firm ; /aste, firmly. The UnJi^ 
of a has been generally adopted in monosyllabic and bisylUw 
words from the thirteenth century, so that we never find iar for 
ier, army ; varn for nern, to preserve ; an^iel for en^el, angeL 

Thus then we have the Umlaut of a represented by two dif- 
ferent letters, a and e ; and what, might be the question, is 
the meaning of these difierent signs 7 It appears that, as itr 
as the intrinsic value of each of these letters or sounds is oon- 
cemed, they are identical. We therefore find the words whiA 
we have enumerated above under the Umlaut a quite as often 
rendered by the Umlaut e, so that 9chdmlich and 9ckem^ 
zdglich and zeglich, schadelich and ackedelich were used without 
discrimination. If there be any difierence at all, it would seem 
to lie in this, that a is used in derivations which were stall 
traceable to their roots, as scMffilicA to scAam, zagKci to zaj^f 
schddelich to sch^de ; while the vowel e renders that Umlarf 
which owes its origin to a more ancient modification, suet 
as hcTy from O. H. Germ, hari, where the modifying vowel 
was dropped in the course of time, but the Umlaut kept ifc 
place, though the Middle High German author may not hav< 
been so conscious of the relation between her and O. H. G«rn» 
hari as he was of that between schade and scAddeltcA : a thet 
is the more modern, e the more ancient Umlaut. More abou^ 
this distinction under the chapter of modem German vowels. 
e, the result of Brechung. In the inflexions we meet this e 
chiefly in the plur. pres. ind., and sing, and plur. pres. subj.j 
of several strong verbs ; in the substantives of the first strong 
declension; and, in general, in all those words which have ai 
in'flexional a after the radical vowel i. Thus then in inflexion 
and derivations e exchanges with i in the same manner as 
with a; hence berc, gehlrge ; v'elty gevilde; gerste, girsiin; win 
we men; wirhe, w'erben. Compare Old High German 6^* and i. 

The distinction of e and e is of great importance, since sold 
by its means we are enabled to keep distinct many words whic 
have the same spelling but a diflerent meaning ; e. g. ber, berri 
bcTy a bear ; heVy army ; her, hither ; helle (Germ. hoUe), hel 
(Germ, helle); velty cadit, v'eli, ager; sferben, caedere, to kill 
sierbeuy cadere, to die ; nebelin, diminutive of nabel€, umbilicus 
nebe/m, diminutive of 7iebel, nebula. But in spite of all thes 
facts which 6j)eak in favoui* of a distinction between e and e, : 


^ot be denied that their sounds even in refined utterance 

inot have differed much, since even the most redaed poets of 

■ classical period make e and e rhyme occafiionally. 

<)ld and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon f, Schwachung of 

it retained in late Saxon, though rabject to many fluctuations. 

roples: — Ae,me,]ie,6ere)t,6reien; ttelen and aleohn ; eel/'aad 

Nay, this unsettled fluctuating state of things goes so 

jtK to extiuguish all difference between S the Schwachung of 

|uid e the Umlaut of a, and consequently the letter a (=a) 

I often used for both indiscriminately. Heuce deliien, ddlfen ; 

}n,dien: helm, Aaln; or both a and eo are substituted for e: 

n, halpeti, heolpen. Old English ag^in displays a more 

' d state of things, and the sound is, as of yore, represented 

8 legitimate e (rarely t). Middle English already shows a 

' tendency of lengthening the short vowel e into i ( =ee), toee, 

^,fee, lere and ker, breke and breek. 

Middle EUgb Qemus. This vowel is used to the same extent 
■* «» Old High German, and consequently appears in the nomi- 
"•tive of the second and third declensions in the sing. pres. of 
^'^ng verbs which exchange e and t, and finally in derivations 
"hich originally had the vowel i or w. Examples : — sil, rope 
(yerm. seil) ; spil, play (Germ, spiel) ; vil, much ; himel, heaven ; 
°'.*', sura; bin, a bee; kin, illuc; m», tin; aiien, seven; tige, 
^ctory (Germ. Bieg) ; ffltcie/, great ; «i^r»T^, a line; sjszV, smith; 
"'E, this; »tz, seat; ml, I will; xoitn, I take; bir, I bear; gibe, I 
Pve; briche, I break; tihe, I see; sing. pres. of welleti, nemen, 
,'^en,gehen, brechen, »ehen. The vowel i is, however, very limited 
*U Ae conjugation. Since e rules throughout the pres. subj. as 
^ell as in the pi. of the pres. indie, the relation between i and e 
in the Middle High German is most readily explained by a refer- 
ence to Old High German, where an a in the following syllable 
modifies, * or M preserves, the preceding (. Thus nebel, eden, 
^geH,Tegen,ieken, »tEe»teT=.0. H, (ierm. ne6al,epan, deiatt,rekan, 
zekan, sueftarj and kimei, michel, birke, iirc^e = O. H. Germ. 
himil, micAil, piricha, chirichd ; and siben, sicher, videle, tciiewe^ 
O. H. Germ. »ibuK. seven; siehur, aoSe; fidul4, fiddle; vriluKd, 
widow. The » in all adjectives in tn or ic is easily explained; as, 
girtUn, adj. of gersfe, barley; rilKn, adj. of vel, skin ; and the 
B^le which has been laid down will quite as easily explain the 
lehange of / and e in the conjugational forms ; c. g. pres, sing. 
■ , bint, birt ; plur. bern, bert, berni, — 0. H.Germ. pirn, pirit. 


pirii, jiiram, //r^raf, peraul. Singular it is to find » commonly 
coding tho consonants t and t:, and many doabled conson 
apparently for no other reason but the terroinational t which li 
been dropped in the course of time; e. g. tpiz, vUrwiz, = O. 1 
Ocrm. apiiiy/uriwUi. Several monosyllables of frequent oco 
ri'nce in daily speech have escapeil all modifyin^r influences i 

Sireaerved the i intaot, e. (f. iek, Kick, dick, viek, mir, dir, i 
iat, i»l, in (eum, m and prep.), min, minuE, &c. ; er and i 
(Qoth. M and idi) yielded to the grencral decline, but ir (Goth 
ii^t, itdi, iiJ, it^] pron. possess, has retained its dtstinctire i 
Thoiiph Grimm is fond of calling the modiKcation of i into 
'n Brechuncf,' ho at the same time acknowledges that GotU 
dilTors from Miilille as well as Old High German Breehung il 
its eHsentiul cbamct eristics, the former chun^ng i into at ani^ 
the influence of Bucoe^ing consunante [r and /*), the latter ondt 
the intluonco of siic<'c<^diiig vowl'Is. Being unable to discera an 
lieneKt nwulting from an adhesion to Btiontific distinctions whic 
are no longer outborne by facts, we may perhaps discard th 
term of Brechung for the Middle as well as Old High German i 
which we consider in all ca:«es as a mere Triibung or Schwachnnf 
of the original vowel i. 

Old and Hiddle Bnglioh. The Anglo-Saxon eo is rarely t 
tuiued in the suL-i-ceding iierioils, but tat« Saxon often replaces 
by rt. Exiimplos: — Acur/, hart; keorle, heart; /eoU,fele, tasa^ 
((iiTHi. vide) i *«>/«f/', ic/wf, silver; ttecvnl, tiKeril, evord ; eorSi 
trtk, ((trie, eartli ; Acvueiui, Aeanit, heaven. Or by : wennM 
worelil, world; tUorTf, stfiir, storrc, star. In Old and Middli 
English the Anglo-Saxon cit is commonly represented by e : keri^ 
hart ; k«rt«, heart ; mcrtl, erl, ieirit, erthe,J'el^, aelj'e ; — rarely ll 
: wort, KQrlti, even hor^ earn ; kour, iis. A few words retuv 
to tlie original vowel i, which even in Anglo-Saxon speech l 
already been split into e and w; and we therefore meet wi 
W/cor and miVi for the Anglo-Saxon wc/rcz-and meolc. In tli&l 
inst4Ui(!i> it may indeed be argtied with great plausibility th«l 
Anglo-Saxon too allowed the more ancient forms aifver, mUc, I 
the side of thv later breaking in scofrer and meofc. 

Kiddle High Q«rman. jVnalagous to the Old High German 
3. Examples: — ii/, u \ni\v ; ofe.oi]; tW, full ; »«/, well; Aone^ 
honey; iaiitf, wil'v ; litchof, bit-hop; ocen, oven, furnace; rt^ 
bird; hen<ige,A.\\^'i; stcoif, stick (Germ. stock) ;_/oci, yoke; htA 
cook ; worm and wurtit, worm ; iom, horn ; com, com ; dorf 


, gorge, care j gebrochen, broken ; gekrochen, crept, reptns. 
derives its origin sometimes from a, Bometimes from u, 
b vowels it ie merely a Schwacbung or Triibung. Henee 
ial, shall; holn = ialn, to fetfli; kom = Icam, x'on = ran, 
= fuahte, might (Germ, mochte, potui). More common is o 
the Schwachung of u, to whieh class most of the examples 
phich we have given belong : o for is in wo/, for vrela, well ; Kovie 
wecha, week; kone for quena, wife; komen, for queman, to 
inve ; koden for quedan, to say (cf. quoth). 
The Umlaut of o is 6, This Umlaut however is of rare oceur- 
lence ; a fact which may be demonstrated a priori when we con- 
sider that the vowel o, of which it is the modificatioD, replacua 
the origpnal v, then only when it is not followed by i, the vowel 
which chiefly causes the Umlaut in the root. It is still more 
interesting to observe that, wherever Umlaut of o does occurj it 
is not this o which is modilied, but the original u for which it 
stands Thus then we find by the side of tor, door ; vor, prau, 
fore; tUr and vur, not tor and vor — because in Old High German 
already the organic u is sheltered by the i in turi andyw/'*. In the 
^me manner we shall easily explain the Umlaut U in the words 
^acilx, dUmin, giildin, hiilsJn, adjectives of hoc, lie-goat; thru, 
thoTD; wo^&.wool; golt,gcAi; kotz,mQoA; and by the side of the 
i**rtieiples geworfen, gtborgen, the subjunctives iBurfe, bUrge, which 
*J^e modified forms of the pi. indie. v>utfen,burgen, '-inftn. wirfea,\.iy 
h*} *i}vi ; b'ergen, to hide. Exceptional wises arc the following : — 
"*ld High German nouna passing from the first to the second 
^^clension sometimes assumed the plurals in i instead of a, hence 
^^veeki./rvtci Kqx poceka,f rosea, he-goats, frogs; whence Middle 
*3 igii Grerman plurals, snch as bocke, froscke, ttScke, rocke, by the 
j-*'^Je of the formation of the first declension, boeke, froiche, &o, 
^ Old High German already we find words fluctuating in the 
^**und between o and », e.g. luchir and lochtr, hulir and kolir, 
r^liiih explain the Middle High German pluials lacker, hiiltr, 
^*~(w. &c. Old High German diminutives fluctuating in the same 
^J^aiiner, are luckUi and lockUi, puekili and pochili, whence tbe 
~^4. H. Germ, lockelin, bockelCa, rddelin, not lUchelin, &c. 

Aa to the further development of this Umlaut we have only 

'-^ observe that it took place in the same way as that of a into e, 

**amely, under the influence of a succeeding i : thus then we find 

l>arullel to temelick, similar ; gremelich, irascible — O. H, Germ. 

*<imaliA, gramalih — the forms golelich, divine ; lobelich, laudable — 

O. H, Germ, gotalik, lopaltk. The weak preterites dorfk, mokle, 

tohU, have in the siilijunctive ddrpe, tiuiiie, (okle ; »olde and 

violde remain unchanged in the subjunctive. 


Old JDod Middle '"■■fl^^*** Tlie # rtrj <rfien takes the pkoe 
of an original «, as h aometiBei did in Anglo-Saxon alreidj. 
TlraB Mid. Eng. mom, ha^, iemd^ Umd^ wiromd^ for aunt, laaib, &&; 
ezoeptionanT for A. S. «&, as in cvrV, awi/ for A.S. n—fil, 

IGddle 'Higi Qennan. Examples ; fm me, man ; iniipm, 
bridegroom (Germ, briotigam) ; simmi, dumb ; mmer, summer; 
vrum, pious (Germ, fronmi} ; Jmmgr, thond^ ; Jkmlde, ttLYoax; 
seimUe, gmity debt; rmrm, worm; imrm, tower; wmrz^ wort, 
herb; wmrzei, root; /■«»/, art; Im/f, air; raib^ fox; imm, Yenio. 
PL jnet. of strong rerhs : ariain, tmsimos ; ilmiem, fidimns ; 
Im^em, mentiti somas ; trv^em, fefeUimns ; r/nym, Yolayimiis. 

» bears the same relation to o as does i to e . As a rule th^ 
original vowels a and i exehide their respective intruders o and ^ 
from any hold npon their position before consonantal combina-^ 
tions, SQch as ««, aa, mi, mgf, a^, mi, md, mz, ms; the liquids i 
and #9 fortified by another sncoeeding consonant afibrding, it>" 
would appear^ sufficient shelter to the originsil vowels f and a. 
Where the position is open to both competitors^ the original 
vowel u always depends on a succeeding • or t for its safety, 
while a succeeding a is sure to bring in the intruder o. Thus 
the pi. pret. kluiem, bugem, iugen, we explain by the O. H. Germ. 
ehlupun, pugnuy tugun ; and the o in Aomee, avem, iohter, by the 
O. H. Germ. Aonac, ovan, U^Atar, 

u is the Umlaut of « brought about by a terminational i 
Examples: — Aiil, hole, O. H. Germ. Auli; ra/, puledrus^ O.H. 
Garm, full ; kur, election, O. H. Grerm. cAuri; tur, door^ O.H. 
Germ, turi ; vur, fore, prae, O. H. Germ, /uri ; miinecA, monk, 
O.H. Germ. tnuniA; AubescA, courteous, pretty ; iibel, evil, O.H. 
Germ. ubiL (To these examples may be added those quoted sub 
lit. o.) 

Considering that the radical vowel u is exposed to the modify^ 
ing influences of both a and i, and that a terminational u (which 
again is scarcer than terminational i) alone can save the positioi^ 
of its twin brother in the root, we shall have no difficulty it% 
explaining the preponderance of the Umlaut ii over the original 
vowel u — a preponderance which would be still greater if it wer^ 
not for certain consonantal combinations which reject the Umlaut ; 
as for instance, Id, It, ng, nh, so that the forms 9cAuld€, Aulde, 
scAuldic, gtildin, are preferred to schiilde, Aulde, scAiildic, gUldtn. 

From these exceptional cases it becomes sufficiently evident 
that the Umlaut of « had pervaded far less generally the vocal 



fstem of the Middle High German language than the (Imlniit 
r a had done ; that w is a vowel unknown in Old High German ; 
ind ttat by degrees it developed itself in Middle High German 
ID tte same manner ab e, the Umlaut of a, had done in Old High 
German. Where in Old High German there still remained a 
fluctuation between the Umlaut e and its original a, Middle 
ttigU German decides in favour of the former; and so again 
Modern High German adopts the Umlaut «, where Middle 
High German was still wavering between the vowel n and its 
Umlaut (*. Grimm places the first transitions from « into ii in 
the eleventh or twelfth century. 

Old and Middle Englisli. The Old £nglish 11 ib to a great 
extent identical with the same letter in Anglo-Saxon. Examples : 
— mm, funae, tunge^ ^«'f, «unde, sound, healthy (Germ, gesund) ; 
tut it is not unfrequently replaced by o, rarely ou ; tomer = 
mwtT, dombe = dumCe, io«e = tune, son; ncmne = nvnne,folle = 
/ulU, a>orm = vmrm, iiot(i(=(lt/tt. The pi. Ablaut in the tenth con- 
jugation is oft«n o, sometimes ». Old English reduces the number 
of e vowels and commonly supersedes them by or oit ; whence 
J^l~ful, dotv=ditre, som = »um, borgk and bourgh=burgh ; and 
Middle English makes a kind of compromise between the con- 
flicting elements of sound by engaging in some words the 
Vowel u, in others o, to the exclusion of the rival vowel. We 
therefore read /ul, Aiingre, under, schulUre, last, dnat, and worm, 
*!>*der, dore, note, nonne. Still open to the competition of the 
Rnls are aune, tone, son ; sunne, sonne, sun ; mme. some. 

The Anglo-Saxon u which, under the influence of a preceding 
*j Was developed from the vowel 1, either retains it place, inter- 
foanging sometimes with 0, as cumen, comen ; Kude, Kode ; 
""^T, toaier : ^iia, ))o*,- or it ia reduced to the original vowel i; 
^•Qviie^ widewe, widow ; Kike, week. The fluctuation continues 
'" Old and Middle English ; we therefore read, woke, wuke, wyke ; 
"fume, to come; wude, mode, wood ; wAilk, wuci, mcA ; noilk. 

Itiddle High Qermiui. This vowel is not German, and has 
therefore in Middle High German no better position than in 
Old High German. It is looked upon as a foreigner, and solely 
^itt«d in words of the Latin and Romance languages. Ex- 
Miplea : — Tylurd, Gynover. German worils too which had been 
Komanized and re-admitted into German literature allowed of 
the vowel y. Examples -.—Tyball= Bielhalt, Y8ewfrtm= Iteitgrim. 
"& sound was no doubt like that of i, though occasionally it 

iz 7irz:^sic grammar, 

3ZSST. rx Trial.' i: ▼'rrrS'^ brre bad fOSDetfaing of the sonnd of 
Ix \m 3:«iz-:^inx f«ETzrr. az»d liter co still morey the Bomance 
irTmSt-i. ::s*i'l: ixt: T*cr^7 GerjcAai w^tztk. sod in manj cas 
s3:Tcitr':<*i 'ua sbm ;. 'Knif iLai ii beeune cnstomaiy to wn' 
r '^. «i«*, ff**. n .' .rrar w* £z>i :? i3so in the plaee of f. and i 
lie £iii:b:ii:^ rf. -nr. ''7. r':c i. r", i**"- 

OQd &:»£ KddOe '»'i c^irf» t is in Anglo-Saxon the Umlao 
cf »- Tbf T ^£'1 • is .-.ncz. v{&kf2ied into o ; henoe we find , 
cc:<2i jsi tit U—Jii:: :f . Jk^ ir. r.-V. rtui^^ annun^ anreos. L 
lite Six r tI:- Uzl1i:i' * is r-.c^c^ :o tbe original vowel «; as 
f*»ir ::r ni?-. w / tr.— f:r w^rwr^*-, *»i? (or ymle^ lukl k 
ij:': :jr it« Trr:::z;^ :: rtifcf. ;*;«/. for rrw^^ arrival ; /«//« 
rW r%^ z<: ::y.:Tr: cc. "ir^i:*: tie f^-^ind of the Umlaut is pre- 
V^rve^i, ::> v-LirArtcriffi * lericy i> di^azded and replaced by th( 
Wtur i\ e.iT. r F/. ^ US'. *%'*«', ^i*>rJf, kirk, church; bigg^^ 
to buy : .r trf £-i » ar^i i siie tr side; e-g. btuiy bUi, busy 
cfc*«,-^8.-'. r /.w-. titc-b^r : mn*^, r^'ta^, joy (Germ, wonne) 
/».j*r», / '•.'*, ^:I££:i. Tri-c-Tti:?! in this manner the sign of thi 
I'niliu: has 'r^^r. a.tcrwi fir:m t into i, we have every reasoi 
to surrv><*e tiit f iri > w^ere sv"*vemed exactlv alike, and tltt 
thus tho ^5,^^.::i vf the Umlatit was kept mtaicL The letter 
haviiiir thus Kxr tne super-nuniefv-cs as it were in native word 
it was borct:V>r:h as^'^r^^ed to new functions in foreign word' 
a^a^:i^^u^ t.^ the i in Middle Hig^h German, e. g. Ananja 
/iV'^-.-y.-j, M /s.r'f. Prrhaps the adoption of jr in Latin won 
has causod its tXT::!s::s fK-m the vemacolar. In Old Engfe 
the apj lioation '■: this vowel is in a state of great confiisio: 
some writers preferring' h, others r, others i. Hence we me 
c.i «r A' It*, t" ! } r* ^ e*, .y. " tv .; « > '<^.Vr, K i \$tfr ; Imt^i, li/ttl : bng§ 
Iri^i:^, From this confusion of sounds and signs arises al 
the error. oous form Jy ;V for )'; ;V, as well as bir/Ar. suiiie. Tl 
chaotic state eontiiiues in Middle English ; out in this peri 
the I gradually begins to gain the preponderance among 1 
conflicting elements. Hence we read, i-Zny, l-im, din^ biggen, i 
to buy ; /: .':V.', kU4€, birU ; but also, l^tUl, fyu€, and bury. 


In the Middle Teutonic dialects the system of Brechnng 
gradually reduced to a few isolated instances which finally ( 
apj>ear altogether. Old High German never had a fully 
veloped system of Brechung like Gothic, Old Norse, j 
Anglo-Saxon, and it is therefore but natural that Middle H 
German, its offspring, should be very deficient in the sa 
respect. Still the latter has more frequently adopted 

rorvEi soL^^^DS. es 

Brcclmngr Je, which, however, must he owing to Low German 

inftuenccs, and may therefore hardly he considered as pure Higli 

German. Thus, viele, much, A.S.Jeoloj iiejiiel, heaven-, fiietie- 

1 Mr/, departure, — comp. A. S, htona, keonon, hinc ; SI. H. Germ. 

1 weieM, seven, A. S, geo/on; M. H, Germ. sie», to see, A. S. teon. 

' Middle High German as well as Old and Middle Kuglish have, in 
tact, gradually disposed of the Breehung by absorbing the broken 
Towels in one or other of the nearest related simple vowels, thus 
loueiug them to return to the sources whence they had started. 
An attentive examination of the facts wc have advanced concern- 
iii{,' the course of the different Middle Teutonic vowbIr, especially 
ia Old and Middle English will sufficiently bear out these views. 

SCiddle Higli Qentuui. In this dialect the vowel d corresponds 
flosely to the 0. H.Gcrm. 4, Goth. S. Examples: — d, water, 
"* compound names of rivers; dd, there; Ard, crow, gen. 
*'"<3»ii,- i/a, claw. gen. klmoe ; zted, duo, two; wd, where; dl, 
^.'^l ; mdl, sign; ilrdle, arrow; hdr, bair ; _;'<//■, year; star, star- 
'"^ig; wdr, true; krdm, tavern; mdne, moon; van, hope; gdfie, 
E^*t; sldf, sleep; atr&fe, punishment; wajen^ weapons; grdve, 
^**-»'l; rdl, counsfl. Very often produced by contraction: — hdn 
'^*:i(n haien, to have; t/etrdn from getriujeii, borne; ilda from 
'^^Aen, to stay; Irdii from trahen, tear; thus also, gdiiy to go; 
*'^fl, to stand; lixn, to let; geldn, done. This vowel is fre- 
'i^ently met with in foreign words, as b&begi, pope; tdvel, table; 
^specially in the terminations, Asid, PoHegdl, Addm, Afftkdii, 

»*'*UUUdn, capettdn, majeifdi, triiiUdt. 
Old and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon d is sometimes 
detained in Lit* Saxon, somelimos inclines to 6 : — bd, both ; wdc, 
*eak ; snaw. tnou-e, snow ; Adl. Aul {G- rm. heil), sahis ; Adlie, Aolic, 
holy; »dr, »dr, pain, sore; Adm, A6m, home; ddn, biiH, bone; 
ttdn, itd», stone; lirdd, 6rdtl, broad; cldd, cldd, cloth; gd»t, gdti, 
ghost (sometimes a as gasi, &c.) ; gd. yd, to go ; ienaae, ienowe, 
tdme, tCnne, &c. Ablaut d, or fluctuating between d. ft, &. 
Old English preserves the d-.—du, ntdne, hdli ; Ablaut, drdf, 
nmdt, rdd ; occasionally also druf, »m6l, rdd. Middle English 
adopts d for a, the length of the o sound being marked by a 
terminational e mute, following a single consonant, or by wv 
' stooH = g(one, boon = bone, gooat = gd»l ; Ablaut, droof=i druv 

ihoi'e=»toi'e, itntool=tmole, &c. 




Middle High German. ^ is the Umlaut of ^. Examples:^ 
alCy anguillse, from dl ; harln, crinaliB, from kdr; grammHj 
comitissa, from grave ; rate, couBilia, from rdt ; hrttmey tabenuPj 
from krdm. 

Old and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon Umlaut et of 
d continues to exist in late Saxon — stdn^ stanig ; or it wavers 
between a and 6 — I^ren^ Uren ; cl^ne, cline. In Old and Middle 
English it is fixed down as /or ee — clene, tecie, wkeie; except 
any and lady. 

The Anglo-Saxon ^=Goth. di. Old High G^erman ei take« 
pretty nearly the same course as the Umlaut a just mentioned. 

Anglo-Saxon often represents the d by «, which in sound 
seems nearly to approach the Umlaut, but in its derivation it 
must be kept strictly distinct. (Comp. Anglo-Saxon.) This 
Anglo-Saxon iB, answering to the Gt)thic 6, Old and Middle 
High German d, continues to hold its position in Late Saxon* 
siraete, street; nuely meal; har, hair; spache, speech; ditif 
deed; wapon^ weapon; graf{M. H. Germ, grdre, earl); some- 
times it is supplanted by S : s^l, nedle^ 8Sd--OT waverin<^ betweel^ 
a, 6 and a (especially in the Ablaut of the pi. of the eighth ani 
ninth conjugational class) : ateiiy sSien, quSien, bSren, stdlen^ 
brdkeriy spceken. In Old and Middle English this doubtfiil 
a sound finally settles down in 6 : ele, slepe, dede, strete, nedle, 
mele (eel, sleep, deed, street, needle, meal). 

Middle High German. In this dialect it holds the same 
position as in Old High Grerman. Examples : — i, law ; S, prius 
(cf.Germ. eher, Eng. ere); ilS, clover; mS, more; ri^ roe; snS, snow, 
nix, snSwes, nivis; sS, sea; wS, wSwe (Germ, wek, malum), sSle, 
soul ; sSr, dolor (cf. sore). This vowel rarely arises from contrac- 
tions : gescM from geschehe, eveniat ; itvire from sweAere, socero. 
In manuscripts the different e sounds are sometimes a little con- 
fused, and can only be kept distinct by strictly referring them 
to their respective class of e, e, or ^; e. g. mer, sea; mer^ misceo, 
mix ; mer, more ; Aer, army ; A'er, hither : Aer, clams ; ier, 
berry ; 6er, a bear ; ber, verres. In foreign words not uncom- 
mon : PSni^lopS, Ninivi, MicAa^l, adS, adieu ; ced^r, cedar. 

Old and Middle English. The vowel e in Old and Middle 
English derives its origin from divers other vowels, as we had 


already occarion to point out. (i) Prom A. S. a (Goth, e, O. H. 
G&m.d),slepe, stpeeAe, dede, streU, &c. (2) Prom Umlaut of 6: 
fi^ifiU top, i^y and to kepe, to feU^ to dtme^ &c. (see sub lit. 6.) 
(3) From A. S. ^=Goth. ii^ O. H. Germ, ei : see^ sea \ deleuy to 
&!; meneny to mean ; bredey bread \flehsy flesh. (4) Prom A. S. a^ 
Wmt of a : wetey clenCy teehe, (5) Prom A. S. ed : tre, knejlcy 
(ftpfj dere, tkefpyjrertd,/end, 


IGddle High Gtorman. Examples : — bi, by ; bH, lead (Germ. 
Uei); dri, three (Germ, drei); H, sim, sit; vriy free; ^fe, bee; 
^ fiend ; te^/!^^ time (of. while and Germ, weile) ; swin, swine ; 
VM^wine; wip, woman; zity time (of. tide); (sy ice; «^^^ iron. 
Fonned by contraction : gU=gilety dat. gelin=zgeligeny &c. e^ 
occus where an original j, g, Wy has been dropped : snie=9nigey 
nie^zwige. Often in foreign words: lirey lyra; /iny fine; 
ftroMiy ami€y and anngCy arzeniey medicine ; benedieuy maledieny 
lotedioeie^ maledicere. I and C distinguish tdne, friend^ and 
»w, wine ; ^e, victory, and sige, trouble, disease ; also pret. 
Kid pres. of verbs kliben^ haesimus, and kliben, haeremus. 

Old and Middle inngiiBh, The A. S. ^,=:Goth. ei, continues 
in late Saxon and in Old and Middle English, the latter dialects 
Qsbg occasionally y for », and denoting the length of the vowel 
\ tabling the i : Hjf for Uf, abijde for aMd^y whijle for while, 
^toT foif, 


Uiddle High Gterman. Examples: — d^, then; McA, high; 
K liighly ; vlSy flea ; vrOy joyful (Germ, froh) ; zwo, duae ; mor, 
Jwwr; grty ear; tSr, fool; krone, crown; tSn, reward (Germ. 
Wm); seAdney pulchre; Jr^i^, bread; nSt, need; ^/, death ; /(>|, 
'ot The vowel S stands in the same relation to ou as e to ei ; 
^(m can be traced to Gothic du, /and el to Goth di. Foreign 
»re mSr, krdney klost-er. Dido, Plato, Observe the difference 
wtween tor, door, and tor^ fool ; roSy horse, and rSs, rose ; ko8fe, 
I taste, gusto, and kSste^ caressed, blanditus sum. 

ot is the Umlaut oi 6: hoerey I hear; ore, ear; moerinne, fern, 
of a^, moor; roemisCy adj. oi R6m; koehe, height, from hoc/iy 
%h; toete, I kill, occido; and toetlichy mortalis, from (olj death, 
^«. The absence of Umlaut in words such as noiecj volic, 
^ost be explained by'the Old High German form no/ac. 

Old and Middle English. The d retains its place as in Anglo- 
Saxon and late Saxon. Thus the late Saxon dom, hoc, blody 

• mm a_. r-m aial ^^f» mifitt. 

•I •& afr. >^ jr^ 

Ik lap • «r Aaglo-Suao 
If «— i iliimlili with »«, 

■ fiaappcBn aba 
to lb uiitiiual t s 
ffam it br (: faA, iraA', rwM, cSc. and ftr^. >, i*^ 

■■I I ii rMrtianri, ■> Uat«c md ads W side, /tr and/ 

itfi<t^ia iTi e*i Oerman n=Otd High G«nnan n, Gotliio i 
Exam[tles: — n, tffg; fx«i', <]oo; i^iV, salofi ; ttil, rape; i 
part; iWa, home; ieiM, bone; «/«'«, stone j Idp, bread, T 
zeicifn, sign ; ibvi|, ciTfI« ; ;«'{, goat, capra ; mvij. sk 
greif, eripni (Germ, griff); ;oAj^, 6stn!avi (Germ. pM) ; ita 
itcandi (Germ, stieg) ; mkcU, tacoi (Germ, schwie^) ; tif' 
pugnavi (Germ, stritt). The diphthong rt often origioatee in 
eliiion of the medial g between a and a succeeding », e. g. « 
(Goth, maist) tneil (Goth, mail) — contractions which are i 
very ancient AA\»~ge'in = gagin, againet (Germ, gegen) ; 
mnijU, mA\^\ Tein = ragin, counsol ; getreide = getregcdt. 
foreign origin are meige, meiger, Keiter, lurtM, conleifei, ." 
tfi*, H'ei/cif, Brilt'tmii. 

ronsi. souyps. a? 

Wiwthy of obsen-atioD is the diflemice between ei and »:— 
*■, ari^illa; fim, gluten; »«'», scclus (ef. Gorm, mein in 
in-cid) ; wi»,Dieiis; aeAff/s, spleniliii ; w^i'n, splendor ; twein, 
er; ptin,so%\ ffip, panie; tip, vita. Inaccurate raoniiseripU 
Mr occasionallj ei for a, even for the sliort vowels c and c. 


Middle High Q«nnan iV=01d High Gemmii te, as well as 
, i« for )'«, Examples: — dk, hie; iifte, knee; nie, never; ie, 
v; rie=nhe, cattle (Germ, vieh) ; kiel, koel; bier, beer; rfiW, 
10^, gens; liet, song; /'lef, eiicurri : rief, voejvvi ; »lie/, dor- 
"' 1 ; iif^, vocavi ; lies, sivi. Many of the verbs whicli formerly 
reduplicated preterites, show now the diphthong iV . Foreign 
*<irds: — lierel, diabolus; priester, pre§byter; Spiegel, speeiiliim ; 
fder,fier, iaittfr, rerier, unMier, parlierfH,/ormieren, turniereii. 


Viddle High Oerman = Old High Gorman. Examples :— 
Ci, ancilla ; kaiu, knee; »ih, new; gelriu, faithful (Germ. 
|«tKu); iuicer, vcster; friuire, fides; «i//e, column (Germ, saule) ; 
Wfr, potresco (Germ, faule) ; iiute, hoe anno (Germ, heuer) ; 
Anfe, hodle (Genn. heute) ; tiure, dear (Germ, teuer) ; viitr, fire ; 
a^f, depth (Germ, tiefe) ; liuffe, lie (Germ, iiige). The alter- 
Mie oee of /« and /'« we observe chiefly in the verhal forms : — 
Hfll and diele, liiuge and biege, &c. ; hut briutee, Muwe, blivice, 
W always iu, never ie. The transition from ie to ('« may 
QrtlieT be traced in the relation between substantives and their 
ftpective adjective or verbal forms, e.g. adj. aieeh, sulist. »lni:/i ; 
•ij'i^, suhst. liu/e; liehl, lux; Uuhte, luceo ; diep, fur; diiibir, 
vtivns, The t«rminatJonal iu sometimes adopts the fuller 

Km in iutee, e. g. niu, getriu ; niuwe, getritme. 


lliddia High Gonnan=01d High German. Esamples -.—ou, 
iecp, ovia ; Ivu, dew (Gerra. tau) ; vrote, woman (Gei'man. frau) ; 
*IM, water ; bviini, tree (Germ, baum) ; ttroum, stream ; (roiim, 
beam (Germ, traum) ; l<mp, leaf (Germ, laub) ; iioup, dust 
^mi. staub) ; /ua/", baptism (Germ, taufe) j oiige, eye (Gorm. 
~pe); roucA (Germ, rnueh, fumus). Tliis diphthong has to 
lid its place to 4 (which may be considered its representative 
a more condensod form) whenever the terminational m which 
UlowM is weakened into n iis bon = bourn. ou is Umlaut ol' 


OH : goHy pa^s (Gterm. gau) ; iouy hay (Oerm. heo) ;^ tiaogamte, 
houioe ; ONwey gen. of ou, sheep, ovis; vrauwtn, femininiiB^ frwa 
rrou ; lonbin, foliaceus, Iduber, folia, from laui, folium ; vmie, 
joy (Germ, freude). This Umlaut is comparatively scaroei and 
seems to have a predilection for a position preceding the v soanif 
as in o«ip= Gothic avi, O. H. Germ, atpi, ewi, ouwi. Its ortho- 
graphy is unsettled : besides ou we find oi, oy, and still more 
frequently en. 


Middle High German. Examples: — druo, weight, firat; 
kuo, cow; ruo^ rest (Germ, nihe); 9chuo, shoe; vmo, earij 
(Germ, friihe); scAuo/e, school; sluol, chair, stool; muoTy moor, 
palus ; dluof^e, flower (G«rm. blume) ; ruomy glory (Gterm. ruhm); 
sHOfiy son (G^rm. sohn); Anqf, hoof; stuofe, step (Germ, stofe); 
pfuocy plough ; hruoder, brother ; bluotf blood ; guot, good ; mnukf) 
mother; vuoz, foot; slnoc, cecidi; truoc, tuli. 

ve is the Umlaut of no : — bliien, florere ; glUen, fervere ; grie^i 
virere ; niuen, vescare ; also bliiejen, glUejen, &c. ; Aueve, hoofe J 
bUec/iel, libelUis ; bUechtn, fagineus ; blUele, flores ; gemUie, ani- 
mus ; fue^e, feet. The Umlaut in bliien^ glUen, 8cc., was brougW 
about by a succeeding i which has been dropped, but which 
however is sometimes found as the semivowel j, as in blMe-j-eih 
gliie-j-ai — forms in which the e of the infinitive also re-appear^ 
and which in bluen, glUen^ is absorbed by the diphthong of th^ 

ai, au, ey, oi, oy 

In Middle High Gterman these diphthongs appear m ioreigi^ 
words, chielly such as are imported from the Biomance dialects^ 
c. g.faiie^refumy voile ; faiUerenz=^fallere,faillir; Lauriu, Kaih 
iasas; iemjjle^s, wdle^s; boie, gloie, troie ; royn^poyi, troys. 

ai, au, eu, oi 

Middle High German. These vowels are occasionally used 
to rejilaee one or other of the organic diphthongs which we have 
examined in detail. It is therefore hardly necessary to say that 
they cannot be considered as organic diphthongs, and that they 
hold a position in dialectic variations, and not in such produc- 
tions as come up to the standard of good Middle High German. 

Examples: — au=oti,u: haubet, gelauhe, haus, auge ; =a : slauff 
Taut, taut^sl4ff rdt, tdi. This au is very hsjrsh and repulsive. 


fc=ot( : frende, geuden=fmtiiU, gSuileu. This ev mny be traced 
^Gothic terminations in avi, and thus be eonaideivd the direct 
■inlikut of Goth a» : freude from frawiila, O. H. Germ. ; ttreule 
%Jm O, H.Germ. Hravita, Gotb. glravida. mt=iu: hiule,ljriufe. 
I occafiioiially replaces ou the Umlaut of on : gdi=goti, pagug, 
' ', fivi<k=frdude,loy\ Ioiber=louber,io[\&. 


Old and Mi<1rtlff Eaglish. (i) For Anglo-Saxon o, indicating 
■ fc production of the original vowel, as in J'uiigleH,J'oui/it=^foogle, 
RpjffiT — very rare, because o commonly holds its own. (2) For 
FiUiglo-Saxon «. In late Saxon the long u preserves its position, 
Bitt quantity being denoted by a simple consonant following it, 
Wf- g- fal, ^u, dun, nir/t, mir, ure (see sub lit. fi) ; but even here 
t must sometimes give way to »« ; Joule, aoure, ()oh, &c. 

In Old and Middle English, ou (ow) has gained supremacy 
"ver a, the latter vowel being apparently applied only to indi- 
'at« the short u sound, 

(3) For Anglo-Saxon e6 we find the diphthong ou in Middle 
f^uglish (see sub Itt. e6]. 


The Anglo-Saxon e6 begins in late Saxon already to be su])- 
P'a-nted often by simple vowela, especially the long e. Thus we 
^'^*X feoud, fiend ; aeoc, seek ; Jleo, flea ; dear, door ; iteore, dear ; 
'^^^, leaf; leom, gleam; deop, deep; breast, breast, — by the side 
'^* ^e, dtr, dere, lef, lem, dep, lireai. 

C)ld English rarely retains the diphthong eo, as in ieo, deol, 
^'^cft; but fills it« place indiscriminately, as it were with any 
"*i«er vowel, e, i, o or « : e.g. e — Awe, tre, Jle ; — leae, lose, 
/***"^w,_/br/<>«(", /oitf, to lock J lout; u — alvye ; i — /ie, 

Hn Middle English eo disappears altogether, being superseded 
"* certain words by a long e, in others by the diphthong ou ; 

g, tf — tree, kite, dere, \e, th^fe, f rend, fend ; on— foure, youth, 

itrouie, to louie. 


This Anglo-Saxon diphthong was already abandoned in late 
^ajon, and its place filled by le, seldom by a or e ; e. g. (? (A. S. 
'"*«, water, river), are (A, S. edre, ear), itram (stream), stream ; 
"'^t laf, bhsd. Old English has occasionally ea, as in gleam, 
^w, bnt commonly e, c. g. tlreme, depe, chepe, defe ; and Middle 
English adopts the long e, which is sometimes rendered liy ec, 



as Heed, breed, reed (Wycliffo), Tlie Anglo-Saxon Ablaut ed i> 
the sixth conjugntion ib also siipplantetl by a and its cognate 
vowels e and a : icief. teef, tenf, site, toe, IcBa, let. Old EnglutB. 
cleftfiet, chet.fresei Middle English, clee/,fieet, cieet, frees. 




Oerman. In Modem High German this vowel has preserved 
its original pure sound, and may therefore be considered as per- 
fectly identical with the a sound in Old High German, deviating 
neither towards the higher pitched e nor the darker sound of o ; 
and this rule holds good not only for cases in which it remains 
ehort, but for those also which show it converted into a long 
vowel. Hence Hh, de, pnep ; min (French on) ; wald, forest, 
contain a sound which is identical with that in l^&eH, to refresh ; 
vd(er, father ; Adte, hare ; sdffe, tale, saga ; and with the organi- 
cally long a in gndde, grace ; tfrd^e, street ; frdge, rogo. 

Whilst in Middle and Old High German the sound was often 
fluctuating between a and o. Modern German has decided in 
favour of one or the other, and thus ohne, sine ; mond, moon ; 
monat, month, voge, wave, for the M. H. Germ, due, mane, 
vtdnet, Kde ; and monai, briiuligam, bridegroom; eidant, ^faei', 
ieimal, home, for O. H, Germ, mdnS, priitigomo, eiditm. 

English. The Anglo-Saxon /p (for High German a) whieb 
already in Old and Middle English had been commonly replaced 
by a, finds in Modern English also its expression in the vowel a, 
but it seems still to preserve its original sound wherever the 
vowel is short. Examples : — sal, glad, at, that, cat, (tpple, 
ati, &c. 

When the vowel is lengthened, the a sound is modified in two 
directions so as to become identical with e or o, e. g, leiale, 
grave, ale, late, raven, and spoke, broke, stole, bore. The consonanta 
II at the end, and w at the beginning of a word, darken the a 
sound into a, {d), the medium between a and o, e. g. small, vsater, 
tekal, was, &c. The Anglo-Saxon a, which often inclines towards 
o, ie, in Modem English, either rendered by o or has finally 
adopted the original a, which, in pronunciation however, is 
treated in the same manner as the a (=Anglo-Saxon er) which 



71 1 

»t hire just examinMl. Thus we read o in long, ttnmg, Urong, 
tMf,mf,ti/tng ; short a in max, can, camp, iiani, a»d, aamJ, 
litd, iammer ; long a in name, lame, lame, lane, lamt ; a sound 
^eoei) \>y preceding w m van, nean, 

He Ang-Io-Saxnn ea is in Modern, jnst as in Old and Middli?, 
&|iish rendered by a, which however under iliflereut eonso- 
BJiifal influences assumes a different sonnd. Pare a sound l)efi>rp 
f—hm, /ami, gam, mark, sharp, hard; darkened into a («') 
before //, //, Ik— all, kail, fall, tiutit, talt, talk, valk ; rmm.'A 
lowiida the higher pit^h of e — tiall, thadow, «j*, mar; identical 
Bti t when lengthened — thame, ale, *cale ; supplanted by c — 
An, Ulei. 

Dutch. The distinction between long and ehort vowels being 
|pt«erT«d in this more than in any other Teutonic dialect, we 
pre the examples classified under the heads of short and long. 

Sbort before a single consonant : ilal, dale, valley ; anuil, small ; 
JM, tune ; nam, cepi (Oerm. nahm) ; gaf, dedi, gave ; graf, 
pure; ita/,»\aS; dag, day, swak,veak; i/a./, leaf ; a/,all; f/^ll, 
ihll; ait, shall ; iam, comb ; lam, lamb ; _fiasi, flame ; wuta, man. 
Short before double consonants: galm, sonnd; Aal/", half; 
ulf, talf; ialg, neck; arffl, arm ; ijit^, long, Wh^, song ; land, 
lootti; gaiu, goose; arm, warm, damp, hard, band, humt, land, 
Geminated consonants : alle, itallen, mamien, &c. 
The Huctuations of the a sound which via haxc so frequently 
dwervcd, chiefly in the ancient Low German dialects, is kept 
»tiw in Dutch loo, the vowel a rising into e in the words seherji, 
iWp; erg, wicked (Gcvm. arg) ; »lerk, strong (Germ, stark) ; 
Mid descending to the lower pitch of o in the preterite of strong 
fwbs; TOM, cncurri, ran, run; tVig, cecini, sang, sung; dnmk, 
nbi, drank, drunk. Dutch a for e in hart, heart (Germ, her?.) ; 
*iri(Germ, schmerz); pard, horse (Germ, pferd); ztedrd, sword 
(Gcnn. schwert). 

I«ng a, spelt in Dotch aa, in Flemish ae, is organic in dl, 
*"'; idr, hair; jar, year; todr, true; gran, grain, frumentnra; 
'», moon; tedn, Iioik;; tcAdp, sheep; iprdi, speech; d</d, 
Vfi ; long by production in l^l, language ; ddr, there ; wfr, 
wicre ; tehdm, shame ; Ai/n, cock ; dp, ape ; wdk, wake ; idn, 
■He; long by contraction in ilda foliis {=(iladen) ; rdr, father 
|=mAt}; »l4n, slay (=*/«fc»}; ^dfw, drag, traliere (=./™^e«) ; 
*i$d, maid { = mage<t)\ tragi, fertis (=irage(). In the penult 
Wore single consonants the Dutch dialect writes simply a, 
•tether the vowel is originally long or short, and in this case 
femm recognizes his Middle Dutch ' Schwcbelaut,' ' (luctnatiiig 
•WEd,' which is neither decidedlj long nor short; as alen.un- 


quilhe (sizdlen); iaren, anni {tsjdren); spraienjlihguaB (s=spiilim); 
and hanen^ phalli ; ka^n, lepores ; apen, simisB, — ^in which the s 
was originally short. 

Swedish. The vowel a has its prototTpe in the Old None 
vowel of the same quantity^ but it Temains short only before 
double consonants : all^ all ; Jalla, to £ei1I ; ialla, to oali ; Ml, 
shall ; f/aminaly old ; hamfnare, hammer ; tacta, to thank ; vatteM, 
water; e/m, elm; Aalf, half; barn, injfant; sharp, shaip; idi, 
salt; uamUy iwixtiQ^ hampa,hviiri^r\ krank,si(^\ Aand, lanJ,ic. 

The vowel a preceding the combinations Id, rg, ng, is con- 
verted into a, of which below. 

Before single consonants the pure a sound is retained, bnt 
lengthened in pronunciation : d-al, dale ; bar, bare^ nnde ; toj 
bore, tulit ; ^haniy shame ; hane^ cock ; graf, grave ; dag, day; 
lag, law ; mat, meat ; vara^ to be, for vara ; qvar, quiet, for jwr 
(cf. the use of the Dutch a for e). 

The Swedish a which stands for the Old Norse d, has un- 
doubtedly had its origin in the lengthened a or aa. Analogous 
is the frequent decline of the Enghsh a into the middle sound 
between a and o under the influence of certain consonants, as (^ 
w, &c. ; and still more so the fluctuation between a and o i^ 
some Old Teutonic tongues, as iond for Aand^ hoMn for AflW*» 
7ndn for nuhi. Though this vowel is now identical with o i^ 
must originally have had a middle sound between a and o, ^ 
the English a in wall^ war^ &c. Examples : — a/, eel ; i«a/, laa^ 
guage ; ar, year ; far, sheep ; hdr, hair ; indney moon ; ra», hope ^ 
sprdk, speech ; gas, goose ; a, river ; gd, to go ; sld, slay ; /a, toe ^ 
std, to stand ; strd, straw ; alder, age ; gdrd, viDa (cf. yard and 
garden); /idnl, hard; /a«^, long; dtUi, eight; matter might; 
l)ut uatt, night (Germ, nacht). 

Danish. Before single consonants organically short and long 
vowels are identiciil ; before double and geminated consonants 
they are always short. Examples : — dal, dale ; gale^ to sing ; 
bar, bare, nude ; bar, bore, tulit ; hare, hare ; skam, shame ; hane, 
eoek ; grav, grave; hare, to have; dag, day; blad, leaf; had, 
hate, odium ; mad, meat ; alle, all ; takke, to thank ; halv^ half; 
kalde, to call ; talf, salt ; ^rt;-w, infant ; skarp, sharp ; ^r^, wicked 
(Germ, arg) ; harnj), hamper ; vand, water ; tnand, man ; land, 
sand, &c. 

Transitions into aa and o are not easily fixed by rules, and 

sometimes deviate from the Swedish: e.g. alder z^^w. alder ; 

foldc, to fold; hfdde, to hold; vold^, to command; 4o/</, kold— 

S\y. /alia, hdlla, raUa, kail; hwifalde, gal d^, kalde ^^w,f alia, 

gal la ^ kalla ; — gaard, yard, haard, hard ( = Sw. gdrd, hard). By 


^ ^sieodamiwe have baand and Aaan'l=Sw. laiiil, haittl.hand ; 
■■ br, Ijir[=Sw, il^). 

J Duuh pitsEosses, like Swedish, the sound a, a medium bu- 
U luiai D atid o, which however most Danish authors, with tho 
?H toeplion iif Rask and other grammariaDs, write aa, though 
V D its iinmunciatirin it touehee very cloeety oo the Swedish d. 
W hlie chiefly to fill the phice of the Old Norse d : aai, eel ; raati/, 
m isguige ; lar, year ; /aar, sheep ; Aaar, hair ; war, sore ; nunim; 
I QhMD ; raabfK, weapon ; 'laud, deed ; an, river ; i/uu, doe ; J'a", 
I Aw; ^aae, to go ; ^raa, grey ; raa, raw ; taa, so ; /ua, toe ; alraa, 
I Mair. Tliis vowel, like the Swedish a, is chiefly met with before 
pk coowDants id, itd, rd, which cannot be preceded by the pure 
bainl Whilst however the Swedish represents otdy the Old 
HHbL the Danish aa stands also for Old Norse S : kaare, to 
H^BiBw. hira; aaOea, open, O.N. opinu; draabe, drop, O.N. 
Bl^ «a=Old Norse S: raa6e, to ehout, Sw. rojaa, O. N. kropa. 
■<=Goth. a«, O. H.Germ. ok, 6i »iaane, to spare, Sw. gioaa, 
Cwnn. icAonen ; /iaan, scorn, Germ. Aoin ; daai, Sw. dop, hap- 
*sio, Germ, t-auf'e. 

a (SB) 

Qerman. a [if) is Umlaut of a (n); — wdl, choice, uiisle/i, to 
' chooee' ; zdl, number, zcelen, to count ; idm, tame, zamen, to 
*«me; iand (sing.), Mnde (pL) ; grdben, to dig, yrait (3rd pers. 
I Wig), Differ, riaier; bliitt, hldlUr; grdt, gra»er: arm, armer, poor, 
ptwer; kart, hdrt^r, hard, harder, &c. From these examples it 
mil be seen that the origrinal a V6 atiil alive side by aide with 
tiieUmlanl, Where, on the contrary, the word with the original 
i" wnnd has become extinct, and the Umlaut in the derivative 
form ia no longer felt as Buch, we find the Umlaut expressed by e ; 
*if. hter, army, O.H. Germ, kari; ende, end, O. H, Germ, anii; 
^, heir ; elld, ell ; J'remd, foreign ; Aetad, shirt ; engel, angel ; 
"iw, hen, — ivorda in which the original a is extinct. 

Swedish. The vowel a in Swedish has superseded five dif- 
ferent Old Norse vowels, (i)=O.N. a: grdfs, grass (A. S. gras). 
(2)=0. N. c, Umlaut of a : tdi/a, to sell ; bar, berry ; Sdr, army ; 
'««/», to tame ; toga, to say ; bddd, Ijed, glad/a, to gladden ; 
»dU, net ; falla, to fell ; iigg, edge and egg ; dragg, dreg ; f'dgga, 
(o lay ; »dtta, to set ; itnatUt^ to smelt ; angel, angel ; aple, apple ; 
horse. {3)=0. N. e, Brechung and Triihung of »': vSl, 
ar, is, est ; bdra, to bear ; vr'ig^ way ; vdder, weather ; itla, 
eat; srartl, sword. (4)=0, N. le, whether Umlaut of a or 

' iDril, H-rln. c-onimonly s^kU hwAI. iciiklrn. 


contraction of ai, ei : mala, to talk ; 9aU (felix f. A. S. saligji 
9ddy seed ; frande, friend ; am, honour (Germ, ehre) ; Idra, Geim 
lehren ; kliide^ vestis (Germ, kleid) ; mdiiare^ master (Germ, 
raeister). (5)= O.N. /, only at the end of words :^, cattle 
(Germ, vieh) ; hnd, knee; tra, wood (cf. tree). 

Banish. The Danish a stands to the Old Norse in aboat the 
same relation as Swedish. Hence Danish a (i) = O. N. a\ 
grds^ grass ; &>, burden. (2)=0. N. e : bar, berry ; kar^ army; 
rad^ net ; gldde^ gladness ; idmme, to tame ; tdiUy to set ; idl^p 
to sell ; mdrke, to mark ; handCy pi. of hand. (3)=0. N. e\ bdrre, 
to bear ; vdre, to be ; vdve, to weave ; ode, to eat ; md^ mos 
(Germ, sitte) ; mVfer, ram (Germ, widder) ; svdrd^ sword. (4)= 
O. N. ^ : male, to talk ; dre, honour ; Idre^ to teach ; ildde, 
vestris; sdd, seed. (5)=0. N. e:Ja, cattle; ind, knee; W, 


German. This letter can even in Modern German still be 
tracod to the Umlaut of a, or to the Brechung or Triibung of u 
The vowel e is Umlaut of a in the words keer, meer^ erbe^ siellen, 
//cmdj/remd, end, &c. (Concerning this Umlaut and the Umlaut 
d, see sub lit. a.) The sound e as Triibung of i we find in regen, 
rain ; degen, sword, which Grimm considers different in pronun- 
ciation from lege?i and bewegen, where the e is caused by Umlaut ; 
but I must plead ignorance of that distinction. The difierent 
shades in the pronunciation of the German e are o^ving to con- 
sonantal influences (cf. mehr, meer^ sehr^ seele^ heer^ herr^ f«w, de- 
gen^ legen^ regen^ segen^ sprechen^ sleeken) rather than etymological 
deductions ; nay the ^ usus loquendi', the mode of pronunciation, 
has even corrupted the legitimate spelling of certain words, 
writing d {(e) for e: bcer^ a bear; geb(eren^ to bear; rdcien, to 
revenge ; ddmmern^ to dawn, on account of the close analogy 
to the pronunciation of the modem Umlaut d in wterey gabe^ 

English. The Anglo-Saxon e, as Umlaut of a, is retained in 
the words den^ hen^fen^ men^ hell^ bed^ net^ better ^ bench^ to sell^ to 
telly &c. But the Umlaut has returned to the original a in ^ 
bare^ to tame^ to hate^ to quaJce^ angel. This fact may be explained 
by the analogy of the adjectives bare^ t-amey which never were 
subject to the Umlaut. 

The Anglo-Saxon e, Brechung and Triibung of 1, on the whole 
preserves its pronunciation, but not its spelling, in Modern 
English. Short e remains in welly spelly knelly helmy selfy helpy 


if /ret. matier, to tread, to burtt ( = to bertf), to Jam (=to fw«). 
Tbe soDiul is lengthenetl m /o bear, to break. In plaf, waj/, rain, 
the a luu superseded the 0, and y or i takes the place of g : rain 
=rri»=rtgen; Hwjy=»tf^=«rey. Lengthened e for the A. S. e 
io i*, f, lAee, thield,Jield, to apeak, to eat, to weave, to steal. 

Lmg e, spelt ee, is a very favourite vowel in Modern English, 
vbidi however in pronunciation is identical ivith the lengthened 
i ot tie other Tentonic dialects. It stands (i) for A, S. if — ee/, 
i^p, ipMci, greedy, teed, weed, deed; but it is supplanted by ea 
^noDonoced = ee) in read, meal, deal, whilst the long e suund 
RnuinB in hair, were, there, gregy strait. Short e in weapon : 
note briar=A. 8, brar. (2} «= A. S. /, Umlaut of o ; to feel, 
M, to dtem, to teem, green, keen, (o Keep, io seek, to bleed ; feel, 
j\,o{Jbot; leetA,^\.oi tooth; geese, pi. ai goose, (3) ef=:A.S, ed 
and /. O. H. Germ. W. o: e. g. eheei, A. 8. cede ; leek, reek, need. 
But ea is more commonly used as the direct representative of 
the A. S. ea, though in pronunciation it is identical with ee. 
[4; «= A. S. «f, Goth. (■«, O. H. Germ, io ; e, g. bee, A. S. be<i; 
irtt. A, S. tre6 ; glee, A. S. gled ; deep, meek, meed, reed. (5) ee= 
A. S. i : free, three, peep. 

Dutch. The Yowel e is rare before single consonants in mono- 
•jlUbles, more common in connection with double consonants. 
Emmplea:— -Se/, clear (Germ, hell); hel, hell (Germ, hiillc); 
net, qnick (Germ, schnell) ; tel, skin {Germ, fell); ster, star; 
hen (Germ, ich bin), I am ; hen, pen, bed, net, leg, lay, pono ; 
«pj, way; leg, say, dico; helle, tnelle, velle, stcrrcn, heune, petine, 
brdde, Ugyen, zeggen ; me/i, milk ; Wrf, field; wtf/-i, work ; itenken, 
to think ; enkri, ankle ; menteh, homo. The vowel e in all these 
words arises, as in High German, partly from the Umlaut of a, 
partly from the weakening of i, but in pronunciation it is the 
rame throughout. 

The long c is in Dutch, as in English, spelt ee. Organic it 
18 lu deel, deal ; heel, heal ; meer, more ; seer, sore, pain ; tfeeii, 
stone; werii, weak; hleef, mansit; dreef, populit; peeg, iuclina- 
rit; nrreff, tacuit. Production of e: steel, steal, furor; beer, 
Mar; beei, beach; pleeg, soleo; breek, frango; sleep, pungo. 
By syncope oi de: vre^=vrede, peace (Germ, friedc); veer= 
"^er, feather; neer=neder, neither. It must be specially re- 
"isrted that the short e placed in the penult before a single 
wDsonant is not doubled, though it becomes long by production 
*u^ rhymes with the long e of the wor»ls mentioned Iwfore ; e. g. 
''^1, beaven {Germ, hnnnel) ; gene, ille (Germ, jener) ; leven, 
'"live; geren, to give; brekeu, to break; eten, to eat", zegel, 



t ic | « c atfn u diree ueiait Tovds : Old None i; 
Umhat (ff d, in whidi paatioo hoverar it is lare, becmie 
Swedish 'jfthaenphT prefers a Xo nark the Umlaut. Ezamplei: 
— ^//; O.X. «f>j, nrer Ltf. albb^; e/5, alces (O. N. dgr); atii^ 
widow O. X. eckja : a^v^Miki, homo. This Umkot is, like tk 
Umlaut t in German, no longer felt as such in the vowel-STifteB 
of the language. ^r=0. N. /, rardr rmdered by a. EzaiofilBi: 
— .^/. {'lav Genn. spiel ; /<n, limb ; re^^ rain ; tei^ wood ; isdl^ 
sweat : /r^J. f«aoe : «n«4i. sinew : thk vowd is diieflj met wHk 
in the pi. pret. of the strong conjngation (bat not in the piii 
pret.^ ; e. g. drtfro^ pepoleront : wrtho^ fefeUerant ; tctdo^ dolne- 
rnnt; l^o^ momordenmt. ^=0. X. t%\ del^ put, deal (Oenn. 
tbeil, ; kd^ heal ;^Germ. heil^ ; i^w, home (Genn. heim) ; fcii 
bone Germ, bein) ; #/^s, stone (Germ, stein) ; tk^ oak (Gens, 
eiche.. In prononciation e and a tooch doeelr npon each otber, 
heoce their occasional interchange, as ^and dff^ river ; UtoM 
and ttdnne^ bini ; yet e approaches more nearly the f, and s the 
a, a circumstance which may be explained from their origin in 
the Old Norse i and </. 

Daniflh. The Danish « is in its origin identical with tte 
Swedish^ though its occorrence may be more or less frequent 
according to accidental circumstances. «=0. N. e^ commODly 
before doubled, rarely before single consonants; e,g.fremM^^ 
foreign (Germ, fremd); menneske, homo; elv, river; ehkef ^ 
love ; enke, widow ; ende, end ; send^, to send ; keH, horse. €^ 
O. N. ei : deelf been, sfeen, eg, Germ, tkelly beim, stein, ei. 


■^ L 


I '- - — 

(German. This vowel is less frequently used than in tb-^ 
Middle High German, the original i being only preserved befor"^ 
double consonants ; e. g. slill, nimm, accipe ; sinn^ sense ; sil(^^ 
mos ; 7aiid, sind, sunt ; wird, Lat. fit ; whilst before single con-^^' 
sonants it is lengthened into t: mir, mihi ; dir^ tibi ; tsi, ei ; •« V 
cum ; or it is changed into ie. The Middle High German inter- 
change between e and / in the conjugation of the verb is con- 
tinued : werden, fieri ; ivirdy fit ; geben^ dare ; giUy dat ; seken^ 
videre ; neht^ videt ; wlc/isen, to polish, erroneously for ioecisenz= 
wdchnen from wachs^ wax. 

English. Short i before single consonants : him, dim, spin^ 
swimy rid, lip^ ship. For the more ancient v in «», kin. Before 
double consonantH : kill^ stilly will, stiffs thicky timber^ liing, gijft^ 

' (/ommonly spelt ihm, ikn. 


teitrA. For the more ancient g: ill, mill, hUt, tittff, turn, 

bridge. Before t where it assumeB the sound of German «■ 

: «ir, jir, hwil, bird, ffirl, mirth. On comparing Jlr, ffiril, 

vnih the German yofftf, *foeren, &c,, we may find an an- 

to the exceptional sound of i hefore r, though it will be 

I fully to account for it in the manner in which Grimni 

the verb to stir to the A. S. glgraii, O. H. Germ, nloriin, 


long ( is denoted in English orthography by the e mute 
follows a single consonant; it has in pronunciation at- 
lined the sound of the German diphthong ei .- file (Germ, feile) ; 
i/c (Germ, weile) ; wine (Germ, wein) ; ripe (Germ, reif) ; nde 
rcrm. eeite); tide (Germ, zeit) ; rfWue (Germ, treiben); vide 
[Genn. weiC). For the A. S. ^ : fire, A. S./^^ O. H. Germ./«r, 
tierm. feuer ; bride, A, S. br^d, O. H. Germ, prut. Germ, bi-aiil ; 
liee, pi. of loMte, A. S. Ip, pi. of W*; mice, pi. of moiiite, A. 8. 
■^•j pL of mtU, cf. Germ, lant, lauae ; mam, mduse. Before 
id and nd the long t has replaced the short /, as child, mild, 
viifi, bind, /ltd, grind; but the short i sound is preserved 
■where a second syllable is added ; compare the sound in ehild 
■nd children, hind and hinder. The sound of the i is flue- 
in the word mnd. For y : kind, A. S, gecynde ; mind, 
gemgnde. Before gh : bright, A. S. briil = byrhi = beorht; 
Jghl, A. S. JihiaH; high, A. S. hedk ; light, A. S. ledkt; thigh, 
'*. S. \e6h. 

Dutoh. The short i is scarce hefore single, more frequent 
'*ofore double consonants ; stil, still ; ml, I will ; min, love ; ziii, 
*^Tise ; ik, I, ego ; lid, limb (Germ, glied) ; »mid, smith ; nchip, 
*«*ip. This i which has commonly been replaced by e, is, in pro- 
***anciation, an intermediate sound between the German i and e, 
**^ that min, ik, lehip, are almost identical with mc«, ek, sr/tep ; 
^»id hence the fact that formerly the orthography was indeed 
^Victuating between schep and icAip, led and lid, smed and stnid, 
**id that monosyllables in i which do not geminate their con- 
^«^nant« upon adding another syllable, change the i into e, e. g, 
^cJiip, seiipen; lid, leden ; gmid, tmeden. Before double con- 
sonants : glillen, willen, mittne, ziane, tcAild, mid, vinffer, zingen, 
^rinten, blind,^mnd, kind (child). It represents a more ancient ie 
^n the redupltcational vowel ging {=gieng), ivit; hing, pcpendit; 
♦^i"?, cepit; vrind for vriend. 

The long i is spelt y, Flemish y. The pronunciation of this 
Vflwel is very much like the English i in might, and the German 
diphthong «, but so that the e element of this diphthong comes 
■"OK decide^y to the surface ; and hence ij sounds almost like 


e + i pronounced separately but rapidly oue after the other. The 
Dutch diphthong el may be considered identical with the German 
ei in pronunciation as well ae derivation, if with Grimm we may 
consider ij the representative of the Gothic ei, and the Dutch ei 
of the Gothic diphthong di. Examples of i : — mijn, dijn, sijn, to 
be (Germ, sein) ; teij'n, wine (Germ, wein) ; rifp, ripe (Germ, reif) ; 
iijii, tide (Germ, zeit); ^ijfen, to bite; nij'd, envy (Genn. neid); 
^'J/'i life ; HJi, body (cf. Germ. leiche) ; ij», ice (Ger, eis). 

Swedish. The vowel i in thie dialect corresponds with tlie 
Old Noree i as well as *. Before single consonants it is scarce, 
and, just as in Dutch, approaching the e in its sound — a fact 
which here again finds an explanation in the still undecided 
orthography of some words, as Jrid and Jreii, peace ; further in 
the pi. pret. and part. pret. of strong verbs, the former adopting, 
the latter rejecting the e, bb drejvo, drijven. Words retaining the 
(' are (il, to, ad ; vil/'a, to will j i^i/ha, to give ; mig, dig, aig, me, Xe, 
Be ; Jnd, kid, vid. It is the more frequent before double con- 
sonants; B.g. illa,\\\; lille, little; </tV/a, quietus (Germ, stille) ; 
till, ad ; vill, vult ; himmel, heaven ; avinuiia, to swim ; finna, to 
iind ; viinne, memory ; qcinna, woman ; sinne, mind ; spinna, to 
spin ; ilippa, to slip ; ligga, to lie ; dricka, to drmk ; bitter, 
mild, vild, vinler, blitul, ^fiugr, gil/ver. «t=0. N. »; bila, hatchet 
(Germ, beil) ; HI, wedge (Germ, keil) ; siir, pure j spira, spire ; ^n, 
fine J P(», wine; drifca, to drive; lik, like; spxk, spike; fida, to 
ride ; vid, wide ; lisa, leisure. At the end of words ; hi, bee ; 
w, ecce ; skn, clamor (Germ, schrei). i for 0. N. e : fick and gick 
iorfeck and geek. 

Danish. Danish i stands to Old Norse in the same relation 
as Swedish, (i) = O.N. %: gpil, play (Germ, spiel); til, ad; 
vill, volo ; tin, give, tJtip, ship ; mif, dig, tig, me, ta, se ; iid, 
himmel, heaven ; ligge, to lie ; drikie, to drink ; bitter, mild, vild, 
ring, jinde, qvinde, woman ; lind, mind (Germ, sinn) ; npivde, to 
spin ; vinter.fsk, fish ; vrtit. (2)=0, N. t, before liquids com- 
monly spelt H : hull, hatchet (Germ, beil) ; tpvr, spire ; viin, 
wine ; in all other cases spelt i : drive, Uv, life ; viv, woman (lit 
wife) ; tid, tide (Germ, zeit) ; lig, like ; lig, body (Germ, leiche^ 
At the end of woi'ds : hi, bee ; ^t, ten ; sH, sty ; slie, stem (GemLJ 

Gterman. Before two consonants it has remained organically 

short : vo/l, full ; fromm, pious ; aonne, sun ; gott, God ; gold, 
irorl. Before a single consonant it is either organically long, as 



(W, dead; roi^, red; s^, trairit; Ion, reward; r^r, read; tfr, 
ear ; bone, beciD ; or it has been lengihened by inorganic produc- 
tion ; «)'«, eon ; iob, praise ; io^en, bow ; rd^el, bird ; bote, mea- 

English. The relation of the o sorind is rather complicated, 
since this vowel derives ita origin from divers Anglo-Saxon 
vowels, from a, o, u, a and o, (] ) o organically deriv^ from n : 
iale, boTougi, for, fore, or, nor, to come, some, ion, love, above, God, 
gotpel, folk, gold, ford, short, worth, fox, ox; strong pret. part. 
stolen, oorn, shorn, lorn, fnom, got, fvri/ot, spoken. The Boiind of 
the short o is everywhere preserved except before combinations 
with r, such as r, rm, rn, rd, rl, where it is pronounced as an inter- 
mediate sound between the German a and o. {2) o from a chiefly 
before Id, mq, ng : bold, cold, fold, hold, old ; ef. Germ. kalt,falte, 
kailen,ali. Strong pret, : stole, broke, trod, bore, von; ef. Germ. 
dald, brack, trat, gebahr, gewann; s<ft and other, long in Anglo- 
Baion, for Germ, sanft and ander, and identical with the A. S. 6 
in^ and 16%, goose, tooth, which latter words have in modem 
English expressed their length by 00, and hence adopted the pro- 
DEmciation of this vowel as in tool, pool, &c. In the same manner 
It we find the organic ? lengthened into 6, we find the long o 
occaaionally yielding to correption and becoming short, as in 
JfoAier, mother, bosom, blossom, Motulay ( = M(iaday, Moonday), 
te. (a) o=A. S. a, in which case it is always long. Example ; 
•-viok, A. S. hdl (Germ, heil) ; home, A. S. idm (Germ. Iieim) ; 
Jew, A. S. bdn (Germ, bcin) ; both (Germ, beide) ; ghost {Germ. 
geisl); most (Germ, meist). But the Anglo-Saxon d ia more 
nmally rendered in English by oa, of which hereafter. {4) 0= 
A.S. ed in the pret.: crope, repsit. A.S.ereap; chose, elegit, 
is. eeds ; froze, alsit, A.S.freds. (5) The final o is of difierent 
origin in different words : so, A. S. svd; tteo, A. S. twd; to do, 
AS. don; to go, A. S, gangan, gongan. Contractions are, lord 
from Maford, woman from wif-tuan. 

The English Inng is spelt 00, and corresponds to the Anglo- 
Saxon 6, Old High German «o, German u ; with the last it ia 
identical also in pronunciation. Examples : — cool (Germ, kuel) ; 
pool (Germ, pful) ; stool (Germ, stul)* ; ioof (Germ, hfif) ; boot 
(Germ, buch) ; good (Germ gut); mood (Germ, mut) ; rood 
((jenn. Tiite);foot (Germ. fu&) ; bloom (Germ, blume) : ef, the 
Dotcli bloevt, koel, &c. To be noted are a few exceptions iu the 
pronunciation of the 00, such as the shortening of the vowel in 

' CoBHnonlj spplt WH, y/wH, rt'iW, Sic. 


good, foot, looi, and the deviation from the oo sound in 5/W 
(Germ. blQt). d (oo) for the ancient a, which however in Anglo- 
Saxon is already rendered by ^, while in Germati it is in some 
words kept alive to the present day : moon, A. S, »«?»«, M. H. 
Germ, miine, Germ, mond; soon, A. S. t^na, M. H. Germ, sam 
looiA, A. S. foli, M. H. Germ, eant, Germ. zdii. Other and soft 
have preserved the o sound. Choose, lose {=loote) answer to AS. 
ee6san and leSsan ; loose = loosen, to A. S. l^san. The termi- 
nation jioor'/=Germ. heit is the A. S. had; room is A. S. rUn; 
door, A. S. dSr; wood, A. S. vudu. 

Datch. Short o occurs before single consonants in mono- 
syllables and before double consonants in trisyllabic words. Ex- 
amples : — hoi, hole; v>ol, wool; dom, silly (Germ, dumm} ; hof, 
court (Germ, hof) ; lof, praise (Germ, lob) ; row, sun ; kop, head 
(Germ, kopf) ; fi/o« (blossom) ; vos, fox ; morren, htorren, to munnnr 
(Germ, murren, knurren); kommer, an^ish (Germ, kummer); 
woMHf, nun; wo/ite«, clouds; ffolf,Ko/f,siorm.t{'orm,iOHff,tougae; 
hoad, dog (Germ, liund) ; mond, mouth (Germ, mund) ; vend, 
wound. o=e in wordea=KerdeH, fieri. In the preterite of the 
strong verbs o for a : borg, sprang, zong, bond, vovd; cf. Germ. 
bartf, sprang, sang, band-, fand. o for oe : zoeht-e, Germ, aveitf, 
(qutesivit) and the termination dom, Eng. dam, Germ, ihum ; but 
doemen, to doom. Sometimes o before r with another consonant 
is converted into o, and thus becomes an inorgimic production ; 
doom, thorn; hooni, horn; loom, wrath (Germ, zorn) ; oord^ 
plae* (Germ, ort) ; woord, word. 

The long o is, as in English, spelt no, but is pronounced like 
the German 6 in tkor, lokn, and the English in bore, bone. It 
occurs organically long in the words hoor, audio, hear; rerloar, 
perdidi ; moor, moor ; oor, ear ; roor, reed ; boom, tree {Germ, 
baum) ; st/>itt, steam ; slroom, stream ; boon, bean ; loof, leaf; 
oog, eye ; dood, death ; brood, bread ; nood, need ; Aooren, andire ; 
ooren, aures ; oogeti, oculi, &c. It occurs as production of o in 
iool, coal ; tooti, son ; boog, bow ; nool, net ; syncope of de in 
goon=goilen, diis; hoi>n=boden, nuntiis — words which rhyme on 
loon, kroon, zoon. In the following words we have o organically 
short, and yet it is pronounced long so as to rhyme upon the 
examples with oo just mentioned: geboren, bom; iotiien, to 
come; zoiiier, summer; gebroken, broken, &c. 

Sweduh. = 0. N, 5 or i!. The sound of a which we ex- 
amined above, being almost identical with o, modern orthography 
has largely adopted the former Iett«r to supply the latter, e. g. 
hU, spar, bdge,fdgel, for hoi, spor, boge, fogel i but historically 
the is preferable. Examples: — hoi, hole; kol, coal; spor. 

roW/il SOUNDS. 

track (Germ, apuhr) ; houHug, honey ; koiui, woman ; »on, son ; 
k<if, court; /o/', praise; boi/e, 'hovr; fogel, bird; ok, yoke; och, 
and ; hod, messenger. Production is prevented by the gemina- 
tion of the consonant : tjiorre, spur ; komtna, to come ; iommar, 
summer ; dmppe, a drop ; kopp, hope; flotta, fleet ; far, oxe, ox. 
Before double consonants: hoha, island; oma, snalce; horn. i 
mofyoH, early; ard, word ; Jrogi. = O. N. o: got, sun; glol, 
stool; a/or, great; iotufon, thunder; dom, doom; bog, bow; 
thy, wood I boi, book; bM, blood; broder, brother ;yu^, foot; 
iof, Enstulit ; for, ivit j drog, trasit ; — cf. the German preterites 
hub, fukr,trttij. o = Gotli, uk, O. H.Germ. o«: </i'^, baptism 
[Germ, laufe). At the end of words : ho, to dwell ; hro, bridge ; 
JK>, to grow ; ko, cow ; ro, rest ; »o, a sow. Though, as we have 
stated, a is sometimes placed for o, it is only for the o of the first 
class, i. e. that which represents the Old Norse o or u, never for 
0=0. N. ; because it would appear that the difference in pro- 
nunciation is still great enough to deter a fine ear from rhyming 
^M and dom, lag and toi/, «tdl and siol. 

Daniali Tlie rules laid down for Swedish will hold good for 
this dialect too ; wherefore few examples may siiRice, o=0. N. 
S oT S : »;ior, track ; »yjore, spur ; ione, woman ; og, and ; /os, 
foi ; Aolta, island ; orm, worm j 6om, thorn. o=a : aolde,foliIe, 
ioide; /op, ]bw(=:O.N. lag). o=O.N.i:/; W, sun ; s^o/, stool ; 
dom, doom ; bog, book ; biod, blood ; Jod, foot — preterites of the 
vtih^ for, drog, slog,iog,&c. o=0.N. d (compare the Swedish 
a for o) : *prog, language. Germ, sprache, Sw. sprak \ rofe, audure, 
Germ, toageu, Sw, v^a : cf. Germ, mond, 6iie^, for M. H. Germ. 
Twane, dne. At the end of words : bo, dwelling ; hro, bridge, &e., 
see Swedish. 

a«niian. o is Umlaut of o : xe'M^r, pi. of wmt, word ; aohne, 
pi. of *ohn, son ; lohlich, adj. of lob, praise ; vogel, pi. of Togel, 
bird ; — sometimes Umlaut of an original a : holle, sehopfer, schoffe, 
ISffel, SKolf, liiice; cf. Goth, ialja, tvalif, &c. In the sixteenth 
century we even meet monsck for mensck, word for tcerd, island : 
moHch, monk, is an inorganic o for tiiUnck; thus also kiinig for 

English and Dutch do not possess this vowel. 

Swedish, ii stands for six difierent sounds of the Old Norse. 
i=g, Umlaut of o, or rather u ; hence Swedish S stands to Old 
Nurse g in the same relation, as does the German d to «. When 

' Common spelling olme. 

i2 TZrjnjyir GRxMMAE. 

the Unili:n r viis »> k^ser disdsctlT fdt. a new Umlaut was 
cieau:*! direetlr &:-m ibe ;. jsft a« in German the spirit of tbe 
lansQage f^r:o:>^cd the mp>lem Umliiit a, when the more ancient 
• bi?9an tc- die 'ict. Exjjnp4es :^-4J{hi. billow, O.N. hylgja; 
f^}^r ^•-* fv-vw. O. y. /VV*j; -iorT^ door ^Germ. thiire) ; iwi, 
kin, A-S. \$% ; *.^»>^-, ilii. Germ. «Ji«^; /<oi^, lie. Germ, /iy^; 
■<J/. net. O. X. itt *. Where howeTer m keeps its position in 
the stem of iLe w : ni. jr ak»? remains as its Umlaut. J=:a», 
which diphthv'C^ ar a Teiy early date began to be contracted, 
first into V. then into :f: i<^j, mngire, O. X. baula ; lordagy 
Saturday. O.N. hw^r^lj^r ; <//«>«. dream : sirom^ stream; bona, 
bean ; «A>/C deaf; >.-j. eye : /i.Vs cnrsns : fyrod^ bread ;— cf. Germ. 
framm^ fj»^. j«^;«e. /^*«/I J=^r: <£>, to die; iJ, hay ; aiJ, may; 
o, island : iJrj. hear : -'^rj, ear : fiVti. to tag ; roit, re^ ; ^^, de- 
sertns ^Germ. tide . J= t>? : y^ni. dncoe ^Germ. fiihren) ; domwU^t 
to deem, judicare : ^ji. preces ; yr^a. green ; ilMa, hen ; modrafj 
mothers, pL of it.>ifr ; foii^^ feet. pi. cifoij foot. o=k> : /r?» 
seed : #«J. snow : d -J#f, breast. J=/. onlv in the reduplication' 
of the Terb : fo^. i<>//.=0. N. /«7, k/!J. 

Danish. Tbougb Danish grammarians distingaish two sounds 
of the vowel J = namely one like the French * en ferme' in f^eu^ 
and the other like the French ' en oovert ' in rwirr, c€tur — th^ 
former maiked f. the latter o — we need not keep np this distinct 
tion, because it is not warranted by etymology ; and we therefor^' 
write alwavs o. J = O. N. ir : a>ji. ^h, where we find the Umlauts 
in the singular already, while Swedish, with greater nicety and 
better tact, uses the Umlaut to denote the plural of «>«, and bon^ 
liean : dor. d*:»or. no /, nut : '.•^7'\;e^ billow ; foi^^^ follow. ^=0. N. 
I : lotnmer^ O. N. timbr ; *./7r, O. N. W//r. J=0. N. Oy Umlaut 
of a : ^jOm. pi. o{ larn^ child. <>=0. N. <iif : dram, dream ; slrom, 
stream ; forenhij^ Saturday ; brod, bread : dod^ death ; nod^ need, 
&c., see Swedish. <> = 0. N. ^jf : doe^ to die ; i^, hay ; mo^ maid ; 
o, island ; kore, hear, audire : ore^ ear ; wr, reed, &c., cf. Swedish. 
= 0. N. oe: fvre, to lead. Germ, /ihren ; bou, preces; pron^ 
^rreen ;, hen ; ^yer, libri : do in me, to deem. d=a : so, sea, 
O. N. */?r, Sw. *ji;; /ro. seeil, O. N./>f^,/^l^.>. 


(German. Before double consonants m represents the Old 
German short vowel : ttud, and ; mttad, mouth ; inimm, crooked ; 
iini^f, art ; brusf, breast ; bur^^, castle ; Aitld, grace. Before a 
single consonant it is the ancient long vowel : zuff, trmg, fiig. 


lmgen4, or Schwichung of the ancteiit diphthong uo: T4m\ 
f^OTy,^= ruom ,■ kl4i/,-^Tn.&ent,=kluog;fil^,iQoi,=fii"t; hiin,hw ; 
but, blood ; fir, pret. of f.fren ; »eh4/, pret. of schaffeit. Excep- 
tions ; — itj)ur = M. H. Germ. »p»r, track ; zHber = O. H. Germ. 
zvipar, pail. 

English. This vowel is not found so frequently as the rest in 
words of Teutonic origin. Before a single vowel its sound is a 
medium between the tierraau o and o, whilst the modern Dutch » 
in pronunciation I'esembles the French u. Examples : — dun, rtiii-, 
tuH, tirub^ ltd, up, tug, hut, a&vt. In the verb lo hnrif it has the 
floond of the German short e ; and in the termination buty^ as 
Canlerburff, Salisbury, TUburVy it is almost entirely dropped in pro- 
nimciation. The tendency in this case of the n inclining towards 
thee is already testified by the mediaeval mode of spelling Can' 
tirberifnsit, Sarfiberien»is, Tilberieima. (Concerning the sound 
of « in busy, vide sub lit. i.) Before double conBonunts « shows 
the same tendencies in its sound : summer, gulf, burden, tnjf, 
^nger, tktiiider. It assumes a long sound before a consonant 
fbllnwed by tlie e mute; in which case it might he rendered in 
"Srman by ju, e. g. nivU, mute, duke, to mure, plume (mulua, 
ttutua, dux, murus, pluma), and other words of escluaively Latin 
"id French derivation. The same words wo find in Middle 
High German with the vowel 4 — tndl, mur ; in Modern German 
with the vowel an — maul, mauer ; but even the Middle High 
"erman dialect admits of a vowel iw as the Umlaut of a, e. g. 
JoxiMW, Germ, gemuuer. This phEenomenon, according to which 
' Md « when succeeded by an e assume the sounds of n and la, 
^ shall have to consider more closely elsewhere. Words which 
•■ad the long « in Anglo-Saxon already did not preserve that 
»owel in English, but converted it into ou, since the sound of* 
lad then yielded to the long 0=00 ; hence A. S. )>«, mi/j. Us, Ms, 
•^^ ure, e4, brun, Eng. thou, mouse, louse, house, lour, our, cow, 

Dutch. The Dutch u in short syllables resembles the English 
ui svH, but, though it has at the same time a shade of the 
''reneh « in it. It may occur before single and double con- 
Wnants. Examples : — dun, thin ; druk, pressure (Germ, druck) ; 
""y, bridge; pvt, pit; zuU.en, debere, shall; kuniien, posse 
(uenn. konnen); kussen, to kiss; sckuld, debt; zuster, sister; 
"^iken, premore (Germ, driicken) ; rukken, dlmovere ((Jerra. 
'aeken). It does not occur before the liquids m, n, r. It flim- 
tiiW*s l>etween and » in vollen, rul/en. 

' L'nmnion apelling yubm. hihn. fnhr, Stc. 

>* TEcr-jyi': oeammae. 

Tii^ IfTi'j k -xtsrs Trrr arv-Ir. bet l^^-ie r exdosiTelv. In 
FVtXiufa it U ^^<jl »<, in I>:rol; •«. Most of the ancient woids 
m tik'h or^nUitc^d An » LiTe. i^ n>?den: Dotcfa. i«p]jced this Towd 
l/V the dipLtLoc;; ni : r^: Lri-cnoed like Gennan rv, Fnglish oi), i 
cirrruDifttariC^ which fhivs hcr«. in tlie sune manner ms in the 
and^nt dialects, the £ >.-tiLati*>n of socnd between itty m, and ff. 
Tlie proriuhciation of r ns?eml-!e5 m«>st neariy that of theFrendi «. 
Kxar/i files •.^—fluiir, dear : Jit » r. dcx^> Genn. daoem^ ; ma&rj mnros 
((jirnL. znaaer, : kn/'^ hoar Germ, nhr ; rwar, fire; rarar, sour; 
huren. to hire : g^hvr^n, mstici Germ. hioem% 

8wediah« vi stands for the Old Xoi^e short and long* vowels of 
the name w»mvA. ' i , O. N. a " : f^rr*^ fir ; ^md^ God ; /if//, fidl ; 
>Ertf //, u<.'<»t ; kurra^ to murmor. : Germ, knorren, Dutch knorreD) ; 
ruhfja^ to rob 'Germ, rauben, ; %hdd^ g^lt ;Germ. sehnld); ^wM, 
^old; r«//i/>tf , tail ; K^,wolf; pret.of verbs: itra^, erept, repsenmt ; 
klvfro^ cleft, fiderunt ; ^ri'^-o, broke, fiegerunt ; 9pmmno^ span, 
neverunt. ^2; - O. N. 4-. ful^ turpi^ (of. foul^ ; mmr^ waU (Germ, 
mauer; ; Kur^ sour ; rum, room ; ikum^ scom ; fi^iga^ flj (Germ. 
flie^^Cy ; ^ytf//, bride ; ««#, mouse ; iif-t, house. 

Daniah. This vowel often keeps its place in Danish where 
the other dialects weaken it into o. It stands for O. N. u (o) : 
hulf liollow ; kulf coal ; dnniy dumb ; mgt^ week (Grerm. woche) ; 
gudy Vj(A (Germ, gott) ; guld^ gold ; muld^ mould ; fugl^ bird 
(Germ, vo^el; ; mvndy mouth. =0. N. a\ dug, dugge, dew; 
hugge, to hew (Germ, hauen). =0. N. a, and spelt uu before 
lirjuids and ft : funl, foul ; hruuiiy brown ; skunm, scum ; muur, 
wall (Germ, mauer) ; dn(d, bride (Germ, braut) ; kud, hide (Germ, 
haut;. At tlie end of words : dme, grape (Germ, traube) ; 6ue, 
bow ; Jlue, fly ; Jri^e, Germ, frau ; due, dove (Germ, taube) ; lue, 
flame (Germ. lobe). 

u (ue), y 

Gk)mian. v, Umlaut of ti : krummen from krumrn, crooked ; 
hilrger from fjurg, castle; kiinsfUchy adj. of kmist, art; kuener^, 
pi. of Mn, hen, &c. Tlie Middle High German u as Umlaut of 
o \H (Iroj)ped and supplanted by o, so that the derivative forms 
of Ao/z, gnldy vogely are Iwlzerriy golden y gevogel : gulden^ though 
oceaKionally used in poetry, may be considered obsolete. The 
wordrt Vfff and J'ur (vor-sehung, f lir-sehung), for, gate, and luer^, 
door, artj still fluctuating, koejisck^ hoeflick'^, courteous, and 

' ('ornmou HpcUing hilhiicr, huhn. ^ Common spelling thor, ihUr. 

* hOJisch, h6fiich. 



I, prottv, originalty expressed the same meaning;, both 
derived from iiif, court. 

i Bpctling is iluct I lilting between w and i in the words iit/e, 
, help; giit'ff, ffiff/'ff, valid ; gehirge, gebiirge, mountitin-rangti ; 
iwi, Kiirken, to work ; Kpr'ichworl, sjirUekwort, proverb. Grimm 
'es in favour of geb'irge, hilj'e, »prich«jorf, and giltig, because 
are analn^us to the Old German forms : wiirkea he con- 
B the more preferable orthography on account of the Gothic 
■kjan, though in Old High German already KKtehan and wir- 
are used indiscriminately. The vowel y is in Germun snper- 
us ; and though it may he used for foreign words, its sound 
easily be rendered by /. The Romans already wroie and 
e silva for »^lra, and it may therefore be considured as 
lething byper-classical when GermnD scholars affectedly 
pronounce tun/ax, gunleiit, for x^nf-ax, xgxlem. Still more 
pe<liuitic is the manner in which German authors strive to 
keep diatinct the little monosyllables iiein (suns) and neyn 
(esse), which are now both rendered by sein, since they have tlie 
same sound and can be traced to the same form sin in Middle 
High German. 

English, This dialect does not know the Umlaut of u, and 
thereforedoesnot require the vowel k. The Umlaut of the Anglo- 
Saxon u was y, and this is still preserved in sound at least if not 
in spelling. Hence A, S. m^t, lis, pi. mf», l§s ; Eng. mouse, 
/ante, pi. mice, liee. The letter ji therefore replaces in the Eng- 
lish of the present day Anglo-Saxon vowels of a different kind. 
y=i, originating in the Anglo-Saion termination ig : any, A. S. 
aitig ; holy, A. S. hdfig ; it'y, A. S. i/iif ; fPoriiy,A.S. vgrhig. 
y=i, German eii £_y, apud (Germ, hei) ; my, meus (Germ, mein) ; 
tAjf, tnus (Germ. dcin]. y=^ : viy, cnr, A S. Awf, Goth, io^, 
O.H.Germ. -t«;«. ^=rf: %, A.S. Mtf«, O.N. *^. ^=A.S. 
edt fy, volare, Pi..S. Jle6gan, Gorm. Jflegen ; J/g, musea, A. S. 
JU&ge, GuTTD.JIiege; shy. Germ, srheu; sly, Germ, sc/iltni. y ciri- 
Kglinating in g : eye, A. S. eage, Germ. avge. 

Dutob does not recognise either the vowels k or y. 
SwediBtL The votvel y takes in sound and meaning the place 
of the German a. It therefore is chiefly used for the Old Norse 
y Umlaut of « : ,fy/l», to fill ; gyllen, golden (cf. Germ, gulden) ; 
mynning, ostium (Germ, mundung) ; bygga, to build ; Tygg, back 
(Germ, riicken) ; lyeka, tuck ; vyckd, key ; stycke, jiiece (Germ, 
stiick); shyldig, guilty (Germ, schuldig). _y=0. N. j?: rymtna, 
abire (Germ, rgnmen) ; snyle, snout (Germ, schnauze) ; hysa, domo 
ipere (Germ, behausen). ^=0. N. §, contracted from in, to : 
; dear ; Jyr, four ; krypii, to creep ; Jlyga, to fly ; fyta, fluere, 


to float. At the end of words : bly, lead (Germ, blei) ; fy, to 
flee ; lii/, hue ; ny, new ; ski/, nubes, sky. 

Danish y appears under the same conditionB as the Swedish. 
y=O.N,y:yyr, fir; ^yW«n, golden ; ^^^/, alder (Germ, holder) ; 
pifff^t junior {Germ, jiinger) ; i^nd, ain (Germ, siinde) ; lyih, 
luck ; kysse, kiss ; ir^sl, breast ; dyd = dygd, virtue (Germ, 
tugend), j'=^( O.N. Umlaut of « : myre, mere, lake; ^rf, 
south (Germ, suden). ^=0.N.^, condensed ijt, io: syn, eight; 
(lyr, dear ; dyr, deer (Germ, thier) ; /yr, fire ; ^yee, to fly ; i/jfve, 
to cleave. At the end of words : 6fy, lead (Genn. blei) ; ly, 
town ; tiy, new ; sky, sky. 



The different double vowels in English, Elutch and Danish, 
have already been examined, since we arranged them under the 
simple vowels aa, ce, ii, oo, ««, as identical with a, e, i, 6, i. 
The diphthongs properly so called are bo different in the different 
modern dialects, and represent ancient vowels so divergent in 
form and meaning, that we consider it advisable here to abandon 
our plan of grouping the dialects together under each vowd, 
and to arrange all the different diphthongs under each dialect] 


fli. It is merely an orthographical whim which retaine Ha I 
ai in several words, the sound of which might quite as well bei 
rendered by ei : mat. May ; Main, the river Mein ; Aain, grovejj 
sai/e, chord ; loaite, orphan ; Kaiser, Emperor ; but gelraide muE^ 
gelreide, com ; waize and weize, wheat ; whence it becomes 
e^-ident that there is no difl'erence of sound. In wahe, orphan, 
and weise, a sage; saiie, chord, and seite, side, the different 
spelling is some help for the eye, and nothing more, hain might 
be justified as originating in the ancient hagan^ hagin, just as 
Beiii'hart from Regin-hari, Mein-fried from Megin-fried. 

aiL This diphthong represents three different vowels — M. H. 
Germ. 4, on, die. 

an = M. H. Germ. H : ban, building ; m«, a sow ; /aul, foul ; 
rainn, room ; iraun, brown ; tanei; sour ; aehaver, shower ; haufe, 
heap ; saiige, suck ; brnul, bride ; Uaut, skin, hide ; hnt, loud ; 
aux, out; hnus, house; laua, lonse; )aau», mouse. But (' 
M. H. Germ. d4 and »i/, thou, now, remain d4 and n4n. 



(iu=M, H.Omth. ou: 6aun, treCj beam; laitm. Beam; (ravm, 
drwim ; fau6, leaf; iaui, deaf; au^e, eye, A. S. eiiffe, M. H. 
Germ, ovffe. 

a=M. H.Genn. rf, nw: i^H, blue; ffraii, grey ; ^i'h, flaw ; 
M. H. Germ, ffrd, gniwe; hid, hUwe, &c. 

A reference to the Dutch langua^ will more fully explain 
ite nature of the a« from «, and a» from ou. For tlio former 
tile Dutch has «, for the latter 6 ; hence, Dutch mm, M. H. 
(!srm, r4m. Germ, rmun ; Dutch drom, M. H. Germ, trimm. Germ. 
i'lism; cf «/yc, Miige, and (5^(f, oa^e. Thus, then, German 
niiiea op two ditferent vowels which Dutch still keeps distinct. 
Even German prefers before certain consonauts the vowel o to 
"" in place of the M. H. Germ, on; e.g. /-rfa', reward; hone, 
'*an ; fdy, flew ; sted, straw ; h6ek, hig-h ; not, need, &c. 

an is Umlaut of an. Examples : — sau, a sow, pi. »aue; ranm, 
*paoe, room, pi. ran me ; liuum, tree, pi. hiiume ; iaus, house, pi. 
yitser; auge, eye, diminutive dugleiu. eiu, the modem, stauds 
'f> the same relation to eu, the more ancient Umlaut, as does 
" to ^ [see sub htt. a. e)- 

©i stands for M.H.Germ./ and cj, Dutch y'= *, and ee = c; 
^ au for M. H. Germ, rf and ou. 

To test the nature of the German ei a reference to the parallel 
^c»iiis in Dutch is sometimes sufficient, e. g. reif, hoop, Dutch 
ff^tsj, ; re'if, ripe, Dutch rijp. 

li^iamples of ef=M. H. Germ, i: aei, sit; y^i, free; meite, 
••^ile ; veile, while ; mein, dein, »ein, meus, tuus, suua ; wein, 
'^'Tjie; reif, ripe; geide, aillr ; «e!te, side; eis, ice; eken, iron; 
**^Ue, wise ; /eind, fiend ; retcA, rich, 

n'=M. H. Grerm, «: ri^, hoop; ei, egg; ^«^, heal; ^eint, 
nome; bein, bone; »to'n, stone; klein, little; eic&e, oak; iffwfo, 
'>oth ; gei^, goat ; leei^, white ; we/f , novi ; Aei^, hot. 

In some cases the spelling is wavering between ei and eu 
[M. H. Germ, i and j'm) : he'iral and Jieural, keint and heunt. 
Tliere is indeed a difference in the meaning of zeigen, to show, 
and zeuaen, to bring forth, gigncre; but it is sometimes difficult 
to keep them distinct, as in the expression ' Freundsohaft bezei- 
gen' and ' bezeugen', which are all but identical. It is however 
altogether erroneous to write, as is commonly done, ereignen, 
to happen, ereignk, event, instead of erdugnen, erdar/nU, O. H. 
Germ. aToucnian. The fluctuating orthography in heiral, henrat, 
marriage, and heint, ieunt, hac nocte, we find already in the 
yM. II- Germ, hirdt and huirnt, kiiU and hiiiiii, 

' Mm. bohm. \r. 


ea is alao adopted in pbce oi two Middle High German 
¥i>wda, im and o^n. eu-^^im: metr^new (M. H.Germ. a/ff) ; inr^, 
hoc anno M. H. Germ. Aiure ; tem/ei, deril ; inr/tf, hodie (M. H. 
Genn. Umie ; lemU, people ijlem^^ kreucktjjtem^ij (atjliegi, kriecit^ 
Hie^j M. H. Germ.^/i(^. kriucJkLJiim^, 

eu='SL H. Germ, an : i^m, har ; tirtw, ^tnw ; /reuemy lejoioe; 
frendt^ joj. 

ie. We consider this a diphthong, though it is not pio- 
noanced like i-t but i, the English tt. Examples : — di^nen^ to 
serve ; iier, beer ; JM, thief; friertn^ freeze ; /i^, dear (cf. lief)* 
Formed by contraction : prieiter^ firom prtAyier^ tpiegel froDt^. 
tpeeulum^ fiebcr from ftbii^ (French tpiegle^ Jierrt), For short * 
in nW, mach ; JpiV/, plav, &:c. For Middle High German ei i^ 
the preterites scAien, miedj fried ; Parodies for ParadeU. OofS^" 
sionallj for no, me : mieder^ M. H. Germ. mModer, licderlici for lu^' 
derlick — sometimes liderlieA, derived from luder. As we see tl^^ 
ancient I occasionally lengthened into ie, so we find, vice vers^^ 
ie shortened into i : dime for dierne, O. H. Germ, dioma ; lich^ 
nicht for liekt, niekt; ging^ ^it^t fi^^^ for the reduplicate^ 
preterites gieng^ kieng^ feng: the latter mode of spelling \^ 

iu is no organic diphthong in (German, and occors only ir:=== 
4;//, pfni^ exclamations for M. H. (xerm. hoi, hei — pfi, pf^^ 


aL This diphthong has its origin in the A. S. dg : hail^ A. S. 
hdgel. Germ, hagel ; tail, A.S. Idg^l, Germ, zagel; maid, A, S, 
mdg^y Germ, magd ; said, dixit, A.S. sdgde, Germ. 9agte ; main, 
A, S. mdgtn, M. H. Germ, megin (cf, M. H. Germ, m^n, meii, 
geseit, for megin, megii, gesegit) ; dmsi/y from A. S. ddges edge, 
day's eye, oculus diei. ai represents the A. S. eg (botn eg and 
eg) in mil, A. S. and Germ segel; lain, A. S. and Germ, legen ; 
rain, A.S. and Germ, regen; laid, A.S. legde. Germ, legie; again, 
against, A. S. and Germ, gegen. In this case the original e has 
been replaced by a, so that we read rain, sail, laid, instead of 
rein, seil, leid, an occurrence which may be explained by the fact 
of ai answering more closely to the sound of the contracted 
vowels. ai=iA. S, ag in stair, from stmger, a/=A. S. d in 
hail, by the side of whole (sanus, salvus), stoain, fl/=A. S. a 
in hair, A.S. hrnr ; raise, A.S. rresan. This diphthong is also 
*^fton met with in words of Romance origin, where it is derived 


■om the Latin atfi, as tlie English at is trom the A. S. op: 
tail, fragilis. 
ay is but a different mode of spelling the same diphthong at 
■ the end of words; ns day from dap, vay from ivep, hiy from leijan, 
7 Mj from tegan. 

au. This diphthong is rare and answers to the Anglo-Saxon 
^in a few eases before the consonants gh. Examples ; — daunhler, 
A,8. d6htar ; draught, A. S. dro/d ; aught, A. S. Uieht, dwilil, 
0. H, Germ, iowlhl, 

aw. For A. S. ag, tg, eah, af: awe, A. S, epc (cf. Goth, aggaii) ; 
iiitn, A. S. ititgian; draw. A, S. dragan ; hawk, A. S. Aafoc, 
O.N. haukr ; law, A. S. /u^; aaw (serra), A. S. aega ; aaio (vidit), 
A. S. teak ; raiB, A. S. ireaie, O. H. Germ. Arn, Germ, n? ", rough 
(from A. S., O. H. Germ. r«i, Germ. rauA and rauch) ; tlrow, A.S. 
*trair. Germ. atro^. 

ea. A diphthong of frequent occurrence, and faithful to its 
tniditions, commonly representing the A.S. ed. (i) Exuniples 
of this kind are, — beam, dream, gleam, fteam, stream, seam, team ; 
^"r, hear; bean, lean; cheap, heap, leap; leaf, deaf; bread, head 
fh«afud), dead; great, death, east. (2} ea=A,S. rf: weak, A.S. 
•e'ac; tveat, A. S, siedt ; eheath, A. S. aeed^. (^)=A.. S. a : deal, 
^^tl, tear, year, clean, mean, weapon, ready, thread, wheal. (4) 
^=A, S. erf: dear, eleare, breoit. In most cnaes this diphthong 
"**« assumed the pronunciation of ee; but in certain positions, 
*^^I>ecial]y before dentals, it takes the sound of the originally 
^*iort ea in il^ad, tread, as bread, dread, lead: exceptions are 
^^"(al and wheal. 
_ el. Rare in words of Teutonic origin, and correaponding to 
^*ie most hetert^neous vowels in A. S. : thus — their, A. S. Jjor 
^*ifer, A.S. heahfore, heafre; eight, A.S. eahta ; neigh, A.S. 
^^nagan ; either, A.S. dhwd^er, dwder, anZer; neither, 

^^*ahwd^er. ndvr&er, nau^er. 
0W ifl rather frequent, and baa the diphthongal pronunciation 
^f B, but of 00 after / and r. As a rule it answers to the A. S. 
Wip, but occasionally to other vowels, such as 1?, ea, &e. Ex- 
amples: — to brew, A.S. breSwnn ; to chew, A.S. ceSwan ; ewe, 
A. 8, «f« ; deio, A, S, (fetfw ,- cs]>eciBl1y in the preterite of strong 
xerbs, e. g. crew. A, S. ere6ie, cantavit ; greio, A. S. gredw, viruit ; 
)cntK, A. S. c)ie6m, novit ; blew, A. S, ble6w, flavit. 

Oy. Of rare occurrence, replacing the A.S. ed and it, e.g. 

eye, A. S. edge; grey, A.S. grag : prey is the French 

ie answers to the A. S, «f in Jiend, /Head, lie/, and thief. 

oa staods for A, S. d and « : boar, oar, Aoar,/oam, loam, g 
moan, broml, goad, toad., goat, oat, oath ; occasionally replaCM i 
0, with which it is identical in prununciatioo, as lome for /M 
the preterit«a of thu verbs however have regularly o, i 
shone, smot^e^ drove, &c. Even the French o has been dressell 
in the English garb of oa : coach for coche, coat for cole, I 
for broche, road for rote, loatt for toste, coatt for e6le=coste. 

06 is no true diphthong, but simply a long vowel, hence ] 
noiincetl as o: doe, A.S. iM ; /oe, K.^./d ; roe, A.S. rd; 
A. S, fdie, id: «!oe, A. S. W. 

In Old High German and Middle High German these w 
pass from the diphthong et into the simple vowel d on accoun 
a following h, v, or *. (Cf German rei, sehc, weh.) 

OU answers in sound and position to the German an, and as ^ 
latter stands occasionally for Old High German u, eo also En^'lsi 

OU stands for Anglo-Saxon t^or the production ofu. ou=A S. 

4: /oul, ovr, sour, laud, out, mouth, gouli, mouse, lonte. Cf. A- 5- 
/Al, tdr, 4t, md^, mds, ld»i and Garm. /anl, saner, au^ {awi 
laus, mans. o«=the production of « before /i/and nd: t 
should, would, bound,/otind, hound, ground, toon nd— cases in whid 
German commonly has preserved the short u, as gelunden, g 
den, hvnd, grund, wunde. ou before gh represents divers i 
Saxon voweb : bought, emi, A. S. boUe ; dough, A, S. ddh, i 
leig ; Hough, A.S. heah; through, A.S, \urh ; soul from A.ft 
sdioel, sdwl, sdul ; four, A. ^./eower. 

OW. (i)=AngIo-Saxon «V, which is in accordance with t 
general rule, that A.S. d becomes in English 6. To this 
belong chiefly the strong verbs which have the preterite in t 
as to blow, to grow, to htow, to crow, to blow, A. S. bldwait, ttrdwam, 
cndu>an, crdwan, bldwan. Exceptions : — grow, A. S. growan ; own, 
dgen {transition of g into w). {3)= A. S. 4: bow, A. S. bdgan; 
bower, A. S. bUr; brown, A. S. brdn; cow, A. S. cH ; down, O. N. 
ddn ; how, A. S. hd i town, A. S. Idn ; /owl, A. S./Hgel,/dl. 

ue. Replacing Anglo-Saxon eo or ea and i, but v 
hue, A. S. hiwj rue, A. S. hreSm ; true, A. S. tre6we ; '. 
A. S. Tiwesddg. 

eo, eii, 01, oy o 

1 Rom 




aL No independent diphthongs but merely a different mode 
tfqielliog the vowel dy Belgian ae^ Dutch oa, as hair for ha&r, 

ML This diphthong is softer than its Grerman relative, so 
dot its sonnd might almost be rendered in German by a-uw ; 
Iwt it oocnrs in few words only, and these mostly of a foreign 
origin. Examples : — f)au9, pope ; dauwy dew ; lauwer^ laurel. 

el The Dutch language has two diphthongs, ei and ij, resem- 
Ung the German ei, English i, in sound, yet neither of the for- 
mer agreeing quite with the latter, so that their pronunciation 
coffers no slight difficulty to a foreigner, ei comes nearest to the 
Cerman «, and, like the latter, chiefly represents the Gothic 
diphthong diy whilst ij\ the doubled i, allows the element of the e 
toprevaU, and its sound might therefore be rendered by German 
^pronounced in rapid succession. In its pronunciation, as well 
«8 derivation, it is the representative of the Gothic diphthong ei. 
Examples: — Aeil, hail, whole (Germ, heil) ; rein, pure (Germ, 
nil) ; weinipy little (Gterm. wenig) ; eik, oak (Germ, eiche) ; 
to, both (Germ, beide) ; leiden, to lead (Germ, leiten) ; ^eit, 
(Germ. geif). While in some words however, the ei has 
preserved, it has in others given way to / ; as for instance 
^ the Ablaut of some strong verbs, as 7ied, led. From the 
fact that words ending in Aeid form their plural in /led^n, as 
^pperieid (valour), dupperkeden, it would appear that monosyl- 
labic forms favour the diphthong, while the penult prefers the 
vowel /. In some words this diphthong has, like the English 
«', and the Middle High German ei, its origin in the softened e(jf, 
as zeil for ze^el, sail ; fneid, maid ; zeide, said, dixit. For e, the 
Umlaut of a, we find it in keiry army (Germ, heer) ; meir, sea 
(Germ, meer) ; eifide, end ; peifizen, to think (Fr. penser). 

eu. In pronunciation it approaches the French eu, German o ; 
as to derivation, it is a doubtful diphthong, replacing o and e, 
even oe and H. 

fu=o: deufy door; geuTy smell; ieur, election, choice; euvel, 
evil; kreupely cripple; jeugdy youth; deugen (Germ, taugen), 
^^d (Germ, tugend). 

f«=e : neuBy nose (Germ. nase). For long vowels : steuueuy 
^^ groan (Germ, stoonen) ; treureriy to mourn (Germ, trauren) ; 
^mgd (Germ, freude), heukey bocke, beech (Germ, buche). For- 
"^^riy this diphthong was more generally in use, and in Belgium 


especially^ in the place of the Dateh 6y as zeun for zoon (son), 
d^urpel for dorpel, &c. 

ie. A diphthong of frequent occurrence, equivalent to the 
Middle High German iu and ie^ and the Modem Grerman ie. 
Examples : — wiel, wheel ; bier, beer ; dier, deer, animal ; tien, i/a 
draw (Germ, ziehen) ; vier^ four ; dietien^ to serve ; die/, thief; 
liefy dear (Germ, lieb) ; diep^ deep ; riet, reed ; siek^ sick ; dier^ 
dear (M. H. Germ, diur) ; vier, fire (M. H. Germ, viure) ; stieren, 
to steer (M. H. Germ, stiuren) ; vrienl, friend (M. H. Germ, 
vriunt). In strong verbs, pres. sing. : diel, offert (M. H. Genn. 
biut) ; vliet^ fiuit (M. H. Germ, vliut) ; tiel, ducit (M. H. Germ, 

oe. In pronunciation and derivation like English ao, Germ. 
«, answering to the Gothic (?, Middle High German w>. Ex- 
amples : — stoel, stool (Germ, stiil) ; vlocTy floor (Germ, fliir) ; A^) 
to do (Germ, tun) ; droek, brook (Germ, bruch) ; droeder, brother, \ 
bruder; 7noef, mood (Germ, mut) ; bloei, blood (Germ, bl&t); ' 
fnoeder, mother (Germ, mutter) ; aoeken^ to seek (G«rm. suchen)* 
roed€, rod (Germ, rftte) ; groeten, to greet (Germ, gniefen) ; go^^^ 
good (Germ. gut). 

OU, This OM, like auy stands for the (Jerman a«, sligbw 
modified in sound : while the latter is pronounced more delit^ 
rately than the German, the former is enounced with grea^^ 
rapidity, so as to resemble more closely perhaps the English ou ^ 
h(wse. Examples : — howen^ to hew (Germ, hauen) ; vrouw, ^^^^^A 
(Germ, frau) ; honden^ to hold ; koud^ cold ; oudy old ; too^^^ 
wood (Germ, wald) ; kout (Germ, holz) ; zout, salt^ 

ue. Used in Belgium as a different mode of spelling t^, e. ^' 
muer for mnur, wall. 

ui has the sound of the German eu, with which it also gene^^ 
rally corresponds in derivation, though it often represents th^ 
German an. Middle High German ii. Examples: — 6uil, tumor^ 
bile (Germ, beule) ; //ul/efi, to howl (Germ, heulen) ; vuil (foul 
(Germ, faul) ; ::inl (Germ, sd?fle, column) ; ruim^ room (G«rm. 
raum) ; schuim, scum (Germ, schaum) ; dui/\ dove (Germ, taube) 
sfuiveu (Germ, stauben) ; duivel (Germ, teufel) ; struik, shrub 
drnid, bride ; ^?/id, hide ; kruid, herb ; luid, loud ; kiiis, house 
7rfu?s, mouse; lu?s, louse. Cf. German stranch^ braut, haul, 
kraui^ laut, haus^ maus^ laus. 

^ In these examples the diphthong has its origin in the contraction of the words 
halden, kald, aid, wald, zalU &c. 



This tlialect is, strictly speaking, dtiprived of diphthouga alto- 
jelUor ; for tlie Old Norse ei and an, are condensed into e and o 
Wid Ju. The only combination looking like a diphthong concen- 
trates the accent on the «, leaving the i merely as a preluding 
soand, resembling herein the English « in tune, June, July, or 
the Gothic ya in jm,juk, the Gerioaa Jk It, Juki ; but altogether 
distinct from the Gothic diphthong t« in iup, or the Old Norae in 
tittfr. The ( or J in this peculiar position participates in the 
nature of a consonant, half-way at least; whence it is rightly 
ranked with the semi-vowels. From this fact again may be 
explained the total suppression in pronunciation of consonanto 
preceding j or their combinations in n mixed sound ; hence ijul, 
Ijuf, lJD'l—snand,jul,jit/,fu4; whilst in Old Norse we have the 
mphthong iiol, liufr, Allo^. Examples : — hjul, wheel ; Jul, 
Chriatimis; djur, aaimal (Germ, thier, deer; Ijiif, lief {Germ. 
lieb); (?'«/", thief {Germ, dieb) ; c^'ujo, deep (Germ, tief) ;,\a 
lie (GCTm. lugen) ; tkjvAa, to shoot (Germ, schiefen). Swedish 
pt is never weakened intoy'o : where this latter form appears it 
iloM SO by Brechung. je is more easily proved by forms such 
*s ((>na, to serve (Germ, dJenen); tjenit, service (Germ, dienst), 
I for the Old Norse Schwaohung io in \iona, \ionust: Other 
L^pIithongB do not exist in Swedish ; for ja, jo, jo, must be con- 
^Hdered as belonging to Brechung. 

Tl q.Tiinh , 

The Old Norse diphthongs el and an have in Danish ex- 
perienced the same fate as in Swedish, dwindling down into the 
nieagre e and o sounds ; and i«, ou, are condensed into y, rarely 
Kplnced by ju, je, which can hardly be considered true diph- 
wmgs, since the accent is concentrated on the 6nal h and e. 
But while ancient diphthongs disappear, new ones spring out of 
tile fertile soil of language, owing their origin, as in English, 
'io^iy to the vocalization of ff and v into i and «. Thus the 
i^osh language has established three new diphthongs, an, ei, 
^'i wliich are wanting in Swedish, and impart to the otherwit^e 
inonotonous vocalism of the Danish laugui^e something of a 
fnplionic change. To write and pronounce tiv, ej and oj, metead 
"f ttie true diphthongs, Grimm rightly considers n retrograde 
"Wvement, depriving the Danish language of one of the few 
media of variation of sound that arc at its disposal. 


au. As we have just mentioDed, this diphthong is developed 
out of ai\ especially when oeeuning before g and *. Thus Grimm 
takes the preterite taug of the verb ticy tacere, as the condensed 
form of a weak preterite tagde (of. O. N. 'pagii^ \^id^)i and the 
adj. tauSf taciturnus, the contraction of a more ancient tar«, 
tagse (cf. Swedish varsCy vilse. &c.) ; haug, pascuum^ from hive 
(O. N. kagiy Sw. hage), laug, law, for lav^ lag (O. N. lag) ; faHt 
from faver^ f^g^^ (cf. Eug. fair from fager). In many other 
words the v touches very closely on the u without however being 
quite transformed. Examples: — ave^ discipline; tnare^ stomach 
(Germ, magen) ; raim, raven. But, after all, this diphthong 
must be considered of rare occurrence. 

ei. It is more frequent than the preceding diphthong. Ex- 
amples : — deif dough (Sw. deg, Germ, teig) ; sei^ show (Sw. seg); 
vei, way (Sw. viig, Germ, weg) ; eie^ to own (Sw. ega, cf. Genn. 
eigen) ; feie^ to polish, Sw. fa?gja, Germ, fegen) ; veie^ to weigh» 
(Sw. vega, Germ, wiegen) ; sell^ sail (O. N. sCgl, G«rm. segel) ; 
leir, lair (Sw. lager, M. H. Germ. lt?ger). It will be interesung 
from the preceding examples to observe, that while Danish an^ 
English prefer the contraction of eg into the diphthong ei (tfO» 
Swedish and German preserve the old form eg in its integri^* 
On the other hand, Danish retains eg in words where EngU^'^ 
contracts it, as negl^ nail ; regn^ rain ; cf. Germ, nagel and regef^' 

Oi. Tliis diphthong is historically the same as «', owing ^^ 
origin to the condensation of g and its preceding vowel. Tl^ 
same remarks thereibre we have under ei will hold good for tf^ . 
diphthong oi. Examples :—foly flew (Sw. fliig, Grerm. flog) ; Aci^\ 
high (Sw. hog, Germ, hoch) ; die, eye (Sw. oga, Germ, auge^ * 
ploie, to plough (Sw. ploga. Germ, pfliigen). 

ju stands for Old Norse in in but few words : Ajul (wheel) ^ 
Jul (feast), and sljul (latebra) — in all other words ^w is condensed 
into y, so that for the Swedish djitr, fjuf, djup, deer, thief, deepr 
(Germ, thier, dieb, ticf), we have in Danish rfyr, /J^>, dyb. Here 
again Swedish and German show some analogy on the one, 
Danish and English on the other hand. Swedish preserves the 
old diphthong iu almost intact, German renders it, at least in 
spelling, by the Schwachung ie, while Danish and English con- 
dense it into the i sound (=0- 

OU occurs in but very few words : brouk, braute, to boast ; 
ploug, an obsolete mode of spelling for j^lov, plough ; toug, tow 

(Sw. tog). 

The preceding list of examples will sufficiently tell how in 
Danish too, since the organic diphthongs of the Old Norse dialect 


\Kve disappeared, these full sonorous vowel sounds are but ex- 
ceptionally found ; whence Danish voealism sutfers of a certain 
thinne&s or apareness which Swedish, thoufjh entirely devoid of 
diplithoiiga, displays less sensibly, l>ecause it has more suceess- 
ftiHy sheltered the fiill vowels a and w, which in Danish again 
bad greatly to yield to the deterioration into e and o. 


These vocalic combinations belong, among Modem Teutonic 
dialects, to Dutoh exclusively. They niay be considered as diph- 
thongs having one of the vowels lenffthened or doubled. Ex- 
amples : — aauie, pronounced like an witb a short rest on the 
vowel a. as in pa/niw, pea-cock ; hauw, luke-warm (Germ, law) ; 
I oai, the diphthong at with a lengthened and i hardly audible ; 
trtiai, crow ; fraai, fair ; eenw, in which e is lengthened and w 
l>©comes more audible than in the diphthong e« ; heiiw, lion ; 
*»«i;uip, snow ; ieiiw might in Germau be rendered by ia>, the » 
*>ardlv perceptible ; nifuw, new ; iieiite, gill. 

!V irmcrlhn of j in Danish. — The insertion of _/ before a vowel 
*^liich regularly occurs after the consonants q, k, «k, and occa- 
^omJly after other consonants, must be kept distinct from the 
J^wshung and the organic diphthongs on which we have already 
'•'"'^ated. Before a, aa, o, «, and e in Danish, the consonants k 
**»d^ are always hard, as in tlie English words cow, t/omi ; and 
'** order to produce a double sound, as in the English cure, a J 
**>-Tist be inserted, e. g. ikjaM, bard ; kjolo, coat ; skjule, to con- 
*~^'^tal ; gjaldt, valuit, cost ; gjfd, goat ; gj6rde, made. 

Thus then the Old Norse g, k, and «i, in gauhr, kaup, »iaut, 

*'*^U9t have been audible until the gradual modification of the 

^^owel into o influenced the pronunciation of the preceding con- 

^*^iiant too. In Swedish this affection of the consonant is marked 

?** its pronunciation, whence the sound of giik, kHp, iikSl, might 

^^ rendered in German by Uchoky isehop, and achat ; while the 

*^iiish language adopted a particular mode of spelling and 

^^udcrs a sound almost similar to the Swedish in the forms 2/%, 

^?o*, »kj6il. That the whole difference consists in nothing but 

^ different representation of the same sound, may be further 

*^oncluded from the fact that even in Danish the simple k and g 

^^ preferred before a, o, y, and i, as gog, kob, skod, and iiir, koti, 

I -Kohenkaven, instead of kjar, kjon, Kjobenkaveu ; and that it is 

b ^*^onledged to be erroneous to insert the J when the primitive 

^V "Word has ka, ko, ga, go, &c. without j : e. g. kjiimhs for kamhe, to 


figlit, woald be m &alt, becmose the origiiud word is kamp; so 
also ijamme for idmmej to comb, from kam comb. 

Now whether we consider the modification of the vowel owing 
to the preceding consonant, or the softenings of the consonant 
ari^g &om the modified Towel, thns much is certain, and can 
be proTed by examples from the Old Teotonic dialects, — ^that cer- 
tain consonants, and especially the consonants we have mentioned 
aboTCy exercise a modilVing influence on the succeeding vowel. 
Thus Bask teaches ns to pronounce the Icelandic / after g, k^ 
and si^ie, and it is a &ct that in the sixteenth centuiy alz%adj 
the spelling ie for e was introduced, e, g. giefa for g^a, gift ; 
Hem tor ientj come, venio ; Mera for st^, shear. Still more 
interesting is it to trace this tendency of vocalic modification 
as &r back as Anglo-Saxon, where after 4c {z=si) regularly, and 
after g occasionally, it is optional to write seealy shall, debet, 
or icai ; sceacan^ to shake, or scacau ; ^ctare, to shear or 9care; 
geecPS (= sheath) or saiPS ; sceS (shoe) and 9c6. (Mark the differ- 
ence of the double vowels ed^ eo and the diphthongs e&y eS, and 
that it would be a mistake to write scfdd^ seedy for seeddj 9ceS.) 
Here the vowel e=i was inserted under the influence of the 
preceding 9c, ns j in Danish after g^ i, si; and vice versa, the 
pronunciation of the softened guttural in the English sAall, %kake, 
share y shoey may have arisen under the softening influence of the 
modified vowel ea for ar, which must be kept altogether distinct 
from the Anglo-Saxon Brechung ea and the diphthong ed. 




X. Glottis .... 
a. Root of toDgoe and I 

soft palate . . . j 
3> Root of tongue and 1 

hard palate . . . j 

4. Tip of tongue and 1 

teeth f 

5. Tongue rerersed and 1 

palate .... 

6. Tongne and edge of 

teeth ^ 

7. I/)wer lip and upper 1 

teeth / 

8. Upper and lower lips 

9. Upper and lower lips 1 

rounded . . . . j 









' hand 

' and 

'A loch 

*h tage, G. 


h {hh) 



y ich, G. 

y ye« 


ch {chh) 

J w 

»i (ny) 

f rice 

z to rise 


t m 



$ sharp 

z pleasure 


f w 



fA breath 

dh breathe 

/ life 

V live 

• • 

fD quell, 6. 


p {ph) 



lb which 


•A with 


J I 






sive Ex; 


As will appear from the preceding table, consonants may be 

^'fissified according to the organs which produce them, and ac- 

*^i'ding to the duration of the sound. If they are produced by 

^ie opening or closing of the organs, their sound will last only 

j^Mle this transaction is taking place and it is incapable of 

^ing prolonged: such consonants are called C/iecis or Mutes 

(^I'ohibitivaB sive Explosivae) . Or they are produced so that the 

^'■g^ms do not momentarily open or close, but merely modify their 

'^l^tive position and allow the soimd to be prolonged at pleasure : 

^^^li consonants are called Breaths or Spirants (Continuse). 

* Max Milller, Lectures, ii. p. 153. 



According to the organs which are chiefly active in producing 
the different consonants^ we classify these as gutturahy palataUy 
linguahy dentals, and labiah. If produced by a greater effort of 
the organs, they will be hard (tenues); by a leas effort, sofi 
(mediae); when accompanied with a breath, tenues and medis 
will make aspirates^. 

Spirants again may be guttural, dental, nasal, palatal, labial 
and lingual (liquids). 

Thus a great variety of sounds is produced which but few 
languages possess in its unlimited richness. AnK>ng the Aiyan 
languages Sanskrit has the most complete system of consonants, 
which we are able to appreciate by comparing the following 
paradigm of Sanskrit consonants with those of the PrimitiYe 
and Gothic languages. 





Not Aspirated, 









Gutt. it 
Pal. ch 
Ling, f 
Dent, t 
Lab. p 






















Not AspinUed, 









Gutt. it 
Pal. . . 
Ling. .. 
Dent, t 
Lab. p 


• • 
« • 



• • 


a • 
• • 


• • 

• • 
< • 

• * 


• . 



m • 


* Comp. Max Mfillcr, Liectures, ii. p. 130 iqq. 

' We have arranged in these tables the Primitire and Gothic consonants in aocofd- 
ance with the c-.>minonly adopted arrangement of Sanskrit consonants, and this for 
the sake of uniformity and comparison ; but when treating on the Teotonic con- 






Not AtpiraUd. 









Gntt. k 
Pal. .. 
Ldng. .. 
Dent, i 
Lab. p 


• • 

* • 


• • 
■ ■ 

• • 


• • 

• • 

• • 

• • 


• • 

• • 

• • 

• ■ 


• • 

• • 













Grimm* 8 Law \ 

' If the same roots or the same words exist in Sanskrit, Greek, 
Liatin, Celtic, Slavonic, Lithuanian, Gothic, and High German, 
then, wherever the Hindus and the Greeks pronounce an aspirate, 
the Goths and Low Germans generally, the Saxons, Anglo- 
Saxons, Frisians, &c., pronounce the corresponding soft check, 
the Old High Germans the corresponding hard check. We thus 
arrive at the first formula : — 

I. (i) Greek and Sanskrit . . . KH 

(2) Gothic, &c. (Low German) . G 

(3) Old High German . . . K 

^Secondly, if in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit, &c., we find a soft 
check, then we find a corresponding hard check in Gothic, a 
corresponding hreath in Old High German. This gives us the 
second formula : — 

II. (4) Greek, &c G 

(5) Gothic K 

(6) Old High German . . . CH 

•Thirdly, when the six first-named languages show a hard 
consonant, the Gothic shows the corresponding breath, Old 
High German the corresponding soft check. In Old High Ger- 

sonants speciallj, we shall keep up the following divisions and discuss them in this 
order 'w — Liquids. Z, m, n, r. Spirants, v, id, 8, z (i^aott a), j (=y in year), h. 
Mutes : (i) Labitdg, b, p, /, r, pA, hh, &c. ; (2) DentaU, d, t, th (J>), dh (^), 2 
(High German aspirated dental, |, soft z) ; and (3) Gutturahf g, k, c {^k), ch, &c. 
^ Max MiUler, Lectures, ii. p. 199 sqq. - 







F (Ph) 


man^ however^ the law holds good with regard to the dental 
series onlj^ while in the guttural and hibial series the Old High 
German documents generally exhibit h andy^ instead of the cor- 
responding medisB g and b. This gives us the third formula : — 

III. (7) Greek, &c K T P 

(8) Gothic H(G,F) Th(D) F(B) 

(9) Old High German . H (G,K) D F(B,V)/ 

Proceeding to the illustration of the diflferent formulas, we 
begin with the first class, which in Sanskrit shows the aspirate 
ghy dh. bh\ Greek x> ^> <t> ; Latin fluctuating between soft checks 
and guttural and labial spiritus. This class must in English, 
Anglo-Saxon, Gothic, and all Low German dialects be repre- 
sented by the corresponding mediae g, d, b, whilst High German 
chooses for the same purpose the tenues k, t, p. 

L (i) KH. Greek x ; Sanskrit gi, i ; Latin A,/. 
G. Gothic g ; Latin gv, g, v, 
K. Old High German k. 

Examples^ : — 'Engl, goose, Goth, gafis, Qerm.gana, O. H. G«rm. 
ians, Sansk. Aansa, Gr. \rivy Lat. anser (=hanser). Engl, yester^ 
day. Germ gesterny Goth. gist ra, O. H. Germ, keslar, Sansk. AyM, 
Gr. \6h, Lat. keri, Engl, garderij Germ, garien, Goth, gards, 
O, H. Germ, karlo, Gr. xopros, Lat. ho^rtus, Sansk. lih^ Gr. Ae^x^> 
Lat. lingo y Goth. IdigOy O. H. Germ, lehom. Corresponding to 
gall (bile), we find Gr. x^^^j Lat. fely instead of heL Engl, to 
dragy Goth, drag-aiiy O. H. Germ, trak-any Lat. trah^ere, Gr. 
i\'€ivy Goth, dig -an y O. H. Germ, eik-an. 

(2) TH. Greek 6, ; Sanskrit dh ; Latin/. 
D. Gothic d ; Latin d, b. 
T. Old High German t. 

Examples: — Engl, daughter y Goth, dauhtaty Germ, tackier y 
O. H. Germ, tohfar, Gr. Ovyarrjp. Engl, door, Goth, daur, Germ, 
and O. H. Germ, tory Gr. &vpa, Engl, deer, A. S. dear, Goth. 
diuSy Germ. Her, O. H. Germ. tioTy Gr. $rip (<^?}p), liat.Jera (wild 
beast). Engl, lo dare, Goth, ga-datirsan, O. H. Germ, tartan^ Gr. 
fiap'TfiVy Sansk. dhrish. To Engl, doom (judgment), Goth, dom^, 
corresponds Gr. dijfjus (law). Engl, mid-dley Germ, mit-tey Goth. 
vNf/-ijf, O. H. Germ, mil-i, Lat. med-iiis, Sansk. madk^ya. Engl. 
;vW, Gonn. rnf-e (\drga), A. S. r6d (crux), O. H. Germ, ruol-a 
(virga), nih=.rn(lh (crescere). 

' The examples arc partly taken from Max MUller, 1. c, partly from other loitroes. 


(3) PH. Greek 0; Sansfe. hk; Latin/ 
B. Gothic b ; Latin b. 
P. Old High German p. 
-MtampUf : — Etigl. U bear, Goth, baira, 0, H. Germ, pirn, Gr. 
^^p», Lat./ero, Sansk. Wn. Engl. Sro^^e;-, Goth. brSthar, O. H. 
^^rm. prnoder, hat./raler, Sansk. bhralri. Engl, /o ireai, Goth. 
J\*^v, O. H. Germ, prechan, ha.t.frangere, Sansk. bkanj. Germ. 
*»**, A. S. beam, 0. H. Germ, pirn, Gr. ^liu, Lat. fit (in /wj"), 
•Ss^tisk. Uavdmi. Engl, icw^, Goth. ioXa, LaL/ajiH (cf. Gr. 
***?7(Is}. O- H. Germ, puacia. 

Tlie second class oomprises examples which, for the medias y, d, 
» in Sanskrit and Greek words, show the correspnnding tenues 
* /,p, in English, Gothic, &c., and the aepirates H (ch), tA and 
■P^ in Old High German. 

II. (4) G. Sanskrit, Greek, Latin g. 

K. Gothic k. 

KH. Old High German cL 
Examples: — En"!. (0 knoiD, Germ, keinien and ionuen, A. S. 
^^Heow, Goth, kail, 0. H. Germ, chan, Lat. gno»co, Gr. yvaiu, 
Sansk, yiM. Eng i/n (relationship), Goth. itf»i, O. H. Germ. 
^Auni, Lat. genut, Gr. yt'i-os, Sansk. y*?^* (from y^w, to be bom), 
tlngl. knee, A. S. wierf, Goth, k'l'ia, O. H. Germ, chain, Lat. ^eww. 
Or. yoCTj, Sansk. y««T(. A.S. mie-el {cL SC'itch mickle), Goth. 
*nii~iU, O. H Germ, mik-il, Lat. moff-itm, Gr. fity-oAor, Sanak. 
*ruzA-at. Engl. cAtVrf, O.S. kind, Gr. yoVos (offspring). Engl. 
^aeeit, Golh. ^mo or ^ffff*, A.S. even, O.N. iojia, 0. H-Germ. 
oAena, Gr. yu;^, Sansk .yoB* (originally meaning ' mother'). Engl. 
Jtinff, Germ, konig, A.S. egning, O. H.Germ, cliuainc, Sanak. 
Janaka (originally meaning ' father'). Gr. eyti, Lat. eg-o, Goth. 
\k, A. S. ic, 0. N. ek, 0. H. Germ, ik, Germ. (V4. 

(5) D. Sanskrit, Greek, Latin d. 

T. Gothic f: 

TH. Old High German s. 
Examples: — Engl./co^, Germ./up, Lat.^erf-t* (pes), Gr.TroB-rfs 
(not!?), Goth. f6l-m, 0. H. Germ. dh«s, Sansk. pdd-a». Engl. 
vat-er, Goth. raZ-o, Germ, wa^-er, 0. H. Germ. wa;-ar, Lat. und-a, 
Gr. C5-iop, Sansk. K//-n. Engl, iiwr;, Goth, hairl-d, Germ, /err, 
O. H. Germ, herz-a, Lat. eord-h (cor), Gr. «opB-/o, Sansk. hrkl- 
aya. Engl, ^ear, A. S. tear, Goth, ^^r. Germ, zahre, O. H. 
Germ, sn^ur, Lat. kcruma { = dac-ntma), Gr. Jaxpv, Snnsk. aunt 
(=datTu). Engl, iwc, Goth, tval, Germ. ;««, O. H. Germ, iiiei. 


Lat. duo^ 6r. hita, Engl, ten, Goth, taihun, Oerm. zehn^ O. H. 
Germ, zehan, Lat. decemy Gr. hUa^ Sansk. daian, 

(6) B. Sanskrit d or t? ; Greek and Latin i. 
P. Gothic jo (scarce). 
PH. Old High German jdA cry*. 

* There are few really Saxon words beginning with /?, and 
there are no words in Gothic beginning with that letter, except 
foreign words ^^ No suitable examples can therefore be given, 
except a few where the mentioned consonants occur at the end 
of the root, e. g. Gk. xcirrajQ-is, O. N. hunp-r^ O. H. Germ, hancf ; 
Engl, help^ Goth, hilpa^ Germ, helfe^ O. H. Germ, hilfu. 

The third class embraces words which in Sanskrit, Greek and 
Latin have the tenuis hy ty or p^ which in Gothic and the other 
Low German dialects is replaced by the aspirates h (for <?A, kh), 
ih and ph [f) respectively, while Old High German should make 
use of the media y, dy b. But in the last-mentioned dialect the 
law breaks down. Instead of the mediae b and ^, the aspirates 
y* and A are preferred, and only d, the media of the dentals^ has 
been preserved to represent the Gothic tA and Semskrit t. 

III. (7) K. Sanskrit and Greek k; Latin c, qu. 
KH. Gothic A, g {/) ; Sanskrit A. 
G. Old High German A {g, k). 

Examples: — Engl. Aead, A. S. Aeafody Goth. AavbilA, Germ. 
Aaupiy O. H. Germ. Aoupit, Lat. cajmty Gr. k^^oAt;, Sansk. 
kapdla, Engl, hearty Goth. hairtOy Germ, herzy O. H. Germ. 
herzay Lat. coTy Gr. Kaphiay Sansk. hridaija {Arid, irregular instead 
of krid). Engl. wAoy wAaty A. S. Away Awdt, Gt)th. AvaSy Avo, Ava, 
Germ, iver^ iva^, O. H. Germ, wer. Transliterating this into 
Sanskrit, we get kas. hdy had ; Lat. quis^ quce^ quid ; Gr. jcrfj and 
ttJs. Engl,/^^, G^rm^viehy A.S.JeOy Goth, /aiAu^ hsit, pectus. 
A. S. edg-e (eye), Germ, aug-e, O. H. Germ, oug-ay Lat. oc-ulvs, 
Gr. dK-Js=<37r-Js, gen. from o\/^. 

(8) T. Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin t. 
TH. Gothic tA and d. 
D. Old High German d. 

Examples: — Engl. tAou, Goth. tAu, Germ, and O. H. Germ. du, 
Lat. tUy Gr. tv, Sansk. twam (nom.). Engl. tAe (cf. tAis, tAqf), 
Goth. tAanay Germ, defiy O. H. Germ, den, Lat. is'tum, Gr. top, 
Sansk. tarn (ace). Engl. tAree, Goth. tArei^, Germ, drei, O. H. 
Germ, dri, Lat. tres, Gr. rpeis, Sansk. trayas (n. pi.). Engl. 

' Max Miiller, Zec^ures, ii. p. 219. 



oth-er, A. S, o^-er, Goth. anU-ar, Germ, anii-er, 0. H. Gem. 
aytfi-ar, Lat. all-er, Gr. Jr-epor, Sansk. a«^orfl. Enffl. tooth, 
A.S. toV^, Goth. iaflM, O. H.Germ. zand, Lat. t/tfiw, (fes/.M, 
Gr. olois, 6l6vT-os, Sansk. ilanf-aa. 

(9) P. Sanskrit, Greek, liEtin p. 

PH. Gothic/ and i. 

B. Old High German/and v. 
Examples :— Engl Jire, Goth. Jim f. Qerm. Jiiii/, Gr. Wfiire, 
Sansk. panchan. Engl. /«//, Gotli./H//*, Germ, ro^/, Lat. planus, 
Gr. ttA^os, Sansk. p^ma! ^nqX./ather, Goih./adar, Germ, m^, 
O. H. Germ, vafar, Lat. pater, Gr. uflT^p, Sansk. pi/W. Engl. 
or*r, Goth. ff/«r, Germ, uber, 0. H. Germ. uA<7r, Lat. tuper, (Jr. 
iw/p, Sansk. tipari. The last example is one of the veiy few 
within the range of the mute labials in whifh the law of dis- 
placement is Htrictly carried out in the different dialects. 

General Taile of Gri?im'» Law '. 





1. 1 .. 





7. 1 8. 


Satukrit . . 
1. Greek . . 

II. Golhic . . 
III. O.H.Gemi. 

X < 

i 1 ? 








c, g'l 

Kg. t 






Exeeptiom lo O-rimm't Lau>. 

' As in other aciences, so in the science of language, a law is 
not violated — on the contrary, it is confirmed — by exceptions of 
which a rational explanation can he given ^' These exceptions 
are owing to distnrbing influences to which chiefly consonants 
in the middle and at the end of words are liable and of which 
wo examine a few cases. 

A consonant often preserves its position in the different dia- 
lects under the shelter of a preceding consonant. Thus, lor 
instance, mutes protect a succeeding i, and, whenever the tenuis 
is preceded at the beginning of words by an s, h, or f, these 
letters protect the h, f, p, and guard it against the execution of 
the kw. Thus the Sansk. <iMu, Gr. ^htw, Lat. ocio, is in Goth. 
aAlau, 0. H.Germ. ailo, where i (=Germ. ci) preserves the 

' Coupue Mu Mailer, iertB™, u. p. 21,. • Ibid. p. 113. 



accusative) ; 6r. vv^, pvkt6s, Lat. nax, noctis, is the Gt>th. naAli, 
O. H. Germ, nail, A. S. niAt (night). Thongh Ghrimm's law is 
most strictly enforced at the beginning of words^ it becomes^ 
even there^ powerless under the mentioned conditions. Thus the 
Sanskrit sfri, plural staras (in the Veda), Latin alella (=8temla), 
is in Gothic sfaimo (star), the tenuis owing its preservation to 
the preceding 9, 

Since in Gothic and several other Teutonic dialects the gut- 
tural aspirate is wanting, it is replaced by the hard breath k, 
sometimes the media ^, which consonants are both adopted in 
Old High German ; or ^ is displaced by ^ ; or the Gothic ff returns 
to A again. The Gothic aspirate^/^ which takes the place of the 
Sanskrit p, should, in Old High German, be represented by the 
media b ; but the Old High German dialect makes in this case 
again rather free with the law, replacing the media by the labial 
soft breath r, and discarding this again in favour of the hard 
breath /, the Gothic representative. Instead of the dental 
aspirate fA (|>) the Old High German has its own characteristic 
consonant z, which, according to its position, may be hard (z) or 
soft (|). 


Liquids : — ^1, m, n, r 

The Gothic dialect keeps strictly distinct the simple initial 
liquids I, n, ;*, and their aspirated compounds Al, An, Ar ; e. g. 
luftuSy air (Germ, luft), and hliftus, fur, a thief; reisan, to rise, and 
Arisjan, to shake; Idif, mansi, and Aldify bread, loaf. This dis- 
tinction is kept alive in the other Low German dialects, Anglo- 
Saxon, Old Saxon and Old Frisian, and in Old Norse ; while the 
Old High German, since the beginning of the ninth century 
renders the initial compounds Al, An, Ar, by the single /, «, r. 
The Old Norse I and r is certainly found for the fol and wr of 
the other dialects, but never for A I and Ar, 

Gemination^ or the doubling, of liquids occurs in Gothic after 
a short vowel, but it is not there yet developed to a -necessary 
law, whence the single liquid is often retained in the place of 
the gemination. The liquid r especially prefers to lead a single 
existence. Old High German at a very early stage produces 
gemination by assimilating more ancient combinations, such as 
Ijy nj, rjy rz, rn, &c., to the liquid, and thus forming the com- 
binations //, nn, rr, &c. ; e. g. zellun from zaljan, zeljan ; werran 



from varjan ; brunna from bfunja ; tttmma, voice (Germ, stim- 
me), from an older I'orm stimna, Goth, stibna ; nennan, to name 
(Germ, nennen), from nemvjan ; merran, to impede (Gotli, marz- 
jan); «lerro, star (Germ, eteni), Goth, sfalrnd. If a geminated 
liquid should happen to find its place at the end of a ivord, it is 
reduced to a simple consonant; e,^. fa[,fiillei ; man, vianiies. 

The Low German dialects, Anglo-Saxon and Old tVisian, 
agree with Old High German in rejecting gemination at the 
end of a word, while Old Sason even in this position sometimee 
retains the doubled liquid. Hence Anglo-Saxon writes like Old 
High German, Sil, hille» ; man, mannea ; grim, i/rimmes. 

Peculiar to several Low German dialecU is the gemination of 
the liquid « arising from the contraction of two n's, which in 
consequence of the elision of one or several vowels came into 
doser contact. Thus Anglo-Saxon has dnne for iiiiene, one; 
MMfltf for minene, mine; Old Frisian enne for eiiime, minne i'or 
mdieite, thinne, &c. 

Gemination in the middle of a word is sometimes destroyed 
by an inflexional syllable being added to the word, e, g, grimra 
iustcad of grimmera ; or, under the influence of metathesis (vid. 
infra), as i-Qr*e» for iroasea (equi). 

Old Norse has in its geminations eertiiin peculiarities of its 
oivn which deserve separate enumeration. The geminiilion U 
W often its origin in assimilation : (i) /S — ifiill iram iih('&, gold; 
«//r from Pi'/Sr, wild ; i/allr from l/al^r, bold ; (2) %l (of later 
Occurrence), e. g. milli, inter, for mi^li ; frilla, pelles, for frl^la, 
iralla, quickly, for hra^la ; (3) I of the root with r of the termi- 
nation, when in monosyllables preceded by a long vowel or diph- 
thong, in bisyllables after a short vowel as well ; e. g. heill, heal 
(Germ, heil), for Aeilr ; deell, sweet, for dalr (but voir, staff, 
stick); gaman=gamatr, old; lUUl=lUUr, small, little. But Ur 
remains unchanged, as ballr, v'tflr. As Ir, so at a later phafic of 
the language H, aUo may be converted into U, as iall for iarl, 
Pari ; kelUnij for kerlivg (vetula). 

It is a characteristic feature of Old Norse, which distinguishes 

it from the High as well as the Low Germiiii dialecls, thut //, 

like every other gemination, is preservefl intact at the end of 

Words too. where, besides Old Norse, Old Saxon only allows 

-exceptionally of the gemination. 

This liquid in Oothio is safe from the interchange viith the 
vBbilant *, while all the other Teutonic dialects have, like the 


Greek nnd Latin, more or less yielded to the iticlinatioD ( 
the a towards the liquid r. Thin clmnge of i into r is ofta 
called ' Rhofaciatn.' 

Old High German allows both the sharp and Eoft Gotliis 
sibilante {a and z) to be supplanted by r : (i) id the inflexion and 
com]>arisoii of tlie adjectives, e. g, pl'inter (blind), pUntoro, Gtitib* 
blindt, blindSza ; (2) in roots, e. g. ror, Goth. rdus. dew (compt 
Lat. ros, roris); 6ra, Goth, aufio, ear. Especially the Gothic 1 
has aliuotit in every instance made room to the liquid t, e. Bi 
rarta, tongue, language (Goth, razda); merran, to impede (GntE^ 
marzjan); korl, treasure {comp. Engl, hoard), Goth. kuzd. Thft 
Gothic z is however preserved laferaiia, heel {Germ, ferse), Goth. 
fairina ; anca, ashes (Germ, asche), Goth. aztfS. (3) Some strong 
verbs which in the ist pers. aiug. pret. show a final 4, convert this 
« into r where another inElexional syllable is added, e. g. tioiOM, 
eligere; Ms, elegi; hiri, elegisti; iiinimet, elegimus; Aoranir, 
electus ; thus also, nas, pari, ndrumes, neraner, of ne»an^ servaii^ 
and log, luri, lurvmea, loran^r of lioaan, perdere. The inflexiona] fi 
of the strong declension of the substantive remains intact. So 
also does the t at the Iteginning of a word, while in the middle 
or at the end it may or may not pass into the domain of the 
liquids — a fact for which no rule can be laid down. 

Old Saxon has, like Old High German, both the organic r 
and the inorganic r, replacing the sibilant ». Elision of r has 
taken place in linon for Union, to learn;— apocope in he, is; Aue, 
quis; (Aese. hie; vtica, vtuirtpo^; inva, (rt/jtuirepos ; »«c, noster; 
iva, vester. Prefix a^ar, Wi! have mctalhesis of the r in 
J'roikan iox forhhu, to tear. 

Anglo-Saxon Ibllowa the general rule in replacing » by r, bnt 
still it has often the sibilant preserved where Old High German 
yields to the r; e.g. bii*o, Goth, bani, O. H, Germ, j^irr;', berry j 
ifsffan, irasci, Goth, /i/rzjai/, 0. H. Germ, irran ; in other words, 
again, Old High German preserves the 8 where Anglo-Saxon 
prefers r ; e. g. O. H. Germ, haso. A, S. hara (Germ, base, Engl. 
hare). Apocope of the r sometimes takes place at the end of 
words, as !pe,we; ge, ye; jwe, mihi ; ))(;, tibi : o, prefix for arv 
md, more, for mar. The metathesis of the organic r is mors- 
fully developed than in Old Saxon, this letter being especially" 
fond of taking up its position, whenever possible, immediately be-' 
fore *, or the sibilant combinations it, sc, e. g. hom, horse, inst*"^ 
of kroa (comp. Germ, ross) ; beratau, to burst, O. S. breatan ; ford 
for froat, }peracan for ^rescan, to thrash. Other instances of' 
metathesis sua— forma, primus, Go\h. fruma ; bird and brid (bird), 
^dr* and jra» (grass); iirnaM, to burn, O. H.Germ./jWnaan (Germ. 


nnen) ; iman, O, H. Germ, rlnnan, to run ; cerse, O. H, Germ. 

Old Frisian yields more than any of the preceding dialects to 
iie tendency of replacing s \>y r, so that this liquid takes the 
IjAace of the sibilant even in the plural of the substantive in- 
wxion, e. g. jinkar, degiir, instead of Goth. Ji»k(l», fishes, dagSt, 
iavB. Tliis inflexional r is, however, frequently dropped. Meta- 
llieaa takes place under the same conditions as in Anglo-Saxon, 
kenee the forms bergla, to burst ; fersk, fresh ; har^, horse ; gen, 
gnk»; bama,to burn ; ybfmc, primus ; warld=wrald from wer- 
ild. The case is inverted in forms such as 6reii for l/ent, child. 

Old Norse, of all Teutonic dialects, has most generally intro- 
dmed the liquid r for the sibilant s. As to the verb, the Old 
Norse 60 far agrees with the Low German dialects, that it allows 
rhotacism, or the displacement of » by r only in the plur. pret. 
■nd the part, pret,, as iurum, korinn, of kiosa, to choose ; fronim, 
/mmn, i>{ Jriota, to freeze, except vera, to be, which has in the 
siug. pret. already ear, 1 was {comp. Germ. war), r is assimilated 
to its compeer in the combinations Ir, rl, nr, rk, and sometimes 
"tvid, sub litt. 1, -n, k). T has gained the siipremacy injiarri 
=jami, far {comp. Germ, fern), and ferri=: re™, worse. 

m, n 

Old High German. Since the ninth century the liquid m is 
ofleD weakened into », chiefly in inflexional forms, a case in 
Hich the inflexional vowel also is frequently weakened acctird- 
uig to tiie rules indicated above. Thus werfamet becomes werfan, 
«5^j Kurfunfa, lourfoji, wurfen; aagem, aagen ; iagum, tagon; 
iMlj gebSn ; krefiim, kreften. The consonantal combination 
Vm iftgolarly converted into nf, c.g.jTinf, Ga\^. Jimf, five; 
««/7o for sam/h, meek ; kunft for kum/i, arrival. 

Old Saxon. The termination m of the dat. plur. is replaced 
h ". e. g. wordun for wcrrf«w, verbis; rikiujt for nkiitm, poten- 
tibiisi the adjectives of tlie strong declension also change the 
tennination umu occasionally into oit. 

It is a characteristic feature of Old Saxon, and tlie Low Ger- 
nun dialects generally, that before certain consniianta they drop 
tU liqind «. This consonant is omitted (i) before »; e.g. «'», 
nuliis (Germ, uns); cuH, virtus (Germ, kunst); but retained in 
"wi, favour: (2) before 8; e.g. oBar, alius, =anilar (Germ, ander) ; 
"% known; jf8o» smd Jladan, to find; wi?5, mouth (Germ. 
'niind,&c.): (3) before/; e.g.^/; five (Goth, fimf, Germ, fiinf); 
"•fio, 0. H. Germ, «an/(o, ■=mmft« .- (4) before d in the termini 



tions of the pres. indie, plur. of all verbs; e«g. MlbSd^salbSwi^ 
kverfad^ krerfandy kebbiad= kMiand. 

Anglo-Saxon. The liquid m, which, at the end of woid^ 
other dialects weaken into n^ is retained in Anglo-Saxon. 

% occurring in the middle of a word is dropped, (i) before #— 
esty grace^ = Goth, amt^ O. S. anst; ItUl^ sacrifice^ Ooth. isM^: . 
canst^ noyisti, retains the u : (2) before IS-^-ctfS, known (cf. Gent 
kunde) ; mui, mouth (cf. Germ, mund) ; td^, tooth (cf. Gcna. 
zahn, O. H. Germ, tand) ; a^ = andj termination of the pra. 
plur. of the verb : (3) hetore/—/ff, five (Germ, fiinf, Groth. fimf); ' 
idfie^ sefUy meek, soft (cf. G^rm. sanft^ O. H. Germ, senfti). 

Old Frisian. The m, when occurring in terminations, b» 
throughout been changed into n. 

n is dropped under the same conditions as in Anglo-Saxon. 
Compare the following examples with those of Anglo-Saxon 
given above : — us, nobis ; ev^est, invidia; /j^ five; m4th, month; 
toihy tooth ; other ^ alius, n sufiers apocope at the end of tlte 
infinitive of the verb: werlAa, to be(M:)me (Germ, werden). In 
the same manner the terminations of the subjunctive of the yeA, 
and of the weak inflexions of the noun^ have dropped their 
final u. 

Old Norse. The terminational m is never weakened into •; 
fnm mfmm is the wj/'of the Goth, fmf, five. 

The liquid n is afleeted in various ways. It is dropped in 
roots (i) before s\ oss, nobis; dsl, favour; (2) before a % which 
is followed by r: twSr, known; muir, mouth; uwfBr, man; 
dirum from annar, other (By the side of JkuVr and muir we 
meet the forms l-nnnr and munnr) ; (3) bef re k which is preceded 
by a long vowel, e. g. mukr, monk ; kaniikr, canonicus ; but if » 
short vowel precedes tl^e nk, the gemination kk may take place, 
e.g. Frakklandy Frank land, terra Francorum; akkeri, anchor; 
drekka, to drink ; okkar^ ykkar, Goth, uggara^ iggara, v^v, crc^p. 
(4) The terminational ng of strong verbs is, in t^e sing. pret. and 
imperative, converted into kk, e. g. apringa^ to spring, imp. sprikk, 
pret. sprakk, sprung (Germ, sprang); hdnga, to hmg, imp. 
hakk^ pret. hekk. In the plur. pret., if followed by a terminational 
syllable, ng preserves its position ; hence spiiingum, hengum, plur. 
of sprakk, hekk. (5) tt replaces nd in exactly the same manner ; 
hence, bind^, to bind, imp. bitt^ pret. bait; hrinda, trudere, pret, 
hratf ; but the plurals are again bundum, hrundum. 

The final n of the root has been dropped in the particles t, a. 6^ 
Goth, -in, -ana, -nUj a circumstance which caused the vowel to 
become long. 

The n of the terminations is dropped (i) in the infinitive ol 

^ ML «f m-Qm. &KC3B Gxm. f»-«':rA!n. : /t«' -J ak.-< 

B air ■ B o^RMt £ a. r! iz-stit « s kc cr:ccy«l 
^^g. MCBM. ^B. -Uf *r5r. sua ; _T«*C ^ tai : tV. 
, Btt Gfck. xaJTHi : : ia *-r, the ^sm 
to tW taJftsudr «^ ip. » 

Sfimi*:— T, w, s, 1; j, h 
▼, w 

' Mac yinA-hiwwmd tcaAaaitioa» at tbt hea^iaaiaff of 
■n<i' ET9 '-■- Bad rt, wUcli in the other djalect< uv i.'4\«n le- 
Ifiwdbv the ^implmBd/. ExainpLei: — r/tit.v'a.rimimffpic^rv: 
■ "ill, ipex btO»; rroijiim, to accuse: n'^iU, rullus. lu the 
llUle of a woad r piuuies its pociti'>n aAer n>iiA>aantd, e. g. 
Ifm, qmrriw; tn6cmm,TMpm; ii'J^/rj, b«sgar ; tr/ttrstiWr/dM, 
I KB^Bhidow ; — twfim s loo^, and between two short, vowels, 
mlt./mrmi, few; i«n, bar; ^Vi, aocilU; »fiirj», silere: but 
I nea a t i it tdica its place at the end of a won), aflor a short 
I MkI, or before n ctHuonant, it is vocalized ^vid. sub lit. u^. 
I Ifce fens n^t-'hrrjt^ izrit [itr^iftarf^ is an esiwption ; and sti are 
' ' 1 word~ and pioper names in which the Gothio s)H-lliii^ ur- 
B th« Itrzantine pronanciation of the Cireek diphtlinii^ at; 
m hrrtJffO, I'^lta. At the end of words r never ofoiirs ex*fjit 
vlien preceded either bj a diphthong or a consonant, v. g. liir, 
Mir, ralv, mir. 

(Md HU^ Oennan. llie Gothic r in the initial conthiim- 
timu rr, vl, wer^ in the oldest forms of Old Hi^h (icnnnn, cx- 
|lllMlil hf ir, U, bnt in later documents n.'pn>senl ihI liy tlu< 
rimple r and /; in the same manner as the more uiicii>nt Old 
High Oennan iw is later on replaced by the simplu «r, e. g. 
wir for beer, who ; wedar for kredar, whether. 

The Old High German v, which in pronuncinlion eoineidea 
with the English v, is rendered in manuscripts by nb, Nr>, fit, 
bnt aller a consonant, or before the vowel m, simjily by h. 

When it oecurs at the end of a word in the combinations ww 
(ow), i«, it is vocalized into ou {on), in, but it re-aasumcs ita ]w«i- 
tron when an intlexionul syllable is added, hence fan (ton), gonitiv« 


tavtt yfo9te$) ; ciaim, genitive einiwes. In these forms, howei 
a pecaliar tendenej becomes manifest to retain the diphtlic 
even before the restored w, and thus to destroy the short vo' 
altogether, hence fun \foii)^ genitive iautoes {t4>uwes) ; cAniu, ge 
tive ciMt Mires. From the combination aw we get ew (eu) 
Umkiut, and or [on) by Schwaehung, in the same manner as 
and ou from an ; and these again yield the genitive forms euK 
oMfCtr*, instead of the simple etces, owes; and in ouwes again f 
OM may be replaced by d which is a greater &voarite to w, hen 
oVc^. Xow all these different combinations may be used ind 
criminately, just as the different manuscripts prefer the one 
the other. Thus then we find /rawjan,/rewjan,/rawjan,/rau 
jiiHy frcHirjan, frdnrjon, frouwjan^ as different modes of spellii 
one and the same word — the German freuen, delectari. Wh€ 
VIC is found instead of iw^ it stands on the same principle 
Triibuno: as does e for i ; and as iw becomes iuw, so also ew^ 
lengthened into euw, e.g. iwih^ iuwik; ewii, euwiJk, vobis. £ 
ceptional forms : — ptucen {ptien), kaMlwen {kaMlen), for the Goth 
btiMtui, to dwell ; gairduan^ to trust ; where we should expect i 
find pairuH, kefrawan^ in Old High Grerman. (The former for 
occurs once, the latter not at all.) In three verbs the original 
is su]>posed by some grammarians to have been converted into f 
grirumcs for grhrumeSy acrlrumes for scriwumes, and pimnM fi 
2)iwumt''ity from the verbs grian^ g^nnire; scrian, clamare. fcr 
icumt'is has actually maintained its position against serirnmf 
More j)lausil)le is the view of others, according to which the 
has roplaced a more ancient s, as scrirumes for scrUumeSt &' 
See the oonjui>ation of the strong verb. 

In the middle of a word the w which terminates a root 
usually dropped, when between it and the vowel of the rex 
another consonant intervenes, e. g. Goth, aggvus, O. H. Gerr 
engl ; Goth. safhraHy O. H. Germ, sehan ; Goth, gatvdy 0.1 
Germ, ga^^a : in all other cases it retains its position, thoug 
at the end of the word it may have been dropped or vocalize( 
hence faraira, colour; me/eires, farin©; garawer, paratus; grave 
grey (Germ. grau). At the end of a word w cannot susta 
itself, and is therefore vocalized in u or o, as garo, spear; tnei 
flour, meal ; /;«/(/, ciedes : where no consonant, but merely 
vowel, precedes it, this vocalized w may be dropped altogetb* 
as grd for grao, grey (Germ. grau). 

Old Saxon. In this dialect the spirant w was probably ide 
tical with that of Old High German, and is rendered by «», 
rarely by r. Examples : — dualon, pnestigia ; aiiarty swart, blac 
huefbarty to go ; tkuaAan, to wash ; tueho, doubt. This w has hi 


vocalized and has superseded the radical vowel in cuiaan for 
MinuiN, to come i suUc, such (G'oth. svaleiks). The coiDbi nation 8 
»I and vr (written uul and uur), which were extinct in Old High 
Gennao, reUioed their iioBitJun in Old Saxon. 

4i» and iie show, like the same combinations in Old High 
German, a tendency to lengthen themBelves into auv, iuw, e. g. 
iflKon and hauwan (spelt hauuan and iauiiHau), fflawet and fflau- 
v«i, ixar and iawar, Jiwar and Jiuwar, used alternately. Like 
Old High German the Old Saxon dialect drops the w when, at 
the end of a root, it is preceded by another consonant, e. g. sehan, 
lo see (Goth, saihvan) ; ett{/i, narrow (Germ, enge) ; also between 
two vdwoIb, »eola, bouI (Goth, saivala). At the end of a word 
it is always vocalized in « or o, e.g. jziiu, prudent; 8eo,&ea,; eo, 
IkW; but when an inflexional syllable is added it re-appears 
Bgain, and hfiice the genitives glau-et, itieen, ^lees. 

Anglo-Saxon. »• is in Anglo-Saxon as in Gothic the puro 
giirant which in the manuscripts is rendered by uu, m, or hy the 
Runic sign wen (p). Where w is preceded by another consonant 
ud followed by the vowel (, this vowel is dropped and the k 
nmlized in «, e.g. enman from cteimuH, to come; nuiler from 
ttiih-, sister; hulie from ^wiViV, which ; uht from tciht, thing. 
Here again we have something similar to the reappearance of 
Ihe Old High German w, which, though vocalized into w, retains 
its position. So also the Anglo-Saxon w, though vocalized in u, 
may yet appear in its original position, e. g. swusler for mmter, 
6om tm»Ur ; tcahl for nhl, from mhl- ; »wiira for »«rfl, from 
tvira, neck. In a few cases the vocalized w = u is weakened into 
0, hence the preterite com, comon, instead of cum, cilmon, from 
evam, veni, cwdmon, venimus. 

The initial w is regularly dropped when the negative particle 
M enters into a compound with a verb, e- g. nas=iie kus, non 
fiiit; itaron=ne learon, non fuerunt; niUin=iie wilan, nescire; 
iultan=ne willan^ nolle. 

The Gothic combinations av and iu are in a few cases preserved 
in their integrity, as tlaw, riow, lazy; Iriwen, wooden, of a tree; 
but as a rule Anglo-Saxon follows, like Old High German and 
Old Saxon, the law of vocalization, wherever those combina- 
tions occur BB final consonants, which consequently are converted 
into the diphthongs ed, e6. Bat here again, as in Old High 
German, the w, though vocalized, resumes its position before 
the diphthong to whieli it gave birth, and in this respect Anglo- 
Saxon goes I'urther still than Old High German, preserving the 


w even as final conBonant. Examples : — The Qothic/ari, few, we 
should expect to see rendered in A. S. by ed, hence Jed j w how- 
ever retains its place, and hence we get the dedensional fonn 
fedwa ; the same is the case with Aedtoan, to hew ; seedwm, to 
contemplate (Germ, schauen); but even withoat a final vowd 
the forms edto, eSio preserve their position (contrary to the nsagef 
of O. H. Germ.), e.g. cne<fw, knee, O. H. Germ. cAuiu; eh, 
vobis, O. H. Germ, iu ; gledw^ prudent, O. H. Germ, glau; 
dedio, dew, O. H. Germ. ton. Very rarely this final w has been 
dropped. Where a final to is preceded by a consonant, it u 
vocalized into u {o), but it reappears when an inflexional sylkUe 
is added, e.g. 6eaiu, evil, gen. bealwes; melo, meal , flour, gen. 
melwes ; or, w and its vocalization u may occur together, i> 
bealuwes — bealwea ; the u weakened into ^, meleves ^s meluva^ 

Old Frisian. The spirant to must be kept distinct firom the 
labial aspirate v, with which it is occasionally mixed up. ^» 
ho, and similar combinations, are, as a rule, strictly preserve^ 
from any intermixture with the succeeding vowel ; the few ca^ 
in which the Anglo-Saxon vocalization is admitted are nw/^' 
sister, iuma, to come ; iom, came, for svuier, itnma, kvam* f^ 
is often rendered by a simple to, e. g. tcllen for toullen, tonnen f^ 
founnen, wrdon for wurdon ; into and auto instead of w, ato, »^ 
to be explained in the same manner as the identical forms ^ 
Old Hi^h German. Examples:— /wirtfr=/jper, four; tnuwe-^ 
triwe, faith (Germ, treue); ^7/?rflw=A/iirfl», verberatum (Gern^ 
ge-lumen\ Instead of a diphthong the w has produced a lon^ 
vowel in ddwe^ dew, xor\\ frdica, lady (Germ, frau); Hrewa, iM 
strew. At the end of a word the w is sometimes preserved 
sometimes dropped, e.g. daw, dew; bldw, livid; ^a, country 
(Germ, gau); a, law. When it is final, to is not vocalized, ex^ 
cept perhaps in hiiu (ace. of kni, knee) and bahi-mund, malus-* 
tutor. Sometimes w is dropped in the middle of a word, as sela, 
soul; it is vocalized in najU=naioet, naught, nothing, O. S. 


Old Norse, r at the beginning of a word is dropped before 
11, before 1/ its Umlaut, and its Schwachung, as well as before 
d and oe : it is also rejected from the initial combinations sv, hv, 
by; hence ur^nm, yr^i, or^inn, from ver^a, fieri (G«rm. werden) ; 
ox, oexi, pret. of vaxa, to wax, grow ; O^inn, O. H. Germ. 
Wuotan; sulf/um, si/Igiy solginn, from 8velgia, glutire (Germ, 
schwel'ren) ; sor, sderi, from 8verga, jurare (Germ, schworen); 
hnllum, hylli, hollinn, from hvella, tinnire ; }furrum, jym, >pr- 
rinn, from \rerra, decrescere. Sometimes v, in combination with 


AeTvnrd «, makes o, e. g. ^ii=raW, hope ^ef. Germ, wan; ; <>^irM 
^fipm^ interfecimiis, from rega. Also in the combinatioDs ir, 
iPi Uff fdlowed by a vowel which is affected hv L mlaat or 
Sdiwichimgy v is vocalized; e. g. komay kom, for kr^wa, kram ; 
hm fi>r hsana and kcen^ woman ; mfa for trefay to sleep ; iMvgu 
Sir tmiMgu, twenty. At the end of a word, and Wfore the 
tomiziation r of the nominative^ r is dropped, but in the inflex- 
itsal or derivative forms it may re-appear ; e. g. ut-r, lake G^rm. 
ne, Goth, tdiv^), gen. 9avHir; ka-r, high, weak form hdr^i ; 
Stt^, blacky ace. dokkv^n; mibl^ flour, meal, dat. mio/c-i. 
Words with a long vowel in the root have dropped the r alto- 
gether, as kbfj claw, gen. klS-ar; fruy lady (Germ, frau, O. H. 
Genn. frawe); skjj sky; hldr^ blew, &e. At the end of words r 
ii never vocalized. 

8, Z 

Qotliie. These letters represent in Gothic, as in modem 
Enghsh, two distinct stages of the sibilant sound, 9 the hard, z 
tlte soft : the latter, therefore, has nothing in common with the 
Old and Modem German z. Hence they may exchange places, 
the softer z especially taking the place of the hard «, when the 
latter recedes from the end to the middle of a word, e. g. }?m, 
g'ns, fem. pizos; slqaan, prct. Mizlep ; anSy trabs, dat. anza : s^j 
iisofairzna, heel (Germ, ferse), azgOy ashes ; iuzfly hoard, treasure. 
At the beginning of a word z never occurs, but at the end if the 
following word begins with a vowel. This z, or soft *, is in the 
other dialects represented by r. In conjugational and derivative 
fonns 9 very often is the result of the dissimilation of dentals ; 
thug nauH for naut~i ; rarst for varp-l ; mostu for nwl-da ^ ; bios- 
treii^ worshipper, from blotan ; deist, yeast, from heitan. In 
f««^, favour (Germ, gunst), alabrunsiSy holocaustum, the % is 
inserted between n and t for euphonic reasons, a case which 
occurs far more frequently in the other dialects. 

Old High Qerman. The Old High German % corresponds 
b the Gothic, but in many cases it has been encroached upon by 
the letter r (rhotacism), of which we have already treated. The 
combination sk which occurs frequently is, towards the end of 
the Old High German period, worn down to schy chiefly before 
the vowels e and f . Gemination is avoided at the end of words, 
e. g. ro% — tosses. 
Old Saxon. Rhotacism of s into r takes place as in Old High 

^ See the conjugation of the strong verb. 



German. 9 is inserted for enphonic pnrpofles in ami, favour; 
ciiMt^ virtus (Germ, kunst)^ and in tiie preterite of verbs, as 
con-'9'ta, on-B'ta, &c. z seems in Old Saxon to occupy the same 
relation to « as in Gothic, and may often interchimge with «, 
e. g. blidzean, delectare (A. S. bledsjan, to bless); bezt^^best from 
betiat, lazio and lezto=zlaato, letisto, 

Anglo-Saxon. A characteristic feature of this dialect is, that 
the often occurring combination sc (cf. O. H. Genn. ak) when 
preceding the vowels a, a, o, 6y assumes an e immediately after 
itself^ which vowel has the effect of changing the pronunciatioo 
into the sound of the English ahj e. g. 9ceal^ shall ; sceapiany to 
create (Germ, schaffen). pret. sceSp; 8cedn, splendoi, shone; teeS^ 
shoe; sceoCy shook. This combination must be kept altogether 
distinct from the firechung ea, eo, and the diphthongs ed, e6. 
The insertion of the letter e is more common in later documents, 
and even in these it is occasionally omitted. Peculiar to the 
Anglo-Saxon dialect is the metathesis or inversion of 9 and h, 
and * and p, e. g. froscas, frogs, and froxas ; flascM and flaxM, 
flasks; f^cas anifxas, fishes; cosp and cops, compes; cUtpe and 
apse, tremulus. z does not occur in Anglo-Saxon. 

Old Frisian. In this dialect the s sound is treated as in Old 
High German nnd Old Saxon, especially with regard to rhota- 
cism ; therefore the s is preserved in the pres. and pret. sing, of 
strong verbs, while the pret. plur. and the part, adopt r, e. g. 
kiase, kds, heron ^ keren ; wesa, was, w&ron ; urliase, urlds, urleron, 
vrleren. Metathesis of sc and sp does not take place. The 
softening of sk into sch, which is characteristic of the later Old 
High German, occurs in Old Frisian as a dialectic variation 
only, where we find schet for sket^ treasure (Germ, schatz) ; sckeU 
deck, guilty (Germ, schuldig) ; schel for skel, shall ; schilling, 
shilling; and in two cases before a and « — schangt (Germ, schenkt 
ein) and schule, shelter, hut. 

Old Norse. This dialect has more thoroughly than any other 
developed the system of rhotacism ; yet the spirant s is always 
preserved at the beginning, and very often in the middle and at 
the end of words. Geminated s {ss) occurs often in the middle 
and at the end of words : it may result from rs. The Old Norse 
z has nothing in common with the same letter in Old High 
German, but it is merely used to supplant certain other con- 
sonants and consonantal combinations. Thus, (i) for the s of 
the gen. sing., masc, and neut., e. g. Aestz = Aests, ordz = ords; 
also for the s which occurs in the formation of the superlative, 
e. g. sterkaztrr=zst€rkastr,fr6^aztr=^fr6^astr ; and on otiier occa- 
sions, as menzkir^mefisiir, humani : (2) for ds and ts, e.g. lanz^ 


*, helzt^hehht, maxime; peizla=veihla, oonvivium: {^) for 
inEtexional ei, the later st, of the middio voice, e. g. re^S«r= 

ftiMit, rd^zz=rd^iik, hiiTaz=-bernsk : {4) ibr the m of a Infer 

Me, e.g. ve2tr=ver8lr, aloeztr=ttijeralr. 

Qothio. This letter occurs in Gothic only aa &n initial, never 
«t the end of a syllahle, e. g. jah, and ; »nn-jnt, fihi, sons. Con- 
cerning the vocalization of this letter when it is tcrminational, 
or when it occurs hofore coneonants, vide supra, siih lit. L 

Old High German. This dialect renders j hy i. When 
towever it occurs at the beginning of a word it is rendered by 
J Wore e and (', by_;' before another vowel such as a or d, e, g. 
Jtfcri, affimiarc ; gihit, aflirmat ; jak, (ifRrmavi ; jAhumh, afBrra- 
•rimns, j however occnra betbre e and / also in Notker. In the 
middle of a wordy is rarely supplanted by g even before e and *', 
yet ffe read eiijir, eggs ; friger, ingenuus. In tlie middle of 
"ords_/ often is assimilated to the sueeeeding consonant, and 
pnas gemination, e, g. kiirran for hSrgati, mitler for mitjer. It 
" Toi-alized as in Gotbic when it stands between two consonants 
Wit the end of a word, e.g. verjan, snlvare, nerifu; heri, army, 
gen- herjea. Initial j is occasionally dropped, as i'ner for jeni'e 
or^rse/-, ilie ; dmer for jdmer, plauctua (Germ, jammer). 

Old B^on. J and i designate the same sound. At tlie end 
ofvotisj is always supplanted by 1, in the same manner us w 
l^K. "Hjis dialect, like Old High German, renders ^ befoi-c e, 
Wd i by J, whether at the beginning or in the middle of a word, 
^■^■ger farjdr, year; gchan, aiErmare, futcri; gi, ye; n'lgi, new, 
^th. ninjif ; and before other vowels it is often supplanted by 
J»> e.g. ^'ww^flTO^ywnjrtro.diseipIe (Germ. jiinger); ghiiku-=jnilen, 
Je». This gi for j has notliiug to do with the prefix g'l. The 
fWerBe rarely oeenrs, that is, j instead of g before a thin vowel 
(' w %), a case which is more common in Old Frisian. Before 
■" inflexional a it has a tendency to yield its place to the vowel c, 
\ ^ «miean for wentljan, bliiean for bli^jaa, and before a consonant 
n 'B vocalized, e, g. idida from sdjan, to sow. 

Anglo-Saxon. In the more ancient manuseriptsy is rendered 
"7 s or i, so tliat before e and i we find g, before other vowels ge. 
(f^ompare Old Saxon). Examples -.—ge, ye ; git, you two ; gear, 
, S'-'Ai; geoc, yoke; geaiig, young, Rarelyj=_/: id,jd,yes; ioe,joc, 
yoke. The latter consonant is however preferred in the middle of 
* *ord ; eardjan, to dwell, for which we find eaitilgean too. After 
1 the liquid r the consonant g is more commonly used, as nergaH=s 




nerjati, wergan^werjan. I(j at the end of a word is not dropped, 
it is also replaced by g : sig, sit, may be (=«, Germ, sei) ; iiy. 
they {^At) ; frig^fri smA/reS, free. This g which is used forj 
may yield to the spirant w^ as buwan for buian or bugian, to 

Old Frisian. While the other dialects which we have just 
examined often supplant y by ^, Old Frisian on the contrary ms, 
besides the organic jy used this consonant in the place of §. \ 
The sibilant y is organic m jer, year; jung, young; federfBy \ 
patruus; makja, to make; sparja, to spare; erja, to honour 
(Germ. eren). Still, this consonant is rather scarce, because it is 
commonly vocalized where it forms part of the root, as ma, new 
(Goth, niujis); fri, free (Goth, freis, frijis). g for j is rarely 
used, j once vocalized into i is lost altogether from the word; 
hence hiri, army (Germ, heer), has in the dative, not >l»)7i,but 
hiriy contrary to the rule followed by the other dialects. 

Old Norse. At the beginning of words ^ is dropped throug^^ 
out, except in jd, ita, and jSl, feast ; hence Old Norse writes ^^» 
ok, ungfy instead oijdr,jok,jungr. In the middle of a derivati^.? 
word j before i is dropped, hence mV&i for mi^ji, dti for w(^** 
As in Anglo-Saxon, so also in Old Norse, j may produce i>*^® 
gemination gg, Scandinavian grammarians spell the Brechut^S 
ifl, id, and the diphthongs io, iu, hy ja,jd,jo,ju. Grimm, ho^' 
ever, prefers the former mode of spelling. 

Gothic. At the beginning of a word it has a soft, in the 
middle or at the end, a hard sound. It is often produced out of 
g or k where these consonants are followed by t (vide infra, Ben- 
t-als), Gothic, as well as other Teutonic dialects, is fond of 
supplying the h with the additional spirant v, which however 
must be regarded as merely euphonic and without any etymo- 
logical value. The cognate languages, with the exception of 
Latin, render, in accordance with Grimm's law, the Gothic h 
by k, as Goth, hvas, O. H. Germ, huer, Sansk. ka^; Goth, hve^ 
leiks, Gr. Krj\iK<as : while Latin shares the Gothic tendency and 
says quis and quails. The double spirant is avoided at later 
times, in such a manner that the usurper v preserves its place and 
the original A is dropped. Some editors use to for the combi- 
nation Av, 

When the derivative suffix ta follows upon a guttural of the 
root, the guttural ^ or >l is changed into A, e. g. mak^ta, pret. of 
mag^n (posse). 


I (Ad W^ Germaiu This dialect has two distinct sounds 
I vUeh are both represented by the letter h ; in one case it is the 
I qannt which corresponds to the Grothic k, in the other it is the 
I a^nmted guttural^ answering to the Gothic k, and in pronuncia* 
tioi approaching the German ek. At the beginning of a word 
the Old Hi^h Grerman k is always identical with the Gothic 
ipnnt of the same character^ eg. kano^ cock^ Goth, kana; 
idt, laity clandus, Goth. kalU; but in the middle and at the 
end of a word it may be either the spirant or the aspirate. The 
ktter, when occurring in the middle of the word, is rendered by 
lyhky or ck ; at the end of the word almost always by A. In 
Older therefore to determine whether in a given case we have 
to deal with the spirant or the aspirate^ we must collate the Old 
^fa German with the Gothic form^ the latter always render- 
ing the Old High German spirant by A, the Old High German 
aspirate by k. Thus we have in the words mihil, zeikan, hrdhun^ 
tte aspirate^ because they are rendered in Gothic by mikiU, 
UUmi, brSkun; in 9lakan/iiku, ziokan, the spirant, Goth, slakan, 
I fidn, iiuhan; at the end of words, ik, mik, juky the aspirate 
again, because we find them in Gothic rendered by iky mikyjuk, 
vhile Moky zek, fiSky display the spirant just as the Goth, nakvy 

When occurring in the middle of a word the spirant k is often 
dropped, and then causes the preceding vowel to be lengthened^ 
tg,d=akay water; bil=6ikily bipennis. k has been dropped 
before s in misl, fimus, Goth, mafkstus ; zesawery dexter, Goth. 

Under the influence of an inflexional t the guttural ^ or >& is 
cbaDged into k, e. g. makr-tay pret. of magaUy mugariy posse. 

In the middle of words spirants can interchange, e. g. sdjaUy 
tdiany sdwaHy to sow; fokeryfowery few ; crdjiiy grdtcu, cana. 

Old Saxon. The Old Saxon k corresponds <ixactly to the 

Gothic The combinations kl, kr, kn, &c., are preserved in some 

documents, in others the k is dropped. As in Old High German, 

an inorganic k is produced out of g and k under the influence of 

an inflexional ^, e.g. sSk-ta, pret. of sok-jauy to seek; mah-tay 

pret. of mugauy posse. ^ is no favourite consonant in the middle 

of a word, and is, therefore, either dropped or hardened into a 

guttural; hence 8ifan=s8ekany to see; gean=ge7iany to affirm; 

geungan instead of gewikauy to bless (Germ, weihen) ; and tlie 

plur. pret. Idgofiy MgoUy of lakan, to blame, slakan, to slay, k is 

occasionally dropped after vowels, e. g. ^e'ray anima, for ferak ; 

frdy ketus (Germ, froh), for frdh ; or it is hai-dcned into the 

media, ginog for ginoky enough. 



In 9es9y Aji, and/«««, fox, the doable 9 takes the place of the 
spirant combination hs. 

In the middle of words spirants can^ as in Old High Grennanj 
interchange^ e. g. sdhuriy sdwun (even aduu and adgon, videmnt)^ 
kneohon and knemoon, dat. plur. oikneo, knee; adjan and sihauj 
to sow. 

Anglo-Saxon. As in other dialects an inorganic h is pro- 
duced out of g and c {k). Where the media g occurs at the end 
of a word it is replaced by hy as burh (borough), burge, beat (ring)^ 
hedges ; but it retains its position after short vowels, hence iSg\ 
day; vidgy may, podest; Idgy law; ««a^, boy; «7^, way. In the 
pret. of verbs, g yields its place to hy e. g. bealhy pret. of belgan; 
fieahy pret. o{ JleSge; birAst, WMS, of beorgan ; fledkaty fle6h^ of 
Jfeogan, Before the inflexional t of the preterite, the guttural e (i) 
must, as in other dialects, be changed into hy e.g. sScany to seek; 
so/itey sought ; recauy curare, pret. r^Ate. We have interchange of 
spirants in geseo=geseohey I see, pret. geseah, plur. gesawoHy part 
geseicen ai i d gesegen . hh^=.h. 

Old Frisian. The initial h is identical with that of the other 
dialects. The combinations hly hfy and hwy are also spelt Iky rhy 
wh. Initial h is inorganic in hdgay to have, Groth. digan. In the 
middle of a word h is either dropped or hardened into ^, e. g. 
slay to see; liafi, ten; slogotty plur. pret. of sld, to slay; hUgey 
conj. pres. of Alia, fateri, O. H. Germ. JeAan; Adgoaly superl. of 
AdcA, high (Germ. hoch). The hardened spirant A appears as ch 
at the end of a woi-d (unless it is dropped, as mfiay pecus, Germ. 
vieh), e. g. AacA, high ; nocA, yet, adhuc; in the middle of a word 
always before t, e.g. docAtery daughter; acAtay eight; riucAty right; 
and thus every g or h is changed into cA before the inflexional i^ 
as fnacA-tCy pret. of meg-ay may, posse ; socA-Uy pret. of sek-^y to 
seek. The media g, except in the combination ng and egy changed 
into ely always becomes cA when it occurs at the end of a word, 
or before the tenuis t, e. g. bercAy mountain (G^rm. berg), gen. 
berges ; orlocA^ war, gen. orloges ; fliucAty volat, oifiiaga. 

Old Norse. The more ancient forms Aly Auy Aty drop the h 
in later documents. In the middle and at the end of words h 
has been dropped everywhere : ^a, to see, O. H. Germ, aehan ; 
ior, horse (O. S. eAu) ; likamTy body (Germ, leichnam), for likAamr. 
At is changed into tty and by this change the preceding vowel is 
lengthened, e. g. rettr^ right, Goth. raiAU ; drdUiny lord, O. H. 
Germ. tniAtin, The combination kty which in the other dialects 
is converted into Aty either remains intact, or is changed into tty 
e. g. ]wktr and }fStiry part, of }fykjay videri ; aStti and sSktiy pret. 
of soekja, to seek. 


1. layiaU:—h, p, f (ph, V, t>) 

Gothio. The media 4 occurs frequently at the beginning of 
*otds, but in the middle and at the end it is oft«n replaced by 
tbe labial aspirate _/ Before the tenuis t the media 6 must in- 
lariBbly be changed intoy": hent-e ffr^i from grahan, drdijl from 
Awiiaii. Where the h is terminatiooal it can retain its place 
OBly after a liquid, as dumb, dumb ; ^arb, poor, needy ; after any 
otber sound it must yield iof, e. g. gaf, pret. of gihan, to give ; 
p(f, pret. oi' graban, to dig (Germ, grab en ) ; i/4i/, aceus. of 
Wiii, bread, loaf. Occasional deviations from this rule occur, 
Mtlat we find ildi/s for Aldiit, and (val/6 by the side of tvallf, 
ttelve. The prepositions af, uf, afar (after), and vfar (over), 
[wfer tho^/" iu every position ; but where the interrogative par- 
hde u follows, the media regains its place, e. g, «4a, whence, 

The tenuis p never ocears at the beginning of a native Gothic 
"Ofd, but it is frequent enough at the end and in the middle of 
"ords. In the latter case it is before a t subject to the same 
U» as the media and must be changed into f, e. g. tkapjau, 
lf> create (Germ, schaffen) ; M^ft, creavisti ; gaskafU, creature 
(Germ, geschiipf). 

The aspirate / has received its explanation in the foregoing 

Old High German. The Gothic media b should, in Old High 
German, according to Grimm's law, always lie rendered by the 
tennis p. This rule is, indeed, followed in the more ancient 
glossaries, where we read ipa, slap, prinkan, pitah , for the Gothic 
lAi, ne, nonne; stabs, element, rudiment; bringan, to bring; 
^1^, letter (Germ, buchstabe). In other documents we find a 
leas strict adherence to the rule, and though the tenuis is pre- 
•erved at the beginning and at the end, it is often replaced by 
the media in the middle of words; hence, >tap,pvah, but tbu by 
the side of lepen. In other documents again the tenuis beeps 
its position only where it is tenninational, being in every other 
pla(% superseded by the media, and the final step in this deviiv- 
tion from the true Old High German system is made by replacing 
the tenuis by the media throughout ; so that the Gothic b is 
everywhere rendered in Old High German by 5 as well. Tlie 
Umuis occurs only in foreign words and after the sibilant *, which 
renders the position of a succeeding tenuis impregnable. 


TitK OV\ High Gcrroui aspirate may be exprened l>v ak. p/ '._ _ 
and V : ^ is foonil for the lAtia p, as in pkmnt, lat. pondt^^ 
poaadf the liter gfiaUf or simplT /Wsl ; or the Latin tenu ^^ 
mnaina mimlteRd, pm»~L In the nuddle of M-urds and at tk:^ 
end /I is often aaed inatand ot/", as iMjtiaa, K-arpA (Germ. weM^ 
Cen, waif). TV initial aspirate is either rendeml by/ or v, Vx^ 
former indicating a sonl, the latter a soft sound, and cith^^ 
being' need aceordii^ to tbe propenntiee of the difierent dialect^ 
in which the diSerent antbon have written. Ae a rule it ma^^ 
be lud down that an J" which occnrs at the end of a word 
be changed into r when socoeeded by another svlUble, e. g. 
w&left (the Esme in English); biteof (bishop), biKOVtt. 
media i for r in the middle of a word is exceptional. 

pi does not occur in Old High German, the Latin paaln 
therefore becomes m/w. (Compare the pronunciation o{ ptalm 
English.) O. U.Genn.yi=A.S. */i: ve^go, icasp,wstsp. 

Sinoe tUe dialectic variations in the nse of the mut«s are ven 
complicated in Old High German, wc subjoin a table, in which 
their application by dlSerent authors is in£cated^ : — 


iliutal". . . p./ h.y\.f h,pk,f 

Int«im . 6./.r fc././ . b.f\.9 

( Temunalioiul p, ph. / !>■/•/ t, pA, • 

Old Soxoo. CM Saxon labials are rendered by the letters ^ 
b.if, v,f,},h. 

Tlie tenuis p, which is rare at the beginning, occurs frequently; 
in the middle and at the end of words, and is in every rcspecCi 
identical witli tUe Gothic jt». 

The media b keeps its position only at the beginning of word^ji 
while in the middle and at the end of a word it yields to thtt 
aitpirate, except in the combinations mh and hh, as eamb, combj 
lamb, lamb ; weW), web ; kebhjan, to have. ^ 

There are two aspirates, the softer marked by t {=bh, v), tl 
surd by f; the fovraer is used when a vowel or the media 
succeeds, the latter before i, I, n, and commonly before r. E 
amples : — cUotan, to cleave; atiiiul, even, evening (Germ. abeii<^$ 
hotiii, head (Germ, haupt, cajiut); hatila, had, habuit; ^iAA^i 
lived, visit [ craft, s\b; q/'far, a.iteT ; f/no, even.pariter : compsi^ 
further sueiian, somnlum, dat. sing, tuefne, aec. plur. «t(«&iM0ti 
At the end of words we always find/ and in one and the san^ 
word, therefore, we may find t and / alternately, as in elv^iam^ 



cleave, pret. clif/^; wo//, gen, KottkB ; kof, court, yard (Gi?rm. 
««f), gen. hi^ei. 

As to the mode of rendering the soft and surd fispirat«s eome 
Ccnfasion exists in documents. The former is marked in the 
Cottoniao text by t (rarely/), in the Munich Codex by * and b ; 
.le Psalms use always c, other document* v and /I For the ter- 
lination f the Heliand has sometimes ft (in the Munich Codex 
<\, as ^(8 for iif, »iS for vif, See. 
At the beginning of a word the Old Saxon is always identical 
I'^th the Gothic f, which minor documents like to render by r : 
9a»=/tiit, de; Koia=fohs, fox. Noteworthy is the digression of 
~ into kt, that is, firom the labial aspirate into the guttural 
R case mor« frequent in Dutch, e.g. erakl=crap, vis; 
^Ur, post; compare Dutch eraeht and aciler, for tho 
traft and after, ph and J/" only in foreign words. 
isfi^o-Baxon. The media Z, if initial, is always organic ; in 
Uie middle and at the end of words it occurs only in the combi- 
nations mil and bh [the latter originating in i/"). Examples: — 
Umb, dumb, comb ; Ubban, to live; hdbban, to have. 

Tlie tennis^ is always organic, and never encroached upon by 
other consonants. 

The aspirate / also ia always organic, and therefore identical 
irith the Gothic, if it occurs at the beginning of a word, while in 
the middle and at the end its occurrence is far more frequent 
than in Old High German, even more so than in Gothic, for it 
often supplants the Gothic i. Old High German j5. The organic 
y we have in the words wulf, gen. wuffet, Goth, vulfn, O. H, 
Germ, teolf, wolves, O. S. kuI/, wuibej ; heojian, to mourn, Goth. 
iiW^jt, O.S. -Jwfcn. 

The inorganic / in the place of the media h we find in seofon, 
seven (Goth. sHun, O, H. Germ, gipun, O. S. situn) ; yeof, thief, 
gen. \e^fe» (Goth, yiuba, ^iiibk, 0. H. Germ, diop, dwbes, O. S, 
iksof, Ikeatex). From these examples it will become evident that 
' '" le range of the Anglo-Saxon f is still further enlarged by the 
:nce in this dialect of a soft labial aspirate like Old High 
lerman v, Old Saxon ft. It is characteristic of Anglo-Saxon 
ihat whilst on the one hand it shares the Low German inclina- 
tion of its sister dialects to convert the labial media, where it is 
not protected by certain consonants, into the aspirate — first at 
the end, later on in the middle of words as well, it objects, lite 
\e Old Norse, to a modification of the aspirate, and a]wa3's uses 
le surd /) where Old Saxon and Old Frisian smoothe it down 
to V, and by this means produce a greater variety and elegance 



The ^mination pp is rare ; ff occura in the verl) offrjan, to 
otfi-T, and in a few proper names. 

Old Frisian. The media b ie, as in the other dialectB, always 
organic at the beginning of words, and occurs in the middle and 
at the cud only iu the combinations tub aud bb, e. g. dumbe, 
etupid (Germ, dmnm); crumb, crooked (Germ, knuntn); kebba, 
to have. In all other cases it yields to the aspirate. 

Tiie tennis p is, in its relations, identical with the same letter 
in the other Low German dialects. 

The aspirate y^ is so far identical with the Anglo-Saxon aspirate 
as it occurs, organic and inorganic, in the place of tlie media ; 
but it differs from the Anglo-Saxon by admitting a modification 
of the/' sound in the soft aspirate «, the former being prefurred 
where the aspirate is initial or final, the latter where it stands 
in the middle of a word. Examples : — lif, life, gen. lives ; gref,^ 
grave, gen. greves. But a succeeding i sound gives shelter to a 
the^ hence e/'ter, after; An/d, head; je/tha, aut. fl 

The gemination pp is rare ; Jf only in foreign words, as offariop^ 
to ofi'cr. fl 

Old ITorae. The media is iu the same relation as in the Lonw 
German dialects ; hence it is organic at the beginning of words, I 
and is superseded by the aspirate in the middle and at the end 
of words, except in the combinations mb and bb, e. g. kamhr, 
comb; t'lmbr, building (cf. Engl, timber and Germ, zimmer); 
vomb, womb ; gabba, to cheat. 

As to the tenuis p, it is characteristic of the Old Norse dialect 
that it preserves that consonant in the combinaton pt in which 
the Low German dialects invariably reject it and form the com- 
bination ft, e. g. lopt, air (Geim. lufL), Goth, luflus \ opt, oftes^ 
(Germ, oft), Goth, vfta ; krapt, strength, craft (Germ . kraft), A. S. ■ 
craft. In this respect Old Norse occupies one and the same, 

Ciition with the cognate languages, as O. N. skripl, a picture, and 
t. ecriptiim, A. S. scrift (Germ, Bchrift). Even where the root 
ends in/' it is changed into ^ if a ( follows it ; e. g. gef-a, to give ; 
gip-ta, in matrimonium dare ; rif-a, to tear ; rip-ta, to cleave. 
The radical /' keeps its position before a i only in the and pers. 
aing, of the preterite of the verb, e. g. ravf-t, destruxisti, from 
riuf-a. In later documentB, however, pt is occasionally con- 
verted into Jt in the middle, and into tt at the end of wordsj 
e.g. eftir for eptir, after; dlt for opt, oft. I 

The gemination pp has its origin in mp, as kupp, fight (Germ. I 
kampf), O. Fris, komp, hemp, O. H. Germ, kempko. 1 

The aspirate/' is organic at the beginning of the word ; in the4 
middle and at the end it often represents the media b, and, se is f 

^^■^p co^•so^'AyTs. 

Anglo-Saxon, rcfusee the modification into v, unless we except a 
few cases where an initiuly ia replaced by v. 

Tliis dialect in certain words vacillates between the combina- 
tions /n and ^^n, so that ati^n, for instance, forms the dative 
i/aani, and ianin stands for tafn; and, vice versa, safna forO.H. 
Germ. »antatton. The gemination j?" only in foreign words. 


a. 2?enfa/,.— d, t, d (dh) \ (th), B, 3 

Oothio djtf \. In the dental, as in the labial ovder, the media 
and aspirate stand in close relationship, so that the latter in 
certain positions takes the place of the former. Only the com- 
biuatious /*/, '"^j fit, where the liquid slieltera the media, are 
organically" distinct from /|), n\, t\, as haldSy cold; bal\s, bold, 
which can never become hal'fs and hald* ; vind^, wind; soin^t, 
strong; vaurd, word; vair\g, worth. If it occurs in any other 
combination, the media yields its place to the aspirate as soon 
as it becoraes t«rminational, e. g. hiutlan, pret. bav^ (exceptionally 
Sduii) ; the nominatives kaubiy, liuAap, vito^, and their genitives, 
Aaitbid-ia, liuhad-is, vildd-U. The aspirate may transplant the 
media even where the terminational a of the nominative follows 
it, as_/aA^* for^^eJ^, joy; midihs for milada. The tendency 
which manifests itself in the Gothic version of St. Luke's 
GoBpel to restore, or perhaps rather to preserve, the ancient 
media in preference to the aspirate, is peculiar; hence nimid, 
cajnt, not nimi^ ; aa4, not aa^, &c. 

The tcnms is in many cases organic, in others it has usurped 
the place of the media. In the latter capacity we find it chiefly 
after the spirant h in the pret. of anomalous verbs which have 
dropped the derivative vowel, e. g. brahta, brought, for brakda ; 
niahta, might (Germ, mochte}, for maAdaj yaurfla for \iaurfda 
(Germ, durfte); kaupa»la=kattpatta=kaupat-ila {« from the dis- 
similation of the t, vide aub ht. b), from the verb kdupatjan, 
colaphizare; further, the anomalous pret«rite vi»sa=vUta=v'U(a 

»^rU-tla from vif-aa, scire (Germ, wissen '}. 
The aspirate [j is in sound identical with the English li, and 
is sometimes represented by the former, the Runic, sometimes 
ly our modem sign. Where the aspirate belongs to the root it 
remains unaltered though it recede to the middle of the word, 
hence qi]iaji, to say, qa]r, qe]fitm ; yet we must notice frdpjan, 

^roy, sapcre, axiA/rdds, sapiens. 

Old Hijili German d, i, ss, |. According to Grimm's law the 

' See the strong coDJug&tion of tho verb. 


Gotliic media is in Old High German represented by the t€nai^ 
and this is done in strictly Old High German authors such i' 
Kero and Tutian, whilst in Isidor and Otfricd the Gothic medj 
is preserved, so that the Ibrmer uses the media at the begimt 
and in the middle, the tenuis always at the end of a word, ) 
therefore writes doiter, daughter (Goth, daahtar) ; worde, won 
(Goth, vavrda), hut nom. sing. warl. The latter leaves the medi 
at the beginning, but he replaces it not only at the end, bafe 
often in the middle of a word as well, and therefore writes doAicTf, 
like Isidor, hut tlantan, to stand, Goih. atandan ; kant, hxad^ 
Goth. h«ndua. In Old High German we should for the Gotlu<i 
combinations !d, nd, rd, expect //, nf, rt, and for the Goth. A^ 

«]), r|j, O, H, Germ. Itl, nd, rd; but great confusion prevails 
tlie practice of different authors, so that we find hlinilett instew 
of btinUtt, hand instead of Aani (Goth, blindan, kandim), and mvM 

instead of mitnd (Goth. mvnYg, mouth). 

For the Gothic tenuis Old High German haa the aspirate t^ 
occasionally rendered by e, a sound which occurs in two modifica<i 
tions, as a surd or hard, and as a soft, of which Grimm reudem 
the former by ;, the latter by |, whilst in the Old High Germaa- 
documents i is put indiscriminately for both sounds, z alwan 
occurs as the initial aspirate : in the middle and at the end of m 
word it is found only when preceded by a liquid, as vehait, to 
revolve (Germ, walzen]; kran:. garland (Germ, kranz); trvn^ 
wort (Germ, wiirz), and where it eorreeponds to a Gothic H, 
e.g. scaz, treasure, Goth. acatU; sizatt, to sit, Goth, iilta». 
The soil aspirate j is used only in the middle and at the end of 
words, and always corresponds to the Gothic t, watar, Gotll. 
val4, water (Genu, wa^er'}; y»o|, Gotb.^Vw*, foot (Grerm. fQf)^ 
sa^, Goth, gal, sat (Germ. saf). 

The Gothic aspirate is in the stiict Old High German replaced^ 
by the media ; but in many documents this law is much rel&xed. 
Isidor uses for the Gothic J>, in whatever position it may occur, 
dh, which in sound may have resemble<l the Anglo-Saxon ^ (thA; 
English soft ih), e. g. f^», tu; dh&r,i&; Kfrdhan,fteTi\ ckindk, 
infans (Goth, ^v, vair\>an, &c.). 

Otfried and Tatian use (A for Gothic \> only at the beginnings 
and replace it by d in the middle and at the end of words. 

The gemination It results by assimilation from fj, Goth, df, 
Uttaa, Goth, bidjan, to l>eg (Germ, bitten), dd occurs rarel; 
and is identical with ft: laddun {asseies) = la lluii ; but edtio 
the Goth, af^yau. 

1 Commonl; upclt iroMcr. 


The dentals as applied by different authors yield the following 
L paradigm ' : — ■ 



Old Saxon (f, t, iS, ti. At the beginning of a word the media 
is Used just as in Gothic; so also in the middle and at the end 
of words, but with the following esceptione ;— The O. S. Id, nii, 
^ represent the identical Gothic combinations as well as the 
Goth, ly, «|j, and r\t hence Goth. kaliU, bindan and bal^s, anyar, 
"how in O. S. the media, ca!d, bindan, bald, andar. When how- 
*ver the « is dropped the aspirate finds its jilace ajjain, hence 
J^^n for findan, to find ; mu%, Goth. B»«n|ij, O. H. Germ, mnnt, 
^Ooutb (Germ, miind). Old Saxon does not object to the use of 
Wie media at the end of wonls where Gothic replaces it by the 
•spirate, therefore O. S. god^ dous, for Goth.^w}j#; hf4<l, bride 
\Genn. braut), Goth. brH\s ; so also the termination of the 3rd 
■ing. prea. of verbs : iir-id, ner-iil, salb-od. But the Old Snxon 
'termi national media is sometimes allected in another way, so 
that it yields to the tenuis i {perhaps under Old High German 
influence) when it occurs at the end of a word, e.g. got for 
god, but gen. goilig again ; in the same manner dof, death, gen. 
diditj weroll, world, gen. KeroldU ; behteft, pret, of lielialdan, 

The tenuis t, with the exception of the few mentioned cases, 
preserves its organic character and keeps aloof from any inter- 
change with media and aspirate alike. 

The aspirate appears hard in ik, soft in fi ; but these signs are 
not always adhered to in the different manuscripts. The Munich 
Codex has d and 5, rarely th ; the Cottonian th and S indiecri- 
minately ; smaller documents commonly ih, rarely S, 

Anglo-Saxon d, t, 'S, ]>. Besides its organic functions the 
media has frequently to form the substitute of the aspirate, the 
latter keeping its pkce after the liquids n and r, hut yielding it 
to the media after /, so that the original distinction between Id 
and ^5 is no longer preserved. Hence we find cald, ceald, cold, 
Goth, kald-g; and bald, bold, Goth. i«/J>*. Compare Old Saxon. 
In tlie preterite of strong verbs the termiuational 5 ol' the 
root, as soon as it recedes from the end of the word, is replaced 
by the media, e, g, toeor^e, fio ; pret. wear^, icurde, wurdon, part. 
vordt; cw^e, dico, cwdlS, cwade, acredon. 


The tenuis » organie with one exoeptionj which is chaimcter- 
istic of this dialect. Whenerer the tennination 'S in the 3rd 
sing, of strong Teibs follows npon m dentid or spirant of the root, 
d'\'%, or J+'Sy make i, and thus himd^i, he biifdsj becomes biui; 
becomes efft, he chooses. 

The aspirate is, as in most Low German dialects^ modified 
into hard {\) and soft (^^ which nndoobtedfy represent tiie two- 
fold aspirates still extant in modem English, tiie soft in Hint 
and 90othey the hard in ikim and joo/i. As to the nse of the soft 
or hard aspirate the manuscripts are so irregular as to render it 
impossible to form a role from them, and many editors of mana- 
scripts follow this lawless course. Bask, howcTcr, and Grimm 
after his example, make it a rale to nse the hard aspirate y at 
the b^^inning, the soft 8 in the middle and at the end of words. 
Dr. B<^orth places ]; where the corresponding word in English 
has the hard thy and 8 where we find the soft Ik ; hence he always 
pnts \ at the beginning of words not prouominal, as yincan^ \fin, 
and at the end of radical and inflectional terminations, as smiy, 
wriidb. The soft 8 he always uses in the beginning of pr(mouns 
and m words derived from pronouns, as %di^ and ^lUe; and 
also between two vowels, as banian. Anglo-Saxon words are 
thus assimilated to modem English. 

The connection between /8 and Id has already been mentione<l. 
Gemination of the aspirate is the result of assimilation, as in 
oi^e, or ; si^^an, since (O. Engl, sith) ; or of contraction, as in 
cyHi/, home, O. H. Germ, chnndida ; or it is superfluously applied, 
as in scd^^e for scd^e, damage (Germ, schaden, cf. Engl, scathe). 

Old Frisian d, t, th. The Old Frisian dentals occupy very 
much the same position as the Anglo-Saxon. The media, when 
initial, is organic. In the middle of a word the combination nd 
remains intact, as in dindan, tlie combination nth drops the n 
(compare A. S., &c.), as in hUA ; Id is either organic or it takes 
the place of lih, hence Italda, to hold, Goth, haldan, and bild^z=z 
biUhc, O. S. bili^i ; rd and rlA are kept distinct, as gerdel, girdle ; 
word; and irf/ie, earth, /iirlA, hearth. At the end of words the 
Old Frisian, like the Old Saxon media, remains faithful to its 
function in the words breid, bride; god; id/d, head; bed, asked 
(Germ, bat, Goth, ba]?) ; but in the terminations of the verb, d 
and ad yield, as in Gothic, to the influence of the aspirate, and 
become tk and atk, as werp-tA, he throws (Germ, wirft) ; salv-alA, 
he anoints ; Goth, va^rp-iy, salb-dy, but O. S. wirp-id, aalb-Sd. 

The tenuis is almost throughout organic. When termina- 
tional it is sometimes dropped after a ch, as riuch for riuchtjjiuch 
for finch t ; in the 3rd sing. pres. of the verb it replaces excep- 



tionally the Ih, as nimal for nxmath, and in like manner it stands 
for ddt = ,Ulh, death; Hit=ihth, cloth (Germ, kleid). Other 
documents place vice versa th for t, as weth for wet, A. S. %eaf; 
w^et ; vy'iih for wiV. This Inst chang;e, however, seeniH never to 
occur where i follows U))nn a mute or a spirant, and i therefore 
always preserves its position in words such as hrmf, nacht, aft. 

The aspirate occurs under the sole sign of tk, yet it is supposed 
by grammarians to have had a softer sound in the middle and 
at the end, than at the beginning of words. The aspirate and 
media interchange occasionally, as siMa for siilAa, cespcs, and 
»tetk for nM, stead, place. Tlie gemination i/tth in athlha, 
father, judge, ia better replaced by the single aspirate M. 

Old none d, (, ^, Ji. The media, if initial, keeps always dis- 
tinct from both tenuis and aspirate. In the middle and at the 
end of words the combinations iM, mil, nd, and lil, are prescrvod, 
v^bLIe n5 and /5 are everywhere changed into «« and II. In all 
other cases the aspirate has much encroached on the media in 
the middle as well as at the end of words. 

The tenuis t takes the place of the media in the sing. prot. of 
etrong verbs, as gialda, vulere, ffalf ; halila, to hold, halt ; Jalda, 
to io\A,felt; compare fm-ther5»w/fa,4«W; blanda, hleU (vide supra, 
snb lit. n). The gemination ti is organic in tkattr, tribute : it 
arises from B^ in miVi, mcum ; ()iW, tuum; «i7^, suum; AiV, illud; 
n'W, uuum; instead of mint, yliif, »tnt, &c. ; luU)igu = lvint,ugu, 
twenty. We find caused by assimilation also the gemination 
in the neuter of adjectives, the roots of which, having dropped a 
consonant, end in a vowel, e. g. fd-tt, paucum, (roiaja-r ; kd-U, 
altum, from iu-r, instead o^/d-t, kd-t. For other encroachments 
on the media, see below. 

The aspirate ia either hard (jj), or soft (5), the former being 
met with only at the beginning of words. The soft aspirate 
comprises a far wider range than it does in the Saxon dialeete. 
The media which, as we have seen above, can only stand after /, 
m, H, and in the gemination dd, is replaced by the aspirate 'S, 
after all the vowels and the consonants r,f, h, g, while u]xin the 
oonsonants p, I, k, », the tennis t usurps its place ; hcnoe d and S 
can no longer he distinguished after a vowel or the liquid r, as 
proved by the following examples : — orS, word, Goth, vnurd ; 
wr!S, earth, Goth, atV}) ; ver^a, to become (Germ, werden), Goth. 
vafr^an; ffd^r, good, Goth. gods. This mle concerning the 
replacement of the media by the aspirate or the tenuis in certain 
positions is of great importance in the formation of the preterite 
of weak verbs where the termination da is to be added, either 
unaltered or changed either into Sa or ia, according to the rule 


IIS rrrri T7.; grammar. 

TKC iDfSiraraiK. Haiw v^ wt* i]ke preterites vU-^^framria^ 
?#^i-fi.'. ti~f-?tf- iT't^-X*. r^_j-;a. £rc«i the verbs r/A/a, fremrja^ 
F#"*Ti-r. i;. ~-/. *'f^'^- t'r2-^'*c. Tbe toniiiiatioiial 1$ is dropped 
:««H:r« -11,* - :c tie ir^i-^r ^•iz^ir. and we therefore find i^ir/ for 
hL'\r^ fr d /i/-V. :• :ui: 'v^ x'-r ?>**'&, firom r^rBr, worthy; but 
-riif^ tiii *.- s T«•^*Ofi :t x rrwel it is assimilated into tty and 
*c? r:^c:* *: lif* «tz^» lizD* t-e r?«eieding vowel, e. %. goti, neut. 

5- -=i~i-'^ —g,Ck, Q (lew), cli,li,lih 

Gcc^if r. i, :. Tz.* ri^edia f in the middle, as well as at the 
*■-•£ :: 1 ir.rL Ss 5»::sfci=5e5 replaced bv the spirant i, a change 
wl:::i '^ — --t re jfcxc-:ir^ for by any apparent law. Hence 
z.j'f.'t &=.•! ^ i^tS*. !^^V*'*? s'*-'''^- 1^ geminations ffg,gi,gq, 
arv like :i-r G:^?e^ ??. >*• nssal, and are therefore rendered in 
the other Tentcnio diaWis by miy, mi, e. g. Goth, stiffen, A. S. 
#/»»:;-■«. G:ti. .f^,.*cji, O. H. Germ, irimiam, to drink: Gk>th. 
r»%:jz%, O. S. /'**-«, to sink, pgk^ ggq^ = ^^i ^?- As the 
single dcviid, >:• als^.-^ has its gemination, a certain relation to 
the Shiran: «, the Litter appearing in derivative forms often in 
the place of the former, e. g. <hippa», to go, gaiis, gait (Germ. 
ganir ; /*t //#. youn^r, comp.yifi/r'f. 

Whenever the derivative suffix t follovrs upon a radical g or i, 
the ffuttural must l-e ehanjjed into ^, as mah-ta, potui, from 
wwy-i.'/; vJh'trj from rai\iii, to wake: but in the and sing, 
pret. the guttural is preser\-ed before the terminational ^, as 
MiiP'f, potes ; roi'f from ral-^n, soi-t from sai-an, ineusare. 

q is identical with our qu^kw. As in ir, so in the combina- 
tion qz=tir, the fr sound seems to be a euphonic addition which 
has no etymological claim to its position, wherefore ^ is, in the 
cognate languages represented by the simple guttural, e. g. qens, 
wife, Sansk. Junh, Or. yvii^. In later times, however, the 
usurper occasionally expels the legitimate guttural altogether, 
as in Goth, vaurms, worms, instead of qaurms, Sansk. krimU. 
This phenomenon becomes more frequent in O. H. Germ., e. g. 
weinSn, to weep (Germ, weinen), which in Gothic still shows the 
original guttural qdinSn, 

The Greek f is rendered by ks. 

Old High Gterman g, k, ch {hk, h). The media, which in the 
strict Old High German should be replaced by the tenuis, does 
indeed, but rarely, occur instead of the legitimate tenuis ; but it 
is fre<iuently used to fill the place of the spirant / But here 
again, as in the case of the dentals and labials, Old High German 

CONSOxyA N2'S. 1 29 

llltliors differ in the mode of applying the media. Isidor keeps 
3 the Gothic media both at the beginning and at the end of a 
roidj but be applies the tenuis only at the end, hence ffoi ; 
t*, sUie (Germ, steigen, stieg). Before a thin vowel, e or 7, 
! ititroduees an A, which appears to find a place there merely 
S>r the sake of preserving the guttural pronunciation of the .?, an 
^eban, to give, pret. gab, ghdaf, ghost (Germ, geiat). Otfried 
nd Tatian nse the media quite in the Gothic fashion. 
In strict Old High German tlie Gothic tenuis k shnidd be re- 
placed by the aiipirate ck, as is the case in Isidor, while OtrnL-d 
1 Tatian preserve the Gothic tenuis where it is term i national, 
bnt replace it by ch in the middle and at the l>eginuing of words, 
seept in the combinntions Ik, nk, rk, which even Isidor likes 
> retain. The combination sk is in Olf'ried and Tatian already 
■•oftened int^) sg, which seems to be the transition sound to the 
'\ateT ack. Hence _^«j=^*c, fish (Germ, fisch); hhitUiaif^=himilUc, 
heavenly (Germ, hinimlisch), by the side of ei*co», eltcuta. 

The aspirate i, eh [^=kh'), as we have already seen, ivplaces the 
Gothic k. In the middle of li word this vk is sometimes ren- 
dered by Kh, rarely by h, while at the end the latter has the 
preference. This h has of course nothing to do with tJie spirant 
', from which it differed etyraologically as well as in pronun- 

qu, answering to the Gothic q, is in strict Old High German 
authors rendered by ehu; herein also, ibllowitig Grimm's law, 
others write quh, or ahu, or simply ch, as cluedan, quhedan, eke- 
dait, all different modes of spelling one and the same word. 
X in Old High German is commonly rendered by h. 
The geniiiiation kk (cd) used by Isidor and others is rendered 
by ffg in Otfried and Tatian, and their kk is identical with the 
Gothic gemination of the same kind which iu strictly Old High 
German is often replaced by ech. 

The list of gutturals 
mtbors appears thus' :- 

used in the different Old High Gorman 


Initkl . . . 
Interior . , 

9 Ish). fA 
g to*). AA 

Old 8axon ff, c {k) . The media, besides its organic functions, 
IS often lo supply the spirants y and A iu certain positions, 
CComp. snpra, sub litt. j, li.) 

The gemination has not the nasal sound of the Gothic, but 

' Heme. p. ]o6. 



represente the Old High German kk, as in segg, man, vir ; 
horse ; feggjaa, to say. 

The tenuis ie rendered by c or k, both representing the s 
^ttural sound. In the combination k the c has been droppc 
in the words ml, shall, debet; iobtu, debent. qu=kii'. 

The guttURiI aq>irate occurs only eiceptionally, and then it is 
inorganic, as in ahlodock, eighty, by the side oi ahted^g, dehnno 
is llc-hamo. 

Anglo-Saxon g, c ( = i). The media before thin vowels, < and 
i, was very likely pronounced like the spirant _;', whence we find 
the preterites oi gipan, to gape; gifnn, to give; gitan, to con- 
ceive, to be geap, geaf, geai, where Uie e seems to be introduced 
for the sake of preserving for the g, before the preterite a, the 
same soft pronunciation it must have had before the vowel i of 
the present. Even before the full vowels g can form alliteration 
with ge, and with the spirant j itself. The organic media ia in 
later documents often dropped in consequence of contraction, 
e.g. ren, rain, for regeii {Gterm. regen) ; (>«», servant, for ^egen; 
\inett, maid-servant, for yignan git occurs inverted into ng in 
the iorms fringe, /rang, frungon, gefrungen, instead o£ /riffiie, 
frdgn, &c. (Concerning the conversion of the terminational ^ to -i, 
see sub lit. Il) The gemination gg in later, eg in earlier docu- 
ments is preserved even at the end of words, where other gemi- 
nations prefer dissolution, e. g, ecg, edge ; fie?, horse ; »ecg, man ; 
meeg, man; leegan, to lay (Germ, legen). 

The tenuis is commonly rendered by c, rarely by k, whence 
ice, cirm, sound eke, kirm. Before & i it must be changed into 
i. cv=qu. ^ is frequent, and occnrs sometimes for ht, as in 
fear, coma, O.&. faht ; sometimes as the inversion of ca, as 
Ji-xaa for Jiicat ; axe, ashes, for ance, Goth. azgd. 

The guttural aspirate ch occurs only in later documents instead 
of the tenuis c, as chirche, ich, for egrce, ic. The words liehoma 
(corpus), fitfsckoma (corpus), bldekleor (pale-faced, fair), must he 
read ltc-homtt,J!asc-homa, hldc-kleor. 

Old Frisian g, k. The initial g preceding e or e may be ren- 
dered by the spirant _;, asjeva, to give ; jelii, money (Germ, geld) ; 
Je»f., ghost. The prefixes g,je,gi, drop the initial consonant, as 
vnge, eat; ungaiA, eunt, for gtutge, gungafh ; ivth, fundit, from 
giata. When in the middle of a word *; occurs preceded by e 
and followed by a thin vowel or consonant, it is vocalized, and 
with its antecedent vowel forms the diphthong ei, which occasion- 
ally is condensed into i; e. g. rein, rain, from regen ; drein, brain, 
from bregen; neil, nail, from negel ; further condensed into 1»^m 
ntf, &c. Before full vowels, as a and v, the media g is preserved, 1 



ts in the plural forms iletjar, degnm, tcega, Kegena ; ein, own 
(Germ- eigeD), for e(p.n ; keia, key ; heia for hepen, retain the 
Tocalized forms. At the end of a word g can only occur in the 
•ombinations ng and pg ; in all other coses it is either vocalized, 
•s ten, humour, for weg \ or it is replaced by e&. The ^mination 
gp is, in the middle of a word, either replaced by the palatal liz 
I (vid. infra], as in suka for «ippa, sepqa, to say; or it has been 
vocalized, leia for 0. S. leggjan, to lay; but rarely it remaina 
■8 in eg, gen. egge», edge. 

The tenuis is represented both by h and e, the latter, however, 
never occurring before e or i; k preserves its position in the 
middle and at the end of words, except where it yields to ch or 
the palatal. The gemination of the t«nuis occurs rarely, as in 
tmek, taste (Germ, geschroack), gen. smekhi; ekker, acre; siok, 
tiokkeg, stick (Germ, st^ck), qu = he. m = hs in sax, knife, 
Bword ; sexlieh, sixty. 

Change of Gutiurala into Palatals. — Peculiar to Old Frisian is 
the conversion of a guttural into a palatal whenever at the be- 
gicning or in the middle of a word it is followed by i or its 
Triibung e, even when the vowel is dropped. At the beginning 
of a word the media q is not affected : the tenuis k is replaced 
ty a palatal sound, which we find rendered by k and sth, when- 
ever it precedes an i or e which is followed by a single consonant 
or by a combination which coutains a liquid ; e. g sthereke, 
cbnrcli; urn for ii'n, chin i ^ remains in i^ema, findere, to carve; 
lersUn, Christian. Owing tfl a mistaken analogy this change 
is also effected before e where it is Umlaut of a, and e then 
is food of passing into t, e. g. »zefel and slhitel by the side of 
ketel, kettle, Goth, katih; tztUh, Lat. calix; tzirl, tzerl, churl, 
A. S. ceorl; szelner, cellar, Lat. cellarivm. The tenuis remaina 
in fteila, chain, Lat. catena; kempa, champion, &c. 

In the middle of a word g is replaced by dz, and it by is, iz, 
Iti, under the same conditions as mentioned in the preceding 
case. The combination ng is converted into jwr, nk into nz, e. g. 
ledza, O.S. lepgjaa, to lay; Udza, O.S. liggian, to lie; sedza, to 
wy ; spretsa and spreka, to speak ; thenzja and ihanka, to think. 
As to the pronunciation of these palatals, sz, sth, tz, and Isz, 
may have sounded like the English ck in 'church,' dz like g in 
' gentleman.' In West Frisian, where the palatal is far more 
common than in East Frisian, they adopted a simpler mode of 
tendering the palatal sounds by the letter z or s. 

The negation wu as well as pronouns may, as occasionally in 
Anglo-Saxon, be joined to the following word, in which case an 
initial w, h, Ik, is dropped, e.g. neUa = ne leilh, nolle; n-eftlia = 



ne wertia, non fieri; iie»a = ni! vnsa, nou eaaej neli6a = ne AM 
nonhaWre; mdt-^ma liil ; th«t=thu hit ; mujem for mape i 

Old Norse ,17, £. The terniiuatioiial^^in thepref. aiiig. of stron 
vei'bs is ofton dropped, and in this case a preceding diphthoi 
condensed into a single long yowel ; np under the same circui 
stances becomes M, but a terminatioDEd p can in this case nev 
become^. The gemination ^ may be (i)=A S. cp, O. S. j 
as seppr, man ; teoffja, to say ; lepg/a, to lay, better ^ep/a, lef^ 
as in older manuscripts, since the gemination was the lattr re«| 
of the suppression of the j. (2) In the combinations epff and | 
tlie media a is a converted _;' and was, according to Old Noi 
tendencies, doubled at the end and in the middle of words, til 
egij, egg (A. S. dp, O. H. Germ. «'). (3) The combinations m 
yga=Goth. aptjv, ipifv, which in Old Norse may, as in oti 
dialects, be also rendered by diplithongs; e.g. glopgr, Got 
pUggvus, O. H. Germ, klaicer, kUiMwer, A. S, gledv ; ho^^'a, 
hew (O. H. Germ. haHtoau, A. S. htdvan). 

The tenuis k is also rendered by e, chiefly at the end of word 
the gemination is ck in earlier, kk in later documents. The C 
Norse gemination, however, very rarely occurs in cases paral 
to the Anglo-SnsDD gemination ce or the 0. S. kk, as rekja, e 
vere, 0. S. rekkjan ; but it commonly takes tlie place of ng, i 
kl is sometimes assimilated into U. x=h in lax, salmonj » 
ox i vaxa, to wax, grow, «=«■« in ox, ax, 0. 8. acm; aex, bii-^ 
droppe.l in telti, sixth, qu = kv. 



Middle High German. / in some very rare cases supersedes 
r, and is itself superseded by n, e. g. kilche for kircie or chircke, 
church ; knohdouck, garlic, for O. H. Germ, chlobtloueh : by the 
side of ode, oder, or, we find frequently aide. 

The terminational m of the inflexions is now throughout (except 
dat, sing.) weakened into n, and even the m of the root yields 
occasionally to n, e.g. iein for hftm, home; oAein for oheim, 
uncle ; Ian for lam, lame ; am for arm. But whenever this 
inorganic h takes its place again in the middle of the word it , 
must return to la ; lein, kime» ; am, arme». In modern Germ" ~ 
the terminatibnal m, has in this latter case been replaced, 
dropped in nen for nemen, to take ; kim for komen, to ci 
yhin {or /rumen. These, however, are quite isolated forms. 


I, ia tte middle of words, occasionally dropped : tint, 8:_^-, 
Ks nt (Oerm. eeit, cf. O. Engl, sith) ; O. H. 0«rm. chuning, 
becomes kunic {Grenn. konig). 

offers apocope in eeveral adverbs : d^, there (Germ, da) ; 

here (Germ, wo); hie, here (Germ, hier, oba. hie); m, so 

so), for O. H. Germ, dar, iuar. Mar, mr ; but the r is 

■ed in rfar, thither ; icur, whither ; ^(-V, hither (O. H, Germ. 

aara, hiara). Both me and mer, more (Germ, mer), are 

The 6uctuatioii between r and a we shall notice hereafter 

sub liL 8), Peculiar tfl some manuscripts is the inversion 

B prefix er when preceded by a word ending in a vowel, or r, 

; e.g. dorefjei^le=do erbei^te, wirreslagen=wir er»liigeH,unre- 

eka%t=UHerciant. The r is dropped in welt for vierlt, world 

(Gem, welt). 

The gemination of liquids is rather freqaent : U is organic in 

tke words all, all; vallen, to fall; glal, gen. stalle*, stall; vel, 

n. velUi, skin ; gellen, to shout ; tKellea, to swell : inorganic 

arises chiefly out of U, e.g. kelle, hell; atellen, to put; w'tlte, 

ill; kilUf cover. mm is organic in ilimmtn, to climb; aiPtm- 

m, to swim ; brimmen, to roar ; — inorganic for mli {mp), in 

xmme = mamde, womb ; iam = kamb, comb ; zimmer = zimber, 

; building ; ami = ambet, O. H. Germ. orabaM, ambitus ; — 

Ibr nil, tCinime= tlimne, voice ; verdammen from dainnen, to damn, 

condemn. nn is organic in spinnen, to spin ; gewinnen, to win ; 

haimen, to banish; tanne, fir; minne, love; brunne, fountain; 

Mnne.sun; d&nne,\hAa; — inorganic from nt: Aenne,hQTi ; kSnne, 

kin; bruHne, armonr, breast-plate; — from iiin: nennen, Goth. 

Mwiyjfi. rr organic: we'rren, to impede; ierren, to grunt; 

tperren, to close ; zerren, to tear, to tease ; — inorganic from rs : 

irre, erroneous; diirre, f\ry ^ — from r« : werre for fsme, far (Germ. 

fern); but a/erre is only dialectically used for the common aterne, 

•tar (Germ, stern, Golh. staimo, 0. N. stiama, 0. H. Germ. 

ftemo ; but O. S. stSrro, A. S. steorra). 

Old and Uiddle Englisli. I in words of Anglo-Saxon origin 
i« eommonly preserved ; in such of French derivation it is often 
nfUned into u, e. g. O. Engl, J'aua, false ; aManl, assault ; cau- 
Avn, caldron ; j^o/aw/, scaffold'. It is dropped in ecAe, each, 
A.S. ale; vkicht ior wilke, A. S. hn'§lic, which ; O. Engl, atcilke, 
H. Engl. amcAe, A. S. aw^Uc, such. 
K and tt occupy the same position as in Anglo-Saxon. Where 
this dialect they are dropped, they remain so through Old 
English, Middle English, and New English, vi is dropped 

133 ■ 


rfready in A. S.^ for GotH. fimf, five (Germ, fiinf) ; 9^, O. tt 
Germ. ^avtfU^ soft (Germ, sanft). n is regularly omitted befixi 
y*, «j % : A. S. g6%^ goose ; tffS^ tooth ; ^, us^ for O. H. GenB» 
huniy Goth. iufC^^ unsis ; Germ, gafu, zain, un9, where the • ii 
preserved : so adso Jtonnte for Engl, eemld, M. Engl, caude, A & 
eilde, pret. of cunnan. Bat Old English freqaently drops n vihm 
Anglo-Saxon had retained it, i. e. in inflexions and the tormini- 
tions of adverbsj e.g. A. S. a/tan, /Sran, iinan, iwanan, niStmf 
4tan, ^fanan ; O. Engl, and M. Engl, rfety c^ter, before, tos^ 
henneSf Aens, hence ; icanne, icAennes, wAens, wnence, &c. 

r occupies the same position as in Anglo-Saxon. The mdA* 
thesis of r, which in Anglo-Saxon already had began, oontimiM 
in Old English, as brid, bridde, bird ; A. S. brid and bird; wroiU, 
wrought, worked, A. S. woirle, wrohte; frast, A.S. firoH and 
/brst; bemen, to bum, A. S. beoman, brinnan (Grerm. Dremi^)i 
rennen and emen, to leak, to ran, A. S. rinnen, iman (Germ, ib^* 
nen) ; terse, cress, A. S. eresee and eeree, 


Middle High German, w must be kept altogether distil^^ 
from the soft aspirate r, so that icinden, wand, wunden, are diffi^^.* 
ent words from vinden, vand, tmnden. In the middle of words t!> ^ 
spirant occurs chiefly between two vowels, e.g./rouwe, wom^^ 
(Germ, frau); riutce, repentance (G^rm. reue); eenewe, sincf 
(Germ, sehne), where the preceding vowel may be dropped, ^^ 
melwe for melewe, meal (Germ, mehl) ; vance for varetoe, qo\ox0 ^ 
(Germ, farbe); so also in grdwen, to become grey (Germ, ergrauen]^ ^ 
cldwen, ungulis (Germ, klauen) ; pfdwe, peacock (G«rm. pfau) f 
klewesy gen. of kUy clover (Germ. klee). While thus the spiran# 
w remains in its ancient position after long vowels, it appears 
that it affects short vowels which precede it, and, in accord- 
ance with the general tendency of the development of the 
language to destroy ancient correptions, changes ew, w, «v, into 
euWy iuw, ouWf — iuw especially being a most favourite combina- 
tion in the Middle High German dialect, so that it stands not 
only for iw, but even for the organic i«, as fiuwer, tiuwer, for 
fure, fire (Germ, feuer); tiurey dear (Germ, teuer). By this 
concision of iw and iuw the strong conjugations are materially 
affected and two classes thrown into one, so that scArien, pret. 
scirei, has in the plur. and part, schriuwen, gescAriuwen, instead 
of scAriwen, gesckritoen ; and bliuwen, pret. blou^ has in the plur. 
and part, dliiiwen, gebliuwen, instead of bluwen, gebluwen. In 
all these cases the iv is not introduced for the sake of euphony, 



nt lias l»een organically developed from the vowi-1 it, an origiD 
Hrhicfa plainly ehows its nature as a true spirant and its distinot- 
IvMa from tlie aspirate v ; and thia fact is furtlicr illustrated by 
I ibe interchanfje of le and h which existed in Old High German 
I already, asO. ^. Germ. »dAeH for »dwen,io&ow,f6A^{orfov!e, few; 
I and M. H. Germ, tckiuKen for tchiuhen, vereri (Germ, scheuen), 
K M the end of words the spirant was preserved in Gothic after 
B long vowels or consonants, as div, valv ; after a short vowel it 
I was vocalized in », as mau, kmu, instead of unav, kiiiv : in Old 
I High German the spirant at the end of words was always either 
H vocsJized in k or o, or suSered apocope ; in Middle High German 

■ it always suiTers apocope without being vocalized, where it 
H stands m unaccentuated terminations, as mel, gar, O. H, Germ. 

■ mi(o, meal, garo, ready ; also in the accentuated root, when it 

■ follows alter a, e, i, ao, ie, as qrd, grey; br^, brow; spi, spue; 
■I no, quiesce ; Aie, snccidit ; as also in the terminational ou, in, ew, 

■ w have apocope of the w, e. g. biou, tow, »tu, gelriu, for blouio, 
M "gellavit (conf, Engl, blow, ictus) ; fcuw, dew ; niuie, new, &c. 
^P^An in. the middle of words w is always dropped where syncope 
^K 'f^ terminational e takes place, whence br4n instead of brdxen, 
V •tplnr. of bra, brow; froude instead oi /roHwde, ioua instead 

I _J at the beginning of words is not very frequent. Examples are 
I -^^lyes; Jar, year; _;'B^e«, to chase; y'i^we;", grief (Germ, jammer) ; 
I Mien, to say, speak, admit; juhc, young; jener, iJle. In the 
I liiddle of words y has commonly been dropped, except in a few 
I ^orda where it kept its position after / and / by transforming 
I 'Wlf into g, &s ferge, ferry, nautus, for/'er/e; lilgen, delere, 
I A. S. dilgjan; but immediately after a long vowel the spirant 
I lus more frequently been preserved, as bluejen, to bloom (Germ. 
I bluben); Sntejen, Germ, briihen ; glvejen, to glow (Germ, glii- 
hen); fruege, early, pnecox (Germ, friihe). In all these words 
the KC is the Umlaut of uo, caused by the spirant y, the remainder 
of the verbal suffix ja -. where, therefore, the _;' is dropped the 
cause of the Umlaut is removed, and the original vowel uo re- 
sumes its place, as in the contracted infinitives bbion, bruon, 
pliu/n. The same rule holds good for the combination Of in 
krajen, to crow; trejett, te sow; majeii, to mow, which are con- 
tracted inte bidn or bitten, krdn or kretn, &c. After ve as well as 
a the spirant _;' is occasionally replaced in manuscripts by g. The 
contractions we have just mentioned have led te some contiision, 
because words with the combination <ek are also contracted into 
*f, as han, drten, for bahen, dr/eien, }ust as achuon for sciuohcn, 
calceis, and raon for ruoKen, quieacere; and when the conlrac- 



tion again was dissolved^ it easily happened that dr€m becaBivIl^ 
drajen, and kran became kraken, l^i^ 

9. The simple spirant is preserved in many words. Exanqte: 
— ^^^ glass; ffras, grass; io^^^hare; fi^M^^nose; e9el,aB8; ftn 
giant ; sm, thus ; kase, cheese ; whey wise (Germ, weis) ; tfttt^ 
meat (Germ, speise) ; Ivs, loose ; rSse, rose ; mis, mouse (GenBi . 
maus) ; I us, loase (Germ, lause) ; tttsent, thousand (Germ, tio- 
send). ros, horse ; kus, kiss ; pewis, certain, take in the middia . 
of the word the gemination. The s which in Old High Genntt 
had been changed into r is not replaced again^ therefore far, 
berry ; mer, more ; ror, reed, Gt)th. basi, mdU, rdus. On the 
whole, the spirant s shows far more stability than either wax it 
if we except the case of rhotacism we have just mentioned. 

h^ as an initial, is inorganic in heischetiy to urge^ where the 
older manuscripts have still the correct form eiscken : in a simibr 
manner heUkchse by the side of eideckse, lizard. At the end « 
words k is always converted into ck. In the middle of words * 
is retained between two vowels, as slaken, to slay (G«rm. scU*" 
gen) ; Ira ken, a tear (Germ, thrane) ; zaker, a tear (Germ. zahre)» 
seken, to see (Germ, sehen) ; vike, cattle (G^rm. vieh) ; zek^ 
ten (Germ, zehn) ; ddie, clay (Germ, thon) ; vaken, to cat^ 
(Germ, fangen); imken, near (Germ. nahe). It is interpola^^ 
between two vowels, an occurrence which in Gothic and C?^ 
High German already is observed, and then tends to prese<^^. 
the shortness of the precedins; vowel. In modern German tJ^ 
object would be obtained by doubling the consonant, while k ^ 
used just in the opposite case, to lengthen the preceding vow^^' 
Middle High German consequently writes Ddnikel, Gdhrikel, ^^ ^ 
order to avoid the forms Daniel, Gabriel, k is dropped altc^^ 
gether with its succeeding vowel where syncope takes place, fljj^ 
sfdl, van, hdn, for stakel^ steel (Germ, stahl); vaken, to catc^^ 
(Germ, fangen) ; kahen^ to hang (Germ, hangen). 

The most important combinations which this spirant form^^ 
are ks and ht. Examples of the combination ks\ — v>aks, wai^^ 
(Germ, wachs); wahsen, to wax (Germ, wachsen); aksel^ axler 
(Germ, achsel) ; sehs, six (Germ, sechs) ; fuke, fox (Gterm. fiichs); 
okse, ox (Germ, oehse) ; fahs^ flax (Germ, flachs)— examples all 
of which are found in Old High German already, and which in 
Anglo-Saxon and English render the kshy ks {x), and in Modern 
German by chs pronounced like ks, kt occurs in the words akt, 
eight (Germ, acht) ; maht, might (Germ, macht) ; nakt, night 
(Germ, nacht) ; man-slaht, man-slaughter (cf. Germ, schlacht) ; 
rekt, right (Germ, recht) ; fekten^ to fight (G^rm. fechten) ; 
fokter, daughter (Germ, tochter); Uekt, light (Germ. licht). 


.Witii this M. H. Gterm. kt corresponds A. S. kt in the identical 
vwds, miia, mSii, mUi, ke., the former represented by the Modem 
Gsnn. aU, the latter by the Engl. ffiL kt has arisen from the 
H in dUien (Lat. dicta^, Gterm. dichten), and in rare 
is used for the German ct and pt, as in the anomalous 
jniaiteB, mokUj might (Grerm. mochte), suohte, sought (Germ, 
ndtte}^ &c.^ which in O. H. Germ, already had ht. ht is some- 
tinei ued for the organic cki, as in laht, maAfe, schahie. 

Old and iff^HHi^* Tgn gii«ii- The spirant w is in Old English 
•nm^fciTOAtt r^laoed by the aspirate v^ as teas and vas, ioetide and 
weiUe. The Teutonic w is rendered in French by gu, and many 
TeatoQic words haye come back into English in their French 
garb. Hence it happens that of some words we haye in English 
the Gernian and the French form side by side^ as mle and guile, 
wtad and guard, &c. (Compare the same letter under the head- 
inga. New Teutonic^ English.) to is presented in the middle of 
wwds afler long yowelsj e. g. blawe, knatoe, sowe, gretce, but it is 
dropped in O. Engl. feor,f<mr, A. S. feower; saule, soul, A. S. 
siwei; wkeol, wheels A. S. iweowol; and in compounds, as 
O. Engl^ oil, aught, A. S. Mt, duht, d-wikty quaedam res ; noht, 
naughty A. S. nrd^hi. n is the negation ne. The terminal 
tiomil w is dropped in O. Engl, tre and kne, where Anglo- 
Saxon already writes more frequently treS and cneS than treSw 
wiAcneSw; it is yocalized when following e, as M. Engl, bleic, 
grew, sew, ikrew. The Anglo-Saxon combination wl drops the w, 
bat wr retains it, as O. Engl. wrd}fe, wrath ; wreken^ to wreak. 
The Anglo-Saxon cw is represented in Old English by qu : quel'- 
lem, from which N.Engl, to quell and to kill; O. Engl comen, 
to come, A S. cuman and cwiman. The A. S. Aw is inyerted in 
wi, O.Engl. icAar, wAat, wAite; or w simply is used, as wer, 
wat, wen. Middle English adopts wA exclusiyely. 

j, the Anglo-Saxon spirant, is replaced in Old English by g or 
y, as ge and ye, get and vet Where j occurs in the middle of a 
word. Old English assimilates it to the preceding consonant, and 
the gemination is preseryed in Middle English and New English, 
e. g. Mellan for eeljan, Sut for the lost Anglo-Saxon spirant 
letter a new J comes into the language with the French spirant/, 
which in Old English is rendered by g orj, as gewes and Jews, 
ggwel kdiSl jewel. In Middle English it becomes more frequent, 
the greater the number of French words imported, and here also 
it is sometimes replaced by g^ sometimes eyen by cA, as subjettee, 
suget, socket — all standing for the French sujet; magesf-ee for 
majeste. From this it would almost appear as if g,J, and cA, had 
been yery similar if not identical in pronunciation. 


I in Anglo-Saxon already yields often to rhotacisnij 
rang, eeat, elegi; forledi, amisi; dred», eecidi ; plnr. cttroH,/orlm 
tlruron ; part. c»ren, forCoren, liroren. In Old English the r i 
appears from the preterite, but is prefierved in the participli 
ycom, lorn ; but even iu these. Middle English drops the r and 
replaces the » — chosen, lout (but the Old English form in the 
M. Engl, and N. Eugl.Jariom). g is preserved by a succeeding 
t, as in dors/; durst, dare. A, S. dearr=ileart, Goth. da«r». A. S. 
sc beoomcs in Old English and Middle English sA and tcA, or tt 
and si, e. g. siam and scham, ship and schip (sometimes even ss). 

k before /, n, r, where in Anglo-Saxon it was often omitted, 
is never used in Old English, hence A, S. Ha/', bread; hladan, 
to lade ; Mud, loud ; hring, ring ; hnecca, neck, are in Old English 
lime, lad«n, lud, ring, nede. Aw, as we have already observed, 
becomes in Old English wj}, or simply w ; in Middle English 
always wi. A in the middle and at the end of words was, in 
Anglo-Saxon, already oflen dropped, as sleaAan, stedn, to slay ; 
seokon, seSn, to see; taker, tter, tear; rah, rd ; J'dA, fd ; tdk, td ^ 
feoh,/eo; tceoA, sceo ; 0. Engl, slen, sen, tere, roe, foe, toe,fe, 
eho. Final k is often turned in Old English and Middle English, 
into g, sometimes gh, as A. S. keak, 0. Engl, ktg, hie, M. Engl. 
kig, heig, N. Engl, high ; A. S. neah, O. Engl, nig, nte, M, Engl. 
nig, neig, N. Engl. Mi^^y A.S. yeoh, O.Engl. \egh, M.Engl, thigh 
and tAie, N.Engl. tAigh; A.S. \edh, O.Engl, ^ogh, M.Engl. 
tho, though, N. Engl, though. The A. S. h in the combination 
ht is rendered in Old English and Middle English by ht, gl, or 
ghl, the latter remains in New English (vid. New Teutonic, 
English). The h in French words, when iuitial, was sometimes 
dropped, sometimes retained, probably never proaouncedj 
honour and onour, homage and omage, heir and eyr. 

I. Labials, 

Hiddle High German. The relation of the tenuis and medis 
of Iabiiiin, as of mutes in general, is regulated by rules unknown 
■to Old High German, according to which at the end of words 
only the teimes, in the middle of words only the medisB, are ad- 
missible. If therefore a media happens to occur at the end of a 
word, it must be changed into the tenuis, and if a tenuis finds 
it« place in the middle of a word, it must be changed into the 
media, e. g. geben, gap, give, gave; diep, thief, gen. dtebes. 

The relation of the aspirate is rather complicated, becai 




139 T 

rs very oftun I 

1 Old Hig:h German already, this class of letters very 
! the application of Grimm'E law. The Gothic or Saxon 
is ID Middle High Grerman in accordance with the nde 
fated by the aspirate; but the oi^anic b of Low Ger- 
1, which in High German shonid be rendered hy p {as d by /), 
mly preserves its position in the latter dialect too, and 
) the tennis p only at the end of words. The media, 
;, which in High German properly hae to take the 
the Low German aspirat«, is already engaged else- 
' wbere, and the aspirate left to shift for itself. Thus then we 
bne two distinct aspirates in High German, one which stands 
lor tlie Gothic tenuis, the other which runs parallel to the 
Gothic aspirate. The former occurs as an initial chiefly in wonls 
tiken from the Latin, wliere they show the tenuis p which Old 
High German already Germanized into pi, pph, pf, as pfaffe, 
papa; pfawe, pavo; pfanze, planta ; }fttnt, pondus; pfilaere, 
piUritis. These words consistently retained in Low German the 
utin tenuis, as we see on comparing the Eugliph words plant, 
pound, pillar, &c. It indeed appears that all the words begin- 
ning with a pf are of a foreign origin, though in many cases they 
ue of such ancient date and thorough German t^-pe that one 
feels inclined to seek for a Teutonic descent. But in this we 
most chiefly inquire whether the word exists in several or in 
but one Teutonic dialect, whether it has a root in a Teutonic or 
in a foreign language; if the former is the case, its Teutonic 
origin is more likely, if the latter, we may put it down as a 
foreign word. Thus Grinam derives jo/a/, path, O. S.pddA, from 
the Gr. virot : for if it were German it would use the common 
Mpiratey or v instead of the pi, as does vuoz, L. Genn./dt, foot, for 
ffoWs, Even pjltioc, A. S.pldg', O. N. ^^^r, plough (Germ, pflug), 
is set down as foreign; and the verb pfiegen, solere, which has 
Ibe essentially Teulflnic characteristics of the Ablaut, claims in 
Tain a Teutonic descent, for the existence of its Ablaut, though 
beyond a doubt in Middle High German, is very uncertain in 
Old High German, Old Norse and Old Saxon ; and in Gothic 
the word is wanting altogether. In the middle of words this pf 
(instead ofy) occurs as a favourite combination with the liquid 
«, e.g. kampf, fight; tamjif, vapour (Germ, darapf); slnimpf, 
stocking ; ttnmpf, truncus, stump : pf with n occurs only after the 
preGx en for en/, O. H, Germ, avli, as enpfdhm, to receive (Germ, 
empfangen) ; enpftiden, to feel (Germ, empfinden) ; enjUiehen, to 
etcape (Germ, ent£iehen). This pf is very common after short 
Vowels, as zopf, cirrus ; npfel, apple ; zapfe, tap ; kripfen, to gripe, 
mpere ; ropfer, copper ; tropfe, drop. (But the same words occur 



with tf" as well.) After long vowels, however, whetlier in 1 
middle or at the end of words we find onlyy", never })f or £ 
tUf, gfdfeg, sleep ; grifen, greif, to gripe ; trie/en, trouf, to cu 
_/ always after /, commonly after n and r, never after m. 

The second aspirate, which runs parallel to the aspirate i 
German is sometimes indicated by v, sometimes \iyf, which t 
manuscripts use indiscriminately. Grimm proposes to use p iil| 
all cases ; but editors of manuscripts generally adopt _/" before «, 
and some of them even hefore iu, /, and r, where others prefer v, 
so that we may in one and the same word find r and / as the 
initial, e.g. viitiie>i, sunl, fiinilen, find, found, found. In the 
middle of a word c should always be used, never /'; for in this 
position it really indicates the soft aspirate and exchanges with/^ 
as does b with p, or d with t ; hence wo/f, wolve», wolf; zKtvet, 
doubt; /revel, crime; Aof, horei, court: hut on the whole ex- 
amples of this kind are rare in purely Teutonic words. For the 
opposite reason for which we require v in the middle, we puty 
always at the end of words. Foreign words always retain their ■ 
f; hut the c of foreign woi-ds always becomes f at the end, m fl 
brief [Lat, breve), whilst at the beginning it may be rendered I 
by/orr. " 

The organic gemination oi p is very frequent; ff, where it 
occurs, ia inorganic, and stands for the terminational pf, which 
is commonly changed into ff in the middle of the word, bb is 
found in foreign words only, i 

Old and Uiddle English. The tenuis holds the same position I 
as in Anglo-Saxon. It is interpolated in the words, O. EngL 1 
sempiler, seamstcr, A. S. seaiaestre; golevipne, solemn. (Compare] 
New Teutonic, English.) The media also, when occurring at the 1 
beginning or in the middle of a word, remains intact; but as ■ I 
final letter it is often dropped, as lam, dum, warn, clime, by the * 
side oi' lamb, dumb, wamb (womb), climb. It is interpolated after 
M in M. Engl, ilomber, Xa slumber, A.S. tlumerian; O. Engl. 
and M. Engl, limb, A. S. lliit. The aspirate ^ is often replaced 
in Old English hy its softer relative v, where it is initial, as 
voffel, bird, for /aifel, vnl ioxful, vitc for jisc, fish — in which case 
New English always replaces the hard aspirate; and frequently 
in the middle of a word — in which latter ease the soft aspirate 
remains in New English too (see New Teutonic, English). / is 
dropped in M. Engl, hefed, ked, head. A, S. keafod, 0. Engl, and 
M. Engl, wi/man, wimman, womiauii, A. S. tcif-nuin. pi and/are 
in Old English and Middle English often used indiscriminately, 
as Fnri»ee and Pkarisee, FiUppe and Philippe, and Middle English . 
replaces ph hy ./", as in fant-om, fantaiiie. Tbus we observe in I 

COA'SONA.Vrs. 141 

i English and Middle En^lieh a great inconsistency in the 
^ication of the letters »■ and/, /and pi, until, inNewEngliali, 
* national idiom decides in favour of one or another in each 

pwticular word. 
The Romance v ie always adopted with the foreigh word, e. g. 

Tfra^, true, very {French vrai), verfew, vesnell, &c. 

3. Beiifiih. 

Middle High German. The general relatione between mfdia 
and tennLs we have touched upon already; as a inile the tenuis 
always supplants the media at the end of a word, and vice 
versa, the tenuis, when receding Irora the end to the middle of 
a word, must l>e changed into the midia. This rule however 
must 80 far he modified, as the roots of strong verbs ending in 
id, ieil = Goth. «|?, iu\i, change (/ into i not only at the end 

»bnt in the middle of the word too, if they have a short vowel 
in the Ablaut. Examples : — mvfen, aneit. mite, getttUen, to cut 
(Germ, schneiden, schnitt, geschnitten) ; xieden-, s6i, tuten, genokn, 
to seethe, boil (Germ, sieden, sott, gesotten). This process in 
Middle High German is something parallel to the change of {S 
into d in Anglo-Saxon, e, g. tnt^an, tnidon ; xeo^an, suilon. 

When two words, the former ending in *, the latter beginning 
with d, coalesce into one, the d is changed into the tenuis t, e, g, 
iutu, muotitit, llttu, de»tti=ilea din ( = Lat. qiw and eo with the 
Comp.), lia du (imp. lege). 

As the tenuis supplants the media at the end, in a like manner 
the media may supersede the tenuis when in the middle of a 
word it ocouFB after i, m, or n. This is chiefly the case with the 
termination te of the weak verb, as hante and kaade, cognovit ; 
rumte and riimde, excessit; wolte and wolde, voluit. The com- 
binations de and it are sometimes dropped by syncope, as »cha(^ 
teAadei, gesmit = geamidet, erinorl ^ermordet, gekleit = gekleidet, 
trit^tritet, b'U=bitel. This syncope, as we see from the ex- 
amples, takes place in the 3rd pers. sing, of the present tense, 
ind especially in the pret. part, of weak verbs. It is strange 
that it does not affect the radical vowel at all, while similar 
syncope with gutturals lengthens the preceding vowel. 

occurs in two modifications s and j (see supra. Old High Ger- 
-1, and the rule for their application is pretty much tlie sanie 
88 in Old High German. At the beginning of a word we find 
•Iways 1, as also in the middle and at the end of words after f ho 
liquids I, n, r, and after short vowels; j, on the other hand, is 
rarely used after consonants, but very frequently after vowels. 




With consonants it chiefly occurs where syncope has ■ 
place, e.^. /idn^=kan e^,iirt=iir e^. When it is used after h 
vowels we put it hoth at the end and in the middle of a woi 
occurring after a short vowel it is single j at the end, and j^ 

the middle of the word, e. g. uj d^en, 6ei^ bi^^en. j is dropp 

in the verb Idn, Idt, lie, for Id^en, lae^nt, het, and before the 
superlative termination sle, where |, together with it« sncceeding 
vowel suffers syncope, as groegie, Seale, teste, for (troe^i^te, bf^^iiU, 
le^kfe, greatest, bestj last; sometimes with 'rui'k-Unilaut,'>i 
grotte, ba»ie, M 

Tlie gemination U occurs after the vowels a and especially ta 
dd never, zz is commonly rendered by Iz (sometimes c or nu 
e. g. katM, cat ; tatze, foot, cl&w ; aetzen, to place, to set ; »v£z«ih| 
to wet; witoe, wit; switsxn, to sweat; kitze, heat. {Compare Uul 
t in the identical Engliab words and the Iz in Germ, katze, tatat^ 
^'^•) SS' S^ll^' street (Germ. ga§e'); va^^er, water (Germ, 
wager); Aa^^m, to hat« (Germ, ha^n) ; ne^^d, nettle (Germ. 
ne§el); me^^er, knife (Germ, mcger); fjjen, to eat (Germ, e^en); 
lerMen, to wit, know (Germ, wigen}. (Concerning the relation of 
this J to the Modern German § and the English (, see New Teu- 
tonic, German.) 

The combinations into which dentals enter with other oon- 
Bonants remain on the whole the same as in Old High German, 
so that even tw and dw are still kept distinct, as in twerc, dwarf 
(Germ, zwerg), and ilwercA, athwart (Germ, zwerch); the hitt«r, 
however assuming in late Middle High German documents the 
inorganic form tw, which, like the organic Itn, is in New Hi^K. 
German converted into aw (see New Teutonic, Qerman), wliilu 
the Middle High German iw represents the same combination 
in Old High German. 

Old English and Middle English. The Anglo-Saxon tenuis 
/, in its initial position, is prei^erved through Old English, Middle 
English, and New English, and even in the middle and at the 
end of words. Old English persistently keeps up the Anglo- 
Saxon tenuis which in Middle English occasionally, and more 
frequently in New English, had to yield to the encroachment of 
other consonants. (See New Teutonic, English.) 

The fluctuation between the media d and the soft aspirate B 
which had commenced in Anglo-Saxon already, continues in Old 
English and Middle English, as hitler, wider, weder, or wilier, 
&c., until New English finally decided in favour of the aspirate 
kiiher, wMt/ier, weather. The media is dropped in O. Engl. 

' t'uniDiDlily apell gatsr, Ilv. 


ptfM^ fbr Am S. ^od-^pell; O. Engl, antweren, A. S. aud-^itpdriam, 
mU-wariem. d is interpolmted in yumder, thunder, A.S. 

Tbougii the distanctioii of a soft and a hard aspirate, which 
Ai^^o-Saxon indicated by the signs i and p very probably 
eontiniied in Old English (as in &ct it exists in the English of 
the present daj), the distincticMi was no longer kept np in writ- 
isg^ and Old English docnments commonly rendered both aspi- 
atw by y. Middle English by tik. 

^ for tf in O. Engl, magde^ maid ; redit, ready (A. S. magf^ 
tnd mmgdtm^ iraS and Arad) ; M. Engl, cude^ could ; O. Engl, 
fsoif, qnoth ; A. S. ewai. 

I9 which is no Anglo-Saxon letter, becomes in Old English 
miher nnmeroos^ being imported with French words, and later 
on assuming an anasnal position by supplanting the organic 
ff e. g. dazUr for dogier^ daughter, zeres for geres^ zimmes for 
fimmes, gems. From this inorganic position, however, z soon 
dinqppean again, and is restricted to its place in foreign, i. e. 
ncm-Teatonic words. 

3. Guiturah. 

iffiii^irt High Qerman. The tenuis is commonly rendered by 

hy in some manuscripts hj c, Grimm puts c at the end, k at 

the beginning and the middle of words. The gemination kk is 

expressed by ck. Some manuscripts use ch in words where the 

eonectness of the tenuis k cannot be doubted, and such erroneous 

spelling must be considered a fanciful innovation of the copyists. 

This is especially the case at the banning of words, where 

High German, mstead of following Grimm's law by placing 

the aspirate eh for the Low German tenuis, prefers to adopt the 

latter and keep it up in spite of rules and laws, while the dentals 

and labials are more consistent in this case and introduce the 

regular aspirate, z for t, and pf for p. But on the other hand 

the High German k also takes the place of the Gothic ^, and 

follows in this the dictates of Grimm's law. Thus then in 

Oerman words k commonly corresponds (i) to the Gothic k, 

chiefly at the beginning of words, which however may be turned 

into the aspirate in the middle and at the end of words, and (2) 

to the Gothic media g chiefly at the end of words, where Middle 

High German never tolerates any media whatever, but always 

converts it into the tenuis. The interchange of the guttural 

tennis and^ media is regulated by the same rules laid down for 

dentals and labials. 



p is a FreqiicDtly occarnng consonant at tbe beginning 
in tbe middle of words ; at the end it in, as we have just statec 
always replaced by the tenuis, ff suffers syncope in mwue ft 
worgeiie, to-morrow; pjlil, tit for pjliget ; lipt, sucscit, jacet, 1 
is vocalized in i in t)ie combiiiatioD eg, e being the Umlaut of 
more ancient a in a;}i (the Umlaut produced by the inflexional A, 
and somt'times both the forms eg nnd ei are used side by sii^ 
e.g. leUe=legle, laid, posuit; (reil = tregl, fert; eUe = eg«at 
fear; meide = megeile, maid; gein = pegen, versus (cf. a-gain 
a-gain-st^ ; gelreiile=getregeiie, corn. Later authors introdace tin 
vocatizatiou ei even for age, as meit=magft, kleil=klaget,-^\an' 
git; seit^saget, dicit; ge-»eil = ge-saget, dictus : the Umlaut 
in these words ie, of course, inorganic, because for klagt, magl,^ 
forms like kl^gf, meiji esist. A case opposite to this vocalizattoa 
of <7 in i is the development of 17 fromy (see sub lit. j). 

The media g sometimes supplants the h in the conjugatioa Ol 
the strong verb, so that (i) the verb iie/ien, for instance, in tbi 
pret. and pret. part, adopts everywhere g for i when tbe latter 
recedes from the end to the middle of the word, as zUffe, traxisti ; 
zugen, traserunt ; qezogen, tractiiB ; at the end however it must not 
be changed into the tenuis zoc, zuoe ; though we 6nd tbe aspirate 
in z4cA, which stands for the original A in eiW. (3) Some verbs 
change the final cA [which stands for i) into c (which stands for g), 
e. g. tlaheH, to slay, pret. »luoc, slttege, tluogen, geslapen, instead 
of dvoh, tluehe, &c. To tbe same category belongs the word 
genuoc, genuoge, enough, for Goth, ganohf, ganShdi, and the ia-* 
organic forms of the verb sehen, to see. Such changes of 
into c and g in the conjugation of the strong verb occur somi 
times in Old High German already, and become still mi 
frequent in New German, where they even affect the forms 
the present tense, 

th has two distinct sources from which it derives its origin 
(i) it stands for the spirant k: nock, ad hue; doch, tomen 
atque; in the preterites iacli, saw; geachack, happened; 
drew ; j?tfc^, flew ; wat-A, after ; ^oc-4, high; w/Hot/i, shoe ; (2) 
tbe Gothic tenuis when preceded by a vowel in the middle or a1 
the end of a word. This ch is essentially distinct from the pre- 
ceding one, inasmuch as it retains its position on receding from 
the end into the middle of the word, where the first tk is re- 
placed ngaia by k. Examples; — ach (interj.), bach, brook 
dach, roof; «H)ucJ, weak ; viaeken, to wake; iireckea, to break; 
rechen, to wreak ; ick, miek, dick, sick, pronouns ; woeke, wedtj 
Ueick, bleak, pale; e/cA, oak ; kVc^, sick; iwocA, book; t '~~ 
to seek. (3) When it occurs in combination with *, the 

coysoyAyTs. 145 

dways becomes cA, as scAin, splendour; scAri/i, writ; lescAin, 
quencli. These three different kinds of cA are preserved in 
Bw High German, whilst all others with few exceptions are re- 
aoed again by the tenuis k. As we have mentioned before, even 
L Middle High German tlie aspirate cA does not occur at tlie be- 
jinning of a word. In Middle High German cA has occasionally 
ts origin in the conflux of two syllables, as siecAeit=zsiecA-Aeil, 
ackness; juncAerre =jun€-Aerre, a young nobleman, a Junier, 
Where thus c and A flow together New High German puts A 
mstead, as in junker. Where cA occurs before the termination t 
of the verb, it does not, like the N. H. Germ. cAij supplant Ai^ 
bat is owing to contraction, as bricAt = hricAet ; N. H. Germ. 
cA/ is always M. H. Germ. At, The geminations kk (ck) and ^^ 
sre frequent. (Concerning the combinations As and Ai, see sub 


Old and Middle English. The /& sound of Anglo-Saxon words 
^ commonly preserved before dark vowels and the liquids /, w, r. 
whilst Anglo-Saxon uses c only to indicate the guttural tenuis. 
Old English and Middle English apply c and k indiscriminately 
for the same purpose. Before the thin vowels e and i we some- 
times find in late Anglo-Saxon already k changed into cA, and 
this wayward alteration has been kept up to the present moment. 
Thus in O. Engl, and M. Engl, kejje, keue, king, we have the 
Anglo-Saxon guttural tenuis cepan, cene, ci/nivg ; but in O. Engl, 
md M. Engl. cAin, cAild, chicken^ the Anglo-Saxon tenuis chi^ 
'ild, cicen, has been converted into the palatal cA. In teutonic 
rords, late Saxon and early Old English authors sometimes used 

(c) and cA side by side, as ic and icA, I ; die and die A, thee ; 
me and bencA, awaken and awai^Aen ; where cA no doubt had the 

sound. Before the A. S. y, which is Umlaut of n^ one would 
spect to see the guttural tenuis preserved; but even in this case 
I sometimes yielded to cA ; thus we find the k sound, preserved 
I O. Engl, and M. Engl, k'm^ king, A. S. ct/n, ci/ning; changed 
ito cA in O. Engl, and M. Engl. cAircAe, church, for kirke 
5cotch). Where in Anglo-Saxon c precedes ea, eo, edy Old 
inglish decides in favour of cA, whether the thin vowel or the 
ark vowel ultimately gained sole possession; e. g. O. Engl, and 
[. Engl. cAalky cAaff, cAesteVy cAerl, chepmon, merchant (Germ, 
aofman), A. S. cealc, ceaf, ceaster^ ceorl, cedpman, O. Engl, kerf en 
lone preserves the guttural of A. S. ceafor, where New English 
irther introduces the guttural qfi, cAa/er, 

The Anglo-Saxon ^, in its initial position, commonly remains 
itaet in the succeeding periods of Saxon speech ; but in the com- 
bination ge it is in Old English and Middle English commonly 


' s 


vocalized in i or y ^ especially in the past participle of the iinjji^> 

where it represents the augment ge- which is still presenred 

the German and Dutch verb. Examples are abundant in tiMjp.;^ 

Old English and Middle English author^ of which we mentka 

few for the sake of illustration : — useen, seen (Germ. 

ucume^ come (Germ, ge-kommen) ; i-geten, eaten (Qenn. g*^f "^ 

gessen) ; i-Zasf, lasted ; i-wm, certain (Germ, ge-wiss) ; y-w^ 

wont, accustomed (Germ, ge-wohnt); i-^rmed, y^et (GernL 

ge-setzt) ; y^lone (Germ, ge-than) ; u-name, taken (Germ, g©* 


g, in the combination eg and ag^ is vocalized in i, which, witk 
the preceding vowel, forms in Old English the diphthong d 
(N. Engl, ai), whilst in German the g is preserved; e.g. 
O. Engl, and M. Engl.^/i*i> or /air, fair; neil or nail^ nail(6enn» 
nagel) ; firein^ twain; m/t (Germ, regen) ; seil (Germ, segd); 
seiffe^ said (Germ, sag-te) ; icei, way (Germ, weg), — A.S.fif^t 
miff el, fmyeHy regen, sepel, segede, wega, 

g and w maintain in Anglo-Saxon already a kind of relation^ 
ship, by which the spirant w sometimes takes the place of ^ 
guttural media. This occurs in certain verbal forms^ as A.S. 
sapon, sdwon,gesegen,gesewen, gesen (see, saw, seen, &c.) ; 0. Enp* 
and M. Engl, drage, drawe, dragen, drawen (drag and draw); 
O. Engl, siogen, slowen, i-dagen, udawen (slay, slew, slain); 
M. Engl, slog^ sloic, slew. 

The Anglo-Saxon final g is rarely preserved, but commonly 
vocalized in /, and thus, with the preceding vowel, again fonns 
the diphthong ei or cei (N.Engl. ai/\ e.g. O.Engl, dai^ day; 
m(eiy may ; heie, hay, — A. S. ddg^ heg^ "ff^dg^ Germ, tag^ map* 
Tlie g is dropped in O.Engl, bodi, mani^ gredi, greedy; A S. 
bodig, ma nig, gradig. The Anglo-Saxon combination ig is turned 
in Old English into ewe, and vocalized in the New English ow, 
as, A. S. ^ory (Germ, sorge), O.Engl, sorewe, N.Engl, sorrow; 
A. S. gealga (Germ, galgen), ^i,l^\\^\. galwe, 'N.l&ngL gallows; 
A. S. mearg, M. Engl, fnereg, merew, N. Engl marrow. 

The Romance g has the sound of the guttural media before 
dark, that of the soft palatal before thin vowels. 

ck does not exist in Anglo-Saxon, but has been introduced 
into late Anglo-Saxon and Old English from the French, where 
it undoubtedly had, as it still has, the sound of the English 
sibilant sk. 

The gemination of the tenuis is frequent in Old English and 
Middle English, and continues to be marked ck, gg exists in 

* The transition sound is marked by 3 which may have had the sound of the 
English spirant ^^ as in * year/ and thus partook of the nature of a semi-vowel. 

coysoxAxrs. n5 

i alnmjB becomes ei, as scAih, splendour; ^ckri/t^ writ ; frjfchin^ 
to qnendi. These three diflTerent kinds of ch are prc-sor^ed in 
New Hi^h German, whilst all others with few exec-j»tions are re- 
plaoed again by the tenuis k. As we have mentiout^ iH-iure. even 
m Middle High German the aspirate ch diX'S not ixvur at tlie l*e- 
guning of a word. In Middle High German ch has occasionally 
its origin in the conflux of two sj'llables, as ifi^c/tetf^xiech-kitfy 
admess; junekerre ^s^junc^kerrfy a young nobleman^ ti jvnker. 
Where thus c and k flow together Xew High German puts k 
instead^ as in junker. Where ch occurs before the termination f 
of the verb, it does not, like the N. H. Germ, ckf, supplant M, 
hnt is owing to contraction, as fjri^hf = hnchet ; X. H. Germ. 
Al is always M. H. Germ. hL The geminations kk -ck) and ijg 
•re frequent. (Concerning the combinations hi and ht^ see sub 


Old and M^<^^^*» English. The /* sound of Anglo-Saxon words 
is commonly preserved before dark vowels and the liquids I, n, r. 
Whilst Anglc^axon uses c only to indicate the guttural tenuis. 
Old English and Middle English apply e and /' indis:criniinately 
for the same purpose. Before the thin vowels e and / we some- 
times find in late Anglo-Saxon already /* changed into r/t, and 
this wayward alteration has been kept up to the present moment. 
Thus in O. Engl, and M. Engl, k^'pe^ kette, king, wc liave the 
Anglo-Saxon guttural tenuis eepaiiy cf'ne, ct/n'mg ; but in O. Engl, 
and M. Engl, chin, child, chicken, the Anglo-Saxon tenuis cin, 
eild, cicen, has been converted into the i)a1atal ch. In Teutonic 
words, late Saxon and early Old English authors sometimes used 
i (e) and eh side by side, as ic and ich, I ; r/ic and ///c//, thee; 
bene and bench, avaken and awachen ; where ch no doubt had the 
i sound. Before the A. S. y, which is Umlaut of u^ one would 
expect to see the guttural tenuis preserved; but even in this case 
it sometimes yielded to r^ ; thus we find the k sound, preserved 
in 0. Engl, and M. Engl, kin, king, A. S. cijn, ct/ning; changed 
into ch in O. Engl, and M. Engl, chirche. church, for kirke 
(Scotch). Where in Anglo-Saxon c precedes ca, eo, ea. Old 
English decides in favoiu* of ch, whether the thin vowel or the 
dark vowel ultimately gained sole possession ; e. g. O. Engl, and 
M. Engl, chalk, chaff, chesf^r, cherl, chepmon, merchant (Germ, 
kaufman), A. S. ceah, ceaf, ceader^ ceorl, ceapman, O. Engl, kerf en 
alone preserves the guttural of A. S. ceafor, where New English 
further introduces the guttural q/i, chafer. 

The Anglo-Saxon g, in its initial position, commonly remains 
intact in the succeeding periods of Saxon speech ; but in the com- 
bination ge it is in Old English and Middle English commonly 



n has fiiipersodeil m in the words count, Lat. comes ; noii», Lai 
nomen. The intrusion oip in the place of m is pocullar in wi 
such as Fe<f=3Iep, Margaret ; Polly=^MftUy, Mary. 

H is never ag»in restored in tlie words where Anglo-Suxon 
dropped it, hence we have Engl, gome, tooth, ulher, could, mo 
us, for Germ, (lant, zakn, ander, konnte, rnnnd, vn*. After 
Anglo-Saiton period it has been dropped, together with the 
minatioue ; e. g. afler, before, hence, out, whence, thexce, — A 
a/tan, foran, hinan, Ht^in, hminan, \anan ; while it is pr^ei 
in Germ, ram, kintien, au^, leantten, dtinnen. In derivatioi 
warie, A. S. wAfr;i; ffitme, A. S. gdmen ; eve, A. S. afeti — w 
fve» prebcrves the old form, In componnds : eleven, A, S. end 
Thurtdajf, A. S. ^uvreiiddg ; Ocfonl, 0. Engl. Oxenford, 
Oxnaford; Sunday, Engl. Soneuda^y, A. S. Sunandag. 
inorganic in Ned for Ed-icard, Nanry, Nanaj/, for An-na ; men 
ger, Fr. metmger ; pmienqer, Fr. pansaqer. n is superseded 1; 
in some words, especially where it precedes p or f, e. g h> 
A. S. Aanep, Germ, hau/^'; tempt, Fr. /enter; comfort, O. Fr. 
fort; Cambridge, A. S. Caida-brycge. « is mute where it fo 
Upon m, ss k^aa, tolcmu, autimii. 

r, with few eiceptions, retains the pliice which it occupied 
Anglo-Saxon. It is dropped in to speitk, A. S. upreean, Genn, 
gprechen ; it is inorganically introduced in groom, bride-grooM 
A. S. guma, man. Metathesis of the r as in Old English am 
Middle English. 

Dutoh. Prosthetic n, \. e. an inorganic n placed before t1 
initial vowel, occurs in nargt, = argl, erst, first; narm = ar[ 
{Compare Engl. ]\'ed, Nanni/, and the dialectic naunl = avnt^ 
We have mefatliesis of r in borat=broat,\ ; l/Hrn = broH,wtP 
fountain : comp. Germ, bom and bnitinen. Interchange of 
and s: bes und ier, beiry; men and weV, parus. The Dut<4 
language shows a predilection for the corahinatinn mp whi" 
occurs in very many words. Whenever a terminational m of I 
root is followed by the diminutive particle k, a p is intei 
lated, and thus the favourite combination obtained, e.g. hU 
bloom, blossom, flower, bloempje ; Korm, wormpje: but if the 
ends in / or n, a / is preferred as an intermediate letter between 
root and the particle, as vogel, bird, vogellje ; sten, stone, st^^ti 

Swedish. Initial I, », t, represent the same consonants 
Old Norec, as well as the combinations hi, hn, hr, of the latl 
dialect. Old Norso vl is represented by simple l; hv and 
retain their position. Initial as welt ns terminational n remoj 
excluded from words where Old Norse had dropjied it. r anifi 
remain in the same relation in which we found them in "' 


lioiae, tkerefore r in hSr^ berry; hare, hare; vdra^ to be; rar, 
oar; % in oss, us. <^ is nasal^ as rdgn (rain) ^ranan; vagn 
(trig^n)=rranjjr». Alternation between Id and // is to be noticed 
in 9vM, gold ; gyllen, golden ; // for It in kail, cold (Grerm. kalt) ; 
UUa, to hold (Gkrm. halten). In the same manner occurs nn 
lor nd^ nn for m, mm for mb : thus ^m, kam=Llammy hammr^lamh, 
hsoA^ lamb^ oomb. mn stands for O. N. y» : hamn = hafn^ 
Imboar (Germ, hafen). 

Banialu Old Norse II, nn, become Id, nd; hence galde^ gall ; 
HM, stall ; ialde^ call ; i/ifife, ill ; /uld, full ; ^^/^t^, skin ; kind^ 
kin ; rindey to rin : but we find the O. N. II preserved in a/, a/^, 
omnis ; still€^ to still ; nenne, to dare ; and // for O.N. /// in heller, 
pottos. As a rule the O. N. Id and nd remain in Danish too^ as 
^Mer, age (Grerm. alter) ; hold, cold (Germ, kalt) ; holde^ to hold 
(C3erm. halten) ; haand, hand ; vinde, to find ; while Swedish 
pvefers the geminations II and nn^ rejecting the O. N. d even in 
^rords like faila, to fall ; halla^ to hold ; munn, mouth (Germ, 
xxiund). K Danish has on one hand lost many of the Old Norse 
S^Q^nations U and nn, it founds on the other, new inorgfanic 
S^^in^tions, as mollay to mould; domme, dumb; kammen, the 
comb ; lammei, the lamb. O. N. mp remains. Dronning, queen, 
bag arisen by assimilation of droUning (comp. O. H. Germ. 
fruUin^ lord). 


German. The spirant to in Old High German was vocalized 
if occurring between two vowels, and thus formed diphthongs 
SQch as au out of aw, eu out of eia ; and then at a later stage of 
the language it re-assumed its place even after the diphthong, 
80 that frawe became fraue^ and fraue again frauwe. This v) is 
preserved still in Middle High German, but modern German 
has dropped it altogether in the middle as well as at the end of 
Words, hence yra«, treu^ hlau ; mel, meles^ schnSe, schnees. After I 
aod r the labial media has taken the place of the spirant w^ as 
farbe, colour ; milbe ; wittib, widow, and witwe ; the w remains 
in loewe, lion, and moewe, gull. 

* is inorganic in many words where ^ ought to be used. This 
is chiefly uie case in the neuter pronouns dds and wds, and the 
neuter termination of all the adjectives, wei^es, gutes, schdues, &c. 
(More about this s, see infra, sub lit. f .) The Middle High Ger- 
man combinations sly sm, m, sw, turn the 8 into sch, as schlagen 
for slagen, schmecien for aineken, schnell for enel, achwach for 
iwae; in the combinations sp and st, however, the 9 remains^ 


but only iti writing, white the sound is identical witb acki 
tteieii, apreckeii, pronounced tehtehen, schprecheii. 

j stands as an initial spirant eince tlie most ancient timed 
words like ja, jdr, Jung, where it is replaced in English onlj 
spelling, not in sound, by v : ya, year, yoke, yoimff. The spin 
j b inorganic in je jeUt, lor ie, Uzt, which are dialeotically i 
pronounced i, izl, while ie has preserved its place in the nega' 
me=ne ie : ef. Engl. »ever=ne ever {aff=not). In the middj 
a word it is no longer used, but €0010101117 replaced by 4, as j) 
ken, to glow ; hluehen, to blossom ; dr^heUf to turn ; ireken {M 
to sow, instead of M. II. Germ, glxejen, bluejea, dr^jeit, tajen 

k has regained its ancient position in tdh, gesehdh, instei 
the M, H. Germ, lach, geaebach. It is inorganically used I 
in glnehen, b/ueien, &c., as we have just seen ; so also in r4' 
tHiee, and most frequently where it is introduced merely a 
mark of the long vowel, as leAtieH, dehnen, mainen, for *?»« _ 
4^ne», mdnen. Instead of the more ancient kt, hi, we find always 
ckt, cAs; e.g. macH, might; nackt, night; wachaen, to wax, 
grow — M. H. Germ, makt, naht, teaAten. 

English. Where the spirant w interchanged in Old Eng> 
lisb with the labial aspirate f, modern English has again estab- 
lished the former; therelbre always io leaie, teat, lotuA, wood, 
never vake, vua, &c. It has become mute in wAo, uiktise, wiom ; 
is dropped in ooze (A. S. toon, sap) ; while in wAole (A.S, k4t) and 
its compounds, and in whoop it is an inorganic addition. The 
German spirant w is rendered by the French g, gu, e. g. A. S. 
wile, O. Pr. guile; A.S. veard, O. Fr. gnard ; and the words 
having been re-imported from Prance, it so hapj>ens that in 
modem English we have both the Saxon and French forms of 
the same word side by side, e. g. Saxon Karranl, warrantee, 
French guarantee; Saxon ward, IVench guard; Saxon re-vard, 
French ^uerd-on; Saxon wise, French guiae; Saxon wile, teilg, 
French gvile. 

Terminational w is always mute after dark vowels : (& aow, to 
faow,saw : it is vocalized in hew (pronounce<l=^«), O.Engl, -iejce, 
A. S. kedioe ; dropped in four, soul, wheel, aught, naught ; at the 
end in tree, hiee, and vocalized in grew, blete, knew. The combi- 
nation wr remains, but the w is mnt>e: wrath, wreak, wrettU. 
The combination Avi becomes wh, but in pronunciation it is still 
like the ancient hw, as where, when, why=hwere, &c 

j. This spirant is replaced in modern English by g : get, gear, 
yoke, young. The present English _;' is imported from PVance, 
and is therefore chiefly found in words of French derivation, as 
y".f 1 j"y, jitat, Jest; jaie — but it has found its way into German 


words too, replacing the media g, Visjump ; jabber , by tlie side of 
gmlMe. Li the same manner we still have j and y, side by side. 
Jail and gaoly Lat. caveolay gabiola^ O. Fr. gaioley jaiofe ; jen'net 
and gemnet^ IjbL genista, Fr. genet ; jill and gill, jingle and gingh, 
9, The Old English r for * is preserved only in /orlom, 
everywhere else the s is replaced : cAose, choseny lose, lost ^ froze, 
yirwsen, Tlie s is preserved by the succeeding t in durst. It 
often cedes its place to c, as mouse, micey A. S. m^s, m^s ; pence, 
G.TSsif^, pens ; ice, A. S. is; twicCy M.Engl, twies ; so also 
iJkfieey whence, thence, since, M. Engl, sithens, A. S. simian. The 
-Anglo-Saxon combination sc is conmionly rendei'ed by sh : shame, 
^i^rp, sheep, shot, shut, shrub ; sc however is preserved in scale, 
^erape, scurf, score, screech, st is preserved throughout. Meta- 
thesis of s still occurs in dialects : claps for clasp, ops for asp, ax 
£or ask. 

The French s became much modified in English. It has been 
Replaced by c in peace, O. Fr. pais ; paluce, O. Fr. paleis ; by sh 
'Oi finish, ¥t. JinisS'Ons o( Jinir; and in the same manner most 
Irendi verbs in ir with the characteristic ss, s has been dropj)ed 
loth in Saxon and French words : cherry, O. Fr. cherice ; riddle, 
-A. 8. radelse; alms (now used as a plural), A. S. alffiesse ; richesy 
O.Fr. richesse; noisome for noise-som; exiU, Lat. exsuL This 
spirant has been added inorganically in smelt from melt, squash 
fiom quash; scratch. Germ, kratzen ; sneeze, Germ, niesen; and 
Jn island, A. S. ealandy Fr. isle ; aisle, Fr. aile. 

We distinguish in English a surd and a sofb s sound, the 
former indicated by s, the latter by Zy a distinction we met in 
the Gothic already. Surd or hard s is commonly used at the 
banning of words, after short vowels, after liquids, and after 
gemination or doubled consonants ; the soft s we usually pro- 
nounce between two vowels, after vowels and soft consonants, 
the inflexional s, and « as a termination before e mute. 

h. This letter had in Anglo-Saxon already to represent both 
the spirant and aspirated guttural. The initial h has, after many 
flactoations in Old English and Middle English, resumed its 
position in New English ; but the Anglo-Saxon hit remains in 
New English as in Old English it. Before the consonants /, n, r, 
the< h is never replaced, and hence we write as in Old English, 
kijf, lade, loud, ring, neck — A. S. hldf, &c. hw is inverted into 
whi who, what, while — A. S. hwa, hwdt, hwile ; but the ancient 
sound remains in what, while, &c. h is dropped in the middle 
and at the end of words : wheel, slay, see, tear ; roe, foe, doe, fee, 
shoCy for A. S. hweoholy sleahan, &c., and rdh, fdh, &c. This 
letter is preserved and strengthened into ghy but the combination 


is mute, as in high^ nigh, though^ thigh — A S. heah^ neah, &c. ; waA*:, 
knighty sights lights wight ^ night — A. S. cniht, siht, &c. So ftbor. 
with the h which has its ori<>in in c org, as right, A. S. riht, {Tom-., 
recian ; sovght^ A. S. Mte^ from secan ; mighty A. S. meaht, from 
tftag ; bought, A. S. iohfe, from hijcgan. This gh makes every- . 
where the preceding vowel long, even in French words, iprigU^ • 
Fr. esprit ; but in delight^ and the obsolete extraught, diUrangkt^ 
it more probably renders the Latin c in delicium, extraeium^ 
disfractum. In a few instances the h is strengthened into gh, 
and the combination pronounced =/*, e. g. draught and draft, 
A. S. drohty O. Engl, draht ; enough (rarely enow), A. S. pendA, 
O. Engl, inoh ; to laugh, A. S. hleahhan^ O. Engl, hhhgen; iouqh, 
A. S. toh, O. E. toge. The initial h in Romance words which 
Old English and Middle English had often dropped, as in onour, 
omage, is replaced in New English, but it remains mute, as in 
honour, homage^ Lat. honor ^ homaginm. In the word inveigh^ Lat. 
iurehere, the h follows the Saxon course, while in convey, Lat. 
conreherey it is dropped after the French fashion. 

Dutch. As to the spirant w we have only to observe that it 
preserved its position where New High German has rejected it, 
i. e. after the diphthongs which have been formed by the vocali- 
zation of the ancient w. Hence, where we read in New High 
German ym/;, hauen, Dutch continues the forms vrovWy woman ; 
homceu, to build; komv, cold; iaanw, lukewarm (Germ, lau); 
paauWy peacock (Germ. pfau). 

j corresponds to the same spirant in German and the semi- 
vowel t/ in English, e. %'ja,jaar,jong, Germ. ja,jahr,jung, Engl. 
yes, year, young. 

The Dutch language has, like the English, two letters for 
the s sound, i. c. 8 indicating the hard, z the soft sibilant, of 
which the latter never occurs at the end of a word or syllable, 
but commonly finds its place in the middle and at the begin- 
ning before vowels, while the former is commonly used at the 
end pi words and at the beginning before most consonants, e. g. 
zon, sofe ; zoeken, to seek ; zouten, to salt ; zalf, ointment (Germ. 
salbe) ; zwaard, sword ; slim, bad (Germ, schlimm) ; snel, quick 
(Germ, schnell) ; sprang^ leap (Germ, sprung) ; stehn, to steal ; 
spreken, to speak (Germ, sju'echen) ; slaen^ to slay; ons, us 
(Germ, ims); n^as, was; is, is. The combinations si, sn,Scc,, are 
never changed as in German into schl, schn, nor do st and sp 
ever adopt the broad pronunciation as in the German siecAen, 

h, which in Middle Dutch was subject to many irregular 
influences, resumes again its organic position, chiefly at the be- 


ginning of words. Remarkable^ however, is the fact of this 

spirant being supplanted, in some words, by the media d, e. g. 

««flrfer, nearer (Germ, naher) ; vlieden, to flee (Germ, fliehen) ; 

^;^^^ ^hiedeny to happen (G«rm. geschehen) — forms which are used 

b the place of the more common rlien^ geschieii. 

Swedish. The spirant s remains on the whole as in Old Norse. 
h is of frequent occurrence in derivative forms of nouns and 
^erbs, as gumsCy ram ; renaay to rinse ; gramsay rapere, by con- 
action of gumise, &c. ; but especially in adjectives^ e. g. armse, 
^^UTff ^«*^> concors ; *t>r^^^, anxious. 

The spirant y is a very favourite letter in Swedish, Its rela- 
tion to the gutturals will be examined later on : it is organic in 
/^^^ yes ; jdga, to hunt (Germ, jagen) ; and in the combinations 
'f^ ^ j^9 j^i jd, joy juy where it is, of course, consonantal, like the 
^^*^^rman j and the English semi- vowel y in y^*, i/ear, &c. The 
^^^^^'^nbination sj sounds like the English shy as sjettey ftJUy yaely^ 

*'^^ ^lf€, &C. 

A occurs only at the beginning of words, and is pronounced as 
j^^^- the other Teutonic dialects ; but before j and v it is mute, 
^ •^^nce Aveie, wheat; hjeriay hejiriy=ve6ey jerta, 

Danislu The spirants of this dialect are identical with those 
the Swedish. As peculiar to Danish we may mention the 
'equent omission of the initial y, as oar, year, (or Jaar, y com- 
monly represents the Old Norse i, in the combinations ioy ia, id, 
*,., as ^om, bear; ijoely keel. Where a guttural precedes a 
in vowel, y is interpolated between them, probably in order to 
^^^^dicate a softer pronunciation of the guttural, e.g. kjendcy kjoebCy 
f'est for kendCy &c. 

h never occurs at the beginning or the end of words. 



I. Labials, 

German. Though there are two different letters to denote 
the aspirated labial, yet both f and v now express one and the 
same sound. The former is used at the beginning of a word 
before u, ei, euy /, r, and in foreign words ; in all other cases v 
stands as the initial labial, e. g. /utter , fodder ; /ein, fine ; /euer, 
fire ; Jluckt, flight ; freundy firiend : but viel^ much ; volly ftdl ; 
v6gely bird ; vdtety father ; v&ty fore ; and the prefix ver. In 
many cases, however, the original v has been supplanted by f\ 
folgen^ to follow; fangeuy to catch; befekleuy to command; 
always in the middle of a word, hence grdfeuy earls; zweifel, 


doubts ; v^olfe, wolves ; which words in Middle Hig^h Grerman 
always had r : frerely crime, alone preserves the v in the middle 
of a word. 

English. In a few cases the media takes the place of the 
tenuis, as lohsiery A. S. loppestre ; slab, A. S. alapp. The tenuis 
p is interpolated occasionally between m and I, or m and s, e. g. 
empfjf, O. Engl, ejtili ; plimpse, A. S. gleam; in other cases again 
New English omits this p where Old English had interpolated 
it, as O. Engl. Bempdery A. S. sedmestre, N. Engl, seamsier ; 
O. Engl, solempne, N. Engl, solemn. 

The media b is still written in English, though not pro- 
nounced, at the end of words after ««, where other modem Teu- 
tonic dialects have dropped it altogether, e. g. lamb, dumb^ womb^ 
climb — words in which Old English too used to drop the b. 
English also restores the 6, though it leaves it mute again, in 
Latin words which had lost the media in French, as debt, Fr. 
deUe, Lat. d^blta ; doubly Fr. doutery Lat. dubitare. In the words 
slnmbery AS. slumerian ; limb, A.S.lim; thumby A. S. '}fdma ; 
crnmby A. S. crum/i ; humblCy Lat. humilis ; number y Lat. numeruSy 
the media has been interpolated. A peculiar and isolated case 
is the transition of the media b into m in the word summersel, 
Fr. soubresauL 

The aspirated labial is represented by two letters,/* and t?; the 
former of which denotes the hard, the latter the soft aspirate. 
Initial/ of Anglo-Saxon words is always restored in New English 
where Old English used occasionally to replace it by t? ; while at 
the end and in the middle of words the soft aspirate gains the 
better over its harder twin, hence JivCy A. S. ff; stiver, A. S. 
seolfor ; devily A. S. deofol; givey A. S. aifan; eveuy A. S. efen/ 
ravetiy A. S. Arafen. The transition already observed in Old 
English, of the final/ into v when it recedes into the middle of 
a word is continued in New English, as wifey wives ; calfy calves — 
a transition which must have arisen first at a time when the 
plurals where still pronounced as bi-syllables, calvSsy &c. The/ is 
dropped in head^ woman ^ A. S. heqfod^ wijman (see Old English). 

phy which properly belongs to foreign words only, is partly 

preserved in New English, partly repla^ ^Vf* 2& fancy yfantomy 

frenzy y and phenomenony phrasCy pheasant. In the word nephew, 

the pk stands for the / of the A. S. nefay O. Fr. and O. Engl. 


The use of the soft aspirate v in words of Saxon derivation 
we have already mentioned ; far more extensively, however, 
it is found in words of Latin origin, examples of which will 
occur to any one. We have only to point out a few extra- 


ordinary modifications and changes of the soft aspirates^ as for 

example the transition of v into w in the word periwinkle^ Fr. 

fervenehe, Lat. perivinca ; of v into f», malmsey, O. Engl, malvesie, 

¥r, malvoi^e: in the word sennight^s^seven-'nighty elision of the v 

vA contraction has taken place. 

Butch. Like English the Dutch language very often softens 
the more ancient hard aspirate/* into the softer v, in which case 
it corresponds to the German media 5, e. g. l^ven, to live (Germ, 
l^ben) ; geven^ to give (Germ, g^ben) ; nevely mist (Germ, n^bel) ; 
t^CHy seven (Germ, sieben). Peculiar to Dutch is the conver- 
sion of/i into cAl, as kracht for Engl, craft. Germ, hraft; achter^ 
Engl, after ; fluctuating between /i^ and cht is schaft and schachty 
Engl, dutfty Germ, schacht 

Gemination of the labials^ as pp, bb, ff, is very frequent in 
Dutch. In the word efen the ff is inorganic for v : Engl, even, 
Germ, eben ; n^ens, juxta, Germ, neben. 

Swedish. Ijqc labials hold very much the same positions as in 
Old Norse. The terminational /, when followed by a vowel, be- 
comes^, which indicates a softer sound of the aspirate, as hafca, 
\xi have; lefva, to live; the same modification takes place be- 
tween liquids and vowels, e.g. sperf, sparrow (Germ, sperber), 
speffven; ulf, wolf; ulfven, wolves. This/t? answers in sound to 
the English v, and perhaps the O. S. t {bh) and O. H. G«rm. v. 

Organic geminations of the labials are frequent, ff occa- 
sionally stands inorganically in words imported from German : 
trdffa, to hit (Germ, treffen) ; straffa^ to punish (Germ, strafenj ; 
skaffa, curare (G^rm. schafien); but the same words occur m 
their Scandinavian form and with a different meaning : drdpa, 
to strike ; tiapa^ to create. The old aspirate v is still preserved 
before r in the words vrdkj wreck, ejecta maris ; vrceka, to cast 
out, ejicere; vrang, wrong. 
ft stands for O. N. pt ; mn for O. 'N.fn, 
Daniah. This dialect, like Swedish, preserves the labials on 
the whole in their ancient position. But quite peculiar to Danish 
is the introduction after vowels of the media for the tenuis, which 
we have already mentioned. Thus sMb, gribe, for the Sw. sk^^ 
gripa, Engl, ship, gripe. Exceptional is the gemination pp in 
skipper (Engl, skipper and shipper). 

The aspirate/*, after vowels and the liquids / and r, is changed 
into f?, e. g. hdv, pelagus (Germ, hafen) ; ^ve, gav, for O. N. gefa^ 
gaf Sw. gif)a, gafj solv, silver. The f remains only in the 
combination ft. The soft aspirate f is a favourite sound of the 
soft Danish language, and occurs in all different positions. It 
is in pronunciation neither exactly like the English v nor the 


Gt'i-man w, but somewhat between the two, bo that it might 
well be mentioued under the head of spirants, by which it 
indeed rendered in the cognate dialects ; as, vimlien, weapca>| 
(Germ, waffen) ; vand, water (Germ, wassi-r). It is inorganil 
for the media g in lav, low; vidve, stomach (Gei-m. mtlgcn)) 
vocalized ia plou^ploe-^pfog (Germ, pflug), Aau^/iare^Aa^g^ 
where the j occasionally reajipears. as in fiiouff, hdug. 
The gemioation of labials is frei^uent. 

3. DtnUh. 

Oennaa. th, which had disappeared in Middle High Gen 
reappears again in New German, but it is, wherever it is i 
inorganic and objectionable, because it is both in eouad oo^ 
derivation nothing else biit the Old Higli German tenuis, cor* 
responding to the media in English and Low German geDerallVj 
Examples : — thai, dale, valley ; tkun, to do ; ikau, dew ; Ike*^ 
deal; noth, need; mutk, mood, courage; roth, red. The h allMI 
the tenuis has probably been introduced in order to mark out 
and preserve the lenfjth of the riulicul vowel ; but if this U tlU 
case, it has been put in the wrong position, and it wotild havH 
been more to the purpose to have written tahl, luhti, &c. ThlM 
misappUcation of the k was in the sixteenth and seventeentife 
centuries far more frequent than it is now. Modern writent 
discard it altogether in fi4t, flood ; br^l, breed ; but very ineon^ 
sistently keep it up in T6th and m-ith ; those only who foll< 
the teachings of historical grammar reject it in all cases wh« 
it is used merely for the saJke of indicating a long vowel. P« 
fectly absurd is the attempt to distinguish certain homophono_ 
words of different meaning by the introduction of the letter 4 
as hit, hat, and hilk, pascuum ; ton, sound, and (Mt^, clayn 
while we are obliged to look for some other criterion than tl 
of spelling, if we wish to know, whether in a given 
word thoT is used to indicate a gale or a. fool. 

The relation between tenuis and media contiuiies, as it was 
Middle High German already, rather complicated, nay, it 
comes more so by the interchange of d and ti, as in achnel 
to cut, pret. scAnUl; sieden-, to seethe, boil, pret. sott; bi 
meiden, to shun, a verb of the same conjugational class, foi 
the pret. mied. The preterite termination of the weak conJ! 
tion is in New German always le instead of d^. In the i 
det-to the tenuis inEt<.'ad of the media in the second syltablo 
kept np by the preceding *, 

e occurs, as in Old High German and Middle High Get 


iiB a hard and as a soft sibilant ; but while the former has pre- 
served its ancient pronunciation of fe, the latter, instead of pre- 
ferring the sound ds^ has been flattened into s, and is written ^. 
'Rie German z then corresponds to Middle High German Zy and 
^nan ^ to Middle High German j. Examples :— :/ttf , foot ; gro^^ 
peat; ^f, that; af, ate; i^, eat, imper. ; la^^ let, imper. The 
loorganic change of long and short vowels in the same word, as 
<f^, to eat, a^, ate ; mS^en, to measure, md^y is as inconsistent 
^ the change of f into the gemination ss in essen, messeyi. It is 
*fi arbitrary rule that 0, when succeeding a long vowel, is allowc d 
j^ stand at the end or in the middle of a word, but that it must 
^ changed into ss in the middle of the word after a short 
''owel. The old grammarians therefore write y«p, plur. fu^^ 
^^ty?»f, barrel, plur.ya>*er; essen, pret. a^\ messen^ pret. ma^; 
**^^^ys wasser^ not wa^. As to pronunciation, this letter is 
^J^^ectly identical with *, and might therefore be rendered by 
i^^ latter, since fis and gros would sound like fd^ and grS^, 
i^'^is change has actually been effected where the Middle High 
^^^rman j was the termination of the neuter adjective or pro- 
P^J^^Tm, as «r, it; dds^ that; wdsy what; gutes^ bonum; M. H. 
L^^^rm. e^y d/xK^ wa^^ guote^. An absurd mode of spelling has 
. ,^^en invented for the distinction of the pronoun and conjunc- 
"^n, the former being spelled daSy the latter da^ ; though both 
«re originally one and the same word and should therefore be 
^iformly spelled, just as well as thaty their English equivalent, 
th as a pronoun and as a conjunction. 

Historiod grammar teaches us to use f in all cases where Mid- 

e High German applied the organic j, and this rule is now 

^^requently obeyed by German authors even in works which have 

o direct bearing upon grammar and which are written for the 

^^ublic at large. It will therefore be well to lay down the rule so 

^s to render it intelligible to those who are not versed in Middle 

^igh Grerman. It may be stated as a safe guide in most 

K^ases, that in words where the German s sound is rendered in 

^English or Dutch by i. High German should write f , e. g. wa^ty 

not wasser^ because of the Dutch and Engl, water ; la^en, not 

lasseity Engl, to lei^ Dutch laten; Aa^en, not kassetiy Engl, to 

hatey Dutch haten, 

zw represents three ancient combinations, i. c. dwy tWy and zw, 
which are organically quite distinct; e. g. zwergy zwerchy zwei, 

Englislu The tenuis t^ when initial, remains as in Old Eng- 
lish and Anglo-Saxon. It is changed into the media in proiid, 
O.Engl, prout, A. S. pr4t ; diamond^ Fr. diamant ; and into the 
aspirate th in Thames (but pronounced i)y A. S. Temese ; au/hoTy 



Lat. a^ttoT. We havL' » instvad of t in the words vtmt, ma»-UM 
tnot-te ^ miti-ite, debui; tcUt, A. S. vrit-te ^ wit-te (comp. A. f 
sub lit. b); gliiten, A. S. glmim=ylitian. t is ott«n mut« whflj 
it occurs between two consonaQta, as CkrUt-mat, chest-nut, cmH 
mUtietoe, It is dropped in the words liesl, A. S. beieat, iett 
bent; E«»ex, O. Engl. Eat-aex; We*sex, O. Engl. JTett-aex; dant' 
lion, Fr. denC-de-lion. A ^ is added atler a, especially after the I 
of the genitive, and in the particles amid*-l, amongs-l, wkil 
agaim-t, &c. ; and in the words behest, A. 8. beiat ; thwart; A. 9 
'^weorh ; tgrant, Lat. t^rannut ; aneienl, O. Fr. ancit 
went, O. fV. parcliemin. 

The media rf on the whole occupies the same position t ^^ 
Anglo-Saxon. It is changed into / in tho words abbot, A. 3.^ 
ahbad : paring, ¥t. perilriir {a change more frequent in \ 
dialects). The media d and the soft aspirate S, which in Anglo- 
Saxon are otl^n fluctuating, in New English finally settle inta 
tk, as Kihethcr, together, father, mother, A. S, hieader, togddi 
fader, modor. d is dropped in gospel, A. S. god-spell; to ammet^.-^ 
A. S. and-awdriaa ; wood-bine, A. S. vndu-bind (dialectitailly e?es^3 
vine, mine, ioijind, mind). The media is interpolated in gaxd e ^ i^^ 
A. S. gandra, masc. ai gSs ; alder, A. S. alor ; gender, Lat. iji'iiMir ■ 
jaundice, ^.jaunuse. In the termination ed of the weak co7~^; 
Jugation the d, when following upon/j,yi k, ch, &c., has the pc 
DUDciation of the tenuis, as plucked, lehipped, marked=plue 
toAipf, tnarit, — a pronunciation with which the spelling formea 

th. In Anglo-Saxon the soft (hor1S is occasionally replai 
by the media d, or both are used indiscriminately in i 
words. This wavering between the two sounds ceases, howCT 
in Old English already which adopts either one or the otiter, ' 
e. g. A. S. ArarS and Arad, O. Engl, redie and rather, N. Engl. 
ready and rather; A. S. mdgeS and rndgden, O.Engl. majrSf, 
N. Engl, maid; A. S. /iS and lid, N. Engl, lithe; but A. S. burtSn 
and bnr-len, N. Engl, bnrthen and burden. The media has b«n 
adopted for the aspirate in murderer, A. S. tnyr^ra ; eoul4, A. S. 
caSf, O.Engl. coK|;e, M.Engl, cude ; fiddle, A.S./Selei 
and thatch, A.S. bcccan, to cover. For O.Engl, quod, N.EogL 
reassumcB the Aspirate, and writes iiuolh, A. S. cwd'6. The i^ 
rate is replaced by the tenuis, chiefly after the consonants/, i, 
a, r, as tiejt, A. S. bw/« ; height, A. S. AeahSo ; dart, A. S. <&««. J 
M is dropped in Norwich for NorlA-wich, A. S. NvrHwic; JVwWU f 
/o/- Nortk-man, A. S. Nor^tnaa; -worship for worlhthip, A,S.f 

2 is not an Anglo-Saxon letter, but in Old English, where il 

COySOyAXTS. 159 

jnidiiefly imported with French worcbt, it is rather frequent. It 
ii TOjpecnliar that in Old English this letter occasionally replaces 
/ (or 3), as dozter for dogter^ zere$ for geren ; but from this posi- 
b» it soon disappears again, and the letter is limited to foreign 
voids. In New English it continues to occupy its place in 
ftnign words, and frequently encroaches upon the range of the 
■Uuits M and ^ , as ^ freeze^ A. S. freomn ; hazel ^ A. S. hdsel ; 
Wrf, Yt. iasard; to seize, Fr. saUir; lizard, Lat. lacerla. Very 
ibuige is the word ginger for Lat. zifiziber, the inversion of the 
^ of Old English which places the z for the g in dozter ^flogter, 
'tnd z we have side by side in glass and glaze, gloss and gloze. 

Dnteli. The media is terminational again, hence the preterite 

^the weak yerba ends in d instead of the Middle Dutch L The 

tt in thans is caused by the contraction of te-hans, at hand 

(Ctenn. zor hand). The use of the media d in the place of A 

^^ peculiar, as ndder, nearer (Germ, naher) ; vlieden, to nee (Germ. 

flidien), getchieden, to happen (Germ, geschehen), used instead 

oCtihe more oonunon vlien, geschien. Dutch has a great facility 

^A sHi^ing over the media d and its succeeding e^ thus forming 

^ oontraction and lengthening the vowel of the root, e. g. vdr= 

^^^iier, fiither / dr=ader, vein (G«rm. ader) ; h6-=.hode, messenger, 

C^jerm. bote);^den, foliis; g6n^=.g6den, diis; woenzs. 

'^^^oeden, to rage (Germ, wiithen); bien=dieden, to oflTer (Germ. 

^ieten) ; ner=^neder, nether (G«rm. nieder). The Dutch way of 

^ivriting these contractions is, vadr, neer, go6n, &c. Just the 

^posite course is followed in the case o{ I, n,r being succeeded 

^ er, where always a d slips in between them ; as minder, minor 

C^rm. minder) ; merder, more (Germ, mehr) ; ileifuler, smaller 

CGerm. kleiner) ; helder, lighter (Germ, heller) ; schonder, prettier 

COerm. schoner). (As to the relation between z and s, see sub 

it. g.) 

. Swediah. The Old Norse aspirate disappears ; where it was 

jl'U'tial it is replaced by the tenuis, as iwtga, tongue ; twi^, heavy ; 

^^ce the Swedish t stands for German d (or z), and English th, 

^- g. Sw. ting. Germ, ding, Engl, thing; tistel, Germ, disf/l, Engl. 

^istle. The tenuis and media retain the same position as in 

^Id Norse. The gemination tt is very frequent in Swedish ; it 

?tands (i)=0. N. tt, as in *fe^^ (treasure), Aa^^; (2)=0. N. ht 

^t\ natt (night); (3)= O.N. nt in mitt (meum), ditt (tuum), sitt 

(^uum). The combination dt is of frequent occurrence as the 

Neuter termination of the adjectives in d. 

Danish. In this dialect also the aspirate gives way^ some- 
times to the tenuis, sometimes to the media (as in the pronouns 
^ien, de, der, &c.), whence a great confusion prevails in this class 


of mules. When d is terminatioDaU and follows upon a vowd^it 
is almost pronounced like the soft English th (O. N. dk\ so that x 
in fW,witli, it sounds veth. In the middle of a word it is hardfy 
heard at all, and the word manden^ therefore, almost sounds maiir 
fien. The media is, as in Duteh^ often dropped between yowelsi 
e.g.Jaery moer^ broer, lar, ve/r, iotfdder^ father; taSder^ mother; 
brSder^ brother; l^edery leather; t^edery weatlier. The gemina* 
tions dd and tt are of frequent occurrence. 

3. Gutturals, 

German. The guttural tenuis is represented by k and ek^ and 
in foreign words by c. The media may occur at the end of a 
word where in Middle High German it was always replaced by 
the tenuis, ch represents different ancient letters; it stands 
(i) for the spirant A: dochy yet; hochy high ; nock^ still ; nackty 
night ; wachsen, to wax^ to grow ; but the spirant is replaced in 
the preterite of the strong verbs : sdhy vidi ; gesckdky accidit ; Jloky 
fugi, instead of Middle High German sack, gesckacky &c. ; (2)= 
Gothic k, where we still use k in English, e. g. sckwack, weak ; 
machen, to make; wachetiy to wake; hreckeUy to break; eickcy 
oak ; %i€cky sick. 

The Gothic sk is always rendered in German by 9cky Engl. *i, 
e.g. Qio\ki, skaduSy Germ, schattetjy Engl, shad^ ; Goth, skabatiy 
Qerm, sck^ben, Engl, to s/iare ; Goth. skUdufi, Germ, sckild, Engl. 
skield ; Goth. skiUiggs, Germ, schilling, Engl, shilling; Goth. 
skohsy Germ, schuh, Engl, shoe, ch had in Old High German 
and Middle High German a much wider range than it has in 
New High German, for, with the exception of the different cases 
just mentioned, it is now commonly replaced by the tenuis ky 
e.g. M. H. Germ, dechen, N. H. Germ, deckeiiy to deck, cover; 
M. H. Germ. chindiskCy N. H. Germ, kindi^chy childish; M. H. 
Germ, chirchcy N. H. Germ, kirche, church. 

English. Tlie tenuis k answers to the Anglo-Saxon tenuis c. 
In Old and Middle English c and k are used indiscriminately ; 
New English decides for the initial k, where it is mute, and for 
c where it is pronounced, and then the c always ])reserves the 
Anglo-Saxon k sound before dark vowels and the liquids /, w, r, 
e. g. to knoWy knee, knoty knife ; to creep, crafty deatiy cl-otk. 
Before the thin vowels € and ?, the c is in Anglo-Saxon already 
sometimes replaced by ch\ Old English adopted either one or 
the other for each particular word, and the adopted letter has 
been preserved to the present day; e.g. to keepy A. S. cepan ; 
cheese, A. S. cese ; keen, A. S. cene ; chin, A. S. cin ; childy A. S. 

roxsoxAxrs. lei 

fSd; ekiehen, A. S. cieea. (See Old English and Middle 

Before the Anglo-Saxon j^, which is the Umlaut of u, one 
vonld expect to see the i sound preserved, but it yields even 
Wre sometimes to ci, e,g kin, A. S. rj^n ; king, AS. cuning ; 
Ukkem, A. S. cycene ; ekurek (Scotch kirie), A. S. cyrice. Where 
in Anglo-Saxon a c precedes ea^ eo, ed^ Old English already 
decided in favour of ^^, which in New English has been kept up^ 
e.g. chalty A. S. cealc; cheater, A. S. ceaaUr; churl ^ A. S. ceorl; 
ekajman (still in vogue as a proper name^ meaning ' merchant/ 
Germ, kaufmann), A. S. cedpman; except care, A. S. cearu ; keely 
A S. ceoL A. S. (Tie? is N. Engl, qn. 

In the middle of words c is replaced either by k or ch, as acre^ 
AS. deer ; fickh, A. S. ficol ; wreak^ A. S. wrecan ; sink, A. S. 
iineau; to seek and beseech^ A. S. secan; to teach^ A. S. tacan; to 
reaeh, A. S. racan. The k sound is commonly preserved at the 
end of words: ark^ rank, clerk, folk, A. S. arc, ranc, clerc, folc. 
e is dropped in the ist sing, of the personal pronoun : A. S. ic, 
N.Engl. /, Germ. icA, Dutch ik, and in the suffix lie, N. Engl. 
//, Germ. lick. It appears that in late Anglo-Saxon already the 
c before thin vowels, as e and i, assumed the sound of the sibi- 
lant 8, and hence the interchange between c, s, and z, which 
we have already dwelt upon (see sub lit. s). The Romance c 
takes in English a somewhat different course from that in French. 
(i) It preserves its k sound as in French before dark vowels and 
before / and r, e. g. cajdain, courts causin, cross, clear, (2) It has 
the k sound in English, though it is sibilant in French, e. g. 
carpenter, Fr. charpevtier ; carrion, 0,Fv. charoigne, Lat. caro ; 
kennel, Fr. chenil, Lat. canile. Or (3) the French sibilant is in- 
troduced in English too, e. g. chapel, Lat. capella ; chair, Lat. 
caikedra ; to challenge, O. Fr. chalonge, Lat. calutntiiari ; chamber, 
Lat. camera. Or (4) we have both sounds side by side, as candle 
Mid chandler, A. S. candel, Lat. candela ; carnal and charnel-house, 
from Lat. caro ; cattle and chattel, O. Fr. catel, chatel, Lat. 

The Romance c before e and i {y) either remains and is sibilant 
^? in French city, cignet, or it is replaced by s, succory, Lat. 
^^hmurn ; search, O. Fr. cercher ; or it is thickened into ch, sh, 
cherry, Fr. cerise ; shingle, O. Fr. cengle, Lat. cingulnm. It takes 
the same course in the middle of a word. At the end, how- 
®^®r, it has the k sound when it is terminational, and the s 
®^^nd when it is followed by e mute, e. g. public, lilac ; pumice, 
chalice. Before a Ht is converted into h, as delight, Lat. delec* 
^^i; straight, Lat. si rictus. 



The media ^ cummonly remains. unaltered where it is initiaf; 
but in the words gwest and ghost (A. S. gasty gd^C) the g is un- 
necessarily sheltered against sibilation by the addition <^ u and 
h. The vocalization of g takes place on a y^xj large scale io 
Old English. We have remnants of this vocalization still pre- 
served \xi hani-i-work (A. S. hand^e'we<>rc)y kandAn^raft, kaui^ 
stroke. Initial g is dropped in tfy A. S. g^; icicle, A. S. w-^^. 
g, if in the middle of a word it occurred in the combinations e^, 
dg^ has been vocalized into i^ and thus forms a diphthong, N.EngL 
ai (O. Engl, and M . Engl. ex)y ^s/air, kail, maiden, nail^ sail, 8^9 
A. S. fdger, kdgel, mdgden, ndgel, segeL In the combinjitiot^ 
arckard, A. S. ort-geard, fruit-garden, the media g is eonvei 
into the hard palatal ck. Anglo-Saxon already allows of a tnn- 
sition of the media g into the spirant ia^ chiefly in verbal forms^^ 
which in New English are still preserved, as A. S. sagon^ wc*^ 
see; sdwon^ wc saw; gesegeriy geseweUy gesSn, seen; so also are to 
be explained, to drag and to draw, dragged and drew^ dragged and 
drawn; sleiv and slain: further^ the words laWy A. S. lag; to 
gnaw, A. S. gnagan ; to daian, A. S. dagian, from dag, day ; /owl, 
A. S./ugol; morrow, A. S. morgen. Compare Germ, nagen, tagen, 
vogel, morgen, 

a when terminational is rarely preserved^ as in twig, egg, A. S. 
twig, dg ; but it is commonly vocalized into i [y), forming with 
the radical vowel the diphthong ey or ay, e. g. grey and gray^ 
hay, may, lay, day, A. S. grag, keg, mdg, lag, ddg. It is dropped 
in the suffix ig, N.Engl. ^, 2^ holy, Orerm. keilig ; body, A. S. 
bodig ; mxiny, A. S. manig ; greedy, A. S. gradig (O.Engl, and 
M. Engl. /). The A.S. ig is in Old English converted into w, eice, 
N. Engl, otc, in the words sallow, sorrmo, marrow, gallows, A. S. 
salig, sorg, mearg, gealg, g is mute and the preceding vowel 
long in foreign, JjaX.forensis ; feign, Ywfeindre; sovereign, Yr. 

In Anglo-Siixon the media g is sometimes replaced by^, and 
later on is altogether couvei*ted into the spirant y. In New 
English it occurs both with the sound of the guttural media and 
that of the spirant, or rather the soft palatal, in Saxon words, as 
well as in such of Latin origin. We have the media in garden, 
get, go, give, geese, of Saxon origin ; and in gain, giist, guttural, 
glory, grace, of French derivation ; the soft palatal in the Saxon 
singe, cringe, angel, and in the French gem, giant, elegy, deluge, 
refuge, and always before e and i. Even the Teutonic gemina- 
tion gg is rendered by dg, as edge, bridge, hedge, instead of egge, 
&c. It must have been at a comparatively recent period of the 
language that the German element was in^cted with the French 


pTonunciationj aince terminational g is commonly doubled at the 

end \ and this doubling or gemination of t1)e media preserves it 

{rom being converted into the palatal. The French sound of 

nbilant ^ is a soft sh^ and thus we find in Middle English too 

iMi^hen instead of oblidge. The transition is supposed to have 

taken place towards the end of the fourteenth century^. 

g is mute before n : gnash, gnarly gnaw, foreign, sign, impugn, 
jM>iffnanf', The letter u is sometimes added to g in order to in- 
dcate the sound of the guttural media, first of all in French 
"^ords, e.g. guide, guise, guile — then, though unnecessarily, in 
:on words, e. g. guesl, guild, while we use the simple g in gel, 
we» In the words dislingtiish, Lat. disiinguere ; extinguish, Lat. 
^sxtinguere ; anguish, Lat. anguus, we pronounce g and u distinctly, 
^K)6cause the w is not euphonic but belongs to the root. 
^^ ^A is in different words of different origin and sound, (i) It 
s the Italian way of writing the guttural media, identical to the 
French gu, e. g. Ghent, and even ghost. {%) It is derived from 
i, strengthened into k\ hough, shough, (3) It is derived from 
Ae guttural, but the strengthened form nas the sound o( f, a 
^^drcumstance which may originate in the fact of the to having 
>metimes taken the place of the guttural h and g (see sub lit. w), 
j.g. cough, trough, tough, laugh, (4) It is derived from the 
laxon guttural h, but in this case gh is always mute, e. g. fght, 
^-^right, might, night, A. S. riht, miht, niht, while Scotch, like Ger- 
:anan, still preserves the guttural : fecht, recht, mecht. Germ, nacht, 

ch. This letter was foreign to Anglo-Saxon and imported with 
French words. Later on it found its way into words of Teutonic 
origin. As to the development of this letter in Old English and 
Middle English, vide supra. It is now need as a palatal aspirate 
in many words of German and French origin, as child, chin, church, 
cheese, Chester — and chamber, chapel, chief, chapter ; choose is the 
A. S. ceosan; choice, the French choix. In some French words 
it preserves the French sibilant, as machine, moustache, charade, 
chandelier, ch^^k in Greek words: chaos, chemist, chord, chyle. 
It is mute in drachm and schism. 

As to gemination we have only to remark that ck as the gemi- 
nation of k continues to exist ; the gemination of g is commonly 
dropped, but remains in egg ; it becomes a soft palatal aspirate 
in sledge, edge, bridge, for slegge, &c. 

I>atoh. The distinction of M. Dutch ch and gh is lost, hence 
for M. Dutch dock, daghen, N. Dutch writes ddg, ddgen. In 

* Koch, i. p. 139. 
M 2 


many caeetf the old ck is superseded by the media a, as nagif 
night ; rlmgt, flight ; where certainly the ciber mode of spelling 
nackt^ rlMcif, is preferable, as cA geneially is a iavoorite letter 
before /. The M. Dateh M for Germ, and ranaina in 
N. Dutch, as fackty air fGerm. loft) ; froci/y strength, craft (Germ, 
kraft). llie cA in ricA (ae) is inorganic for i : compare Goth, it, 
Mii, tit. Germ. tVi, mi/^A, sicA^ Dateh it, mi, sick ; 6om which 
we see that while all the German forms have their oiganic eis 
Goth, h (see Grimm's Law), in Dntdi the ist person onlj haa its 
organic it; in the 2nd penon the h soffers apoocqte as the k in 
Engl. /, A. S. le ; and the 3rd person adopts inorganic ck for k. 
The combinations ck, qu^ x, are now rendered by kk^ kw^ ks. 

Swedish. Peculiar to this dialect is the transition of the 
guttural k into the sound of the palatal ck or /, similar to the 
course A. S. c (k) takes in English before all thin vowels and 
vowels preceded by j\ As to the pronunciation grammarians 
differ, some preferring the sound of the English/, others that of 
cA (Rask), the latter undoubtedly being preferable, because, it is 
more general among the natives and more agreeable to etymo- 
logy. Thus, then, the words kek (maxilla). Ml, wedge (Grerm. 
keil) ; kyss, kiss ; kaer, dear ; koen, chin, are to be pronounced 
jeky jil^ &c., or better, with Bask, ckek^ cAil, &c. Before the 
dark vowels a, 0, u, the guttural remains, and may therefore in 
one and the same word alternate with the palatal, as kam, comb 
(Germ, kamm) ; kdmma = chdmma^ to comb (Germ, kammeu). 
But in the middle and at the end of words k retains its pure 
guttural sound. In some cases it is indeed replaced by the media, 

as j^9^ Ggo f ^f^^Qy i"6 > ^'i^> ^ > ^^9 se ; instead of the organic k 
in O. N. jak^ 7nik, dik, sik. 

Tlic sound of the media g is changed into the soft palatal j 

before the same vowels where the k must be changed into ch, 

e. g. get {goRi)=jet; gdlla (to sound) =^^7^, goek (cuckoo) =/c>tf/t; 

but before the combinations je^ jd^ jo^ ju^ the media is not heard 

at all, and the words gjdrn^ gjoernay gjuta^ sound like jdrn^Joema, 

juia. As k and ch^ so also g andy — that is, guttural and palatal — 

may alternately be heard in different forms of the same word, as 

gifva (to give) =y/^'flr, and gafy gave; quld^ gold, and gtfllen:=^ 

jyllen^ golden. In the middle and at the end of words g retains 

the pure sound of the guttural media, except after / and r, where 

again it changes its pronunciation into j\ and the neuter of 

adjectives in lig^ where before t it is pronounced like k, as keliqt 


ch occurs only in the particles ach and och, pronounced ack 
and ock. 


The geminations gg and kk {ck) are frequent. qv=kv. x^ks. 
The use oi gt and kt is unsettled. The M. H. Germ, ht (A. S. hL 
'Ejjkgl.gAf) should eveiywhere be rendered by U. But by the 
side of nail, night (A. 8. niht, M. H. Germ, naht^ Germ, naeht) ; 
reU^ right ; lell, light, we read makl, might ; rigligf right ; vigl^ 

I^aniflh. The gutturals g and k have before thin vowels a 

softer pronuneiation, approaching in fact the palatal modification 

of the Swedish guttural, which is indicated by a j interpolated 

between the guttural and the vowel, as kjende, kjoede, gjesl. 

(This y is to be kept distinct from the j answering to the O. N. i 

in to, ia, &c.: see sub lit. j.) Before hard vowels the full guttural 

sound is retained. In the middle and at the end of words the 

tenuis k makes place to the media g. We find organic g changed 

into V after vowels in liquids, e.g. voven for vogen, waggon 

(Germ, wagen) ; after soft vowels into J, e. g. lejr, camp (Germ. 

lager); regn pronounced rejn. g is dropped after it and i, as 

itie^ stairs (Germ, stiege); due^ valere (Germ, taugen, O.N. 

ck occurs only in foreign words. 

The geminations gg and kk at the end of words are not 
written but pronounced, as lyk {thick) =zlykk or lyck, dg, egg. 
For the O. N, Al we should, as in Swedish, expect 11, which 
in &ct does occur in nally night; aalle, eight; but gl instead 
of the gemination we find in magl^ might ; /rugl, fruit. 


The most ancient and primitive constituents of words in the 
Aryan languages are the roots. A root is the syllable which is 
the bearer of Qie meaning or signification of a given word ; as 
for instance, the primitive as, to be, is the root of the words 
as'tni; I am ; as-ti, he is. But the suffixes also which are used 
for the formation of themes and words were originally nothing 
but roots joined to the principal root or root of sig^nification, re- 
linquishing thereby their independence, and becomings as it were, 
roots of relation^ that is^ expressing a certain meaning, not for 
its own sake, but for the purpose of defining, limiting, directing, 
the sense of the principal root. Then the consciousness of their 
formerly independent position was gradually lost, and they be- 
came mere sufi[ixes, appendages to the principal root, without 
which they did not appear capable of any signification and 
existence of their own. It forms one of the most important 
tasks of the science of language to restore these suffixed roots 
to their primitive independence, to show them in their original 
shape and signification. Thus we have for instance in the word 
a^ffd the root as, meaning * to be/ and the root ma, which is 
weakened into mi and expresses the relation of the principal 
root to the ist person. As an independent root ma means 'to 
measure,' ' to think,' ' man' (homo), ' I' (ego) ; as-^i then means 
de'I=I am, As-li, again, contains the principal root as and the 
root la, weakened into li, expressing the relation of the principal 
root to the 3rd person. The original meaning of fa is 'this' 
(hie, haec, hoc), * he' (is, ea, id) ; as-ti, then means he-he-^he is. 
Hence the Sansk. as-mi, Gr. eljuii (=l(r-/uii), Lat. sum, Groth. im, 
Engl. a7n ; and Sansk. as-ti, Gr. ^cr-ri, Lat. est, Goth, isty Engl. 
is, originally mean nothing else but simply ' be-I,' * be-he,' i. e. 
' I am,' * he is'. Again, the primitive vak-s, speech (nom. sing.), 
consists of the principal root vak, speech, and the root sa, short- 
ened into s, and meaning * this,' * the' ; so that vak-^ originally 
means * speech-the,' and is a formation similar to that caused by 
the suffixed article in the Scandinavian languages. 

* Bopp, i. pp. 96-123. Schleicher, pp. 341-479. 


To get at the root {the root, the principal root) of a word in 
its original shape, we must divest it of all efjllables and letters 
which are used merely to express certain relations, and of all 
modifications which may have been caused by suffixes and termi- 
nations ; so that th^ radical vowel especially, where it is length- 
ened or otherwise modified^ is always reduced to its primitive 
form : e. g. of the primitive du-^d-miy I give, da is the root ; of 
vaks^ speech, vak; of daii>-a-Sy shining, heavenly, god, div ; of 
dyaU'By heaven, dyu^ =idiv; of m-nu^s, son, *w, to beget, to bear. 

All roots in the Aryan languages are monosyllables. They 
may occur in the following combinations of letters : — 

1. A single vowel, or rather a combination of 'spiritus lenis' 
and a vowel; as, a (demonst. pron.), i, to go ; «^^ to rejoice. 

2. One consonant -f one vowel, e. g. da, to g^ve ; biu^ to 

3. One vowel -f one consonant, e. g. ad, to eat ; «*, to burn* 

4. One consonant + one vowel + one consonant, e. g. pat, to fly, 
to fall ; vid, to see ; bAu^, to bend. 

5. Two consonants -f one vowel, e.g. sta, \o stand; km, to 
hear ; pri, to love, 

6. One vowel -f two consonants, e.g. ardk, to grow; ari, to 
shine, to lighten. 

7. Two consonants -h one vowel + one consonant, e. g. slar^ to 
scatter ; sli^A, to mount, to ascend (Germ, steigen). 

8. One consonant + one vowel + two consonants, e.g. dark, to 
see ; vart, to turn. 

9. Two consonants + one vowel -f two consonants, e. g. skand^ 

Out of roots our languages formed themes. A theme is that 
part of the word which remains after we have removed from it 
all the terminations which declensions or conjugations require. 
The simple root, therefore, may be a theme as well. Thus in 
(u-mi and aa-tiy as- (to be) is the root as well as the theme of the 
present tense; in dyau-s, heaven, dyu {=div) is the nominal 
theme as well as the root. 

Another mode of forming themes we observe in the addition of 
suffixes to the simple or r^uplicated root with its vowel length- 
ened, or, as we called it, gradated ' ; e. g. daiv-a-, nom. sing. 
daivGnSy divus, deus, where the root is div, out of which we form 
the theme by the gradation of the radical vowel, hence daiv^y 
and adding the suffix a (demonst. pron.), hence the theme daivon, 
which in the nom. sing, assumes the inflexional termination -«, 
and thus becomes the word daivorS. Themes formed directly 

^ Vide p. 13, 8qq. 

uj^ TECTos:: grammar. 

firm th«^ T-y.r. ^'^ inll * primazv/ asnd tlie suffixes used ^primarj 
sz£xd:»' : tLecnes r'.rxLeil &:iil ockff tibesies we call 'secondaiy/ 

ami the ii£xes :::aeii ' «a- «./<i/7 ^affixes.' One mnd the same suffix 
wasf \it Qsed to t'lrm a thiaiie ficom. the root, or from another 
theme ; one a&i the same sa£x thori^re may in one position be 
primary, in an*:ther set.H>adary. 


I. Verbal Thesces. — IXsriTatiTe'.) 


The radical vowel takes gradation, forming chieflj- cansativ^^ 
and transitive, bat also derivative and intiansidve verbs. ^$C0^ 
consists of ci, the final vowel of the verbal or nominal theme, an^ 
jfrj, a suffix freqaentlv used in the formation of themes. (Com- 
pare the proDomioal root jtj, relative and demonstrative.) 

Sanskrit. Ihara-ya-^iy 3rd pers. sing. pres. of the causative 
verb, from the root Ihar^ nominal theme bAdra, burden, or the 
verbal theme bhara- iAara-fi, he bear5\ 

GreelL. a-ya becomes ^a-i/f, *<-yc, o-yc ij dropped), e.g. rifia, 
he honours, =Tifia£i="nfuiy€-Ti, from the theme rifiij^ honour. 

Iiatin. >' I ) tfy^J is contracted into a\ as feJa-t, he causes to sit, 
= *«tf</dV = '*<!•'/'///-/, root *«'(/ V'/-«'o, I sit), [z) u^a contracted 
into /, as mnitt^-mnJi^ iuoneyi^MU^^ root mo,.' ^ f/fUM. to think; 
Mon-eo, I remind. ^3 a^'i contracted into /. e. g. sopioy to cause 
to sle^.'p, =*o/jiyo, \ifo^=.aya^ hence *(>/>yr(>'=prim. trdpayd-ss-std' 
pat/d-mi^ root srap, sleej». 

Gothic, (i) a^a contracted into 6 (=prim. d\ e.g. ist sing. 
ga-leiko^ 3rd sing. y6r-/<'/"X*(?-J>, ist ^\a, galeiho-m^ =prim. ^leika- 
t/d-mi, hihi-ya-li^ ^'It'ika-i/d-ma^'i ; ji^rt, ga-Wiko^la ; irom, ga-Ieik-s^ 
themo feihi'^ like, similar. (2) aya becomes ai, parallel to the 
Jjatin <% e.g. vei/iai- =*vel^a'ya, to consecrate (Germ, weihen), 
theme rei/ia-, nom. sing, reih-s, holy. (3) aya becomes jra, hence 
1/i (ji)y hence el, corresponding to the Latm i ; e.g. from the verbal 
theme slfa^, sifi-^ prim, sada-, to sit, we have the 3rd pers. sing. 
prcH. j?//i-}7, prim, sarfa-ti ; from the theme Siifja, safjiy to set, 
to cause to sit, 3rd sing. pres. *a(/7-|?, prim, sada'^a-ti. 

* These form the verbs wliit^h in our Teutonic conjugations we call * Weak.' 


We frequently find nominal themes without any alteration 
used as verbal themes, occasionally with the addition of the 

2. Nominal Th£mes^ 


This suffix is used very frequently ; the root preceding it has 
^he radical vowel sometimes lengthened^ sometimes in its primi- 
^^re form. 

Samples : — 

Sanskrit. bAav^-, masc. being, origin, root lAuj to be ; hhar-a-^ 
**^^sc, burden, root Vhar^ to bear ; hodh-a^ masc. knowledge, root 
^^dAj to know. 

Qreek. Fipy'0'{v), neut. work, root Fepy- (ipy-aCo-imi, I work) ; 
♦op-o-, adj. bearing, 4>6p^-, tribute, <f)op^, offer, root ^ep, to bear ; 
^tnry'Tf, fem. flight, root ^vy {(ptvy-oa, i-^^vy-ov, to flee). 

^ Iiatm. vad-O'^ neut. vadum, a ford, root vad, to go ; div-chy 
divine ; deo-y God, from ^dev-o~, ^deiv-o-, root prim, divy to shine. 
Gk>thio. vig-a-y masc, nom. sing. vigSy way, root vag^ vig^any to 
xiaove (Germ, be-wegen); vulf-ay masc, nom. rulfs^ wolf, root 
prim, varky to tear; gti-ay fem., nom. sing, gibay gift (Germ, 
gabe), root gtdty gib-^iny to give ; staig-^, path, root stig, steigauy 
to moimt, to ascend (Germ steigen, conip. Engl, to sty). 

Ftixnitive. ak-iy eye (A.S. cage. Germ, auge), root aky to have 
an edge, to be sharp, to see. 

SaoBkrit. lip-U, writing, root lipy to smear ; bSdk-iy wise, root 
hudh, to know. 

Greek. 3ic-i-, neut. eye; preserved in the dual S(ra€=z6Ky€f 6ki€, 
root prim, aky to have an edge, to see ; rpo;(-i-, masc. runner, 
root Tp€Xi I'P^w, I run. 

Latin. (w«-, ewi*, sheep (comp. Greek df-4-y, Sansk. av-i-s), root 
«, aVy perhaps in the sense of ' to clothe.' 

(3k>thio. maUi'y nom. sing. matSy meat, root mat, mairjauy to 
eat; qeni^kven-in, fem. woman, prim, gdn-iy root gauy to bear, 
bring forth. 

^ Mnny of these suffixes are also used in the formation of verbs belonging to the 
' Strong * conjugation. In this respect they are treated under the chapter of Strong 
Conjugations, Formation of the Present and Perfect Theraef*. 



Sanskrit. praih-Uy prik-Uy broad, root prath, to be extended ; 
pnr-Uy much, =:^par-Uy root par^ to fill; wad^it^ sweety root *Farf, 
to taste. 

Greek. irXaT-ii, broad, = Sansk. /?r^^«, root Sansk. j9ra/^, prim. 
prat; irok-v, much, =Saiisk. pur-Uj prim. par~u; §d-i;, swe«*t, 
= Sansk. svadu, root srad. 

Latin. Themes in u have passed into the declension in I, 
whence the u is always followed by ». Examples : — ienM^i-^ 
tennisy thin, from ^ten-u-, prim, ian-u-^ root tan^ to extend, to 
stretch; sudi'-i", sweet, for ^suadu-i, from svdd-u^ (comp. Gr. 
^8-v-, Sansk. svad^ti"). The form in u is preserved in ac-u-y acus, 
tern, needle^ root ak, to have an edge^ to be sharp, and several 

Gothic, fot-n-y fotn^^ foot, root prim, pad^ to go ; Aand-u-, 
Aandns, hand ; faih-u^ cattle, wealth. But adjectives have the 
form in u in the nom. only, in the other eases they follow the 
themes in ya^ e.g. ]faur^ii', nom. sing. masc. ^aursu^y neuL 
\>aur8u, dry, ace. sing. masc. ^aurs-ja-na, &c., &c. 


This suffix is used very frequently in all Aryan languages. 

Sanskrit. rhUijdy, feni. knowledge, root vidy to know ; rdk-ya^ 
neut. sj)eech, root vnch ; cJie-t/a^ root chi, to gather; pdk^ya, root 
pack, to cook. CliieHy used to form the participium necessitatis. 

Greek. Sy-io-, holy, prim, yag-ya^^ Sansk. yaj-ya-, venerandus, 
root yaj, to revere ; 7rd>-to-, fast, firm, root iray, Tr^y-in;/uu, I 

Latin, ad-ag-io'^ adagium^ adage, saying, proverb, root ag^ to 
say (comp. (tjo''y6)\ exim-lo-^ exhnifis, excellent, root im, ex^ 
ini'Oy I take out ; conjiig-io-^ C07tjitgifnn, marriage, root jug, to join 
(comj), Jung-o, jf/g-unt) ; Jh(v~io-, Jluviiis, river, root fiu^jluerey to 
flow. The suflix uMn- seems an extension of io by means of «/, 
e. g. feg'lvni^= !eg'io^7ii-, root leg, leg^re ; reg-iou", reg-ioni^, root 
reg, reg-ere. 

Gothic, hand-ja-'y fern. nom. sing, handiy band, bandage ; ga- 
hund-ja-y fern. nom. sing, ga-hundi, Germ, ge^und^ Engl. bundr-U^ 
root bandy bind-any to bind; kun-ya-, neut. nom. sing, kuni, 
genus, gens, root kauy prim. gaUy to beget. Adjectives: — un- 
qe^'ja-, nom. sing, lai-ge^f-s, inexpressible, root qdp, aty-aUy to 
speak; aiida-^iefn-Ja-, nom. sing, anda-yiems, agreeable (comp. 
Germ, ange-nehm^ root naniy 7iim-any to take (Germ, nehmen). 


Gotliici, like all Tentonic languages, frequently extends the 
ja hj adding s, originally perhaps ni. With adjectives 
thifl li has the function to impart to the adjective a certain 
idatioD or direction ; hence anda-nem-jan by the side of anda-- 
wewhia; bandrjany masc. nom. sing, handrja^ a prisoner^ root 
lamd^ bind^an^ to bind ; gasin^-Jan, companion, root san^, to go 
(eomp. tiny^t path, way ; sand^'an, to send). 

fa also occurs as a secondary suffix in all Aryan languages. 
Enunples in Gothic are : — iaird-Ja-y masc. nom. sing^. haird^isy 
Aep-Jierd^ Qerm, AiH-€y from hairday herd ; anda-vaurd-ja, neut. 
(comp. G^erm. ani^wart)^ from vaurda-^ word (Germ, wort). 
also are extended by », as fisk-jan^, fisher^ fisher-man^ 
tmai fiMka-f nom. sing. fisk-B^ fish ; manag-ein- for manag^jan-y 
nom. sing, manageig multitudcj many^ from managa-y adj. much. 

Va; related to it, van 

SttDflkxit. pad-va^ masc. way, root pad, to go ; pak-va-^ adj. 
eooked, root jmk;A, to cook ; e-va^ masc. ituSy walk, root i, to go ; 
so also pad^an-, way (comp. pad-va-). 

Qreek. It is difficult to recognise the suffix t'a on account 
of the total disappearance of the letter v from this dialect. 
Examples are: — tirro-y horse for ^tV-fo-, =Lat. equo-, prim. 
ak-va-; voKKd (=:iroXt^, from ^iroX-fo, prim, parva, root par, to 
fill. The suffix van we have in aldv, time, time of life ( = ai- 
fuv), prim, ai-van- (comp. Lat. ce-vo-, Or. ai-va-, Sansk. e-va-), 
root i, to go. 

Latin, eq-vo^, horse ; a-vo- (see Greek) ; ar^vo^, ploughed, 
arvw^m, field, root ar, arnire, to plou^i^h; vac-uo-, empty, root 
vac, vac^rey to be empty; al-vo-, fem. belly, root a/, alere, to 
feed. Also formations in ivOy as noci-vo-y vaci-vo- for noc-uOy &c. 

Gothic ai-va-, masc., nom. sing. aivSy time, root /, to go (comp. 
Sanskrit, Greek, Latin) ; O. S. eAu-, horse, requires a Gothic aiA^ 
r«- for a more ancient ih-va-, prim, ak^va. 

rant, used to form a part. pret. active, probably a compound of 
va-^-nt {^san{)y in the same manner as yant^ya-\-nt (ant) (see 
the comparative), and mani^=,ma'\-7it {ant), and afit=a'{-ut {auf)\ 
80 that we get the orders anC, t^ant, yant, mant, by the side of 
an, yan, vaiiy man, and a, ya, va, ma, consisting of one, two, and 
three, component elements. It frequently occurs that suffixes of 
the second order may be used for those of the first, and suffixes 
of the third order may replace those of the second. 

vant does not occur m the Teutonic languages, unless we 
except the nom. plur. masc. Goth, hernajdny parents, which is 


supposed to stand for a more ancient bSransfd^szhalar-^nsga^, 
root bary Sansk. bkar, to bear, to beget 

ma and man {^ma-^-an) 

Sanakrit. Jan-many neut. birth^ root jan^ gignere ; nd^man^^ 
nent. name, =r^^ii^iffjif-,rDot gna-gan^ to know ; usir^nan-^ sum- 
mer, root usky to burn. 

Greek. Otp-yud-j adj. hot, Bip-iiriy fem. beat, root tfep, Oip^itm^ 
to grow hot; yvA-iiii, opinion, root yvo^ prim. ga%, to know; 
ii'^f-yLo^, wind, prim, root an, to breathe ; yv^^iijov^y masc.^ nonL 
sing. yv^yMVy one who knows^ root yM>, prim. gan. 

lAtin. an-i-mO', nom. sing, animus, mind, root an (see Greek) ; 
al^mo'^ almus, nourishing, root a/, alere ; fd-ma^ report, rooty!*, 
/a-W, to say. 

Gothic. The suffix ma is rarely used except in the saperlatiye 
(see below). Examples : — ^wir-iwo-, adj., nom. sing, rarwt-*, warm ; 
O. H. Germ. ^«-m, smoke, Sansk. dku-ma-y £ftt. /w-mo-, root 
dhuy to move. More frequent in Gh)thic is the suffix man, e. g. 
maUman-y masc, nom. sing. maJr-ma^ sand^ root mal, mat-an, 
Germ, ma-len^ to grind ; na-^an-, neut., nom. sing, namd^ name 
(comp. Sansk. nd-man). This suffix appears in an extended 
form with ya and with its vowel a weakened into », as /a«i- 
munja-y nom. sing, lauh-mani, lightning, prim, rui-^nanyay root 
/«A=prim. ru^, to shine, to lighten. 


Sanskrit, dip-ra-, shining, root dip, to shine; aj-ra-^ a plain, 
floor, root q/, to go, to drive; a»-i-&, wind, air, root a«, to 

Greek. ipvO-po-y red; iK-po-^ topmost, highest; iK-pa, top, 
root prim, a^, to have an edge, to be sharp ; 6«-/»o-, gift, root do, 
to give ; Trrc-po-, neut. wing, root wer, = Sansk. j»<i^, to fly ; fxey- 
(iAo-, great, strictly * grown', root prim, mag or mag A, to grow ; 
ar^-Ai;, column, root ora, to stand. 

Latin, ruh-ro-^ red, root r«i, prim, mdh; gnorra-y experienced, 
root gna'=^gan^ to know; pk-ro-y much, root ple^pra^par^ to 
fill ; sella^ chair, = sed-la-, root sed, sederCy to sit ; cande-la, 
candle, light, root cande-, cand^rCy to glow, to be white. 

Gothic, bait-ra, bitter, O. H. Germ, biitar, bitter, root bit, 
beitan^ to bite; viik-ila-y great, =Gr. /mcyciAo-, prim, root ma>g or 
w/a^//, to grow ; ^it-lay seat, nest, root %at, to sit. 



It. raJHtn-^ nom. sing, raj-a, king, root ro;, to shine ; 
miSkr-an^ friend, root anih^ to love ; ud-^n-, neut. water, root ud, 
to moisten, 

Greek, rep^v-^ nom. sing. masc. r^fy-^rjv, tender, root rep, t€C-p<m}, 
I rub ; ciic-di^, fern., nom. cIir-cDi;, image (eomp. i^oi-Ka, perf. I 
resenible) ; Acix^^y lichen^ root A4Xi Xeix<<^> I lick ; KAv5-:i>i'« 
billow, root xXvd^ icAi/C»^ I wash. 

lAtin. com-pag^en^^ nom. sing, compago, fixture, root pag^ pango, 
I fasten; pecUen, neut. comb, jo^c^e?, I comb; ed^n-, glutton, 
root edy edo, I eat. 

Oothio. liub-a-j nom. sing. masc. Hubs, G«rm. lieb, dear, in 
an indefinite sense ; liub^n^, nom. sing. masc. liub-a, dear, in a 
definite sense, root lub, Sansk. lubA ; raud-^-y red, indef. ; raud^ 
an-'y red, def., root prim. rudA, to be red. 


Used chiefly in the formation of themes which occur as iufini- 
tives ; farther, nomina actionis and nomina agentis. 

Sanskrit, gam-ana-, to go, root gam, to go ; bAar-ana-, to bear, 
root bAar ; nay-and-^ neut. eye, * that which guides,' root «i, to 
guide ; vadHma-, mouth, * that which speaks,' root vad, to speak ; 
vaA-ana-j wagjgon, *that which conveys,' root vaA, to fare, to 

Greek, hpir^-avo-, sickle, root ipcTr, hpi-n-oixai, I cut off; nJ/uiTr- 
ot^o-, neut. drum, root rvir, rvuruiy I beat; 8\'avo^, handle, root 
^X> ^X**> I have, hold. 

IiBtin. pdg-ina, fem., leaf, page, root pag, to join, fix ; dom-itKh^ 
master, fem. dom-dnay mistress, root doMy domo, to overcome, to 

Gothic. Infinitives : bair-an, to bear, theme prim. bAar^anor^ 
pres. theme Goth, baira^, root bar, Sansk. bAar ; it^an, to eat, 
pres. theme ita^y root at, prim, ad ; sit-an, to sit, pres. theme sita-y 
root 0at, prim. sad. 


Themes with na are frequently used as part. pret. passive, 
identical in meaning to those in fa, 

Sanskrit. >rajeM^^l-, sleep, root srap, to sleep ; antia, food, =^a^- 
fia, root ad J to eat; part. pret. pass, pur^na-, root par, to fill ; 
Htr-ita-^z^ sfar'7fa, root sfar, sternere, to scatter. 


Greek. Adjectives: ir€fiP((=^(r€/3-v((-^ revered^ root aefi^trifi- 
oixaL, I revere; &y-i^o-^ revered, sanctified, root iy, aC^ffuu, I 

Latin, pfe-no^^ filled, full, root ple=:pla=:pra=:parj to fill; 
fiio^iio^, great, literally * grown,' root ntoff^ Sansk. moA, to grow. 

Gothic. Part. pret. passive : baira-na^ pres. theme baira, root 
bar^ to bear; vigoriia^ pres. theme vipor^ root vag^ to move; 
buya-na, root iw^, to bend (Germ, biegen) ; bar-m^^ nom. sing. 
barn, child, * that which has been born,' root bar, 

na, nd (Gothic), used in the formation of passive intransitiTe 
verbal forms, as ga-hail-ni-^f, he is healed, from heil^y heal, theme 
haila- (c(»nip. hall-ja-n, to heal); veiA-ni-p^ he is sanctified, he 
becomes lioly, from veiA-^ holy, theme veika-. 


Compare ti« Orders of similar meaning are na, ni, nu, an<3 
lay fi, lit, 

Sanskrit, ///a-ni-, fatigue, root gla, to lose strength; Ad-ni^ 
abandon, abandonment, root ia, to abandon. 

Greek. H^ij-vi-y hV^i-Sf wrath, root prim, tna, to think. 

Latin, ig-ni^, fire, Sansk. ag^ni- ; pa-ni-, bread, root pa (comp. 
pa-^co, to foed). 

Gothic, /lausei'vi', hearing, ^hauya-ni, verbal theme A^uya , 
to hear ; t/olei-ui-, greeting, verbal theme golja^, to greet ; libai' 
w/-, life, verbal theme llLai', to live. 


Sanskrit, (n-nu-y thin, root ta, tan, to stretch; su-nn-, bom, 
trou, root fiity to l>egot, to bear (comp. Goth, barn^ son, root bar)) 
blia-nn^ sun, root bha^ to shine. 

Greek. Opij-ro-, stool, root 6 pa, OpTJ^aaa-Oai, to sit down, Opor 
roy, seat, root i)rini. (///ra, dharj to hold, support. 

Latin, te-nn-i', thin (comp. Sansk. fa-uu^)', perhaps also ma-nu-, 
hand, prim, root fna, to measure, to form. 

Gothic. i<U'UU', son (comp. Sansk.) ; as to kinnu-^ it is doubtful 
whether it is formed by the sufiix nu. 


Comi)a!e the pronominal root ia. This suffix is frequently 
usod to form the part perf. passive, the 3rd person of the verb, 
perhaps also the abl. sing, of the noun. 


Banakrit. ma-ta^, root ma^ man^ to think ; bkr-ta-y root bhar^ to 
bear ; yuk-ta-^ root yuj^ to join. 

Greek. icAv-ro-, root kKv, to hear ; (nrap-Td", root <rjr€p, to sow ; 
oTa-ro-, root oro, to stand. 

Latin, da-^to-^ root <;?«, to give ; sla-lo-^ root sla^ to stand ; 
di-rv-^, root ruj to fall down; pasao-^^pas-to^ pat-to ^ root 
fa/, to suffer. 

Gkxthic. sati-^a- of eatjan, root *«^, to set ; veihai-da- ; mah-ta" 
for mag-da-^ from the perf. theme wat^, I am able, may ; }?rt^-^« 
for ^ak-da-y root )7fli, to think ; brah-i-a for brag-da^ root im<7, to 
bring, (On the change of the final g of the root into h before 
the dental, see the letters h and g, pp. 1 16, 128.) 

tar, tra 

The sufiix "tar is used to form nomiua agentis, and the part, 
foi active; -/r«, nomina which denote an instrument and the 
Kke. The origin of these suflixes is obscure ; perhaps they both 
we derived from tara^ a compound of ta + ra, in the same manner 
as «wn and mna from mana=ma'^na. Formations with these 
suffixes are traced to the primitive language, especially those in 
-fer-, used as family terms ; e. g. md-tar-y genitrix, mother, root 
««, gignere, to produce, to bear ; pa-tar-y father, root pa, to pro- 
*^ to govern ; bhrd-tar-y brother, root bhar^ bhra^ to bear, to 
support ; dor-tar-y giver, root rfa, to give ; su-^tar-^ woman, root 
**) to beget, to bear, hence svastar^sva'Sutar-, sister; gan-tar-, 
S^oitor, begetter, root gan^ to beget. Instrumental nouns in 
'^^«, as dak'tra-y tooth, root dak^ to bite ; gd-tra-y limb, root ga^ 
^ go, to move ; krau-tra-^ ear, root kru^ to hear. 

Sanskrit, pi-tar-y father ; md-tary mother ; bhrd-iaty brother ; 
ft^a^ar- (sister) for ^ sva-star^.^ si'asutar- ; kar-tar^ root kafy to 
Diake ; pak-tar-, root pack^ to cook, &c. ; du-tuvy fem. nom. sing. 
ioriri = da-trydy the feminine being formed by the addition of 
the secondary suffix ya, except in family terms where both the 
masculine and feminine may end in tar (comp. md-tar, mother). 
Suffix 'tra : gd-tray limb, root ga, to go ; vas-tra-, vestis, clothes, 
root vas, to clothe ; vak-tra, mouth, root vacAy to speak. 

Greek, -rep, -rrjp, -rop, for the primitive -tar, e.g. Tta-rip', 
father ; /xTj-rcp-, mother ; ho-rfip" or fica-r?}/), giver ; pfj^rop-y 
orator, root p^^^py to speak; Fia-rop-y loTwpy one who knows, 
who bears witness, root f 18, to know ; -rvp only in /uwip-rvp-, 
witness, root amar, to remember. The primitive -tra becomes in 
Greek -rpo, -Opo (neut.), -rpa, -Opa (fem.). Examples : — Spo-rpo-, 
plough, from the verbal theme apo-y to plough, root ip ; ^la-rpo-^ 


physician, verbal theme ia, 'td-o/utat, to heal; fia-Opc, ground, 
l.ottom, root j0a=prim. ga, to go; KoijjLri-Opa, sleeping place, 
dormitory, verbal theme KOifia-, ko(/ui((», to cause to sleep. 

Latin. The family terms end in ler, tr^ the nomina agentis 
in toTy for the primitive tar \ e. g. pa-ter, md'teryfrd-ter (but toror- 
from ^sosor-, ^sos-lor, ^sva-s-far, ^ sva-^u-tar) ', vio-tSr^, root vie; 
censor'=ce7iS'for, root cen/i^ censeo. Future participles: da-^uro^j 
vio-turo' ; the fern, tura forms nomina actionis, e.g. sepul-tura 
(comp. 8€pul-iu8\ sepelio^ to bury. ^r(?=prim. ira^ e.g. rds^tro^, 
rostrum^ beak, = ^ro^-/rf>, root rody rddare^ to gnaw; clam-trozs: 
^claud'trOy root claud^ claudere^ to lock. We have an extension 
of the suffix tra by the addition of the suffix ya in the termi- 
nations 'ffio^y and -lorio-y as pa-tr^io-j audi'-tor-io, &c. ; trie^ by 
the addition of ic, as vic-tr-ic' ; trinay by the addition of ina, as 
doc^lr-inaj root fl?d?c. 

Gothic. The suffix lar is preserved in family terms only, e. g. 
fa-daVy father; br6'^fary brother; dauh^tary daughter; gms-tar, 
sister. Suffix fra forms neuter nouns, as maurbray nom. sing. 
w^rfr-]?r, murder, prim, root mary to die; O. H. Germ. i/a-Ziir, 
laughter, root Alaky Goth. Alai-Jan, to laugh; O. H. Germ, ruo- 
dar, rudder, oar (Germ, ruder), root ra=^ar (comp. ar^arCy &c ). 


Sanskrit, ma^ii-y opinion, root mOy matiy to think; uk-tiy speech, 
root vachy to speak ; yuk-tiy junction, root yujy to join ; pd-ti-y 
lord, root/'tf, to protect. 

Greek, rt or (n : /txTi-ri-, prudence, root may to think ; ^d-n-, 
sayin^r, report, root </>a, to say ; <(>v-ti, nature, root 0v, to grow. 

Latin, do^t'i', doSy dowry, root doy to give ; men-li, menSy mind, 
root men =^ man y mOy to think; ves-fi-y root prim, ro^, to clothe. 
An extension of ti is tio, tia=ti+o (ay perhaps forya) : in~i^tio^y 
beginning, root i, to go; jusfi-tia" {rom Justo, &c. 

Gothic has -di and 'tAi for the primitive -tiy e.g. knth-di-y 
genus, gens, prim, root gna^gatiy gignere; mah^ti^y might, 
power = ^;//^/ J-//, root 7nagy to be able; ga-muyi-^i-y remembrance, 
root mun=.many inOy to think ; anS'ti' favour, root ««, to favour; 
fa-di-, nora. sing. fo\-Sy lord, prim, root pay to protect (comp. 
Sansk. j}tf'ti~), 


Used in the formation of verbal nouns. 

Sanskrit, da-in-u}^ root da^ to <>ive ; stha-tu-my root May to 
stitnd ; vet-tu-iit^ root r/V/, to know ; kar-lu-niy ro<jt Xv/r, to make. 


Qmtikm fipiOfTi'f meat, root fipo (comp. Pi-Pfni-aKio) ; ^di^-ri-^ 
root ^, to eat; ia-jv ^r^Fiff-rv, town, prim, root i*as, to 
dwelL Secondary suffix is -<n;v?y=*-rvji7, e.g. iuaic-oi/i^?; from 
duiuo-j just ; [Apqiw^iti, remembrance^ theme pi^fior-, mindful^ 
root ficvssaum, Ma, to think. 

Tiatin Mia-4U'^ nom. sing^ tiatus, root «//7, to stand ; dl(yfH'^ root 
rfir, to say ; vic^u^y root ryr, r*r, r/r-o, to live, &c.. &c. Secondiiry 
raffixes used in the formation of abstracts arc lu-li-, tu^lon-, and 
im^iu't as iervp4uli-, ulti-tudin'. 

Ootliio. dau'-yu'^ death, root fJau, dii\ duy to die; vrato-^lu-^ 
jonmey, theme t>rai4y to go ; vaAs-fn-, root vaie, to grow. Tlie 
suffix 'iiea (^Sansk. -tcay Lat. -iiio) forms secondary themes, as 
yi€€Hdta^f servitade, from ]^»ra-, \iuSy servant. 

ant, nt 

Used chiefly in the formation of the participle active out of 
the theme of the present tense. 

Saiiakrit. adnint, root and theme of the present ad^ to eat; 
imda-ni, root ind, to jiush, to strike ; fem. ad-^fi, nout. rt^/w//, &c. 

Qreek* ^pt^ -vt, fem. ^-^mya, ^"irrya, which becomes ^ova-a, 
"Ovaa, e.g. <^€pc-rT-, fem. <l>€povaa=^^<t>€p>.'vaa=^^<f)fpO'i'Ti/ny root 
^€p, to bear; riOl^vj-^ root ^f, to set; ficSo-w-, root do, to give, 
so also the and aor. Oi-vr-, 6c?-yr-. 

Iiatin. -eni, ancient -071/, -ujit: tche^ni-y root %ehy to fare, to 
convey; xol-enU^ ancient tol-ontry tol-^ni-^ root tol, to will. 
{pra)r9-ent''z=.e9-^it, root ai)d pres. theme esy Sansk. as^ to be; 
f-en(^, e^un^zsz^e^anl', root 1, to go. Secondary fonnations are 
the abstracts in antiay eniia, antiunf^ evtiinn^—ant, e)tt-{ia, ?V>, 
prim, ya, e.g. silenf-iu'-m, licenf-ia, abundanf-ia. 

Qotiiio. lairandSy pres. YiarX. = dira-//d{ays, root dar^ to bear; 
ffibor-nd'y root gaby pres. theme yiba-. Other Teutonic dialects 
show with these participles an extension of the theme by means 
of adding the suffix ya, as O. S. helpandja-^ helping, definite 
form helpandjan. 


The themes in -hm are commonly used as neuter nomina actionis, 
rarely as nomina agentis. 

Sanskrit. ya;/-a«, genus, root Jan, gigncro; man-^Sy sense, root 
muMy to think ; vach-^aSy speech, root rachy to speak ; ajy-aSy work, 
root ap. 

GreelL. yAv-oSy sense, courage, wrath, gen. /xcV-ea-os, \iiv^os, 
fjL€i'ovs, root fjL€v:=matty to think; yii-osy gen. yu-icos, ycrors > 


h-os^Fiit-oi, fAr-c<j^, word, root Fm, prim. «ai, Sansk. eacA, 
speak ; fA^K-09, fx^ic-€«r-, lengthy root fuuc, fian^p^-, long, 

Latin, gen-us, ancient ^gen-as^ Samk. jan-as, root gen^ gT^^ei 
op'US, work, old form ^ap-os, Sansk. ajh-as; Jbed^n^, old ioi 
/oid-os, root fdy fido ; corp-us, Sansk. root iarp ; juSy right, c 
form jov^s, root Ju, iyo join; pu9y old form j»ot>^*, root j»w, to r< 
The masculines in or=os, e.g. arb-or^arb^s ; sop-or^ prim, re 
scap^ to sleep. 

Gothic expresses the primitive cis by -wa, as if it came fix 
an ancient -asa^ theme in a. Examples : — kat^Ua^^ nom. sic 
AafU, hate, root Aaf, Jiatni, I hate ; ag-isa-, nom. sing, ag^^y fcj 
root ag, og, I fear. In Old High German the suffix prim, i 
Goth, "isa, O. H. Germ, -/ra, is used in the plural only, wb 
the suffix a forms the singular, e. g. sing, grab, grave, from 
primitive grada-jn^ plur. nom. grab-ir, = ancient ^grab-isa, mc 
ancient ^grab-asd, (Concerning the formation of the plural 
ir, er, see the Teutonic Declensions of the Noun.) 


Sanskrit. This suffix is rarely used in primary, but more f 
quently in secondary themes, as putra-ka, little son, from put 

Greek, secondary suffix in (pvai-Kc-, theme ipytTi-; 6rj\v- 
Orjkv' ; Kap5ia-K0-, KapbCa, 

Latin, secondary suffix in civi-^o-, theme dvi^ ; urbi-< 
theme urbi-; belli-co-, theme belli-, 

Gothic, primary suffix in O. H. G^rm.^/i?/-ra, neut. folk (cob 
Slavonic plii-kiiy multitude, army), prim, joar-fe, root/;ffr, to 1 
Secondary suffix in anda-qay beatus, theme anda-y happinei 
/landu-gay wise, skilful, theme handu^y hand ; at-aina-ha-y petre 
theme siahia-^ stone (Germ, stein). The suffix -isha is used 
derivative adjectives which correspond to those ending in -ika 
Greek and Latin, as barn-iska-y childish, from the theme barn 
neut. child. 

Note, — All other suffixes will be explained in their proj 
places, when we tr:?at on the Comparisons, Numerahy &c., &c. 




ist and 2nd Person, 






Nona, aham 








Acciia. mam, ma 

W, M^ 



tvam, tvd 




Instr. may& 


• • • 

• * • 


• • • 

• • • 


Dat. mahyam 





• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


T«ty, ^i¥ 



tre, ti 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

Abl. mcU 

• • • 


• • • 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


• • • 


« * ■ 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

Gen. mama 

iyLOVf fiov 




• • • 

• • • 

• • 9 






■ • • 

• • 9 

• • • 

Log. mayi 

ifiolf fiol 

m^ei \ 






Nom. avam 

Accus. av&m 



Instr. avabhyam 

Dat. avabhyhm 



Abl. dvdbhydm 

Gen. dvayds 



Log. dvayos 



I i^tf, pan 

* • * 

mtiP, vi^p 



N 2 




• • 


9 9 

9 9 

9 9 


m m 


9 9 





Nom. vayam 



Accos. aaman 


Inatr. atmahkih 

Dat. atmabhjfam 



AbL lumai 

Gen. atmakam 








tffi/if fy ^if 



• • • 

• • ■ 


• • • 

• • • 

tifi/At, iifuis 

• • • 

• • • 


• • • 

• • • 

• ■ • 

• • • 

• • • 

• ■ • 

• • • 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• ■ • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


Instrnmental . 
Dative «l 

Genitive U 


yrd PenoH, 


• • • 

io7, ol 

• • • 


• • • 


• • • 

• • • 



From the personal terminations of the verb, as well as from 
the different cases of the pronoim itself, the primitive root of 
the 1st singular appears as tna^ of the 2nd singular as tu or 
tva, Schleicher considers this ma^ ' ego/ identical with the verbal 
root ma^ * to measure^ to think/ a root from which is also derived 
* man/ Sansk. fna-nu-, Goth, ma-n-, i. e. the being that * thinks' ; 
a very appropriate term for individual self-assertion, quite as 

^ The singular supplies, except in Greek, the place of the plural. 


distinct as, and fiur more oondse than^ the well known ' cogito, 
eigo warn' of the scholastic school. The derivation of the root 
ka is obscure. 

ist Pkbsok Nohikative Singular. 

Primitive (Ursprache) aaam or agham. Whether ay, agh is 
the root and Him a termination^ which occurs in Sanskrit too not 
im&eqaently, or the initial a is the remainder of the root ma^ and 
o^hm stands for ma^hormy is not decided. The primitive ag-am 
is represented in Sanskrit by ah-dm^ Or. ^/-<i, .^1. iy^^v^ Lat. 
9-0, Goth. ik. 

2nd Pbbsok Nominative Sikgxjlaa. 

The primitive ink-am is in Sanskrit represented by tvdm [^iur- 
m), Gr. (TV for the more ancient and Doric rv. Dor. ana Ep. 
rvp-17, BcBot. Toivy where the final v is considered the last rem- 
nant of the termination am, of the primitive tu-^m, just as in 
fyiv for agam. The Latin tu and the Gothic ^u are the weakened 
fonns of Iva. 

AccusATivB Singular. 

In this, as well as in the remaining cases of the singular^ the 
pioper bases of these pronouns become distinctly apparent, i. e. 
(0 na, (2) IvGy (3) sva. The primitive language probably used 
for the accusatives (1) tna-m, (2) tva-m, (3) sva-m ; so also in San- 
sbit the roots ma, tva^ are treated as bases in a and form the 
MDsatives (i) md-my (2) ivd-m (enclit. ma, tvd). Oreek (i) i^yA, 
M(a) fri, Dor. W for rFi, (3) i, Mo\. Fi=aF4, Horn. i4, pro- 
bably for acf €. Characteristic of all these Oreek accusatives is 
the loss of the accusative termination m. The Latin accusatives 
(i) «/, (a) te, (3) se, for me-m, le-m, tve^m, ee-m, sve^m, seem to 
lead us to an original mi-m, tvi^m, svi-^m, where we have the 
bases m, tvi and svi, instead of the primitive ma, tva and eva^ 
as they distinctly appear in the datives ti-bi, H-biy and in the 
Umbr. iinom for tu-om, Osc. si^m for su-om. The Gothic also 
shows the base ^mi for ^ma^ma-m in the accus. (1) mv-ky where 
&e k corresponds to the primitive gay Sansk. gha^ ha^ Or. y€y a 
particle of emphatic force, so that mi^k would be represented by 
a primitive ^ma-m-gay Or. V^-yc. In the same manner the accus. 
(2) \ifrk would be rendered by a primitive ^tu-tn^ga^ (3) ai-k^ 


The locttiTe case in the Ur^ndie is fonned by adding the 
termination i to the root, (i) ao-f, (2) /ra-t, (3) tra-i. These are 
itendered in Sanskrit, ^i^ mth-f-i, (2) iri-yH ; a more ancient 
form was (O m/. ^2^; //, /c/, which though originally a locative 
came to be chiefly employed as an enclitic form to express the 
relations of the goiitire and dative. Gr. (1) l-ino^ M^» (2) 
0-0-1= o-fo-i^rfo-c, (3) o£y ioij primitive form laoa-i. In Latin 
wanting. Tlie form which in Gothic expresees the rektions of 
the dative is supposed to have originally been a locatiYe, so that 
the words ^1) ariW, (2) )w^, (3) «w^ are tiie relics of locatives, i. e. 
ma-tmim^ /«-M»ia, «ra-Mria. 

Datttb SiNoriAB. 

Primitive (i) ma-bkiam^ (2) tm-bkiam^ (3) sva^kiam. The suffix 
bkiam which we find added to the root is one of the extensions of the 
simpler form Mi, a form which in various modifications is applied 
to perform the functions of the locative and the dative, in nouns 
as well as pronouns. The Sansk. (i) ma-^yam for ^ma-ikyam, 
(2) iu-hkyam ; Gr. (i) Dor. ^ylp, (2) Horn, rc-6^, Dor, rlv, (3) kh 
(korinna), contracted tr, probably derived from the more ancient 
forms ^ifu-ifnv, *re-0u', *€-^u', *-^us being a true dative suffix 
in the place of the primitive bhiamy and altogether distinct from 
the locative hhl. The Latin (1) tfii^ki=mi'di=mi-6ei; (2) fi-^bi 
^fi-bei, (3) 91-61 = si-bei, show the bases «i, fi=tri, and *i=#r/, 
which are the weakened forms of the primitive ;;/fl, tca^ sra^ the 
inflexional suffix bf, dii, from the primitive b/tiam (eomp. Sansk. 
above), which gradually declined to bei{m)y bei, bi{m) (comp. sit 
for aiet, self). In Gothic the dative is supplied by the locative. 


Primitive (1) ma-t, mama-t, (2) tta-t, (3) STa-4. The Sanskrit 
forms are identical with these: (1) via-t, (2) tva-ty followed by 
the ablative termination fas (i) mat'-taSy (2) ioat-tas (comp. i-^*, 
a-tas, from here, from there). In Greek it is wanting: the 
termination -^O^v in ifii-Oevy (T€-0ev, e-O^Vy — oUo-dtv is not the 
Sanskrit las, but diaSy as in a-d^as, down from. Latin (i) fue-^, 
(2) te-d^tve-^^ (3) se-d^sve-d^ which forms are considered regular 
ablatives (for ^mei-d^ ^iei-d, ^sei-d) of the Latin bases mi, ti, ii. 
Gothic wanting. 



Genitive Singular. 

The primitive language is supposed to have at an early period 

formed this case by means of the reduplication of the root^ 

(i) mar9, tnanui'^, (2) iva^, tvatvas. The Sanskrit drops the 

case termination: (i) mama^ (2) tava, Greek (i) ^-/ute-io = 

MOr^Gf with the usual case suiBSx sya, whence i-fUo by dropping 

the sibilant^ and then by contraction : i'fi€v, /xcv, ^-fiov, fjLov ; 

{2) r€<y-io=:tava^a, root tava, Gr. t€Fo; from ^tFc-ho it became 

^•^o, (Tcv, crov; (3) k~lo =: sva^ya, hence ?o, ci, oS. The Doric 

forms, such as i^iiost iiitvs, ifMvsy add the genitive termination s 

k> the old genitive. The genuine genitive is wanting in Latin^ 

*nd its functions are performed by the genitive of the possessive 

pronouns mei, tut, »ui, for ^me~io^ ^tovo^ ^*apt>,= primitive ma-ya, 

^^•^ntt, sa-va, (Compare the Latin tuu8=^^tovo^y ^tevo-s with the 

f^^ek T€F6-!fy iuus=^sovo^, ^sevo^, Gr. kF6s.) The Gothic forms 

fj* i meina^ (2) yeina^ (3) seina are considered of a more recent 

^^^mation, having no connexion with the primitive mana^ mama^ 

^"^t originating perhaps in the plural genitive of an adjective 

(Compare Latin mei^ &c.) 

Instrumental Singular. 

Its existence in the Ursprache is uncertain, the Sanskrit forms 
(1) morya^ (2) tvorya. The Greek, Latin, and Gothic lan- 
guages are devoid of these forms. 


The base of the plural pronouns is in its origin perhaps 
nothing but a compound of the bases for the pronouns of the 
1st and 2nd singular with the sufBx srna : (i) masma^ (2) tvor^ma 
(ma^&ma^ 'I and he,** fva-sma, * thou and he^). As to the termi- 
nations, it is doubtful whether to these bases were joined the 
usual case suffixes of the plural, or those of the pronominal 
declension, or those of the singular ; and on the whole the termi- 
nations are of minor importance in the formation of the plural 
of the personal pronoun where the modifications of the root im- 
print a peculiar character on the different languages : Sansk. 
(i) asma, (2) yu-sAma, where the a and yu are considered to be the 
remains of the primitive ma and tva. The case suffixes are partly 
tliose of the plural, partly of the singular. 

In Greek all the plural bases are treated as themes in i ; they 
are (1) primitive asma-, hence icrfxi, from which by assimilation 


the .£ol. afific-, dfi^ and the uscml fonn $fu- for M/u; (2} 
mitive jrir<^M<i-, whence futmi^^ .Sol. v/«|i€-, w«-, and the 
men #fu-, where the vowel is lengthened on acconnt of the i 
of s (comp. €^u for ^cctu), and the spirant jr is replaced 
The nominatives (i) ^^w, (2) viicw, (3) cr^cw, are legalar /bma- 
tions of themes in f\ while the .Eol. ^fificv, Dor. o/m^, &c., showtb 
same termination with the vowel shortened^ i. e. €s instead of m^ 
€19. Tlie accusatives ^fias, &c., are the contracted forms of ij^ 
&c., and regular themes in 1 (primitive ^a^may^ns), Hie .£flL 
aixii€, &c., is formed analogously to the sing, ijlii. The dat JE/L 
imii{v) and the common rifup are in analogy to the dal sing. 
c/AUs primitive (umi^Aj^am, whence *amu-Ht>u*, &c. (r^-Hri(p} is of 
course the common locative dative. The genitives .^^1. iiifiMt 
^/i€i-«i>r^ ^fii^iav, are regular transformations of the primitiie 
asmajf^am. The bases of the and and 3rd persons follow a similir 

The Lat. (1) nd9, (2) r^^ seem to have introduced an in(Ny 
ganic 6 in place of a more ancient n^, r^, which would slridily 
cori*espond to the Sansk. na9 and r<M. The datives and ablatives 

(1) nobUy (2) robis, have the plural in bi^ like tibi, where iisiei 
stands for the primitive bh^am^; to and no for vo9^ t8-s, and no9, 
ud'S (comp. noS'fer, rosier), and these are the remains of no-'tmo, 
vo^mo ; so that no^is, vo^is, stand for the more ancient ^nSf- 
bei'is, ^ ro9'bel'i8 {s dropped before b and compensated for by the 
production of the vowel), primitive ^ ma-sma-ihyam-^y ^ima-^na- 
bhifam^. The ^^enitives (1) nos-tru^m, noi-tri, (2) vos-iru-m, ro#- 
fri, are pronominal adjectives in fero, the primitive suffix fara, 
chiefly used in the formation of comparatives ; the genitives in i 
have the singular, those in um the plural termination, the latter 
being sometimes replaced in Plautus by onim, e. g. nosirorum for 
nosh'iim, primitive forms ^ 7na'Sma-taram^ ^ tvasma-iaram. 

Goth. nom. (1 ) rm, plural of a base in i, t?/-, perhaps for i»/, ma, 

(2) jus. The accus. and dat. (i) unsis, nns (abbreviated form), 
(2) izvHs, where s seems to stand in analogy to that of the dat. 
sing., and the themes (i) laisi, (2) izvi, are considered inversions of 
the original (1) ma-sfjia, (2) Iva-sma, The genitives (1) unsara^ 
(2) izvara, are adjective stems in the same inflexional case as the 
sing, meina, &c., that is, most likely, the genitive plural. 

The Dual. 

Sanskrit (1) base, ^r«-, (2) base, yuva-^ which are treated as 
if they were feminine. These bases arc thought to be the muti- 
lated forms of the more primitive ^via-dva-, ^tva-dca-; the a and 


ftt ihe beginning of the dual bases would then be the remains 
the pronouns ma and tva^ and va might very likely be the 
ated numeral dva (two). Greek (i) nom. and aceus. vd, 
a base vi»- : rSi seems to be formed in analogy to the dative. 
[%)<r^^ probably from a more ancient ^rFfa, with cnftiaij seems to 
'.m an analogon to (3) (r<^^^ which consists of (r</>a>-^ as the base^ 
nd -€ a new dual termination^ as we find with the substantives. 
lathe dat. and gen. (i) v^^iv, (2) (r<^cS-«', (3) ac^ou-fi;, we have 
"tte termination -«^==-<^ti^, corresponding to the Sanskrit bhydm, 
Inse bhi. In Latin the dual is wanting. 

Gothic nom. (i) w-^; vi- is the pronominal base (comp. nom. 
phr. vei^\ and the -t is the relic of the numeral tva (two); 
(3) does not occur in the documents, but in analogy to the Old 
Norse it may have been i'-t^ju-t, which would be formed simi- 
larly to the 1st person, the -l being the numeral Iva, and the i- 
the remnant of the pronoun ju- (comp. 2nd plur. Jus). In the 
dat. and accus. (i) ugki-s^ (2) igk-vis, the -« is the same termi- 
nation as in the dat. sing, and plur. The origin of the bases 
ugii-f igivi' is obscure ; they are considered as being of a more 
recent formation. Gren. (i) ugha-ray (2) igkva-ra have the same 
termination as the plur. (i) unsa-ra, (2) izva-ra. From this simi- 
larity between the dual and plural forms it will appear that the 
former is not organic, but merely an inflexional modification of 
the plural, since, according to Bopp, the dual and plural bases 
are the mutilated remains of one and the same suffix which was 
originally used in the plural only, and later on came to be applied 
to express the dual, i. e. sma, which by metathesis becomes in 
the plural msa=Teut, nsi, and in the dual 7n/ia =Teut. nki. 

We cannot more aptly conclude this chapter than by quoting 
a remark made by Schleicher with regard to these pronouns : — 
* On reviewing,' he says, ' the bases of the personal pronouns which 
differ so widely in the various languages, it becomes evident that 
here we have not to deal with changes occurring in accordance 
with phonetic laws, but with more or less arbitrary commuta- 
tions. It appears as though the different languages had avoided 
the distinct expression of the bases of the ist and 2nd persons, 
a fact in which we may perhaps recognise a kind of euphemism 
such as is often manifested in languages by a squeamishness 
which shrinks from pronouncing the ' ego' and * tu.' (Schleicher, 
p. 657. Anm.) 




I8t Perion. 




A. 8. 




O. ILGerm. 


Nom. ik 
Gen. nuina 
Dat. mis 
Accus. mik 



meCf me 


mie, tni 















uncitf unc 



• . • 

. « • 












unsiSf uns 
unsis, UHS 


fUser {Urt) 
dsic, us 

wit we 









ind Person, 





\>cc, \>c 



thic, thi 


du, du 



Nom. ^JHt 
(icn. itjqara 
Dat. i'jqis 
Accus. iiiqis 

Nom. j\ts 
Gen. izvara 
Dat. izvtH 
Accus. isvis 


incii, inc 





• . * 


^jiz, iz 





coiciCf cow 

9h 9^ 



iy gi 

iu, io 

iu, io 

icr, ir 

er^ per 


Dual wanting. 



(siht ng, sic) 
(sih, tig, ne) 





Concerning the primitive forms of the Teutonic pronouns, and 
; ft« idation of the latter to the pronouns of the cognate lan- 
pMges, we must refer to the remarks we advanced on the proper 
<*CttHHL (See p. 1 80 sqq.) Here we have to add a few words 
ad/ in explanation of some unusual forms which occur in the 
iusent Teutonic dialects. 

Oothic The nom. dual 2nd person^ which does not occur in 

fte docaments, has been set down as Jul in analogy to the plur. 

/9i,9Bwe find nom. dual ist person vit analogous to the plur. 

iwir. y»- in Jul, Jus is the softening of the sing, base ]?u, and veis 

the extension of the root vi ; the I in Jul, vil is the dual termi- 

ottion from Iva (Sansk. dca), two. The accus. plur. ist and 2nd 

penons are anomalous, which, instead of selecting the forms 

identical with the dative, should, in analogy to the A. S. ilsic, 

eSmCf and the O. H. Germ, unsih, iwih, be in Goth, unaik, izvik. 

Old High Oerman. wir and ir arc sometimes marked as long 

on account of the corresponding veis and Jv^ in Gothic ; but 

in later Old High German the i of the nom. plur. mr, ir is short. 

The gen. plur. and dual ends in er as well as ar. Instead of 

koeff imh, there occurs iuwer, iuwiA, and again for iu and iuwik 

we find eu, euwiA, The dual forms, with the exception of 



umcAar, which alone ocean in the docomentei, are GFrimm's con- 

Anglo-Saxon. The most ancient docaments only have the 
accusatiyes MeCyb€c, utie, e6wic; in later times the accns. is iden- 
tical with the oat me^ ye, &c. Very remarkable is the accm* 
dual (2) iMcii, which occurs in Csedmon^ and according to which 
we may presume an accus. dual (i) uncU. The forms ^Uer, 4$, 
of Anglo-Saxon and other Low German dialects come from 
un^er, tms, ninth elision of the n before 8. (Concerning the elision 
in Anglo-Saxon of the n before "S^/^ and s, see the respective 
letters.) And for the more ancient tlser we find in later Anglo- 
Saxon fire, with transition of s into r. The Gothic spirant J in 
Jul is hardened into the media ^ in the Saxon ^t; but in the 
oblique cases, in Gothic as well as in Saxon^ the J is vocalized 
into f ^ and in e^wic the i is lengthened into the diphthong ed. 
From what we have stated it wiU become evident that Anglo- 
Saxon has in some cases of the pronoun more ancient forms tiban 
even the Gothic. 

Old Norse. The vdr, vor, or, of the gen. plur. ist pers. stand 
in the same relation to a more ancient assar or osar^ as the A. S. 
ure to user. In oiJkar, ykkar, &c., the n preceding the k, as in 
Goth, ugkar^ A. S. uncer, O. H. Germ, unckar, is assimilated to 
the k, and thus forms the gemination kk. 

All other modifications in the various dialects will easily be 
explained by a reference to the Phonetic Laws. 



isC Person, 


M. 11. Germ. 

Nom. ich 
Gen. min 
Dat. mir 
Accus. mick 




















• m 









• • 

mip {me\ 
mig {me) 

Nom. tvir 
Gen. unscr 
Dat. una 
Acrus. unHch (Uns) 













. • 


















2nd Person. 











N. H. 6. 























• • 

• • 







plur. used 








in its place. 









ye, you 


• • 








. . 












ider, ir 


eder (jer) 
eder (jer) 

I« om. 

Gen. ills 

Aocut. ficA 





yd Person, 



• • 

• • 

• • 



• ■ 

• • 



• • 









Note, — ^The personal pronouns display more tenacity in the 
preservation of their ancient inflexional forms than any other 
species of words. This is a phenomenon which we observe 
among other tribes of languages also. The Romance tongues, 
which have greatly mutilated and mostly dropped the inflexional 
forms of their ancient mother, the Latin, in the declension of 
the noun, were far more conservative in the sphere of the pro- 
noun, where many of the inflexional forms were retained. One 
of the main characteristics of the modem Teutonic, especially 
German forms, is the lengthening of the vowels in some of the 
oblique cases, as niir, toir, for the ancient tntr, wlr; the dropping 
of final consonants, as the English / for ic (Germ, ich), me for mec 
(Germ, mich), botii forms being used in Anglo-Saxon already. 
For the ancient genitive form mine, thine, modem English pre- 
fers the new formation of me, &c. ; German uses the inorganic 
formation meiner by the side of m^in^ the latter occurring rarely, 


except in poetry. The English me, theCy has lost its force as ■ 
dative^ and consequently designates that relation by meaiui 
the preposition to^ to me, to thee. All other pecuIiaritieB ^ 
student will be able to explain by applying to the phonetic hem 
of vowels and consonants. 


Pronominal Bases. 

Sansk. ta^ fern, td (he^ this^ that)^ Goth, tha^ fern. thS. From 
the same base are derived the Lat. talis, tantne, tot ; further f»-to 
for ia-to-Sy Gk. av-ro-y, ot-ro-s. The Sanskrit demonstratives M, 
sd, tat, Goth, sa, aS^ ifata, Gk. 6, ^, rd, where in the masculine 
and feminine the root ta is replaced by a pronominal root 9a, 
which is used in no other case, sa stands for sa-s, as Gr. 6 for 
i'i, the case-sign of the nom. sing, being easily dropped. (Comp. 
Lat. Ut^ for isto-Sy ipse for ipso-s, qui and qui-s,) 

Sansk. sya — tya-zztu-yay consisting of ta and a relative base^a 
and occurring only in the nom. sing., Goth, si, O. H. G^rm. ««. 
Til is base is of greater importance for Old High German, which 
derives its definite article from it (diu from ty(C)y while Gothic 
uses the base ta for that purpose. The O. H. Germ, der, des, 
&c., Bopp considers to come from the older forms dyar, dyas. 
Remnants in Old High German of the base ta we have perhaps 
in r/<7| (hoc) and de for fl?/^= Sansk. te^ Goth, thai. 

The base i is used in Latin to form the pronoun of the 3rd 
pers. sing, is (he), and in Sanskrit for the demonstrative tki^, and 
adverbs only, as it'as (from here). This base is in Latin length- 
ened by an inorganic or n, and weakened into e, and conse- 
quently passes from the third into the second declension, using 
the forms euniy eo^ eonimy instead of iniy i, ivniy while in Gk)thic 
it remains intact, as accus. sing. Goth, ina, Lat. etim; accus. 
plur. Goth, ins, Lat. eos. As in Sanskrit a so is d in Gothic * the 
fulcrum of the feminine base^ (Bopp), and the base * is thus 
extended into fem. ijo (=?-f (/), accus. ija, plur. nom. and accus. 

Deserving of special mention is the combination of the radical 
base i with the radical base ta, both ha^^ng the force of demon- 
strative pronouns. The pronominal root fa we have met already 
in the Sansk. ta-t, the neuter of the demonstrative sa ; Goth. 
J?^-/^, the neuter of sa, and Gr. to (=^to-t), the neuter of 6. 


neuier root, if we may use the term, is employed in most 
^inmoiiiis for the formation of the neuter gender (comp. Lat. i-Sy 
[■•*rf| fuU^y qui'd, aliurdy Utu-d, quo^d). In Gothic this neuter i 
Vtt been sheltered as it were by the adoption of the final vowel 
tjM )^a-^-a=prim. ta-t; i~Ua=:i-t. (The t is dropped in Ava, 
quod, =rprim. ia-f). The importance of this fact will become 
nu)ie evident when we treat on the declension of the substan- 
tives. The Gothic relative particle ei is by GWmm derived 
direct from the base t, by Bopp from the relative particle 
Sansk. ya, though the latter too admits that the Sansk. relative 
fcweya is to be traced to the demonstrative base i. (Concerning 
^he application in Gothic of this relative suffix ei, see Relative 

The demonstrative base ana with the comparative suffix tara 
^e have in the Sansk. antara (alius), Goth. an}fara (alius, alter, 
^eeandns), as well as in the Lat. al-ter and al4n9 (where the 
liquid / replaces the liquid n). 

• The relative root ya we find in the Sansk. yas, yd, yal, 6r. Sy, 
i7i 8, the Gothic adjective sufiix jia, ja, jata^, and, as mentioned 
alrrady, probablv in the Gothic ei too. 

As interrogative bases we may mention three : ka^ ku, ki — the 
two latter owing their existence to the modification of the vowel 
a of the first. The root ka appears in the prim, ka-^, neut. ka-4 
{quia, quid; qui, quod); in Greek under the form tto, Ionic ko, 
as ir(Pr€=jc(f-re, 'R'c^s=icfi^9i 1101-05:= Koi-oy; Lat. quo, quo-d, &c. 
The Grothic form shows, in accordance to Grimm^ law, initial k 
for the prim, k, hence Goth. Ava (quod). (Comp. O. S. Aua-^y 
O. H. G^rm. Aua^^.) 

The root ku may be recognised in the Sanskrit adverbs ku-tra, 
where ; ku-ias, whence ; perhaps too in the Latin cu^'us, cu-i^ if 
these forms are considered as ancient as quo-iua, quo-i; but it 
is more likely that cu is a later modification of qifOy in the same 
manner as cunde, cubi (ubi), in ali-cunde, ali-cubi of an earlier 
quonde, quobi. 

The base ki is easily discovered in the Sansk. kirm (what), the 
Lat. j^f-«, qui-^, and Ai~c (-c is the enclitic particle of emphasis 
etf=w. ye), where the primitive k has been supplanted by the 
spirant A^ a fact which occurs even in Sanskrit. This base kiy 
modified according to Grimm's law into Ai, appears also in the 
Gothic Aimnuiy Aina, adv. Aita, but only in certain combinations, 
as Aimma daga (hoc die, to-day), whilst Anglo-Saxon and Old 
Frisian use it regularly in the formation of the demonstrative 

* For the declension of this demonstrative suffix see under the strong declension 
of the adjective in Gothic. 


pronoun (see below). In Old High Oerman its application is 
restricted to certain combinations where it appears as the instru- 
mental hiuy e. g. hiu-jdru (M.H. Germ, hiure, N. Germ, heuer), 
this year, hoc-anno ; hiu-tagH (M. H. Germ, hiute^ Germ, heute), 
to-day (comp. hoodie ^ hodie) ; kiu-naht (M. H. Germ, hiunte, 
Germ, heunt), this nighty hac-nocte. 

As to the declension of these pronouns in the cognate lan- 
guages few words must suffice^ their inflexional changes in the 
Teutonic languages receiving special attention hereafter. 

The nom. sing, takes -«, which is the termination of the same 
case in the declension of nouns. (Concerning the derivation of this 
inflexional -«, see the declension of nouns.) Thus Sansk. ka-^^ 
who^ sa-^ (and sa), is, ipse. The case-sign s is dropped in Greek 
and Gothic : 6=0-0^ Goth, sa, for 0-09, Goth. 909. In Latin also the 
case-sign is wanting in is^te for ^U-to^ and in several other pro- 
nouns. The accus. sing, has the nominal termination am, except in 
Gothic^ where the m has been changed into «, which is preserved 
from elision by a final a it has adopted^ hence ^a-n-a from ^pa-i^^ 
and this from the primitive ta~m. The nom. and accus. neut. are 
formed by the suiBSx /=/^, a demonstrative root. Examples: — 
Sansk. ta~l (id), ia-l (q^id); in Gr. t6 for ^ro-r it has been 
dropped. In the Lat. u-tu-d, i-d, qui^, quo-d^ the d stands for 
the primitive t\ and in the Goth, ^a-iniy i-tni, the t has been 
preserved by the addition of the vowel a. 

The termination of the nom. plur. in its primitive form was 
^ta-i^ which may be the remnant only of a full form ^ta-i-sa9 {fa, 
the demonstrative root, sas the plur. termination as in the de- 
clension of nouns). The primitive termination is preserved in its 
original form only in the Goth. ]>ai, whilst in the Sansk. t^, the 
Lat. qui, Ai=qifei, hei = quels, the Gr. rol (later 01) it appears in 
weakened and otherwise modified forms. The nom. and accus. 
dual have the 'same inflexions as the nom., so also the accus. 
plur. The ablative sing., as well as the locative sing, and dative 
sing., is formed by joining to the stem the sufiix sma^ which 
probably arose from the demonstrative Ua-ma, a base in -ma- 
from the pronominal root sa (hie). The gen. sing. masc. and 
neut. originally had the same termination as the noun, that is, 
Sansk. and prim, tasya, Gr. roto from ^rocrto, Goth. \fis: the #y 
is the remnant of smi=sma (vid. supra). 

The gen. plur. has the full termination sdm, Sansk. tdsidm ; 
Gro.ek and Latin the same as the noun ; Gothic masc. and neut. 
^i-ze, fem. ^i-zo, i. e. ^li-sdm. Dat. sing. prim, and Sansk. /<£- 
smdiy from the base tasma- [-^ta-^ sma, vid. supra), which appears 
also in the Gothic masc. \amma ;= t^ismdi, fem. }fizai = ti-^vty-^i. 


The datiTe and ablative plur. have the same inflexions as the 
noon, bat Gothic increases the stem by adding > (which in San- 
skrit is always added in this case to the nominal stems in a 
nuuc and neat), hence Ooth. iiai^m. 






Old FrisiMi. 


Old Norw. 

tM. imma 
Acctu. ina 


him, -e, -a 


AanHM, Aonutn 


Nom. tU 
Oon. M 
tkL im 




Aim, Alam 


I •i« Uw, (I I tfo (■&, *C 

ini Airi ira, M 

Nnt AM ini,M 

IHm [Ami,*! |na,*(b*i 


[ lii I Aid, tt t lit, tit 

I M Aira, hiaixt irS 

im him. hiam im, hi 


Aim (htom) im»{-o) him 

\it, et 
inn <-«) 

Afro, Ata 


\iift,lit,tl \ 




From the prsoedmg table it will become evident that the 
different dialects tut oonsiderBblj in the formation of these 
pronoons. This Tariation is owing to the diflerent choice the 
diakets haTe made out of the Tarioos demonstrative bases which 
we haTe just examined. The Gothic chose for all cases, with 
the exception cf one, the demonstratiTe base J, which it occasion- 
allj lengthened into ija ; the simple forms in t it has in common 
with OM High German and Old Saxon, hot instead of the 
lengthened base iJa the latter dialects nse an altogether difierent 
base, the demonstratiTe si (comp. Sansk. sa, sd, Groth. $a, 96, 
A. S. «f, seoj &e.), which occurs, thoogh in a rather mutilated 
form, in Gothic too, si, fem. of is. Bat in Old High German 
and Old Saxon oat of tiiis base all the cases are formed which 
Gothic deduces from ija, the lengthened form of the base 1; 
hence O. H. Germ., O. S. fem. siu, plur. siS, sid. &c. The Anglo- 
Saxon and Old Frisian again have a base of their own out of 
which they construe their pronouns of the 3rd person. Their 
base is the demonstrative ii, which, as we have seen before, 
stands for the prim. Jti, ia, and yields in Latin the demonstrative 
pronoun ^i{c), k^c), ko{c). Old Saxon also makes use of it in 
the nom. sing. masc. of the 3rd person, whilst Gk>thie and Old 
High German use it in but few isolated cases which we have 
mentioned already. From these forms deviates the Old Norse 
han- again, which however is used only in the sing. masc. hann, 
and fem. hon, while all other cases are wanting. Old Frisian 
and Old High German supply the genitive by the genitive of the 

Sjrs. pron. of the 3rd pers. ««, whilst, vice versa, we see in later 
alects the demonstrative of the 3rd pers. supplying the pers. 
pronoun of the 3rd person. The word man in Gothic is used 
merely in the sense of ' homo^, but in all other dialects we find 
it already in the sense of the German 'man^, French 'on'. 

To recapitulate then, we have in Gothic the demonstrative 
base iy except in the nom. sing. fem. the demonstrative si. 

In Old High German the demonstrative base i occurs in all 
those cases which have in Gothic the simple base 1, but si in 
all those cases which in Gothic show the lengthened form 
ija of the base ^. The Old High German gen. sing, masc 
is supplied by the gen. of the 3rd pers. pron. dn. 
Old Saxon uses the base i in the same cases as Old High 
German, except the nom. sing. masc. where it prefers the 



demonstrative hii the base H is employed as in Old High 

Anglo-Saxon makes use of the demonstrative hi throughout. 
Old Frisian the same as Anelo-Saxon^ except in the gen. sing. 

masc. and neut., where it uses the gen. of the 3rd pers. 

pron. sin, like Old High Oerman; in the nom. plur. 

throughout, and in the nom. sing, fem., we find by the side 

of hi the base 9% as weU. 
Old Norse stands isolated in its pronominal forms hann^ fem. 

hon (hun). 


3rd PERSON. 






Aocos. Ml 



Old Engl. 














• • 

• . 

. . 




















Aeo, H >e> 
hem, Jkuii 
hem, ])o, )KMfi 



















heo {echo) 

• • 

hire {hir) 
hire (Mr) 





• • 






















heoy hiy )>el 
hem, ^am 









1 C!ommon spelling^ ihm^ ihn, ihrer, &c. 

O 2 




N.H G, 

5. i 4- : 5. 

OUEttfL :N.B.]f.D. 

1 1 





• • 


m • 















1 A^A. AC pn 









In Old and Xew En^ish ibe Anglo-Saxon ie (Jki) remains- 
thiougfaout ; but in Old Englisii we find by the side of the 
Anglo-Saxon iA> a feminine 9cio, which mar have been intro- 
du<>ed into English through tbe Old Saxon M, or the Old Norse 
/IT, and which gain? the supremacy over ieo in the Middle Eng- 
lish *'/!<•. New English $if. The Anglo-Saxon genitives of the 
sing. iif>, tire, disappear in Old English. The dative and accu- 
sative ^Alm, Aine, kc,^ hegin already in late Anglo-Saxon to l)e 
mixed up, and in Old English the dative has expelled the accu- 
sative and usurped its place. In order then to distinguish 
between Jihn, the accusative, and iim^ the dative^ it became neces- 
sary to intrcKluce a new sign for the dative which presented itself 
in the preposition fo. Old English however continued to use 
iim for the dative neuter until New English did away with this 
dative also and supplanted it bv the accusative joined to the dative 
sign to. The plur. Ai and its derivative cases have been supplanted 
in late Anglo-Saxon already by the demonstrative 9e Q^e), 

The Middle High German pronoun is the regular derivative 
of the Old High German^ no other changes having taken place 
than the weakening or apoc-ope of final vowels, as m, M. H. 
Grerm. fem. nom. sing, for O. H. Germ. Ww {siu rare in M. H, 
Germ.), ir M. H. Germ. gen. plur. for O. H. (Jerm. in?. These 
pronominal forms have been more seriously affected in their 
transition into New High German. All organically short vowels 



have been lengthened, hence er, im (lAm), in (lAn), for M. H. 
Germ. ^, Im, in. The dat. plur. N. H. Germ, inen {iAnen) is an 
inorganic form for the M. H. Germ, in, O. H. Germ, im, in, with 
which it has no affinity^ but it reminds one rather of the O. H. 
Germ, accus. sing, inan. In the neut. sing. nom. and accus. we 
write erroneously s for f, in the place of the M. H. Germ, and 
O. H. Germ. j. The gen. sing. neut. M. H. Germ, es, O. H. 
Germ, is, es^naa disappeared altogether and is, like the gen. 
sing, masc., replaced by the 3rd pers. pron. or reflective, aein, 

The Middle Dutch dat. plur. Aen is still used in New Dutch 
in the place of the inorganic Aun, and gen. plur. Aaarer instead 
of Aunner, 

The Swedish and Danish forms are the direct and organic 
representatives of the Old Norse. 






Old High German. 




Old Norse. 





xst mdn$ 
and >e»4U 
3rd tftnt 














I8t vgktxr 
and igqar 







1st vntar 
and ^ 














Note.-^The Old High German dialect already in the neut. 
sing, prefers the undeclined to the declined forms^ hence min, 
din, nn, and these undeclined forms are used in all the dialects 
except those already mentioned. Hence we have to complete 
our table as follows : — 

Old Saxon. 


Old Frisian. 


Sing, min 
Dnai vfioi 

Plur. ^a 




• • 

• t 


Hitr (lire) 






. . 


J unter {4ae) 1 

I (««•) 1 







• • 

• • 





A* QWB* 


«wl 3rd 

H^« H« Quriii* 






Old Sngluli. 







Ait, Acr(4y iU 

Middlo Botdii. 










H«w Dttleh. 










Tho form jfrW bv the side of titer appears to be the genitive of5 
tho )ws. )^Tv>n. which enoioached upon the original possessive. 
Wht^w x^ prxxwU'^ sovoral consonants^ as rr, ffi, it suffers elision, 
t'* jf, W'^," lor •AT'Hif , iHrrr for M^rrt, In the most ancient period 
of Au>rUv-Sa\on wc And the possess, mm which later on is replaced 
bv tho J^nulivc of the pron. of the 3rd pers. {kis, hire, &c.) Old 
Nors*^ shortens the mdi^^al vowel of these possessives whenever 
the th\;il ^ iussimilates the succeeding consonant, hence masc. 
m-H'i .'^ fAit-'^, nout. Hgitizs^miH-t, Instead oi vdr we find also 
ro'*'*. ,'••», ju\d in the oldest documents <w^, as 099um (nostro), o^ir 
^nostn\ v^o, 

TJie iH^ssessive #/a» having originally the signification of the 
riMUvtive, it gradiuilly lost its possessive signification and was 
n^phuHxl hy the ^nutive of the pronoun of the 3rd person, hence 
the A. S. i/\t, hire, Kngl. i/>, her, instead of the more ancient 
»tM ; and in the same manner the Dutch hoar (her) from the 
gen. hiirs; further the if. H. Germ, ir, iriu, ir^, plur. ire, N. H. 
Oerm. ir and ire (her and their), from the gen. sing. fern, and 
p>u, plur. O. II. Germ. /></. In late Anglo-Saxon already we find 
m the place of the plur. heore, here, the genitive of the demon- 
starative pep^re, whence the New English possessive Ueir («) ; min, 
^in (mine, thine), are shortened into mi, pi (my, thy), but the 
complete forms are preserved before a word beginning with a 



fowA, €at when they follow after the noun, a rule which may be 
Mondered stiU in force in the poetical style of Modern English. 
Ibr the neater form kU Modem English introduced its, first spelt 
ifi^ as ft neater poflaeasiYe genitive analogous to the possessive 
goitive iuotie. 

The Swedish and Danish po ooc o oi ves require no further expla- 
Mtioii when we state that they are the direct derivatives of the 
Old NcMTse ponpoanive pronouns. Their genders also, Sw. min, 
■MM, miUj Dan. min, mine, mil, will be easily accounted for by 
areferenoe to the O. N. minn (=mtM-r) and mitl {=min'f)y which 
we have jost examined. In Danish the neuter gender of the 
jrd persoDj as also its plural in all genders, are supplied by the 
demonstmtiYe pionoun den, del, plur. de. 

The New Teatonic pronouns take the inflexions of the strong 
deelensiom of the adjective, where they are used as possessive 
adjectives, as Germ, mein^ meine, tnein, gen. meines, meiner, fneines; 
Dutch mdjn, mijne, mifn^ gen. mijnSy mijner, mijns ; and in the 
aune manner Sw. min, mina, mitt, Dan. min^ mine, miL But 
where they are used as substantives, and then preceded by the 
article, they take the inflexions of the weak declension, as Germ. 
ier meine, or meinige^ Dutch de mijne, &c., &c. 


First Demonstrative (is). 







Old Suon. 

0. FriB. 

O. H. Oenn. 

ueo. fa«ya 
^ tatmmi 
Aoeot. tarn 
kttar. Uma 







. • 

thie, the, te 
ihies thes 
themu, thiem 
thana, than, 
thi, thiu 


tham, tha 

• • 

dir, de, ihie 





Nom. U 

Gen. titham 

Dat. tebhyoA 

Aocoi. <4» 






para, Pdra 



pam, pcem 





ihia, thie, tht tha 


thietn, thim 
thia, thie 

tham, tha 

dU. dia, dS 

diem, dim 
dU, dia, de 





I. a. ! 3- 
Suiskr. Gothic. ' A. 8. 


Old Saxon. 


O. H.Gcm. 

Nob. m i 90 tto 
Gen. tofyoA yis^ \mrt 
Dw. tetyol ^hai pSrt 
Aontt. tern ^ pa 






dira, dmm 
dintf dira 





















diot dia, dS 















Nil i 

































Aiu, tkio 








: ^ 


Aiu, Aia 


diu, die 



: \>izt 

1 Inra 











diim, dem 






Aim. Aia 



"We have to deal with three demonstratiTes which, accord- 
ing to their meaning, answer to the Lat. w. He, and if^, Gr. 
aifTos, ovTosy and iK€Lvos. The first of these is derived from the 
demonstrative base fa, concerning which we must refer the student 
to preceding paragraphs. The Gothic 8a, s6, jwiAi, and its declen- 
sion will, after our previous remarks, offer no difficulties to the 
student. As to the corresponding forms in O. H. G^rm. flfe'r, 
diu, daXy the masc. de-r might be explained so that d€ represents 
the primitive ta (O. H. Germ, d for Sansk. i according to 
Grimm's law, and e the weakening of a), and r is the termina- 
tional s, so that the analogous form of O. H. Germ, der would be 
Goth. J?M. But as to the O. H. Grerm. fem. diu we are inclined 
with Bopp to refer it to the double base, Sansk. ^ya^itj^a^ita^j^a, 
consisting of the demonstrative ta and the relative base ya, so 
that the O. H. Germ, diu stands for an ancient fya. The O. H. 


TABU or umaassiKiXTri >9c 

j!n»UE:2. *j^a 


OX If 





Ok 'i«* 



Or- «i«9i' 



f^si. *j0a 



V. 'i** 












Nom. dU 

Gen. der 

Dat. dm 

Aocns. dM 

Nom. dan 

Gen. de» 

Dat. dem 

Accns. da^ 

Nom. ditt 

Gen. der 

Dat. (ien 

Accus. diu 




der, dertn 





det, desien 



N. Engl. 

the, that 







New Dutch. 

de, die 
der, diet 
den, dien 
de, die 






dee, dien* 
den, dien 



• • 

• • 




der, dertn 

• • 

• • 


der, dier 



• • 

• • 


den, dien 



• • 

• • 


de, die 









This demonstrative in the Middle and New Teutonic dialects 
continues to be used as the definite article. But New High 
German and New Dutch develope difiPerent forms^ where it has a 
demonstrative force. Dutch indeed has a separate declension 
for the article and the demonstrative pronoun, though both are 
equally derived from the Middle Dutch die, die, dat, so that the 
Dutch article is de, de {het), the demonstrative proper die, die^ 
dat. The article being without a neuter, this gender had to be 
supplied by the neuter (het) of the personal pronoun. In Ger- 
man the article and the demonstrative pronoun have the same 
forms throughout, with the exception of the genitives, where 
the demonstrative assumes masc. and neut. dessen by the side of 
des, fem. and plur. der€?i by the side of der. The article, more- 
over, is unaccented, while the demonstrative always lias an em- 
phatic accent. But all these distinctions are rather arbitrary, 
and we might designate the article and the demonstrative 
pronoun as identical. 

As to the Danish and Swedish article we shall have to devote 
to this subject a separate chapter hereafter. 

The fate of the Anglo-Saxon demonstrative on its course 
through Old English and New English deserves a more detailed 
notice. In late Anglo-Saxon the nominatives se and se6 dis- 
appear, and the use of the pronoun as definite article assists 
much in weakening and destroying its inflexional forms. In 
order to give a notion of the gradual dissolution of the declen- 


ikm we subjoin the different inflexional forms in late Anglo- 


FenuidBe. Neater. 

Noan. >e, )« 

>M, )MW, ^ >00^ >tf, >e 

DmL ^CBIft, ^oa, ^mc >oim^ ^oiiik> 
AecQS. ^eii€, >aney ><Biie, ^Oh >aiiiw» 
Instr. >e 

^CN% \€BTt% f€tt, ft 

\art% yxTt, ^ire, ft 

Geo. umI Dit. 


Nom. ^a£e. K^t Nt ^ 

Gen. jMire, ^ere 

D»t. )Nm, )Nm, ^en, ^ame, \ctn, ^eom 

Accut. ^aU, ^ \ft 

From this table it will become evident how the undeclinable 
}fe invaded the declension and g^radually supplanted all the in- 
flexional forms ; but it was in Old English that the final break 
np took place, and the havoc which at that period was made in 
aU the grammatical forms of the language can nowhere be better 
observed than in the case of this pronoun, The plural nom. )>a», 
yd, and accus. yaim, pern, are detached altogether from the 
demonstrative to which they belonged^ and enlisted among the 
personal pronouns. The sing, he, ^aly plur. pa, ho, retain their 
position as demonstratives^ so that in combination with prepo- 
sitions they are used to supply aU cases, e. g. of\fO, of\a (eorum), 
to \o, io\a (iis). When used as the definite article this pronoun 
in Old English simply sounds \e^ and this \e is undeclinable. 
Though we find occasionally inflexional forms of this ^e^ as for 
instance the accus. \en, the total absence of all consciousness of 
its inflexional value is proved by the fact that this accusative 
form is used for the nominative case. The instrumental \e finds 
its place before comparatives. 

The Middle English preserves the Old English forms, so that 
tiei and them are personal pronouns ; the sing, that and the plur. 
tho remain demonstrative; the undeclinable article is the, and 
the instrumental the keeps its position before comparatives. 

The same relation we find in New English : they and them are 
personal pronouns, that and thoBe remain demonstrative, the 
latter being derived from tho by the addition of the plural « and 
final e to indicate the length of the radical vowel. The unde- 
clinable article is the, and the instrumental the continues to be 
used before comparatives, as * the sooner ihe better.' 

» Koch, i. p. 475. 



Second Demonstrative (hic)< 



Old Baxod. 

Old FrisUm. 


Old None. 

0« a* Gnvni* 

Nom. ]ie-f 
G«n. yiHM 
Dat \uum 
Accus. \i»ne 



thii, the$ 

















thiste, theste 
thiue^ theise 






dia (deal) 
deaen> {diro) 

Nom. ^e6-8 

Gen. ^isie 

Dat. \nt9e 


Nom. Voj 

Gen. pista 

Dat. pisum 

Accus. pat 

thesu (thiu$) tfUu-9 
thS$ara thUse 








Nom. pas 

Gen. pissa 

Dat. pisum 

Accus. )^as 
















pessarar (pesiar) 
peasari (petti) 


di-tu {dir§iu) 

dite (d^^) 
desero {ditro) 
detd {dite) 



di-s {di'tzi) 
diz (dutzS) 


The demonstrative in Gothic receives emphatic force by add- 
ing to the simple pronouns aa, so, hata, the suffix uA, which 
drops its vowel afber monosyllabic forms or such as end in a 
long vowel ; which however retains its u and absorbs the preceding 



Towel^ if it follows upon bi-fiyllabic forms ending in a short 
Towel: hence Goth, m-h (=«a-vA), iS-h, }fai^h (hie, hffic, 
hoe)^ gen. yiz-4iA, ^fizSz-uh, ^iz-^A, &o. In the other dialects 
this demonstrative is formed oat of two distinct bases^ tya, the 
extension of the demonstrative root ta^ and its relative base &ya, 
so that tya-^a would answer to O. H. Germ, di^er, di-su, di-z, 
A. S. yes, }fe6s,yi-s, O. N. yessi, yetta. In O. N. ^e-t, the t is 
organic for O. H. Germ, z in di-z ; the O. H. Germ, d organic 
for the low Germ. lA, The A. S. gen. sing. fem. and gen. plur. 
yUse and hissa are inorganic forms standing for ^Mre, ^ura (r 
assimilatedf to the preceding 9). The weak forms ]>essi, ^essa, in 
Old Norse nom. and gen. sing, are unexpected, as are also the 
terminations -arar, -^ri, »ara^ for ^rar^ -ri, -m. This demon- 
strative assumes in the Middle and New Teutonic dialects th& 
following forms : — 

M. H. (ierm. 

N*. S« Oonn. 



Middle Dutch. 

Masc Fem. 








. disen 

. dirre 


disiu I dU V diier^ I di$e^ 
dirre dite$ I discs diser 
dirre disemal dUem diser 
diss I du II disen \ dtse 

dim I duiu 
dirre dirre 
disen disen 
diss disiu 


>M, >ef 










yise, ^ese 


* • 


New Dutch. 











Si NO. 

Nom deze 

Gen. dezes 

Dat. dezen 

Ace dezen 




















































' Common spelling, dieser, diese, 8cc. 



Concerning the Oerman and Dutch pronouns which are regu* 
larly derived from Old High Oerman and Middle Dutch we 
have no special remarks to make. The Swedish and Danish 
pronouns however in the singular of the masculine and feminine 
are inorganic forms, probably derived from the simple pronoun 
deuy whilst the neuter delta, dette, may be traced to the O. N. 
}fetta, or also to the simple pronoun det. The plural is regularly 
formed after the O. N. \es9i. 

The Anglo-Saxon demonstrative is in Old English already 
stripped of all inflexions, and the only remains of the old declen- 
sion are the singular forms yU, and the plural be«, \ise, pese, 
which in Middle English are sing. tAis^ plur. tkue, tAese^ thes, 
theiae. The genitive singular occurring m Wydiffe is remark- 
able : yiiis fader, pater ejus ; N. Engl. ihU, plur. theie. 

Third Demonstrativb (ille). 

This demonstrative is represented only in Oothic, High Grer- 
man, and Old Norse, while the Saxon and the Frisian dialects 
are deprived of it. In Gothic and Old High German this pro- 
noun is declined after the strong adjective declension, in Old 
Norse it follows the declension of the numeral einn, ein^ eitt ; 
hence Goth, jains, jain-a, jain ata, O. H. Grerm. getirSr, gen-u, 
gen-a^, M. H. Germ, jener, Jeniu, jene^y N. H. Grerm. Jener, Jene, 
Jenea, Dutch gene (commonly weak declension de gene) ; from it 
we have the Anglo-Saxon adverb geond (illic, illuc), whence the 
Engl, yony yand, yonder. The Old Norse forms are : — 



Masc. Fern. Neut. 




Nom. in-n ( = iri-r) in it-t {in « it) 

Nom. in-ir 



Gren. wi-«, in-nar, ins. 

Gen. in-na. 



&c. &c. 



Instead of inn, in, illy we also meet enn, en, ell, and in later 
documents always hlnny hin, hilL From this pronoun are derived 
the Swed. and Dan. hin, hin, hinl, plur. hine, which are used in 
the nominative only. When employed as pronominal adjectives, 
they take^ like other demonstratives, the genitive sign s. It is 
very peculiar that the modern Scandinavian dialects here reject 
the Old Norse gemination (hill) which in other words they 
commonly adopt, and render the neuter in its primitive form 


^ke Suffixed ArtieU in tie Scandiaauian Lai^uagei. 
Tiiia Old Noree proDoan ib of more than commoD intereet, 
iecaOBe it has first been osed as the suffixed article, which is a 
dtancteriBtic feature of the ScandtnaviaD laD^Ma^es up to the 
pnent day. The prononn inn, in, ill, in its functton as article 
nar |>ra(»de the noun or folJon' after it — form an appenda^ or 
aiffiz to it. In the latter case both the noun and jtronoun are 
fcdnied, and the t or « of the aoffixed pronoun ia incapable of 
tumag TJmlaat. In this combinatioD the following rules are 
iaejtA: (i) the deoloinott of the noun remains unaltered, except 
flwt in tiw dative plonl •km with -inum becomes -wmum (not -um- 
inHs) ; (a) the ladical vowel of the pronoun is always absorbed 
\ij the final vowel of the noun, but it remains where the noun 
ends in a conaonant, except nom. plur. masc, and uom. and 
■ocas. plnr. fem., where the pronominal vowel is also dropped, 
tt dagarnir for dagaMnir, giqfamar for gia/ar-inar. We subjoin 
ntae examples for the sake of illustrating pur remarks. 







































Nom. hani-^n K- 



Gen. iawi-ni h, 



Dat. hana-nun hi 

L A<M-a 


Accus. Aano-M* lu 

Strong Deolension. 
Theme', ffiafa (gift). 


Wilk the ArHeU. 





Si NO. Plvb. 

Is the same manner the modem Scandinavian languages 
nffix the definite article to its respective noun, Swedish and 



T^vboAl 'gm &r dbe iii iiirnrrnf and (tHwinuir eeadkr, cf ftr the 
nmscr; p&xzal SweiL «tf or «r fibr am, 4ar Doi. ar 'fior erne), 
Tbe i^iKiiCETes are <«»#, ft»j mu^ mg» ; JL ucIkk cbbbk aie like the 
■AfnxiifldTea. m s» otT enime t&ifr O.X. hm^ m; «f tbe O.N. ii. 

A fiew csEampbes max szfiee : — 

3(. D. IL hm mm ^ ». m ^ jam iin^ 

X. D. ^ 4«r>i^ cfaft caMUt 

y . D. A. 4c?v 

Gen. ^tHBrwama. iii\ 

y. D. A. /bsa^-fit. tke kxBi^ 

N. D. A. kimeri-^i, the 

Asotber demonstrative which we have abeadT noticed is the 
hase ki, occnrring in the Latin hie and in several Teatonic forms. 
Most of the Low German dialects have osed this base to make 
up the whole (Anglo-Saxon) or part (Old Saxon^ Old Frisian) of 
their pronominal cas^.-s of the 3rd person, while Gothic and Old 
High German show merely a few cases formed of this base^ and 
these even are used merelv with reference to tiwu : as dat. masc. 
and neut. himma, e. g. himma daga, (on) this dav, to-day; /ram 
htmma ^nu), from now^ henceforth; accos. masc. kima^ e.g. Mmd 
hina dag, unto this day ; accus. neut. klta^ e. g. und kita (mm), 
until now. Old High German has besides a mutilated form of the 
accusative in hUnaht^ from hia naht, this night, to-night (whence 
the M. H. Germ. hinU^ N. H. Germ, keunt, to-night), preserved 
only the instrumental hiu in the following adverbial compounds : 
hiu-tu or hiu'toy from hiu taguy this day, to-day; whence the 
M. H. Germ. Mute, N. H. Germ, heute, to-day; hiu-ru or kiu-ro, 
from hiu jaru, this year ; whence the M. H. Germ, hiure^ N. H. 
Germ, heuer — forms which are partly preserved in the Saxon 
dialects too, as A. S. heoddg, this day, to-day, O. S. kiu-du^ &c. 

The Goth, aama^ fem. samS, neut. samo^ theme 9aman (ipse, 6 


o&rcfs), follows the weak declension ; so does the Old High Grer- 
man samo, fern, samay neut. sama, which rarely occurs (hence 
N.H.Grerm. samt, together, zu-^ammen, kc.), and the O. N. sami, 
fern, sama, neut. sama j the latter however may also be inflected 
after the strong declension satn-r, aotiy sunt (hence Sw. aamma, 
Dan. samme, gen. sammes, the same). The Anglo-Saxon dialect 
does not possess this word, except as an adverb same, together 
(whence the Engl, same), and its place as a pronoun is supplied 
by yloa, fern, and neut. ylcCy which occurs in combination with 
the demonstrative se^ sed, bat, as se ylca, "pat yhe (the same). 
Compounds of this are \^lic (such) and fwilc (such), only the 
latter being preserved in English, for it is from this pronoun 
that we have the O. Engl. swUky M. Engl. sioicAe, 8ucAe, N. Engl. 

The Goth, silbuj fern, and neut. $ilbo, theme Mban (ipse, avrds:), 
goes after the weak declension ; the Old High German may be 
strong or weak, selper, aelpiu, ^^^^|) and aelpo^ aelpa, selpa ; in 
Old Saxon the weak form selboy selda^ 8etda, is more common 
than the strong self, while, vice versa, in Anglo-Saxon the 
strong' self is more frequent than the weak se^a ; Old Norse 
may be strong, sialf-^, sialf, sialf-t, or weak, sialfi^ sialfa, sialfa. 
From these are derived the M. H. G^rm. selp, gen. selbes (ipse) 
and the N. H. Germ, der seU)e, which go after the weak declen- 
sion and the undeclinable selbst, the O. Engl, and M. Engl, silf, 
silue^ seluey selfy N. Engl, self, Sw. sjelfva, sjelf. 


There are difierent interrogative pronouns for the different 
questions (i) quis? {2) uter ? {3) quis eorum ? (4) qtuzlis? or, 
to express (i) a question aft;er a person or thing in general; (2) 
aft^er one out of two persons or things ; (3) after one out of 
several or many persons or things ; (4) after the kind or quality 
of a person or thing. 




I. quit? (Sansk. lot.) 

L Old Tentoidc. 



Nom. Anzf 

Gen. Art! 

Dftt. hvamma 

Accus. Avana 











1 Old Sajum. 






m m 











0. H. Oerm. 

Old Norse. 







Nom. hwa 
Gen. hwammet 
Dat. A 10am 
Accua. hwane, kwtne 




• • 

kwenan, kwen 

• • 



• • 


• • 

PLURAL cUeti. 

ii. Middle and New Teutonic. 


M. H. Gterm. 



Nom. Iter 

Cion. ir«» 

Oat. wem 

Actus. wfH 

Intr. •• 




N. H. Gterm. 

Old English. 











• • 





• • 

wha, who 
whos, woe 

whom (to) 
wham, whom 

m m 

whcU, wot 

• m 

• m 






• m 

• • 


m m 

Middle Dutoh. 


Nom, H'lV 

Cion. tcirs 

lUt. H'ifH 

Acvua. in'rH 



New Dutch. 





Fern. Nout 












(A<)^ hrem 


. • 


1 Ar«m 
' kvem 


m • 



Hole, — ^The New High (Jennan genitive toessen is an inorganic 

•^tension of the old toes. 
^ Old English the dative and accusative become identical^ 

•*^4 the former therefore adopts the dative sign to. 
.The New Dutch fem. form loie, wier, is a very remarkable 
^1^ of grammatical vitality in a modern language, this form 
^*ii^ altogether wanting in Middle Dutch. The gen. wiens 
•**o for the Middle Dutch wiea is an inorganic form developed 
^ of the accus. wien with the genitive sign s, 
^be Swedish and Danish dialects have rejected the organic 
^^ of the nom. gen. sing, masc, and instead of these have 
^^ted the accus. hvem as nominative, and out of this formed 
^genitive by the case-sign *. 

%. Titer? 

^^^^i^ there occurs only the nom. masc. and neut. hvd}far ; 
^\ -S. Germ. hwedarSty hwedaru^ hwedarax, is declined like an 
Ij^^ctive, as well as the O. S. hue^ar, A. §. hvd^er. Old Norse 
/^ nom. hvar-^^ hvclr, Avar-t, gen. Avars, Avdr-^rar, Avars, &c. 
ji^'ter on we find the form Avorr, Avart, for the same pronoun* 
j|/^^ Grerman and English weder^ wetAer, are used only as con- 
actions, and of course undeclinable. 

3. Quis eorum ? (who out of many ?) 

The Gk)th. Avarjis, Avarjata^ is declined as an adjective. No 

^^her dialect possesses the same word except Old Norse, where it 

^tiows the forms, nom. Aver-r, Aver, Aver-t, gen. Avers ^ Averrar, 

^vers, &c., &c. It appears that from this gen. Avers is derived 

^lie obsolete Sw. gen, Avars, 

4. Qualis? 

Gk)th. Aveleiks, Aveleiia, AvSlaikata ; O. H. Germ. AicioHAAsr, 
AweliAAer (weler), fem. -iw, neut. -«| ; O. S. Auilic, A. S. Awilc 
{Awyl€\ O. N. Avtlik-^, Fris. Awelk (Jiweh), M. H. Germ. welcAer 
{wel, gen. loels, accus. weln^ &c.), N. H. Germ. welcAer, M. Dutch 
welke, N. Dutch welke, O. Engl. wAylc, wAilke, wucAy 100c A, wicA^ 
M. Engl. toAicAe, N. Engl. wAicA (Scotch wAilk), Sw. and Dan. 

Note. — ^All these are declined as adjectives. 

p a 

. f.: Ujfdf. 

7" -•- - : - ■ - 7 ." " ■ .ir'^ioj*^. iZ':i-fr*t or m'.Jcrn, 

- -T" ' — • ~ ••" :- "• i.-'"r*":T- "r- - "in. G'»tb .*•'.*'., 

"--:: 1 r : £... ^... ?ef the Demoiistra- 

- - : ' -•- ^\ i - i^z. .'.'r-rr vrit.Te ,• -* and ';>'''/?, 

r«: * - - • - Z^r ' -. : ' *'\ us^i in a relative 

=.-•- * ■ -: •- -' : -:- • • 'irr ' ^ ?^ in the m'"Ji»ni 

7 .■ • .".'..:_•— -• ■-■ : • — ' xz.-i'Vrr.r.^ V- the Lat. '/'''/'V, 

i- — ■ . Zz^i- '" ' ''.. IV:tch icr^ke, iff'^l'j 

f V L • . 7 -. • : :j I nerv partio-le, or :.4) hy 

T*. - ::.-. - -.- -. _- .-T : iz : • ••:•. :t '.r. the ancient Teutonic 
-.1 -• ■- I' .-..-.. -^^.^ . ^ , -j^ -jei as a relative suftix 
i>z 1 - - 7 • . : - - -L rr zi *if ?;i.zi-r t r:c. • minal base as the 
:-i: i--;- - . .7 7: -^7 V arr^rU'led to personal ur 

-.-1- :>-••.- -• - .-i 11 ; ::' liir-:. inpart* to these pro- 
:"•-*-.- ■ - ■ - J /- ---- .li. I wh:*: {'K-t'/, tu qui. 
■ - ■ - • 'I- n .u-rsi; .'.--»■.'", is qui, he 

- = - .•.:-;• ?'r ?: :r-.-,uently this enclitic 
;. ." -■• - . 11 t--:-!:.-.-: '•. •'.]'•'.', whieh thus 

- ' ■ .: . - . — . r*'-' iui. qua*, qii'Hl , 

- :- . > . i:. 1 >: • n thrvu^h all castas 

■ ■ «« *i ■> ■ 

'.'. rj> «i:5N;ij«peared from the 
.:vn: ::<:rative it occurs very 
a:.: h. But the Old High 
• : :"i r: i o : e in the d emonstra- 
•;" ''"'• "^ :".- ■■....;.:..:■ : rin ••''-. ♦/'./■, e.ff. /^ (//r, 1 

t/ •" < ". : • ■ *■ • *• i ''••"• 5^1 <lU.xl. 

*•••• ■'^*^ • i:-^ .- -^ ■ - •:,-; jj j.artiole used in a rela- 

ft'"" ■.'■ 

• ..«.' 

V\ . 

< «'ni|t. I*. |(;|. 


In the same manner the Frisian dialect uses the particles ther 
and the ; the Old Norse, the particle er, later on sem as well, 
which may express all cases except the genitive ; e. g. ^pann er, 
quern; ^feim er, cui; sa er, qui: a mere 8 also added to the 
demonstrative sa, «?, \ata, may express relative connexion, e. g. 
«ew, qui; su-^, quae; J?a2^=J?a^, quod; "panns, quern; ^^eim^^ 
cui. This 9 is nothing but the remainder of the particle er in 
its more ancient form es. 


1. Goth, sum-^, sum-a, sum-nita {mm), answers to the Greek 
indefinite rfc, t^; it may or may not be combined with tlie 
particle uh without altering its sense. O. H. Germ. sumSr^ 
sutniu, suma^^ O. S. sum^ A. S. 9ii7n, O. Fris. sum, O. N. sum-r, 
O. Engl, sum, summe, som, some, N. Engl, same ; Dan. somt, plur. 
somme^ some people ; Dutch sommige, several. It goes through- 
out after the strong declension of the adjectives. The meaning 
in the Low German dialects of this pronoun added to cardinal 
numerals is explained under the chapter of Numerals. 

2. The Goth, man, which is used only in the sense of * homo,' 
acquires, when preceded by the negation ni, and sometimes fol- 
lowed by the suffix hurt, the negative sense of ^ nemo' ( — ne ho7no), 
e. g. ni manna, or ni mannor-hun (nemo), gen. ni mans-hun, &c. 
The O. H. Germ, eo-man, ie-man, is formed with the adverbial 
accusative io, So, answering to the Goth, div from divs (time), as 
div (ever), ni aiv (never) ; eo-man then would mean ^ ever a man,' 
and ni or ne-eoman, 'never a man;' M. H. Germ, iaman, iemen; 
niaman, niemen; N. H. Germ, je-mand {d inorganic, y inorganic 
for i) and nie-mand, ullus and nullus.. 

In the modern Teutonic dialects man is of frequent use as an 
indefinite pronoun of the 3rd person, in its sense answering to the 
French ' on'. Thus the Germ, man sagt (on dit), Sw. man sade 
sa (on I'a dit). (Swedish may use Be instead of man : Be sade sd), 
Dan. man ialer meget d^rom, on parle beaucoup de cela. It is 
used only in the nominative, the oblique eases being supplied in 
German by eines, einem, ein, in Swedish and Danish by I!n, gen. 

3. Gk)th. aifis is not used as an indefinite pronoun, but when 
the suffix Aim is added to it, it assumes the meaning ' ullus,' as 
oins^n, fem. ainS-hun, neut. ain-hun, gen. ainis^hun, ainalzSs^ 
Atw, dat. ainumme-ku7i, &c. In Old High German eifier^ einiuy 
^^M$i is used in the sense of 'quidam'; derived from this is 


einiger-^UHity aliquis; diA-ein, doh-ein^ ullns; nik'-eimy noi^n, 
nullus. So also O. S. nig-en^ neg^n^ ni-en, nnllos; A. S. an, 
ullus^ one ; n-^dn, nullus^ none ; A. S. tenig^ ullos ; n^-auig, nnllas; 
O.N. ein^Uy uUus; n-^ein'^, nullus. Compare the Germ, ein, 
i-ein, n^iuy the Engl. anCy n-one ; and from A. S. €mig, the O.E. 
and M. E. ony, any, N. Eng. any. The Old Norse suffix gi also 
has a negative force like the particle ni, ne, hence O. N. ein^, 
nuUus^ and in the same manner svd-gi, ita non; ul/r, wolf; 
i?^-^i, no wolf ; m^, ipsa; m^^t^ ipsa non. With verbs Old 
Norse used the suffix -a, -at, or -t, as sial-a, he shall not; 
verSr-ai (Germ, er wird nicht), em-k-at for ek am a^, I am not, 

4. The Old High German as well as Low German wihi (thing, 
res), with the prefix So, is used in the sense of * aliquid/ StMciki 
(quelquechose, something), and with the negation nSiwiht, nir 
wiht (nothing, nihil). Hence the M. H. G^rm. iht (something), 
negative niht, N. H. Germ, icht (obs.) nicht (not), and mekU 
(nothing) ; O. S. io-wiht (aliquid), nichwihi (nihil) ; A. S. d^JU 
(aliquid), n-d-wiht (nihil). Hence the Anglo-Saxon vocalized 
forms auhty nauht, aht, naht, the O. Engl, ouht, nouAt, o^t, no^t^ 
M. Engl, ought, nought, ow^t, nou^t, N. Engl, aught, naught. 

Many indefinite pronouns are compounds of pronouns (chiefly 
the interrogatives) with particles or other words. Thus we have 
with the Goth, leik, O. H. Germ, lih, A. S. He (original meaning 
' flesh ,^ ^body'; hence 'stature', 'form', shape' &c.) the com- 
pounds, Goth, sva-leiks, O. H. Germ, sulih^ solih, A.S. \^-lic and 
%ioilc { = swi-li<!, s^ca-lU\ and O.N. ydlikr, s-likr {=:svd-Hkr)^ 
Compare Germ, solch-er, -^, -e%, O. Engl, swilk, such, M. Engl. 
siviche, suche, N. Engl, such (Scotch sic, sicken^ &c.). All other 
compounds, ancient and modern, find their explanation in the 
respective dictionaries. 













its, hf, t /da 

tt-tio, Old oi-no- 



dmor, dwor 








rpi- (rpus, 





chatvar, cktUur 

rrrrap-, Tt tf"- 















































































dve iaie {dvUa- 





tri^i Bolani (tri- 

ehatvdri iatani 















daJa iaJtani {da- 








There is in the different Aryan languages a great variety of 
stems for the number ' one/ but all are formed &om the root i^ 
which in the primitive language may have been represented by 
the word aUna^, In Sanskrit the word Ska- shows the prono- 
minal root i and the suffix or pronominal root kd. The Greek 
cly (=lr^s), neut. &, gen. kv^Sy fern. /ui6x, has the base kv^ from 
the primitive form san- =sam (comp. Lat. sim-plex, sem-el^ sin- 
guli)^ contained in the Sansk. sama (similis; a superlative of the 
demonstrative pronominal base «a-). This view is corroborated 
by the feminine form fiCa (for ^fiCa — sm-yd=^9myd, a feminine 
base in yd) which presupposes a base sormyay as Ij^, a base io^n- 
from one and the same root sa. Latin^ in its more ancient form 
oi-no^ the later H-no- shows clearly the primitive form ainna-, 
and is^ in the same manner as the Sanskrit pronominal base /-mo-, 
formed from the pronominal root i with the suffix na. The 
Teutonic dialects have cultivated a form which is identical with 
the Latin, Engl, one, Germ, ein, A. S. an being represented by 
the Goth, ains^ the theme of which is Al-^a-. 

The expression of the number ^ one' in the following Teutonic 
words is peculiar: — Goth. AaiAs, one-eyed; Aanfs, one-handed; 
halts y halt, one-footed, lame ; Aalds, half. In all these words the 
number * one' is expressed by Aa, and this Aa answers to the 
Sansk. I'a in e-ka ; iAa, the second half of the word AaiAs, theme 
Aa-iAa, is the Sansk. asAi, eye. The Latin cacus = calico is 
formed on the same principle. In Aanfs, theme Aa^ufa we have 
again the pronominal root Aa and nifay a transposition of the 
Sansk. pdniy hand, {f for p harmonizes with Grimm's law.) 
halts, theme Aa-lta, consists of two roots, the pronominal ha and 
the verbal root lUA, to go, from which also is derived lUAus, 
limb, i. e. that which is moved ; hence Aa-litAa, Aalta, Aalts, 
halt = one-limbed, one-footed: Aalds, theme Aa-lba from Aa and 
leiba, remnant, part ; hence haliia, Aalis, half = one part of a 
whole that has been divided. 



The Sansk. base dva^ Gr. h6o'^ Lat. duo^ Groth. tva- all point 

to a primitive form dua- or dva-. The Latin prefix bi and adverb 

Msy 6r. his, seem to have arisen from the same form, the initial d 

being dropped and v hardened into b. The same prefix we have 

in the A. S. tvi (Gr. and Lat. d is, according to Grimm's law^ 

in Low German t, and in High German z) and O. H. Grerm. zui, 

e.g. A.S. tvi-fingeTy two fingers long; tvi-hivey bicolor; O. H. 

Grerm. zuirieine^ bipes; zui^all, duplex. The English adverb 

twicey O. H. Germ, zuiro, more fully zuiror, O. N. tvis-var, again 

contains the prefix tvi (bis, bis) and var, Sansk. vara, time ; hence 

twice := two times, &c. (This var also appears in the Latin ber in 

8q)tem-^er, i. e. the seventh time^ or part, of the year.) 


Li Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, the theme or base is tri, in 

Groth. tAri,0. H. Germ, ^ri^the displacement of the initial dentals 

being in strict accordance with Grimm's law. It is considered a 

shortened form of a more ancient tar-i or tra-i ; the Sanskrit fem. 

form is ti-^ar- which Bopp takes for a reduplication^ ti-tar-, 


As the primitive form is laid down katvar-y which in Sanskrit 
is represented by chatvar-, base chatur, theme of the feminine 
chat^Mar-. This word is strictly formed after the analogy of 
* three/ Sansk. fem. theme ti-^ar-, and cAa=iay one (comp. e-ia 
above), hence cAa-tasar =1-^3, The Gr. rdrTap-, Haaap-, stand 
for ^T€TFap-, KirFap-, Dor. T^rop^, ^rirFop, Boeot. irdTTap-, Hom. 
and -^ol. ntfTvp-, where we find r or w in the place of the pri- 
mitive K. In the Lat. quatuoT, the q stands for the primitive k, 
and the t^ (=«?) is a favourite sound in Latin after the tenuis k, 
just as in Gothic the aspirate h at the beginning of a word. 
(Comp. Gr. rfc, Lat. miid, Goth, hvas.) The Gothic Jidur (with 
f=ip:=^k) is the simple theme o( fidvor, analogous to the Sansk. 
ciatur for cAatwdr-, 


The primitive form laid down by Schleicher as kan-kan- is 
evidently a reduplication, where in Sanskrit p crept in for the 
first k in the theme pcmcAan" ; but Bopp derives the word from 
pa-^ka (the n in the middle considered a later addition^ and the 


final consonant euphonic), and thus he gives it the meaning 
' and one/ i. e. one in addition to the preceding number four. 
Gt. TtivT€ puts first TT for K, and next r for k (both dislocations 
occur under 4), Mo\. Tr^/iire ; while the Lat. quinque preserves 
the primitive k sound, and the OroHh. fintf=fimfi (from a primi- 
tive kanki") haa/^p and/? for i. (Comp. 4, 11, 12, &c.) 

The primitive form is supposed to have been isvet^iiva^ again 
a reduplication, from which the Sansk. gAasA may be exphdned 
by an intermediate form kshakshy which again stood for lualu. 
6r. ff. Dor. Fi(^ Lat. sex^ presuppose a more primitive wex^ 
9ve-o^y the Greek spiritus asper answering here as elsewhere to 
the original 8. Ooth. sai-A^s is formed on the same principle as 
the Lat. sex, Gothic A being the representative of &e Latin i 
(see Grimm's law). 


The primitive form was probably, like the Sansk. base, sapian-^ 
which is rendered by the Gr. kitri (a=an), Lat. septem for septim^ 
Goth, sibftn. (Gr. A again for s,) Bopp thinks that the m in 
septem has crept in from the ordinal septim-o, an opinion which 
is contradicted by Schleicher upon the evidence of the analogous 
forms in the other Aryan languages. 


A primitive base aktu must have given origin to the Sansk. 
asAlaUy ashtu^ ashtdu (probably from akidv-as), Gr. Jkrco, Lat. 
octoy Goth, ahiauy akin. Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, are appa- 
rently dual forms. The primitive form of the theme aktu is 
quite distinct in the ordinals octav-o, ^oyboF-o : the same base is 
apparent in the Goth, ahtau^ theme aAtavi- (comp. sunau, loc. 
sing, sunavi) ; so also in the Gothic ordinal aACu^-da-n, aAiu = 
akin (Goth. A = Sansk. ^, Grimm's law) we trace the primitive 
base again. 


The primitive and Sansk. navan appears in Greek as ivvia for 
^ v€Fa{v), with the favourite prelude € introduced, and v dropped ; 
Lat. fwvem instead of novim ; Goth, niun, theme niuni, from 
^ nivani = ^navani. 



Primitive dakan^ Sanskrit base daSan, Gr. 5^fca=^5^icar^ Lat. 
deeemrszdecim; Gk)th. taihun, theme liAuni, O.H.Gerjn. zeAan, 
(Observe Qrinmi^s law : Sansk. d, Goth, t, O. H. Germ, z.) The 
Sansk. daian, or rather its primitive form daian, stands for 
dra^kan; dtfa^ttco, han for kanhan, pwnchan^Jive^ and hence 
diiiauj oar teny means 'two times five/ 


For these numbers the primitive language had distinct words, 
as dud dakan (12)^ &c. ; so also in Sansk. Skordaian (11), dvd^ 
daian (12), Gr. liN-Scxa^ dco-dcjca, Lat. un^cim = uni-decim, duo^ 
decim, Goth. af«-^ (11), tvarli/{19!)y are the nominatives of 
ain^lUn, tva-Ubi. The bases ain and tf)a have been treated on 
above ; the second part of the compounds, libi, is derived from 
tbe daJean (10) of the Ursprache, which in Gothic may first have 
assumed the form tigi, substituting^ according to Grimm's law, 
t for the Sansk. d^ and, instead of proceeding according to the 
same law from the Sanskrit guttural to the aspirate, returning 
into the media g. This guttural media was then exchanged for 
the labial media b, an occurrence which is not without a parallel 
in other words. The further exchange of the initial dental for 
the liquid I is withouft a parallel in Gothic, but not unknown in 
the cognate languages. The Lat. lacruma is the same word as 
the Gr. ddicpi;, / taking the place in the Latin which d holds in 
the Greek word. The replacement of the rf by / in dakauj or 
rather its Gothic form tigi, tibi, may have been facilitated by the 
close resemblance between this word and the Gothic verb leib-an^ 
to remain, leave, pret. laif, plur. libum ; so that finally the two 
words of different origin become phonetically the same. Our 
eleven, twelve, therefore mean 1 -f 10, 2 + 10 respectively. 


These numerals are in Sanskrit compounds of daian and the 
respective unit, as t/rayo-dakan (13), chatur^aian (14) : the cor- 
responding Greek words are merely joined by the copulative ica/, 
as rp€i$-icai-5^«ca (13), W(r(7ap€9-Ka(-5^Ka (14), whilst Latin forms, 
like Sanskrit, compounds, as Ire^decim, quin^decim (15), se-d^cim 
(16), and on the same principle are formed the Goth. Jidvor- 
taihun {\^ , fimf-taihun (15). 



We have to consider the 'tens' only; the intermediate mem- 
bers^ i.e. their combination with 'units' require no explanation^ 
because in none of the languages here considered do they form 
compounds, but are merely put together, occasionally joined by 
the copula ' and.' 

In the manner of forming these numerals the South-Earopean 
differ from the North-European or Slavono-Teutonic languages : 
the former express the ' tens ' by an agglutination of the units 
with a substantive derived from dakan (10)^ which, by means of 
abbreviation or other modifications^ has dwindled down into a 
mere termination ; while the latter express the ' tens' and 
' units' by distinct words, which however may form compounds. 

Sanskrit originally expressed the 'tens' by daSa-ti, daia^ia^ of 
which nothing remained but iatiy or only iiy or hat, as tfi-^aU 
(20) for ^dvi'daiati, shash-ii (60) =:sAasA'daiatiy paficia^iai (50) = 
=pancAa'mla, In the Gr. cikoo-i- the first syllable shows the 
base h (one) ; Ko-cri is the primitive dakd-ti, or rather^ dropping 
the first syllable, /-a-^i. The Kov-ra of the other 'tens' is per- 
haps derived from a neuter plural base kan^ta for daian-4a, 
Tlie Latin vi-ginti presents in its first syllable vi the base 
dvi (two), and yi-ginti stands for a form ^dvp-ginti in the same 
manner as the Sansk. vihli for a ^dviiati ; and ghiti stands for 
^deginti=.^decinti, from a primitive form dakan-ti, so that the fuU 
form of trig? nf-a would be ^tria-decinta, 

Gothic, our representative of the North-European or Slavono- 
Teutouic tribe, forms the 'tens' from 10 to 60 by putting two 
distinct words togetlier, expressing the * tens' by tigu, a base in 
n for dahiy derived from dakan (10), hence tvai^tiggu-s (20); the 
'tens' from 70 to 90 are formed by dakan with the suflix tu, in 
the Gothic garb reading tehwi-d, e. g. siiun-leAund (70). 


The genitive base used to indicate this number appears to 
be kaitt^iy an abbreviation of dakan-dakan-ia, a form which in 
English might be rendered by an analogous compound, namely 
ieH't^^i/axi times ten, in the same manner as we say nine-lyz^ten 
times nine, and in Greek and Latin the compounds would be 
^h€KY)KovTay ^centagbita. The n of the primitive kanta is preserved 
in Latin and Gothic, cent-ntn, hundni ; but it is dropped in 
Sanskrit and Greek, mta, k-KOJo {k=h). The Gothic language 


has, besides the word Aunda, a more modern form to denote the 
same number, taihunr-taihutird^ which is composed exactly on 
the principle of the dakan-dakanr-tay ten times ten (compare stiunr- 
iehundy seventy). 


The primitive language undoubtedly applied two words to 
express the foregoing figures; Sanskrit also uses two distinct 
words, or contracts them into one, e. g. dve-iate or dMaia (200), 
ktta being of course the base kanta again. The Oreek forms are 
«aro, KOTO, with the derivative suffix if a — Kario, kotio, later form 
K6au} ; compare rpia-itaTto-, a Doric form, and the Attic Tpia-it6<rio-. 
The Latin base cenlo is used as an adjective in the plural, tre-^enti 
(800) for trecento, quiti'-genti for quin^cento (700), where the c 
after n is softened into the media g ; and in the same manner 
septin-^enii, where the septin answers exactly to the primitive 
sapian, (See above, sub 70 Gothic never forms compounds by 
agglutination, like Oreek and Latin, but it simply puts the two 
words together, e.g. tva-hunda (i^OO). 


A word for this number does not seem to have existed in the 
primitive language. The Sanskrit sahasra, Gr. x^^^i. ^x^^*^* 
(leading to a primitive ^x^^*o=gharya), the Latin mili", tnilli^^ 
are all of an obscure origin. The Gothic word is thusundja 
(thousand), in which Schleicher finds the number ^ten times hun- 
dred' expressed, namely, daka (10) in the initial syllable thu 
{=lu), iantya^ kanti (100) in the form sundi, sundja; and this 
would yield as the result daka-kant-t (10 x 100). 








Old Saxon. 

Old Frisian. 










































































end4eofan and 
















• • 







• a 







m • 







m m 







• • 







• • 







m m 





tvni tigjus 







preis tigjus 







fidror tigjus 







fimf tigjus 







saihs tigjus 























^ant-nigun-da t 













Old and Middle 


MLiddle High German. 


aw, on, oon 

ein(er), (f. einiu^ n. einet) 


twey ttcij twein. 



zwine (f. zevd, zweS) 


|>re, tkrte 

dn {dri, dnu) 



vier{e^ (rierc, vieriu) 



vunf (rtinve, vunviu) 






siben (stbeniu) 


tigte^ aught 

aht {ehU, ahtiu) 


nynt, nye 

niun (ntune, niuniu) 





elUuen, elleue 

einlif dnUf^ einleve 



zurtlrft zwdf sweleve 




Old and Middle 


Middle High German. 


yroUmt, yriUene 

dri-zehen, drizin 



vier-zehen^ <H 











tigtetene^ eigiene^ 








twein<€Ct zweinzich. 



dri-zec, -ach 


i/ourti f) 






• < • 













zehm-uct zehenzi^ hunt, hunderi 













en (N. ett) 

een (eel) 










































































sejden {sexten) 



















tjugu {-6 -i) 





tre-ttid i-e) 





fyr-tiS {-e) 






halvtris (indetyve) 





ires (tresindstyoe) 





halvfjirs {indstyve) 





firs Ifirsindstyve) 





halvfhns (indstyve) 




hundrade (hundra) 


1 zweihun eri 

two hwmlred 


tvd hundrade 





tusende {tusen) 





We find the primitive base fli«a- for the number 'one' in all 
Teutonic hinguages, ancient and modern^ modified of course in 
accordance with the phonetic character of each dialect, as O. H. 
Germ, eiuy A. S. dn^ Germ, ein^ Butch een, O. Engl, ewe, Engl. 
oncy &c.^ 


The Goth, tvdi is not the base from which the Anglo-Saxon 
and Old High German forms are derived, but rather uie distri- 
butive tveiAnai, which in Old High German has dropped the A 
(zwene) and hardened it in Anglo-Saxon into g=^twegen. The 
Gothic gen. tvaddje also cannot result from the'nom. tvdi, but 
requires a base tvaddja, which Bopp brings into connection with 
the Sanskrit ordinal dcitiya. 

In the other Low German dialects, O. S. tuSna^ O. Fris. twdne^ 
the A again suffers elision^ and in the Modem Engl, two, Dutch 
twee, Dan. to, Swed. tvd, contraction has taken place. Very 
ancient forms are preserved in the Old Norse datives tveu^mr and 
\fri-mr for tvei-ms and yri-ms, where the case-sigi^ of the dative 
plural is found in a completeness unparalleled in the Teutonic 
languages. This numeral is especially noteworthy for its strict 
adhesion to Grimm^s law, according to which we have the media 
d in the cognate languages^ dva, duo; the tenuis t in the 
Low German dialects, Goth, tvai, A. S. twegen, O. S. tuetuty 
O. N. tveir ; and the aspirate z in the O. H. Germ. zwenS, The 
law continues to be observed in the O. Engl, twey and M. H. 
Germ, zwene, even in the N. H. Germ, zwei for the Low German 
forms with t, as Engl, two, Dutch twee, Dan. to, Swed. tvd. 
The O. N. r in tvei-r has usurped the place of the Goth. *. 


The Goth, yri- (in \rija, ^reis) harmonizes with the ^n- in 
the cognate languages by using the aspirate tA in place of the 
tenuis, a submission to law which is equally practised by all the 
Old Low German dialects (A. S. J>r?, O. N. ^rir, 8cc.), whilst Old 
High German adopted, as by law it was directed, the media d. 
As to the modern dialects we observe that Middle and New 

* Concerning the radicals, Goth, ai, A.S. a. Germ. e»» see the table of gradations, 
Order i, p. 24. 


High German follow the conrse of their ancient mother by pre- 
serving the media ; but among the Low German it is English 
alone that keeps up the ancient lawful tk^ while the Dutch and 
the Old Norse dialects yield to intruders, the former adopting 
the media (probably under High German pressure), the latter 
hardening tiie aspirate into the tenuis for the simple reason 
that they have expelled the aspirate altogether from their 
domain. / 


The Gothic /d^t;or {fdur) which renders fully the Sansk. chat- 
vdr (ciatur), primitive iat-var, replaces the guttural tenuis by the 
iabial aspirate^ a change which equally occurs in all the Teutonic 
dialects^ ancient as well as modem, with this modification only, 
that the High German dialects (and Dutch following their ex- 
Unple) supplant the./ by v, a distinction however which is merely 
>raphical, the sound of H. Grerm. v and /at the beginning of a 
9voi^ being identical. But the Gothic /ei^ror appears in a more 
[nutilated form in the other Teutonic dialects, the d .being 
dropped in all, and in Old High German the 10 as well^ which 
latter consonant is vocalized in the modem dialects. This 
Dumeral has thus mostly become monosyllabic^ as 'Engl. /our, 
Dutch and Germ. vier. 


In this numeral all the Teutonic dialects adopt, Uke Gothic^ 
and in accordance with Grimm's law^ the labial aspirate / in the 
place of the tenuis p which occurs in the cognate languages, the 
only exception being Middle High German and New Dutch, where 
the letter v is used to denote the same sound as /. The m how- 
ever of the Goth. Jimfy which stands for the primitive «, has been 
subject to divers modifying influences. In the H. Germ./ilnf 
we see the original n Tutored in its place. The Norse dialects 
to the present day preserve the m and dismiss the final y* (hence 
O.a.^mm, Dan, and Swed.Jem), while the Low German dia- 
lects, which never tolerate an n before /or "8 (see sub lit. n), 
preserve the/ and dismiss the n (m) instead : A. S.^, Engl. Jive, 
&c., compart to Qerm./un/, DMt.Jem. 

The Gothic i in saik-s duly represents the k of the cognate 
languages, as Latin sex^zsec-^. This guttural k, which must 
not be confounded with the sibilant marked by the same letter. 


is foand in Old Saxon mocording to the nde^ and in Old and 
Middle High German in spite of it. All the other Teutonic 
dialects have hardened the kt into h^ et, x, as A. S., Engl, su, 
Scandinavian mx^ &c. Exceptional forms are the Dutch zes and 
the Germ. Meeks, the former having dropped the guttural alto- 
gether and sof^ned 9 into z, the latter having developed the 
Old and Middle German i, into ck, a change which occurs in all 
words which in Old (xerman ended m hs or lU. 


The Goth. Mun^ which renders the primitive mpian in m^^ 
greatly modified and rather irregular form^ is still furthf r modi— — 
fied according to the spirit of each dialect. Thus the Higfac.^ 
German dialects have the b in common with the Gothic contrary^ 
to the rule^ but so far only as Gk)thic is here in the wrong and 3 
High German in the rights because the p of the cognate Ian- ^ 
guages should be represented in Gothic by the aspirate {ph^f), *- 
and consequently in Old High German by the media b. If^^ 
therefore we put for instance the A. S. uofon as the representa- 
tive of the Low German dass^ we find Grimm's law strictly 
applied in the order P^ PH, B. ^e Old Saxon dialect replaces 
the media by the soft aspirate #=r, a course which is followed 
in most of the modern Teutonic languages, as Engl, seven^ Dutch 
zeven, Dan. s^v, while German remains faithful to the H. Germ. 
bf lsi{e)6en : the e is an inorganic addition. Peculiar is the vocali- 
zation of V for the Gothic b in the O. N. siau for siav, which 
yields the Swedish sj'u, and the completely isolated case of the 
O. Fris. »?^iin, where the guttural replaces the labial media. 


The Goth, akldu is a regular rendering of the primitive aiiu, 
the k of the cognate languages being in Gothic supplanted by 
the guttural aspirate ^, and the i preserved by the preceding ^, 
which like /, suflTers no other letter but the tenuis after it. In 
the other Teutonic dialects, however, the guttural has experienced 
divers vicissitudes. Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon adopted, like 
Gothic and according to law, the guttural aspirate k, and Old 
High German adapted itself here again to Low German usage^ 
while Old Frisian, in advance of its sister dialects, developed the 
A into the hard guttural cA, a course which was followed later 
on by modern dialects, the German and Dutch having acAi for 
aAt, while the English developed out of the Anglo-Saxon A the 





combination gh, eight — ^for which Old English ei'^t and aught. 
The O. N. dtta has assimilated the guttural to the succeeding t^ 
whereby gemination is produced with the lengthening of the 
preceding vowel. The form is strictly preserved in the Dan. 
aatte and the Swed. atta. 


The Goth, niun shows the primitive navan in a contracted 
form, with which the O. H. Germ, niun is identical ; and Old 
Norse would be, but for the n it has dropped, niu. From the 
O. H. Germ, and M. H. G^rm. niun we have the German neun 
[eu for iu according to the rule), and from the O. N. niu the 
Danish ni^ giving preponderance to the first of the two vowels' 
to the loss of the second, the Swedish patronising the latter in 
nio. But far more noteworthy is the Anglo-Saxon, Old Saxon, 
and Old Frisian guttural media g in the place of the primitive v 
in navan, so that the A. S. nigon, O. S. nigun, O. Fris. nigun^ 
nyun, correspond to the Goth, niu-n = nivu-n» Here agnin 
Gothic is far outdone in point of antiquity and primitive charac- 
teristics by its Low German sister-tongues. The modem dialecls 
followed the course commenced in Gothic already, and dropping 
the middle consonant, contracted the two syllables into one,* 
hence the Engl, nine, O.Engl, still «y^ nyne, probably bisyl- 
labic, from A. S. nigon, or perhaps rather O. N. niu. Germ, neun . 
from niun\ Dutch alone has preserved the full Low Gefman 
form in negen. 


Grimm's law is strictly carried out by the Goth, taihun and 
all its Low German representatives rendering the primitive 
media d by the tenuis t, and the High German using, also 
according to law, the aspirate z. But the middle guttural of 
the primitive dalnin is greatly modified not only in the Teutonic 
but in the cognate dialects as well. It is preserved in the Gr. 
hiK^<L, the Lat. decern and the Goth, taih-nn {h in Gothic being 
the lawful representative of the primitive k), while the Sanskrit 
has adopted the sibilant s in dai-an. Among the Teutonic lan- 
guages Old Saxon and High German have preserved the ^, O. S. 
tehan, O. H. Germ, zehan, M. H. Germ, zehen (and contracted 
zen), N. H. Germ, zehen, zehn. The other old Teutonic dialects 
and their modem derivatives drop the middle guttural and 
contract the word into a monosyllable, as A. S. tin, Engl, ten, 
Dutch tien, O. N. tin, Dan. ti, Swed. tio. 



CcfMCTintg the fomntioii of these nnmenk we hmve seen 
al»Te how the Goth. I if in aim-Zif, iw^j/', corre^Kmds to tiie 
LoL iectm, Gr. ^csa and Saosk. iaiim^ and that conseqnentlj 
oar words tle^em^ twe^r^^ simplr mean 10-hl and 10+2 respeo- 
tiTC^F. The same c»mpoand of numeral and snSLs oocurs in the 
other TeatoDic dialects too, but in forms greatly modified bj 
elisions and contractions. The soffix ftfwe find follT piesenred 
in Old Saxon, Old Frisian, and Old High Germaii; Middk 
High German modified the /j/" into Irf, and Ang^lo-Sason and. 
Old Norse drop the Towel altogether, leaving simply ^to repr^- 
sent the soffix. This ^ooeors in all Uie modem Teutonic dialects 
except in Engli^ and Danish, where the ancient y is rendered- 
by r its softer twin a^irate. » Very strange is the ooconenoe o^ 
tne inorganic d in the A« S. end^eafam^ O. Fris. amd-Java, ihx^ 
unit in the former langoage being an, in the latter en. The Oldll-^ 
High German and Middle High German preserve the numeral - 
' one' intact in the word ein-lif, ein'4efy whilst Old Norse drops 
the vowel and assimilates the n to the succeeding /, hence el^i/u; 
thus also in O. Engl, elleue, Dan. elleve. Most mutflated are the 
German and Datch elf, Engl, eleven^ where the numeral is repre- 
sented merely by e. The numeral tva in tva~lif (12) is preserved 
in the different dialects with a modification of the vowel, as twi, 
twe, H. Germ, zwe ; the Scandinavian dialects, however, vocalize 
the va into 6, O. N. to-lf, Swed. tolfy Dan. tolv. 


All these numerals are in the difierent Teutonic lang^uages, 
just as in Gothic, compounds of the * units* with the word 'ten,' 
so that the O. N. iian, A. S. teon {tin, f^n), O. H. Germ, zehan, 
bear their explanation in themselves, and the terminations of 
these numerals in the modern Teutonic dialects are easily ex- 
plained as derivatives of the ancient forms. 


The tigjua of the Goth. tvai'iiijiJM (20) having been explained 
already, we may confine ourselves to a short review of the cor- 
responding forms and their peculiarities in the other Teutonic 

The O. N. tigi in ^ria-tigi and \itt in fior-4iu are modifications 


of the ftiller form iugu in tu-Uugu, which^ like the O. H. Germ. 
zmg in zwein-zug^ represent the Goth. tigju9^ a base in u^ daiu 
from dakan (1 0) ; and quite as readily will be perceived the rela- 
tion of A. S., O. S. tig^ O. Fris. tick. The final consonant is 
dropped in the O. Engl, tuen-iiy N. Engl, twen^ty^ with the 
nsoal change of the final i into ^. The Swed. tiS is the direct 
descendant of the O. N. tiu^ while the Dan. dive undoubtedly 
owes its origin to some other source. Very characteristic in this 
form is the use of the labial aspirate for the guttural media, dive 
^di^e^ which is the reverse of the O. Fris. sigiin for A. S. aeofon^ 
0. S. 9ibun (7), and the A. S. nigotiy O. Fris., O. S. nigun for the 
Goth. niun:=niv'uny primitive nav-an, 

• For the formation of the ^ tens' from ' seventy' upwards, most 
of the Old Teutonic dialects use a word differing from tigjua in 
form and^ to a certain extent^ in derivation, though not in mean- 
ing*. The Goth. teAun-d, which is used in sibuft-lMund (70), &c., 
preHBupposes, as we have explained before^ a primitive dakan-ta^ 
and answers in meaning to the Gr. hUas. This yfehund we meet 
in the other dialects in more or less fiiodified forms. Tlie whole 
form we find contracted in the O. H. G^rm. £6^ sihun^zS, The- 
most ancient mode of forming the numerals ^seventy/ &c., in 
Anglo-Saxon was to place the undeclinable hund^ shortened 
from tehundy and expressing the ^tens/ side by side with the 
respective unit of the ordinals, e. g. hundeaeofo^e (70), hundr- 
eahto^e (80), hundnigo%e (iK)) ; in a tike manner the O. S. ant is 
used (though its identity with the A. S. hund is not proved), and 
forms the ^ tens' by -entering into a combination with the ordi- 
nals, e. g. anUiiunda (70), a7itahtoda (80), antnigunda (90), forms 
which may be rendei^ in Latin by decas aeptima, decaa octava, 
decaa nona. But in later times the Anglo-Saxon suffix . tig 
(=Goth. tigjus), which had been used for the numerals from 
10 to 60 only, found entrance also in the higher numbers, as 
aeofontig (70) (in the same manneif as in late Old High German 
we find sibunzug for sibunz6\ although the ancient prefix hund 
did not yield its place at once ; ana thus it happened that in 
forms like hundaeofontig (70), hundeahtattg (80), &c., the 'ten.' 
is expressed twice, by the suffix tig and the prefix hund. The 
same pleonasm occurs in the O. Fris. t'a(j^tich (80) , tAiiogenticA 
(90), and the last trace is in the Modern Dutch of the present 
day, where the t in tachtig (80), is as in T)ld Frisian the mutilated 
form of a word like O. S. ant, expressing the * decas,' which is 
repeated in the sufiix tich, tig. 

Prom this circumstance may perhaps be explained a peculiar 
mode of reckoning from 70 upwards, which was adopted in 


CAc IjnTTHn 17 'ifbt si^ Iff lait 1 ^ !<■ <«e irntMincil in our 

Kfircni; -s: -v^bn. issat TWiWn woe ei|M t BH e d bf 
- fixrr^r' ami is ^vineszver aidEakn, e. ^. mti oii^ 
wkwtemt T*? . «.«& x'.»r >r.jsn«f TS . a ikr suae ^-^-^tpt ai do^ 
tu FpBiea »7 9i*jrt:tr^ mr^Ds. muttemm^ii tngise. From * eighty 

lin . k Ticlfi ar^iesr js If! wtth tfe i^x hmmd^ whidi 

drcf^«»i ^ dbif <i:cz<»t lif tisifr. ibe ramenl itsdf bad, thoogl^ 

cb!t f :r a p»>i acni E& cisr&Kn koHtiess. frDoi into disose. 

^ hmf.^iz iIk acAecTTe^su'ifuc trr:«s the nxkoning br 'decades^ 

did &:< s;:c^ l«r2r: v tltir ' hsikircd«' but die btter nombar itself, 

and tbe ncmli^R up to IdO veie cxfinaBed like their piede- 

eeaaws Ukrv hnsdral. Uroei^ the Golhic iaUmm-iamud, A. S. 

iumd-4itcm^i^, O. N. (U-fim, which we coold imitat »» in "Rng liA if 

we were allowed to say t^-m^f as well as aiar-Zf or iwe m ij . Hub 

mode of reckoning was indeed preserved so late as the poiod of 

Middle High German, where we find sAea^rici used hy the side 

o( immdert 100,. The differmt foims in tiieTeatonic dialeets 

for the word ' hondn^d ' have their prototype in the Gothic 

Jkumd-a, which, like the Latin ctnt-mm^ may be traced to a primi- 



Old EdzL An^.Sax. 


Old Sax. : 





1 «nc < 







3' two 

rwry, Cmo ( 

\wfjen { 








S' thru 




thria 1 





4 /t>ur 

/5/ur feover 







6 fivt 









fi tiJC 









7 1 tevfn 









H eiffht 

eiijU, awfht 










nyn^, nyt 














































































t<M) huhflml 









' thoummi 



1 duizend 





m • 



tive dakan^ta for dakan^aka7i-ta (10x10)^ and the ancient word 
'hundred' would consequently be identical in meaning and in 
formation with the more modem iaiAun'leAund= ten times ten. 

As to the modem Teutonic languages none give occasion to 
any special notice except the Danish. The compounds tresind- 
9tjfve l60),Jir8indslyve {^)yfemsind9tyve (100), the latter not used 
in this form, express the meaning 'three times twenty/ 'four 
times twenty/ * five times twenty, and form an analogon to the 
French qnafre^vingt.^ They contain (i) the cardinals treSyfrffen^^ 
(3, 4, 5), (a) the word finds = Goth. 8in}fS or neut. mihy O. H. 
Germ, sindy A. S. wiS (meaning ' a walk/ * a turn'), which were 
used to form adverbial numerals, e. g. Goth, ainamma sinha, ^ir^f, 
Ivaim mnpam, bk, &c.; AS. /eower ai^um (quater), aeofon svSum 
(septies), &c., where we B&yjive times, seven times y &c. (3) The 
numeral tifve (20). The forms hahtresindstyve (50), hahjjersindr^ 
siyve (70), Aalvfemsindstyve, (90), prefix- the adverbial noun Aah 
(half) to indicate that half the amount of twenty is reckoned, 
hence Aahtresindslyve is tresindstyve, i. e. ' sixty/ but half the 
amount of tyve or twenty is taken off the sixty, hence it means 
' fifty ;' fhnsindstyve, for ' hundred,' is not used, but halofemsin^' 
siyve to express the number ' ninety.' 



M. H.GeiTD. 











etc, «r- 









dua, dva 





rptU, TfH 







f irTApcv 














H (f^) 
























































• • 

• • 









• • 








* . 

• • 









• • 













m • 




• • 





Old Teutonic Lanouages. 

In Gothic the numerals < one' to ' three' only have a complete 
declension through all cases and genders; the other numerals 
are of common gender and uninflected, or^ extending the theme 
bj i, thej form a few isolated cases. The same remark holds 
good for the other Low German dialects^ while in the Old High 
German we find the distinction of genders^ and sometimes the 
complete declension, with the numerals above 'three/ the in- 
flexion being brought about as in Gothic bj the addition of the 
thematic i. 




Old Saxon. 




The A.S. masc. am, fern, an, neut. an. 

Nom. avna 
Gen. ain-M 
Dat. ain-amma 
Accus. ain-ana 


ain, ain-nta 
ain, ain^ata 

and the O.S. masc. h^ fern, ht, 
neut. en, take the inflexions of the 
strong adjective declension. 

Old Frisian. 

Old IV'orse. 

O. H. G(erm. 







Masc. ein, ein-er, fem. 

Nom. f », an 
Gen. enctt, an€3 
Dat. fna 
Accus. enne, anne 

en, an 

in, an 



<• • 






ein, ein-ju, neut. ein, 
etn-a J, have the inflex- 
ions of the adjective. 

J^ote, — This numeral is in several Old Teutonic dialects used 
in the singular feminine also, and then it assumes the meaning 
of sola; this is the case in Gothic, Old High German, Old 
Frisian (which in this case supplies the prefix al before the 
numeral), and Anglo-Saxon, where the masculine, also may be 
applied in the sense of ' solus.' 

The plural also occurs, and renders in Gothic the meaning of 
/xoVoi, in Old IIi<?h German and Old Norse of ^quidam/ in Anglo- 
Saxon of *singuli,' ^nonnuUi.' (Compare the French les uns^ qu^l^ 
ques w;w,and the Spanish unos in the sense of 'quidam,' 'nonnmli.*) 












Nom. tvai ' 
Gen. tvaddj^ 
Dat. tvaim 
Accus. tvane 






• • 

• • 



twegra, twega 




• • 

• • 
tw&, twig 

Old Saxon. 

Old Frisian. 







Nom. tiUna, tuine 

Gen. • • 


Accna. tiUiutt tuene 



• • 

• • 



» . 

• • 




• • 

■ • 


Old Norse. 

Old High (German. 







Nom. tveir 
Acxnifl. tva 

tveimr, tveim 


• » 




. • 


ewd, zw6, 
zweii, tweierd 
sweim, twim 


. . 

* a 





Nom. ^jireis 
Gen. )>riii 
Dat. )>r»m 
Accns. prins 


^yrine, prijis 















Old Saxon. 

Old Frisian. 







Nom. th9ia{ea, ie) 



Accus. thria{ea, ie) 

thria{ea, ie) 
^tkiyd, thfijerd 
thria{ea, ie) 


• • 
• • 



• • 




• ■ 


• • 



with file stiong dedenskm of the ad|ecti¥CB, mnd thai tbcrcCare 
a tabular view of their nominatiTe fiiniis in the ditfmAt gcsdos 

may here aoffioe : — 





• • I • - 

N. H.Gn. 



€iM CWSfl 

CMd Kiighwh 1 


^■^ ^^^ 


MM («■««> 

1 #MC #MC 



' im I m 



H .a 

Middle DataL 


im im 



U , U 

Noie.^We have obeenred before that in serend Old Tcntonie 
dialects tiie munend ' one' was used in the sense of * qindam -/ 
'^^Qoe it came to be used as the indefinite article in the Middle and 
^^ Teutonic hmgnagesy in exactlr the same manner in which 
^Italian^ Spanish and French kngnages derived their indefinite 
.^cfe fiom the Latin nomend aa-at. Becoming a rei^nlar link 
j? tiie stractore of the hingaagey it gnidoallv lost its numeric 
^^nctiveness, jnst as the definite article, originally a demon. 
^^tjre pronoun, lost much of its demonstrative force, and con- 
tinently it dwindled down in Modem English to the single 
l^wel a, while before vowels am reappears, and on^ was chosen 
^^ express the number. In Modern German, where both the 
f^^unenl and the article are rendered bj eim, Una word has, where 
^ is used in its numeric force, more emphasis than in its position 
^ indefinite article, where it is very slightly accented in conver- 
^tion, and in dialects becomes scarcely audible ; so that it has 
^me sound similar to the English an or a. The Middle High 
German preserved the full accent or tone on the word eiu, 
Av^hether article or numeral, and used it even in rh vmes, but the 
wear and tear of time and circumstances can be observed alreaily 
in the license it gave to shorten the nominative and s^jcrisative 
forms, einer, einiu, eine^ — eiMn, eine^ ^'^l* into the simple eim. 
In this respect the Modem German is superior to it^ mother 
dialect, as it allows no abbreviation except in the nominative 
masculine and neuter. 

The entire loss of inflexional forms, which dates back as far an 
the period of Old English, may coincide with the conver 
the numeral into the indefinite article; in Laymn* 
century), at any rate, we find full inflexiona ' 


nom. an, a\ gen. masc ane9, annes, ones; fern, are: dat. masc. 
ane, anne; fern, are : aoc. masc. anne, fern, ane, one. In Hig^h 
German the numeral appears to have first been used as the 
indefinite article by Otfried (ninth century). 

This numeral has, whether used as such or as the indefinite 
article, abandoned its plural form^ unless we reckon as such the 
modem German die einen (Fr. lee unij^ where it occupies the 
position of a substantive. A similar plural we observe in modem 
Swedish^ where the ' tens' may be turned into substantiyes by 
connecting them with the definite or indefinite article, e. g. en 
etiay a number consisting of one ; ittany the number consisting 
of one; ellor-na, the numbers consisting of one; tvd-^n, the 
number consisting of two; tvdor-na, the numbers consisting of 
two. (Compare the Dutch eene zee, a number of six ; drie zeeeen, 
three numbers of six.) These may be rendered by the Lat. 
singuli, bint, &c 

The English one preserves the genitive » where it is used as a 
substantive, one^e. 


Mmc. Fern. Neut. ^ 

M. H. Germ, zwene zw6 twei Gen. zweier, npeiger ; 6mI. zwein 

N. U.Grerm. zwH zwei zwH Gen. tweler; dat. fKvt'n 


Masc. Fein. Neut. 

M.H.Germ. dri dri driu Gen. drier; AbL drin 

N. H. Germ, drei drei drei Gen. dreier; dat. drden 

Note, — In the other modern dialects these numerals have lost 
their inflexions altogether ; where old inflexional forms are 
preserved, they have lost their old inflexional meaning, as 
N. Germ, zwei and zwo, N. Engl, two and twain (Shakesp.), Swed. 
tvd, tu, tventies {^Z) ; tre, trenne (3) ; which latter forms do not 
indicate inflexional modifleations, but render diflerent shades of 
meaning, and are therefore used in diflerent combinations. 




The ordinal numerals are^ with the exception of two, super- 
latives, though in certain peculiarities they differ from the super- 
latives of adjectives. 












































iy^6-o- (M«^-fa>(0 

















m m 



w^-ros iral 94iearos 

quintiu decimui 

fimfia taihtmda-n- 











one— ten 

The Sanskrit term for ' first' is pra-tAama, which consists of 
the preposition pra (fore, before), and lAama=tama; and of 
analogous formation is the Gr. 7r/>a>-ro-, Dor. mpa-To-, showing 
the preposition and the suffix ta. The Lat. pn-mo^ stands for 
pro^imO', and this for pro^tinuh- (compare the Sanskrit suffix 
ihama) ; and the Goth, fru-ma^n- for prormcHa- (for Sansk. p^ 
Crrimm's law), where we find the sufiix ma instead of ta^. 

The Sansk. dvirti^a ^econd), dvutya is derived from dvi (2) 
and the suffix ta ; the Gr. htirr^po- is a comparative of b€v=dva 

g); the Lat. seeundo' from the root sec, seq (sequi). The 
ortbeni languages form their term from a base An-taron, as 
Goth, tmtikara (the other^ the second)^ which is the comparative 
of the demonstrative pronominal base ana. 

The term ' third' may be derived from a primitive tar-tya or 
ilm hm ('three/ and the base ta in its extended form tya)y in 
Am OMik. tr^Uya we have in the form tr=tra, tar, the number 

the chapter on the formation of the Superlative of Adjectives. 


three. In Greek all the ordinals (with the exception of 7th and 
8th) are formed from the cardinals^ to which to {=td), the sufBx 
of the superlative, is added, e.g. rpl-ro. The Lat. ter-lio and 
the Goth, thri-^ja-n- are formed in analogy to the Sanskrit with 
the suffix tya. 

The ordinal ' foui-th' may in the Ursprache have been Jtatvar- 
ta ; Sansk. chatur^tha {lAa=zla) or tur'ya=c/ialur-ya. The two 
suffixes to and ya may occur in the combination tya, or each may 
form a superlative independently of the other. Gr. rirapTo^ 
T€TFap^Oy Lat. quarto = quattior-4o, parallel to which we may 
assume a Goth. Jidur-tAa — the suffix ta throughout. 


Ursprache kakan-ta- or iani-ta, Sansk. panch-a-ma, Ved. 
pancha-tha, Gr. iriix'tt'To-j Lat. quin{cyto, Goth, ^tnf-ta. 

The suffix ta throughout. Ursprache Juvaks-fa, Sansk. akash- 
tha^ Gr, ?ic-to for i^-ro, Lat. sez-to, Gt)th. miAs-ta-n. 


Ursprache sapta-ma or sapta-ta^ Sansk. aapta^ma^ Gr. l^bo-fMo 
for ^liTTo-fxo (comp. the old and poet. lj3do-/xaro), Lat. septinw, 
Goth, sibun-da-n, 


Ursprache aktv^ma^ Sansk. asAta-ma, Gr. Syboo-^^ 6yboFo'z= 
^oKToFo-, Lat. octavo-, probably from a primitive aitdv^a, where 
the suffix a only is added to the stem aitu, which appears very 
distinctly in the Goth, ahtu-da-n. 


Ursprache nava-ma or nava-ta, Sansk. nava-ma, Gr. Iva-ro, 
ivpa'To = ^ iv^Fa-To, Lat. no-no- = ^noV'no-=^novi'no, Goth, ninn- 


The Sansk. daia-ma and the Lat. deci-mo are compounds of 
the cardinal with the suffix ma, the Gr. b^Ka-ro, Goth, taihun- 
da-n with the suffix ta. 


U— 19 

The Sanskrit uses the compound of ' units' and ' tens' of the 
cardinal numbers^ but daian (10) drops its n^ and thus the final 
a is treated as the suffix^ e.g. ekd-daia (llth)^ dva-daia (ISth). 
The Latin language adopted the suffix ma, as un-deci-mo-, kc, 
the Greek and Gothic again the suffix ^, e. g. iv^4Ka-To (llth)^ 
Gk>th. fitnf'-tar'taihun-da'n ; compare Lat. quintus decimus, where, 
as in Gothic, both the 'unit' and the 'ten' take the ordinal 


The Sanskrit numerals of this class assume either the suffix 
tama, as vimiatirtama (20th), or thej drop the terminational ti {i) 
of mnsati (SO), and then put the final a as in the termination, 
just like the ordinals 1 1-19> e. g. vimSa (SOth). In Greek the 
suffix TO {la) is added to the termination xcfri, kovto of the cardinal 
numerals, which, after dropping the final vowel, yield the form 
KOTTo^ from which arises Koa-rOf as rpioicJoTo (80th). The Latin 
suffix of ordinal numerals is timo^ old form tumo {=:zla-\-ma?), 
which is added to cintij cinta after the latter has dropped the 
final vowel, and thus we get the form cent-tumo, and from this 
cesumo, cenmo, ^esimOy as vi-cesirmo (20th), quadra-gesi-mo (40th). 
In Gothic these ordinals are wanting, but in Old High German 
they are formed by adding the termination of the adjective super- 
lative osta-ii to the cardinals, 2a fior^zug-^ata-n (40th) i. 


Sansk. kator-tama (100th) adds the suffixes ta and ma to the 
cardinal hata, Gr. aTo-=4a'-ro; w corresponds to the primitive 
yaiM, a comparative, and lo — tay the superlative termination, 
e. g. iKaro-orrf. The Latin word cenl-esimo is irregularly formed, 
as if the termination were esimOj whilst after the analogy of the 
' tens' it should be expected to be cenaenmo from eent-tesimo. 
In Gothic these ordinals are wanting. 

The words we have just mentioned, and which express the 
ordinal of 100 in the difierent languages are further used toge- 
ther with the units to form the compounds which denote the 
ordinals from 200 to 900. 


Sansk. saiasra-tama, Gr. xikui-'aTo, Lat. mill-esiino, Gothic 

^ Compare the chapter on the formation of the Superlative. 

















E t 

liilll lilt 

. ' 


i i* fe a -8 5 4 1 

- f 5 I ^ i > 5 I 



JL r 

< « 


1 ^ i 

« ? 



& 9 £ «• 

2 T • ^ 

= ^1^11 

SI s 


* 1 
i I 







•al • ^ to at 





5 ^ 






I 1 

S is 

■g i: s 1 * 














i i 



« 1.5 S I 

1 1 « 9 



i • • 


S ISSSSt St|| I 



We have had occasion already to remark that the ordinals in 
the cognate languages^ as well as in Gothic^ are superlatives. 
The other Teutonic ordinals agree on the whole with the Gothic, 
and differ from it only in a few peculiarities which we are about 
to discuss. 


The Gothic fruma-^ has already been explained as an ancient 
superlative, to which would answer a primitive pra-ma-n (Goth. 

^for Sansk. /?, Grimm^s law), consisting of the preposition pra 
(fore, before, pro) and the superlative suffix ma. This fruma 
again undergoes another superlative inflexion ^by adding the 
comparative termination u (primitive yana^), and the superlative 
suffix ta, /rum^i^ta. This, no doubt, is a later formation, and 
originated at a time when the consciousness of the superlative 
force oi fruma itself was lost. In the other Low German dia- 
lects the Gothic form is sometimes preserved, as in the A. S. 

frutna, or the u is weakened into o, or metathesis of the r takes 
place; hence A. S., O. S., and O. Fris. forma. Then we further 
find the more recent superlative termination with it, and thence 
we have, corresponding to the Ooihicfrumista, the A* &0fyrmesia, 
where y is the Umlaut of «, which is caused by the succeeding i 
in the termination w/, here weakened into est : fyrmeda again is 
contracted into^r^^a. The Frisian superlative /bnw-^*/, the Old 
High German superlative vur-isl-er, and the O. ^.fyrsl-r, are 
formed on the same principle. We n^ight also explain the forms 
vur-ist-er, &c,, as being directly derived from the preposition 
O. H. Germ, fora^ Goth.^awrff, the Teutonic garb in which the 
preposition jora, Gr. irprf commonly appears. Besides the ordinal 

fntma and its derivative forms we meet another word in the 
Teutonic tongnes, exclusive of Gothic, in the shape of the A. S. 
{Er-est-a, O. H. Germ, er-isir-er, which is fonned of the adverb 
A. S ar (Engl, ere), O. H. Germ. Sr (Germ, ehe, eh-er), meaning 
'fore,' ^before,' and the suffix ist^ est (=w-^), a form which 
undoubtedly is of a much later formation, since it is represented 
neither in Gothic nor the cognate languages. 

From these Old Teutonic words their Middle and New Teu- 
tonic representatives will easily be explained, where mostly 
preposition and suffix are still clearly traceable, as O. Engl./brw- 
est-e, vor-^tey fr^t^, M..H. Germ, viir-est-ej and er-st^, Engl. 

' Aboat these suffixes see the chapter o|i Comparison, p. 148 sqq. 



fir^, er-^, Gterm. er^t, Dutch eer^i, Swed.^^fr-*^-a, Dan.Jor- 
iUe^ some of the modem tongaes adopting both terms^ othera 
selecting one of the two. 


The Oothic aniAara, second, derives its origin from the de- 
monstrative pronominal base ana and the comparative suffix 
iara^ which consistently with Grimm^s law is tAara in Gh>thic. 
The Low Grerman tA is duelj represented in the O. Fris. oUerf 
and in its softened form in the A.S. and O.S. %. These dialecte, 
however^ do not tolerate an n preceding the aspirate ti, and 
therefore drop it regularly, hence A. S. a^Ser, O. S. d^r (by the 
side of O. H. Grerm. andar). The Old Norse dialect, in its pro- 
pensity for geminated forms, assimilates the d (for tA) from andar 
into annar, whilst Old High German preserves the Gothic form 
most completely, and at the same time carries out the law of 
the mutation of sound, rendering the Goth. tA by the media d, 
hence andar. 

Few remarks will suffice with reference to the history of this 
form in the later Teutonic dialects. Old English and New 
English preserve the Anglo-Saxon form in the words d^Ser and 
otAer; but in Old English already it yields its ancient position to 
the Latin form secund^, which, as the N. Engl, second, supplants 
the Teutonic word altogether, the latter being exclusively used 
in the sense of alter, alius, a fate which also befalls the Germ. 
ander, replaced by zwei-tey Dutch twee-de. The Swedish and 
Danish languages alone not only preserve the ancient forms in 
their original position, but in retaining the media d, surpass in 
correctness even the Old Norse dialect — Swed. andra, Dan. 
an den. 


The Goth, thri-dja shows, like the same form in Sanskrit, the 
suffix tt/a, an extension of the superlative base ta, Li the other 
Old Teutonic dialects we find the sibilant y of the base dja assimi- 
lated to the preceding d, hence the A. S. ]^ri^da, O. Fris. lAre- 
dda, O. S. thri-ddi, O. H. Germ, dri-tto (d for Goth. M, and t for 
d, Grimm's law). 

Old English preserves the A. S. \ri'd(h, which in New Eng- 
lish introduces metathesis of the r in tliir-d, so also Dutch der^e. 
The O.N. \ri-di is surpassed in correctness of form by the Swed. 
tre-dje, Dan. tre-die. The Germ, dn-tte remains faithful to its 
Old High German source. 



The other Teutonic ordinals up to ' nineteen^ are formed by 
the superlative suffix ta^ the t of which in Gothic and the other 
Teutonic dialects ought to be rendered in Low German by th, 
Old High German by d, which, however, appears as ^, rf, and ih^ 
in the Old Teutonic dialects, either of these dentals being chosen 
agreeably to the preceding consonant. Thus, for example, it is 
a law common to all the ancient Teutonic languages that no 
other dental but the tenuis can follow upon the aspirate f; hence 
Goth, ffff/'ta, A. S./f-ia, O. Fris. ff-la, O. S.f/'lo, O. H. Germ. 
jtrnf-to. The omission of the m in the Low German dialects is 
analogous to the omission of the n before "8 which we have just 
mentioned. The O. ^.fem-te drops the/*. The same rule holds 
good for the Gothic saihs-ta^ A. S. six-ta, O. H. Germ. seA^to, &c. 
As to the other numerals, it is Anglo-Saxon exclusively which 
adopts the aspirate, the regular representative in Low German 
of the tenuis in the cognate languages, A. S. ?, O. Engl. ]>, 
N. Engl. lA, as A. S. seqf-iSa^ O. Engl. seue-}pe, N. Engl, aei^en^th ; 
while the other Low German dialects, like Gothic, prefer the 
media; so that Old High German also gets into a confusion, 
adopting the regular media d in ^or-do (4th), sidun-do (7th), and 
ahto-do (8th) only, in the remaining ordinals to. 

The modern languages follow the footsteps of their mothers, 
but so that they introduce the favourite dental throughout, 
hence Engl.^f^^ for A.&.ff-ta; Germ. r/Vr-/^ (4th) for O. H. 
Germ. Jior-do, sieben-te (7th) for siiun-do. In the Swed. and 
Dan. fenv-U (5th), sjeUte (6th) only, we find the Old Teutonic 
tenuis of the O. 'N.Jim-ti, aet-ti preserved. 


From 'twenty^ upwards the ordinals are wanting in Gothic, 
whilst in the other Teutonic dialects, Anglo-Saxon excepted, 
they are formed by the common superlative suffix (fe^, a^t-, 
e. g. O. H. Germ. drizugSsto (30th), O. Fris. thritig-osta, O. N. 
yriiug-asH. Anglo-Saxon, on the other hand, forms the ordinals 
above like those below twenty, i. e. with the suffix S«, which is 
added to the cardinal by means of the connective vowel d. The 
Modem Teutonic dialects followed various courses; the High 
German remained faithful to its traditions, and adopted the 
O. H. Germ, osl in the weakened form est, contracted 8t, which 

E 2 



is also preserved in Dutch. The Scandinavian languages aban- 
doned the ast of Old Norse and continued the ordinals above 
'twenty' with the suffix de. Old English and New English 
preserve the A. S. "Sa, as A. S. ^riUiffHh'^a, O. EngL pryftti-^e, 
N. Engl, thirti-if^th. 


Old Teutonic Languages. 

Li all the Teutonic dialects we have^ besides the cardinal twOf 
the numeral both, answering to the Gr. ifx<l>6T€poi,, Lat. ambo» 
It appears in Gothic as bai, O. S. be^ja, O. N, ba^ir, O. Fris. 
bethe, A. S. begen {bd, bu). The declension, it will be seen, id 
very defective in Gothic. 




Dat. \^jf.f, \ 
I bajop-um j 

Accus. bans 













bega, begra 
banif b<pm 
hegen | ba \ bu 

Old Saxon. 








be9Ja\ heSJa \ be^ju 

Old Frisian. 

Old Norse. 

O. H. Gterm. 










Nom. hethe 












Accus. bMhe 




1 hetha 








1 pidiu 

In Anglo-Saxon some forms of this word combine occasionally 
with the numeral ' two/ e. g. hdtwd-=.hd (both) -f twd (two), neut. 
butu ; they occur also declined, e.g. dat. bdm twdm. 

Distributive numerals we have in the Goth, tveinaih, occur- 
ring in the accus. fem. tveihnos ; O. H. Germ. zwenSy which was 
adopted to supply the cardinal numeral 'two' — O.N. einn, 



icennTj yrennr, fern : plur. of tvennr, yrennr, is tvennir, tvennar, 
tvenuj &c. ; they may be used in a distributive or multiplicative 
si^ifieation^ so that ivennr may mean binus and duplus^ '}frennr 

=triuus and triplex. 

Multiplicatives are formed in Gothic by fatbs (fold), fem. 
fal\ay neut. fal\. This Gothic fal\ is in Anglo-Saxon feald^ 

Old Saxon and Old Frisian /a^^, Old 'Norse falrl-r, Old High 

German /aH. Examples : — Goth. ain-/al\h-s, one-fold, simple ; 

A. S. dn-'feald^ O. S. and O. Fris. en-fald, O. N. ein-fald-r, O. H. 

Germ, ein-falt^er^ Goth. fdur-fal^'Sy four-fold; A. S. twinfeald^ 

two-fold ; O. S. tekin-fald, ten-fold ; O. Pris, thri'-fald, three-fold ; 

O. N.Jimm'fald^r, five-fold ; O. H. Germ, dri-falt^ three-fold. 
Numeral adverbs answering to the question qiioties? how 

often ? are not met with in Gothic, but some occur in the other 

old dialects. 

Examples : — 




O. H. Oer. eina, einest 
Ang.-Sax. (vne (ams) 
Old Saxon ines 
Old Frisian inis, Sne8 (ense) 
Old Norse einna 

swiror^ stciro, snoiron 

thnjo^ tkriwo 

To supply the wanting numeral adverbs, the Low German lan- 
guages, Gothic included, use the dative of the word */«))-, mean- 
ing way, turn, time, punctum temporis, Goth, ^npa, A. S. and 
O. S. sip {n dropped on account of the succeeding aspirate "8), 
O. Pris. seth (for dth, sintA), O. N. sinn (the final ? assimilated to 
the preceding n), while Old High German uses for the same pur- 
pose the substantive atunta^ stunt (punctum temporis, hour, comp. 
Germ, stunde), a word which is occasionally used in Old Frisian 
too. Examples : — Goth, ainamma sinpa, one time, once ; an* 
\aramma sin\a^ a second time ; tvdim sinpam, two times, twice. 
A. S. o?i {enne ^"8, once ; eahto^an si^e, for the eighth time ; 
eakta sHon, eight times. O. S. siihm si^un, seven times ; teAan 
si^un, ten times. O. Pris. tian setAen or tian stunda, ten times. 
O. N. dtta sinnum, eight times ; tuttugu sinnufn, twenty times. 
O. H. G^rm. Jlar-stunt, four times ; zeAan-stunt, ten times, and 
drim atuntoniy driS stunto, three times. 

There is another kind of numeral adverbs in the Teutonic 
languages, which express companionship of as many persons as 
are indicated by the numeral. For this purpose the Anglo-Saxon 
language makes use of the indefinite pronoun sum^ which it adds 
to the respective cardinals, e. g. eode eaAta-sum, we went eight 


together, including myself: eahfa^^um can be rendered in Ge^ 
man by one word, selh-achUr. This Germ, ielh (meaning 'self) 
has its forerunner in the O. H. Germ, selp^ aelhy e.g. selp-aniar 
(Germ, selb-ander, i. e. we were two together, I was the second); 
sUp-dntlOy selbnlritt, we were three together, I was the thiri 
In Frisian and Old Saxon sum is used as in Anglo-Saxon. 

Tlie Old Noree has some forms answering to the Latin nnmenl 
adjectives in -arius, e.g. yftitug-ry tricenarius; sextug^r^ sexagen- 

Middle and Modern Teutonic Languages. 

The root ha is preserved in the modem dialects, and appears 
in the* Engl, hoth^ from O. E. hei\ey bo^e for bege^ bo, A. S. begm, 
bd, bu. The Germ, beide, M. H. Germ, beid^ (for bede), are de- 
rived from the Old High German neuter form beidiu (for bediu); 
the Swed. bdrle, Dan. baade, from the O. N. h&^ir ; Dutch heedij 
O. S. b^ja. 

The distributive numerals answering to the question 'how 
often ?^ have disappeared from all Modern Teutonic languages 
except the English, where they are preserved in the forms once, 
twice, thrice. The word once is derived from the O. Engl, oones 
(exchanging the sibilant c for s), A. S. dues, dne,{B7ie ; twice from 
O. Engl, twies, twie, with w^hich corresponds the A. S. twtica ; 
but still more so the O. Fris. twira = tirim and the O. N. tysvar^ 
from which it becomes sufficiently evident that the full form 
must have been twiswa, the s of which was dropped in Anglo- 
Saxon, but restored in Old English from some other source, 
perhaps Old Frisian or Old Norse. The same case we have in 
thrice, O. Engl, thries for thrie, A. S. ]>r!wa^ O. N. ^rysrar. 

The Modern Teutonic languaq-es being deprived of these 
numeral adverbs have to suj)ply them by circumscriptive forms, 
an expedient adopted already in Old Teutonic dialects ; but the 
word sin]fa, sinlS, sin/f, has disai)peared, and others have taken its 
place in the diffrrent modern tongues. (The Old Norse si)ijf in 
the Danish cardinals, see above.) The English makes use of the 
word *time^ : three times, /our times, Jive times, &c. The equivalents 
in the German and Dutch languages are inal, maal respectively, 
as ein-jnal, een-maal ; zwei-mal,, twee-maal ; drei-maal, drie-maul, 
&c. The word 7)fdl which occurs in Old High German already, 
and in the Goth. 7nel, means ^punctum/ a point, and hence 
'punctum temporis/ a point of time, or moment— a meaning 
which corresponds to that of the words sin^a and stunt used in 
the Old Teutonic dialects. It is certain that this form was 


adopted in High German before Lather's time; but in Middle 
High German the O. H. Germ, dunt is used for the same pur- 

The ScaDdinavian languages employ for the same purpose the 
word gang, which originally means walk, step, turn, and hence 
time ; e. g. S wed. engdng^ tvd ganger, ire ganger ; Dan. engang, 
to gauge, ire gange. 

The A. S. ^m, mentioned above^ is no lon^r used in English 
with its peculiar meaning when in combination with cardinals ; 
and in German too the O. H. Germ, sell has disappeared alto- 
gether^ except in the term selbander, we two together : aellh-dritt, 
&c.^ are out of fashion. 

Multiplicatives are formed in the modem as well as in the 
ancient dialects by the termination fold, Germ, fait, fdltig, 
Jhitch. voudig ; e.g. three-fold, dreifdltig, drie-voudig ; air-fold, 
secha-fdltig, zes-voudig. 

Fractions are rendered either by the ordinals^ as in English 
and Dutch — e. g. a fourth, een vierde ; a twelfth, een ttoaalfde — or 
by adding the word deal to the cardinal^ as is done in the Germ. 
tel = theU, and the Danish and Swedish deel, del, e. g. Germ. 
mer'tel=ivier'theil, Dan, en fjerde^deel, Swed. Snfjerde-dSl. 




I. Formations with the suffix -yailS. 

The primitive suffix yans is perhaps the modifioation of a still 
more ancient yant, and related to the suffixes ant^ mant^ vanL 
In the last of the three just mentioned it also occurs that the t 
is replaced by s, and so it may be in yans for yant. This suffix 
is always joined directly to the root and limited to certain roots, 
as nav-a, new, comp. nav-yans ; avad-u, sweet, svad-yans. 

In Sanskrit the primitive yans becomes yas or iyds, e. g. nava, 
new, comp. na'c^yds ; hhu-ri^ much, hhu-yds ; yuvan^ young, 
yav-tyds ; mah, great, mah-iyds. 

The Greek language drops the s of yans^ changes y into i, or 
combines it with the preceding consonant into crcr or f; e.g. 
KQK-J-, bad, comp. KaK-toz/*-', Ka^tcar ; Max-i^, hgh^^ levis, iKaa-aov, 
for ^iKax^LOv-; ixiy-a^^ fjL€y-6.\o^, great, fxelCtav for /Ltey-toi/; ttoA-i^, 
much, TrAetor-, primitive form pra-ya7ts from par-u; TOot pra = 
par, to fill ; fxe-lov-, less, primitive form ma-yaiis from a root 
ma, commonly weakened to mi (comp. Lat. mi-imi). 

In Latin the primitive yans became yons, -ions, -i^s, the final s 
yielding later on to rhotacism which produced the form -ior; but 
the original s was always preserved in the neuter -ius = yu^ 
(comp. Sansk. ydif). Examples : — mag-no-, great, comp. md-jor, 
for ^inag-ior^ neut. 7na-jus=.^mag-ius ; plus, more, {rom pious = 
^plo-iiis (comp. TrAc-toi^) primitive j??m-ya?/*, root pra= par, to fill; 
plur€s=pleores=z^pl^-ior'es, comp. oi' ple-ro-, jAerns. ple-no^, full, 
root ple=ploz=:pra=zpar, to fill; minor, less, =min-ior, min-us=z 
min-ius, root min = man, ma ; facil-ior comp. of/acil-i-, root ^fac. 

The Gothic comparative terminations are -is, Ss, both derived 
from yans\ is—yas {i=ya) 6s=a-as (Goth. dz=a-j-a):=a-yas= 
a-yans. To these comparative bases is added the termination an 
in the masculine, y^j/f {=:yan) in the feminine form of the adjec- 


live, so that the comparative suffix in Gothic is izan, fem. izjan, 
izein (final * is softened into z in the middle of the word), -^zan, 
fem. -ozjan^ ^dzein. Examples : — manag-izan^, nom. sing. masc. 
fnanagiza, neut. managizo {Sznan), fem. managizei, theme manega, 
nom. sing, manegs, (much, many) ; maizan" = mah-izan (compare 
Liat. mag^is, major, mag^ior, 6r. /mey-ioi^-), comparative of theme 
mii-ila-, nom. sing, mikils, great, root mik, Lat. mag, Gr. piey, 
Sansk. mah, primitive mag, great. In the adverbial form of this 
word the case termination has disappeared, and it therefore ends 
in*: mais =Ij&t, mag^is ; AauA'is, comj)B,TQ,tiYe AauA-izan", theme 
kauha^j nom. sing, hauhs, high ; even the i of w is sometimes 
dropped : mins, adverbial comparative of minn-iza, less (comp, 
Lat. min-u8 for miririus), 

2. Formations with the suffixes -taXE and -ra. 

These suffixes are chiefly used in Sanskrit and Greek for the 
formation of the comparative -, -tara is probably a compound of 
the frequently occurring suffixes ta and ra. The latter by itself 
expresses comparison, e.g. Sansk. ava-ra, inferior, com p. of the 
preposition ava, de, of, from ; apa-ra, after, of prep, apa, ab, of, 
from. Compare with these examples the Latin sup-eru^ (sup-er), 
inf-eru-^ {inf-^r), which have the ancient comparative suffix ra. 
The consciousness however of the comparative force of the ter- 
mination er being lost, the common comparative suffix tor was 
superadded, so that in the Latin superior, inferior, we have in 
fact double comparatives. 

tara forms in the Ursprache the very old stem an-tara, interior, 
from the demonstrative base ana-, root an; and ka-tara, uter, 
from the interrogative base and root ka. 

This suffix appears in Sanskrit as the masculine termination 
'taraSy fem. -tard, and is simply added to the nominal stem, e. g. 
punya^tara, comp. of punya, pure ; ka-tara (uter) of ka, quis ; 
ya-tara (uter) of the relative ya, qui ; i-tara, other, from demon- 
strative i, is ; an-tara, exterior. 

The comparative base tara is rendered in Greek by -rcpo, e. g. 
w<>-T€po- = Ko-repo-, uter, root tto, ko, = Sansk. ka ; Kov<l>6^T€po^, 
comp. of KovifH)', light, levisj (roffai-i^po- (co on account of the 
preceding short syllable). The termination ea^r^po seems to 
have been adopted from the adjectives ending in co-, as in aa^eo-- 
T6po- of a-aiprjs, to other adjectives as the combining syllable 
between the root and the termination, e. g. fvhaifjLov'-ia'Tfpo' of 
cvW-fuor. The form la-r^po must be kept distinct altogether 
from the preceding, it being a compound of la, the shortest 


contracted fijnn of jw«, rad r^w^fov, e.g^. XaXria^-npo-, oom- 

parmtiTe of AoXa-, tftlkatnre. 

In Latin the suffix Urm is Tcry rare. It oceim in w4ero= 
cu'^.ero, quo^^rOj root km, ko^ Gr. uo, so, Simsk. ia; ar-^, fent 
«-/«, neat, wntn^m elision of ^^ ; i«-/^, dej>4er. Farther ex- 
amples arc : — «i«-wHVrr>-, minor, minister, serrant^ from the root 
mUj small : ma^9-t^^y major, maister, from the root mag, gred; 
tim-l^ero^y left,— examples irhere we find, as in the Greek AoA- 
Ca-Tfpo, the suffixes jt'Ijm -h tara. 

In Gothic the suffix iara does not occur frequently. It is 
nsed in the following words: — am^iara^, nom. sin^. anriiar, 
other, second, where the Gothic /i represents the Sansk. t (see 
Grimm's law) ; ica-iAara, nom. sing, hva-^kar, nter, whether, I 
for Sansk. k (Grimm's law), r introduced after k (see the respeo- 
tire letters) ; Aifh-dar, hinder, posterior; af-ira, after, retro, prep. 
of, of; kra'-tkro, whither, theme ira-/iAi-r= primitive ht-iara^ 
ika-ikrOy thither, primitive ta'4ara; kva-dre, whither; kirdtiy 
hither, primitive ki-^ara. 

Superlative Bases. 

I. Formations vUk ike suffix -t&. 

The regular suffixes nsed in the formation of the superlative 
are ta and ma (which have other functions besides this), and 
their combinations iamay matay tatCy which, as secondary suffixes 
are sometimes added to the comparative. 

ta is used chiefly in the formation of ordinals ^ It forms super- 
latives by joining the comparative suffix yana. The reduplicated 
tu=iiata is in Greek the regular termination of the superlative 
by the side of the comparative in tara. 

The primitive language either used the full form in yans-ta, 
as magh-yaiis-ta (fi^yLCTos), ak-yavs-la (5kiotos), or the shortened 
form of yans, i. e. isy e. g. magk-is^tay ak-is^ta, Schleicher decides 
in favour of the former. 

In Sanskrit the superlative suffix t^ is joined to the compara- 
tive yds, 'iydS', shortened in w, and the combination i^ta be- 
comes uh'thay e. g. mah-uhtha^ greatest, of root mak ; gar-Uktka^ 
superl. of guru ^ heavy. 

The Greek language joins the superlative to (=^) to the 
comparative base lo- i^ans)^ e. g. Kdic-KJ-ro-, ^ft-ic-ro-, txiy-Lo-'To-y 
TrAc-icr-ro-. The reduplicated form tata^ Gr. roro, of this suffix, 

* See the respective chapter, p. 237 sqq. 


forms the r^alar superlative to the comparatives in taray Or. 
r€/)o, e. g. icov<J>o-TaTO-, ao</)<o-roTo-, cvbaiixov^ia-TaTo^, AaA-((r-Taro-. 

The Latin renders the suffix ^ by lo, tu, but it is not used in 
the superlative, where mo (Sansk. ma), and ^mOy timo (the primi- 
tive ta-ma) have the preference, e. g. lont/'issimo^, brev-issifno^, 
op^i-mo- (see below). 

The primitive la is rendered in Gothic by ^-», the n being 
an addition peculiar to the Teutonic tongues, and d standing 
irregularly for lA, which should represent the Sansk. t (see 
Grimm^s law). Here again the superlative is added to the com- 
parative case -is, -os, and the d of da is then replaced by ^, on 
account of the preceding * (see the chapter on Consonants), e. g. 
mana^uh-ta, AauA-is-ta, minn-is-ta, ma-is-la^ arm-6s-ta, 

2. Formations with the suffix -ma. 

It occurs in : — the Sansk. ava-md, lowest, last, from prep, dva^ 
of a demonstrative base ; madhya-md, medius ; para^mdy furthest ; 
ddi-ma, first, from ddi, beginning ; and in many ordinals. 

In Greek it is very rare; it occurs in €/35o-/xaTo- (combined 
ma + ta, and with the remarkable change of irr into ^h) and in 
vv-fxaTO", last. 

ma is the favourite suffix in the Latin superlative, where it 
appears as««o, e.g. sum-mo-=sup-mo-,like the comparative ^w/?-^/-, 
from sup (sud); inf-mo-, comp. inf-ero-; mini-mo-, comp. min-or; 
pluri-mo-, old form pliisi-mo-^t)lo-is-umo-, where we have again 
the primitive j^tf 7?^ + «wt. Perhaps it may come from a primitive 
Latin form plo-yus-VHtao-, as plus^=^plous^=plo-yus, and min-us=s 

It occurs rarely in Gothic, and where it does it is accompanied 
by the Teutonic final », e. g, innu-ma-n, intimus, inmost ; y>«- 
ma-n, foremost, first, and with an additional superlative suffix 
in fru-yn-is-iay an example which shows that the consciousness 
of the superlative force of the suffix ma must have been lost at 
an early time. 

3. Formations with the suffi^x tarllia* 

It is in Sanskrit the regular superlative termination by the 
side of the comparative in tara, as ka-tamd, which out of many, 
interrogative ; ya-tamd, which out of many, relative. 

In Greek it is wanting. 

The Latin language uses it as the regular superlative termi- 
nation, where the primitive tam/i is rendered by simx>y sum^o,^ 


timo, tumo, and commonly added to the comparatiye suffix k 
(primitive yans)^ e. g. long^ia-aimo-, brev-is-sima-^ op^iimo-y op4ih 
mo- ; ul-timo-y in-limo-, maxima- = ^mag-simo- — ^mag-timo'. Adjeo* 
tives which have dropped their final vowel and end in r or /join 
the Buffix iimo^ simo, immediately to the root, as veter-rimo^ for 
^ vefersimo-, ^veter-limo-, stem veler; pulcAer-rimo-, stem pulchenhy 
facil-limcH for ^facilsimO', "^facH-titnxH, But these superlatives 
may be explained in another manner, so as to derive them firom 
a form veter-is-timo, velersimo-, velerrimo^, &c. 

The suffix tam^ appears in Gothic under the form du-ma-n 
(compare Lat, tumom op-tumo-)^ where we find ^ inorganic in the 
place of th to represent the Sansk. t and the final n superadded, 
e.g. af'tu-ma-ny aft-most, last, to which a further superlative 
suffix is added in af-tu-m-is-ta-ny a double superlative containiog 
four suffixes which are added to the preposition af^ namely, ta- 
ma-yans-ta ; thus also hin-du-ma-n^ hindmost, latest, last, and 
hin-du-m-is-ta-ii^ if-tu-ma-tiy the next, following. 


I. The Comparative. 

As we have already stated, the Gothic comparative of the 
adjectives is formed by the terminations is and 6s, which answer 
to the Sanskrit suffix yds, primitive yans, the final s being 
softened into z when the comparative suffix is followed by a ter- 
mination, hence izan, ozan, of which either one or the other is 
used, the selection being made perhaps on euphonic rather than 
grammatical grounds. While the termination for the masc. and 
neut. is an, the fem. adopts y^;/, hence ein, 

Examjiles : — 

manags, much, many, theme manega ; comparative manag-izau-, 
nom. sing. masc. ynanagiza, fem. managizei, neut. managizd (o, 

blinds y blind, theme blinda ; comparative blind-dzan-, nom. 
sing. masc. blinddza, fem. blinddzei, neut. blind^zo, 

azets, light, easy, theme azeta ; comparative azel^izan-, nom. 
sing. masc. azeiiza, fem. azefizei, neut. azetizo, 

/rd]>s, prudent, wise, theme froda ; comparative frod-dzan-, 
nom. sing. masc. /rdddza, ^em. frdddzei, neut. J^rddozd. 

In the other Teutonic dialects rhotacism has taken place 
throughout, that is, the * of the terminations is and ds has been 



Bopplanted by r, bo that the comparative suffiites are in Old 

Sigh German ir and 6r^ in Old Saxon ir and 6r, in Old Frisian 

«r and ar, whilst Anglo-Saxon has dropped the vowel altogether 

and merely puts r. But we can prove that this dialect also 

originally used both ir and (?/•, because, wherever the former 

occurred, it caused the Umlaut of its adjective, which Umlaut 

remained after the i of ir had been dropped ; the termination Sr^ 

on the other hand, never caused Umlaut. Similar is the case in 

Old Norse, where ar stands for 6r, Goth. 6Sy and r for ir, Goth. 

u, the latter being always distinct bv the Umlaut which the i 

of the suffix r, originally ir^ had caused. 

Examples ;— 

Goth, blindsy bUnda, comp. blind^z-a^ blind-Sz^i, blhid-^z^. 
O.K.G. plint ... „ plint-o?'-^, plint-or^y jplint^r-a. 

blind^T'^y bli7td'6r-a, blind-ar^i, 

blindr^-a^ &c. 

blind-or-a, or blind- er-a, or blind-r-a, 

blind-ar^i, blindHir-4j blind-ar-a. 

O. S. blind 
A. S. blind 
O. Fris. blind 
O. N. blindr 




1 . Old High German allows of the assimilation of the vowel 
in the suffixes ^r and ir to the vowel of the succeeding termina- 
tion, e. g. plintara for plintSra, richoro for ricAiro, where S has 
been assimilated to the succeeding a, and i to the succeeding o. 
The i of ir may cause the Umlaut of the vowel in the preceding 

2. Old Saxon may, like Anglo-Saxon, drop the i of ir alto- 
gether, or weaken it into e, ana weaken the S of Sr into a ; e. g. 
bet-er-a for bet^ir-^, ald-r'^ for ald-ir-o^ jtrng-ap-o for jung-Sr-o^ 
for which we even find jung-r^o^ so that it would appear, as if by 
the side of jungSr^Oy a comparative jung-ir-o had been in use. 
It is a peculiarity of the Old Saxon dialect that it likes to pre- 
serve the derivative spirant j even before the terminations, so 
that from the word 9uMi, theme suotja^ sweet, we have the com- 
parative suofj-er-a and suot-^r^x^ wo^j-erni and w6^~erHi from 
tDO^iy ico^ja, joyful. Gothic and Old High German never allow 
this derivative spirant to appear before the comparative suffixes. 

3. Anglo-Saxon comparatives in ir are — ^Id-r-a from eald, old ; 
leng^r^a from lang^ long : in 6r — earm-r-a from eamiy poor (Germ, 
arm) ; brdd-r-^ from brad, broad ; the former causing the Umlaut 
(on account of the i), the latter not. 


4. Old Frisian often weakens the forms ir and or into er^ tbe 
former being always recognizable by the Umlaut it causes in 
the preceding syllable, e. g. alt, old, comp. eld-^er-^ ; sometimes 
nothing but the consonant of the suffix remained, as fir^ fiir, 
comp. y<?r-r-a ; hdch^ high, comp, ha^-THi for hag-er-ni. 

5. Old Norse also drops the % of «>, which however, just as 
in the other dialects, leaves the traces of its original presence 
behind by the Umlaut it has caused in the preceding syllable ; 
e.g. fuller, full, comp. fylt-r-i ; diup^r, deep, comp. d^p^r-L 

6. All the comparatives in all the dialects have the inflections 
of the weak declension. 

2. The Supeelative. 

In the Teutonic dialects the superlative is formed just as in Gothic 
and some of the cognate languages^ by adding the superlative 
suffix la to the comparative suffix yans, and this primitive yam^a 
(Sansk. i9-ta) appears in Gothic as i9-ta or Ss-ta [a reinstated for 
z on account of the following i, and t instead of the regular d^ 
or rather th, on account of the preceding s), and these combined 
suffixes uta, osta, appear in all the Teutonic dialects with modi- 
fications similar to those which afiect the comparative termina- 
tions, i, e. the i of iat being often weakened into e or dropped 
altogether, and the of ost weakened into a. From what we 
have just stated it will be self-evident that the superlative in kt 
answers to the comparative in /r, and the superlative in ost to 
the comparative in 6r. Concerning the different Teutonic 
dialects our remarks may be brief. In Anglo-Saxon the super- 
lative terminations resume their ancient vowels in est { and 
ost, while the comparative suffix r had dropped both i and ; 
e. g. leng^st, sup. of lang ; earvi-ost, sup, of earm. But on the 
other hand, Anglo-Saxon does not strictly keep apart the termi- 
nations ist and ost for the comparatives ir and or respectively, 
but frequently uses one for the other, as geong-ost for gyng^st, 
and vice versa leof-est for leSf-ost. In Old Frisian the vowel of 
the superlative suffix is rarely dropped, but it may appear in 
various modifications as isty and e,st, and ast. Old Norse is the 
only dialect which regularly drops the vowel of the suffix isi, 
while it changes ost into ast ; e. g. S(rI-1, happy, sup. scBl-st-r ; 
full-r, full, ^u^,fyl~st'r;fr6^'r, prudent, sup,y/*<?5-a*/-r. 

Where i in the comparative causes Umlaut, it does the sanie 
in the superlative; e.g. O.'N./ull-r, comp. /y//-;-i', sup. ^/-*/-ry 
A. S. ealdy eld-r-a, eld-est. 

The superlative may follow both the weak and strong declensions. 







Gothic hauhMf high 
hlindt, bUnd 



O. H. G. gtMHty good 
plinit blind 



O. Sax. old, old 
«2;d9it, &ir 

cUd-ir-O', (Ud-r-o- 


A. S. eald, old 
earm, poor 



O.Fris. AacA, high 

kag-er-a, hag-r-a 
akSn-r^ (pr-a) 


O.Norae/itflr, fall 

fr&S'T, prudent 



3. Anomalous Forms. 

We have had an opportunity already to mention that there 
are various suffixes for the comparative as well as superlative^ 
out of which the different cognate languages select one or an- 
other. Thus the Teutonic dialects prefer the suffix yans for the 
formation of the regular comparative, while Greek chooses the 
suffix lara (rfpo-) ; the former use the suffix ta added to yans in 
order to form the superlative, whilst Latin, for the same purpose, 
selects the suffix tama {tumo, timo) added to t« = yans^ hence 
issimo-. But by the side of the common forms of comparatives 
and superlatives ending in the usual suffixes, the Teutonic 
languages make, like all others, occasional use of other suffixes 
for the formation of comparatives and superlatives. 

The comparative suffix tara we meet in the Goth, an-thara^, 
an-thar^ other, which is modified in the O. H. Germ, an-dar^ 
Germ, an-der, A. S. S^er^ Engl, other ; Goth, hxm-thar^ uter, 
whether, A. S. htoa^er^ Engl, whether; Goth. hva-^thrS, A. S. 
Awdder^ Engl, whither ; Goth, tha^thrdy A.S. thider, Engl, thither; 
Goth, hin-^ar, A.S. hinder; aftra (o/^ preposition ofy ab, de, retro), 
A. S. dftery Engl, after. 

Far more common are superlatives formed not by the regular 
suffix yam + ta^ but by the suffix ma simply, or by the suffixes 

The simple suffix ma we have in the Goth./rw-w^a- (compare 

fru with the Sansk. preposition pra^ Lat. ^ro), A.S, /or-m-a^ 

O. Fris. /br-m-a, first (compare Lat. prinno-) ; Goth, iyinu-wa-y 

A.S. inne-ma^ intimus;. Goth, auhu-^a-, superus. The suffix 



tama occurs in the Gotb. if-tuma (proximus^ sequens), {rf-tuma 
(ultimus)^ hin-^uma- (postremus) ; and in the A. S. kin-dema 
(ultiraus), and ut'-ema (extimus), st^-ema (novissimus^ ultimus), 
Idir^ma (ultimus) 7ii^-ema (infimus), which very probably have 
dropped the d in the suffix dema (=ztama) because it followed a 
dental. These combinations do not occur in the other Teutonic 
dialects. They take the inflexions of the weak declension. In 
Gothic already the superlative force of these suffixes must have 
been lost at an early date, whence it occurs that these superla- 
tives assume the regular terminations of comparison as well; e.g. 
Goth, J^ruman, comp, Jrum-oz-a, sxx^, frum^ist^ ; aftuman, (iftum' 
UU ; Ainduman, hindumists. In the same manner are formed 
the Anglo-Saxon superlatives forme%t or fyrmeai from forma; 
medema (medius), comp. medemra, sup. medemeat; tHema, sup. 
iltemest or ^temest ; nv^ema^ sup. nrSemasl, It is in general a 
characteristic feature of Teutonic comparison to double its suf- 
fixes, in order perhaps to create greater emphasis. Such double 
comparatives we have in the Goth, vairsiza (which ought to be 
vairiza)y A. S. vyr%a^ worse, where vyr already is a comparative, 
and sa the ancient comparative 8 of iza, (Compare O. N. ver^ri 
where the suffix s has submitted to rhotacism.) Thus, again, we 
find in O. H. Germ, beKerSro for the simple comp. be^ir^ and meroro 
for simple mero^ whicn sounds, as if we said betterer, morer, and 
as some do say lesser, worser. 

Deserving of special notice are the Anglo-Saxon double super- 
latives which are derived by adding the superlative suffix est or 
ost to the old superlative ending in ma, dema, e. g. hin-dem-est 
from kin-dema, ul-em^est from ut-ema, Idt'em-esi from Idt-enmy 
st^-em-esl from si^-e??fa. Compare the English hindmost^ ut- 
most^ foremost^ &c., superlatives which are no compounds with 
most (maximus), but have gradually grown out of the m-est of the 
foregoing Anglo-Saxon superlatives. 

4. Defective Comparisons. 




Pos. (j6d-8 
Comp. hat iza 
Sup. hat'Uts 


Pos. uhil-8 

Comp. vair-8-iza 
Sup. rair-s-ist-e 



Old Frisian. 









wirsiet, wyrst 


bet era {betra) 

betoet {betst) 






wirra {tcerra) 




r illr 

\ randr 




O. H. G. 



Old Frisian. 


Pos. UUiU 
Comp. minnrita 

Sap. mifnn-iit^ 

(moltiis). «- 
Pos. mScii^ 
Comp. moua 
Sup. mai»U9 



m m 












lesaa {mirmira) 
nUekest (leUt) ^ 
< minagt > 

[lerest J 





• • 


In the Gothic mdiza {=zmak-4za\ mdistSy the i of the root mii 
in mii-ils has been dropped^ and the primitive a reappeared ^ 
(comp. Lat. root ma^, Sansk. mak). The other dialects still more 
modify the Gothic mdiza by contractions, &c., as O. H. Germ. 
mero, A. S. mdra^ where the 8 suffers rhotacism and the Gothic 
diphthong is represented by the long e and d^. The O. S. lat^ 
late (comp. latSro), has contracted the superlative into lasl^ lezt 
{=ilet^Uo). The Anglo-Saxon comparative Idssa of lytel stands 
for minra, which is wanting in this dialect. This comparative 
may be explained by the Goth, lasiv-dz-a (infirmior), comp. of 
lasic-^ (infirmus). 

The O. Fris. mdra (more, greater) is deprived of the positive 
mikel which we find in the other dialects. There is in this 
dialect a form let^ which in the positive signifies piger, tardus ; 
in the comp. letera, tardior, posterior ; in the sup. letast^ contracted 
lest, tardissimus, ultimus. The comparative yb--r-tf (dexter) and 
the superlative yj^r-^?*^, y5?r-^*^ are derived from the preposition 
fara (prae, pro). The Old Norse has a few other comparisons for 
which we find no aualogies in the other dialects. These are, margr 
(multus), comp. fleiri, sup. JleUtr ; gamall (old), comp. eldri, sup. 
elzir; ungr (young), comp. yngri, Bup, nydr, from n^r. 

The explanation of the defective comparisons, commonly called 
irregular, is the same as that which we give of the defective 
comparisons in Greek and Latin. There are certain adjectives 
which only occur in the positive, without being able to form 
a comparative or superlative ; there are others which have a 
comparative, or superlative, or both, but are devoid of a posi- 
tive, which, though we may still be able to trace to its probable 
form, has become obsolete or fallen out of use altogether. We 

* Grimm assames that the positive may have been mag-$. 
^ Compare the Table of Gradations, p. 34. 



have a positive of the adjective good^ but a comparative ud 
superlative of it are wanting. We therefore h^r hold of tbe 
comparative better and the superhitive best to snpply the mean- 
ing of a 'gooder' and 'goodest' which are forbidden fi>rai& 
But on the other hand the positive good returns the compli- 
ment and supplies that in which the forms belter and be»t are 
deficient, namely a positive. There is nothing irr^r°l&r i'^ ^ 
this ; better ana best are regular forms, and good is a regular 
form, but both parties are defective in their comparison and must 
therefore supply each other wherein they are wanting. 

The Goth, gdd^^ batiza, batiste (good, better, best), has its 
equivalent and analogous forms in all other Teutonic dudedBi as 
will be seen from our Table of Defective Comparisons. 'Skese 
comparative and superlative forms would require a positive which 
might be in Goth, ^bat-^^ O. H. G«rm. ^paK (comp. pegir), and 
this positive would be a relation to the Gothic verb batan^ pret. 
bSt, which signifies ' to be useful/ ' to be good.' 

The Goth, ubils, vairsiza^ va4rsists (evil, worse, worst) is also 
represented in the other Teutonic dialects. As the base of this 
comparative form there must have been some word which was 
related to the M. H. Germ, verb werreny to disturb, to molest, to 
do evil, and the A. S. werian, to weary, to molest. 

The Goth, leitil^ (little) forms the comparative minn-iza and 
the superlative minn-ist-s. These forms occur in all the other 
dialects except Anglo-Saxon. The comparative minn-iza (ad- 
verbial mitt-^) is derived from the same root as the Lat. min-ns, 
min^or (for min-ius, min-ior). This form is supplanted in Anglo- 
Saxon by Idssa, and in Old Frisian too we have a comparative 
lessa by the side of minnira. The A. S. Idssa is the same as the 
Gothic comparative lasivoza of IcLsivs (infirmus), and may perhaps 
be an assimilation of r to ^, hence Idssa for Idsra ; or the more 
primitive s of the comparative termination, as in the case of 
vyrsa (worse), may have resisted the transition into r. The 
same rules apply to the superlative : Goth. minnistSj A. S. last, 
O. Fris. minnist and lerest^ where the s of the root submits to 

* Tho A. S. Uma (minor), la^t (minimiiB), must be kept well distinct from latwra 
(posterior), and latoet (postremus). 



Only the 'Adverbia qualitatis' are at all capable of taking the 
degrees of comparison ; these degrees^ however, are no indepen- 
dent adverbial forms, developed out of the adverbial positive^ but 
tfaey are mere modifications of the degrees of comparison of their 
corresponding adjectives. The formation of the adverbial degrees 
may take place in two different ways^ either the accusative neuter 
is, as in the positive, used as an adverb^ or a distinct form is 
developed. As to the superlative there is only the former mode 
put into practice; it never has a form of its own, and must 
alwavs be considered as an accusative of the adjective. Ex- 
amples : — Groth. frumut (irpciTov) ; O. H. Germ, ^risi (primum), 
meist (maxime)^ be^^est (optime), gemost (lubentissime) ; A. S. 
(Brest (primum) mast (maxime), geomost (lubentissime) ; latost 
(ultimum). O.N. best (optime); optast (saepissime)^ vid<ist 

The comparative of the adverb may either be expressed by the 
accus. neut. of the adjective^ or it developes a form of its own. 
To the former belong the adverbial comparatives : Goth, mana- 
gizS (plus), minnizS (minus), frumSzS (prius) ; O. H. Germ, mera 
(plus), minnira (minus). 

Adverbial comparatives of the latter class may b'e formed 
either in is or Ss^ like the adjectives. In is we have the Goth. 
mdis (magis^ from mdiza (major), O. H. Germ. mSr, O. S. mer 
and merr, A. S. md^ O. Fris. mdr and md, O. N. meir ; Goth. 
mins or minz (minus) from minniza (minor), O. H. Germ, miny 
O. S. {min ?), A. S. to>, O. Fris. min^ O. N. minnr or mi^r; Goth. 
bats (melius) from batiza (melior), O. H. Germ. paK^ O. S. bet^ 
A. S. bet^ O. Fris. bet^ O. N. betr ; Goth, vairs (pejus), O. H. Germ. 
tinrs, O. S. mrs, A. S. toi/rs (adj. wyrsa), O. N. verr. 

In OS : — Goth. raihtSs (rectius), smnifds (fortius) ; O. H. Germ. 
gernoT (lubentius), leidor^ (proh dolor, Germ, leider), of tor (sae- 
pius) ; O. S. diopSr (profundus), suithor (fortius) ; A. S. smalor 
(tenuius), adj. stndlra (tenuior) ; spar or (parcius), adj. spdrra 
(parcior) ; O. N. breidar (latins), vidar (amplius). A list of the 
anomalous or defective comparisons of the adverbs may conclude 
our remarks on this subject. 

* This compantive with positive signification serves to express the interjection 

S % 







. O.Fkis. 

Old None. 


























- - 







• • 


• • 




•en ^mikkm 

• • 

tort ■JFCw 

« . 











m • 





Uita, leid 

lms3, Imsilo 

• • 


. , 







* • 








• ■ 

1 («««iO 


Li the Middle and New Teutonic languages the ancient suffixes 
ir, isl, and or, osi are mixed up and usuaUy represented by er^ 
est, or simply r, sL The only criterion by which we can trace 
a comparative to the form in ir is the Umlaut. WTierever we 
have to deal with an adjective which has taken Umlaut in the 
comparative, we may be certain that this adjective took the 
suffix ir in the comparative. But this rule is necessarily very 
limited in its application, because there are adjectives which 
have Umlaut in the positive already, or they have a vowel in the 
root which cannot take Umlaut, such as e and i', and then it is 
impossible to tell whether the comparative belongs to the forma- 
tion in ir or or. 

Formations in ir. 

In Old English there prevails some confusion as to the appli- 
cation of the suffixes ir (er) and or, the latter being sometimes 
used where undoubtedly er should be expected, i. e. after Umlaut ; 
e. g. strong y strengor for strenger ; eldod for eldest. The termina- 
tions or and ost have altogether disappeared in Middle English, 
but the Umlaut with comparatives in ir sometimes continues, 
e. g. long, lenger ; strong, strenger, strengest ; old, elder, eldest ; 
but also longer, stronger, older. New English has rejected the 
formations with the Umlaut, and thus obliterated all distinction 


between the comparison in ir and that in or, the only example 
left being the comparative elder and superlative eldest of the 
adjective old, which however uses the modem forms older and 
oldest as well, though in a slightly different sense. 

Middle High German has, like Old English, occasionally re- 
tained the formations in o, but in most cases it was like i con- 
verted into e, and thus the re::^ular terminations were er, est. 
But the Umlaut having in High German more than in any 
other language preserved its ancient position, we can tell with 
tolerable accuracy where we have to deal with a comparative in 
ir. Such examples are hertre, hard, herter ; iaU, cold, kelter ; 
irank, sick, krenker; scAoene, fair, scAoener; ien/le, gentle, senfter; 
Strang, severe, strenger ; veste, fast, firm, vester. Some of these^ 
kerte, schoene, &c. have the Umlaut in the positive already, and 
then retain it of course in the comparative and superlative. 
New High German on the whole follows the same rule as its 
predecessor, the formation in i causing Umlaut wherever Umlaut 
is possible (a, o, u) ; e. g. scAmal, narrow, scAmdler, schmdlest ; 
arm, poor, drmer, drmest ; toarm, warmer, warmest ; fromm^ pious, 
frommer, fromm^st ; gesund, healthy, gesilndtr, gesundest. Those 
adjectives which have the Umlaut in the positive already retain 
it throughout the degrees. 

The Scandinavian languages also have in a few adjectives 
retained the Umlaut and therewith the distinctive feature of the 
formation in ir ; e. g. Swed. Idg^ low, himible, Idgre, Idgst ; Idng, 
long, Idngre^ Idngst ; Dan. lang^ Idngere, Idngst ; Swed. star, 
great, st'Orre, storst ; Dan. stor, storre, storst ; Swed. ung, young, 
yngre, yngst ; Dan. urigy yngre^yngst; Swed. tung, heavy, tyngre, 
tyngst ; Dan. tung, tyngere^ tyngest ; Swed. smA^ small, little, 
smdrre, smdrst. 

Middle and New Dutch, which reject the Umlaut and adopt 
er and est for the formation of the degrees throughout, know no 
longer any distinction between the comparison in i and that in o. 
The only trace of Umlaut left in Dutch are the anomalous forms 
beter, best, of which hereafter. 

Formations in or. 

In Old English the fluctuations between er and or, est and ost 
make it diflScult to assign any adjective to the formation in i or 
0, for we read faire^ fairor and fairest, by the side of vayrost ; 
holy, holyor; jeblor, feebler; jpoueror, poorer, and, as we have 
already mentioned, even afl«r an Umlaut eldost for eldest ; but in 
Middle English er and est become more and more settled, and in 


New English they moat be considered the regnlar suffixes of tiie 
degrees of comparison which unite in them the ancient fonna- 
tions in i and o. 

In Middle High Oerman there are many a^yectives which 
reject the Umlaut, and thus indicate the ancient formation in o\ 
e. g. alt, old, aldtfy cddest; lang, long, lander, langest; zart^ tender, 
gentle, dear, zarter, zartest ; lam, lune, lamre. Local adjectivei 
even retain the o in the superlative (not in the compaiatiTe)i 
as 'oorderSsty foremost ; oberSsty topmost ; niderSst, lowest. 

New High Grerman forms the degrees in most cases by reject- 
ing the Umlaut, and leaving the root of the adjective oxialtered; 
nay, it has removed the Umlaut from words which used it in 
Middle High German, as for instance in sanfi, soft^ «0fs/fef, 
sanfte%t; and in the literary language this removal of tiie ancient 
Umlaut continues to be attempted, as va frommet {oTjrommer 
(fromm, pious) ; pesunder for gesUnder {gesund, healthy), whilst 
the language of the people favours the Umlaut and introduces i^ 
in words where the literary language rejects it, where it was 
wanting even in Middle High German, e.g. zdrter for zarter 
{zarf., gentle), fidcher for flacher {flach, flat). These facts un- 
doubtedly prove the higher antiquity of the forms with the 
Umlaut, or, what is identical, of the formation in i. Compari- 
sons without the Umlaut are very numerous; we give a few 
examples: blank, blanker, blankest; klar, clear, klarer, klarest; 
zart, gentle, zarter, zartest; matt^ weak, matter, mattest; voll, 
full, voller, volht ; stolz, proud, stolzer, stolzest; bunt, variegated, 
bu?iter, bimt^st ; blau, blew, blauer, blauest. To these belong all 
adjectives ending in sam, bar, haft, el, en, er, and adjectives end- 
ing in ig, if their positive has no Umlaut, and the adjectives 
indicating a locality, which however use the superlative only, as 
oberst, topmost ; unterst, lowest ; vord^rst, foremost. 

In the Scandinavian languages all adjectives, except those 
mentioned under ir, are formed by the suffix or, which in Swedish 
is rendered, as in Old Norse, by ar and ast, in Danish by the 
modern er and est. Umlaut is in these adjectives impossible. 
Examples : — Swed. varm, warm, varmare, varmast ; Dan. varm, 
varmere, varmest ; Swed. stark, strong, sturkare, starkast; Dan. 
stark, stdrkere, starkest; Swed. rik, rich, rikare, rikast ; Dan. 
rig, rigere, rigest ; Swed. mag tig , mdgtigare, mdgtigst^; Dan. 
mdgtig, magtigere, mdgtigst. 

^ In adjectives ending in vq the inflexional vowel suffers syncope before «£ in the 



Anomalous and Dbpectivb Compabisons. 

M. H. Germ. 

N. H. G. 

O. Engl. 

N. Engl. 





^~- \ Adv. wol 





• • 

g6d {bra) 


Sup. htst 


J better \ 
1 {hetur)] 






• • 


worst, werst 




• • 

• • 

• a 

{elai,6nd) (ond^sUm) 
vdrre wkerrt 
varrst vaerst 


/ Adj. michd 
*^^- \ Adv. 

• • 


• • 


• • 


• • 


• • 

Comp. tMTTt 

Sop. mewt 







Pos. lutzel 
Comp. minner 
Sop. minnest 







m • 








Besides these there are various other defective comparisons in 
the different dialects, such as the Engl, many. Germ, viele, which 
adopt the comparative and superlative of M. H. Germ, michel^ 
O. Engl. mucAel, whilst Danish has preserved the true Old 
Norse comparison of many — Dan. mange ^ flerey fleesi ; few ^ Dan. 
faa, faerre, fa^rrest, - The Swed. ndray near^ ndrmarey ndrmaat ; 
Dan. naer, naermere, naermest, are derived from the ancient 
superlative ndrmu. The Engl, next by the side of nearest, last 
by the side of latest ^ are contractions, the former of which stands 
for A. S. nehst, the regular superlative of neah^ nigh, of which 
nearrey our near, is the comparative. The comparative further, 
farther^ used for the positive far, was originally the comparative 

The comparatives in iher, A. S. \ery Goth, ^fary as other, 
whither, hither, thither, nether, whether. Germ, ander, nieder, 
wed^r, &c., will find their explanation by a reference to the Old 
Teutonic forms ^ 

The superlatives utmost, hindmost, inmost^ &c., are no com- 
pounds of most (maxime)^ but a superlative termination est con- 
verted into ost, and combined with the preceding w, which is the 
remainder of an ancient superlative termination. (See Anglo- 
Saxon^ p. 256.) 

1 See pp. 250. 355. 


L Dfiden TemuM c fAifi Jkm of a eompanson effected 
hr list mi^^:a cf ifafr ah^eris a«rv smd wtoti^ inBtead of tenni- 
Bsbms. I2 ^^&A «« OK tliis mode of comparison wiiii moet 
ft^ectivBi&s: c« nex ■>ua»iHiMea^ heoce weaiy beamtiful^ More, 
min^ iemiAJ, This fcc^ is oed in Gcnnin wli^re two qnalitieB 
are ocwnpared, e.e- m^ ia^«f a^ ^sf^i moie prudent than 
bnre. pratkci n^ber tban ^mve. Buticiides never take the 
ten&zsasijQs ^ S««disb, Dmiali and Datdi, but always form 
tiiar ecflipansiTCfes bj Mflnt, aei/, aKvr, meed ; e.g. Swed« flimi 
Sisisfy DtUL «tfvr ^ftfefef^y DKse belored ; aeei^ god^^fdrenie, most 
riiaritabb: Dotdi matt dh w rfro af c a y ■«»< daordrtm^em^ more 
pexKCialed. Jdc. 




Boots and themes (stems) are not yet words, parts of a phrase 
or sentence. In the Aryan lang^uages every real word, every 
part of a phrase, is either a verb or a noun. (Interjections are 
no words^ bnt mere sounds ; adverbs, particles, prepositions, &c., 
were originally nominal or verbal forms.) Themes of themselves 
are neither one nor the other ; they may become such or such 
under the influence of a case-suffix of the noun, or a personal 
termination of the verb. Case-suffixes, therefore, and personal 
terminations in the Aryan languages are the agents chiefly at 
work in the formation of words, in contradistinction to the 
elements which constitute themes or stems. The suffixes em- 
ployed in the formation of words are easily recognised as the 
primary elements of pronouns, which at an earUer period of 
Aryan life were still independent roots. 

Since verbs and nouns are in such relation to each other as to 
constitute the defined forms of heretofore undefined elements of 
speech, the former cannot occur without the latter. A language 
either distinguishes the forms of nouns from those of verbs, or 
it possesses neither of the two. We cannot, therefore, speak of 
the priority of either: the noun and the verb started into 
existence at one and the same time. 

The inflexional elements of the noun belong to two distinct 
spheres — ^the cases and numbers. In the Aryan languages we dis- 
tinguish three numbers, the Singular^ Dual, and Plural ; the dual, 
however, is rightly considered a mere modification of the plural ; 
it is a number therefore which easily disappears again from a 
language. The Latin is altogether devoid of it, and the ancient 
Teutonic languages miss the dual form in the declensions of the 
noun ; Gothic alone has a dual of the verb, all have the dual of 


certain pronouns. Our modern languages have lo^t the dual 

The Aryan languages had originally eight cases, namely the 
Nominalive, Accusalive, Locative^ Dative, Ablative^ Genitive, and 
two InstrumenMs, which however coalesced into one at a veiy 
early date. The vocative is no case, not even a word ; it is tlw 
simple theme or stem used as an interjection. The eight cases 
together with the vocative are, even hy the most ancient repre- 
sentatives of the Aryan tribe, distinguished in the singular only. 
The locative and dative, the ablative and genitive of the singular 
are closely related. The plural partly possesses case-suffixes 
which differ irom those of the singular, partly it joins two cases 
into one, as the dative and ablative, to which the instrumental 
bears a close resemblance. The dual has but three cases: (i) 
nominative and accusative; {%) dative, ablative, and instra- 
mental ; (3) genitive and locative. At a very early period our 
Aryan languages began to drop one and another of the case- 
signs, and consequently cases which originally were distinct 
coalesced into one. Thus in Greek the ablative was lost in the 
genitive; the instrumental begins to disappear even in the most 
ancient form of the language ; the dative and locative are joined 
in one. A similar course is followed by the Latin language. 
As to our Teutonic languages, in their ancient constitution they 
are as perfect, or as mutilated, as either Greek or Latin in the 
declension of cases ; but in their further development through 
the periods of the Middle and New Teutonic they were gradually 
stripped of most inflexional forms, so that now it is only German 
(and ])artly Dutch) which show anything like a declension of 
the substantive or adjective through the first four cases (as com- 
monly arranged), while English and the Scandinavian dialects 
have preserved but one case, namely the genitive or possessive 
in 's ; all other cases, the nominative, dative, and accusative, 
being identical with the theme or stem of the word. 

The Aryan languages distinguish three genders, while other 
languages do not at all take them into account, or others again 
form more numerous distinctions than ours. A particular in- 
flexional sign for the distinction of the genders does not exist in 
the Aryan languages, and it is perfectly evident that at an early 
stage the primitive Aryan language knew no discrimination of 
genders, which in the course of time was gradually developed and 
marked out by secondary inflexional forms. We mention a few 
only of the means which our languages apply for the expression 
of the different genders, (i) The themes which end in con- 
sonants or the vowels i and u do not pay any regard to gender, 


wUle Ae ihemes in a mark out the feminine by the production 
of the themstic a into a, a process however which is not to be 
ooDsideied exclnsively chjuacteristic of the feminine. (Comp. the 
Greek c/xr^ff, ^oA^n^y.) (2) The gender is distinguished bv case- 
suffixes whidh are adopted only in certain genders, e g. Lat. 
masc. qMir9, neat. fui^=qtii^. (3) The gender is marked out in 
the theme itself by the application of particular suffixes. Thus, 
for instance, the themes in jra (ja)y e. g. Sansk. dM (goddess) s 
dSo^^ theme dev-ya-^ while the masc. is not der-ya-^^ but the 
tndent dio-<u ; Sansk. dditi (datrix, she who gives) = ddir^^d^ 
tiiODe idir^ya fiom ddtar^ya^ for the more ancient daiar which 
wu common to all genders ; thus also the Or. hor^ipa^^hor^f^y^ 
along with which tliere does not exist a masc. 5oV€ifX)-9, primi- 
tire datarwor^j because in the masc. form the more ancient 5o-n}p-, 

which were used for the feminine as well ; thus also the Latin 
theme vie-^ric- for the feminine only by the side of the masc. 
^ic-^or. (4) Of a comparatively recent introduction is the mode of 
distinguishing the genders by a phonetic change in terminational 
forms which at first were identically the same; e.g. Sansk. 
pati-n (fem.) for pati-ms; Gr. ImtoTrj-s (masc.), dpfTrj (fem.); Old 
Lat. abl. sing. masc. novd^y fem. novd-^, the primitive form of 
both navd^t; Gtothio gen. phir. masc. and neut. -^, fem. in 
several themes -^^ both -/ and S standing for an original -dm. 


The termination of a nominal theme has a decisive influence 
on the declension, because the theme is the changeable element 
of the noun, while the case-terminations are for all nouns and 
declensions ever the same. We might therefori* speak of different 
themes rather than of different declensions. The themes deserve 
special arrangement and examination, for it is with them that 
the case-suffixes enter into an alliance, and by them that they, 
according to their nature, are differently affected and modified. 
Themes are either consonantal or vocalic, that is, ending in a 
consonant or a vowel. The former easily disappear from lan- 
guages because they have a tendency to follow the analogy of 
the latter. The consonantal themes, moreover, may modify their 
final consonant and lengthen or shorten their final syllable before 
certain case-suffixes, or they remain the same throughout. They 


therefore are divided into mutable and immutable themes. He 
vowels nearest related to the consonants are u and i, for the^ 
may easily go over into the semi-vowels or consonants o and j 
respectively. Next then to the consonantal we place the tbemei 
ending in a diphthongs as du or dv, and those in u and i (long 
or short). The themes in a (the most fineqoent in onr languages) 
are peculiar in this respect, that a never can pass into a con- 
sonant (that is, follow the analogy of a consonantal theiiie)i 
a fact which imparts to them certain characteristic featnrei 
distinct from anything we find with the rest. 

I. Consonantal Themes. 

(i) Immutable themes. The final consonant of the root is 
also the termination of the theme ; e. g. Sansk. vdck^ speech, 6t, 
dTT-, Lat. v6c~, Goth, man-, homo. Some of these follow the 
analogy of vocalic themes. 

(2) Themes in wm, the thematic sufiix of which is changed 
by the phonetic influence of the case-su£Sx added to it, as LbL 
cini/t'^ ciner-, arbos-^ arbor-, geno^^ gener-y vetus-^ veter^. 

(3) Themes in -». These are subject to considerable modifica- 
tions, as Or. TToifih", shepherd, yA\a»-, black; Lat. Aomen^, 
man, s&rmon-, speech ; Gt)th. hanan-^ cock ; fem. tuggon-, tongue ; 
managein- = maimgjan^y many, multitude ; neut. Lat. nomen-^ 
Goth, naman-^ name. 

(4) Themes in -^nt-, -ans-, occurring in active participles and 
comi)aratives. These are subject to great changes ; they may 
drop the w and exchange t and s, using the latter before vowels, 
the former before consonants; as in the part, active, pres. and 
I'ut., e. g. Sansk. b/mranC-, Gr. (fiipovr-, Ijat.Jerenf^, bearing, Goth. 

Jfjand' (hating, enemy, fiend) ; the part. pret. active, e. g, Sansk. 
ridran/,- (tor primitive vithid-vauf-), Gr. €i6or- (for Ffib-FoT-), 

(5) Themes in -r. Sansk. dd/ar-y giver; b/irdtar^, brother; 
iiidiar-, mother; Gr. SoT7/p-, giver; itaTlp-, father; iunrip-y 
mother; Lat. dator-, pater- , vidter-; Goth, broihar-y brother; 
dauhtur-y daughter. 

2. Vocalic Themes. 

(6) Themes ending in a diphthong; e.g. Sansk. waw-, ship; 
Gr. rav". 

(7) Themes in u and i\ they are no primitive forms, as little 
as the long vowels upon which they are based; Sansk. bhru-y 
brow, for the primitive Mrw-, Gr. dc^pv- ; Lat. *?/-, sow, pig ; 
before vowels su. 


(8) Themes in -w. Sansk. iHnu^, son, fem. hanu-^ cheek ; Gr. 
yhny-y chin, yAvw-, sweet; Jj^i./ructu'^ fruit; Goth, sunu^, son, 
fisnnu Aandu'y hand : neut. Sansk. madAu', honey, Gr. iiebv- ; Lat. 
peeu^y cattle; Qoth./aiAu', possession, wealth (comp. Germ. vieh. 
Engl. fee). 

(9) Themes in -1. Sansk. avu (masc. and fem.), sheep ; Gr. 
ipvai^y nature; Lat. ovi^, sheep; Goth, mahti^y might, power: 
masc. Sansk. patU^ lord; Gr. 'n6(Ti''^ husband; Lat. hostu, 
enemy; Goth, gasti-y guest: neut. Sansk. van-, water; Lat. 
mari-, sea. 

(10) Themes in a. Masc. primitive aiva-, horse ; Gr. t-mro', 
Lat. ^0-; Goth, vulfa-y wolf: neut. Sansk. yw^a-, yoke; Gr. 
fvyj-, \ja\,. jugo-y Goth./tt^a-: fem. (cjommonly with lengthened 
a), Gt. Xf^pa^y X^P^"> I^**' ^?w^"j Goth, giha^y gift. 

The themes in ya have in several languages certain peculiari- 
ties which are the result of their respective phonetic laws : as in 
Sanskrit where the feminines in -yd contract this suffix ihto ^, 
e.g. hharanlAr- ((pipovaa). Compare Gothic masc. karj'a, army 
(Germ, heer) ; Aaird/a, shepherd (Germ, hirte) ; neut. iunja, kin, 
kind, genus ; fem. bandja^ band, bandage. 


Masculine and feminine nouns add the case-sign s to the ter- 
mination of the theme ; neuter nouns supply the nominative by 
the accusative. The * of the nominative is undoubtedly the 
remainder of the pronominal root sa, which is used in a demon- 
strative sense in Sanskrit and Gothic, and appears also in the 
Grreek article 6 =*(?=*«. (See Demonstrative Pronouns.) The 
neuter of sa is in Sanskrit tat^ Goth. );a-^a. Gr. to» The t in 
ta~t and thorta is the remainder of the root ia which is used to 
indicate the neuter gender in the pronominal declension, as 
Sansk. masc. and fem. ^w, neut. hi-ty Lat. ^i«w, qui-t {quini). 
Here we find 8 and i representing the genders in the same man- 
ner as in the independent pronouns sa and la, and we therefore 
conclude that in the pronominal as well as nominal declension 
we have to deal with the same pronouns, applied as case-suffixes. 
This fact again is a proof that the inflexional terminations in 
the Arj'an languages were originally nothing but independent 
roots added to the simple noun — that our declensions were simply 
' post-positions.' 


The addition of the nominatiye sign 8 to the theme most of 
course take place in accordance with the phonetic laws adopted 
in each of the Aryan lang^oages. What changes mast hereby 
necessarily occur will best be seen from a selection of examines 
which we give^ numbered according to the number of the theme 
to which they belong, and which is to be found by reference to 
the preceding paragraph. 

Examples : — 

Sanskrit, (i) vdk for vdch^ (no ch final) ; iiaran, bkaras, 
(5) ddtdy hhrdtdy mdt4y with loss of -^^ and lengthening of the 
final vowel; (6) nau^, (7) hhru-^y (8) sunu-^, hdnu^^ (9) rft?i-#, 
pdti-8, (10) vrkUs for ^vrkyd^y she-wolf; siAi^, lioness, for 
siAyd^; gna- and gnd^^ woman, goddess. 

Greek. The loss of the case-suffix % causes the lengthening of 
the preceding vowel. Examples : — (1) Stt-s (o^), (3) xrotfiijr from 
"^woifxer-y, TiffjiAV from '''reicToj^y, but /ui^Aasfor ^ficAav-f ; (4) ^pw0 
fit>m ^(PfpovT'Si but Tidfk, larisj b€iKv6s for ^ridcvr-y, "^loroyr-s, 
^buKPvvT'9; elhds from ^FfibFor-s : (5) borrip from boTTjp~s ; varriPf 
yi'ffrqp for ^Trarep-s, ^firjrcp-s: (6) vav^s, (7) i<i>p6*s^ (8) yhfv^^ 

(9) ^VO-l'S, (10) tTTTTO-y. 

Latin, (i) rSc^, vox; pes {or ped-s; milis (later on m%Ui\ for 
milet^ ; (2) flr^(?« for arbos-s, cinis^ for cinis-s; (3) yloi»a for 
Aow2^«-*, but tuhicen for tuhicen-s ; {^feren{f)^; {5)p^^^''f mdfer, 
d^itor, as in Greek (the short vowel of the second syllable is of 
later origin) ; (6) bo-s (originally bcyu-Sy like Gr. fioi-s) ; (7) su-s, 
(8) fructn-Sy (9) otv'-* ; but mors for morts for tnarti-Sj root w^/-, 
suffix ^i ; ar* for ar^-*, for artis ; deer and dcri-^, vigil and vigili'S : 
(10) equo-8, hwtpiier {or pueros, vir for viros, 

Gothio. Nos. 3 and 5 lengthen the final vowel if the nom. 
case-suffix is dropped : M7ia for "^hand from ^hanan-s ; fem. 
tngg6 {rom ^tuggan-s; managei for ^managjan-s; {4) Jijand-^; (5) 
brSfAar, dan^far, for broihdr from brotlar-s, &c. ; (8) sunns, 
handU'S ; (9) mahUSy gasf-s for mahtis, gasfi-s, (10) vul/'s for 
^vul/a-Sy giba for ^^aM, harjirs for harjas, hatrdms for hairdja-s; 
fem. ^awt/i for bandjd. 

Nominative Plural. 

In addition to the termination * (*a) of the nominative sin- 
gular, the nominative plural takes the plural sign *, which again 
appears to be the abbreviation of sa, so that the original termina- 
tion of the nom. plur. may have been sasa, thence sas^ which, 
dropping the first * for the sake of euphony, became as. 



Banskrit. (i) vdch-as^ (4) bi^rant-^s, (5) ddldr-ai, mcHar-^i, 
(6) wrftHfl*, (8) sflnav-as. 

Greek. Tlie primitive suffix is represented by -ey ; the themes 
in a have a formation analogous to that of the pronouns. Ex- 
amples: — (i) 07r-€9, (2) Ji;o"/ji€ws = ^-ft6W-es=^-ft€2;^o^€9, (3) Wk- 
Toivey, (4) ipipovr^^Sy eififJr-ey, (5) fionjp-ey, irar^p-es, fxr}Tip'€S, 
(6) vaF'€s, vrjF'fSj (7) ^</)ptJ-€S, (8) r^icv-ey, yXvicets = yXvKcf-69. 
(10) fTTTTOi and CfVKTal are formed on the same principle as ol and 
al, more ancient roi and rai, perhaps from ta-y-^s, fem. td-y^aa. 
The loss of the final « may partly have been caused from an 
attempt to dissimilate the nominative -049^ -aty from the locative 
forms -019, -ois for -oktc, -auri. (See the Declension of the 

Latin. All the consonantal themes have adopted the form 
of the themes in f, hence voc^y bov^s, m-^s from voceia, boveis, 
sueis, in the same manner as oves from oveis (theme in i) ; (8) 
fruct4sy probably from ^fructous, fmctov-os^ fnictev-es, as wiJx^*s 
from ^7n7x«f-es; or it may be derived from ^fructu-^s (comp. 
l\Oi^€s)i so that the primitive form of both the Greek and Latin 
would be -www. ( i o) equi, more ancient equei, equeU, equoe^ ^eqtwi, 
^equois. The * dropped as in Greek, a rather frequent occur- 
rence in Latin. (Compare pote and potis, mage and magisj amare 
and amaris ; Ai, hei for heis ; magislri, magUtrei for magistreis,) 

Gothic. All vocal themes put -* directly to the lengthened 
final vowel . (i) man-s from ^man^as)^ (3) Aanan-^ from ^hatian^as, 
{A^ Jyand^ [^z^fijaiid-as), (5) brothrjus (a theme in r follows 
the analogy of the themes in «, imder 8); (8) su7ij'U8 from 
^suniv^y ^auniv'OS, ^sunav-as; (9) maAleis, gastei-^^ from ^mah-^ 
iejs, mahtag-a9 ; (10) vul/b~8j primitive varkors^aa) ; fem. gibd^y 
primitive, gibd-^aa). 

Nominative Dual. 

The dual forms of the noun being wanting in the Teutonic 
languages^ we omit examining them. 

AccTJSATivB Singular. 

The case-sign with a consonantal theme is -^m, with a vocalic 
theme -«i, very probably the abbreviation of -am. The neuter 
themes in a adopt this form for the nominative too^ all other 
neuters have in the accus. and nom. no suffix whatever. This 
'ttnij -m seems to be related to the -m which is frequently used 


in the formation of themes, and it must be derived from a pro- 
nominal base, the principal part of which is m : this we might 
find in the Sansk. ama- (hie), amiurs, amis (ille), perhaps from i 
pronominal root am. 

Examples : — 

Ckmakrit* (i) vdck-am, (4) bkarant-^m, (5) birdUtr-am, mdhr- 
am^ daiar^am; (6) ndv-am^ (7) bhrutMim, (8) 0§ln»~mj sint-am; 

(9) avi'-m, {\o)juffa^m. 

Greek. According to the phonetic laws, Greek adopts 11 (v) 
for m; with a consonantal theme v is dropped and simple a need 
in the accusative: (i) J^nwz, (3) ^oc/i^v-a, (4) f^i(H>vT'a^ ctfior-o, 
(5) Ttaripna^ firirip^a, boTfjp-a, (6) 6<l>pv-'Pg (7) vaoo^v, Hom. pQF-o, 
prim, ndv-am ; (8) ykvKi^Vy (9) vdat-'V, ^ifri-v ; (lo) tvno^v, (vy6^t 

Latin. The consonantal themes follow the analogy of themes 
in i ; hence they have, instead of the regular -(m» or -^m which 
they should use for the primitive -am, the termination -«»=^tJi, 
witn the weakened e for i, adopted also by the themes in t: 
(i) vac-em ; (2) cmer-em, neut. ffenus ; (3) Aomin-em^ neut. nomen; 
(4) ferent-em, (5) patr-em, mdir-em ; (6) bov-em^ (7) eusm, (8) 
Jrucfu-tfi, neut. coniu; (9) navi-m, nave-m, neut. nwre for ^mari; 

(10) equo-m^ n^xxi, jvgn-m, 

Oothio. The terminational m, which in Gothic, as in Greek, 
was replaced by n (as we still see in the declension of the pro- 
noun), was dropped, together with the short vowel preceding it; 
and consequently in themes in i and a the accus. sing. be<kme 
identical with the nominative : (3) Aanan=^Aanan-an, neut. natuo 
= tia7n-Sn = 7iam-an; {^ fjand^-an), (5) brdlAar{-an), dauhtar{-aH); 
(8) suiu({-n)^ fem. handu{-^i), neut. fui/iu ; (9) maht{-in), ga8t[-in) ; 
(10) vn(/\-a-?i), neut. jtii(-a'7i), fem.giba from ^gihd-n. Themes in 
ja: hari = harja'7i, neut. kuni=kunja-7iy fem. 6andja = bandja'n. 

Accusative Plubal. 

Masculine and feminine nouns add the plural sign s to the 
termination of the accusative singular, so that the primitive case- 
sign of the accus. plur. may have been -ams, which became -aTu 
(in most languages the n is preferred to the m before *), and 
dropping the a, -ns. This ns in Sanskrit was again dissected into 
-n and s, the former being used with the masculine, and the 
latter with the feminine vocalic themes which end in a long 
vowel. But the original -7/18 is preserved with masculine vocalic 
themes before t and ck, and all the consonantal themes have -as. 


Neuters end in i (weakened a). The Greek and Latin languages 
reject the n altogether, and thus we have the terminations dy, ds^ 
d*, while Gothic alone preserves the primitive form of the case- 
sign, using always -m* in the accus. plur. with vocalic themes, 
which with consonantal themes is replaced by -a*. The neuter 
ends throughout in a which is also used in the nom. plur. 

Examples : — 

Sanskrit, (i) vacA^a^, (3) neut. naman-i, (4) iAarat-as, neut. 
biaranl-i ; (5) ddtf-n {datf-s), neut. ddtf-n-i^ bhrdtf-n^ mdtf-^ ; 
(6) nav-aSy (7) bhruv^aa, (8) sUni-n^ sunv-as, fem. hanU-s ; (9) 
patUn^ fem. avis; (10) ahd'-n, fem. adva-^, neut. t/uga-tii, 

Greek* (i) Jw-as = ^Foit^q,^ = ^Foir-aifs, {]) riKTov-^s, neut. 
TctAar-a ; (4) ^^povr^as, neut. (f>4povT'a ; (5) itarip^as, (6) vrjF-aSj 
vav9, (7) 6(ppvHi9, 6(f>pi''9 ; (8) ^yKvKdF-as, yXvK€is ; IxOu-as, l\6vs ; 
y€vi;-as, y€vv-s. (9) ^iroAcy-as, iroAcis ; ( 1 o) ?7r7rovy=^?7r7ro-i;ff, neut. 

Iiatin. (2) gener-a {=^ganas'd), (3) nSmin-a, {^fereniu-a (as 
theme in i); {dt) fmctus^^fruciur-nay neut. cornuHi; (9) o?;m, 
^n?w, t>r^* (comp. Gr. iroActs and ttoAIs), from ^ovins, neut. mari-a 
(comp. iSpt-a). (10) equo-s=^ eq?io-ns, fem. equd-s=i^ equa-ns. 

Gk>thio. (i) mans {=^man^3)j (3) hanan-s {=^Aanan-as), 
neut. namn-a (prim, ndnian-^ ; in neuter themes the termination 
-an- is changed into -(?«-, if the theme is bisyllabic, or -an- 
succeeds two consonants, e. g. hairton-a, theme hairtun- ; (4) 
fjand-a ( =fjand^s), ( - ) hrdthru-ns follows the analogy of themes 
in «. (8) sunu'fiSj Aandu~ns; (o) mahti-iiSy gaathis ; (10) vulfans, 
nei\xi.juka {=yuid), fem. gibos. 

Ablative Singular. 

This case is formed by the termination -at, or its abbre- 
viated form 't, which is a frequently occurring element in the 
formation of themes, and may be identical with the pronominal 
demonstrative root ta, in an inverted form at. This case being 
lost in the Teutonic languages we abstain from examining it 
any further. 

Genitive Singular. 

The case-suflBx of the genitive singular is -as^ -*, which is 
added to the theme in the same manner as -at^ -t, in the abla- 
tive, both suffixes being nearly related with regard to form as 
well as function. The masc. and neut. themes in a do not take 
•s but -*ya, also of pronominal origin, probably =*«4-y^. (Com- 
pare the demonstratives sa- and ^^-, sya and tya,) 



Exampha : — 

Sanskrit. ( i ) vdcA-aSy (2), manasHM, (3) naMnF-€U, (4) biarai- 
as, (5) ddtU'Sy bkrdtu'8^ mdtus (ved. piir-aSj the more ancient 
form) from diitr-s, mdirs = datr-aBy mdir-^s^ prim. ddtaMa, 
rndfar-as. (6) ndv-as, (7) bhruv^aa, (8) sind-s ; fern, hano-i or 
kanv-dSy neut. madhu-n-aa, madv^aa, madh-^8. (9) jpaie-i, also 
pafy-us -=pafy'a8: fern, ave^ -sri avy-aa^ neut. vari-n-as; neut 

Qreek. Ca«e-sufl5x o? = prim, a* ; sometimes lengthened in 
0)9. Tlie themes in a masc and neut. have ^-ayo= prim. -*yfl; 
the fem. in a have the common case-suflBx prim. -£W, the a of 
which is absorbed by the final vowel of the theme. Examples: 
— (l) FoTT'Os, (3) riKTOv-'O^j (4) <f}ipovT^oSj ciWr-oy; (5) irorp-os, 
IxrjTp'-os, for iraHp-os, fxrjT^p-o^, which also occur ; (6) vdF-6s, wyf- 
dy. (7) (Tv-dy, (8) y^inM)y, perhaps for yer-vf-oy ; (9) Ion. irdAi-05, 
•7rdAf-a)y. (10) ^rTTTro-cryo, iTTTro-to, tinro 0, tiriTov; nent. (i/yow, 
fvyoG ; fem. ^dopd'-s^ Ttju?j-y ; masc. ttoXCtov, from woAir-ao (ao 
Hom . ) = ^ ToX iT-ayo = ^ TroXtT-a-ayo. 

Latin. Suffix -0* as in Greek, later -tis, -w. Examples : — (1) 
voo^s (as preserved in se7uilU'OS, domu-os, &c. ; perhaps for -mphw, 
•ov-os^ comp. Gr. yAvK^f-oy), hence vdc-ics (as preserved in vener-My 
ionor-vs, parUus), hence vooia. It is the same with all other 
consonantal themes. (2) ^ genesis y gener-ia ; (3) Aomin-ia ^ 
^homeii-oSy v6iniu-h:=z^noHieii-os; {^) ferent-ia^ferent'Oa^ {5)P^^^ 
ia=^^patr-o.s, (6) dor-is^^dov-os, {j) su-ia := s?i'OS ; {S)JrJtc(U'a= 
\fnicfU"Os^fniclov-os (comp. ykvK^f'Os), like auna from aoroa, or 
f nidus from JrHctu-'is (oomp. ftenafu-is). Sometimes after the 
analotry of themes iu a\ ae/iafi, sujupit, quceMi ; (9) ori-s^ yci^ 
ably = ^(>i*/-.5 = 6»r^v't?, ^ove-la, ^ oriels ; by the shortening of -ia the 
consonantal are mixed up with the themes in i, (10) Masc. 
neut. cqvc'i^ equl ; jugei^ jngl^ probably ^equeia=equoia the more 
ancient form. (As wc have already observed, the loss of the 
final a is of rather frequent occurrence in the Latin hin^uage.) 
This ^equeis, ^ equals^ in its primitive shape might be ^akcay-aa. 
Yemininc, /a7/iilid-a, ferrd^s, vid-s, de'ird-s=:.\inpa'S, Goth, giio-a; 
or, Diff/iaeSy Oclffviaea, dimidlaes, suaes ; -aea = -aia = prim. 
-dj/as, as masc. -ois for a//as, in both genders an extension of the 
termination -as having taken place. To this -hi is will also lead 
forms Yikcfiiweliaij rifai, Jiomai yO^id the common -^= -ae which 
replaced the more ancient -aL TlTe themes in ya masc. and neut. 
in the more ancient form contract -ii into -i, as /"//if, consili, 

Gothic. Suffix 'S for the primitive -^la ; the themes in / and 
n lengthen their final vowel and take -as ; the masc. and neut. 
themes in a shorten much their termination: (i) man-a {^i^man- 


flw), (3) hanin^y neat, naming = tjianifi-is, ^namin-i^y primitive 
naman-HU. {^fijandis (like 10), (5) hrothr^ (=prim. bhrdtarnzs), 
dauhtrs, (8) auiiaus^ handaii-Sy faihau-s ; this -au-^ points to 
a more ancient ^sunav-isy prim, sunav-^as, from which Goth, 
^»unav-Sy sunaus. (9) ^aslu (masc. like 10), fem. mahtai-Si the 
Hiis pointing to a more ancient mahtay-isy prim, mahtay-as. (10) 
vulf'Sy dagis, like Old Saxon dagas from a primitive -^sya, with 
the loss of the final ya ; fem. gibo-s. 

Genitive Plubal. 

The genitive plural ends in -dm and -^dm^ the latter suffix 
being almost exclusivelv used in the pronominal declension. It 
appears that -^m has its origin in -sdm, as the nom, plur. ^as 
in -ms. Perhaps this -sdm is a fuller or lengthened form of 
the original genitive suffix which seems to have lost the sign of 
the plural. This sign being supplied and the lengthened form 
reduced, we shall get -^sams as the primitive form. With this 
we may compare the dat. dual -bhydm from -ihydtrm^ by the side 
of the dat. plur. -ihyas from -hhyam^s. In the same manner as 
we find the form bhy-am by the side of the case-suffix -^hi, so we 
have together Nvith the sufl^ -*, -as^ the form -^am. With 
this sam must originally have been joined the plural sign -s, 
hence -sani^s^ as we have already stated. 

Sanskrit. The suffix --dm is joined to the shortest form of 
mutable themes ; vocalic themes increase themselves by adopting 
ft, before which they lengthen the vowel of the theme; the 
ar of themes in ar is weakened into r, and this r treated as a 
vowel. Examples: — (i) vdc/i^dm, (2) nianas-dm, (3) ndrnn-dm, 

(4) bharatndmy (5) ddb^n-dmy bhdtf-n-dm ; ved. nar^m {nar^, 
man), svasr-dm (svasar^, sister) ; (6) vdv~d?n, (7) bhruv-dm^ (8) 
sunu'-n-^m, (9) am-n-dm, (10) aivd-fi-dm, neut. yifgd-^n-^m. 

Greek* The case-suffix is 'iav=-am, (i) Fott-&v, (2) tiev^v 
^fi^via-'^v; (3) T€KToi?-a)r, (4) <^^f>6vT-(aVy ^Ihoi-tav^ (5) Sonjp-wr, 
fjLr)T€f>-^v; (6) vdF^v, ^oF-m'; (7) av-iaVy (8) ytvy-iav, (9) Ion. 
TToKi-Hov, 7roA€-a)i'=^7ioA€^-a)r. (lo) KifK-aiv, fem. \(M>po^v^=^\(M>pa' 
{(Ty<ai; ; -(Ta)i^=prim. -sdm, 

Latin. Suffix -ow, -?/w=prim. -dm; with themes in a it is 
--rot/f, -rum, from -^^/y2 = prini. -^dm. Examples: — {1) vdc^Jim^ 
^vdcSffi; gener-um = genes^m ; (3) ndmin-um^ (4) parentr-um, 
sapient-unij or after the analogy of the themes in i, sajjiefUi^im ; 

(5) datSr-um^ patr-um ; (6) bo^um=:^ bov-um ; (9) fructu-um^ ^(hx- 
haps from ^fniciov'dm ; (9) ovi-um^ (10) eqnum^ equd-nim ; fem. 
equarum (comp. Gr. x(api'a<i>v, r=s). 

T 2 


Gothic. The primitive suffix dm was in Oothic reduced to /. 
The feminines of 3 and 10 change the primitive d of dm into 6. 
Examples : — (3) hanan-e auhstiS (theme auhsan~y ox), neat. 
hairtan-^^iiamn-^yiem. tvggon-o ; {^) fijand-e Qjke 10); {^) drdlAr-e^ 
duuhtr-e ; (8) mmic-e, fem. handit-e (-ir-^=prim. -flr-€»i«); (9) 
gast-e^ fern, anst-e (like 10). (10) Masc. vuIfSy ii&Mt. juke, prim. 
vulfdmyjugdm ; (em. gilh-d. 

LocATi\TB Singular. 

With nominal themes i is the case termination, but in the 
pronominal declension the locative takes the suffix i*«, probably 
the weakened form of an which may be derived firom the pro- 
nominal demonstrative base ana- (to which belongs the prepo- 
sition i«, Lat. in, Gr. h, Goth. afia). The locative is preserved 
as an independent case in Sanskrit and several other Aryan 
languages, but in the Teutonic as well as Latin, Greek and 
Celtic tongues, it has become identical with the dative, to which 
it originally bore a close relationship. 

Sanskrit. The suffix i is in mutable themes joined to the 
shortest thematic form. Vocalic feminines in *, rf, d, have -dm 
as case-suffix, which is joined to a (10) by means of the spirant y. 
The themes in u have lost the case-suffix and terminate in -a«, 
which stands for a more ancient -av-i ; themes in % follow this 
analogy ; neuters in i and u extend the theme by n. Examples : 
— (1) vdch'i^ {2) manas-iy {^) 7idman-i and ndnin-i ; {4) 6Aarat-i, 
(5) ddtar-i, mdlar-i ; (6) ndv-i, (7) bhruv-i and hhruv-dm ; (8) 
mndu^ handily ved. sitnav-i, hanv-'i^ neut. madhu-n-i ; (9) avdn^ 
fem. avy-am ; (10) masc. aive-=^^aSva-i^ neut. Juge, fem. aha- 

Greek. The locative has the functions of the dative; the 
masc. and neut. themes in a (10) have both cases, locative and 
dative, the former however is not used as a regular case of the 
noun, but as an adverb. Examples : — ( i ) ott-i, (2) ^4i;€i=z^ fievta-i ; , 
(3) riKTov-L, (4) (p€povT-i, (IboT^i ', (5) 6oT7/p-i, firjTp-C ; (6) vrjF'ij 
(y) (Tv-C, (8) yAi/KCt:=^yAi»K€f-t ; (9) 7roA6t = ^7roA€y-i; (lo) ot*co-t, 
Tioi, ot, fem. xa^ja-L (humi, theme xafxa-), 

Latin. Locatives j^roper are the following forms of the themes 
in a: /nimi, domt, belli, Corinthi ; i=ei=:ol (comp. oIkol) ; fem. 
l{oma€=^^ Romal (comp. xaixai)-, (ruri, or r?ire, is a common abla- 
tive, no locative.) As to the rest the locative has the functions 
of the dative. 

Gothic. The locative has the functions of the dative ; only 
the themes in a have the form of the dative proper ; the case- 


suffix i is dropped throughout; themes in u and i (feminine) 
lengthen the final vowel. Examples : — ( i ) mann{-i)^ (3) ^awm-(-i), 
{4)fjand{'t) (5) brothr-{i)^ dauhtr{'i) ; (8) sunau=i^simav{i')^ fern. 
handau = ^ handav{-i), (9) fem. 7nah(m = mahtaj["i) ; masc. ^a*to 
(dative like 10). (10) Masc. and neut. form a dative; the fem. 
ffibai may be taken as the dative or the locative. 

Dative Singulae. (See Locative.) 

Sanskrit. The dative suffix is -/ for -a>, of which the former 
may be the weakened form ; ai is perhaps the lengthened form 
of the locative i. Examples: — (i) vdcA-e, (2) manas^^ (4) bha^ 
rat^^ ddlr-e^ mdtr-e^ (6) ndv-e, (7) hhruv-ey (8) iHnav-e^ (9) patay-^y 
( I o) akxHiyay d-y-a = ^d-y-ai. 

Greek. The true dative with the themes in a ( 1 o), as tirir^ 
srrjTTrwi, prim. akvai=^aiva-ai; X(opq^ f^hVf 9> rj^di^d-ai. 

Iistin. As in Greek the true dative with the themes in a only 
(10), as equd=equSi ; thus popnloiy romanoi, quoi; fem. equae= 

Gk>thio. The same as with Greek and Latin. Themes in a 
(10): vul/a=:^vulfd=ivulfdi; km. gibai:=gibdL 

Locative Plubal. 

The suffix of this case is prim, -sva (comp. the pronominal 
root «;a, relative and reflective), Sansk. -suy Gr. <T(Ti,=aFi (used 
for the dative). In the Teutonic languages this case is lost. 

jst Instetjmental Singulae. 

The instrumental singular is rendered by two distinct suffixes, 
where it has been conjectured that originally there must have 
been two distinct instrumentals. The case-suffix of the first in- 
strumental is « (a demonstrative base frequently occurring in the 
formation of themes or stems) ; it is exclusively used in Sanskrit, 
while in Greek and Gothic we find it in adverbial forms only, or 
by the side of the second instrumental suffix in certain nominal 

Examples : — 

Sanskrit. (1) vd^A-d^ (2) manas-d^ (^) ndmn-^, (4) bharaird^ 
(5) bhrdir-d, ddtr-d ; (6) ndv-d, (7) bhniv-d, (8) sutiu-n-d, (9) 
pati-^'df (10) aivmd, yugena. 


Greek. Probably the adverbs in 17 and a, as vimii. Dor. 
TsavT-a, T^x-ttj 4^"^, perhaps t-r-o. 

Gk>thio (see below). 

Old Hi^ Qerman in feminine themes in a, as *mii ereni 
(wd^ certa lege ; zwifalM Ifrd^ duplici doctrina. 

2nd Instrumental Sinoulab. 

Case-suiBx bht^ of doubtful origin^ but frequently occurring in 
the formation of cases ; witli the plural sign $ (-oii-#) it forms 
the plural instrumental; it is used moreover to discharge the 
fiinctions of the dative and ablative {iu-^ip-amy tibi ; ma^ki'-am, 
mihi) ; in the dative and abl. plur. it appears again in the 
form -ihi-ain^. This suffix -ihi forms the instrumental singular 
in the Teutonic and other languages, by the side of the suffix -4 
(sec 1st Instr.) used with feminine themes in a. 

Qreek very scarce : Hom. suffix <t>i=bii ; it is not limited to 
the instrumental, but may express locative and ablative relations 
as well. Examples : — Hom. ^<f>L pCrj<f>i ; KpaT€pr}(f>i fiiqif>i ; or^cff- 

Gk>thio has this case but in few examples ; in Old High Qer- 
man, on the contrary, we meet it as a regularly occurring for- 
mation, where, with themes in a, it ends in -«, -if (later o) This 
-if, -w, is derived from -am, -ami, or rather -dmi^ e.g. wol/Uy 
woHh^ pliniii ; tcolfu from ^wolfam^ wo/Jd-mi. With pronouns 
this case is commonly found after the analogy of themes in y/i, 
as /ifclji^ theme /iiva- (intcrrog.) from hwyd-mi ; feminines in a 
use the first instrumental sing. (See ist Instr. above.) 

The Gothic language has this case only in the (after preposi- 
tions, and as particle before the comparative) of the demonstra- 
tive tha- ; hce (as dv hxe^ wherefore, why) of the pronominal 
theme hva- ; «r<?'(ho\v) of the pronoun *rrt-^ 

Instrumental Plural. 
This case is wanting in the Teutonic languages. 

^ Old Saxon nnd Anglo-Saxon also have an instrumental in the declension of 
nouns and atijectives, the former ui*ing, like Old High German^ the terniination ti, 
the latter the termination e^ lilte (jothic. Old Xorse possessi'S no instrumental, 
and the only instance where it occurs in Old Frisian is the form ihixt of the demon- 
strative pronoun. (Comp. the Declension of l^onouns, p. 199 sqq.) 


Dative and Ablative Plubal. 

The suffix hhi with -am forms the dative singular of the per- 
sonal pronouns. This dat. sing, suffix -bhyam^ to whieh was 
added the plural sign «, yields the suffix -^hhyam-B for the forma- 
tion of the dative and ablative plural. These cases occur in all 
Aryan languages except the Greek, which uses the locative 
instead of the dative, and the genitive instead of the ablative. 

Sanskrit, Suffix hhya-^ for bhyams, which is added to the 
theme in the same maimer as the instrumental suffix -bhis. Ex- 
amples : — (i) vag-hhi/a9y (2) mans-bJiyds^ (3) ndma-bhyas, (4) bha-- 
rud-^fhyaSf (5) bhrdtr-bhyaSf (6) ndu-bhyas, (7) bhrit-bhyaa^ (8) 9unU' 
bhyaa^ (9) pati-bhyaSy ( 1 o) ahe-bhyas^ neut. juge-bhyaa. 

IiatuL Suffix 'bo8y -bus, for a more ancient ^-bios^ ^-bins (comp, 
minus for minius) ; a different development in the pronouns vo- 
bi-^= volets (as ti-bi for ti-bei); themes in a reject the b ; con- 
sonantal themes follow those in i. Examples : — (i) vSci-bus, (3) 
ndmini-buSj (5) mdtri-his, (8) acu-bus ; but themes in u also 
usually follow those in *, Sisjrucii-bua: (9) ovi-btis, (jo) ambo-bus, 
dtiv^uSj exceptional forms which strictly follow the rule. Forms 
such as parvi-^us, amici-bus, dii-bus, prove how in compounds the 
final of the theme was weakened into i. The usual dat. and 
abl. suffix -w seems to pre-suppose an ancient -bios, or -fos for 
the prim, bhyams, Sansk. bhyaSy as for instance, ^eqiio-JioSy whence 
equo^hios, whence equo-ios, whence equo-ia, whence eque-is, whence 
eqnh. Feminine themes in a have frequently preserved the 
primitive form, as equd-bus, ded-bus^filid-bua; the usual is which 
has rejected the b must be derived from aisj as mensis from 
^mensais^ ^mensa-bios. 

Gothic, Of the primitive suffix bhyam-s nothing remained 
but the simple -my while in Old Norse, where we find tAri-mr 
(tribus) by the side of t/iri-m, the primitive s also is represented 
of a form ^thri-mas or ^ Ikri-miis^ tn-bAyams (r for s). Themes 
in n take occasionally, as themes in a always do, am instead of 
-iw. Examples : — (3) Aa?ia-m, neut. Aairta-m, fem. tuggo-m^ from 
^hanan-m, &c. ; but abn-am^ theme aban-, man ; (4) fijandam 
(like 10), (5) broiAru-m (like 8) ; (8) sunu-m, (9) mahti-mj gasii-m. 
(10) masc. vulfa-m, nevit. J uia-m, fem. gibd-m. 


The vocative, as we have said before, is no case, not even a 
word, but the noun in the form of an interjection, devoid there- 


fore of a case-suffix. Only the singular has a vocative^ whOsi 
dual and plural supply it by the nominative^ a &ct which ofi^ 
occurs in the singular too. 

Sanskrit. The accent always on the first syllable; conso- 
nantal themes appear in the simple thematic form ; mase. and 
fem. of themes in i and u lengthen the final vowel ; feminine 
themes in d {\o) weaken the d into e\ themes ending in a diph- 
thong or a long vowel do not form a vocative, but supply it by 
the nominative. Examples : — (i) vak^ (2) manas, (3) ndman, 
(4) bharan for ^hharant ; (5) mdtar, (6) ndus, (7) bhrwt, (8) rinS^ 
(9) palCy av/ ; (10) a4ca^ neut. yuga, 

Greek. Consonantal themes commonly use the nominative 
for the vocative. Examples : — ( 1 ) Trat for ^itaih ; (3) doifiov (but 
fiy€^i<iif, nom.) ; (4) yipop (but <t)ip<av part, nom.) ; (5) oQrfp, 
pfJTop, Trdr€p, (6) vavj (7) ovs, (8) yXvidj^ (9) irocri, voAi; (lo) 
tiTTTe, neut (vyov ; fem. x<ipd, yXcitTa-a, 

Latin. A vocative with masc. themes under No. 10 only, as 
eque { = XinT€), prim, aiva ; themes in ya, aafili (or filie, 

Qothio. The vocal themes only form a vocative (3= nom.; 
^ giband^ likeio; 5 = nom.); (8) sunau, kandan, hut slso iunu. 
(9) gasl for gasti, fern, ansf ; (10) vu/f=^rulfa, fem, giba; themes 
iny^; iari, hairdi=.^harja, ^hirdja. 



All tlie ancient Teutonic dialects preserve in the declensions 
the distinction of themes in a, 1, and u; and these thematic 
vowels giving the declension a peculiar colouring, we may well 
arrange all nouns under three declensions : viz. the declension in 
a, that in i, and that in U- The declension of themes ending 
in a consonant we shall treat under a separate head hereafter ^ 

Though we find the themes in a, 1, U^ in all the different 
Teutonic dialects, we must not omit to notice that it is in Gothic 
only where they appear altogether distinct ; though even here 
the thematic vowels are frequently dropped or weakened and the 
case-terminations much mutilated. 

The thematic vowel of the declension in a is in Gothic dis- 
tinctly preserved only in the dative singular and the dative 

' Comp. pp. 169, 170, and pp. ^68, 269. 


»nd accusative plural^ while we find it in a lengthened form in 
he nominative and vocative plural. The feminiues of this 
Leclension lengthen the thematic vowel a into 6^ except in the 
lom. accus. and voc. sing, where the a remains. The neuter 
lom. and accus. sing, drop the thematic vowel as well as the 

While the declension in a comprises all three genders, the 
declension in i has only substantives of the masculine and femi- 
nine. The feminine, always showing an inclination to full and 
lengthy forms, which, as already mentioned, changed in the first 
declension the thematic vowel & into 6, follows its natural pro- 
pensities in the second declension also and takes ^ gradation/ or 
what Sanskrit grammarians call 'gima,^ by introducing an a 
before the thematic vowel i^. 

The declension in u shelters its thematic vowel most persist- 
ently, so that we find the u preserved before the case-sign s of 
the nom. masc. and fem. as well as in the nom. neut., where the 
other two declensions have dropped their thematic vowels. 

In the other Teutonic dialects also the three delensions in a* 
i, and u, can be traced ; but it is the first only which is in a 
flourishing condition, uncorrupted by the influence of the other 
declensions and comprising the three genders. The declension 
in u is in most dialects in a dilapidated condition or encroached 
upon by the other declensions. In Old Norse however the 
declensions are in their fullest vigour, in some respects more so 
than in Gothic, while Old High Oerman, though it has pre- 
served some ancient case-signs which are lost in Gothic, has 
suffered great losses with the dilapidation of its declension in u, 
the plural of which has transgressed into the declension in i. 
In the same manner the Low German dialects, Anglo-Saxon, 
Old Frisian, and Old Saxon appear greatly mutilated, though 
in some respects they too show more ancient forms than we find 
in the Gothic dialect. 

As to the case-terminations in the different Teutonic dialects 
we must let them pass a short review in order to compare them 
with the primitive case-signs which we have eliminated above. 

Nominative Singular. 

The primitive case-sign -*, from the demonstrative root sa, 
has been dropped in all the Teutonic dialects except the Gothic 
and Old Norse, the latter however following its propensiiy to 

^ Comp. pp. 32>a5. 


rhotacize^ that is^ to convert the eibilant m into r. Bat 
and Old Norse too, like all the other Teutonic tongues, InmMHL^^ 
the thematic vowel in the nom. sing., so that for the Qil^B5\'^ 
Germ., A. S., O. S., O. Yris.fisk {visk or fw\ ive find iiiGdli^^^' 
Jtsks, in Old Norse /*/--r. An exception to this rule is fiwJ" 
the u declension, which retains its thematic vowel in all Ai' 
dialects but Old Norse, and in Gothic yields the full tenin» 
tion w«, as in nom. sin^. Goth, sunus (son), O. H. Germ.i A.8, 
O. S., O. Fris. *//////, O. N. son-r. The feminine nouns letM 
the thematic vowel in the a and u declensions, asGoth.|iii, 
O. H. Germ., O. S. ffe*'6a, A. S. i/i/u (a darkened into «), O.ftk 
jere; but O.N. y/o/! Neuter nouns dispense with the theina& 
vowel as well as the termination. Even in the cognate langugs 
the aceusiitive is used to supply the nominative case; oomput 
Goth, rauf'f/, O. H. Germ, icori, A. S., O. S,, O. Fris. word^ O.N. 
orS, Lat. rerbum. 

Nominative Plural. 

Tlie primitive case-sign -as (for sas^sa-^a) is most completdy 
preserved in Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon, where the theme 
Jiskii' with the case termination -as }nelds the legitimate form 
fskas^ whilst in Gothic the combination of a + a results in 
the long vowel (?, and hence the nom. \i[\xT,Jlskos. Old Frisian 
and Old Norse rhotacize the ease-sign -* and join the final -r 
directly to the thcmo, so that their nom. plur. is Jiskar, Old 
High German preserves the long a which is the product of the 
combined a of the theme and a of the termination, but the final 
s is droj>pcd, hence nom. plur. viskd. In the feminine gender 
the Gothic and Old Norse alone retain the case-sign * (O. N. r), 
while the other dialects either use the simple thematic vowel 
(A. S. f/ifa, O. Fris. ^cTtf), or its lengthened form (O. S. giha^ 
O. H. Germ, gibd or (/llju) ; but Goth. giljo-H^ O. N. g'mfar. The 
neuter rejects the thematic vowels as well as the case-sign, ex- 
cept in Gothic, where we find in the nom. plur. the termina- 
tion a. 

Accusative Singular. 

The primitive case-sign -am after consonants, -m after vowels, 
from the demonstrative root am (eomp. Sansk. aw/^-, hie), is alto- 
gether lost in the Teutonic strong declensions (themes in a, i, u), 
but preserved in the weak declension (consonantal themes in n)S 
where it is conveiied into n (compare the accus. sing. Lat. -w, 

• Weak Declension, fw» below. 


^ -1') ; wherefore the scchb. bid^. of the theme haniM- is in 
^. Gern). and O. S, kanun, Goth, and A. S. hanan ; but the ft 

, dropped in O. Fris. iona, O. N. hana. Very remarkable in 
^^■^ ii'gh German is the preservation of the ancient case-eign -» 
^^ "&e masculine^ chiefly of proper notins in a, where even Gotbio 
^^*« coinpleiely lost the case-sign ; e. g. O. H, Germ, got (deua), 
b**^ sing. i;o(a-n. 


The primitive -ams (=am, the case-sign of the accus. sing. + t, 
the termination of the plural) appears in Gothic as -ans, -nt, » 
\)eing preferred to m before the sibilant » ; bence fakans (a)i l<tl- 
fifu (i), sununt (u), in the strong, and hanans (n), in the weak 
declension; so again the feminine anatins (i), kanduna (u)) tttg- 
jAm (n), but giioa for gibana (a). Nest to Gothic the Anglo- 
8&xon and Old Saxon dialects most faithfully render the ancient 
case-sign, but suppress the consonant n in the same manner 
as the Gothic feminine in a, which elision causes the preced- 
ing to wel to be lengthened, hence A..S.fsc^i,0.^.fakda and 
fASa. Old High German drops the case-sign altogether and 
lengthens the thematic vowel, hence accus. like nom. phir. viaMj 
and Old Frisian rhotacizes the final t, hence the accus. like 
the nom. pinr. ^aiar. Old Norse drops the caae-sign altogether 
and uses the simple thematic vowel as its accusative termination. 
This example is followed by the other dialects in the fern, accus. 
plur., as in the A. S, ffifa, O. Fne. j'eva, while Old High German 
and Old Saxon lengthen the thematic vowel in ge'd^, gebd. 

Genitivb SmoiTLAB. 

The primitive termination -aa, -a, is found in all the Teutonic 
dialects ; even Old Norse, which on other occasions so frequently 
supjilanta the sibilant by the liquid t, preserves the original 
case-sign of the genitive singular, at least in the declension in a, 
while those in i and u admit rbotacism. The thematic vowel 
preceding the case-sign is variously modified. The Gothic has 
gradation of the thematic u into av, and yields the thematic a 
for t in the genitive jiaki-», where the Old Saxon dialect still 
owns the more ancient form fiaka-i. But in the latter as well 
as in the other dialects. High and Low German, the thematic a 
is usually weakened into i or e, hence the genitive forms O. H. 
Germ, vtakea, A.^.fiacea, O.Vris.fiakea; while Old Norse, reject- 
ing the thematic vowel altogether in the a declension, hasjitka. 


In the fem. the thematic vowel is in most dialects len^hened, 
whether it be succeeded by the ease-sig^ or not ; hence Grothie 
giboSf O. H. Germ, gebo^ O. S. gebd^ but A. S. gife^ O. Fris. jm 
(a) ; Goth. anst^U (gradation of i into di\ O. H. G^rm. auA^ 
but O. S. ensti (i). The genitive forms in Old Norse are peculiar, 
wliere the masculine in a alone has the regular ancient case* 
sign^ while the masculines in i and u, and the feminines in 
a and i adopt the liquid r, which is preceded throughout by the 
vowel a. 

Genitive Plural. 

The ancient case-sign -aw, the probable derivation of which 
we have given above, is in Gothic reduced to the simple vowel f, 
feminine 6 ; hence the genitives Jiske, gibo. The other Teutonic 
dialects also have the lengthened 6 or a, or simply a as the geni- 
tive termination, as O. H. Germ, vuko, O. S.fskd or ^^id, A. S. 
Ji^cd, but O. Fris. and O.^.Jijfka, The same terminations are 
used for the genitive plural feminine in the declensions i and n, 
but in the a declension the genitive feminine has in Old High 
German and Old Saxon the extended termination d-^fi-d, A. S. 
and O. Fris. e-n-a, which seems to have been formed in analogy 
to the weak declension, where it occurs as the regular termina- 
tion. Though Gothic has the simple S in gibd for the O. H. 
Germ. ged6?i6, the introduction of the liquid ri must be of very 
ancient date, since it occurs in the Indian dialects too. (Comp. 
the gen. plur. fem. in a, Sansk. dsra-n-am for dira?n, where the 
Sanskrit termination a-u-^m corresponds to the O. H. Germ. 
6-71-6, A. S. e-7i-a.) 

Dative Singular. 

A dative proper we have only in the masculine of the declen- 
sion in a and of that in i, the latter having adopted the thematic 
vowel of the former. Thus we find in Gothic the Aai\\Q Jiska^ 
O. H. Germ, rhka, O. S.Jhka, or weakened into^*^'^, A. S,Jisce, 
O.Yris, Ji\ska, or jMi, ov Jiske, O.^.Jxffkl (a). The same termi- 
nations occur in the dative singular of the declension in i, e. g. 
Goth, balga, O. H. Germ, pa/ka, O. S. gasta. The case-sign e or 
i is throughout the weakened form of a, wherefore the i cannot 
cause Umlaut. But in all declensions and genders other than 
those just mentioned the Teutonic languages are deprived of a 
true dative, and consequently use the locative singular to per- 
form its functions. The termination of this locative is ?-, the 
origin of which we have mentioned before. ,It is generally 


iiopped, and the thematic vowel then has gradation^ as in 
maAtai (i) for maAtaJ{'i)y handau (u fem.) for Aandav{'i); 
funau (u masc.) for sunav{^i); hanin for hanin{'i) (n). The 
dative feminine gibai (a) may be considered a locative or a true 

Dative Plukal. 

The primitive suffix hhyam% has in the Teutonic languages 
dwindled down to the simple -w, e.g. Goth, fi^ka-m (masc), 
gibo-m (fem.) (a) ; halgi'-m, ansti-m (i) ; sunu^m, handu-m (u) ; 
hana^m, tuggo-m (n). Gothic only preserves the thematic vowels 
distinct in the terminations -«;», -iniy -urn ; Old High German 
puts um for am in the a declension, and all the other dialects 
prefer in all declensions the darkened form um in the different 
genders, though it must be mentioned that we meet also, chiefly 
in Old Frisian, with weakened forms such as em and on. This 
leads us to notice another change, namely, of m into n, which 
already occurs in late Old High German, sometimes in Frisian 
and almost regularly in Old Saxon, a change which moreover is 
accompanied by a weakening of the thematic vowel from u into 
o ; hence the termination of dat. plur. on. Deserving of special 
notice is a form in Old Norse thri-m-r by the 'side of thrim 
(tribus), tveim-m~r for Iveim (duobus), in which, besides the m, 
the s of the original case-sign is preserved, changed of course 
into r according to the phonetic laws of the Old Norse dialect, 
so that tAri-mr stands for tAri-ms = thri-mas = primitive tri~ 


There were originally two distinct suffixes for the instrumental 
singular, and therefore probably two distinct instrumentals with 
different functions, a distinction however which at an early 
period was obliterated. The first instrumental was formed with 
the demonstrative suffix a, rudiments of which we have in Old 
High German in one or two examples of feminine nouns in a^ 
The second instrumental is formed with the suffix bAiy which is 
also frequently used to form the dative. (Comp. the declension 
of the Latin pronoun, e.g. ii-bi-^tu^bAi^m^ &c.) In the north 
European languages, both Slavonic and Germanic, the suffix bAi 
appears in the form of ;/«/, probably in the combination --am for 
-amiy out of which the termination il or u oi the instrumental in 
Old High German and Old Saxon are explained, so that the 

^ Comp. p. 37S. 


O. H.Oerm. leolfu would come from ^wolfam and tliis bm\ 
Kol/a-mi. The Gothic has this instrumental in but few at 
verbial pronominal forms^ such as the (comparative particle) fiw 
the ]>ronominal theme tka- ; ire (as du Ive, why), from the pnh 
nominal base Aca-; #r/ (as) from «ra-. If these instrument^ 
forms were the first instrumental with the suffix a^ they wooU 
appear as tka^, ica^, &e., and these as (Ad^ Avd, rather thu 
iie, Ace. This instrumental e then originates like the Old Higli 
German « or « in the primitive a^mi, Teutonic for a-iAL Wbt 
we have said with regard to the instrumental e in Gothic hdik 
good for the / of the instrumental in Anglo-Saxon, where it u 
used as the regular case-sign with all nouns that are capable of 
forming the mentioned case. 

The Plural Nelter with the Suffix ir. 

Several Teutonic dialects apply the suffix -iV (or its modified 
form -er or -r, or even -ar) in the formation of the plur. neut. of 
the declension in a. In Old High German we find this suffix 
often used with tliose neuter nouns which have lost their ancient 
termination -«. Thus, for example, ta/p (calf) has the nom. 
plur. kelh-ir (the i of the suffix ir causes the Umlaut of a into e), 
and to this form are added the respective case-signs of the other 
cases, as in the ^n. plur. kelb-irS, The use of this suffix is 
more limited iu Old Saxon, where we find but few forms, such 
as the genitives plur. ei-er-o, hm-er-o of e/, egg, horiy hen. 
Anglo-Saxon too does not patronize this suffix very largely, and 
in the few words where it does occur it is always followed by the 
ancient cuse-sign -w of the nom. plur. as well, e. g. aciy egg, nom. 
iij-r-n ; ceafj\ calf, nom. plur. ceaff-r-u ; c/ A/, child, nom. plur. 
cild-r-u ; lainby lamb, nom. plur. lamh-r-v. For the plural hry^ 
er'?ij armenta, there is no singular ^;yS, but Arjf^er, the suffix -fr 
having been adopted in the singular too. In Old Frisian the 
suffix -//*, in the modification -a/*, or -er, is used in the formation 
of the plural of the following words : ki?i(i, child, plur, kind-er^ 
or k'nid-er^ or the ancient form k'nula; kldth^ cloth, dress, j)lur. 
k/dfli-er-a, or kldth-aTy or kid I ha ; horn^ horn, plur. horn-ar ; bon, 
mandatiim, plur. bonn-^r^ bonna and bon, hrither (Germ, rind), 
has, as in Anglo-Saxon, the suffix in the singular also. 

The Umlaut in the Old Teutonic Declensions. 

The reader will do well first to refer to our remarks concern- 
ing the formation of Umlaut in general, in our chapter on Old 


Teutonic ▼owel8\ In na Teutonic language have the inflexional 
Ibrms so wide a range of influence upon the vowel of the stem 
of the word as in the Old Norse^ where both i and Uy vowels 
which very frequently occur in the terminations, may cause 
Umlaut, while in the other Teutonic languages this prerogative 
is restricted to the vowel i, and the Gothic dialect is deprived 
of Umlaut altogether. The frequent occurrence of the Umlaut 
in the declensions of the Old Norse imparts to this language a 
degree of softness and richness of sound for which we might 
hardly find a parallel in any other Teutonic tongue, ancient or 
modem. In order to illustrate this remark we need only quote 
the different cases of the declension of the theme : magu-y son j 
sing, mogry magr^ megi, mog ; plur. megir, maga^ mognmy mogu. 
The reader will be able to account for these different changes or 
modifications of the vowel, if he will apply to this particular 
instance the laws and rules which regulate the occurrence of the 
Umhmt in general. We may therefore here restrict ourselves to 
certain phenomena of Umlaut which are peculiar to particular 
declensions and particular dialects. 

Declension in a. — In Old High German this declension shows 
no Umlaut except in the neuter plural, where it may be effected 
by the sufiix -?r, as in kalp, plur. kelbir. The Old Saxon, 
Anglo-Saxon, and Old Frisian languages have no Umlaut in 
the declension in a, because the case -signs lack the element 
which begets the Umlaut. In Old Norse, on the contrary, it is 
of frequent occurrence, as a reference to the paradigms will 
teach. A few cases require special explanation. The feminine 
nouns have in the nom. sing, dropped an u^ the weakened form 
of an original a, the effect of which u is still perceptible in the 
Umlaut of the a of the stem into o. The same Umlaut occurs 
in the dat. sing., where the u was dropped at a later period of 
the language, but its effect, the Umlaut, remained. Examples : 
— theme giafa, gift, nom. sing, giof (for giofu)^ dat, gidf{u). 
Neuter nouns orififinally had in the nom. and accus. plur. the 
termination -a^, which, though dropped, left the Umlaut of a 
into behind, e. g. fat, vessel, plur. fot for fotu. 

Declension in i. — All the Teutonic dialects (Gothic of course 
excepted) show Umlaut in this declension. 

Old High Oerman. Umlaut of a into e, caused by the i of 
the termination, takes place in the plural throughout, as well 
as in the gen. and dat. sing, of the feminine (unless the fem. is 

* See pp. 26-28. 


redaced to the simple stem of the word). Examples :—jNr&r, 
hide, \\\xr. pelki ; ansl, gen. enslij plur. ensti. In the gen. plur. 
the j (from the thematic i) is often dropped, but the Umlaot 
remain ^, as pelko^ ensiOy for pelkjS, eMtjS, 

Old Saxon. The Umlaut of a into e may occur in the plural, 
and in the feminine in the gen. and dat. sing, as well, but it is 
not of general occurrence. Examples : — gast^ guest, plur. ge^U 
(or gas(i) ; anst, favour, plur. eiisti (or ansti). 

Anglo-Saxon. The termination i of the dat. sing, and of the 

nom. and ace us. plur., which in the course of time was dropped, 

caused Umlaut, which remained, e. g. masc. nom. sing./ol, dat 

fet {or/eti, (roia /of i; nom. accus. plur.yj?i^, fern. nom. sing, jww, 

dat. wj/*, nom. accus. plur. w^j?, &c. 

Old Frisian. The masculine gender has two words where 
Umlaut remained after the terminational i had been dropped, 
namely /ol, uom. accus. plur Jel ; tdth, nom. accus. plur. telh ; 
but there is no Umlaut either in the dat. sing, of the masculine 
or in any case of the feminine gender. 

Old Norse. Some of the masculine nouns of this declension 
adopt dkj before the vowels a and u of the terminations, which y, 
whether retained or dropped, causes Umlaut of the preceding 
syllable, as in belgr^ b^^gjoiT^y where the^ appears in certain cases, 
and gedr^ gestaVy where it is dropped throughout and yet its 
Umlaut remains. In the feminine nouns gds^ mm^ lu9 and hritn, 
the terminations \r and /, dropped later on, caused the Umlaut 

Declension in u. — This declension shows no Umlaut in any 
dialect except in Old Norse, where, just in this declension, the 
Umlaut is most richly developed. (See the paradigms in u.) 
It recjuires but few explanations. The nom. niogr of the theme 
magit' (son) owes its Umlaut to an earlier ?ndgitr for magur, Goth. 
7nagus, The dat. sing. fern, ionn of the theme tannu- (tooth), 
owes its Umlaut to the ancient case-sign ?/, which was dropped 
at a later period. 

^^ofe. — The weak declension has Umlaut in no dialect except 
Old Norse, where the terminational u converts the a of the 
stem into o. 





Themes in a. 


Themes '.—fikka^y pbd-, vatirda^. 





Norn. /fttr-«(fish) 
G«n. fiiki^ 
Dat. fiska 
Accus. fitk 
Voc. jUk 





giba (gift) 












ta^rd (word) 









Old High Gtermaou 

Themes : — vUka^^ gebd- (for kepd-), worta-. 




Norn. VM2r(fUh) 
Gen. vUike-§ 
Dftt. vUka 
Accus. vUk 
Inslr. vuib-ti 



• • 

got {god) 

• • 

• • 

• • 


geba (gift) 
g'iM, g'Ad 
gebd, g'ebu 

• • 


g'eb6, gebd 
gebd, gebd 

• • 



Nom. wort (word) 
Gen. foorte-a 
Dat. worta 
Accus. wort 
Instr. wort'U 




ita2p (calf) 










Old Saxon* 

Themes i^—Jisca-^ g'ebd-^ word^i^. 







fiK (fish) 

Ji»ca, fixt 




fisca-nt fiscal 
fiac6-i, fiscal 

• • 


geba (gift) 
gfba, gibd 
gUbHf gdtS 

• • 


g3fu-H, gibo^ 




Nom. uard 

Gien. fror</a-«, tforcfe-t 

Dat. wonia, worde 

Ace. vortl 

luttr. ironi-tt 




bae (back) 
baeori, bace^ 
haca, baee 




Tliemes :—fsca^, daga-, gif^^y worda^yfata-. 












fifc (fish) 




gi/a (gift) 


• • 




• • 









fat (vat) 



















• • 


• • 




Themes:— ;/?«^*a-,y^a-, worda^y skipa^. 







Kom. ;Ea2;(fish) 
Gen. jitki-t.fidcerB 
I>at. /ail-a, -t, -e 
Acciu. fi«k 

fiskorr, fiska 

fisku-m^ -en, -^m 
fitkorT, fiika 

jeve (gift) 

jevu-m, -on 






Nom. tpord (word) 
Gen. wordit, -ei 
Dat. vjorda, -e 
Accos. «0ord 

vordtnn, -on 

«il'tp (ship) 
ekipi-s, -es 
tkipat -e 

ikipu, -0 

tikipu-m, -on 
skipu, -0 

Old Norse. 

Themes \—Ji 

isia-, armory gia^ 

fa^f or^a^yfatd-. 











Nom. fifk-r (fish) 
Gen. fiik-9 
Dat. fitkh 
Accua. fitk 



arm-r (arm) 




giiifu-m, om 



Nom. orfJ (word) 

Gen. oriSs 

Dat. orfSi 

Accns. or*^ 






fat (vat) 




f&tu-m, -om 

U 2 


Notes to the Decietmou im A- 


1. Tlie following words belong to the declension in a* 

Masc. «/}?*, oath (Germ, eid) ; asfs, branch (Germ, ast) ; hapt. 
Inn* (Germ, baum^ cf. beam) ; fiag*^ day (Germ. tag); ivxAjdog 
((■(Tm. Iiiind, vW hound); filaibn^ bread, cf. loaf; /<airi«, lof 
((i<Tin. lunb) ; MfahiM, stone (Germ, stein): rafr, man, cf. I^ 
rlr; vlf/^, way (Germ, weg) ; rulfs, wolf; pMs, thief; M/r«, eei 
((ierni. see) ; ttmiivs^ snow (Germ, sclmee) ; fugh^ bird (Genn. 
vo<;'('l^ cf. fowl); aithy seat (Germ, sessel); sribls, sulphur (Genn. 
Rchwerel); ]fi?fr/ans, king; A/zv/W, heayen (Germ himmel); aht, 
fioM ((ierm. acker, cf. acre); jiggrsy finger; i4igr9^ tear (Germ, 

Fkm. a}r\ay earth; hohay book; fa\a^ path (Germ, pfed); 
gafrtla^ girdle (Germ, gurte) ; giba, gitt (Germ, gabe) ; iairdaf 
licnl ((ijTni. heerde) ; /ivei/ay hour, cf. while (Germ. weile=time); 
Tfisftt, rcot ((ierm. rast) ; saurgay care (Germ, sorge) ; afdigay path 
((it'nii. steii;') ; rumba^ womh; )?/Wtf, people, gens; M^/a, needle, 
nad<'l ; mira/a, soul (Germ, seele) ; sf/bna, voice (Germ, stimme); 
gaifi<tt, goat (Germ, geif) ; ahva. water; diupipa, depth; sunja, 

Nki'T /yf/n/, (jliild : baitnly ))lank (Germ, bord) ; blif)^, blood 
((JtMu. blutl ; <hnh\ door (Germ, thiir) ; hus, house (Germ, haus); 
jt'r, yrar ((Jerm. jahr) ; Juk, yoke (Germ, joeh) ; kainiy com; 
Ituiih, laml) ((mtri. lamm) ; fnndy land (Germ, land); le'iky boily 
(cf. (iiM-m. Icirhe, Engl. like); met (time, cf. Germ, mal) ; mei^ 
month; nail, salt (Germ, salz); skip^ ship; tY/?/r//, word ; tagl^ 
hair (cf. Vav^\, tail, Germ, zagel) ; dig'in^ property (cf. Germ. 
ei<^«'n, Hnyl. own); m(tir)fry murder (Germ, mord}; silnbr^ silver 
((irnn. sillu'r) ; r/wr;/, iron (Germ, eisen) ; halifty hatred, hate 
((icrni. hafO ; //d/dji]}, head (cf. Germ, haupt) ; knuiy knee (Germ, 
kin'e) ; Irit/, tree. 

2. Words of tlio masculine gender which have no plural may 
In^long to the declension in a or i, because both are in the 
singuhu' alike; and those of which the nominative singular is 
lost may belong to tlic masculine or neuter gender. 

J. ^'htMues ending in w reject the * of the nominative singular 
al'tiM- tlie .V of the stem, in order to avoid tlie harsh succession 
of two identical sibilants, hence ka/Sj neck (Genu, hals), instead 
of kalft-A from the theme ka/sa-. The genitive is of course 


ialzi^, &c. Tliemes ending in ra also suppress the casensign « 
if the r is preceded by a vowel, hence va{r, vir, nom. sing, of 
the theme vaira ; but if a consonant precedes the r, the regular 
formation takes place, as akr^^ &c. 

4. Words of the feminine gender which occur in the dat. sing. 
only might belong to the declension in a or i ; those of which 
we know the nom. plur. only might be masculine or feminine. 

5. Neuter nouns which show the gen. sing, only may be con- 
sidered masculine or neuter. 

Old High Gherman. 

1. The following words belong to the Declension in a. 

Masc. diop, thief (Germ, dieb) ; //or;/, thorn (Germ, dorn) ; eid, 
oath (Germ. eid); ^/^, neck (Germ, hals); Aleip, bread ; huud,Aog 
(Germ, hund) ; hof, court-yard (Germ, liof) ; keist^ spirit (Germ, 
geist, cf. goast) ; muot, animus (Germ, muth, cf. mood) ; vnuid^ 
mouth (Germ, mund) ; nid, envy (Germ, neid) ; pou7n, tree (Germ. 
haum^ cf. beam) ; scaz^ treasure (Germ, schatz) ; sfap, 8tiiff (Germ. 
stab); Hein, stirme (Germ, stein); vw>t, fish; uoXra/, bird (Germ, 
vogel) ; aram, arm ; fadumy thread (Germ, faden) ; rekan, rain 
(Germ, regen) ; achat ^ field (Germ, acker) ; viniar, finger ; mdnod, 
month (Germ, monat). 

Fem. aka, water ; ea, ewa, law ; erda, earth (Germ, erde) ; 
Amla, mora (Germ, weile) ; kepa, gift (Germ, gabe) ; lera, doc- 
trine (Germ, lehre) ; sela, soul (Germ, seele) ; stimna^ voice 
(Germ, stimme) ; stunla, hour (Germ, stunde) ; atra^a^ street 
(Germ, stra^) ; wampa^ womb. 

Nbut. chini, child (Germ, kind) ; chorn, corn ; chruty herb 
(Germ, kraut) ; dinCy thing (Germ, ding) ; hroSy horse (Germ, 
ross) ; jdvy year (Geim. jahr) ; joky joke (Germ, joch) ; laynp, lamb 
(Germ, lamm) ; loupy leaf (Germ, laub) ; paruy chihl ; pein^ bone 
(Germ, bein) ; self, ship (Germ, schiflp) ; scaf, sheep (Germ, schaf) ; 
isam, iron (Germ, eisen) ; silapar, silver (Germ, silber) ; wa^ar, 
water (Germ, wafer) ; houpity head (Germ, haupt). 

2. In Old High German also the singular of nouns masculine 
is the same in the declensions in a and i^ and it therefore is 
sometimes difficult to say to which declension they belong, 
especially since such words often form their plural in a different 
manner^ either in a or i, in different documents. 



I. The following words belong to the declension in a. 

Masc. huui^ tn.'c rCierm. baum) ; d^^. day Germ, tagr; : d^,ie^ 
((irnii. Uicil;; drom, dream (Germ traum : f^k, feh; hid, 
(lojr; kuMHy kiss; mufJi, mouth; */«>, sleep :Germ. sctlaf;; #/!«, 
Htoiic ((imii. stein); fhioh, thief; sfroi^^ stream: (korn, thoin; 
"•;'//, way ((ierin. we^; ; /r^>, vir, man; ett^if, an^l ; fugl, biid; 
hi mil, \mi\m\ i'riy rarl ; //^'*rt//, heaven; fagar^ finger; «iJti«^, 
kiii^' ((i4Tm. koiiijrj; ^^V^y, mountain (Germ, berg;; teo,9isk\ 

MHVit, HI low. 

Vv.W. aha, water; iirtha, earth; ^c-*^, gift; i^i'/pa, help; i«ffa, 
tiiiif, while ((lerrn. weile) ; /era, doctrine; *eofa, soul; jo/yfl, 
I'inv ((icTiii. Horf^e) ; strata, street ; stetmia^ voice (Germ, stimme); 
ivahta^ wat<h ((irrm. wacht) ; minnea^ love (Germ, minne). 

N i:i!T. fja*\ ba(;k ; IjfatI, leaf (Germ, blatt) ; bam, child ; /d/, 
vi'KM'l, vat ((ierni. fafO ; Jiur, fire; ./(>/<7, folk, people; gohJ^ gold; 
////v. house; /V/V, yv\\r\ kind, proles; corn, corn; ^nrV, herb 
((iriiu. kraul); iinht, light; ai't/al, sail (Germ, segel); ^«m«, 
tokrn ; nifiifnir, silvrr; wafar, water; icedar^ weather (Germ. 
wetN'i); hdtjid, head ((ienn. haupt); kneo, knee ; treOy tree. 

X, The two dillereiit forms of the nom. and accus. plur. neut 
(h'sj-rve s|m'<m:iI notice; they are not ay)i)liL'd, one or the other, at 
nuulonj, hut. us it would appriir in aecoi-danee with the following 
I'uIrM : All words consisting of a short syllable have preserved 
the nucii'ut Icrniination v^w^r^hacjjacn; hhul^bladu. ; fjrab,grabu; 
f,it, tii/tf : while words with a lon^ syllable rejeet the termina- 
tit»u; whence /;.////, rr//(/, thiinj^ irih^ irord^ remain unehanged in 
ihc nominal ive and aeeusative plural. 


I. The lollowiui^ words l>eloii<^ to the deelension in a. 

M \s( . /'..'/•'/, luijuntain ((ierni. bero;) ; cvW, keel; copp, cup; 
I/.//;', i-ral'l ; /A///, <lay ^^(Jerni. taj^) ; da'K deal; doui, doom; tw//, 
r.oil : /f A/, lieM ; y/v, iisli ; (jast , o«uest ; ijdat^ ghost ; heap, heap; 
/////./, riu^;-; /.'.>'/', marsh; /////tS, mouth; rap, rope; Hecgyy\x\ 
.v/.«/", jilall"; sU\,iy stone; f<firauiy stream; tiuWy tear; ?rrtV7, wave; 
/r,./, wa\ ; /rr .//•./. warden, j^uard ; /r/;/^/, wind ; wi((f\\\o\^\ wt/miy 
worm ; '//.//A'/, nail; hro/o,i, heaven; ///-a///, raven; slp?t, sign; 
//,/.;,/•, linj^-cr; ]»/'//«'/•, thunder; ct/ning, king; mdm^, month; 

/tlaf'ord^ h»rd. 

V'km. duru, (h»or ; ////w, gift ; hifn, love ; sreamu, shame ; scSlu, 


hool ; -^oaru, compIexuB incolarum ; land-toaru, province ; burA- 
iru, civitas ; ceasler-waru, arx. 

Neut. d(/, eg^; bdc, back; ban, bone; beam, child; cifalf^ 
If; cild, child; Jat, vessel (cf. vat, Germ, faf ) ; ^eai, gate; 
i>, ^lass ; ^rds, grass; hors^ horse; lamb, lamb; leaf\ leaf; 
jhty Ught ; sweord, sword ; wearc^ work ; wif, woman (cf. wife) ; 
n-d, word ; ^el, evil ; cicen^ chicken ; maden, maiden ; tdcen, 
ken; wdsten, waste, desert. 

a. In Anglo-Saxon we have, as in Old Saxon, two forms for 
le nom. and accus. plur. neut., the termination u being pre- 
rved in words consisting of a short syllable, and rejected after 
ng syllables and in words consisting of more than one syllable. 

Old Frisian. 

1 . The following words belong to the declension in a. 

Masc. bdm, tree (Germ, baum), bur, villager (Germ, bauer) ; 
Uy deal ; enn, arm ; eth^ oath ; Jisk, fish ; hdp^ heap ; kldth, coat, 
oth ; stef, staff; tusk^ tooth, tusk ; wei^ way ; degan, man, vir ; 
nger, finger ; monath, month (Germ, monat). 

Fem. ierde, earth (Germ, erde) ; nose^ nose ; sele, soul (Germ. 
*ele) ; nne, sinew, nerve ; spreke^ speech (Germ, sprache) ; did^ 
eed ; ned, need ; ild^ time, tide ; wrald^ w^orld. 

Neut. ben, bone; berii^ child; her, hair; hus^ house; kind^ 
bild; Idf, leaf; tnuth, mouth; haved, head; rike^ kingdom 
jerm. reich). 

2. In documents of a later period the plural of the masculine 
ikes in the nominative, and especially in the accusative, a or 4, 
istead of ar, and in the dative an for um, 

3. The feminine nouns of this declension are not easily dis- 
nguished from those of the declension in i, because the nom. 
ng, and the gen. plur. only have distinctive terminations. 

4. The plural of the neuter has the two forms of the nomi- 
ative as in the Saxon dialects, one preserving the case-sign w, 
tie other rejecting it and forming the nom. plur. like the nom. 

Old Norse. 

I . The following words belong to the declension in a- 

Masc. armr^ arm ; brunnr, fountain, well (Germ, brunnen) ; 
agr, day (Germ, tag); ddmr, doom; draumr, dream (Germ. 


traum) ; /*itr, fish ; kamtr, hawk ; keimr^ world ; kcMir^ hone; 

krimgry ring; MoSr^ mind, mood; sCockr, wood; vindr, wind; 

sUiitn^, stone; praeff, slave; r^r, vir, man; «ii?r, wall (Genn. 

mauer>; Aa7s, neck (Germ, hals); «, ice; en^ill^ angel; yk^ 

bird (Germ, vogel) ; iarly earl; ^iodan, king; Aimin, heayen; 

iru/ii, raven; iamiir, hammer; aiur, field (Germ, acker); #yif, 
victory (Germ, sieg) : konnngr, rex. 

Fem. glof, gift; ^/<»S, girdle; ^r^ grave (G«rm. grab); iKS, 
hall; i(»S, earth; moHf mane; nos, nose; ros, rest; Wn, sinew; 
#ei7, rope (Germ, seil); siomm, shame; vomd, womb; fdiw, 

Neut. ial, back, tergum; bam, child; 6la9j leaf (Germ, 
blatt); /df, vessel, vat (Germ. fa0); glas, glass; gras, grass; 
krass, horse (Germ, ross) ; iamb, lamb ; mdl, time ; rwi», room, 
space; oHS, word ; mj-, knife; skip, sh\^; tal, speech, tale; kagl^ 
hail (Germ, hagel); tag!, tail (Germ, zagel) ; r>», wine; ]iak, 
roof (Germ, dach); na/n, name; vain, water; sumar, summer; 

/<fSr, fodder ; */^r, silver. 

2. The case-sign -/ of the dative sing. masc. is sometimes 
dropped in monosyllabic words with a long radical vowel, as in 
kriHg, M, &c. ; on the whole this termination seems to be inor- 
ganic, because it never causes Umlaut (except in degiy dative of 
dagr, day, which however seems to pass into the declension in u, 
as do many other words which sometimes form the whole plural 
after the latter declension). 

3. Some words adopt forms from the declension in i, others 
form their plural both in a and i, as vegr, way, plur. vegar and 

4. Most words of the feminine in a incline to the declension 
in i, after which they in later times regularly form their plural, 
as giof, gift, plur. giafar, later on giajir. These words also form 
their dative singular sometiihes in -?^, as giofu for giof; the latter 
seems to be the more recent form. 

5. The case-sign -? of the dative sing, neuter, like that of the 
masculine, does not cause Umlaut. 

' The case-sign -r of the nominative singular is assimilated to the preceding 
consonant, hence, steinn, pmell, for stein-ry &c. ; in haUf iarl, kimin, &c., it is 
dropped altogether. 



Themes in ja (ya). 


Hiemes : — harjor'^ army (Grerm. heer) ; hairdjor-^ herdsman 
(Grerm. hirte); sunjd^y truth; \iuj6, servant; kunja-, genus^ 
kin ; andbahtja, ministerium (Germ. ami). 



Gen. harji$ 
Dat. hatja 
Aociu. hari 
Voc. hari 


Nom. harj6$ 

( man) 






' suiya ) 














, kuni 





Old High Gterman. 





Nom. hirti (herdsman 
Gen- hirU^ 
Dat. kirta 
Accus. hirti 
Inrtr. hirt^ 





• * 


iippja, tippa (peace) 
iippjd, 8ipp6 
nppjd, nppS(-u) 
Hpfja, tippa 

• • 


tippjd, 9ipp6{-^) 
nppjd^-df sippdnd 
tippjd-m, sippdm 
tippjd, tippd 

• • 










unnje-4, kw 
unnje, kunt 
unnjut hum 





kunryS, kuwid 
kunnjvrm, kuni 

• • 








Nom. h ir*fi 
IcMr. Atru ■ 




kinij^ 1 1 mmil (kin) 

kinijmm \\ cunnje, 
kinij6t ;| cunni 
!. cmni^'h 












rice (regnnm) 



hi r J ft 







1 rice 




AirticM I 






' rici 

• • 


Themes: — ^erja-, army; hir^ja-, herdsman; eggja^^ edg< 
fes^Ja-y fetter, ehain ; h/nja-, kin; rlJcja-, regnum. 





Sin jr. 







Afr-r I 

h(r}it-r '. 

hl)'^i r 








hcrj (I 

h ir^i-n 

h irii-<i 

€(j(jjn-r ! egtjj-a 

/(fjj/a-r, fest-t 



herju-jn ; 

h ir^i 


(O'A-J'i) <':/.'7>-n» 

fisti fcstu 
fe»ti ' fata 



hcrja 1 

h i/5i 

h iV^rt 

^VO : egtjjar 




Sing. Plur. 















rikju-m {-urn) 










wh«at ,^Genn. waizen"! ; lakki, physician ; rUi, g^ant (GeriBi 
ries^; ; «-/«!, friend; and all words with the ending* -are, -M 
I -an , Goth. -areU. 

Fem. dlti\ old ac^e Germ, alter) ; ekundi (Germ, kunde, Do- 
titxa ; i/n. glory; iW^i' Germ. heiJJ, salus) ; kuldi^ tsLYOwr {(ksm. 
huM ; mikkifL macfnitude ;Germ. gro^) ; ndki^ proximity (Germ, 
nahi' ; AV/T, de) th .Germ, tiefe) ; 9c6hi^ beauty (Germ, sdione]; 
/'.>«/ V, baptism .Germ, taufe). 

Neut. fl/y;i, inheritance ^Germ. erl>e) ; ampakti, office (Gem. 
amt ; cknici, cross; cknitMi, kin; kinti, brain (Germ, hira); 
attt/hfti, face ;^Germ. antlitz) ; cktcini, com; entiy end ; im^azmj 
i^Germ. beer); *<'JJ', net (Germ, netz); ofi, oil; peri, beny; 
/i^ffi, bed ;Germ. bett) ; rikki, empire (Germ, reich) ; animwri^ 
answer ; sfeiiiili, calculus ; vingiri^ annul us ; keimimkiy home 
(Germ, heimat^ patria) ; arunti^ messenger ; einSti, solitude 
(Germ, einode) ; tiicdfi, dress, vestitus. 

2. The masculine and neuter in ja vocalize the^ in the nom. 
and accus. sing, into I, if it occurs at the end of a word, as UrA 
from the theme klrfj'a, ckuntii theme chnnnja ; in the other cases 
they is usually dropped. More frequently the thematicy is pre- 
served in the feminine, though weakened into e. 

Old Saxon. 

I. The following words belong to the declension in ja. 

Masc. /iin/l, custos (Germ, hirte) ; ffieti, meat; iclni, friend; 
s/effi, honiioidia ; w^/Xv, sword ; words ending in dri, eri. 

Fem. hendly bandage (Germ, binde) ; eldi, age ; heri \ army ; 
hulilly favour ; merty sea (Germ, meer) ; menniaki, humaiiitas. 

Neut. arbedi, labour (Germ, arbeit); aruudi, messenger; hi- 
Ud'i^ picture (Germ bikl); ejidi^ end; kunni^ kin; ctfnii, corn; 
iirlagl, war ; rlki, emj)ire (Germ, reich) ; giwddiy dress ; giwirkij 
work; ded, bed; ifuvid (dolus) for beddi^ inwiddi, gen. beddjer, 

%, Tlie j of the themes in ja is preserved, except in the nom. 
and accus. sing. masc. and neut., and in the nom. and accus. 
plur. neut., because these cases have no case-signs, and conse- 
quently the j is vocalized into /, as hirdly ctinni. But if in the 
case-terminations the original a is preserved, then the^ is com- 
monly weakened into e, as accus. sing, hlrdea for hirdja (compare 
the dative hirdje) : the same weakening process also occurs before 
the case-vowel d. 

^ Mon' frtM|U('iitIy of the nmsrulin;' and neuter gender. 


r be floosdend l aj f -cglu g : 

Ufe ^ iiM 

I. The following n-ords 
edennon in jft. 
Uisc. &«TV, hoidemn ; iry*^. «4ifiisna;<i : Hf. C'C : 
nd; i«re, army G«rm. hta : i>/rr. ^'icDd, ivirv, « 
(ctt, phTsician ; ^t^*, flame: «*^, sword; unr, i^*: 
Wit; •yf, vietoiy; w^.rds eDChig ia -?«. at j-tnert, i 
iuttn, hunter. 

Fa. irtrdo, breadth; ia'-:-. b«ahb : it--l-, ttr.:*::-. n 
uhitDde ; Jff'fo, o\A a^. 

Sect. immf. hoa^, cf. itn : jr^f. iiib«Tta&:« : '^. < 
(Gtnru reich); gtmttre. bocBdarr; gti'.mit. IcfjiEa^: j 
otu (Germ. g«^leite . 

1. Masculine nonns in jt weaken the ,' into t. ia tae 
■ud accQB. sin^., and lT«aj-;<r:.:>r dr:f> h ia a^ ■;;<Aer 
Sometimes the j is preserred befcri* the (aic-4amiaa£K«« ) 
mkened fonn e. The nectrr vLkeh cave nCki3rf< 
mtbe nom. and acvas. >!□». in the s«ake&Hi 
IHM. ind aceus. plnr. the tfnnibati-D ■. S^ec s>: 
^Qse moft of them have eiitii^lr ket tLe dan 
vowel of the tbematioyn. 

Of the the themes ia ja do Xmx is kft ezMfiC tlw Vr 
^n ■( in the nom. sidk, of mas';, and sei:tcr socaa. t ^, < 
{ut-beaiet;, gen io-l^rrs ; iUktAe &m£T , E*ct-. ^eo. i 
"oris derived from Larto lTC>:|QeDtlT dnip tha -*, th* w? 
"^ »0'; e. g. oJijV for a^^/r, aUAt : aJi^ Uje tiXdft, abtm; 
fi^list fTftiere, priest. Bat i for/ ToeaHaed ia j(.< iiae, 
e™- *'(«; iiri (amv,. gen. kiret. 

OU Hofw. 

i-^Thc following words belong to the deeieims ia ja- 

"^ii", herdsman ^Germ. hirtej ; *i«;r, jaaip«r; ^J.r, 
', doi ; kellir, antram (Geim. bi^le, ; Uubvtr. poT- 
"*"' "~ ' HUlif, Viog; ttjrir^ emperor; -flfc/'. 

^If, lirer; Art*, <ha:s ; 
■a, «d ae- 1 

/, Mt; i^t.dw^Qa^- 



engi, meadow ; epli, apple ; fyliky province ; hlae^i^ dress (Getm. 
kleid) \ merii, mark^ sign. 

2. Words with a short syllahle preserve the J ot ja then only 
when it is followed hy the thematic vowel or by a case-sign; 
words with a long syllable, on the contrary, drop the j before a 
termi national vowel, but they preserve it in the vocalized form i 
before the case-sign r of the nominative, and s of the genitive 
singular, and in all those cases which have lost the termination 
altogether, i. e. dat. and accus. sing., nom. sing.^ and nom. and 
accus. plur. of the neuter. 

Themes in va. 

Themes :—J?/t'a-, servant, famulus; ^it7a-, knee; sdiva^. 






















Old High German. 

Themes : — snewa-, snow ; kniwa^y knee. 



sneo (snow) 

hniu, hneo 



Jtniice-8, kneiJDe-» 



hniwe, hnewe 



kniu, kneo 



hniw-Uf hnew-^ 

Old Saxon. 

Themes : — snewa-, snow ; trewa-^ tree. 



snexiy sneo 

tr'ea, trio 








»neOt sneu 

treu, tree 






Old I^orse. 

Themes : — hiarva, sword ; ddggva-^ dew ; fiorva^, life. 





Nodi. Ki6r 
Gen, hiGr^ 
Dat. hidrvi 
Accna. hiHr 













Notes to tie Declension in va. 


Themes in va, preceded by a short syllable, vocalize the v when 
it is followed by the case-sign s of the nom. sing., and when it 
occurs at the end of the word ; hence of the theme ]>iva (famulus) 
the nom. sing, is 'pius^ the accus. and voc. piu; of the neut. 
theme kniva (knee) the nom. and accus. iniu. But when v is 
preceded by a long vowel it remains unaltered^ e. g. theme sdiva^ 
sea, nom. sdivs, accus. sdiv. 

Old High German. 

Themes in va {tea) are confined to the masculine and neuter. 
The nom. and accus. sing, always vocalize the w, while the 
oblique cases of the singular and all cases of the plural preserve 
it; e.g. sne^, snow, gen. snewes; iniu, knee, gen. kniwes. 

Old Saxon. 

The V before the thematic vowel is vocalized into u or o when 
it occurs at the end of a word; hence the masc. themes seioa^ 
sea ; Swa, law ; snewa, snow, have in the nom. and accus. sing. 
seu or zeo, eu or eo, sneu or sneo ; the neuter themes trewa, tree ; 
hrewa, corpse, in the nom. and accus. sing, and plur. treu^ treo ; 
hreu, hreo. But occasionally the w is dropped altogether, e. g. 
se, sea, dat. sing, see; or the vocalized w causes the thematic 
vowel or case-sig^ to be dropped, e. g. So, law, dat. sing, eo by 
the side of ewa. The feminine theme thiwS (ancilla) drops the 


thematie vowel altogether and vocalizes the Wy hence nom. 
accua. sing. Uiu. The nom. Hiwi which occurs in but 
instance may be explained from a theme thiujS, 

The feminine noons ta (sea), ed (river), are indecb'nable in 
the singular ; occasionally we find the genitive sa^y ed~s (OoflL 
9dicH4y ain^) ; nom. plar. sa-^^ ed-^ ; dat. plur. sd^m^ ed-m. 


The mascaline and neater themes drop the w altogether^ 
^*ff* *^> s^ dat. and accus. «/; kni^ tne, dat kni^ ine, accoa. 


In all genders r is preserved when followed by a terminatdonal 
vowel; where it has disappeared the Umlaut which it has 
caused still lemains. 

Encroaching forms of the declension in i we have in the 
masc. tii^r, colour ; /<y*r, sea, lake ; kio/r, ship ; si^r, mos^ 
which in the dat. sing, drop the i, and in the accus. plur. adopt 
• for a. Forms of the declension in a we find in kior, swoid. 
The dat* sing, of the feminine iomi is ieiidi. The forms of the 
neuter^/? (j>eciui^ are alti>gether irregular. 

Tremjss in L 

Themes : — &i/yt* ^Germ. balg>, aits/ai-, favour. 

Ma^cuxs. ' Fkmixins. 





Old High Gtorman. 
Themes : — •palki-, pellis ; anati-, favour. 



l>^om. pale 

Gen. pdlke'9 

Dat. palk-a 

AccuB. pale 

Instr. paik'U 



pdkj-d (-ed) 




ensti, anst 
enstif antt 


enttj-6 {eS) 


Old Saxon. 

Themes : — •gasti^^ guest ; ansti^, favour. 




gwta-^t -€» 
gatt-a, -e 

Accos. gati 
Instr. gast-^ 


g<ut\, geiti 
gastfs, geile-d 
gattju-n, ge$tjvrn 
gaattf getti 




anstit ensti 
ansti, ensti 


ansti, ensti 
anstj-d, ensteS 
amstju-m, ens^u-n 
ansti, ensti 

Themes i^buri-, son, bam ; JSii^, foot ; dadi, deed ; milsi-, mouse. 










Nom. byre 
Gen. fbyres 
Dat. *byre 
Accus. byre 
Instr. tbyr-i 


m m 







• • 


m • 





• a 



Old Frisian. 

Tliemes : — liodi^, song (Germ, lied) ; fdti'^ foot; nedi-, need. 






Nom. wanting. 




iliode-m ) 
t -Mill, -on) 















J nidi-fn (-«»», -mw, 
1 -on) 





Old None. 

Themes: — bragi^, carmen; belgfi-^ follis; dHi-, amor; mii^ 




Nom. hroff^ 
Gen. braga-r 
Dat. brag 
Acctts. brag 















Examples and Remarks to Themes f» L 


1. The following words belong to the declension in i. 

Masc. divs, aevimi; arms^ arm; baurs, genitus; gadrauUi, 
soldier ; ya\fs, dux ; gards, house ; gasis, stranger^ guest (Germ, 
gast) ; fduis, homo ; tnats, meat ; saggvs, song ; stads, place (cf. 
stead) ; vegs^ wave ((Jerm. woge). 

Fem. alds^ age; ansis^ &vour; dedSy deed; mails, might; 
quens, qimfis, woman^ wife ; vaihts^ thing (cf. Engl, wight, Germ, 
wicht); vatiriSy root, wort; gabaurps, birth (Germ, geburt); 
gamdinps, iKKKrjaCa, congregation (Germ, gemeinde). 

2. Words which in their simple stem end in * or r reject, like 
those of the first declension, the case-sign of the nom. sing. ; 
hence of the theme batiri the nom. is baur; of garunsai (fem.) 
the nom. is garuns. The theme vaurisai preserves its * in the 
singular and drops it in the plui*al, e. g. gen. sing, vaurisais, 
nom. plur. vatirleis, 

3. The theme navi (mortuus) vocalizes the v before the case- 
sign -5 of the nom. sing, nau-^, and in its terminational position 
in the accus. and voc. sing, nati, 

4. Feminine nouns derived from verbs, and formed with the 
derivative suffix -ein, substitute in the plural the theme -eino for 
the theme -eiuai : e. g. the theme laise'uiai, doctrine, from the 
verb laisjau, to teach, has the sing. nom. luiseins, gen. iuiseinak, 
&c. ; plur. nom. laiseinSs, gen, iaiseino, dat. -eindm, accus. -einos. 
But the dative and accusative occasionally occur also in ^einim, 
•^hdfis. In a similar manner the theme haimai^ vieus (cf. home), 
in the plural adopts forms in a^ as haimoSy huimd, &c. 


Old High German. 

1 . The following words belong to the declension in i. 

Masc. Sing, am, plur. emi, eagle (Germ, aar) ; ast, esti, ramus ; 
jAds, chad, cheese ; halm, helmi, reed^ stalk (Germ, halm) ; heit, 
ieiti, person; cast, kesti, guest; lid, lidi, limb (Germ, glied); 
pale, pelki, skin ; scilt, scilti, shield ; 9un, sunt, son ; tisk, tiski, 
table ((Jerm. tisch) ; vuo^, vuo^i, foot (Germ, fuf ) ; zand, zendi, 
tooth ; zahar, zahari, tear (Germ, zahre) ; vnhs, vuhsi, fox ; luft, 
lufti, air (Germ, luft) ; scaft, 8cefU, shaft, spear ; mnft, sunJUy 
pool (Germ, sumpf). 

Pem. ankufist, anxiety (Germ, angst); anat, favour; arapeit, 
labour (Germ, arbeit) ; arm, harvest (Germ, ernte) ; chraft, 
strength (Germ, kraft, cf. Engl, craft) ; chuo, chuoi, cow ; diu, 
diwi, serva ; eih, oak (Germ, eiche) ; hant, hand ; hilt, skin 
(Germ, haut) ; kans^ goose (Germ, gans) ; kei^y goat (Germ, geif ) ; 
^j/^> g^ft ; ^ly burden (Germ, last) ; lusty desire (Germ, lust) ; 
makad, maid ; naht, night (Germ, nacht) ; not, need ; prust, breast ; 
prilt, bride (Germ, braut). 

2. Before the termination d of the genitive plural the J which 
stands for the thematic vowel i is often weakened into e, or 
dropped altogether, as pelkj-S, or pelke-o, or pelk-6 ; enstj-d, 
ensie-o, or enst^. 

3. The feminine nouns, and partly the masculine too, of the 
Gothic declension in u have in Old High German adopted the 
declension in i, such as hu7it, vtwK, sun, &c. A trace of an 
ancient Old High German declension in u is left in the dat. 
plur. hantu-m, and in its weakened form hanio-n. 

Old Saxon. 

1. The following words belong to the declension in i. 

Masc. liudi, homines (Germ, leute) ; foty foot ; segg, vir ; scild, 
shield; gast, guest; plur. trahni, gender? lacrym© (Germ, 

Fem. bank, benki, bench ; buok, book ; burg^ arx (Germ, burg, 
cf. borough) ; brud, bride, wife ; dad, deed ; fard^ journey (Germ. 
farth) ; hartd, hand ; anst, favour ; idis, woman ; maht, might ; 
n6d, need ; jugu^, youth ; craft, power ; list, knowledge ; magad, 
maid ; werold, world ; wiht, thing ; wurt, root, wort. 

2. In the dative plural the termination -^an of the first declen- 
sion (a) has found its way into the second declension (i) as well, 

x 2 


and expelled the legitimate termination -in, the only tnoe of; 
which is left in the dat. plnr. traknin, by the side of irahfrn^ 
trahnun^ thence traAni, tear (Germ, thrane). 

3. Some feminine nouns have a genitive in -^ by the ale 
of ~i, as theme weroldi-, worlds nom. werold^ gen. weroUa ail 
iceroldi ; theme cuHi^^ choice^ nom. ciuty gen. custet and euA 
This -^s may be considered the weakened form of the ancient -H 
which in Gothic we find lengthened into -^ia, as ansidit, gen. 
of anaU. 

4. The feminine nouns of the declension in u have adq>ted 
the declension in i : a trace of the former we find, as in Old 
High German, in the dat. plur handun, handon, manibus, by the 
side of nom. accus. iandi, hendi. 


1 . The following words belong to the declension in i. 

Masc. In the singular the word byre (son) only ; in the plural 
le6de, homines; the national appellatives Bene, Danes; Engle, 
Angles; and compounds of -vare, incolse, as burh-varey cives; 
cant'Vare, cantium habitantes, inhabitants of Kent: but even 
these may have the plur. in -as (a) by the side of -^ (i), as bjfrds 
and dyre, vards and vare ;^f6t^ fet^ foot, feet; /^5, ^d^, tooth, 
teeth, iurf\ ti/rt\ turf. 

Fem. dfy honour (Germ, ehre); hen^ wound; ben, prayer; 
bend^ band ; hlhy joy ; bri'ost, breast ; br^d, bride ; d<edy deed ; 
dun^ hill (cf. downs) ; ecg, edge ; heal, hall ; hen, hen ; Idr, doc- 
trine (Germ, lehre) ; mag, maid ; mearc, mark ; 7ned, meed ; mihf, 
might; nihl^ "ight ; rod, cross, rood; sprcec, speech (Germ, 
sprache) ; street, street ; syn, sin ; tid, time (cf. tide) ; womb, 
womb; wornld, world; wund, woimd; v^i/n, joy; jrS, wave; 
bi/r^en, burden, burthen ; ellen^ strength ; gyd^n, goddess ; stefen^ 
voice ; ceaster^ arx, castra ; ides, woman ; meoloc, milk ; dngii^^ 
virtue (Germ, tugend) ; yrm^, poverty (Germ, armuth) ;—boCy bee, 
Ijook ; broc, brir, bracca ; gos^ ges, goose, geese ; c^, c^, cow, kine ; 
I us, l^s, louse, lice; mus, m^s, mouse, mice; burh, by rig, arx, 

2. As we see under No. i, the masculine nouns in i very fre- 
quently pass into the declension in a. 

3. Fot, t(PS, Sec, have in Anglo-Saxon, as in other dialects, 
migrated from the third declension (u) into the second (i). 


4. On the whole the declension in i is in Anglo-Saxon much 
mutilated^ and appears in mere fragments, either as the termi- 
nation e, the weakened form of the ancient thematic i^ or in the 
Umlaut which was caused by an ancient terminational e, and 
which continued to exist after the final vowel had been dropped. 
But in both instances the forms in a have much encroached 
upon those in i^ especially in the plural. 

Old Frisian. 

1. In Old Frisian, as in Anglo-Saxon^ we find but few rem- 
nants of the declension in i. These remnants may either be the 
thematic i weakened into e, or the Umlaut, which continued to 
exist after its cause, the final iy had been removed. To the 
former class belong but two substantives, liode (homines), and 
rumere (romipeta) ; to the second, fot (foot) and tSth (tooth), 
which, as in the other dialects, originally belonged to the third 
declension (u), Goth, fStu-^, tun^us. The forms of the first 
declension (a) have here again much encroached upon those of 
the second (1) ; but still Old Frisian is so far superior to Anglo- 
Saxon, as in the dative plural of the feminine we find occasionally 
the original vowel i instead of the ususper a or its weakened 
form u. 

2. The -d of the oblique cases is gradually admitted into the 
nominative too, so that there exists no longer a distinction be- 
tween the nom. sing, dede (for ded) and the dat. sing. dede. 

3. The feminine nouns 6di (book), iu (cow), have not, as in 
Anglo-Saxon, the Umlaut; 

Old I^orse. 

I. The following words belong to the declension in 1. 

Masc. (i) Words interpolating y in the genitive singular, and 
genitive and dative plural : — becir^ scamnum ; bel^r, foUis ; d^lr, 
turbo; drengry vir; d/ryehfy drink; hety army; hryggr^ back 
(Germ, riicken) ; Ayr, fire ; laekty rivus ; leggty crus ; reyJcTy reek, 
smoke ; neggty vir; sechvy sack ; verhty grief; hoety town ; he^ty bed. 
(2) Words which do not interpolate the^: — holty trunk; hragty 
poem, song ; huty son ; dairy dale ; geatr^ guest ; gramry hero ; 
hamTy skin; hagr, condition; hlutry thing; hugry mind; hvalvy 
whale; iJ^Sr, nation; mary horse; mutfy meat; refry fox; rettry 
right; salr^ hall (Germ, saul) ; starry place, stead; *^/r, stafi*; 
vegr^ way ; vinr^ friend. 


Fem. dsty favour, love; brauty way; ^WS, deed, ill-deed; rf/A, 
maid ; fer^^ journey (Grerm. farth) ; grund, ground ; kidlp, hdp; 
t^, business ; krd^y meat ; lei^y way ; nav^, need ; 9SI, sun ; tiS, 
time (cf. tide) ; 9ul, pillar (Germ, saule) ; undy wound ; »««, 
wave ; r<f5, dress ; au^n, desertum ; eigUy property ; hofny haven; 
dyg^, virtue (Grerm. tugend) ; aett, genus ; ambSU^ ancilla; tadt^ 
weight ; gas, goose ; tnHs^ mouse ; I4s, louse ; brin^ brow. 

2. We have just enumerated certain masculine nouns which 
interpolate the semi-vowel j throughout all cases. Though this 
letter does not come to appearance except in the genitive sin- 
gular, and the genitive and dative plural, its presence at a more 
ancient stage of the language is certified by the Umlaut which | 
runs throughout all cases in the mentioned words. On the 
other hand it is curious to observe that the masculine noons 
enumerated under No. (a), and which do not interpolate the semi- 
vowel y, never have an Umlaut caused by the final i, not even in 
the nominative and accusative plural, where t is the thematic 
vowel. In the same manner most feminine nouns reject the 
Umlaut, except gas^ mils, lus, hrin^ which have the plural ^«r, 
mjsy 1^8, hr^n, and the plur. neut. dyr, valvae, gen. dura^ Sc- 
an Umlaut which was efiected by the plural terminations nom. 
«r, accus. i, and which continued to exist after these termina- 
tions had been dropped. 

3. There are a few words which have the Umlaut though 
they reject the interpolation of^, as gestr, gfuest; brestr, defect; 
/ySr, nation, &c., where the Umlaut is of course considered 

4. The nominatives bur, mar, byr^ &c., stand for burr^ fnarr, &c. 

5. The feminine nouns brtf6r, bride ; kildr, war ; and the 
proper nouns Bo^vildr, BorgvUdr, retain the case-sign -r of the 
nominative singular, and have commonly the termination i in 
the dative and accusative singular. 



Themsb IK u 


liemes: — mjut-, son; AatuHau^, hand; faHvn^ catde (Grerm. 
vieH ; comp. Engl. fee). 



Norn. Mmif-t 

Oen. «iciMiif-« 

Dat. miiav 

Aociu. num 





kamiau-i i kamdir € 

«iMii-«« ^ kamdu '. kandm-ma 
$tmjm-€ i hamdnm koMdJMrg 







Old High Gterman. 
Themes : — sunn , eon ; Jiiu', cattle. 



Nom. jmiH (-0) 

Gen. turner 

Dai. nrnfui-u) 

Aocnt. fanif (•<>) 

Instr. sunj^ (-«) 





: W 

! fikuf-o) 


/*;» (-«f -o) 


fikjfm i-Uj -0) 


Themes :—«<««-, son ; fehu-. pecos. 









tunm (-«), sna/e 
mNJi (-4) 


• • 

fiha-a (-«> 




























^ ^ 


Thanes : — miik-, son ; Jihw-^ pecos. 


Siof. Plur. 

Nom. mmu \-«> ' wiia-r ^-a) 
Gen. i»tfiki Munra 

Dw. raii-a funii-n 

Accns. ^iiiiH tuna-r (-<i) 



Old I^one. 

Themes :— 

SOHU-, son ; magu-^ son ; 


tooth ; fiu', 





Nom. ton-r 
Gen. tona-^ 
Dat. »^/}| 
Acciu. 8on 



Sing. Plur. 

'■ mo*j-r m€g{-r 
mwja-r .; may-a 
[ m€'j-i miif/u-m 
• mOg mbgu 







, Sing. 


Notes to the Declension in U. 


I. The following words belong to the declension in u. 

Masc. airuSy messenger ; ddup?is, death ; Jtodus^ river (Grerm. 
fluf , cf. flood) ; fStuSj foot ; fiamis, sword ; //)>?/*, limb (Germ, 
glied) ; hstus^ lust ; magus ^ boy ; sakkus, sac ; skadiis, shade ; 
stuhjus^ dust (Germ, staub) ; sunus^ son ; tigus, decas ; tiai^ns. 


>oth ; vintrus, winter; vul\mSy glory ; ^aurnus, thorn ; asilus, ass ; 
^^^laulu9^ diabolns ; praufetus^ propheta ; apau4tlaulus, apostolus. 

7^. Aandus, hand; (uilus, she-ass; vaddjjiM, vale; kinnm, 
tlaxilla ; vritus, herd^ flock. 

Nbut. fodhuy pecunia (cf. Germ, vieh and Engl. fee). 

2. This declension has more fiilly than any other preserved 
the ancient case-signs, as well as the thematic vowel which pre- 
cedes them^ and which in several cases is strengthened by the 
gradation (gona) of u into iu, 

3. It occurs in later documents that the ancient use of the 
gradation is abandoned and the simple thematic vowel adopted^ 
as gen. sing, sunus, dat. and voc. sunu^ for the organic forms 
sundus and sundu. 

4. A few substantives have the derivative J before the the- 
matic vowel, but the case-signs remain unaltered ; hence stubjwiy 
gen. stubjdiis ; vaddjus^ gen. vadd/'dus. 

Old High German. 

1. The following words belong to the declension in u. 

Masc. karu, linum ; Aukuy mind ; situ, victory (Germ, sieg) ; 
ntu, mos (Germ, sitte); sunu, son; vridu, peace (Germ, friede); 
perhaps also maku, boy ; eru^ messenger ; herUy sword ; apostolu, 
apostle; mdgUy mag^s^ sapiens. 

Nbut. vihu, pecus (Germ, vieh) ; witu, wood. 

2. The declension in u is, in Old High German^ as already 
observed, nearly extinct, few words only belonging to it, and 
most of these forming the plural almost regpularly after the 
declension in i. "We find a few remnants of the declension in u 
in the dative and accusative plural. 

3. In later documents sunu appears in the nominative singular 
as 8uny and follows the declension in a ; so does likewise vuoi^ foot, 
Goth, foiua (u). 

4. The number of neuter nouns is limited to two, and these 
do not occur in all the difierent cases. 

Old Saxon. 

I. The following words belong to the declension in U. 

Masc. frv^u^ peace (Germ, friede) ; heru^ sword ; lagUy water ; 
magu, boy ; sidu, mos (Germ, sitte) ; sunu, son ; wUuy princeps ; 
ehii, horse ; eru, messenger. 


Neut. Jihv, pecus; toidu^ wood. 

2. The declension has adopted not only forms in i (diiefy in 
the plural), but also in a> especially in the neater singxilar. 


The few nouns masculine which in the nom. singp. have pie- 
served the thematic u (sometimes weakened to o) hardly occnr in 
any other cases than the nom. and accus. sing^., 9unu, son, onlj 
being an exception (see the Paradigm). The dat. sing, in a is 
found with several other masc. nouns^ namely, winter , winter; 
9U7ner, summer ; /eld, field ; Jbrd, ford, as well as with the fern, 
nouns iandy hand, and duru^ door. The masc. laudu, wood, has 
the gen. and dat. sing, wudu, but also the gen. sing, wndes, nom. 
plur. tovdds, following the declension in a. 

Old Frisian. 

We find a few renmants of this declension in the masc. sun%j 
son, imA. fretho^ peace, and the neut. Jia, pecus. Perhaps the 
dative hondu of the feminine hondy hand, may also be mentioned 
as a remnant of this declension. 

Old I^orse. 

1. The following nouns belong to the declension in u* 

Masc. dm, eagle (Germ, aar); hidrriy bear; borkfy bark; bogr^ 
armus (Germ, bug) ; JeliJr, hide (Germ, fell); fdr^r, sinus, bay, 
gulf; frvSr, peace (Germ, fricde) ; //a/^r, mos ; hidrtr, stag (Germ, 
hirsch, cf. hart) ; k'wlr, ship (cf. keel) ; //iSr, limb (Germ, glied) ; 
limr, limb ; logr, water ; mdttry might (Germ, raacht) ; ^/'Sr, 
mos (Germ, sitte); skioldr, shield; so^ir, son; rfSr, wood; vdllr, 
vale ; volr^ stick ; vondr, wand ; vorSr, warden ; J^ra^r, thread. 

Fem, ond, mind, soul; dok, book; eik^ oak (Germ, eiche); 
geil, goat (Germ. geip); Aond, hand; kind, cerva; ^/»m, maxilla ; 
viiolk, milk ; not, sagina ; ni/f, nut ; rond, margin (Germ, rand) ; 
rot, root ; steik^ caro frixa, steak (?) ; strond^ shore (Germ, strand) ; 
tong, tongs (Germ, zange); tonn, tooth (Germ. zahn). 

Neut. fe, fihu, pecus. 

2. Concerning the Umlaut, which is particularly developed 
in this declension, we have already gpiven the necessary expla- 

3. As to the influence of a final i in neutralizing the preceding 
Brechung wf, see p. 36. 


Old High airman. 

I Themes: — iattaft-, cock ; zuni/an 
heart (Germ, herz) ; manugin- 

; tongue (Gei 
, multitude. 



Nam. Aane 
Oo>. lom'n 
D.t. haniu 
A<xiu. AunxB 



SiaR. Plur. 1 
ratlin CM^rin 



Old Saxon. 
Themes : — hanan-, oock ; tttngan-, ton^e ; kerlan-, he&rt. 





Norn. AoH 
God. AoHun 
Dat. Aanun 
Accus, Aanun 









Themes : — Aanan~, cock ; iangan-, tongue ; eoffan-, eye. 




Nodi, hana 
Geo. haitan 
D.t. Annan 
Acpns. AanaH 










Old FrifiiAn. 
Themes: — Aonan-, cock ; iunsaii-.toagae; dgaii-,eye; dran~,eai. 




Norn, kma 
Osn. hona 
IML a™. 


honan-a (-uiMi) 








Plur. Ilsing. Plnr. 
agon d« a™ 
*^-a ara flnn-a 
ri^n-Utn. agtt-m <ira uru-n 
ngvH, Agne Art nra 

» . « ■ ■. 

rrrr^yic oRAyfMAR, 

OLd High German. 

^ r'lr: thematic -n is variously modifid,* 

T^e fcQiininc shows here^ as in GoAk^ 

i-y^irlniT as^ viij f'n as ifi. With respect to 

: :>:}" :.l! w a ditierent course in difirat 

« :^ ic.zi::tc^i in the nom. siiig^. and then pw- 

• - .'isc*. :: rt-rvtcJ in the nom. sing, and tbtt 

: r ..Lst*. > :hat the word appears withoat iny 

> . ^ .* • . wbioh remains unaltered throogk- 

'^ ' 12.-: : : in in i>asses sometimes into 

.IS' c :~ a. ?c that of manaffin we have tk 

•»; z, 11. '. lur. :r. w.:*./////!, and the strong fow 

;..< IT -:e i-.::rt forms of strong dedenaoo 
T A. ".t ill icvlon>ions being indeed closelj 

-.:. . : :r.t j^n. and dat. sing. masc. and 
>v V:-."-.::. Tr.v frms newiM and «(n»/iJi for 
; . . Ikiv.:.. arv esoeptious. 


. . V 

:1-::"l> :n -••/ is rarelv met, its 

:^t" :> wi-akoneil into on and r«. 

>:7 :.j i;«.v'c:>i'»u in a freiiuentlv 

.-■ ". .IS V r iiistauL-o er^a (earthy 

.:■.: ./..v iii.iixl in -in have dropped 
V >i-. v.; :.:'.v without auv iutlexioiial 
fv iiioiimos do in the plural, 

,, • >v 


I'v :. .> •.:".: v. :..> :-i:ir.;i'.!y tirminatinjj in the spirants 
. : * ■ Cv: \ ::. ::rir.::..i:: r.i! \\\\«.I. l»ut adopt the case-si^u -?/ 
.: :';.v V. v..k •': t !: i.>: r. . :!i>o aro ' ■■ ■ IvnlMor/Vt'i /'-//, Goth. 
- ;.:>: ; ■ . •l.-ul-: i-. r - ■ '- . , O. S. frt 'I-'s which have in the 
IT;".-. ' ■., **•"• '•■:. Alia!' -iT* US aro the forms of the feminine 
V. ;: s ' t.-f ti-r ••"-. O. ll.Cionii. .'r '//-«/, jj^en. dtn, nom. plur. 
.' ■ '. \v'.. and .'. l»iv . ]>hir. '-ri''. 


9» As in Old High German and Old Saxon we have feminine 
VOL in which drop the thematic coDsonant and then remain 
in all cases^ so we meet in Anglo-Saxon corresponding 
line nouns ending in -u, h), later on weakened to -^, which 
reject inflexional forms ; e. g. nienigo, multitude ; ai^elu or 
>, nobility ; yldo, old age, &c. If they form a plural at all, 
■HtuBj follow in this the strong declensiou. 

Old Frisian. 

1. The masculine and feminine nouns have lost the thematic 
<-« throughout ; but in the neuter plural we find, on the other 
hand, the very ancient form dgon, nom. plur, of dge (eye), which 
improaches very near the Goth. augSna; and in the dat. plur. 
i^enu-^niy where, as in the Gothic vattuimy &;c., the thematic con- 
sonant -It has been preserved before the case-sign -;». 

2. In this, as in the preceding dialects, there are feminine 
nouns of the weak declension which have dropped the thematic 
vowel and appear with the termination -e ; e. g. keldCy cold ; hrene^ 
smell, &c., used in the sing. only. 

3. Several documents still show in the nom. and accus. of 
the masc. and fem. the case-sign -n, which usually was dropped 
in the mentioned cases; e. g./ona, vexillimi (Germ, fahne), accus. 
"pixxr.fonan; frStoey woman (Germ. trdM),fTQwan. 

Old Norse. 

1. The weak declension has in the Old Norse tongue many 
peculiarities which will be appeciated upon a comparison of the 
paradigms we have given above. The nominative singular of 
the masculine has generally weakened the original a io i, two 
words only preserving the ancient a, namely herruy herus (Germ, 
herr), and 9ira^ lord. 

2. The thematic -» is but rarely preserved in the plural of mas- 
culine nouns, to which exception belong gumnar^ homines ; hrag^ 
nary soldiers ; gotnaty horses ; skatnary kings ; oxnar, oxen, &c. ; 
but these words also show the plural without n, as gumary 
bragafy &c. 

3. Feminine nouns terminating in -n, suppress the thematic 
n before the case-sign n of the genitive plura), as konay wife, 
gen. plur. konay instead of kon-n-^. The same process takes place 
in feminine themes ending in -jan, unless this termination is 
preceded by a guttural ; hence lilja, lily, gen. plur. lilja (the 


Old Frisian. 

Masc. boda, messenger (Genn. bote) ; frdna, judge ; grha, 
earl (Germ, graf) ; hona, cock (Grerm. hahn) ; hSra^ lord (Germ, 
faerr); knapa^ servus (cf. Germ, knabe and knappe); fKogay 
stomach (Germ, magen) ; mutha^ mouthy i. e. of a river ; »«?«, 
nepos ; iwma^ name ; omma^ spiritus ; tAuma, thumb; fpiUa^wUl; 
menuiska, homo (Germ, mensch). 

Fe^, /ovne, woman; Aerte, heart; lun^e, lungs; sunne, son; 
iwarde, skin ; lane, toe ; tun^e, tongue. 

Neut. d^e, eye ; are, ear. 

Old Karse. 

Masc. andl, animus; apt, ape; ari, eagle; arfi, heir; bani, 
murderer; bo^i, bow; dau^i, death; dropi, drop; gumi, homo; 
kaniy cock ; mdniy moon ; nefi, brother ; skati, king ; 9ki$ggi, 
shade; uxiy ox ; ]fduki, mens; vili^fnlji, will; ti^f/i, king. 

Fem. aska, ashes; bdra, wave ; egda, eagle, fem. ; dufa, dove; 
gdnga, iter; harpay lyra; pipa^ pipe; ^aga, tale; «/a>la, verse; 
iala^ speech (cf. tale) ; tungay tongue ; vikay week ; bylgja, billow; 
dryckjay drink ; gg^ja, goddess ; kirkjay church ; manneskja, homo 
(Germ, mensch). 

Neut. auga, eye (Germ, auge); egra, ear; Aiar^, heart; Innga, 


Theme : primitive -tara, -tar. 


The primitive suffix -far, -lara, was employed to form nouns ex- 
pressive of family connections. On the whole thse nouns are the 
same in all the cog-nate lang-uages with regard to the suffix as 
well as the respective root of which they are formed. (Concern- 
ing the origin and derivation of these words, see the chapter on 
Roots and Themes under the respective suffixes.) To these 
themes in -r belong in Gothic the words Jadar, father ; bro]>ar, 
brother; dauhtary dau^fliter; svistar, sister. Where a case-sign 
is added to these words they drop the vowel of the suffix -tar 
(|?ar or dar), so that br6}fary for example, has in the sing. nom. 
accus. and voc. brd'par, and in the gen. brd^r-s, dat. brSpr; plur. 


nom. and voc. brdbr-ju-s^ gen. brdbrS^ dat. if^r-«-»i, accus. 
broyr-u-ms. The plond evidently follows the strong declension 

Old High GtonnaxL 

The masc. nouns, in -r either have in the singular no inflexions 
at all^ or they take those of the strong declension in a ; hut 
their accus. is formed in ^an, h&fatar {pater), Jalar-an (patrem), 
pruodar. (frater), pruodar^n (fratrem). The fem. nouus muotar 
(mother), swester (sister), tohtar (daughter), have in the sing, no 
inflexions, and muotar and swestar remain unchanged in the 
nom. and accus. plur. as well, but the latter by the side of the 
uninflected form 9wesiery also shows awesterd in the nom. and 
accus. plur. The plural of tohtar is declined both strong and 
weak, as nom. tohterd or toAterdn, gen. tohterS or tohterSno, dat. 
iohterum or tohterSm^ accus. tohterd or tohteriln. 

Old Saxon. 

The words fadar (father), hrS^ar (brother), mSdar (mother), 
dohtar (daughter), 8U€8tar (sister), are undeclined in the singular, 
and in the nom. and accus. plur. There occurs of brS^ar the 
dat. plur. bro^run ; of other cases we have no examples ; the 
genitive might hejfiidard oxfadro, &c. 


fader (father) is in the singular uninflected ; the genitive fa- 
deres is of rare occurrence. In the plural it has adopted the 
terminations of the strong declension in a* hence nom. accus. 
fdderds, gen.fdderd, Aat, fdderum. The word brS^or (brother) 
has in the dat. sing, the Umlaut; and in the nom. plur. the 
theme is, as in Gothic, enlarged into bro^ru. It is in the sing., 
nom., gen., accus. brd^or, dat. br^er; plur. nom. and accus. 
brd^ru or brS^or, gen. brSdrd, dat. broirum. In the same manner 
are declined mSdor (mother), dohtar (daughter), sveoster (sister). 

Old Frisian. 

The masculine themes in -r, /eder (father), brother (brother), 
are either undeclined in the singular, or they take -« in the 
gen. and -e in the dat. as /eder-s, brSther-^ ; fedei-e, brSther-e ; 
the plural has the nom. federal gen. federal, A&i.federu-m, accus. 
federa ; nom. brStheraj «c. The feminine nouns mSder (mother), 

Y % 


noetter (sister)^ and doeiter (daughter)^ are dedined in the 
manner, but in the gen. sing, they may also take tiie tenniBt- 
tion -€ ; hence the gen. sing, of mSder for instance may be mSier^ 
or mSderSy or modere. 

Old Korse. 

/aiir (fiither), brdiir (brother), m^ir (mother), d^Mr{damgbia), 
tjfsiir (sister), take in all cases of the sing, ur ; hence gen.y2rS«r, 
braSur, &e. (exceptionally ySfSr.) In the plural the nom. and 
accus. areyJrSr, i/wSr, gen. /e^ra, broeira, daLJ^^Srum, broef&nm. 
The J in the termination ir of the nom. sing, does not caine 
Umlaut, because it stands inorganic for a more ancient sr; 
while, on the other hand, the Umlaut of the plural is caused by 
the I of the termination ir which has been dropped, so that^iri^ 
stands (or /e}Sir{=z/aHr\ and the gen. may have been^irSmr, 
dat./e^iVwM, wherefore we see the Umlaut e of a, caused byi, 
preserved in the gen. and dat. plur. instead of the formsyoSm, 
/o'^rHm, which we should expect in accordance with the vowels a 
and u of the terminations. 

Themes in -nd. 


The themes in -nd comprise present participles declined as 
substantives. In the gen. sing, and dat. plur. they adopt the 
forms of the strong declension in a. The word nasjamU (saviour), 
for example, has in the singular, gen. nasjandi-^^ dat. accus. voc 
nasjand; in the plural, nom. accus. voc. nasjand^, gen» nasjandrS^ 
dat. nas/anda-ffi. In the same manner goes tnen^ (month), but 
dat. plur. meno}fU'm. 

Old High German. 

The themes in -«^, as friunt (friend), may follow the strong 
declension in a by the side of the following forms which are 
more common : sing. nom. dat. accus. friunt^ gen. friunte-^ ; 
plur. nom. accus. friunt^ gen. friuntS^ dat. fnuntur-m. In the 
same manner mdnSd, month. 

Old Saxon. 

The participial themes in -«rf, as friund (friend), may in the 
oblique cases adopt the forms of the strong declension in a- The 


eomiDLon decleneion is smg. nom. ^iccxib. friund^ gen, /riunde^^ 
dat. friunde ; plor. nom. accos. /rinnd^ gen. Jriund-d, dat. /ri- 
imdm-n. In Old Saxon however this declension is limited to 
oertain words, v^friund, friend ; fiSndy enemy (of. fiend) ; lerjand^ 
teacher ; heljand^ saviour, and a few others. 


Among participial themes in -«rf, freSnd (friend) and fednd 
(enemy^ fiend)^ have adopted the strong declension in a> hence 
'^ja.fre6nda9,fednd(u; but hy the side of these we also find the 
f\nra^/rednd,Ji6nd, or, with Umlaut, >^»rf,^«rf. Other themes 
of this kind either have the nom. plor. like the nom. sing., or 
tliey form the nom. plur. after the strong declension in a* 


Participial themes in -nd: friund^ friend; nom. accus. sing. 

friund^ gen. /riunde^^ da,t,/nund ov friunde; plur. nom. accus. 

Jriundy gen. Jriund-a or /riundorn-e, dat. friund-um. In the 
same manner is declined /iand, enemy ; also the masc. mdnath^ 
month, which later on however has the strong plural mSnathor-r 
as well; wigand (miles, filius) and werand (autor) are doubtfiil. 


The participial themes in 'fid have in the singular adopted the 
weak declension ; the plural in -r has the Umlaut, so that tha 
plural sign -r appears to have its origin in the suffix -ir. Ex- 
amples: — frandt, friend, gen. dat. v^xicws. franda ; plur. nom. 
accus. frandHTy gen. frand-a^ dat. frctnau'm. In the same 
manner are declin^^»J»', enemy ; hondiy ruricola, plur. hoendnr. 



Theme hairg^ borough, nom. gen. baurg^ ; dat. accus. voc. 
haurg ; plur. nom. accus. voc. baurg-s^ gen. baurg^^ dat. baurgi-m. 
In the same manner are declined naits, night, with the dat. plur. 
nahta^m; miluks, milk; vaiAU, thing; bruits, breast; dulps, 
feast : dutp and va^Ai also follow the strong declension in i from 
the themes dul^aiy vaiAiai. 


Old High Qermaii. 

In this dialect the mentioned themes have adopted the strong 
declension in i^ such as jon^^^ breast (dat. plor. has bXso pruitum)] 
pure, borough ; miluk, milk ; naAl, night. The last-mentioDed 
has^ however, preserved some traces of the ancient declension : 
sing. nom. accus. naAt, gen. naAle-s, dat. nahte ; plur. nom. accos. 
naht, gen. naht-Oy dat. naktu^m, naAio-n. 

Old Saxon. 

Most of the themes have passed into the strong declension in 
i ; nakl, nighty has preserved more of the ancient forms : sing, 
nom. dat. accus. naAt (dat. once nahta\ gen. noAie^ ; plur. nom. 
accus. nakl^ gen. naht-S, dat. nahtu^n ; burg, borough, which 
follows the declension in i has the exceptional gen. burgee, and 
rarely the dat. burg for burgi ; maga^^ maid^ dat. accus. sing, and 
accus. plur. maga^, 


Some traces of the ancient declension of these themes we find 
in the words nikt^ night ; mht, vuht, thing ; plur. nom. nikt^ viki^ 
vuht ; burhy castle, borough, which follows the declension in i, 
has the gen. sing, bj/rg^ b^rig, by the side of burge. 

Old Frisian. 

nahty night: sing. nom. accus. naht^ dat. naht and nak(^, gen. 
naJite-8 ; plur. nom. and accus. naht and nahta, gen. ^uaAt-a, dat. 
7iahtu-m. burcA, castle, dat. sing. burcA, nom. plur. burga. 

Old Norse. 

ndtt for nahty night: nom. dat. ace. ndtt, gen. ndttu^ ; plur. 
nom. accus. naetHr, gen. ndtta, dat. ndttum, nott, for ndU^ has the 
gen. noet-r, dat. accus. iwtt ; plur. noet-r^ gen. mil-Hi, dat. nottum. 




1. The consonantal theme^ man (homo) is in some forms en- 
larged into mannan-, and then follows the weak declension; 
hence sing. nom. manna, gen. man-^, dat. mann, accus. mannan, 
voc. manna; plur. nom. man-^, mannan-s, gen. mann^e, dat. 
manna-m, accus. man^Sy mannans, voc. mans, 7nannans, 

2. fadrein (status parentis) is, strictly speaking, a neuter 
noun, but in the nom. and accus. plur. it is used as a masculine, 
\ai fadrein, ^^ans fadrein (parentes), otherwise regular. When 
used as a feminine theme in i, as gen. eing.Jadreinais, it means 
* family.' 

3. /ffn (fire) an indeclinable neuter, substitutes in the gen, 
and dat. sing, the masculine theme Junan-, without the plural. 

Old High GermBJU 

man, homo, forms its cases in the singular in a twofold man- 
ner, namely, either man throughout, or nom. man, gen. mannis, 
dat. manne, accus. mannan; plur. nom. man^ gen. mannS^ dat. 
mannum, accus. man. 

Old Saxon. 

I. man, in a similar manner as in Old High Grerman, has the 
singular indeclinable, or nom. man, gen. mannas, ss, dat. manna, 
'€, accus. man ; plur, nom. man, gen. mannS, dat. mAnnvrn, accus. 

a. The feminine strong theme 1iellj6, infemus, nom. hellja, 
is sometimes supplanted by a masc. theme hella, nom. hell or hel, 
thiodS (gens) is often superseded by the fem. theme thiodi, nom. 


1. man, gen. mannea, dat. men, accus. man; plur. nom. men, 
gen. manna, dat. mannum, accus. m£n, 

2. The feminines sa (sea), a (law), ed (river), are in the singu- 
lar indeclinable ; but occasionally there occur the genitives sies, 
Goth, saivis; eds, Goth. ahvSs; the nom. plur. also is sas, 
eds ; dat. plur. sa-m, ed^m, 

3. drfi, magus, has the nom. plur, drfide, but the gen. dr^-r-d. 



man (vir)^ gen. monneSy dat. mon^ moHne, accns. man; plar. 
nom. man, gen. nwnna^ dat. monnum, accus. mon. 

Old Korse. 

1. fwaiS-r (homo), gen. mann-^, dat. mann-i, accus. mann; plar. 
nom. menu (also m^-r), gen. mann-a, dat. i996'itii»-i», accns. m^ 
Both forms ma^r and mann, according to Old Norse phonetic 
laws, spring from a more ancient mau^r (see p. io8). 

2. Corresponding to the Goth, itdivs, A. S. sa, sea, lake, the 
Old Norse has in the singular a variety of forms, as nom. Mt-f^ 
gen. savar^ dat. sa, accus. sa; or nor^ itas^ Ho, no; or iiar^ 
sioar (siofar, siavar), sia^ 9ia ; plur. savar, sava, sam (9um\ 
sava. In the same manner, corresponding to the Gt>th. midit^i 
snow, the O. N. mar, snior^ miar, 

3. fingr^fingur (finger), gQn.fingr-s, follows the declension in 
a, but in the nom. accus. plur. it hosjingr (or Jingrar,Jingra; in 
the same manner vetr, vetur (declension in u), has in the nom. 
accus. plur. vetr for veirir^ vetru. 

4. fotr (foot), follows the declension in u; gen.fotar {or /ots, 
a), dat, foeti {or foli, a) ; nom. j)\ur,/oetr for Jaetir. 

5. Monosyllabic words ending in a vowel, which in other 
dialects follow the declensions in a or u, never have a thematic 
vowel in Old Norse; hence they are declined, e.g., masc. wa-f 
(corpse), gen. nd-s, dat. ndy accus. nd ; plur. nd-r, gen. wd-e/, dat. 
?id'?n, accus. nd. Fern, ^^^(vaticinium) , gen. spd-r, dat. spa, accus. 
spa ; plur. nom. spd-r^ gen. spd^, dat. spd-^n, accus. spd-r. To 
this declension belong masc. ^-r (arcus), sko-r (shoe), io-r (horse) ; 
fern, d (river), brd (brow), mei/ (maid), ey (island), |?f (serva), 
havey before the thematic vowel by which the latter is preserved ; 
hence the gen. mej/jar, ei/jar, &c., plur. nom. the same; plur. 
dat. mei/jvrn^ eyjum ; neut. (which decline like masc. except nom. 
plur.) hil (nis, country), dat. sing, bui^ dat. plur. huum ; kne 
(knee), tre (tree), dat. plur. knia-tn, tria-m ; ve (temple), gen. plur. 
re-a, dat. veu-m. Forms in analogy to the declension in u we 
have in td (toe), gen. td-r, plur. nom. Ut-r, gen. ^a-a. Words 
with u have the vowel a before the case-sign ; e. g. hni (bridge), 
gen. briiar. The secondary form k^-r for kd (cow) has the case- 
sign -r of the nom. sing, preserved; compare a^ (sheep), ma^ 
(maid) . 



^^ Gothic proper names no examples occur in Ulfilas ; foreigii 
~^e uses either ondecliDed, or with their Greek inflexionSj or 
1^;^ ^ulapted to one of the Gothic declensions. A few proper 
^^^^6, as Aileitaiaip, Magdaleni, S^laiaim, are indeclinable. 
:^^ «iave Greek inflexions in the nom. Amias, accus. Teitaum, gen. 
^ **Jo*, noia. plur. Israelitai. More frequently we find them 
^^^^^v the (jh>thic declensions, so that all Greek proper namea 
i^^Xng in a consonant (except those in ot and aa) are declined 
^,^=* the Gothic in a, as Adam, gen. Adamis, dat. Adama. After 
t«^^ Gothic in 1 go the names of nations, of which we have 
^^■■^fly the plural nom. in cw, as RumSneii, MakidSneU. After 
^!|^^t in u the proper names ending in -iua, -tu, -aiut, the last 
^^^^ having in the nom. gen. plur. always -tit, -f, the first men- 
.^*^tied remaining unaltered in the nom. plur. All the masculine 
^^tnes in -a, -6, -6n, and -at, and the feminines in -a, follow the 
^Mk declension, as Marja, gen. Marjint ; laireikS, laireikSns j 
"diaritn, AiarSnt, 

Old High Oennsn. 

Proper names, whether native or foreign, follow the strong 
declension in ai commonly fonning the accus. sing, in -an, as 
Hlmdmg, accus. Hludwi^an and Hludwig ; Swap, Suevus, accus. 
Swapan, plur. Swapd, Svap/S, SKapvm. The strong declension in 
i we find in Hihi, plur. H4ni; but no examples of the declension 
in n. After tiie weak declension go the names Br^no, Kero ; 
Pramlco, SaAto, Saxon. Feminine proper names follow the strong 
declension in a, as SHiifUna, RSma, or the declension in i (espe- 
cially those ending in -lind, ~rdl, -gund, -triti), or the weak 
declension, as Marjd, gen. Marjin. The strong neutral declen- 
■ion is used in some names of cities, as in Betlehem, &x6n, gen. 

Old fiazon. 

Masculine names follow the strong declension in a. In this 
dialect there appears, as in Old High German, the ancient accn- 
sative termination -an, as Lazarm, accns. Lazanaan. and Lasarut. 
The feminine names Suma, Setiania, GaliUa, follow the strong 
declension in a, Maria the weak declension. The masc. J»deo 


is weik. Some mascoliDe noons dedme strong or weak accord- 
ing to difTerent stages of the language and different docaments. 
Some are indeclinable. 

All masculine names which decline strong follow the declen- 
sion in a ; 90 do the words Swa/^ Finn, pyring^ plur. Swaf<u, &c. 
Feminine names in a occur very rarely. After the declension in 
i go the words D^e, EmgU, and those ending in -vare (as already 
mentioned^ ; to these may be added GrSce (Greek), Surpe (Sorbi), 
and a few others. Many names^ especially feminine, follow the 
weak declension, as Marie, gen. Marian y Eve, gen. Evan; the 
names of nations, &ujrair, Saxons; Frifam, Frisians, &c. : /«- 
d/a's, Jews, is strong. Foreign proper nonns often appear with 
their respective foreign declensions. 

Old Frisian. 

The native names follow the strong declension ; foreign ones 
may have the strong Frisian, or their own foreign declension, as 
Peder, Pedere4, or Pefnt4, Petri; or some are indeclinable, as 
Leo, the pope. Of names of nations some decline strong, others 
weak : Bio^fring^ plur. Rimtringa, is strong ; Frem, Frisian, Saxa, 
Saxon, &o., are weak. Names of towns, such as Bremey Col-ene, 
Bume, which are feminine, may decline strong in a, or weak. 
Marie is, as in the other dialects, weak ; Eca is indeclinable. 

Old Norse. 

Some of the masculine proper nouns follow the strong, others 
the weak declension ; the former commonly have the thematic -a^ 
as Gunnary gen. Gunnars^ dat. Gunnari ; Askr^ Alfr, &c. Such 
as Gripir, Brunir, &c., follow the declension of Air^ir, that is, 
the themes in -Ja, The declension in u is frequently followed 
by proper names, esi>ecially those ending in -mundr, -undr, 
hiortr, -btortiy ^vindr, -vi^r; as Saemundry Vdiundry Arn-bidrriy &c. 
Some decline weak, as Bragi, Loki. Feminine nouns which 
decline strong may be attributed either to the declension in a or 
i, because both are identical in the singular. The words Edda, 
Nannay &c., are weak. Names of nations, such as Alfry Finnry 
Svafr, and those in -ungry follow the declension in a ; Banry plur. 
Baniry Grikr, plur. Grikir, the declension in i ; Saxiy Goti, Judi^ 
decline weak. As has in the sing. gen. As-Sy plur. Aesir, gen. 
Asa, dat. Asum, accus. Asuy thus showing forms in a &nd u 


mixed. Names of towns (which are no compounds of borg or 
stair) ending in a consonant^ follow the declension in a or i, as 
ParU, gen. Parisar ; those ending in the vowel -a have the 
weak declension, as Troja^ gen* Troju. 


Adjectives in the Teutonic languages show a greater flexibility 
than those of the cognate tongues^ such as Greek and Latin; 
for not only do they display special inflexional forms for the 
three difierent genders, but they follow moreover two distinct 
declensions, commonly known as the strong and weak declension. 
The former is produced by a demonstrative pronoun which is 
sufl^ed to the adjective root, and which by its various inflexional, 
forms yields the case-signs to the declension of the adjective; 
the latter assumes the case-signs of the weak declension of the 
noun, and consequently stands on a parallel with the adjective 
declensions in the cognate languages. The former might be 
more properly called the pronominal, the latter the nominal, 
declension of adjectives. In the strong, or pronominal, declen- 
sion the adjective adopts a form which is analogous to a sufiixed 
article ; this declension therefore is chiefly used where the adjec- 
tive is not preceded by the article or a pronoun supplying it. 


The thematic vowels a, i, u, which yielded us three strong 
declensions of the noun, are not all adopted by the adjectives ; 
themes in a are most frequent, themes in ja still appear dis- 
tinctly in the Gothic, but in the other Teutonic dialects merely 
in a few remnants ; themes in u we find in Gothic only, while 
such in i do not appear in any of the Teutonic languages. 

The terminations or case-signs of the strong declension are, 
as we have already stated, derived from the different inflexional 
forms of a demonstrative pronoun. This pronoun occurs in 
Sanskrit as a relative under the forms ^as, yd^ yad, whUe in the 
Germanic tongues, where it assumed a demonstrative force, its 
most ancient forms will appear from the following table. 








• • 















These pronominal forms however, when soffixad to the 
tiTe, do not always appear in their foil integrity, bat are in 
different dialects more or less modified. The following 
may soffice to convey an idea of these modificationa. 

Teems in IL 



Nom. kardu^ (hard) 
G«n. kard'jU 
Dat. kard-jamma 






hardu, kard-jaia 





&C. I See 




All the remaining eases are formed r^folarly by the suffixed 
pronoun as it appears in the paradigm above. 

Themes in a. 



Nom. hlind'9 

Gon. hlind-U 

Dat. hlind-amma 

Amis. Uitul-ana 







blind -aizi 








Nom. plini'^r 

Gon. ptint-fs 

Dat. plint-cmn 

Actus. pHnt-an 

liistr. plint'U 


plint-ju^ tt 









plint-4, -a 




plirU-jih "• 


pUrU-ju, •» 







Uimf-o. -« 1 lli»d-i. t hlim*^ • bli>4> 
lliMd-m,-t bUmt^^-t ^iUm*^-m. VSMd. 

iliMa^rt,-n Uia-i^-i 


Remarks on the above Paradigms. 


1. Adjectives preserve the thematic vowel u in the nom. ang*. 
of the three genders ; in the oblique cases however thej drop 
this thematic vowel and suffix the pronoun jie in its full intc^ 
rity, as hardu-^y hard-jis, &c. 

2. Themes ending in a drop the thematic vowel as well as Uie 
j of the suffix y/* throughout all cases, as blind-s, blinds, &c. 

3. Adjectives with the theme in Ja display four different modeB 
of^the nom. sing, masc; namely, (i) If the thematic > is pre- 
ceded by a vowel or a short syllable ending in a single consonanti 
the nom. has the termination jis=ja^, the a being weakened to 
i, e.g. sak'ji-Sy rixosus; tnid-Ji-^, mediuB; fullato-ji'^, perfect; 
niu-ji'S, new. Where the thematic termination /a is preceded 
by a long syllable ending in a consonant, three different modes 
of formation occur, namely, (a) ja is contracted into «, e.g. 
viiy^i-Sy vei-us ; a/)?-ef-*, old ; or (3) ja is contracted into », 
e. g. 8tlt-i'^ {<Slv^kto%), airkn-i-^ (So-ios) ; or (4) ja is dropped alto- 
gether, e. g. biaip'S, mitis ; A rains, clean, pure (Germ. rein). 
But under all circumstances the^ of ^a re-appears in the oblique 
cases, except with the adjectives in eis which preserve this con- 
tracted form in the gen. sing. masc. and fem., as the following 
examples will suffice to show : (i) sakjis, gen. sakjis, dat. sa It- 
jam ma, &e. ; (i) vl/'peis, gen. viDpeis, dat. vilbjamma, &c. ; (3) 
si/fis, gen. sflfjisy dat. mtjamma, &c. ; (4) hrains, gen. hrainjUy 
dat. hraivjamma, &c. 

4. Themes in ja which suppress this thematic termination in 
the nom. sing, masc, form sometimes the feminine in the same 
manner, as masc. fem. hruh-Sy useful; ^iw-*, clear; 8el-9y benign; 
the neuter is probably without any termination, as bruk^ skeir, 

5. Adjectives, the stem of which ends in *, do not adopt the 
case-sign -s in the nom. sing. ; as n^es, proprius, gen. svesis : in 
the same manner the nom. a^i^ar, other : but all other adjectives 
ending in r take the termination -^ in the nom., as *r/r-j, hono- 
ratus; gaur s, moestus. 


Old High German. 

I. In Old High Oerman^ as well as in all other dialects which 
e shall yet mention^ every s which occurs hetween two vowels, 
id wldch in this position in Gothic already had been converted 
ito z, is changed into r. This change occurs in Old High 
rerman in the nom. sing. masc. too, hence plini-er, Goth. 

a. Old High German, as well as the other dialects, drops the J 
f the pronominal sufiSx throughout, with the exception of the 
)ld High German nom. sing. fern, ending in ju ; but in other 
espects the pronominal suffix is sometimes more intact than 
ven in Gothic. Thus the nom. sing. mase. pUnt-er may, accord- 
Tkg to Bopp, be a contraction ot plinta-ir, ir the suffix answering 
» Gothic is =jis. 

3. The case-termination is often dropped, so that plinl stands 
!br the nom. sing. masc. plini-er, fem. plint^u, neut. plinl^a^, 

4. For the termination Ju we find in the nom. sing. fem. u 
>nly ; and the gen. and dat. fem. may take erd~ for -/m, -eru, 
nespectively ; the dat. sing. masc. -emo for -emu. 

5. The plural has sometimes in the nom. accus. d for e, and, 
in later documents, eti for em in the dative. 

6. The J of the thematic ja is either dropped or assimilated to 
the preceding consonant, as in mitt-er for mitj-er. But where 
the stem is uninflected, the j remains, hardened in i, as miti, 
Diedius ; kleini^ subtilis ; Areini, pure ; wildi, wild. The adjec- 
tive Jri preserves the thematic y, as frigSry friju, frij^sif or cotL" 
\x2iQii^ frier, friuyfriaz. 

7. Tbe spirant w, at the end of the stem, is in the uninflected 
nom. vocalized into 0, as nom. plawer, lividus, uninflected jt?/a(?. 

Old Saxon. 

1 . The ftill inflexional vowels are frequently weakened ; thus 
the genitive terminations -as, -aro, are replaced by -es, -era, or 
-eru ; the dative -umu, -aro, by -emu, -nm, -on, and -eru, -uru. 
But the accusative suffix is sometimes preserved in its complete- 
ness, especially in compound or polysyllabic adjectives, as lang- 
mm, slow; unsundig, unhealthy; accus. langsam-ana, unsundig- 
ina ; or, dropping the first a, it is shortened into -na, as mdhtig, 
mighty, ace. mdhtig-na. This -na is, later on, weakened into -ne. 

2. The nom. plur. neut. has more frequently the weakened -u 


instead of the original -a; and the dat. plnr. -mi is often nok-' 
ened into -(mi. 

3. Themes in -ja vocalize the j into % in the uninflectedfU 
preserve the j in the inflected cases or weaken it into e, cigi 
middi, medius, g^n. masc. middj-es, or middents, fem. miiJ^ ■% 
&c. But occasionally it occurs that the j is dropped altogcth^ 
e. g. demif occultus, g^n. plur. dem^-erS. 

4. A stem ending in w commonly vocalizes this w in the imi^ 
fleeted nominativCj as glau, prudent^ gen. glaw^eM. 


1. The termination -s of the nom. sing. fern, is preserved dim 
monosyllabic adjectives with a short vowelj as ivaiuj polysyl- 
labic words weaken it into -«, and adjectives with a loiog rraal 
vowel drop it altogether. 

2. Monosyllabic adjectives with the short radical a weaken 
this vowel into a, unless it is sustained by a terminational vowei, 
e. g. nom. sing. masc. Avdi, acer, fem. kvai-u ; nom. plor. ins^ 
gen. krdt^a. Other adjectives of this kind are, kdr, naked; 
blde^ black ; hrai^j quick ; Idt, late ; ipdr, sparej &c. 

3. A double consonant ending a stem is shortened into a ain^ 
one before terminations b^inning with a consonant, as ^tnr, 
gen. masc. grimm-esy gen. fem. grim-re. 

4. Themes in ja show a remnant of the thematic j in the tei^ 
minational e of the uninflected nominative and in the Umlaut of 
the radical vowel, as hlPSe, blithe ; grene, green (O. H. Germ. 
gruoni) ; but the inflected cases drop this e throughout^ hence 
bli^rCy gren-re, &c. 

Old Frisian. 

The tenninational vowels are generally weakened^ and the 
dative of the masc. and neut. sing, and plur. has dropped the 
final m, so that this form is identical with the nom. and accus. 
plur. of the three genders. 

Themes in ja have only in the nom. sing, preserved a trace of 
the ancient y in the termination e, as diare, dear; grene, green; 
rike, rich, &c. 


, Old Norse. 

j - 

. ¥ieciiliar is the dat. sing. neut. in -f^^ which bears no analogy 

the casensign -um^ derived from the pronominal suffix '■amtna, 

the other dialects ; and the nom. plur. masc. in -ir, from -is. 

appears that in the first-mentioned ease the instrumental case- 
_ -» has expelled the termination of the dative and usurped 
^' Ha place; in the latter the nominative case-sign of the substan- 
tire seems to have found admission into the declension of the 

Concerning the assimilation, or omission of the r in the nom. 
aiDg. as well as in the case-suffixes -rar, -ri, -ra, the same rules 
hold good which are observed in the declension of the substan- 
tive. The -r therefore is dropped if the stem terminates in r, rr, 
0, or Hy which is preceded by a consonant, e. g. snar, quick^ gen. 
fern, rniar-ar ; vis, wise, vt&^r ; iqfn, even, iqfn-ar. It is assi- 
milated to I and n final of long or polysyllabic stems, as sael-lj 
happy, for sael-r, gen. fem. sael-lar for sael-rar; brin^n, brown, 
for Mn-r, gen. fem. hrUn-nar for brUn-rar. But the r remains 
unassimilated after II and nn ending the stem, e.g. all-r, all, 
gen. all^ar, &c. ,* and after single I and n which are preceded by 
a short vowel, as Aol^, hollow, gen. fem. hoUrar. 

The suffix "t of the nom. sing. neut. assimilates a preceding "S 
which follows upon a vowel; if this vowel is long it becomes 
short under the mentioned circumstance ; hence neut. glat-t from 
masc. gla^-r, goUt from g6^S-r, good. If a stem terminates in 
nd, r8, sty the dental is dropped before the neuter suffix, as blin-t 
for blittd-6, from masc. blind-r; har^t for har^-t^ from har^-r, 
hard. The gemination of /, w, «, r, *, ^, is reduced to the single 
consonant, e. g. snial-t for sniall-t, A preceding r is dropped in 
annate from annar, other. 

Adjectives which, in consequence of having dropped a final 
spirant, end in a long vowel, double the case-sign of the neuter ; 
e. g. bld-r, blew, O. H. Germ, pldo, pldia-er, has in the neuter 
bld~U; n^-r, new, Goth, niujis, has the neuter n^-U; so that ap- 
parently the spirant has been assimilated to the neuter suffix -^. 
For the same reason the initial consonants of the suffixes -rar^f 
'ri, -ra, may be doubled; e.g. Mrrar^ n^rrar, by the side of 
hdrar, n^rar. 

Derivative adjectives in -i» have in the neut. i-^ for in^-t, and 
in the masc. accus. in-^ for in~an ; e. g. steinin^n, lapideus, has 
the neut. sieinut^ accus. masc. steinin-n, 

litil'l (little) and miHi-l (great) have the neut. lUi-t, miki-t 
for Util-t, miiil't; accus. sing. masc. lititM^i mikin'ti: lUiM 



moreover shortens the radical Towel^ if, before an inflexioul 
vowel, elision of the vowel in the derivative syllable takes place; 
e. ^. dat. sing. /Ul-nm, fitl-n, plur. lill^ir ; but gen. sin^. 

The vowel /. where it occurs in the pronominal suiBx, does dq4 
caiLse Umlaut ; but u does, even in the nom. sing. fern, and it 
the nom. and aecus. plur. neut., where it has been dropped ; henee 
the iV>rm long in the mentioned cases. The process which oocon 
in adjectives ending in al and ar is remarkable. In the casei 
just mentioned, where the case-sign h is dropped, they supplant 
the a of those syllables bv the vowel a. which then causes Um- 
laut of the preceding vowel ; e. g. gamal-ly old, fem. gomul for 
^«i««i/,-j('' ; yj'.wr, fair, iem. fognr iox fagar{-u). Elision of the 
vowel in the derivative syllables al and ar always takes place 
when the case-sign begins with a vowel, as gamUan for gamal-dn. 

The adjective annar, other, Goth, auj^ar, forms some cases with 
the stem jjia, others with the stem a'S, both standing for the 
more ancient <imS. 

The decleusion runs thus : — 



















an nan 





(i^;-:; .1 

o n uarri 

o^ru ' 

! 6^rum 






annat | 




Themes in Jtt have generally drop|K^d the J, except in the ad- 
jectives mi^r (niedius), wy-r (new), r/'X--r (rich), where it is often 
preserved before the oase-sisrn beginning with the vowel a or ?/, 
as ml<fj-t(/tt, nf(j-iiUy rlkj-u ; but where it is dropped it has caused 
the Umlaut of the preceding vowels, as groenn, green, O. H. 
Germ, grotii, A. S. grcne ; djr, dear. 

The spirant r at the end of a stem, though dropped, has often 
caused the Umlaut of the preceding a into o, as clokk-r, dark, 
black ; gorr, done (comp. Germ. gar). It frequently reappears 
before case-signs beginning with a vowel, as dokkv-atn, dokkv^f?, 
&c. ; sometimes hardened into f, as //d-r, celsus (Germ, hehr), 
accus. /utoan and haf-an ; but disappears generally in later 
documents, hence hd-'ir for hdv-ir ; hd-nm, hd-m for hdt-ron. 














Nom. hlinda 
Gen. hlindinM 
Dai. hlindtn 
Acms. hlindan 



hlindan i 



Old High Gtermaii. 









Nom. plinto 
Gen. plintin 
Dat. plintin 
Accus. plintun 






Old Saxon. 







sc. Fem. > 














8& Fem. ^ 













Z 2 







Nom. Uinda 
GeQ. blinda 
Dat. blinda 
Aocus. blinda 





Blase Fein. Neat 


Old Norse. 



Nom. langi 

Gen. langa 

Dat langa 

Accus. lanffa 






Maac Fern. Neut 


Remarks an tie Paradigmf, 

As we have already stated^ and as will readily be seen from 
the preceding paradigms^ the weak declension of the adjectives 
is, with regard to its case-signs or terminations, in all Teutonic 
dialects perfectly identical with the weak declension of the noun. 
A few peculiarities in the different dialects deserve a short notice. 

In Gothic the a of the thematic termination -a^ is, in the 
feminine, lengthened into 6, hence the lengthened theme -on. 
Adjectives in ja preserve the thematic ja in the weak declension, 
though the j may have been dropped in the strong declension, 
e. g. hrainja, gen. hrainjins, dat. hrainjin^ &c. (strong, hrain-s, &c.) 
Themes in u adopt the forms in Ja, hence hardja, hardjinSy &c. 
(strong, harduSy &c.) The weak adjective ainaia, solus (Germ, 
einiger), has the fem. auiohS. 

Old High German and Old Saxon have preserved the Gothic 
feminine theme in 6n in the darkened form «w, which in Old 
Saxon however may rather be the shortened -un. Anglo-Saxon 
adopts the theme in -an for the singular of all genders, with the 
exception of the nominative feminine and neuter and accusative 
neuter. The plural is, in Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon, identi- 
cally the same for all genders. 

Old Frisian and Old Norse reject in the singular of the adjec- 
tive as well as of the substantive declension the thematic -«, and 
allow the word to end in the bare vowel a, or its modification in 


i or u. In Old Norse^ moreover^ it is the siDg^olar only which 
has preserved the terminations of the weak declension of the 
nonn^ while the plural^ rejecting whatever case-signs the nonn 
has preserved, adopted the neuter termination u for all cases and 
all genders. 

The Old Norse themes in jan and van preserve their respective 
spirant throughout, except that the nom. -ji is commonly ren- 
dered by iy as tiki, rikja ; dokkvi, dokkva. Some adjectives have 
the weak declension only, e. g. lami, lame ; faxi, jubatus ; full- 
ti^iy full-grown^ or they adopt in all genders the indeclinable 
termination -a, as lama. 


PRBSEirr Pabticiplb. 

These participles have in all Teutonic dialects a substantive as 
well as an adjective declension ; as to the former we refer to the 
proper placed The adjective declension of the present participle 
again may be strong or weak. 

The Gothic dialect uses the strong form in the nom. masc. 
only ; in the weak declension the feminine is not formed after 
the analogy of the adjectives in -^n, but by a more ancient theme 
in -ein, hence the fem. of Ailpandaj helping (Germ, helfend)^ is 
hilpandeiy gen. Ailpandeins^j &c. 

Old High German declines the adjective form of the participle 
regularly after the analogy of the strong and weak declensions 
of the adjective ; hence strong, ffebanter, gebantjuy gebanta^ ; 
weak, gebanio, gebatUdj gebania. 

Old Saxon is fond of introducing the spirant y before the case- 
signs ; as to the rest it follows the strong and weak declensioiis 
of the adjectives ; e. g. strong, Mlpandi, helpandi, helpandij gen. 
he^andjes, helpandjerOy helpandjeSy &c. From this example it will 
appear that the/ m the nominative (as in all indeclinable cases) 
is vocalized into i. Such an ^ we find in Old High German too 
where the cases of the strong declension of the participle adopt 
the indeclinable form, as gebanti in all genders instead oigebantery 
gebantju, gebanta^. This i must of course, like that in Old Saxon, 
have its origin in an ancient y, which in the participle declension 
was commonly preserved before the case-signs by the Old Norse, 
but rejected by the Old High German dialect. 

' See the declension of the themes in -mi, p. 324. 
' Compare the weak noun managtiy moMtgeinB, 


Anglo-Saxon hardly differs at all from the preceding dialects 
in the declension of the participle present. Like them it follows 
the strong and weak declension of the adjective, and like them 
it shows the trace of an ancient j before the case-signs in the 
termination e of the uninflected cases of the strong declensioD, 
as nom. gifende, gen. gifendes ; weak^ masc. gifenda^ fern, nent 

Old Frisian follows in every respect the rules laid down for 

Old Norse has, like Gothic, preserved in the feminine the an- 
cient termination % (Goth. e%)y which has been lost in all the 
other dialects. This fem. t has in the plural usurped the positioa 
of all other terminations; hence sing. masc. gefandi, ge/andi, 
gefanda, gen. gefanda, gefandi, gefanda, &c. like the adjective; 
plur. gefandi in all cases and genders. But by the side of this 
indeclinable plural the masculine has the strong substantive 
forms in -r (from tV, therefore causing Umlaut), as nom. gefend-Ty 
gen. gefanday &c. 

Pbeterite Participle. 

It follows in Gothic and all other Teutonic dialects the strong 
and weak declensions of the adjective. 

With regard to Old High German we have however to observe 
that the pret. part, of the weak conjugation drops the charac- 
teristic vowel / (./«), from which cause ' Riick-Umlaut' may be 
produced ; e. g. gl-nant'er^ named (Germ, ge-nannt), instead of 
gi-iiennit-cr ; l)ut where the participle is uninflected the charac- 
teristic vowel remains, hence y'l-nennit. 

Old Norse displays a peculiarity in forming the pret. part, of 
weak verbs with a short radical in -/S;* instead of -Sr. The forms 
in v^r may exchange the Sr for nn^ an exchange we have often 
observed with wS and nn ; hence we have the forms t^H^r, tali^, 
(ali^y talHy and tallnn^ talini^), talit ; and from both forms may 
be derived oblique cases, as gen. masc. (ali^'S, {lalin-s ?), gen. 
fem. talin-7iary plur. fem. nom. tald-ar, gen. ialin-na : from which 
examples it would appear that case-signs beginning with a con- 
sonant prefer the form in -w to precede them. 


The Teutonic dialects, with the exception of the Gothic and 
the Old Norse, possess a declension of the infinitive which is 
analogous to the strong declension of the noun. In Old High 


Oerman the infinitive, though in itself it is but the accusative of 
a verbal noun, developes a new theme in -a, from which it forms 
two new cases, a genitive and a dative ; e. g. helfan^ to help, 
gfen. helfanneSy dat. helfanne ; nerjan, servare, gen. nerjannes^ 
dat. nerjanne. In the same manner proceeds the Old Saxon 
infinitive ; e.g. helpan^ gen. helpannas{'es)j dat. helpanna{''e) ; 
nerjan^ nerjannasy nerjanna. Here too we occasionally fiud the 
derivative j before the thematic vowel. Anglo-Saxon and Old 
Frisian have only the dative, which however occurs pretty fre- 
quently ; e.g. A. S. faranne, etenne ; O.Yx\%. farane gungane. 
As to the latter we observe that the n of the infinitive, which 
is usually dropped, in this case reappears. 


In the Middle Teutonic dialects the declensions imdergo 
great changes, and in consequence thereof can no longer be 
brought under the same classification which we adopted in the 
Old Teutonic languages. The terminational vowels are each 
and all weakened into ^, so that in the singular the declension 
in a can no longer be kept distinct from that in i, both i and a 
being rendered by e. The declension in u disappears altogether ; 
and thus it happens that a distinction of three strong declen- 
sions, characterized by three different thematic vowels, becomes 
all but impossible, fiut on the other hand there continues to 
exist the distinction between the strong and the weak declen- 
sions — a distinction which in some dialects has been preserved 
up to the present day. We further observe the continuation of 
the different inflectional forms of the different gendei*s, and we 
therefore arrange the declensions of the Middle and New Teu- 
tonic languages under the heads of Strong and Weak, and then 
again sub-divide according to the different genders, always indi- 
cating the thematic vowel as far as it can be traced. Features of 
development which are peculiar to one or the other of the Middle 
Teutonic dialects will be delineated in their proper places. 

The weakening down of the different thematic and terminal 
tional vowels into the one flat-sounding e deprived the Teutonic 
.languages of their finest phonetic ornament, and the inflectional 
forms, where such still continue to exist, have a wearisome same- 
ness about them, so that it is almost difficult to say which 
serves the highest praise and admiration : — ^New High German, 
for its fidelity to ancient inflexional forms, though they be ever 


so mutilated, flat, and unmusical ; or Modem English for bftYing, 
with wonderful discrimination^ eliminated from its system the 
shattered remains of inflexional forms which, their fonctioiis 
bein^ performed by other means^ have often become moe 
cumbersome ballast. 

Old and Middle English. 

Among late Anglo- Saxon authors Layamon alone distiii- 
guishes three declensions for the three different genders. Hie 
masculine follows, on the whole^ the Anglo-Saxon dedension in 
a, so that the genitive singular commonly shows ef, the dative e, 
the latter being sometimes replaced by e^i. The instrumental is 
lost. In the plural we find es and en side by side^ the latter 
having perhaps found its way from the dative into other cases, 
or being formed in analogy to the weak declension in n- The 
genitive plural has the termination ene (A. S. ena), besides a 
and en\ the dative plural en (A. S. um, on). Nouns which in 
Anglo-Saxon already had the Umlaut^ preserve it in the plonl 
(though not always), and drop it in the dative singular. Ex- 
am]>les : — sing. nom. dal (day)=A. S. dag; gen. da^iy da^; 
dat. da'^e, daye. The dative is formed with en in cniAien, Ungen. 
The nom. plur. has es or en, e. g. dagee^ duwen [^dagen); soHes^ 
9onen ; the gen. plur. ert, es, ena, ene, as dagen, kinges or kingena^ 
eorlene ; the dat. en, e.g. d^^en, da wen {z=dngen)\ The Umlaut 
is preserved \\\ fet/ffet, by the side of which occurs also the plur. 
fote (feet) ; vian has the plur. men and monnen ; wifman, wlman, 
icomman (woman), plur. wifmen, wimen. 

The feminine nouns follow chiefly the Anglo-Saxon declension 
in i. In the genitive and dative singular they have the termi- 
nation e; but in the genitive the termination es begins to 
encroach u])on the legitimate ^, so that in this case the feminine 
form becomes identical with the masculine and neuter. The 
j)Iural shows in the nominative the terminations es and en^ gen. 
e^ dat. en, accus. e. But es often assumes the place of all other 
terminations in the different cases of the plural. Umlaut is 
preserved only in boc, plur. bcec, by the side of hoc and bokes. 
Examples: — burJi (borough, castle), gen. bury, A2kt. bury, plur. 
nom. buries, gen. bnr^e^ dat. burden, accus. bur^e. 

The neuter has the regular terminations in analogy to the 
Anglo-Saxon declension in a, gen. <?*, dat. e ; but in the latter, 
as in the dative singular masculine, we find also en^ as londe, 
londen^ dat. of /(>;/^/ (land). The plural nominative preserves the 

' Concerning the relation of the consonants 3, ir, ^r, \o one another, and to the 
somi-vowel y, see the respective se(*tionson OhI English consonants, pp. 146 and 16a. 


ancient uninflected forms^ e. g. hern, 9cep, horn ; but also en — 
9cipen, leolen; childe has the plur. childre and children; even €9 
IB introduced — scipes. The genitive plural has sometimes ene 
for e, as seipene. 

The weak declension in n begins to be broken up since the n 
was no longer considered as an inherent part of the theme^ but 
as an inflexional form. Consequently the n is often dropped or 
superseded by the termination es ; but on the other hand the n 
encroaches upon the nominative too^ where e (rarely a) occupies 
the place of the Anglo-Saxon a. So again in the genitive plural^ 
n is added to the ancient termination ene (A. S. ena). Ex- 
amples : — sing. nom. noma, name ; sioiien ; gen. draken, drakes ; 
dat. numen^ mone (moon) ; plur. nom. draken, drakes ; gen. gumenCy 
gumenen ; dat. sterreny slorre; accus. teonen, teone ; namen, names. 
The feminine is subject to the same fluctuations ; as gen. sing. 
ehmrche and churches ; dat. snnne and sunnen (sun) ; accus. eorben 
and eorpe; plur. nom. hearten and heortes ; gen. wikene; aat. 
accus. viken and taike; accus. chirchen and chirches. Neut. eie 
(eye), plur. nom. accus. e^ene ; dat. e^an, e^enen. The themes m 
-r, such zsfdtder (father), moder (mother), &c., are in the singular 
indeclinable ; in the plural we find eriy es, and s, side by side ; 
the genitive is sometimes uninflected, sometimes with the termi- 
nation ne, as dohter and dohteme (fih'arum). 

The forms we have just enumerated, and which, as we have 
already stated, most frequently occur in Layamon, are far more 
extensively modified by other authors. We may limit ourselves 
to pointing out the most important modification, which consists 
in the introduction of the case-sign es, or ess, in the genitive 
singular and in the plural of all genders. 

Old Engliah abandons the grammatical gender, or identifies 
it with the sexes, and the distinction therefore of the genders 
in the declension is discontinued. Inflexional forms are limited 
to the genitive singular, the plural, and some remnants of the 

The Plubal is commonly formed by the termination -s {-es, 
'is, -ys), as dayes, kinges, townes ; rarely by -^, as erle^ monke, 
monjfe; more frequently by en or n, e.g. clerken, applen, oxen, 
chirchen, honden (hands), eyen ; by -er — childer, childir, to which 
is added a second plural termination, child-er^n. The Umlaut 
indicates the plural in— ^^, /el ; io\, tejf ; man, men ; wommann, 
wymmen ; gos, gese ; kou, kvfi. 

With regard to the chief plural signs en and es, it must be 
observed that they do not in Old English represent the Anglo- 
Saxon plurals, the former of the weak declension in -a», the 


latter of the strong in -ai, but that one or the other was adopted 
quite arbitrarily ; hence we find O. Engl, dayes^ leuedyi^ rMJei, 
for A. S. dagas, hl<tfd'igany ricu ; and O. Engl, cl^reken^ hondei^ 
oxen, and heuenden for A. S. clericas, Aund^is, oxan^ and Aerfod, 

Concerning the Cases, none but the genitives and isolated 
traces of the dative are preserved. 

Tlie genitive singular eommonlj has the case-sign -jf#, -e#, -'#, 
as kf/nges, God^s, yre's (anni); in the phrase 'kyng KenulfyB 
fader/ it is doubtful whether ^s must be taken as the genitive 
case-sign, or the possessive pronoun. (Koch, i. p. 415.) Some- 
times it is dropped altogether, as ' for his bro}?er de}>/ * J>e quene 
fader,^ ' my fader name.' Observe ' |?e name of |;e fadere' (Koch| 
loc. cit.) as the first appearance of the preposition of for the indi- 
cation of the genitive. 

The genitive plural remains where the plural sign is «, unin- 
flected, as ' [?e Danes king'; but if the plural does not end in 1 
already, the genitive adopts the case-sign e*, as men^ menne*; 
the old case-sign ene is rarely met, e. g. moniene, clerkene. 

Traces of the dative are considered to be left in the following 
phrases; t/8 owne honde, with his own hand; Gode next, near^t 
to God. 

Middle English. The inflexional forms of the dative disap- 
pear, and the declension is limited to the formation of the plural 
and of the genitive case. 

The Pli J{AL is formed by the termination s [es, is, ys, rarely 
/^v), e.g. thorneH^ ihontf/s, soues, folkts, thlngiSy thingus, houdls^ 
/i Olid us ; sometimes z for s in Romance words, as cUez and citeei. 
After V tlie * is always preceded by e, as wives, knives, iheves. 

The i)lural in en must be considered an exceptional mode of 
formation. Examples are — kneen, shoon, oxen, ashen, eyen, 
Hii, siren (sisters), danghtren, kien, hretheren. We have two plural 
terminations, er and en, in the words child^er-en, calv-er-en, 
lainb-r-en ; et/-r-en (eonip. Germ, eier), by the side of the regular 
plui'al egges (eggs). 

Tlie plural is indicated by the ancient Umlaut in the following 
words: fete, feet, but we find iAso fate ; goos, gees; lous, Igs ; 
wous, mys, mees ; man, men ; womman, wommen, wemmen, icymmen ; 
tooth, teeth ; brother, bretheren^. 

Some words, which in Anglo-Saxon were neuter, appear with- 
out the i)liiral sign s, and consequently seem to follow the analogy 
of the anc^ient unintlected forms, e. g. hors, scheep, swyne, thing, 
frut (fruit), but also horses, t hinges, f rates ; pent/ has penyes and 

* About the irregularities in the phonetic system of Old and Middle £ngli$h, the 
student will find explanations in the chapters on Vowels and Consonants. 


; the measares spam znA Ja^wu istlKw 

^e9f furUmges, urith the plaraJ srgn jl 

lie genitiYe siDgnlar is formed by -♦. -*#, -♦# ^Wr^jidlt , -t 

(ChaDcer) ; e. g^. GoddU, ciyhmjfs aad f^i:^ / rU'twst v€ ^ 

ow). Hones (of a stone;; *tr^me4 JUjt^Lf f<ck . 

!he genitiTe plaral is not indicated after v.rif nna. is^^ 

plural case-sig^ #; bat where the plxzral k iirsaec i<^ ^rjif 

Utty et serves to indicate the jrenrtiTe ^se«. sm- i»-^.«<» r-rr^^. 

ft'swits. The old genitive f'*rm €%^ A- S. -f 

ttie words children^ (of children . ^^btr^, 

the words of relationship, as /aii^r, m:rkr^. we^ Uinu^jiUfaf 

d without^ more often with, the gebitiTc 

Jthcr love' ; bnt * thi fathris brother/ 

vi' Observe ' tiie brother of his £ader' X.->^ L 7. 


An the different terminatiooal voweb are w^^aiatsi^ nrk ^ 
e features of the thematic deelen^iotis arc V umij rt n. ^ui. at 
the other Middle Teutonic dialeetf. zt*^t siruLlxtf^i^ «*4i^-- 
oes hardly traceable. This ciretuoftaaKsEr <atia«» a •r\«di«u<iL 
tween the declension in a «nd that in i- t'^»*: «-Jbjru'air tif ^ric 
ing perfectly alike, a defect whieh iz, Oid H-urt f^<n 
■eady becomes apparent. The plorak ^.4 ^^ajl ^»ft^i«>si««vfi* 
ien kept strictly apart by means of the VvLJMMi 7*^ 'Jii.^ 
we in words with the theme in L But ti»wL m&bol ^au^s^ m^ 
my words that, from the natore of the raditat -fvm^ ^amtutr. 
ve the Umlaut, as /wri, &e. These tb*flQ ^am 10^ Mnp^ vt 
tingaished from the declension in a^ ^^ wr<^ i-^^tA m f. 
dining exactly like rwri fin a;. Word* in a^ mi ^awr i«i« 
n^ sometimes adopt an inorganic Umlaut, jo*^ tiii» ^n u < ig ff a» 
on the declension in L The orij^inal evutt "I tW Uauimr n, 
ncnil being no longer peroeired, Uaaliwit m 4w«i^ «. ,^^^ 
Jogy, and we thus meet with the plural fcrif,-^/>u«^ tt X 
rtead of bocJce,frimke (in aj- Bat as a rule, mMtif^tut uwtm, 
e atem of which ends with a gemioaUfi ««»«wixiir >«»i*«^^ ^5«: 
Bnd in a, and consequently rgeet Uaelwrt, ^-1k:-_ ^*^ *•». 
or. isM^y but in the fourteentli eentarr aua«ati:v i4i«» v^^nia 
A inorganic Umlaut, plur. Jtus9t. 

" " of the Middle Higk Gertiatt tiiw5.-ai*w« 

of the ^ in tibe twwuiaiu^ii*' Tiii« ii. 
words which €»d in a aiM^>^ '.vi«vfu**it 
^ thesis drof^^&d; * ^ ^^ w^^j^^ 
yaunaemm we <iU«rr*r m* laue Vfiuuni^ 



the tenniiiatioiial e of the genitiye and dfttivCj and tlien the woid 
18 uninflected in the singukr. The neuter perfonns the dincA 
of the e under the same conditions as the mascoline ; henoe ^, 
gen. 9per^; tal, plur. telr for leler. If neuter nomia which origi* 
nally belonged to the declension in ja drop the e, as thej do 
sometimes^ they may be ranked under the declension in ay » 
ber (for bere), gen. ber^. 

Concerning the Umlaut in the plural of the words in i no 
strict rule can be laid down^ further than the remark that oer> 
tain combinations of consonants seem to &vour its occurrence. 
Some neuter nouns take in the pluriil the termination er (comp. 
O. H. Germ. ir\ which termination causes Umlaut, e. g. htip, 
kelber ; oH^ drier; loch^ locker; most of which may also have 
the old uninflected plural without er. While some nouns always 
adopt this termination^ others never do so. 

Neuter nouns in ja always adopt the Umlaat, wherever this 
modification of the radical vowel can take place. 

The weak declension adopts the same rules for the elision of 
the terminational e which we have just pointed out in the strong 
declension ; e. g. kol, koln ; ar, am. 

We subjoin the paradigms of the different declensions^ indi- 
cating the thematic vowels as far as they can be traced. 













































. • 

. . 






• • 

• . 






• • ■ 

• • 






• • 

• . 









• m 

• • 






• • 

• • 






• • 

« ■ 






• • 

• • 

As to the declension in a the paradigms will show it to be the 
only one traceable in all three genders; the declension in ja is 


loet in the feminine and becomes identical with that in a^ be- 
eause Old High German i {=-ja) and a both become e. The 
neater never had a declension in i. We omitted giving examples 
of the declension in u> because there are but few remnants of it 
lefb^ and these are doubtful. Among these Grimm reckons such 
words as end in e without causing Umlaut^ a circumstance from 
which he concludes that the e stands for the ancient u^ e.g. 
scAate (never scAete), damage. He further takes to the declen- 
sion in u the words si^e (victory), wile (wood), site (manner), 
vride (peace) ; but in the thirteenth century all, except vride, 
drop the e and go after the declension in a- Among the ancient 
class in u may also count the neuter viAe, cattle; wile is 
sometimes neuter, commonly masculine. 

Middle Dutch. 

Masc. (a) viasch, -^s, -^, visscA ; plur. visscAe, -^, -^», -^. 

Fem. (a) sing, miede, plur. mieden throughout all cases (i) 
sing, duet throughout ; plur. dade, -^, -e^, -^. 

Neut. (a) wort, word-€S, -e, wSrt; plur. wdrt, -^, -tf«, wSrt. 
Ancient themes in ja end in e and go after the weak declension. 

The Weak Declension is for the masculine, feminine, and 
neuter alike^ e. g. Aane, -en, ^en, -^ ; plur. -en throughout. 



All the case-signs of the ancient declensions have disappeared 
with the exception of the 's of the genitive singular, and the -« 
(or -^s) which all nouns have adopted for the formation of the 
plural. A few renmants of the ancient forms are still extant, 
especially in words which indicate the plural by Umlaut ; these 
are brotAer, bretAer-en (Umlaut and ancient termination en) ; 
man, men; foot, feet ; goose, geese; tootA, teetA; mouse, mice; 
louse, lice; cow^ kine; — ow, ox-en^ preserves the ancient plural 
sign en, and cAild, cAild-r-en^ has two plural terminations, r^er 
(O. H. Germ, ir) and en : the old plural egren, of egg^ is disused 
in the modem language. 

The foreign plural forms which have been adopted in English 
together with the foreign word — such as French beau, beaux ; 
Latin index, indices ; Greek pAenomenon, pAenomena; Hebrew 
serapA, serapAim — may still be considered as foreign, and there- 



fore hardly to fall within the range of Teutonic grammar, 
circumscriptive case-formation with the prepositions of vAk^ 
which occasionally occurs in Old £nglish already, came mm 
and more into use, the more the ancient case-signs disappeini 



Dfclennon in a. 


Nom. ^^A 

Gen. jiwehes 

Dat. Jufche 

Accus. jUch 



Dedension in i. 


Nom. halg 

Gen. haigea 

Dat. haiffe 

Accos. haig 



The declension in u is extinct ; the declension in ja is repw- 
seiited by one word, kaese, cheese, gen. iaeses, &c., whilst iJl 
those words which of old belonged to this declension have be- 
come weak, e. g. iirte, shepherd, gen. hirten. 

Many words in a also have passed from the strong into the 
weak declension ; others have done so partly, that is, forming 
their singular after the strong, their plural after the weak de- 
clension, as masty gen. masies^ plur. masUn; stnckel (sting), gen. 
9i<ichehy plur. sfacheln. 

The Umlaut is more extensively adopted in the plural of 
words in a ; and the presence or absence of Umlaut being the 
only distinctive feature between the declension in a and that 
in 1, these words may be considered as having passed into the 
declension in i. This is the case with all those words which are 
capable of Umlaut, i. e. having a, o, n, or au in the root, with 
the exception of about nine that reject the Umlaut and conse- 
quently remain faithful to the declension in a; e.g. aa/, eel, 
plur. aa/e ; idg, day, plur. idge ; hund^ dog, plur. hunde ; schuh, 
plur. schnhe. 



in a. 

Declension in i. 











Nom. hraft 
Gen. hraft 
Dat. l-raft 
Accus. hraft 


The declensions in ja and u are extinct. 
The singular has dropped all inflectional forms. 
Words in i which cannot have the Umlaut, follow the declen- 
sion in a and take in the plural the termination eriy e. g. arbeii, 


l^ork, labour^ plur. arbeiten ; the same course is pursued by 
flome words which are capable of Umlaut, as burg (castle), geburt 
(birth), that {deed), jiigend (youth), tugend (virtue), plur. burgen, 
&c. Some pass altogether into the declension in s,, and con- 
sequently adopt the e (the representative of the ancient a) in 
the singular, e. g. eicAe (oak), gesc/iicAte (history, story), bluete, 
(blossom) j M. H. Germ, eick, geschiht, bluot^ plur. eichey gea- 
chihte, &c. From this old plural form the e probably penetrated 
into the modem singular. 

Neuter. Declension in a: worty gen. wortes, is declined like 
the IDB8C. f^cA, 

The plural in er is more frequent, and causes Umlaut ; e. g. 
bucA (book), biicAer, dacA (roof), ddcher. 

Words in ja, which on the earlier stage of Modem German 
ended in e, as bette, bilde, glilcie, have now dropped the e and go 
after the declension in a* as bett, gen. bettes. 

Weak Declension, 

To this declension belong all words which in the nominative 
singular end in e; they have the termination en through all 
other cases of the singular and plural; e.g. Aase, hare, gen. 

Some drop the final e of the nominative singular, as baer, bear ; 
fiirst, prince ; graf, earl ; Aerr, lord, master ; menscA, man, 
homo. This apocope has perhaps been caused by a tendency 
in the mentioned words towards the strong declension. The 
same course towards the strong declension, though from a differ- 
ent starting-point, we observe in words such as bogen, bow, gen. 
bogens, for the M. H. Germ, bdge, bogen — words in which the 
inflexional en seems to have been mistaken for a derivative ter- 
mination, and then were supplied with the genitive case-sign -* 
of the strong declension. To this class belong grdben, ditch ; 
hrunnen, well ; glauben, faith ; Aaufen, heap ; AueAen, cake ; ndmen, 
name ; loillen, will ; frieden, peace ; scAatten, shade. Some of 
them preserve the ancient e by the side of en, as friede, scAatte, 
glaubcy mile. Their origin in the weak declension is further 
recognized by the fact of their having no Umlaut, which always 
occurs with originally strong nouns in euy as wdgen, carriage, 
waegen ; bdden, floor, boeden. In but few instances, and then 
erroneously, have such words as were originally of weak declen- 
sion taken the Umlaut, e. g. garten, garden, gdrten ; grdben, 
ditch, graeben ; rndgen, stomach, maegen ; krdgen, collar, kraegen. 


The M. H. Germ, spar (spur), spam^ ong^ht^ in New Higll6c^ 
man, to have become spSre^ 9p6ren^ or (like bSgen) spSren^ spSmM; 
but it adopted a mixed form, i. e. the singular of the strong at 
the plur. of the weak declension, sparuy gen. spomes^ plnr. spofWBL 

The following words pass altogether from the weak into tks 
strong declension : dr and adUr (eagle), mond (moon), ibwy 
(germ), sUm (star), declension in a ; ^» (cock)^ ialm (salmon^ 
schicdn (swan), herzog (duke), declension in i. 

We find digression from the strong (in a) into the wok 
declension in the words held^ hero ; mfe, gen. rabeH, for the old 
rabeH, rab^ns, — which shows the ease of bSgeUy &c., inverted : fitMH 
the strong in ja, hirie (shepherd), rncke (back), weize (wheat); 
but the latter again follow the anaJogy of boge^ hogen, and return 
into the strong declension in the forms riiclen, tceizeit, gen. 
rUciens, treizens, 

Tlie feminine of the weak declension is identical with tlie 
feminine of the strong declension in a* 

The weak neuter nouns ^^r^- (heart), auge (eye), Sr (ear), have 
adopted a strong singular, gen. herzenHy auges, Sres ; but the 
plural continues to follow the weak declension. 

Of the anomalous forms, vater (father) and sckwager (brother- 
in-law) now follow the declension in i; mutter (mother) and 
tochter (daughter) are in the singular unchangeable, in the plural 
they take the I^'^mlaut, iniitter^ tochter ; schwester (sister) and 
schicujer (mother-in-law) are in the sin<^ular indeclinable, in the 
plural weak, jnann has the plural mannen and manner. 

Examples : — 

Strong. Masculine in a *• — «V, eel ; berg, mountain; d/^, bite; 
died, tliief ; Jisch, fish; freund, friend ; feind, enemy; geist^ spirit 
(cf. ghost); hirschy stag; hundy dog, hound; krieg, war; ielb, 
body ; pfeU, arrow ; stein, stone ; sper, spear ; tag, day ; theity 
deal; tisch, table; iceg,way; wein, wine; zwerg, dwarf; zweig, 
twig. In 1 : — ast, branch ; back, brook ; balg, skin, hide; baum, 
tree; Jtn^, river; froschy frog; fu^, foot; fuchs, fox; grundy 
ground; hofy court, yard; kochy cook; mundy mouth; pfady 
path ; pJliJg, plough ; wolf. 

Feminine in a: — ammCy nurse; berCy berry; bittCy prayer; 
blarney flower (cf. bloom) ; ere, honour ; heyinCy hen ; fllegey fly ; 
minne, love; ndse, nose; quelle^ fountain; rutCy rod; «tfy^, tale, 
saga ; schicalbey swallow ; sonne, sun ; strafe, street; woche, week ; 
zunge, tongue. In i : — angst, fear, anxiety ; bajik, l>ench ; brusty 
breast ; fattsty fist; gans, goose; hand ; kraft, strength (cf. craft); 
knnsty art; Infl, air; macht, power, might; nacht^ night. 


^^ Neater in a : — b^l, hatchet ; brS6, bread ; din^^ thing ; eis 

; Jleiseij AoBh ; gold; hdr^ hair; heu^ hay; Jdr^yesLr; knie^ 

; ma^, measure; pferd^ horse; ro^^ horse, steed; schdf^ 

dieep; whiffy ship; schwert, sword; thier^ animal; vih, pecus; 

werki work ; wort^ word. 

Weak. Masculine : — affe, ape ; MbCy boy ; drache^ dragon ; 
falhey falcon ; gotzey idol ; hasej hare ; Junge, youth ; knabe, boy ; 
late, layman ; lowey lion ; ochse^ ox ; rise, giant ; waise^ orphan ; 
zeuge, witness. 

Concerning feminine and neuter nouns, see above. 


This dialect no longer distinguishes between strong and weak 

All noims may, instead of the inflexional forms of the genitive 
and dative, use the circumscriptive cases formed by the preposi- 
tions van {pi) and aan=zdn (to) ; e. g. van den vader^ aan den voder ; 
van de vaders, aan de vaders ; van de moedety aan de moeder ; van 
de moeders^ aan de moeders ; van het boek, aan het boek ; van de 
boeken, aan de boeken, just as English of the father, to the father ^ 
of the book, &c. 

Masc. All nouns have in the genitive singular the case-sign -s 
(after ft, cht, st, sch, -ea), in the plural -en throughout ; or in 
other words, they follow the strong declension in the singular, 
the weak in the plural ; hence sten (stone) , formerly of the strong 
declension, has in the genitive stem, in the plural stenen ; and 
kdn (cock), formerly weak, has likewise hana in the genitive sin- 
gular, hanen in the plural. The genitive and dative singular, as 
a rule, show no inflexional forms, though occasionally the dative 
singular still preserves the ancient case-sign -e, especially where 
it is preceded by the article, as den vosse^ vulpi. 

Nouns ending in el, em, er, dr, may form the plural with s ; 
e. g. vader, father, plur. vaders ; wdgen, carriage, wdgens ; diendr, 
servant, diendrs ; but the weak forms vaderen, &c. also occm*, 
especially in the higher style of writing ; words in en only take 
always s. 

Sometimes we meet in the nominative singular with the ter- 
mination e which is the remnant of the ancient termination or 
of the weak declension, as in vrSde, peace ; rugge, back ; yonge, 
youth ; ewe, heir ; name, name. 

The word veulen, foal, gen. veulens, passes from the weak into 
the strong declension, analogous to the Germ, bdgen, bogenSy &c. 
(vide supra, p. 351.) 

A a 


The weak genitives in ai are exceptional^ as kSren (domim)^ 
^dttn (comitis)^ wun^eken (hominis)^ hertSgen (ducis)^ which ii 
High German aie the r^;nlar forms, kerren, grqfen, memdn; 
but kerzogt. 

Fem. The feminine nonns take in the genitive and datin 
singular the case-sign e, in the ploral en through all cases^ the 
former being derived from the strong, the latter from the weak 
declension. Hence krackt, power (Germ, krafb^ cf. crafl)^ gen. 
krackte^ dat. krackte ; plur. krachten (formerly of the strong 
declension), and tong, tongue, gen. tonge, dat. Umge, plur. iofn^tM, 
(formerly of the weak declension). 

As in the masculine, nouns in el^ en^ er, may form the ploial 
in -«, as meieisj 9piimier$, 

Feminine nouns which originally ended in^a or a, or belonged 
to the weak declension, sometimes preserve the e, the weakened 
form of the ancient termination^ and then all the cases of the 
singular are alike; e.g. drde, earth; bede, prayer; duive, dove; 
kenney hen ; koudty cold ; sf^mme, voice^ or simply stem, ken, &c. 

The declension of the Neuter coincides with that of the mas- 

Here also the plural in -« may occur, as waters, bloemjyes, &c. 

The ancient plural form of the neuter in ^ is in the refined 
style followed by the plural sign -en, in the common language 
by -^, e. g. ^fV/, bone ; benJeren, benders ; bldd, leaf (G^rm. blatt) ; 
ei/, egg; kind, child; Iain, lamb; plur. hnderen, lammeren. But 
these words may also haye the regular plural in -en, as bldd, 
bidden ; so that consequently certain words may adopt three 
ditferent forms, as bhid^ plur. bidden, or bidder en, or bidders. 

The old termination -e occurs occasionally in the nominative 
singular, as herte (heart), bedde (bed), for hert, bed. 

Examples : — 

Masc. did, kind ; arm ; her, bear ; bom, tree ; dag, day ; dkf, 
tliief; d\i<ch, table (Germ, tisch) ; dod, death; gast, guest; gest, 
ghost ; grand, ground ; hond, dog (Germ, bund, cf. hound) ; kus, 
kiss ; Mond, mouth ; sldj), sleep ; smid, smith ; slen, stone (Germ, 
stein); riscA, fish; vloed, flood; ro*, fox; t'W^w^, friend ; icol/; 
worm ; wcg, way. 

I'em. dr, ear of corn (Germ, aere); hrnid, bride; dad, deed; 
deugdy virtue; deur, door; er, honour (Germ, ere); gans, goose; 
gelt, goat (Germ, gei^); jetigd, youth; kracht, power (Germ, 
kraft, cf. craft) ; luchl, air (Germ, luft) ; mdgd and mexd, maid ; 
min, love; muis, mouse; stad, town; tdl, language; vroutc, wife 


fWT^i. ST'nl. *. ~ - 

■ •«. 


Ten. -Wrj 

T Z. 

T. tf 

dikt It „ 

Meet Oid y Lrsit li.fiiift il x i— r 
&: some p'KsacrT* *^**> TiLanr i^ 
^''wr, teftjry iniiiira ir-nj x i* -^ 


Noa. ^ 

^ Mil 

Accn A 

The critenm cf ia^ 
jje nutecaline, tlitr U; 
^e abeence of ihc U 

-ft • 

jx X ii- n 'is'^ 


^ » 4f < 


rrrmair CBJJBK<CL 


lis bmiitatiotMi gmn in 

FaniaiiM maiw oocar in the 
ron; tdg, ware (Oenn. woge). 

are nsed in old 
withoat the a, 


/dd«r, brStler, form the plnral /aedar, broedar^ or faedmr, 
drar : m6d*r, moedrar ; dotler, dottrar ; man, manner, in 
])Otm(Li man. 

Tho rniiiininc noum ffSt, g^ooec ; fu3, louse; nii», mouse, ] 
Uie pliinil «'#*. ''*". mt'»». 

Monoflyilahio ntoms ending in a vowel commonly are inflej 
rcffitlftrly, but Homctinuv they dmp the inHexional rowel. 

Ki-arnpieii ;■ 

Stuoso. Mttsi 
Bull ; ii'iiif, horse 
Uw ; firm, worm 
wohIn midinjf in 
i : — 6alt, btmm (( 
linih; riilt, right 
boy, KWRin ; mah, 



Feminine in a : — d/«, all : V-rc. l^jtch ; rf. >jak ; UJ, ikin 
nn. Viaut") ; J'-'^^^y tarth; *!ii*i, mare : ^/v«^^, s*MiI ; ■f^iiAy 
me; *o7, sun; rtW^-!/, world. In i: — 5*. •=*«- prayer; i*<?(o, 
ip', iJHf?, bind; trqfJ, fNi-wer: ''•^■». rewmi Germ. \*\n ; «««, 
len ; not?*!, need ; c^r.^ wr.rt : *;v. taose : r*'-/. time, tide. In 
•.— io'l, book, plur. l<i:krr ; kiih hand, k.itdtsr ; «»i/. night, 
Bf^r; r<?/, root, rotUr ; A.''i7, t« .'-•■' Vr. 

Neuter in a: — «'''? year: h^ir-i, child: h-'^t^. K-re; ^rry, 
JKwmtain; i/a</, leaf; *.//'* r, animal Germ, thier ; /Vv, jitj^ple, 
folk; ^/d*, glass; ^d^'sea: har^ hair; *'i»ii ; '*;k'/; A'«^, Uifht ; 
wd, word ; #ar, wound. sc«re; *•-'//•'/. sword: ^'y-!*/. h««r5e-tail; 
idwx, name; r«/ //<»«, water; k¥/rw*I, head. In ja : — <i<*rr*ii/^, 
iMssage; appU, apple; irr-V-r, wheat; kf*j^*I^, dress; k^t^ae, kin; 
««»€, memory ; niUU^ nest ; rdni^, wi.rth. 

^EAK. Masculine : — ande^ spirit ; hui^k^y f^eam ; ^tf, bow 
(Gem. bogen) ; kdrty hare ; i<iV, cock ; lung^^ lung ; maae^ 

moon; wf, ox. 

feminine: — a^kay ashes; l^jfu^ay bean; Ao^na. hen; m<iji- 
«Mw, man (Germ, mensch : ; na^sa, nosse ; qtinna, woman ; 

'^Vnw, star. 

Neuter: — kierta, heart; n^$tay glomus; oega, eve (Germ. 

*"g«); oera, ear. 






Plnr. Sine. Plur. 

. fid:€ jUker Jitkert 

! ;C«t«r juken ji*kercs 

JUke I /idtcr jid:€rt 

IX i 



roi N«r 

IX a 





JfJT* ^ords in a suffer syncope in the plural, %s finger ^ plur. 
•^*> whilst those in ja always preserve all syllables intact, and 

Din! rP ^^^ declension distinct from that in a, hence /r>fcr, 

UmkL^^^^^^ in i is characterized by its rejection of the 
**^ that in u for introdudng it in the plural. 









Om. oA 

Dm. anl 


1 /srf 


The imnin&tion f is chieftr used in the plural of 
PtiginMUjilad m short rwIicaJ, though this radical 
luoe. This t is renuirkiiMe as heing the represeal 
ancumt termination u, and still more striking ig th< 
iora, child, plur, 6dn, ui Umlaut which was origi 
hj the t«>rminatiuii o, and which was preserved aftei 
vowel hud Ki'n drugijied. 

The plund in fr occurs in the nouns ir^sC, bre 
ISceti, hciul, k<^if<lrr ; Ml, place, ttAltr, &c. 

Nouns in j& Iiavc fre*iut^ntly passed into the decl 
those which remained faithful to their declension 
Swc'dish, the sint^ulor in f, and in the plural, if th« 
all, er, or tlie auflixed article ; e. g. klaedt, dress ; pli 

Weak Leclen^on. 


Fit! IN INI. 


Nam. AJtu 
Gen. hAM 
Drt. Ari« 
Accu>. Unt 







Some weak nouns suffer apocope of tlie e in the 
aand, spirit ; ox*. ox, lias the pluml oj-ene, oxne, nt 
haps from a singular Men of the strong declension. 

Examplet : — 
Stronh. Masculin e in a : — AioVn. hear; 'fiti/.^y 
; droem^ 

I, wood, 

(Germ, engel) ; 
ja : — words end 
e/l, oath ; f^d, i 

oak; iiorti,ao<^;' 

1 (Gei 



[Germ, frau); wereld, world; wik^ vicus; zdh, thing (Germ, 
sache^ cf. sake) ; ziel, soul (Germ. sSle), 

Nbut. bed; biddy leaf (Germ, blatt); bloed, blood; dal^ dale; 
dely deal ; ding^ thing ; gondy gold ; hdr^ hair ; hofd^ head ; huia^ 
house ; jar, jeBiT ; JmiM, cross ; lid^ limb ; I6d, lead ; mel, meal ; 
Bckdp, sheep ; werk, work ; «7(^^^ word ; zouty salt ; zwerdy sword. 


Masculine in a 

IN ja 

IK 1 

IN a 


Nom. fide 
Gen. ;£«I» 
Dat. fiJc 
Accus. fish 















The declension in ja shows the singular and plural perfectly 
alike. It comprises many words ending in are (Engl, and Germ. 
er; eom^. fit tare with Engl.^*^^, Germ. JiscAer). 

Most Old Norse nouns in u have passed into the declension in 
a : some preserve the Umlaut ; as dm, eagle ; bidrfif bear, phir. 
omary biornar; others drop it, as vall^ valley, trad, thread, plur. 
vallar, trddar. 

Feminink IK % 

IN ja 

IN i 

IN u 


Nom. sH 
Gen. s6U 
Dat. s^ 
Accus. s6l 












The criterion of the declension in u is, in the feminine as in 
the masculine, the Umlaut; the declension in i is recognized by 
the absence of the Umlaut. 

Nbutbr IK a 


Nom. ord 

Gen. ords 

Dat. ord 

Accus. ord 



IN ja 





The singular and plural of the neuter declensions are identical. 
The plunJ sometimes shows the casensign -r, as klaedCy klaeder, 

A a 2 



Nbutbr 19 » 


Nom. ord 

Gen. ordt 

Dat. ord 

Accus. (yrd 







The termination e is chiefly used in the plural of words which 
originallif had a short radical^ though this radical may now he 
long. This e is remarkable as being the representative of the 
ancient termination u, and still more striking is the Umlaut in 
bam^ child, plur. bom^ an Umlaut which was originally caused 
by the termination u^ and which was preserved after the ending 
vowel had been dropped. 

The plural in er occurs in the nouns br^st, breast^ br^ster; 
hSvedj head^ hSveder ; sted, place, stSder^ &c. 

Nouns in ja have frequently passed into the declension in a; 
those which remained faithful to their declension have, as iix 
Swedish, the singular in e, and in the plural, if they form it at 
all, er, or the suffixed article ; e. g. iklaede, dress ; plur. klaeder. 

Weak Declension. 





Nom, hAne 
Gen. hdnes 
Dat. hdne 
Accus. Jutne 








Some weak nouns suffer apocope of the e in the singular, as 
aand, spirit; oo'e, ox, has the plural oxene, oxne, not oxer, per- 
haps from a singular oxen of the strong declension. 

Examples : — 

Strong. Masculine in a : — biorn, bear ; dag, day ; ddl, dale ; 
dSniy doom ; droem, dream ; fsk, fish ; hesty horse ; dm, eagle ; 
skov, wood, grove ; himmel, heaven (Germ, himmel) ; engel, angel 
(Germ, engel) ; finger; fugl, bird (Germ, vogel) ; ravn^ raven. In 
ja : — words ending in er : fisker, fisher, &c. In i : — bdlg, hide ; 
ed, oath ; flod, river, flood ; giest, guest ; hm, limb ; ret, right. 

Feminine in a : — boeg, beech ; borg, castle ; brud^ bride ; eg, 
oak; A^rf, flock; skam, s\\waiQ\ siael, ^ovX; sol, snn. Ini: — 



Feminine in a : — (^l^y all ; boeky beech ; Sk, oak ; h4dy skin 
(G«rm. haut) j jord, earth ; mduj mane ; sjael^ soul ; skdm^ 
afaame ; *<?/, stm ; vdrld, world. In i : — hoen, prayer ; hielp^ 
help ; hind^ hind ; krafty power ; loerty reward (Germ. 16n) ; min, 
mien j noedy need ; orty wort ; sak, cause \ iid, time, tide. In 
U : — ^<?i, book, plur. hoeker ; handy hand, hdnder ; nat^ night, 
natter ; rSt, root, rotter ; tundy tooth, tdnder. 

Neuter in a: — dr^ year; barUy child; beny bone; bergy 
mountain ; biddy leaf; diur^ animal (Germ, thier) ; folky people, 
folk; gldsy glass; ^4/^ sea ; hdr^ hair; lumb ; land; litis , light; 
&rdy word ; sary wound, sore ; svdrd^ sword ; tdgel^ horse-tail ; 
namn, name; vatf-euy water ; hufmidy head. In ja : — aerende^ 
message ; dpple^ apple ; hvetCy wheat ; klaede^ dress ; kynn^y kin ; 
minney memory ; ndste^ nest ; vdrdcy worth. 

Weak. Masculine : — andcy spirit ; bidlkcy beam ; bogey bow 
(Germ, bogen) ; hdrey hare ; hdnSy cock ; lungCy lung ; mane^ 
moon; oxey ox. 

Feminine: — askay ashes; boenay bean; hoenu^ hen; man- 
niskay man (Germ, mensch); naesa, nose; qvinnay woman; 
stierna, star. 

Neuter: — hiertay heart; nysta, glomus; oega^ eye (Germ, 
auge); oera^ ear. 


Masculine in a 


IN 1 

IN u 


Nom. fiak 
Gen. fiaka 
Dat fiak 
AccQS. fiak 














Some words in a sniffer syncope in the plural, vlq finger y plur. 
fingrey whilst those in ja always preserve all syllables intact, and 
thus keep their declension distinct from that in a, hence ^*^^r, 
plur. vXvf ay B fiskere y not fiskre. 

The declension in i is characterized by its rejection of the 
Umlaut, that in u for introducing it in the plural. 


IN a 















IN i 












Middle High German. 

Strong Becletmon, 




hlind-ftn {eme) 


hlindrtr {ere) 



blindrer {ere) 
blind-er (ere) 


htind-er (en) 



Nom. hUnd-e^ 

Gen. blind-es 

Dat. hlind-em (erne) 

Accus. blind-ei^ 


blind-er {ere) 

The terminations ma^ be dropped in all genders and cases. 

The Umlaut before the inflexional iu (which stands for the Old 
High German Ju) does not occur in the more ancient manu- 

Syncope and apocope of the e mute occur in the same manner 
as with the substantive. As to the terminations which have 
two vowels, as eme, ere, &c., the following general rule may be 
laid down : monosyllabic adjectives with a long radical preserve 
the first inflexional vowel and reject the second; those with a 
short radical preserve the second and reject the first after the 
consonants /, ?n, r, e. g. dat. sing, -eme, blind'em ; but hol-me^ 
bar-me, lam-me ; fern, -ere, blind-er, but hol-re, bar-re, I^am-re, 

The thematic ja shows some trace of its existence in nom. -e, 
as boese, bad ; enge, narrow ; mitte^ medius ; naehe, near, &c. 
All adjectives of this kind have Umlaut if the radical is capable 
of it. 

Weak Declension. 

Masc.^ fern., and neut. : — bliiid-e, blind-en, &c., the same as 
the weak declension of the noun. The rules applying to e mute 
are also the same. 

Some adjectives are used only in the weak form. 

The ancient suffix ja^ is preserved in the e of the nom. h^rtCy 
hard, never harte ; its inflexions are regular, and the Umlaut 
koeps its place throughout. 

* ComjMire the Old Teutonic adjectivei p. 331 sqq. 



Middle Dutch. 

Strong Declension, 





Nom. hlint 
Gren. blind-e9 
Ihit. hlind-en 
Accns. hUnd-en 











The nominative singular is without any inflexion ; all other 
cases of the three genders may be used without such. 

The genitive and dative feminine and the genitive plural may 
end in -er, or -re (from ere) ; but the use of one or the other of 
these terminations does not, as in Middle High German, depend 
on the nature of the radical vowel, but on the consonant preced- 
ing the termination; thus re always after n, nd; er after d, ty 
g, i, kc. 

The suffix ja is preserved in the nominative termination e ; 
as dinnCf thin; clene, small (Germ, klein). 

JFeai Declension. 

The terminations of the weak declension are, sing, -e, en^ -en, 
en; plur. -^, -e«, -en^ -tf, for the three genders. 

These terminations differ &om the Middle Dutch weak noim 
by using accus. sing, en for e, and nom. accus. plur. e ior en\ 
but they are identi^ with the terminations of the weak noun 
and adjective in Middle High German. 

The adjective has no inflectional forms. 


Strong Declension. 





Nom. hlindrer 
Gen. bUndret 
Dat. blind-em 
Accus. hlind-en 













In the nominative and accusative singiilar and plnnl ot A 
ganders the uninflected form blind may be used. 

The Middle Hi^h German iu is lost. The Middle Higb Go^ 
man neuter termination -e^ first was rendered by f^y next pinel 
into -^«, so that now the nominative and accusative neater hiie 
the same case-sig'n as the genitive. 

The ^nitive and dative singular feminine^ and the gemini 
plural have always simply er for the Middle High Genmn eve, 
re, er. 

The rule of syncope is no longer of any great conseqneim. 
All polysyllabic adjectives should have syncope like nouns; e.g. 
noims, gen. engeU^ fi^^rs, regent ; adjectives, gen. dunkeU, ieiten^ 
elends ; but the e is always preserved, hence dunkeUt^ &c. Bat 
the accusative singular masculine and the dative plural «f 
have syncope, as dunkeln for dunkelen. Instead of the tenniu- 
tional e, however, they prefer to throw off the derivative «, as 
dunkler, heitrer, dunklen ; the accusative singular masculine and 
dative plural have better dunkeln than dunklen. 

ja. Many adjectives have dropped its last remnant, the nonu- 
native termination e, as mild', dUrr, schoen^ for milde, &c In 
some adjectives it is preserved in the uninflected form, e. g. trrf, 
enge, boese, 


The strong and weak declensions are identical. (Grimm.) 





Nom. hlind-e 
Gen. hlind-en 
Dat. hlind-en 
A ecus, hlind-en 











When without the article, the nominative and accusative mas- 
culine have the termination e, the neuter r, as goede icijn, wiiU 
wot, h elder water. Is this r the representative of an ancient s ? 

The genitive forms of the above paradigm are hardly ever 
used, this case being commonly circumscribed with the preposi- 
tion van. In the higher style of writing there is the old genitive 
preserved, namely masc. blind^s, fem. blittd^r, neut. blindes, 
plur. blind-er. 

Sometimes the nominative singular occurs uninflected : blind. 



Strong Declension, 

InlAie sin^lar the inflexions have disappeared, with the excep- 

ion of the neuter termination -4, which is added to the preceding 

^xmsonant of the stem ; but it is omitted after the combinations 

Uf et, nt, si, mSt rs. Adjectives ending in a vowel take in the 

Beater tt ; e. g. blorU, blew ; frUtl, free ; rd-ll, raw. Those in n 

drop this consonant before the neuter l\ e. g. Uteuy little^ lilel ; 

^n, own (Germ, eigen), egel. 

The plural has the weak forms throughout. 

Weak Declension. 

In the singular the masculine has in all cases the e, the femi- 
nine and neuter have a; in the plural all cases of the three 
ganders have the termination a. Exceptionally, for instance 
when the adjective is used as a substantive^ the old genitive 
singular still appears, e. g. masc. blind^s, plur. blindas. 

Syncope occurs in polysyllabic adjectives, as gamle^ gamla^ for 
ffammaUy gammala. 

The declension of the adjective in Old Swedish is deserving 
of special notice^ as it is commonly used in the translation of the 

Strong Declension. 





Nom. Uind-er 
Oen. Uindrt 
Dat. Hind-cm 
Aocos. blindran 











Weak Declension. 



Nom. HindrC 

Gen. Hind-u 

Dat. blind-t 

Accus. Hind-t 

Fern, and Neut. 



Masc Fem. Neut. 




The sin^lar of the strongs declension as in Swedish. The 
neuter -/ is dropped after / (=//)» *^> e* ; d and 9h sometimeB 
retain, sometimes drop it. Vowels take i {-=.11 Swed.), e.g. 
hlaa-i^ blew ; nig^t^ new : some refuse it. Adjectives in «i dw^ 
the n before /. 

The plural takes the weak declension in e. Syncope as in 
Swedish^ e. g. gamie. In Old Danish there are traces of perfect 
inflexions^ masc. nom. sing, -^r, gen. -«, accus. -en. 

The weak declension has e throughout. 


3s are either of primary or secondary formation ; that is^ 
bal theme is formed directly from the root, or it is derived 
nominal or another verbal theme. Verbs belonging to 
•mer class are commonly called primary verbs or stem- 
those of the latter, derivative verbs. Thus the Gothic 
our English to bear, are primary or stem- verbs, because the 
theme or stem bair-a^, for ^bir-a-, is formed directly from 
)t bar; but the Gothic saltan, our English to salt, are 
ive verbs, because the Gothic theme or stem salt-a^ is 
lly a nominal theme, the base of the Gothic and English 
jlt, from which the verb is derived, 
root is the first element of words, verbs as well as nouns : 
oot is not a verb ; to become such it must be provided 
3rsoDal terminations, which are as indispensable to a verb 
case-signs are to a noun. The terminations of the per- 
lay be added to the root immediately, or by means of one 
•e connective letters ; in the former case the root itself is 
•bal theme, in the latter the theme must be formed by 
of a suffix. Thus, for instance, take the root as (to be) 
e termination of the ist pers. sing, ma, weakened to mi, 
u will derive from these two elements the Sansk. as-mi, 
'. €tyLi=zia-yLC, the Lat. sum^es-u-m, the Goth, i-m, the 
o-m, the English a-m. But given the root bAar (to bear) 
2 termination of the ist pers. sing, mi, we require a con- 
in order to join the latter to the former ; and this con- 
we find in the suffix -a- which we add to the root bkar, 
us form the theme bAar-a-, and from this, by means of 
rsonal termination, the ist pers. sing, bhar-d-mi, I bear, 
same manner the Gr. (f>€p-o-fi€v (we bear) is formed from 
jme ffi^p-o- {o=a), root ^ip (to bear), the Lat. veh-i^mus 
Qvey), from the theme veh-ir- (J=a), root veh, and the 
haira (I bear), dropping the personal termination, from 
ime batr^' ^z^bir-a, root bar. 


>■"■■ TfSrroxiC GRAMMAR. 

By means of the personal tenninatioiui we distingiuBh fj 
llirve f^rammatiial persons in three numbers, the singulu, dn^' 
and plural ; so that the Xryxa languagts, in their most primitif^ 
tj')(e known to u«, required nine personal terminationB. Tbcff 
tvmiinatiuDS are the roots of the respective personal prononni, 
added to the root or tlioroe of the verb, a formation which %t 
mi^bt imitate bv eompounding the verb and our personal pn>- 
nouns, as lovt-l, /nrr-fioH, (ore~ke, &c. 

Another uli'ment in the formation of the verb which craTei 
attention in projiortion as it modifies the form of the verb, is the 
m<*A or modus. Let iit> take af^in the roots ai (to be) and Mar 
(to iM-ar). Of these root* we ffot the indicative by adding the 
|)erw)Ual ti'rminalionE directly to the root or the theme developdl 
i'roni it. Now if we wish to express with the same roots tbe 
n-lal ir>iiR of any other mood, the optative for instance, we retjoin 
a distinct snIKx for thix purjxtse. The root at and tjie tennina- 
tion Mf, when jointxl, yield the ist ein^. indie, at-mi; in order h> 
otittiiii the optative the Aryan languages avail themselves of tlie 
sullix -y/-, which they very proiwrly place between the root or 
theme unil the i>ersonaI termination. Thus then we have the 
root a*, the thc-me bhur-a-, and the personal termination mi, 
typical lorms which may be modified but never suppressed. The 
niillix cxpnveing the modus of the action takes its plaoe between 
thcni, uiitt thus we get the optative primitive at-fo-m {m for «i], 
Saiisk. it-yu-m, Gr. e&ji' = ^<r-tfii-;», Lat. nni^»-ie-m=^e»-w-m: 
tind of the theme primitive bhara- we get biaror^-m {i=3^ 
SjinNk. hilihr-'iy-ii, tlicmc hlbhar-, Gr. hiha-ofv, theme j(S»-, Goth. 
iin*. tense biiimu =^ l>ira-i-u=:*ifini-i-"i, prim. hkara-i~m, titena 
A.i.'M-, ]>rim. Iiham- ; ]icrf. tensi' Lfr-ja-ic, prim. bkabidf-fA^.i 
tlii'nic Air, prim, hhuhhie-. As tlic optative by -jia-, so th»MWi 
imu'livc iw liirmwl by means of the suffix -a-, while the ini]i«(in 
1i:iv no TniKid siiflix at all, and the imperative is merely tJie Uutnu 
«itli (he (KTsonul tcrmimitioD in the vocative, sod rnayn' 
Iv I iilliil a verbal iuterje<.'lion. 

A thii^l function to be perfoniied by the verb 
l>ii".-in): rx'ialiciis of time; the modified formi 
\<-\V lor ihiH [inrjHise we call the tempom Oi 
i>. iii<'u<^ llniri n.-wnmed may consist a' 
i.'.'i, oi in llie gradation of the n 
ii.l.v.i^ As Ui onr Teutonic langin 
I'.. Ill ii.'tiiv :iri' t1io present and t. 
\\\.A\ \\\\\ Iv snbiDilted to an CXaA 
lu.t II .-ih.- tviiiiml till' reader how B 
UI.. i!>.- tvH.vt .-liiirui'U'rizcs our \ 

THE VERB, 367 

~ flbflsify according to this formation in Gothic as well as in the 
:jhiigaages of the present day. The English steals stolcy stolen^ 
fte German stele^ stdl^ stolen, are as expressive of their type^ as 
file Anglo-Saxon stele, stdl, sialan, and the Gothic Hila, stal, 
MtuMy stulan9 — all being examples of the perfect formed by the 
modification of the radical ; while in the English lovCy I lav-ed, 
the German lieden, ich lieb-et-e, the Anglo-Saxon nerian, ner-e-de, 
the Gothic nayan^ ttas-i^day we have examples of the perfect 
formed by means of composition, an auxiliary verb being added 
to the root. Verbs belonging to the former class we call 
* simple/ or with Grimm 'strong;' those of the latter 'com- 
pound/ or with Grimm ' weak K' 

Thus then we have to consider three elements which enter 
into the formation of every verb, — the Persons, the Moods, and 
the Tenses. Though the signs which originally expressed these 
different relations may in our modern Teutonic languages be 
partly or wholly obfiterated, they are nevertheless of such 
supreme imports^ce for the right understanding of the Teutonic 
verb as to render a detailed exposition absolutely necessary. 


ist Person Sinoulab. 

The 1st person singular is formed by the suffix -ma, which is 
the base used in Sanskrit in the declension of aAam (ego), the 
1st person singular of the personal pronoun, where we find the 
ablative mor-t, the genitive ma-mu. In the perfect tense the a 
only remained; and as secondary suffix, in the optative for 
instance, it appears merely as -m. Hence we get of the root 
bhar (to bear), the primitive present tense babhdr-a^ perf. babhdr-^. 
But at a very early period the a ot ma was weakened into i, so 
that mi appears as the regular primary suffix, e. g. as-mi (sum, 
I am); the secondary suffix -m we have in a^ya-m (sim=sie-m). 
In the same manner are formed the Sansk. as-mi^ and optative 
pres. 9ifarm; the Gr. €r-/Lu=^^<r-ji4 and €lr\v=^^ ka-^ri^y, ; the Lat. 
sum = ^es-iJL-m = ^es-mi = as-mi, sim = aie^m = a^ya-m = M^a^m, 
The last -mentioned language does not distinguish between 
primary and secondary suffix, but applies -m in all examples. 
This -m we find everywhere in the present subjunctive, as veha-m, 

^ The active and the passive voice do not form distinct themes, but express their 
different relations merely by different modifications of the personal terminations. 


and in the imperfect in -la^m. The Gothic has the -m only ib 
im^*i^mi—a4'mi ; everprhere else it has dropped the tenmitt- 
tion of the ist person singular. 

ist Pebson Plurai^ 

As suffix of the ist person plural the Ursprache used -madj 
secondaiT form -mas^ e. g. pres. indie. (U-ma^i (we are)^ optative 
a^ja-ma-i. In tliis termination grammarians see two prono- 
minal roots ma + #/ combined. The former^ as we have already 
stated, is the root of the ist pers. sing. ; si stands for ti^ and ii is 
held to be derived from fra the base of the 2nd pers. sing, of tlie 
personal pronoun ; and -masi consequently means ' I-thoo,' * I 
and thou/ hence ' we.' But the plurality of the ist person miy 
also include the ideas of ' I and he/ ' I and ye/ &c, combiner 
tions for which the primitive language no doubt had its special 
forms, which however in the course of time were lost, and of the 
different words expressing the different kinds of ' we * only one 
remained and took the })lace of the other forms as well. In 
Sanskrit the primaiy suffix is -m/is, Ved. -tiuisi^ as t^masi, i-mat 
( imus), vakd'tna^i, vahd-mas (vehimus) ; the secondary suffix, 
-/;/</, the shortened form of -masi, as vahe-ma. The correspond- 
ing form in Greek is -/bicr, that is, lu with v ephelkysticon, which 
succeeded in establishing itself for good ; e. g. l-yL€v = prim. 
i'tiiasi. More primitive is the Doric -/i€9= primary ^fjuisi, secon- 
dan' -miis, and is closelv allied to the Latin -w?/^, more ancient 
^mos, as i-mu'i, vehi-mus. The Gothic has preserved nothing of 
this suffix but the ;//, e.g. viga-m (movemus) = prim, tmgha-tna^i ; 
the secondary' suffix in Gothic is -;>/-a, that is, -w which was 
preserved from destruction by the final a supporting it*, e.g. 
vigai-ma (moveamus) for *vigai'f?i, prim, vaghal-mas. 

ist Person Dual. 

The plural m was modified into r, hence prim, rasi, Sansk. ras, 
perf. -r</; e.g. pres. raZ/d-vas, impf. a-rahd-va. In Greek and 
Latin this form is wanting ; the Gothic drops the v of the pri- 
mitive 'Vas, -rasi, and thus forms vl//ds=^ viga-{7s= riga-ras, prim. 
vaghd'Vasi, The perfect has lost the termination and ends in the 
connective vowel, as vegn for vt^gitv, from prim, vavagh-ras. The 
secondary -va corresponds to the plur. -;//a, as vigai-vay optative 
pres. for vigai-v, from prim, vaghai-vas. 

' S<'lierer does away with tlie auxiliary a by contending that this a is the re- 
maind<*r of an ancient termination -niii^ = Gr. av, Sansk. u; in the pronoun also, 
e. \r. hvata, he takes it as the remainder of an ancient am^ as in Sannk. iddm. 

THE VERB. 369 

and Pebson Singular. 

The primitive theme of the 2nd person singular of the personal 
pronoun is tva^ as we find it in the Sansk. tvaty Ivam, &c. As 
a termination we meet it in its completest form in the suffix 
-^a of the perfect and the nlAi of the imperative. But as a rule 
n is put for li=tva, perhaps in order to keep the ti—tva of the 
and person distinct from the ti^ta of the 3rd person. The per- 
fect termination of the Sanskrit is -tha^ e. g. chakar-tha (fecisti), 
root Imt (faeere), veMha (vidisti, dla6a)^vaid'iAa, root vid (to 
see, to know). The imperative ends in -^Ai. 

The Greek -Oa after a is the oldest Greek form of the primitive 
ta, e. g. oItr-^a=for<r-da= Sansk. vet-tha. The termination -(rBa^ 
as in the subjunctive pi\r)^0a^ optative ^ciAoi-o-^a, indicative rCdri- 
o^, seems to be so formed that to the usual termination s (as in 
^€t-s) there was added the suffix -ta, the t of which following the 
spirant s was changed into the aspirate 6. The Greek language 
is rather fond of the termination -aOa in the conjugation of 
verbs; but the commonly used suffix is 9=0-^ as we find it in 
the termination -eis of the indicative, and -/ys of the subjunctive, 
e.g. 4>ip€is = ^ <l>€p€-^i, (f>4prfs = ^ (f)€pri-ai ; the secondary suffix 
always -9, as in l-^epe-s, (f>4poi'S. 

The Latin perfect has -ii for -ta ; the s preceding it belongs 
not to the termination but to the theme of the periect. The i 
probably stands for an older ei, as lutudis^li^iuludis-tei. The 
length of the i was perhaps adopted in analogy to the long i of 
the 1st person (vide infra). The imperative in --dM is lost, but 
the emphatic imperative in 'to{d), Ved. -tdl, preserves the original 
^ in a very primitive form. In Latin, as in Greek, the common 
suffix is -*=-«, e.g. €8^68-^ and ^ed'8, prim. <w-w, root a8 (to 
be) and ad-8i, root ad (to eat), vehi^8, prim. vagha-8i; optative 
present «/-«, prim. a8-yd/~8. 

The Gothic has -t for -^, e. g. vdis-l, prim, vivdid-ta; simple per- 
fect nam-l, root nam (to take), prim, nandm-ta. But the common 
primary suffix is, as in Greek and Latin, -^=prim. -*i, e. g. vigi-8, 
prim, vagha-^; i8 (thou art)=i*-^, prim, as-^i ; also in the com- 
poimd perfect, as na8-i^e'8, iab-ai-de-^, salbS-de-^, The secon- 
dary suffix is -«=prim. -*, e. g. vigai-8, prim, vaghai-8. Specially 
to be noticed is the rule according to which in Gothic a dental 
(rf, tf th) which precedes the terminational -t of the and pers. 
sing, of the perfect is changed into the sibilant -*, e. g. Tdi8't 
for vditr-t {pldOa), mos-t for mStr-t (debes), qa8't for yaj?-^, perf. of 
qi\an (to say). Thus the st gradually came to be considered 
the termination of the 2nd person, and invaded other verbs, e. g. 



ihat G.nij; iij:;-Hi>Hrr izk«tad of a regular *aai''s6-t, root m (to bov,) 
ui£ 7 nk"7 r: 3$!ZTT«ed ilk^ positioD of the older -# and -i in boft 
Vbt jnaiefL* izic liii^ j^erfect tense in all Teutonic languages, t 
&.'*: w iJ2&Z hMT* ic> Device hereafter. This perfect in il mif 
v%I :if takeL » a& azml::^ to the Greek perfect in -o^. 

TVf 7?i2EhiT« sc£x is -4j*i, which consists of two rooti, 
TaTT^elj ^ = rrz aai #i = fj = /rj ; whence -/a*i = ^ra + Ita^ and 
T^fc^i* * tb:*^ a^ :b->T:/ that if, ' ye/ In Sanskrit it is repre- 
Afct^ :t -^k rriznary -i'ij and the secondary '4a y e.g. present 
isir. ri^*i-:*N5, imj«rrf. j-iij/'j-Ai. The perfect has lost the 
ft.os^-CAz:': :i ibe ^^rsiznarion ; hence balkra for babkar-a^ for &t^ 
i*--"r. f:c 3c:.*j'-^*#;". The Gneek verb has -re throoghoat, m 
4Ku.«-nf. fr^-«. o«.-cir-7c; the Latin '4i4=^ii^=^t4i^i, e.g. e^, 
£a^->'^. iH'i/:cr<^^ w,<i^\*. The imperative in -/o^ contadiu 
t'.cv c:i*^Zr:^lT ^ren than the Ved. -iut twice the pronominal 
•ifcj^r — - : tbc inj^rative in -4^ is, like the Grreek -re and the 
SuLijir.* -'.J. a >bvr:ea€d form. The Gothic has -(A throaghonti 
w'r.jjc. :* tie rtriainier of an older -/ia =-/<?, e.g. present 
ir.iv.^r>r '■^ rz ^'i^ c-jiative n'yjfWi, perfect indicative vegu4kf 
r>.: r.-.' :o move . 


2nd Person Dual. 

Y:i. s-tr.x in SAnssrit i? -r*.:^. j>erf. -<i(iujf [-fJin^ a weakened 
*':rTi "1 -'':' ' : >tvviidarr sutfix -tuM ; which in Greek are 
r:*. r:<<Ti:c«: 'y --::•. in G thic by -^^ \t preceding 9 resists 
Or.:v:v.'> Ij"* . o. ir. present indie. laha-Uy optative bairai-U, 

- -»v. r\ tative irrci-l^. The -^*=prim. -tas, -(aii. 

,^,.. .*. ■& ^- 

^rvi Persox SixcrLAR. 

Tr.-: rr!r.*t:ve -': is a domt-knstrative root: as a verbal termi- 
navin we rni :: woakenod into-//, secondary -^ e.g. present 
indio. .U-' i-st . r: ■: ;-"'' vohit^-, optative as-jy(i-f (siet, sit), 
r.: t: -: vth:it . The imporative suffix is fafay whence the Ved. 
/:'. tho L;it. ' :' . an-l the Gr. ra»(r). The Sanskrit j>erfect 
suthx is -: t*«r -.":, ;is hit^.h-ir-'i for "^hahhar-fa ; the primar}' suffix 
-^" in :M-'\ h\.irz-t' ; the seoi^iiar}- -t in bhare-fy st/d-t. The 
Vovl. imivrative ends in Utf = f'i-fa. Greek has in the perf. €= 
Sanskrit d f.^r -A/, e. o-. \i\oii:-^ = nrdik-a for rirdik-ta. But the 
primary suffix -Ti^-fd is preserved in etr-ri, and in the Dor. TiOr^n ; 
cri tor Ti in Titfrf-<TL and tlie Homeric subjunctive ixn-aiy Ka^ij^^i. 
But the ,♦ of (Ti is commonly dropped after the thematic vowel, 





ist Person Singular. 

Tho suflix mi = Ma of the primitive language ia, as in Gotiue, 
j»iV55t»rvcd in the termination -;« in the Old Teutonic, and ts •■ 
lu s«.nuo of the Modern Teutonic languages ; among the latter, 
K]i;;^Ush alone shows the primitive -?«. It occurs chieftj in the 
viirii'us forms of the verb 'to be;' thus from the root <w(tobe) 
HO have the Goth, i-m {= ^is-mi = a^mi)^ the O. N. mi 
; = ' ' r-#« = " /.*- w / = u^Mi), the A. S. eo^m ( = * eor-m = ^ i^-mi^a*- 
nii\ wheuoe tho Engl, am; from the root 6m = prim, biu (tol«e) 
thorv is the O. H. Germ. pi^?/t (comp. Sansk. diar^-ml), the 
C>. S. V' fi-m, the O. Fris. be-m, the A. S. dech-m, M. Dutch be-mjlvaX 
Middle and New High G^rm. i/-«, and following their analogy 
N, Out oh JC'fi. These are the only forms in which all the Ten- 
tonio languages have preserved the primitive suffix ; but there 
an^ ."» few other words with the termination -»i in which Old 
High German api>ears more primitive than Gothic, namely 
tn >-'•* J do\ als<» in the O. S. (/o-m^ do-n ; pd-m (I go), */</-» (I 
standi . The derivative themes in ^' and o, perhaps following 
tho anali^gy of the mentioueil verbs, also take in Old High Ger- 
man the >utlix - / iu the 1st sing., as /lape-m, saldd-m. 

I St Pkrson Plural. 

Tlio primitive siitlix -mrt.ii aj>{x\irs in it^ complet4?st form in 
tho Old Hiirh Ciorman -'///^i, while Gothic and Old Norse 
havo rotlucod it to a single -///, which f/i the Middle and New 
Hijjfh Goniian and Putoh havo converted into ?/, while the Saxon 
dialoots havo dropped this termination altogether and put in its 
stoad, Old Saxon that of tho 3rd, Anglo-Saxon that of the 2nil 
jK^rson plural ; 0. g. O. H. Germ. Jind-a-meSy Goth. Jin}^i-my 
0.^,jnni'fi-tn, (jvrm. jif/f/f'^u, O. S. /r*//</-fl-^/, A. S. //«</-/7-S, by 
the side of which wo havo tho unintlected plural in the Engl, we 
Jiud. In the pretoritc and subjunctive the Saxon dialects adopt 
for tho 1st person tho termination -w of the 3rd person plural, 
e. g. Old Saxon subjunctive jind-a-Uy liTotcnte/uftd-n-n, Anglo- 
Saxon subjunctive ////^/-r'-;/, ])retoriteyw>///-o-w. From this fact 
we may perhaps explain a curious phenomenon which we observe 
in Early English. It is this, — that in Layamon we find the plural 
thn>ugliout formed with the termination -fi, in the Ormulum 

^ Compare geilo-nif do^m, gesea-m^ gato-m (I sec) in the Durliam Book. 



THE VERB. 373 

Gdommonly with the termination -en, or ^i^, while in Old English 

K^^in the former, in Middle English the latter predominates, 

ontil New English discards thim hoth, though at the dawn of 

our modem period -en was still in favour. The form in -th and 

tihat in -» were kept distinct in Anglo-Saxon; but both were often 

dropped when the pronoun succeeded the verb, as * ne ^a ge' for 

gtPS, 'hwat ete we' for eien. The subjunctive rarely had any 

termination in Old English, and even the indicative drops the 

ending not unfrequently, as ' we kalle* for kalleth, * thei luf for 

lufetA. From all this it becomes evident that at an early period 

a confusion set in, which was finally solved by the total dismissal 

of all terminations in the subjunctive as well as. in the indicative 


2nd Person Singular. 

The primitive suffix -£i and its representative -« appear in 
the Old Teutonic languages in the present tense originally as -«, 
in the perfect as -4. Thus in the present tense Old High Ger- 
man has, like Gothic, -s; e.g. O. H. Germ., O. S., and Goth. 
Ailjh-i^, Goth, kab-ais, O. H.G^rm. kaj)-e-s, even A. S. Aa/es 
(thou hast), though in the last-mentioned dialect this form is 
rare, and occurs chiefly when the verb is succeeded by a pro- 
noun, as spreces jfu (loqueris), leornas ]>u (discis), and in contrac- 
tions between verb and pronoun as geaiistu (vides), cue^estu 
(dicis). The Old Norse, and Swedish and Danish also, have the 
termination -*, but in the favourite shape of r. In a few words, 
however, all the Teutonic languages prefer the still more ancient 
suffix 't to its modified form s. This takes place chiefly in the 
verbs commonly called Praeterito-PrsBsentia, which have the 
form of the perfect though the meaning of the present (comp. 
Gr. oSba, Lat. memini). Thus Goth, kan-t (potes), yarf-t (eges), 
skal-t (debes), mag-i (potes), &c. ; O. H. Germ, darf-t^ scal-i, 
mag-t^ but can-H for ^can-t (vide infra) ; O. S. tharf-t, scal-t, 
mah-t, but canst ^ far-man-st ; A. S. \earf-ty but canst ^ ge- 
manst, dearst; O. Fris. skila, skal-t. Though the verb 'will' 
often ends in a vowel in the 2nd singular, it also has the form 
wii^t in the Old Teutonic dialects : M. H. Germ, sol-ty darf-t, 
wil^t. Among the Modem Teutonic dialects English has pre- 
served the ancient forms shalr-t, wil-t, while Modem German has 
given way to the corruption into st, kannst, wiliest, sollst, &c. 
The regular suffix of the perfect 2nd singular was -t, which 
however we find intact only in Gothic and Old Norse, while 
Old High German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, and Old Frisian 

^ The Ormulum has chrUtt%e\i\> and chriBtnenn, 


hare the Tocalic tenninatinp i, or weakened e. Some gm- 
Eiari&cs ecnadtr this i or r as having oome orer together wi& 
thr fnTzial Ablaat from the snbjiinctive^ others take it as the 
ec'iin€ctire Towel which remained behind after the terminatiQi 
ha^l ><en droj'p<d. This terminatioQ is greatlj modified bf 
a law which we have alxeadv mentioned under Gkythic, ad 
acoc<rding to which the stem of a verb ending in a daitd 
changed this dental into m befoie the termination -4 of the pe^ 
feet. Thus the Gothic ^9^ for ^^-/» and in the pneieritxH 
prsEsentia mo^ fur mot-^j rais-/ for raii'4. Now m imili- 
tion of these forms Old High German has already the fina 
€»«->-/, where the stem does not end in a dental, bnt the # has 
simplv been interpolated^ and thns the present tenae^ following 
the analogy of the prBBterito-prsBsentia^ adopted «l as its re^jidar 
termination in Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, and all the Middla 
and Xew Teutonic dialects (onlv Middle Dutch has commonly «). 
While in Gothic and Old Higli German the compound peifect 
ends in the 2nd singular as the present in -«, the other dtaleeti^ 
such as Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon, which adopted a vocalic 
termination for the simple perfect, imported the termination -^ 
in the compound perfect too, and finally this termination was 
generally adoiited in the 2nd sing, present and perfect, indicativB 
and subjunctive. 

2nd Person Plural. 

The primitive suffix -ta^i has been curtailed in the same 
manner as the primitive termination of the ist plural. It ap* 
pear-? in Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, and Old Norse, as 
"(h, in Old High German as -^j in Old Saxon as -rf. In Early 
English it either reigns supreme, invading all the persons of the 
plural, or yields, together with the ist, to the usurpation of the 
termination -n of the 3rd person. (Compare the ist and 3rd per- 
son plural.) It is peculiar that this -n is still preserved in the 
2nd pers. plur. of the Swedish verb, while it has been dropped 
in the 3rd pers. to which it originally belonged. 

3rd Person Singular. 

Corresponding to the primitive suffix -to, Gothic -/A, we find 
'ih in tlie Anglo-Saxon and Frisian dialects, -rf in the Old Saxon, 
and 't in the High German and Dutch. The root as (to be) 
forms the 3rd person everywhere by means of the ancient -/, 
which is protected by the preceding s, hence Gothic is-t^ Germ. 
is-t (he is); the Engl, is^as has dropped the terminations and 

TUB VERB, 375 

IB reduced to the simple root. We have irregular forms in the 
Norse and English l^guages. The Old Norse^ and^ following 
it, Swedish and Danish, have -r in the 3rd pers. sing., a termi- 
nation which stands in no relation whatever to the legitimate 
msS&i, which undoubtedly in Old Norse too was originally -/>j, 
perhaps in the form of -1$. This suffix^ however^ was at a very 
early period expelled and its place taken by that of the 2nd pers. 
fling., where we find, in accordance to Old Norse phonetic laws, 
-r for -*, which -r took possession of the 3rd pers. sing, as well. 

A peculiar course was adopted in Modern English, where 
the primitive -ih (though still used in poetry) had to give way 
to a new comer in the shape of -«. This s has no legiti- 
mate claim whatever to its position, and it is very difficult to 
account for its introduction. It makes its appearance in the 
Durham Book already, where we find forms such as forgefes, 
does^ iingeSf geheres; Layamon and the Ormulum refuse it ad- 
mittance. In Old English it is used side by side with "tk^ 
Chaucer himself applies -th exclusively, but the scribes of the 
Northern Strother he makes to use the form in s, as it gas^ 
falles, has. In Modem English Ben Jonson still prefers the 
"iky but Shakespeare the -*, while Spenser uses either one or the 
other on rhythmical and euphonic grounds. Some suppose this 
« to be the result of Norse influence and the representative of the 
Old Norse -r in the 3rd (or 2nd) pers. sing., others take it to 
be merely a corruption of the original Anglo-Saxon termination 
-fk. The former opinion can hardly be maintained when we 
consider that Old Norse forms, where they are imported at the 
expense of native elements, are taken in 'ready made,' not in 
their primitive shape. When the Norsemen came into contact 
with the Saxons they had no doubt lost all consciousness of the 
fact that the -r of the 3rd person of their verb was originally «, 
converted according to the law of rhotacism ^ We consider it 
far more likely that the terminational s originated in a corrup- 
tion of the legitimate M, first in pronunciation. It is a well- 
known fact that foreigners who have not made themselves 
masters of English orthoepy always pronounce the th^ especially 
at the end of words, more or less like «, and it is not unrea- 
sonable to suppose that the introduction of 8 was a kind of 
accommodation the natives made to foreign weakness, a being 
the nearest approximation which a Norman, for instance, could 
make to the sound of th ^. 

^ Goncemmg the oonTonion of « into r (Rhotacism), see the phonetic laws under 
the respectiTe consonants. 
' Marsh, The Origin and History of the English Language, &c., p. a 16. 


3rd Person Pluilal. 

The primitive -antiy --nti, appears only in the Gh>thic -iai, -i^ 
and the Old and Middle High German -nl; in all the otkr 
dialects it has been lost. But the secondary saffix -«^ wtiA in 
Gothic and Old High German already was used for the preBeni 
subjunctive and the perfect indicative and subjunctive, we find 
ai^iin in all the other dialects, not only for the 3rd person, hat 
forming the plural throughout. In Early English it often coik- 
tt^tcil the place with the legitimate tA in the present indicattre, 
and so successfully that at the dawn of our modem period it 
rt^istcd the levelling tendencies of the age, until it shared the 
fate of most inflexions and disappeared together with the other 
terminations of the plural. Modem Gbrman supplanted the pri* 
mitive -m/, which was still used in Middle High German by 
the Siwmdary sufiix -», which we find also in Modem Dutch; 
Swcilish and Danish have, like English, dropped the termination, 
which in Old Norse had already been vocalized, in the present 
indicative into <i, perfect m, subjunctive i. 

The Dual. 

The ditlcrcnt ^^ersons of the dual do not claim any further 
exiHv^ition hero, because they appear in Gt)thic only, and have so 
far alri^adv ri\»civcil our attention elsewhere. 



The primitivo nunlial forms we find in none of the Teutonic 
laui^uairi^s. s;ivo the (lothie, and we shall therefore consider them 
8\^ t'ar i>iilv as thoy oivur in the mentioned language. The per^ 
soiial t<'n\ni\atiinis of the meilium arose from the respective pro- 
nominal vihU InMUir twice addeil to the verbal theme. These 
compound terminations weri\ for the singular ist -wa/»/, 2nd 
•^v,' V \ ^rd -/<//: ; ^nl plnv. -nhuitL Derived from these primitive 
forms weiv -//.•<//, ->tii/, -A//, -wA//, as preserved in the Sanskrit 
subjunetive, and the Greek terminations -^i, -<ra4, -rcu, -rrat. 

I St Sl\GUL-VK. 

This t*orm is wanting in Gothic, and is replaced by that of the 
^nl |vi*son, a dettvt which shows that at the time when Ulfila 
trai\slated the Bible the meilial form had in Gothic also begim 
to ^.oUapse. 

ti • 

THE VERB, 377 

and SiKGULAB. 

Primary suffix -21a for -«ai, e. g. da^a-;2»=Gr. ^^pc-o-oi^ Sansk. 
tkara-^f prim. bAara-9a{9)i, Secondary ~zau, e.g. bairai-zau. 
Hie latter suffix seems to stand for a more ancient 9dm^ in the 
same manner as ist sing, optative perfect hir-jau for a more 
ancient hdr-yam^ so that ndm comes firom «a^ as Sansk. -idm 
(3id sing, imperative medial) from ta, 

3rd SiNOULAB. 

Primary suffix ^da^^taiy e. g. haira-da = Gr. (^pc-roi ; prim. 
diara-^(/)i. Secondaiy -^u^dm (comp. 2nd sing. zau=^9dM), 
e. g. optative bairai^Uy prim. bAaraintdm; imperative baira-^u, 
Sansk. bAara-tdm. 

3rd Plubal. 

Primary suffix "fida = -;»^i^ e. g. baira-^a = Gr. ffApo^vraiL, 
Sansk. bhara-nte^ prim. bhararnta{nt)i. Secondary -ndau^-ntdm 
(comp. 2nd and 3rd sing.), e. g. optative present batraiHtdau^ 
prim, bharai-ntdm ; imperative baira-ndaUy Sansk. bharorntdm. 

ist and 2nd Plural. 

Wanting in Gothic, and replaced by the 3rd plural which we 
have just examined. 


The mood-suffix is placed between the verbal theme and the 
personal termination. The indicative and imperative have no 
mood-sulQGbc, and are therefore, strictly speaking, no modi. The 
imperative is only the vocative form of the personal termination. 

The Subjunctive Mood. 

The theme of the subjunctive mood is formed by means of the 
demonstrative suffix ^-, which, where an a belonging to the 
temporal theme precedes, is contracted with it into d] e. g. prim, 
present theme bhara^, subjunctive theme bharaHi"=.bhard^, Thus 
Latin vekd-m, vehd-s^ vehd-t for ^veAa-a-m, &c. (the short vowel 
of the Latin subjunctive is a correption of a later date) ; Gr. 
<^^p<0, <l)ipji^ = (l>€pri'^ij <^^pn = (l>€prj-Ti, The subjimctive mood 
being totally absent in the North-European languages (Teutonic 
and Slavonic), we need not submit it to a detailed discussion. 


TuE Optative Mood. 

► — 

Tr of the optative mood is formed with the rafii' 
1-^ :vv.: r.'v ;:Tu*:a:t\l into -vc/-, which also yields the base oft yr :: .:n. \\ it suooeeds \\\)on a temporal theme 
ir. :. v:x is weakened into /. The optative thi 
b.As :r.o 5k\> :u:an" jvrs*.nial sulBxes. Examples: — 
ih-::'.;o :<. S.i:;>k. .-■«. Or. <<t, Lat. eSj Goth. U — ^hence 
».::.i::ve is: >:!:sr. \t\u\. c.'j^-Vff-w, Sansk. s-^a^w, Gr. cDjr=^l^Bl'» '^ 
•."--. l-i.:. <;" = .*•..-■- '. Goth. sijtiuz=*s-ija^pn=^^i'i^ja-m. Hi' 
I r:::i:::vo ::uiv.o .:«-.'J- is in Guthic extended into fl^-^y*-, ta* 
.< :-. whivh tVrm is treated as a theme in a and assumes Ai 
usual |H rs^>::;il terminations of the optative, as and pers. ij^t 
;rvi " .:. is: plur. prim. ci^«-v»/'-/«<i*, Sansk. s^yd-ma, GA 
* - - . Tr.imo prim, 'f.-j-, Sansk. Ihara-^ Gr. ^pe, GA 
b-- •■-; heiuv prx^seut optative ist sinjS^. prim, b^ara-i-m, Sani 
^i ■• '-. -f . Gr. «;vt.x^--vx\ Goth. Latrau^bira^i'-m. andflo^ 
prim. ":::--.*. San>k. i«.;rc'-*, Gr. c^cpo-i-s, Gt>th. 6fl»ra44. 
Thus thon we have in the Gothic optative present the optatin 
thrill in ;. Kvause the prvs^^'nt theme ends in a; but the perfert 
1 1: vino oiidiriT in the tinal of the root, the optative perfect ii 
t«r:iu\l by moans k^( the sutlix -VJ-; e.g. perfect theme 4rr (ot 
'5 -. to Ivar . jvrUvt optative ist sing. it^V^/j-tf, prim. AiaMar- 
V ■-■/. inJ siuiT. .*«'-^.-i<, prim, bkabhar^j/d^. 

rm: modi in the teutonic languages. 

r. . v:,i:i\« in :!:o Tciitonio lauiruasjos, whioh is commonly 
v.; "i\I ^ : ".'/..v :i\\ o:- s;il'^:ii.;::vo. is fvrnu\l on the Siime rules as 
:'..v li- ;-.:i-. .r, \vi« l.a i |\:-h.ips bottor say, derivt»il from a primi- 
t:\i' IVuT.'nir f. nn t.- whiv'li :lio G-^thio hoai-s the closest resem- 
M:iiuv. I: is, in nv-s: of tiio Tont«»nio dialoots, ancient and 
m-iliTn. an«l in it> irnatost ir.tOjCrity, preservt^l in the root as 
^l.» l»f , wliirh invariably supplies the present subjunctive, except 
in tlhi -Mo«bTn Xi.rse laniruaires, and in Early and Modem 
Jji;4li.-}i. 'J'hr snbjnnt'live ihcnio or stem is in Old High Ger- 
innn and .'ill the Low German dialects «*/, in Old Frisian and Old 
Norsr nr\ whicb may be explaineil by reference to the Gothic. 
'J'h<' // nflhr (iotbic iiijuH being dropped, the remainder appears 
in a cnnlrach-d form in the si and st' of the other dialect^j the 
former pre>npiMi.sing perhaps the v^x^ilization of the Gothic sij 
into t<'i'i and hence */\ and the latter the elision of they in Gothic 
sija, thus producing sia and hence se. Thus then we have in 

^^ THB 7RRS. 379 

let and jrd sin^. of the present sabjnnctire the O. H. 

»., O, S., A. S., M. H. Germ., M. Dutch, N. I>ntch ti; the 

^3^%. and O.N.*?; the N.H. Germ, wi (N.H.Germ. «= 

E. Germ. J), the other persona bein^ only modified by the 

lonal tertiiinations io several of the dialects mentioned. Id 

Sason (Xjaramon and the Ormolum) the subjunctive n is 

^nally supplanted by the BubJTmctive heo of the root hhu, 

icli exii«tecl in Anglo-Saxon already, and which in the shape 

&e became the sole form of the present subjunctive in Old 

rlish, and remained so in Middle English and New English. 

he subjunctiTe of other verbs forms its theme in the present 

»8e by means of / {Old Saxon d), in the perfect by means of i. 

v-^^se thematic vowels may again be explained by a reference to 

.^^e Gothic. Take the Gothic present theme baira- which in 

^^e optative yields the form fia^o«='frini-»-n, and baira-i-t, the 

^^i i/a being weakened to i on account of the preceding a of 

^e theme. The thematic a and the suffixed » combine m Old 

-tiigh German and other dialects to produce the form /, e.g. 

, 3nd Bing. lerS^, a contraction which corresponds to that in the 

Sanskrit bhaT-4-9 compared to the prim, bkara-i-t. The Old 

Saxon a which stands in the place of the i was undoubtedly 

originally long, a length which was lost in the course of time, 

just as it was in Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisiwi, Old Norse, and the 

New Teutonic dialects, where it can no longer be distinguished 

from the thematic e; so that in the Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, 

fiMd-e, the Old Norse find-i, we may simply see the thematic 

form (a weakened to e or i)i <"^ ^^^ ^ (0 n^y be considered as 

the correption of the optative ^(=a+t) which we still find in 

Old High German. Thus again in Middle High German the 

subjunctive and indicative forms are identical j in New High 

German a distinction is kept up in so far as the e in the siu>- 

jimctive termination may not suffer syncope, as indicative du 

»ag-»t, but subjunctive du tage-it, where the thematic e (=a] is 


The vowel of the perfect subjunctive theme is i in Old High 
Grerman, Old Saxon, and Old Norse, the length being preserved 
only in the former two dialects; the i is flattened to e in Anglo- 
Saxon and Old Frisian as well as in the Modern Teutonic dia- 
lecta, if they have preserved any vowel at all. The Old High 
German i corresponds to the Gothic « *, and the Gothic et to 
the primitive -ya~ ; hence we have for the Gothic and sing. 
/unth-^, theO. n.Qerm. fund-i-t, 0. S./«jw/-w, O.N.^«-f-r, 

' Compara the Table of Gndatioiu, p. 14. 


«f ^ fRtmk tfat I «r « g— o> be coondered to be Uk 
«M< -' J. b«anM an tke Old TcofawK dnketo n 

lfcr*-rfifcf f»wM AatM Agp«fc*t,««Gqriiic |jiewii i 
UnB^ A^n*> ^^1^ pa£^ ^'^^ <^> ^^^f"*^ > ptactice b 
i> ^ KjA^ G«s. jA&. &^^ >«J^, peiC jfaY. i«^ 
Tvwwl difB w&kfc is aUra » tW perfrct cabjniKti 
0t be the manBtu tatiTg < 


T^oB w« oS iht n^susc Tase ia die Arrsa bnefBgo 
pciiws A aooMMr jc ircnaciuiB aiacpfai.^^^KaQT dEtiiict one 
^DifC&i^. T!bfSK imfiaauB S^raaf nuKt on^inallT bin bai 
MvttC j)^wib.-«cui)i» a$ veil : ^ir. :» %AiiaAa nsbtir ok 
« iuSneiKe ji 3iic3i wTtauoc i liaSaeDK is tbe ■kwub^ » 
^et^r 3KUB>.-errute. V^ ami. murwvn'. m t&e estaal 
^n^cs MtMaunaily nifieKac 6mctiuiK pex&nKd br Ae £1 
ZDvniKs ii tae 3PK«aC anee. auw^ it h tnw tbat the t 
>it' :^tik.-cv(i£ 3)K 3KA^y .o^pDUumL whilie a TarwCr of i 


T^tf TwrwiK*! ■vrminatfi'iBi ire j>^i^^ tc tie d«ne is i 

rw .-K^ - 

ft«ua:.f«. a^"*: ■■» ~- ';•; - lit antf. w-«. 2ki 


j*^,- -^ -.ur .-.»— *»t sii,'jiun;CLT« i« gaff. j»-i^-W 

■■ -'P* 

1st Siiii;. rf-jii-.* 

iMiittr* W soar «-":- Wt aior- *-»» 5-'r "w-m 

M. ] 

m1> -«. at «»-«f==«»^^MiM 


THE VERB. 381 

09^; andplur. M-tis, ist. plar. *-iM«iw,=^«*-M-»fiw=^^*- 
priia. (U-^nasi* 

ed (to eat), 3Td sing, es-t firom ed-^f)i; in the same 

e^tis, &c. But edo, edimus belong to the themes of 

H. In their extant form Bta-t and da-i belong to Class I, 

^h originally to Class IV. (Comp. Sanskrit and Greeks 


U. To the simple pure root is added the suffix -a-. 

^jj^ This formation probably occurs only with roots which have 
^*^e radical a. The suffix a of the theme^ that is^ the finals a has 
gradation in the ist singular and plural^. 

FrimitlYe. Root bhar (to bear) ; present theme hhar-a^ ist 
%iDg. bhar-d-mi^ 2nd bhar-a-^i; ist subjunctive bhar^a-^-mi, 
lience hhar-d-mi ; optative ist bhara-i-m. In the same manner 
sre formed the present themes pat-or, root pat (to fly, to fall) ; 
«i0fi-a-, root vart (to turn) . To this formation belong most of 
the derivative verbal themes^ especially those in -aya-^ e.g. 
theme viad-aya^ (to make known)^ root vid (to know)^ ist sing. 

Sanskrit. Boot tud (to strike), present theme tudd-^ ist sing. 
iuddr-mif 1st plur. tudd-tnasi. Boot bhar, present theme bhard-^ 
ist sing, bhard-mi. Derivative verbs in -aya-, e. g. root vid^ 
present theme vedaya- (to make known), ist sing, vedayd-mi. 

Gkreek* Boot <^^p (to bear)^ present theme <t^€p€'', 4>^po-9 iBt 
sing. ^^/>-a)(-pu), 1st plur. (^€p-o-/bi€Xf. Derivative verbs in -ay a- : 
nominal theme (Popo-, verbal theme <f>op'(yo'j ist plur. <l>€poviJL€v 
^ ^p-€yo'yL€Vy prim, bhar-^ya-masi ; nominal theme rtfij), verbal 
theme nfi-ayo-, ist plur. ri/xc^/i€i;=rt/xayo-/i€r. 

Latin. Boot veh, prim, va^h (to move, convey), theme veh-i-, 
1st sing. veho=:^veho'mi, prim, vaghd-mi; vehp-t, prim, vagha-ti, 
1st plur. vehi-muSy prim, vaghd^masi. (Conjugation in -ere.) In 
Ijatin and Greek the ist plur. difiers from that of the preceding 
languages in not having the gradation of the suffix -a-. The de- 
rivative suffix -ay a- is represented by e, i, d, as monetis^ ^moneiiis 
= ^mon-eyi^tis, prim, mdn-aya-tasi, (Conjugations in -are, -ere, 

Gk>thio. The formations in -a- are very frequent in Gothic, 
chiefly with primary themes^. The radical a is with few excep- 
tions weakened to ». It is not weakened in ist wmg.fara^fardy 
-pTim. /ard-miy root far (to go) ; graior^ root grab (to (fig) ; slaha-^ 
root slah (to slay) ; valda-^ root vald (to govern). It is weakened 

^ Gradation of Towels, p. a 2 sqq. 

' Concerning |>riiiiary and iecimdary themes, see pp. 167, 168. 


to 1 in giba-^ root gai (to give) ; brika^^ root 6ral (to break) ; 
hilpa-, root halp (to help) ; — weakened to f^ in truda-- (perf. trapf 
plur. ire-dum)^ root Irad (to kick). To the themes in -a- belong 
also the verbs with gradated radical (commonly second gradation, 
and the gradation remaining throughout), e. g. hdita^y to be 
called (O. Engl, to hight, Germ, hei^en) ; hvopa^y to IxMUst ; Ula-, 
to let ; slepor^ to sleep ; stduta^, percutere (Germ, sto^n). The 
final a of the theme is treated according to the primitive law ; so 
that corresponding to the d in the primitive language we have a 
in Gothic, corresponding to the short a in the primitive we have 
the weakened form i in the Gothic language : e. g. ist sing, viga 
for ^vigd, prim, vaghd-mi; 2nd vigis for ^vigi^y prim, vagha^; 
1st plur. vigam for f)igd'mas{?), prim, vaghd^nasi; 2nd vi^Uh for 
^vigtr}fi3(^j prim, vagha-^tasi ; 3rd mga-nd for viga-ndi, prim. 
vagha-nti. In the 3rd plural the a is preserved by two saooeed- 
ing consonants of the termination. The ist dual vigSs arises 
from vigaas, viga-vas (Goth. a+a=S), prim, vagkd-vasi; the 2nd 
dual vigar-ts seems as if it were derived from a more primitive 
form with the thematic vowel gradated or lengthened. 

The primitive -aya-, used for the formation of derivative verbs, 
appears in Gothic in three distinct forms : (i) the first a dropped, 
ja; (2) the y of aya dropped, makes «-f a=<?; (3) the final a 
dropped, ai. 

1. The verbs in ya (corresponding to the Latin in t) form the 
present theme in ja, jiy or ei, and all other themes in i ; e. g. 
present theme nasja^, ^lasji- (to save), perf. theme nasi-, hence 
present ist sing, nasja, 2nd nasjis^ ist plur. nasjam, &c., perf. ist 
sing, nasida. Instead of ji we have ei after a long radical, e. g. 
theme sokja-y 2nd sing, sokeisj but the combination ja always 
remains intact, as ist sing, sokja, ist plur. sokjam, 

2. Verbs in 6 (=prim. a) can easily be traced to nominal 
themes from which they are derived ; thus from theme leika-, 
adj. ga-leiks (similar, like), we get ist sing, ga-leiko (compare 
Germ, ver-gleiche), 3rd sing, ga-leikdy, ist plur. ga-leikom for 
^leika-jd-mi, ^leika-ja-ti, ^ leika-jd-ynasi ; irom Jiska-^ Jisks (fish), 
3rd sing.^^^'^ (piscatur). In leikajdmi the j was dropped first, 
and a-\-a make 6. 

3. The verbs in ai (= Latin e, Greek ec) for the primitive -aya- 
have this derivative form only in the 2nd and 3rd sing, and 2nd 
plur., and in the perfect ; but in all other persons of the present, 
and in the optative of the present throughout, they assume the 
form of primary themes, so that they have always two themes, one 
for the former, another for the latter forms ; e. g. the theme habai-y 
of the root hab (to have), makes 2nd sing, habai^, 3rd habai-}^, 

THE VERB, 383 

and plnr. hahai-^^ perf. habairda; the theme Aaia- forms ist 
plur. haia-niy 3rd haka-nd. 

m. The root has first gradation and takes the mffw -a-. 

FrimitiTe. Boot dik (to show)^ present theme daika ; root 
hkug (to bend)^ hhauga-; root sru (to flow), srava^. 

Sanskrit. Boot budh (to know), 3rd sing. bSdha-tiy ist plur. 

Greek. This formation very frequent. Boot (pvy (to flee), 
present theme (f>€vy^, <^€vy-o-, plur. ^cify-o-ixtv, (t>€vy-€^€ ; root 
kiv (to leave), theme Xctw-e, Actir-o, plur. X^lTs-^-yL^Vf A€t7r-€-T€; 
root Aa^ (to be hid), theme A»y^-o-, ist plur. Ai/^o-ftcx^. 

lAtin. Boot due (to lead), theme duc-i—douo-ir-^ prim, dauk-a^^ 
3rd sing, douo-i-t. Thus also dio-irt^deic-i-t, root rfw? (to say); 
fid-i-t^feid-^ty root fid (to trust). 

Gk)thio. This formation occurs regularly with primary themes, 
containing the radical i or Uy e. g. root ^t^^ (to pour), ist sing. 
giuta^ 2na giuti^; part. pret. pass, gutnins ; root ^r/p (to seize, 
gripe), ist sing, greipa, and greipi-Sy part. pret. pass, grip-ans, 

IV. jRitf roo^ w reduplicated, and, if ending in a vowely assumes 
first gradation. The gradation is subject to the same rules as 
under 11. 

FrimitiYe. Boot da, present theme dordd, ist sing, da-ddrmi, 
and daHid-si, ist plur. da-dd-masi, subjunctive ist sing, da-dor 
d-miy optative da^doryd-m; root dha (to put, to set, to doj, pre- 
sent theme dha-dhd" ; root ga (to go), present theme ga-^d-. 

Sanskrit. Boot hhi (to fear), ist sing. bi-^hS-fni ; root da (to 
give), 1st sing, dct-dd-mi, 1st plur. da-d-mas; root dha (to put), 
1st sing, da-dhd-miy ist plur. da^h-mas. Peculiar to the two 
last-mentioned verbs is the loss of the thematic a in the un- 
gradated forms. 

Greek. The vowel of the reduplication is i ; the plural has 
no gradation. Boot bo (to give), theme bi-bo-, ist sing, bi-boa-fu, 
ist plur. bC-bo-^v; root <rra (to stand), theme l-<rra- for si-sta^, 
ist sing. f-oTiy-fu, ist plur. r-<rro-/i€i; ; root $€ (to put), theme 
Ti-^€-, 1st sing. TC-drf-fUy ist plur. Tl-0€'fi€v ; root v\a (to fill), 
1st sing. wf-/bi-7rAi;-/bi4 ; root irpa (to bum), ist sing. wf-jLt-7rpi;-/bii 
(comp. ttA^o-o), irAi^^o) and 'tt^o-o), 'TrpT^^v). The two last-men- 
tioned verbs add a nasal to the reduplication, and thus connect 
the themes under V with those under IV. 

Latin. This formation is rare, and recognizable in but few 
fragments, and even in these not without the suffix -a- ; e.g. gignit 
for ^gi-genri4, prim, ga-gan-a-ti (comp. yly{€)vO'imi,) ; root gan 


(to be^t) ; Mtitj i. e. si^M, prim, sirsta-ti^ root sta (to stand); 
serity 1. e. ^sirsinty prim, sp-sar-ti^ root *a (to sow) ; birii-t, root 4^ 
prim. jM, joa (to drink). 

Gk)thio. This formation is^ strictly speaking, wanting in 
Gothic j for the only fragment this language possesses is a theme 
with the suffix -a-, in which, moreover, the reduplicational syl- 
lable is nasalized : ist sing, gagga^ 3rd gaggiAhy from a prim. i£i 
ga-n-g-d-mi, 3rd ga-n-g^i^tiy root ga (to go). In Old High Ger- 
man we find a few more remains of this formation ; namely from 
the root ga (to go), ist sing. gd-rHy prim, ga-gd'tniy and ^<w, 3rd 
gd^ty 1st plur. gd-mes ; from the root 9ta (to stand), 1st sing. 
std-My prim. ^ta-atU'tniy 2nd std-Sy &;c. ; root ta (to do), 1st sing. 
tuo-niy prim. dAa-dAd-mi ; but these again have lost the reduph- 
cation, and the gradation crept into the plural too; in their 
extant form therefore they more properly belong to Class I. 

y. To the root is added the suffix --nor- and the vowel of ike suffis^ 
gradated in the ist sing. 

PrimitiYe. Root star (to scatter, to strew), ist sing, sf^r-ni- 
mi, 1st plur. star-na^masi. This suffix, as well as -««-, are demon- 
strative roots, and occur frequently in the formation of nominal 

Sanskrit. Root grahh, grah (to seize), 3rd sing. med. grk- 
na-tcy grh-ni-te ; root yu (to join, jungere), ist sing, yn-nd-miy 
1st plur. yu-ni-mas. na in the ungradated forms is weakened 

to '7ii, 

Greek. Root h&ii (to tame), theme hiii-va-y ist sing, bifi-vrj- 
fjLiy 1st plur. bdLjx-ifa'jxev ; root irip (to sell), ist sing. -Tr^p-nj-zxi. 
This form often occurs in combination with the suffix -ya- (Gr. 
-0-), as iK'V€-o-fxai, I come. The a of 7ia is treated in the same 
manner as the final of the themes in -a-, e. g. root ttC (to drink), 
theme TrC-ve-, tiC-vo-, ist sing. irC-voiy 2nd Tr^-rc-ty, ist plur. iri-ro- 
fjL€v, Almost exclusively peculiar to Greek is the formation of 
the present theme with the suffix -cu^e-, -arc-, prim, anay e.g. 
root Ik (to come), theme iK-dvo-, ist plur. U-di/o-jutcr ; root auy, 
av( (to increase) av^'dvo-^xev. If the radical is short, the nasal m 
is inserted between it and the final of the root; e.g. Aa/3 (to 
take), theme Xa-ix-fi-ivo-y ist plur. Aa-/ut-/3-cii;o-/uici/. 

Latin. The a of the suffix -wa- is treated as the final of the 
themes in -a-. This formation occurs chiefly after vowels and 
roots ending in r, e. g. root li (to smear), 3rd sing. li^7ii-t ; root 
si (to let), si'ui't ; root ere, cer (to separate), cer-ni^t ; root spre, 
sper (to despise), sper-ni-t. On a more ancient stage of the 
language we find da-n-nnty root da (to give), prodi-n-unt, &c. 

THE VERB. 385 

Gk>tbio. The a of the suffix "fta- * is treated as in the cognate 
languages. Exclusively belonging to the present, we find -«a- 
only in the theme ^frih-^a- from the root frahy to ask (Germ, fra- 
gen), in which the a of the root is weakened to ^ ; ist sing. 
fraih-^a^ and fraih-^i^y ist plur. fraih-na-mj perf. sing, frah, 
plnr. freh^'Urm, Prom these present themes there has been 
developed in Gothic a class of derivative verbal themes (with 
pasmve functions) which gradate this na into nS in the perfect 
tenge, so that we have a theme in -^o- for the present, a theme 
in -«rf- for the perfect, which moreover follows the system of the 
weak conjugation ; e. g. present theme veihna- (to be sanctified), 
from veiA{a)^ (holy). Present sing, ist veih-na^ and veiA-ni-^, 
3rd veik-ni-tAy ist plur. veiA-na-m^ &c., going exactly as fraiAna 
(Latin eemo); but the second theme is veiA-716-y whence the 
perfect veiA-no-da ; thus also fullnan (to be filled), from fulljwn 
(to fill) ; andbundtian (to be loosened), from andbindan (to loosen); 
usluknan (to be opened), from nslukan (to open) ; af-dumbna (to 
be dumb, to be silent), from dumha (dumb). 

VI. TAe demonstrative -nor' or its sAortened form ^n- is infixed 
to tAe root itself before tAe final consonant. 

Primitive. It is difficult to decide whether this infix occurred 
in the primitive language, though from its occurrence in all the 
cognate languages it would appear that it did. The pronominal 
root -na-, which first was used as a sufiix, seems to have gradually 
crept into the root itself and to have become the infix of which 
we now treat, so that to the Latin ju-n^g-i-t (root jug^ Sansk. 
yu)y to join) corresponds a primitive ytt-n-^-a^ti^ which originally 
may have been yug-^a-ti. This infix also occurs in nominal 
themes, as the Gr. Tt5-/ui-7r-ai;o-i;, root tuts (to strike) ; Goth. 
dn-m-b-s (dumb), root dub, from which also daub-^ (deaf). Com- 
pare also the Goth, morma-g-a (many), root mag^ prim, mag A (to 
grow) with the Lat. mag^nu-s^ from a primitive magA-na-^ as the 
Gothic from a primitive ma-nor-gAa^. 

Sanskrit. Root yvj (to join), present theme yu^na-j-^ yw-»'-^-, 
ist sing, yvrnorj^miy ist plur. yu^^'-j-mas ; root mucA (to loosen), 
present theme mu^-cAa-, ist sing. mu-n-cA-^z-mi. 

Greek. This formation is very rare : one example we have 
in (ril>Cyy<ay root (rc^ty (to squeeze) , comp. aif)ly-yLa^ at^iy^y^s. 

' A near relation to this is the suffix -nu- which Schleicher discards from the 
Teutonic languages ; but Delbrueck (in Deutsche Lautverschiebung, Zacher*s Zeit* 
schrift fUr Deutsche Philologie, i. p. 13) recognizes it in Goth, hrinnan (to bum), 
where he takes nn as the assimilation of nv, and this nv for nu; hri, the root 
corresponding to a Sansk. hhar, 

C C 


Latin* Chiefly with roots ending in a oonaonant; e.g. looi 
tag (to touch), ta^-g-Ui; pag (to flEUBten), jHi-n-g^-i; fy (to 
form), /-H-y-f-Z ; fitd (to poor), fm-n-d^t ; rup (to break), 

Gothic. 1st sing, gf^i-^^da, root static siady an extensicm d 
the simple root $ta (to stand) ; perf. stotA. The form gagga also 
might be mentioned here, if we assume a compound root yiy, 
formed by means of reduplication from the simple ga (to go). 
But the explanation given under lY is preferable, because ifb 
find nasalized roots in Greek and Sanskrit also. To this formt- 
tion belong the following verbs, though they form their perfect 
like the derivative verbs by means of composition; ist sing. 
brigga^ I bring (Goth, gg ^ ng, gi = ni; oomp. ihe Greek), 
perf. drak-ta, root (frag (the radical is weakened to > in the pre- 
sent) ; tkagkja, I think (comp. A. S. thencan, Grerm. denken), 
and thugkjay I opine (comp. A. S. ihincan, Grerm. dunken, 
Engl, me-think-s), perf. tkak-4ay tAuA'4a, root tiai^ iAul, In 
the present they have both besides the infix -Jt- the suffix -^ 
(See II.) 

Vn. To the root is added tke suffix -jra-, tie a of which is treated 
like that of the themes in -a-. 

Primitive. Root svid (to sweat), theme svid-^a-, ist sing. 
srid'^a-miy 2nd svid-^a-si^ &c., like bhar-d-mi, 

Sanskrit. Root nah (to bind), pres. theme nah^ya-^ 3rd sing. 
nah-ya-t'i ; root mad (to be intoxicated), 3rd sing, tnad-ya-ti (with 
the radical gradated). 

Greek. A favourite formation ; the ya occurs in various 
modifications, (i) The y of ya remains as i ; root 5a (to divide), 
theme ha-i^-, prim, da-ya-, 1st sing. ha-Co^ixai. ; root <^i/ (to beget), 
JEo\, ifjV'i(o, (2) The y is transplanted as i into the preceding 
syllable, that is, into the root, e. g. root t€v (to stretch), ist sing. 
TciVo) for ^T€V'i/(ji} ; root ^a, prim, ga (to go), theme fiorv-yo-, ist 
sing. /Sa^i^o) for ^;3a-r-i/a) ; root <^a, prim, bha (to shine), hence 
with the suflBx -n the root <f>av (to appear, to show), ist sing. 
<^aiv<ji for ^(pav-i/ta. In the last two cases we have the suffixes n 
and ya, that is. Class II and V combined. (3) The y joins the 
final of the root, and this combination appears in the form of ( 
or ca ; but if the final consonant of the root is A, the y is assimi- 
lated to it; e.g. root o5 (to smell), ist sing, ofco for ^Sb-gu); 
thus also (l>v\d(T(T(M> = ^ <i>vKaK'-yiti, Taacrta = ^raic-yai, Xiaaofiai = 
^AtT-yo/jtat, root Atr (to implore), Kopva-aoi ^ ^ KopvO-gca ; but 
oTeAAa) = ^<rTcA-yo). (4) The y disappears between two vowels, 

THE VERB. 387 

u, ifw'OOy comp. ^ol. {fnhhif in which the spirant y is vocalized 
into u 

Iiatin. The y of the suffix ya is vocalized into i, but dropped 
where another i succeeds^ e. g. root cap (to take), ist sing, cap^o, 
ist plur. cap~irmus for ^cap^yi-mus ; in the same manner fug^io^ 
raot fug (to flee), aio^ag-yo^ root ag (to say), ero for ^e^o, 
^M-io; erunt for ^es^unt, es-iunl, have dropped the i of the primi- 
tive -yc^ before the o and u. The last two forms assumed in 
Latin, as in other Aryan languages, the meaning of the future — 
a phenomenon which we observe also in the form -bo, used as 
the termination of the future, which stands for a more ancient 
^bio, bu-io (comp. -^ol. <^t;-(«), root bu, fu, prim, bhu (to be). 
The suffix -ya- occurs in derivative verbs, as atatuo for ^atatuio, 
from a prim, sfaiu^d-mi, in the same manner as the 6r. ixi&6<a 
for ^fjL€&vu», prim. midAvr-yd-mi ; moneo^ prim, mana-^yd-mu 

Gk>thio. Root yra^^ (to understand), present \heme frath-ja'^ 
1st sxng, frath-jaj %uAfratAji-Sy i%ti^\MT.frath-ja-m; i^ri.frSth; 
thus also 1st sing, hlahja from the root hlah (to laugh). If the 
root ends with a, ya is changed into ia, e. g. root sa (to sow). 
1st sing. «a-Mt, 3rd sa'ii^lA, ist plur. sa-ia-m ; prim, ist sing. 
sor-yd-mij 3rd sa-ya-ti, ist plur. sa-yd-ma^i; in the same manner 
vaia, root va (to breathe, to blow, &erm. wehen), laia, root la (to 
Bcold). Perf. of sa is sdisS, of va, vdi-^S, of /b, Idi-lS. All these 
are stem-verbs and to be kept distinct from the derivative verbs 
in -aya-. (See Class 11.) 

Vm. lb the root is added the suffix -ta-. 

Sanflkrit, and very likely the Primitive language too^ did not 
make use of this suffix. 

Greek. A frequent formation ; the suffix ta occurs as -re-, 
'^O', chiefly after labials, e. g. root tvtt (to strike), ist plur. rinf' 
rO'fjL€v ; p6xf> (to sow), pdir-To-fi^v ; iriK (to comb), 7rcic-To-/iev. 

Iiatin. This formation occurs in but few cases, chiefly where 
the root ends with a guttural; e. g. nec-ti-t {neciOy I bind), 
Sanskrit root ruih (nectere); thus 2\bo pe<yti^t,fleotut, plec-ti-t. 

Gk>tliio. One single trace of this formation is found in the 
Old High Oerman root JUiht, to weave (G«rm. flechten). 

c c 2 



I. The theme cannsts of the simple, pure root. 

To this formation belong, as in Gk)thic^ the present themes of 
the root as, to be^ which take the personal terminations withoat 
any thematic or connective vowel ; e. g. A. S. eo-m = ^«>mi, 
O.N. e^m^^er-m, Goth. i-«=^w-«i = ^w-«ii, prim, ae-mi, EngL 
fl-wf; Goth, is't, prim, as-tiy G^rm. ie-i ; Goth., A. S., Germ., 
s-ind (they are) = ^ w-iW, prim, (u-anti ; O. H. Grerm., O. S., #w, 
Goth. si-Jai-^y prim, ag-ya-^, optative present of o^, to be. In the 
same manner the root ^j prim, bhuy to be, forms in Anglo-Saxon 
the present ist beo-m^ 2nd bi-st, yA di-'S, O. S. biu-m, bi^i, 
O. Fris. be-m^ bi^t^ O. H. Germ, pi^m, pi-^, Grerm. Ji-ii, bi-ti, 
A. S. bit, to dwell, inf. buan, 2nd b^^t, 3rd ^-'5. To these be- 
long also the O. H. Germ, ^a-wi, sfu-m, tuo-m, A. S. 1st gd, and 
giB'Hy 3rd ga^i; ist d^m, 2nd dast, &c. (See IV.) 

II. To the simple pure root is added the suffix -a-. 

This formation is one of the most frequent in the Teutonic 
langua^s, occurring in almost all the stem-verbs. As in Gothic 
it weakens the radical <7 to / ; but the pure radical is preserved 
cliielly in those verbs which gradate the a into in the perfect ; 
hence the root far, to go, has, for its present theme, /tir-a- (perf. 
Jvr) ; thus also the present themes scap-^-, create ; grab^-, dig ; 
staml-a-, stand ; svar-a-, swear. The radical is weakened to i in 
the present themes, Goth, giba-, sfil-a, hilp-a ; and again the i 
is weakened to ^ in the A. S. st^-e-^ help-e-y and in all modem 
dialects, e. g. Germ, siel-^-^ helf-e-, Dutch stel-e-, help-e-. Other 
modifications of the radical in the ditferent ancient and modem 
dialects are discussed in the chapter which treats on the strong 
conjugations ; but as to the a of the theme we have to mention 
that, as in Gothic, it is preserved in the ist sing, and ist and 
3rd plural ; weakened into i in the 2nd and 3rd singular. But 
while Gothic weakens it also in the 2nd plur. the other dialects 
preserve the a intact. In the Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisian, and in 
the modern dialects, the i is further weakened into e, and in the 
latter the thematic a, where it occurs at all, is represented by 
the weakened form e. 

The themes in -aya- which occur chiefly with the derivative or 
so-called weak verbs may appear in three distinct forms, or as 
three distinct conjugations in Old High German as in Gothic, 

» - 

m timtwe tmi 
moieoiver ibe ibemt is 
rbile in Godiic it k 
11^. and let ad jrd f the. 
i^-W, we hsvt O- H- ~ 
ytiue *ia ^ k^ 
v fanner ^hetats^ 
? three fonnf br tii£- 
tlier. Tlie eccLlcxaOdiiL 
Ib, but Ji d tike 2£ 

L If 

i.4m I JI 

:.Ir & 


r . 

H J 


r. lit 

3. Br at 



in. The root ka9 ike first gradation, and takes the suffix -^. 

To this class belongs in the Teutonic hmgnages, all stem-Toh 
which have the radical » or « ; e. g. Gothic root skin (to shine), 
present ist sing, skeina^ O. H. Germ, scinu^ O. S. siinu, A.S. 
sc*ne ; root grip (to seize, §r"P®)* Goth, greipa, O. H. Germ, irjfi, 
O. S. grtpu, A. S. gripe, O. Fris. gripe, O. N. grtp ; root gut (to 
pour out, fundere), Goth, giuta^ O. H. Germ. khtXH, O. S. gwtif 
A. S. geSte ; root ^v^ (to choose), Goth, hiusa, O. H. Germ, ckvui^ 
O. S. kiusu, A. S. c^«^^ O. Fris. kiuse, 

IV. 7%^ roo/ f> reduplicated and, if ending in a vowel, assumes 
tie first gradation. 

We have abeadj remarked that this formation is ahnort 
totally wanting in Gothic, and we may now add that none of 
the ancient Teutonic dialects has anything more than mere rodi- 
ments or fragments of themes of this class. To these belong 
the O. H. G^rm. gd-m, std^fUy and tuo~m, of the roots ga (to gc^ 
sta (to stand), t^i (to do), which yield the forms ist sing, gd-m^ 
sfif-m, iuo-m, from the prim, ga-gd-mi, sta^td-mi, dAa-dkd-mi, 
2nd sing, gd^, sid-Sy tuo^, ist plur. gd-mes, sid-mes, tuo-^es, 
for the prim, ga-ga^masi, sta-^ta^m/isi, dha^dAa-masi, the long 
vowel having crept irregularly into the plural too. Here we 
must also mention the A. S. gd, ga-st, ga-^j plur. ^a-"5 ; dS-m, 
fA-.*/, ^/<'-5, plur. do'i. But, as we said before, these verbs as 
thev now are before us belong more properly to Class I. 

V. To the root is added the suffix -na-. 

It occurs in Old High German and the other dialects, except 
Gothic, only in one particular form, e. g. O. H. Germ, gtfregin' 
ih ^^t'ando accipio), O. ^,fregnan (fando accipere). 

VI. The demonstrative -yia- or its shortened fonn -»- i> infixed 
in the root itself before the final consonant. 

To this class Wlongs, throug^h extension of the root, the verb 
to fifand as it ix>eurs in the different dialects, derived from the 
primary root sta, a secondary root stath, stad, which, with the 
infix, iVvomcs sta-n-d ; Goth, standa, perf. */<>b ; O. H. Germ. 
sf^j.'ifti, stuont ; O. S. standu, stdd ; A. S. standee st<}d ; Engl./ 
sf.nd, I stood. In the same manner we derive from the simple 
!\H>t yj, by means of reduplication, the compound root gag, 
which, with the infix -w-, forms the present theme ga-n^-a in 
the diilbrent dialects ; from the root 6rag (to bring) the present 
thonio dri'H^-iM- (with the weakening of the radical into i), in- 

THE VERB. 391 

finitiye O. H. Germ., A. S. bringan, O. S. brengjan, O. Frig. 
Irenga. Thus we have, by the side of the Go^, fahan (to catch), 
and hakan (to hang), in O. H. Germ, and A. S. fa-n-g-an^ 
l«-ii-^-affy £rom the root \akf dak, the Goth. '}fagkjan^lpa^n^ 
t-^an, O. H. Germ, de-n-i-an, O. S. tie^n-i-jan, A. S. |7^-«-{?-««, 
O. N. pe-n-i-ja, O. Fris. tha^n^k^a or the-n^zja, Germ. de-n-Jk-en, 
IBiDgL lAi-n-i; from the root tAui, dui. Goth. pugkjan=^]fu-n-k'' 
jan^ O. H, G«rm. du-n^k^n, O. S. thu^n^k-jany A. S. j^^-w-c-flfw, 
O. Fris. tAi-n-azja, Germ. dU-n^k-en ; but O. N. \yhhja (in nh the 
« assimilated to the Jg). 

VII. 2b ^A^ root M a^2fifee^ ^Atf mffix ja^ prim. ya. 

Verbs belonging to this class are stem-verbs, and must not be 
oonfounded with the derivative verbs in ja, prim. aya. They 
can easily be kept distinct, because the former take the suffix ja 
only in the present and form the perfect like other stem-verbs, 
the latter preserve the derivative suffix throughout the conjuga- 
tion. In the present tense, of course, both classes are inflected 
alike, so that at first sight it would appear as if the strong verbs 
vcLJa had adopted something of the weak verbs in /a, wherefore 
Grimm considers them of a mixed character. In Gothic we 
have already mentioned frd^jan (to understand, to know), hlah" 
jan (to laugh) ; we may add hqfjan, to lift (Germ, heben) ; ra|?- 
jan, to reckon ; fkapjan, to create ; ska\jan^ to damage, to scathe 
(Germ, schaden), which make the perf. in (^, as fr6)fy hldh, hdf, 
&c. ; — bidjan (to ask, to bid), has the perf. bd}f, be^um, perf. part. 
bidans. In Old High German we have to mention bittan, to 
ask (Germ, bitten) ; aizzan, to sit (Germ, sitzen) ; liggan to lie 
(Germ, ligen) ; heffan, to lift (Germ, heben) ; seffan, to under- 
stand ; swerratiy to swear. The doubling of the final consonant 
of the root is the result of the assimilated y, as bUian for bitjan, 
&c., they being still preserved in some forms such as biijuypitju, 
swerju ; hefjan, swerjan ; imperative piti, sizi, &c. In the verbs 
piUan, liggan, sizzan, it is owing to the influence of the J that 
the radical i was not weakened into e, and to the' same influence 
must be ascribed the Umlaut of a into e in the verbs awerran, 
seffan, heffan. Old Saxon has biddjan, liggjan, dttjan, hebbjan^ 
suerjan, af-sebbjan, animadvertere. The gemination which occurs 
in most of them is not, as in Old High German, organic, that 
is, caused by the assimilation of the j to the final consonant ; it 
is dropped in the and and 3rd sing, present and in the impera- 
tive ; e. g. biddjan, 2nd sing, bidisy 3rd bidid, imperative bidi, &c. 
In the perfect they make, had, badun, lag, Idgun, &c. Anglo- 
Saxon has, like Old High German, commonly assimilated the j 


to tiie final coa^ooant of the root ; bence hiddam, ntt^n, lie§n, 
il'T-ta. nrpr»*hend'*re : ^^7^1*, to toach; k^bban, nterjan. Buy 
are in the present iadectisi like the weak verbs in ja ; exeefl 
«rff7'r«. wiiioh hjs not a&suniUted the thematieya^ makes in tk 
lit f^rs. rr*-rJ^ -.^z*? , 2nd nc^r-^i^t^ 3rd «r^r-^-iS, ist plnr. 
W'^'-''*-5 ; imperatiTe trtr^i, O. Fris. ii^Ma^ bidja ; lidza,lidg^ 
to lie A. >. li-;^Mi ; « ^'a, to sit ; «r«r^'a, to swear. In the vd 
sire, oc * Jj * tae gemination is dropp<^ ; hence /W/i, /iVA; 0.«. 
*^'f ]l'-^T to not- slotire Germ, schwelgen) ; erja, to ploogti, 
arare; S/?;j. ^i'j:r*i, r^^j-iy ^iiPjJ'^y to get; Uikju and i/fib, to 
glitter: f^iijiy to disteive; n'i^'tf, to yield (Germ, weichen); 
#/^i;j. to s-ng; *'>'*j;'j, to sling, projicere; t^ggja, to chew; 
5^jr'.S to bark: '/<X'J- ^ <ii«; ^^'*'> ^«^'«j to squeeze; ii^fa, 
to Ua^h ; fcrTj, to suppress ; Mt^rja, to swear ; ^kekja and #ibia, 
to shjkke. The present throoghout is conjugated in the &shioQ 
of the weak Terbs. 

W51. To tk€ root U adfUd tie $wffix ^-. 

As we had occasion to observe before, there is no sign of this 
formation in Gothic ; the only trace we find in the Old High 
German root faht z=,jiak't^ to weave (Germ, flechten) ; present 
1st sing, flkfu^ and /i4/i-#, \<\. plur. fiekir-a-mes, perf. fiahi. 
Comf^ared with pUc-to, Gr. ^XcV-w, the compound character of 
fah'f Ix-oom 5 soon apparent, the suflSx iz=zta having crept into 
the root its /If. Tlie t not affected by Grimm's law on account 
of the preceding h.) 


As lonj> as the primitive Aryan language preserved its most 
simj)le character, roots kept the place of words ; roots conse- 
quently were used as verbs or verbal themes, whether present or 
perfect. On this stage the language possessed no other means 
to express the various relations of an action, but that of repeti- 
tion, that is, the repetition of the root, called Reduplication. 
Thus then all temporal relations also were originally expressed 
by means of the reduj>lieation of the root. In order to form the 
perfect of the root v'nly to see, the root was reduplicated into ind 
vhl ; to the perfect theme thus formed were added the personal 
pronouns, and thus was obtained the ist sing, rw/ vid ma, vidi; 
3r(l sing, vid vid fa, vidit. On the secondary stage of the develop- 
ment of the language the three roots were agglutinated into one 

THB VERB. 393 

\f hence ist vidvidma, 3Td vidvidta, and tien only the first 
* ynd* might rightly be called the reduplication, and 'ma' and 
^ ta^ terminations. The language having thus passed through the 
dflty or radical, and second, or agglutinative, to the third, or 
inflexional, stage, fnrther changes and modifications took place 
irhich tended more emphatically to distinguish the primary rootj 
ma the bearer of the meaning or sense of the word, from the 
secondary roots, expressing merely the relations of the former. 
This distinction the language brought about by means inherent 
in itself, that is, by strengthening the primary root, and by cur- 
tailing and weakening the secondary roots. The former was 
strengthened by the gradation ^ of the radical vowel, i, o, or u^ 
which gave rise to the following scale : — 

nuiicaL I. Gradation. II. Gradation. 

CI • • • . oa . • . • oQ 
t •••.ixf....dt 
M .... an .... all 

This gradation always took place in the perfect theme, except 
where the root ended in two consonants succeeding a, and it is 
a peculiar phenomenon that as a rule the second gradation was 
applied. Thus then the root vid, to see, appears m the perfect 
as vdid; iru, to hear, as irdu; ruk, to shine, as rduk; da^ to g^ve, 
SB da; sta, to stand, as sCd; ad, to eat, as dd. The secondary 
roots, on the other hand, were curtailed in various ways. The 
reduplicational root commonly lost the final consonant (except 
when the primary root consisted of but one consonant and one 
vowel), so that the reduplicated perfect of the root vid was vivdid^ 
of ruk^ Twrduky but of da, dadd, of sta^ staatdy of ad, addd. The 
perfect theme being thus completed, all now required was the 
personal termination. The terminations, as we have seen before, 
were supplied in the demonstrative roots added to the theme as 
sufi^es. These suffixes also, when the language had entered on 
the inflexional stage, were gradually more and more curtailed 
and weakened down, until, in the course of time, their original 
character was hardly perceptible. In the primitive language 
however these modifications were not yet so great as to oblite- 
rate the radical character of the personal suffixes ; nay, in one 
instance the suffixed pronoun gained the better over the primary 
root. This remarkable phenomenon occurs in the perfect plural, 
where the long bisyllabie termination resisted all change and 

* Conoeming the gradation of vowels, see p. 2 a sqq. 



even prevented the gradation of the primary root. It muflt 
have existed in the primitive language^ before Goths^ Greeks, 
and Indians had separated^ for we observe it equally iu the dif- 
ferent languages of the Aiyan tribe. The following facts will 
sufficiently illustrate the phenomenon to which we refer. Hie 
primitive and Sanskrit root vid, to see^ appears in Greek as fed, 
and if the root itself occurred in Grothic it would be vU, We 
meet it in the form of the perfect^ but with the meaning of the 
present, * I know^' a meaning which it has acquired in Sanskrit^ 
Greek, and Grothic alike. The perfect theme of this root, aocoid- 
ing to the rules mentioned before, must be in the primitive vivdid-^ 
which in Sanskrit we find as ved-, in Greek oI8-=fo45-, in Gothie 
vdit-. Its course through the different persons will appear from 
the following paradigm. 





Sing, ist vivaid-{rn)a 
and vivaid'ta 
3rd v\vaid-(t)a 

Plur. ist virid-maH 
2nd vivid-tcLsi 
3rd vivid-anti 





o7S-a for foiBa 

la'fity for fiJ^iuy 


rdi»^ for vaU-t 



Though it lies beyond the limits of this book to enter upon a 
detailed exposition of the reduplicated perfect in the cognate 
lan<j^uages, a short sketch will nevertheless be necessary in order 
to make us more fully to appreciate this part of grammar, which 
is of such high importance in the Teutonic languages also. The 
laws of reduplication, which in the primitive language were 
no doubt very simple, became in the different cognate dialects 
more numerous and complicated ; but our sketch shall comprise 
merely those most important for our purpose. 


Tlie first syllable of a root (i. e. that portion of it which ends 
with a vowel) is repeated, e. g. hnilh (to perceive), bu-budh ; but 
d/tu (to be), ba-^/iu. Aspirated letters are represented in redupli- 
cation by their corresponding unaspirated letters ; e. g. dAid (to 
cut), bi-bhid ; dim (to shake), du-dku. Gutturals are represented 
in reduplication by their corresponding palatals, h hy J ; e.g. 
iuf^ (to sever), chu-kui ; gam (to go),ja'gam; has (to laugh), ^^ 
has. If a root begins with more than one consonant, the first 
only is reduplicated, e. g. krus (to shout), chu-krus ; kship (to 

THE VERB. 395 

lihrow)^ eki-ksAip, If a root begins with a sibilant^ followed by 
a tenais or aspirated tenuis^ the tenuis only is reduplicated ; e. ^. 
ito (to praise)^ turshtu ; atan (to sound), ta-^tan ; sthd (to stand), 

The reduplicated perfect theme has commonly the first grada- 
tion of the radical vowel, e.g. tud (to strike), tu-tod-; ^r (to 
make)^ cka-kdr ; bhia{^ cleave), U-bhed-. Final vowels may have ■ 
first or second gradation, e.g. dha (to place), da-^hd-; stu (to 
praise)^ tu^htdu-; hri (to be ashamed), y/-^r^/-. In the plural 
and dual active, and in the medium, the gradation does not take 
place. Boots in a sometimes drop the radical, as tan (to stretch), 
ta-inirS'. Boots in a in the ist and 3rd pers. sing, have du^ 
▼ed. commonly d, e. g. da^ da^da, ved. da-dd. 


The reduplicational syllable does not repeat the radical, but 
supplants it by e, probably in analogy to the great number of 
roots with the radical 77= prim, d. Of two consonants only one 
is admitted in the reduplication, e. g. irAay (to beat), Trc-TrAr^y-a ; 
ifiov (to show), 'nd'<l>r)v^a. This also happens in a few archaisms, 
as /Ai^ = man (to think, remember), ^d-^ivrj-fxai,. But as a rule 
the reduplicational syllable repudiates a combination of two 
initial consonants, as kt€v (to kill), l-icror*a. 

The Attic reduplication is either the doubling or repetition of 
the whole root, as 6b (to smell), o5-a)^a ; Sir (to see), ott-wtt-o ; 
or, in analogy to the preceding case, the doubling of the first 
psu-t of the root, as dActc^ (pres. dAet</>a>, I anoint ; a primitive 
root with a prefixed), dA-^Ai0-a. 

The radical vowel has either the first or the second gradation. 
First gradation : Aa^ (to be hid), A^-Aiy^-a, A^-Add-a ; Fay (to break), 
Fi^Fdy; Fepy (to do, to make), Fi-Fopy^a ; <l>vy (to flee), W€-<^ci;y-a. 
Second gradation: Fpay (to break), l/)^ya=^€-f/Moy-a; Aitt (to 
leave), A^Aoitt-o ; ^\v0 (to come), elK-riXovd^a. The gradation does 
not take place in the plural, just as in Sanskrit ; compare ocda, 
plur. r<7-fi€v=^fi8-/bi€i; with Sansk. veda^ plur. md-Tna ; itiO (to 
trust), w^-TToi^-a, 1st plur. pluperf. ^-W-7ri^-fX€i; ; tAo (to sufier), 
W-rAiy-ica, plur. rtrrXa-yL^v ; ^a (to go), ^i'^rfKa, plur. pi-fia-fxev ; 
bi (to fear), d^-doi-xa, plur. hi-hi-yL^v, This law however is percep- 
tible only in a few old formations ; as a rule most verbs follow a 
new formation which has grown up in analogy to the compound 
aorist, and thus assumed for the perfect theme a final a which 

Max MUller, Sanskrit QrammWt p- 145. 


tb^ ^xJr 

' was fiyreign to it. Thus then we g^ 

Bing. ist A^(Mrii-(>i] for 'A«Au.- 
t for 'AtAwi-ra; 1st plor. AfAotVa-i^cv for 'A«Ai 
1 gitMral manjr new fonnatioiis in the Gi 
Ptf wbicli we meDtioD od« more, that whi<^ oODf'' 
, known in gruninar am PerfectOD F 
I bite), V Mx r^ ; 4«^a« (to inxud, watc^, vi 
I hart. iiqiiR), ffi-^Xa^ ■. "Hias boirerer onlj 
d Uiiais, not the deotals are aepinttiO. 
Aaotber pbeooraoKin mnst be mmtioned, wbtdi^ 
■M^^isatad to a veiy imkote peiiod, becau^ we shall 
e IB I^tin and even in some of th« Teutooie lai ' 
B the perfect in •*-, Voodie tbetoes have Dot 
set aiad. aa iacivate of the root bj *a ailditioMil 

.-fl), • 

TW Sml of the pedect stua is prewrred in bat few ol 
fc r — , » fitmm=.''_frc-m-=^ft-fae~in, and ^so fnxim-'fac-mm^ 
/w ■1. In all other fotina it ta^es as i as tb« Goal to 
the pariMt tboae, which * •• ofaBoire in its origin, as/«a 
^_fta-mm=^'fi^ti~ntm = 'fift,<i-^em. In the ist nog. j 
oAn vwd titxl wioA wtrr Hkdf- is the icmaiader ot 
m n m l -^im ; in the jid sii^. A, ^=«/, as d«A4,/i4./ 
Mt, n£fH . Both the 1st and yd aag. m well as the ut^ 
M hand Wfam the theme ia ■'; e. g. let sii^. /a-Zarf^jn 
Im i m ^ Vt phr. /»-4a^.i-M*. perfect theme tm-tmd-i-, not^ 
I* alrifce; nt in the 2ad nt^. and plor. we faan a | 
Acae in -*^ tfi'^'9- the GnA paC in -«-, as tAv, ->/ ' 
a^thepaHm^iaOUH^hGermn and Old N< 
«ad tan^. Im-i^i»tt\ pin-. tm- t m J it-Hs. In the t 

_**• y^ pws- pim-. the long- * is of later origin; 1 
' " -Awai, as yee~fr^mm£= 'Jrf i» eaJi, ^j 

I KM ponct tnfiiiilmjQ 
, . kijea t . Knal«£nf 

■ or H«rthe poC theme; m not die. poC t 
Ue^; mot <«a, per£ theme 4fc-«4-, j<«-«-m-. 

K wimnnh- fast the gndatks « 
ilifthewinfeetKd fcnn of j' 

tH^aM «««n r tp la md it h« 

THE VERB. 897 

^t gradation we possess in scdbi for ^ice^cdb^i; figi for 

B^f fih from a more ancient ^fivi^^^fu^fmivi; thus also 

f4i, &c. ; tu^t4d'i (in Priscianus), for tttr-toud^i, root tudy to 

e. At an early epoch of the language^ therefore^ there may 

' been in Latin^ as in Sanskrit^ Greeks and Gothic^ the 

i]ar alternation of long and short vowels in the singular and 

^ as 3rd sing, tu-tond-^i-ty ist plur. tu^tud-'i'-mus. Later 

tdie short vowel penetrated^ just as it did in the Teutonic 

Ifoages, from the plural into the singular. 

Sifter what we have stated we may arrange all the different 

Q&omena we observe in the formation of the perfect in Latin 

tder three heads : namely^ we find either ( 1 ) the reduplication 

leserved, or (a) the reduplication simply dropped, or (3) the 

oitial of the root lost and then the vowel of the reduplication 

Mtracted with that of the root. (The vowel thus formed is of 

Ooorse always long.) 

1. Beduplication preserved. 

The laws of reduplication are very simple in Latin, because 
very primitive in their origin, and may be brought under two 
distinct heads, (i) The initial consonants are unaltered in the 
reduplicational syllable, even the combinations at^ sp^ and sc ; 
bnt in these the root itself when reduplicated loses the spirant 
#, e. g. ^ond (to vow), 8po-pond~i ; acid (to cleave), aci-cid-i ; ata 
(to stand), ate-t^i, for apo^pond-i, aci^acid-i, aie^t-i. (Comp. Gr. 
t-^mf^i^ai-alar'mi, and Sansk. ti^hthd-^nL) (2) The reduplica- 
tional syllable preserves the radical vowel ; but roots in a have 
always the reduplication with e, e. g. can (to sing), ce-cin^i ; tag 
(to tonch), te^tig^i ; pag (to fasten) pe-pig-i ; man (to think), me^ 
tnin-i; pare (to sjpsxe), pe-perc-i. The radical always remains 
in the reduplication, e. g. Sansk. root mard, to rule, Latin pre- 
sent mord^eo (I bite), mo-mord-i; poaCy to demand {=poraCy Sansk. 
prachh:=. pfaalc)y po-poac-i. In the more ancient style (Nonius, 
G^Uius) also me^mord-iy pe^poac-i. Radical i remains in the re- 
dnplicatioD, e.g. acid (to cleave), aci^idi; bi^o (I drink, root 
pi^pa), bi-bi: radical u remains, e.g. lud (to strike), tu-tud-i ; 
jpug (to sting), pu-pug- i ; curro (I run, root probably iar), cu- 
curr-i; archaic (Gellius) jo^-joi^-i, cenmrr-i. 

2. Beduplication dropped. 

Examples: — tuli ^ te^tuli ; acidic aci-^cid-i (not for the later 
aci'-cidi^y fidi^fi-jidi. The loss of the reduplicational syllable 
chiefly occurs in composition, e. g, con~cidiy ex-puli, but ce- 
cidij pe-puli. Further examples are ftlgi =,jfh^f4gi, rdpiy fidi^ 


vtdi^vi'-veid'if prim, vi-vdidni, viciy icdbi. Bat these 
oft^n doubtfal^ and might belong to those to be mentioned 
No. 3. We must also consider the reduplication to biie \ 
lost in all those verbs which have the theme of the perfect y 
tical with that of the present, as d^fendo, defendi ; MaMio,ieaij 
vertOf verfi=V€'Veri^i, &c. ; also the themes in «, e. g./wsjM 
^z^Ju/ou-ri, and in the same manner j9/«t, rui, 9ol%i; indtl 
derivative themes in u, as tribu-i, a/alu-i, present triUjft' 
8iaiu(j)o ; perhaps also Juvi (present juvo), cam (present dm^ 
ydvi, Idvifpari^ mSui (moveo), vSvi. 

3. The initial of the root lost, and the vowel of the rednjBar 
tion contracted with that of the root. 

fretfi^^fre-frigi (or rather yrfl;/<yyi ? comp. spo-pondi 
the same msLnner Jeci, cepi, egi^ Itgi^ vAti^^^vevini {comf.te^ 
of f<ffie(f). This formation seems to be limited in Latin to rooka 
with the radical a, a8jac,jaCj cap, ag, &c. ; but it deserves the 
greater attention the more frequently it occurs in the Teutomc 
languages, where for instance the Grerman perfect AieU (of kaUei^i 
to hold) must be referred to the O. H. Grcrm. Atall:=z^ Aei^iaUjhj 
the side of the Grothic reduplicated form hdi^hald ; Germ, f/i^ 
(of afo^en, to push, to butt), to O. H. Germ 8ffo^=^sfei-st^^jhy 
the side of the Gothic reduphcated form sfui-sfdul, and numerous 
other examples which we shall mention hereafter both in the 
ani'ioiit and modern Teutonic dialects. The loss of the redupli- 
cation in these verbs may j)erhaps be ascribed to a tendency of 
lanuruairi^*« in ^jfcneral to suppress one of two succeeding elements 
whioh arc eitlior similar or identical in form. The Latin lan- 
giuii^* unilor sui-h circumstances is fond of suppressing at least 
one i\MiSi>iumt of the root where it begins with two, as sle-ti, 
jt/ii>-/.\'//./:\ yht-ftigi, i,Q,jWgi^ 


Only the stem-verbs and a few derivative verbs which are 
analogous to them ^as saltan from salt) form a simple perfect ; 
the perfect of the derivative verbs is always compound. In the 
Gothic perfect their remained, as a rule, either the reduplication 
or the gradation of the radical. The former we find chiefly with 
verbal themes which do not allow of gradation, namely such 
as have the radical a followed by two consonants, or taie the 
highest gradation in the present theme already ; we rarely find 
reduplication along with gradation of the radicid a into 6, e into 6, 

^^^*e reduplicational eylkble the vowel at has rapplanted the 
2*'^1 of the root, which no doabt origituJlf occurred in the 
S^Tplicatiou too. 

"^fce more primitive ino(io of rednplicating k preserved in the 

■ 13. Germ, tei-ia = la-lti, root ta (to do), which in Gothic woald 

» *ii-da = da-'hi, and which answers to tiie Sansk. dadhdu, prim. 

^*«4W. Of two consonants the initial only remains in the re- 

^l^licatioD, except the combinations hv, »k, and st, which remain 

J**iie, e. g. depa (I slei-p), »di-zlep ; gref^a (to weep), g&i-grSt ; 

r^t MAupa, I run (Germ. laufe), hldi-hldup ; ttauta, percutio 

^^erro. stog^), ufai-n/aii/ ,- ikdida, I separate (Germ, scheide), 

\^^i-»kdld. According to the laws of reduplication and grada- 

•^D we have to distinguish three fonne of the Gothic perfect, 

^hich are produced l>y reduplication and gradation combined, 

liy reduplication without gmdation, and by gradation without 


J. RednplicatioD and gradation combined. 

In all verbs coming nnder this head the radical is either a or 

t, gtadated in the perfect into 6. (i)>The radical a (the pre- 

■ent tense formed with the snffix -yo-) : ist sing, present vaia, 

^prim. va-ya-mi, root va, fiara (Germ, wehen), perf. vai-v6. 

1\am also the roots la, to scold, sa, to sow. (2) The radical /; 

infinitive present letan, to let, perf, lai-lSt. The long e in the 

present tense is espl^ned by some to be the effect of a nasal 

consonant having been dropped after the radical a, which nasal 

is still preserved in the cognate languages, e. g. Goth, tele-a, Lat. 

tango; Go^.flek-a, l^t.plang-o, Qo^.gr^t-a, Saaek. ikrand-dmi. 

%. Bedaplication without gradation. 

According to the rule laid down before, all the verbs falling 
imder this head should be (1) such as have the radical a followed 
by two consonants, or (2) such as have the highest gradation in 
the present theme already. To the former belong ialda (I hold), 
kdi-hald; valda, I govern (Germ, walte), vdi-vald: hat fahan, 
to catch (Germ. &ugen), and hahan, to hang (Germ, hangen), 
tiiough they end with but one consonant, make by analogy _/a»- 
Jiah and kdi-kah in the perfect. To the class under (3) belong 
hv^pan (to boast) kvdi-hvop ; tkdidan, to separate (Germ, schei- 
den), ikdi-Bkdid; tlautan, percutere (Germ, stolen), ttdi-tldut; 
because we have in these verbs the highest gradation in the pre- 
sent tense, namely 6 being the highest or second gradation of a, 
di of >, and du of u. But ilepan, to sleep, following the analogy 
of these verbs, also makes idi-zUp, though its ^ is only the firat 
gradation of a. 


3.. Gradation without reduplication. 

(A) In the verbs belonging to the sub-class (A) the singular of 
the perfect has the second (or highest) gradation, while the ploial, 
the dual^ and the optative present the simple radical i or «. Thus 
of the root vit, prim, 'oid (to know), we have the per£ sing, ist 
vdit, 2nd vdis-t^^vdiUt, 3rd vdU, plur. ist mt-Hr-m^ &c. Comp. 
prim. 1st sing, vivdida, ist plur. vUnd^masi as well as the cor- 
responding forms in Sanskrit and Greek, p. 394. 

In the same manner we have of the root grip (infinitive gretp" 
an, to gripe ; Germ, greifen), the perf. grdip^ grip-um ; root *ti^, 
infinitive stetgan, ascendere (Germ, steigen), stdigy stig^um; root 
tiih, theiha, cresco (G^rm. ge-deihe), iMiA, thaik-um — a4 for i 
on account of the succeeding k ; root gut (infinitive giutan^ to 
pour ; G^rm. gief en), gdut, guir-um ; root iuh (infinitive tiuJian, to 
draw, to pull ; Germ, ziehen), tduA, tauh-um — au for u on account 
of the succeeding h, 

(B) The radical is a in the perfect gradated to S, which grada- 
tion remains in the plural, dual, and optative also; e. g./ar-an, 
to go, present prim, Ja-^/arUy perf.y<?r, plur. /Sr-«w, prim. J^-^ra, 

fa-fdr^maai; ilah^Ln^ to slay, pert. %l6hy Bloh-^m; malr<Ln^ molere 
(Germ malen), mol, mSl-um ; haf-ja-fiy to lift (Germ, heben), 
hofy hSf'Um ; root %tathy stud, infinitive sta-n^dHin, to stand, perf. 
stoth. These verbs seem to have preserved the radical a intact 
in the present, under the shelter of an ancient reduplication, as 

Jara-^fd-fara, 8ta{n)(la'y from a reduplicated form slasta--. 

(C) The singular of the perfect has weakened the original a 
into a, while the plural preserved it in the form of e, e. g. root 
vag, to move (Germ, be-weg-en), perf. sing, vag, prim, va-vagk-a, 
plur. veg-u?n, prim, vavdijli-mau. In the present tense ^tig-a 
the radical a is weakened into i. Thus we have of the root at 
(to eat), present ?V-«, perf. sing, at^ perf. plur. et-um ; sial (to 
steal), stilay stal, steluni ; sat (to sit), sita, sat, selum; vas (to be), 
visa, vas, vesu?n. The radical of the perfect may have resisted the 
weakening into i under the influence of its ancient reduplication, 
hence nani = 7fa'?ia?fi, vag-=^va-vag, 

(D) The singular of the perfect has the radical a, but the plural 
the weakening of a into w, while in the present tense again the 
a is, as in the preceding case, weakened to i^. To this class 
belong chiefly verbs which have the radical a succeeded by two 

* • In the preterite the reduplication which the Gothic but sparingly preserved, 
has been torn away in the course of time ; but the strong vowel placed behind was 
sheltered, and where it was weakened it was not degraded to the weakest form (t), 
but to an intermediate degree (u), hence Imndum (we bound), by the side of hindam 
(we bind).* Bopp, VoccUumuSf p. 215. 

^^^— TEE VERB. 401 

JzJ**>nants ; 8. g. root rann, to leak (Germ. riDDen), preeeat rinna, 
■\^^~~ Tann, plnr. nmii'Um ; prim, rarann-a, plur. rarann-tnati : in 
^^^ came nunoer, Ailpan (to help), ialp, Aulpumj bindan (to 
\^^*\hanil,bundtim; niliau (io Aid), trail, tvullum ; giggnan [to 
■^_^fe}, »a/jffe, tuggvum ; singgqan = siggkvan (to sink), taggq, 
f^^^^in. In this clase there are many secondary roots ; tlie 
--^^ti rann (to leak), for instance, is formed as a present theme by 

• i'^^^ns of the suffix -no- from the primitive root ar, to go; band 
Vt^ lind) hai an inorganic n ; »aggv and saggq also are unprimitive 
^'^ 'tteir final element. 

Fbsfect in -b>> 

In Old High German and in Old Norse there are remains of 

(perfect formed with «, as the Latin and sing and plur. in w 

II-"-'.' -i»-/h) ; e. g. Old Noree root w, to sow, perf. s»-ra, ae-ri, 

■sti, ^le-ti; root gra, vivere, perf. grS-ri; root, ar, ra, to 

w, perf. ri~ri. Old High German root tcri, to shriek, ist plur. 

"perf. aerirT-K-meg, from a primitive thi-g-man {u is the connec- 

fcye Towel) ; root jn, pu, prim, bhu, to be, ist plur. perf. pi-r-u- 

m£$, prim. 6Au-i-mati, and pi-r-u-i, prim, bhu-t-tati. (Compare 

flie consonants v> and r, i and r.) 

The Cokpound (Weak) Pbefbct ih the Teuiosic Dialects. 

The componnd perfect ia formed by the addition of the pre- 
terite of the verb ' to do' to the verbal theme. This formation 
we might imitate by coining new compouDds, such as ' I love- 
did/ 'thoD love-didst,' &c. It is not found in the cognate 
langnages, bat was produced in the Teutonic primitive language 
after the separation from its Aryan sisters; it ia tlierefore often 
called the New Perfect, and by Grimm the Weak Form, because 
it does not affect the radical vowel. Our English do, did, the 
German thu, that. Old High German ln6-m, and the Gothic 
noon di-d-» (deed) may be referred to a Gothic root da, prim. 
dha, from which we get the ist sing. prea. da-dhortni. Now in 
the Gothic compound the reduplication of the ori^nal ^dida-= 
^ da-da is lost in the singular, but preserved in the plural and in 
the optative, and the a is, in the last-mentioned forms, gradated 
to /=df, following the analogy of the frequently occurring perf. 
themes, as »at, plur. «et. The reduplicated da, however, m the 
form of ^dad-y plur. ded-, appeared then in the form of a true 
verbal theme. 



i£ '±ll^ vBC&ct dik word B 

9ixBiies3i':t' 3ii<*aiiKL m- 'rdl muuol ira/L cbe- feOovicg. lift 
^n^ -iitr "ETHDnaiiLtii if "zm yscL if- *96« &c "dtds (O. H. 
"t-m . IT- in XII MtLbT ^A/>f. ^iTfT- <tfdg-4t>j. .aid -^ for 
#/.//-r. iitibT ic^'^t. ^rrii rot* >5^iiuil iinfix «• whack w do not 
-tnif ^iie^nr?*^ ji -iie Y^'mrim: it^zsts. Olr ^nit aonawd perfect 
'jttfnn " Ui»i. -ntf miL i«2s. T-nrmi iit iwyM^=*A*ii-t. jid pen. hai 
«i it£3iii 3ir ~ ^'4<^ iF ^«/l P-HoL zsti ^^i^-»Hk. daad daim, primu 
ioit^tih^mujfi. f :.. Ttf> -riie idt? djbis 3l jnau^cy to the eoDunon 

•iiTTSk Wr-/ — ..'1. w.^,'— ^-r. imn. iTiutM^-tfi'M^ UtAi k f «V , Thas then 

• _ « « 

•Tie 3«»ri-;^ IE Till* "ncaid nz-rf'/-. •!£«-• i» 3. ^ae i*t ang*. mofh-da, 
L-tC lijir. iii^-c^/r-if.ii ..- IE lie "intymt* ioJitl^, i^ sng. stiU-Mj 

4Fnr:a 1jE!ii zi 'ais Trarmt^ i nfw peckct : t g. lat ang. mik4* 
Sir 'miti^'*i^ Vtt-m^ ir ;at**!k3 s^:c« dtscik are danged into 
tai» «3irazir:3 it ':3if ^gryrr** ifrs^vL, ZEiii ev^a]r doital Boust be ren- 

T'xx ma* J. ^•:*!saiiL: '^^trnt 3:r 'rr^t-^-* fsr ^fi^-dti, of r»//, root ri<, 
v IcL*:^ : fATi'—f^e :t r,^^'. iCiiZ. 'jiflwo. Besdes these tbeie are 

ii^ -^zxnzijtis :t tzJs vrrratitra. saeh a& jiuJ-/ii for *tJkat4a^ I 

Ii. "irr Tr*i*->! IzjLjr^tTA ^.^^rr^.-T tt-* ciMnp^aiid perfect IS 
:':nir-!i is zi 'j-rl^-:. tJL»r - ^"^t • lii' aLseuming the following 

»..■». rj_,-. ;? H. 'J. O 5. A-S. O.Fri*. O.N. 

Sraj :?c :-x -B ii '^^ •!* rfa 

:i«i i>j *J4 i-.Vi tfifltf- <ifii<' air 

5ri 15 :3 ij fif* •;< di 

PI~L' ir: d<iLfk timici dtm drm dt^u \ dmm 

2 -A C'f -A'A tii «f«a i/'./« d'ym { <f«i9 

^ d'i'I^n t*« <f« , d<;« cfoa ' dm 

Dual i*t <//./« .. .. •' 
ir.d didtts .. i 


I :: i 

These modified forms are added to the theme of the derivative 
verl/s in aya, which a4>ain appears in three modifications : (i) The 
first a drof.p^^d, fi^j^,ji, in the present and -i- (-^) in the per- 
ftict ; e. g*. Goth. na*ja, na4jU, perf. n/i^-i-da, O. H. Grerm. ner-i- 
la, O. S. ner-i^la, A. S. ner-e-de^ O. Fris. ner-e^e, O. N. (without 

' Hie -«/ in Anglo-Saxon, and Old Frisian -dett^ would answer to a Gothic 
^d^M, -=. ihulri, and ii more correct than the -i in the termination of the other dialects. 

THE VERB, 403 

^^the derivative suffix) ken-da, {%) The y of ay a being dropped 
' -^+a appears as <?, e. g. Goth. salh^S^ aalh^o^s, perf. sall-S-day O. H. 
Germ. aalp^S-ta, O. S. icaw^d-da (ist sing. pros, scaic-d-n, 2nd 
scaw-d-^); A. S. sealf-d-de (ist sing. seaif-Je, 2nd sealf-a^st) \ 
O. Pris. 8alr-a^, O. N. kalUa-^a, (3) The last a of aytf disap- 
pears, and the derivative suffix is a/^ e. g. Goth, ist sing, present 
indicative ^3a^ 2nd hath-ai-a^ perf. hah-ai-da, O. H. Germ. ^fl[/?- 
^-^. Thus Gothic and Old High German have three, the other 
dialects only two conjugations of the weak form. Concerning 
the details, see the Conjugations. The modern dialects either 
drop the thematic suffix altogether and join the termination 
directly to the root^ or the suffix always appears in the weakened 
form e. 


The suffix -ana- is used in Sanskrit, Greek, and the Teutonic 
languages, to form themes which are used as infinitives, which 
therefore must have belonged to the primitive language. 

In Sanskrit the dative and locative singular of abstracts in 
-ana- {^andya^ -ane) have the function of the infinitive, e. g. dative 
gam-andya, locative gam-anS, theme gam-ana-, nom. sing, gam- 
anor-m (neuter noun), root gam, to go ; ds-and, root ds, to sit. 

The Greek language forms with the suffix ana the infinitive 
in -€i;oi, which Schleicher looks upon as the locative of feminine 
themes. Thus k^Xom-ivai refers us to a primitive theme rirdik- 
ana-, i. e. a nomen agentis derived from the perfect theme by 
means of the suffix -ana-. Themes which end with a vowel com- 
monly take -na instead of -ana, hence bibS-vai, larrdvai, b^iKvvvai, ; 
but 0€lvai:=^ 0€-€vai, bovvai=^ bo-€vai, -€iv, Dor. -€r, are short- 
ened forms of -€vai. 

The Gothic infinitive has lost the case-sign of the noun as 
well as the final a of the theme-suffix a7ia, and it consequently 
always ends with an. This suffix however is so added as to sup- 
press the final a of the theme, or we might say, vice versa, the 
final a of the theme is also the initial of the suffix, e. g. theme 
baira-, prim, hhara-^ infinitive lair-an^ prim, hhar-ana-^ root har^ 
prim, hhaty to bear; thus also it-an, to eat; prim, ad-ana-, pres. 
theme ita-, prim, cwfo-, root ai^ prim, ad', steig-an, to ascend 
(Germ, steigen), prim, staigh-ana- ; safjan, prim, saday-ana-. 

As in Gothic so in the Teutonic dialects generally -an is 
adopted as the termination of the infinitive, which in Old Frisian 
and Old Norse is curtailed to a, o&faran, O, Fris. and O. iJ./ara, 

D d 2 


This an appears in the Middle and New Teutonic dialects as en^ 
e.g. Germ, lieb-en, Dutch be-minn-en. The English language 
also preserved the termination of the infinitive as late as to the 
times of Spenser and Shakespeare, though we find also in Laja- 
mon already forms where the n is dropped, and the force of the 
infinitive imparted to the verb by the preposition ' to/ Swedish 
and Danish follow their Old Norse mother, the former rendering 
the infinitive by the termination a, the latter weakening it to e. 


Present Participle AcnvB. 

The suffix -anty -nty which occurs in all the Aryan languages, 
is chiefly employed in the formation of the present participle. 

Primitive. Root bhar^ to bear, present theme bhara-, present 
part, bharor-nt' ; root ntar^ to strew, present theme ntar^na^^ pre- 
sent part, star-na-nir-, 

Sanskrit. Root and present theme ad-, to eat, part, ctd-^nt^; 
root and present theme tf*-, to be, part, (u^ni- ; root tud, to 
strike, present theme tuda-, present part, tuda-nt ; root yu, to 
join, present theme yuna-^ present part, pma-nf-, 

Greek. The suffix appears in the shape of ^oirr, -irr, fem. 
'Ovcra=:^ -ov(ra=:^ ovT^a. Root (f>€p, to bear, theme (f)€po-y part. 
(f)€po-vT', fern. (f)€povaa ; root bo, to give, theme 6t8o-, part. 5i8o- 
VT' ; root ^e, to set, theme rt^c-, part, ri^c-rr ; root ora, to stand, 
theme tora-, part. Icrra-VT. 

Latin. Suffix -ent, -nty in a more ancient form -unl, ^-ont; 
e. g. root vek, to move, theme ve/ie-, part, veke-nt- ; root i, to go, 
present theme z = 6'/', part, i-ent-y e-unt-z^^e-ont', 

Gothic. The form of the suffix is -nd, -nda. Root bar, to 
bear, present theme baira- for bira-y part nom. sing. masc. batra- 
nd'S, from a primitive bhara-nt-s or bhara-ntia^'S ; very likely 
the latter, because it is treated as a theme in -a in all the other 
cases. Under these circumstances the form of the theme -nda, 
"iidja^ is extended by the addition of the suffix -««, fem. -jan^ 
so that we arrive at the thematic suffix -ndan^, -ndjayi^, which 
forms are treated like the themes in -n of the definite adjective; 
e. g. accus. sing. masc. baira-ndan, from a prim, bkara-ntan-am; 
loo (dat.) baira-ndiv, from a prim, bhara^ntan-i ; nom. sing. fem. 
baira-ndeiy from a prim, bhara-ntydfi-s ; gen. balra^ndein-s, prim. 



But when these participles are used as substantives^ they still 
show the older consonantal theme in -andy ^nd, in several cases^ 
e. g. nom. sing. giba^nd-Sy one giving, a giver, theme giba, root 
gab ; bi-^ia-nd-s, one sitting near, a neighbour, theme sita-, root 
sat. These nominatives may fairly be considered true conso- 
nantal themes^ because they are supported by the consonantal 
character of the locatives (datives), e. g. giband, bislfand, from a 
primitive locative sadant-iy &c. Thus also the plural sitand^s 
from a prim, sadant-as^. 

The other Teutonic dialects also have preserved the participial 
suffix, and some of them to the present day. It occurs, as in 
Gothic, in the form -««?, respectively -nly which is joined to the 
vowel of the theme. The participle is in the ancient dialects 
treated in the same manner as the definite adjective, in the 
modern, as any other adjective, definite or indefinite, as the case 
may be. The difierent forms will easily be understood from the 
following paradigm. 


O. H. Germ. 

Old Saxon. Anglo-Saxon. 

0. Fris. 

Old Norse. 

finth-a^nd-$f 1 
finding j 

na»-ja-nd-8, \ 
saving J 

hab-a-Ttd-^, 1 
having / 



r $ca%D^nd, 
\ looking 



Uc-e^nd-e^ \ 
seeking j 





f tel-ja-nd-4, 
1 telling 
J kenn-a^nd-i, 
\ knowing 

In the Middle and New Teutonic dialects the e of the termi- 
nation ^e-nd is no longer felt as the thematic vowel, but treated 
as belonging to the participial termination, so that in Late Saxon 
we have inde, ande, instead of the original end€. On the other 
hand, in Modem English, the whole form is supplanted by the 
verbal substantive in -ing, a fact which occasionally occurs in 
Layamon already, while in Old English and Middle English we 
find the participial form in end, indy pid, and, side by side with 
the verbal substantive in ingy inge, ynge, performing the func- 
tions of the participle. New English discarded the legitimate 
form altogether to the benefit of the intruder, so that now the 
participle and the verbal substantive are identical. Some of the 
modern dialects however have preserved the participle in end, as 
we see in the German Jind-end, lieb-endy hab-endy &c., where the 
Old High German t has yielded to the influence of the Low 
German d. 

' On the declension of the partinple, see Themes in -ftdy p. 324. 


Perfect Participle Passive of Stem -Verbs. 

Suffix -na. 

This form occurs in Sanskrit in very few examples, sucb as 
pHr-na- for ^par-na^, root par, to fill ; hugh^na^, root bhug^ to 
bend ; in Greek and Latin also it is only fragmentary, chiefly in 
adjectives ; but in Gothic all stem- verbs form their perfect par- 
ticiple in -wa, which, combined with the thematic a and the 
case-sign s, yields the terminations for the nominative singular 
masculine an^s, fem. ana, neut. an^ from the primitive forms 
masc. ^anas^ fem. -and, neut. -anor-m ; e. g. 9alta (salio), perf. 
part, saltans, saltana, saltan; hdita (voco), hditan-s ; giba (I 
give), giban-s ; stila (I steal), stulans ; or, if we take the the- 
matic vowel separately, salt-a^ns, Adit^a-ns, &c. At any rate 
we may say that the theme of this participle ends in Gothic 
with -an-. 

The same termination is taken up by the other Teutonic 
dialects ancient and modern, the latter weakening it to -e», a 
form which even Modern English has preserved among the few 
grammatical fragments handed down from its Anglo-Saxon 
mother. The suffix -an, -en, is used only with stem-verbs, 
which form their perfect by modifying the radical, and belong to 
Grimm^s stronoj' conjugation. One example may suffice for the 
sake of illustration. The Gothic stila n (to steal), perf. stal, plur. 
sfe/fifN, makes the perfect participle stula)i-s\ O. H. Germ. 
-sfolan-er'^, O. S. stohni, A. S. stoleUy O. Fris. stolen, O. N. stollun, 
M. H. Germ, stain , M. Dutch stolen, Late Sax. stolen?i^, O. Engl. 
stolen, M.Engl, stoln, N.Engl, stolen and stoln, N. H. Gerra. 
-stolen, N. Dutch stolen, Swed. stulen, Dan. stiaalen. 

Perfect Participle PASSI^^J of Derivative Verbs. 

The primitive suffix is -ta, which in the masculine assumes the 
case-sign -s, in the neuter -m, in the feminine gradates the final 
vowel; so that the terminations are, masc. as, fem. a, neut. a-m', 
Greek suffix -to-, terminations 0-9, -q, o-v, Latin suffix "tu- for 
'to-, terminations u-s (for ^c-.v), a (for a), ti-m (for ^o-m). 

^ Concerning the modification of the radical, see the Formation of the Perfect 
Theme in Gotliic, p. 398 sqq. 

* Where we prefix the hyphen to the participial form, it indicates the augment ge. 
Old High German ga, which precedes the verb. 

' Layaraon has in this word dropped the n, and makes the participle 9toU : but 
he has cumen, toren, hroken, &c. 

THE VERB. 407 

Primitive. Participles d^i-ta-^ kni-ta-, kak-f-a-, sddaya^ta^, of 
the roots da (to give^, kru (to hear), kak (to cook), sad (to sit). 

Sanskrit. Participles ma^-ta^y bhr-ta^ bad-dha- for Had-ta-, of 
bhe roots man (to think), bhar (to bear), badh, bandh (to bind). 

Greek. Participles kAv-tJ-, ^€VK'T6'y ara-ro^, O^-to-, yroj-rrf, 
3f the roots kXv (to hear), ^vy (to flee), ara (to stand), ^e (to set), 
yvo (to know). 

Iiatin. Participles da-to^, stasia, i-to-^ coc-to-, of the roots da 
[to give), sta (to stand), i (to go) coc (to cook). 

Gothic. The suffix in the form of -da, nom. sing. masc. 'tk^s 
for ^da^s, neut. ~tk for ^da^m, fem. -<fo. These terminations are 
added to the theme of derivative verbs ; e. g. theme sSki-, part, 
masc. sSki^th-^, neut. sSki-th, fem. sSki-da ; theme fisko^^ part. 
tnasc fiskS'tk-Sf neut. fsk^-tk, (era. Jiskd-da. This sufiix is also 
ased in all those verbs which apply the perfect theme for the 
functions of the present ( Praeterito-Praesentia ) and their ana- 
logues, such as mah-tay thah-ta^ brah^ia, of the roots mag (to be 
able), tkak (to think), brag (to bring). 

The other Teutonic dialects apply the same suffix in the form 
of -d^ or -^, respectively, which they add to the thematic vowel 
of the derivative or weak verb ; e. g. O. H. Germ. -ner-i-Uery 
O. S. -ner-i-dy A. S. ner-e-dy O. Fris. ner-i-dy Goth, nas-i-tk-s for 
^nas^i-da-Sy from nasjauy to save; thus also the O. N. taUd-r for 
an older ^taUu-da^B from taljauy to count, to tell ; O. H. Germ. 
salp^'t-eTy Goth. salb^o-tk-B for satt-d^a^s ; compare O. N, kail-- 
o-"8-r for ^kalUa-da^s ; O. S. scdw-S-dy looked; A. S. ^sealf-S-d; 
Late Saxon makod^ and makede^ ascode and askede ; O. Engl. 
thanked and thankld; N.Engl, thanked y N. H. Germ, ^dankt. 
In the Middle and New Teutonic languages the distinction of 
different weak conjugations, that is, of different themes formed 
by the derivatiye sufi^ aya^ is, with few exceptions, lost ; hence 
the thematic or connective vowel is always e^ and the participial 
termination -ed^ -ety respectively ; or, dropping the thematic e 
altogether, -rf, -t. On the whole the thematic e and the suffixed 
participial d are treated in the same manner as the perfect termi- 
nation and its preceding thematic vowel, and we shall therefore 
leave the details of their various modifications for the section on 
Weak Conjugations. 




Reduplication was in the Teutonic, as in the other Atjtt 
languages, the most primitive mode of forming the perfect 
This fact must always be borne in mind if we wish to arrive it 
something like order and system in a subject which is ittlier 
complicated in its nature because often obscure in its origin and 
development. Many phenomena in the Ablaut of Teutonie 
verbs can only be explained by the influence of a reduplicationil 
syllable upon the radical^ the effect of which remamed even 
when the cause had ceased to exist. Several examples of tiie 
kind in Gothic we had already occasion to notice. As to the 
other Teutonic languages our rule is of the same importance. 
Though the reduplication has completely disappeared from tbe 
verb, it has left an indelible impression on the system of Ablaut 
Under * Ablaut' Teutonic grammarians understand a modification 
of the radical which takes place in the perfect tense and tbe 
perfect participle. This modification consisted originally in the 
gradation of the root in the perfect singular, gradation or weak- 
ening in the present tense, weakening in the perfect participle; 
and it was a phonetic change of secondary importance, conco- 
mitant with the reduplication, but not necessary for the forma- 
tion of the perfect, far less sufficient of itself to denote that 
tense. Tbe more however the ancient mode of reduplication was 
abandoned, the more important became the modification of the 
radical in the formation of the tenses, until finally it was the 
only means of expressing the temporal relations of the verb. 
Still it would be impossible to deny the influence of reduplica- 
tion on the Ablaut, not merely in the ancient Teutonic verb, but 
in verbal forms of the present day. This point we are about 
to examine. Reduplication, in its original form, must have 
contained the vowel of the root ; the perfect of the verb AalduH 
must have been ha-hald in the primitive Teutonic. Now we 
find that in the Gothic, such as it is in extant documents, the 
radical is everywhere replaced by the vowel ai in the redupli- 
cational syllable. This change may have occurred before the 
separation of the different Teutonic tribes took place, and must 
therefore have affected all the dialects. Thus then the Old High 

THE VERB. 409 

^^^"inaii would use kei-halt for Aa-ialt, the Low German hUhald 
Ap-iald, Anglo-Saxon probably Aeo-keald. {eo for i, see Anglo- 
»^on Brechung of the vowel i,) 
'^^^^e loss of the reduplication seems to date from a period 
^^Oen the Teutonic nation had lost the centre of unity, and had 
^^parated into tribes independent of one another. While Gothic 
^ais preserved the reduplication in many verbs, the other dialects 
lUve lost it altogether — all of them, however, show traces of the 
ancient grammatical form. We have seen how in Latin, through 
a process of contraction, forms arose such as cepi from ^ca-capi, 
feci from ^ fa-fact^ fi^9h from ^fra-fragi or rather ^fra-fagL A 
similar inclination to combine the reduplicational and the radical 
syllable came upon the Teutonic languages, and a like effect was 
produced in the contraction of the vowels; hence O. H. Germ. 
kialt, O. S. held for the Goth, hai-hald. In the first-mentioned 
dialect the diphthong still represents the l^isyllabic nature of 
the ancient perfect, while in the Low German they were more 
closely amalgamated into e. This process of contraction becomes 
clearly apparent frt>m two examples left in Old High German. 
One we find in the perfect pi-hei-alt, used by Kero (eighth cen- 
tury), which is but one step from the primitive form hei-halty the 
reduplicated perfect of haltHin. From this example it would 
appear, that the initial consonant of the root was lost first, and 
that then the vowels were more and more closely contracted, so 
that fit>m heialt we arrive in later documents at the forms hialt^ 
Aialtj hieliy until in Modem German it is pronounced hilt^ though 
still spelt as a diphthong in hielt. The closest contraction 
took place in the ancient Low German dialects, which passed 
through the diphthongal form to held^ hild. Another example 
we have in the O. H. Germ, ana-^tero^ (impingebat), which stands 
for anasleso^, the * of the original form being changed into r, 
and the e being the weakened form of /, the remainder of the 
original reduplicational vowel ei, so that we arrive next at stestS^ 
and finally at siei-sto^, the parallel to the Gothic stai-stduty 

the perfect of slogan is stio^ {siia^ and siie^ are peculiarities of 
special dialects) with to, because of the dark full radical O. H. 
Germ. S, Goth, du, in which case the Low German dialects also 
have the diphthongal form io or eo ; but of haldauy Aei^an, it is 
Aialdj hia^ (never hiold, hio^, Low Germ, held (A. S. heold), het, 
ia, Sy on account oithe high-sounding radicals a, ^2* = Goth, a, di, 
A fewfingments of redupication are preserved in Anglo-Saxon 

■I ^i 7-j' r 

7i .*JJ 
r-. - =L r. >-?:?-• -T -iT -'i. "n xr. wad. tl & saxniljii ma, 

'SMitf* -f uc T'-". 1 -is*- Tiu-M Hii^ lit '.'imiiu-Ts^ !<• iLe losso 
axv? u'-'uiirarr- lie r-nnruriiiL 'rirrt— Oi. .-■••.' TiK^nmes .V<. then 

T^^JTL "uisr -j»fi r use;' i« -.lirar iir»r lii* A'lifcn. « modifi- 

TT-TTiixii'. dausr*> \^ nxt r-inaiinacj il nr T^Tiity lin- Ires rfthe 
T-rinziii-jni n. Kui -r-t T:f-.r-ii.r* d-t^ rnsriti-i ir &:Tineing the 
cifHT-^u: rein.iui: ^'f:^ n. liif soxii ^»"^-**' as ve did in 

T^t ffij*l n:^ -ail "ii** ^":iunr n: •ii* T»f!r:-rt psrdciple abo 
zxr.; fc*r.r.ii3:L :»-.aiT:si- r: » iriMt :c "iijt lOM :^£iLriic*:c7ia^ics in the 
KiLTurjr^.a. :c "lik TTrroi? -tir: li 'Jiit zi^ni^r. T«n.>Tiic dialects, 
a^i :»*r»ast n £r^-* "-irt "!*-«j 7-r-r» *^ .a,* irrmra Cv-re to dircct 

W^ fjv: ir>»f«i£ :: ^be difi9si».uri:3: cc ibe Old Teotonk 


.z.irT t-i* L-*-! wc o:-:L5:irr t-: il- i- :r.-:««e verbs which in 
G.thic havr: r^"::^!;:-ji::::i ar.: 2T-iiiti::i o:n::'int?i. The radical 
Ik "Jtf-T a or ^'; whrrr tic ::nz.rr •>A'::r=- tie present theme is 
fonii*^ with th»r snffii -^fc--. t.i: i?. j/; in the j-erfevt singular 
ar;d pliiml v.e have the ?-e«X'nd graniation S; the perfect participle 
haii the ndv.-ial of the j-resent. In the other Teutonic languages 
the e of the Gothic present is re] -n rented by their respective 
vowelfi of the first gradation ; e. g. Old High German a, Anglo- 
Saxon /?, &<;.' The radical of the perfect is of course modified 
l>y the reduplication. Thus we get the vocalic system of — 

' 'Jlie Table of ikndaiioDM eboold Blvavt be ooDMilted \p. 14). 



Class I. (Grimm IV, V, VI.) 

Badical a, 6\ — 


O. H. Gcmi. 




Old None 

a» (a) t 


Perf. Sing. 


Perf. Plur 

i, ie 

i . 

Perf. Part. 


Examples :— 


O. S. Oenn. 
Old Frisian 
Old None 

$aia . 
lita . 

latu . 
IceU . 

lata . 

lia^ . 
Ut . 
Ut . 
lit . 
Ut . 

letum . 
Uton . 
Utum . 








Verbs belonging to tAis Cldss. 

Gothic, saia^ sow (Germ, ssee; sero) ; lata, scold, irrideo ; vaia, 
breathe, blow (Germ, wehe; flo); greta, cry, weep, ploro; jleka^ 
complain, plango ; leta^ let (Germ, laf e ; sino) ; teka, touch, 
tango, slepa, sleep (Germ, schlafe ; dormio), makes the perf. sai- 
zlep, avoiding the second gradation. 

Old High (German, sldfu^ sleep (Germ, schl&fe) ; rdtu^ advise 
(Germ, r&te j consulo); ^|w, let (Germ, lape; sino). hdhu, hang 
(Germ, hange ; suspendo), and fahu^ catch (Germ, fange ; capio), 
take the perfect of hankan, vankan, (Class II.) 

Old Saxon, sldpu^, rddu, Idtu^ ondrddu, fear, dread, metao. 
hdhu 2kvAfdhu make their perfect after Class II. 

Anglo-Saxon, slcepe^ grate, late, ondrade. sdwe, sero = Goth. 
saia, follows the analogy of Class III. 

Old Frisian, slepa^ reda, leta^ wepa, weep ; plorare. 

Old Norse, grdta, lata, rd^a, bldsa, breathe, spirare. fd 
(catch, capere) makes the preseutyie, perf. Ang.Jeck^ plur.y5?»- 
gum, perf. fBit./enginn, 

^ Of Old Frisian and Old None we give the infinitive instead of the ist singular 
present indicative. 

' Where no translation is given, the meaning of the word maj be seen from the 
parallels in the preceding cognate dialects. 




Under this head we group in Gothic all those verbs 
have reduplication without gradation. They have either tk 
radical a followed by two consonants (commonly liquid witk 
mute), or highest gradation in the present theme already; fte 
radical of the present remains throughout. In the other Teutonk 
languages the radical a is preserved in the present, and in tlie 
perfect }>artioiple ; in the perfect it is changed under the influ- 
ence of the reduplication. The verbs with the second gradataon 
have either ai (second gradation of t) or au (second gradation of 
n) in the present tense^ which gradation is rendered in the other 
Teutonic languages by the corresponding vowels. 

Thus we get three classes, of which we give the vocalic 
system in the following. 

Radical a : — 


(jothic a . . 

O. H. Germ, a . 

Old Saxon a . . 

Anglo-Saxon a, ea 

Old Frisian a . . 

Old Norse a . . 

Class II. (Grimm I.) 

Perf. Sing. Perf. Plur. 

it ie 

t. « 

€ . 

a . . 
ia . 
^, ie . 
i, e6, 
i e . 


e . . 

Perf. Part. 



a, ea 

Examples : — 

O. H. Germ. 
Old Saxon 

Old Frisian 
Old Norse 








8]ien . 
htlt . 
hilt . 

hialt umii 
heldan . 
htohion . 
spenon . 
h ildon . 
heldum . 








Verbs belonging to this Class* 

Gothic, salta, salt (Germ, salze ; salio) ; halda ^ guard, pasco ; 
walda, rule, command (Germ, walte ; impero) ; faDoa^ fold (Germ, 
falto; plico) \fahay catch (Germ, fange; capio); hahay hang (Germ. 
lian<^e ; suspendo) . 

Old High German, vallu, fall (Germ, falle; cado) ; haltu ^ hold 
(Germ, halte; teneo) ; spaliu, cleave (Germ, spalte; sciudo); valiiu, 
fold (Germ, falte; plico); salzu, salt (Germ, salze; salio); kanku, 
gangUy ^o, eo \fangu, receive (Germ. em(p) fange; suscipio) ; haniu, 
hangu, hang (Germ, hange; suspendo); am, plough, aro. 



Old Saxon, fallu^ haldu^ taaldu, fangu^^ gangu ; blandu, mix^ 
blend^ misceo. 

Anglo-Saxon. feaUe^ healde,fange, hange, occur in tlie perfect 
^f^Ji spanne, span (Germ, spannen; tendo)^ wealde, rule^ com- 
mand, dominor. 

Old Frisian. Aalde, valde, impero. 

Old Norse, /alia, Aalda, valda, dlanda, ganga; Aangi, pendeo ; 
falda^ plicare. As to the irregularities of this class, see our 
remarks below. 

Class III. (Grimm II.) 

Badical ai ( 



Perf. Sing. 

Perf. Plur. 

Perf. Part. 


ai , . . 

. . a» . . . 

. , ai .... 


O. H.Germ. 


e» . . . 

. . ta . . . 

, . .ta .... 


Old Saxon 

1 . . . 

, . i,ie, . . 

, . i, ie . . . . 



& . . , 

%, e6 , 

, . i, ed , . . . 


Old Frisian 

S , . , 

, . i,i . . . 

.CI ... . 


Old None 


• w • • • « 

. i 


Examples :- 



tkaida . . 

. shai-^aid . 

, . shai-^aidum . 



haUa . . 

. . hai-hait 

, . hui-haitum , 


O. H.Germ. 

ikeidu . . 

. . Aiad . 

, . tkiadumi$. . 


Old Saxon 

akedu . . 

. . tkid, . . 

, . skedun . . . 



icade . , 

. . scedd . 

. . tceddon. . . 



haU, . . 

. . hit . . 

. . hiton . . . 


Old Frisian 

heU , , . 

, . hit . . 

. . hiton . . . 


Old Norse 

keita . . 

, . hit . , 

. . hUam . . . 


Verbs belonging to this Class. 

Gk>thio. haitay am called (Germ, heifie, O. Engl, hight; vocor); 
maita, cut off, abscido ; skaida, separate (Germ, scheide ; separo) ; 
fraisa, tempt, tento; af^aika, deny, nego; Uiika^ leap, jump, 
rejoice, ludo. 

Old High (German, hei^^ skeidu, mei^u, zeisu, carpo. 

Old Saxon. Aelu, skidu, suepu, verro. 

Anglo-Saxon. Adle, scdde^ stodjae, lace. 

Old Frisian, hete, skethe. 

Old Norse. hdUii leika, sweipa. 

Class IV. (Grimni HI. 
Radical au («) :— 

Old FriwMi i . 

OU Norao au 

Examples : — 

Gothii- Wo»pa 

O. H.o™. k'onfu 

Old S«x<in itip<t 

Old Fri»i»n htipa 

Old NoMo AMpo 

Eadical ^ (fl) :— 
Gothic " ■ ■ 

O. H- Gwm. •«> ■ 
Old a«on *. iw 
Angln^'^o":'"' «. ^ ■ 
Old Frisian fl, ' ■ 
Old Norte i . ■ 

Examples : — 

Gothic M«o 

O. H.Genn. p/uol» 

GUI Ssion krapu 
Aoglo-Saion W^ 

OH . 

to. it 

ti . 




. hliop 
. hU6p 

Paf. Fluf 
Id. la ■ - 

Class IV a. 



, AWop 

'. w> ■ 


Feris hflonffing to lAU Class. 
IV. Gothic, h'au^. run (Gem.. ^f'^i^;S: 
butt (Crm. st«^-; Pe-ubo); -J^^j;-,!^' ^'(GerHutf i. 
Old High G^rm"^- '*'"f"- '""-'^ \ '• "-^ -*'*^--^ 

Old saxoo. -i/^a^fct.!^'- r^»- °*^ 

perf. part, of'*^'''' 



Rjdicil am («) : — 

— , 



PefC Phir. 

Pot Put 

Gotliie «■ . . 

. . a» . . 

. . on . . . 

. OK 

O.H.Germ. «m, $ . 

. . io, M . 

. . to, la . . 

. on, ^ 

Old Saxon 4. . . 

. . fo,tf . 

. . to, ie 

. 4 

Aiiflo-Sazoa m . . 

. . ctf . . 

. . €rf ... 

. etf 

OUFmba m. . . 

. . t. io. . 

. . i,to . . . 

. a.6 

OU None a» . . 

. . io,i, . 

. . to, . . . 

. a» 

Examples : — 

GoChic hiaupa . 

. . kUii-Uam 

9, . A/at-JUaiiptwi. iUcngMiat 

O.H.Germ. A/ov/v . 

. . Aita/ . 

. . kHafumet . 

. iUo«/»*> 

OldSuon AMpv . 

. . kliop . 

. . Uiopm» 


An^Uy-Saxon Ueape . 

. . Ueop . 

. . hU6pcm. . 

. hledpen 

OldFrisao A/ajM . 

. . Wicp . 

. . A/tofNm] 

. &M/I0I 

OUNone klapa . 

. . JUm^ . 

• * • 

Ct.ass r 


Radical ^ (a) : — 

(xothic 6 . 

? . . . 

? . . . . 


O. H. Germ, uo . . 

. . to, MB . 

. . to ... 

. tio 

Old Saxon ^, ico . 

. . to, i« 

. . fo.fe . . 

. ^, MO 

An^lo-Saxon 6, i . . 

. . «J . . 

. . erf ... 

. ^,1 

Old Frisian 6, e . . 

. . f . U) . . 

. . 1. to. . . 

. d.« 

Old Norse 6 . 

« . . . 

« . . . . 

. 6 

Examples : — 

Gothic biota . 

. . bai-blot ? 

. . bai-hlStum ? 

. hlStans ? 

O. H. Germ, pluo^u . 

. . plia^} . 

. . pliazumes ? 

. pluo^aner 

„ hruofu . 

. . hriof . 

. . hriof ume$ . 

. hruofaner 

Old Saxon hropu . 

. . Ario;> . 

. . hriopun 

. hropan 

Anglo-Saxon 2»/o^c . . 

. . blciSt . 

. . bleoton . . 

. 6/o^en 

ff firepan . 

. . hreop . 

. . hrcopon 

. hrepcn 

Old Frisian Jloka . 

. . Jliok 

. . fiiohon . . 

. /<5jk«t 

,, tr«/>a 

. . triop 

. . wiopon . . 

. vepeu 

Old Norse biota . 

. . blit . . 

. . blelum . . 

. bldtinn 

Feris belonging to this Class. 

IV. Gothic, hlaupay run (Germ, laufe ; ciirro) ; staut^^ strike, 
butt (Germ, sto^e ; percntio) ; ana^xuha^ add, join, addo. 

Old High German, hlovfu ; hotiwu^ cut, hew (Germ, haue; 
cffido); scruiu, cut (Germ, schrote ; seco); *^|« = Goth. stauta. 

Old Saxon, hlopn, Scan, perf. part, of oku, aug^eo ; ^ddan, 
perf. part, o^^odn^ g^ioj-no ; glhauwan^ perf. part. ot^Jmuwan. 

Anglo-Saxon, hledpe; hedwe; hedte, beat, verbero ; part, edden^ 
fifonitus; edcen, auctus, from ^edde^ ^eSd ; ^edce, ^edc. 

THE VERB. 416 

OldFrisiaD. hlSpe^Qtoih, hlaupa ; itite=:Ooth. stauta. 

Old Norse, hlaupa ; auUnn, genitum, perf. part, of ^eyV ; 
ansa, haurire; auka, augere; bua, dwells habitare; apua^ spit 
(Grerm, speien; spuere^; hoggva^ to cut, strike, C8edere=0. H. 
Germ. h(mwu^ A. S. heawe. 

IV a. Gk>thio. blotaf revere, deum colo; Avopa? boast, 

Old High (German. Anto/u, call (Germ, rufe; clamo); pluo^u, 
saerifice, libo; wnofu^ weep, groan, ululo, plango, ejuio; 
vlnoAAu,' cuTBCy maledico = Goth, ^/^ia (Class I). 

Old Saxon. Aropu; wSpu, weep; fiocauy maledictus, perf. part. 

Anglo-Saxon. Arepe, wepe; r6we, row, remigo. 

Old Frisian. Arepa, voepa; fioka^ maledicere. 

Old Norse. bUta^ saerifice. 


Under this head we enumerate verbs which in the perfect 
take gradation without reduplication. These again may be 
divided into different classes. Some have in the perfect singular 
second gradation, but in the plural the simple pure root, in ac- 
cordance with the primitive rule of gradation. The perfect 
participle has, like the perfect plural, the short radical ; the pre- 
sent tense commonly raises the radical to the first gradation. 
This class again may be subdivided into such as have the radical 
», and others with the radical u. As to the mode of gradation 
in the present and the perfect singular, compare the Table of 
Gradations. Where the radical is Uy it is in all the dialects, 
except Gothic, weakened to o in the perfect participle; Old 
Frisian weakens it to ^ in the perfect plural and the perfect 

Class V. (Grimm VIII.) 
Badical J:— 

Pres. Perf. Sing. Perf. Plur. Perf. Part. 

Gothic e< .... at .... < i 

O. H. Germ. I et, I . . . . < t 

Old Saxon i I i i 

Anglo-Saxon I d i i 

Old Frisian I % i i 

Old Norse I d , , . . i i 



Examples : — 




O. H. Germ. IcHfu 
Old Saxon grxpu 
Anglo-Saxon gripe 
Old Frisian gripa 
Old Norse gripa 

Perf. Sing, 

. graip 

. kreif 

. grip. 

. grap 

. grip. 

. greip 

Pert Plur. 


gripum . . 

. gripau 

laihvum . . 

, faiJbanf 

hri/um . . , 

, hifamt 

grtpun . • . 

. gripm 

gripon . . . 

. pn>e» 

gripon . . . 


gripum . . . 

, gripinn 

Verba belanging to this Class, 

Gothic, keina^ germ (Germ, keime ; germino) ; sieina, shine 
(Germ, seheine ; luceo) ; greipa^ seize, gripe (G^rm. greife; rmpio); 
dreiba, drive (Germ, treibe ; pello) ; sveiba, cease, desino ; iiuira, 
bow (Germ, neige ; inclino) ; speiva, spit (Germ, speie ; spuo) ; 
smeita, smite, smear (Germ, sehmeife, schmiere; illino) ; in-teitay 
adore; beida, expect, abide; lei}fay go, eo; sneip^a^ cut (Genn. 
scbneide ; seco) ; ur^reisa^ rise, surgo ; steiga, ascend (Germ, 
steigen) ; ga-teiha, announce (Germ, an-zeige, zeihe, di^ayyAAo)) ; 
ydha, grow (Germ, ge-deihe; cresco). 

Old High German. cMnu, germino ; scinUy luceo ; iri/u, rapio ; 
tripu, pello ; knihu, inclino ; stiM^ scando ; dihu^ cresco, proficio ; 
zihu, annuntio, accuse; scripu, write (Germ, schreibe, scribo); 
sjnwu, spuere; midu, avoid (Germ, meiden ; evito) ; snidu, seco; 
pUuy expecto ; ritu, ride (Germ, reiten; equo vehor) ; fc^/jw, know 
(Germ, wei^ ; impute) ; griuy gannio ; scriuy shriek (Germ, schreie; 
clamo), perf. plur. grirumeSy scrincmea^ see Perfect in -*-, p. 401. 

Old Saxon, ^/'w?/, germino; *^/;27/, luceo; ^njow, arripio ; drVm^ 
pello; s/jiwu, spuo; writUy scribo; biduy expecto; mi^u, evito; 
sni^Uy seco ; siigu, scando. 

Anglo-Saxon, sctney fulgeo ; grtpe, arripio ; dnfe, pello ; sjnwey 
spuo; smite y percutio; buhy expecto; li^e, proficiscor; hnige, in- 
clino ; stige^ scando ; iUey arguo ; pihey proficio. 

Old Frisian, gripa^ prehendere ; drifuy pellere ; snitha, secare ; 
hniga, flectere ; atigay scandere, perf. deck. 

Old Norse, skiuy luceo ; gripy prehendo ; drify pello ; zx\fy 
moveor ; hUy bite, mordeo ; /iS, proficiscor ; ^pfS, metuo ; nS, 
equito ; sn'v^y seco ; swi^y doleo ; rUy surge ; %:iky yield (Germ, 
weiche ; cede) ; hnig^ inclino. 



Class VI. (Grimm IX.) 
Radical u : — 


Perf. Sing. 

Perf. Plur. 

Perf. Part 


iu , , , 
iu, io. 4 . 

au . 

tt . . . . 


O. H. Gorm. 

. ou,6^ . . 

• vv • • • 

Old Saxon 

iu,io,u . 
e6, u . . 

. . . . . 

« . . . . 

Old Frisian 

ta , . . 

1* . . . . 

iu, ia, 4 
iu, io, 4 

. a. . . . 

« . . . . 


Old None 

au . 

ti . . . . 

Examples :- 


giuta . . 
%iu9a . . 

. . gaut, . 
. kau8 . . 

. . gutum . . 
. kusum . . 

. gutans 
, . kusans 

O. H. Genu. 


ehiusu . 

. . cfiSs . . 

. . ku^umis 
, . churumes . 

. choranir 

Old Saxon 

trit{fu . 



. . trouf 
, . g6t . . 
, , kds . . 

. . tnrfumet . 
. . kurun . 

. gotan 
. koran 



, . gedt . . 

. . guton . 

. . goten 


eedse. . 

. . ceds . . 

, . curofi . 

. . corcn 

Old Frisian 

kiuea . . 

. l&s . . 

. . keron . 


Old Norse 

kiosa . . 

. kau8 

. . kusum . 

. . jkon'nn 

Fi?ri« belonging to this Class, 

GotMo. dis^Aniupa, break, dirumpo ; Aiiifa, weep, fleo ; snivay 
basten, go, come, verto, vado, for ^sniua, perf. sing, snau^ plur. 
snivum, snevum for snuum^ perf. part, snivans for ^snuans ; giuta, 
pour out (Germ, gief e ; fundo) ; biuda, offer (Germ, biete) ; dri- 
usa, fall, cado ; kiusa, choose (Germ, kiese ; eligo) ; /ra-liusa, 
loose (Gterm. ver-liere ^ perdo) ; biuga, bend (Germ, biege ; flecto) ; 
liuga. He (Germ, luege; mentior); ga-Mha^ lock, claudo; tiuak, 
tug, pull (Germ, ziehe, traho). 

Old High Gtorman. cAliupu, cleave, findo ; silfu, drink (Germ, 
saufe ; bibo) ; triufu, drop (Germ, traufe ; stillo) ; cAiuwii, chew 
(Germ, kaue ; mando) ; piutu, offero ; siudu, seethe (Germ, siede ; 
coquo) ; kiufu^ pour out (Germ, gpe^e ; fundo) ; cAiusu, choose 
(Germ, kiese ; eligo) ; vliti^u, flow (Germ, flief e, fluo) ; sliu^n, 
lock (Germ, schlie^e ; claudo) ; liusu, loose (Germ. ver-Here ; 
perdo) ; vritisu, freeze (Germ, friere ; gelo) ; piuiu, flecto ; vliukuy 
fly (Germ, fliege ; volo) ; vliuAu, Aee (G^rm. fliehe ; fugio) ; 
ziuAUf traho ; liuiuy mentior. 

Old Saxon. Aiu/ii, ploro ; cliufu, findo ; giutu, fundo ; nivtu, 
enjoy (Germ, ge-nie^e j fruor) ; biudu, offero ; driusn, cado ; 
iiusu, eligo ; far-liusuy perdo ; liugu^ mentior ; lUkuj claudo ; 
riuku, reek (Germ, rauche ; fiimo) ; tiuAn, traho. 

^ 6 chiefly before dentals and sibilants. 

E e 


Anglo-Saxon, credpe^ creep, repo ; deSfCy merge (Germ, taafe} ; 
nceofe, trudo ; r^fiy rumpo ; bredice, brew (Germ, braue) ; r«Jrf, 
chew (Germ, kane, mandueo) ; kreowe, rue (Germ, reue ; pcenitet 
me) ; breute^ break, f rango ; geSte^ pour out, fimdo ; neSUy enjoy, 
fruor (Germ, fje-nie^e); scedU, shoot (Germ, schiefe; jacnlor); 
btAIe, offero (Germ biete) ; seo^, seethe, boil (Germ, siede ; 
coquo); cedse, choose (Grerm. kiese; Aigo) i Jreo^e, freeze, gelo; 
/or^eose, loose, perdo ; liice^ lock, chiudo ; ^tice^ sago (Germ, 
saugc) ; reoce, exhalo, reek (Germ, rauche) ; smetfce, fumo, 
smoke (Germ, schmauche) ; beSge,hend (Germ, biege; flecto); 
dreoge, ago ; fie6ge^ volo, fly (Germ, fliege) ; leoge^ mentior, lie 
(Germ, luege); fleSke, flee (Germ, fliehe; fugio); ieShe^ traho, 
tug (Germ, ziehe) ; se6y colo; teS^ arguo ; }fe6y proficio; wrd^ 
proficio, perf. sedh, tedh^ pedA, wredA, plur. svgon, tugon, ]nf^^> 

Old Frisian, driupe, stillo ; krinpa, repere ; niaia^ uti ; ikiata^ 
jaculari; sldta^ claudere; biada, oflerre; kiam, eligere; liafa, 
perdere ; liaka, elaudere. 

Old Norse, briotuy frangi ; fiiuga^ volare ; luha^ elaudere ; 
kiosay eligere ; driupa, stillare ; fiiota^ fluere ; niota, fmi ; liwjo^ 

Some of the verbs whicb apply the gradation without redupli- 
cation have tlie radical a which, under various circumstanei'>', 
was variously affected in the different tenses '. Where the radical 
was protecttxl by an ancient reduplication, it is still preserved 
in the present tense, as in fara, from an ancient fa-fara ; these 
verbs have the perfect in 6^ as for, probably from a primitive 
fa-fdra. In those verbs in which the radical a was not sheltered 
in the ])resent tense by reduplication, it was weakened into /, as 
gifjd^ stiluy hilpay probably from a more ancient gaba, stala, hafpa ; 
in the perfect singular the pure short radical is preserved, per- 
haps also under the influence of reduplication, as halp, st^il, gab, 
from a more ancient ha-halp, 8fa-s(<ily ga-gab. In the plural 
perfect some have e, the first gradation of ^, others weaken the 
radical a to w. The verbs which gradate the radical to e in the 
])lural, weaken it to / or to u in the perfect participle. Thus then 
the different modifications of the radical give rise to four more 
classes, the vocalic system of which is as follows. 

* Compare pp. 400-403, A, B, C, and D. 


Class VII. (Grimm VII.) 
Badical a : — 

Pres. Perf. Sing. Perf. Plur. 
Gothic a 6 6 . . . . 

Perf. Part 

O. H. Germ, a . . . 
Old Saxon a . . . 
Anrlo* Saxon a. ea 

. . uo . 
. . 6, uo 
. . 6, . 

«o . . . 
d . . . . 

. a 

. a 

Old Frisian a. e . 

. . 6 . . 

d. . . . 

a, e 

Old Norse a . . 

• m , m 

<3 . . . . 

a, e 

Examples : — 

Gothic fara 
O. H. Germ, varu 
Old Saxon faru 
Anglo-Saxon fare . . 
Old Frisian fcmi 
Old None fara 

. , f6r , 
. . vuor . 
. , fdr . 
. , fdr . 
, . fUr . 
. . /dr . 

f6rum . . 
vuarume8 . 
fSntn . . 
/5ron . . 
/(Uiw* . . 
fdrum . . 

. farans 
. varaner 
. /aran 
. faren 
. /ar«n 
. farmn 


Fifri^ belonging to this Class. 

Gothic. US-ana^ expire ; standa, stand, sto, perf. st6}f ; Jara, go, 
travel (Germ, l&re ; proficiscor) ; svara, swear (Germ, schwoere ; 
juro) ; graba, dig (Germ, grabe ; fodio) ; Aq/)'a, lift (Germ, hebe ; 
toUo) ; Jrdpja, understand, know, sapio ; siapa, create (Germ, 
scbaffe ; creo) ; rahja, count, reckon, numero ; siapja, damage, 
scatbe fGerm. scnade ; noceo) ; saia, scold, increpo ; AlaAJa, 
laugh (Germ, lache ; rideo) ; slaAa, slay (Germ, schlage ; per- 
cutio) ; vahya^ grow, wax (Germ, wachsen ; cresco). 

Old High G^erman« stantu, sto; varu, vehor; suerju, juro; 
krapu, fodio; skafu, creo; heffu, tollo; wasku, wash (Germ, 
wasche ; lavo) ; traku^ bear (Germ, trage ; porto) ; slaAuy per- 
cutio ; hlahhu, rideo ; waAsu^ cresco. 

Old Saxon, standu, faru, skapu, grahu; hebbju, tollo ; skaku, 
shake, quatior ; dragu, porto ; hlahu^ rideo ; slahu, ca^do ; wahsu, 

Anglo-Saxon, gale, sing, cano ; standi, sto ; fare, eo ; swerige, 
juro ; scape^ creo ; hebbe, elevo ; grafe, fodio ; wasce, lavo ; scace^ 
shake, quatio; bace, bake, pinso; tacey take, prehendo; drage, 
porto, drag; sleahe, slay, csedo; hleahh^, laugh, rideo; weaxe, 
grow, wax, cresco. 

Old Frisian, fara, skapa, vacra, draga^ slaga, perf. sloch. 

Old Norse, gala, canere ; standa, stare ; fara, proficisci ; svara, 
jurare ; skapa, creare ; grafa, fodere ; hafa, toUere ; va^a, ire, perf. 
oS ; vaxa, crescere, perf. ox ; skaka, concutere ; taka, capere ; draga, 
ferre — all these have the pres. in e ; deya, die, moriri, perf. d6, 
part, ddinn; gey a, latrare; fid, itovafiaga, flay, excorire, fves.fia, 

E e 2 



perf. sing, flo, plur. flSgum, part, fleginn : in the same mttiiMr 
klajaj laugh^ ridere ; sld from nlaka^ slay, percutere. 

Radical a :- 


k^*— •*— * *-• y 


Perf. Sing 

Vert Plnr. 



t • • . 

. . a. . 


. i 

. 9 

U- H . C3#nii. 

• •• 

a . 

. . . a . . • • 

Old Saxon 


t, e , 

. . a. , . . 



i,e . 

. . . a,a. , 

. . ^flp . . . 

. <. « 

Old Frisian 

i. e . 

. . . a, e . 

. a» . 

. i,< 

Old None 

L t . 

a . 

a. . . 


Examples :• 

•j V • 


giba, , 

. . gab . , 

. . gibum . . 

. gibata 

O. H.G^^nn. 

kipu . 

. . hap . . 

. . . kapumit . . 

. Ir^pcmlr 

Old Saxon 

gibu . . 

, , . gaf , . 

. . . gBbun , . 

. glSban 

Anglo-Saxon gift . . 

. . jrea/. 

. . . gt^fon . . . 

. gifm 


ete . 

. . . at . . 


. etm 

Old FriHian 

jefa . 

. . . jrf . . 

. . jef<m . . . 


Old None 


. , . g<^ . 

. . . gafwm . . . 


Verbs belonging to this Class, 

Gk>thio. gibuy give (Germ, gebe ; do) ; bi-^ita, find, get, in- 
venio ; frituy devour (Germ, fre^e ; voro) ; itn^ eat (Germ. e§e ; 
edo); sitcty sit (Germ, sitze ; sedeo); bidja, pray (Germ, bitte; 
oro) ; try (la, tread (Germ, trete ; ealeo) ; mita, measure (Germ, 
mepe ; metier) ; in-vida, deny, abnego ; qvi\fa, say, dico ; li^a, 
eolligo (Germ, lese); ga-nisa, recover (Germ, ge-nese; saiior); 
visa, am, remain, maneo ; ga'bril'a, break (Germ, breche ; fran- 
go) ; ligUf lie (Germ, lige ; jaceo) ; viga, move (G^rm. be-wege ; 
moveo, vebo) ; fraiha^ ask (Germ, frage ; interrogo) ; saihva, see 
(Germ, sehe ; video). 

Old High German, kipu, dono; pittu^ rogo ; tritu^ calco; 
quidu, dico; ?j«, edo; vri^u, voro; tw/jm, metior; sizu, sedeo; 
wisu^ sum, existo ; liht, jaceo ; sihu, video. 

Old Saxon, gibu, itu, bi-gitu, consequor ; sittu, biddu, quithuj 
lisn, wisUy liggu, sihu^ perf. plur. sdhun and sdwun^ part, sewan, 

Anglo-Saxon, gife ; wefe^ weave (Germ, webe ; texo) ; ete,freUy 
mete ; on-gite, intelHgo ; sitte^ irede^ bidde^ cwe^e, lese,genese, wese ; 
wrece^ wreak, ulciscor; liege; geseo, see (Germ, sehe; video), 
perf. sing, geseah^ plur. gesdwon^ part, gesewen, gesegen, plur. ge- 

Old Norse, gefa^eta; geta, acquirere; sita; bi^a, petere; lesa, 
legere ; vera, only in the perf. var for vas ; leka, leak, stillare ; 



fr^a, interrogare, perf. mxig.frd (or frag, ^Ixxr.frdgum: in the 
nine manner vega^ interficere ; ligga, jacere ; ')figga, obtinare ; rid^ 
see, videre^ = HAa^ nAva, pres. iS for se, plur. seum^ perf. sd, 
plur. idunty perf. part, weak se^r; tro^a, caleare^ pres. tre^y perf. 
iraS ; sofa, to sleep, = avefa, pres. sef for svef perf. svaf, plur. 
tvdfum^ part. *<?/?»« for svejinn ; vefa^ to weave, texere, perf. plur. 
vdfum and Sfuniy part. ^»;» for t^dj/f^t;} y compare the analogous 
form ioma:=qvema, Class XI. 

Class IX. (Grimm XI.) 

Radical a :- 


Perf. Sing. 

Perf. Plur. 

Perf. Part. 


i , . . . 

a . , 

. . ^ . . . . 


O. H. Germ. 
Old Saxon 

• •• 

. . a. . . 
a . . . 

. . a. . . . 
. . a. . . 

. . 

. . U, 

Old Frisian 
Old Norse 

i.e . . . 
i,e . . . 

. a,e . . . 
a . . . . 

. . a, ^ . . . 

a . . . . 

. . U, 
tf t 

Examples :- 


stOa. . 

. . sta2 . . 

. . ttilttm . . 

, . ttulant 



O. H. G^nn. 
Old Saxon 

haira . . 
Btila . . . 

. qvcnn 
, . bar . . . 
. . ttal . . 
. . stal . . 

, . bSrum . 
, . ttdlumSt 

, . qvumant 
. . Sai<ran« 
, . ttolanir 
. . itolan 


Old Frisian 
Old Norse 

cumu • , 
sfeZe. . . 

MtUa. . . 
sl&a, . , 

. . quam . 
, . ttal . . 

. conif cwotn 
. . s^e2 . . . 
, . ttal . . 
. . h)m, kvam 

. . quamum . 
. . ttcelon . . 
. . cdmon . . 
, . ttiUm . , 
. . ttalum . 
. . kvdmum 

, . cumatt 
, . ttolen 
, . Ctffii^ 
. . tteUn 
, . ttolinn 

F<frd« belonging to thU Class. 

Oothio. siila^ steal (Germ, st^le; furor); nima, take (G^rm« 
nSme; sumo); qvima, come (Germ, kommej venio); gor-timan, 
decere (Germ, ge-zimen); bafra, bear, fero; ga-taira, tear, 
destroy, destruo. 

Old High Oerman. sUlu, nimu, quimu, ziman,piru, fero ; ziru, 
consume; sciru, shear (Germ, scheere, tondeo); riAAu, wreak 
(Germ, raehe ; ulciscor) ; priAAu, break (Gterm. breche ; firango) ; 
spriAAUy speak (Germ, spreche; loquor); sUAAu, sting, prick 
(Germ, steche; pungo); viAtu, fight (Germ, fechte; certo); 
vliAlUj weave (Germ, flechte ; plecto). 

Old Saxon* stilu, nimu, cumu (venio), biru, briku, stiku (pungo), 
brikuy spriku, wriiu (persequor). 

Anglo-Saxon, steisy nime, cume, bere, scire (tondeo), tsre (scindo), 
brece, sprece. 



Old Frisian. Classes YIII and IX are identical, because tte 
perfect participle has in both the weakened radical ei bira, itSk, 
niina,jyfa (dare), iveaa (esse), breka^ spreka. 

Old Norse, sielay nemu^ koma for kvema (venire), hera, dxn^ 
tondeo ; 9venia (natare), svam, swaminn ; erja (arare), ar, onmi. 

Class X. (Grimm. XII.) 
Radical a : — 

Pres. Perf. Sing. 

Oothic i a «. 

O. H. Genn. {, .... a u . 

Old Saxon tf, e . . . . a u . 

Examples : — 


O. H. G^nn. 

Old Saxon 


Old Frisian 

Old Norse 









{me . 






Perf. Plnr. 

Anglo-Saxon i, e^ €o . . . a,a,ea, . . u 

Old Frisian i, e , . , . a ti 

Old None 

i, Ct ia . . . a 








am . 


ha! p. 



Peril FBI 





. . hwipam 

vaurpum . 

, . vwitpanB 


. . kolpanir 


. . miifiaiier 

hulpun . 

. . kclpam 


. . rumtan 

hulpon . 

. . hoiptn 

umon . 

. . umtn 

wurpon. . 


halptm . . 







. skoliinn 

Verbs belonging to this Class, 

Gothic, hilpa^ help (Germ, helfe ; adjuvo) ; vilva, seize, rob, 
rapio ; sviltciy die, morior; gilda, am worth (Germ, gelte; re- 
peiulo); brinnQy burn (Germ, brcnne; ardeo) ; du-pinna, be-gin 
(Germ, be-ginne; incipio) ; nw;/rt!, flow, run (Germ, rinne ; fluo); 
spinnay spin (Germ, spinne ; neo) ; vinnaj suffer, patior; binda^ 
bind (Germ, binde; neeto); bi-vinda^ wind (Germ, winde; eir- 
cumdo) ; fn]>a, find (Germ, finde ; invenio) ; drigka, drink (Germ, 
trinke ; bibo) ; bliggva, cut, kill, caedo ; siggva, sing, read 
(Germ, singe ; cano, lego) ; sigkva, sink, fall (Germ, sinke ; 
cado); Tairjja, throw (Germ, werfe ; jacio); ^t-azWa, walk, turn 
about, verto ; gamh, gird (Germ, giirte ; cingo) ; va{r}fa, be- 
come (Germ, werde ; fio). 

Old High Gorman, hilfu j til/u, delf, fodio ; kiltu, rependo ; 
sciltu, scold (Germ, schelte; increpo) ; s^nilzu, smelt (Germ, 
schmelze; liquefio) ; suimmu, swim (Germ, schwimme ; nato); 

THE VERB, 423 

prinnu^ ardeo ; rinnu, fluo ; spinnu, nco ; tainnu, laboro ; pintu, 
necto ; iuintu^ evanesco (Germ, schwinde) ; vindu, invenio ; siniu, 
cano; ^inhu, cado; stinhuy stink (Oerm. stinke; oleo^ odorem 
spargt)); trinAu, bibo; Auirpu, revertor; slirpAu, die (Germ. 
sterbe ; morior) ; mrfu, jacio ; wirdu, fio. 

Old Saxon. Ailpu, dilbu, miltu (morior), gildu, bnnnuy bi- 
ffinnu, winnUf bindu, findu^ singu, drinhi, wirpu, huirhu, wirthu 

Anglo-Saxon, kelpe^ d^lfe, melte, swelte, gihh, perf. healp^ &c. ; 
an-ginne, incipio^ perf. on~gan ; spinne, winne, birnez=bnnne, perf. 
bam; im€:=rinne, perf. ran; binde, perf. band; in the same 
manner grinde, grind, molo; 8wind^, tabesco (Germ, schwinde); 
winde, wind (Germ, winde ; pleeto) ; drince ; swince, laboro ; stince, 
oleo ; bringe ; singe ; springe ^ salio ; meorne, mourn, euro, angor, 
perf. meam ; in the same manner spearne, spurn (Germ, sporne ; 
calcitro) ; toeorpe^ jacio ; hweor/e^ revertor ; weor^e^ fio. 

Old Frisian, hilpa^ binda, findu^ winna, berna (ardere), werpa, 

Old Norse, gialla^ sing) shout, resonare ; st^elia, esurire ; 
vella, roll, turn, volvere ; gialda^ expenderc ; brenna, ardere ; 
renna, fluere ; spinna, nere ; vinna^ laborare ; finna^ invenire ; 
6inda, ligare, perf. bait ; winda, torquere ; drecia, bibere, perf. 
drack; springa, ssXire, sprack ; verpa,J2LceTe; r^a, fieri. 


General Remarks. 

Conjugation teaches us to combine the various elements which 
we observed in the formation of the verb, so as to express cor- 
rectly the difierent relations of a certain action. The action 
independent of all relations is expressed in the root. The verb, 
however, is not merely the expression of an action, but it renders 
at the same time an exact account as to the person by whom, 
the time when, the modus or condition under which, that action 
took place. In order to express those various relations of per- 
sons, time, modus, activeness, or passiveness — in short, to make 
the root a verb, it is necessary that secondary roots, or suffixes, 
be added to the primary root, and thus force it out of its indefi- 
niteness, and impart to it life and individuality. A condition 
without which a verb is inconceivable is that of personality : 
without the personal suffixes or terminations a verbal root or 

— - r ■^ r » 

:~-tr ■— ■ Hit 1. "^^r: le i •-Mniml r>:t or theme a 
'2 k:>-.— -r V— _L. .1- -.It la-j^c-i^jm*. If then ibe |^r- 

itc a verb oat 

Z :- :; n- -r ia— * "i- r • - rr. ".JLres & :"'"r.r.e:tiTe. a binding 
T- - : r-j£;i - -:j. jt :* ". -zr.rz Ji'y. :-:iz.nunication with 

-. -. ":»-ii-~ L.i'i "._i- : "iL'^— 1 11-: r.» • i :*.'.: iivd bv adopting 
' V- -._-. - :- ■ :■: z^- : ^--rr — iIt t^t.^i^. :*:-rzit'. a* on another 
- ^r- : TT z ri: !• II.Z-.- *.l-.n^ Tir TKZ '.i.:'' re«pires 

• -:f_i — - -'.-'.^ .L' • n ■ -i-i.'-. - -v.l "ir j«c-r=* tenni- 
:." 1 -' i-i'i ~ : r:_ *i'T r^i T^r*. ?i:^. TT>e«, :nd- Wi2/Hi-//, 

1--- -K-T ?:•-•..-£ : iz. i':s .i'- l::t. -^nf-zcnoed ly. and inde- 

rzi'-^'. : .•_-;':z-:r*^L:::*rs ll-L :''z.'L.r. -y. z'l^z i?. in :he icdica- 

" - r • •! ~ r - 1 - :- :t=rs : l1 'rrn-'Z-izi -* ininaaijtelr to the 

: • ■ • "i-nt r- '.i^i ;".: ;: .-^ ^r riikr .;j-":. vut of ihiir-a-y 

— :: - I:--. ~T r-^ir 'It i:*i ' Ir: •r::der.t on certain 

• \'.- z- J-.L — i-n-'iT. -TTT. -.j^: :>. :_ -.:.r •>: tative and sub- 
.: - -- • 1 i: - -- rf-. .:rr :ir jl:: .: jr. ::hrr suffix, which 

T - .. T ■----•-. "1 TtLIt .:. i '.'ir >:r>.L^l V/rminations. It' 
" 1 ■ ■■- 1 •-" ~T :it ::".:_: "iiTr liij-uj^r use^J simp!y rt*-^/, 

. - -■ ---*:.-■.■ •- -". B.:t tiiv s.ime aoti-n 

: . ■ . - : \- : r : ".rM : :: :.;.iv '. e Mosont or 

- ' . ■->•:"_ • .. ':-.:>.!.: *:''.::>.■ a:.d a ivrfoct 

— " : : :. : .j - -.":.. "./::r v ..s : :n:i.-<.I : \ r« '.]^:]>lica- 

". - ■ -. . :t- '■r 1 ' ' - " - -. Tjkr. :i:v G.-thie ni-'t ^t'.^ 
■-■. * ■; ■ rr-;-:.: —-../•;:.? "'..-. r.- :::a' :l: ■ . Lt-iiro the theiiiL^ 
--:::. :..T ■- rTr .* :: '.t:!I ::iko :hc lir?: irra«.lati«'n vf 
:*- : '. .:". ;:. i : :: . . -. •:: ; : ""-T "^'-v thvmatic vowel of the 
■-■-•.*. "":. . ::u".ivv s nix i^ . benoe i- -jj- ; added to this 
i..- :• > :...'. - .r.\ - — ■.:". i ' r : - - . but aj-j tears as ''/,•- '.;/"; 

• .. • : '.. V ■:.•- t; •::-.. -r ar...*.;.*.:«.al o.-r.r^f. yfiven the (rothie 
f -• - ■-• - ■ ;:. 'ivr I-: : l.::a! , . ■ = '','- '-•-/■'-'', in whioh the 
:.:...! • i- a:, i:.-. rj-.ii.: ;i.: liti :i : • sr.jj^-rt tlie preoediuj;^ /./, the 
L'*- r is tii«.- jer-::;;! tviii.ii.ati-.n «if the ist pUiral, '"=//' the 
-=*[?; A of tlie 'j'tativf- II.'" h1. i/ the final of the present thenio